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 Library 
 
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 tlie Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029503574 
 
ETIENNE DOLET 
 
 A BIOGRAPHY 
 CHRISTIE 
 
ETIENNE DOLET 
 
 THE MARTYR OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 A BIOGRAPHY 
 
 RICHARD COPLEY CHRISTIE, M.A. 
 
 LINCOLN COLLEGE) OXFORp 
 CHANCELLOR OF THE DIOCESE OF MANCHESTER 
 
 'partisan 
 
 MACMILLAN AND CO. 
 
 I»80 
 
 [ T/tc right of Trn7islntio7t and Reproduction is reserved, ] 
 

 Frs3i:iciTc '.i/hite 
 
 A, /3/<£- 
 
 OXFORD : 
 
 BY E. PtCKARD HALL, M.A., AND J. H. STACY, 
 PRINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY. 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 I' 
 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 In offering to the public the result of the scanty 
 leisure of the past eight years, I am fully sensible of 
 its deficiencies, but the difficulty of the task which 
 I have undertaken may perhaps be admitted as an 
 extenuating circumstance, if it does not altogether 
 relieve me from censure. 
 
 England possesses hardly any materials for writing 
 the life of a French scholar of the first half of the 
 sixteenth century. Rich as the British Museum 
 is in many departments, it is singularly deficient 
 in the French and Franco-Latin books of this 
 period. But if this is generally the case, it is 
 especially so in reference to Etienne Dolet, whose 
 own works are among the rarest writings of the 
 time, and the other contemporary authorities for 
 his life are only one degree less so. Of the books 
 cited in this volume, many of which I have had to 
 refer to, and in some cases to read through, more 
 than once, copies of very few are to be found In 
 England. Of some, a copy does not even exist In 
 the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris, and the ob- 
 stacles in my way have therefore been great, and 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 delay has necessarily arisen, when for the purpose 
 of solving a difficulty, of verifying a reference, or 
 of acquiring a new fact, a journey to Paris, Lyons, 
 or Toulouse, has been needful. Doubtless by 
 devoting another eight years to the subject, new 
 and important facts would be discovered, copies of 
 books written or printed by Dolet, at present un- 
 known, would be found, and in many ways this 
 book might be improved ; but I can at least say, 
 without fear of contradiction, that it adds much to 
 what has been hitherto known about the life and 
 works of Etienne Dolet, that it supplements in 
 many important particulars the lives which have 
 already appeared of him, that it contains a much 
 more complete list than has before been given of 
 the books printed by him, and that it presents for 
 the first time to the English reader any account 
 whatever of the man. 
 
 The name of Etienne Dolet is all but unknown 
 in this country. A meagre, and always inaccurate 
 account of him in our biographical dictionaries, a 
 few notices by Jortin in his Life of Erasmits and 
 in his Tracts, and by Gresswell in his View of the 
 early Parisian Greek Press, two or three references, 
 appreciative though (almost inevitably) not quite 
 correct, in the writings of Mr. Walter Besant, a 
 page full of inaccur^ies in a recent history of 
 French literature, form, with the articles in the 
 ' Gentleman's Magazine ' (which I proceed to notice), 
 almost the whole of the references to Dolet in 
 English books. In the 'Gentleman's Magazine' 
 
PREFACE. vii 
 
 for 1791, 1792, 1793, and 1794 will be found some 
 interesting letters on his life, his writings, and his 
 opinions, arising out of the notice of him in Jortin's 
 tracts, and though they contain no new information, 
 yet being written with fairness and good feeling, 
 they will be read with interest, an interest which 
 will be extended to translations, though of no great 
 literary merit, of two odes of Dolet^, which will 
 be found in vols. Ixii and Ixiv. But I do not know 
 of any reference to Dolet or any account of him in 
 an English book which has not many inaccuracies. 
 
 It cannot be expected that this biography will 
 attract many readers. Its only interest is in its 
 subject-matter, and there are few who will care to 
 wade through a somewhat long record of the life 
 of a scholar and printer of the sixteenth century, 
 who was not directly connected with and did not 
 play any important part in the political or religious 
 movements of the time; but there are probably 
 some whose interest in the history of literature, or 
 whose sympathy with the unhappy fate of a man 
 of learning and talent, will induce them to turn over 
 the pages of this narrative. 
 
 In his native country the name of Dolet is better 
 known. It has been the special subject of two 
 books, of many articles and essays, and of innu- 
 merable references, yet all of them wanting in ac- 
 curacy and leaving much to be desired. The only 
 really original biography which has as yet appeared 
 
 ' One of these odes is on the death of Erasmus {st& post, p. 241), 
 the other is addressed to Vida. 
 
viii PREFACE. 
 
 is that of Maittaire, who has devoted to Dolet more 
 than a hundred pages of the third volume of his 
 A finales Typographici. He has there collected 
 every passage which he could find in the writings 
 of Dolet where the latter speaks of himself, and 
 every other reference known to him in any con- 
 temporary author, and his pages have always been 
 and must continue to be the basis of all subsequent 
 biographies of Dolet. But the work of Maittaire is 
 really only a Tndmoire pour servir, a collection of 
 extracts and remarks heaped together without any 
 order or arrangement, and being written in Latin 
 it has attracted few readers other than professed 
 scholars. In 1779, N6e de la Rochelle printed his 
 Vie de Dolet, a work of merit and interest. It is 
 however a very brief and dry narrative, being little 
 more than Maittaire's materials arranged and trans- 
 lated into French, together with an enumeration . of 
 a few books printed by Dolet which were before 
 unknown. Nde de la Rochelle admits that he has 
 made great use of the researches of Maittaire ; in- 
 deed he says that he has only endeavoured, to 
 advance further a labour which the latter had com- 
 menced. 
 
 To Maittaire and N6e de la Rochelle I must 
 acknowledge the greatest obligations. Much as 
 I hope to have added to what is contained in their 
 books, I should probably have found it hopeless 
 to attempt a biography of Dolet without the assist- 
 ance of the great number of facts collected by the 
 one and arranged by the other. But neither of 
 
PREFACE. IX 
 
 them was able to offer any sufficient explanation, 
 or even to give any accurate information respecting 
 the trials, the sentences, or the death of Dolet ; 
 and it was reserved for M. Taillandier to discover 
 in the criminal registers of the Parliament of Paris 
 the letters of remission and pardon granted to Dolet 
 by Francis I in 1543, which throw a flood of light 
 upon these matters, and which with some other 
 pieces were printed by Techener in 1836 under the 
 title of Proces d'Estienne Dolet, with an Avant 
 Propos of much interest by M. Taillandier. 
 
 In 1857, M. Joseph Boulmier (who in 1855 had 
 written an article on the same subject in the Revue 
 de Paris) published his Estienne Dolet, sa Vie, ses 
 CEuvres, son Martyre (Paris, Aubry) \ and perhaps 
 some apology is needed for a new biography of 
 Dolet, when one has so recently been written by a 
 Frenchman. Of M. Boulmier and his book I wish 
 to speak with all respect ; I have read and re-read 
 it with much interest, and with much sympathy for 
 the enthusiasm of the writer, who sees in his hero 
 Le Christ de la pensde libre . . . Promdthde contre 
 Jupiter I His book is (as he himself calls it) a 
 dithyramb, displaying on every page an exaggerated 
 admiration for his hero, which renders him entirely 
 blind to his faults. He sees in Dolet a man of the 
 noblest character and the loftiest genius, and avows 
 that he writes as an advocate, and that Dolet is his 
 client, and he warns his readers at the outset that 
 they are not to look for an impartial history from 
 him. But M. Boulmier does not seem to me to 
 
P REFA CE. 
 
 admit as fully as might have been expected his 
 indebtedness to N6e de la Rochelle, from whose 
 pages much of his work is transcribed ^. He has 
 added little to the narrative of his predecessor, 
 except what is afforded by the Proces. His list of 
 the books printed by Dolet is certainly the most 
 complete that has hitherto appeared. He has 
 added five (which had however previously appeared 
 in Brunet) to those mentioned by Nee de la Ro- 
 chelle, but except in one or two instances, he cites 
 no authorities for the existence of the books, but 
 has contented himself with copying the titles from 
 the Vie de Dolet or from Brunet's Manuel. 
 
 In addition to these books, the account of Dolet 
 and his works contained in the Bibliotheques of 
 Duverdier and La Croix du Maine, in Niceron, in 
 Goujet, and in Bayle, his life by Didot in the 
 Nouvelle Biographie G^n^rale, those in La France 
 Protestante of MM. Haag, and in Les Hommes II- 
 histres de lOrkanais"^, all furnish important de- 
 tails. Every one of these books is however full 
 of inaccuracies, and in no one of them is any 
 attempt made to offer a sufficient or satisfactory 
 explanation of his misfortunes and fate. His own 
 writings must always be the foundation of every 
 
 ' I am glad to be able to say that in his translations from the 
 writings of Dolet, M. Boulmier seems to me to have been successful. 
 They are sufficiently faithful, and are marked generally by vigour and 
 elegance. 
 
 ■^ The life of Dolet in Les Hommes Illustres de VOrUanais is based 
 on a MS. life by Dom Gerou, contained in the Orleans Library. The 
 MS. is however merely a compilation from printed and well-known 
 sources. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 narrative of his life. They are full of autobio- 
 graphical matter, and I believe that a lengthened 
 and repeated study of those of his writings that I 
 have been able to meet with i, and of many other 
 contemporary or nearly contemporary books which 
 will be found cited in this book (and of several 
 of which only a single copy is known), has enabled 
 me to add much hitherto unknown, which seems 
 to me to be of interest, bearing upon Dolet's life, 
 and to explain at least in part what has hitherto 
 appeared inexplicable. But in addition to printed 
 books, I have been fortunate enough to find in the 
 manuscript correspondence and poems of Jean de 
 Boyssone ^, preserved in the public library of Tou- 
 louse, a mine of interest and information respecting 
 Dolet and his friends. Two hasty perusals of these 
 manuscripts and the extracts which I have made 
 have certainly not exhausted all matters of interest, 
 and it has been a source of regret to me that I have 
 been unable to have constantly at hand, or to con- 
 sult without long journeys, these manuscripts, as 
 well as the unique copies of several books which 
 exist at Lyons, Bordeaux, Orleans, Dole, Dijon, 
 Roanne, and elsewhere. 
 
 ^ Besides the four books written by Dolet and printed by S. 
 Gryphius (and which are the least rare of his writings), I have seen 
 and examined fifty-one books printed, some of them wholly written, 
 and most of them edited by him, and three books which he edited 
 for other printers. 
 
 ^ For an account of these, see p. 79. The correspondence includes 
 five letters written by, and four to Dolet, in addition to those which 
 the latter printed in the Orationes Duce. Many others of the letters 
 either refer directly to Dolet or to persons and things of interest in 
 connection with his life. 
 
xu PREFACE. 
 
 Many books printed and edited, and some en- 
 tirely written by Dolet, have wholly perished, and 
 no trace of any copy can be found. Of others a 
 single copy exists in some public library in France. 
 All these, with the exception of three of which I 
 have only lately learned the existence, at Bordeaux, 
 at Orleans, and at Roanne, I have examined; of 
 some I myself possess the only copy known, while 
 there remain several in the possession of collectors 
 in France, which no opportunity has been afforded 
 me of seeing. In the Bibliographical Appendix to 
 this volume, perhaps the part of the most real 
 value, there is contained at least a more complete 
 and a more accurate list of the books printed by 
 Dolet than has previously appeared. Nee de la 
 Rochelle mentions forty-nine, M. Boulmier fifty- 
 three. In this book the number is brought up to 
 eighty-three, of fifty-one of which I have seen and 
 indicate the locality of copies, and of each of the 
 remaining thirty-two the authorities on which it 
 is inserted in the list are given. 
 
 On two points an explanation, and perhaps an 
 apology, is needed. Of several of the friends and 
 contemporaries of Dolet, notably Jean de Boyssone, 
 Jean de Pins, and Matthew Gripaldi, I have given 
 what may be thought unnecessarily long accounts, 
 while I have neglected others of far more importance. 
 It would have been easy for me greatly to have in- 
 creased the size of this book (already too large) by 
 notices of and digressions on Marot, Rabelais, and 
 other eminent persons, whose lives were to some 
 
PREFACE. Jciii 
 
 extent connected with that of Dolet, but while I 
 have endeavoured to neglect nothing which can 
 have any real bearing upon my hero and his history, 
 I have sought to avoid whatever could easily be 
 found elsewhere, and accordingly such notices only 
 are given of those with whom Dolet came in con- 
 tact as are necessary for the proper understand- 
 ing of the narrative, except as to persons where 
 the common books of reference supply either no 
 information, or none that is adequate. In these 
 cases I have ventured to insert detailed notices of 
 some length. 
 
 Had I endeavoured, after the fashion of many 
 modern writers of biography, to interweave with the 
 life of Dolet the general history of literature and 
 scholarship in France during the period in question, 
 I might have made a more popular book, but it 
 would have been one with no special raison d'Hre, 
 and for writing which I had no special qualifi- 
 cations. 
 
 The other point on which an excuse is needed 
 is that learned men are sometimes spoken of by 
 1;heir French, sometimes by their Latinised names. 
 This has not arisen from carelessness. I should 
 have preferred uniformly to cite them by their 
 native names, and I have generally done so. There 
 are however a few persons (e.g. Villanovanus, 
 Scaliger, Zazius, Nizolius) who so usually style 
 themselves by their Latinised names, that any others 
 would seem strange and affected; and, it has some- 
 times happened that, for the sake of harmony, other 
 
xiv PREFACE. 
 
 writers are with them referred to by their Latinised 
 names. 
 
 To the chronology of the Hfe of Dolet I have 
 given great attention. Every account of him which 
 has hitherto appeared contains errors as to dates, 
 some of which will be found to be specifically 
 noticed and corrected, but in no case has a date 
 been inserted in this book without careful con- 
 sideration, and wherever it is found to differ from 
 that given by any other writer cited, the change 
 has not been made without much thought. It 
 would have considerably lengthened the book had 
 I in every case expressed the reasons which had 
 induced me to differ from my predecessors in 
 matters of chronology. Every one acquainted 
 with the history of this period will know the 
 excessive difficulty in ascertaining the years of 
 events which are dated in January, February, or 
 March. I cannot hope that I have always been 
 successful in arriving at a right conclusion, but if 
 any errors of chronology are found, at least they 
 do not arise from carelessness. The dates given 
 in this book are always, unless otherwise expressed, 
 new style, the year being treated as beginning on 
 the first of January. 
 
 I shall be glad to receive from any of my readers 
 information as to any errors of fact which they may 
 notice, particularly in the Bibliographical part of 
 this book, and to be furnished with any additions 
 to the list of works printed by Dolet, or to be 
 referred to libraries where copies of those which 
 
PREFACE. XV 
 
 I have been unable to see are to be found. So 
 far indeed as the narrative part of this volume is 
 concerned, I cannot expect that a second edition 
 will ever be called for. But with regard to the 
 Bibliographical Appendix, a more complete list and 
 description of the books written, edited, and printed 
 by Dolet will be given if ever I acquire a sufficient 
 amount of new matter. I have examined many 
 libraries and some hundreds of catalogues, but it 
 is certain that a more extended search would lead 
 to much additional information. 
 
 I may add that where I have taken any reference 
 second-hand I have invariably mentioned it. 
 
 I cannot conclude this preface without acknow- 
 ledging the obligations I am under to M. Baudrier, 
 President of the Court of Appeal of Lyons. With 
 a kindness and a generosity which have made me 
 for ever his debtor, M. Baudrier placed at my dis- 
 posal the interesting chapter (still unfortunately in 
 manuscript) on Dolet which he had written, part 
 of a contemplated work on the Lyonese printers 
 of the sixteenth century, his list of the books printed 
 by Dolet, his copy of N6e de la Rochelle's Vie de 
 Dolet, with the author's manuscript additions and 
 corrections, and he has assisted me in many other 
 ways. I should have been entirely ignorant of 
 the existence of two books in my Bibliographical 
 list, and should have been unable to see copies of 
 two more, had It not been for his kindness. If 
 M. Baudrier, having devoted many years to the sub- 
 ject of the books printed at Lyons in the sixteenth 
 
xvi PREFACE. 
 
 century, had felt unwilling to offer information col- 
 lected with much expenditure of time and labour to 
 a stranger, whose use of it would to some extent 
 forestall the President's own work, I could neither 
 have felt surprise nor had cause of complaint.' I 
 have from time to time expressed in the notes to 
 this book the specific obligations I am under to 
 M. Baudrier. 
 
 A few words are necessary respecting the illustrations 
 to this book. There are in existence two woodcuts of the 
 sixteenth century purporting to be portraits of Etienne 
 Dolet. Of these, one is exactly reproduced on the title- 
 page. It appears in the first edition oi La Prosopographie 
 of Duverdier (Lyon, 1573 1). The book was printed only 
 twenty-seven years after Dolet 's death, by Anthony Gry- 
 phius (the son of his old friend Sebastian), who as a youth 
 must frequently have seen Dolet ; and at the time it ap- 
 peared, there must have been many persons living at Lyons 
 who well remembered him. The baldness and the pre- 
 maturely aged appearance of the face agree with the 
 description given by Odonus hereinafter quoted, written 
 when Dolet was only twenty-six years of age, but when 
 he was taken by Odonus for thirty-five^. 
 
 ' I know of no copy of this book in England excepting my own, 
 purchased at the Comte de Behague's sale. A copy of the second 
 edition (1605) is in the British Museum, but though much augmented 
 in many respects, the portrait and notice of Dolet are omitted. 
 
 2 No indication is given by M. Boulmier of the source of the 
 portrait which is prefixed to his Estienne Dolet; but in the advertise- 
 ments of the book it is described as gravi d'apres Poriginal de la 
 Bibliothique Imperiale. But the only portraits of Dolet which are to 
 be found in the Bibliotheque are those which are reproduced in this 
 book. M. Boulmier's portrait is more or less a fancy portrait, clearly 
 
PREFACE. xvii 
 
 s 
 
 The other portrait (p. 443) is a copy of one engraved 
 by Tobias Stimmer for Reusner's Icones (Basiled, 1589), 
 and though it seems to me to be a mere fancy sketch 
 (certainly it is so, if that of Duverdier has any resemblance 
 to Dolet), I have thought the reader would be interested in 
 having it produced 1. A Lecture on Law in the Sixteenth 
 Century is copied from the title-page of the Commentaries 
 of Jason de Mayno on the Digest (Lyon, S. Gryphius, 
 i53°> fol.) The illustration which faces p. 243 is a reduced 
 copy of the title-page of Dolet's Commentaries, and that 
 which faces p. 323 is a facsimile of the title-page of my 
 unique copy of the book of Murmellius (No. o,-}, in the 
 Bibliographical Appendix). It shows the mark of Dolet 
 without the border. At the end of the book will be found 
 the mark of Dolet referred to as within a floriated border. 
 The initial letters of the different chapters are with one 
 exception reproductions of the woodcut initials used by 
 Dolet. A, D, L, O, are from his De Officio Legati, G, N, T, 
 from his De Lmit. Cic. adv. Floridmn Sabinum, B and H 
 from the De Ant. Statu Burgundies of Paradin, I is an 
 initial letter of Seb. Gryphius copied from one in his 
 edition of the Adagia Erasmi (1529 fol.). 
 
 based on that of Duverdier, but much altered, especially in the ex- 
 pression, and arranged in a fancy border. Indeed, the late M. Aubry, 
 the publisher of the book, informed me that such was the case, and 
 that he had adapted the border from another portrait of the sixteenth 
 century. 
 
 ■" The copy in this book is the second reproduction of this portrait. 
 In the Bib. Nat. and in the Public Library at Lyons are to be found 
 copies of a modern engraving exactly copied from that of Stimmer, 
 and having underneath, Etienne Dolet, litt&ateur et imprimetir, n^ ^ 
 Orleans en 1 509, britle a Paris en 1 546. 
 
 Darley Dale, 
 
 June, 1880. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER PAQE 
 
 I. Orleans and Paris i 
 
 II. Padua 17 
 
 III. Venice .... 36 
 
 IV. Toulouse 45 
 
 V. Jean de Caturce and Jean de Boyssone . .71 
 
 VI. The Floral Games 87 
 
 VII. The Orator 95 
 
 VIII. GUILLAUME BUD6 AND JACQUES HORDING . . I36 
 
 IX. Lyons i6o 
 
 X. The Ciceronians i88 
 
 XI. The Commentaries 221 
 
 XII. The Charge of Plagiarism 263 
 
 XIII. Work and Leisure 279 
 
 XIV. A Homicide and its Consequences . . . 296 
 XV. The Printer 314 
 
 XVI. The Genethliacum and the Avant Naissance 331 
 
 XVII. Grammarian and Translator . . . .341 
 
 XVIII. The Historian 352 
 
 XIX. Marot and Rabelais 357 
 
 XX. Foreshadowings of the End . . . .374 
 
 b 2 
 
XX CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 XXI. NosTRE Maistre Doribus 388 
 
 XXII. The First President 408 
 
 XXIII. The Second Enfer 424 
 
 XXIV. The Place Maubert 443 
 
 XXV. Opinions and Character . , . . . 462 
 
 XXVI. Claude Dolet 483 
 
 Bibliographical Appendix 489 
 
 Index ... 547 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Portrait of Dolet, from Duverdier^s ProsopograpMe . Title-page 
 
 A Lecture on Law in the Sixteenth Century . . . .81 
 
 Title-page of the Commentaries 243 
 
 Title-page of the Tabula lii Murmellius, with Mark of Dolet . 322 
 
 Portrait of Dolet, from Reusner's Icones 443 
 
 Mark of Dolet fn Border end 
 
ETIENNE DOLET 
 
' Sit thou a patient looker on ; 
 Judge not the play before the play be done. 
 Her plot has many changes ; every day 
 Speaks a new scene, the last act crowns the play.' 
 
 QUARLES. 
 
 ' In a state of society so corrupted as that in which we live, the best 
 companions and instructors are ancient books.' — T. L. PEACOCK. 
 
 ' So she gleaned in the field until even, and beat out that she had 
 gleaned : and it was about an ephah of barley.' — Ruth ii. 17. 
 
 ' And if I have done well, and as is fitting the story, it is that which 
 I desired : but if slenderly and meanly, it is that which I could attain 
 unto.' — 2 Maccabees xv. 38. 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 Orleans and Paris. 
 
 ' There are but two events in history : the siege of Troy and the French 
 Revolution.' — Lokd Beaconsfield. 
 
 ' Le monde est vide depuis les Romains.' — St. Just. 
 
 HE Renaissance was 
 at once the precursor 
 and the parent of the 
 Revolution ; a voice 
 crying in that wilder- 
 ness which mediaeval 
 Christianity had made 
 of the world, crying 
 against asceticism and 
 against superstition ; 
 pleading for a restora- 
 tion of the true, the 
 real, the natural ; proclaiming, though sometimes with stam- 
 mering lips, the divinity of nature ; preparing the way for 
 the revolution ; and yet, like the Baptist of old, unconscious 
 of what it was the forerunner. But at its commencement 
 the Renaissance looked only for a revival of the spirit of 
 classical antiquity — it may be of paganism — a restoration 
 of the divinity, of the joyousness of nature, discerning little 
 or perhaps nothing of that stedfast faith in humanity, 
 
 B 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 that eager aspiration after justice, that recognition of the 
 equality of rights amongst all mankind, which it was re- 
 served for the revolution first to teach dogmatically. 
 
 Between Poggio or Valla (two of those who gave the 
 greatest impetus to the Renaissance in its earlier stages) 
 and Rabelais, in whom its work was complete, the distance 
 at first seems immense, yet the chasm when bridged over 
 by Erasmus almost disappears from view. But between 
 Rabelais and Voltaire — the father of the Revolution in at 
 least one, and that not the least beneficial of its aspects — 
 the distance seems, and perhaps really is, much greater. 
 Yet they are united by Montaigne and Moliere, and a close 
 examination shows them to be really at one. Intense love 
 of the human race, intense desire for its social and intel- 
 lectual progress, intense hatred of hypocrisy, bigotry, super- 
 stition and ignorance, is to be found in both. 
 
 The revival of letters had produced a contempt for me- 
 diaeval ideas, a disgust for the theological legends and 
 superstitions of the middle ages, and at the same time an 
 ardent thirst for that knowledge and culture which the 
 classical writers could alone supply. But as there was little- 
 in the actual life, in the actual interests of the times, that 
 was in harmony with the ideas of classical antiquity, utterly 
 opposed as these ideas are to mediaeval Christianity, it was 
 form rather than substance that at first took the highest 
 place. The students of the Renaissance however were not 
 exclusively occupied with form. It is indeed sometimes 
 said that the Renaissance gave birth to nothing. But surely 
 this is not so. The Renaissance gave birth to mental 
 freedom. It taught the true mode of looking at things 
 and opinions. It revived the classical as opposed to the 
 mediaeval method of thought. It examined things as they 
 are, and opinions according to their absolute truth or false- 
 hood, and not according as they are in accord or discord 
 with authority and orthodoxy. It appealed ab auctoritate 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 ad rem ; and a system which was the parent of Erasmus 
 and Rabelais, and a more remote ancestor of Moliere and 
 Voltaire, cannot be called unfruitful or unworthy of attention, 
 whatever be the value at which we appraise its fruits. 
 
 That (except in Sadolet and perhaps in Erasmus) there 
 was not in any of the men of the Renaissance either 
 any recognition of Christianity, or even any consciousness 
 of the need of religion as an element in human happiness 
 or human goodness, was the fault of the times in which 
 they lived and of the institutions which professed to incul- 
 cate this religion, and though this may diminish our respect 
 for their doctrines, it ought not to take away from our 
 admiration of the men themselves. To each of them re- 
 ligion, Christianity, the Catholic Church represented, as it 
 could not but represent, all that was odious, all that was 
 opposed to freedom of thought, to freedom of action, all 
 that in one aspect (the religious) was cruel and brutal, in 
 another (the mundane) all that was degrading and im- 
 moral. 
 
 For mediaeval Christianity, for the Catholic Church, and 
 for the See of Rome itself, in the eleventh, twelfth, thir- 
 teenth and fourteenth centuries, it is impossible not to 
 feel a certain sympathy and admiration, however little 
 their doctrines and practices may commend themselves 
 to our reason ; their aims were lofty and their influence 
 on the whole beneficial. But the Church generally at 
 the era of the Renaissance, and the French Church from 
 that time to the Revolution, present absolutely no points 
 for the approval of those of us who are in harmony with 
 the spirit of the nineteenth century and have no sym- 
 pathy with the so-called Catholic revival. Admiration 
 for the lofty oratory of the great preachers, for the 
 polemical skill of the leaders of the Galilean party, for 
 the pious mysticism of the persecuted Jansenists, we can- 
 not fail to have, but it seems impossible to conceive of 
 
 B 2 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 an institution more calculated to bring Christianity into 
 disrepute, on the one hand among thoughtful men, on 
 the other among the still larger class which is neither 
 thoughtful nor reasonable, than the Church of France 
 during the three centuries which preceded the Revolution. 
 
 The fact that during this period France produced an 
 abundant crop of men and women who lived and died in 
 the communion of the Church distinguished by those 
 virtues and graces which Christianity specially claims as 
 its own is not inconsistent with this opinion. Happily all 
 churches and sects have furnished, and will probably 
 continue to furnish, abundant examples of men who are 
 more and better than their belief. In the worst and most 
 corrupt period of pagan Rome the philosophical historian 
 could say, Non adeo tarn sterile seculum ut non et bona 
 exempla prodiderit. 
 
 But an institution which could sanction and applaud the 
 burning of Berquin and Dolet, the massacre of the Hugue- 
 notSj the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, the dragon- 
 nades of Languedoc, the judicial murders and horrible 
 tortures of Calas and La Barre (not a century and a quarter 
 since), is wholly out of harmony with and antagonistic to 
 Christianity as I understand it. 
 
 Bossuet may be taken as the ablest and the most favour- 
 able representative of the Catholic Church of France. He 
 could melt his audience to tears over Louise de la Valliere 
 taking the veil. He could exalt the selfish and frivolous 
 Henrietta Maria of England into a saint. His eloquent, 
 noble, and harmonious language almost makes us believe, 
 whilst reading it, that Louis XIV. was really the King after 
 God's own heart, and prevents our feeling the absurdity — 
 or the profanity — of the parallel which he draws between 
 the character of the chancellor Le Tellier— who shed tears 
 of joy on sealing with his own hand the revocation of the 
 Edict of Nantes, and then repeated the Nunc Dtmittis—3.nA 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 that of Jesus Christ ! But Bossuet has no word of sym- 
 pathy, apparently no thought, for the wretched and op- 
 pressed millions ; in fact, as Vinet has remarked, ' during 
 all that triumphal era the people escape our search.' For 
 them at least the Church had no message'^. 
 
 The paganism of the Renaissance was the natural out- 
 come of the condition of the Catholic Church. When 
 religion was wholly dissevered from morality, and so far 
 from being treated as a rule of life appeared to have no 
 more connection with it than had the religion of the 
 Romans in the days of the Empire, it is not to be wondered 
 at that the restorers of letters, occupied with the great 
 minds of antiquity, looked back with some fondness and 
 regret to those more human and natural, and therefore, as 
 it seemed to them, less injurious superstitions of paganism. 
 With the Church itself indeed the earlier humanists had no 
 quarrel. Devoted purely to the study of classical antiquity 
 they contented themselves with simply ignoring and dis- 
 believing her doctrines, and were well pleased to share in 
 her dignities and revenues and to enjoy her protection. 
 Bishops, cardinals, and even popes took part for some 
 time in the enthusiasm, the triumphs, and the paganism 
 of the Renaissance. From Nicolas V. to Leo X. the Church 
 was the nursing mother of the new studies ; and still later 
 the pure paganism of Bembo, who would not read the 
 Epistles of St. Paul lest they should spoil his style, was no 
 more a bar to his advancement in the Church than was the 
 licentiousness — to use no harsher word — of the Capitolo 
 del Forni to that of La Casa. The pagan revival for the 
 
 ' Great as was the genius, many as were the virtues of Bossuet, I prefer the 
 Christianity (or non-Christianity) of Voltaire to that of the Eagle of Meaux, 
 nor can I forget that his beak and claws displayed themselves not only in the 
 flights of his pulpit oratory or in his admirable denunciation of the variations 
 of the Protestant Churches, but in the active persecution of Fenelon and in the 
 warm approval which he gave to the revocation of the Edict of Nantes and 
 the dragonnades of Languedoc. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 cultivated, with the forms and formulae of the Church for 
 the vulgar, was what best suited the enlightened rulers of 
 the Church in the latter half of the fifteenth and the com- 
 mencement of the sixteenth century. But, unfortunately 
 for them, this was a state of things which could not 
 continue. In Italy Savonarola, though with strict ortho- 
 doxy of doctrine, almost alone had dared to proclaim the 
 uselessness of a faith which had no influence upon life, 
 but with the flames that consumed him his influence dis- 
 appeared. He had besides no sympathy for the classical 
 revival, and it was reserved for the hardier races of the 
 North, where religion had never been so completely dis- 
 severed from morality and action, to discover and declare 
 that there was a practical side of humanistic studies. 
 Even before Luther commenced his war against Rome, the 
 scholars of the North, without adopting the classical pagan- 
 ism of Italy, but equally without any conscious hostility to 
 the Church, had begun to question the expediency of the in- 
 tellectual life and education of the people being given over to 
 ignorant monks, and even to doubt whether the ecclesiastical 
 revenues were always devoted to the best or most useful 
 purposes. The monks were not slow to perceive whither 
 the Renaissance was tending, and long before the Church 
 in Italy had shown any symptoms of opposition to human- 
 istic studies the ecclesiastics of Germany and the Nether- 
 lands were in arms. The writings of Erasmus, whilst 
 ostentatiously orthodox as to theological dogmas, pointed 
 to a state of things incompatible with the existing religious 
 system, and immediately after the publication of the 'Praise 
 of Folly' in 151 1 (if not earlier) that opposition of the 
 Church to intellectual progress, at least in Germany, the 
 Low Countries and France, commenced which has ever 
 since continued. In Italy indeed, the rulers of the 
 Church, until awakened by the tidings of the preaching 
 of Luther, were blind to the real tendency of the age ; and 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 7 
 
 even when roused so as to recognise and attempt to meet 
 the danger, they must have the credit of still for some time 
 seeking to encourage literature and learning provided no 
 doctrine or practice of the Church was attacked. 
 
 Etienne Dolet, whose life I am about to narrate, was 
 a child of the pure Italian Renaissance, more truly and 
 thoroughly so than any other of the scholars and students 
 whom France produced. Though constantly stated to 
 have been an atheist, and probably condemned and burnt 
 as such, his writings afford no ground for the general belief. 
 He was no doubt a pagan of the school of Bembus and 
 Longolius, and with them thought the religion of Cicero 
 more suited to the man of culture than a system which 
 held out for the worship or adoration of the faithful the 
 wine of the marriage feast of Cana, the comb of the Virgin 
 Mary, and the shield of St. Michael the archangel. Yet 
 there is nothing in any of his writings inconsistent with 
 the doctrines of the Church or disrespectful to her autho- 
 rity. He was no believer in, and indeed had no sort of 
 sympathy with the doctrines of Luther and Calvin, and 
 desired nothing better than to be allowed to pursue in 
 freedom his literary studies relating to this world without 
 troubling himself about the next, but he lived in a time 
 and place especially unfortunate for one of his character. 
 Half a century earlier, before the Church had awaked to the 
 idea that intellectual progress of every kind was altogether 
 subversive of her authority, he would have been hailed 
 as one of the restorers of letters in France, would probably 
 have become an ambassador, and possibly a cardinal. 
 
 He was born at Orleans in the year 1509, probably on 
 the 3rd of August, the day of the invention of the relics of 
 the saint whose name he bore, the day on which, thirty- 
 seven years later, he was to be added to the number of those 
 men, some eminent for their genius and learning, some for 
 their piety and moral excellence, some known only for 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 their half-crazy yet harmless absurdities, whom religious 
 bigotry, disguising itself under the cloak of Christian and 
 Catholic orthodoxy, has brutally deprived of life. The 
 place and year of his birth, as well as most of the details of 
 the biography of his earlier years, we learn from his own 
 writings. In the preface to his Commentaries on the 
 Latin Tongue, addressed to Bud^ and dated the 32nd of 
 April, 1536, he tells us that he was sixteen years of age 
 when Francis I. was captured at the battle of Pavia (24 
 Feb. 1525). In the same volume of his Commentaries \ 
 and in a poetic epistle to the Cardinal de Tournon^, as 
 well as in many other places, he refers to Orleans as his 
 birthplace^. Of his family and parentage we know nothing 
 with certainty, nor have his admirers been able to discover 
 anything which throws light upon them or to connect him 
 in any way with the very few persons who are known to 
 have borne the same surname*. There seems indeed to 
 
 ' p. 938, and Oraliones Dues ad Tholosam, p. 104. 
 
 ^ Carmina, Book ii. No. 58. 
 
 ' The authority for the actual day of his birth is Le Laboureur, who in the 
 Additions aux Memoires de Castehiau (vol. i. p. 356), after quoting Beza's 
 epitaph on Bolet, appends these words, ' Stephanus Boletus Aurelius Gallus die 
 Sancto Stephano sacro et natus et vulcano devotus in malbertina area Lutetiae 
 3 Augusti, 1546.' These words however are not in either of the editions of 
 Beza's Juvenilia, in which the ode appears. 
 
 * Martinus Dolet Parisiensis is the author of a very rare Latin poem, De 
 parta ab invictissimo Gallorum Rege Ludovico duodecimo in Maximilianum Ducem 
 victoria cum dialogo pads . . . apud Joannem Gourmontium (s. a. but about 15 10), 
 4to. 56 pp. Besides the poem and dialogue mentioned in the title there are 
 several short poems, one of which is addressed to the author's brother, ad 
 eruditissimum fratrem suum Malheum Dolet, This Mathieu Dolet appears to 
 have been a clerk in the Criminal Records Office of the Parliament of Paris. 
 He is mentioned by the continuer of the Annales of Nicole Gilles (Paris, 
 Oudin Petit, vol. ii. fol. 128) under the date 17 Feb. 1523 [1524], as having read 
 before the people the pardon granted by Francis I to Jean de Poitiers, Seigiieur 
 de Saint Vallier, who had been condemned to be beheaded. Except these two 
 I have not found any persons bearing the name of Dolet until a later period. 
 These later Dolets are noticed in a subsequent chapter of this book. There 
 was a Guillaume Doulel in 1460, 'auditeur des comptes' to the Duke of 
 Orleans, whose name is signed to a receipt of that date, described in the 
 Catalogue of M. Bachelin Deflorenne, 1873-4, No. 4845. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 have been some mystery about the matter, though we may 
 at once dismiss the absurd story first narrated in print 
 by Amelot de la Houssaye ^. ' It was said at that time,' 
 he writes, ' that Dolet was the natural son of King Francis 
 and an Orleans damsel named Cureau, but that he was 
 not acknowledged on account of a story which was told 
 the king of the lady's intimacy with a certain courtier.' For 
 at the date of Dolet 's birth Francis, then Duke of Valois , 
 was not quite fifteen years of age^. But while we reject 
 this fable we cannot accept with confidence Dolet's own 
 statement as to his parentage. In his second letter to 
 Bud6 he says, ' I was born at Orleans, in how honourable 
 and indeed distinguished a position among my fellow citi- 
 zens I leave those to speak of who place virtue below 
 birth.' And in his second oration in answer to Pinache, 
 who had reproached him with the obscurity of his family 
 and the lowness of his birth, he says, ' I was born of 
 parents who were in no mean or low position, but in an 
 honourable and indeed distinguished station ; the circum- 
 stances of my family were flourishing, and if my parents 
 possessed neither antiquity of race, nobility of birth, the 
 dignity of high rank, nor those other advantages which 
 are rather gifts of fortune than such as entitle their pos- 
 sesors to praise, yet they enjoyed uninterrupted prosperity, 
 and passed their lives to the close happily and void of 
 offence. It may indeed be that they neither attained very 
 exalted rank nor became in any other way conspicuous, 
 but they lived as eminent citizens among their fellows, nor 
 were civic honours wanting to him.' 
 
 To what extent this is strictly true we do not know, but 
 
 ' Memoires historiques politiques et litteraires, vol. ii. p. 33. See also 
 Patiniana, p. 37. 
 
 = Bayle, Maittaire, and Boulmier all treat this fable as it deserves. M. 
 Boulmier (p. 6) remarks, 'L'histoire s'est deja montre assez liberale envers 
 Francois !«■" quand elle a cm devoir le gratifier du sumom de P^re des lettres : 
 il est inutile d'en faire encore le pere des litterateurs.' 
 
lO ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 certain it is that rumours were current of a very different 
 nature, and knowing as we do the gross exaggeration which 
 Dolet seems to have been unable to avoid in speaking of 
 himself and his own merits, we may not unreasonably 
 hesitate to accept his statement as to his parents as abso- 
 lutely true. Two odes of Voult^, written it is true after 
 his quarrel with Dolet, speak in very disparaging terms 
 of the latter's father, and certainly imply that he had 
 suffered death at the hands of the public executioner. 
 
 In the one Voult^ says it is not strange that Dolet 
 seemed the worst of men, for that he was born of a 
 father like himself, and that it would be very strange if 
 the son of a bad father should be himself an excellent 
 man ^ : — 
 
 'Quod sis pessimus omnium virorum 
 Res est non nova, nam tuo parenti es 
 Natus ipse simillimus : sed asset 
 Certe res nova, si mali parentis 
 Esses filius optimus virorum. 
 Quod vulgi esse frequens in ore suevit 
 Id falsum bonitas tua approbaret: 
 Patrem nee sequeretur ipsa proles.' 
 
 In another, equally clearly intended for Dolet, and 
 addressed ' In giiendam ingratum 2,' after prophesying for 
 him all kinds of evil and a violent death, he continues, 
 
 'Et superstites si 
 Parentes tibi forte qui adfuissent 
 Bum spectacula talia exhiberes, 
 Et jussas lucres miselle poenas, 
 Exemplo miseri tut parentis 
 Nonne illos cculi tui impudici 
 Vidissent tibi proximos? crucisque 
 Testes nonne tuse tui fuissent." 
 
 A violent death in those days, even were it at the hands 
 of the public executioner, does not necessarily imply any 
 
 • Vultei, Hendecasyllaba (Paris, 1538), fol. 01, 
 ' Id. fol. 9. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. II 
 
 great amount of moral turpitude in the accused ; and we 
 can hardly imagine, had there been anything especially 
 disgraceful in the character of his father, that Dolet would 
 have so ostentatiously and constantly called attention to 
 the fact that he was a native of Orleans, and treated him- 
 self as a citizen of no mean city. That his parents had 
 died before we find him at Toulouse in 1533 we may 
 infer with tolerable certainty. Whether however he owed 
 it to them or to other relations and friends, certain it is 
 that those to whose charge he was committed in early 
 life gave him a liberal education, and allowed his taste 
 for letters to have full play, instead of forcing upon him 
 the sordid cares to which most of their class were neces- 
 sarily devoted. But at this time substantial inducements 
 to literary pursuits were not wanting. During the period 
 of the Renaissance — the Renaissance of which Dolet was 
 the child, the panegyrist, and the martyr — learning was a 
 ladder leading to every kind of advancement. The power 
 of the pen had successfully rivalled that of the sword ; it 
 had raised Tommaseo Parentuculi to the highest place in 
 Christendom ; it had made Aretin feared, caressed, and 
 bribed by all the princes of Europe ; it had given to Eras- 
 mus a reputation both in extent and in kind unknown to 
 the world since the Augustan age of Rome. Nor were 
 lesser incitements to the pursuit of letters wanted. The 
 Universities had awaked from tlie dreams of scholastic 
 philosophy and theology, and were everywhere demanding 
 as professors men who could teach the new learning 
 which the students were so eager to profit by, while the 
 embassies which in the last few years of the fifteenth 
 century had so enormously increased in number and in 
 frequency furnished another means of employment for 
 the same class of men. We can scarcely find a literary 
 man from the middle of the fifteenth to the middle of 
 the sixteenth century who had not been engaged in 
 
I a ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 some diplomatic negotiations either as ambassador or as 
 secretary. 
 
 The first twelve years of Dolet's life were passed at 
 Orleans, where he received an education which he speaks 
 of more than once in terms of high praise, describing him- 
 self in these years as ' liberaliter educatum.' Yet it is 
 certain that he did not intend by this expression that he 
 advanced far in his studies, for in the words immediately 
 following he tells us that he then went to Paris, where he 
 received the first rudiments of (Latin) literature ^- 
 
 He went to Paris at twelve years of age, and remained 
 for five years ; it is there that for us his life begins. It 
 was there that he imbibed that love of Cicero which was 
 so marked a feature in his character and his writings, and 
 which he shared with so many other scholars of the Re- 
 naissance. The worship of the Ciceronians for their idol — 
 a worship (as the anti- Ciceronians said) rather of form and 
 style than of matter — seems to us indeed at first sight 
 exaggerated and even absurd. Yet few would be found 
 to deny the advantages that modern literature has derived 
 from the study of Cicero, and especially how much the 
 style of the best French authors is indebted to him. If, 
 however, we consider the matter more closely and impar- 
 tially we shall cease to wonder at and shall sympathise 
 with the Ciceronians, not indeed with any desire to worship 
 at their altars, or with any risk of falling into the absur- 
 dities of Nosoponus, but at least with a recognition that 
 among the religions of the past the Ciceronian is one of 
 the least vulgar superstitions, and one which in the fifteenth 
 and sixteenth centuries could hardly avoid commending 
 itself to the enlightened and cultivated man. For in truth 
 it was a real worship, a cultus, not a mere literary opinion. 
 
 ' ' Gennabi duodecim annos liberaliter educatum excepit Parisiorum Lutetiae 
 ubi primarum literarum nidimenta posui.' Letter to Bude, in Orat. Dnje in 
 Thol. p. 105. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 13 
 
 The plenary inspiration of Cicero was held as absolutely 
 by Longolius, by Hortensio Lando \ by Dolet, and by the 
 Ciceronians generally as is a similar doctrine applied to 
 other writings in our own day held by men whose learning 
 and virtues entitle their opinions to the highest respect. 
 'What can I better follow/ writes Dolet in explaining a 
 word in his Commentaries, ' than the exposition of it given 
 by the father of the Latin tongue, Cicero himself? There- 
 fore without any interpretion of mine receive certain ex- 
 amples of our god Cicero which will place the meaning 
 of the word before your eyes ^.' Even Erasmus, bitterly 
 as the Ciceronians attacked him for treating their deity 
 and his great disciple Longolius with disrespect, and whose 
 sound common sense kept him from the follies of the more 
 devout adherents of this cultus, recognised the eloquence of 
 Marcus TuUius as being divine rather than human ^; and in 
 his Colloquies he says * ' While the first place in point of 
 authority is ever due to the Holy Scriptures, I do sometimes 
 meet with sayings in the writings of the ancient heathens, 
 even in the poets, of so pure and holy and divine a nature 
 that I cannot help feeling that some gracious power was 
 at work in the soul when they wrote them. And it may 
 possibly have been that the spirit of Christ was shed forth 
 over a wider space than we generally suppose. Many 
 truly are to be ranked among the saints who do not find 
 a place in our lists of them. I freely acknowledge to my 
 friends my own feeling, which is this. I cannot read the 
 
 ' In a letter of J. A. Odonus to Gilbert Cousin (Opera G. Cognati, vol. i. 
 p. 313) he says of Lando : ' Hoc nobis repetat apophthegma ; alii alios legunt, 
 mihi solus Christus et Tullius placet, Christus et Tullius solus satis est, sed 
 interim Christum nee in manibus habebat nee in libris ; an in cordi haberet 
 Deus scit. Hoc nos ex ejus ore scimus, ilium cum in Galliam confugeret 
 neque Vetus neque Novum Testamentum secum tulisse pro itineris ac miserias 
 solatio sed familiares epistolas M. Tullii.' 
 
 => I Comm. col. 918. The marginal note is, Cicero in lingua Latina Deus 
 Doleti. 
 
 3 Epist. 1430. ' Convivium religiosum. 
 
14 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 writings of Cicero on Old Age or Friendship, or his works 
 entitled De Officiis and Tusculanm Questiones, without 
 sometimes pausing to kiss the page and to think with 
 reverence on that holy soul inspired by a celestial deity.' 
 
 Cicero was one of the first and greatest idols of the men 
 of the Renaissance. Few were able to read, fewer still to 
 appreciate, Greek literature and Greek philosophy. Plautus 
 and Terence, although popular, were looked on as light 
 and frivolous writers. Besides, really to understand them 
 required a greater knowledge of the usages of classical 
 antiquity than was generally possessed. Livy and Caesar 
 were left to soldiers and statesmen, while Tacitus, lament- 
 ing over the past and looking gloomily to the future, could 
 hardly have been in sympathy with a renascent age. The 
 day of Horace was yet to come ; the calm good sense, 
 the unruffled cheerfulness, the thorough content of the 
 disciple of Aristippus, was altogether opposed to the spirit 
 of the fifteenth and the first half of the sixteenth century. 
 The charm of Cicero's style, his general tone of intelli- 
 gence, his sensible but shallow and commonplace philo- 
 sophy, his scholarly contempt for the ignorant, his some- 
 times acute and always polished sarcasms, his utter dis- 
 belief in and disregard for (except so far as propriety 
 required) the superstitions and beliefs not only of the vulgar 
 but of the orthodox, and even his ill-concealed vanity, 
 wrapped up but not disguised by the pomp of flowing' and 
 well-chosen words, in short his defects as well as his merits, 
 all contributed to his influence. 
 
 Five years were passed by Dolet in Paris, but of the 
 details of his life there we know little. The only fact that 
 he has told us, except as to his Ciceronian studies, is that 
 when sixteen years of age he studied rhetoric under Ni- 
 cholas Berauld ^, himself a native of Orleans, and reputed 
 
 ' ' Nicolaus Beraldus quo praeceptore annos natus sedecim Rhetorica Lutetise 
 didici.' Comm. vol. i. col. 1158. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 15 
 
 one of the greatest masters of eloquence and of Latin 
 scholarship of the time, and, in the judgment of Erasmus, 
 one of the pearls and stars of France. Like many others 
 of the scholars of the Renaissance the man was greater 
 than his books. ' His conversation,' says Erasmus, ' was 
 more than his writings.' ' Etiam nunc,' he continues, ' mihi 
 videor linguam illam explanatam ac volubilem suaviterque 
 tinnientem et blande canoram vocem.' His books have 
 indeed passed into utter oblivion, and perhaps have had 
 no influence in the world's history, yet the man himself 
 can never be without interest for the student, not only of 
 literature, as the friend and correspondent of Erasmus, but 
 of history, as the tutor of the three great Colignys, the 
 Admiral, the Cardinal, and the General, who sowed in their 
 minds the seeds of those principles which have made their 
 names so illustrious in the annals of the French Pro- 
 testants. Suspected, and not without reason, of a sym- 
 pathy with the reformers, Berauld was hated by Beda and 
 the bigots ; but he always acted with such prudence that he 
 afforded no handle for his persecution. In fact, although 
 many eminent French Protestants owed to him their first 
 acquaintance with evangelical truth, like others of his 
 contemporaries who sympathised with the reformed doc- 
 trines, he had no objection to the practices or forms of 
 the Church of Rome, and no desire to separate from her, 
 but remained in her communion until his death. Like 
 Erasmus he possessed that toleration and breadth which 
 was no less distasteful to Calvin than to Beda ^. 
 
 But though we know little of Dolet's hfe during these 
 
 ■ Of Berauld we have no good biography. The best is that contained in 
 Haag's La France Protestante. Several of his letters are printed (for the 
 first time) in the excellent vtoxk of A. L. Herminjard, Correspondence des 
 ReformateuTS dans les pays de Langue Francaise. There is no life of him in 
 Les Hommes illustres de I'Orleannais (Orleans, 1852), although the Nouvelle 
 Biographic Generale, with its usual accuracy, refers to that work as one of the 
 authorities for its meagre biography of Berauld. 
 
l6 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 five years, there can be no doubt that the influence of 
 Berauld on his character, his opinions, and his whole future 
 hfe was great. Berauld was an enthusiastic Latin and 
 Greek student, a devoted Ciceronian, a friend of and 
 sympathiser with every kind of intellectual progress : 
 with him D.olet formed a friendship which lasted for many 
 years, as we find Berauld among the friends who in 1537 
 met to congratulate Dolet on his pardon. During these 
 five years he tells us he assiduously cultivated his intellect 
 and learned to think ; he gave himself up more especially 
 to the study of Cicero \ and before he left Paris he had 
 conceived the idea of and begun to plan, and even to 
 collect materials for, his great work, the Commentaries on 
 the Latin Tongue. 
 
 ' Letter to Bude, Oral. Dus in Tholosam, p. 105. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 Padua. 
 
 'Once remotest nations came 
 To adore that sacred flame, 
 When it lit not many a hearth 
 On this cold and gloomy earth.' 
 
 Shelley. 
 
 OLET was now seven- 
 teen years of age, and 
 his thoughts naturally- 
 turned to that country 
 which, ever since the 
 close of the Roman 
 Republic, the inhab- 
 itants of the rest of 
 Europe have desired 
 to visit, but which 
 was then in a special 
 degree and for special 
 reasons the goal of all students. Art, science, and lite- 
 rature flourished in Italy to an extent which rendered 
 it not unreasonable in the Italians to look on the nations 
 of the North and West as barbarous. There was scarcely 
 a scholar who attained eminence who did not seek to 
 pass some time in one of the Universities of Italy'. 
 
 ' We find scholars from the still more barbarous Britain looking on 
 Fiance, as the French scholars and students looked on Italy. See Buchanan's 
 poem, Adventus in Galliam. 
 
 C 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 Paduaj Bologna, Pavia were all crowded with French 
 and German students; but it was at Padua that they 
 were found in the greatest number. The University was 
 then at the height of its reputation ; in literature, philo- 
 sophy, and medicine no University could compare with 
 it. Founded two hundred years before, its reputation had 
 been gradually rising, though suffering temporary eclipse 
 when the fortune of war and the change of masters had 
 occasioned it to close its lecture-rooms. Early in the 
 fifteenth century it had come into the possession of the 
 Venetians, and under the sheltering sgis of the great re- 
 public (not then the close and Jealous oligarchy which she 
 afterwards became) the studies of the University were 
 encouraged, liberal stipends were assured to the professors, 
 and learned men from all parts of Italy, and occasionally 
 even from Greece, Germany, and France, were invited to 
 fill her chairs. From 1509 to 1517 the war of the League 
 of Cambray had caused the lecture-rooms of the University 
 to be closed, but with the peace of Noyon they were again 
 opened, and students and teachers flocked from all parts of 
 Europe. The quarter of a century which followed forms 
 the most brilliant chapter of the literary history of Padua. 
 During this period nearly every scholar of mark among the 
 Italian men of letters passed some time there either as a 
 teacher or a student, generally as both. There Romulo 
 Amaseo, then at the height of his fame, for whose posses- 
 sion the Pope, the King of England, the Marquis of Mantua, 
 and the Universities of Bologna and Padua contended, and 
 to whose lectures so great a crowd of students flocked that 
 fights for admission were not infrequent, lectured for four 
 years upon eloquence. There Longolius, the Ciceronian 
 par excellence, restored the purity of the Latin tongue, and 
 (as his contemporaries and disciples thought) rivalled his 
 master in style if not in matter. It was as a professor 
 at Padua that Lazarus Buonamici (too sensitive or too 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 19 
 
 indolent to commit the results of his studies to the press) 
 acquired by his lectures the reputation of being the first 
 scholar of his day — a reputation which the few poems and 
 letters he left behind certainly do not justify — and that 
 Lampridio lectured on Demosthenes with such vehement 
 eloquence that Aonio Paleario thought him almost the 
 equal of the great Athenian orator himself, and wrote in 
 raptures to his friend Maffei that a single lecture of Lam- 
 pridio was worth all the magnificence and glory of Rome \ 
 At Padua an independence and freedom of thought existed 
 which would have been sought in vain elsewhere. There 
 Pomponatius discussed with learning and freedom the im- 
 mortality of the soul and other kindred problems, and (at 
 a somewhat later date) Vesalius devoted himself in safety 
 to those anatomical investigations which have been of such 
 signal service to humanity, but which when pursued in the 
 dominions of the King of Spain brought on their student 
 persecution and exile. 
 
 But it was not its professors and lecturers that consti- 
 tuted the sole glory of Padua at this time ; the city was 
 the home of many learned men, who found there freedom, 
 books, and learned society. 'At Padua,' wrote Paleario 
 in 1530, ' dwell poets, orators, and celebrated philosophers. 
 Learning has taken refuge there from choice, and has there 
 found an asylum where Pallas teaches all the arts : in short, 
 there is no place where we can better gratify a taste for 
 reading and learning ^.' 
 
 It was at Padua that Erasmus, probably in company 
 with his pupil the young Abbot of St. Andrews, attended 
 the lectures of Musurus, who was at once the first Greek 
 scholar of the day, an excellent Latinist, and a most in- 
 defatigable worker. It was during the five years he passed 
 at Padua that Reginald Pole laid the foundation of that 
 reputation, to which perhaps his high birth, his gentle 
 
 ' Palearii Opera (Amsterdam, 1696), p. 431. " Id. p. 414. 
 
 c a 
 
20 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 manners, and his amiable disposition Contributed more than 
 his learning or talents, and that he acquired the friend- 
 ship of the other eminent persons (Bembo, Contarini, 
 Sadolet, and Morone) whose elevation to the cardinalate 
 reflects so much honour on Paul III. It was in Pole's 
 house at Padua that Longolius expired, and the Life which 
 is prefixed to the orations of the Ciceronian, though it has 
 been sometimes attributed to Simon Villanovanus, is now 
 generally admitted to be the work of his English pupil. 
 But to no single person did Padua owe so much as to 
 Bembo. After having as a young man studied at that 
 University for two years, he fixed his residence there in 
 December 1521, on the death of Leo X, to whom he had 
 been joint secretary with Sadolet. That Leo should have 
 selected two such men as his secretaries must make us 
 pardon many shortcomings in the father of Christendom. 
 Closely bound together by the ties of friendship, equally 
 able, equally learned, equally ready to assist all poor 
 scholars with their purses and rich ones with their literary 
 help, equally free from bigotry, these Cardinals are two of 
 the brightest names in the history of the Renaissance and 
 of the Catholic Church at this period. In one thing only 
 they differed ; Sadolet was a Christian, Bembo a Pagan. 
 I know of no one in the fifteenth or sixteenth century in 
 whom the Christian graces and virtues, combined with a 
 firm yet by no means bigoted attachment to Christian doc- 
 trine, are more conspicuous than in Sadolet. That his 
 theological writings have passed into so much more com- 
 plete oblivion than the inferior works of inferior men of 
 his time is owing partly to their semi-Pelagian common- 
 sense, which if it brought upon them (to the author's intense 
 chagrin) the censure of the Court of Rome and (to his dis- 
 appointment) the dislike of Calvin and the reformers, will 
 rather commend them to a generation which, if it sometimes 
 uses the language of Augustine, of Aquinas, and of Calvin, 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 21 
 
 in its actions adopts the Gonclusions of Pelagius. The 
 voice may still be Augustine's voice, but the hands are the 
 hands of Pelagius. As Sadolet was that rara avis of the 
 sixteenth century, a churchman who both believed in 
 Christianity and was an example of all the Christian virtues 
 and graces, Bembo was an equally illustrious example of 
 what was then of much commoner occurrence, the pure 
 Pagan. To him Christianity presented itself (as, if we did 
 not know of such men as Sadolet, Contarini, and Paleario, 
 we should have thought it could not have failed to do in 
 Italy at the beginning of the sixteenth century) much as 
 the theology of Greece and Rome must have appeared to 
 Aristotle and Plato, Cicero and Seneca ; a system composed 
 of words and ceremonies, useful in many ways, but wholly 
 without foundation in truth or fact, without any relation to 
 morals or actions, without any message of consolation to 
 mankind. Bembo was a Pagan of the Pagans, Epicuri de 
 grege porcus. 
 
 Handsome in person, graceful in manners, successful, 
 wealthy, learned, with a good temper, a good digestion, 
 and consequently good health and good spirits {Mens sana 
 in corpore sano), happy in the affection of his mistress and 
 of the children whom she bore to him, he passed seventy- 
 seven years in such a manner, that even Solon would have 
 allowed him the appellation of happy. No thought of 
 religion as a real or living thing, no thought of the unseen, 
 or of the future life ever seems to have crossed his mind. 
 He was wont to say he did not read the Epistles of St. Paul 
 or the Breviary lest they should vitiate his style. Until 
 Paul HI. in 1539 made him (then sixty-nine years of age) 
 a Cardinal, not the smallest trace of or taste for theological 
 studies is found in his writings. But the Reformation 
 obliged men of letters who were raised to the purple to 
 assume a virtue if they had it not, and Bembo was induced 
 by the rank of a Prince of the Church to conform himself 
 
aa ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 to what was required. He laid aside profane literature, 
 and devoted himself to the study of Scripture and the 
 fathers. But in that part of his life which is connected 
 with Padua he was still the Pagan. 
 
 In his youth he had passed some years in the most 
 polished society in Italy, that which surrounded his relative 
 Catherine Cornaro, the widowed Queen of Cyprus, who 
 for the twenty years following her forced abdication held 
 at Asola a court distinguished above all others in Italy 
 for literary culture, polished manners, and regal magni- 
 ficence, and where, as was fitting to the court of a Queen 
 of Cyprus, the chief cultus was that of the Paphian goddess. 
 Of this court Bembo, though still a youth, was the life and 
 souP, and has dedicated to its memory, and to that of 
 the charming sovereign who presided over it, the most 
 popular and graceful of his works— 6^ A' Asolani. As a 
 young man he had studied philosophy at Padua under 
 Pomponatius, and shortly before the death of Leo X. he 
 revisited it for the benefit of his health, which was some- 
 what impaired by devotion to study and to the duties of 
 his office, and for which the air and baths of Padua were 
 recommended. During this visit the death of Leo occurred, 
 and he at once decided to withdraw from Rome, and to 
 spend the rest of his life at Padua in study and in the 
 society of learned men. Two rich commanderies of the 
 Order of St. John of Jerusalem, two deaneries, three 
 abbeys, several canonries, and divers other benefices, assured 
 him an ample income. From 1531 to 1539 he passed 
 eighteen years of uninterrupted happiness at Padua, varied 
 by occasional visits to Venice and by one journey to Rome. 
 His house is described by his biographers as a temple of 
 
 ' 'Nel bel' Asolo, Caterina Cornaro Regina di Cipro tenea tre corti adnn 
 tempo, quella delle muse, quella dell" amore, et quella della magnificenza et 
 digmta regale, e di tutti txk era il Bembo I'anima e I'omamento.' Bettinelli II 
 Risorgimento negli Studi. Bassano, 1775. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 23 
 
 the Muses; he formed there a splendid library, and a 
 collection of medals and antiquities unequalled by that 
 of any private person, and a botanical garden filled with 
 all kinds of rare and beautiful plants. His hospitality to 
 all men of letters was unbounded and generous ; at his 
 house were to be met all the learned men who taught 
 or studied at Padua, as well as the strangers and foreigners 
 whom the reputation of the University, or of Bembo 
 himself, brought as occasional visitors. Every stranger 
 sought an introduction to him. The summer and autumn 
 he passed at a delightful villa in the neighbourhood, his 
 paternal inheritance. His library contained among its 
 treasures the most ancient manuscripts of Virgil and of 
 Terence that were known to exist, specimens of ancient 
 Provengal poetry, and pages written by the hand of Pe- 
 trarch. It was there that his friends were wont to assemble, 
 there Luigi Cornaro read to them portions of his essay 
 Delia Vita Sobria, there Lampridio recited verses that 
 his hearers thought worthy of Pindar, and there, we cannot 
 doubt, the host himself read or recited some specimens of 
 that polished prose and verse which, if wanting in vigour 
 and substance, leaves nothing to be desired in purity of 
 diction and form, and which for more than a century 
 retained its place ' ut carmen necessarium ' which every 
 educated Italian was expected to know almost by heart. 
 
 The three years which Dolet spent at Padua were to him 
 and to his after-life most important. It was there without 
 doubt that he imbibed those opinions which, nearly twenty 
 years after, were the cause of his death, and which have 
 induced his enemies to brand him with the name of atheist. 
 
 The University of Padua was at this time, and during the 
 whole of the century, the head-quarters of a philosophical 
 school altogether opposed to the doctrines of Christianity, 
 but which was divided into two sects, one pantheistic, 
 and the other, if not absolutely materiaUst, at least nearly 
 
24 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 approaching to it. Both professed adherence to the doctrines 
 of Aristotle, and in terms aicknowledged hini as their only- 
 master and teacher. But as in the Christian Church we 
 have read of some who followed Paul and others Cephas, 
 so among the Aristotelians of Padua there were some who 
 followed the commentaries of Averroes, and others those 
 of Alexander of Aphrodisias. Both disbelieved the immor- 
 tality of the individual soul ; the former on the ground of 
 its absorption. The individual soul of man emanates from 
 and is again absorbed into the soul of the universe. The 
 other sect was in fact, if not in terms, materialist, and ab- 
 solutely denied the immortality of the soul ; nor could its 
 doctrine, so at least its opponents asserted, be distinguished 
 from pure atheism^- Of this latter school Pietro Pom- 
 ponazzo, better known under the Latin form of Pomponatius, 
 the most distinguished philosopher of the day, was the 
 acknowledged representative. Born in 146a, he studied 
 both medicine and philosophy at Padua, where, being still 
 young, he was appointed one of the professors of philosophy, 
 and distinguished himself by maintaining the pure doctrine 
 of Aristotle (i. e. as he interpreted it, materialism) against 
 his older colleague Achillini, who followed the doctrine 
 and teaching of Averroes. It was in 15 16 that he pub- 
 lished his treatise De Immortalitate Animae, in which he 
 maintains that the doctrine of immortality is not to be 
 found in Aristotle, is altogether opposed to reason, and is 
 based only on the authority of revelation and the Church, 
 to both of which, when his work was attacked, he professed 
 unbounded reverence. His book was replied to by his 
 pupil Contarini, and was attacked by the Inquisition and 
 publicly burnt at Venice. But it met with a defender in 
 Bemboj the constant friend and prot^tor of freedom of 
 thought, and by his influence the book Was permitted to be 
 
 ' Ritter, Gesch. der Ch. Phil. pp. 390 et seq. ; Renan, Averroes, 353 ; 
 Tenneman, Manual, 293. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 2$ 
 
 printed, with some corrections and a statement by Pom- 
 ponatius that he submitted wholly to revelation and the 
 Church, and did not in any manner oppose the doctrine of 
 immortality, but only the philosophical arguments which 
 were generally used in its support. This however, as 
 Hallam remarks, 'is the current language of philosophy 
 in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries which must be 
 judged by other presumptions V Pomponatius died in 
 1525. His celebrity and influence long continued, and 
 were at their height when Etienne Dolet arrived at 
 Padua, where for three years he sat at the feet of the 
 disciples of Pomponatius, drinking in without doubt those 
 materialistic doctrines which, if they did not entirely har- 
 monise with the doctrines of his master Cicero, were at 
 least contrary to medisevalism and superstition, and there- 
 fore congenial to his mind. It is strange that his biographers, 
 while discussing what his theological opinions really were, 
 and how he acquired them, have never adverted to the 
 teaching of Padua and the influence of Pomponatius. 
 
 But literature and not philosophy was the mistress of 
 Dolet. Of the latter he seems to have acquired little more 
 
 ' Hist. Lit. i. 315. See as to Pomponatius, in addition to tlie autliorities 
 quoted in the last note, Brucker, Hist. Piiil. iv. 164; Bulile, Gesch. der 
 neueren Philosopliie, vol. ii ; Pietro Pompanazzi, Studi storici su la scuola 
 Bolognese e Padovana del secolo xvi, per F. Fiorentino, Firenze 1868; Sulla 
 Immortalita dell anima di Pietro Pompanazzi, per Giacinto Fontana, Siena 
 1869. [This work contains several unpublished letters of Pomponatius.] 
 Besides two editions of the De Immortalitate in its author's lifetime, it was 
 reprinted at least four times in France in the seventeenth and eighteenth 
 centuries (three times without date or indication of place, the fourth time 
 with the date, obviously fictitious, m.d.xxxiv). See Brunei, Manuel; Maittaire, 
 Ann. Typ. ii. 805 ; and Vogt, Cat. Lib. Rarior. 466. A complete edition 
 of his philosophical works vfas printed at Venice in 1624, and in 1791 
 Professor Bardili edited the De Immortalitate at Tubingen, with a life of 
 the author : yet he does not appear to have seen the two original editions. 
 The earlier editions are all among the number of rare books, perhaps only 
 because, as M. Foisset reiparks in the Biog. Univ., they have ceased to be 
 read. It is noteworthy that Pomponatius was entirely ignorant of Greek, 
 though he read lectures on Aristotle. 
 
26 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 than was sufficient to show him how irrational at least were 
 the prevalent and orthodox opinions. The master at 
 whose feet he sat, whose affection and whose learning 
 he never lost an occasion of celebrating, whose untimely- 
 loss he never ceased to mourn, and who owes such im- 
 mortality as he has obtained rather to the affection of his 
 pupil than to the little of his own composition which has 
 come down to us, was, although without doubt a disciple 
 of Pomponatius, above all things a Ciceronian and a 
 humanist. Simon Villanovanus has wanted a sacred bard 
 and a biographer. Even a niche in the biographical dic- 
 tionaries has been denied him. Yet it is certain that he 
 was a man of great promise, that he was looked upon by 
 many competent judges as a scholar of great learning, 
 industry and genius, and that his death at the age of 
 thirty-five was lamented as an irreparable loss to the re- 
 public of letters by several of the most learned men of 
 the day. Besides Dolet, his most attached scholar, his 
 praises are sounded by Longolius, the chief of the Cicero- 
 nians, by Pierre Bunel, by Salmon Macrin, and (probably) 
 by that great man, from whom a word of praise is itself 
 sufficient to confer an immortality, at least among all the 
 disciples of the divine Pantagruel — Francois Rabelais. 
 
 Which of the innumerable ' Newtowns ' is the place 
 of his birth we do not know. He is however spoken of 
 by Bunel as ' Simon Villanovanus Belga,' from which it 
 may be conjectured that it was Neufville in Hainault. 
 That he was born in 1495, and studied at Pavia from 1515 
 to 1521, we learn from the letter about to be cited. In 
 the latter year Longolius, writing to Egnatius, recom- 
 mended Simon Villanovanus in these terms : ' I know that 
 both age and nationality make a man little fit for philoso- 
 phical study, but this man's age is in my judgment espe- 
 cially suited for it ; he has reached his twenty-sixth year, 
 and is endowed with such prudence and moderation that 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 27 
 
 old age itself would not increase them. On the other 
 hand, it does not escape me what an evil reputation the 
 French have in Italy, but I do not hesitate to recommend 
 Simon Villanovanus to you as free from both the vices and 
 follies of the French, and as one who is distinguished as 
 well by Italian gravity as by his knowledge of the Latin 
 language, and, what is of great importance, by his correct 
 pronunciation ^. Nor will you find him wanting either in 
 virtues which are the common subject of praise, sincerity, 
 probity, and conscientiousness, or in talent, judgment, studi- 
 ousness and learning, or, finally, in a remarkable knowledge 
 of the civil law. He has passed the last six years at Pavia 
 in that study, under excellent teachers, and has far sur- 
 passed all his fellow-students ^.' 
 
 On the death of Longolius he seems to have succeeded 
 the latter as the chief professor of Latin at Padua, though 
 neither of them held any official position, and their names 
 will be sought in vain in the histories of the University of 
 Tomasini, Riccaboni, Papadopoli, and Facciolati. On 
 Dolet's arrival in 1537 he was certainly enjoying a great 
 reputation as a lecturer and as a master of Latin style. 
 A Ciceronian, a friend, disciple, and successor of Longolius, 
 the chief representative if not the founder of the sect, it 
 was no wonder that he received Dolet with open arms, 
 and that the latter fell completely under his influence. 
 ' Simon Villanovanus taught Dolet the purity of Latin 
 style and the art of rhetoric,' he tells us himself in his 
 Commentaries ^ ; and in the second Oration he ascribes to 
 the instructions of Villanovanus his oratorical success. 
 But the epitaph which he wrote on his master, the odes 
 in which he celebrates his memory and laments his un- 
 timely death, and the frequent reference to him in his 
 
 ' See post in the Letter of Odonus as to the difference between the French 
 and Italian pronunciation of Latin. 
 
 = Longolii Epist., lib. iii. epist. 26. " Vol. i. col. 11 78. 
 
28 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 writings, show us how firm a friendship existed between 
 the student and the professor, and how great was the 
 influence which the latter exercised on his pupil's mind. 
 It was in defence of the venerated Longolius (whom Dolet 
 had never personally known ^) that he wrote his dialogue 
 De Imitatione Ciceroniana, in which Simon Villanovanus 
 was one of the interlocutors. 
 
 The single composition of Simon Villanovanus which 
 I have been able to find is a letter in the Epistolse 
 Clarorum Virorum, first published by Paulus Manutius in 
 1556, and reprinted by Bernard Toursaint at Paris the 
 same year. It is written from Padua (without date), and 
 is addressed ' Simon Villanovanus Hieronymo Savoniano.' 
 But though Simon Villanovanus left no literary work 
 behind him, it is certain that he impressed all with whom 
 he came in contact with the idea that he was a man 
 of no ordinary abilities and promise. The testimony of 
 Longolius I have already quoted. The admiration of 
 Dolet must have had some solid basis. Pierre Bunel 
 wrote six verses on his death and sent them to Emile 
 Perrot ^, with this inscription below : ' Simoni Villanovano 
 Belgse, Grasce Latineque doctissimo, cum bonis omnibus 
 disciplinis, turn sincerse Philosophise in primis dedito, ob 
 mirificam scribendi elegantiam et subtilitatem quam etiam 
 suis scriptisj quae a nonnullis premuntur^, expressam re- 
 Hquerat, testimonio LongoHi toti Italiae prseclare com- 
 
 ' Longolius died in 1522 at Padua, in the house of Reginald Pole. 
 
 ' Bunelli et Manutii Epistolro (Paris, 1581), p. 10. 
 
 3 La Monnoye (Menagiana, iii. 491, edit, of 1 716) says that the words qua 
 a nonnullis premuntur seem to refer to Dolet, who being at Padua at the time of 
 the death of Simon Villanovanus, was accused of having appropriated and 
 turned to his own use the writings of his master (see post). There was cer- 
 tainly something mysterious about the death of Villanovanus. It seems to 
 have been thought, at least by his friends Bunel and Perrot, that he had met 
 with foul play (apparently from an Italian hand); but Bunel was afterwards 
 satisfied that he died of the plague. Letter to Perrot of December, 1530. 
 Bunelli Epist. p. 8. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 29 
 
 mendato GalH, in demortui patriseque commendationem, 
 placata Italia posuere.' 
 
 Salmon Macrin also placed Simon Villanovanus among 
 the most illustrious men whom France produced, and did 
 not hesitate in the following lines to class him with 
 Budaeus, Longolius, and Lazarus Bayfius : — 
 
 ' Ilia (i. e. Gallia) Italonim nam studii eemula 
 Te Lazarumque et Longolium tulit, 
 Magnumque Budaeum, ac Simonem 
 Villa cui nova nomen indit'.' 
 
 Three years were passsd by Dolet in drinking in the 
 lessons, not only of Simon Villanovanus ^, but, as we cannot 
 
 ' Salmon Macrin. Hymnorum Selectorum, lib. iii. p. 77. Guillaume Sceve 
 calls him and Longolius 'et litterarum et Gallije ambo lumina.' Ode pre- 
 fixed to Doleti Orationes Duae. 
 
 ^ Except by the very limited number of the students of the Renaissance who 
 have been interested in all that concerns Dolet, the name of Simon Villano- 
 vanus would have been entirely forgotten if it were not for a sentence of 
 Rabelais, where ' le docte Villanovanus Francois ' is classed with Cleon of 
 Daulia and Thrasymedes among those who never dreamed (Auisi furent Cleon 
 de Daulie, Thrasymedes, et de nostre temps le docie Villanovanus Francois lequelz 
 onqves ne songerent, book iii. ch. 13). Now, according to Le Duchat, whom many 
 of the commentators have followed, the Villanovanus here spoken of is the 
 celebrated Arnold of Villeneuve, — one of the most learned men of the four- 
 teenth century, — physician, theologian, alchemist, the author of the Schola 
 Salemitana, and other medical and scientific treatises. La Monnoye, how- 
 ever, in the Menagiana, vol. iii. pp. 488-493, has suggested and attempted to 
 prove that ' le docte Villanovanus Francois ' was not Arnold but Simon of 
 Villeneuve. He says, ' We are at a loss to know who is le docte Villanovanus 
 Franfois of whom Rabelais speaks as never having dreamed. It cannot be 
 Arnold of Villeneuve, since none of the three circumstances of learned, French, 
 or contemporary of Rabelais suit him. He was not, and could not indeed be 
 learned, in the period of barbarism and ignorance in which he lived, that is to 
 say, in the thirteenth century, and up to the commencement of the fourteenth. 
 There are stronger grounds for believing him a Spaniard than a Frenchman, as 
 Don Nicolas Antonio has shown in the second volume of his Bibliotheca vetus 
 Hispanias. Lastly, he could not be of the time of Rabelais, having died in 1310, 
 or at latest in 1315 ; and if even, as is sometimes erroneously stated, he was 
 living in 1350, he would still have died 150 years before the birth of Rabelais. 
 I am then persuaded that the Villanovanus here designated is no other than 
 Simon of Villeneuve.' After quoting the several testimonies of the learning of 
 the latter, La Monnoye proceeds : ' It is then with justice that Rabelais has 
 named him le docte Villanovanus, and especially le docte Villanovanus Frangois, 
 
30 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 doubt, of the other professors of that most renowned 
 University, yet he has not referred to any of them by 
 
 for fear of his being confounded with the Spaniard Servelus, who in the time of 
 Rabelais published several books under the name of Villanovanus. It only 
 remains for me to reply to a conjecture of the commentator upon Rabelais 
 (Le Duchat) concerning Arnold of Villeneuve, "who perhaps," he says, "has in 
 his treatise on dreams declared that he had himself never dreamed." It is easy 
 to find a solution of this doubt at page 637 of the folio edition of the works 
 of Arnold of Villeneuve (Bale, 1585) : " Est igitur advertendum quod sub qua- 
 cunque specie animal aliquod insultum faciens, secundum conditiones et modos 
 insultus, et defensiones utriusque, debet visio judicari. Ita recolo in somno me 
 vidisse lupos quatuor quadam nocte qui ore aperto insultum in me videbantur 
 facere. Ego autem ense evaginato in ipsos irruebam, et majorem eorum evi- 
 scerabam ad mortem. Infra triduum in quadam causa vidi me quatuor inimi- 
 corum meorum victoriam habuisse." ' (La Monnoye does not give us the name 
 of the treatise of Arnold from which this passage is taken. It is to be found 
 in a tract entitled Expositiones Visionum qu<E jiunt in Somniis,) Two of the 
 reasons given by La Monnoye for rejecting Arnold of Villeneuve appear to me 
 conclusive. He was certainly not a contemporary of Rabelais, and, at least on 
 one occasion, he dreamed. It is true De I'Aulnaye (a commentator on Rabelais, 
 to whom, notwithstanding his crotchets, the faithful are much indebted), 
 always desirous of displaying his own knowledge at the expense of his master, 
 thinks the passage quoted by La Monnoye shows that Rabelais was in error. 
 But La Monnoye's two other reasons are of no weight. Rabelais, fortunately 
 for us, did not live in the eighteenth century, when only the sciolists of the day 
 were accounted learned, and when the dilettanteism of M. de Menage was con- 
 sidered of more worth than the most profound learning of an age that had 
 known neither the Academy nor the Grand Monarch. To no writer of any 
 age can the epithet learned be given with greater propriety than to Arnold of 
 Villeneuve. Again, that he was a Spaniard is not now generally believed. 
 That Villanueva in Catalonia may have been his birthplace is possible, but the 
 weight of authority is rather in favour of Villeneuve, near Montpellier, while 
 the village of the same name in Provence also claims him as its son. 
 
 When the Pantagruelist fathers and doctors, men who have devoted their 
 lives to the study of the master, are in doubt, it would be presumptuous in me 
 to offer a decided opinion ; but I cannot agree with Messieurs Burgaud des 
 Marets and Rathery, who in one of the most recent, and, in my opinion (pace 
 M. Jannet), the best edition of Rabelais for ordinary readers (Didot, Paris, 
 1870), consider Simon Villanovanus could not be meant because of the epithet 
 ' Belga ■ applied to him by Pierre Bunel, and which as they think proves that 
 he was not a Frenchman. But in a would-be classical writer of the sixteenth 
 century, a native of any part of France north of the Seine, and certainly of 
 Artois, Picardy, or the northern part of Champagne (Ardenne), would be 
 described as Belga. In the letter of Longolius, already cited, Simon is described 
 as • Gallus,' a word intended to include a native of any part of the region 
 between the Rhine and the Pyrenees. Messieurs Burgaud des Marets and 
 
£TIENNE DOLET. 31 
 
 name, and all his recollections of Padua seem bound up 
 with his dear master. 
 
 In the beginning of 1530 the friendship of Dolet and 
 Simon Villanovanus was broken by the untimely death 
 of the latter at the early age of thirty-five. His friend 
 and pupil composed the following not inelegant epitaph 
 upon him, which, as La Monnoye tells us S was engraved 
 upon a tablet of brass : — 
 
 ' Salve lector, 
 
 Et animam hue paulum adverte. 
 
 Quod miserum mortales, ducunt, 
 
 Felicissimum cito mori puto. Quamobrem 
 
 Et mihi mortuo mortem gratulare, 
 
 Et questu abstine, 
 
 Morte enim mortalis esse desii. 
 
 Vale, 
 Et mihi quiescenti bene precare'.' 
 
 Rathery forget that Longolius himself— so constantly referred to by the French 
 Latinists of the sixteenth century as the honour of the Gallic name — was a 
 native of Liege. 
 
 ' Menagiana, iii. 491. 
 
 ^ No epitaph of Simon Villanovanus is given by Tomasini, nor appears to 
 exist at Padua. I cannot agree with the commentary of M. Boulmier. 'On 
 sent dans ces quelques lignes mornes et glaciales comme le bronze qu'elles 
 couvraient, cet incurable degout du monde, cet amer mepris de la vie, cet 
 sombre et froide aspiration vers le repos du neant qui forme un des traits dis- 
 tinctifs du caractere de ce malheureux Dolet.' I can see nothing in this 
 epitaph, or in the letters of Dolet, or in those other writings where he may be 
 supposed to speak his real sentiments, which shows either a disgust at the world, 
 a contempt for life, or any desire for the repose of annihilation. Under the 
 bitter persecutions of his enemies he no doubt expresses himself as though death 
 was to be desired. (He has an ode. Mortem esse Expelendani) ; but in the 
 short intervals between his misfortunes he appears of a joyous temperament, 
 and earnestly to desire life, both for the sake of the cultivation of his own 
 mind, and in order to produce works which should live, and so procure for him 
 that fame which he so eagerly longed for. In fact the desire for posthumous 
 fame was almost a disease with him, and this feeling is seldom if ever com- 
 bined vrith an ' incurable degout du monde ' or an ' amer mepris de la vie/ 
 although in some of the Cynics, and notably in Peregrinus, the latter feeling 
 may have been assumed, and even carried to the point of a voluntary death, with 
 a view of acquiring that fame and notoriety which, while professing to despise, 
 they so earnestly desired. The constant presence of the idea of death is, however, 
 one of the best-known characteristics of the French writers of the Renaissance. 
 
32 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 " I bid you welcome, reader, and ask your attention for 
 a moment. That fate which mortals consider to be a 
 misfortune, namely to die early, I think a most happy 
 lot. Wherefore congratulate me on my death and do 
 not lament me, for by death I cease to be mortal. Fare- 
 well, and pray for my repose." Besides this epitaph Dolet 
 celebrated his death in three Latin odes, written probably 
 about this time, and certainly not long afterwards, as they 
 were all published with the Orations in 1534. The first, 
 in elegiacs, is one of the best of Dolet's poems, both as to 
 language and sentiment, and alone would prove the utter 
 worthlessness of the criticism of Julius Csesar Scaliger, who, 
 himself a verse-writer without the least taste or genius 
 for poetry^, finds no language too strong to express his 
 contempt for the jpoems of Dolet. 
 
 'O mihi quem probitas, quem vitae candor amicum 
 
 Fecerat, o, stabili foedere juncte mihi 
 O, mihi quem dederat dulcis fortuna sodalem, 
 
 O, mihi crudeli morte perempte comes: 
 Jam ne sopor te seternus habet, tenebrseque profundse 
 
 Tecum ut nunc frustra carmine mcestus agani? 
 Quod nos cogit amor, surdo tibi forte canemus, 
 
 Sed nimii officii non pudet esse reum. 
 Chare vale, quem plus oculis dileximus unum, 
 
 Et jubet, ut mage te semper amemus, amor 
 Tranquillae tibi sint noctes, somnusque quietus, 
 
 Perpetuoque sile, perpetuoque vale. 
 Et si umbris quicquam est sensus, ne sperne rogantem 
 
 Dilige, perpetuo cui quoque, chanis eris^.' 
 
 ' O thou whom probity and sincerity made my friend, 
 Thou who wast joined to me in an indissoluble union, 
 Thou whom kind fortune gave to me for a comrade. 
 Thou my companion, now taken from me by cruel death; 
 Art thou wrapped in eternal sleep and in profoimd darkness, 
 So that in vain I mournfully address thee in my song? 
 Yet what love compels me to do I shall sing, though thou may'st be 
 deaf to it. 
 
 ' 'I.es poesies brutes et informes dont'il a deshonore le Parnasse. Un 
 homme d'un tres mauvais gout dans la poesie.' Huet. 
 ^ Orat. Duse, lib. i. xxix. p. 207. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 33 
 
 I am not ashamed to be accused of too tender an affection. 
 
 Farewell, dear friend, the one whom I have loved more than my own 
 
 eyes, 
 And whom love compels me to love for ever more and more. 
 May thy nights be tranquil and thy sleep quiet, 
 For ever silent, but for ever well. 
 
 And if in the land of shadows there is any perception. 
 Do not reject my prayer, but love one to whom thou wilt always be 
 
 dear.' 
 
 An epitaph in Latin verse and a longer Latin poem 
 have less merit, yet they show the affection of Dolet, and 
 his bitter grief for the loss of the friend with whom (as he 
 himself tells us) he had lived for three years in the closest 
 intimacy. 
 
 Of Dolet's life at Padua we know but little. All we 
 can say with certainty is that Simon Villanovanus was 
 his chief friend and teacher, and that among the fellow 
 students with whom he formed an intimacy was Gui de 
 Breslay, afterwards President of the Grand Council, the 
 intimate friend of Simon, and who had been known to and 
 praised by Longolius. None of de Breslay's biographers 
 mention the year of his birth, yet he must have been 
 some years older than Dolet, since he commenced his 
 studies at Padua whilst Longolius was still living. In a 
 letter of the latter to Roger de Barma he speaks in terms 
 of high praise of de Breslay, referring to him as optiin<B 
 spei adolescenieni ^. That he had no personal acquaintance 
 with Bembo or the other eminent persons whom he must 
 have seen and probably heard lecture seems certain : he 
 would hardly have omitted to tell us of any persons of 
 eminence whom he had known. Either here or at Venice, 
 however, he made the acquaintance of the clever charlatan 
 Giulio Camillo, to whom, though like himself a great ad- 
 mirer of Cicero, he seems to have taken a violent dislike. 
 Of Camillo and his theatre, the idea of which was not yet 
 
 ' Longolii Epist., last letter of Book I. 
 D 
 
34 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 promulgated, we shall shortly hear again. It seems prob- 
 able that he also met at this time Hortensio Lando. 
 
 Of student life at Padua, Dolet has left a charming 
 description in the framework of fiction in which his dia- 
 logue against Erasmus De Imitatione Ciceroniana is set. 
 The work is an imaginary conversation between Sir 
 Thomas More and Simon Villanovanus. With the sub- 
 stance of the dialogue and its arguments I shall deal 
 hereafter, but the framework— ^though of course wholly 
 fictitious, for More never visited Italy — no doubt presents 
 a true picture of the manner in which Villanovanus and 
 his pupils passed many pleasant spring days at Padua. 
 
 'I was myself present at Padua when the dialogue of 
 Erasmus entitled Ciceronianus was given by Thomas More 
 to Simon Villanovanus. I freely noticed his countenance 
 all the while as he turned over its pages and cursorily read 
 it. I was further present at a very long conversation 
 which took place between him and More, and which was 
 most learned and eloquent' (As Villanovanus is talking 
 to his pupils of Erasmus and his dislike to Longolius, 
 More arrives.) 'As Villanovanus was making these re- 
 marks More was suddenly announced ; admitted into the 
 house, he found there a crowd of young men who con- 
 stantly flocked to Simon Villanovanus on account of the 
 greatness and celebrity of his learning and eloquence. 
 They salute each other in a friendly manner, as is the wont 
 of educated and cultured men. Then Villanovanus thanks 
 More in a most handsome manner for the gift which he 
 has received from him, and puts aside his own praises. 
 
 ' After thus exchanging civilities a longer conversation is 
 commenced ; they begin to walk about up and down the 
 house : then More remarked, " I do not enjoy this walking 
 up and down, wearied as I am by my journey and by the 
 jolting of my horse. Since it is bright weather and the 
 joyous appearance of the earth covered with fresh flowers 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 35 
 
 calls us into the fields, what should prevent us from going 
 out somewhere near the city^ where we may lie on the grass 
 under the boughs of an oak and converse pleasantly, taking 
 a pleasure not unworthy of educated men." All agreed 
 to this proposal ; they immediately left the town, found 
 a place covered with a thick shade, and sat down leaning 
 upon the trees. Then Villanovanus, who always sought to 
 avoid sloth and idleness, and was excessively fond of every 
 kind of mental exercise, said, " However pleasant this place 
 is, satiety will soon seize upon us, and weariness steal over 
 us (which always puts an end to pleasure), unless some 
 subject of discussion is fixed upon to which we may devote 
 the rest of the day. For the sun has scarcely passed much 
 beyond the meridian, nor will it go down until eight o'clock. 
 Let one or other suggest some subject of discussion, which 
 may prove sufficiently long to occupy the time, and may 
 be wanting neither in pleasure nor profit. It is not suffi- 
 cient to feed the eyes with this pleasant prospect, the 
 mind ought also to be nourished with some fruitful plea- 
 sures." All agreed to this most sensible and opportune 
 suggestion, and desired him to propose a subject for dis- 
 cussion.' Villanovanus then addressing More^ introduces 
 the subject of Erasmus, and a long conversation ensues 
 between the two, at which the,, students are listeners only. 
 At the end Villanovanus remarks, "Now let us arise and 
 be going, since we have had a profitable holiday and it is 
 now supper-time." More readily agreed to this, as he was 
 considerably fatigued by his journey, and wished to rest 
 in the house. Such was our afternoon exercise. 
 
 'When we had returned into the city, by Simon's di- 
 rection we all accompanied More to his lodging, and then . 
 being dismissed by him we returned to our own homes.' 
 
 D a 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 VENICE. 
 
 ' I loved her from my boyhood ; she to me 
 Was as a fairy city of the heart, 
 Rising like water-columns from the sea, 
 Of joy the sojourn, and of wealth the mart.' 
 
 Byron. 
 
 |HE death of Simon 
 Villanovanus broke the 
 tie that bound Dolet 
 to Padua, and he con- 
 templated a speedy 
 return to France, when 
 the persuasions of Jean 
 de Langeac, Bishop of 
 Limogesj who was 
 then passing through 
 Padua as Ambassador 
 from France to Venice, 
 induced him to forego his design, and to accompany the 
 Ambassador to Venice in the capacity of Secretary^. 
 
 The few tourists who, venturing out of the beaten track, 
 have found themselves in the ancient and important city 
 of Limoges will not have failed to notice with admiration, 
 not unmixed it may be with censure, in the unfinished 
 fragment which has alone been erected of a cathedral 
 designed on an unusually grand scale, and with admirable 
 
 
 ^?^ 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 
 ^^m 
 
 
 St^-^^5^^ 
 
 
 ^^^ 
 
 
 
 ^^^ 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 M 
 
 
 BSj^ 
 
 
 
 ^« 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 t Letter to BudEeus, Orat. diiae in Thol. 105. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 37 
 
 taste and skill, the remains of the magnificent tomb of 
 one of the most eminent as well as most worthy of its 
 bishops, Jean de Langeac, sometimes, owing to a similarity 
 of names, confounded, even by those who ought to have 
 known better, with his more celebrated successor in the see, 
 the learned, liberal, and jovial cardinal Jean du Bellay- 
 Langey, the friend and patron of Rabelais. Jean de 
 Langeac was one of those men who play no unimportant 
 part in public affairs, yet who leave no mark in the history 
 of their time by which their memory is handed down to 
 posterity. Successively Ambassador to Poland, Portugal, 
 Hungary, Switzerland, Scotland, England, and twice to 
 Rome, few men of his time had seen more of the world, 
 or had profited more by these extended and varied travels. 
 A man of learning and culture himself, he was everywhere 
 the friend and patron of men of letters ; and the fact that 
 he was the first to discern the abilities and promise of the 
 poor and unknown student of Padua, and to afford him 
 that patronage which he so much needed, must entitle him 
 to our respect. 
 
 Sprung from a family which claimed descent from the 
 kings of Sicily, he was born towards the end of the fifteenth 
 century. In 151 2 we find him a councillor clerk of the 
 parliament of Toulouse, and for the next twenty-two years 
 he passed his life immersed in public affairs, chiefly of a 
 diplomatic nature. His industry was indefatigable, and 
 the services which he rendered to his country were not 
 without their reward, as the rich benefices conferred upon 
 him by the king testify. At the end of 1532 he received 
 the bishopric of Avranches, but in less than six months, and 
 before he had taken possession of his see, he was made to 
 exchange it for Limoges, and a few years after this he 
 retired from public life. 
 
 Still mindful of his motto, Marcescit in otio virtus, he 
 was as busily occupied during the latter years of his life 
 
38 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 in the administration of his diocese and his other bene- 
 fices, and in planning and superintending his architectural 
 works, as during his earlier years he had been in the 
 performance of his public duties. At the same time with 
 his see, he enjoyed numerous rich abbeys and benefices 
 which he held in commendatn, and he delighted to employ 
 his great fortune for their benefit and in the encouragement 
 of literature and art. His ruling passion was architecture, 
 and it was to his liberality that Limoges owed its episcopal 
 palace, and the elaborate rood-screen of its cathedral, 
 which, if we cannot admire in it the mixture of Gothic 
 tracery with Renaissance sculpture, must when perfect 
 have been of extraordinary magnificence. He made other 
 considerable additions to the cathedral, which had been 
 in progress since the thirteenth century, but which since 
 Ms death has remained in the incomplete state in which 
 he left it \ 
 
 Dolet in a letter to the bishop's brother, Francis Lan- 
 geac, written in 153 a, writes, ' What can I write to you 
 respecting your brother, except the usual information ? 
 for certainly no one is more addicted to excessive building 
 than he, so that one may say of him, — 
 
 ' Diruit sedificat, mutat quadrata rotundis V 
 
 ' De Langeac died in 1541. His will has been printed in the Bull, de la 
 Soc. Arch, et Hist, de Limoges, vol. vii. p. 135. A brief life of him by the 
 Abb^ Marmeisse appeared at Brionde in 1861, entitled Notice Biographique 
 sur Jean de Langeac, Eveque de Limoges, but it contains very little of 
 interest. 
 
 2 Orat. duEB in Thol. 97. 
 
 No one who had read this letter of Dolet, or his treatise Be Officio Legati, 
 could possibly have mistaken this great architectural Bishop of Limoges for his 
 successor Jean du Bellay. Nee de la Rochelle, however, suggested that by 
 Joannes Langiacus, Cardinal Jean du Bellay-Langey was intended. He had 
 never heard of Jean de Langeac, and knowing that Cardinal du Bellay was at 
 one time Bishop of Limoges, he assumed that he was the early — as he was the 
 later — friend of Dolet. The error is venial in the worthy bookseller, whose 
 means of knowledge were limited, and who does not profess to do much more 
 than translate from Maittaire. [He afterwards, however, discovered his 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 39 
 
 Made Secretary to an Ambassador at twenty-one, Dolet 
 would seem to be borne on that tide ' which taken at the 
 flood leads on to fortune.' Yet — except as it afforded him 
 
 mistake, and corrected it in the copy of his Life of Dolet with his MS. notes in 
 M. le President Baudrier's possession]; but it is impossible to understand how 
 M. Boulmier, who has had access at least to the ordinary biographical diction- 
 aries and lists of Bishops of Limoges, should have fallen into the same error. 
 M. Boulmier professes to have read every word that Dolet wrote. It seems 
 strange what meaning he can have attached to his poem De Legalionibus 
 Joannis Langiachi Episcopi Lemovicensis (appended to his treatise De Officio 
 Legati), which is a biography of the Bishop, and which could by no possibility 
 be supposed by any one who knew anything of Cardinal du Bellay to refer to 
 that personage. It is still more difficult to understand what M. Boulmier 
 means by the following note (p. 12) to the passage where he has stated that 
 Jean du Bellay-Langey took Dolet to Venice : — 
 
 'Et non Jean de Langeac comme Ion dit presque tous les biographes des 
 Dolet, a I'exception du moins inexact Nee de la Rochelle. Voici la source de 
 cette erreur; Dolet nomme generalement ce personage Langiacus ou mesme 
 Langiachus. Mais il est impossible que le Joannes Langiacus dont il fut 
 secretaire a Venise ne soit pas le Joannes Langiachus Episcopus Lemovicensis 
 dont il a raconte I'ambassade i la suite de son traits de officio legati, 1541 en 40. 
 Le pretendu Jean de Langeac ne pouvait done 6tre evSque de Limoges en 1541 
 puisque alors Jean" du Bellay en occupait le siege. Aussi, tout ce que Dolet 
 addresse i Joanni Langiaco doit-il s'entendre de Jean du Bellay-Langey que 
 I'historien De Thou appelle Joannes Bellaius Langreus." 
 
 From this note it clearly appears that M. Boulmier had never heard of Jean 
 de Langeac, Bishop of Limoges, and had never taken the trouble to look at a 
 list of the Bishops of that See, or to ascertain when Du Bellay became its 
 Bishop, or who had preceded him in it. Jean de Langeac died Bishop of 
 Limoges in 1541, and was immediately succeeded by Jean du Bellay-Langey. 
 At the time when Dolet wrote and printed his treatise De Officio Legati, de 
 Langeac was still living and Bishop of Limoges; but in 1535 Dolet had 
 dedicated his dialogue De Imitatione Ciceroniana 'Ad Joannem Loiigiacum 
 Episcopum Lemovicenseni virum eloquentissimum et eloquentium studiosissimum.' 
 Surely one would have thought, if M. Boulmier had read every word Dolet 
 wrote, and had as he tells us devoted ten years' study to the preparation of his 
 book, he would have ascertained who the early benefactor of Dolet was, who 
 first took him by the hand and made him his secretary, and who afterwards 
 maintained him during his residence as a student at Toulouse. The following 
 is Dolet's notice of the Bishop in the Commentaries, vol. ii. col. 149 : 'Among 
 those who have filled the office of ambassador in our time, in France at least, 
 Jean de Langeac holds by far the first place, a man equally distinguished by his 
 ability, his wisdom, and his singular prudence. The Kings of France have 
 availed themselves of his excellence and fidelity in every kind of business ; and 
 what regions, what kingdoms are there, distant or near, into which he has not 
 
40 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 the means of studying for a year at Venice, and insured 
 for him the friendship and subsequent pecuniary assistance 
 of Jean de Langeac — his secretaryship seems to have had 
 no influence on his subsequent fortunes. Of his duties as 
 Secretary he tells us nothing, except that he was employed 
 to write letters to the supreme pontiff and to the bishop's 
 other correspondents^. We know however that ample leisure 
 was afforded him for study, and that he availed himself 
 of those opportunities which Venice specially offered. 
 
 The Republic had then reached the height of her power, 
 her glory, and her external splendour. The victorious arms 
 of the Turks had indeed robbed her of a part of her 
 Oriental possessions, and her Doge could no longer justly 
 retain the singular yet once accurate title of Lord of three- 
 eighths of the Roman Empire. The war which followed 
 the League of Cambrai had given a shock to her military 
 power, from which she was never to recover, and the dis- 
 covery of the passage to India by the Cape of Good Hope 
 had for ever deprived her of the position which she had so 
 long held as the centre of the commerce between the East 
 and the West. But nothing of this was as yet apparent : 
 no one knew, probably no one suspected, that the day of her 
 power had passed, that she had entered on a career of 
 decline which was to continue for three centuries, and was 
 not to be stemmed until, after alternations of domestic 
 misgovernment and foreign tyranny, she was again to raise 
 
 been sent as ambassador ? So that indeed we ought to think him worthy, not 
 only of the highest ecclesiastical dignities and the richest benefices, but also 
 indisputably of that honour [a bronze statue] by which the Romans conferred 
 immortality on Sulpicius Severus on account of his performance of duties of a 
 similar kind. By his watchful counsels the interests of France have been cared 
 for and promoted in most difacult circumstances. By him the commissions of 
 the Kings of France have been most faithfully set forth and performed. Let me 
 further add that no one in our time has shown himself of a more obliging or 
 liberal disposition towards men of letters, more devoted to all the learned or 
 more desirous of rendering services to them.' 
 ' Letter to Budseus, Orat. duas in Thol. 105. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 41 
 
 her head, again to enter on a possible course of prosperity 
 as a member of a free and united Italy. 
 
 In 1529 Venice was still Queen of the Adriatic. Besides 
 possessing half of the great plain of Lombardy, she was 
 the sovereign of Istria, Dalmatia, Corfu, Cephalonia, Zante, 
 Santa Maura, Cerigo, Cyprus, and Crete, as well as of 
 several towns in the Peloponnesus and in the northern 
 part of continental Greece. She still retained several 
 islands in the ^gean, while the Dukes of Naxos and other 
 insular Christian princes only retained their dominions by 
 relying on her protection and obeying her behests. 
 
 The city itself was, with perhaps one exception, by far 
 the richest and the most magnificent, and, without any ex- 
 ception, the most orderly and best governed in the world. 
 Until its capture by the Turks in 1453 Constantinple had 
 held the first place among European cities. Vastly inferior 
 as the new Rome of the Bosphorus was to the Rome of 
 Augustus and the Antonines, yet there, and there only, 
 were to be found living, or perhaps only galvanised, but 
 still existing realities, the splendours of Roman art, of 
 Roman civilisation. Temples, palaces, statues, pictures, 
 of a late and degraded age indeed, but still far superior to 
 anything that was seen in western Europe during the early 
 part of the Middle Ages, existed at Constantinople. But 
 this was terminated by its capture by the Turks. The 
 city became a mass of ruins, the graven images were 
 utterly destroyed, nothing of its ancient splendours re- 
 mained, save what could be converted to Mahommedan 
 purposes, to the worship of Allah, or the luxury of his 
 servant the Sultan. 
 
 During the century which followed the loss of Con- 
 stantinople, two cities, both Italian, must claim the first 
 place both for wealth and magnificence, Venice and 
 Florence : and if the latter must carry off the palm in 
 matters of art and literature ; if the grace, the beauty, the 
 
4a ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 artistic feeling, the extraordinary combination of grandeur 
 and simplicity which characterises the Duomo of Brunel- 
 eschi, entitles it to take precedence of the Church of St. 
 Mark, yet for general magnificence, for richness of ex- 
 ternal ornament, for wealth acquired by commerce and 
 expended in the decoration of the city, Venice might 
 not unreasonably claim that pre-eminence which, in re- 
 gard to internal government, to the completeness and 
 efficiency of its police regulations, no city could pretend 
 to compete with. Perfect security for life and property, 
 and an entire absence of those insurrections and civil 
 brawls which frequently occurred as well in Florence as 
 in nearly every other city in Italy in the fifteenth and six- 
 teenth centuries, were the especial characteristics of Venice. 
 
 It was here that Etienne Dolet passed the year which 
 followed his departure from Padua. The great palace of 
 the Doges, with its marble, its columns, its paintings which 
 equalled those of Apelles, especially impressed him, and 
 he has left us in his biographical poem on Jean de Langeac 
 a long and picturesque description of it, and of the reception 
 of the Ambassador. 
 
 Although Padua was the University of the Republic, 
 yet in Venice itself the means of study were not wanting. 
 Several literary professorships had been founded and en- 
 dowed by the State, and were filled by men of diplomatic 
 as well as literary eminence. At this time the chair of 
 Eloquence 1 was occupied by Giovanni Baptista Egnazio, 
 the pupil of Politian, and who, in the opinion of many, 
 most nearly resembled his master. The assistant and friend 
 of Aldus, the editor of the best editions of Csesar, Suetonius, 
 and Ovid which had as yet appeared, he was highly es- 
 teemed, not only by the Senators of Venice, who had 
 employed him in several missions of importance, and who 
 appointed him to his professorship in 1520, but by all 
 
 ' i. c. Latin composilion. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 43 
 
 men of letters of the day. When only eighteen years of 
 age he had opened a school at Venice, the success and 
 reputation of which had excited the jealousy of Sabellicus, 
 who then held the public professorship of Eloquence ; and 
 when long afterwards Egnazio was appointed to the same 
 office, he delivered lectures which had an extraordinary 
 popularity. More than five hundred persons, we are told, 
 daily attended his lectures ; not young students only, but 
 persons of all ages, senators of Venice, papal legates, 
 foreign ambassadors, and strangers from all parts, were 
 to be seen there. We can understand the ardour with 
 which Etienne Dolet seized upon the opportunities which 
 de Langeac afforded him of attending the lectures of this 
 eminent man. The young Ciceronian was delighted to 
 find that his favourite author was the subject of one of 
 the courses of lectures which Egnazio gave in the year 
 that de Langeac spent at Venice. Dolet tells us ^ that the 
 special subject of the lectures of Egnazio during the year 
 that he attended them were Lucretius and Cicero De 
 Officiis, and we cannot doubt that these lectures, especially 
 those on the De Officiis, were of much service to him in 
 preparing the materials for his great work, the Com- 
 mentaries on the Latin Tongue^ the plan of which he 
 had for some time conceived, and the materials for which 
 he was already collecting. 
 
 The name of only one other man of letters has come 
 down to us as connected with Dolet at Venice. Sturm, in 
 the edition which he gave of Dolet's ^Phrases et For- 
 mula Linguce Latinm eleganiiores' in 1576, says, 'Dolet 
 is believed to have been assisted by Navagero, with whom 
 he lived at Venice, and thence to have brought the materials 
 of his Commentaries into his own country.' This statement 
 is clearly unfounded. If Dolet ever knew Navagero, it 
 must have been at Padua, for he (Navagero) died at Blois 
 
 1 I Comm,, 1156. 
 
44 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 on the 8th of May, 1539, a date at which Dolet was 
 certainly still at Padua. Nor during his residence in that 
 city could Navagero have been there except for short 
 visits. There is however no trace in any of Dolet's 
 writings of an acquaintance with Navagero. The state- 
 ment had been made to Sturm (as it elsewhere appears) 
 by some one who desired to deprive Dolet of the merit 
 of the Commentaries. 
 
 But his sojourn at Venice was not exclusively devoted 
 to business or study. He found time and opportunity — 
 as what youth of twenty visiting Venice for the first time 
 would not have done — to fall in love. He was not more 
 fortunate in love than in friendship. Death, which had 
 so lately taken from him his friend, now deprived him 
 of his mistress. He commemorated her death in an epitaph, 
 which is one of the least happy of his poems. Goujet ^ 
 describes it as very profane. It is however merely stilted 
 and pretentious, utterly wanting in reality or feeling. The 
 three poems written after her death tell us all we know of 
 this love affair, namely, the name of the lady and her 
 death, and they allow us to. believe that Etienne's love 
 had not been very profound nor his heart very severely 
 wounded by the death of Elena. 
 
 ' Bibliotheque Franjoise, xi. 194. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 TOULOUSE. 
 ' Tantum religio jjotuit suadere malorum.' 
 
 LuCKETIUS. 
 
 E LANGEAC'S mis- 
 sion at Venice lasted 
 for a year, and Dolet 
 then returned with 
 him to France, in- 
 tending to devote 
 himself more ardently 
 than ever to the study 
 of Latin Hteratureand 
 to the preparation and 
 collection of materials 
 for his great work — 
 contemplated since he was sixteen years of age — upon the 
 Latin language, with a primary view of proving the supe- 
 riority in style of Cicero to Sallust, Caesar, Terence, and 
 Livy; a work for tvhich, although only in his twenty- 
 second year, he had already made extensive collections, 
 and which — for self-depreciation was never one of his 
 failings — he seems already to have thought himself com- 
 petent to write. Inordinately desirous of contemporary 
 and of posthumous fame, he was however entirely without 
 the desire of that vulgar success which leads to wealth 
 and honours. There is not a trace in any of his corres- 
 
4(5 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 pondence, or indeed in any of his writings, of the least 
 desire for wealth ; provided he had the means of subsist- 
 ence and of pursuing his studies, he was content. The 
 meanness of his dress, the discomfort and poverty in which 
 he contentedly lived, are the subjects of the satire and 
 ridicule of his enemies. During his residence at Toulouse 
 he accepted with manly gratitude the gifts of the good 
 de Langeac, and, when necessary, informed him of his 
 wants ^. But we never find Dolet writing begging and 
 fawning letters asking for money, benefices, and places, 
 such as those which disgust and pain us so much in the 
 men of letters of the day, even the most eminent, even 
 in the great Erasmus himself. Dolet indeed frequently 
 seeks his powerful friends' assistance, but it is to obtain 
 his release from prison, to protect him from his enemies, 
 to obtain permission to peacefully earn his own livelihood 
 as a printer, and to print books that may be of use to 
 his country, that he applies to them. 
 
 On his return from Italy no care for the future seems 
 to have disturbed him ; study and fame were all he 
 desired. But the urgent advice of his friends — and espe- 
 cially of the Bishop of Limoges — was that he should 
 devote himself to the study of the law. It is clear that 
 de Langeac charged himself with his protege's mainten- 
 ance during the time he was to be occupied in the study 
 of jurisprudence. When these studies were finished, the 
 Bishop would have no difficulty in obtaining his appoint- 
 ment to some legal office, which in the eyes of the shrewd 
 diplomatist would be much better for him than the pre- 
 carious life of a mere scholar, and which, he would not fail 
 to remind Dolet, would be a stepping-stone to greater 
 successes. The Bishop had himself, when a young man, 
 held the office of Councillor Clerk of the Parliament of 
 Toulouse, and it was to the University of that city that 
 
 ' See his letters to de Lingeac, Orat. duje in Tholosam, 134-137. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 47 
 
 he advised Dolet to betake himself. A new subject to 
 study always had attractions for him. He tells us, 
 
 ' Mon naturel est d'apprendre toujours ; 
 Mais si ce vient que je passe aucuns jours 
 Sans rien apprendre en quelque lieu ou place 
 Incontinent il faut que je d^place.' 
 
 Accordingly yielding to his friend's entreaties, he gave 
 up for the present, not without a sigh, his literary labours, 
 and early in 1534 entered as a student the University of 
 Toulouse, the most celebrated school of Law at that time 
 in France, and one which enjoyed so great a reputation 
 beyond that country, that numerous students of other 
 nations, Spaniards, Germans, and English, were to be found 
 there. The two years and upwards which Dolet passed at 
 Toulouse were most memorable in his life. It was there that 
 the foundations of all his future misfortunes were laid, that 
 he aroused those enmities which never rested or ceased 
 until his death in the Place Maubert ; there also he con- 
 tracted many friendships with good men, which he retained 
 until his or their death. These two years of friendships, 
 enmities, and misfortunes are among the most interesting 
 in his history, and we are fortunate in having more detailed 
 information respecting them than respecting any other two 
 years of his life. His Orationes ducb in Tholosam, and 
 the three books of epistles to and from his friends which 
 are included in the same volume, are our principal sources 
 of information for this period, though we are able to 
 supplement them from the histories of Toulouse, the lives 
 of other men of eminence who were to be found there at 
 this time, and the correspondence of Julius Caesar Scaliger 
 with Arnoul Le Ferron. 
 
 From Padua to Toulouse the moral was even greater 
 than the physical distance. The former was the home of 
 freedom of thought, where no limit was placed on the 
 speculations of its scholars, where the highest and deepest 
 
48 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 intellectual problems were discussed with a freedom and 
 ingenuity which, if leading sometimes to unsound con- 
 clusions, yet showed abundance of life and vigour, and 
 where literary culture was carried to the highest pitch, 
 and received no less devotion than philosophical specula- 
 tion. The latter was exclusively devoted to mediaeval 
 jurisprudence and mediaeval theology, each of them studied 
 in the narrowest and most formal manner. The days of 
 Cujas and Coras had not yet come, and though Jean de 
 Boyssone was attempting to introduce some ameliorations 
 into the study of law, and, following the example of Alciat 
 at Bourges and Pavia, was attempting to set forth juris- 
 prudence as in some sort a scientific system and not a 
 mere collection of arbitrary rules, yet his influence was 
 hardly felt, and in the school of law at Toulouse Bartholus 
 and Accursius still reigned supreme. 
 
 For three centuries before this time Toulouse had 
 been the head-quarters of ecclesiastical bigotry, tyranny, 
 and superstition. The birthplace, and in France the 
 chief seat of the Inquisition, that institution had so 
 effectually done its work, that the Parliament, the 
 University, the capitouls, and the mob, vied with each 
 other which could show themselves its most faithful 
 henchmen, and could give it the most efficient aid 
 in its brutal operations. And for three centuries more 
 the city and its population had the same character. 
 ' Nowhere,' proudly remarks the President de Gramond, 
 writing in the middle of the seventeenth century, ' are the 
 laws against heresy enforced with more severity, and the 
 result of this is that Toulouse alone among the cities of 
 France is free from the stain of heresy, no one being 
 admitted to citizenship whose Catholic faith is suspected V 
 But it had not always been so. There had been a time 
 when Toulouse was in the van of civilisation, of culture, 
 
 ' Hist. Gallise, lib. xxx. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 49 
 
 and of progress. Under the Romans, and still more under 
 the Visigoths, Toulouse was the most polished city of Gaul. 
 Arts and letters flourished, and instead of a dull level of 
 ecclesiastical orthodoxy, theological speculations were rife, 
 which, however deserving the appellation of heresies, at 
 least showed intellectual life and vigour. ' The Court of 
 the Visigothic Kings at Toulouse,' says A. Thierry \ 'the 
 centre of all the policy of the West, the intermediary 
 between the Imperial Court and the Germanic kingdoms, 
 equalled in polish, and perhaps surpassed in dignity, that 
 of Constantinople.'' Martial, Ausonius, and Sidonius Apol- 
 linaris describe it as the city of Pallas, and St. Jerome 
 calls it the Rome of the Garonne. Like the Rome of the 
 Tiber, Toulouse had its capitol and its consuls, and in the 
 title of capitouls, or barons of the capitol, which the civic 
 magistrates proudly retained long after that of consul 
 had fallen into disuse, a memory was preserved of the 
 days of imperial or regal Toulouse. Under the early Visi- 
 gothic kings Arianism was the dominant creed, and though, 
 after the conversion of Recared to the orthodox faith, the 
 latter became the religion of the state, yet Arianism con- 
 tinued to prevail widely through the provinces of Narbonne 
 and Aquitaine. Soon after Arianism became extinct a 
 new sect of heretics appeared, the Cathari ; and to them 
 succeeded in the beginning of the twelth century the 
 Albigenses, whose doctrines were so simple and christian, 
 whose lives so peaceful and industrious, that they soon 
 spread over a portion of Languedoc, and gave rise to one 
 of the most horrible and brutal persecutions which the 
 history of the world records. The persecutions of the 
 Christians by the pagan emperors of Rome fade into in- 
 significance before those which resulted from the three 
 crusades preached by the fathers of Christendom against 
 the Albigenses. As Toulouse was the head-quarters of 
 
 > Lettres sur I'Histoire de France, i. 6, 
 E 
 
50 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 the sect, it especially experienced the cruelties which the 
 Catholic Church, through the agency of Simon de Montfort 
 and his infamous colleague Foulques Bishop of Toulouse, 
 inflicted on thousands of peaceful citizens and peasants, 
 for no other offence than that of refusing to accept doc- 
 trines which, whether true or false^ it is certain neither 
 the persecuted nor the persecutors could possibly under- 
 stand. The unfortunate Counts of Toulouse strove in vain 
 to protect their peaceful and loyal subjects ; they were 
 themselves hounded to death for refusing to act as the 
 butchers of those whom it was their first duty to shelter 
 from oppression. But the required result was obtained. 
 There are but few series of events upon which the Church 
 of Rome can look with greater or more unqualified satis- 
 faction, and on the result of which she has better reason 
 to congratulate herself, than the crusades against the 
 Albigenses. Thousands of Christian men, women, and 
 children were murdered in cold blood ; some by the 
 ferocious soldiers of de Montfort ; others, less fortunate, 
 perished by the flames which were kindled by saints 
 and bishops ; a still greater number were tortured, 
 wounded, imprisoned, and deprived of their lands. The 
 most smiling and prosperous part of France was changed 
 into a desert. ' Solittcdinem faciunt, pacem appellant' The 
 old joyous life of the south was gone. But heresy was 
 successfully crushed. In the country districts indeed its 
 embers still smouldered ready to burst into a flame at 
 any moment, but Toulouse, from being the most heretical, 
 became the most orthodox city in France ; and for the six 
 centuries which followed its surrender to de Montfort in 
 1 3 14, the Church could point with just pride to at least 
 one city where her persecutions had been a complete 
 success, where her authority was unquestioned, where 
 freedom of thought was never able to take root, and where 
 superstition and bigotry continued equally to distino-uish 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 51 
 
 its rulers and its populace. It was at Toulouse that St. 
 Dominic founded that celebrated order, which if it has 
 not succeeded in effectually crushing heresy, has shrunk 
 from no cruelty^ from no infamy, in its attempts to do so. 
 It was there that shortly after his death the Inquisition 
 was established, and there it continued to have its head- 
 quarters in France until its formal and final suppression in 
 1772^. It was there that the 'Inquisitor of the whole 
 kingdom of France, specially appointed by the Holy 
 Apostolic See and by the Royal authority' (such was 
 the title conferred upon the Inquisitor General by the 
 Parliament), held his court, and where alone his authority 
 was unquestioned ^. Not only the governors of Lan- 
 guedoc, but even the kings of France themselves, could 
 not enter Toulouse until they had taken an oath before 
 the Inquisition to maintain the faith and the Holy Office. 
 After the Place Maubert in Paris, there was no spot of 
 ground in France where during the period of the Refor- 
 mation so many eminent persons were burned for their 
 rehgion, as in the Place de Salins at Toulouse. In 1533 
 it witnessed the martyrdom of Jean de Caturce, in 1538 
 that of the Grand Inquisitor himself, Louis Rochette, 
 who, when convinced of the truth of the reformed doctrines 
 
 ' It had ceased to exist as a court of justice more than a century before this. 
 In 1645 the then Archbishop Charles de Montchal, jealous of a rival authority, 
 obtained a royal decree depriving the Inquisition of its jusisdiction as a royal 
 court. The title of Inquisitor General, however, wrhich conferred much prestige 
 and some actual power, continued until 1772, when the Marquis d'Aignan 
 d'Orbessan, President a Mortier in the Parliament of Toulouse, shocked at the 
 idea that the Inquisition should exist in France even in name, obtained a royal 
 decree for its suppression. Hist, de I'lnquisition en France, par E. G. B. de 
 Lamothe-Langon. 
 
 2 Many as were the attempts made by the Inquisition to do so, it never 
 extended its authority beyond Languedoc and the adjacent districts. It never 
 obtained any recognition by the Parliament of Paris, nor by those of Dijon or 
 Bordeaux, though, as in the case of Dolet himself, the Inquisitor General 
 occasionally held his courts within the limits of their jurisdiction,— acting, as it 
 would seem, as the Bishop's official or his assessor. 
 
 E 3 
 
52 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 which he had passed so many years in persecuting, re- 
 ceived those precious balms which the Church affords to 
 her erring children. It was Toulouse that in 156a antici- 
 pated St. Bartholomew by a similar massacre of the 
 Huguenots, which for the time completely freed the city 
 from that pestilent sect. Those that escaped the assassins 
 were put to death judicially by the Parliament, and an 
 annual f^te in memory of the happy event was instituted 
 in the city, and subsequently confirmed by a Bull of Pope 
 Pius IV, who granted special indulgences to those who 
 took part in it ^. We may deplore the blindness of heretics 
 and infidels in face of the clear proofs which orthodoxy 
 offers to them, but they have as yet escaped the reproach 
 of glorying in crimes committed in their names. The 
 Church of Rome alone, which neither changes nor repents, 
 still glories in and applauds these atrocities. 
 
 It was Toulouse that almost alone of the French 
 cities received with joy the news of the massacre of 
 St. Bartholomew, and followed it up, in pursuance of the 
 royal orders, by the murder of three hundred Huguenots, 
 who were led out of prison one by one and butchered 
 by eight students of the University, who however did 
 not disdain to receive payment for their pious work 2; 
 while three suspected councillors of the Parliament were 
 hung in their scarlet robes in the great court of the 
 palace. It was at Toulouse that, seventeen years later, the 
 virtuous president Duranti was dragged from the prison 
 into which the leaguers had thrown him for obeying the 
 orders of the King, and brutally murdered by the mob, 
 while the capitouls moved no hand for his protection, but 
 
 ' Voltaire calls this fgte 'la procession annuelle ou Ion remercie Dieu de 
 quatre mille assassinats." Only eighteen years have passed since an Archbishop 
 of Toulouse desired to resuscitate it. 
 
 ^ The authors of the Histoire de Toulouse prefixed to the Biographie 
 Toulousaine say that the receipts for their payments are still in existence. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 53 
 
 showed their sympathy with the murderers by confiscating 
 the wrecks of his Hbrary and furniture which had escaped 
 the pillage of the populace. 
 
 It was Toulouse which, as we should expect, became the 
 head-quarters of the League, which dedicated a solemn 
 religious service to the memory of Jacques Clement, which 
 bitterly opposed and long refused to acknowledge the 
 authority of the Edict of Nantes, and which received 
 with unbounded enthusiasm the news of its revocation, 
 Nor were religious triumphs and glories wanting to Tou- 
 louse in the seventeenth or even in the latitudinarian and 
 philosophical eighteenth century. In 1618 the audacious, 
 the ingenious, but not always intelligible Vanini was burned 
 alive in the Place de Salins. Seven years earlier, however, 
 the Inquisitors of Toulouse attained a distinction in their 
 pious work which raised them to a level with, if indeed it 
 did not elevate them above, their Spanish brethren. If 
 the name of brother Pierre Girardie has not attained the 
 celebrity of that of Torquemada, and if he cannot rival 
 that great man in the number or the rank of those whom 
 he delivered to the secular arm, he has at least one claim 
 to distinction which the Spanish Inquisitor, so far as I 
 know, does not possess. It was he who, as Inquisitor 
 General in 161 1, tried and condemned to death a boy of 
 nine years of age. The child was burned alive in pur- 
 suance of the sentence \ In the latter half of the eighteenth 
 century such an event would have been impossible, yet 
 even then Toulouse, alone of the cities of France, dis- 
 tinguished itself by the execution of heretics. 
 
 In February, 1762, the last of the martyrs of the French 
 
 ' Histoire de Saint Sernin, par Raymond Dayde, Toulouse 1661, p. 204. 
 Incredible as the judicial burning alive of a child of nine would seem, the fact not 
 only rests on the authority of Dayde, but as M. de Lamothe-Langon tells us 
 (Histoire de I'lnquisition en France, Paris 1829, vol. iii, p. 566), is confirmed by 
 the records of the Inquisition, copies of which made by Pere Hyacynthe Sermet 
 he (M. de L.-L.) had seen, and by the criminal registers of the parliament. 
 
54 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Protestant Church, Francois Rochette, the young pastor 
 of the desert, and the three brothers Grenier, sealed their 
 faith with their blood in the Place du Petit-Salin ; and a 
 few weeks later a majority of the two Presidents and eleven 
 Councillors of the Parliament who formed the chamber 
 of the Tournelle condemned, without a shadow of evidence, 
 and solely because the accused was a Protestant, Jean 
 Calas to be broken on the wheel for the alleged murder 
 of his son. Lastly, it was at Toulouse that the hideous 
 massacre of General Ramel by the Verdets took place 
 in the days of the White Terror, a murder for which the 
 authorities refused to punish or even prosecute the mur- 
 derers ^■ 
 
 Nowhere in the world in the first half of the sixteenth 
 century was such a display of piety to be seen as at 
 Toulouse. A hundred churches were daily filled by the 
 faithful, each having its special ceremonies and its special 
 festivals. ' In the capital of Languedoc, as in the capital of 
 the Christian world,' says an orthodox modern historian 
 of Toulouse^, 'almost every day was marked by one or 
 more pious ceremonies ; there evangelical voices pro- 
 claimed without ceasing the eternal verities, and the 
 whole life of an inhabitant of Toulouse was a perpetual 
 confession of the Catholic faith.' Michael Servetus, who 
 had gone there a few years earlier than Dolet, and for 
 the same purpose, the study of the law, was amazed at the 
 piety and zeal of the Tolosans. He had seen nothing 
 like it at Saragossa, where he had passed the preceding 
 three years. The whole city seemed to be a temple. He 
 found himself surrounded by crucifixes, holy pictures, 
 relics. It was a veritable He sontiante. The church bells 
 never ceased. Masses were constantly being said, and 
 
 ' AH this is happily now matter of history only. Religious bigotrv is no 
 longer a characteristic of Toulouse. 
 
 " Du Mege, Hist, des Institutions de Toulouse, Toulouse 1844, '■ i55- 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 55 
 
 all attended by crowds. Processions more numerous than 
 he had ever seen thronged the streets, and each seemed 
 more magnificent than the last. Nowhere could there have 
 been seen so pious a magistracy as that of Messieurs the 
 Capitouls^. Punishment swiftly followed any offence 
 against a religion, however trivial. At the centre or bolt 
 of the great bridge of St. Michael, finished in 1508, was 
 suspended a great iron cage for ducking heretics and 
 blasphemers until they died^ 
 
 The populace were in their religious practices such as 
 their spiritual pastors had made them. Where a little 
 later the chief religious festival was in celebration of four 
 thousand assassinations, where in the most sacred part of 
 the cathedral, that in which the body of Christ is offered 
 for the quick and dead, the rulers of the church placed, 
 and where still may be seen, a carved wooden figure of 
 a pig preaching, with the inscription underneath, ' Calvin 
 pore preckant,' the common people were given up to grovel- 
 ling and ridiculous superstitions. If rain was desired, the 
 statues of the saints were removed from their places and 
 carried in procession through the city. If a flood was 
 threatened, prayers were addressed to the river itself and 
 a cross was placed beneath its waves. 
 
 Yet it might be expected that the University would 
 stand out as an oasis in the desert of superstition and 
 bigotry which surrounded it, that there at least would be 
 found some intellectual freedom and some intellectual life ^. 
 
 ' ToUin, Toulouser student-leben in Anfange des 16 Jahrhunderts. (Riehl's 
 Hist. Taschenbuch, 1874, 79-98.) 
 
 ' Ibid. ToUin quotes the words of the archives of Toulouse on this cage : 
 ' Mke sur Garonne pour Iremper les blasphemateurs du nom de Dieu.' 
 
 5 I am not sure that experience warrants this expectation. Oxford has not 
 always been in the van of progress, whether intellectual, religious, or political. 
 The University of Paris, splendid as are its services, was kept closely dovm to 
 the dead level of the Sorbonne ; while the German Universities, which it has 
 been the fashion for the last quarter of a century to laud to the skies, have been 
 generally found to be the submissive instruments of th^ir princely masters, and 
 
56 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 But this expectation would be disappointed. The Uni- 
 versity of Toulouse was the last upon which the light of 
 the Renaissance shone. 
 
 Founded in 1229, at the same time, by the same persons, 
 and for the same purposes as the Inquisition, it long pre- 
 served its original character. The Church desired that in 
 the same place where had been taught the doctrines which 
 she so strongly disapproved, and which she had so bitterly 
 and so successfully persecuted, there should be henceforth 
 taught no other doctrine than hers, no other study per- 
 mitted than that of orthodox theology. It was therefore 
 one of the conditions imposed upon the unhappy Ray- 
 mond VII. that he should establish and maintain an 
 University for the study of the canon law and theology ^. 
 
 It was to this Toulouse — this city of barbarism and 
 bigotry as he was fond of calling it — that Dolet, full of 
 ardour for study, full of vigour and intellectual life, loving 
 the humanists and the new learning, and already, as it 
 would seem, filled with hatred for the monks and for 
 superstition, and also, as I fear must in truth be added, 
 sharp and irritable in temper, and bitter and even veno- 
 mous in tongue, came early in the year 1532 for the 
 purpose of studying and, as it would seem, of ultimately 
 practising the law ; and we find him speedily on terms of 
 great intimacy with several persons who either had already 
 made or were afterwards to make a considerable reputation, 
 and who require some notice here. If the maxim ' Noscitur 
 a Sociis' is to be applied to Dolet, the result would be most 
 favourable to him, for during his two years' residence he 
 seems to have acquired the friendship of all those men 
 who by their virtue or their learning conferred lustre on 
 
 only to have pursued those speculations which tend to freedom of thought and 
 freedom of action, in the rare instances where the sovereign encouraged or 
 permitted them to do so. 
 
 ' Sismondi, Hist, des Francais, vii. 86, 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 57 
 
 Toulouse. For barbarous and bigoted as it was, there 
 were not wanting among the members of the Parliament, 
 the professors of the University, and the students, those 
 who sympathised warmly with learning and intellectual 
 progress. Jacques de Minut, to whom Egnazio dedicated 
 his work De Romanorum Principibus^ and to whom Dolet 
 subsequently devoted more than one ode, and whose epi- 
 taph he wrote, was First President of the Parliament. Jean 
 de Bertrandi, afterwards Cardinal and First President of 
 the Parliament of Paris, was Second President, who, if 
 less truly devoted to literature and learning than de 
 Minut, still desired to promote them and to protect men 
 of letters if he could do so without injuring his ambitious 
 aims. Jean de Pins \ Bishop of Rieux, was generally a 
 resident at Toulouse, and probably one of the episcopal 
 members of the Parliament. Jean de Caturce and Jean 
 de Boyssone were lecturing on law and striving to intro- 
 duce some ameliorations of the barbarism of the University. 
 Jacques Bording, not yet devoted to medicine, was either 
 studying or teaching Latin, or probably doing both. Ar- 
 noul le Ferron, afterwards to attain fame as a historian, 
 a jurist, and a scholar, Claude Cottereau, and Simon Finet, 
 were all contemporary students of Dolet, and with all he 
 soon became on terms of great intimacy. 
 
 The Bishop of Rieux, soon to become the chief friend 
 and protector of Dolet, was confessedly at the head of the 
 men of letters of Toulouse, and was indeed perhaps the 
 only one whose fame at this time extended not only over 
 France but wherever in Europe literary culture flourished. 
 Like Dolet's first protector and patron de Langeac, Jean 
 de Pins had passed a part of his life in various embassies, 
 and had twice preceded the Bishop of Limoges as French 
 Ambassador to Venice. He was born in 1470 of an illus- 
 trious family, though of no great influence or wealth, the 
 
 ' M. Boulmier erroneously calls him Dupin. 
 
58 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 founder of which, sprung from the Counts of Pinas in 
 Catalonia, had settled in Languedoc at the end of the 
 twelfth century, after fighting by the side of Pedro the 
 Second of Aragon on behalf of Raymond of Toulouse and 
 Bernard of Comminges, in support of the freedom, political 
 and moral, of Languedoc. A century later Odo de Pins 
 received from Bernard VI., Count of Comminges \ the 
 lands which were then erected into a seigneury and called 
 by his name, and which his descendants still possess. 
 
 For three centuries the name was closely connected with 
 the civil and military history of Languedoc, and attained 
 still greater distinction in the annals of the Sovereign Order 
 of St. John of Jerusalem. Two Grand-Masters, a Grand- 
 Vicar, and many officers and knights the family of de 
 Pins gave to the Order, and the Langue of Provence has 
 had no more honourable members. In 1294 Odo de Pins 
 succeeded John de Villiers as twenty-third Grand-Master 
 of the Order, not then become sovereign, but which had 
 its chief seat among the vines of Limasol in Cyprus, where 
 are still to be seen decayed mansions with the arms of 
 the knights carved in stone, and where the rich commandery 
 wine still preserves their memory. If the powers of Odo 
 were unequal to the task of ruling the brotherhood, his 
 moderation and charity are celebrated by the historians of 
 the Order. In 13 17 Gerard de Pins, who had distinguished 
 himself seven years before at the capture of Rhodes, was 
 named by Clement V. Grand- Vicar, and as such reigned 
 at Rhodes during the dispute between Fouques de Villaret 
 and Maurice de Pagnac, each claiming to be Grand-Master. 
 The death of de Pagnac in 133 1 brought his regency to 
 a close after he had distinguished it by his defence of 
 Rhodes when besieged by Orkhan, son of the Sultan 
 Osman ; and for the remaining twenty-three years of his 
 life he proved, by the services rendered to the Grand- 
 
 ' Not Raymond, as the editors of Moreri say. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 59 
 
 Master and to the Order, that he was no less capable of 
 obeying as a subject than he had been of reigning as a 
 sovereign. In 1355, eleven years after his death, his kins- 
 man Roger de Pins was chosen Grand- Master in succession 
 to Pierre de Comillan. Though not wanting in military 
 zeal or ability, it was as an administrator, and above all 
 as a benefactor of the sick and needy, that he acquired that 
 reputation which has handed him down to posterity as one 
 of the ablest and best of the Grand-Masters. Devoted from 
 his youth to the Order, its members, and its interests, he 
 was not blind to its faults ; and instead of following the 
 insidious advice and almost commands of its enemy Pope 
 Innocent IV., who wished the Order to quit the island of 
 Rhodes and estabhsh itself in Achaia, where it would be 
 less powerful and more submissive, he set himself to reform 
 the statutes, a work which he successfully accomplished. 
 But he cared no less for the welfare of his Rhodian subjects 
 than for that of his Order, and when the plague and sub- 
 sequent famine ravaged Rhodes he employed the whole of 
 his revenue in relieving the necessities of the Rhodians, and 
 even sold his plate and the furniture of his palace to obtain 
 funds for that purpose. 
 
 But the de Pins did not disdain humbler if not less 
 useful duties nearer home, and no more honoured name 
 is to be found among the Capitouls of Toulouse than 
 theirs. Odo de Pins was a Capitoul in 1362, and the name 
 again occurs several times in that and the succeeding cen- 
 tury, while the elder brother of the Bishop of Rieux 
 held for some years the honourable office of Viguier of 
 Toulouse. 
 
 Jean de Pins was born in 1470. He lost his father 
 Gaillard de Pins while yet a child, but the care and 
 affection of his elder brother, to whose guardianship he 
 was committed, made this loss less heavy than it other- 
 wise might have been. Devoted to literature from boy- 
 
6o ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 hoodj his brother gave him every opportunity of pursuing 
 his studies, and we find him successively a student at the 
 Universities of Toulouse^ Poictiers, Paris, and Bologna, 
 At the latter place he studied under two of the most 
 learned scholars of the day, Philip Beroaldo the elder, 
 who then filled the chair of Literae Humaniores, and Urceus 
 Codrus, then Professor of Eloquence and Greek, from whom 
 it is possible that de Pins acquired the knowledge, then 
 so rare on this side the Alps, of the Greek language. It 
 is to the lessons of Beroaldo that his biographers have 
 attributed the purity and elegance of his Latin style, but 
 not as I think with probability, for great as was the read- 
 ing of Beroaldo (Pico de la Mirandula says of him what 
 Eunapius had before said of Longinus, that he was a living 
 library), his Latin style, as Guingen6 has remarked, is 
 afiected and vicious, and resembles rather Apuleius than 
 Cicero. In 1497 Jean de Pins received holy orders and 
 paid a visit to Toulouse, and then gave up to his elder 
 brother his share in the paternal inheritance. The same 
 year he returned to Italy, and passed the next ten years 
 in study and literary pursuits. In 1500 Urceus Codrus 
 died, and in 1502 an edition of his works (orations, letters, 
 and poems) was printed at Bologna under the editorship 
 of Philip Beroaldo the younger, with the assistance of 
 Bartholomeo Bianchini and Jean de Pins. The book con- 
 tains several writings of de Pins, namely, a letter in praise of 
 Urceus addressed to Jean Maurolet of Tours, an epigram 
 addressed to Ferric Carondolet, and an epitaph on Urceus. 
 In 1505 Beroaldo the elder died, and de Pins lost no time 
 in writing his life, which he printed at Bologna the same 
 year, together with the life of St. Catharine of Sienna 1. 
 
 ' De Pins' life of Beroaldo was reprinted by Meuschenius in his Vitee sum- 
 morum dignitate et eruditione virorum ex rarissimis monumentis, Coburg, 1735. 
 It is the only one of his works which has been reprinted in modem times. In 
 addition to the books mentioned in the text, de Pins was the author of a tract, 
 De Vita Aulica, Toulouse, s.a. All his works are extremely rare. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 6t 
 
 In 1508, influenced as it seems by the wishes of his family, 
 he returned to Toulouse. Singularly devoid of ambition, 
 either of wealth or honours, he was equally careless of 
 literary glory. He had no other intention or v/ish than 
 to devote himself to study and to the society of literary 
 men. The first forty years of his life were thus passed, 
 when his appointment to the honourable office of Coun- 
 cillor Clerk to the Parliament of Toulouse altogether 
 altered the current of his existence, and for twelve years 
 caused him to change the contemplative for the practical 
 life. The ability and zeal which he displayed in the per- 
 formance of the duties of his office brought him under the 
 favourable notice of Du Prat, then First President of the 
 Parliament of Paris, and who had formerly held the office 
 of Advocate-General in the Parliament of Toulouse. The 
 First President had occasion to mark his capacity, and 
 when on the accession of Francis I to the throne the seals 
 were taken from Estienne Poncher and entrusted to Du 
 Prat, one of the first acts of the new chancellor was to 
 summon de Pins to Paris, where he was brought under the 
 notice of Francis. He accompanied the King and the 
 Chancellor — probably as secretary to the latter — to Italy, 
 and followed the French to the victory of Marignon and 
 the triumphal entry into Milan. The establishment of a 
 senate for the government of the duchy followed. It was 
 composed partly of Frenchmen and partly of Italians ; at 
 the head of the former was placed de Pins, and we are 
 told that he gave great satisfaction in his new office. 
 
 Yet he could scarcely have entered on the discharge of 
 his official duties when he was appointed with Bonnivet 
 to arrange the preliminaries of peace between Francis and 
 Leo X. The negotiations took place at Bologna, to which 
 place de Pins returned with the liveliest satisfaction, and 
 where he was present at the interview of the King and 
 Pope in the month of December 1515. In these negotia- 
 
62 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 tions he showed much ability, and gave great assistance 
 to the King and Chancellor in bringing the affair to a 
 successful issue, in concluding the treaty which confirmed 
 to France (so far as a treaty could confirm anything) 
 the duchies of Milan, Parma, and Placentia, and in effecting 
 the concordat which deprived the Galilean Church of the 
 remains of its liberties, and delivered it over bound hand 
 and foot into the power of the King. 
 
 In 151 <5 he was appointed Ambassador to Venice, where 
 he continued until 1530, giving equal satisfaction to his own 
 court and to the government of the Republic, struggling 
 against and defeating the intrigues of the courts of Spain 
 and Austria ; a success which he owed probably as much 
 to the sweetness of his disposition and the goodness of his 
 heart, which made all love him with whom he came in 
 contact, as to his diplomatic ability, which however was 
 considerable. He procured the renewal of the treaty made 
 at Blois in 151 3, and retained for his master the continued 
 support and friendship of the Republic. But his diplomatic 
 duties still left him abundant leisure, and the occupation 
 of this in literary pursuits constituted the happiest part of 
 his residence at Venice. Francis Asulanus dedicated to 
 him the Aldine Horace of 1519, as well in gratitude for 
 de Pins' kindness to the elder Aldus, as in testimony of 
 his own literary eminence. He collected a large number 
 of precious manuscripts, with which the library, then by 
 the King's order being formed at Fontainbleau by Lascaris 
 and Bud6, was enriched. He superintended through the 
 press of Bindonis at Venice in 1516 a work which he had 
 previously composed for the amusement of the children 
 of his friend and patron Du Prat, entitled Allobrogica 
 Narratio. It is a translation, or rather paraphrase, of the 
 romance of Z^ tres vaillant Paris et la belle Vienne and 
 was reprinted in the same year at Paris by Badius Ascen- 
 sius, at the end of a life of St. Roch, also written by de 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 6^ 
 
 Pins. In 1530 he received the appointment of Ambassador 
 to the court of Rome, and was at the same time nominated 
 by the King to the bishopric of Pamiers ; but obstacles, 
 the precise nature of which we are ignorant, prevented 
 him from obtaining possession of this see, which he shortly 
 afterwards exchanged for that of Rieux ; and about the 
 same time he received the Abbey of Moissac. At Rome 
 he justified the high expectation which his Venetian em- 
 bassy had raised. His letters preserved among the political 
 manuscripts of the Bibliotheque Nationale show that when 
 in the capital of Christendom he not only unravelled and 
 countermined the intrigues of the Papal Court, but was 
 able to give to his own government much information 
 and assistance respecting the affairs of England, Scotland, 
 Spain, and Naples. The Italians of that day were fond 
 of saying that what the barbarians (meaning the trans- 
 montane nations) gained by arms they lost by diplomacy. 
 But de Pins seems in general to have been a match for 
 the wily Italians, and if in the great matter of so much 
 importance to the nation, and upon which the French King 
 and the Chancellor had set their minds — the election to the 
 papacy of a cardinal of the French faction in the conclave 
 which followed the death of Leo X. — he was unsuccessful, 
 it is not probable that this was owing to any want of skill 
 on the part of the Ambassador ; and the election of the 
 Cardinal of Utrecht may be attributed to the weighty in- 
 fluence which Don Juan Manuel, the Imperial Ambassador, 
 was able to bring to bear on several of the cardinals, or, 
 as the cardinals themselves and particularly the saintly 
 Cardinal de Medici ^ attributed it, to the direct and im- 
 mediate inspiration of the Holy Ghost, or possibly even 
 to those personal intrigues which seem almost invariably 
 to be found in small bodies of men when electing a head 
 (whether of a college or of Christendom), and which not 
 ' Guilio de Medici, afterwards Clement VII. 
 
64 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 infrequently result in the choice of one who is as distasteful 
 to his supporters as to his opponents. 
 
 A year after the election of Adrian VI. the political life 
 of Jean de Pins ceased. In August 1533 he was either 
 recalled or voluntarily retired from his embassy, and 
 shortly after presented to Francis I. at Fontainbleau the 
 rich treasures of books and manuscripts which he had 
 collected during his residence in Italy. He then withdrew 
 to his diocese, and passed the remaining fourteen years 
 of his life either in Rieux or in the neighbouring city of 
 Toulouse. He devoted these fourteen years to the ad- 
 ministration of the affairs of his diocese (one of the poorest 
 in France), to works of mercy and charity, to study, and 
 to the society of literary men. During his residence in 
 Italy he had formed an intimate friendship with the 
 greatest scholars of the day. Bembo, Longolius, and 
 Sadolet were among his friends. Longolius was now dead, 
 but with Sadolet he continued to carry on a constant 
 correspondence, and it is no light meed of praise that to 
 him the bishop of Carpentras submitted several of his 
 productions for criticism and revision before publishing 
 them. 
 
 The see of Rieux was small in extent, with a slender 
 population, and the duties of its bishop were light ^ Ac- 
 cordingly he passed most of his time at Toulouse, where 
 he had an apartment in the Carmelite convent, and where, 
 as we learn from a manuscript poem of de Boyssone, he 
 
 ' Rieux was one of the six new sees created by John XXII. out of the old 
 bishopric of Toulouse in or about 1329, when he at the same lime erected 
 Toulouse into an archbishopric, with these six and that of Pamiers as the 
 suffragan sees. His intention was by increasing the episcopate to rivet more 
 firmly the fetters which he had succeeded in throwing round the weak Philip V., 
 and at the same time to keep up the flames and still more horrible punishments, 
 such as flaying alive and tearing in pieces by four horses, which he delighted to 
 inflict on heretics whose orthodoxy he suspected, or on his personal enemies, 
 e. g. Hugh, Bishop of Cahors, whom he charged with compassing his death by 
 sorcery. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 65 
 
 had built a large house; he was thus able to enjoy the 
 society of such men of literary tastes as were to be found 
 there, and who were at least more numerous than in his 
 episcopal city. 
 
 It was not to be expected that such a man should escape 
 the suspicion of heresy. He received on one occasion 
 a letter from Erasmus requesting the loan of a Greek 
 manuscript of Josephus which had come from the library 
 of Philelphus, and which was almost illegible through age 
 and other injuries. The letter was intercepted. The inter- 
 ceptors could not read it, but the hated name of Erasmus 
 was sufficient evidence of its heretical character. The good 
 Bishop was immediately accused of heresy, and required 
 by his accusers to read the letter to the Parliament. The 
 ' furred law cats ' ^ prepared to spring upon their prey, and 
 treated the Bishop of Rieux as guilty since he was known to 
 Erasmus. Twice was the letter read before the Parliament ; 
 the second reading being rendered necessary (so at least 
 the humanists maliciously reported) by the barbarians' 
 ignorance of Latin. At length it was clear that Josephus 
 alone was referred to. There was not a single word which 
 smacked of heresy. It was all written in the cautious and 
 prudent manner in which Erasmus knew so well how to 
 write. It was a bitter disappointment to the bigots. To 
 have struck the Bishop of Rieux would have been a triumph 
 far greater than even the burning of Jean de Caturce 
 or the recantation of Jean de Boyssone ; but even those 
 who were most anxious to prove him guilty were obliged, 
 however unwillingly, to admit his innocence, and de Pins 
 was able to laugh at the vain attempts of his enemies^. 
 He died in 1537, one of his last acts having been as it 
 seems to interfere for the second time, and again success- 
 
 ' Vulturii togati,' Dolet calls them. 
 Orat. duse in Tholosam, p. 60. 
 
 F 
 
66 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 fully, on behalf of Dolet^. Loved even by his bigoted 
 fellow-citizens both for his great kindness of heart and his 
 many virtues, he was respected as one who, sprung from 
 among themselves, had attained high distinction in the 
 State, and he was thus able to throw the shield of his 
 protection over men suspected of heresy, and in some 
 degree to moderate the rancorous bigotry of the Tou- 
 lousans. 
 
 The Bishop of Rieux was now sixty-two years of age. 
 Age had not impaired the freshness of his heart, or the 
 enthusiasm of his disposition ; and besides being the friend 
 of all that was good among the authorities of the province, 
 the city, and the university, he was adored by all the young 
 students, who sympathised with the new learning, and as- 
 pired to be humanists rather than canonists, and with 
 whom the good Bishop rejoiced to associate on those terms 
 of cordiality and friendship which render the society of 
 the old, when men of learning and eminence, so delightful 
 to the young, and which at the same time tend so strongly 
 to preserve in the former the freshness of youth. Nothing 
 
 ' Erasmus (Ciceronianus) considers that de Pins approaches Cicero in purity 
 of diction, and that his style might have attained perfection had not his important 
 public duties turned his attention from study. Duverdier (Supplementum, 
 Kpitom. Bibl. Gesner.) has made two distinct persons of Jean de Pins, dis- 
 tinguishing Joannes PinuSi Bishop of Rieux, from Jo. Pinvs, Senator Tolosanus, 
 and attributing to the former the Life of St. Catharine and the Libellus de Vita 
 Aulica, and to the latter the Life of St. Roch and the AUobrogica Narratio ; while 
 De Bure (Bibl. Instr. Hist, tome i. p. 442) still more erroneously attributes 
 the two latter works to Bartholomseus Pinus. See, for the life of de Pins, 
 Biographie Toulousaine (Paris, 1825), vol.ii. p. 183, and Memoires Historiques 
 pour servir k I'eloge historique de Jean de Pins, avec un recueil de plusieurs de 
 ses lettres, Avignon (Toulouse), 1748. The author of this meagre but ex- 
 cessively scarce book is Pere Etienne Leonard Charron. It is almost entirely 
 devoted to de Pins' public life, and the letters it contains are merely some of 
 his official despatches when ambassador. The public library of Toulouse is 
 Fortunate in possessing an interleaved copy, with many notes and corrections in 
 (he handwriting of the late representative of the family, the Marquis de Pins et 
 de Montbrun, who seems to have prepared it for a new edition. Many of the 
 notes are from the archives of Montbrun, but they contain very little of 
 interest. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 67 
 
 gives us so high an opinion of the kindly qualities of the 
 man as his intimacy with de Boyssone, Voult6, Bording, 
 and Dolet, and their genuine affection for him. It was to 
 Jacques Bording that Dolet was indebted for his intro- 
 duction to the Bishop of Rieux. His reputation as a 
 scholar devoted to Cicero, and possessed of oratorical power, 
 had however gone before him ; and the Bishop was only 
 too happy to welcome all such, and to admit them to his 
 intimacy; and this happiness was only increased if, like 
 Dolet, they were poor and unknown, to whom the purse and 
 the helping hand of de Pins could be useful. 
 
 Jacques Bording was two years younger than Dolet, 
 having been born at Antwerp in 151 1. Before coming to 
 Toulouse he studied at Louvain, where he acquired a 
 knowledge of Greek, Latin, and Hebrew, which he after- 
 wards taught successively at Paris, at Lisieux, and at Car- 
 pentras. He probably came to Toulouse attracted by its 
 reputation as a school of law. But the subject itself, or 
 the mode in which it was studied, seems to have disgusted 
 him, and he soon afterwards turned his attention to medi- 
 cine, in which he was to acquire a great reputation. From 
 Toulouse he went to Paris, and then running short of 
 money, by the advice and assistance of Sturm, whom he 
 had known at Louvain, he obtained a lectureship at Lisieux, 
 where he remained two years. Then he went to Mont- 
 pelHer to study medicine, and afterwards was appointed by 
 Sadolet Principal of the College of Carpentras. During 
 his stay there he married Francisca, daughter of Ternio 
 Nigroni of Genoa. He soon acquired the esteem of the 
 Cardinal, and on going in 1540 to Bologna to complete 
 his medical studies, he was furnished with letters of re- 
 commendation from Sadolet to Romulo Amaseo and other 
 learned men. He formally declared himself a Protestant 
 in 1544. Later in life he attained a considerable reputa- 
 tion as a professor of medicine at Antwerp, Rostock, and 
 
 F % 
 
68 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Copenhagen, in which latter city he died in 1560, holding 
 the office of physician to King Christian III '- At Tou- 
 louse the two young men soon formed a friendship, and 
 Dolet had been eight or ten months there and was already 
 talked of as a rising scholar, when he requested his friend to 
 mention him to de Pins ; and as Hording had apparently 
 informed him that the Bishop would be sure to take it 
 in good part, he at the same time wrote to him a letter 
 in that inflated style, full of expressions complicated con- 
 structions and half sentences culled from Cicero, in which 
 the intention seems to be to say as little (except com- 
 pliments and apologies) in as many words and in as pom- 
 pous a style as possible, which the Ciceronians of that 
 day especially affected. Still it must be admitted to be a 
 not unsuccessful imitation of the class of Cicero's letters in 
 which style and diction seem to be more thought of than 
 substance. He tells the Bishop the great admiration he 
 has for him, how long he has wished to make him ac- 
 quainted with his sentiments, how earnestly he longs to 
 acquire his friendship. ' I only ask that you will not be 
 offended at me for expressing admiration of that firmly- 
 rooted and widespread reputation which when first budding 
 had Longolius as its witness and panegyrist. There is 
 nothing which I so earnestly wish as that you would be 
 to me what Bembo was to Longolius, the helper of my 
 studies, the defender and furtherer of that reputation which 
 I hope to acquire, but of which I am sensible I am not as 
 yet possessed.' 
 
 The Bishop lost no time in replying to this letter, and 
 at the same time sent a friendly message through Bording, 
 
 ' See for Bording, Spithovius, Oratio de Vita et Morte J. Bordingi, Witte- 
 burg 1563; Melch. Adam, Vitae Medicorum, Heidelburg 1620; Encyclo- 
 pedie des Sciences Medicales (Biographie Medicale), Paris 1840. ' Bording's 
 stay at Toulouse is not mentioned by his biographers, and is only known to us 
 from his correspondence with Dolet. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 69 
 
 who in a letter to Dolet thus relates the success of his 
 mission : — 
 
 'That which you lately asked of me, namely, that I 
 should salute Jean de Pins in your name and should pro- 
 cure his friendship for you, I took care to perform, but 
 in fact you yourself accomplished this more efficaciously 
 by your letter, which displayed so much talent, learning, and 
 elegance, that it obscured all my praises of you and ren- 
 dered them useless. However I did what I could, and shall 
 very gladly do as much again. You have acquired favour 
 with de Pins, and have coupled with it a great reputation for 
 learning. He both thinks and speaks very highly of you, 
 and is greatly pleased that through me your esteem for 
 him has been brought to his knowledge, and you would 
 hardly believe how greatly he desires to see you. He says, 
 " Oh, that I may hear his sonorous declamation!" So that 
 whenever you come to visit him you will be made welcome, 
 and that great favour and high estimation for learning 
 which in your absence you have acquired, when you are 
 present you will not only confirm, but if it be possible you 
 will increase. Farewell.' 
 
 Dolet's letter was dated the ist of August (1532). The 
 Bishop replied the day following : — 
 
 'Although your letter was very gratifying as showing 
 your great regard for me, yet it was still more agree- 
 able to me because it seemed to be written by a man of 
 great learning, and because it recalled to my recollection 
 two of the most learned men of our age, Bembo and 
 Longolius, whose most pleasant friendship I myself en- 
 joyed, and whom I am always greatly delighted in having 
 recalled to my memory. There was no need for my affairs 
 and occupations to make you fear lest the interruption 
 of your letter should be troublesome or inopportune. Such 
 is the regard and affection I have for my friends, that for 
 their sakes I willingly postpone my serious occupations. 
 
J^O ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Further, as to what you say that you have been hindered 
 by bashfulness from visiting me, and so rather wrote a 
 letter because a letter cannot blush \ you ought not to 
 doubt, you who have acquired a place in the affection of 
 several of my friends, men of learning, that I should have 
 the same esteem for you that I have for them. I had 
 indeed before heard something of Dolet which tended to 
 his praise, but it diminished rather than added to the 
 reality. From that time however I had a great desire 
 both to see you and to read something of your compo- 
 sition. So that when I received your letter, from which 
 (as one recognises a lion from his claws) I recognised the 
 acuteness of your understanding, the dignity of your style, 
 the force of your language, and your profound learning, 
 I became more and more eager to see you, for the reality 
 far exceeded my expectation. All which brings me to this, 
 that if you speedily come to see me you will be most 
 welcome. Farewell^.' 
 
 We can imagine Dolet 's pleasure in receiving this letter 
 from such a man as de Pins. He instantly wrote a reply 
 full of delight and gratitude, and proposing forthwith to 
 visit the Bishop. From this time a cordial friendship was 
 formed between them, which, unlike most of those of our 
 unfortunate hero, was only terminated by the death of de 
 Pins five years later; five years during which the good 
 offices of the Bishop never ceased, and were, it is pleasant 
 to know, received with constant gratitude by Dolet. 
 
 ' There is not a word of this in Dolet's letter as printed. 
 '^ Dolet, Orationes duje in Tholosam, pp. 85, 148, 151. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 Jean de Caturce and Jean de Boyssone. 
 
 ' Ceux qui se font persecuter pour ces vaines disputes de I'ecole me semblent 
 peu sages ; ceux qui persecutent me paraissent des monstres.' — Voltaire. 
 
 ' Not being overburdened with orthodoxy, that is to say not being seasoned 
 with more of the salt of the spirit than was necessary to preserve him from 
 excommunication, confiscation, and philoparaptesism, i.e. roasting by a slow 
 fire for the love of God.' — Peacock. 
 
 H E University of 
 Toulouse had been 
 founded, as has been 
 said, as a means of 
 suppressing heresy. 
 The heads of the 
 University rivalled 
 the Councillors of 
 the Parliament and 
 the Capitouls of the 
 city in ostentatious 
 orthodoxy, and the 
 slightest whisper of heresy was immediately silenced. 
 The canon law reigned supreme. Side by side with it the 
 civil law was also studied in the text-books of Bartholus 
 and Accursius, and to this was added a theology and a 
 philosophy of the strictest mediaeval type. The barbarism 
 of Toulouse was a favourite theme of the friends of letters ; 
 while the orthodoxy which prevailed in what had once 
 
73 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 been the capital and focus of the Albigensian heresy, but 
 where alone in France the Inquisition had been afterwards 
 established, was not only a source of satisfaction to the 
 opponents of the new learning, but a standing proof of the 
 benefits which the Holy Office had rendered to the cause 
 of religion, benefits which as they pointed out would be 
 extended to the whole of France if only the powers of the 
 Inquisition might have the like extension. Yet though 
 the study of canons and decretals still prevailed at Tou- 
 louse to the exclusion of the new learning, though there, 
 more than in any University in Europe, mediasvalism reigned 
 supreme^ suspicions of heresy were not wanting among both 
 professors and students. Even in the University of Tou- 
 louse there were tares among the wheat. Men of learning 
 had come from Italy, and had endeavoured to introduce some 
 literary culture and some literary studies, and to show that 
 these were not necessarily hostile either to law or theology. 
 From the North again had come tidings of the heresy of 
 Luther, and the doctrines of the reformers had been wel- 
 comed in many quarters where the old leaven of the Al- 
 bigensian heresy had .never been completely extinguished. 
 The most eminent professors were suspected of heresy, and 
 of the. friends and contemporaries of Dolet there, some in 
 after life actually joined the Reformed Church, and of the 
 rest nearly all were suspected of a leaning towards the new 
 doctrines. Shortly before Dolet arrived at Toulouse, Pierre 
 Bunel, afterwards one of the first Latin scholars of the time, 
 and then a young man of singular promise, had been ban- 
 ished from the city and University on the charge of heresy. 
 A learned Italian named Otho ^ had shared the same fate, 
 
 " Otho is only known to us from the reference to him in Dolet's second 
 oration. He implies that his banishment was at the same time as that of 
 Bunel. The date of this latter event we do not know, but it was certainly 
 before the end of 1530 ; for in November in that year we find him at Venice, 
 and it would seem from his letters that he had then been for some time 
 in Italy. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET, 73 
 
 whilst, as we have just seen, the Bishop of Rieux himself, 
 the constant support of the cause of letters, did not escape 
 suspicion. Charges of heresy indeed began to be rife. Any 
 disregard of an established custom, any tincture of literature, 
 any affection for the new learning, was sufficient to found 
 an accusation upon, whilst the condemnation of the alleged 
 heretic was certain if it could be shown that he had not 
 taken his hat off to to a sacred image, that he had not 
 bent the knee when the bell summoned the faithful to 
 repeat the Ave Maria, or that he had eaten a morsel of 
 flesh on a day of abstinence ^ 
 
 But notwithstanding these efforts to check it, the Lutheran 
 heresy, as it was called, certainly began to spread not only 
 among the citizens and the poor descendants of the Albi- 
 geois, but even among the students and the professors of the 
 University. Dolet's arrival was very shortly after that of 
 three Augustinian friars, disciples of Luther, who in 1531 
 boldly preached the reformed doctrines at Toulouse. A 
 vigorous and searching enquiry was made by the Inquisition 
 and the Parliament, and the result was that in the first 
 three months of 1532 a considerable number of suspected 
 Lutherans were arrested. 
 
 Jean de Caturce, a native of Limoux and a licentiate of 
 laws of the University of Toulouse^, where as it seems he 
 either then or had formerly lectured on jurisprudence 
 with great success, and where he had achieved a consider- 
 able reputation, had for some time been a student of the 
 Holy Scriptures. He had found there truths which were 
 wholly neglected by or wholly opposed to the existing 
 state of things, and having obtained a peace and comfort 
 to which he had before been a stranger, he was desirous 
 
 1 Beza, Hist. Eccl. liv. i. 
 
 2 Hist, des Martyrs (Grand Martyrologe), Geneva 1608, fol.996. The author 
 speaks of him as ' licencie en Loix faisant profession du droit en I'Universite de 
 Toulouse.' 
 
74 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 of preaching the gospel to others that they might be the 
 sharers of his joy. On All Saints' Day, 1531, he had 
 addressed a few of his fellow-townsmen at Limoux. 
 His words touched the hearts of his hearers, but the fact 
 of the meeting and of the address came to the ears of 
 those in authority, and he had hastily to leave Limoux, pro- 
 mising his disciples to return at Christmas and again to 
 deliver to them the Word of Life. No doubt the cause of 
 his hasty departure from Limoux would be made known 
 to the officials of the Inquisition at Toulouse, and he 
 would at once become a marked and suspected man, but 
 he seems not to have been immediately molested, but 
 to have been suffered to lecture for some months. On 
 Twelfth Night, T532 {le jour des rots), however, he was pre- 
 sent at supper with some friends at Toulouse, when it 
 devolved upon him to give the customary symbol of the 
 feast. Instead of the usual formula ' The king drinks,' he 
 gave ' May Jesus Christ reign in our hearts.' He further 
 suggested that after supper each, instead of the usual pro- 
 fane toasts, should give a passage of Scripture; and this 
 was done. His arrest followed very shortly, and the two 
 principal charges against him were the address at Limoux, 
 and his remarks after supper on Twelfth Night. To 
 be arrested for heresy at Toulouse was to be condemned, 
 and condemnation meant one of two things, a public re- 
 cantation or the stake. Jean de Caturce was a brave man, 
 but he was neither a fanatic nor weary of his life. He 
 expressed his willingness to be convinced (if that could be 
 possible) by books and learned men, and his readiness to 
 discuss the points on which he was alleged to have erred. 
 Yet the result of the discussion only confirmed him in his 
 heresy. His friends — or his enemies — made one further 
 attempt to save him from the flames. A full and complete 
 pardon was offered to him without any formal abjuration 
 or degradation, if only in the school of law where he was 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. ^5 
 
 accustomed to lecture he would publicly declare that on 
 three points he had erred ^. 
 
 No wonder that he hesitated for a moment, and thought 
 that on such easy terms it would be best to escape, not 
 death only, but those frightful bodily tortures which the 
 Church thought fit to inflict on men, however virtuous, who 
 could not frame their lips to her shibboleth. But, as the 
 narrator of the tragedy tells us, the Lord strengthened him 
 in such wise that he could not be induced to accept any 
 form of retractation. There could only be one result. He 
 was ordered to be publicly degraded and then delivered 
 over to the secular arm, that is to say to be burnt at 
 the stake. His sentence was carried into effect in the 
 month of June, 1532^. He was taken to the Place de St. 
 Etienne, and was there degraded from the tonsure, and 
 from his University degree. This ceremony lasted three 
 hours, and then followed a sermon by the Inquisitor. He 
 took his text from the fourth chapter of the First Epistle to 
 Timothy, ' The Spirit speaketh expressly that in the latter 
 times some shall depart from the faith, giving heed to 
 seducing spirits and doctrines of devils.' ' Continue the 
 words of the Apostle,' cried de Caturce; and as the Jacobin 
 remained silent, he himself addressing the people said, 
 ' St. Paul's next words are, '' speaking lies in hypocrisy, for- 
 bidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meat." ' 
 After the sermon de Caturce was led to the Palace of 
 Justice, and then, after being formally handed over to the 
 secular arm, he received sentence of death. Then he was 
 taken to the Place de Salins and burnt alive. His mind 
 never lost its firmness or constancy. He died praising and 
 glorifying God ; and instead of the horrors of his death 
 deterring others, the piety and innocence of his life and 
 
 • I do not find it anywhere mentioned what these three points were. 
 2 According to La Faille and Le Duchat, the 33rd of June. D'Aldeguier, 
 Hist, de Toulouse, gives the date as June, 1533- 
 
76 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 the firmness and constancy of his death produced much 
 fruit, especially among the students who had witnessed his 
 martyrdom^. That Dolet was present at this tragedy 
 he lets us know by the imprudent reference he makes to 
 it in his second oration. That his sympathies were all 
 with the martyr and his hatred bitter against the per- 
 secutors is what we should imagine, and what he clearly 
 lets us see. Though himself untouched by the doctrine of 
 the reformers, and possessed of a mind of that nature to 
 which dogmatic distinctions relating to the unseen and 
 unknown are absolutely indifferent and incomprehensible, 
 he regretted the obstinacy in what was to him mere matter 
 of words and names without any substantial reality, which 
 deprived the University of one of its brightest ornaments, 
 and he lamented that Jean de Caturce had not followed 
 the more prudent example of Jean de Boyssone. Though 
 the name of Jean de Caturce, like that of de Boyssone, is 
 almost forgotten, yet the martyr no less than the yielding 
 professor has found a niche in the pages of Rabelais, who 
 has not hesitated to express his abhorrence at the per- 
 secuting flames in which Jean de Caturce was consumed, 
 and which were lighted as he was composing the first book 
 of his Pantagruel. ' From thence Pantagruel came to 
 Toulouse, where he learned to dance very well and to play 
 with the two-handed sword, as the fashion of the scholars 
 of the said University is. But he stayed not long there 
 when he saw that they stuck not to burn their regents 
 alive like red herrings, saying. Now God forbid that I 
 
 ' Hist, des Martyrs, 99 b; Beza, Hist. Eccl. vol. i. pp. 7 and 8 (Lille, 1841). 
 I have omitted the details of the language of De Caturce at his execution given 
 by the martyrologist, as it seems hardly probable that such freedom of speech 
 would have been allowed to him. La Faille does not believe that he used this 
 language, but, though a good Catholic, allows that he was a man of learning 
 and virtue, and that he suffered death with constancy and firmness. A con- 
 temporary, Bursaut, in his journal, formerly preserved among the archives of 
 Toulouse, expressly notices this. La Faille, Hist, de Toulouse. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 77 
 
 should die this death, for I am by nature dry enough 
 already without being heated any further ^' 
 
 It is probable that the evidence taken on the trial of 
 Jean de Caturce let the Inquisition and the Parliament 
 know that heresy was more rife at Toulouse than had been 
 previously supposed, and it was accordingly determined that 
 a blow should be struck of such a nature and with such 
 force as would completely and for ever crush the nascent 
 Lutheranism. On the last day of March (153a) the Par- 
 liament ordered the arrest of every person in Toulouse 
 suspected of heresy. The long list included men of all 
 classes and stations — advocates, procureurs, ecclesiastics 
 of all sorts, monksj friars, and cur6s. Among them was 
 Mathieu Pac, ' a man,' says Dolet in his second oration, 
 'of the greatest ability and integrity, to whose eminent 
 qualities I cannot here do justice. He was most unjustly 
 and oppressively accused of Lutheranism.' Of those whose 
 arrest was ordered, thirty-two (including Pac) saved them- 
 selves by flight, and, not appearing when summoned, were 
 declared contumacious. But amongst those who were 
 arrested was the most learned man and the ablest and 
 most popular professor of the University, and soon to 
 become the most intimate friend of Etienne Dolet, Jean 
 de Boyssone. 
 
 The name of Jean de Boyssone ^ Doctor Regent and 
 
 ' Book ii. i;. 5. 
 
 " I have adopted the spelling Boyssone on the authority of the MSS. of his 
 letters and poems at Toulouse. In the Latin letters and poems however he is 
 not always so called, but sometimes Boyssoneus, Boysonnus, or Joannes a 
 Boyssonne. De Thou calls him Boesonnus. M. Guibal (Revue de Toulouse, 
 Tuillet, 1864, p. II) considers that Boysson answers more exactly than any 
 other spelling to the several Latin varieties. In an epigram addressed to Sceve 
 he thus plays upon his own name : — 
 
 'Dumus enim a vulgo, patrio, sermone, vocatur 
 Boyssonnus spinis arbor acuta nimis 
 Est igitur gentile, vides mihi nomen acutum.' 
 
 On this M. Guibal remarks, ' Le buisson dans notre patois toulousain est 
 
78 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Professor of Law in the University of Toulouse, and after- 
 wards Councillor of the Parliament of Chambery, the friend 
 of Rabelais, of Dolet, of Bunel, and one of the foremost 
 names in the revival of literature in the south of France, 
 has slipped out of the pages of history. Of the contem- 
 porary writers who mention him, and who are loud in 
 his praises, the greater part, such as Voulte, Dolet, and 
 Sussann^au, have ceased to be read ; yet there remains 
 one from whom thousands of readers have at least learned 
 his name. It was to Toulouse to study under the 
 very learned and virtuous Doctor Boyssone that Epis- 
 temon, as he told Pantagruel, had sent his son. ' Tell me,' 
 replied Pantagruel, ' can I do anything to promote the 
 dignity of Seigneur Boyssone, whom I love and respect 
 for one of the ablest and sufficient in his way that any- 
 where are extant ^' Yet the name of de Boyssone will be 
 sought unsuccessfully in the great biographical collections 
 for which France is famous. He is mentioned neither by 
 Niceron nor by Goujet, neither by Moreri nor by Bayle. 
 Neither La Croix du Maine nor Du Verdier have thought 
 him worthy of notice, and the Biographies Universelle and 
 Generale equally ignore him. A man of rare ability and 
 love of letters, a poet, a jurist, and a scholar, a somewhat 
 timid sensitiveness of disposition certainly detracted from 
 his other eminent quaHties, and seems to have deterred 
 him from printing anything during his life, and at the 
 same time prevented him from acquiring that influence 
 which his abilities would have led us to expect. His Com- 
 mentaries on a chapter of Ulpian have probably perished, 
 but the public library of Toulouse contains three precious 
 manuscript volumes of his composition, of the highest interest 
 
 appele Bouisson. Traduisons, nous avons Bouysson, Buysson, Boysson.' In the 
 list of Capitouls given by Du Mege (Hist, des Instit. de Toulouse) the name is 
 variously spelled Boychon, Bouisson, Bouysson, and Boysson. 
 ' Book iii. c. xxix. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 79 
 
 and importance not only for his own life, but for the 
 literary history of the south of France ; and it is certainly 
 strange how little use has hitherto been made of them, 
 and by how few writers they have been consulted. A 
 volume of Latin letters written to and from de Boyssone, 
 commencing about 153a and extending over more than the 
 twenty years following, contains a portion of his cor- 
 respondence with Dolet, Pierre du Chatel, Alciat, Rabelais, 
 Guillaume Bigot, Guillaume Sceve, Arnoul du Ferrier, and 
 many others more or less distinguished in literature. A 
 volume of Latin poems in five books, hendecasyllables, 
 elegiacs, epistles, iambics, and odes, many of them full 
 of biographical details, and a volume of French poems 
 containing one hundred dixains, are of little less value than 
 the letters for the literary history of the period, whatever 
 may be our opinion of the merits of the poetry ^. 
 
 ' The volume of letters is a small folio containing two hundred and eighty- 
 two pages (erroneously numbered two hundred and ninety-two), or cxxxix 
 folios (the pagination goes by mistake from 169 to 180). The first half is 
 written in an excellent round hand of about the middle of the sixteenth century. 
 The remaining half is in a different hand, much less legible, though varying in 
 this respect towards the end. A considerable number of the letters in the latter 
 half seem to have been copied hurriedly, and are consequently difficult to 
 decipher. The book is entitled, Joannis de Boyssone antecessoris Tolosani et 
 aliorum epistolcB mututs. 
 
 The Latin poems are contained in a small quarto volume of paper, 
 written in an excellent legible round hand the same as the first half of 
 the volume of epistles, and which contains two hundred and fifty-four 
 pages. They are divided into five books ; the first ■ containing the hende- 
 casyllables, the second the elegiacs, the third the epistles, the fourth the 
 iambics, and the fifth the odes. In the same volume a later hand has copied 
 Dolet's odes to de Boyssone, to Guillaume Sceve, and that against Dampmartin, 
 also four odes of Voult^, and a poem which seems to be by Augier Ferrier. 
 
 The French poems are very elaborately written on parchment, in large Gothic 
 letters, and are incomplete. They are divided into three centuries or books, 
 each apparently intended to contain a. hundred dixains, each dixain occupying 
 one page. The first is headed ' La premiere cenlurie des dixains de Maistre 
 Jehan de Boyssone, Docteur Regent a Tholose.' Each dixain was intended to 
 have an ornamental initial letter and a rubricated title. The rubricator how- 
 ever had only reached the seventeenth dixain of the first century. The rest of 
 the first century have no titles or initial letters, while of the second century the 
 
8o ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 Sprung from a family distinguished in the annals of 
 Toulouse, where from 1460 downwards we find several of 
 the name in the list of Capitouls, he was probably born 
 about the beginning of the sixteenth century^. An uncle 
 filled one of the chairs of jurisprudence in the University, 
 and from an early age his family seem to have devoted 
 him to the study of the law, in the hope, which was after- 
 wards accomplished, of seeing him succeed to the chair of 
 
 titles are only given up to the sixty-seventh dixain, and in the third book only 
 up to the seventh dixain ; moreover, the third book only contains fifty-four 
 dixains, though the forty-six ruled leaves which follow show that it was intended 
 to be completed up to one hundred. 
 
 I cannot help thinking that these volumes were prepared under the superin- 
 tendence of de Boyssone himself for the purpose of being given to the press. 
 To the Latin poems are occasionally added verbal corrections, marginal notes, 
 and suggested alterations of words, in another but contemporary hand, which 
 may not improbably be that of de Boyssone himself. Certainly the notes 
 imply that they are written by the author of the poems. Thus in the margin ol 
 the ode against Drusac, on page 247, is written, ' delera epigrammata in con- 
 tumelia Drusaci delenda sunt hoc retinendum? 
 
 Except for the purpose of quoting the references to Rabelais and Marot, two 
 writers alone, so far as I know, have made use of these manuscripts; the author 
 of a short Life of de Boyssone contained in the Biographic Toulousaine (either 
 M. du Mege or M. Laurent-Gousse), and M. George Guibal in a Latin thesis 
 read before the Faculty of Literature at Paris, entitled ' De Joannis Boyssonei 
 vita seu de lileralartim in Gallia Meridiana restitutions,' (Toulouse, 1863'), and 
 in two interesting articles which he subsequently wrote for the Revue de 
 Toulouse, entitled ' Jean de Boysson, ou la Renaissance a Toulouse ' (Revue de 
 Toulouse, tome 20, July and August, 1864). 
 
 These two articles are an amplification of the thesis, and contain a biography 
 of Jean de Boyssone, and notices of many of his contemporaries and friends, 
 principally based upon these manuscript collections, the interest of which 
 however they by no means exhaust. 
 
 M. Boulmier appears entirely ignorant of these manuscripts, which are never- 
 theless of the greatest importance for the life of Dolet. The volume of letters 
 contain six from Dolet to de Boyssone and four from de Boyssone to Dolet, 
 in addition to the correspondence which Dolet had printed in the volume of the 
 Orations. 
 
 As Councillor of the Parliament of Chambery de Boyssone is frequently 
 mentioned by de Thou, while his persecution of which I speak in the text is 
 noticed by La Faille and by the other historians of Toulouse and Languedoc. 
 
 ' M. Guibal judges from his correspondence that he was a little older than 
 Amoul du Ferrier, who was born in 1508, 
 
p. 81. 
 
 A LECTURE ON LAW IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 8 1 
 
 his relation, and which de Boyssone himself calls Avita 
 Cathedra. Of his life before the charge of heresy was 
 made against him in 155a ^, all that we know is that he 
 had pursued his studies with great credit, that he had 
 already achieved a high reputation in the University as 
 a jurist, and was either a licentiate or Doctor of Laws 
 and lectured with success and ability, endeavouring, as 
 Alciat was doing elsewhere, to introduce a more scientific 
 spirit into the study of jurisprudence, to free it from the 
 barbarous trammels of scholasticism, and to return to the 
 study of the Pandects themselves, instead of being con- 
 fined to the barbarous and arbitrary commentators and 
 epitomists of the middle ages. 
 
 ' Primus in Europa civilia jura latine 
 Boyssonnus docuit potuitque inducere morem 
 Miscendi sacras legis sophiamque perennem^.' 
 
 Alciat wished he could have had him as a colleague at 
 Pavia to aid him in repelling the attacks of his barbarous 
 and ignorant opponents. ' Had I only you with me,' he 
 writes, ' I should easily have overcome all my adversaries.' 
 De Boyssone had already had as a pupil Antoine de 
 Castelnau, afterwards bishop of Tarbes. He had either 
 been the fellow-student or, as seems probable, the tutor of 
 Michael de I'Hopital, at this time a professor of law at 
 Padua, afterwards to attain deserved eminence as Chancellor 
 of France. His wealth and the distinguished position of 
 his family, at this time lords of Mirabel, Beauteville, and 
 
 ' Herr ToUin, in the article before quoted on student life at Toulouse in the 
 sixteenth century (Riehl's Taschenbuch, 1874), confuses him with Jean Boy- 
 sonne, Seigneur de Beauteville, who was three times elected Capitoul, namely in 
 1515, 1519, and 1537, and whom Tollin refers to apparently on the authority of 
 the letters of Servetus (?) as a leading magistrate at the time when Servetus was 
 a student there. The Seigneur de Beauteville was no doubt a near relation of the 
 Professor, as also would be Hugues Bouysson, Seigneur de Mirabel, five times 
 Capitoul (the last time in 1517). 
 
 ' Noguier, Histoire Toulousaine. 
 
 G 
 
82 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Montmaur\ would naturally add to his influence and 
 to the consideration in which he was held by his fellow- 
 citizens, while his benevolence to the poor, his readiness 
 to aid with his purse needy and deserving scholars, would 
 equally contribute to his popularity. He had been the 
 friend and patron of Bunel's youth, and when that dis- 
 tinguished scholar fell under the suspicion of heresy, it 
 was Jean de Boyssone who furnished him with the means 
 for making the journey to Italy and for his maintenance 
 there ^. At the moment when he himself was attacked 
 on the same charge he was the one leading member of 
 the University to whom the friends of learning looked to 
 sustain its cause. 
 
 It was therefore specially important that he should be 
 struck down. That he sympathised with the reformers so 
 far as they were promoters of letters is clear ; that he was 
 a constant reader of the New Testament, and especially of 
 the Epistles of St. Paul, and an ardent admirer and student 
 of St. Augustine, we see from his letters ; and these facts, 
 as M. Guibal justly remarks, 'seem to imply in his re- 
 ligious faith a tendency to approach the Lutheran or 
 Calvinistic dogma of justification by faith.' But he was 
 essentially a jurist and a man of letters, and he is careful 
 throughout his letters and poems to express no opinion 
 upon any of the religious questions which were then 
 agitated. He was by nature timid and prudent, and in- 
 disposed to express even to his most intimate friends any 
 opinions on dangerous or controversial subjects. But at 
 this time at Toulouse to be a friend of letters was to be 
 a heretic. He tells us himself that it was only his love 
 of letters and his admiration for and intimacy with literary 
 men that gave rise to the charge of heresy ^^ and Dolet 
 
 ' Du Mege, Hist, des Institutions de Toulouse (Toulouse, 1844), vol. ii. 
 pp. 210, 217, 244. 
 * Boyss. MS. Epist. fol. no. 3 i<j f^j ^g 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 83 
 
 confirms this in his second oration ^ ' What,' he cries, ' was 
 the cause of the calamity which befel Jean de Boyssone, 
 except his learning and the greatness of his fortune ? I say 
 positively, not as a mere casual rumour, but what I have fre- 
 quently heard from persons of the greatest probity, and what 
 from my personal intimacy with him I know to be true, that 
 the cause of his persecution was nothing but his reputation 
 for learning and his great wealth. Innocent of the slightest 
 offence against religion, the informers plotted against him 
 in order to prey upon his fortune ; and were aided by some 
 who hated him for that high reputation which he enjoyed 
 and which they were themselves too stupid or too indolent 
 to acquire, and by others to whose interests he had devoted 
 himself but who had assumed the guise of friendship only 
 to betray their benefactor.' 
 
 Shortly after the arrest of Jean de Caturce, and probably 
 on the last day of March 153a, de Boyssone was seized 
 and thrown into prison. The heretical doctrines he was 
 charged with holding were ten in number. They included 
 nearly all the heresies of Luther. The first was that 
 nothing ought to be required to be held as a matter of 
 faith but what was contained in Holy Scripture. The 
 tenth was that we are not justified by good works but 
 solely by faith in Jesus Christ. He was tried and con- 
 victed by the Official and the Grand Vicars of the Arch- 
 bishop of Toulouse, and condemned to make a formal 
 abjuration of these ten errors or to share the fate of de 
 Caturce. 
 
 Jean de Boyssone was not of the stuff of which martyrs 
 are made. He was in fact a humanist, a man of letters, 
 and not a theologian ; and while there can be no doubt that 
 his sympathies were with the reformers, whose success, so 
 far as it was not incompatible with the progress of litera- 
 ture, he would have gladly seen, he was not disposed to 
 ' Dolet, Orat, p. 58. 
 G 2 
 
84 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 follow de Caturce to the stake. He was willing to abjure 
 the errors he was alleged to hold. A heavy fine was 
 inflicted upon him, and his house and property were con- 
 fiscated. But the Inquisition was not satisfied even with 
 this heavy punishment. The Church could not afford to 
 spare a man of his reputation, of his learning, the great 
 hope of literature in the University, any humiliation which 
 it was in her power to inflict. His reputation as a jurist 
 was much greater than that of Jean de Caturce, and while 
 the latter was offered pardon on the easy terms of merely 
 recanting in a lecture in the School of Law, nothing less 
 than the public penitence and abjuration of Jean de 
 Boyssone would satisfy his persecutors. Nor indeed did 
 this satisfy them ; a great number of the most bigoted 
 Catholics complained of the excessive indulgence shown 
 to him^ It was determined to surround his abjuration 
 with all the pomp and ceremony possible, A scaffold 
 was erected before the church of Saint Estienne. All 
 the ecclesiastical and civil functionaries were present. The 
 consuls attended in their oflficial robes. Kneeling on the 
 scaffold, the most distinguished professor of the University 
 read in a loud voice and then signed the abjuration of 
 the ten errors of which he had been convicted, then a long 
 and tedious sermon pointing out his crimes was addressed 
 to him and to the assembled multitude by the Inquisitor, 
 after which he was taken to the cathedral and formally 
 absolved by the Grand Vicar ^. 
 
 Though the bigots complained of the excessive indul- 
 gence shown to de Boyssone, the voice of the crowd was 
 in his favour. La Faille, who gives a long account of the 
 affair, tells us that many of the witnesses of his humiliation 
 could not contain their emotion. Many tears were shed 
 when the professor, by repute the most learned in the 
 
 ' D'Aldeguier, Hist, de Toulouse, 356. 
 
 ' La Faille, Hist, de Toulouse ; Biographie Toulousaine, art. De Boyssone. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 85 
 
 University, but whose goodness of heart and hberality to 
 the poor and to all who were in trouble was well known 
 to his fellow-citizens, was publicly made to undergo so 
 bitter a humiliation ^ 
 
 Whether banishment was a part of de Boyssone's sen- 
 tence, or whether he thought it expedient to retire for 
 some time from Toulouse, we do not know. Certain it 
 is that immediately after his abjuration he left the city 
 and was absent for about a year, spending the time in 
 visiting Italy, which at that time, more liberal than France, 
 opened to him as well as to others a generous asylum. 
 He travelled first to Padua, still, as in the time when 
 Dolet was a student, the place in all Europe where the 
 greatest intellectual freedom was found, and where the 
 most eminent humanists were gathered together. There 
 he found several of his fellow-citizens either as students or 
 teachers. Arnoul du Ferrier, with whom he continued for 
 the whole of his life on terms of the greatest intimacy, and 
 who was afterwards to become one of the most celebrated 
 French jurists of his time, was pursuing at Padua the 
 studies which he had commenced at Toulouse, and which 
 were afterwards to bear such ample fruit. There too 
 was Paul Daffis, also a Toulousan, then and afterwards 
 prepared to carry on the Ciceronian tradition which Lon- 
 golius and Simon Villanovanus had implanted at Padua. 
 There also he made the acquaintance of Lazarus Buona- 
 micus, the friend of Pole, but who unlike his friend had not 
 deserted the cause of literature for that of theology. At 
 Venice he formed a friendship with Baptista Egnazio the 
 
 1 M. Merle D'Aubigne who gives a full account of the martyrdom of Jean de 
 Caturce, makes no mention of Jean de Boyssone, though indeed he seems to 
 refer to him among others in the following remarks ; — ' Certain professors 
 however backslided deplorably at this time, and checked the progress of the 
 word in the South.' [Reformation in the time of Calvin, vol. ii. book ii. c. 19.] 
 M. D'Aubigne's sympathies were not sufficiently wide to be extended to any 
 person who was not prepared to become a martyr for the reformed faith. 
 
86 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 former teacher of Dolet, and with another old acquaint- 
 ance of the latter, Giulio Camillo, towards whom, for what 
 cause we know not, whether because he really saw through 
 the visionary charlatan, or from some private grudge, Dolet 
 entertained the most violent dislike. More fortunate than 
 Dolet, de Boyssone's travels were not confined to the north 
 of Italy. He was able to visit the capital of Christendom ; 
 but instead of feeling enthusiasm for the remains and re- 
 collections of antiquity, or for the artistic and literary 
 culture which surrounded him, he, like Luther, was only 
 shocked at the vice, impiety, and luxury, displayed by the 
 pope, the cardinals, and the bishops, and which from them 
 permeated all classes. 
 
 He would seem to have returned to Toulouse in the 
 spring of the year 1533. 
 
 At what time Dolet's acquaintance with de Boyssone 
 commenced we do not know, but there is little doubt 
 that it would be very soon after the former came to the 
 University; and although he does not precisely tell us the 
 fact, there can further be little doubt that he was a witness 
 of the humiliating ceremony in which de Boyssone had to 
 play the principal part. Immediately upon the latter's 
 return from Italy we find Dolet on terms of the greatest 
 intimacy with him. For some years a close correspond- 
 ence took place between them, and the violence of Dolet 
 found a counsellor of invariable moderation and good 
 sense in de Boyssone, and not only a counsellor but a 
 friend who desired to serve him, and did serve him in most 
 important emergencies. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE FLORAL GAMES. 
 
 ' Je prends pour les grands dieux, ces doctes senateurs 
 Et cest autre troupeau, qui des poetes vainqueurs 
 L'estude et le savoir si sainctement guerdonne 
 Pour ce sacre parquet avec ses quatre fleurs 
 Le jardin fleurissant aux bords de la Garonne.' 
 
 Francois de Clari. 
 
 OOKING back after 
 the lapse of centuries 
 on the two or three 
 leading events of any 
 period, these stand out 
 before us with a pro- 
 minence out of all pro- 
 portion to their real 
 importance, and it is 
 not without an effort 
 that we can realise the 
 fact that these events 
 constituted in truth but an insignificant part of the history 
 of the period. In the midst of wars, persecutions, religious 
 and political agitations and revolutions, the healthy business 
 of life goes on as usual. An enormous majority of the people 
 are wholly unaffected by them, and even of the minority 
 who are so affected, it is but very few whose happiness 
 they either make or mar. Toulouse has been fortunate in 
 
88 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 her historians. La Faille spared no pains in collecting 
 and digesting with impartiality and good sense all that he 
 found worthy of note relating to his native city, while in 
 the great History of Languedoc of the learned Benedictine 
 Dom Joseph Vaissette, we have a work not only of local' 
 but of general interest, judicious, able, and impartial, ex- 
 cellent both • in style and matter, and which justly placed 
 its author in the foremost ranks of French historians. Nor 
 have worthy successors been wanting to the syndic of Tou- 
 louse and the brother of St. Maur, and in the nineteenth 
 century Toulouse has produced men of learning and ability, 
 who have supplemented, continued and corrected the labours 
 of their predecessors of the seventeenth and eighteenth. 
 
 The persecution of heretics, the retractation and punish- 
 ment of de Boyssone, and the martyrdom of de Caturce 
 almost necessarily appear in the pages of the historians to 
 constitute the entire history of Toulouse during the first 
 half of the year 1533, yet between the arre.st of the one 
 and the death of the other occurred the floral games — 
 the great annual festival of the city; and we have no 
 reason to suppose that the sombre events by which this 
 year they were immediately preceded and followed in any 
 way diminished either the enthusiasm of the Toulousans, 
 the number of the competitors, or the complacency of ' the 
 chancellor, judges, and doctors of the college of the gaie 
 science.' Unfortunately the records of the college for the 
 fifteen years extending from 1519 to 1535 are missing, 
 and the only fact we can ascertain as to the games in 
 1532 or 1533 is that in one of them Etienne Dolet was 
 a candidate for the violet, the eglantine, or the marigold. 
 
 It was in 1323 ^ that seven troubadours, citizens of 
 
 ' The foundation and early history of the Academy of the gay science and the 
 floral games is enveloped in much doubt and confusion. The account given in 
 the text seems to me the most probable. Some viriters have endeavoured to 
 make the games mount to a period of fabulous antiquity, and to have come 
 down direct from the times of Roman Aquitaine, whilst others treat Ciemence 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 89 
 
 Toulouse, constituted themselves into the ' tres gaie com- 
 pagnie des troubadours,' or the college ' du gai scavoir,' or 
 ' de la gaie science.' Accustomed to meet in the Faubourg 
 des Augustins, in the month of November, 1323, they ad- 
 dressed a letter in verse to all troubadours, inviting them to 
 assemble on the ist of May, 1324, to read or recite their 
 poems, offering at the same time a golden violet to him 
 who should best sing the praises of God, the Virgin, or 
 the Saints. A numerous company responded to this in- 
 vitation. The first day was devoted to the recitation of 
 their compositions by the contending poets, the second was 
 occupied' by the examination of the verses by the seven 
 troubadours who had instituted the festival, assisted by two 
 of the capitouls, and on the third the prize of the golden 
 violet was publicly awarded to Arnaud Vidal of Castel- 
 naudari for the poem which he had recited in honour of 
 the Blessed Virgin. The year following a more formal 
 character was given to the games by the appointment of 
 a chancellor, and soon afterwards two other prizes were 
 added, namely a silver marigold for the best ballata, and 
 a silver eglantine for the best serventes or pastourelle. 
 Henceforth the floral games were among the chief festivals, 
 if not the chiefest of all, of Toulouse and the whole of 
 Languedoc, and their fame extended, not only through 
 the south of France, but into Aragon and Catalonia, where 
 imitations of them were soon after established. In 1356 
 Guillaume Moliniar, for many years chancellor, with the 
 sanction of the seven maintainers gave to the world the 
 laws and flowers of the gay science \ a work which had 
 occupied him for eight years, and which, besides being an 
 elaborate system of laws and rules for the games, for the 
 
 Isaure as their founder in the latter half of the fifteenth century. The Academy 
 or College of the ' gai scavoir ' must not be confounded, as some writers have 
 done, vifith the floral games. It is not improbable that the former may have 
 existed for some time before the institution of the latter. 
 1 • Las leys d'amors ' and ' Flors del gay saber." 
 
90 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 award of prizes, and for the degrees of bachelor and doctor, 
 is also a general treatise on poetry and rhetoric, and one 
 of the most important monuments of the langue d'oc and 
 its poetry. A century and a half passed, the games and 
 the Academy had fallen from their original importance, 
 when they were revived, as their historians relate, by her 
 whose name has ever since been associated with them, 
 sometimes as their founder, sometimes as their restorer. 
 Dame Clemence Isaure. Not only were the games re- 
 stored to their pristine dignity, but a greatly increased 
 importance was conferred upon them by the wealth which 
 she gave to the College, and the additional and valuable 
 prizes which she founded. For three centuries and a half 
 the praises of Clemence Isaure have been celebrated at the 
 floral games of Toulouse. An oration in her honour has 
 certainly, ever since 1535, formed part of the ceremonial ; 
 and most of those who have contended for the violet, the 
 marigold, and the eglantine have devoted at least one of 
 their compositions in Latin, French, or Romance to the 
 patroness and benefactress of the festival. Jean de Boys- 
 sone wrote her epitaph, one of Etienne Dolet's happiest 
 compositions was in her honour, and among the three hun- 
 dred and forty persons who have delivered orations in her 
 praise are seventy-seven names of men who have achieved 
 more or less eminence. Yet the Sappho of Toulouse, 
 herself a distinguished poet, who endowed the College of 
 the gay science with lands and wealth which it still enjoys, 
 and established rules which are still in force, to whom the 
 grateful city erected a statue which still receives the re- 
 spectful homage of all strangers, has in this later and 
 critical age had her very existence called in doubt. 
 
 I shall not attempt to discuss this vexed question, yet 
 the researches of the most recent and most learned writers 
 seem to confirm the doubts, and show at least that the 
 verses to Dame Clemence which were formerly adduced 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 91 
 
 as clear proofs of her existence were really addressed to 
 the Blessed Virgin ^. 
 
 Unfortunately for our history, as I have before said, a 
 lacuna exists in the register of the floral games from 1519 
 to ^53Sy^ period which includes the whole of Dolet's re- 
 sidence at Toulouse, and in which he, and no doubt many 
 of his friends, celebrated the praises of the belle Clemence. 
 Yet of the scanty notices we find during this period, several 
 are connected with the names of de Boyssone and Dolet. 
 In 1538 Antoine de Vinhalibus pronounced the eloge 
 called the 'sermon de Dame Clemence/ In 1529, and 
 again in 1535, Marie Gascons delivered the Latin oration 
 with which the games opened. Two dixains of de Boys- 
 sone/ addressed to Poldo de Albenas, show us that about 
 this time, and probably in 1538, the venerated founder of 
 the Reformed Church at Nimes obtained, though absent, 
 the prize of the violet, and acquired the friendship of de 
 Boyssone, whose expressions would lead to the supposi- 
 tion that the Professor of Law was himself one of the 
 judges^- That de Boyssone himself contended at the 
 floral games is certain from the French and Latin verses 
 in honour of Dame Clemence which we find among his 
 poems, and it seems probable from the language he uses 
 elsewhere that he had gained a prize ^- The dixains with 
 which his French poems commence, addressed ' A notre 
 seigneur Jesus Christ la Glorieuse vierge Marie et aux 
 saints de Paradis,' would seem to be some of those he 
 
 ' So early as 1626, Catel in the Memoires sur I'histoire de Languedoc, which 
 he left unfinished at his death in that year, had suggested doubts as to the 
 existence of Dame Clemence Isaure. Those who may desire to see what has 
 been said on the subject may refer to J. B. Noulet, De Dame Clemence Isaure 
 substitute a Notre Dame la Vierge Marie comme patronesse des Jeux Litteraires 
 de Toulouse (Toulouse, 1852); also his Pretendue Pleiade Toulousaine (Toulouse 
 1853); Biog. Toulousaine, art. Clemence Isaure. The touching ballad of Florian 
 is the mere invention of the author, based neither upon history nor tradition. 
 
 '^ Du Mege, Hist, des Institutions de Toulouse, vol. iv. p. 335. 
 
 ' M. Boulmier, who however cites no authority, says that it was in 1530 that 
 de Boyssone celebrated the institution of the belle Isaure. Vie de Dolet, 62. 
 
9a ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 then composed. It was usual, if not absolutely necessary, 
 that each competitor should furnish at least one poem of 
 a religious character, and in general the religious was the 
 prevailing element. It is however the games of 153a or 
 1533 that especially interest us. In one of these years 
 Etienne Dolet was a competitor, and submitted ten Latin 
 poems to the judges^. The first is addressed to the 
 Muses ^; the second to Phoebus, imploring his help in 
 the contest ; the third celebrates the praises of the judges, 
 the fourth those of Clemence Isaure ", and the fifth those 
 of the ladies of Toulouse*. Then come the praises of 
 Paris ; an invocation of the Muse, recited on the second 
 day ; two odes in honour of the Virgin ; and, finally, one 
 addressed to the Muses, ' which was the last poem recited 
 by Dolet in the contest.' 
 
 Very little modern Latin verse will bear translation. 
 Much of the best of it, even when characterised by ele- 
 gance of diction, is wanting in originality of ideas, and 
 sometimes in ideas altogether. Some of those of Dolet 
 are neither incorrect nor inelegant, but they are filled prin- 
 cipally with the usual classical commonplaces which go to 
 make up for dearth of ideas ; though indeed in addresses 
 to the Muses, Phoebus, and to the judges it would be diffi- 
 cult to say anything original, or anything in itself worth 
 remembering or even saying. Dolet 's verses are not more 
 empty or worthless than most of those which, whether at 
 
 ' These ten poems are all printed In the volume containing the Orations, 
 Epistles and Odes printed in 1534, and again in the volume of poems printed in 
 1538, in which they are inserted in consecutive order in the Third Book. In 
 the volume of the Orations seven only are given consecutively, though in a dif- 
 ferent order, and of these, five only with the heading that they were recited at 
 the contest. Three (that addressed to the Muses and those which celebrated 
 the praises of Paris and of Dame Clemence) are in different parts of the book, 
 and have no indication that they had any connection with the games. 
 
 ^ ' Ad musas ; quo carmine usus est, TholosEe in publico litterario certamine 
 quum illic versu contenderet.' 
 
 ' ' De muliere quadam quEE ludos literarios Tholosse constituit." 
 
 ' ' Ad puellas Tholosse quod in eodem certamine recitatum est.' 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 93 
 
 Toulouse or elsewhere, have been deemed worthy of 
 prizes ; and if there were others as good or better than 
 these, Latin verse-writing was certainly cultivated at Tou- 
 louse with much more success than we should otherwise 
 be disposed to think. Whether they gained the prize we 
 have no certain information, but I agree with Maittaire 
 and Boulmier that the strong probability is that they did 
 not. Modesty or self-depreciation was not a characteristic 
 of our hero, and there can be little doubt that, had he been 
 successful, he would not have failed to inform us of his 
 triumph, and would not have described his poems merely 
 as having been recited at the contest ^. Yet from what we 
 know of Toulouse at this time and of those who were 
 likely to be competitors, it is hardly probable that any 
 Latin verses superior or even nearly equal to those of 
 Dolet would be recited ; and if by the favour or igno- 
 rance of the judges inferior verses carried off the prize, 
 if Drusac the Lieutenant of the Seneschalty or the old 
 pedant Maurus was the successful competitor, this would 
 add to the bitterness of Dolet against Toulouse, and would 
 sharpen the darts of indignation which in his Orations he 
 was shortly to hurl against the barbarians of the city. Two 
 epigrams of Voult^^ let us see that in his opinion the 
 
 ' ' Vainqueur il n'eut pas manquer de nous apprendre son triumphe car je dois 
 convenir que la modestie etait son moindre defaut.' Boulmier, 68. 
 " Vultei Epigrammatum, libriiii, Lugd. 1537, bk. ii. p. 164. 
 
 ' De Ludis TAolosanis. 
 Lege sub hac moriens ludos dementia fecit, 
 
 Ut tandem partas victor haberet opes. 
 At dementia, nunc facta inclementia quaere? 
 
 De victore sue, qui superatur ovat.' 
 
 ■ Ad Clementiam, qucB TholostB ludos literarios instiiuit. 
 O dementia te qujenam dementia coepit; 
 Heredem ingratam constituisse domum? 
 Recta fuit forsan, sed non tua facta voluntas 
 Munera ni demens h«c tua nuUus habet 
 Ut quondam victa est cseco sub judice Pallas, 
 Sic minor est ludis docta Minerva tuis.' 
 
94 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 prizes at the floral games were not always accorded to the 
 most deserving candidates, and that on the occasion to 
 which he particularly referred the real victor was not the 
 one who was allowed the prize; and Maittaire^ suggests 
 with much probability that these epigrams refer to the ill- 
 success of Dolet. 
 
 It is certain that at this time the long quarrels between 
 the municipal body of Toulouse and the members of the 
 College of the ' gaie science ' had commenced, and that 
 prior to 1533 the capitouls had obtained the privilege of 
 being joined with the ' maintainers ' of the College as 
 judges of the poems and awarders of the prizes. It is not 
 improbable that it was on the occasion of the ill-success 
 of Dolet and the unfairness of the judges that de Boyssone 
 composed his biting epigram against ' Les capitouls mar- 
 chands quijugent des fleurs a Tolose.' 
 
 ' Ann. iii. 73. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The Orator. 
 
 ' Nuper ventosa et isthaec enormis loquacitas Athenas ex Asia commigravit, 
 animosque juvenum ad magna surgentes, veluti pestilenti quodam sidere 
 afflavit.' — Petronius. 
 
 I H E students of the 
 University of Toulouse 
 at this time appear 
 to have been no less 
 turbulent and to have 
 given no less trouble 
 to the authorities than 
 those of other Uni- 
 versities both before 
 and since. If we are 
 to believe Rabelais^ 
 the use of the two- 
 handed sword was one of the principal things the scholars 
 of Toulouse learned. There, as elsewhere, the students of 
 the different nations formed societies, which though laud- 
 able enough in their objects, naturally produced disturb- 
 ances between the different ' nations ' ; and we cannot 
 wonder that these associations were not viewed with favour 
 by the Parliament or the Capitouls. The French students 
 — i.e. those from France of the Loire as distinguished 
 from the Aquitains or Gascons — were the first to form 
 
 
 
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 grej^^^-i^jiiii 
 
 m 
 
 
 
 
 
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96 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 themselves into a society, and were soon followed by the 
 Aquitains, and later by the Spaniards and the Germans. 
 Once formed, each chose a patron saint and a day on which 
 to celebrate his fete. In other respects they seem to have 
 imitated what they conceived to be the usages of classical 
 antiquity. At the head of each society was an imperator, 
 who convoked and presided over the assembly, and to 
 whom the protection of the members from all injuries was 
 specially intrusted. The Society assembled in ' comitiis 
 centuriatis,' and the pecuniary contributions or subscriptions 
 were collected and managed by quaestors elected by the 
 suffrages of the members. For the day of the fete the most 
 eloquent of the body was chosen orator, whose especial duty 
 it was to deliver a funeral oration over the recently deceased 
 members, but who also, as it would seem, addressed his 
 audience on the events of the preceding year, so far as 
 they affected the Society or the University^. We can 
 readily understand how the mutual jealousy of the dif- 
 ferent nations would be fomented by these orations, and 
 how they would lead to actual quarrels and fights. There 
 seems to have been a standing feud between the French 
 and the Aquitains or Gascons, the two nations who 
 naturally constituted the majority of the students, and 
 the disorders arising from this feud had induced the Par- 
 liament of Toulouse to issue an edict censuring and pro- 
 bably placing restrictions on these associations ^. 
 
 ' The custom for the students of each nation to choose an orator for the 
 year was not confined to Toulouse, but was common to most Universities. 
 Thus in 15 16 Ulric von Hutten was chosen orator by the students of the Ger- 
 man nation at Bologna. He seems to have thought he had spoken with 
 moderation, but the podesta was of a different opinion, and required him forth- 
 with to leave Bologna. Strauss, Life of Hutten. 
 
 ^ ' Facta a senatu in omneis geueratim sodalitates prsejudicia.' Simon Finet, 
 In Utranque Doleti Orationem, Argumentum, prefixed to the Orationes. But I 
 do not gather from them, as is stated by Nee de la Rochelle (who is here as 
 elsewhere followed by Boulmier), that the Parliament had actually at this time 
 forbidden the existence of the associations. Certainly the French association 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 97 
 
 It was apparently in the course of 1533 that this edict 
 was issued, and, as was to be expected, it caused great 
 indignation among the students, and especially among 
 the French. If, as some writers tell us, it absolutely 
 forbade the existence of the Societies, it was distinctly 
 disobeyed by the French, who, not content with pro- 
 testing against it, continued to observe, as before, all 
 their rules and customs, and selected as their orator a 
 student who, by his abilities and his scholarship, was 
 well fitted to do credit to his nation as its representa- 
 tive, but whose irascible temper, violence, and utter want 
 of discretion, were never more conspicuous than on this 
 occasion. 
 
 Etienne Dolet was the unanimous choice of the French 
 students, and on the 9th of October, i533S he pronounced 
 the harangue which, as M. Boulmier justly remarks, laid 
 the first faggot of the terrible pile on which fourteen years 
 later he was to be consumed. The oration, at least in the 
 form in which, after being revised and corrected, it was 
 published by Dolet two years later, presents little that is 
 worthy of our attention. It is full of vigour and vivacity, 
 written in sonorous and well-rounded Ciceronian sen- 
 tences, showing the utmost contempt for and by no means 
 wanting in abuse of the Parliament and magistrates of 
 Toulouse, stuffed with fine-sounding phrases on the ad- 
 vantages of friendship and of social union, and on the 
 
 continued to exist, and that publicly; and the fact of Dolet being chosen its 
 orator without any disapproval of the authorities implies that the Societies had 
 only been censured and their licence restrained, and not that they had been 
 absolutely forbidden. But after the delivery of Dolefs second Oration the 
 associations were dissolved by a decree of the Parliament. The historians of 
 Toulouse appear to have been unable to find this edict, since, though they refer 
 to it, it is clear that none of them had ever seen it, or was able to state very 
 precisely its import. 
 
 1 M. Boulmier, following as usual Nee de la Rochelle, states it as the 9th of 
 October, 1532 ; but see post, pp. 103 and 169 (notes). Dolet tells us that it, 
 was delivered ■ ante diem septimum Idus Octobris." Orat, du:e, p. 28. 
 
 H 
 
98 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 tyranny and the barbarity of the magistrates who had 
 forbidden the enhghtened and intelligent French students 
 to unite together, and so separate from the barbarians 
 among whom they were thrown. But I find no passage 
 worthy of quotation. As the rhetorical exercise of a young 
 Ciceronian, an ardent student, a good Latin scholar, full 
 of the sentiments and expressions of his master, caring 
 nothing for consequences, reckless who is offended, utterly 
 wanting in judgment, desirous only to display his indigna- 
 tion, and with it his scholarship, it is excellent, but it 
 deals too much in generalities, and is indeed in all respects 
 too much of a rhetorical exercise to detain us. 
 
 The oration appears to have been delivered not merely 
 to the French students, or even to students only, but to 
 a numerous assembly, including many other persons. It 
 excited much irritation among the Toulousans and the 
 Gascons, and was replied to by the orator of the Gascon 
 nation, who, whatever his merits as a scholar, would seem 
 to have displayed in his speech those qualities for which 
 his countrymen have always been celebrated, and to have 
 laid himself open to an easy and victorious reply on the 
 part of Dolet. No part of the oration of Pinache ^^such 
 was the Gascon orator's name — has come down, and all 
 we know of its substance, except from the references to 
 it in Dolet's second oration, in his letters to Amoul le 
 Ferron, and in the correspondence between the latter and 
 Julius Caesar Scaliger, is derived from the contemptuous 
 statement of Simon Finet, ' When the orator (Dolet) had 
 performed his duty, a certain Gascon arose, a grammarian, 
 a popular man, and one held in favour by the students, 
 who that he might use the more impudence, might more 
 
 ' Pinachius. I do not know that his name, except in the Latin fonn, occurs 
 in any contemporary book or document, but Dolet's biographers and critics have 
 agreed in styling him Pinache. La Faille, however, gives Prignac as the name 
 of the Gascon orator. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 99 
 
 petulantly abuse the French, and heap more insults on 
 Dolet, pretended that he had to defend as well the dignity 
 of the Parliament of Toulouse which had been impaired by 
 Dolet, as the cause of the injured Gascons ■^.' 
 
 Besides the attacks of Dolet in his second oration, of 
 which I shall speak presently, Pierre Pinache is the subject 
 of two abusive epigrams of Dolet, and is referred to with 
 much bitterness in his letters to Arnoul le Ferron. Yet 
 Julius Csesar Scaliger speaks of him with great praise, as 
 modest, learned, and eloquent ^ though it is true this was 
 after Scaliger had taken mortal offence at Dolet's dialogue 
 De Imitatione Ciceroniana. He was at all events a man of 
 sufficient wit and scholarship to make a vigorous reply to 
 the French orator, filled with abuse of the latter, charging 
 him with being not only a worshipper of Cicero, but still 
 worse, a Lutheran and a heretic, and calling upon the 
 strong arm of the law to punish him for his censure on the 
 Parliament and the magistrates. It might well be that 
 Dolet should feel bound to answer the charges of his 
 adversary. Yet such a reply as would be suited to the 
 gravity of the situation required preparation. When the 
 second oration was delivered we cannot with certainty 
 decide, except that it was between the 26th of November, 
 1533, and the a6th of January, 1534. (It was not delivered 
 at the date of Dolet's letter to Jacques Bording of the 36th 
 of November, and was delivered before the letter of Arnoul 
 le Ferron of January a6 was written.) It was spoken 
 before a much more numerous assembly than the first 
 including Pinache, Arnoul le Ferron, and probably Jean 
 de Boyssone. It is far more violent, far more indiscreet, 
 and shows far more power and ability than the first. It 
 
 ' Preface to the Orat. du9e in Tholosam. 
 
 "■ Letter to Arnoul le Ferron, Schelhom, Amoenitates Litterariae, viii. 584. I 
 am unable to find any further mention of Pinache. The authors of the Bio- 
 graphie Toulousaine have omitted him from their work, as they have done 
 many persons of more note whose names are connected with the city. 
 
 H 2 
 
lOO ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 is also much longer, occupying fifty pages of the printed 
 edition. 
 
 Commencing with abuse and ridicule of his adversary, 
 whom he calls ' ineptissimus homol ' imbecillus obtrectator' 
 imperitus rudisque declamatory and descending — as was the 
 manner of disputants of that day — even to such personali- 
 ties as Pinache's tremulous and thin voice, sunburnt eyes, 
 and rustic countenance, he proceeds with more reason to 
 complain, that instead of answering his first oration, 
 Pinache had excited the Parliament against him, and 
 instead of attacking his reputation as an orator, had brought 
 his personal safety into jeopardy. ' Would you deny me,' 
 he cries, ' the right of attacking him who wished not only 
 that my reputation should suffer, but that my personal 
 security should be destroyed, who strove not so much to 
 reply to my oration as to excite and inflame the Parlia- 
 ment against me?' He then, after eulogising the Gallic 
 name and race which had been vilified by Pinache, and 
 defending himself from the charge of having attacked 
 Toulouse, — a charge which he suggests his opponent must 
 have been either bribed or drunk to have made, — he con- 
 tinues, ' You have asked concerning me. Who is this that 
 strives to bring into contempt the decrees of the Parlia- 
 ment? Who will admit that he is the author of such an 
 attempt ? With such language you have attacked me. 
 Then having excited yourself still more furiously, you treat 
 me as a traitor to my country, or as guilty of a conspiracy 
 against it, and declare that I ought to be beheaded or 
 thrown headlong from a rock, or tied up in a sack and 
 thrown into the river, or at least, and as the mildest punish- 
 ment, exiled from Toulouse.' 
 
 After defending himself from the charge of being too 
 exclusively devoted to Cicero, he proceeds again to extol 
 the Gallic name and race, and then to answer some of 
 Pinache's personal reproaches, on the subject of his poverty 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 10 1 
 
 and the lowness of his origin ; and he then makes the 
 statement as to his family which I have already quoted ^- 
 
 ' Again,' he continues, ' raging with the desire of vilifying 
 me still more impudently, Pinache flies at me with an 
 extraordinary fury, and attacks me with most violent 
 language. He exclaims that I have learned the art of 
 speaking Latin among the Italians, at the expense of all 
 freedom of expression, and that I can only speak in the 
 manner I have been taught to do. Then he charges me 
 with fickleness, with being a deserter and a fugitive, born 
 in France, educated in Italy, at present sojourning in my 
 native land, but contemplating a speedy return to Italy. 
 He argues that I have become morose and irritable owing 
 to my intimacy from my youth with Simon ViUanovanus. 
 For how, he asks, can one who was educated by that man, 
 who was of all others the most bitter and severe, help 
 scowling at, condemning, and finding fault with everything ? 
 So great, O Pinache, is your desire of evil-speaking, that 
 you cannot content yourself with attacking in a most in- 
 famous manner me, who am living, but are not ashamed 
 to calumniate the dead. But Christopher Longolius himself, 
 by the testimony of his letters, has relieved me from the 
 burden of praising or defending my friend. He there 
 speaks in the highest terms as well of the pleasant dis- 
 position, as of the greatness of the learning of ViUano- 
 vanus 2. I admit that I passed a considerable time in a 
 very close intimacy with him, but so far from being 
 ashamed of having done so I consider it to be greatly to 
 my credit. Whatever success I have attained either in 
 Latin composition or oratory — though I know how slight 
 that is— I freely acknowledge that I must attribute it to 
 
 ' p. 9. 
 
 2 See the letters of Longolius passim, and particularly the twenty-sixth of the 
 third book, already quoted. I confess I do not find anywhere any testimony 
 borne by Longolius to the * suaves mores ' of ViUanovanus. 
 
loa ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 him. I also admit that I have derived from him a certain 
 seriousness and gravity, but I altogether deny that I have 
 become morose owing to my association with him.' 
 
 Then, after saying that, according to Pinache's mode of 
 arguing, Demosthenes, Cicero, Horace, and Juvenal would 
 be considered as scurrilous and morose, and, whilst pro- 
 fessing to answer his adversary, again repeating his attack 
 on the barbarism of Toulouse, he proceeds to a long 
 panegyric on France, the French^, and Francis I, leading 
 up to a violent attack on the Gascons, which is followed by 
 a defence of Orleans from some attacks of Pinache. The 
 orator then proceeds to defend himself from the charge 
 of having in his former oration attacked Toulouse, and 
 whilst professing great affection for the city, and regret 
 that it should be open to censure on account of its bar- 
 barism, he repeats his former attacks, and far exceeds them 
 in violence. 'What is the reputation of Toulouse for 
 culture^, for politeness of manners, for civilisation, the 
 recent sudden departure from the city of the King of 
 France has shown. He came, he saw, he departed. The 
 vulgarity, the rudeness, the barbarism, the fooleries of 
 Toulouse drove from hence the glory of France. It can- 
 not be pretended with any show of truth that the King 
 was suddenly called away by any emergency or pressure 
 of business ^.' 
 
 After more of the same sort we reach * the most inter- 
 esting, indeed the only really interesting passages of the 
 oration, those which aroused against Dolet all the bigots 
 
 ' AH through the oration he distinguishes between the French (Galli) and the 
 Gascons (Vascones or Aquitani). 
 
 ' p. 62. 
 
 ' Francis I. entered Toulouse on the ist of August, 1533, and stayed only 
 seven days. This passage, which seems to have escaped all the biographers of 
 Dolet, clearly shows that this oration was spoken after August i, 1533, and 
 not — as M. Boulmier and the rest have assumed and stated— at the end of 1532 
 or the beginning of 1533. 
 
 * pp. 54-6l- 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 103 
 
 of Toulouse, and gave his enemies a handle they were not 
 slow to take hold of ; those in which he inveighs with true 
 eloquence and force against the ridiculous and childish 
 superstitions which at Toulouse usurped the name of 
 religion, against the bigotry which had committed Jean 
 de Caturce to the flames, which had humiliated and fined 
 Jean de Boyssone, had persecuted Pac and Bunel, and 
 which had aimed a blow, happily unsuccessful, against the 
 Bishop of Rieux himself. 
 
 ' None of you are ignorant that the new doctrines con- 
 cerning the Christian religion which Luther has for some 
 time past been putting forward have caused great heart- 
 burnings, and that they are only approved by certain 
 turbulent and impiously curious persons ; but you also 
 know, when any one shows signs of genius and of an intel- 
 lectual superiority over his fellows, he is forthwith suspected 
 by men of a bigoted and depraved mind, of the Lutheran 
 heresy, and is made to experience all that hatred which 
 this accusation gives rise to. But whenever the Toulosan 
 furies have obtained this handle with which to pour forth 
 their boundless hatred against the learned and the studious, 
 how many men of illustrious reputation for learning or 
 talent have they not striven to destroy! Who has ever 
 known them give their vote for the acquittal of any learned 
 man ? I already seem to hear these calumniators gnashing 
 their teeth at this utterance of mine and wickedly planning 
 my condemnation. I seem to hear them charging even me 
 with being a Lutheran. He who so lately reviled me 
 (Pinache) has, I have no doubt, already determined to be an 
 approver and promoter of this calumny; but in order that he 
 may not even for a moment enjoy that pleasure or hope to 
 see me convicted of so odious a crime, and in order that no 
 suspicion of heresy may cleave to me or be thrown in my 
 teeth, I most earnestly and vehemently declare, and beg 
 you all to believe, that I am not in any way a follower of 
 
104 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 that impious and obstinate sect, that nothing is more 
 distaseful to me than their desire of new doctrines and 
 systems, that there is nothing I more strongly condemn. 
 I am one who honours and reveres only that faith, only 
 those religious rites, which have the sanction of antiquity, 
 which have been handed down to us by a succession of 
 pious and holy men, which have been hallowed by the 
 adhesion of our ancestors. I by no means approve a new 
 and unmeaning religious system. Only those doctrines 
 and practices please me which are truly good and Christian, 
 and these I love with all my heart. 
 
 ' But what is the reason (it must be a bad one) that 
 cruelty is the delight of Toulouse? That this city is so 
 imbued with savage tastes as to take no pleasure in any- 
 thing except what is most removed from, nay most opposed 
 to all semblance of humanity, and which cannot even be 
 reconciled with justice ? You have lately seen one, whose 
 name I forbear to mention, burned to death in this city. 
 His body has been destroyed, but his memory is still being 
 consumed by the raging flames of hatred. He may have 
 spoken at times rashly and presumptuously, at other times 
 intemperately; he may even have acted at one time in such 
 a manner as to deserve the punishment due to heresy. 
 Yet when inclined to repent, ought the way of salvation for 
 both body and soul to have been closed against him ? Do we 
 not all know that any man may err or for a time fall away 
 from the truth, but that only the utterly bad persevere in 
 their errors? When once the clouds that overshadowed 
 his mind had been dissipated, was there no possibility that 
 it might again shine forth with a clear light ? Why, when 
 he was striving to emerge from the depths and whirlpools 
 in which he had been overwhelmed, and to reach some good 
 and safe haven, did not all with one consent help to throw 
 out a cable so as to afford him the possibility of reaching a 
 safe anchorage ? His last words were to appeal from the 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 105 
 
 sentence of the Archbishop and from the decree of the 
 Parliament, and who would deny that such an appeal 
 ought to have been received? Yet his willingness to re- 
 turn from his wanderings into the right path availed him 
 nothing ; nor was any change of opinion — which is usually 
 allowed as a means of retreat for a penitent — able to pre- 
 serve his life from the brutality of his enemies. Toulouse, 
 as usual careless of humanity and culture (of which it never 
 was a partaker), satiated its love of cruelty by wounding 
 and destroying him. It filled its mind and feasted its 
 eyes with his tortures and his death. Preposterously and 
 absurdly puffed up by the pretence that it has acted in 
 accordance with duty, and has vigorously maintained the 
 dignity of our religion, it has really acted with the greatest 
 injustice. It has persecuted so severely and cruelly those 
 who have fallen under suspicion for some trifling error, or 
 who have been altogether falsely charged with the crime 
 of heresy, that they have been impelled by their tortures 
 utterly to deny Christ, instead of being led gently to re- 
 pentance. In short, every one who rightly considers these 
 things will come to the conclusion that at Toulouse more 
 than anywhere law and right keep silence, while violence, 
 hatred, and the denial of justice prevails. And as the city 
 so ridiculously arrogates to itself a very high reputation 
 for sound and faithful belief, and claims and wishes to be 
 considered as the light and ornament of the Christian 
 religion, let us for a moment consider whether there are any 
 just grounds on which this claim can be supported. ... I 
 appeal to your own personal testimony, and I am certain 
 that you will readily agree with me that Toulouse has not 
 yet acquired even the rudiments of Christianity, but is 
 given over to superstitions worthy only of the Turks ; for 
 what else is that ceremony which takes place every year 
 on the feast of St. George, when horses are introduced into 
 the church of St. Estienne, and made to go round it nine 
 
I06 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 times, at the same time that solemn offerings are made 
 with a view of insuring the horses health? What else is 
 that ceremony of throwing a cross on a certain day into 
 the Garonne, as if for propitiating Eridanus or Danubius, 
 Nilus, or even old father Oceanus himself, and inducing the 
 waters of the river to flow in a calm and smooth course 
 without overflowing its banks and so causing an inundation ? 
 What is it but superstition, in the drought of summer and 
 when rain is wanted, to cause the rotten trunks of certain 
 statues to be carried about the streets by boys ? Yet this 
 city, so ill instructed in the faith of Christ, pretends to 
 impose its notions of Christianity upon all men, to regulate 
 all religious matters according to its will, and to insult with 
 the name of heretic every one who follows the commands 
 of Christ with more freedom and according to their spirit, 
 as though he had fallen away from the integrity and sound- 
 ness of the faith.' 
 
 He then proceeds — in a passage which I have already in 
 part quoted — to refer to Jean de Boyssone, Matthieu Pac, 
 Pierre Bunel, and Otho the Italian scholar, and to tell the 
 story of de Pins and the manuscript of Josephus. The 
 remaining fourteen pages of the oration are in the same 
 strain, chiefly passionate invectives against the barbarism, 
 the cruelty, the folly of Toulouse, abuse and ridicule of 
 Pinache and the speaker's other enemies — among whom 
 Maurus is not obscurely hinted at. He reproaches them 
 with their attempts to have him cast into prison, with 
 exciting the Parliament against him, and with carrying a 
 pig inscribed with his name through the city with a view 
 of turning him into ridicule. 
 
 We cannot feel surprised that the delivery of this speech 
 should have caused great indignation at Toulouse, not 
 only in the minds of Pinache and the other enemies of 
 Dolet, but also among the Capitouls and the members of 
 the Parliament. That a young student of law should use 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 107 
 
 such censures, and even abuse, was certain to excite great 
 displeasure, and we can hardly imagine anything more 
 indiscreet and foolish than the reference to the martyrdom 
 of Jean de Caturce and the persecution of Jean de Boyssone. 
 Had Dolet been the most orthodox of Catholics the 
 reference to Caturce could not but have given occasion 
 to charges of heresy, while his reference to the superstitions 
 of the Toulousans and the ridicule he had cast upon their 
 ceremonies caused him not unreasonably to be suspected, 
 if not of sympathy with the opinions of the heretics, at 
 least of dislike to those of the orthodox. But the delivery 
 of the speech seems to have been followed by disturbances 
 and riots among the students, which may not improbably 
 have been occasioned by the oration, and the enemies of 
 Dolet found but little difficulty in bringing against him the 
 charge of heresy, of contempt of the authorities, and of 
 language calculated to produce a breach of the peace. Yet 
 his biographers have assumed that his first imprisonment 
 followed more closely upon the delivery of his second 
 oration than was actually the fact. I have before stated 
 that though I have been unable to ascertain precisely the 
 date of the delivery of the second oration, it certainly must 
 have been some time before the 27th of January 1534; since 
 shortly before that day Arnoul le Ferron wrote to him 
 complaining of the violence of the second oration, and it 
 was not until the a^th of March in the same year that he 
 was thrown into prison. 
 
 During this interval there can be no doubt that his 
 enemies were using all their exertion to have him im- 
 prisoned and punished, and to excite against him the 
 displeasure of the members of the Parliament as well as the 
 hatred of the fanatical citizens. Four persons appear to 
 have made themselves conspicuous by their attacks. Pierre 
 Pinache may be pardoned for feeling sore under the lash of 
 his adversary's speech, and had he done no more than pour 
 
Io8 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 his griefs into the sympathetic bosom of the great Julius 
 Caesar Scahger, or even use language to the public as 
 strong and as abusive as that of Dolet, he might easily have 
 been forgiven, but it would seem that, feeling his own 
 powers and scholarship to be insufficient to cope with the 
 vigour and learning of his adversary, he was especially 
 urgent upon the Parliament to imprison or exile Dolet. 
 
 But the young student had made other and more power- 
 ful enemies than Pinache. His pen had covered with 
 merciless but just ridicule the most important personage 
 of Toulouse after the First President of the Parliament, and 
 his verses, though only in manuscript, had been handed 
 about, and had reached the ears if not the eyes of the vain 
 and foolish dignitary against whom they were written. 
 
 After the union of the County of Toulouse with the 
 French crown, the great powers of the Seneschal fell 
 gradually into the hands of his Lieutenant-General, who, 
 until the establishment of the Parliament, was the most 
 important person in the whole of Languedoc. No longer 
 appointed by the Seneschal — whose office soon became 
 merely honorary — but directly by the Crown, often styled 
 the King's Lieutenant-General in Languedoc, he was the 
 chief not only of the civil and criminal judicature of the 
 province, but of the civil government. His administrative 
 equalled his judicial functions in importance, and gave him 
 a position which, until the institution of the Parliament, 
 was both higher in rank and in actual power than that 
 which the First President afterwards held. The final and 
 permanent establishment of the Parliament in 1444 gave a 
 blow to the importance and influence of the Lieutenants of 
 the Seneschalty from which they never recovered, yet the 
 office continued for more than a century to be of great im- 
 portance. The Lieutenant still had the right to sit in 
 person as judge of first instance in numerous cases, and the 
 appeal from his judgments, as well as from numerous other 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 109 
 
 courts, lay not directly to the Parliament, but to his own 
 official or deputy, ^q juge-mage ox jiige des appeaux, who at 
 this time exercised both a primary and an appellate juris- 
 diction. The Lieutenant-General still, as the King's Lieu- 
 tenant, exercised in Toulouse all such of the administrative 
 functions as the Capitouls were not entitled to exercise. At 
 the inaugural session of the Parliament of Toulouse on the 
 14th of June, 1444, Tanneguy du Chatel, Lieutenant of the 
 Seneschalty, sat on the right of the First President and 
 before the Archbishop of Toulouse ; and though this pre- 
 cedence was soon lost, yet at the time of which I am 
 speaking the Lieutenant seems to have been entitled to 
 sit in the Parliament among the Presidents d, mortier. But 
 he had retained up to this time, though he was soon to lose, 
 what gave him in the eyes of the populace a far higher 
 position than that of the Parliament or its Presidents, the 
 possession, jointly with the Viguier and to the exclusion of 
 the Parliament, of the ancient Palais de Justice, then known 
 as the Chateau Narbonnais or the Palais Royal. The 
 Parliament struggled for one hundred and ten years after 
 its foundation to gain a footing in the Chateau, but in vain. 
 It had to be satisfied with such temporary accommodation 
 as it could from time to time obtain. The Lieutenant of 
 the Seneschalty absolutely refused it admission into the 
 Palais. At length in 1555, on the creation of the Chamber 
 of Enqu^tes, the royal commands forced the Lieutenant to 
 yield and to allow the joint use of the Palais to the Parlia- 
 ment. From this time his importance rapidly declined. 
 The joint occupation continued for a century, after which 
 the Lieutenant of the Seneschalty of Toulouse disappears 
 from history '. 
 
 ' See, as to the Lieutenants of the Seneschalty and their powers, Les Parle- 
 ments de France, Essai Historique sur leur usages, leur organization, et leur 
 autorite, par le Vicomte de Bastard D'Estang, Paris 1857, 2 vols. 8°. This 
 work, though nominally on the French Parliaments generally, is almost wholly 
 
no ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 In 1533 however, the Lieutenant-General of the Sene- 
 schalty was still a considerable personage, and no one of 
 these dignitaries was more tenacious of his position, or more 
 determined to uphold it against the Parliament and to 
 retain possession of the Palais de Justice, than Gratien du 
 Pont, Sieur de Drusac, who now held the office. Unfor- 
 tunately no one could be less fitted for its duties or more 
 likely to bring it into discredit by his folly and vanity. 
 The Sieur de Drusac's great ambition was to shine, neither 
 as an administrator nor as a judge, but as a poet. If we 
 give him that appellation, we must qualify it by saying he 
 was one of those indifferent poets whom neither gods, men, 
 nor columns endure. Embittered against the fair sex, as it 
 would seem owing to the ill-success of his love affairs (we 
 learn from one of Dolet's odes that he had obtained a 
 divorce from his wife) and to the ridicule of the ladies of 
 Toulouse, he endeavoured to avenge himself by a bitter 
 diatribe in verse against his persecutors, which he published 
 under the title of ' Controverses des sexes masculin et fe- 
 minin.' Conceived in the worst possible taste, and written in 
 the worst possible style, such of the French critics as have 
 noticed it have placed it at the nadir even of the mass 
 of bad poetry which, though with some brilliant exceptions, 
 was produced in the sixteenth century. Yet the author 
 flattered himself that he had composed a treatise which 
 would be a model of style and of every kind of verse to 
 the youth who should desire to learn to compose poetry or 
 to study rhetoric, and which should at the same time be of 
 the greatest moral benefit by displaying wicked women in 
 their true colours, and pointing out the snares which they 
 set for the unwary. The author supposes himself sitting in 
 
 devoted to the Parliament of Toulouse. It is a book of considerable interest, 
 containing much information which would be sought in vain elsewhere. Its main 
 object however seems to be to laud the family of Bastard, many members of 
 which filled high offices connected with this Parliament. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. HI 
 
 a wood, when 'sexe masculin' appears before him, complains 
 of ' sexe feminin,' and entreats him to take up the defence 
 of the outraged and oppressed male sex. He at first 
 hesitates, but at length consents ; and then follows a series 
 of tedious harangues, in which, after commencing by the 
 statement that women were not made in the image of God 
 but in that of the devil, he proceeds to heap together all 
 the ill that he could find said of women by any author, 
 sacred or profane, and to narrate all the stories of wicked 
 women to be found in Scripture, in history, in prose fiction, 
 and in poetry. Mixed up with all this is every kind of 
 verse and rhyme, and all the tedious and pedantic trivialities 
 of which the old French arts of poetry are so full. ' If such 
 puerilities,' justly remarks the Abb6 Goujet (Bibl. Franc, 
 vol. xi. p. 187), 'joined to the barbarous style of the 
 author disgust the reader, the book becomes still more 
 unsupportable by the excess of his satire and by the in- 
 decent portraits which he draws ; ' and which, it may be 
 added, have neither wit nor ingenuity to recommend them. 
 Satisfied that posterity will interest itself greatly in the 
 book and its author, the latter is careful to tell us the day 
 on which he himself completes his work, — 
 
 ' L'an mil-cinq cens trente et sixieme 
 Du mois de may le jour vingt-et-cinquiesme.' 
 
 Yet we have an earlier, though not complete, edition 
 printed by Colomies at Toulouse in 1535, though dated 
 1534 ^ which is the earliest at present known. It is how- 
 ever clear from this edition that the first book had been 
 composed for some years, and it is evident from the letters 
 and poems of Dolet that it had been in circulation for 
 some time when he left Toulouse in the summer of 1534. 
 It is certainly possible that it may have been circulated in 
 manuscript, as was not infrequent at that day. Yet I 
 
 • The date Jan. 30, 1534, would be Jan. 30, 1535, new style. 
 
1X3 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Strongly incline to think that an edition of the first book 
 was printed in or before 1533, and that a copy may possibly 
 yet be found'. 
 
 ' It was reprinted at Toulouse in 1536, again at Paris in 1537, 1538, -540 
 and 1541. To the editions of and subsequent to 1536 is added the proceedings 
 of tlie trial before Dame Reason of the complaint of the masculine sex. It is 
 entitled, ' Requeste du sexe masculin contre le sexe feniinin .... Baillee a 
 Dame raison. Ensemble le plaidoye de partis Et arrest intervenue.' It is need- 
 less to say the decree is in favour of the ' sexe masculin.' Besides the ' Contro- 
 verses,' Drusac was the author of ' Art et Science Rhetoricque metrilBce,' 
 Tholose, Vielland, 1539, which, like all the editions of the Controverses, is 
 extremely rare. For Drusac and his works see Gonjet, Bibl. Franc, xi. pp. 184- 
 193 ; Biographic Toulousaine, 188 (this article is by M. Lamothe-Langon) ; La 
 Croix du Maine (who erroneously calls him Gabriel Dupont), and a note of the 
 President Bouhiers in the edition of La Croix du Maine given by Rigolet de 
 Juvigny, vol. i. 353. By far the best notice is that of Goujet, but in his last 
 paragraph he has been led into an error, which I have not seen anywhere 
 corrected or even noticed : ' Je trouve aussi citees (Catalog, de Barre, p. 445) 
 d'autres Co?ilroverses des sexes masculin et feminin par Franfois Chevallier im^ 
 primees en 1536 in 16". Mais j'ignore le but et la methode de cet ouvrage. La 
 Croix du Maine et Du Verdier ne parlent point de cet auteur et je ne le connois 
 que par la citation de son livre et par un rondeau qu'il a fait a la loiiange des 
 controverses de Gratien Du Pont, qu'on lit a la tete de ce dernier ouvrage dans 
 le titre duquel Franyois Chevallier est dit naiifde Bourdeaulx et qualifie Collegie 
 du College de Foix a Tholose.^ The book which is erroneously cited as by 
 Francois Chevallier is no other than the edition of Drusac's own book printed 
 at Toulouse in 1536, in which the rondeau of Chevallier addressed to Drusac 
 will be found. In 1564 the ' Controverses' were formally answered by Francois 
 Arnault, Seigneur de la Borie, in his Ante Drusac, ou Livret contre Drusac faicte 
 a I'honneur des femmes nobles bonnes et honnestes, Tholose, Colomies. This book 
 is erroneously attributed by M. Lamothe-Langon, who quotes Du Verdier as his 
 authority, to another Drusac. Nothing of the kind is however to be found in 
 Du Verdier, who gives as the author Franyois la Borie de Valois, Docteur es 
 droits natif de Cahors (Valois, according to La Monnoye, is a mistake for Valons, 
 a bourg of Vivarais) Francois la Borie was, according to Goujet, the author of 
 Antiquites de Perigord, and the translator of a treatise of Maldonat on Angels 
 and Demons, and was Canon of Perigueux, Dean of Carenac, Prior of Lurcy, 
 Grand Archdeacon of St. Andrew of Bordeaux, and Chancellor of the University 
 of that city. He was also the author of a Latin treatise, 'Ante atheon per rationes 
 aliquot congestim physicas quibus athei tanquam suis baculis seu telis icti refel- 
 luntur Deum unum esse tetemum omnipotentem plenissimum misericordije et 
 bonitatis infinitse nostrique soUicitum,' ToIosee, Guidone Boudevilles, 1561. (Du 
 Verdier, Supplement to Gesner.) In the notice of Gratien du Pont in the 
 Nouvelle Biographic Generale (almost wholly taken from Goujet), after the 
 statement that his book was refuted by Arnault de la Borie, we are referred to 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Dolet had undertaken the defence of the fair sex against 
 its detractor, and had thereby acquired some favour with 
 the ladies of Toulouse, but the merciless ridicule which 
 he poured upon both the man and his book accounts for, 
 if it does not justify, the bitter hostility of the Lieutenant- 
 General of the Seneschalty. Six odes of Dolet are directed 
 in Drusacum vulgarem poetam Tholosanum qui libmin in 
 fceminas scripsit.' In one of his odes Dolet says that 
 Drusac's book would be most useful to the grocers to wrap 
 up pepper and such condiments in, and suggests other 
 still more humiliating purposes for which it could be use- 
 fully employed ; while in another ode, printed with the 
 orations and written by a friend of Dolet whose name 
 is not given, Dolet is charged with a too flattering par- 
 tiality to Drusac in suggesting that any use could be made 
 of such rubbish, and the writer explains with considerable 
 humour, but in language which will hardly bear translation 
 into a modern tongue, why the book of the unfortunate 
 Lieutenant of the Seneschalty was unsuited even to the 
 humiliating purposes to which Dolet had assigned it. The 
 authorship of this ode has hitherto remained unknown, 
 and if there are any of my readers who have already made 
 acquaintance with Jean de Boyssone in the pages of 
 M. Guibal, they will perhaps learn with some little sur- 
 prise that, as appears from the Toulouse manuscript, the 
 author of the humourous, though certainly coarse and 
 Rabelaisian ode which I give in the note, is the grave, 
 religious, and studiously moderate, de Boyssone'. 
 
 the article ' La Bone ; ' but, as in so many similar cases in this book, no such 
 article is to be found, nor have I been able to find anywhere any biographical 
 notice of Franjois Arnault de la Borie. 
 
 1 ' Tergendis natibus tuum libellum 
 
 Aptum dixerat optimus poeta 
 
 Blanditus tibi credo tunc poeta. 
 
 Nam nuUus natibus suis Drusace 
 
 Dignum judicat hunc tuum libellum 
 
 Insulsum, lacerum, asperum, protervum, 
 
 I 
 
114 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Of the Juge-mage Guillaume Dampmartin we know 
 nothing, except that, as was natural in the official of the 
 Lieutenant-General, he allied himself with his chief. It 
 was he who shortly afterwards committed Dolet to prison, 
 and to his influence and that of Drusac the final ex- 
 pulsion of Dolet from Toulouse was due ^- 
 
 But besides these two high officials, Dolet had excited 
 the hatred of a certain Maur or Maurus, a grammarian and 
 schoolmaster. Among the poems of Dolet, of Jean Voultd, 
 and of Hubert Sussanneau, are to be found numerous biting 
 epigrams on this man, described as a grammarian and 
 pedagogue, and referred to by the two former as a bitter 
 enemy of Dolet. He appears to have been a man of 
 some learning, at this time a schoolmaster at Toulouse, 
 extremely hostile to the new learning and to the new 
 opinions which were then coming into vogue. An old 
 man with a young wife, it is easy to see what an oppor- 
 tunity he affijrded to the epigrammatists. His name will be 
 sought for in vain in the biographical collections, but after 
 much labour and research, which has perhaps been wasted 
 on so insignificant and worthless a person, I have clearly 
 identified him with one Jean Maur of Constance {Joannes 
 Maurus Constantianus), called by Duverdier, Jean le More 
 de Constance, who printed at the little town of La Reole 
 in 1517 a short grammatical vocabulary, which escaped 
 the researches of Panzer and Kloss, but is mentioned in 
 the last edition of Brunet. From La Reole he seems 
 to have gone to Montauban, where he translated into 
 French and Basque the treatise of Grapaldo, De Parti- 
 
 Incultum, rigidum, parum pudicum 
 Et duris salebris ineptiorem ; 
 Atque ipsis natibus magis lutosum : 
 Quare tergere podicem volentem, 
 Chartas ut fugiat tuas monemus, 
 Ni vult surgere foediore culo.' 
 ' Dampmartin succeeded Drusac in the office of Lieutenant of the Sene- 
 schalty (Du Mege, Instit. de Toulouse, ii. p. 267). 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 1 15 
 
 bus ^dium, printed, but without date, at Montauban by- 
 Jean Gilbert. In 1530 we find him at Toulouse, where 
 he published an edition and commentary on the distiches 
 of Fausto Andrelini, from the dedication of which, ad- 
 dressed ' Mathurino Almandino Angeliaco,' it would seem 
 he had not long left Montauban. This commentary was 
 frequently reprinted between 1530 and 1540 both at Lyons 
 and Paris, and is the only one of Jean Maur's works with 
 which I am personally acquainted. The distiches of An- 
 drelini, like the rest of his poems, are poor and common- 
 place, and deserve attention neither from the style nor 
 matter. ' They want but one thing,' said Erasmus ; ' that 
 which is called vov% in Greek, mens in Latin.' Yet they 
 acquired that popularity which in all times seems to be 
 easily obtained by so-called proverbial philosophy, however 
 foolish or commonplace, when delivered in measured and 
 stilted phrases. A biographer of Fausto Andrelini * de- 
 scribes him as ' a mere word-monger, poor in thought, cold 
 in poetical feeling and fancy, and selfishly malignant in 
 character ;' a description which is precisely applicable to his 
 commentator. In stilted and pompous language — hardly 
 a line of which is not disfigured by some barbarous 
 medizeval pentasyllable unknown even to the worst writers 
 of the iron age of Latin literature — Maurus amplifies and 
 elaborates the commonplaces of his author, finding a recon- 
 dite meaning in each sentence and word, much after the 
 same fashion of worthless and dreary verbosity with which 
 preachers and commentators have endeavoured to elaborate 
 theological systems out of the most ordinary and simple 
 texts of Holy Scripture. Only when Andrelini speaks of 
 old age does his commentator (a bachelor far past middle 
 age but contemplating matrimony) wax enthusiastic and 
 natural. On the verse of Andrelini, ' Disticha composui 
 
 1 Professor Spalding, in the Biog. Diet of the Society for Promoting Useful 
 Knowledge. 
 
 I 3 
 
il6 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 matura digna senecta,' the old pedagogue enthusiastically 
 remarks, ' Matura, id est senili et sapienti ; maturum enim 
 est quod sole jam coctum perfecte temperatum est. Unde 
 per translationem maturus homo dicitur qui omnino aetate 
 perfectus est, quo tempore maxime sapiens habendus. 
 Unde matura aetas : id est, senilis et perfecta ac sapiens.' 
 
 But if the enemies of Dolet were active and virulent, 
 he had acquired and still retained, notwithstanding the 
 intemperate character of his speech, and probably from a 
 secret sympathy for the opinions of which he professed 
 himself, if not the defender, at least the apologist, the 
 esteem of all the friends of learning and progress at Tou- 
 louse. In the volume which contains the two orations are 
 to be found three books of epistles which passed between 
 Dolet and his friends. All these appear to have been 
 written between the latter end of the year 1532 and the 
 month of August 1 534, when he had arrived at Lyons, and 
 several of them, and those the most interesting, were written 
 in the interval between his second oration and his first 
 imprisonment. Of two of his correspondents, Jean de Pins 
 and Jean de Boyssone, I have already spoken, and their 
 letters raise very much our opinion of Dolet. With a third 
 correspondent however he interchanged several letters 
 which especially illustrate this interval. 
 
 Among those contemporaries who upon Dolet's arrival 
 at Toulouse were students of law at t|?e University, there 
 was no one who achieved more success in the schools, 
 or who gave greater promise of eminence as a jurist, than 
 Arnoul le Ferron. Born in 1515, and thus five years 
 younger than Dolet, he had at the time of the delivery 
 of the orations nearly completed his course of law, and, 
 though only eighteen years of age, was already prepar- 
 ing, as it would seem with the sanction of the authorities, 
 a course of lectures. His father, Jean le Ferron, an Italian 
 by birth, had achieved a high reputation as a lawyer at 
 
ETIENNE DULET. 1 17 
 
 Verona, and was brought from that city by the Cardinal 
 de Bourbon, who obtained for him the appointment of 
 Councillor to the Parliament of Bordeaux ^ His young 
 son Arnoul accompanied him to France (or was born 
 shortly after his arrival). In 1536, when only just twenty- 
 one years of age, Arnoul was appointed by Cardinal Du 
 Prat a Councillor of the Parliament of Bordeaux in suc- 
 cession to his father. The age required for the office to 
 which he was appointed was twenty-five, but he had 
 already given such proofs of his ability that his future 
 colleagues, the President and councillors of the Parliament, 
 made themselves responsible to the Cardinal for his capacity 
 for the office notwithstanding his youth, and letters of 
 dispensation were accorded him ^. The expectation of his 
 colleagues was completely justified. His appointment was 
 inaugurated by his great work on the customs of Bordeaux, 
 which at once gave him a high reputation, and long con- 
 tinued to be the standard authority on the subject. ' His 
 Commentaries on the laws of his native province/ says 
 de Thou, ' are worthy of a good citizen and an excellent 
 jurisconsult.' For the remaining twenty-seven years of 
 his life he continued one of the chief ornaments of the 
 Parliament of Bordeaux, though he never received any 
 promotion, but remained to his death a simple councillor. 
 Though his genius and literary merits pale by the side of 
 his illustrious colleagues La Boetie and Montaigne, yet he 
 alone among the members of the Parliament of Bordeaux 
 in the sixteenth century achieved any fame as a jurist. 
 But it was not only in this capacity that he obtained a 
 
 ' Boscheron des Portes, Hist, du Pailement de Bordeaux (Bordeaux, 1878), 
 vol. i. 117. According to this writer Arnoul was bom at Verona, but all other 
 authorities make him a native of Bordeaux. 
 
 ^ The same thing occurred a few years later in the case of a still more 
 eminent man. When Etienne de la Boetie was appointed a Councillor of the 
 Parliament of Bordeaux in 1553 he required letters of dispensation on account 
 of his youth (he was then twenty-threej before he could be admitted. Id. i. 119. 
 
Il8 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 high and deserved reputation, as a judge he was distin- 
 guished by his integrity, his impartiaHty, and his love of 
 justice ; and though in deaHng with matters of heresy, 
 and with the charges made against men of letters in refer- 
 ence to their opinions, he ever showed himself on the 
 side of toleration and of mercy, he never permitted his 
 personal affections or his personal sympathy to outweigh 
 the claims of justice or of right. There was no one 
 with whom he was on terms of greater intimacy, nor 
 whom he regarded with greater admiration, than Julius 
 Caesar Scaliger, It may have been as a native (or 
 the son of a native) of Verona that he first excited 
 the interest of the descendant of Can Grande. And it 
 is not unlikely that between Scaliger and Jean le Ferron 
 there would have been an early acquaintance. Before 
 Arnoul was twenty-one years of age he had become the 
 Atticus of the Cicero of Agen, and the letters of Scaliger 
 written to his young friend, some of them as early as 1535, 
 show that the great scholar treated him as in every respect 
 his equal, and, so far as internal evidence goes, they would 
 make the reader think they were written to a man of great 
 learning, eminent position, and mature age. In 1538 Sca- 
 liger was charged with heresy : he had selected as the tutor 
 of his son, Phihbert Sarrazin a notorious heretic ; heretical 
 books were found in his possession, and he was further 
 accused of having said that Lent was neither an institution 
 of Christ nor of the Apostles, that transubstajitiation was 
 only made an article of faith by the Council of Lateran, 
 and of having eaten flesh on a fast day. The Inquisitor 
 General received a special commission from the king to 
 enquire into cases of heresy at Agen, but fortunately for 
 Scaliger, his case was withdrawn from the Inquisitor, and 
 three councillors of the Parliament of Bordeaux were 
 specially appointed by the king to enquire into the charges 
 against him. As yet the king loved literature and learned 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 119 
 
 men, and the selection as the judges of the charge of 
 heresy against Scallger, of Brland de Vallee, the friend of 
 Rabelais, Geoffroy de Chassaigne, the most popular of the 
 councillors and an accomplished Latin poet, and Arnoul le 
 Ferron, the intimate friend and correspondent of Scaliger, 
 did not indicate a desire to press hardly upon the accused. 
 With such judges the result could hardly be doubtful, and 
 Scaliger was soon set at liberty ^ But some years later, in 
 a lawsuit before the Parliament to which Scaliger was 
 a party, Le Ferron, notwithstanding the urgent pressure of 
 his friend, refused to place the claims of friendship before 
 those of justice or to allow his judgment to be warped by 
 his affections, and a decision adverse to Scaliger was pro- 
 nounced, which drew down upon the judge two or three 
 violent and offensive letters. But it was not only as a 
 jurist and a judge that Le Ferron acquired a high repu- 
 tation. In literature he attained eminence as a historian 
 and as a scholar. His continuation of the History of Paulus 
 .(Emilius, first printed by Vascovan in 1550, was in its day 
 a signal success ^. Yet though it was frequently reprinted, 
 and translated into French in its author's lifetime, it is 
 a book which is not often referred to, still less read, and 
 seems indeed to be but of slender merit. According to 
 La Monnoye^ 'Ferron's History is filled with unreasonable 
 
 ' De Beze, Hist. Ecclesiastique, book i, and Gaullieur, Hist, dn College de 
 Guyenne, 157. 
 
 * Moreri tells us (and it has often since been repeated) that the reputation of 
 this and his other works gained for him the name of Atticus. But this is 
 incorrect ; the name of Atticus was given to him by J. C. Scaliger, as we have 
 seen, as early as 1535, before he had published anything, and when he was only 
 twenty years of age. See Scaliger's letters given by Schelhorn in the seventh 
 volmne of his Amoenitates Literarise, pp. =51-618. The following verses of 
 Scaliger explain why he gave the name of Atticus to his young friend : — 
 ' Ferronus ille propter eloquentiam 
 Puram, suavem, candidam, scitam, gravem. 
 Quern ego vocavi jure primus Atticum.' 
 
 < Note to Duverdier, vol. i. p. 155 (edition of Rigolet de Juvigny). 
 
I20 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 digressions and wearisome harangues, and causes immense 
 trouble to the reader by the extraordinary and absurd 
 manner in which he writes many names both of persons 
 and places, which render them difficult to identify, and 
 which are not always correctly explained by his translator 
 Jean Regnard ^' On the other hand, Le Gendre^ judges 
 him more favourably, and says, ' If the continuer has not 
 written with as much elegance as the historian (Paulus 
 ^milius) whom he continues, at least he is more exact 
 and very much better informed. His History is full without 
 being too long, and contains many interesting anecdotes 
 and curious details.' J. C. Scaliger, whose judgments on 
 the works of his contemporaries usually reflected his love 
 or hatred of their persons, and who in many of his letters 
 had lauded le Ferron up to the skies, having been defeated 
 in his lawsuit about the time of the appearance of the first 
 edition of the work, at the end of one of his angry letters 
 thus speaks of the Historiae : — ' Ineptae sunt, pueriles sunt, 
 semibarbara; sunt, ineruditae sunt^.' Le Ferron merely 
 burst out laughing on reading this letter, and Scaliger soon 
 afterwards changed his tone into one of greater modera- 
 tion. Arnoul le Ferron was also an accomplished Greek 
 scholar, itself a distinction at a time when on this side 
 the Alps a knowledge of Greek was rare. He translated 
 into Latin several tracts of Plutarch, and also the book 
 attributed to Aristotle against Xenophanes, Zeno, and 
 Gorgias, which he (Le Ferron) appended to an edition 
 which he published of a tract of Bessarion in defence of 
 Xenophanes and an essay by himself. Pro Aristoteli ad- 
 versus Bessarionem. He died in 1563, when only forty- 
 eight years of age, to the grief of all who loved letters 
 
 ' This is a not uncommon fault in the Latin writers of the fifteenth and 
 sixteenth centuries. 
 ^ Hist. France, i. 1 2. 
 ^ J. C. Scaligeri Epistolte, Hanovise, 1613, p. 178. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 121 
 
 or who rejoiced to see the judicial bench filled by men 
 of learning and probity. 
 
 In the edition of his Comnientarii consuetudinum Bur- 
 degalensium, published in 1565 shortly after his death, we 
 find no less than forty-four pieces of verse in his honour, 
 including one by Jean de Boyssone^ 
 
 Though only in his nineteenth year he was already 
 preparing a course of lectures on some branch of law, not 
 improbably on the customary law of Guyenne. He had 
 for some time been on terms of intimacy with Dolet, and 
 had been deeply and favourably impressed with the 
 abilities and learning of the latter. Though, according to 
 M. Boscheron des Fortes, a native of Verona, he had all 
 his affections in Aquitaine, which he considered and spoke 
 of as his native province. Accordingly Dolet's fierce 
 attack on Aquitaine and the Gascons could not fail to 
 be most distasteful to him, and we need no better proof 
 
 ' For Arnoul le Ferron see Taisand, Vies des plus celebies Jurisconsultes, 
 Paris, 1737 (a useful book, and very difficult to meet with. No copy is in the 
 British Museum) ; Teissier, Eloges des Hommes Savans, Leyden, 1 7 1 5, vol. ii. 
 p. 106; Epistolse J. C. Scaligeri; Sainte Marthe, Elogia; Moreri, Le Grand Diet. 
 Hist. ; L. de Lamothe, Notes pour servir a la Biographie des Homnes utiles ou 
 celebres de la ville de Bordeaux, Paris, 1863 ; Boscheron des Portes, Hist, du 
 Parlement de Bordeaux, 1878. [A most disappointing work. In the prospectus 
 which invited subscriptions a biographical notice of Arnoul le Ferron and of 
 many other eminent members of the Parliament of Bordeaux were promised, 
 but the notice of Arnoul le Ferron (as well as of the rest) is most meagre and 
 unsatisfactory ; the only fact of interest is the statement that Arnoul le Ferron 
 was bom at Verona. The book is written without method, and contains none 
 of the details as to the constitution and authority of the Parliament which we 
 naturally look for in such a book, and which are most important to enable us to 
 understand the legal procedure.] Duverdier (Bibliotheque Fran9aise) confounds 
 Arnoul ie Ferron with Arnoul du Ferrier, a more celebrated contemporary, at 
 this time or shortly afterwards a professor of law in the University of Toulouse, 
 and subsequently President of the Court of Requests in the Parliament of Paris, 
 and attributes to Le Ferron the very scarce French translation of Athenagoras of 
 Du Ferrier, and which was printed at Bordeaux by Simon Millanges in 1577. 
 Paul Freher in the notice of Doneau (Donellus) in his Theatium virorum erudi- 
 tione clarorum (Nuremberg, 1688), p. 294, with the same confusion names 
 Amoul du Ferron instead of Arnoul du Ferrier as the professor of law at 
 Toulouse under whom Doneau studied. 
 
142 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 of his admiration and regard for his friend, than the fact 
 that this attack did not alienate his mind from Dolet, but 
 was only made a subject of a friendly and temperate re- 
 monstrance. Between the delivery of the second oration 
 of Dolet and his arrest six long letters passed between the 
 two young men ; interesting as showing their mutual 
 regard and affection, and also as letting us see what was 
 thought and said at Toulouse on the subject of the dis- 
 pute between Dolet and Pinache. 
 
 From these letters I now proceed to give some extracts, 
 omitting the compliments, the excuses, and the self-de- 
 preciation which make so large a part of all the Latin 
 correspondence of the Ciceronians of the Renaissance, and 
 also omitting the greater part of Le Ferron's strictures 
 on Dolet's oration for its attack upon the Gascons, and 
 Dolet's elaborate defence of himself and, under colour of 
 defence, repetition of the attack. The correspondence 
 commences with a letter of Le Ferron written shortly 
 before Jan. 37, 1534. 
 
 Arnoul le Ferron to Etienne Dolet. 
 
 ' I am on terms of great intimacy with Julius Caesar Sca- 
 liger, a most accomplished man and devoted to all kinds of 
 liberal culture. We have so many grounds of friendship that 
 you would hardly find any persons more intimate than we 
 are. In reply to a letter in which I made mention of 
 your singular erudition, eloquence and culture, he wrote 
 most pleasantly and gracefully that he had as great an 
 esteem for you as I had, and that he had already heard 
 of your eloquence ; and although he is a man exceedingly 
 averse to ingratiating himself with others, he specially 
 desired me to salute you in his name. I do this most 
 gladly, as well on account of the message itself, as in 
 order to perform that duty to him which he imposed 
 on me in his letter. I think you will highly esteem his 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 133 
 
 learning, for he is of the number of our Ciceronians, and 
 well known to the learned from the oration which he has 
 published in defence of M. Tullius against Erasmus of 
 Rotterdam. At the same time the message is very agree- 
 able to me, since it furnished me with an excuse for writing 
 to you. For, my Dolet, I could bring many witnesses, and 
 those of high repute, to prove how great account I make 
 and always have made of you. But I am greatly sur- 
 prised that in the oration you lately delivered against 
 Pinache you should have attacked our Aquitaine. For, 
 so far as I know, the province has never injured you. 
 But you say " I have been provoked by Pinache." You 
 might have answered the man without attacking the pro- 
 vince. You best know what was the motive of your un- 
 dertaking, and I certainly will not believe that you would 
 have descended to these attacks unless you had been 
 urged and provoked to them. Pinache is said to have no 
 intention of replying to your oration, so that he who is 
 the cause of all this danger and flame now gives no aid 
 in extinguishing it. I wish that before engaging in the 
 conflict he had properly calculated his strength, and con- 
 sidered whether he is able by his own force to silence you 
 when provoked and resisting. Of this tragedy I am a 
 spectator, though I must say a somewhat unwilling one. 
 For I fear, my Dolet, lest hurried by your feelings you 
 know not whither, and indulging in great heat and excite- 
 ment, you may be actually consumed by your anger, whilst 
 he, either wounded or conquered, may attempt some injury 
 to you, and may even prepare snares against your life. 
 Farewell.' 
 
 Etienne Dolet to Arnoul le Ferron. 
 
 ' That you should take the trouble of writing to me is, in 
 the first place, agreeable to me, and I am greatly pleased 
 by your extreme good-will. That Julius Csesar Scaliger 
 
124 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 has by your means become friendly to me is something for 
 which I confess I am greatly indebted to you, and if I do 
 not immediately requite so great kindness I shall yet strive 
 by my thanks to imitate your friendly disposition. I beg 
 you to be persuaded of this, that you have conferred a 
 favour on one who will remember it, and to understand 
 that I shall spare no pains if there is anything you wish 
 for in which I can be of service to you 
 
 ' Of my good-will to Cffisar Scaliger in return for his to 
 me I shall not write you at length ; this only I ask of you, 
 first to bear in mind yourself, then to strive to persuade 
 Scaliger that there is no one for whom I have a greater 
 regard or a higher opinion. You will salute him from 
 me, and will without hesitation offer him my services. 
 
 'From Toulouse, Jan. 27.' 
 
 Arnoul le Ferron to Etienne Dolet. 
 
 'I received your letter of the 27th of January from your 
 servant, who found me troubled with a disorder of the 
 bowels, and on this account wearied and lying down in 
 retirement. But your letter so gratified me that it both 
 allayed the disease under which I was labouring and filled 
 my mind with a great amount of pleasure 
 
 'You must not think it was I who praised your excel- 
 lence to Caesar Scaliger. I have indeed praised it to dear 
 friends of mine at Bordeaux, many of them members of 
 the Parliament, whose friendship I enjoy through my 
 father, who is a councillor of that body. So that if your 
 plans should ever admit of a journey to Bordeaux, you 
 will know that there are some there who are well disposed 
 towards you. I wonder greatly why you so long delay to 
 give to the world a specimen of your rich erudition 
 
 ' I now come to that part of your letter in which you 
 deny that you have attacked our Aquitaine. . . . You were 
 vexed that your native Gaul was insulted by Pinache, and, 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 125 
 
 that it might not be done with impunity, you attacked 
 Aquitaine, and retaHated upon it his insults. What is 
 the meaning of all those repetitions of the word '-Gascons" 
 in your speech ? " Who are assassins ? The Gascons. Who 
 are robbers, who are given up to every kind of wickedness ? 
 The Gascons." You know better than I what else you said 
 of the same kind, for the laughter of the French which 
 followed these questions prevented me from hearing what 
 you said next. And then as a chorus, after they had 
 abundantly applauded you with laughter, they cried out, as 
 I understand, " How well he paints Aquitaine in its proper 
 colours." I should not write thus to you did I not know 
 that by that part of your oration to which I have referred 
 many of my Gascon fellow-countrymen were offended, 
 and that nothing was listened to with greater pleasure by 
 your Gallic friends. How much better would it have been 
 to have refrained from Aquitaine, and to have poured forth 
 all the force of your eloquence upon your adversary. ... I 
 do not say these things at random, for I know many who 
 before the oration spoke of you with great respect, but 
 who are now altogether hostile to you ; and I doubt not 
 that there are many, even of those who laughed with you, 
 whom if you knew more intimately you would see are 
 not really your friends, since they detract from your repu- 
 tation by bitter and unjust speeches. How eagerly I have 
 devoted myself to defending your reputation many of the 
 Gascons know, and indeed, I fear when they see my 
 affection for you, they consider me a deserter into your 
 camp. ... In answer to your enquiry about Pinache, unless 
 I deceive myself he will never reply to your oration, unless 
 indeed (for he is of a light and inconstant disposition) he 
 changes his mind. Believe me, he has laid aside his spear, 
 nor will he hereafter descend into the arena unless when 
 he has a good prospect of success. Let him spread the 
 report if he wishes, that you have answered his oration in 
 
126 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 a spiritless manner, certainly so long as he keeps silence 
 he confesses that he is overwhelmed by the force of your 
 arguments. Yet there are not wanting those who strongly 
 urge him to continue the strife, and I therefore cannot 
 venture to say positively whether he may not change his 
 mind and venture a reply to you. Farewell, my Dolet, and 
 receive this trifling of mine in good part. . . . Eloquence 
 cannot be expected from one who, on account of the bur- 
 den which his lectures on the civil law entail upon him, is 
 wholly occupied with the works of Accursius, Bartolus, 
 Baldus, and other uncouth interpreters of the law. Finally, 
 there is one thing that I especially require from you, 
 namely, that you should for the present conceal and sup- 
 press what I have written concerning your contention with 
 the orator of Aquitaine. For it is not right that what I have 
 confided to your breast should be open to those who turn 
 anything into matter for calumny. Pinache has asked me 
 to show him your letter, but I have replied that I shall 
 refer the matter to you, and shall not read the letter to 
 any one without your permission. Farewell, and continue 
 to love me.' 
 
 Etienne Dolet to Arnoul le Ferron. 
 
 ' You must not be surprised that as yet I have published 
 nothing. Know that this proverb (worthy of a prudent 
 man) has governed my determination. Sat cito si sat bene. 
 I shall soon try the public taste with something that has 
 been suppressed until the ninth year, which has grown ripe 
 with age, and is neither crude nor hastily concocted. It 
 will soon go forth carefully finished and polished, but is 
 now undergoing that process in obscurity. Since this is 
 the case, endure for the present your longing for my lucu- 
 brations, and for your friend's credit suffer them still to be 
 only expected. Those writings are sometimes approved 
 by the vulgar which in the judgment of the learned are 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 127 
 
 rough and unpolished. But that which I have on my 
 hands, begun but at present incomplete, I hope by care 
 and diligence to bring to such perfection that it may not 
 displease the ignorant, and at the same time may be ap- 
 proved by the learned. . . . 
 
 'You caution me lest our pleasant and friendly corre- 
 spondence should come into the hands of strangers. Do 
 not be afraid on this score. I will if you wish it destroy 
 your letters, or I will so carefully preserve and conceal 
 them that they can never be made known. Farewell. 
 
 ' Toulouse, 29th Jan.' 
 
 Arnoul le Ferron to Etienne Dolet. 
 
 ' . . . There have been two causes why I have not sooner 
 replied to your letter. One is that I have been suffering 
 from a very severe and dangerous illness . . . and now I 
 am recovered I again with great pleasure to myself write 
 to you. . . . 
 
 'As to what you say that I am not to wonder that you 
 have not yet published anything since you keep back your 
 lucubrations till the ninth year (as the poet says), I en- 
 tirely approve your plan, and I shall now endure less 
 heavily the longing which I have for your CommentarieSj 
 for I see that by delaying their appearance you will gain 
 a greater reputation when you do publish them. Do not 
 change your mind on this point, since I see how ridiculous 
 many make themselves, who in language picked up here 
 and there, and with patchwork sentences ill-sown together, 
 put their works before the public forgetful of the proverb, 
 Canis festinans cmcos parit catulos. Yet I do not the less 
 condemn those who, on the strength of a couple of tracts 
 produced after an immense time and labour, insolently 
 arrogate to themselves the title of most learned. Proceed 
 therefore to polish as much as possible what you have on 
 hand, and apply yourself with all your might to obtain that 
 
128 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 reputation which you are sure to acquire from the publi- 
 cation of your Commentaries. 
 
 ' Now as to Aquitaine ... I see that you have aroused 
 the anger of many whom you have admirably and in- 
 geniously described in your last letter, men who in your 
 presence admire your poems, praise your letters, and approve 
 your speeches, but who, when they have left you, paint you 
 in altogether different colours. I feel disposed to name 
 one or two of them (but there is no need to do so, you 
 see clearly to whom I am referring), who show such affec- 
 tion for your adversary, so highly exalt and extol him, 
 that they rouse my indignation ; and even in my presence 
 they sometimes speak of you in so disparaging a manner 
 that I drive them from me with reproaches. . . . But I 
 think you should despise these worthless fellows, and con- 
 sider their vile language of no more account than Demo- 
 critus is said to have done in a similar case. He said 
 he considered the slanders of his detractors to be of the 
 same character as the exhalations from the stomach, which 
 have an equally unseemly sound whether they proceed from 
 the upper or lower part of the body. . . . But that I may 
 not excite these men against me, I conjure you to take 
 care as you have promised, that this our pleasant and 
 friendly corespondence does not fall into other and un- 
 friendly hands. Whether you should destroy my letters 
 is a matter for your own decision. Yet I would rather that 
 you preserved them, so that they might sometimes remind 
 you of your friend. This you may both expect and 
 promise to yourself, that my affection for you will only 
 be extinguished by death ; and I may very fairly expect 
 that you will make the like response to my good-will. 
 On account therefore of our singular mutual sympathy 
 I shall not hesitate to ask from you a clear proof of 
 friendship. I hear, my Dolet, from men of great learning 
 that your epigrams are much admired on account of their 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 129 
 
 extreme ease of expression (a quality rarely to be found), 
 and their harmonious ring. I could wish you not to forget 
 me in your epigrams, but to make mention of me, so 
 that posterity may understand that Arnoul le Ferron was 
 one whom the great Dolet did not think unworthy of his 
 friendship. You might do this in some trifling epigram. I 
 lay aside all shame in venturing to ask this of you, yet 
 I beg you to add this to the favours you have already 
 conferred on me. Farewell.' 
 
 Etienne Dolet to Arnoul le Ferron. 
 
 ' I have been much distressed by the bad state of your 
 health, and rejoice to hear that it is restored. ... I am 
 glad that you entirely agree with my opinion that my 
 writings ought to be of such a kind as to afford me an 
 earnest of that fame which you predict for me. At all 
 events my offspring will be produced in due time, and if 
 it does not bring to its parent the credit of prolificness, it 
 will at least relieve him from the reproach of sterility. . . . 
 
 ' I shall not fail to comply with your wishes, and that 
 which you so eagerly desire you will obtain from me 
 without difficulty. I shall do my utmost that posterity 
 may understand that Le Ferron was very closely connected 
 with Dolet, and was bound to him in the most intimate 
 friendship. . . . 
 
 'I shall therefore hasten to send some verses to you, 
 and so comply with your request'. Take good care of 
 yourself, and especially attend to your health. Farewell. 
 Toulouse, Feb. 18 V 
 
 Dolet now seems to have come to the conclusion that 
 Toulouse was no place for him. He does not appear to 
 have made much if any progress in his legal studies, and 
 
 » Dolet seems not to have fulfilled his promise until 1536, when he wrote a 
 short ode, De Ferroni commentariis in constitutiones (sic) Burdigalenses. 
 2 For these letters see Orat. duse in Tholosam, pp. 75-85 and 152-162. 
 
 K 
 
130 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 he determined, if his patron Bishop de Langeac approved 
 and would provide the means, to leave for Italy in the 
 autumn and proceed to Pavia to study under Alciat, or to 
 return to Padua, the best place, as de Boyssone thought, 
 where literary and legal studies could be pursued together. 
 His friend Clausanus, like himself a prot%6 of the Bishop 
 of Limoges, had agreed to accompany him, and on the ist 
 of March he wrote the following letter to de Langeac : — 
 
 'The money which you sent has been paid to me by 
 your brother. As it was of the greatest use to me, so it 
 made your great munificence towards me more clear and 
 evident. Though your good-will towards me does not 
 permit me to require this of you more earnestly, still I 
 shall beg of you to continue to support and foster my 
 studies, which up to this time you have most kindly and 
 liberally assisted. More on this subject I shall not write, 
 lest I seem to be urging a willing horse, and to be dis- 
 trustful of your great kindness. This only I will add, that 
 it is my intention to set out for Padua at the beginning of 
 autumn in order there to lay the foundation of my legal 
 studies, and to complete the literary course which I have 
 undertaken. In this as in all things I have need of your 
 assistance^ but I shall not ask for it more earnestly 
 until I have learned your opinion of my plan. Since, 
 then, you are the director of my counsels and the promoter 
 of my studies, I depend altogether upon you, and I desire 
 to hear as speedily as possible what you wish to be done, 
 in order that I may complete my arrangements. 
 
 'The Archbishop^ has lately arrived at Toulouse, suffer- 
 
 ' This prelate was Cardinal Gabriel de Gramont, so well known in our 
 history as the Bishop of Tarbes, ambassador from Francis I. to Henry VIII. 
 He had been appointed to the archbishopric of Toulouse only five months 
 before the date of this letter, on the death of Jean d'Orleans, Cardinal de 
 Longueville, in Oct. 1533. He occupied the see of Toulouse for less than six 
 months, and died very shortly after the date of this letter of Dolet, namely on 
 the 26th of March, 1534. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 13 1 
 
 ing from a disease of such severity as to preclude the hope 
 of a much longer life, upon whom fortune, having been 
 more than sufficiently kind in loading him with the splen- 
 dours of rank and with enormous wealth, has now cast 
 a deadly disease. So the cruel goddess plays with us, 
 and suffers no one to be happy for long or to be in all 
 respects prosperous. But no more on this subject, when 
 I consider to whom I write — a man of the greatest weight, 
 and one who stands most firm in the midst of that ever 
 to be derided helplessness of human affairs. Oh that upon 
 his decease you might be adorned with his insignia, as you 
 ought by right to be, as well on account of the greatness 
 of your virtues, as of the pains you have devoted to the 
 affairs of the king^. But God will dispose the matter. 
 In the meantime I wish you every good wish, and shall 
 pray for your safety and prosperity. Farewell. Toulouse, 
 March 1 2.' 
 
 Dolet's wish to revisit Italy was not to be accomplished. 
 Little more than three weeks after the date of this letter, 
 he was arrested and thrown into prison by the orders of 
 the Juge-mage Dampmartin, charged with exciting a riot 
 and with contempt of the parliament. 
 
 ' Nullum me scelus in vincula conjici 
 Poscebat, neque per compita turpiter 
 Duci.' 
 
 Thus he begins the bitter ode which he afterwards 
 printed against Dampmartin ^. It was to him that Dolet 
 owed the commencement of that long series of imprison- 
 ments which caused one of his bitterest enemies, Franciscus 
 Floridus Sabinus, to call the prison his native country 
 {patria Doled), for during the remainder of his short life 
 
 ' Dolet's wish was not accomplished. On the death of Gabriel de Gramont, 
 Odet de Coligny, then only eighteen years of age, but already a cardinal, was 
 appointed to the archbishopric of Toulouse. 
 
 ^ Orat. duse in Tholosam, p. 137. 
 
 " Id. p. 200. 
 
 K 3 
 
132 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 (thirteen years only) he suffered no less than five imprison- 
 ments, occupying in the whole about five years, in addition 
 to this at Toulouse. This first imprisonment however was 
 not of a very serious character, or of very long duration. 
 The heads of the Parliament shared neither the ignorance 
 nor the prejudices of their subordinates. With Jacques de 
 Minut as First President and Jean Bertrandi as Second 
 President it is difficult to understand how Jean de Caturce 
 could have been committed to the flames. But their 
 position, though it did not enable them to save the evan- 
 gelical martyr from the consequences of heresy, yet rendered 
 it easy for them to liberate the young student, whose fault 
 at the most was the use of intemperate language. At this 
 time Dolet was as it seems entirely unknown to either 
 of the Presidents. It was not until some years later that 
 he was introduced by the poet Hugues Salel to Bertrandi, 
 and the letter which he wrote to the First President seems 
 to address him as a stranger. It is probable that de 
 Minut's first knowledge of him or his imprisonment was 
 the letter addressed to the First President on Dolet's behalf 
 by Jean de Pins. The good Bishop was at this time 
 labouring under a severe illness, and his letter is written 
 from his sick-bed. ' If I did not know/ he writes to de 
 Minut, 'how favourable you were to liberal studies and 
 to those men who excel in them, I should not write or 
 recommend to you Etienne Dolet, a young man of rare 
 excellence and talent, nor should I ask you to afford him 
 In his danger your great and just patronage, which I am 
 sure you would do if you knew his great intelligence and 
 learning. I know that the singular ingenuity of his genius 
 will delight you not less than myself. He possesses so 
 full and ready a knowledge of the Latin tongue that he 
 seems especially suited to whatever subject he addresses 
 himself. If you take prose composition you would think 
 he had done nothing else the whole of his life. Do you 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. l'>,2, 
 
 seek for wit and acuteness in speaking or the subtlety 
 and point of an epistle? You will find that in each of 
 these he approaches to the ancients. But what is still 
 more to be wondered at, he so excels in poetry that you 
 would desire nothing better than his odes, and these he 
 composes in various metres, which is a difficult task. If 
 he attempts elegiacs, you would think they were the work 
 of Ovid or Tibullus. If he writes lyrics, iambics, or hen- 
 decasyllables, you would think Horace or Catullus had 
 composed them. And yet with all these accomplishments 
 I ask for nothing more from you than that you would 
 not suffer a guileless and careless young man either to 
 be exposed to the hatred of others or to be crushed and 
 oppressed by the testimony of his enemies, but would 
 protect his innocence. There lately arose between him 
 and some Gascon rhetorician certain literary disputes 
 which at first delighted me, since I thought by that means 
 their talents would be exercised and their eloquence in- 
 creased. . . . But things have turned out very differently 
 from what I expected, for, inflamed by the factious ignor- 
 ance of their partisans, they have passed from letters to 
 arms; but in this, so far as I hear, no injury has yet been 
 received by any one. Dolet has been cast into prison, 
 where he is oppressed with the charges made against the 
 whole of his party, and he is even accused of a most 
 serious offence, namely, contempt of the Parliament. But 
 I am unwilling to say more lest I should be troublesome. 
 Our common friend who takes my letter to you will ex- 
 plain the whole of the matter more fully. Farewell. 
 Written from my sick-bed ^.' 
 
 This letter was accompanied by one from the prisoner 
 
 himself to the First President^ protesting his innocence and 
 
 praying for his speedy release. Dolet's other friends, and 
 
 particularly Jean de Boyssone, were not wanting in their 
 
 » Orat. duEe in Thol., p. 149. 
 
134 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 sympathy and assistance. Immediately on hearing of his 
 imprisonment, de Boyssone wrote a letter of sympathy and 
 counsel, assuring the unfortunate prisoner that he should be 
 most careful to do whatever he thought would tend to his 
 deliverance, and desiring to be informed what Dolet might 
 wish him to do or attend to. To this letter Dolet replied 
 from his prison as follows : — 
 
 ' It is the special fate of men of letters to experience 
 more ill-will than falls to the lot of others, and to be 
 unjustly oppressed by vexation. I am paying the penalty 
 of my pen, and, absurdly enough, my injuries are caused 
 by that very thing from which I had hoped to acquire 
 praise. But personally I do not feel any alarm. This 
 bitterness of fortune is common to me with many others, 
 and I am neither greatly astonished nor very much 
 troubled that what I know to be the common fate of 
 men of letters has happened to me. The recollection of 
 this alleviates the grief which my condition occasions me. 
 Moreover, the many marks of friendship which I have 
 received have both refreshed and revived me. For, as 
 before this time many without my knowing it had much 
 regard and good-will towards me, so in this, my saddest 
 time, they have all given no doubtful proof how strongly 
 they wish that Dolet should be preserved safe and sound 
 from all injury. But how much consolation I have had 
 from the consciousness of my own rectitude, and how 
 much alleviation in my misfortunes the gentle Muses have 
 afforded me, you will easily be able to understand, though 
 I am silent about it. This one thing I can assert, that 
 if there had been any love of learning, any desire to act 
 with justice in those in whom both these qualities ought to 
 be found in a very high degree, I should not have been 
 molested. 
 
 ' I both value and commend your exceeding good-will 
 towards me, and I earnestly beg of you never to change 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 135 
 
 it; I who was free, am now so bound to you that I am 
 indeed your most loving and devoted friend. My mind is 
 brave and constant and prepared to suffer all misfortunes 
 which may happen to me. Farewell. Toulouse, written in 
 prison ^.' 
 
 The result of the interference of his friends was that 
 Dolet was set at liberty by order of the First President 
 Minut, after an imprisonment of only three days. He 
 remained two months longer at Toulouse, but his enemies 
 did not discontinue their machinations. Foiled in their 
 first attempt, Drusac, Pinache, and Dampmartin left no stone 
 unturned to obtain his condemnation by the Parliament for 
 using seditious and contemptuous language of that august 
 assembly. 
 
 * Orat. duae in Tholosam, p. go. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 GUILLAUME BUDE AND JACQUES BORDING. 
 
 ' Vir ad seculi sui gloriam natus, laudibus literariis abundans magnaque cum 
 propter singularem reram omnium scientiam hominum admiratione affectus, turn 
 ob id potissimum, quod Grsecas literas sua aetate intermortuas exsuscitarit.' — 
 HuEr. 
 
 N the meantime nei- 
 ther the persecutions 
 of his enemies nor 
 the constant vexation 
 and anxiety which 
 they occasioned him 
 had either broken the 
 spirit or damped the 
 energies of Etienne 
 Dolet. His conceit, 
 his entire belief in 
 himself, in the good- 
 ness of his cause, 
 in his literary abilities, and his determination to achieve 
 literary reputation, prevented him from feeling dismayed 
 by his present misfortunes. At no period of his life is 
 his correspondence more lively, more vigorous, and more 
 hopeful, than during the period between the delivery of 
 his second oration and his banishment from Toulouse. 
 
 At this time, Guillaume Bud6, better known by the 
 Latinised form of his name Budseus, held the first place 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 1^7 
 
 among French men of letters. His friends indeed, and 
 perhaps the French generally, considered his reputation 
 equal to that of Erasmus, and were indignant with that 
 great scholar for placing him in his Ciceronianus on a level 
 with Josse Bade ^ ; but though Bud6 certainly in Greek 
 scholarship, and possibly in technical knowledge of the 
 Latin language and antiquities, was equal and perhaps 
 superior to Erasmus, he was little more than a scholar, 
 altogether wanting in the genius and grasp of mind of the 
 author of the Colloquies and the Praise of Folly, who was 
 not only a scholar, but a man of genius, a social, political 
 and religious reformer, occupied much more with men and 
 things than with words and phrases. 
 
 Bude was now sixty-six years of age. His Greek 
 epistles could have been written by no other Frenchman 
 of that century; his annotations on the Pandects had taken 
 rank in France as the standard authority on Roman law ; 
 his treatise ' De Asse et partibus ejus,' first published in 
 1 5 14, had already reached more than ten editions, had 
 made its author's name celebrated throughout Europe, and 
 rivalled in popularity as well as in solid learning, if indeed 
 in the latter it did not exceed, the Adages of Erasmus, 
 though wanting altogether in the play of fancy, the happy 
 illustrations, and the political and moral reflections which 
 have enabled the latter work to preserve some remnants 
 of popularity even in the nineteenth century. 
 
 To enjoy the friendship and good opinion of Bud6 was 
 an object of ambition to every young man of letters in 
 France, and Dolet accordingly, after the manner of those 
 days, although personally unknown to him, addressed him 
 in an elaborate Latin epistle, seeking for his favourable 
 
 ' Erasmus afterwards explained, what indeed is evident to any one reading the 
 tract, that it is merely in the matter of Latin style that he places Budseus and 
 Badius together ; but it is not improbable that Erasmus took a malicious 
 pleasure in placing, for whatever purpose, his rival on the same level with the 
 meritorious and scholarly printer. 
 
138 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 notice ; and at the same time solicited the good offices 
 of Jacques Bording, who was then in Paris and on terms 
 of friendly intimacy with the great scholar. It will be 
 remembered that it was to Bording that Dolet was in- 
 debted for his introduction to Jean de Pins ; but soon 
 afterwards a coolness arose between them, which was fol- 
 lowed by an entire cessation of intercourse. When Bording 
 left Toulouse for Paris, he and Dolet agreed to engage 
 in a close and constant correspondence in Latin on literary 
 topics. Some false friend however told Dolet that Bord- 
 ing had censured his conduct and sympathised with his 
 enemies. The statement so made, and which seems to 
 have been entirely false, rankled in the mind of the self- 
 conscious and sensitive Dolet, and after a short corre- 
 spondence, written in a most unfriendly spirit on the part 
 of the latter, their intercourse ceased for a time. We can 
 but feel surprise that Dolet should have allowed this 
 correspondence to be printed, since it is most discredit- 
 able to him, while the letters of Bording are written with 
 the utmost good feeling and good sense, and are in marked 
 contrast to the insulting and angry tone of Dolet. The fact 
 that he published the correspondence is an illustration of 
 the much greater attention which the Ciceronians of that 
 day paid to form than to matter. Provided only a com- 
 position had the recognised Ciceronian ring it was con- 
 sidered to give its author a claim to admiration, however 
 outrageous in sentiments or deficient in sense. 
 
 The good Bi.shop of Rieux had been much distressed by 
 the quarrel of his young friends^ and urged Dolet to become 
 reconciled to Bording. To what extent the following 
 letter was due to the entreaties of de Pins or to the fact 
 of Bording's intimacy with Bud^ may perhaps be con- 
 sidered uncertain, but on the a6th of November, 1533, 
 Dolet wrote to Bording as follows, enclosing the letter 
 which he had written to Bude : — 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 139 
 
 ' I understand that you kindly and courteously are very 
 desirous that my mind, which had become somewhat 
 embittered against you, should again be reconciled. Our 
 friend de Pins lately told me that he had received a letter 
 from you written in this spirit, and he strongly urged me 
 that whatever dissension there had been between you and 
 me, if I could not of my own accord lay aside, yet that 
 I should do so for his sake as well as for the sake of litera- 
 ture. ... So let it be. Certain unjust remarks which you 
 made about me, at first wounded and grieved me much. . . . 
 But now, since I am disposed either to suspect that these 
 matters were falsely told me, or to be careless about them, 
 my mind, which at first overflowed with anger, has be- 
 come quiet, and all that enmity which your attack upon 
 me produced has disappeared. Therefore, in order that 
 it may be made manifest to all that I am reconciled to 
 you and that your friendship is restored to me I send this 
 letter. . . . But now let us talk familiarly as is the manner 
 of friends. I will tell you what is going on here. 
 
 'At Toulouse there is the same hatred of letters and the 
 same love of stupidity that there always has been. Not 
 to be tedious, the fools are as numerous and of the same 
 species as ever. But I will make an end of speaking ill, 
 or rather of speaking the truth, lest the truth may be 
 made a charge against him who is uttering it. I devote 
 myself entirely to literature and enjoy excellent health. 
 How satisfactorily and with what increase to my reputation 
 I performed my duties as orator (an office to which you 
 know I was appointed by the French) I would rather you 
 should learn from others than from myself. This much 
 I may say to you, that no one ever before at Toulouse 
 spoke his mind more openly than I did. I refuted the 
 decisions of the Parliament against the French fraternity 
 in an oration not less brilliant than severe. This I shall 
 shortly transcribe, and send to you the first opportunity. 
 
I40 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 You may without doubt expect this gift from your friend. 
 This also I should tell you, that my term of office having 
 expired, Thomasinus succeeded me, whose power of writing 
 and speaking is I think known to you. To what extent 
 he is likely to excel you will readily guess. Our friend 
 de Pins suffers severely from gout, nor does anything seem 
 to assuage this complaint, so that for the last two days he 
 has been hardly able to breathe or rest. More in my next 
 letter. Now it is your turn to inform me in as friendly 
 a manner and as often as possible of all your affairs, and 
 carefully to write to me, to whom you are specially at- 
 tached, to whose friendship you devote yourself, into whose 
 intimacy you have thrown yourself, how studies are carried 
 on in Paris, to what extent Greek literature is cultivated, 
 whom you suspect^ whom you despise, whom you admire, 
 and whom you neglect, who are now in repute for elo- 
 quence, and whom you consider to have attained the top 
 of the tree. In fine, if you write all this to me in a friendly 
 letter, it will be very agreeable to me, and I shall be most 
 grateful ; I shall consider myself bound to you for ever for 
 so great a favour. 
 
 ' It is reported here that you are very familiar with Bude, 
 I heartily congratulate you on having acquired the friend- 
 ship of so great a man, and beg of you most earnestly that 
 you would procure his good-will and favour for me. Fare- 
 well. Love me, and bear in mind that you are especially 
 loved by me \' 
 
 Bording replied to this letter in the tone and spirit which 
 his previous epistles would lead us to expect. 
 
 Jacques Bording to Etienne Dolet. 
 
 ' I have received your letter and the one you enclosed for 
 Bud6. As to your letter to me, in which you show your 
 great affection, you cannot doubt that it was most agree- 
 
 ' Orat. duse in Tholosam, p. 93. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 14^ 
 
 able to me to receive. I read what you say about our 
 friendship being restored very gladly, but I could wish, 
 my Dolet, that it had remained undisturbed, and that as 
 you had begun you would have continued to love me, 
 and would not have believed the words of certain evil- 
 minded persons rather than the testimony of men of virtue 
 who knew my special affection for you. 
 
 ' Certainly there was no need of de Pins to reconcile us, 
 and I should rather submit to his authority in any other 
 matter than in this. But however it happened, we may 
 remember Amantium irce amoris rediniegratio est. I rejoice 
 that I have been provoked by your letter into letting you 
 know by my reply what my feelings towards you are. 
 Indeed, my Dolet, from the hour when I first knew you 
 I have both loved you and believed my love returned, and 
 have had that high opinion of you which I shall never 
 repent having had. 
 
 'It now remains for me to congratulate you on your 
 satisfactory discharge of your duty as orator. I do not 
 doubt that you have obtained all the rewards in the way 
 of praise and glory which are possible in a matter of that 
 kind. I wish I could have been present both to see and 
 hear, yet I shall regret my absence the less if you perform 
 your promise and permit me to read the oration ; re- 
 member therefore that I shall anxiously expect the gift 
 which you have promised me, and take care neither to 
 break your word nor to disappoint my expectation. 
 
 'I gave your letter to Bud6. He read it with much 
 pleasure, and immediately began to ask where you were, 
 what you were doing, and what were your intentions. 
 When I asked whether he wished me to give you any 
 message from him, he replied that he would himself answer 
 your letter; and he repeated this at another interview I 
 had with him. He said however that he was then more 
 occupied than usual, and but little disposed for letter 
 
143 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 writing, and he added that there was no necessity for 
 hurry in the matter. I will again remind him and urge 
 him to write to you, so that you may not think you have 
 written in vain. 
 
 ' I will now as you ask me write to you familiarly about 
 my own affairs, about the professors of eloquence and the 
 state of letters. Literature is not without its revilers. 
 S<5me there are who accuse it of being the source of all 
 error, so much so as to prevent any good man being also 
 a philosopher, and many of those who are in authority 
 approve of this folly. Beda has lately been restored to his 
 office, but even before this we had felt the commencement 
 of his disturbance. Jean Cop, before his course of lectures 
 was finished, was obliged to fly from the city, otherwise he 
 would have had to make his defence in prison. Then 
 fierce and bitter attempts were made upon men dis- 
 tinguished for their virtue and learning. As yet they are 
 only imprisoned. No sentence has been publicly pro- 
 nounced against them, but we expect this to follow now 
 that Beda is in power. 
 
 ' As to the professors of literature I have had the oppor- 
 tunity of hearing but few of them, and it is not easy for me 
 to form an opinion of them individually. A great deal is 
 expected from a certain Italian whom I think you knew in 
 Italy. He lately arrived here for the purpose of instruct- 
 ing the king. He promises in three months thoroughly 
 to teach an ignorant person Greek and Latin, and the 
 perfect faculty of both speaking and writing on any subject. 
 He is constructing here an amphitheatre for the king, for 
 the purpose of marking out divisions for the memory. He 
 is also engaged in writing a dialogue against his detractors 
 and those who deny that he is able to do all this ; in which, 
 though with a certain covert mystery, he endeavours to 
 prove his system. At Venice, as I have heard from cer- 
 tain Italians, commentaries on the language of Cicero on 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 143 
 
 a plan not unlike his amphitheatre are going through the 
 press, the work of M. Nizolius, who has squeezed into little 
 nests (as it were) the whole system of Latin composition. 
 If you know either the one or the other, write pray in your 
 next letter what you think we may expect from them. 
 
 'At another time I will write to you more at length. 
 Now I beg of you that you would continue to love me, 
 and would faithfully remember me to de Pins, through 
 whom you have been restored to me, and that you take 
 care he preserves his affection for me. This will be easy 
 for you to do who enjoy such great favour with him. Fare- 
 well. Paris, Jan. %6^! 
 
 The letter which Dolet had written to Bud^ is one of 
 those polished complimentary letters of which we have so 
 many examples in the Latin correspondence of the men of 
 the Renaissance — full of pompous complimentary phrases, 
 but of absolutely no substance. It appears, however, 
 to have gratified the great man, and drew from him, three 
 weeks after its receipt^, the following reply, which was 
 most acceptable to the young scholar of Toulouse, and 
 which was forwarded to him by the friendly Bording a 
 few days after the date of the last letter. 
 
 GUILLAUME BUDE TO ETIENNE DOLET. 
 'I have now for three weeks been disappointing your 
 expectation, as I gather it from your letter which does not 
 conceal the strong wish you had in writing it. And I 
 should show myself deserving of reprehension if I any 
 longer postponed replying to you; indeed, in that case 
 I might be convicted of deceit by your friend Bording, who 
 delivered your letter to me and who begged me to answer 
 
 " Orat. duse in Tholosam, p. 164. 
 
 2 It will be remembered that in somewhat similar circumstances Bude was six 
 months before replying to a letter of Rabelais. See the letter of Bude, Bvdm 
 Opera (Basle 1657). vol. i. p. 325- 
 
144 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 it. But what makes my procrastination still more blame- 
 able is that I had put your letter in a conspicuous place 
 in my study, that it might itself remind me of the duty 
 of writing to you. I have thus kept your letter before me 
 so as to have it as a daily appellant demanding of me the 
 slight labour which you impose upon me. . . . 
 
 'You must know that no kind of relaxation is more 
 agreeable to me when I am spending my time at home 
 devoted to reading or literary composition than letter 
 writing. Those therefore who know my habitSj and who 
 by writing to me call for letters in return, when they find 
 that I fail altogether in this duty do not on that account 
 remonstrate with me, especially at this time, at my age, 
 and with the heavy official duties I have to perform ^- 
 Even omitting my official duties, how much leisure do you 
 think remains to me which I could devote to this kind of 
 correspondence? Besides, since letters are in the nature 
 of an amusement, they ought to be written with a youthful 
 sprightliness and liveliness of style. But might I not also 
 add this, that I am not now the same man that I formerly 
 was ? For in order not completely to divorce myself from 
 philology, which has for so long been my companion, my 
 associate, my mistress, bound to me by every tie of in- 
 timate affection, I have been compelled to loosen the 
 chains of so devouring a love, and to relax the bonds of 
 a connection the closeness of which I found to be destruc- 
 tive to my health. 
 
 ' What you so kindly and ingeniously say in your elegant 
 and terse letter of your devotion and regard for me is 
 both pleasant and acceptable, indeed most acceptable, as it 
 ought to be ; and I wish you to believe that I have that 
 disposition towards you that makes me desire to inter- 
 change good offices with you on equal terms, and to 
 show to you the same measure of kindness and good-will 
 
 * Bude was a max're des requetes. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 145 
 
 which you do to me, and this without any pretence of idle 
 talk. But although from your letter I have been in some 
 measure able to judge of your learning, of your mode of 
 life and your position I really know nothing. Farewell. 
 That which in your letter you have urged upon me so 
 strongly, namely that I should include you in the number 
 of my friends, you may be satisfied on the faith of this 
 letter you have obtained. Paris, 34th Jan^.' 
 
 Letters of which the following are extracts complete the 
 correspondence : — 
 
 Etienne Dolet to Jacques Bording. 
 
 ' I have received your two letters and that from Bud^. 
 What great delight the latter afforded me you cannot 
 doubt, since I had written to you before how much I 
 wished to receive a letter from him. . . . 
 
 ' I am amazed and indignant to learn that the monstrous 
 and vicious beast Beda, that execrable pest, has been re- 
 called from exile. There has been a rumour here that he 
 has again attempted some wickedness, and has on that 
 account been cast into prison. I hope this may be true, 
 and that he may receive a punishment worthy of his crimes 
 and of his wicked disposition. I rejoice as heartily to hear 
 that Jean Cop is restored, as I imprecate upon the head of 
 Beda as upon a malignant tumour and excrescence, all evils 
 and injuries. As to those who are devoted to humane 
 letters in these our unhappy and turbulent times, I wish 
 that they would care more for their own safety and immu- 
 nity than for fame and for a distinction which is destructive 
 to them, and would rather speak cautiously and circum- 
 spectly than pour forth all their opinions without dis- 
 tinction so openly as they do. If those who have been 
 especially distinguished by learning had acted with such 
 caution and prudence^ they would not have suffered from 
 
 ' Orat. duse, p. 167. 
 L 
 
146 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 nor exposed themselves to the ferocity of those fools and 
 idiots, nor (as has usually happened) would they have been 
 cast into prison. 
 
 ' As to the fellow who promises to give in three months 
 to an uncultivated man ignorant of the rudiments of gram- 
 mar, as by a divining wand, a knowledge either of the 
 Greek or of the Latin tongue, and a perfect capacity of 
 speaking and writing concerning any subject, I recognise 
 that portentous specimen of the Italian character, and the 
 line of Horace comes into my mind — 
 
 "Parturiunt montes, nascitur ridiculus mus." 
 
 ' Yet however easily we might endure this imposture of 
 the man, unless he could hope to be able to deceive the 
 king he would employ among the rest of us all the ways 
 of getting money which he knows. He really pretends to 
 endow a man without any labour of his own, with an 
 abundance of that oratorical power in which, as the severe 
 judges of this have told us, no age since the memory of 
 man has yet produced any one sufficiently instructed. He 
 may build his amphitheatre for marking off his divisions 
 of memory, he may be assisted by the Commentaries on 
 the language of Cicero of M. Nizolius of Venice, and if you 
 ask me what I think of it I bid you again repeat the line 
 of Horace. A commonplace rhetorician will not persuade 
 me that within three months that subject can be com- 
 pletely acquired by an ignorant man, a partial excellence in 
 which scarcely any one in the whole course of his life after 
 assiduous labour and diligence can attain to. As far as 
 we are concerned however he may enjoy his own folly, 
 and may boldly promise that of which he neither knows 
 the difficulty nor can have properly mastered or studied 
 the theory. Yet there is one thing which does vex me 
 much ; it is that our countrymen are so eager after and so 
 partial to what is barbarous and foreign that they neglect 
 those things which they have at home most worthy of 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 147 
 
 praise, and with a ridiculous folly admire and purchase at a 
 great price whatever is foreign. But what shall I say of this 
 man ? No one will persuade me that he can add anything 
 to the most excellent and never sufficiently to be praised 
 learning of Bud6, or to the rare and amazing eloquence and 
 flowing language of Berauld, to the purity and elegance 
 of style of Dan6s and Bunel, to the profound and remark- 
 able erudition of Toussain and Guillaume du Maine, to the 
 poetical grace of Salmon Macrin, or to the pleasant live- 
 liness of Nicolas Bourbon. Yet we see neither Bud^ nor 
 any of the other Frenchmen who are most accomplished 
 in liberal studies, and who are admitted into the number 
 of classics, enriched by any fortune, while we all keep 
 silence before the windbags and empty triflings of Italians ; 
 and at their mere words, delivered with swelling breasts 
 and puffed-out cheeks, we eagerly hold our breath, we 
 open our purses, and allow that which is truly excellent 
 to be circumvented and supplanted by that astute and 
 deceitful race. 
 
 ' So much as to these matters. I now relate what has 
 happened since my last letter to you. The association 
 of the Gascons, as well as of the French has been dis- 
 solved by decree of the Parliament. This decree was 
 vehemently complained of by all of us, as both unjust and 
 unusual. But we were not able to attain our object, and 
 the power and authority of the barbarians outweighed our 
 desire of cultivating friendship. An altercation arose be- 
 tween Pinache and myself. I publicly defended myself 
 against his attacks. He was utterly crushed by my ora- 
 tion, and when he found himself intellectually my inferior, 
 he wickedly used fraud, and with a false accusation that in 
 my oration I had not only attacked the Parliament but 
 had violated the honour of the city of Toulouse, he caused 
 me to be thrown into prison, not only participating in 
 doing the injury to me, but even taking the lead in it. 
 
 L 3 
 
148 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 For some days I suffered from the united hatred of my 
 enemies, which however was easily put down by the 
 authority of our friend de Pins and the assistance of the 
 President de Minut. I derived great enjoyment and glory 
 from the machinations and perfidy of my enemies, since I 
 was convicted of no crime, but was formally acquitted by 
 the Parliament. The oration which I formerly promised 
 you, as well as the one I lately delivered against Pinache, 
 you must not expect ; you will read neither of them until 
 they are printed, together with my collection of poems and 
 epistles, but you must not on this account accuse me of 
 not keeping faith with you. I should have kept my pro- 
 mise had I not been deterred by the too great loss of time 
 which I have found would be occasioned by copying these 
 things ; but as you have waited for them upwards of three 
 months you will easily endure the addition of one or two 
 months more. 
 
 ' I have replied to the letter of Bud^, and I beg that you 
 would give my letter to him, and would induce him (which 
 he may easily do) to write to me again. Our mutual 
 affection forbids me from suggesting to you, much less 
 asking you, to write to me fully and exactly of your own 
 affairs and of all matters which go on at Paris. De Pins 
 is well and sends you a hearty remembrance. Farewell. 
 From the city of Toulouse, a and April ^.' 
 
 Etienne Dolet to Guillaume Bud^. 
 
 ' . . . Your letter was most agreeable to me, not only 
 because I found you were not displeased at my writing to 
 you, but because you showed that you responded to my 
 affection. I was indeed triumphant in my delight that I 
 had at length obtained what I so long wished for. I now 
 rejoice to know that you are so well disposed towards me, 
 and I could wish that fortune could so bring it about that 
 ' Orat duje, p. 98. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 149 
 
 you should make as much account of me as I do of you, 
 and should show as much good-will to me as I show re- 
 spect to you. Nor do I despair of arriving at this, know- 
 ing as I do my own singular esteem for you, and relying 
 upon the great affection which you are in the habit of 
 showing to those who are students of eloquence. . . . 
 
 ' I now come to the latter part of your letter, and since 
 you say that you have been able in some measure to judge 
 of my learning, but that you know nothing of my mode 
 of life or position, I will now give you at length both an 
 account of my life and my present position. 
 
 ' I was born at Orleans, a noble city of our Gaul^and of 
 much renown, in how honourable and indeed distinguished 
 a position among my fellow-citizens I leave those to speak 
 of who place virtue below birth. Liberally brought up at 
 Orleans, at twelve years of age I went to Paris, where 
 I received the rudiments of my education, and diligently 
 devoted myself to all those subjects by which young men 
 are accustomed to be trained to mental culture. For five 
 years I there cultivated my mind, giving myself up princi- 
 pally to the study of Cicero. Soon, influenced by a desire 
 of cultivating the highest eloquence, I betook myself to 
 Italy; there I passed three years at Padua in intimate 
 friendship and association with Simon Villanovanus, by 
 whose death being deprived of so dear a friend, and one 
 who was so great a help to my studies, I thought of 
 returning forthwith to France. But I was detained for 
 some time longer in Italy, as well at the request as by 
 the authority of Jean de Langeac, who at that time filled 
 the office of ambassador to Venice, and who employed 
 me to write letters both to the Supreme Pontiff and to 
 other correspondents. In this employment another year 
 was added to the three which I had already spent in Italy; 
 nor, though I wished it, was I able to return, but was 
 compelled to wait until the business of the embassy was 
 
150 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 finished, and then in the ambassador's company I returned 
 to France less ignorant and more devoted to the study 
 of eloquence than I had left it. Now I think you know 
 the greater part of my history, the rest I will relate in a 
 few words. Now that I am returned to France I resolutely 
 pursue the same course which I began in my earliest youth. 
 I am absorbed in literature ; and as from the first, out of 
 all the number of Latin writers I set Cicero before me 
 as my model, so now I am writing commentaries on the 
 Ciceronian diction, adding also illustrations from the pure 
 language of Sallust, Caesar, Terence, and Livy. This 
 useful work will appear in due time, with my other lucubra- 
 tions. I thus pass over the second act of my drama and 
 proceed to the last. By the advice of my many patrons 
 and friends who are always helping me with their most 
 loving and friendly counsels, and who wish me to be 
 covered with honours and to aspire to the highest reputa- 
 tion, I have decided to devote myself to the civil law, which 
 I have thought not to be altogether opposed to the course 
 of my studies. For certainly my oratorical power may be 
 very much embellished by legal studies, and may even be 
 considerably assisted by them. In order to devote myself 
 to these subjects as satisfactorily as possible, and to follow 
 the advice of those who say that no art can be properly 
 studied without a teacher and without some practical in- 
 struction, and who assert that the civil law especially needs 
 both a teacher and an explanation, I have come to Toulouse, 
 a city of greater celebrity and renown than of real know- 
 ledge of the civil law, and the inhabitants of which are 
 more barbarous than the Getse of the Scythians. But 
 be this as it may, no rudeness of this barbarous city 
 withdraws me from my design. I have now devoted to the 
 civil law not much less than two years continuously, and 
 I have so spent my time that I have given some hours 
 each morning or evening to the reading of Cicero. The 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 151 
 
 remainder of the day I give to my principal subject, either 
 in private study or pubHc exercises. Thus I devote myself 
 to the science of law as my friends wish me to do and 
 as I am not ashamed of doing, for certainly a knowledge 
 of law will be a great assistance and recommendation to 
 me in seeking for public employment, and at the same 
 time it will increase my power of expressing myself by 
 giving me an insight into the true and just. It is not 
 however certain that I shall finish my legal studies at 
 Toulouse, as I am thinking of setting out for Padua or 
 Pavia in order to see Alciat^ and the other Italian pro- 
 fessors of law utter their sesquipedalia verba with solemn 
 pomp, or furiously attack Accursius and Bartholus, lest 
 they should seem to know too little. I shall then insinuate 
 myself into some one's intimacy with whom to laugh in 
 a learned and familiar manner at these matters. 
 
 ' I hope before long to make a journey to Paris and to 
 meet you there face to face. If before this happens you 
 write a letter to meet me on the way informing me of your 
 health and telling me what is passing at Paris, I shall 
 believe that you keep me in your memory, and you will 
 gain this advantage, that when I come to see you you 
 will not have to narrate to me what you have already 
 written. Farewell. Toulouse, April 22 ^.' 
 
 The Itahan referred to in the letters of Hording and 
 Dolet was the clever, eccentric, and learned charlatan Giulio 
 Camillo of Forli, surnamed from his father's birth-place 
 
 ' Alciat at this time enjoyed the highest reputation of any living man (a 
 reputation altogether disproportioned, as it seems to us, to his real merits) as a 
 commentator and lecturer on the civil law. He was now Professor of Jurispru- 
 dence at Pavia. He had filled the chair of Civil Law at Bourges from 1528 to 
 the end of 1532, when he returned to Italy, Francisco Sforza, Duke of Milan, 
 having conferred upon him the appointment of Professor in Pavia, with a salary 
 of 1500 crowns. He continued at Pavia until 1537. Panciroli, who knew him 
 well, thus describes him, 'Vir fuit corpulentus, procerae staturae, auri avidus 
 habitus est et cibi avidior' (De Claris legum interpret, lib. ii). 
 
 =■ Orat duse, p. 103. 
 
152 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Delminio. Philosopher, orator, poet, philologist, mythologist, 
 and astrologer, of great skill in the cabalistic sciences, of 
 much real and of more pretended learning, he had conceived 
 the extraordinary and impracticable idea of a number of 
 categories which should embrace all the divisions and sub- 
 divisions of human knowledge and of human thought. These 
 he proposed arranging in a number of small drawers or 
 niches in a large machine or box in the form of an amphi- 
 theatre, in which the signs of the planets marked off the 
 primary divisions of the mind. Each drawer was labelled 
 with some quality of the mind, and by changing the labels 
 it could be adapted to any science. By the aid of this 
 theatre an ignorant man was to become master of any 
 language or branch of science in an incredibly short time. 
 It was however specially adapted for the study of Latin 
 and Greek, and for enabling a student to attain proficiency 
 in composition and oratory. To the perfecting of this 
 theatre he devoted forty years. He was at this time in 
 Paris in high favour with Francis I, who gave him five hun- 
 dred ducats to enable him to carry out his idea and build 
 his theatre, a model or portion of which, containing all the 
 principles and rules of oratory as laid down by Cicero, sym- 
 metrically arranged, had much interested the king. In Paris 
 he became intimate with Sturm and Calvin. The former be- 
 lieved both in the depth of his learning and the earnestness 
 of his piety. Calvin seems to have had much less respect 
 for him ^. Dolet had known him at Padua, and had as it 
 
 ' Schmidt, Mem. sur Roussel, 219, 220; D'Aubigne, Hist. Ref. Temps de 
 Calvin, b. iv. t. i. In 1637 ^^ find him at Padua, where Paleario knew him, 
 
 and thus refers to him in one of his letters to Lampridius (Book i. Ep. 17) : 
 
 ' Giulio Camillo is building a theatre at great cost. There never was such a 
 conspiracy among the ignorant, who think that without study or labour they 
 will be able to write like Cicero. With a view to this he arranges a number of 
 cards in little boxes. This is a fact, my Lampridius. 'Aj'^p 6 ^.07080180X05 toC 
 ^Aptffrirrnov Kaptpavu l3\4vovs «al rod MiSov Gijpevet ov&ypovs. You laugh 1 I 
 am not joking ; he has collected a great deal of money from those to whom he 
 promises mastery in eloquence.' Camillo died in 1544 (and not in 1550 as stated 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 153 
 
 appears taken a violent dislike to him, besides having 
 that feeling of contempt which any man of real learning, 
 or who knew what learning really meant, could hardly have 
 avoided having for one who professed by mechanical con- 
 trivances, however ingenious, to enable one wholly ignorant 
 of Latin and Greek to become complete masters of these 
 languages in three months. 
 
 Two odes directed against Camillo appear amongst 
 Dolet's poems, one of them written about this time and 
 sent in manuscript by Dolet to Francis Langeac, a brother 
 of the Bishop of Limoges, with the following remarks : 
 ' I send you an ode, the subject of which is as follows. 
 A new master of eloquence has appeared from the shades ; 
 an ignorant, uneducated fellow has rushed down upon us 
 from Italy, ignorant of the Latin language and of all polite 
 letters, and since no other kind of imposture has succeeded 
 with him he has adopted this method of making money, 
 namely, by promising in less than a month to teach the use 
 of the Latin tongue, the faculty of oratory, and the art of 
 making verses — a thing within the memory of man unheard 
 of and worthy only of perpetual laughter : if you wish to 
 remain like yourself, you will treat his system as one for 
 taking pains to be mad by rule. Yet (for the French 
 are easily cheated with words) he has finely choused ^ the 
 
 in the Biographie Generale), without having completed his theatre or published 
 any account of it. He left however in manuscript a not very intelligible 
 description or explanation of it, which was edited by Ludovico Domenichi and 
 printed at Florence by Torrentino in 1550, under the title of L'idea del Theatre 
 Dell' excellen. M. Giulio Camillo (4°, 88 pp.), and which reappeared in the 
 editions of the collected works of Camillo given by Giulito of Venice in 1552, 
 1567, 1568, 1579, and 1581 (the editors of which seem unaware of the edition 
 given by Torrentino). See for Camillo, in addition to the works before cited, 
 his life by Federigo Altan di Salvarolo contained in vol. i. of Nuova raccoUa 
 d'opuscoli scientifici et filologici (Venezia 1755) edited by Calogiera; also 
 Tiraboschi, vol. vii. p. 2226 (edit, of 1824); Freytag, Adparatus Litt. vol. iii. 
 pp. 128-132 ; Young's Life of A. Paleario, i. p. 545 I Erasmi Epist. ccclxx. 
 
 p. 1754. 
 
 ' It is curious to note that here, and in the ode which follows, Dolet 
 
154 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 king out of his money, having promised him certain com- 
 mentaries by means of which, even against our will or 
 when we are asleep, he can imbue us with all learning. 
 I am half ashamed of being so wanting to myself as to 
 have ridiculed so small a matter at such great length. 
 Yet I am anxious to hear what you say about these things. 
 I know many in France by whose talents and attainments 
 I hope the Italian will be made to understand that 
 eloquence and literary renown (of which his countrymen 
 claim a monopoly for themselves) are also common to the 
 French, and that they will then cease to treat us as dumb 
 children who, having neglected the study of literature, tend 
 beyond others into weakness, and may be deluded into 
 any scheme however mad '.' 
 
 ' Aidua promittis, solo vel mense disertos 
 
 Cum te nos juras reddere posse viros, 
 Promissum hoc nihil est, nihil eat has fundere nugas. 
 
 Est quoque nil musas vel superare novem 
 Id tibi cum multis commune est, Gallia centum. 
 
 Qui facile id prasstent Gallia mille dabit. 
 Ast aliud nosti solus, quo Pallada vincis 
 
 Quicquid et Atlantis scit vafer ille nepos 
 Vis dicam ? nosti Keges emungere nummis : 
 
 Est id, quo doctum vincere quenque potes. 
 Hos nobis astus tua si documenta recludent, 
 
 Quis tibi pro tantis artibus astra neget ? 
 Major eris Phoebo, quod si Jovis aula placebit, 
 
 Tu Jove depulso Jupiter altus eris^.' 
 
 The time for Dolet's final departure from Toulouse had 
 now arrived. At the end of May or in the first days of 
 June 1534, and whilst suffering from a fever, the result 
 as it would seem of mental anxiety, he had hastily to 
 withdraw from Toulouse to avoid a second arrest. He 
 
 uses the same viaxA in reference to Camillo as Alciat in a letter to Fran- 
 ciscus Calvus, printed in Gudil Epistolre curante Bnrmanno, pt. i. p. 109. Dolet 
 says, ' Regem tamen nummis pulchre emunxit ;' Alciat's words are, ' (Regem) 
 emunxit sexcentos aureos.* 
 
 • Oral. duK, p. 97. 2 j(j_ p_ jgg^ 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 155 
 
 retired to a friend's house in the country, proposing to 
 remain there in concealment until the storm had passed 
 over, as he at first thought it would do, when he might again 
 return to his studies. Yet he was apparently in some 
 doubts as to his future. His inclinations led him to desire, 
 as we have seen, to pay a second visit to Italy; and if he 
 was to continue his legal studies, to do so either at Pavia 
 or at Padua. But before leaving France, Dolet was 
 desirous of committing to the press his two orations, his 
 poems, and some letters which had passed between himself 
 and his friends. It is not probable that Toulouse would 
 have afforded a printer for a book which contained such 
 violent attacks upon the city, its magistrates, and its 
 populace, and it was towards Lyons that he already di- 
 rected his views. He proposed taking it on his way to 
 Italy, and remaining there so long as might be needed 
 to see his lucubrations through the press. 
 
 On the 8th of June he wrote to de Boyssone a letter 
 full of indignation against his enemies and against Tou- 
 louse, and giving his friend an account of his studies and 
 occupations. ' I devote myself to literature with as much 
 energy as my health allows. I am amplifying and polish- 
 ing both my speeches, and intend to publish my lucubra- 
 tions as speedily as possible. The passage in which I 
 have sought to celebrate and exculpate you, you will 
 receive with this letter'.' 
 
 The following is an extract from de Boyssone's reply: 
 ' Until I received your letter I did not know where in the 
 world you were. Different reports had reached me about 
 you, some saying that you had started for Lyons, others 
 for Limoges. With such different reports reaching me 
 how could I write to you ? But from the time I learned 
 from your letter where you were, I have thought of 
 nothing more constantly than of writing to you. 
 
 ' Orat. du£e, p. 120. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 'As to what is going on here, since you wish me to 
 tell you about it, know that you have left behind you much 
 affection among many, and that the number of those who 
 esteem you and grieve that you have departed is not small : 
 among them are the noblest and most honourable matrons 
 of the city, with whom you have acquired great favour on 
 account of your epigrams against Drusac. For my own 
 part, my Dolet, if I took account only of my own wishes, 
 nothing more grievous could have happened to me than 
 your departure ; but since your plans required it, I should 
 show myself ignorant of the laws of friendship if I did not 
 cheerfully give up my habit of living in the enjoyment of 
 your society, and did not put in the first place the considera- 
 tion of your interest. Go then where your interest calls you ; 
 fly this ungrateful land, fuge littus avarum. When you 
 reach Lyons salute in my name Sebastian Gryphius, whom 
 I extremely love and hold very dear. Take care of your 
 health ; for while I have been writing your friend Clausanus 
 has told me that you are ill, which I very much grieve to 
 hear, knowing as I do that if you were well in mind you 
 would be well in body. 
 
 ' A certain Omphalius has lately come from Paris, with 
 a great reputation for learning. I have not yet seen him ; 
 when I have done so I will write to you again. Farewell. 
 Toulouse, June 13 \' 
 
 A week later Dolet thus writes to the same friend : — 
 
 ' The severity of the illness which up to this time has 
 racked me has alone prevented me from replying to your 
 letter earlier, and though I have to some extent improved 
 and have got rid of the disease, yet I am not in any way 
 restored to health nor have I recovered my bodily strength. 
 But I am taking care of myself, and I am in good hopes that 
 God will afford me some remedy, so that shortly by the 
 help of nature I may throw off the remainder of my disease. 
 
 ' Orat. duEE, p. 174. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 157 
 
 ' You would scarcely believe what great pleasure letters 
 from my friends afford me in this my retreat, and especially 
 the letters of those who, together with the expressions of 
 their love, display no ordinary purity and elegance of style. 
 In this you particularly excel, and afford me a certain 
 hope that one day you also will be reckoned among those 
 who are distinguished for eloquence, unless indeed the 
 nonsense of Bartolus and Accursius prevent you from pur- 
 suing that kind of reputation. What I very much fear 
 is, that inhabiting a city hostile to eloquence you will 
 become less and less disposed to study it, and will be 
 inclined to treat polite literature somewhat too scornfully 
 and disdainfully. 
 
 ' I am very pleased to learn that there is affection felt for 
 me and a pleasant remembrance of me left among the 
 good ; this is a proof that I am hated by the wicked only. 
 I hear that Drusac is continually and with increased bitter- 
 ness urging the Parliament to issue an edict against me. 
 He is a savage and brutal wild beast, whose unbridled fury 
 not even the flight of his enemy has allayed. 
 
 ' In conclusion, there is one thing of which I wish to assure 
 you, namely, that I feel no less grief at being separated 
 from you than you do at my departure ; but since we can- 
 not longer be together, and my plans call me elsewhere, 
 let us fill up our separation by the frequency of our letters. 
 Of Omphalius I only know the name. If you have ascer- 
 tained what sort of a man he is or what is the extent of 
 his learning let me know, and let me receive from you, 
 what I greatly desire, a letter about all manner of things. 
 Farewell. Written in the country, aand June^.' 
 
 Dolet's withdrawal from Toulouse had not the effect 
 of putting a stop to the attempts of his enemies gainst 
 him. That the First President used his influence in his 
 favour is certain, and Dolet always referred to him after- 
 
 ' Orat. duas, p. 121. 
 
158 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 wards with gratitude and esteem. But neither the modera- 
 tion of the First and Second Presidents, nor the friendship 
 of the Bishop of Rieux, was able to prevail against the 
 bigotry and not improbably the personal dislike of the 
 major part of the Councillors, instigated by the Lieutenant- 
 General of the Seneschalty, the Juge-mage, and supported 
 by the capitouls. Dolet had just signed the last letter 
 to de Boyssone on June 2and, when he received the 
 news that the Parliament had passed a decree sentencing 
 him to perpetual banishment from the city and from the 
 whole of the district within its jurisdiction. He thereupon 
 added the following postscript : — 
 
 ' Since signing my letter to you I have received news, 
 both by messengers and by letters, that Drusac has obtained 
 an edict forbidding my return to Toulouse. I am in no 
 degree disturbed by the persecution of so worthless a 
 fellow, nor in this season of trouble and wretchedness do 
 I any the less preserve my courage, but, as in tranquil and 
 prosperous times when my affairs go on as I wish I en- 
 deavour to show myself firm and stedfast, so now I en- 
 deavour bravely to resist misfortunes. Hence my troubles 
 are not increased, but alleviated by the firmness of my mind 
 and the record of a good conscience. I devote myself 
 wholly to literature, and with this occupy all my time ; 
 this takes away my mind from my annoyances and troubles, 
 and brings no slight forgetfulness both of my pain and 
 sickness, and forcibly impresses on me, as a man exposed 
 to all the shafts of fortune, that one ought only to be 
 troubled if one is guilty of some crime or wickedness, and 
 not because of misfortune or of the insults of the wicked. 
 i therefore desire to be judged by my character, not by 
 my fortunes. If you would write to me what you hear 
 or see of this matter you would alleviate my vexations 
 and gratify the desire of your friend. Again farewell.' 
 
 Shortly after the date of this letter Dolet found it 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 159 
 
 needful, although suffering severely from illness, to leave his 
 hiding-place and start for Lyons. He would seem to have 
 performed the journey, about two hundred and fifty miles, 
 on foot, in company with his faithful friend Simon Finet. 
 The summer was an unusually hot one, the roads deep in 
 dust, and on his arrival at Le Puy en Velay he was again 
 attacked by fever and detained some days. Here, just 
 as he was leaving for Lyons, his heart was gladdened by 
 receiving a letter from his friend Clausanus, to whom at 
 his first halt on the same day he wrote or commenced a 
 reply: 'Your letter delivered to me early this morning 
 filled me with joy, because I found that all with you was 
 as I wished it to be, and also because I found that you 
 had not changed your intention of accompanying me to 
 Italy. This letter, full of dust and hurry, I have written 
 to you on my journey, at three hours' distance from Le 
 Puy, where I had to stay for some days owing to a severe 
 attack of illness. Now I am two days' distance from 
 Lyons, where, unless my health prevents me from making 
 my regular day's march, I shall arrive on the ist of 
 August \' 
 
 Although he accomplished his design and reached Lyons 
 on the 1st of August, he arrived worn out both in mind 
 and body. ' When I reached Lyons,' he afterwards wrote 
 to de Boyssone, ' I had no hope of restoration to health 
 and even despaired of my life.' 
 
 ' Orat. &wst, p. 1 26. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Lyons. 
 
 ' C'est un grand cas voir le Mont Pelion, 
 
 Ou d'avoir veu les mines de Troye : 
 Mais qui ne voit la ville de Lyon, 
 Aucun plaisir a ses yeux il n'octroye.' 
 
 Clement Maeot. 
 
 N ancient city known 
 by the name of 
 Lugdunum formerly 
 reared its head in a 
 lofty situation, which, 
 after it had been 
 burnt down, was re- 
 built by Plancus, 
 then in command of 
 the Roman armies, 
 at the foot of the 
 mountain looking to- 
 wards the north. Through its centre the Saone rolls its 
 sluggish waters, and on one side it is girded by the Rhone ; 
 then each of the two streams flowing with a gentle current 
 receives the other into its bosom. Rich, populous, and 
 adorned with splendid buildings, it opens its markets as 
 well to strangers as to its own citizens.' 
 
 Such is the description which in one of his poems Dolet 
 gives us of the city which was henceforth to be his home, 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. l6l 
 
 and which during a considerable part of the sixteenth cen- 
 tury may fairly be considered the intellectual capital of 
 France. It recalled Italy not only in its climate^ but 
 in its literary and artistic tastes, and in the intellectual 
 freedom which (compared with the rest of France) it en- 
 joyed. In civilisation, as well as in commerce, it was more 
 Italian than French. Upwards of a century earlier we find 
 the foundations laid of that colony of noble and learned 
 Florentine merchants, some brought by political, others by 
 commercial emergencies, which towards the end of the 
 sixteenth century numbered upwards of fifty-nine families. 
 The Pazzi and the Gondi had settled at Lyons in the 
 fifteenth century, and had shown to the French that in 
 the most civilised nation in the world the pursuit of com- 
 merce was not incompatible with nobility of birth, with 
 polished manners, or with literary and artistic culture. 
 Coming from what was the home of literature and art, the 
 Italians brought with them that higher civilisation to which 
 France was generally then a stranger. 
 
 Learned Italians and Greeks who followed introduced on 
 this side of the Alps a knowledge of Greek and of a better 
 Latin literature. Lyons then, as still, wealthy, turbulent, 
 liberal and progressive, had given to the colony a hos- 
 pitable welcome, and had been rewarded, not only by the 
 advances made in civilisation and culture, but by the 
 substantial advantages which the Italians rendered to the 
 city. Great and flourishing as it had been for centuries, 
 it is to the Italian colony that Lyons is indebted for the 
 introduction of that art which subsequently made it the 
 greatest and most flourishing commercial city of France — 
 the manufacture of silk. It became the head-quarters for 
 all the monetary and commercial transactions between 
 France and Italy. The strangers built mansions which 
 rivalled in solidity and dignity those of their forefathers 
 at Florence or Lucca. They adorned the churches with a 
 
 M 
 
x6% ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 magnificence till then unknown. It was for the Florentine 
 Chapel in the Dominican Church at Lyons (which by a 
 special privilege was declared to be the parish church of 
 the Florentines) that Salviati painted his great masterpiece 
 The Incredulity of St. Thomas. 
 
 Nowhere out of Paris were there to be found during the 
 sixteenth century so many or so distinguished men of 
 letters as at Lyons. The literary natives and regular 
 residents even were great in number, and many of them 
 men of ability and eminence. Symphorien Champier, 
 equally distinguished in medicine as in literature, occupied 
 now in founding the College of Medicine, now in decipher- 
 ing and arranging in order the old chronicles ; Benoit 
 Court, whose delightful commentaries on the Arresta Amo- 
 rum afford one of the earliest specimens of that spirituelle 
 finesse in which the French writers have since been so pro- 
 ficient ; Maurice Sce.v&, a poet and an antiquary, whose 
 praises have been sounded by men so different as Marot, 
 Du Bellay, and La Croix du Maine ; his cousin Guillaume 
 Sceve, equally devoted to literature; Charles de Sainte 
 Marthe, a poet, a theologian, and a reformer ; Guillaume 
 de Choul, whose collection of Roman coins and antiquities 
 was the only one on this side the Alps worthy to be 
 called a collection, and whose work on the castrametation 
 of the Romans continued for two centuries the standard 
 authority on the subjects treated of; Charles Fontaine, 
 whose literary criticisms are always marked with point and 
 sense, if we cannot accord to him the high rank as a poet 
 which his contemporaries considered was his due ; Barthe- 
 lemi Aneau, whose Myst^re de la Nativity is by many 
 regarded as the parent of the French opera ; Sanctes 
 Pagnini, the great Hebraist, who had been a pupil of Sa- 
 vonarola ; all these were at this time living at Lyons, where 
 indeed they passed the greater part of their lives, and form 
 a company of men of letters who could not be equalled in 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 163 
 
 France out of Paris. Yet they were far eclipsed by the men 
 of still greater eminence who resided for longer or shorter 
 periods, and some of whom paid more than one lengthened 
 visit to Lyons. 
 
 Franpois Rabelais, Clement Marot, Michael Servetus, 
 Bonaventure des Periers, Salmon Macrin, Hubert Sus- 
 saneau, Nicolas Bourbon of Vandceuvre, all passed several 
 years of their lives at Lyons between 1530 and 154°) whilst 
 Erasmus, Robert Estienne, Pole, Sadolet, Calvin, Beza, 
 Antoine de Gouvea, Emil Ferret, and Jean Second were 
 no infrequent visitors ; and Bud6, the greatest in repute 
 of all, must have visited Lyons at least twice, though I 
 find no detailed accounts of his visits. It may be indeed 
 that the greatest intellects of the time either resided wholly 
 in Paris, or made but a temporary sojourn at Lyons. The 
 Estiennes, Marot, and perhaps Beza, desired never to leave 
 Paris, and only the bitter persecution which they expe- 
 rienced at the hands of the enemies of all learning, of all 
 literature, of all enlightenment, drove them to seek homes 
 in the freer commonwealths of Geneva and Berne, or among 
 the mountains of Piedmont. Yet at Lyons there was far 
 more intellectual freedom than at Paris. The sinister action 
 of the Court and of the Sorbonne was less felt. The Car- 
 dinal de Tournon, bigot though he was, seems to have 
 left the capital of the south, of which he was first the 
 governor and afterwards the archbishop, more liberty than 
 he allowed the royal city where his hopes and ambitions 
 centred ; while his lieutenants, the Trivulces and Jean de 
 Peyrat, had strong sympathies with intellectual .progress, 
 and used all their influence (though often in vain) to pro- 
 tect letters and their students from the attacks of eccle- 
 siastical bigotry. And a society that numbered among its 
 members Rabelais, Marot, Des Periers, Dolet, Sceve, Ma- 
 crin, Champier, and Aneau, must have enjoyed a freedom 
 of intellectual intercourse which was wanting in the great 
 
 M a 
 
164 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 capital so jealously watched over by the Sorbonne and the 
 Parliament, where every word that could tend to religious 
 or intellectual freedom was instantly pounced upon and 
 brought its utterer under the censure —if not worse — of one 
 of these venerable bodies. 
 
 If we are to believe the P^re de Colonia ' — and his state- 
 ment has often been repeated — it is to Lyons that the 
 honour belongs of the establishment of the earliest of those 
 literary societies or academies for which France was after- 
 wards to become so famous. The Academy of Fourviere 
 (so called from the venerable mansion on the slopes of the 
 hill of that name, the remains of the palace of the Roman 
 emperors, in which the meetings took place) was founded, 
 as we are told, very early in the sixteenth century by Hum- 
 bert de Villeneuve and Hugues Fournier, afterwards suc- 
 cessively First Presidents of the Parliament of Burgundy, 
 Humbert Fournier, a brother of the last-named, Sympho- 
 rien Champier, Benoit Court, Gonsalvo of Toledo, a learned 
 Spanish physician then resident at Lyons, and others. 
 
 It is on a letter from Humbert Fournier to Symphorien 
 Champier in 1507, and on a letter and certain odes of 
 Voult^ written in 1536, that the P^re de Colonia has based 
 his account of this Academy. But the letter of Fournier, 
 which is printed at the end of Champier's treatise De 
 Quadrupla Vita ^ though full of interest and proving the 
 abundance of intellectual vigour at Lyons at this time, 
 seems only to be an account of the mode in which Four- 
 nier and four friends passed their time in a summer visit 
 to the country-house of Fournier, situate on the slopes of 
 Fourviere ; while the letter and odes of Jean Voult^, thirty 
 years afterwards, certainly refer to nothing more than the 
 casual meetings of his literary friends ^. 
 
 ' Hist. Lit. de Lyons, vol. iii. pp. 466 et seq. 
 
 ' Lugdunum, 1507. 
 
 ' See as to this pretended Academy, AUut, Etude sur Symphorien Champier 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 165 
 
 But it was not only by the presence of men of letters 
 and science that Lyons was distinguished in the sixteenth 
 century, but also by the extraordinary activity of its press, 
 which rivalled that of Paris itself Lyons was the second 
 town in France where the art of printing was exercised, 
 but it achieved a greater distinction than Parisj inasmuch 
 as from its presses issued the first books printed in France 
 in the French language. Nor is it at all improbable that 
 the first French book printed in France was one, the publi- 
 cation of which in the vulgar tongue has ever been most 
 bitterly objected to by all who have opposed themselves to 
 intellectual, political, or social freedom. In 1472 Barthelemi 
 Buyer, a wealthy and eminent citizen of Lyons, caused 
 Guillaume Regis, or Le Roi, a skilful printer, to set up a 
 press in his house, and there, in (as it appears) that or the 
 following year, under the superintendence of two learned 
 Augustin friars, Julien Macho and Pierre Farget, was 
 printed the New Testament in French, and also an abridg- 
 ment or paraphrase of the Old Testament ^- 
 
 The good work which Buyer commenced, continued and 
 
 (Lyon 1859), pp. 62-67. I am surprised to see that Mr. Walter Besant, who 
 always writes on the renaissance of letters in France with an appreciative 
 intelligence rare among Englishmen, in his recent interesting monogiaph on 
 Rabelais has fallen into the error of treating as real this pretended Academy, the 
 Socidie Angelique as it has sometimes been called. 
 
 ' If, as seems now to be the more generally received opinion, Le Recueil des 
 Histoires de Troyes, variously attributed to Caxton, to Colard Mansion, and to 
 Ulric Zell, was not printed until 1475 or 1476, the books printed by Barthelemi 
 Buyer at Lyons would be the earliest French books printed. Of these, La Legende 
 Doree is certainly the earliest with date (1476) ; but several bibliographers of 
 repute, notably MM. Pericaud Aine (Bibliographie Lyonnaise, xv. si^cle, p. 7) 
 and Berjeau (Bibliophile Illustre, ii. p. 14), are of opinion that the New Testa- 
 ment and the Abridgment of the Old given in French by Buyer appeared in 
 1473, or i473 at the latest. Berjeau is however in error in stating that these 
 books bear date 1472. Two editions, both of the New Testament and of the 
 Abridgment of the Old, were given by Buyer about the same time, both undated, 
 one of them printed with the same characters as the Lotharius Diaconus of 
 1473, the first book printed with a date at Lyons. Both the editions are in 
 small folio, but one has long lines, and the other double columns. A copy of 
 
l66 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 extended itself. No less than seventy-two master printers 
 practised their art in Lyons in the fifteenth century; and in 
 addition to many of these, who continued to print for a 
 considerable part of the following century, one hundred and 
 eighteen additional names are found in the sixteenth cen- 
 tury, besides many booksellers who were not themselves 
 printers 1. The printers of Lyons in the century and a 
 quarter which followed the introduction of the art were far 
 more numerous than in the two centuries and three-quarters 
 which have followed, and a prodigious number of books 
 were given by them to the world. Eighty-four complete 
 editions of the Bible (including the New Testament) are 
 enumerated by Masch^ as having issued from the Lyonese 
 press during the first half of the sixteenth century, besides 
 numerous editions of separate parts. 
 
 At the head of the profession when Dolet arrived there 
 in 1534 (for printing was a learned profession, not a manual 
 art) was Sebastian Gryphius, who, in the thirty-five years 
 that he exercised the profession of a printer (from 1524 to 
 1556), printed upwards of one thousand different editions 
 in Hebrew, Greek, Latin, Italian, Spanish, and French. His 
 son and successor was almost as prolific. The presses of 
 the de Tournes, the Rouilles, the Rigauds, the Frellons, 
 and numerous others were constantly at work ; and if it was 
 not the good-fortune of any Lyonese printer to give to the 
 world an editio princeps of a Greek or Latin classic, yet it 
 
 the edition of the New Testament with long lines, the property of Lord 
 Spencer, was in the Caxton Exhibition. In the catalogue, 1477 is the suggested 
 date, but this is certainly too late. The British Museum and the Bibliotheque 
 Nationale each possess a copy. Another was bought by the Due D'Aumale at 
 the Solar sale for 1045 francs. The Due de la Valliere's copy of the edition in 
 two columns, which sold at the sale of his books in 1783 for 100 francs, was 
 subsequently acquired by M. A. Firmin-Didot, and has just been sold at his 
 sale (May 1879) for 3550 francs. See as to the difference in the two editions, 
 lirunet, Manuel, vol. v. 746. 
 
 ' Montfalcon, Manuel du Bibliophile et de I'Archeologue Lyonnais. 
 
 " Bibliotheca Sacra. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 1 67 
 
 was to their presses, and particularly to those of the Gryphii, 
 that the numerous small and cheap reprints of Latin texts 
 were due, which were a greater boon to poor students. 
 
 But at the Lyonese press of the sixteenth century there 
 were also published original works which have placed their 
 authors in the first rank of scholarship and literature. It 
 was at Lyons that Gargantua and Pantagruel first saw the 
 light, that Marot first printed his Enfer and a complete 
 edition of his works, that Sanctes Pagnini gave to the 
 world his great Hebrew Lexicon, which, though now all 
 but forgotten, contributed more than any^^single book to 
 advance the study of the sacred language. When the 
 study of Hebrew was forbidden at Paris by the Sorbonne, 
 as impious, dangerous, and heretical, at Lyons Sanctes 
 Pagnini could compose, and Gryphius could print without 
 danger, a work which deservedly ranked with Robert 
 Estienne's Latin Thesaurus, and the still greater Greek 
 Thesaurus of his greater son. 
 
 Nor were the printers and correctors of the press un- 
 worthy of the authors. The prefaces and dedications 
 written by Sebastian Gryphius would prove him to have 
 been an excellent Latin scholar, even if this had not been 
 made known to us by the praises given to him by J. C. 
 Scaliger, Gesner, Sadolet, and many others. Rabelais, 
 Sussanneau, and Dolet were readers or correctors of his 
 press. The elder de Tournes, first his apprentice and 
 afterwards his journeyman, rivalled him in scholarship, 
 and excelled him in typography; while to Trechsel be- 
 longs the distinction of having the proofs of his edition of 
 the Canon of Avicenna (printed in 1498) corrected by no 
 less a person than the first Greek scholar in Europe, the 
 French ambassador to Venice, in whose veins ran the blood 
 of three emperors— the celebrated Jean Lascaris. 
 
 Yet one distinction of Lyons in the sixteenth century 
 remains to be noticed. In no other city of Europe does 
 
]68 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 there seem to have been so many cultivated women. Their 
 glories must indeed pale before that of La Marguerite des 
 Marguerites, but the ladies by whom she was surrounded 
 do not seem to have emulated the literary culture of their 
 mistress, and we look in vain in Paris or elsewhere in 
 France for anything to compare, in the matter of cultivated 
 female society, with Lyons. The name of Louise Lab6 — 
 La Belle Cordihe — is perhaps the only one that is familiar 
 to the English reader, and she alone of the ladies of Lyons 
 has attained the high position of a French classic. She 
 well deserves her pre-eminence. Beautiful, accomplished, 
 and wealthy, the centre of all that was noblest in the 
 society of Lyons in the middle of the sixteenth century, 
 she anticipated the nineteenth in her regrets that the 
 severe laws of men hindered persons of her sex from 
 devoting themselves to study, and she exhorted them as 
 far as possible to raise their minds above their distaffs and 
 spindles, and to show themselves worthy companions and 
 rivals of the other sex in the pursuit of higher things, not 
 indeed for the purpose of ruling, but of showing their 
 capabilities for rule. Perhaps Louise Labd is the only 
 one of the Lyonese ladies whose poems are still read : yet 
 the rhymes of ' the gentle and virtuous dame Pernette du 
 Guillet of Lyons ' have been honoured with no less than five 
 editions, two of them being in the nineteenth century ; and 
 if inferior both in polish and force to those of her younger 
 friend, her verses have yet a simple grace which still 
 interests. Contemporary with these ladies were the two 
 sisters Claudine and Sybilla Sceve (near relations of 
 Maurice), of a rare talent for poetry as well as prose, 
 to whom Marot has addressed one of his happiest odes • 
 Jeanne Gaillard, whose response to a rondeau of the same 
 poet has been thought fit to be placed by its side in the 
 subsequent editions of Marot's works ; and Clemence de 
 Bourges, whom Duverdier calls the pearl of the Lyonese 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 169 
 
 ladies of his time, the friend or the rival — possibly both — 
 of Louise Lab^, and who excelled in music equally as in 
 poetry. 
 
 It was in the salons of the dame du Perron, the wife of 
 Antoine de Gondi, that all that was most distinguished in 
 the society of Lyons at this time was wont to assemble. 
 There were to be found men of letters, musicians, and 
 artists, together with persons of the highest rank, — ' princes, 
 prelates, and kings,' according to the enthusiastic description 
 of the poet and musician Eustorg de Beaulieu, in whose 
 poetical account of the charms of the society which sur- 
 rounded his patroness we may easily pardon a little 
 exaggeration. 
 
 Dolet arrived at Lyons on the ist of August, 1534 \ 
 and immediately visited the learned printer Sebastian 
 Gryphius, and delivered the message of de Boyssone. 
 Born about 1491, at Reutlingen in Suabia, where his father, 
 Michael GreyfT or Gryff, exercised the art of printing^, 
 Gryphius had settled at Lyons certainly as early as 
 1534, in which year an edition of the Commentary of 
 Nicolas de Tudeschi upon the Decretals appeared with 
 
 ' It is clear that it was the ist of August, 1534, that Dolet arrived at Lyons, 
 and not the ist of August, 1533, as stated by Nee de la Kochelle, who is of 
 course followed by Boulmier. It was not until the ist of August, 1533, that the 
 King visited Toulouse. Yet this event is referred to in Dolet's second oration, 
 which must have been delivered, and Dolet's imprisonment at Toulouse must 
 have occurred, subsequently to that date. The imprisonment was on the 25 th of 
 March, and as we know that he arrived at Lyons on the i st of August following, 
 this would be 1534. Moreover, in the letter of Jacques Bording dated Paris, 
 Jan. 26, and written before Dolet's first imprisonment, he mentions that Beda 
 had been lately restored to his office (Orat. duas, p. 166), but this event occurred 
 at the end of 1533. He had been banished on the 2Cth of May, 1533, and was 
 recalled the end of the same year. (Herminjard, Correspondence des Reforma- 
 teurs, iii. pp. 53, 162, 272.) The orations then must have been printed between 
 13th of August, 1534, the date of the prefatory letter of Chrysogonus Hammo- 
 nius, and the 15th of October the same year, the day on which Dolet arrived 
 in Paris. 
 
 " Twelve books are enumerated by Panzer as issuing from his press between 
 14S6 and 1496. 
 
I'JO ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 his name ^. He printed certainly one other, and probably 
 more, in the next three years. But it was not until 1538 
 that his press became of importance. Previous to this 
 year his only books had been huge folios of mediaeval 
 jurisprudence. He now set himself to rival the Aldi by 
 publishing a series of Latin books, resembling theirs not 
 only in form and type, but in general utility; and though 
 he did not aspire to the glory of rivalling their Greek series, 
 and published scarcely any original critical editions of Latin 
 classics, yet, from the immense quantity of excellent books 
 which issued from his press, Latin classics, Latin trans- 
 lations of Greek classics, reprints of the best recent or 
 contemporary writers, Erasmus, Politian, Bud4 he con- 
 tributed more than any other printer to the popularising 
 of literature and to the cause of intellectual progress. A 
 few books in Hebrew, Greek, French, Italian, and Spanish, 
 but the vast majority in Latin, issued from his press 
 between 1528 and his death in 1556^, and were rapidly 
 spread through the South of France, the North of Italy, 
 and the adjacent parts of Switzerland and Germany. Many 
 original works also, though not in equal numbers, nor 
 generally (though occasionally) equal in merit, to those 
 
 ' According to Breghot de Lut and Pericaud Ain^ (Biographie Lyonnaise) he 
 printed as early as 1520 the tract of Romanus Aquila, De Nominibus Figuraruni, 
 but I have been unable to meet with a copy of this book, or to find any other 
 mention of it. There are certainly several errors in the notice of Seb. Gryphius 
 contained in the Biog. Lyon. He is there said to have printed " number of 
 Greek classics. I have been unable to discover more than four Greek books, of 
 which only one (jEsop's Fables) can be considered as a Greek classic. Latin 
 translations however of nearly all the Greek classics were printed by him. He 
 is further said (Biog. Lyon.) to have printed many other works (' beaucoup 
 d'autres ouviages') from 1520 to 1528. I can find no traces of more than three 
 before 1528, the edition referred to in the text of N. de Tudeschi (Panormitanus) 
 on the Decretals printed in 1524, the Repertorium of Bertachini de Fermo in 
 1525, and an edition of the works of Bartholus, referred to in the preface to 
 Panormitanus. 
 
 ' I doubt whether any printer in the sixteenth century gave to the public 
 an equal numbe of books during an equal period. In the same number of 
 years Robert PJstienne printed four hundred and sixty-six works. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 171 
 
 which the Manutii or the Estiennes had the good fortune 
 to publish, were printed by Gryphius. But even original 
 works of the highest merit were not wanting, and especially 
 such as the Roman Inquisition and the censorship of the 
 Sorbonne would have either refused to sanction or required 
 some modifications of, in Italy or in Paris. It was through 
 his press that the purest Latin prose writer of the age, the 
 tolerant and excellent Bishop of Carpentras, Cardinal Sado- 
 let, gave most of his works to the world, not seldom with a 
 dedication or other grateful reference to the learned and 
 accurate printer, with whom he was on terms of great inti- 
 macy and friendship 1. It was Gryphius who in 1536 first 
 printed that poem on the immortality of the soul by which 
 the then unknown Aonio Paleario was recognised as the equal 
 of Vida and Sannazar, a poem modelled in style and manner 
 (though not in its motive) after Lucretius, and which in 
 the judgment of many contemporaries approaches near to 
 that author's excellencies ; a poem which, although it placed 
 the writer in the first rank of the Christian poets of the 
 Renaissance, yet gave to the bloodhounds of the Inquisition 
 the scent of a future prey, and which was followed in 1552 
 by the orations ■ of the same author, also from the press of 
 Gryphius, in which was the fatal sentence describing the 
 Inquisition as a poniard directed against all men of letters 
 {sica districta in omnes scriptores'^), a sentence not to be 
 forgotten or forgiven until it was expiated by the author 
 on the scaffold nearly twenty years afterwards. 
 
 ' In 1535 appeared from the press of Gryphius the first edition of Sadolet's 
 Commentary on the Romans, — a work to which the author had given much time 
 and labour, but which, to his infinite mortification, was, very shortly after its 
 appearance, censured and ordered to be suppressed by the Court of Rome on 
 account of a fancied tendency to Pelagianism. Hence very few copies exist. It 
 was reprinted in 1536 and 1537, with important suppressions and corrections. 
 
 ' Orat. pro se ipso ad Senenses. The works of Paleario share with those of 
 Dolet, and of most others who have written what is worth reading, the honours 
 of the Index Expurgatovius. 
 
173 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 It was through the press of Gryphius that the elder 
 Scaliger's critical treatises first saw the light ; and the 
 great Julius Cffisar even condescended to address and 
 print a complimentary letter to the printer on the occasion 
 of the publication of his treatise, De Causis Linguae Latins. 
 Sebastian Gryphius was also the printer of the great Hebrew 
 Thesaurus of Sant^ Pagnini, and of the Latin Thesaurus of 
 Dolet, two works not easily rivalled in their several depart- 
 ments of scholarship in the sixteenth century, and which 
 would have been considered as chefs-d'cEuvre of typography 
 had they not been thrown into the shade by the magnificent 
 Latin Bible — the largest up to that time issued both in 
 size and type — which Sebastian Gryphius printed in 1550. 
 
 Nor were lighter works wanting. Although Gryphius 
 was pre-eminently the learned printer, as Francois Juste 
 and Claude Nourry were the popular printers, of Lyons ; 
 yet the two earliest editions of the Arresta Amorum, with 
 the erudite commentaries of Benoit Court, were printed 
 by him : and numerous Latin poets and epigrammatists 
 found in him not merely a publisher, but a valued friend. 
 The Latin classics of Gryphius have not preserved their 
 value, and are but little sought for ; yet they performed a 
 most useful part in their day, and although he was perhaps 
 not the first to use the small and convenient size which is 
 generally known as i6mo. or 24mo. \ he first employed it to 
 any large extent in his editions of the classics, and in this 
 form they became the school-books of nearly half Europe. 
 
 Dolet's reception by the learned printer was, as we should 
 expect from the latter 's character, most friendly. ' I visited 
 Sebastian Gryphius,' he wrote a few days afterwards to de 
 
 ' The earliest book with which I am acquainted printed by Gryphius in this 
 form (and which is rather smaller than that which he subsequently adopted) is 
 dated 1532. It is the aphorisms of Hippocrates, with a preface by Rabelais. 
 In the same year Simon de Colines printed a Martial, and Robert Estienne a 
 Terence, of the same size These appear to be the earliest classics, if not the 
 earliest printed books in that form. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 173 
 
 Boyssone, ' and saluted him in your name- I found him to 
 be a man full of learning and kindness, and most worthy of 
 the friendship of all learned men. He rejoiced greatly in 
 my news of your prosperity, and of your recovery of your 
 position, and wished me to take up my residence with 
 him ; but whilst I was most grateful for his kindness, I 
 was unwilling to be a burden to him '.' 
 
 But if from a feeling of independence Dolet declined the 
 worthy printer's hospitality, yet the two soon formed a 
 friendship which, unlike most of the friendships of Dolet, 
 seems to have lasted unbroken to the close of his life. 
 He dedicated to Gryphius the fourth book of his poems in 
 1538, and addressed him in these words : — 
 
 ' What I more expressly aim at in this the fourth book 
 of my poems, is that those who have been cultivators of 
 virtue in their lifetime should after their deaths receive a 
 testimony to their merits^. You contribute to the same 
 object by transmitting to posterity in your beautiful types 
 the books on which the fame as well of the ancient authors 
 as of our own contemporaries rests. I wish then this fourth 
 book to be dedicated to you as an evidence of the laudable 
 efforts of each of us, and as an eternal and perpetual pledge 
 of the friendship which has so long subsisted between us.' 
 
 From this time and for the remaining twelve years of 
 his life Lyons was the home of Dolet. Two visits to Paris 
 of no great lengthy a flight to Piedmont in 1544, and his 
 two long imprisonments, each of about fifteen monthsj leave 
 him nearly eight years at Lyons, and eight years of hard 
 incessant literary work. During these eight years, besides 
 for a time correcting for the press of Gryphius and editing 
 certainly three books for other printers, he published at least 
 fifteen distinct original works of his own composition, 
 some of them of considerable extent. He translated into 
 
 ' Orat. duffi in Tholosam, p. 135. 
 
 " The fourth book of Dolet's Carmina consisted entirely of epitaphs. 
 
174 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 French and printed at least five others. He printed and 
 personally superintended through the press more than fifty 
 other works of different writers in Greek, Latin, and French, 
 to many of which he acted as editor and prefixed an ode 
 or preface of his own composition. 
 
 His original purpose in making his way to Lyons was, 
 as we have seen, to commit to the press his orations, poems, 
 and letters ; but on his arrival at that city, his physical and 
 mental prostration were such, that he gave up for the pre- 
 sent his intention. In his letter to de Boyssone, written 
 shortly after his arrival, where the passage already quoted 
 occurs in which he says that on reaching Lyons he had 
 no hope of restoration to health, but even despaired of his 
 life, he continues, — 
 
 'Accordingly I have given up the intention with which 
 I came here, namely, of printing my orations against Tou- 
 louse, and I am determined they shall not see the light 
 until some certain hope of a restoration to health is 
 afforded me ;' and a little later he speaks of himself as 
 tormented with bodily pain, and feeling very near his 
 last hour. A week later however he writes to Jean de 
 Pins from a country retreat to which the Lyons physicians 
 had sent him, and speaks less despairingly of himself, yet 
 still implying that he was not thinking of immediately 
 publishing his book. 
 
 Etienne Dolet to Jean de Pins. 
 
 ' My silence has been occasioned by a severe illness from 
 which I have until now been suffering. Now that I am 
 recovering from my almost hopeless and desperate sfete, 
 and am hoping in a short time to be free from disease, I 
 return to my former alacrity in letter writing, and I hope by 
 diligence to fill up the interval of my letters to you. 
 
 'When owing to the envy of despicable men and the 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 175 
 
 hatred of wicked ones I left Toulouse, by the advice of 
 my friends I concealed myself in the country and fled 
 from the sight of my enemies. I chose a most pleasant 
 spot, and one very convenient for the residence of the 
 studious ; but the happiness which I expected to find there 
 was grudged me by fortune, and the violence of my ene- 
 mies deprived me of it. I fled thence at the right time, 
 and so prevented my enemies from feasting their eyes on 
 my calamities, and gratifying their infamous cruelty by 
 my arrest. Yet even whilst I stayed there I was unable, 
 owing to my weak health, to enjoy the pleasantness of the 
 place. Then, compelled by the persecution of my enemies 
 to fly, and suffering from a severe disease, I set off" for 
 Lyons, with what intention, my orations against Toulouse 
 and my ..epigrams would have shown, had not the weak 
 state of my health prevented me from publishing them. 
 For, the same diligence which I formerly used in studying 
 I now devote to the recovery of my health. I am now 
 by the advice of my physicians \ spending my time in 
 the country, where they think, on account of the greater 
 coolness of the climate, the remains of my disease may 
 be more easily driven away; nor do they hope without 
 cause, the fever having left me for eight days. Indeed 
 I am now recovering the flesh which when sick I had lost, 
 and I already perceive myself to be twice the size I lately 
 was. I only need the pleasure of your society, for great 
 as was the delight and profit which I derived from the 
 full enjoyment of it, still greater is the loss which I feel 
 for the want of it. I grieve to a surprising degree that 
 it is not permitted me to look upon, and to tend him, 
 whose defence of my welfare was perpetual, firm, and 
 
 > Who would these be ? Rabelais, Foumier, Symphorien Champier, Canappe, 
 and Tolet were all then practising their profession at Lyons, and very soon 
 after this time we find all of them, except Champier, on terms of great intimacy 
 with Dolet. 
 
176 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 invincible, than whom no one, however great his services, 
 will ever be more honoured by me, and in speaking of 
 and recalling to mind the many benefits which he has 
 conferred upon me I could willingly pass all my time. 
 You will hardly believe, my friend, how religiously I pre- 
 serve the remembrance of your kindness. I often think 
 with gratitude and pleasure how affectionately you treated 
 me, how humanely you consoled me when I was harassed 
 by troubles. Those plans of yours, so sensible and thought 
 out with such wonderful care, by which you provided for 
 my reputation, my position, my welfare, often come into 
 my mind, and I do not foVget that I owe everything, even 
 my life, to you. . . . 
 
 ' I will now bring my letter to an end, only adding the 
 rumours which are noised abroad and talked over at Lyons. 
 ' It is reported here that Clement the supreme pontiff 
 has been suddenly carried off by poison. Owing to this 
 all the French cardinals have assembled here in order 
 to proceed together to Rome for the purpose of choosing 
 a God in the room of that God who has proved mortal, 
 and of giving without corruption, and according to their 
 convictions, their votes on the election of a pontiff. Many 
 hope for a French pope^; all talk of war, and have a 
 suspicion that the matter will be the occasion of tumults. 
 
 ' Among many there is an expectation that the king is 
 about to arrive, and this is much talked of. Yet it is a 
 thing rather wished for than expected, and the rumour 
 just now is growing fainter and is almost extinct. These 
 are the matters talked of here. . . . Farewell. Written 
 in the country, Aug. 8.' 
 
 In the meantime, strange as it must seem, the orations, 
 the epistles, and the poems were preparing for, if not 
 actually proceeding through, the press of Gryphius, under 
 the editorship of Simon Finet, and, as the latter asserts, 
 
 ' Du Prat had hopes of being elected. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 177 
 
 without the sanction or knowledge of Dolet. The book 
 was rapidly pushed through the press, and was completed 
 and issued some time between the 14th of August and 
 the end of September 1534. This, the first work of Dolet, 
 is a small octavo of two hundred and forty-six numbered 
 and ten unnumbered pages, without date, place, or printer's 
 name^ It commences with a letter from Simon Finet 
 to Claude Cottereau, which begins as follows : — 
 
 ' Do you think what I have done is to be considered 
 as a crime, or is it not rather a matter for praise ? Here 
 is the fact in a few words ; do you decide upon it. You 
 are not ignorant of the great intimacy between Etienne 
 Dolet and myself. When the violent threats of a certain 
 wicked and abandoned man (yet one of great and baleful 
 power) compelled him to leave Toulouse, he took me as his 
 companion to Lyons, with the intention of publishing both 
 what he had written against Toulouse, and also some 
 letters and very graceful odes which he had addressed 
 to divers persons. In this way he sought by his pen to 
 avenge the injuries which he had received at Toulouse. 
 But no sooner were we come here, than he was again 
 attacked by a serious illness, similar to that from which 
 he had only just recovered, and it speedily turned into 
 a quartan ague. You who know so well the force and 
 nobleness of his mind, so ready to despise and even to laugh 
 at external misfortunes, will not doubt how manfully he 
 
 ' The title page is simply as follows : — Stephani Doleti Orationes Duk in 
 Tholosam. Ejusdem Epistolarum libri ii. Ejusdem Carminum libri ii. Ad 
 eundem Epistolarum amicorum liber. Although the words 'Lugduni apud 
 Gryphium ' are given both by Brunet and by Boulmier as being on the title, they 
 are really not so. Boulmier indeed, although giving these words in his Biblio- 
 graphie Doletienne, yet says correctly elsewhere (p. 73) that the orations 
 appeared without the printer's name or place of publication. Yet he goes on to 
 say, ' Mais une lettre de Chrysogon Hammonius, un des amis de Dolet, nous 
 apprend qu'elles furent imprimees chez Gryphius." Not a word of this appears 
 in the letter of Hammonius. It is however abundantly clear from the typo- 
 graphy, and particularly from the woodcut initial letters, that the book was 
 printed by Seb. Gryphius. 
 
 N 
 
178 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 struggled against the effects of disease. At length how- 
 ever, growing weary of the perpetual conflicts against hostile 
 fate, he has laid aside his intention of publishing his 
 writings, and thinks of nothing but how his health may be 
 restored as speedily as possible. It has however been a 
 source of great grief to me that the publication which 
 would so greatly increase the reputation and fame of our 
 friend should be any longer deferred, and especially that 
 this should be caused by his illness, and it has also been 
 a great trouble to me that those who have so infamously 
 outraged him by their insults, should any longer boast 
 themselves against him with impunity. You now know 
 the course I have taken with a view to promote the 
 reputation of the man whom I love, and it is for you to 
 judge whether I am to be praised or blamed for it. The 
 two orations which he delivered at Toulouse (to a greater 
 crowd of auditors than has within my memory been ad- 
 dressed by any orator), upon no far-fetched or imaginary 
 subject, but upon one which was real and as it were 
 thrust upon him, I have furtively seized. I have increased 
 my theft by two books of epistles, which marvellously 
 harmonise with the arguments of the orations ; and, lastly, 
 grown still more eager by so rich a prey, I have collected 
 two books of odes, and I now publish these without the 
 sanction, and even without the knowledge of their author. 
 Well? Now I am awaiting your judgment.' 
 
 The rest of the epistle is occupied with a defence of 
 his own conduct, and with greatly exaggerated praise of 
 the genius and attainments of Dolet, which, ridiculous as 
 they are in the original, would appear still more so in 
 English. The writer then concludes : ' Whatever may be 
 your judgment, whilst Dolet by the advice of his physicians 
 is avoiding the heat of the summer and is staying in the 
 country, I shall give my attention to printing the works 
 to which I have referred, but shall not inform the author 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 179 
 
 of the fact until we arrive at Padua. I have already 
 written to you that so soon as the heat is less we think 
 of setting out for that city. In the meantime let me hear 
 from you what you are doing, and how diligently you are 
 devoting yourself to literature. Farewell. Lyons, (Aug. i^?).' 
 
 This letter is followed by one purporting to be addressed 
 by Chrysogonus Hammonius, an Italian, ' Critoni Archa- 
 gato 2,' which, after some generalities and laudatory remarks 
 on Dolet, thus proceeds : ' By chance yesterday I was visit- 
 ing the publisher, when whom should I meet but Simon 
 Finet, the most intimate friend of Dolet. Noticing from 
 his countenance that he was somewhat excited and per- 
 turbed, I asked him what his business was with the printer ; 
 he (a man of no small culture) replied, " I am about to 
 make public a treasure,'' and at the same time he showed 
 me two orations of Dolet, than which I have never read 
 anything more elegant or clever. These, out of regard to 
 his friend's reputation, he had purloined from their author, 
 who, having decided to postpone the publication of a work 
 of such great merit, afforded to Finet a pretext for his 
 theft. . . . But I am not able to express how severely the 
 author will feel this publication of his treatises or how 
 bitter will be his complaints against us. . . . Lyons, 
 Aug. 13.' 
 
 It is difficult to believe that any one could be taken in 
 
 ' The date of this letter, ' ad calend. Sext.,' is clearly wrong. It was written 
 some time after Dolet's arrival at Lyons, which was on August i. For 'Sext.' 
 I should read ' Sept.' 
 
 ^ I am unable to discover who Chrysogonus Hammonius or Crito the Archa- 
 gatus were. Dolet has an ode on the death of the former in the fourth book 
 of his Carmina. Of Simon Finet we know nothing save that he was the Pylades 
 of our Orestes. MM. Des Marets and Rathery are clearly in error in attempting 
 in the biography of Rabelais, prefixed to their excellent edition of his works, 
 to identify him with a certain SiVctoj, a friend and brother cordelier of Rabelais 
 at the abbey of Fontenay, who is referred to by Bude in his Greek epistles. 
 *iVfTos, who was a man and probably a priest when Bude wrote of him, at the 
 latest in 1522, was much senior in age to Simon Finet, the fellow-student of 
 Dolet at Toulouse in 1533. 
 
 N % 
 
r8o ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 by these pretences, and the publication certainly reflects 
 as much discredit upon the good faith of Dolet as the 
 publication of the letters of Swift upon that of Pope. In 
 both the motive was the same, in both great abilities were 
 disfigured by inordinate vanity. The publication of the 
 orations however — though there is nothing in them to 
 deserve publication, and much that could not fail to irritate 
 — was merely an indiscretion, and one easily pardonable 
 in the vain and clever author, whose head had been turned 
 as much by the bitter hostility which his orations had 
 excited among the bigots and the ignorant, as by the 
 exaggerated praises of his friends. But for the publication 
 of many of the letters no excuse can be made. Dolet 
 indeed may well be pardoned for desiring to set before the 
 world the terms on which he corresponded with de Pins, 
 with Pierre du Chatel, with de Langeac, and with the 
 great Bud6 himself, nor is there anything in the letters 
 of de Pins and Bud^ which they could object to have 
 printed ; but to publish the letters of de Boyssone, who 
 had so narrowly escaped the fate of Jean de Caturce and 
 whose letters were of so compromising a character that 
 Dolet did not even venture to affix to them the name of the 
 writer (however apparent from internal evidence), of Arnoul 
 le Ferron, who had expressly requested that his letters 
 might be preserved in the strictest secrecy, of Bording, 
 who clearly expressed himself about persons and things 
 with a freedom he would not have used ^ had he supposed 
 his letters would be given to the world, and the publication 
 of which might have brought him into most serious danger 
 as long as Beda was in power at the Sorbonne and Lizet 
 First President of the Parliament, was more than an in- 
 discretion, it was an act deserving of severe censure ; a 
 censure which must be increased when, as we find in the 
 case of le Ferron's letters, that they were not precisely as 
 ' See ante, p. :42. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. l8l 
 
 their author had written them, but that some expressions 
 had been altered, possibly to others more agreeable to 
 the irritable vanity of Dolet V At the same time we should, 
 in justice to Dolet, bear in mind that he may in all these 
 cases have omitted what he thought the writers would dis- 
 approve of being published, and that in the case of le 
 Ferron and de Boyssone the publication did not interfere 
 with their friendship with our hero — whether it was that 
 they believed or professed to believe the transparent fiction 
 of Finet, or whether their regard for Dolet induced them 
 to overlook an indiscretion which a combination of youth- 
 ful vanity and youthful talent had perhaps occasioned. 
 
 The letter of Chrysogonus Hammonius is followed by 
 an ode of Guillaume Sceve^ to Dolet, in which, after 
 lamenting the untimely deaths in Italy of the two lights 
 of France, Longolius and Simon Villanovanus, the writer 
 says that the hopes and expectations of Gaul are now fixed 
 upon Dolet. 
 
 After the orations come two books of letters from Dolet, 
 from which I have already made many extracts ^. Then 
 comes a book of letters from his friends, comprising three 
 
 ■ See letter of J. C. Scaliger to le Ferron, viii. Schelhorn's Amoenitates, 584 : 
 ' Quid enim perfidiosius quam amicos inter se committere ? Epistolas ad se abs te 
 datas invertisse ? Aliis alia verba substituisse ? delevisse ? induxisse?' This letter 
 shews us that both le Ferron and his friends felt that he had good grounds of 
 complaint against Dolet for printing the correspondence. 
 
 ^ G. Sceve seems about this time to have acted as the principal editor, reader, 
 and corrector of the press of Gryphius. 
 
 ' These letters consist of seven letters to de Boyssone, six to Bording, five to 
 Breslay, four to de Pins, three to le Ferron, three to Jean de Langeac, three to 
 Pierre du Chatel, two to Bude, two to Finet, two to Eustace Prevost, two to the 
 President Minut, one to Francis Langeac, one to Claude Cottereau, and one to 
 each of the following persons — Thomas Cassander, Jean Maumont, Arnold 
 Fabricius, Joannes Clausanus, Jacobus Calanconius, Jacobus Rostanus, Claudius 
 Barroo, Joannes Lepidus, and Claude Soimet. 
 
 Hallam's just remark on the Ciceronians of Italy is equally applicable to most 
 of these letters : ' The praise of writing pure Latin, or the pleasure of reading 
 it, is dearly bought when accompanied by such vacuity of sense as we experience 
 in the elaborate epistles of Paulus Manutius and the Ciceronian school in Italy.' 
 
1 82 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 from le Ferron, two from de Boyssone (though without his 
 name), one from de Pins to Dolet, and one from the 
 same to Minut in his behalf, five from Bording, two from 
 Breslay, and one from Bud^. 
 
 The epistles are followed by two books of Carmina, 
 several of the more noteworthy of which I have already 
 cited or referred to. Of various merit, and without ever 
 attaining to the foremost rank of the Latin verse of 
 that period, many of them display much skill in versifica- 
 tion, and some a high degree of poetic feeling and grace. 
 Julius Caesar Scaliger indeed, who joined in hounding the 
 unfortunate author to death and branding him with the 
 name of Atheist, and who brutally rejoiced over the flames 
 which consumed him, calls his poetry ' languida, frigida, 
 insulsa, plenissima vecordiae,' and says that its author de- 
 serves the name not of poet, but of 'poeticum excremen- 
 tum ^.' But when we recollect that Julius Caesar Scaliger 
 placed Homer far below Virgil, and that his own poems 
 are justly described by Huet as 'les poesies brutes et 
 informes dont il a deshonor6 le Parnasse,' we shall probably 
 not feel disposed to follow him as our guide in his judg- 
 ment of one whom he hated with so bitter and relentless 
 a hatred. 
 
 On the last page of the book appears for the first time 
 the motto, taken from the Epistles of his master Cicero, 
 which afterwards when a printer he placed at the end of 
 all the Latin and many of the French books printed by 
 him, and which is so applicable to his life, Durior est 
 spectatm virtutis quam incognita conditio. 
 
 On his restoration to health Dolet passed about six 
 weeks at Lyons, where he soon became intimate with 
 several of the leading men of letters there, upon whom he 
 would seem to have made a most favourable impression. 
 
 ' J. C. Scaliger, Poetices, book vi. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 183 
 
 Hortensio Lando was then at Lyons, superintending through 
 the press of Gryphius his Gcero Relegatus and Cicero 
 Revocatus. It is not improbable that Dolet had known 
 him in Italy. It is certain that at this time at Lyons 
 the two men were on terms of intimacy. It was at this 
 period that his friendship commenced with Maurice and 
 Guillaume Sceve, and that he made the acquaintance, soon 
 ripening into intimacy and friendship, of the great man 
 with whom his name has ever since been inseparably 
 connected — the greatest genius of the age — Francois Rabe- 
 lais. Rabelais had arrived at Lyons from Montpellier early 
 in 1532, but although he had as yet published nothing, his 
 reputation as a physician, a scholar, and above all as a 
 humourist, had preceded him ; and he had no sooner arrived 
 at the intellectual capital of the South, than his services 
 were secured by two printers and booksellers, — the learned 
 Sebastian Gryphius, for whom he edited certain apocryphal 
 fragments of Cuspidius which he believed to be genuine, 
 wrote and signed several Latin prefaces, and edited the Greek 
 text with a revised translation of the Aphorisms of Hippo- 
 crates, and Claud Nourry, the printer for the vulgar and in 
 the vulgar tongue, for whom he wrote, though anonymously, 
 comic and satirical almanacs and prognostications ^ and ' the 
 great and inestimable Chronicles of Gargantua,' and through 
 whose press, some time before Dolet's arrival at Lyons, he 
 gave to the world the first book of the divine Pantagruel. 
 For the first time, the comedy of human life was faithfully 
 represented ; it may be profanely and coarsely, but with a 
 vigour and geniality, a goodness of heart, a kindness and 
 a sympathy for the sufferings and weaknesses of humanity, 
 
 • M. Michelet (Hist, de France au Seizieme Siecle) says that Rabelais wrote 
 for Dolet and other booksellers popular publications, such as almanacs and 
 satires. He quotes no authority for this statement, which is certainly, as far as 
 Dolet is concerned, erroneous. Dolet printed no almanac or satire, nor any 
 work of Rabelais except Gargantua and the first book of Pantagruel, his 
 edition of which was printed in 1542. 
 
184 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 for the weak against the strong, with a jovial humour, and 
 above all a keenness yet never bitterness of satire, such as 
 never, either before or since, has been elsewhere seen. 
 
 In Rabelais the genius of the Renaissance appears in 
 its fullest development, and he alone is sufficient to disprove 
 the shallow judgment so often repeated, ' The Renaissance 
 gave birth to nothing.' The Renaissance was not the mere 
 return to the literary forms of antiquity, it was a return to 
 its substance, a return to freedom of thought, and it brought 
 with it a recognition of natural goodness, which the theo- 
 logians of the middle ages had refused to allow, and which 
 the Reformers equally with the followers of Rome agreed 
 in declaring to be heresy. 
 
 ' Gens libres, bien nes, bien instruits, conversant en com- 
 pagnies honnetes, ont par nature un instinct et aiguillon qui 
 toujours les pousse a faits vertueux et les retire de vice ; 
 lequel ils nomment Thonneur^.' 
 
 There is a species of biography which deals largely in 
 imaginary facts, and few temptations are stronger to a 
 biographer of one who like Rabelais has so greatly in- 
 fluenced all subsequent generations of Frenchmen, than to 
 consider how in his great work he was himself likely to be 
 influenced by his contemporaries and friends, and from that 
 likelihood to infer and state not only the fact of such 
 influence, but to imagine in detail the circumstances attend- 
 ing it. That Rabelais and Dolet formed a close intimacy 
 and friendship during the two months that the latter spent 
 at Lyons in the autumn of 1534, and that the friendship 
 so formed continued for several years, until, like most of 
 the friendships of our unfortunate hero, it was terminated 
 in circumstances which in the opinion of Rabelais gave him 
 
 ' Garg. c. Ivii. M. Martin (Hist. France, lib. 48) remarks on this passage, 'Ce 
 n'est pas seulement I'antipode du monachisme : c'est au moins antant I'antipode 
 du protestantisme, que part de la corruption totale de la nature, et de I'entiere 
 impuissance de I'homme pour le bien ; c'est I'extreme contraire. . . . L'evangile 
 de Rabelais n'est que celui de la charity et non de la grace et de redemption.' 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. l8j 
 
 the right of bitter complaint against Dolet, is certain ; but 
 though, from Dolet's odes to Rabelais, we see that he 
 recognised the genius of the latter, yet of the genial humour 
 and gentle humanity of the great satirist there is no trace 
 in Dolet. 
 
 The Encomium Moriae was the true precursor of Panta- 
 gruel, and the words with which the former concludes form 
 an admirable prologue to the latter, ' Quare valete plaudite 
 vivite bibite Moriae celeberrimi mystae \' Yet the Praise of 
 Folly was not to the taste of Dolet, though whether this 
 arose from an incapacity to appreciate wit and humour, or 
 from his dislike to the anti-Ciceronianism of Erasmus, may 
 be doubtful. This is how he expresses himself in reference 
 to perhaps the wittiest book of the day ^ : ' Most persons 
 vehemently praise the Encomium Moriae, many really admire 
 it ; yet if you examine it, the impudence of Erasmus will 
 strike you rather than the real force of his language. He 
 laughs, jokes, makes fun, irritates, inveighs, and raises a 
 smile even at Christ himself These words, which I regret 
 to quote, suggest to us a doubt whether Dolet was or could 
 have been a Pantagruelist, whether he could have looked 
 on life otherwise than most seriously, and whether there 
 could have been really much in common between him and 
 Rabelais. But here is what one of the best informed, ablest, 
 and most spiritual of the critics and biographers of Rabelais, 
 M. Eugene Noel, says of the intercourse between him and 
 Dolet : ' From Montpellier, Rabelais went to Lyons, where 
 with Dolet and several other Pantagruelists conversation 
 went on more vigorously than ever. Dolet was not only 
 an able printer, he was a philosopher and a poet, one of the 
 
 ' The remark of Erasmus the first time he tasted real Burgundy is worthy of 
 Brother Jean des Entommenres himself: ' O felicem velhoc nomine Burgundiam 
 planeque dignam, quee mater hominum dicatur, posteaquam tale lac habet in 
 uberibus.' As to the wines of the country, ' Digna quEe bibantur hereticis." 
 Epist. 650, p. 752. 
 
 '' I Comment. Ling. Lat. 1084. 
 
l86 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 most elevated and noblest spirits of the age^ We have 
 more than twenty works by him in Latin and French, in 
 verse and prose. He translated Cicero and Plato. He 
 was one of the first to print the Gospel in the vulgar tongue. 
 It was he who advised Rabelais no longer to confine himself 
 to translations and commentaries, but to cast into the in- 
 tellectual conflict a work really his own. .He wished him 
 to give a summary of the philosophy of the age, to give to 
 the disquieted world a word of new consolation. 
 
 ' Yes, Rabelais would say, but a book really human must 
 address itself to all. The time is come for philosophy to 
 go out of the schools, and shine like the sun on the whole 
 universe. At this time we ought to hold the ignorant 
 as well as the learned at the breast of truth. For my part, 
 if I write a philosophical book, I should wish that it should 
 console and amuse as well the worthy vine-dressers of La 
 Deviniere and the topers of Chinon as the most learned men ; 
 that it should be the universal piot^ \ that princes, kings, 
 emperors, and poor people should come there of their own 
 accord to drink together gaily. The truth — the path to which 
 is sufficiently difficult — should be, no less than the Gospel 
 of God, presented under a living form so human, so gentle, 
 that, being accepted by all, it may rouse the soul of all to 
 a community of thought. What other course is there than, 
 taking one's stand on the eternal conscience, to relate to the 
 people the stories which they delight in hearing, and which 
 they themselves have composed ? For example, those 
 chronicles of giants, printed over and over again in our 
 time since the discovery of that divine art which you 
 practise, seems to me extremely suited to my purpose. 
 Through all France I shall recount the astonishing feats of 
 the enormous giant Gargantua. I must seize upon this 
 story, include the whole world in it, and then return it so 
 
 ' 'Cette nectarique, delicieuse, precieuse, celeste, joyeuse, deifique liqueur 
 qu'on nomme le plot,' Pantagruel, ii i;. i . 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 187 
 
 ennobled to the good people who originated it. Here is the 
 true secret ; learn from the most simple folk their idea, and 
 then ornament it with all that study and philosophy have 
 revealed to us. The rustic and the village thought is the 
 point with which I wish to connect all the hidden treasures, 
 up to this time concealed by the enemies of light. 
 
 'Well, Dolet would say, here are my presses, they are 
 ready for you. Recount the history of Gargantua ; fill it 
 with pantagruelism, make of it our chronicle, our philo- 
 sophical chrism. Courage; the world is perishing with 
 thirst and with rage, it is for you to quench it. I place 
 myself at your service ; be the invincible propagator of 
 the truth ; with you, if needs be, I shall brave the funeral 
 pile. 
 
 ' Up to what point the preceding is true as to its form 
 I am ignorant, but what is certain is, that Rabelais and 
 Dolet conversed much upon these things, that Dolet urged 
 Rabelais to write his chronicle, and that the Gargantua ap- 
 peared in the month of December in the same year 1532.' 
 
 Now the reader will be surprised to learn, not only that 
 there is no evidence whatever on which to base M. Noel's 
 statements as to the influence of Dolet upon Rabelais, 
 and as to these conversations and Dolet 's suggestions ; but 
 that such conversations could not possibly have taken place, 
 nor could such suggestions possibly have been made. 
 
 In sober fact, in December i532> the latest date which 
 can be ascribed to the first edition of the first book of 
 Pantagruel, Dolet was still a student at Toulouse, he was 
 not a printer until six years later, and Rabelais and he 
 had never met. Their acquaintance, which commenced in 
 August 1534, soon ripened into friendship, though in a 
 very few weeks after they first met their opportunities of 
 personal intercourse ceased for a time. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Ciceronians, 
 
 ■ Ira truces inimicitias et funebre bellum.' 
 
 Horace, 
 
 ' Seraphic Doctor. The Lord have mercy on yoUr position, 
 You wretched, wrangling culler of herbs ! 
 
 Cherubic Doctor. May he send your soul to eternal perdition 
 For your treatise on the irregular verbs ! ' 
 
 Longfellow. 
 
 N the meantime Dolet 
 had given up the idea 
 of practising the law 
 and of returning to 
 Italy to prosecute his 
 studies. In the culti- 
 vated literary society 
 of Lyons he returned 
 to his original inten- 
 tion of devoting his 
 life to letters, an in- 
 tention which he had 
 only given up out of deference to the advice of de 
 Langeac. The latter had now retired from public affairs 
 to the seclusion of his episcopal city of Limoges, and 
 his influence was probably but slender. The decree of 
 the Parliament of Toulouse had cut off all hopes which 
 Dolet might have entertained of filling some legal office 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 189 
 
 within its jurisdiction which the influence of de Pins 
 or Minut might have obtained for him. Moreover the 
 publication of the Orations had certainly taken away any 
 locus pcenitenticB, if indeed, any such had previously been 
 possible. He was now hard at work on his Commentaries 
 on the Latin Tongue, his opus magnum, which he hoped and 
 believed, and not on altogether insufficient grounds, would 
 be the most important contribution to Latin scholarship 
 the modern world had as yet seen. As a Trdpepyov he 
 was preparing to break a lance in defence of Cicero and 
 Longolius with the most eminent and popular writer and 
 scholar of the age. 
 
 By the publication (in 1538) of his dialogue Ciceronianus, 
 Erasmus had excited the violent hatred of the Ciceronians. 
 The object of the book was to ridicule those pedants whose 
 admiration for Cicero was so great that they refused to 
 make use of any word or phrase which was not to be found 
 in that writer, and who accordingly, when treating of 
 Christian subjects, were obliged to make use of the most 
 inappropriate names, titles, and expressions, adapted only 
 to the pagan worship. What absurdity could be greater 
 than to call the apostles Patres conscripti, the Virgin Mary 
 Lauretana Virgo, or to substitute for excommunication 
 interdictio aqua et ignis ? The three persons of the Trinity 
 were the Dii majores, the saints the Dii minores. But the 
 Ciceronians regarded Cicero not only as a master of style, 
 but as an infallible guide on every subject on which he had 
 spoken. Erasmus had long treated these foolish pedants 
 is they deserved, being himself perhaps too careless of style 
 md form, and judging of all writings according to the 
 weight and value of the matter. Treating of the subjects 
 which interested his own day he used freely all kinds of 
 expressions, not altogether barbarous, which he found in 
 any Latin writer, whether heathen or Christian. The 
 opinions and practices of Erasmus on this subject had 
 
190 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 long been well known, and the Italians in particular, who 
 were the chief Ciceronians, could not bear to see themselves 
 eclipsed in reputation by a barbarian, and especially by one 
 who placed matter above form and style, and who, while 
 paying all due respect to Cicero, declined to worship him 
 as a God. They accordingly accused him of heresy, they 
 nicknamed him Porrophagus because of his frequent use of 
 the word Porro, they charged him with stealing his trans- 
 lations, and with blundering in his emendations. To revenge 
 himself for these attacks, and to crush once for all the folly 
 of the sect, was the object of the Ciceronianus, which, after 
 the Encomium Moriae, is perhaps the most lively and 
 entertaining of his writings, written, as Gibbon has re- 
 marked, with that exquisite species of humour of which 
 the Lettres Provinciales offer so fine a specimen. It is in 
 the form of a dialogue between Nosoponus the Ciceronian, 
 and two others, Bulephorus and Hypologus, who by pre- 
 tending to sympathise with him, draw out the full admission 
 of his absurdities, and succeed at last in restoring him to 
 a greater soundness of mind than before. Nosoponus 
 recounts how he has disposed of his library and has devoted 
 himself for seven entire years to reading nothing but Cicero, 
 how he has made an alphabetical index of all the words 
 used by Cicero, another of all his expressions and forms of 
 speech, a third of the. feet of which he has made use at the 
 beginning, at the middle, and at the end of his sentences, 
 how he has noted all the words that Cicero has used merely 
 in the singular or merely in the plural. The true Cicero- 
 nian, he says, must not only use no word which is not to be 
 found in Cicero, but no inflection or part of a word : thus if 
 Cicero use A mo but not Amamtts, the former is alone allow- 
 able ; when he desires to compose, say an epistle to a 
 friend, he must carefully examine the letters of Cicero, must 
 for each sentence first select from them words and parts of 
 speech, expressions must then be added as appropriate 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 19 1 
 
 ornaments. Thus a night will sometimes be spent in the 
 composition of a single sentence, but a sentence which even 
 then will need careful and anxious revision and recasting 
 again and again. The sense is altogether a minor consider- 
 ation. Bulephorus then proceeds to expose the absurdity 
 of all this, using the Socratic method, and putting his 
 questions in such a form, that Nosoponus is unable to 
 refuse to admit what his opponent requires. He draws 
 from Nosoponus the admission that humour is a part of 
 rhetoric, but that there Cicero was deficient ; that brevity 
 is sometimes required, but that in this Sallust or Brutus are 
 better models ; that some parts of Cicero are lost, and there- 
 fore no one could be a perfect or complete Ciceronian, since 
 he must be ignorant of many words and phrases which 
 Cicero would have used ; that even in his extant writings 
 Cicero is not always equal, that he himself valued some of 
 his books more than others, and that those who imitated 
 him .so exactly are after all but apes, sharing neither in his 
 genius nor in his thoughts, and making but ridiculous 
 imitations of his style. Then Bulephorus proceeds to show 
 how utterly impossible it is to describe Christian mysteries 
 and Christian doctrines by Ciceronian words, and into what 
 absurdities they have fallen who have attempted this. He 
 then passes in review the several Latin writers from the 
 days of Cicero downwards, and shows that not one of these 
 was a Ciceronian according to the views of Nosoponus. It 
 was in this part that Erasmus gave so much offence to the 
 French, by placing Badius and Budseus on a level, perhaps 
 giving the superiority as a writer of Latin to Badius. To 
 Longolius he devotes several pages, and while admitting 
 the elegance, purity, and other merits of his style, the 
 ingenuity of his arguments, and the justness of his senti- 
 ments, he shows the utter emptiness and fatuity of the 
 orations of the vain and formal young Ciceronian, con- 
 sisting as they did almost wholly of words and phrases for 
 
192 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 the most part devoid of any substance, and often utterly 
 absurd, and taking a dozen lines to express what half a line 
 would have been sufficient for. 
 
 Notwithstanding the respectful terms in which Erasmus 
 had spoken of all who then wrote or aimed at writing in 
 the style of Cicero, and especially of the two leading 
 Ciceronians, Bembo and Sadolet, the publication of the 
 Ciceronianus roused much indignation among the servile 
 imitators of the great Roman orator. The French were 
 irritated by the apparent slight on Bud^, the Italians 
 professed to think that by Nosoponus, Bembo was in- 
 tended. The two future cardinals indeed, being not merely 
 Ciceronians, but accomplished men of the world, were in 
 no degree offended by the book, and were probably willing 
 to laugh at the absurdities of their followers. There resided 
 however at this time at Agen, a then unknown and obscure 
 Italian possessed of great learning and great abilities, but 
 whose vanity, self-conceit, violence of temper, and virulence 
 of language, certainly equalled if they did not outweigh 
 his real merits. His family was the noblest and most 
 ancient in the world. In his veins flowed the blood of 
 emperors and princes who had excelled all others in 
 bravery, generosity, and magnanimity. He was sixth in 
 descent from the Emperor Lewis the Bavarian. Matthias 
 Corvinus King of Hungary, the last, the most accom- 
 plished, and the most unfortunate of the Hunniades, was 
 his near kinsman. Every one has heard of the ten 
 daughters of his kinswoman Beatrice Duchess of Milan, 
 all of whom married into the greatest sovereign houses 
 of Europe, one to the King of Sicily, another to Edward 
 son of the King of England ^ Yet his own greatness of 
 character far exceeded that of the most distinguished 
 among his ancestors. He united in his own person the 
 
 ' This prince and his wife have strangely disappeared from the pages of our 
 historians and genealogists. 
 
ETIENNE VOLET. 193 
 
 characteristics of Masinissa and Xenophon, but the com- 
 bination affords only an insufficient and feeble idea of the 
 man. Indeed he must have excelled both of them, as well 
 in bodily as in mental qualities. At sixty-two years of 
 age, when he had almost lost the use of his hands, he 
 lifted into its place an enormous beam which four ordinary 
 men had not been able to move. Many similar feats, in 
 which we are at a loss whether most to admire his strength 
 or his agility, make us think that an excessive modesty 
 only induced him to compare himself with Masinissa. 
 Hercules would have been a more fitting subject for com- 
 parison. His military prowess equalled his learning. He 
 had no less distinguished himself by his bravery as a 
 private soldier than by his skill and ability as a general ; 
 and if he had not always been successful, this was owing 
 neither to want of courage nor to want of military skill, 
 but to the shafts of adverse fortune. At the battle of 
 Ravenna he displayed prodigies of valour on the side and 
 under the eyes of the Emperor Maximilian ; he recovered 
 from the French the dead bodies of his father and his 
 brother Titus, and the imperial eagle of which Titus was 
 the bearer, and which he restored to his imperial cousin. 
 Maximilian could do no less than reward the valour of 
 his kinsman with the highest honours of chivalry; with 
 his own hand the Emperor conferred upon him the collar, 
 the spurs, and the eagle of gold in like manner as his 
 ancestors Alboin, Can Grande, and Mastino had received 
 them from the hands of the emperors Henry VH. and 
 Lewis V. Yet, were it not for the letter in which these 
 details are related, we should have said that it was proved 
 as clearly as any historical fact could be that Maximilian 
 was not present at the battle of Ravenna, and that his 
 five thousand lansquenets fought by the side of Gaston de 
 Foix and contributed in no small degree to the French 
 victory. But the military powers of the man were eclipsed 
 
 O 
 
194 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 by his literary genius. There was no branch of literature 
 or science which he had not mastered. At one time he 
 had determined to take holy orders, in the expectation 
 that in due time he would be appointed cardinal and then 
 elected pope, when he would have wrested from the 
 Venetians his principality of Verona, of which the Republic 
 had despoiled his ancestors. 
 
 That so great a genius should have been contented with 
 the role of physician to the Bishop of Agen-^it is in this 
 humble position at the age of forty-two that the light of 
 contemporary history first shines upon Julius Caesar Sca- 
 liger — was not to be expected. Whatever the truth or 
 fable of the first forty-two years of his life, whether he was 
 really of the blood of those to whose memory have been 
 erected the noblest monuments of the Middle Ages, or 
 whether as his enemies said he was the son of Benedetti 
 Bordoni, schoolmaster or illuminator at Verona, it is certain 
 that for his last thirty years he displayed no lack of bodily 
 or mental vigour. Chafing in the obscurity to which fate 
 had condemned him, he seized the opportunity which the 
 Ciceronianus afforded of making himself known and of in- 
 suring for himself— at least from the numerous enemies 
 of Erasmus — a favourable hearing. After preparing the 
 way by certain pompous and violent letters to the Rector 
 of the University and the students of the several colleges of 
 Paris, he wrote irl 1529, but did not succeed in printing 
 until 1 53 1, his first oration against Erasmus. It was printed 
 under the supervision or editorship of Noel Beda, and with 
 the express permission of the Lieutenant-Criminel, Jean 
 Morin. It consists almost wholly of violent abuse. The 
 following are a few only of the expressions applied to 
 the great scholar :—carnifex, parricida, furia, canicula, ca- 
 lumniator. He is accused of folly, arrogance, spite, lying, 
 drunkenness, ' canina impudentia.' Yet in Scaliger's letters 
 to le Perron he outdoes even these flowers of rhetoric ; 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 195 
 
 Erasmus is there referred to as 'omnium ordinum labes, 
 omnium studiorum macula, omnium Etatum venenufn, 
 mendaciorum parens, conviciorum sator, furoris alumnus/ 
 He is ' scelestus, mentiens, insaniens, barbarus, blaterans.' 
 
 The publication of this harangue, if in one respect it 
 satisfied its author's expectation by giving him the notoriety 
 which he had hoped for, was yet the occasion of a most 
 bitter mortification to him. He had expected that Erasmus 
 would have at once replied to it, and that he thus might 
 have enjoyed the honour of a controversy with the greatest 
 scholar of the age. But Erasmus was too much accustomed 
 to abuse to pay much attention to it, and he as well as 
 his friends saw that his reputation could in no way be 
 injured by this violent harangue. He accordingly took no 
 public notice of it ; never having before heard the name 
 of the writer, and thinking, not unnaturally, that such vio- 
 lent personal abuse could only arise from violent personal 
 enmity. Erasmus did not believe that Scaliger was the 
 real author, but attributed the oration to Aleander, whose 
 style he was certain he recognised. He wrote on May 3, 
 1533 : — ' I who know Aleander inside and out, am as sure 
 that it is his as I am of my own existence ^' Scaliger 
 waited in vain for a reply to his book. Mortified by the 
 contemptuous neglect of Erasmus, he was contemplating 
 a further harangue on the same subject, when he received 
 in April I535 from his friends Merbelius and Laurentius 
 a letter^ which Erasmus had written to them on the 18th 
 of the previous month defending himself from the charge 
 of being an enemy of Cicero, and saying that he knew the 
 oration of Scaliger, so full of lies and abuse, was not written 
 by him. We can understand the combination of rage and 
 mortified vanity which filled Scaliger's mind on reading 
 
 ' Erasmi EpistolK, No. 1218 (Le Clerc's edit.) 'Ego qui de domestico convictu 
 ac lectuli quoque contubemio totum intus et in cute novi, tam scio esse ovum 
 illius quam scio me vivere.' ^ Epist. 1278. 
 
 O 3 
 
196 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 this letter, sent to him without a word of sympathy or 
 even poHteness by his good-natured friends. He instantly 
 applied himself to the composition of a second harangue, 
 more violent, more abusive, with more self-glorification, 
 but with even less literary merit, than the first. It was 
 completed in the month of September the same year, 
 and immediately sent to Paris to be printed. But delays 
 occurred ; a year elapsed before it appeared ; and when in 
 December 1536 it was given to the world, Erasmus, who 
 had heard that it had been written but had not seen it, 
 had joined the majority^. 
 
 Dolet was not less displeased than Scaliger with the 
 Ciceronianus. It was the attack — so he was pleased to 
 consider it — upon the cherished master and friend of Simon 
 Villanovanus, Longolius, the only man from this side of 
 the Alps who had made a name as a Ciceronian, and ^ 
 whom Dolet had accustomed himself to consider as the 
 most perfect disciple of the great master, that especially 
 roused his indignation ; a feeling which we must allow to 
 have sprung from a generous impulse, even though we 
 may not share it. But this was not the only cause of 
 his indignation. If there was one living man for whom 
 he had an unfeigned respect, and whom he placed at the 
 head of all living scholars, it was Bud6, and he conceived 
 that Erasmus had intended a deliberate insult to this great 
 man by placing him on a level with Josse Bade. 
 
 ' Although printed (and published) in November or December, I5;,6, yet in 
 accordance with the vicious practice early introduced amongst publishers, and 
 not yet obsolete, it is dated 1537. The original editions of both harangues are 
 extremely scarce. The first harangue was reprinted at Cologne in 1600, and 
 again, with notes by Melchior Adam, at Heidelberg in 1618. In 1621 the 
 President Maussac having discovered a copy of each of the harangues, and also 
 some unpublished letters and portions of letters of J. C. Scaliger, which 
 Joseph's jjious regard for his father's reputation had induced him to suppress, 
 and which are still more discreditable to Julius Caesar than the harangues, 
 published them at Toulouse, together with the Ciceronianus of Erasmus. All 
 the editions are scarce. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 197 
 
 He left Lyons for Paris eariy in October 1534, and 
 arrived in Paris on the 15th of the same month. His 
 principal object in visiting the capital seems to have been 
 to obtain the royal licence for the publication of his Com- 
 mentaries. For some weeks after his arrival he devoted 
 himself partly to his great work, partly to composing 
 ' A Dialogue concerning the imitation of Cicero in defence 
 of Christopher Longolius against Desiderius Erasmus of 
 Rotterdam.' It is dedicated to Bishop Langeac, and as 
 soon as it was completed he sent it to GuiUaume Sceve, 
 accompanied by the following letter : — 
 
 ' On the 15th of October I arrived at Paris without ex- 
 cessive fatigue and without meeting with any misadventure 
 on the way. And as I fancy you will expect me to write 
 to you what I am doing, and how I occupy myself in 
 cultivating and prosecuting my studies^ I will in the first 
 place explain this to you, and will then inform you of 
 what is passing here. 
 
 ' My studies, my dear Sceve, become more serious daily. 
 Indeed I can hardly express, and you will with difficulty 
 conceive with what alacrity, and inflamed as it were by 
 a new love, I devote myself to literature. I both plan and 
 write many things, as to which however I shall not arouse 
 your expectation until I perceive that I am able to com- 
 plete them. I send you a dialogue concerning the imita- 
 tion of Cicero against Erasmus, which you will hand to 
 Gryphius. I shall be under very great obligation to you 
 if you will see that it is printed as carefully as possible. 
 Do not allow your kindness to me, which has never yet 
 failed, to fail in this instance. The trivial crowd of gram- 
 marians who worship Erasmus as a deity, and place him 
 before Cicero, will scarcely refrain from attacks upon me. 
 Moreover I do not doubt that the old man^ (who is now 
 almost childish with age) will ridicule the young man 
 
 » Erasmus was only sixty-seven years of age. 
 
198 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 with his usual and persistent scurriHty. But nothing 
 troubles me less than the scurrility of a buffoon, nor do 
 I fear any sharper bite from the toothless old food-for- 
 worms ' ; while as to those who may accuse me of in- 
 solence, and may cover me with reproaches because I 
 attack Erasmus, let them in the first place consider In 
 what way they can defend Erasmus himself from the 
 charge of insolence and scurrility in venturing to ridicule 
 Cicero and those who strive to imitate him. 
 
 ' I spend my evenings in rewriting my Commentaries 
 on the Latin Language, which I hope to complete by the 
 beginning of January. The remainder of the winter I shall 
 devote to enlarging my orations and epistles for another 
 edition. I should not promise so many things if I had 
 not determined on this, that for once I would show what it 
 was to be eagerly and studiously devoted to letters, and 
 what it was to undergo labour for the sake of immortality, 
 and would also show that I hated idleness worse than 
 death. . . . 
 
 ' Yet however much study, labour, and diligence I devote 
 to literature, I refer whatever I compose to your judgment, 
 so that you may order my Writings to be suppressed or 
 may decide that they shall be pubhshed, for I am certain 
 that you will neither desire that I should remain for ever 
 unknown, nor, owing to the premature appearance of the 
 fruits of my studies, that I should obtain a merely slight 
 reputation rather than one which is firmly fixed. I think 
 it is my duty, whilst my age and the abundance of my 
 leisure allows, to devote myself as vigorously as possible 
 to literature, but only to publish such things as, without 
 flattery, I may understand to be approved as well by the 
 judgment of other learned men as of yourself. 
 
 ' My great devotion to study forbids me from setting foot 
 out of doors, so completely am I bound to literature. It 
 
 • 'Siliceinum.' 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 199 
 
 thus happens that I have not yet visited your friend 
 -/Emilius'; I have however taken care to send him your 
 letter. Nor have I as yet paid my respects to Bud6, which 
 may indeed be considered as a great omission on my part. 
 I shall visit him the first opportunity, and to this I shall 
 for a short time postpone my work and my present studies. 
 
 'Now you will expect to hear what is doing and what 
 is talked of at Paris. You shall then have all I can tell 
 you. It would be a tedious and difficult task for me to 
 describe the great confusion and excitement in which 
 things are here. In the talk of the vulgar one hears of 
 nothing but the insults offered to Christ by the Lutherans. 
 That foolish sect, led away by a pernicious passion for 
 notoriety, has lately scattered abroad certain reproaches 
 directed against the Christian worship^, which have still 
 more vehemently inflamed the hatred under which they 
 had previously been labouring. Many have been cast into 
 prison on suspicion of Lutheran errors, some of them be- 
 longing to the dregs of the people, others to the highest 
 rank of merchants. At these tragedies^ I play the part 
 of a spectator. I grieve over the situation, and pity the 
 misfortunes of some of the accused, while I laugh at the 
 folly of others in putting their lives in danger by their 
 ridiculous self-will and unbearable obstinacy. 
 
 ' Write to me as long and as frequent letters as possible, 
 telling me in the first place all about yourself, and in the 
 next what is passing at Lyons. Do not omit to tell me 
 who are favourable and who are hostile to me on account 
 
 ' Probably Emile Perrot, who was at this time a councillor of the Parliament 
 of Paris, and was certainly afterwards known to Dolet. Emile Ferret, who was 
 also a councillor of the Parliament, may however be the person intended. 
 
 '' The well-known affair oii\ie placards occurred in October 1534. 
 
 ' It was only the day after this letter was written that the fifth acts of these 
 tragedies were performed. On the loth of November, 1534, as we learn from 
 the journal of a ' Bourgeois de Paris,' three heretics were committed to the flames 
 in the Place Maubert, Paris, and from that day to the fifth of May, 1535, no less 
 than twenty-two persons were there burned for heresy. 
 
20O ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 of that edition of my orations which has lately been 
 published. I hear that the rage of the Toulousans against 
 me is in no degree allayed, and that they are wickedly 
 striving to do me some mischief. Unless however they 
 cease from their attacks they will irritate one who at 
 present is quiet, but whose bite when once excited they 
 will hardly be able to bear, and by the severity of my pen 
 I shall make the fools bitterly repent of their folly. 
 
 ' I will however say but little on these matters, lest the 
 recollection of my enemies should excite my indignation, 
 at a time when I am unwilling to be so excited. Salute 
 specially from me your friends the Vauzelles ', most culti- 
 
 ' ' No one,' says M. Baudrier in his interesting introduction to the Police 
 Subsidiaire of Jean de Vauzelles (privately printed for the learned President of 
 the Court of Appeal by Perrin and Marinet in 1875^, ' but he who is completely 
 a stranger to the history of our city, can be ignorant of Matthieu, George, and 
 Jean de Vauzelles, the three illustrious brothers, so styled by their con- 
 temporaries, who shone each with a different lustre, the first under the robe of a 
 jurisconsult and the mantle of an echevin, the second by arms, and the third in 
 the church and literature.' Notices of the three Vauzelles will be found in 
 Colonia, Hist. Lit. de Lyon, ii. .^68-5 75, in Pernetti, Les Lyonnois dignes de 
 memoire, i. 322-328, in two interesting articles of Ludovic de Vauzelles in the 
 Revue du Lyonnais, 1870 and 1872, on Mathieu de Vauzelles and Jean de 
 Vauzelles, and in the Vie de Jacques Comte de Vintimille by the same author 
 (Orleans, Herluison, 1865'). The three brothers were all men of wealth and 
 literary tastes. George, a commander of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, 
 was especially a liberal patron of men of letters. Jean, Prior of Montrottier, was 
 distinguished by his practical benevolence ; and in his Police Subsidiaire, ou 
 Assiilance donnh a la mvltihide des pauvre-i, first printed in 1531, and fortunately 
 rescued from oblivion by the pious care of M. Baudrier, ' we have,' as the editor 
 remarks, ' la premiere id^e de la creation de I'Aumone Generale, ime des gloires 
 de Lyon, le type des ^tablissements destines a lutter contre le pauperisme,' and 
 which ' a servi de modHe a tous les autres hopitaux des royaume, meme a 
 1 hopital general de Paris.' 
 
 Voulte has the following epigram on the three brothers ; — 
 • A d tres Vauxellios Fratres. 
 
 Tres fratres celeberrimi optimorum ; 
 
 Tres vita, et genio, et pares amore ; 
 
 Quibus ima domus tribus, fidesque 
 
 Una est, una eadem tribus voluntas ; 
 
 Vos sic vivite semper et valete 
 
 Humanis pariter Diisque grati.' 
 
 Epigrammata (Lyon 1537), lib. iv. p. 258, 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 301 
 
 vated of men, and most cordial well-wishers of all men 
 of letters ; also our very kind friend Fournier ^. All 
 these I especially love and hold dear. Farewell. Paris, 9 
 Nov. 1534.' 
 
 It is impossible to defend and difficult to excuse the 
 scurrility with which Dolet in this epistle — afterwards 
 printed as a preface to his Dialogue — speaks of the greatest 
 scholar and the foremost man of letters of the age. All 
 that can be said in extenuation is that scurrility of this kind 
 was a common practice of the literary men of the day in 
 writing of their opponents, that we find it in men distin- 
 guished for their ability, learning, and virtue, and that, 
 violent as the language of Dolet appears to be, it is far less 
 violent, far less scurrilous, and far less unseemly than that 
 which Julius Csesar Scaliger used of the same great man, 
 or that which Luther applied to Henry the Eighth and 
 his other opponents, whilst it is absolutely moderate in 
 comparison with the language of Filelfo, of Poggio, and 
 of Valla. Nor must we forget the graceful tribute which 
 Dolet afterwards paid to Erasmus when dead, nor his 
 admission that he had used language towards him of too 
 hostile a nature. 
 
 The publication of the orations seems to have been 
 against the judgment of Gryphius, who would not allow 
 his name to appear as the printer, and who was resolute 
 against printing a second edition, although pressed to do 
 so both by Dolet and several of his friends. The Dia- 
 logue, although learned and ingenious, was yet written in 
 so intemperate a style that it could scarcely have been 
 
 ' The Foumiers were a family of wealth and position at Lyons in the sixteenth 
 century, distinguished by their love of letters. Hugues Foumier, First President 
 of the Parliament of Dijon, died in 1525 ; and I imagine that his more celebrated 
 brother Humbert was dead before this time. Probably Dolet's friend was Claude 
 Fofimier, author of a Latin ode on the death of the Dauphin inserted in the 
 collection edited by Dolet in 1536. The second wife of Mathieu de Vauzelles 
 was a Foumier, his first a Sceve. 
 
203 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 approved by the more prudent among the friends of the 
 author, and Sceve and Gryphius showed themselves in 
 no hurry to publish it. On the 31st of December it was 
 still unprinted, and Dolet, in writing from Paris to Jacques 
 Rostagno, sent a message to Sceve urging the printing 
 of the Dialogue. Whether it actually appeared before 
 its author returned to Lyons we do not know. Certain 
 it is that Dolet had returned, and that the Dialogue had 
 been printed some time before the middle of 1535. 
 
 The book is in the form of an imaginary conversation 
 between Sir Thomas More and Simon Villanovanus, 
 which is supposed to take place at Padua during Dolet's 
 residence at that University. The introduction and con- 
 clusion, from which I have already made some extracts, 
 are written with much spirit, and it would be pleasant 
 to think that it might have been possible for Sir Thomas 
 More to have met Dolet and Villanovanus at Padua ; but 
 though we know that Sir Thomas More's desires, like 
 those of all other learned men of the day, tended towards 
 a visit to Italy, the accomplishment of his wish was denied 
 to him. More, as the friend of Erasmus, is his defender; 
 and nearly all that is put in his mouth is to be found in 
 the writings of the great scholar. It cannot be said that 
 the Dialogue itself is of much worth or interest. Though 
 far less intemperate than the orations of Scaliger, yet, 
 as might be expected from the author, the abuse lavished 
 on Erasmus equals that, which all with whom Dolet dif- 
 fered received from his pen. 
 
 The publication of the Dialogue, whilst it could not but 
 shock the friends and admirers of Erasmus, was treated 
 by the latter with the same silent contempt which had 
 so irritated J. C. Scaliger. Curiously enough he attributed 
 this new attack also to Aleander^ He more than once 
 
 ' ' Aleander denuo emisit librum furiosum sub nomine Doleti : quo et Morum 
 quern acceperat esse in carcere ulciscitur ; et Villanovanum mendicum mortmim 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 203 
 
 refers to the book. In the letter to MerbeHus and 
 Laurentius ^, already mentioned, he says, ' I have heard 
 that a work has just appeared against me at Lyons. The 
 
 author is Etienne Dolet I have not yet seen it, and 
 
 when I do see it I have no intention of replying to it '^.' 
 
 Melancthon, while censuring the attack of Dolet, paid it 
 the compliment (which he had not paid to the harangue 
 of Scaliger) of thinking it ought to be answered, if not by 
 Erasmus, at least by some one. He writes to Camerarius 
 in 1 535, ' I have seen Dolet's book, and I am thinking of 
 instructing some one to reply to it. Erasmus indeed is 
 not altogether undeserving of the Nemesis which he has 
 met with, but the impudence of this young man displeases 
 me^.' Shortly afterwards, writting to another correspon- 
 dent, he says, ' Have you read that very impudent book 
 of Dolet written against Erasmus ? I have taken care that 
 it should be answered *.' 
 
 The publication of the Dialogue considerably increased 
 the reputation of its author for scholarship, and indeed 
 may be said to have introduced his name for the first time 
 to the world of letters. The volume containing the ora- 
 tions was not of general interest, and its circulation, pro- 
 bably to some extent surreptitious, would be confined 
 almost entirely to those persons at Lyons and Toulouse 
 who were specially interested in the details of the author's 
 quarrels. The Dialogue obtained a much wider circulation, 
 
 facit imperiosum, Morum timide loquentem.' Epist. 1288, written to Coclenius, 
 Sept. 2, 1535. Again he writes to the same on June 28, 1536 : ' Suspicor hanim 
 molestiarum rir)(yi.Ti\v esse eum qui Scahgeros, Doletos, Meralas in me subomat. 
 .... In furioso dialogo Morus vexatur.' Epist. -1299. 
 » March 18, 1535. Epist. 1277. 
 
 2 Epist. 1299. Nee de la RochelTe, whose language here as elsewhere is 
 bonowed by M. Boulmier, says the Dialogue 'lui (Dolet) valut la haine 
 d'Erasme: There is no evidence to support this statement. The only references 
 made by Erasmus to the Dialogue or its author are those here quoted. 
 
 3 Epist. Melancthoni, lib. iv. No. 180, p. 732 (edit, of London, 1642, fol.). 
 ♦ Epistolarum Liber, primus editus (I^yden, 1647), p. 91. 
 
204 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 and whatever its merits or demerits, at least informed men 
 of letters that a new and vigorous aspirant to literary- 
 honours had appeared. The subject of the Dialogue was 
 not however at the time of its publication of very absorb- 
 ing interest. Six years had elapsed since the appearance 
 of the Ciceronianus. The popularity of the Ciceronians 
 was on the wane. The men of the new learning rightly 
 looked upon Erasmus as their great leader, as one who 
 more than all others had contributed to the promotion, 
 as well of literature generally, as of the study of Greek, 
 and as having by his ridicule and his common-sense greatly 
 contributed to the overthrow of superstition and bigotry; 
 while the quarrel of the Ciceronians and anti-Ciceronians 
 was one with which the opponents of the new learning 
 troubled themselves but little, as being a matter with 
 which they had no concern. But the publication of the 
 Dialogue, if it did not obtain for its author all the fame 
 which he hoped for, procured for him the bitter and re- 
 lentless hatred of Julius Caesar Scaliger. 
 
 We have already seen that messages of civility had been 
 interchanged between Scaliger and Dolet through the 
 intervention of Arnoul le Perron, but it seems as if during 
 Dolet's troubled residence at Toulouse the great scholar 
 and critic entertained a somewhat unfriendly feeling to- 
 wards the young student, and that he had taken the part 
 of Pinache in the matter of the orations. But on the 
 subject of the quarrel of the Ciceronians they were on the 
 same side, both ardent supporters of the purity of the 
 language of Cicero, both bitterly prejudiced against 
 Erasmus. But as we have seen, nearly three years before 
 the appearance of the Dialogue, Scaliger had published 
 his Oratio pro Cicerone contra Erasmum, a production of 
 even less merit than the Dialogue of Dolet, less lively and 
 entertaining, and far more violent in its language. In 
 the opinion of Scaliger, when he had spoken, nothing 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 305 
 
 further was needed, or even allowable. His venom was 
 bitter enough against his adversaries, but what he wrote 
 of them was as it were with a pen dipped in honey com- 
 pared with the language he used against the presumptuous 
 young man who had dared to think that Erasmus was not 
 completely demolished by his oration, and that anything 
 further could possibly be said in favour of the Ciceronians. 
 The violent abuse which Scaliger lavished upon the poetry 
 of Dolet induced Naudd^ first to suspect that the critic 
 must have had some private enmity to the poet, but it 
 was reserved to Bayle first to discover the ground of that 
 enmity, and to call attention to a letter written by Scaliger 
 to Arnoul le Ferron immediately after the appearance of 
 the Dialogue, in which Scaliger shows how bitterly wounded 
 his self-love was by its publication ^- ' I suppose,' he says, 
 'you have seen Dolet's Dialogue against Erasmus, the 
 author of which was not ashamed when my writings were 
 in print, to steal everything from me, by giving my oration 
 another turn and decking it out with his tinsel^. There 
 appear the same extravagances as in his orations, a style 
 indeed a little less rough, but for which he is indebted to 
 another, so that his loquacity seems to be supported rather 
 by other people's words collected and raked together than 
 by solid arguments. But you will say he praises Csesar * ; 
 
 ' Dial, de Mascurat. p. 8. 
 
 ^ The greater portion of this letter, as well as the others in abuse of Erasmus, 
 were suppressed by Joseph Scaliger, and did not appear in the collection of his 
 father's letters published in his lifetime, nor in the subsequent editions based on 
 this. Copies however were discovered at Toulouse by the President de Maussac, 
 who published them in 1621. Schelhorn afterwards found copies in the library 
 of Z. C. von Uffenbach, and printed them in his Amoenitates Literarise (vols 6 
 and 8), not knowing of de Maussac's edition. 
 
 ^ This is an utterly groundless charge. The oration of Scaliger and the 
 Dialogue of Dolet have really nothing in common, — except abuse of Erasmus ; 
 neither the treatment, style, nor matter of Dolet is borrowed from Scaliger. 
 
 ' Dolet had spoken of Scaliger in. the following terms: 'Julium Cssarem 
 Scaligerum tibi hie objecerim, virum Ciceronis lectioni multum deditum, in quo 
 grammaticee subsidia non desideres, dicendi facultatem laudes.' 
 
2o6 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 he does so ; for they say you advised him to consult his 
 reputation by doing so, he having already rashly and 
 foolishly ridiculed the Italian name. You had acquainted 
 him also that I was preparing a Dialogue wherein I should 
 expose his malicious temper and empty arrogance, his 
 petulance and stupidity, his impropriety and loquacity, his 
 raving expressions 'and impudence. Having thus soothed 
 me with design to divert me from my purpose, he praised 
 me in such a manner that he seemed unwillingly to 
 follow the judgment of other people rather than express 
 his own. Wherefore I have endeavoured that both he and 
 others may for the future repent of their rage and impu- 
 dence. I hear he is a corrector of the press at Lyons ; 
 and if it be true that he was concerned in correcting the 
 books I bought which were lately printed by Gryphius, 
 our very schoolboys have therein discovered faults for 
 which he deserves a severe whipping. I have reprimanded 
 him in this second oration, not by name indeed, but 
 painted in such colours that he may be known by the very 
 children of Toulouse ^.'' 
 
 In this and several other letters, written about the same 
 time to le Ferron, Scaliger shows himself equally sore and 
 equally violent. We can forgive the great critic for 
 feeling somewhat mortified that a young and unknown 
 man should have thought that his oration needed supple- 
 menting, for, as Bayle remarks ^, ' There are very few authors 
 who like such a procedure ; it is looked upon as adopted 
 with a design either of surpassing the first champion or 
 of depriving him of the glory of being the only person who 
 breaks a lance. It is even thought that he who interposes 
 
 ' Scaliger must have struck out of his second oration, possibly at le Perron's 
 request, the passages here indicated. In the second oration as printed Dolet is 
 only once referred to, and merely as having imitated Scaliger's first oration. 
 Niceron (Mem. xxi. p. 119) is in error in saying of this second oration, ' Dolet 
 qui en faisoit le principal objet, ne fut point epargn^.' 
 
 * Diet., art. Dolet. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 207 
 
 in the combat judges the cause as not being well defended, 
 and as standing in need of assistance.' But it is impossible 
 to justify either the violence of Scaliger's language, or the 
 undying hatred which he bore to Dolet during the latter's 
 life, and with which he violated his memory after his death. 
 The poems of Dolet do not indeed seem to justify the 
 exaggerated admiration which many of his contemporaries, 
 and even those most competent to judge, lavished upon 
 them. The literary men who in the sixteenth century 
 were bound together by the ties of friendship seem to have 
 constituted mutual admiration societies, and whatever was 
 written by one was lauded up to the skies by the rest. 
 But there are certainly some among his poems which, if 
 not equal to the best Latin poetry of the Renaissance, to 
 that of Vida, Sannazar, or Paleario, are devoid neither of 
 beauty of thought nor elegance of language ; and no one 
 will find fault with Gruter for inserting several of them 
 among the Delicia poetarum Gallorum, whilst of those he 
 has omitted, there are not a few which are superior to the 
 poems of several authors who are included in his collection. 
 The ode on the death of Simon Villanovanus is alone 
 sufficient to show how absolutely unfair and unreasoning 
 is the criticism of Scaliger contained in the following 
 passage, written, it pains one to remember, after the flames 
 had consumed the body of Dolet, and when all purely 
 literary enmities should have become extinct. But the 
 violence of Scaliger increases to brutality as he in.sults the 
 memory and gloats over the fate of the unfortunate poet. 
 ' Dolet may be called the canker or ulcer {carcinoma aut 
 vomica) of the Muses. For besides that in so great a body, 
 as Catullus says \ there is not a grain of wit, fool as he is, 
 he sets up for a tyrant in poetry. He has according to his 
 own fancy set Virgil's pearls in his own resin in such a 
 manner that he would have it pass for his. A wretched 
 
 Nulla in tarn magno est corpore mica salis.'— Catullus. 
 
2o8 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 prater, who out of scraps of Cicero has patched up certain 
 wild orations as he calls them, but which the learned judge 
 to be latrations. He imagined he had as good a right to 
 make free with the divine works of Virgil. So while he 
 was singing the fate of that good and great king Francis, 
 his name met with its own evil fate, and the Atheist alone 
 suffered the punishment of the flames which both he and 
 his verses deserved. Yet the flames did not purify him, 
 but he rather sullied them. Why should I speak of the 
 filth which is to be found in the common sink or sewer of 
 his Epigrams ? They are dull, cold, and witless, and full of 
 that arrogant madness which, being armed with the most 
 consummate impudence, would not even confess the being 
 of a God. Wherefore as the greatest of philosophers, Aris- 
 totle, in discoursing of the nature of animals, first describes 
 the several parts of which they are composed, and then 
 takes notice even of their excrements, so let his name be 
 read here, not as that of a poet, but of a poetical excre- 
 ment '.' 
 
 Scahger's judgment on the style of the orations as being 
 patched up out of scraps of Cicero is not altogether unjust ; 
 the orations and the epistles are to a great extent made up 
 of expressions and portions of sentences borrowed from 
 Cicero, so as to form a sort of cento. But his criticism 
 upon the odes of Dolet is equally if not more applicable 
 to his own compositions. Whatever defects are to be found 
 in the poems of Dolet are still more conspicuous in those 
 of Scaliger himself; and the judgment of the Bishop of 
 Avranches will be concurred in by every one who has 
 read them. ' With all the merit which he (J. C. Scaliger) 
 really had,' writes Huet, ' and with all that he believed 
 he had, he has clearly shown in his Hypercriticus, by 
 the false judgments which he has there delivered, that 
 he had no delicacy of taste. . . . He has shown it still 
 
 ' Poetices, lib. vi. (Hypercriticus). 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 309 
 
 better by the brutish and formless poems with which he 
 has dishonoured Parnassus ^' 'Julius Caesar Scaliger was 
 in truth a man of a vast and elevated spirit, but of the 
 very worst taste in poetry. Even if one had not read his 
 Hypercriticus, so full of false views, so much more occupied 
 in judging the details of single lines and in correcting 
 minute points, even changing them from bad to worse, 
 than in bringing a sound judgment to bear on complete 
 works, could one ever submit oneself to the decision of 
 a man who has given to the world so much bad verse ^ ? ' 
 Maittaire, who quotes this passage, remarks^, 'Far from 
 disapproving the criticism of Huet, I think it perfectly just, 
 for how can we believe that he could be a competent judge 
 of literary style who is incapable himself of good writing ? 
 yet no creatures are more commonly met with than critics 
 who, wanting in all decency of manners, full of nothing 
 but pedantry, with the utmost effrontery would submit all 
 writers to their audacious ferule, while they themselves are 
 most notorious for their awkwardness and ru^edness of 
 style/ ' There is hardly a more wretched book,' remarks 
 Menage of the Latin poems of Julius Caesar Scaliger; 
 ' we can hardly find four or five epigrams which can pass 
 muster *.' 
 
 But the violence and intemperance of Dolet's Dialogue 
 not only offended the admirers of Erasmus, but were a 
 source of regret to the author's own friends, and to none 
 more than the sensible and moderate Jean de Boyssone, 
 who was now fully restored to his position as a professor 
 of law in the University of Toulouse. In the year 1535 
 his reputation was greatly increased by a public discussion, 
 in which he maintained with signal success and ability, that 
 the cultivation of literature was not only no hindrance, but 
 even an assistance to legal studies. In a letter to Dolet, 
 
 ' Huetiana, u. 5. '^ Huetiana, c. 35. 
 
 s Annales, vol. iii. p. 16. * Menagiana, ii. 275. 
 
2IO ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 written shortly before the end of August in that year, after 
 giving an account of the discussion, and making some 
 remarks on Dolet's expected Commentaries on the Latin 
 Tongue, he thus proceeds ^ : ' As to what is thought here of 
 your dialogue De Imitatione Ciceroniana, though you will 
 no doubt have heard everything from others before this, 
 yet I must tell you that the bitterness of your style, which 
 you once promised me you would discontinue, has produced 
 a bad effect upon many, because (as they say) you ought 
 not to have attacked so violently an old man who has 
 rendered such great services to literature. The rumour 
 is that the Germans are preparing a vigorous attack upon 
 you in order to avenge the wounded dignity of Erasmus. 
 Whatever happens I trust you will not be disturbed by 
 these matters, but will continue, as is your wont, to show 
 an unshaken firmness of mind. This only I would beg of 
 you, that you would so accommodate yourself to the time 
 as that it should not seem inevitable for you to offend 
 the good and pious. When I ask this of you, you will 
 understand what I mean. But more of this presently 
 when we meet, for I am thinking of going to Lyons if the 
 king should come there. If you wish to know what is 
 going on here I will now tell you. Six French students 
 are in danger of capital punishment ; indeed they would 
 already have been condemned to the gallows, had not 
 Minut, who is the devoted friend not only of the French 
 but of all the really studious, by great prudence prevented 
 it. I know not by what evil fate it happens that Toulouse 
 is always persecuting the studious. Yet owing to this 
 very persecution their names are rendered so much the 
 more illustrious. If they should after all be punished with 
 
 ' MS. Correspondence of de Boyssone in the Toulouse library, fol. xvii. The 
 interest which the Dialogue excited is further shown by a letter in the same 
 volume, fol. vi, from Pierre du Chatel to de Boyssone, asking for the loan of 
 the book. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 3II 
 
 death, I could not bear to see it, but should betake myself 
 somewhere or other so as not to be a witness. But enough 
 of these matters, which cause me the deepest grief when- 
 ever they recur to my mind. 
 
 ' The Queen of Navarre was at Toulouse lately for some 
 days. It was really wonderful how kindly she received 
 me, although I had never before been personally known to 
 her. She very earnestly pressed me to reside at Bourges, 
 and I have not decided whether I shall not at some time 
 do so. Farewell.' 
 
 Dolet replied to this letter on the 31st of August': 
 ' What you designate as the excessive severity of my 
 Dialogue I have determined not to excuse to you at great 
 length. I will excuse it, or rather defend it, with all my 
 might against those who undertake the cause of Erasmus. 
 You will scarcely believe how little account I make of the 
 attack of that young German fellow^, an attack which I 
 attribute to the influence of wine and intoxication, or 
 perhaps indeed to a childish ostentation of German garrulity 
 
 ' MS. Correspondence of de Boyssone in the Toulouse library, fol. i. 
 
 ^ I have been unable to discover who the young German was who took up the 
 defence of Erasmus against Dolet. I am acquainted with no book printed before 
 the end of 1536 that refers to the Dialogue. It is curious to observe that 
 Melancthon's letter, in which he says, ' cogito de aliquo instruendo qui re- 
 spondeat,' is dated November 1535, whilst this letter of Dolet (though only 
 dated August 31) is clearly written in 1535, and therefore before Melancthon 
 had carried out his design. M. Guibal indeed, who quotes this letter (Revue 
 de Toulouse, 1864, p. 97), suggests that Latomus (Masson), then a professor 
 at Paris, was the person referred to. But, besides that Latomus was then fifty 
 years of age, and could hardly be called by Dolet 'juvenis Germanus,' he 
 was a professed and bitter enemy of Erasmus. M. Guibal seems to have con- 
 fused this young German vrith ' quidam Germanus grammaticus publicus 
 Lutetise prselector ' whom Dolet refers to in the second volume of his Com- 
 mentaries, 636, as having found fault with a passage in the first volume, and 
 who may very possibly be Latomus. The Dialogue of Dolet was severely 
 attacked by Menapius in his funeral oration on the death of Erasmus in 1537 
 (Op. Eras. v. 10), and still more severely and in more detail by Franciscus 
 Floridus Sabinus in his Hor« Succisivse (Basle, 1539)- I know of no other 
 answer to it. Though Melancthon wrote shortly afterwards Ctiravi ut re- 
 spandealur, it seems probable that the answer never appeared. A certain 
 
 p a 
 
213 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 and a love of chattering. I know what the fellow's strength 
 is, excessive in relation to wine and women, but in respect 
 to other matters weak and feeble. But I would have any- 
 one who defends Erasmus against me to know that I shall 
 not write against hiin, but against Erasmus. I am however 
 about to treat of the whole matter in four orations and two 
 books of iambics. 
 
 ' As to the one thing you specially ask of me, namely, 
 that I should so accommodate myself to the time as that it 
 should not seem inevitable for me to offend the good and 
 pious, this only is wanting, that I should understand what 
 you mean^ for I am so far from understanding it, that I 
 have not even anything from which to form a conjecture. 
 But we can talk of this matter hereafter when we meet, as 
 you are thinking of coming to Lyons. 
 
 ' I am extremely grieved at the mischance of the French 
 students, who have fallen into such great danger of their 
 lives at Toulouse. But why does not every sane man fly 
 from such barbarians ? Who unless he is out of his mind 
 would pass his life among them > If the French students 
 would only take my advice, they would pursue their studies 
 in a French University, and would avoid the barbarism and 
 brutality of Toulouse. 
 
 ' But let me pass to more agreeable topics. I am delighted 
 to hear that you have been received by the Queen of 
 Navarre in so gracious and cordial a manner, and since she 
 wishes you to remove to Bourges, I conjure you by that 
 close friendship which exists between us do not show your- 
 self churlish to fortune, who now recalls you to your former 
 dignity and seeks to make reparation for the injuries 
 which she has heretofore inflicted on you ; fly into France, 
 
 Joannes Gigas published at Wittenberg, in 1540, a volume of Latin verse con- 
 taining several bitter epigrams upon Dolet. One of them thus begins : — 
 
 ' Quid laceras magnum divinum munus Erasmum 
 Quid laceras summos foede Dolete vires.' 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 213 
 
 whose cultivated civilisation is known to you, while the 
 barbarism of Toulouse is unknown to no one. I conjure 
 you, my dear de Boyssone, if your arrangements will 
 allow of this, listen to the friendly advice of your friend, 
 devote yourself to Gallic culture; sometime you will become 
 excessively weary of living in anxiety amongst the bar- 
 barians, especially when you have finished the Commentary 
 which you are writing on that chapter of Ulpian. Farewell. 
 Lyons, 31st August.' 
 
 A few weeks later, and after the receipt of a further 
 letter from de Boyssone', Dolet again writes to him^ : — 
 
 ' You plead the want of leisure as an excuse for writing 
 to me both less often and more briefly than you otherwise 
 would. But how much leisure do you think I possess, who 
 am the slave both of the public and (as he himself says) 
 of Sceve ^ But what is there that I would not neglect for 
 your sake, for to you I am more wholly devoted than 
 either to the public or to Sceve. But what leisure I can 
 snatch from business I had best devote to those matters 
 which you may be desirous of having information about. 
 The rumour, which had almost worn itself out, that the 
 king was coming to Lyons has revived, and it is everywhere 
 and constantly repeated that he is about to come. If this 
 happens we shall, as you lately wrote to me, be able 
 to talk of many things face to face. The book of Ulric 
 Zazius, De Feudis'^, is here offered for sale. A furious 
 partizan of Erasmus ^ has brought it here, and if you have 
 
 ' This letter is not in the MS., but is only referred to in Dolet's letter of 
 October 6. 
 
 2 MS. fol. i. 
 
 ^ This seems to refer to his (Dolet's) duties as a corrector or sub-editor for 
 Gryphius under Guillaume Sceve. 
 
 * The first edition of the book of Zazius here referred to, ' Udalrici Zazii, In 
 usus feodorum epitome .... ejusdem orationes aliquot disertae ' (Basilise apud 
 Bebelium, mdxxxv), had only just appeared. The preface is dated '1535, 
 Id. Junii.' 
 
 = Possibly J. A. Odonus. See post, p. 214 et seq. 
 
a 14 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 a mind to possess it or any others, I shall not fail to give 
 all diligence so that you may receive them as speedily 
 as possible. From Erasmus himself there has also appeared 
 a short answer to the Roman P. Curtius ; I have sent you 
 both the attack and defence ^. As yet the old Dutchman 
 has attempted nothing against Dolet. I look round about 
 me in good spirits. Whether I am well prepared the 
 issue of the battle will show, when the time comes for 
 us to join hand to hand in fight. Farewell. Lyons, Oct. 
 
 6, (1535)-' 
 
 Among the correspondents of Gilbert Cousin of Nozeray, 
 better known by his Latinised name of Cognatus, the secre- 
 tory of Erasmus ^, is a certain Joannes Angelus Odonus, an 
 
 ' The two books referred to are Petri Cursii Defensio pro Italia ad Erasmum 
 Roterodanmm (Romte apud Antonium Bladum, mdxxxv), and Des. Erasmi, Rot., 
 Responsio ad Petrii Cursii defensionem (Basilise, in ofilicina Frobeniana, 
 mdxxxv). Erasmus in his Adages, under Myconius Calms, had said that these 
 words were an ironical expression, as if one should say learned as a Scythian, 
 warlike as an Italian (Italum bellacem). The tract of Cursius is directed 
 against this, and extols the valour of the Italians as far greater than that of the 
 Germans. Erasmus, in his Responsio, says that he used bellacem in a bad sense, 
 not for a man of valour, but for one who had a rage for fighting. The Responsio 
 proves the spuriousness of the letter attributed to Erasmus (Epist. 1276) addressed 
 to Cursius, and accepted as genuine by Bayle (Diet. Hongrie, Marie, Reine de. 
 Note 11), and Heuman (Parerga Critica, p. 56), in which Erasmus is made to 
 say that Italum is an error of the press, that he had written Altalum bellacem, 
 and that in future editions it should be corrected. In this letter occurs 
 the excellent story so often repeated, but which one regrets to be obliged to 
 admit is only ben trovato, of the malicious printer's error. A workman to 
 whom he had omitted to give a present determined to be revenged in the next 
 book of Erasmus, which he printed. ' Cum enim in Vidua mea, quam serenissimje 
 HungariiE reginse dedicaveram ad laudem cujusdam sanctissimse foeminae, inter 
 alia liberalitatem illius in pauperes referrem, hsec verba subjunxi : "Atque mente 
 ilia usam earn semper fuisse, qu^ talem foeminam deceret." Unde scelestus ille 
 animadvertens sibi vindictse occasionem oblatam esse, ex menle ilia, mentula fecit. 
 Itaque volumina mille fnere impressa.' Ep. 1276. 
 
 ' I may here note by the way, that M. L. M. A. Dupetit-Thouars, more 
 eminent as a botanist than as a biographer or literary historian, has invented and 
 devoted a short article in the Biographie Universelle to an imaginary Gilbert 
 Cagnati, whom he describes as an Italian author bom at Nocera in the king- 
 dom of Naples, who lived about the middle of the sixteenth century, and was 
 the author of the treatise De Hnrtorum laudibus (Bale 1546), afterwards 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 3X5 
 
 Italian settled at Strasburg, where he would seem to have 
 held some office in the University, a devout worshipper of 
 
 printed and inserted by Joachim Camerarius II. in his collection of treatises De 
 re rustica. In fact however the treatise De Horlorum laudibus is one of the 
 works of Gilbert Cousin At the end of the book of Camerarius, Opuscula de re 
 rusdca partim collecta partim composita a Joachim Camerario (Norimbergiae 
 1596), is a list of authors and treatises de re rusfica, among which is Gilberti 
 Cognati Nozerani De Hortonim laudibus, Basilise apud Oporinum, 1546. The 
 work itself however is not inserted in the Opuscula of Camerarius. M. Dupetit- 
 Thouars clearly knew nothing of the book or its author, but having copied the 
 title from the book of Camerarius, and never having heard either of Gilbert 
 Cognatus or of Nozeray in Burgundy, and knowing there was a town of the 
 name of Nocera in Naples, he made an unsuccessful guess, and then amplified an 
 imaginary fact into a detailed biography. Of course Dr. Hoefer in the Nouvelle 
 Biographic Generale, as was his wont in the case of the less important names, 
 simply pitchforked M. Dupetit-Thouars' article into his work, adding however 
 (as was also his wont, in order to suggest independent research) imaginary 
 authorities to the imaginary biography. The authorities cited in the Biog. Gen. 
 for the notice of Gilbert Cagnati are not the Biog. Universelle, but ' Biographic 
 Medicale ' and ' Eloy, Diet, de Medicine,' neither of which works contain any 
 mention of Gilbert Cagnati, or indeed of Gilbert Cousin or Cognatus. 
 
 If I here and elsewhere note some of the short-comings of the Nouvelle Bio- 
 graphic Generale, I must not be supposed to be insensible to the merits of the 
 book. Several of the longer articles, written by men of literary eminence whose 
 initials are appended, are admirable ; the articles on the Aides, the Estiennes, 
 Dolet, and other printers, written by the late M. A. F. Didot, are far superior to 
 those on the same persons contained in the Biog. Universelle, but the general 
 editing is disgraceful. In the earlier volumes articles are taken wholesale from 
 the Biographie Universelle, and in the very words, sometimes with and some- 
 times without acknowledgment, but with authorities cited for the lives which 
 frequently (as in the case of G. Cagnati) contain no reference whatever to the 
 person in question. The plan seems to have been simply to insert as authorities, 
 books the subjects of which make it seem probable that they may contain 
 references to the person whose life is being written. Thus, to take only the 
 names of persons mentioned in this book, for the life of Nicolas Berauld, as a 
 native of Orleans, the Biographie de I'Orleanais is cited, yet his name only, 
 without any biography, is to be found there. For Jean de Langeac, La Croix 
 du Maine is given as an authority, but the Bibliotheque Fran9oise will be searched 
 in vain for any mention of him. Yet more inexplicably careless is the omission 
 of names which the editor has clearly intended to include, and has referred to as 
 included. I have before remarked that in the life of Gratien du Pont we are 
 referred to the art. ' La Borie " for Francois A. de la Bone, but no such article is 
 to be found. To take a more celebrated man ; under the name Liset is the 
 reference, voy. Lizet, but no notice of the First President appears under the 
 latter name or elsewhere, nor indeed does the name Lizet occur. 
 
 In the later volumes (though containing some excellent biographies, notably 
 
ai6 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 Erasmus, from whom, as he tells his correspondent with 
 great pride, he had on one occasion received a letter signed 
 with the great scholar's own hand. I have been unable to 
 find any notice of him or to obtain any other information 
 than is to be found in his letters to Cousin i. Possibly he 
 may have been of the same family as Caterina Odoni, the 
 wife of Paulo Manuzio. The longest, and the most inter- 
 esting in every respect, of his letters is one on the subject of 
 Dolet and his attack on Erasmus ; and, although written in 
 a spirit of the bitterest dislike and with the greatest un- 
 fairness to our hero, it yet gives us the only description 
 which we have of his personal appearance and manners, 
 and (as the writer happily does not aim at Ciceronian 
 elegance) written in a most racy and graphic manner ^. 
 
 'Joannes Angelus Odontjs to Gilbertus Cognatus, 
 his friend and very dear brother. 
 
 ' I have just heard that it has been written from hence 
 that the friends of Erasmus here wish that he should briefly 
 reply to the rage and fury of that very mad fellow (Dolet), 
 
 in the last, that of Voltaire) the carelessness which marks the earlier volumes is 
 supplemented by an evident desire to bring the work to a conclusion as speedily 
 and in as short a compass as possible. Out of the forty-six volumes, upwards 
 of forty are devoted to the letters A-P, leaving less than six volumes for Q-Z. 
 The consequence is that numerous names of interest are omitted altogether, 
 while only the most meagre space is given to many others, a space altogether 
 disproportionate to that which many of much less interest and importance 
 receive in the earlier volumes. 
 
 ' Erasmus refers to him in a letter to G. Cousin (No. 1296, p. 1519) : ' Epi- 
 stolam Odoni ac Philenii cupide legi, ad te quidem scriptam sed de me totam.' 
 
 ^ M. Boulmier, who tells us in his Preface that we are not to look for an 
 impartial history from him, and who either omits or slurs over whatever is un- 
 favourable to the client, of whom he admits himself to be the advocate, has 
 but just referred to the letter of Odonus to quote a remark on the age of 
 Dolet and to describe the letter as unfriendly to his hero. Following as usual 
 Nee de la Rochelle, he says this letter has been preserved to us by Niceron. 
 This letter is to be found in Opera G. Cognati, Basle 1562, vol. i. p. 313, but 
 is quoted, neither quite in extenso nor quite accurately, by Niceron, vol. xxi. 
 p. 114. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. %ij 
 
 which those who have heard so great a croaking think is 
 the roaring of some great animal (as the fable of the Lion 
 and the Frog has it). But I who when at Lyons both saw 
 the man (or rather the mindless thing in human form) and 
 talked with him, know him to be a worthless beast. He 
 somewhere calls himself a young man, but he is nearer to 
 his fortieth than to his thirty-eighth year. He is bald 
 to the middle of his senseless head. He wore a short 
 Spanish jacket, coarse and much worn, scarcely covering 
 his backside. His countenance is of such a funereal and 
 black pallor, and has such a wretched air, that you would 
 fancy an avenging fury had fastened on his breast and was 
 dragging him to the punishment of the wheel. You will 
 ask who introduced me to this portentous spectacle. It 
 was that other precious Ciceronian^, that despiser of the 
 Greek language and studies, who has published those dia- 
 logues ' Cicero revocatus ' and ' Cicero relegatus.' He 
 indeed is banished from, but is not yet recalled to, Italy; 
 where (though his native country) not only did he fear to 
 be recognised, but was so conscious of his own deserts that 
 he even suppressed his name on the title-page. I was 
 however on terms of great intimacy with him at Bologna. 
 At Lyons he repeated this saying to me, "Let others 
 choose other masters, I approve only of Christ and of 
 Tully; Christ and Tully are sufficient for me." I saw 
 nothing of Christ however in his hands or in his books ; 
 God knows whether he had anything in his heart. This 
 however I know from his own mouth, that when he fled 
 into France he brought with him as a consolation in the 
 wretchedness of his journey neither the Old nor the New 
 Testament, but only the Familiar Epistles of Cicero. Both 
 the circumstances of this fellow, which are worthy of his 
 life (yet the Phrygian has not yet undergone the stripes 
 
 ' Hortensio Lando. 
 
2l8 ETIENNE DO LET - 
 
 of God calling him to repentance^; oh, that he might at 
 length feel them), and his levity, his effeminacy, and his 
 irreligious conduct, I should have briefly described to you 
 were it not that we know that all these apes of Cicero are 
 characterised by the same depravity and impudence. This 
 fellow took me to the bird of ill-omen. Outside his 
 chamber there was a good deal of noise and untidiness, 
 caused, as I suppose, by boys learning the rudiments of 
 grammar. (By this means as you know banished tyrants 
 are accustomed to earn their living.) Inside, I do not 
 remember what books the exile had. In the course of 
 conversation he referred to a passage in his orations where 
 he speaks of Erasmus, and as it seemed not so bitterly. 
 And this passage he wished to be recited by Hortensio, 
 lest I should be shocked with his (Dolet's) Gallic pro- 
 nunciation ; nor was there any mention made of the rabid 
 dialogue which he was about to publish. He earnestly 
 begged Lando however to write a preface to his orations, 
 and offered to dedicate them to whomsoever he (Lando) 
 wished ; but the latter declined the proposal. Nor did 
 Gryphius appear willing to undertake a new edition of 
 them ; indeed he complained to me of the vehement and 
 unreasonable pressure which certain persons had put upon 
 him to induce him to print them. Then as we were going 
 away he offered me the poisonous trash of Carvaialus ^ and 
 Scaliger, which I had not seen in Italy. No doubt with 
 books of this kind the wretch consoles himself for his 
 banishment from Toulouse, and again inflames his mind, 
 
 ' ' Utrum igitur nostrum est, an vestnim, hoc proverbium Phrygem plagis fieri 
 solere meliorem^ Cicero, Pro Flacco, 27. 
 
 ° Ludovicus Carvaialus (Caravajal), a Minorite, wrote against Erasmus, in 
 defence of the monks, Apologia monasticiB prrfessionis, Antwerp, mdxxix. 
 Reprinted at Basle the same year. Erasmus replied to him by his Respomio 
 adversus Febricilantis cujusdem Libellutn, Basle, 1529. This produced a re- 
 joinder from Cai-vaialus, entitled Dulcoratio amarulenliartim Erasmica respon- 
 sionis ad apologiam fratris Ludovici Carvaiali, Paris, Colinjicus, 1530. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 31 9 
 
 worn out as it must be by his quarrels. The next day I 
 returned both books to him with certain pages turned 
 down, and we had some conversation concerning the king 
 and the theatre of Giulio Camillo. 
 
 ' Now, my dear Gilbert, I see no reason why this fool 
 should be answered according to his folly. Perhaps I am in 
 error ; but, as Alciat writes, he is still more in error who has 
 so mean an opinion of the majesty of the name of Erasmus 
 and of the veneration which men of letters have for him 
 as to think he could ever be cast down from that citadel of 
 learning and virtue, where he has for so long been estab- 
 lished, by the calumnies and insolence of a fellow of this 
 kind. He is no jester, to amuse one with his writings while 
 making a great profession of piety, like Amsdorf ; he has 
 not the title of knight or count or monk ; he is indeed 
 scarcely human in his appearance. Moreover we do not 
 know whether the University and Parliament of Paris have 
 not taken care that he shall be capitally punished by law at 
 Paris. For as it often happens to these atheists, when they 
 are specially rejoicing and saying (as it is written in the 
 epistle) Peace, peace, let us eat and drink, then suddenly 
 they are overwhelmed with a deserved destruction. 
 
 ' Perhaps however friends from Paris may have sent you 
 a more full account of the wickedness of this hornet or 
 chameleon, who bawls out to the very breaking of his 
 jaws, and, for the sake of a slight breath of applause, is 
 rushing to certain destruction both of body and soul. Yet 
 who could ever carve in stone or paint in colours a better 
 representation of a foolish, senseless, insane, furious, rabid, 
 boastful, insolent, scurrilous, petulant, vain, lying, impu- 
 dent, arrogant, impious ^ fellow, without God, without faith, 
 without religion, than this man has by his own words shown 
 and expressed himself to be? To me he seems to be of 
 
 • 'Stulti, vecordis, insani, furiosi, rabiosi, gloriosi, procacis, maledici, petu- 
 lantis, vani, mendacis, impudentis, arrogantis, impii.' 
 
a20 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 the number of those whom St. Augustine and Erasmus 
 himself order us to laugh at when they weep, and to weep 
 over when they laugh, both which I certainly did when I 
 read his book. It has indeed been a matter of great grief 
 to me that a man should be found so well versed and 
 baptized (so to speak) in polite letters, and yet of such 
 brutality and impiety. God is my witness, my dear Gil- 
 bert, that not forwardness but affection has induced me to 
 write these things to you. 
 
 'And now let me stop in the middle of my course, lest 
 if I say more I may seem to wish to be wise overmuch. 
 For even on this matter I do not profess to see all sides. 
 Therefore whether Erasmus thinks fit to reply to Dolet, 
 or thinks it not worth his while to do so, I shall be satisfied. 
 For whatever he thinks right I doubt not will really be so. 
 So now I will conclude, commending both you and Erasmus 
 to God. Strasburg, 29th Oct., 1535.' 
 
 Notwithstanding the unfriendly tone of this letter it en- 
 ables us to see Dolet as he really was, worn with study and 
 hardship, so that, though he was only twenty-six years of 
 age, Odonus judged him to be near forty. Mean and 
 squalid in his dress, unattractive in his countenance, full of 
 enthusiasm for learning, and above all for Cicero, filled 
 at the same time with vanity and conceit, and believing 
 that his worthless orations were really deserving the atten- 
 tion of the world, caring only for study and literary fame ; 
 such is the impression which the letter of Odonus makes 
 upon us. 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 The Commentaries. 
 
 ' Liber est lumen cordis, speculum corporis, virtutum magister, vitiorum de- 
 pulsor, corona prudentum, diadema sapientium, gloria honorum, decus erudi- 
 torum, comes itineris, domesticus amicus, collocutor et congerro tacentis, collega 
 et consiliarius praesidentis, vas plenum sapientia, myrothecium eloquentias, 
 hortus plenus fructibus, pratum floribus distinctum, memoriae penus, vita re- 
 cordationis.'— Lucas de Penna. 
 
 HE principal object of 
 Dolet's journey to 
 Paris at the end of 
 the year 1534 was to 
 obtain the royal sanc- 
 tion for the publication 
 of his Commentaries, 
 which had now after 
 ten years of labour 
 approached at least 
 a partial completion. 
 But the moment was 
 unfavourable for obtaining permission to print any original 
 work, even one merely devoted to Latin literature. The 
 father of letters, as the French are fond of styling Francis 
 the First, although he had unquestionably a genuine love 
 for literature and literary men^ and though the influence 
 of his beloved sister La Marguerite des Marguerites in- 
 duced him at times to lend a not unwilling ear to the 
 
233 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 teaching of the religious reformers, yet, alternating be- 
 tween fits of vicious indulgence and of religious re- 
 morse, he allowed himself to be the tool and prey of the 
 bigots who surrounded him, and who persuaded him that 
 the salvation of his own soul required the destruction of 
 the bodies of those whom, had he followed his own tastes, 
 he would have especially desired to protect and encourage. 
 Really caring at all times in his heart for literature and 
 intellectual progress, and sometimes even for a reformation 
 in religion, yet, as M. Henri Martin has remarked ^ he 
 allowed the Reformation to be burned in the person of 
 Berquin, and the Renaissance in that of Dolet. Physically 
 brave, he was yet morally a coward, and dared not call 
 his soul his own in the presence of the priests. He was 
 at this time in one of those fits of piety in which he sought 
 to make amends for his vices by the persecution of heretics 
 and the suppression of literature. At the moment when 
 Dolet arrived in Paris the Doctors of the Sorbonne were 
 actually urging him to suppress absolutely, so far as an 
 edict could do so, the art of printing, to forbid the print- 
 ing, not only of heretical books, but of any books what- 
 ever, and, incredible as it may appear, they actually accom- 
 plished their purpose. It was as early as the 7th of June, 
 1533, that the Sorbonne, then under the influence of Beda, 
 presented to the King at Lyons a memorial against here- 
 tical books, in which it was formally urged that if the King 
 wished to preserve the Catholic faith, which was already 
 shaken at its base and attacked on all parts, he must 
 abolish once and for ever by a severe edict the art of 
 printing, which every day gave birth to dangerous books. 
 For some time the influence of Bud6 and Jean du Bellay, 
 then Bishop of Paris, succeeded in inducing the King to 
 refuse to grant this petition; but in October, 1534, the 
 indiscretions of some members of the Reform party in 
 ' Hist, de France, vol, viii. p. 343. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 223 
 
 affixing on the walls of the streets of Paris, and even on the 
 gates of the royal palace, placards violently and indecently 
 attacking the mass and the clergy, gave their enemies a 
 handle, of which the latter were not slow to avail them- 
 selves. The affair of the placards gave rise to just indig- 
 nation among the Catholics, and to a more severe persecution 
 ofheresyandheretics than Paris had as yet witnessed. Dolet 
 refers to it in the letter to G. Sceve already quoted. From 
 the loth of November, 1534, to the 5th of May, 1535, 
 twenty-two persons were burned for heresy in the Place 
 Maubert, and if we believe that Sleidan is in error in stating 
 that the King and his Court were present at the most 
 horrible of these spectacles, where six persons were com- 
 mitted to the flames, and where the strappado ^ seems to 
 have been employed for the first time, the fact remains that 
 not only were these burnings with his sanction, but that 
 the same sanction must have been given to the frightful 
 tortures which accompanied them, and which, had they not 
 been the invention of Christian priests, we should have 
 thought only fiends could have invented or applied. 
 
 It might perhaps have been expected that the Sorbonne, 
 now that Beda had fallen into disgrace, would have been 
 under better influence^ and would no longer have desired 
 
 ' The strappado was a kind of see-saw, with a heretic at one end suspended 
 above a fire. He was allowed to descend and burn for a short time, and was 
 then drawn out again, and so on from time to time. By this means the burning 
 lasted much longer, the torment was much more exquisite to the heretic, and 
 the spectacle much more grateful to the pious spectators. Though Sleidan 
 and Beza state positively that the King was present and lighted the fire on this 
 occasion, and though the fact of his presence has been gloried in by orthodox 
 historians, yet M. Martin has pointed out (Hist, de France, vol. viii.) that the 
 Bourgeois de Paris, who was present, and who notes all the details of all the 
 executions most precisely, says nothing of the King's presence, which he would 
 hardly have failed to do had he really attended and lighted the fire. P^re 
 Daniel, writing so late as the eighteenth century (Hist, de France), exults in 
 the King's display of piety in being present and lighting the fire on this occasion. 
 ' Francis,' he says, ' in order to draw down the blessing of Heaven on his arms, 
 wished to give this signal proof of his piety and zeal against the new doctrine." 
 
234 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 the destruction of that art of which it ought to have been 
 the protector and promoter ; but this was not the case : 
 it was again urged upon the King that printing was the 
 source of all heresy, and on the 13th of January, 1535, 
 letters patent were issued by which the King prohibited 
 and forbad under pain of death any person from thence- 
 forth printing any book or books in France, and at the 
 same time ordered all booksellers' shops to be closed under 
 the same penalty. 
 
 The Parliament, notwithstanding that it was presided 
 over by Pierre Lizet, protested against this edict, -and 
 refused, unless absolutely compelled, to ratify or register 
 it. Its remonstrances, supported by those of Bud^ and 
 Du Bellay, were successful, and on the a4th of February 
 in the same year new letters patent were issued by the 
 King suspending the operation of the former, and directing 
 the Parliament to choose twenty-four well-qualified and 
 prudent persons, out of whom the King should select twelve, 
 to whom alone permission was to be given to print in Paris 
 editions of needful and approved books, but forbidding 
 even the twelve to print any new composition under pain 
 of death. It would seem that the Parliament again remon- 
 strated, and that these letters patent were never formally 
 ratified. They were however inscribed in the register 
 entitled Conseil, from whence they have been for the first 
 time disinterred during the last half-century^. That such 
 an edict had been threatened, though mentioned by Dolet 
 himself in his Commentaries, had previously received but 
 little notice. ' I cannot,' he says, ' pass over in silence the 
 
 ' We only know of the letters of January 13 by a recital of them in those of 
 Feb. 24. These latter were first discovered by M. Taillandier, and afterwards 
 printed by him in the Memoires de la Societe des Antiquaires, torn. xiii. They had 
 before appeared in Crapelet's Eludes sur la Typographic, 34, a copy having been 
 communicated by M. Taillandier to M. Crapelet. They will also be found in 
 A. F. Didot's Essai sur la Typographic, 760 ; and in Werdet's Histoire du Livre, 
 ii. 75. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 325 
 
 wickedness of those wretches who, planning destruction as 
 well to literature as to men of letters, thought in our time 
 of destroying and putting an end to the exercise of the 
 art of printing. Thought, do I say ? Who actually used 
 all their influence with the King of France, Francis of 
 Valois himself, the guardian, the supporter, the most loving 
 promoter of literature and of men of letters, to obtain 
 a decree for its suppression. They used this pretext, that 
 literature was the means of propagating the Lutheran 
 heresy, and that to this, typography was made subservient. 
 Ridiculous race of fools ! As if arms were by themselves 
 evil or destructive, and as if, because wounds and even 
 death are inflicted by them, the use of those arms by which 
 the good defend both themselves and their country from 
 attacks ought to be suppressed ; it is only the wicked 
 who use them for unjust purposes. So if there are those 
 who, foolishly over-curious or factious, disseminate some 
 error or other by means of the press, who is there who, 
 by reason of their fault, would say that printing ought to 
 be suppressed ; printing, which is of itself nothing less 
 than pernicious, and is more essential than anything else 
 for celebrating the glory and reputation of men ? 
 
 ' This most abominable and wicked plot of the sophists 
 and topers of the Sorbonne was brought to nought by the 
 wisdom and prudence of Guillaume Bud6, the light of his 
 age, and Jean du Bellay, Bishop of Paris, a man equally 
 distinguished by his rank and worth ^.' 
 
 Dolet however, as well as all other writers, was ignorant 
 that such an edict had actually been issued by 'the 
 guardian, the supporter, the most loving protector of litera- 
 ture,' an edict which justly entitles Francis I., as M. Crapelet 
 says, to the name of proscriber rather than of promoter 
 of literature. But although neither of these edicts were 
 ever actually enforced, no permission could be obtained at 
 
 ' Com. i. 266. 
 
 Q 
 
22,6 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 this time for printing the Commentaries. Dolet was not 
 indeed without influential friends to urge his suit. From Budd 
 he would receive, we are sure, every assistance and support ; 
 Breslay held high office in the great Council, and, as well as 
 Nicholas Berauld, Dolet's old master, would also give his 
 assistance; but it was for the present of no avail, perse- 
 cution, not promotion of literature, was now the order of 
 the day. Dolet was already suspected, as the letters of 
 Odonus and of Scaliger show us, of being, if not a heretic, 
 what was almost as bad — an atheist. He was known to 
 be the friend and favourer of suspected heretics, and the 
 imprudent and abusive language as to Beda contained in 
 his printed letters could not have been other than offensive, 
 and justly offensive, to the Doctors of the Sorbonne. Be- 
 sides, as the letter of Odonus seems to imply, Dolet's 
 enemies at Toulouse were at this very time urging the 
 registration by the Parliament of Paris of the decree of 
 banishment issued by that of Toulouse ; and if they were 
 not successful in this, at least they carried the day so far 
 as to cause the permission for the printing of the Com- 
 mentaries to be refused. 
 
 'No one,' wrote Jean Voult6 a few months later in a 
 dedication of his Epigrams to the Cardinal of Lorraine^ '(to 
 declare my opinion ingenuously), is so great an enemy to the 
 French name as a Frenchman. This has been experienced 
 by many, and lately by Etienne Dolet of Orleans, who 
 has done great service to the Latin tongue (to say no more) 
 even in his youth ; and what may not be expected in the 
 future part of his life from a person bom with so excellent 
 a genius, of such unwearied diligence and application, and 
 aspiring with such alacrity of mind to immortal fame? 
 This person, I say, who is the ornament of the age, and 
 will be the eternal glory of France, has experienced the 
 severest strokes of envy, for when he designed to publish 
 
 ' Printed by Gryphius in 1536. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 327 
 
 his Commentaries on the Latin Tongue (a work of immense 
 labour and exact judgment, and hardly to be expected 
 from so young a man), for the public use of all lovers of 
 that language, he found none to oppose him more violently 
 than those from whom he had just reason to expect the 
 most grateful return for his labour. But may such pests 
 of the republic of letters continue to flourish, for when they 
 endeavour to prejudice the rising glory of learned men, 
 they really contribute most effectually to establish it.' 
 
 Dolet returned to Lyons early in 1535, probably before 
 the publication of the Dialogue, which it would be his first 
 business to see through the press. The two years which 
 followed (1535 and 1536) were two of the most peaceful 
 and presumably happiest of his life. It was not in his 
 nature to live without wrangling and disputes, and the 
 abuse which he received for his Ciceronian Dialogue 
 would hardly do more than add zest to his life. His time 
 was passed in revising and superintending through the 
 press the first volume of his great work, in private study, 
 in editing and correcting for the press of Gryphius \ and, 
 
 ■ I have examined many books, mostly editions of Latin classics, printed by 
 Gryphius in 1535 and 1536, but have been unable to detect anywhere the hand 
 of Dolet. Nee de la Rochelle (Vie de Dolet, p. 33) denies that Dolet was ever 
 employed by Gryphius as a corrector of the press. He considers that he corrected 
 the editionof the works of Marot given by Gryphius in 1538, merely out of friend- 
 ship for the author. The passage from Sussanneau quoted in the text is relied 
 on by Nee de la Rochelle as evidence that Dolet was not so employed. He 
 says, ' Would Gryphius, living with Dolet, have charged Sussanneau with the 
 correction of the works of Cicero, whilst he had at hand a friend so well versed 
 in that author?' To my mind Sussanneau's words are a strong confirmation 
 of the statement of Scaliger in the letter to Le Ferron (ante, p. 206). Guillaume 
 Sceve seems to have acted at this time as the literary manager or editor of the 
 press of Gryphius. The language of Dolet's letter to de Boyssone (ante, p. 213), 
 ' I, who am the slave both of the public and of Sceve,' is at once explained, if 
 we believe the writer to have been at that time correcting for the press or 
 editing imder the superintendence of Sceve. But Voulte's ode Ad Libellum is 
 still more conclusive on the point : — 
 
 'I, fuge Lugdunum sine me liber, i, fuge in urbem 
 Excipiet prompta Gryphius ille manu. 
 Te castigandum dodo dabit inde Doleto.' 
 
 Q « 
 
aaS ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 as would seem from the letter of Odonus (which I take 
 to refer to the period immediately following Dolet's return 
 to Lyons), in teaching. Besides the letter of Odonus we 
 are fortunate in having a contemporary notice of him at 
 this time from Hubert Sussanneau, who, like himself, was 
 at this time editing and correcting for Gryphius, and who 
 at a later period became hostile to Dolet. In the pre- 
 fatory letter which precedes his Dictionarium Ciceronianum 
 (Paris, Colinaeus, 1536), he thus writes: 'On my way to 
 Italy I stayed for some time at Lyons, where Sebastian 
 Gryphius persuaded me to superintend the correction of 
 some works of Cicero, Horace, and St. Cyprian. Dolet 
 was then living with that printer. All that I can say of 
 the ability and of the learning of that young man is, that 
 in him nature surpasses art ; and that though still very 
 young, he is, if I may venture to say so, borne on a triumphal 
 car in the midst of the applause of all. Attached from 
 infancy to the reading of Cicero, he was then composing 
 his Commentaries on the Latin Tongue, which, by the ad- 
 miration they have caused me, have almost made me 
 abandon my own work.' 
 
 The completion of the first volume of the Commentaries 
 was his first care. In transcribing and correcting this he 
 received considerable assistance from one of the greatest 
 names in the French literature of the sixteenth century, 
 one of the few writers of that time whose works are still 
 read with pleasure — the author of the Cymbalum Mundi, 
 Jean Bonaventure Desperiers. Known, or at least sus- 
 pected, as a friend of intellectual progress and freedom of 
 thought, the influence of Margaret de Valois, to whom he 
 held the office of valet de chambre, was able to protect 
 him so long as he did not compromise himself by any 
 overt act. But the publication of the Cymbalum Mundi 
 in 1537-8 gave the Sorbonne and the Parliament (or rather 
 the First President) a weapon of attack of which they were 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. %2() 
 
 not loth to avail themselves. In these lively and satirical 
 dialogues, professing only to deal with the pagan deities, 
 it was not difficult to discover the undercurrent of sarcasm 
 intended for the Christian theology. The Sorbonne de- 
 clared the book to be filled with blasphemies and impieties. 
 The Parliament, at the instigation of the First President, 
 Pierre Lizet, imprisoned Jean Morin the printer, and caused 
 all the copies of the book which could be found to be 
 burned, an auto-da-fe which was so successfully performed 
 that only a single copy of the original edition is known 
 to exist ^. 
 
 So soon as the first volume of the Commentaries was 
 completed and transcribed, Dolet began to print it in order 
 that it might be ready to appear whenever the royal 
 licence should be granted. A large folio volume containing 
 seventeen hundred and eight columns of closely-printed 
 matter could not be passed through the press in a few 
 days or weeks, and as there were frequent rumours of an 
 approaching royal visit to Lyons, the author no doubt 
 hoped that this would prove a favourable opportunity for 
 obtaining the licence by means of his influential Lyonese 
 friends. For nearly thirty years the government of Lyons 
 had been successively entrusted to the members of a 
 distinguished Milanese family, equally distinguished as mili- 
 tary commanders and as civil administrators, but yet more 
 eminent by their attachment to literature, and by the 
 uniform protection and assistance which they afforded to 
 men of letters. Gian Jacopo di Trivulzi, known in French 
 history as Le Grand Trivtdce, Marquis de Vigevano and 
 Marshal of France, was the first of his family who held 
 the important office of Governor of Lyons. It was now 
 
 • This copy is now in the Public Library of Versailles. It was sold at the 
 Gaignat sale in 1769 (No. 2528) for 350 francs, the purchaser being the Due 
 de la Valliere, at whose sale in 1783 (No. 4408) it only realised 120 francs. 
 A second edition appeared at Lyons in 1538. It is also excessively rare. 
 
330 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 held by Pompone de Trivulce, who followed the example 
 of his uncle and immediate predecessor Theodore in pro- 
 tecting and fostering literature, and especially in favouring 
 and encouraging the art of printing and those who ex- 
 ercised it. I have before said that the press of Lyons was 
 more free than elsewhere in France; books which would 
 not have been permitted to see the light in Paris, or which 
 would have subjected their authors and printers to condign 
 punishment, appeared at Lyons, though not with the direct 
 sanction of the Governor, yet with the certainty that he 
 would do all in his power to protect their authors and 
 printers from molestation. At the very time when the 
 King and the Doctors of the Sorbonne were conspiring 
 to destroy ' this divine art ' (as Dolet justly calls it), the 
 printers of Lyons were combining to show their gratitude 
 to Pompone de Trivulce for Jiis favour and protection. 
 The first of May was the fete-day of the printers at Lyons, 
 and it was their custom to plant a fir-tree called the May 
 of the Printers [le Mai des Imprimeurs) before the door 
 of some person of distinction to whom they especially 
 desired to show respect. In 1529 the May was erected 
 before the door of Theodore de Trivulce, inscribed with 
 a poetical address by no less a hand than that of Clement 
 Marot^ In 1535 it was Pompone de Trivulce whom the 
 printers determined to honour, and it was the pen of 
 Etienne Dolet that supplied the inscription. The May 
 was planted before the house of the Governor, inscribed 
 with a Latin ode, of which the P^re de Colonia remarks^, 
 'The noble simplicity, the antique flavour, and the pure 
 Latinity remind us of the Augustan age ^.' 
 
 ' Epigram 14. 
 
 ^ Histoire Litteraire de Lyon, ii. 497. A less learned schoolboy than Mac- 
 aulay's will not have much difi&culty in tracing the origin of the first half of 
 this ode. 
 
 ' According to M. Pericaud (Notes et Documents pour servir a I'Histoire de 
 Lyon, 1483-1546, p. 52), Louis Tolozan, Prevot des Marchands and com- 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 231 
 
 'Ad Pompontum Trivultium Lugduni Rectorem, 
 TypograpTii Lugdunenses. 
 
 Fuerit Tityro ille Deus, ei qui permisit 
 QuEe vellet agresti calamo ludere et agnos, 
 Bovesque ducere libere per florentes 
 Campos. Eris nobis Deus, qui permittis 
 Solita nos frui Isetitia et libertate. 
 Ob Id viridem pinum tibi consecratam 
 Accipe, vultu atque animo quo consecrata est.' 
 
 With such a governor there was every chance that the 
 licence would in time be granted. By the middle of i535 
 the printing had commenced, and a month later a proof- 
 sheet was ready to be sent to Jean de Boyssone. The 
 latter — as well as many others — was eagerly expecting the 
 appearance of the Commentaries, and in a letter before 
 referred to ^ he thus speaks of them : — 
 
 ' As to your commentaries on the Latin Tongue we have 
 no information here (Toulouse) whether you have yet 
 finished them. I cannot put into words the eagerness 
 with which we expect their appearance, yet persons are 
 not wanting, even among those who wish you well, who 
 affirm that you purloined the Commentaries from Simon 
 Villanovanus, a report which, although it does not seem 
 to me in any way probable, will not in any respect hinder 
 the success of your book, for your calumniators do not bear 
 in mind that to the book itself it would be no small merit 
 to have had as its authors Villanovanus and Dolet.' 
 
 To this Dolet repHed on Aug. 31 2; 'As regards my 
 
 mandant of the city of Lyons, was the last magistrate in whose honour a May 
 was planted in 1786. M. Pericaud attributed this ode of Dolet to the year 
 1529, and considers it to have been in honour of Theodore de Trivulce. In 
 his Carmina, however, Dolet himself addresses it (as in the text) to Pompone 
 de Trivulce, and it is clear that 1535 was the only year of the latter's govern- 
 ment that Dolet could have been in Lyons on or about the ist of May. Pom- 
 pone de Trivulce was superseded at the end of that year by the Cardinal de 
 Tournon. 
 
 ' Ante, p. 210; Toulouse MS. fol. xvii. 
 
 ' Id. fol. i. 
 
23a ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Commentaries on the Latin Tongue, I laugh at the lies of 
 the envious, and I am really in that state of mind con- 
 cerning them which you say I ought to be. No calumnies 
 have as yet broken my spirit, and their attempts to crush 
 me in the future will be still less successful, as I become 
 daily more and more hardened against the absurdities of 
 mankind. Let these brutish Toulousans at least wait until 
 my book is published, and then if they have any judgment 
 let them judge with certainty. Are they able do you think, 
 now to decide matters against me, the nature of which they 
 have as yet neither read nor seen ? In order that you 
 may judge more truly and justly, I have sent you as a 
 specimen a proof-sheet of the work, the printing of which 
 has begun.' 
 
 In the meantime the political projects and mundane 
 ambitions of the King had brought about an interval of 
 respite and hope to the party of reform. Charles V. was 
 engaged on his expedition against the pirates of Tunis, 
 and to declare war against him while occupied in this pious 
 and Christian work, would have been to excite the horror 
 of civilised Europe. Francis counted on this expedition 
 being unsuccessful ; he expected to see his rival defeated 
 and weakened, and he determined to be ready to declare 
 war immediately on the Emperor's return ; but it was neces- 
 sary in the meantime to look out for allies. The Lutheran 
 princes of Germany had been alienated and irritated by 
 the persecution which followed the affair of the placards. 
 The ' magnificent lords of Berne' were even more interested 
 than the German princes in the toleration of the Reformers. 
 Their influence was so widely extended over the territories 
 on the east of France, from Geneva to Basle, that their 
 alliance was far more important to Francis than the com- 
 paratively insignificant extent of their dominions would 
 lead us to expect. It was the urgent pressure of my lords 
 of Berne, that effected what in other similar cases even the 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 233 
 
 powerful influence of Margaret of Navarre had been unable 
 to effect, and rescued the great citizen of Geneva, Baudichon 
 de la Maison Neuve, from the stake, after he had been con- 
 demned by the Inquisitor-General and the officials of the 
 Archbishop of Lyons as a heretic, and delivered over to 
 the secular arm. But the friendship of my lords of Berne 
 for Francis had received a rude shock from the persecu- 
 tions of the winter of 1535-6. To conciliate the German 
 and Swiss reformers, an edict was issued on the i6th of 
 July, 1535, by which the King ordered the prosecutions of 
 protestants to cease, and liberated those who were in prison 
 for the cause of religion. The severe restrictions on the 
 press were about the same time loosened, and although 
 the victorious return of Charles from Tunis had falsified 
 the hopes of Francis, war was commenced, and for nearly 
 three years, that is to say until the peace of June 1538^ 
 the Reformers were allowed an interval of rest and toler- 
 ation. Charles was at this moment sincerely desirous of 
 peace^ and immediately commenced negotiations in the 
 hope of satisfying the King's claims on the Duchy of Milan, 
 but his efforts were unsuccessful. The campaign began in 
 earnest ; and in order to be near the seat of war and 
 personally to direct the campaign, Francis paid his long- 
 expected visit to Lyons, arriving on the 7th of February, 
 1536. He remained in the south-east of France the 
 greater part of the year, paying frequent visits to Lyons ; 
 and on the aist of March Dolet had the satisfaction of 
 obtaining, or seeing obtained by Gryphius, the long-wished- 
 for permission to print the Commentaries. It is dated at 
 Cremieu, a small town about eighteen miles from Lyons, 
 where the King was then holding his court, and is addressed 
 to the Provost of Paris, the Bailiff of Macon, the Seneschal 
 of Lyons, and all other justiciaries, officers, and their lieu- 
 tenants. It then continues, 'Our dear and well-beloved 
 Master Sebastian Gryphius, printer in ordinary to our 
 
234 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 town of Lyons, has made known to us that he is desirous 
 of printing at great expense, to the profit and promotion 
 of Latin letters, a book entitled Commentaries on the Latin 
 Tongue, by Estienne Dolet.' It then grants to him the 
 exclusive right to print the same for a period of four years, 
 and forbids all other printers from doing the like under 
 penalty of fines and confiscation of their books. 
 
 The Commentaries on the Latin Tongue is the work on 
 which Dolet's reputation as a Latin scholar must principally 
 rest. It had been in preparation for twelve years, for, as 
 he tells us, it was before he went to Padua that he had 
 determined to compose this work, the compilation of which 
 seems from that time to have been the first object of his 
 care. The first volume appeared in i53<5, in or soon after 
 the month of iVTay; and though now of no living interest 
 to the scholar, it is certainly one of the most important 
 contributions to Latin scholarship which the sixteenth 
 century produced. It is a work of immense labour, the 
 result of a profound and lengthened study of Cicero, as 
 well as of many other Latin authors ; and it will be ad- 
 mitted by all who have examined it, that no work had up 
 to that time appeared, which was calculated to be so useful 
 to the student of Latin literature. At the same time I 
 cannot agree with those who have placed it above all other 
 contemporary works in Latin scholarship. Neither here 
 nor elsewhere does Dolet show much critical power or 
 skill, and as between the Commentaries of Dolet and the 
 Latin Thesaurus of Robert Estienne, pre-eminence in 
 scholarship should, I think, be awarded to the latter. 
 Yet no other book which had appeared up to that time 
 (except the Thesaurus) contributed in the same degree to 
 the promotion of, or formed so important a contribution 
 to Latin scholarship as the Commentaries. The publica- 
 tion of the (second edition of the) Thesaurus of Estienne is 
 considered by Hallam to mark an epoch in the department 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. ac^S 
 
 of Latin philology^. He should have said the almost 
 simultaneous publication of the Commentaries of Dolet and 
 the second edition of the Thesaurus, and one of the re- 
 marks which he makes on the latter is equally applicable 
 to the former : ' The preceding dictionaries of Calepin and 
 other compilers had been limited to an interpretation of 
 single words, sometimes with references to passages in 
 the authors who had employed them. This produced on 
 the one hand perpetual barbarisms and deviations from 
 purity of idiom, while it gave rise in some to a fastidious 
 hypercriticism, of which Valla had given an example. 
 Stephens first endeavoured to exhibit the proper use of 
 words, not only in all the anomalies of idiom, but in every 
 delicate variation of sense to which the pure taste and 
 subtle discernment of the best writers had given an ex- 
 ample.' The aims and scope of the two scholars were 
 however as different as the methods they employed, and 
 while those of Robert Estienne were more conducive to 
 the practical utility of his work, those of Dolet were cer- 
 tainly more scientific and critical. The work of Robert 
 Estienne was a dictionary and nothing more, in which 
 the alphabetical order was followed, and in which each 
 word was explained by itself and without regard to its 
 relationship to others^. Dolet, on the contrary, arranged 
 
 ' Hallam speaks of the publication of his (Estienne's) Thesaurus in 1535, 
 augmented in a subsequent edition of 1543. The first edition of the Thesaurus 
 was in October 1532, in a single volume, which had cost the author two years 
 of hard and incessant labour, and which, though a great advance on any dic- 
 tionary then extant, would not have deserved the praise which Hallam gives to 
 the author had not a second edition appeared in December 1536 (there was no 
 edition in 1535), so much augmented as to be almost a new work. This was 
 followed in 1543 by a third edition, still more enlarged, and for which the 
 author had the advantage of consulting the Commentaries of Dolet. 
 
 ' The alphabetical method seems to us, from habit, so natural that we find a 
 difficulty in conceiving the possibility of any other. Yet it may be doubted 
 whether that of Dolet was not the true order, and whether, had not his mis- 
 fortunes and untimely death on the charge of atheism caused his work to 
 drop out of the memory and use of man, his system might not have come into 
 
2^6 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 his words according to their connection with each other, 
 or rather with the ideas which they expressed. The com- 
 mentary upon one word is followed by a commentary upon 
 the words of a like character, and then upon those which 
 are contrary or dissimilar. Thus to amare, with which the 
 Commentaries commence, follow in order adamare, reda- 
 mare, amator, amabilis, diligens, observans, coleri, amplecti, 
 complecti lite, amicitia, amor, charitas, pietas, benevolentia, 
 animus, voluntas, and so on, until the author has completely 
 exhausted the words expressing or having relation to this 
 idea. The words are thus classed, not according to their 
 sound or orthography, but according to their signification. 
 The object of Robert Estienne was merely to explain the 
 meaning of words ; that of Dolet was to do this, but at 
 the same time to group together and show the relations 
 between all words capable of expressing the same . or a 
 similar or a contrary idea. Dolet thus explains the method 
 of his Commentaries in a brief introduction to the first 
 volume : — 
 
 ' That the method of these my Commentaries may be 
 
 general use. It was the success and popularity of the Dictionary of R. Estienne 
 (which has continued to be the basis of all subsequent Latin Dictionaries) 
 which fixed the alphabetical method, convenient as it is, so firmly that it is 
 impossible to change it; yet J. M. Gesner, in his Dissertatio de Prsecipuis 
 Lexicis Latinis prefixed to his Novus LinguEe et Eruditionis Romse Thesaurus 
 (Lips., 1749), considers that the popularity of R. Estienne's alphabetical order 
 has been a misfortune to Latin scholarship. It will be remembered that a non- 
 alphabetic method analogous to, though not the same as that of Dolet, was 
 adopted in the first edition of the Dictionary of the French Academy as the 
 true and scientific one, and it was only changed to the alphabetical method in 
 the second edition because the latter had become too rooted in the popular 
 mind to be changed. ' II y a deux mani^res de ranger les mots dans un dic- 
 tionnaire ; I'une de les mettre tons, de quelque nature qu'ils soient, dans leur 
 ordre alphabetique ; I'autre de les disposer par racines, c'est a dire, de n'ob- 
 server I'ordre de I'alphabet que pour les mots primitifs. . . . Or, de ces deux 
 methodes la demi^re est veritablement la plus savante, la plus propre ^ instruire 
 un lecteur studieux . . . Mais cette m^thode n'accommodoit pas I'impatience 
 du Francois ; ainsi I'Academie apr^s I'avoir employee dans la premiere Edition 
 de son dictionnaire, a cru devoir I'abandonner dans le seconde.' Olivet, Hist, 
 de I'Academie Fran(;aise.' 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 237 
 
 more clearly seen and more easily understood, I wish to 
 explain the arrangement I make use of. In the first place 
 I give the meaning of each word, both its primary and its 
 secondary or tralatitious meaning. Then I distinguish the 
 different meanings of the words. Lastly I adduce examples, 
 but of each kind separately, so that instances are given 
 of the words used in their original signification, and again 
 in their secondary. But in setting forth the different uses 
 of a word, I have so separated the examples, that imme- 
 diately after showing as accurately as possible the primary 
 signification of a word and the tralatitious one (if it has 
 a tralatitious meaning), I adduce simple examples of 
 the different uses. I call them simple because they are 
 set forth with no special grace or elegance of construction. 
 Having done this, I illustrate by separate examples the 
 various uses and forms of construction of the word. When 
 I have shown both in my own language and by examples 
 drawn from Cicero, the primary and secondary meanings 
 of the word in question, I then subjoin other words of a 
 cognate meaning, and so continue in a connected series 
 as long as it seems possible to do so. But as it is not 
 possible to connect all the words together in an infinite 
 series, when I have exhausted a series of congruent words 
 I naturally proceed to their contraries, and with them I use 
 
 as far as possible the same plan For example, after 
 
 the words conciliare, conjtmgere, on the next page are op- 
 posed the words alienare, abalienare. So to consentire, 
 coftvenire, congruere, concordare, coire, conspirare, conjurare, 
 succeed dissentire, dissidere, discordare, discrepare, like op- 
 posing standards brought together for hostile encounter. 
 But I must pursue my course in my own stupid way. I 
 directly join opposites to opposites, so only that the series 
 of words is not interrupted, and thus when the forms of 
 similar and dissimilar words are extended somewhat more 
 at length, my system becomes plain. In the meantime, as 
 
238 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 to those who are indolent, and who impudently and 
 recklessly devote their ill-employed leisure to calum- 
 niating the labours of the studious, they certainly do not 
 know the matter which they talk about ; they morosely 
 blame, as they do everything, the multitude of ex- 
 amples I make use of. Once for all let this be said to 
 them, you may both explain the meaning of words, and 
 may inculcate the principles of rhetoric, so as much more 
 clearly to enunciate them and lay them open, by the 
 abundance and copiousness of examples and expressions, 
 than by any verbose explanation of a grammarian, or any 
 system of a rhetorician. Let them cease to speak male- 
 volently, and let them suffer the ignorant youths, for whom 
 I have prepared this exercise of my earlier manhood (for 
 why should I prepare it for the learned, whose minds 
 are filled with erudition of all kinds, and by whom an 
 abundance of examples is not needed), to be allured to or 
 prepared for the reading of Cicero by the happy abund- 
 ance of Ciceronian examples. But of what use is it to 
 complain of the perverse loquacity of my detractors ? I have 
 hoped that by the multitude of examples I might be more 
 easily able to explain to those who are ignorant, the use of 
 words. I have therefore desired to abound in examples, so 
 that the student may saturate himself with them, and thus 
 be led as far as possible to a knowledge and to a com- 
 parison of the use of expressions. And if my work has 
 by this accumulation of examples increased to an immense 
 size, this will be considered as so much gain ; nor will it be 
 treated as a matter of regret to be able to acquire at so 
 small an expense, so great wealth in Latin oratory. I hope 
 to complete the whole of my Commentaries in three 
 volumes. The first, in which I treat of the use of nouns 
 and verbs, is now finished ; in the second I shall continue 
 and complete the same subject, and shall afterwards treat 
 of indeclinable particles ; in the third I shall set forth 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 239 
 
 certain rare and specially elegant modes of expression, 
 culled and collected from Latin writers, and in a brief essay 
 shall touch upon Latin style and oratorical diction. Of 
 these matters I do not wish you to be ignorant, and I also 
 wish you to understand the system and arrangement of 
 my Commentaries.' 
 
 It would appear, from several passages in the second 
 volume, that his method had not been entirely understood, 
 and had been unfavourably criticised, and accordingly he 
 more than once explains it, and claims it as his own 
 invention, of which he was not unreasonably proud ^. ' In 
 these Commentaries,' he says in a prefatory note, ' my first 
 intention was to originate a new method of compiling 
 dictionaries which no other Greek or Latin scholar could 
 claim for himself. This arrangement (as you will already 
 have gathered from a perusal of my work) is, that I do not 
 follow the alphabetical order as is done by the common 
 herd of grammarians, but join things to things, and connect 
 together expressions of a cognate meaning.' And in a 
 long dissertation near the end of the second volume ^, after 
 stating that he has endeavoured to explain, not merely the 
 meanings of words, but the nature of the things specified, 
 so as to have as it were complete treatises on many 
 matters, such as res bellicce, navales, rustic(B, ccelestes, he 
 thus continues : ' I have only sought to explain the leading 
 and as it were distinguished words. The Dictionary of 
 M. Nizolius, or the Thesaurus of Robert Estienne, or 
 Calepin (an edition of whose work has lately been pub- 
 lished by certain learned men, with the assistance and at 
 the expense of Sebastian Gryphius), will supply the com- 
 mon crowd of words.' 
 
 Passing from the method to the substance of the Com- 
 mentaries, it is certainly to be regretted that Dolet confined 
 
 ' See cols. 763, 913, I034. lo^S. and 1583 of vol. ii. 
 ^ Col. 1583. 
 
340 ETIENNE DOLET- 
 
 himself to examples taken from so few writers. Those 
 from Cicero are many times more numerous than the 
 examples from all the other Latin authors put together, 
 though he often cites, especially in his second volume, 
 Terence, Plautus, Caesar, Sallust, and Livy, and, very rarely, 
 Pliny, Virgil, Quintus CurtiuSj Columella, and Horace. 
 The first volume is little more than a commentary on the 
 Ciceronian use of the words treated of, with occasional 
 illustrations from Terence and Plautus. The second volume 
 has a much wider range, yet here also Cicero reigns supreme. 
 Considering however that the author was only twenty-seven 
 years of age when the first volume appeared, he certainly 
 displays a remarkably thorough knowledge of Cicero, 
 Terence and Plautus, and of the Latin language as used 
 by them, an admirable and elegant Latin style, and a great 
 facility in the use of it. 
 
 But the interest and value of the work from the point 
 of view of Latin scholarship is, like that of the early 
 editions of the Dictionary of Robert Estienne, historical 
 merely. Its present and living interest is to be found in 
 the numerous parenthetical disquisitions and notes in which 
 the author indulges. These are often autobiographical, 
 often relating to contemporary scholars whom the author 
 loved or hated, but are always full of a lively interest. 
 Dolet was not one of those writers who ever forgot or 
 allowed his readers to forget his own individuality. What- 
 ever he wrote, whether history, poetry, or criticism, his self- 
 consciousness never deserted him, and his subject-matter 
 is a mirror in which are displayed his vanity, his desire 
 for literary fame, his quarrels, his loves, his hatreds. The 
 consequence of this is that all his books, however imperfect 
 as works of art, contain much entertaining matter, and one 
 is never sure what may be found in them. Thus, as an 
 example of the word tangere he gives \ 'Genabum prseclarum 
 ' I Comm. 938. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 241 
 
 Gallise oppidum (in quo et natus et ad duodecimum annum 
 adolescens educatus sum) Ligerum fluvium tangit: id est 
 juxta Ligerum est conditum.' He panegyrises Longolius, 
 Budseus, and Simon Villanovanus, he laments the cruel death 
 of Thomas More, and (in his first volume) attacks Erasmus 
 with a virulence which here, as in his Dialogue, brings out 
 into painfully sharp relief the worst side of the writer's 
 character. Yet in his second volume the pen was in his 
 hand at the word paciscV-, when the news of the death of the 
 great scholar reached him. He at once laid aside his hatred, 
 for as he says in another place, he warred not with the dead, 
 and stopped to pay a warm and generous tribute to the 
 merits of the author of the Ciceronianus, in an ode which 
 is not one of the least happy of his productions. ' Whilst 
 I was writing ' he says, ' the news of the death of Erasmus 
 reached Lyons. Why should I say anything more here 
 respecting my quarrel with him ? I only wish posterity to 
 know that as when he was living, I frequently showed myself 
 hostile and bitter against him, so now that he is dead, I de- 
 sire to be both just and friendly to him, and treat him with 
 a moderation which he himself did not show to others. The 
 following ode is a proof of my good feeling towards him.' . 
 Then follows an ode in which he tells us he warred 
 with Erasmus when living, as an enemy of Cicero and the 
 French ; but now that he is dead, he feels that Germany 
 and literature have lost one of their greatest ornaments ^. 
 
 ' Col. 151. 
 
 ^ 'Quondam bella ferocia 
 
 Cum inter se atque duces Romulidse, atque Afri 
 Ducebant animosius : 
 
 Turn, donee validus, vivus, et integer 
 Frendensque, atque minans erat 
 
 Hostis, cui gladio cominus aggredi, 
 Et telo appetere undique 
 
 Non laudabile, non egregium fuit? 
 Ergo, dum fuit integer, 
 
 Et pugnse cupidus, spicula senserit 
 R 
 
.7,42 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 In both volumes numerous dissertations are to be found, 
 though in the second they are both more numerous and more 
 interesting than in the first. In each volume the author 
 loses no opportunity, or rather makes numerous oppor- 
 tunities of glorifying himself, his studies, his writings, and 
 his friends, and complaining of his enemies and detractors. 
 In this, as in so many of his other writings, he seems to 
 show that he had a presentiment and foreshadowing of his 
 terrible fate. In one place ^ he prays that his life may 
 never depend on the sentence of a judge; in another^ he 
 confesses that he has no desire to die before his time, yet 
 that he accompanies his devotion to letters with a constant 
 meditation on and recollection of death. Besides the 
 passages devoted generally to the scholars and poets of 
 the time, Clement Marot, Bonaventure des Periers, Maurice 
 Sceve, Jean de Langeac, Guillaume Du Choul, and others 
 are in the second volume honoured with special paragraphs. 
 
 The form in which the Commentaries appeared was 
 well worthy of their merits. The two folios which contain 
 them are, with one exception^, the most splendid monu- 
 
 Nostra hostis Ciceronis, et 
 
 Galli (quae rabies?) nominis insolens. 
 Jam jam parcere mortuo 
 
 Mens est, nee tacitam carpere postea 
 Larvam vulnifico stylo. 
 
 Defunctum mentis sic modo laudibus 
 O Musse meritum senem 
 
 Omemus. Rapiiit mors nimium rapax 
 Germanse patrise decus, 
 
 Doctorumque decus : quoslibet Italia 
 Tellus, Gallaque proferat 
 
 (Te Budse tamen, te quoque Longoli ?) 
 Germanee patriae decus, 
 
 Doctorumque decus mors rapuit rapax.' 
 This ode has been translated into English verse, neither very accurately nor 
 very poetically, in the fi2nd volume of the Gentleman's Magazine, p. 1037 
 (Nov. 1792). 
 
 ' 2 Com. 1328. ' Id. 1 163. 
 
 ^ The exception here referred to is the magnificent Latin Bible printed by S. 
 
p243. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 343 
 
 ment of the typographical art of Gryphius, as well as, 
 without exception, the most important original work which 
 issued from his prolific press. In the 1708 closely-printed 
 columns which form the text of the first volume, the author 
 only noted eight errata, which are corrected at the end ; 
 and though he does not assert, nor is it the fact, that there 
 are no others, yet they are certainly very few in number. 
 The border of the title-page of each volume is a most 
 elaborate specimen of wood engraving, displaying the 
 merits and the defects of the contemporary German 
 school ; and if wanting in delicacy and taste, yet it pos- 
 sesses the force and vigour which show the hand of a master. 
 At the top in the centre is King Solomon, with Aristotle 
 and Plato on one side, and Socrates and Pythagoras on 
 the other ; on each side of the page are portraits of twenty 
 of the poets, orators, and historians of Greece and Rome, 
 and at the foot, extending the width of the whole title-page. 
 Homer crowned by the Muses ^ 
 
 Gryphius in 1550 in two volumes folio, with a larger type than up to that time 
 had been used for any edition of the Bible. 
 
 ' These woodcut borders were not designed specially for the Commentaries. 
 M. A. F. Didot (Essai sur Vhhtoire de la gravure sur bois, p. 230) remarks, 
 ' Je remarque que le grand encadrement in-f". du titre des Commentaria de 
 Dolet imprimes en 1536 par Sebastien Gryphe est le meme que celui dont 
 le beau et savant dessin ne saurait etre attribud qu'k Holbein et dont 
 Froben s'est servi pour son edition des Adagia d'Erasme, Bale 1520. A 
 cote de la figure repr^sentant Aristote on voit mime les deux lettres I. F. 
 (Jean Froben) marque qui se retrouve sur plusieurs planches gravees pour 
 lui d'apres Holbein. On ne saurait douter que ce ne soient les memes gravures 
 sur bois ou plutot sur cuivre en relief qui aient servi aux editions de Bale et de 
 Lyon. Ce meme encadrement. compost de quatre pieces avait d'abord paru k 
 Bale en 1520, sur le titre des Erasmi Adagia imprimes par Froben, puis en tete 
 du Strabon in-f°. chez Valentin Curio en 1525, et en 1526 chez Andr^ Cratander, 
 en tete de I'Hippocrate, d'ou il revint a Lyon pour orner I'^dition de Dolet en 
 1536, puis le Lexique de Calepinus imprim^ par Sebastien Gryphe en 1540.' I 
 can supplement this note with two other books in which I have found the same 
 woodcut borders on the title ; the edition of the Adagia of Erasmus given by 
 Seb. Gryphius in 1529, and Divi dementis recognitionum Libri X . . . Rufino 
 Torino inierprete, given by Bebelius at Bile in 1526. 
 
 R a 
 
244 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 The work commences with a dedication to Francis I. 
 Then after an ode, also addressed to the King, comes a 
 further prefatory letter addressed to Bud6. 
 
 'Having now/ he says, 'arrived at the twenty-seventh 
 year of my age, I know that the works I have hitherto 
 published are rather copious than weighty or marked by 
 great abilities. It was the disgraceful insults of certain 
 most cruel men (whose names I suppress) which compelled 
 me to perform the task of addressing the public prematurely. 
 But you certainly do not doubt, and indeed all who know 
 my gentleness will be certain, that if I have written any- 
 thing against them too harshly, the anger which, owing to 
 the unbearable insults I had received, I had manifested, was 
 growing less sharp, when it was again excited beyond ex- 
 pectation. I perhaps allowed myself to seem too warm, and 
 showed the appearance of a somewhat too angry spirit 
 (which my enemies foolishly cast in my teeth), but which 
 really my great forbearance, wounded and violated as it was, 
 had inflamed.' After going on this strain for some time, 
 and then proceeding to abuse of Erasmus (which he knew 
 would be agreeable to Bud6), he thus continues : — 
 
 ' I have now endeavoured to obey the rule of life which 
 has been afforded to us by nature, namely to devise 
 something which would be useful, and would promote 
 the interests of as many as possible. But I have thought 
 that I ought to have regard not only to my dear country- 
 men, that is to say the French, but to all those who 
 cherish an affection for the Latin tongue. I have not how- 
 ever undertaken my work with the idea of injuring the 
 reputation of the many learned men who before me have 
 commented upon the Latin language with both ingenuity 
 and learning. I have neither the wish nor the power to do 
 this. What I have endeavoured to do is to make more 
 complete, more copious, and to digest in a more convenient 
 order for the benefit of the studious youth, that which has 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 245 
 
 been rather attempted than accomplished by others. In 
 these my Commentaries I do not break off the handle for 
 others who may come after me ; I have only thought that 
 the way by which I have myself slowly arrived at my own 
 familiarity with the Latin tongue, and the method of study 
 by which the hope has come to me, that I might be able 
 to attain both to copiousness of words and clearness of 
 expression, ought not to be concealed, but that the oppor- 
 tunity ought to be afforded to all, of studying in like manner 
 and of applying this method to their own studies. It is 
 this method that I have been especially desirous of making 
 known. Accordingly when I was sixteen years of age (at 
 the time when the French King succumbed by treachery 
 on the field of Pavia), having mastered the rudiments of 
 the Latin language, I gave myself up almost entirely to 
 the reading of Cicero, and attentively noticing his forms of 
 expressions, I began to compile these Commentaries, not 
 indeed then with a view to their publication, but merely 
 for my own personal benefit. As my age increased and 
 my studies progressed, so did my Commentaries. But when 
 I began to lay the foundation of my Latin style, and to 
 devote myself to the study of grammatical forms, I grew 
 somewhat wearied of my Commentaries, and in my desire 
 to attain a good Latin style, they ceased for a long time to 
 make progress. But what I have found to be of so great 
 service to myself, and have hoped would not be useless to 
 others, I have thought I ought to endeavour to lay open to 
 all. I have therefore decided on publishing this work, 
 begun indeed in my youthj but now entirely re-written and 
 completed with all the care, diligence and judgment which 
 I could bring to bear upon it. But besides the desire which 
 I have had for some time of promoting the interests of 
 youthful students, my greatest inducement for an earlier 
 publication than I should otherwise have wished has been 
 the consideration that, if I postponed the matter and after- 
 
246 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 wards gave myself up to more important matters of study, 
 I should be indisposed to return to more humble ones. For 
 I am planning a more serious undertaking ; I have for some 
 time contemplated, after completing the labour which 
 these Commentaries have imposed upon me, devoting my- 
 self to writing the history of our own time. This (if one 
 may venture to predict anything as to one's own work) the 
 youth who loves literature shall sometime receive from me. 
 My native country shall not complain that I have wasted 
 my leisure and the fruits of my studies in feeble or useless 
 writings. As then I have passed my youth and manhood 
 in a most honourable and praiseworthy kind of study, so 
 it is my wish to pass my old age, unless I should be taken 
 away by a premature death. I shall thus most abundantly 
 satisfy my great desire of contributing something to the 
 common weal.' 
 
 Then follow some just criticisms on the mode of writing 
 history (and other things) then in vogue, and Dolet con- 
 trasts this mode with that of Bud6, of whose works he 
 says, ' Will the time ever come when your writings will 
 be neglected by the learned ? Will they ever at any time 
 become wearisome? They will live for all time, as will 
 those which like them possess that great learning which 
 will procure for them immortality.' He then announces 
 that his Commentaries are to be in three volumes, of which 
 this is the first. 
 
 Three pieces of Latin verse follow, addressed to his 
 book, one of which I shall venture to quote : — 
 
 'Doled ad Commentarios. 
 
 Prima meae monimenta artis, monimenta juventse 
 
 Prima me^, tandem auspiciis exite secundis : 
 
 Ac longje pertassa morse, nimiumque retenta 
 
 Vos desiderium capiat jam lucis : in auras 
 
 Surgite : nee maledica hominum vel lingua, vel asper 
 
 Sermo metum injiciat: studio quin luminis ite, 
 
 Itc (imbecilles animos timor arguit) ite 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 247 
 
 Prima meee monimenta artis, monimenta juventje 
 Prima mese tandem auspiciis exite secundis.' 
 
 Of the digressions and dissertations contained in the 
 first vokime, I pass over those which are devoted to his 
 own glorification, to the attacks of his enemies (real and 
 imaginary), to the exaltation of Villanovanus and Longolius, 
 and to the depreciation of Erasmus \ and shall here quote 
 only the longest but certainly the most interesting digression, 
 in which, though in too rhetorical a style, he reviews the 
 state of literature from the commencement of its revival, 
 and enumerates those who have most contributed to it ^ : — 
 
 ' Having explained the words which relate to motion and 
 rest, I now pass on to another thing which proceeds from 
 rest or leisure, namely, Literce. Certainly literary pursuits 
 spring from leisure, and cannot exist without it ; but yet 
 before I explain the words relating to this matter, and 
 show their uses, let me express the delight which I feel at 
 the dignified position of literature, which in our time 
 flourishes so remarkably. 
 
 ' Literary studies are cultivated everywhere with so much 
 vigour that, in order to attain to the glory of the ancients, 
 nothing is wanting save the ancient intellectual freedom 
 and the prospect of acquiring distinction by the cultivation 
 of the liberal arts. What the learned miss, is the affection, 
 the liberality, the courtesy of the powerful ; the patronage of 
 a Maecenas is needed as a stimulant to their talents and an 
 encouragement to their labours. Further, there is wanting 
 to us an opportunity for the display of eloquence, a Roman 
 senate, a republic in which honour and a due meed of 
 praise would be awarded to it, so as to arouse even the 
 most sluggish natures, and to inflame to the highest pitch 
 
 ' In a long dissertation on eloquence and on the imitation of Cicero (col. 
 1236) he compares Erasmus and Longolius. Every possible unfavourable 
 epithet is applied to the style of Erasmus, while that of Longolius is lauded to 
 the skies. 
 
 " Col. 1 156. 
 
348 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 those who are naturally well endowed with oratorical talent. 
 Instead of these inducements to the study of the liberal 
 arts, there is among many a contempt for literary culture. 
 Ridicule is awarded to those who are devoted to intel- 
 lectual pursuits ; literary labour has to be pursued without 
 any hope or prospect of reward ; the life of the student is 
 passed without honour ; the contempt of the multitude has 
 to be endured ; the tyranny and insolence of the powerful 
 have to be borne ; and danger to life itself is often the result 
 of intellectual pursuits. Yet the vices of the times have 
 not so completely driven intellectual excellence beyond the 
 boundaries of Europe, as that we do not see everywhere 
 some who are burning with love for it. And although 
 in the incessant and bitter struggle with barbarism and 
 ignorance, which has now continued for a century, the 
 victory, owing to the too great strength and power of the 
 barbarians, has often been doubtful, yet the result has at 
 length been the success of the party of progress. 
 
 ' Laurentius Valla, assisted by noble contemporaries, was 
 one of the first to lead the way and to break the line of 
 battle of the enemy. Yet this seemed but a skirmish of 
 light-armed troops fighting at a distance, not in a close 
 hand-to-hand combat. For though a breach was made in 
 the enemies' line, the wings of the barbarian army were not 
 even conscious of it. But when the efforts of Valla and his 
 contemporaries were almost crushed by the leaders of the 
 barbarians, Angelus Politianus, Hermolaus Barbarus, Picus 
 of Mirandola, Volaterranus, Coelius Rhodiginus, Sabellicus, 
 Crinitus, Philelphus, Marsilius Ficinus, and all that illus- 
 trious generation came to their help, and well armed with 
 eloquence bore down with vigour and boldness upon the 
 army of the barbarians, which had collected its scattered 
 forces and was regaining its strength. But though their 
 efforts led to their own destruction, they certainly over- 
 threw the hosts of the barbarians, though unable completely 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 349 
 
 to destroy their forces. The right wing of the barbarian 
 army remained intact after the battle, only the left was 
 cut to pieces. Suddenly from Italy, Germany, Britain, 
 Spain, and France, the thunderbolts of letters are hurled 
 upon barbarism, which was still standing erect and rearing 
 its crest aloft ; it is made to yield itself up and is led away 
 in triumph. 
 
 'Italy, which has ever been the metropolis of eloquence, and 
 never destitute of men of genius, furnished the chief leaders, 
 men of the greatest reputation in the pursuit of eloquence, 
 and who had achieved the highest literary success, Bembo, 
 Sadolet, Baptista Egnatius (whose lectures on the Offices 
 of Cicero and on Lucretius I myself attended at Venice), 
 Andreas Navagerus, Romulus Amaseus, Nicolas Leoniceni, 
 Lampridius, Lazarus Bonamicus. It added as poets, Jovi- 
 anus Pontanus, Hieronymus Vida, Actius Syncerus San- 
 nazarius. What men are these ! What praise do they 
 not deserve ! What glory have they not achieved ! Next 
 after these, and fighting vigorously against the barbaric 
 horde, come Cardinal Adrian, Bartholomaeus Riccius^ 
 Marius Nizolius, Hortensius Appianus, and with them the 
 celebrated physician Joannes Manardus. At the same 
 time Andreas Alciatus, in his youth a fugitive from the 
 camp of the legists, but in no ordinary degree imbued with 
 literary culture, and ever of most high repute amongst the 
 most learned, attacks the barbarians ; nor is he alone, but is 
 accompanied and encouraged to the fight by ^milius 
 Ferret and Otho Bosio. Such is the noble cohort, and 
 such the illustrious leaders which Italy has sent to the 
 combat. As to the rank and file, the fighting soldiers, 
 I do not name them ; but their names, as yet obscure, will 
 in due time shine as brilliantly as those of their leaders. 
 
 ' Germany in its turn, excited by and emulous of the 
 studies of Italy, gave the signal to its troops to charge the 
 enemy. At their country's command, Johan Reuchlin and 
 
a50 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Rudolf Agricola take up arms, and associate with them ■ 
 their disciple Desiderius Erasmus of Rotterdam, a writer 
 indeed rather verbose and sarcastic than eloquent and 
 vigorous, yet by his great pile of volumes an unwearied 
 assistant in promoting the interests of literature. They 
 are immediately followed by Philip Melancthon, first in 
 eminence among the Germans. Rapidly following them 
 come on Ulrich Hutten, Beatus Rhenanus, Symon Grynseus, 
 Henricus Glareanus, Martin Dorpius, Conrad Goclenius, 
 Eobanus Hesse, Jacobus Mycillus, Johannes Oporinus, 
 Jacobus Omphalius, Ulrich Zazius, Viglius Zuichemus, Caro- 
 lus Sucquet, Cop of Basle, and Leonard Fuchsius, all de- 
 siring freedom from the barbaric yokej some for eloquence, 
 some for poetry, some for jurisprudence, and some for 
 medicine. 
 
 ' In Britain there have arisen against barbarism, Cuthbert 
 Tonstal, Thomas Linacre, and Thomas More, the latter as 
 happily gifted with literary talent, as he was unhappy in 
 his unjust and unfortunate fate. From Spain came forth 
 Ludovicus Vives and Antonius Nebrissensis, the latter 
 showing more courage than skill. Codes Ninivita^ (whom 
 I had almost passed over) follows, and is one of the first 
 to attack barbarism and to provoke it to battle. 
 
 ' France, which I have reserved to the last that I may 
 not be charged with giving undue precedence to my own 
 country, is not absent, and gives with her forces no slight 
 assistance to those of Italy, Germany, Britain, and Spain. 
 Bud6 as their chief captain heads them, a man as dis- 
 tinguished in Greek as in Latin literature. Closely behind 
 him follows Lefevre d'Etaples, defended by the shield of 
 philosophy. To Christopher Longolius (it does not matter 
 that when a young man, owing to the injuries of his fellow- 
 citizens, he renounced his country, for Longolius was really 
 
 ' This name and that of Otho Bosio are entirely unknown to me, and I am 
 unable to find either of them anywhere noticed. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. %S^ 
 
 a Frenchman') and Symon Villanovanus the duty is 
 assigned of extending the frontiers of the Latin tongue ; to 
 this they devote their enefgies, and having gained a 
 victory over barbarism, they restore eloquence to its ancient 
 dignity. As soon as the desire of our country to aid the 
 cause of letters is made known, Jean de Pins, Nicolas 
 Berauld (under whom when sixteen years of age I studied 
 rhetoric at Paris), Germain Brice, Lazarus Baif, Pierre 
 Danes, Jacques Toussain, Salmon Macrin, Nicolas Bourbon, 
 Guillaume Mayne, Jean Voulte, Oronce Find of Dauphine, 
 Pierre Gilles join themselves as companions in arms to 
 Bude, Lefevre, Longolius, and Villanovanus. Eminent jur- 
 ists ally themselves with these against barbarism — Pyrrhus 
 Angleberme of Orleans, Pierre de I'Estoile, a native of the 
 same place, Gui de Breslay, Jean de Boyssone of Toulouse, 
 Guillaume Sceve of Lyons, Claude Cantiuncula, Emile 
 Perrot, and Michael de I'Hopital. From the medical 
 schools there rush to the conflict Symphorien Champier, 
 Jacques du Bois, Jean Ruel, Jean Cop ^ Francois Rabelais, 
 Carolus Paludanus '. 
 
 •■ This corps of learned men, collected from every quarter, 
 has made such havoc with the camp of barbarism, that 
 there is no place left for it on which to take up its position. 
 It has fled from Italy, it has left Germany, it has escaped 
 from England, it has rushed forth from Spain, it has been 
 
 ' Longolius was bom at Liege, and Villanovanus was, strictly speaking, a, 
 Fleming, yet IJolet, like other writers of the time, treated them as of the Gallic 
 nation. 
 
 2 The only Jean Cop known to me is the son of Guillaume Cop of Basle, 
 the king's physician (above mentioned as Cop of Basle), and brother of 
 Nicolas Cop, Rector of the University of Paris, referred to in the correspondence 
 of Dolet and Bording (ante, p. 142). A letter of Daniel to Calvin of March 7, 
 1532 (Correspondence des reformateurs de langue rran9aise, vol.ii. p. 409; see 
 also p. 348, and vol. iii. p. 130), tells us that Jean Copwas a canon of Clery. I do 
 not find him anywhere referred to as a physician. 
 
 ^ Of Carolus Paludanus I know nothing except a complimentary epigram of 
 Gilbert Ducher, Epigrammala (Lyon, 153S), p. 148- He seems to have been 
 a physician of Lyons. 
 
353 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 expelled and cast out from France, not a city in Europe but 
 is free from the horrible monster. Everywhere letters are 
 cultivated to the highest pitch, all liberal studies flourish, 
 and by the aid of literary culture, men are led to the 
 knowledge, long neglected, of the true and the just. Men 
 are at length learning to know themselves ; their eyes, 
 formerly shut up in the darkness of a miserable blindness, 
 are at length opened to universal light. They are at 
 length seen to differ from the brutes by minds capable 
 of culture, and by language (the chief point of distinction 
 between us and the lower animals) which is now accurately 
 studied and brought to perfection. Have I not then reason 
 to congratulate letters on their triumph, since they have 
 recovered their ancient glory, and (which is their special 
 privilege) gladden the life of man with so many enjoy- 
 ments. Only let that hatred of literature and of learned 
 men, which is displayed by many who have been edu- 
 cated barbarously and without culture, be extinguished, 
 let those human pests be got rid of, and what would be 
 wanting to complete the happiness of these our times? 
 The authority of these wretched men is however on the 
 wane, and the youth of our day will grow up rightly and 
 liberally educated, and, conscious of the dignity of letters, 
 will hurl down the enemies of culture from their seats, 
 will discharge public duties^ will assist in the councils of 
 kings, will preside over and wisely administer public affairs. 
 Moreover, that to which they themselves have owed so 
 much, namely literary culture, they will wish to see spread 
 abroad among all. It is this which teaches us to avoid 
 vice, which generates the love of virtue^ which commands 
 kings to seek out those who are lovers and cultivators of 
 virtue, justice, and equity, to call them to their side and 
 to retain them as their counsellors, which teaches them to 
 avoid and drive from them as a poison those vicious men, 
 those flatterers, those parasites, those ministers of their 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 353 
 
 pleasures, with which kings' palaces swarm. When all 
 this is accomplished, what more would Plato desire for 
 the happiness of his Republic ? He would have none but 
 wise and learned princes there, or at least such as are lovers 
 of the wise and learned and as desire to be guided by their 
 counsels. No one will then have to complain of the want 
 of wisdom in princes, since it will be clear that none are 
 so highly esteemed or so agreeable to them as the wise and 
 learned. All this will be achieved by literary culture, by 
 the study of letters, and by that discipline, which now with 
 such general approval, has permeated the minds of all.' 
 
 Between the appearance of the first and second volumes 
 of the Commentaries upwards of two years and a half 
 elapsed. The latter did not see the light until the month 
 of February, 1538. This long delay was caused by the 
 troubles of the author, arising from the death of Compaing, 
 by the attack of Charles Estienne, and Dolet's reply 
 to it, matters which are treated of in subsequent chapters 
 of this book. 
 
 The second, like the first volume, has two dedications, 
 to Francis I and Guillaume Bud^. The former is full of the 
 usual commonplaces, the latter thus commences : — 
 
 ' At last the second volume of my Commentaries on the 
 Latin Tongue appears, after long delays caused by the 
 many injuries which have been inflicted on me both by 
 fortune and by men ; yet, owing to my resolute conduct, 
 it has been so constantly pressed forwards, that notwith- 
 standing all the hostility of men and of fortune, it at length 
 comes before the public' 
 
 The remainder relates chiefly to the author's misfortunes, 
 the malice of his enemies, and his design of writing the 
 history of his own times. 
 
 The plan pursued in the second is the same as in the 
 first volume. The author completes the commentaries 
 
254 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 upon nouns and verbs, which occupy eight hundred out 
 of the eight hundred and fifty-eight pages of the volume, 
 and the remainder is devoted to adverbs, conjunctions, 
 prepositions, and interjections. It has the advantage over 
 the first volume in the much wider range of Latin authors 
 quoted, while the increased number, variety, and interest 
 of the digressions, autobiographical, historical, critical, and 
 philosophical, render it much more entertaining to the 
 modern reader. The author's self-consciousness is as con- 
 spicuous as in the former volume, but the tone is more 
 moderate, and the criticisms more judicious, and though 
 still tinged by personal feelings of love and hatred, not 
 entirely based on these. 
 
 Clement Marot, Maurice Sceve, Guillaume du Choul, 
 and Jean de Langeac receive a due meed of praise. 
 Charles Estienne and Lazarus Baif, notwithstanding the 
 attack upon Dolet, made by the former in the interest of 
 the latter, are treated with the utmost fairness and their 
 merits fully recognised. Menapius indeed, who in his 
 funeral oration upon Erasmus had censured Dolet, — though 
 not more severely than he deserved, — is not spared, and 
 is classed among the obtrectatores Doleti ; and the Paris 
 professor, who had found fault with the explanation of 
 conficere in the first volume, is referred to as stultus 
 reprehensor. The nature of the soul, death, and immor- 
 tality are discussed with freedom and ingenuity, and even 
 with true eloquence, so as to make us specially regret the 
 loss of the book De Opinione which, Dolet tells us^, he 
 had composed concerning ' the mortality or immortality of 
 the soul, the various judgments of men concerning religion, 
 and their different doctrines in reference to the worship 
 of God.' 
 
 Francis I, Margaret of Navarre, Charles V, the Constable 
 de Bourbon, Odet de Foix Seigneur de Lautrec, all come 
 
 ' Com. vol. ii. col. 414. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 2,55 
 
 under notice. Upon the military and naval affairs of the 
 Romans there are complete treatises, and in no other work 
 is there so exhaustive a treatise upon Vinum and all that 
 relates to it, including an interesting enumeration of the 
 various French wines then in vogue. Nor in this volume is 
 Dolet open to the charge either of censuring or ignoring 
 the works of his predecessors in the field of lexicography. 
 Robert and Charles Estienne, Lazarus Baif, Nizolius, and 
 Riccius are all referred to and their merits fully ad- 
 mitted. 
 
 The third volume, which was to have been a complete 
 treatise upon Latin style both prose and verse, and to 
 which as he tells us he proposed to devote his utmost 
 ability, learning, labour, and judgment, was never written ; 
 his misfortunes and his varied literary labours left him 
 no leisure — perhaps no desire — to complete the work. 
 
 The publication of the first volume of the Commentaries, 
 whilst it at once placed Dolet in the first rank among 
 the Latin scholars of the day and gave him a very high 
 reputation among the French^, was yet not received 
 by men of letters generally with the enthusiasm which we 
 might have expected, and indeed drew down upon its 
 author charges which we shall perhaps think more preju- 
 dicial to his memory than those for which he was sentenced 
 to death. He had already offended some of the most 
 eminent scholars and several influential schools of thought 
 (or want of thought) of the day, and the dissertations in 
 this volume only repeated his former offences, and added 
 new and more powerful enemies to those who already 
 existed. The Doctors of the Sorbonne, who — as far at 
 least as Latin literature was concerned — assumed and ex- 
 ercised some of those functions which a century later were 
 undertaken in reference to French literature by the Academy, 
 
 1 The book, like the other works of our unfortunate hero, seems, for reasons 
 Which are indicated in the text, to have circulated but little out of France. 
 
256 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 and were revered by the orthodox and the conservative 
 as the highest authorities in matters of learning and taste 
 as well as in matters of opinion and faith, could receive 
 with no favour, even if they were not prepared formally 
 to censure the work of the audacious young man who 
 styled them sophistm and combibones^, and held them up 
 to the scorn and hatred of the world for their attempted 
 suppression of the art of printing, an attempt which, since 
 it proved wholly ineffectual, they would gladly have 
 seen forgotten. The monks, the bigots, and- the whole 
 party of reaction on whose support the Doctors of the 
 Sorbonne relied, had already, from the orations, letters, and 
 poems, seen in the person of Dolet their bitter and irre- 
 concilable enemy, who had thrown himself heart and soul 
 into the ranks of the party of progress, who had devoted 
 himself to the two things they utterly abhorred, letters 
 and freedom of thought, who had so unsparingly ridiculed 
 the superstitions of the Toulousans, and who, in express- 
 ing with uncalled-for emphasis and boldness his sympathy 
 with Jean de Boyssone and Jean de Caturce, had already 
 decided them not to rest till he should meet with the 
 latter's fate. On the other hand, his ostentatious ridicule 
 of Luther and his followers in the dialogue De Imitatione 
 Ciceroniana, and the levity and carelessness with which 
 he treated theological subjects, made the Reformers feel 
 that they had nothing to hope from him, that the matters 
 which were to them so all important, justification by faith, 
 the communion in both kinds, the precise nature of the 
 sacrament of the altar, were to him but as idle dreams, 
 of less import than a sentence of Cicero or a verse of 
 Terence. His classical paganism, which might have obtained 
 for him a cardinal's ,hat, or made him a pontifical secretary 
 under Julius or Leo, was as distasteful to the Reformers 
 
 * Com. vol. i. col. 266. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 257 
 
 as it had now become to the Church ^ ; and a Httle later 
 Calvin and the Inquisitor- General Orry were in as com- 
 plete agreement in reference to the atheism of Dolet, as 
 they were in reference to the heresy of Servetus. It might 
 at least have been expected that among scholars and men 
 of letters the merits of the Commentaries would have 
 been at once fully recognised, and that to those learned 
 men who were not wholly occupied with another world, 
 but who thought the intellectual progress of the present 
 not altogether unworthy of the attention of those who dwelt 
 in it, so important a contribution to Latin scholarship 
 would have been hailed with delight. But unfortunately 
 the violence of Dolet 's attack upon Erasmus had disgusted, 
 as it could not fail to do, all except the personal friends of 
 its author or the personal enemies of Erasmus, and as the 
 latter were with few exceptions the enemies of literature 
 generally, the Dialogue had not obtained for its author 
 their favour, much as they rejoiced at the attack upon 
 the learned Dutchman. But Dolet went out of the way 
 to make enemies. We have seen how fiercely in the 
 Orations he had attacked the Gascons, because Pinache 
 was of that province. In the Commentaries he sneers at 
 the Germans and their Emperor, he heaps up epithets of 
 abuse on the Spaniards, and he hardly conceals his con- 
 tempt for the Italians. Even among the Ciceronians them- 
 selves our unlucky hero had made enemies where we 
 should have expected him to have found friends, and 
 though he had done nothing to deserve the anger of Julius 
 
 ^ It is true that Bembo was not made a cardinal until 1538, but his con- 
 cubine (Morosina) was then dead, his children grown up, and at sixty years of 
 age he had already renounced his mundane life and his pagan opinions and 
 habits, and had begun to devote himself to the study of Hebrew and the 
 fathers, with a view to the hat which Clement VII. had already wished to confer 
 upon him, and had only been deterred from conferring by the remonstrances of 
 those to whom the life, the tastes, and the opinions, of Bembo, appeared equally 
 scandalous. It was upon the Christian convert, not the pagan scoffer, that 
 Paul III. conferred the hat. 
 
358 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Cassar Scaliger, yet, as we have seen, that learned person 
 chose to vituperate him with all the force which an un- 
 limited use of the most foul and violent language could 
 display, and in which the pkre Duchesne himself might 
 have sat as an humble disciple, at the feet of the descendant 
 of the princes of Verona. 
 
 Besides, the first volume of the Commentaries was full of 
 offences against good taste and sound criticism. Erasmus 
 is treated with hardly more decency than in the Dialogue ; 
 and a scholar who saw his Apophthegmata characterised as 
 a work ' unworthy of an old man, and more fit for a school- 
 boy studying grammar than for a learned man,' his epistles 
 styled 'a farrago,' his delightful Colloquies described in 
 language more suited to the correspondents of Ortuinus 
 Gratius than to a disciple of Longolius, might well be 
 pardoned for concluding (though in this case erroneously) 
 that so unsound and unappreciative a critic could have 
 nothing worth saying to the world. Nor would this con- 
 clusion be lessened by the tone of arrogant contempt for 
 all who differed from him, which is here as elsewhere 
 displayed. Hence it was that except the few men of 
 letters with whom Dolet came into personal contact — 
 and who without a single exception recognised his great 
 abilities and remarkable promise — the Commentaries re- 
 ceived less attention and excited less admiration than we 
 should have expected. That they were most cordially 
 received and highly appreciated by the head of literature 
 in France, Bud^, is evident ; but Bud^ was seventy years 
 of age, in failing health, and never very enthusiastic in 
 promoting or cultivating the success of others. That they 
 would delight the hearts of the good Bishops of Rieux 
 and Limoges we may be sure ; but they were both elderly 
 men retired from the world, and wholly devoid of influence. 
 It was hardly a work for Jean du Bellay, or Rabelais, or 
 Marot to care about, and the rest of Dolet's friends were 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 359 
 
 not in a position to be of much service to him in pro- 
 moting the reputation of his book. But the work was 
 by no means without its admirers ; it commended itself to 
 all scholars who looked at it with unprejudiced eyes. 
 Sturm, than whom there could be no more competent judge, 
 speaks of the Commentaries in terms of the highest 
 praise, and laments that they had never been completed ^. 
 I have already quoted the remarks of Sussanneau and of 
 Voulte. Omphalius was not less emphatic in his ad- 
 miration ^. Nor have modern critics spoken of it with 
 less favour. Facciolati ', while criticising with some severity 
 Dolet's Latin style, and expressing the opinion that he 
 showed both by his style, and by accepting as a genuine 
 work of Cicero the Rhetorica ad Herennium, that he was 
 not so thoroughly versed in the writings of Cicero as he pro- 
 fessed to be, yet adds, ' Nolim tanti viri famam imminuere, 
 quam sibi apud posteritatem jure peperit ;' he describes 
 him as 'doctum et eruditum,' and he admits that his 
 Commentaries could only have been composed by a man 
 of genius and industry. 
 
 But perhaps the most signal proof of the merits of the 
 book and its author is to be found in the fate of a thin 
 folio, which Dolet printed shortly after the appearance 
 of the second volume of the Commentaries, under the 
 title of ' Formulce Latinarum locutionum illustriorum ■*,' and 
 
 1 Preface to Sturm's edition of Dolet's Formula el Phrases, Argentorati, 1576. 
 
 ' ' Scripsit et in earn sententiam nuper multa Stephanus Doletus, prsecipuum 
 laborantis eloquentise subsidium." Omphalius, De Elocutionis Imilatione (Paris, 
 Colinseus, 1537), p. 61. Omphalius and Dolet were now on terms of intimacy. 
 A letter addressed to Dolet appears among the Epistolce ad familiares of 
 Omphalius, which his son Bernard appended to the edition he gave of the De 
 Eloculionis Imitatione (Colonise, 1572, reprinted 1603). 
 
 ' Preface to his edition of the Phrases et Formula. 
 
 ' Folio, Lugd., apud Doletum, 1539. The title-page announces three parts. 
 Prima pars confiatas ex nomine el verba locutiones habet. Secunda significalionem 
 et constructionem verborum profert. Tertia, usum particularum indeclinabilium 
 demonslrat. The volume however only contains the first part. The second and 
 third never appeared. 
 
 S 3 
 
26o ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 which has been sometimes erroneously refeiTed to as in- 
 tended to be the first part of the third volume of the 
 Commentaries. It is however a collection of phrases and 
 idioms extracted for the most part from the Commentaries, 
 but with some additions, arranged alphabetically. Dolet 
 tells us in his preface that he had received numerous 
 letters, asking him to prepare a work such as this, taken 
 from his Commentaries, for the use of young students, and 
 he accordingly had complied with the request. 
 
 It consists of a series of substantives (and a few adjectives 
 used as substantives), with brief explanations and occa- 
 sional illustrations, followed in each case by a list of the 
 verbs used (principally by Cicero) with them, and some- 
 times a list of adjectives or other parts of speech used 
 in conjunction with them. That the book had any imme- 
 diate success is not probable ; it is not referred to by any 
 writer, so far as I know, for a quarter of a century after 
 its appearance. A very small number of copies were 
 printed, and no new edition called for in the author's life- 
 time. In 1576 however Sturm reprinted it under the 
 title of 'Phrases et Formulae Linguae Latinse elegantiores 
 Stephano Doleto autore nunc denuo recognitae ' (Strasburg, 
 Rihel.) Coming with Sturm's recommendation it had a 
 great success, and acquired a popularity which it retained 
 up to the nineteenth century. New editions appeared in 
 1580, 1585, 1596, and i6io. A certain Barezzi'^, struck with 
 the merits of the book, in order to increase the reputation 
 of Nizolius and his Lexicon Ciceronianum, impudently 
 passed off the Phrases et Formulce as part of the original 
 work of Nizolius. It was reserved for Facciolati in his 
 edition of the Lexicon given in 1734 to restore the work 
 of Dolet to its true author. As revised and corrected by 
 him it is appended to his edition, and fills the same place 
 
 ' In the editio Baretiana of the Lexicon Ciceronianum [or Thesaurus Cicero- 
 nianus'] of Nizolius. (Venice, 1606.) 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 261 
 
 in the only subsequent edition which I know, that of 
 Londonj 1820'. 
 
 Only a year after the publication of the first volume of 
 the Commentaries an epitome of it was printed at Basle 
 (at the press of Lasius and Platter, but without their 
 names), composed by a scholar under the nom de plume 
 of Jonas Philomusus '^e He speaks of Dolet as 'vir nostra 
 
 ' In 1753, and again in 1764, Father Alessandro Bandiera printed the 
 Phrases el Formttlce Lingua Latince of Dolet at the end of his volume, Osstr- 
 vazioni su le epistole di Marco Tullio Cicerone a famigliari (Venezia, Bettinelli), 
 which forms a supplement to his Italian translation of the Epistolae Familiares. 
 By an error (apparently of the printer) in the edition of 1764 (that of 
 1753 I have not seen) the observations of the learned Father are also headed 
 * FormuleE Lingua Latina eleganliores Stephani DoleH' and this is the running 
 title throughout. In the edition of the same translation of 1783, the Formulis 
 of Dolet are mentioned in the title as included, but in fact the observations of 
 Bandiera are alone given at the end of the third volume as the Formulce Doleti, 
 while Dolet's actual treatise is omitted. (According to Nee de la Rochelle, 
 Vie de Dolet, p. 105, the running title of the edition of 1753 attributes the 
 FormuliB of Dolet to Bandiera.) 
 
 ' Barbier {Anonymes, 20060 and 20366, and Les Supercheries Litteraires, 2nd 
 edition, vol. ii. 417) comes to the conclusion that the scholar who under the 
 nom de plume of Jonas Philomusus composed the epitome of the first volume of 
 the Commentaries of Dolet was no other than J. Gonthier of Andernach. Nee 
 de la Rochelle had before suggested from the similarity of the names that Jonas 
 Philomusus was probably the same with Jonas Philologus, who about the same 
 time printed at Basle at the press of Winter an epitome of Qnintilian. L. T. 
 Herissant having conjectured, on very slight grounds, that Jonas Philologus was 
 Gonthier of Andernach, Barbier then adopts the two conjectures and adds that 
 there was a natural relation between the epitome of Quintilian and the epitome 
 of Dolet, and that a young professor as zealous as Gonthier might well occupy 
 himself with these two abridgments. Anyone however, who is acquainted with the 
 life and writings of Gonthier, will consider it highly improbable that he should 
 have composed the epitome of the first volume of the Commentaries of Dolet. 
 In 1537 the 'young professor' was fifty years old, and wholly immersed in 
 medical studies. Of the thirty-one printed works and two manuscripts which are 
 enumerated in La France Protestante as having been written by him, all with 
 the exception of the first, which was printed in 1527, were medical; and the 
 single ground upon which Herissant and Barbier conceive him to have been the 
 Jonas Philologus who abridged Quintilian is that to the second edition of his 
 translation of some writings of Galen printed at Basle in 1537 is added Definiliones 
 Medicinales interprete Joanne Philologo. In 1540 there was printed at Paris at 
 the press of Colines Jones Philologi Dialogi aliquot lepidi ac festivi in shidiosa 
 juventutis in/ormalionem (of which I possess the copy of Giraidot de Prefond), 
 
262 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 quidem aetate citra controversiam doctissimus et de re Latina 
 non male meritus.' He tells us that he has undertaken 
 the work as an assistance to the memory of students, 
 that he has inserted nothing of his own, but has only- 
 taken as it were a faggot from the forest of the author, 
 a small coin from his heap of wealth. The epitomist 
 has arranged his abridgment in alphabetical order, as more 
 convenient for students than that adopted by Dolet, whose 
 arrangement however is preserved in a second part, which 
 simply gives the words employed, in the order in which 
 they appear in the Commentaries. 
 
 Soon after the second volume of the Commentaries was 
 published, an epitome of it appeared (in 1539) at Basle, 
 but from the press of Westheim, and clearly the work of 
 another hand. It preserves strictly the arrangement and 
 order of Dolet, and was shortly followed by an epitome 
 of the first volume, arranged on the same principle, and by 
 the same author as that of the second ^. 
 
 and this, if the conjectures were well founded, would probably have to be added 
 to the works of Gonthier. It is however difficult to see any reason why 
 Gonthier if he had composed these books should have printed them under a 
 pseudonym. 
 
 ^ Not a single writer who has noticed the epitomes of the Commentaries 
 printed in 15.^7, 1539, ^°<i '54° ^^^ taken the trouble to look beyond the 
 title-pages, or has noticed that the epitome of the first volume printed in 1540 
 is an entirely different work from the epitome of the same volume printed in 
 1537. The erroneous description of Gesner has been copied by his successors, 
 and Maittaire, N^e de la Rochelle, Barbier, Brunet, and Boulmier have all 
 treated the epitome of 1540 as a reprint of the volume of 1537. See for the 
 correct descriptions of the volumes the Bibliographical Appendix to this 
 volume. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE CHARGE OF PLAGIARISM. 
 
 ' Floriferis ut apes in saltibus omnia libant. 
 Omnia nos itidem depascimur aurea dicta.' 
 
 Lucretius. 
 'Audacter calumniare, semper aliquid haeret' 
 
 Bacon. 
 
 F the Commentaries 
 did not meet with 
 that enthusiastic re- 
 ception which their 
 author expected, and 
 which their real 
 merits certainly de- 
 served — at least in 
 an age which wor- 
 shipped, however ig- 
 norantly, Latin scho- 
 larship, yet produced 
 so few books really 
 calculated to promote it intelligently — they drew upon 
 their author a serious charge, that of plagiarism, which has 
 ever since clung to him, and has tarnished, though I think 
 unjustly, his reputation. Scarcely any of the many critics, 
 biographers, and bibliographers who have noticed the Com- 
 mentaries have omitted to state that their author was 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^1 
 
 
 M 
 
 M 
 
 
 J l^ft 
 
 ^^^^ 
 
 ^H 
 
 ^^ 
 
 
 ^9 
 
 
 s 
 
 m 
 
 
 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 
 
 5"*^^ ^ 
 
 ^^m 
 
 
264 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 reported to have borrowed very much without acknow- 
 ledgment from Robert Estienne, Nizolius, Lazarus Baif, 
 and others. This charge is generally given on the autho- 
 rity of Thomasius, who in his treatise De Plagio litterario ^, 
 collected the charges of plagiarism made against Dolet. 
 But they are not his own^ and are merely taken by him 
 from other writers. 
 
 Even before the Commentaries had appeared, and whilst 
 Dolet was known to be engaged upon them, a report was, 
 as we have seen, circulated by his enemies that he had 
 stolen the papers of Simon Villanovanus and had based 
 his Commentaries upon them ^. Whether there was any 
 foundation for this report we do not know. It may indeed 
 be that some of the papers of Villanovanus, an enthusiastic 
 Ciceronian, had fallen into the hands of Dolet ; but the 
 charge of theft appears to have been mere rumour, and 
 had certainly not come to the ears of Charles Estienne 
 or Floridus Sabinus, from whom the really important 
 charges came, and who would not have failed to notice 
 this report had they heard it ; yet it was known to 
 Rabelais, who repeated it in an epistle written in 1543 
 (hereafter quoted at length). He says, ' L'esprit de Villa- 
 novanus se indigne destre de ses labeurs frustre.' 
 
 On the 1st of November 1536, as Dolet was occupied in 
 superintending the publication of the second volume of 
 his Commentaries, he received from Christopher Richer of 
 Thorigny^, the common friend of himself and Lazarus 
 
 ' Suobaci, 1692. 
 
 ' See ante, p. 231. One of G. Ducher's Epigrammala (Lyon, 1538) directed 
 against Dolet, -whom he styles, as in several other bitter epigrams, Durus, ends 
 thus : — 
 
 ' Ut vero folium modo Sibylloe 
 Narrem, docti animam arbitrantur ilium 
 Nostri Villanovani habere : cujus 
 Defuncti sibi scripta vendicavit, 
 Fur nequam, plagiariusque summus.' 
 " Christopher Richer was valet-de-chambre to Francis I. and author of a 
 treatise De rebus Turcorum, Paris, R. Estienne, 1540. About the same time he 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 265 
 
 Baif, a copy of the latter's work De re Navali, which, with 
 other tracts of the same author, had just issued from 
 the press of Robert Estienne, under the editorship of his 
 brother Charles. It so happened that the sheets of the 
 Commentaries containing the words relating to naval 
 affairs were just then printed, and Dolet was engaged on 
 their correction. He sent these sheets to Richer, at the same 
 time thanking him for the work of Baif. Richer forwarded 
 them to Baif himself. Charles Estienne, who was then or 
 soon after to become the tutor of Lazarus Baifs more 
 celebrated son ^ Jean Antoine, was on terms of the greatest 
 intimacy with Lazarus, of whose treatises De VascuUs 
 and De re Vestim-ia he had already published abridg- 
 ments. Whether he was already preparing an abridgment 
 of the work De re Navali, or whether he was incited thereto 
 by the sheets of the Commentaries, is uncertain. What is 
 certain is that very shortly afterwards, early in the year 
 1537, there appeared from the press of Francis Estienne an 
 abridgment of Baifs treatise written by Charles Estienne ^. 
 In this book he distinctly charges Dolet with having stolen 
 without acknowledgment considerable portions of the 
 treatise of Baif, only altering here and there a word so 
 that his theft might not be so easily discovered, and he 
 further attempts to show that where Dolet had not closely 
 followed the language of Baif he had displayed great 
 ignorance and had fallen into absurd blunders. 
 
 translated into French and printed at the same press the second book of his 
 treatise under the title of Des Couslumes et Maniere de Vivre des Turcs. See La 
 Croix du Maine and Brunet's Manuel. 
 
 ■ Nee de la Rochelle (followed as usual by Boulmier) erroneously speaks of 
 Lazarus Baif, the author of De re Navali, as the pupil of Charles Estienne. 
 
 ^ De re Navali libellus in adolescenlulorum bonorum favorem, ex Bayfii vigiliis 
 excerptus et in brevem summulam facililatis gratia redactns. Addila ubiqiie puerornm 
 causa vulgari vocabulorum significatione. Parisiis, apud Franciscum Stepha- 
 num, MDXxxvn. This, like the abridgments of the De re Vesiiaria and De 
 VascuUs, immediately became very popular, and was frequently reprinted by R. 
 Estienne, S. Gryphius, and others, in the following twenty years. 
 
266 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 No specific passages are cited by Charles Estienne in 
 support of the charge of plagiarism. Of the ignorance and 
 errors of Dolet he gives six instances, alleging that he 
 has taken cornua for parts of the mast, that he has ascribed 
 to CsEsar a passage of which Hirtius is the author, that 
 he erroneously explains remulcus as a small boat, that he 
 gives a non-existing word, rerneculum, as a kind of boat 
 used by the Lemnians, that he uses embatce instead of 
 epibatcB and attributes to Pliny a passage where the word 
 occurs, which is really from Ulpian, and lastly, that he 
 has quoted a line from the .^neid as — 
 
 'Quot prius aeratse steterant in littore /irorcs',' 
 
 while, as Estienne contends, the true reading of the last 
 word is puppes. 
 
 The misfortunes of Dolet caused, as we have seen, the 
 second volume of the Commentaries to be long delayed, 
 and the book of Charles Estienne appeared while the 
 Commentaries were still incomplete. Dolet lost no time 
 in replying to his opponent. He immediately printed in 
 a separate volume the whole of the sheets of the Commen- 
 taries relating to naval affairs, under the title of Stephani 
 Dokti de re Navali liber ad Lazarum Bayffium'^. This was 
 prefaced by a letter to Baif containing an elaborate and 
 tolerably successful defence, in which he complains most 
 bitterly, and with all that violence of language which he 
 was accustomed to use, of the conduct of Charles Estienne, 
 whose ability however in the early part of the preface 
 he fully recognises, but upon whom he pours all the vials 
 of his wrath, professing or desiring to believe that the 
 attack had been made without the suggestion of Baif. 
 
 Etienne Dolet to Lazarus Baif. 
 
 ' It grieves me extremely that you, to whom I have always 
 both shown and felt the utmost respect, should suddenly 
 
 ' ^neid, ix. 121. ' Lugduni, apud Seb. Gryphium, 153^ 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 267 
 
 and without any cause be so incensed against me as to 
 wish hostilely to set in motion (should I rather say to en- 
 courage or impel ?) another to attack my reputation. It also 
 grieves me very greatly that, instead of attacking me openly 
 in your own name, you should have chosen as your cham- 
 pion one of whom I had the highest opinion, and of whom 
 I have been accustomed everywhere to speak in the most 
 respectful terms. But yet I would not believe anything 
 against you rashly, and I would rather persuade myself 
 that he of his own accord sought an opportunity of attack- 
 ing me, and that you were neither the encourager nor the 
 instigator of such bitter calumnies. I have a better opinion 
 as well of your prudence, as of your gravity, your modera- 
 tion, and your equity, than to suspect you of any ill-will 
 or evil disposition towards me. I therefore exonerate you 
 from the suspicion of hatred or malevolence, and am 
 willing that the matter be left to your own decision. Do 
 you therefore sit as judge, and I will proceed to a statement 
 of the facts, in order that, when you have heard the cause, 
 you may most clearly and certainly, either pronounce 
 judgment in my favour or may decide for my opponent. 
 The matter is so clear that it may soon be told without 
 any pretence of oratorical art,^or any too great nicety of 
 language. 
 
 ' In the year from the pregnancy of the Virgin, or (not 
 to give a handle for the calumny of the calumniator) from 
 the crucifixion of Christ 1536, on the ist of November, as I 
 was at Lyons devoting all my time and attention to the 
 publication of the second volume of my Commentaries, 
 your book De re Navali was sent to me by Christopher 
 Richer, a most learned man, and one full of kindness and 
 courtesy. It so happened that the sheets of my Commen- 
 taries containing the words relating to naval affairs were 
 just then being printed. This specially induced me to read 
 your book through with more than ordinary diligence and 
 
a68 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 care. I made myself master of it. (I use this expression 
 to indicate the attention I paid to it.) In reading it 
 attentively I did not notice anything in which you and I 
 either treated of or explained the same things, except the 
 different species of ships and their several names. Then 
 that I might show my gratitude to Richer, I straightway 
 sent him the third and fourth folios of the sheets then 
 being printed, which, though I did not ask him to do, he 
 told me he would send to you the first opportunity. I said 
 there was no reason why he should not do so. The folios 
 were as I know sent to you not long afterwards. Here 
 then would be the occasion for me to fancy, first that you 
 felt indignant that I should have ventured to write on 
 the same subject which you had treated of, then that 
 your champion, who has so unworthily attacked me with 
 such bitter words, arose at your command (just as one 
 wholly devoted to your will would do), ordered by you to 
 find as many faults as possible in Dolet, a young man of 
 too great boldness (addressing you as a judge whom I hope 
 to find both just and favourable, I do not venture to say 
 also of very great hope and promise), so as to lessen his 
 rising reputation. Here then I say is the favourable oppor- 
 tunity for me to say these things with an air of probability, 
 but I have forbidden myself the use of such prejudicial 
 statements by the opinion I have before expressed of your 
 integrity and moderation. Wherefore I will only say what 
 I suspect and what I am satisfied to believe. 
 
 ' This champion, who is not so powerful as he is insolent, 
 visited you on a certain day; sitting in your library and 
 chatting familiarly with you (I cannot do the man more 
 honour than by representing him as being on such familiar 
 terms with you), he secretly lays hold of and carries of.' 
 with him the pages of my book, having previously con- 
 ceived some ill-will towards me. What follows? He is 
 then preparing, either by your direction or with your 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 269 
 
 sanction, his epitome of your treatise De re Navali. 
 Burning with ill-will towards me (for how else can I account 
 for the wicked attacks of the fellow, who had not been 
 excited by any injury done by me ?) he marked in 
 the proof-sheet of my work whatever seemed to him to 
 afford an opportunity of reviling me. Now, I pray, give 
 me your attention, and if you are disposed to do so, act 
 fairly towards me as to the matter animadverted upon by 
 him and which he puts forward against me so angrily. 
 Was this done courteously or honourably.' Was it worthy 
 of a man of probity and culture, so inconsiderately, so 
 insolently even, to attack what had been courteously sent 
 by a friend to you, and was not even published? Even 
 now I am superintending the publication of the volume. 
 Here I might as easily attack the wickedness of your 
 champion (but I am forgetting that you have laid aside 
 your suspicions ; I ought to say your epitomist) as laugh 
 at his folly. But must I not treat as an imprudent fool 
 one who, rushing headlong with a rash and inconsiderate 
 mind, did not see that as my book was not yet published 
 it would be possible for me to change all that he blamed, 
 and to take the benefit of his criticisms, and so procure for 
 him the reputation of a false and lying critic ?' 
 
 After complaining bitterly of the attack made upon 
 his book before it had actually appeared, he proceeds 
 seriatim to discuss the several charges made by Charles 
 Estienne, printing in full the references made to him 
 and to his book in that of his adversary. So far as the 
 charge of plagiarism goes, he denies that any similarity 
 will be found between the two works, except in the case of 
 a few interpretations of the names of ships, and their 
 different parts. He asserts the entire independence of his 
 own work, but says reasonably enough, that in writing such 
 works as Dictionaries, it is inevitable that the labours of 
 those who have gone before should be made use of, and if 
 
270 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 a charge of theft is to be made against his Commentaries, 
 the same charge must be made against Budd, Erasmus, 
 Politian, Rhodiginus, Volaterranus, Sypontinus, and many- 
 others. He then proceeds in detail to notice and defend 
 himself from the several charges of error made against him. 
 He defends remecnlum as a word used by Aulus Gellius, 
 and given both by Robert Estienne in his Thesaurus, and 
 Sypontinus (Nicolas Perottus) in his Cornucopia. He cites 
 the editions of Virgil printed by Aldus, Colines, Robert Es- 
 tienne, and Sebastian Gryphius, as reading prorce and not 
 puppes. He has followed Budd in writing embatce, and the 
 words attributed by him to Pliny had been ascribed to 
 this author by Robert Estienne. He alleges the practice 
 of referring to Caesar the writings of Hirtius. As to 
 remulcus, if his defence is not successful on the merits, 
 he at least shows that Robert Estienne gives the same 
 meaning. 
 
 His defence from the charge of plagiarism as made by 
 Charles Estienne is I think complete and satisfactory. 
 No one can compare Dolet's work De re Navali (or the 
 pages of the Commentary, of which it is merely a reprint) 
 with the work of Baif bearing the same title, without being 
 satisfied that they are two entirely independent works, 
 with no more similarity than would necessarily occur in 
 two books on the same subject, and that it is altogether 
 unfair to charge Dolet with pillaging or plagiarising Baif. 
 In fact, Dolet showed his own bona fides by printing in 
 their entirety in the preface to his own book every passage 
 of that of Charles Estienne which refers to him \ 
 
 It is pleasant to know that on this occasion Dolet 
 did not allow his indignation against Charies Esrienne 
 to prevent him from doing justice to his literary merits. 
 In the second volume of the Commentaries, under the 
 
 ' Except a few words referring to his use of the word cornua, which he 
 seems to have overlooked. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 271 
 
 word ' Hortus,' he thus expresses himself : ' In treating 
 of matters relating to gardens and trees I shall make much 
 use of the singular and praiseworthy diligence and erudition 
 of that most learned man Charles Estienne. He has lately- 
 printed two short treatises of which he may justly be proud, 
 one upon gardens, the other upon trees. In these you will 
 easily discern, as well the sagacious zeal of the author, as 
 his intense desire of contributing something to the common 
 utility, and to the instruction of youth ^' 
 
 Dolet's treatise De re Navali was printed in May 1537. 
 In 1539, after the publication of the second volume of the 
 Commentaries, a new and more formidable accuser appeared 
 in the person of Franciscus Floridus Sabinus. Born at 
 Donadeo in the Sabine territory about the year 1500, he 
 assumed his surname from his native district. After 
 studying at the University of Bologna, he remained there 
 for some years as a professor or teacher, visiting Venice 
 occasionally, where he not improbably assisted in editing 
 or correcting for the press of Paul Manutius. For six 
 years, two at Rome and four at Paris, he lived with Albertus 
 Pius, Prince of Carpi, as his private secretary. Strongly 
 attached to his master, he warmly resented what he con- 
 sidered the unjust attack of Erasmus on the Prince. Yet 
 his affection for his friend did not blind him to the merits 
 of the great scholar, and it was with much indignation that 
 he read Dolet's attack upon him in the dialogue De 
 Imitatione Ciceroniana. His first work however was directed 
 against the calumniators of Plautus and the Latin tongue ^ 
 
 ' 2 Com. 242. This sheet may possibly have been printed before Dolet 
 heard of the attack of C. Estienne ; but it was not published until a year later, 
 and it is to Dolet's credit that he let the passage remain, and that nowhere in 
 the book (of which the greater part was certainly not printed) is there a word 
 in disparagement of Charles Estienne. 
 
 2 Francisci Florid! Sabini Apologia in Marci Aclii Plauti aliorumque Poelanim et 
 lingua latincB calumniatores. Ejusdem lihellus de legum commentatoribus. Lugduni, 
 Seb. Gryphium, 1537, 4to, This was afterwards much enlarged and reprinted 
 in the collected edition of the author's works printed at Basle in 1540. 
 
27a ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 In this book, printed it will be observed after the publication 
 of the first volume of the Commentaries, and in which he 
 enumerates most of his contemporaries whose writings 
 have in his judgment contributed to the knowledge of the 
 Latin tongue, the name of Dolet is conspicuous by its 
 absence. Whether he had any personal acquaintance or 
 personal quarrel with Dolet we do not know. Certain 
 it is, that he was on intimate terms with Giulio Camillo, 
 to whom he more than once refers in his writings as ' doc- 
 tissimus vir' and whom he warmly defends from the attacks 
 of Dolet. 
 
 It was in i539 that he published his Lectiones Succisivce, 
 a collection of literary and critical remarks on a variety of 
 subjects and authors, after the manner of the Nodes Attica 
 of Aulus Gellius. It is the work of a man of extensive 
 reading and of considerable scholarship, both Greek and 
 Latin, and is full of judicious and sometimes acute criticisms. 
 It has been thought worthy of being twice reprinted, — by the 
 author himself in the collected edition of his works printed 
 at Basle in 1540, and by Gruter in his Lampas sive Fax 
 Artium Liberalium (7 vols., Francfort 1602-1634). Nearly 
 the whole of chapters ii. and iii. of the first book and a part 
 of chapter iv. of the third book (about a tenth part of the 
 entire work) are directed against Dolet, and are written with 
 a bitterness and violence of tone and an injustice which are 
 altogether wanting in the author's censures of other writers, 
 and which certainly induce one to think that some per- 
 sonal motive operated with Floridus. Dolet is charged with 
 plagiarism, ignorance, irreligion, immorality and gluttony. 
 
 The greatest part of the attack is directed against the 
 dialogue De Imitatione Ciceroniana, and refers to the 
 manner in which Dolet had treated Erasmus ; and here 
 I do not know that we ought to consider the censure as 
 too severe. In reference to the Commentaries, however, 
 he repeats and amplifies the charge of plagiarism which 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. ij^ 
 
 Charles Estienne had started ; but the only specific in- 
 stances which he adduces are the explanation of the word 
 remulcus and the erroneous citation from Pliny (instead of 
 Ulpian), both of which Dolet seems to have taken from the 
 Thesaurus of Robert Estienne, not only without acknow- 
 ledgment, but without verifying Estienne's references. He 
 asserts that the Commentaries are compiled, but with- 
 out any acknowledgment, from the works of Nizolius, 
 Robert Estienne, Riccius, and Calepinus, and he starts 
 the calumny — often since repeated — that those who had 
 seen the Commentaries in manuscript before the ap- 
 pearance of the Thesaurus of Robert Estienne and the 
 Observations on Cicero of Nizolius had informed him 
 that they would not have made a volume larger than the 
 Elegantiae of Laurentius Valla, a very thin folio. Yet 
 Floridus adduces no proofs of this alleged compilation ; he 
 confines himself both for instances of plagiarism and of 
 ignorance to the passages cited either by Charles Estienne, 
 or by Dolet in his reply; and though he had certainly 
 seen the Commentaries, as he quotes for the purpose of 
 generally vilifying Dolet one or two other passages of 
 the first volume, he had as certainly not studied them. 
 The charges of Charles Estienne however he amplifies at 
 length, and no doubt proves clearly enough that as to the 
 meaning of remulcus Dolet was entirely wrong, and that 
 in at least two instances he had borrowed quotations of 
 Latin authors from Baif or from Robert Estienne without 
 acknowledgment, and without verifying the references. 
 
 But a more serious charge than that of plagiarism and 
 ignorance was for the first time formulated in print, though 
 not then for the first time made against Dolet, by Floridus, 
 that of impiety, and disbelief in the immortality of the soul, 
 which in those days was called Atheism. The correspond- 
 ence of Jean de Boyssone leaves us in little doubt that 
 reports to this effect had circulated at Toulouse, and the 
 
 T 
 
274 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 letter of Odonus lets us know that the same rumours were 
 current at Lyons, but they appeared in print for the first 
 time in the Lectiones SuccisivcB. ' This fellow,' says Fran- 
 ciscus Floridus, 'asserts the soul to be mortal, and the 
 highest good to consist in bodily pleasure.' But he cites 
 no passage of any of Dolet's writings^ nor any other 
 authority for this assertion. 
 
 More than thirty years afterwards a new charge against 
 Dolet of plagiarism from Navagero is reported by Sturm, 
 on whose authority we do not know. The utter groundless- 
 ness of this charge I have before shown ^ : but with the 
 remark of Sturm which accompanies it I think all will 
 agree. ' To me,' he says, 'it is a matter of no importance 
 whence Dolet derived his Commentaries ; they have been 
 of great use to those who cultivate Latin composition and 
 love good literature, and I can only wish, that either Dolet 
 or Navagero or any one else had been able to complete 
 them ; in that case we should have had a complete and 
 exhaustive treatise on the Latin tongue most skilfully 
 composed and arranged ^- 
 
 Dolet was not the man to sit down quietly under an 
 attack such as that of Floridus. He replied to it in 1540 
 by his book De Imitatione Ciceroniana adverstts Floridum 
 Sabinum ^. It is a quarto of fifty-six pages, dedicated to 
 Guillaume Bigot, and contains two distinct treatises, the 
 first and much the shortest being the tract De Imitatione 
 Ciceroniana: the second (occupying pp. ai-55) being 
 entitled Responsio ad convitia Floridi Sabini. The first, 
 with the exception of a page at the beginning and 
 
 ' See ante, p. 43. 
 
 ' Sturm's preface to his edition of the Formulai et Phrases, Doleti, Argentorati 
 1576. A large part of this preface is quoted by Maittaire, Annales Typ. iii. 78. 
 
 ' Brunet (Manuel, art. Sabinus) erroneously says that this book is an answer 
 to the Apologia in M. A. Plauti calumniatores of Sabinus. It is an answer to 
 the Lectiones Succisivoe. The Apologia contains no mention of or reference 
 to Dolet. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 275 
 
 another at the end, is simply a series of extracts from his 
 Dialogue on the same subject containing his argument con- 
 cerning imitation. Here, as in his De re Navali, he desired 
 his readers to be put fully in possession of what he had 
 really written, in order that they might judge how far the 
 attack of his opponent was justified. The second tract (the 
 Responsio ad convitid) cannot be better summed up than in 
 the words of N6e de la Rochelle ^ : ' In the second treatise, 
 which he has divided into two parts, he discusses in the 
 first part the style of his adversary, his own, that of 
 Erasmus, Longolius, and the Germans; he cites Bud6, 
 Bembo, and Sadolet, and sharply repels all the calumnies 
 and abominable charges of Sabinus : then he employs the 
 second part of the same tract in defending himself from the 
 charge of plagiarism, and he terminates the volume by a 
 series of epigrams against his antagonist, characterised, as 
 Maittaire has remarked, rather by their rancour than by 
 their elegance.' With the exception of the abuse of Flori- 
 dus, with which of course the book is stuffed full, there is 
 very little original matter in it. Dolet defends himself, 
 and successfully, from the charges made by his opponent 
 of being irreligious and a gourmand, and of having dis- 
 couraged the study of Terence and Virgil. The book is 
 however chiefly composed of extracts from his other works. 
 The abuse is of the usual violent kind, and only deserves 
 notice as to one point. Endeavouring to turn the tables 
 on his adversary, Dolet charges him with having appro- 
 priated a work of the Prince of Carpi, De C. Julii Cczsaris 
 prcestantia, and having published it under his own name ^- 
 
 Floridus lost no time in defending himself and replying 
 to the attack of Dolet. The book of the latter had ap- 
 peared in October or November, 1540. By the first of 
 February, 1541, Floridus had finished his reply, which 
 
 1 Vie de Dolet, p. 41. 
 
 ^ Dolet, De Imil. Cic. adv. F.Sahinum, p. 53. 
 
 T 3 
 
ajS ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 appeared at Rome from the press of Bladus in the month of 
 May in the same year. Its title is Frfimisci Flpridi Sabini 
 adversus Stepkdni Doleti Aurelii calumnias ^. 
 
 It is dedicated to Cardinal Alexander Farnese, and 
 consists to a great extent of a repetition of the charges 
 contained in the Lectiones Succisivae. The unfortu- 
 nate explanation of ' remulcus ' is again held up to 
 ridicule, and adduced as a proof of the crass ignorance 
 of Dolet. His Commentaries are declared to have owed 
 whatever slight success they had met with to the fact 
 of their having been printed by 'that most respected 
 man Sebastian Gryphius.' The charges of impiety are 
 repeated ; the homicide, of which I shall hereafter speak, 
 is made out to be a murder of peculiar atrocity, and, as 
 was to be expected, Flpridus takes considerable pains to 
 defend himself from the charge of having appropriated 
 the work of the Prince of Carpi ^. 
 
 Dolet's religious opinions, and the charges made against 
 him in reference to them, will form the subject of a sub- 
 sequent chapter, it is only with the charge of plagiarism 
 that we have here to do. None of those who since the 
 days of Floridus have repeated the charge, and none of 
 Dolet's defenders, seem to have taken the trouble to as- 
 certain, by comparing the Commentaries with the works 
 from which it is alleged to be taken, whether to any, and 
 if so to what extent, the charge is true. I have myself 
 undertaken, not indeed an exhaustive comparison, but a 
 comparison of a large number of pages of the Commen- 
 
 ' The book is of excessive rarity. The only copy I have been able to find is 
 in the Bibliotheque Nationale. Jts title is in the old printed catalogue, but 
 although I had asked for it, and search had been made for it several times, it 
 could not be found, until in 1877, on repeating my application, it was brought 
 to me. 
 
 '' Franciscus Floridus Sabinus died in 1547. ^ possess his copy of the Greek 
 Grammar of Theodore Gaza (In aed. Aldi 1525) in the original Venetian 
 morocco binding, and with his name Franc. Flori. Sabi. stamped on it in 
 gold letters. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 277 
 
 taries taken at random, with the articles of R. Estienne, 
 Nizolius, Riccius, and Calepinus, treating, of the same 
 words, and I have arrived at the conclusion that the 
 charge is not justified, and that although it is evident 
 that Dolet was well acquainted with the works of these 
 writers, yet that he has only rarely borrowed anything 
 from any of them, that he has not made mote use of 
 them than (as he himself says) is inevitable for a writer 
 of such books as Dictionaries and Commentaries to make 
 of the labours of his predecessors, that the Commentaries 
 is a substantially independent and original work, and that 
 the author is no more open to the charge of borrowing 
 from others than are Robert Estienne, Nizolius, or Cale- 
 pinus. The only edition of the Thesaurus of Robert 
 Estienne which had appeared before the first volume of 
 the Commentaries, was that of 153a, a thin folio contain- 
 ing less than half the quantity of matter contained in 
 Dolet's volume, and it seems probable that Floridus or 
 his informants believed (erroneously) that the second edi- 
 tion of the Thesaurus had been published some time before 
 the first volume of the Commentaries, In fact they ap- 
 peared almost contemporaneously, in or shortly after May 
 
 1536- 
 
 In one respect however we cannot entirely exonerate 
 
 Dolet. A considerable number of the passages cited in the 
 Commentaries are the same as those cited in the books of 
 Estienne, Riccius, and Nizolius; a few are certainly bor- 
 rowed from them, without the references being verified, 
 leading to the belief that others may also have been so, 
 and certainly some of the explanations are clearly based 
 on those of the Thesaurus and the Observationes \ But in 
 the first volume there is no word of acknowledgment of these 
 
 • I have not noticed any explanation taken from Riccius. An edition of his 
 work Apparatus Latime loculionis was given by Gryphius in 1534, and may 
 possibly have been seen through the press by Dolet. 
 
278 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 learned men, nor anything to intimate that Dolet had 
 profited to any extent by their works. Robert Estienne is 
 only mentioned as an accurate printer, and Riccius and 
 Nizolius are only referred to in the passage before quoted. 
 A single acknowledgment of the benefit he had derived from 
 a perusal of these and other works would have sufficed ; 
 but this his vainglorious nature did not allow him to give, 
 and he has thus laid himself open to a charge which is 
 substantially groundless. In his second volume, having 
 learned wisdom by experience, he is less grudging in his 
 praise of other scholars, and at least makes mention of the 
 Dictionaries of Robert Estienne, Nizolius, and Calepinus. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Work and Leisure. 
 
 'Many a green isle needs must be 
 In the wide vale of misery.' 
 
 Shelley. 
 
 ' O qui complexus et gaudia quanta fuerunt 
 Nil ego contulerim jucundo sanus amice' 
 
 Horace. 
 
 |HE publication of the 
 Commentaries and the 
 attacks and quarrels to 
 which they gave rise 
 have led us on to the 
 year 1541 ; we must 
 now return to 1536. 
 The eight months 
 which followed the 
 appearance of the first 
 volume passed almost 
 without incident, yet 
 they were certainly months of hard and incessant work. 
 Dolet occupied himself chiefly, as we have seen, in com- 
 pleting and printing the second volume, but it is certain 
 that at the .same time he was a diligent student, and 
 was then preparing some of the numerous books which 
 he was shortly afterwards to produce and print ; and 
 at least one book published during this period, probably 
 
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 I^^^^M 
 
 
 
 ^^Pl 
 
 
 
 
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 Si 
 
a8o ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 iedited and certainly partly composed by Dolet, must not 
 be passed over in silence, especially as it has hitherto 
 escaped the notice of all his biographers. On the loth 
 of August, 1536, the young Dauphin died at Tournon, 
 from the effects as it seems of a glass of iced water, 
 which he had imprudently drunk at Lyons four days before. 
 His death as was usual was attributed to poison, and 
 Sebastian Montecuculi suffered death for the imaginary 
 crime. A small volume of poems (in Latin and French), 
 entitled Recueil de vers Latins et vulgaires de plusietirs 
 poetes Francoys composes sur le trespas de feu Monsieur le 
 Dauphin (and which includes epitaphs by Marot, St. Gelais, 
 and Macrin), was published three months afterwards at 
 Lyons by Frangois Juste, under the editorship, as I con- 
 jecture, of Dolet. The prefatory note is written in his 
 style, and the first ode in the book, addressed by him to 
 the poets of France, is in fact a poetical preface to the 
 entire work. The book also contains three other pieces 
 by him ^. 
 
 It is probable indeed that Dolet at this time was work- 
 ing for Frangois Juste, as well as for Gryphius. His duties 
 to the two printers would in no way clash. Juste was 
 pre-eminently the printer of French books, while Gryphius 
 confined himself almost entirely to Latin. That he 
 looked down, if not with contempt, at least as from a lofty 
 eminence, with a consciousness of superiority upon the 
 
 ' The greater part of this volume is made up of the compositions of Dolet 
 and his friends. Among the contributors were Voulte, the two Sceves (Maurice 
 and Guillaume), Marot, N. Bourbon, Jean de Gouttes (Janus Guttanus), Pierre 
 Du Chatel, Claude Foumier, J. Canappe, and A. Du. Moulin. Their com- 
 positions with those of Dolet occupy twenty- one out of the thirty-six pages of 
 which the book consists, the remainder being taken up by odes of S. Macrin, 
 Mellin de St. Gelais, Gilbert Ducher, Guillaume Mellier, H. Appianus, P. 
 Piochetus, J. Gagnius, Lateranus, and C. Elvamus. The five last named are 
 wholly unknown to me. Macrin was certainly a friend of Dolet at a later 
 period, but I am not certain whether they H'ere at this time personally known 
 to each. other. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 281 
 
 Justes, the Nourrys, and the Arnollets, who printed in the 
 vernacular the light and popular literature of the day, is 
 certain, and there could be no feeling of rivalry between 
 him and them. The only French book which Gryphius 
 had as yet condescended to print — the Arrets d' Amour of 
 Martial de Paris — was accompanied by an elaborate Latin 
 Commentary of Benoit Court, which probably alone com- 
 mended it to the learned printer. The Pere de Colonia^ 
 tells us that Benoit Court wrote three works, the first a 
 Latin Commentary on the Arrets d' Amour, 'a frivolous 
 work if ever there was one, and which Certainly did not 
 deserve to have had for its printer the celebrated Sebastian 
 Gryphius ;' and Pernetti ^ speaks of it in almost the same 
 terms as ' a frivolous work, the greatest merit of which has 
 been to have for its printer the celebrated Sebastian Gry- 
 phius.' On the other hand, both writers agree that 'the 
 third work of Benoit Court would alone have sufficed to 
 immortalise its author.' It is the natural history of trees 
 and gardens. But the whirligig of time brings its revenges. 
 The Latin classics of S. Gryphius have long since de- 
 scended into the limbo of ' old books,' and will be sought 
 for in vain in the catalogues of Fontaine, Bachelin-De- 
 florenne, or Quaritch, but the French books printed by him 
 are still eagerly sought for, and his three editions of the 
 Arrets d' Amour, with the Commentaries of Benoit Court, 
 are among the few publications of his press which always 
 find purchasers, and not unfrequently readers. The im- 
 mortality conferred on Benoit Court by the natural history 
 of trees has proved but short-lived ; the Commentaries on 
 \he. Arrets d'Amotir are admired by jurists for their learning 
 and research, by men of letters for their entertaining though 
 possibly unintentional badinage, and have been reprinted 
 at least eight times. 
 
 ' Hist. Lit. de Lyon, ii. 475. 
 
 ' Les Lyonnais Dignes Ai Memoire. i. 329. 
 
a8a ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 Nor is the contrast less striking between the books of 
 Gryphius on the one hand, and those of Juste or Nourry on 
 the other. The learned Latin works printed by the former 
 can now hardly find purchasers, while a French romance 
 or poem with the name of Juste or Nourry on the title- 
 page never fails to find eager competitors for its posses- 
 sion at loo, looo, or even 2000 francs ^. For Francois Juste, 
 Dolet in 1538 undertook to revise and edit a French 
 translation of one of the most popular books of the day 
 — the Cortegiano of Baldasar Castiglione. Few books 
 were more to the taste of the sixteenth century. First 
 printed by Aldus in 1528, no less than thirteen editions of 
 it appeared in Italy in the next twenty years. Shortly 
 after its first publication it was translated into French by 
 Jacques Colin, and printed at Paris. But, according to Dolet, 
 this translation is full of faults which he and MeUin de 
 St. Gelais noted and corrected, and so revised the transla- 
 tion was printed by Francois Juste in T538, with a preface 
 by Dolet addressed to St. Gelais, in which he claims for 
 the book the benefit of the privilege which had just been 
 granted to him by the King. At the end there is a dedi- 
 cation from Francois Juste to ' Monseigneur Monsieur Du 
 Peirat, Lieutenant General pour le Roy a Lyon,' written 
 in Dolet's style, and commenting on the badness of the 
 edition printed at Paris, ' by the fault of the printer as it 
 is easy to see.' In this edition he says he has made use 
 of the labours of ' Monsieur maistre Estienne Dolet pour 
 certain en literature, eloquence, et scavoir, une des princi- 
 pales lumieres de France.' I have however carefully com- 
 pared this edition of Juste with that printed by Le Long 
 and De Harsy without date but probably in 1537 or earlier, 
 and I find this latter much better printed both as to type 
 
 ' The Adolescence Clementine, Juste, 1534, sold for 1800 francs, and Ogier 
 le Danoys, Npwrry, 1525, for 2200 francs at the Yemeniz sale. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 283 
 
 and paper than that of Juste, which is very slightly altered 
 from it ^. 
 
 A third printer for whom we find Dolet working at 
 this time was Scipio de Gabiano, for whom in 1538 he 
 edited Le Guydon des Practiciens, a book of legal practice, 
 which soon became very popular among the notaries and 
 advocates of the day. A short preface addressed by him 
 to the reader is in his usual manner. It is ' his affection 
 and good-will to the common weal that has induced him 
 to give to the world a work which he has found to be 
 useful and profitable.' The labour of seeing through the 
 press a book of nearly nine hundred closely printed pages 
 of Gothic type must have been considerable, but Dolet's 
 editorial labours seem confined to the short preface and 
 the correction of the press ^. 
 
 But though Dolet ' scorned delights and lived laborious 
 days,' he was by no means an anchorite or an ascetic. 
 No man more thoroughly enjoyed the society of literary 
 men, nor was he averse in moderation to the pleasures 
 of the table. He was poor, not because he saw any merit 
 in poverty, but because he loved learning better than 
 wealth. He despised all the ascetic virtues, even while 
 to a certain extent he followed some of them. Poverty, 
 chastity, humility, obedience, indolent solitude, self-inflicted 
 pain, were in themselves no virtues to him, any more than 
 they were to Aristotle, Plato, or Cicero, any more than 
 they were to Luther or Erasmus, to Bembo or Rabelais. 
 But there was one thing he more especially enjoyed, and 
 which shows him to us in an unexpected light. He was 
 devotedly fond of music. ' Music and harmony,' he tells 
 us ^, ' are my sole enjoyments. What is there more suited 
 
 ^ See as to this edition M. Yemeniz's note in tlie catalogue of his books, 
 No. 553. 
 
 ^ See as to this book and its editions, post, Bibliographical Appendix. 
 ^ 2 Com. 1294. 
 
284 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 either for exciting or soothing the mind, what more fitted 
 for allaying or extinguishing, or even for rousing indig- 
 nation ? What is there more efficacious for refreshing the 
 jaded spirits of men of letters? I care nothing for the 
 pleasures of the table, of wine, of gaming, of love,— at 
 least I use them all in great moderation. But not so as 
 regards music, which alone of all pleasures takes me captive, 
 retains me, and dissolves me in ecstasy. To it I owe my 
 life itself ; to it I owe all the success of my literary efforts. 
 Be assured of this, that I could never have supported the 
 incessant, immense, endless labour of compiling these Com- 
 mentaries unless by the power of music I had sometimes 
 been soothed, sometimes incited to fresh efforts, sometimes 
 recalled from that weariness which has made me for a 
 time lay aside my Commentaries.' 
 
 Another source of great enjoyment to him at this time 
 was bathing and swimming. He tells us of his proficiency 
 in the latter art, and that his favourite place for indulging 
 in it was near the church of St. Laurence, at the junction 
 of the Rhone and the Saone ^. 
 
 But his studies and pleasures did not render him un- 
 mindful of the duties of friendship. He continued to 
 correspond with Jean de Boyssone, and was able to repay 
 some of the services which he had received from the pro- 
 fessor of law. Dolet's banishment from Toulouse had not 
 had the effect of allaying the disputes between the students 
 (especially those of the French nation), and the authorities 
 of the city. The Parliament indeed, by a prudent con- 
 cession, had to some extent calmed the excited feelings 
 caused by the decree against which Dolet's orations had 
 been directed ; but the disputes between the capitouls 
 and the students continued, and were aggravated by an 
 injudicious and illegal attempt on the part of the former 
 to impose upon the professors and the members of the 
 ' 2 Com. 170. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET, 285 
 
 University a heavy tax, thus not only infringing on their 
 privileges in a most important particular, but injuriously 
 affecting every member. The citizens generally approved 
 the action of the magistrates; the graduates protested 
 against the invasion of their privileges ; the scholars, always 
 ready for a disturbance, assembled with arms in their 
 hands ; a town and gown row of a serious character 
 ensuedj the authorities were insulted, a capitoul was even 
 pushed off his mule. The city guard was ordered to seize 
 the ringleaders, and accompanied by a rabble penetrated 
 into the School of Law, where a professor, de Boyssone as 
 it would seem, was lecturing. Blood followed : six of the 
 French students were arrested, and would have been exe- 
 cuted, had they not been saved by the intervention of 
 Jacques de Minut. The students fled from Toulouse ; the 
 lecture rooms were closed, and the professors and regents 
 appealed to the Parliament. 
 
 It seems that de Boyssone and Voult6, if not the chief 
 promoters, took an active part in the appeal. What view 
 was taken by the Parliament we do not know ; ultimately 
 the proceedings before the Parliament were stayed, and the 
 matter brought before the Grand Council. Matthew Pac 
 pleaded the cause of the University, but as I imagine 
 unsuccessfully, for no decree was pronounced. But the 
 affair did not end here : the graduates pressed their 
 grievance, and Gui Breslay, one of the chief members 
 of the Grand Council, was sent down to Toulouse to in- 
 quire into the matter. Again we are left in doubt as to the 
 result, but it seems probable that the members of the 
 University were successful, as we find de Boyssone recom- 
 menced his lectures, and we are certain that Breslay would 
 be as favourable to the cause of letters as the nature of 
 the case would admits But de Boyssone had hardly 
 
 1 These matters are referred to by Lafaille, ii. 90 ; but our chief source of 
 information respecting them is the MS. correspondence and poems of de 
 
386 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 recommenced his lectures, when we find him engaged in 
 a new process of more personal importance to him, yet as 
 it appears arising either out of the disputes between the 
 capitouls and the University, or out of the hatred which 
 he had incurred by his zealous championship of the latter, 
 or by his general promotion of the cause of literature and 
 progress. All that we know certainly of the nature of the 
 suit is from his own statement that his life was endangered 
 by it, and his comparison of himself to Cicero pleading for 
 his house ^- His hopes rested on the president Minut, but 
 the influence of the latter could not prevail against the 
 narrow bigotry of his colleagues. De Boyssone was con- 
 demned, and forthwith appealed to the Grand Council. 
 
 We have already learned from his letters his anxiety to 
 know if the King was coming to Lyons. If he did come 
 he would be accompanied by the Grand Council, which 
 would sit at Lyons during his stay in the south of France. 
 Francis arrived on the 17th of February, accompanied or 
 immediately followed by the Grand Council. On the 
 summons of Dolet, de Boyssone lost no time in coming 
 to Lyons, for the purpose of pleading his own cause. 
 
 Gui Breslay fortunately was, if not the acting president 
 of the Council during the sitting at Lyons, at least one 
 of the most influential members. Dolet, Gryphius, and 
 Maurice Sceve, were all on terms of friendly intimacy with 
 him, and they were all eager to recommend the cause of 
 de Boyssone. Breslay's sympathies had already been 
 roused in favour of the one professor of Toulouse who 
 desired to promote the scientific study of the law, and to 
 
 Boyssone and the epigrams of Voulte. A narrative based on these sources will 
 be found in M. Guibal's article in the Revue de Toulouse, Juillet 1864, pp. 83-85. 
 But here, as elsewhere, M. Guibal's chronology is a little hazy. See also de 
 Boyssone's letter of Aug. 1535 (ante, p. 210). 
 
 ' M. Guibal suggests that this suit was in fact in reference to de Boyssone's 
 house, which, as before mentioned, had been confiscated by the sentence passed 
 on him on his condemnation for heresy. De Boyssonnei Vita, p. 49, note 2. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 387 
 
 harmonise the studies of the University with the require- 
 ments of literature. De Boyssone personally made a most 
 favourable impression on him, and even on the other judges. 
 Breslay used all his influence, both publicly in the court 
 and privately with his colleagues, to save this excellent man 
 from further persecutions. He was completely successful : 
 de Boyssone had to return to Toulouse before judgment 
 was given, but a few days after his arrival there, Guillaume 
 Sceve had the satisfaction of writing to him that the 
 decision was in his favour. ' You owe much,' he wrote, 
 ' to Breslay, much to your own literary talents ; the high 
 opinion which the judges had formed of them has been of 
 great assistance to you ^.' 
 
 The process detained de Boyssone the whole summer at 
 Lyons. His law school was closed, and this, and the un- 
 certainty as to the result of the suit, caused him much 
 anxiety, yet did not prevent him from greatly enjoying his 
 personal intercourse with Dolet and the other old and new 
 friends whom he found in the city. Besides the usual and 
 permanent residents, the presence of the Court had brought 
 many persons of distinction, and had given Lyons the 
 appearance of a capital. To Dolet as well as to de 
 Boyssone the opportunity was afforded of making the 
 acquaintance of persons of influence. Marguerite of 
 Navarre accompanied her brother. De Boyssone was 
 already known to her, and, as we have seen, only a year 
 before she had urged him to settle at Bourges, where her 
 court was usually held. A few months later we find her 
 rendering a great service to Dolet, and it is probable that 
 it was on the occasion of her visit to Lyons that he was 
 presented to her. For him the summer seems to have 
 passed most pleasantly; not only was de Boyssone at 
 Lyons, but Dolet's heart was gladdened by the presence 
 
 ' Boysson. MS. Epist. fol. 19. 
 
288 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 there of a friend who was even more devotedly attached to 
 him, Jean Voultd. 
 
 Jean Faciot, who according to the fashion of the day 
 translated his name into Latin as Vulteius, which the 
 biographers have retranslated back again into French 
 sometimes as Vautier, sometimes as Vouet, but more 
 commonly as Voult6\ a young poet and scholar full of 
 enthusiasm for literature and affection for his friends, was 
 born about the year 1510, at Vandy-sur-Aisne, near 
 Rheims, and on this account styled himself in his poetry 
 Remensis. After having studied at Paris, at the College 
 St. Barbe, we find him on the 17th of December, 1533, 
 engaged under the name of Jean Visagier, Maitre-es-Arts, 
 by Tartas, the Principal of the College of Guienne, as one 
 of the regents or public lecturers whom the jurats of 
 Bordeaux had authorised the Principal to appoint. His 
 salary was forty livres tournois per annum, being a higher 
 stipend than that of any other of the lecturers, and from 
 which we should infer that he was possessed of some 
 special qualification — possibly a knowledge of Greek^. We 
 
 1 Although, in accordance with the custom of all modem French writers, 
 I have referred to him throughout as Voulte, I do not find that he called him- 
 self by that name, or was so called by his contemporaries. The only French 
 name by which he called himself was Visagier. 
 
 ^ GauUieur, Hist, du Coll. de Guyenne, Paris, 1874, p. 57. Although M. 
 GauUieur suggests the possibility of Jean Visagier being the same person with 
 Jean Voulte, he does not seem to think this probable, much less certain, and he 
 suggests (p. 69) that Voulte only succeeded Gentian Hervet as a professor at 
 Bordeaux when the latter gave up his appointment shortly before the nth of 
 April, 1534; this, however, is mere conjecture. He certainly held office under 
 Jean de Tartas, who resigned the office of Principal of the College on or about 
 the nth of April, 1534. Voulte was one of those professors who had the most 
 violent dislike to Tartas, against whom he wrote and afterwards published 
 several bitter epigrams ; but although the engagement and appointment of all 
 the other lecturers during the reign of Tartas as well as that of his successor 
 Gouvea is formally recorded, that of Jean Voulte would be altogether unknown, 
 and no mention of it would be found in the records of the College, unless he was 
 the Jean Visagier appointed by Tartas in December 1533, while, unless Visagier 
 is the same person with Voulte, the former absolutely disappears, and no trace 
 of him is to be found within a very short time of his appointment. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 489 
 
 find him at Toulouse in the autumn of 1534, and in 1535 
 and 1536 studying law with a view of being admitted as 
 an advocate, and at the same time lecturing, probably on 
 Greek. I believe that it was on a visit he paid to Lyons 
 early in October, 1535, that he made the acquaintance of 
 Dolet. In October in that year, Robert Britannus, who 
 had then left Bordeaux, writes to Dolet from Toulouse a 
 letter introducing to him one of his late colleagues, who 
 he saysj taught Greek at the College of Guyenne at the 
 same time that he (Britannus) taught Latin \ This I con- 
 jecture to have been Voultd, as it was certainly about the 
 time that his intimacy with Dolet commenced. (It may 
 however have been Hervet, or Charles de St. Marthe.) A 
 warm friendship sprung up between them, as well as 
 between Voult^ and de Boyssone. In a volume of epi- 
 grams by Voulte, printed in 1536, he not only devotes 
 sixteen to the praises of Dolet, but in the dedication to the 
 Cardinal of Lorraine he speaks of him in terms of the 
 highest admiration. For several years Dolet, VouIt6 and 
 de Boyssone continued to be united by the closest ties of 
 friendship, and if we cannot ascribe to Voult6 any very 
 high merits as a poet, we can give him our unqualified 
 praise as a friend ready to do all, and more than all, that 
 could be required of him in the service of friendship. 
 
 Although a Master of Arts he was still at Toulouse 
 studying law, and at the same time lecturing or teaching, 
 when the disturbances of which I have lately spoken 
 caused the doors of the lecture rooms to be closed, and 
 dispersed the professors as well as the students. By the 
 advice of Jacques de Minut and Jean de Pins he decided 
 to give up the law and devote himself exclusively to 
 literature ^ which, as in the case of Dolet, had been his 
 
 1 Britanni Orationes, &c., ToIosk, 1536, p. 70. 
 
 ■' Epist. to Jean de Boyssone, prefixed to the second book of the Epigrams of 
 Voulte, first edit., p. 98. 
 
 U 
 
29° ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 first mistress. He accordingly followed Dolet to Lyons 
 (probably accompanying Jean de Boyssone), and seems to 
 have passed the summer of 1536 there. We find from a 
 letter of Matthew Pac to de Boyssone, written from Toulouse 
 on the 13th of July in that year, that they were all three 
 then at Lyons ^. Voult6 had already composed two books 
 of epigrams, but he tells us that he had not intended 
 printing them, had he not been persuaded to do so by 
 Pierre Duchatel and Guillaume Sceve, both of whom were 
 then at Lyons. They were printed by Gryphius in 1536. 
 The first book is dedicated to the Cardinal of Lorraine, 
 to whom he sounds the praises of Dolet in the letter before 
 quoted ; the second is preceded by a letter to Jean de 
 Boyssone, containing the details just stated. Both dedi- 
 cations are written from Lyons, and are dated in the latter 
 half of July, 1536. Of the six hundred and thirty-one 
 (so-called) epigrams of which the volume consists, and 
 of which the major part are addressed to or are in re- 
 ference to his contemporaries, no less than twenty-five 
 are devoted to Dolet, — some addressed to him, some con- 
 cerning his Commentaries and his place among poets and 
 scholars, some addressed to others in his praise, and some 
 in ridicule of Maurus and others of his enemies. All are 
 full of affection and enthusiastic admiration for his friend. 
 If we cannot give a high place to Voult6 either for his 
 criticism or his poetry, his epigrams are yet most valuable 
 for the biographical details which they contain relating to 
 Dolet, de Pins, de Boyssone, and de Minut. Duchatel, 
 G. '£,c^-^&, Marot, Macrin, Bricconet, and Roussel are also 
 the subjects of numerous epigrams. For the disturbances in 
 the University of Toulouse the book is invaluable, and it 
 is to be regretted that Lafaille and other historians of 
 Toulouse have not made more use of it in their histories. 
 Hevreturned to Toulouse about the same time as de 
 ' MS. Epist. Boyss., Toulouse, fol. viii. p. 13. 
 
ETIENNE nOLET. 291 
 
 Boyssone, apparently with a view of continuing his legal 
 studies and lectures, as the lecture-rooms of the University 
 were once more opened, and the students and professors 
 had returned. 
 
 It was during his stay at Lyons that the city sustained 
 an irreparable loss by the death of Sanctes Pagnino, which 
 occurred in August 1536. His funeral was celebrated with 
 no ordinary pomp, and his loss caused the deepest grief. 
 The clergy lamented the most learned theologian and the 
 most popular preacher of Lyons, one whose influence had 
 been most efficacious in preventing the progress of the 
 Lutheran heresy. Men of letters had to mourn the greatest 
 Hebrew scholar of the age. And the poor wept for one who 
 was even more devoted to works of charity and benevolence 
 than to learning and theology. It was at his instance that 
 the wealthy banker Thomas de Gadagne had founded a 
 hospital for the reception of persons suffering from the 
 plague ^. Voult^ was probably at his funeral, and wrote 
 an epitaph upon him in elegiacs, which is however no very 
 favourable specimen of his pen. 
 
 Both de Boyssone and Voult6 returned to Toulouse in 
 August or September, 1536, and towards the end of the 
 month the correspondence between de Boyssone and 
 Dolet recommenced. 
 
 Jean de Boyssone to Etienne Dolet. 
 
 It happened, my Dolet, that shortly after I had returned 
 from the Court, and whilst I was diligently occupied in 
 restoring my school, which had been closed the whole 
 
 ' P^re de Colonia has shown conclusively (Hist. Lit. de Lyon, ii. 595-601) 
 that the death of Sanctes Pagnino took place in August 1536, and not in 1541, 
 according to the inscription then in existence in the church of the Jacobins, 
 and as is stated by several of his biographers. See also Pericaud, Notes et 
 Documents pour servir a I'histoire de Lyon 1483-1546, p. 57. 
 
 U % 
 
29a ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 summer owing to my absence, as I was wandering up and 
 down through the city spending my whole time seeking for 
 lecturers, I was attacked by a very serious illness which caused 
 me terrible suffering for some days. However, by the 
 goodness of God being not only greatly relieved, but now 
 completely recovered from illness, I write to you. As to 
 what has happened since my return here it is not necessary 
 for me to write, since Voult^ has sent to you most copious 
 letters concerning all these things. I know no one who 
 writes to his friends more frequently and at greater length 
 than he does. I have had no intention in writing to you 
 to distract you from those studies in which you are so 
 completely wrapped up. [Toulouse. Sept. 1536 1. J 
 
 Etienne Dolet to Jean de Boyssone. 
 
 I am as well as possible in health, and pursue my studies 
 with very great ardour. If you can give me the same 
 good account of yourself, with what pleasure shall I not 
 be filled ? I am too much occupied with my Commentaries 
 to be able to write more at length to you. Wherefore 
 now farewell, and continue to love me as you do at present. 
 Farewell. Lyons, Oct. 13, 1536. I beg you to salute in 
 my name our most learned and dear friend Mopha. 
 
 The person referred to in the postscript of this letter was 
 the learned jurist Matthieu Gripaldi, lately appointed to 
 a professorship of law at Toulouse, and who sometimes 
 styled himself, for a reason unknown to us, Mopha. A 
 native of Chier^ in Piedmont, where he was born about 
 the commencement of the century, he had applied himself 
 to the study of jurisprudence with much success, and had 
 taught at Pisa, Perugia, and Pavia before he received the 
 appointment at Toulouse. He soon became intimate with 
 de Boyssone and Voulte, as well as with Dolet, to whom 
 MS. Epist. Boyss., fol. xviii. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 393 
 
 he was probably introduced by the other two on the oc- 
 casion of a visit to Lyons. With de Boyssone he carried 
 on a close correspondence for some years. Like so many 
 other scholars and professors of the time he never rested 
 long in one place, but wandered from one University to 
 another, at once a student and a professor. Yet wherever 
 he went he obtained a high reputation ; a friend of freedom 
 of thought and freedom of enquiry, the dogmatism of 
 Luther and Calvin was no less distasteful to him than that 
 of the Catholic Church. Toulouse was certainly no place 
 for him, but as long as de Boyssone, de Pins, de Minut, 
 and Voult^ were there, there he also remained. 
 
 In 1 54 1 he became a professor at Cahors, and shortly 
 after at Valence. In 1548 his reputation had become so 
 great that he was invited to Padua, and appointed one of 
 the two ordinary professors of the civil law, at a salary 
 of eight hundred florins. He gave so great satisfaction 
 to the University and the Sovereign Republic, that his 
 salary was twice raised ; to nine hundred florins in 1550, 
 and eleven hundred in 155*. His popularity as a lecturer 
 was so great that Papadopoli tells us the great hall of the 
 University was insufficient to hold the crowd of students 
 who desired to hear him. Soon afterwards however, fear- 
 ing he should have to leave Padua on account of his 
 opinions, which were beginning to be known or suspected, 
 he determined to provide himself with a retreat, and pur- 
 chased the estate of Farges near Geneva, in the territory 
 of Berne ^. There he had hoped to breathe a freer air, 
 but the process against Servetus, which took place during 
 one of his visits to Geneva, showed him to his bitter dis- 
 appointment that (as Grptius has remarked) 'Antichrist 
 had appeared not by Tiber only but also by Lake Leman.' 
 
 • In the district of Gex, then subject to Berne. Bera in his Life of Calvin 
 calls him ' le seigneur de Farges.' 
 
394 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Gripaldi in the presence of the stake boldly ventured to 
 remonstrate with Calvin, and even to protest against the 
 sentence on Servetus ; but Calvin refused him an interview 
 which he sought. Opposition to the will of the reformer 
 was a crime never to be forgotten or forgiven, and the 
 only result of the remonstrance was that some time after- 
 wards Gripaldi was himself invited to confer with Calvin 
 and other ministers as to his own offences. Calvin refused 
 his hand, and Gripaldi, justly inferring from this that his 
 cause was already prejudged, hastily withdrew from the 
 conference. He was instantly summoned before the 
 Council, and charged by Calvin not only with sharing 
 the errors of Servetus, but (a greater crime) with having 
 refused to discuss his opinions. Calvin, Beza tells us, re- 
 futed his errors, and he was banished from Geneva. The 
 charge was not altogether groundless. Whether his 
 opinions on the subject of the awful and mysterious 
 doctrine of the Trinity were more or less intelligible than 
 those of Servetus — or than those of Calvin himself — I 
 do not know. They were certainly not orthodox. When 
 they became known at Padua, he was obliged to quit his 
 professorship. Vergerio invited him to Tubingen, where 
 for some time he filled a chair of law. But the arm of his 
 persecutor was long. The Duke of Wurtemberg was 
 warned that his University was sheltering a heretic, and 
 he was expelled from Tubingen. Then he returned to 
 Farges, where he exercised a generous hospitality to those 
 who could frame their lips neither to the shibboleth of 
 Rome, nor to that of Geneva. It was in his house that 
 the unfortunate physician Valentine Gentilis found a 
 refuge after his escape from Geneva. The patience of 
 Calvin was exhausted ; he delivered Gripaldi to the au- 
 thorities of Berne. He was charged with heresy, and 
 abjured his antitrinitarian errors, but relapsing into his 
 former opinions, ' he would,' as Bayle remarks, ' sooner 
 
ETJENNE DOLET. 395 
 
 or later have suffered the penalty of death, had not the 
 plague, which carried him off in the month of September 
 1564, guaranteed him against any further trial for heresy.' 
 
 Whatever may have been his speculative opinions, the 
 little that we know of his life induces us to give him both 
 our respect and esteem, feelings which will be strengthened 
 by a perusal of his correspondence with de Boyssone, and 
 by our knowledge of the affection which that excellent 
 man, as well as Dolet and Voult^, had for him. His 
 numerous works on jurisprudence (a list of which is given 
 by Niceron) were much esteemed ^. 
 
 • See for Gripaldi, Bayle (who calls him Gribaud), Niceron, xli. 235-241 ; 
 Bock, Historia Antitrinitariorum, vol. ii. pp. 456-464 (the longest and best 
 accounts we have of him and his works) ; Papadopoli, Hist. Gymm. PaCavini, 
 i. 252 ; Tiraboschi, Sloria della Lett. vol. vii. pt. ii ; Rossotti, Syllabus Scriptorum 
 Pedemontii; Sandius, Bibl. Anti-Trinilariorum, p. 17; Beza, Vie de Calvin. 
 There is a good notice of him in the Biographie Universelle, where he is 
 called Gribaldi. That of the Biog. Generale is disfigured by several erroneous 
 references to and misquotations from Beza. One of his works was translated 
 into English shortly after its appearance. A notable and marvailous epistle of 
 Doctor Mathew Gribald, Professor of the Law in the University of Padua, con- 
 cerning the terrible judgment of God upon him that for fear of men denyeth Christ 
 and the hnowen veritie ; with a Preface of Doctor Calvin ; translated by E[dtoard] 
 A[glionby]. Imprinted the XX day of April 1550, by Jhon Oswen. It was 
 several times reprinted. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 A Homicide and its Consequences. 
 
 ' Petit me perfidus ho^tis, 
 Ac iiifert ensem jugulo : hosti obsisto minanti, 
 Et neco, qui conabatur me absumere ferro.' 
 
 DoLET. 
 
 N the 31st of Decem- 
 ber 1536 a new mis- 
 fortune happened to 
 Dolet. He was, as he 
 tells us, attacked in 
 the streets of Lyons 
 by a painter named 
 Compaing \ to whom 
 he sometimes refers 
 as a private enemy, at 
 others implies that he 
 was a hired bravo. It 
 appears that he attempted to assassinate Dolet, and that the 
 latter in defending himself killed his adversary. ' It hap- 
 pened to him,' as it is expressed in one of the documents 
 relating to his sentence some years afterwards, 'to have 
 the misfortune to commit homicide on the person of this 
 
 ' In the official documents printed by M. Taillandier {Proces d'Eslienne 
 Dolet) he is sometimes called Henry Guillot dit Compaing, sometimes 
 Guillaume Compaing. Dolet always refers to him as sicarius, and in one 
 place speaks of him as actuated by inve'eratum odium. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 397 
 
 painter ^' It would seem as though the latter was accom- 
 panied by a band of ruffians, who on the death of Com- 
 paing attempted at once to seize Dolet for the purpose 
 of giving him into custody on a charge of murder, and who 
 excited the crowd by making this accusation against him. 
 It is certain that he had already made himself obnoxious 
 to some at least of those who were in authority at Lyons, 
 and that had he been arrested and tried there, however 
 complete his innocence, he would have had but little 
 chance of an acquittal. By the assistance of his friends 
 he escaped before daylight from the city, intending to 
 make his way to Paris in the hope of obtaining there the 
 royal pardon. He has himself given us a narrative of his 
 journey in a Latin poem, in which he related his adven- 
 tures : — 
 
 'When Janus with his double face was contemplating 
 at the same time two years, one hastening to its close, 
 the other on the point of commencing, a perfidious enemy 
 
 ' I am not sure that Dolet's account of this affair is altogether to be relied on. 
 If in simply defending himself against the unprovoked attack of an assassin 
 he killed his assailant, we can hardly see why there should have been any 
 difficulty made by the Court of Lyons in registering his letters of pardon. 
 Voulte indeed assures Jean de Pins in the letter prefixed to the third book of 
 his epigrams, that he had satisfied himself that the homicide was committed by 
 Dolet in self-defence, and we may I think be satisfied by this testimony that 
 Dolet was substantially in the right in the matter ; but it seems probable that 
 the affair was rather a quarrel between the two men than an unprovoked attack 
 made upon Dolet by Compaing with the intention of murdering him. Compaing 
 was a member of a respectable family at Lyons, and although I do not attach 
 any weight to the precise charge against Dolet implied in the words used 
 respecting the matter by Floridus Sabinus (indeed I am not certain what 
 precisely he intends to insinuate), yet he would hardly have so spoken had not 
 Dolet and Compaing at one time been on terms of intimacy. Floridus thus ad- 
 dresses Dolet : 'Atque inde fieri compertum habeo ut qui nihil unquam laudabile 
 in vita feceris quod de dec animaque sentis caute omnibus palam non facias, ne 
 scilicet in crucem continuo rapiaris : a qua non admodum abfuisti dum perjurus 
 sicarius juvenem pictorem cum quo lenoniafide in gratiam redieris, etiam jacentem 
 animamque inter tuas nefarias manus exhalentem KoaKivrjiov pugione confodisti 
 vel unico illo exemplo innatam tibi immanitatem pulchre ostendens.' Adversus 
 Doleli calumnias. 
 
298 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 attacked me, and placed his sword at my throat : I resisted 
 the would-be murderer, and slew him who was endeavour- 
 ing to take my life. 
 
 ' I was at the time wholly occupied with literary study, 
 and was devoting to it all my time and labour, with a view 
 of producing works which I hoped would be immortal 
 and would do credit to France. . . . 
 
 ' It was in this celebrated city (Lyons) that I was 
 passing my life, when this cruel attack compelled me to 
 use force in return, and unwillingly to preserve my own 
 life by taking that of another. Immediately an armed 
 band of ruffians pursued me, in order to cast me, innocent 
 as I was, into prison. But it is not difficult to avoid the 
 fury and escape the snares of a cowardly crowd. Pro- 
 tected by a body of friends, I departed from the city 
 before daylight. I first bent my steps towards Auvergne, 
 notwithstanding the severe frost and bitter winds which 
 then prevailed. Soon I saw the mountain ashes on the 
 lofty hills covered with snow. Through the narrow valley 
 a mountain of water as it seemed rushed headlong with 
 a sound like that of a tempest, and shaking the earth 
 as with a hailstorm, inundated the fields. 
 
 'Then as I wandered through the forests of Auvergne 
 the surging Allier unfolded itself before me. I determined 
 to hasten my journey, by sailing down the stream. I em- 
 barked ; the boat aided by the oars flew more swiftly than 
 the wind. Lands and towns receded, while the swift bark 
 left its mark for a long distance in the water. But the 
 severity of the winter delayed our course : from the bed 
 of the river to the surface all was frozen, the ice was 
 impervious to the oars, and after our bounding vessel 
 had received severe blows from the ice, it was brought 
 to a standstill. Like a Parthian arrow, shot from a well- 
 bent bow, which at first cleaves the surrounding air 
 by its great force, but which if it enters the foliage of a . 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 299 
 
 thicket soon spends its force among the branches and falls 
 to the ground, so our boat, which just before had been 
 swift as the waves themselves, was stopped in its course. 
 At length the boatman, urged on by my words, forced 
 open a passage. The ice gave way to the repeated blows 
 of the oar, and all at once we glided into the wide- 
 spreading Loire, and were borne on its bosom to a city 
 celebrated in history, Orleans, in which I recognise the 
 cradle of my childhood, and I affectionately greet my 
 native shores. 
 
 'Then, having dismissed my boat, I crossed the level 
 plains on horseback. To reach the King was my only 
 thought. I therefore directed my steps to the great and 
 populous city of Paris, where I was told I should find 
 King Francisj the King of France ; than whom is there 
 in the world which you look upon, O sun, anything more 
 august, more excellent, or more clement^?' 
 
 The news of his offence and of his flight from Lyons 
 aroused the sympathy and the exertions of his friends. 
 No sooner had his misfortune come to the knowledge of 
 Voult^, who was then at Toulouse, and who had already 
 achieved a reputation by the publication of the first two 
 books of his epigrams, than he instantly started for Lyons, 
 where as it would seem he expected to find his friend 
 in prison. He was desirous of placing himself, his influence, 
 and his purse at Dolet's disposal, willing to share his friend's 
 prison if that should be necessary, and if as he seems to 
 have expected, he should be condemned to banishment, 
 ready, in pursuance of a promise formerly made, to ac- 
 company him into exile. On arriving at Lyons he learned 
 to his great joy that his friend had safely reached Paris, 
 and that by the intervention of powerful friends he was 
 expected to obtain the royal pardon. 
 
 A letter written by Voulte to de Pins, dated the I2th of 
 
 Doleti Carmina, p. 59. 
 
300 ETIENNE DOLEx. 
 
 March 1537, and printed in the volume of his epigrams, 
 tells us of the anxiety which he felt on his friend's account, 
 and shows him, as we have every reason to believe he 
 really was, a most devoted and affectionate friend, ready 
 to sacrifice himself in any way that would be useful to 
 Dolet. He seems to consider at this time that Dolet's 
 pardon was pretty well assured, and there can be little 
 doubt that he had himself used what influence he possessed 
 in order to compass this result, and so long as he remained 
 at Lyons he continued his exertions. 'Voult^,' writes 
 Jean de Boyssone from Toulouse, 'has now been absent 
 from us about two months. He has gone to Lyons for 
 the purpose of assisting Dolet. Oh that he may be as 
 successful as I wish him to be M ' 
 
 Were we to believe the statements of Dolet himself we 
 should suppose that in this misfortune no assistance what- 
 ever was given to him by his friends. Always vainglorious, 
 and never too desirous of acknowledging the aid he re- 
 ceived from others, on this occasion, knowing as we do 
 the zeal and energy manifested by his friends on his behalf, 
 he portrays himself in most unfavourable colours. In the 
 dedication of the second volume of his Commentaries to 
 Bud^ he writes: 'After that most serious and bitter mis- 
 chance which as you are aware fell upon me in the defence 
 of my life, with what open and clandestine enemies have 
 I not been attacked ? Those who falsely persuaded them- 
 selves that they had been somewhat injured by me were 
 triumphant with joy that at length the time was come for 
 satisfying their hatred. Those who were eaten up with envy 
 on account of the celebrity and literary glory I had ac- 
 quired, thought the occasion at length arrived for pouring 
 this forth, and, rejoicing greatly that I was deprived of 
 peace and safety, tore me in pieces as it were by their male- 
 dictions. All those who before in my prosperity had made 
 
 ' MS. Epist. Boyss. fol. xiv. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 301 
 
 much of me, in that my calamitous season deserted me. 
 So being at once in the greatest danger from my enemies, 
 and perfidiously deserted by my friends, I was not only 
 in a state of grief and wretchedness (which might indeed 
 be borne), but, as every one saw, I was in the greatest 
 danger of my life, a situation which is able to cast down 
 and break the spirit even of the most steadfast of men. 
 Yet I did not give myself up to grief, nor did I suffer 
 myself in an unmanly manner to be overthrown by the 
 waves of my cares and anxieties, but boldly using the 
 counsel of my ready mind I gradually emerged from my 
 sea of troubles, and brought it to pass that, contrary to 
 the wicked designs of my enemies, and without the assist- 
 ance of any of those who as far as name goes are tny friends 
 (but from whom in truth I expected nothing), after a most 
 raging tempest, and a storm of a most terrible character, 
 I at length came safely into port without any very serious 
 loss.' 
 
 This can hardly have been acceptable to Bud6 himself, 
 and certainly still less so to those other friends to whom 
 Dolet was really indebted for the king's pardon. From 
 this dedication and from his poems he would lead us to 
 suppose that immediately on his arrival in Paris, and 
 without the intervention of any of his friends, he obtained 
 access to the royal presence, told his story, and received 
 the king's pardon. But the letters of Voult6 and de 
 Boyssone let us know of the great exertions which were 
 used by the accused's friends both in Lyons and Paris, 
 and even in the royal court, to obtain this fortunate 
 result. 
 
 Dolet himself in another place admits that his pardon was 
 specially owing to Marguerite of Navarre \ and from the 
 poems which he addressed to Franciscus Pocraeus and 
 Antonius Arlerius (names altogether unknown to me), we 
 
 ' 2 Comm. Col. 830. 
 
30a ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 find that they also had exerted their influence in his 
 behalf, and had greatly contributed to the result. Nor 
 can we doubt that Pierre Duchatel, now in high favour 
 with the king, was most useful. Indeed an ode of Voult^'s 
 clearly implies that this was so. Voultd himself, after 
 staying a short time at Lyons, appears to have felt that 
 the interests of his friend required his personal presence 
 in Paris, and accordingly we find him there before Dolet 
 left the capital. The efforts of the friends of letters had 
 however already been successful, and the royal pardon 
 had actually been granted on the 19th of February \ before 
 the date of Voultd's letter, and Voulte could only have 
 arrived in Paris on the eve of his friend's departure, and 
 but just in time for the banquet given in Dolet's honour by 
 his literary friends, of which he has left us a most interest- 
 ing account, and which, bringing together as it did so 
 many men of the highest literary distinctionj is not only 
 of interest in itself, but affords us an important biographical 
 fact in the lives of these celebrated men. It is perhaps 
 one of the best known of Dolet's writings, having been 
 frequently quoted by the biographers of Rabelais and 
 of Marot. 
 
 ' Soon the time arrived for the banquet which a learned 
 body of friends had prepared for me. There met together 
 those whom we justly call the luminaries of France : Bud^, 
 the greatest in reputation for learning of every kind ; 
 Berauld, equally happy in his natural genius as in his 
 skill in Latin composition ; Dan^s, distinguished in culture 
 of all kinds ; Toussain, who is honourably celebrated as a 
 speaking library; Macrin, to whom Apollo has given a 
 genius for every kind of poetry; Bourbon, also rich in 
 poetic talent; Dampierre; Voult6, who affords to the learned 
 high expectations of future distinctions; Marot, that 
 
 ' Proces d'Estienne Dolet, p. 27. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 303 
 
 Gallic Virgil, who displays a divine vigour in his verses ; 
 Franpois Rabelais, that honour and glory of the healing 
 art, who is able to recall and restore to life those who 
 have reached the very threshold of Pluto. 
 
 'Among them there was no lack of conversation. We 
 passed in review the learned writers of foreign countries : 
 Erasmus, Melancthon, Bembo, Sadolet, Vida, Sannazar, 
 were all in turn discussed and praised. 
 
 'At the early dawn of the following day I left Paris, 
 and proceeded as rapidly as possible to Lyons, My route 
 was by the plains which the Seine washes, where the 
 eagles of Caesar so often shone upon his invincible troops. 
 At length I arrived where Saone divides Lyons into two 
 parts 1.' 
 
 Besides this banquet we know of only one incident of 
 Dolet's visit to Paris, but that a very agreeable one. 
 Going one day into the shop of Robert Estienne he saw 
 a book of Latin poems by Salmon Macrin, just printed, 
 and turning over the pages he found an ode to the Gallic 
 poets of the day, in which he was classed with Dampierre, 
 Brice, N. Bourbon, and Voult^ as one of the five leading 
 Latin poets of France. This justly caused him no slight 
 gratification, for Macrin was esteemed (and rightly so) as 
 the first Latin poet of France, and the French Horace 
 must be admitted to stand on an altogether different 
 and much higher level than any of his contemporaries. 
 Dolet repaid his praise by a Latin poem which he sub- 
 sequently addressed to him. 
 
 Upon returning to Lyons with the royal pardon in his 
 pocket, Dolet found that it would not afford him the 
 protection which he expected. Whether his friends or 
 protectors had through ignorance neglected to apply for its 
 ratification by the Parliament, or whether the Parliament 
 
 ' Carmina, p. 61. 
 
304 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 had for some reason rejected the application, we do not 
 know. Certain it is that it was not ratified or registered 
 until more than six years afterwards, and then not until 
 after two rescripts under the king's hand and seal ordering 
 this to be done. Wanting in this formality the authorities 
 of Lyons— already hostile to the accused — thought them- 
 selves justified in paying no attention to the pardon, and 
 Dolet had no sooner returned than, either at the instiga- 
 tion of his own enemies or of the friends of Compaing, 
 he was thrown into prison by the Seneschal of Lyons. He 
 remained there until the 2ist of April, when by the in- 
 fluence of Jean de Peyrat ^, the Lieutenant-Governor of 
 Lyons under the Cardinal de Tournon, he was provisionally 
 set at liberty, on giving security to appear for judgment 
 when called upon. He avenged himself upon the Seneschal 
 by a bitter ode in the volume of poems which he published 
 in the following year. 
 
 The vainglorious boast of Dolet that in this painful 
 episode of his life it was his own energy and vigour alone 
 that had obtained for him the royal pardon, and that 
 he was perfidiously deserted by his friends, cannot I think 
 but have been one of the causes of the estrangement which 
 shortly afterwards arose between himself and Voult6. We 
 have already seen the affectionate zeal which the latter 
 showed in his friend's defence. In the two additional books 
 of epigrams inserted in the volume which he published 
 at Lyons about the middle of the year 1537 Dolet is the 
 subject of eight epigrams, and is referred to with the 
 highest praise ; though I could fancy with a shade less 
 of that cordial and enthusiastic affection which is so con- 
 spicuous in the two first books, and equally so in the 
 letter to Jean de Pins which forms the preface to the 
 third book. But in the two small volumes which he 
 
 ' The constant friend and protector of men of letters. Dolet, Voulte, Ducher, 
 Rousselet, and Bourbon have all odes in his honour. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 305 
 
 printed in 1538 at Paris at the press of Simon de CoHnes \ 
 both of which are collections of short poems, addressed to 
 or written upon a large number of French poets and literary- 
 men, friends and enemies of the author, the name of Dolet 
 is 'conspicuous by its absence.' But though his name 
 nowhere appears, it is unfortunately too clear that he is 
 referred to in several bitter and reproachful epigrams. 
 In several he is transparently hidden under the name of 
 LedoUis ; in others, headed 'In Ingratum', he is no less 
 certainly intended. The poet complains bitterly of the 
 ingratitude which he and others, notably Duchatel, had 
 experienced from a friend, to whom when in circumstances 
 of great peril they had rendered assistance and had suc- 
 ceeded in saving from death. He expresses surprise that 
 Guillaume Sc^ve is willing still to retain this ungrateful 
 man among his friends. He complains that one who had 
 formerly spoken of him as his best, his dearest friend, 
 now cared nothing for his affection, and that he had 
 inserted in his books poems addressed to Bourbon which 
 he had originally addressed to Voulte ; and last, though 
 perhaps not least, that he had ridiculed the latter's poems. 
 The following is a specimen : — 
 
 'In quendam Ingratum. 
 
 ' Debes qui propriam tuis amicis 
 Vitam, cur tibi neminem fuisse 
 Talem, qualis amicus esse amico 
 Debet temporibus malis, ab iisque 
 Dicis omnibus in tuo relictum 
 Casu? die mihi per caput redemptum, 
 Per nuper tibi redditam salutem, 
 Sic amicitiae, O scelus, tuorum 
 Respondes ? satis esse nonne credis 
 Hoc factum modo singulari amori ? 
 Hsec ne est gratia, quam referre par est? 
 
 ' Joan. Vulteii Rhemi Inscriptionum Libri duo, and Jo. Vulteii Rhemensis Hen- 
 decasyllahonim Libri quatuor. 
 
 X 
 
3o6 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Hoc ne munere munus ipse pensas 
 Acceptum ? tibi nemo si vaganti 
 Incerto pede, et anxio adfuisset 
 Die O die ubi nune miser jaceres ? 
 
 Vivis ipse tamen, quid? immo regnas, 
 Honim munere quos negas amicos 
 Et narras tibi defiiisse in ipso 
 Casu, qui tibi reddidere vitam. 
 Illos quid potes amplius rogare? 
 lllos quid meliusque chariusque 
 Ingrato dare tum tibi salute 
 Optasses ? tibi quid dedisse amicos 
 Narro ? decipior, nihil dedenint : 
 Litteris etenim banc dedere vitam'.' 
 
 In another ode, headed In Ledotum, Voult6 says : ' You 
 not only wish to injure those who have injured you, but 
 you even attack in your writings your very few friends, 
 those through whom your life has been preserved to you. 
 You are now trying to acquire new friends, yet them you 
 will shortly again lose, for you do not possess a single 
 friend of long standing ^.' 
 
 I fear there can be little doubt that Dolet had shown 
 himself ungrateful as well to Voult6 as to others, and the 
 publication of the second volume of the Commentaries 
 which appeared in February 1538, containing the passage 
 already quoted, could not fail to give the deepest pain 
 to those who, like Voult6, had done everything, and more 
 than everything, that could have been required by their 
 friend. 
 
 Henceforth the name of Voultd disappears from our 
 history. Dolet indeed addressed an ode to him in the 
 volume of poems which appeared in 1538, but he is not 
 mentioned in any of his subsequent writings. But the 
 open rupture between the two men did not take place 
 
 ' Hendecasyllabi, p. 9. 
 
 "^ lb. p. 96. I imagine Voulte is here referring to the passage in the dedica- 
 tion of the second volume of the Commentaries (already quoted), in which 
 Dolet attacks his friends for their desertion of him in his misfortunes. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 307 
 
 until some time after Dolet's return to Lyons. During 
 the remainder of 1537 the old friendly and familiar rela- 
 tions continued to exist. In the latter part of that year 
 de Boyssone writes to Gripaldi that he has heard from 
 Sceve, who tells him of Dolet's excellent health, and 
 Voult^'s admission as an advocated 
 
 About the same time with the estrangement from Voult6, 
 and probably arising from the same causes, Dolet lost the 
 friendship of Hubert Sussaneau, whom the reader will 
 remember was at Lyons editing and correcting for Gry- 
 phius in 1535. I have before spoken of the laudatory 
 terms in which Sussaneau spoke of Dolet, in a book 
 printed in 1536. In 1538 he, like Voulte, had changed his 
 tone. In his Ludoruin libri, printed by Colines in that 
 year, are three epigrams In Medimnum which are clearly 
 directed against Dolet, and speak of him in terms similar to 
 those used by Voult6 ; and in addition, his personal appear- 
 ance is described in language the reverse of flattering, but 
 which does not altogether disagree with the description 
 given by Odonus in the letter already quoted. His tall 
 stooping, figure, the leaden pallor of his face, his fierce 
 eyes, his squalid air, are assumed to correspond with the 
 qualities of his mind, nor is his short jacket forgotten, 
 which had excited the ridicule of Odonus ^ : — 
 
 ' Quera buxeus vultus, macerque et oculi truces 
 Et proferentis tertiata vocabula • 
 Flagrare felle livido satis indicant.' 
 
 ' Voulte was assassinated on the 30th of December, 1543, by a man who had 
 been unsuccessful in a law-suit against him. See BouUiot, Biographic Ardenaise. 
 Besides the two editions of the Epigrammata, and the two small volumes of 
 Hendecasyllables and Xenia, Voulte was also the author of Orctio funebris, u lo. 
 Vulleiodelac.MmutioTholoseehabi/a. LiiffduniapudPc,rmenterium,M..T>.X'XIX.'Vll. 
 It is a tract of 16 pp., printed, like the second edition of the epigrams, by 
 Barbous for Parmentier, and contains besides the oration, a dedication addressed 
 ' Malafando et Reynerio' two epitaphs by Voulte and three by G. Sceve, as well 
 as an ode by Gripaldi. I have nowhere found this book noticed, nor have I 
 seen a copy except the one I possess. 
 
 " Ludorum libri, fol. 16 and 34. On the other hand, Voulte (Epigrammata, 
 
 X 3 
 
3o8 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 And in another epigram : — 
 
 'Extabet atra made, et exili toga 
 Tegitur Medimnus.' 
 
 Dolet's friendship with a no less eminent, and to English- 
 men more interesting person, Nicolas Bourbon of Van- 
 doeuvre, had the same fate with that with Voult^ and 
 Sussaneau. The accomplished tutor of Henry Carey 
 (Lord Hunsdon), young Henry Norreys, and the Dudleys, 
 the friend of Bishop Latimer and Dean Boston \ came to 
 Lyons immediately on his return from England in the 
 spring of 1536, and seems immediately to have made the 
 acquaintance of Dolet. The latter, always ready to wel- 
 come a new ally on the side of the learned against the 
 barbarians, gave a cordial welcome to the new-comer, and 
 
 lib. ii. p. 159, edit, of 1537) gives us a most favom-able idea of his personal 
 appearance ; — 
 
 'Tam pulchmm est corpus mens est tam pulchra Doleti. 
 Totus, ut hoc possim dicere pulcher homo est.' 
 
 And Claude Cottereau (Genethliacum) speaking of Dolet's son says ; — 
 
 ' Quare sive unum referat, vel utrumque parentem, 
 ' Dives erit forma, dives et ingenio." 
 
 The art. Sussanneau in the Biog. Univ. calls attention to a MS. note in the 
 copy of his Ludi in the public library of Lyons which states that the epigrams 
 In Medimnum and also that In M<evmm are all directed against Dolet. I 
 certainly hesitate to differ from the President Bouhier (who on reference to the 
 copy in question appears to be the writer of the note), yet I think the epigram 
 Ad Lausum (fol. 27) proves clearly that Dolet is not intended by ' Maevius.' 
 
 • N. Bourbon was a protege of Queen Anne Boleyn, and was naturally 
 enough devoted to the men of the reform party in England. He is as laudatory 
 of Cromwell and Cranmer as he is unfair to Sir Thomas More. But I think that 
 the learned author of that most interesting monograph on More's Latin poems, 
 Philomorus, is unduly hard upon him (2nd ed., London 1878, p. 261). Where 
 party-spirit runs high, men otherwise respectable and estimable seem to be 
 carried away by their passions and vie with each other in slandering and 
 vilifying their political adversaries. We who have seen a revival of party- 
 spirit between (not political parties but) political, or rather personal partisans, 
 of a violence and unfairness such as England has been a, stranger to for forty 
 years, can easily afford to forgive (much as we regret and censure) the hostility 
 which the friends of Queen Anne and the Reformers showed to Sir T. More. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 309 
 
 obtained for him the friendship of many of the learned 
 men then at Lyons. It is probable that it was to Dolet 
 that Boui-bon was indebted for his introduction to Rabelais, 
 to Marot, and the Selves, and in his volume entitled 
 natSaywyeioi/, printed by Rhomanus in 1336, he showed his 
 gratitude and esteem by three odes addressed to him, the 
 one, De Amicis Lugdunensibus, beginning, — 
 
 'Quos mihi Lugduni tua conciliavit amicos 
 Fides, Delete, et gratia, 
 EflBciam,' — 
 
 the others expressing the highest esteem for his person and 
 respect for his learning. Six odes by him also appear 
 among the commendatory poems affixed to the Carmina 
 of Dolet. 
 
 But in the second and enlarged edition of his Nugce, 
 given by Gryphius at the end of 1538, though all the other 
 Carmina in the naiSaytoyeiov are inserted, the odes to Dolet 
 are omitted, and his name nowhere appears. A careful 
 and repeated study of the Nuga of Bourbon and of the 
 poems of Voult^ has enabled me to glean somewhat as to 
 the cause of the estrangement between the two men, and 
 has led me to some probable conclusions on the subject. 
 
 Shortly after Bourbon's return to Lyons from England 
 (in 1536) he went one day into the shop of Gryphius, and 
 in answer to his enquiry what new books had just appeared, 
 a volume entitled Epigrammata was handed to him. He 
 eagerly turned over its leaves, and found as he thought 
 numerous lines and sentences taken from his Nugcz. 
 
 ' Invenio illic e Nugis meis 
 Surrepta carmina innumera, et sententias 
 Alio tortas, et argumenta pleraque 
 Adsuta ineptiis nebulonis illius.' 
 
 In the Uai.baycaye'iov, printed before the end of the same 
 year, Bourbon fiercely attacks the author of this volume 
 and charges him with shameless plagiarism in four epi- 
 
ETIENNE DOLET- 
 
 grams headed De Seipso, In quendam carminum sup- 
 pilatorem'^ . 
 
 Although the epigrammatist is not named, it appears 
 that Voult6 was intended, and accordingly in his next 
 edition (Lyons, Parmentier, 1537) he in numerous epigrams 
 defends himself from the attack of Bourbon, and, though 
 without mentioning him by name, throws an abundance 
 of abuse and ridicule upon him, his Nugce, and the two 
 portraits which Bourbon had prefixed and affixed to his 
 book. But before the end of 1538, shortly before the 
 quarrel between Dolet and Voulte, the two had become 
 reconciled. In a letter from Bourbon to his mistress 
 Rubella, dated Nov. 39, 1538 ", he says, ' I hear by a 
 letter of our friend Christopher Richer, that Voulte is 
 reconciled to me. Cursed be those tatlers (or rather, God 
 give them a better mind) who left no stone unturned, as 
 the saying is, that they might estrange Voult^ from me.' 
 
 Very shortly after the date of this letter Bourbon gave 
 a new edition of his Nugce, and Voult6 published his 
 Inscriptiones and his Hendecasyllabi. In the books of each 
 author there are friendly odes addressed to the other. Each 
 expresses his gratification at friendship being established 
 between them, each is severe on the false friend who had 
 caused and kept up the estrangement, and Voult6 proposes 
 that they shall consider him for the future as their common 
 enemy. These things, coupled with the fact that their re- 
 conciliation immediately followed Voultd's quarrel with 
 Dolet, that the volume of Voult^ which celebrates their 
 reconciliation is full of severe epigrams on Dolet, and that 
 the almost contemporaneous edition of Bourbon's Nugce 
 omits the odes to Dolet ^, lead me to conclude that they 
 
 pp. 39, 40. 
 
 ^ Tabellse elementariiE . . . Nicolao Borbonio autore. Lugduni apud FrellEEOS 
 Fratres, 1539. 
 
 ' There are several epigrams of Bourbon headed In Zoilum, that may not 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 31 1 
 
 suspected the latter of being the creator and fomentor of 
 their estrangement, and that to this must be attributed 
 the cessation of Bourbon's friendship. 
 
 In the meantime Dolet's intimacy and correspondence 
 with Jean de Boyssone continued as before. It would seem 
 that a sum of money was owing to him at Toulouse, either 
 a debt which in the haste of his forced departure he had been 
 unable to get in, or^ as is perhaps more probable, the value 
 of the property he left behind him, and which had either 
 been illegally seized by the officers of justice or detained 
 by some other person. A law-suit was necessary to re- 
 cover it, and de Boyssone took charge of the conduct of 
 the affair and employed as his advocate Nicolas Le Roy ^. 
 On the aznd of June he thus writes : — 
 
 Jean de Boyssone to Etienne Dolet. 
 
 ' I have received your book De Re Navali, for which I 
 give you my best thanks. Your letter to de Pins I have 
 caused to be delivered to him. Nicolas Le Roy, a most 
 learned person and the leading man in his profession, 
 has the greatest regard for you, and omits nothing which 
 he thinks can tend to promote your interests and repu- 
 tation. I hope therefore that very shortly the money will 
 be repaid me, and as soon as I receive it I will take care 
 that it shall reach your hands as speedily as possible. 
 But Chomard has written to you more at length on these 
 matters. Do you then rest content with the efforts we 
 are all making on your behalf. Farewell. Toulouse, 22nd 
 of June 1537 ^' 
 
 improbably be directed against Dolet, but are not (as in the case of those of 
 Voulte and Sussaneau) so clearly intended for him as to justify me in citing 
 them as so intended. 
 
 ' Nicolas de Roy was a friend of Calvin and Francois Daniel. In 1534 he 
 had been professor of law at Bourges. Correspondence des Reformateurs dans 
 les pays de langue Franjaise ii. 409. 
 
 ' MS. Epist. de Boyss. fol. xxxiv. 
 
313 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 But a great blow was soon to fall on de Boyssone and 
 the other friends of learning at Toulouse, and Dolet was 
 to lose one of his best and most valued friends — with whom 
 we see, from the letter just quoted, he still continued his 
 correspondence. The death of the First President Minut 
 had occurred on the 6th of November 1536. Voult6 pro- 
 nounced his funeral oration, and he, de Boyssone, and 
 Dolet, all composed odes in honour of his memory, and 
 in lamentation of his death. An inscription on his tomb 
 in the church of St. Bartholomew (destroyed at the Revo- 
 lution) justly described him as veritatis amantissimus et 
 litterariim propugnator acerrimus. The excellent Bishop 
 of Rieux did not survive his friend an entire year. He 
 died at the Carmelite convent at Toulouse on the ist of 
 November 1537. Jean de Boyssone was at Lyons at the 
 time of his death, and only learned the sad news on his 
 return to Toulouse. On the aoth of that month he writes 
 to Guillaume Sc^ve a letter containing an interesting 
 account of his journey to Toulouse, and thus concludes^ : — ■ 
 
 ' I arrived very tired at Toulouse. There I was met by 
 tidings the least pleasant and agreeable that were possible 
 for me to have, namely, that Jean de Pins, Bishop of 
 Rieux, had departed this life. I feel his death most 
 bitterly, both on account of literature generally, as of the 
 great loss which Toulouse in particular has sustained by 
 his death. For he was indeed the great ornament to our 
 city. At M ... 2 I saluted Michael Faber in your name. 
 To-morrow I return to my duty of lecturing, which has 
 been for some time interrupted. Meanwhile if you receive 
 any news from Italy write to me. FarewelL Toulouse, 
 November 30, 1537. Salute in my name Du Choux, 
 Richer, Dolet, and M. Sc^ve.' 
 
 • MS. Epist Boyss. fol. xxxvi. 
 
 ' I cannot make out this word. It appears to be Massincallum, but I know- 
 no place that could be so styled. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 313 
 
 A few days later he thus writes to Pierre Duchatel 
 (Castellanus), then Archdeacon of Avignon ^ : — 
 
 ' Would that the rumour which lately reached you as to 
 the death of de Pins had been false. In that case all of us 
 who devote ourselves to literature at Toulouse should not 
 be in such deep grief. What, let me ask you, could have 
 happened to us which we could have felt more severely? 
 Last year we lost Minut. Death seemed then to have little 
 power left to trouble us, except by this year depriving us 
 of de Pins, who alone was left to us as the guardian of 
 letters. Toulouse, December 9, 1537.' 
 
 The three poets again celebrated in their verses the 
 friend they had lost, and though the epitaphs of none of 
 them are to be ranked amongst their happiest efforts, yet 
 they all certainly proceeded from the heart, and are the 
 words of sincere mourners. 
 
 The death of de Pins broke the last tie that bound 
 de Boyssone to Toulouse. Dolet and Voult6 were at 
 Lyons, Gripaldi had gone to Valence. The two protectors 
 and promoters of letters and learned men were dead. He 
 now sought to obtain some legal appointment where he 
 might pass his time in peaceful study, unmolested by the 
 barbarism of his native city. After several unsuccessful 
 applications, among others to the Cardinals Odet de Coligny 
 and Gabriel de Grammont, of both of whom he afterwards 
 speaks with a little bitterness, he was at length (in 1538), 
 by the influence of Jean Bertrandi, who now held the 
 office of Third President of the Parliament of Paris, ap- 
 pointed by the Chancellor Du Poyet one of the judges of 
 the Royal Court of Chambery, and a member of the 
 Council which administered the Province of Savoy, then 
 recently annexed to the dominions of the king of France. 
 
 ^ MS. Epist. Boyss, fol, xxxvii. 
 
CHAPTER XV, 
 
 THE PRINTER. 
 
 ' Ilia ego quae quondam, ccelo ut delapsa, colebar, 
 
 Ilia ego quae multis numinis instar eram: 
 Quam comitem addiderant mundi miracula septem, 
 
 QuEe decima Aonidum sum numerata soror : 
 Deliciae humani generis vocitata per orbem, 
 
 Quae vocitabar amor deliciseque deilm.* 
 
 H. EsriENNE. 
 
 ' Qua certe nulla in mundo dignior nulla laudabilior, aut profecto utilior sive 
 divinior et sanctior esse unquam potuisset.' — Philip of Bergamo. 
 
 IHE year 1538 was in 
 many ways a memor- 
 able year in Dolet's 
 life. There can be lit- 
 tle doubt that in the 
 early part of it his mar- 
 riage took place, yet 
 of the circumstances 
 attending this event 
 we know nothing. 
 His wife's name even 
 has not come down 
 to us. I am however disposed to think, for reasons here- 
 after indicated, that she not improbably came from Troyes, 
 and may have been related to Nicole Paris, the printer 
 there. From the Genethliacum and the Second Enfer, 
 we see that the marriage was not only one of affection, 
 but was also a source of great happiness to Dolet. Some 
 of his friends indeed disapproved of it, doubting, as it 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 3i5 
 
 seems, whether with his precarious means of Hvelihood he 
 was wise in taking upon himself a responsibility and ex- 
 pense, for which he might find it difficult adequately to pro- 
 vide. Yet Claude Cottereau, always a prudent and judicious 
 friend, did not hesitate to express his thorough approval 
 of it. Writing to Dolet a year later, after the birth of 
 a son, he says: 'After the great labour to which I was 
 obliged to devote the whole of last winter (for the pur- 
 pose of founding my reputation, and acquiring some 
 esteem among learned men), as I was going from Lyons 
 to Tours, as a relief from the tedium of my journey, I set 
 myself to compose some dixains and huictains on the 
 birth of the son whom it has pleased God to give you 
 for the completion of the great happiness of your mar- 
 riage ; a marriage which, though many others who little 
 know your spirit and judgment have been surprised at, 
 as a destruction, or at least a hindrance to your fortune, 
 so far as material wealth is concerned, yet I have always 
 approved and praised, for I know that you have no greater 
 anxiety than to live according to the commands of God, 
 and to pass your time in tranquillity of mind so as to 
 devote yourself more completely to literature. You have 
 not entered the marriage state foolishly or without judg- 
 ment, but for the purpose of obtaining from it the greatest 
 
 good^.' 
 
 But it is probable that he would not have ventured 
 on this important step, had he not seen the way open 
 to a more settled life, and a more certain income than 
 heretofore. The second volume of the Commentaries was 
 published in February 1538, and in March the same year 
 the author had the honour of being introduced to the king 
 at Moulins by Cardinal de Tournon, and of presenting to 
 his majesty a copy of his great work. To which of his 
 friends Dolet was indebted for his introduction to the 
 
 ' L'Avant naissance de Claude Dolet. 
 
3l6 ETIENNE DO LET - 
 
 great Cardinal, at that time at the height of his power and 
 the most influential of the ministers of Francis, we are not 
 informed. Not improbably it was to Pierre Duchatel, 
 now in great favour with the King, and formally installed 
 as his reader. The Cardinal spoke most favourably of him 
 to the King, and Francis not only graciously accepted the 
 volumes, but granted to Dolet the privilege which he 
 sought, to enable him to commence with a good prospect 
 of success the profession of a printer. 
 
 During the century which followed the invention of 
 printing the position of those who exercised the art was 
 relatively much higher than it is in our own day. A 
 printer was then necessarily a man of education, usually 
 and almost necessarily a fair Latin scholar ; and the master 
 printers were invariably recognised as members of a learned 
 profession, as belonging to the fraternity of men of letters, 
 and not as mere tradesmen who exercised a mechanical 
 art. The traditions of the Aldi, the Estiennes, the Gry- 
 phii, and the Elzevirs, have indeed been worthily preserved 
 in our own days by more than one great family of printers 
 and publishers, and there have never been wanting 
 learned printers who have used their profession, not so 
 much as a means of profit, as for the purpose of giving 
 to the world books of the highest merit printed on the 
 choicest paper, and with the most perfect typography. 
 But in modern times the combination of the scholar, the 
 author (or the editor), with the practical printer, the pub- 
 lisherj or the bookseller, has been comparatively rare, nor 
 is it likely that we shall again see printing establishments 
 like those of the elder Aldus or Robert Estienne, the pro- 
 prietor of which, though calling himself by the modest title 
 of printer, was rather the head of a college of learned men, 
 and no less competent to direct and assist their literary 
 labours than to perform the most practical and mechanical 
 details of his art. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 317 
 
 The Greek prefaces of Aldus will favourably compare 
 with those of the greatest scholars of the day, even with 
 those of Musurus and Lascaris, and faulty as in the eyes 
 of modern criticism are several Greek editiones principes 
 which he both printed and edited, yet none but a man 
 of rare abilities and learning could have edited or printed 
 them, even in the most faulty form. Robert Estienne was 
 himself the author of some of the books of the greatest 
 permanent value which issued from his press, he was one 
 of the most eminent Greek, Hebrew, and Latin scholars 
 of his day, and if his learning and the great services he 
 rendered to letters are less universally recognised than 
 those of the elder Aldus, it is because he has been over- 
 shadowed by the still greater learning, abilities, and literary 
 glory of his eldest son. The elder Aldus was surrounded 
 at Venice by the most eminent scholars of his time, who 
 in concert with him and under his direction and perpetual 
 supervision, transcribed, edited and emended, and who did 
 not disdain to act as his correctors of the press and some- 
 times even as compositors. Robert Estienne, in the much 
 less learned Paris, entertained in his house ten scholars, 
 all learned men, some of them pre-eminently so^, as his 
 assistants and correctors of the press, and Latin was the 
 language commonly and familiarly spoken in the house, 
 not only by the ten learned assistants, but by the mastef; 
 his wife and children, and even by the servants. But 
 Aldus Manutius and Robert Estienne were also the ablest 
 practical printers of their day, thorough masters of their 
 art, and of every detail connected with it, personally super- 
 intending, and (in the case of Robert Estienne) even taking 
 part in the work of the compositors, and each designing 
 and causing to be founded types for their works altogether 
 
 ' 'Decern hi partim literati partim literatissimi viri' (Preface of Paul 
 Estienne to the Aulus Gellitis of 1585). 
 
31 8 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 different from any used before. The cursive types still 
 known as Italics were invented by Aldus (who took the 
 handwriting of Petrarch as his model) for the purpose of 
 his Latin books, a type which, though now disused except 
 for the purpose of emphasis, will at once be seen to be an 
 enormous improvement on either the Roman or Gothic 
 types with their innumerable contractions previously in 
 use ; and if I hesitate to ascribe to him the invention 
 of the neat and clear Greek type which he first used, and 
 of which he has generally had the credit of inventing, it is 
 only because M. Ambroise Firmin-Didot has lately shown 
 that it is merely a close imitation of the clear and beautiful 
 calligraphy of Marcus Musurus. To Robert Estienne was 
 due the Greek typa re^'ta—engra.ved by Claude Garamond 
 under the learned printer's direction — which for two cen- 
 turies and a-half continued to be recognised as the most 
 perfect and beautiful of all Greek types ^. 
 
 To be a printer in the sixteenth century was to be a 
 member of a profession which was occupied with the pro- 
 motion and spread of literature and science. Long before 
 the invention of printing, the sworn bookseller clerks in 
 Paris could only be admitted as such after a strict ex- 
 amination, and an edict of Charles VIIL in 1488 reduced 
 them to twenty-four in number, besides four principal 
 booksellers (tnagni librarii), and declared them, together 
 with two illuminators, two binders, and two scribes, to be 
 officers and servants of the University, and as such en- 
 titled to all the privileges thereof as true scholars ^. After 
 
 ' A duplicate set of the matrices and fount, taken by R. Estienne to Geneva, 
 became in the early part of the seventeenth century the subject of diplomatic 
 intrigues and negotiations— the ambassador of the King of England desiring to 
 purchase them from Paul Estienne, and the French Government claming to be 
 entitled to them subject only to the payment of the amount for which they had 
 been pledged. See Les Estiennes el Us Types Grecs de Francois I"', par A ug. 
 Bernard, Paris 1856. 
 
 ^ ' Comme vrais escholiers d'icelle.' Didot, Essai sur la Typographie, p. 720. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 319 
 
 the invention of printing the privileges of the booksellers 
 naturally fell to the printers, and the twenty-four — then 
 called imprimeurs libraires — long retained their import- 
 ance. In 1513 Louis XII., to whom, strangely enough, the 
 welfare of his people appears to have been sometimes a 
 matter of interest \ issued an edict by which he granted 
 to printing what M. Didot calls lettres de noblesse, exempt- 
 ing it from a considerable impost, taking off the tax pre- 
 viously existing on books, and declaring ' that the printer- 
 booksellers, as true members and officers of the University, 
 ought to be maintained in their privileges, liberties, fran- 
 chises, exemptions, and immunities, in consideration of the 
 great benefits which have been conferred upon our king- 
 dom by means of the art and science of printing, the in- 
 vention of which seems rather divine than human, and 
 which, thanks be to God, has been invented and discovered 
 in our time by the means and industry of the said printers, 
 by which our holy Catholic faith has been greatly aug- 
 mented and strengthened, justice better understood and 
 administered, and the divine service more fittingly and 
 accurately performed, said, and celebrated, and by means 
 of which so many good and salutary doctrines have been 
 manifested, communicated, and published to every one 2.' 
 
 Certainly the title of father of letters is more justly due 
 to the author of this noble and liberal edict than to 
 Francis I., who, as we have seen, issued an edict prohibiting 
 the use of the printing press, and who permitted the burn- 
 ing of both books and printers. 
 
 * Henry IV. is the only one of his successors prior to the Revolution, of 
 whom as much can be said. Even to Louis XVI., good husband and father as 
 he was, worthy and prosperous citizen and locksmith as he might have been, 
 had fortune been more favourable to him, the welfare of his people never on any 
 single occasion seems to have been a matter of thought, nor did their sufferings 
 and wretchedness, when they were dying of hunger by hundreds, ever induce him 
 to consider how large a part of their misery was due to his enormous 
 civil list. 
 
 2 Didot, Essai sur Typ. 750. 
 
320 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Etienne Dolet, as we have before seen, on his arrival in 
 Lyons in the summer of 1534, found employment with Se- 
 bastian Gryphius as reader and corrector of the press ; and 
 though his two visits to Paris, the completion of his Com- 
 mentaries, and his other literary labours must have taken 
 up the larger part of his time, yet there can be little doubt 
 that during the following four years he continued with 
 more or less intermission to assist the great printer, as 
 well as Fran9ois Juste and others, and to maintain himself 
 by this means, and that during this period he also acquired 
 in the workshop of his patron a practical knowledge of the 
 art of printing. 
 
 Amongst his most intimate friends and associates at this 
 time was the foreman and head under Gryphius of the 
 printing office, Jean de Tournes, clarum et venerabile nomen, 
 soon to rival and indeed to excel his master in the divine 
 art, and to found a family that for two centuries and a-half 
 continued to exercise their hereditary profession at Lyons 
 and Geneva 1. At what period Dolet decided to adopt the 
 profession of a printer we do not know; not improbably it 
 was when he first contemplated marriage. The precarious 
 
 ' Dolet has an ode Ad Joannem Turnaum et Vincmlum Piletum combibones. 
 M. A. F. Didot (Essai sur la Typ.) seems to speak with less than his usual 
 accuracy in saying that Jean de Touraes had served his apprenticeship to 
 Sebastian Gryphius. According to the family papers cited by M. de Revilliod 
 in the Bulletin du Bibliophile, 1856, he had served his apprenticeship to Melchior 
 and Gaspard Trechsel, and he probably entered the service of Gryphius soon 
 after the latter commenced business as a printer. He tells us in the preface 
 prefixed to his edition of Petrarch in 1545 that he had vporked tvi^elve years 
 before at the edition given by Gryphius (in 1532) of the vi^orks of Luigi 
 Alamanni, and that this gave him the taste for Italian literature. He was 
 acquainted with Latin, Greek, Italian, and Spanish. The business, which he 
 commenced in or about 1 540, was carried on uninterruptedly by his descendants 
 sometimes at Lyons, sometimes (for he and they were Protestants) at Geneva, 
 sometimes at both, until 1 780, when the brothers de Tournes disposed of their 
 business, which, according to M. de Revilliod, had for forty years been the most 
 considerable in Europe. The unmarried daughter of one of these brothers lived 
 far on in this century at Geneva. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 331 
 
 income of a man of letters, even when eked out by the 
 wages of a reader or corrector for the press, though suffi- 
 cient for his own simple wants, would be inadequate to 
 maintain a wife and children. It was on the 6th of March, 
 ^S'h^, on the occasion of the interview with Francis I. when 
 he presented to him his Commentaries, that he obtained 
 from the King ^, who was then at Moulins, a privilege or 
 license authorising him to print or cause to be printed 
 all books composed or translated by him, and other works 
 of ancient and modern authors, which should be by him 
 properly reviewed, emended, illustrated, or annotated, 
 whether by way of interpretation, scholia, or other de- 
 claration, and as well in Latin, Greek, and Italian as in 
 French. By this license all other persons are forbidden, 
 under pain of fine and confiscation of their books, to print 
 or expose for sale, either within the kingdom of France or 
 elsewhere, books copied from those of Dolet, for the space 
 of ten years from the date of the publication of such books 
 respectively. The document concludes, 'Pour le Roy. 
 Monseigneur le Cardinal de Tournon present.' It was 
 signed by De la Chesnaye, and sealed with the great seal 
 in yellow wax. 
 
 Some time had still to elapse before Dolet was able to 
 avail himself of the privilege and to effect the necessary pre- 
 parations and arrangements for commencing business as a 
 printer. Before the end of the year however his press was 
 set up, and at least one book printed at it. His old friend 
 Gryphius, instead of feeling any jealousy of his young rival, 
 gave him all the assistance which he required. A careful 
 examination of the books to which the name of Dolet is 
 attached as the printer induces us to suspect that more than 
 
 ' The privilege is dated 6th March, 1537. This would be 1538, N. S. This 
 is made clear by the words at the end {et de noire Regne le vingt-quatrieme). 
 Francis I. succeeded to the throne ist Jan. 1515. His twenty-fourth year would 
 thus commence ist Jan. 1538. 
 
 Y 
 
323 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 one of them was printed at the press of Gryphius, and shows 
 us plainly that several of the woodcut capital letters used 
 by the latter had been lent or given by him to Dolet, since 
 they are identical with those which ornament many of the 
 productions of the press of Gryphius. The resemblance 
 indeed is so precise that the letters seem to have been 
 struck from the same blocks. Moreover, the type generally 
 used by Dolet so much resembles that of Gryphius that it 
 seems ; robable that a great part of it was furnished by the 
 eminent printer^. 
 
 Following the custom of the day, Dolet adopted a mark 
 and motto, which are to be found on all or nearly all the pro- 
 ductions of his press. The mark and the motto are equally 
 allusive. The former is an axe, of the kind then known as 
 the doloire, held in a hand which is issuing out of a cloud. 
 Below is a portion of a trunk of a tree, already begun to be 
 severed, and about to be completely so by the axe. It is 
 usually surrounded by the following allusive motto, ' Scabra 
 et impolita ad amussim dolo atque perpolio! It is often also 
 surrounded by an ornamental woodcut border^. At the 
 end we usually though not invariably find the mark re- 
 peated, but instead of the motto one of the two following 
 sentences, the first being taken from Cicero : Durior est 
 spectatce virtutis quam incognita conditio, and Preserve may 
 O Seigneur des calumnies des homines. 
 
 But although in commencing and carrying on business as 
 a bookseller Dolet retained the friendship of Sebastian 
 Gryphius, and derived much advantage from his experience 
 
 ~Zi » . 
 
 ' Not imjtjssibly there may have been at some time a sort of partnership 
 arrangement between them, as we know there was between Gryphius and de 
 Toumes when the latter commenced business on his own account. Several books 
 printed between 1540 and 1550 which have the name of Gryphius on the title- 
 page were really the impressions of de Toumes, and the accounts between the 
 printers dated and settled in 1550 are still extant, and are cited by M. de 
 Revilliod in the article before referred to. 
 
 ^ In some cases the word Dolei is printed on the axe. 
 
p. 322. 
 
 T ABVLAE 
 
 POETICAB IOAN# 
 
 mS MVKMELLll 
 
 R V R E n V Ms 
 D E H S I 9« 
 
 PIera(|alia>qu9eTiic Liber habeti&qaendftap 
 dm paginano oblcure^demonffaabir,adieA>g 
 numerisiiibiquic^nullonegotio xepsriso* 
 
 AD AHVSSXH SOlOy 
 
 * ' _ „ jrfmr'''""Xi1f*^W*%_ »» 
 
 LVGDVNI, 
 
 xA^ui Steph, "DoUtum* 
 
 1 $ 4 t* 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 333 
 
 and assistance, his relations were very different with the 
 other master printers of Lyons. High as he placed the 
 ' divine art of printing,' and those high priests of its altars 
 who were no less distinguished by their learning than by 
 their knowledge of the art and by the accuracy of their 
 impressions, he more than once expresses himself with 
 perhaps undue severity on the carelessness or ignorance of 
 the common herd of printers. In the Commentaries ' he 
 speaks with much bitterness on this point : ' What great 
 negligence and carelessness is displayed by printers ! How 
 often are they blinded and rendered careless by drink, and 
 given up to intoxication ! How boldly, how rashly, how 
 utterly without reason, do they not make alterations in the 
 text if (a thing which seldom happens) they have any tinc- 
 ture of letters ! So that you scarcely find any book issue 
 from the press without six hundred faults. Yet no one can 
 doubt that it was made a matter of the very first import- 
 ance by Aldus Manutius that his books should be printed 
 with the utmost accuracy. Jodocus Badius and Joannes 
 Frobenius (both lately deceased) took equal pains that 
 their books should be worthy of the learned ; and the 
 same anxiety to excel in accuracy is displayed by Se- 
 bastian Gryphius, a German, and Robert Estienne and 
 Simon de Colines, both Frenchmen. What reputation 
 have they not acquired by their admirable productions ! 
 Yet even they are not able entirely to accomplish what 
 they wish, or to prevent the carelessness of their ill-con- 
 ditioned and drunken assistants from manifesting itself, so 
 that the learned do not benefit as much as might be wished 
 from this their most laudable care and supervision. Where- 
 fore (if you find any inaccuracies) you must not despise 
 the care and judgment of those learned men, but must 
 note and correct with diligence any error you may meet 
 with.' 
 
 I Com. col. 266. 
 
 Y a 
 
324 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 It is not impossible ttiat the first part of this passage 
 was aimed at individual printers at Lyons who would be 
 easily recognised by their contemporaries, and who would 
 not be disposed to view with favour one who had spoken 
 of them with such contempt, and who without having 
 served any apprenticeship to their art was commencing 
 its exercise under the protection of a royal license which 
 conferred upon him unusual and exceptional privileges. 
 But about this time grave disputes arose between the 
 master printers and the journeymen, and Dolet, always 
 on the side of the weak and oppressed, and utterly regard- 
 less of prudence or expediency, warmly took up the cause 
 of the journeymen. 
 
 Of the causes of these disputes, all that we know is that 
 the workmen had banded themselves together to force the 
 masters to pay them higher wages and to afford them 
 better food than they had previously received, and also 
 that they wished to reduce the number of apprentices^ the 
 usual objects of a trades-union. There can be little doubt 
 that on the first point the complaint of the workmen was 
 just. During the preceding half-century the prices of 
 commodities had risen considerably — that is to say, the 
 value of money had fallen, owing partly if not principally 
 to the quantity of silver which had flowed into Europe 
 from America. At the same time France had increased 
 in wealth, and among all classes a style of living was grow- 
 ing up less simple and ' more opulent ' (to use the expression 
 
 ' ' Depuis trois ans en 9J1, aucuns serviteurs, compagnons imprimeurs mal 
 vivans, ont suborne et mutine la plupart des autres compagnons, et ce sent 
 bandez ensemble pour contraindre les maistres imprimeurs de leur fournir plus 
 gros gages, et nourriture plus opulente, que par la coustume ancienne ils n'out 
 jamais eu ; davantage ils ne veulent point souffrir aucun apprentis besongner 
 audit art afin qu'eux se trouvans en petit nombre aux ouvi ages pressez et hastez, 
 ils soient cherchez et requiz desdits maistres.' Edict of Francis I. of 28th 
 December, 1541, T)u reglement de I'Imprimerie pour la mile de Lyon. See 
 CrapeUt, Eludes snr la Typographie, p. 53. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 325 
 
 of the edict of Francis I.) than had been usual. Hence the 
 workmen naturally complained of the old wages and the old 
 ' nourishment ' as insufficient. Nor was it only among the 
 printers, or even in France, that this state of things prevailed. 
 Everywhere and in all trades greater wages were claimed 
 by the workmen and opposed by the masters ; and where- 
 ever, as in England, the latter were the law-makers, foolish 
 Acts of Parliament were passed attempting to ignore the 
 change of the times and to prevent the legitimate and in- 
 evitable increase in (the nominal rate of) wages. But not 
 everywhere have the workmen shown themselves so strong, 
 and it may be so turbulent, as at Lyons. Then, as ever 
 since, they have shown a zeal for progress and liberty, if 
 not always a zeal according to knowledge. Only three 
 years before this time, when the people of Geneva had 
 expelled the Prince Bishop and were expecting the attack 
 of the Duke of Savoy, five hundred men from Lyons, 
 mostly printers and other artisans, and commanded by a 
 printer, marched to their assistance ^- 
 
 The disputes which commenced in 1538 lasted some 
 years. The journeymen printers were at first successful, 
 and obtained from the King an edict in their favour. But 
 they derived no benefit from it. The master printers 
 threatened to remove to Vienne in Dauphind. The citizens 
 of Lyons were alarmed at the prospect of losing what had 
 become the most important branch of the commerce of 
 the city, and in which so much capital had been invested. 
 The consuls were appealed to. They resolved that every 
 effort must be made to retain the master printers. The 
 son of the town clerk was sent to represent their case to 
 the King and to obtain a repeal of the edict, and in par- 
 ticular to obtain an article reducing the day's wages to 
 thirty-five sols. This time the masters, backed up by the 
 
 ' Spon. Hist, de Geneve. 
 
326 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 magistrates of the city, were successful. On the a 8th of 
 December, 1541, an edict was issued for the regulation of 
 printing in the town of Lyons, which established in that 
 city the same rules which were in force in Paris. No book 
 was thenceforth to be printed without the royal license. 
 The workmen were forbidden to form unions or societies 
 or to assemble together. They were to receive the wages 
 and food that had been accustomed. They were not to 
 leave unfinished the printing of any book which they had 
 commenced. The masters were to be at liberty to engage 
 any apprentices they might think meet ^. 
 
 This edict, which was issued on the petition of the 
 consuls, bailiffs, and inhabitants of the city, caused, as may 
 be supposed, a lively dissatisfaction among the workmen. 
 They appealed against it ; but without avail. On the 19th 
 of July, 1543, a confirmatory edict was issued staying 
 the appeal and peremptorily forbidding the journeymen 
 printers from impugning or further appealing against the 
 former edict. But the disputes still continued, and after 
 scenes of violence and tumult a compromise was arrived 
 at between the two parties and embodied in a deed of 
 accord dated the ist of May, 1543^- 
 
 In these disputes Dolet took an active part, supporting, 
 though a master, the cause of the workmen, and of course 
 adding thereby to the number of his enemies most of the 
 master printers of Lyons. But it seems that their hostility 
 was not only owing to his support of the cause of their 
 servants. He had not been apprenticed to their craft and 
 was considered as an interloper, and they laughed at the 
 idea that one possessed of such small means should com- 
 mence so important a business and one requiring for its 
 successful conduct so large a capital. 
 
 ' Crapelet, p. 53 ; Pericaud, Notes et Documents, p. 65. 
 ' Pericaud, p. 63. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 337 
 
 He had however saved something. His friends added 
 to his slender means by way of loan, and having obtained 
 some printing-presses, he commenced business both as 
 printer and bookseller — tenant boutique de libraire, as he 
 afterwards expressed it^- 
 
 ' Sire,' he wrote to the King during his imprisonment 
 after his condemnation to death in 1543, 'you will remem- 
 ber how in the year 1538, after I had presented to you the 
 two volumes of my Commentaries on the Latin tongue, 
 and after I had given you to understand that I wished 
 (in addition to my literary profession) to devote myself 
 to the art of printing and the business of a bookseller, so 
 that I might make myself still more useful to the common 
 weal, you were pleased (in order that I might not be de- 
 prived of the results of my labour by a crowd of ignorant 
 men) to give me exclusive rights during ten years over 
 all books which should be either composed, emended, cor- 
 rected, or duly revised by me. Having obtained this of 
 you, I gradually made all needful preparations for properly 
 executing my enterprise, and I began to print good books 
 both in Latin and French. At this commencement of my 
 undertaking the booksellers of this city (Lyons), knowing 
 that I had not such ample store of this world's goods as 
 they had, ridiculed me very much. But I was not on this 
 account induced to give up my plan, and having by the 
 assistance of my friends obtained some addition to my 
 capital, it came to pass that no printer or bookseller in 
 Lyons acquired a higher reputation for correctness as a 
 printer or was more successful in making profit as a book- 
 seller. Hence arose a great and mortal hatred on the 
 part of the members of my own trade, and in place of the 
 
 ' ' II auroit mis ensemble quelque peu d'argent avec lequel et I'aidede ses amis, 
 il despiefa leve quelques presses d'imprimerie et soubz icelle imprime et faict 
 imprimer plusieurs beaulx livres tenant boutique de libraire.' Proces d'Estienne 
 Dolet, p. 7. 
 
328 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 ridicule which they had been accustomed to use^ they at 
 the end plotted my death i.' 
 
 But whilst he frankly admits more than once that he 
 sought at obtaining by his presses a certain income suited 
 to his condition as head of a family, he yet proposed only 
 to print books of real merit. ' I shall strive,' he writes, ' to 
 increase by all the means in my power the treasures of 
 literature, and I have resolved as well to conciliate the 
 sacred manes of the ancients by the scrupulous accuracy 
 of my impressions of their works, as also to give my labour 
 and pains to contemporary writings. But whilst I shall 
 cordially and indeed eagerly welcome works of merit, I 
 shall altogether reject the wretched writings of the vile 
 scribblers who are the disgrace of our time ^.' 
 
 It was towards the end of the year 1538 that the work 
 of his press commenced, and in the six following years at 
 least sixty-seven different works issued from it, fifteen of 
 which were either original treatises or translations written 
 by the printer himself, while many of the others show 
 marks of his editorial care, and are preceded by a preface, 
 a dedication, or an ode, from his pen. Of these works 
 several were reprinted more than once by Dolet, making a 
 total of upwards of eighty impressions printed by him. 
 
 The first book which issued from his press was a short 
 treatise of thirty-eight pages entitled Cato Christianus : 
 it is a brief exposition of the Decalogue, the Creed, and 
 the Lord's Prayer, followed by the two odes to the Virgin 
 which had already appeared in the volume containing the 
 orations. It is dedicated to Cardinal Sadolet, and in the 
 preface the author says that he had been made the subject 
 of reproaches and calumnies for never speaking of religion 
 
 ' This letter is printed as a preface to his translation of the Tusculan 
 Disputations, Lyon 1543. 
 
 ^ Letter to Cardinal du Bellay prefixed to the book of Cottereau, Be Jure 
 MiUtum, Lyon 1539. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. o^i() 
 
 in his books, a subject which he knows to be perilous, and 
 which he would rather have abstained from touching. ' I 
 shall however,' he adds, ' prove by this tract that not only 
 my actions and the example of my life, but also my words, 
 attest my religious faith.' 
 
 Among the pieces of verse which accompany this volume 
 is the following by Guillaume Durand, the first Principal 
 of the College of Lyons. Its motive is the same as that 
 of the volume : — 
 
 ' Cessate, crepantes, invidia obtrectatores, 
 Cessate dicere Doletum relligione 
 Vacuum: et ut relligionis sit doctus doctor. 
 Hoc libro ab eo dicite, iniqui obtrectatores, 
 Hoc discite libro Christiane vivere.' 
 
 Dolet seems to have been especially desirous that the 
 book should make a favourable impression, and in writing 
 in the following year to Claude Cottereau he says, ' Tell 
 me, I pray you, how my Cato Christianus has been re- 
 ceived by the courtiers ^.' 
 
 In the same year two other volumes appeared with 
 Dolet's mark, and one of them with his name on the title- 
 page as printer, but neither being in fact printed by him ; 
 the one an edition of the works of Clement Marot which 
 I shall notice hereafter, the other a small quarto of 175 
 pages containing the Latin poems of Dolet in four books, 
 which I agree with M. A. F. Didot in thinking was printed 
 at the press of Gryphius, the type and general appearance 
 of the volume being identical with that of the treatise De 
 Re Navali printed in the same year. 
 
 It contains one hundred and ninety-five Carmina divided 
 into four books, and includes all those which had previously 
 appeared in the volume containing the orations. The first 
 book is dedicated to Claude Cottereau, the second to Cardinal 
 
 ' Dedication of the Genethliacum. 
 
330 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 de Tournon, the third to Jean de Boyssone, and the fourth 
 (containing epitaphs only) to Sebastian Gryphius. The 
 volume is accompanied by commendatory poems of Salmon 
 Macrin, Nicolas Bourbon, Honoratus Veracius, and Gode- 
 froi Bering. It is of great interest^ but need not here 
 detain us further ; all such of the poems as have any special 
 biographical or literary value being elsewhere noticed in 
 this book. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 The Genethliacum and the Avant Naissance. 
 
 H oi ittut' T)VT-ija', a/ia 5" afKp'nroKos kUv airy- 
 HaiQ tnl tcSknov exova' dTa\a<ppova, vqinov auTOjy 
 E«TOpiSi;v dyanrjT^v, aKiyitiov darepi /ca\cp. 
 
 Homer. 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 ^H 
 
 ^m 
 
 
 
 ^^a^^^^ 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 ^H 
 
 fe 
 
 
 
 L^^^^3 
 
 P 
 
 ^^^^^^§ 
 
 
 ^^^H 
 
 ~^^^^^^* 
 
 S 
 
 ^^^^H 
 
 N the beginning of the 
 year 1539 Dolet's 
 heart was gladdened 
 by the birth of a son, 
 named Claude after 
 his godfather Claude 
 Cottereau of Tours. 
 The delight which 
 this event gave him, 
 his warm affection for 
 his wife and son, his 
 anxiety for the lat- 
 ter's welfare, he lets us see in several of his writings. On 
 the birth of this son he wrote and published a Genethliacum 
 or birthday ode ; and very shortly afterwards in the same 
 year a translation of it into French appeared under the 
 following title: V avant naissance de Claude Dolet fils 
 de Estienne Dolet premiirement composi en Latin par le 
 Pkre et maintenant par ung sien amy traduicte en langue 
 francoyse. CEuvre trks utile et necessaire a la vie coimnune : 
 contenant conim.e I'homme se doibt gouverner en ce monde. 
 
332 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 These are two of the most interesting and admirable of 
 our author's works, full of the purest and noblest senti- 
 ments set forth in harmonious and poetical language ; and 
 when his son read them in after life, they must have taught 
 him how much he had lost in being so early deprived of 
 his father. 
 
 The Ge7iethliacum is dedicated to his friend Claude Cot- 
 tereau, or Claude of Touraine. ' You are not ignorant,' he 
 writes, ' of the custom of kings. When a son is born to 
 them they send messengers to announce the happy event 
 to all parts of the world, anxious to receive congratulations 
 from every quarter. They invite foreign kings to the 
 baptismal ceremony, and make a more than ordinary dis- 
 play of splendour and luxury. But with what pomp shall 
 I receive the son who has been born to me ? It must in- 
 deed be a literary pomp, since I have no regal magnificence 
 to bestow. I will announce to the world the birth of my 
 son in a short poem composed of precepts calculated to 
 guide the steps of youth in general in the ways of dis- 
 cretion. This is the pomp with which I wish to receive 
 my son, it is worthy of me, honourable to him, profitable 
 to all. In this little work I have briefly strung together 
 the maxims which I have thought to tend to a life of 
 wisdom, rectitude, and happiness, whether we look at it 
 externally only, or also with reference to the inner good 
 of the mind. This work, which I have composed as a 
 relaxation of my leisure, I wish to dedicate to you, both 
 because you held my son in your arms at the sacred font, 
 and also because I think you will receive it eagerly, as not 
 being altogether foreign to that philosophy to which you 
 are so entirely devoted.' 
 
 Next comes an address to the Muses, and this is followed 
 by the principal poem addressed to his son, Pracepta ne- 
 cessaria vitce communi, in hexameters ; then an ode in sap- 
 phlcs addressed to the gods, asking their blessing on the 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 333 
 
 child. Then follow four odes addressed to Dolet, two of 
 them by Claude Cottereau, one by Jean des Gouttes 
 (Guttanus), and one by Maurice Sc^ve ; then a poem of 
 Barthelemi Aneau, in seventy-four hexameters, addressed 
 to the boy. A short ode of Pierre Tolet concludes the 
 volume. 
 
 Noscitur a sociis. Of Jean des Gouttes indeed, the 
 translator of Ariosto, we hardly know more than the name, 
 but the four others (and probably des Gouttes also) were 
 men of whose friendship Dolet might well be proud, men 
 who combined literary gifts with high moral worth, and 
 the three last-named of whom are justly considered as 
 among the most eminent men whom Lyons has produced. 
 The name of Maurice Sceve, poet, musician, painter and 
 architect, the friend of Marot, the poetical tutor of Pernette 
 de Guillot and Louise Labe, the precursor of Ronsard, is 
 one of those which the Lyonnese most love to dwell upon, 
 and if the nineteenth century is unable to thoroughly 
 sympathise with the admiration which the sixteenth gave 
 to Delie, objet de plus haulte vertu, it will altogether ap- 
 prove of the prominent place which in his great picture 
 of Lyonnese celebrities M. Chatigny has given to Maurice 
 Sc^ve. 
 
 The names of Barthelemi Aneau, the second Principal 
 of the College of Lyons, and Pierre Tolet, physician to 
 the Hotel Dieu and afterwards Dean of the Faculty of 
 Medicine there, are probably less known. Yet the un- 
 happy fate of Aneau, a man of learning, virtue, and mode- 
 ration, murdered by a pious and orthodox mob for his 
 heretical opinions, has given him a niche in the protestant 
 martyrology ; while the Pantagruelists will remember that 
 Tolet was a fellow-student with Rabelais at Montpelier, 
 and played with him in la morale comedie de celuy qui 
 avoit espous^ une femme mute. Charles de Sainte Marthe, 
 the common friend of Dolet and Tolet, has celebrated 
 
334 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 their friendship in an ode in which he plays upon their 
 names : — 
 
 ' Nature desirant faire un couple d'amis, 
 De parfaicte amiti^ oeuvre en perfection, 
 En un mesme lien ensemble vous a mis, 
 Faisant de vos deux coeurs en un conjonction : 
 Mesme temps, mesme lieu, mesme habitation, 
 Mesmes mceurs, mesme esprit et mesme aage I'empare ; 
 Un cas tant seulement Fun de I'autre separe : 
 L'un grand en medicine et I'autre en eloquence. 
 Pour declarer en vous profession dispare, 
 Une lettre a vos noms a mis la difference'.' 
 
 The poems of his five friends are full of affection and 
 admiration for Dolet, and of prophecies of a distinguished 
 future for his son, while the first of those of Claude Cot- 
 tereau makes a special mention of the boy's mother : — 
 
 'Sed quid matre ipsa laude omni plenius? aut quid 
 Sanctius ? aut melius ? vel magis ingenuum ? ' 
 
 It has been a matter of some discussion who the amy was 
 who appears on the title of the Avant Naissance as having 
 translated the Genethliacum into French, and inasmuch 
 as the original poem was dedicated to Claude Cottereau, 
 and as the Avant Naissancee contains both verse and prose 
 by him, Nee de la Rochelle attributed the translation to 
 this firm friend of Dolet and his family. The style is 
 however clearly that of Dolet himself. Several of the 
 expressions there used appear afterwards in the touching 
 poem on his desolation and consolation which he wrote 
 when a prisoner in the conciergerie shortly before his 
 death, and it seems not improbable that he attributed 
 it to a friend for the purpose of avoiding the charge of 
 vanity which the translation into French of his own poem 
 might have given rise to. Certainly if the translator was 
 Claude Cottereau, it seems strange that he did not affix 
 his name to the principal poem as well as to the dixains 
 
 ' La poesie francoise, Lyon, Le Prince. 1540. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 2i35 
 
 which follow. The preface addressed ' to the reader, full 
 of goodwill, and free from envy and detraction,' but dis- 
 playing most egregious vanity, if, as we believe, Dolet is the 
 author of it, is interesting from the notice which the author 
 gives of the great French poets of the day. 'Reading 
 some time since a certain work of Estienne Dolet entitled 
 Genethliacum Claudii Doleti, son of the said Dolet, I have 
 determined to employ myself in translating it from the 
 Latin into the French tongue, and this not for the purpose 
 of displaying my own poetical powers, but in order that 
 every one may derive benefit from the translation of a 
 work so full of the learning and prudence necessary for 
 common life. True it is that the Latin compositions of 
 Dolet merit a much more excellent translator than I am. 
 Such would be a Maurice Sc^ve (short indeed in stature 
 but great in composition), a Seigneur de St. Ambrose^ 
 (chief of the French poets), a Heroet (called Le Maison- 
 neufve), the happy illustrator of the good sense of Plato, 
 a Brodeau the elder, or the younger (each of them a 
 singular honour to our language), a St. Gelais (a divine 
 spirit in every kind of composition), a Salel (a poet as 
 excellent as he is little known among the vulgar), a 
 Clement Marot (remarkable for the sweetness of his 
 poetry), a Charles Fontaine (a young man of great hope), 
 a little Moyne de Vendosme ^ (learned and eloquent con- 
 trary to the nature and custom of monks), or any of those 
 others by whom France is adorned in several different 
 places, abounding more (by the grace of God) than any 
 other kingdom in learned men. These indeed ought to 
 be the interpreters of the present work. But if by my 
 
 1 Bouchet would seem at this time to have been considered as the chief of the 
 French poets, but I have not found him (or indeed any other poet) called 
 Seigneur de St. Ambrose. 
 
 ^ Probably Pasquier Le Moyne, Porter to Francis I., who published his poem 
 La Courmnemenl de Roy Francois I. (Paris 1520) under the name of Le Moyne 
 sansfroc. See De Colonia, Hist. Lit. de Lyon, ii. p. 493. 
 
336 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 sincere affection I have anticipated them, I would not 
 on this account be the cause that such noble spirits as 
 those I have mentioned should be prevented from the 
 undertaking. Now I return to my first remark, gentle 
 reader, which is that the profit and utility which pervade 
 this work have induced me to translate it, and for the like 
 reason I hope you will take in good part my labour and 
 pains.' 
 
 After the translation of the three poems of Dolet come 
 some dixains and huictains of Claude Cottereau, preceded 
 by the letter to Dolet, part of which I have already quoted, 
 and which thus concludes : — ' Having understood that the 
 book which you have composed on the birth of your son 
 had been translated into French, and that you are thinking 
 of printing it, I have wished to send you these compositions 
 of mine, for no other purpose than to show the friendship 
 which I bear to you ; and if the rhymesters of France do 
 not find them to their taste, I care nothing provided they 
 please you. Adieu, my friend.' 
 
 Both the Genethliacum and the Avant Naissance are 
 inspired with the purest and most elevated sentiments of 
 religion and morality, and it is impossible to believe that 
 they express anything but the genuine sentiments of the 
 author. It is with the Divine Author of all things that the 
 man who has been reputed an atheist begins and ends his 
 poem : — 
 
 ' Vive Deo fidens ; stabilis fiducia Divum 
 Tristitia vitse immunem te reddet ab omni 
 Religionis amor verje fert commoda tanta.' 
 
 ' Tu ne crede, animos una cum corpore, lucis 
 Privari usura. In nobis coelestis origo 
 Est qusedam, post cassa manens, post cassa superstes 
 Corpora, et setemo se commotura vigore. 
 Scilicet a summo rerum genitore creati 
 Sic sumus, ut rapida corpusque animusque necentur 
 Morte, nee in ccelum pateant ex orbe receptus? 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 337 
 
 Non ita. Sunt nobis reditus ad regna patema 
 Regna Dei: genus uude animi duxere perennes.' 
 
 It is true, as Maittaire has remarked, that in all the Latin 
 poems there is no mention of Jesus Christ or his merits. 
 But we must remember, first, that in the Latin poems of 
 the most pious men of the age the aim was always to 
 imitate the ancients, and that Deus and Divi are usually 
 the only expressions made use of in reference to the Deity; 
 and next, as N^e de la Rochelle has remarked sensibly 
 enough, that the author had said in his letter which is at 
 the commencement of the work ' that the birth of his son 
 had furnished him with the opportunity of writing short 
 precepts for guiding youth in the ways of prudence;' and 
 that we must therefore not impute it to him as a crime 
 if he has not reduced them into the form of a theological 
 catechism, where he would not only have had to speak of 
 Jesus Christ and his merits, but to have defended the three 
 Persons of the Trinity. 
 
 But the translation, or rather paraphrase, is at least not 
 open to this objection. After a few introductory lines it 
 thus commences : — 
 
 'En premier lieu, ta foy ce poinct tiendra 
 Qu'il est ung Dieu tout puissant et unicque 
 En ses effectz : et si ce sans replicque 
 Tu crois par foy, et en luy ta fiance 
 Soit toute mise (O Dieu quelle assurance 
 O quel repos) allors tu cognoistras 
 Comme en tout bien et honneur accroistras." 
 
 The conclusion is most emphatic as to the immortality 
 of the soul : — 
 
 ' La morte est bonne et nous prive du mal 
 La morte est bonne, et nous oste du val 
 Calamiteux: et puis nous donne entree 
 Au ciel (le ciel des ames est contree) 
 Prends doncq en gr^, quand d'icy partiras 
 Et par la mort droict au ciel t'en iras. 
 En cest endroict il ne fault avoir foy 
 A ceulz disantz (et ne scavent pourquoy) 
 Z 
 
338 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 L'Ame et le Corps tous deux mourir ensemble. 
 L'Ame est du Ciel, a son pere resemble 
 (C'est Dieu) qui n'ha, et ne peult avoir fin : 
 Aussi n'ha il I'Ame au Corps mise, afSn 
 Qu' avec le corps par la mort soit mortelle. 
 Croy (et est vray) que I'Ame est immortelle 
 Et que de Dieu a prins son origine, 
 Qui ne meurt poinct; et que mort n'extermine 
 ' De I'heritage aux biens vivantz promis, 
 
 De I'heritage ou nous serons tous myz 
 Par la merite (O divine clemence) 
 De Jesu Christ; et en telle fiance 
 Meurs, quand plaira a Dieu d'icy t'ouster 
 Ou aultrefois luy a pleu te bouter*.' 
 
 ' If any reader has sufficient interest in the two poems to compare them to- 
 gether in the reprint given by Techener in 1830, he will find not only that the 
 Avant Naissance is a paraphrase rather than a translation, but that there are three 
 passages in it — two of considerable length — which are neither translated from 
 nor based upon anything in the original Latin. It has been my good fortune 
 to find in the Bibliotheque Nationale an interleaved copy of the Genethliacum, 
 with several manuscript accessiones auloris. These accessiones, of which the paper, 
 the ink, and the handwriting are aU of the sixteenth century, I believe to be in 
 the autograph of Dolet, and the volume has every internal appearance of having 
 been prepared by him for a new edition. (I say internal appearance, for the 
 binding is comparatively modem, and has been put on since the additions were 
 ■written. These latter have been clipped in the binding. The last few letters and 
 in one or two cases the last word of the additions are wanting to several leaves.) 
 The additions are three in number, and are translations, or rather paraphrases, 
 of the three passages in the Avant Naissance, of which no traces are to be 
 found in the Genethliacum. 
 
 The first addition comes in after the line 
 
 ' Re sine nuUus eris : nostro sic vivitur sevo,' 
 and is as follows : — 
 
 'PrjEterea, quem urget vitio proclivis egestas 
 In Bcelus omne ruit, casus projectus in omneis 
 Non tardante metu, non spe meliore vetante 
 Tam deforme malum ne te vehementius angat 
 Et vel nolentem ad crudelia crimina raptet 
 Frugi esto et moderate partis utere rebus.' 
 
 This, the least important of the additions, and I think also the least in 
 poetical merit, is a translation of the passage in the Avant Naissance be- 
 ginning 
 
 ' Et d'avantage il te fault regarder.' 
 
 The next addition has relation to the choice of a wife, and comes in after the 
 line 
 
 'Felices liceat vilam sine lite molesta.' 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 339 
 
 Its French equivalent will be found in two passages, the one of eight lines, 
 beginning 
 
 ' Saiche mon filz que la beaute de celle,' 
 
 and the other, of five lines, beginning 
 
 'Ce bien et heur, tons gracieux esbatz.' 
 
 The addition is as follows : — 
 
 ' Forma perit : dos tandem etiam consumitur ingens 
 At remanent mores uxoris et ingenium trux. 
 Non te connubium assidua anxietate fatiget 
 Quod bene contractum laetos subolescit in usus 
 Et velut alta quies petitur non causa doloris 
 In quod sancitum est dabitur si forte jugalis 
 Duxeris uxorem dignam placidoque hymenjeo.' 
 
 The longest and by far the most interesting of the additions comes in after 
 the passage in which the writer, with a good sense, rare in days when the mili- 
 tary calling took rank far above all others, had advised his son not to adopt 
 the profession of arms. Yet when he came to write his Avant Naissance, he 
 remembered that in case of an invasion it might become the duty of every citizen 
 to aid in the defence of his country, and he followed his warnings against war 
 with a long and vigorous passage, commencing — 
 
 ' Mais je veulx bien que la cas advenant, 
 Qu'en ton pays il y euste guerre ouverte, 
 Tu craigues moins de la vie la perte, 
 Que par cruelz et felons ennemys. 
 En servitude a jamais tu soys myz.' 
 
 In preparing his new edition he translates the same idea in Latin. The addition 
 is intended to come in after the line of the Genethliacum, 
 
 'Et dederit siguum sociis, ut pressius instent.' 
 He amends this line, and then proceeds with a new passage : — 
 
 ' Prsetulerit notam sociis ut prsescius instent 
 Sed tamen in patrias sedes si barbara signa 
 Irrumpant anjmam pro libertate paratus 
 Fundere certa audax; hoste succumbere pejus 
 Morte puta: quid enim dictu crudelius, hostera 
 Quam spectare serum patrios popularier agros. 
 Et (velut indomitam rabie exagitante Leonem) 
 In laribus seevire suis, incendere tecta 
 Uxorem stuprare; sinu privare parentum 
 Lactantem sobolem tibi rebus denique cunctis 
 Ablatis juga dura oppresso imponere collo. 
 His vitam postpone mails; servire ferarum est 
 Non hominum. Prius aura tibi quam Candida desit 
 Libertas nee in hostes annis incide victus." 
 Dolet appears to have reprinted the Genethliacum in 1540, and it is not 
 
 Z 2 
 
340 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 improbable that the interleaved copy in the Bib. Nat. may be the one used for 
 the new edition, and the additions may have been inserted therein. I have been 
 unable to discover a copy of the edition of 1540, but it appears (No. 131) in 
 the Catalogue (Tune Collection de Livres rares et precieuses Je M, La Roche la 
 Carelle, Potier, Paris 1859 (communicated to me by M. Baudrier), and which 
 describes the edition as ' plus rare que celle de 1539,' and in the Catalogue des 
 Livres de M. de Boze, fol. 1745 (p. 113), and Svo. 1753 (p. 174, No. 886), also 
 in the Catalogue of the Yemeniz sale, No. 1533. The Bib. Nat. has two copies 
 of the edition of 1539, but has not one of that of 1540. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Grammarian and Translator. 
 
 ' L'idiome d'un peuple, c'est son verbe, son &me. — PhilarI;te Chasles. 
 
 ESIDES the other 
 great works which 
 Dolet had planned 
 was one upon the 
 French tongue, the 
 rules of which, then 
 unsettled, he desired 
 to reduce to order, 
 and to treat with the 
 fulness and accuracy 
 of which up to that 
 time Latin and Greek 
 had alone been thought worthy. The work was to be 
 entitled UOrateur Frangoys. It was in 1540 that he 
 published three tracts, as an instalment of this work, under 
 the following title : La Maniere de Men traduire d'tme 
 langue en autre: d'avantage, de la Punctuation de la 
 Langue Francoyse ; plus des accents d'ycelle. Autheur Esti- 
 enne Dolet, Natif d^ Orleans. The work is dedicated to one 
 who was not less distinguished as a writer than as a soldier 
 and statesman, Guillaume du Bellay-Langei. The address 
 is as follows : Estienne Dolet, a Monseigneur de Langei 
 humble salut et recognisance de sa liberality envers luy. 
 
342 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 ' I am not ignorant,' he says, ' that many will be much 
 surprised at seeing this work proceeding from my pen, 
 since in time past I have professed and still profess myself 
 entirely devoted to the Latin tongue, but for what I now 
 do I give two reasons, the one that my regard for the 
 honour of my country is such that I wish to find every 
 possible means of illustrating it, and I cannot do so 
 better than by celebrating its language as the Greeks and 
 Romans have done theirs. The other reason is that I 
 have not given myself up to this exercise without abun- 
 dant examples from others. As to the ancients, as well 
 Greeks as Romans, they have never taken any other in- 
 strument for their eloquence than their mother tongue. 
 Of the Greeks there are as witnesses, Demosthenes, Aris- 
 totle, PlatOj Socrates, Thucydides, Herodotus, and Homer, 
 while of the Latins I produce Cicero, Csesar, Sallust, 
 Virgil, and Ovid, none of whom have deserted their own 
 language in order to obtain renown in another, and indeed 
 they despised any other tongue than their own, except so 
 far as some Romans learned Greek in order to make 
 themselves acquainted with the arts and sciences treated 
 by the Greek authors. As to the moderns, Leonard 
 Aretin, Sannazar, Petrarch, and Bembo among the Ital- 
 ians, and in France Bud6, Bouille^, and Master Jacques 
 Sylvius, have done as I am doing. It is thus not without 
 the example of many excellent persons that I have under- 
 taken this labour, which you, full as you are of good judg- 
 ment, will receive not as anything perfect in the way of 
 a demonstration of our language, but only as a commence- 
 ment of such a work ; for I know that when it was wished 
 to reduce the Greek and Latin languages to a system, this 
 was not accomplished by one man but by many, and the 
 same thing will equally happen with respect to the French 
 
 ' Charles Boville. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 343 
 
 language, and gradually by means of the labour of learned 
 men it will also be brought into the same state of per- 
 fection that these are. For this reason I beg of you to 
 take my labour in good part, and if it does not completely 
 reform our language, I hope you will think that it is at 
 least a commencement of an undertaking which may ulti- 
 mately arrive at such a result that foreigners shall no 
 longer be able to call us barbarians.' 
 
 This letter is dated Lyons, the 4th of May, 1540, and 
 is followed by a dedication to the French people, in which 
 the author explains the plan of the work of which this is 
 the first instalment. ' During six years past,' he says, 
 ' taking some hours from my principal study, which is the 
 Greek and Latin languages, and wishing to illustrate the 
 French by all means in my power, I have composed in 
 our language a work entitled L'Orateur Frangoys, which 
 treats on the following subjects : Grammar, Orthography, 
 Accents, Pronunciation ; the origin of certain expressions ; 
 the manner of translating from one tongue into another; 
 the art of Oratory, and the art of Poetry. But since the 
 work is of great importance, and one which requires great 
 labour, knowledge, and judgment, I shall postpone the 
 publication of it for two or three years, so that it may not 
 
 be issued too hastily If I knew that my work would 
 
 be agreeable to you, I should be more inclined to take pains 
 with it and to complete it. I expect however it will have 
 more success with posterity, than with the present age, for 
 the course of human affairs is such, that the excellence of 
 the living is always envied and disparaged by detractors, 
 who think to increase their own reputation by despising the 
 labours of others. But the man of knowledge and of good 
 judgment will pay no attention to such people except to 
 laugh at them, and so doing I shall pursue my attempts, 
 and await the legitimate praise of posterity, and not ex- 
 pect that of the living, who are too full of ingratitude and 
 
344 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 ill-will. Content yourselves for the present with this little 
 work, and consider the affection which I bear to my own 
 reputation to be a pledge that some time or other I shall 
 give you the present work completed.' He then proceeds 
 as usual with complaints of his enemies and detractors. 
 The tract On the manner of properly translating from one 
 Language to another, although short, is marked by much 
 ability, originality, and soundness of judgment ; and al- 
 though the five principal rules which the author lays down 
 have in the three centuries which have since passed be- 
 come mere commonplaces, they were certainly not so in 
 the fifteenth century, and even now do not appear to be 
 borne in mind by all or even the majority of trans- 
 lators. These five rules are — First, that the translator 
 must perfectly understand the sense and the matter of 
 the author whom he translates ; Second, that the translator 
 must perfectly understand the language in which the author 
 writes, and the language in which the translation is to be 
 written ; Third, that the translator must not translate 
 literally word for word, but so that the meaning of the 
 author shall be expressed, due regard being paid to the 
 idioms of both languages. The fourth rule, and one which 
 is especially to be observed in translating into modern 
 languges (particularly from Latin or Greek to French), is, 
 that the translator should use as far as possible words 
 really belonging to the language into which he translates, 
 and as seldom as possible those words which are mere 
 modernised forms of Latin words. His fifth rule is that 
 nombres oratoires, by which he means harmony and 
 rhythm, should be aimed at by the translator. 
 
 The other two tracts, on punctuation and accents, are 
 chiefly interesting in connection with the history of the 
 French language, and however little may be their real 
 value from the point of view of scientific philology, they 
 were certainly not unimportant contributions to French 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 345 
 
 grammar, and as such are favourably referred to in the 
 French Grammar of Ramus (Paris, Wechel, 1572), where 
 the writer places Dolet among the grammarians who had 
 before that time attempted the reformation of the mode 
 of writing French. On one point particularly (to which 
 M. Boulmier calls attention) Dolet suggested a reform, 
 which has now after three centuries become completely 
 established, namely, that the plural of words ending in 
 e long should be formed by adding s and not z. Thus, 
 volupt^s, dignit^s should be written, instead of volnptez, 
 dignitez. 
 
 The volume ends with the following dixain of Charles 
 de Sainte Marthe : — 
 
 ^ Au Lecteur Franfoys. 
 
 'Pourquoy es-tu d'aultruy admirateur 
 Vilipendant le lien propre langage? 
 Est ce (Franfoys) que tu n'as instructeur, 
 Qui d'iceluy te remonstre I'usage ? 
 Maintenant as, en ce grand avantage, 
 Si vers ta langue as quelque affection, 
 Dolet t'y donne une introduction. 
 Si bonne en tout, qu'il n'y a que redire 
 Car il t'enseigne (O noble invention) 
 D'escrire bieu, bien toumer et bien dire.' 
 
 These three tracts had the greatest immediate success of 
 any original ^ work of Dolet. A second edition was given 
 by the author in 1541, a third in i543, and a fourth in 
 1543, and they were subsequently printed by others, the 
 tract upon accents and punctuation at least nine times, and 
 the Maniere de hien traduire at least three times before 
 the end of the century. 
 
 After laying down in his tract the principles on which 
 a good translation must be based, and the rules which 
 
 ' I use the word 'original' because Dolet's translation of the Familiar 
 Epistles of Cicero had a still greater success, and ran through many more 
 editions than these tracts. 
 
346 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 a translator ought to follow, Dolet did not shrink from in- 
 viting the world to judge how far he himself was qualified 
 for the office of a translator, and to what extent he was 
 able to carry his rules into practice. Two years after the 
 firstedition of his tracts he gave to the world a translation 
 of the Familiar Epistles of Cicero, and a year later, whilst 
 an inmate of the prison of Lyons, a translation of the 
 Tusculan Disputations. 
 
 'If,' he says in his preface to the Epttres Familiares, 
 ' I have laboured to acquire praise and fame in the Latin 
 language, I wish no less to become renowned in my mother 
 tongue. Pursuing this aim, I do not propose to publish 
 only my own compositions (such as the three tracts taken 
 from my Orateur Frangoys which have already appeared, 
 and the great dictionary of the vulgar tongue of which I 
 shall very soon print the commencement, and my transla- 
 tions of the Tusculans of Cicero which will hereafter ap- 
 pear), but also of all sorts of other good books, which I 
 shall be satisfied have issued from a good workshop, whether 
 Latin or Italian, ancient or modern, and whether originally 
 written in French or translated. This present work of 
 Cicero, sometime since translated by me, will be an 
 evidence of my intention. I am not ignorant that this 
 work has already been translated into French. But that 
 translation was certainly made in spite of the French and 
 Latin Muses ; for besides the baldness of the style, the 
 worthy translator has so completely corrupted the sense, 
 that Apollo only could discover what he intended to ex- 
 press, a thing altogether contrary to the divine clearness 
 and ease of Cicero. I believe you will find me here a 
 little better accoutred. Read however, and then you shall 
 judge more certainly .... 
 
 ' In the meantime I wish to warn you that the French 
 language is not sufficiently copious to express many things 
 with the same conciseness as the Latin. If then I some- 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 347 
 
 times use convenient circumlocutions, you must not be 
 surprised, for one cannot do otherwise. This arises from 
 the diversity of the two languages, for that which one 
 expresses in one word, the other requires several for. 
 Moreover, he who wishes to be an eminent and accurate 
 translator must rightly consider the idioms and the ex- 
 pressions of each language.' 
 
 The merits of Dolet's translation of the Familiar Epistles 
 were unquestionably great ; it was no mere adaptation of 
 the translation of Guillaume Michel de Tours, which is not 
 unfairly described in Dolet's preface, and which had been 
 printed in 1537 and 1539 ^ 
 
 The work of Dolet was the independent translation of 
 one who possessed the qualifications and followed the rules 
 which he had himself laid down in La Maniere de bien 
 traduire. He perfectly understood the matter and sense 
 of Cicero. He perfectly understood the Latin and French 
 languages. He is literal where the idioms of the two 
 languages admit. He is careful, never by too great ad- 
 herence to verbal accuracy to interfere with the true sense, 
 which is always what he aims at, and although he does not 
 attempt to translate such words as auspices, augur, consul, 
 dictator, he is careful, as far as consistent with the subject- 
 matter, to use words really belonging to the French lan- 
 guage, and not mere modernised forms of Latin words. 
 
 Dolet's book had nothing in common with those trans- 
 lations so popular in the seventeenth and eighteenth 
 centuries, to which the appellation was not unhappily 
 given of Les Belles InfidHes ; where Pomponius becomes 
 Monsieur de Pomponne, Trebatius Monsieur de Tribace, 
 and Postumia tua and Servius noster are rendered by 
 Madame votre femme and Monsieur votre fils, and where 
 
 ' Guillaume Michel de Tours translated many Latin and Greek authors into 
 French, and all equally ill. His original poems were not less wretched than his 
 translations. 
 
348 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 the aim of the translator avowedly was to write what he 
 thought his author ought to have said, and would have 
 said, had he been a Frenchman of the seventeenth or 
 eighteenth century, rather than to render, as carefully as 
 the difference between the two languages would admit, 
 what he actually did say. The work of Dolet was a happy 
 medium between the extreme verbal literalness of some 
 early French translations, and the loose paraphrases which 
 came into vogue a century later; and we may I think 
 say without hesitation, that no French translation of any 
 Latin author which had up to that time appeared, can 
 compare with it in accuracy, in scholarship, or in styled 
 It soon became deservedly popular, and continued for 
 nearly a century to be the standard translation of the 
 Familiar Epistles. It was reprinted at least thirty times ^, 
 and the translation of Simon Bernard, first printed in 1667 
 and several times reprinted, is rather an adaption of it 
 suited to the tastes of the age, than an independent work. 
 Little benefit however in money or reputation seems to 
 have accrued to the unfortunate translator. The printing 
 of the work was completed on the 28th of April, 1543 ; 
 three months did not elapse before Dolet was thrown 
 into prison, and the remainder of his life is little more than 
 
 " This is perhaps not saying very much for it. The style is often confused 
 and never elegant. Dolet certainly was not a Ciceronian in his French com- 
 positions. Yet I am not sure vehether the judgment of MM. Haag (ia France 
 Proteslanle, art. Dolet) is not too severe : ' Le succ^s qu'a obtenu cette tra- 
 duction est sans doute im temoignage incontestable de son merite, mais ne 
 prouve rien neamraoins quant a son elegance. La lecture en est on ne pent 
 plus fatigante Rien de moins familier que son style.' 
 
 ^ Of these editions I have seen about half, and I give in the Appendix a list 
 of the whole thirty, with the authorities for their existence. Brunet in his last 
 edition was only able to indicate eighl. No less than fourteen editions appeared 
 in the seven years following the first appearance of the book. Dolet only trans- 
 lated the letters written by Cicero. Franyois de Belleforest in 1651 added a, 
 translation of those written to Cicero and a few complimentary letters which 
 Dolet had omitted. Thirteen editions include these. The latest I have seen 
 is that of Rouen, 1624, but Nee de la Rochelle notices one of 1630. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 349 
 
 a record of his imprisonments and trials. Few copies of 
 the translation would have got into circulation, and the 
 remainder were no doubt confiscated, and burnt with his 
 other books ^. There was no one to enforce the Royal 
 privilege, and the twelve reprints which appeared during 
 the time that it existed went to enrich the printers of 
 Paris and Lyons. 
 
 The translation of the first three books of the Tusculan 
 Disputations soon followed. With much greater merit it 
 never attained the popularity of the Epitres Familiares. 
 Completed and published whilst the author was lying in 
 the prison oi La Rouane at Lyons under sentence of death, 
 it bears marks, as might be expected, of haste and want of 
 care in its printing. It is probable that it never got into 
 circulation, but that the whole impression, with the exception 
 of very few copies, was confiscated and burnt, a fate which 
 the injudicious epistle to the King prefixed to it by way of 
 preface could hardly have failed to insure. For three 
 centuries the first edition of the book disappeared, and its 
 existence was only inferred from the editions given (with- 
 out the preface) by Ruelle in 1544 and Sabon in 1549. A 
 few years since, however, a copy of the original edition was 
 discovered in the public library of D61e, and M. Baudrier is 
 the fortunate possessor of another copy ^. 
 
 The epistle to the King, which has not hitherto been 
 noticed by any writer, is to us the most interesting part of 
 the book, throwing as it does much light on the cause of 
 Dolet's misfortunes, and on his trial ^. The translation 
 itself was a labour of love. Shallow and unscientific as 
 the philosophy of Cicero appears to us, it was certainly 
 
 ' A half-burned copy {bruU dans les marges) exists in the library of Lyons. 
 
 ' I have found five reprints of Dolet's translations of the Tusculans, all 
 printed before 1550. Each contains only the (irst three books, showing I think 
 clearly that three only were printed by Dolet. 
 
 2 See ante, p. 327, and post, chap. xxi. passim. 
 
350 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 accepted by Dolet, not only as true, but as a rational and 
 adequate theory of life and death, and the consolations in 
 his misfortunes which he was unable to find in Christianity 
 he obtained from the Tusculan Disputations. The prin- 
 ciple that pervades the whole of the work, i. e. that man 
 possesses within himself the means of securing his own 
 happiness, was one which specially commended itself to 
 Dolet, and though we may think that the enthusiastic 
 admiration which has been given to the Tusculans — by 
 Erasmus as well as by many inferior men— somewhat mis- 
 placed and exaggerated, we can well understand their 
 deserved popularity. The epistle to the King is followed 
 by the following huictain : — 
 
 'Jectez icy I'oeil 
 Touts passionnes, 
 Et serez de dueil 
 Tost abandonnes 
 Les biens ordonnes 
 Par philosophie 
 Icy sent donnas 
 A cil qui s'y fie. 
 
 Besides the translations of these two works of Cicero 
 and that of the Axiochus and Hipparchus (to be noticed 
 hereafter)^ Dolet has been credited with a considerable 
 number of others, — some perhaps rightly, but others of 
 which he was only the printer or editor. He was never 
 content to be merely a printer, but to most of the books 
 that issued from his press he acted as editor, adding 
 prefaces (epitres liminaires as his process expresses it), 
 odes, marginal notes, or other additions, and it is not al- 
 ways easy to decide how much we owe to his pen, and of 
 how much he was merely the printer. Le Chevalier Chres- 
 tien, translated from the Latin of Erasmus and printed by 
 Dolet in 1542, although by many authorities attributed to 
 him, is really a reprint of the translation of Louis de 
 Berquin. Le vrai moyen de Men et catholiquement se con- 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 351 
 
 fesser, also from the Latin of Erasmus, may possibly, 
 though I think not probably, have been translated by 
 Dolet. He nowhere claims it as his, and it appears in 
 his process as one of the livres damnh et erron^es printed 
 (not written) by him with epttres liminaires excitatives 
 a la lecture d'iceux. His edition of Uinternelle Conso- 
 lation (a translation of the De Imitatione Christi) has been 
 shown by Barbier (who had seen an imperfect copy) 
 to be only a reprint of the old translation. The French 
 translation of the paraphrase by Campensis of the Psalms 
 of David, which Dolet printed in 154a, is attributed to 
 him by Duverdier and Boulmier, but it is clear that nei- 
 ther of them ever saw a copy of the work. Yet after 
 the doubt expressed by Nee de la Rochelle, M. Boulmier 
 might have hesitated before stating that it was imprimi et 
 traduict par Dolet. The book is not so rare but that a 
 copy might have been found, and a reference to the preface 
 would have shown that the translation was by another 
 hand. Du Verdier no doubt confounded it with a transla- 
 tion of the Psalms into French possibly made by Dolet, 
 and printed by him, together with the Canticles and a short 
 tract of St. Athanasius, certainly translated by him from 
 the Latin, in the same year as the paraphrase of Cam- 
 pensis. Of all these Dolet may have been the translator ; 
 yet so far as the Psalms and Canticles are concerned the 
 translation clearly is not an independent work, but only 
 a revision of one of the former translations, and it presents 
 no special merits or faults entitling it to notice. The tract 
 of St. Athanasius on the Psalms, Dolet states that he had 
 translated, not from the original Greek, but from the Latin 
 translation of Politian ^ 
 
 ' Of the translation of the Philippics of Cicero attributed by La Croix du 
 Maine to Dolet no other trace exists, and it is probable that the word Philippics 
 is an error for Tusculans, since no mention is made of the latter in the Bihlia- 
 theqiie Frangaise, 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 The Historian. 
 
 ' Large desires with most uncertain issues.' 
 
 Longfellow. 
 
 ISTORICAL studies 
 had at all times at- 
 tracted Dolet, and the 
 opus magnum to the 
 composition of which 
 he proposed to de- 
 vote some years of 
 his life, and from 
 which he hoped to 
 acquire an immor- 
 tality of fame, was a 
 history of his own 
 times, — a work which we cannot but regret that the per- 
 secutions and imprisonments which occupied so large a 
 part of the last five years of his life prevented him from 
 accomplishing. 
 
 The reign of Francis the First, one of the most brilliant 
 as well as interesting and important in French history, is 
 strangely deficient in contemporary historians. Philippe 
 de Comines had been not merely an annalist or a chron- 
 icler, but a philosophical historian desirous of arriving at 
 the truth among conflicting statements, of placing his facts 
 with a due regard to perspective and to their relative 
 
 
 
 sS 
 
 H 
 
 ss 
 
 1 
 
 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 353 
 
 importance, and not only of ascertaining the facts them- 
 selves, but of tracing their causes, their connection, and 
 their consequences, and capable of drawing just conclusions 
 from the facts he collected. If we admit that he wrote 
 with a purpose, and was not always, perhaps not generally 
 impartial when the acts and interests of Louis XI were 
 concerned, we only ascribe to him faults which are shared 
 by the most eminent of the historical writers of the nine- 
 teenth century. But his immediate successors were as 
 inferior to him as his predecessors had been. From the 
 point where his memoirs end (1498) to 1546 where de Thou 
 commences the history of his own time, France is again 
 reduced to chroniclers and annalists. Paulus .(Emilius, 
 Beaucaire de Peguillon, and Arnoul Le Ferron, many as 
 are their merits and great as is their historical value, are 
 as inferior to Comines in all those points which distinguish 
 a historian from a chronicler, as they are to his prede- 
 cessors Froissart and Monstrelet in picturesqueness of 
 style and interest of narrative, while the two du Bellays, 
 far superior to their Latin contemporaries both in style 
 and matter, confine themselves almost entirely to the 
 events in which they respectively took part. That Dolet 
 would not have been inferior to Paulus ^milius or to 
 Arnoul Le Ferron, the fragment or sketch which we have 
 of his history of Francis I. lets us see plainly; but the lofty 
 conception which he had formed of the office and duty of 
 the historian, and of the studies, the labours, the prepara- 
 tion which were needed for it, joined with his judicious 
 criticism on the method of writing history then in vogue^ 
 lead us to believe that had life and leisure been afforded 
 him he would have left us a narrative of the reign of 
 Francis I. which would at least have placed him in the 
 foremost ranks of those who wrote history in France 
 between Philippe de Comines and Jacques Auguste de 
 Thou. 
 
 A a 
 
354 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 In the letter to Bud^ prefixed to the first volume of 
 his Commentaries, and in the dedication of the volume to 
 Francis I., Dolet had spoken of his intention, when the 
 Commentaries were completed, of devoting himself to com- 
 posing the history of his own time, and had asked for the 
 King's and the great scholar's approval of his design. 
 Two years later his plan was more matured, and in the 
 dedication and preface to the second volume he explains 
 it more at length. 
 
 ' Do you wish to know,' he writes to Bud6, ' what literary 
 works I am intending in future to undertake? For some 
 years to come I shall devote myself in the first place, to 
 producing in as perfect a manner as possible my long- 
 promised third volume. Then the great object of my 
 studies will be the history of our own times. But this 
 work I shall scarcely be able to accomplish without the 
 assistance of the King. It will be necessary for me to 
 travel over the whole of Italy. I must visit Flanders, 
 Artois, Hainault, Bigorre, Beam, Gascony, Armagnac, 
 Guienne, in order that I may carefully examine the sites 
 of those places which I shall have to describe when I 
 narrate the battles fought there. In this manner the ac- 
 curacy of my descriptions will be greatly promoted. But 
 how is the cost of these journeys to be defrayed, where 
 could I look to obtain it but from the King? From him 
 also must be obtained the state papers, the instructions 
 sent to ambassadors, and the despatches from them, which 
 will be needed in order that I may learn the causes and 
 reasons of the plans which have been made, of the discords 
 which have arisen, of the wars which have been undertaken, 
 of the battles which have been fought, of the treaties which 
 have followed the wars, and of the matrimonial alliances 
 which have been contracted. If all these documents are, 
 as I hope they will be, furnished to me in abundance, and 
 if an opportunity is afforded me of enjoying the leisure 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 355 
 
 necessaiy for such a work, I shall do all that is possible to 
 be done by one who is extremely diligent, and a most 
 fervent lover of his country ; but if by any chance those 
 things which I have a right to hope for are denied me, and 
 I find my design neglected^ I shall lay aside my plan of 
 writing history, and shall look out for other subjects for 
 literary labour.' 
 
 In this volume of the Commentaries he twice refers to his 
 intended Histories, to which he tells us, as soon as he has 
 completed and published his third volume, he shall devote 
 the rest of his life, and if, when his great task, the history 
 of his own time, is completed, life and leisure are still left to 
 him, he proposes to write the lives of the Kings of France, 
 after the manner of Suetonius \ 
 
 A history such as he contemplated required abundant 
 leisure, abundant pecuniary means, and abundant materials, 
 such as could only be obtained by the assistance of the 
 King and his ministers. None of these were afforded him, 
 and he seems before long to have come to the conclusion 
 that he must lay aside all hope of accomplishing anything 
 like the complete and exhaustive work, which he so care- 
 fully sketches in his letter to Bud6. But he determined on 
 a less ambitious work, and one better suited to his scanty 
 leisure and materials. In 1539 he wrote and printed a 
 history of the reign of Francis I. in Latin verse, under the 
 title of Francisci Valesii Gallorum Regis Fata. It has 
 two dedications, one to the King, the other to Pierre 
 Duchatelj now advanced to the bishopric of Tulle. To 
 judge from the commendatory verses of Pierre Tolet, Jean 
 Raynier, Guillaume Durand, Barthelemi Aneau, Antoine 
 du Moulin, and Jacques Bertrandi, all men of considerable 
 literary reputation and ability, it possesses very high merit. 
 It deals almost entirely with military affairs, and is cer- 
 tainly a not unsuccessful imitation of Lucan, or of the 
 
 ' 2 Comment. 1385. 
 
 A a a 
 
356 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 poem of Petronius on the civil wars of Rome. A few 
 months later the author translated or rather paraphrased it 
 into French prose, and printed his translation under the 
 title of Les Gestes de Frangoys de Valois, Roy de France. 
 The style of the translation, like that of the original, is too 
 rhetorical. The work is composed according to the ap- 
 proved classical models, the generals make speeches after 
 the manner of Livy or Polybius ; yet the book is a useful 
 compendium of the wars of Francis I., and I have found it 
 generally accurate as to facts, though too full of flattery of 
 Francis. It can hardly however be accepted as an ade- 
 quate specimen of its author's power of writing history in 
 more favourable circumstances'. 
 
 But the books were successful and popular. The prose 
 history was reprinted by the author in 1543, with a con- 
 tinuation bringing it down to that year, and it was at least 
 twice reprinted by others in the next five years. 
 
 ' M. Boulmier, whom I willingly recognise as a more competent judge than 
 I am of such a matter, takes a much more favourable view of the style of Les 
 Gesles de Francoys de Valois than I am able to do. The reader who desires to 
 judge for himself will find Dolet's account of the battle of Marignan extracted 
 by M. Boulmier (pp. 183-191), who remarks upon it, ' II y a si je ne me trompe, 
 du mouvement, du drame, et de la vie, dans ce vaste tableau d'histoire nationale, 
 dans ce recit k la Tite-Live d'une bataille epique k laquelle nous pouvons encore 
 
 songer avec orgueil Malgre des latinismes un peu trop frequents, la 
 
 prose fian9aise de notre Estienne me parait presque toujours k la hauteur du 
 noble sujet qu'elle retrace-' 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 MAROT AND RABELAIS. 
 
 'Et de ses vers qui ont dompt^ la mort 
 Les soeurs luy ont sepulture bastie 
 Jusques au ciel. Ainsi la mort ii'y mord.' 
 
 Joachim du Bellay. 
 
 'L'ecrivain le plus original et le plus eminent de la renaissance, la veritable 
 incarnation de I'epoque.' — Guizot. 
 
 F the French men of 
 letters of the first 
 half of the sixteenth 
 century, only two can 
 be said really to live. 
 Bud6, whose friend- 
 ship Dolet thought 
 would confer an im- 
 mortality upon him, 
 and whose works 
 he prophesied would 
 never cease to be the 
 delight of the studious, is a name and nothing more ; his 
 works are relegated to the class of ' old books,' and rarely 
 (except his treatise De asse et partibus ejiis) find a place on 
 the shelves of collectors, or in the catalogues of the book- 
 sellers. Salmon Macrin, the Gallic Horace, is no longer 
 either reprinted or read, but more fortunate than his more 
 learned contemporary, he is at least purchased, occasionally 
 
358 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 quoted, and placed respectfully on the shelves of the French 
 bibliophile. Mellin de St. Gelais, together with other 
 poets who wrote in French, after a long interval of repose 
 has been galvanised into the appearance of life in reprints, 
 of which the paper, the printing, and the prefaces, leave 
 nothing to be desired. Bonaventure Desperiers, though 
 caviare to the multitude, has never wanted select though 
 fit readers. But Marot and Rabelais alone of the writers 
 of the period have never lost the popularity which they 
 acquired in their own time. There has never been a period 
 in which they were not both read and reprinted. Their 
 reputation has steadily risen, not only with the multitude, 
 but with men of thought and culture ; editions of, and 
 commentaries upon them are constantly issuing from the 
 press ; and though we shall be far from the ridiculous error 
 of placing the bright, natural, and graceful father of modern 
 French poetry upon the same lofty pedestal as the wise, 
 the witty, and the learned author of Pantagruel, we may 
 yet couple them together as the only two French authors of 
 the first half of the sixteenth century whose books are still 
 in every one's hands, and who have certainly many more 
 readers and admirers, now that three centuries have passed 
 away, than they had in their own days. 
 
 It is his connexion with these two eminent writers, more 
 than anything except his death, that has preserved the 
 memory of Etienne Dolet from absolute oblivion, and has 
 made his name at least, familiar to every educated French- 
 man. Of both he was at one time the intimate friend ; 
 of the works of both he was the printer. Marot addressed 
 to his ^ cher amy Dolet^ at least two odes, besides the 
 prefatory letter to the first complete edition of his works. 
 None of the biographers of Rabelais have omitted to men- 
 tion his sending to Dolet from Rome the receipt for the 
 mysterious Garum, nor the ode in which Dolet celebrates 
 the anatomical skill of the great physician. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 359 
 
 For some years the three men were united by a close 
 friendship, a friendship based on community of tastes and 
 community of sentiments. All agreed in an ardent love 
 of letters and of intellectual progress, in hatred of super- 
 stition and bigotry; and though Marot, by the fact that 
 his translation of the Psalms into metre has been ever 
 since sung in the temples of the Huguenots, has a place 
 among the apostles of the French Protestant Church, yet 
 there is reason to think that theological dogma was as 
 uninteresting to him as to his two friends, that his sym- 
 pathy with Protestantism was with its negative side only, 
 and that to him, as to the great master, the 'grand pent 
 etre ' was a problem wholly unsolvable, and of but slender 
 interest ^- 
 
 It is probable that Dolet's acquaintance with both these 
 eminent men commenced in the latter part of 1534. On 
 his arrival at Lyons, besides holding the office of Physician 
 to the Great Hospital, Rabelais was practising there as a 
 doctor of medicine, with a high reputation for both learn- 
 ing and skill, but certainly was not generally identified 
 with Alcofribas Nasier, with whom indeed only the vulgar 
 had then made acquaintance. And it is not improbable that 
 it was under his care that Dolet placed himself, or would 
 be placed by Gryphius, for treatment, immediately on his 
 arrival when sick with fever. Marot he would find in 
 Paris when he arrived in the following October. But we 
 cannot be certain whether he then made the poet's ac- 
 quaintance, or whether this was not until the end of 1 536, 
 when Marot, after nearly two years' exile on account of 
 
 ' See on the opinions of Marot and Rabelais, Mr. Walter Besant's interesting 
 monograph on Rabelais, and — clearly by the same hand — an article in the British 
 Quarterly Review for July, 1873 (vol. 58), on the causes of the failure of the 
 French Reformation. Though I do not always agree -with the visiter's con- 
 clusions, and though his facts as regards Dolet are (perhaps inevitably) not 
 always accurate, both these will be read with interest by all students of the 
 literary history of the times. 
 
360 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 his heretical opinions, was allowed to return to France, and 
 spent several months at Lyons. Immediately afterwards 
 we find them on terms of great intimacy, and Dolet ad- 
 dressed to Rabelais an ode, De mutua inter se et Clementem 
 Marotum amicitia, and one to Marot congratulating him 
 on his return from exile, which thus begins : — 
 
 'Jam satis afflixit variis te casibus atrox 
 
 Fortuna : sperare incipe 
 Collige jamque animum; Coelum non semper inumbrant 
 
 Nubes : redit tandem prior 
 Lux. Nee ponto alto semper nox incubat aspris 
 
 Horrenda tempestatibus.' 
 
 Marot and Rabelais were each of the party which as- 
 sembled to congratulate Dolet on receiving the royal 
 pardon for the slaughter of Compaing, and to take leave 
 of him on his departure for Lyons ; and in the same year 
 the former addressed to him an ' estrenne ' commencing, 
 
 'Apres avoir estrene Damoyselles 
 Amy Dolet, je te \^ulx estrener.' 
 
 In the second volume of the Commentaries ^ Dolet thus 
 speaks of the poet : — ' In our days, among those who write 
 in the French tongue, the first place is due to Clement Marot, 
 a poet superior to all others, and most happy in his poetic 
 vein. The only thing to be desired for him is that he might 
 find fortune more propitious than heretofore, for hitherto she 
 has incessantly heaped upon one who is distinguished by 
 all excellence, every possible injury and outrage, and has 
 harassed him with the most bitter persecution.' Marot 
 celebrated the publication of the Commentaries by the 
 following ode : — 
 
 'Le noble esprit de Cicero Romain, 
 Voyant 9a-bas maint cerveau foible et tendre 
 Trop maigrement avoir mys plume en main 
 Pour de ses dictz la force faire entendre, 
 
 > Col. 403. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 361 
 
 Laissa le ciel, en terre se vint rendre, 
 
 Au corps entra de Dolet, tellement 
 
 Que luy sans autre a nous se fait comprendre 
 
 Et n'a change que de nom seulement.' 
 
 In 1538 Marot prepared for the press a complete edition 
 of his poems, comprising not only the Adolescence Clemen- 
 tine (which he had first published in 1532), but also La 
 suite de t adolescence, Les ^pigrammes, and Le Premier Livre 
 de la Metamorphose d'Ovide. The printing and publi- 
 cation of this edition he entrusted to Dolet, and addressed 
 to him the well-known letter which served as a preface, 
 and which bears date the last day of July, 1538 : — 
 
 'The injury which has been done me, dear friend Dolet, 
 by those who have already printed my works is so great 
 and so outrageous, that it has both touched my reputation 
 and endangered my person. For by a greedy desire of 
 selling at a greater price and more rapidly that which was 
 already selling well enough, they have added to my works 
 several others which are not mine ; some of which are 
 composed in a frigid and inelegant manner (so throwing 
 upon me another's unskilfulness), and others are full of 
 scandal and sedition. ... I have therefore omitted from this 
 edition not only the bad, but the good things which have 
 been ascribed to me, but with the composition of which 
 I had nothing to do, contenting myself with the genuine 
 offspring of my own muse. . . . And after having revised 
 both the old and the new, changed for the better the order 
 of the book, and corrected a thousand trifling errors of the 
 press, I have determined to send the whole to you, in order 
 that under colour of the ample privilege, which on account 
 of your great merits has been granted you by the King, 
 you may, by reason of our friendship, reprint it not only 
 as correctly as I send it to you, but still more so, which 
 it will be easy for you to do, if only you give to it a dili- 
 gence equal to your knowledge.' 
 
363 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 In pursuance of his friend's request, Dolet superintended 
 this complete edition of Marot's works through the press. 
 It appeared before the end of 1538. The title-page is 
 inscribed A Lyon, au Logis de Monsieur Dolet, and the 
 same form is repeated on the false titles to the different 
 divisions of the work, to each of which is prefixed a Latin 
 ode by Dolet 1. 
 
 In 1543 Dolet, with the sanction of Marot, again re- 
 printed his works, with the addition of the Enfer and 
 other poems, and with a preface in prose addressed by 
 Dolet to their common friend Lyon Jamet. He also gave 
 a separate edition of the Enfer. In 1543 a third edition, 
 still with the approval of Marot, Issued from Dolet's press. 
 
 ' An almost identical edition appeared under the same date but with the 
 name of Sebastian Gryphius on the title-page as the printer. The type is the 
 same, and very nearly all the pages are identical. A few however, notably 
 those where Dolet is referred to, are different. I was formerly disposed to think 
 that Marot had entrusted the edition to Dolet, who not having yet set up his 
 press, arranged with Gryphius for a joint edition, putting on part of the copies 
 his own name, on the rest that of Gryphius. But I now incline to think that 
 the following note of M. Georges Guiffrey in the magnificent edition of the 
 works of Marot, which he is now (though too slowly) bringing out (Paris, 
 Jules Claye, vol. ii. p. 7), affords a more probable explanation. 'Au retour de 
 son exil vers la fin de 1536, Marot, en passant par Lyon, eut I'occasion de se 
 lier avec Gryphius. II est vraisemblable que ce fut alors qu'il forma le projet 
 de publier une edition plus correcte de ses oeuvres, alt^rees, pendant son absence 
 par des reimpressions successives livr^es au public sans son aveu. Ce fut pour 
 cette edition que Marot composa le preface addressee a ceulx qui par cy devant 
 onl imprimi ses oeuvres et le livre parut chez Gryphius sans mention de date. 
 Vers le mSme temps, Dolet, ayant obtenu de Franfois I"' un privilege d'impri- 
 meur vint I'exploiter k Lyon. Marot retira son edition de chez Gryphius pour 
 la mettre chez son ami. Tel est le motif qui le determina k changer le feuillet 
 de titre et i y placer le nom de Dolet, avec le date 1538 ; il lui offrit meme la 
 dedicace de son livre, au moyen d'un leger changement de mots. Enfin dans les 
 Spigrammes (folios 1 1 et 2 1 verso) trois pieces, dont deux avec cette suscription 
 a Benesl et a Germain Colin sont remplacees par des vers adresses k Dolet.' 
 The types, which are identical in the two editions, are different from those of 
 any of the four hundred and fifty productions of the press of Gryphius which I 
 have examined. They are a small Gothic letter, precisely the same as that of 
 the edition of the Guydon das Practiciens edited by Dolet and printed by 
 Gabiano freres in 1538. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. ^6^ 
 
 with the addition of twenty psalms, which appeared for the 
 first time. The edition of 1543, as well as that of 1543, 
 contains the epistle to Dolet, and the latter's preface, but 
 not his Latin odes. 
 
 But if we are to trust to the subsequent editors of Marot, 
 the short interval which elapsed between the publication 
 of the edition of 1543 and the death of Marot in 1544 saw 
 the friendship which had so long subsisted between the 
 two men changed, at least on the part of Marot, to bitter 
 enmity. Shortly after the death of Marot several epigrams 
 made by him in imitation of Martial were published which 
 had not appeared during his life. Among them is an 
 imitation of the epigram /n detractor em (lib. v. Ix), com- 
 mencing, 
 
 'Adlatres licet usque nos, et usque 
 Et gannitibus improbis lacessas.' 
 
 It is addressed A Estienne Dolet, and is as follows : — 
 
 ' Tant que vouldras, jecte feu et fumee 
 Mesdy de moy i tort et k travers 
 Si n' auras tu jamais la renommee 
 Que de longtemps tu cherches par mes vers, 
 Et non obstant tes gros tomes divers, 
 Sans bruict mourras, cela est arreste : 
 Car quel besoing est-il, homme pervers 
 Que Ion te sache avoir jamais este '? ' 
 
 ' I regret to be unable to state at what date or in what edition this epigram 
 first appeared, but I think it probable that it was in the Epigrammes de Clement 
 Marot faiciz a Vimitation de Martial ; plus, quelques aultres ceuvres dudict Marot, 
 non encores imprimees par cy-devant, Poictiers, Jeh, et Enguilbert de Marnef freres, 
 1547. No copy of this edition appears to be in the Bibliotheque Nationale, nor 
 have I anywhere been able to see a copy. The earliest edition personally known 
 to me in which this epigram appears is that of Rouille, Lyon, 1554, which also 
 omits the two complimentary odes to Dolet above quoted. It is certain that 
 this ode did not appear in any edition published by Marot in his lifetime. The 
 last edition published before his death, and which is understood to have been 
 revised by him, that of 1 544, a fenseigne du Rocher, contains the odes in praise 
 of Dolet, but not the epigram against him. I had hoped that before this book 
 was published M. Guiffrey would have reached the epigrams and would have 
 at least stated the date at which the epigram In delraclorem first appeared, and 
 
364 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Of the causes of the quarrel, if quarrel there was, we 
 know nothing. Certain it is that the last authorised edition 
 of the works of Marot given by the poet in his lifetime, 
 a very few months before his death, does not contain this 
 ode, but does contain the two before quoted ; and this 
 seems to show that the poet's friendly feelings towards 
 Dolet were still unchanged, even though he had not en- 
 trusted him, probably for the sufficient reason that he was 
 in prison, with the publication of this edition. 
 
 Marot died in September 1544, and no reference to him 
 is found in any subsequent work of Dolet. The epigram 
 which I have quoted gives all the information we have of 
 the matter of the quarrel. Certainly if it was directed 
 against Dolet, as Lenglet du Fresnoy has remarked, Marot 
 did not show himself a true prophet when he wrote ' sa?is 
 bruict niourras ^' 
 
 whether there was any evidence other than that of the editor or publisher of the 
 book that this epigram was written against Dolet. 
 
 ' The account given above contains really all that is known in reference to 
 the alleged difference between Marot and Dolet, upon which editors and bio- 
 graphers of the poet have enlarged at length, and have indulged in conjectures 
 altogether wanting in the smallest basis of fact, but injuriously reflecting on the 
 unfortunate Dolet. Among the epigrams in imitation of Martial, printed for 
 the first time after Marot's death, is the following : — 
 
 ' Contre tinique^ a Antoine du Moulin 
 MasconnaiSf et Claude Galland, 
 
 Fuyez, fuyez (ce conseil je vous donne) 
 Fuyez le fol qui k tout mal s'adonne, 
 Et dont la mere en mal jour fut enceinte; 
 Fuyez I'infame inhumaine personne 
 De qui le nom si mal cimbale et sonne 
 Qu'abhorr^ est de toute oreille saincte ; 
 Fuyez celuy qui sans honte ne crainte 
 Conte tout haut son vice hors d'usance, 
 Et en fait gloire et y prend sa plaisance; 
 Qui s'aymera ne le frequente done. 
 O malheureux de perverse naissance, 
 Bien heureux est qui fuit ta cognoissance, 
 Et plus heureux qui ne te cogneut one!' 
 
 Half a century later an editor of Marot, Franfois Miziere, fancying, apparently 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 365 
 
 Similarly unfortunate was the end of Dolet's friendship 
 with Rabelais, though in this case we are not so entirely in 
 the dark as to the causes of the rupture. Their intimacy 
 was certainly at one time close. It was in all probabihty 
 during Dolet's visit to Lyons in the autumn of 1534 that 
 the dissection of the body of a man who had been hanged 
 was performed by Rabelais at the great hospital in the 
 presence of the students, the first occasion of the kind with 
 which we are acquainted, being ten years before Vesalius 
 made his anatomical demonstrations before the students 
 
 without any grounds except the character of the epigram, that rinique referred to 
 Dolet, inserted in the edition edited by him, printed at Niort by Thomas Portau in 
 1596, the following note after the ode beginning Le noble esprit de Cicero Ro- 
 main : — ' Entre ces epigrammes k I'imitation de Martial, y'en a un au dit Dolet, 
 qui se commence "Tant que vouldras, jecie feu et futnee''^ et aemble que le suivant 
 soit encores contra lui ; ' and then follows the above-cited ode Contre Vinique. 
 
 A hundred and thirty-six years afterwards (in 1731) Lenglet du Fresnoy re- 
 peated as his own the note of Miziere, and subsequent editors have given the 
 epigram, on the authority apparently of du Fresnoy, as being directed against 
 Dolet without a shadow of ground except the semble of Franfois Miziere ; and 
 M. Boulmier, generally so anxious to defend his hero, has not noticed upon what 
 slight foundation the application of this epigram to Dolet rests, but has given 
 it without hesitation as relating to his quarrel with Marot. But Mercier de 
 St. Leger has gone yet further in a manuscript note (to which my attention 
 was called by the kindness of M. Baudrier) to his copy of La Croix du Maine, 
 now in the Biblioth^que Nationale, where after citing the note of Miziere he 
 continues, ' I'editeur s'est conlente de dire et semble que le suivant (Epigramme) 
 soit encore contre lui. L'editeur n'a ose rien affirmer, d'autant plus que Marot 
 s'etoit montre dans differentes pieces I'ami de Dolet. Quoi qu'il en soit, si cette 
 inique est reellement Dolet il faut croire qu'il passoit pour Pederaste ou Non- 
 conformiste ; car Marot dit a ses amis de fuir " celui qui, sans honte ni crainte 
 conte tout haut son vice hors d'usance." ' I think it right to cite the note of 
 Mercier lest I should lay myself open to the charge of omitting anything to the 
 disparagement of my hero, but I cannot think it necessary to do more in defending 
 him from the insinuation of the Abbe de St. Leger than to say that I find no 
 shadow of ground for the charge, and no shadow of confirmation of it in any of 
 the numerous attacks of which Dolet was the object. If Marot did intend 
 Dolet by Vinique, and did intend the epigram to bear the meaning attributed to 
 it by Mercier, he himself must only have discovered the vices of his quondam 
 friend after he had been in close intimacy with him for more than seven years, 
 and within a very few months or even weeks of his own death. But I confess 
 I think it needless to go into a charge which rests simply on the semble of 
 Miziere, and the inference from that to the semble of Mercier de St. Leger. 
 
366 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 at Padua. This dissection, at which it is not improbable 
 Dolet was present, certainly caused a great sensation at 
 Lyons, and Dolet wrote a long Latin ode to celebrate the 
 event. The corpse is supposed thus to speak :— 
 
 ' Spectaculo lato expositus 
 Secor; medicus doctissimus planum facit 
 Quam pulchre, et affabre, ordineque 
 Fabricata corpus et hominis rerum Parens. 
 Sectum frequens circumspicit 
 Corona miraturque molem corporis 
 Tanto artificio conditi.' 
 
 Early in 1534 Cardinal Jean du Bellay — afterwards to 
 become the chief patron and protector of Rabelais — had 
 passed through Lyons on his way to Rome as ambassador 
 from Francis to Pope Clement VIL He persuaded Rabelais 
 to accompany him as secretary, and it would no doubt be 
 to the secretary that Dolet was afterwards indebted for an 
 introduction to the Cardinal, to whom he dedicated his 
 edition of the work of his friend Claude Cottereau, De jure 
 et privilegiis militum. The Cardinal was just such a patron 
 as Rabelais needed. ' Un jeune diable,' says M. Michelet' 
 (in 1534 however he was forty-two years of age), ' plein 
 d'esprit, penetrant, flatteur, amusant . . . . ce bon et pieux 
 personnage le parrain de Gargantua .... Eveque de Paris, 
 Cardinal, il ne fut pas loin dit on, d'etre Pape. La chose 
 eut t\.k. piquante. Rabelais etait son evangile.' 
 
 It was probably in 1537, on his return from his second 
 journey to Rome with his patron, that Rabelais sent to 
 Dolet the receipt for the mysterious Garum of the ancients, 
 a species of sauce, of which the receipt had been up to that 
 time lost. It was accompanied by a short poem in elegiacs, 
 one of the very few pieces of Latin verse which we have of 
 Rabelais. It begins, — 
 
 ' Quod medici quondam tanti fecere priores 
 Ignotum nostris en tibi mitto Garum.' 
 
 ' Hist, de France, viii. 3^3. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 367 
 
 Dolet's reply was as follows : — 
 
 'Tuo ingenio Rabelsese Garum salsamentum 
 -Sltate ab antiqua reductum est. Jam nostris 
 Marote, versibiis celebretur animos4, 
 Quando palatum utriqne nostrum tam belle 
 Irritat et stomachum recreat tam odorato 
 Sapore. Restam grata non est reticenda.' 
 
 Dolet's volume of poems printed in 1538 contains three 
 poems in honour of Rabelais, two of them being those I 
 have already quoted. 
 
 The second book of ' Rabelais ' (the first of Pantagruel) 
 had first seen the light at the end of 1532; it was reprinted 
 at least twelve times in the ten following years. Several of 
 the reprints were without the sanction of the author, who 
 was at first not known. The first book (Gargantua), as we 
 now have it, was first printed in 1535, and several successive 
 reprints appeared in the few following years. The books 
 gave, as was to be expected, dire offence to the Sorbonne, 
 and when the name of the author began to be bruited 
 about, there can be little doubt that a prosecution for 
 heresy was imminent, and that Rabelais felt in danger of 
 his life. Cardinal du Bellay was entirely unable to stop, 
 or even to moderate, the persecutions which the affair of the 
 placards had caused to rage with increased rigour, and as 
 Rabelais had no desire to be 'burned alive like a red- 
 herring, being by nature dry enough already V be deter- 
 mined to conduct himself in all respects as a good Catholic 
 should do ; he obtained the Pope's permission to enter as a 
 canon the abbey of St. Maur des Fosses, and resolved as 
 far as possible to remove the personal grounds of complaint 
 of the Sorbonne by printing a revised edition of his work, 
 omitting the passages where the doctors of that venerable 
 body were held up to ridicule, and omitting or modifying 
 other passages which savoured of heresy. As the book had 
 
 ' Rabelais, book ii. chap. v. 
 
368 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 hitherto been published anonymously, it was open to him 
 to say that the previous editions had been unauthorised 
 and garbled. 
 
 Accordingly in 1543 an edition was printed at the press 
 of Frangois Juste at Lyons, carefully revised by the author, 
 and with important modifications and omissions. In the 
 fifth chapter of the earlier editions of Gargantua, Grand- 
 gosier repeats to Gargamelle, as she is beginning her illness, 
 a passage from the sixteenth chapter of St. John's Gospel, 
 to which the good queen replies, ' vous dictes bien et j'aime 
 beaucoup mieux ouir tels propos de I'evangile et mieux 
 m'en trouve que de ouir la vie de sainte Marguarite ou 
 quelque autre capharderie.' Such a passage would alone 
 have been ample proof of the heresy of the writer. But not 
 content with heresy, Rabelais scoffed in numerous passages 
 at the Sorbonne and its doctors. In the same chapter he 
 has a passage ending with these words, ' Les Sorbonistes 
 disent que foy est argument des choses de nulle apparence.' 
 In the revised edition of 1542 both these passages are 
 omitted, and wherever in the earlier editions the words 
 Sorbonne or Sorbonistes, or tkeologien, or similar words 
 occurred, they were either wholly omitted, or other ex- 
 pressions with an entirely different and perfectly inoffensive 
 signification substituted. Thus in chapter vii. (vi.) in place 
 of declare par Sorbonne scandaleuse we have simply declari 
 scandaleuse, and in chapter xiii. (xii.) instead of Sorbonne, 
 Guaye Science. In chapter xvii. (xvi.) in place of boire 
 theologalenient, he substitutes boire rustement. In other 
 places Sophiste is substituted for Sorboniste, and also for 
 tkeologien, and docteiir sophiste for doctetir en theologie, while 
 the still more offensive word Sorbonagres has been sup- 
 pressed altogether. 
 
 These sacrifices to prudence (continued in every subse- 
 quent edition printed during the life of the author, except 
 the one I am about to refer to, and except a surreptitious 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 369 
 
 edition printed at Valence in I547)appear to have satisfied the 
 Sorbonne, and probably, together with the influence of Jean 
 du Bellay, presei-ved the authorfrom persecution, and possibly 
 from the stake. It was then with feelings of excessive but justi- 
 fiable irritation that immediately afterwards, in the same 
 year (1542), Rabelais found issuing from the press of Dolet, 
 without his sanction or knowledge, an edition purporting to 
 be revised and augmented by the author himself, in which 
 all the obnoxious passages and expressions reappeared. 
 Instead of following the edition which had just been 
 published, Dolet had used for the Gargantua the edition 
 of 1537, and for the Pantagruel that of 1538, both of which 
 are verbally reproduced without any of the alterations, 
 omissions, or additions which Rabelais had since made. 
 Dolet's edition is well printed in Roman letters, and 
 illustrated with cleverly designed and executed woodcuts. 
 But nothing can justify his statement on the title-page that 
 his edition was ' revue et de beaucoup augmentee par tautheur 
 mes7ne.' We can readily pardon the indignation of Rabelais 
 at the appearance of this reprint. He was at the moment 
 superintending a further edition through the press, and to 
 it, when printed shortly afterwards, was prefixed the follow- 
 ing bitter attack upon Dolet, purporting to be by the 
 printer, but in which we cannot fail to recognise the hand 
 of Rabelais himself : — 
 
 ' The printer to the reader wishes health. 
 
 ' In order that you may not take false money for true, 
 dear reader, and the painted form for the simple and 
 natural, and the bastard and adulterine edition of the 
 present work for the legitimate and natural, take notice 
 that a copy of this book while still in the press has from 
 avaricious motives been hastily printed by one who is a 
 plagiarist, and inclined to all evil, and in order to anticipate 
 my labours, and the small profits which I have hoped for ; 
 
 Bb 
 
370 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 he being influenced not only by avaricious greed, but also 
 and especially, by envious desire for the loss and injury of 
 another. Such a monster as he, is born for the trouble and 
 injury of worthy people. Nevertheless to warn you of the 
 sign and mark which serves to distinguish the false from 
 the good and true, know that the last sheets of this pla- 
 giaristic work do not correspond with those of the true 
 original which the author has furnished to me. These 
 latter, though he has taken much pains, he has not been 
 able to seize for his fraudulent piracy. This plagiarist is 
 not only injurious to me, but also to several others. He is 
 a Monsieur (so he boastfully styles himself), but prudent 
 men who know him, know what sort of a character he is. 
 
 ' His works are nothing but a collection of extracts taken 
 from other men's books, and heaped together in a confused 
 mass, whereas they had been well arranged in the books 
 whence he has taken them. Thus, the spirit of Villano- 
 vanus is indignant at being deprived of the fruit of his 
 labours ; Nizolius is offended at him ; Calepin finds himself 
 robbed ; Robert Estienne recognises the choicest passages 
 of his Thesaurus shamefully purloined', and still worse, dis- 
 guised and appropriated. Those compositions which have 
 brought him honour as a scornful mockery, never proceeded 
 from his mind, yet he dares to enrich and adorn them with 
 brave and magnificent title-pages, so that the portal far 
 surpasses the edifice, ennobled as it is by the Royal privi- 
 lege ; whilst he abuses both King and people, giving them 
 to understand that the works of good authors such as 
 Marot and Rabelais are in his way. Is it not well known 
 that in certain books on surgery and medicine, as well as 
 on other subjects, he has taken money from printers and 
 booksellers to affix to books printed by them the royal 
 privilege ? Is not this an abuse worthy of punishment ? 
 But what is more, who has ever seen this privilege? To 
 whom has he ever produced it ? Certainly he has never 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 37 1 
 
 ventured to show it any one who has asked to see it. A 
 likely thing it is (nay is it even possible ?) that the King 
 should have granted him such a privilege, forbidding any 
 one but himself from either selling or printing the books 
 which he should write. But what is the reason he does 
 this ? The reason is, because men of learning know well 
 that he has no genius, that he cannot put forth anything of 
 his own which would do him honour. Truly a great and 
 noble enterprise, and worthy of one inspired by the spirit of 
 Cicero, to have published in a handsome volume the little 
 book which the regular dealers (disdain to sell and) leave 
 to the pedlars who make their livelihood of such things ^. 
 Rubbish by the dozen ! Certainly he ought to be well re- 
 munerated for it. Such important works well deserve that 
 bishops and prelates should by such a workman be choused 
 of their money. After the mountains have been in labour, 
 a little rat alone has been brought forth. The world cannot 
 help laughing at him, and saying in ridicule, How can such 
 a man, who calls himself so learned and so perfect a 
 Ciceronian, mix himself up with the production of these 
 fooleries in French? Why does he not devote himself to his 
 works of merit without publishing these impertinences? 
 grumbling, joking, protesting (this is his ordinary language), 
 jackanaping, abusing, and using figures of speech which are 
 not Ciceronian, but deserving of being delivered to the 
 mustard dealers to publish them through the city. Such is 
 this Monsieur. Adieu, reader ; read and judge.' 
 
 'This singular epistle,' remarks M. J. C. Brunet, who 
 first called attention to it, ' is completely in the manner of 
 Rabelais, especially towards the end, and if he has not 
 
 1 I am unable to offer any explanation of this passage, and have been unable 
 to find any trace of such a book as is here referred to. The following is the 
 original sentence, the meaning of which is not very clear, and which I may not 
 have accurately rendered :— ' O la grande et haulte entreprinse : et digne de tel 
 homme inspire de lesperit de Ciceron, avoir redige en beau volume le livret et 
 gaigne pain despetits revandeurs nomme parle Bisouars. Fatras a la douzaine.' 
 
 B b a 
 
372 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 written it entirely, he has probably assisted in its com- 
 position. For we cannot suppose the printer would have 
 allowed himself to publish this preface without the per- 
 mission of the author 1.' 
 
 We must however exonerate Dolet from one of the 
 charges made against him in this epistle. He had cer- 
 tainly not abstracted the proof-sheets of the edition then in 
 the press in order to print his own. The latter was, as 
 before noted, an exact reprint of the editions of 1537 and 
 1538, which every one equally with Dolet could procure. 
 The blame which he justly incurred was for printing the 
 book without the author's sanction, for falsely stating on 
 the title that it was revised and augmented by the author 
 himself, and for inserting in it passages which the better 
 judgment of Rabelais had induced him to omit. 
 
 It is quite possible that there are excuses to be made for 
 Dolet in this matter. It could hardly be morally (certainly 
 not legally) blameable to print without the author's sanc- 
 tion a work which, published anonymously, had been re- 
 printed by a variety of other printers at their own pleasure, 
 while the words ' revue et de beaucoup augmentee par Tautheur 
 mesme' are on the title of the edition of 1538 which Dolet 
 copied. It is moreover quite possible that the book did not 
 appear until Dolet was in prison, and that he was not really 
 
 J. C. Brunet, Recherches sur les editions originates de Rabelais (Paris, 1852), 
 p. 88, where the reader will find the epistle given at length. The sentence with 
 which it concludes is so characteristic of Rabelais, that I quote it in its original 
 language : ' Comment ung tel homme qui se diet si savant : et si parfaict Cicero- 
 nien : se mesle il de faire ces folies en irancoys ? Que ne se declaire il en bonnes 
 oeuvres : sans faire ces viedazeries : roignonnant, moillant, plaisantant, declarant 
 (car telz sont ses beaux motz costumiers) viaidasant, ladrizant, et telles couleurs 
 rethoricques qui ne sont pas Ciceronianes mais dignes d'estre bailies a mostar- 
 diers pour les publier par la ville.' M. Brunet thinks that Dolet had intended 
 to refer to Rabelais in his Maniere de bieti traduire and his Traili sur les Accents, 
 in the latter of which he censures those who use a 'fricassee de grec et latin^ 
 ' J'appelle fricassee une mixtion superflue de ses deux langues ; qui se faict par 
 sottelets glorieux : et non par gens resolues, et plelns de bon jugement." 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 373 
 
 responsible for the title-page ; and it is probable that, if he 
 was aware of the edition of Fran9ois Juste, he had not 
 noticed the omissions or alterations which it contained, and 
 which he would most likely have copied had he seen. 
 
 The editions of Marot and Rabelais are those which are 
 most sought for of all the productions of Dolet's press. 
 Though by no means the scarcest of his editions, several 
 copies of each being known, they have for many years 
 fetched enormous prices, and will probably, if the rage for 
 early French literature continues, be hereafter still more 
 highly valued ^- They are all printed with great care, 
 accuracy, and neatness, and those of Marot had, as we 
 have seen, the benefit of the author's supervision. The 
 edition of Rabelais, though surreptitious and not free from 
 errors of the press, yet served as the basis of what was 
 considered for many years the classical edition, that edited 
 by Le Duchat in 17 11. 
 
 ' See for the prices which copies of these and the other books printed by 
 Dolet have fetched, the Bibliographical Appendix. 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 FORESHADOWINGS OF THE END. 
 
 ' lUe potens sui 
 Lastusque deget, cui licet in diem 
 Dixisse vixi : eras vel atra 
 Nuba polum pater occupato, 
 Vel sole puro ; non tamen irritum 
 Quodcunque retro est, efficiet, necyue 
 Diffinget infectumque reddet, 
 Quod fugiens semel hora vexit.' 
 
 Horace. 
 
 O calling was more 
 hateful to the friends 
 of bigotry and super- 
 stition than that of a 
 printer. The printer 
 was essentially the 
 priest of a new cultus, 
 that of liberty of the 
 soul, a cultus in every 
 aspect inconsistent 
 with, in many dia- 
 metrically opposed to, 
 the religion then called Catholic and Christian. The 
 reformers, who advocated up to a certain point the eman- 
 cipation of the soul, and who fortunately, though illogically, 
 succeeded in establishing in England and Germany a modus 
 Vivendi between authority and liberty, found, not only in 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 375 
 
 the press, but in the printers, valuable allies. There was 
 scarcely a printer of reputation, either in France or Ger- 
 many, who was not either openly their adherent, or sus- 
 pected, and rightly so, of sympathising with their doctrines. 
 But it was not only the great master printers who were on 
 the side of reform ; correctors, readers, compositors, type- 
 founders, and binders, all who were concerned witk the 
 press or its productions, felt the influence of the divine art 
 of which they were the ministers, and ranged themselves 
 under the banner of intellectual freedom. Among the 
 martyrs whose deaths are recorded in the Grand Martyr- 
 ology, printers and booksellers are numerous. Among the 
 five hundred artisans of Lyons who in 1535 marched to 
 the aid of the citizens of Geneva in their contest with the 
 Bishop and the Duke of Savoy, the printers are especially 
 mentioned by the historians of Lyons. And M. Merle 
 d'Aubign6 tells us that the trades connected with typo- 
 graphy — printers, booksellers, and binders — formed the 
 most numerous contingent in the band of fugitives whom 
 the persecutions which followed the affair of the Placards 
 drove from France in the same year. 
 
 To be a printer then, was to be open to the suspicion of 
 heresy or even worse ; and the rumours which, however 
 little they are based on any of his published writings, cer- 
 tainly existed at this time, charging Dolet with irreligion 
 and even with atheism, were not likely to be allayed by 
 the setting up of his press and the opening of his shop. 
 His avowed opinions had undoubtedly rendered him an 
 object of suspicion for several years. His language we 
 may be certain was more violent than his published 
 writings, and though in the latter, as we have seen, there 
 was an ostentatious disavowal of any sympathy with 
 Lutheranism, and an equally ostentatious declaration of 
 his adhesion to the faith of his ancestors, yet there was 
 not wanting abundant evidence that his sympathies were 
 
376 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 wholly on the side of intellectual progress and freedom, 
 that all his affection was for the men of that party, and all 
 his hatred was given to their adversaries, who were at the 
 same time his own. 
 
 But careless as he was both in speech and action whom 
 he offended, he was as it seems by no means insensible of 
 the prejudice which he suffered by the rumours of irre- 
 ligion and atheism, and his earliest works after setting up 
 his press were specially directed to relieving himself from 
 this prejudice. In the Cato Christianus, the Genethliacum, 
 and the Avant Naissance he expresses himself in a manner 
 which we might have thought would have freed him from 
 the charge of irreligion, much more from that of atheism. 
 But these expressions did not satisfy his enemies. Though 
 incompatible with atheism, these books might have eman- 
 ated from a heretic, and they even subjected their author 
 to charges of heresy. Besides^ his epigrams were full of 
 sneers at the monk's cowl, his Commentaries bitterly at- 
 tacked the Sorbonne for its attempted suppression of 
 printing, and in his letters he had referred to the bosom 
 friend and trusted counsellor of the First President of the 
 Parliament of Paris as ' that beast Beda' But his enemies 
 judged him by his life and language, not only by his 
 published writings. 'The opinion which all have of your 
 impiety,' says Floridus Sabinus \ ' cannot be got rid of by 
 any Genethliacum.' His life was not such as a Christian's 
 should have been. That he was a good citizen, a good 
 husband, and a good father, were minor matters. He 
 walked about during the celebration of mass. He pre- 
 ferred the sermon to the celebration. It was even whispered 
 that he ate flesh in Lent ^. He was suspected before he 
 set up his press, and the first two books printed by him 
 (or to which his name was appended), the Cato Christianus 
 
 ' Adv. Calumnias S. Doleti. 
 ' Proces, p. 1 1 . 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 377 
 
 and the Carmina, were no sooner issued in 153S, than they 
 were denounced as heretical to the Vicar-General and 
 Official of the Archbishop of Lyons, and their author and 
 printer forthwith cited to appear before that functionary. 
 The charge in reference to the Cato Christianus was two- 
 fold : first, the author had interpolated as the second com- 
 mandment a precept beginning ' Thou shalt not make to 
 thyself any graven image,' a precept since accepted by the 
 Reformed Churches as the second commandment, but which 
 the Church of Rome has treated as a part of the first ; 
 secondly, the paraphrase of the Creed was made to com- 
 mence Fidem habeo instead of Credo, and the words coni- 
 ■munione■^n sanctorum were omitted ■'- 
 
 The special charge against the Carviina was the use of 
 the word fatuni in a Pagan and not a Christian sense ; and 
 although the word occurs in several parts of the book, the 
 ode which is specially open to the charge is one addressed 
 to Hugues Salel, De Fato, and which thus commences : — 
 
 ' Fati recognosco nimiam efficaciam, 
 Et sorte nos certa regi.' 
 
 But there are not wanting other passages in which the 
 author laid himself open to attack, and which, as well as 
 the use of the word fatum, no doubt gave occasion to the 
 censure. The ode Expetendam esse Mortem, which had 
 already appeared in the volume containing the orations, 
 thus concludes : — 
 
 ' Ne mortis horre spicula, quce dabit 
 Sensu carere vel melioribus 
 Locis tegi, et statu esse Iseto, 
 Elysii est nisi spes inanis.' 
 
 But a poem in his Carmina addressed to Melancthon (p. 31) 
 certainly laid him still more open to attack : — 
 
 ' Proces, 9, 10, 13. But the Sorbonne censured many other passages of the 
 Cato Christianus. See D'Argentre, CoUectio Judiciorum, vol. ii. pt. i. p. 219. 
 
378 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 ' Ridere quid possim stolidorum et stultorum 
 Natio mihi multa suppeditat : sed nil prorsus 
 Magis libet ridere quam nonnullorum 
 Amentiam, qui ceu deorum cognati 
 Jovisque coeli participes, de Diis semper 
 Sermonem habent : et qua ad polum efferi possis, ' 
 
 Qua deprimaris in nigri tenebras regni 
 Docent. Ineptum hominis genus et intolerandum, 
 Scilicet occubuerunt Jovi et divnm mensis 
 Coelestia ut nobis modo isto dispensent '.' 
 
 Nor would the following epigram be likely to gain for its 
 author the favour of the Vicar-General, even though it 
 might not involve him in a theological censure : — 
 
 ' Incurvicervicum cucuUatonim habet 
 Grex id subinde in ore, se esse mortuum 
 Mundo : tamen edit eximie pecus, bibit 
 Non pessime, stertit sepultum crapula, 
 Operam Veneri dat, et voluptatum assecla 
 Est omnium. Idne est, moituum esse mundo? Aliter 
 Iterpretare. Mortui sunt, herculel 
 Mundo cucullati, quod iners terrse sunt onus, 
 Ad rem utiles nuUam, nisi ad scelus et vitium.' 
 
 Dolet was ordered to withdraw these books from sale, 
 and was required to enter into a written undertaking not 
 to again offer them or reprint them, unless he should obtain 
 official permission to do so. It is probable that he had 
 printed them — as he afterwards did several others — without 
 first submitting them either to the Provost of Paris or the 
 Seneschal of Lyons, as it appears from his process he was 
 expressly required to do by the Royal privilege given to 
 him at Moulins ^. 
 
 ' Many a tribe of fools and dolts supplies me with abundant matter for 
 laughter, but there is absolutely nothing I more enjoy laughing at than the 
 insanity of those who, as though they were the kindred of the gods and sharers 
 with them of Jove's heaven, are always discoursing concerning the gods, and 
 teach you how you may be able to arrive at heaven, or how you may be sunk 
 down into the darkness of the black realm. Foolish and intolerable race of 
 men! No doubt they have sat down at the tables of Jove and the gods in 
 order that they may in such wise dispense to us the celestial decrees. 
 
 ^ Proces, p. II. But in the Extraict du Privileige, as printed by Dolet at the 
 commencement of several of his books, nothing of this kind appears. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 379 
 
 The three years which followed were probably the 
 happiest, and certainly the most prosperous, of Dolet's 
 life. A wife and son whom he tenderly loved, a circle of 
 literary friends which included nearly all the men of letters 
 at Lyons as well as many in distant parts of France, con- 
 stant and profitable literary work, a high reputation as a 
 scholar, and success in his business as a printer and book- 
 seller, were the characteristics of these years. Of his 
 private life indeed we get but few glimpses. Immersed in 
 his literary work and his business, scorning delights and 
 living laborious days, he found little leisure for those elab- 
 orate letters which, though chiefly filled with phrases and 
 compliments, still afford us for the early part of his life so 
 many interesting details. Yet he is occasionally referred 
 to in the correspondence of Jean de Boyssone, and one 
 letter exists written by the latter to Dolet during this 
 period. Jean de Boysonne took his seat on the judicial 
 bench of Chambery in 1539, and Dolet was of much as- 
 sistance to his friend in receiving from Toulouse and for- 
 warding to Savoy the books as well as other articles of the 
 newly-appointed magistrate. On the first of May, 1539 
 (or 1540), de Boyssone wrote to Dolet to acknowledge the 
 receipt of his books, and at the same time sent his friend a 
 packet of letters which he requested him to forward to 
 Toulouse, ' either by Jean Madamaxum (sic), or by some 
 other muleteer who may be starting for Toulouse, a class 
 of persons of whom you have no scarcity at Lyons, whereas 
 we, who are enclosed on every side by lofty mountains, 
 seldom have any communication with Gaul. Wherefore 
 you would act most kindly to me if you occasionally took 
 thought to write to me something of what is going on with 
 you at Lyons \' At the end of 1540 de Boyssone made a 
 journey to Paris, and on his return we catch a glimpse of 
 Dolet, in a letter to Guillaume Bigot, dated Chambery, 
 
 1 MS. Coir. fol. lii. 
 
380 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 December 1, 1540. De Boyssone writes, 'At Lyons Dolet 
 supped with me. We devoted much of our conversation 
 to you and your pursuits, and at last we both came to this 
 conclusion, to exhort and persuade you to carry on and 
 complete your medical studies ^.' But, although this is the 
 last direct evidence of intercourse between the two men, 
 yet that their friendship continued up to the time of Dolet's 
 arrest in 154a is proved by another letter of de Boyssone 
 to Bigot, dated the 30th of June in that year, which thus 
 concludes : ' I much admire your verses, and will take care 
 that an opportunity of reading them is afforded to Dolet ^.' 
 With this letter the name of Dolet vanishes from the cor- 
 respondence of de Boyssone. His arrest took place a few 
 weeks later, and the rest of his life, with the exception of a 
 very few months, was spent in prison. 
 
 We should certainly have expected some reference to 
 and some expression of sympathy for his subsequent mis- 
 fortunes and his tragical end in the letters of de Boyssone 
 to their common friends, but no such reference is to be 
 found. Whether, as M. Guibal suggests •', he had forsaken 
 his friend in his misfortunes from one of those l&cheth 
 which are disguised under the name of convenances, and 
 which are the special peril of those who hold high official 
 positions, or whether in revising the correspondence for the 
 press, all reference to Dolet's trial, sentence, and death, and 
 all expressions of sympathy for him, were omitted, as 
 fraught with danger to the writer, we have no means of 
 judging. 
 
 The after-life of de Boyssone demands a few sentences. 
 At first he found the change from Toulouse to Chambery 
 a most agreeable one. He enjoyed his judicial duties, he 
 enjoyed the society of his fellow-counsellors of Savoy, several 
 of them, including his friend Maurice Sc^ve, men of culture 
 
 ' MS Corr. fol. Ixv. ^ j^ f^j j^^^jj 
 
 ' Rev. de Toulouse, Aug. 1864, p. 102. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 381 
 
 and intelligence, and he was on the best possible terms 
 with the President, Pellisson. A Ciceronian by faith if not 
 by his Latin style, de Boyssone dedicated the villa which 
 he inhabited, just out of Chambery, to the memory of his 
 master, and in a Savoyard Tusculum he devoted his 
 leisure to study, and correspondence with his literary 
 friends. Ten years passed away, he had become the most 
 important member of the Council of Savoy after the 
 President, and his services in administering the newly- 
 annexed province had been great. But he began to be 
 weary of his charge. The fall of the Chancellor Poyet 
 deprived him of his protector and patron ; several of his 
 earlier and favourite colleagues had either died or left 
 Savoy, and he was anxious to follow their example, when 
 a heavy blow fell upon him, directed partly by the per- 
 sonal enmity of a subordinate, partly by the cupidity of 
 a great personage. Neither his services nor his integrity 
 were able to protect him from the personal enmity of 
 Taboet the procureur du roi, supported by the cupidity of 
 the Duke of Guise. Taboet had been severely reprimanded 
 by the President in the name of the Council ; Pellisson and 
 de Boyssone were both men of great wealth ; the Duke of 
 Guise, large as were his possessions, was in need of money, 
 and desirous of obtaining from the King grants of the 
 confiscated property of wealthy criminals. 
 
 A charge of corruption was brought by Taboet against 
 Pellisson, de Boyssone, and several other councillors. The 
 charge was referred to the Parliament of Dijon, the capital 
 of the province of which Guise was the governor, and it was 
 heard before the Second President Baillet, the creature of 
 Guise (and who had purchased his office for a large sum of 
 money), and certain councillors submissive instruments of 
 the Second President's will. The result could not be 
 doubtful. On the 8th of August, 1551, the accused were 
 found guilty ; de Boyssone was deprived of his office, and 
 
383 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 sentenced to pay a heavy fine and to be detained in prison 
 until it was paid. But public opinion was in his favour. 
 The Chancellor Bertrandi was not satisfied with the sen- 
 tence of the Parliament of Dijon, and the University of 
 Grenoble was eager to offer the chair of Law to the dis- 
 graced councillor. He and the President were permitted 
 to appeal to the Parliament of Paris, and after a long and 
 wearisome process occasioning violent disputes as to the 
 respective jurisdictions of the two Parliaments, and as to the 
 right of that of Paris to revise the sentence of a supreme 
 Court which Dijon claimed to be, a special commission 
 appointed by the King, consisting of an equal number of 
 councillors of Paris and Dijon, finally in 1556 reversed the 
 sentence of the Parliament of Dijon, restored Pellisson 
 and de Boyssone to their rank, condemned Taboet in costs, 
 and ordered him, with bare head and feet, and a cord round 
 his neck, to be led through the streets of Chambery ' 
 
 From this moment de Boyssone disappears from history. 
 His correspondence and his poems bring us up to this date, 
 but his biographer has not been able to discover any trace of 
 him after his rehabilitation, and we may therefore presume 
 that he did not long survive it. 
 
 In the meantime Dolet was preparing for a considerable 
 extension of his business as a printer. Where he set up 
 his press when he first began to print we do not know; 
 some of his earlier books are described on the title as 
 printed Au logis de Monsieur Dolet, words which would 
 seem to have given rise to no little ridicule. But early in 
 154a he removed to the house in the Rue Merci^re, where 
 he lived until his final imprisonment. Several of the books 
 printed in that year have at the end, A Lyon ches Estienne 
 Dolet, pour lors demeuraut en Rue Mercikre a Venseigne de 
 la dolouere d'or. 
 
 ' Guibal, Rev. de Toulouse, Aoflt 1864; De Thou, i. pp. 882 et seq. ; MS, 
 Epist. Boyss. passim. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 383 
 
 The Rue Merci^re was the Paternoster Row of Lyons, 
 one of the most important streets of the city, full of printers 
 and booksellers' shops. As the griffin was placed over the 
 shop of Gryphius, and the entwined snakes surrounding a 
 book over that of de Tournes, so over the shop of Dolet in 
 the Rue Merci^re was placed as a sign a golden axe, or 
 dolouere, similar no doubt to that which appears on the 
 title-pages of his books ^. 
 
 During the five years that the press of Dolet existed, up- 
 wards of eighty volumes issued from it upon every variety 
 of subjects, theology, history, French and Latin poetry, 
 grammar, criticism, Latin classics and translations, medicine, 
 besides several Greek books. Of these about a fourth were 
 the composition of the printer, and to at least another fourth 
 he performed the function of editor as well as printer, and 
 added a preface, dedication, or ode. The greater part of 
 these (upwards of sixty) appeared before Dolet's arrest at 
 the end of July or the beginning of August, i54*- In the 
 Appendix to this volume I have given a detailed account of 
 each volume, and of the authorities for the existence of 
 those (about a third) of which I have not been able to dis- 
 cover a copy. 
 
 For the three years which followed the publication of the 
 Cato Ckristiamis, Dolet showed, for him, an unusual degree 
 of caution. His quarrels with the master printers indeed 
 continued, but in the publications which issued from his 
 press, whether his own compositions or those of others, 
 there was little that could justly give offence to the 
 authorities. The only original work of Dolet, besides those 
 which have already been noticed, was his Observations on 
 the Andria and Eunuchus of Terence, a book which met 
 
 1 M. Boulmier would seem not to have noticed that Dolet's shop and house 
 were in the Rue Merciere, and possibly not knowing Lyons he has misunder- 
 stood a passage in the Second Enfer, and has erroneously stated that Dolet's 
 house was one of the lofty buildings on the quay overlooking the Saone. 
 
384 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 with a sufficient success to induce him to give an edition of 
 the text of the whole of Terence revised by himself, and to 
 reprint the Observations in 1543. They were afterwards 
 thought worthy of insertion in several editions of Terence 
 printed in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 
 
 Of the other books which he wrote or printed during 
 this period, there was only one that was in any way open 
 to censure, — a volume consisting of the explanation of the 
 Lord's Prayer, and a few other short tracts, printed, ac- 
 cording to N^e de la Rochelle, in 154 1, and which seems to 
 have been in fact a reprint of at least some of the tracts 
 composing the Cato Christianus. 
 
 About fifteen other books in addition to those already 
 mentioned occupied his press during these three years. A 
 treatise in folio by his friend Claude Cottereau on military 
 law, a Latin poem entitled Pandora, by Jean Olivier, Bishop 
 of Angers, nephew of the Chancellor, a volume of Ora- 
 tions and Epigrams and a translation of the Antigone 
 of Sophocles by Gentian Hervet, were the more important 
 original works which he printed ; and these were enriched, 
 the two first mentioned by a preface, and the latter by an 
 ode of his own composition. Besides these, editions of the 
 New Testament (in Latin), Suetonius, the Elegantice of 
 Laurentius Valla, and translations into French by Jean 
 Canappe and Pierre Tolet of several medical treatises of 
 Galen and Paulus .iEgineta, are the only books which have 
 been hitherto noticed by bibliographers or biographers as 
 issuing from his press during the years 1539-40-41. I 
 am fortunate enough to be able to add ten others ; 
 an exposition of the Gospel of St. Matthew in French, 
 reprints of the treatise of Erasmus De duplici copia verho- 
 rum, the Tabula; Poetica of Murmellius, the Institutiones 
 and the Meditationes Grcscce of Clenard, and editions of 
 the text of Virgil, and the Epistolce Familiares, the De 
 Officiis and other minor philosophical treatises, and thf 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 385 
 
 Rhetorica of Cicero, and the Disticha Catonis'^ with the 
 Scholia of Erasmus. 
 
 During these three years Dolet suffered no serious mo- 
 lestation ; once indeed, if not often er, he was summoned 
 before the official of the Archbishop in reference to the 
 Cato Christianus and the Epigrams, the sale of which it 
 would seem had not been discontinued, but it is not very 
 clear what was the result. 
 
 But the peaceful literary life, which he had led for some 
 years, was now drawing to a conclusion. Prosperous and 
 to all appearance happy as the last few years had been, 
 they had witnessed, ats we have seen, the death of some, the 
 alienation of others of his friends, to whom in the misfor- 
 tunes which were impending he might have looked for 
 sympathy, if not for more substantial aid. The good 
 bishops of Rieux and Limoges were both dead, nor while 
 losing old friends does Dolet appear to have acquired any 
 new ones possessed of much influence. Most of the master 
 printers of Lyons still continued to be his bitter enemies, 
 whether owing as he alleged to their jealousy of him on 
 account of the privilege which the King had conferred on 
 him and on account of the success with which he, an in- 
 terloper, had carried on his business, or whether owing to 
 the part he had taken and was continuing to take in 
 the disputes between the masters and the workmen. In 
 the meantime the hatred of the bigoted and superstitious 
 had gone on increasing. His friends were most of them 
 suspected of heresy, and some of them more than suspected. 
 He had printed the poems of Marot and the Gargantua 
 of Rabelais, and in his own Epigrams had ridiculed the 
 monks as bitterly as either of those writers. 
 
 But still more serious crimes were shortly to be laid to 
 his charge. In 1543, the cautious line of conduct which he 
 
 ' I am indebted to M. Baudrier for my knowledge of the edition of the 
 Listicha Catonis. 
 
 C C 
 
386 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 had followed for the three preceding years was altogether 
 abandoned, and he rushed with open eyes into the lion's 
 mouth. His removal to the Rue Merciere was followed 
 by a great extension of his business as a printer and book- 
 seller. In the first half of 154a no less than thirty books 
 issued from his press. To about half of them no exception 
 could be taken. The Epitres Familiaires and the editions 
 of Marot and Rabelais I have already noticed ; the treatise 
 of Revergata De Comparanda Eloquentia, an edition with a 
 French translation by his friend Guillaume Durand of 
 Sulpicius Verulanus De Moribus in Mensa Servandis, La 
 parfaicie Amye of Heroet, UAmie de Court of La Bor- 
 derie, and All^gr6's translation, Du Mespris de la Court, 
 from the Spanish of Guevara, several medical treatises 
 Canappe, Tolet, and Pierre Vernei, a funeral oration of 
 of Claude Baduel, and a manifesto of Francis I. against 
 Charles V., were books which could involve the printer 
 in no risk ; but the other books which Dolet printed in 
 this half year, some of them wholly or partially his own 
 composition, could not fail to give offence to the rulers 
 of the Church, and to afford to his enemies the handle for 
 attack for which they had long been watching. The New 
 Testament in French, the Epistles and Gospels for the 
 fifty-two Sundays, with the commentary of Le Fevre 
 d'Estaples, the translation of the Psalms and Canticles 
 into French, possibly made by Dolet himself, the Exhorta- 
 tion to the reading of the Holy Scriptures, the Bref dis- 
 cours de la repuhlique Francoyse desirant la lecture des livres 
 de la Saincte Escripture luy estre loysible en sa langue vul- 
 gaire, and a summary of the Old and New Testaments, 
 were books which could not emanate from a pure and 
 orthodox Christian, and, as their very titles show, were 
 most dangerous to the faithful, and were all filled, as the 
 sentence on their printer and editor declared, with ' damn- 
 able and pernicious heresies.' Besides these, Dolet printed 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 387 
 
 translations of two religious treatises by the hated Eras- 
 mus, Le Manuel du Chevalier Chrestien, made by Louis 
 Berquin, who was himself burned for heresy, and Le Vray 
 moyen de bien et catholiquement se confesser, possibly made 
 by Dolet himself, both full of heresies ; while La Fontaine 
 de Vye and the Livre de la Compaignie des Penitens were 
 not less open to censure. 
 
 With an extraordinary want of prudence on the part of 
 Dolet, all these books issued from his press in the first half 
 of 1542^. But he had also procured from Geneva, and 
 had probably sold or offered for sale, copies of the French 
 Bible of Olivet, of Calvin's Christian Institutes, the Com- 
 monplaces of Melancthon, and the Unio Dissidentium'^ 
 of Herman Bod6. The measure of his iniquities was filled 
 up. His prosecution on the capital charge of heresy was 
 determined on. His accusers were, as he tells us in his 
 Epistle to the King, prefixed to his translation of the 
 Tusculans, his enemies the master printers of Lyons ; and 
 to make his conviction and destruction more sure, the aid 
 of the most terrible tribunal which the world has seen was 
 invoked, and the Court which assembled for his trial was 
 presided over by the Inquisitor-General. 
 
 1 For such details respecting all these books as I have been able to collect, 
 see Bibliographical Appendix. Of several of them no existing copy is known. 
 
 " For an account of this very rare book and its editions, see Clement, Biblio- 
 thique Curiense, vol. iv. pp. 413-419. 
 
 C c a 
 
CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 NOSTRE Maistre Doribus. 
 
 ' Humana ante oculos fcede cum vita jaceret 
 In terris oppressa gravi sub religione 
 Quae caput a cceli regionibus ostendebat 
 Horribili super aspectu mortalibus instans.' 
 
 Lucretius. 
 
 ISTORIANS have 
 generally ignored the 
 existence of the In- 
 quisition in France, 
 except for a few years 
 after its foundation. 
 That it ever subse- 
 quently existed there 
 is a fact unknown to 
 many well-informed 
 writers on the legal 
 and ecclesiastical his- 
 tory of that country ; whilst some, and these careful and in 
 many matters trustworthy writers, have actually denied its 
 existence. Richard Simon, one of the ablest and most 
 learned among French ecclesiastical authors ^ says that 
 the title of Inquisitor-General of the Faith was a mere 
 title assumed by the theologian whom the King or the 
 Parhament entrusted with the examination of books re- 
 lating to religious matters. But, as I have already had 
 
 ' Leilres Clioisies (edit, of Amsterdam, i. p. 243). 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 389 
 
 occasion to notice, the Inquisition did in fact exist in 
 France for centuries, and though in its early days it was 
 shorn of those great powers which had been entrusted to it 
 by the piety of Alfonso of Poictiers, St. Louis, Philip the 
 Hardy, and Philip the Fair, it continued to be a living 
 force in the south of France until the middle of the seven- 
 teenth century. 
 
 But neither its friends nor its enemies have given to us 
 either sufficiently ample or sufficiently accurate details of 
 its history, its authority, or its procedure. The writers on 
 the Parliaments, the criminal law, and the administration of 
 the north of France are perhaps right in entirely ignoring 
 its existence, for though we find many cases in which the 
 Inquisitor- General sat as judge on the trial of heretics 
 beyond the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Toulouse, he 
 seems to have acted on such occasions only as the assessor 
 of the Bishop or of his Vicar-General, and not as exercising 
 any inherent authority^- We can readily understand that 
 to lawyers the subject would be distasteful, and we can no 
 less readily understand and excuse the silence of ecclesias- 
 tics, who must feel humiliated at the thought that the 
 eldest daughter of the Church has shown so little apprecia- 
 tion of the benefits of the Holy Office, that she has only 
 recognised its existence in Languedoc, and even there, 
 where it undoubtedly did exist for more than three cen- 
 turies, placed such restrictions on its power, that its bene- 
 ficial influence was hardly able to make itself felt. For we 
 are not to suppose that the faithful adherents of the Church 
 of Rome find anything to censure in the Inquisidon of 
 Spain or Italy, unless it may be its too great mildness. ' The 
 Inquisition,' says M. Charles Barthel^my, ' has made the 
 glory of the country in which it had its birth, it has assured 
 the liberty of a great people : it has protected genius. It 
 
 • Carcassonne was the only place besides Toulouse where the Inquisition held 
 regular and formal courts. 
 
390 
 
 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 has softened and moderated the severity of other courts of 
 justice ^.' 
 
 Yet from the historians of Toulouse and the archives of 
 the City and of the Parliament we can gather some few 
 details which let us see the importance of the Holy Office 
 and of the Inquisitor-General in Languedoc. The latter 
 was appointed at one time by the Provincialj at another by 
 the General of the Dominicans, at another by the Pope 
 himself. During part of the sixteenth century the brethren 
 of the Order of St. Dominic seem to have exercised the 
 right of election, which afterwards was acquired by the 
 Congregation of the Holy Office. Yet it was always neces- 
 sary that the appointment should be confirmed by the 
 King, and registered by the Parliament. Even at Toulouse 
 the Parliament was careful to keep the power of the In- 
 quisitor within specified and narrow limits. It appointed 
 ten assessors or adjoints to sit with him and advise him on 
 matters of law, and it was careful to allow upon certain 
 
 ' Mensonges el erreurs kistoriques, Paris, Bleriot, 1863. This is a favourite 
 text-book in clerical schools and seminaries in France. Those who desire to 
 have precise and accurate details of the mildness and moderation of the Holy 
 Office should refer — not to protestant or infidel writers, whose prejudices or 
 feelings lead them into exaggeration, and who sometimes relate sensational 
 stories on insufficient grounds — but to authorised and official vn-itings. The 
 official code of the Inquisition {Sacro Arsenals ovvere Prattka del officio della 
 S. Inquisitione Amplicata), of which five editions appeared, the latest that I know 
 in 1730, describes at length and in detail the several kinds and refinements of 
 torture which are to be made use of. It is for the soul's health of the victim 
 not only that his feet should be burned, but that they should first be well steeped 
 in lard. They would thus burn better, and the burning would be more painful. 
 Umbertus Locatus, Inquisitor at Pavia and Piacenza, a Commissary-General of 
 the Roman Inquisition and confessor to Pius V., in his Praxes judiciaria inquisito- 
 rum cum quihusdam Sancti Officii Decretis (Venice, 1 583), also specifies the different 
 kinds of torture to be used in different cases. We know the torture occasioned 
 by tickling the feet. But this is much refined upon; salt is to be first well 
 rubbed in, and then the feet are to be licked by a goat. In no other way can so 
 exquisite a torment be produced. In reading these official and authoritative 
 writings we wonder what were the severities of the ordinary courts, which, ac- 
 cording to M. Barthelemy, were softened and moderated by a court of which 
 these were some of the ordinary practices. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 391 
 
 questions an appeal from the Inquisitor's sentence to itself. 
 It seems doubtful whether the Holy Office of its own mere 
 motion could try an accused person. In all cases of heresy 
 however brought before the Parliament, the accused was 
 at once remitted to the Inquisition, whilst by sitting as the 
 Assessor of the Vicar-General of the Archbishop, the In- 
 quisitor-General was able to exercise an original and inde- 
 pendent jurisdiction. Yet however strictly defined was his 
 judicial power, the rank and importance of the ' Inquisitor- 
 General of the whole kingdom of France ' was very great. 
 Neither the Governor of Languedoc nor the King himself 
 could enter the walls of Toulouse without first taking an 
 oath before him to presei-ve the faith and the Holy In- 
 quisition 1- Another privilege which was greatly prized by 
 the Holy Office was that each year, on the election of the 
 four capitouls, the Inquisitor-General inquired into their 
 opinions, and if he found any among them who had the 
 least taint or suspicion of heresy, the election of the sus- 
 pected person was annulled. In 1540, the power and 
 authority of the Holy Office in Languedoc was expressly 
 confirmed by an edict of Francis I., and in 1557 his weak 
 and contemptible successor Henry II. actually requested and 
 obtained from Paul IV. a bull establishing for the whole 
 of France the Inquisition exactly as it existed in Spain and 
 at Rome. 
 
 A royal edict ordered the registration of the bull as the 
 sole means of arresting the progress of heresy. It author- 
 ised the Inquisitor-General to select bishops and priests as 
 judges in all matters of faith and heresy; it gave absolute 
 powers of life and death to the Inquisitors and their 
 deputies, and deprived the accused of their right of appeal 
 to the Parliament. All that was left to the secular arm 
 was to carry out the sentence of the Inquisition. Notwith- 
 standing the approval which the edict received from the 
 ' See ante, p. 51. 
 
392 ETIENNE DOLET, 
 
 First President of the Parliament of Paris, Le Maistre, 
 supported by the Presidents who sat with him in the Grand 
 Chamber, Minard and St. Andr6, the majority of the 
 members, led by Seguier and de Harlai, the Presidents 
 of La Tournelle, and Arnoul du Ferrier, the President 
 of the Court of Enquetes, refused to register the edict. 
 The King had recourse to a bed of justice, and the edict 
 was duly registered in his presence in January, 1558. But 
 though the Grand Chamber thereupon either refused to 
 allow appeals from heretics convicted by the ecclesiastical 
 tribunals, or when it permitted the appeals, confirmed and 
 in some instances increased the severity of the sentence, 
 the Chamber of La Tournelle continued as before to receive 
 all appeals that came to it, and when it did not reverse the 
 judgment of the Inquisition, it mitigated the sentences, 
 changing them in some instances from death to banish- 
 ment. The King and the Cardinals (of Lorraine and 
 Bourbon) were indignant. The Presidents and Councillors 
 were summoned to the royal presence, and charged to see 
 that the practice of the different Chambers was made uni- 
 form, and that strict obedience was paid to the edict 
 establishing the Inquisition. The King's orders were read 
 by the Procureur-General. Never before had a matter of 
 such deep importance been laid before the Councillors of 
 the Parliament, and never had there been so serious and 
 weighty a deliberation. Each member was called on for 
 his opinion. The members of the Civil Courts, of the 
 Enquetes and Requites, supported the Presidents of La 
 Tournelle. In vain Le Maistre, St. Andre, and Minard 
 urged the commands of the King and the sin of tolerating 
 heretics. The party of toleration had a complete victory. 
 A large majority pronounced in favour of the practice of 
 La Tournelle and of the President Seguier. Banishment 
 was deemed to be a sufficient punishment for heresy, and a 
 decree to this effect was ordered to be prepared. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 393 
 
 The deliberations of the Parliament were in secret. Le 
 Maistre betrayed them to the King, and the seance was 
 ordered to be resumed in public in his Majesty's presence. 
 The members boldly expressed their opinions. Again the 
 Presidents Le Maistre, Minard, and St. Andr6 inveighed 
 against toleration, and recommended the extermination of 
 the Albigeois and the Vaudois as examples to be followed. 
 Four Presidents, Seguier, de Harlai, du Ferrier, and de 
 Thou, and a great majority of Councillors, supported the 
 cause of toleration, some of them with tact and prudence, 
 others with more boldness than discretion. The King 
 could hardly restrain his indignation. He refused to allow 
 the votes to be collected. He ordered Arnoul du Ferrier — 
 the most eminent jurist, except his greater pupil Cujas, 
 whom France then possessed — and seven Councillors to be 
 arrested. The Councillors du Faure and Dubourg were 
 seized on the judicial bench. Du Ferrier and two other 
 Councillors only saved themselves by flight. Five members 
 of the Parliament were lodged in the Bastille. It seemed 
 as though nothing could hinder the establishment of the 
 Spanish Inquisition in France, when the fortunate death of 
 Henry II. and the minority of his successor enabled the 
 Parliament, notwithstanding the opposition of the Guises, 
 to remain masters of the field, and the all-important right of 
 appeal in matters of heresy to a lay tribunal was retained 
 by France 1, though this right was much curtailed ten years 
 later by the edict of Romorantin. 
 
 But the Inquisition continued to exist in Languedoc for 
 nearly a century longer, and played no unimportant part 
 during the rehgious wars. Yet its decline had really com- 
 menced before the attempt of Henry II. to increase its 
 powers and extend its jurisdiction. A century later it was 
 to fall, not before the attacks of heretics or of scoffers, 
 but of an orthodox Archbishop of Toulouse, Charles de 
 
 ' Henri Martin, Uht. de France, book I. 
 
394 
 
 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 Montchal. Jealous of an independent ecclesiastical juris- 
 diction, he obtained from Anne of Austria in 1645 a decree 
 for its suppression as a royal court of criminal jurisdiction. 
 The Dominicans represented him as a wolf in sheep's 
 clothing, the Pope again appointed an Inquisitor, but the 
 Parliament of Toulouse deprived him of nearly all power 
 and jurisdiction. Yet the title of Inquisitor-General of the 
 Faith continued for upwards of a century longer, and con- 
 ferred much rank and prestige, a large income, and some 
 shadowy if not real power upon its possessor. At its 
 abolition, the single privilege which remained to the In- 
 quisitor seems to have been that of giving certificates of 
 orthodoxy to advocates, as well as to others who required 
 them. In 1773, the Marquis dAignan d'Orbesson, not 
 being able to bear the idea that in the country which 
 claimed to be the leader of civilisation, there still existed in 
 an epoch of toleration and enlightenment, a degrading relic 
 of barbarism and bigotry, obtained from the King a decree 
 suppressing the salary paid to the Inquisitor, depriving 
 Frere Jean Dayde, who then held the office, of the title of 
 Inquisitor, and forbidding the Dominicans from naming a 
 successor to him ^. 
 
 As the notices of the Inquisition in France are so scanty, 
 
 ' Histoire de I'lnquisition en France depuis son etablissement au XIIP si^cle 
 a la suite de la cioisade conlre les Albigeois, jusqu'en 1772 epoque definitive de 
 sa suppression, par E. L. B. de Lamothe-Langon, Paris, 1829, 3 vols. 8vo. (A 
 useful summary of facts relating to the Inquisition in France, but superficial and 
 unsystematic. No information is given as to the procedure of the tribunal, and 
 the writer displays complete ignorance of many of the commonest books, such 
 as the Grand Martyrologe and the Histoire Ecclesiastique of De Beze, which 
 contain important details on the subject. The greatest value of the book is 
 that the writer cites the archives of the Inquisition and the registers of the 
 Parliament of Toulouse.) La jurisprudence du grand Conseil examinee dans 
 les maximes du Royaume. Ouvrage precieux contenant I'histoire de I'lnquisition 
 en France, Avignon, 1775 [by E. L. V. de Goezmann]. M. de Goezmann says 
 that the Inquisition continued as a real power in Roussillon until 1762. (Rous- 
 sillon was only acquired by France in 1659, and had retained the Inquisition with 
 other Spanish institutions.) 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 395 
 
 the reader will not be surprised if we have a difficulty in 
 tracing the succession of the Inquisitors. Raymond de 
 Gossin held the office in 1532, and would no doubt preside 
 at the trials of Jean de Caturce and Jean de Boyssone. It 
 was he who had denounced to the Parliament early in 
 1532 the presence of heresy at Toulouse, and had obtained 
 authority for the arrest of the large number of persons of 
 all classes who, as we have seen 1, were arrested in that 
 year. He was succeeded by Louis Rochette, who shortly 
 after his appointment was deprived of his office, tried, and 
 burnt for heresy, in the place where there is every prob- 
 ability he had witnessed the martyrdom of de Caturce and 
 the recantation of de Boyssone. 
 
 In 1534 we find one Jehan Gauteret, Doctor of Laws 
 and Canon of St. Just, described as 'juge et inquisiteur de 
 Vheretique praviti es cit^ et diocese de Lyon,' assisting the two 
 Vicars-General of the Archbishop in the trial of Baudichon 
 de la Maison Neuve ^ But he does not seem to have been 
 Inquisitor-General. 
 
 In or soon after 1534, the person referred to by Rabelais ' 
 as Nostre maistre Doribus was appointed by the General of 
 the Dominicans Grand Inquisitor, and was duly confirmed 
 in that office by the King, and subsequently by the Pope. 
 Brother Mathieu Ory, or Orry^ a Breton by birth and a 
 Dominican by profession, was then forty years of age. He 
 had already attained some distinction as a preacher, and 
 in selecting him, the rulers of the Church showed that wise 
 appreciation and judgment which has ever been a marked 
 characteristic of the Church of Rome, and in which her 
 
 1 A.iitc 15 "7 7 
 
 ^ Proces de Baudichon, Geneva, Fick. 1873. He is sometimes styled ' Official 
 
 des execs. ' and 'Inquisiteur de lafoy.' 
 
 3 Bookii. c. 22. -,, , J, A I,- • 
 
 ^ In the Proces d'Eslienne Dolet liis name is written Oroy. Merle d Aubigne 
 calls him Oritz, and he is elsewhere also referred to as Oriz. I follow however 
 the orthography of his own works and of the Grand Martyrologc. 
 
396 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 heretical rivals have so constantly shown themselves 
 deficient. 
 
 Matthieu Orry possessed all the qualifications needed for 
 the high office of. Inquisitor-General, sufficient theological 
 learning, a fair knowledge of the Canon Law, and a keen 
 scent for heresy, whilst his persuasive manner and his 
 Socratic method, easily drew suspected heretics into con- 
 fessions, admissions, and contradictions, which rendered 
 extraneous evidence of less moment, and enabled judges 
 to pronounce sentence without violating the requirements 
 of the Canon Law. Blasphemavit : quid adhuc egemus 
 testibusf Instant in season and out of season, ready to 
 spend and be spent in the service of the Church, he found 
 no occupation so congenial to his mind as that of hunting, 
 trying, and burning heretics ^ He was incessantly travel- 
 ling through France. Wherever a trial for heresy was im- 
 minent, even beyond the limits of his own jurisdiction, that 
 is to say, that of the Parliament of Toulouse, he was always 
 ready to act as assessor to the Bishop or his Vicar-General, 
 and to assist in obtaining, what it was the greatest triumph 
 and satisfaction to obtain, a confession, before the victim 
 was delivered over to the secular arm. We find him sitting 
 at Paris, Lyons, Bourges, Orleans, Poictiers, and Vienne. 
 It was one of his earliest duties as Inquisitor-General to 
 examine the spiritual exercises of Ignatius Loyola, and to 
 his report, equally laudatory of the book and its author, 
 the Order of Jesus owes the favourable reception which it 
 
 ' 'Je n'en cogneus jamais ung plus ignorant, ung plus maling, et plus appc 
 ant la mort et destruction d'ung Chrestien.' Dolet, Epist. to the King prefixed 
 to his translation of the Tusculan Disputations. But on some occasions he was 
 open to bribes. Lamothe-Langon (vol. iii. liv. 16) says, ' Orri n'etait mechant 
 que pour ceux qui ne financait pas en sa bourse. II devenait doux et facile ^. 
 regard de ceux qui le payaient ; dans la ville de Sancerre par exemple il traita 
 avec moderation les protestans qui lui donnerent du bon vin ; et pour une somme 
 ronde on obtint de lui d'excellens certificats de catholicite.' (This is on the 
 authority of Goezmann, La Jurisprudence du Grand Conseil exajnin^e, vol. i. p. 2 2.) 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 397 
 
 met with in France. As the trusted counsellor of Cardinal 
 de Tournon he acquired the favour of the King, and it was 
 to his influence and to his suggestions that the most 
 stringent measures of Francis I. against heretics and- blas- 
 phemers are due. When he followed the counsels of Mat- 
 thieu Orry, the King felt that he was indeed working out 
 his salvation. The same confidence which Francis I. placed 
 in the Inquisitor was shown by his successor, and when 
 tidings reached the Court that Ren^e of France, Duchess 
 of Ferrara, had fallen under the influence of ' cursed and 
 reprobate errors,' it was Matthieu Orry that was sent by 
 Henry II. to effect his aunt's conversion, by persuasion 
 if possible, but if not, and if the Duke her husband would 
 allow it, by shutting her up in seclusion, and separating 
 her children from her. The Duke was entreated to allow 
 Orry, who had much experience in such matters, to try, 
 and bring to severe punishment all those of the Duchess's 
 attendants who were tainted with heretical opinions i- That 
 the Inquisitor's persuasions were unsuccessful, and that the 
 Duchess had to be imprisoned and her children taken 
 away from her before she would confess and receive the 
 communion from a priest, showed only the depravity of 
 the heretic, and not any want of ability or zeal in the 
 Inquisitor; for on proceeding to Rome he was re- 
 ceived with high favour by the Pope, who confirmed 
 him in his office of Inquisitor-General of France, and 
 appointed him Apostolical Penitentiary. In the Grand 
 Martyrologe his name frequently occurs as presiding at 
 the trial of heretics, examining them, passing sentence, 
 and presiding at the executions. 'Miserable Orry!' the 
 martyrologist on one occasion thus apostrophises him, 
 'qui as toujours aguish a cruautd ceux qui brulent de 
 
 ' Le Laboureur, Additions aux Memoires de Castelneau, i. p. 718. See also 
 Frizzi, Memorie per la sloria di Ferrara, iv. p. 328. 
 
398 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 rage^.' But of all the trials for heresy at which he took the 
 chief part there are two which specially interest us. It had 
 been the letters of Calvin, letters full of noble and Chris- 
 tian exhortations and sentiments, that had enabled Rende 
 of France to resist the persuasions of Matthieu Orry. In 
 these letters, as in many others of a similar character, we 
 see the Reformer at his best, such as we would fain hope 
 and believe he really was. In the letters, certainly inspired, 
 and probably dictated by him, in which he denounced to 
 the authorities of Vienne the blasphemies, and betrayed 
 the person, of Michael de Villeneuve, alias Rev^s, alias 
 Servetus, we see the lowest depths of degradation and 
 infamy to which religious bigotry (perhaps combined with 
 personal dislike) can bring down a naturally great and 
 noble nature. It was to Matthieu Orry that the letters 
 written in the name of Guillaume Trie to his cousin 
 Antoine Arneys were carried. It was Matthieu Orry who 
 caused the replies of Arneys to be prepared, and who 
 when all the necessary information had been received from 
 Calvin took the leading part, though he did not actually 
 preside, at the trial of Servetus at Vienne. 
 
 Of no part of his life have we so many details, and no- 
 where do we get so true a picture of the man, as in refer- 
 ence to the trial of Servetus. We see him acting, now as 
 a detective, now as the prosecuting attorney, now as coun- 
 sel, now as judge ; now chuckling over the letters of Guil- 
 laume Trie, and then dictating the answers to them, asking 
 for information and documentary evidence from Calvin ; 
 almost daily spurring his mule between Lyons and 
 Vienne ; closeted with Cardinal de Tournon at Lyons 
 one day, and dining with Archbishop Paumier at Vienne 
 the next, leaving no stone unturned to procure evidence 
 of heresy against the accused, and to obtain his con- 
 viction and sentence. It was through no fault of his that 
 ' Edit, of 1597, p. 180. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 399 
 
 Servetus was not burned at Vienne. The Archbishop, the 
 Vicar-General, and the Vibailly of Vienne, lukewarm as 
 they were in the good work, yet when reproached by 
 Calvin for allowing a heretic who ought to be burned 
 alive to live unnoticed among them, could do no other 
 than bring him to trial and sentence him to death. But 
 it was to Cardinal de Tournon that Orry first communi- 
 cated the matter, it was after conference with him and 
 acting under his directions that all the preliminaries were 
 prepared. It was not until the correspondence with Cal- 
 vin was complete, and the inculpatory documents pro- 
 cured from Geneva, that the matter was first mentioned 
 to Pierre Paumier, Archbishop of Vienne, who thereupon, 
 acting under the directions of the Cardinal and the advice 
 of Orry, ordered the arrest and trial of the accused. 
 
 Servetus was permitted to escape from prison. The 
 Vibailly was commonly reported to have been the active 
 party in the matter, and as nobody was punished or 
 blamed we may believe with tolerably certainty that the 
 'primate of primates,' Archbishop Paumier, was not ex- 
 cessively grieved at the escape, and that the Vibailly pro- 
 ceeded with the trial, and pronounced sentence of death 
 on his friend and physician with much greater satisfaction 
 than he would have done, had Servetus been safe in the 
 prison of Vienne. 
 
 It was ten years before these events that Orry presided 
 at a trial that is of more immediate interest to us— that of 
 Etienne Dolet ^. 
 
 The records of the trial of Etienne Dolet (technically 
 
 1 The only notices of the life of Orry which I know are those in Moreri, 
 Grand Diet. Hist., and Echard, Scriptores ordinum pr^dicatorum, vol. ii. p. 162, 
 where a list of his works will be found. See however for the details in the text, 
 D Artigny, Memoires d'histoire, de critique et de litlerah^re, n. p. 68 et seq. ; A\ .Uis, 
 Servetus and Calvin, -pp. 2ig 277; Grand Martyrologe, p^s.^m. 
 
400 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 called the prods), as well as those of every person who 
 was burned for heresy in France, have perished. They 
 were burned with the condemned \ in order that the 
 members of the Reformed Church might be unable to 
 collect the acts of their martyrs. Not a single 'official 
 record of a trial for heresy exists in France. Such as 
 were not so burned probably perished with so marty other 
 records at the time of the great revolution. Nor, except 
 in the few cases where the accused had (unsuccessfully of 
 course) appealed to the Parliament, is there even any 
 existing record of the conviction or sentence. All that 
 we know of the trials for heresy are the brief notices of 
 them with hardly any details contained in the Grand 
 Martyrology of Crespin, in the correspondence of the 
 Reformers, and in the contemporary journal of a Bourgeois 
 de Paris, who made a point of attending and recording 
 every execution for heresy that took place in the capital. 
 
 A single official record of a trial for heresy in France 
 has however lately been discovered, not indeed in France, 
 but in the library of Berne ; it is that of the eminent 
 citizen of Geneva, Baudichon de la Maison Neuve, one 
 of the very few, who, after being convicted and handed 
 over to the secular arm, escaped punishment. Tried and 
 convicted at Lyons in 1535 by a flagrant violation of in- 
 ternational law for offences — if they were offences —com- 
 mitted out of France, he was saved from the stake, as 
 we have before seen, by the intervention of the Lords of 
 Berne, an intervention however which would have been 
 useless had not de Peyrat, the lieutenant-governor of 
 Lyons, by delaying the execution (though much urged 
 by the priestly party to sanction it) given time for the 
 Bernese messengers to reach the court of the King of 
 France. 
 
 ' Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris sous le regne de Franjois 1^'' i^Paris, 1854), 
 PP 441-451- 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 401 
 
 All that we know of the trial of Dolet is from the 
 epistle to the King, prefixed by way of dedication to his 
 translation of the Tusculans, and from the letters of remission 
 and pardon subsequently granted to him, and discovered 
 in the Criminal Archives of the Parliament of Paris by; 
 M. A. Taillandier, and printed by him in 1836'. For- 
 tunately for us they are prefaced by recitals of his trial, 
 conviction, and sentence of an unusually detailed character, - 
 and which have thrown a flood of light upon one of the 
 most interesting and important events of his life. 
 
 It was at the end of July, or the beginning of August, 
 1542 that, by the order of the Inquisitor-General, but at 
 the instigation of the master printers and booksellers of 
 Lyons, Dolet was arrested and thrown into the archiepi- 
 scopal prison. His arrest was, it seems, merely on sus-, 
 picion of heresy, and without any formal charge made or 
 information laid against him as the law required, and a 
 month elapsed before this was done. In the meantime 
 the ' procureur and promoter of causes of the Inquisition,' 
 the public prosecutor in cases of heresy, with the aid of 
 those who had denounced Dolet, was preparing his indict- 
 ment and collecting matter for the prosecution ; and after 
 his house and shop had been ransacked and his books 
 seized^, the prisoner was formally charged with heresy 
 before Matthieu Orry, Inquisitor-General, and Estienne 
 Faye, the official of the primacy at Lyons, Vicar-General 
 in spiritualibus of Cardinal de Tournon. The substitute 
 of the Procureur-General, Nicolle was present, and the 
 following persons probably on this occasion sat as asses- 
 sors, as they certainly did afterwards,— Matthieu Bellievre, 
 official and judge of the ordinary court for the delinquent 
 clergy of the city and faubourgs of Lyons, Jean de Bourg, 
 
 ' Proces d'Estienne Dolet, imprimeur et libraire a Lyon 1543-1546, Parisj 
 Techener, 1836. 
 
 ^ Dolet, Preface to the translation of the Tusculans, 
 
 Dd 
 
402, ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 reader to the friars preachers of the convent of Lyons 
 and professor of theology, and two doctors of law, Guil- 
 laume Vandel and Annemond Chaland. 
 
 The charges upon which he was arraigned were these : 
 that in his Cato Christianus'^ he had interpolated as the 
 second commandment a precept beginning ' Thou shalt not 
 make to thyself any graven image,' and in his paraphrase 
 of the Creed in verse had substituted the words Habeo fidem 
 for Credo, and had omitted the words Communionem Sanc- 
 torum ; that he had used the word Fatum (in his Epigrams 
 and in his Fata Regis Francisci), not in the sense which the 
 word ought to be used by a Christian, but in the signi- 
 fication in which the ancient heathen philosophers used 
 it, intending thereby to express approval of the doctrine 
 of predestination ; that several books which had been 
 condemned and censured as containing erroneous propo- 
 sitions had been printed by him with prefatory epistles 
 of his own composition recommending the perusal of them, 
 namely ^, V Exhortation a la lecture de la Saincte Ecriture, 
 La Fontaine de Vye, Le Cinquante et deux Dimanches com- 
 posed by Le Fevre d'Etaples, Les Heures de la Compagnye 
 des Penitens, Le Chevalier Chretien, and La Maniere de se 
 Confesser of Erasmus ; that he had printed other books in 
 the vulgar tongue without any prefatory epistles, namely, 
 Le Sommaire de Viel et Noiiveau Testament and Le Nouveau 
 Testament ; that there were found in his house and in his 
 printing office other books full of errors, among which 
 were the Loci Communes of Melancthon (which some 
 thought, having regard to the form and appearance of 
 the letters, had been printed by him), the Unio Dissi- 
 
 ' The Calo Chrislianus seems to have been submitted to the Sorbonne imme- 
 diately on Dolet's arrest, and a condemnation of it obtained on Sept. 23, 1842. 
 See the judgment in D'Argentr^, Coll. Jud., vol. ii. part i. p. 229. 
 
 " For particulars and descriptions of such of these books as were printed by 
 Dolet, see Biographical Appendix. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 403 
 
 dentium, the Bible of Geneva in the vulgar tongue, and 
 the Institutio religionis Christiana of Calvin ; that, not- 
 withstanding that he had been ordered to withdraw the 
 Cato Christianus and the Epigrams from sale, he had con- 
 tinued to sell them ; that he had hot (as required by the 
 royal privilege) submitted each book before printing it to 
 the Provost of Paris or the Seneschal of Lyons ; that he 
 had eaten flesh in Lent and at other prohibited times; 
 that he had walked about during the mass, and said that 
 he preferred the sermon to the mass ; and lastly, that in 
 his writings he seemed to doubt the immortality of the 
 soul ^. 
 
 His trial lasted until the beginning of October. Brought 
 from time to time before his judges, formal evidence of 
 most of the facts charged against him would no doubt 
 be easily procured, nor indeed would they (except the 
 last) admit of denial. The only question was, did the facts 
 if proved justify or require a conviction for heresy 1 But 
 much evidence of a hearsay character tending to the 
 aggravation of the charges and to the prejudice of the 
 accused was offered, at the instance, as he tells us, of his 
 enemies the master printers, and greedily accepted by 
 the Inquisitor. Witnesses were found to swear that they 
 had heard that he had said that he had as much right 
 to eat flesh as the Pope had to compel him to eat fish. 
 Some testified that he was the reputed author of certain 
 songs (profane or heretical) which were current at Lyons. 
 Others had stories to tell to his discredit which they had 
 heard from third persons, some of whom were dead, and 
 the others not called as witnesses. No direct evidence 
 against him however, except the facts as to which there 
 was no dispute, seems to have been given. The greater 
 part of the trial, as was usual in such cases, was occupied 
 by the examination of the prisoner. The harshness, as it 
 
 ' Proems, pp. 9-1 1- 
 D d 3 
 
404 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 seems to English ideas, which French judges in our own 
 days occasionally display in the examination of prisoners, 
 the insidious and ensnaring questions frequently put to 
 them to lead them to admissions of guilt, give a faint but 
 only a faint idea of a trial for heresy in the sixteenth cen- 
 tury, where the judges were in all but name the prosecutors, 
 where the verdict and the sentence were decided before the 
 trial, and where the chief object of the trial was to draw 
 out admissions from the unfortunate accused which would 
 formally justify the sentence, and perhaps enable the court 
 to increase its severity. 
 
 Dolet underwent the usual examinations. He was in- 
 terrogated not only on the charges specifically made against 
 him, but generally on his life, his habits, and his opinions. 
 Cunningly-devised propositions and questions of theology 
 were put to him with that air of candour and gentleness 
 which the judges of the Holy OfHce in the early stages of 
 a trial knew so well how to assume. He defended himself 
 by saying, ' with all humility and sincerity of heart,^ that 
 he had never wished and did not wish to maintain any 
 error; that he had always declared himself to be an 
 obedient son of the Church, desiring to live and die as a 
 true Catholic Christian ought to do, following the faith 
 of his ancestors, and neither adhering to any new sect, nor 
 contravening any of the decrees of the Church. As to the 
 immortality of the soul, he always maintained that doc- 
 trine, and still did so, as would be seen from various 
 passages of his writings, and if anywhere he seemed to 
 express himself otherwise, it would be found to be by 
 way of argument or hypothesis merely. 
 
 The word fatum he had used to express the providence 
 and certain will of God only, by which He casts us down 
 and again raises us up, and not in any other sense. As to 
 the books composed and printed by him, he was not aware 
 of any doubt or error in them concerning the faith, or 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 405 
 
 anything contrary to the commands of God, or of our holy 
 mother the Church ; but, as well in reference to them as to 
 his opinions and language generally, he was desirous of 
 correcting and amending whatever he had written or said 
 erroneously, and he prayed that he might be taken to have 
 so expressed himself either through ignorance and want of 
 skill, or through the exigencies of the Latin tongue, and 
 the Hcence which was allowed in using it. As to the pro- 
 hibited books which were found in his house, but which 
 were not composed or printed by him, he had not obtained 
 them with any intention of either imitating them or fol- 
 lowing their doctrine, but only from that curiosity which is 
 natural to literary men, so that reading them he might 
 more clearly know and discern the good and true, and 
 might better refute and reprove false and erroneous opinions. 
 
 The fact of eating flesh in Lent and at other prohibited 
 seasons he admitted, but alleged that he had done so under 
 the advice of his physician, and with the express permission 
 of the official and other ministers of the Church, because of 
 a malady of long duration from which he suffered, and that 
 he had not intended by that to disparage or condemn any 
 of the laws of the Church, which he entirely approved and 
 wished to conform to, as an obedient son. The truth of the 
 hearsay evidence he absolutely denied, alleging besides 
 that it was both irrelevant and inadmissible. 
 
 Although interrogated and reinterrogated during the two 
 months over which his trial extended, he could not be 
 drawn into any admission, or induced to answer any 
 questions as to points of doctrine except as before stated, 
 'He submitted in all respects to the authority of the 
 Church, and desired only to believe as she directed. If he 
 had fallen into any errors, it was from ignorance, and he 
 was ready and desirous to retract them.' Then he pleaded 
 to the jurisdiction of the court, and denied the competency 
 of the judges. But it can hardly be possible (knowing 
 
406 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 what we do of Dolet's temper and the character of Matthieu 
 Orry) that the trial would pass without altercations between 
 the prisoner and the judges, and we may be sure that from 
 Dolet's bitter tongue remarks would fall which, however true 
 or apposite, could not fail to irritate the ignorant fanatic who 
 presided. In Dolet's opinion — an opinion which was shared 
 by the most learned and pious among the reformed^ — Orry 
 was the most ignorant and malicious of men, eager only to 
 compass the death and destruction of every true Christian. 
 It is hardly probable that he would entirely conceal this 
 opinion throughout the trial, but the following contem- 
 porary epigram may rather be supposed to indicate the 
 character of the sneers at his judges in which he indulged, 
 than to represent an actual incident of his trial : — 
 
 ' Dolet enquis sur le poinct de la foy, 
 Diet a Orris qui faisoit ceste enqueste: 
 " Ce que tu crois, certe point je ne croy, 
 Ce que je croy ne fut oncq en ta teste." 
 Orris pensant Tavoir pris en fit feste 
 Luy delnanda, "Qu'est ce que tu crois doncq?" 
 "Je croy,'' dit il, "que tu n'es qu'une beste 
 Et si croy bien que tu ne creus oncq'.'" 
 
 The prisoner's defence, however complete and conclusive, 
 was of no avail. It was the business of Matthieu Orry to 
 convict, not to acquit. On the 2nd of October Dolet 
 was brought before the judges for the last time to hear that 
 sentence, so terrible in its operation, so vague in its wording, 
 by which the Inquisition and the Church hypocritically 
 pretended that the Canon Law, which forbade spiritual 
 judges to cause the shedding of blood, was duly observed, 
 and by which the accused was sentenced to be burnt at the 
 stake. The Inquisitor-General pronounced Etienne Dolet 
 
 ' This epigram is found written (in a contemporary hand) on the reverse of 
 the title-page of a copy of Dolet's Carmina in the library of the Academy of 
 Lyons. It was first printed by M. Breghot du Lut in his Nouveaux Melanges 
 Biographiques et Lilteraires pour servir u I'Histoire de la ville de Lyon (Lyon, 
 1829-1831), p. 183. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 4°? 
 
 guilty of heretical pravity; he was declared to be wicked, 
 scandalous, a schismatic, a heretic, a favourer and defender 
 of heretics and heretical opinions, and as such was de- 
 livered over to the secular arm. He was then removed 
 to the royal prison of La Rouane, and forthwith appealed, 
 on the ground of the incompetence of the judges, to the 
 Parliament of Paris. 
 
CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 The First President. 
 
 ' Un viel homme enchaime, demy ignorant et demy savant, corame un Andro- 
 gyne de diable qui estoit de lunettes caparassonne comme une tortue d'escailles, 
 et ne vivait que d'une viande qu'ils appellent en leur patois Appellations^ — ■ 
 Rabelais. 
 
 RE AT as was the 
 position of First Pre- 
 sident of the ParHa- 
 ment of Paris, and 
 head of the civil and 
 criminal judicature of 
 France^ it will be ad- 
 mitted that it was in 
 general worthily filled, 
 and that France can 
 look back with just 
 pride to a long list of 
 able and upright magistrates who have held the office. 
 This great place, which early in the century had been filled 
 by the unscrupulous and ambitious, but vigorous and able 
 du Prat, which had just been vacated by the virtuous and 
 excellent de Selve, which was soon to fall to the learned 
 and prudent Jean Bertrandi, and upon which in the two 
 following centuries the de Harlais, the de Thous, the 
 Molds, and the Bellidvres were to confer so much lustre. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 409 
 
 was occupied from 1529 to 1551 by Pierre Lizet, one of the 
 smallest persons who ever held that great office, and who 
 is known to posterity — if known in any way — neither as a 
 judge, nor as a jurist, nor as a theologian, in all which 
 capacities he hoped to go down with lustre to future ages, 
 but as the hero of Beza's merciless satire the Epistola 
 Passavanti. As we seldom think of his predecessor the great 
 du Prat without remembering the epithet which Beaucaire 
 not unfairly applied to him, ' the worst of bipeds \' to Lizet 
 we might with justice apply the expression, the most stupid 
 of bipeds ! ' He outrivalled Hercules,' says the author of 
 the Epitaphe de Monsieur Pierre Lizet: — 
 
 'Car il fait mourir en mourant 
 La plus grand beste qui fut onques.' 
 
 Well skilled in the forms and practice of the law, and 
 free from all suspicion of taking pecuniary bribes ^ — for we 
 must not deprive him of the single good quality which he 
 actually possessed — there seems little else to be said in his 
 favour. Obstinate, narrow-minded, and bigoted in the 
 extreme, arrogant in asserting his dignity in trifles as well 
 as in matters of importance, he was as ready to cringe when 
 his interests required it, as to bully when he thought he 
 could do it with impunity ^. Eager to stretch beyond what 
 was just the rights of the treasury and the crown and the 
 epices of the judges, he was equally ready when Advocate- 
 General to betray the royal rights in favour of his own 
 private clients. He detested the ancient French customary 
 
 ' ' Bipedum omnium (ut quidam ait) nequissimus.' Belcarius, Hkt. Gallica, lib. 
 XV. c. I. 
 
 ' He was so poor when he resigned his oliSce that it was necessary to give 
 him the abbey of St. Victor to provide him with the means of subsistence. But 
 if free from the s.ispicion of pecuniary bribes, he was, according to Henri Estienne, 
 ready to betray the cause of justice if a temptation of another kind presented 
 itself. Inlrod. de la Traite de Conformite, c. xvii. 
 
 3 ' Ex viro, congressu primo, mulier posteriore factus," says de Thou of him 
 on one occasion, boolc vi. 
 
4IO ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 law, the palladium of the liberties of the north of France, 
 and used all his efforts to substitute the laws of imperial 
 Rome for the old droit coinmun des Frangais. With the 
 manners, the accent, and the language of a peasant of his 
 native Auvergne, his loquacity, his ostentatious display of 
 ignorance of everything except the matters of his profession, 
 his vanity in thinking himself a great theologian and scholar, 
 were no less sources of amusement and ridicule to his 
 enemies than his personal appearance and figure. 
 
 Fancying himself a profound Latin scholar, he delighted 
 when on the bench to display his familiarity with it. His 
 knowledge of the language was about equal to that of 
 Bragmardus, whom Rabelais puts before us saying Ego 
 hahet bonum vino. When, as sometimes happened, he had 
 to pronounce sentence in Latin, he committed the most 
 ridiculous blunders, and it is said to have been one of his 
 wonderful macaronic sentences which Coming to the ears of 
 Francis L caused him, in 1539, to issue the edict putting an 
 end to the use of Latin on the judicial bench. The First 
 President having to dismiss an action, he expressed the 
 formula Deboutons et avons debouti by Debotamus et 
 debotavimus ! ^ 
 
 Inordinately addicted to wine and women, the ex- 
 traordinary redness of his face and nose, and his com- 
 plete baldness, could not fail to afford marks for the shafts 
 of his satirists, and when the unfortunate man's nose finally 
 dropped off it excited no pity, but only ridiculed 
 
 ^ VVaddington, Vie de Ramus, 88 ; Gaillard, Hist, de Francois I., vol. vii. p. 381. 
 
 ^ See Le Complainle de Messire Pierre Lizet svr le trespas de son feu nez, ap- 
 pended to the Epislola Passavanii, and to many editions of the Epislola Obscu- 
 rorum Virorum. Also H. Estienne, Inlrod. de la Traite de Conformity, chap, xvii, 
 ' le nez fut enchassd en plusieurs beaux epitaphes, en attendant que le Pape eust 
 loisir de la canonizer.' In the last chapter of the same book H. Estienne 
 quotes the following as part of an epigram made upon Lizet by 'un scavant 
 personnage'; — 
 
 ' Viel pourri au rouge museau 
 Deshonneur du siecle ou nous sommes.' 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 411 
 
 But the worst part of his character has yet to be noted. 
 There was one thing which he loved better than either the 
 pleasures of Bacchus or Venus ; it was the persecution of 
 heretics. He was nothing, if not pious and orthodox. If 
 it is doubtful whether that terrible chamber, where the 
 lurid light of the infrequent torches made darkness more 
 hideous, the Chambre A rdente, owed its origin to him, yet 
 it is certain that over its sittings for the trial of heretics he 
 almost always presided in person'. His tenure of ofifice 
 coincided with the latter half of the reign of Francis I., 
 when the fair promises of the King's youth which had 
 given rise to hopes and expectations that he would prove a 
 true father of letters and a reformer of the Church had 
 been falsified, and when France was cursed with a king 
 who allowed himself to be the tool of his priestly coun- 
 sellors, and to attempt the destruction of that intellectual 
 progress of which he had once aspired to be the leader. 
 Pierre Lizet was appointed First President in 1529, he 
 filled that office until his compulsory resignation in 1550, 
 and though it would be unjust to attribute exclusively to 
 him the long series of punishments which characterised 
 this period (commencing with the martyrdom of Berquin in 
 1539), and of which the King himself who sanctioned them 
 must bear the chief reproach, yet it is certain that the 
 severity of the persecution was increased and its bitterness 
 aggravated by the brutal bigotry of the First President, 
 who was never so happy as when sitting in the Chambre 
 Ardente trying and condemning (for when he presided the 
 words were synonymous) the so-called Lutherans. For- 
 tunate were the accused who were tried by the Chambre de 
 la Tournelle, where the Third President Bertrandi or the 
 President a m.ortier St. Andr^ usually presided, for in the 
 Grand Chambre (of which the Chambre Ardente was a 
 
 ■ Beza, Hist. Eccl., book ii. 
 
414 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 branch) there was no hope either of acquittal or of any but 
 the most severe sentence \ 
 
 It was as a theologian that Pierre Lizet especially hoped 
 to descend to posterity. On his compulsory resignation of 
 office in 1550, he took holy orders and received the abbey 
 of St. Victor, and then occupied himself in giving to the 
 world the theological lucubrations which he had been for 
 some years preparing. In 155 1 and 1552 he published, in 
 a language which he supposed to be Latin, nine elaborate 
 controversial treatises which he fondly hoped would con- 
 found the reformers, support the tottering cause of or- 
 thodoxy, and (as they were dedicated to the Pope) 
 might possibly entitle him to the hat which du Prat, 
 though a widower and fifty-three years of age when he 
 took holy orders, had obtained, and which Bertrandi was 
 soon afterwards to receive. Harsh and repulsive in style ^, 
 the matter was even worse. A single specimen of his 
 arguments will suffice. In his treatise against the transla- 
 lation of the Scriptures into the vulgar tongue, he pretends 
 that in the early ages of the Church there were two sorts of 
 
 ' The two courts seem to have carried on their traditions for some time after 
 Lizet's resignation. I have already noticed (p. 392) the difference between the 
 two chambers in 1558, and we find complaints made that the Chambre de la 
 To7imelle (presided over by the Presidents a mortier Harlai and Seguier) was 
 more favourable to heretics than the Grand Chambre where the First President 
 Le Maistre presided (Life of Dubourg in La France Protestante). 
 
 ' ' Son style se trouva si dur, que le Pape en ayant par cas fortuit, porte un 
 feuillet a ses affaires s'en escorcha tout le sainct siege Apostolique.' H. Estienne, 
 Introd. au Traite de la Conformite, chap. xvii. The story is told at length by 
 Beza in the Episl. Passavanti : — 'Dicitur quod Papa Julius modemus quamvis 
 non plus sciat de Latino quam unus miles et sit melior canonista quam theolo- 
 gista quum audivisset unam partem vestri libri, tenuit tam parvum numerum, 
 ut jusserit portari ad suam latrinam id est ad sedem foraminatam quam dicunt 
 trufatores esse beati Petri: ubi ipse Papa cacat, non' in qualitate dei super 
 terram sed in qualitate humanitatis suae cacaturiensis : et ibi cum voluisset 
 -semel suas nates abstergere cum illo, reperit vestrum stilum tam durum quod 
 sibi decorticavit totam sedem Apostolicam ; et dixit fricando subinales : In 
 veritate erat montigena, tam erat durus et asper." The Epislola Passavanti is 
 intended as a caricature of Lizet's Latin style. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 413. 
 
 Latin, one only understood by the learned, that it was 
 into this learned language that St. Jerome translated the 
 Bible, and that this translation, though called the Vulgate, 
 was wholly incomprehensible to the common people at the 
 time it was made ! 
 
 While these treatises brought the ex-president neither 
 praises nor rewards from his own side, they gave rise to 
 one of the most entertaining and witty satires which the 
 sixteenth century, so rich in pieces of this kind, produced. 
 Beza, who had not yet learned that an air of sanctimonious 
 severity was a necessary mark of Christian piety, aided per- 
 haps by Viret, who to the end of his days was distinguished 
 by his lively and satirical humour, printed in 1553 his 
 'Epistle of Master Benedict Passavant in performance of 
 the commission entrusted to him by the Venerable Pierre 
 Lizet, late President of the Parliament of Paris, and now 
 Abbot of St. Victor prope muros! Passavant is supposed 
 to have been sent by Lizet to Geneva to learn what was 
 said there of these wonderful treatises, which were ex- 
 pected by their author to be found unanswerable and to 
 work the ruin of the heretical commonwealth, and in this 
 letter, written in the style of the Epistola Obscurormn 
 Virorum, the messenger renders an account to his master 
 of the result of his expedition, and omits none of the un- 
 complimentary criticisms on the book, and the still more 
 uncomplimentary stories to the personal discredit of the 
 author which he purported to have heard at Geneva. The 
 most merciless and caustic ridicule is thrown on the ex- 
 president. His person, his habits, his disappointed am- 
 bition, his style, and his arguments, are none of them 
 spared. The book had an immense success. While the 
 treatises of the ex-president fell into such utter oblivion, 
 that neither La Croix du Maine nor Duverdier, though 
 writing less than half a century after their first appearance, 
 could give the titles accurately, and that Bayle was never 
 
414 ETJENNE DO LET. 
 
 able to see any of them, and could only refer to the 
 Bodleian Catalogue as an authority even for their titles, 
 the Epistola Passavanti had at least six editions in the 
 sixteenth century, was frequently reprinted in the eight- 
 eenth \ and has within the last few years had the honour 
 of a new edition and a French translation ^. 
 
 The Abbot of St. Victor did not long survive the failure 
 of his hopes to achieve that distinction as a theologian 
 which he had missed as a magistrate. He died on the 7th 
 of June, 1554^- 
 
 Lyons was within the jurisdiction of the Parliament of 
 Paris, and it was to this tribunal presided over by Lizet 
 that Dolet now appealed. It will readily be guessed what 
 chance he had of escaping condemnation. Not only had 
 he been charged with heresy and atheism, but he was one 
 of a class of men that were the especial aversion of the 
 First President. If there was any class of persons he hated 
 worse than heretics it was that of printers and booksellers. 
 The friend and ally of Beda (who had great influence over 
 him *), there can be little doubt that he was one of those 
 who had instigated the King to issue the edict of 1535 for 
 the suppression of printing. In 1538 we find him busily 
 engaged in the prosecution of Jean Morin the printer of 
 the first edition of the Cymbalum Mundi, and there exists 
 a letter from the ^ pauvre jeune garqon libraire'' from prison 
 to the Chancellor Dubourg, appealing to him against the 
 First President, and praying for letters of remission setting 
 
 ' It is appended to the editions of the Ej>istol<s Obscurortim Virorum of 1710, 
 1 742, and 1757, and was printed with the notes of Le Duchat in the Memoires 
 de Litterature of Sallengre in 171 7. 
 
 '' Le Passavant de Theodore de Beze, Traduit pour la premiere fois par Isidore: 
 Liseux. Avec le Texte en regard. Paris, Liseux, 1875. 
 
 ^ See Bayle, Diet., art. Lizet; Dupin, Auteurs Eccl. de XVIme Siicle ; Larfeul, 
 Elude sur Pierre Lizet, Clermont Ferrand, 1856 ; Blanchard, Eloge des Presidents 
 dti Parlement de Paris ; Crespin, Grand Marlyrologe. 
 
 ' Bayle, Diet., art. Beda, Note E. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 415 
 
 him at liberty^. About the same time we find Lizet 
 writing ^ in great glee to the Chancellor, how that shortly 
 before he had caused a bookseller named Jehan de la 
 Garde with his books, together with ' certain other persons,' 
 to be burned ^ and showing great anxiety to proceed 
 against Morin. He even kept a bookseller in his pay, one 
 Andr^, to discover and betray sellers and buyers of 
 heretical books*. 
 
 Fortunately for the prisoner, the sentence was pro- 
 nounced at Lyons and not at Paris. In cases of heresy 
 it was seldom that more than a few hours intervened 
 between the sentence and its execution, and an appeal to 
 the ParHament, when it could be lodged and heard im- 
 mediately, only resulted in expediting the execution, and 
 sometimes increasing the severity of the penalty. The 
 sentence of perpetual imprisonment was pronounced on 
 Berquin on the 16th of April, 1529. He straightway ap- 
 pealed to the Parliament. His appeal was heard and 
 rejected on the morning of the 17th. The Parliament re- 
 formed the judgment and condemned him to be burnt alive, 
 and the sentence was carried out the same afternoon. 
 
 With Pierre Lizet as its head, it was probable that an 
 appeal to the Parliament would not be allowed ; it was 
 certain that if allowed the sentence would be confirmed, 
 but at least time would be gained, during which the King 
 might personally be applied to. An appeal from Lyons 
 could not be disposed of with the same indecent haste that 
 was shown in the cage of Berquin. The appeal had to be 
 
 ' Notice stir Des Periers, prefixed to Lacoiir's edition of the Nouvelles Recrea- 
 tions el Joyeux Devis de Des Periers, Paris, 1874. 
 
 = Correspondence des Reformateurs dans Us pays de Langue Fran^aise, vol. iv. 
 p. 418. 
 
 = One of the ' other persons ' was a youth of twenty. Sleidan gives an ac- 
 count of his execution. ' Tolosanus adolescens nobilis el literarnm stiidiosus ' 
 (Comment, lib. xii). 
 
 ♦ Crespin, Grand Martyrologe (edit, of Ijg?), p- I77' 
 
4i6 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 lodged, the prisoner and \S\.e.proch brought up from Lyons. 
 Jean de Peyrat was, fortunately, still Lieutenant-Governor, 
 and would take care that there was as much delay as 
 possible before the flames were lighted. It was he who, as 
 before mentioned, caused the execution of the sentence on 
 Baudichon de la Maison Neuve to be delayed so as to 
 allow of the intervention of the Lords of Berne, and who 
 had thus saved the life of the great citizen of Geneva. 
 But there was no time to be lost. Unless the King would 
 evoke the cause before himself, a very few weeks must see 
 the confirmation of the sentence and the lighting of the 
 flames. The first step was successful. By letters patent 
 of the 7th of October the King withdrew the appeal from 
 the Parliament and remitted the case to the Grand Council. 
 The efi'ect of this was, that in any case, considerable delay 
 must ensue before the sentence could be confirmed or 
 carried out. 
 
 In the meantime Dolet was left in the prison at Lyons, 
 where he remained more than three months after his sen- 
 tence. He was allowed pens and paper, and at least a few 
 books, and occupied himself in preparing, with a view to 
 publication, elaborate defences of himself in Latin and 
 French^ from the charges on which he had been con- 
 demned, and in revising and preparing for the press his trans- 
 lation of the first three books of the Tusculan Disputations, 
 which in his translation of the Familiar Epistles he tells us 
 he had already composed. It appeared whilst he was still 
 in prison, prefaced by an epistle to the King, dated from 
 the prison of Lyons, the 15th of January, 1543^. 
 
 ' These are lost. Dolet refers to them in the preface to the translation of 
 the Tusculans. 
 
 '^ Until shortly before the publication of the last edition of Bninet's Manuel 
 no copy of this first edition of Dolet's translation of the Tusculans was known ; 
 and that it had been printed by Dolet himself was only inferred from an edition 
 printed at Paris by Ruelle in 1554. A copy was however at length discovered 
 in the public library at Dole, and on consulting it I found it prefaced by the 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 417 
 
 In this epistle he narrates his trials and convictions, he 
 alleges his innocence, and denies the charge of heresy. He 
 appeals to the protection of the King, and more vigorously 
 than prudently denounces the ignorant monk (Monsieur Le 
 Moyne as he sometimes calls him) before whom he was 
 tried, and whose legal right to try him and to style himself 
 Inquisitor of Faith he injudiciously calls in question^. 
 
 The royal letters patent withdrawing the appeal from 
 the Parliament, and directing it to be heard by the Grand 
 Council, had no other effect than that of causing delay, for 
 either the Council itself rejected the appeal and remitted 
 the case again to the Parliament, or the enemies of Dolet 
 obtained the revocation of the letters patent. All that we 
 know certainly is that some time before the month of June 
 (1543) the appeal was remitted to the Parliament of Paris, 
 and the prisoner brought up from Lyons and imprisoned in 
 the Conciergerie pending the hearing. 
 
 Up to this time the efforts of Dolet's friends to obtain the 
 royal pardon had been unsuccessful. It was a difficult task 
 they had undertaken. A single friend of literature and 
 men of letters remained in attendance on the King. Pierre 
 Duchdtel, now Bishop of Tulle and reader to the King, had 
 become an absolute necessity of life to his master. He was 
 the King's dictionary and enclycopaedia. Francis I., who had 
 seen and known many learned men, used to say that 
 Duchatel was the only one whose knowledge he had not 
 exhausted after two years' intimacy. Lively, intelligent, 
 well-informed, in his early manhood alternately a professor, 
 a corrector of the press, an adventurous traveller, the King 
 found him a most entertaining and instructive companion. 
 
 interesting epistle to the King to which I have several times referred in the text, 
 and which does not appear in the subsequent editions. M. Baudner is the 
 fortunate possessor of a second copy of the original edition. 
 
 > 'Matthieu Orry soy-disant Inquisiteur de la Toy; je ne scais si plutost se 
 deburait appeller inqnietaleur d'ycelle.' Preface to the Tusculans. 
 
 E e 
 
4i8 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 He had made the acquaintance of Francis in i53'5> and 
 rapidly rose in the royal favour, which he retained until 
 the King's death. At first a sympathiser with the reformed 
 doctrines, he subsequently professed the strictest orthodoxy', 
 and sometimes expressed himself concerning heretics and 
 heresy in terms which we cannot but regret, but which do 
 not justify the severe language used of him by Beza and 
 Henri Estienne. It was seldom that he attempted to in- 
 fluence his master's opinions or actions. It was still more 
 rare for him to oppose Cardinal de Tournon. But he 
 was determined to make a vigorous effort to save from a 
 cruel death one of the foremost French men of letters, and 
 one with whom he had formerly been on terms of intimacy 
 and friendship. No time was to be lost; the Parliament 
 was certain to confirm the sentence, and it would imme- 
 diately be carried out. No further delay would be possible. 
 A petition to the King was forthwith prepared by Dolet 
 stating his case and the circumstances of his trial, repeat- 
 ing his ofifer of submission and retraction of his errors, setting 
 forth the certainty of his conviction by the Parliament, and 
 praying the King's pardon. The document is judiciously 
 worded and well calculated to affect the King favourably to 
 the prisoner. It was presented by Duchatel, who personally 
 and warmly urged the cause of his friend. In the result, 
 and notwithstanding the opposition of the Cardinal, he was 
 
 ' Yet he did not altogether escape the imputation of heresy. In his funeral 
 orations on the death of Francis I. he said that the soul of the King had gone 
 straight to paradise. The doctors of the Sorbonne (whom he had offended by 
 his protection of Robert Estienne) complained of so horrible a doctrine. Pious 
 as Francis I. was, his soul could not have escaped passing through the flames of 
 purgatory. Deputies were appointed to wait upon the new King, and to charge 
 Duchatel, who had just been appointed Grand Almoner, with heresy. They 
 were received and entertained at dinner at St. Germans, where the King then 
 was, by his maUre iIMtel, a, certain Mendoza, who urged them not to proceed 
 further with their complaints. ' I know well the disposition of the late King,' 
 he said, 'he never could bear to remain long in one place, and if he did go to 
 purgatory, he only just stayed to drink a stirrup-cup.' Beza, Hist. Eccl., book ii. 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 419 
 
 successful. The proceedings before the Parliament were 
 again stayed, the case was brought up by the King's com- 
 mand before the Privy Council, and there inquired into ; 
 a favourable report was made to the King, and before the 
 end of June, 1543 (Francis being then at Villiers Coterets), 
 the good Bishop had the satisfaction of obtaining for the 
 prisoner the royal pardon. 
 
 The letters of remission were in terms full and complete : 
 the heretic was to abjure all his errors before the Official of 
 the Bishop of Paris, all the books written and printed by 
 him referred to in the prods were to be burnt to ashes, but 
 subject to these conditions, all that had been done with re- 
 ference to the prisoner, the appeals, the sentences, the judg- 
 ments, the decrees, the trial, the procedure, were declared 
 null and void ; perpetual silence was imposed on the pro- 
 cureur royal ; Dolet was declared to be restored to his good 
 name, fame, and life ; his goods, which as an effect of the 
 sentence were to be confiscated, were restored to him ; the 
 Parliament was commanded to register the pardon, and to 
 allow the prisoner the full advantage thereof in every way, 
 and forthwith to set him at liberty. 
 
 The royal pardon was however but one step towards the 
 liberation of Dolet. The Parliament was always ready to 
 raise obstacles to the registration of a royal edict, and (as 
 in the case of the decree ordering the suppression of the 
 art of printing) a strong and judicious opposition if well 
 supported by personal influence not infrequently caused a 
 suspension or even a modification of the royal letters. The 
 Parliament had at its head a bigoted and violent opponent 
 of religious reform and intellectual progress, and among its 
 principal members were many who, if behind the First Presi- 
 dent in ignorance and stupidity, were equal to him in their 
 hatred of the reformers and the men of letters. In a body 
 which, besides having Pierre Lizet as its head, had Frangois 
 de St. Andr^ as a President a mortier, and Gilles Le 
 
 E e « 
 
4*0 
 
 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Maistre as Advocate- General, it was not difficult to find 
 pretexts for refusing to register the pardon or liberate the 
 prisoner. 
 
 It will be remembered that, owing to some mistake on 
 the part of Dolet or his advisers, the royal pardon granted 
 to him for the murder of ' Guillot dit Compaing ' had never 
 been registered, and that Dolet had only been liberated by 
 the Lieutenant-Governor of Lyons, on giving security to 
 appear for sentence whenever called upon. Accordingly, 
 when on the 19th of July the prisoner appeared in the 
 Criminal Court of the Parliament, presented the royal 
 pardon, and demanded that the same should be regis- 
 tered, his application was refused on the ground (as it 
 seems) that he was still under sentence of death for the 
 murder of Compaing, and that the letters patent of the 
 preceding June in no way freed him from that sentence 
 or its consequences, and the prisoner was taken back to 
 the Conciergerie. 
 
 On the a4th of the same month he again appeared in 
 the chamber of La Tournelle and presented the pardon of 
 the 19th of February, 1537; but it was contended by his 
 opponents that this pardon, not having been duly registered 
 by the Seneschal of Lyons, was of no effect and could not 
 be pleaded, and the court again refused his application. 
 Once more the King was personally applied to, and on the 
 1st of July further letters patent were granted by Francis, 
 ordering the Parliament forthwith to register and give the 
 prisoner the benefit of the letters patent of February, 1537. 
 Again difficulties were made, and during the two following 
 months the unfortunate prisoner was frequently brought 
 before the court and interrogated, no doubt in the hope 
 that admissions might be obtained from him inconsistent 
 with his abjuration and submission to the Church, or that 
 he might be goaded into the use of unseemly or violent 
 language which would enable the Parliament, while pro- 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 42 1 
 
 fessing to recognise the royal letters, to punish Dolet for 
 contempt, or for acts or language subsequent to the date of 
 the pardon. 
 
 But the good Duchatel was unwearied in his efforts. The 
 King's literary tastes had not yet wholly passed away, and 
 he seems to have been convinced by the Bishop of Tulle 
 that it was Dolet's love of letters and not his opinions, that 
 had led to his prosecution. Though rapidly sinking into 
 a state of mental and physical weakness, and a prey to 
 bigotry and superstition, there were still moments in which 
 Francis resembled his former and better self, and recollect- 
 ing that he had been called the father of letters, was un- 
 willing to seem wholly unmindful of his reputation. The 
 refusal to register his successive pardons could not but 
 have been distasteful to him, and accordingly further letters 
 patent were issued on the aist of August confirming the 
 former, ordering in peremptory terms the pardons already 
 granted to be forthwith registered and due effect given 
 to them, or that the Parliament should within fifteen days 
 set forth and show to the King its grounds for refusing the 
 registration. This time success attended the efforts of 
 Duchatel. On the 13th of October Dolet was again 
 brought before the court in the chamber of La Toumelle, 
 all the letters patent were read, the Procureur General 
 was heard, and the court decreed the registration of the 
 several letters of pardon and amplification ; the prisoner 
 was ordered to be liberated upon duly making his abju- 
 ration before the official of the Bishop ; at the same time 
 his books were ordered to be burned. The sentence was 
 pronounced by the President a m-ortier, Frangois de 
 St. Andrd. 
 
 It is impossible to praise too highly the conduct of 
 Duchatel in this matter. Accomplished and intelligent, 
 he was a man neither of strong opinions nor of firm princi- 
 ples. Essentially a courtier, he desired a life of learned 
 
432 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 leisure, accompanied by royal favour and an abundance of 
 good things of all kinds, yet he risked the loss of all these 
 by his zealous attempts to save the life of one whom the 
 most powerful man in France, the Cardinal de Tournon, 
 had decided was an atheist, and had determined should 
 be burned. The Cardinal bitterly reproached the Bishop 
 of Tulle for his conduct. ' Do you,' said he, ' who hold the 
 rank of bishop in the Catholic Church, dare to oppose 
 yourself to all who have the interests of religion and piety 
 at heart, and to defend before the most Christian King, not 
 only those wretches who are infected with the Lutheran 
 heresy, but even atheists and blasphemers ? ' Duchatel re- 
 plied that he had not defended and did not defend any of 
 Dolet's crimes or heresies, that he had only interceded with 
 the King for one who promised a reformation of life and 
 manners befitting a Christian man. ' I,' he continued, ' act 
 the part of a bishop of the Church of Christ. I follow the 
 teaching of the Apostles, and of all those saints and 
 martyrs who by their blood have built up our holy Church. 
 It is their example which instructs me that the duty of a 
 bishop consists in turning the hearts of kings from blood- 
 shed and cruelty, in inclining them to gentleness, clemency, 
 and mercy. In accusing me of forgetting my duty as a 
 bishop it is you who forget your own. I have spoken as 
 a bishop, you are acting as an executioner ^.' 
 
 Released from prison, Dolet lost no time in returning to 
 
 ' Gallandus, Vita Castellani, p. 62. About the same time or a little later, 
 Duchatel successfully used his credit with the King in favour of Ramus. Gal- 
 land, Dan^s, Gouvea, and others had so worked upon the King's mind as to 
 induce him to decide on condemning Ramus to the galleys for his heresies on 
 the subject of Aristotle. It was then that Duchitel, turning the matter into 
 ridicule, appeased the King, and induced him to come to a milder resolution. 
 He represented to him that it did not become so enlightened a king to inflict a 
 criminal punishment on a sophist whom no one believed to be serious, and who 
 understood nothing of philosophy, but that he ought rather to be made to 
 dispute before competent judges with other learned men, whose arguments might 
 convince him, and perhaps cure him of his folly. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 4^3 
 
 Lyons to his wife, his son, his press, and his books. These, 
 not gold or silver, were, as he tells us, his treasures. To 
 Lyons he was bound by the strongest ties of affection, it 
 was there that he desired peacefully to pass his life, and to 
 pursue his literary and typographical avocations. 
 
CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 The Second Enfer. 
 
 'As good almost kill a man as kill a good book; who kills a man kills a 
 reasonable creature, God's image, but he who destroys a good book kills 
 reason itself ; kills the image of God as- it were in the eye. Many a man lives 
 a burden to the earth ; but a good book is the precious life-blood of a master 
 spirit embalmed and treasured up on purpose to a life beyond life.' — MrnxoN. 
 
 OT disheartened by 
 his past misfortunes, 
 or by the confisca- 
 tion of nearly all his 
 books, Dolet lost no 
 time in again setting 
 his press to work. 
 But his misfortunes 
 had as he thought 
 taught him caution, 
 and he was fully 
 resolved to keep out 
 of the dangerous line of theology, and neither to write 
 nor print henceforth any book which could cause the least 
 scandal or bring him into the least danger. The Commen- 
 taries of Caesar, and new editions of his history of Francis I., 
 of his observations upon Terence, of the works of Marot, 
 and of the three books which had previously hit the 
 tastes of the time and enjoyed for the moment an enormous 
 popularity, La parfaicte Amye, VAmye de Court, and 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 425 
 
 Du Mespris de la Court et de talouange de la Vie Rusticque, 
 were the first fruits of his freedom after his fifteen months 
 of imprisonment, and were books which afforded no handle 
 to his enemies. But he had underrated their hatred and 
 their power. Shortly before the 6th of January 1544, 
 two large packets, on which were written in large legible 
 letters the name of Etienne Dolet, were seized as they 
 were entering the gates of Paris, and when examined, 
 were found to be filled, the one with books which had 
 been printed by him, the other with prohibited books 
 emanating from the heretical press of Geneva. So far as 
 we know, there was no evidence whatever that the books 
 had been sent by Dolet ; he positively denied that such 
 was the case, and it seems to me in the highest degree 
 improbable that if he had sent them, he would have caused 
 his now too well-known name to be inscribed upon them. 
 Besides, the whole of the heretical books printed by him. or 
 found in his house had been confiscated, and were already 
 in the possession of the Parliament or the Sorbonne. But 
 the clumsy ruse of his enemies was successful. The 
 matter was forthwith brought before the Parliament. Dolet 
 was charged with sending prohibited and heretical books 
 to Paris, and an order for his arrest was despatched to 
 Lyons. It reached him on the 6th of January, whilst in the 
 midst of his family and friends he was celebrating ' le jour 
 des roisl as he himself tells us : — 
 
 •Quand on me vint au corps ainsi sai'sir; 
 Car a cela alors point ne pensoys 
 Et de crier le Roy boyt m'avan9oys.' 
 
 His denial of the charge wa^ of no avail ; he was forth- 
 with seized and thrown into the prison at Lyons, where how- 
 ever he only remained two days and a half. On the third 
 day he persuaded the concierge of the prison that it was of 
 great importance to him that he should on the following 
 day visit his house in the Rue Merciere, as a sum of money 
 
42,6 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 was payable to him which the debtor would not pay unless 
 he was there in person to receive it, and he further added 
 the inducement that he had some excellent Muscat wine 
 just ready for drinking, and that if the concierge would 
 conduct him for a short time to his house he could receive 
 the money, and theft they could together drink the Muscat 
 ' a plein fonds^ 
 
 Gaolers and tui'nkeys have at all times had the reputation 
 of being thirsty souls, and induced by the promise of the 
 wine, and not impossibly of a pecuniary gratification or a 
 commission on the amount to be received, the concierge 
 agreed to his prisoner's proposal, taking however as he 
 thought due precautions against his escape. A supper was 
 provided at Dolet's expense for the concierge and four 
 sergents-de-ville, and very early the next morning, before 
 dawn, the concierge and his prisoner, preceded and followed 
 by two sergents, left the prison of La Rouanne, which occu- 
 pied the site of the present Palais de Justice. The bridge 
 which now crosses the Sadne at that point did not exist in 
 the sixteenth century, but it seems probable that a foot- 
 bridge, possibly of boats, then occupied its place. The party 
 would cross the river by this bridge, and then would gain 
 the Rue Merciere very near to Dolet's house by the Rue 
 de la Monnaie. The Rue Merciere then runs parallel to 
 the Saone and to the Quai St. Antoine for some distance 
 in a northerly direction. At the corner of the Rue de la 
 Monnaie stood the convent of St. Antoine, and a little to 
 the north of the convent stood the house occupied by Dolet. 
 The upper stories of all the houses in this part of the 
 street have been since then demolished and rebuilt, but 
 the solid stone ground floors of most of them still remain 
 as they were in the sixteenth century. The entrance then 
 was, and still is, into an arched stone passage, which not 
 only gives access to the house itself, but extends (or 
 communicates with a further passage) under the house at 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 427 
 
 the back facing the river, and so affords a means of egress 
 to the Quai St. Antoine exactly as Dolet describes it'. 
 
 The members of Dolet's household were prepared for his 
 visit, and had as it appeared privately received his directions 
 as to the course to be pursued. On arriving at the house 
 Dolet knocked at the door leading into the dark arched 
 passage ; it was only partially and momentarily opened 
 after much apparent hesitation by some one from within, 
 who appeared greatly terrified at the sight of the guard 
 and immediately shut the door in the faces of the new- 
 comers. Dolet however forced his way into the passage ; 
 the concierge and sergents, not knowing the locality, 
 followed as best they could, the outer door was shut and 
 fastened behind, another door was hastily opened and 
 as hastily shut ; Dolet passed through it, but the concierge 
 and sergents remained fastened up like birds in a cage, 
 while the prisoner escaped through the passage at the 
 back leading to the quay, and soon was far from Lyons. 
 He succeeded in making his escape to Piedmont, where he 
 remained concealed for some months. 
 
 In the meantime, although Dolet had in person escaped 
 from the hands of his enemies^ his books were still in 
 their possession, and it will be remembered that part of 
 the sentence of the Parliament was that they should be 
 burnt. It would seem that this part of the sentence was 
 not immediately carried into execution, and it may not 
 improbably have been the very books which were ordered 
 
 ' I owe it to the kindness of M. le President Baudrier that I am able thus pre- 
 cisely to identify the locality of Dolet's house. He was good enough to walk 
 with me from the Palais de Justice to the Rue Merciere, following the route 
 which Dolet and the concierge must have traversed, and through several of the 
 still existing stone passages which connect the houses on the west side of this 
 street with the Quai St. Antoine. Though Dolet's house itself cannot be precisely 
 identified, yet his description of it and the narration of his escape enables us to 
 decide with certainty that it was one of those lying on the westerly side of the 
 street, a little to the north of the site of the Convent of St. Antoine. M. Boulmier 
 has strangely mistaken the locality in giving Dolet a house on the quay. 
 
438 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 to be burnt that had been made use of for the infamous 
 plot against him which I have already narrated. 
 
 Next to burning heretics, nothing delighted the First 
 President so much as burning books. If he had not a 
 hand in the plot himself, we shall not be far wrong in 
 attributing it to his creature Andre, whom as before men- 
 tioned, he kept in his pay for the purpose of discovering 
 and betraying the buyers and sellers of heretical books. 
 The plot having for the present failed by the escape of the 
 prisoner, a grand auto da // of the books was decided on, 
 and that this might be done with more pomp and publicity 
 it was determined not to rest upon the sentence already 
 pronounced, but to have the matter again brought before 
 the Parliament and a formal decree made for their burn- 
 ing. At a sitting of the Grand Chamber on the 14th 
 of February 1544, presided over by the First President 
 Lizet in person, the Inqiiisitor-General made an appli- 
 cation for a special direction- for burning the books, men- 
 tioned in the sentence of the preceding 13th of October, 
 as containing damnable, pernicious, and heretical doctrines, 
 and on his demand the court ordered that they should be 
 burnt at the parvis of the church of Notre Dame at Paris, 
 to the sound of the great bell of the church, public pro- 
 clamation, accompanied by the sound of the trumpet, 
 being at the same time made, forbidding all booksellers 
 and printers thenceforth from possessing such books, under 
 pain of being punished as heretics and favourers of heretics. 
 Nevertheless the court ordered that a single copy of each 
 book should be preserved and carefully kept in the registry 
 of the Parliament. The sentence is signed by the First 
 President, and would be forthwith carried into execution ^ 
 Of several of the books named in the sentence no copy is 
 
 ■ The following were the books ordered to be burned : — Les Gestes du Roy, 
 Epigrammes de Dolet, Caton Chrestien, V Exhortation a la lecture de la Saincte 
 Escritiire, la Fontaine de Vye, les Cinqnante deux Dimanchei composes par Fobre 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 439 
 
 now known to exist, while others are represented by a 
 single copy, probably the one that was retained by the 
 order of the Court. 
 
 The mountains of Piedmont afforded Dolet a safe retreat. 
 There he occupied himself in preparing a series of poems 
 upon his imprisonment, to which he gave the name of 
 Le Second Enfer. In 1532, Marot, then in prison on 
 charges of heresy, had described his imprisonment, and 
 appealed against it to the King, in a volume which he 
 subsequently published under the name of L'Enfer, and 
 from this time the expression '■U Enfer de Marot^ has 
 been used as synonymous with a prison. Dolet borrowed 
 the title from his friend. He had intended as he tells us 
 in the preface to publish a Premier Enfer relating to the 
 fifteen months' imprisonment which had so lately ter- 
 minated, but his arrest and flight had prevented him from 
 printing although he had nearly completed this work, 
 and the necessity of obtaining the royal pardon for his 
 escape from the hands of justice, and permission to return 
 to France, induced him to compose and publish his Second 
 Enfer before the first had seen the light. It was com- 
 pleted on the 1st of May 1544, and shortly afterwards, 
 unable to resist the desire of once more embracing his 
 wife and son, Dolet ventured to enter France, and even to 
 make his way to Lyons, hoping that his visit would 
 remain undiscovered, and intending, after he had given 
 the necessary directions for printing his Second Enfer, to 
 proceed to the royal camp, which was then pitched in 
 Champagne, to present to the King, whom he expected to 
 find there, the pathetic epistles with which the book com- 
 
 Slapulense, Us Heures de la Compaignie des Penitens, le Chevalier Chreslien, la 
 maniere de se confesser d'Erasme; le Summaire du Vieil et Nomeau Testament im- 
 prime par le diet Dolet ; le Nouveau Testament, imprimi par icelluy Dolet en fran- 
 coys; Loci communes de Melancthon, Unio Dissidentiim, la Bible de Geneve, Calvinus 
 intitule; Institution de religion chrestienne, per Calvinum. Prods d'Estienne Dolet, 
 p. 30; D'Argentre, Collectio Judiciorum,\o\. ii. pt. i, p. 133. 
 
43© ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 mences, and to «ntreat pardon for his escape, and permis- 
 sion to return in peace to Lyons. ' Lately returning from 
 Piedmont in company with troops of veteran soldiers in 
 order to proceed with th«m to the camp which you, most 
 Christian King, have pitched in Champagne,' thus he 
 subsequently wrote to Francis L, 'affection and paternal 
 love would not allow me to pass near Lyons without visit- 
 ing it, so laying aside all thoughts of the danger and risk 
 which I ran, I went there to see my little son, and to visit 
 my family. Being at Lyons four or five days, for the 
 contentment of my spirit I did not forget to examine my 
 treasures to see if there was anything spoiled or lost. My 
 treasures are not gold or silver or other perishable things, 
 but the products of my mind as well in Latin as in your 
 French tongue, treasures of far more importance to me 
 than earthly riches, and which I hold in singular affection 
 for this reason^ that these are they which will make me 
 live after my death, and will bear witness of me that I 
 have not lived in this world as an idle or useless person. 
 Examining these my said treasures, I chanced to light upon 
 two dialogues of Plato which I had some time since trans- 
 lated, and as I had resolved to publish certain of the 
 compositions which I had made in justification of myself 
 with reference to my second imprisonment, it has seemed 
 good to me to add to these compositions the said dialogues, 
 since the one is not unsuited to my condition, being upon 
 the miseries of human life, and the other is to show you 
 that I have commenced and made good progress in the 
 translation of the whole of the works of Plato. So that 
 either in your kingdom or elsewhere, (since without cause 
 I have been driven from France) I promise you with the 
 help of God that I will give you within a year the whole of 
 Plato translated into your own language. 
 
 ' Certainly if my chief aim were not the honour and 
 welfare of my country, I should not devote myself to such 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 43 1 
 
 excessive labour, but even if France should prove ungrateful 
 in reference to me (I call it ungrateful since its rulers try 
 to trouble me and expel me from it without any crime of 
 mine), I shall not on this account cease from enriching it 
 and illustrating it in every way that I possibly can. It 
 is in your power. Sire, to put an end to these my troubles, 
 and by your goodness and clemency to give me still greater 
 heart for pursuing and effectuating my literary enterprises 
 as well Latin as French, and that you would do this I 
 most humbly beg and pray.' 
 
 The volume which Dolet caused to be printed at Lyons, 
 containing the Second Enfer and the two dialogues 
 {Axiockus, then erroneously attributed to Plato, and Hip- 
 parchus), is in some respects the most interesting of all 
 the compositions of its author. Its extreme rarity is such 
 that no copy is to be found in the Biblioth^que Nationale, 
 and that neither N^e de la Rochelle nor any of the writers 
 before M. Aime Martin who have referred to it (except 
 Goujet) were able to meet with it. The single copy of the 
 Lyons edition now known to exist is among the treasures 
 of the Mazarin library, and it is from this that M. Aim6 
 Martin published his reprint in 1830. The epistles of 
 which the Second Enfer is composed are some of them 
 of considerable poetic merit, and are written in a pathetic 
 and elevated tone, full of lofty and noble sentiments, 
 asking for the writer's liberty, yet never in a servile spirit, 
 but on the grounds of his innocence and his deserts, and 
 I cannot but think that they conclusively disprove the 
 charges of irreligion and impiety. But the chief interest 
 in the volume does not arise from its merits or character, 
 but from the fact that it cost its author his life. Three 
 words of the translation of Axiockus constituted one of 
 the capital charges against Dolet. Of this book M. Aime 
 Martin has remarked that 'it is one of the pieces of the 
 great process prosecuted by fanaticism against the friends 
 
433 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 of intelligence and of reason. Dolet published it to justify 
 himself from the calumnies of the monks, and the monks 
 suppressed it in order to destroy all traces of their victim. 
 Such a work ought not to perish. We should always be 
 able to find a copy to throw at the feet of those who regret 
 the temporal power of the Church, and the weakness of 
 kings who allowed it to rule.' 
 
 The Second Enfer consists of twelve epistles in verse, 
 two addressed to the King, two to the Duke of Orleans, 
 one to the Cardinal of Lorraine, two to the Duchess 
 D'Estampes, and one each to the sovereign and venerable 
 court of the Parliament of Paris, the heads of justice at 
 Lyons, the Queen of Navarre the sole Minerva of France, 
 Cardinal de Tournon, and the author's friends. The first 
 epistle, addressed to the King, is both the longest and 
 the most interesting. Dolet gives an account of the plot 
 of his enemies in preparing and sending to Paris the two 
 packets of books, and shows the absurdity of supposing 
 he had done this, he gives an account of his imprisonment 
 and of his escape, and then defends his life, his opinions, 
 and his actions. A single crime he appears to admit, 
 that he had continued since the royal pardon to sell several 
 books of Holy Scripture ; this seems to have been ' the 
 head and front of his offending:' — 
 
 ' Mais quelcques gens ne sont point k. leur aise 
 De ce que vends, et impiime sans craincte 
 Livres plusieurs de I'Escripture Saincte. 
 Voyla le mal dont si fort ilz se deulent : 
 Voyla pourquoy ung si grand mal me veulent : 
 Voyla pourquoy je leur suys odieux : 
 Voyla pourquoy ont jur^ leurs grands dieux 
 Que j'en mourray, si de propos ne change 
 N'est ce pas la une rancune estrange?' 
 
 In his epistle to the Chiefs of Justice of Lyons, he is 
 still more explicit on this subject : — 
 
 'Or on scait bien, et bien scavoir se peult, 
 Que la raison, dont de moy on se deult, 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 433 
 
 Et dont je suys poursuyvy par Justice, 
 N'est pour forfaict, et aulcun meschant vice, 
 Auquel je soys par trop abandonne. 
 C'est seulement que me suis addonn^ 
 (Sans mal penser) depuis ung temps certain, 
 De mettre en vente en Francois et Latin 
 Quelcques liures de saincte Escripture. 
 Voyla men mal, voyla ma forfaicture 
 Si forfaicture on la doibt appeler. 
 Mais si au Roy il plaist me rappeler 
 Et faire tant, que ce malheur me sorte, 
 Je suys content, que le Diable m'emporte, 
 Ou qu'on me brusle, ou qu'on me face pendre. 
 Si pour tel cas jamais tombe en esclandre.' 
 
 He promises the King that for the future he will never 
 be guilty of this crime : — 
 
 ' Quant au surplus je m'en deporteray, 
 Et ton Touloir en tout je parferay: 
 Car s'il te plaist me defendre tout court, 
 Que, veu le bruict, que partout de moy court, 
 Je n'aye plus a liures imprimer 
 De I'Escripture ; on me puisse opprimer. 
 Si de ma vie il en sort ung de moy; 
 Et si j'en vends, tomber puisse en esmoy 
 De mort villaine ou de flamme ou de corde 
 Et de bon cceur a cela je m'accorde.' 
 
 Although here, as elsewhere, he seems to have had a 
 singular prevision of the«fate that was to befall him, and 
 which the boldness of his language seems to invite, he 
 by no means wishes for death. On the contrary, he begs 
 the King to grant him life that he may devote it to study 
 and the production of works useful to his country : — 
 
 'Vivre je veulx pour I'honneur de la France 
 Que je pretends (si ma mort on n'avance) 
 Tant celebrer, tant omer par escripts, 
 Que I'estrangier n'aura plus a mepris 
 Le nom Fran9oys : et bien moins nostre langue 
 Laquelle on tient pauvre en tout harengue.' 
 
 Then with more vigour than prudence denouncing the 
 enemies of literature and culture into whose hands the 
 wretched King had now fallen, and whose slave, though 
 
 Ff 
 
434 
 
 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 sometimes unwillingly, he now was, he calls on Francis 
 not to permit the persecutions of the learned, but to protect 
 them against the malice of their enemies : — 
 
 'Perme'ttras tu que par gens vicieux, 
 Par leur effort lasche et pemicieux, 
 Les gens de bien et les gens de S9avoir, 
 Au lieu d'honneur, viennent a recepvoir 
 Maulz infiniz, et oultrages enormes? 
 II n'est pas temps, ores, que tu t'endormes, 
 Roy nompareil, des vertueux le pere : 
 Entends tu point, au vray, quel vitupere 
 Ces ennemys de virtue te pourchassent, 
 Quand les S9avants de ton royaume ilz chassent, 
 Ou les chasser a tout le moins pretendent? 
 Certes (grand Roy) ces malheureux entendent 
 D'anihiler devant ta propre face, 
 Et toy vivant, la bienheureuse race, 
 Des vertueux, des lettres et lettrez.' 
 
 All that he desires and supplicates from the King is to be 
 allowed to return to France, to dwell peacefully at Lyons, 
 to devote himself to literary pursuits. 
 
 ' These verses,' remarks M. Aimd Martin, ' as verses, are 
 far from being admirable ; but what elevation, what courage 
 there is in the sentiments which they proclaim ! Thus to 
 attack face to face the enemies of humanity, to throw 
 light into the hearts of kings, to teach them that which no 
 one dares to say to them, but which they have so much 
 interest in knowing, namely, that they should make their 
 glory repose on the happiness and intelligence of their 
 people, to do that to-day, would be to deserve well of 
 mankind, to do that in those days of superstition was to 
 devote oneself to deatli ^.' 
 
 The epistles to the Duke of Orleans, the Cardinal de 
 Lorraine, the Duchess d'Estampes, and the Queen of 
 Navarre, need not detain us. Dolet repeats the assertion 
 of his innocence, gives an account of the false charge upon 
 
 ■ Rehabililalion (p. 8), prefixed to the reprint of Le Second Enfir. Techener, 
 1830. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 435 
 
 which he had been arrested, and entreats the interest of 
 these powerful personages with the King. In his epistle 
 to the Parliament of Paris he ventures on a still bolder 
 strain, and defends himself and his acts, and indirectly 
 literature generally, in a strain of noble indignation, which 
 if the author really expected it to have any effect, shows 
 us how entirely ignorant he was of the cruel heart and 
 narrow mind of the First President : — 
 
 'Quand on m'aura ou brusle ou pendu, 
 Mis sur la roue, et en cartiers fendu, 
 Qu'en sera-il? ce sera ung corps mort. 
 Las ! toutesfoys n'auroit on nul remord 
 De faire ainsy mourir cruellement 
 Ung qui en rien n'a forfaict nuUement ? 
 Ung homme est il de valeur si petite? 
 Est ce une mouche ? ou ung verms, qui merite. 
 Sans nul esgard si lost estre destruict ? 
 Ung homme est il si tost faict et instruict, 
 Si tost muny de science et vertu, 
 Pour estre ainsi qu'une paille ou festu, 
 Anihile? faict on si peu de compte 
 D'ung noble esprit qui mainct aultre surmonte?' 
 
 He concludes with asking from the parliament — 
 
 ' Ung bon arret qui en sens bref et court 
 Dira comment la venerable court 
 Du parlement de Paris me remect 
 En mon entier : et qu'au neant el'mect, 
 Du tout en tout, mon emprisonnement. 
 Sans que jamais bruict en soyt aultrement ? 
 Cela faisant justice vous fairez, 
 Et d'equite grande vous userez 
 En relevant I'innocent de malheur. 
 Qui ne taira jamais vostre valleur.' 
 
 To Cardinal de Tournon, the all-powerful minister, he 
 protests his innocence from all thought of heresy, he 
 declares that he has lived and wishes to live a good 
 Christian; he reminds the Cardinal, perhaps rather mal- 
 adroitly, that it was he who seven years before at Moulins 
 had presented his Commentaries to the King, and that to 
 him he was indebted for the royal privilege to print the 
 
 F f 3 
 
436 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 books which he should compose and edit, and he begs 
 now for a single word to the King in his favour. But it 
 is in the epistle to his friends with which the Second Enfer 
 concludes that the author rises to his highest strain. He 
 has done with apologies, he has done with justification, 
 he has done with complaint, and as a true disciple of 
 Cicero and Plato, conscious of his innocence, conscious of 
 his integrity, he is prepared for either fortune, equally ready 
 for life or death : — 
 
 ' Bon cueur, bon cueur ; c'est 4 ce coop 
 Que Fortune a faict son effort. 
 Pour me dresser du mal beaucoup: 
 Mais tousiours je suis le plus fort 
 Car combien qu'elle tasche fort 
 De ruiuer ce peu de bien, 
 Que j'avoys quis par bon moyen, 
 Toutesfois, I'esprit me demeure. 
 Parquoy oster ne me peult rien 
 Que ne recouure en bien peu d'heura 
 C'est assez, que I'esprit s'asseure, 
 Et qu'il ne perd point sa Constance : 
 Victeur sera (c'est chose senre) 
 Du monstre arm^ a toute oultrance 
 O que Vertu a de puissance I 
 O que Fortune est imbecille ! 
 O comme Vertu la mutille 
 Quand elle prend le frein aux dents! 
 Vertu n'est jamais inutille ! 
 Les effects en sont evidents. 
 Ne plaignez doncq mes accidents 
 Amys : doulcement je les porte, 
 Et me ry de ces incidents : 
 Car Vertu tousiours me conforte 
 Tant, que j'espere faire en sorte. 
 Que Fortune i moy attachee. 
 La premiere en sera fasch^e: 
 Et que du mal bien me viendra. 
 
 Ce ne sera chose cachee: 
 Je suys certain qu'il adviendra.' 
 
 Had the book ended here we could hardly imagine that 
 even the First President could have found matter for con- 
 demnation. But after the Enfer came the two dialogues, 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 437 
 
 Deux Dialogues de Platon. Scavoir est : Vung intituU Axio- 
 chus, qui est des Miseres de la Vie Mimaine et de t immortality 
 de Came; Vaultre intituU Hipparchus, qui est de la convoitise 
 de rhomme, touchant le gaing et augmentation des Mens 
 mondains. Le totit nouvellement traduict par le diet Dolet. 
 This was one of the earhest attempts to clothe any of 
 the writings" of Plato in a French dress, and it is curious 
 that the first dialogue to be translated into that language 
 should be one of those now admitted to be apocryphal ^ 
 
 Whether Dolet translated these Dialogues directly from 
 the Greek, or from the Latin translations already existing, 
 has been considered a matter of doubt, and the question 
 whether he was in fact acquainted with the Greek lan- 
 guage has been a subject of much discussion among his 
 critics and biographers. Duverdier states him to have 
 been ' bien versi es langues Grecque et Latin.' Baillet 
 adopts this statement. La Monnoye however, in his edition 
 of the Jugemens des Savans ^ says, ' It does not appear by 
 
 1 According to Nee de la Rochelle, the Axiochus had already been translated 
 into French and printed at Paris. The authority cited for this statement is the 
 catalogue of the library of Count Hohendorf, part 3. No. 1930, where a French 
 translation of the Axiochns appears, undated but bound up with pieces dated 
 1537 and 1539, from which Nee de la Rochelle conjectures that the Axiochus 
 would be about the same date. According to La Croix du Maine, GuiUaume 
 Postel was the author of this translation. In the Yemeniz catalogue, No. 473, 
 is !! translation of the Axiochus printed at Paris by Denis Janot, but without 
 date. A note states it to be a second edition of Dolet's translation, and it is so 
 given in the last edition of Brunet's Man^iel (vol, iv. c. 703), but this seems to 
 me doubtful, the title being altogether different. The book is probably a copy 
 of that mentioned in the Hohendorf catalogue, and attributed by La Croix du 
 Maine to Postel. I have been unable to meet with a copy of the book. (.The 
 Hohendorf collection was acquired by the Imperial Library of Vienna, where 
 no doubt the copy of the translation of the Axiochus would be found.) 
 
 The same year (1544) that Dolet's translation of the two dialogues appeared, 
 a French translation of the Lysis of Plato by Desperiers was printed at Lyons 
 bv De Tournes, with other works of Desperiers, It is erroneously stated by 
 M. Aime Martin iRehabilitation, p. 21) to bear the mark of Dolet, the dolotre 
 
 or axe. 
 
 ' Vol. i. pt. 2. p. 43- 
 
438 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 the works of Dolet that he knew Greek, his pretended 
 versions of the Hipparchus of Plato and the Axiochus have 
 been made from the Latin translations.' Maittaire quotes 
 this passage, but is disposed to give more weight to 
 Dolet's own statement that he had devoted much time 
 and labour to the study of Greek as well ,as Latin 1. Nee 
 de la Rochelle however, whilst admitting the weakness of 
 Baillet's argument, attempts with much ingenuity to combat 
 the statement of La Monnoye, and to show that Dolet 
 was a Greek scholar. He rests his case^, first, on the 
 statement of Dolet himself, who in his Manure de Men 
 traduire says that the reading of the Latin and Greek 
 languages was his principal occupation ; secondly, on the 
 privilege granted to him by Francis L for the impression 
 of Greek, Latin, Italian, and French books, composed, 
 translated, revised, amended, illustrated, or annotated by 
 him ; thirdly, he contends that it would have been im- 
 possible for Dolet to have understood or translated the 
 works of Cicero without understanding Greek, since Cicero 
 has made frequent use of Greek words, has inserted in 
 his works a great number of Greek passages in verse and 
 prose, and has translated or imitated from that language 
 a still greater number, so that, without a knowledge of 
 Greek, Dolet would have been stopped at each line of 
 his translation of the Familiar Epistles, and above all of 
 the Tusculans ; lastly, he replies to the argument that 
 
 ' Maittaire, Ann. Typ. vol. iii. p. 82. M. Boulmier has strangely misunder- 
 stood Maittaire's remark. He says (p. 213), 'Maittaire qui prodnit en note 
 cette assertion du savant Dijonnais (La Monnoye) la combat au moyen d'un 
 argument plus specieux que solide, en invoquant I'autorite de la Croix du Maine 
 ct de Duverdier tons deux frobablement verses dans le langue Grecque.' This is 
 just what Maittaire does not do. He points out that Uaillet was in error in 
 citing La Croix du Maine as an authority for Dolet's knowledge of Greek, as 
 that writer says nothing on the subject, and though he considers La Monnoye 
 wrong in saying that Duverdier was altogether ignorant of Greek, his own view 
 is based not at all upon Duverdier 's opinion but upon Dolet's own statements. 
 
 2 Viede Dolet, p. 71. " 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 439 
 
 might be drawn from the fact that Dolet had not in fact 
 printed any Greek books, by saying that neither had he 
 printed any Italian work, yet that it could not be denied 
 that he knew that language after having spent more than 
 four years in Italy. N^e de la Rochelle further refers to 
 the Greek verses addressed to Dolet by Honor^ Veracius, 
 with the remark, ' C'est a mon avis se moquer d'un savant, 
 que de se louer en face dans une langue qu'il n'entend 
 pas '.' 
 
 I need hardly say that M. Boulmier, who invariably 
 adopts the conclusion most favourable to the reputation of 
 his hero, concludes that ' Dolet knew sufficient Greek to un- 
 derstand and translate Plato, not only by the aid of a Latin 
 version, but directly from the original text.' I have already 
 mentioned that I have been fortunate enough to discover 
 two (partially) Greek books printed by Dolet, and which 
 have been hitherto entirely unknown, the Institutiones and 
 Meditationes Grammaticce of Clenard^ To the first of 
 these is prefixed a Latin ode by Dolet himself. N6e de 
 la Rochelle's arguments do not seem to me to be of much 
 force. All the passages quoted by Cicero in the Tusculans 
 from Greek authors are cited in Latin, and there are not 
 more than about a dozen isolated Greek words given in that 
 work ; and as to these, and the verses of Honor^ Veracius, if 
 verses they can be called, they could have been easily 
 translated, with the aid of the dictionary of Craston, 
 Gyllius, or Morrhius, by any one who knew the Greek 
 alphabet ; an ability to translate these certainly does not 
 at all imply the ability to read Plato in the original, and 
 a careful perusal and consideration of Dolet's translations 
 of the Epistolce Familiares and the Tusculans as well as 
 
 ' Fie rfe Doto, p. 94. , „ ^ ^ ., 
 
 ^ The Meditationes include the Epistle of St. Basil to St. Gregory. Besides 
 
 these, Dolet printed T. Gaza's Greek translation of Cicero Be Senectute and 
 
 Somnium Scipionis, 
 
440 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 of his other writings leads me to the conclusion that he 
 had acquired a certain superficial acquaintance with Greek, 
 but I can find nothing whatever to induce me to think 
 that he was competent to read Plato, much less to 
 translate his writings from the original. But further, a 
 comparison of Dolet's translation of the Axiochus with 
 the Latin versions of Agricola and Ficinus makes it 
 quite clear to me that Dolet's translation is made direct 
 from that of Agricola, and not from the Greek original, 
 though I am far from meaning to suggest, or even from 
 thinking, that he had not gone through the originals 
 with the assistance of one or more of the Latin trans- 
 lations ^. 
 
 The Second Enfer and the two dialogues were committed 
 to the press by Dolet during his short stay at Lyons, but it 
 is not probable that he was himself able to superintend 
 their publication, and indeed it has been assumed by all 
 his biographers, that within a few days after his arrival at 
 Lyons he was there discovered and arrested. Of this 
 however we have no sort of evidence, and I am disposed 
 to think that his arrest did not take place at Lyons, nor 
 
 ' The dialogue entitled Axiochus, by whomsoever written, enjoyed a greater 
 popularity about this time than any of the genuine writings of Plato. (Even an 
 English translation appeared in 1592, nearly a century before any part of the 
 genuine works of Plato was translated into our language.) No less than four 
 independent translations of it into Latin had appeared before 1544, and of two 
 of them there had been numerous editions. The earliest printed was that of 
 Marsilius Ficinus, by whom the work was attributed to Xenocrates. It was 
 printed, with the translation oflamblicus and other works, by Aldus in 1497, 
 and again in 1516. At least eight other reprints appeared before 1540. The 
 dialogue had however been translated by Rudolf Agricola, of whose translation 
 the first edition that I am acquainted with appeared at Antwerp in 1511. It 
 was reprinted in IS^S, twice in 1518, and again in 1532. In 1523 Pirckheymer 
 published a translation at Nuremburg, and in 1542 there was printed at Paris, 
 and reprinted the following year at Basle, an edition of the Greek text, with a 
 translation by Joachim Perion. Of these translations I only know those of 
 Ficinus and Agricola, both of which I have compared with Dolet's French 
 translation. Of the Hipparchus I know of no translation printed before 1544 
 except that of Ficinus. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 441 
 
 until some time after he had left that city, not long indeed 
 before the month of September. In the letter to Francis I. 
 prefixed to the two dialogues ', he states that his principal 
 object in leaving his retreat in Piedmont was to proceed to 
 the King's camp in Champagne in order personally to obtain, 
 as he seems to have thought he should have no difficulty 
 in obtaining, the royal pardon for his escape from prison. 
 Now in this same year (1544), simultaneously with or very 
 shortly after the publication of the Second Enfer at Lyons, 
 an edition, with several of the compositions of Marot added, 
 was printed at Troyes in Champagne by Nicole Paris ^. 
 The poems of Marot are judiciously selected for the pur- 
 pose which Dolet had in view, namely, of obtaining the 
 favourable consideration of the King. They comprised 
 Marot's epistle to the Duke of Orleans praying him to 
 use his influence with his father to obtain the poet's recall 
 from exilcj several pious and orthodox compositions in 
 praise of the Virgin and of our Lord, and one in praise of 
 the King. I have already stated that (for reasons which I 
 shall state hereafter at length) I think that the wife of Dolet 
 was either a native of or connected with Troyes, the great 
 seat at that time of the paper manufacture in France, and it 
 seems to me probable that Dolet, after entrusting the manu- 
 script to his wife or some confidential assistant for the purpose 
 of being printed, left Lyons (perhaps finding that his presence 
 there was known or suspected) and proceeded to Troyes, 
 intending thence to make his way to the royal camp if he 
 found that the King was there in person, and that at Troyes 
 he decided to print from a manuscript which he took with 
 him, intending to present it to the King, his Second Enfer, 
 together with the compositions of Marot, in order that a 
 printed copy might be laid before the King on his arrival 
 at the camp, and that at Troyes he was arrested by 
 
 ' Ante, p. 430. 
 
 2 As to this edition, see poil, Bibliographical Appendix. 
 
442 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Jacques Devaulx, the Messager of Justice of Lyons, who 
 afterwards claimed a thousand crowns for his costs and 
 expenses in reference to the escape and arrest of Dolet, 
 and who we may well believe had discovered Dolet's 
 visit to Lyons, and had thence tracked him to Troyes. 
 
STEPHANVS DOLETVS AV- 
 RELiys Gali^vs. 
 
 Cuncla dolans ad amujiun, txamino cunUa Doletus: 
 CMc^ tamen cf rurjus Mujica turbadolat. 
 
 N. R. 
 
CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 The Place Maubert. 
 
 ' What is it, life ? a little strife, whose victories are vain, 
 Where those who conquer do not win, nor those receive who gain.' 
 
 Lord Stbangford. 
 
 OLET'S new arrest, 
 wherever and in what- 
 ever circumstances it 
 took place, was cer- 
 tainly made before 
 the 7th of September 
 1544, by Jacques De- 
 vaulx, and, as the 
 former arrest had been 
 by order of the Par- 
 liament of Paris, be- 
 fore which court the 
 charge of sending the prohibited books to Paris was pending, 
 the prisoner was immediately taken to Paris, delivered over 
 to the officers of the Parliament, and thrown into the 
 conciergerie from which he had been discharged less than 
 a year before, and where he was to pass the remainder of 
 his short life. 
 
 The First President determined that the trial should take 
 place before himself; yet even on a trial in the Chantbre 
 
444 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Ardente, before Pierre Lizet, it would, one imagines, have 
 been difficult, upon the trumped-up charge of sending the 
 books to Paris and the subsequent escape from the hands 
 of justice, to condemn the prisoner to death, since the 
 ample letters of remission of the King duly registered by 
 the Parliament freed Dolet from the consequence of the 
 acts which had formed the pretext for his former conviction 
 and sentence. Even in the Chambre Ardente, and when 
 the First President presided, a prisoner must be charged 
 with some offence of a capital nature to allow of his being 
 sentenced to death, whatever might be the character of the 
 evidence, perjured or otherwise, to be adduced on the part 
 of the prosecution. 
 
 The only publication of Dolet since his release in 1543 
 (except the reprints already referred to) was the volume 
 containing the Second Enfer and the Dialogues of Plato. 
 This it was now determined to examine in order to find 
 matter for the prosecution of the author, and it was ac- 
 cordingly referred to the Faculty of Theology of Paris. 
 No heresy was found in the Second Enfer, or in the trans- 
 lation of Hipparchus, but it was otherwise with the Axiochus. 
 The aim of the writer of that dialogue was to prove the 
 immortality of the soul, an aim which was carefully kept 
 in view by the translator, and we may well believe that one 
 of the objects which Dolet had in view in printing it was 
 to prove the falsity of the rumour which, as we have seen, 
 had prevailed, that he disbelieved or doubted the existence 
 of the soul after death. The following is the argument 
 which he prefixed to the dialogue : ' This dialogue of Plato 
 is nothing else than a divine remonstrance which Socrates 
 made to Axiochus, who had been in his life a man of great 
 wisdom and virtue, but finding himself at the point of death 
 he was troubled in spirit, and did not continue in his former 
 firmness. This remonstrance of Socrates, then, consists of 
 a clear proof of the immortality of the soul, and a declaration 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. ' 445 
 
 of the evils which there are in human life from which we 
 are delivered by death; we then return to the eternal 
 mansions, where every felicity and happiness abounds for 
 those who have lived virtuously.' 
 
 In the course of the argument however, which is perhaps 
 more ingenious than solid, Socrates is represented by the 
 author as making the following remark concerning death : — 
 Ort wepi \ihj roiis fiSj^as ovk. €(ttiv, ot be airodavovTis ovk dcrlv 
 coore ovTe irepl ae vvv forty, ov yap Ti0vr]Kai oiire et ri tt&Qoh, 
 icrrai Ttepl erf av yap ovk eo-fi. 
 
 This is thus translated by Dolet : — 
 
 ' Pour ce qu'il est certain que la mort n'est point aux 
 vivants : et quant aux defuncts, ilz ne sont plus : doncques 
 la mort les attouche encores moins. Parquoy elle ne peult 
 rien sur toy, car tu n'es pas encores prest a deceder; et 
 quand tu seras decede, elle n'y pourra rien aussi, attendu 
 que tu ne seras plus rien du toiU^. 
 
 The passage in the original taken by itself hardly seems 
 to advance the general argument, and even to be opposed 
 to the doctrine of the immortality of the soul, though this 
 is by no means the case when taken in apposition with the 
 context ^, but even the Sorbonne would scarcely have had 
 the hardihood to accuse Plato (to whom the dialogue was 
 then by many attributed) of doubting or denying the im- 
 mortality of the soul, it was therefore necessary to allege 
 that it was wrongly translated. On the 14th of November 
 1544, the Faculty of Theology assembled in the hall of 
 the Sorbonne. ' A sentence from a certain book of Plato 
 translated into French by a certain Dolet was read, which 
 
 1 The following is the translation of Agricola : 'Quoniam neque circa viventes 
 est : hi vero qui obierunt non sunt amplius. Itaque neque apud te est non dum 
 enim obiisti : neque si quid tibi accidat, est circa te futura non enim eris.' 
 
 " Although Socrates seems to adopt the sentiment which he expresses, yet it 
 is a statement of an argument which he heard from Prodicus, and which he 
 merely uses as an illustration of his own views. 
 
446 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 is as follows, afires la mart tu ne seras plus rien du tout. It 
 was judged to be heretical, agreeing in the opinion of the 
 Sadducees and the Epicureans, wherefore it was committed 
 to the deputies in matters of faith to pronounce a censure 
 upon the same book ^Z The censure declares ' that in the 
 dialogue called Acochius (sic) the passage attendu que tu ne 
 seras plus rien du tout is wrongly translated and is contrary 
 to the intention of Plato, in whose work neither in the Greek 
 nor in the Latin are there these words rien du tout! 
 
 The crime of Dolet was thus having added to the text 
 of Plato the words ' rien du tout' words which if they are 
 not to be found in the original, or in the Latin translation, 
 in no way alter the sense of the text, but only express more 
 clearly the author's meaning, and the censure was made 
 by theologians ignorant even how to spell correctly the 
 title of the book they condemned. Yet these three words, 
 added merely for the purpose of more completely express- 
 ing the sense of the author, contributed in no small degree 
 to Dolet's death, and seem to have formed the sole ground 
 of the charge of blasphemy, one of the three counts of the 
 indictment upon which the capital and final sentence was 
 based. 
 
 The First President had not often such a criminal as 
 Dolet before him, one who combined in his own person 
 nearly every character that was hateful to Pierre Lizet ; he 
 was a printer, a scholar, and a heretic, or something worse. 
 Of heretics and journeymen printers he had condemned 
 abundance, but never since the condemnation of Berquin in 
 1539 had a scholar and a poet (the author of more than 
 fifteen works) been brought before the Parliament on the 
 charge of heresy. The process was long, but we have 
 scarcely any details of it. The charges were principally 
 three, blasphemy, sedition, and exposing for sale prohibited 
 
 ' D'Argentre, ColUctio Judiciornm, vol. i. p. xiv; Prods D'Estienne Dole/, 
 P- 33- 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 447 
 
 and condemned books. The blasphemy, which seems to 
 have been the principal charge^ was, as we have seen, that 
 contained in the translation of the Axiochus ; the charge 
 of exposing prohibited and condemned books for sale 
 would be based partly upon the false allegation of sending 
 the two packets of books into Paris, partly upon the fact, 
 which he admitted, that he had sold portions of the Holy 
 Scriptures in French and Latin ; the nature and ground of 
 the charge of sedition we can only conjecture. The escape 
 from prison could hardly be intended by the word sedition, 
 but bearing in mind the part Dolet had taken in the 
 disputes between the master printers and the journeymen, 
 and also the fact which he tells us that his former arrest 
 was the work of the master printers, I incline to think that 
 it would be in reference to this matter that he was accused 
 of sedition ^. He was further charged generally with ' autres 
 cas par lui faits et commis depuis la remission, abolitian, 
 et ampliation d luy donnh par le roy au mois de juing et 
 V^ jour d aoAt 1543.' The same course was taken as on 
 the previous trial ; the prisoner was brought before the 
 Parliament and interrogated, but, weak and weary as he 
 must have become by the long imprisonment, his spirit 
 does not seem to have been broken, and to judge from the 
 sentence which was ultimately pronounced, no admissions 
 were obtained from him. But besides the direct charges 
 against him we find two other questions raised in connection 
 with his trial. On the 6th of September, 1544, a petiton 
 was presented and an application heard on behalf of 
 Charlotte wife of Jehan Mareault, and Jehan Compaing 
 (probably the brother and sister of Guillaume Compaing), 
 
 ■ Prior to the accord of May i, 1543, there had been some tumultuous scenes 
 between the masters and the journeymen (Pericaud, Notes el Documents, p. 63), 
 and Dolet may not improbably have taken part in them, and as they had 
 formed no part of the matters charged against him on his former trial, it may 
 have been held that they were not covered by the royal pardon. 
 
44B ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 praying that, in case Dolet should be condemned and his 
 goods confiscated, five hundred livres tournois which had 
 been awarded to the petitioners by the sentence of the 
 Seneschal of Lyons might be paid to them, and that in 
 case Dolet should be found innocent of the charge made 
 against him, the petitioners might be heard before his dis- 
 charge in respect of their interest under such sentence. 
 
 Another petition was presented by Jacques Devaulx,and 
 heard on the i6th and 17th of the same month of Septem- 
 ber, in which the petitioner alleged the great costs, charges, 
 and expenses, amounting to more than a thousand crowns, 
 besides his time and trouble, 'pour la fuite industriense du 
 diet Dolet, duquel il avoit la charge pour le amener prison- 
 nier en la conciergerie du palais, et aussi pour t avoir repris 
 et ainen^ a grattd frais prisonnier en la diet conciergerie^ dinA 
 prayed that he might be reimbursed. 
 
 Sentence was not pronounced until the and of August, 
 1546, the process having thus lasted nearly two years, 
 during the whole of which Dolet was kept in prison in the 
 conciergerie, except on the occasions when he was taken 
 before his judges. The pathetic and noble epistles of the 
 Second E^ifer had been of no service to him. There was a 
 time when such poems would have touched the heart of 
 Francis I., but Francis was now merely the shadow of his 
 former self. Suffering physically from the terrible ven- 
 geance inflicted on him by the husband of La Belle Fer- 
 roniere, his mind altogether sunk in lethargy and supersti- 
 tion, he had become the mere grovelling creature of the 
 priests and their supporters who surrounded him, and who 
 seem to have allowed the wretched King but two indul- 
 gences, the society of his mistress the Duchess D'Estampes, 
 and of his reader Pierre Duch^tel. To both he was greatly 
 attached, but neither of them ventured to interfere with 
 the schemes of the ' partie pritre' 
 
 The years 1545 and 1546 are two of the most horrible 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 449 
 
 in the history of France, two of the most horrible in the 
 history of the Catholic Church. A decree was prepared 
 by Cardinal de Tournon and Jean de Maynier, Baron 
 d'Opp^de, First President of the Parliament of Aix, re- 
 voking the letters patent of the 15th of June, 1544, by 
 which all proceedings against the Vaudois had been sus- 
 pended, and ordering that, notwithstanding all subsequent 
 letters of pardon, the severe decree of the i8th of Novem- 
 ber, 1540, should be forthwith carried out. Such a decree 
 in order to be regular, required the sanction of the keeper 
 of the seals before it was presented to the King for his 
 signature, and the counter signature of the same official. 
 Olivier, then keeper of the seals and afterwards Chancellor, 
 less pliable — or less callous — than he afterwards became, 
 shocked at the wholesale murders which were in contem- 
 plation, refused to sanction the decree or to present it to 
 the King for his signature. The Cardinal caused it to be 
 presented by L'Aubespine the Secretary of State, and the 
 royal signature was obtained. It was countersigned by 
 L'Aubespine. 
 
 It was not likely that Olivier would affix the seals to a 
 decree so irregularly and illegally obtained. Accordingly 
 the Cardinal again interposed, and by some unexplained 
 means surreptitiously caused the seals to be affixed. And 
 then a scene of brutality commenced, which had not been 
 witnessed in France since the days of the crusades against 
 the Albigenses. On the lath of April, 1545, the Baron 
 d'Opp^de read to the Parliament of Aix the royal decree, 
 and the day following placed himself at the head of the 
 soldiers who were appointed to carry out the royal com- 
 mands. ' These troops,' says M. Henri Martin \ ' reinforced 
 by the papal Vice-legate of Avignon and by a fanatical and 
 brutal populace, at once attacked the Vaudois territory. At 
 first the inhabitants offered no resistance; murder, rape, 
 
 ' Hist, de France, torn. viii. book 48. 
 
450 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 and flames were let loose against the whole district. At 
 the sight of eight or ten villages in flames the inhabitants 
 of Merindol fled to the woods and mountains. The soldiers 
 only found in entering that town one inhabitant, a poor 
 idiot ; d'Opp^de caused him to be shot. Then they dis- 
 covered some women in a church. These unfortunate 
 creatures after a thousand outrages were thrown headlong 
 from the rocks of the castle. After burning Merindol, the 
 cut-throats marched upon Cabrieres, a fortified place, which 
 prepared to defend itself and to submit to a siege ; d'Opp^de 
 offered to the inhabitants their lives and property, and on 
 the 2cth of April the Vaudois opened their gates. D'Oppede 
 ordered the troops to put the whole of the population to 
 death. The old soldiers of the army of Piedmont declared 
 that their honour was engaged by the capitulation and re- 
 fused to obey the First President's order. The fanatical 
 military and rabble who followed d'Opp^de, headed by his 
 two sons-in-law, obeyed. Slaughter went on in the streets, 
 in the castle, in the church. To the latter a multitude 
 of women and children had fled : the furious horde rushed 
 headlong among them and committed all the crimes of which 
 hell could dream. Other women had hidden themselves in a 
 barn ; d'Opp^de caused them to be shut up there, and fire 
 set to the four corners. A soldier rushed to save them and 
 opened the door, but the women were driven back into 
 the fire with blows of pikes. Twenty-five women had 
 sought an asylum in the cavern of Mus at some distance 
 from the town. The Vice-legate of Avignon, a worthy 
 rival and coadjutor of d'Oppede, caused a great fire to be 
 lighted at the entrance of the grotto : five years afterwards 
 the bones of the victims were found in the recesses of the 
 cavern. La Coste had the same lot as Cabrieres ; the lord 
 of La Coste, a relation of d'Oppede, had conjured the latter 
 to spare his subjects ; d'Oppede promised to do so, the 
 gates were opened, and all the horrors of Cabrieres were 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 451 
 
 renewed. A great number of the wretched inhabitants threw . 
 themselves from the walls, stabbed or hanged themselves, 
 in order to escape the horrible treatment of the execu- 
 tioners, who prolonged with an infernal art the agony of an 
 entire town. A mother finding herself with her daughter 
 in the hands of these ferocious beasts, drunk as they were 
 with blood and lust, pierced her own heart with a knife, 
 and handed the weapon all bleeding to her daughter. 
 
 ' The three Vaudois towns were destroyed, three thousand 
 persons massacred, two hundred and fifty-six executed 
 after the massacre, and after a phantom of a trial, six or 
 seven hundred more were sent to the galleys, and many 
 children sold as slaves.' 
 
 Cardinal de Tournon rejoiced at the result, and at his 
 instance the King formally expressed approval of these 
 massacres. Letters patent of the i8th of August, 1545, 
 were issued, by which Francis solemnly approved of all that 
 had been done against the Vaudois. At Rome the satis- 
 faction was as great as at Paris. Paul III. was especially 
 delighted; he wrote a flattering letter to d'Opp^de, con- 
 gratulating him on his pious work, and conferring upon 
 him the Order of the Golden Spur and the title of Count 
 ^Palatine. The Catholic party was everywhere delighted 
 and triumphant. The King's conversion was now manifest. 
 Henceforth he definitivelybelonged to the reactionary party: 
 the remonstrances of the League of Smalcalde and of the 
 lords of Berne had been unavailing, and the cause of reform 
 and intellectual freedom in France had received the first of 
 that series of blows which was to culminate a hundred and 
 forty years after in the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. 
 But the extirpation of the Vaudois did not stop the per- 
 secutions ; the year 1546 was fruitful in martyrs of the 
 Reformed Church. At Meaux, still an ardent focus of Pro- 
 testantism, no less than sixty members of the reform party, 
 of whom nineteen were women, were condemned, fourteen 
 
 Gga 
 
453 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 to the flames, and the remainder to severe corporeal or 
 pecuniary penalties. Fourteen stakes were arranged in a 
 circle, and the condemned were burnt alive, at an auto-da-fe 
 which in the number, if not in the rank of its victims, rivalled 
 those of Spain. Nor were the executions confined to 
 Meaux. Never had Matthieu Orry been so busy. We 
 find him presiding, or sitting as assessor, in many provincial 
 towns : at Sens the Archdeacon denounced and caused to 
 be burnt his own nephew ; in Paris the flames were more 
 than once lighted, and everywhere among the pious and 
 orthodox were to be heard praises and thanksgivings for 
 the conversion of the King, and for the example he was 
 setting his people by these displays of real Christian piety 
 and Christian practice. 
 
 At such a time it was not to be expected that any voice 
 should be raised in Dolet's favour. There can be little 
 doubt that Duchitel had been given to understand that a 
 second intervention would cost him his place, and might 
 even render him personally liable to charges of heresy, and 
 an ostentatious display of orthodoxy certainly characterised 
 this part of his life. Nor is it probable that there was much 
 sympathy anywhere felt for the unfortunate prisoner. He, 
 in an age devoted to theological disputes, cared for none of 
 those things ; with the reformed doctrines he had never 
 sympathised, and except two or three who were men of 
 letters as well as theologians, such as Charles de Ste. 
 Marthe and Theodore de Beze, the reformers were gener- 
 ally hostile to him. Calvin placed him in the same category 
 with Servetus, and would probably have assisted Orry in 
 promoting his burning with as much alacrity and satisfac- 
 tion as he subsequently displayed in betraying the unfor- 
 tunate Spaniard into the hands of the same Inquisitor. Yet 
 the high spirit, the elevation of feeling, and the conscious- 
 ness of his- own rectitude which appears in the Second 
 Enfer, did not desert Dolet during the two weary years of 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 453 
 
 imprisonment, neglect, and danger, which followed his final 
 arrest. Conscious though he must have been that at any 
 moment sentence might be pronounced against him, and 
 knowing full well what the sentence must inevitably be, yet 
 in the last of his compositions, written very shortly before 
 his sentence, he expressed himself as saddened indeed by 
 his misfortunes, by the neglect of his friends and of the 
 whole world, yet as consoling himself by submission to 
 Godj by the consciousness that he had done nothing 
 worthy of death, but had lived a life not of innocence 
 merely, but of noble aims and no inconsiderable results, 
 and he shows us that the firmness and serenity of his mind 
 was unbroken. The following are among the last utter- 
 ances of ' Estienne Dolet, a prisoner in the Conciergerie of 
 Paris, written in the year 1546, on his desolation and on his 
 consolation : ' — 
 
 'Si au besoing le monde m'abandonne 
 Et si Dieu la volunte n'ordonne 
 Que liberty encores on me donne 
 Selon mon vueil ; 
 
 Doibs-je en mon cueur pour cela mener dueil, 
 Et de regretz faire amas et recueil? 
 Non pour certain mais au ciel lever I'ceil 
 Sans aultre esgard. 
 
 Sus done, esprit, laisses la chair \ part, 
 Et devers Dieu qui tout bien nous depart 
 Retirez-vous, comme ^ vostre rampart, 
 Vostre fortresse. 
 
 Mais vous esprit, qui S9avez la parole 
 De I'Etemel, ne suivez la chair folle; 
 Et en celuy qui tant bien nous consolle, 
 Soit vostre espoir. 
 
 Si sur la chair les mondains ont pouvoir 
 Sur vous, esprit, riens ne peuvent avoir ; 
 L'oeil, I'oeil au ciel, faictes vostre debvoir 
 De la entendre. 
 
454 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Soit tost ou tard, ce corps deviendra cendre; 
 Car i nature il fault son tribnt rendre, 
 Et de cela nul ne se peult deffendre ; 
 II fault mourir. 
 
 Quant a la chair il luy convient pourrir ; 
 Et quand a vous, vous ne pouvez perir : 
 Mais avecq Dieu tousjours debues flourir. 
 Par sa bonte. 
 
 Sus, mon esprit, monstres vous de tel cueur; 
 Vostre asseurance au besoing soit cogneue: 
 Tout gentil cueur, tout constant belliqueur, 
 Jusque i la mort sa force a maintenue'!' 
 
 On the and of August, 1546, the First President Lizet, 
 sitting in the Grand Chambre, pronounced sentence on 
 Dolet as guilty of blasphemy, sedition, and exposing for 
 sale prohibited and condemned books, ' charges which are 
 set forth more at length in his process,' and condemned 
 him to be taken by the executioner in a cart from the 
 prison of the Conciergerie to the Place Maubert, where a 
 gallows was to be erected in the most convenient and 
 suitable place, around which was to be made a great fire, 
 into which, after having been hung on the said gallows, his 
 body was to be thrown, with his books, and burnt to ashes, 
 his property to be confiscated to the King. ' Nevertheless 
 the Court orders that before the execution and death of 
 the said Dolet, he is to be put to torture and to the 
 extraordinary question in order that he may inform of his 
 companions ; and it is the will of the Court (retentum in 
 mente cuHcb) that if the said Dolet shall cause any scandal 
 or utter any blasphemy, his tongue shall be cut out, and he 
 
 ' This pathetic cantique, the last utterance of Etienne Dolet, remained in 
 manuscript for more than two centuries. Then, having fallen into the hands 
 of Guillaume de Bure, it was communicated by him to N^e de la Rochelle, 
 who printed it in his Vie de Dolet (p. 142). 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 455 
 
 shall be burnt alive.' To this sentence the signature of the 
 First President is appended ^. 
 
 ' I have endeavoured to give all the facts relating to the trials and sentences 
 of Dolet so as to enable the reader to form his own conclusions, but I have not 
 hesitated to express, or at least to indicate clearly, those at which the facts have 
 compelled me to arrive. It may however be, that my judgment is to some 
 extent coloured by sympathy for my hero and his pursuits, by hatred of re- 
 ligious persecution, and by the recollection of the bitter and persecuting spirit 
 displayed by Matthieu Orry and Pierre Lizet in other cases. There is another 
 view which may be taken of the final sentence upon Dolet, and which is adopted 
 by one so capable of judging as M. le President Baudrier, a distinguished French 
 judge and jurist, and at the same time one extremely well acquainted with the 
 literary, religious, and political history and institutions of the time. He is, I 
 need hardly say, a priori more likely to arrive at a true judgment as to the signi- 
 ficance of the procedure, the cause of the sentence, and the motives likely to 
 have actuated the judges, in the case of a trial or series of trials in France in 
 the sixteenth century, than I can be. The conclusion to which M. Baudrier 
 comes is this ; that Dolet can in no respect be considered as u, martyr for his 
 opinons, that his persecutors existed only in his own brain, that his misfortunes 
 arose solely from his mauvaise tete and mauvais cceur, that the judges and courts 
 which condemned him simply carried out the existing laws without any pre- 
 possession or prejudice, that though these laws were unduly severe (as were the 
 laws of every country at that period), yet, so far as they applied to the case of 
 Dolet, they did not trench upon liberty of conscience, and were neither unduly 
 nor unfairly pressed against him. For the ten years previous to the final 
 sentence Dolet had been an incessant law-breaker. Twice he had been found 
 guilty of capital offences. Twice he had been condemned to death by the 
 courts of Lyons ; the sentence in one case having been confirmed on appeal by 
 the Parliament of Paris. He had been found guilty and sentenced for a riot 
 by the Parliament of Toulouse. He had several times been summoned before 
 the courts at Lyons for offences against the press laws. He had been rescued 
 from the capital sentences simply by the royal pardon, upon the representations 
 and by the influence, of powerful friends. Tried for the third time, upon a 
 capital charge of blasphemy, sedition, and exposing for sale prohibited books, 
 and the judges being satisfied upon the evidence (as to which we have no 
 counter evidence except the statement of the prisoner himself) that he was 
 guilty, the Parliament had no option but to pronounce upon him the capital 
 sentence, which however was done in no haste, but after two years had been 
 spent in investigating the charges. He came before the Parliament of Paris as 
 a notorious, a persistent, and a wilful law-breaker, and was looked upon by the 
 court, and treated in exactly the same manner, as a persistent law-breaker 
 would be (and justly) by the courts at the present time. After a series of 
 offences such as those adverted to, no sentence other than a capital one could 
 have been pronounced upon him. 
 
 I cannot say that this reasoning is to my mind conclusive, though it is un- 
 doubtedly of weight and worthy of consideration, and I think in the interests of 
 
456 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 The sentence was carried out on the day following, the 
 3rd of August, the day of the Invention of St. Stephen, 
 and the day on which Dolet entered his thirty-eighth year. 
 We are fortunate in possessing an almost contemporary 
 narrative of the event, though unfortunately not by an 
 eye-witness. Three weeks afterwards, a certain Florent 
 Junius wrote to Herman Lsethmatius, Dean of the Faculty 
 of Theology at Utrecht, an account which had been given 
 to him by one of the officials who assisted at the execu- 
 tion ^. It was of course not to be expected that an atheist 
 should be simply executed in pursuance of the sentence. 
 Physically weakened by the torture which had been ap- 
 plied to him the previous night or the same morning, or 
 possibly both, he had now to be morally tortured by the 
 confessor with a view to induce him to repent and publicly 
 abjure his errors. Whatever the result, the Church would 
 be the gainer. If he repented and abjured his errors, it 
 was a triumph, far greater in the case of a scholar and 
 a reputed atheist such as Dolet, than in the case of a poor 
 wool-carder of Meaux, who, as the Church herself declared, 
 scarcely understood the doctrines on which he presumed to 
 form an opinion. If, on the other hand, he persisted in his 
 impiety to the point of death, the brutalities of the re- 
 ientum would be carried out, the physical tortures of the 
 condemned would be increased, and an enjoyment would 
 be afforded to the pious crowd of which they would have 
 been deprived by the repentance of the sinner. On his 
 arrival at the place of execution, Dolet was exhorted to 
 
 historical truth I ought to put it before my readers. If I do not in this note 
 attempt to controvert it, it is because the line of reasoning that has led me to 
 take a different view is sufficiently indicated, though not always categorically 
 expressed, in the text. But I believe my readers, whatever conclusion they 
 may come to, will with me feel much indebted to the learned President of the 
 Court of Appeal at Lyons for suggesting to me this view of the matter. 
 
 ' This letter is inserted in Almeloveen's Amanitates Theologico-Philologices, 
 Amsterdam, 1694, p. 78. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 457 
 
 think of his salvation, and to recommend himself to God 
 and the saints. He did not show himself too eager to 
 follow the advice, but muttered something or other, when 
 the executioner declared to him that he had orders to 
 speak to him of his salvation before the people. 'You 
 must,' said he, ' invoke the Blessed Virgin and your patron 
 saint, whose fete is celebrated to-day, and if you do not do 
 this, you know quite well what I am to do.' The unhappy 
 prisoner knew it too well. If the executioner's commands 
 were not obeyed, if Dolet did not invoke the Blessed 
 Virgin and St. Stephen, his tongue would be cut out 
 and he would be burnt alive. 
 
 Dolet, who had always professed himself a good Catholic, 
 would have no difficulty in repeating what was to him 
 an unmeaning formula, and so avoiding the terrible suffer- 
 ings which a refusal would have entailed upon him. He 
 obeyed the directions of the executioner, and repeated in 
 Latin the form of invocation which was suggested to him, 
 ' Mi Deus, quem toties offendi, propitius esto ; teque Vir- 
 ginem Matrem precor, divumque Stephanum, ut apud 
 Dominum pro me peccatore intercedatis.' 
 
 He then, so Florent Junius was informed by the official, 
 warned the assistants to read his books with much circum- 
 spection, and declared several times that they contained 
 many things which he had not properly understood or 
 meant. A moment afterwards the sentence was carried 
 out. He was suspended at the gallows, and then, possibly 
 dead, but more probably still breathing, the faggots were 
 lighted, and the author and his books were consumed in 
 the flames. 
 
 Such was the manner in which the festival of St. Stephen 
 was celebrated in the good old times^ the times which an 
 influential party, led by men of exalted rank and high cul- 
 ture, fondly regret, and would gladly see restored. But 
 their efiforts are happily vain ; whatever were the excesses 
 
458 ETIENNE DOLET 
 
 and crimes of the Revolution, it has placed an impassable 
 barrier between the good old times and the nineteenth 
 century. 
 
 The account of the execution given by Florent Junius 
 was that which the Church desired should go forth to the 
 people. The official who was the informer of Junius, as- 
 sured him that at the last moment Dolet had repented 
 of his errors. The same story had been spread abroad 
 respecting Berquin. The confessor who attended him at 
 the stake told Montius that he had acknowledged his 
 errors, adding, ' I doubt not that his soul departed in 
 peace.' ' I do not believe a word of it,' wrote Erasmus, 
 to whom Montius had communicated this statement, 'it 
 is the usual story which these people invent after the 
 death of their victims i.' 
 
 Jacques Severt in his Anti-Martyrologe'^ relates a story 
 which has placed Dolet in the ranks of ' les grands hommes 
 qui sont mort en plaisantant,' and which has since by its 
 introduction into numerous books of anecdotes made at 
 least the name of Dolet known to many who would other- 
 
 ' Erasmus, Epist. 1060. ' On sait I'usage invariable des jngements ecclesias- 
 tiques : c'est d'affirmer que la coupable a tout avoue, tout retracte, qu'il s'est 
 dementi h, la mort. Depuis que I'eglise n'a plus le Chevalet ni I'Estrapade elle 
 a toujours le confesseur qui suit le patient, bon gr^, mal gre, et qui ne manque 
 pas de dire du plus ferme des notres. II s'est reconnu heureusement, il a 
 abjur^ ses folies. C'etait un grand miserable I Mais grace a Dieu il a fait un 
 tres bonne fin.' Michelet, Hist, de Trance, Renaissance, p. 264. 
 
 " V anti-Martyrologe, ou veriti mani/eslee centre les Hisloires des supposees 
 Martyres de la religion pretendue reformee, imprimees a Geneve onze fois. 
 Divise en douze livres, Monstrant la difference des vrais Martyrs d'avec les 
 faux corporellement execulez en divers lieux. Par M. Jacques Severt, Docteur 
 Theologal en la Faculte de Paris. Theologal en I'Eglise de Lyon. Lyon, Rigaud, 
 i6zs, 4°. (p. 476). I am particular in giving the title of this very rare book 
 at length because I have nowhere seen the title accurately cited, and although 
 in almost every book where Dolet is mentioned the story of the Latin verse 
 made by him at his execution is related, I can find no writer except the anony- 
 mous author of the Hisloire abregie des Marlirs Frangais (Amsterdam, 1684) 
 who has cited the story at first-hand or who has even seen Severt's book. No 
 copy of it is in the British Museum. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 459 
 
 wise have never heard of the man or his death. ' When 
 Dolet,' says the Anti-Martyrologist, ' was at the place of 
 execution he fancied that the people who stood around 
 were regretting his death, then, instead of a prayer, he 
 uttered this Latin verse, " Non dolet ipse Dolet, sed pia 
 turba dolet ' ;" on which it was replied to him worthily by 
 the criminal lieutenant sitting on horseback' (or, as the story 
 is related in the Patiniana, by the doctor who accompanied 
 him for the purpose of converting him), ' on the contrary,. 
 " Non pia turba dolet, sed Dolet ipse dolet ^." ' 
 
 The death of Dolet, grateful to and approved by the 
 religious bigots of both parties, Protestant as well as Catho- 
 lic, was mourned only by the few men of letters in whom 
 the love of literature or the love of justice was not over- 
 powered by religious bigotry or personal malevolence. It 
 might have been thought that personal animosity, where 
 not inflamed by religious bigotry, would have been softened 
 by his fate, but in one conspicuous instance this was not 
 the case ; the lapse of ten years had not induced Julius 
 Caesar Scaliger to forget or to forgive the wound which 
 the young scholar of Toulouse had inflicted on his vanity 
 by writing in defence of Longolius and Cicero, and scarcely 
 were the flames that consumed Dolet's body extinguished, 
 ere Scaliger began to heap insults on his memory. Fifteen 
 years later the wound still rankled in his bosom, and in his 
 Poetices he seized an opportunity of indulging in brutal plea- 
 santry on Dolet's fate and gloating over his sufferings :— 
 
 ' Dum optimi atque maximi regis Francisci fata canit, ejus 
 nomen suo malo fato functum est ; quodque turn illi, turn 
 illius versibus debebatur solus passus est Atheos flammae 
 supplicium. Flamma tamen eum puriorem non effecit : ipse 
 flammam potius effecit impuriorem^' 
 
 1 
 
 'Dolet himself does not grieve, but the pious crowd grieves.' 
 ' The pious crowd does not grieve, but Dolet himself grieves." 
 Page 305. This passage will be found translated ante, p. 208. 
 
460 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 It is pleasant to know that there were some men of 
 letters who mourned Dolet's fate, and were not afraid to 
 express their sympathy for him, and their grief for his 
 loss. Theodore Beza, still young and sympathetic, whose 
 heart had not yet been hardened to the texture of that of 
 his great master, and for whom humanity and the Muses 
 had not yet lost their charm, composed and did not fear 
 to print an ode devoted to the apotheosis of the scholar 
 and the poet ^: — 
 
 ' Ardentem medio rogo Doletum 
 Cemens Aonidum chorus sororum, 
 Charus ille diu chorus Doleto, 
 Totus ingemuit ; nee uUa piorsus 
 E sororibus est reperta cunctis, 
 Naias nulla, Dtyasve, Nereisve, 
 Quae non vel lacrymis suis, vel hausta 
 Fontis Pegasei studeret unda, 
 Crudeles adeo domare flammas. 
 Et jam totus erat sepultus ignis, 
 Jam largo madidus Boletus imbre, 
 Exemptus poterat neci videri, 
 Quum coelo intonuit severus alto 
 Divorum Pater, et velut persegre 
 Hoc tantum studium ferens sororum 
 At cessate, ait, et novum colonum 
 Ne diutius invidete coelo ; 
 Coelum sic mens Hercules petivit.' 
 
 Another contemporary, whose name has not come down 
 to us, has written with more sympathy and with more 
 pathos the following epitaph in French^: — 
 
 'Mort est Dolet, et par feu consomme 
 
 Ohl quel malheurl oh que la perte est grande, 
 
 Mais quoy! en France on a accoustume 
 
 Toujours donner i tel saint tel offrande. 
 ' This ode, printed by Theodore Beza in the first edition of his poems 
 Juvenilia, Pans, 1546, p. 51, and reprinted in the edition s. I aut a. (with the 
 death's head), was omitted by its author in the editions he gave in 1569 and 
 1576, after he had fallen wholly under the spiritual dominion of Calvin. It has 
 of course reappeared in the beautiful edition just published by my friend 
 M. Liseux, with a French translation by M. Machard. 
 
 ° Le Laboureur, Additions aux Memoires de Caslelnau, vol. i. p. 348 (edit, 
 of 1731). 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 461 
 
 "Bref, mourir faut; car I'esprit ne demande, 
 Qu'issir du corps, et tost estre delivre, 
 Pour en ripos ailleurs s'en aller vivre." 
 C'est ce qu'il dit, sur le point de brusler 
 Pendant en haut, tenant ses yeux en I'air 
 "Va-t-en esprit droit an ciel pur et munde 
 Et toy mon corps, au gr^ de vent voler, 
 Comnje mon nom voloit parmy le mondel"' 
 
CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 Opinions and Character. 
 
 lis oTSev el t!) (^v ii(V iarl KarBavtiv 
 t6 KaT$aveiv S^ ^771/. 
 
 Euripides. 
 
 ' Atheism is the shadow of sacerdotalism.' — T. P. Kirkman. 
 
 HE religious opinions 
 of Etienne Dolet have 
 been the subject of 
 considerable discus- 
 sion among his critics 
 and biographers; and 
 much that is wholly 
 false, much that is 
 only partially true, 
 has been written on 
 the subject. Rejected 
 alike by Catholics 
 and ProtestantSj he has been generally regarded as an 
 atheist, nor until the publication by M. Taillandier of the 
 Frocks from which I have so frequently quoted, was it at 
 all clearly known what were the precise charges upon which 
 he was condemned to death. That he was convicted and 
 executed as a relapsed atheist was the received view, 
 and although this is not borne out by the language of 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 463 
 
 the sentence, yet I incline to think that this was its effect 
 and intention, and that the almost universal beHef that 
 he was a materialist, or (for the words were then and after- 
 wards used as synonymous) an atheist, was shared by his 
 judges. Yet it sometimes served the purposes of Catholic 
 controversialists to confuse him with the Protestants, so 
 as to charge them with the blasphemies attributed to 
 the unfortunate Dolet. 
 
 La Croix du Maine speaks of Dolet as burned for Cal- 
 vinism. Jacques Severt in his Anti-Martyrologe, already 
 cited, speaks of him as a Lutheran \ and Le Laboureur 
 in his additions to the Memoires de Castelnau ^ says that he 
 is among the pretended martyrs commemorated in the Grand 
 Martyrologe of Geneva ; but, as Bayle first pointed out, no 
 mention of or reference to Dolet is to be found in that book. 
 Nor indeed have I found any Protestant work in which he is 
 referred to as a Protestant martyr, earlier than the anony- 
 mous Histoire Abreg^e des Martirs Frangois du Terns de la 
 Reformation ^, the author of which simply adopts the state- 
 ment of Severt. Le Laboureur quotes a letter of Cardinal 
 Philibert Babou dit de la Bourdaisiere, written from Rome 
 to Bernard Bochetel, Bishop of Rennes, on the 23rd of 
 May 1563, in which he speaks of having in his youth seen 
 ' Dolet, one of the earliest Huguenots, who beginning by 
 sufficiently thoughtless opinions, and these of little im- 
 portance, fell in a short time into the most execrable 
 blasphemies I ever heard V 
 
 Calvin, writing shortly after the death of Dolet ^ says, 
 ' It is a matter of common notoriety that Agrippa, Villano- 
 vanus (i.e. Servetus), Dolet, and such-like Cyclopes have 
 
 ' His language is, ' II catechisoit sur Dogmes adulterins et scandalizoit. . . . 
 
 II fut etrangle, puis bnile sous le bruit et la qualite d'homme Lutherien." 
 
 2 Vol. i. p. 347. 
 
 ' Amsterdam, 1684, p. 407. 
 
 • Mem. de Castelnau, vol. i. p. 347- 
 
 " De Scandalis, Geneva, Crespin, 1551, p. 1^- 
 
464 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 always ostentatiously despised the Gospel, and at length 
 they have fallen into such a depth of insanity and fury, that 
 not only have they vomited forth execrable blasphemies 
 against the Son of God, but as regards the life of the 
 soul have declared that it differs in no respect from that 
 of dogs and pigs.' Du Verdier a few years later says that 
 Dolet was ' convicted on a charge of atheism \' and Du- 
 preau (Prateolus) includes him in his list of atheists 
 together with Diagoras, Pliny, Lucian, and Lucretius ^. 
 
 We have seen that a rumour was current as early as 
 1535 that Dolet was a materialist, and denied the immor- 
 tality of the soul. In the letter of Odonus to Gilbert 
 Cousin written in that year, Dolet is classed among the 
 atheists, his irreligious conduct is referred to, and he is 
 spoken of as ' impius, sine deo, sine fide, sine religione ulla.' 
 And in one of the earliest pages of the first volume of 
 the Commentaries, Dolet tells us that the Toulousans had 
 calumniated him to the King in reference to religion, and 
 seems to imply that it was on the occasion of the King's 
 visit to the city (in August, 1533) that this denunciation 
 took place. We can hardly imagine that this was the 
 case, yet it is a clear admission on his part of the existence 
 of a rumour at a very early date unfavourable to his 
 orthodoxy. This rumour was formulated in print by 
 Floridus Sabinus in 1539, and undoubtedly was generally 
 believed. It was probably based rather on the conver- 
 sation than on the writings of Dolet, since it is not borne 
 out by the general tenour of the latter, though there are 
 not wanting passages, both in his poems and in his Com- 
 mentaries, which would certainly afford corroborative evi- 
 dence to those who wished to believe the rumour. 
 
 1 Prosopographie, 4to. Lugduni, 1572, p. 503 (by mistake numbered 4103). 
 ' Dolet enfin avec sa scavoir estant pousse du diable fust convaincu d'acte 
 d'atheisme et bxn\6 a Paris publiquement.' The portrait and all reference to 
 Dolet are omitted in the subsequent edition of the Prosopographie. 
 
 ' De Vitis Seclis el Dogmatibus omnhim Hcereticorum (Cologne, 1581), p. 71. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 465 
 
 In his Hor(z Succisivce, Floridus speaks of Dolet as one 
 who asserted the mortality of the soul, and placed the chief 
 good in corporeal pleasures i. To this Dolet makes the 
 following answer: 'You say Dolet does not believe that 
 the soul sunrives the body . . . You must prove this either 
 from my writings or my life. Who can say that my 
 language is other than pious, chaste, filled with reverence 
 for God ? As to my writings, what is there in the slightest 
 degree to excite even the suspicion of impiety (for I call 
 the opinion that the soul perishes, impiety). And the life 
 which I lead, is it not truly Christian } . . . It most clearly 
 appears from my writings how far I am from this opinion : 
 I here quote the verses on the subject of the immortality 
 of the soul which I inserted in my Genethliacum.' He 
 then cites the passage part of which I have before quoted, 
 beginning, 'Tu ne crede, animos una cum corpore Privari 
 usura.' And he follows it up with an appeal to those in 
 whose intimacy he lived, whether his life was not such as 
 a Christian's should be ^- In his work Adversus calumnias 
 Doleti, Floridus thus replies to Dolet's defence : ' The 
 opinion of your impiety, which is everywhere held, cannot 
 be got rid of by any extracts from your Genethliacum, 
 for I hold this to be certain, that what you believe con- 
 cerning God and the soul you would speak of cautiously 
 and not openly to all, lest you should be immediately 
 seized and put to the torture.' 
 
 That Dolet was generally believed by his contemporaries 
 to be, if not an atheist, at least a materialist, we have 
 a good deal of contemporary evidence. The fact is referred 
 to by J. C. Scaliger more than once, and their contem- 
 porary Andr6 Le Freux (Frusius) honours Dolet (whose 
 name easily lent itself to the puns of his enemies) by 
 
 1 'Qui inquam unicus Aristippi germanus animam mortalem esse, ac summnm 
 bonum in corporis voluptate consistere non dubitat.' Lib. iii. c. 4. 
 
 2 Doleti Liber De imit. Cic. adv. Floridum Sabinum, p. 41. 
 
 Hh 
 
466 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 devoting to him the fortieth of his epigrams against 
 notorious heretics : — 
 
 'Mortales animas gaudebas dicere pridem 
 Nunc immortales esse Delete doles ^.' 
 
 In the copy of Dolet's Francisci Valesii Fata contained 
 in the Bibhoth^que Nationale, the following verses are 
 written in a contemporary hand, signed Binetus^: — 
 
 'Qui modo Francisci descripsit Fata Doletus, 
 
 Non sua prospexit fata futura miser ; 
 
 Debuit insequier Christum, nee vivere fato 
 
 Atheus, et rapidis inde perire focis.' 
 
 Gigas begins one of his epigrams : — 
 
 'Nate Dei verbum videre dolende Delete.' 
 
 Now when we come to the writings of Dolet, one thing 
 is certainly clear, not only is there nothing to justify the 
 appellation of atheist, but there is everything to lead to 
 the conclusion that Dolet was a sincere theist, fully 
 recognising a divine being as the creator and ruler of the 
 world. When however we desire to arrive at anything 
 more definite than this, we are met by a considerable 
 difficulty, and by some inconsistencies in our author's 
 writings. His ostentatious avowals of orthodoxy, and his 
 odes to the Virgin, are not entirely conclusive. They do 
 not strike the reader as proceeding from the writer's heart, 
 but as being inserted rather as a matter of form than of 
 actual belief. In the second volume of his Commentaries 
 under the word Anima, after some explanations and ex- 
 amples of its use by Cicero, he thus continues : ' Besides 
 this signification, Anima is used to express a certain celestial 
 
 ' Poemata, Cologne, 1558. 
 
 ' This was clearly Jehan Binet, a native of Beauvais, appointed professor in 
 the College of Guienne in Nov. 1533. See Brilanni Epistolce passim, and Gaul- 
 lieur, Histoire du College de Guyenne, pp. 54, 118. The facsimile of his auto- 
 graph given by M. Gaullieur (p. 60) exactly corresponds vfith the signature 
 Binehis in the copy of the Francisci Valesii Fa/a in the Bibliotheque Nationale. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 467 
 
 force by which we live and move and are partakers of 
 reason. Which some indeed attribute to the blood, and 
 some to other parts of the body, and which some think 
 is mortal and is extinguished at the same time with the 
 body, but which others have asserted to be immortal, 
 believing that after the destruction of the body, according 
 as the life of the man has been right and pure, or wicked, 
 the soul either ascends into heaven or descends into hell. 
 These opinions concerning the mortality or immortality of 
 the soul, as well as the various judgments of men con- 
 cerning religion, and their different doctrines in reference 
 to the worship of God, I have discussed in those books 
 De Opinione which I have left to posterity in order that 
 it may understand that I have passed my life as it be- 
 comes a man to do, and have not wasted it in a painful 
 devotion to trifles.' 
 
 On the subject of the immortality of the soul, however, 
 there can be little doubt that Dolet expressed his genuine 
 sentiments when he declared in his reply to Sabinus, and 
 in many of his poems and other writings, notably in the 
 Avant Naissance, that it was impiety to deny it. Yet he 
 seems to have been in considerable doubt, as must be the 
 case with every one who does not accept as authoritative 
 and final, what is laid down by the Church or what is 
 stated in the New Testament, as to what he meant by 
 immortality. Whilst sometimes using expressions, which 
 imply that he accepted the immortality of the soul in the 
 orthodox and ordinary sense of the words, we gather from 
 other expressions that he certainly doubted whether the 
 individual soul had an independent existence after death, 
 or whether it was not absorbed in the Creator or in the 
 soul of the universe. In his earHer poems indeed, and par- 
 ticularly in his ode to the memory of Simon Villanovanus \ 
 he seems to doubt whether consciousness exists after death, 
 
 ' AiUe, p. 32. 
 H h 3 
 
468 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 and in a melancholy poem in the same volume, Expetendam 
 esse mortem, M. Boulmier conjectures that we find the 
 phrase which originated the charge of atheism and ma- 
 terialism. It thus concludes ^ : — 
 
 ' Nunc ergo vitam quo irisipiens, cupis ? 
 Quo corpus optas omnibus obvium 
 Morbis, malisque? Quo precare 
 Perpetuas tibi, stulte, pcenas? 
 
 Ne mortis horre spicula, qva dabil 
 Sensu carere; vel melioribus 
 Locis tegi, et statu esse Iseto 
 Elysii est nisi spes inanis''.' 
 
 The note which he gives in the second volume of his 
 Commentaries on the word Mors perhaps lets us see his 
 real sentiments more clearly than any other passage of his 
 writings. ' I now come to the subject of death, the extreme 
 boundary of life, terrible to those who are about to die, but 
 only an event to be laughed at by those who are immortal, 
 that is to those who are renowned either by military glory 
 or by literary reputation. For by the separation of the 
 soul from the body will he, to whom for all future time 
 life after death has been gained by his reputation for ex- 
 cellence, think that he is about to be annihilated for 
 ever ? Is the dart of death terrible to heroes of this kind, 
 when by the eternal fame and reputation of their name 
 they have blunted it and deprived it of all force? That 
 this is true of myself I do not hesitate here to testify. 
 There is certainly nothing that could induce me more 
 readily or courageously to devote myself either to arms 
 or letters than the constant meditation upon and recol- 
 
 ' Orat. duse, p. 224. 
 
 " ' Now therefore why, O senseless one, do you desire life, why do you wish 
 your body to be exposed to all diseases and to all evils ? Why, O fool, do you 
 pray that your sufferings may be perpetual ? Do not be terrified by the arrows 
 of death, which will cause you either to be deprived of sensation, or else to be 
 sheltered in happier regions and to be in a joyful condition, unless the hope of 
 heaven is vain.' See also ante, pp, 377, 378, 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 469 
 
 lection of death. I do not say this from any desire to die 
 before my time, for to do so would be contrary to the 
 nature of man, but because I desire to conquer death, and 
 whilst I live to pass my life so nobly and courageously, 
 that I may achieve immortality either in arms or letters. 
 Unless those who either expose themselves to the dangers 
 of war, or pour out their life by their too great devotion 
 to literature, were actuated by this desire, were borne up 
 by this elevation of mind, do you think they would act as 
 they do, so eagerly or so nobly? And indeed there can 
 be no greater stimulus to noble-minded men to strive to 
 attain an immortality of fame than the constant recol- 
 lection, agreeable to those who are immortal, horrible to 
 those who are mortal, that this life is to come to an end 
 in so short a space of time. What indeed has death been 
 able to accomplish as yet against Themistocles, Epami- 
 nondas, Alexander the Great, Hannibal, Caesar, Pompey, 
 the Scipios, Demosthenes, Isocrates, Lysias, Homer, Pin- 
 dar, Aristophanes, Cicero, Sallust, Plautus, Terence, Virgil, 
 Ovid ? The power of death is naught against men fenced 
 about with such firm barriers of immortality. What 
 again will death with all its rapacity and ferocity be able 
 hereafter to do against Bud6, Longolius, Macrin, Mainus, 
 Maurice Sceve, Richer, Hugues Salel, Bembo, Sadolet, 
 Vida, Sannazar, Erasmus of Rotterdam, or Melancthon ? 
 The works of men of such excellence, consecrated as they 
 are to immortality, are clearly beyond the power of death, 
 and will I am certain never perish, but rather the sharp- 
 ness of death and of time, which tramples all things 
 under its feet, will be blunted by their virtue. The con- 
 sideration of death then causes fear only to those who are 
 weak-minded, those who are courageous it makes still more 
 so, and incites them more and more to undergo all kinds 
 of labours and dangers.' 
 
 The immortality to which Dolet really looked forward. 
 
470 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 and in which he was in his heart of hearts a believer, 
 was metaphorical immortality only, such as that in which 
 Horace believed, an immortality of fame. 
 
 ' Non omnis moriar ; multa pars mei 
 Vitabit libitinam.' 
 
 He believed that what he had written would live, and thus 
 that the better part of him would descend to future ages 
 and in that way be immortal, and where he speaks of im- 
 mortality he certainly sometimes means this only. Some- 
 times again he doubts whether eternal happiness does not 
 consist in eternal unconsciousness and eternal insensibility, 
 whether in short, Nirvana is not the highest good. Yet 
 in other moods we find a belief in the actual existence of 
 the individual soul after death set forth, and the pro- 
 vidential government of the world insisted upon. 
 
 A belief in the immortality of the soul may, roughly 
 speaking, rest upon one of three grounds, the authority of 
 the Church, the authority of the New Testament, or the 
 conclusions of reason. But those who reject the two 
 former will rarely be induced to accept the latter as an 
 adequate basis for the belief, or for anything more than 
 a vague hope. To every thinking man there must be ex- 
 cessive (I do not say insuperable) difficulties in accepting 
 as authoritative on such a question the voice of the Church. 
 The reformers with illogical ingenuity, rejecting the autho- 
 rity of the Church and yet desirous of maintaining the 
 doctrines of the creeds, while they returned to a simpler 
 faith and a purer practice, invented an ingenious though 
 illogical theory, which has since found its symbol in the 
 popular Protestant cry, ' The Bible and the Bible only,' a 
 shibboleth to which one would suppose it must be difficult, 
 to those who have not been accustomed to it from child- 
 hood, to frame their lips. Difficult it must be to under- 
 stand what are the grounds except the authority of the 
 Church on which the Canon of Scripture is arrived at, or 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 47 ^ 
 
 on which the theory of plenary inspiration can be based ; 
 to say why the epistles of Barnabas and Clement have not 
 the same authority as those of Jude and James, and why 
 the books of Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus are relegated to 
 the Apocrypha, while the Song of Songs and the Book of 
 Esther are enrolled in the Canonical books. 
 
 That the Church was infallible was believed neither by 
 Dolet nor by most other thoughtful men of the time, but 
 he could as little believe that Luther or Calvin was in- 
 fallible, nor was he likely to appreciate the grounds upon 
 which they asserted the plenary inspiration of Scripture in 
 an entirely different sense from the inspiration of Augustine, 
 of Jerome, or of Cicero. The religion which recommended 
 itself to Dolet, as it seems almost inevitable for it to have 
 done to all thinking men of that day who were equally 
 unable to accept the authority of the Church or the ar- 
 bitrary theories of the reformers, was natural religion, a 
 religion of duty in relation to this world only, and troubling 
 itself not at all with the future, as being a matter of which 
 nothing can be certainly known, and concerning which it 
 was useless to reason or to speculate. ' Naturalistic religion,' 
 says one of the ablest writers of our own day, speaking 
 of a century and a half later \ ' may seem a very unsafe 
 and comfortless halting-place to us, but to, many who heard 
 of religion only in connection with the Bull Unigenitus 
 and Confessional certificates, with some act of intolerance 
 and cruelty, with feeble discussions about grace and the 
 five propositions, the naturalism which Shaftesbury taught 
 in prose, and Pope versified, was like the dawn after the 
 blindness of night." And much more is this true of natural 
 religion in the sixteenth century, when the acts of intoler- 
 ance and cruelty were greater both in number and in kind 
 than in the seventeenth. Dolet was neither a Protestant 
 nor a Catholic ; as M. Henri Martin remarks, ' philosophy 
 
 ' John Morley, Fortnightly Review, 1875, p. 495. 
 
472 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 has alone the right to claim on its side the illustrious victim 
 of the Place Maubert, whom the reformation has denounced 
 as impious by the voice of Calvin '.' 
 
 But while Dolet's religious opinions seem the natural 
 outcome of the circumstances in which he was placed, yet 
 all his sympathies were with the party of reform ; and 
 while questions of doctrine, and indeed theological ques- 
 tions generally, seem to have been wholly alien from his 
 mind, he was not insensible either to the value of the New 
 Testament or to the fact that the cause of the reformers 
 was the cause of intellectual progress. Many of us may 
 care little for the theological controversies which occupied 
 not only the religious minds of the sixteenth century, but 
 even those who in less theological times would have been 
 chiefly devoted to the healthy business of life. We may 
 be unable to feel more than a languid interest in discussions 
 as to the precise method of justification, or as to the dis- 
 tinction between prevenient grace and grace of congruity, in 
 such questions as whether the rule of faith and life is to be 
 found exclusively in the sixty-eight books which the Pro- 
 testant Churches generally have held to be alone canonical, 
 or whether a co-ordinate, or any authority, is to be attri- 
 buted to the living voice of the Church, or to the fathers 
 of the first three or four centuries. We may even admit 
 that in many of the discussions, the champions of Rome 
 held the broader and more reasonable opinions, yet we 
 should never forget that the cause of Protestantism was 
 essentially the cause of intellectual progress and of freedom 
 of thought. It was the cause of the development of reason, 
 as the other was of its repression, of the retrogression of the 
 intellect. 
 
 There were indeed then, as there have been since at all 
 times, numerous Catholics who were better, and numerous 
 
 ' Hist, de France, 4"i» edit,, vol. viii. p. 343. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 473 
 
 Protestants who were worse, than their respective creeds : 
 Pierre Duch^tel, Michel de L'Hopital, Cardinal Sadolet, 
 and Thomas More, favourably contrast with Calvin, Carl- 
 stadt, Cranmer, and Somerset. 
 
 There may seem to a superficial observer little to choose 
 between, on the one hand, Luther with his incessant talk 
 about justification by faith, and Calvin with his predes- 
 tination, his rigid Trinitarian orthodoxy 1, his personal 
 infallibility, and his readiness to betray into the hands of 
 the Inquisition those who ventured a hair's-breadth beyond 
 the limits which he had laid down, and if need be to burn 
 them himself ; and on the other, Eck, with his defence of 
 indulgences and the primacy of the Pope, and Clement VII. 
 with his time-serving worldliness and expediency, and 
 Francis I. with his mixture of piety and profligacy. If 
 a tree is to be known by its fruits, we cannot deny that 
 Sadolet was far in advance of Calvin in all the Christian 
 graces and virtues, and that in the controversial epistles 
 which passed between them a much truer spirit of Chris- 
 tianity appears in the letters of the Cardinal than in those 
 of his great opponent. Nay, our sympathies are more 
 in unison, our reason less shocked with the arguments and 
 doctrines of Sadolet, than with those of Calvin. And we are 
 apt to lose sight of the fact, which cannot be too pro- 
 minently put forward or too clearly rememberedj that in 
 the sixteenth century, whatever we may think of the 
 dogmatic views of the reformers, Protestantism by the 
 logic of its position, though unknowingly and sometimes 
 unwillingly^ permitted freedom of thought, and Catholicism 
 deliberately and intentionally repressed it. The Catholic 
 party was logically and consistently wrong ; the Pro- 
 testant party was illogically and inconsistently right. 
 
 ^ Yet that Calvin was not really sound on the question of the Trinity, see the 
 extracts and authorities cited by Dr. Willis in his Servetus and Calvin, pp. 
 491-494. 
 
474 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Freedom of judgment, of thought, was really the basis 
 and standpoint of Protestantism, which yet in terms re- 
 jected it, or only admitted it reluctantly when driven by 
 its Catholic adversaries from all other positions. Besides, 
 the reformers, even Calvin the most dogmatic of all, had 
 a sincere love and desire for the truth as such, and were 
 only in error in thinking and positively asserting that the 
 portion of truth which each had acquired for himself was 
 the whole truth ; thus each Church set up for itself canons 
 of infallibility, little less odious and much more ridi- 
 culous than those of the Church of Rome. When Luther, 
 having rejected transubstantiation, excommunicated all who 
 could not accept the doctrine rather less reconcileable with 
 common sense of consubstantiation, and pronounced the 
 Zwinglian hypothesis no less heretical than the Roman, 
 and when Calvin, though himself certainly unsound on the 
 doctrine of the Trinity (if on this point the doctrine of 
 the Churches of England and Rome is to be counted as 
 orthodox), burnt Servetus for being a little more heretical 
 than himself, they were utterly false to the principles 
 which had alone entitled them to throw off so many of 
 the doctrines and practices of the Church of Rome, and to 
 separate from her communion ; they had ceased to deserve 
 the name of Reformers. Bossuet's history of the variations 
 of the Protestant Churches would have lost most of its 
 force had each of those Churches been content to accept 
 for its own guidance the measure of truth which it had 
 acquired, without attempting in a ridiculous rivalry of its 
 great opponent to uphold its own doctrines as the absolute 
 and whole truth for all men and for all time, and without 
 excommunicating with bitter hatred, and persecuting when 
 it had the opportunity, those who went a hair's-breadth 
 farther from, or halted a hair's-breadth nearer to, the 
 Church of Rome. 
 
 That Dolet's friends were all on the side of reform 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 475 
 
 is certain, that he admired the pure Hfe and moral teaching 
 of Le Fevre d'Etaples and Charles de Sainte Marthe, that 
 he both read, admired, and desired to promote the reading 
 of the New Testament is clear, but to say that he was a 
 Christian, as the term was then used or accepted equally 
 by Protestant and Catholic, would be undoubtedly to say 
 what is not the fact. But we may ask, what was there 
 to attract him in Christianity as displayed by its chief 
 ministers and adherents, by Cardinal du Prat with his 
 wealth and his avarice, by Cardinal de Tournon with his 
 massacre of the Vaudois and his repression of everything 
 like freedom of thought, by Noel Beda who considered 
 Greek and Hebrew as in themselves heretical studies, by 
 Pierre Lizet with his hands red with the blood of martyrs, 
 by the most Christian King oscillating between devotion 
 and debauchery, and by Calvin with his narrow and rigid 
 system of doctrine and his persecuting spirit. 
 
 If the description which Lucretius gives us of religion 
 is accurate, certainly all these may be called religious men, 
 but if we are to take our idea of religion from the defini- 
 tion given by St. James, or from St. Paul's enumeration 
 of the fruits of the spirit, not one of these eminent persons 
 possessed a spark of it, not one of them displayed a single 
 one of those fruits, at least some of which we may expect 
 to find in every Christian man. Goodness attracted Dolet 
 wherever it was to be found, whether in Sadolet, in Le Fevre 
 d'Etaples, in de Pins, or in Sainte Marthe ; but moral good- 
 ness unaccompanied by orthodox sentiments was rejected 
 as no sign of real Christianity, equally by the Reformers 
 as by the Catholics. 
 
 We can hardly doubt the sincerity of the language with 
 which in the Genethliacum Dolet recommends to his son 
 the belief and trust in God as a sure support and consola- 
 tion from the miseries of life. In the Commentaries he 
 offers up this prayer : — 
 
476 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 ' Ye gods, the omnipotent rulers of all things, grant me 
 this one, only this one piece of good fortune. The material 
 goods of fortune, as fleeting and vain things, I deem not 
 worthy of your care, nor do I for them seek to weary you 
 by my prayers. But grant this to me, that my reputation, 
 my safety, my life, may never depend on the sentence of a 
 judge. If I can obtain this from you by my prayers, I shall 
 think that I abound in all good things, that every good 
 fortune which I could desire is heaped upon me, that my 
 life has been surfeited with every pleasure. That I may 
 obtain this I implore you with the same earnestness and 
 sincerity with which I attribute to your goodness everything 
 that I possess, with the same zeal with which I reverence 
 your divine will, and with which I contemplate with ad- 
 miration and awe your power.' 
 
 It will hardly be believed that this prayer, so suitable 
 to his circumstances, has been the source of vehement 
 attacks. His use of the word superi instead of deus was 
 made a charge against him, and by this he was said to have 
 shown himself a heretic and a pagan ; and the following is 
 the remark which our English Jortin, generally so fair and 
 liberal, but who was frightened by the terrible word Atheist, 
 makes upon it : ' The most charitable thing to be said of 
 the author of such a prayer is that he was mad, and 
 probably it was the truth of the case. Perpetual applica- 
 tion to study, continual quarrels, violent passions, poverty, 
 a series of calamities, and infinite pride and vanity, had 
 soured his temper, heated his blood, and shattered his 
 brains i.' And a writer whom Jortin quotes ^ had previously 
 remarked on the prayer, 'An ita precatur homo sanus et 
 non male sibi conscius et Christianus ? ' 
 
 But it is only from the accident of his condemnation and 
 death that the religious opinions of Etienne Dolet have 
 
 ' Life of Erasmus, vol. ii. p. 68. 
 
 "^ Relat. Getting., vol. iii. fasc. i. p. loi. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 477 
 
 acquired any interest or have any significance \ For the 
 theological discussions and parties of the time he really 
 cared nothing, except so far as they affected the cause of 
 literature, and the remark which a recent Quarterly reviewer 
 makes upon Dryden is equally (perhaps more strictly) 
 applicable to him : ' A busy man of letters, who never 
 seriously reflected upon such matters, but who amused 
 himself as occasion offered with facile acquiescence in con- 
 troversial dogmas, with the listless speculations of languid 
 scepticism, or with laughing at both ^.' 
 
 It is as a scholar and a man of letters that Dolet desired 
 and ought to be judged by posterity, and in each of those 
 characters, if we cannot place him among the two or three 
 foremost names of his contemporaries, he is certainly entitled 
 to a high position. Though he may not have been that 
 consummate master of Latin style that he fondly believed, 
 and though he may have been wanting in critical acumen, 
 yet he must be admitted to have been a sound Latin scholar 
 as scholarship was then understood, possessed of much 
 learning, of strong classical feeling, of unwearied industry, 
 and of both the will and the power to make his learning 
 available for the use and benefit of others. His Com- 
 mentaries were one of the most important contributions 
 to Latin scholarship which France had as yet given. His 
 Formula, his criticisms on Terence, and his translations, 
 are all amongst the most meritorous works of their kind. 
 That his Latin works are rhetorical rather than scientific, 
 looking at form and not at substance, is only to say that 
 they were the works of a scholar of the Renaissance, of a 
 scholar of the first half of the sixteenth century. His 
 
 ' I have so frequently had occasion to note the shortcomings of M. Boulmier's 
 work that I am glad to be able to say that he seems to have fairly discussed 
 and to have arrived at true conclusions as to Dolet's religious opinions. Any 
 one who is interested in the matter will find the seventeenth chapter of his book 
 worthy of attention. 
 
 2 Quarterly Review, Oct. 1878. 
 
478 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 Latin verse is neither better nor worse than that of most 
 of his contemporaries ^ and if he never rises to the height 
 of Vida or Sannazar, he at least does not fall to the level 
 
 ' The judgment of Buchanan was very unfavourable, but it was rather the 
 matter than the style that he censured. His two epigrams on Dolet are as 
 follows : — 
 
 'Carmina quod sensu careant, mirere Doleti? 
 Quando qui scripsit carmina, mente caret.' 
 'Verba Doletus habet (quis nescit?) splendida: verum 
 Splendida nil prseter verba Doletus habet.' 
 
 Pasqtiier is not more friendly ; he says of him 
 
 'Cui placuit nuUus, nulli hunc placuisse necesse est.' 
 This is rather unkind, for the idea as well as the form of a long passage in 
 Pasquier's Recherches sur la France (book vii. c. vi.) is clearly taken from the 
 digression in Dolet's Commentaries, quoted ante, pp. 247-253. On the other 
 hand.Macrin — the French Horace — classes him with Brice, Dampetre, Bourbon, 
 and Voult^, and speaks of his verses in terms of high praise. The reader who 
 desires to see more fully the estimation in which he was held by his contem- 
 poraries will find a large collection of epigrams favourable and unfavourable to 
 him in Maittaire's Annates TypograpUciB, vol. iii. pp. 10-132. None of his bio- 
 graphers have however noticed the bitter epigrams written against him by 
 Gilbert Ducher, generally under the name of D-urus (Epigrammata, Lugduni, 
 1538, pp. 12, 38, 96, 104, 105), by Simon Vallambert, under different trans- 
 parent disguises {Epigrammalon Somnia, Lugduni, 1541, pp. 24, 28, 47, 48), 
 and by Antoine Gouvea {Epigramtnata, Lugduni, 1540, p. 17), and by Jehan 
 Gigas {Sylvarum Libri, Vitebergse, 1540. This unpaged volume contains four 
 epigrams against Dolet). The author of the life of Dolet in Les Hommes 
 illuslres de VOrUanais (taken principally from the MS. of Dom Gerou preserved 
 in the public library of Orleans) says that Muret was among the intimate 
 friends of Dolet, and speaks of him with iloge in his collection of Epigrams. 
 I have not been able to find any reference to Dolet in the writings of Muret, 
 nor anything to indicate that there was any acquaintance between the two 
 men. Muret was only twenty years of age at the time of Dolet's death. 
 
 Besides the two poems of Charles de Sainte Marthe already quoted, his 
 Poesie Franfoise contains the following ode to Dolet ; — 
 
 'Demosthene vivant, qui n'eut oncque fecond, 
 Les Grecs eurent jadis eloquence entre mains. 
 Lui mort, au monde vint Ciceron le facond, 
 Lequel avecque sol la porta aux Romains. 
 Apres luy, elle fut transport^e aux Germains, 
 On toujours demoura tant qu' Erasme a pen vie; 
 De la s'en retourna visiter I'ltalie, 
 Et avoit prins manoir chez Bembe et Sadolet. 
 Mais depuis peu de temps leur a este ravie 
 Et tout droit amende en France par Dolet.' 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 479 
 
 of Julius Cffisar Scaliger. That he sometimes admits false 
 quantities is a fault which he shares with scholars and poets 
 of much greater reputation ^ Yet sometimes in his Latin, 
 and still oftener in his French verse, notably in several of 
 those quoted in the course of this book, he rises to a height 
 of pathos, vigour, and imaginative power rarely if ever to 
 be found among the poets of the day, and which certainly 
 induce us to believe that had he devoted to French verse 
 the labour and pains which he gave to elaborating and 
 polishing his Latin prose, he might have equalled any of 
 his contemporaries, and surpassed all except Marot. Nor 
 must his services to the French language be forgotten. He 
 was one of the few scholars of the day who did not despise 
 his mother tongue, and who had formed a true conception 
 of its importance, and of the method of treating it scientifi- 
 cally. His grammatical tracts and his translations afford 
 us proofs of this, and add to the many other indications of 
 what he might and probably would have done had a longer 
 life been allowed to him. For in judging of his talents and 
 abilities we must not forget that he had only attained the 
 age of thirty-seven years at his death, and that the last four 
 years of his life were almost wholly passed in prison. What 
 would have been the reputation of Bud6, of Calvin, or even 
 of Erasmus had their lives terminated with their thirty- 
 seventh year ? But the man ' was greater than his books.' 
 His books have fallen into a common oblivion with those 
 of greater men. ' The books of the scholars of the sixteenth 
 
 ' Gray, usually one of the most correct and elegant writers of Latin verse, has 
 the following lines : — 
 
 'Irasque, insidiasque et tacitam sub pectore vulnus.' 
 
 ' Quin uti nos oculis jam nunc juvat ire per arva.' 
 
 'Scilicet hsec partem tibi, Masinissa triumphi.' 
 
 'Tempus ego certe memini felicia Poenis.' 
 Salmasius notices mistakes of quantity in the poems of Milton, and neither 
 Buchanan nor Beza is free from them, nor even from faults of grammar and 
 construction. Joseph Scaliger twice (in the Scaligerana) remarks upon the 
 Gallicisms of Beza. 
 
480 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 and seventeenth centuries,' says Mr. Pattison in his de- 
 lightful Life of Casaubon (p. 488), 'have for us little more 
 than an historical interest. They will be visited only by 
 those curious enquirers who may wish to acquaint them- 
 selves with the history of learning. The biographical data 
 will be of more interest than the philological matter.' 
 
 The books that Dolet did not write, but only planned, 
 interest us even more than those he actually composed, 
 since they help us to understand better the mind, the 
 aspirations, the aims of the passionate Ciceronian. The 
 history of opinions, the complete translation of Plato, 
 the translation of the whole Bible, the Orateur Frangoys, 
 the history of his own times, the lives of the Kings of 
 France after the manner of Suetonius, make us half admire 
 the enthusiasm, half laugh at the conceit of the man who 
 could imagine himself competent to undertake them, or 
 who could believe that one life could be sufficient to 
 accomplish them all, while his orations in his own defence 
 in reference to the death of Compaing, and his defence 
 from the serious charges on which sentence of death was 
 pronounced on him, and which he composed in the prisons 
 of Lyons, could not fail to have been of the highest bio- 
 graphical interest. His enthusiastic love of learning and 
 his intense belief in himself are his two strongest character- 
 istics, and both contributed in no slight degree to his 
 misfortunes. 
 
 It has been my endeavour in this book to show Dolet as 
 he really was, and I have omitted neither the unfavourable 
 criticisms of his contemporaries, both on his writings and 
 on his disposition, nor the facts from which unfavourable 
 conclusions may be drawn. When, eight years since, I 
 first planned this work I had absolute faith in the pane- 
 gyrists of Dolet. I believed, as it has been the fashion for 
 a certain class of men of letters in France to represent, that 
 
ETIENNE DO LET. 48 1 
 
 he was a man of the noblest character, that his virtues and 
 learning alone excited the hatred of the enemies of virtue 
 and learnings and brought him to the Place Maubert. But 
 the careful study of his own writings^ and of contemporary 
 authorities, has led me however unwillingly, to the conclusion 
 that his own faults of head, and I fear it must be added 
 of heart, were, though not the principal, yet important 
 co-operating causes of his misfortunes. Yet even with 
 these drawbracks he remains a man possessed of many most 
 admirable qualities, of high talent, an intense desire after 
 knowledge for himself, and an equally intense desire of 
 communicating it to others, an intense sympathy with every 
 kind of intellectual progress, and an intense hatred of 
 ignorance, bigotry, superstition, and priestcraft. 
 
 In judging fairly of his character, and in weighing his 
 merits and defects, I would ask that two facts be remem- 
 bered in his favour, and due weight given to them. The first 
 is, that with all these serious faults of temper and tempera- 
 ment, which could not fail at once to make themselves seen, 
 he yet excited the affection, the admiration, and the respect, 
 and obtained and at least for a time retained the friendship 
 of every man of learning and virtue with whom he came 
 into personal contact. One who so easily acquired and so 
 long enjoyed the friendship of men so different in station, 
 in sentiments, and in disposition as Jean de Langeac, Simon 
 Villanovanus, Jean de Pins, Arnoul le Ferron, Jacques 
 Bording, Gui de Breslay, Jean de Boyssone, Charles de 
 Ste. Marthe, the two Selves, Sebastian Gryphius, Nicolas 
 Berald, Pierre Duchitel, Jean Voult^, and last though not 
 least, of Clement Marot and Francois Rabelais, must have 
 been possessed of some excellent qualities of head and of 
 heart. 
 
 The second fact is this, that with all the violence of 
 Dolet's temper, with all the outrageous and abusive language 
 in which he indulged towards his real and fancied enemies, 
 
 I i 
 
48a ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 no single word of unkindness was ever penned by him con- 
 cerning any one of those with whom he had been on terms 
 of friendship, but with whom, from whatever cause, he had 
 quarrelled. Wherever the names of Rabelais, Marot, Voult6, 
 Bourbon, or Sussaneau occur in his writings, he uses the 
 language of affection and of admiration. It is possible 
 that every mention of them was written by him before their 
 estrangement, yet if so his silence ought to be allowed to 
 tell strongly in his favour. It is from them, not from him, 
 that we learn the existence of dissension. I have already 
 expressed my opinion — though the evidence on the subject 
 is very slight — that the probability is that in each case 
 Dolet was in the wrong. But the fact that he made no 
 complaint and used no unkind word, and that it is so much 
 more easy for the injured than for the injurer to forgive, 
 should be remembered in his favour, and will probably 
 lead us to the conclusion that thoughtlessness and personal 
 vanity, rather than badness of heart, led to the conduct of 
 which his friends complained. 
 
 It is not from a priest and a Barnabite that we should 
 expect a perfectly fair and impartial opinion concerning 
 one who was reported to be an atheist, but I do not know 
 that there is much to complain of in the Abb6 Niceron's 
 judgment (though only an imperfect one) on Dolet ^ : — 
 
 ' II fut outr^ en tout, aim6 extremement des uns, hai des 
 autres ^ la fureur : comblant les uns de louanges, ddchirant 
 les autres sans piti6, toujours attaquant, toujours attaque, 
 savant au del4 de son Hge, s'appliquant sans relache 
 au travail, d'ailleurs orgueilleux, m6prisant, vindicatif, et 
 inquiet.' 
 
 ' Mem. pour servir ^ I'Hist. des Hommes lUustres, vol. xxi. p. Ii8. 
 
CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 Claude Dolet. 
 
 'Unwept, unhonoured, and unsung.' 
 
 SOOTT. 
 
 O trace has hitherto 
 been discovered of 
 Dolet 's widow or son 
 Claude. The question, 
 what became of them 
 after his death has 
 often been put, but 
 never answered. The 
 diligence of N6e de la 
 Rochelle was able to 
 discover the existence 
 of only two persons of 
 the same surname in the two centuries which followed the 
 death of our hero — a certain Leon Dolet, advocate and 
 ichevin of Paris in 1603, and a Jacques Dolet, who filled 
 the same characters in 1623 ; and M. Boulrnier was unable to 
 add any others to this meagre list. 'After the death of Dolet,' 
 he writes, ' we completely lose the trace of his son Claude.' 
 ' This young unfortunate,' says N6e de la Rochelle, ' excites 
 our compassion, and compels our tears. An innocent victim, 
 having bitterly to complain of the fury of the enemies of 
 Dolet, what became of him after the death of his unfor- 
 
 I i % 
 
484 ETIENNE DO LET. 
 
 tunate father? Forced by a prejudice, which still' exists, to 
 conceal her misfortune, his mother perhaps sought an 
 asylum far from the city which gave him birth, where they 
 could live together in retirement^ unknown, and sheltered 
 from the persecutions of the devotees and too zealous de- 
 fenders of the Catholic religion. Nevertheless it is certain 
 that this child was lost for the literary world in which 
 he had been destined to shine, or that he so completely 
 concealed his name from the curiosity of the vulgar that 
 no one has since spoken of his existence, or even of his 
 death 1.' 
 
 I believe that I am able partially to draw away the veil 
 of mystery which has hitherto enveloped the after-life of 
 Claude Dolet, and to give some indications both as to him 
 and his descendants, which however I must leave to others 
 with greater opportunities than I possess, to follow up. 
 
 After repeated and lengthened searches in likely and un- 
 likely quarters for persons bearing the name of Dolet, I 
 have at length discovered that at Troyes, the great seat of 
 the paper manufacture in France, where the printers of 
 Lyons obtained most of the paper for their impressions, and 
 with which city the publication of an edition of the Second 
 Enfer in 1544 (by Nicole Paris) proves that Dolet had 
 intimate relations, and where as I conjecture his final arrest 
 took place, Claude Dolet was living as a flourishing citizen 
 from 1570 to 1585. Among the manuscripts of the Biblio- 
 th^que Nationale is a French translation of the Ethics of 
 Aristotle made by Nicole Oresme ^. The volume is a folio, 
 bound in wood, written on vellum, in the handwriting of the 
 fifteenth century, and ornamented with numerous miniatures, 
 vignettes and initial letters, and on the last sheet is this in- 
 scription, ' Cest livre de Ethiques est de Messire Berirand de 
 
 ' Vie de Dolet, p, 63. 
 
 = See Les Ma?tuscripls Fran^ais de la Bibliotheque du Rot, par A. Paulin Paris, 
 vol. iv. p. 430, No. 7059. 551. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 485 
 
 Beauvoir et le acheta a Paris le Z'^jour de May Van 
 
 M.CCCC.XL VII! Then below follows, '^/ depuis a Claude 
 Dolet qui demeures a Troyes et Vachepta le XXVII decembre 
 M.V°.LXX au diet Troyes! Afterwards on the vellum 
 page which is fastened to the binding is written, 'A Troyes 
 Nicolas Vignier docteiir en medicine 1587.' Fifteen years 
 after the date of Claude Dolet's inscription in the book 
 (i.e. 1585)) I find one of the same name an ^chevin of the 
 city^. If as I conjecture this was the same person and was 
 the son of Etienne Dolet, he would be thirty-one years of 
 age when he purchased the manuscript of the Ethics and 
 forty-seven when he was chosen an ^chevin of Troyes. The 
 extreme rarity of the surname, the identity of the Christian 
 name, the age of Claude Dolet, the connection of Etienne 
 Dolet with Troyes, and lastly the hereditary literary taste 
 displayed in the purchase of the beautiful and costly manu- 
 script, seem to me to prove conclusively the identity of 
 Claude Dolet, ^chevin of Troyes, with the son of Etienne 
 Dolet. And if we are satisfied of this identity, we shall pro- 
 bably not be far wrong in concluding that it was from 
 Troyes that Etienne Dolet brought his wife to Lyons, and 
 that she retired to her native city, and to her family there, 
 when the sentence of the Parliament of Paris had deprived 
 her of her husband. 
 
 Fourteen years after Claude Dolet had filled the office of 
 eckevin, I find Leon Dolet an advocate at Paris. He is 
 mentioned in Loisel's list made in the year 1599^, and ac- 
 cording to the Antiquith de Paris par Malingre (1640, 
 p. 690), he was chosen ^chevin of Paris on August 16, 1603. 
 The celebrated Antoine Mornac is also mentioned in Loisel's 
 list as ' frere de Leon Dolet.' The next of the name whom I 
 have found is the Jacques Dolet (mentioned by Nee de la 
 
 ' Courtalon Delaistre, Topograph. Hist, de la Ville et de Diocese de Troyes, 
 Troyes, 1783. 
 
 2 Pasquier, 011 Dialogue des Avocats du Parlement de Paris. 
 
486 ETIENNE DOLET. 
 
 Rochelle), and who according to Malingre (p. 693) was an 
 advocate, and was in 1633 ichevin of Paris. 
 
 In the following century there lived a Dolet who on 
 account of his Christian name is especially interesting to us. 
 Claude Louis Dolet, ' religieux Benedictin de la Reforme de 
 Clugni' is mentioned by Le Long in his Bibliotheque His- 
 torique (17 19) as the author of 'MS. Histoire, ou plutot 
 memoires de la province de Nivernois.' To the edition of Le 
 Long given by Ferret de Fontette^, M. Parmentier, 'assesseur 
 de la Marechaussee de Nivernois,' contributed the following 
 note relative to Claude Louis Dolet : ' Ses MSS. ont ^ti 
 disperses apres sa mort, et il y'en a quelques morceaux a 
 S. Martin des Champs a Paris. II avait bien amass^ des 
 materiaux mais il parait qu'il n'avoit rien redige. J'ai vu 
 de ses extraits en plusieurs endroits mais son histoire dont 
 parlait le P. le Long n'est nulle part.' 
 
 In the Grand Dictionnaire Historique of Larousse (vol. vi) 
 I find an account of a Charles Dolet, an actor and theatrical 
 manager, son of an officer of the mint, born at Paris in 1682, 
 and who died in the same city in 1738. Lastly, there died 
 in 1823 a certain Pierre Dolet, President d^ etude de la petite 
 communauti de St. Louis en File. His funeral oration was 
 delivered by the Abb6 de Rolleau, and afterwards printed 
 by Garnier (8vo. 1823). 
 
 Searches in the Archives of Troyes, of the Faculty of 
 Advocates of Paris, of the Benedictine order of Clugni, and 
 in other official records would probably result in the dis- 
 covery of the parentage of these persons. Much interest 
 has of late years been shown by France in those of her 
 children who shared in the revival of letters. This leads me to 
 hope that the indications given in this chapter, and which, 
 however scanty or insufficient they may seem, have not been 
 collected without much labour, will be followed up by some 
 who; living in France, have facilities for researches of this 
 » 1772. 4 vols, fol., vol. 3. p. 415, No. 35.570. 
 
ETIENNE DOLET. 487 
 
 kind which I do not possess. It is in the belief that, if this 
 suggestion is carried out, it will appear that the persons 
 mentioned were the descendants of my unfortunate hero, 
 and therefore not without interest to the few whom interest 
 in the subject-matter will have induced to follow a some- 
 what dull record to its close, that I venture, with these frag- 
 mentary notices, to conclude my story of the life and death 
 of Etienne Dolet. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 This Appendix contains as complete a list as I have been able to 
 make of the books written, edited, or printed, by Etienne Dolet. 
 The list given by M. Boulmier, the most complete which has up 
 to this time appeared, contains (in addition to the four books 
 written by Dolet and printed by Sebastian Gryphius) fifty-three 
 books as printed by Dolet; the present list contains eighty-three, 
 besides three of which he was the editor for other printers. Some 
 of these have never appeared in any catalogue, and have been up 
 to this time wholly unknown. I do not suppose that this list is 
 complete, but it is at least much more so than any which has yet 
 appeared. 
 
 In each case in which I am able to refer to an existing copy 
 I have done so ; in all other cases I give the authority upon which 
 I insert the title of the book, with such descriptions and details as 
 I have been able to obtain respecting it. Of the eighty-four books 
 printed by Dolet I have seen and examined fifty-one, including all 
 those referred to as in public libraries (except four books which 
 are in those of Bordeaux, Orleans, and Roanne respectively). Of 
 eighteen of the remainder, I am able to refer to a copy as now or 
 lately existing, while fifteen have totally disappeared, and I have 
 been able to discover no trace of any recently existing copy. 
 
 The abbreviations. Bib. Nat., Brit. Mus., and R. C. C, respect- 
 ively after the description of any book, indicate that a copy is in 
 the Bibliothbque Nationale, the British Museum, or in my own 
 possession. In all cases where I have been able to do so, I refer 
 to sale catalogues in which copies of the books have appeared, 
 with their numbers, and the prices at which they were sold. 
 Wherever there is reference both to the number and the price, 
 
492 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 I have verified the reference by an examination of a priced cata- 
 logue. In those cases however where the price is given without 
 a reference to a number in the catalogue, I have not been able 
 to meet with a priced catalogue, and have accepted the statement 
 of Brunet without further investigation. Of the rarer volumes refer- 
 ences are given to all the existing copies which I know. I further 
 give, what has hitherto been unattempted, except very imperfectly 
 in a few instances by Boulmier, lists of the reprints, if any, of each 
 of the books written or printed for the first time, or edited with 
 a preface or notes, by Dolet, giving in the case of the rarer volumes 
 descriptive details. In this part of the Appendix I cannot hope 
 even to approach completeness. Of Dolet's translations of the 
 EpistolcB Familiares and the Tusculana Disputaiiones, of his tracts 
 La Maniere de bien traduire, La Punduation, and Les Accents, of his 
 FormulcE Latinarum Locuiionum, I feel certain that there are reprints 
 which are unknown to me. In the case of books merely printed 
 by Dolet, I have only attempted to enumerate the reprints of those 
 of which he printed the original editions, or to which he added a 
 preface, an ode, or notes, which were subsequently reprinted. 
 
 Of the three divisions of this Appendix, the first contains the 
 books written by Dolet and printed by Sebastian Gryphius, the 
 second contains the books edited by Dolet for different printers, 
 and the third the books printed (or purporting to be printed) 
 by Dolet. 
 
 Of eighty-seven reprints (including abridgments) of books 
 written or for the first time printed by Dolet, and which are 
 referred to in the Appendix, I have seen and examined sixty-two. 
 
 A list of the catalogues cited is added at the end. 
 
 I. 
 
 BOOKS WRITTEN BY DOLET AND PRINTED 
 BY SEBASTIAN GRYPHIUS. 
 
 I. Stephani Doleti Orationes Duae in Tholosam. Eiusdera 
 Epistolarum libri ii. Eiusdem Carminum libri ii. Ad eundem 
 Epistolarum amicorum liber. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 493 
 
 8vo. Italics, 256 pp. Sigs. ^ two, a-p fours, q two. 8 pp. unnumbered, 
 246 pp. numbered. Last page, Doletus, Durior est speclatie virlulis quam in- 
 cognitiB conditio. 
 
 No date or printer's name, but certainly printed by Sebastian Gryphius at 
 Lyons, between Aug. 13 and Oct. 15, 1534. The type and initial woodcut 
 letters are those of Sebastian Gryphius. 
 
 Such of Dolet's works as were printed by Gryphius, though not readily met 
 with, can hardly, with the exception of the Dicdogus de Imitatione Ciceroniana, 
 be considered as rare. 
 
 R. C. C. (M. de Morante's copy)— Bib. Nat.— Brit. Mus. 
 
 La Valliere, 2343; 9 liv. — Saint Ceran; 9 fr.— Maccarthy, 3710; 2 fr.^ 
 Heber, pt. 2, 2124; 6s.: pt. 6, 973; 8s. 6d. — Cailhava, 223; 64 fr. — Coste; 
 30 fr. — Solar; 24 fr. — Morante, pt. i. 634 ; 10 fr. (cost M. de Morante 54 reals). 
 
 Techener, Bull, du Bib. (1854), p. 760 ; 12 fr. — Bachelin-Deflorenne (1872) ; 
 15 fr. — Liseux (1875) ; 14 fr. 
 
 2. Stephani Doleti Dialogus, De Imitatione Ciceroniana ad- 
 versus Desiderium Erasmum Roterodamum, pro Christophoro 
 Longolio. [Mark of Gryphius within a floriated border, and motto 
 ViRTUTK DUCE coMiTE FORTUNA.J Lugduni apud Seb. Gryphium. 
 
 M.D.XXXV. 
 
 4to. Roman letters. 200 pp. Signatures a-z and a and B twos. Ends on 
 p. 197, then 3 pp. unnumbered, two of these blank. Last page mark of 
 Gryphius. 
 
 R. C. C. (Morante's copy)— Bib. Nat.— Brit. Mus. 
 
 De Boze, 749. — Gaignat, 1504; 15 liv. — La Valliere, 2331 ; 17 liv. 19 s. — 
 Maccarthy, 2331 ; 3 fr. 20 c. — Morante, pt. i. 659 ; 5 fr. (cost 80 reals). 
 
 Bachelin-Deflorenne (1872) ; 30 fr. 
 
 3. Commentarionim Linguae Latinse. Tomus primus. Ste- 
 phano Doleto Gallo Aurelio Autore. \_Mark and motto of 
 Gryphim.] Lugduni apud Seb. Gryphium, 1536. Cum privilegio 
 ad quadriennium. \_All within woodcut border. See ante, p. 243.] 
 
 Folio, Italics, 912 pp. Signatures 5S, Aa, sb, c threes, d two, a-z, a-z, aa-zz, 
 aaa threes, bbb fours. 56 preliminary pp. unnumbered. 854 pp. text, in 
 double columns, numbered 1-1708. r p. blank, i p. mark of Gryphius. 
 
 Commentariorum Linguse Latinse. Tomus Secundus. Ste- 
 phano Doleto Gallo Aurelio Autore. [Mark and motto of 
 Gryphius.] Apud Seb. Gryphium, Lugduni 1538. Cum privilegio 
 ad quadriennium. [In woodcut border^ 
 
 Folio, Italics, 924 pp. Signatures Si, aA-cc threes, do four, ^-^, aa-zz, 
 AA-ZZ, AAA, BBB thrccs, ccc two. 64 preliminary pp. unnumbered. 858 pp. 
 text in double columns, numbered 1-1716. 2 pp. unnumbered, on the second 
 mark of Gryphius. 
 
494 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 This, the most important work of Dolet, is also by far the least rare. Hardly 
 a library of importance but contains a copy, and it is the only one of his books 
 which has during the three centuries and ». half since its publication been in 
 constant demand ; it is also the only one of which the pecuniary value has of 
 late fallen. ^ 
 
 R. C. C— Bib. Nat.— Brit. Mus. 
 
 De Boze, 65s. — Girardot de Prefond, 568; 126 liv. — Gaignat, 1411; 181 
 liv. — La Valliere(M.D.ccLxvii), 2291 ; 120 liv. : (m.d.cclxxxiii), 2205 ; 320 liv.— 
 Maccarthy, 2187 {gat€) ; 32 fr. 50s. — Giraud ; 100 fr. — Morante, pt. i 577 and 
 577 bis ; 60 fr. and 40 fr. (cost 250 and 400 reals. M. de M. had two other 
 copies which cost him respectively 475 and 230 reals). 
 
 Bachelin-Deflorenne (1872), 670 ; 90 fr. : 671 ; 70 fr. — Bull, du Bib. (1859), p. 
 
 59S ; 75 fi-- 
 
 Watt (Bib. Brit.), Clarke (Bibl. Diet.), and other bibliographers are in error 
 in stating that the Commentaries of Dolet were reprinted at London 1734, and 
 at Leipsic 1749. The books cited by them as such reprints are really editions 
 of the Latin Dictionary of Robert Estienne. Montfalcon (Manuel du Bib. et de 
 I'Arch. Lyonnais, Paris, 1857, p. liv) is equally in error in saying that Antoine 
 Gryphius printed a second edition of the Commentaries of Dolet. They have 
 never been reprinted. 
 
 An epitome of the first volume was printed in 1537, the author of which 
 styles himself Jonas Philomusus. An epitome of the second volume by a 
 different author appeared in 1539, and an epitome of the first volume by the 
 author of that 'of the second, and altogether different from that of 1537, appeared 
 in 1540. The following is the description of the three volumes : — 
 
 Commentariorum Linguae Latinse Stephani Doleti epitome duplex, quarum 
 altera quidem vocum omniu in illis explicatarum & in alphabeticum 
 ordinem redactaru significationes continet : Altera vero, similia afifiniaq ; 
 verba, et eorum contraria, eodem quo ipsi autori visum est ordine com- 
 plectitur. Ad haec, Dictionum, quse prseter alphabeti ordinem in expli- 
 candis aliis insenintur. Index. Omnia in studiosorum adolescentum gratiam 
 usumq ; nunc primum & coUecta & edita. Basilese, m.d.xxxvii. 8vo. 624 
 pp. — Sig. a four, /3 two, a-z, a-o fours, p two. 24 pp. unnumbered. Text 
 pp. 1-598, 1 p. blank, last p. mark and motto of Lasius and Platter. 
 R. C. C —Bib. Nat.— Brit. Mus. 
 Girardot de Prefond, 569 ; 5 fr. — Same copy, Morante, ist pt., 578; 41 fr. 
 
 (cost 126 reals). — Gaignat, 1412 ; 25 liv. 
 Bachelin-Deilorenne (1872), 673 ; 45 fr. 
 See as to the authorship of this volume, ante, p. 261. 
 
 Tomus Seoundus commentariorum de Latina lingua D. Stephani Doleti a 
 quodam eius nominis studioso, in Epitomen redactus, ubiq ; ordine autoris 
 servato. Basilese ex officina Bartholomei Westhemeri Anno m.d.xxxix. 
 8vo. Italics, 960 pp. Signatures a-z:, a-z, Aa-oo fours. 16 pp. unnumbered. 
 
 Text numbered 1-836. 107 pp. Index. Last page mark of Westheimer. 
 Bib. Nat.— Brit. Mus. 
 
 Tomi primi Epitome commentariorum Linguje Latinse Stephani Doleti, 
 brevis eodem quo ipsi autori visum ordine ubiq ; sancte observato et 
 
BIBLI OGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 495 
 
 J^m secundo in lucem edita. Cum Mice locupletissimo et diligentissimo. 
 iiasueiE, m.d.xxxx. 
 
 8vo. Italic letters. 832 pp. Signatures a, a-z, a-z, Aa-Ee, fours. 16 pp. un- 
 numbered Text numbered 1-752; Index 63 pp. unnumbered, ending 
 with Ba,tU,B apud BarptholomcBum Westhemerum et Rupertum Winter, Anno 
 M.D.XL. Last page unnumbered, mark of Westheimer 
 
 Bib. Nat.— Brit. Mus. 
 
 The three volumes are all extremely rare, especially the epitome of the 
 second volume, and the second epitome of the first. I have not noticed 
 any copy of either of these occurring for sale, except those of Heber (pt. 
 3, 1081), which realised only 2s. The descriptions of the three volumes 
 given by Brunet and Boulmier, as well as all other bibliographers who have 
 noticed them, are incorrect. Not one seems to have seen the books, or 
 to have known that the second epitome of the first volume is an entirely 
 different work and by a different author to the first. The error originated 
 with Gesner (Bib. Univ. p. 603), and his statement has been copied by his 
 successors without verification. His words are :— 'Eorundem commen- 
 tariorum, primi inquam et secundi Tomi Epitome ab erudito quodam con- 
 cinnata, impressa est Basilese apud Rob. Winter in 8vo. anno 1537 et rursus 
 1540, chartis 113, cum indicibus vocabulorum similium affinium et con- 
 trariorum quae eodem ordine in hac epitome ponuntur, quern ipse author 
 servavit ; csetera autem vocabula in alphabeticura ordinem digesta sunt. 
 
 4. Stephani Doleti De re Navali. Liber ad Lazarutn Bayfium. 
 \_Mark and motto of Gryphius.'\ Lugduni apud Seb. Gryphium, 
 1537- 
 
 4to. Roman letters. 220 pp. Signatures A and b twos, c. three, a-z and A 
 twos. 28 pp. unnumbered. 1-189 text, i p. errata, i p. blank, i p. mark 
 of Gryphius. 
 
 R. C. C— Bib. Nat.— Brit. Mus. 
 
 De Boze, 2003. — Gaignat, 3371 ; 18 liv. i s. — La Valliere, 1841 ; 11 liv. 5 s. — 
 Maccarthy, 5065; 4 fr, 5 s. — Coste, 440. — Morante, pt. i. 1772; 7 fr. 50 c. 
 (cost 85 reals'). 
 
 Bull, du Bib. (1847), No. 1719; 10 fr. 
 
 Of this book one of the three copies in my possession, and which I procured 
 in Italy, contains a licence or permission from the Holy Office to the owner to 
 use the book, but the name of the author as well on the title-page as on the 
 running title has first been most carefully and ingeniously erased or altered, so 
 that it would be almost impossible for any one unacquainted with the name to 
 discover it. Infinite pains have been taken with this book, and no less than 
 ninety-seven places where the author's name occurs have been so altered. But 
 unfortunately, it occurs ninety-eight times, and in one place, on page 138, the 
 hated name of Dolet has been left unaltered by the carelessness of the officer of 
 the Inquisition, and consequently the whole elaborate erasures and alterations 
 are useless, and the reader is permitted to learn the name of the author'. 
 
 ' The student of the literature of the sixteenth century will be aware that 
 
496 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 This book has been reprinted by Gronovius in the Thesaurus Antiquitatum 
 Gracarum, Lugd. Bat. 1697-1702, and Venice 1732-1737, vol. xi. 
 
 5. Doleti Carmina (see post, Books printed by Dolef). 
 
 II. 
 
 BOOKS EDITED BY DOLET FOR DIFFERENT PRINTERS. 
 
 1. Becueil de Vers Latins et Vulgaires de plusieurs poetes 
 
 Francoys composes sur le trespas de feu Monsieur le Daulphin. 
 
 \Mark of Fr. Jusie.'\ m.d.xxxvi. On les vend a Lyon chez 
 
 Francoys Juste pres nostre Dame de Confort. 
 
 4to. Roman letters. 40 (?) pp. unnumbered. Signatures A and B fours, c 
 twos. (Should not c have two more folios ?) 
 R.C.C.— Bib.Nat. 
 
 2. Le Courtisan de Messire Baltazar de Castillon. Nou- 
 vellement reveu et corrig^. \Mark of Fr. Jusie.\ Avec priviliege 
 royal pour trois ans. Fran9ois Juste, m.d.xxxviii. 
 
 8vo. Roman letters. 
 
 Each page is in a woodcut border. This volume is divided into three parts, 
 each with a separate title-page, and pagination of folios. 
 
 Ft. I (Books I and 11), 292 pp. cxlvi folios irregularly numbered and 
 full of mistakes : last, which should be cxlvi, is cxlii. Signatures a-r fours, 
 s five. 
 
 Ft. 2. Le tiers livre du Courtisan. [Mari of Juste surrounded by motlo, andtwo 
 verses underneath.'] On les vend a Lyon ches Francoys Juste devant Nostre 
 Dame de Confort, m.d.xxxviii. 
 
 118 pp. Folios numbered i-Lix. 
 
 Ft. 3. Le quart livre du Courtisan. 
 
 120 pp. Folios numbered i-lvih. Signatures a-p. 
 
 On rev. of foho 58, Fin du qvatriesme et dernier livre du Courtisan imprimi de 
 nouveau. Lyon, par Francoys Juste, demourant devant le grant porle Nostre Dame 
 de Confort Lan 1538. Then follow 4 pp. unnumbered. 
 
 Bib. Nat. 
 
 La Valliere, 1371 ; 5 liv.— Cailhava ; 51 fr. 50 c. — Monmerque ; 38 fr.— Coste, 
 319; 40 fr.— Veinant; 25 fr. 50 c— Yemeniz, 553; 190 fr. 
 
 Bull. duBib. 1858; 90 fr. 
 
 most of the copies of the books of scholarship of Erasmus, Melancthon, H. 
 Estienne, and other heretics which are to be found in Italy or have come from 
 thence, and which, as containing no matter of heresy, were permitted a certain 
 circulation there, have the names of the authors and of any other heretic who 
 may be mentioned carefully obliterated. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 497 
 
 3 Le Guydon des Practiciens contenant tout le faict de prac- 
 tique come Ton se doibt conduyre en exerceant icelle Premiere- 
 ment imprime avec son repertoire at avec les allegations des 
 droictz. Et est divisd par plusieurs chapitres comme amplement 
 apart. \_Mark of Gabianoi] Avecques privilege pour six ans. 
 M.D.xxxviii. II se vendent a Lyon en rue Merciere chez Scipion 
 de Gabiano et freres. 
 
 8vo. Gothic letters. S56 pp. Signatures a-g fours, hfive, a-v, a-z, Aa fours, 
 Bb five. 
 
 132 pp. unnumbered, ccclxii folios numbered. 
 
 On rev. of title ; Estienne Dolet au lecteur salut. Lecteur si tu as veu ce que 
 desia est sorty de nos mains, tu ne peux ignorer I'affection et vouloir que avons 
 au bien public et honneur literaire. Ce q ma men de vouloir estre mis en 
 lumiere ce present ceuvre a moy envoye par ung mien amy. Done apres avoir 
 congneu le diet ceuvre estre utile et proffitable, jay donne ordre qu'il vint entre 
 tes mains en la sorte que tu vols. Adieu lecteur. 
 
 Brit. Mus. 
 
 This seems to be the original edition of this book. It was reprinted at Paris 
 the same year by Galliot du Pre, in 1539 tyjean Petit, in 1539 by Janot, in 1552 
 by Ch. I'Angelier, at Lyons in 1605 by Hugueton, and again_ULj6io. 
 
 [Le Theatre des bona engins auquel sent oontenuz cent Emblemes 
 (par Guillaume de la Perriere). The first edition of this book (v\fithout date but 
 about 1536) has been frequently attributed to the press of Dolet, and some- 
 times stated to have been edited by him, but for no other reason than that it 
 bears at the end a device similar to one afterwards adopted by Dolet. Reiime 
 me a calumniis hominum, Brit. Mus.] 
 
 III. 
 
 BOOKS PRINTED BY DOLET ^- 
 
 M.D.XXXVIII. 
 
 I. Stephani Doleti Galli Aurelii Carminum Libri quatuor. 
 
 [Mark of Dolet with motto, Scabra et impolita ad amussim dolo 
 
 ATQUE PERPOLio.] Lugduni. Anno m.d.xxxviii. 
 
 4to. Italic letters. 184 pp. Signature a three, b-y twos, z one. 
 
 Bib. Nat.— Brit. Mus. 
 
 De Boze, 1053.— La Valliere, 2639 ; 5 liv. i s.— Maccarthy, 2747 ; 6 fr.— 
 
 ' This division includes all books purporting to issue from the press of Dolet. 
 It is certain that the two first mentioned, and possible that some others, may 
 not have been in foct printed by him. 
 
 Kk 
 
498 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 Bruyere-Chalabre ; 20 fr.— Courtois ; 8 fr. — Coste, 703 ; 30 fr. — Morante, pt. i. 
 972 ; 16 fr. (cost 114 reals). 
 
 Bull, du Bib. (1854), p. 760; 28 fr. 
 
 I have retained this book in the list of those printed by Dolet, inasmuch as 
 his mark on the title-page shows that he put it forth to the public as such, and 
 it has generally been ascribed to him by bibliographers. It will however be 
 noticed that it is without a printer's name, and it is clear from the type and 
 initial letters that it was in fact printed at the press of Sebastian Gryphius. 
 
 2. Les CEuvres de Clement Marot de Cahors, valet de 
 chambre du Roy. Augment^es de deux Livres d'Epigrammes : 
 Et d'ung grand nombre d'aultres CEuvres par cy devant non 
 imprimdes. Le tout songneusement par luy mesmes reveu ■et 
 mieulx ordonn^. \_Mark of Dolet, not in border but with motto 
 ScABRA &c.] A Lyon au Logis de Monsieur Dolet, m.d.xxxviii. 
 Avec privilege pour dix ans. 
 
 8vo. Gothic letters. 488 pp. Folios numbered i-xc, i-xcvi, i-xxxii, i-xrvi. 
 Signatures a-1, a-m, Aa-nd, a-c. 
 
 Each of the four divisions has a separate title, with the mark of Dolet, which 
 again appears on the last page. 
 
 Bib. Nat. 
 
 F. Didot (m.d.cccviii) ; 28 fr. — Duriez ; 35 fr. — Bruyere-Chalabre ; 89 fr. — 
 Pixerecourt, 609 ; 75 fr. — M. de C. (Techener, i860) ; 224. — Solar (bought for 
 Bib. Nat.); 1320 fr. 
 
 I have been unable to trace any copy of this edition of Marot, as sold since 
 the Solar sale in 1863. Judging from the excessively high prices which the 
 subsequent editions of 1542 and 1543, which are less rare, have fetched, it is 
 probable that a copy of this edition in fine condition would realise even more 
 than the sum paid by the Bib. Nat. at the Solar sale. Of no class of books 
 has the demand and price so greatly increased during the past quarter of a 
 century as of the early editions of French poets and romances. Though the 
 editions of Marot given by Dolet in 1542 and 1543, and that of Rabelais given 
 in 1542, are by no means among the rarest of Dolet's productions, several 
 copies of each being known to exist, yet they fetch a much higher price than 
 any other books printed by him. 
 
 That this edition of Marot though purporting to be, yet was not really 
 printed by Dolet, is clear. I have before stated (p. 362) that from the similarity 
 of the type to that of the Guydon des Practiciens, edited by Dolet for the 
 brothers Gabiano, I think it probable that they were the printers of this 
 edition. 
 
 3. Cato Christianus, id est, Decalogi expositio, accessio ad 
 praecepta legis ex Christi doctrina; Symbolum Christianae et 
 Apostolicse persuasionis, cum ejus expositione. Precatio dominica 
 et ejus interpretatio. Odse de laudibus Virginis Marise. Stephano 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 499 
 
 Doleto Gallo Aurelio Autore. {Mark of Dolet with motto.l 
 Lugduni, apud eundem Doletum, 1538. Cum privilegio ad de- 
 cennium. 
 
 8vo. 38 pp. 
 
 Dedicated to Sadolet. At the end the mark of Dolet ; underneath, Durhr est 
 spectat(E virlutis gimm incognitce conditio. 
 
 Of this book I find no trace of the existence of any copy except that in the 
 collection of the late M. A. F. Didot (who has described it in his article on 
 Dolet in the Nouvelle Biographic Generale, where he states that he considers it 
 to have been the first book printed by Dolet). This copy came from the library 
 of Gaignat (342 ; 17 liv.) and Coste (90; 30 fr.). The only copy known to 
 Nee de la Rochelle, which however he had not seen, was that of M. Gaignat. 
 
 4. Catonis Disticha cum scholiis Erasmi. Lugduni, apud 
 Doletum, 1538. 
 
 Roanne Library, Cat. No. 3281. 
 
 I have seen this book nowhere mentioned, and I owe my knowledge of it to 
 M. Baudrier, from whom I also learn that a second copy was in the possession of 
 the late Dr. Desbarreaux- Bernard of Toulouse. 
 
 M.D.XXXIX. 
 
 5. rormulse Latinarum Locutionum Illustriorum. Stephano 
 Doleto Gallo Aurelio Autore. Prima pars conflatas ex nomine 
 et verbo locutiones habet. Secunda significationem et construc- 
 tionem verborum profert. Tertia usum particularum indeclina- 
 bilium demonstrat. [Mark with motto, Scabra &c.J Lugduni, 
 apud eundem Doletum, 1539. Cum privilegio ad decennium. 
 
 Folio. Roman and Italic letters. 204 pp. Signatures a-r threes. Last page 
 mark, not in border ; underneath, Durior, Sec. 
 R. C.C— Bib. Nat.— Brit. Mus. 
 
 Gaignat, 1413 ; 21 liv. — Heber, pt. vi. 2204; £1 5s. — Morante, pt. i. 579; 
 14s fr. (cost 630 reals). 
 
 Bull, du Bib. (1853), p. 395; 165 fr. — Bachelin Deflorenne (1872), 676 
 170 fr. 
 This book has been frequently reprinted : — 
 
 i. By Sturm with the Connubium Adverbiorum of H. Sussanneau, under the 
 title Phrases et formulae linguse latinse elegantiores cum praefatione Joan. 
 Sturmii quibus adjecimus Connubium adverbiorum Ciceronianorura Hub. 
 Sussannsei. Argentorati, Rihel. 1576, 1580, 1585, 1596, 1610. 
 ii. In 1606 Barezzi published at Venice an edition of the Thesaurus Cicero- 
 nianus of Nizolius, appending thereto, with some slight alterations, the 
 Formula Latinarum Locutionum of Dolet, but without any reference to 
 Dolet's name, and stating that the book was by Nizolius : this was repeated 
 K k 3 
 
5O0 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 in the edition given by Bernard Junta at Venice in 1607, and probably 
 in other editions printed during the seventeenth century. In 1734 Fac- 
 ciolati restored the Formula to their true a;ithor, in the edition which he 
 gave of Nizolius under the following title: Lexicon Ciceronianum Marii 
 Nizolii ex recensione Alexandri Scoti. Nunc crebis locis refectum et 
 inculcatum. Accedunt Phrases et Formulas Linguae Latinae ex Commen- 
 tariis Stephani Doleti. Patavii, M.n.ccxxxiv. The false title of Dolet's 
 treatise is as follows : Phrases et Formula Latince quas Siephanus Boletus 
 ex suis Commentariis collegit, novaque diligentta tractavil. Nunc prodeunt 
 ■ castigatce et auctce, Typis Seminarii Patavini. Facciolati has prefixed to this 
 a preface of his own composition, has omitted some examples given by 
 Dolel, adding others, and adding also the references to the passages cited. 
 Reprinted with the Lexicon Nizolianum, London, 1820, 3 vols. 8vo. 
 iii. In 1753, and again in 1764, Father Alessandro Bandiera printed the 
 Phrases et Formula of Dolet at the end of his volume, Osservazioni su le 
 epistole di Marco Tullio Cicerone a famigliari. Venezia, Bettinelli. (See 
 as to these volumes and the curious printer's errors therein, ante, p. 261, 
 note I.) 
 
 6. Genethliacum Claudii Doleti Stephani Doleti Filii Liber 
 vitse communi in primis utilis et necessarius. Autore patre. 
 [Mark in border with motto, Scabra &c.] Lugduni, apud eundem 
 Doletum, 1539. Cum privilegio ad decennium. 
 
 4to. Italic letters. 24 pp unnumbered. Signatures a-c. 
 
 Bib. Nat (two copies). — Brit. Mus. 
 
 La Valliere, 2644 ; i8 1iv. — Mel de St Ceran, 1539. — Maccarthy (with the 
 Carmina and Francisci Fata), 2748 ; 6 fr. — Heber, pt. 2 (with the Avant Nais- 
 sance, Francisci Fata, and Les Gestes), 1906 ; £2 12s. 6d. — Coste (with the Avant 
 Naissance), 704. — Yemeniz, 1533 (with Francisci Fata, Les Gestes, and the 
 Avant Naissance; 500 fr- — Morante (pt. iii), 5292 ; 19 fr. 50 c. (I find no 
 copy of this book in the catalogue of his library printed by the Marquis.) — 
 Taschereau (with the Avant Naissance), 1390 ; 380 fr. 
 
 Of the two copies of this book in the Bib. Nat., each with the date 1539, I 
 have already remarked that one is . interleaved, and have quoted the additional 
 verses contained therein (ante, p. 338). This copy was clearly prepared for a 
 new edition, and probably formed the basis of the reprint given by Dolet in the 
 following year. (See post.) There are however slight variations in the two 
 copies, though both have the date 1539. The running title is in rather larger 
 letters in the interleaved copy than in the other, the marginal notes are slightly 
 different in the arrangement of the words, and one marginal note, which is in 
 the other copy, is omitted in the interleaved one. It is not improbable that 
 the marginal notes as well as the running title were added by means of small 
 stamps or hand-presses, after the book had been printed. The Genethliacum 
 was reprinted by Dolet in 1540. It was again reprinted by Techener in 1830 
 with other tracts of Dolet, preceded by the Rehabilitation of M. Aim^ Martin. 
 A hundred and twenty copies only of each tract were printed. The Genethlia- 
 cum is intended to be an exact reprint of the edition of 1539 (it is clear that 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 501 
 
 neither the interleaved copy, nor the edition of 1540, were known either to the 
 printer or editor). Apparently by an error, the reprint omits the ode of Janus 
 Guttanus which immediately precedes the Xenia of Maurice Sceve. The 
 omission is a careless one, for the Xenia cannot be understood without the ode 
 of Guttanus, to which the Xenia refers. The marginal notes to the original 
 edition are also omitted in the reprint. In other respects, the impression given 
 by Techener is an exact copy of the original edition of 1539. 
 
 7. L'Avant Ifaissance de Claude Dolet, filz de Estienne 
 Dolet : premierement composde en Latin par le pere, et main- 
 tenant par ung sien amy, traduicte en langue Francoyse. CEuvre 
 tres utile et necessaire a la vie commune ; contenant Comma 
 I'homme se dolbt gouverner en ce monde '- A Lyon, ches 
 Estienne Dolet, m.d.xxxix. Avec privileige pour dix ans. 
 
 4to. Roman letters. 32 pp. (Nee de la Rochelle, and De Bure.) 
 Gaignat, 1853; 14 liv. — La Valliere, 2645; 12 liv. — Mel de St Ceran, 
 1387* ; Heber (with the Genelhliacutn), pt. i, 2261 ; "js. : pt. 9, 1047 ; £2 3s. — 
 Coste (with Les Gesies), 704; 69 fr. — Yemeniz (with others) 1533; 500 fr. — 
 Taschereau (with the Genethliacum), 1390; 3S0 fr. 
 Reprinted by Techener in 1830. 120 copies only. 
 
 8. Francisei Valesii Gallorum Regis Fata. Ubi rem omnem 
 celebriorem a Gallis gestam nosces, ab anno Christo m.d.xiii usque 
 ad annum ineuntem m.d.xxxix. Stephano Doleto Gallo Aurelio 
 Autore. [Mark not in border but with motto.'\ Lugduni. Anno 
 m.d.xxxix. Cum privilegio ad decennium. 
 
 4to. Italic letters. 80 pp. Signatures a-k twos. Last page unnumbered. 
 Mark in border ; underneath, Dolelus, Durior, &c. 
 
 R. C C— Bib. Nat.— Brit. Mus. 
 
 De Boze, 1054.— Gaignat, 3047 ; 10 liv. i s.— La Valliere, 2640; 6 liv.— Mel 
 de St, Ceran, 2738 ; Maccarthy (with others), 2748 ; 6 fr.- Heber, pt. i, 2262 ; 
 4s._Nodier (with Les Gesies), 1485; Yem'eniz (with others), 1533; 500 fr.— 
 Cailhava, 805 ; 50 fr. — Morante, 1st part, 1903 ; 21 fr. (cost 87 reals). 
 
 Bull, du Bib, (1R50), p 528 ; 40 fr.— Bachelin Deflorenne (1872), 677 ; 25 fr. 
 
 9. Claudii Cotersei Turonensis, jurisconsulti clarissimi, De 
 jure, et privilegiis militum libri tres. Ad haec de officio Impera- 
 tpris liber non magis ipsi Imperatori quam cuivis alii communis 
 prudentiae studioso utilis. Cum singulorum capitum, vocum et 
 rerum Indice luculentissimo. [Mark in border with motto.] 
 
 ' No doubt the mark and motto of Dolet appear on the title-page of 
 this book, but (as is apparent from the description) I have not been able to 
 see a copy, and where that is the case I simply reprint the title after what 
 seems to me the best of the authorities cited. 
 
502 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 Lugduni, apud Steph. Doletum, 1539. Cum privilegio ad decen- 
 
 Folio. Roman letters. 268 pp. Signatures 5C- four, A-x threes. 16 pre- 
 liminary pp. unnumbered, 250 pp. numbered, i p. blank, last page mark of 
 Dolet in border ; underneath. Boletus, Durior, &c. 
 
 R. C. C— Bib. Nat. 
 
 La Valliere (m.d.cclxvh), 1227; 11 liv. 19s.: (M.D.ccLXXxm), 2107; 12 liv. 
 19 s. — Taschereau, 1038; 5 fr. 
 
 Contains a dedication and ode from Dolet to Cardinal du Bellay. 
 
 This book has been twice reprinted, first in vol. xii of the great collection 
 Tractatus universi juris, duce et auspice Gregorio XIII in unum congesH. Venetiis; 
 Ziletus, 1583-86, 29 vols, royal folio .(Brit. Mus.), and secondly, 'recensenle 
 Joachimo Cluten, Argent, apud Jo. Carol. 1610, 8vo.' Draudius, Bibl. Classica 
 sive Cat. Officinalis, Francfurt, 1625, and Bibl. Hulsiana, vol. iv. No. 3020. A 
 French translation was made by Gabriel du Preau, and printed under the title 
 oi Le devoir d'un capitaine et chef de Guerre. Aussi du combat en camp cloz ou 
 duel le tout f aid Latin par Claude Cotereau, et mis en langue Francoyse par Gabriel 
 du Preau, Poictiers, a I'enseigne du Pelican. IS491 small 410. (Brunet). CI. 
 Cotereau was also the author of a translation of Columella : — 
 
 Les douze livres des choses rustiques de Columelle traduicts par CI. 
 Cotereau, 4to., Paris, Kerver, r55i (with new title 1552). Reprinted with notes 
 by Jean Thierry de Bauuoisis; 1555 (with new title 1556), (Brunet, La Croix 
 du Maine, Duverdier). 
 
 Each of the two writers last named makes two persons of Claude Cotereau, 
 the one as Claude Cotereau translator of Columella, the other as Claude of 
 Touraine the friend of Dolet, and author of the huictain and dixain on the birth 
 of his son Claude and translator into French of the Genethliacum. Neither 
 Rigolet de Juvigny nor La Monnoye have noticed this error, nor do any of 
 these writers seem aware of the existence of the book Dejure mililum. 
 
 In Bouchet's Epilres are two (56 and 82) addressed to CI. Cot., and one 
 (123) from Cotereau to Bouchet. 
 
 M.D.XL. 
 
 10. Stephani Doleti Galli Aurelii Liber. De imilatione 
 
 Ciceroniana adversus Floridum Sabinum. [Mark in bordir with 
 
 moilo.] Lugduni, apud eundem Doletum, 1540. Cum privilegio 
 
 ad decennium. 
 
 4to. Roman letters. 56 pp. Signatures a-g. Last page unnumbered. 
 Mark in border ; underneath, Boletus, Burior, &c. 
 R. C. C.-Bib. Nat.— Brit. Mus. 
 
 11. Genethliacum Claudii Doleti Stephani Doleti Filii Liber 
 vitas communi in primis utilis et necessarius. Autore patre, 
 Lugduni, apud Doletum, 1540. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 503 
 
 Cat. de Boze, 1054.— Heber, pt. i, 2261 (with the Avant Naissance); Js.— 
 Yemeniz, 1533 (with othefs) ; 500 fr.— Catalogue des Livres a prix marques 
 vendus par M. De la Roche la Carelle. Potier, 1859; 131. (The author of 
 this catalogue states, as is no doubt the case, that this edition is rarer than 
 the edition of 1539.) 
 
 12. Observationes in Terentii Comoedias nempe Andriam et 
 item Eunuchum. Steph. Doleto Gallo Aurelio Autore. [Mark not 
 in border hut with mo/io.] Lugduni, apud eundem Doletum, 1540. 
 Cum privilegio ad decennium. 
 
 8vo. 1 76 pp. Last page mark within border ; underneath, Boletus, Durior, 
 &c. 
 
 Public Library of Berne. (The only copy I have seen.) 
 
 Bib. Hohendorfiana, pt. 3 ; 1677. — De Boze, 900. 
 
 A second edition was given by Dolet in 1543. The observations of Dolet 
 have been frequently reprinted. They are included in the following editions of 
 Terence ;— 
 
 P. Terentii Afri Poetos Lepidissimse comcfidise. Parisiis, apud Joannem de 
 Roigny, 1552. Folio. (R. C. C.) 
 
 P. Terentii Afri Poets Lepidissimi comcedije omnes cum absolutis commen- 
 tariis Aelii Donati, Guidonis Juvenalis Cenomani, Petri Marsi in omnes 
 fabulas : Stephani Doleti in Andriam et Eunuchum : Joannis Calphumii 
 Brixiensis in Heautontimorumenon. Venetiis, apud Bartholomteum Coesa- 
 num. Anno M.D.uii. Folio. (R.C. C.) This edition, including the obser- 
 vations of Dolet, was five times reprinted at Venice: — Bonellus, 1558, folio; 
 Hi. Scotus, 1561, and 1563 ; Hcered. Bonelli, 1570, folio ; J. Gryphius, 15S6, 
 folio. 
 
 Terentius in quem triplex edita est P. Antesignani Rapistagnensis Commen- 
 tatio. Lugduni, apud Mathiam Bonhome, m.d.lx. 4to. (R. C. C.) 
 
 Many of the observations again reappear in the Variorum editions. 
 
 13. Publii Terentii Comoedia Sex, ex recensione Stephani 
 Doleti. Lugduni, idem Doletus, 1540. 
 
 Although the existence of this book has been called in question, I think there 
 can be no doubt but that it did issue from Dolet's press. I take the title from 
 the Catalogue des Livres du Cabinet de Monsieur de Boze (by J. Boudot), m.d.ccxlv 
 (folio, p. 113). It reappears in the octavo edition of the same catalogue 
 (M.D.ccLin), p. 174, No. 886. Dolet himself in his observations on Terence says 
 that he is about to print the text of Terence, and in his De Imit. Cic. adv. Flo. 
 Sab., 1540, p. 30, he states that he had already printed an edition of Terence ; 
 'hie nostrum de Plauto et Terentio judicium libet inserere, quod in Terentii 
 exemplanbus apud nos excusis secunda continue pagina omnibus sese offert,' 
 whence Maittaire justly concludes that he had already printed the book. De 
 Bure also includes it in his Bibliographic Instructive. Nee de la Rochelle how- 
 ever (p. no) called its existence in question in the following words : ' II n'est 
 point vrai, comme I'a cru Maittaire, que Dolet ait imprime toutes les Comedies 
 
504 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 de Terence et c'est i tort que M. De Bure en a annonce nne edition faite, k ce 
 qu'il dit en 1540 par Dolet. Je pr&ume que Maittaire I'a tromp^ ; et il est 
 vraisemblable que ce Bibliographe a pris I'edition de 1 540 des Observations dont 
 nous parlons, pour celle des Oiuvres complettes de ce Poete comique.' 
 
 I am unable to cite any copy except that in the catalogues of De Boze, but 
 I think it quite clear, apart from Dolet's own statement, that it was actually 
 printed and that M. de Boze possessed a copy, and that there was no confusion 
 in his catalogue between it and the Observaiiones in Terentii Comedias. In each 
 of the two catalogues is also to be found a copy of the Observaiiones. In the 
 copy of the folio edition in the British Museum is added in manuscript, 'V estima- 
 tion de chaque article faite par Gabriel Martin, libraire a Paris' and ' la valeur actuelle 
 des articles en mdcclxxxiv faite par le savant Abbe * * *' (de la Rive). Martin 
 values the book at six livres, the Abb^ at five livres; the Observationes are 
 valued by Martin at four livres. In the sale catalogue (Catalogue des Livres 
 provenans de la Bibliothique de feu Monsieur de Boze dont la venie sera indiquee 
 par affichis, Paris, Martin, 1754), (which only contains a part of the library, the 
 rest of which had been disposed of) is the copy of the Comedies of Terence 
 which sold, according to the priced catalogue in the British Museum, for two 
 livres. This catalogue does not contain the Observaiiones, and but few books 
 of value or rarity. Most of these had been previously disposed of. 
 
 14. M. TuUii Ciceronis Epistolse Familiares cum argumentis 
 scholiis et Grsecorum interpretatione. Nunc primum a Stephano 
 Doleto quam castigatissime recognitse et lis ipsis scholiis illustratse. 
 Lugduni, apud Staph. Doletutn, 1540. 8vo. 
 
 Orellius. Ciceronis Opera. Turici, 1S36. Yol.6(OnomasliconTullianum),f. 286. 
 Maccarthy, 2319 ; 2 fr. 50 c. 
 
 I have been unable to find a trace of any copy of this book except that in 
 the Maccarthy collection. 
 
 15. M. T. Ciceronis Libri tres de Officiis. Item de Amicitia, 
 de Senectute, Paradoxa et de Somnio Scipionis, cum Des. Erasmi 
 annotationibus, quibus accessit Graeca Theod. Gazae in librum de 
 Senectute et Somnium Scipionis traductio. Lugduni, apud Steph. 
 Doletum, 1540. 8vo. 
 
 Bordeaux Library (Cat. Sciences et Arts, No. 1284). Ex relatione M. Bau- 
 drier. Catalogue Pinelli, No. 6366 (£1 is.), where the following note is 
 appended : — 
 
 'Exemplar venustissimiim, affabre compactum, chartis deauratis, in gratiam 
 scilicet Doleti, cujus ex oficina prodiit. 
 
 16. Vergilii Maronis Opera. Lugduni, apud Stephanum Dole- 
 tum, 1540. 8vo. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 505 
 
 Cat. No. 241 of E. Thorin, Paris, 1876, where a copy No. 849 is marked 
 3 fr. 50. Tlie book is also referred to in the following MS. note of N^e de la 
 Rochelle in the copy of his Vie de Dole! in the possession of M. le President 
 Baudrier : ' J'ai vue a Dijon dans la biblioth^que de I'abbe Loreau qui a ^te 
 vendu depuis a Paris par Mequignon junior une edition Latine de Virgile impr. 
 par Dolet in 1540 in 8vo.' 
 
 I know no other mention of this book, which is entirely unknown to biblio- 
 graphers and critics. 
 
 In 1546 the following edition of Virgil was printed at Brescia :— 
 Publii Virgilii Maronis opera cum Servii commentariis. . . . Accedunt prae- 
 terea in omnia Virgilii opera Stephani Doleti annotatiunculse, loca obscura 
 elucidantes ac doctissimi commentarii vicem fungentes. . . . Brixia;, apud 
 Ludovicum Britannicum, m.d.xlvi, folio. (Brit. Mus.) 
 After some other preliminary pieces comes Ludovicus Britannicus Lectori, 
 Exhibituros nos studiosis adolescentibus non ingratam rem, sed officium 
 acceptissimum hiis annotatiunculis ex Stephani Doleti (nolumus enim au- 
 torem sua laude defraudare) Commentariis de lingua Latina decerptis, dubi- 
 tamus minime ; quum hujus viri doctrinam judicium et diligentiam, tam in 
 evolvendis, quam judicandis autoribus doctissimi quique probent, laudent 
 et usque ad astra toUant. Nihil autem decerptum est, nisi id quod ad 
 Virgilianam lectionem, aut restituendam pristino nitore aut ubi obscura 
 est intelligendam facit. . . . Accipe igitur has tenuissimas annotatiunculas 
 quae loco commentarii justi esse possunt in omnes Virgilii lucubrationes. 
 Seniles in hiis studiorum tuorum, nisi me omnia fallant, profectum non 
 contemnendum ; si diligenti studio, ea quas damus pensiculaveris Invidos 
 non moramur : hii meliora dent et laudabuntur. Hie inquam invenies instru- 
 menta naturas, vasa ad vindemiam et vinum spectantia, rei rusticae vocabula, 
 astronomicas res, voces proprias et translatas ; ut jam absque omni scrupulo 
 Virgilii opera legere possis. . . . Brixiae ex officina nostra anno 1546. 
 Then follow seven pages (double columns) of extracts from the Commen- 
 taries of Dolet, headed ' Stephani Doleti in Virgilii opera Annotatiunculae 
 succinctse.* 
 It will be noted that this edition appeared during Dolet's last imprisonment 
 and very shortly before his death. The above singular preface is much *n 
 his style, and I cannot but think that -the Annotatiunculce must have been 
 selected and the preface written by him. 
 The Annotatiunculce of Dolet also appear in the Virgil edited by Henri 
 Estienne and printed by him 5.0.(1575) 1583, and byPaulEstienne in 1599. 
 
 17. De Duplici Copia verborum ac rerum commentarii duo 
 Des. Erasmo Roterodamo Autore. [Mark not in border hut with 
 motto?^ Lugduni, apud Steph. Doletum, 1540. 
 
 8vo. Italic letters. 3C0 pp. Signatures a-y fours, 7. two. pp. 3-346 num- 
 bered, 16 pp. Index unnumbered. 2 pp. blank, i page mark uf Dolet in 
 border ; underneath, Boletus, Durior, Sec. 
 
 R.C. C. 
 
 Hitherto entirely unknown. 
 
506 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 1 8. Les Gestes de Francoys de Valois Roy de France. 
 Dedans lequel oeuvre on peult congnoistre tout ce qui a estd faict 
 par les Francoys depuis L'an mil cinq cents treize jusques en L'an 
 mil cinq cents trente neuf. Premierement compost en Latin par 
 Estienne Dolet : et apres par luy mesmes translate en hngue 
 Francoyse. \Mark without border but with motto.] A Lyon ches 
 Estienne Dolet, m.d.xl. Avec privileige pour dix ans. 
 
 4to. Roman letters. 80 pp. Signatures a-k twos. Last page unnumbered. 
 Mark in border ; underneath, Boletus, Durior, Sec. 
 
 Bib. Nat.— Brit. Mus. 
 
 Gaignat, 3048; 8 liv. — La Valliere, 2642 ; 17 liv. 19 s. — St. Ceran, 2739. — 
 Crozet; 80 fr. — Nodier, 1122 (with Francisci Valesii Fata), 59 fr. — Coste, 
 1485. — M. de C, 657. — Solar, 2666; 146 fr. — Yemeniz, 1533 (with the 
 Genethliacum and the Avant Naissance) ; 500 fr. 
 
 Reprinted by the author in 1543, carrying on the history to that year. 
 Twice reprinted by others ; — 
 
 I . Sommaire et recueil des Faictz et Gestes Du Roy Francoys premier de ce 
 nom taut cotre L'empereur que ses subiectz et autres nations estranges, 
 dedans le quel oeuure on peult cognoistre tout ce qui este faicte par les 
 Francoys depuis L'an mil cinq cens treize jusques a present. Premierement 
 composez en Latin par Estienne Dolet : et apres par luy mesmes translatez 
 en langue Francoyse a Lyon. Imprime ceste annee mil cinq cens quarante 
 et troise. At the end on p. 95, Cy Finht ce present liure Intitule Sommaire 
 et Recueil des faictz et gestes du Roy Francoys premier de ce nom. Imprime 
 nouuellement a Paris par Alain Lotrian demourant en la rue neufue nostre 
 Dame a I'enseigne de lescu de France, p. 96 unnumbered ; woodcut device 
 of Alain Lotrian. 
 
 Bib. Nat. 
 
 This reprint appears to have been made on the edition of 1543. 
 
 ■2. Les faitz et gestes du Roy Fracoys : premier de ce no tant contre 
 ^ Lepereur que ses subiectz et aultres nations estrages : Depuys Ian mil cinq 
 cens treize iusques a present. Composez par Estienne Dolet. La prinse de 
 Luxebourg Ladrezy et aultres villes circunvoysines. Les Flamas prins a 
 Cherebourg par les habitans de la viUe. Le triumphant Baptesme de mon- 
 sieur le due : premier Filz de monsieur le Daulphin. La description dung 
 enfant ne en forne de monstre aux basses AUemaignes. 
 
 8vo. Gothic letters. 6 pp. preliminary and 78 pages. Signatures a-p. 
 
 A copy of this reprint, coming from the collection of MM. Aim^-Martin and 
 Coppinger, was sold at M. Firmin-Didot's sale in 1878 for 999 francs. In 
 M. Didot's catalogue (No. 701) it is described as the only copy known, and 
 as more complete than either of the editions of 1540 and 1543 ; but a copy 
 is in the Bib. Nat. and another in the public library of Berne. In the La 
 Valliere catalogue (1783) the article 2641 seems also to be a copy of this 
 edition, which sold for i liv. los. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 507 
 
 19. La manlere de bien traduire d'une langue en autre. D'advan- 
 tage, De la punctuation de la langue Francoyse. Plus Des accents 
 d'ycelle. Le tout faict par Estienne Dolet, natif D'Orleans. Lyon, 
 Estienne Dolet, 1540. 
 
 Mel de St. Ceran, 1 136. i2mo. 
 
 I am unable to indicate with any certainty an existing copy, or to refer to 
 any copy, save that formerly of Mel de St. Ceran, of this the first edition of 
 one of Dolet's most popular books. It is true a copy stated to be of this 
 edition of 1540 is in the Bibliothfeque Nationale, but the lower part of the title- 
 page has been torn off, and the date 1540 is in manuscript ; it appears to me 
 to be a copy of the edition of 1541 or 1542. 
 
 It is in 4to., Roman letters. 40 pp. Signatures a-e twos, last p. un- 
 numbered. Mark in border ; underneath, Doletus, Durior, &c. 
 
 That the original edition was printed in 1540 seems however to be clear. 
 The dedication to Monseigneur de Langei is dated the last day of May 1540, 
 and it was always Dolet's practice to date his prefaces and dedications imme- 
 diately before the book was printed. Gesner in his Bibliotheca (Tiguri, 
 Froschover, 1545"', in his notice of Dolet, p. 603, says, ' Eodem anno (1540) alter 
 lihellus ilidem ab eo Gallice scriptus ex officina ejus prodiit, De laudabili trartslatione 
 ex una lingua, in aliam : item de punctis et accenlibus lingua Gallica.' A copy of 
 an edition described as octavo without place or date was in the La Valliere 
 collection (Cat. No. 2214), and is there attributed to the year 1540. I should 
 have thought it probable that this was a closely cut copy of one of the sub- 
 sequent editions but that Brunet' cites this edition as ' sans lieu ni dale in 8". de 
 20 feuillels,' y/ith the following note: ' Cel/e edition ou Von a conserve les deux 
 dedicaces de Dolet, ddtees de Lyon, dernier May 1540, doit etre une reimpression 
 de celle de Lyon, 1540, in 4°.' 
 
 This would seem to imply that he had seen a copy of this edition, but no 
 authority is cited except the La Valliere catalogue, which says nothing about 
 the number oifeuillets, nor about the two dedications. 
 
 Dolet reprinted this book in 1541, 1542, and 1543 (see those years). It was 
 also many times subsequently reprinted in the sixteenth century, sometimes 
 separately, sometimes with other grammatical treatises, to which one or more 
 of these three tracts were appended. The following are the reprints which I 
 know : — 
 
 Traiote touchant le commun usage de I'escriture Francoise faict par Loys 
 Meigret Lyonnois : auquel est debattu des faultes et abus en la vraye et 
 ancienne puissance des lettres. Avec privilege de la court. 1545, A Paris, 
 De I'imprimerie de Jeanne de Marnef vefve de feu Denys Janot demourant 
 en la Rue neufve nostre dame, a I'enseigne sainct Jean Baptiste. Italic 
 letters. Pages not numbered. Brit. Mus. 
 
 ' Here as elsewhere the reader of M. Boulmier's book who finds the wort's 
 quoted therein, may think that Brunet has taken them from him. But in this 
 as in other cases I have referred to an edition of Brunet anterior to the date of 
 Boulmier's book, and have found that M. Boulmier's note has been borrowed 
 from Brunet. 
 
508 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 Although no mention of Dolet or his treatises appear on the title, they are 
 inserted in the book, together with the dedications and the dixain of Ste. 
 Marthe, all preceded by a preface explaining why the printer had inserted 
 Dolet's treatises. 
 
 La Maniere de bien traduire d'une langue en aultre, D'avantage De la 
 punctuation de la langue Francoyse. Plus Des accents d'ycelle. En Auvers 
 par Jehan Loe. Gothic letter, small 8vo. (or i2mo.). 40 pp. unnumbered. 
 Brit. Mus. 
 
 An exact reprint of Dolet's book. 
 
 La maniere de bien traduire d'une langue en autre, d'advantage, de la 
 punctuation de la langue fran9oyse, plus des accents d'ycelle. Caen. 
 Robert Mace, 1550. 8vo. 56 pp. Bib. Mazarine. 
 
 An exact reprint of Dolet's book. 
 
 Art Poetique Francois pour I'instruction des jeunes studieux et encor peu 
 avancez en la poesie Francoise Avec le Quintil Horatian, sur la defense et 
 illustration de la langue Francoise Reveu et Augmente. A Lyon par Jean 
 Temporal, m.d.lvi. i6mo. Brit. Mus. 
 
 This book contains Dolet's two tracts upon punctuation and accents, but 
 without any mention of his name, and they are also contained in the fol- 
 lowing reprints with the same title (Brunet) : — 
 
 Lyon, Thibault Payan. 1556. i6mo. 
 
 Paris, Ruelle. 1564. i6mo. 
 
 Paris, Veuve Jean Ruelle. 1573. i6mo. 
 
 Lyon, B. Rigaud. 1576. i6mo. 
 
 La Forme et Maniere de la Poinctuation et accents de la langue Fran9oise. 
 Livre tres utile et profitable pour toutes gens de Lettre Nouvellement reveu 
 et corrige. A Paris par Guillaume Thibaut Imprimeur et Estienne Denise, 
 Libraire devant les Mathurins, 1556. i£mo. round letters. 32 pp. Brit. 
 Mus. (Reprinted under the same title in 1560 by Regnault, Bull, du Bib. 
 i860, p. 916.) 
 
 This is a reprint of the two tracts of Dolet on punctuation and accents, but 
 his name appears nowhere in the book. Both prefaces are omitted, but at 
 the end the dixain of St. Marthe is given, and then follows, Complaincie 
 de maistre Jehan le Moyne contre aucuns escrivains tenans I'escole d'Escr'Uure 
 dedans Paris. 
 
 Le style et maniere de composer dieter et escrire toule sorte d'Epistre 
 on lettres missives tant par reponse que autrement, avec Epitome de la 
 poinctuation et accents de la langue Francoise : Livre tres utile et profit- 
 able. Nouvellement reveu et augmente. A Lyon par Thibauld Payan, 
 1556. Brit. Mus. 
 
 pp. 294-319 contain Dolet's two tracts on punctuation and accents, but 
 without any mention of his name. 
 
 La Maniere de bien traduire d'une langue en autre, D'advantage de la punc- 
 tuation de la langue Francoyse, plus des Accents d'ycelle. Autheur Estienne 
 Dolet, natif D'Orleans. Lyon, Estienne Dolet, 1540. Svo. 48 pp. 
 
 Of this reprint, 120 copies only were given by Techener in 1830. There is no 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 509 
 
 indication from what copy the reprint was taken, but it will be noticed 
 that on the title-page, instead of the words Le tout fakt par Estienne Dolet, 
 which are in the copy in the Bib. Nat. ascribed to 1540, as well as in those of 
 1541 and 1 542 hereinafter described (under those years), are the words autkeur 
 Estienne Dolet. It is not impossible that M. Techener had access to some 
 copy of the original edition of 1540 in which the title was so expressed. 
 
 20. La Chirurgie de Paulus ^gineta. Qui est le sixieme 
 Livre de ses ceuvres. Item ung opuscule de Galien des Tumeurs 
 contre nature. Plus ung opuscule du diet Galien de la maniere 
 de curer par abstraction de sang. Le tout traduict de Latin en 
 Francoys par Maistre Pierre Tolet, Medecin de I'hospital de Lyon. 
 [Mark without harder but with motto.] Ches Estienne Dolet. A 
 Lyon, 1540. Avec privilege pour dix ans. 
 
 Small 8vo. Large round letters. 560 pp. Sig. a-z, Aa-Mm. pp. 3-1 1, A 
 Monsieur Squironis docteur Royal en I'universile de Montpelier et Medecin de la Royne 
 de Navarre, Maistre Pierre Tolet docteur en Medicine humble salut, dated A Lyon 
 Van des Mortelz racheptes par le sang et merit de la passion de Jesus Christ 
 M.D.XXXIX, et du mays d'Augst le xx, pp. 12-16, Proesme au chirurgien Francoys; 
 32, Table; 33-411, La Chirurgie de Paulus ^gineta (p. 240 is repeated) ; 412, 
 413, Epistle of Dolet to Claude Millet; 414-452,1)65 tumeurs contre nature; 
 p. 453 blank; 454—456, De V evacuation du sang; 547 blank and unnumbered; 
 548-556 (should be 557), Petits traictes propres a la medecine autheur Galien 
 (Des sangsues. De revuUion. Des ventouses, De scarification) ; 2 pp. blank. 
 Last page mark in border ; underneath, Dolelus, Diirior, &c. 
 
 Bib. Nat.— Brit. Mus. 
 
 Bull, du Bib. (1854), 689 ; 20 fr. 
 
 This is the earliest of the remarkable series of medical treatises in French, 
 printed or at least purporting to be printed by Dolet in 1540, 1541 and 1542. 
 (For the remarks of Rabelais however upon this series see anfe, p. 370.) 
 
 Brunet describes the Opuscules of Galen as a separate and independent book 
 (Manuel, torn, ii col. 145 1) as follows: — 
 
 'Livre de la curation par mission du sang, et par sangsues, revulsions cornettes 
 et scarification, mis en fran9ois par maistre Pierre Toilet. Lyon, Est. Dolet, 
 1540. in 8°.' 
 
 He is however certainly wrong; the books of Galen were separately printed by 
 Dolet in 1542, but I am satisfied that he did not print them separately from the 
 .iEgineta in 1540. 
 
 He reprinted the Paulus ^gineta and the Opuscules of Galen in 1542 ; see 
 that year. The whole book, including the Opuscules of Galen and the letter of 
 Dolet to Claude Millet, was reprinted at Paris in 1541 by Les Angeliers 
 (R. C. C), and again by Jean de Toumes at Lyons in 1552. Brunet erroneously 
 gives the date of the edition of Les Angeliers as 1540. Dolet's epistle to 
 Claude Millet may be found in the Revue du Lyonnais, vol. vi. p. 455. The best 
 account of Pierre Tolet is that given in M. Breghot de Lut's Melanges Bio- 
 graphiques et Litteraire-i pour servir a I'histoire de Lyon, 1828, pp. 180-182. 
 
5IO BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 1 have already (p. 334) cited the ode of Charles de Sainte Marthe commemo- 
 rating the friendship of Dolet and Tolet. 
 
 21. Exposition de I'evangile de notre seigneur J. C. selon 
 S. Matthieu translate de latin en francois et imprimd nouvelle- 
 ment. A Lyon, ches Estienne Dolet, 1540. 
 
 8vo. Gothic letters. 
 
 Catalogue des livres de M.M. . . . (Paris, Techner, 1850), No. 14 (ex 
 relatione M. Baudrier). See also the catalogues of books censured 1542 and 
 If 51, D'Argentre, CoUectio Judiciorum, vol. ii. pt. i. pp. 134 and 176, vfhere 
 the book appears, but without any date or printer's name. In the latter cata- 
 logue it is included among those of which the authors were unknown {ah incertis 
 auloribus). 
 
 M.D.XLI. 
 
 22. Novum Testamentum Latinum. Lugduni, Stephani 
 Dolet, 1 54 1. 
 
 2 vols. i6mo. 
 
 The only original authority I can find for the existence of this book is Le 
 Long, Bibliolheca Sacra (Antwerp, 1709), vol. i. p. 674; vol. ii. p. 474. He 
 marks the book as having been seen by him, and refers to a copy in the library 
 of Saint Germain des Pr^s. The notice of it in Maittaire, Nee de la Rochelle, 
 Masch, Nodier (Bibl. Sacree), and elsewhere, seem all to be based on the state- 
 ment of Le Long. His reference to it is so precise that it is difficult to suppose 
 that he was in error, yet it is almost as difficult to suppose that it should so 
 completely have disappeared that no other trace of its existence can be found, 
 especially as it was not one of the books condemned, or ordered to be burnt. If 
 a copy really existed in the library of Saint Germain des Pr^s it was no doubt 
 burnt in the great fire which took place on the 19th of August, 1794, in which 
 most of the printed books were destroyed. See Franklin, Precis de thisloire de 
 la Bib. du Roi, 2""' edition, Paris 1875, p. 270. 
 
 23. Domimcse Precationis Explanatio. Cum quibusdam aliis 
 quae sequens indicabit pagella. [Mark of Dolet with Scabra Dolo 
 on the axe.] Lugduni, apud Staph. Doletum, 1541. 
 
 i6mo. alternately Italic and round letters. Signatures a-g. 
 
 On the recto of the last leaf Lugduni, apud Stepk. Doletum, on the verso the 
 mark of Dolet. 
 
 Though this book has completely disappeared, I find two independent 
 descriptions of it within the last century. Nee de la Rochelle {Vie de Dolet, p. 
 28) says that he possessed a copy, and that it contains, — i. What is announced 
 on the title; 2. Hieron. Savonarolse Meditatio in Psalmos, Miserere mei Deus ; 
 In te Domine speravi ; Qui regis Israel inlende ; 3. Decalogi Interpretatio per- 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 51 1 
 
 brevis ; 4. Symboli Apostolici Exegesis paraphrastica j 5. Paraplirasis Ora- 
 tionis Dominica; ; 6. Alia DominicEe Orationis Expositio. 
 
 The other description I have found in a very unlikely and little known book 
 of an obscure author, 'Nachrichten zur Kirchen Gelehrten und Buecher- 
 Geschichte aus gedruckten und ungedruckteu schriften gesammelt. Von D. 
 Johann Bartholomaeus Riederer, Prof. Theol. und Diacono. (4 vols.) Altdorf. 
 1763-1768. (Brit. Mus.) Vol. 4, pp. 227-232, contains an elaborate descrip- 
 tion of the book and its contents, agreeing as to the latter with Nee de 
 la Rochelle. 
 
 The greater part of the book is occupied with the well-known tracts of 
 Savonarola. The other tracts are probably (substantially) the same as those 
 with similar titles composing the Cato Chrislianus, but modified so as to avoid 
 the heresies contained in the latter work, and which had caused the author to 
 be summoned before the Vicar-General of Lyons. (^Anle,-p. 377.) Herr Riederer 
 gives several long extracts from the book, among others from the Decalogi 
 inlerpreltttio, from which it appears that the precept Thou shall not make to thy- 
 self any graven image (which had given offence in the Cato Christianus) was 
 omitted, the second commandment being given as Cave ne nomen Dei temere 
 usurpes, and our tenth being divided into two. The paraphrase of the Apostles' 
 Creed is also made to commence with Credo. Herr Riederer indeed says that 
 the Dominica Precationis expositio is ' very protestant,' but the extract which he 
 gives in support of his assertion does not bear this out, but deals only with 
 those generalities in which Catholic and Protestant agree. To the Paraphrase 
 of the Lord's Prayer the initials P. M. {Philip Melancthon) are affixed, and Herr 
 Riederer states that the short exposition which follows, and with which the book 
 concludes, is also by Melancthon. 
 
 24. Stephani Doleti Galli Aurelii Liber unus De officio Legati, 
 quem vulg6 Ambassiatorem vocant. Et item alter De immunitate 
 Legatorum. Et item alius De legationibus Joannis Langiachi, 
 Episcopi Lemovicensis. [Mark in border with moUo?\ Lugduni, 
 apud Steph. Doletum, 1541. 
 
 4to. Tie off. leg. and De immun. leg. Roman letters ; De leg. Jo. Langiachi 
 Italic letters 48 pp. Signatures a-f twos. Reverse of title blank, pp. 3-46 
 numbered (but the pagination full of mistakes), i p. blank, i p. mark in border 
 underneath, Dolelus, Durior, &c. 
 
 R. C. C— Bib. Nat.— Brit. Mus. 
 
 Gaignat, 927 ; 9 liv. 5 s. — Heber, pt. i. 2263 ; 2s. 61;.— Coste, 317. 
 
 25. Blietoricum ad Herennium libri iv. M. Tullio Ciceroni 
 ascripti, et de inventione libri duo (ex recensione Steph. Doleti). 
 Lugduni, apud S. Doletum, 1541. 
 
 8vo. Maccarthy, 2275; 25 fr. 50 c. 
 
 Entirely unknown. I find no other mention of it, and no trace of a copy 
 except that in the Maccarthy collection. 
 
512 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 26. C. Suetonii Tranquilli XII Csesares. Ad veterum codi- 
 cum spectatam, atque probatam fidem, summa virorum multorum 
 doctissimorum diligentia recogniti: quorum quidem Elenchum 
 proxima statim pagina reperies. \Mark not in border but with 
 motto.] Lugduni, apud Steph. Doletum, 1541. 
 
 8vo. Italic letters. 560 pp. (528 numbered, followed by 32 unnumbered). 
 Signatures a-z;, a-m fours. On last page mark in border ; underneath, Dolelus, 
 Durior, &c. 
 
 R. C. C. (Morante's copy). 
 
 Pinelli. 7869 ; is. 6d. — Maccarthy, 4400 ; 2 fr. 20 c. — Morante (1878), 2796 ; 
 20 fr. (cost 68 reals). N^e de la Rochelle possessed a copy (p. 28). Bib. 
 Hohendorfiana, pt. 3, 738. 
 
 This edition is stated by Boulmier (and others) to be 'faite d'apres celle de 
 Gryphius 1537.' But this is an error, as a comparison of the two editions 
 shows. This is not a mere reprint, but an independent edition made by Jean 
 Raynier, who has added marginal observations and scholia which do not appear 
 in the edit, of Gryphius of 1537. Besides Suetonius, with the preface and notes 
 of Erasmus, it includes Egnatius De Romanis Principibus and his annotations 
 upon Suetonius. 
 
 27. Pandora Jani Oliverii Andium Hierophantse. [Mark in 
 border with motto] Lugduni, apud Steph. Doletum, 1541. 
 
 4to. Italic letters (except pp. 5-9 Roman). 52 pp. (50 numbered, 2 un- 
 numbered). Signatures a-f twos, g one. pp. 3, 4 Preface by Dolet addressed to 
 the Chancellor Fr. Olivier, the nephew of the author. Last page mark in border ; 
 underneath, Dolelus, Durior, Sec. 
 
 R. C. C Bib. Nat.— Brit. Mus. 
 
 Yemeniz, 1521 ; 36 fr. 
 
 Bull, du Bib. (1838), p. 237 ; 18 fr. 
 
 The original edition of this rare book. Reprinted at Paris by Les Angeliers 
 in 1542 (Heber, pt. i. 4083; 8s.), and (according to Brunei and the Biog. 
 Univ.) again at Rheims in 16 18. (But according to Graesse the reprint of 
 Rheims was of the translation by Michel.) It was translated into French by 
 Gaillaume Michel de Tours (Paris, Les Angeliers, 1542), and again by Pierre 
 Bouchet (Poitiers, 1548). 
 
 28. Gentiani Herveti Aurelii quaedam opuscula. Quorum 
 index proxima statim pagina sequetur. [Mark not in border but 
 with motto.] Lugduni, apud Stephanum Doletum, 1541. 
 
 8vo. Italics. 112 pp. Signatures A-G fours. 
 
 Reverse of title Sequitur opusculorum descriptio, Oratio de patientia, Oratio 
 de vitando otio, Oratio de grati animi virtute : Item ab eo traducti e Grjeco ; 
 Basilii magni sermo adversns irascentes. Basilii quoque magni sermo de invidia. 
 Et item e Grseco versa ab eodem : Sophoclis Antigone. Ad extremum Herveti 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 513 
 
 qusdem Epigrammata aliquot, pp. 3-6 Epistola nuncupaloria addressed to 
 Cardmal a Bauma, dated Calend. Decembris 1540. On p. no a Latin ode, 
 Slepham Doleu carmen ad Lectorem. 1 p. blank; last page mark in border; 
 underneath, Boletus, Durior, &c. 
 
 R. C. C. (Morante's copy). 
 
 Crofts, 2152 (with the Antigone, see next article); 2s.-Morante, pt. i. QV 
 45 fr. (cost 196 reals). ^ ^^ 
 
 Bachelin-Deflorenne (1872), 1018; 60 fr. (Morante's copy). 
 
 This volume contains only the orations and the translations from St. 
 Basil. The Antigone and the Epigrams form a separate volume. (See next 
 article.) 
 
 29. Sophoelis Antigone Tragcedia a Gentiano Herveto 
 Aurelio traducta e Grseco in Latinum. Ejusdem Herveti Epi- 
 grammata. [Mar^ not in border but with motto.] Lugduni, apud 
 Steph. Doletum, 1541. 
 
 8vo. Italic letters. 72 pp. (last 16 by mistake numbered 67-82). Signatures 
 A-D fours, E two. 
 
 Last page mark in border ; underneath, Boletus, Burior, Sec. 
 
 Bib. Mazarine. 
 
 Morante, pt. i. 11 89. In the priced catalogue in my possession no price is 
 attached to this book, but the word ' manque ' is written at the side. It after- 
 wards came into the possession of Bachelin-Deflorenne (Cat. 1872, 2291, 80 fr.; 
 cost M. de M. 264 reals). 
 
 The only other copies of this or the preceding article which I have been able 
 to trace are those of Rev. T. Crofts (Cat. No. 2152), at whose sale they sold for 
 two shillings. 
 
 An examination of these two volumes leads me to the conclusion that the 
 second, the Antigone, was first printed as an independent work, and subsequently 
 the volume containing the Orationes with the translation of St. Basil, and that 
 to this latter volume was prefixed a. title-page and contents applicable to the 
 two volumes. 
 
 The epigrams are thirty-five in number, and include one addressed to More, 
 one to Fisher Bishop of Rochester, one to Pole on his being created a 
 cardinal, and one of a highly complimentary character addressed to Dolet 
 himself. This is worth noting as coming from a man of the undoubted learning 
 and orthodoxy of Gentian Herve. 
 
 30. Clenardi Grammaticse Institutiones Graecs. Ejusdem item 
 sequentia, Annotationes in nominum verborumque difficultates. 
 Investigatio thematis in verbis anomalis, cum indice. Compen- 
 diosa et exacta syntaxeos ratio. [Mark not in border but with 
 motto. \ Lugduni, apud Steph. Doletum, 1541. 
 
 8vo. Italic letters. 160 pp. (last 6 pp. unnumbered). Signatures a-k fours. 
 Reverse of title, Stepkani Boleti carmen. On recto of last leaf, Lugduni Excudebat 
 
 Ll 
 
514 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 Stephamis Boletus Gallus Aurelius, 1 541. On verso, mark in border; under- 
 neath, Soleius, Durior, &c. 
 
 R.C.C. 
 
 I find no mention anywhere and know no copies of this or the next article 
 except my own. They are reprints of two of the most popular Greek school- 
 books of the day. The earliest edition of the Instituliones which I know is that 
 of Louvain, 1531, 4to. ; but the Biog. Univ. (where is to be found an excellent 
 article on Clenard or Kleinarts and his works) cites an edition of Louvain, 1530. 
 It contmued for a century and a half to be the most popular of Greek grammars 
 and is the basis of that of Eton. 
 
 31. Clenardi Meditationes Graecee in artem Grammaticam. 
 Eae in eorum gratiam, qui viva prseceptoris voce destituti sunt. 
 [Mark not in border but with motto?\ Lugduni, apud Steph. 
 Doletum, 1541. 
 
 8vo. Italic letters. 144 pp. (last 3 unnumbered). Signatures a-i fours. Last 
 page mark in border; underneath, Doleius, Durior, &c. 
 
 R. C. C. 
 
 This book, though less popular than the Inslitutiones, went through numerous 
 editions. It consists of the Epistle of St. Basil De vita in solitudine agenda, with 
 a literal Latin translation by Clenard and a more elegant one by Bude, and a 
 grammatical analysis of each sentence. 
 
 32. Lattrentii Valise Elegantise latinse linguae. Lugduni, apud 
 Steph. Doletum, 1541. 
 
 Of the writers who have referred to this book, Maittaire {Annates, vol. iii. p. 
 95) appears to be the only one who ever saw a copy. He says that it is dedi- 
 cated by Dolet to Jean Reynier, whose notes would seem to be appended to it. 
 The dedication is dated Lugduni, Calend. Decemb. anno 1 541. Maittaire gives 
 the following extract from it : — ' Laurentius Valla quanta diligentia, quanto 
 judicio Latinam linguam perpurgavit, ante a Barbaris omni barbaria inquinatam. 
 .... Tu sane Vallam etiam ipsum sexcentis mendis antea infuscatum primo 
 
 suo splendori restituisti Tua tibi dicamus : nempe Vallam a te quam 
 
 diligentissime atque accuratissime castigatum . . ." . ut etiam posteritas intelligat 
 summam inter nos fuisse amicitiam .... quam hac dedicatione illustratam 
 gaudebis.' 
 
 According to Maittaire this edition was reprinted in 1543 at Lyons by 
 Guillaume Rouille. An edition of the Elegantia of Vallas, with the notes of 
 Dolet and other savants, is noted by Nee de la Rochelle (p. 139) on the 
 authority of the Bibliotheca Uilenbroukiana pars tertia (No. 1377), as given at 
 Cologne by Jean Gymnicus in 1 545 in 8vo., but N. de la R. judges from the 
 extract above given from Dolet's dedication to Reynier that these notes are by 
 the latter and not by Dolet. 
 
 33. Tabulae Poeticse Joannis MiirmeUii Ruremundensis ple- 
 raque alia, quae hie liber habet, sequens statim pagina non obscure 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 515 
 
 demonstrabit, adjectis numeris, ubi quicque nuUo negotio reperias. 
 \AIark of Dolet not in border but with motto.] Lugduni, apud 
 Steph. Doletum, 1541. 
 
 8vo. Italic letters. 48 pp. Signatures a, b, c fours. 
 
 Last page mark of Dolet in border ; underneath, Boletus, Durior, &c. 
 
 R.C.C. 
 
 Unknown to bibliographers. The copy in my possession, which is entirely 
 uncut, just as it left the printer's hands, is believed to be the only existing copy. 
 It comes from the collections of M. Luzarche (Cat. No. 2129) and Comte. de 
 Lagonde (whose arms are impressed on the sides). It subsequently fell into the 
 hands of M. Jules Martin, and figured in the Bull, du Bouq. for Dec. 1878 
 (No. 301 3) at 60 fr. I at once wrote for it, but as usual in such cases it had been 
 already snapped up. I was therefore overjoyed to see it re-appear in the follow- 
 ing March in the Cat. of Lefebure of Bordeaux (No. 2670), from whom I 
 obtained it for 80 fr. A facsimile of the title-page is given p. 322. 
 
 The book is a reprint of one of the most popular introductions to Latin verse 
 composition of the day, and ran through numerous editions. The author was 
 rector of the Gymnasium of Miinster, and according to Jocher died in 1527. No 
 books are more difficult to meet with than the school-books of the sixteenth and 
 seventeenth centuries, especially in good condition ; and it is a marvel that even 
 one copy of this edition of the Tabulce should have escaped destruction, and been 
 preserved for three centuries and a half in as fine and perfect condition as when 
 it issued from the press. 
 
 34. La Maniere de bien traduire d'une langue en aultre. 
 D'advantage. De la punctuation de la langue Francoyse. Plus. Des 
 accent d'ycelle. Le tout faict par Estienne Dolet, natif d'Orleans. 
 [Mark in border with motto.] A Lyon, ch^s Dolet mesme m.d.xli. 
 Avec privileige pour dix ans. 
 
 4to. Roman letters. 40 pp. Signatures a-e twos. 
 
 Reverse of title, Au lecteur. pp. 3-6, Dedication to Monseigneur de Langei; 
 7-10, Estienne Dolet au peuple Francoys; 11-16, La Maniere de bien traduire; 
 17-24, De la punctuation; 25-39, Les accents; 39, Dixain de Saincte Marthe. 
 Last page unnumbered. Mark in border ; underneath, DoleWs, Durior, Sec. 
 
 R. C. C. The only copy of this edition known. It was sold at the Coste sale 
 (No. 602) for 40 fr., at the Cailhava sale (No. 218), for 141 fr., and was 
 purchased by me at the Behague sale (No. 474) for 152 fr. 
 
 35. L'Anatomie des os du Corps Humain. Autheur Galien. 
 Nouvellement traduicte de Latin en Francoys par monsieur maistre 
 Jehan Canappe, Docteur en Medecine. [Mark without border 
 but with motto.] A Lyon, ch^s Estienne Dolet, 1541- Avec 
 privileige pour dix ans. 
 
 L I 2 
 
5i6 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 Sm. 8vo. Italic letters. 48 pp. Signatures a-c fours. (In the preface 
 Canappe refers to the translations of the 6th book of Paulas .iEgineta, of the 
 two books of Galen on tumours and on phlebotomy, which had been translated 
 by Tolet and printed by Dolet as translated by " ung mien amy" Last page 
 unnumbered. Mark in border ; underneath, Boletus, Durior, Sec, 
 R. C. C— Bib. Nat. 
 Yemeniz, 785 ; 98 fr. 
 
 Reprinted at Lyons by Benoist Rigaud, 1538. It would seem from the Bull, 
 du Bouquiniste, 1878, p. 327, No. 2162, that this book had already been 
 printed in 1540 at Paris by Denys Janot. Yet I doubt whether the edition of 
 Dolet was not the first. It will be noticed that on the title-page he claims 
 privilege for ten years, which he could not be entitled to if the book had 
 previously appeared, and which in other such cases he did not claim. 
 
 This is the first of Canappe's translations of medical treatises which Dolet 
 printed, and which was succeeded by several others (see Nos. 36, 68, 6g, 71). 
 In or before 1539, translations of the third and of several other books of the 
 Therapeutics of Galen had appeared, which are erroneously attributed to Dolet 
 in the Cat. des livres rares et singulieres du Cabinet de M. Filheul (Paris, Dessain, 
 1779, 8vo.), No. 631. A MS. note of Nee de la Rochelle in M. Baudrier's 
 copy of the Vie de Dolet gives the title of this translation of the third book as 
 follows : — ' Le troisieme livre de la Therapeutique, ou Methode curatoire de 
 Claude Galien, prince des Medecins, auquel est singulierement traictee la cure 
 des ulceres. On les vend a Lyon en Rue Merciere chez Guillaume de Quelques 
 Libraire ; ' and he adds that behind the title is a letter of Dolet addressed to 
 Canappe dated 2nd January, 1539, and that at the end is ' Imprime a Lyon par 
 Jehan Barbou, 1539.' It was no doubt the letter of Dolet that gave rise to the 
 error in the Cat. Filheul. I have discovered in the Bib. Nat. an imperfect 
 copy of this book, unfortunately without the title-page, which besides the 3rd 
 contains the 4th, 5th, 6th and 13th books of the Therapeutics, all printed 
 by Barbou in 1539, and sold by Guillaume de Quelques. With the volume 
 is bound up Le deuxiesme livre de Claude Galien intitule fart curatoire u 
 Glaucon. On les vend a Lyon chez Guillaume de Quelques (s. d., but last page 
 is wanting). And Le quatorzieme livre de la methode de Therapeutique de Claude 
 Galien. Lugduni, apud Gulielmum de Quelques, anno M.D.XXXVIII. (None 
 of these appear in the two volumes already printed of the Bib. Nat. Catalogue 
 des Sciences Medicales, but the volume is numbered T. e. ^^■) Of these the 
 6th book contains two figures, the Glottotomon, Vinvention de M". Franfois 
 Rabelais, docteur en Medecine, the other the syringolome. The names of the 
 translators of these books are not given, but the 4th and 5th are said to be 
 trandati par Philiatros. An earlier edition of the translation of the 4th, and 
 perhaps of the 5th and 6th books, is noticed in the Bull, du Bib., 1858, p. 1 298 ; 
 the 4th, Lyon, Fr. Juste, 1537 ; the 5th, Lyon, Pierre de Saincte Lucie, s.a. ; and the 
 6th, s. 1. n^ a. (bound in one vol., 60 fr.). A note of M. Briquet appended states 
 that the translations of the different books are by different hands, I should 
 have thought the translator was Guillaume Chrestien, who about this time, 
 besides other medical works, published several translations from Galen and 
 Hippocrates, notably Perioche des sept premiers Livres de la Therapeutique de 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 517 
 
 Galien, Paris, Denys Janot (Niceron, vol. 34) ; but I have found at the Bib. 
 Nat. ie second Livre de Claude Galien .... mis en Francois par Guillaime 
 Chrestien, medecin (Paris), Chaudiere, 1549 (not mentioned in any of the lists of 
 his works that I have seen), and it is an entirely different translation from that 
 published by de Quelques, with which Chrestien does not appear to be 
 acquainted. [According to the Supplement to Brunet (Vol. ii. col. 374), 
 ' Rabelais est incontestablement I'auteur de cette traduction. C'est lui-meme 
 qui s'est design^ sous le nom de Philiatros.' 
 
 36. Du mouvement des muscles livres deux. Autheur Galien. 
 Nouvellement traduict de latin en francoys par Monsieur maistre 
 Jehan Canappe, Docteur en Medecine. [Mark without border but 
 with motto ^ A Lyon, chds Estienne Dolet, 1541. Avec privileige 
 pour dix ans. 
 
 8vo. Italic letters. 88 pp. (last 5 unnumbered). Signatures a-e fours, Ftwo. 
 pp. 3-8, Dedication in Latin, Joannes Canapeus, GuUelmo Rondeleto, Monspessulano 
 Medico, dated Lvgduni, Calend. Martii .... 1541. ^ page mark of Dolet. 
 
 Bib. Nat. (Imperfect, wanting pp. 65-80.) 
 
 In the Bull, du Bouquiniste, 1878, p. 327, No. 2162, is Du mouvement des 
 muscles far Jehan Canappe, 1541, 64 ff. in 8 caracteres gothiques. Whether this 
 or the edition given by Dolet is the original I cannot say certainly, but as the 
 Royal privilege is claimed by Dolet we may infer that his edition was the 
 original. It was again reprinted A Lyon, chez Sulpice Sabon par Antoine Constantin 
 (Yemeniz, 7^4)1 where it is stated to be sans date. Brunet however gives the 
 date as 1541. This is clearly wrong. The book is several years later. Brunet 
 was misled by the date of the preface. 
 
 M.D.XLII. 
 
 37. De Comparanda Eloquentia Opusculum. Francisco 
 Revergato Autore. [Mark not in border but with motto.] Lugduni, 
 apud Stephanum Doletum, 1542. 
 
 8vo. Roman letters. 48 pp. Signatures a-c. 
 
 pp. 3-9, Francisci Revergati De comparanda Eloquentia ad Jacobum Bordingum 
 et Claud. Baduellum Prcefatio; pp. 10-37, De comparanda Eloquentia Dialogus ; 
 pp. 37-47, Franc. Revergati in conscribendis epistolis Exercitatio. Last page mark 
 in border ; underneath, Doletus, Durior, Sec. 
 
 Bib. Nat. 
 
 I find no mention anywhere of this book. It appears from the preface that 
 Revergat had lately been a student at Nimes under Baduel, and that his pre- 
 ceptors there, especially Frater Gulielmus (possibly Guillaume Bigot, who was 
 then a professor at Nimes), had wished him to give a course of lectures on elo- 
 quence (i.e. Latin composition), but that this had been prevented by the malice 
 of his enemies, and that thereupon his friends had urged on him the composition 
 5f an essay on the subject. He thus refers to Dolet in the preface :— ' Extat 
 
51 8 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 enim unus et item alter Stephani Doleti liber de imitatione Ciceroniana polite 
 (ut ejus proprium) et erudite scriptus ; quem ego librum diligentissime legi et 
 utilitatem non mediocrem cepi. In quo qui maxime imitandi qu^que in imi- 
 tatione consideranda sunt breviter et ut mihi videtur perdiligenter complexus 
 est.' The interlocutors in the Dialogus are the author and Prater Gulielmus. 
 Dolet is there referred to as one ' qui jam non minorem laudem in lingua 
 Gallica videtur assecutus quam in Latina.' The epistles with which the volume 
 ends are all written from Carpentras. All except the last are addressed simply 
 ' Amico.^ In one the writer refers to ' Podianus consobrinus tuus' ' Joannes 
 mhoius felix tva cognatu^, * Boyssomis familiaris meus^ ' Noalhus gener tuus! In 
 another, written apparently to Bording, he speaks of Baduel and Bigot. The last 
 and longest is addressed 'Franc. Revergatus Claud. Badnello prceceptori suo, collegii 
 Nemausenis reclori.' In this he speaks of ' ea facultas vehementiaque dicendi qua 
 in sua iambico utitur Boletus.^ 
 
 The only mention I have anywhere found of Revergat is a very uncompli- 
 mentary one. It appears that in 1544 he obtained the prize of the Eglantine at 
 the Floral Games at Toulouse for his Chant Royal. It is thus referred to by M. 
 du Mege (Hist, des Instit. de Toulouse, vol. 4, p. 308) : — ' Fran9ois Revergat 
 qui obtint I'eglantine est auteur d'un Chant Royal plus ridicule encore que celui 
 de Forcadel. II voulut representer poetiquement Vincarnaiion du verbe, et il se 
 servit des personnages de la fable. Dans son poeme Jupiter est le Pere eternel, 
 Androm^de la nature, et la Sainte Vierge est Danae.' 
 
 38. Libellus de moribus in mensa servandis Joanne Sulpitio 
 Veiulano autore cum elucidatione Gallico-Iatina Guil. Durandi. 
 Lugduni, apud Stephanum Doletum, 1542. 
 
 8vo. 56 pp. 
 
 I have been unable to find any copy or any notice of a copy of this book 
 except that of M. Coste (6 fr.). The text of the tract of Sulpicius had been 
 many times before printed, but this is the original edition of the translation of 
 Guillaume Durand, the first principal of the College of the Trinity at Lyons. It 
 contains a very complimentary dedication to Dolet, dated Lugduni, Cal. Quintil. 
 1542. It must thus have been printed shortly before Dolet's arrest. It became 
 very popular, and was frequently reprinted in the next thirty years. The follow- 
 ing are the editions which I know or have seen noticed : — 
 1548. (T. Payen?). Lugduni, 8 vo. (Pinelli, 10,209.) 
 
 1554. Claud. Marchant. Lugduni. (Draudius, p. 1 187, by mistake num- 
 
 bered 1087.) 
 
 1555. C. Stephanus, Paris, 8vo. (Vemeniz, 1215; Maittaire, Annates, 
 
 vol. iii. p. 670.) 
 
 1563. G. Buon. Paris, 8vo. (Bib. Mazarine.) 
 
 1564. R. Stephanus. Paris, Svo. (Renouard, Annal. des Estienne.) 
 1570, G. Buon. Paris, Svo. (R. C.C, Heber'scopy; Bib. Nat.) 
 1574. R. Stephanus. Paris, Svo. (Renouard.) 
 
 1577. G. Buon. Paris, 8vo. (Bib. Mazarine.) 
 Duverdier notes an edition of T. Payen, Lyon, but gives no date. I conjecture 
 that it will be the edition in the Pinelli catalogue, where the printer's name is 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 519 
 
 not given. Of the above editions, the three which I have seen — those of 
 Buon— have each the dedication to Dolet (though in the edition of 1570 it is by 
 mistake dated 1545), and Brunet states that it is also contained in the edition 
 given by C. Estienne in 1555. This edition is omitted by Renouard. 
 
 39. CI. Baduelli Oratio Funebris in funere Floretae Sairasiae 
 Habita. Epitaphia nonnuUa de eadem. \Mark without border but 
 with motto.] Lugduni, apud Steph. Doletum, 1542. 
 
 This excessively rare tract has hitherto escaped the notice of the biographers 
 and bibliographers of Dolet. The only mention of it which I have found is in 
 Haag (La France Protestante, art. Baduel). I only know the reprint accom- 
 panied by a French translation given at Montpellier in 1829, a copy of which 
 is in the Bib Nat, and another in the public library of Montpellier. The 
 original Latin and the translation are printed on opposite pages. The title of 
 the original I have given above. On the opposite page is the title of the trans- 
 lation: — 'Oraison Funebre de Florete de Sarrat Epouse de Jean de Montcalm, 
 Seigneur de Saint Veran. Prononcee a ses obseques par Claude Baduel. 
 Quelques epitaphes de la mesme.' \Mark as on the opposite page ; round it the 
 words ' Je dole et je polls ce qui est rude et raboleaux.'l Then follows a dedication 
 by the translator to Madame la Comtesse Dieudonne de Montcalm nee Sainte Maure 
 de Sarrat^ which refers to Florete de Sarrat as ' votre dixleme aieule.^ A brief 
 notice bibliographique states as follows : — ' L'edition que le malheureux Dolet 
 imprima en y ajoutant les epitaphes est devenue fort rare ; la traduction faite 
 par Rozel parait perdu. Cette seconde edition n'a ete tiree qu'a cinquante 
 exemplaires.' At the end of the oration come the epitaphs, one in prose and 
 two in verse (by Dolet ?), ending on p. 68, and then follows Posuit Stephanus 
 Boletus virtutis et honoris ergo. Cal. Januariis anno a salute mortalibus restituta 
 1542. The reprint ends with two pages, each having the mark of Dolet 
 opposite each other as on the titles ; underneath the one, Boletus, Burior, Sec. ; 
 underneath the other, Bolet. La vertu est mieux dans la retraite quau grand jour. 
 Nouvelle traduction par v. f. S. j. a. t. v. d. m. Imprime a Montpellier, chez 
 Auguste Ricard, Place d'Enciade No. 3, 1829. 
 
 The copy of the mark of Dolet, which figures four times in this reprint, 
 differs in shape from, and is of much ruder design than any of the marks which 
 I have seen in the books actually printed by him. There is indeed the hand, 
 the doloire, and the block of wood, but the design is oblong instead of being 
 nearly square, as in the actual marks. It is possible that it is a facsimile of a 
 mark which has not elsewhere been found, but I incline to think it has been 
 drawn from memory, and is consequently inexact. M. Gundisy, the Public 
 Librarian of Montpellier, has been so obliging as to inform me that the copy of the 
 original from which the reprint was made was formerly in the Montcalm library, 
 which was sold some years since. From the same source I learn that the trans- 
 lator was M. Saurine, then juge d'instruclion at Montpellier, and that of the fifty 
 copies printed nearly the whole were consumed in a iire which occurred at M. 
 Saurine's house. 
 
 The older translation is mentioned by Duverdier (art. Ck. Rozel), and the 
 title is thus given in the Supplement to Brunei:— 'Oraison funebre sur le trespas 
 
530 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 de vertueuse dame, Dame Florete Sarrasie, premierement faicte en latin par 
 Claude Baduel, et depuis traduicte en langue Franjoyse par Ch. Rozel. Lyon, 
 Jean de Tournes, 1546. pet. in 4, de 42 pp. 
 
 40. De Antique Statu Burgundise Liber. Per Gulielmum 
 Paradintun virum eruditionis multae atque judicii non vulgaris. 
 [Mark in border with moilo.l Lugduni, apud Stephanum Doletum, 
 1542. Cum privilegio Regio. 
 
 4to. Roman letters. 168 pp. (last 10 unnumbered). Signatures a-v twos, 
 pp. 3, 4, dedication by Dolet, Francisco Montelonceo GaUits cancellario, dated 
 Cal. Novemb. 1542 ; pp. 3-158 text. 8 pp. index, i page blank. Last page 
 mark in border ; underneath, Boletus, Durior, &c. 
 
 R. C. C— Bib. Nat.— Brit. Mus. 
 
 Bull, du Bib., 1846, p. 928 ; 36 fr. 
 
 It appears from the date of the dedication that it was written and the book 
 printed during Dolet's imprisonment at Lyons. But there is no reference in the 
 book to the imprisonment. It was reprinted under the above title in 8vo. at 
 Basle, without printer's name or date (but about 1555). (R.C.C.) The reprint 
 contains the preface of Dolet ; and several short tracts are appended. Two 
 copies of the Basle edition were in the Heber collection (Part i. 5025, and Part 
 ii. 4364), and in the catalogue the date is given as 1542. The error has arisen 
 from the date of Dolet's preface having been mistaken for that of the printing 
 of the volume. 
 
 41. Le Nouveau Testament imprim^ par Dolet en frangoys. 
 
 Our only knowledge of the existence of this book is from the mention of 
 it in the Royal pardon of June, 1543 (Proems d'Estienne Dolet, p. 9), and in the 
 several condemnations of which it was the subject. By the decree of the Parlia- 
 ment of Paris of the 14th of February, 1543 (1S44), it was ordered to be burnt 
 (Proems, p. 30 ; also D'Argenlre, Col. Jud., vol. 2, pt. i, pp. 133, 134, by whom how- 
 ever the decree is erroneously cited, several words being omitted, making it 
 appear that only the Sovimaire du Nouveau Testament was condemned). It is 
 again inserted in the catalogue of books censured in the same year. Id. p. 135. 
 It is there described as follows : — ' 36. Nouveau Testament imprime a Lyon 
 par Estienne Dolet. 37. Le contenu en cette seconde partie du Nouveau 
 Testament.' It again appears in the catalogue of works censured in 1551 (Id. 
 p. 174)1 ^i<i in the catalogue of the books condemned by the Inquisition at 
 Toulouse in 1548 or 1549 printed by M. de Freville in La Police des Livres, 
 Paris, 1853, p. 16. No. 26 of this catalogue is as follows: — ' Les nouveaux 
 testamentz imprimez par Dalet, Christophorum de Rimondia, Joannem Lul ou 
 aultres, plains d'erreurs et heresies, ou bien dangereux de y induire.' Dalet 
 is evidently a clerical error for Dolet. 
 
 Nee de La Rochelle rightly corrects the error of Calmet (Diet, de la Bible, 
 1730, vol. 4, p. 331), who says that this book appeared towards the year 1546, 
 but is himself in error in saying it had been printed before the 2nd of 
 March, 1542, being inserted in the catalogue of that date of books censured; 
 he has not recollected that the date 2 March 1542, would be, -uevi style, 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 5^1 
 
 2 March 1543, and there can be no doubt that it was printed before that 
 date and after the 3rd of May 1542, the date of Dolefs preface to the 
 Ephtret et Evangiles, where he announces his intention of printing the whole of 
 the Bible in small size in three or four months from that date. It is probable 
 that this New Testament was intended as an instalment of the Bible in small 
 size, and that it was never actually finished or published, but was seized with 
 Dolet's other books soon after his arrest in 1542, and was burned in the parvis 
 of N6tre Dame in the following February. This would account for the entire 
 disappearance of the whole of the impression. 
 
 42. Le Sommaire du viel et nouveau Testament. Imprim^ 
 par Dolet. 
 
 This book is only known to us from the mention of it in the pardon of June 
 I543>'''here it is referred to as one of those for printing which Dolet had been con- 
 demned (Proofs, p. 9), and in the decree of 14th February, i J43 (i 544), (Proces, 
 p. 29, and D'Argentre, Coll. Jud. vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 134), by which it was ordered 
 to be burned. As I do not find it referred to in any of the catalogues of 
 heretical books cited in the note to the last article, I conjecture it was only in 
 the course of printing when it was seized after Dolet's arrest in 1542, and was 
 never actually completed or issued. 
 
 43. Les Epistres et Evangiles des cinquante & deux dimenches 
 de I'an avecques briefves & tresutiles expositions d'ycelles. 
 [Medallion of Jesus Chris/ holding the cross, wilh these words under- 
 neath in the medallion, Si quis sitit veniat ad me et bibat. Jon. 7.] 
 A Lyon, ches Estienne Dolet, 1542. Avecq privileige du Roi. 
 
 1 6mo. Roman letters. 656 pp. Signatures a-z, a-s. 
 
 pp. 3, 4, preface by Dolet beginning Estienne Dolet an lecleur Chrestien salut. 
 Last page, mark of Dolet not in border. Underneath, Dolet, Preserve moy o 
 Seigneur des calumnies des hommes. 
 
 A copy of this book appears in the printed Catalogue de la Bib. du Roi; Theo- 
 logie, vol. i. A 626, but it is no longer in the Bib. Nat., having been lost for 
 some years. A copy also appeared in the Yemeniz catalogue, No. 58, but 
 curiously enough it had also disappeared before the sale and could not be found. 
 The only copy that I have been able to see is that in the collection of M. Renard 
 of Lyons, to whom I was introduced by M. Baudrier, and who was kind 
 enough to permit me to examine it. 
 
 The epistle of Dolet Au lecteur Chrestien is dated Lyon le Hi. de Mai 1542, 
 and in it he promises ' rendre par/aid la Bible en petite forme dedans troys ouqualre 
 moys et en grande forme dedans huit et desormais ne tiendra quen toy si tu n'as 
 continuellement la parolle de Dieu devanl les yeulx. La quelle tu doibs recepvoir en 
 toute reverence comme la vraye nourriture de ton ame.^ 
 
 This book, the authorship of which is ascribed by La Croix du Maine, Du 
 Verdier, and others to Dolet himself, seems however, as first suggested by Nee 
 de la Rochelle, to be a reprint of the work of Le Fevre d'Etaples first printed 
 in 1523. Yet M. de Freville (La Police des Livres, p. 18) asserts this to be a 
 
522 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 different book from that of Le F^vre. He seems however to have no other 
 authority for this than the catalogue of books censured in 1551 and the Catalogue 
 de la Bib. du Roi. It would certainly be very desirable to compare the two 
 books together, yet the rarity of this of Dolet makes it almost hopeless to expect 
 it to be done. Besides what is announced on the title the book contains 
 Sermons ou Exhortations for several festivals, beginning with one for the 
 Nativity of our Lord. 
 
 44. Psalmes du Royal Prophete David. Fidelement traduicts 
 de Latin en Francoys. Auxquelz est adiouxtd son argument & 
 sommaire a chascun parti culierement. \Then follows a small round 
 woodcut, at the bottom David kneeling, his harp lying beside him ; 
 above, God the Father holding a scroll inscribed with the words 
 Delevi peccatum tutim?[ Ches Estienne Dolet a Lyon, 1542. Avec 
 privileige du Roy. 
 
 i6mo, or 32mo. Roman letters, 384 pp. Sig. a-z, aa fours. (Paging full of 
 mistakes, e.g. goes from 67 to 78). 
 
 pp. 3-6, Estienne Dolet au lecteur Chrestien; 7—341, Translation of the Psalms 
 divided into five books ; 342-368, Nous avons adiousle au livre des Psalmes les 
 cantiques lequelz on chante journellement aux eglises ; then follow, in French, the 
 Benedicile, the Confitehor (from Isaiah xii), the song of Hezekiah, the song of 
 Hannah, the song of Moses, the song of Habakkuk, the Magnificat, the Bene- 
 dictus, the Nunc Dimittis, and the Te Deum; 369-391, Opuscule de Sainct Atha- 
 nase sur les Psalmes de David. C*est asscavoir comme on les peult accommoder aux 
 affaires humains. Opuscule premierement traduict de Grec en Latin par Polilian el 
 de Latin en Francoys par Estienne Dolet. It ends (on page numbered 391) with 
 Tel est le style du Royal Prophete David; le tout a Vutiliie des hommes. 2 pp. blank. 
 Last page mark of Dolet not in border, but with the words Scabra dolo in- 
 Scribed on the axe. Beneath, Dolet, Preserve moy, &c. 
 
 Brit. Mus. (A copy was formerly in the Bib. Nat., but has been missing for 
 some years.) 
 
 Heber; 18 fr. 50 c. — Cailhava, 8 ; 90 fr. — Didot (1879), 62 ; 260 fr. A copy 
 cited in Suppl. to Brunet as sold in 1872 for 225 fr. 
 
 Graesse (Trdsor des Livres rares, art. Psalterium, vol. v. p. 481) in his eager- 
 ness to point out the errors of Brunet erroneously says of this and the Para- 
 phrase of Campensis next hereinafter described, ' Ces deux articles cites par M. 
 Brunet ne font qu'un seul. Uniquement le format avait ete indique differem- 
 ment dans les deux catalogues de Heber et de Veinant.' Brunet is quite correct 
 in distinguishing between the two books ; a copy of each is in the British 
 Museum, and I have compared them together ; they are entirely different. This 
 translation may be by Dolet, certainly that of the Opuscule of St. Athanasius 
 is so, but I think he would have distinctly claimed those of the Psalms and 
 Canticles, if they had been made by him. 
 
 45. Paraphrase c'est a dire claire et briefve interpretation sur 
 les Psalmes de David. Item Aultre interpretation Paraphrastique 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 543 
 
 sur I'ecclesiaste de Salomon. Le tout faict par Campensis. \_Mark 
 not in border, with Scabra dolo on the axe.] A Lyon, ches 
 Estienne Dolet, 1542. 
 
 l6mo. or 32mo. Roman letters. 448 pp. Sig. A-z, a-e fours. 
 
 PP- 3-8) Estienne Dolet au Lecteur Chrestien ; 9-403, Psalmes de David para- 
 phrases par Campensis ; 404-446, Exposition paraphrastique sur I'ecclesiaste du sage 
 Salomon selon la verite Hebraicque composee par Jehan Campensi & nouvellement 
 translates de Latin en Francoys. I page blank. Last page mark (as on title) ; 
 underneath, Dolet, Preserve moy, &c. 
 
 Brit. Mus. 
 
 Veinant, 40 fr. — Chedean; 5. — Radziwill, 145 fr. — Desq ; loofr. — Huillard, 
 28 fr. 
 
 This translation of the Paraphrase of Campensis had previously appeared 
 (but without the preface of Dolet) in 1534, without indication of place or 
 printer's name (Bib. Nat.). It was reprinted at Antwerp by Jehan Gymnick in 
 1556 with the preface of Dolet, but omitting all mention of his name. (An 
 imperfect copy of this is in the Brit. Mus.) Another reprint (Antwerp, Jehan 
 Steelsius, 1543) was in the Cailhava collection (Cat. No. 9), and is apparently 
 the same that was sold at the Libri sale (1859) for eighteen shillings. 
 
 Although the size and the type of this volume are the same as those of the 
 last article, this is printed much more carefully, and has fewer errors of the 
 press. 
 
 46. L'lnternelle Consolation. (Euvre divis^e en deux parties 
 & necessaire a tout esprit Chrestien. Imprim^e h. Lyon chez 
 Estienne Dolet, 1542. 
 
 i6mo. 382 pp. 
 
 I give the title of this book from Duverdier, Bibliotheque Fran9oise, p. 777 
 (edit, of Rigoletde Juvigny, vol. iv.p. 562), for though it is /»-o6aWe that a copy is 
 in existence I have not been able to see one, nor can I indicate where one is to 
 be found. A copy wanting the title-page was formerly in the possession of M. 
 Haillet de Couronne, and afterwards fell into the hands of M. Barbier, who has 
 given a long account of it in his Dissertation sur soixan/e traductions Franpaises 
 de Timitationde Jisus-Christ (Paris, 1812), pp. 119-121, from which I make the 
 following extracts :— ' Je puis done en donner ici une description exacte, a 
 I'exception du frontispice qui manque a I'exemplaire. On trouve en tete un 
 avis de deux pages, intitule : Estienne Dolet au lecteur chretien, salut. II y fait 
 I'eloge de I'ouvrage, et s'exprime comme nn homme plein de confiance dans le 
 bonte de Dieu, et dans les merites de Jesus-Christ. Le text de VInfernelle 
 Consolation est conforme i celui que presentent les anciennes editions de Paris, 
 sauf quelques legeres corrections de style. L'ouvrage y est egalement divise en 
 trois parties ; ce qui fait voir que I'enonce du titre donne par Du Verdier n'est 
 pas exact. 
 
 ' Ces phrases se lisent i la fin du volume : 
 
 ' " Ce present ceuvre fut acheve d'imprimer k Lyon, I'an de grace mil cinq cents, 
 quarante,et deux, chez Estienne Dolet, detenu pourlors aux prisons de Rouenne, 
 
5^4 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 et ce par I'enuye, et calumnie d'aulcuns maistres imprimeurs (ou pour myeulx 
 dire, barbouilleurs) et libraires dudict lieu, centre lesquelz il feit, estant prison- 
 nier, les deux dixains qui s'ensuyvent." 
 
 ' Le verso du dernier feuillet pr^sente I'enseigne de Dolet .... 
 
 'Le volume a 364 pages, non compris la table et les dixains qui en 
 ont 18.' 
 
 The description in Brunei is borrowed from Barbier. MM. Moland and 
 D'Hericault in their excellent edition of Le Livre de L'Internelle Consolation 
 (Paris, Jannet, 1836) also borrow the same description, they having been un- 
 able to see a copy. Graesse (Tresor des Livres Rares et Precieux) adds to his 
 description ' Augm. d'une iv^ pariie,' v^hich does not agree with the statement 
 of Barbier, and which might lead one to suppose that Graesse had seen a com- 
 plete copy. But I am satisfied that he has merely borrowed from the 
 description of Barbier, and that iv° is a misprint for in", for I find no edition 
 of L'Internelle Consolation noticed as having more than three parts, and 
 Barbier mentions that in addition to the two parts described by Duverdier the 
 copy which he has seen has another. 
 
 Draudius in his Bibllotheca Exotica (1625), according to Barbier, places this 
 book among the French works of Protestant theologians, and it has sometimes 
 been ascribed to Dolet himself. It is however, as M. Barbier states, merely a 
 reprint of the older translations of the De Imitaiione. Nee de la Rochelle, who 
 mentions the book says, * Du Verdier prdtend que ceite edition a ete censuree^ 
 Duverdier was correct, for although the book does not appear in any catalogue 
 of books censured by the faculty of Paris, it is inserted (No. 50) in the catalogue 
 of books censured by the Inquisition at Toulouse as L'Internelle Consolation 
 imprimee par Dolet. (See La Police de Livres au xvi="« sifecle par E. de 
 Freville.) No doubt it would be the preface of Dolet or his dixains which 
 gave occasion to the censure, for the orthodoxy of the book itself was 
 never doubted. 
 
 47. Le Chevalier Chrestien premierement compost en Latin 
 par Erasme : & depuis traduict en Frangoys. A Lyon, ches 
 Estienne Dolet, 1542. 
 
 i6mo. Roman letters. 348 pp. (last 2 unnumbered). 
 
 La Valliere, 783 ; 5 liv. 12 s. — Coste, 89 ; 19 fr. — Cat. M. de C. (Techener, 
 i860), 55. 
 
 Bull, du Bib., 1853, p. 301 ; 120 fr. 
 
 According to Brunet (whose description, though more in detail, agrees with 
 that of N^e de la Rochelle, who had seen the Due de la Valliere's copy) this 
 book has 48 preliminary pages, containing, 1, the title ; 2, extract from the 
 Royal privilege ; 3, Estienne Dolet au lecteur chrestien (he then says that ' ce present 
 oeuvre a iti regards par quelques uns comme scandaleux ou illicite ; 4, the dedication 
 of Erasmus. The text begins on p. 49 and extends to p. 346. On the following 
 page, Cest amvrefut imprimi Van de grace Mil cinq cents quarente Sc deux, a Lyon 
 ches Estienne Dolet, demeurant pour lors en la rue Merciere a I'enseigne de la 
 Dolouere d'or. On the last page the mark of Dolet, not in border, but with 
 ScABRA DOLO OU the axe. Underneath, Dolet, Preserve moy. Sec. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. ^%«i 
 
 This translation, attributed by many writers to Dolet himself, is by Louis 
 Berqum. -It had been originally printed by L'Empereur, Anvers, 1529 ; and 
 another edition was given by De Tournes in 1542. (See for the different editions 
 Barbier, Bict. des Anonymes, 3i«"'° edit. vol. ii. p. 102, and Bull, du Bib. i860, 
 
 p. I210.) 
 
 48. Le vrai moyen de bien et catholiquement se confesser. 
 Opuscule faict premierement en Latin par Erasme; et depuis 
 traduict en Fran9oys. A Lyon, ches Estienne Dolet, 1542. 
 
 i6mo. 
 
 Duverdier cites this translation as made by Dolet, and in the title in the 
 Supplement to Brunet (the Calal. des Foires de Francfort being cited as the 
 authority) the title is given as bearing these words, Traduicl du latin d' Erasme 
 par Eslienne Dolet. Nee de la Rochelle however does not think he was the 
 translator, and implies that his name was not on the title-page as such. It seems 
 doubtful however whether Nee de la Rochelle had seen a copy. I can find no 
 trace of the existence of one. In the pardon of June 1543 (Proces, p. g), and in 
 the decree of the parliament of 14th January 1543 (1544), {Proces, p. 30), it is 
 referred to as one of the books printed by Dolet with epitres Hminaires excita- 
 lives a la lecture d'iceux, which implies that he was not the translator, but only 
 the author of the epiire Uminaire. 
 
 49. Exhortation h, la lecture de sainctes Lettres : avec suffisante 
 probation des docteurs de I'Eglise, qu'il est licite et necessaire 
 ycelles estre translat^es en langue vulgaire : et mesmement en la 
 franfoyse. A Lyon, ch^s Estienne Dolet, 1542. 
 
 l6mo. Roman letters. 128 pp. (two last unnumbered). 
 
 Mel. de St. Ceran ; 54. — Heber, pt. ix. 973 ; £i 4s. 
 
 According to Nee de la Rochelle (p. 122) this volume contains besides the 
 Exhortation, — i. Traicte monstrant comme on se doibt apprester a la lecture 
 des Escriptures sainctes & ce qu'on y doibt chercher ; 2. Resolution d'une 
 doubte sur ung passaige de la Saincte Escripture ; 3. Sermon de la Providence 
 divine premierement faict en Grec par S. Jehan Chrysostome et maintenant 
 translate en Langue Fran9oyse. The whole is preceded by an epistle from Dolet 
 to the Lecteur Chrestien. Nee de la Rochelle shows clearly that Dolet was not 
 the author of the book. A copy is in the catalogue of the Bib. Hohendorfiana 
 (pt. iii. No. 253), (no doubt now in the Vienna Library), with the date by 
 mistake 1552 instead of 1542. Duverdier (vol. iii. edit, of Rig. de Juvigny, p. 
 563) gives a long extract from the book, and cites an edition given by Balthasar 
 ArnouUet, Lyon, 1554. 
 
 50. Brief discoiirs de la Republique fran9oys desirant la 
 lecture des livres de la Saincte Escripture luy estre loisible en sa 
 langue vulgaire. Le diet discours est en rime. Avec un petit 
 traictd en prose monstrant comme on se doibt apprester a la lecture 
 
5^6 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 des Escriptures Sainctes, et ce qu'on y doibt chercher. A Lyon, 
 ch^s Estienne Dolet, 1542. i6mo. 
 
 Every writer who has noticed this book, including La Croix du Maine, 
 Duverdier, Goujet, Niceron, Nee de la Rochelle, Brunet, Haag, and Boulmier, 
 agrees in ascribing to it the date 1 544. But it is plain that none of them except 
 Duverdier ever saw a copy, and the date rests solely upon his authority and that 
 of La Croix du Maine. Now the book appears in the catalogue of books 
 censured by the Faculty of Theology of Paris between December 25, 1542, and 
 March 2, 1542 (1543 N.S.) (D'Argentre, t. ii.pt. i, p. 135, No. 61, where these 
 words are added, ' qui semble de Dolet, as cause qu'il a fait Vipiire preliminaire '). It 
 must therefore have appeared before the last date, and probably in 1542. In 
 order to escape this difficulty Brunet suggests that the edition of 1544 referred 
 to by Duverdier must have been a reprint of an earlier edition of 1542. This is 
 no doubt possible, but it seems more probable that 1544 is an error for 1542 
 than that a second edition, which has disappeared as completely as the first, 
 should have appeared in 1544. It again appears among the books of Dolet, 
 but without date, in the catalogue of 1551 (D'A-rgentre, p. 174). 
 
 Brunet, who is followed by Boulmier, says that the Exhortation a la lecture 
 des Sainctes Lettres (No. 49) is printed at the end of the Brief Discours. They 
 seem to have confused the Exhortation with the Petit traicte en Prose above 
 mentioned, and which Nee de la Rochelle tells us expressly is one of those 
 appended also to the Exhortation. 
 
 51. Les prieres et Oraisons de la Bible faictes par las Sainctes 
 Peres, tant du Vieil que du Nouveau Testament. [Mark of Dolet 
 not in border.] A Lyon, Dolet, 1542. 
 
 i6mo. Roman letters. 
 
 I am informed by M. Baudrier that a copy of this book is in the possession 
 of M. GaifFe of Paris. 
 
 See Nee de la Rochelle (p. 48), and the catalogue of books censured in 1551 
 (D Argentr^, t. ii. pt. i. p. 177), where the date of Dolet's edition is not given, 
 but an edition of J. de Toumes of 1544 is also cited. 
 
 52. Exposition sur la premiere Epttre de S. Jean, divis^e par 
 Sermons. 
 
 This book is only known to us from its insertion in the two catalogues of 
 books censured March 2, 1542 (1543), and 1551 (D'Argentr^, t. ii. pt. i. pp. 
 134, 174). In the latter it is included among those ex libris Stephani Doleli. It 
 is true it is mentioned by La Croix du Maine among the works of Dolet, but 
 he seems to have taken it from the catalogue of 1551. 
 
 53. Iiivre de la Compaignie des Penitens. Contenant I'ordre 
 de recepvoir un Novice, matines de la Vierge Marie, I'office du 
 Dimanche, lundy et jeudy, Toffice du mardy et vendredy, I'office du 
 mercredy et sabmedy, Prime, Sexte, Tierce, None, Vespres et 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 527 
 
 Compile de nostra dame : Mutation de I'office de I'Advent : 
 Psalmes des degrez: Psalmes Penitentiaux : L'office des morts : 
 las offices des Mercredy Jeudy et Vendredy sainct : Hymnes de 
 I'annee: Commemoration des Dimenches & des Saincts. Lyon, 
 Estienne Dolet, 1542. 
 
 i6mo. Gothic letters. 
 
 Duverdier (art. Peuitens) ; Proces, pp. 9 and 30 ; D'Argentre, t. ii. pt. i. pp. 
 133 and 134 (as Les heures de la Compaignie des penkens, and under that name 
 ordered to be burned). In the Supplement to Brunet, cited from the Cat. des 
 Foires de Francfort as La compagnie des penitens. 
 
 54. La Fontaine de Vye. Lyon, Dolet, 1542. 
 
 This book is mentioned among the ' Livres dampnes et reprouvis ' printed by 
 Dolet, with preliminary epistles made by him ' excitatives a la lecture d'iceux ' in 
 the pardon of June 1543 (Proces, p. 9), and in the decree of the Parliament of 
 February 14, 1543-4, ordered to be burned (Proces, p. 29 ; D'Argentr^, t. ii. 
 pt. I. p. 133). It is probably the same book as that printed by De Tournes in 
 1543 under the following title : — 
 La Fontaine de vie de laquelle ressourdent tres doulces consolations singu- 
 
 lierement necessaires aux coeurs affligez. (Brunet.) 
 Duverdier cites the following : — 
 
 La Fontaine de vie et de vertu extraicte de toute la saincte escriture de 
 laquelle distillent tres doulces consolations singulierement necessaires aux 
 coeurs affligez. Lyon, Jacques Berion, 1549. 
 Another reprint is noticed in the Supplement to Brunet (vol. i. col. 509) : — 
 La Fontaine de Vie avec cette epigraphe : Qui a soif vienne a moy et boive. 
 Jean. A Anvers de I'imprimerie de Christophle Plantin, m.d.lxiiii. Avec 
 privilege. In l6mo. carre. 128 pp. La derniereest chijfree 126 . . . Cest un 
 des plus rares volumes qui aient ^t^ imprimes en caracleres de civilite cest de 
 plus un curieux livre proiestantf et il n^est pas indique dans les Annales 
 Plantiniennes. 
 
 The book is included in the catalogue of those censured by the Faculty of 
 Theology of Paris, March 2, 1542-3, and by the Inquisition of Toulouse about 
 1549 ; but in a censure of certain books by the Faculty of Theology of Paris, 
 May 25, 1542 (D'Argentre, t. ii. pt. i. p. 232), the book is censured not on 
 account of its own demerits, but on those of a tract printed at the end of it, 
 'Liber qui dicitur La Fontaine de Vie continet alium annexum impressum et 
 eodem contextu ut non possit alter sine altero haberi : in quo secundo libro 
 cujus titulus est Introduction pour les enfans habetur qujedam Lutheri confessio 
 . . . Ea Lutheri confessio scripta est in eo libello circa finem.' 
 
 I have been unable to meet with a copy of La Fontaine de Vie, or of its Latin 
 original Fans VUce, the first edition of which, according to Graesse {Tresor de 
 Livres rares), was printed in 1533. 
 
 55. Les Epistres Familiaires de Marc Tulle Cicero, pare 
 
5a8 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 d'eloquence Latine. Nouvellement traduictes de Latin en Francoys 
 par Estienne Dolet, natif D'Orleans. Avec leurs sommaires et 
 arguments pour plus grande intelligence d'ycelles. \Mark not in 
 border, with motto.'] A Lyon, ch6s Estienne Dolet, 1 542. Avec 
 privileige dix ans. 
 
 8vo. Roman letters. 416 pp. ; folios numtered 3-207 (2 and 3 each numbered 
 3), last folio unnumbered. Signatures a-z, a-c fours. 
 
 Reverse of title, Exlraict du privileige. 4 pp. preface, Estienne Dolet au Lecteur. 
 Each of the sixteen books is preceded by an ' argument,' and in the margin are 
 the Latin words with which the epistle begins in the original, and in a few cases 
 a note explanatory of the epistle. After the seventh book, on folios 140 and 
 141, is an Epistle of Dolet to the reader explaining why he omitted the eighth 
 book (consisting wholly of the letters of Coelius), and most of the other letters 
 not written by Cicero himself. The translation of the sixteenth book ends on 
 the verso of folio 207. Then follow two unnumbered pages ; on the first, Ce 
 present CEuvre fut acheve d'imprimer le XXVIII. d'Avril, 1542, a Lyon ches 
 Estienne Dolet, pour lors demeurant en rue Merciere a Venseigne de la Dolouere 
 d*or. Le quel Dolet mesme a este traducteur de ees Epistres familiaires de Cicero. 
 On last page, mark in border ; underneath, Dolet, Preserve moy, &c. 
 
 R. C. C— Bib. Nat. 
 
 La Valliere, 2320; 4liv. 5 s. — Maccarthy, 2320; 10 fr. — Monmerque; 24 fr. 
 — Villeneuve-Trans ; 63. — Dunn Gardner (1880), 409; £^i'js.6d. 
 
 This, by far the most popular of the works of Dolet, was reprinted twenty- 
 eight times before the end of the sixteenth century, and at least three times in the 
 seventeenth. Dolet only translated the letters written by Cicero, omitting many in 
 the last books, and nearly all those written by his correspondents in reply. These 
 were translated by Fr. de Belle Forest in 1561 ', and with the Latin text, added 
 in most of the subsequent editions. The following is as complete a list as I have 
 been able to make. Besides the four editions, copies of which are in my 
 possession, I have seen all those that are in the Bib. Nat. and the libraries of 
 Orleans, Lyons, and Chatsworth. For the others I cite my authorities. For an 
 opportunity of consulting those at Chatsworth (of which I know no other 
 copies) I am indebted to the kindness of His Grace the Duke of Devonshire. 
 
 Reprints of Dolet's translation alone of the 
 Epistres Familiaires. 
 
 1542. Lyon, De Toumes. i2mo. (N^e de la Rochelle quoting Cat. MS. 
 
 de la Bib. du Roi.) 
 1542. Paris, P. Vidoue. (Brunet.) 
 
 1542. Paris, Jean Longis (imprimeur Jean Real). 8vo. (N& de la Rochelle, 
 p. 127. — Nodier, 1091 ; Yemeniz, 1338.) 
 
 1543. Lyon, Frellon. i6mo. (Cailhava, 700. — Brunet.) 
 
 ' In note 2 on p. 348, ante, for 1651 read 1561. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 539 
 
 1545- Paris, Nicolas Duchemin. 24mo. (Bib. Nat.) 
 
 1545. Paris, Gilles Corrozet. i6mo. (Chatsworth Library.) 
 
 1547. Paris, Guillaume Le Bret. At the end on page 307, Imprimi par 
 
 Guillaume Thibaut. i6mo. (Chatsworth Library.) 
 1547. Paris, Jean Ruelle. At the end on page 307, Imprimi par Guillaume 
 
 Thibaut. i6mo. (Brunet.) 
 (It is clear that the two editions last cited are the same, only with a different 
 title-page. They were, no doubt, a joint speculation of Ruelle and Le 
 Bret. The same remark applies to the two editions printed by Menier in 
 1549. For the edition of 1547 Brunet gives the name of the publisher as 
 Jean Real. I venture to conclude that this is a misprint for Ruelle. Jean 
 Real was a printer usually if not always printing for others, whilst Ruelle 
 was a bookseller and publisher, and I doubt whether about this time he 
 printed any of the books which have his name on the title-page. But the 
 repetition of the edition by Ruelle in 1549 makes it, I think, clear that 
 Ruelle and not Real was the publisher of the edition of 1547.) 
 1547. Paris, Est. GrouUeau. i6mo. (Graesse.) 
 1549. Lyon, Thibauld Payan. i6mo. (Orleans Library.) 
 1 549. Paris, Guillaume Le Bret. At the end, Imprime par Maurice Menier. 
 
 i6mo. (Nee de la Rochelle.) 
 1549. Paris, Jehan Ruelle. At the end, Imprimi par Maurice Menier. l6mo. 
 
 (Bib. Nat.) 
 1549. Lyon, Jean de Toumes et Guillaume Gazeau. i6mo. (Bib. Nat.) 
 1549. Lyon, Gu. Rouille. i2mo. (Graesse.) 
 
 1559. Paris, Menier. i6mo. (Graesse.) 
 
 1560. Lyon, Thibaud Payen. i6mo. (R. C. C.) 
 
 1 561. Lyon, Guillaume Rouille, but at end Imprime par Francoys Gaillard. 
 (Orleans Library.) 
 
 1569. Chambery? i6mo. (Boulmier.) 
 s, a. Paris, Buon. (Maittaire.) 
 
 reprints, including the translations of 
 Fr. de Belle Forest. 
 
 1561. Lyon, Jac. Cotter. i6mo. (Lyons Library.) 
 
 1566. Paris, H. le Be. i2mo. (Brunet.— Maccarthy, 2323.) 
 
 1569! Paris, Jacques D'ArbiUy. i2mo. (Nee de la Rochelle, 128.) 
 
 1569. Paris, Est. Anastace. i2mo. (Graesse.) 
 
 1572. Paris, Vincent Norment et Janne Bruneau. i6mo. (R. C. C, 
 
 Morante's copy.) ,,. n n^ 
 
 1573. Lyon, Loys Cloquemin et Estienne Michel. i6mo. (R. C. C.) 
 1579. Lyon, Loys Cloquemin. i6mo. (Lyons Library.) 
 
 ic8r Lugd. apud Ant. Gryphium. i6mo. ' Cette derniere edition a esU 
 
 revue et repurgee de plusieurs notables fautes.' (Graesse.) 
 1589. Paris, Claude Micard. i6mo. (R. C. C.) 
 
 M m 
 
53° BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 1592. Lyon, Jacob Steer. i6mo. (Orleans Library.) 
 
 1623. Rouen, Bogard. i2mo. (Brunet.) 
 
 1624. Rouen, Richard I'Allemand. (Bib. Nat.) 
 
 1630. Rouen, Jean de la Mare. i6mo. (N^e de la Rochelle.) 
 
 56. La maniere de Bien traduire d'une langue en aultre. 
 D'avantage. De la punctuation de la langue Francoyse. Plus des 
 accents d'ycelle. Le tout faict par Estienne Dolet, natif D'Orleans. 
 \Mark in border with moUoP[ A Lyon, chds Estienne Dolet mesme. 
 M.D.xLii. Avec privileige pour dix ans. 
 
 4to. Roman letters. 40 pp. Signatures a-e twos. Last page unnumbered. 
 Mark in border ; underneath, Doleius, Durior, &c. 
 Bib. de 1' Arsenal. — Bib. Copenhagen. 
 The third edition given by Dolet, and an exact reprint of that of 1541. 
 
 57. La Plaisante et Joyeuse histoyre du Grand Geant Gar- 
 gantua, Prochainement reveu et de beaucoup augmentee par 
 I'autheur mesme. [^Woodcu/ representing men and boys singing from 
 a music book?^ A Lyon, ches Estienne Dolet, 1542. 
 
 i6mo. Roman letters. 288 pp. (last 6 pp. unnumbered), pp. 2-282, text 
 of Gargantua ; I p. Cest auvre fut imprime Tan de grace Mil cinq cents quannte 
 & deux, A Lyon, ches Estienne Dolet, demeurant pours lors en la Rue Merciere a 
 Tenseigne de la Dolouere D'or ; i page, mark, not in border, but with Soabra dolo 
 on the margin of the axe ; underneath, Dolet, Preserve moy. Sec. 4 pp. blank. 
 ( Woodcuts.) Then follows : — 
 
 Pantagruel Roy des Dipsodes Restitue k son naturel : avec ses faictez & 
 prouesses espouvantables : composes par feu M. Alcofribas abstracteur de 
 quintessence. Plus les merveilleuses navigations du disciple de Pantagruel diet 
 Panurge. A Lyon, ches Estienne Dolet, 1542. 
 
 i6mo. Roman letters. 352 pp. (last 2 pp. unnumbered), p. 2, Dixain de 
 M. Hugues Salel a I'autheur de ce livre ; pp. 3-7, Prologue de I'autheur; 8-232, 
 text divided into xxxii chapters ; 232-251, Pantagrueline Prognostication; I p. 
 blank and unnumbered ; 253-350, Le voyage et navigation que fist Panurge ; i 
 p. blank ; i p. mark not in border, but with Soabra dolo on the margin of the 
 axe ; underneath, Dolet, Preserve moy, &c. {Woodcuts.) 
 
 Bib. Nat. Bought at the Yemeniz sale (No. 2377) for 1580 fr. It had been 
 purchased by Yemeniz, at the Marq. de Coislin's sale (No. 339), for 330 fr. 
 
 Maccarthy (Gargantua), 3289 ; 35 fr. : (Pantagruel, 3290) ; 11 fr.— Heber, pt. 
 V, 2906; jfi 7s.— Aim^-Martin (title m facsimile), 1186 ; 200 fr. — Giraud, 
 2072 ; 441 fr.- M. de C. ; 447.— Solar, 800 fr.— Same copy Didot (1878), 627 ; 
 1 1 20 fr. A second copy at the Solar sale in a splendid binding {mar. double) of 
 Trautz ; 2 150 fr., to M. de Montesson ; subsequently sold (Potier, No. 1382) to 
 M. de Rothschild for 5000 fr. !— Taschereau (Pantagruel only, wanting the last 
 leaf with the mark of Dolet), 1647; 186 fr. 
 
 See as to this edition of Rabelais, ante, pp. 368-373, 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 531 
 
 58. Les oeuvres de Clement Marot de Cahors, valet de 
 chambre du Roy, augmentdes d'ung grand nombre de ses com- 
 positions nouvelles par cy-devant non imprim^es. Le tout song- 
 neusement par luy mesmes reveu at mieulx ordonnd comme Ton 
 voyrra cy apres. \Mark not in border but with motto.] A Lyon, 
 ches Estienne Dolet, 1542. Avec privileige du Roy pour dix ans. 
 
 Sm. 8vo. Roman letters. 648 pp. (Folios numbered but with many errors.) 
 Signatures a-z, a-r fours, s two. — ff. 2. 3, Epistle of Marot to Dolet; 4 (a), 
 Latin odes of N. Bourbon and N. Berald. Last page mark of Dolet in border ; 
 underneath, Estienne Dolet, Preserve may, &c. 
 
 Bib. Nat. — Brit. Mus. — Bib. de 1' Arsenal (imperfect, wanting last 12 pp.). 
 
 De Thott (Copenhagen, 1788), 48 centimes ! (Bull, du Bib. Belg. vol. vi. p. 
 250). — Crofts, 4824; 4s. — Veinant, 468 ; 300 fr. — Double; 900 fr.^Morel (de 
 Lyon) ; 715 fr. — Didot (1878), 246 ; 900 fr. 
 
 Tross(i865) ; 760 fr. (afterwards bound by Hardy-Mesnil at a cost of 400 fr., 
 and resold by Tross in 1868 for only 82ofr.— Potier (1872) (short in the margins), 
 275 fr.— Fontaine (1874), 1500 fr.—Labitte (1877); 900 fr. 
 
 59. L'Enfer de Clement Marot de Cahors en Quercy, valet 
 de chambre du Roy. Item aulcunes Ballades et Rondeaulx 
 appartenants a larguments. Et en oultre plusieurs aultres com- 
 positions du diet Marot, par cy-devant non imprimdes. \_Mark 
 not in border but with motto.} A Lyon, chds Estienne Dolet, 1342. 
 Avec privileige pour dix ans. 
 
 Sm. 8vo. Italic letters. 64 pp. (Last three unnumbered, pagination full of 
 mistakes.) Signatures a-d. ^^. z, j^, Estienne Dolet a Lyon Jamet ; -g^. 5-61, 
 VEnfer and the other poems ; i p. unnumbered, Cest ceuvre fut imprime Van de 
 grace Mil cinq cents qnarante et deux. A Lyon, ches Estienne Dolet, demenrant pour 
 lors en Rue Merciere a Venseigne de la Dolouere D'or. (My copy ends here, but 
 there clearly should be another folio, on the verso of which no doubt would be 
 the mark of Dolet.) 
 
 R C C 
 
 Nodi'er (1844), large copy, • avec temoins,' 361 ; 47 fr.— Same copy, Yemeniz, 
 1714; 570 fr.— Same copy, Didot (1878), 254; 1200 fr. 
 
 60. L'Amie de Court. Nouvellement invent6e par le Seigneur 
 de la Borderie. [Mark without border but with motto.] A Lyon, 
 ch^s Estienne Dolet, 1542- 
 
 Sm 8vo Italic letters. 4° PP- Signatures a, b fours, c two. pp. 3, 4. Preface 
 of Dolet dated May 5. I64^; 5-36, L'Amie de Court; 37, A I'ung de ses 
 amss- ^S Enigme; i folio (wanting in my copy, but the recto would no 
 doubt be blank, and the verso would have the mark of Dolet as in the edition 
 
 of 1543)- 
 
 M m 3 
 
533 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 R. C. C. (Didot's copy.) 
 
 Veinant (1856) ; 20 fr.— Same copy, Didot (1878), 269; 135 fr. 
 
 I cannot point to any copy of this or the next article except my own. 
 Whether it is the earliest edition is a matter of doubt. It was formerly so 
 considered, and the preface of Dolet seems to imply that this was the case. On 
 the other hand, Techener (Bull, du Bib. i860, pp. 1053 and 1059) states that 
 the edition of Gilles Corrozet (Paris, chez Denys Janot et Vincent Sertenas, 
 1542'), the privilege for which is dated 9 Mnrs, 1541, is earlier than that of 
 Dolet. But he only infers this from the date of the privilege, and forgets that 
 9 Mars, 1541, would be 1542 N. S., and that the privilege was thus granted to 
 Corrozet less than two months before the date of Dolet's preface. A strongei; 
 argument in favour of the priority of Corrozet's edition lies in the fact that 
 Dolet does not claim the benefit of the royal privilege for his volume. 
 
 This and the two following articles (which were reprinted by Dolet in 1543) 
 had an extraordinary popularity during the next twenty years, and passed 
 through a great number of editions, but none that I have seen except those of 
 Dolet himself contain his prefaces. VAmie de Court and La parfaicie Amye v/eie 
 frequently printed together with other compositions of La Borderie, Heroet, and 
 others. One of these collections appeared under the title Opuscules d' Amour 
 par Heroet, La Borderie et autres divers poetes (De Toumes, Lyon, 1547), 
 (Brit. Mus.) 
 
 61. La Parfaicte Amye. Nouvellement compos^e par Antoine 
 Heroet diet la Maison neufve. Avec plusieurs aultres com- 
 positions du diet Autheur. [Afark not in border hut with moiio^ 
 A Lyon, chds Estienne Dolet, 1542. Avec privileige pour dix ans. 
 
 Sm. 8vo. Italic letters. 96 pp. Signatures a-f fours, pp. 3, 4, Preface of 
 Dolet dated June i, 1542; 3-63 (,^9 repeated), La parfaicte amye; 64-79, 
 L' Androgyne de Platon. Nouvellement traduict de Latin en Francoys par Antoine 
 Heroet did la maison neufve. Last page mark in border ; underneath, Dolet, 
 Preserve moy, Sec. 
 
 R. C. C. (Didot's copy. No. 270, 1878, 45 fr. First folio in MS. facsimile.) 
 Two other editions of this book appeared the same year, one given by Pierre 
 de Tours, Lyon (Croft, 4857, — Brunet, — Bull, du Bib., 1848, p. 67 at the end), 
 and the other by Nicole Paris, Troyes, and it is doubtful which is the original. 
 It will however be noted that Dolet claims in this volume the benefit of the 
 royal privilege. The edition given by Nicole Paris, a copy of which is in the 
 Brit. Mus., appears to be almostentirely unknown, though it seems to be referred 
 to in the 3rd edition of M. Corrard de Breban's Recherches sur . . . fimprimeriea 
 Troyes (Paris, 1873), where however it is mentioned as without date, the Satyres 
 of Persius being the only book given as printed by Paris in 1542, the year in 
 which his name first appears as a printer. His edition of La parfaicte Amye is 
 however of special interest to us, since its appearance almost simultaneously 
 vidth Dolet's edition strengthens the grounds for believing (see ante, pp. 441, 484) 
 that there was a close connection between Dolet and Nicole Paris. 
 
 62. Du Mespris de la Court. De la louange de la vie Rustique. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 533 
 
 Nouvellement traduict d'Hespaignol en Francoys. \Mark of 
 Dolet.'] A Lyon, chds Estienne Dolet, 1542. Avec privileige pour 
 dix ans. 
 
 Roanne Library. (Ex relatione M. Baudrier.) 
 
 Sm. 8vo. 170 pp. At p. 3, Dedication of the translator, Antoine Alaigre, to 
 G. Du Prat, Bishop of Clermont, dated May i, 1542. Last page mark of 
 Dolet ; underneath, Dolet, Preserve moy, &c. 
 
 A translation from the Spanish of Antoine de Guevarra, and like his other works 
 excessively popular in the sixteenth century. This is probably the first edition 
 of the translation of Alaigre, though another edition also appeared in the same 
 year at Lyons from the press of Pierre de Tours. It was reprinted the following 
 year by De Toumes (R. C. C.), and also by Fr. Juste. Translations appeared 
 in English, Italian, and German. The English translation was made by Sir 
 Francis Bryant, and printed by Grafton in 1548, under the title of A Dispraise of 
 the life of a courtier and a commendacion of the life of a labouring man. Another 
 book of Guevarra, though according to Hallam (Literature of Europe, pt. I, 
 c. vii.) of much less merit, the Libra Aureo de Marco Aurelio, was still more 
 popular. ' Scarce any book except the Bible, says Casaubon, has been so much 
 translated or so frequently printed ' (Hallam). 
 
 63. Cry de la guerre ovverte entre le roy de France et 
 I'Empereur Roy des Hespaignes. Et ce k cause des grandes, 
 execrables, et estranges injures cruaultez et inhumanitez, des 
 quelles le diet Empereur a us6 envers le Roy et mesmement envers 
 ses ambassadeurs : a cause aussi des pays, qu'il luy detient et 
 occupe indeument et injustement. Lyon, ches Estienne Dolet, 
 1542. 
 
 Sm. 4to. 4ff. Mark of Dolet on the last page. 
 
 Potier, 1974.— Cat. of St. Goar (Frankfor-t, 1877), No. 1520, 6 m. Sold 
 to MM. Putsch and Son, Augsburg, in whose catalogue. No. cxxv, 1877, it was 
 marked 15 m. In the Supplement to Brunet a copy is cited as sold at the 
 Corrodsale for 252 fr. 
 
 A copy of an edition of this manifesto of Francis I, printed by Poncet le 
 Preux Paris, s. a.., which MM. Deschamps and Brunet state to be a re- 
 impression of that of Dolet, is in the Bib. Nat., but it seems to me much more 
 probable that that of Poncet le Preux is the original. In this edition the 
 manifesto is dated Ligny, 10 July, 1542. Le Long {Bib. Hist, de la France) 
 cites this manifesto under the date 1542, but as in 8to. and without the 
 printer's name. 
 
 64. Discoiirs contenant le seul et vray moyen par lequel ung 
 serviteur favoris^ et constitud au service d'ung prince, peult con- 
 server sa felicity eternelle et temporelle, et eviter les choses qui luy 
 pourroyent I'une ou I'aultre faire perdre. Lyon, Est. Dolet 1542- 
 
534 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 8vo. 31 pp (including 6 preliminary pages). 
 
 La Valliere, 1368 ; 13 liv. 15 sol. — Bergeret; 20 fr. — Coste, 320. 
 
 Bull, du Bib., 1848, p. 31 (at end) ; 15 fr. — 1859, p. 217 ; 18 fr. 
 
 Duverdier attributes the authorship of this book to Dolet, but Barbier (Diet, 
 des Anonymes), who seems to be the only writer who notices the book who 
 has ever seen a copy, says that it is preceded by a dedication by Dolet to ' M. 
 de VEstrange,' from which it appears that he was not the author. In it Dolet 
 says that the discours ' est plein de prudence accompagnee d'une telle ardeur 
 envers la loi de Dieu que bien cognoissoit et bien observait I'autheur de cet 
 ouvrage.' 
 
 6g. La Chirurgie de Paiilus -ffigineta nouvellement traduicte 
 de Grec en Fran9oys. [Mark not in border but with motio.] A 
 Lyon, ch^s Estienne Dolet, 1542. Avec privileige pour dix ans. 
 
 Sm. 8vo. Italic letters. 218 pp. Signatures a-n. 
 
 The only copy of this edition whieh I have seen is that of M. MoUien of 
 Lyons. It was shown to me by M. Baudrier, to whom M. MoUien had been 
 kind enough to lend it for that purpose. 
 
 Yemeniz, 796 ; 51 fr. — Comte de X, No. 27. — Didot (1879), 248 ; 120 fr. 
 
 Bachelin-Deflorenne (1872), 14 ; 60 fr. 
 
 This is a reprint of the first part of the volume of translations made by P. 
 Tolet, originally printed by Dolet in 1540. According to Brunet it includes the 
 Opuscules of Galen. This is an error ; none of the above-mentioned copies in- 
 cluded the Opuscules, reprints of which were given separately by Dolet. (See 
 the two following articles.) 
 
 66. Des Tumeurs oultre le coustumier de Nature. Opuscule 
 nouvellement traduict de Grec en Latin : et de Latin en Fran9oys. 
 \3fark not in border but with motto.^ A Lyon, ch^s Estienne Dolet, 
 1542. Avec privileige pour dix ans. 
 
 Sm. 8vo. Italic letters. 32 pp. 
 
 pp. 3-26, text ; 6 pp. unnumbered ; 1st, Ce present Opuscule a este traduict par 
 Maistre Pierre Tolet, medecin de Vhospital de Lyon. Et par luy aussi a este traduict 
 haultre opuscule de Galie?i intitJiU De la Tnaniere de curer par phlehotomie ; 2nd, 
 blank ; 3rd, mark in border ; underneath. Boletus, Durior, &c. 3 last pages blank. 
 
 Bib. Nat. 
 
 Yemeniz, 2 copies, 782 ; 25 fr. and 15 fr. — Veinant, 19 fr. — Didot (1879), 247; 
 205 fr. 
 
 Bachelin-Deflorenne (1869), 1417; 35 fr. 
 
 This Opuscule, as well as the next article, had before been printed by Dolet in 
 1 540 with La Chirurgie of Paulus jEgineta. 
 
 67. De la Baison de curer par evacuation de sang. Autheur 
 Galien. Qjluvre nouvellement traduict de Grec en Latin : et 
 de Latin en Frangoys. [Mark without border but with motto.\ A 
 Lyon, chds Estienne Dolef, 1542. Avec privileige pour di-x ans. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 535 
 
 Sm. 8vo. Italic letters. 64 pp. Signatures a-d fours. 
 
 PP- 3-54> text ; 55-63, PetiU traictes propfes a la medicine. Autheur Galien (Des 
 Sangsues. De revulsion. Des venfouses. De scarification). Last page unnumbered. 
 Mark in border ; underneath, Boletus, Durior, &c. 
 
 R. C. C— Bib. Nat. 
 
 Cailhava; i55._Desq; 20 fr.— Potier, 396; 15 fr.— Didot (1879), 246; 
 470 fr. 
 
 Again separately reprinted a Lyon chez Sulpice Sabon par Antoine Constantin. 
 Yemeniz, 7S1. 
 
 68. Deux Livres des Simples de Galien. C'est asscavoir. La 
 cinquiesme, Et le neufviesme. Nouvellement traduicts de Latin en 
 Fran9oys par Monsieur Maistfe Jehan Canappe, Docteur en 
 Medicine. [Mark not in border but with moito^ A Lyon, chds 
 Estienne Dolet, 1542. Avec privileige pour dix ans. 
 
 Bvo. Italic letters. 164 pp. (p. 89 repeated and last but one numbered 162). 
 3-6, Le translateur au lecteur. Last page mark in border ; underneath. Boletus 
 Burior, Sec. 
 
 R. C. C— Bib. Nat. 
 
 Yemeniz, 783; 22 fr. — Didot (1879), 245; 400 fr. 
 
 Bull, du Bib. (1852), 627 ; 48 fr.— Bachelin-Deflorenne (1872), 893 ; 30 fr. 
 
 69. Prologue & chapitre singulier de tres excellent Docteur en 
 medecine & Chimrgie Maistre Guidon de Cauliac. Le tout 
 nouvellement traduict & illustr^ de commentaires par Maistre Jehan 
 Canappe, Docteur en Medecine & lecteur public des Chirurgiens k 
 Lyon. [Mark not in border but with motto.] Ch^s Estienne Dolet 
 a Lyon, 1542. Avec privileige pour dix ans. 
 
 8vo. Text of Guidon Roman letters, Commentary of Canappe Italics. 
 128 pp. Sig. A-H fours, pp. 3-6, preface of Canappe. Last page mark in border ; 
 underneath. Boletus, Burior, &c. 
 
 R. C. C— Bib. Nat. 
 
 Yemeniz, 800; 33fr.— Coste; 405. 
 
 70. Le Livre des Presaiges du Divin Hyppoerates divisd en 
 troys parties. Item La protestation que le diet Hyppoerates faisoit 
 faire a ses disciples. Le tout nouvellement translate par Maistre 
 Pierre Vernei, Docteur en Medicine. [Mark not in border but 
 with motto:] A Lyon ch^s Estienne Dolet, 1542. 
 
 Sm. 8vo. Italic letters. 40 pp. 
 
 (unnumbered), La vie cCHyppocrates. pp. 4-6, ia protestation etjurement du 
 divin Sc maistre des Medecins Hyppoerates. 7-38, Translation of the Presaiges, 
 
536 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 ending on p. 38 with Imprimi a Lyon far Estienne Dole! pour lors demeurant en 
 Rue Merciere a I'enseigne de la Doloire Van de grace Mil cents quarante Sc deux. 
 I page blank, last page mark in border ; underneath, Boletus, Durior, &c. 
 Bib. Nat. 
 
 Yemeniz, 778 ; Jo fr. — Coste ; 360. 
 
 Bachelin-Deflorenne (1872), 1132; 85 fr. — Bull, du Bib. (1837), p. 451; 
 15 fr. : (1838), p. 234; 20 fr. : (1852), p. 628; 30 fr. 
 
 Bninet is in error in only giving to this book 38 pp. 'y compris Vembleme de 
 Dolet.' It should consist, as above stated, of 40 pp. Duverdier states that this 
 book is a reprint of one given in 1539. A copy of this very scarce original 
 (which though mentioned by Brunet, after Duverdier, had clearly not been seen 
 by him, and seems quite unknown) is in my possession. The title is as follows :— 
 Emanuel, Le livre des Presaiges Previsions ou Prenostiqnes du Divin & 
 Maistres des Medecins Hyppocras de Lisle dicte Cos divise en trois parties 
 ou particules. Translate de Latin en Francois. Par M. Pierre Vemey de 
 Semur en Lauxois, professeur en Medicine & Astrophile concordant les 
 trois translations et coment de Glaude Galien. 
 Ite la protestation promesse et juremet dudict Hyppocras quil faisoit aussi 
 faire a ses Escoliers. Dont est faicte mention en sa legende. Precedente 
 ledict Jurement. 
 Le tout translate par le diet M. Pierre. 
 
 On les vent a Lyon en la Maison de Nicolas Petit en Rue Merciere, m.d.xxxix. 
 8vo. Italic letters. 40 pp. unnumbered. Sig. A-c. At the end on p. 38, 
 Imprime a Lyon par Pierre de Saincte Lucie diet le Prince. The last folio is 
 wanting, but would either be blank or would have the printer's mark. 
 
 71. Tables anatomiques du corps humain universel; soit de 
 rhomme ou de la femme. Premierement compos^e en Latin par 
 Maistre Leys Vassee ; et depuis traduites par Maistre Jehan 
 Canappe. A Lyon, ch^s Estienne Dolet, 1542. Avec priviliege 
 pour dix ans. 
 
 8vo. Italic letters. 
 
 Orleans Library. (Ex relatione M. Baudrier.) 
 
 Duverdier and La Croix du Maine both mention this book as printed by 
 Dolet, but until I learned from M. Baudrier the existence of a copy at Orleans, 
 I had been unable to discover any subsequent trace of its existence. A copy of 
 a later edition is however in the Bib. Mazarine. The title is as follows : — 
 Ij'Anatomie du corps humain reduite en tables Premierement composees en 
 Latin par Maistre Loys Vassee : et depuis traduites par Maistre Jehan 
 Canappe. Reveu et corrigd avec I'lndice. A Paris, par Charles I'Angelier 
 en la grand salle du Palais au premier pillier, 1554. 
 i6mo. 134 leaves numbered. Sig. a-s. 
 
 An epistle headed Maistre Jean Canappe Docteur en medecine au lecleur 
 Chirugeon salut, occupies the reverse of the title and the four following 
 pages. It is dated Lyon, ce premier jour de Juillet, Van de Salut m.d.xxxxi. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 537 
 
 Duverdier mentions two other reprints; by Jean de Toumes, Lyon, 1552, 
 and by Michael Fezendat, Paris, 1555 (Fezendat certainly printed an edition 
 of the original Latin of Vassaeus in 1553, a copy of which is in the Bib. de 
 Ste. Genevieve, and probably Duverdier took this for an edition of the 
 translation.) 
 
 La Croix du Maine treats as two distinct books L'Analomie du Corps hu- 
 maine and Les tables anatomtques. An examination, which 1 hope hereafter to 
 make of the Orleans copy, will show whether he is correct. He is however in 
 error (as is La Monnoye) in stating that the author of the original is Jean and 
 not Loys Vassee. Jean and Loys Vassee or Vassaeus were contemporaries. 
 Jean was of Meanx, Louis of Chalons. Each wrote on medical subjects, but 
 Louis and not Jean is certainly the author of the Tabulce. See Gesner, Bib. 
 Univ., who states the original edition as impressus Parisiis aptid Joan. Foucherium 
 1540, and Jocher, AUgemeines Gelehrten Lexicon, vol. iv. p. 1464. 
 
 M.D.XLIII. 
 
 72. C. Ivlii Csesaris Commentarii. Quse in hac habeantur 
 editione sequens pagina demonstrabit. [Mark nol in border but 
 with motto^ Lugduni, apud Steph. Doletum, 1543. 
 
 8vo. Italic letters. 656 pp. 
 
 66 pp. prelim, comprising the prefaces of Secundus and Aldus, the usual 
 plates and maps, nomina locorum, and Index rerum. pp. 1-524 text of Csesar 
 and Hirtius. 67 pp. unnumbered, Index, with, at the end, inis {sic), i p. 
 blank. 
 
 Brussels Library. — Orleans Library. 
 
 An exact reprint page for page of the editions given by Seb. Gryphius, but 
 badly and carelessly printed with a coarse type, and on coarse paper. 
 
 73. Observationes in Terentii Comoedias nempe Andriam: 
 et item Eunuchum.. Steph. Doleto Gallo Aurelio Autore. [Mark 
 without border but with motto.] Lugduni, apud eundem Doletum, 
 1543. Cum privilegio ad decennium. 
 
 8vo. Italic letters. 176 pp. (17 unnumbered at end). Sig. a-l. Last page 
 mark in border ; underneath, Boletus, Durior, &c. 
 
 An exact reprint of the edit, of 1540. 
 
 Bib. Nat.— Brit. Mus. 
 
 Gaignat, 1579; 3 Uv. 15 sol.— Cr«venna (vol. iii. p. 178); 5 florins.— Heber, 
 pt. i. 2125 ; 7s. dd. — Morante, pt. i. 1219; 27 fr. (cost 213 reals). 
 
 This edition is less rare than that of 1540. 
 
 74. Les Questions Tusciilanes de M. T. Ciceron. (Euvre 
 tresutile & necessaire pour resister a toute vitieuse passion d'esprit ; 
 & parvenir au mespris, & contemnement de la mort. Nouvellement 
 traduict de Latin en Francoys parEstienne Dolet, natif D'Orleans. 
 
538 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 [Mark without border hut with motto.'] A Lyon, ches Estienne 
 Dolet, 1543. Avec privileige pour dix ans. 
 
 8vo. Roman letters. 240 pp. Sig. a-p fours. 13 pp. prelim, unnumbered. 
 Epistle to the king, i p. Huictain. pp. 1-224, Translation of the first three 
 books of the Tusculans, ending (on p. 224) with Fin du Troysiesme livre. 
 
 Dole Library. — M. Le President Baudrier. 
 
 These are the only two copies known of the original edition. 
 
 The only reprints hitherto noticed by bibliographers are those of Ruelle and 
 Sabon. I have however found five editions, copies of all of which (except that 
 of Ruelle, 1544) I have examined. 
 
 1544. Paris, J. Ruelle. i6mo. (Gaignat, 1498. — La Valliere, 2268.) 
 
 1544. No place or printer's name. i6mo. (Lyons Library.) 
 
 1545. Paris, Guillaume Le Bret. i6mo. (Bib. Maz.) 
 1548. Paris. J. Ruelle. i6mo. (Bib. Nat.) 
 
 (1549). Lyon. Sulpice Sabon pour Antoine Constantine. Sm. 8vo. (Brit. 
 Mus. — Chatsworth. This edition has no date, but Brunet gives it as 1549) 
 None of these reprints contain Dolet's preface, or anything more than the 
 first three books. 
 
 7g. La Maniere de bien traduire d'une langue en aultre, 
 d'avantage de la Ponctuation de la langue Francoise; plus des 
 Accens d'icelle. Le tout faict par Estienne Dolet, natif D'Orleans. 
 A Lyon, ch^s Dolet mesme, 1543. 
 
 4to. Round letters. 
 
 Cat. des Livres de feu M. Bigilhon (Claudin, 1872), No. 1325 ; 16 fr. 50 c. 
 Bib. Hohendorfiana, part ii. No. 293. — Duverdier. 
 
 I have been unable to find any trace of a copy of this the 4th and last edition 
 given by Dolet, except the Bigilhon and Hohendorf copies, neither of which I 
 have been able to see. The latter is no doubt in the Public Library of Vienna. 
 The above title is taken from the Cat. Bigilhon. 
 
 76. Les Gestes de Francoys de Valois Roy de France. Dedans 
 lequel oeuvre on peult congnoistre tout ce qui a este faict par les 
 Francoys depuis L'an mil cinq cents treize jusques en L'an mil 
 cinq cents quarante & troys. Premierement compost en Latin 
 par Estienne Dolet ; et apres par luy mesmes translate en Langue 
 Francoyse. [Mark without border but with motto.] A Lyon, chds 
 Estienne Dolet, 1543. Avec privileige pour dix ans. 
 
 4to. (but much smaller than the edit, of 1540). Roman letters. 96 pp. 
 Sig. A-F fours, pp. 2-74 same as in the edition of 1540, except that on p. 74 a 
 paragraph is added glorifying France and its invincibility. 75-94, Le tiers livre 
 (continuing the history for the years 1539, 1540, 1541, 1542. Unnumbered 
 page, Au leclenr (as in edit, of 1540). Last page mark in border; under- 
 neath, Dolet, Preserve moy, &c. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 539 
 
 Bib. Nat.— Brit. Mus. 
 
 La Valliere, 2643 ; 36 liv.— Gouttard ; 34 fr.— Veinant ; 35 fr.— Solar; 72 fr. 
 — Bordes; 320 fr.— Yemeniz, 1534; 380 fr.- Benzon, 383; 215 fr.— M*** 
 (Labitte, 1876), 144. 
 
 For the subsequent reprints of this book see ante, p. 506. 
 
 77. Les CEuvres de Clement Marot de Cahors, Valet de 
 Chambre du Roy. Augmentdes d'ung grand nombre de ses 
 compositions nouvelles, par cy-devant non imprimdes. Le tout 
 soigneusement par luy mesmes reveu & mieulx ordonnd comma 
 Ton voyra cy apres. \_Mark without border or motto, but with the 
 words Scabra dolo on the edge of the axe.] A Lyon, chds Estienne 
 Dolet, 1543. Avec privileige du Roy pour dix ans. 
 
 Sm. 8vo. Roman letters. 760 pp. (folios numbered 2-304 and 1-76). On 
 the verso of last folio (76) mark of Dolet in border; underneath, Dolet, 
 Preserve moy, &c. 
 
 Lyons Library. 
 
 Caillard; 8 fr. — Delcro; 24 fr. — Heber (Paris); 50 fr. 50c. — Nodier; 20 fr. 
 — Giraud; 50 — Borluut; 290 fr. — Solar; 230 fr. — Yemeniz, 1715; 345 fr. — 
 Chaponay; 399 fr. — Desq. (last p. in facsimile); 121 fr. — Didot (1878), 247 ; 
 500 fr. — Laing, 2139 (wanting 4 leaves at end) ; £30. 
 
 Bull, du Bib. 1853, p. 315; 22ofr. — Baillieu (Sept. 1878), 257; looofr. 
 
 It escaped the notice of Brunet that twenty psalms are contained in the 
 second part of this volume, and there seems every probability that these psalms 
 appeared for the first time in this edition. No previous edition of the works of 
 Marot contained more than thirty psalms, and it is doubtful whether the 
 edition of the psalms alone, dated 1543, was printed before this. 
 
 78. L'Amie de Court. Nouvellement in ventre par le Seigneur 
 de la Borderie. \_Mark of Dolet not in border but with motto^ A 
 Lyon, chds Estienne Dolet, i643- 
 
 8vo. Roman letters. 40 pp. Sig. A, b fours, c two. 
 
 Recto of last leaf blank, verso mark in border ; underneath, Bolet, Preserve 
 moy, &c. 
 
 Dole Library. 
 
 I do not find this second edition anywhere noticed. It is identical page for 
 page with the edition of 1542, except that the text in this is in Roman letters. 
 In both editions the preface is in large Italic type. 
 
 79. Laparfaicte Amye. Nouvellement composee par Antoine 
 Heroet, diet la maison neufve. Avec plusieurs aultres compositions 
 du diet Autheur. [Mark not in border hut with motto.] A Lyon, 
 ches Estienne Dolet, 1543- Avec privileige pour dix ans. 
 
540 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 Sm. 8vo. Roman letters. 96 pp. numbered 2-94 (48 being repeated and last 
 p. uimumbered). Sig. a-f fours. 
 
 Last page mark of Dolet in border ; underneath, I)oUt, Preserve moy, &c. 
 
 Bib. Nat. (Imperfect, wanting the two preliminary pages containing Dolet's 
 preface). — Dole Library. 
 
 Nodier (1844), 370 ; 50 fr. — Same copy Didot (1878), 271 ; 525 fr. 
 
 Identical page for page with the edition of 1542, except that the text is 
 in Roman letters, 
 
 80. Du Mespris de la Court & de la Louange de la vie Rustique. 
 Nouvellement traduict d'HespaignoI en Francoys. [Mark not in 
 border but with motto^ A Lyon, chds Estienne Dolet, 1543. Avec 
 privileige pour dix ans. 
 
 8vo. Roman letters. 112 pp. Sig. a-b. 
 
 Last page mark of Dolet in border ; underneath, Bolet, Preserve moy, &c. 
 Dole Library. 
 
 Erroneously cited by De Bure (followed by Nee de la Rochelle and Boulmier) 
 as of the year 1545. 
 
 M.D.XLIV. 
 
 81. Le Second Enfer d'Estienne Dolet, natif D' Orleans. 
 Qui sont certaines compositions faictes par luy mesmes sur la 
 justification de son second emprisonnement A Lyon, 1544. 
 Avec privilege pour dix ans. 
 
 Very small 8vo. or i6mo. Roman letters. 104 pp. unnumbered. Signatures 
 A-F fours, Q two. (g n by mistake printed f ii.) 
 
 Reverse of title, Au lecleur. Apres X enfer iu Irouveras deux dialogues de Plato 
 scavoir, &c. ; 4 pp-, Eslienne Dolet a ses meilleurs amys humble salut, ending with 
 Escript en ce monde ce premier jour de May Van de la redemption humaine mil cinq 
 cens quaranle et quatre; 44 pp. the Enfer. Then (on d n) Deulx Dialogues de 
 Plalon, Philosophe Divin et supernaturel, Scavoir est L'ung intituU Axiochus Qui 
 est des miseres de la vie humaine el de Vimmortalite de I'ame. El par consequence 
 du mespris de la mart. Item ung aultre, intitule Hipparchus qui est de la convoilise 
 de VHomme touchant la luoratifve. Le tout nouvellement traduict en langue Francoyse 
 par Estienne Dolet, natif D'Orleans, 1544. Reverse, Estienne Dolet a ceulx de sa 
 nation, ' C'est assis vescu en tenebres,' Sec. ; 5 pp., Dolet Au Roy Treschretien ; 24 
 pp. and part of 25, Translation of Axiochus headed Du mespris et contemnement 
 de la mart. At the end of the 25th page and on the 18 following pages trans- 
 lation of Hipparchus, De la convoitise et affection de gaigner ; 3 pp., Aulcuns 
 Diets et sentences notables de Platon ; 1 p. blank. 
 
 Bib. Mazarine. 
 
 MM. Deschamps et Brunet (Manuel du Libraire, Supplement, torn. ii. col. 
 1017) are in error in stating ' il n'en existe qu'un seul exempt, qui faisait partie du 
 cabinet Cigongne (No. 776 du catal.) et que possede aujourd'hui le duo 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 541 
 
 d'Aumale,' there being as above stated a copy in the Bibliothique Mazarine 
 (No. 21994) fro™ which the above description is taken. 
 
 Immediately after the appearance of the book it was reprinted at Troyes (see 
 ante, p. 441). The following is the description of this edition ; — 
 
 Le Second Enfer d'Estienne Dolet, natif D'Orleans. 
 
 Qui sont certaines compositions faictes par lui mesmes, sur la 
 
 justification de son second emprisonnement. \Mark of N. Paris, 
 
 a hoy falling from a Iree.] A Troyes, par maistre Nicole Paris, 
 
 1544- 
 
 Very small 8vo. Roman letters (rather larger than those of the Lyons edition). 
 64 pp. I, ^, unnumbered, also last p. unnumbered. Signatures a-d fours. 
 
 Reverse of title, Au lecleur, Apres V enfer de Dolet, tu trouveras une epistre en 
 rJiithme fran^oise faicte et composee far Clement Marot, et par lui envoyie a Mon- 
 seigneur le Daulphin qui est (Tung mesme argument : car par icelle il prie le diet 
 seigneur, qu'il luy plaise tant faire envers le roy son pere que par son moyen le diet 
 Marot relourne en France avsc sa premier liberie. Item plusieurs aultres belles com- 
 positions pleines de grand profict, et de singulier recreation pour Vesperit de I'Homme ; 
 pp. 3-6, Estienne Dolet a ses meilleurs et principaulx amys humble salut ; 7-48, The 
 Enfer; 49-63, Seven poems of Clement Marot, the first being the Epistre envoyee 
 u Monseigneur le Daulphin. Last page unnumbered ; mark of N. Paris. [Then 
 follow according to Brunet, 46 pages, numbered 49 to 95, containing Deux 
 dialogues de Platon . . . scavoir est I'ung intituU Axiochus . . . item un autre intitule 
 Hipparchus. Le tout traduict par Estienne Dolet, 1544.] 
 
 Bib. Nat. 
 
 A second copy, from which the description in Brunet is taken, was formerly in 
 the collection of M. de Lurde, No. 97, and is now in that of the Baron de Ruble 
 (Supplement to Brunet, tom. ii. col. 1018). A third copy, formerly existing 
 in the public library of Troyes and for many years supposed to be unique, has 
 now disappeared (Recherches sur I'etablissement et I'exercise de I'imprimerie a 
 Troyes, par Corrard de Breban, i'^' edit., Paris, 1873.) This copy however, 
 like that in the Bib. Nat., did not contain the Dialogues. 
 
 Having regard to the following facts, (i) that on the reverse of the title-page 
 of this edition the poems of Marot are indicated as forming part of the volume, 
 but that no mention is made of the Dialogues ; (3) that the number of pages, 
 i.e. 47, occupied by the Dialogues is the same in each ; (3) that the pagination 
 is inconsistent with the presence of both the compositions of Marot and the 
 Dialogues ; and (4) that the mark of Nicole Paris appears at the end of the 
 poems of Marot, but not at the end of the Dialogues which form the concluding 
 part of the book, I am led to the conclusion that Nicole Paris printed only the 
 Second Enfer, the Epistre, and other compositions of Marot, and that with 
 the copy of the Baron de Ruble, a copy of the Dialogues from the edition of 
 
 Lyons is bound up. 
 
 A copy of an edition under the same date as the two above mentioned, but 
 with one remarkable peculiarity, is in the collection of the Marquis de Ganay. 
 It was first mentioned by M. Aim^ Martin in his Rehabilitation (p. 19), and has 
 since been more clearly described in Brunet (art. Dolet), and in the Supplement 
 
54'i BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 of MM. Deschamps and Bninet. The title is precisely the same as that of the 
 edition of Lyons, with Lyon as the place of the impression, but on the last page 
 is the mark of Nicole Paris. According to the Supplement to Brunei it is a 
 small octavo, 95 pp., round letters, different from those of the Lyons edition, 
 and the same as those of the edition of Troyes. Having had no opportunity of 
 seeing the Marquis de Ganay's copy, I cannot speak with any certainty, but I 
 think it probable that this is a copy of the Troyes edition with the title-page of 
 that of Lyons. It would, as the authors of the Supplement remark, be very 
 desirable that copies of the three editions should be compared together, but it is 
 not easy to see how this is to be done. 
 
 There have been two modem reprints of the Second Enfer and the Dialogues, 
 the first given by Techener in 1830, preceded by the Rehabilitation of M. Aime 
 Martin. 
 
 1 . Le Second Enfer d'Estienne Dolet, Natif d'Orleans. Qui sont certaines 
 compositions faictes par luy mesmes sur la justification de son second em- 
 prisonnement. A Lyon, 1544. Avec Privilege pour dix ans. 
 
 pp. 1-22, Rehabilitation; 2^-84, Le Second Enfer ; 8^-1^0, Deux Dialogues de 
 Platon philosophe divin et supernaturei. Scavoir est: L'ung intitule Axiochus . . 
 Item : Ung avltre intitule Hipparchus . . . traduict en Langue Fran^oyse par 
 Estienne Dolet, Natif (^Orleans. 2 pp. Table of Contents. 
 
 Of this, as of the other works of Dolet printed by Techener m 1830 and 
 forming part of the same series {La Maniere de bien Traduire, Genethliacon, 
 VAvant Naissance^ and the Cantique), only 120 copies were printed. There 
 is no general title. 
 
 2. Le Second Enfer d'Etienne Dolet, suivi de sa traduction des deux Dialogues 
 Platoniciens, L'Axiochus et I'Hipparchus. Notice Bio-bibliographique par 
 im Bibliophile. Paris, a la librairie de I'Academie des Bibliophiles 10, Rue de 
 la Bourse.io Bruxelles Librairie Europeenne de C. Muquardt, Place Royale, 
 1868. (237 copies only printed.) 
 
 Besides what is stated on the title, this volume contains a reprint of the 
 Cantique (with the mark of Dolet on the false title), and of the epitaph 
 beginning Mart est Dolet, et par feu consumi. 
 
 82. Les Louanges du sainct nom de Jesus par Victor Brodeau, 
 plus una Epistre d'ung pescheur a Jesus Christ faicte par le diet 
 Brodeau. A Lyon, chez Estienne Dolet, 1544. 
 
 Small 8vo. (or i6mo.) Gothic letters. 64' pp. On the 64th page the mark 
 of Dolet. 
 
 Bnmet, Supplement, vol. i. col. 176, and vol. ii. col. 992. A copy in which 
 the title was wanting is there cited as sold at the sale Desbarreaux-Bernard. 
 The only other authority cited by MM. Deschamps and Brunet, and the only 
 one known to me, is the catalogue of books censured in 1551, where it appears 
 ex libris Victor Brodeau, as Une epitre du Pecheur ^ Jesus Christ, imprimee a 
 Lyon par Dolet (D'Argentre, vol. ii. pt. i. p. 173), from which it would seem 
 either that Dolet only printed the Epitre and not the Louanges, or that the 
 former only, and not the latter, contained matter for censure. Two editions of 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 543 
 
 the book are cited in Brunet: one, Lyon, chez Sulpice Sabon pour Ant. Con- 
 stantin (1540); the other, Lyon, Oliver ArnouUet, 1543. I have found the 
 following in the Bib. Mazarine : — 
 
 Les Louanges de Jesus nostra Saulveur CEuvre tres excellent Divin et elegant. 
 Compose par Maistre Victor Brodeau, secretaire et valet de chambre du 
 Treschrestien Roy de France Francoys premier de ce nom : et de et haulte 
 Princesse La Royne de Navarre, soeur unique du d Seigneur. Avec Les 
 Louanges de la Glorieux Vierge Marie. Psal. cxlvii ; 
 
 Lauda Hierusalem Dominum, 
 Lauda Deiim tuum Syon. 
 
 Nouvellement Imprime veu & corrige Lan de la Nativite Jesus Christ 
 M.D.xL. (^Small 8vo or i6mo. Gothic letters on coarse paper. 44 pp.) 
 
 83. L'Enfer de Clement Marot de Cahors en Quercy, Valet 
 de Chambre du Roy. Item aulcunes Ballades & Rondeaulx 
 appartenants k I'argument. Et en oultre plusieurs aultres com- 
 positions du diet Marot par-cy devant non imprimdes. \_Mark not 
 in border but with motto.] A Lyon, ch^s Estienne Dolet, 1544. 
 Avec privileige du roy. 
 
 8vo. Roman letters. 64 pp. Signatures a-d fours. A reprint of the edition of 
 1542. On p. 53, Huictain faict a Ferrare, ending Quilz ne ■vouldroyeni, queje 
 fmsse loing d'elle. Immediately belovr is the signature n 3 and the word Le as 
 catchword for the next page ; then follow (clearly by mistake) seven lines 
 beginning (^Presque periz) les lettres & Lettres, and ending Bacchus aussi sa bonne 
 vigne y plante, followed by the catchword Par. These seven lines and catchword 
 are a repetition of the last seven lines and catchword of p. 28, which are here 
 by mistake repeated. Last page, mark in border ; underneath, Dolel, Preserve 
 may, &c. 
 
 Bib. Nat. 
 
 Cantica Canticorum en Fran9ois. 
 
 This "title appears in the catalogue of books censured in 1551 under the 
 heading Ex Libris Slephani Dolel, and (no doubt on the authority of this cata- 
 logue) is inserted in the list of Dolet's books given by La Croix du Maine and 
 Duverdier, and from them has passed into Le Long's Bib. Sacra and the lists 
 of Nee de la Rochelle and Boulmier. But I can find no other trace of its 
 existence, and I think it probable that the author of the catalogue has taken 
 Les Cantiques given in Dolet's edition of Les Psalmes du Royal prophele David 
 (No. 44) for a translation of the Canticttm Canticorum, — an unlikely book for 
 Dolet to translate or print. It will be noted that the title is given Cantica, not 
 Canticum, as it ought to have been if the Song of Solomon was intended, and it 
 seems probable that the word Canticorum has been inserted by a clerical error. 
 
544 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 Cantique d'Estienne Dolet, prisonnier a la Conciergerie 
 de Paris sur sa desolation et sur sa consolation. Dolet. Imprimd 
 L'an M.D.XLVi. 
 
 Such is the title of the Cantique given by Erunet, Boulmier, and the editions 
 given hy Guiraudet in 1829 and by Techener in 1830. Bninet describes the 
 original of this Cantique as 'fort rare! and Boulmier as ' excessivement rare : ' 
 neither of them indicate where a copy is to be found, and it is clear that no 
 edition of 1546 ever existed. It was first printed by Nee de la Rochelle in his 
 Vie de Dolet, p. 142, with the following title and note : ' Cantique d'Estienne 
 Dolet, prisonnier en la Conciergerie de Paris Tan 1546 sur sa desolation et sur sa 
 consolation : en vers. 
 
 ' Ce petit ouvrage est sans contredit le plus rare de tons ceux de Dolet ; car 
 personne que je sache, n'en parte ; et j'avoue que je ignorerois son existence 
 sans M. Guillaume Debure, qui ayant appris que je travaillois k la vie de Dolet, 
 m'a offert obligeamment la copie manuscrite qu'il en possedoit. Je ne crois pas 
 gu'il ail jamais M imprimi ; c'est pourquoi je vais I'annexer a cet article afin que 
 les Curieux jouissent aussi du sacrifice de M. Debure, et pour emp6cher que ce 
 Cantique ne se perde k Tavenir. II est encore une preuve victorieuse de tout ce 
 que j'ai avance pour la justification des sentimens de son Auteur. On y recon- 
 noitra facilement le style de Dolet; c'est pourquoi je me dispenserai d'en 
 prouver les rapports avec celui de ses autres Ouvrages. 
 
 ' L'anciennete de cette copie se prouve par I'ecriture, qui est absolument 
 semblable \ celle d'un manuscrit date de 1535 que je possede ; aussi je necrains 
 point d'en garantir I'authenticite.' 
 
 (What has become of Debure's MS. ?) 
 
 It has been since four times reprinted : — 
 
 i. By Guiraudet, Paris, 1839. i2mo. 12 pp. Gothic letters. (Mark of 
 Dolet on the title, and the epitaph Mort est Dolet, Sec. on the last page.) 
 R. C. C. Large paper. Guiraudet was the first to put in imprime Van 
 1546, which has since been followed in the other re-impressions and in 
 other books. 
 
 2. By Techener, 1830. (120 copies only.) 
 
 3. In M. Boulmier's Estienne Dolet. 
 
 4. With the Second Enfer, Paris and Brussels, 1868. 
 
 In the foregoing list all the books printed by Dolet that X have been able to 
 find in the Bib. Nat. are indicated, but though I have asked without success for 
 all the others, it is quite possible, and indeed probable, that some of them exist, 
 and will hereafter be found in that vast receptacle of books, large portions of 
 which are almost a terra incognita even to the officials. I must however 
 acknowledge the courteous attention I have always received from the gentlemen 
 employed in the Bibliothfeque Nationale, who have spared no trouble in 
 searching for books which there was reason to believe might be found there. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 545 
 
 The books numbered i, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 
 28, 29, 32, 38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 61, 52, 63, 55, 67, 59, 64, 
 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 76, 77, 80, 81, and 82 are mentioned by Nde de la Roch- 
 elle, and most of them by Boulmier and Brunei. In addition to these, 2, 56, 58, 60, 
 61, 79 are cited by Boulmier and Brunet, and 44, 65, and 74 by Brunet alone. 
 
 The following are the principal sale and library catalogues cited in the fore- 
 going Appendix. The thirty-five marked with an asterisk I have personally con- 
 sulted ; for the references to the others I am indebted to Brunei's Manuel and 
 the supplement thereto. 
 
 * Catalogue de Behague. Paris, Porquet, 1880. 
 
 * „ de Bigilhon. Paris, Claudin, 1872. 
 
 * „ de Benzon. Paris, Bachelin-Deflorenne, 1875. 
 
 „ de Borluut de Noortdonck. Gand, 1858. 3 vols. 
 
 * „ de Boze. Paris, Martin, 1753. 
 
 „ de Bruyere-Chalabre. Paris, Merlin, 1833. 
 
 * „ de C . . . . Paris, Techener, i860. 
 
 * ,, de Cailhava de Lyon. Paris, Techener, 1845-52 and 1863. 
 „ de Caillard. Paris, De Bure, 1810. 
 
 „ de Chaponay. Paris, Potier, 1863. 
 
 * „ de Chedeau. Paris, Potier, 1865. 
 „ de Cigongne. Paris, Potier, 1861. 
 
 * „ de Coste. Paris, Potier et Jannet, 1854. 
 „ de Courtois. Paris, Merlin, 18 19. 
 
 * „ de Crevenna. Amsterdam, 1789. 6 volumes. 
 
 * Bibliotheca Croftsiana. London, Paterson, 1783. 
 Catalogue de Delcro. Paris, Silvestre, 1802. 
 
 de Didot, Paris, 1838. 
 
 * „ de A. F. Didot, Paris, 1878 and 1879. 
 
 de Double. Paris, Techener, 1863. 
 de Duriez. Paris, Merlin, 1827. 
 
 * „ de Filhenl (Chardin). Paris, Dessain, 1779. 
 
 * de Gaignat. Paris, De Bure le jeune, 1769. 2 vols. 
 
 * "„ de Girardot de Prefond. Paris, De Bure le jeune, 175,7. 
 
 * „ de Giraud. Paris, Potier, 1855. 
 
 „ de Gouttard. Paris, De Bure, 1780. 
 
 * „' ofR. Heber. London, 1834-1836. 
 
 of the same. Paris, Silvestre, 1836. 3 parts. 
 
 * Bibliotheca Hohendorfiana. La Haye, 1720. 
 Catalogue de Huillard. Paris, Potier, 1870. 
 
 * Bibliotheca Hulsiana. Hagse Comitum, 173Q. 
 
 * Catalogue of David Laing, pt. i. London, 1879. 
 
 * „ de la Roche La Carelle. Paris, Potier, 1859. 
 
 * " du Comte de Maccarthy Reagh. Paris, De Bure, 1815. 
 "„ de Aim^ Martin. Paris, Techener, 1825-1848. 4 parts. 
 
 N n 
 
546 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 
 
 Catalogue de Monmerque. Paris, Potier and Techener, 1 851-61. 2 parts. 
 ,, de M . . . . (Monfgermont). Paris, Labitte, 1876. 
 
 * „ de Don Joachim de la Cortina Marquis de Morante. Madrid, 
 
 1854-62. 8 vols. 
 
 * „ (Sale Catalogues of the same.) Paris, 1872 and 1878. 
 
 * ,, de Nodier. Meriin, 1827 and 1829 ; Techener, 1844. 
 
 * Bibliotheca Pinelliana. London, 1789. 
 
 * Catalogue de Pixer^court. Paris, Crozet, 1838. 
 
 * „ de Potier, Paris, 1870. 
 
 „ du Prince Sig. de Radziwill. Paris, Potier, 1865. 
 
 * „ de Mel de St. C^ran. Paris, De Pure, 1780 and 1 791. 2 vols. 
 „ de Solar. Paris, Techener, 1863. 
 
 * „ de Taschereau. Paris, 1875. 
 
 deDeThott. Copenhagen, 1788. 
 » „ du Marquis de Villeneuve Trans. Paris, 1878. 
 
 * „ du Due de la Valliere. Paris, De Bure, 1767. 2 vols. 
 
 * „ the same. De Bare, 1783. 3 vols. 
 
 * „ de Veinant. Paris, Tross, 1855. 
 
 „ the same. Paris, Potier, 1860-63. 
 
 * „ de Yemeniz. Paris, 1867. 
 
 * „ du Comte de X . . . Paris, 1875. 
 
 With regard to the catalogues of the Marquis de Morante the references by 
 numbers are to the sale catalogues, but the prices given by the Marquis are taken 
 from his own catalogue in 8 vols., where, as the arrangement is alphabetical, I 
 have not inserted the numbers. In references to the La Valliere ^latalogues, where 
 the date is not given the catalogue referred to is the second, i. e. that of 1 783. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 This Index does not extend to the Appendix. 
 
 AccuRsius, 48, 71, 126, 151, 157. 
 
 Achillini, 24. 
 
 Adrian Cardinal, 249. 
 
 Adrian VI, 63, 64. 
 
 .ffigineta, Paulus, 384. 
 
 jEmilius, Paulus, 119, 353. 
 
 Aglionby, Edward, 295. 
 
 Agricola, Rudolf, 250, 440, 445. 
 
 Agrippa, 463. 
 
 Aix, Parliament of, 449. 
 
 Albenas, Poldo de, 91. 
 
 Albigenses, the, 49, 50, 72, 393, 449. 
 
 Alboin, 193. 
 
 Alciat, 48, 79, 81, 130, 151, 154, 219, 
 
 249. 
 Aldeguier, D', 75, R4. 
 Aldi, the, 170, 316. 
 Aldus, the elder, 42, 62, 270, 282, 
 
 316, 317. 318. 323- 
 Aleander, 195, 202. 
 Alexander the Great, 469. 
 Alfonso of Poictiers, 389. 
 AUegre, 386. 
 AUut, 164. 
 
 Amaseo, Romulo, 18, 67, 249. 
 Amsdorf, 219. 
 Andre, 415, 428. 
 Andrelini, Fausto, 115. 
 Aneau, Barthelemi, 162, 163, 333, 355. 
 Angeliacus, Mathurinus Almandinus, 
 
 ."5- 
 
 Angleberme, Pyrrhus, 251. 
 
 Anne of Austria, 394. 
 
 Antonio, Don Nicolas, 29. 
 
 Antwerp, 67. 
 
 Apelles, 42. 
 
 Aphrodisias, Alexander of, 34. 
 
 ApoUinaris, Sidonius, 49. 
 
 Appianus, Hortensius, 249, 280. 
 
 Apuleius, 60. 
 
 Aquinas, 20. 
 
 Aquitaine, 49, 121, 123, 124, 128. 
 
 Aretin, Leonard, 342. 
 
 Aretin, Pierre, 11. 
 
 Argentre, D', 377, 402, 429, 446. 
 
 Arianism, 49. 
 
 Ariosto, 333. 
 
 Aristophanes, 469. 
 
 Aristotle, 21, 34, 120, 208, 243, 283, 
 
 342- 
 Arlerius, Antonins, 301. 
 Arneys, Antoine, 398. 
 Arnold of Villeneuve, 29. 
 AmoUets, the, 281. 
 Artigny, D', 399. 
 Asulanus, Francis, 62. 
 Augustine, 21, 471. 
 Aulnaye, De 1', 30. 
 Aulus Gellius, 270, 272. 
 Aumale, Due d', 166. 
 Ausonius, 49. 
 Averroes, 24. 
 Avignon, Papal Vice-Legate of, 449, 
 
 460. 
 
 Babou, Cardinal Philibert, 463. 
 
 Bachelin-Deflorenne, 281. 
 
 Bade, Josse, 62, 137, 191, 196, 323. 
 
 Baduel, Claude, 386. 
 
 Baif, Lazarus, 29, 251, 254,255, Dolet 
 
 charged with plagiarism from, 264 
 
 et seq., 273. 
 Baif, Jean Antoine, 265. 
 Baillet, 381, 438. 
 Baldus, 126. 
 
 Bandiera, Father Alessandro, 261. 
 Barbier, 351. 
 
 Barbier (Anonymes), 261, 262. 
 Barbous, 307. 
 Bardili, Professor, 25. 
 Barezzi, 260. 
 Barma, Roger de, 33. 
 Barroo, Claudius, 181. 
 
 N n a 
 
548 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Barthelemy, Charles, 389, 390. 
 Bartholomew, St., massacre of, 52. 
 Bartholusi 48, 71, 126, 151, 157, 170. 
 Basle, 332, 250, 261, 262, 372. 
 Bastard, d'Estang, Vicomte, 109. 
 Baudichon de la Maison Neuve, 233, 
 
 396. 400. 416. 
 Baudrier, M. le President, 39, 200, 
 
 34°. 349. 365. 385. 417. 427. 455- 
 Bayle, 9, 205, 206, 294, 413, 414. 
 Beam, 354. 
 
 Beatrice, Duchess of Milan, 192. 
 Beaulieu, Eustorg de, 169. 
 Beauvoir, Bertrand de, 484. 
 Beda, Noel, 15, 143, 145, 169, 180, 
 
 194, 222, 233, 226, 376, 414, 475. 
 Belcarius, 409. 
 Bellay-Langey, (Cardinal), Jean du, 
 
 37, 39, 163, 222, 224, 225, 258, 338, 
 
 353. 366, 367, 369. 
 Bellay-Langey, Guillaume du, 341, 
 
 363- 
 
 Belle-Forest, Franfois de, 348. 
 
 Belli^vre, Matthieu, 401. 
 
 Bellifevres, the, 408. 
 
 Bembo, paganism of, 5, 7 ; life and 
 character of, 19-23 ; defends Pom- 
 ponatius, 24 ; friend of de Pins, 
 64, 69 J of Longolius, 68 ; a Cice- 
 ronian, 192 ; made Cardinal, 257 ; 
 other references to, 249, 275, 283, 
 
 303. 34'. 469- 
 Berauld, Nicolas, 14, 15, 147, 215, 226, 
 
 251, 302, 481. 
 Bering, Godefroi, 330. 
 Berjeau, 165. 
 
 Bernard of Comminges, 58. 
 Bernard VI, Count of Comminges, 58. 
 Bernard, Simon, 348. 
 Berne, 232, 233, 293, 400. 
 Beroaldo the elder, 60. 
 Beroaldo the younger, 60. 
 Berquin, Louis de, 4, 222, 350, 415, 
 
 446, 458. 
 Bertrandi, Jean de, 57, 132, 151, 313, 
 
 382, 387, 408, 411, 412. 
 Bertrandi, Jacques, 355. 
 Besant, Walter, 165, 359. 
 Bessarion, 120. 
 Bettinelli, 22, 261. 
 Beza, Theodore, 8, 73, 119, 163, 293, 
 
 294, 295, 409, 412, 413, 418,452, 
 
 460, 479. 
 Bianchini, Bartholomeo, 60. 
 Bigorre, 354. 
 
 Bigot, Guillaume, 79, 274, 379, 380. 
 Bindonis, 62. 
 Binetus, 466. 
 Bladus, 376. 
 Blanchard, 414. 
 
 Blois, Treaty of, 62. 
 
 Bochetel, Bernard, Bishop of Rennes, 
 
 463- 
 
 Bock, F. S., 295. 
 
 Bode, Herman, 387. 
 
 Boetie, Etienne de la, 117. 
 
 Bois, Jacques du, 251. 
 
 Boleyn, Queen Anne, 308. 
 
 Bologna, 60, 61, 271. 
 
 Bologna, University of, 17, 59, 67, 96, 
 271. 
 
 Bonnivet, 61. 
 
 Bordeaux, Parliament of, 51, 117, 118, 
 121, 124. 
 
 Bording, Jacques, at Toulouse, 51 ; 
 sketch of his life, 67 ; coolness be- 
 tween him and Dolet, 138 ; corre- 
 spondence with Dolet, 138, 143, 145, 
 182 ; other references to, 57, 99, 
 136, 169, 180, 251, 481. 
 
 Bordoni, Benedetti, 194. 
 
 Borie, Francois Arnault dela,ii2,2i5. 
 
 Bosio, Otho, 249. 
 
 Bossuet, 4, 5, 474. 
 
 Boston, Dean, 308. 
 
 Bouchet, 335. 
 
 Bouhiers, President, 112, 308. 
 
 BouUiot, 307. 
 
 Boulmier, Joseph, references to his 
 Estienne Dolet, g, 31, 38, 39, 57, 80, 
 91, 93, 96, 97, 102, 169, 177, 203, 
 216, 262, 265, 346, 351, 356, 383, 
 
 427. 431. 438. 439. 468, 477- 
 Bourbon, Cardinal de, 117, 392. 
 Bourbon, Constable de, 264- 
 Bourbon, Nicolas, 147, 163, 251, 280, 
 
 302, 303. 3°4. 3°5. 308 et seq., 330, 
 
 478, 482. 
 Bourg, Jean de, 401. 
 Bourges, 48, 211, 212, 287. 
 Bourges, Clemence de, 168. 
 Bouysson, Hugues, 81. 
 Boville or Bouille, Charles, 342. 
 Boyssone, Jean de, arrest of, 77, 83 ; 
 
 Rabelais' opinion of, 78; his MS. 
 
 correspondence and poems, 79, 80 ; 
 
 his character, 81, 82; trial of, 83; 
 
 recantation of, 84 ; leaves Toulouse 
 
 for a time, 85 ; competitor at the 
 
 Floral Games, 91 ; epigrams by, 
 
 94, 113; correspondence vrith Dolet, 
 
 133. 134. 155. 158, 159. 174. 182, 
 209-214, 231, 284, 291, 292, 311, 
 379; his defence of the University, 
 285 ; his process, 286 ; visits Lyons, 
 287; letters to G. Sc^ve, 312; and 
 to P. Duchatel, 313 ; appointed a 
 member of the Council of Savoy, 
 313; letters of, to Bigot, 380; his 
 after-life, 381, 382 ; other references 
 
INDEX. 
 
 549 
 
 to,48, 67, 65, 67, 76, 88,90, 105, 106, 
 107, 116, lao, 121, 129, 169, 180, 
 181, 227, 251, 256, 273, 289, 290, 
 
 293. 301. 307. 330, 379. 395. 481- 
 Boyssone, Jean, Seigneur de Beaute- 
 
 ville, 81. 
 Bragmardus, 410. 
 Breslay, Guide, 33, 181, 182, 226, 251, 
 
 285, 286, 287, 481. 
 Brice, Germain, 251, 303, 478. 
 Bri9onnet, 290. 
 Britannus, Robert, 289. 
 Brodeau, Victor, 335. 
 Brucker, 25. 
 
 Brunelleschi, the Duomo of, 42. 
 Brunei, J. C., 25, 114, 166, 262, 265, 
 
 274. 348. 371. 372- 
 
 Buchanan, 17, 478, 479. 
 
 Bude, Guillaume, 8, 9, 29, 62, 136, 
 141, 143, 147, 148, 163, 170, 179, 
 180, 181, 182, 191, 194, 196, 199, 
 222, 224, 225, 226, 24X, 244, 246, 
 250, 251, 253, 258, 270, 276, 301. 
 302, 342, 364, 366, 357, 469, 479. 
 
 Buhle, 25. 
 
 Bull Unigenitus, the, 471. 
 
 Bunel, Pierre, 26, 28, 30, 72, 78, 82, 
 103, 105, 106, 147. 
 
 Buonamici, Lazarus, 18, 85, 249. 
 
 Bure, Guillaume de, 464. 
 
 Burgaud des Marets, 30, 1 79. 
 
 Buyer, Barthelemi, 165. 
 
 Cabrieres, 450. 
 
 Csesar, 42, 45, 150, 240, 266, 270, 
 
 342, 424, 469. 
 Cahors, 293. 
 
 Calanconius, Jacobus, 181. 
 Calas, Jean, 4, 54. 
 Calepin, 235, 239, 261, 273, 277, 278, 
 
 37°- 
 
 Calogiera, 163- , , 
 
 Calvin, 7, I6, 20, 55. 152. 103. 256, 
 
 257, 293, 294, 311, 387, 398, 399, 
 
 403, 452, 463, 472, 473, 474, 475. 
 
 479- , „ 
 
 Cambray, League of, 18, 40. 
 
 Camerarius, 203, 216. 
 
 Camillo, Giulio, 33, 86, 142, 146, 151. 
 
 219, 272. 
 Campensis, 351. 
 Can Grande, 118, 193. 
 Canappe, Jean, 175, 280, 384, 386. 
 Cantiuncula, Claude, 251. 
 Carey, Henry, 308. 
 Carlstadt, 473. 
 
 Carpi, Prince of, 271, 275, 276. 
 Carondolet, Ferric, 60. 
 Carvalalus, Ludovicus, ai8. 
 
 Casaubon, 480. 
 Cassander, Thomas, 181. 
 Castellanus, see Duchatel. 
 Castelnau, Antoine de, 81. 
 Castiglione, Baldasar, 282. 
 Catel, 91. 
 Cathari, the, 49. 
 Catharine of Sienna, St., 60. 
 Catullus, 133, 207. 
 
 Caturce, Jean de, 51, 67' ^6, 73 et 
 seq., 83, 84, 88, 103, 107, 132, 180, 
 
 256, 395- 
 Caxton, 165. 
 
 Chaland, Annemond, 402. 
 Chambery, 78, 313, 379 et seq. 
 Champier, Symphorien, 162, 163, 164, 
 
 175.251. 
 Charles V, 232, 233, 264, 386. 
 Charles VIII, 318. 
 Charron, Pere Etieime Leonard, 66. 
 Chassaigne, Geoffrey de, 119. 
 Chatel, Tanneguy du, 109. 
 Chatigny, M., 333. 
 
 Chevallier, Fran9ois, 112. 
 
 Chinon, topers of, 186. 
 
 Chomard, 311. 
 
 Choul, Guillaume du, 162, 242, 264, 
 312. 
 
 Christian III, 68. 
 
 Cicero, 7, 12, 13, 14, 16, 21, 261 33. 
 43. 45. 60, 66, 67, 68, 99, 100, 102, 
 123, 143, 146, 149, 150, 152, 182, 
 186, 189, 190, 191, 192, 197, 198, 
 217, 220, 228, 234, 237, 238, 240, 
 241, 246, 249. 266, 259, 260, 273, 
 283, 286, 322, 342, 346, 346. 348. 
 349. 350. 370. 385. 436. 438. 439. 
 459. 466. 469. 471- 
 
 Ciceronians, 12, 188, 189. 
 
 Clausanus, 130, 1 66, 169, 181. 
 
 Clement, D., 387. 
 
 Clement, Jacques, 63- 
 
 Clement V, 68. 
 
 Clement VII, 63, 257, 366, 47.3. 
 
 Clement, epistle of, 471. 
 
 Clenard, 384. 
 
 Clugni, Benedictine order of, 486. 
 
 Coclenius, 203. 
 
 Codreus, Urceus, 60. 
 
 Coligny, Odet de, 131, 313- 
 
 Colignys, the three great, 15. 
 
 Cohn, Jacques, 282. 
 
 Colines, Simon de, 172, 261, 270, 305, 
 
 307. 323- 
 Colomies, iii. 
 Colonia, P^re de, 164, 201, 230, 281, 
 
 291. 355- 
 Columella, 240. 
 Comillan, Pierre de, 59. 
 Comines, Philip de, 352, 353. 
 
55° 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Compaing, Guillaume, 253, 296, 304, 
 
 360, 420, 447, 480. 
 Compaing, Jehan, 447. 
 Constantinople, 41, 49. 
 Contarini, 20, 21, ■24. 
 Cop, Gniilaume, 251. 
 Cop, Jean, 142, 145, 250, 251. 
 Cop, Nicolas, 251. 
 Coras, 48. 
 Cordiire, La Belle, 168. 
 
 Cotnaro, Catherine, 22. 
 
 Comaro, Luigi, 23. 
 
 Corvinus, Matthias, 192. 
 
 Cottereau, Claude, 57, 177, 181, 308, 
 l^h< 328, 329, 331, 332, 333, 334, 
 336, 366, 384. 
 
 Court, Benoit, 162, 164, 172, 281. 
 
 Courtalon-Delaistre, 484. 
 
 Cousin, Gilbert, 13, 214, 216, 464. 
 
 Cranmer, Archbishop, 308, 473. 
 
 Crapelet, M., 224, 225, 324, 326. 
 
 Craston, 439. 
 
 Cratander, Andrd, 243. 
 
 Crespin, 400, 414, 415. 
 
 Crinitus, 248. 
 
 Crito, Archagatus, 1 79. 
 
 Cromwell, Thomas, 308. 
 
 Cujas, 48, 393. 
 
 Cureau, 9. 
 
 Cursius, P., 214. 
 
 Curtius, Quintius, 240. 
 
 Cuspidius, 183. 
 
 Cyprus, Queen of, 19. 
 
 Daffis, Paul, 85. 
 Dampierre, 302, 303, 478. 
 Dampmartin, Guillaume, 79, 114, 131, 
 
 135. 138- 
 Dan^s, Pierre, 147, 251, 302, 422. 
 Daniel, Fran9ois, 311. 
 Daniel, P^re, 223, 251. 
 D'Aubigne, Merle, 85, 375, 395. 
 Dauphin, death of the, 280. 
 Dayde, Fr^re Jean, 394. 
 Dayde, Raymond, 53. 
 Democritus, 128. 
 Demosthenes, 19, 102, 342, 469. 
 Desperiers, Jean Bonaventure, 163, 
 
 228, 242, 358, 415, 437. 
 Devaulx, Jacques, 441, 443, 448. 
 Diagoras, 464. 
 Didot, A. F., 166, 215, 243, 318, 319, 
 
 320. 329'. 
 Dijon, Parliament of, 5I, 201, 381, 382. 
 Doges, the palace of the, 42. 
 Dolet, Claude, 331, 483. 
 Dolet, Claude Louis, 486. 
 Dolet, Charles, 486. 
 Dolet, Etienne, birth of, 7 ; family and 
 
 parentage, 8, 9 ; fate of his father, 
 10; early education, 11; at Paris, 
 1 2 ; commences the Commentaries, 
 16; at Padua, 23 ; influence of Pom- 
 ponatius on, 25 ; writes epitaph and 
 odes on death of Villanovanus, 31, 
 32 ; life at Padua, 34 et seq. ; leaves 
 Padua for Venice, 36 ; made secre- 
 tary to Jean de Langeac, Ambassa- 
 dor at Venice, 39 ; attends lectures 
 of Egnazio there, 43 ; love affair of, 
 44 ; at Toulouse, 45 ; enters Uni- 
 versity as law student, 46 ; intro- 
 duced to de Pins, 67 ; correspond- 
 ence with de Pins, 68, 69, 1 74 ; 
 correspondence with Bording, 69, 
 138-148 ; first acquaintance with 
 de Boyssone, 86; competitor at 
 floral games, 92 ; orator, 95 ; makes 
 enemies, 108 ; odes against Drusac, 
 113; correspondence with Amoul 
 le Ferron, 122-129; determines to 
 leaves Toulouse, 129 ; writes to de 
 Langeac, 130; is arrested, 131; 
 letter of de Pins to Minut, in favour 
 of, 132 ; correspondence with de 
 Boyssone, 134, 155-159, 211-214, 
 231, 291, 311, 379; released from 
 prison, 135 ; correspondence with 
 Bude, 137, 143, 148; coolness 
 between Bording and, 138 ; recon- 
 ciliation efiFected through Jean de 
 Pins, ih. ; opinion of, on Giulio 
 Camillo, 146, 153 ; leaves Toulouse 
 hastily during illness to avoid ar- 
 rest, 154 ; banished from Toulouse, 
 158 ; sets out for Lyons, 159 ; again 
 attacked by illness, 16.; arrival at 
 Lyons, 16., 169 ; reception by Gry- 
 phius, 172 ; publication of the ora- 
 tions, epistles and poems, 176; 
 intimacy with Rabelais, 184; de- 
 termines to devote his life to 
 literature, 188 ; displeased at Eras- 
 mus' Ciceronianus, 196; leaves 
 Lyons for Paris to obtain licence 
 for publication of Commentaries, 
 197; publishes his dialogue de Imil. 
 Cic. adv. Frasmum, ib. ; incurs hatred 
 of Scaliger, 204 ; returns to Lyons, 
 227 ; begins to print first volume of 
 Commentaries, 229; ode of, to 
 Pompone deTrivulce, 231 ; obtains 
 royal permission to print Com- 
 mentaries, 233 ; the Commentaries 
 of, 234-255 ; dedications of Com- 
 mentaries, 244, 253 ; prints his For- 
 mul(E Latinarujn locutionuin, 259 ; 
 is charged with plagiarism, 263 ; 
 his answer to it in letter to Lazarus 
 
INDEX. 
 
 55^ 
 
 Baif, 266 ; is first charged with 
 atheism, 273; works for Gryphius 
 and Juste, 280; for Gabiano, 28 j 
 fondness for music and swimming, 
 284 ; friendship for Voulte, 288, 
 289 ; kills Compaing, 296 ; escapes 
 to Paris, 299 ; obtains royal pardon, 
 302 ; banquet given in his honour, 
 302 ; returns to Lyons, 303 ; is again 
 imprisoned, 304 ; estrangement of 
 Voulte, ib. ; friendship with Nicolas 
 Bourbon, and termination of same, 
 308; marries, 314; obtains licence 
 to print, 321 ; his mark, 322 ; takes 
 the part of the journeymen printers, 
 324 ; prints his Cato Chrislianus,}2S ; 
 Carmina, 329 ; GenelkUacum and 
 Avant Naissance, 331 ; dedication 
 of La Maniere de bien traduire to 
 Guillaume du Bellay, 341, 342 ; 
 his Oraleur Franfoys, 343 ; trans- 
 lations from Cicero, 346-350 ; of 
 the Psalms, 351 ; intends to write 
 history of France, 352-354; Fran- 
 cisci Valesii Fata, 355 ; Les Gestes, 
 356 ; his friendship with Marot and 
 Rabelais, 358 ; Marot's letter to, 
 361 ; his editions of Marot, 362, 
 363 ; their quarrel (?), 364 ; rela- 
 tions with Rabelais, 365-373 ; or- 
 dered to withdraw the Calo Christi- 
 anits and the Carmina from sale, 
 377; removes to the Rue Merciere, 
 382 ; activity of his press, 383 ; 
 publishes heretical books, 3S6, 387; 
 again arrested, 401 ; charged with 
 heresy, 402; his trials, 403-415; 
 sentenced to death, 415 ; appeals to 
 the Parliament of Paris, ib. ; obtains 
 the royal pardon, 419 ; liberated, 
 421; recommences printing, 424; 
 again arrested, 425 ; escapes from 
 prison, 426 ; writes the Second Enfer 
 in Piedmont, 429; again enters 
 France, ib. ; the Second Enfer, 430- 
 436 ; translates Axiochus and Hip- 
 parchus, 437-439; arrested, 441; 
 tried before the First President, 
 447; composes his Cantique, 453; 
 is finally sentenced to death, 454; 
 M. Baudrier's opinion of the sen- 
 tences on, 455 ; the sentence car- 
 ried out, 456-459 ; hatred of Julius 
 Cjesar Scaliger to, 459; Beza's 
 epitaph on, 460 ; opinions and cha- 
 racter of, 462; judgments on his 
 poetry, 478 ; his descendants, 483. 
 
 Dolet, Jacques, 483, 485. 
 
 Dolet, Leon, 483, 485. 
 
 Dolet, Matthieu, 8. 
 
 Dolet, Martinus, 8. 
 
 Dolet, Pierre, 486. 
 
 Domenichi, Ludovico, 153. 
 
 Dominicans, Order of, 51, 390. 
 
 Donadeo, 271. 
 
 Doneau, 121. 
 
 Doribus, Nostre Maistre, 388. 
 
 Dorpius, Martin, 250. 
 
 Doulet, Guillaume, 8. 
 
 Drusac, Gratien du Pont, Sieur de, 
 80, 93, no et seq., 135, 156, 157, 
 158, 215. 
 
 Dryden, 477. 
 
 Dubourg, Chancellor, 414. 
 
 Dubourg, Councillor, 393. 
 
 Duchatel, Pierre, 79, 180, 181, 210, 
 280, 290, 303, 305, 313, 316, 355, 
 417, 418, 421, 448, 452, 473, 481. 
 
 Ducher, Gilbert, 251, 264, 280, 304, 
 478. 
 
 Duchesne, Pfere, 258. 
 
 Dudleys, the, 308. 
 
 Dupetit-Thouars, L. M. A., 214. 
 
 Dupin, 414. 
 
 Dupreau, 464. 
 
 Durand, Guillaume, 329, 355, 386. 
 
 Duranti, the president, 52. 
 
 Duverdier, 78, 114, 119, 121, 168, 
 
 35i.4'3.437. 438,464- 
 Eck, 473. 
 
 Edward of England, 192. ' 
 
 Egnazio, Giovanni Baptista, 42, 43, 
 67, 85, 249. 
 
 Elena, 44. 
 
 Elvanus, C, 280. 
 
 Elzevirs, the, 316. 
 
 Entommeures, Brother Jean de, 185. 
 
 Epaminondas, 469. 
 
 Erasmus, his admiration for Cicero, 
 13; his opinion of Berauld, 1 5 ; 
 attends the lectures of Musurus at 
 Padua, 19 ; his letter to de Pins, 
 65 ; compared with Bude, 137; the 
 Encomium Moriae, 185 ; his opinion 
 on wine, ib. \ his Ciceronianus, 189 ; 
 attacked by J. C. Scaliger, 194, 195 ; 
 Dolet's attack on, 197, 201-203 ; 
 his reply to Cursius, 214; printer's 
 error in his Vidua Christiana, ib. ; 
 letter of Odonus concerning, ai6- 
 220 ; Dolet's ode on his death, 241 ; 
 comparison of, with Longolius, 247 ; 
 translations from, 350 ; on the 
 alleged repentance of Berquin, 458 ; 
 other references to, •/, 3, 6, 11, 15, 
 34, 46, 66, 123, 163, 170, 310, 211, 
 244, 250, 254, 257, 258, 270, 271, 
 272, 275, 283, 303, 384, 385, 402, 
 469, 479. 
 
55a 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Estampes, Duchess D', 433, 434, 448. 
 
 Estiennes, the, 163, 171, 316. 
 
 Estienne, Charles, 253, 254, 255, 264, 
 265, 266, 269, 270, 271, 273. 
 
 Estienne, Francis, 265. 
 
 Estienne, Henri, 409, 412, 418. 
 
 Estienne, Paul, 317, 318. 
 
 Estienne, Robert, 163, 167, 170, 172, 
 234. 235. 236, 239. 240, 255, 264, 
 265, 270, 273, 2;6, 277, 278, 303, 
 316. 317. 318,323, 370.418. 
 
 Estoile, Pierre de 1', 251. 
 
 Etaples, l^fevre d', 250, 251, 386, 
 4°2, 476- 
 
 Eunapius, 60. 
 
 Faber, Michael, 312. 
 
 Faber, Stapulensis, see Etaples, Le- 
 
 fevre d*. 
 Fabricius, Arnold, 181. 
 Facciolati, 27, 259, '260. 
 Faciot, Jean, see Voulti. 
 Farges, Seigneur de, see Gripaldi. 
 Farget, Pierre, 165. 
 Faraese, Cardinal Alexander, 376. 
 Faure, Louis du, 393. 
 Faye, Estienne, 401. 
 Fenelon, 5. 
 
 Ferret, Emile, 163, 199, 249. 
 Ferrier, Amoul du, 79, 80, 85, I2i, 
 
 392. 393- 
 
 Ferrier, Augier, 79. 
 
 Ferron, Arnoul le, contemporary of 
 Dolet at Toulouse, 57; his parent- 
 age, 1 16; Councillor of the Par- 
 liament of Bordeaux, 117; his in- 
 timacy with J. C. Scaliger, 118; 
 as historian, 119; authorities for 
 his life, 121 ; correspondence with 
 Dolet, 122-129; other references 
 to, 47, 98, 99, 107, 180, 181, 182, 
 204, 205, 227, 353, 481. 
 
 Ferron, Jean le, 116, 118. 
 
 Ferroniere, La Belle, 448, 
 
 Ficinus, Marsilius, 248, 440. 
 
 Fine, Oronce of Dauphine, 251. 
 
 Finet, Simon, 57, 96, 98, 159, 176 et 
 seq, 179. 181. 
 
 Floral Games, 87. 
 
 Florence, 41, 161. 
 
 Florent Junius, 456, 457, 458. 
 
 Florentine Chapel at Lyons, 162. 
 
 Foisset, M., 25. 
 
 Foix, Gaston de, 193. 
 
 Foix, Odet de, 254. 
 
 Fontainbleau, 62, 64. 
 
 Fontaine, Charles, 162, 335. 
 
 Fontana, Giacinto, 25. 
 
 Fontette, Ferret de, 486. 
 
 Foulques, Bishop of Toulouse, 50. 
 
 Fournier, Claude, 200, 280. 
 Foumier, Hugues, 164, 175, 201. 
 Fournier, Humbert, 164, 201. 
 Fourviere, Academy of, 164. 
 Francis I, 61, 64, 102, 130, i£3, 207, 
 
 220, 223, 225, 232, 244, 253, 254, 
 
 286, 319, 321, 325, 363, 354,355. 
 
 39', 397. 410, 4", 417, 418, 432, 
 
 441, 448, 451, 473. 
 Freher, Paul, 121. 
 Frellons, the, 166. 
 Fresnoy, Leuglet du, 364. 
 Freux, Andre le, 466. 
 Freytag, 153. 
 
 Frobenius, Joannes, 243, 323. 
 Froissart, 353. 
 Frusius, 466. 
 Fuchsius, Leonard, 250. 
 
 Gabiano, Scipio de, 283. 
 
 Gadagne, Thomas de, 291. 
 
 Gagnius, J., 280. 
 
 Gaignat Sale, 229. 
 
 Gaillard, 410. 
 
 Gaillard, Jeanne, 168. 
 
 Galen, 384. 
 
 Galland, P., 422. 
 
 Galland, Claude, 364. 
 
 Garamond, Claude, 318. 
 
 Garde, Jehan de la, 415. 
 
 Gargantua, 167, 183, 186, 187, 366, 
 
 367, 368, 369- 
 Gamier, 486. 
 Gascons, Marie, 91. 
 GauUieur, M., 119, 288, 466. 
 Gauteret, Jehan, 395. 
 Gentilis, Valentine, 294. 
 Gerou, Dom, 478. 
 Gesner, 167, 236, 263. 
 Gigas, Joannes, 212, 466, 478. 
 Gilbert, Jean, 115. 
 Gilles, Nicole, 8. 
 Gilles, Pierre, 251. 
 Girardie, Pierre, 53. 
 Giulito, 153. 
 
 Glareanus, Henricus, 250. 
 Goclenius, Conrad, 250. 
 Goezmann, E. L. V. de, 394. 
 Gondi, Antoine du, 169. 
 Gondi, the, 16 1. 
 Gonsalvo of Toledo, 164. 
 Gonthier of Andemach, 261, 263. 
 Gorgias, 120. 
 Gossin, Raymond de, 395, 
 Goujet, Abb6, 44, 78, iii, 113, 431. 
 Gousse, Laurent, M., 80 , 
 Gouttes, Jean de (Janus Guttanus), 
 
 280, 333. 
 Gouvea, Antoine de, 163, 288, 422, 
 
 478. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 ^S?, 
 
 Gramond, President de, 48. 
 
 Gramont, Cardinal Gabriel de, 130, 
 131, 313- 
 
 Grapaldo, 114. 
 
 Gray, 479. 
 
 Grenier, the brothers, 54. 
 
 Greyff, Michael, 169. 
 
 Gripaldi, Matthieu ^Mopha), 292, 307, 
 313. 
 
 Grotius, 293. 
 
 Grater, 207, 272. 
 
 Grynseus, Symon, 250. 
 
 Gryphii, the, 167, 316. 
 
 Giyphius, Sebastian, message from de 
 Boyssoneto, T56; number of editions 
 printed by him, 166 ; scholarship of, 
 167; Dolet visits him, 169 ; account 
 of, 170-172; Dolet's friendship for, 
 173 ; prints the Orationes dues, 176 ; 
 unwilling to undertake a newedition, 
 218; Sussaneau edits and corrects 
 for the press of, 228 ; licence to 
 print the Commentaries granted to, 
 233 ; his Latin Bible, 242 ; Dolet 
 works for, 280 ; books printed by, 
 281 ; assists Dolet in commencing 
 business as a printer, 321 ; Dolet 
 dedicates the 4th book of his Car- 
 mina to, 330 ; his edition of Marot, 
 362 ; other references to, 183, 197, 
 206, 218, 227, 239, 243, 265, 270, 
 276, 282, 286, 290, 309, 320, 323, 
 
 33O7 359. 362, 383, 481- 
 Guevara, 386. 
 Guibal, Georges, 77,80, 82, 113, 211, 
 
 286, 380, 382. 
 Guiffrey, Georges, 362, 363. 
 Guillet, Pemette de, 168, 333. 
 Guingene, 60. 
 Guise, Duke of, 381. 
 Guyenne, 121, 354. 
 Guyenne, College of, 288, 289. 
 Gyllius, 439. 
 
 Haag, MM., 348. 
 Hallam, 25, 181, 234, 235. 
 Hammonius, Chrysogonus, 177, 179, 
 
 181. 
 Hannibal, 469. 
 
 Harlai, President de, 392, 393, 412. 
 Harlais, the de, 408. 
 Harsy, De, 282. 
 Henrietta Maria of England, 4. 
 Henry II of France, 391, 393. 397- 
 Henry IV, 319. 
 Henry VII, 193. 
 Henry VIII, 130, 201. 
 Hercules, 193. 
 Herissant, L. T., 261. 
 
 Herminjard, A. L., 15, 169. 
 
 Hermolaus Barbarus, 248. 
 
 Herodotus, 342. 
 
 Heroet dit La Maisonneuve, 335, 386. 
 
 Hervet, Gentian, 288, 289, 384. 
 
 Hesse, Eobanus, 250. 
 
 Hipparchus, 350, 431, 437, 438, 444, 
 
 447- 
 Hippocrates, 172. 
 Hirtius, 266, 270. 
 Hoefer, Dr., 215. 
 
 Hohendorf, Count, library of, 437. 
 Homer, 243, 342, 469. 
 Hopital, Michael de 1', 81, 251, 473. 
 Horace, 102, 133, 146, 228, 240. 
 Houssaye, Amelot de la, 9. 
 Huet, Bishop, 32, 182, 208, 209. 
 Hungary, King of, 192. 
 Hungary, Queen of, 214. 
 Hunniades, the, 192. 
 Hunsdon, Lord, 308. 
 Hutten, Ulric von, 96, 250. 
 
 Innocent IV, 59. 
 
 Inquisition, 50, 51, 71, 73, 389 et seq. 
 Isaure, Clemence, 88, 90, 91, 92. 
 Isocrates, 469. 
 
 Jamet, Lyon, 362. 
 
 Janot, Denis, 437. 
 
 Jerome, St., 49, 413, 471. 
 
 Jortin, Dr., 476. 
 
 Juste, Franyois, 172, 280, 281, 282, 
 
 320, 368, 373. 
 Juvenal, 102. 
 
 La Barre, 4. 
 
 Labe, Louise, 168, 169, 333. 
 
 La Borderie, 386. 
 
 Lacoste, 450. 
 
 Lacour, 415. 
 
 Lasthmathius, Herman, 456. 
 
 La Faille, 75, 76, 84, 88, 285, 290. 
 
 La Monnoye, 28, 29, 31, 119, 437, 
 
 438. 
 Lamothe-Langon, E. L. B. de, 51, 53, 
 
 112, 394, 396. 
 Lampridio, 19, 23, 152, 249. 
 Lando, Hortensio, 13, 34, 183, 217, 
 
 218. 
 Langeac, Francis, 37, 38, 153, 181. 
 Langeac, Jean de, account of, 37-39 ; 
 
 appoints Dolet his secretary, 39 ; 
 
 urges Dolet to study .the law, 46 ; 
 
 letter from Dolet to, 130; retires 
 
 from public affairs, 188; Dolet 
 
 dedicates his De imitatione Cic. to. 
 
554 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 197 ; other references to, 36, 40, 42, 
 45. 67, 149. 180, i8r, 215, 243, 
 254, 258, 281, 385, 481. 
 
 La Reole, 114. 
 
 Larfeul, 414. 
 
 La Rouanne, prison of, 349, 407, 426. 
 
 Larousse, 486. 
 
 Lascaris, Jean, 62, 167, 317. 
 
 Lasius and Platter, 261. 
 
 Lateran, Council of, 118. 
 
 Lateranus, 280. 
 
 Latimer, Bishop, 308. 
 
 Latomus (Masson), 311. 
 
 L'Aubespine, Secretary of State, 449. 
 
 Laurentius, 195, 203. 
 
 Lautrec, Seigneur de, 354. 
 
 Le Duchat, 75, 373, 412. 
 
 Le Gendre, 120. 
 
 Le Laboureur, 8, 397, 460, 463. 
 
 Le Long, 282, 486. 
 
 Le Maistre, Gilles, 392, 393, 412, 
 419. 
 
 Le Moyne, Pasquier, 335. 
 
 Leo X, 5, 20, 22, 61, 63. 
 
 Leoniceni, Nicolas, 249. 
 
 Le Puy en Velay, 159. 
 
 Lepidus Joannes, 181. 
 
 Le Roy, Nicolas, 311. 
 
 Le Tellier, Chancellor, 4. 
 
 Lewis V, (the Bavarian,) Emperor, 
 192, 193. 
 
 Limasol, 58. 
 
 Limoges, Cathedral of, 36, 38. 
 
 Limoux, 74- 
 
 Linacre, Thomas, 250. 
 
 Liseux, Isidore, 414, 460. 
 
 Lisieux, 67. 
 
 Livy, 45, 150, 240, 356. 
 
 Lizet, Pierre, First President, 180, 
 315, 224 ; causes Jean-Morin to be 
 imprisoned, 229; his character, 409- 
 412; Beza's satire on him, 4T3 ; 
 his death, 414 ; presides at the final 
 trial of Dolet, 443 ; pronounces 
 sentence, 454; other references to, 
 
 415, 419. 428, 446, 455. 475- 
 
 Locatus, Umbertus, 390. 
 
 Longinus, 60. 
 
 Longolius, 7, 13, 18, 20, 26, 28, 29, 
 33, 34, 64, 68, 69, 85, loi, 181, 
 189, 196, 197, 241, 247, 250, 251, 
 
 258, 275 459. 469- 
 Longueville, Cardinal de, 130. 
 Lorraine, Cardinal of, 226, 289, 290, 
 
 392, 432, 434. 
 Louis XI, 353. 
 Louis XII, 319. 
 Louis XIV, 4. 
 Louis XVI, 319. 
 Louvain, 67. 
 
 Loyola, Ignatius, 396. 
 
 Lucca, 161. 
 
 Lucian, 464. 
 
 Lucretius, 43, 171, 249, 464. 
 
 Lut, Breghot du, 170, 406. 
 
 Luther, 6, 7, 72, 73, 83, 86, 103, 201, 
 256, 283, 293, 473, 474. 
 
 Lyons, 155, 159, 160; distinguished 
 literary men living at, 162 et seq. ; 
 the early printers of, 165 ; first 
 French book printed in France 
 issued at, ib ; early editions of the 
 Bible issued at, 166; cultivated 
 women of, 168 ; other references to, 
 414, 415, 432. 
 
 Lysias, 469. 
 
 Machard, M., 460. 
 
 Macho, Julien, 165. 
 
 Macrin, Salmon, 26, 29, 147, 163, 
 
 251, 280, 290, 302, 303, 330, 357. 
 
 469, 478. 
 Madamaxum, Jean, 379. 
 Maffei, 19. 
 
 Maine, Guillaume du, 147, 251. 
 Maine, La Croix du, 78, 112, 162, 
 
 215. 265, 351, 413, 437, 463. 
 Mainus, 469. 
 Maittaire, 9, 25, 94, 209, 262, 275, 
 
 337. 437- 
 Manardus, Joannes, 349. 
 Mansion, Colard, 165. 
 Manuel, Don Juan, 63. 
 Manutii, the, 171. 
 
 Manutius, Paulus, 38, 316, 271, 280. 
 Mareault, Charlotte, 447. 
 Mareault, Jehan, 447. 
 Marguerite de Valois, 168, 211, 212, 
 
 221, 228, 233, 254, 287, 301, 433, 
 
 434- 
 
 Marmeisse, Abbe, 38. 
 
 Marot, Clement, first prints his Enfer 
 at Lyons, 167 ; present at the ban- 
 quet given to Dolet, 302 ; his friend- 
 ship for Dolet, 3,=l8-36o ; odes and 
 letter to Dolet, 360, 361 ; Dolet's 
 editions of his works, 362 ; sub- 
 sequent quarrel (?), 363 ; his Enfer, 
 429 ; other references to, 80, 162, 
 163, 167, 168, 227, 230, 242, 254, 
 258, 280, 290, 309, 329, 333, 335, 
 
 357. 370. 385. 386, 424. 441. 479. 
 
 481, 482. 
 Marthe. C. de Ste., see Ste. Marthe. 
 Martial, 49, 172. 
 Martial de Paris, 281. 
 Martin, Aime, 431, 434, 437. 
 Martin, Henri, 184, 222,449, 47'- 
 Masch, 166. 
 Masinissa, 193. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 iSS 
 
 Mastino, 193. 
 
 Maumont, Jean, 181. 
 
 Maur, Jean, 93, 106, 114, 115, 290. 
 
 Maurolet, Jean, of Tours, 60. 
 
 Maussac, the President de, 196, 295. 
 
 Maximilian, Emperor, 193. 
 
 Maynier, Jean de, see Oppede. 
 
 Mazarine Library, the, 431. 
 
 Medici, Cardinal de, 63. 
 
 M^ge, M. du, 54, 78, 80, 82, 91, 
 
 114. 
 Melancthon, 203, 211, 250, 303, 377, 
 
 387,402,469. 
 Melchior, Adam, 196. 
 Mellier, Guillaume, 280. 
 Menage, 30, 209. 
 Menapius, 211, 254. 
 Mendoza, 418. 
 Merbelius, 195, 203. 
 Merciere, Rue, 382, 383, 385, 425, 
 
 426. 
 Merindol, 450. 
 Meuschenius, 60. 
 Michelet, 183, 366, 458. 
 Millanges, Simon, 121. 
 Milton, 479. 
 
 Minard, the President, 392, 393. 
 Minut, Jacques de, 57, 132, 133, 135, 
 148, 157, 181, 182, 189, 210, 285, 
 286, 289, 290, 293, 312. 
 
 Miziere, Fran9ois, 364, 365. 
 
 Moissac, Abbey of, 63. 
 
 Moles, the, 408. 
 
 Moliere, 2, 3. 
 
 Moliniar, Guillaume, 89. 
 
 Monstreltt, 353. 
 
 Montaigne, 2, 117. 
 
 Montauban, 114, 115. 
 
 Montchal, Charles de, 51, 393. 
 
 Montecuculi, Sebastian, 280. 
 
 Montfalcon, 166. 
 
 Montfort, Simon de, 50. 
 
 Montius, 458. 
 
 Montpellier, 67, 185. 
 
 Mopha, see Gripaldi. 
 
 More, Sir Thomas, 34, 202, 241, 250, 
 
 308, 473- 
 Moreri, 78, 119, 121, 399. 
 Morin, Jean, Lieutenant-Criminel, 194. 
 Morin, Jean, the printer, 229, 414. 
 Morley John, 471. 
 Morone, 20. 
 Morosina, 257. 
 Morrhius, 439. 
 
 Moulin, Antoinedu, 280, 355, 365. 
 Muret, 478. 
 Murmellius, 384. 
 Musurus, Marcus, 19, 317, 318- 
 Mycillus, Jacobus, 250. 
 
 Nantes, Edict of, 4, 53, 451. 
 
 Narbonne, 449. 
 
 Naud^, 205. 
 
 Navagero, Andria, 43, 44, 349, 274. 
 
 Navarre, Queen of, see Marguerite de 
 
 Valois. 
 Naxos, Dukes of, 41. 
 Nebrissensis, Antonius, 250. 
 Nee de la Rochelle, references to his 
 
 Vie de Dolel, 38, 39, 96, 97, 169, 
 
 203, 216, 227, 261, 262, 265, 275, 
 
 337, 348. 351. 437. 438, 439. 454. 
 
 483, 485- 
 Neufville, 26. 
 Niceron, the Abbe, 78, 206, 216, 295, 
 
 482. 
 Nicolas V, 5. 
 
 NicoUe, Procureur-substitut, 401. 
 Nigroni, Temio, 67. 
 Ntmes, Reformed Church at, 91. 
 Ninivita, Codes, 250. 
 Nizolius, Marius, 143, 146, 239, 249, 
 
 255, 260, 264, 273, 277, 278, 370. 
 Noel Eugene, 185, 187. 
 Noguier, 81. 
 Norreys, Henry, 308. 
 Noulet.J. B., 91. 
 Nourrys, the, 28 r. 
 Nourry, Claude, 172, 183, 282. 
 
 Odoni, Caterina, 216. 
 Odonus, Joannes Angelus, 13, 213, 
 214, 216, 220, 225, 226, 228, 274, 
 
 307' 464- 
 Olivet, 236. 
 
 Olivet, French Bible of, 387. 
 Olivier, Jean, 384. 
 Olivier, Chancellor, 449. 
 Omphalius, Jacobus, 156, 157, 250, 
 
 259- 
 Oporinus, Johannes, 250. 
 Oppfede, Baron d', 449, 450, 451. 
 Orbessan, Marquis d'Aignan d', 51, 
 
 394- 
 Oresme, Nicole, 484. 
 Orkhan, 58. 
 
 Orleans, Duke of, 432, 434, 441. 
 Orleans, Jean d', Cardinal de Longue- 
 
 ville, 130. 
 Orry, Matthieu, Inquisitor General, 
 
 257 ; his life and character, 395- 
 
 399 ; Dolet arrested by his orders, 
 
 401 ; Dolet's trial before, 406 ; 
 
 Dolet's denunciation of, 417 ; other 
 
 references to, 452, 455. 
 Ortuinus Gratius, 258. 
 Osman, Sultan, 58. 
 Oswen, Jhon, 295. 
 Otho, 72, 106. 
 Ovid, 42, 133, 342, 469. 
 
55^ 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Pac, Matthieu, 77, 103, 106, 285, 290. 
 Padua, University of, 18, 23, 81, 85, 
 
 130, 149, 151, 152, 155, 179, 234, 293. 
 Pagnac, Maurice de, 58. 
 Pagnino, Sanctes, 162, 167, 172, 291. 
 Paleario, Aonio, his opinion of Padua, 
 
 19; other references to, 21, 152, 171, 
 
 207. 
 Paludanus, Carolus, 251. 
 Pamiers, Bishopric of, 63. 
 Panciroli, 151. 
 Pantagruel, 26, 76, 78, 167, 187, 367, 
 
 368, 369. 
 Panzer, 114, 169. 
 Papadopoli, 27, 293, 295. 
 Parentuculi, Tommaseo, 11. 
 Paris, Nicole, 314, 441, 484. 
 Paris, University of, 59, 219. 
 Pannentier, printer of Lyons, 307, 310. 
 Parmentier, M., 486. 
 Pasquier, Etienne, 478. 
 Passavant, Benedict, 413. 
 Fatiniana, the, 9, 459. 
 Pattison, Mark, 480. 
 Paul III, 20, 21, 257,451. 
 Paul IV, 391. 
 Paulin-Paris, A., 484. 
 Paumier, Archbishop, 398, 399. 
 Pazzi, the, 161. 
 Pedro II, 58. 
 
 Peguillon, Beaucaire de, 353. 
 Peirat, Monsieur du, 282. 
 Pelagius, 21. 
 
 Pellisson, the President, 381. 
 Pericaud Aine, M., 165, 170, 230, 
 
 291, 326, 447. 
 Periers, Bonaventure des, 162, 163, 
 
 228. 
 Perion, Joachim, 440. 
 Pernetti, 200, 281. 
 Perottus, Nicolas, see Sypontinus. 
 Perron, Dame du, 169. 
 Perrot, Emile, 28, 199, 251. 
 Petrarch, 318, 342. 
 Petronius, 356. 
 
 Peyrat, Jean de, 163, 282, 304, 400, 416. 
 Philelphus, 65, 201, 248. 
 Philip the Fair, 389. 
 Philip the Hardy, 389. 
 Philologus, Jonas, 261. 
 Philomorus, 308. 
 Philomusus, Jonas, 261. 
 Pico de la Mirandula, 60, 248. 
 Pinache, 9, 98, 99, 100, loi, 102, 
 
 106, 107, 108, 122, 123, 125, 135, 
 
 147, 148, 257. 
 Pinas, Counts of, 58. 
 Pindar, 469. 
 
 Pinus, Bartholomseus, 66, 
 Pins, Gerard de, 58. 
 
 Pins, Gaillard de, 59. 
 
 Pins, Jean de. Bishop of Rieux, notice 
 of his life and character, 57-64 ; 
 charged vrith heresy, 65 ; opinion 
 of Erasmus concerning his Latin 
 style, 66 ; Dolet's letter to, 68 ; his 
 reply, 69 ; letter of, to de Minut on 
 behalf of Dolet, 132 ; seeks to 
 reconcile Dolet and Bording, 138, 
 139; letter from Dolet to, 174; 
 advises Voulte to give up the study 
 of the 'law, 289 ; his death, 312, 
 313; other references to, 106, 116, 
 141, 143, 148, 158, 180, 181, 182, 
 189, 251, 258, 290, 293, 297, 299, 
 304, 385, 475, 481. 
 
 Pins et Montbrun, Marquis de, 66. 
 
 Pins, Odo de, 57, 58, 59. 
 
 Pius, Roger de, 59. 
 
 Piochetus, P., 280. 
 
 Pirckheymer, 440. 
 
 Pius IV, 52. 
 
 Pius V, 390. 
 
 Pius, Albertus, see Carpi. 
 
 Placards, affair of the, 223, 232. 
 
 Plato, 21, 186, 243, 253, 283, 335, 342, 
 
 430. 43I1 436, 439. 440. 444. 445, 
 
 446, 480. 
 Platter, 261. 
 Plautus, 240, 27:, 469. 
 Pliny, 240, 266, 270, 273, 464. 
 Plutarch, 120. ' 
 
 Pluto, 303. 
 
 Pocraeus, Franciscus, 301. 
 Poggio, 2, 201. 
 Poictiers, University of, 59. 
 Poitiers, Jean de, 8. 
 Pole, Reginald, at Padua, 20, 28, 85, 
 
 163. 
 Politian, 42, 170, 248, 270. 
 Polybius, 356. 
 Pompey, 469. 
 
 Pomponatius, 19, 22, 24, 25, 26. 
 Pomponius, 347. 
 Poncher, Estienne, 61. 
 Pont, Gratien du, see Drusac. 
 Pontanus, Jovianus, 249. 
 Portes, M. Boscheron des, 117, 121. 
 Postel, Guillaume, 437. 
 Poyet, Chancellor du, 313, 381. 
 Prat, Cardinal du, 11, 61, 62, 117, 
 
 408,412,475. 
 Prateolus, 464. 
 Prefond, Girardot de, 261. 
 Prevost, Eustace, 181. 
 Printing, attempted suppression of, in 
 
 France, 222, 224, 225. 
 Prodicus, 440. 
 Pythagoras, 243. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 557 
 
 Quintilian, 261. 
 
 Rabelais, Fran9ois, refers to Simon 
 Villanovanus, 26, 29 ; to the martyr- 
 dom of Caturce, 76 ; praises de 
 Boyssone, 78 ; corresponds with de 
 Boyssone, 79 ; at Lyons, 183 ; inti- 
 macy of withDolet, 184 ; imaginary 
 conversation of, 185-187 ; present 
 at the banquet given to Dolet, 303 ; 
 introduced to N. Bourbon by Dolet, 
 309 ; his friendship and quarrel 
 with Dolet, 365-373 ; other refer- 
 ences to, 2, 3, 37, 80, 95, 119, 143, 
 163, 165, 167, 172, 175, 179, 251, 
 258, 264, 283, 333, 358, 360, 370, 
 385, 386, 410,481, 482. 
 
 Ramel, General, 54. 
 
 Ramus, 345, 422. 
 
 Ravenna, battle of, 193. 
 
 Raymond VII, 56, 58. 
 
 Raynier, Jean, 355. 
 
 Recared, 49. 
 
 Regis or Le Roi, Guillaume, 165. 
 
 Regnard, Jean, 120. 
 
 Renan, 24. 
 
 Renee, Duchess of Ferrara, 397. 
 
 Reuchlin, Johan, 249. 
 
 Revergat, F., 386. 
 
 Revilliod, M. de, 320, 322. 
 
 Rheims, 288. 
 
 Rhenanus, Beatus, 250. 
 
 Rhodiginus, Cslius, 248, 270. 
 
 Rhomanus, 309. 
 
 Riccaboni, 27. 
 
 Riccius, Bartholomaeus, 249, 255, 273, 
 277, 278. 
 
 Richer, Christopher, 264, 265, 267, 
 268, 310, 312, 469. 
 
 Rieux, See of, 63, 64. 
 
 Rigauds, the, 166. 
 
 Rihel, 260. 
 
 Ritter, 24. 
 
 Rochette, Franfois, 54. 
 
 Rochette, Louis, 51, 395. 
 
 RoUeau, Abbe de, 486. 
 
 Romorantin, Edict of, 393. 
 
 Ronsard, 333. 
 
 Rossotti, 295. 
 
 Rostagno, Jacques, 181, 202, 
 
 Rostanus, see Rostagno. 
 
 Rouilles, the, 166. 
 
 Roussel, 290. 
 
 Rousselet, 304. 
 
 Roussillon, 394. 
 
 Ruel, Jean, 251. 
 
 Ruelle, 349. 
 
 Sabellicus, 43, J48. 
 
 Sabinus, Franciscus Floridus, 131,211, 
 264, 271 et seq., 297, 376, 464, 465, 
 466. 
 
 Sabon, Sulpice, 349. 
 
 Sadolet, Cardinal, 20, 21, 64, 67, 163, 
 167, 171, 192, 249, 275, 303, 328, 
 •(69, 473, 475- 
 
 Sainte Marthe, Charles de, 121, 162, 
 289, 333, 345. 463, 475, 478, 481. 
 
 St. Ambrose, Seigneur de, 335. 
 
 St. Andre, Francois de, 392, 393, 411, 
 419, 421. 
 
 St. Barbe, College of, 288. 
 
 St. Bartholomew, massacre of, 51, 52. 
 
 St. Cyprian, 228. 
 
 St. Gelais, Mellin de, 280, 282, 335, 
 3.58. 
 
 St. Jerome, 49, 413, 471. 
 
 St. John of Jerusalem, Order of, 22, 
 58, 200. 
 
 St. Leger, Mercier de, 365. 
 
 St. Louis, 389. 
 
 St. Mark, Venice, Church of, 41. 
 
 St. Maur des Fossfe, 367. 
 
 Salel, Hugues, 132, 335, 377, 469. 
 
 Sallengre, 414. 
 
 Sallust, 45, 150, 240, 342, 469. 
 
 Salmasius, 479. 
 
 Salvarolo, Federigo Altan di, 153. 
 
 Sal via ti, 162. 
 
 Sannazar, 171, 207, 249, 303, 342, 
 469, 478. 
 
 Sandius, 295. 
 
 Sarrazin, Philibert, 1 18. 
 
 Savonarola, 6, 162. 
 
 Savoy, Duke of, 325, 375. 
 
 Scaliger, Joseph, 196, 205, 479. 
 
 Scaliger, Julius Cassar, Huet's opinion 
 of his poetry, 32, 208, 209 ; praises 
 Pinache, 99 ; charged with heresy, 
 118; his relations with Arnoul le 
 Ferron, 119; his opinion of le Fer- 
 Ferron's history, 120 ; referred to by 
 Dolet and le Ferron in their corre- 
 spondence, 123, 124; his compli- 
 mentary letter to S. Gryphius, 172 ; 
 criticisms of, on Dolet's poetry, 
 182 ; his ancestors, 192, 193 ; at- 
 tacks Erasmus, 194 ; Erasmus attri- 
 butes his oration to Aleander, 195 ; 
 his hatred of Dolet, 204 ; causes of, 
 205; his brutality, 207; Menage's 
 criticism on, 209 ; insults the me- 
 mory of Dolet, 459 ; other refer- 
 ences to, 47, 98, 108, 167, 172, 181, 
 201, 202, 208, 220, 22$, 227, 257, 
 465, 469, 479. 
 
 Selves, the, 168, 309,481. 
 
 Sceve, Claudine, 168. 
 
558 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Sceve, Guillaume, 29, 79, 162, 181, 
 183, 197, 202, 213, 222, 227, 251, 
 280, 287, 290, 305, 307, 312, 481. 
 
 Sceve, Maurice, 162, 163, 168, 183, 
 242, 254, 280, 286, 312, 333, 335, 
 380, 469, 481. 
 
 Sceve, Sybilla, 168. 
 
 Schelhom, 99, 119, 181, 205. 
 
 Scipios, the, 469. 
 
 Second, Jean, 163. 
 
 Seguier, 392, 412. 
 
 Selve, de, 408. 
 
 Seneca, 21. 
 
 Sennet, P^re Hyacinthe, 53. 
 
 Servetus, Michael, 54, 163, 257, 293, 
 294, 398, 452, 463, 473, 474. 
 
 Severt, Jacques, 458, 463. 
 
 Shaftesbury, 471. 
 
 Simon, Richard, 388. 
 
 Sleidan, 223, 415. 
 
 Socrates, 243, 242, 469. 
 
 Solar Sale, 166. 
 
 Solomon, 243. 
 
 Solon, 21. 
 
 Somerset, 473. 
 
 Sonnet, Claude, l8i. 
 
 Sophocles, 3S4. 
 
 Sorbonne, the, 163, 164, 167, 171, 
 180, 222, 223, 225, 228, 229, 230, 
 255. 256, 367, 368, 376,377,418, 
 
 445- 
 Spalding, Professor, 115. 
 Sturm, 43, 44, 67, 152, 259, 260, 274. 
 Sucquet, Carolus, 250. 
 Suetonius, 42, 354, 384. 
 Sulpicius Severus, 40. 
 Sussanneau, Hubert, 78, 114, 163, 
 
 167, 227, 228, 259, 307,308, 482. 
 Swift, 180. 
 
 Sylvius, Jacques, 342. 
 Sypontinus, 270. 
 
 Taboet, 381,382. 
 
 Taillandier, A., 224, 296, 401, 462. 
 
 Taisand, 121. 
 
 Tartas, Jean de, 288. 
 
 Thierry, A., 49. 
 
 Techener, 338. 
 
 Teissier, 121. 
 
 Tenneman, 24. 
 
 Terence, 45, 150, 172, 240, 256, 275, 
 
 383, 384, 424, 469, 477. 
 Themistocles, 469. 
 Thomasinus, 140. 
 Thomasius, 264. 
 Thou, de, 77, 117, 353, 382, 393, 409, 
 
 417. 
 Thucydides, 342. 
 Tibullus, 133. 
 Tiraboschi, 153, 295. 
 
 Tolet, Pierre, 175, 333, 355, 384, 386. 
 
 Tollin, Herr, 55, 81. 
 
 Tomasini, 27, 31. 
 
 Tonstal, Cuthbert, 250. 
 
 Torquemada, 53. 
 
 Toulouse, Counts of, 50; Inquisitors 
 of, 63 i piety of, 54 ; University of, 
 56, 59; spread of heresy at, 71; 
 floral games of, 87; historians of, 
 87> 39°; Lieutenant-General of the 
 seneschalty of, i88 ; Parliament of, 
 
 389- 
 Toumelle, Chamber of La, 53, 420, 
 
 421. 
 Toumes, the de, 166, 167. 
 Toumes, Jean de, 167, 320, 321, 322, 
 
 383. 437- 
 Toumon, Cardinal de, 8, 163, 231, 
 
 304. 315. 321, 330. 397. 398.401. 
 
 418, 422, 432, 435, 449, 451, 475. 
 Tours, Guillaume Michael de, 347. 
 Toursaint, Bernard, 28. 
 Toussain, Jacques, 147, 251, 302. 
 Trebatius, 347. 
 Trechsel, 167, 320. 
 Trie, Guillaume, 398. 
 Trivulces, the. 163. 
 Trivulce, Le Grand, 229. 
 Trivulce, Pompone de, 230. 
 Trivulce, Theodore de, 230. 
 Troyes, 314, 441, 442, 484, 485. 
 Tudeschi, Nicolas de, 169, 170. 
 
 Uffenbach, Z. C. von, 205. 
 Ulpian, 78, 213, 266, 273. 
 
 Vaissette, Dom Joseph, 88. 
 
 Valla, 2, 201, 235, 248, 273, 384. 
 
 Vallambert, Simon, 478. 
 
 Vallee, Briand de, 119. 
 
 Valliere, Due de la. Sale, 166, 229. 
 
 Valliere, Louise de la, 4. 
 
 Valois, Duke of, 9. 
 
 Vandel, Guillaume, 402. 
 
 Vanini, 53. 
 
 Vascovan, 119. 
 
 Vauzelles, the, 200. 
 
 Venice, 41, 149, 271. 
 
 Veracius, Honoratus, 330, 439. 
 
 Verdets, the, 54. 
 
 Vergerio, 294. 
 
 Vemei, Pierre, 386. 
 
 Verona, 117, 118, 121, 194, 258. 
 
 Verulanus, Sulpicius, 386. 
 
 Vesalius, 19, 365. 
 
 Vida, Hieronymus, 171, 207, 249, 
 
 303, 469, 478. 
 Vidal, Amaud, 89. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 559 
 
 Vigevano, Marquis de, 229. 
 Vignier, Nicolas, 485. 
 Villanovanus, Simon, the life of Lon- 
 golius sometimes attributed to, 20 ; 
 account of, 26-30; his death, and 
 Dolet's epitaph on, 31, 32 ; imagin- 
 ary conversation between Sir T. 
 More and, 34 ; opinion of Longo- 
 lius concerning, loi ; other refer- 
 ences to, 33, 34, 36, 85, 149, 181, 
 196, 202, 207, 231, 241, 247, 251, 
 264, 370, 463, 466, 481. 
 Villaret, Fouques de, 58. 
 Villeneuve, Humbert de, 164. 
 Villiers, John de, 58. 
 Vinet, 5. 
 
 Vinhalibus, Antoine de, 91. 
 Viret, 413. 
 Virgil, 207, 208, 240, 270, 275, 342, 
 
 384, 469. 
 Visagier, Jean, see Voulte. 
 Vives, Ludovicus, 250. 
 Vogt, 25. 
 
 Volaterranus, 248, 270. 
 Voltaire, 35, 52, 216. 
 Voult6, Jean, his references to Dolet's 
 father, 10; his epigrams on the 
 floral games, 93 ; his odes to the 
 Vauzelles, 200 ; his opinion of 
 Dolet, 226; early life of, 288, 289; 
 volume of epigrams of, 290 ; letter 
 of, to de Pins, 299, 300 ; present at 
 
 the banquet given to Dolet, 302 ; 
 estrangement between Dolet and, 
 304 ; his epigrams against Dolet, 
 305, 306 ; his quarrel and recon- 
 ciliation with N. Bourbon, 309, 
 310; other references to, 17, 67, 78, 
 114, 164, 227,251, 259, 280, 285, 
 286, 291, 292, 293, 295, 297, 299, 
 301, 302, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 
 308, 309. 3'°. 312. 313. 478, 481. 
 484. 
 Vulteius, see Voulti. 
 
 Waddington, 410. 
 
 Werdet, 224. 
 
 Westheim, 262. 
 
 •Willis, his Servetus and Calvin, 399, 
 
 473- , , 
 
 Wurtemberg, Duke of, 294. 
 
 Xeno, 120. 
 Xenocrates, 440. 
 Xenophanes, 120. 
 Xenophon, 193. 
 
 Yemeniz, 282, 340, 437. 
 Young (life of Paleario), 153. 
 
 Zazius, Ulric, 165, 213, 250. 
 Zuichemus Viglius, 250.