' vJC ^'C Cornell University Library PE 1290.K19 3 1924 026 633 200 .......i iotnell mmmitis, fiftwti BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF 1S9X MMpf.^- .x%lslJ%^.... AN INQUIRY INTO THE m OF THE SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD IN THE MGLI8H OF THE ELIZABETHAN PERIOD. lEAUGUEAL DISSERTATION FOR *HE ACQUIREMENT OF THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY AT THE UNIVERSITY, OF ROSTOCK '^- BY HAxNOVEK. PRINTED BY WILH. RIEMSCHNEIDER. • 'izfr^ 1874. - 1] An inquiry into the use of the subjunctive mood in English. According to the different point of view the person speaking takes with reference to state- jnents or actions related, we distinguish different moods of the verb. By these, various rela- tions between reality and ideas, expectations and wishes may be expressed: When a statement is enounced as cprresponding with reality, we employ the indicative mood. "When the uttering of some idea may lead to its execution, the imperative mood is used. In ca^e there is only a possibility existing that our idea may correspond with reality, it is expressed by the sub- junctive. Instead of the optative which denotes a contradiction between our ideas and reality, the Teutonic languages generally make use of the imperfect tense of the indicative. These moods, so distinctly marked in Sanscrit,. Greek etc. by means of terminationsj * have suffered very much in consequence of the tendency of modem languages to abolish all sorts of inflexions, finding, partly a substitute in the strictly logical position 6f words, and in the combination of different forms to express the shades and notions we just have spoken of. In English chiefly we find but scanty remains of the former abundance of inflexions. In this/ respect the Anglo-Saxon language is poorer than the Gothic, her eldest sister, and in the course of time the modern language has lost almost every distinction. As to the subjunctive mood which in Ags might be distinguished in the present tense by its different inflexions in the 2* person of the singular (ind. findest, eth, subj: finde) and in the plural (ind. findath, conj. findon), We find in modern English that, having dropped their terminations, the subj. and ind. moods can no more be distinguished in the plural. In the singular, however, the difference just mentioned is still existing. In the imperfect tense in Ags we are more enabled to recognize the moods, chiefly those of so-called strong verbs, which, besides a mutation of the vowel, have different terminations in the first and third persons of the singular (fand, funde). In modern English these differences have disappeared. Both strong and weak verbs are treated in the same way, the tenlaination of the 2 pers. sing. ind. (est) which was only used with weak verbs, being applied everywhere. The ' anomalous verb to be is the only one which has preserved more traces of the old inflexions. In Ags and in Old English, forms derived from different roots were employed in the pre- sent tense of this verb. All of them have been much reduced in modern times, and frequently forms of the ind. and subj. moods are coinciding. On this account we can only acknowledge the following forms as real subjunctives: „thou and he be, I and. he were"; all the other forms as: „I, we, you, they be," we must consider as doubtful, at least in the Elizabethan period, a,lthough, in the English of our days, they express the subj. mood. Thus be is employed by Bacon as an indicative. He frequently uses there are and there be promiscuously. (Bacon: On counsel.) The 2^ pers. sing. impf. has preserved a double form (wast, wert) of which the latter alone is used in the subj. mood. The preterit -present verbs do not show any difference in the subj. and ind. moods; among them should, would, might, combined witE other verbs, have usurped to a great extent the former place of the subjunctive. To illustrate the foregoing remarks we add the following table of verbs : Conjugation of strong verbs. Anglo-Saxon. Old-English. Infinitive. Modern -English. findan finden Present Indicative. to find '• ■'■ >' '"'■:■ "' ; Sing. 1. finde finde find ~" 2. findest - findest findest . 3. findedb findeth finds Plur. findadh fibttdeth (ene) Present Subjunctive. find Sing. finde finde find Plur. finden (an on) finden Preterite Indicative. find Sing. 1. fand fand (fond) found 2. funde = fonde (st) foundst 3. fand fand (fond) found Plur. fiindon (un) founden Preterite Subjunctive. found Sing. funde founde (fonde) foimd Plur. funden (an on) founden (fonden) Conjugation of weak verbs. Infinifive. found thancian thanken Present Indicative. to thank. Sing. 1. thancige thanke (ie) , thank 2. thancast thankest thankest y 3. thancadh thanketh thanks Plur. thanciadh thanketh (es en e) Present Subjunctive. thank Sing. thancige thanke thank Plur. thaucigen thanken (e) Preterite Indicative. thank Sing. 1. thancode thankede thanked 2. thancodest thankedest thankedst 3. thancode thankede thanked Plur. thancoden thankeden thanked -- Preterite Subjunctive. Sing. thancode thankede the same as in the . Plur. thancoden thankeden The anomalous verb to be. Infinitive. indicative beon, vesan ben Present Indicative. to be Sing! 1. eom beom am be am 2. eart bist art bist art 3. is, ys bidh. ■ is beth is Plur; sind, syndon beodh aren beth Present Subjunctive. are Sing. si, sy, seo beo — *^ ■ be be Plur. sin, sien beon <'.; ben be Preterite Indicative. be Sing. 1. vas wes was was 2. vaere were, wert, wast wast 3. vas was was > Plur. vseron (en) were (n) ' Preterite Subjunctive. were Sing. vaere- -;>;•„; were %_ were, wert Plur. - vaeren Sff^^ weren , were - Note: Among the grammarians at the commencement of modem English no real feeling for the forms of the different moods seems to have existed. In Alexander Hume's „Congruitie & Otthographie of the Britan Tongue", written about 1617, we find nothing but the follomng remarks: „0f the mood of the verb : Cap. 8. 1. The mood is an affection of the verb serving the varietie of utterance. 2. We utter the being of thinges or our awn will. 3. Theijeing of thinges is uttered be inquiryng or avouing. 6. We utter our will be verbes signifying the forms of our wil, or postponing the supposit. 7. We wish be wald god, god grant, and god nar ; as, wald god I knew the secretes of nature. , 8. We permit the will of otheres be letting; as, let God aryse; let eyerie man have his awn wife. 9. We bid our inferioures and pray our superioures, be postponing the supposit to the verb; as, goe ye and teach al nationes; here me my God." With regard to terminations we find in Hume's work: „0f the Power of the verb: Cap. 10. 1. A verb signifies beiag ordoeing. Of beingtheris onelie one, lam, and i» thus varyed: 2. In the prfesent tyme, I am, thou art, he is; we are, ye are, they are. 3. In tyme passing befoer, I was, thou was, he was; we wer, ye wer, they wer. 4. In time past els, I have bene, thou hes bene, he hes bene, we have bene etc. 5. In tyme past b'efoer: I had bene, thou had bene etc. 6. In tyme to cum, I wil be etc." We see the list has no claim to be considered complete or entirely correct as in a subsequent section (8) we also find: Christ conquered hel and death. Having thus determined the characteristic forms of the subj. nlood, we shall proceed in examining its use -as to syntactical relations, declaring, however, beforehand that most of the rules stated below, are not so muck employed in the present language as it was the case in its earlier iparts. Subjunctive mood in principal sentences. Use of the present subjunctive. 1. The subj, mood represents an action or a state as merely supposed, no matter, whether •'it is realised or not. From mere reasons of politeness the subj. is frequently employed instead of the ind., something real being represented" as the object of one's thought. How chance tne King comes with so small a number? (Shakesp. King Lear 2. 4.) . (Chance seems to be considered by Mr. Abbot (Shakesperian Grammar) as an adverb, but, if we admit this explanation, how would it be possible to account for the regular and not interrogative construction of the sentence? The subj. mood in the question quoted above arises from the uncertain state of mind the person speaking is in, the cause of some event being entirely unknown.) How chance the roses there do fade so fast (Midsummer Night's Dream 1. 1.) — Be the horseS ready (Sh. K. L. 1. 5.). (Be in this case is not in theind., for, shortly after- wards, the same question [are the horses ready?] is directed to a person who is supposed to give a positive answer.) — Such men as he be never at heart's ease. (Sh. Julius Caesar 1. 2.) This usage extended, and future contingency, something depending on casuality is, as well expressed in this way. However, examples containing simple forms of the subjunctive, seem to be scarce ; in most cases we meet with verbs of modality serving as substitutes. 2, An idea arising from our appetitive faculties, may be doubtful as to its realization. In wishes, prayers, commands therefore the subj. mood is used." Fader alvalda . . eovic gehalde gesunde (Beovulf 316). — Alvalda thee gode for- gylde (B. 957). — God save such a lord (Chaucer: Knight's tale 1705). — His be the praise (Spenser: Fairy Queen 2. 1. 36). — Some heavenly power guide us out of this fearful country (Sh. Tempest 5. 1). — Helpe thou my weake wit (Sp. F. Q. Intr. 2).. — Peace be with Burgundy (Sh. K. L. 1. 1). — Thy Iqve ne'er alter till thy sweet life end (Sh. M. N. D. 2. 3). — My blessing reason this in thee (Sh. Hml. 1. 3). — With half that wish the wisher's eye be press'd'(Sh. M. N. D. 2). In this case the subj. mood almost corresponds to the imperative mood. Treasure thou some place with beauty's tre^ure, ere it be self- killed (Sh. sonnets 6), — Be Kent unmannerly, when Lear is mad (Sh. K. L. 1. 1.) — As you on him Demetrius dote on you (Sh. M.N.D. 1.1). — ifow Phoebus ope the eye -lids of day (Marlow, Jew of Malta 2. 1). — The Union be her name (Longfellow). — Suffice it to say. — They (ceremonies) be not to bee omitted to straungers (Bacon : of ceremonies). — This way of speaking is more impressive than the now used indicative; it is still observed in the law -style. In a resolution brought in in the Congress of the United States we find: Whereas . . . therefore be it resolved . . ..(The Sun 16. 12. 73). — Sometimes, even with Shakespere, the indi- cative seems to be employed instead of the subjunctive, thus in: Be it ounce or cat or bear ... In thy eye that shall appear. When thou wak'st It is thy dear (Sh.. M. N. D. 2. 3). — Here, however, it is is used instead of it be because a prediction is expressed, the realization of which will with certainty take place. An action not corresponding with our desire^ often produces the contrary — resignation, a concession proceeding from our appetitive faculties. In this case the will of the person speaking is subordinated to that of a higher power: Then be it so (Sh. K.L. 4. 7). — Be it so (Sh. M. N. D. 2. 3). This use, however, may also be explained by supposing a conditional sentence j to be omitted. 3. A supposition, upon the realisation of which another statement depends — a condition — may be expressed by an inverted position ;of the.; subject and the predicate. These sentences^, however, are not so frequently found, and, as. to their meaning, though they bear greater emphasis, they are quite identic with those conditional sentences which are introduced by the conjunction if. May it suffice in this place to state that they seem to occur only in elevated language ; apparently they do not suit the . smooth style of prose writers. (In Bacon's treaties these sentences are not to be found.) Be it; so, she will . . not consent , . , I beg the ancient privilege of Athens (Sh. M. N. D. 1, 1). — And, for that dowry, I'll assure her of Her widowhood, be it that she survives me, In' all my lands (Sh. Taming 2. 1). 4. . The use of the subj. in a concessive meaning, is very closely connected with the pre- ceding case. A condition is imagined which would produce an effect contrary to that which is expected. As we shall show when speaking o'f~ concessive sentences, these bear more or less an imperative character: / '^ Come, what come may (Sh. Macb. 1. 3). — None can hear him, cry he ne'er so loud .(Marl. Jew 4. 2). — Their virtues else, be they as. pure as grace, shall take corruption (Sh. Hml. 1. 4). — Be tjiou a spirit of hell, or goblin damn' d. Bring with, thee airs from heaven or blasts from hell, Be thy intents wicked or charitable, thou com'st in such a questionable shape, Jhat I will speak to thee (Sh. Hml. 1). — Produce the bodies, be they alive or dead (Marl. Jew. 5. 3). — He has a pearl . . so precious . . As, be it valued but indifferently, the price will serve to entertain Selim (ibid. 5. 5). In our times this construction is very seldom to be met with, it occurs only in pathetic exclamations: * . , Be the difficulties wljat they may (Blackw. Mag. 1832). 5. Conditional sentences frequently express incertainty, possibility, principal sentences depending upon them, partake of their nature, and they, therefore, contain the subj. mood. If I do, mankind disclaim me erer. (Ben Jonson: Every man in his humor.) Verbs of modality replacing the present subjunctive. Instead of verbs in the present subjunctive, we find also forms composed of infinitives and the present tense of the preterit -present verb magan, which in An^lp-Saxon refers to physical capability (Leo Glossar 99), whereas cunnan is used in speaking of menta;l faculties. The original present tense of magan is lost, and the former preterite has assumed its place. At the same time it has also changed its signification of ^having grown" into that of „belng able". In Ags the original meaning is" still prevailing : Mag thonne on tham golde ongitan Geata dryhten . . . pat ie gum -cystum godne ^ ■funde Beov. 1485. (i., e. Then the lord of the Goths is enabled to see.) In Old English its meaning extended, so that with Shakspere it expresses physical, moral and logical possibility; it also supplies the place of the subj. mbod. Badon says: „what we may do is pf two kinds, what we may do as just, and what we may do as possible*. In the Elizabethan period more than now, may denoting physical possibility served to express a supposition based on future contingency. The letters, that he speaks of, may be my Mends (Sb. K. L. 4. 6). — Thee they may hurt (Sh. K. L. 4. 1). — A man may rot even here (ibid. 5. 2). — The moon may shine in at the casement, (Sh. M. N. D. 3. 1).. Merely as a verb of modahty may is used when it serves to express a wish: Jove may never let me longer live than . . . (Marl. 1. Tamb. 1. 1). Frequently in Bacon's Essays, an admonition is expressed by let, which may be considered as being in the 2^ person plural of the imperative adressed to the reader. Let a man beware how lie keepes company with choleric and quarrelsome persons (B. of travels). — Let his travel appear rather in his discourse than in his apparel (ibid.) — If a man would cross a business, let him pretend to wish it well (B. of cunning.) Note: Mr. Abbot (Sh. Grm. p. 221) states that will is also used as a verb of modality to mark the subj. of purpose : Therefore in fierce tempest is he coming, In thunder and in earthquake like a Jove, that, if requiring fail, he will compel (Sh. Henr. V. 2. 4). However, if we read the part preceding the above words, we find that expressions like: „he vfills you, willing you, there wiU he rake" are occurring, and we' are therefore of opinion that also in the instance just mentioned, will is used in its original sense. Imperfect Subjunctive (Optative Mood). In the imperfect tense, as we have seen, almost aU forms, which distinguished the subj. from the ind. mood, have disappeaired. ^I were"' and-ahe were" only are preserved. The other forms are ambiguous, and we inay also consider them as representing the impf. ind., especially when they serve to express an action Or a state not realised, but merely reflected on. The Statement is transferred into the past, where from the context it is recognised as a mere supposition. ' To illustrate this explanation we may think of the same use in French, of the impf, and of the conditional of the Romance languages. Yet however far this usage may have extended in modern times we shall not enter into an inquiry about it, but only search . for remnants of the subj. impf. , and in case we shall find them employed in • a peculiar way , we may repell the explanation mentioned above , and adopt the original one in all dubious cases of a similar kind. 1. The impf subj. occupies the same place with regard to the past as the pres. subj. with regard to the present. It merely implies incertainty. ^ff Had he a hand to write this. (Sh. K. L. 1. 2.) It is used as a term of politeness; the person speaking being convinced of the correctness of the judgment, however it is uttered in form of a supposition: To do her die were despight. (Sp. R Q. 1. 9. 36.) — It- were better, that . . (Bacon.) — "What beard were I best to play it in? (Sh. M. N. D. 1. 2.) — You were better have a bad epitaph than an ill report. (Sh. Hml. 2. 2). — (You would be a better man in having . .). She were fitter for a tale of love than to be tired out by orison. (Marlowe: Jew. of Malta.) — The line t'were suicide to meet (Montgomery). * The same way of spe airing is used in threatening; a statement pronounced in a passion frequently contains the subj. mood: It were best he speak no harm of Brutus here. (Sh. J. Caes.) • Like the pres. subj. it is used, referring to the present, to express a supposition of something which may come to pass. That were enough to hang us all. (Sh. M. N. D. 1. 2.) — Then you were yours again after yourself 's decease, when your sweet issue your sweet form should bear. (Sh. Sonn. 13.) In some of these cases we may also suppose a condition to be omitted, the incertainty of which causes the principal sentence depending on it to stand in the subj. mood. 2. The impf. subj. referring to the present, sometimes expresses a vnsh frequently im- plying the idea that its realisation is impossible. • I am the best of them that speak this language, were I but where tls spoken. (Sh. John 3. 3.) — cf. Plut aux Dieux. — Pluquiese a Dios. Very often a principal sentence of this kind has the form of an accessory one : 0, that I were a mockery King of snow. (Sh. Rich. II. 4. 1.) (Matainer 2. 113.) -3. Here as -well, by means of an inverted position of words, the impf. subj. may serve to express a condition based on subjective ^possibility. The condition, in this case, is supposed to be contrary to reality. A similar construction is sometimes used in French: K'eut ete le canon. (Ponsard.) — Then, were not beauty's distillation left • . Beauty's effect with beauty- were bereft. (Sh. Sonn. 5.) — were favour so , yours . . M. 2 10 N. D. 1. 1. Were the world mine (iWd.) Were it for confirmation of a league, they would not come in warlike manner thus. (Marl. Jew, 1. 1.) — Were this frail world our only rest, living or dying none were blest. (Montgomery.) — Were it not, that . . (Franklin.) — He would never again venture so far . . were he to he bribed by the daintiest dinner. (Blackw/ Mag. 1832.) A concession is expressed in the same way: Were tby education ne'er so mean. (Ben Jons. E. M. i. h. h,.2. 5.) — Were not that heavenly grace him does uphold. (Sp. F. Qi 1. 7. 46.) 4. As we have seen, principal sentences depending on conditional sentences partake of their incertainty, and the imperf. subj., mostly referring to the present, is employed after a cdndition which may take place or which is notoriously contrary to reality. , f Why, cousin, wert thou regent of the world. It were a shame to let this land, by lease. (Sh. Rich. II 2. 1.) — Now were I happy, if his going I could frame to serve my turn. (Sh. Wint. T. 4. 3.)' — If the matter were good, I durst swear it were his. (Sh. K. L. 1. 3.) R:equently the condition is omitted and the principal sentence stands absolutely. Now, a little fire in a wild field were like an old lecher's heart (Sh. K. L. 3. 4.) — To expostulate were nothing but to waste night, day and time. (Sh. Hml. 2. 2.) Verbs of. Modality. Could, might, should, would arevemployed to supply the want of distinctions between the subj. & ind. moods by suitable circumscriptions. ■ Cunnan (which perhaps scarcely serves to replace the inflected .subjunctive) originally, means to have mental capability for doing a thing. ' ;. Seolfa ne cudhe thiirh hvat his vorulde gedal veordhan sceolde. (Beov. 3068.) Gradually this verb encroached on mag an and a^lso denoted physical possibility. In our days may is still more repelled. Gould is not so much used as a verb of modality, but it is mostly met with in its original or more enlarged signification. For want of different in- flexions we cannot distinguish its real mood, however, the rules stated above may be applied, when a modest statement is expressed: I could play Ercles rarely. (Sh. M. N. D. 1. 2.) — With thy gaUies thou couldst- not go hence. (Marl. Jew. 5. 4.) t)r a dependence upon a cond. sent: Yet if he knew our meaning, could he escape. (Marl. Jew. 4. 2.). Might is mostly used in forming the so-called potential mood, which, according to Geold Brown, „is that form of the verb, which expresses the power, liberty , possibility , or, necessity, of the being, aption or passion.* Yet, in most cases after a careful examination,, we shall find. that in these combinations of infinitives and preterit-present verbs, the latter either,- convey something of their original meaning, or they have lost it entirely, and merely serve as substitutes for the subjunctive, which, on account of its little difference in form, is not suffi- ciently expressive. We , therefore , think it unnecessary to distinguish ' a new mood , and con- sider these verbs either 1) as being employed in their proper sense, or 2) as mere verbs of. modality. 11 1) It might be done that way. — Might you not know, she would do as she has done (Sh. All's well. 4. 2.) — Both your majesties . . might put your dread pleasures . more into command than to entreaty. (Sh. Hml. 2. 2.) 7. V * 2) Expressing a wish might is merely used as a verb of modality: . Might I but live to see thee in my touch. (Sh. K. L. 4. 1.) - (In the latter case we also would be permitted to employ may, but, if we are allowed to say so, by employing the impf. subj. the aim of our desire is put farther off, its fulfillment is almost Considered impossible, its value is rendered more precious, and thus a wish expressed in this way bears the character of greater urgency.) Would and should are used in English to express the so-called conditional mood, which firstly represents the subj. mood of the perf. & pluperf. and 2ly considers the future from a point of view of the past. • . i, Sciljan (Leo Gl. 246). signifies Originally „I have wounded", and as to the present tense it has adopted the signification: „I owe indemnation for wounding somebody", hence: „I ow6, I am pbKged, I ought to." J[n Ags. as well as in modern English this verb is employed accord- ing to its briginal meaning: ,. r . Svylc scolde eorl vesan sedheling serrgod svylc asc-here vas. (Beov. 1329.) — I should enquire after Mr. E. (B". Jons. Ev. M. in 442. 1.) , • In the course of time it has become a verb of modaUty, however, as such should retains something of its original nature, it expresses a supposition which is in accordance with objective motives, i. e. depending upon duty, necessity or constraint. By his discourse he should eat nothing but hay. (Ben Jons. Ev. M. in- h. h. 1. 5.) — Oh that I should live to hear myself called spinster. (Sheridan.) — But were some child alive, You should live twice. (Sh. Sonn.^ 17.) — Should your adversary confront you. (B. J. Ev. M. in h. h. 1. 5.) — Even should the Spaniards be allowed to occupy their present position . . i (PreScott.) Willan, though in Ags it has preserved its original meaning, serves now-a-day8< as a verb of modaUty. In Shakespeare's time the original signification is still to be met with. She wills me to repent. (Harlowe Jew. 2. 4.) ^- Run when you will, (Sh. M. ,N. D. 2. 5.) — cf. Ic to s£e ville. (Beov. 318.) , As a verb of modality it refers to suppositions which depend upon subjective or objec- tive motives. , ' , > ' : If I could write the beauty of your eyes, The age to come would say the poet lies. (Sh. Sonn. 18.) — If all were minded so, the times should cease 'and threescore years would make the world away. (Sh. Sonn 11.)' (In this example, should in the cond. sentence implies that external circumstances would bring on the supposed • effect, whereas, in the sequence, the j-ealisation , depends on the nat;ire of the sub- ject.) He would desire you to come up. (B. Jons 1. 5.) — that my heart would burst. ^ A strict distinction, however, between the different verbs of modality is not kept up. Thus should and would are used indifferently: Had you taken poison, it should expell it. (B. Jons. Ev. M. 3. 5.) — How happy yet should I esteeia myself. (B. Jons. Ev. M. I. 1.) The same thing may be observed with should and might: How should that be? (B. J. Ev. M. 35.) — You should ha' some now would take 2* 12 . .; this Mr. M. to be a gentleman. (B. J. Ev. M. 1. i.) — Where should they he? (ibid. 3. 5.) — You might talk softlier, rascal. (B. J. Alch.) — What should be in that. Caesar. (Sh. J. Caes. 1. 2.) („A form of speech now gone out. It was a less blunt and direct way of saying: What is there?. These more subtle and delicate modes of expression by the liise of the subj. for the iad. and of the past for the present have perished in our modern English." Craik E. of Sh.) Would & might; This speech would have done decently in a tobacco trader's mouth. (B. J. 3." 5.) Might, could, would: Why this would make a man a man of salt. (Sh. E. L. 4. 6.) Use of the subjunctive mood in subordinate sentences. A. Substantive sentences. 1. 1. Among this class of sentences the oblique speech partakes most of the nature of principal sentences. Statements are made as being pronounced by a third person who, in that moment, is neither speaking nor spoken to. The subj. mood employed in that case, arises from the desire of the speaker not to be considered liable for the correctnes of an enunciation. Seaxan (grdhdhon: Neinne hi him maran andlyfne sealdon, that hi voldon him sulfe niman. (Beda hist. eccl. 115.) — He onbead:that he of Rome come- (ibid. I, 25.) ■^ that la mag secgan . . that thes eorl vsere geboren betera. (Beov. 1703. 1100.) — They would give out that I were jealous. (B.*J. Ev. M. in 2. 1.) Sometimes the direct way of speaking is cojiverted into an oratio obUqua in giving it the character of a supposition with the intention of mitigating the suggestion: ^ I told him, he were best to send it (Marl. Jew. 4. 5.) The ind. mood, however, is also employed, which has extended so far in our days that Scott's using the subj. mood in the oratio obliqua is blamed by the grammarian Murray. When the person speaking enounces his proper ideas i^i this way the ind. is used even in the old language in case the principal sentence is in the present tense: Gesaga him eac vorSum, that hie sint vil-cuman._ (Beov. 389.) Sometimes dependent, sentences without a conjunction, introduced by an imperative, supply the place of conditional ones. Say I be entertained what then shall follow. (MarL Jew. 1. 1.) 2. In the preceding case the, mood of the- verb is not at all influenced by the statement contaiaed in the principal sentence, the subj. mood there depends entirely on subjective motives of the person speaking. With other sentences filling the place' of a substantive, which depend upon verbs expressing actions of our mental faculties , or on those of an enundative nature it is somewhat different. These verbs infer a certain degree of incertainty, and their complement frequently being of a doubtful nature, the subj. mood is employed. The ind. mood is used when the whole statement implies; certainty. - Vende se visa that he ecean dryhtne bitre gebulge. (Beov. 2330.) — Nat he thara goda that he me . . . rand geheave. (Be6v. 683.) — I think, this be the house. (B. Jonson Ev. M. 1. 4-) — They should swear hell were broken loose (ibid. 4. 1.) 13 •-# — All the -world should not persuade me hut I were a cuckold. (B. J. Ev. M. in. h.' h. 2. 1.) — I think it be Bill. (Marryat.) We frequently meet with verbs of modality employed in this way. Bearne ne truvode, that he vidh al-fylcuin edhel-stolas healden cMhe. (Beov. 2371.) — Do you think I would leave you. (B. Jons Ev. M. in 1. 3.) — Thou would'st have sworn, he ~ might have been sergeant major (B. J. Ev. M. in 3. 5.) — He - preferred that it should appear with his own free will. (Prescott.) ' Verbs expressing hope or fear or an affect s6metimes govern the subj. mood: I hope he be in love. (Sh. • Much ado 3. 2.) — (He) only fear'd his palate should degenera,te. (B. J. Ev. M. 2. 5.) — I am griev'd it would be said. (ibid. 2. 2.) — C; Why art thou angry? K: That such a knave as this should wear a sword. (Sh. K. L. 2. 2.) — I am loth such a pot of pottage should be spoil'd. (Marl. Jew. 3. 5.) — I fear it may be to take leave. (Sheridan.) ' Afteir verbs expressing fear, care, precaution lest.(ne, quominus) was sometimes used instead of that: I fear'd lest I might anger thee. (Sh. Temp. 4. 1.) — For fear lest day should look their shames upon, they . . . (Sh. M. N. D. 3. 2,) 3. When the notion of a principal sentence containing a negation, an interrogation* or an imperative, is completed by a substantive sentence, this one frequently has the shape of an indirect question. The subj. mood, in this case,' serves to hint at the perfect doubt attached Tjy the person speaking to the correctness of some statement. , Nah hva sveord vege. (Beov. 2253.) — Tell me whether a man be a gentlemaii, or a yeoman. (Sh. K. L. 3. 6.) This is principally the case with verbs expressing mental faculties. Know of the duke whether his last purpose hold, or whether, since, he is ^dvis'd hj aught to change his course. He's full of alteration. (Sh, K. L. 5. 1.) — I wote not whether the revenging steel were hardned. (Sp. F. Q. 1. 9.) — I leave him to judge whether it be not very pleasaiit. (Marrya;t.) With verbs denoting perceptible faculties, the complement of which is not clearly fixed in one's mind, indirect question are also in use: ^ . Gebide ge . . hvadher sel msege . . vunde gedygan (Beov. 2330.) — He sent his voice to see if living wight were housed therewithin. (Sp. F. Q. 1. 8. 37.) — He shakes his head . . to feel an there be any brain in it. (Jonson.) After verbs originally expressing wonder w'hich sometimes also denote an action of the pBi;c^tible, or mental faculties' inferring, as it were, besides a nation of doubt, a certain degree of urgency, the subj. mood is used for the same reason. I mar'l whether it be a Toledo. (B. Jonson.) — I wonder if Titania be awaked (Sh. M. N. D. 3. 1.) . 4. When the principal sentence contains a verb which expresses a wish, a demand, an int^tioUj a tendency or a concession, it is frequently followed by the subj. mood as its result is doubtful and merely demanded by our appetetive faculties. Ic the lange bad, that thu thone . . val-gsest vihte ne grette. (Beov. 1995.) — Pray heaven it do. (B. Jons. E. M. 2. 3) — But I beseech your grace that I may -^ 14 ' know the worst. (Sh. M. N. D. 1. 1.) — Pray God your voice be not cracked. (Sh. Hml. 2. 2.) — Let us intreat, she may be entertain'd. (Marl. Jew. 1. 1.) — Law wills that each particular be known. (Marl. Jew. 4. 3.) — Go bid thy mistress she strike upon the bell. (Sh. Macb. 2. 1.) — When law can do no right, let it be lawful that law do no wrong. (Sh. John 3. .1.) — Have great care I. be not found a talker. (Sh. Hr. VIIL 2. 2.) — I charge thee that thou leave these devils. (M. Jew. 1. 2.) — He . . asked that the committee be discharged. — Whereas . . " ';- 'yf|vg|:be it resolved, that the president be requested. (The Sun 16, 12.. 1873.) — God grant that we may come out with such a pure heart. (Thackeray.) 5. The imperf. siibj. after expressions of this kind referring to the present, denotes a statement which is contrary to reality. I'd rather it were a Spaniard (B. J. Ev. M. 2. 7). — Would I were assured of my condition (Sh. K. L. 4. 7.). — Would he were fatter (Sh. J. C* 1. 2). — I wish you could advance your voice a little (B. J. Alch. 1. 1). — I would not you should utter it (B. J. Ev. M. 3. 3). — I would it vs^ere my fault (Sh. J. C. 2. 1). Sometimes the principal sentence is omitted and the dependent sentence representing, the content of a wish stands absolutely: ' < , Heaven, that this treason were not (Sh. K. L. 3. 5). n. The subj. mood is also found in substantive sentences representing the subject of a principal one. In this case it is generally preceded by it, the grammatical sul)jecti '. Ne . . gemot mannes . . that he vidh aglsecan eofodho dsele (Beov. 2535). — Nas him senig thearf, that he to Gifdhum . . . secean thurfe vyrsan vig-frecan. . (Beov. 2494). — T'is better that the enemy seek us (Sh. J. C. '4. 3). — Better one want for a common good (Marl. Jew. 1. 1). — It were better that in causes of weight the matter were propounded one day (Bacon). ^- T'is fit this soldier keep his oath (Sh. Hr. V.- 4. 7). — Me seemeth good that the young prince be fetched hither (Sh. Eich. HI. 2. 2). — T'is necessary that be look'd into (Marl. Jew. 1. 1. — It is not necessary I be seen (ibid. 1. 1). — T'is likely they in time may reap some fruit (ibid. 2. 2). — It is true there be some affairs (Bacon : of Counsel). — ^ No wonder though Demetrius do fly my presence (Sh. M. N. D. 2. 3). — T'is time . .that I were gane away (Anc. pop. ballad). — Where the most leaiJned ''^' men have doubted it is not surprising that an unlearned mariner should err (Irving). — It was natural that he should unconsciously ifiagnify their merits (Prescott). — v^Better this dog of a King should die. (id.) — It is the duty of the Government to see that ^ the common people shall not be grossly ignorant (Mac- ■ aulay). i.V.j Some oC these expressions like: it is better, me seemeth good, introduce mere suppositions, they bear the character of a command or wish. T'is likely, it is i; rue are followed by the subj. mood for the sake of politeness. With it is time, necessarj, wonder, the same reasons we have frequently given in similar cases may be alleged: The action or statement expressed by the verb is pointed out as reflected on by the person speak- ing. With expressions -of the affects, the object of one's emotion is thus recommended to the attention of another person. 15 B. SubjnnctiTe mood in adverbial sentences- Local sentences do not admit of the subj. mood, except when generalized in such a way that they belong to the cathegory of concessive sentences. Temporal Sentences. i. Temporal sentences containing a statement of an action which precfedes that of the prineipai sentence, will almost constantly infer the idea of certainty, and with them we shall always find the indicative mood. However, sentences marking a point of time as merely supposed in the present or future, bear the character of incertainty, and they, thereferej fre-^ quently contain the subj. mood: At any time when it please you, you shall find me ready (B. J. Ev. M. in. h. h. 4. 6). — Then you were 'yourself again , after yourself 's decease , when your sweet issue your sweet form should bear (Sh. Sonn. 13). ^ 'Men cannot retire when they ,' ; would, ' neither will they when it were reason. (Bacon: of pleasure.) — (In this in- -!;i,^ stance it is not so much the p6int of time which is expressed as doubtful, but ■^ the subj. mood is used by the author for the sake of politeness.) — Valan utan '' " heold, that him fela lafe frecne ne meahton . '. scedhdhan, thdnne scyld-freca ongean gramum gangan scolde (Beov. 1033). V The indicative denotes a fixed point of time : Wake when some vile thing is near (Sh. M. N. D. 2. 3). 2. In sentences marking a duration of time the subj. mood is seldom to be met ^ith. , Ves, thenden pu lifige, adheling eadig. (Beov. 1225.) (Thendenwiththeind.v.BeQV.2500). While I may scape I preserve myself (Sh. K. L.'-2. 3). — I brought this gentleman a letter while Mr. Wellbred might make a conveyance. (B. Jonson. Ev. M. in h. h. 5. 2). 3. Sentences introduced by as so on as, expressing actions which immediately precede or coincide with those of the principal sentences, do not seem to admit of the subj. mood, although we find : ^ - , Sona that onfunde fyrena hyrde '. . he on mode veardh forht. (Beov. 751) — (The moment in which the event took place is left doubtful.) — cf. : I stated my intention to leave her as soon ^ as she was in safety. (Lingard.) — Luego que OS vean os pediran. 4. The, indicative . is used in sentences which mark the starting point of an action. Sentences like ^Therefore I be with him and love with me. Since that our faults in love thus smither'd be." (Sh. Pilg. Prog. 1.) do not prove the contrary since ; be is frequently used merely for the sake of rhime- •5. In' temporal sentences introduced by till marking the ^im up to which an action extends, -the subj. mood is frequently found. Tha het he . . thearfe forgyfan, odh that, he gesave hvat he him don ' volde. (Beda hist. eccl. 1. 25.) (odh that employed with the ind. mood v. Beov. 1255.) — If our father would, sleep till I waked him. (Sh. K. L, 1. 2.) — We may not chaunge -till we be bathed. (Sp. F. Q. 1. 2. 43.) — Thy lo\re ne'er alter till thy sweet life end. (Sh. M. N. D. 2. 3.)— So let hight-sighted tyranny range on 16 Till each man drop' by lottery. (SL J. C. 2. 3.) — The truth I shall not know hut live in doubt, till my bad angel fire my good one out. (Sh. P. PI 2.) -^ Walk yourself till yon be cold. (B. J. Ev. M. 4.) — Blow till thbu burst thy wind. (Sh. Temp. 1. 1.) The ind. mood in the Elizabethan period marks a fixed J)oint of time, in the modern language it is employed in both cases, no matter, whether there is any doubt or not. I am confined till the foul crimes are burnt. (Sh. Hml.) — (I) the groves may tread even till the eastern gate ." . turiis into yellow gold. (Sh. M. N. D. 3. 2.) 6. "When an action is expressed which follows another, the idea of incertainty as to its realisation may be admitted, indicated by the subj. mood. This usage extended, and is also •adopted in cases not at all doubtful. The conjunctions employed are: ere, before. Gesprac tha Beovulf, aer he on bed stige. (Beov. 67&.) — aer thon dag cvome. (ibid. 732.) — (He) gebad vintra vprn, aer he on veg hvurfe, gamol of geardum. (Beov. 264.) — Long ere it were day. (Chaucer N. P. T 131.) — Then let not winter's rugged hand deface. — In thee thy summer ere thou be distilled. (Sh. Sonn. VI.) — The canker galls the infants of the spring too oft before their buttons be disclosed. (Sh. Hml. 1.) — Serve it upon him quickly, afore he be aware. (B. J. Ev. M. 4, 12.) Ere he do leave this grove, thou shalt fly him. (Sh. M. N. D. 2. 2.) — And look thou meet me ere the first cock crow. (ibid. 2. 2.) — . . . untill before me stand this rebel chieftain. (Scott.) — All possible efforts be examined before new burdens be imposed. (Congress Sessions. 16. Dec. 1873.) Sentences denoting causality which, in some cases, in French take the subj. mood, especially when the a,dmission of a reason is contested by the person speaking, are sometimes found in English accompanied by preterit-present verbs, which, however, after a more careful examination, prove to be employed according to their original signification. Subjunctive mood in conditional sentences. Properly speaking the subj. mood does not serve to express a condition, it indicates merely a statement as being reflected on. In French we generally find the ind. mood, the plu- perfect subj., however, has been preserved by a sort of caprice of the language. As to English the ind. and the subj. seem to be indifferently used. ■ Even in Ags we meet vdth a certain con- fusion, where, however, as it seems, the ind. occurs when a whole period implies certainty, whereas the use of the subj. mood is occasioned by subjective motives of the person speaking. A. I. 1. A condition is known to be real, nevertheless, it is expressed in form of a supposition. If the proverb hold, that cannot be. (B. J. Ev. M. in 3. 5:) — If thou say so, with- draw. (Sh. M. N. D. 8, 2.) — Take this from this, if this be otherwise. (Sh. Hml. 2. 2.) — If the true concord of well tuned sounds, by union married do offend thine ear, They do but sweetly chide thee. (Sh. Sonn. 9.) — If thou rely upon thy right- eousness, be patient. (Marl. Jew. 1. 1.) — If he love her not, let me not be an assi- stant for a state. (Sh. Hml. 2. 2.) In all these cases the subj. mood is either used for politeness' sake or in an ironical way, in elevated speech or in sentences expressing desire. 17 The ind. mood infers a higher degree of certainty: He me habban vile dreore fahne, gif mec deadb nimedh. (Be6v. 447.) (The sequence standing before the condition is considered as real and the protasis in this case could not vrell express uncertainty.) One whom I will beat into clamorous whining, if thou deniest the least syllable of thy- addition. (Sh. K. L. 1. 1.) (Hei:e by using the ind. the condition is rendered more energetical.) — 2. A condition, the content of which is wished for, contains the subjunctive mood: For if but once thou show me thy grey light, I'll find Demetrius. (Sh. M. N. . D. 3. 2.) — H you may please to think I- love the king. (Sh. W. T. 4. 3.) — The same is the case with enunciations expressing fear: If any thing befal me . . (Cooper.) Some lines afterwards, however, we find in the same tale: If harm comes . . (ibid.) — What if thou withdraw unheeded by the living? (feryant.) — . 3. In sentences expressing a condition which in the present moment may correspond with reality, we frfequently find the subj. mood: If Edgar live, bless him. (Sh. K. L. 45.) — An't please . . (Sh.) — If it be (written) give it me. (Sh. M. N. D. 1. 2.) — If thou follow, do not believe but I shall do thee mischief. (M. N. D. 2. 2.) — If she be by, beg of her for remedy. (Sh. M, N. D. 3. 2.)-^ Say I be entertained, what then will follow. (Marl. Jew. 1. 1.) — (cf. the formation of cond. sent, in Old High German etc.) 4. In conditions which, at any time, when realised, have a certain consequence, the subj. mood is preferred ^n a sentential way of speaking: The chariest maid is prodigal enough, if she unmask her beauty to the moon. (Hml. 1. 2.) — Humour, is nothing, if it ,be not fed. (B. J. Ev. M. in 3. 4.) 5. Conditional sentences referring to the future, imply in most cases a mere supposi- tion, which is indicated by the use of the .subj. mood. Onsend Higelace, gif mec hild uime. (Beov. 452.) — If on the tenth day following, Thy trunk be found in our dominions, the moment is thy death. (Sh. K. L. 1. 1.) — There is nothing done, if he return the conqueror. (Sh. K. L. 4.) — If requiting fail, he will compel; (Sh. Hr. V. 2. 4.) — Farewell my blood, which, if thou shed, lament we may, but not revenge thee dead. (Sh. R. II. 1. 3.) — (Government) could address itself to the work of increasijag taxation if need ' be (The Sun,: Dec. 16*'' 1873.) With regard to its use in modern prose cf: If your countrymen are to win this' day . . (Prescott.) — , .- n. 1. As to the imperf. subj., it is employed for the sake of politeness in condi- tions referring to the past which, in the present, exercise no influence. ^ Or, if there were a sympathy in choice, war did lay siege to it. (Sh. M. N. D. 1. 1.) For daunger great . . I saw before mine eyes , if I were known to stray. (Sp. F. Q. 1. 2. 4. 1.) On Thursday, if he were in the house, why didn't he speak? (Dougl. Jerrold. Bubbles 1.) Frequently the use of the subj. impf. employed in this way, implies a doubt as to the truth of an assertion. But say the tribe were all in general cast away for sin, shall I be tried. (Marl. Jew. 1. 1.) 3 2. The impf. subj...is also used ' to denote a condition which may be realized in the present : ' ' • They will set a house on fire, and it were to roast their eggs. (Bacon Ess. 8^.) (Here the impf. hints at the abnormity of the condition.) If I were fairj I were only thine. (Sh. M. K D. 3. 1.) , 3. In most cases where we meet with the imperf. slihj., a condition is considered con- trary ;to reality : If that I were as ge yet schulde I sayn (as wis God helpe me) turneth again. (Chi N. P. T. ed Morris 587.) If you were civil and knew courtesy, jsou would not do me thus much injury. (Sh. M. N. D. 2. 2.) An't, were not for shame, I . would. (B. J. Ev. M. in 1. 2.) An this were all t'were something. (B. J. Ev- M. 3. 4.) If I were Brutus now and he were Cassius, he should not humour me. (Sh. J. C. 1. 2.) I could be well moyed, if I were as you, If I coxdd pray to movOj' prayers would moye me. (Sh. J. C. 3. 1.) '[»The meaning seems to be „»if I could- employ prayers (as you can do) to move (others), then I should be moved by prayefE as you might be,"" But it is somewhat dark. The commentators see no difficulty, or at least give us no help. ~»»The Oracled are dumb."* (Craik English of Shake- speajfe.) There is indeed, no difficulty in the above lines. Caesar compares his haughty dispdteition to that of Cassius who, at that moment, shows himself humble. A mind which knows to induce others by prayers , may also be ruled by this means, an imperious characller cannot rule) nor b© ruled in that way.] in. In Shakespere?s time the indicaiive mood is not so frequently found in cond. sen- tences as in our days. For if thou doest not it is a, d^bt. (BacJon: of gi?eat pi.) However, an irregularity as to the use of the subj. mood, may be observed hinJsiiig' at a certain tendency to abrogate the subj-. mood of common verbs in prose, whilst the pecuHai forms of auxiliary vesrbs are preserved: If at nian fee gracious . . , if he be compassionate . . , if. he easily pardons and remits . . if he be thankful . . , if he have Paul's perfection . . . (Bacon: of goodness). With. modem authors- we observe great irregularity witk reference to these two moods : Jf a rope is thrown down, up she starts . . if it be still . . (Marryat.) In most cases when the verb as in ike imperfect, we cannot distimguish its mood, we, thereifore, accept explanations which in French may also be applied: In expressing an idea which refers to the present, by a past tense, we indicate that it is a mere supposition, real or cQiitrary to reality.* And if a rethor eouthe well endite and in a chronique saufly might© it write. (Ch. Cb. T. III. 386.) If 1 should intimate tte least. It would . . (B. J. Ev. M. in 2. 1.) If thou should'st it were a great/weakness, (ibid. 3. 3.) You should be old as I am if . . you could go backward. (Sh. Hml. 2. 2.) * : B. The conjunctions so, so tliat,, provide dthat introduce restrictive oonditionSj^ these, as mere suppositions follow the common rule. Ic that fbrhiege, swa: me Higelac ^ie . . modes blidhe. (Beov. 435.) ' So ther be non obstacle other than this, God may so for you werche. (Ch. Cb. T. 9533.) That young men travel under some tutor I allow 'syell; so tliat he be such a one that,: has the language. (Bacon:' of Tr.) — To applie one's selfe to others is good, so it he with demonstration that a man doth it upon regard. (B. of Cer.) — ^ So please him come, he shall be satisfied. (Sh. J. C. 3. 1.) — ■ Let 'etn war, so we be conquerors. (Marl. Jew. 1. 1.) — I would not, so with love I might entreat you, he any further moved. (Sh. J. C. 1. 2.) — I'll kiir hdiii, provided ther^ be no treason, (B. J. Ev. M. in 4. 7.) " C An exceptive condition is expressed by sentences introduced ' by the conjunc- tions: but, but that, without that, save that, unless, except. And thone senne heht golde forgyldan , . sva he hyra maz-volde, nefne him vitig god vyrd forstode. (Beov. 1055:) — And, but I be deceived, Signer Baptista may remember ijae. (Sh. T. of the Sh. 4. 2.) — How should that be, unless that villain have told him. (ibid. 4. 5.) — (Thou) Unlook'd on diest unless thou get a son. (Sh. Sonn. 7.) — Except it be to some . . choice spirits, I could not extend thus far. (B. J. Ev. M. 3. 8.) — And least thou yield to this . . I cannot think but thou hat'st men. (Marl. Jew. 3. 4.) — There is little danger from them, except it be where they bear great and potent heads. (Bacon: of empire.) — Except -thou have a yocatiqn in which thou mayest do as much good . . (B. pf goodness.) The indicative states facts: But he's something stained with, grief . . thou might' st call him a goodly person. (Sh. Temp.' 1. 3.) v As to sentences introduced by as if v. sentences of modality. Subjunctive mood in concessive sentences. 1. Concessive sentences contain a supposed condition, the consequence of which, however is frustrated by the action Expressed by the principal sentence. A concession is in some respect the subject of an activity of volition, which, as we frequently have seen, admits of the subj. This mood is even found in sentences pronouncing a. fact as granted, being, in this way, poifiited out as the object of our reflection. ThaB thuin helle scealt verhdho dreogan, th'eah thin vit duge. (Beov. 589.) — Ichine sveorde svebban nelle . . theah ic eal maege. (B. 680.) Though it abyde a yeer or tuo . . mordre will out. (Ch. Gb. T. III. 236.) — "What though he love your Hermia, Hermia loves you. (Sh. M. N. D. 2. 3.) — Though she be but Httie, she is fierce, (ibid.) — She depa,rts amid the — what shall I say ■'— execrations — of the whole company, ladies, though they be (Marryat). — Mortal, howe'er thy lot be cast, that man resembles thee (Montgomery). 2. The subj. mood is also used in concessions which in the present are not yet ful- filled, but which may come to pass: Let it fall rather, though the fork invade the region of my heart. (Sh- K. L. 1. 1.) Thou shalt get kings, though thou be none. (Sh. Macb. 1. 3.) — Stay, though thou \^ ,5 -kill me. (Sh. M. N. D. 2. 3.) — However (how ever?) the world go I make sure "; •% for one. (Marl. Jew. 1. 1>)— Whate'er it be to injure them, what will not i Abigail attempt. (Marl. Jew. 1. 1.) — 3* 20 , ^ , . Most of the preceding examples are chosen from scenes full of excitement. An animated state of mind seems to influence the mode of speaMng. It is especially in concessive sentences, of a relative nature, which offer a wide range for suppositions pronounced as granted, that the suhj. mood is to be met with. In the present English we find may and might as substitutes for the inflected subjunctive, which verbs in this case infer part of their original meaning, mere possibility being admitted. 3. The use of the imperf. subj. renders a concession more emphatic. No wonder then, though he were ill affected, t'is they have put him on the old man's c(pathr (Sh. K. L. 2. 1.) — I will find where truth is hid, though it were hid indeed within the centre. (Sh. Hml. 2. 2.) — 4. The ind. inood is not so frequently found with Shakspere and his contemporaries. With them it is used in concessions which do not claim the particular attention of the person Spoken to. In modern prose the ind. is employed as a rule; even with poets the subj. mood seems to be used in many cases merely for the sake of rhime. (cf. Bryant). Though in this toun is none apotecarie, I schal myself to herbes techen you. (Ch. Cb. T. 14.' 125.) — Though that the queen on special cause is here, her army is mov'd on (Sh. K. L. 4. 6.). 5. The ind. mood is also used in concessive sentences where fio doubt as to the action , expressed by the verb itself is implied. The incerlainty as to the way in which it takes plaica being indicated by adverbs or relative pronouns. But howsoever thou pursu'st this act, taint not thy mind. (Sk Hml. 1. 5.) — Then., wher'ever his body rests, give charge. (Marl. Jew. 2. 1.) -^ Whosoever, is found variable. (Bacon of gr. places.) — 6. Inverted concessive sentences, which we have taken into consideration when speaking of principal sentences, almost always show the subj. mood. As to phrases like: »do what he might — write what he could," we consider them as an elliptical \vay of speaking for: He might do what he might, i. -e. : he might do whatever was in his power to do etc. j jwj 7. The following example may suffice to illustrate the different intenlions of the author in changing the mood of the verb : ,; Whether it were the shorJ;nesa of his foresight, or the strength of his will .' . or '; what it was; certain it is that the perpetual troubles could not have been without some defects . . in his nature. (Bacon Henr. VH. (end).) When comparing English with other languages, we find that in French more than in Latin subjective motives infiuence the mood of the verb in concessive sentences; thus the subj , mood is used, in French contrary to Latin after generalized pronoimSi Facts, however are expressed by the ind. mood. With quoi que we find* the subj. ^mood. In Spanish it is only employed when the content of a Concession is of an uncertain or indifferent nature. » Subjunctive mood in consecutive and intentional sentences. I. Consecutive sentences express an action which follows that of the principal sentence. The effect thus represented is not necessarily the consequence of the former statement , but it is brought on by chance or favorable circumstances. The subj. mood employed with .them, denotes future contingency, whilst with those referring to the past, the indicative mood is used. 21; ;: And swore so loud that all amazed the'jfiest let fall the book. (Sh. Tam. 3. 2.) — Yoji would fright the ladies that they would shriek. (Sh. M. N. D. 1. 2.) -^^ Examples of this kind seem to he rare, those found in the grammars of Matzner and Koch, are chosen from parts of the Holy Scripture refeifring to legislature: He that smiteth a man, so that he die, shall be surely put to death. (Exod, 21. 12.) — n. 1. Consecutive sentences expressing the aim of an action, the tendency of the state- ment enounced by the principal sentence, belong to the cathegory of intentional sen- tences, which frequently contain the subj. mood. Bio on ofoste, that ic . . gearo sceavige svegle searogrimmas . . . that ic thy seft ■ maege . . alaetan lif and leod-scipe. (Beov. 2749.> — Moraunt faught with al his might That Tristrem were yslain. — So Uve that thou go not, like the quarry slave Scourged to the dungeon. (Bryant.) — It be resolved to the end that all possible efforts be examined. (The Sun 16. 12. 1873.) -^ In order to mark the subj. mood with greater distinction verbs of modality, among which especially may, are employed in this kind of sentences. Effect it with some care that he may prove more fond on her. (Sh. M. N. D. 2. 2.) — Men ... must beware that they carry their ^nger rather with scorn than with fear, so that they may seem rather to be above the injury than below it. (Bacon of anger.) — Quit the house on purpose, that their punishment may have the freer course. (B. Jons Ev. M. in 66.) (He) thinketh to make his natural wants part ' of his honour, in that it should be said . . (Bacon: on envy.) — 2. Intentional sentences commencing with lest, mark a tendency, which is counteracted by that of the principal sentence. (He) salde to sande sid-fadhme scip . . thy las hym ydha thrym. ; forvrecan meahte. (Beov. 1918.) — Let go thy hold, when a great wheel runs down a hill, lest it break thy neck. (Sh. K. L'. 2. 4.) — Seek for him, lest his ungovern'd rage dissolve his life. (Sh. K. L.) — Hence, liest that the infection of his fortune take like hold on thee. (Sh. K. L. 4. 6.)-T-Let 's hence, lest fiiirther mischief be pretended. (Marl. Jew. 5. 4.) — Disparage not the faith thou doest not know, lest to thy peril thou aby it dear. (Sh. M. N. D. 2. 3.) — Seem not to know we, lest she mistrust the match. (Marl. Jew. 2. 2.) — Then , lest he may , prevent. (Sh. J, C. 2. 1.) [„We should not now say to. prevent lest. But the word prevent continued to convey its original import of to come before more distinctly in Shakespere's day than it dbes now. • (Craik. E. of Sh.)] — Mend your speech a little, lest you may mar your fortune. (SK K. L. 1. 1.) Most of the^e sentences resemble conditional sentences expressing future contingency. Subjunctive mood in sentences of modality. 1. Subordinate sentences expressing the manner in which something is dbne, in some cases, admit of the subj. mood. , ■ - A comparison may be made between different subjects doing the same action or between different actions committed by the same or several subjects. The subj. mood is most 22 • frequently found with the latter kind, especially when a parallel is drawn hetyir&&a reality and an action supposed or wished for. Ic that forhicge, swa me Higelac sie, modes blidhe (Be6Y,435.),, (I scorn it: As truly as H. may he iavourable to me in his mind. (Heine). — Yet even in beginneis (it were best) to adhere so jjaoderately , as he be a man of the one faction which is passablest with the other. (Bacon of Faction.) -^Never^ so help you meicy. (Sh.Hml.) 2. In the above examples, the actions compared with eachother, stand on an eijual foot? ing;' when the intensity of the one is superior to. the other, the subj. mood was used in Ags; now-a-days, however, we find but very few remnants 'of this ancient use. ';^jf 3. In case the action referred to is merely a supposition, it has very frequently the shape of a conditional sentence preceded by as, as if,- as though: 7 ..It beckons you to go away with it, as if it some impartment did desire to you 4;'?f aloiie. (Sh. Hnil. 1. 4.) — Speai truly, . . as so defend thee heaven and thy ^^■' valoiir. (Rich. II. 1. 3.) — Smile upon my speeches as if I were a fool. Sh. (Hml.)» — Use him as if he were a philistine. (Marl. Jew. 2. 2.) , In as it were we find still at present the imperf. subj. regularly used, which supplies at the same time the conjunction if, wanting in this construction even in the earlier periods of the English -language. 4. As we may infer frbm the preceding examples, the imperf. subj. is mostly used when the action or state compared to, is merely supposed, especially when, most likely, it never will be realized. (In French with comme si the ind. is used, in Regnier^s Satires we find in two subse- quent editions : Comme si leurs desirs dependissent (dependaient) de nou&.) C. Use of the subjunctive mood in relative seilteiiees* Of the two kinds of adhominal sentences, the explicative and the deteri]!iing,tive, ■ it is the latter class which we shall take first into consideration. I. 1. The notion expressed by the determinative, adnominal sentence, adds some essen- tial idea to that of the principal sentence. The leading idea, in most cases, will be similar in both, and they therefore are in general of" the same mood. Thus the subj. mood is used for politeness sake : . Titig god. on sva hvadhere bond halig dryhten mserdho deme, sva him gemet thince> (Beov. 688.) — Ordinary expense ought to, be . . gouerned with such regard^ as' _ it be within his compasse. (Bacon : of expense.) - The relative sentence may stand instead of a substantive and contain a; suggestion: ' .- ^ Thou hast stolen that which, aftel- some- hours, were thine without ofiiense. 2.. In most cases the subj. mood is indicated by verbs of modality expressing an action: feared or wished for, realised or npt realised; the latter two distinctions not being as clearly expressed as by means of the inflected forms of the pres. and imperf. subj. ■Vy^hat if it tempt you towards the flood . . and there assume some other horrible form, which might deprive your sovereignty of reason. (Sh. Hml. 1. 4.) — Wliioh to believe of her must be a faith, that reason ^without miracle could never plant in me. (Sh. K. Lear.) — Who lets so fair a house fall to decay, which husbandry 23 in honour .might uphold. (Sh. Sonn. 13.) — With power to excite all who in future time may appear. (Webster.) 3. In Ags there are traces that the same rule used in French, to employ the subj. mood after superfatives , was. also observed. The person speaking endeavours in this way to extenuate the harshness of a statement pronoiinced as unsurpassable: That vas Hrodhgare hreova tornost thara the leod^ruman lange begei,te. (Beov, 2130.) t , y II. In iexplicative adnominal sentences, which add a new idea to the statement, the subj'; mood may stand on account of the same reasons we have observed in principal sentences. A wish is expressed in: To a, solemn feast I will invite young Selim, Where be you present. (Marl. (Jew. 5. 3.) — I hither come engaged by my oath (which God defend a knight should violate). (Sh. Eich. II. 1. 3.) The consequence of a condition: This must be known; which, being kept close, might move more grief to hide than utter love. , (Sh. Hml. 2. 1.) All these adnominal sentences are very loosely connected to the sentence containing the antecedent, and they are almost equivalent to principal sentences. Comparing the earlier pa-rt of Modern English to the Anglo-Saxon and Old EngU'sh languages, we may say, that, although some more inflections of the subjunctive have been lost, it has maintained the same compass with reference to syntactical relations as we may infer from the use of the few remnants of former terminations. The feeling for the different moods was not yet lost, and we have seen that, in several cases where a greater distinction of moods was required, verbs of modality were used, an advantage the Romance languages cannot so much boast of, although with them the verbal forms are sometimes ambiguojis. In the English of our days the differences between the indicative and subjunctive moods have- almost entirely vanished in common prose; the subj. „is seldom used in conversation except by pedants," however, in elevated language and poetry it is still found according to the rules prevailing in the Elizabethan period. , William Kasten, Ph. D.