J» _, ■■ i'' ; I I I I , 'ti" ''' '''''"' ^ ,' ' ,', 1 ^jii'ii : »'i,f i^'^'''i '^j; QJarneU Intticraitg ffiibrarg JItlrara, Sfew Uorh «?»■: " 2 is'sr ,f^£B2 4]945 MAY 1 7 3948 R INT^RtTBT^ARTToAN NYSILL Cornell University Library F 160G3 K67 Social conditions among the Pennsvlvania olin 3 1924 032 283 370 The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://archive.org/details/cu31924032283370 n. Social Conditions among the Penn- sylvania Germans in the Eighteenth Century, as Revealed in German Newspapers Published in America ft A THESIS Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School OF Cornell University for the degree of DOCTOR OF' PHILOSOPHY BY JAMES OWEN KNAUSS Reprinted from Proceedings of the Fennsjlvknia-German Society, Vol. XXIX. Social Conditions among the Penn- sylvania Germans in the Eighteenth Century, as Revealed in German Newspapers Published in America A THESIS Presented to the Faculty 'of the Graduate School OF Cornell University for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY BY JAMES OWEN KNAUSS Reprinted from Proceedings of the Pennsylvania-German Fociety, Vol, XXIX. ^s \. f A.5\l:so+ Copyrighted 1922 BY THE (iennssIfanlasiSetman Ssciett. PRESS OF THE NEW ERA PRINTING COMPANY LANCASTER, PA. CONTENTS. Chapter Page I The Newspapers and their Publishers I II The Religion and the Religious Denominations of the Pennsylvania Germans 37 III Charities and Humanitarian Organizations 58 IV The Education and the Educational Facilities of the Pennsylvania Germans 73 V Language 104 VI Pennsylvania German Traits 119 VII The Vocations of the Pennsylvania Germans 127 VIII Political Ideals 141 Conclusion 168 Bibliography ; 212 ABBREVIATIONS. A =Der Unpartheyische Reading Adler (1796-1800). AS =Der Americanische Staatsbothe (1800). Ba =Ba.iley's Das Pennsylvanische Zeitungsblat (1778). CW =Die Chesnuthiller Wochenschrift (1790-1794). DP <=Der Deutsche Porcupein (1798-1799). GP ^=Der General Post-Bothe (1790). GZ ^Die Germantauner Zeitung (1785—1790). GZj =Die Germantauner Zeitung (i 790-1793). H =Hutter's Der Lancaster Correspondent (1799— 1800). M =Miller's Staatsbote (1762-1779). l^Xilj =Neue Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitung ( 1 787-1 797). NUR = iVeKe Unpartheyische Readinger Zeitung (1789— 1800). PC =Philadelphische Correspondenz (1781-1790). PCj =Philadelphische Correspondenz (1790-1797). PC, =Philadelphische Correspondenz (1798-1800). PC4 ==Philadelphische Correspondenz (1800). PS =Philadelphisches Staatsregister (1779-1780). PZ ^^Philadelphische Zeitung (i 755-1 757). S =Saur's paper (1739-1777). UH =Die Unpartheyische Harrisburg Zeitung (1799-1800). VI PREFACE. '^'WO considerations have rendered this subject espe- ^^ cially attractive to me. In the first place, none of the historians of the Germans in America has given it the attention which it deserved. Kuhns in his " German and Swiss Settlements of Colonial Pennsylvania " devotes one page to the subject of newspapers and mentions only one by name, Saur's colonial paper. Faust in his " German Element in the United States " discusses the German news- papers of the eighteenth century somewhat more in detail, although he does not mention half of them. In fact, it was Professor Faust himself who suggested the topic to me, because he knew what an imperfect knowledge his- torians possessed of this subject. Needless to say, neither Professor Faust nor Professor Kuhns derived the material for their accurate works from the periodical publications. Professor Oswald Seidensticker, the pioneer historian of the period, obtained much of his material from the old vili The Pennsylvania-German Society. Pennsylvania German papers, but he drew almost all of it from Saur's and Miller's colonial papers, and did not by any means exhaust even these papers as a source of histori- cal information. As to bibliographies of these news- papers, there are only two that deserve serious considera- tion. Seidensticfcer in his " First Century of German Printing in America " names about five sixths of the peri- odical publications, although his usual reliability is not apparent in his statements concerning the papers published in the last two decades of the century. Moreover, he often does not tell us where the files are located and never describes the state of their completeness. The second bibliography was compiled by Daniel Miller about twenty- five years after the appearance of Seidensticker's work in Der deutsche Pionier. He usually followed his prede- cessor very closely, often making the same mistakes, even minor ones such as a wrong initial or a wrong date. The second reason for my interest in the subject is a purely personal one. As a descendant of one of these early German immigrants, Ludwig Knauss, who arrived in this country as early as 1723, I have always felt a keen personal interest in that extraordinary group of Ameri- cans, the so-called Pennsylvania " Dutch." Reared in a rural community where the patois is still extensively spoken, I know their weakness and their strength. I have always felt the injustice done to them by those who have not been able to penetrate behind their stolid reserve. As an ex- ample of this injustice, we may well take the novels of Helen Reimensnyder Martin. I make no objection to her works as fiction and, as such, I have read several with much pleasure; but when she leads people to believe that her novels give an accurate picture of the ordinary Preface. ix Pennsylvania-German community, it seems to me time to disagree. Desiring to investigate first-hand records con- cerning the ancestors of these people, who are American to the core, I gladly availed myself of a source of informa- tion which has thus far scarcely been discovered. In writing down the results of my investigations, I have tried to be fair in giving an account of both the good and the bad qualities of the Pennsylvania Germans. News- papers present pitfalls as well as advantages in the search for truth. There is great danger for the historian if he does not strive for an unbiased viewpoint. He must not expect to gain an accurate idea of the social conditions in a community exclusively from newspapers, since the de- mand for reports of unusual events, or, in other words, for news, causes the papers to give us a much distorted view of existing conditions. My thanks are due to the librarians of the various libraries mentioned in my newspaper bibliography for the courteous treatment they accorded to me in my researches, and especially to the following library officers, whom I may have tried sorely with my unrelenting correspondence : Mr. Clarence S. Brigham, of the American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Massachusetts; Mr. Ernest Spofford, of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia; Mr. Thomas Lynch Montgomery, of the State Library, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania; Dr. I. M. Hays, of the Ameri- can Philosophical Society, Philadelphia; Mr. Andrew Shaaber, of the Berks County Historical Society, Reading, Pennsylvania; Miss Lottie Bausman, of the Lancaster County Historical Society, Lancaster, Pennsylvania, and Miss Lina Hertzog, of the Deutsche Gesellschaft, Phila- delphia. I want to give my thanks to Dr. Albert Cook X The Pennsylvania-German Society. Myers, of Moylan, Pennsylvania, for especially valuable suggestions concerning repositories of German American newspapers of the eighteenth century; to Mr. M. A. Gruber, of Washington, D. C. ; Mr. Ethan Allen Weaver, of Germantown, Pennsylvania; Reverend Dr. William J. Hinke, of Auburn, New York, and Mr. A. K. Hostetter, of Lancaster, Pennsylvania, for giving me important infor- mation about some of the early newspapers and their edi- tors, and to Dr. George C. Keidel, of Washington, D. C, for helpful suggestions about the arrangement of various parts of the monograph. I owe a special debt of gratitude to Dr. Albert Bernhardt Faust, of Cornell University, who, as mentioned above, first suggested this subject to me, for his inspiring guidance and sympathetic criticism. Prof. Carl Becker, of Cornell University, gave me the benefit of his searching and constructive criticism. Prof. Paul R. Pope, of Cornell, carefully reviewed the manu- script and gave me many valuable criticisms while I was revising the first draft. Finally, I want to thank the many friends, unnamed but unforgettable, who have kindly an- swered my letters of inquiry. James O. Knauss. Cornell University, February 23, 1918. CHAPTER I. THE NEWSPAPERS AND THEIR PUBLISHERS. '^HE German Americans of the eighteenth century, ^* whose descendants of the present day are generally known as Pennsylvania Germans, published a creditable number of newspapers. It has been definitely established that a total of thirty-eight^ German newspapers existed at various times between 1732 and the end of the century. Indeed, It Is probable that even more were published, since some of the less Important ones, which were In existence for only a very brief period, may have vanished without leaving any traces. I have been able to locate copies and reprints of twenty- five of the eighteenth century German American papers, but only very few copies of many of these twenty-five papers have been preserved. In fact, most of the material for this monograph has been drawn from six leading jour- nals, of which, fortunately, many issues are on file in vari- ous libraries. The two of these that were published be- fore the Revolutionary War were Saur's paper, of which about three hundred and fifty Issues between 1739 and 1777 are extant, and Miller's Staatsbote, of which about nine hundred issues between 1762 and 1779 have been ^ There were thirty-nine papers, if we consider the thrice-a-week edition of a paper as distinct from the weekly edition. 2 The Pennsylvania-German Society. located. The other four important papers were the Philadelphische Correspondenz (more than nine hundred and fifty issues are in existence that were published be- tween 178 1 and 1800), the Germantauner Zeitung (two hundred and forty-six issues between 1785 and 1793 are extant), the Neue Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitung, in- cluding the continuation of the paper under different titles (about four hundred and sixty-five issues between 1787 and 1800 have survived), and the Neue Unpartheyische Readinger Zeitung (about six hundred issues between 1789 and 1800 are in existence). To this group of post- bellum papers may be added the Reading Adler, which, however, is not very important for the eighteenth century, since its publication was begun only four years before the end of the century. Of the remaining eighteen news- papers, none were in existence more than six years and some less than a year. Of ten of these, I have found five or less copies, and of none of the remaining eight more than one hundred and ten. However, it is usually easy to form a fairly accurate estimate of their characteristics, even if only a few copies have been preserved. Most of the publishers were men with a high sense of responsibility. Their aim usually was to improve the social, political, intellectual, moral and religious conditions of their German American countrymen. For instance, in the first number of Franklin's Philadelphische Zeitung (May 6, 1732), L. Timothee, the editor, advises his sub- scribers to preserve the copies of the paper and to have them bound at the end of the year, since he intends to print in them an account of the founding of the province and a resume of all privileges, rights and laws of the colony. This information, in addition to the chronicle of contem- The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 3 porary events, the editor declares, will aid the readers in obtaining a more intelligent comprehension of the events of the following years. Thus the earliest German Ameri- can newspaper which has been located was published for the purpose of making the Germans better citizens of the province of Pennsylvania. Franklin's Zeitung did not thrive, probably because the time was not yet ripe for a successful German paper. A contributing cause of its failure was perhaps its German, fearfully and wonderfully made. As an example of this, the first sentence of the only advertisement in the second issue will suffice, " Es wird hi emit bekandt gemacht, dasz Hendrick Van Bebber, welcher viele Jahre her als Doctor Medicinae mit gutem success practicleret, hat sich hier zur wohn niedergesetzet." Louis Thimothee, the editor, was a protege of Franklin, who also made him librarian of the new Philadelphia Library, and later, after the death of Thomas Whitemarsh, sent him to South Carolina to take charge of his printing office in Charleston.^ In 1739 Christoph Saur started In Germantown, Penn- sylvania, the first German American newspaper which lived beyond the experimental stage. His Der Hoch-Deutsch Pennsylvanische Geschicht -Schreiber, Oder: Sammlung Wichtiger Nachrichten aus dem Natur- und Kirchen- Reich was in existence from 1739 to 1777. It was published by its founder up to the time of his death, on September 25, 1758, after which it was continued by his son, Christoph. The older Saur, according to the obituary notice^ by his 2 See Julius F. Sachse's article, "The First German Newspaper Pub- lished in America" (Proceedings of Pennsylvania German Society, Vol. X, p. 44). ^S 9-30-58. (For list of abbreviations used in referring to newspapers, see my newspaper bibliography and page vii. Whenever possible I give the number of the issue, not the date of the issue.) 4 The Pennsylvania-German Society. son, was sixty-four years old when he died. He had spent the last thirty-four years of his life in Pennsylvania. The son paid a glowing tribute to his father's conscientiousness and promised to attempt to continue his policy. The sec- ond Christoph Saur conducted the business up to the first years of the Revolutionary War, when he was succeeded by his two sons, Christoph Saur, Jr. (the third) , and Peter Saur. The exact date on which the transfer to the sons was made can not be determined, because no copies of the paper have been located between the issue of September 1 1, 1776, and that of February 26, 1777, the former of which still bore the name of Christoph Saur, while the latter was published by the sons. The Saur paper was undoubtedly the most influential German journal of the period. As a source of historical Information, it is probably also the most valuable German paper of the century, because the older Saur, far from be- ing a slavish Imitator of other publishers, printed what he thought was in keeping with the ideals which he expressed in the first number dated August 20, 1739. In his address to the readers he assures them that he does not Intend to publish the paper as a sacrifice to the idols of curiosity and of a desire to hear, see, know and say something new, nor will he publish It for the selfish purpose of attaining fame. He intends to publish the most useful and the most impor- tant stories and occurrences, so that they may create deeper impression and more meditation. This moral purpose was a distinguishing characteristic of the paper during the whole forty years of its existence. For instance, in Number 106 (March 16, 1749), Saur says he will not print confessions of counterfeiters because this would teach other rascals how to make spurious money. The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 5 The tendency of the paper to moralize was so pronounced that its opponents attacked the second Saur for this reason. They claimed* that he refused to publish news to which he could not attach a suitable moral. The Saurs were Dunkers or German Baptists. Faith- ful to the doctrines of this sect, the Saur paper always advocated non-resistance, attacked higher education and a specially educated clergy, but ever actively supported chari- table organizations and such movements which the pub- lishers believed would promote the physical and moral welfare of the community." They were scrupulously hon- est. The older Saur changed the title of the paper from Geschicht-Schreiber (Chronicler) to Berichte (News), be- cause it was impossible to prevent inaccurate news from getting into the paper.' Between April 9, 1762, and Au- gust I, 1766, the second Christoph Saur changed the word "Wichtiger" (important) in the title to "Wahrschein- licher" (probable), doubtless because he thought the for- mer adjective was not sufficiently accurate. That Saur's paper was very influential can readily be believed when we remember that the German Dunkers and Mennonites'' were in those early days very strong in num- bers and influence. In 1753 the paper had four thousand readers.* Saur's opponents also admit the strength of the paper's influence over the people. Heinrich Mtelchior Muhlenberg, in a letter written in 1754 to Benjamin Franklin, deplores the influence which Saur was wielding even over the Lutherans and the Reformed by means of * M 294, 296. 5 See Chapters II, III and IV. 8S 66. ' The Mennonites were closely allied with the Dunkers in doctrine. See Chapter II. 8S II-I-S3- 6 The Pennsylvania-German Society. his newspaper. He declares that despite all efforts to un- dermine this influence, Saur still retains the advantage, turning the Germans against their clergy and against every- body who endeavors to reduce them to order in church and state affairs." Prompted by his intensely religious nature, the second Saur commenced in 1764 the publication of a religious magazine, which was probably the first of its kind in America. In the "Vorrede" to Ein Geistlich.es Maga- zien he announces his intention of publishing it whenever time and circumstances will permit, asks his readers to write articles for it, and promises to distribute the copies gratuitously so that he may gain no temporal profit thereby. While the second Saur was a non-resistant, like all ortho- dox Dunkers, we have no adequate proof that he opposed the War of Independence, since only five issues of the paper for the years 1775, 1776 and 1777 have been lo- cated. It is probable that he preserved strict neutrality, not supporting either of the belligerents, but simply pub- lishing the news as he received it. We can well imagine that such a course was very unsatisfactory to the patriots, who began to regard him as an enemy. Hence his influ- ence, which had been declining for the preceding ten years, disappeared almost entirely. He became a marked man, when his sons, Christoph Saur, the third, and Peter Saur, published the old paper under a new name, Der Pennsylva- nische Staats-Courier, and made it a most rabid and coarse Tory paper during the British occupation of Philadelphia. We are inclined to wonder what caused this change in atti- tude on the part of the sons. Was it due to an over- whelming conviction of the justice of the British point of »See H. W. Smith's "Life and Correspondence of the Rev. William Smith, D.D." Vol. I. p. 66. The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 7 view, or to anger at the taunts and insults flung at them by- hot-headed patriots during the first two years of the strug- gle? So far as the father is concerned, it is generally believed that he remained completely neutral during these stormy times. Certainly his actions were those of an inno- cent man. On May 23, 1778, twenty-four days before the British left Philadelphia, he returned to his home in Germantown within the American lines^" — an act of folly for any man who was not completely unconscious of any guilt. On the British evacuation of Philadelphia the Americans confiscated the property of the father and his sons. When Henrich Miller, the publisher of the Stoats- bote, returned to the city he attempted to secure the press of Christoph Saur, the third." The goods of the second Saur were sold by the authorities at public sale, beginning on Monday, August 24, 1778. They consisted, among other things, of feather-beds, bedclothes, chairs, tables, writing tables, buffets, kitchen utensils, a printing press, Bibles and all his publications.^^ Thus ended the influence of the Saurs, the most remarkable family of German print- ers in the colonial period. Christoph Saur, the second, died on August 26, 1784, poor but faithful to the tenets of his sect. In the fall of 1790 Samuel Saur,^^ the youngest son of the second Saur, attempted to resurrect the prestige of the Saur family by starting Die Chesnuthiller Wochenschrift, which followed the same general principles as the German- town paper. It contained much religious material, pub- w McCuIIoch's Additional Memoranda, p. 136. 11 See broadside of July 23, 1778 by Henrich Miller, in possession of P. H. S. 12 M 880. 13 He was born in Germantown on March 30, 1767, and died in Balti- more, October 12, 1820. 8 The Pennsylvania-German Society. lished articles in favor of non-resistance and bitterly at- tacked higher education. It is quite probable that his Philadelphier Wochenblat and his Baltimore paper had the same characteristics. All pre-revolutionary German newspapers may be di- vided into two groups, the Saur papers and those of his opponents. The latter, of which, unfortunately, but few copies published prior to 1762 are in existence, favored higher education and upheld a policy of military defense. They were the organs of the Lutherans, the Reformed and the Moravians. Benjamin Franklin was often the financial backer of these papers. Whether this Is true of Das Hoch-deutsche Pennsylvanische Journal (1743) and of Gotthart Arm- briister's weekly of 1748, I have found no means of ascer- taining. Franklin probably had an interest in Johann Bohm's Philadelphier Teutsche Fama, for Franklin and Bohm were associated in a publishing company at that time." His name appeared as publisher of the Phila- delphia bi-lingual paper of 175 1 and of the Philadelphische Zeitung ( 1755- 1757) . It has been definitely proved that he was also the controlling factor in Miiller and Holland's Die Lancastersche Zeitung of 1752-1753." Copies of only the last two papers have been located. In these we look in vain for a strong personality, such as belonged to Saur. They generally give the news as colorlessly as pos- sible. The Philadelphische Zeitung printed detailed ac- counts of the doings of the provincial assembly and the progress of the French and Indian War. There seems to be no reliable information about the publishers of Die Lan- castersche Zeitung. We know absolutely nothing about "Adv. in S 107. 1' Sachse's " The German Sectarians," Vol. II, p. 443 ff. The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 9 S. Holland. H. Miiller, who was at first associated with Holland, was probably Henrich Miller, who later became famous as the publisher of the Staatsbote.^^ Anthon Arm- briister, who published the Philadelphische Zeitung in part- nership with Franklin, was a brother of Gotthart Arm- briister. Anthon continued in the printing business up to 1767 or 1768. In 1762 he was publishing Die Pennsyl- vanische Fama}'' He died in 1796. The Reverend John F. Handschuh was the editor of the Philadelphische Zeitung. He was a Lutheran minister, who had had charges in Lancaster and Germantown. In 1755 he was made professor of French at the academy which later be- came the University of Pennsylvania. From 1758 to his death in 1764 he was pastor of St. Michael's Lutheran Church in Philadelphia.^^ When Henrich Miller published the first number of Der Wochentliche Philadelphische Staatsbote, on January 18, 1762, the Saur newspaper at last faced a dangerous com- petitor. Miller was peculiarly qualified to be the most influential German printer and publisher of the stormy days preceding the Revolution. He had a thorough knowledge of the mechanical part of printing, having spent many years in the printing business at various places in Europe and America.^' As early as 17 15, when only thirteen years of age, he left his native Waldeck and en- tered upon his apprenticeship at Basel, Switzerland. When he departed from Basel for Zurich in 1721, he be- came a wanderer for thirty-nine years. In the fall of 1^ See below. "M 34, 35. 18 M 144. 1° The materials for the following biographical sketch were found in Miller's advertisement in S 6-19-61, in his farewell to his readers in M 920 and in the obituary notice in PC 51. 10 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 1721 he went to Leipzig, in 1722 to Altona, in 1725 to London, in 1729 to Altona again, in 1732 to Switzerland, where he worked at his trade in Basel, Geneva and Zurich. In 1738 we find him in Hamburg, in 1739 in Amsterdam, from which place he proceeded to Paris by way of Ant- werp and Brussels. In November, 1740, he arrived at London via Calais and Dover. Then he embarked for America, where on his arrival he began to work for Frank- lin. In 1742 he returned to Germany again. From 1747 to 175 1 he worked at his trade in England, Scotland and Ireland. In 175 1 he came to Philadelphia again. There is a conflict of authorities regarding Miller's activities dur- ing his second stay in America. His advertisement states that he worked for Hall and Bradfort (sic) in Phila- delphia and for Saur in Germantown. His obituary no- tice, however, records that he started a printing establish- ment. In 1754 he returned to Germany for the last time. In 1756 he operated his own printing press in England, where he published a semi-weekly German newspaper for fourteen thousand Hanoverian and Hessian troops who were quartered in that country during the whole summer. On September 12, 1760, he came to Philadelphia a third time and started a printing establishment of his own. These long years spent as a journeyman not only made him thoroughly acquainted with his trade, but broadened his views immensely. In this respect he was far the supe- rior of the younger Saur, who had had no such opportuni- ties to widen his horizon, having lived all his life among the sectarians in provincial Pennsylvania. In addition to Miller's experience and broad-mindedness, he was presum- ably a shrewd business man. Starting with hardly any surplus money,^" he succeeded in becoming the most influ- 20 M 65. The Newspapers and Their Publishers. ii ential German colonial printer. From the first he tried to introduce his paper throughout the English colonies. He had agents at various places in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, Maryland, Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia and Nova Scotia.^^ There was at least one more reason why Miller's paper was successful. The later German immigrants had been largely Lutheran, Reformed and Moravian. After hav- ing spent ten, twenty or thirty years in the country, these people had attained a certain degree of affluence, so that even their proverbial economy allowed them to buy news- papers. They naturally chose to read a good newspaper published by a non-sectarian rather than one published by such an uncompromising sectarian as Saur. The most striking feature of the Staatsbote is the fact that it contains very little news that gives us an insight into the life and customs of the contemporary German Ameri- cans as distinguished from their English neighbors. Per- haps this is due to the circumstance that Miller had spent only very few years in the colony. To a certain degree he had become a cosmopolitan through his long wanderings, so that as an editor he was not interested in the every-day life of the people whom he served. We must not conclude, however, that Miller was not interested in the welfare of the Germans. For instance, his paper mentioned with favor the organization of a Deutsche Gesellschaft, which had as its chief aim the amelioration of conditions among the German immigrants.^^ According to Miller's greetings to the readers in the first number of the Staatsbote, he wanted by his trade to serve God and his neighbors (especially the Germans liv- 21M I ff. 22 M IS3, 155, 157 et al. 12 The Pennsylvania-German Society. ing in this part of the world, so far removed from their fatherland) with fidelity and to the best of his ability. He maintained that a Christian could promote by means of a newspaper not only the general welfare, but also the glory of God. He promised to make the news in his paper as accurate as possible and occasionally to extol the virtues of a Christian and of a citizen. This proclaimed religious aim would lead us to expect editorial notes, moralizing on various events, similar to those found in Saur's paper. Instead of moral reflections, however. Miller inserted in his paper paragraphs describing the location and appear- ance of places mentioned in the foreign dispatches. Some- times he also appended observations on great political events of Europe. There is no question that Miller's chief interest lay in making his German countrymen intelligent citizens of the province. He desired to make them acquainted with po- litical conditions. He printed unusually full reports of the doings of the Pennsylvania Provincial Assembly, occa- sionally issuing supplements for this purpose.^' During the stirring times between 1765 and 1779 he was always on the side of liberty.^* - He was continually calling the attention of the Germans to the fact that they lived in a good country. " What great cause we have to thank God for His kindness and for the good land which He has given to us."" Since Miller was politically inclined, we may safely as- sume that he copied much from the English papers of the period. This belief is strengthened by a notice in the Staatshote of October 15, 1771, that the issue of the pre- 2' M 118, 120 for example. 2* See Chapter VIII. «M 516. The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 13 ceding week had contained a misstatement owing to the fact that the publisher had copied the item from the English papers. The War for Independence brought with it hard times for Miller, as it did for so many others. One of his chief difficulties was the scarcity of labor. On December 3, 1776, he warned his subscribers that he might have to dis- continue the regular weekly issue, because he could not find any helper. On April 21, 1779, he uttered a similar com- plaint. The increased pressure of hard times was also in- dicated by the change in the price of the newspaper from six shillings to eight shillings^" and later to two pounds five shillings.^' When the British threatened Philadelphia, Miller fled on September 25, 1777, leaving all his possessions^^ behind him. Returning on July 4, 1778, he found himself robbed of his presses and of most of his books. He says a certain James Robertson took the better press, while the robbers, Christoph Saur, Jr., & Co., seized much of the remaining one. However, this did not deter him from beginning the publication of the paper again on August 5, 1778. In this number he greets his friends thus : Werthe Freunde, Nachdem ich mich einigermassen von der Besturzung in welche mich der Raub meiner Druckerey gesetzt hat, erholt habe, will ich getrost, in Gottes Namen wieder anfangen, ihnen nach Vermogen, mit meinen iibrig gelassenen Buchstaben und einer geborgten Presse zu dienen. The paper was published regularly up to May 26, 1779, when it suspended publication. As early as April 28 he- printed this notice : «8M 875. "M 886. 38 See broadside by Miller dated July 22, 1778. 14 The Pennsylvania-German Society. Noth hat kein Geboth. Wenn meine resp. Kunden die Zeitung nicht richtig kri'gen oder ich sie aufgeben musz, mogen sie vest glauben, dasz meine schlechten Umstande, mein hohes Alter, Leibesschwache, und dasz ich ohne Hiilfe bin, es verursachen. Miller probably left Philadelphia in the fall of 1779, for he insisted that all his creditors should call for their money before the end of August, 1779.^* He died at Bethlehem on Sunday, March 31, 1782, as his obituary notice^" says, "ein um das Publicum und besonders die Deutschen sehr wohl verdienter Mann." His farewell" to the readers of his paper deserves to be quoted in full, because it shows the spirit which animated the man. AUerseits Hochgeehrte Herren, Freunde und Landsleute. Sie wissen dasz der Sabbath so alt ist als die Schopfung. Es heiszt von dem Herrn unserm Gott selbst : Er ruhete am siebenten Tage von alien seinen Werken die Er machte. Die Felder hatten ihren Sabbath; die Thiere genossen ihn; er ist ganz besonders um des Menschen willen eingesetzt; und wird mit der Zeit die Sehnsucht aller geschafEenen Wesen. Nur der Hiiter Israel schlafet und schlummert nicht. Wenn heutiges tags ein Mann sein 6ostes Jahr zuruckgelegt hat, so halt man dafiir sein Sabbath solte angehen, und er selbst nicht mehr arbeiten, sondern nur zusehen dasz andere fur ihn ihre Arbeit recht machen. Ich bin nun, werthe Freunde, nicht weit von 80 Jahren, beynahe durch den Raub meiner Druckerey in meinem Beruf ruinirt, ohne gehorige Hiilfe und Unterstiitzung : Was deucht Ihnen? Sie werden mirs gewisz nicht verdenken dasz ich mich nach meiner Sabbaths-ruhe sehne, und zu dem End ich es nothig erachte die Zeitung aufzugeben, als eine Arbeit die punktlich an einem bestimmten Tag fertig seyn musz. 2»M 920. 8»PC SI. '^ M 920. The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 15 Die Abfertigung eines Staatsboten gehort fiir einen frischen, hurtigen Mann. So lang ich ein solcher war, geehrte Landsleute, diente ich Ihnen herzlich gern ; hab auch wirklich bey 50 Jahr fast immer mit Zeitungen zu thun gehabt, ehedem in der Schweiz und Deutschland ; und als in dem letztern Kriege zwischen Frankreich und England einmal 14000 Man Hanoverischer und Heszischer Truppen den Sommer hindurch in England lagen, bediente ich, auf Ersuchen des Stabes, ihre beyden Lager zweymal in der Woche mit einer Deutschen Zeitung. Die Leute mogen Zeitungen ansehen wie sie wollen, ich habe sie immer fur gemein niitzlich gehalten, und die Aufsetzung und Ausgabe derselben fiir eine angenehme Beschaftigung eines Mannes von einem mittelmaszigen Alter. Hat meine geringe Zeitungsarbeit, geehrte und werthe Land- sleute, Ihren Beyfall gehabt, wird es mir ein besonder Vergniigen seyn; ganz das Gegentheil vermuth ich nicht, sondern glaube es ist doch manchen damit gedient gewesen. Ich habe gethan was ich konte, danke meinen Freunden und Gonnern fiir Ihre Ermunterung, und bitte mir Ihre fernere Gewogenheit aus bey eraugnender Gelegenheit. Meine Treue zu diesem Lande ist, wie ich hoffe, genugsam bekannt; und was meine Achtung fiir die Deutsche Nation betrifft, so mocht ich wiinschen ein jeder Deutsche verstiinde ihre Wurdigkeit. Ich meines theils verharre dieses ganzen Landes doch vorziiglich der Deutschen, treuergebener Freund und Diener. H. Miller. Besides Der Pennsylvanische Staats Courier, mentioned above, three other German papers were published at vari- ous times during the War for Independence — Das Penn- sylvanische Zeitungs-Blat, Die Pennsylvanische Gazette and Philadelphisches Staatsregister. None of them con- tinued to the end of the war. Das Pennsylvanische Zeitungs-Blat was published in Lancaster during the first half of 1778, while the British i6 The Pennsylvania-German Society. were in possession of Philadelphia. It contained war news almost exclusively. The publisher notified the public that he would stop publishing the paper on June 24, 1778, be- cause there had not been enough demand for it since the enemy had evacuated Philadelphia.^^ Francis Bailey, the publisher, learned the trade at Ephrata, Lancaster County, Pennsylvania.'^ In the eighties he published an English paper. Freeman's Journal, in Philadelphia. Die Pennsylvanische Gazette made its first appearance on February 3, 1779. The publisher, John Dunlap, prob- ably intended to issue it as the successor to the defunct Saur paper, since he also continued the editions of the Saur almanac under the old title. I do not know whether more than one issue was ever published, but it was no longer in existence in July of that year. The first number, the only one I have located, is full of war news, and the advertise- ments are limited almost entirely to the offering of rewards for the apprehension of thieves and other criminals. The Philadelphisches Staatsregister, published by Mel- chior Steiner and Charles Cist, had an existence of almost a year and perhaps of almost two years. In form and content it does not differ essentially from the two last-men- tioned papers. In the first number, dated July 21, 1779, the publishers say that since there is not a single German paper in America at the present time, they will publish one even in these hard times for a quarter of a year in order to find out whether they will receive sufficient support to con- tinue it. The same firm had intended*"* to start a German paper in 1776, but apparently never had secured the five hundred subscribers necessary to carry out the project. «2Ba 21. »s McCulloch's Additional Memorartda. "S 64s and M 781. The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 17 The firm was dissolved in 178 1, after having been in ex- istence since December, 1775.'° Cist^' was born in St. Petersburg in 1738. When he came to America he joined the Moravians. After 178 1 he continued in the printing business on his own account. In 1784, with others, he published an English monthly, the American Herald; in 1786, another one, Columbian Magazine. In the admin- istration of Adams he was appointed the printer for the national government. He died in 1805 and was buried at Bethlehem. Melchior Steiner was the son of the Reverend Conrad Steiner, former pastor of the Reformed Church of Philadelphia. '^ William McCulloch says both father and son were born in Switzerland.^^ After the dissolution of the firm, Steiner and Cist, Melchior Steiner commenced the publication of the Gemeinniitzige Philadelphische Corre- spondenz. In 1797 or 1798 he severed connection with this firm and, according to Seidensticker, went to Washing- ton, where he died in 1807.^' With the year 1781a new period in the history of Ger- man American newspapers began. They became increas- ingly political in nature as the end of the century ap- proached. As a rule, we look in vain for the originality which is found in the older Saur's paper and even in Mil- ler's Staatsbote. The number of newspapers Increased from one In 1781 to at least thirteen at the beginning of 1800. Before 178 1 all the German newspapers had been published in Germantown and Philadelphia, with two or 25 See advertisement in M 758. 88 The material for this biographical sketch is taken from " Geschichte' der deutschen Gesellschaft," pp. 469-470. 8^ See Chapter II. S8 McCulloch's Additional Memoranda, p. 240. *' Seidensticker's " First Century of German Printing in America." p. 96. 1 8 The Pennsylvania-German Society. three exceptions. At the beginning of 1 800 we find them also appearing in Baltimore, Hagerstown, Hanover, York, Lancaster, Harrisburg, Reading and Easton. The paper that ushered in the new period was the Ge- meinniitzige Philadelphische Correspondenz, which prob- ably made its initial appearance on May 2, 1781. It was destined to have an existence of more than thirty-one years. Melchior Steiner, the publisher, was fortunate in securing the Lutheran ministers, the Reverends Kunze and Hel- muth, as editors of his paper, either at the time that he issued the first number or shortly thereafter. They re- tained the editorship for several years.^" It was probably due to their able supervision that the publication became noted for its efficient news service. In the fall of 1782 it could boast that English papers were printing translations of its news. The various items actually appeared earlier in the German paper than in its English contemporaries. This is in marked contrast with the earlier German papers, in which the news appeared about two weeks later than in the English papers.*^ The Philadelphische Correspondenz became so influential that by 1788 it had a considerable number of readers in Germany.^^ Gradually, however, the standard of the paper declined, so that Steiner announced*' a change of editors in 1790. When the new editor, C. C. Reiche," took charge in Octo- ber of that year, the paper became a semi-weekly. Steiner promised that it would be conducted on an entirely new plan, that the editor would explain and comment upon the «" " Hallesche Nachrichten," Vol. II, p. 786. *iPC 82. «PC 380. ^8 PC 486. *^ See below. The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 19 various news Items. These explanations stopped almost entirely with the issue of November 5, 1790. Since Reiche died in December*^ after an illness of six weeks, we may conclude that he was the author of the explanatory material. From this time on the standard of the paper again became lower. It suspended publication during the height of the yellow fever epidemics of 1793, 1798 and 1799. In 1793 both Kammerer*' and Steiner, who were its publishers, were attacked by the fever, but fortunately recovered.*^ In 1798 the three Kammerer brothers. Hen- rich, Joseph and Friedrich, who were then the publishers, also fell ill with the disease, and two of them, Henrich, the oldest, and Friedrich, the youngest,^^ failed to recover. When the Kammerer brothers took charge of it in 1798, they promised to make it strictly non-partisan. At first they published communications from both political parties. They soon, however, commenced to show preference for the Anti-Federalists, probably because the rival Phila- delphia German paper, Schweitzer's Pennsylvanische Cor- respondenz, vigorously espoused the cause of Federalism. In 1799 the Philadelphische Correspondenz aggressively attacked the Lutheran minister, the Reverend Endresz.*^ This marks the end of the close connection which had up to that time existed between this journal and the Lutheran church. The paper reached its lowest ebb in March, 1800, when «5 PCa 23. 48 According to the " Geschichte der deutschen Gesellschaft " (p. 501). H. Kammerer was a prominent member and officer of the " Gesellschaft," was a captain in the Revolutionary War and member of the Pennsylvania Assembly from 1792-1794. He probably died in 1797. *7 PCj 252. *8PC3 22. « PCs 44 ff. 20 The Pennsylvania-German Society. it contained hardly any news or advertisements, but was filled with extracts copied from various German American papers. We may safely assert that the Philadelphische Correspondenz was at one period of its existence among the best edited German papers of the post-Revolutionary days, and at another, unquestionably the worst. The limit was reached when the sole proprietor, George Helmbold, Jr.,"" confessed that he could not write articles in German, but had to hire somebody to translate them for him from English." We can not help wondering how his thrice-a- week edition^^ looked. Unfortunately, or fortunately per- haps, no copies of it have been discovered. When. Helm- bold took John Geyer^^ into the firm in April, 1800, the paper improved again, if the few copies located give us a fair idea of it. According to McCulloch,^* the paper was continued by Geyer to August 12, 18 12, when its long existence came to an end. From 1781 to 1785 Steiner's paper had no competitors. In 1785, however, Peter Leibert, a wealthy Dunker, com- menced the bi-weekly Germantauner Zeitung for his son- in-law, Michael Billmeyer, a Lutheran. Leibert did this in order to have his daughter and his son-in-law near him. He was an old man and intended to retire from active oo George Helmbold, according to Cist's " Cincinnati Miscellanies " (Vol. I p. 98) published an English paper, the Tickler, in 1807 in Phila- delphia, and after the War of 1812, the Independent Balance. He served as a private in this war. "PCa 69. ^^ See bibliography. 53 John Geyer was born in Philadelphia on April 18, 1778. In 1810 he and Conrad Zentler published Der americanische Beobachter. In 1813 he was mayor of Philadelphia. He dieid in October 1835. (These statements from "Geschichte der deutschen Gesellschaft," p. 482.) "McCulIoch's Additional Memoranda, p. 242. The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 21 participation in the publication of the paper as soon as Billmeyer should have learned the trade thoroughly." Having sufficient capital at their command, the new firm immediately became a formidable rival of Steiner. They published the new Lutheran hymnal in 1786/® The Pennsylvania Assembly selected them as the German pub- lishers of its proceedings. This met with strong opposi- tion from Steiner, who apparently had a petition circulated in November, 1785, to induce the Assembly to choose an- other German printer, on the ground that the German- tauner Zeitung was not as influential in Philadelphia as the Philadelphische Correspondenz.^'' To this Billmeyer replied that, although he had only one hundred and sixty subscribers in the city, his publication had many more read- ers in the rural districts than Steiner's.^* It is safe to assume that this statement was entirely true, because the sectarians, most of whom lived in the country, assuredly preferred this paper, since one of its publishers was a Bun- ker and since its name, Germantauner Zeitung, reminded^' the older ones of Saur's influential paper.*" Moreover, the firm attempted to make it useful to the farmers by publishing articles"^ on improved agricultural methods. As agreed upon, Leibert in 1787 severed his connection with the firm which was publishing the newspaper, al- though he continued to publish books in his own name. The intimate relations of the men did not cease, as is 65 GZ 27. 68 GZ 42. o^PC 251. 68 GZ 27. 60 PC 195. '" It, however, voiced none of the peculiar Dunker beliefs such as non- resistance and opposition to higher education. 81 See GZ2 44, 58, GZ 62, 65, 67, 68 et al. 22 The Pennsylvania-German Society. proved by the fact that Billmeyer lived in Leibert's house to the spring of 1789.°^ In 1790 the paper was changed to a weekly and reduced in size. The last copy which I have located bears the date of January 15, 1793.°^ With the next paper published in the vicinity of Phila- delphia, Samuel Saur's Chesnuthiller Wochenschrift, I do not need to concern myself here, because it has been dis- cussed at another place. In October, 1797, Heinrich Schweitzer started his semi-weekly Pennsylvanische Corre- spondenz in Philadelphia. Seldensticker^* says it suc- ceeded Steiner's Philadelphische Correspondenz. This is a mistake, since, as we have seen, the latter paper continued into the nineteenth century. The Pennsylvanische Corre- spondenz was strongly Federalist in politics, as is proved by the attacks directed against it in the Philadelphische Correspondenz.^^ It was supported by many of the Ger- man Lutherans.®' It is not known how long the paper was published after it was made a weekly in August, 1 800. I have been able to find only few accounts of Schweitzer. He was married to Polly Kugler, of Philadelphia, on April 14, 1799," was secretary of the German Society in 1800 and died in 1810.°' The real deterioration of the German press commenced when German newspapers began to appear in the inland towns. Since the different localities naturally encouraged their home papers, the Philadelphia papers inevitably lost many country subscribers. With ever-decreasing revenue «2GZ no. ^3 See bibliography. «* " First Century of German Printing in America," p. 150. 85 See PCs 66 ff and July 30, 1800. «" PCs 67. " PCa 44. 8' Seidensticker, op. cit., p. 150. The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 23 their standards became continually lower. But the inland newspapers were generally just as poor. They were com- monly published by men of little education, less wealth and no talent at all. Since the papers presumably had only a limited local circulation, the publishers had great difficulty in avoiding bankruptcy. In spite of this, they might have improved, if the heated politics of 1795-1800 had not caused the establishment, in almost every town, of German organs of the two parties. Thus we find two papers of opposing political opinions in York, Lancaster, Reading and Philadelphia. The result may be imagined. Competition in this case was detrimental to both parties. Another reason why the German papers did not thrive was Pennsylvania German economy. In 1790 the Ger- man publishers of Lancaster complain that, while the Anglo-American press is flourishing, the German Ameri- can press is losing ground. ■ Although the English papers cost two dollars per year and the German only one dollar, the Germans club together so that two, three or four fam- ilies get a newspaper in common. If a book costs more than nine pence or one shilling, the Germans will not buy it. The result is that the English publications are supe- rior to the German."' Still another cause of the deterioration of the German papers is probably found in the tendency of the Germans to become anglicized in speech.'"' Since, according to one estimate, only six thousand Germans came to this country between 1765 and 1785,^^ this assimilation gained great impetus. Hence an increasing number of Germans failed to support German newspapers. 8»NUL 175. 70 See Chapter V. 71 GP 10. This estimate is undoubtedly too low. Ten thousand is more nearly correct. 24 The Pennsylvania-German Society. The honor of establishing the first post helium German paper in the interior of Pennsylvania belongs to the town of Lancaster. On August 8, 1787, the first issue of the Neue Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitung appeared. The publishers were Stiemer, Albrecht and Lahn. In the first number they promise to make the paper of value to the young people by moral and instructive essays. They de- sire to be non-partisan. They will encourage higher edu- cation. They expect to print accounts of European af- fairs, especially of those of Germany. These promises were fairly well kept at first. The paper became the strong champion of the new Franklin College at Lancaster. It always encouraged religious tolerance. It sturdily urged the adoption of the new Federal Constitution. In addition to this, it occasionally published articles on im- proved methods of farming. Anthon Stiemer had begun his apprenticeship with Christoph Saur, the second, and finished it with Carl Cist.^^ In 1783 an Anthon Stiemer was a merchant in Phila- delphia." Stiemer was probably the most talented mem- ber of the firm, for the paper became noticeably poorer after his death in April, 1788, when he was still less than thirty years of age. Jacob Lahn was probably the best educated and wealth- iest member of the firm. In 1783 he desired to commence a French evening school in Philadelphia.'^* In 1785 he owned a circulating library in that city." He retired from active partnership in the firm in the spring of 1790. After that he conducted a large book store in Lancaster." ^2 McCuUoch's Additional Memoranda, p. 190. " PC 109. '*PC 124. 75 PC 217. " NUL 130, 169 ff. 202, 227, 258. The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 25 Johann Albrecht, the third member of the firm, had also served his apprenticeship with Saur. He was considered the best pressman in America." In 1788 his firm won the prize offered by the " Pennsylvania Society for the Encour- agement of Manufacturing and of the Useful Arts " for the best and finest specimen of a bound book of not less than one hundred and fifty pages, which was printed from type and on paper made in Pennsylvania/' When Al- brecht became the leading member of the firm the paper lost almost all of its originality. It was already anti- French in 1793. It is unfortunate that no copies of it have been found which were published between the end of 1793 and the beginning of 1798, because it was in this period that the political alignment occurred, which made the German papers of 179 8-1 800 almost exclusively politi- cal in character. At the beginning of 1798 Johann Albrecht and Com- pany changed the name of the paper to Der Deutsche Porcupein. Albrecht frankly said that the purpose of the paper was the same as that of William Cobbett's Peter Porcupine's Gazette, namely, to defend the country against the Democrats, Jacobins and disturbers of the peace." Although the change of name created quite a storm of protest, he defended himself by saying that he did not want to use the word "unpartheyische" any longer, be- cause some "unpartheyische" papers had appeared which were an injustice to the name.'" He probably referred to the Reading Adler and to the York Gazette. The paper was undoubtedly faithful to the purpose just mentioned. '7 McCuIIoch's Additional Memoranda, p. 190. 7S NUL 68. " DP 1. 8» DP 2. 26 The Pennsylvania-German Society. For two years it poured forth a perfect stream of coarse abuse on the Anti-federalists, to the exclusion of almost everything else. In this it surpassed all other German Federalist papers which I have read. In 1800, when its name was changed to Der Americanische Staatsbothe, its tone became calmer, but the general standard did not im- prove. We do not know the exact date when the first opposition paper was launched in Lancaster. Both Seidensticker'^ and Miller^^ say the second German paper in that town was Der Lancaster Correspondent. However, I have dis- covered that an Anti-federalist paper, Des Landmanns Wochenblatt, was commenced in February, 1798, and sus- pended publication on February 19, 1799. Its successor. Das Lancaster Wochenblatt, started on February 26, 1799, and had already passed out of existence on May 25, 1799, when Der Lancaster Correspondent made its initial ap- pearance.^^ Since no copies of these papers have been located, we know nothing about their characteristics, al- though we have no reason to doubt that they were almost entirely filled with political news. The publisher of both papers was William Hamilton,^* who had been publishing an English paper, the Lancaster Journal, in Lancaster for a number of years. The editor of the Landmanns Woch- enblatt, and probably also of the Lancaster Wochenblatt, was Conrad Wortmann, a German from the old country. Christian Jacob Htitter, the publisher of Der Lancaster Correspondent, said in the first number of his paper that it would be non-partisan in its news, but that he was proud *^ Seidensticker, op. cit., p. 153. 82 Daniel Miller's " Early German American Newspaper," p. 47. 83 See bibliography for further details. 8* See Lancaster Journal of Jan. 27, 1798. Also H i. The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 27 to be an American. "Wir sind Americanerl wir haben die Fackel der Freyheit angezundet ! " He did not retain this moderate tone for any length of time. Attacked by Albrecht, Hiitter vied with him in vilification. He con- tinued the paper to September 3, 1 803. Then he moved^" to Easton, Northampton County, where he commenced Der Northampton Correspondent in 1806, which remained in existence up to 1903. Hiitter was bom in Saxe-Gotha, Germany, on May 17, 177 1, came to America in 1789 and settled in Bethlehem. After he had started the North- ampton Correspondent, he also made three attempts to publish English papers. The Pennsylvania Herald and Easton Intelligencer, The People's Instructor and The Centinel. During the War of 1 8 1 2 he was a lieutenant- colonel of the militia. From 1822 to 1825 he was a mem- ber of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives.^^ The second inland town of Pennsylvania which could boast of a German paper was Reading. The first number of the Neue Unpartheyische Readinger Zeitung appeared on February 18, 1789. The firm was Johnson, Barton and Jungmann. Johnson was probably Benjamin John- son, who conducted a hardware store In Reading and sold books.^^ I have been unable to learn anything about Bar- ton. Gottlob Jungmann, who was the only one of the three connected with the firm later than 1793, was un- doubtedly the editor of the paper. His opponent, Jacob Schneider of the Adler, said'^ that Jungmann in his early years had been a teacher, a musician, a clerk in a store, a 85 See Miller, op. cit., p. 47. 88 This information about Hutter, I have obtained from Mr. O. L. Fehr of Easton, Pennsylvania, who vras the last publisher of Der Northampton Corresfondent. 87 NUR I. 88 A 57. 28 The Pennsylvania-German Society. weaver, a notorious card player and a soldier, but had never been successful in anything. After discounting Schneider's malice toward Jungmann, we can still believe that he had had a rather checkered career. When the Readinger Zeitung had passed out of existence in the first decade of the new century, he started Der Standhafte Patriot.^" I have been unable to ascertain anything about Briickmann, one of Jungmann's later partners. Johann®" Gruber, who belonged to the firm from June 26, 1793, to December 31, 1794, was born October 31, 1768, at Stras- burg, Lancaster County. He was apprenticed at the age of fifteen to Charles Cist to learn the art of printing. After the completion of his apprenticeship his father ad- vised a sea voyage on account of his poor health. In 179 1 he went to San Domingo. During his stay there he was engaged as a compositor on a French newspaper. Be- cause of the rebellion which was raging on the island, he was obliged to escape in the disguise of a sailor. After severing relations with Jungmann, he settled at Hagers- town, Maryland, where he started Die Westliche Corre- spondenz.^'^ He died at this place on December 29, 1857. In the first number of the Neue Unpartheyische Read- inger Zeitung the publishers enumerate sundry advantages which they hope will arise from the publication of the paper. Adults will become more fluent in reading, while children will gladly go to school and learn in order that they may be able to read the paper. Thus the desire for knowledge will grow. Everybody will understand our government better. The people of Berks County will 8* Daniel Miller, op. cit. p. 57. "o For this biography of J. Gruber, I am indebted to Mr. M. A. Gruber, Washington, D. C, a descendant of a collateral branch of the family. "1 See below. The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 29 learn something about the views of their neighbors. They will be able to vote more intelligently. The farmers can read about new methods in farming. Old prejudices and superstitions will pack up and wander over the Blue Moun- tains. In city and country there will be much reading. The reading of newspapers will lead to the reading of useful books. Schools will be established and a county school at Reading will receive encouragement. The churches will also obtain a fresh stimulus. Despite the expression of such sanguine hopes, the paper was wretchedly edited. Often more than half of the issue was filled with advertisements. The publishers were frank in confessing that they copied many news items from the Philadelphische Correspondenz, the Germantauner Zeitung, the Lancaster Zeitung and the English papers.*" Although Jungmann was by no means a talented man, the poverty of the publishers was probably the chief reason for its low standard. When they desired to publish a new edition of the Marburger Gesangbuch, they asked the sub- scribers to pay half of the subscription immediately, so that new type and other necessary materials might be bought. In the last five years of the century Jungmann also was drawn into the whirlpool of politics. Since he was an ardent Federalist, he lost many readers among his Anti- federalist constituency.^' The loss was accelerated by the appearance of a rival paper which was edited with real ability. This was the famous Reading Adler, the first issue of which (a sample number) appeared on November 29, 1796. It was published by the firm Jacob Schneider and Georg Gerrisch, who in July of that year had started an 82NUR 106. "3 NUK 509. 30 The Pennsylvania-German Society. English paper, The Impartial Reading Herald. Accord- ing to Jungmann,'* Schneider had been, in the last eight or nine years before he commenced to publish the Adler, a teacher, a silversmith, a clockmaker, a miller, a book- binder, a hotel landlord, the owner of a billiard table, a sign painter, Jungmann's helper, a Lancaster and Reading post rider. Schneider calmly admitted that Jungmann's statements were accurate.^^ The partnership of Schneider and Gerrisch was dissolved when the latter fled from Read- ing, leaving many debts."' Apparently he was also ac- cused of horse stealing, since a Robert Harris offered a reward for the arrest of George Gerrisch, book printer, who had stolen a black mare from him.°^ The publishers of the paper state that the chief purposes of newspapers are to help social and political life and to disseminate knowledge. They promise to be as impartial as possible."^ This paper is much superior to the Read- inger Zeitung in every way. It is unrivaled in its witty and shrewd attacks on its political opponents."® Probably the most remarkable feature about the Adler is the fact that it was published continuously for one hundred and seventeen years, a record which no other German American paper has ever equaled. It suspended publication in 19 13. For several reasons it is unfortunate that I have been unable to locate more than two issues of the German papers of York County. Since the town of York was situated on the most traveled highway between Pennsylvania and Maryland, it is probable that these papers contained many 9^ NUR 467. s'A 57. SB NUR 467, A 57. " NUR 440. »8A 1. »» See Chapter VIII. The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 31 references to the German newspapers of Maryland, a sub- ject of which we know so little. It is also almost certain that some of the York County newspapers were unusually well edited. Die Unpartheyische York Gazette, the first German paper in York County, held a position of prominence among the publications of the time. The German Anti- federalist papers copied long articles from it and the Fed- eralist papers mentioned it in the most withering terms at their command. All of the German papers of the period of which I have seen copies mentioned it."" Even some of the English papers attacked it, as Fenno's Gazette of the United States of 1800. There is no doubt tTiat this frequent mention indicates that the York Gazette contained many original items, in marked contrast with almost all of the other German sheets of the day. It was probably broad-minded in its religious views. For instance, it de- fended Governor McKean when he permitted his daughter to marry a Spanish Catholic.^"^ It made an exceedingly bold statement for the time when it asserted In Number 213 that no mortal can decide who is right, he who respects neither the Bible nor divine service, or he who does respect them.^"^ The publisher of the paper was Solomon Mayer, who had come to York from Ephrata,^"' Lancaster County, where he had been publishing in partnership with Henry Wlllcocks an English paper. The Lancaster County Politi- cal Mirror, in 1793.^°* The opposition Federalist paper, Der Volksherichter, i»o E.g. AS 109, PCa 3, NUR 452, DP 19. "iPCs 61. W2AS 119. losAS 112. i»* NUR 253. 32 The Pennsylvania-German Society. was started In 1799. The editor was the Reverend Gor- ring/"' of York. It promised to avoid all partisan one- sldedness. Its main alms were to maintain the Christian religion and to give the young' people a useful paper. It was to be in reality a religious paper. This emphasis on religion was caused by the feeling that the Anti-federalists were enemies of religion because they supported the doc- trines of the French Revolution. The paper was true to its promises. We find that it published an article in de- fense of religion."* It also attacked Logan's proposed school system"^ because the system would eliminate re- ligious instruction from the school room.^"* In 1800 It printed a bitter three-column attack on free-thinking."' The publisher, Andrew Billmeyer, according to Seiden- stlcker,"" was a brother of Michael Billmeyer, the pub- lisher of the Germantauner Zeitung. The York County German paper published at Hanover was probably a supporter of the Federalists, because the name of the publisher, W. D. Lepper, Is mentioned by the Philadelphische Correspondenz as one of the pall-bearers at the funeral of the semi-weekly Pennsylvanische Corre- spondenz^^"- According to R. G. Thwaltes,"' W. D. Lep- per published Der Patriot am Ohio In New Lisbon, Ohio, in 1808. This was presumably the same man who had been In Hanover. There Is some doubt about the time when the first Ger- i°5 UH 24. i»8NUR 584. "'See Chapter IV. "SNUR 602. 1<">AS 119. ^1" op. cit, p. 153. "iPC 7-30-1800. 112 AAS proceedings, 1908-1909, p. 344. The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 33 man newspaper was established in Harrisburg. Seiden- sticker/" quoting William H. Egle, says that Die Un- partheyische Harrisburg Zeitung was started on March i, 1794, but it seems rather that the first number was issued in 1799."* The paper favored the Anti-federalists, but was not strongly partisan. It contained much American news copied from the Easton, Reading, Lancaster, York, Hagerstown, Baltimore, New York, Philadelphia, Charles- town and other papers. The local news was usually col- lected in a column, which was headed by a cut of the rising sun. In 1793 Jacob Weygandt began the publication in Easton of the Neuer Unpartheyischer Eastoner Bothe und Northamptoner Kuridschafter. Judging from the one copy which I have seen, the paper was not above the aver- age standard of the German publications of the period. Apparently it supported the Anti-federalists. The pub- lisher,^" Jacob Weygandt, was born in Germantown on December 13, 1742, a son of Palatine immigrants. In 1 75 1 the family moved to what is now South Bethlehem, and in 1761 to the vicinity of the present borough of Tatamy, Northampton County. After having served as captain in the War for Independence, Weygandt settled at Easton, where he commenced the paper mentioned above. In 1 805 it was succeeded by Der Eastoner Deutsche Patriot und Landmanns Wochenblatt, which was discontinued on April I, 1 8 14. Weygandt was State Assemblyman from 1808 to 1811. He died on July II, 1828. The subject of German papers in Maryland is an unex- iw See op. cit., p. 137. 114 For fuller details, see my bibliography. 115 I owe the material for this biographical sketch to the courtesy of Mr. Ethan Allen V^eaver of Germantown, one of Weygandt's descendants. 34 The Pennsylvania-German Society. plored one. Only two copies of the five German papers which are known to have existed in Maryland before 1801 have been located. The names of only three of the five have been definitely established. Absolutely nothing is known of Henry Dulheuer and his Baltimore paper of 1786, except the advertisement in the Maryland Journal of June 16, 1786. Matthias Bartgis, the Frederick pub- lisher, began printing in that town as early as 1774."* In 1776 he was also operating a press in Lancaster.^^^ We know nothing of the characteristics of his German papers. Johann Gruber's Westliche Correspondenz of Hagerstown probably supported the Anti-federalists, because it is called Die Hdgerstauner Demokratische Wochenschrift}^^ Samuel Saur's Baltimore paper was presumably neutral in the political controversy. Unless Saur completely changed his viewpoint, he certainly did not support the Anti-fed- eralists with their reputation of being free-thinkers. There were three post-revolutionary publications in Pennsylvania which can hardly be considered newspapers, but which should be discussed briefly, because they were periodical publications issued by the newspaper firms. They were Der General Post-Bothe, published in Phila- delphia in 1790; the Philadelphisches Magazin, published In Philadelphia in 1798; and Das neue monatliche Read- inger Magazin, published in Reading In 1799. None of them remained In existence more than six months. The aim of the first publication was to give to the Ger- mans more Information about the history and the events of the old world, and also to aid their development in their 118 See Seidensticker, op. cit., p. 87. 117 Seidensticker, op. cit., p. 95. 118 NUR 530. Or does this mean that there were two German papers at Hagerstown ? The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 35 new home. Within a short time, however, the contents of the little semi-weekly publication were composed almost exclusively of a history of the world from the earliest times. Since there were only three hundred and fifty sub- scribers/^^ the paper was discontinued at the end of June, 1790. The editor, C. C. Reiche, a native of Berlin, had come to America in 1787 or 1788."° He had the degree of Master of Arts, having studied at Frankfurt an der Oder, at Halle^^^ and in Saxony.^^" He died on Decem- ber 1 1, 1790, at the age of fifty. The Philadelphia magazine and the Reading magazine were published respectively by the publishers of the Phila- delphische Correspondenz and the Reading Adler. The contents of the magazines may be judged from the follow- ing table of contents of the first issue of the Reading magazine :^^^ ( 1 ) Die Staatsverf assung der vereinigten American- ischen Staaten. (2) Art Grundbeeren-Brod zu backen. (3) Kraft des Caffees von Eicheln. (4) Vom Ackerbau. (5) Philosophisches Gesprach. (6) Die Edelfrau unter Mordern. (7) Charlotte Ormond. Poesie. (8) Auf die Zerstorung der Bastille. (9) Das fromme Madchen. (10) Die unzeitige Kur. { 1 1 ) Lasz der Jugend Sonnenschein, etc. "9 GP 45. 120 PCj 23. 121 GP. 20. 122 A 114 ff. 36 The Pennsylvania-German Society. (12) Anecdoten. (13) Polltisches Register. For a complete statistical presentation of the newspapers rapidly surveyed in this introductory chapter, the reader is referred to the tables and bibliography at the close of this investigation. CHAPTER II. THE RELIGION AND THE RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS OF THE PENNSYLVANIA GERMANS. (Tf INCE many of the Germans who came to the New •^ World in the eighteenth century left their native country because they were not allowed the liberty of wor- shiping their God in their own way, it is not at all sur- prising that religion was one of the dominating factors of Pennsylvania German civilization throughout the entire! cen^ry. In fact we find that the various religious denom-^ inajtions or their pastors exerted a very powerful influence on/almost all of the educational ventures, on a great many chpitable undertakings and even on the politics of the period."' The Dimkers^ the Mennon jtes, the Seventh Qaj_Dunkers, the B^f flrmed. th e L utherans , the Mora- vians, the Catholics, the Schwenkf elders and the Separa- tists are mentioned in the newspapers, the last two, how- ever, receiving only passing mention.^^* The Dunkers and the Mennonites have many beliefs in common. Saur's paper, as the great Dunker organ, is the 123 For a discussion of the activities of the ministers in these fields, see Chapters III, IV, VIII. 12* The English and German Quakers are not differentiated in the papers. 37 I 38 The Pennsylvania-German Society. only one which gives us a fair idea of these sects. They [J believed that conversion was a personal experienced^' /! )They had very little faith in the value of a physician whom 'Saur at one time called "Doc Thor.""* They were op- posed to lawyers and refused to institute legal proceedings. In 1746 Saur gave an account"^ of a law suit over poor fences between a minister and a layman. He declared that poor fences were often the beginning of disputes, and that the lawyers laughed at the Germans for working so hard and then willingly sacrificing their savings for such slight reasons. No Dunker, he added, as long as he remained a member of the denomination, ever started a law suit against any person. In describing the terrible conditions of the immigrants in 1745, Saur In his quaint phraseology said, " Soke der alte Cain zu unserer Zelt einen perfecten Lawyer und Geld genug haben, er soke bewelsen, er hatte den Abel nicht einmal gesehen."^^^ In 1760 the second Saur reported that when Georgia was settled it was decided that no negroes, no lawyers and no rum should be brought into the new colony. If these three things had been ex- cluded by law from Pennsylvania at the time of its settle- ment, many godless actions would have been prevented."' I Another noteworthy characteristic of these so-called sec- ■'1 tarians was their policy of non-resistance. They desired \ to live at peace with everybody, with friends as well as hostile neighbors. In 1748 Saur announced"" that he had \ published four articles proving that war, robbery, murder, \ revenge and defense were un-Chrlstian. Several years "5 S 79. 1288 81. 127 S 77. "8 S 55. 129 S 3-28-60. 13» S 92. Religion and Religious Denominations. 39 later^" he reported that the constable of a certain township had selected a one-armed man as his assistant, because the inhabitants required no strong man to preserve order, all of them being Quakers and Mennonites. Since the sec- tarians believed in a literal interpretation of the Biblica| command, " Love your enemies, and pray for them which persecute you," they naturally were opposed to all war^ and to all military preparations even if for defense onlyj Saur's activity during the French and Indian War will be discussed in another connection,^^'^ but several instances may here be introduced to show his hostility to "mili- tarism." In 1748 he explained that the difference be- tween a privateer and a pirate consisted simply in this, that the former committed robbery and murder sanctioned by the government, while the latter committed them without such sanction ; but, he added, both were alike in eternity."* Two months later he announced that five companies of volunteer militia had been mustered out of service and that they could not expect any reward either from God or from men."* Samuel Saur published long articles in his Ches- nuthiller Wochenschrift in order to prove by the Bible that war was contrary to God's will and was the result of sin.^*^ This attitude toward war produced much trouble be- tween these sects and their neighbors. In the fall of 1757 some Dunkers who lived on an advanced frontier line in Virginia were massacred by the Indians."' Since they had not made any preparations to defend themselves against the hostile Indians who were known to be in the vicinity, 131 S 142. 132 See Chapter VIII. 133 S 100. 13^8 102, 135 CW 122, 125, 126, 129, 134, 137. 136 S 213. 40 The Pennsylvania-German Society. the English suspected them of treason and consequently gave them no military protection. The Indians, on the other hand, naturally regarded them as enemies, because they were white men living in an English colony. Thus, misunderstood by both parties, they fell as martyrs to their convictions. In the next year the aged Saur was sum- moned before General Forbes because he was accused of having printed something unfavorable to the English gov- ernment.^" The newspapers contain very little about the famous Seventh Day Dunkers of the Ephrata cloister, a group of people which has been well described by Seidensticker, Sachse and others. On June 23, 1743, when the governor of the province visited the cloister, the brothers and the sisters sang in a four part chorus. On this occasion the governor and his party also viewed the rare pictures in the cloister.^^* In 1746 five members were compelled to leave- the monastery because they had bought a bell without the consent of the " Father." At about the same time the others closed the sawmill and the papermill which they operated, and disposed of their cows, oxen, horses, wagons, clocks and bells. They also refused to buy and sell any more wheat and linseed. All these changes were made- because it had been rumored that the cloister people were- becoming mere merchants."' When Conrad Beissel, the founder and leader of the community, was buried in 1768, more than seven hundred people attended the funeral.^*" Although the Mennonites and the Dunkers attempted to live at peace with all men, Saur's newspaper never 1" S 219. "8 S 49. 139 s 70. "»M 339. Religion and Religious Denominations. 41 neglected to give accounts of the dissensions which arose in other denominations and to describe the shameful actions of some of their ministers."^ He portrayed a deplorable state of affairs in the ministerial ranks of the Lutherans and the Reformed. Unquestionably he did an injustice to these denominations. He may not have printed any false accounts about them, but he certainly, to a large extent, neglected mentioning the good qualities of the Lutherans, the Reformed and the Moravians — a fact which must be kept in mind. The Lutheraj^_andjhe_R£fDrmed, the two largest Ger- man denominations, always-l ived in harm pny in j^merira. Although to a certain extent differing in doctrine, the dif- ference between the two denominations was not so great as between them and the sectarians. The two denominations insisted on an educated clergy and were not averse to mili- tary service. Since it was almost impossible to secure a sufficient number of educated ministers of any standing from the old country, Pennsylvania became the gathering place of clergymen who could not obtain charges in Ger- many because of immoral conduct. The pious German settlers, eager for regular ministers, often elected the first educated man who came to their church, without asking for certificates or recommendations. Although a warning^*^ was sent out from Lancaster in 1750 to tht various churches that they should select no minister without proper credentials, conditions did not improve and Saur continued to find many justifiable reasons for attacking the ministerial failings. As early as 1744 he attacked the Lutherans be- cause they wanted to exclude all non-University men from "1 We may almost term his publication a Dunker missionary paper. "2S 124. 42 The Pennsylvania-German Society. the ministry."^ He said such action was contrary to the charter of Pennsylvania. The next year, when some min- isters asserted that his edition of the Bible was not correct, he retorted that they made this charge because he had ac- cused them of adultery."* He added that they might con- sider themselves fortunate for his having refused to insti- tute a law suit. In 1746 his paper charged the Reformed minister of Lancaster, the Reverend Caspar Schnorr, with having been so intoxicated as to fall from his horse.^" Subsequently, when this minister was compelled to resign on account of lying, drunkenness and adultery,^" he began to preach at other places, denying the accusations until Conrad Weiser and others proved them against him. Saur attacked the Lutheran ministers as well as the Re- formed. In 1753 he printed a communication charging the Reverend Andra, the Lutheran minister of the old Goshenhoppen church, with being a drunkard and an adul- terer."^ He grew sarcastic when announcing in 1754 the death of Reverend Andra, who had in the meantime taken charge of the Germantown Lutheran Church. He said the late minister was a poet, especially when drunk."* In giving an account of three ministers who were continually fighting, viz., Reverend Jonas Witzler of Germantown, Reverend Wartemann of Reading and Reverend Ohren- dorfif of Tolpehocken, Saur said he was publishing this story in the hope that it would teach his countrymen the i*ss 49. 1** S 63. Although the denominations of these ministers are not spe- cifically stated, they were undoubtedly Lutherans and Reformed. "5S 70. "8S 113. 147 S 7-1-53. "8 S 164. Religion and Religious Denominations. 43 danger of selecting as a minister any rascal who happened to come from Germany."" Saur seemed to take especial delight in giving full space to the church quarrels. In 1749"° the German Reformed congregation of Philadelphia refused to elect as their per- manent minister the Reverend Schlatter, one of the organ- izers of the German Reformed Church of America. A few months later, when the majority of the congregation chose the Reverend Steiner, Reverend Schlatter refused to leave.^'^ Saur gave a most amusing account^'^ of the church services at which both ministers attempted to win possession of the field. On January 28, 1750, after Steiner had commenced to preach, Schlatter entered the church and interrupted him by saying, " Ich gebiete euch an Gottes Staat, dasz ihr von meinem Stuhl herunter kora- men solt." Saur's narrative continues with the statement that Steiner did not accept Schlatter to be God's ambassa- dor and remained standing. When Schlatter, having taken his position in front of the pulpit, attempted to begin preaching, Steiner's adherents began to sing the one hun- dred and fortieth psalm, " Errett' mich, mein lieber Herre von Menschen arg und bos." When Steiner began the Lord's prayer, Schlatter's party interrupted him in the middle of it by starting a hymn. Thereupon Schlatter tried to speak again, but the opposing party sang " Sie dencken nur auf Buben Stiicken." In this way the Steiner party sang six times and the adherents of Schlatter eighteen times during the course of the next two hours. A month later a neutral board of six persons, chosen by the two "9S 11-1-53. 150 S 8-1-49. 1=1 S 116. 102 s 2-1-50. 44 The Pennsylvania-German Society. sides, decided that the Schlatter party might retain the church, but that they would be obliged to pay the debts contracted by the other party. This board, as Saur says approvingly, contained no judge, no lawyer and no min- ister, but was composed of five Quakers and one High Church man.^^^ We should notice, however, that Saur never attacked Schlatter's private life. When the latter set sail for Ger- many early in 175 1, Saur said his great mistake had been in not taking his elders and his deacons more completely Into his confidence. Saur was Schlatter's bitter opponent in the charity school movement of 1754-1757,^" because the former believed that the schools had been organized for the express purpose of anglicizing the Germans. When Schlatter was appointed chaplain of the fourth batalllon in 1757, Saur commented, "Wan er auch zugleich ihr Seel Sorger seyn will, und sie in Christllche Zucht und Ordnung bringen : Oder In die Nachfolge Jesu einfiihren will, so hat er gewlszllch ein recht schweres Amt auf sich genom- men."^== Saur also gave an account of the schism In the Lutheran church of Germantown in 1753 when the congregation dismissed Reverend Handschuh by a vote of two hundred to fifteen.^^^ As the minority followed the minister, Saur exclaimed that one part of the congregation had the min- ister and the other part had the church building.^" Later in the year the infamous Reverend Andra, mentioned above, was elected pastor by the majority, while the minor- 153 S 118. 151 See Chapter IV. 155 s 4-16-57. 156 S 154. 157 S 4-1-53. Religion and Religious Denominations. 45 ity began to plan the erection of another church."* Grad- ually the church and ministerial scandals ceased. Miller announced one occurrence in his Staatsbote of 1763, viz., that Reverend Friedrich Rothenbiihler had been deposed by the German Reformed congregation of Philadelphia.^^^ Although this is the last removal of which I have found an account in the newspapers, we may well believe that dissensions still occurred sporadically. Although Saur devoted much space to the scandals and dissensions in the Lutheran and the Reformed churches, he also expressed a desire for more tolerance among the various sects and denominations. On April 29, 1749, a Reformed minister, Reverend Johann Boehm, died. Since no minister of the denomination could arrive in time to conduct the funeral services, the Mennonite "teacher" or minister, Martin Kolb, preached the sermon. Saur com- mented^"" on this as follows: "Wan solches und derglei- chen ohne Not gebrauchlich und gemein wird, so wird aller partheyliche Neld und Wiederigkeit ein Ende nehmen. Wie schon wirds ein mahl seyn wenn nur ein Hirt und nur eine Herde seyn wird? Bisz dahin Geduld." Again in 1753 he praised the Reformed minister, the Reverend Zubly, of Charlestown, South Carolina, who was holding evangelistic services in Philadelphia and was invited by all the churches, the two divisions of the Presbyterians, the Lutherans, the Reformed of both parties, the Baptists, the Separatists and the Schwenkf elders. Eleven ministers heard him at one time. Saur could not refrain from add- ing that it was fortunate that the Reverend Zubly did not find it necessary to study his sermons or to write them out, "8S 156. 159 M 83. 100 S 108. 46 The Pennsylvania-German Society. because he would have had no time to do it. He did not go to places where he would be able to rest six days and twenty hours per week/°^ As I have mentioned before, the Lutherans and the Re- formed demanded specially educated ministers. This rule, so bitterly opposed by Saur, caused these two denomina- tions to become the leaders in the social development of the Pennsylvania Germans. Their ministerial leaders, as well-educated men, saw distinctly the crying need of better educational facilities. We find them supporting and en- couraging every movement for the establishment of col- leges for the Germans.^"'^ They also often formed the connecting link between the Germans and the other colo- nists in the political field.^^' They were likewise the founders of numerous charitable organizations.^"* The patriarch of the Lutheran church in America, Hein- rich Melchior Muhlenberg, who had been himself a stu- dent at Gottingen and Halle,^"" sent his three sons to the latter place to study for the ministry. Two of them, Peter and Friedrich August, later left the ministry to serve their country in other fields."* The third one, Heinrich, be- came pastor of the Lutheran church at Lancaster and, in 1787, the first president of Franklin College at that place."^ Two Lutheran ministers of Philadelphia, the Reverend J. C. Kunze and the Reverend J. H. C. Hel- muth, were the moving spirits of the German department of the University of Pennsylvania from 1780 to 1786."'^ "IS 157. 182 See Chapter IV. isssee Chapter VIII. "^See Chapter III. les See " Hallesche Nachrichten." i«« See Chapter VIII. 18^ See Chapter IV. Religion and Religious Denominations. 47 These same men had charge of Steiner's paper for about two years."' The Reverend Friedrich Valentin Mel- sheimer, a Lutheran minister, was chosen professor of Latin, Greek and German at Franklin College in 1787/" Reverend Gorring, the Lutheran minister at York, was editor of the York Volksberichter}^^. These men, in addi- tion to Reverend Handschuh, who was teacher of French from 1755 to 1758 at the academy which later became the University of Pennsylvania, and who was also for a time editor of Franklin and Armbriister's Philadelphische Zei- tung,^"^ gave the Lutherans a most predominating influence in the development of the Pennsylvania Germans. The Reformed ministers apparently did not exert so much in- fluence. Besides the Reverend Schlatter's interest in the charity schools, I have found only one minister of the de- nomination who was prominent either as an educator or as a statesman. This was the Reverend William Handel, the Reformed pastor at Lancaster, who was elected vice- president of Franklin College at the time of its organiza- tion in 1787."° The Lutherans and the Reformed erected many church buildings in the last two decades of the century. The con- gregations inserted advertisements in the newspapers an- nouncing the laying of corner stones or the dedication serv- ices of the churches. Thus in the nine years between June, 1789, and June, 1798, the Neue TJnpartheyische Readinger Zeitung announced the building of five Lutheran, two Re- formed and four union (Lutheran and Reformed) churches, most of which were located in Berks County."" 188 See Chapter I. iB» See Chapter IV. IT" It must be remembered that the erection of these churches does not necessarily indicate the organization of new congregations. The old con- gregations were simply building new places of worship. 48 The Pennsylvania-German Society. The activities of the Zion Lutheran congregation of Philadelphia deserve special mention, because this congre- gation not only built one of the finest church edifices in America, but also displayed an active interest in charity and education. From a full-page article by F. A. Muhlen- berg in the Philadelphische Correspondenz of January 13, 1795, we learn that the congregation was organized in 1742, and that the first church building (Saint Michael's Church) was erected shortly afterwards. By 1760 the congregation also possessed a schoolhouse, a parsonage and a cemetery. In 1766 the second church building (Zion's Church) was begun. Its dimensions were one hundred and eight feet in length and eighty feet In width. This was the building which was called In 1790 "one of the finest, if not the finest, building in Philadelphia."^'^ It was dedicated June 25, 1769.^" The land on which the church was built cost fifteen hundred pounds, while the church itself was erected at a cost of eleven thousand pounds.^" In 1778 the British used the building as a hos- pital. After they left the city the congregation was obliged to spend two thousand pounds to repair the interior of the church. Including the Installation of new pews. Be- tween 1780 and 1790 much money was spent by the church » for charitable purposes."* In 1790 David Tanneberg,"° of LItitz, Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, built for the church the largest pipe organ in America."" The organ was twenty-four feet long, eight feet wide and twenty-seven feet high. Standing \ "1 NUL 168, PC, 4. i'2 M 389. I'S A communication in PCj 366 says the total cost was 15,000 pounds. 17* See Chapters III and IV. "5 See Chapter VII. I'B This detailed description is found in NUL 168, PCj 4. Religion and Religious Denominations. 49 in front of it, the spectator could see more than one hun- dred pipes, some of which were sixteen feet high. There were almost two thousand pipes in the interior. On the, top of the organ was a representation of the sun rising out of the clouds and dividing them with its rays. To the right and the left of the sun were two eagles which were flying toward it and bearing scrolls with the inscriptions, "Die auf den Herrn harren, fahren auf wie die Adlerl" Beside each of the eagles there was an angel. The one carried the gospel and the other the sealed book, while both had trumpets in their hands. The cost of the entire organ was three thousand five hundred pounds."' It was dedicated on Sunday and Monday, October 10 and 11, 1790. For this occasion the Reverend Helmuth, the pas- tor, had composed special and suitable hymns and had them printed. In the next years the congregation built a schoolhouse in the Northern Liberties of Philadelphia, which was also to be used as a place of worship by the old and infirm of that vicinity.^'' On December 26, 1794, the large church with its magnificent organ was destroyed by fire.^'* The following poem appeared in the Philadelphische Corre- spondenz of January 9, 1795, under the title of " Gedan- ken auf den Ruinen der Zions-Kirche " : Hier weine segensvolle Giisse, Betriibtes Herz! auf Zion hin; Denn hier betreten deine Fusse Den Tempel Gottes im Ruin; Wo sonst des Himmels Quelle flosz. Und dich mit Heil und Trost begosz! i"Pa 370. "spCj 366. 50 The Pennsylvania-German Society. Wie oft empfand ich hier die Liebe, Des, der die ganze Welt erschuf, Ich fiihlte seine Gnadentriebe Bey seiner Knechte mildem Ruf, Und weinend schwur ich ihm allein, Und ihm, auf ewig treu zu seyn. Holdselig Wort von Jesu Leiden ! Wie riihrend fiilltest du mein Herz! Du banntest alle eiteln Freuden, Du scheuchtest alien Seelen Schmerz Wenn Jesu Knecht aus Jesu Buch, Dich thranend hier im Munde trug. O H h.ifo deine holde Stimme, Die kindlich, doch mit Ernste rief ; Die risz mich hier vom starren Grimme Des Feindes, da ich ruhig schlief; Die trieb raich erst zum Beten an — Gott lohne dich, O Gottesmann ! Und du gelasz' ner Diener Gottes, O Sch 1.180 beruhigtest den Geist, Da mich der Greuel alles Spottes, Oft tief in Traurigkeit verweis't: An dieser Stelle gab dein Mund Der Seele Trost und fester Grund. Hier war's, wo du mir von der Krone, Die unaufhorlich ewig wahrt, O theurer K e I^^i Jem zu Lohne, Der Jesu dient, so schon belehrt, Dasz ich die Siinde nun verschwur, Und thranend rief: Die Krone nur! Und diese sonst so frohe Stelle, Wo jeder Segen sich ergosz; Wo Jesu Christi Liebes-Quelle Vom Munde seiner Diener flosz; Wo mich Gebet, Music, Gesang, So oft zu siiszen Thranen zwangl 1'° Reverend Handschuh. ISO Reverend Schulze. 1*1 Reverend Kunze. Religion and Religious Denominations. 51 Die ist dahin — Ach, meine Sunden! Die halfen auch den grausen Brand Des Zornes Himmels zu entziinden, Der diesen Tempel uns entwand! Ich schwur so oft ihm treu zu seyn Und blieb es nicht — O Jammer, Nein! Doch, Herr! du ziirnest stets voll Liebe, Du willst wir soUen glucklich seyn, Du folgtest deinem Liebestriebe, Und schlugest hier mit Ruthen drein: Drum, Herr ! wir kommen nun heran, Wir horen dich — O nimm uns an ! For almost two years the Lutherans held their services in the Reformed church of Philadelphia. On November 18, 1796, the officers of the Lutheran church publicly thanked the Reformed congregation for their kindness. The address and the response are printed in the Philadel- phische Correspondenz of November 22, 1796. From this account we learn that the erection of the new church was so far advanced that the services would be held in it on and after November 27. We learn further that the Reformed congregation had raised a subscription of sev- eral hundred pounds to aid the Lutherans, although they themselves were planning to build a large, comfortable and expensive schoolhouse. It is unfortunate for my purpose that there are com- paratively few references to the Moravians in the news- papers. From other sources,^'^ however, we know that the Moravian leader, Count Nicholas von Zinzendorf, came to America in 1741 and attempted the following year to unite all the German religious denominations of the province into one body. Unfortunately only one news- paper copy of these years has been located. 182 For example, Faust's " German Element in the U. S.," Vol. I, p. 126. 52 The Pennsylvania-German Society. The ^or£^a^ always insisted that they were Luth- erans, while the regular Lutheran ministers refused to ac- knowledge them as such, with the result that acrimonious disputes arose. In 1745 and 1746 the Lutheran congre- gation at Lancaster was served by the Reverend Nyberg, a native of Sweden, who exhibited strong Moravian sym- pathies. In the ensuing law suit Nyberg's adherents were defeated and were compelled to relinquish the church edi- fice to the orthodox Lutherans.^'^ Before the case had been decided Heinrich Melchior Muhlenberg preached in the church, although, according to his opponents,^** he had previously promised not to do so. His friends, the dea- cons and elders of the church, however, replied that he conducted services in the church at the special request of the church members.^*' In the Tulpehocken Lutheran church a somewhat similar dispute occurred in 1747.^*° Because the Moravians did not refuse to bear arms and to institute law suits, Saur attacked them in his paper when- ever the opportunity offered. In 1746 he claimed^^^ that the fact that they participated in wars in Germany proved that they were no Christians. In 1750 he reported that they were now divided into three groups, those that had previously left the denomination, those that were put under the ban, and the Count with his three brethren, who were to be considered the real congregation of the Saviour."* The sect was famous for its educational and missionary zeal. They established elementary schools at various places in the rural districts before 1750. For instance, in "3 S 68. "4 s 70. "5 s 71. 188 s 87. "7 S 71. "8S 2-1-50. Religion and Religious Denominations. 53 1745 or 1746 they opened one at Falckeners Schwamm, near Philadelphia.^'^ After the war they had an academy for girls at Bethlehem and one for boys at Nazareth."" In 1790 they were conducting an academy for girls in Philadelphia."^ The Moravian minister of Lancaster took part in the dedication exercises of Franklin College in 1787,^°" thus giving additional proof that the denomina- tion was interested in encouraging higher education among the Germans. We learn but little of the Moravian mis- sionary endeavors from the newspapers. When Kammer- hof, one of the Moravian leaders, died in Bethlehem in 175 1, Saur declared that he had attempted to win the good will of the Indians by presenting silver armbands to their chiefs and by erecting a blacksmith shop for them.^^^ In 1755, during the French and Indian War, the Moravians' little missionary settlement at Gnadenhiitten, situated about thirty miles north of Bethlehem on the Lehigh River, was attacked and burned to the ground by hostile Indians.^"^ The natives, however, were usually well disposed toward the Moravians. For instance, a body of Iroquois chiefs and warriors on their way to Philadelphia stopped at Beth- lehem on March 9, 1792. On the following day they were welcomed by the members of the " Society for the Spreading of the Gospel among the Heathen." Two per- sons, a man and a woman, addressed the Indians, and two chiefs responded."* In one respect at least the Moravians were similar to the Baptists of the Ephrata community. They also oper- "!> S 71. i^o See Chapter IV. 181 NUR 72. "2S 132. 193 S I2-I-55, S 187, 188. 194 cw 73, GZ2 93, NUL 253. 54 The Pennsylvania-German Society. ated mills and kept cattle. After the Gnadenhiitten mas- sacre in 1755 it was reported that six hundred persons in Bethlehem and two hundred orphans in Nazareth had been obtaining most of their bread, butter and meat from the destroyed settlement.^"" In 1766 an advertisement ap- peared in the papers announcing that the Bethlehem mills for the preparation of hemp and millet and for oil pressing were now in operation, and that those for making bran, barley, groats and oatmeal, and for grinding spelt would be completed during the course of the summer."" In the eighteenth century the German Catholics in Penn- sylvania were numerically unimportant. In 1757 they numbered only about three thousand; that is, approxi- mately three per cent, of the total number of Germans."' As we shall see in a later chapter,"' they planned to open a German academy in Philadelphia in 1796. In the last decade of the century the denomination erected a church in Reading, the corner stone of which was laid on August 17, 1 79 1."" The dedication services were held on April 28, 1793.=°° The foregoing facts sufficiently illustrate the deep-rooted religious spirit of the Pennsylvania Germans. Additional evidence can be found in numerous papers. For example, beginning with March 22, 1768, Henrich Miller usually published one or more poems in his paper every week. It is significant that many of them were of a religious nature. The post bellum papers which conducted such a " Dichter- Stelle " also favored poems with religious themes. "5 S 187. 198 M 217. i"S 184. 188 See Chapter IV. i»!>NUR 130. 2»<>NUR 218. Religion and Religious Denominations. 55 .>■• As may be imagined, free-thinkers and atheists were j monstrous creatures in the eyes of these pious Germans, i I have found no record that any of the colonial German --^^ immigrants were unbelievers. After the war the Federal- ist publishers sometimes attacked their Anti-federalist op- ponents, claiming that they were free-thinkers and deists.^"^ However, instead of proving that the Germans were losing their simple faith, these attacks simply show how detestable unbelief was to the rank and file of them. There is hardly any doubt that the Federalists emphasized the well-known deistical tendencies of some of the Anti-federalist leaders {e.g., Jefferson) for the purpose of discrediting the party among the Germans. In fact, there are not half a dozen cases of so-called heresy among the Pennsylvania Germans mentioned in the eighteenth century German American papers. Probably the only conspicuous case is the one recorded in Dauphin County in 1799.^°^ Andreas Kraus, who had been in this country for only a short time, was convicted of blasphemy by the Dauphin County court. He confessed that he had said, " Christus ist ein verdammt Hurenkind und wann Christus der Sohn Gottes ist, so hat Gott mit seiner Tochter gehuret." In common with many colonists of other nationalities, the Germans were superstitious. Many of them believed in spooks and witches and had great faith in the efficacy of pow-wowing. These superstitions were vigorously at- tacked by the newspapers and the better educated people. In 1768^°^ Henri ch Miller ridiculed the story that a woman who had been buried for sixteen weeks had ap- peared again on earth in order to tell the living that she [ 201 e.g., AS 119. 202 pp 52. 203 M 335. 3>-' ■J/J- " 56 The Pennsylvania-German Society. I had not been buried like her forefathers. The students of the German department of the University of Pennsyl- vania satirized in a dialogue the belief in witches and spooks.^"* The Lancaster and the Reading papers fre- quently published articles attacking the prevalent super- stitions.^°° For instance, the Neue Unpartheyische Read- inger Zeitung of March i8, 1789, related the story of a man who was cheated by a certain person who pretended he could cure the man's horse by means of pow-wowing. Despite all these attempts to teach the Germans the folly of such beliefs, it is apparent that the efforts were not entirely successful, for many rural Pennsylvania Germans still retain their belief in spirits, witches and pow-wowing. I With a deeply religious spirit and a strong inclination Itoward superstition, we might expect to find extreme re- Jigious intolerance among the Pennsylvania Germans. (This is not the case, however. As we have seen, even in the period between 1740 and 1760 there were men who desired a closer union of all Protestant denominations, in spite of the fact that the various sects were often opposed to one another. The petty antagonisms had largely van- ished before the last decade of the century. Then the Moravians began to work in cooperation with the Luth- erans and the Reformed, who had always lived in amity and harmony. When the Moravians dedicated the new organ which had been built for their church at Lancaster, the closing services were held in the Lutheran church of that place.^"' Whether the Mennonites and Dunkers were ever close friends of the other Protestant bodies is very doubtful. 2" PC 182. 2»5 See NUL 52, 107, 130, NUR i, 22, 47, 184, et al. 2»8 DP 56. Religion and Religious Denominations. 57 Although complete toleration had not been achieved at the end of the century, the Neue Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitung in 1788^°'' formulated the rule that a man should be allowed to think in peace about God as he pleased, but that he should not be permitted to publish his thoughts if he was a free-thinker. We could hardly imagine Saur or even Miller making such a liberal concession. 2»7 NUL 43. CHAPTER III. CHARITIES AND HUMANITARIAN ORGANIZATIONS. -TTHERE was nothing that redounded more to the honor / ^ of the Pennsylvania Germans than their unstinted liberality toward those in need or distress. When the call for help arose, all denominations and classes forgot their trivial jealousies and vied with each other in alleviating the sufferings of the unfortunate. They not only gave of their own possessions, but also tried to remedy the causes of the distress. Almost from the beginning of German immigration to the New World the sufferings of the poorer class were apparent. The second number of Franklin's Philadel- phische Zeitung of 1732 printed an account of the trial of a ship captain charged with the murder of two German emigrants from the Palatinate. Although he was ac- quitted, there must have been some cause for complaint about the treatment which the Germans received at the ^hands of the captains, even at the time when the number of I immigrants was still comparatively small. (' When it was discovered that many of the poor German I peasants could be persuaded to come to America, large ' numbers of men proceeded to the old country to induce others to leave their homes. These agents, who were I known as " newlanders," generally received a commission \ from the ship companies for every person they succeeded 58 Charities and Humanitarian Organizations. 59 in bringing on shipboard. In 1749 Saur said it was re- ported that the newlanders received half a doubloon^"^ for each passenger.^''^ Since many of the agents and ship captains were in the business only to make money, they were utterly unscrupulous, and deceived and cheated the ignorant and confiding peasants whenever possible. The newlanders often pretended that they were rich merchants in Philadelphia and possessed vessels of their own, or that they had houses in Germantown and farms in the country.^^" The Germans were thus led to believe that the newlanders' representatives would meet them in Amer- ica and would offer them the opportunity of earning suffi- cient money to pay for their passage. Eager to arrive in the country where everybody was free and wealthy, they went aboard the ships often without even signing a con- tract. The long voyage in the sailing vessels, which was tedious and uncomfortable even when conditions were favorable, became for the German emigrants often a veritable martyr- dom. The conditions pictured in Saur^s jgaper are almost beyond human comprehension. 'The overcrowding of the ships, the unsanitary conditions and the insufficient food for the passengers frequently caused the vessels to become charnel houses. On one ship four hundred persons set sail from Europe in the fall of 1743. On the voyage insuffi- cient rations were distributed. Those who desired more food were compelled to buy it from the crew. Since many of the passengers were too poor to do this, they starved to death. On one occasion, when a starving man begged for a little flour, his sack was filled with sand and coal. When 2°8 A doubloon — five dollars. 208 S 112. "OS 113. 6o The Pennsylvania-German Society. the vessel arrived at Philadelphia a few more than fifty persons were alive.^" It was estimated that two thousand Germans died on the voyage to America in 1749.^^^ In one case the passengers were not permitted to land imme- diately, because the ship was full of a disease which had killed half of the immigrants.^^' On June 5, 1752, a ship anchored at Philadelphia with nineteen Germans on board, the miserable remnant of two hundred who had embarked in Europe.^^* Such conditions sometimes drove the pas- sengers to mutiny.^^"! I When the Germans arrived in America their condition was frequently not much improved. If they were poor or had no well-to-do friends, they were compelled to sell them- selves for a number of years to people who in return paid their passage money. This system of redemptioning, as it was called, was in itself not particularly unjust, but so many abuses arose that it became a public scandal. In the first place, many Germans, as mentioned before, came to America in the belief that they would be met by the repre- sentatives of the newlanders, who would furnish them op- portunities for work, so that they could earn the expenses of the voyage in a short time. When they arrived they were obliged to sell themselves to people who were utter strangers to them. This sudden transition from independ- ence to servitude undoubtedly created unspeakable hard- ship. The time of servitude was often considerably length- ened because the survivors had to pay the passage money of those who died at sea. They were at times required to 211s 55. ai2S 2-1-50. 213 S 112. 2" S 145. 2"S 112. Charities and Humanitarian Organizations. 6i pay even for the food which the dead would have bought."* Sometimes the captains put into a southern port, where they could sell the passengers into a servitude of four or five years instead of landing them at Philadelphia, where many of them had friends willing to pay the expenses of the voyage/^^ Many chests containing the personal prop- erty of the immigrants were broken open and rifled while at sea,^^^ so that even those who had some possessions when they embarked found themselves destitute on their arrival. One of the most deplorable aspects of the system of re- demptioning in the early days was the breaking up of fam- ilies. Children of a tender age were sold by unscrupulous captains without the knowledge of their parents, who in some cases were sick on board the ship. In Saur's paper of November i6, 1745, for instance, there were two adver- tisements by persons desiring to know the whereabouts of their children, who had been sold without their consent or knowledge.^^® ■* In order to better the lot of these German immigrants, the older Christoph Saur used all the influence which he possessed as publisher of a widely read paper. As we have seen, he revealed prevalent conditions in long articles. It was in one of these accounts^^" that he used the sentence quoted in the preceding chapter, " Soke der alte Cain zu unserer Zeit einen perf ecten Lawyer und Geld genug haben, 2"S 55, S 112. 2"S 112. 218 S 114. 219 Not all of the German immigrants were badly treated during the voyage. For instance, in 1749, Saur said concerning the passengers of three ships which had just arrived from Rotterdam, " Sie sind auch menschlich gehalten worden." In 1753 he praised the owners of a ship who had strictly observed their contract. 220 S 55. 62 The Pennsylvania-German Society. er soke beweisen, er hatte den Abel nicht einmal gesehen." He said this in connection with a complaint that it was very difficult to obtain justice for the wretched immigrants. Again and again^^^ Saur emphasized the necessity of hav- ing written contracts. In 1749 he advised the Germans in America to write to their friends in Germany who in- tended to emigrate and to inform them what they should do for their own protection. His unrelenting crusade against the unscrupulous ex- ploiters of the Germans was unquestionably one of the principal causes which in the winter of 1749-1750 finally moved the Quaker Assembly of Pennsylvania to enact laws which were intended to check the evil. One law^^^ for- bade the overcrowding of ships. By its provisions every passenger was entitled to a sleeping place which was at least six feet long and two feet wide. If the captain failed to observe this order, he was fined ten pounds for each passenger who did not have the legal amount of room. Half of this fine was given to the passenger and the re- mainder to the trustees of Province Island, which was used for the accommodation of sick immigrants. Philadelphia inspectors were ordered to examine the ships on arrival. The ship captains were required to make an inventory of the property of those who had died during the voyage. Although Saur was pleased with this law, he immediately recognized the inadequacy of its provisions. In the issue of his paper which contained an account of the law he advised the Germans to make contracts with the captains so that the latter would be compelled to take care of their personal property, to bring them to the destination agreed upon and to provide berths for them in which they would "'^ S 112, 2-1-50, 1-1-55. 222 S 2-1-50. Charities and Humanitarian Organizations. 63 be able to sit up. Saur also urged the immigrants to de- mand receipts if they paid their fares in advance. It is probable that not even the shrewd and wise old Dunker foresaw the many evasions of the law. The new- landers told the Germans that if they would not say " Ja I ja I " to the inspectors who asked them whether they had enough room and food during the voyage, they would be detained on board for four weeks, on account of a law suit which would follow. The fear of a longer detention on the uncomfortable vessel was often sufficient to silence the simple-minded Germans."^ We can well imagine Saur's impotent grief when he published this item in 1752. Two years later he inquired in despair whether there were not one or two honest " Visitators " who would go on board the ships in order to see whether the terms of the contracts had been observed.^^* From 1755 to 1764 very few Germans came to America on account of the dangers incident to the French and Indian War. In the fall of 1764 vessels with Germans began to arrive again. Miller had an advertisement in his paper of November 12 announcing the arrival of several hundred German servants who were for sale. About two months later^^° he reported that eleven ships had arrived from Rotterdam between August 8 and December 4, having two thousand three hundred and twenty-eight full fares, or (according to Miller's estimate) about three thousand people. With the reappearance of immigrants the former scenes of distress were repeated. In November, 1764, an appeal for help for the sick Germans in the hospital was published in the Staatsbote.^^^ 223 S I2-I-S2. «* S I-I-S5. 225 M 157. 228 M 149. 64 The Pennsylvania-German Society. At last some of the leading Germans of Philadelphia decided that the best way to ameliorate the conditions of the immigrants was to organize a society for the purpose of systematizing the work before them. On November 30, 1764, a meeting was held to organize a "Deutsche Gesellschaft."^^^ The rules' of the society were drawn up between this date and December 26, when a permanent organization was effected,^^' with Helnrich Keppele, a Philadelphia merchant, as president.^^^ It was probably the first charitable organization among the Germans in America. The aim of the society was at least twofold; firstly to secure the enactment of more stringent laws relat- ing to the living conditions during the sea voyage, and secondly to gather food, clothing and money for the help of the indigent immigrants on their arrival in Philadelphia. In January, 1765, it presented to the governor of the prov- ince an English translation of its constitution.^'" In 1766 the Staatsbote boasted that most of the immigrants were now assigned to other colonies because the Pennsylvania laws were too strict.^'^ These laws had presumably been passed at the instigation of the society. That its second aim was not forgotten Is amply proved by the treasurers' reports, which appeared regularly in the papers. Consid- erable sums of money were collected and disbursed in order to alleviate the misery of the immigrants. For example, in 1768 one township of Lancaster County sent six thou- ^27 M 153. 228 M 155. 220 Christopher Saur, the second, was not an officer or even a member of the society. Although the leading spirits were men who belonged to the denominations opposed' to him, there is hardly any doubt that he gave his powerful support to the young organization. 230 M 157. 2" M 241. Charities and Humanitarian Organizations. 65 sand pounds of flour and some money to the society.^^^ The "Deutsche Gesellschaft" was incorporated on Sep- tember 19, 178 1, by an act of the Pennsylvania Assem- l3|y._23s jj. broadened the scope of its activities by helping young men to obtain a college education.^^* It is still in existence at the present time, helping those that are in need of aid. Despite all efforts, the lot of the redemptioners was often most wretched, because the laws were still not compre- hensive enough. For instance, in 1767 the Germans were powerless to prevent the ship companies from raising the fare seven pounds for the immigrants, while the fare of the ordinary passengers remained unchanged. Not only was this an unjust discrimination, but it also forced the immi- grants to remain on shipboard much longer because the inhabitants of the province hesitated to pay such a high price for their services.^^" This prolonged detention caused great distress, as we learn from an article in the Staatsbote,^^^ which reported that the fifty persons not yet sold had at last been permitted to come on shore, but since the merchants in whose ship they had arrived gave them no food, they were walking through the streets with the children crying for bread. Even after somebody had paid the increased fares the privations of the immigrants did not cease, since they had to serve longer than in former times.^^^ The system of redemptioning was still in vogue after the War for Independence.^^^ Although Kuhns says^^' the 232 M 315. 233 PC 23. 234 See Chapter IV. 235 M 306. 236 M 309. 237 See NUL 1-6, 12, 14, 109; DP 39; NUR 604. 238 German and Swiss Settlements in Pennsylvania, p. 80. 66 The Pennsylvania-German Society. worst cases of the abuse of the system occurred after the Revolution, the newspapers do not mention them. In fact it is highly improbable that the later cases were so shocking as those of the colonial days. It is quite certain that the abuses were less frequent during the later period. When the Germans in America extended aid to the re- demptioners and endeavored to remedy the flagrant abuses of the redemptioning system, they simply did for their relatives and countrymen what duty required. But, on occasion, they also gave their support to charitable and humanitarian enterprises, when they were not so directly concerned and when they could have easily withheld their support without creating much unfavorable comment. In 175 1 an act was passed by the Pennsylvania Assembly to erect a hospital in Philadelphia for the indigent sick and insane.^^" In Saur's paper of August 16, 175 1, he printed an appeal to the Germans for aid in this undertaking. The article urged that, although the Germans had to help their poor countrymen who arrived in America every year, they should also support the hospital. That this appeal was not without its effect is curiously proved by an ad- dress^^" delivered in February, 1794, before the Society for the Support of the Needy Poor in the German Evan- gelical Lutheran Congregation of Philadelphia. This ad- dress gives a history of charity in Philadelphia. The speaker said that Mathias Koplin, a German, gave in 175 1 a piece of land lying between Germantown and Phila- delphia to the hospital. He attached one condition to the gift, namely, that he would not be required to go to Phila- delphia every year to vote for the twelve directors or trus- 2S0 S 133. 2*0 Printed in full, PCj 277, 278. Charities and Humanitarian Organizations. 67 tees of the hospital.^" The letter (dated September 2, 175 1 ) which Koplin wrote to Saur on the subject was read by the speaker. When the French and Indian War broke out, the Indian alhes of the French swarmed through the mountain passes of Pennsylvania, attacked with savage ruthlessness the frontier settlers and compelled the survivors to flee to the more densely inhabited parts of the colony. Without food and shelter and often without sufficient clothing, they were indeed wretched, pitiable specimens of humanity. Those Pennsylvania Germans who were not driven from their homes helped generously in providing for the refugees. In the fall of 1755 Lancaster County was crowded with fugitives in dire want. Then the Mennonites showed the kindly spirit which animated them by collecting several wagon loads of flour, meat and clothes for the unfortunate ones.^*^ A month later there was even greater distress in Northampton County because many settlers fled to the Moravian towns of Bethlehem and Nazareth after they had heard of the Gnadenhiitten massacre.^*^ On learning of the condition of affairs, the Mennonites of Skippack, Montgomery County, immediately dispatched seven wagon loads of flour and other provisions to the Moravian settle- ments.^" The Lutherans, the Reformed and the Schwenk- / felders also collected and sent provislons.^*^ / In 179 1 Germans of Philadelphia organized a "Gesell-/ schaft," which had the following aims : to aid its sick mem-/.,, 2*1 This is thoroughly characteristic of the Mennonites and the Dunkers, who are always willing to give liberally for humanitarian purposes but usually dislike political responsibility. 2*2 S 187. 2*3 See Chapter 11. 2**S i88. 246 S 3-1-56. 68 The Pennsylvania-German Society. bers, to give them a decent burial and to help their widows and orphans.'^' Apparently it was a forerunner of our present-day lodges. In the winter of 1791-1792 Valentin Krug, a brewer of Lancaster, had the misfortune of losing all his possessions by fire. The people of the city imme- diately began to collect money in order to aid him in re- building his house and brewery.^*' The Germans helped to alleviate the misery caused by the terrible yellow fever epidemics of 1793, 1797, 1798 and 1799 in Philadelphia. When almost all able-bodied persons, both rich and poor, were fleeing from the plague- stricken city in 1793, Johann Kiihmle, an influential Ger- man druggist, remained to tend the sick,^** risking his life as Stephen Girard did in the same outbreak of the scourge. He treated several hundred patients in the six or eight weeks during which the fever was at its worst.^*" In 1797 the people of Lancaster city and county sent to the poor of Philadelphia more than one thousand dollars in money and three hundred and seventy barrels and two hundred and twenty-three pounds of flour.^^" Again in 1798 it was announced that the people of Lancaster were aiding the fever-stricken mothers of Philadelphia.^"^ The various religious denominations undoubtedly pro- vided for their poor, although the newspapers mentioned this form of charity very rarely. However, such aid was probably the most important and the most widespread, even if the least ostentatious. We find^°^ that the Luth- 2" PC, 53. 2^7 NUR 154. 2*8 PCj 254. 2*» PCj 256. 250 DP 2. 281 DP 42. ■252 PCj 277, 278. Charities and Humanitarian Organizations. 69 eran congregation of Philadelphia held special collections prior to 1784 for its poor. Beginning with that year it set aside for the poor the collections of its evening prayer meetings after having deducted the cost of light. On February i, 1790, the congregation organized "Die Ge- sellschaft zur Unterstiitzung der Hiilfsbediirftigen Armen in der Deutsch Evangelisch Lutherischen Gemeinde." In four years the membership of this society had increased from fourteen to almost two hundred. In 1791 the Ger- man Reformed congregation of Philadelphia started a sim- ilar society. In the winter of 1791-1792^°' the Lutherans bought fifty cords of wood to give to the poor and also helped the needy with money and bread.^^* The German publishers were unanimously opposed to slavery. In 1760 the second Saur expressed the belief that it .would have been conducive to the welfare of Pennsyl- vania if the importation of slaves had been forbidden at the time when the province was settled.^^^ Almost a year later^^" he published a strong attack on the slave trade. The article opened by saying that Germans in America were beginning to buy slaves because they could not pro- cure German redemptioners. Although they gave various reasons why they purchased slaves, none of the reasons would stand the test of the Golden Rule. In reality their greed was the only cause for the purchases. Up to that time Pennsylvania had been unprofitable territory for the slave dealers, because the Germans had opposed the traffic, but since some of them were now encouraging it, there was a rumor that three ships had departed for Africa. 2=3 GZ. 86. ^5* This was not done by the above mentioned society. 255 s 3-28-60. 2=8 S 250. 70 The Pennsylvania-German Society. Presumably the manufacturers were the most frequent purchasers of slaves. They certainly inserted the largest number of advertisements in the papers about runaway slaves. Thus Georg Adam Weidner, of Berks County, who owned a brick kiln, offered rewards for runaway slaves in 1761^" and in 1763,^"^ and Henrich Wilhelm Stiegel, the owner of an iron foundry at Mannheim, Lancaster County, informed the public in 1763 that one of his^'* slaves had run away. Saur published Weidner's adver- tisement of 1 76 1 in his paper. He appended, however, an editorial note in which he said he was amazed that the negro ran away barefooted and with poor clothes. If the masters had been doing what was right, many of the slaves would not have thought of running away ; but greed is the root of all evil. Toward the close of the century the protests against slavery became very common. In 1787 the Neue Un- partheyische Lancaster Zeitung published in installments the story of Walter Mifflin, a Quaker who had freed his slaves.^*"" It was printed for the purpose of helping the anti-slavery cause. In 1788, one hundred years after the first protest against slavery by the German Quakers of Germantown, the Lutheran synod went on record against slavery.^" Reiche in his "General Postbothe" told his readers that Congress could not abolish slavery, because such an act would give Congress the power to confiscate all property. Like original sin, we could not get rid of slav- 257 S 7-3-61. 258 M 94. 259 M 94. 26»NUL 7, 15, 16, 17. 281 NUL 46. Chanties and Humanitarian Organizations. 71 ery entirely, but we should eliminate It as nearly as pGSsible."^ In 1794 the following poem, with the title "Lied eines Negersclaven in America," was reprinted from the Got- tinger Musenalmanach^^^ of 1784 by the Philadelphische Correspondenz :^°* 1. Hinter'm Meeres-Strande, Wo die Sonn' erwacht; Fern, aus jenem Lande, Bin ich hergebracht. 2. Raja, mein Gebieter, Gab, um Feuertrank, Einem weissen Wiiter, Mich auf Lebenslang, 3. Bin ein Mensch, wie Weisse, Habe nichts gethan; Plagen mich mit Fleisse, Sehn als Thier mich an. 4. Lasten zum Erdriicken Sind mir aufgelegt, Blut farbt meinen Rucken, Wenn die Geissel schlagt. 5. Nicht um sie zu atzen Duld' ich alle Fein; Steine, die sie schatzen, Tauschen sie drum ein. 6. Und heim lebt" ich friedlich! Gegen jeden mild, Theilt" ich gem und gutlich. Was mein Pfeil erzielt. 7. Weib von Dir gerissen, Dir geraubt bin ich! Muszt den Gatten missen, Harmst dich ab um mich. 282 GP 27. 283 Gottinger Musenalmanach, 1784, p. 88. 28* PC, 269. 72 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 8. Ach! und meiner Kleinen, Meiner Kinder Noth! Jammern jetzt und weinen, Sind vielleicht schon todt. 9. Weisz, ihr fleht zu Gotte, Dasz er gunstig sey, Thut ihr's nicht zum Spotte? Weisse ! gebt mich frey. This poem thoroughly expresses not only the sympathy which the Pennsylvania German felt toward the slaves, but also the moral indignation aroused in him by the slave horror. J-^H/i CHAPTER IV. THE EDUCATION AND THE EDUCATIONAL FACILITIES OF THE PENNSYLVANIA GERMANS. A. Schools.^"" '^HE educational problem facing the German Americans ^^ of the eighteenth century was a difficult one. Since most of the immigrants belonged to the peasant class, they usually had a very poor education, if any at all. The number of illiterates was undoubtedly very large. In 1754 an article was published in London describing the condition of affairs in the province of Pennsylvania.^^* To the author's assertion that one half of the Germans were uneducated ( " ungelehrsami " ) , Saur replied^" that he doubted the accuracy of this statement. ( " Hieran ist sehr zu zweifeln.") However, he did not deny that the num- 285 This chapter does not presume to give a complete history of German American education in the eighteenth century. I have limited myself almost entirely to material which I found in the Pennsylvania German newspapers. It is well known that some schools were established before 1750 by the various denominations. Not only the Lutherans and the Re- formed but also the Moravians and the Dunkers started' elementary schools. For a brief account of the schools before 1760, see S. E. Weber's "The Charity School Movement in Colonial Pennsylvania." 268 Probably by the Reverend William Smith, although Saur thought the Reverend Mr. Schlatter was the author. 267 S 184. 73 74 The Pennsylvania-German Society. ber of uneducated persons was quite large. Probably the percentage of illiteracy was higher in the middle of the century than at any other time. The life of a pioneer was usually too arduous to allow him to think of giving his children even a rudimentary education. In addition to this, even if he desired to do so the facilities were lacking, since there were often neither schoolhouses nor teachers. Consequently the first generation of the descendants of the immigrants were more uneducated than the immigrants themselves. I. ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS. I. Before 1780. By 1750, however, many of the Germans had success- fully passed through the early vicissitudes of- a pioneer life and were beginning to turn their attention to the education of their children. Lotteries were organized to raise money for the erection of schoolhouses. For instance, a lottery was started to pay for the schoolhouse and for the parsonage of the Lutheran congregation in German- town f^^ another one was begun for the purpose of raising money to build a schoolhouse for the German Reformed congregation of Philadelphia ;^°* the Lutherans in Reading started a lottery In 1755 so that they might obtain funds to purchase a school building.^^' In these first years of the second half of the century we also find an Increasing num- ber of teachers among the Immigrants. According to Saur's paper of June i, 1750, a German teacher was con- fined in the Philadelphia prison because he did not have sufficient money to pay for his passage. Again In 1753 a teacher and his wife offered themselves as Indentured str- 288 S 160. 288 S II-I-5S. Education and Educational Facilities. 75 vants for three and a half years in order to pay the ex- penses of the voyage.^'" A society was formed in England in 1753 for the pur- pose of establishing so-called free or charity schools among the Pennsylvania Germans, In which both the English and German languages should be taught without charge. The Lutherans and the Reformed gladly accepted the offer, the Reverend Mr. Schlatter of the Reformed church being ap- pointed superintendent of the schools. However, the sec- tarians, led by Saur, attacked the schools on the ground that they were organized for the purpose of making the Germans forget their own language. They bitterly re- sented the imputation that they might become disloyal to the colony if they preserved their native tongue.^^^ Saur asked why the Irish, the Swedes and the Welsh were al- lowed to retain their language, while the Germans were expected to speak English.^" Saur's question forms a part of the comment on the news Item that six English free schools for Germans were to be opened by an English society and would be located at Philadelphia, Lancaster, Yorcktaun, Reading, Easton, etc. How long the charity schools remained in existence Is not known. Saur's paper does not mention them after 1756, although some were still In existence In 1763."* The references to them In 1756 show that Influences were at work which would cause their failure. Saur reported that Schlatter was not popular among the Germans of Pennsylvania because of his favorable attitude toward the 2'»S 159. 271 For a history of the struggle for the preservation of their language, see Chapter V. 27^8 9-I-S4. 273 Weber, op. cit., p. 55. 76 The Pennsylvania-German Society. free schools.^^* In another issue he announced that Johann Wilhelm Wiegand, the teacher of the free school in Phila- (Jelphla, who had been teaching sixty children for one year, had received only five pounds of his salary from the treas- i^rer.^'^ The schools were unsuccessful probably for two Reasons. They apparently did not have sufficient financial packing; and, again, many Germans, always alarmed at ^ny attempt to anglicize them, refused to patronize the Schools after Saur had called their attention to the danger. However, these schools produced one good result. They caused the various denominations to make more determined pfforts to provide adequate educational facilities for the young. The Lutheran and the Reformed congregations in the rural districts began to insert advertisements for teachers in the Philadelphia papers. The first of these advertise- ments which I have discovered is found in Saur's paper of May 1 6, 1756. It says that a teacher is wanted in " Em- ety Taunschip " (Berks County) . The advertisements in- creased in frequency up to about 1770. Between 1770 and 1775 the teachers inserted more advertisements, offer- ing their services.^^° This seems to indicate that the sup- ply now exceeded the demand. After the outbreak of the war the schools had difficulty in obtaining teachers. On January '5, 1776, the German Reformed congregation of Philadelphia advertised for a teacher.^" In 1779 the Germantown Union School had no English and no German teacher. The successful applicants for the positions were each promised a house, garden and orchard without rent."* "4s 7-1-56. 275 s s-i-56. 270M 6i8 et al. 2" M 761. 2"M 919. Education and Educational Facilities. "j-j It is rather difScult to determine what the teachers were ordinarily required to teach in these schools because the advertisements usually did not specify this. Undoubtedly they taught reading, writing and arithmetic. It is safe to assume that they also gave catechetical instruction, for there is abundant evidence^™ that they did so in the period following the war. They were probably also the church organists. For instance, in advertising for a teacher the German Reformed congregation of Philadelphia"' re- quired that the candidate should know how to play the organ. Girls received instruction in sewing in the German- town Union School.^^" In Philadelphia, German evening schools were started at least as early as 1754. In this year Johann Wolfgang Leitzel, "deutscher Schul-und Rechen Meister" at the lower end of Germantown, advertised that he was conduct- ing a night school, both in summer and in wlnter.^^^ The subjects were writing and ciphering. In 1763 Johann Michael Enderlein opened a German school in Philadelphia. The hours were from six to eight, from eight to twelve in the morning, from two to five in the afternoon and from six to nine in the evening.^*^ He was willing to teach read- ing, spelling and ciphering in English and in German. In 1774 we find an advertisement^*^ announcing that a Ger- man day and night school would be started in the Northern Liberties of Philadelphia; the subjects taught would be reading, Christianity, German and English writing, cipher- ^T9 See below. 280 M 919. 281 S 170. 282 M 80. 28SM 665. 78 The Pennsylvania-German Society. ing, history, geography, letter writing, public speaking, science, and, if desired, French.^^* 2. Elementary Schools; After ijSo. (a) In the Rural Districts. — ^After the war the various papers contained many advertisements for rural district teachers. Since the schools were increasing rapidly in number, the supply of teachers was entirely inadequate. In 1798 the statement was made that the teaching force in country districts was very incompetent because teachers with hardly any qualifications were permitted to give in- struction. Very few capable men wanted to teach because the salary of country teachers was disproportionately small in comparison with the income of other people.^'" Part of the teacher's salary often consisted in the free use of a house and garden. For instance, the Reformed congrega- tion of Bern, Berks County, offered to the teacher a good garden and meadow,^*" and the Lutheran teacher at Tulpe- hocken was promised thirty-five acres of land, a two-story house, a barn and enough meadow land for four head of cattle.'" In most of these country schools the Instruction was en- tirely in German, although both English and German were taught in some of them. The subjects were usually read- ing, writing and arithmetic. Moreover, the teacher, as stated above, was ordinarily required to act as organist in the church'** and to give catechetical instruction.'^* It is 284 I do jjot know whether the three last mentioned schools belonged to religious denominations, but probably not 285 DP 19. 286 PC 120. 287 A 135. This was undoubtedly an unusually liberal offer. 288 PC 120, 166; PCs, 334.; NUR 299 €t al. 289 NUR 592 et al. Education and Educational Facilities. 79 difficult to determine what kind of pedagogical methods the schoolmasters employed. The only reference I have found to methods was contained in a letter written by a Berks County to a Lancaster County teacher, in which the writer attacked the new method of teaching the children to read before they could spell.^°" The religious denominations were desirous of i-etaining elementary education within their control. When Doctor Logan in 1800 proposed to the Pennsylvania Assembly a State school system by means of which the schools would become secularized, many German papers attacked the plan. The Neue Unpartheyische Readinger Zeitung op- posed it for three reasons :^*^ the congregations would have no voice in selecting or dismissing teachers; the teachers would not be required to give catechetical instruction; everybody, no matter whether he had children or not, would have to pay taxes for the support of the schools. The York Volksherichter, edited by the Reverend Mr. Gorring, was also reported^^^ to have attacked the proposed school system on the ground that parents would have no opportunity to give a religious education to their children ; if the people would be compelled to support non-denomina- tional schools, it would be not only an infringement on their religious freedom, but also a burden. Although the Reading Adler supported Doctor Logan,^"^ his bill never passed, presumably on account of German opposition. Because many of the rural Pennsylvania Germans were 290 NUL, 54. Attention should be called to the rules of Christopher Dock, which are printed in Saur's Geistliches Magazien. Dock was a teacher of the sectarians and lived about the middle of the eighteenth century. 291 NUR 593. 2»^NUR 602. 283 A 308. 8o The Pennsylvania-German Society. unable to speak English, they were accused of being illiter- ate. This accusation was definitely refuted by the German papers. In 1790 the Philadelphische Correspondenz stated that in most townships of Pennsylvania there were less than four natives who could neither read nor write.^°* In 1800 the statement was made that schoolhouses were connected with almost all churches.'''^ The rural Pennsyl- vania Germans were determined that their descendants should have at least an elementary education. We find that a new school in New Holland, Lancaster County, was in charge of thirteen trustees in 1786.^^* The subscribers to the school, out of their own number, elected them for a term of three years. The trustees who resigned had to pay a fine of twenty shillings, and those who absented them- selves from the semi-annual meetings without good cause were fined five shillings. However, despite these determined efforts to improve educational facilities in the country districts, conditions were far from satisfactory. The children of the very poor could not attend the schools because they were unable to pay the cost of .tuition. Some hired out their children to other people on condition that the children be given school- ing and catechetical instruction.^'^ The education of a great many children was exceedingly slight. The Read- inger Zeitung'^^ gave the following reasons for this : some fiparents did not send their children to school until they [ "were sixteen years of age, while others sent them very 5 irregularly; some did not send them at all on account of ;' 28* PC, 14. ' 295 NUR 592. 20BFC 287. 2" NUR 592. 2" NUR 510, 511, 512. Education and Educational Facilities. 8i miserliness or for fear that the children would be punished in school; others attempted to give them instruction at home with very unsatisfactory results. The English and the Irish, the paper continued, put the Germans to shame in this respect, since they began to send their children to school as soon as they could carry books, and were not satisfied until their offspring had thoroughly learned read- ing, writing and arithmetic.^'"' Thus did the press attempt to stir the German people to emulation. {b) In the Larger Towns. — In the towns educational facilities for the Germans were much more satisfactory. Most of the towns like Reading,^'"' Lancaster and Phila- delphia^"" had elementary denominational schools, which had been in existence for forty or fifty years. A Lutheran school was established in Lancaster before 1750 — a state- ment which is proved by the obituary notice'*"^ of Jacob Loser, who died on January 3, 1793, after having taught in the Lutheran school of Lancaster for forty-four years. In 1782 Lancaster had several German schools. ^"^ Unquestionably Philadelphia led the State in elementary education for the Germans. The Lutherans not only con- ducted their regular denominational pay schools, but also organized in 1786 a free school for the poor children of the denomination.^"* The congregation paid the teacher of this school and provided the children with books, paper, etc. In 1792 eighty pupils were in attendance at the free school,'"* and by 1794 several hundred had received in- struction there.'"* 289 This statement is probably an exaggeration for the purpose of spur- ring the Germans to more vigorous action. 300 See above. 3»iNUL 285. 802 PC 62. 303 PC2 277, 278. 304 GZ, 86. 82 The Pennsylvania-German Society. Fortunately we have a fairly good picture of the Luth- eran elementary schools of Philadelphia in 1796. In that year a series of articles by " Philoteutologos " appeared in the Philadelphische Correspondenz on the Lutheran schools of Philadelphia. ^"^ The author indicated In the first arti- cle the external defects of the schools.^"" Although no teacher should have had more than fifty or sixty pupils, one German teacher in Philadelphia instructed almost one hundred, two others more than seventy each; and it was reported that still another had more than one hundred and thirty/"^ ■ The tuition for each pupil was eleven shillings a quarter, while the pupils in the English schools paid eighteen, twenty, thirty and thirty-five shillings a quarter. The tuition was paid directly to the teachers of the German schools by the parents, so that the salaries varied according to the number in attendance. The pupils sat so close to- gether that there was always opportunity for the mis- chievous ones to torment the others. " Philoteutologos " also expressed the fear that many children attended the free school when their parents could afford to send them to the other schools. In the second article*"^ he discussed the Internal defects of the school, as he called them. After having attended a school for five or six years, the pupils could read and write, but their learning was like that of parrots. The only text-books were the Bible, the catechism and the ABC book. "Philoteutologos" criticized the Bible as 8°» PG, 485, 487, 488, 490, 491, 493, 497. (No. 48s is found in the Har- vard Library and the others in the State Library of Pennsylvania, although 493 is also found in PHS.) 306 PCa 485. 5"^ Some of these schools were probably under the control of other denominations. See below. 3»8PC2 487, 488. Education and Educational Facilities. 83 a text-book because it was not graded. There was too much parrot-like memorizing, singing and praying in the schools, and the curriculum consisted only of religion, Ger- man reading, writing and arithmetic. In the opinion of the writer some English should have been taught. The other articles gave the constructive criticism of " Philoteutologos." He desired that there should be only one class of schools for rich and poor and no "poor" schools. He suggested the following curriculum: the English and German Languages; the fundamentals of re- ligion; ciphering in English, together with a little geom- etry, trigonometry and algebra; geography; history of Germany, America, Rome and Greece. °°° He would have divided the school into seven classes as follows : first class, German letters, syllables and words; second class, reading an easy German book, writing; third class, continuation of reading and writing, study of catechism, German gram- mar'" and English, reading and interpi-eting the New Tes- tament on Friday; fourth class, continuation of the work of the third class and, in addition, English grammar and writing; fifth class, continuation of the work of the fourth class, reading best prose and poetic works, Old Testament on Friday, ciphering; sixth class, continuation of the work of the fifth class; seventh class, higher mathematics, com- position, geography, history, natural science and ethics. ^^^ There were to be four teachers, two for the German sub- jects of the first six classes, one for the English subjects of these classes and one for the seventh class who knew both languages."^ The writer also urged the value of public 200 PC3 490. 81° He wanted somebody to write a German grammar for use in the schools. 311 PCj 491. 84 The Pennsylvania-German Society. examinations/^^ He gave a detailed account of the tuition 1 which was to be charged and a description of the school- > house to be erected. He insisted that the sexes should be jseparated.^^' While these articles emphasized the defects of the exist- ing schools, the fact that a leading German paper devoted so much space to both destructive and constructive criticism indicated that the Germans of Philadelphia were thor- oughly alive to the necessity of giving their children an elementary education. " Philoteutologos " said"* that one hundred and eighty pupils were enrolled in 1796 in the Lutheran schools of Philadelphia alone; in addition, many children of German extraction were attending the English schools because the German schools offered them no oppor- tunity to study English. The leading Germans in general desired their brethren to have sufficient education to enable them to display a more Intelligent interest in local and national affairs. This desire was often expressed in the newspapers. "° On Jan- uary 9, 1788, the following eloquent paragraph appeared in the Neue Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitung: Mochte doch jede kleine Landstadt, die in Verbindung mit der umliegenden Gegend 3, 4 Wirthshauser zu Verderben der Jugend im Flor erhalten kan, sich durch ahnliche Anstalten (i.e., elemen- tary schools) auszeichnen! Mochten unsere lieben Deutschen sich einmal iiberzeugen dasz Schulen leiblichen und geistlichen Segen mit sich fiihren, dasz sie uns Biirgerliche-und Gewissens- freyheit sichern, dasz sie uns zu einer erleuchteten Nation erheben, dasz sie unsern Kindern und Kindeskindern das unschatzbare, mit si^ PC. 493. 313 PC, 497. si*PCa 491. s" See NUR i, 510; NUL 55-58 et al. Education and Educational Facilities. 85 so vielem Blute erkaufte Gut, erst recht geniessen lassen, freye Burger in Amerika zu seyn. There was little danger that the Pennsylvania Germans would become uneducated and unintelligent citizens when their leaders saw so clearly the need of an education."' The Moravians of Bethlehem were conducting in 1787 a school for yoimg girls which placed much emphasis on the finer arts. A twelve-year-old girl wrote a letter, dated August 16, 1787, to her brother in a school in Connecti- cut."^ She said that about thirty girls of her age were rooming in the same building where she was. Every morning they rose at six o'clock and, after washing and combing, went for worship into a little chapel which was attached to the school. Their morning and evening serv- ices consisted of religious hymns, which they accompanied on their zithers. No man was permitted to come into the chapel. At seven they had breakfast and at eight school commenced. They studied English and German"^ read- ing and grammar, writing, ciphering, history, geography, composition, etc., up to eleven o'clock. Then they went to chapel, where a man gave them a short religious and moral talk, and the organist played on a large organ. At a quarter of twelve dinner was served. In the afternoon they were taught sewing, embroidering, painting and music. School was dismissed at three o'clock and supper was served at six. At half past seven evening worship began, and at eight they retired into a large room, where all of them slept. On Sunday they attended religious services in a large chapel, where the whole school assembled. The 319 See Chapter VIII. 3" PC 371. 31S Only one language was required, but both could be studied if de- sired. 86 The Pennsylvania-German Society. I sermons were sometimes in German and sometimes in E lish. The singing was very pretty and was accompam. by violins, bass viols and organs. There were two women teachers in the school in addition to the one who taught music, and one male teacher, who gave instruction in grammar. The young girl addedi that there was an academy for boys at Nazareth corresponding to the girls' school. 11. HIGHER INSTITUTIONS OF LEARNING. While the German religious denominations were unani- mous in their approval of elementary instruction, some of them were aggressively opposed to higher education. The reasons for this opposition were well and emphatical'y stated by Saur. When the University of PennsylvaL a was established he inserted the following in his paper :"° Die Vorschlage und Einrichtung zu einer Hohen Schule •: gedruckt, und stellet vor, dasz darinen gelehret werden soli , Lateinisch, Griechisch, Frantzosisch, Spanisch, Teutsch u^d Englisch nach dem Grund der Sprach. Auch soil die Juge i I unterweissen werden im Schreiben, Rechnen, in Historien Vf^n alten Geschichten und die beschreibung des Erdbodens, in df r Meszkunst, der Wohlredenheit, natiirlichen Philosophia, uni was verschiedenen Handwercksleuten dienen kan, um Abrisb.^ zu machen, und noch in anderen verschiedenen Dingen wovon Salomon sagt: Gott habe den menschen aufrichtig gemacht; aher sie suchen viel Kiinste, die theils zum natiirlichen Leben dienen, theils dem wahren Christen thun mehr hinderlich als niitzlich sind ; dan die edle Zeit da sie solten trachten am ersten nach der^i Reich Gottes und nach seiner Gerechtigkeit wird verschwendet mit Sachen durch welche dem menschen zum Stoltz, Hochmiitig und reich zu werden Gelegenheit gegeben wird, wovon Christus sagt : Wie schwerlich werden die Reichen ins Reich Gottes kommen-; =10 8 ii8 (March i6, 1750). Education and Educational Facilities. 87 es-fgt leichter etc. Und Paulus fragt; Wo sind die Klugen? Wo sind die Weltweissen ? Hat nicht Gott dieser Welt Weisheit zur Thorheit gemacht? Im Plan ist nichts gemeldet vom Prediger Machen, von Layer und Doctor Machen, dan es folgt hernach; Die ersten beyden brauchen nur ein gutes Mundstiick, um ihr Gecachtnusz .auszuleeren. Und der letzten sind schon mehr als gut ist: Viele machen sich selbst, durch anderer Leute Schaden, c'der verlust des Lebens. In the next number of his paper Saur elaborated his attacks upon colleges. He said he was not opposed to a good education for the young people, as a writer in the Philadelphia Fama claimed. Saur granted that college students learned everything necessary for their temporal V 'elf are. If a student wished to become great, rich, e-feemed and honored, to have easy times in life, to rule over his fellowmen, that wish came from Lucifer. If the C' isire to dance and fight was added to it, nothing appeared t:>'such students more despicable than a Christian life. , Hat einer auf Hohen Schulen neben Philosophi (viel losze Vieh) a-icn die Natur aller Krauter, Wurtzeln, Thiere, Metallen und aJies was mineralisch ist kennen lernen, verstehet auch den gantzen laehschlichen Corper zu anatomieren, und denckt er kenne und ■w'ise alle Gebrechen des menschlichen Leibes nach dem besten U;'terricht, den die erfahreneste und geubte Meister auf den ScPiulen geben konnen, und bekehret sich hernach zu Gott, von grrtzem Hertzen, und sein Verstand wird mit Gottlichem Licht erleuchtet, so wird er in Verwunderung zum Preisz Gottes sagen : Dieser Welt Weiszheit ist doch nur Thorheit bey Gott ! rr ^He then used the lives of Christ and Paul as illustrations and promised to publish in the future what Luther said of colleges for the benefit of those who did not believe Christ and Paul. In 1754 Saur thought that the English society, organ- 88 The Pennsylvania-German Society. ized for the purpose of establishing free schools'^" among the Germans, was planning to start a college for Germans. This mistake occasioned the following attack :^^^ Wir horen, dasz der Ehrgeitz, Geldgeitz und Wollust eine Anstalt gemacht, dasz zu Philadelphia eine Hohe Schule auf- gerichtet werden, vor die Teutschen die nicht arbeiten mogen, oder eine ehrliche Hanthierung treiben ; vermuthlich unterm Vorwand dasz man Advocaten, Doctor und Prediger bier im Lande selber macben konne, weil so wenig Gutes herein komt. About forty years later Saur's grandson, Samuel Saur, also published an attack on higher education in his paper. Die Chesnuthiller Wochenschrift.^^^ He quoted Luther as saying that it would be much better if all colleges were burned to powder, for nothing more hellish or devilish has ever been erected than these.°^' Saur asserted that edu- cated men were not steadfast, the colleges were the assem- bling places of rascals, and that hardly anything was taught in them except disputation. Atheistical and deistical books were written by college men. Students in higher institu- tions of learning learned to write novels, tragedies and comedies, the purpose of which was to entertain vain peo- ple. Even Gellert once wrote a comedy, although later he was sorry that he had done it. Although the influential Saurs maintained such a deter- mined opposition to higher education, we must not lose sight of the fact that the leaders, both secular and religious, of the Lutherans, the Reformed and the Moravians were unanimously in favor of it. We have seen that Bohm's ^^ See above. S21S 169. 322 CW 99. 102, 104. S23 Luther did not condemn all higher and secondary education, as is well known. Education and Educational Facilities. 89 Fama disagreed^" with Saur's attitude in 1750, and that the Lutheran and the Reformed ministers were often in- structors at the various coUeges/^^ Henrich Miller pub- lished in 177 1 a long account of the commencement exer- cises of the academy which later became the University of Pennsylvania. '^° He was particularly pleased that four medical students graduated in that year. When he heard the report in 1769 that an academy was to be established at Reading, he said that such a school at that place would undoubtedly confer great benefits upon the inhabitants, and especially upon the youth of the province, and would be an eternal glory to its founders and supporters. ^^^ A German seminary was founded in Philadelphia in 1773. Its purpose was threefold: to help the English youths to study German, to aid the German youths to ob- tain some useful knowledge, no matter what occupation they intended to follow in later life, and to give the Ger- man American youths a good foundation in order that they might later enjoy so much the more advantageously the benefits of the English academies in Philadelphia and else- where.'"' That the school was entirely under the super- vision of the Lutheran congregation of Philadelphia is proved by the request that all subscriptions for the school be given to the Lutheran ministers or to certain private individuals and by the fact that all prospective students had to report to the ministers of this congregation.'"" The seminary was probably never very flourishing. On June 32* See above. 325 See Chapter II and also below. 328 M 455. 327 M 393. 328 M 645. 329 M 597. 90 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 29, 1773, only fourteen students were enrolled, although five more were expected. In 1774 the teaching corps of the school consisted of the Lutheran ministers with John Gartley, the English teacher, and Daniel Lehman, a young man twenty years old, who had received his education at Strassburg.^^" In the same year a lottery was organized,'^^ the proceeds of which were to be given to the seminary. The institution probably came to an end when the British seized Philadelphia in the fall of 1777. At any rate, the last reference to it in the newspapers is found in the Staats- bote of September 3, 1777. In 1780 the University of Pennsylvania started a Ger- man institute or academy in connection with its preparatory department. The Reverend Mr. Kunze, the Lutheran minister, had charge of it at first ; after his removal to New York, his colleague, the Reverend Mr. Helmuth, succeeded him.'^^ The first notice of this school found in the Ger- man papers is in the Philadelphische Correspondenz of April 10, 1782, when the report was made that four young German Americans had been admitted into the university from the German Academy. The trustees of the uni- versity intended to place a teacher of English In the acad- emy, and the professor of German at the former would also be tutor In the latter. It was further announced that they would withdraw this offer unless a minimum of thirty students would take advantage of It. The Deutsche Ge- sellschaft of Philadelphia promised to pay for two of these students.^'^ At the university's commencement in 1784 one German, Heinrlch Stuber, received his baccalaureate 3S0M 645. ^^^ M 656. The proceeds were to be loiz pounds 10 shillings. S32 See Dubbs's " History of Franklin and Marshall College," pp. 8-9. 338 See Chapter III. Education and Educational Facilities. 91 degree. He had begun to study when the German De- partment was organized four years before/'* On Septem- ber 20, 1784, the German students of the institute showed their proficiency before the assembled members of the Deutsche Gesellschaft by rendering a varied program.^'" In 1785 seventy Germans were attending the institute. They studied English and German reading and writing, Latin, Greek, mathematics, history and geography, with French as an elective; particular attention was given to public speaking. The tuition was six pounds a year.''" This institute, however, did not satisfy the ambition of the German leaders, who desired a German college in Penn- sylvania. They felt that such an institution would attract students of all religious denominations, while the academy in Philadelphia would probably be considered a Lutheran school because the ministers of that denomination were on the instructing staff. They probably also thought that many Germans were deterred from entering an English college because they would be derided by the students of English descent. As early as August 9, 1785, an article appeared in the Philadelphische Correspondenz which urged the establishment of a German college. One month later the same paper published a long article on the advisa- bility of starting a non-denominational German college. The writer expressed the opinion that such a school was necessary in order that the Germans might be able to take an active part in public affairs; in a German college the 33* PC 163. 333 PC 179, 182, 183, 184. 336 PC 227. Philip Pauli, the French and Latin teacher, offered board at thirty pounds per year. The Institute was still in existence in 1789. On July 30 of that year Pauli delivered his farewell address and made an eloquent plea that the Germans should take advantage of the opportunity offered by the University, and by the Deutsche Gesellschaft. (See PC 435.) 92 The Pennsylvania-German Society. Germans would not be discouraged by being termed " Dutchman " and " Sour Crout," as happened in the Eng- lish colleges. He suggested that Lancaster would be a good place for the school because the city was centrally located.'" On December ii, 1786, a petition for a charter for Franklin College at Lancaster was presented to the Penn- sylvania Assembly. The college was to have forty trus- tees, of whom fourteen were to be Lutheran, fourteen Re- formed and the remainder chosen from members of any Christian f aith.'^* The full text of the charter was printed in Steiner's paper of January 16, 1787. On Tuesday, June 5, 1787, the trustees chose^'" the following officers and instructors : Principal, the Reverend Heinrich Miihlen- |jgj.g.34o yjj,g Principal, the Reverend Wilhelm Handel;^" professor of Latin, Greek, and German, the Reverend Friedrich Valentin Melsheimer;'*^ professor of mathe- mathics, William Reichenbach; professor of the English language and fine arts, the Reverend Joseph Hutchins.'" On the next day the dedication exercises were held in the German Lutheran church of Lancaster.^" Before the exercises the leading citizens of the town went in procession from the courthouse to the church. In this procession were found the faculty and trustees of the college, the members of the Reformed Coetus and of the Lutheran Ministerium, the officers of the religious bodies of the town S37PC 228. 3S8 PC 295 ; GZ so. »3»PC 321; GZ 63. 310 Lutheran. 3*1 Reformed. 3*2 Lutheran. 3*3 Episcopal. s"PC 321; GZ 63. Education and Educational Facilities. 93 and various other prominent men. The Reformed, Luth- eran, Episcopalian and Moravian ministers took part in the dedication exercises. At the beginning of 1788 one hundred and five students were in attendance at the new college.'" The work done seems to have been satisfactory. In a long account of the annual examination, held on October 17, 1788, the writer expressed his particular pleasure in the fact that the stu- dents of German descent spoke English as well as those of English parentage."" In 1789 we are told that the stu- dents were examined, in addition to other subjects, in the Greek New Testament, Lucian and a small Greek chres- tomathy, but that they made a poorer showing in Greek than in the other "subjects.'*'' Although the college received some State aid in 1788'** and received encouragement from all the German papers, it was often in financial straits. In the winter of 1788- 1789 the Reverend Mr. Melsheimer wrote'*' a letter de- claring that the college faced a deficit of two hundred pounds because the charges for tuition were too low. When somebody blamed this deficit on poor business man- agement and suggested that the teachers' salaries should be reduced from two hundred to one hundred pounds a year, the answer was promptly made that the teachers had already done this of their own volition.'^" Again in 1789 the fear was expressed that the college would have to close on account of lack of funds.'" 3*5 NUL 30; PC 356. 3"NUL 66. 8*7 NUL 102. 3«NUL 37. S48NUL 30; PC 356. 3=0 NUL 34. s"NUL 102. 94 The Pennsylvania-German Society. Probably the chief reason for these troubles was the passive, if not active, hostility of many of the Germans, particularly the sectarians. In a communication to the Lancaster Zeitung, " Stoffel Ehrlich," of Canostoga Town- shipj'^^ said he was opposed to the college because it would only make children wiser than their parents. He wanted his son to learn a trade. His daughter could read, but not write ; she could, however, spin and cook, and was a good housekeeper. His father had not been able to read or write and yet he had been prosperous. Whether this com- munication expressed the views of its author or was simply a bitter satire, there is no doubt that it was a true reflection of the views of a large number of Germans. " Hannickel Wahrheit" stated in another communication^'^ that the Germans often said, "Wie gelehrter wie verkehrter" and " Wer will endlich das Land bauen, wann alles gut gelernt ware." It is consequently not surprising that many Ger- mans with such views refused to support the college. However, Franklin College survived all vicissitudes and is now, as Franklin and Marshall College, one of the best small colleges in Pennsylvania. Two lesser attempts to organize German secondary schools remain to be mentioned. From an advertise- ment'" in May, 1793, we learn that the Reverend Fried- rich Hermann intended to start a Latin school in the Ger- mantown schoolhouse on June 17, 1793. About one year later''' the announcement was made that on July i, 1794, Friederich Hermann, of Germany; J. M'. Ray, of Edin- burgh and Paris, and others would open the Germantown 352 NUL 2. 353 NUL 7. 3" PCs 214. 3=5 PCj 310. Education and Educational Facilities. 95 college. The following subjects would be taught: Ger- man, English, French, Latin, Greek, Oriental languages, including Hebrew and others, the philosophical sciences, " so wiealle andere Zweige gewohnlicher und feiner Erzie- hung, nach einem verbesserten Plan, auf das (sic) kurzes-te und practischte Art." I do not know how long the college remained in existence or even whether it was ever started. The same statement is true of another proposed educa- tional venture, the German Catholic academy which was to be opened in Philadelphia on December i, 1796.^^' The subjects to be taught were: penmanship (schon Schreib- kunst), spelling, geography, naturalsciences, letter writing and composition, general history, Latin, Italian, French, instrumental and vocal music, and ethics (morallsche Vor- lesungen zur Bildung des Herzens und Aufklarung des Verstandes und dergleichen) . In addition to the institutions discussed above, there were a considerable number of elementary schools and Latin schools conducted by private individuals. B. Other Educational Facilities. Besides the educational opportunities offered by schools and newspapers, the Pennsylvania Germans had their books and libraries. Some German books were published in this country during the eighteenth century and many more were imported from Germany. As may be expected, the great majority of the books read were of a religious, moral or practical nature, although some literary works were im- ported. Since it Is not the purpose of this monograph to give a bibliography of German books printed in America, and since fairly complete bibliographies have been pub- 356 pCj 563. 96 The Pennsylvania-German Society. lished,^^^ I shall call attention to only a few of the most important publications which are mentioned in the news- papers. Naturally the famous Saur German Bible of 1743 de- serves first mention. It is impossible to decide when Chris- toph Saur first conceived the idea of printing the Bible, for I have been able to find only two copies of his newspaper published prior to April 16, 1743. The issue of February 16, 1742, announces that Saur wanted to print the Bible that year, but that he would probably have to postpone the venture because he had received only a few subscriptions, although he might print enough for the subscribers and no more. Presumably, however, he did not print any before 1743. When he announced on August 16, 1743, that the unbound copies of the German Bible were ready for distri- bution at twelve shillings apiece, the inhabitants of Amer- ica saw for the first time the entire Bible printed in a, Euro- pean language in the New World. Copies were later bound in sheep skin, calf skin or other leather.'"* It is to be noted that Saur said the poor could have these Bibles free of cost.'^° Although the total edition amounted to but twelve hundred copies, only one fourth of them had been sold in 1745.'°" In that year Saur also printed'" separately the New Testament in German.'^^ Before 1760 the Lutherans, the Reformed, the Mora- 35' Seidensticker's " First Century of German Printing in America " ; Hildeburn's "The Issue of the Press of Pennsylvania, 1685-1784''; Bausman's "A Bibliography of Lancaster County Imprints." 358 S 37. S59 S 35. 3<"> S 66. s«iS 6i. 382 The Saurs published a second and a third edition of their Bible in 1763 and in 1776 respectively. Education and Educational Facilities. 97 vians and the Sectarians had published hymn books. The Lutherans and the Reformed had also published cate- chisms. As early as 1746 Saur desired''^^ to buy a copy of Konig's German and English Grammar in order to reprint it. In 1 76 1 he published a biography of Frederick the Great.^" In the same year Henrich Miller printed " Des Landmanns Advocat," a collection of useful extracts from various Pennsylvania and English laws.'^^ He also pub- lished a " Wohl-eingerichtetes Vieh-Arzney-Buch " in 1771.'°° Aesop's fables were translated into German by G. F. Goetz, a German American, and published by Steiner and Kammerer in 1794. This book was adorned with more than fifty copper engravings.^^^ Probably the best seller of all non-religious German American books of the eighteenth century was a translation of William Cobbett's "The Bloody Buoy thrown out as a warning to the politi- cal pilots of America," published by Jungmann and Co., Reading, in 1797.'*^^ It was in reality a campaign docu- ment of the Federalist party and described the excesses committed in the French Revolution as a terrible warning to the American people. Jungmann boasted that he had sold between two and three thousand copies of it in less than three months.^''^ Among the hundreds of other Ger- man books published in America, mention should be made of Teerstegen's " Geistiges Blumengartlein Inniger Seelen," which passed through seven editions between 1747^^" and 363 8 76. 864 S 4-24-61. 365 S 1-29—63. 36S M 472. 367 PC, 313 fj. 368 NUR 437. 369 NUR 448. 370 S 90. 98 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 1791,^'^ of the Sectarian hymnal, "Das Kleine Davidischc Psalterspiel," and of the journals of the Pennsylvania As- sembly after 1786/" The book importing business assumed large proportions at an early date. In 1772 seven hundred German books were offered for sale by one firm."^ In the same year G. C. Relnholdt inserted in Miller's paper a full-page advertisement of imported books/^* After the war al- most every paper contained one or more book advertise- ments. In 1784 Robert Bell, of Philadelphia, announced that he had just received two hundred books from Ger- many."° Jacob Lahn, of Lancaster, published a two-page book advertisement in the Lancaster Zeitung of July 11, 1792. Since it is impossible to name all the titles of the impor- tations, I shall mention only some of those which are of interest to the literary historian. In 1754 " Flavius Jo- sephus, jiidlscher Geschlchtschreiber " and Hubner's " Staats und Zeltungs Lexicon " were advertlsed.^^° In 1763 Peter Miller, of Philadelphia, offered"'' the follow- ing rather unusual books, " Begebenhelten dreyer Coquet- ten oder die Spazlergange In dem Thuileries," " Wunder- bare Avanturen zweyer lustigen Weltkinder," " Die ver- tauschten Kinder" and "Avanturen zweyer Frauenzim- mer." The old German " Volksbiicher " were apparently very popular throughout the entire century. For instance, 371NUL 190. "2 GZ 27 et al. 373 M 542. 37* M 575. 376 PC 165. 378 S 164. 377 M 66. Education and Educational Facilities. 99 Anthon Armbriister, of Philadelphia, sold"' in 1764 " Die Historic vom Ewigen Juden." In 1767 Andreas Geyer, of the same city, advertised"' " Kaiser Octavianus," " Die vier Raymonds Kinder," "Der listige Reineke Fuchs," " Das lustige und lacherliche Lalenbuch," " Eulenspiegcl " and " Die schone Melusina." That these books retained their popularity to the end of the century can be seen from two references to them: " Stoffel Ehrlich," of Conastoga township,^*" asserted in 1789 his belief in the truth of the "Faust" and "Der Ewige Jude" stories ;^'^ in 1797 the publisher of the Readinger Zeitung deprecated the popu- larity of such books as " Eulenspiegel," " Der gehirnte Siegfried," " Schone Magelone " and " Genofefa."^'^' In the last two decades of the century many books writ- ten by contemporary German authors were imported, Goethe's "Werther" being apparently a particular fa- vorite.^'^ So great was the demand for German literature in 1783 that the Hamburg (Germany) firm of Thuun and Boden sent to Philadelphia a large assortment of books, among which were Goethe's,^'* Gellert's, Rabener's, Hage- dorn's and Geszner's complete works, Klopstock's Messias, Hermannschlacht, odes and hymns, Ewald von Kleist's works, many of Wieland's works, Lessing's comedies and tragedies.^'" In the next year an English firm in Phila- delphia, Robert Bell, imported, among others, Shake- 378 ]yi i^. There is some doubt whether this book was imported or published by Armbriister. 379 M 304. 380 See above, p. 112. 381 NUL 106. 382 NUR 459. 383 PC 129; NUL 4; DP 16 et al. 38* In four volumes. 385 PC 132. 100 The Pennsylvania-German Society. speare's " Geist " and Klopstock's " Messias."''° Begin- ning with 1790, Lancaster firms began to receive large shipments of books. Jacob Lahn offered for sale Gellert's, Rabener's and Klopstock's works,^'^ Weisz's tragedies'*' (3 volumes), a .German translation of Moliere's come- dies,^** the works'*^ of Kleist, Geszner, Lessing, Goethe, Haller, Ramler, Meiszner, Michaelis, Holty and Wieland. In 1799 Jacob Hiitter, of Lancaster, received a large con- signment of books from Germany, among which were Meusel's "Neues Museum fiir Kiinstler und Kunstlieb- haber," Plank's " Romantische Erzahlungen und Ge- dichte" and Goethe's "Wilhelm Meister's Lehrjahre" (4 volumes).^"" These advertisements, selected almost at random, may give some idea about the culture of the Pennsylvania Germans between 1780 and 1800. That the demand for books was widespread can not be doubted when we remember that there were German book stores in Easton, Reading, Lebanon, Harrisburg, York, Lancaster, Germantown, Chestnut Hill, Philadelphia and Baltimore. In Philadelphia alone there were at least eleven and prob- ably many more at one time or another in the last eighteen years of the century. The publications most widely read among the Pennsyl- vania Germans were undoubtedly the German almanacs. They contained, in addition to a calendar, many articles for instruction and entertainment. The contents of Mil- ler's almanac for 1763 may be taken as a fair illustration of the contents of all of them. It contained, according to 386 PC 151. 387 NUL 169. 888 NUL 202. 380 NUL 227. 390 DP 64. Education and Educational Facilities. loi the advertisement,'"^ ( i ) Die Fluth oder das Hohe Wasser zu Philadelphia; (2) Die Reise des Lebens, Eine Sitten- lehre; (3) Der Ungeratene Sohn. Ein schon Poetisch Stiick; (4) Der Informator. Eine Poetische Erzahlung; (5) Der tapfereOffizier. Ein Gedicht; (6) Merkwiirdige Thaten, sinnreiche Urtheile und artige Einfalle des welt- beruhmten Herzogs von Ossuna, ehemaligen Vice-Konigs in Sicilien und Neapolis; (7) Die Naturalisirungs Form derjenigen, welche Gewissens halben keinen Eid schweren konnen; (8) Eine zuverlassige Beschreibung der Insel Cuba, etc. The schedules of post riders, post wagons and ships were also printed in this almanac. More than twenty publishers issued almanacs at various times between 1750 and 1 800. It is well known that Saur's " Der Hoch- Deutsch Americanische Calender" was exceedingly popu- lar before the Revolution, but it is not so generally known that the rival Henrich Miller's " Der Neueste, Verbessert- imd Zuverlassige Americanische Calender" was also sold by the thousands. In 1772 the supply did not equal the demand despite the fact that more than fifteen hundred copies had been printed.^"^ In 1778, after the Saurs had left the city with the British, the demand for Miller's al- manac was so great that he was required to print three editions. (John Dunlap's continuation^"^ of the Saur al- manac was apparently not very popular. ) By 1 800 almost every German newspaper publisher issued an almanac. Although the Pennsylvania Germans of the eighteenth century did not possess many circulating libraries, some of them were quite famous. As early as 1766 the German town of Lancaster had a library company,'"* known as the 3" M 38. 30iM 469. 393 M 897. SHIS 371. 102 The Pennsylvania-German Society. "Juliana Bibliothek Gesellschaft," which was still in exist- ence twenty-one years later/°° In 1785 Jacob Lahn started a " circulating library" in Philadelphia,'"' which in 1786 contained more than one thousand volumes of the best German authors.'" Presumably this library was closed in the autumn of 1786 or early in 1787, for Lahn became a member of the firm which began the publication of the Neue Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitung in August, 1787. In the spring of 1792 the " Mosheimische Gesell- schaft "'"' of Philadelphia opened a German library.'"* It probably passed out of existence within a short time. In 1800 Christian Jacob Hiitter, the publisher of the Lan- caster Correspondent, established a circulating library in Lancaster. His terms were five dollars per year or one dollar and a half per quarter. He expected to be able to supply magazines and books three months after their pub- lication in Germany.*"" In the issue of his paper of July 12, 1800, he announced the arrival in Philadelphia of four thousand books for his library. Hiitter explained his rea- sons for starting the library in these words : Ich suche nicht Eigennutz dabey, sondern wiinsche Verbreitung niitzlicher Kenntnisse, Aufrechthaltung der deutschen Sprache, Geschmack an Literatur dadurch zu bewirken, kurz ich wiinsche meinen deutschen Freunden zu dienen, und zugleich miiszige Stunden auf die angenehmste Art auszufiillen.'*"^ ' In my attempt to describe the education and the educa- tional facilities of the eighteenth century Pennsylvania 3«5NUL 7. 39«PC 217, 224. 3" PC 259. 3"^ See Chapter on Language. s'sPCj 157. """H 36. *»iH 40. Education and Educational Facilities. 103 Germans, I am sure that the facts warrant the statement that these people were not without ideals in educational lines, that they were not as ignorant as has sometimes been stated, and that there was a continuous development in lit- erary taste and in educational ideals. Granting that the aims of many of them, especially in the rural districts, were very narrow, nevertheless I believe that they compared very favorably with those of the descendants of other na- tionalities who were similarly located. If the leaders of a class of people saw so clearly the advantages of libraries and of schools, and made such earnest attempts to establish them, there was reason for optimism about their future development. CHAPTER V. LANGUAGE. MHEN people leave their native country in order to settle in a land where the popular and official lan- guage is different from their own, the question always arises, whether they should attempt to preserve their native tongue, or whether it would be better for the general wel- fare to allow their posterity to be ignorant of the language in which their mothers sang lullabies to them. This ques- tion is bound to create dissensions not only among the im- migrants themselves, but often also between them and their neighbors of other nationalities. Some of the immigrants will be convinced that it will be of advantage to their de- scendants and to the country to which they now owe alle- giance, if all differences of language be erased as soon as possible. Others, however, viewing the extinction of their mother tongue with much the same emotion as one ex- periences on seeing the passing away of a dear lifelong friend, will insist that the only rational solution of the prob- lem lies In learning the new language and at the same time preserving the old. Thus divisions arise among the set- tlers. The divisions between the immigrants and their neighbors are usually caused by the lack of a mutual sympa- thetic understanding. The neighbors are often suspicious of them, because different languages and customs, like an 104 Language. 105 almost impassable gorge, separate them from one another. It is the purpose of this chapter to give an account of these dissensions. Before I do this, however, I shall digress in order to con- sider the language which the immigrants spoke. Most of them were natives of South Germany, especially of the Pa- latinate, Wiirttemberg and Switzerland."^ Since almost all of them were peasants, it is logical to suppose that they used the dialect of their native locality and that the ma- jority of them could speak the standard High German only with difficulty, if at all. I have been able to find only one specimen of a dialect in the papers.*"^ A boy saw a dance for the first time and, rushing home to his father, described the fiddler and the dancers in the following words. " Dadi, was hun ich gseha ! " " Was host du dan gseha ? " " Ey ich hun a Ding gseha do isch a Kop druf und das bleckt die Zahn und der Man der zobelt dran, do knorrt's dan streicht er, do springa d'Leut in dem Haus rum und kaner kan die Thiir finna." The dialect or dialects*"* had no written literature in the eighteenth century, so far as we know. They were not used by the press and the clergy and probably not by some of the others who had a good education. 402 See Kuhns p. 115 ff. The newspapers mention the arrival of many shiploads of South German immigrants. Two references will have to suffice. In September 1749, Sauer reported that eight ships had just arrived with Swiss Wurtterabergers, Palatines and Alsatians. In 1763 Miller announced the arrival of a ship at New York, containing two hundred and sixty Germans most of whom were from the Palatinate and Wurttemberg. (M 91.) *|>3 NUR 272. 404 The dialectical differences were gradually leveled, so that a new dialect, almost uniform throughout the entire Pennsylvania German dis- trict, appeared. This new dialect, the well known Pennsylvania German or " Dutch," has of course many English words. (See below.) At what period the new dialect appeared has not been definitely determined. io6 The Pennsylvania-German Society. A dialect is prone to borrow words. This is probably due to various causes. In the first place, it has ordinarily a limited vocabulary, so that it is obliged to hunt for words to express new ideas. Again, since it has ordinarily no written literature, the dialect must be transmitted from In- dividual to individual by word of mouth. Consequently, it does not possess a definite standard which might serve to prevent the intrusion of foreign words. After they have once been taken into the vocabulary of the dialect, it is only a question of time before they will begin to appear in the written language. Presumably the Germans in America soon began to use a considerable number of English words. Although the newspaper publishers attempted to use stand- ard High German in their publications, we nevertheless find some English words in them. The English terms for ob- jects which the Germans seldom or never saw in their native land or about which they were compelled to talk with their English neighbors appear often in the German newspapers. For instance, the following expressions are found in Saur's paper, Fens, Stoor, Zapling (sapling), Packet-Buch, Bille-Sal, Butscher, Schapkiper, Fram Haus, Seyder Press. In other (later) papers, such words are em- ployed as Dieds, Livery Stall, Martgatsches, Lieses, Re- lleses, Klappbordfense, Partnerschip-Aufhebung, Cauart, Summons, Trauar (drawer) and Hackbort. This infusion of English words Into the dialect became so pronounced that the newspapers after the Revolutionary War ridiculed the speech of the common people.*"' In 1784 the Philadelphische Correspondenz published*"" a ^O" It must be borne in mind that the following specimens are satires and, as such, probably exaggerate the use of English words. I believe that the proportion of English words found in the language of the common people was much less than in these articles. «8pc 183. Language. 107 dialogue delivered before the " Deutsche Gesellschaft " on September 20, 1784, by three German students of Hel- muth's Institute. In this dialogue one of them imitated the language of the uneducated. The following sentences have been taken almost at random from the satire. " Mit ihrer Deutschen Newspaper, warum lesen sie uns denn nicht rather diesen Artikel aus dem Englischen." " Einen Gentleman einen Thoren zu nennen, das ist meaner als mean; aber es nicht worth while, viel Notice davon zu nehmen, was sie sagen, because ich werde doch bleiben wer ich bin." " Dasz sie mich einen Fool schelten, denn das ist insufferable." "Wissen sie nicht dasz wir in ganz gepolischten Zeiten leben, in welchen sich unsere Atten- tion mit wichtigen Objecten beschaftigen solten." " Es ist pitty, etc." Finally the speaker declared that he had spoken in this manner simply to make the others talk. One of them answered, " Ich dachte halb, dasz unser lus- figer Freund nur spashaft seyn wolte, da er anfing den Pennsylvanischen Deutschen Dialect zu reden."^"'^ About sixteen years later,*"' the same paper published a communication ridiculing the medley of languages which the Pennsylvania-Germans employed even in writing let- ters. It begins with the following Introductory note to the publishers. Herren Drucker, Folgender in 1782 geschriebener Brief ist, wie ich hore, in Deutschland nach verschiedenen Universitaten geschickt worden, ■^o^It is to be noted that the language of this satire and the following one is really a mixture of English and standard German, not of English and dialect German. There is, however, no reason to draw the con- clusion from this that the language of ordinary conversation among the German Americans was standard German. ^"spCj 29 (May 7, 1800). io8 The Pennsylvania-German Society. ohne, dasz er, so hoch gelehrt die Herren auch sind, gehorig hatte erklart werden konnen. Sie sehen, welchen Vorzug wir Ameri- caner haben! Then follows a letter ostensibly written by a lawyer to his client and friend. Of course, the legal terminology is entirely English, but in addition to this there are many other English words and idioms. The following are some of the most striking sentences. " Ihr miiszt aber euren ganzen Cahs das nachste Mai in Reiting vorlegen." " Ich mankire nur noch eins zu wissen, ob cure hiesige Tenants gut natjerd sind." " Ich glaube, ich will vor euch alles recoveren, und sonst euch einige Dienste erzeigen, dazu ich abel bin." " Er hat grosze Lust zu travelen." " Ich weisz, ihr setzt viel Stohr auf ihn. Er hat einen grausa- men Kopf fiir die Lerning. Es kommt keiner mit ihm auf." " Er war schon zweymal privatieren und hat zwey grosze Preisen nehmen helfen." In 1792 the " Neue Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitung " quoted from*°° Schopf's " Reise," that the language of the Germans in Pennsylvania was a fearful mixture of German and English. The first dissension on account of the language of the German immigrants arose, as may be expected, between the English and the Germans. The charity school move- ment has already been discussed*^" so that it is necessary here to emphasize only the reason why opposition devel- oped. Many English feared that the Germans would hold themselves aloof from the other colonists, thus almost forming a commonwealth within a commonwealth, if they would not learn the English language ;^" the Germans, on «» NUL 261. "I) See Chapter IV. *"S 9-1-54. Language. 109 the other hand, resented this fear because they thought they could be just as loyal as the other nationalities who were permitted to retain their language without molesta- tion. They also resented what they believed was an at- tempt to make their children forget their native tongue. They were probably almost unanimous in the desire to re- tain the language of their forefathers. Although Muhlenberg and Schlatter, the Lutheran and Reformed leaders, supported the charity school movement, they did so because they were convinced that the schools would help their countrymen to learn English and at the same time to preserve a knowledge of German. The pamphlet mentioned above,*" which was intended to describe conditions in Pennsylvania in 1754, indicates clearly how the Germans were misunderstood by their Eng- lish neighbors. The author declared*^^ that the Germans were so stupid that they could easily be misled by the French Catholics. He recommended that schools should be established for Germans, that English alone should be taught in them and that Germans should be disfranchised for twenty or thirty years until they could speak English. Although the author was apparently an extreme radical, his article clearly shows the great danger of dissension which may arise between neighbors speaking different lan- guages. From 1755 to 1781 the German papers are, with one exception, silent on the subject of language. We can, however, easily guess what was happening during this period, — undoubtedly the spirit of suspicion was gradually being replaced by one of mutual respect and goodwill. In the first_£l3€C, the younger generation of both nationalities, *12 See beginning of Chapter IV. «3S 184. no The Pennsylvania-German Society,. growing up side by side, appreciated one another better than their ancestors had done. This caused many preju- dices to vanish. In the second_place, this intimacy between the people presumably led to intermarriages, and Such mar- riages were bound to be of great assistance in breaking down the barriers between the two nationalities. In the third place, an increasing number of Germans engaged in voStTons^^* which compelled them to enter into business relations with the English element.*^" Business relations often create the most liberal tendencies. Each of the two parties began to perceive that the other party was composed of human beings having hopes and aims similar to their own. Moreover, the Germans noticed that a knowledge of English was absolutely necessary if they were to attain the business success which they desired. In the fourth place, the English and the Germans became a united people by the struggles and hardships which they had to endure In common. Beginning in 1765, when they stood shoulder to shoulder in fighting against the Stamp Act, which they considered a serious infringement upon their liberties, the two nationalities presented a united front during all the struggles culminating in the War for *i*See Chapter VII. ^i"^ That the Germans began to feel the need of a knowledge of English can be seen from the English lessons printed by Henrich Miller in his newspaper in 1762. In announcing his intention of publishing a series of English lessons (M 25), he declared that the English language was as necessary in this country as commercial activity itself and as the association of one man with another. I may add that the phonetic values which Miller gives to some of the English letters are not above criticism; for instance, the sound of English " j " is made to correspond to German "dsch" (John-Dschon). He also declares that " th " is the veritable English shibboleth. He advises those Germans who cannot pronounce the sound correctly to pronounce it like " d," the symbol which he regularly uses for "th" in his lessons. Language. iii Independence. In this war the people of both parties shed their blood freely in a common cause, with the result that they became fused into a new nationality having com- mon aims and ideals.*^® v When the Germans began to feel that they and their^ neighbors were so closely united by family, economic andy national ties, they inevitably became more favorably dis- posed toward the English language. The prejudices against those who spoke English having largely disap- peared, the process whereby the Germans would forget their own language and speak English only went on apace. This process of assimilation was accelerated by the fact that the official language of the State was English and by the corruption of the dialect or dialects discussed above. This corruption was increased by three factors. First, comparatively few Germans arrived in America be- tween 1755 and 178 1, — probably not more than twelve thousand.*^^ Thus there were relatively few Germans in Pennsylvania who loved the German language on account of youthful associations Connected with i,t, and whose speech had not been corrupted to a certain extent by the in- fusion of English words. Second, not only did this country receive very few immigrants but all intercourse with the old country was suspended for more than half a decade. Third, since English newspapers ordinarily printed the news sooner than the German, many Germans read the former only and almost forgot how standard High German looked. These three factors caused the dialect to become distinctly " Pennsylvania " German. Many of the common people, ridiculed by their English *!' For a more detailed account of this struggle with the mother country, see Chapter VIII. *iT See Kuhns, op. cit., p. 57. 112 The Pennsylvania-German Society. friends and conscious that their language was far from be- ing the German which their ministers were preaching in the pulpits, became ashamed of their dialect and attempted to speak the language which their English neighbors used. These were the various influences which by 178 1 had begun to threaten the extinction of the German language wherever the English population was mixed to any con- siderable extent with the German. Now the leaders of the religious denominations, the members of the " Deutsche Gessellschaft " and the German publishers attempted to check the tendency. This time the struggle was confined almost entirely to the Germans. On August 29, 1 78 1, the Philadelphische Correspon- denz" published an article, signed "Ein Mitglied der deutschen Gesellschaft," in which the author lamented the fact that most of the young people of German extraction in Philadelphia read the English newspapers instead of the German. About one year later*^* another communication reported that many Germans were beginning to feel the need of the German language and to despise those Ger- mans who showed no appreciation for It. In the dialogue mentioned above, which was given before the " Deutsche Gesellschaft" on September 20, 1784,*" one of the speakers expressed his sorrow over the desire, evinced by many Germans of the rising generation, to become Eng- lish. In 1787, we read a complaint that the city people consider the German language too coarse and consequently prefer a hundred times to talk poor English rather than good German and that they refuse to read German news- papers.*^" All these communications and complaints shed «8PC 83. «»PC 183. «»PC 304. Language. 113 light upon the silent, gradual but apparently irresistible process which made the Germans English in speech. Just as the Germans had united in the colonial days to effect an improvement in the condition of the immigrants, so they now began to make more systematic efforts for the preservation of their language. In 1788 the "Deutsche Gesellschaft " of Philadelphia, of which Melchior Steiner, the publisher of the Philadelphische Correspondenz, was secretary, offered a prize*^^ for the best essay on the sub- ject, " Wie lean die Aufrechthaltung und mehrere Ausbreit- ung der deutschen Sprache in Pennsylvanien am besten bewirket werden?" In the summer of 1789 the " Mosh- eimische Gesellschaft " was organized^^^ by young men of German extraction for the purpose of learning the German language and of encouraging the people to use it in con- versation.*^' The address delivered at the second anni- versary of its founding is interesting because it Indicates very plainly the aims of the society. The speaker be- wailed the fact that so many of the descendants of Ger- man immigrants could not converse In German and were ashamed of their German-speaking brethren. The object of the society was to make people acquainted with the German language by urging the Germans to read It, to speak it, to think In It, to encourage others to speak it and to ridicule the German fool who was ashamed of his own language. Thus, the speaker declared, could German cus- toms (Sitten) be preserved. The advantages of German customs were at least four In number : first, they made one popular; second, they assured peaceful days; third, they *2iNUL 69. *2^PC2 89; GZ, 61. *23 I do not know whether this society was created at the instance of the " Deutsche Gesellschaft," but it seems very probable. 114 The Pennsylvania-German Society. created wealth; fourth, they taught people to retain the wealth they had acquired. In the spring of 1792 the society started a German li- brary. When this was announced*^* in the Philadel- phische Correspondenz, it created considerable discussion as to the advisability of attempting to preserve the German language in America. The argument was precipitated when a writer signing himself " Senex," who claimed to be a native of Germany, attacked*^' the library project and declared that the society would better sell its German books and buy English ones instead. He also said it would be better for the Germans if they would forget their own tongue and make English their only language. As condi- tions were, they could not talk English well and were con- sequently considered " Dummkopfe." Immediately a per- fect avalanche of communications appeared, attempting to refute " Senex." In the issue of the following week*^° the paper published two of them. One of them claimed that the Germans could learn English so much the more readily if they knew German well. He cited examples to prove this. The other one simply ridiculed "Senex" without advancing any arguments. The next week*^^ three more articles appeared. The first maintained that the Germans could be proud of their origin because that race had made itself the world's benefactor. The second called attention to the fact that the German Americans occupied prominent positions in our legislative bodies and that consequently not all of them were considered " Dummkopfe." The third advanced the argument that the Germans could easily ^24pc2 157. 425 PC2 164. «8pa 165. «'PCj 166. Language. 115 acquire both English and German, for many of them had learned not only these two but also French, Latin and Greek. The following week*^* the last two answers to " Senex " were published. The writer of one of them had apparently been very much hurt by the expression, " Dumm- kopfe." He hoped that the Germans would learn enough of both languages so that nobody would have any cause to speak of them in such derogatory terms. In the issue of July 31, 1792, "Senex" answered his opponents. He apparently considered only two arguments as meriting re- plies. He granted the truth of the statement that Ger- mans could well be proud of what their nationality had done for the world, but asked of what practical value it was to American Germans even if Herschel, Handel and others were Germans. Such facts would not help them in their relations with their neighbors. He answered one of his opponents who claimed that a German could learn both languages by ridiculing the poor German which he had em- ployed in his communication to the Philadelphische Corre- spondenz.^^^ Despite all attempts made by the Germans to preserve their language, their fight was a futile one. No human efforts could successfully counteract the aforementioned powerful influences. The Germans who desired the re- tention of the speech of their forefathers, often by being too conservative involuntarily assisted the tendency against 428 PC2 167. *29 This point probably forms the crux of the whole question of language. Those who advance the argument that it will do no harm for a group of people to learn two languages usually forget that the vast majority of people cannot, or at least do not, learn to speak two languages fluently and accurately. Thus one language will always remain foreign to them. I do not know how long the " Mosheimische Gesellshaft " remained in existence. I have found no mention of it after 1794. See PC2 328. ii6 The Pennsylvania-German Society. which they were fighting. The Lutheran leaders of Phila- delphia did not include any English in the curriculum of their denominational schools, with the result that many German parents sent their children to English schools in order that they might learn English writing and count- ing.*'" Some of the most prominent German Americans did not encourage the newspapers published in the German language. For instance, F. A. Muhlenberg, son of the Reverend Heinrich Melchior Muhlenberg, and speaker of the first National House of Representatives, said in 1799 that he had only seldom seen German American news- papers during the past few years.*'^ The German lan- guage had lost so much ground by 1800 that it seemed to some influential German Americans like a foreign lan- guage. A good example of this was Helmboldt, the pub- lisher of the Philadelphische Correspondenz, who admitted that he was unable to write his articles in German but wrote them in English and had them translated.*^^ The process of anglicizing the speech of the Germans was naturally most active wherever they were continually meeting the English-speaking people, as for example in Philadelphia. However, in that large expanse of terri- tory almost surrounding Philadelphia on the north, north- west, and west, that is in the counties of Northampton, Berks, Lancaster and York and parts of adjacent counties, where a traveler could probably journey for scores of miles without hearing anything but the dialect,*^' in this district the English language had made hardly any per- ceptible inroads upon the German. The dialect, even if 430 See tjie articles by " Philoteutologos " discussed in Chapter IV. *si PCa 67. «2pCs 69. *38See PC 18. Language. 1 1 7 not free from foreign words, was presumably much more nearly pure than in the territory contiguous to English settlements. We can obtain various proofs that the German language was almost exclusively used in this territory occupied by the descendants of German immigrants. In 1787 the Neue Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitung made the state- ment that almost everybody in Lancaster talked German.*^* The comparatively large circulation of German papers In the interior of Pennsylvania is another indubitable proof that a large proportion of the population spoke German. In 178 1 the majority of the subscribers of the Philadel- phische Correspondenz lived in the country districts.*^'' In 1786 the Germantauner Zeitung had only one hundred and sixty subscribers In Philadelphia, while it had apparently many times that number in the rural districts.*^' The first German newspapers in Berks and Northampton antedated the first English newspapers of those counties by half a decade. The fact that small inland towns like Reading and Lancaster could support two German papers in 1800, poor though they were, while Philadelphia and vicinity with at least as large a German population and with its much higher culture could barely support two wretched sheets, permits us to draw a fairly accurate conclusion as to the relative use of the language in the interior as com- pared with Philadelphia. The large German book stores which were established In Lancaster between 1790 and 1800*" also Indicate that the German language was flour- ishing more there than in Philadelphia, where the German book trade was experiencing a noticeable decline. «*NUL 1. "5 PC 18. *3o GZ 27. •437 See Chapter IV. Ii8 The Pennsylvania-German Society. Thus the influences which were rapidly causing the Ger- man language to disappear in Philadelphia*^' had not yet seriously affected its vitality in German inland counties. Here the struggles for the preservation of the language were destined to be repeated during the entire nineteenth century, always with the same ultimate outcome,*^" so that now in the second decade of the twentieth century, the time seems not far distant when the last vestige of the re- markable Pennsylvania-German dialect will have vanished. ^38 The decline and virtual extinction of the German language in Philadelphia before 1820 is strikingly proved by a glance at the minutes of the " Deutsche Gesellschaft." This sturdy champion of German lan- guage and customs was compelled to bovf to the inevitable in 1818, when it passed the following resolution. " Whereas inconveniences have been felt in keeping the records of this Society in the German language, therefore, resolved that all the proceedings of this Society be conducted in the English language." This resolution remained in effect up to 1859, with the exception that the two languages were on an equal footing between 1842 and 1849. In 1859 the German language was again restored to its former exclusive position. (See Seidensticker and Heinrici's Geschichte der deutschen Gesellschaft von Pennsyl'vanien, p. 65.) The reason for this recrudescence of German was probably the new tide of immigration to America in the thirties, late forties and early fifties. I may also add that there was no paper published in the German language in Philadelphia in 1820, so far as can be ascertained. ^^^ An interesting sidelight on the gradual intrusion of English into the speech of the rural Pennsylvania Germans may be noted in the adoption of English or anglicized Christian names. At present, it is certain that more than ninety-nine per cent of the Christian names among the Penn- sylvania Germans are English. When did the change commence? Among my own ancestors, my great-grandfather (born 1775) was called Johannes, but one of his younger brothers (born 1786) was named John Philip. All of my great-grandfather's children (born between 1805 and 1821) had English or anglicized names. Is not this change from German to English names highly suggestive of other great changes? CHAPTER VI. PENNSYLVANIA-GERMAN TRAITS. 9aJLM0ST all of the characteristics of the Pennsylva- ^^ nia Germans may be explained as directly influenced by the deep piety of their forefathers and by certain quali- ties originating in the stern struggle for existence which they had experienced for centuries in Germany. To the former they chiefly owed their sterling moral qualities, their honesty and their obedience to the laws of the prov- ince, while their habits of industry, frugality and sobriety had undoubtedly been developed by the continual fight for existence under unfavorable circumstances. Frugality is even at the present time a striking trait of the Pennsylvania Germans. It was very apparent in the eighteenth century, as may be seen from the references in the German newspapers. As we noted In another chapter,**" the Neue Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitung complained that the Germans refused to pay more than nine pence or one shilling for a book' and that three or four German families clubbed together to buy a weekly newspaper at a dollar a year, while an English family was willing to pay twice as much for one. This paper also showed the frugality of its publishers when they attacked the use of snuff because It resulted in a waste of time and *«» Chapter I. 119 I20 The Pennsylvania-German Society. money/" At another time this Lancaster publication without denying the truth of the allegation quoted Schopf's " Reise durch America " to the effect that the German Americans hoarded their money and spent very little, even for the necessities of life."^ When there was a general scarcity of currency in 1798, the Deutsche Porcupein blamed it partly upon the luxuriousness of the people who insisted on riding in public stage coaches when they could easily have saved the money by walking.**^ One of the favorite methods employed by politicians to arouse the Germans against the party in power was to raise the cry of extravagance. Thus, in 1793, an attack was made on a new law whereby the senators and assemblymen of Penn- sylvania would receive three dollars a day instead of two as heretofore."* This habit of economy was at least one of the reasons which caused the Germans to oppose the use of alcoholic drinks; of course, they also saw the danger of moral and physical deterioration from the excessive use of alcoholic stimulants. Feeling the need of temperance for such im- portant reasons, the newspapers seized every opportunity to warn their readers against drunkenness, and gloried in the well-known sobriety of most of the Germans. In 1749 Saur urged the Germans not to spend so much money In hotels and public houses.**' Eleven years later the second Saur expressed the. wish that the importation of rum had been prohibited at thetimeof the founding of the colony.**' After the war the papers published many articles against "iNUL 39. «2NUL 261. ♦«DP 2. *"NUR 227. *«S 3-1-49. ^"S 3-28-60. Pennsylvania-German Traits. 121 drunkenness."^ In 1788"^ the Lancaster paper printed an interesting article describing a method which proved very successful in discouraging the use of whiskey. A farmer near Philadelphia, who offered to each harvester an addi- tional sixpence a day instead of the customary whiskey, obtained so many helpers that his thirty-six acres of wheat were cut in one day. These numerous articles showing the folly and danger of over-indulgence do not prove that the Germans as a class had fallen into the habit. In fact there are definite and positive statements to the contrary in the newspapers. Two examples will suffice. In an article, signed " Philantropos," in the Lancaster paper, the author asserted that the Germans in America were less addicted to the use of strong drink than the people of any other nation- ality.**" Some time later,*'" another communication was published in which the writer said that everybody around Pittsburg distilled and drank brandy and that now even some Germans of Lancaster had formed the habit. The writer regarded the danger as so serious that he demanded an impost of one dollar a gallon on rum. If It was impos- sible to stop the growth of the habit in any other way.*°^ Among the many newspaper articles,*" praising the in- dustry of the Germans, a good example is the one from Schopf's " Relse," mentioned above, in which he says the Germans are noted for their industry.*'^ Their frugality, as well as their industry in the colonial days is nowhere "7NUL 4, 54, 80; PC 89, 91, 381 et al. 4«NUL 52. **9NUL 55. «0NUL 60. *5i It is to be noted that the writers of these articles saw no harm in beer. «2 NUL S5, 261; NUR 530; PC 20, 121 et al. «3 NUL 261. 122 The Pennsylvania-German Society. better illustrated than in an article published*"* in 1786 in which the economy of the Germans of forty years ago is contrasted with the contemporary desire for the luxuries of life. The correspondent says that, at the age of twelve, he was given by his parents to a farmer, with whom he lived up to the age of twenty-one. On attaining his ma- jority the farmer gave him two suits of homespun clothes, four pairs of socks, four linen shirts and two pairs of shoes. This was all the capital which he possessed at the time. At twenty-two he married and rented a farm of forty acres. Ten years later he bought a farm of sixty acres. Now he began to make money and gradtially acquired more land. When his oldest daughter married he gave her one hundred acres of land and some of his best flax, so that she could spin cloth for herself. At this time he was saving one hundred and fifty dollars a year because he spent no money unnecessarily. Deducting the taxes, he did not spend ten dollars yearly, and this he was compelled to spend in order to procure the necessities of life, such as salt, nails, etc. He bought cattle, fattened and sold them, and put his money out at interest. Then the change in the mode of living occurred. When his second daughter married, his wife bought kitchen utensils for her. His third daughter wore silk dresses. The spinning wheel was scarcely ever used, as the family bought the material for clothes. All these purchases made his expenses higher than his income. This extreme thrift which begrudged the spending of a single cent for anything but the barest necessities did not extend to the erection of buildings or to food. The canny Germans probably knew that good and sufficient food and substantial buildings were absolutely necessary for their continued success. Hence Schopf could say that no class *"PC 285. Pennsylvania-German Traits. 123 of people in Pennsylvania had warmer houses or better fences than the Germans and that they also had fine barns/°° As early as 1749, Saur declared that the Ger- mans lived in good dwellings and even palaces.*^^ In 1795 a farm in Strassburg, Lancaster County, was offered for sale, having the following improvements: a stone house two stories high, with four rooms on each floor, two cellars and a porch; a kitchen, attached to the house; a well and pump ; a log house ; a bam with stables/" The newspapers were silent about the food of these thrifty peasants, although the press attacked the custom of having big feasts at funerals and baptisms. Saur was op- posed*'^ to the custom because many became drunk at the funeral feasts. He hoped that all would follow the ex- ample of some influential people who had abandoned the custom. More than forty years later, Gottlob Jungmann printed*^' an article in his paper denouncing the custom of eating at funerals and baptisms, because the expenses were too heavy and because it was not sanitary to eat on the former occasions. The Germans in America were generally scrupulously honest. In addition to the remarkable conscientiousness of Saur, which I have already mentioned,*"" other examples of honesty are noted in the papers. In 1784 the Phila- delphische Correspondenz said that the Germans in Penn- sylvania had the reputation of paying their debts.*"^ The people of Berks County were so honest and peaceable that 455NUL 261. ^58 iS 3-1-49. 457 NUR 311. This farm was probably quite typical of those at the close of the century. «8S 140. «9NUR 386. 480 See Chapter I. 461 PC 183. 124 The Pennsylvania-German Society. the only inmates of the county jail in Reading for at least two months in 1789 were the jailor and his family/"^ Nat- urally there were also instances of dishonesty, and more of these are recorded in the papers than examples of honesty, simply because the former possessed more general interest as news Items. In the middle of the century, when counterfeiting was very prevalent, we find at least two in- stances of the conviction of Germans for that crime.*'' Another case of dishonesty"* is that of Heinrich Merckel, tax collector of Earl Township, Lancaster County, who ab- sconded In 1789. While the cases of gross dishonesty were undoubtedly very rare, a much more sweeping charge was made In a letter, written in 1787, which complained of widespread dishonesty, especially among the farmers with regard to weights and measures."' The papers also con- tained numerous advertisements offering rewards for the apprehension of runaway German redemptloners. Al- though the Indentured servants may at times have been justified in breaking their contracts, the frequency of these occurrences is almost conclusive proof that not all of the servants were honest. On the subject of sexual immorality It is even more diffi- cult to draw general conclusions from the newspapers. We have already seen"' how Saur attacked some of the early Lutheran and Reformed ministers on the ground of immorality. Such immorality was, however, by no means restricted to the ministers, who as a class undoubtedly im- proved when better men could be imported. The Inland German newspapers of the last ten years of the century *62NUR 23. *a3 s 99, 11-1-51. ''SiNUL 105. "5NUL 6. *^S 6-24-58. 8»« S 219. 607 S 181. SOS S II-I-S5. «»» S 189. sioS 184. 150 The Pennsylvania-German Society. time when harmony was essential for the success of the Braddock expedition. When the Indians began to attack the outlying settle- ments in Pennsylvania, like Gnadenhiitten/" the Germans on the frontier organized companies'^^ in order to guard the passes of the Blue Ridge Mountains.*" One of these so-called " watch companies " was composed of twenty-five German settlers from Berks and Northampton Counties, who were kept on the frontier in active service for thirty- nine days. The cost"* of keeping the company in the field was paid by the inhabitants of several townships on the border."" Many colonists of German descent also enlisted in the militia. Thus, one of the first companies organized under the militia law of 1755 was composed of unmarried Germans from Rockhill Township (probably Bucks County) with Jacob Arndt as captain, Anton Miiller as lieutenant and Nicolaus Conrad as corporal."* This com- pany was ordered shortly after being enrolled to proceed to Gnadenhiitten, in the vicinity of which we find it stationed in the month of April, 1756.*^^ In the same year the king gave permission to raise a regiment of soldiers which was to be commanded by German, Swiss and Dutch Protes- tants.*^* This " Royal American Regiment," as it was called, was composed chiefly of Pennsylvania Germans. One of the most prominent Germans of Pennsylvania prior to 1760 was Conrad Weiser, the famous Indian in- 8" See Chapter II. 812 The frontier people of other nationalities did the same. «" s 187. 61* 104 pounds 11 sh. 4 d. »i5S 12-25-56. •i»S 188. «"S 5-1-56. "8 S 8-1-56. Political Ideals. 151 terpreter. His inestimable services in bringing the white men and the Indians to a better mutual understanding are not discussed directly in the newspapers, but his name is fre- quently mentioned. Two instances will serve to illustrate how well he understood the red men and how highly they esteemed him. In 1747°^^ Saur's paper contained a long article by Weiser on the religion of the Indians, the ma- terial for which he had collected during his journeys among them. In 1769,"^° several years after Weiser's death, the only son of a powerful old Iroquois chief, Seneca George, was murdered near Shamokin by a member of a hunting party. The nephew of Conrad Weiser was suspected of the crime and was arrested. When the representatives of the colony met the old chief, Conrad Weiser's son told him' who the suspected murderer was, and assured him that the Weiser family would do all in its power to have the slayer brought to justice. Then Seneca George, although greatly grieved at the loss of his son, declared himself satisfied and burst into a panegyric over Conrad Weiser, his dear friend of former days. On the passing of the Stamp Act by the British Pariia- ment, the struggle between the colonies and the mother country began to assume large proportions. In this struggle the Germans, like the other colonists, were divided In their sympathies although there is hardly any doubt that the majority of them favored the colonies. The one news- paper of the period of which I have located an almost complete file. Miller's Staatsbote, always opposed England. Its views are so similar to those expressed by the Anglo- American press that it is often impossible to decide whether the articles on contemporary events were original ones or 818 s 78. 820 M 391, 400. 152 The Pennsylvania-German Society. were copied from other newspapers."" In the Staatsbote of August 20, 1764, Miller urged all the colonies to follow the example of Rhode Island, which had' appointed a com- mittee to confer with similar committees from other col- onies concerning the formulation of plans for preventing the passing of the Stamp Act by the House of Commons and for securing the repeal of the Navigation Laws. The first news of the passing of the Stamp Act was contained in the issue of April 15, 1765. When Miller announced*'"' that the act was to go into effect on November i, 1765, he added, "The great Lisbon earthquake occurred on All Saints' Day." After this announcement he attacked the act frequently in his paper.^^^ On the arrival of the stamped paper, he inserted*" the following at the top of the first column of the first page. America, o du durch ein allzu friihes Urtheil zur Sclaverey verdammtes America! — ist es denn deine Treue, — dein kindliches Gehorsam, — deine erschopften Schatze, — und die Blutsstrohme die deine Sohne vergossen haben zur Ausbreitung des Ruhms der Brittischen Waffen, sind diese es, sage ich, welche das Land das ja deine Mutter ist gereizet haben so unrechtmaszig dich anstatt sanfter Windeln in Jammer einzuwickeln, durch Entreissung der allerliebsten Vorrechte deiner Kinder — oder hat die Untreue es gethan? — aber, ach! die Worte fehlen mir, — und die angstlichen und schmerzlichen Zahren halten meine Feder auf, — O mein Vaterland, mein Vaterland! On October 28, 1765, he notified his readers that he would suspend the publication of the paper until he could '"'I This similarity of viewpoint may be considered as another indication that the English and German elements were rapidly being transformed into 2 new nationality. «" M 177'. •2SM 184, 185, 191. «"M 195. Political Ideals. 153 discover a way to break the chains forged for the Ameri- can people and to escape the unendurable slavery.'^" He characterized the Stamp Act as "the most unconstitu- tional law which these colonies could ever have imagined." In the lower right-hand corner of the first page, he printed, like the other papers, a skull and cross bones with the cap- tion, " Dis 1st der Platz fiir den Todespein erregender Stampel." Three days later he published an extra as a farewell present ( " Abschieds-Geschenk " ) . On Novem- ber 18 the Staatsbote reappeared on unstamped paper. The next year when the news of the repeal of the Stamp Act arrived. Miller published the news joyfully and grate- fully."^" Saur's paper presumably opposed the Stamp Act also. We find that Miller attacked"^^ Saur bitterly because the latter declared in Number 347 of his paper that his (Saur's) pamphlet on the Stamp Act had influenced the Pennsylvania Assembly to pass the resolutions about the Act. In this pamphlet Saur favored a convention to pe- tition the king for the repeal of the Act. Miller also ac- cused a German editor of declaring that many of the lat- ter's friends favored the odious legislation."^" If the German editor was Saur, it might seem to indicate that he was not as strongly opposed to it as Miller. The anniversary of the repeal of the Stamp Act waS celebrated by the colonists up to the days of the Revolu4 tion. Thus we are told that on March i8, 1775, a largel number of German Protestants gathered at the house of «26 Xhis is exactly what the English language papers of Philadelphia/ did. ^0 M 227, 228. e"M 196. <"8M 199. 154 The Pennsylvania-German Society. David Grim in New York and celebrated the anniversary of the repeal of the Stamp Act with the usual simplicity and solemnity."^" The momentous events between the repeal of the Stamp Act and the battles of Lexington and Concord were duly recorded by Miller, who always emphasized the injustice of England. Thus when legal proceedings were insti- tuted in 177 1 by the Royal government of Massachusetts against Isaiah Thomas, publisher of the " Massachusetts Spy," Miller expressed his sympathy for him."^" Tri- umphantly he told about the reception of the taxed tea at the various places in 1773."^^ After the closing of the port of Boston, he gave accounts of the meetings held in the different Pennsylvania counties for the purpose of de- ciding what action should be taken. The committees which signed the resolutions agreed upon in the counties of Philadelphia,"'^ Northampton,"'^ Berks,"" Lancas- ter"'^ and York"'^ contained members with German names. There were also many Germans among the Pennsylvania deputies who met at Philadelphia on July 15, 1774, as for instance Ludwig, Bartsch and Schlosser of Philadelphia, Schlauch of Lancaster County, Schultz of Berks County, Kiichleln and Arndt of Northampton County."'" When the Continental Congress convened, the Staatsbote pub- lished long accounts of its acts and proceedings. Many Pennsylvania Germans participated actively in 829 M 689. 'SO M 515 ff. «siM 623. «32 M 649. 833 M 650. 631 M 651. «35 M 653. 6S8M 653. Political Ideals. 155 the War for Independence. Before June, 1775, four companies of infantry had been organized in Reading. One of them, known as the " Company of Old Men," was composed of eighty High Germans, more than forty years of age. Many of them had seen military service in Europe; the leader was ninety-seven years old and had been in seventeen engagements during his forty years of mihtary service. The company wore black ribbons on their hats in order to symbolize their sorrow over the la- mentable events which had compelled them to take up arms for the preservation of that liberty which they had ob- tained by coming to this country.*'^ In the same year a German fusileer company of one hundred and seventy-two men was raised In South Carolina."^* Pulasky recruited his corps chiefly in the vicinity of Bethlehem. Das Penn- sylvanische Zeitungsblat contained''^^ eight stanzas of dog- gerel on " Pulasky 's Chor."^*" Miller's Staatsbote was the great German champion of the struggling colonists up to the time of this journal's final discontinuance, in 1779. In fact. It Is probable that one of the reasons for the loyalty of many of the Germans to the colonists' cause was the contagious enthusiasm with which this paper preached the justice of the Revolution. Through the darkest days of the war Miller never wavered in his faith as to the ultimate outcome. It seems most fitting that this sturdy upholder of liberty should have had the honor of being the first editor to. announce in his paper 637 M 699. 638 M 713. «3!>Ba 19. 6*0 One famous Pennsylvania German general must be mentioned here, Peter Miihlenberg, the son of the Lutheran patriarch, H. M. Muhlenberg. At the beginning of the war he was a minister in Virginia, but he entered on active military service rising to the rank of general. 156 The Pennsylvania-German Society the Declaration of Independence. In the issue of Friday, July 5, 1776, the following notice appeared, "Gestem hat der Achtbare Congresz dieses Vesten Landes die Verein- igten Colonlen Freye und Unabhangige Staaten erklaret." In the next issue, on July 9, he published the complete text of the Declaration in German. Just as among other nationalities, we find among the Germans also many who were lukewarm and even inimical to the war. Of course, all of the Dunkers and Menno- nites who adhered completely to the doctrine of non-re- sistance were opposed to the war, although they may have been entirely convinced about the justice of the patriots' contentions. Since they refusied to bear arms, they were compelled to pay extra taxes.*" However, there was probably a small minority of Germans who sympathized with England. We have seen that the sons of Christoph Saur, the second, continued the old paper under the name of Der Pennsylvanische Staats-Courier as a Tory organ during the British occupation of Philadelphia. The Issue of February 18, 1778, contained*" a bitter attack on the patriots. The article declared that if in a country bank- rupt merchants became state councillors and a dismissed postmaster an ambassador to a royal court, the outlook for the State was dangerous and that. If the ministers of religion became political market criers and prescribed quack remedies for the State, the evils united and increased. Since this was the case, the editors gave a prescription Tvhich began as follows, "A suiBcient weight of lead, make it Into pills, add the usual amount of genuine gunpowder to each, distribute them in equal shares among twenty thousand fine soldiers in addition to the proper small mili- •"M 763. ««Ba 17. Political Ideals. 15; tary syringes for application. Aim your instrument so that they hit the part of the patient in which most of the bad! sap has been collected," etc. To this, Das Pennsylva- nische Zeitungsblat answered that such a cure might be effective for people who had a phlegmatic temperament and who were really as sick as the Saurs pretended ; but it was dangerous to try it upon strong, healthy and choleric people, because they might pour into the doctors' faces the prescribed pills and powder. The Saur Tory paper could not posibly have had much influence because most of the Germans were living in the territory under the control of the patriots, who certainly did not allow the sheet to circulate, and because it was so coarse and devoid of fairness that it could not convert any reasonable man to its doctrines. There were, however, other Germans in the colonies, besides the Saurs, who were active in the British cause. For instance, in 1778 two Germans of Lancaster County, Miinzing and Mayer, were hanged as spies in the city of Lancaster.^*^ The Germans took an active part in the reconstruction work after the war. When the Federal Convention was holding its sessions in Philadelphia in 1787, the Neue Un- partheytsche Lancaster Zeitung and the Philadelphische Correspotidenz urged their readers to support it. The former published"" an " Ermunterungslied zur Eintracht an die Burger der Vereinigten Staaten, bey Gelegenheit der in Philadelphia versammelten Convention," which con- cluded as follows: Demuth bleibe unser Ruhm, Freyheit unser Eigenthum, 8" Bay. «"NUL r. 158 The Pennsylvania-German Society. Sucht nur in der Freyheit Ehre! Demnach, werthe Deutsche Briider, Hand in Hand, ihr Biirgerglieder, Singt und unsrer Leider Schall Sey der Blauenberge Hall ! Hallet taglich unsere Lieder Auch von Staat zu Staate wieder! Wer vott deutscher Treue gliiht, Singe immer dieses Lied. In the next number of the paper,®*^ we find a full column article giving arguments in favor of a centralized federal government, and on September 26 the paper contained a translation of the entire text of the Constitution. When the State Assembly passed a law by a vote of forty-three to nineteen to call a convention for consideration of the proposed constitution, the editor pointed with pleasure to the fact that twelve Germans of both parties were among the majority, while only one was included in the opposi- tion."° The Philadelphische Correspondenz published many communications for and against the constitution, al- though the editor favored it.**'' When the State convention of Pennsylvania met in No- vember of that year, Friedrich Augustus Muhlenberg, a brother of General Peter Muhlenberg, was chosen presi- dent of the convention."*^ After the news of the ratifica- tion of the constitution by the convention had arrived at ; Lancaster, the inhabitants organized a big celebration."** While the citizens of German descent were apparently well pleased with the constitution, those of other nationalities were sometimes not so well disposed toward it, as may be 8« NUL 2. 648 NUL 10, 12. e«PC 335 ff. 64SNUL 17. «« NUL 21. Political Ideals. 159 seen from the riots which occurred in Carlisle, when the attempt was made to celebrate the ratification.^'" After the acceptance of the constitution by the required number of States, Philadelphia celebrated the event with an im- posing parade, in which the publishers of the Corre- spondenz took part and distributed a German ode, specially written for the occasion."" The Pennsylvania Germans were justly proud because one of their number, Friedrich A. Muhlenberg, had the honor to be elected the Speaker of the first national House of Representatives."'^ In a long communication in the Philadelphische Correspondenz an anonymous writer ex- pressed"'^ his satisfaction with this fact in the following terms : This thought stirred me deeply that a German possessed merit enough to be considered worthy by the biggest, best and wisest men whom America could produce and who were called together for the loftiest purpose, worthy of presiding at their deliberations, on which the weal and woe of millions of human beings depend. The blood of the grandchildren of our grandchildren will proudly well up in their hearts when they will read in the his- tories of America that the first speaker in the House of Repre- sentatives of the United States of America under the new con- stitution was a German, born of German parents in Pennsylvania. Muhlenberg was also Speaker of the third House."'* In General Saint Clair's ill-starred expedition against the Indians of the Ohio Valley in 1791, there were a con- siderable number of soldiers from Lancaster and Berks 850 NUL 24, 25. 651 PC 375, 376, 377. «52 NUR 8. 853 PCa 37. 8=*PCj 255. i6o The Pennsylvania-German Society. Counties.*^'' The militia of Lancaster likewise accom- panied General Wayne to suppress the Whiskey Rebellion in western Pennsylvania.""* The Germans in America, always interested in the cause of human liberty, at first warmly greeted the French Revo- lution. The Lancaster German paper printed in full the French Constitution of 1791.®" On May 18, 1793, the German Republican Society of Philadelphia sent a com- mittee to Citizen Genet of the French Republic and pre- sented him with a written address, declaring that they were in the fullest accord with his principles and that they saw with pain and disgust the alliance of all European auto- crats against liberty, and their united endeavors to put a check upon the popular will of France.*"* This enthusi- asm for France was somewhat cooled when the news of the excesses of 1793 reached this country, so that the German voters of Pennsylvania gradually came to be sharply di- vided between the Federalists and the Antifederalists, be- tween the party favoring England and the one favoring France. If the French Reign of Terror in addition to the attack on Christianity had not shocked the piety of the Pennsylvania Germans, it is probable that almost all of them would have supported the Antifederalists. Since the Germans were thus divided, their newspapers took part in the terribly bitter political campaigns of 1798- 1800, attacking each other with the same venom and vul- garity displayed by the Anglo-American press. The first direct political attack which I have discovered in a German paper was published in the Readinger Zeitung of October «»» NUR ISO. «»«PC, 344. •07 NUL 226, 227, 228, 229. •»« PC, 212. Political Ideals. 16 1 21, 1795- In this attack a writer signing himself " Pacifi- cator " warned the readers against a group of people who called themselves Democrats but whom he called Jacobins. These people have indeed been a great help in shaking off the yoke of England but they are turbulent individuals, who do not want to be subservient to any government, not even to the laws made by themselves. They desire confusion always. About a month later two answers to this attack were pub- lished in the paper.«" When "Pacificator" began to make his rebuttal,'"" the editor of the paper called"" the attention of his readers to these articles, advising them to preserve the papers in order that they could refer to them in the dangerous times that seemed to be approaching. Before many more months had elapsed, however, Jung- mann, as well as the other editors, refused to print commu- nications favoring the party to which they were opposed. Gradually the attacks on both sides increased in bitterness until they attained their climax in 1798 and 1799, the German Federalist papers imitating Cobbett's Peter Por- cupine's Gazette and the Antlfederalists using Bache's "Aurora"""^ as their model. Each side was firmly con- vinced of its role as the protector of liberty and persuaded that its opponents were trying to overthrow all the highly cherished institutions of the country. The Alien (and Sedition Laws of 1798 naturally called forth the most violent attacks and denunciations. The invectives used by the papers seem almost incredible to the present genera- tion. For instance, Der Deutsche Porcupein called the Antlfederalists " Die Schurtzfells Majestat," " Die Schuh- •" NUR 353, 354- ««0NUR 354, 355, 356. «" NUR 354. «*2 Later published by Duane. i62 The Pennsylvania-German Society. flicker und Grobschmidte," " Die polltischen Kannengies- ser," " Der Nasenweis," " DieBarenhauter," " DieHunds- fiitter," " Die Schlange im Busen," " Neue Miszgeburt," "Das stinkige Franzosenblut " ; to this the Lancaster Cor- respondent retaliated by calling the rival paper, " Der Freyheitshasser," " Das Lancaster Stinkthier," " Der amerikanische Esel," " Der Freund der Dummheit," " Das L^genblatt." The Federalist Readinger Z^itung used the terms "Bluthunde," " Blutsuckler," " Unruhstifter," "Stumpier," "Schmierer," "Dummkopf," "Nachteule," while its opponent, the Adler, called Jungmann, "Das kleine schwarze sogenannte unpartheyische Zeitungs- Schmiererlein, Gottlobgen, Graf Kalabast-Philosoph und Erb-Herr von Schimpf Hansen."""' During these troublous political times, there also oc- curred the one serious Pennsylvania German rebellion against State authority. In 1798 the national govern- ment passed a law whereby all houses were to be taxed on the basis of the number and size of the windows which each contained. This house tax law aroused determined opposition in the German Antifederalist counties of Northampton and Berks, particularly in the former. As early as January 9, 1799, Der Deutsche Porctipein re- ported that there was a probability that the militia would have to be called out in order to collect the taxes in North- ampton County. Two wieeks later a communication"" was printed giving a dark picture of the state of affairs in this county. The Germans were said to be erecting numer- ous liberty poles, and could have easily paid their taxes with the money which they spent in drinking and shooting. ««3 A 107. '8* The Porcupein copied the article from the Pennsylvanische Corre- spondenz. Political Ideals. 163 Drinking French brandy made even grayhaired men swing their hats and shout, "Hurrah, hurrah 1 Damm de Presi- dent, damm de Congresz, damm de Arischdokratz ! " The unpopularity of the tax caused the inhabitants of Northampton and of the upper parts of Bucks and Mont- gomery to resist the assessors. When the United States marshal arrested some of these objectors, a crowd under the leadership of John Fries, a German auctioneer and captain of the militia, surrounded the inn at Bethlehem in which the marshal was guarding his prisoners and com- pelled him to release them."*' Then events began to move rapidly. President Adams issued a proclamation request- ing the disturbers of the peace to return to their homes.""" The militia of Pennsylvania and the neighboring States was called out, although the Antifederalists introduced a resolution into the Pennsylvania House of Representa- tives to refuse aid to the national government in its attempt to quell the uprising.""^ When the militia arrived In the disaffected locality, all opposition disappeared. The ring- leaders, who did not deliver themselves up voluntarily, sur- rendered when they saw the military force. Fries was auctioneering when the soldiers approached. On seeing them he took to flight but was taken prisoner after a chase of two miles.""* The prisoners, all Pennsylvania Ger- mans, were promptly put on trial. The United States cir- cuit court which met at Philadelphia returned a true bill against John Fries on April 23, 1799,""' and the trial started a week later."™ On May 9, he was found guilty of 665 NUR 526; DP 64, A 115. 666 NUR 527. 66TNUR 529. 668 DP 68. 668 NUR 533 et al. 670 NUR 534 et al. i64 The Pennsylvania-German Society. high treason,'" but was granted a new trial."" About a year later he was given this new trial and was again con- victed. With two of his companions, Gettmann and Hainey (Honig), he was sentenced to be hanged at Quakertown, Bucks County, on May 23, 1800;"^' they were, however, pardoned by President Adams."'* Twenty- four other Germans were sentenced to fines and imprison- ment. Thus ended the Fries rebellion, of which some echoes are still lingering in the localities where it occurred. How can this rebellion of the Pennsylvania Germans be explained when we remember their reputation as law-abid- ing, peace-loving citizens? The explanation is probably found in their love of liberty, to which I have so often alluded. In common with many others the Germans cher- ished personal liberty very highly. When they heard that assessors were coming to count and measure their window panes for taxation purposes, they may have believed that \ the government intended to tax the light that entered their \ houses, — hence the sarcastic terms, " Hausermesser " and ')" Fensterscheibenzahler,""" which they applied to the as- sessors."™ It must, however, be remembered that the ma- IJorlty of the Germans of both political parties remained I loyal to the government. Almost all, if not all, of the } better educated were opposed to the rebellion. Thus the I Reverend Helmuth, the pastor of Zion's Lutheran Church j of Philadelphia, wrote an appeal to the people of North- r ampton County to desist from their rebellious attitude,"" 8T1NUR 535 et al. 6"NUR 536. »" NUR 587. «" NUR 589. 8'= UH 2. *^*The suspicion thus aroused was probably secretly encouraged by the Antifederalist leaders. •"DP 67; NUR 530. Political Ideals. 165 into which they had been misled. Even that inveterate enemy of the Federalists, the Reading Jdler, decried the use of force in the following characteristic article."^* Est ist gewfs fiir jeden guten Republican eine bedauernswurdige Sache, dasz man sich in Northampton County dem Tax-Geseze des Congresses widersezt hat. So lang ein Geseze besteht, musz jeder brave Burger demselben sich unterwerfen. Es giebt kein erlaubtes Mittel sich einer bosen Taxe oder einem schlimmen Geseze zu entziehen, als die gesezgebende Macht durch Bitt- schriften dahin zu vermogen, selbige aufzuheben. Gewalt und Loszreiszungen sind nur gar zu unrechte und unkluge Wege. Diejenigen, so eine stehende Armee haben wollen, die, so eine Regierungs-Veranderung wunschen, warden sich im Herzen freuen, wenn sich das Volk denen Gesezen mit Gewalt widersezt. Denn ein solch verkehrtes Betragen zieht Klagen und Ursachen nach sich, kriegerische Hiilfe auszurufen und also der Regierung die Obermacht zu geben. Freye Burger verlieren immer dabei, wenn sie sich denen Gesezen und Taxen mit Gewalt wider- sezen.*^' Although the An ti federalist newspapers condemned the outbreak, they naturally opposed the government in its legal proceedings against the ringleaders. For instance, the Hdrrisburg Zeitung of May 21, 1799, contained a fierce attack on the partisan spirit which had convicted Fries of high treason ; it claimed that he had not committed high treason, as it was defined by the constitution of the United States. After President Adams had pardoned Fries, Halney and Gettmann, the Adler in its own witty way attempted to make political capital out of the pardon. In a full column article it described the effect of the pardon upon the Federalists of Berks County, A certain corporal 6" A 177. "•Despite this diplomatic and clever article, a party of soldiers seized the editor, Schneider, and proceeded to flog him. See A 121. i66 The Pennsylvania-German Society. or sergeant of Reading declared that he did not want to serve in the militia any longer. A Reading captain re- fused to sign a petition for the pardon, because he had been in such great danger in the Northampton County cam- paign. In reply to this statement the Adler said, Of course the danger into which the young hero went was most unusually great, since not a single shot was fired during the whole campaign and the entire march was only forty miles long. What a terrible danger this was! Verily, it was a wonder that this brave young hero did not remain dead on the field, and he has done the right thing in not signing the petition for Fries, Hainey and Gettmann; he would by his signature have washed off imme- diately the splendor of the mighty heroic deeds which he had performed in Northampton. On account of the pardon a Reading Irishman threatened to return to Ireland and a country merchant damned the president.''^'' After the excitement of the Fries rebellion had subsided, the German papers of both parties asumed a calmer tone. This is all the more remarkable, because in the following year the so-called political revolution of 1800 occurred. Although the papers expressed emphatic opinions about the candidates of the opposing parties, the fierce epithets of the preceding years were usually absent. The editors prob- ably learned from the rebellion the danger of becoming too violent in their denunciations. The death of Washington, whom all Germans revered, may have also drawn the two parties closer together by reminding them of the time, twenty years before, when all of them stood arrayed against the common foe and fought for that liberty which they now interpreted so variously. Although the Fed- eralist papers, like the Readinger Zeitung and Der 88»A 178. Political Ideals. 167 Deutsche Porcupein, had black borders around the pages of three or four issues while the An ti federalist press had only the obituary notice framed in black, the latter vied with their opponents in praising Washington as the man to whom this country owed its liberty. For instance, the Antifederalist Philadelphische Correspondenz published"" a poem on Washington's death, which contained these lines, 1st Er nicht mehr? Der gute alte Waschington: Gott! welch ein Schlag! Die Erde bebt, das rauhe Meer Der Traurigkeit umgibt uns. Er fallt dahin, der Held, Der oftmals auf das Feld Des Streits sich hat begeben, Der Josua, den Gott hat auwrwahit, Dis ein freyes Land zu machen, 1st nicht mehr hier! This brief discussion of their attitude on public ques- tions shows us beyond any doubt that many of the Penn- sylvania Germans appreciated fully the value and duty of an active participation in public affairs. Moreover, all of them evinced an intense love of liberty, although they dis- agreed on the question of what constituted liberty. '81 PCs TS- This poem was signed "R." CONCLUSION. The Pennsylvania Germans of the eighteenth century were as a class pious, charitable and honest; they loved peace and temperance; they were frugal, industrious, in- telligent and progressive in their daily life; in public affairs, liberty loving and patriotic, — in a word, they possessed the qualities of nation builders in the truest sense. Admitting that they were by no means free from faults and even vices, and that development of their virtues was not only de- sirable but necessary, we can nevertheless confidently in- sist upon the claim of their sterling worth as an element of the American people. While this conclusion is not new but mainly confirms the views of the best authorities, a new body of facts has been revealed. It may be well to enumerate some of the dis- coveries brought to light in my investigations. Two news- papers, of whose existence nothing was known, were found, the Landmanns Wochenblatt and the Lancaster JVochen- blatt. The names of Samuel Saur's Baltimore paper of 1795-1800 and of Bartgis' Frederick paper of 1793 were definitely ascertained. The mistake of considering the Pennsylvanische Correspondenz as the continuation of the 'Philadelphische Correspondenz has been corrected. A short-lived thrice-a-week edition of the latter was also dis- covered. Naturally much of the information about the newspapers and their editors has never appeared before. The chapters on religion and charity probably contain 168 German American Newspapers. 169 less new material than any of the others because the ma- terial was obtained to a large extent from Saur's and Mill- er's papers, which had been carefully studied by Seiden- sticker, Pennypacker, Sachse, Brumbaugh and others ; how- ever, even here many new things were found. On the other hand, the material in the chapters on education and language is to a very large extent entirely new, as, for in- stance, the articles by " Philoteutologos " on the German Lutheran Schools of Philadelphia and the communications to the Philadelphische Correspondenz on the advisability of discarding the use of the German language. Likewise much of the material of chapters six and seven had never been used before, while chapter eight contains less new ma- terial. The bibliography of newspapers appended is, so far as I know, the only one that is approximately complete and up- to-date; in fact it is the only one that states what papers and issues are still extant and where they can be found. I may add that a complete bibliography of all Pennsylvania papers published prior to 1821 will probably appear within the next two or three years. Mr. Clarence S. Brigham of the American Antiquarian Society is preparing such a bibli- ography of all American newspapers prior to 1821. He has, however, not yet come to the State of Pennsylvania. Table of German American Newspapers of the Eighteenth Century. I have tried to make the following table of German news- papers of the eighteenth century as complete as possible. I have also included an account of the condition of the files found in the various libraries, with the date when I saw the the files. To the table, I have deemed it advisable to ap- 170 The Pennsylvania-German Society. pend a short article under the title, "Were They Ever Published?" The following abbreviations for the various societies and libraries have been used: A. A. S. = American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass. A. P. S. = American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia. L. C. = Library of Congress, Washington, D. C. P. H. S. = Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia Newspaper Index. Americanische Staatsbothe, Der. (AS) i88 Chestnuthiller Wochenschrift, Die. (OW) 191 Deutsche Porcupein, Der. (DP) 188-189 Geistliches Magazien^ Ein 179 G^neinniitzige Philadelphische Correspondenz (PC) 181 ff General Post-Bothe, Der. (GP) 191 General Staats-Bothe 192 Germantauner Zeitung, Die. (GZ) ; 186 f Germantowner Zeitung, Die. (S) 173 Harrisburg Zeitung, Die. (UH) 200 Henrich Miller's Pennsylvanischer Staatsbote (M) 178 Hoch-Deutsche Pennsylvanische Geschicht Schreiber, Der. (S) 171 Hoch-Deutsche Pennsylvanische Journal, Das 174 Lancaster Correspondent, Der. (H) 200 Lancaster Wochenblatt, Das. 198 Lancastersche 2Ieitung, Die. (LZ) 176 Landmanns Wochenblatt, Des 197 Neue monatliche Readinger Magazine Das. 199 Neue Philadelphische Correspondenz (PC») 182 ff Neue Unpartheyische Baltimore Bote und Maryland Staats- Register, Der 193 Neue Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitung (NUL) 188-189 Neue Unpartheyische Readinger Zeitung (NUR) 189-191 Neuer Unpartheyischer Eastoner Bothe 192 Pennsylvanische Berichte (S) 171 ff Pennsylvanische Correspondenz, Die 196 Pennsylvanische Gazette, Die 181 Pennsylvanische Staats-Courier, Der • 180 Pennsylvanische Wochenschrift, Die 196 German American Newspapers. 171 Pennsylvanische Zeitungsblat, Das (Ba) i8o Philadelphier Teutsche Fama 175 PhiLadelphicr WochenWat; Das 191 Philadelphischc Correspondenz (PCz, PCs, PCi) i8i ff and 201 Pennsylvanische Fanna, Die 177 Philadelphische Zeitung (1732) 171 Philadelphischc 2Jeitung (1755) (PZ) 176 Philadelphisches Magazin 197 Philadelphisches Staatsregister (PS) 181 Unpartheyische Harrisburg Zeitung (UH) 199 Unpartheyischc Reading Adler, Der. (A) 195 f Unpartheyische York Gazette, Die 194. Volksberichter, Der 201 Westliche Correspondenz, Die 194 Wochentliche Pennsylvanische Staatsbote, Der. (M) 177 ff Wochentliche Philadelphische Staatsbote, Der. (M) 177 ff Name unknown (1714.8) Philadelphia 174 Name unknown (1751) Philadelphia 175 Name unknown (1786) Frederick, Maryland 187 Name unknown (1786) Baltimore, Maryland 187 Philadelphische Zeitung. Published by Benjamin Frank- lin in Philadelphia. 1732, No. I (May 6). Facsimile in Daniel Miller's "Early German Ameri- can Newspapers " and elsewhere. 1732. No. 2 (June 24). — P.H.S. (vidimus Mar. 1917). No more copies have been found. The paper was prob- ably discontinued for Timothee, the editor, complains in No. 2 that he receives so little encouragement from the Germans. Der Hoch-Deutsch Pennsylvanische Geschicht-Schreiber, Oder: Sammlung Wichtiger Nachrichten aus dem Natur- und Kirchen-Reich. Published by Christoph Saur at Germantown, at first quarterly, probably became a monthly at beginning of 1741. 172 The Pennsylvania-German Society. In P. H. S. (Vidimus, March and April, Z917). 1739, No, I (Aug. 20). 1742, No. 19 (Feb. 16). 1743, Nos. 33 (Apr. 16) -41 (Dec. 16). 1744, Nos. 42 (Jan. 16) -53 (Dec. 16). 1745, Nos. 54 (Jan. 16) -65 (Dec. i6). (Name changed on Oct. 16, 1745, to " Hoch-Deutsche Pennsylvanische Berichte," etc.) 1746, Nos. 66 (Jan. 16) -77 (Dec. 16). (On and after June 16, 1746, the word, " Hoch-Deutsch " was omitted. 1747, Nos. 78 (Jan. 16) -89 (Dec. 16). 1748, Nos. 90 (Jan. i6) -103 (Dec. 16). (Nos. 93 and 96 are dated April I and June i) Specials on first of Aug. and Oct. 1749, Nos. 104 (Jan. 16) - 115 (Dec. 16). Specials on first of March, May, June, August, Sept., Nov. and Dec. 1750, Nos. 116 (Jan. 16) - 127 (Dec. 16). Specials on first of Feb., May, June, July, Aug., Sept., Oct., and Nov. 1751, Nos. 128 (Jan. 16) - 139 (Dec. 16). Specials on first of Jan., Feb., March, April, May, June, July, Aug., Sept., Oct., Nov. 1752, Nos. 140 (Jan. 16) - 151 (Dec. 16). (Two numbers of 143.) Spe- cials on first of Jan., Feb., March, April, May, June, July. Oct., Nov., Dec. 1753, No. 159 (Aug. 16), No. 161 (Oct. 16). Special on Aug. i. 1754, Nos. 164 (Jan. 16) - 166 (Mar. 16). Nos. 169 (June 16) -171 (Aug. 16). Nos. 174 (Nov. i6)-i75 (Dec. 16). Specials on first of Feb., April, Aug., Sept. and Dec. 175s, No. 176 (Jan. 16). Nos. 178 (Mar. 16) - 187 (Dec. 16). Specials on first of Jan., Feb., March, April, May, June, July, Aug., Sept., Oct., Nov. and Dec. 1756, Nos. i88 (Jan. i6) - 195 (Aug. i6). Nos. 196 (Sept. 18) -199 (Dec. ii).. Specials on first of Feb., March. April, May, June, July, August. (Paper became bi-weekly on August 21 with only one issue per month numbered.) Unnumbered issues on Aug. 21, Sept. 4, Oct. z, Oct. 30, Nov. 27, Dec. 25. 1757) Nos- 200 (Jan. 8) -212 (Dec. lo). Unnumbered issues every four weeks from Jan. 22 to Dec. 24. 1758, Nos. 213 (Jan. 7) -216 (Apr. i). Nos. 217 (May 13) -222 (Sept. 30). Nos. 223 (Nov. 11) -224 (Dec. 9). (On Sept. 25, Saur died. After that date his son Christopher published the paper.) German American Newspapers. 173 Unnumbered issues every four weeks from Jan. 21 to April 15, from April 29 to Oct. 14, from Oct. 28 to Dec. 23. 1759, Nos. 225 (Jan. 5) -227 (Mar. 2). Nos. 229 (May 11) -232 (Aug. 3). Nos. 233 (Sept. 14) -236 (Dec. 7). Unnumbered issues every four weeks from Jan. 19 to Mar. 16, from Mar. 30 to Aug. 17, from Aug. 31 to Nov. 23. 1760, No. 242 (June 6), No. 244 (Aug. i). Unnumbered issues of Feb. 15, Feb. 29, Mar. 28, April 25, May 23. 1761, No. 249 (Jan. 2), No. 250 (Feb. 13), No. 252 (Apr. 10). Nos. 254 (June 5) -255 (July 3). Nos. 256 (Aug. 14) -259 (Nov. 6). Unnumbered issues every four weeks from Mar. 27 to July 17, from July 31 to Dec. 18. 1762, No. 264 (April 9). Unnumbered issue of Jan. 29. 1766, No. 371 (Aug. 7) (still bi-weekly). (Title now is Die Germantowner Zeitung, etc., with the word " Wahrscheinlicher " for " Wichtiger." ) 1775, No. 598 (Apr. 20) (still bi-weekly). 1776, No. 645 (Mar. 20) (now weekly and with the simple title of Die Germantoiuner Zeitung). Published by Christoph Saur und Sohn. No. 670 (Sept. 11) 1777, No. 688 (Mar. 12). (Published by Christoph Saur, jun. und Peter Saur.) In S. W. Pennypacker's private library {non mdimus). Dec. 16, 1743 to Nov. 16, 17145. April, 1755, to December, 1757. Oivned by Dr. Geo. Hetrich of Birdsboro, Pa. 1777, No. 686 (Feb. 26) (vidimus, Aug. 3, 1917). In A. P. S. {vidimus March and September, I917). 1747.N0S. 84 (July 16) -89 (Dec. 16). 1748, Nos. 90 (Jan. i6) - 103 (Dec. 16). Supplement to No. 91. Specials on Aug. i and October 1. 1749, Nos. 104 (Jan. 16)- 115 (Dec. 16). Specials on first of March, May, June, Aug., Sept., Nov., and Dec. 1750, Nos. 116 (Jan. 16) -127 (Dec. 16). Specials on first of Feb., May, June, July, Aug., Sept., Oct., Nov. 1751, Nos. 128 (Jan. 16) -139 (Dec. 16). Specials on first of every month except Dec. 174 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 1752, Nos. 140 (Jan. 16) -151 (Dec. t6). Specials on first of every month except Aug. and Sept. 1753, Nos. 152 (Jan. 16) - 157 (June 16). Nos. 159 (Aug. 16) - 162 (Nov. 16). Specials on the first of every month except Dec. Two copies of No. 159. The paper probably continued up to the time when the British took Philadelphia. Christoph Saur, jun., und Peter Saur then published Der Pennsyhanische Staats Courier ( q. v. ) . Das Hoch deutsche Pennsyhanische Journal (Weekly) , 1743. Published by Joseph Crellius in Philadelphia. No copies discovered. In S 35, we learn that Joseph Crellius has started a weekly newspaper in Philadelphia and that he will use English letters until he can obtain German type. The price of the paper is ten shillings per year. Thomas in his " History of Printing" (p. 144, Vol. II, 2d ed.) gives it the name mentioned above. How long the paper continued we do not know, but cer- tainly not longer than up to the spring of 1747, for Crellius has an advertisement in S 74, announcing that he intends to go to Holland next spring. Deutsche Wochentliche Zeitung (1748). (Name not known.) Published by Gotthart Armbriister in Phila- delphia. (No copies discovered.) In S 95, Gotthart Armbriister announces that he will start a weekly paper on May 27, 1748. Saur asks those people who have not paid him for his paper, not to do the same to Armbriister. We do not know how long its publication continued. German American Newspapers. 175 In Almanac of 1749 (presumably by G. Armbriister), we read " Die Zeitung kann man haben alle 8 Tag, das Jahr vor 10 schill." ! Philadelphier Teutsche Fama (i 749-1 750). Published by Bohm in Philadelphia. (No copies discovered.) We do not know how often the paper was published. The title is given in S 106. It is mentioned in S 106, 115, 117, 119. Since the firm Franklin and Bohm published books, it is perhaps safe to assume that this paper was also published by them. Also since Bohm died in 175 1 and since Frank- lin probably published a bi-lingual paper during the last half of the year, we may probably conclude that this paper was the predecessor of the bi-llngual. Deutsche und Englische Zeitung (1751) (Bi-weekly). (Name not known.) Published by Benjamin Franklin in Philadelphia. (No copies discovered.) Seidensticker ("First Century of German Printing in America," p. 38) says: Known only through the following advertisement in the Penn- sylvania Gazette of Sept. 12 (1751) and later dates. At the German Printing Office in Arch Street is now printed every Fortnight a Dutch and English Gazette, containing the freshest Advices, foreign and domestick with other entertaining and useful Matter in both Languages, adapted to the Convenience of such as incline to learn either. Subscribers to pay five Shillings per Annum. Seidensticker doubts the statement that G. Armbriister printed the paper, — a statement made In Thomas's " His- tory of Printing" (2d edition. Vol. II, p. 144) and In Hil- 176 The Pennsylvania-German Society. deburn's "Issues of the Press of Pennsylvania" (Vol. I, p. 265). Thomas says the name of the paper was Die Zeitung (Vol. II, p. 144), — a mistake probably. With- out sufficient proof he identifies this paper with Arm- briister's of 1748, to which Armbriister refers in his al- manac of 1749. Although this almanac speaks of the latter paper as Die Zeitung, it does not follow that this was the name of the paper. Die Lancastersche Zeitung: Oder: Ein Kurtzer Begriff der Hauptsdchlichsten Auslandisch- und Einheimischen N euigkeiten {hi-Ymgavi\) (bi-weekly). Published by H. MuUer and S. Holland. In P. H. S. (Vidimus Mar. 1917.) 1752, No. 2 (Jan. 29), No. 12 (June 16), (Beginning with No. 12 S. Hol- land is publisher alone.) 1752, No. 15 (July 28) -No. 16 (Aug. 11). No. 19 (Oct. 3). 1753, No. 31 (June 5). I have been able to find no indication when it suspended publication. Philadelphische Zeitung von allerhand Auswdrtig- und ein- heimischen merck-wiirdigen Sachen (bi-weekly). Pub- lished by B. Franklin, General Postmeister, und Anthon Armbriister. In p. H. S. [Vidimus, March, 1917). 1755, No. 5 (Sept. 6), No. 11 (Nov. 27). 1756, No. 19 (Mar. 6), No. 34 (Sept. 23) No. 41 (Dec. 30). 1757, No. 42 (Jan. 14) (Two copies).. Nos. 44 (Feb. 11) -46 (Mar. 14). No. 48 (Apr. 15), No. 49 (Apr. 22), No. 50 (May 7). Nos. 51 (May 20) -64 (Nov. 18). Nos. 67 (Dec. 17) -68 (Dec. 31). German American Newspapers. 177 According to Seidensticker (op. cit., p. 49), the paper stopped with the issue of Dec. 31, 1757. Thomas (op. cit., Vol. II, p. 147) says it was con- tinued by Weiss and Miller, conveyancers, in 1759. It was published for them by Anthony Armbriister about two years. In 1762 he printed it on his own account and in 1764 published it weekly on Arch St. Die Pennsylvanische Fama {i']6z- ?) (weekly). Pub- lished by Anthon Armbriister. (No copies discovered.) Mentioned only in M 34 and 35. The publication was probably commenced in 1762 be- cause Miller speaks of "Fama N. I " in M 35 and also of "N. I" and" N. 11" in M 34. Der Wochentliche Philadelphische Staatsbote, Mit den neuesten Fremden und Einheimisch-Politischen Nach- richten: Samt den von Zeit zii Zeit in der Kirche und Gelehrten Welt sich ereignenden Merkwilrdigkeiten. Published by Henrich Miller. In the Archives of the German Society of Pennsylvania {Vidimus Dec, 1917) . 1762, Nos. i (Jan. i8) -50 (Dec. 27). In the Ridgway Branch of the Philadelphia Library Company {Vidimus March, April and June, 1917). 1763, Nos. 60 (Mar. 7) -74 (June 13). Nos. 79 (July 18) -81 (Aug. i). Nos. 83 (Aug. 15) -86 (Sept. 5). Nos. 88 (Sept. 19) -94 (Oct. 31). Nos. 98 (Nov. 28) -102 (Dec. 26). 1764, No. 103 (Jan. 2). Nos. 105 (Jan. 16) -155 (Dec. 31). 1765, Nos. 156 (Jan. 7) - 182 (July 8). Nos. 18+ (July 22) -198 (Oct. 28). No. 199 (Oct. 31) (Special farewell number before enforcement of Stamp Act). 178 The Pennsylvania-German Society. Nos. 200 (Nov. 18) -204 (Dec. i6). No. 206 (Dec. 30). 1766, Nos. 207 (Jan. 6) -258 (Dec. 29), 17167, Nos. 259 (Ja°- s)-3io (Dec. 28). 1768, Nos. 311 (Jan. 5) -362 (Dec 27). (Beginning with No. 311, the word " Pennsylvanische " is sub- stituted for " Philadelphische " in the title.) 1769, Nos. 363 (Jan. 3) -414 (Dec. 26). 1770, Nos. 415 (Jan. 2) -460 (Nov. 13). Nos. 462 (Nov. 27) -466 (Dec. 25). i77i,Nos. 467 (Jan. i)-5i9 (Dec. 31). 1772, Nos. 520 (Jan. 7) -571 (Dec 29). 1773, Nos. 572 (Jan. 5) -611 (Oct. 5). Nos. 613 (Oct. 19) -623 (Dec. 28.) 1774, Nos. 624 (Jan. 4) - 675 (Dec. 27). 1775, Nos. 676 (Jan. 3) -695 (May i6). (Beginning with No. 696, the paper is published semi-weekly and is called " Henrich Millers Pennsylvanischer Staatsbote.") Nos. 696 (May 23) -726 (Sept. 5). Nos. 728 (Sept. 12) -759 (Dec. 29), 1776, Nos. 760 (Jan. 2)— 819 (July 30). (From No. 819, the paper appears weekly again.) Nos. 820 (Aug. 6) -839 (Dec. 28). 1777, Nos. 842 (Jan. 15) -849 (March 5). (Two copies of No. 844.) Nos. 852 (March 26) - 877 (Sept. 17). 1778, No. 878 (Aug. 5). Nos. 880 (Aug. 19) -859 (Dec 30). (Nos, 893-899 are mutilated.) 1779, Nos. 900 (Jan. 6) --920 (May 26). In L. C. 1762, No. II (March 29) (vidimus Feb. 1917). 1767^ Nos. 259, 271 (non vidimus). 1772, Nos. 521, 538, (July 23)* 555, 557-563. 565, 5^9 ("on vidimus). 1773, Nos. 572-587, Nos. 589-594, Nos. 597-604. Nos. 607-610, Nos. 613-623 (non vidimus). 1774, Nos. 624-631, Nos. 633-649, Nos. 651-656. Nos. 658-667 (mutilated Nos. 624 and 656)' (non vidimus). 1776, No. 814 (mutilated) (non vidimus). 1777, No. 859 (mutilated) (non vidimus). •According to Ingram's Check List; the date is apparently a mistake, since no paper was published on this date. German American Newspapers. 179 In p. H. S. {Vidimus, March and June, 1917). 1767, Nos. 37'!, 279. 1768, Na 323. 1769, No. 413. 1770, Nos. 435^447, 452, 454, 455, 457-460 (No. 460 mutilated). 1771, Nos. 467-471, Nos. 475-477, 479-51S (mutilated 479, 480, 501, 502). 1772, Nos. 520, 521 (two copies mutilated), 522, 523, 525 (mutilated), 526 (mutilated), 533-540, 542-553, 555-565. 567-571 (No. 545, two copies; No. 553 mutilated). 1773, Nos. 572-623. 1774, Nos. 624-669 ; Nos. 671-675. 1775, Nos. 676-752, 754-759 (No. 678, two copies; No. 716, two c6pies). 1776, Nos. 760-761, Nos. 753-839. 1777, Nos. 840-872 (two copies each of Nos. 853 and 869). 1778, Nos. 878-881, Nos. 883-899. 1779, Nos. 900-909, Nos. 911-915. In the Possession of Dr. Wm. J. Campbell, Philadelphia on Sept. 18, 1917 (Vidimus). 1778, No. 879 (Aug. 12). The paper suspended publication on May 26, 1779. Ein Geistliches Magazien. Oder: Jus den Schdtzen der Schriftgelehrten zum Himmelrekh gelehrt, darge- reichtes Altes und Neues. Published by Christoph Saur. In p. H. S. (Vidimus April and September, 1917). 1764, Vol. I Nos. 1-50. In Philadelphia Library Company (Locust Street branch) (Vidimus September 18, I917). 1764, Vol. I Nos. 2-14, 20, 24-32, 47. Two copies of Nos: 7, 8, 9, 11, 14, 25, 26, 29. 1770, Vol. 11 Nos. I (with Vorrede) 3, 13, 15, Two copies of No. i. In the Possession of Dr. Wm. J. Campbell of Philadelphia on September 18, 1917 (Non Vidimus). An almost complete file of Volume I. In State Library at Harrisburg, Pa. (Non Vidimus). 1764, Vol. I Nos. 1-50. j8o The Pennsylvania-German Society. 1770, Vol. II Nos. 1-13, 15 (No. 14 was evidently omitted because the pagination of volume is complete). This magazine was published at irregular intervals be- tween 1764 and 1774 and was distributed gratis. Der Pennsylvanische Staats Courier, oder einlaufende WochentUche Nachrichten. Diese Zeitung wird alle Wochen herausgegeben von Christoph Saur, Jr., und Peter Saur in der Zweyten Strasze. (No copies dis- covered. ) 1778, No. 745 (May 6). (This is a reprint appearing in Schlozer's Brief- wechsel, Vol. 3, pp. 260-267.) The number (745) would seem to indicate that this paper is simply a continuation of Die Germantowner Zeitung, the last number of which, seen by me, bears the date of March 12, 1777, and is numbered 688. The paper is mentioned in Ba 5, 17, M 901. It suspended publication when the British evacuated Philadelphia in 1778. Das Pennsylvanische Zeitungshlat. Oder: Sammlung Sowohl Auswdrtig-als Einheimischer N euigkeiten. Pub- lished by Frantz Bailey in Lancaster. In p. H. S. {Vidimus, June, 1917). 1778. Nos. I (Feb. 4) -21 (June 24). (Complete file.) In L. C. {Non Vidimus). 1778, Nos. 13-18, 21 (No. 18 mutilated). The last number appeared on June 24, 1778. German American Newspapers. i8i Die Pennsylvanische Gazette oder der allgemeine Ameri- canische Zeitungs-Schreiber. Published by John Dun- lap, Philadelphia. In L. C. (Vidimus, Feb. 1917) . 1779, No. I (Feb. 3) (two copies). In P. H. S. ( Vidimus, March 1917) ■ 1779, No. I (Feb. 3) (mutilated). This paper had a very brief existence, for in PS i (July 21, 1779), the publishers say that there is no other German paper in the country. Philadelphisches Staatsregister, enthaltend die neuesten Nachrichten von den merkwUrdigsten In- und Ausldnd- ischen Kriegs- und Friedens-Begebenheiten; nebst ver- schiedenen andern gemeinniitzigen Anzeigen. Pub- lished by Steiner und Cist. In A. P. S. Philadelphia, Pa. {Vidimus, July, 1917)- 1779, No. I (July 21), No. 2 (July 28) No. 3 (Aug. 4). 1780, No. 29 (May 24). In New York Public Library. 1780, No. 26, (May 3) (non vidimus). (N09. 26 and 29 have the simple title "Philadelphisches Staatsregister.") Since Steiner was the publisher of PC which started in May, 178 1, we may be confident that this paper stopped before that time. Gemeinniitzige Philadelphische Correspondenz. Melchior Steiner, publisher. i82 The Pennsylvania-German Society. In P. H. S. (.Vidimus, June, July, September, 1917). 1781, Nos. 12 (July 18) -35 (Dec. 26). 1782, Nos. 36 (Jan. 2) -88 (Dec. 31). 1783, Nos. 89 (Jan. 7) -93 (Feb. 4). Nos. 109 (May 27) -122 (Aug. 26). Nos. 124 (Sept. 9) -129 (Oct. 14). Nos. 131 (Oct 28) -13s (Nov. 25). Nos. 137 (Dec. 9) -140 (Dec. 30). 1784, Nos. 141 (Jan. 6) - 162 (June i). Nos. 164 (June 15) -168 (July 13). No. 179 (Sept. 28), Nos. 182 (Oct. 19) -184 (Nov. 2). No. 186 (Nov. 16), No. 190 (Dec. 14). 1786, Nos. 246 (Jan. 10) -250 (Feb. 7). No. 252 (Feb. 21). Nos. 258 (Apr. 4) -261 (Apr. 25). Nos. 265 (May 23) and 277 (Aug. 15). Nos. 280 (Sept. s) -296 (Dec. 26). 1787, Nos. 298 (Jan. 9) -307 (Mar. 13). Nos. 312 (Apr. 17) -322 (June 26). Nos. 325 (July 17) -326 (July 24). Nos. 328 (Aug. 7) -343 (Nov. 20). Nos. 345 (Dec. 4) -348 (Dec. 24). 1788, Nos. 349 (Jan. i)-357 (Feb. 26). Nos. 359 (Mar. n)-364 (Apr. 15). Nos. 369 (May 20) -372 (June 10). Nos. 374 (June 24) -388 (Sept. 30.) Nos. 390 (Oct. 14) -391 (Oct. 2i). Nos. 393 (Nov. 4) -399 (Dec. 16). 1789, Nos. 402 (Jan. 6) -407 (Feb. 10). Nos. 422 (May 26), 426 (June 23). Nos. 437 (Sept. J, mutilated), 438 (Sept. 8). Nos. 444 (Oct. 20), 453 (Dec. 22). 1790, Nos. 476 (June i), 486 (Aug. 10). From October 1, 1790, the paper appeared semi-weekly under the name of Neue Philadelphische Correspondent. 1790, Nos. 2 (Oct. 5) -27 (Dec. 31). 1791, Nos. 28 (Jan. 4) - 34 (Jan. 25). Nos. 38 (Feb. 8) -130 (Dec. 30), 1792, Nos. 131 (Jan. 3) -140 (Feb. 3). Nos. 14s (Feb. 28) -150 (Mar. 30). (From Feb. 10, usually only one No. per week appeared, but the formal announcement of the change to a weekly was made in No. 158.) German American Newspapers. 183 Nos. 155 (May i). Nos. 157 (May 15) -189 (Dec. 24). (With No. 182 the firm's name became Steiner and Kammerer.) (With No. 185 the paper was called Philadelphische Correspondenz.) 1793, Nos. 190 (Jan. i)-i94 (Jan. 29). Nos. 197 (Feb, 19) -233 (Aug. 2). (With No. 208 paper appeared semi- weekly again.) Nos. 238 (Aug. 20) -243 (Sept. 6). (On account of yellow fever publication was suspended between Oct. 4 and Nov. 22.) No. 259 (Dec. 17). 1794, Nos. 270 (Jan. 24), 274 (Feb. 7), 276 (Feb. 14). Nos. 277 (Feb. 18), 279 (Feb. 25) -283 (Mar. 11). Nos. 285 (Mar. ig), 288 (Mar. 28)^290 (Apr. 4). Nos. 293 (Apr. 15) -29s (Apr. 25). Nos. 298 (May 6), 301 (May i6), 303 (May 23). No. 305 (May 30). 179s, Nos. 373 (Jan. 23), 375 (Jan. 30), 377 (Feb. 6). Nos. 387 (Mar. 13), 395 (Apr. 14), 398 (Apr. 24). Nos. 410 (June 5), 415 (June 23), 427 (Aug. 4). Nos. 439 (Sept. 15), 469 (Dec. 29). 1796, Nos. 470 (Jan. i), 475 (Jan. 19), 493 (Mar. 22). Nos. 502 (Apr. 22), 515 (June 7), 519 (June 21). Nos. 521 (June 28), 522 (July i), 526 (July 15). No. 550 (Oct. i). In New Series {Published by Henrich und Joseph R. Kammerer, Jun.) 1798, Nos. I (May i)-i9 (Sept. 4). Nos. 21 (Sept. 18) -28 (Dec. 25). (After Nov. 13 firm's name was Joseph R. Kammerer und Comp.) (On account of yellow fever, publication was suspended be- tween Sept. 18 and Nov. 13). 1799, Nos. 29 (Jan. i) -40 (Mar. 19). Nos. 42 (Apr. 2) -59 (July 30). (With No. 48, firm's name became Joseph R. Kammerer und G. Helmbold.) Nos. 6i (Aug. 13) -71 (Dec. 10). (Publication suspended Aug. 27- Oct. 22 on account of fever.) Nos. 73 (Dec. 24) -74 (Dec. 31). 1800, Nos. 75 (Jan. 7) -79 (Feb. 4). Nos. 83 (Mar. 7) - 85 (Mar. 21). George Helmbold, Jr., is publisher of issues No. 83ff. No. 87 (Apr, 4). No. 27 (Apr. 23). The publishers are now G. Helmbold and J. Gcyer. The paper is again called Neue P. C. Why the new series does not start with 1 84 The Pennsylvania-German Society. No. i, I cannot say. It may be that it took the number of the Stadt Philadelphische Correspondenz (q. v.) which started on Tuesday, Feb. II, and probably made its final appearance as a thrice-a- week paper on Saturday, April 5, i.e., with No. 24. Then if the paper appeared every Wednesday thereafter the issue of April 23 would be No. 27. This is all the more probable because the issue of April 4 is marked as No. 754 of the old series and the issue of April 23 has No. 758. If the Saturday issue (April s) was marked No. 755 of the old series, we will get No. 758 on April 23. Nos. 40 (July 23) -41 (July 30). In A. P. S. (Vidimus, March, June, September, 1917). 1783, Nos. 129 (Oct. 14) -136 (Dec. 2). Nos. 138 (Dec. 16) -139 (Dec. 23). 1784, Nos. 141 (Jan. 6)-isi (Mar. 16). Nos. 154 (Apr. 6) -166 (June 29). Nos. 169 (July 20) - 171 (Aug. 3). Nos. 174 (Aug. 24), 175 (Aug. 31), 177 (Sept. 14). Nos. 181 (Oct. 12) -183 (Oct. 26). No. 191 (Dec. 21). 1785, Nos. 205 (Mar. 29), 206 (Apr. 5). Nos. 208 (Apr. 19) -210 (May 3). Nos. 212 (May 17) -213 (May 24). Nos. 216 (June 14) -217 (June 21). Nos. 219 (July 5) -223 (Aug. 2). Nos. 225 (Aug. 16), 227 (Aug, 30), 228 (S.ept. 6). No. 234 (Oct. i8). Nos. 237 (Nov. 8) -239 (Nov. 22). Nos. 242 (Dec. 13), 244 (Dec. 27). 1786, Nos. 245 (Jan. 3), 247 (Jan. 17), 248 (Jan. 24). Nos. 250 (Feb. 7), 251 (Feb. 14), 255 (Mar. 14). Nos. 264 (May 16), 267 (June 6) -271 (July 4). , Nos. 274 (July 25), 277 (Aug. 15), 27*8 (Aug. 22). Nos. 281 (Sept. 12), 282 (Sept. 19). Nos. 289 (Nov. 7) -292 (Nov. 28). No. 295 (Dec 19). 1787, Nos. 297 (Jan. 2), 302 (Feb. 6). In State Library at Harrisburg, Pa. {{Vidimus, July, IQI7). 1791, Nos. 30 (Jan. 11) -130 (Dec. 30). 1792, Nos. 131 (Jan. 3) - 189 (Dec. 24). 1793, Nos. 190 (Jan. i)-250 (Oct. i). Nos. 252 (Nov. 22) -263 (Dec. 31). German American Newspapers. 185 1794, Nos. 264 (Jan. 3) -366 (Dec. 30). 179s, Nos. 367 (Jan. 2) -464 (Dec. 11) (No. 367 mutilated). Nos. 466 (Dec. ig)-469 (Dec. 29). 1796, Nos. 470 (Jan. i) -472 (Jan. 8). No. 475 (Jan. 19). Nos. 477 (Jan. 26) -484 (Feb. 19). Nos. 486 (Feb. 26) -501 (Apr. 19). Nos. 503 (Apr. 26) -519 (June 21). No. 521 (June 28). Nos. 523 (July 5) -574 (Dec. 30). In L. C. (Non Vidimus). 1781, No. 29 (Nov. 14). 1783, No. 137 (Dec. 9). 1787, Nos. 307 (Mar. 13), 314 (May i), 319 (June 5, mutilated). 1790, Nos. July 3,* No. 6 (Oct. 19). 1794, Nos. 282 (Mar. 7), 285 (Mar. 18). 1795, No. 398 (Apr. 24). 1796, No. 530 (July 29). In Private Library of Rev. Wm. J. Hinke, Auburn, Neiu York [Vidimus, Oct. 24, 1917). 1790, No. 457 (Jan. 19), No. 21 (Dec. 10). 1791, No. 63 (May 10), No. 95 (Aug. 30). 1792, No. 158 (May 22). 1794, No. 265 (Jan. 7), No. 267 (Jan. 14). No. 273 (Feb. 4), No. 311 (June 20). 1800, No. 29 (May 7). In Harvard College Library {Vidimus, October, 1917). 1785, Nos. 193 (Jan. 4) -226 (Aug. 23). No. 229 (Sept. 13), 1786, Nos. 287 (Oct. 24), 288 (Oct. 31). 1791, No. 120 (Nov. 25). 179s, No. 437 (Sept. 8). Nos. 441 (Sept. 22) -449 (Oct. 20). Nos. 450 (Oct 27) -455 (Nov. 10). 1796, Nos. 485 (Feb. 23), 490 (Mar. 11). Nos. 561 (Nov. 15), 570 (Dec. 16). 1797, No. 585 (Feb. 7). In A. A. S. [Vidimus, October, 1917). 1794, Nos. 314 (July i), 319 (July 18). ♦According to Ingram's Check List; the date is probably a misprint. 1 86 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 1796, Nos. 503 (April 22) -504 (April 29). In Krauth Memorial Library, Lutheran Theological Seminary, Philadelphia (Vidimus, Sept. 1918). 1781, Nos. 14 (Aug. i), 18 (Aug. 29). 1782, No. 59 (June 12). 1783, Nos. 90 (Jan. 14), 91 (Jan. 21). 1786, Nos. 253 (Feb. 28), 254 (Mar. 7). 1789, Nos. 435 (Aug. 18), 443 (Oct. 13). 1792, No. 143 (Feb. 17). 1794, Nos. 277 (Feb. 18), 328 (Aug. 19). Die Germantauner Zeitung (bi-weekly). Published by Leibert and Billmeyer. In P. H. S. (Vidimus Sept., IQ17). 1785, Nos. 2 (Feb. 22) -9 (May 31). Nos. 12 (July 12) - 14 (Aug. 9). No. r6 (Sept. 6). Nos. 22 (Nov. 29) -23 (Dec. 13). 1786, Nos. 25 (Jan. 10) -27 (Feb. 7). Nos. 30 (Mar. 21), 32 (Apr. 18). Nos. 40 (Aug. 8) -43 (Sept. 19). Nos. 45 (Oct. 17) -50 (Dec. 26). 1787, Nos. 51 (Jan. 9) -69 (Sept. 18). (With No. 66, Michael Billmeyer became the publisher alone.) Nos. 71 (Oct. 16) -74 (Nov. 27). 1788, Nos. 77 (Jan. 8) -89 (June 24). Nos. 91 (July 22) - loi (Dec. 9). 1789, Nos. 103 (Jan. 6) -128 (Dec. 22). 1790, Nos. 129 (Jan. 5) -142 (July 6). (With No. 143, the weekly issues commence. The first four numbers have the old serial numbers, but the fifth is marked No. 7, the publisher apparently making a mistake. He remedies this by two No. 8's (Aug. 24 and Aug, 31) and two No. lo's (Sept. 14 and Sept. 21).) Nos. 143 (July 20) -146 (Aug. 10). Nos. 7 (Aug. 17) -24 (Dec. 28). 1791, Nos. 26 (Jan. ii) -76 (Dec. 27). 1793, Nos. 77 (Jan. 3) -128 (Dec. 25). 1793, Nos. 129 (Jan. i)-i3i (Jan. 15). German American Newspapers. 187 In L. C. (Non Vidimus). 1792, No. 78 (Jan. 10) . Seidensticker says the paper continued into the nine- teenth century, — a statement which I have not been able to verify. In PC3 76 ff. and NUR 538, Billmeyer has a notice that all back subscriptions to the paper must be paid immediately. Deutsche Zeitung. Published |by Matthias Bartgis In Frledrich-Stadt, Maryland, in 1786. (No copies dis- covered and name not known.) We quote Mr. C. S. Brigham in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society of the year 191 5 : In the Maryland Chronicle of Jan. 18, 1786, he (Matthias Bartgis) announced his intention of establishing a post "to carry my English and German Newspapers " to nearby towns. Another advertisement in the same paper, dated June 4, 1787, advertises for a partner to take the management of the " Printing-Office in the English and German language, and two public papers in this town." How long the paper existed is not known. Baltimore Deutsche Zeitung (weekly). Published 1786 by Henry Dulheuer. (Name unknown and no copies discovered.) The Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society (1915, p. 156) has this quotation of an advertisement in the Maryland Journal of June 16, 1786. The subscriber respectfully informs his Friends in particular and the Public in general, that he commenced the Publication of his German Newspaper yesterday, and intends to continue it i88 The Pennsylvania-German Society. Weekly. Subscriptions for the same are taken in by him, at his Printing Office in Market Street, nearly opposite the Green-Tree, at the small Price of Ten Shillings per Annum; Five Shillings of which is paid at the time of Subscribing, the better to enable him to prosecute his Undertaking. All Kinds of Printing, in German, performed by Henry Dulheuer, Baltimore, June 15, 1786. Neue Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitung und Anzeigs- nachrichten. Published by Stiemer, Albrecht und Lahn. In Lancaster Co. Historical Society (Vidimus July, 1917). 1787, Nos. I (Aug. 8) -21 (Dec. 36) (mutilated Na 17). 1788, Nos. 22 (Jan. 2) -74 (Dec. 31). (With No. 37, the firm's name be- came Albrecht und Lahn.) 1789, Nos. 75 (Jan. 7) - 126 (Dec. 30) (mutilated No. 126). 1790, Nos. 127 (Jan. 6) -178 (Dec. 29). (With No. 137, the firm's name became Johann Albrecht und Comp.) 1 79 1, Nos. 179 (Jan. 5) -230 (Dec. 28). 1792, Nos. 231 (Jan. 4) -282 (Dec. 26). 1793, Nos. 283 (Jan. 2) -314 (Aug. 7). (At the beginning of 1798, the name of the paper was changed to Der Deutsche Porcupein und Lancaster Anaeigsnachrichten, with new numbers.) 1799, Nos. 77 (June 19), 104 (Dec. 25). (At the beginning of 1800, the name of the paper was changed to Der Americanische Staatsbothe und Lancaster Anxeigsnachricten, the numbering being a con- tinuation of Der Deutsche Porcupein.) 1800, Nos. 109 (Jan. 29) -154 (Dec. 10) (mutilated Nos. 109 and no). (Two copies of No. 122. No paper published on September 24.) Nos. 156 (Dec. 24) -157 (Dec. 31). In L. C. (Vidimus, Feb. and March, Z917). 1787, Nos. I (Aug. 8) -21 (Dec. 26). 1788, Nos. 22 (Jan. 2) -74 (Dec. 31). 1789, Nos. 75 (Jan. 7) -99 (June 24) (mutilated No. 87). Nos. loi (July 8) -126 (Dec. 30). 1790, Nos. 127 (Jan. 6) - 178 (Dec. 29). 1791, Nos. 179 (Jan. 5) -180 (Jan. 12). German American Newspapers. 189 As " Der Deutsche Porcupein." 1798, Nos. I (Jan. 3) -9 (Feb. 28). Nos. II (Mar. 14) -13 (Mar. 28). Nos. IS (Apr. 11) -24 (June 13). Nos. 26 (June 27) -36 (Sept. 5). Nos. 38 (Sept. 19) -46 (Nov. 14). No. 48 (Nov. 28). No. 50 (Dec. 12) -52 (Dec. 26). 1799, Nos. 53 (Jan. 2) -104 (Dec. 25). In Mr. A. K. Hostetter's Private Library, Lancaster, Pa. (Vidimus July, 1917). 1789, Nos. 78 (Jan. 28) -97 (June lo). Nos. 99 (June 24) - 126 (Dec. 30) (mutilated Nos. 100, 105 and io6). 1790, Nos. 127 (Jan. 6) - 154 (July 14) (mutilated No. 154). In State Library at Harrisburg, Pa. {Vidimus July, 1917). 1790, Nos. i6i (Sept. i)-i62 (Sept. 8). Nos. 164 (Sept. 22) - 178 (Dec. 29). 1791, Nos. 180 (Jan. 12) -221 (Oct. 26) (mutilated No. 221). 1792, Nos. 242 (Mar. 21) -255 (June 20) (mutilated No. 242). Nos. 257 (July 4) (mutilated), 260 (July 25). In the Harvard College Library {Vidimus Oct., IQI7). 1787, Nos. 9 (Oct. 3) -14 (Nov. 7). Nos. 16 (Nov. 21) -i8 (Dec. 5). Nos. 20 (Dec. 19) -21 (Dec. 26). 1788, Nos. 22 (Jan. 2), 24 (Jan. 16), 26 (Jan. 30). Nos. 28 (Feb. 13), 31 (Mar. 5) -34 (Mar. 26). Nos. 36 (Apr. 9), 38 (Apr. 23). 1793, No. 33S (Dec. 25). Neue Unpartheyische Readinger Zeitung und Anzeigs- nachrichten. Published by Johnson, Barton und Jung- mann. In the Berks Co. Historical Society, Reading, Pa. {Vidimus, July and August, IQI7), 1789, Nos. I (Feb. 18) -8 (Apr. 8). Nos. 10 (Apr. 22) -46 (Dec. 30). 190 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 1790, Nos. 47 (Jan. 6) -48 (Jan. 13). Nos. 50 (Jan. 27) -60 (Apr. 7). Nos. 62 (Apr. 21) -70 (June 16). Nos. 72 (June 30) -74 (July 14). Nos. 81 (Sept. i) -96 (Dec. 15). (With No. 81, the company's name is Barton und Jungmann. Probably this change occurred with the issue of August 18, because an advertisement in No. 8i an- nouncing the dissolution of the old partnership is dated August 18, 1790.) No. 98 (Dec. 29). 1791, Nos. 99 (Jan. 5) -108 (Mar. 9). Nos. no (Mar. 23) -in (Mar. 30). Nos. 113 (Apr. 13) -133 (Aug. 31). Nos. 135 (Sept. 14) - 145 (Nov. 23). Nos. 147 (Dec. 7), 149 (Dec. 21), 150 (Dec. 28). 1792, Nos. 151 (Jan. 4) -159 (Feb. 29). Nos. 161 (Mar. 14) -162 (Mar. 21). Nos. 164 (Apr. 4) -202 (Dec. 26). 1793, Nos. 203 (Jan. 2) -204 (Jan. 9). Nos. 206 (Jan. 23) -242 (Oct. 2). (With No. 227, the firm's name became Jungmann und Gruber.) Nos. 244 (Oct. 16) -254 (Dec. 25). 1794, Nos. 255 (Jan. 1) -272 (Apr. 30). Nos. 274 (May 14) -307 (Dec. 31). 1795, Nos. 308 (Jan. 7) -312 (Feb. 4). (With No. 308, the firm's name became Gottlob Jungmann und Comp.) Nos. 314 (Feb. 18) -330 (June 10). Nos. 332 (June 24) -338 (Aug. 5). Nos. 340 (Aug. 19) -359 (Dec. 30). 1796, Nos. 360 (Jan. 6) -411 (Dec. 28). 1797, Nos. 412 (Jan. 4) -463 (Dec. 27). 1798, Nos. 464 (Jan. 3) -515 (Dec. 26). 1799, Nos. 516 (Jan. 2) - 567 (Dec. 24). 1800, Nos. 568 (Jan. i) -597 (July 23). (With No. 573, the firm's name became Jungmann und Briickmann.) Nos. 599 (Aug. 6) -613 (Nov. 12). Nos. 616 (Dec. 3) -(Dec. 31). Stray number, -No. 276 (May 28, 1794). In L. C. {Vidimus, Feb., IQ17). 1799, Nos. 516 (Jan. 2) -567 (Dec. 24). i8oo,Nos. 568 (Jan. i)-620 (Dec. 31). German American Newspapers. 191 In the Harvard College Library {Vidimus, Oct., Z917), 1797, Nos. 423 (Mar. 22), 457 (Nov. 15). In the Possession of Mr. C. W. Unger, Pottsville, Pa., on August 16, iglf (Non Vidimus). Copies from 1789 to 1793. In A. A. S. {Vidimus, Oct., 1917). 1794, Nos. 255 (Jan. i), 258 (Jan. 22), 259 (Jan. 29). No. 277 (June 5) (mutilated). T>er General Post-Bothe an die Deutsche Nation in Amerika (semi-weekly). Published by Melchior Steiner for C. C. Reiche, in Philadelphia. In ike Berks Co., Historical Society, Reading, Pa. {Vidimus, Aug., igiy). 1789, Nov. 27 (Prospectus). 1790, Nos. I (Jan. 5) -50 (June 29) (This file is complete). In L. C. {Vidimus, Feb., 1917). 1789, Nov. 27 (Prospectus). 1790, Nos. I (Jan. 5) -7 (Jan. 26). Nos. 9 (Feb. 2) -40 (May 25). Nos. 43 (June 4) -48 (June 22). The last number appeared on June 29, 1790. Die Chesnuthiller Wochenschrift (weekly). Published by Samuel Saur at Chestnut Hill. In the Locust St. branch of the Philadelphia Library Company {Vidimus, Sept., 1917). 1790, No. (Oct. 8) Two copies, Prospectus. Nos. I (Dec. 15) -3 (Dec. 29). i79i,Nos. 4 (Jan. 5) -23 (June 7). Nos. 26 (June 28) -28 (July 12).. Nos. 30 (July 26) -32 (Aug. 9). Nos. 34 (Aug. 23) -52 (Dec. 27). i792,Nos. 53 (Jan. 3) -58 (Feb. 7). Nos. 61 (Feb. 28) -83 (July 31). 192 The Pennsylvania-German Society. Nos. 85 (Aug. 14), 88 (Sept. 4) -91 (Sept. 25). Nos. 94 (Oct. 16) -96 (Oct. 30). Nos. 98 (Nov. 13) -102 (Dec. 11), 104 (Dec. 25). 1793, Nos. 105 (Jan. i) -108 (Jan. 22). Nos. IIS (Mar. 12), 116 (Mar. 19), 122 (Apr. 30). Nos. 123 (May 7), 125 (May 21), 126 (May 28), 128 (June n). Nos. 129 (June 18), 133 (July 16), 134 (July 23). No. 137 (Aug. 13). In New York Public Library (Non Vidimus). 1793, No. 138 (Aug. 20). Seidensticker (First Century of German Printing in America, pp. 137 and 138) says Saur moved to Philadel- phia sometime in 1794 and continued the paper for a short time at that place under the name of Das Philadelphier Wochenblat. Neuer Unpartheyischer Eastoner Bothe und Northamp- toner Kundschafter (weekly). Published at Easton, Pa., by Jacob Weygandt and Son. The only issue before 1801 that I discovered is a photo- graphic fac-simile in the possession of Mr. Ethan Allen Weaver of Germantown, Pa. The copy bears the date of Nov. 13, 1798, Number 270. General Staats-Bothe, mit den Neuesten Fremden, Bin- heimischen, und Gemeinnutzigen Nachrichten, an die Deutsche Nation in America (bi-weekly) . Published by Matthias Bartgis in Frederick, Maryland, 1793. (No copies discovered.) The following is taken from an advertisement in PC2 201. In Friederichstaun, Maryland, giebt Herr Matthaus Bartges, Buchdrucker, der sich mit lobenswerthem Eifer, und Anopferung German American Newspapers. 193 bemiiht, die Deutsche Sprache aufrecht zu erhalten, seith dem Anfang dieses Jahrs, alle 14 Tage einen grossen Bogen heraus, unter dem Titel, "General Staats-Bothe, mit den Neuesten Fremden, Einheimischen, und Gemeinnutzigen Nachrichten, an die Deutsche Nation in America." In C. W. 129, we find an article taken " aus dem Gen- eral Staats-Bothen von Friedrichs-Stadt, Maryland." Seidensticker (p. 135 in "The First Century of German Printing in America ") surmises that this may be the sanie paper as the one published by Bartgis in 1786 and 1787 in Fredericktown, but the advertisement in PC2 201, quoted above, seems to indicate that this paper started with the beginning of 1793. Der Neue Unpartheyische Baltimore Bote und Maryland Staats-Register (weekly). Published by Samuel Saur, Baltimore, Maryland. In the Baltimore City Library {Non Vidimus). 1796, No. 59 (May 4). According to this, the first number probably appeared on Wednesday, March 25, 1795. In 1799 Saur was publishing a newspaper three times per week, as may be seen from the following advertisement found in his almanac for the year 1800. Der Herausgeber dieses Calenders bedienet sich gleichfalls dieser Gelegenheit, dem geehrten Publiicum kund zu thun, dasz er wieder seith geraumer Zeit eine deutsche Zeitung herausgiebt und zwar dreymal die Woche auf einen (sic) grossen halben Bogen, fiir zwey und einen halben Thaler des Jahrs, oder zwolf Schilling und sechs Pens fiir zwey Zeitungen wochentlich; da aber das Postgeld fiir einen halben Bogen eben so viel betragt als fiir einen ganzen Bogen, und desfalls seinen ehemaligen Kunden 194 The Pennsylvania-German Society. in der Entfernung zu hoch im Preisz zu stehen kommt, so hat er sich entschlossen, (im Fall sich eine ansehnliche Zahl Sub- scriber! ten zeitlich einfinden soil ten) bis den ersten Februar 1800 eine Wochentliche Zeitung Bogen gross herauszugeben, fur ein und einen halben Thaler den Jahrgang. Die Westliche Correspondenz, und Hdgerstauner Woch- enschrift (weekly). Published by Johann Gruber at Hagerstown, Maryland. In Berks Co. Historical Society, Reading, Pa. {^Vidimus, Aug., IQI^). 1796, No. 68 (Sept. 28, 1796). Gruber started a new series in 1799, as may be seen from the issue of March 12, 1801, which is marked No. 90. References to the paper are found in A 18, 117, 118; PC33, i5;UHi3, 23;DP65, etal. Die Unpartheyische York Gazette (weekly). Published by Solomon Mayer in York, Pa. In the Harvard College Library {Vidimus October, I917). 1797, Nos. 50 (Jan. 31), 52 (Feb. 14). On p. 97 of Carter and Glossbrenner's "History of York County," we find the following, " In the spring of that year (1796) Solomon Meyer commenced the publi- cation of a German paper entitled, Die York Gazette. This was the first paper printed In this county in the Ger- man language." The same statement Is made In Prow- ell's "History of York County" (Vol. I, p. 549). References to the paper are found in AS 109, 112, 119, 120, 123; PCs 3, 61, 65 ;NUR 452, 548; DP 19, et al. Mr. George R. Prowell of the York County Historical German American Newspapers. 195 Society claims that the Society has a complete file from 1796 to 1 80 1, but diligent search by him and by myself failed to reveal it. Der Unpartheyische Reading Adler (weekly) . Published by Jacob Schneider und Georg Gerrisch in Reading, Pa. Although both Seidensticker (op. cit., p. 145) and Miller ("Early German American Newspapers," p. 53) say the newspaper was started on Nov. 29, 1796, and the history of the Adler, as printed in the centennial number (Nov. 28, 1896), states definitely that the first number was printed on Nov. 29, 1796, and the second on January 10, 1797, the truth is that the one published on November 29 was a sample number only and No. i was issued on January 3. In No. 22 (December 16, 1796) of the Im- partial Reading Herald (an English paper published by Schneider) , we find an advertisement which states that the first number of the German paper will appear on Tuesday, the third of January next. In Berks County Historical Society — First Set {Vidimus, July and August, I917). 1797, Nos. I (Jan. 3) -52 (Dec. 26). (With No. 3, the firm name became Jacob Schneider und Comp. and the word " Reading " was changed to "Readinger.") 1798, Nos. S3 (Jan. 2) -104 (Dec. 25). 1799, Nos. 105 (Jan. i)-i57 (Dec. 31). 1800, Nos. 158 (Jan. 7) -209 (Dec. 30). At the Same Place — Second Set {Vidimus, July and August, IQ17). 1797, Nos. I (Jan. 3) -52 (Dec. 26). 1798, Nos. S3 (Jan. 2) -104 (Dec. 2s). 1799, Nos. IDS (Jan. i)-i47 (Oct. 22). Stray number, 1798, No. 102 (Dec. 11). In the A. A. S., Worcester, Mass. {Vidimus, October, 1917). 1796, No. I (Nov. 29) (prospectus). 196 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 1797, Nos. 2 (Jan. 10) - 52 (Dec. 26). 1798, Nos. 53 (Jan. 2) - 104 (Dec. 25). 1799, Nos. 148 (Oct. 29) -157 (Dec. 31). 1800, Nos. 158 (Jan. 7) -209 (Dec. 30). Die Pennsylvanische Wochenschrift (weekly) . Published by Stellingius (?) und Lepper in Hanover, Pa. (No copies discovered.) From Carter and Glossbrenner's History of York County, p. 100: The first paper printed in Hanover was a German one entitled Die Pennsylvanische Wochenschrift, the first number of which was issued by Lepper and StelliNius (sic), in April 1797. Mr. Lepper became not long afterwards, the sole proprietor of the es- tablishment and he continued the paper until February, 1805. The same statement occurs on page 557, Vol. I of Prow- ell's " History of York County," except that he says the publishers were W. D. Lepper and E. Stettinius, both edu- cated Germans who had learned the art of printing in the Fatherland. Seidensticker (op. cit., p. 147) names "Stellingius und Lepper " as the publishers. In PCs of July 30, 1800, W. D. Lepper is mentioned as one of the pall bearers at the funeral of the semi-weekly Pennsylvanische Correspondenz. Die Pennsylvanische Correspondenz (semi-weekly). Pub- lished by Heinrich Schweitzer in Philadelphia. In the Library of W. J. Hinke, Auburn, N. Y. 1798, No. 57 (April 24) (vidimus, Oct 24, 1917). (Hence the first number probably appeared on October 10, 1797.) German American Newspapers. 197 Full column advertisements dated August i, 1797, in A 33 and NUR 443, about the proposed paper which is to be issued twice a week by Heinrich Schweitzer. The paper is mentioned in H 40; DP ^6; PC3 14, 15, 44. ^6, 67, 68, 69, 70, 73, 78, July 30, 1800, et al. In the PC4 issue of July 30, 1800, there is an article with black borders entitled "Ach wie betrubt." It an- nounces that the Pennsylvanische Correspondenz will ap- pear as a semi-weekly for the last time on Friday (pre- sumably August i) and that thereafter it will be continued weekly. Philadelphisches Magazin oder Unterhaltender Gesell- schafter fur die Deiitschen in Amerika (quarterly). Published by Henrich und Joseph R. Kammerer jun. in Philadelphia. In P. H. S. {Vidimus, Sept., 1917). 1798, No. 1 (May i). A second number was issued in August, 1798, according to an advertisement in PCs 17. These two numbers were probably the only ones published. Shortly after the ap- pearance of the second number, the terrible yellow fever epidemic of 1798 broke out in Philadelphia, among the victims of which were Henrich Kammerer and a younger brother. Des Landmanns Wochenblatt, neuer und gemeinnilzlicher Nachrichten (weekly). Published by Wm. Hamilton and Conrad Wortmann, Lancaster, Pa. (1798-1799). Suspended publication on February 19, 1799. (No copies found.) 198 The Pennsylvania-German Society. In the Lancaster Journal (Vol. IV, No. 33), January 27, 1798, is an advertisement of this paper, which is to be started by Wm. Hamilton and Conrad Wortmann at the beginning of February. Hamilton says he has made a contract with a man who came from Germany. Price of paper $1.50. In DP 62 we find a notice that on February 19 (1799) , the Landmanns Wochenblatt when only one year old died. On4:he 26th appeared another Jacobin child "nach einem verjiingten Maasstab und in einem allerliebst niedlichen Taschenformat, ob dieses Kind seines Vaters ein hoheres Alter erreichen wird, stehet zu erwarten." The last mentioned newspaper is the Lancaster Wochen- blatt (q. v.). The Landmanns Wochenblatt is also mentioned in DP 35. 53. S^^ 83; NUR 492; A 79; PC3 4, 17, et al. Das Lancaster Wochenblatt (weekly). Published by Wm. Hamilton in Lancaster, Pa., from February 26, 1799, to May of the same year. (No copies found.) Successor to Landmanns Wochenblatt (q. v.). In DP 83, in a communication signed by "Von einem sogenannten Tory " — Als ich am letztern Samstag nach Lancaster kam, ist mir eine neue Miszgeburt zu Gesicht gekommen, nemlich eine Deutsche Franzosenzeitung, ehemals Landmanns Wochenblatt und nach- gehends Lancaster Wochenblatt genannt, welche beyde Ungeheuer vom Jacobiner Gift ergriffen, die Schwindsucht bekommen, und weilen sie franzosische Werkzeuge waren, abgestorben sind; und nun erscheint diese Zeitung unter dem Namen des Lancaster Correspondenten. In H I, we are told that the Lancaster Correspondent German American Newspapers. 199 has taken over the subscribers of the Lancaster Wochen- blatt. Die Subscribenten zum Lancaster Wochenhlatt die beym Anfang desselben auf ein halb Jahr bey Herrn Hamilton voraus bezahlt haben, und nun Subscribenten zu dem Lancaster Corre- spondenten geworden sind, werden ersucht jeder einen viertel Thaler an mich noch zu bezahlen, welcher denn die 6 monatliche Vorausbezahlung ausmacht. Das Neue monatliche Readinger Magazin, fiir den Burger und Land-Mann (monthly). Published by Jacob Schneider und Comp. (No copies found.) First number dated February, 1799, although it was not issued much before March. Advertisement of proposals for new magazine in A 95 ff. Advertisement that the new magazine is about ready for press in A 105 ff. Advertisement that the first number has left the press in A 114 ff. I have been unable to find any mention of a second number. Unpartheyische Hdrrisburg Morgenrothe Z ei tun g (weekly) . Published by B. Mayer und C. Fahne- stock. Seidensticker in his " First Century of German Printing in America," p. 137, quoting Dr. Wm. H. Egle's "His- tory of Dauphin and Lebanon Counties," says that the first number was published on March i, 1794. Whether this statement is true is doubtful, because, in No. i of March 12, 1799, the publishers do not allude to any pre- vious paper, and in No. 52 (March 3, 1800), we read. 200 The Pennsylvania-German Society. " Diese Woche beschllesset die 52te Nummer, nachdem wir angefangen Zeitungen zu drucken, das erste Jahr." It may be that Mayer and Fahnestock issued a sample number on Marclj i, 1794, and did not continue because of lack of encouragement. In the State Library at Harrisburg [Vidimus, July, 1917). First Set. 1799, Nos. I (Mar. 12) -5 (Apr. 9). Nos. 7 (Apr. 23) -20 (July 23). Nos. 22 (Aug. 6) -4.3 (Dec. 30). (Beginning with No. 22 the pub- lisher was Benjamin Mayer.) 1800, Nos. 44 (Jan. 6) -64 (May 26). Nos. 66 (June 9) -91 (Dec. 29). (No. 75 the title. was Die Harris- burg Morgenrothe Zeitung. On and after No. 76, the name was Die Harrisburg Zeitung.) At the Same Place [Vidimus, July, 1917). Second Set. 1799, Nos. 1 (Mar. 12) -4 (Apr. 2). Nos. 6 (Apr. i6) - ;43 (Dec. 30). i8cx), Nos. 44 (Jan. 6) -95 (Dec. 29). Der Lancaster Correspondent (weekly). Published by C. J. Hiittcr. In Lancaster County Historical Society [Vidimus, July, 1917). 1799, Nos. .1 (May 25) -32 (Dec. 28). 1 800, Nos. 33 (Jan. 4) -84 (Dec. 27). In P. H. S. [Vidimui, September, 1917). 1799, Nos. I (May 25) -32 (Dec. 28) (No; i mutilated). 1800, Nos. 33 (Jan. 4) -84 Dec. 27). In Berks County Historical Society, Reading, Pa. [Vidimus, August, 1^17) . 1800, Nos. 40 (Feb. 22) -43 (Mar. 15). Nos. 45 (Mar. 29) -54 (May 31). Nos. 56 (June 14) - 60 (July 12). Nos. 62 (July 26) -63 (Aug. 2). German American Newspapers. 201 Nos. 66 (Aug. 23) -67 (Aug. 30). Nos. 69 (Sept. 13) -72 (Oct. 4). Nos. 74 (Oct. 13) -7s (Oct. 2s). Nos. 78 (Nov. r5)-84 (Dec. 27). Der Volksberichter (weekly). Published by A. Bill- meyer in York, Pa. (No copies found.) In Carter and Glossbrenner's "History of York County" (p. 97), we read: The paper next established in the borough of York, was, Der Volksberichter J the first number of which was published by Andrew Billmeyer on the 25th of July, 1799. Prowell in his "History of York County" says the same. In PCs 6s, mention is made of the Volksberichter' s issue of September 26, 1799, No. 10. Assuming 'Ithat the paper had been published regularly every week, this would indicate that the first number appeared on July 25, 1799, thus corroborating Carter and Glossbrenner. In UH 24, a writer, signing himself " Kein Deist," says that it is reported the Volksberichter is edited by Rev. Gorring of York. The paper is mentioned in AS 112, 119; UH 76 ; NUR 550, 602, 584; A 173. (Art. from the York Gazette mentions Yorktauner Volksvernichter and talks about " die Zeitungsprediger und Volksbetriiger." Die Philadelphische Correspondenz (thrice a week city edition). Published by Joseph R. Kammerer und G. Helmbold, jun. (February 11, 1800-April 5, 1800 ?). (No copies found.) The publishers intend to publish a thrice-a-week city 202 The Pennsylvania-German Society. edition at a maximum cost of $3.00 per year as soon as they have 500 subscribers. They will continue to publish the country (weekly) edition. — PCs 67 ff. On Tuesday, February 11, 1800, the publishers intend to issue the first number of the thrice-a-week edition. — PCs 79- Notice of dissolution of partnership, dated March 4, 1800. Helmbold assures his readers that he will continue to publish the paper thrice-a-week, "wie seith einlger Zeit."— PCs 83. In an article dated March 27, 1800, Helmbold warns his readers that he will have to discontinue the city edition within a short time, unless they will secure more subscribers for him. — PCs 87. For reasons why the last number probably appeared on April 5, see under " Gemeinniitzige Philadelphische Cor- respondenz." Were They Ever Published? Under this heading I want to mention some German papers which may have been published, although I lack conclusive evidence that they ever appeared. References to them have come down to us in three ways : first, through advertisements in which publishers announced that they in- tended to start the publication of a paper; second, through vague references in contemporary newspapers; third, through the works of writers living after the time when the papers were supposed to have been published. The earliest one of these papers is said to have been pub- lished between 1759 and 1762 in Philadelphia by Weiss and Miller. Thomas (op. cit.. Vol. II, p. 147) says that it was a continuation of Franklin and Armbruster's Phila- Were They Ever Published? 203 delphische Zeitung and that Armbruster was again the pub- lisher of it in 1762-1764. We know, however, that the title of Armbruster's paper was Die Pennsylvanische Fama. It is difficult to decide whether Weiss and Miller ever pub- lished a paper, since our only evidence is the statement by Thomas, who is at times very unreliable in his discussion of the German papers. The firm of Miller and Weiss was publishing during the period in question the almanac which Armbruster had issued while he was publisher of the Phila- delphische Zeitung. In Miller's Staatsbote of August 6, 1764, I find an article on lightning rods. The writer claims that they are very useful, " wie man noch kurzlich in der Englischen und Deutschen Zeitung von Boston gelesen." So far as I know, there is no other reference to a bi-lingual paper in Boston. Mr. Clarence S. Brigham of the American An- tiquarian Society does not believe that it ever existed. The question is, does the word " Zeitung " here mean news- paper or news? The probabilities certainly favor the former interpretation. In March, 1776, the firm of Steiner and Cist of Phila- delphia announced (see S 645 and M 781) that they would start a paper as soon as they would have obtained five hundred subscribers. The paper was probably never started, although I have found no statement to that effect. Fourteen years later, Charles Cist proposed to begin a semi-weekly German paper in Philadelphia, Neue Phila- delphische Zeitung. (See PC 486, NUL 157-160, and Cist's German almanac for 179 1.) This paper also prob- ably never materialized. More interest is attached to an advertisement In the Harrisburg Oracle of Dauphin of July 22, 1793, in which 204 The Pennsylvania-German Society. the firm Allen and Wyeth announce the intention of start- ing a German paper on October i, 1793, if they could se- cure four hundred and fifty subscribers. As we have seen, some writers claim that Mayer and Fahnestock started the publication of the Morgenrothe Zeitung on March i, 1794. Although the publishers' statement seems to contradict this, we might harmonize the two statements by supposing that Allen and Wyeth began their paper on March i, 1794, and that Mayer and Fahnestock succeeded them in 1799. I have, however, absolutely no proof of this. On November 29, 1796, Solomon Mayer, publisher of the York Gazette, and a man by the name of Plitt issued a circular containing proposals for a German daily paper in Philadelphia and for a weekly paper In York and Phila- delphia. The title of the former was to be Pennsylvan- ische Zeitung und taglicher Anzeiger, and of the latter Pennsylvanische Zeitung und wochentlicher Anzeiger. Presumably the proposals were never carried into effect, although I cannot be positive of this since I had no oppor- tunity to examine many Philadelphia German papers of 1797 for possible references to the paper. However, these proposals are interesting because they show the first attempt to establish a German daily in America. In a foot-note to page 93 of Miller's " Early German American Newspapers," the statement is made that a Ger- man paper. The Farmers' Register was established in Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, by Snowden and McCorcle on April 19, 1798. However, this Is almost certainly er- roneous. An English paper with this name was started by the firm In 1798 or 1799; but I did not find any mention of a German paper, although I examined the Issues of the Were They Ever Published? 205 English paper, found in the hbrary of the Historical So- ciety of Pennsylvania. After the removal of the firm to Greensburg, proposals were made to start a German paper, but according to the advertisement the first number ap- peared at the beginning of January, 1801. Table I. The following pages show the number of copies of news- papers found which were published prior to 1801, and the libraries where they are now preserved. 206 The Pennsylvania-German Society. Year. -J S.S a. S2 .sis as 0-S ■si •2 SJ .go 1^ u l-S •S * Q .3& B-5 a. 2 3 o 1732- ■■• I739--- I742---- 1743.... 1744.... 1745.... 1746.... 1747.... 1748.... 1749.... 1750.... I7SI--.- 1752- ■■ I7S3.... 1754- • • I7SS--- 1756... 1757- •• 1758... I7S9--- 1760 1761... 1762... 1763... 1764... 1763... 1766... 1767... 1768... 1769... 1770... 1771.-. 1772... 1773-.- 1774- ■ • I77S--. 1776... 1777- •■ 1778... 1779. ■■ 1780... Total I I 9 12 12 12 12 16 19 20 23 23 3 13 23 25 26 26 24 7 20 2 12* II* 20* 26* 26* 6 16 19 20 23 22 22 2 3 24 24 23 12 18 32 38 40 46 SO 26 13 45 54 76 26 24 7 20 2 334 96* 128 559 •Approximate number. Were They Ever Published? 207 Total 208 The Pennsylvania-German Society. Year. .32 :S IS ■-.|b Hi b« 1^ -Jlo 133 -^ 5 O t ^<2 ■2 o b .a as p d ■2^ 32 1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790 1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800 24 53 34 33 29 43 43 12 28 100 SO 49 20 II 10 27 43 12 lOI 59 73 103 102 98 35 2 21 53 51 52 2 46 52 27 54 47 67 72 70 124 183 191 219 351 232 158 133 130 116 I 73 97 62 Total 621 91 536 12 II S9 10 1 s 246 I 365 277 76 75 22 2,407 1,345 247 815 Were They Ever Published? 209 4 3 >. i !>■ . "I J3J5 S ■2^ El C a .1.1 II < 3^ lii S s ^1 i Year. ^1 : .SSf .3 . a i 1 ?1 li 3! •-2.6 5 ^mj 2a 3 U id. iQ Bio i5i . t)0 , am .9? & II Bl3 1 <: 'z ; 5 2 •z. 2 t i < WS 0,0 r ■3.6 a o iu'OhM no 41 -ta I J4 MS S«i-1 So a a •3-.S 0, V to siS J 3-3 .35(8 1.8 l1 •Sffi a •SB a Total number of papers up to 1780 , 2,076 1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790 1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800 27 54 47 67 72 7P 124 183 283 411 493 375 274 190 179 168 55 126 284 268 104 105 96 52 32 52 32 52 36 27 54 47 67 72 70 124 183 283 411 493 375 274 190 179 171 212 285 454 512 Total. 3.750 357 166 84 523 84 204 36 14,4836,559 The following copies of Saur's Ge'utliches Magazien have been dis- covered. This magazine was published at irregular intervals between 1764 and 1774, none of the issues having the date of publication. In Penna. Hist. Society 50 In the Phila. Library Co 37 In possession of Wm. J. Campbell 48* In State Library at Harrisburg 64 In library of M. G. Brumbaugh 50* Total 249 Total of the other papers 6559 Grand total of copies, 1732-1800 6808 Were They Ever Published'? Table II. 211 The following pages show the number of issues located and examined and the approximate number that were pub- lished. "* Names of Newspapers. Philadelphische Zeitung (1732) Saur's Germantown Paper (1739-77) Die Lancastersche Zeitung (1752-33) Philadelphische Zeitung (1755-57) Miller's Staatsbote (1762-79) Ein Geistliches Magazien (1764-74) , Der Pennsylvanische Staats Courier (1777-78) Das Pennsylvanische Zeitung (1778) Die Pennsylvanische Gazette (1779) Philadelphisches Staatsregister (1779-81) Philadelphische Correspondenz (1781-1800) . . Germantauner Zeitung (1785-1800) Lancaster Zeitung, etc. (1787-1800) Readinger Zeitung (1789-1800) Der General Post Bothe (1790) Die Chesnuthiller Wochenschrift (1790-1794). Eastoner Bothe (1793-1800) Baltimore Bote (1795-1800) Westliche Correspondenz (1795-1800) York Gazette (1796-1800) Reading Adler (1796-1800) Pennsylvanische Correspondenz (1797-1800). Philadelphisches Magazin (1798) Harrisburg Zeitung (1799-1800) Lancaster Correspondent (1799—1800) No. of Issues Examined. 2 353 6 29 898 54 I 21 1 4 993 246 355 596 51 108 I o 1 2 2X0 1 1 95 84 No. of Issues Located. No. of Issues Published. 354* 6 29 898 64 I 21 I 5 993 246 355 600* 51 109 I 1 I 2 210 1 [ 95 84 2* 970* 31 68 920 64 30* 21 1* 65* 1,320* 686* 700* 620* 51 180* 380* 300* 280* 255* 210 285* 2 95 84 Total number . 4. 113 4. 13 1 7,620 •Approximate number. BIBLIOGRAPHY. In this bibliography there are mentioned only very few of the works on the various phases of the social conditions of the eighteenth century Pennsylvania Germans. For more nearly complete bibliographies the reader Is referred to Kuhn's "German and Swiss Settlements In Pennsylva- nia" and Faust's "The German Element in the United States." Under the heading, " General Works," are found publications containing material on the general sub- ject, while under the chapters are listed those of special bearing on the subjects discussed in the various chapters. General Works. Americana Germanica. A quarterly devoted to the comparative study of the literary, linguistic and other cultural relations of Germany and America. 1897-1903. 4 vols. (Continued as German American Annals, q. v.) Beidelman, William. The Story of the Pennsylvania Germans; embrac- ing an account of their origin, their history and their dialect. Easton, Pa., 1898. (Contains many inaccuracies.) Berks County Historical Society, Proceedings of the. Carter, W. C. and Glossbrenner, A. J. History of York County from its Erection to the present time. York, Pa., 1834. (Very accurate.) Claire, I. S. A Brief History of Lancaster County. Lancaster, 1892. Deutsche Pionier, Der. A monthly magazine published by Der deutscbe Bibliography. 213 Pionier-Verein von Cincinnati. i8 vols. 1869-1887. From 1885 to 1887 it vfas issued as a quarterly. Deutsch-Amerikanische Geschkhtsbldtter. Published by the German Ameri- can Historical Society of Illinois. 1901-1917. 17 vols. Deutsch-Amerikanisches Magazin. Edited by H. A. Rattermann. Volume I, 1886. Egle, William H. History of the Counties of Dauphin and Lebanon in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 1883. Eickhoff, Anton. In der neuen Heimath. New York. 1884. Ellis (Franklin) and Evans (Samuel). History of Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 1883. Faust, A. B. The German Element in the United States. 2 vols. Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1909. German American Annals. Continuation of Americana Germanica. Pub- lished by the German American Historical Society, Philadelphia. 1903-1918. 16 vols. Hazard, Samuel. The Register of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia. 1828- 1832. Henry, M. S. History of Northampton County. Unpublished Ms. in possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. Kelker, Luther R. History of Dauphin County. 3 vols. New York and Chicago, 1907. Kuhns, Oscar. The German and Swiss Settlements of Colonial Penn- sylvania. A Study of the So-called Pennsylvania Dutch. Henry Holt and Company, 1901. Lancaster County Historical Society, Proceedings of the. (From 1896 to the present time.) Loher, Franz. Geschichte und Zustande der Deutschen in Amerika. Zweite Ausgabe, Gottingen, 1855. McMaster, J. B. A History of the People of the United States, From the Revolution to the Civil War. 8 vols. The first two volumes contain reliable information about the eighteenth century Pennsylvania Ger- mans. Morabert, J. I. An Authentic History of Lancaster County in the State of Pennsylvania. Lancaster, 1869. Montgomery, M. L. Historical and Biographical Annals of Berks County, Pennsylvania. 2 vols. Chicago, 1909. (Many inaccuracies.) History of Berks County, Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 1886. School History of Berks County in Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 1889. Pennsylvania Archives. Philadelphia and Harrisburg. 1852-1902. (Four series.) Pennsylvania German, The. A Popular Magazine of Biography, History, Genealogy, Folklore, Literature, etc. 1901-1911. 12 vols. 214 ^^^^ Pennsylvania-German Society. Pennsylvania German Society, Proceedings of. 1891 to the present time. (27 vols.) Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, The. Published by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 1877-1918. 42 vols. ~ProweIl, G. R. History of York County, Pennsylvania. 2 vols. Chicago, 1907. Rush, Benjamin. An account of the manners of the German inhabitants of Pennsylvania, written in 1789. Notes added by I. Daniel Rupp. Philadelphia, 1875. Scharf, J. T. History of Western Maryland. 2 vols. Schem, A. J. Deutsch-Amerikanisches Konversations-Lcxicon. 11 vols. New York, 1869-1874. Seidensticker, Oswald. Bilder aus der Deutsch-pennsylvanischen Ge- schichte. E. Steiger and Co., 1886. Tenner, A. Der Heutige Standpunkt der Kultur in den Vereinigten Staaten. New York, 1886. Chapter I. American Antiquarian Society, Proceedings of. Worcester, Mass., 1812- 1917- American Newspaper Directory, 1776. New York; George P. Rowell and Co., 1876. Bausman, Lottie M. A Bibliography of Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. 1745-1912. Publication of the Pennsylvania Federation of Historical Societies. Cassel, A. H. A History of Sower's Newspaper. (MS. in the possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.) Dapp, C. F. Johann Heinrich Miller. (German-American Annals. Vol. 14, p. n8 ff.) Diffenderffer, F. R. Early German Printers of Lancaster County and the Issues of their Presses. (In Vol. VIII of the Proceedings and Reports of the Lancaster County Historical Society.) Oldest Daily Newspaper in Lancaster. (In Proceedings of Lancaster County Historical Society, 1896.) Newspapers of Lancaster County. (In Vol. VI of Proceedings of Lancaster County Historical Society.) An Early Newspaper. (In Vol. XI of the Proceedings of Lancaster County Historical Society.) Hildeburn, C. R. A Century of Printing. The Issues of the Press of Pennsylvania. 1685-1784. 2 vols. Philadelphia, 1885. Ingram, J. V. Check List of American Eighteenth Century Newspapers in the Library of Congress. Washington, 1912. Bibliography. 215 Keyser, N. H. and others. History of Old Germantown. Philadelphia, 1967. (P. 427 ff. " Sower's Newspapers.") McCulIoch, William. Additional Memoranda for the History of Printing by Isaiah Thomas, Communicated by William McCulloch, 1814. (Un- published MS. in the American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass.) Miller, Daniel. Early German American Newspapers. Lancaster, 1911. (Reprinted from Vol. XIX of the Publications of the Pennsylvania German Society.) The German Newspapers of Berks County. (In the Transactions of the Historical Society of Berks County, Vol. Ill, p. 4 if.) North, S. N. D. History and Present Condition of the Newspapers and Periodical Press of the United States. (Part of Vol. VIII of the Cen- sus of 1880.) Schlozer, A. L. Briefwechsel, meist statistischen Inhalts, gesammlet und zum Versuch herausgegeben. Gottingen, 1775-1781. 10 vols. (Con- tains a reprint of the Saur Tory paper of 1778.) Seidensticker, Oswald. Die deutsch-amerikanische Zeitungspresse wahrend des vorigen Jahrhunderts. (In the Deutsch-Amerikanisckes Magazin.) The First Century of German Printing in America (1728-1830). Philadelphia, 1893. Smith, H. W. Life and Correspondence of the Reverend William Smith, D.D. Philadelphia, 1879. (Contains much interesting information about the older Saur.) Thomas, Isaiah. The History of Printing in America. 2 vols. Second edition. 1874. Chapter II. Brumbaugh, M. G. A History of the German Baptist Brethren in Europe and America. Mount Morris, Illinois, 1899. Chronicon Ephratense. A History of the Community of Seventh day Baptists at Ephrata, Lancaster, Co., Pa. Translated by J. Max Hark, D.D., Lancaster, Pa. 1889. Dubbs, J. H. A History of the Reformed Church, German in the United States. New York, 1895. Hallesche Nachrichten von den Vereinigten Deutschen Evangelisch-Luth- erischen Gemeinen in Nord Amerika, absonderlich in Pennsylvania. (Reprinted, Vol. I, Allentown, i886; Vol. II, Philadelphia, 1895.) Hamilton, J. T. A History of the Moravian Church in the United States. New York, 1895. Harbaugh, Henry. The Life of Rev. Michael Schlatter. Philadelphia, 1857. Hinke, W. J. Life and Letters of the Reverend John Philip Boehm, Philadelphia, 1916. 2i6 The Pennsylvania-German Society. Jacobs, H. E. A Short History of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in the United States. New York, 1893. Levering, J. M. History of Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, 1741-1892. Beth- lehem, 1903. Mann, W. J. Life and Times of Henry Melchior Muhlenberg. 2 ed. Philadelphia, i«88. Reichel, L. T. The Early History of the Church of the United Brethren (Unitas Fratrum) commonly called Moravians, in North America. Nazareth, Pa. 1888. Sachse, J. F. The German Sectarians of Pennsylvania. 1708-1800. 2 vols. Philadelphia, 1899-1900. Chapter III. (Same bibliography as Chapter IL) Seidensticker, Oswald, Geschichte der Deutschen Gesellschaft von Penn- sylvanien, 1764-1876. (Republished, Philadelphia, 1917, with a secood part by Max Henrici, the history of the society from 1876 to 1917.) Chapter IV. (Many articles in the various magazines and publications mentioned undei " General Works.") Brumbaugh, M. G. Life and Works of Christopher Dock. Philadelphia, 1908. Dubbs, J. H. History of Franklin and Marshall College. Laiicaster, 1903. Viereck, Louis. German Instruction in American Schools. Report of Commissioner of Education, 1901, vol. I, pp. 531-708. Weber, S. E. The Charity School Movement in Colonial Pennsylvania. (Doctor's Dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1905.) Chapter V. Haldeman, S. S. Pennsylvania Dutch: A Dialect of South German with an Infusion of English. Philadelphia, 1872.' Learned, M. D. The Pennsylvania German Dialect. Baltimore, 1889. Chapter VI. Mittelberger, Gottlieb. Reise nach Pennsylvanien im Jahr 1750, und Riickreise nach Teutschland im Jahr 1754. Frankfurt und Leipzig, 1756. (Translated by C. T. Eben and published in Philadelphia, 1898.) Bibliography. 217 Schopf, Johann David. Reise durch einise der mittlern und sudlichen vereinigten nordamerikanischen Staaten unternommen in den Jahren 1783 und 1784. Erlangen, 1788. (Translated and edited by Alfred I. Morrison. Published by William J. Campbell, Philadelphia, 191 1.) (These two works give a particularly unfavorable account of the Ger- mans. For a brighter picture, see Rush's " An account of the manners of the German inhabitants of Pennsylvania," mentioned under " General Works.") Chapters VII and VIII. (Almost all of the publications enumerated under " General Works " contain something concerning the vocations and the political ideals of the Pennsylvania Germans.) Davis, W. W. H. The Fries Rebellion, 1798-99; an armed resistance to the House tax law passed by Congress, July 9, 1798, in Bucks and Northampton Counties, Pennsylvania. Doylestown, Pa., 1899. mt ¥\M m/3 W.I