Cornell University Library \Q 1297.N88 inalish laws «?' ,riB,fli5,illlMiS^^^^^^^ 3 1924 021 877 802^ Date Due -mu, jihF ' lr! DEC 17 li^ I nterlibrayTogif '"M m^ V-' yrJ \ n ^ i^g±^ \fiUJUm J^ R: gggf«nJ^illl>UUy I" Cornell University Library The original of tliis bool< is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924021877802 (S^igliHft Sms4^^ IKjump i^li^ .^iit^t^prti d{i[ittiiifa. (Unilislt Sitttis firjt Mjun^n iJft^ J;iir4t4ptft %nttti^. Br 0. NORTON. It was a saying of Jeremy Bentham's, that, "if the Poor had more Justice, they would need less Cfharity •"— If womSn had more Justice, they would have no need of appeals to sympathy. LONDON : — MDCCCLIV. K/E2 ^ '%OfOl'^ ^ LONDON: PEINTED BY J. -WEILTHEIMEE AND CO., CIKCUS PLACE, FINSBUKT CIKCUS, PREFACE. It has been remarked to me, that if there were no other reason why a very reluctant attention should be granted to this Pamphletj there woiildbe "no time" to notice a discussion of the LaWj arising out of affairs purely personal, at a period when subjects of momentous public importance occupy the minds of all men. In answer to that remark, I can only say, that I have never yet seen the public mind in a state of such undivided attention. I have no doubt, that in the present Session, as in aU others, there will be "time" for aU usual employments; time for assemblies, operas, and balls j time for races, club-dinners, and feteSj- time for reading works of science, and works of fiction; for the most abstract study, and for the most frivolous gossip; time to discuss whether the arms of Scotland are properly quartered with the arms of England, as well as to debate whether the Emperor of Russia is to make war upon the world. It would be paying Englishmen a poor compliment to suppose that the one subject they are determined not to find time for, is the reform of some of their own laws; a reform confidently alluded to by the Lord Chancellor, in his speech of the 14th February last year; and formally introduced as one of the topics of the Queen's Speech at the opening of Parliament. Lord Campbell — in his brUliant and interesting work, "The Lives of the Chancellors" — tells us that in the session of 1758 IV PREFACE. reference was made to the Judges on the motion of Ex-Chan- cellor Hardwicke, respecting a bili for amendiag the law of Habeas Corpus; and it was proposed to introduce a new bill in the ensuing session. " But I am sorry to say," — observes Lord Campbell, — "that when the next session arrived, nothing was thought of except the taking of Quebec; and the subject was not again resumed, till the very close of the reign of George III." Now it is certainly possible, that in like manner the Law- reforms so confidently promised for this session, may be set aside; and some future writer of Chancellors' Lives, may ex- press his regret, that " in the Session of 1854 little was thought of except the taking of Sebastopol." But, if another half century should glide away without re- form in our Ecclesiastical and other Courts (as more than half a century elapsed, between the motion of Ex-Chancellor Hard- wicke and the amendment of the Habeas Corpus Act) shall we set it aU down to the overwhelming interest taken in Quebec and Sebastopol? Shall we not rather look for the solution of these delays, in a certain supineness on the part of those who work the ma- chiaery of justice? and in the fact (also stated by Lord Camp- bell) that "it is very difficult to draw the notice of the repre- sentatives of the people to measures for the Amendment of the Law." Difficult to draw attention to such measures; not difficult to find " time," either for their discussion, or the consideration of any examples which may prove the necessity of change. ENGLISH LAWS FOR WOMEN. [" It won't do to have Tkuth and Justice on our side; We must have Law and Lawtees."*] CHABLES DICKENS. I take those words as my text. In consequence of the im- perfect state of the law, I have suffered bitterly, and for a number of years : I have lately been insulted, defrauded, and libelled : and as the law is constituted, I find redress impossible. To publish comments on my own case for the sake of obtaining sympathy ; to prove merely that my husband has been unjust, and my fate a hard one, would be a very poor and barren ambition. I aspire to a different object. I desire to prove, not my suffering or his injustice, but that the present law of England cannot prevent any such suffering, or control any such injustice. I write in the hope that the law may be amended ; and that those who are at present so ill-provided as to have only " Truth and Justice" on their side, may here- after have the benefit of "Law and Lawyers." I know all that can be said on my interference with such a subject; all the prejudice and contempt with which men wiU receive arguments from a woman, and a woman personally in- terested. But it is of more importance that the law should be altered, than that I should be approved. Many a woman may * Bleak House, page 529, lire to thank Heaven that I had courage and energy left, to attempt the task: and, since no one can foretel the future, even men may pause ere they fling down my pamphlet with masculine scorn ; for a day may come, — however improbable to some one of my readers, when he would give his right hand, for the sake of sister, daughter, or friend, that the law were in such a condition as to afford a chance of justice; without the pain of a protracted struggle, or the disgrace of a public brawl. What I write, is written in no spirit of rebellion ; it puts forward no absurd claim of equality; it is simply an appeal for protection. Such protection, in degree, as is accorded to ser- vants, to apprentices, to the sailor on the high seas, to all whom the law admits to be in a subordinate and helpless position. Such protection, in degree, as has lately been ex- tended to women in the lower classes, by the more stringent laws enacted in their behalf. In arguing my case from my own example, I am not igno- rant that there are persons who think such argument blameable on other grounds; who deem a husband's right so indefeasible, and his title so sacred, that even a wronged wife should keep silence. How far wiU they carry that principle? A few years ago, a French nobleman, the Due de Praslin, assassinated his wife in the midst of her slumbering household. When morning broke, she was dead; but many a proof remained of the despe- rate resistance, and agonized efforts to escape, made by that wretched woman before her doom was completed. Do the ad- vocates of the doctrine of non-resistance consider that her duty would have been to submit tranquilly to the fate pre-deter- mined for her? If not, let them waive judgment in my case ; for if choice were allowed me, I would rather be murdered and remembered by friends and children with love and re- gret, than have the slanders believed which my husband has invented of me. It is he, who has made silence impos- sible. With HIM rests the breaking of those seals which keep the history of each man's home sacred from indifferent eyes. He has declared himself my deadliest foe, whose dagger has too near an aim to miss my heart and, of the two, I hold his stab to be worse than that of the Due de Praslin, for he would assassinate eyen my memory. I resist. For the shallower rebuke, that mine is an exceptional case ; that the law need scarcely be disturbed to meet a solitary instance of tyranny, there is a ready and reasonable answer. All cases requiring legal interference are exceptional cases ; and it wiU scarcely be argued that a balance must first be struck in numbers, and instances of wrong be reckoned by the dozen or the gross, before justice wiU condescend to weigh the scales. But it does not follow that mine is a solitary example of injustice, because it may possibly happen, from a combi- nation of peculiar circumstances, to be the instance which shall call attention to the state of the law. Hundreds of women are suffering at this moment, whose cases are not less hard, but more obscure : audit consists with all experience, that although wrong and oppression may be repeated tiU. they become almost of daily occurrence, they strike at last on some heart that re- volts instead of enduring ; or are witnessed by men whose in- dignant sympathy works out reform and redress. In either case, oppression is brought to a halt, not by a multitude of instances, but by some single example ; which example may be neither more nor less important than others, though it be made the argument and opportunity of change. We are not told that any extraordinary perfection marked for defence the pea- sant child of WiUiam Tell; nor Watt Tyler's daughter; nor even that virgin girl of B-ome, for whom her sire chose death rather than degradation; the doom had fallen, perhaps, on other victims quite as worthy. But it was resisted for them by hearts that beat high in defence of honest right ; and there- fore (and not for the value of the victims) we read in the re- cords of history, of a pagan father who took his child's life ; of Christian fathers who perilled their own; and of those B 2 convulsions, dianges, and tumults, which, had their proximate and apparent cause in the desire to avenge a tyrannous act done to a peasant's son to punish insult offered to a craftsman s daughter to keep from defilement one weak girl, claimed by a despotic ruler, in the market-place of superb Rome ; — but whose root was in this established certainty ; that in all human societies, great general injustice shall be checked, sooner or later, by individual resistance. If, as I have said, it does not necessarily follow that the ex- ample of resistance is also the example of crowning wrong ; so neither does it follow that there is tyranny greater than usual Enacted, when the benefactor arises, whose chivalrous nature sees cause for exertion, where other men saw none. Not even then, in the merit of the sufferers, or the degree of their suffering, lies the prospect of change ; but" in the spirit of him who will not tamely contemplate any misery he thinks he might relieve. He follows in the track of those who have all "passed hy on the other side;" but he differs from them in this, that he pauses to know what wounded and moaning thing is flung across his path, and forthwith accepts as his business, that task of rescue which more selfish and careless men have declined. The good Samaritan in Scripture addressed himself to no peculiar case ; he lifted no bleeding hero from a disastrous battle-field; nor king writhing under the assassin's stroke. A man lay groaning who had fallen among thieves. That is all we shall ever know of the example of help, given as a lesson of charity eighteen hundred years ago, to the fleeting generations of the world ! In these later days of more complicated social wrong j when Howard rose amongst us, apostle of compassion to sufferers barred out of sight ; our prisons were no worse than they had been, nor our prisoners better men; their dungeons were not darker, nor their food more scant, nor their sighing louder, nor their case more pitiful, than theirs who had gone before. Circumstance was the same, but the hazard of help had arrived. The sighing was heard, the darkness was perceived, the hunger for human pity was satisfied, not for the sake of those especial prisoners, hut because Howard was come. So in Erskine's time ,■ the laws were not more oppressive, nor their operation more unequal, than in a generation foregone ; nor were the men who had to abide by the legal decisions of the day, unusually notable and important. They were the common clients of common causes, suffering under common and established griev- ances, arising from those defects in our patched-up system,which no one yethad cared to examine, or had found sufHcient energy to correct. ButERSKiNE came; and when men told him that such defects were part of the law " before he was born," he answered, that it was " because he was not born, that it was law," for that he would see it altered before he died. So with RoMiLLY : it was no new thing that roused his earnest nature to struggle for reforms in the science of that profession which he at once adorned and detested. Many a prisoner without counsel, had stood wistfully at the bar before Romilly's time ; listening to learned accusations dimly under- stood, destitute of defence. Many a long-standing blur and blot lay unremoved on the great scroU of our national code ; when his warm eloquence, enlarged views, profound thought, and keen comparison with the universal law of nations, worked together for its amendment. He did not plead (for he could not so have pleaded) that the men of his day who found no help from that code, were peculiar martyrs; of higher desert, with more atrocious injuries to redress, and with less chance of redressing them, thanheretofore. He knew that this was notthe case. AH was common, usual, inevitable; and because being common, usual, and inevitable, it was also unjust, and not for merit in the sufferers, or excess in any one case of suffer- ing, he strove for change, and effected it. We need the heart of a Eomilly amongst us now. That strenuous heart, whose energetic pity made no compromise with custom; nor ever flagged or fainted in the life-long effort to serve his fello-w-men, till, in an hour of delirious regret, its strong pulse was stiQed for ever.* If HE were here ^if he were here, who so valued the wedded companion of his own home, that when she died he sank, scathed by her loss as by lightning,_he would not answer with contented apathy, « it is the law," when women complain of injustice! He would stand for the right now, as he stood in those other days, when he nobly strove, and patiently planned, to make Law what it should be, a means of protection, not an engine of oppression, to the, weak. Is there no one with heart great enough to fill his place? It is the law. Can anything be more curious than the crabbed obstinacy or despairing sigh with which this reply is made? as though we had for our guidance the edicts of the Medes and Persians, ofwhich.it was fabled that they involved no principle of change. Yet changes are perpetually made in the most stringent edicts we have. That which was law to the generation of yesterday, is not law to us ; and that whichislaw to us, may be reversed for the generation of to- morrow ; whyshouldunjustlawsfor women be more permanent than other unjust laws ? We know that Law was mapped and planned among civilised nations as the great Highway to Jus- tice. Where the road leads astray ,it should be mended or altered : and it is one of the boasts of our ever-boastful Eng- land,, that she does this. Not indeed of a sudden, with the stroke, of some magic wand ; but after fitful struggle and delay, as all things are done on this travailiag earth ; a delay propor- tioned to the strength of ancient prejudices, the jealousy of contending interests, the energy or slackness of the hands that do the work. Neither my space nor my bounded knowledge ^wiQper- * Sir Samuel Eomilly lost his wife, after a long and happy union, on the 29th October, 1818. After four days and nights of excessive anguish and grieving, his mind became disturbed, and he committed self-de- struction. mit that I should foUo-w, in detail, even the most recent of those changes ; but take such instance as the hazard of memory, or -the very shallowest chance-reference can supply j take them entirely from among facts within the cognizance of living men; and you shall crowd into a few pages, such reversal of mercan- tile, political, social, and religious rights, as have altered the destinies of the entire population of England. Our children are born to the tranquil inheritance of privileges that were struggled for in our time, with fury, ferment, and heart-break. They stand on conquered ground ; ground that was inch by inch a battle-field to their fathers. They exchange among themselves as current and common coin, those treasures of Liberty that freighted our argosies in stormier days ; when they who watched the doubtful chance, knew not if they should witness the sinking of the wreck, or cheer our entrance to the haven. Some of the captains of those days are at rest ; but some are yet among us ; witnesses of the foUy of those who would set a changeless limit, to that which of aU things is most susceptible of change in the onward progress of a na- tion — the code by which its social interests are governed. Where is the great question of Roman Catholic Emancipa- tions ? Where are the restrictions on trade ? The first, already seems to our children almost a matter of History; yet there are living men who heard Canning give Brougham the lie direct in the English Senate, when that question trembled in the balance ; and the brilliant Advocate of many causes, in the keen anxiety of the hour, taunted the new Minister with exchanging for the triumphs of office the support he had previously afibrd- ed it. The other is a change of yesterday. Fresh, in the mourning memory of friends, is the death of that leader who moored the vessel of the State in an untried anchorage, with the scornful words that he refused to direct its course " hy ob- servations taken in 1842," and that he would feel less humi- liated by the charge of inconsistency, than by any supposed fear of acknowledging that he had altered his opinions. "Whether it be contended that our rulers were enlightened or Struck blind when they projected such changes the changes "were made : every portion of those two systems remains for our children, a law reversed or a barrier broken do'wn. "Where are the grosser corruptions of our Parliamentary re- presentation ? Swept away one morning in a storm of cheers. Yet it is not so long since Lord John EusseU attempted to sow the first fragile seed of the Reform Bill, by proposing that rotten boroughs should be purchased by the nation ; their owners to receive compensation from an indebted country, for the extinguished right of selling shares in what is supposed to be the aggregate Voice of the People. It is not so long since the same Minister of Liberty urged the claim of those great capitals of mercantile interest, Manchester, Birmingham, and Leeds, to be represented in the lower house, and urged that claim in vain : since he complained of national apathy on the subject which afterwards shook England to its centre ; and beheld that great measure of Reform which, like the burden of -Sisyphus, he had heaved up so often only to see it roll back to its former position allowed at length to rest in the Eng- lish Senate by favour of a majority of one. These are changes, affecting political rights ; struggled for by political men ; opposed or upheld by the whole mass of the people : but there are others, affecting sections of the commu- nity, in which an equal or even greater amount of alteration, has been effected, and in which the value and power of indivi- dual effort is more distinctly visible. Our Schools, our Prisons, and our Mad-houses, are all under Government supervision. Their occupants form classes set apart — by helplessness of age, by error of conduct, and by the visitation of God — from those that have free control of their destiny; and we point with pride to the model regularity of system and of architecture which we have recently introduced for the better management of their interests. How was it before the change could be effected ? How was it, first, with the most miserable of those classses, the insane? Obscure struggles, half measures, renewed efforts, mark the progress from 1763 till, in the year 1788. Mason the Poet wrote a pamphlet, finding bitter fault with the manage- ment of the York Asylum. The tone of his pamphlet was condemned. There is nothing society resents so much, as having the duckweed on the still pond of its surface disturbed by the under-current of struggling lives. Society did not want to hear about such horrors ; society was of opinion they could not be helped. Mr Mason was loudly blamed for his inter- ference ; and he and his pamphlet were thrust aside. About three years afterwards, the relatives of an insane Quaker being discontented with the regulations of the same Asylum, renewed the complaints Mason had made ; and followed them up with considerable perseverance. Little was done, however, except that the "Eetreat"atYork was established by the Quakers them- selves. Every sort of obstacle was thrown in the way of public inquiry. At length (with praiseworthy ingenuity), thirteen gentlemen qualified as Governors of the York Asylum by pay- ing twenty guineas each, for the express purpose of getting a committee of the House of Commons appointed to examine into this matter. They did get the Committee appointed ; the expenses of most of the witnesses being paid by a subscription raised among the ladies of York ; and thus began that inter- ference with a monstrous evil, which is now a matter of regu- lar government control. In the particular instance of the York Asylum, the most horrible abuses were discovered. There were but two servants to one hundred and twenty male patients ; the funds had been misapplied ; the books and regis- tries burned ; the grossest immorality practised; and in the re- port of deaths, 144 out of 365 had been suppressed. As the inquiry spread to other asylums, more and more horrors were made known. When Mr Wakefield visited Bethlem, among countless other instances of cruelty one man was found with an iron ring round his neck, an iron bar round his waist, and iron pinions on his arms, fastened to the wallj and this had 10 endured twelve years at the pleasure of one of the keepers. In the House of Correction at Kendal a man had been in soli- tary confinement ten years, though he had intervals of sanity of nine and ten months' duration. As to the condition of insane women, it was one to shudder at, not to speak of. In private mad-houses (in spite of an act passed in 1774*) matters were as bad, or worse ; and one of the visiting physicians declared he was ill with the atmosphere of their filth, " although accus- tomed to the dissecting-room." At length, in 1816 a bill passed the Commons (and was lost in the Lords) " for the better Regulation of Mad-houses;" and gradually that came to be a public and redressed wrong, which had been an ob- scure grievance. Of our prison discipline, much the same history may be told. Long after Howard's time (who declared in 1773, that so miserably ofi" were these kennelled suflferers, that " to rot in jaU," was an exact and not a figurative expression, and that more persons perished thus, than by public execution), our prisons remained, for the most part, dens of corruption, disease and torture. In 1804, Mr Neild, a magistrate of Aylesbury, (Secretary to a Society for the relief and discharge of poor Debtors), published, inthe" Gentleman's Magazine," observa- tions on Chelmsford and Colchester Bridewells. He afterwards published an account of aU the jails in this island; which he had visited unauthorised and unaided, Government doing no- thing to help him in his self-imposed task ; and obstacles having been thrown in his way which would have wearied out any less benevolent patience. From 1804 to 1812, he appears to have been ceaseless in his endeavours to procure some amendment; and though, when FoweU Buxton followed in 1818, and when Mrs Fry devoted herself to the female prisoners of Newgate, very little general improvement was perceptible; yet much * Brought under the notice of Parliament ten years previously. 11 was done in Neild's time to make progress almost certain, and a retrograde movement impossible. The jail of Aylesbury (with, which he was more immediately connected), and other prisons, controlled in their management by men Hke himself, became what it is the cant term of the day to call " Model Prisons." The abuses of those he coidd not control, were exposed by him. It became known that in the Borough Compter prison the debtors lay upon boards; in filth, damp, and discomfort; felons and debtors all huddled together; no classification, no comfort, no decency. That in Ayr jail, the prisoners lay on straw, till Mr NeUd supplied blankets from his own private charity. That in Edinburgh jail, the same miseries and even greater were endured ; no employment was per- mitted ; and felons (with an enlightened regard for the state of their souls) were absolutely excluded by rule,_/rom attendance on divine service. In the privileged prison of Dover Castle, when its warder was the great Miaister Lord Liver- pool (who had been preceded by Mr Pitt), the prison- fees were so enormous that prisoners might remain twenty months in the Castle at the suit of the Crown, {oi sums totally irrespective of the real debt for which they were incarcerated. The prison was in a state of shameful dilapidation ; and a Quaker gentleman gave 800?. in the three per cents, to pave the courtyard of this royal jail, and make permanent provision to aid the poorer debtors in obtaining their release. These were merely samples of the condition of most of the prisons in Great Britain. In FoweU Buxton's time the Borough Compter was little altered; dirt, confusion, and misery; cold, sickness, and gambling ; and twenty prisoners sleeping on eight straw beds. This, again, a mere sample of the condition of other jails. In Mrs Fry's time, Newgate, which was buUt to hold 480, held from 800 to 1200; no classification, no employment, no instruction ; filth that sickened and turned the heart faint ; instances of debtors actually starving in jail; the accused and convicted, sick and well, abandoned women, and children 12 young enough to be in the nursery, all huddled together ; prisoners employed in gambling, and complaining that they had nothing else to do. Idleness, contamination, riot, sick- ness and blasphemy; no rest by night, and no peace by day; only corruption, mental and physical, hourly leavening among neglected swarms of feUow-creatures, with bodies to care for and souls to be saved. To the efforts, first of one earnest individual, and then of another, must be attributed the attention slowly granted by successive Governments to these great abuses ; until at length the greater part of our prisons have become a triumph and a show ; from the regulations of which it needs only that some future NeUd should expunge the barbarous mistake of prolonged solitary confinen;ent, to make them as perfect as places of the kind can be. To the efibrts of earnest individuals, must also be attributed that control now exercised over the education of the poor. Where was England in this respect fifty or sixty years since ? In 1798, a Mr Lancaster opened a school in the Borough road, which in seven years became a free school for one thousand children. The expenses of Mr Lancaster's plan outran his means ; and a Mr Joseph Fox gave biUs for 3,600^. to take the school out of debt, risking this sum without any very clear prospect of repayment, for the sake of the cause. Other gene- rous and public-spirited men then came forward, and Mr Lan- caster travelled through the country giving lectures and ex- plaining his scheme. In consequence of those lectures, forty five schools, educating 11,300 children were established; in the year 1809, fifty schools, educating 14,200 children, were organised; and at length, at a meeting held at the Free- mason's Tavern on the 11th of May, 1811 — two Eoyal Prin- ces (the Duke of York and the Duie of Sussex), moved and seconded a resolution, that Mr Lancaster deserved the thanks and support of all England, for that in four years he had been the means of causing 25,000 children to be educated ; and 13 Mr Francis Horner at the same meeting declared, that of the 7,000 children educated in Lancaster's own school in the Borough road, not one had ever been charged in a court of justice with any criminal offence. With the great educational movement which afterwards took place, and the endeavour to make the state in some degree responsible for the training of the people, I^ord Bbougham's name must for ever be nobly associated. With him (one of the most scientifically educated men of his day), rested the task of arguing away the absurd prejudice, that if the lower classes were instructed, they would disdain to work; with him rested the long struggle against the abuses of charitable trusts, and bequests for educational purposes; the sacredness of which was so little understood, that Lord Kenyon remarked of the grammar schools, that " everything was neglected except the receipt of salaries and emoluments ;" and Lord Eldon, that "all over the Kingdom, charity estates were dealt with in a manner amounting to the most direct hreach of Trust." There was no such tranquil admission on all sides as exists to-day, that the State is bound to watch over and secure to its poorer millions the inestimable blessing of education. Lord Brougham was flouted and opposed ; and in nothing did he encounter more opposition or greuter odium, than in his attempt to prevent this embezzlement of the property of the poor. With most pertinacious energy he made himself their pioneer to knowledge; and most assuredly, when the balance of usefulness is struck in his dazzling and eccentric career, the triumph can never be denied him of having been a main means of securing to future generations of Englishmen, the first of life's blessings both in date and degree; that early and orderly training which lifts a toiling man above the level of a toiling brute ; which teaches him to use the powers of his scftil in addition to the powers of the body ; which makes slumber and food no longer the sole refreshment of the intelligent artisan, and throws a light into the labourer's cottage beyond the common light of day. It is not because I undervalue the help thus given at a later 14 stage of the cause, that I endeavoured to mark the moment when national progress was set on foot by individual energy. I know that when Lancaster's theory was made public, the Duke of Bedford and Lord Somerville became eager sup- porters of his scheme ; that the King and all the Royal Family warmly assisted him (as they afterwards did his some-time rival, Dr Bell) ; and that in process of time, the libera- lity of the public became so general, that the Lancas- trian schools seemed supported rather by the levying of a national tribute, than by the payment of collected sub- scriptions. But that which I insist upon, is the small beginning from which these great results were evolved. Not by national acclamation of an all-pervading plan, but by the resolute and patient struggle of a private individual — that great scheme of National Instruction was begun! When it appeared likely to fail for want of funds, a private individual (Mr Joseph *,In 17,87 — ^thatwhich Mr Lancaster achieved many years afterwards for Englaud, was attempted for Ireland by Mr Thomas Sheridan, son of Dr Sheridan (the friend of Swift), and the father of R. B. Sheridan. Though not a scholar by profession — as Dr Sheridan was — he had great classical attainments, and the degree of Master of Arts was conferred on him both at Oxford and Cambridge. He wrote much on practical education; the necessity of learning " common things ;" and the foUy of confining instruction so much to the study of the dead languages. He had long planned a National Establishment for Ireland ; funds for which he believed might in the first instance be raised, by putting down free schools where, from gradual abuse, no duty was done. When his two sons, Charles and Eichard Brinsley, were in conspicuous public situations — Charles as Secretary-of-War in Ireland, and the younger, and more distinguished, in the zenith of his fame in England — ^Mr T. Sheridan reckoned on obtaining the notice and support of Government for his educational schemes, more especially as Mr Orde (Secretary to the Duke of Rutland), took an eager interest in them. The death, how- ever, ot the Duke, and the removal of Mr Orde, checked his projects ; nor was it hkely he would at that time obtain much encouragement. The then Ministry was far too busy with the intrigues of a divided Court — ^the impeachment of the Governor-General of India— the payment of the Crown Prince's debts— and the disputes whether Fox had or had ■not mocked the English Senate with a deliberate falsehood, sealed with that Prince's word, relative to the marriage with Mrs Ktzherbert — ^to have time to spare for a sanguine Irishman's plans for educating hia countrymen ; and in the ensuing year Mr Sheridan died. 15 Fox), risked his 3,600/. to save it from evil chance. To him joiued five other private gentlemen (Mr Jackson, Mr Allen, Mr CoESTON, Mr Sturge, and Mr Foster), who subscribed and obtained subscriptions "from others, and formed themselves into a committee to manage Mr. Lancaster's affairs. When that brilliant meeting of the 11th of May 1811, was held, it was rather to applaud what had been achieved, than to rouse to action : to congratulate on foregone victories ; and to obtain fresh subsidies for the successful general who had carried on the battle against ignorance with an army of volunteers. Before those Royal Princes the Duke of Kent and Duke of Sussex, — or the Chancellor of the Prince Regent,— or the Duke of Bed- ford, Marquis of Lansdowne, Lord Keith, Francis Hor- ner, and Henry Brougham, — proposed resolutions at the Freemason's Tavern as '' Friends of the Royal Lancasterian System for the Education of thfe Poor," — Mr Lancaster had laboured in. his vocation /or thirteen years. When his school was first opened in the Borough road, probably his very name was unknown to most of these great personages, and many a name, less notable and less remembered, had given substantial aid to the cause, before they became its patrons. And now let me ask, — is there any reason why attention should not be called to the defective state of Laws for Women in England, as attention has been called to other subjects; — namely, by individual effort ? Is there any reason why (at- tention being so called to the subject) Women alone, of the more helpless classes, — the classes set apart as not having free control of their own destinies, — shoidd be denied the protec- tion which in other cases supplies and balances such absence of free control? Are we to believe that the gentlemen of Great Britain are so jealous of their privilege of irresponsible power in this one respect, that they would rather know redress impossible in cases which they themselves admit to be instances of the grossest cruelty and baseness, than frame laws of control* for themselves, such as they are willing to frame for others ? 16 Will they eagerly restrict the labourer or mechanic from vio lence and brutality in his wretched home, and yet, insist on their own right of ill-usage as a luxury fairly belonging (like the possibility of divorce) to the superior and wealthy classes ? Is there, — in the disposition of those who are to legislate, — an insurmountable barrier to fair legislation on this subject? and if not, is there any reason why (to plead the cause of the in- ferior sex as humbly as possible) the laws and enactments for their protection should not undergo as much revision, with as fair a chance of beneficial alteration, as the regulations affecting the management of pauper children, — insane patients, — and the tried and untried prisoners who occupy our gaols ? I forget J I might plead yet more humbly; I might drop yet one great step in the social scale, to find a more exact parallel with the legal position of women in this country. England has lately made a sort of ovation to an American lady, whose graphic and "impassioned appeal on the anti- slavery question, reached Europe in the guise of a romance; a romance which has since been translated into most modern languages, — so that "Uncle Tom's Cabin" has become every- where a " household word." Had I been in England at the time Mrs Beecher Stowe visited us, I too, would have con- sidered it a privilege and joy to see one whose genius glorified that solemn and gloomy argument, and sent it amongst us clothed in light. I wish her success. I desire heartily for her that her name may hereafter be remembered with a blessing, among the names of those who were early labourers in a day now dawning, that shall bring help to the helpless. I hold her task to be a holy one, and slavery an accursed thing. But,meanwhile,'it may not be uninteresting to those Ameri- cans who are of a contrary opinion, and who have felt wounded at the manner in which we have called across the Atlantic to bid America renounce the error of her way, — to look back to the time, — when so new and unwelcome was our conversion to the creed of mercy, in our own colonies, that Lord Seaforth 17 wrote home to Ministers in 1802, to say he had offended the whole island of Barbadoes by endeavouring to persuade them that the wilful murder of a slave should be made felony, instead of being compounded for by a fine of 11/. 4s. The time when Wilberforce was a struggling enthusiast in an uncertain cause; when our King, Prince of Wales, and the whole of the Royal Family (with the single exception of the Duke of Gloucester), were opposed to the Abolition Bill; when Pitt despaired of carrying that measure, and it was a hot angry war among Englishmen whether it should pass or not. A war which continued through years of debating and pamphleteering, before the victory was won by our Abolitionists. It may not be uninteresting to Americans to know, also, that if they will examine the reports of our House of Commons, — • after that struggle was fairly ended, and the new law had been passed, — they will find the prototype of " Legree" in the person of " Arthur Hodge, Esq., one of the Members of his Majesty's Council for the Virgin Islands," — who, in the year 1811, was brought to trial and condemned for the murder of a slave named Prosper on his estate in the island of Tortola, — '• when his countless cruelties were exposed, in sworn depositions preserved in those records. There, Americans may find the original of Uncle Tom, in " Tom Boiler, a stout, hale, hearty man," who, in the year 1807, was laid down and flogged without intermission for more than an hour by order of HoDGE, and being unable to rise after the fl.ogging, was carried to the sick-house; lingered a few days; and then died. There, they will find it computed that sixty of Hodge's slaves had perished in three years from severity of punishment, and not more than three, in that period, had died a natural death. About a dozen of these wretched victims are named in the affidavits reported to our house of Commons ; among whom are women and children: one child of ten years old, named- Tamsen, having been dipped (hy order) into a copper of boil- ing liquor, and two of the women having had boiling watei* c 18 poured- down their throats. Yet when this subject of King. George of England was tried, it was pleaded for him in open, court that a negro being property, it was no greater offence, i;i law for his owner to kill him than to kill a dog : the jury,, though they returned a verdict of "guilty," by a majority, of their number, recommended Hodge to mercy: a,nd Gover-. nor Elliott wrote home in his despatches, that he was obliged to be present, as Commander-in-chief, — to call out the militia, — r and to proclaim martial law, — in order to secure the exe-. cution of the sentence. It is a remarkable additional, fact, and shows the state of feeling at thafc time, that although these and a thousand other horrors were perfectly well known, Arthtjk Hodge, Esq., was well received, in the society of the island,, and retained his rank as *' one of the Members of his Majesty^s Council" up to the day of his arrest, Bijt these are things of the past : horrible shadows,, remem- bered like bad dreams: events that never can occur again where England's law has sway. For England is just and mer- oiful; and if she is also a little proud and preaching, it is no more than all converts to, good causes are apt to be, in the- fresh earnestness of their desire that truths lately brought Ijpme to themselves, should be brought home to others ;^ and if she finds fault with the laws, that permit oppression in the code of other countries, it is that she has no l^w which- permits oppression in her own. I beg the attention of both my, American and , English; reader^ to a case 1 find copied, from, a report in a " Cincinnati Gazette," into the columns of our own " Times" newspaper, in the month of November, 1853. It was a case tried in the Covington Cir- cuit Court; and, by the report it appears, that a, slave named; Sam Norris, belonging to a Mr J. N. Pattpn, of Yirginia^ had been permitted to work in Covington, on condition of paying each year a certain sum to his master; which sum was accordingly paid: that two years ago, Mr Pattpn proposed that the. slave should purchase his freed.om by the payment of 19 a certain additional sum, wbich sum was nearly paid up when Mr Patton changed his mind, rescinded the contract, and claimed Sam Norrls as his slave. The case was argued with much ^ility; but at the close of the argument the judge decided for Mr Patton against Sam Norris, on this principle, that by the law of Kentucky, " a slave cannot make a contract, nor can he have monies of his own." The contract, therefore, was null and void ; and the money, though received and ex- pended by the master, could not be held legally to have been' paid. The report concludes with this consolatory admission, that the Hon. Judge Pryor, before whom the case was tried, " characterised it as one of great hardship and cruelty; and every one in the court-room seemed to sympathise deeply with the poor negro." In that sympathy I most truly share; but> the case has besides a peculiar interest for me, — inasmuch as I find, in the slave law of Kentucky, an exact parallel of the law of England for its married women ; and in this passage in the life of the poor slave Sam Noiris, an exact counterpart of what has lately occurred in my own. I, too, had a contract. My husband being desirous to raise money settled on me and my sons, to employ on his separate estate, and requiring my consent in writing before that could be done, gave me in exchange for such consent a wmtten con- tract drawn up by a lawyer, and signed by that lawyer and himself. When he had obtained and employed the money he was desirous to raise, like Mr Patton of Virginia he resolved to "rescind the contract." When I, like the slave Norris, endeavoured to struggle against this gross breach of faith, — I was informed that by the law of England, " a married woman could not make a contract, or have monies of her own." When I complained of it, — I was punished by a flood of libellous ac- cusations, published in all the English newspapers;- libels for which, though ^r-owerf falsehoods, I could obtain no redress^ because they were published by my husband. The circum- stance that Mr Norton, like Mr Patton, had obtained all the c 2 20 advantage he sought when he went through the formality and pretence of making a contract with me, made no difference ; and as to money, even that which I earned by literature was subject to the claim of my husband, as the manual labour of the slave was subject to the claim of his master,— because a married woman is, by the code of England (as Sam Norris by the code of Kentucky), non-existent in law. It is fit that I should add, in behalf of English hearts and English love of justice, that when I stood, with that vain contract in my hand, in the Westmin- ster County Court (I, an intelligent educated woman, grand- daughter of a man sufficiently distinguished to have obtained sepulture in Westminster Abbey, hard by), and when the law was shown to be, for me, what it is for the slave in Kentucky, there was, in the court-room of the Westminster County Court, as there was in the court-room of the Covington Circuit Court, evidence of strong sympathy. My case — which opened up a history of wrong, treachery, libel, and injustice endured for years without redress — was evidently considered like that of Norris, to be " one of great hardship and cruelty," and the con- cluding words with which Mr Norton vehemently attempted to address the court, were drowned in the groans and hooting of an excited crowd. But sympathy could do no more for me than for Mr Pat'ton's slave. It could not force open for me the iron gates of the Law which barred out justice. It could not prevent libel, and torment, and fraud; the ripping up of old wounds, or the infliction of new. The Law alone could do that, if fit laws of protection existed for women. That they do not exist, is my complaint. That they do not exist, might point a scornful answer from nations we imperiously lecture on the internal economy of their own governments. We have rebuked America, taunted Naples, complained of Sweden, remonstrated with Tuscany, condemned Portugal, and positively shuddered at Austria (in the person of Haynau), because slavery in the one, the treat- ment of political prisoners in another, religious intolerance in a 21 third, and, above all, the treatment of women in the last, offends our very souls. Is England then incapable of any but a BoEKiOBOOLA mission? Is she for ever to prefer making a sort of " Sterne's Sentimental Journey " into other countries, to fulfilling her duties at home? The foreigners we are so fond of reproving, see with disgust and abhorrence our own method of dealing with certain laws. To them, our mercantile and uncertain speculation of " damages," — the wonderful indecency of our divorce trials, — the incredible fact that the woman accused is allowed no direct defence, and cannot appear by counsel on such occasions — the loth and reluctant admission (and that of very recent date) of the right of a mother to her infant children, — are alike odious and incomprehensible. I will venture to say that in no country in Europe, is there, in fact, so little pro- tection of women as in England. England the fault-finder; England the universal lecturer; England — where to add to the absurd anomaly of this state of things, the Salique law is con- sidered a barbarism, and offence against a female Sovereign is treason. The contrast between that which we permit, and that which we disallow, borders almost on the burlesque. If Mr Norton, a magistrate and member of the aristocracy, had cheated at a game of cards played by a few idlers in one of the clubs of London, all England would have been in a ferment. Accusers would have risen; friends would have hung their heads; and for the sake of some dandy's purse, the invocation to justice would have been made in such a stern universal shout, as would have sent an echo all through Europe. Or if I, while visiting foreign lands, had invested myself with the dignity of a self-appointed messenger of God; if I had broken down the fence that guards other men's consciences, and trespassed there to sow what I considered " the good seed;" if I had forced on reluctant Koman Catholics, tracts of instruction in my own form of faith, and had been arrested for that trespass, — then indeed, I might hope to attract the attention of the Government of my own country, and my case might be warmly advocated at 22 some such meeting as stood advertised in tlie English newspapers for Nov. 29, 1853, headed. " Persecuting Laws in Portugal, Tuscany, and Malta; the Earl of Shaftesbury in the chair." But in the English laws which wreck a woman's whole destiny ; in the law which permits the most indecent and atrocious libel against her, without a chance of legal defence, — in the law which countenances and upholds far worse than cheating at cards, and renders null and void a contract signed by a magistrate, because that contract was made with his wife, — in the law which gives a woman's earnings even by literary copyright, to her husband,— in the whole framework, in short, of those laws by which her existence is merged in the existence of another (let what will be the circumstances of her case) ; and by which Justice in fact divests herself of all control and responsibility in the matter — England sees nothing worthy of remark. With what a scornful retort might the nations we undertake to lecture, answer our busy-body meddling ! " Protect your own women. Look at home for instances of tyranny, persecution, and unavailing appeals for justice. Do not trouble yourselves yet, about the denial of social rights to slaves, or those laws of Kentucky which seem in such harmony with your own; do not even pretend to shudder at the disgraceful chastisement inflicted on Austrian women, for what in their land is treason. Come to us when your magistrates do not make a profit of the law they administer; when your aristocracy are not guilty of violence and brutality to their wives, which they excuse by libels in your gazettes; when the daughters of your statesmen do not stand in your courts of law, ignobly baited for asserting just claims. That such things should occur, in your vain- glorious land, may be only a private and individual wrong; but that such things should occur, with impunity, — ^uncontrolled and unpunished by law, — is no longer a private wrong, but a national disgrace." I shall now give a narrative of my own case, as an example of what can be done under the English law of 1853. If the 23 ^utlioation fail to draw any permanent attention to the law itself, at least it will remain a curious record of injustice, in a country especially boastful of its liberal and magnanimous enact- ments. If the record appear unimportant as the mere history of a woman's wrongs, it may have interest as involving a passage in the life of one of England's Prime Ministers. I have endeavoured to make the narrative as clear as possible, by dividing into three outlines, — 1 st, the strange mutual position of Mr Norton and myself with respect to money matters, both before and after our Separation, — 2dly, the treatment I received as a wife ; taken from the papers submitted at the time to lawyers employed for me — and, — 3dly, Lord Melbourne's opinion of the affairs in which his name was involved ; copied word for word from his own letters. I have had that, and all other correspon- dence, printed in Italics ; that the interruptions may be more - distinct, and that such persons as are already familiar with some of the letters, may omit them at pleasure and continue the nar- rative. I have taken counsel of no one ; and no one is responsible for the mention of names, or of the part taken by friends in these miserable affairs. If any see cause to regret what I have done, let them blame the Law. This pamphlet addresses itself, not to private sympathy, but to English justice: it is an attempt (, to argue the reform which ought to be, from the abuse that has been : — a complaint of the exercise of irresponsible power^ to the source of power : — an appeal from The Law, as it stands, to the Legislature which frames and alters laws. I begin by an explanation of our mutual position as to money- matters; because Mr Norton has brought our disputes to a crisis on a pecuniary claim; because he has falsified the whole history of those matters ; and because, from the first, our posi- tion in this respect was extraordinary and anomalous; inas- much as instead of Mr Norton being, either by the exercise of his profession or patrimonial property, what Germans call the 24 -" Breddfinder" it was on my literary taleiits and the interest of my family, that our support almost entirely depended, while I still had a home. Mr Norton has lately spoken (in the fabulous histories he has given to the public through the medium of the newspapers) of the profound and patient attachment he entertained for me previous to our union. I do most solemnly declare that at the time he first demanded me of my mother in marriage, I had not exchanged six sentences with him on any subject whatever. Mr Norton was brother to Lord Grantley; and the governess to whose care I was confided, happening to be sister to Lord Grantley's agent, the female members of the Norton family, from courtesy t'o this lady, invited her and such of her pupils as she chose to accompany her, to Lord Grantley's house. A sister of Mr. Norton's, an eccentric person who afiected masculine habits and played a little on the violin, amused herself with my early verses and my love of music, and took more notice of me than of my companions. The occasions on which I saw this lady were not frequent; and still more rare were the occasions on which I had also seen her brother; it was therefore with a feeling of mere astonishment, that I received from my governess the intelligence that she thought it right to refuse me the indul- gence of accompanying her again to Lord Grantley's till she had heard from my mother; as Mr Norton had professed his intention of asking me in marriage. This lady is still living, and can answer for the exact truth of my statement. Almost the first step Mr Norton took, after he had made my mother's acquaintance, was to beg her interest with a .member of the royal family, whose good word with the Chancellor Eldon was to procure him a small legal appointment; and from the day we were married, he never ceased impressing upon me, that as I brought him no present fortune (my portion being only payable on my mother's death), I was bound to use every effort with the political friends of my 25 grandfather, to get him lucrative promotion in his profession. I found this more difScult than I expected. The memory of Mr Sheridan among the Whig party, was not held in that affection which in my inexperience I had fancied; and if it had been, I do not know that it would have been a sufficient plea for serving Mr Norton, who could put forward no personal claims for employment. I did, however, what my husband re^ quested. I besieged, with variously worded letters of impor- tunity, the friends whom I knew as the great names linked with the career of my grandfather ; and while waiting the result of the petitions I had sown on so wide a field, I turned my literary ability to account,, by selling the copyright of my first poem to Messrs. Ebers of Bond street. It is not without a certain degree of romantic pride that I look back, and know, that the first expenses of my son's life were defrayed from the price of that first creation of my brain ; and before that child was two • years old, I had procured for my husband, — (for the husband who has lately overwhelmed me, my sons, and his dead patron with slander, rather than yield a miserable annuity) — a place ■worth a thousand a year ; the arduous duty of which consisted in attending three days in the week, for five hours, to hear causes tried in the simplest forms of law. From that day to the present, my husband has always considered that I ought to assist him — instead of his supporting we. The dcpendance upon my literary efforts for all extra resources, runs, as a matter of course, through all the letters 1 received from him during our union. The names of my publishers occur as if they were Mr Norton's bankers. If Murray of Albemarle street will not accept a poem, — if Bull of Holies street does not continue a magazine, — if Heath does not offer the editorship of an Annual, — if Saunders and Otley do not buy the MS. of a novel, — if Colburn's agreement is not satis- factory and sufficient, — if Power delays payment for a set of ballads, — if, in short, the wife has no earnings to produce, the HUSBAND professes himself to be " quite at a loss to. know" 26 how the next difficulty of payment is to be got over. On one occasion, when I had been employed to write words to Spanish music, by an officer of some distinction, and was extremely loth to express to this gentleman the opinion Mr Norton wished conveyed to him, — namely, that payment was too long •delayed, — Mr Norton himself undertook the task of dunning faim, for the stijJukted sum by which he was to profit. I ■worked hard, and was proud of my success. I brought to my many tasks all the energy which youth, high spirits, ambition, good health, and the triumph of usefulness could inspire ; joined to a wish for literary fame, so eager, that I sometimes look back and wonder if I was punished for it, by unenviable and addi- tional notoiietyi. I believe that foreigaesfs,— and even our own mercantile classes,— have little idea of the very narrow provision which the iisual "Eight of the Eldest Son" leaves for the younger members ^i noble English houses. The rule is ex- cellent, as a means of perpetuating a powerful and wealthy Aristocracy; the chief never being impoverished by that per- petual subdivision which takes place in other countries. But one result is, that the younger brothers and sons of Peers, (the habits of -whose childhood and youth naturally were to enjoy an equality of luxury with the Heir,) are often embar- rassed by the slenderness of their means : and this was our case. Luckily for me, light serial literature was the express fashion of the day. Nor did the greatest authors we had, dis- dain to contribute their share to the ephemeral "Annuals" and Periodicals, which formed the staple commodity of the book- sellers at that time. I rejoiced then, at finding, — woman though I was, — a career in which / could earn that which my husband's profession had never brought him. Out of our stormy quarrels I rose undis- couraged, and worked again to help him and forward the inte- rests of my children. I have sat up all night, — even at times when I have had a young infant to nurse, — to finish tasks for 27 some publisher. I made in one year a sum of 1,400/. by my pen; and I have a letter from Mr Norton's own brother, prov- ing that even when we were on terms of estrangement, I still provided, without grudging, money that was to be spent on his pleasures. As time went on, Mr Norton, still unsatisfied, urged upon me the task of obtaining for him, something more valuable than his magistracy, and of which the duties should be more agree- able. The petitioning recommenced; Lord Lyndhurst became Chancellor, and the hope of a legal appointment was again in- dulged. Nothing, however, was yet obtained; when a woman, to whose interference about my children our final quarrel was owing, began to rule entirely in my home. She has since left Mr Norton two thousand a year; and he openly entreated my patience with her, on account of her money. Lord Melbourne, for whose interest we had again applied, showed great reluc- tance to use it on Mr Norton's behalf; and had already ex- pressed, in no measured terms, his regret at having made the former appointment. Undaunted by this fact, Mr Norton merely observed that if Lord Melbourne would not obtain a place, he could privately oblige him ; and he applied accord- ingly to the patron he has lately reviled, for the loan of 1,500/. Mr Norton considered that this loan was declined. Lord Mel- bourne told me that he merely demurred, as he doubted whether in reality it would be a loan. The condition of our aifairs was not exactly known to me until that time ; though the irritation arising fiwrn non-success was visited upon me. One of the bitter quarrels which blighted our home arose. Its record will be found with others; the present outline being confined to pecuniary matters. After that quarrel was made up, and I had returned to Mr Norton, he entered more fully upon a state- ment of his afiairs ; urging upon me most strenuously, to endea- vour, as I had done before, to assist him, either by getting a more lucrative appointment or a loan of money. I expressed my asto- nishment that his own patrimonial resources never seemed to 28 yield us anything ; and received the information that there were no proceeds forthcoming from the hereditary estates. I doubted the correctness of this assertion; but wrote the very unwelcome intelligence, both to my mother and to one of the trustees of my marriage settlement. From my mother I received a letter con- taining the following passage : — " Hampton Court Palace. " Nothing could be more painful and surprising to me, than your statement of Norton's money-affairs. Had not D. K. vouched for the respectability of Mr P., and consequently for the fidelity of his statement of the property destined for the younga- brothers and sisters of Lord Grantley, I never should have suffered you to marry N. He ( Mr P) distinctly stated that property to be land, to the value of 30,000/., and if I get his direction from you, I will expostulate with him on the monstrous untruth then advanced; which may perhaps induce him, in his ovm vindication, to show how you have been cheated; which it is evident you have been. If Charles and James Norton join you, this affair might be cleared g, little, and it is a manifest duty that you should exert yourself, for your poor children." Exert myself, God knows I did; both to understand, and to avert, the mismanagement (or worse) that was taking place. The letter I addressed to my trustee, produced the following reply. " Zlst August, m^5. " As I was on the point of leaving London, Norton applied to me for my consent to raise a portion of the trust fund and to place the principal at his disposal. I told him I could do nothing of this kind without legal advice, and 1 could ffive no consent without the previous sanction of my solicitors. 'About a fortnight ago he applied to me to sign an order on Coutts and Co. with reference to this same trust fund. I re- turned it unexecuted, to await the sanction of those in whose legal advice I could confide. . Your statement of the present circum- 29 stances of the case, proves the precaution to have been necessary. \ As relates to Norton's power of raising money, he is clearly re- \ strained by the terms of his own marriage settlement ; and no personal debts of his, incurred subsequently to that settlement, can defeat rights which were vested by it ; in other words, his CHii,- DEEN have a better claim than his creditoi'-s to the principal sum \ secured under his marriage settlement." I beg attention to the date of these letters; which were written but six months before our final separation, followed by the trial, attributed by Lord Melbourne (as will be seen in his correspondence) to another pecuniary endeavour on Mr ' Norton's part. I was already the mother of three children ; and it must be confessed that our prospects were rendered dis- couraging by the extreme reluctance of powerful friends to do anything more for Mr Norton ; and by the total and scornful alienation from him of all the male members of my family. I explained our position very fully to one of the kindest friends I had, — the Right Honourable Edward Ellicej and he drew out a paper of conditions, in which it was expressly Stipulated that, if the difficulties in which Mr Norton found himself could be lightened, and any arrangement come to, our current income in future, and the whole management of our affairs, should be left in my hands; a stipulation significant enough as to Mr Norton's conduct in money-matters. Our separation took place a few months after these discus- sions. Mr Norton did not at first speculate on divorcing me; he notified to me that my family might support me, or that I might write for my bread; and that my children were by law at his sole disposal. Colonel Leicester Stanhope (now Earl of Harrington), who was commissioned, as a mutual friend, to announce this determination, appended to it the following comment: — " N's proposal about your income is too bad, too shabby, too mean, too base ; he grafts you on your brother." And the trustee I had previously consulted, observed : — " The pr " signs himself ' Yours ever' — and in another letter begs I will embrace " the boys ' for absent me, as well as for yourself !' Is it possible to " conceive, that in the face of all this, Mr Norton can so depend on my " not answering him, as to venture to print such mis-statements ? Is it " possible he does not see that they leave him in this position : either " he disbelieves these calumnies, which nevertheless he reiterates to my " injury when it suits him ; or, believing me to be a bad woman, he " wishes me to return home 1 It is indeed difficult to choose which " alternative shall save his honour ! 115 "The admissions he makes respecting the late proceedings in the " County Court are as extraordinary as his assertions. No one can read " the evidence and not conclude, that Mr Norton broke faith with me, " because I broke some stipulation made with him, and that that stipu- "lation was respecting money from Lord Melbourne. I was cross- " examined on this point in a manner impossible to endure, by Mr " Norton's counsel, who put the question to me five times with little " variation, and when for the fifth time I had answered, on my oath, that " there was no such stipulation, said sneeringly, " Well, I am bound to " take your answer." Now read Mr Norton's admission in his letter to " the ' Times':— " ' SJie was quite correct in Court when she swore that her non-reception " 'of the annuity from Lord Melbourne formed no part of the conditions "' upon which that agreement was come to. I never said it did" "'It is true, therefore, that the agreement of 1848, to allow £500 a year " ' was not conditional upon the relinquishment of an allowance from Lord " ' Melbourne's estate. It is not true that I ever said or suggested the con- " ' trary.' The confusion that prevailed at the trial rendered it " ' impossible for me to explain the matter to my counsel; and hence arose " ' that part of the cross-examination which implied thai a pledge had been " 'given before the signing of the memorandum.' "Mr Norton is unlucky in his choice of legal assistance. When I " said that my copyrights had been claimed — ^the ' benefit of which,' he "says, 'she has always been allowed by me to enjoy' — he threw the " blame on his solicitor, who had subpoenaed the publishers ; and when " I complain of being all but accused of perjury, he says it was the " mistake of his counsel, to whom he could not explain the matter — " though he sat by his side, and suggested in an under-tone almost every " question that was asked me in Court. Nevertheless, it is certain Mr " Norton did make this assertion, which he now says he did not make. " Here is the printed report as given in the papers : — " ' Mr Norton — The annuity of £500 was given by me only on this basis. " ' I woidd not have given this sum, or one farthing, if she had not given "'me the most solemn assurance that she would not receive one shilling " 'from Lord Melbourne.' " ' Mrs Norton — I stand here on my oath, and I say that that is false.' "The reports may be, and are, in many respects, verbally inaccurate ; " but that Mr Norton made the assertion in Court which he now denies " having made ; that the whole cross-examination turned upon it ; that " all public comment and opinion has turned upon it ; that it stood as " his excuse for breaking his covenant ; that it was at once his answer " and accusation, in reply to any claim upon him, is incontrovertible ; " and I so clearly understood it (as every one else understood it) to be " his answer to the charge of breaking the agreement, that as soon as I "had read over the evidence next morning, I sent a letter to the I 2 116 '"Times,' proving that, as Lord Melbourne was not dead at the time " the agreement was made, the stipulation could not have existed. Mr " Norton, now says he never ' said or suggested the contrary.' I 'was " cruelly and insultingly cross-examined upon it, but that was only " on account of counsel knowing nothing of the matter. Now, read Mr " Norton's own account of the drawing up of this disputed agreement. " He ADMETS, that being desirous of borrowing the trust-fund settled on " me and my sons in case of my widowhood, he found — " ' That the trustees could not lend the trust-monetf without the permission " ' of Mrs Norton and myself in writing ; and further, that she would not " 'give her 'permission unless I consented to give her an addition of lOOZ. to " ' her allowance, making it 500?., instead of 400?. / was driven into a " ' corner by this unexpected discovery, and I had to submit to the " '.addition: — "What addition ? if as, he afl&rms in the next breath, he knew the agree- " ment ' was not binding,' and that he could break it at pleasure? And " if it could be broken at pleasure, and bound no one, why did we sign " it 1 He himself establishes the reason why ; and proves by his own " statement, just given, that instead of its being an agreement based on " the stipulation that I should have no other resources, it was a matter " of bargain for his own interest ; and so great did he consider the ad- " vantage to himself, that he was willing to give for it (or to seem to " give for it) an extra 100?. a year for life ! In making this apparent " concession, however, he says he knew, even at the time, that it was only " apparent. He says that I certainly wished to make it ' a binding " document, by finding trustees, but failed to do so, as not one of her " relations or friends would become her surety.' I beg, on behalf of " 'relations and friends,' tocontradict this. I signed without sureties, " because I received from Sir F. Thesiger (who, at my earnest request, "consented to see Mr Norton at his chambers on this business), a letter " dated 8th August, 1 848, in which he stated that Mr Norton would give "me a deed, 'without requiring guarantees.' Nor had I previously "named, or thought of naming, any but one member of my family, " whom I had not even consulted as to his willingness to be mixed up " with Mr Norton's affairs. " Having given his account of the making of the covenant, Mr Norton " thus gives his account of the breaking it : — " 'Ilearnt that Mrs Norton had been left 500?. per annum by her mother, " 'from whom I was not aware that she had any expectations. I then pro- " 'posed to her a reduction of her allowance, which she would not accede to, " ' and after she had received her mothei's legacy and for some time enjoyed "' it, 1 did reduce it: ' I did, in 1851, upon Mrs Norton's " ' income being increased by 5001. a^year upon her mother's death, while "'mine was, from various causes, dip,inished, propose to reduce it. " By his own admission, then, no stipulation respecting Lord Melbourne 117 " was made ; and no mention of himwas made in Mr Norton's letter to " me ; whicli letter distinctly states, that my brother's solicitor having " informed him I had my mother's legacy, therefore he will break the " agreement. He does not say, ' you have had money given you by Lord " Melbourne's family, therefore I stop your allowance.' He says, ' you " have got a legacy from your mother ; share it with me, or I will force ''you to share it, by non-payment of what I owe you;' nor was it " ' after I had enjoyed it some time,' but on the contrary, at the exact " date of receipt of my mother's property, that Mr Norton fulfilled his " threat : as he expressly says that he did not know, tiU he saw my "bankers' account, that I had Lord Melbourne's bequest — he admits " that my mother's annuity was his only reason. " Now this agreement, about which so much has been said, was based " on the single stipulation, not that I should be richer, but that he " should be poorer ; poorer by one thousand a/-year, being the value of " the of&ce to which he was named by Lord Melbourne. My being " richer certainly did not make him poorer ; on the contrary, at my " mother's death, the small portion I derived from my father went to " him, and not to me. He gives his own account of my previous con- " duct in money matters, most plausibly, and most falsely ; the exact " and witnessed truth being, that during the two years 1836 and 1837, " I had not one single farthing from Mr Norton ; that he then employed " Sir John Bayley, who had been his counsel, to arbitrate as to my allow- " ance and all other matters ; that he would not abide by the arbitration ; " made what allowance he pleased ; and advertised me (to guard himself " from further liability) in the pubUo papers — being I believe the only " person of his own rank in life who ever adopted such a measure. I " copy two sentences from a declaration with which Sir John Bayley " has lately furnished me, in contradiction at once of the whole fabri- " cation respecting my conduct in these matters : — " ' / was appointed arbitrator on Mr Norton's behalf, in ihe year 1837, ■' ' having been counsel for him ; and thus became intimaidy acquainted " ' with the circumstance of these disputes. Mr Norton gave wie at that " ' time a written promise to abide by my decision. He broke his promise, " ' and refused to hold himself bound by the pledges given' • ■ • • '7 " ' consider Mr Norton's conduct to his wife, so far as it has come under " ' my knowledge and cognisance, to have been marked with the grossest " ' cruelty, injustice, and inconsistency.' " It is with pain I approach that portion of Mr Norton's letter, in "which he has chosen to make reference to our son. I think my " sons' names should have been held sacred in this dreary quarrel ; which " began in their childhood, and which their manhood finds unreconciled ! " My son is not yet in England ; nor was he in England at the time " Mr Norton states he had these communications with him. I utterly " deny that I ever made him the channel of a falsehood to his father; 118 " and I deuy that I ever said or implied that it was ' an insult' to be " supposed to be aided by Lord Melbourne's family. I did say (and " perhaps others will agree with me) that it was the coarsest of insults " when Mr Norton talked of these affairs to my son ; that I refused to " discuss them with him ; that I denied Mr Norton's right to question " me, he having bound himself ' stringently,' in writing to my solicitor, " never more to interfere in my affairs from the date of the agreement ; " and Mr Leman has a letter from me written at that time, stating that " I consent to Mr Norton's proposals — ' mainly because it is intolerable " to me to have my son talk over matters from his father.' That Mr " Norton protested afterwards, — either respecting a bequest from Lord " Melbourne, or my mother's legacy, — only proves the truth of my wam- " ing to Mr Leman, that if it were possible for Mr Norton to find an " excuse for breaking his word, he would break it ; as he had done to " Sir John Bayley. " With respect to Lord Melbourne, — ^three years after the date Mr " Norton himself assigns to the anecdote he has thought fit to publish, " he writes thus, speaking of the woman who afterwards left him the " Yorkshire property, and who had invited him to dine : — ■ " ' / sent her a civil excuse, which was answered by a thorough love-letter ; " 'indeed it is high tiTne that I should sanction, to a remarking world, " 'your penchant for old men, by suffering this antique faux-pas^ "The post-mark of that letter is August 8, 1834. I do not know if " Mr Norton will persist that it is the remark of a jealous husband. "In January, and in February, 1836 (that is, one month before our "final separation), Mr Norton speaks of the 'unparalleled kindness of " Lord Melbourne ;' and strenuously urges me to write to him to press " the appointment of a friend. I will not enter into the fabulous history " of the letters ; Mr Norton forgets that as he was then, by his'o-wn, " admission, occupied on ' one or two other ' names, it could not be " foreseen that these notes from Lord Melbourne would be important : and " the whole of that statement is false. With the exception of myself, " most of the persons Mr Norton maligns are dead, and cannot answer " him. Lord Melbourne is no longer here to give his word of honour, " that the man he served when hving, has stated that which is untrue " of his memory ; but I can very clearly contradict Mr Norton as to " one statement, and I do so to show what credence may be given to " others. Becoming apparently uneasy as to any remarks which may be " made on the affectation of looking with abhorrence on my acceptance " of aid, while he himself receives one thousand a year from Lord Mel- " bourne's appointment, Mr Norton asserts as follows : *,* "■'Lord Melbourne promised me the appointment of police magistrate "'before he visited at our house, or before, I believe, he even knew Mrs "'Norton: (!) " And he gives this very plausible reason ; — 119 "'Lord Eldon had appointed me Commissioner of Bankrupts in 1827, " ' and when such appointment was abolished hy the construction of the " ' Bankruptcy Court in 1830 or 1831, 1 considered that I had some claim " ' on the Home Secretary, having received no compensaiion for the loss of " ' my situation.' " Both these sentences are directly contrary to the real facts. "By Mr Norton's express wish and desire, I wrote at that time, not " only to Lord Melbourne, but to all those friends I thought might serve " us. I wrote to Lord Holland, Lord Lansdowne, the Duke of Devon- " shire, and others, to make interest with Lord Brougham (then Lord " Chancellor) to get Mr Norton a legal appointment. This not appearing " probable, we asked for a Commissionership of Excise or Customs. " We did not succeed in this second request any more than the first ; " but when Mr Wyatt, a police magistrate, died, Lord Melbourne wrote "to me to offer the vacant magistracy. On the 18th April, 1831, Lord " Melbourne wrote me word, that the Chancellor had sent his secretary " to inquire respecting this matter ; and had intimated that he should " expect Mr Norton to resign his Commissionership of Bankrupts ; Lord " Melbourne added, ' this is not so agreeable, but stiU was to be expected, " and is perhaps not unfair in these reforming times ; and I mention it " that you may not be surprised when you receive the intelligence.' " Mr Norton was disappointed, and demurred ; he desired to hold both " appointments ; I wrote again to Lord Melbourne to state this, and re- " ceived in reply the following note : — "'House of Lords, Quarter-past Five. " ' Take my advice, and make Norton write a line immediately to the " ' Lord Chancellor, giving up his Commissionership. What you cannot " ' keep, it is always best to give up with a good grace. " ' Tours faithfully, ' Melbourne.^ " The statement, therefore, made by Mr Norton, is entirely fictitious ; " and if I notice it, it is to ask what reliance can be placed on all the " other mis-statements in which blind wrath, imperfect memory, and " utter irresolution have involved him ] Mr Norton calls his published " letter a ' Vindication ' : a man of keener moral perceptions would " have felt, when he wrote it, that he was not writing his defence — but " his CONFESSION. " From beginning to end it is a tissue of degrading admissions, or " incorrect assertions : of which the contradiction, I am thankful to say, " does not rest on my helpless denial, but on the clearest disproof "Mr Norton admits that we did not part on Lord Melbourne's account " in 1836 ; but that he took then, as he takes now, any slander he could " find, to involve me in undeserved shame and disgrace. He admits that " he solicited my return after the trial, in a famiUar, jesting, and caressing " correspondence, — even while he repeats as true the gross slanders of "17 years ago ! He admits that he had no stipulation whatever with 120 « me about Lord Melbourne, on this disputed agreement ; and he denies "that he ever 'said or suggested ' that he had any such stipulation " Such are his admissions ! I turn to his assertions. "Mr Norton's appointment was not given or promised by Lord Mel- " bourne, before he knew me or visited at our house, but, on the contrary, " after correspondence and intimacy ; and it was not given as compen- " sation for the loss of his Commissionership of Bankruptcy ; on the " contrary, the Chancellor insisted on controlling his own patronage, " and gave notice that Mr Norton should not be permitted to hold both " appointments. " I did NOT put my husband to needless torment and expense by ex- " travagance and actions from my tradespeople ; on the contrary, he " broke his solemn written pledge with his own referee. Sir John Bayley, " and advertised me in the newspapers, as Sir John Bayley can prove. " Sir W. FoUett did not advise the trial, or the measures taken by " Mr Norton ; on the contrary, he publicly disavowed him as soon as " the trial was over, as the letter of Messrs Currie and Woodgate is " extant to prove. Mr Norton has not proved by his letter that he has " been 'just in his private affairs ' ; but, on the contrary, he Las proved "himself as cruelly unjust as any man ever was, by meeting a true claim " with a series of libellous accusations, raked up from the past, to slander " the living and the dead. " I am content that those accusations should be taken at their worth ; " Mr Norton's word has been too recklessly pledged on matters easy of dis- " proof, to be trusted where evidence is wanting, and nothing possible but " denial. I say again, that henceforth and for ever, I rest my justifica- " tion on this published confession of Mr Norton's ; on its glaring con- " traductions in all matters to which it refers ; on its strange admissions " as regards his conduct towards me. Even on the showing of that con- " fiisid letter, our story stands thus : — that after bringing a divorce trial " in which he himself so little believed, that he wooed me home again " the next year, he revives the slander which an English jury, the pledged "word of the deceased, and his own recal had refuted, with the bitterest " expressions and false accusations, both against his wife and his dead " patron. That he has done this, in the course of defence to a common " action for debt ; the simple question being, whether he was or was not " bound to provide and set apart for a body of tradesmen the sum of " 687^., the security for such sum being an agreement drawn out formally " by a solicitor ; at his own urgent request ; to procure an arrangement " he desired ; signed by his own hand ; and witnessed by two other per- " sons. That he cannot assert that he had any stipulations whatever " with me, respecting Lord Melbourne, my expectations from my mother, " or my literary resources (all three of which he gave as his excuse) ; " neither can he deny, that as the agreement embraced the contingency " of his becoming Lord Grantley, it was intended to be permanent. I 121 " complain that the original simple question has been cunningly lost and " covered, by the overwhelming scandal of Mr Norton's false defence. I " resent, — ^not his treachery about the broken agreement, but his attempt " to raise the laid ghost of a dead slander to shame me. I resisted it " with passionate despair, because, let a woman struggle as she will, fair " fame is blotted, and fair name is lost, not by the fact, but the aocu- " sation ; and I feel it more now, even than in 1836, because then my " children were infants and it could not grieve them. Those who have " commented on the exasperation with which I answered in Court, would " do well to remember, that I stood there, answering questions on oath " which had no possible bearing on the case ; well knowing those ques- " tions to be put with the express view and purpose of defaming me ; " knowing the charges implied by those questions to be false ; knowing " (the most despairing knowledge of all) that Mr Norton Kiraw they " were false, even while he put them ; and that, instead of being allowed " to prove the debt and agreement, I was once more being insulted with " the echo of the trial of 1836, with as little just cause for the insult. " It is said, why all this scandal for a miserable matter of a few " hundred pounds ? Better any sacrifice than such a struggle. Very " true ; but when this petty struggle was undertaken, no human being " could have foreseen the falsehood with which it was to be met, and " out of which this scandal was to grow. Others, judging where none " can judge who do not know our history, wonder I did not quietly take " what Mr Norton asserts he offered. For that, I can only appeal to •' Sir John Bayley, and to the evidence of Mr Norton's present conduct. " If Mr Norton would not be bound by his written pledge given to " Sir John Bayley in 1837, nor by the formal document drawn up by " Mr Leman in 1848, is it credible that he would be bound by a mere " assertion, that he would or would not place such and such sums ? " I have done. There will always be those to whom a slander is " precious ; and who cannot bear to have it refuted. There are also " those in whose eyes the accusation of a woman is her condemnation, " and who care Uttle whether the story be false or true, so long as there " is or was a story against her. But juster minds, who will pause and " review the circumstances Mr Norton himself has published, wiU per- " haps think the fate of that woman a hard one, — whom neither the " verdict of a jury, nor the solemn denial of a voice from the dead, nor " the petition of her husband for a reconciliation and oblivion of the " past, can clear from a charge always and utterly untrue. I did not " deserve the scandal of 1836, and I do not deserve the scandal of 1853. " Lord Melbourne did not tempt me then to break my wedded faith ; " and his name has not now been the ground of a broken stipulation. " On Mr Norton's own letter 1 am content that people should judge us " both. Many friends have wished me to pass over that letter in dis- " dainful silence, as refuting itself ; and perhaps, if I were happy enough 123 " to be obscure and unknown, that would be my course. But I bave a " position separate from my woman's destiny ; I am known as a writer ; " and I will not permit tbat Mr Norton's letter sball remain on tbe "journals of Great Britain, as tbe uncontradicted record of my actions. " I will, as far as I am able, defend a name whicb migbt have been only " favourably known, but whicb my husband has rendered notorious. The " little world of my chance-readers may say of me after I am dead and " gone, and my struggles over and forgotten — 'The woman who wrote "this book had an unhappy history;' but they shall not say — 'The " woman who wrote this book was a profligate and mercenary hypocrite.' " Since my one gift of writing gives me friends among strangers, I " appeal to the opinion of strangers as well as that of friends. Since, in " however bounded and narrow a degree, there is a chance that I may be " remembered after death, I wiU not have my whole life misrepresented. " Let those women who have the true woman's lot, of being unknown " out of the circle of their homes, thank God for that blessing : it is a " blessing ; but for me, publicity is no longer a matter of choice. De- " fence is possible to me — not silence. And I must remind those who " think the right of a husband so indefeasible, that a wife ought rather " to submit to the martyrdom of her reputation, than be justified at his " expense, that I have refrained. All I state now, I might have stated at " any time during the past unhappy years ; and I never did publicly " state it till now — now, when I fijid Mr Norton slandering the mother of " his sons, by coarse anecdotes signed with his name and published by " his authority ; endeavouring thus to overwhelm me with infamy, for " no offence but thatof having rashly asserted a claim upon Mm, which " was found not to be valid in law, but only binding on him ' as a man " of honour.' Caroline Norton." Mr Norton answered that letter. He answered it by admit- ting fwhat indeed he would not deny) the falsehood respect- ing the appointment Lord Melbourne gave him, which I had disproved by Lord Melbourne's own letters ; he called that bold, cunning, and deliberate explanation of his accep- tance of favours, a " mistake." He said : — " / had not, at the time of my writing my former letter, refreshed my memxiry by reference to documents connected with this point, and in writing aiout a transaction which happened upwards of 22 years ago, I was led into this most unintentional mistake." But he reiterated other " mistakes " about other transactions, which happened not so many years ago. He published (to prove that he had brought the action against Lord Melbourne 123 by Sir W. Follett's advice) minutes of a consultation noted by his solicitor, Mr Currie ; in which Mr Currie admitted, that Sir W. Follett said, he doubted much if a verdict could be got, as witnesses of the description Mr Norton had pro- cured, " were so likely to break down on cross-examination"; that it would be " important to prove by a better class of witnesses," the extreme intimacy with Lord Melbourne ; and that a conference had been afterwards held, as to the necessity of talcing some step, rather than admit (by not proceeding) that the charge was groundless. On so slender a chance did that mock -trial turn ! Mr Norton also published the opinion and letters of Sir John Bayley, at and after the trial; to prove, as he said, that Sir John's opinion was then at variance with the one recently expressed in my favour. Sir John was in Scotland when this second batch of slanders appeared ; I therefore wrote to him ; and, after briefly commenting, myself, on Mr Norton's fresh attack ; I re-printed this public denial made at the time, to disprove Sir W. Pollett's share in a transac- tion he had expressly disclaimed. Extract from the « Times " of June 25th, 1836 : — « To the Editor of the ' Times.' " Sir, — Having seen in the ' Times ' of this morning that the " action of ' Norton v. Lord Melbourne ' was advised ' by the able and " upright counsel who conducted it,' we think it is due to Sir William " Follett to state, that the action was not brought under his advice ; " and that although he was retained so far back as the 25th of April last " the evidence was not in complete state for his brief to be delivered to " him until the 14th of June inst., and when no course was open to the " parties but to proceed with the trial of the cause, which had been " fixed for the present sittings. " We are, Sir, your most obedient servants, (Signed) " Currie and Woodgate." " Lincoln's Lm, June 25, 1836." Sir John Bayley answered my appeal to him, as I hoped and expected ; he came forward and publicly contradicted, in his own person, the tissue of mis-statements by which 124 Mr Norton sought to crush me ; and I consider that I owe to that manly and frank upholding, the only approach to justice I have ever been able to obtain. 1 give his letter, as it appeared ia the journals of the day. "To the Editor. " Sir,— Absence from London, and a severe private sorrow, have " prevented my sooner noticing certain letters which have lately appeared " in the pubHc journals, in which my name has been most improperly " introduced by Mr Norton, who has thought fit to publish his copy of " a case laid before me for my opinion, in 1836, and a letter of mine to " his solicitor, dated 9th Jan., 1837. He pubhshes these documents to " prove, that my opinion then was at variance with one which I have "more recently expressed ; namely, that his conduct to his wife 'has " been marked with the grossest cruelty, injustice, and inconsistency.' If " Mr Norton's remarks on the alteration in my opinions, had been merely " intended to impeach my judgment, I should not have condescended to " notice them ; but as he intends the public to infer, that Mrs Norton " may be unworthy of the later opinion which circumstances have led " me to form, and he himself undeserving of the censure I passed upon " his conduct towards her, I consider I should be acting the part of a " coward, if I refrained from coming forward to state the truth, however " disagreeable this enforced publicity may be, — nay, must be, — to any " man who has merely endeavoured to do his duty fairly and fearlessly, " as a gentleman and a man of honour, between parties utterly \mcon- " nected with him. " If Mr Norton's object in publishing my letter and opinion had been " the development of truth, he would not have left unstated, facts which " clearly account for my change of opinion. As he has thought fit to " suppress those facts, I will supply them. " When this opinion of the 3rd October, 1836, and the letter of the " 9th January, 1837, were written by me, I was acting as his Counsel; " and on his em parte statements, in the firm belief that every assertion " he made to me was true, and capable of proof, I wrote that letter and " I gave that opinion. "Some time in the year 1837, and subsequently to my letter to Mr " Cnrrie, my position was changed. I ceased to be Mr Norton's Counsel, " and all previous attempts at reconciliation or arrangement between him " and Mrs Norton having failed, I, at Mr Norton's own earnest solicitation, " took upon myself the arduous and thankless office of arbitrator, pro- " viding that Mrs Norton would permit me to act in that capacity on " her behalf. I did not expect that she would ever consent to this, from " the position I had held as Counsel for her husband, and the impression " she necessarily must have entertained, that I was prejudiced against 125 " her. To her honour and credit, however, she at once acceded to Mr " Norton's request. I received both, from her and her husband, written " assurances that they would abide by my decision, whatever it might " be ; and on these terms I entered on my difficult task. I then, for the " first time, learnt Mrs Norton's side of the question. I found (not from " her assertions, but by the documentary proofs in her possession) that " I had been advising Mr Norton, not on his real case, but on a series of " invented fables which he had strung together and consulted me upon. " Nearly every statement he had made to me, turned out to be untrue. I " found Mrs Norton anxious only on one point, and nearly broken-hearted " about it ; namely, the restoration of her children. She treated her pecu- " niary affairs as a matter of perfect indifference, and left me to arrange " them with Mr Norton as I thought fit. I found her husband, on the con- " trary, anxious only about the pecuniary part of the arrangement, and so " obviously making the love of the mother for her offspring, a means of " barter and bargain, that I wrote to him I could be ' no party to any " arrangement which made money the price of Mrs Norton's fair and " honourable access to her children.' I found his history of her expenses " and extravagance, to be untrue ; and that even while he made that com- " plaint, he had detained all her wardrobe, jewellery, and books, in short, " every article of her personal property, ujider threat of selling them. " I advised that these things should be given up; but Mr Norton would " not consent to do so. I told him frankly, I did not think he ought " ever to have retained them. I found Mrs Norton had offered to pay " her own bills, and that Mr Norton's solicitor had replied, that there " was no undertaking, even if she did pay her bUls, that her property " should be returned to her. I found, under Mr Norton's own hand- " writing, confessions of the grossest personal violence towards his wife ; " and that on one occasion he had kicked the drawing-room door from " its hinges, and dragged her out of the room by force — she being then " enceinte of her youngest son. I wrote to him to say, that, in spite of " these injuries (supported by the clearest proof under his own hand- " writing) I found Mrs Norton 'reasonable' — 'tractable' — 'very forbear- " ing, indeed, in her expressions towards him,' — anxious to satisfy him, " 'for the children's sake'; writing to me, instead of abusing him, that " she desired ' heartily, vainly, and sorrowfully, to be at peace with her " children's father.' I found that the taking away of those children, had " been the real ground of quarrel ; and that not only Mr Norton threw " the blame of the subsequent trial on his advisers, and declared that " the trial was brought ' against his judgment^ but that one of his angriest " grounds of complaint against his wife was, that she had said she 'never " would return to him'; that, as he expressed it, she did not ' honestly " intend to return to him,' when he asked her ; that his sister and other " friends had told him so : in answer to which complaint I wrote him " word, that Mrs Norton did intend to have returned, but admitted she 126 "had said to Ms sister, 'It would he for her children's sake.' I found, even " while making this angry complaint, and while endeavouring to come to " terms, he retained certain pocket-books, and MS. memoranda of Mrs " Norton's, in case, if the negotiation went off, he might find in these "journals something on which to ground some accusation against her, in " the ecclesiastical or other courts ! I read with amazement the series " of letters which Mr Norton had previously addressed to his wife, and " in which he signs himself ' Greenacre.' I showed those letters to the " late Lord Wynford. I said, if Mrs Norton had been my sister, I would " have made them public : and I consider she showed great forbearance " and consideration in not making them public, when Mr Norton ad- " vertised her in the papers. Mr Norton admitted to me his firm belief " of his wife's innocence of the charge he had brought against her and " Lord Melbourne ; and these letters of his, expressly exculpated her " from all blame, and endearingly entreated her to return and live with " him again. I then certainly changed my opinion. I thought Mr Norton " had done Ms wife the most cruel injury a man could inflict, and that " he was bound to make every sacrifice and reparation in his power. I " saw no earthly reason why her children should be withheld from her, " and required him to write immediately to Scotland (where the cMldren " then were) to have them sent to London forthwith. In my presence, " and at my dictation, he wrote a letter to that effect and sealed it. I " posted it myself, and thought all was settled, as the sole stipulation " made by Mrs Norton was the return of her children ; but Mr Norton "'was base enough to write a second letter, unknown to me, to forbid " their coming ; an come they did not. As soon as I discovered "this act of treachery and breach of faith, I threw up my ofi&ce " of mediator. I remonstrated in severe terms with Mr Norton, and " my intercourse with him ceased. The question of Mrs Norton's " allowance was not entered upon, as my interference terminated at this " point. I deem it, however, the simplest justice to Mrs Norton to say, "that I found her frank and straightforward throughout; acting " strictly up to this sentence in her first letter to me — ' Heartily, and " as God is my judge, I desire to make what peace is possible between " me and my husband, in spite of the past.' She left her interests en- " tirely in my hands ; threw no obstacle in my path ; and never once " swerved from the promise to abide by whatever terms I should lay " down. With Mr Norton (though he had appointed me to act) I found " the exact reverse. He abused his wife and Ms wife's family ; he " shuffled about the mis-statements he could not deny ; he would be " bound neither by his verbal promise nor his written pledge ; and after " a correspondence, which began in November, and did not end till Jan- " uary, all efltort at arrangement was given up. On a calm review of these " circumstances, it can scarcely be wondered at, that I utterly changed " my opinion, and that the advice I gave 'to the writer of the Greenacre 127 " letters in 1837 was not the same advice I had given to the supposed " injured husband of 1836. I gave Mr Norton, on the fancy case he " submitted to counsel, good, sound, honest advice, to the best of my " ability ; and I gave him the like advice when his real case became " known to me. If he had abided by that advice, and by his written " pledge, the curiosity of the world would not now be gratified by details " of his private afiairs, which he compels others to publish piecemeal for " their own justification. I am sorry, for his sake, that such publication " ever took place ; and I am glad for Mrs Norton's sake ; because I con- "sider there never was a more deeply-injured woman, and that his " conduct to her certainly has been marked by ' the grossest cruelty, " iujustice, and inconsistency,' that ever any man displayed. Mr Norton " may attack me with impunity : I shall not answer him ; but I will not " allow him to persuade the public that there is any inconsistency in an " opinion formed on a thorough knowledge of his case ; which opinion, " now that all the circumstances of that case are more generally known, " he will, I think, find to be universal. "13th September, 1853. "John Baylby. "Philorth House, Fraserburgh, N.B." This letter vras considered, when it appeared, to be " unan- swerable '' ; but Mr Norton's struggle was not yet over. On the 24th September, — eight days after Sir John had thus declared the true circumstances of our story, — Mr Norton re-appeared in print. He began by saying, that he had " delayed his answer for a few days, and during the interval consulted counsel upon his power to file a criminal information ao-ainst Sir John Bayley; but that course (he was advised) was no longer open to him, ' inasmuch as all parties had already resorted to the newspapers.' " Any lawyer would know this excuse to be a false one ; and that it was perfectly competent to Mr Norton (if he could have dared the result), to take other legal measures against Sii' John Bayley. Declining refutation of the general charges, Mr Norton commented on two only: the breaking open of the doors, and the surreptitious letter privately sent, contradicting that which he affected to write and send at his referee's dicta- tion. He admitted that he burst the doors open; called it a "frivolous quarrel"; and with that mania about money and money's worth, which made him deem such an excuse the 128 best justificatiou te could invent,— gave to the public, as the reason of this scene of uproar and assault, that his wife had bought " expensive velvets." He then proceeded to Sir John's "charge of baseness," — and asserted, — not that he did not so act, but that Sir John did not tell him at the time, that he was "base"; that they corresponded afterwards; and that, says Mr Norton: — " The period of my withdrawing my confidence from my sole Ugai " adviser after the tried, and as I firmly believed my friend, was when I "found that he had become completely infatuated by a beautiful and " talented woman, whose performance of her part of a contemplated ar- " rangement he positively refused to answer for, although he at the same " time insisted upon my performing my part, and placing myself at her " mercy, by withdrawing my children from, Scotland." My husband is fond of paying me the melancholy compli- ment, that to my personal charms, and not to the justice of my cause, I owe, that all concerned in these wretched affairs take my part against him, so soon as they have any explanation with me ! Now, it would certainly have been strictly probable that any man, — especially a man of Sir John Bayley's nature ; blunt, kindly, and vehement; — ^would, — on finding instead of the painted wanton he expected to find, prepared to struggle for her "rights" and her "interests," — a miserable, sobbing, worn-out young woman, appealing to him for nothing but the mercy of getting back her children (those dear children, the loss of whose pattering steps and sweet occasional voices made the silence of her new home intolerable as the anguish of death), — I say it is more than probable, that being but man, and not the angel of justice, he might have leaned most unfairly, unduly, and compassionately, to the person whose bitter grief, and single, simple stipulation, came upon him by surprise; and that so he might not have dealt as impartially, as good faith with Mr Norton required. I thank heaven it was not so. This assertion must with- draw and take its rank among all my husband's other asser- tions. To no weak leaning of any man, but to the sympathy 129 of a true and gentle looman, I owe any further negotiation; with Mr Norton after that surreptitious letter was sent. Sir John did tell him, in the interview they had on the sub- ject, how base he considered his conduct ; and dismissed him with such violent and contemptuous reproaches, that all acquaintance appeared ended between them. Then, in my despair, learning the wondrous treachery of the double part' Mr Norton had played, and the end of all my hopes about my children, Sir John Bayley's wife took pity upon me. She did not know me ; I was, to her, nothing but a slandered stranger : but she came to see me and comfort me. Pure- hearted, high-minded, and herself a mother, — she strove to stand between me and my bitter disappointment. She didj what her husband was too full of just anger and scorn to do — SHE wrote to Mr Norton, — she pleaded for those children, — who did not live with him, who were no pleasure to him, who were merely his imprisoned hostages for power; she dug for pity in that sterile heart; and wrote, and strove, and wasted, kindness and time for my sake. Mr Norton availed himself, of her interference, to renew the correspondence, — I have his answer to all those letters, — and his bitterest complaint is, that I had said " I would not return to him! " Sir John Bayley refused to notice Mr Norton's comments on his published letter ; or these and other facts might have been stated. He scorned to reply to the taunts showered upon him for venturing to make the truth known; taunts so bitter, that it would seem as if, instead of an English gentleman acting as referee, he had been a Eoman Catholic priest breaking the seal of the confessional, or an accom- plice turning King's evidence. To be known, is, with Mr Norton, sjmonymous with being betrayed. The bugbear of his life is the terrible motto, "Magna est Veritas et prevalent ! " Sir John had no right to ruin his character, — and his character was ruined in proportion as his conduct was made public. And this brings me to certain passages K 130 in Mr Norton's published letter, respecting Lord Abinger ; containing, I think, as strange a boast of protection as ever was made by an English magistrate, with respect to an English judge. Sir John Bayley had been subpoenaed as a witness in 1838, by one of my creditors; after having become acquainted as referee, with the real circumstances of our story : and this is Mr Norton's printed boast j taken from the "Times" news- paper of the 24th September, 1853 : "Lord Abinger, who tried the cause, upon a suggestion of my counsd" (Sir Fitzroy Kelly), "that Sir John Bayley had been my advocate and "referee, refdsed to hear his evidence. " Lord Abinger, in his summing up, alluding to one of the letters then "produced, says, 'How that bears upon the present case I reaUy cannot "see. I myself must say, as a gentleman, I do not think that letter ought '? to have been put in evidence.' " And finally, Mr Norton terms his quondam counsel and referee — " That advocate, who ought to have learnt his duty by having been " REJECTED by Lord Abinger, as a witness in a Court of Law, in respect of " the very matter which in a perverted state he now makes himsdf a party " to publish." I beg the attention of my readers to the circumstances preceding that rejection of evidence. When the letters signed "Greenacre," and others, were shown by Sir John Bayley to Lord Wynford, the latter expressed himself in the strongest and most contemptuous terms with respect to his former ward; and finally — ^for the express purpose of being shown to Mr Norton, — he wrote the following note ; the original of which is in my possession. "My Dear Sayley, "I have been thinking of the correspondence you read to me this " morning. I am convinced that George Norton can have no defence to " the actions, and that his defending them will be attended with loss of " CHARACTER, as well as great expense. He should agree to the arrangement " thai you propose, or any other that can be made. I will write to Qramtley " to teU him that I have advised a settlement on ant term^. " Faithfully yours, " Wynford. "Leesons, December 20 1837. 131 Here then is Mr. Norton, armed with the knowledge of Lord Wynford's opinion, that the production of the evidence Sir John Bay ley could give, would be attended with " loss of character," and prove fatal to his defence. Lord Wynford's advice was to surrender at discretion. " Don't attempt to de- fend the actions; the evidence will ruin you." But Mr. Norton (himself brought up to the law) thought differently. " Defend the actions; the evidence that would ruin you csm he sup- pressed." Two of the ablest men the English bar could boast — Lord Abinger and Sir Fitzroy Kelly — might surely steer him past that dreadful shoal, with this one skilful stroke of the oar ! So Hope whispered ; and so the event proved. Lord Abinger "refused" the evidence which Lord Wynford had warned Lord Grantley would be fatal. Lord Abinger " rejected the advocate," whose dangerous testimony was to turn the scales. Let the foreigners, whose methods of jurisprudence we criticise, read what can happen in an English Court of Justice — and be boasted of afterwards by an English Magistrate ! Sir Fitzroy Kelly (who, for the use he then made of his skill and eloquence, may plead, like Mr. Needham, and the defender of the burglary case, duty to his client and " licence of the bar") represented Mr. Norton in pathetic terms, as a high-minded and excellent man, whose extravagant and profli- gate wife was endeavouring to ruin him by a succession of luxurious debts ; a wife utterly unworthy, though the verdict in the trial against Lord Melbourne left her still with some legal claims on that injured and deceived husband, who vainly strove, with mingled economy and generosity, to provide for her and his children ! To contradict this Romance of the Bar, there was in Court, at that hour, a gentleman of unimpeachable integrity, subpoenaed to give testimony ON oath, by the creditor who was suing for his debt. He could have proved all that Lord Wynford dreaded — all that has since been declared in Sir John Bayley'a letter to the T^mes ; and had he been permitted tp speak, the K 2 132 verdict must, according to Lord "Wynford, have gone against Mr. Norton, with the addition of " loss of character and great expense." Sir Fitzroy Kelly settled the matter. His expe- rienced skill saved Mr. Norton. He knew that it is easier to suppress evidence than to refute it; and on his suggestion (as Mr. Norton has now published to the world). Lord Abinger decided what to do. He simply refused to hear anything Sir John Bayley had to say ! That this decision was optional, and not the result of a legal necessity, we may safely presume; since Lord Wynford did not antici- pate such a road out of the difficulty; but had advised "a settlement on any terms" rather than run the risk of the actions. That risk was triumphantly avoided, by the refusal of an English judge, in open Court, to receive sworn testi- mony in behalf of a party unjustly accused and not represented by Counsel ! The result was a verdict for Mr. Norton ; and he was satisfied. But / was not satisfied. I naturally said to myself, " Here is the truth suppressed, and evidence refused which would have decided that case precisely the other way; I have it on Lord Wynford's authority. He advised Mr. Norton to yield, to save him from exposure; these other lawyers have saved him from exposure by a superior trick of skill. It seems then, that he is to be protected At all hazards. Why ? Can any one believe that nothing more is at stake than a simple ad- mission of liability for a wife's debts, when such strange means are resorted to? Lord Wynford, in spite of his de- nial — of the Duke of Cumberland's denial — in spite of his re- pudiation of Mr. Norton and his concerns — was nevertheless the person appointed immediately after the trial to discuss terms. Lord Wynford, on Mr. Norton's behalf, — and no other, met Dr. Lushington on my behalf, as soon as the action against Lord Melbourne was over ! Are we to believe that he suddenly renewed his intimacy with Mr. Norton only for the purpose of rendering him that service? Now, here were two 133 more of the chief men of the Tory party, contriving (by the refusal of sworn evidence) that the accuser of the Whig Premier should escape scot-free from the imminent peril of our real story becoming known. Sir Fitzroy Kelly is counsel, and Lord Abinger is judge — Lord Abinger, who began lif^ as a Whig, warmed into a convert-Tory, and on whom (during the brief moment Lord Melbourne had been ousted to make way for the Peel-Wellington cabinet) so many Tory favours had been showered. What was I to think? Memoirs enough have been lately edited and published by ministers and the sons of ministers, to show the under-current of relation in which pub- lic men may stand to each other. If such are the jealousies and animosities of friends, what may not be expected from foes? TTnforgotten by me were Lord Melbourne's own words: — "You take these slights to yourself; but they are not put upon YOU." My justification or condemnation, personally, was as nothing. But fatal (not only to Mr. Norton) would that sworn testimony have been, which proved that the plaintiff in the action against Lord Melbourne had declared that it was the work of others; that it was against his judg- ment ; that he utterly disbelieved the accusation it involved ; that he had entreated his wife to forgive it; to return tq her home ; and had put forward as one of his bitterest com- plaints, that she said she never would live with him again ! That evidence was suppressed. But I tell Mr. Norton, on this printed page, that he himself does not know by what a double chance the risk of exposure was avoided; that even Lord Abinger's protection would have failed to shelter him, when I angrily resolved (as I did) to publish then the whole account of our case, and leave him to his remedy ; but that Lord Melbourne dissuaded me from doing so. It so happened that this petty cause, — pleaded by Sir Fitzroy Kelly, and decided by Lord Abinger ; in which nothing more important than a woman's fame and a woman's interests were at stake, — was tried at the exact moment (June, 1838), when, in the first year of a young 134 Queen's reign, the Whig government was overwhelmed with business, even more troublesome than that which the cares of office usually involve. "What was my poor destiny, in a session in which a new coinage and a coronation — ^the revolts in Canada — the attempt to repeal the corn-laws — the conduct of O'Connell — the King of Hanover's claim for his English income^the Irish Church Bill — the first general arrangement of mails by railroad — the visit of Marshal Soult — the creation of a new batch of Peers — the passing of the Irish poor-law — and a hundred other subjects of varying importance, em- ployed Lord Melbourne's attention? What could my sobbing, moaning, and complaining, be, but a bore, to this man who was not my lover? What could my passionate printed justification be, but a plague and embarrassment to him, already justified, and at the pinnacle of fortune? Let no one say Lord Melbourne's family should not hold me in kind remembrance : for then — young, childless, defamed, sorrowful, and rash,— there never was the day that I did not admit his destiny to be the one thing thought of; there never was the day that I rebelled against his advice, or gave him annoyance that I could possibly avoid. I did not even persist — " this can only be a temporary embarrassment by revival of painful gossip, to you; it is my life— my future — the strongest temptation of my heart to justify myself." I listened then, as at other times, to the ever- ready argument, that I would be justified without these means; that they would be beyond measure vexatious and embarrassing to him; that I might " rest assured," that no patience I shewed would be forgotten, either by him, or those above him. I gave up what I had prepared (though it would have been as easy for me to prove all by Sir John Bayley's and other testimony, then, as in this present year), and nothing was published but a feeble anonymous denial, in a morning paper, of the general thread of Sir Fitzroy Kelly's remarks ; giving two or three letters from the solicitors on both sides, with even those names left blank.. 135 Mr. Norton may say, that since that occasion of desperate re- solve — I have been frequently on friendly terms with him. That charge I will not refute. I am but a woman, and not even a very resolute woman. My husband is welcome to the triumph of knowing^ that, through the long years of our separation (es- pecially during the first four years of our separation), I wavered and wept; that pride and bitter anger have not always been uppermost; that there have been hundreds of dreary evenings, and hopeless mornings, when even his home seemed to me better than no home — even his protection better than no pro- tection— and all the thorns that can cumber a woman's na- tural destiny, better than the unnatural position of a separated wife. He is welcome to the triumph of knowing, that it is impossible to have felt more keenly than I did, the confused de* gradation of my position; not in the society where I am received (least there, because there my story was best known), but in other classes, which I have said I do not less respect. I was too unlike his picture of me, to be otherwise than often miserable; often willing to make a raft out of the wreck, and so drift back, even to a comfortless haven. There were moments, too, when I pitied him ; when I believed his story of loneliness and re- pentance; and forgave without reservation, as I had forgiven before; there were times of family deaths; times when, — as he represents in his cruel letter, — we met by the sick-bed of a dear son, when I thought little of myself and my own wrongs, and yearned to make their lives happier who owed their exis- tence to this broken marriage. It is quite true that I would sometimes willingly have returned to my husband; that my son desired it; and till that day in the County Court, friendli- ness of some sort (if not that return), remained both possible — and welcome. But on that day, when in cold blood, for the sake of money, Mr. Norton repeated that which he knew to be false ; the waters of Marah, by which he sought to whelm my soul, made the great gulf that shall divide us for ever ! In that 136 day, — when he met me face to face, shivering with the frenzy of mingled anger, shame, and fear, (which he sneered at as " acting ") — in that little court where I stood 'apparently help- less, mortified, and degraded — in that bitterest of many bitter hours in my life, — I judged and sentenced him. I annulled the skill of his Tory lawyer's suggestion to a Tory judge. I over-ruled the decision of Lord Abinger in that obscure and forgotten cause, which iipheld him against justice. I sen- tenced Mr. Norton to be KNOWN ; which he justly considers as the deepest condemnation. All secresy — all forbearance — were over, with his false defence. Though I certainly did not anticipate, that, in addition to abuse of the dead and of all family ties, he would, in his reckless anger against Sir John Bayley, himself ruin his own cause by shewing the way in which it had been protected — and slur the very friends who had protected him, by such revelations. " What you state may be true; but, sixteen years ago, Lord Abinger jdecided that you should never make it known." That is the abridgenient of Mr Norton's taunts to Sir John Bayley ! And here I will pause to comment on Mr. Norton's angry deprecation of the means by which these things are not only made known, but proved beyond the possibility of doubt. He says, that neither Sir John Bayley nor even I (who am the suiFerer for life by his duplicity), have any right to shew the real truth by reference to his " private letters.'' Why not? Can there be a greater climax of absurdity, than that any man should come forward and say: " This is a printed, published lie; but you shall not contradict it with my private letters; -the lie is public, — but my letters are ' confidential.' You -shall for ever hold the proof, but never use it: the openness of an extreme publicity is to attend what I say; but the most profound secresy is to be observed with respect to what I have •done." Truly " there is but one step from the sublime to the .ridiculous;" and the argument which has dignity in it (that .private confidence should not be broken) sinks into the bur- 137 lesque, when its reasoning sequel must be, — " because thereby the TRUTH will be revealed, to my discredit." These letters — of a mere reference to which Mr Norton complains so bitterly; the contents of which Lord Wyn- ford considered would ruin his character; the explana- tion of which Lord Abinger prevented, by refusal of evidence, — rise before Mr Norton, the spectre -witnesses of past wrong ! They are my justification. In this year of 1853, my husband affects to believe the slanders of 1836. Is Sir John Bayley, on my earnest appeal, not to be permitted to say^ " I saw those letters signed ' Greenacre,' written by Mr Norton to the wife he now maligns; I myself received his declaration, that he disbelieved the facts stated on the trial?" Can there be more absurd language held by one gentleman to another, than the strange rebuke: — " Be silent — you have no right to speak ; for you were my ' Keferee.' I choose to gull the public with a false story; you shall not shew the real story — ^Lord Abinger protected me from you once before — I depend on the truth never being revealed, and I consider you are a traitor for jevealing it." If Sir John Bayley be a traitor to Mr Norton, many other gentlemen must share that title. Sir John is not the only person who has placed letters from Mr Norton in my hands; nor is he the only person who wrote in strong condemnation of his conduct. Mr Norton persists, that those who have blamed hinij were deluded by me into that opinion. This is a poor compliment, either to the understanding or principle of the friends who from time to time have been concerned in these miserable affairs. In that deluded group must stand. Lord Harrington, Mr Edward Ellice, Sir James Graham, .Sir Frederick Thesiger, Mr Barlow, Sir John Bayley, and Mr Norton's colleague, Mr Hard wi eke; of these gentlemen, no less than five, have given up one, or several, of Mr Norton's " private letters." Apparently all felt, that the extraordinary circumstances of the case justified extraordinary measures ; all 138 considered that they were authorized to prove the truth, by exposure of Mr Norton's inaccuracies. The letters so given up, have been in my possession for a period varying from ten to sixteen years; and I have never made any use of them till these proceedings in the County Court. Will others, reading these pages, be able to say as much? Will they be able to say, they bore for sixteen years every species of misconstruction, vexation, and slander, with such proof in their hands — and never used it? Is there any lawyer, clergyman, officer, political or mercantile man, into whose hands chance may throw these pages, who would bear loss of character as patiently? Why should /bear it only because I am a woman? In what way is it more advantageous to public morality, that the False Accuser should be shielded by perpetual suppression of evidence ; and shame be left to rest, not only on my name, but on the name of a distinguished nobleman, a true servant of the Crown, and Prime Minister of a great and free country? Mr Norton comes forward (in his capacity of Magistrate), and he ac- cuses this deceased Minister, not only of private immorality as a man, but of the meanest malversation in his public office. He accuses Lord Melbourne, in so many words — in the Times newspaper — of giving one of the subordinate situations in the Treasury, ^^ as a reward" for the subtraction from Mr Norton's house, of letters written to Mr Norton's wife ! Is this to be borne, from any man; least of all. from a man who himself holds an office by Lord Melbourne's appointment? At the beginning of this Session, idle rumours and unjust aspersions respecting the interference of Prince Albert with public affairs, found their way from conversational gossip into print, and were made a subject of discussion by various organs of the press. When Parliament met, the most direct con- tradiction, the clearest disproof, the most lofty and resolute defence, shattered the attempt to render unpopular, a Prince for whom England has every reason to feel both respect and gratitude. On that occasion. Lord Melbourne's name was 139 brought prominently forward. Lord Aberdeen in the House of Lords, and Lord John Russell in the House of Commons, read aloud, to eager and attentive members, a brief frank note, written by that deceased Minister to the Queen, expressive of his favorable opinion of the discretion, ability, and excellence, of her Royal Consort; and of the guarantee those qualities gave, of safe and intelligent guidance, of pure and irre- proachable motives, in all advice that might be tendered to the crowned Ruler of England. It could not be otherwise than a proud and 'touching thought, to those who loved and remembered Lord Melbourne in life; that even after hia death, — past the silence of the grave and the semi-oblivion of a closed career, — his words had still power publicly to serve his Sovereign on a subject nearest to her heart. His letter was held to be of sufficient authority, to define the position, and to declare the character, of the Consort of the Sovereign. What gave those words their value? The profound conviction in those who listened, that Lord Melbourne had written precisely what he thought. That with the capacity of judging, he joined the conscience of the judge; that in the sincerity of an honest heart, and not for intrigue or court favor, he penned those lines. His surviving influence, was in the undoubting belief that he had been frank, true, and loyal, — as minister, statesman, and counsellor: from the hour when, with the rays of a morning sun in June shining bright on her golden hair, men saw Victoria mount the steps of her hereditary throne, leaning on his hand, — to that in which, having faded out of life in the lingering seclusion of illness, — no longer the busy statesman, but the helpless friend, — news was brought to the Palace, in the gloom of a November day, that he was DEAD, whose voice first hailed her accession: he was dead, whose counsels, while he was able to give them, never wavered for the sake of selfish ambition, nor swerved beneath the rivalry of faction ; but kept the compass true to a single star, — Duty to his country and his Queen. 140 I say it was the firm trust in his honour, that alone gave Lord Melbourne's letter power : without which reliance, these acclama- tions of a British Parliament must be considered more senseless than the riot of schoolboy applause. Yet this minister, so trusted for wisdom and for honesty, — this authority in matters of the deepest moment to England's welfare — is the same man whom one of your metropolitan magistrates has accused of the most wondrous baseness : and the same pen that defames him, de- fames me. Are those slanders believed or disbelieved? If believed, where is the confidence and enthusiasm of that burst of cheering, that spoke trust in the minister, and respect for his memory? If disbelieved, where is MY shame? Why am I hunted and haunted through life, with a scandal involving two persons, but seemingly admitting of but one acquittal? If the story had been true, and palliation were possible for sin, the palliation might rather seem to be on the side of the weaker party. But it was not true. He said It was false. I say it was false. I cannot come down and read, amid cheers and acclamation, his letters for me: but what then? Am I to believe that I am too insignificant — that any one in England is too insignificant, for justice? Is it only for princes and politicians that defence can avail? Is justification an appanage of position, and en- durance measured by degrees in the Herald^s office? I hope not. I think not^ — if this is England, as England boasts her- self to be. I say again, — I do not petition for sympathy; I claim Justice. If even my defence offend, — blame the Law. If the Law of Divorce were differently constituted, the scandal never could have taken place, of a trial against the Premier of Englandj which that minister affirmed he believed to be brought for a pecuniary advantage, and to be supported by suborned witnesses. If the laws of protection for women were differently constituted, the struggle about a broken contract could not have taken place. If the absurd anomalies in the law which regulates claims on. the husband, did not exist, 141 Mr Norton could not have subpoenaed my publishers in the County Court, to annul my right even to my own soul and brains. Had there been no such proceedings, — then, instead of this pamphlet, the work I was occupied upon, would have appeared ; harmlessly to amuse those who had leisure to read it. I give them, in lieu of such a work, this "Story of Keal Life;" taking place among the English aristocracy ; with perfect impunity on the part of the wrong-doer ! I invite Mr Norton to disprove it. He cannot. If he had merely been unfaithful, I would have forgiven it. If he had merely defrauded me, I would have confined myself to the formal struggle against that fraud; but he has publicly LIBELLED me; and against that public libel, repeated after an interval of sixteen years, I will make my final stand. It is not in human nature to bear, without the deepest resentment, the last attack made upon me. I do feel the deepest resentment ; and I consider this especial time, when the marriage laws are said to be under consideration, a fit opportunity for shewing what can be done under the laws as they are. Whether those laws are amended or not, hence- forward those who malign me, will do so in the face of proved evidence against them : — henceforward those who have loved and upheld me, shall not merely say, — " We believed her," — but shall be able to assert, — " these are the facts: and on these, we upheld her." Mr Phillimore, in a bill brought forward this session, for a very different legal improvement,* — observed that the object cf the bill was " to withdraw from the spheri of private ani- mosity, caprice, and revenge, that which never ought to be left to private animosity, caprice, and revenge ; and to see that justice was properly administered." There is no question that the principle is a sound one for all legal control ; and there is no reason why such control should be in abeyance for one particu- lar class of persons, or class of cases. The law compels the poor man to be responsible to the community at large, for the mal- * Ttte .establishment of a Public Prosecutor. 142 treatment of his wife; by a new law (the necessity for which has been abundantly proved by the daily police reports). Why should it seem grievous and shocking to make new laws of restraint for gentlemen, as well as for poor men? We have an idol; our idol is traditionary custom; and great is that Diana of the Britons ! If we make legal changes, it is rare that we make them boldly. We seldom supersede. We add and we take away. Refusing to reform, we endeavour to compel men to hold that sacred, being imperfect — which, reformed and perfected, would be held sacred without any compulsion at all. It is not authority that oflFends; but anomaly ; a patch- work in the raiment of Justice, so that when men would cling to her robe it gives way in their hand. Now, if there is one law men are naturally more jealous of altering than another, it is the law between husband and wife; yet surely the power of protection is the proudest privilege of Superiority; and in these modern and enlightened days, that privilege may be better defined, than in the phraseology of the ancient law of Baron and Feme, which I have seen thus naively laid do^wn — " Now the Baron shall have remedie against one that beateth his Feme — for she is his Chattel.^' The amount of anomaly in the law on this subject, is startling; but I confine myself to the notice of points afi"ecting positions like my own. We will take then, first, the law as to divorce. The Eoman Catholics have one clear unvarying rule on this subject. They make marriage a sacrament. They have laws that apply to cases of dispute, — " separation de corps et de biens," — provision for the wife, — award as to children, — but the marriage itself is simply indissoluble; lasting, as the words of the Church ceremony imply, " till death do us part." We do not make marriage a sacrament. It is difiS.cult to say what we hold it to be. Lord Hardwicke's Marriage Act, of 1754, declared null, all marriages not celebrated by a priest in orders; and made it indispensable that the ceremony should 143 take place in some parish churchj or public chapel, unless by special licence from the Archbishop of Canterbury. Lord John Russell's Act, of 1836, permits persons, on the contrary, to be married according to any form they choose; not sacer- dotally; merely by repairing to the Registrar, and giving certain notices, and procuring certain certificates; so as to acquire a right to have the. ceremony performed, in places registered and appropriated for the purpose. Marriage there- fore, in England, is a religious ceremony or a mere civil con- tract, at the pleasure of the parties : thus meeting the requi- sitions of all sects of the Protestant Church. It is besides, — practically, — a sacrament for the poor, and a civil contract for the rich: as the rich break it by application to Parliament; and the poor are put frequently on their trial for bigamy, from not being able to go through that expensive form. It is, — practically, — a sacrament for the wife, and a civil contract for the husband ; the husband can break it almost as a matter of course, on proof of the wife's infidelity; the wife, though nominally able to apply for a divorce, seldom or ever obtains one : I believe there are but three cases on record in the House of Lords, of marriages broken on the wife's petition. The law of Scotland and the law of England are utterly different. In Scotland, the right of the wife to divorce, is equal to that of the husband; and a Scotch lady in Scotland can divorce her husband a vinculo, so as to marry again. It is notorious, that the heads of two of our noblest families made a residence in Scotland the preliminary of a divorce of this nature, which set both parties free; proceedings being taken, in one of the instances, by the wife against the husband. In Scotland, marriage legitimatizes children bom before wed- lock : it does not legitimatize them in England : so that the same man, — inheriting property in both countries, — would succeed as heir to his father north of the Tweed, and be debarred as a bastard south of that boundary. In Scotland, a mere declaration of marriage before witnesses, the mere addressing 144 a letter as if to a wife, was held sufficient to establish a mar- riage: and hence those rapid flights to Gretna, which puzzle foreigners; Gretna, not being of itself a city sacred to Hymen, hut the nearest village across the boundary of England, that could be reached by enamoured couples. The parties were made " one" by David Paisley, a blacksmith by trade. He kept no regular registry. John Linton, the landlord of Gretna Hall, succeeded David . Paisley. He kept no exact registry, but remembered the elopement of Lord Erskine (afterwards Lord Chancellor), who arrived, disguised as an old woman, with a veil and grey cloak : that of Lord Westmore- land with the daughter and heiress of Mr Childe, the banker; that of Lord Eldoh (another Chancellor); of one of the Laws, brother of Lord Chief Justice Ellenborough ; and of a clergy- maUj the Rev. Thomas Cator; besides a host of less remarkable, and equally remarkable, cases. These Gretna marriages held good ; but the ceremony was, nevertheless, generally repeated according to more regular forms, as soon as opportunity permitted. They took place in great numbers, and it is only very recently that legislation has been appealed to on the subject of their prohibition. The law, the church, and the nobility, thus owe to David Paisley the blacksmith, and John ■Linton the innkeeper, many of the marriages of their most illustrious and distinguished families. Assuredly, marriage is not a sacrament In Scotland ! Indeed, so many strange con- fusions have taken place in consequence of the laxity of the law In that country, that it was humorously asserted in the House of Lords, during an appeal on a Scotch case, that no Scotch gentleman could feel positively sure whether he were ■married or a bachelor, the knot was so easily tied. In Scotland, the property, personalty, and rights of the wife, are far more strictly protected than In England : and In divorce cases, she has the advantage over the English wife. In the fact, that the first step Is to Inquire Into the truth of the allegations against her. The English wife, In an action for 145 " damages," brouglit as a first step towards divorce, by her husband against her lover, is not considered as a party in the suit; cannot have counsel; and can only benefit by such chance circumstances in her favour as belong to the defence made by i]\e man against whom the action is laid. Lord Brougham, in 1838, mentioned a case in the House of Lords, in which not only the man proceeded against, was not in truth the woman's lover, but not even an acquaintance; and the action was an agreed plot between him and the husband, who desired so be rid of his wife ! But we have only to look back to the origin of divorce in England, to comprehend, that the protection of the woman was the last thing considered in the framing of its laws. Whether we ought to adopt the view taken by Eoman Ca- tholics, and consider marriage as a sacrament, or whether (as Milton bitterly wrote, — when arguing his right to get rid of the wife who was no " help-mate" to him) persons once wedded should be compelled, " in spight of antipathy, to fadge together and combine as they may, to their unspeakable wearisomeness ; — forced to draw in that yoke, an unmerciful day's work of sorrow, till death unharness them/' — is no longer an argument in Protestant England. Divorce, in its fullest interpretation ; — divorce, which breaks the marriage utterly, and allows of a new choice ; the children of which new choice shall be as legi- timate and as capable of inheriting by succession, as the chil- dren of any other marriages, — is the established law of our land. Divorce parliamentary, and divorce ecclesiastical : Bishops vote in the House of Lords, and therefore it is to be presumed, they vote on divorce cases : and divorced parties are re-married before the Church, and by the ministers of that Church, pre- cisely as they were before, by a ceremony that never con- templated divorce; a startling anomaly, but not greater than all our other discrepancies on this subject. Our marriage ceremony belongs to the compilation of our li- turgy; and our liturgy was compiled, not by angels, but by L 146 men: pious and wise men, -whose task was performed with reverence, and should be held in reverence; but they themselves prefaced it with the declaration, that it had been compiled as far as possible to reconcile two contending parties in the Church. Two, if not three, of the compilers, were Eoman Catholics. Much of the phraseology, and some of the services retained, are Roman Catholic. The phraseology of the marriage service belongs to that creed. The community of goods, referred to in that ceremony, does not exist with us : and the simplest reader must perceive a great contradiction between the Church form and the Protestant law : between the power vested in the Legislature to break marriages on a decree made by assembled peers; and the phraseology of a ceremonial, declared to be " symbolical of the mystery of Christ's union with the Church;" — which pronounce the parties man and wife " in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost," — and dismisses them with the blessing, " What God hath joined; let not man put asunder." Is it the ceremony that makes marriage, — or the law that breaks marriage, — that is wrong? They do not agree; and solemn and true is the sen- tence which first meets our eyes in the preface to the Church Service: " There was never anything hy the wit of man so well devised, or so sure established, which in continuance of time hath not been corrupted." And that because the wit of man (such as it is), is perpetually swayed by the passions of man. Now, divorce in England, we owe to Henry VIII. To that monarch, — profanely styled the Father of the Reformation, Defender of the Faith, Supreme Governor of the Church, — to that King, remarkable in youth for inordinate vanity, in manhood for inordinate sensuality, in declining life for inor- dinate tyranny, we owe the great chasm which divides the interpreted sense of such language, from the reality of its binding effect: — " And Gospel light first shone from Boleyn's eyes," 147 to enable a false-hearted sensualist to rid himself of his legiti- mate wife. Bishops were executed for objecting to his contem- plated divorce ; the laws of earth and heaven were confused in the struggle of one wild and reckless will; Rome was altern- ately appealed to and defied ; till on a Sabbath day in Septem- ber 1532, at Windsor Castle, — ^while Katharine was yet his nominal Queen and nominal wife, — a sort of rehearsal of a future coronation was made, by creating Anne Boleyn, Mar- chioness of Pembroke. The Defender of the Faith himself put the demi-circular coronet on that lovely head, which was so soon to usurp the crown ; so soon to be severed by the axe ! The Duke of Norfolk's daughter carried her mantle and coronet; the Countesses of Rutland and Sussex waited upon her; the Bishop of Winchester read aloud her letters patent of new nobility; and from that day she was attended upon with royal state, like a princess. From that day, for how long? For one, — two, — three months, or more? Historians cannot tell. They dispute the date of Henry's unhallowed union ; and this fact only appears clear, that he married Anne Boleyn BEFORE the sentence of divorce from Katharine was actually pronounced by Cranmer. Retribution was in store. Soon, too soon, that fair Aurora of the Reformation, — that woman with such generous im- pulses, such strong ambition, such passionate attachments, such universal fascination, — was to perish as a victim, where she had reigned as sovereign. Vain were her appeals to the tyrant-heart, whose flame of lust being burned out, held no other light to read a woman's prayer by. The echo of the same call which had once insulted her mistress, predecessor, and superseded Queen, — "Catharine, come into Court!" was repeated for Anne Boleyn. She, too, came into Court — to be tried and condemned. The lover who wooed her in girl- hood, — Percy, Duke of Northumberland, — saw her stand that trial: her condemnation he did not hear: he pleaded illness and withdrew, before the close of the proceedings; taking with L 2 148 him the one gleam of faint-hearted pity, to which, perhaps, that struggling despairing woman had looked for help. She was condemned; by those who did not believe her criminal; for crimes which nature revolted at; for crimes she never com- mitted. She died her death of just expiation on a false plea; she left the child of her brief day of love and triumph to reign gloriously over England as Queen Elizabeth; and she left the rescue of her blotted name, to the yearning regret of her poet-admirer Wiatt, and the skill of contending historians. The day she perished, Henry took another queen. The cannon which boomed from the Tower, when with patient dignity that forsaken creature laid her head on the block, brought to the king's ear a double signal; of death and re- joicing. He had thrown off the bondage of a second mar- riage, and he joyously contracted a third. Every circumstance attending that sudden freedom, should have surrounded it with a grave horror. He had executed his wife, — the mother of his child and our future sovereign, — on theaccusation of being paramour to divers men, amongst whom was her own brother. He had himself asserted that he had lived in intimate relations with her sister. Her mother had been slandered for his sake: and Dr Bayley in his Life of Bishop Fislier (one of Henry's victims), alludes to the belief entertained by some persons that Anne Boleyn was the king's own daughter. He had sought to bastardize the legitimate offspring of his first queen, and afterwards of his second. He had slaughtered churchmen for interfering with the gratification of his passions, and he now slaughtered the woman who had been his temptation. Out of that mass of sin, misery, struggle, and lawless con- fusion of rights, sprung the germ of our English form of divorce. From that date, the power of the sacerdotal blessing stood in direct conflict with the right of the civil law to annul it: and man was pronounced perfectly capable of putting asunder those who had been joined before God. The consent of the Church was asked to that divorce; the pleas held to be 149 sufficient to annul marriage, were set before the Church; but the historical result was, that Henry set himself above the Church; that the primary power remained vested in Parlia- ment, and the secondary power in sacerdotal forms. Law and religion were both called in, but it was to help the lawless and irreligious. The shadow of justice wandered, in the courts where queens pleaded in vain — in the Parliament where nobles bowed their hearts, as they bowed their heads, before the tyrant of England — and presided over the vain consultations of yielding bishops; but its reality was wanting. Since the days of King Henry, divorce has remained an indulgence sacred to the aristocracy of England. The poorer classes have no form of divorce amongst them. Marriage is for them, — as I have said, — practically, a sacrament. The rich man makes a new marriage, having divorced his wife in the House of Lords: his new marriage is legal; his children are legitimate; his bride (if she be not the divorced partner of his sin, but simply his elected choice in his new condition of freedom), occupies, in all respects, the same social position, as if he had never previously been wedded. The poor man makes a new marriage, not having divorced his wife in the House of Lords; his new marriage is null; his children are bastards; and he himself is liable to be put on his trial for bigamy: the allotted punishment of which crime, at one time was hanging, and is now imprisonment. Meanwhile, nothing can exceed the ignorance of the poorer classes on this subject. They believe a magistrate can divorce them ; that an absence of seven years constitutes a nullity of the marriage tie ; that they can give and receive reciprocal permission to divorce, and take a more suitable partner; and among some of our rural populations, the grosser belief prevails, that a man may legally sell his wife, and so break the bond of union. They believe anything, rather than what is the fact, that they cannot do legally that which they know is done legally in the classes above them ; that they cannot consecrate the new tie, or 150 get tlie old one annulled; but must be content to live, paired together, in the only way that remains possible, — or run the risk of being tried at the bar of justice ! Nor is this confined to the lower classes: persons in respectable and educated positions, from ignorance of the exact law, or in the hope of escaping its notice, run the same risk. We have only to turn to the newspapers, and take the first case at hazard, as an illustration. 1 find] one tried before Mr Russell Gurney; so lately as December 3, 1853. I find, in that brief report, a story revealed, which resembles the romance of "Jane Eyre," (except that romance always appears to excite deeper interest than reality). The couple whose misfortunes thus flashed for a moment on public attention, were Mr E. Gray and Mary Adams : the evidence, shewed that Mr Gray had a wife ; living and undivorced; and was therefore guilty of bigamy. Mary Adams deposed that he had courted her for six years ; had no money with her; on the contrary, supplied her with money since his apprehension ; had always been very kind ; and that they had a child of his, residing with them. The undivorced wife was living with an omnibus man, and had been in a lunatic asylum ! Mr Eussell Gurney, in deciding the case, observed, with epigrammatic truth, that " this was one of those unfortunate cases, in which, in the present state of the law, if a man was not possessed of wealth, he had no power to remedy his situation." Now, if instead of plain Mr Gray and obscure Mary Adams, the parties had been Lord Grayton and Lady Mary, we should simply have had " Grayton's Divorce Bill" going quietly through the House of Lords, previous to receiving the royal assent; and Lady Mary, innocently looking forward to making that forsaken home happy, by replacing the mad bad wife, who could no longer be a " help-mate" to her husband. Not being persons of wealth and station, we have a trial for bigamy, and this illegal attempt at happiness rooted up by the stern hand of justice, which pronounces such unions to be tares among the permitted grain, of marriages 151 " dissolved by Act of Parliament." Such an anomaly in the administration of equal laws, is scarcely credible; but it exists; and is murmured against — by the obscure. This difficulty, — which exists for the poor, on account of the expense of our form of divorce, exists also for women, from the reluctance to allow a divorce on their petition. The first instance of a divorce bill passed in England on the petition of the Wife, was in the year 1801, in the case of Mr Addison, who had lived with the sister of his wife. The late king, (then Duke of Clarence), moved the rejection of the bill; on the ground that marriage in this country never had been, and never ought to be, dissolved, unless for the adultery of the Wife, which alone for ever frustrated the purposes for which marriage had been instituted. Lord Eldon was then Chan- cellor; but the speaker who answered the Duke of Clarence was the ex-Chancellor Lord Thurlow; who was listened to with rapt attention. Lord Thurlow said, that he had been excited by the bill to examine the whole subject of divorce, and that he was of opinion the remedy was not confined to the husband. He laid this down as the principle that should decide judgment in such cases: namely, — whether the parties can properly live together as man and wife? He said — " Common law and statute law are silent upon the subject, and this is the rule laid down by reason, by morality, and by religion. Why do you grant to the husband a divorce for the adultery of the wife ? Because he ought not to forgive her ; and separation is inevitable. Where the wife cannot forgive, — and separation is inevitable by reason of the crime of the husband, — the wife is entitled to the like remedy. In this instance, reconciliation is impossible — the wife cannot forgive the husband and return to his house, without herself being guilty of incest. Do such of your Lordships as oppose the bill for the sake of morality, wish or propose that she should? No. You allow that she can never live with him again, as her husband ; and is she — innocent, and a model of virtue, — to be condemned, for his crime, to spend the rest of her days in the unheard-of situation, of being neither virgin, wife, nor widow f" 152 The speech of Lord Thurlow converted Lord Chancellor Eldon, who declared that until he heard it, he had intended to oppose the measure ; and ex-Chancellor Lord Eosslyn also gave his vote on the principle so laid down ; namely, the impossibility of a reconciliation; on account of the peculiar atrocity of the case, which left no ground for pardon, as common inconstancy might have done. The bill passed both houses, and received the royal assent ; that miserable marriage was broken ; and the opinion of Lord Thurlow so far obtained^ that in one or two cases of enormity, a divorce a vinculo has since been granted by Parliament on the wife's petition. Very jealously, however, has the privilege been guarded; and the strange contrast between the laws in two countries which form but one kingdom, — (England and Scotland), — is in no- thing more salient than in this; divorce in Scotland, being, as I have said, granted at the wife's suit as a matter of usual and undisputed justice. In what a different spirit the English law contemplates the fact of a husband's inconstancy, we may judge by the recommendation of the commissioners appointed two years sincCj to examine and report upon law reform. In the report made, they recommended, — amongst other "im- provements,'' — that even the nominal right of petition should be taken away from the woman: that the husband should retain his right to divorce his wife on proof of her infidelity, — but that the wife should not, under any circumstances, have a right to claim divorce a vinculo: that in short, instead of justice being, as at present (as it always is for women), merely improbable, it shall be impossible ; and that all the gentlemea in England who are so inclined, shall live in legalized infidelity to their wives; the, slender remedy left to the wife, beiag that she may obtain permission to " live apart" from her unfaithful husband. " But the crime of the man is nothing, in com- parison with the crime of the woman;" say the objectors. Why? Because— (and here we come to England's merchant spirit again, — property, not morality, being the thing held sacred), "because the wife's adultery may give the husband 153 a spurious son to inherit !" Truly : and the husband's adul- tery may give his friend, — into whose house he has crept like a thief, to steal faith and honor, — a spurious son to inherit. Or it may give some wretched victim of his seduction, a spurious son to drown or strangle. Or it may give him a spurious son, by some wanton, on whom he la- vishes the patrimony of his legitimate sons. No matter ! The wrong done by him cannot be measured by equal weight with the wrong done to him : for he is a man, and claims his right of exemption, by natural superiority. As Peers cannot be hung, but must be beheaded, — as members of the House ol Commons cannot be arrested for debt, — so men cannot be arrested in sin, on equal grounds with an inferior party. Now it is consistent with all the discretion of justice, tha'- far greater leniency should be practically extended, to a sex whose passions, habits of life, and greater laxity of opinions, make their temptations greater and their resistance less, than is the case among women ; and a proportionate severity may well be shewn to that other sex, whose purity is of infinitely greater importance. But to say that divorce, — if permitted at all, — should be permitted to one party only ; that Lord Chancellor Thurlow's principle, — that each case should depend on its own peculiar circumstances for decision, and, on the moral impossi- bility of actual reunion, — should be superseded by the doctrine that only one party can be wronged sufficiently to deserve the extreme remedy, is surely so obvious an absurdity, that it will scarce bear arguing upon : and would be only adding one more anomaly to laws, in which already the jealous and exclusive guarding of masculine rights, is often the foundation of most preposterous wrong. Called upon to give assent to such a law, even Majesty might feel something of the helplessness of sex : and muse on that accident of regal birth, which has invested her with sacred and irrevocable rights, in a country where women have nc rights. The one Englishwoman in England whom injury anc 154 injustice cannot reach: protected from it for ever: protected, not as Woman, but as Queen : as England's Symbol of Royalty : and called upon in that capacity, by the law officers of the Crown and " faithful lieges in Parliament assembled," to com- plete and perfect by her consent, the power of men's laws. Sign manual, and royal assent, necessary for perfecting and completing laws, under a female reign, — in a country where the signatures of married women are legally worthless; in a country where they cannot lay claim to the simplest article* of personal property, — cannot make a will, — or sign a lease, and are held to be non-existent in law ! Too Utopian would be the dream, that instead of retrograding in the degree of protection afforded by the present code, — better and juster laws for women might be made in the reign of Queen Victoria ! That in the exercise of the functions of sovereignty, and the fulfilment of Parliamentary forms, heb royal assent might be recorded, as affixed to those measures of increased protection of the weaker sex, which are the dis- tinctive marks of progressive civilization, as the contrary is the recognised feature of barbarism. The same reign in which the pen of a Mac AD lay has defended the intelligent capacity of Englishwomen, might surely see changed, a treatment based on the ancient laws of " Baron and Feme." And the Queen who has won England's love — in addition to her here- ditary right to England's loyalty — and who has shown, on more than one occasion, that the sagacity of Elizabeth, and the courage of Cceur de Lion, are not incompatible with the most feminine devotion as Wife and Mother — might well resist, for her women-subjects, that contempt of womanhood, which our unequal laws imply. Leaving, in the blessing of better laws on this subject, a brighter track of light, than all the boasted progress of the " Golden Age," ruled over by the daughter of murdered Anne Boleyn. In the form of our divorce, (since divorce" there is), surely the first step should be first cancelled and altered ! Our 155 method of proceeding is, — that the husband shall bring an action for "damages" against the lover of his wife; — then apply to the Ecclesiastical Courts for the limited divorce in their power; — then to Parliament to break the marriage alto- gether. By a singular form, if the damages fall below a certain sum (forty shillings), though it does not acquit the parties, it implies so much disapproval of the circumstances of the case — where there is, for instance, proved connivance or worth- lessness on the part of the husband, or known vileness in the wife — that a divorce would not be granted. It is scarcely pos- sible to conceive a more pernicious system than these actions for " damages." That the form is not inevitable as a preliminary step, is proved by the divorce of one of our peers being lately obtained without it. That it can be no proper mode of testing the truth, is proved by Lord Brougham's history of the hus- band who made his compact with a supposed lover to bring such an action. That it may be a base temptation to needy and unprincipled men, has been proved by examples. That it renders the woman's chance of clearing her character more desperate, (she being already denied counsel or defence in the action, to which she is no party), is shown in the fact that it is reckoned " ungentleman-like " in the supposed lover, to cast aspersions on the husband, which would merely reduce " da- mages"; and the defence is therefore generally limited to dis- proval and denial of guilt. So that how the wife has been treated, rarely appears in evidence. In principle, the award of " damages " is absurd. If the husband be really high-minded, honorable, and injured, — it is a mockery to pay him for such injury; if he be not honorable, but base and grasping, it is a strong temptation to him to threaten such an action, or even to speculate on bringing one, without any real belief in the ac- cusation : for a small sum may tempt some poverty-stricken wretch to tell a tale, which, if believed by the jury, would bring thousands of pounds " damages." That it is a shame- ful mode of assessing loss of honor, can hardly be denied. 156 We criticise the custom of Eastern nations, the wives and mothers in whose harems have been bought, perhaps, while yet pure — in the slave-market ! They might, in turn, criticise our habit of taking compensation in money for the wives of English gentlemen, — when they are guilty. It is a shameless and ■ barbarous form ; revolting alike to delicacy and common sense. I know that it is in the usual spirit of the English law, as to injury sustained. If a man is falsely imprisoned — "damages"; if he is libelled — " damages"; if he breaks a limb by falling down your unprotected area — "damages"; if his daughter is seduced — " damages"; if he is deceived into buying a bad bargain — " damages" ! But in many of these instances, the mercantile award seems a reasonable thing. The man whose limb is broken, has paid a surgeon's bill and been laid up help- less; the deceived speculator has suffered actual pecuniary loss; the man unjustly arrested, and incarcerated by mistake, has been injured in credit and prevented from earning his dally bread: in all these cases remuneration is both proper and satisfactory. But the English gentleman whose home Is broken up, and who receives money from the other gentleman who has carried off his wife, stands in a position at once pain- ful and ridiculous. And the Englishwoman-^ whose fame, happiness, and future, are at stake on the accusation on -which such an action must be based; and who Is nevertheless told that " legally" she can make no defence — that she is no party to the suit — that she may not have counsel in court — that she is not permitted to state either the circumstances of her separation from her husband, or his previous treatment of her — stands in a position which would be farcical, if misery did not Invest it with a bitter solemnity ! What a mockery in a case like mine — where all my family and friends could have come forward, and proved on oath the real circumstances of my story — must it have seemed to be told, that I was " no party to the cause" ! That Lord Melbourne's defence, and the verdict in his favour, must content me ! Leaving the whole 157 world to suppose te Kad been tlie cause of my quarrel with my husband; and Sir "William FoUett's representation of Mr Norton, as a fond, faithful, and injured husband, to stand as uncontradicted as Sir Fitzroy Kelly's echo of that description, in the cause decided by Lord Abinger when Sir John Bay- ley's evidence was refused. The first step should be the step taken in the Scotch courts. Let the wife be'capable of defence, and let the husband be untempted by " damages." I turn from the subject of divorce, to the subject of divorceless separation; full of the same difficulty of obtaining justice. The Legislature, which very properly discourages and dis- countenances separation between man and wife, acknowledges no legal change in the position of an undivorced woman. To stand the brunt of a vile and indecent action at law, and afterwards reside apart from her husband for ten, fifteen, twenty years, — with every human circumstance, except death, that can put division between them, — does not affect the legal fictisn which assumes that a married couple are ONE. The husband retains all his rights over her and her property. If he please, he can bring an action for restitution of conjugal lights; and he may seize her even by force, when "harboured" against his will, by friends or relations. He retains the right of bringing an action for divorce, even in a case like mine. Mr Norton had precisely the same right to divorce me, (if he could obtain a verdict), after the mock-trial against Lord Melbourne, that he had before ; and it may be observed in Sir John Bayley's letter, that, on my application for some books and journals left at home, he stipulated with Sir John {even while making amicable arrangements), that, if those arrangements failed, he should have the journals returned to him, " in case they mifht be of use to him in the Ecclesiastical or other Courts" — this stipulation and implied threat, being within three months after writing the " Greenacre" letters ! So that I was to be divorced, or taken home again; whichever turned 158 out most convenient and feasible. I refused to receive tlie journals and MS. I applied for, on that insulting alternative; and they remain till this day in Mr Norton's possession. So does much of my personal property; including the gifts made by relations and friends on my ill-omened marriage. The law does not countenance the idea of separate property. All that belongs to the wife is the husband's — even her clothes and trinkets: that is the law of England. Her earnings are his. The copyrights of my works are his, by law. When we first separated, he offered me, as sole provision, a small pension, paid by Government to each of my father's children ; reckoning that pension as his. The principle of the law is, that the woman's separate existence is not acknowledged; it is merged in the husband's existence ; hence the difficulty in the matter of the contract. The husband cannot legally contract with his wife: she is a part of himself. It is boasted, on the other hand, as an immense concession to the wife, that, in con- sequence of this merging of her existence, — this nonentity in law, — she cannot be arrested or sued for debt. She does not exist: her husband exists; and if the debt be recoverable, it must be from him. I have already shewn, by the curious case at page 96, that it may happen, on this principle, that the creditor may lose his money altogether. In France, married women can be arrested for debt; and it would be infinitely more just to the separated wife, and to the tradesmen who trusted her, that she should be responsible to the law, and liable to a civil action ; and that a husband should not be able to evade the payment of a contract under his own signature, on the plea of the " non-existence " of the defrauded party with whom it was made. "It may be law; but it isrUt justice,^' is a common phrase among the poor : it is a phrase of which I have learned to appreciate the sound and exact truth. The argument that the husband may be bound by sureties, is useless. Suppose what Mr Norton affirmed, were true, and that the woman could not get a surety ? Suppose a case different from mine, who am 159 struggling against a great wrong, with good friends, and clear intelligence; Suppose her, friendless, helpless, foolish, ignorant, and obscure ; is she, therefore, to be cheated, by the visionary supposition that she is one with the husband, whose only assertion of a husband's right is to defraud and oppress her? A feature in that " oneness" which occurred in my case, (and I think there is scarcely any result of this anomalous position, that I have not learned by personal and grievous ex- perience), is, that a married woman (being non-existent) can- not prosecute for libel. Her husband must prosecute. When the first attempt was made by me to recover my children, I wrote two pamphlets on the law as it then stood. One of these pamphlets was entitled, " Separation of Mother and Child, by the Law of Custody of Infants, considered": and the other, " A Plain Letter to the Lord Chancellor, by Pearce Stevenson." The British and Foreign Quarterly Eeview published a long and vehement article against any change in the law. In the course of that article, they undertook to notice my pamphlet and my story; and to prove that it was entirely for me, (and most unfairly, for me), that any such change had been planned. The article was full of distorted inventions, which formed a curious contrast with the grandiloquent motto in the title-page of the book : — "/ft primisque hominis est propria veri inquisitio at que investi- gatio." The whole history of my conduct, and the conduct of others, was falsified. I was condemned in the most vehement and unsparing terms. The fact that the Lord Chancellor, Lord Lyndhurst, Lord Denman, Sir William Follett, and a host of other great authorities, were earnestly in favour of a change in the law, was entirely overlooked, in the desire to prove a vicious influence on my part. And finally, attributing to me, with the most astonishing audacity, an anonymous paper in the Metropolitan Magazine, on the Grievances of Woman, (which I had never seen, — which I had never even heard of), and boldly setting mt name as the author in their own index, — 160 tKey proceeded in language strange, rabid, and virulent, to abuse the writer; calling her a "she-devil" and a "she- beast," speaking of her " non-convicted gallantries," and pouring out vials of wrath in words of excessive coarseness. No less than one hundred and forty-two pages were devoted to the nominal task of opposing the Infant Custody Bill, and in reality to abusing me. I read the article with amazement; with curiosity; and finally with exultation. I thought I saw at last, a chance of triumphantly justifying myself. I sent for my solicitor. I said — " You have told me that I cannot plead for a divorce by reason of cruelty, having condoned all I complained of: that I cannot sue for alimony, because that must arise out of a suit for divorce: that there was no possi- bility, on the trial, of saying more in my defence than was said, — because I was no party to that suit. Now, thank Heaven, here is a fair opportunity of making my story clear to the world. I did not write the " Grievances of Woman" which is thus insolently attributed to me, and indecently reviewed; and as for all the circumstances in the previous portion of the article, you yourself know that they are a series of mis-state- ments. I request, therefore, that you will instantly commence a prosecution for libel at my suit against the editor, and in the course of that suit, and the proving all his attack upon me unjustifiable, I shall obtain a complete acquittal in public opinion, and clear up all that was left doubtful and untouched in the trial, where I personally could have no defence." My solicitor answered this eager and hopeful oration, in a few brief words. He informed me that being a married woman and therefore " non-existent" in law, I could not prose- cute of myself; that my husband must prosecute: my husr band — who had himself assailed me with every libel in his power — who, for ought I knew, might himself have furnished to the editor, the extraordinary version of his affairs which appeared in the review ! Certainly my husband would be too glad of this powerful and rancorous abuse of me: certainly he 161 ■would not prosecute ! Then there could be no prosecution. I could not institute a suit. I must submit; and the editor must slander me with impunity ; sending out into the world, according to the circulation of the British and Foreign Quar- terly, a bold falsehood, embroidered with bitter comments, invented of a woman utterly helpless, and already sorrowfully struggling against defamation undeserved. I did submit. I had no choice. I was " non-existent," except for the purpose of suffering, as far as the law was con- cerned : it' could oppress, but never help me. And the grotesque anomaly of being considered one with the husband whose previous libel was the cause and foundation of this subsequent libel — of having my defence made necessary, and made im- possible, by the same person; that person still my nominal and legal protector, in spite of the changed circumstances of our mutual relations with each other— remained a subject for leisurely contemplation, and helpless complaint. The law-forms respecting property, followed the same rules as the law-forms respecting prosecution for libel. Anxious to make arrangements for a future home, less expensively than in furnished houses, I propose to take a lease ; and am told, that being " non-existent" in law, my signature is worthless. Anxious to recover property left at home, gifts from my mother and my family, I am informed, that being " non- existent" in law, I can claim nothing, and that my husband intends to sell them. Anxious to leave what little I have through the generosity of my family, or the gifts of friends — my furniture, trinkets, books, etc., to my two sons, I am informed, that, being " non-existent" in law, it would be a mere farce my attempting to make a will ; that a married woman can bequeath nothing, as she can possess nothing; and that my property is the property of the husband with whom 1 am still legally " one," after seventeen years of separation ! Anxious to end the apparently ceaseless disputes respecting a provision for me in this state of separation, I accept Mr. M 162 Norton's own terms, after demanding others; I sign a contract, dictated, corrected^ and prepared under his instructions ; which I never even saw except for the purpose of affixing my signa- ture to it; and I am informed, that being " non-existent" in law, I have signed that which binds him to nothing. A mock-trial, in which I do not "exist" for defence; a gross libel, in which I do not " exist" for prosecution; a dis- position of property, in which I do not " exist" either for my own rights or those of my children ; a power of benefiting myself by literary labour, in which I do not " exist" for the claim in my own copyrights: — that is the negative and neutralizing law, for married women in England. Now, that married persons should be ONE, in the holy and blessed bond which unites them under a common roof, with common interests, and in the common position of protection on the one side, and affection and womanly allegiance on the other — is just, fit, and natural; consistent with social order and religious belief But that married persons should be still con- sidered ONE, without the possibility of interference on the part of justice, when living alienated and in a state of sepa- ration — is unjust, unfit, and unnatural ; and can be productive only of social disorder and scandalous struggle. In the first and more happy position^ of things, the husband is the ad- ministrator and exponent of the law, for he stands in his natural capacity of protector of his wife; that which is an injury or insult to her, is injury and insult to him; and their expenditure is a matter of mutual interest. In the other miserable position, he stands in the Mwnatural capacity of op- pressor of his wife; injury and insult to her, are no longer a wrong to him ; he is no longer the administrator and exponent of the law/ but its direct opponent; (for the intention of the law certainly is, that the woman shall be protected; and that he shall be her protector.) Their expenditure is no longer a matter of mutual interest; she is a pecuniary burden ; pro- vided for with grudging, at a compulsory minimum, on an 163 alien and extra claim, apart from his houseliold government or family care. That this is a desperate position for a woman to be in ; that if she has voluntarily incurred it, she deserves much suffering; that by every possible means, separation between married per- sons should be discouraged — are all incontrovertible truths. But it is also an incontrovertible truth that justice should be made possible for her, even in this false position. That, failing her natural protector, the law should have power to protect. That some direct court of appeal should exist, in which (accord- ing to Lord Thurlow's principle in graver cases) the circum- stances of each case should guide its result, and the law exercise remedial control. It is vain to say, "Let the woman find sureties." Suppose her friendless ; suppose her without sureties; suppose the husband to refuse all agreement. It is equally vain to say, " Let her sue for alimony ;" she may not be in a position to sue for alimony: — or to say, " Let her institute proceedings for divorce against her husband ;" that also may be impossible. What remains (failing these) is the doubtful claim of the creditor against the husband; which is, in fact, a side-winded means of establishing the wife^s claim. It is an indirect and imperfect mode of legislating for her anomalous position, instead of a direct and perfect mode ; which might exist — in a court authorized to decide on the circum- stances, and award an allowance — and might exist in the shape of private appeals (as many other matters relating to property are already decided) . The present method of establishing the wife's claim, through the claim of the creditor, is public, odious, scandalous, and uncertain; unjust to the creditor, and unjust to the wife. The other method might be private, decent, and decisive; and make the wife herself, responsible to the creditor, after making the husband responsible to her. It would be, as Mr Phillimore said on that other matter — taking out of the sphere of private animosity, caprice, or revenge, that which never ought to be left to private animosity, caprice, or revenge — and M 2 164 effacing tliat anomaly in law, by which it assumes power of control over the poor, and for corporeal injury inflicted on their wives, but forbears power of control over the rich, and for injuries of a different nature. It IS astonishing to watch the carelessness and reluctance with which inquiry on this one subject is pursued, and con- trast it with our eagerness on other topics. In the Parlia- mentary debates of this busy opening session (March 1, 1854), no less than twelve closely printed columns of the " Times" newspaper, are filled with eager, credulous, kindly, or bitter, speeches from various members, relative to an inquiry into the treatment of Eoman Catholic ladies in the conventual estab- lishments of their religion ! Because 2,500 ladies live in a state of religious seclusion or relegation — of which number (though the majority obviously must have adopted that life from free choice), a small minority are believed by us to be enduring mental constraint and bodily penance — the House of Commons votes, with eager cheers, for an inquiry into the whole system; for the purpose of checking injustice and oppression, should it be found to exist. What an impulse to humanity is an adverse creed ! How easy to see that oppression in others which we deny to exist among ourselves ! Here are the gen- tlemen of England, mustering three hundred strong, in the senate of their country ; and nearly two-thirds of that number vote with enthusiastic acclamation for inquiry — into what ? Into the treatment of women not of their own religion, many not even their own country-women — while those very men scout the notion of altering the laws, or of even making serious inquiry into the laws, affecting the interests of their own wives, sisters, and daughters ! The beam and the mote of Scripture were visible in that warm debate ; and if the heads of Catholic houses should think it worth while to return the compliment paid them, by inquiry into the treatment of women living undet secular authority in their own homes in England, I will undertake to supply — not from the vague 165 gossip of angry complaint, but from recorded decisions in law- books, printed as precedents for future guidance — such numerous cases of strange injustice, as shall satisfy all inquirers that oppression belongs to no sect and to no condition; but to the passions of men when uncontrolled by the laws which we frame, in a faint and imperfect copy of that serene and un- swerving justice, which belongs to another world — not to this ! I speak bitterly I I feel bitterly: I have suifered bitterly. Is it, or is it not, a grating thought, that in a country so eager for justice^ the last to benefit by that eagerness , are its own women? Is it, or is it not, a grating thought, that differences of religious opinion should give such interest to individual cases of hardship, that the letters of two young ladies, put into a Eoman Catholic convent for education, by a Koman Catholic father, should be read to three hundred members of Parlia- ment as a means of convincing, and arousing their minds to the consideration of one species of wrong; and that other wrongs, touching English justice so much more nearly, should be without even a possibility of remedy, by the provisions of English law? Is it, or is it not, natural, that all the scandal of my own wrongs being revived — and my character resting on the directly contrary opinions of two men — I should seek to uphold my argument of legal injustice, by shewing the facts on which these scandals (by that injustice) arose? One of these men, is the Prime Minister of England : high- minded, honourable, and intellectual — still quoted as au- thority by his colleagues, still remembered and lamented by his friends. He comforts me in the quarrel which einded in a separation between me and my husband, by bidding me remember, " That I had done everythinff to stave off that extremity as long as possible ;" that I ought " not to be too anxious about rumours and the opinions of the world, for, being inno- cent and in the right, I must, in the end" (when is the end?), bring everything round f — and that " it is vanity in me to say 166 that my place can be easily supplied, for that no one can fill my place." The other is — Mr Norton. He reviles me in the news- papers; he slanders my dead brother,- my mother, and my sons; he heaps indecent accusations upon me. At one time he orders " the chain to be fastened across the door" of my home, should I attempt to return to it : at another (by his own printed and published admission), he kicks the door from its hinges, to force his way to my presence, for the purpose of expelling me ! Shall the name of husband shield from con- demnation one who has thus dealt by me? One in whom years have wrought no change; who reiterates in cold blood at this present time, coarse and virulent attacks, once again to sting me — me only — for they cannot vex the dead. I stand alone now, to receive them ; and alone I make my defence. If, as I have said, my defence be disapproved, blame the LAW ; which left me the task of defending, instead of the possibility of being defended. Or, if you still blame me, yet amend the law ! What have my faults to do with the real subject-matter? I shall die and be dust; but the laws of my country will survive me. It is very fit and fair that ther should be repugnance and distrust, when women meddle in these matters : yet no one can feel them like a woman. It is a rule you do not apply to other subordinate groups. The petition of Spitalfields sUk- weavers would not be rejected, because they are silk-weavers: on the contrary, each class seeking protection, is supposed to be the best exponent of its own interests. Petitioning does not imply assertion of equality. The wild and stupid theories advanced by a few women, of "equal rights" and "equal intelligence" are not the opinions of their sex. I, for one (I, with millions more), believe in the natural superiority of man, as I do in the existence of a God. I hold it to be proved, by aU that ever has been attempted by human intelligence, in science and in art; even in those pursuits in which no natural or educational 167 impediment would have prevented the success of women, had they been equally capable of success. I cannot conceive dis- puting the general fact, because exceptional instances arise, in which individual women are superior to individual men. As well might it be argued, because a clever child of ten, in a school class, took down his rivals and seniors in every answer, that all children of ten, were cleverer than lads of fifteen. Masculine superiority is incontestable; and with the superiority should come protection. To refuse it because some women exist, who talk of " women's rights," of " women's equality," is to say that John Mitchell's exaggerated orations for Ireland, or the Chartist and Kebecca riots in Wales, or Swing fires in the rural districts in England, would have been a sound and sufficient reason for refusing justice to all the Queen's other subjects in the United Kingdom. The rebellion of a group, against legitimate authority, is not to deprive the general subject-party of general protection. Women have one EIGHT (perhaps only that one). They have a right — founded on nature, equity, and religion — to the protection of man. Power is on the side of men — power of body, power of mindj power of position. With that power should come, not only the fact, but the instinct of protection. Even the poor dumb animal will defend its companion and its young. Even the tiny bird, that pants to death in a child's hand, will resist, to the extent of its fragile force, an attack upon its nestlings and its mate. Power, in its purer form, is protection. Power, in its corrupt form, is oppression. What is the meaning of that sympathy with the heroic, which shews itself in all classes and on all occasions? Why does a blow struck, or a sword drawn, in behalf of the helpless, seem to make a hero of the peasant and a warrior of the Prince ? Because the deep instinct of protection which lies in the human heart, applauds, as the noblest and most natural exercise of power, the resolution to defend: — whether it be home, country, the honour of woman, or the safety of infancy and age. 168 Ahl how often, in tlie course of this session — in the course of this year, — will the same men, who read this appeal with a strong adverse prejudice, he roused by some thought in a favorite author; struck by some noble anecdote; touched. by some beau- tiful pageant of human feeling, seen among glittering lights from a side-box ; chaunted perhaps in a foreign tongue ! And yet I have an advantage over these — for my history is real. I know there is no poetry in it to attract you. In the last act of this weary life of defamation, I went down in a hack- cab — to take part in an ignoble struggle — in a dingy little court of justice — where I was insulted by a vulgar lawyer — with questions framed to imply every species of degradation. There was none of the " pomp and circumstance " of those woes that aifect you, when some faultless and impossible heroine makes you dream of righting all the wrongs in the world ! But faulty as I may be — and prosaic and unsympa- thised with, as my position might then be — it was UNJUST ; and unjust because your laws prevent justice ! Let that thought haunt you, through the music of your Somnambulas and Desdemonas, and be with you in your readings of histories and romances, and your criticisms on the jurisprudence of countries less free than our own. I really wept and suffered in my early youth — for wrong done, not by me, but to me — and the ghost of whose scandal is raised against me this day. I really suffered the extremity of earthly shame without deserving it (whatever chastisement my other faults may have deserved from heaven). I really lost my young children — craved for them, struggled for them, was barred from them, — and came too late to see one who had died a painful and convulsive death, except in his coffin. I really have gone through much that, if it were invented, would move you, — but being of your every-day world, you are willing it should sweep past like a heap of dead leaves on the stream of time, and take its place with other things that have gone drifting down, — " Oh va la feuille de Rose Et la feuille du Laurier!" 169 Will none of you aid the cause I advocate, and forget that it was advocated by me ? It concerns you all. It is a mis- take to think that the Laws depend only on " the Law-lords" for their passing; few among you are lawyers, but all are lawgivers. It is the business of the law-giving majority to pass the laws ; of the lawyer-minority, to see that they are fitly framed for passing. I quote words that carry with them more authority than mine, — words of the late Lord Holland, — to shew the freedom with which an English senator may criticise the opinions of those, whose minds, from legal training, are apt to narrow the consideration of such subjects, to a single point of view. Lord Holland says, then, in a note addressed to me, — dated 10th May, 1839, — and speaking of one of the Law-lords (in reference to a measure already alluded to in these pages) : — " Nothing could be worse in logick and feeling fhan his speech on the bill of last year. It was, that several legal hardships being of necessity inflicted on women, therefore we should not relieve them from those which were not necessary, although repugnant to the feelings of our rmture, and indeed to nature itself. " Whenever, andwhence-ever, Lyndhurst proposes his bill—from woolsack or benches — he will find me on the seat fate may assign me, ready to support it. I honor him for not sacrificing his feelings on this occasion, either to the pedantry of law or the convenience of politicks; and I heartily wish him success in the bill. Yours, " Vassall Holland." Those are Lord Holland's words; and certainly justice is' not a thing to sacrifice, either to " the convenience of politicks or the pedantry of the law." If this pamphlet he an appeal to English justice, it ought not to be disregarded because it is a woman's appeal; or because it is MT appeal. On justice 170 only, let It rest. Think, if the smallest right be infringed for men, — if the rent of a paddock remain unpaid, or a few angry words of libel be spoken, how instantly the whole machinery of the law is set in motion to crush out compensation; and think what it must be, to spend all one's youth, as I have spent mine, in a series of vain struggles to obtain any legal justice ! Or, do not think at all about me; forget by whose story this appeal was illustrated (I can bring you others, from your own English law books) ; and let my part in this, be only as a voice borne by the wind — a cry coming over the waves from a shipwreck, to where you stand safe on the shore — and which you turn and listen to, not for the sake of those who call — you do not know them, — but because it is a cry for help. I add, in an appendix, a portion of the examination of John Fluke, principal witness against Lord Melbourne, in the trial of 1836 : indeed, the only witness who ventured to depose to anything criminal in our relations. And I repeat that I leave to the unbiassed judgement of those who read, the amount of value to be set upon such testimony. APPENDIX. SlE William Follett, — who afterwards, in a private letter to me, and publicly in the " Times " newspaper, disavowed all share in advising the trial (though compelled to fulfil his duty as counsel, by conducting it), — early in his opening statement, made the following declaration to the jury : — " I beUeve I shall be able to call before you every servant who has lived in the house during the time ; who will tell you that, however much their suspicions might have been excited, they never did commu- nicate to Mr Norton any of the facts or grounds of their suspicion, until inquiry was made, and they were compelled to disclose the truth. Mrs Norton was a kind and indulgent mistress ; they had no wish to say anything that would injure her ; they did not ; and Mr Norton had no reason for suspicion until Mrs Norton had left his house in March." The ONLY witness, nevertheless, who deposed to a sinful intimacy, was a groom of the name of John Fluke ; who had been discharged two or three years before, — by Mr Norton himself, — for drunkenness and street-riot, on the occasion detailed in his evidence. I give those por- tions of his cross-examination which decided the case : (as far as his credibnity was concerned). He was cross-examined by Sir Frederick Thesiger at great length : I give extracts — " Are you a married man 1" " I am.'' " Have you any children 1" " Three living out of ten." "They lived, then, over the stables in Fleece-yard and Bell-yard?"' "Yes." " Where did you remove to ?" " To Monmouth-street." "What did you do there ?" " I sold second-hand shirts and gowns." " Then you kept an old-clothes shop f " Yes." " Had you the whole house ? " No." " You Uved in the cellar V " Yes " " Hive you lived there with your wife ever since V " Ever since, tiU lately." " Mending shoes ? " Yes ; and dealing in women's old appaxeL" " Have you been in good circumstances 1" " I earn my bread by my own honest industry." " Have you been embarrassed ?" " I was, when in Mr Norton's ser- vice, before I left." " Hive you ceased to be in embarrassed circumstances 1" " It has not been in my power to pay my creditors aU I owe them ; but I have paid them as &r as I was able." " When were you found out as a witness in this case V " I believe about six weeks ago." 172 " You were then living in the cellar in Monmouth-street, carrying on this business of yours ?" "Yes." " Have you continued to live in that cellar 2" " No." "Have you given up your business?" "lean return to it again: I have been to the country." "Have you carried on any business since you have been to the coun- try ?" "No." " Have you been to see your friends in the country ?" " I went to WONEESH." " What took you there f " I went down by the coach." " Is that your answer 1" "I went down with my wife and children." " Bag and baggage T " Yes." (Laughter.) " Have you been living at Wonersh since 1" " Oh, yes." "Have you been examined about this matter by any one?" "By the attorney." " By Mr Norton ?" "By Mh Norton, before the attorney." « "Where ?" " In Lincoln's-inn Fields." " And having examined you, they sent you down to Wonersh ?" " fes." " Does Lord Grantley live there ? " " Yes." " Is Lord Grantley in Court 1" " Yes, on the bench." "How far from Wonersh does Lord Grantley live ?" "Hehves at Wonersh." " You have not been living at his house, I presume ?" '^No." " At a public-house 1" " For a little time." " And your wife and children ?" " Yes." " Who paid for you ?" " I paid myself." " Who gave you the money ?" " The solicitor gave me money to pay my fare." " How much money ?" " About JIO." ( The "far^' is from London to Guildford.) " Did he give you the £10 before you went to Wonersh ?" " Yes." " Has he not given you any since ?" " No." " You are sure of it ?" " Yes." " You gave up your business and went to Wonersh ?" " Yes." " When did you leave Wonersh ? " " Last night." " How long did you live at the public-house ?" "About a week." " What public-house ?" « The Grantley Arms." "Did you carry on any business at Wonersh ?" " No." " And you hved ia that lodging up to last night ?" "Yes." " How have you been employed ?" "I amused myself as well as J could." " Did you go out fishing or shooting ?" " I ha/ve gone out fishing." (Laughter.) " How else did you amuse yourself ?" " I walked about and exerted myself as well as I could." " Did you ever see Lord Grantley ?" " Twice while I was there, and spoke to him once." * :lp it^ * * i^ itf 173 " Have you not said that you were under examination for nine days ?" "I did not say under examination ; but I went to the solicitor's chambers every day; sometimes I wasexamined,and sometimes I was not." " But have you not said that you were under examination for nine days ?" " Not to my recollection." " Will you swear you have not said so ? " Not to my recollection. " Try to recollect." " I cannot ; I might have said so, but I cannot RECOIiECT." " Have you not said that Lord Wynford examined you 1" " Never in my life ; I do not know Lord Wynford," « « 4c « * * * " I ask you upon your oath, have you not said, that although Lord Wynford examined you, he did not know what you would say 1" "I do not BEOOLLBCT anything of the kind, or that I did say anything of the kind." " Will you swear positively that you did not say so f "I cannot say, but I cannot RECOiiBor." " I will once more put the question about the 500?. or 6001. WiU you swear that you have not said that after the trial was done you would get 5001.1" "How coxild I say such a thing 1" " Will you swear that you have not said so 1" " I never eecollbct of having said it." "Will you swear that you have not said so f "I never recollect saying so." " From whom did you buy that cab, and the fly, and the gig 1" " One from one man, the other from another." " From whom did you get the cab ?" "A man of the name of Saun- ders built my cab." " Have you paid him for it 1" " There was a settlement between us. I really don't know how I stand." " You don't know ! Have you paid for the gig t" " The gig was in- cluded in the account to me for the cab." "From whom did you buy the fly 1" " I bought the fly from a man of the name of Crook.'' " Have you paid him ?" " I paid him part, and I owe him part." " Well, then, you have sold the cab, and the gig, and the fly ; wiU you swear that you have paid for any of them t" " I have paid part." " Have not you said that after the trial was over, you would get 500?. or 600?. a-year 1" " Oh dear ! Sir, I only wish I may get enough to eat or drink, much less 500?." "But I ask you if you have said so ?" "Oh no. I came forward with a free good will, and to speak the truth." " No doubt ; but I asked you if you had not said that after the trial you would get 500?. V "I do not recollect anything of the kind." By the Court.—" Do you wish to say that you did not say so, or that you do not recoUect having said so i" "1 do not recollect ever saying it. I might have said it, but I am sure I could not have said it." 174 "How could you not have said it ?" "Oh I am not acquainted with the law. I don't know what gentlemen give. I dont know anything. I don't know what is given. I don't know anything about it." "Have you not said to Sly that you were employed to fish out evi- dence ?" "I might have said I was going after a feUow-servant." " I give you the very words : did you not say you were employed to fish for evidence 1" "I might have said I was going after a witness for Mr Norton." "I will have my words answered, if you please." " I do not think I said, to fish up aM the evidence. I might have said I was employed to go after my fellow-servants." "You have said you sometimes went a-fishing. Probably this was the kind of fishing you liked best ? " "I did not say I was employed to fish up the evidence. I deny the expression. I say, I might say I was going after my fellow-servant as a witness." " Might you not have said you were employed to fish up evidence, although you do not recoUeot it V " No, I do not BECOiiiBCT it." " But you might have said so ? " "I might have said so ; but I do not think I have said so." "Did you not say to Sly, that you had been suffering a good deal of late years, and that you thought this matter would make you amends t " " No ; I only said I had been out of place two years. I was obhged to work at mending shoes. Of course a man must work if he means to get a bit of bread. I always did work, and very laboriously too." " Well, did you say you had been out of place, and that this matter would make amends to you i " "No. I might have done ; but I do not eecoMjBCT saying so." " But you might have done it ?" "I do not recollect saying so. "What I recollect I will answer, and what I don't recollect I cannot answer." " Will you swear that you did not say to Sly, that this business would make you amends ?" "I cannot swear that I did not say so, and cannot swear that I did. The fact is, about making amends, I do not understand at all myself, what amends a man can have for speaking the truth." " Did you not say to Sly, that you intended to take care of yourself 1 " " To take care of myself! I hope I shall always take care of myself" (laughter). " Very well Therefore it is not unUkely you did say you intended to take care of yourself 1 " " If I had not looked more to others than to myself, I should not be so badly off." " Did not you say, that most likely you would be able to leave Lon- don, and retire to the country after this triaU" "No." " No, upon your oath V "I have already said, I cannot say I said so, since I do not recollect that I ever said so." By the Ooubt : " You were asked if you did not say you would most probably be able to retire to the country after this trial ?" "I do not eecollect, and how can I say what I do not recollect 2" 175 " Will you SWBAH you did not say so 1" "1 think I might have been able to go down to the country, for I was getting on very well in Mon- mouth-street." " You were going on very comfortably in the cellar ?" "I was paying my way." "Will you swEAE that you have not said, that after the trial was over you would get 5001. or 6001., and would retire to Scotland, and would not care for anything V "I don't recollect anything of the kind. I cannot swear I may not have said so. I do not believe I ever said anything of the kind, but 1 can't swear. I have sworn already to speak the truth, but I do not eecollbct anything of the kind." " Now, sir, again upon your solemn oathj I ask, have you not used these words, or words to this effect — that, if all went on right, you would have 5001. or 6001., and retire to Scotland, and not care for anybody ?" "Never, to mt knowledge.'' " Never, to your knowledge ? That is the only answer you can give me?" "Never, to my knowledge." "Have not you said so within the last fortnight ?" " Never, to my knowledge." "Have you said so within a week ?" "Never, to my knowledge." " Have you said so within the last 48 hours 1 " " Never, to my know- ledge.'' "Have you said so within the last 24 hours V "Not to my know- ledge." « How was it that you left Mr Norton's f ' "To tell the truth, I got a drop too much (laughter). It was a Court-day, and we generally have a drop at such a time. Mr and Mrs Norton fell out in the carriage, and of course they put the spite upon me, and so I was discharged " (laughter). " Then you had got a drop too much 1" " Why, I like to speak the truth, and I confess I had (laughter). Mrs Norton was very cross, and you could not please her very easily. She was cross because the black horse happened to gallop, and I could not get him into a trot ; horses will break sometimes, you can't help it" (laughter). "And they put the spite on you ?" "Oh, it is not the first time I have had it like that." "You like to speak the truth sometimes ; you took a drop too much, eh ?" " I don't know who does not at times. We are all alike for that, masters and servants " (great laughter). "Did not Mrs Norton complain that you had drunk too much V " Mrs Norton never complained of that, because I was a good servant, though I did take a drop too much ; a very good servant, and you know gentlemen do the same sometimes." " Have you not had a sabre cut in your head !" " No, thank God ; but I had a touch on my hip at Waterloo." " How often did you take a drop too much, while in Mr Norton's 176 service?" " What, Sir, during the four years ? (great laughter). You have put a very heavy question." " But on a moderate computation V " Why, some people carry a lit- tle so well, that you can't tell when they've got a drop too much. I can't answer your question." "Did it not happen generally in the afternoon ?" "I was not drunk. Sir, every day" (laughter). " But pretty often ?" " Middling ; as we generally all are." "Did it ever happen that iyou had taken too much when driving Mr and Mrs Norton to the^Queen's ball ? " "I was sober going to the Queen's baU ; but when* going to the Marquis of Lansdowne's in the evening I certainly got a drop too much ; and then the black horse began to gallop. Mr Norton got out of the coach, and mounted the box in his opera-hat, and I did not think he looked well driving in that fashion" (laughter). " You were so drunk that it was necessary for Mr Norton to get on the coach-box with his opera-hat to drive t" " Fll tell you the whole. Sir. When Mrs Norton wanted Mr Norton to do anything, he was so fond of her he would do it, let it be what it might. So he got upon the box, and I, being a goodish sort of a coachman, did not wish to see my master make a fool of himself in a crowd ; so I said, ' If you will drive you miist drive by yourself.' I had one of my own, and one of my master's horses, in the ca,rriage, and I did not like to see my own horse doing all the work, so I preferred walking ; a pretty good proof that I was not very drunk (laughter). When I got to the Marquis of Lans- downe's I expected to see the carriage at the door ; but instead of that I saw a parcel of fellows cutting at my horse. I then said to my master, 'Let me drive, and I will soon get you up. The truth is,' says I, ' you look rather foolish ;' but he refused to give up the reins, and I then said, ' If you wiU be obstinate, I must take my horse out ' (roars of laughter). So I went to take my horse out, and Mr Norton said, 'John, John, don't do that — policeman, take John away' (great laughter). I did not take the horse out, but a policeman came up and said that I must go along with him. I said, ' I am very willing to go with you, my good fellow ; I will go with all the pleasure in the world.' So he took me to the watchhouse." " Poor John ! And so there you were locked up aU night V "I was." " Did you not make an oflfer to release him then ? " "I wanted to take hold of the reins, to get him out of the crowd." " Did Mr Norton contrive to get the carriage up, driving with his opera hat on 1" " So I tmderstood the next morning." "And then you were discharged ?" "I was fined 5s. for being intoxi- cated at the of&ce, though I was then as sober as I am now.'' "Who was the magistrate who fined you 5s. 1" "Mr Norton seemed to know him, for they talked together a long whUe.'' "Then you think your sentence was a very unjust one V "1 don't think I was well used." V " You were not drunk ?" " No, when I went away with the police- man, no more than I am now.'' "It was very unjust, then, that you were turned off?" "Oh, Sir, when Mrs Norton told master to do anything, he must do it." "It was her fault, then, was it not?" "Rather more her's than master's." ■' Now, did you not say that that d — d b — h, Mrs Norton, had got you discharged ?" "I do not recollect whether I did or not, but I may have said it. I had had my wife confined, I lost my business, and it was enough to make any man angry, and speak what he did not mean." "Did not you say that you would be revenged on her, or something of that sort ? " "No, never, never." " What, never ?" "I did not." " Have you not said that you were the principal witness against the Premier of England ?" "No. I might have said I was one of them, but there was a good many of them." "But you might have said you were the principal witness against the Premier?" " The Premier of England ! I never did." " Have you not said they forced you to leave your shop in Monmouth- street, ^.nd go to Wonersh ?" "I did not say there was any forcing in it." " Have you not said they took you away at a moment's notice ?" "I don't think I have." " Did you not say you were to remain at Wonersh, and not to come to London till the trial came on ?" "I did stop there. I remained there till last night." Another witness having also deposed to receiving money, and re- maining resident, with all her family, at Wonersh, for some weeks before the trial, the Attorney-General commented on these extra- ordinary admissions in his reply. He said — " His learned friend (Sir Wilham FoUett) had promised the jury to " call before them all the persons who had been in the service of Mr " and Mrs Norton. But had he performed that promise 1 All " the witnesses had not been called ; the evidence had been garbled ; " and those witnesses alone had been called, who had previously been " tutored as to the evidence they were to give." " The witness Fluke, was the one who boasted he was the principal " witness against the Premier of England, and said, ' if all went well he " ' should make 600Z., and spend the rest of his days in ease in Scotland.' " It seemed he had been a soldier, and fought at Waterloo. When he " came into the service of Mr Norton he had a cab, a gig, and a fly. He " acknowledged he had been often drunk. He left the plaintift's service " in debt, and swindled several people. He bought the fly from Saunders " to turn it into money, for he sold it. He had a colt to break in, which " he sold for 20?., and no part of the money did he pay to the owner of N 8 " the colt. He then went to Sloane-street, sold the cab, and then took a " cellai> in Monmouth-street, where he set up as a dealer in old clothes, " where he remained until he was ready to sell himself as a witness ; and " a glorious day it was for him when he was discovered. From such " evidence as this, was the plaintiff's case made up ! Fluke said he ex- " pected to be paid, because 'does not every man expect to he paid?' He " (the Attorney-General) had a great curiosity to know if he did not " expect 600?. or 600?., and repeatedly asked him. All he said was ' I do " ' not HECOLLECT,' (' non mi ricordo^) repeated at least ten times. He " (the Attorney-General) asked him if he had not, within the last 48 " hours, said that he expected to make 500?. 1 He would only say he " ' could not RECOLLECT." He did recollect that; he got so drunk on " taking Mr and Mrs Norton to Lansdowne house, that Mr Norton got " on the box and drove the carriage ; whereupon he (Fluke) ran to " Lansdowne house, and endeavoured to unharness and take away one of " the horses, which he said was his own ; and his behaviour was so " violent that he was taken to the watch house! Would the jury act " upon the testimony of such a man — would they hang a dog upon it ? ?' If he had not said ' that if there was a verdict he should get SOO?.,' he " would immediately and positively have denied that he had ever used " such words ; but he did not dare to give a direct denial ; he merely " said he ' did not recollect,' and it was not possible to call witnesses " to contradict such testimony. He took care to avoid the possibility " of being contradicted, or of being indicted for perjury. This was the " expedient of a deceitful and artful witness ; but he would ask the jury " if they had any doubt that he did say so ; aye, twenty times ! Coupling " this answer, 'that he did not recollect,' with his swindling, drunken- " ness, and history, could the jury place the smallest reliance on his " testimony 1 Why did they send him to Wonersh % For six weeks he " had been disporting himself at Wonersh, fishing, and talking over his " evidence with Mrs Comyns, and considering how he should secure ease " for the remainder of his Ufe Why were not those witnesses who " were living in the service when the separation took place, produced " before the jury % Not only were they not produced, but those who " had been in the service during the years 1834, 1835, and 1836, were " kept back. All those persons had been examined out of court ; but it " appeared that only those who would answer the whip, and had such " convenient memories as to be able to recoUeot things which were said " to have taken place years ago, — ^but had forgot what had occurred " within the last 48 hours, — ^were selected " There was a charge against two parties, and they should bear this " in mind, that neither of them could be called as witnesses. Lord " Melbourne could not, because he was the defendant — Mrs Norton " could not, because she was the wife of the plaintiff. Therefore it was " impossible, if any witness could come forward and say that he had seen " a fact, when no persons except those two were present, that that wit- " ness could be contradicted. They could only, in such a case, look to "the character of the witness, the probability of the story, and the credit " to which it was entitled. If a charge of want of chastity was brought " against the purest of women, and that no one but the accuser was " said to be present, she must rest her defence on her own innocence, " the improbability of the story, and the character of the accuser .... " .... In the Ecclesiastical Court, time, and place, and circumstance, " must be proved ; but here, there was nothing definitive ; the evidence " ranging over a period of four or five years, and excluding all evidence " of what occurred within the last two or three years What " family, he would ask, could be safe, if at the distance of years, dis- " carded servants could com^ forward and make such statements, con- " oealed for so long a period, and which they themselves admit excited " no suspicion while the circumstances were recent, and while they were " there to make their observations 1 If they were to be brought forward " at the end of years, — excited with the hopes of reward, and of making " their fortunes, — what safety could there be, what protection for inno- " cent persons ? He could not approve of the manner in which the " witnesses had been carried off from their homes to Wonersh. He " cared not who was offended, but he would say, that the system of " carrying off the witnesses, such as had been detailed that day — of " giving them large sums of money — of exciting these extravagant " expectations, that had been detailed, if their evidence proved successful " — was one which could not be defended, and was a mode of conducting " a case, reflecting very little credit on those resorting to it. No case " had ever been conducted as the present had been It was the " duty of the plaintiff to have laid before them the circumstances under " which the quarrel and separation had taken place between Mr and Mrs " Norton ; when it might have been seen to demonstration, that Lord " Melbourne had no more concern in the matter than any indifferent " bystander then in Court; that bringing such a charge against Lord Mel- " bourne was a mere after-thought ; that it was what had never entered " into the head of Mr Norton himself, but was put into his head by " others ; he would not say who, — ^he would not insinuate who, — ^but it " must have been some insinuating rogue who had devised the slander. "It had been asserted that every servant in the service of Sir Norton " would be produced : but Mrs Gulliver, whose testimony was most " material, had been withheld. If truth only was the object of the other " party, why had she not been produced ? And why had not Fitness " been called, who was at ' hat moment living at Storey's Gate ? They " had not dared to call him, because he was there at the time of the " separation ; and if it had not been that Mrs Morris had been called to " prove the handwriting of Mrs Norton, the circumstances which led to " the separation would have remained a secret and a mystery.' Nay, it " would have been left for them to surmise, that Mr Norton had actually " separated from his wife in consequence of discovering her intimacy 10 " with Lord Melbourne. But what was the fact, as it now appeared from " the questions he had put to the witness Mrs Morris 1 Why, that a " quarrel had taken place between them on account of the proposed " visit to Frampton ; and that in consequence of that, Mr Norton gave ■' orders that the children should be kept at home, and then sent them " first to Berkeley-street, and afterwards to Wonersh ; and Mrs Norton " was thrown into the deepest consternation, and almost into a state of- " distraction, at iinding that her children were to be thus separated " from her. She pursued them all over the town, until she found them " in Berkeley-street — where her tears and entreaties to see them were " unavailing. . . . But it is quite clear that some persons have made " Mr Norton a tool — an instrument of shanie — ^he has been persuaded to " allow his name to be used ; and used merely for party and political " purposes. Before I sit down, gentlemen, I think it right, in the name " of Lord Melbourne, to declare, as he instructed me to do — ^in the most " CLEAR, EMPHATIC, and SOLEMN MANNER — that he never had criminal " intercourse with Mrs Norton, nor did he ever do anything in the slight- " est degree to abuse the confidence which her husband reposed in him. " I allow that you must find your verdict according to the evidence, and " that you must not allow yourselves to be swayed by the solemn decla^ " ration of Lord Melbourne. You must look to the evidence — I wish " you to do so — ^but looking at the evidence, I say that it is impossible " to find a verdict for the Plaintifi'." .... The Learned Judge summed up at some length. The Jury having turned round, and conferred a few seconds. The foreman said, — " My lord, we are agreed ; it is my duty to say that our verdict is for the Defendant." The announcement was received with loud bursts of applause. A few days afterwards. Sir W. Pollett thus deprecated the notion that he had countenanced the proceedings which he conducted as counsel : and thus pubHcly disowned Mr Norton's cause. So much for the great scandals by which a woman's whole destiny may be darkened and wrecked ! — See p. 123. J. WERTHEIMEB AND CO., FRINIEBS, PINSBTTET CIRCT7S. Extract from the " Times" of June 25th, 1836:— "To the Editor of the 'Times.' " Sir, — Having seen in the ' Times ' of tliis mormng that the action of 'Norton ». Lord Melhoume' was advised 'hy the ahle and upright counsel who conducted it,' we think it is due to Sir William Follett to state, that the action was not brought under his advice ; and that although he was retained so far back as the 25th of AprU last, the evidence was not in complete state for his brief to be dehvered to him until the 14th of Jime inst., and when no course was open to tlie parties but to proceed with the trial of the cause, which had been fixed for the present sittings. " We are. Sir, your most obedient Servants, (Signed) " C0rrib and Woodqate." "Lincoln's Inn, June 25, 1836."