VS5 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY The Jews in Poland Official Reports of The American and British Investigating Missions 1. The Morgenthau Report 2. The Jadwin and Johnson Report 3. Letter of Sir H. Rumhold 4. The Samuel Report 5. The White Report 6. Miscellaneous Letters 7. The Situation 8. The Minority Rights Treaty Published in order to bring about a better understanding of the necessity for honest and constructive effort in solving a problem that is only made more difficult by attacks and recriminations. The National Polish Committee of America 1214 North Ashland Ave., Chicago. 111. Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028644783 THE JEWS IN POLAND OFFICIAL REPORTS OF The American and British Investigating Missons TABLE OF CONTENTS Page 2 Preface _--.. -... Letters of Transmittal — American Report ... ,3 The Morgenthau Report --.-.... 4 The Jadwin and Johnson Report - - - - 1 1 An Excerpt from the Jadwin-Johnson Report - - - - 1 8 Letter of Transmittal — British Report (Sir H. Rumbold) - - - 19 The Samuel Report - - - - - '- - - -22 The Captain Wright Report - - - - - - - 33 Typical Hymns of Hate --._-_. -49 The Truth? ... 55 The Situation - - - - - - - - - -56 The' Polish Treaty - - - - - - - - -61 THE NATIONAL POLISH COMMITTEE OF AMERICA ^ 1214 North Ashland Avenue, Chicago, 111. in. PREFACE THIS booklet, containing the complete reports of the American and Brit- ish Missions to Poland, is published in order to bring about a better understanding of the necessity for honest and constructive effort in solving a problem that is only made more difficult by attacks and recrimina- tions. These reports should be studied carefully by the reader. Unfortxm- ately certain portions of the Morgenthau Report and a great deal of the Samuel Report have been used by certain groups of propagandists in a manner that must have been distressing at least to Mr. Morgenthau. There- fore, it was felt to be a duty to have all the reports published in full, that they might be studied and compared in fairness to the question itself. Poles and Jews must live together in Poland. No race or religion can claim a monopoly of virtue. If certain elements of the Polish population have at times apparently persecuted the Jews, perhaps there was some real reason for their antagonism. A study of these Reports may give some of the reasons for such periodic outbreaks. Moreover, a study of these Reports cannot fail to result in complete vindication of the Polish Government. So far as the Polish people have been concerned, in Poland proper, "eighteen Jews lost their lives," according to the British Minister to Poland. It is diffi- cult to indict a people on the record made by groups of outlaw soldiery on an active front. Examples of inflammatory propaganda are quoted in this booklet. TTiese are typical, and no effort was made to pick out the most violent. Every newspaper reader is familiar with this propaganda, and its constant repetition has won many to an unjustified hatred of the Polish people. It is often for- gotten that these voices carry far, and that the impression made upon the Pole fighting for his country is not always consistent with perpetual' peace and harmony between this Pole and his Jewish neighbor in Poland. Violence of expression, the waging of bitter anti-Polish propaganda in the United States, picketing the Polish Legation, reporting in Hearst news- papers "pogrom" atrocities laid to Poles in towns still many miles east of the Russian military front, "mourning" parades, delegations to the President .... all these organized and well financed endeavors to assist Jewry by de- stroying the dearly won freedom of Poland .... are the most deadly threats to the Jews of Poland, and draw a bitter line of cleavage between Jew and Pole w^hen it seems that the moderate elements are joining together in a common effort to improve the relations of those peoples who had decades ago lived together in mutual respect and harmony. Such relentless antago- nism as was shown in certain of the Yiddish press that condemned 'Morgen- thau because he did not report more killed than the facts allowed, acts like salt on old wounds. There must be a rapprochement between Poles and Jeyfs in Poland. There never can be until the circumstances of their modes of living and think- ing are understood ; until serious men give serious thought and work without bitterness toward the solution of an undeniable problem. It is to help toward this solution that this booklet is published. The Reports of the AMERICAN MISSION LETTERS OF TRANSMITTAL To the Sienate: I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of State, with accompanying papers, in response to a resolution of the Senate requesting him to furnish that body, if not incompatible with the public in- terest, with the reports made by the mission of the United States to Poland, headed by the honorable Henry Morgenthau. WOODROW WILSON. The White House, January 15, 1920. The PRESIDENT: The undersigned, the Secretary of State, in re- sponse to a resolution passed by the Senate of the United States on October 22 (calendar day, October 28), 1919, reading as follows: Whereas it is understood that the mission of the United States Government to Poland, headed by Hon. Henry Morgenthau, has completed its work, and Mr. Morgen- thau has made a report to the Secretary of State: There- fore be it Resolved, That the Secretary of State is hereby requested to send to the Senate, if it is not incompatible with the public interest, a copy of said report, has the honor to submit herewith for transmission to the Senate, if the President approve thereof, a copy of the report made by the honorable Henry Morgenthau, head of the mission, and a copy of a report made by the other members of the mission. Gen. Edgar Jadwin, United States Army, and Mr. Homer H. Johnson. Respectfully submitted. ROBERT LANSING. Department of State, Washington, January 14, 1920. I The Morgenthau Report American Commission to Negotiate Peace, Mission to Poland, Paris, October 3, 1919. To the American commission to negotiate peace. Gentlemen : 1. A mission, consisting of Mr. Henry Morgenthau, Brig. Gen. Edgar Jadwin, and Mr. , Homer H. Johnson, was appointed by the American / commission to negotiate peace to investigate Jewish matters in PolarTd. The appointment of such a mis- sion had previously been requested by Mr. Pader- ewski, president of the council of ministers of the Republic of Poland. On June 30, 1919, Secretary Lansing wrote to this mission : It is desired that the mission make careful inquiry into all matters affecting the relations between the Jewish and non-Jewish elements in Poland. This will, of course, in- volve the investigation of the various massacres, pogroms, and other excesses alleged to have taken place, the eco- nomic boycott, and other methods of discrimination against the Jewish race. The establishment of the truth in regard to these matters is not, however, an end in itself. It is merely for the purpose of seeking to discover the reason lying behind such excesses and discriminations with a view to finding a possible remedy. The American Government as you know, is inspired by a friendly desire to render service to all elements in the new Poland — Christians and Jews alike. I am convinced that any measures that may be taken to ameliorate the conditions of the Jews will also benefit the rest of the population and that, conversely, anything done for the community benefit of Poland as a whole will be of advantage to the Jewish race. I am sure that the members of your mission are approaching the subject in the right spirit, free from prejudice one way or the other, and filled with a desire to discover the truth and , evolve some constructive measures to improve the situation which give concern to all the friends of Poland. 2. The mission reached Warsaw on July 13, 1919, and remained in Poland until September 13, 1919. All the places where the principal excesses had oc- curred were visited. In addition thereto the mission also studied the economic and social conditions in such places as Hodz, Krakau, Grodno, Kalisch, Posen, Cholm, Lublin, and Stanislawow. By auto- mobiling over 2,500 miles through Russian, Aus- trian, and German Poland, the mission also came into immediate contact with the inhabitants of the small towns and villages. In order properly to appreciate the present cultural and social conditions, the mission also visited educational institutions, li- braries, hospitals, museums, art galleries, orphan asylums, and prisons. 3. Investigations of the excesses were made most- ly in the presence of representatives of the Polish Government and of the Jewish communities. There were also present in many cases military and civil officials and, wherever possible, officials in command at the time the excesses occurred were conferred with and interrogated. In this work the Polish authorities and the American minister to Poland, Mr. Hugh Gibson, lent the mission every facility. Deputations of all kinds of organizations were re- ceived and interviewed. A large number of public meetings and gatherings were attended, and the mission endeavored to obtain a correct impression of what had occurred, of the present mental state of the public, and of the attitude of the various fac- tions toward one another. 4. The Jews first, entered Poland in large numbers during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, when they migrated from Germany and other countries as the result of severe persecutions. Their language was German, which subsequently developed into a Hebrew-German dialect, or Yiddish. As prior to this immigration only two classes or estates had existed in Poland (the owners and the tillers of the soil), the Jewish immigrant became the pioneer of trade and finance, settling in the towns and villages. As time went on it became generally known throughout Europe that Poland was a place of refuge for the Jews, and their numbers were aug- ' mented as a result of persecutions in western Europe. Still more recently, as a result of the ex- pulsion of the Jews from Russia, on account of the enforcement of the pale of settlement, and of the May laws of 1882, their number was further in- creased. 5. Notwithstanding the fact that Poland has been a place of refuge for the Jews, there have been anti- Jewish movements at various times. The present anti-Semitic feeling took a definite political form after the Russion revolution of 1905. This feeling reached an intense stage in 1912, when the Polish National Democratic Party nominated an anti-Se- mite to represent Warsaw in the Russian Duma and the Jews cast their vote for a Polish Socialist and carried the election. The National Democratic Party then commenced a vigorous anti-Semitic cam- paign. During the German occupation this cam- paign was temporarily reduced. At the end of the Great War the chaotic and unnatural state of affairs in which Poland found itself gave good ground for a condition of social unrest, which, together with the world-stimulated tendency toward national self-de- termination, accentuated the feeling between Jew- ish and non-Jewish elements. The chauvinistic re- action created by the sudden acquisition of a long- coveted freedom ripened the public mind for anti- Semitic or anti-alien sentiment, which was strong- ly agitated by the press and by politicians. This finally encouragedlphysical manifestations of violent outcroppings of an unbalanced social condition. 6. When, in November, 1918, the Austrian and German armies of occupation left Poland there was no firm government until the ar- rival of Gen. Pilsudski, who had escaped from a German prison, and it was duringthis period, before the Polish Republic came into being, that the first of the excesses took place. (The mission has purposely avoided the use of the word "pogrom," as the word is applied to everything from petty outrages to premedi- tated and carefully organized massacres. No fixed definition is generally understood.) There were eight principal excesses, which are here described in chronological order. (1) Kielce, November 11, 1918. Shortly after the evacuation of the Austrian troops from Kielce the Jews of this city secured permission from the local authorities to hold a meet- ing in the Polski Theater. The purpose of this meeting was to discuss Jewish national aspirations.^ It began shortly before 2 o'clock and filled the thea- ter to overflowing. During the afternoon a small crowd of Polish civilians, largely composed of students, gathered outside of the theater. At 6.30 p. m. the meeting began to break up, arid when only about 300 people remained in the theater, some mili- tiamen entered and began to search for arms. A short while thereafter, and while the militiamen were still in the building, a crowd of civilians and some soldiers came into the auditorium and drove the Jews from the stairs. On the stairs there was a double line of men armed with clubs and bayonets, who beat the Jews as they left the building. After the Jews reached the street they were again beaten by a mob outside. As a result of this attack four Jews were killed and a large number wounded. A number of civilians have been indicted for participa- tion in this excess, but have not as yet been brought to trial. (2) Lemberg, November 21-23, 1918. On October 30, 1918, when the Austrian Empire collapsed, the Ukrainian troops, formerly in the Austrian service, assumed control of the town. A few hundred Polish boys, combined with numerous volunteers of doubtful character, recaptured about half the city and held it until the arrival of Polish reinforcements on November 21. The Jewish pop- ulation declared themselves neutral, but the fact that the Jewish quarter lay within the section occu- pied by the Ukrainians, and that the Jews had or- ganized their own militia, and further, the rumor that some of the Jewish population had fired upon the soldiery, stimulated amongst the Polish volun- teers an anti-Semitic bias that readily communicated itself to the relieving troops.- The situation was further complicated by the presence of some 15,000 uniformed deserters and numerous criminals re- leased by the Ukrainians from local jails, who were ready to join in any disorder, particularly if, as in the case of wholesale pillage, they might profit thereby. , Upon the final departure of the Ukrainians, these disreputable elements plundered to the extent of many millions of crowns the dwellings and stores in the Jewish quarter, and did not hesitate at mur- der when they met with resistance. During the ensuing disorders, which prevailed on November 21, 22, and 23, 64 Jews were killed and a large amount of property destroyed. Thirty-eight houses were set on fire, and owing to the paralysis of the fire department, were completely gutted. The Syna- gogue was also burned, and large numbers of the sacred scrolls of the law were destroyed. The repression of the disorders was rendered more diffi- cult by the prevailing lack of discipline among the newly organized Polish troops, and by a certain hesitation among the junior officers to apply stern punitive measures. When officers' patrols under experienced leaders were finally organized on No- vember 23, robbery and violence ceased. As early as December -24, 1918, the Polish Gov- ernment, through the ministry of justice, began a strict investigation of the events of November 21 and 23. A special commission, headed by a justice of the supreme court, sat in Lemberg for about two months, and rendered an extensive formal report whfch has been furnished this mission. In spite of the crowded dockets of the local courts, where over 7,000 cases are now pending, l64 persons, ten of them Jews, have been tried for complicity in the November disorders, and numerous similar cases await disposal. Forty-four persons are under sen- tences ranging from 10 days to 18 months. Aside from the civil courts, the local court-martial has sentenced military persons to confinement for as long as three years for lawlessness during the period in question. This mission is advised that on the basis of official investigations the Government has begun the payment of claims for damages resulting from these events. (3) Pinsk, April 5, 1919. Late in the afternoon of April 5, 1919, a month or more after the Polish occupation of Pinsk, some 75 Jews of both sexes, with the official permission of the town commander, gathered in the assembly hall at the People's House, in the Kupiecka Street, to discuss the distribution of relief sent by the Amer- ican joint distribution committee. As the meeting was about to adjourn, it was interrupted by a band of soldiers, who arrested and searched the whole assembly, and, after robbing the prisoners, marched them at a rapid pace to gendarmerie headquarters. Thence the prisoners were conducted to the market place and lined up against the wall of the cathedral. With no light except the lamps of a military auto- mobile the six women in the crowd, and about 25 men, were separated from the mass, and the re- mainder, 35 in number, were shot with scant delib- eration and no trial whatever. Early the next morn- ing three wounded victims were shot in cold blood when it was found that they were still alive. The women and other reprieved prisoners were confined in the city jail until the following Thurs- day. The women were stripped and beaten by the prison guards so severely that several of them were bed-ridden for weeks thereafter, and the men were subjected to similar maltreatment. It has been asserted officially by the Polish au- thorities that there was reason to suspect this assemblage of bolshevist allegiance. This mission is convinced that no arguments of bolshevist nature were mentioned in the meeting in question. While it is recognized that certain information of bolshe- vist activities jn Pinsk had been received by two Jewish soldiers, the undersigned is convinced that Maj. Luczynski, the town commander, showed rep- rehensible and frivolous readiness to place credence upon such untested assertions, and on this insuffi- cient basis took inexcusably drastic action against reputable citizens whose loyal character could have been immediately established by a consultation with any well known non-Jewish inhabitant. The statements made officially by Gen. Listowski, the Polish group commander, that the Jewish pop- ulation on April 5 attacked the Polish troops, are regarded by this mission as devoid of foundation. The undersigned is further of the opinion that the consultation prior to executing the 35 Jews, alleged by Maj. Luczynski to have had the character of a court-martial, was by the very nature of the case a most casual affair with no judicial nature what- ever, since less than an hour elapsed between the arrest and the execution. It is further found that no conscientious effort was made at the time either to investigate the charges against the prisoners or even sufficiently to identify them. Though there have been official investigations of this case none of the offenders answerable for this summary exe- cution have been punished or even tried, nor has the Diet commission published its findings. (4) Lida, April 17, 1919. On April 17, 1919, the Polish military forces cap- tured Lida from the Russian Bolsheviks. After the city fell into the hands of the Poles the soldiers proceeded to enter and rob the houses of the Jews. During this period of pillage 39 Jews were killed A large number of Jews, including the local rabbi, were arbitrarily arrested on the same day by the Polish authorities and kept for 24 hours without food amid revolting conditions of filth at No. 60 Kamien- ska Street. Jews were also impressed for forced labor without respect for age or infirmity. It does not appear that anyone has been punished for these excesses, or that any steps have been taken to re- imburse the victims of the robberies. (5) Wilna, April 19-21, 1919. On April 19 Polish detachments entered the city of Wilna. The city was definitely taken by the Poles after three days of street fighting, during which time they lost 33 men killed. During this same period some 65 Jews lost their lives. From the evidence submitted it appears that none of these people, among whom were four women and eight men over 50 years of age, had served with the Bol- sheviks. Eight Jews were marched 3 kilometers to the outskirts of Wilna and deliberately shot with- out a, semblance of a trial or investigation. Others were shot by soldiers who were robbing Jewisii houses. No list has been furnished the mission of any Polish civilians killed during the occupation. It is, however, stated on behalf of the Government that the civilian inhabitants of Wilna took part on both sides in this fighting, and that some civilians fired upon the soldiers. Over 2,000 Jewish houses and stores in the city were entered by Polish sol- diers and civilians during these three days, and the inhabitants robbed and beaten. It is claimed by the Jewish community that the consequent losses amounted to over 10,000,000 rubles. Many of the poorest families were robbed of their shoes and blankets. Hundreds of Jews were arrested and de- ported from the city. Some of them were herded into box cars and kept without food or water for four days. Old men and children were carried away without trial or investigation. Two of these pris- oners have since died from the treatment they re- ceived. Included in this list were some of the most prominent Jews of Wilna, such as the eminent Jewish writers, Jaff e and Niger. For days the fami- lies of these prisoners were without news from them and feared that they had been killed. The soldiers also broke into the synagogue and mutilated the sacred scrolls of the law. Up to August 3, 1919, when the mission was in Wilna, none of the soldiers or civilians responsible for these excesses had been punished. (6) Kolbuszowa, May 7, 1919. For a few days before May 7, 1919, the Jews of Kolbuszowa feared that excesses might take place, as there had been riots in the neighboring towns of Rzeszow and Glo- gow. These riots had been the result of po- litical agitation in this district and of excite- ment caused by a case of alleged ritual mur- der, in which the Jewish defendant had been acquitted. On May 6 a company of soldiers was ordered to Kolbuszowa to prevent the threatened trouble. Early in the morning of May 7 a great number of peasants, among whom were many former soldiers of the Aus- trian Army, entered the town. . The rioters disarmed the soldiers after two soldiers and three peasants had been killed. They then proceeded to rob the Jewish stores and to beat any Jews who fell into their hands. Eight Jews were killed during this excess. Order was restored when a new detachment of soldiers arrived late in the afternoon. One of the rioters has since been tried and exe- cuted by the Polish Government. (7) Czestochowa, May 27, 1919. Oft May 27, 1919, at Czestochowa, a shot fired by an unknown person slightly wounded a Polish sol- dier. A rumor spread that the shot had been fired by the Jews, and riots broke out in the city in which Polish soldiers and civilians took part. During these riots five Jews, including a doctor who was hurrying to aid one of the injured, were beaten to death and a large number were wounded. French officers, who were stationed at Czestochowa, took an active part in preventing further murders. (8) Minsk, August 8, 1919. On August 8, 1919, the Polish troops took the city of Minsk from the Russian Bolsheviks. The Polish troops entered the city at about 10 o'clock in the morning, and by 12 o'clock they had absolute con- trol. Notwithstanding the presence in Minsk of Gen. Jadwin and other members of this mission, and the orders of the Polish commanding general forbidding violence against civilians, 31 Jews were .killed by the soldiers. Only one of this number can in any way be connected with the bolshevist move- ment. Eighteen of the deaths appear to have been deliberate murder. Two of these murders were in- cident to robberies, but the rest were committed, to all appearances, solely on the ground that the vic- tims wcire Jews. During the afternoon and in the evening' of August 8 the Polish soldiers, aided by civilians, plundered 2>77 shops, all of which belonged to Jews. It must be noted, however, that about 90 per cent of the stores in Minsk are owned by Jews. No effective attempt was made to prevent these rob- beries until the next morning, when adequate offi- cers' patrols were sent out through the streets and order was established. The private houses of many of the Jews were also broken into by soldiers and the inhabitants were beaten and robbed. The Po- lish Government has stated that four Polish sol- diers were killed while attempting to prevent rob- beries. It has also been stated to the mission that some of the rioters have been executed. 7. There have also been here and there individual cases of murder not enumerated in the preceding paragraphs, but their detailed description has not been considered necessary inasmuch as they present no characteristics not already observed in the prin- cipal excesses. In considering these excesses as a whole, it should be borne in mind that of the eight cities and towns at which striking disorders have occurred, only Kielce and Czestochowa are within the boundaries of Congress Poland.^ In Kielce and Kolbuszowa the excesses were committed by city civilians and by peasants, respectively. At Czes- tochowa both civilians and soldiers took part in the disorders. At Pinsk the excess was essentially the fault of one officer. In Lemberg, Lida, Wilna, and Minsk the excesses were committed by the soldiers who were capturing the cities and not by the civilian population. In the three last-named cities the anti- Semitic prejudice of the soldiers had been inflamed by the charge that the Jews were Bolsheviks, while at Lemberg it was associated with the idea that the Jews were making common cause with the Ukrain- ians. These excesses were, therefore, political as well as anti-Semitic in character. The responsibility for these excesses is borne for the most part by the undisciplined and ill-equipped Polish recruits, who, uncontrolled by their inexperienced and ofttimes timid officers, sought to profit at the expense of that portion of the population which they regarded as alien and hostile to Polish nationality and aspira- tions. It is recognized that the enforcement of dis- cipline in a new and untrained army is a matter of extreme difficulty. On the other hand, the prompt cessation of disorder in Lemberg after the adoption of appropriate measures of control shows that an unflinching determination to restore order and a firm application of repressive measures can prevent, or at least limit, such excesses. It is, therefore, be- lieved that a more aggressive punitive policy, and a more general publicity for reports of judicial and military prosecutions, would have minimized sub- sequent excesses by discouraging the belief among the soldiery that robbery and violence could be com- mitted with impunity. 8. Just as the Jews would resent being con- demned as a race for the action of a few of their undesirable coreligionists, so it would be correspondingly unfair to condemn the Polish nation as a whole for the violence committed by uncontrolled troops or local mobs. These excesses were apparently not premeditated, for if they had been part of a preconceived plan, the number of victims would have run into the thousands instead of amounting to about 280. It is believed that these excesses were the result of a widespread anti-Semitic prejudice aggravated by the belief that the Jewish inhabitants were politically hostile to the Polish State. When the boundaries of Poland are once fixed, and the internal or- ganization of the country is perfected, the Po- lish Government will be increasingly able to - protect all classes of Polish citizenry. Since the Polish Republic has subscribed to the treaty which provides for the protection of racial, religious and linguistic minorities, it is confidently anticipated that the Government will whole-heartedly accept the responsibil- ity, not only of guarding Certain classes of its citizens from aggression, but also of educat- ing the masses beyond the state of mind that makes such aggression possible. 9. Besides these excesses there have been reported to the mission numerous cases of other forms of per- secutions. Thus, in almost every one of the cities and towns of Poland, Jews have been stopped by the soldiers and had their beards either torn out or cut off. As the orthodox Jews feel that the shaving of their beards is contrary to their religious belief, this form of persecution has a particular sigfnificance to them. Jews also have been beaten and forced from trains and railroad stations. As a result many of them are afraid to travel. The result of all these minor persecutions is to keep the Jewish population in a state of ferment, and to subject them to the fear that graver excesses may again occur. 10. Whereas it has been easy to determine the excesses which took place and to fix the approxi- mate number of deaths, it was more difficult to establish the extent of anti-Jewish discrimination. This discrimination finds its most conspicuous man- ifestation in the form of an economic boycott. The national Democratic Party has continuously agi- tated the economic strangling of the Jews. Through the press and political announcements, as well as by public speeches, the non-Jewish element of the Polish people is urged to abstain from dealing with the jews. Landowners are warned not to sell their property to Jews, and in some cases where such sales have been made, the names of the offenders have been posted within black-bordered notices, stating that such vendors were "dead to Poland." Even at the present time, this campaign is being waged by most of the non-Jewish press, which con- stantly advocates that the economic boycott be used as a means of ridding Poland of its Jewish element. This agitation had created in the minds of some of the Jews the feeling that there is an invisible rope around their necks, and they claim that this .is the worst persecution that they can be forced to endure. Non-Jewish laborers have in many cases refused to work side by side with Jews. The percentage of Jews in public office, especially those holding minor positions, such as railway employees, firemen, po- licemen, and the like, has been materially reduced since the present Government has taken control. Documents have been furnished the mission show- ing that Government-owned railways have dis- charged Jewish employes and given them certifi- cates that they have been released for no other rea- son than that they belong to the Jewish race. 11. Further, the establishment of co-opera- , tive stores is claimed by many Jewish traders to be a form of discrimination. It would seem, however, that this movement is a legitimate effort to restrict the activities and therefore the profits of the middleman. Unfortunately, when these stores were introduced into Po- land, they were advertised as a means of elim- inating the Jewish trader. The Jews have, therefore, been caused to feel that the estab- lishment of co-operatives is an attack upon themselves. While the establishment and the maintenance of co-operatives may have been influenced by anti-Semitic sentiment, this is a form of economic activity which any community is perfectly entitled to pursue. On the other hand, the Jews complain that even the Jewish co-operatives and individual Jews are discriminated against by the Gov- ern in the distribution of Government-con- trolled supplies. 12. The Government has denied that dis- crimination against Jews has been practiced as a Government policy, though it has not denied that there may be individual cases where anti-Semitism has played a part. As- surances have been made to the mission by official authorities that in so far as it lies within the power of the Government this dis- crimination will be corrected. 13. In considering the causes for the anti- Semitic feeling which has brought about the manifestations described above, it must be re- membered that ever since the partition of 1795 the Poles have striven to be reunited as a nation and to regain their freedom. This continual effort to keep alive their national aspirations has caused them to look with hatred upon anything which might interfere with their aims. This has led to a conflict with the nationalist declarations of some of the Jewish organizations which desire to es- , tablish cultural autonomy financially sup- ported by the state.* In addition, the posi- tion taken by the Jews in favor of article 93 of the treaty of Versailles, guaranteeing pro- tection to racial, linguistic and religious minorities in Poland has created a further resentment against them.^ Moreover, Po- lish national feeling is irritated by what is regarded as the "alien" character of the great mass of the Jewish population. This is con- stantly brought home to the Poles by the fact that the majority of the Jews affect a distinc- tive dress, observe the Sabbath on Saturday, conduct business on Sunday, have separate dietary laws, wear long beards, and speak a language of their own. The basis of this lan- guage is a German dialect, and the fact that Germany was, and still is, looked upon by the Poles as an enemy country renders this ver- nacular especially unpopular. The concen- tration of the Jews in separate districts or quarters in Polish cities also emphasizes the line of demarcation separating them from other citizens. 14. The strained relations between the Jews and non-Jews have been further increased not only by the Great War, during which Poland was the bat- tleground for the Russian, German, and Austrian Armies but also by the present conflicts with the Bolsheviks and the Ukrainians. The economic con- dition of Poland is at its lowest ebb. Manufactur- ing and commerce have virtually ceased. The shortage, the high price, and the imperfect distribu- tion of food, are a dangerous menace to the health and welfare of the urban population. As a result, hundreds of thousands are suffering from hunger and are but half clad, while thousands are dying of disease and starvation. The cessation of com- merce is particularly felt by the Jewish population, who are almost entirely dependent upon it. Owing to the conditions described, prices have doubled and tripled, and the population has become irritated against the Jewish traders, whom it blames for the abnormal increase thus occasioned. 15. The great majority of Jews in Poland belong to separate Jewish political parties. The largest of these are the Orthodox, the Zionist, and the Na- tional. Since the Jews form separate political groups it is probable that some of the Polish dis- crimination against them is political rather than anti-Semitic in character. The dominant Polish parties give to their supporters Government posi- tions and Government patronage. It is to be hoped, however, that the Polish majority will not follow this system in the case of positions which are not essentially political. There should be no discrimi- nation in the choice of professors and teachers, nor in the selection of railroad employees, policemen, and firemen, or the incumbents of any other posi- tions which are placed under the civil service in England and the United States. Like other de- mocracies, Poland must realize that these positions must not be drawn into politics. Efficiency can only be attained if the best men are employed, irrespec- tive of party or religion. 16. The relations between the Jews and non-Jews will undoubtedly improve in a strong democratic Poland. To hasten this there should be reconciliation and co-opera- tion between the 86 per cent Christians and the 14 per cent Jews. The 86 per cent must realize that they can not present a solid front against their neighbors if one-seventh of the population is discontented, fear-stricken, and inactive. The minority must be encouraged to participate with their whole strength and influence in making Poland the great unified country that is required in central Europe to combat -the tremendous dangers that con- front it. Poland' must promptly develop its full strength, and by its conduct first merit and then receive the unstinted moral, finan- cial, and economic support of all the world, which will insure the future success of the Republic. 17. It was impossible for the mission, during the two months it was in Poland, to do more than ac- quaint itself with the general condition of the peo- ple. To formulate a solution of the Jewish problem will necessitate a careful and broad study, not only of the economic condition of the Jews, but also of the exact requirements of Poland. These require- ments will not be definitely known prior to the fixa- tion of Polish boundaries, and the final regulation of Polish relations with Russia, with which the largest share of trade was previously conducted. It is recommended that the league of nations, or the larger nations interested in this problem, send to Poland a commission consisting of recognized in- dustrial, educational, agricultural, economic, and vocational experts, which should remain there as long as necessary to examine the problem at its source. 18. This commission should devise a plan by which the Jews in Poland can secure the same eco- nomic and social opportunities as are enjoyed by their coreligionists in other free countries. A new Polish constitution is now in the making. The gen- erous scope of this national instrument has already been indicated by the special treaty with the allied and associated powers, in which Poland has affirmed its fidelity to the principles of liberty and justice and the rights of minorities, and we may be certain that Poland will be faithful to its pledge, which is so conspicuously in harmony with the nation's best traditions. A new life will thus be opened to the Jews and it will be the task of the proposed commis- sion to fit them to profit thereby and to win the same appreciation gained by their coreligionists elsewhere as a valued asset to the commonwealths in which they r.eside. The friends of the Jews in America, England, and elsewhere who have al- ready evinced such great interest in their welfare, will enthusiastically grasp the opportunity to co- operate in working put any good solution that' such a commission may propound. The fact that it may take one or two generations to reach the goal must not be discouraging. 19. All citizens of Poland should realize that they must live together. They can not be divorced from each other by force or by any court of law. When this idea is once thoroughly comprehended, every eflFort will necessarily be directed toward a better un- derstanding and the amelioration of existing conditions, rather than toward augmenting antipathy and discontent. The Polish nation must see that its worst enemies are those who encourage this internal strife. A house divided against itself can not stand. There must be but one class of -citizens in Poland, all members of which enjoy equal rights and render equal duties. Respectfully submitted. HENRY MORGENTHAU. Footnotes ' See footnote No. 4. ^ When the Austrians surrendered Lemberg to the Ukrain- ians, the liberation of the city became a Polish national pos- tulate to such a degree that women and children took part in the fighting in the streets. The Jews of Lemberg pro- claimed themselves neutral and organized their own security — guards armed with carabines. The conviction that the "Jews were fighting on the side of the Ukrainians was based on a series of incidents and misunderstandings. The Ukrainians wore blue and yellow badges on their sleeves, which were often mistaken for the blue and white badges of the Jews ; the "Ukrainskie Slowo" published that "the Jews are with us" ; the Ukrainian communique of the 18th November, 1918, reported that the Polish attack "met with the fierce opposi- tion of the Jewish militia." The falsity of these reports be- came known too late. About 2,000 criminals let out of prison by the Austrians and the Ukrainians tried to get arms and uniforms in order to plunder. There were, therefore, rob- bers in Austrian, Ukrainian and Polish uniforms. In street skirmishes it was not always easy to discern which were sol- diers and which were bandits, and when the Jewish guards shot at bandits clothed in Polish uniforms, the opinion was confirmed that the Jews shot at Poles. ' General Jadwin reports : "Five deaths are the only fatal- ities from mob violence in Congress Poland discovered or reported to us since the establishment of a stable government in the Republic." Sir Rumbold says : "The excesses against the Jews can be divided from a geographical point of view into two categories : those which were perpetrated m Poland proper, in the course of which eighteen Jews lost their lives, and those which took place in the war zones which, in Novem- ber, 1918, included Lemberg, and where the majority of the murders occurred. Sir Stuart Samuel estimates the total number of lives lost at not less than 348 so that 330 Jews were killed in the war zone." Congress Poland that part of the partitioned country that was under Russian domination, has a population of approximately 12,000,000. (Congress Poland was created by the Congress of Vienna in 1815, and under the title of the Kingdom of Poland was to have a separate parliament in Warsaw and only connected with Russia through having the same king. Subsequently the whole of Congress Poland was incorporated within Russia and called the Province of the Vistula in order that the name of Poland should disappear from the map of Europe). ' Immediately after the proclamation of . Poland's inde- pendence the Jews came forward with national demands which they had never made while Poland was a part of the annexing states: Russia, Germany and Austria. They ad- dressed themselves to the Paris Conference with these de- mands, which were partially taken into account in the treaty on the national minorities. The Jews demanded their own national State in Palestine, and in Poland complete equality with other citizens of the State and, in addition Mt'O"*' autonomy with their own Jewish National Assembly for the direction of Jewish affairs in Poland, presenting candidates for a Minister of Jewish affairs, and administrating mde- pendently Jewish schools and institutions. These demands found an echo in the speeches of Jewish deputies in the Polish Parliament on the 24th, 27th and 28th February in the decla- rations of the deputies Perlmutter, Prylucki and Grunbaura. The Poles agreed without reserve to the demand for equal rights as in harmony with Poland's traditions, but rejected the demand for national autonomy regarding it as the desire to create a State within a State, and a demand in opposition to equal rights, as the Jews would then possess more rights than the rest of the citizens. ''Poland has always shown complete religious tolerance, and equal rights for all citizens has always been the perma- nent postulate of all parties. Under Russian rule in Poland the Jews obtained equal rights, thanks to the Poles. Alexan- der Wielopolski, when he obtained in 1862 from Alexander II.- full administrative authority for Poland, profited by it to proclaim and establish the equal rights of Jews. The Polish provincial Diet in Poznania asked for equal rights for Jews in 1847, and the Polish Diet in Lemberg voted it in 1868, im- mediately after obtaining the autonomy of Galicia. The Poles were therefore painfully impressed that the the moment of Poland's uprising the Jews, ignoring Polish factors, ad- dressed themselves to Paris for guarantees of their rights in reborn Poland. In "A Brief Outline of Polish History," issued in 1919 by the Polish Encyclopeadic Publications Com- mittee, this explanation is given: "The ukase of March 26, 1861, granted to the Kingdom a separate Council of State, the autonomy of the governments, districts and towns, the direction of the public worship and of. education, and finally a reform of the University system. Marquis Alexander Wie- lopolski, who was known for his anti-German and anti-Aus- trian ideas, a sincere partisan of a loyal entente with Russia, was made director of the Public worship. But. on the other hand, the government closed the Agricultural Society which had grouped round it the moderate patriots, surnaraed the "Whites," who were opposed to all armed rising. The Mar- quis, unable to get on with the imperial lieutenants, sent in his resignation. Called to Petersburg, he used all his po- litical ability in trying to get back ior Poland its complete autonomy. He came back to Warsaw during the summer of 1862, with the new Imperial Lieutenant, the Grand Duke Con- stantine, and charged with full powers. Created vice-presi- dent of the Administration Council, which meant head of a civil government, he set to work immediately to accomplish his projects: equal rights for the Jews and the reform of the educational system." In other words Poland had only this single opportunity to give the Poles liberties and at once took advantage of it. After the uprising of 1863, Russia re- nounced the Polish decree and never again allowed Poland freedom of action in regard to the treatment of Jews. 10 II. The Jadwin and Johnson Report American Commission to Negotiate Peace Mission to Poland, Paris, October 31, 1919. American commission to negotiate peace. Gentlemen: 1. The mission to Poland (consisting of Mr. Henry Morgenthau, Brig. Gen. Edgar Jad- win, and Mr. Homer H. Johnson) was named for the purpose of carrying out and investigation of ques- tions the relations between the Jewish and the non- Jewish elements in the Republic. Accompanied by its working personnel, the mission remained in Po- land from July 13, 1919, to September 13, 1919, and visited the scenes of the most widely reported ex- cesses, studied economic conditions in the local centers of production and distribution, consulted Polish statesmen and Jewish men of affairs, ob- served living conditions among the common people, associated with officers of the army, and, consider- ing always the historical environment influencing the nature, aims, and disposition of the Polish Na- tion, endeavored to arrive at a just understanding of the present relations between the component ele- ments of the Republic. The mission owes its thanks to Gen. Pilsudski, the chief of state, Mr. Paderewski, president of the council of ministers, and to the Polish authorities in general for the facilities con- tributed toward the execution of its task, and is also indebted to Mr. Hugh Gibson, American minis- ter to Poland, for his aid. In all localities visited, the Jewish communities extended to the mission their full confidence and co-operation. It should be borne in mind that most of the time of the mission in Poland was taken up in the examination of complaints made by or in behalf of Jewish citizens of Poland, and that the material as to excesses is largely based on ex parte statements. While it was the original intention of the mission to give the Polish Government an opportunity for detailed rebuttal, the relatively small extent of the excesses themselves, as compared with the largest elements contributing to anti-Semi- tism, and the importance of a remedy, seemed to make such rebuttal unnecessary. Within the boundaries of Congress Poland only 18 Jews lost their lives, while in the whole terri- tory now controlled or occupied by the Polish Republic the grand total of deaths from ex- cesses in which anti-Semitism was a factor has not exceeded 300. We were able to arrive at our conclusions from the data furnished by Jewish sources, from answers to specific questions addressed to various Polish ministries, from many conferences with other Po- lish citizens, and from utterances in the Polish press, and believe that those sources sufficiently disclosed the nature and causes of anti-Jewish disturbances without further pro-Polish evidence. After the return of the mission to Paris its mem- bers were unable to consu-lt together on account of the absence of Gen. Jadwin on other duty in south- ern Russia. Mr. Morgenthau before leaving Paris submitted a report representing his views of the situation, and the other members, in his absence, have prepared these considerations,- which, while differing but slightly from Mr.. Morgenthau's, have been put in the form of a complete report as leading up to conclusions which differ from those of Mr. Morgenthau. 2. P9lish opinion characterizes the tradi- tional attitude of Poland toward the Jews as one of tolerance. When the Jews in western Europe fell a prey to persecutions induced by the fresh wave of fanaticism incident to the Crusades, they migrated in large numbers to Poland as a place of refuge, where the Jewish communities received numerous special privi- leges, and possessed almost complete local government. This internal independence lasted until early in the nineteenth century, when it was finally so reduced as to apply to religious and educational matters only. The memory of former independence within the limits of the State plays a considerable role - in the present aspirations of certain Jewish parties for autonomy with the right to receive and expend a pro rata part of State revenue. The traditional concentration of the Jews in their communities, due to the necessity of maintaining close connection with the syna- gogue, has given further impetus to the spirit of separatism and cleavage from the rest of the population, which aggravates the Jewish question at the moment. It is frequently al- leged that even in the Middle Ages Jewish separatism, commercial competition and ac- quisitiveness aroused a certain irritation among the Polish masses, which has persisted as an inherited prejudice to the present day. With the accession of Nicholas 1 (1825), perse- cution of the Jews began with the official sanction of the Russian Empire, and continued until Nicho- las was succeeded by Alexander II. Tn harmony with the latter's liberal policy, decrees were pub- lished in 1862 completely emancipating the Jews, but after the reaction from the insurrection of 1863, in which, at least in Warsaw, many Jews fought shoulder to shoulder with the Poles, these laws be- came a dead letter. Though frequently invoked as 11 a proof i)t Polish tolerance, the\- have provided since that time no e^>ential guarantees of Jewish rights.^ During the second half of the nineteenth century conditions in Poland were further complicated by the rigid enforcement of the pale of settlement. The original prohibition to settle outside the pale had been so modified under Alexander II as to allow wealthy Jewish merchants, Jewish holders of uni- versity degrees, and Jewish artisans, to reside in the interior provinces of Russia. This concession was counterbalanced by the laws of May. 1882, forbid- ding Jews to reside in the country districts and small towns of the pale, and crowding them into the cities where their coreligionists were already congested. At the same time, the expulsion of Jewish artisans from Moscow aggravated the abnormal concentra- tion of this section. The result of these conditions was a sharpening of competition between Jew and non-Jew in the districts where both elements lived side by side. The lack of opportunity for the Jew to engage in production drove him into small trad- ing, a business already overflowing and incapable of providing a livelihood for even a small number of newcomers. Even before the war, the mass of Polish Jewry had to struggle for their daily bread, and in addition to commercial rivalry, popular re- sentment against them was further accentuated by their religious separatism and their differences in dress, dietary habits, and Sabbath observances. 3. To the basic factors of the present situation must be added the cross-currents of factional aspirai- tions and international intrigue caused by the Great War. During the German occupation of Poland, the Germanic character of the Yiddish vernacular and the readiness of certaia Jewish elements to enter into relations with the winning side induced the enemy to employ Jews as agents for various - purposes and to grant the Jewish population not only exceptional protection, but also the promise of autonomy. It is alleged that the Jews were active in speculation in foodstuffs, which was encouraged by the armies of occupation with a view to facilitat- ing export to Germany and Austria. Notwithstand- ing the patriotic attitude assumed by many promi- nent Jews, the number of Hebrews employed by the German forces and occasional cases of denuncia- tion by Jews added fuel to the flame of prejudice. A sensitive Polish nationalism has been resentful of any self-assertion fronj a' minority whose verj-^ language recalls the heavy hand of the oppressor. It is not merely for his alleged German sympa- thies that the Jew is regarded with antipathy, but also for his supposed relations with the Bolsheviks. The Polish masses and soldiery who have come in contact with bolshevism class the Jews as its sup- porters, and at Pinsk, Lida, and Wilna, where seri- ous excesses occurred concurrently with military operations, their argument was in each case ad- vanced by local military authorities in partial ex- planation of the occurrences. It is also often as- serted that the chiefs of the Bolshevist movement in Russia are Jews of Poland or Lithuania and there is no doubt that they played a prominent part in the Bolshevik government ot such cities as Wilna, Lida, and Minsk before the capture of these cities hv the Polish Army. The program of the Jewish Socialist belonging' to the Bund Party is also ad- duced as a proof of Jewish sympathy with the Bol- sheviks, though since the Russian revolution the Bund has allied itself with the moderate element (Mensheviki) among the Russian Socialists. It may be questioned whether undue arbitrary general- ization has not been resorted to by elements hostile to the Jew in defining the Jewish political stand- point. It is no more fair to brand all Jews as Bol- sheviks because some of them support the Soviets than to class all Poles as Jew-baiters because some of their military forces or of their lawless civil elements have occasionally been guilty of depreda- tions and violence. The alien sympathies attributed to the Jew vary with the racial problems in different sections of the country. Under the Austrian regime the situation of the Jews in Galicia had been favorable. But when the Haps- burg monarchy crumbled, and the struggle broke out between Pole and Ukrainian for the possession of Lemberg and eastern Ga- licia, the neutrality professed by a portion of the Jewish population resulted ' in increased hostility toward the Jew. The waiting game dictated at this juncture by the Jewish sense of expediency was interpreted by the Poles as Ukrainian partisanship. The disorders of November 21 to 23 in Lemberg became, like the excesses in Lithuania, a weapon of foreign anti-Polish propaganda. The press bureau of the Central Powers, in whose interest it lay to discredit the Polish Republic before the world, permitted the publication of articles like that in the "Neue Freie Presse" of November 30, 1918, in which an eyewitness estimated the number of victims between 2,500 and 3,000, although the extreme number furnished by the local Jewish committee was 76. As the result of the war, the natural depression of industry and commercial life has also become a peculiar incident of anti-Semitism. The use of the country as a battlefield by foreign armies, who re- quisitioned and plundered all available material, who made it difficult for the Jewish merchant, first, to "Secure goods with which to deal, and second, to charge other than high prices for them. When the merchant is able to secure a stock of goods the very fact that he has them in his possession, and that he is compelled to charge abnormal prices, tends to the popular conviction that he is a profiteer. The pre- vailing monetary insecurity also renders bart^ necessary and merchandising difficult, while the Jewish merchant, thus hampered in his business, is met by the increasing prejudice growing out of the abnormal conditions of war under which his trading must be carried on. Some Poles have stated that the Jews permit a different standard of business deportment in deal- 12 ings with non-Jews, and that they are thus, outside of passing conditions, responsible for existing preju- dice. This is vigorously denied by the Jews. Fur- thermore, the use of economic questions with racial attachments for political arguments contributes to perpetuating an issue which, as a result of passing circumstances, should disappear with renewed eco- nomic activity. 4. The modern Polish State consists, or may con- sist when its boundaries are fixed, of five distinct sections : Congress Poland, Poznania, Galicia (east- ern and western), and portions of Lithuania and White Russia, Minsk, Grodno, Volhynia, and, part of Vitebsk. The proportion of Jews varies from less than 1 per cent in the immediate vicinity of the Prussian boundary to 75 per cent in the White Russian city of Pinsk. Out of 441 census divisions, there are about 13 in which the Jews exceed 20 per cent of the population. The old Russian provinces of Minsk and Volhynia have the largest percentage of Jewish inhabitants. In general, the percentage of Jews increases toward the eastward, and with the exception of Warsaw, Lodz, and some smaller cities in Congress Poland, is largest in the region running northeast from Warsaw to Wilna, and in the district extending south from Minsk across the Prypec toward the Dniester River. This concentra- tion is due to the Russian laws confining the Jews within the Provinces making up the river systems of the Dnieper and the Niemen, and to the gradual eviction of the Jews from interior Russian cities into this so-called pale of settlement. Except in the cities, the proportion of Jews in Congress Po- land does not exceed 10 per cent of the population, am' with the cities included about 15 per cent is Jewish. The percentage of Poles in Congress Poland, ex- cept in the cities where Jews have settled, rises about 75 per cent. West of Posen, toward the Prussian boundary, the proportion of Poles shades off to 25 per cent and less. A fairly distinct belt of Polish-speaking people extends north to Danzig and the edge of Pomerania. Owing to the extreme variations in the Russian census of 1897 and 1909 for Lithuania and the Ukraine, it is difficult to give accurate figures as to the Polish population east of the Bug River. In Lithuania, with the exception of Wilna and environs, the proportion of Poles no- where passes 25 per cent. In Wilna itself the Poles are variously estimated at 20 to 43 per cent, with some present claims as high as 55 per cent. In White Russia, on the contrary, the 'Polish popula- tion is extremely small, especially in the Province of Minsk, where it does not exceed 10 per cent, al- though the city of Minsk has about 25 per cent. In western Galicia, centering about Cracow, the Poles reach 75 per cent, while in eastern Galicia they share the territory about equally with the Ukrainians, though retaining considerable superiority in the city of Lemberg itself. There has been a distinct east- ward drift to Polish emigration, so that Polish in- filtrations appear as far east as Kiev and the Prov- ince of Mohilev. Owing to peculiar agrarian condi- tions, the Poles before the war held nearly half of all real estate in Lithuania and Ukraine. It will thus be seen that the percentage of popula- tion in the various sections of what is now Poland, or what may be Poland, adds to the general com- plexity of the influences entering into the problem of anti-Semitism. Naturally the relations in the eastern districts now held by Poland are affected, not only by the percentage of Jews, but by the small proportion of Polish inhabitants in these sections. The attitude of the various elements of the popula- tion and the play of sentiment as to the political future of the country further contribute to this puzzling complexity. In spite of considerable agita- tion, no serious difficulty exists in Posen, and even in Congress Poland there is little disturbance of fundamental relations. But in view of the uncer- tainty as to whether the regions in the East are to be Polish, Russian, or independent, it is readily seen that the relation of the Jew to the eventual political disposition of these territories is still an irritating element. These same problems are to some extent inherent in every other country where the Jewish character and habits develop a racial solidarity, necessarily accompanied by an economic and social intermingling with the other elements of the population. 5. The Jewish situation is rendered more difficult by the efforts of certain malicious German influences to further their eastern projects by discrediting Poland financially and otherwise. It is not to the interest of the German State to allow Poland to become a powerful and prosperous competitor, since Poland is more favorably situated to act as a center of exchange between Russia and the west. There are also conservative elements among Russian statesmen who are equally anxious to prevent foreign financial aid to Po- land and are using criticism of the Polish State as a weapon to forestall the assistance of the allied and associated powers. If Po- land is to become a firmly established State, the needs of the Republic must be considered from the angle of Polish national aspirations and rights, and not simply on the basis of the purposes of its temporarily paralyzed neigh- bors to the east and west. In common with all free Governments of the world, Poland is faced with the danger of the political and international propaganda to which the war has given rise. The coloring, the suppression, and the invention of news, the subornation of newspapers by many dif- ferent methods, and the poisoning by secret influences of the instruments affecting public opinion, in short, all the methods of malevo- lent propaganda are a menace from which Poland is a notable suflferer. This applies to propaganda both at home and from abroad. While the Polish press as a whole may not be charged with irresponsibility, it has in general gone to the extreme of political pro- 13 priety, and many of its organs nave passed far beyond that limit, to the great detriment of their country, 6. Poland is beset by the confusion of ideas and the degeneration of popular morale, caused by decades of political tyranny and made acute by five years of war. For over 100 years all sections of Poland have been ruled by despotisms of varying severity, and the people at large have been accus- tomed to identify the Government not with the manifestation of majority opinion, but with personal rule by ukase and decree. The Jews suffer from the fact that the Polish Government substituting popu- lar government for despotic rule, lacks the will or the power to protect them, and have been ready to invoke external aid in order to exact from the Polish authorities protection of themselves not as a minority, but because of their racial allegiance. Some representatives of the Jewish national move- ment who have been conspicuously active refuse to subordinate the Jewish question to the general needs of the Polish State. The fault in this regard does not lie entirely on the Jewish side, since the question once raised was eagerly picked up by the National Democratic Party. The voluntary separa- tion of the Jew from purely Polish interests has led, in localities where other problems of nationality exist, to arbitrary identification of the Jews wit'.. anti-Polish elements. So long as nationality is an issue, the Jew who does not declare himself Polish is regarded as the ally of any visible alien factor. On the other hand, in view of the uncertainty of the final disposition of White Russia, Lithuania, and Galicia, the difficulties besetting the Jews in these regions have been undeniably very great. Yet, since the Jews are enjoying the protection of the growing Polish State, the Poles claim that they owe active personal support to the Government that in- sures them liberty and commercial opportunity. The numerical inferiority of the Jews in what is un- deniably Poland has at the same time proved no check to their political assertiveness. The oppor- tunity to profit by an occasional balance of power claimed to excuse the maintenance of a Jewish na- tional party does not appear to justify perpetuating so great an irritation and such a separation of the Jews from the customary divisions of modern politics. We may here refer with propriety to the report of the inter-allied commission on Po- land, of which Prof. R'. H. Lord and Gen. Kernan were the American members, and to whose statements on the Polish problem it is desired to invite special attention. The ac- count of the Jewish parties supplied by the Italian member of that commission has been found very helpful and substantially accur- ate. He invited the most important parties to submit any extensions or corrections which they desired to make, but no further informa- tion was supplied. As hereafter appears, most of the questions raised and of the sug- gestions made in the report on Poland have been met, in our judgment, by tne free ac- ceptance of the minorities treaty by the Po- lish Government and people. \\'e have, however, found some evidence of a disposition both in Poland and abroad to keep alive the controversy on the possible theory that focusing attention upon Poland will promote better treat- ment of the Jew. We feel that this doctrine, of con- troversialism is founded on extremely dubious grounds, and that there should be no Jewish prob- lem, aside from the general responsibility to the fundamental provisions which the Poles have agreed shall become part of their policy toward minorities. The ideal should be to have one and only one class of citizens politically with complete freedom in re- ligious matters. 7. The question of popular education presents some possible difficulty. From American experi- ence it is concluded that the public school, with universal instruction in the national vernacular, is one of the strongest forces toward the creation of a homogeneous body of citizens, speaking one lan- guage and expressing themselves on the basis of a common cotnplex of social and political notions however much they differ on religious and cultural questions. In order that the Jew may fully enjoy his privileges and faithfull)" fulfill his obligations as a citizen, he must understand them in the same sense as his Polish neighbor. It is by means of public schools that Poland will lose its approximate 85 per cent of illiterates, and teach its people, not only common school subjects, but also the great principles of liberty and the rights of man, and by raising the level of popular knowledge arrive at a point where it can draw its State officials from the people at large, who will, by association in their school years, have acquired a common understand- ing impervious to propaganda or prejudice. While, therefore, the adoption of the treaty was essential to the integrity of Poland, it will in carrying out the educational paragraphs be well for Poles and Jews to keep in mind American experience in public school development, and carefully to weigh the question, whether the permanency of the separate school plan will be advisable. 8. As to specific cases of violence leading to loss of life we invite attention to article 6 of Mr. Mor- genthau's report, where the main facts are stated. Some additional considerations must be further recorded and especially that the excesses mostly took place either when the Republic was in process of organization or under the stress of military oper- ations. For example, the outbreak in Kielce oc- curred on the day of the armistice, November 11, 1918. A Jewish meeting called in support of Jewish nationalism, which was easily rumored to be in op- position to Polish national independence, was broken up with fatal results to four people and in- jury to many others just after the city had been evacuated by the Austrian troops and before the Polish authorities existed to organize a service of security. At Lemberg, while the outbreaks occurred a little later, November 21-23, 1918, it was at the 14 end of hostilities between the Polish and Ukrainian elements of the population. The Pinsk outrage, April 5, 1919, was 30 days after the capture of the town from the Bolsheviks by the Poles, but was a purely military affair. The town commander with judgment unbalanced by fear of a bolshevik uprising of which he had been forewarned by two Jewish soldier informers sought to ter- rorize the Jewish population (about 75 per cent of the whole) by the execution of 35 Jewish citizens without investigation or trial, by imprisoning and beating others and by wholesale threats against all Jews. No share in this action can be attributed to any military official higher up, to any of the Polish civil officials, or to the few Poles resident in that district of White Russia. The Czestochowa riots on May 27, 1919, while based on the supposed shooting of a Polish soldier by a Jew, was not connected with a military opera- tion and occurred after both military and civil gov- ■ ernment had been established. Only after five deaths was the outbreak arrested. These five deaths are the only fatalities from mob violence in Con- gress Poland discovered or reported to us since the establishment of a stable government in the Re- public." The military operations of the Polish Army in the taking of Lida (April 17, 1919), of Wilna (April 21, 1919), and of Minsk (August 8, 1919) in consid- eration of the facts of its organization, that it was still poorly organized, unequipped, underofficered and undisciplined would not have been so noticeably irregular even though civilian deaths were consid- erable and robberies large, except for the fact that those killed and robbed were practically all Jews Nor is it explained by the fact that most of the shops in those cities were Jewish. The fact that there were some non-Jewish establishments and that none of them were disturbed shows an intelli- gent and intentional discrimination on the part of the lawless element in the army disclosing a racial antipathy made more patent by the desire to rob and pillage, which was apparently felt not to be wrong or at least not to be severely punished by superiors. In Wilna there was active street fighting for three days, and while the army lost 33 the civilian loss was 65. But the civilians were all Jews, and many others were thereafter deported and subject to hard- ships which it is hard to justify by military practice. In support of the conviction that there had been active sympathy with the Bolsheviks by Jews and sniping by them during the street fighting we had many statements of eye witnesses presented to us. There can be no doubt that in a highly charged at- mosphere there was quite enough fault on both sides to explain the adherence to the every-day practices of Russian civil warfare as it is reported to us in this almost civil strife on Russian territory No one would attempt to justify it. Gen. Jadwin was pres- ent at the taking of Minsk and a personal witness to the strenuous efforts of the military authorities toward preventing acts of violence. The results showed definite progress among the military in the discipline of the army in the conception of their duty toward the civilian population and in their ability to carry it out. Proportionately to the popu- lation only about 20 per cent as many were killed as at Wilna. A large percentage of those were in the suburbs and out of reach of the military patrols in the city. Part of those in the town were the re- sult, according to bystanders' statements, of shots directed at the entering troops coming from a cer- tain meeting house in which Jews had congregated, and five of them were killed. Reported bolshevik activity and sniping with the desire to rob explain most of the cases except the reprehensible unbal- anced conduct of one petty officer who killed nine. Many of the offenders were arrested and six of them were sentenced to be shot. Following the Minsk experience, improvement was made in the technique of handling patrols so that further reports from Rowno and Bobruisk, sub- sequently captured by the Poles, indicate more suc- cessful precautions aga>inst maltreatment of the Jewish population. In practically all of these cases inquiries have been regularly undertaken by the mili- tary authorities, by the civil Government of Poland, and in several by direct Diet com- mittees. The local civil authorities have also followed the usual processes of criminal in- quiry, and the cases are in various stages of development. In several the inquiry has been followed by the appropriation of damages to those who have suffered loss. Payments had begun to be made in Wilna, Pinsk, and "Lemberg before our departure from Poland. If complaints as to slowness and uncertainty of military and Government punishment and relief were heard, as they were, it seemed nevertheless to indicate that orderly process of government was in opera- tion. With a state of war in the land and the many vexing problems incident to Poland's situation, we could not find substantial ground of criticism of the methods of pre- vention and relief for an altogether unhappy situation. Patience and forbearance must be administered to all sides of the question, with honest effort to recover their war-torn coun- try as soon as possible. It will be a difficult matter to reassure the citizens of Poland that the outside world will be as prompt and effi- cient in doing its duty — to make the world safe for Poland and all other struggling democracies. 9. We are of the opinion, in view of the previous training of the Polish soldiery in the German, Aus- trian, and Russian Armies, the eastern low valua- tion of human life, the want of food and clothing which had accompanied the breaking up of the Cen- tra! Powers, and the universal tenseness of popular 15 nerves worn by the vicissitudes of war, that the antagonism felt by the Polish military toward the Jews and resulting in depredation and violence against them is not a matter of surprise, reprehen- sible and regrettable as it is. The habits of mili- tary warfare still obtaining in the civil war in Rus- sia, and these military excesses in Poland, aggra- vated as they were by civilian mobs, thoroughly justified the fear and anxiety expressed by many Jews lest the Poles had adopted Czarist and bol- shevik precedents of solving any question, including that of Jewish prejudice, by a process of terror and extermination. It is to the credit of the Polish State that it has apparently passed through this crisis of organization, though still under the baneful in- fluence of active warfare, without realizing this sin- ister expectation. We were assured by many repre- sentative Jewish delegations that while they were disturbed by the anti-Jewish feeling still incon- veniently and unjustly exhibited, they did not fear for their lives or liberty; that they recognize their full duty as Polish citizens with all the responsi- bilities and privileges that pertain thereto; that all citizens are subject to the rule of the majority in which any miiiority must acquiesce, and that the only remedy beyond this is the appeal to the con- science of the majority and its sense of justice and fair play. This uniting in the making, ratification, and execution of this treaty, with its appeal to the League of Nations, is a credit to Jew and non-Jew alike, and barring the accident of an outside con- flagration, is the best of auguries for Poland's future success. 10. While it is our opinion that a return to nor- mal conditions in Poland will remove most of the danger of the Jewish question, it is recognized that this process of restoration is not solely dependent on the good will and exertions jof the Poles them- selves. The attention of Poland must be diverted from waging war, and the only means toward this end is the re-establishment of internal peace in Rus- sia. Until this result is obtained, Poland remains with boundaries undetermined, forced to hold and administer a large territory, the inhabitants of which as yet have no fixed nationality. As long as Poland wages war, the Republic is a prey to militaristic methods and open to the peril of direct action. Un- til its army is reduced to a peace footing the problem of overpopulation and underemployment can not be solved. While a third of the meager income of the State is expended for military purposes, adequate attention can not be devoted to internal reconstruc- tion. Until Russia is at peace Poland lacks her full field for trade and exchange, and therefore can not regain her economic equilibrium, while an oppor- tunity for emigration to an open and liberal Russia would provide an outlet for the surplus population of the Republic. With a stable government in Rus- sia firmly allied in principle with the allied and asso- ciated powers, an end would be made to the German intrigue that is seeking to substitute Russia for Austria-Hungary as a field of exploitation and ac- cordingly strives to discredit Poland as a dangerous competitor. In fact, protection afforded mrnorities such as before- us in this investigation may well bring the Russian condition where this problem is the protection of the majority against a minority based on a difference of social philosophy and wield- ing power by seizure of the instruments of war and by the use of most elementary forms of force and fear. Is not the duty of the nations as clear to determine the rule of the majority against des- potism, whether one or many, thus preserving do- mestic tranquillity as well as freedom from foreign invasion? Is not the effect of domestic disorder in Russia upon Poland and upon the peace of the world quite as important a subject for regulation by the nations as in the limitation upon the majority's treatment of minorities? Is not the solidarity of nations shown quite as much by one as the other, and are they not both requisite for future peace? The foundation of an enduring government in Rus- sia depends on the certainty that no minority, whether autocratic or bolshevistic, shall ever be able to exploit the inertia of the masses in over- throwing any system of democracy that may be es- tablished within its boundaries. It is to the interest of the world that this internal security shall be per- petuated, and the rise of a powerful democracy on the eastern frontier of Poland will insure the safety and freedom of action of the Republic. In short, once the military threat against Poland is removed and the territorial uncer- tainty of the RepubHc is ended, the nation will be able to concentrate its energies on in- ternal problems and, by the course of natural development, create a governmental system insuring equality, protection, and prosperity to all elements of its population. The mis- sion thoroughly believes that Poland has the raw materials of citizenship quite equal to this accomplishment. 11. By way of summary, we find that beginning with the armistice, about November 11, 1918, and for six months and more during the establishment of orderly government in Poland, many regrettable incidents took place throughout both Congress Po- land and the regions the future of which is still in doubt. The occurrences in Congress Poland were not so serious in number of deaths, but there have been violent collisions accompanied by riots, beat- ings, and other assaults which are apparently trace- able in large part to anti-Jewish prejudice. In every case they have been repressed by either the military or the civil authorities, but only after grievous re- sults. In the territory occupied or invaded by Po- lish trooops, civilian mobs have followed the sol- diery, and the two elements have engaged in rob- bery of shops and dwellings, and, in cases where re- sistance was oflfered, in assaulting and killing the owners or occupants. The circumstances of some of these incidents have been aggravated ty intoxica- tion due to the looting of liquor stores, with the usual adjuncts of criminal irresponsibility and mob rage. We believe that none of these excesses were instigated or approved by any responsible govern- mental authority, civil or military. We find, on the other hand, that the history and the attitude of the 16 Jews, complicated by abnormal economic and poli- tical conditions produced by the war, have fed the flame of anti-Semitism at a critical moment. It is believed, however, that the gradual amelioration of conditions during the last 11 months gives great promise for the future of the Polish Republic as a stable democracy. 12. In spite of the existing anti-Semitism arising from very diverse factors we are convinced that re- ligious differences as such play therein a relatively slight role, and that the Polish nation is disposed to religious tolerance and self-control in religious disagreements. The ending of the war, the removal of external menace, and the revival of industry will reduce the present common irritation caused by abnormal conditions. Jewish business men have also assured us that with the restoration of trade, industry, and banking, the Poles will cease to employ economic pressure as a political weapon. 13. In addition to the disposition toward tolerance evinced in the presence of violent party controversy and active propaganda from abroad, Poland has accepted the minorities clause of the treaty of Ver- sailles,, guaranteeing to all citizens security of life and property and equal protection of the laws. De- spite dissatisfaction with some stipulations of this treaty, a determination has been expressed by prom- inent leaders of even the extremes in all political camps to execute it faithfully. 14. The duties of the outside world toward Po- land are : (o) To establish the territorial extent of the Polish State. Should any of the eastern coun- try which contains the largest proportion of Jews, revert to Russia, the problem thus transferred can be dealt with by the League of Nations. (b) To protect Poland from the menace of external interference by the application of article 10 of the covenant of the League of Nations. (c) To further by means of judiciously ad- ministered external help the recovery of Po- land from five years of war. This material aid, in the nature of food, clothing, and raw materials, should not be gratuitously fur- nished or so distributed as to overtax the na- tional credit or to pauperize the population. In accordance with President Wilson's speech of January 8, 1918, Poland should be freed from the limitation of all economic barriers and raised to a position where it can profit by the quality of trade conditions to be estab- lished among nations. Since no country can be a good financial risk without domestic tranquillity and freedom from invasion, the fear of which may lead to over expenditure and competitive armament, this security should be provided for the good of Poland and the peace of the world. While we are convinced that Poland will abide by its obli- gations to preserve order at home, the pro- 'See footnote No. 5 after Morgenthau Report. tection against external interference is the duty of the League of Nations. With politi- cal security, industrial peace, and an open market with no foreig'n debt not offset by for- eign receivables, Poland, safeguarded by the League of Nations and abundantly provided as she is with natural assets in property and man power, becomes an excellent commercial risk for foreign capitaK (d) To study the question of over population or under industrialization, not at all local to Poland but intimately connected with its future. It is not healthy for Poland to pursue a policy of summer emigration to other countries, nor is it desirable that it should continue a heavy emigration to America and elsewhere. It is a process from which the nation is still suffering, since it tends to take the strong and leave the less reliant. Furhermore, with the present development of the world, and the beginning of new thoughts in the development of nationalism, if emigration from Poland is to be necessary, the question as to whither and under what conditions it shall be directed becomes pe- culiarly subject to international solution. If Poland by her own initiative, or through out- side aid, can so speed up and direct her own indus- trial policy as to absorb the potential labor supply, the Republic may solve the question under new con- ditions of political and economic freedom. (e) To further the rapid development of Polish education. The safety of the masses from exploita- tion through the sophistries of monarchism or of anarchism depends on the degree of enlightenment they possess. It is therefore to the advantage of the League of Nations to see instituted a campaign of universal education toward a general understand- ing of the great ideals of democracy and for the pro- tection of peoples against the agitator or the reac- tionary who deals in slogans that appeal to any populace untrained to estimate them at their proper value. (/) To guarantee to Poland the disinterested coun- sel of the allied democracies based on their previous experience. Together with the other free peoples of the world, Poland must henceforth grapple, not only with abuses of the outworn autocratic system, but with political corruption, graft, party degen- eracy, and yellow journalism joined with paid prop- aganda. 'The opportunity of the League of Nations for the comparative study of democratic methods and policies, reinforced by common aims, by the full development of international feeling and the free exchange of free ideas, will react not only upon Poland, but to the general advantage of the entire world. The greatest need at this crisis is the domestic and international application of general principles of democratic government tested by use and beaten out on the anvil of experience. Its high- est and broadest attribute is that force shall give way to thought — the rule of reason rather than the reign of terror. Respectfully submitted. EDGAR JADWIN, Brigadier General, United States Army. HOMER H. JOHNSON. 17 The Jc-n.'isli situation is rendered more difficult by the efforts of certain malicious German influences to further their eastern projects by discrediting Poland financially and otherwise. It is not to the interest of the German State to alloiv Poland to become a power- ful and prosperous competitor, since Poland is more favorably situated to act as a center of exchange be- tween Russia and the west. There are also conserva- tive elements among Russian statesmen, who are equal- iv anxious to prevent foreign financial aid to Poland and are using criticism of the Polish States as a weapon to forestall the assistance of the allied and associated potvers. If Poland is to become a firmly established State, the needs of the Republic must be considered from the angle of Polish national aspirations and rights, and not simply on the ba^is of the purposes of its temporarily paralyzed neighbors to the east and west. In common with all free Governments of the world, Poland is faced with the danger of the political and international propaganda to which the war has given rise. The coloring, the suppression, and the invention of news, the subornation of newspapers by many dif- ferent methods, and the poisoning by secret influences of the instruments affecting public opinion, in short, all the methods of malevolent propaganda are a men- ace from which Poland is a notable sufferer. This applies to propaganda both at home and from abroad. — From the Report of General Jadwin ■and H. H. Johnson. 18 The Reports of the BRITISH MISSION LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL by Sir H, Rumbold, British Minister to Poland, in Submitting the Report of the British Mission to His Government. Sir H. Rumbold to Earl Curzon Warsaw, June 2, 1920. My Lord, I HAVE the honour to transmit to your Lordship herewith Sir Stuart Samuel's report on his mis- . sion to Poland to investigate the massacres and general ill-treatment of Jews in this country. Captain Wright, who was also a member of Sir Stuart Samuel's mission, has submitted a separate report, which I have likewise the honour to enclose. When the Germans evacuated Poland in 1918 a civil and military administration had to be set up by the Poles. It is obvious that this administration could not be anything but defective at first. The execu- tive was weak and orders issued by the central authorities were frequently not carried but in the provinces. This absence of authority after four years' of German occupation and iron rule accounts, perhaps, to a cer- tain degree for the occurrence of excesses against the Jews. It is also necessary to remember that the discipline of the Polish army was very different from the dis- cipline of armies before the war. The excesses against the Jews were described as pogroms in the press of Western Europe, but it can be here remarked that the word "pogrom" is used in a different sense in Poland from that which it is understood to convey in Western Europe. The word "pogrom" conveys to the inhabitant of Western Europe massacres or excesses against a portion of the population which are either organized or countenanced by the authorities. In Poland the word is applied to disturbances in which lives need not necessarily be lost. The excesses against the Jews ccin be divided from a geographical point of view into two categories : those which were perpetrated in Poland proper, in the course of which eighteen Jews lost their lives, and those which took place in the war zones which, in November, 1918, included Lemberg, and where the ma- jority of the murders occurred. Sir Stuart Samuel estimates the total number of lives lost at not less than 348, so that 330 Jews were killed in the wai- zone. 19 The character of the excesses differs considerably. In some cases, as at Lemberg, the Polish mob. worked up by the fighting which took place for the possession of the town, of set purpose attacked many Jews, killing fifty-two, wounding many more and doing much damage to Jewish property. Excesses against the Jews on a larger scale also occurred in the following places : at Kielce, Pinsk, Lida, Vilna, Kolbuszowa, in Galicia, Czenstochowa and Minsk. In other cases there was a sporadic outbreak causing the death of one or two Jews. In many instances the excesses took the form of more or less serious assaults on the Jews, such as cutting off beards, throw- ing out of trains, etc. But in view of the weakness of the central administration and the original want of discipline in the Polish army, it would appear that the authorities could not be held responsible for the excesses, and these therefore lose the character of pogroms. If the excesses had been encouraged or organ- ized by the civil and military authorities the number of victims would probably have been much larger. The excesses are deplorable in themselves, and it is a matter for regret that the authors have not, so far as is known to the Legation, been brought to book. In criticizing the general condition of the Jews in Poland, it is necessary to bear in mind that their position in this country and the whole of Eastern Europe differs very much from that of their position in Western Europe. In the East they form a larger percentage of the population, and in many cases they form a preponderating element in the towns, so that it is only natural that separatism should have manifested itself. This was strengthened by the fact that the occupations of the Poles differed from those of the Jews. The Poles were either engaged in war or settled on the land, whilst the Jewish communities devoted themselves exclusively to commerce. To this must be added the difference of religion and the encourage- ment of an anti-Semitic feeling, owing to the introduction by the Russians of special anti-Jewish legislation. It must be further remembered that, under the influence of economic changes and owing to the fact that since 1832 the Poles have not been allowed to hold posts in the Government, they were gradually obliged to take to trade, and competition between the Jewish population and the Poles commenced. This competition became stronger when the Russian Government allowed co-operative and agricultural societies to be started in Poland. The co-operative movement is becoming very strong and will undoubtedly form an important factor in the development of economic relations in Poland, so that indirectly it will be bound to affect the position of the small Jewish trader. * Sir Stuart Samuel would appear to be mistaken in his appreciation of the part played by the Jews in the pre-war business relations between Poland and Russia and in the industry of the former country. Whereas it is true that goods exported from Poland were to a large extent handled by the Jews, only a small percentage of those goods were actually manufactured by them. The cotton industry in Lodz owes its development more to the Polish industrial community of German extrac- tion than to the Jews. The statement that initiative in business matters was almost entirely a prerogative of the Jews is exaggerated. A case in point are the co-operaitives, which are exclusively Polish. The fact of Yiddish being akin to German may have been the reason why the Germans employed a large number of Jews during their occupation of Poland, although a great many of the Poles with a good knowledge of German could have been found. There is this difference, however, that the ; Poles only served the Germans by compulsion, as they considered them to be their enemies. This difference may account for the policy of the Polish Government in relieving many Jews who served Germany of their offices, and not reinstating them whereas no such procedure was applied in the case of the Poles. In this respect, it is perhaps interesting to point out that quite a number of Poles belonging to the so-called "Activists," whose sympathies were pro-German, have not yet obtained • any posts under the present Polish Government. The systematic attempt — more especially by provincial authorities — to oust the Jews from their trade to which Sir Stuart Samuel draws attention is probably due, not so much to the action of these authorities, as to the exceptional development of the co-operative movement in Poland. In so far as the Polish Government are able to do so by legislation or proclamations, the boy- cotting of Jews should be prohibited. But I would point out that it is beyond the power of any Gov- ernment to force its subjects to deal with persons with whom they do not wish to deal. The boycott ; on various occasions by the Chinese of Japanese merchants is an instance in point. At the end of his report Sir Stuart Samuel makes various recommendations with a view to improve re- 20 lations between the Poles and the Jews, and I venture to make the following observations with regard to these recommendations : — 1. The interpretation of the minority clause, article 93 of the Peace Treaty, by Sir Stuart Samuel is justifiable, and should prove workable if the spirit in which the Jewish community expect the Polish Gov- ernment to interpret the clause in question is also adopted by the Jewish community with regard to the Polish State. Recommendations Nos. 2 to 6 are certainly very appropriate. As regards No. 9, Sir Stuart Samuel's recommendation is to be strongly supported. I doubt, however, whether the import of large quantities of raw materials into Poland will improve the situation of the Jewish population and turn it into producers, as the number of Jewish workmen before the war, when there was no scarcity of raw materials, was very limited. As regards No. 11, I would point out that there exists a national loan bank which at the present moment is playing the part of a State bank, and that there is no differentiation between the Poles and the Jews regarding the business which can be transacted by that bank. Polish legislation, which is practically the old Russian legislation, makes no difficulties with regard to the founding of banks by Jews, so that the latter are able, if they need it, to start banks in which they can have confidence. With regard to the final recommendation pointing out the desirability of attaching a secretary who understands and speaks Yiddish to the staflf of His Majesty's Legation, I venture to observe that his duties would presumably mainly consist in seeing that article 93 of the Peace Treaty is applied. As the minority clause was guaranteed by the League of Nations, it would appear desirable, if the Polish Govern- ment cannot be trusted with the application and carrying out of that article, that the League should super- vise the execution of that clause, and I would deprecate His Majesty's Government being alone identified with this question, which would be indirectly the case if the appointment suggested by Sir Stuart Samuel were made. The two reports which I transmit herewith are, by the instructions given to the Commission, limited to Poland, and therefore do not discuss the conditions, of the Jews outside that country. They therefore unavoidably give a partial and consequently false picture of the conditions of the Jews in Eastern Europe, for, as one of the reports points out, their condition in Poland, bad as it may have been or may still be, has been far better than in most of the surrounding countries. Unless all the information on that point is en- tirely inaccurate, the massacres of Jews by Ukrainian peasant bands can find, in their extent and through- ness, no parallel except in the massacres of the Armenians in the Turkish Empire. Their very complete- ness has tended to keep the world in ignorance of them, for towns of many thousand inhabitants almost wholly Jewish have apparently been wiped out. Similar events have taken place outside the Ukraine proper and all over Southern Russia during the anarchy of the last three years, and in countries on a higher level of culture than Southern Russia, such as Hungary and Czecho-Slovakia, persecutions, less sanguinary per- haps, but very brutal and unjust, have also occurred in the interregnum which followed the armistice. (These excesses can compete with any that have occurred on Polish territory.) In all these lands Jews formerly suffered, but like everybody else they suffered from the oppression of autocratic empires, all of which have now been destroyed. The present-day hardships of the Jews are as much as anything due to the strong nationalist feelings everywhere aroused by the Great War, and this perhaps inevitable conflict with national prejudice may prove even worse than the former oppression by absolute Governments. The statesmen who drew up the Treaty of Versailles, recognizing the above fact, have imposed spe- cial stipulations with a view to protect Jews and other minorities. They have done their best to assist the Jews, but the Jewish congregations in Western Europe should also recognize this aggravation in the state of their Eastern co-religionists, and reflect how best they can help them. It is giving the Jews very little real assistance to single' out, as is sometimes done, for reprobation and protest, the country where they have perhaps suffered least. I have, &c. H. RUMBOLD. 21 The Samuel Report ENCLOSURE NO. 1 (Report of Sir Stuart Samuel) Sir: I WAS entrusted by His Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs with a mission to Poland on behalf of His Majesty's Government, the primary object of which was to examine the specific charges that have been brought against the Poles of having ill-treated the Jewish population of their country, including any fresh cases of ill-treatment that might be brought to my notice whilst my mission lasted. I was, in particular, instructed to use my best en- deavours to ascertain in each case where massacres or outrages of Jews had taken place, where and to what extent the different grades of Polish authorities were to blame either for encouraging or culpably failing to prevent them, or whether they had, taken all steps in their power to suppress outbreaks and punish the offenders. The aim of my mission was to dissipate any misunderstandings that might have arisen and thus to promote mutual goodwill between Poland and Great Britain. I was, therefore, in- structed to make such recommendations to His Majesty's Government as might occur to me with the object of establishing greater harmony between Jewish and other elements of the population as a satisfactory solution of that problem would obvi- ously go far to promote the national prosperity. The mission left London early in September and re- mained in Poland about three months. I took ex- cesses against the Jewish population which occurred in Cracow, Lodz, Vilna, Lida, Pinsk and Lemberg as typical, and visited those places from Warsaw. Travelling conditions in Poland at the period of the visits 'of the mission presented such difficulty, ow- ing to heavy falls of snow and to the fact that a large number of passenger trains had ceased running in consequence of their accommodation being required for the transport of food, that the mission was un-' able to visit further towns. My instructions directed my particular attention to the necessity of enquiring into the statements re- specting occurrences of excesses or "pogroms" in Po- land. In Poland a "pogrom" is understood to be an excess against a certain section of the population, but in England, owing to the experience of previous outbreaks in Russia, the word "pogrom" has be- come associated with excesses organized by the Government against a portion of the population, or when the authorities took no steps to restrain those perpetrating the excesses, or intervened at a period too late to be effective in preventing the loss of human life. The result of my enqiiiries brought me to the conclusion that the occurrences at Lemberg, Lida and Vilna come under the head of pogroms in the sense generally understood in England. The awful massacre at Pinsk partook more of the char- acter of a military murder. During the outbreaks which took place in the two other towns a certain number of Jews were assaulted and plundered, but the military authorities endeavoured to restrict the action of the soldiers as much as possible. Speaking generally, as the civil authority has been able to make its power effective, so the position in the rear of the troops has become more and more satis- factory. The Polish Government has been confronted with the problem of maintaining order in those portions of the German, Russian and Austrian Empires which have been incorporated within the present Republic of Poland. The establishment of order was en- trusted to a semi-military force known -as the field gendarmerie, corresponding somewhat to a military police force. This body was recruited from a not very desirable class, and is practically independent of any but the highest civil authority. The gen- darmerie has almost unlimited powers, and is in the habit of entering the houses, chiefly of the Jews, at any time of the day or night upon the pretext of searching for arms, and robs and beats the Jews. This is done quite openly, and the Jews may be said to have no means of redress. Proceedings, when taken, are allowed to drift for an interminable period, and usually result in the implicated men being re- leased. There is thus really no security for the Jewish population. Besides the gendarmerie, there is a police force, but the remarks applied to the former can be taken as on the whole true with regard to the latter also. The Polish Government recognises the inadequacy of this body, and, I understand, is taking steps to reorganise it. In addition, the junior authorities of justice and of civil administration also are of inferior standing and morale, taking advantage of their position not only to persecute the Jews, but also to exact bribes upon an astonishing scale. The foregoing remarks apply in a less degree to Galicia, which has been brought under the adminis- tration of the Polish Government during the past }-ear. j\Iany former Austrian officials have been re- tained, who, having been trained under the Austrian Empire, maintain certain traditions which make for a better condition of law and order. These remarks equally apply to the districts of German Poland, but in the remaining portion of Poland the officials being new and inexperienced the deplorable result I have mentioned has ensued. The higher officials both of the Government and of Justice, in my opinion, are not subject to these unfortunate failings, and when- 22 ever it is possible to obtain the attention of thefse authorities a rough form of justice is achieved. The contention of the Polish Government, that it was not strong enough to keep pogroms under con- trol in the past, may perhaps have some cogency, but I should like to draw attention to the fact that, with the exception of events at Minsk, no pogroms have occurred during the stay of either the Ameri- can Mission or the British Mission to Poland. It would, therefore, appear reasonable to deduce that if the Government is sufficiently strong to restrain wrongdoers for this period, namely, about five months, it should be competent to do so in future. 1 h? Jews in Poland and Galicia number about \;hre? millions. As in other countries the large ma- jority of them is very poor, suffering severely from nunger and privation. Want of employment is prevalent, although a large proportion of them are artisans and labourers. They are divided broadly into three classes, namely : — 1. What are known as the Assimilators ; 2. The Zionists ; and 3. The Orthodox; though doubtless there are many Orthodox among the Zionists. They speak a jargon known as "Yiddish," which is to be found wherever Jews congregate, but of recent years there is a tendency to employ Hebrew as a living language, though it is seldom used as the colloquial language of the home circle. The fact of their language being akin to Ger- man often led to their being employed during the German occupation in preference to other Poles. This circumstance caused the Jews to be accused of having had business relations with the Germans. Almost as soon as the Polish Government was es- tablished, ill-feeling became manifest against the Jews. Public opinion had been aroused against them by the institution of a virulent boycott. This boycott dates from shortly after the bye-election for the Duma, which took place in Warsaw in 1912. Amongst the candidates was M. Dmowski, one of the leaders of the National Democratic Party. When the names of the electors came to be scruti- nised, it was found that the Jewish electors pos- sessed the controlling influence in the election. They considered, however, that the capital of Poland should not be represented by a member of a minority in the country, and therefore did not present a Jewish candidate, but patriotically offered to support any candidate who Avould abstain from an anti-Semitic policy. The only candidate willing to accede to this condition was M. Jagiello, a Roman Catholic Pole, who was accordingly returned.^ M. Dmowski, who was defeated at the poll, thereupon set out on a campaign to break the Jewish influence, and from that time to this has pursued a policy with the object of driving the Jews from Poland, a step which can only be fraught with disaster to the country. During the war, owing to the scarcity of almost everything, the boycott diminished, but with the armistice it revi-\-ed with much of its original in- tensity. A charge has been made against the Gov- ernment of participation in this boycott. The Gov- ernment publicly declared its disapproval of boycot- ting, but a certain discrimination seems to have been made in the re-employment of those who served under the German occupation. I find that many Jews who thus served have been relieved of their offices and not reinstated, whereas I can find no evidence of similar procedure in regard to other Poles. Jewish doctors are unable to obtain positions in the hos- pitals. Other qualified Jews cannot secure appoint- ments as Post Office officials, on the railway staff or as teachers in the public schools and colleges, with the exception of Professor Askenazy, recently appointed to a chair in the University of Warsaw. There is also a limitation of the number of students professing the Jewish religion permitted to enter certain Universities. With the exception of doctors and a few officials in the administrative offices, there are few officers in the army. That this is merely a. matter of religious prejudice is shown by the fact that all these posts are open to those Jews who are willing to change their religion. In time of scarcity essential articles of food, such as bread, potatoes and sugar, are distributed to the population by minor officials. I received many com- plaints that the Christian population were supplied first, and that in numerous cases the stock was ex- hausted before all the Jews had received their share. The complaint that Jews and Christians were divided into separate queues, and also that the Jews were dis- criminated against to their disadvantage in the mar- kets, could not be substantiated. Without doubt a systematic attempt, more espe- cially by provincial authorities, is being made to oust Jews from their trades, and it is only where these authorities are as a result confronted by pecu- lation and incompetency that they realise the futility of their action. The Government itself is not with- out some experience of this kind. I had my atten- tion drawn to cases of discrimination against Jews dealing in hides, petroleum, salt, bread and other articles, which, in my opinion, could only have been based upon religious prejudice. I do not find, how- ever, any ground for the complaint that the Govern- ment is putting Jewish merchants at a disadvantage in comparison with non-Jews with regard to per- mission to import goods from abroad. In fact, the club of Jewish merchants at Warsaw, consisting of several thousand members, assured me that the ar- rangements made were quite satisfactory. I have also received facts and figures from M. Szczeniow- ski, Minister of Commerce, fully bearing out this point. A severe private, social and commercial boycott of Jews, however, exists amongst the people .gen- erally, largel}' fostered by the Polish press. In Lemberg I found that there was a so-called social court presided over by M. Przyluski, a former Aus- trian vice-president of the Court of Appeal, which goes so far as to summon persons having trade rela- tions with Jews to give an explanation of their con- duct. Below will be found a copy of a typical cutting from a Polish newspaper giving the name of a Polish countess who sold property to Jews. This was sur- 23 rounded by a mourning border, such as is usual in Poland in making announcements of death : — "Malopolska hrabina "Anna Jablonowska "sprzedala we wrzesniu b.r. swoje dwie kamienice przy up. Stryjskiej 1. 18 i 20 zydom: Dogilewskiemu, Hiibnerowi i Erbsenowi. "Zastepa prawnym pani hrabiny byl adwokat Dr. Dziedzic, administratorem p. Naszkowski. "Czy spoleczenstwo polskie bedzie wciaz martwe i bierne w takich wypadkach ?" (Translation.) "Countess Anna Jablonowska, resident in Galicia, has sold her two houses, Stryjska Street, Nos. 18 and 20, to the Jews, Dogilewski, Hiibner and Erbsen. "The attorney of the Countess was Dr. Dziedzic; her administrator, M. Naszkowski. "Will the Polish public for ever remain indiflEerent and passive in such cases?" There can be no doubt that the Government could greatly restrain the virulency of this movement if the powers usually resident in a Government were efectually used to prohibit such agitation. Although the Government declares against boycotting, the Polish press is allowed openly to advocate it, whilst the Yiddish press is suspended for quite trivial offences. It is a well-known fact that the ill-results of boycotting cannot be limited to the class aimed at, for this weapon has a tendency to affect others, and eventually to react upon those who make use of it. The idea widely prevails that the so- called Litvaks, Russian Jews driven to Poland by the former Russian Government, should be induced to return, and I am of opinion that, should a suitable Government and peaceful conditions be re-estab- lished in Russia, there would be a general immigra- tion to that country, not only of Jews, but also of other Poles. The ardent hope was frequently ex- pressed to me that Russia would soon be open for immigration, for, although the late Russian Govern- ment fomented pogroms and massacres of the Jaws, the Russian himself is of a kindly nature and friend- ly disposed to his neighbour. Business relations be- tween Poland and Russia were very considerable in past, and were generally in the hands of Jews,^ not only in the handling of the goods exported, but also of their manufacture. Warsaw, the Polish capital, formed a meeting-place for the merchants of Russia and the western States, and was also a depot for goods eventually destined for Russia. All these trading agencies are now at a standstill, and Poland is feeling the economic result of this stop- page. Other inducements for an industrial popula- tion, subjected to a boycott, to leave the country are to be found in the absence of raw materials and in the scarcity of food and fuel, as well as in the hard- ships consequent upon rising prices arising from the unfavourable conditions of foreign exchange. Initiative in business matters is almost entirely the prerogative of the Jewish population. In Lodz the cotton industry and the development of the town has been effected mostly through the instru- mentality of the Jews. Manufactures and business generally have, owing to the circumstances prevail- ing before and during the war, fallen largely into the hands of Jews.^ It is impossible to replace such a valuable section of the community by a fresh body of merchants untrained and unaccustomed to handle the important mercantile interests which should, in view of the advantages accruing to Po- land under the Peace Treaty, largely increase in the near future. The fallacious idea, however, is prevalent in Pol- and that it is possible to transfer a large percentage of the business carried on by the Jews to other hands. If a Jewish Pole is driven from his factory or bus- iness the act does not provide more work for the Christian Pole, but diminishes it. When the ques- tion of external trade comes to be considered it is impossible to displace without grave results firms who have built up a business over a long series of years, who are acquainted with, and know the re- quirements of, their customers in remote countries and have gradually acquired confidence and credit. No new combination, whether Jewish or Christian, could conduct such a business successfully except after long experience. Moreover, I found it to be a fact that the Jewish Pole commands greater trust than his neighbours. To such an extent is this the case in Poland that nearly the whole of the estate agents who act for the Polish nobility are, of Jewish race. The real interest of the Polish State would seem to be rather in the direction of developing and encouraging the export business hitherto carried on by Jews ; in this way -lies almost the sole hope of the economic regeneration of Poland and of the re- habilitation of its depreciated currency. In this con- nection it should be remembered that depreciation of currency as expressed in terms of external values does not arise solely from an adverse trade balance, but that a normal rate of exchange demonstrates also the healthy functioning of stable Government and the consequent safety of life and property. Polish statesmen frequently assert that the pro- portion of Jewish small tradesmen to the general population is too great. If the complaint were lim- ited to this alone it might safely be left to find its own remedy, for I found that the children of this class were not satisfied to follow the parents' voca- tion but were endeavouring, by means of attending technical and other schools, to attain a higher educational and social level. This class, however, little above the pauper, ever finds itself driven back upon itself by the economic restraints which it en- counters until at last, in desperation, it is forced to emigrate. I found but few families that had not one member at least in America or Canada. Ex- perience has shown, as in the case of Ireland, that it is always a disadvantage to a country to have an emigration of despairing people, as these sow the seed of their discontent in other lands. A further remedy for this congestion of occupation would be to introduce into Poland new. industries, for which Jews in other countries have evinced special apti- tude. The difficulty of securing raw material limits 24 the occupations available at the present time, but it would appear quite feasible to start factories for the manufacture of waterproofing, galoshes, furni- ture, boots, and clothing. Doubtless western Jews would be prepared to assist their brethren to reach a higher plane of industrial development, but un- fortunately the Christian Poles, although not under- taking such enterprises to any extent themselves, exhibited distinct hostility to any such suggestion which would benefit both the Jews and the State alike. Many Poles, however, enlarge the demand for a reduction of the number of small Jewish trades- men to one for the reduction of the Jewish popula- tion as a whole. This proposition is fraught with a danger not confined to the Jews; it is a danger to the State. To render the conditions of life so in- tolerable to the Jew as to force him to leave his native country, has ever been followed by disastrous consequences to the country, where this form of persecution has been essayed ; whereas in every country, where the Jew has been granted an effec- tic citizenship, he has proved himself a mainstay of law and order. The Jew has usually so much to lose through the consequences of disorder that he ranges himself instinctively on the side of good government. It is for the Poles to choose whether they will follow the example of Great Britain, the United States of America, France, Holland, Italy and the other liberal-minded States which have treated the Jew equitably, or link their fate with ancient Eg^pt, mediaeval Spain and modern Russia. It must further be considered that when the Jew is driven out, his capital is driven out with him. In fact, in most cases it precedes him, for the poor and helpless Jew is not the first to leave in face of eco- nomic persecution such as a boycott or the fear of personal safety, but rather he who possesses the means to seek happier conditions of livelihood else- where. Thus, at the very time when it is vital to the interest of Poland to import capital, were the suggested policy carried into action, it would have for its result the export of capital. In addition, there is the danger that the better minds amongst non-Jews would not be willing to remain in a coun- try wherein truth and justice are absent. Another policy appears to have as its object the identification of Jews as Bolsheviks in order to dis- tract public attention from the Government. The real danger of Bolshevism, however, is to be sought in other directions, although it should not be mat- ter for surprise if some of the younger* generation of educated Jews, finding all avenues of advance- ment and fair play barred, should be found ready to listen to proposals for freedom and equality of opportunity. It is a fair retort that the Govern- ment policy is making potential revolutionaries of these peoples. If the Polish Government would grant the Jews a genuine, and not a masked, equal- ity, they would secure the support of the most conservative law-abiding and loyal section of the population. All the Jews ask is to be allowed to live in peace and safety. By grinding them down by economic differentiation a certain number of these people may be induced to emigrate, but the danger will always remain that a certain residuum will be forced into the ranks of the disaffected and disloyal. The Jew may be robbed, plundered, have his beard cut and be otherwise insulted for a time, but who can be surprised if a point be reached when men will not tolerate such treatment longer and will be prepared to make the utmost sacrifices to achieve the honour of their manhood? Under this hard and continued pressure many Jews have been constrained to change their reli- gion, and it is mostly these "Jews" who are meant when "Jews" are mentioned as being in Government employ. I made careful enquiries in various parts of Po- land as to the extent to which Bolshevik principles had permeated the Jewish population, and the high- est estimate which I encountered was 10 per cent, of their number, a considerably less proportion, according to my informants, than characterises the population as a whole. In investigating the truth of the statement that Jews in Poland sympathise with Bolshevism, attention must be paid to the fact that Jews form the middle class almost in its entirety.* Above are the aristocracy and below are the peasants. Their relations with the peasants are not unsatisfactory. The young peasants can- not read the newspapers and are therefore but slightly contaminated by anti-Semitism until they enter the army. I was informed that it is not at all unusual for Polish peasants to avail themselves of the arbitrament of the .Jewish rabbi's courts. Another point to be borne in mind is that a very considerable proportion of the Jews belong to the orthodox form of the religion. If I understand aright, Bolshevism stands against both religion and the bourgeoisie; it must therefore be clear from the above statements that by the acceptance of these tenets most of the Polish Jews would but compass their own destruction. In conclusion, I desire to point out that, if the social boycott were successful in securing a large emigration of Jews, it would result in a very large decrease in the productive powers of Poland. As the future of the republic depends largely upon its exports exceeding its imports the future of the State itself might be imperilled. The Polish Gov- ernment would be well advised in its own interests that to take immediate and active measures to bring this unsatisfactory condition of affairs to a speedy end would be acting in the best interests of the people committed to its charge. I now propose to report upon the result of my investigations into the excesses perpetrated in the towns I visited in the order they occurred. Before doing so I would like to remark that as statements that the Jews were enemies of the rest of the popu- lation, and that all misfortunes were to be ascribed to their influence, were constantly circulated, and the Jews formed an easy prey for robbery and plunder, attacks upon them were to be expected. It was, however, the evil example of the military as they entered captured towns which as a rule incited the civil population to join in the pogroms. If the military commanders had but performed their duty 25 to humanity and their office, the loss of life would have been considerably less. Poland, too, would not be burdened with these still unpunished crimes. Lcmhcnj. — With regard to the events in Lemberg on the 2ist, 22nd and 23rd November, 1918, con- sideration has to be given to the very remarkable po- sition that was to be found in that city at that period, and it is noteworthy upon what a small scale were the operations. Previous to the date mentioned the Ukrainian army consisted of about 10,000 men in occupation of that portion of East Galicia, but General Monczynski raised a Polish army, about 1,500 in number, consisting of men, women, boys, some of them criminals, and, after a severe struggle, succeeded in capturing half the city, the other half of which remained in the occupation of the Ukrain- ians. The Jewish part of the population of Lem- berg declared itself to be neutral. After street fight- ing of a severe character the Polish forces succeeded in driving the Ukrainians entirely out of the city. This result was achieved through the advent of a considerable body of Polish troops brought under General Roja from Posen. It has been proved to my satisfaction that these troops were promised three days free looting of the Jewish quarter, and I had it in evidence that Jews were warned by Chris- tian friends of the certainty of a pogrom on the days mentioned. The Polish soldiers and popula- tion were somewhat incensed by the attitude of the Jews in not having assisted them in their struggle, but nothing can excuse the work of robbery and murder which took place on the days mentioned (21st, 22nd and 23rd November). Helena Schine deposed that a body of soldiers came to her house, shot her father, her brother and her brother-in-law, and would have shot her, but. she gave them 3,000 crowns and they went away. The soldiers came again at about 12 o'clock in the day and shot her brother, who was still living, though previously wounded, dead. They broke open the safe and stole the silver plate. Another body of soldiers came to the house about 5 o'clock. She had by then taken refuge on the third floor with a Polish woman, who when the soldiers came the third time sent them away. Various other witnesses deposed that many build- ings were set on fire with petroleum obtained from a store ; as the occupants ran out to escape the flames, they were shot down in the • street in cold blood by Polish soldiers. The synagogue was burned, the safe being opened by means of machine- gun fire, and the scrolls of the law were burned and everything of value removed. The result of the three days' looting was that fifty-two Jews were killed, 463 wounded, and a large amount of property stolen. It should be stated that proceedings were taken against General Roja, who was in command of the Posen troops, but he was declared to be suffer- ing from a nervous breakdown. The Poles alleged that the Jews, whilst calling themselves neutrals, had shown active sympathy with the Ukrainians, but the evidence given did not, in my opinion, support that contention. The charge brought against the Jewish militia — a body consisting of 200 men of Jewish race en- rolled to defend and keep order in the Jewish quar- ter- — of having tired at the Polish troops has been recently the subject of proceedings in the Polish Courts ; the charge was dismissed. In the result none of the military commanders responsible for these events has been punished, and no compensation has been paid for the damage done. Pinsk.—Tht events at Pinsk on the 5th April, 1919, when thirty-five Jews were shot, took place about ten days after the town had been taken from the Bolsheviks by the PoHsh army. The Polish command had, a day or two before, suffered a re- verse at the hands of the Bolsheviks and were in a state of nervousness as to an attack on the town. It seems that two Polish soldiers, one named Kosak, who is now in prison for robbery, and another sol- dier, since reported as killed in action, informed the military authorities that they had information that the Jews intended to hold a Bolshevik meeting on Saturday in what is known as the People's House, being the headquarters of the Zionists. The events that followed appear to be so incred- ible that I think it best to give the evidence of the witnesses. Abraham Feinstein, president of the Zionist Co-opei-ative Society, deposed that about the 28th March he received a letter from the Govern- ment Organiser of Co-operative Societies, M. Tro'- fimowicz (a non-Jew), stating that it was desirable that all co-operative societies in the town should combine, and giving them up to the 7th April to make their decisoin. He enclosed the Government permission for the meeting to. take place. Notices were posted in the streets and in the large syna- gogues. The meeting took place on Saturday, the 5.th April, and there were about 150 persons present, consisting of men and women. The meeting com- menced at 5. M. Eisenberg was in the chair. M. Trofimowicz was present at the opening of the meeting and explained its purpose and left at 5 :30. It was decided unanimously to combine. A discus- sion then took place as to how many delegates were to be sent to the combination. That matter was adjourned, and most of the co-operators went home. Mr. Zukerman, an American, had brought 50,000 marks to be distributed for the holy days. Many of those present went into another room to discuss this, and how the money was to be distributed. Whilst this was going on some boys came in and said soldiers were there to take Jews for forced labour. They all went into the large hall. Soldiers were shouting and others were stealing food from the refreshment room. The house consisted of two floors — shops on the ground floor and the club on the first floor. Feinstein went into a friend's shop on the ground floor to take shelter, and later found the whole building surrounded by soldiers, including Kosak. Kosak stopped people and took bribes from them not to take them for forced labour. Feinstein then hid in Gottleib's store on the ground floor, but 26 was discovered and a soldier was left to guard him. He heard a shot upstairs. Gottleib went out to get some water, and came back and said a dead man was lying in the yard. At 10 an under-officer came and said that about fifty arrested people had been shot dead and that his turn would come at 5 o'clock the next morning. At 1 :30 A. M. an under-officer and two soldiers came and sent the guarding soldier away. They robbed him and said : "You must go to the Kommandatur, and you will be shot, as all the meeting were Bolsheviks." One soldier, a Polish under-officer, said he could speak Yiddish, and that he was in the synagogue and heard the Jews arrange to act against the Poles, and that he heard a young man say : "We will have a meeting in the People's House at 5." Feinstein stated it was untrue, then the soldier said he would take 150 roubles to let them go, there being six of them in Gottlieb's room, and eventually he consented to take 50 roubles. He then found two pocket-books and took 500 roubles and 600 roubles respectively from them. He then said : "You are free." He accompanied Feinstein along the street and he arrived home at 4 A. M. Saloman Gittelman, a teacher, deposed that he was arrested at the People's House at about 5 o'clock. He was a member of the Co-operative Society and attended the meeting. He heard a shot. Soldiers then, came in and said, "Why have you shot at us?" and ordered all to stand with hands up. They were all searched and beaten. No arms were found. The soldiers ordered all out, surrounded them, and took them to the Kommandatur. They were severely beaten on the way. An army doctor named Bakraba stopped them on the way and en- quired what it all meant, and the soldiers replied that the Jews had shot at soldiers. A soldier stepped up and said that they had shot at him and wounded him in the head. The doctor replied, "All these Jews ought to be shot." They arrived at the Komman- datur, were stood out in the street, and were all robbed. There were several officers present. There was no trial. Soldiers came back from the Kom- mandatur and they were taken to the market-place. They murdered about sixty. Each was placed against the wall. It was extremely dark, and sol- diers came with a motor bearing a searchlight. An officer came and looked into everyone's face, and some were removed, including the women. The remainder were then informed that their last mo- ment had come, and they could say their prayers. They then, with the lead of the teacher, uttered in a loud voice their last prayers for the dying (I may mention that these so-called Bolsheviks, who pro- fess a negation of religion, uttered their last prayers in such a -loud voice that they could be heard right across the market-place). The officer then com- manded the soldiers to shoot. The figures against the wall fell, after which the soldiers came and shot those who moved on the ground. The remainder, who had been put on one side, were then taken to prison at 10 o'clock. There had been no trial and no word whatever said to them previous to the shooting. Nothing to eat was given. Seventeen men were placed in one room, and at 11:30 three men were brought in. They said that the man Glauberman had been shot, but not at the wall. I have arrived at the conclusion that the shot heard by those in the club was one fired at random by a soldier outside to give colour to the charge that the soldiers had been fired upon, and unfortunately it killed Glauberman, who was hiding in a shed under- neath the stairs leading up to the club. I was shown the hole made by the bullet. No arms were found in the possession of these alleged Bolsheviks. Next morning an under-officer came and took their names, and said : "We will show you what has become of your friends." Nineteen of them were taken to the cemetery by a gendarme and some •"'-' diers. They were shown a freshly fiUed-in grave. They were given shovels and told to reopen the grave. This done, they were placed together in a row. Soldiers arrived and were placed in front of them with rifles levelled at them. The gendarme said to the soldiers: "Are you ready?" One of the prisoners, an elderly teacher, then prayed in a loud voice as follows : "O Lord, forgive thy servants. Thou art powerful to save even now." The words were no sooner out of his mouth than an el- : derly gendarme came to the gendarme in com- mand and whispered something to him. He ordered the prisoners to fill up the grave, again, and they were taken to the prisonj and even- tually Gittelman was sent home. Two of those shot were teachers, colleagues of his for twenty years. It appears that Miss Rabinovitch, who gave evi- dence later, had intervened on their behalf. Aaron Rubin, an elderly manager of a match fac- tory, deposed that he was present at the co-oper- ative meeting. He stated that the soldiers in the large room searched the people and beat them. One man had 11,500 roubles in his possession, which was stolen from him. He shouted that he had been robbed of this amount. A soldier then went down- stairs, and shortly came back and said : "Who has shot?" Rubin generally confirmed the previous wit- ness's evidence, i He was one of those taken from the wall and taken to the cemetery. In the ceme- tery the soldiers loaded their rifles and said their last moment had come. After they had returned to the prison, a gendarme interviewed them and en- deavoured to get a confession from them. Each one was taken separately in a separate room, stripped, and beaten with straps and ramrods. They were then all put together in one room half dead from flogging. This included six women. They were told to put on their clothes and return to their cells. On Tuesday a gendarme came and said that if there were an enquiry they must say that they had not been beaten. On Wednesday he was re- leased by doctor's orders. A young lady who desired her name not to be published, aged about 25, deposed that she went to the People's House to enquire as to whether she was to participate in the American money. Soldiers came in and began to eat food they found in a cup- board. They were seeking young Jews for forced labour. An elderly officer came and said they were all to go into the large room. They searched the 27 people, and the first man searched had over 10,000 roubles. In her opinion all that followed was to cover the robbery. She confirmed the statement that they were all taken outside the Komman- datur. She confirmed the interview with Dr. Bakraba, but added that Dr. Bakraba himself beat a girl named Eisenberg. No question was put to them. They remained in the street. They expected they would be brought into the Komman- datur but were not, and remained in the street. A passer-b}- named Krasalstchik, who was walking on the pavement with a Miss Polak, was taken by the soldiers and included with the prisoners, and even- tually shot. They were then all taken to the mar- ket-place and put against the wall of the church. All was dark. She saw some of the women led away a short distance, so she walked out of the line too. All those remaining at the wall were given time to say their last words. A teacher chanted the last Jewish prayers for the dying, and the others repeated them after him. They were then shot dead. The survivors were told their time would come on the morrow, and that they would be hanged. From the wall they were led to the prison. The women were in a s.eparate room. The Polish guard treated them very badly, but the Governor of the prison treated them kindly. The warders said they would be shot. A gendarme came later and they were all led to a room, stripped naked, re- volvers put to their heads and flogged. They were then turned out of the room naked with their clothes in their hands into a corridor full of soldiers, who kicked and struck them. They were then sent into another room where they dressed and were allowed to go free. M. Abrahamovitch gave evidence that he heard a noise, was frightened, and hid in the roof of the synagogue on the other side of the market-place. At a quarter to 9 in the evening of Saturday he heard firing and groans that lasted all night, and sol- diers laughing. One of the men, Palatzny, was shot and only slightly wounded ; at 5 :30 on the morning of the 6th April he got up and ran away. He was observed by the soldiers and shot dead. Sonia Rabinovitch, a girl student from Kieff, was staying at Pinsk with her father. Polish officers lived at her father's house, and she was able to intervene to save the people at the cemetery. (I have no doubt that the eventual release of these peo- ple was the direct consequence of the arrival of an American officer who began to make enquiries.) An official statement relative to these events issued on the 7th April by General Listovski, com- mander of the group, I find devoid of all credence. The treatment meted out to these so-called Jewish Bolsheviks is in contrast to the treatment of avow- edly Bolshevik Poles. M. Gabryl Kiewicz was com- missary for the town, a post corresponding to mayor, during the. Bolshevik occupation, and he is now a* paid official in the Election Office.^ M. Melech, who was administrator of the Food Department for the Bolsheviks, is now employed in the municipal administration. In conversation with local Christian Poles the Mission was informed that the town was heartily ashamed of this dreadful tragedy, and believed that the people massacred were quite innocent. In conclusion, I may state that Major Luczynski and Lieutenant Landsberg", who were in command on the occasion mentioned, in no way have been pun- ished. They have simply been removed to other posts. I have endeavoured unsuccessfully to see Major Luczynski. Under the present local administration Pinsk is once more peaceful, and the relations between the Christian and the non-Christian inhabitants have become normal. Lida.— On the 16th April, 1919, the Poles attacked the Bolshevik troops occupying Lida, this being the second day of the Jewish Passover. The Jews were frightened and there were only ten Jews in the synagogue, the rest remaining in their houses. It was proved to my satisfaction that on the 16th the Bolsheviks ordered all their soldiers to leave their billets and return to barracks. This they refused to do, and when the Polish troops entered the town, they shot at them from the windows of the houses. This was in the poorer Jewish quarter, because most of the best houses were taken possession of by officers, leaving the less desirable houses to be occupied by their men. Consequently when the Polish troops eventually entered the town on the morning of the 17th they attacked the Jewish quar- ter, killing on the two days, the 16th and the 17th, thirty-five Jews. The case of the man Poukoff and his son, who were first robbed of '150,000 roubles and then taken out into the street and shot without trial, was a particularly bad case. In fact, the bulk of the people killed were either murdered in their houses or shot outside them. On the 19th only there was a court-martial, when six Jews and two Christians were sentenced to be shot. On the 17th 200 Jews were arrested in the Jewish quarter, but were released without any trial after five days. The Rabbi of the place. Rabbi Rabbinovitch, was ar- rested, robbed and beaten, together with many other Jews. On the 18th a body of a soldier was found mutilated, and the Jews were accused of having murdered him ; this caused great excitement in the town. It was said that a Catholic priest intervened, and asked in church that anyone who knew any- thing of the case should inform him. Later the excitement died down, and the rumour was spread that the priest had interfered to say that the mur- derer was not a Jew. The priest referred to had left Lida, and I was unable to obtain confirmation of this story, but believe it to be true. Vilna was taken from the Bolsheviks on the 19th April, 1919, by Polish troops. The rumour was spread that the Jews had shot at the Polish soldiers, whereupon soldiers and civilians commenced a mas- sacre and robbery of the Jews which lasted three days. Fifty-five Jews were killed, including two well-known authors, MM. Weiter and Ivianski, a large number were wounded and 2,000 arrested as sympathisers with the Bolsheviks. Of these 1,000 were released upon guarantees being given, and the 28 remainder were removed to internment camps under conditions oi the greatest hardship. Most of these poor people have been kept in these unsanitary and loathsome camps, suffering hunger and fre- quent beatings, without trial, and had not been re- leased at the time of the mission's visit in Novem- ber. Amongst those arrested for having shot at the Polish soldiers were the Rev. I. Rubinstein, one of the principal Rabbis, and Dr. Shabad, the head of the community. I may add that the 19th April was a Saturday, when, being the Jewish Sabbath, a R'abbi would be most unlikely to carry or use fire- arms. Nevertheless, these gentlemen were marched by soldiers through the streets, beaten and spat upon not only by the mob, but also by well-dressed ladies and gentlemen, till they reached a garden where they were informed that they were about to be shot. After a detention during which they ex- pected every minute to be their last, these gentle- men eventually were released through the interven- tion of an officer and sent home. The killing and plundering lasted for three days, many houses being completely looted and the synagogue desecrated, in spite of the presence in the city of General Joseph Pilsudski, the Chief of the State. Officers stated publicly that they regarded all the Vilna Jews as enemies and sympathisers with Bolsheviks. A cer- tain number of Jews, owing to their better educa- tion, undoubtedly acted as officials during the Bol- shevik regime. But the fact of Christian Poles act- ing in a similar manner does not seem to have aroused resentment. My attention was called to several instances where former Bolshevik officials still occupied public offices. M. Solimani was on the Economical Council of the Bolsheviks, and at the time of the mission's visit was in the Agricul- tural Department; but is now a Polish railway offi- cial. M. Jachimoricz, of the Bolshevik Economical Department, is now secretary to the Municipality of Vilna. The Jews do not appear, however, to have supported the Bolsheviks in a military sense. The Bolsheviks publicly complained that only 1 per cent, of their army were Jews. With regard to the alleged shooting by Jews upon Polish troops, M. Zmaczynski, President of the Court of the province, and M. Buyko, Vice-President of the Court, both gentlemen of high character, informed the mission that they themselves had seen Jewish men and women (civilians) firing for two hours in Populanki and Alexandrovska Boulevard. Further, there was submitted for my inspection an official copy of a declaration purporting to be signed by four members of the Danish Legation, Section B, at Petrograd, to the effect that on the 19th April at the Vilna railway station, they had been wit- nesses of a fusillade directed by the Jewish civil population against the Polish troops. With regard to this statement, the Danish Legation at Warsaw was kind enough to make some enquiry at the Dan- ish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Danish Gov- ernment in reply communicated to His Majesty's Government the following declaration by the former Danish Minister at Petrograd: — "I have the honour to state that two of the signatories of the document in question, Sachsenburg and Ernst, both Austrians, were at one time employed in Section B at the Danish Legation, the former in the Passport Office, the latter as a copying clerk. Dr. Klein I do not recall. As stated in this Le- gation's report No. 221 of the 6th December last, there has never been any Danish Mis- sion at Vilna or Warsaw, and when the in- dividuals concerned state, in a document dated Warsaw, the 25th April, 1919, that they are members of the Royal Danish Legation, this allegation must be regarded as entirely unjustifiable and deserves to be repudiated. It would lead very far if all persons who at any time have been employed in Section B were to be entitled for the rest of their lives to describe themselves as 'members of the Royal Danish Legation.' The declaration is, as far as I can judge, perfectly authentic." If Jewish civilians actually did fire upon Polish soldiers — and I found it impossible to distinguish between the type of Jew prevailing in the Vilna- Pinsk district and that of the ordinary Russian or Tartar inhabitants — the fact cannot justify the whole civilian population being handed over de- fenceless to massacre and rapine. I regret to state that no official investigation has been made into these outrages and no one punished. The excesses reported from Cracow and Lodz took the form of local riots arising from transient causes. Though considerable property was de- stroyed and plundered and many Jews seriously as- saulted both by soldiers and civilians, there was no actual loss of life except that of one man — although that is one too many — at the latter place. I am of opinion that the affair at Lodz might have attained considerably less proportions if, when the police proved unequal to quell the disturbance, the military authorities had acted with greater promptitude. A young man, Selig Lipman, a survivor of an at- tack on a farm at Slobodka Lesna, made the follow- lowing declaration before me at Warsaw." Farm at Slobodka Lesna "In peace time the farm was an agricultural col- lege, and there were between sixty and seventy stu- dents. It is an estate belonging to the Jewish Colonial Association situated near the village of Lesna. The students were being prepared for agri- cultural work in Palestine. There are two houses on the farm : one the house of the director and the other where the pupils were housed. At the time of the following events there were, at the college thirteen boy and four girl students. "On the 6th June, 1919, the army of General Zeligowsky was marching from Russia through Roumania to Poland. "The farm is situated near the main road, and the students were engaged at their usual occupations when some of the artillery of this army and about 200 cavalry halted not far from the farm. Pickets were placed at the two entrances to the farm. 29 "An officer, a corporal and some soldiers came to the director's house. A cart was in front of the house loaded with grain. The soldiers took five sacks. A portion of the picket meanwhile sur- rounded the students' house. They proceeded to whip the students. I myself was not in the house as I was engaged in getting some cows out of the stable. I understand the soldiers asked the students if they were Polish. They replied: 'No, they were Jews.' Whereupon the soldiers began to beat them with swords. One of the boys, whilst being beaten, put up his hand to protect himself, and had his hand badly wounded by a sword. He then attempted to escape, but was unable to do so as he was followed by mounted soldiers. So he threw himself flat on the ground and they rode over him. He then sought refuge in a distillery. "The rest of the boys were driven into the black- smith's foundry. The soldiers then shot dead three of them : — "Samuel Presser, aged 19, was killed instantan- eously. . "Joseph Ball, aged 18, and / ,. , , . . "Zevi Rothenburg, aged 18 ( '^'^'^ shortly after. "Subsequently the soldiers went to the distillery where the boy, Jacob Wilf, had taken refuge and shot him three times. He was not mortally wounded and has since recovered. "Ball, who was still living, was removed by two girl students to their room. This was discovered by the soldiers, who went there and shot him dead through the head. Rothenburg, already dead, had 'his throat cut by the soldiers. : I "The girls then hid themselves, and, not being 'discovered, were not molested. "The whole of the proceedings only lasted half- ■an-hour. When I returned irom the stables the whole business had finished. As^ soon as the sol- diers came to the house I was ordered by the di- rector to get the cows into the meadow, and so was not present when the above events-took place. "The soldiers asked the Director if he was a Jew, and he stated that he was a Czech, and was there- fore not molested. "On the previous night these same soldiers killed a Jewish family of six people; a Ruthenian peasant (non-Jewish) was taken into a forest and shot, and another Ruthenian peasant flogged and beaten. "(Signed) SELIG LIPMAN." • ,; Having dealt with these excesses in detail, I will now proceed to consider them as a whole. " It is very difficult to ascertain the number of lives 'lost through these painful occurrences, but, taking the lowest figure in cases of doubt, the total cannot be less than 348. These figures, terrible though they be, fail to convey an impression of the terrible condition of apprehension and anxiety under which the Jews labour. The military authorities, under the pretext of military necessity, arbitrarily took Jews, but rarely Christians, for forced labour. There was seldom any necessary labour to be performed, and on most occasions upon payment of a bribe these men were released. In one town, Bobrojuisk, Jews were taken from the Synagogue on the Day of Atonement and forced to remove dung from the military stables and streets. Even old men were forced to do this work. At Lemberg Jews were taken for forced labour at any time of the night. In order to avoid this the Jewish Relief Committee undertook to provide labourers. They paid nearly three million crowns in bribery, but Jews were still taken and sent back, as there was no work for them to do, though at that same time still more Jews were being taken in the streets for forced labour. Unfortunately their distinctive dress and mien, and their practice of not cutting the beard, in accord- ance with the Biblical precept, render them easy butts for hooligan humour. My attention was di- rected to numerous cases of Jews being assaulted and robbed in railway trains, and their beards cut at railway stations, nearly all these outrages being perpetrated by soldiers travelling on the railway. The railway authorities appear to have been both unwilling and unable to restrain these excesses. In no instance was I able to ascertain that any punish- ment followed' the offence. I noticed in several towns, more especially in Warsaw, that the streets in the Jewish quarter were left uncleaned and were in a state of worse repair than other parts of the city. It does not appear to be recognised that a sanitary danger to a portion of the community involves sanitary danger to the whole. On several occasions the resentment of the sol- diery and civil population was aroused by the Zion- ists' claim to Jewish nationality as opposed to Polish nationality. The same claim was declared to me by Government officials to be the reason for the non-ad- mission of Jews into the Post Office and other Gov- ernment offices, but no evidence was adduced to me that Jews not so declaring themselves of separate nationality were able to secure appointments. A serious feature of the situation is the fact that it is very difficult for the Jews to otain redress and restitution. Although nominally every citizen is free to approach the Government, actualUy repre- sentations produce no result. At present the Jews are considerably under repre- sented in the Polish Parliament (Sejm), having only 11 out' of 390 seats.' This is largely owing to the manner in which the boundaries of the present constituencies are drawn. Until they secure a rep- resentation of about forty members, which is about their proportion of the general population, it will be difficult for them to make any appreciable im- pression upon public opinion. Most cf the requests made to the Polish Government appear to be met with the reply that the Jews have their privileges in accordance with their numerical proportion to the rest of the population. Whilst this rejoinder is apparently frank and just, it is nevertheless spe- cious ; the Jews, as in most other parts of the world, 30 have specialised in definite occupations. To answer their complaints, when their own representative in- dustries are attacked, to the effect that they have their proper proportion of privileges, appears to be a refinement of casuistry. I feel, however, that the Government eventually will be able to make its sobering influence more directly felt by the gen- eral population ; meanwhile the Jews must have pa- tience in order to give time for this to become effec- tive. I have striven to detail and discuss the distressing incidents under investigation with a restraint befit- ting the official mission with which I have had the honour to be entrusted. I feel bound, however, to place on record the pain and horror with which I listened to the eye-witnesses of these callous and bloodthirsty crimes by which so many innocent and harmless people were done to death. I consider that the bare recital of these terrible events is enough to reveal how insecure are Jewish life and property in Poland, and how easily — if the evil causes at work be not speedily removed— ex- cesses may break out again, possibly upon a far more serious scale. Many countries have been affected by temporary waves of anti-Semitism. The movement has been somewhat accentuated in Poland . at the present time owing to war, famine and the difficult political position. Poles generally are of a generous nature, and if the present incitements of the press were repressed by a strong official hand Jews would be able to live, as they have done for the past 800 years, on good terms with their fellow citizens in Poland. In the hope of assisting this desirable consumma- tion I have the honour to submit the following recommendations for the consideration of His Majesty's Government. I won d draw your atten- tion to the fact that I have not embodied in this re- port any matters- which I was not able to investigate personally during the stay of ths mission in Po- land : — Recommendations 1. That the Polish Government be urged to carry out the clauses of the Minority Treaty of June 28, 1919, in a spirit of sympathy with its Jewish sub- jects. A State can only be strong when all sections of its inhaitants are working unitedly and in mutual confidence for its welfare. 2. That a genuine and not a "masked" equality be accorded to the Jewish population of Poland. 3. That all outrages against the person or prop- erty of the subject, irrespective of religion or race, should be promptly punished and the names of the delinquents published. This latter action is espe- cially necessary, inasmuch as the State does not punish out of revenge but as a deterrent to others. 4. That Jews in East Galicia be restored to their official positions in the same manner as non-Jews have been. 5. That Jewish railway officials and employees be restored to their posts in the same manner as non-Jews have been. 6. That no restrictions should be placed upon the number of Jews admitted to the Universities. 7. Tha,t a decree be published declaring boycotts illegal, and ordering all publications advocating boycott to be suspended.* 8. That all prisoners in internment camps be brought to immediate trial, and that humane treat- ment be assured to all interned prisoners. 9. That facilities be afforded for the introduction of new industries into Poland with a view to con- verting a larger proportion of the Jewish population into producers. 10. That the British Government should assist Jews wishing to emigrate from Poland by providing facilities to proceed to countries such as Palestine, Canada, South Africa, Algeria and South America, or any other country desiring to receive them. 11. That banks be established possessing the con- fidence of the Jewish public, so that money might be deposited therein instead of being carried on the person or concealed in dwellings.^ 12. That the desirability of a secretary who un- derstands and speaks Yiddish being added to the staff of His Majesty's Legation at Warsaw be con- sidered. I have to thank M. Hendryk Wolowski, of the Polish Foreign Office, who was detailed to act as liaison officer between the British Mission and the various Ministries, for his invaluable services in securing such information as was desired, and for his courteous aid and assistance in furthering the object and securing the comfort of the mission dur- ing its stay in Poland. I have also to inform you that consequent upon the introduction of the mission by Sir Percy Wynd- ham, then British Minister, to M. de Skrzynski, act- ing Prime Minister in M. Paderewski's absence, every assistance was rendered by the Polish Gov- ernment to the mission in prosecuting its enquiry. I beg to thank you for the advice and assistance you rendered me. I desire to add that Mr. Sidney Phillips and Mr. David Bassis rendered efficient service respectively as secretary and interpreter. I have, &c. STUART M. SAMUEL. Sir Horace Rumbold, Bart., K.C.M.G., M.V.O. 7ai Footnotes 'An entirely different light is thrown on this matter in the report of Captain Wright, who, on page 41, in speaking of the election, says : "In 1912 the dispute between Poles and Jews, assiduously encouraged by the Tsarist authorities, came to an issue in the Duma elections. The Warsaw Jews, by a neat but perfectly legitimate manoeuvre, got control of the elections, and, with sardonic humor, returned to the Duma a member of such kind that whenever the representa- tive of the capital of Poland got on his feet the Duma roared with laughter." Jagiello belonged to the "faction of the Socialist party which had renounced Polish independence, hence, far from being patriotic, the Jews had chosen as their representative a man who had openly bowed to Russian domi- nation. The Palish Socialists did not support Jagiello. ' and 'In the Letter of Transmittal, Sir H. Rumbold says: "Sir Stuart Samuel would appear to be mistaken in his appre- ciation of the part played by the Jews in the pre-war business relations between Poland and Russia, and in the industry of the former country. Whereas it is true that the goods exported from Poland were to a large extent handled by tlie Jews, only a small percentage of those goods were actually manufactured by them. The cotton industry in Lodz owes its development more to the Polish industrial community of German extraction than to the Jews. The statement that the initiative in business was almost entirely a prerogative of the Jews is exaggerated. A case in point are the co- operatives, which are exclusively Polish." Statistics compiled before the war showed that only 33 per cent, of the factories were in the hands of Jews. * Even the Jews have almost without exception admitted that their race in Poland has for centuries had the lowest standing of living of all the residents of Poland. The recent typhus epidemic was far more extensive among the Jews than the Poles because the louse-carried disease flourished amid the filth of the Jewish abodes. Captain Wright in his report says : "This civilization of nothing less than half the Polish Jews is not only far from European, but it is also very primitive. It is the civilization of the age of Ezra and Nehemiah in the fifth century before the Christian " 'A great distinction was drawn between those cases m which the individuals who accepted office under the invaders did so in order to lighten the impositions upon their fellow citizens and those in which the offices were sought by persons frankly anxious to desert the Polish cause. All cases of this kind were tried for high treason, and the fact that the in- dividuals here mentioned were acquitted is proof of the fact that they did not turn against their country, but merely ac- cepted distasteful positions in the interests of Poles. ' Though Sir Stuart Samuel here fully credits the unsup- ported story of a young Jew he says on page 28 that "An official statement issued on the 7th of April by General Listovski, commander of the group, I find devoid of all credence." In several cases he gives unsupported testimony wliich "was proved to my satisfaction" without giving further sources. ' Poland has general man and woman suffrage. In addi- tion, the law provides for proportional representation, guar- anteeing the representation of minorities. An equal number of voters is in all cases entitled to equal representation. Vot- ing is by secret ballot. There exists no reason why Jews cannot by voting obtain the full representation that their strength warrants. " Though the Polish Government has in many cases taken drastic steps against boycott movements and has removed army officials because of their tolerance of boycotts, the recommendation here given would cause the Government of a free country to take a step backward to suppression and reaction. ■ Sir Rumbold says : "I would point out that there exists a national loan bank and that there is no difference be- tween Poles and Jews regarding the business transacted at the bank. Polish legislation makes no difficulties" with re- gard to the founding of banks by Jews, so the latter are able, if they need it, to start banks in which they have confidence." 32 The Captain Wright Report ENCLOSURE NO. 2. Sir, THE Mission arrived in Warsaw on the 18th September, 1919. Sir Stuart Samuel, the Chief Commissioner, left on the 6th December, and I left on the 18th December. This report was written be- fore my departure. The chief task imposed on the Commission sent out to examine the condition of the Jews in Poland was to enquire into any excesses committed against the Jews that might be brought to the notice of the Commission. But on enquiries into these excesses I found, as might be expected, they were only the expression of a mutual animosity. Therefore no examination of the excesses could be complete un- less we enquired into the nature and origin of their animosity. But on enquiring into this deep and ancient quarrel, I found no examination of it could be complete unless we enquired into the history of the Jews in Poland. One subject thus leading to another, I wished, even at the risk of appearing pedantic or presumptuous or superficial, to try to understand and to explain, first, the past history of the Jews in Poland ; secondly, the causes of the un- paralleled anti-Semitic feeling existing there; and lastly, those excesses which are the effects of these violent feelings. There was another reason for extending the enquiry to these rather too-distant limits. The Poles complained bitterly of foreign Commissions meddling with their national affairs without any acquaintance with the hjstory of 'their past, as if they were savages without any past history at all. This com- plaint seemed to me reasonable and just; for our own domestic questions, like the Irish question, for example, could hardly be under- stood by foreigners ignorant of and indiffer- ent to our past history. This was another reason for at least endeavoring to give this scope to our enquiry, though time and other qualifications might perhaps be insufficient. West Jews and East Jews Even at present, in spite of the large outflow from the original reservoir into the Western world on both sides of the Atlantic, three-fifths of the world's Jews live in what was once the Kingdom of Poland. A century ago, before the outflow began, four- fifths or even nine-tenths, did. In the capital of Poland, Warsaw, at least every third person is a Jew, and there are 600 synagogues; in many pro- vincial towns four out of five inhabitants, in some even nine out of ten, are Jews ; nearly everything printed that strikes the eye in the streets of such small provincial towns, is not in our, but in the Hebrew alphabet. Every village, every estate has one or two Jews on it. At the most only one out of every 200 people in the British Isles is Semitic ; but in Poland, taking the whole country, one out of every seven at least. But it is a difference not only in quantity but in kind. The Germans, placed as they are between the Jews of Eastern and those of Western Europe, and so able to see the difference, always distinguish in their numerous scientific writings between y^hat they call East Jews and West Jews, and these names are convenient. Language is the most easily discernible, as it is the strongest proof, of the differences. West Jews, in an overwhelming majority,' speak the language of their country. East Jews do not: among them- selves they speak, with slight variations in different districts, a Middle-High German dialect, contemp- tuously called jargon in Eastern Europe, and where it survives in the East End of London, as Yiddish. It is often treated as a debased form of German, but it is nothing of the sort, any more than the language of Chaucer is a debased form of English. It is a mediaeval dialect, and still spoken by the peasants of the Black Forest. The very word "Yiddish" is the modern German word "Jiidisch," meaning Jewish, pronounced with the correct mediaeval ac- cent. « To write this Yiddish, Hebrew characters are used. Concurrently with it, Hebrew is used as a religious language, and within the last generation the Zionists have endeavoured to substitute it for Yiddish as a popular language to write magazines, conduct education, and to talk nothing else; but, even as a religious language, Hebrew is not, as among at least the majority of the West Jews, the privilege of a few learned Semitic scholars; it is a language that every educated East Jew learns and in which the pious reads his sacred books with the same zeal as the pious Protestant pores over his Bible. The "Jewish Press" in Western Europe is newspapers owned and edited by Jews ; but in East- ern Europe it means daily newspapers printed in these old Semitic letters, utterly different from either the Latin letters used by Poles or Hellenic letters used by Russians, and so singular and unique in Europe as the only Semitic alphabet in use. Even now many Polish Jews speak Polish with difficulty, and only know this mediaeval German dialect and this old Semitic language which is older than many portions of the Old Testament, written as they were when Jews had already abandoned Hebrew for Aramaic ; and I am told that two or three genera- tions ago this ignorance of anything but Yiddish or Hebrew was quite common. 33 'The Jew in Eastern Europe," says an Anglo-Jewish writer, "differs from the other inhabitants not only in religion but also in custom and language. Religion for the Brit- ish Jews is only a matter of conscience and tradition ; it is also for many Jews in Eastern Europe also a question of manners and cus- toms,"^ The many Jews he refers to are the Orthodox Jews, the Chassidim (pious) who constitute roughly (though the exact propor- tion is disputable) half the East Jews. No- thing like these East Jews exists among the West Jews (or is even known to most of them, I suspect), and the above writer was under- stating the difference. The Orthodox Jews in Eastern Europe are neither European nor modern. The difference between West Jews and Christians is, or tends to be (as anti- Semites would maintain), a difference of relir gion only as they belong or claim to belong only to a different denomination. The differ- ence between Chassidim and Christians is not even a difference of religion, or even of nation- ality, but one of civilisation; they differ to the observation of the most superficial observer, not in doctrine only, but in their way of dress- ing, of living, of eating. Their dress— to take the distinction that appears at once — is not the same ; like their speech, it is mediaeval : a long black gabardine, and a peculiar cap. They wear beards and side curls, not because it is a barber's fashion, but for religious reasons, like other Orientals. Their standard of clean- liness in dress and living is low, next to those which Latin Christendom has always had just because its origin is Latin. But, on the other hand, questions of food are to them — as they are to many Eastern castes — questions of religion, and their standard of cleanliness, for example, in the choice and the preparation of meat is very much higher. I select these out- ward differences because I could observe them myself during the short period I was brought into contact. But I am inclined, from a num- ber of concrete cases that came before the Commission, to agree with the Polish conten- tion that their standards of conduct are also '", very different, and, consistently with what "else I have observed of them, neither Euro- 'pejan nor modern. The resemblance between this small primi- • tive Semitic civilisation,, so strangely pre- ■ served in Europe, and the great Semitic civil- isation of Islam, struck me, even though my knowledge of each is inconsiderable, and I would not venture on this observation if it were not confirmed by the authorities — -Ger- man for the most part, I regret to say — which I read on the subject. The rigid monotheism : the subordinate position in religion of women, evidently in earlier times an absolute exclu- sion ; the absence of distinction between civil and religious authority, the Rabbi supplying both and wielding the greatest power: the absence of distinction between civil and reli- gious law, the sacred books supplying both ; the existence of hereditary tribes of priests called almost by the same name ; the simila- rity of the calendars : the very schools where boys sing-song their lessons from the sacred books and the copious quotations from them in the same sing-song which adorns all grave conversation ; these mere outward points of resemblance appear at once. Some of the customs, such as keeping the heads of women shaved and making them wear a wig or rib- bons or false hair, appear absolutely savage. The Chassidim are still the people of the Book, as Mohammed, in the most illuminating phrase ever spoken about the Jews, called them. For a book, or rather a set of books, rule their whole way of life. These are the Torah (what we call the Pen- tateuch and the Greek-speaking authors of the New Testament correctly translated into Greek as the Law), every word, every dot of which is not only sacred but has an absolute value and must be literally carried out:^ on a lower level Nebiim (prophets) and Ketubim (scripture) : and then a vast ency- clopaedic work, the Talmud, written between the second and sixth century of our era, and being, in effect, a record of rabbinical controversies of the previous six centuries. In Torah and Talmud the whole of human knowledge is contained, and out- side it there is no human knowledge worth having;^ and piety consists of the knowledge and study of them and the execution of the ritual and customs found or supposed to be found in them. Among these ritual and customary rules the chief are the rules of Kosher food (Kosher being the word our Bible translators translated as "clean"), and the Sabbath. Torah, Nebiim and Ketubim have been transmit- ted to Christianity to constitute the Old Testament together with some of their prestige. But the closest devotion to the sacred text and the strictest Sabbatarianism of the strictest Protestants falls far short of the literal, rigorous and elaborately legal observation of the Torah by the Orthodox Jews. I will give two examples, one of a rule of Kosher (clean), drawn from the Pentateuch, and one of the Sabbath rules. "Thou shalt not seeth the kid in its mother's milk." Therefore no butter can be eaten with meat. Therefore, no butter or milk must stand on the table at the same time as meat. Therefore, to avoid any unintentional breach of the law, each house- hold must possess a separate set of crockery, knives and forks for meat and milk; and Chassidim, even the poorest, do this. Work is forbidden on the Sabbath. Therefore no fire can be lit or extinguished on it. Therefore nothing should be done which involves the possible lighting or extinguishing of fire. Therefore smok- ing is forbidden. These customs, especially as to food and Sabbath, and the ritual rules are not few, but form a large code, the Shulkhan Aruch (Spread Table). The observa- 34 tion of them makes up the whole life of the Ortho- dox who care for nothing else, and will suffer any- thing rather than violate them. I can think of two cases of excesses brought before the Commission, one in which a Jew had been cruelly beaten rather than sign his name on Saturday, writing being, of course, a violation of the Sabbath ; the other when a Jew had been badly mishandled by soldiers rather than let them force a piece of meat that was not Kosher through his teeth. Religion and morality consist in the keeping of these ritual and customary rules, and, whatever ''rationalising and "reformed" modern Jews may say, outside these ritual and customary rules there is no religion and morality for the Orthodox.* The difficulties of life are in avoiding any breach of them; for example, eating an egg with a drop of blood in it. The perplexities of life are in dealing with new cases ; for example, is an egg, laid on the Sabbath, Kosher or is it not? This civilisation of nothing less than half the Polish Jews is not only far from European, but it is also very primitive. It is the civilisation of the age of Ezra and Nehemiah in the fifth century before the Christian era when the books of the Old Testa- ment were edited in their present form, materially unchanged, but only made more rigid and sharp in course of time.^ That their spiritual life was re- stricted to the Torah, the Law and these ritual and customary rules is, of course, the very criticism made of the Jews by the Greek-speaking authors of the New Testament, but I had never understood that reproach until I had seen the system in full swing, now as it was 2,000 years ago. Their very antiquity made the Orthodox Jews the most in- teresting people in Poland, and their Rabbis were venerable with all the dignity of the East. But they are ilot civilised in our sense of the word, and it is impossible for Poles to amalgamate with them, and difficult to mix with them, or even to frame com- mon laws for them. Nothing could be more im- pressive than this strahge preservation of this old Setnitic culture, which is not only older than Euro- pean civilisation, but is older than the civilisations, Latin or Byzantine, now long extinguished, from which European civilisation is itself derived. The ridicule and contempt affected for it by Poles, and many Jews who are not Orthodox, is shallow and ignorant. But nothing could be more difficult to associate with than a people who physically, men- tally and morally are, and whose whole conception and way of life is so very different. The presence of such people as the Chassidim in their midst must profoundly affect the minds of ordinary people, especially a devout, rustic people like the Poles. There is a general belief among all classes of Poles that the Jews practice ritual mur- der; for this there exists not the slightest evidence. It is a myth and an improbable myth. For Ortho- dox Judaism is not a religion of , mysterious rites, less so itideed than Christianity, but a highly posi- tive, defined, legal religion. But I think this myth, strongly and widely believed as it is, the reflection at this antique and oriental religion casts in the minds of ordinary men. As the Orthodox Jews now are, so were all East Jews till the nineteenth century. Since then this original nucleus, which had kept intact and un- changed for scores of centuries, has shed off, aot only the greater part of the West Jews (the White- chapel Jews still refer to Poland in Yiddish as tlome), but also the Polish Jews who . are not Orthodox. These resemble the West Jews as we know them in England, in having become European (though, of course, the anti-Semitic thesis is that they have not yet and never can become so), and certainly in being, in so far as they are Eurojiean- ised, ultra modern; for they have broker, with their own traditional past and are not c mnected with the traditional pa'^t of Europeans. The mair political party oi the I'cj'ish Jews who are not Orthod(.'X is knoWn, and for a very good reason, as I shall after- wards explain, as the Nationalist or Zionist Party, aigroms at Lemberg, Pinsk, Lida, Vilna, and Cracow. The account I read of these seemed to be, after enquir- ing into them, mixtures of rhetoric and evidence, so perhaps the best method is to make a bare finding of fact. Lemberg In the beginning of November, 1918, the Ukrainian forces, a small body of men, entered Lemberg. In Ukrainia the peasantry, who were Ukrainian, had massacred the landlords, who were Polish, and the greatest mutual hate prevailed. The Jews of Lem- berg, numbering 60,000, acknowledged the Ukrainians, and treated them as masters of the town. When the German troops revolted all over Poland at the time of the Armistice, and the whole edifice of German organisation fell to the ground in a day, a few Polish officers, a Major A. and others, raised a small vol- unteer force in Lemberg numbering between 1,000 and 2,000, which was composed of boys, roughs, and criminals, and even women in uniform. For nearly a fortnight they fought in the streets against the Ukrainians and, on the arrival of a similar force similarly raised by General B. from Cracow, drove the Ukrainians out of the town. This was really a splendid feat of arms. During this struggle the Jews proclaimed themselves neutral ; but, thoi^h I do not think they gave any armed assistance to the Ukrai- nians, their neutrality was highly benevolent to the Ukrainians and probably helpful. They thought the Ukrainians would win. Major A. and General B. only kept their scratch armies of 2,000 or 3,000 together by promising them forty-eight hours' plunder of the Jews. I am inclined to think that of three-score Jews murdered during this period, some at least were killed by accident in the street fighting, but at least the majority were mur- dered, and these murders were accompanied by a proportionate amount of robbery and outrage. On the second day these troops unfortunately found a petrol store in the Jewish quarter, and used it to burn the quarter down. Some of the murders were committed because some of the soldiers were criminals. One motive, however, both of the murders and the burning, was genuiiie fear of this vast Jewish population surrounding this small body of Poles. A large number of the civilian population of Lem- berg, wealthy, middle-class people, joined in the plun- der of the Jewish shops. Pinsk A Polish officer. Major C, found himself last spring in occupation of the town proper. He had only a very small detachment of men; the Russian Bol- sheviks had only just been driven out, and their lines were quite close. The Jewish population of Pinsk showed a great deal of coldness towards Major C, who was suspicious of their relations with the Bol- sheviks, and, I think both irritated and anxious; he had posted proclamations that any unauthorised meet- ing would be punished by death. On a Saturday afternoon, the Zionist Co-operative organisation had a perfectly proper, authorised busi- ness meeting. This meeting took place in the offices of the Zionist organisation, which is very anti-Polish. After the meeting had ended and been formally closed, a great many members of the Co-operative association remained in the same room talking together: other members of the Zionist organisation, including ladies, were in the rooms at the same time. This collection of people must have presented the appearance of a meeting, and I think the members remaining in one room were numerous enough technically to constitute a meeting. There was some insolence in this and the previous behaviour of the Jews: Sir Stuart Samuel pointed out to the witnesses that their authorised meeting itself had been a breach of the Sabbath and therefore a grave religious offense. Polish soldiers and gendarmerie who hjad been pressing for forced labour, and probably using this as a blackmailing pretext, entered the building (I am not sure whether by accident or owing to a previous de- nunciation) and arrested and searched those present. They no doubt obtained a considerable amount of money for themselves in this search. They then took 50 or 60 in number to the headquarters of Major C. and reported that they had arrested the members of an unauthorised Jewish Bolshevik meeting. Major C, who had almost at the same hour heard of a Bol- shevik success near the town, and was preparing to evacuate it, gave orders for their immediate execution. This was done without trial of any sort and even with- out taking their names. One person at least of those executed had been swept into the crowd of prisoners by accident in the street. The whole incident only took two or three hours. Owing to an accident the Commission did not see Major C, but I think, though he acted with great brutality, a court must have acquitted him as being within his strict rights. Real fear was one 45 of his motives. But, on the other hand, he would hardly have acted with such promptitude if others than jews had been in question. The gendarmerie who made the arrests and re- ported that they had found a Jewish Bolshevik meeting were chieily responsible; their motive was no doubt to avoid answering for the money they had obtained in the search. Their subsequent con- duct was even worse. The Jewish ladies arrested, but exempted from the execution, were kept in prison without trial and enquiry. They were stripped naked and flogged. After the flogging they were made to pass naked down a passage full of Polish soldiers. The Jews arrested, but excepted from the execution, were next day led to the ceme- tery where those executed were buried, and made to dig their own graves, then, at the last moment, they were told they were reprieved ; in fact, the gendarmerie regularly tormented the survivors. We were informed, but have no exact information, that the heads of this gendarmerie were subsequent- ly found guilty of various crimes. The victims were respectable lower middle-class people, school teachers, and such like. Lida, Vilna, Minsk These towns were all stormed by the Polish troops, who drove out the Bolsheviks; Lida and Vilna in April, Minsk in July. The Bolsheviks occupied them all from almost the beginning of the year. The Bolshevik administration in all of them was directed by Poles, but the Jews tooks their usual large part in the Bolshevik administration, and the Jewish population was, in consequence, as usual, favoured or managed to get favoured ("Jud- ischer Weise," as the Jews call bribery). The Bol- shevik chariot was drawn neither by terror nor by plunder : there were no executions except military executions of deserters by the Chinese executioners. The Bolshevik administration was a parody of the Tsarist administration, which itself was little better than a parody. I think it was probably a good ex- ample of Bolshevik rule when it is not frightened into showing its teeth and claws. In Lida and Vilna the Jews who, of course, are Litwaki in the eastern regions, were very well dis- posed to the Bolsheviks because they were Rus- sian: any Russian Government, even the worst, rather than Polish Government, even the best. But nowhere in any of these three towns was there any organised resistance by the Jewish community, who in Vilna number more than 60,000, to the Po- lish troops. In Minsk the}' were less well disposed to the Bolsheviks', for the Bolsheviks had been there three months longer, and they had begun to experi- ence the usual efifects of Bolshevism in towns — nothing to eat. Both in Lida and Vilna the Bolsheviks had or- ganized small "garrison guards," a small local Bol- shevik garrison. Young Jews had largely joined this because the garrison guards had such excellent opportunities of doing business, especially dealing and speculating in food. In both Lida and Vilna these Jews of the garrison guards fought, and fought hard, against the Polish troops. Lida was taken first. A small detachment of Polish troops entered the town, did some fighting and plundering, and retreated. Before the Poles could arrive in. force the next day the Bolsheviks evacuated the town, but the garrison guard which remained fought the Poles. Lida has a population of 12,000, of which 8,000 are Jews. When the Poles arrived in force they plunde;red the town : more than 30 non-combatant Jews were killed— among them a considerable allowance must be made for those killed by accident in street fighting. Others, quite innocent, were made responsible for the shots fired from their houses, and executed ; and others, equalh- innocent, murdered. The same allocation of deaths must be made in Vilna, where the total number was more than twice as high. I am inclined to think the Polish troops started plundering as soon as they entered Lida on both days. The plun- dering was accompanied by a great deal of violence and brutality. In billets at Lida — but not during the fighting — a Polish soldier was murdered by a Jew, and with those horrible mutilations practised by Jewish Chassidim murderers and which is one of the many ways in which they do not seem to be European. This murder and the resistance of the garrison guarxl had very much excited the Polish troops, who surprised Vilna a few days later and drove out the Bolsheviks. The events of Lida were repeated, but on a very great scale and with much greater fury. There can be no doubt, in spite of the perfectly sin- cere denials of the leaders of the Jewish community, that many Jews fought with the Bolsheviks as they were retreating. The Polish military authorities were genuinely alarmed, and believed they were threatened by the whole of this vast Jewish popu- lation, as their arrest of several thousand Jews, some of whom are still interned, shows. There can be no less doubt that the majority of the Jews sum- marily executed, very often from genuine error, for having- fired on Polish troops or assisted the Bol- sheviks, were perfectly innocent. There was the same plundering, violence, and brutality as at Lida, but on a scale proportionate to the large Jewish population, and lasting about three days. At Lida, certainly, the military authorities subse- quently held enquiries, but, as might be expected, it was not possible to identify the murderers or exe- cutioners. At Minsk, General Jadwin, of Mr. Morgenthau's Mission, was with the Poles, and special measures were taken by the Polish commanders. Further, the Jewish population had been longer under Bol- shevik rule and had learnt it meant no food. In spite of this several Jews were killed. But the behaviour of the Posnanian troops indi- cated the feelings of the Polish soldiers towards the Jews better than any general description. Knowing their habits the Polish Command had ordered them to pass right through the town without halting. 46 This seemed to them so gross an infringement of their rights that they disobeyed orders, stopped in the market place, and plundered the Jewish shops. Cracow Though pogroms at Cracow were reported, this was not the case. The Jews, remembering Lem- berg, armed themselves and rather terrified every- one else. The death, execution, or murder of innocent peo- ple cannot be justified. But not even the military commanders can be made responsible for the events at Lida, Vilna, and Minsk. A strong Government might have sent Major C. (of Pinsk) to trial, but I think an impartial court must have acquitted him ; and a strong Government, disregarding the eminent services to Poland of Major A. and General B. (of Lemberg), might have taken disciplinary measures against them. I believe General B. was for a short time declared to be not responsible for his acts. But last winter, so far from there being a strong Government, there was no Government at all. It seems undesirable to use the word "pogrom," because the actual meaning of the word (whatever its etyrnology may be) implies direction or organ- isation by the .Government. Pogroms were mas- sacres of Jews instigated and arranged by the Rus- sian Government. Nevertheless, the murders of Lemberg are a shocking outrage, the disgusting cruelty of which is' not at all expressed in a bare finding of fact; and the Pinsk executions, in their harsh brutality, are little better. But the horrors of Bolshevism, the atrocities of the Ukrainian risings, and the brutalities of the struggles between the Germans and Russians — next to which these events are small and trivial — have dulled the consciences of men in Eastern Europe; they have supped full of horrors and can no longer be moved. Otherwise I am sure that the Poles themselves would have protested against these cruelties. 1 Future Condition of the Jews All these physical excesses will cease on demobili- sation : they are the effect of war, or of a state of war. And the more disgraceful manifestations of hatred to Jews in public will cease when strangers begin to come and go in the country; otherwise the Poles will get a bad reputation in the world. They will be shamed into behaving. But the situation of the Jews will hardly be a happier one. Every morning, an ordinary Jewish gentleman — in Warsaw very like what he is in Lon- don — reads papers that cover his race with con- tumely. He and his womenfolk never deal with Poles except to be treated with insolence, and his children come back from school with their ears ringing with abuse. Every independent Polish in- stitution, is as determined to oust the Jews-, the national enemy, as in England, we, during the war, were to oust the Germans. Jewish professors, how- ever able, have been turned out of universities; Jewish doctors, however famous, from hospitals. Every university, by some means or other, exerts itself to keep down its Jewish undergraduates to a minimum. Tramway companies will not have Jew- ish employes, and so on throughout the whole range of Polish life. The only body who does act fairly, and against whom no charges brought by the Jews were proved, is the Government, but even they do it more- or less secretly. In the matter of army contracts, trading, and import licenses, and so on, the very numerous accusations brought by the Jews were groundless. This is what I meant when I said that the Poles now had other means than the boycott : the boycott itself now wages less fiercely, because the lesson has been taught. The Poles do, not now want the lesson, and they do it naturally. The boycott now is, probably, what it always was. The Jews are middlemen, merchants, dealers, shop- keepers, and not producers. The bigger ones, the richer, who are mostly Europeanised, are protected by natural causes; they are too good at business, with their centuries of. business experience, to be affected by it, or feel the competition of the Poles. Boycotting then must always be an expensive pa- triotic luxury. But the smaller, the poorer, who are mostly Chassidim, can and are dispensed with, and suffer greatly from it. I will discuss their economic cohditiofi later. ' But with regard to the general position of the Jews in Poland, a broader and higher view must be taken. Poland will be mostly Polish, but not entirely; it will have many minorities : the Ruthenian, now pro- tected by a semi-autonomy; the Jews, aspiring to autonomy; the White Russian, still unconscious, but who one day may also dally with self-determi- nation — to say nothing of Germans and Lithuanians looking to their brethren across the frontier. It will be far from homogeneous. If a plebiscite were taken to-day in Warsaw, the capital of Poland, as to whether Warsaw should be Polish, yes or no, the answer might quite easily be no. These minorities it must reconcile : it is a condi- tion of its existence. It can only do so by giving them all a fair and strong Government. Other.wise it will be distracted in time of peace and deserted in time of war. As for the Jews, a powerful and just administration, in spite of an enduring social preju- dice, would make them loyal to Poland, which is what they are far from being now. The Chassidim, who act in accordance with the Talmudic maxim, "Pay not homage unto a new king," are only wait- ing to see whether the new king will last; and such an administration would take the wind right out of the sails of the Jewish Nationalist Party. There is a school of very eminent Polish politi- cians who think that these minorities can be either driven out Or bullied out of themselves, and this idea is really the source of anti-Semitism. But though persecution or emigration might largely dis- burden Poland of its Jews, and probably will, there will still be millions left. These statesmen, hovv- 47 ever eminent, have not till now had any experience of affairs, because Poland has not till now become a State. But they will find that working on men is very different from working on paper and ink; that the Jews are supple but tough adversaries ; and that a race planted in Poland a thousand years, how- ever inconvenient, cannot be eradicated without a convulsion that would be almost fatal. Recommendations The instructions given to the Commission enjoin them to report on the general economic condition of the Jews, and it is on this side that the Jews might really be given assistance. The great mass of poor Jews are Chassidim ; the wealthier are Europeanised and far more lax: for wealth rapidly destroys piety, and, lest I be thought flippant, I record that this observation is not my own, but that of the most eminent Rabbi in Warsaw. The Chassidim form an immense mass of squalid and helpless poverty, the existence of which would be a great problem, even if the relations of the Poles and Jews were perfectly harmonious. For these poor Jews are all dealers, as their ancestors have been for centuries : and for their particular kind of dealing, capitalists as they are with a capital of a few shillings, there is every year less and less room. The Jew in the country who lives by lending a few roubles to a peasant and taking a chicken as interest, or who buys a load of vegetables and resells them, or is a pedlar; the Jew in the town who is a hawker, a tout, or in some small middleman's business, these have great- er and greater difficulty in making a living. There must be millions of such in Poland. The co-operative society and store, and the bank drive them more and more out of busi- ness in the country, and more modern meth- ods of distribution in the town; and this is likely, now the economic development of Po- land is no longer to be artificially restricted, to go on faster and faster. It is they who suffer from the boycott, because it excludes them from all kinds of occupations — tramway employes, for example — of no great skill, which they are capable of following. And they cannot emigrate : how can they get a living in a foreign country when their sole means of livelihood is bargaining in Yiddish and Polish ? The best proof of this is the way they are sweated in semi-unskilled trades when they do emigrate. They are hardly ever producers : on this point everyone is agreed, and the Zionist Congress say the same as M Dmowski. Poor Jews cannot go into fac- tories, partly because of their Sabbatarian principles, partly because Polish workmen will not work with people whose personal habits are so unclean. When they are arti- sans they are unskilled, or almost unskilled: cheap tailors or similar trades. The result is that in towns it is they who fill the sweating dens, as sweaters or sweated, and as such are familiar to us, because they play the same piteous part in the East End of London. Furthermore, they are also driven into all sorts of illicit or fraudulent practices, and I think the Poles are right when they complain that too large a proportion of convictions for such offences are Jewish. They are unfit for the modern economic world, not in consequence of any fault of their own, but in consequence of a long historical past ; in this respect (but in this respect only) they are comparable to the negroes in the United States, whom a long past in African forests or in American plantations, unfitted to take their place in the modern world when they are turned out into it, and who present an analogous problem in the United States. Booker Washington, who did so much for the negro, called his gospel by the very modest name of the "gospel of the toothbrush," and always insisted that keeping clean, learning a trade or some occupation 'of physical skill, or suchlike humble lessons, which education, in its ever-loftier flights disdains, was what the negro really required. And this is what the enormous mass of Orthodox Jews really re- quire; but as the average intelligence of the Jew and the Negro are not only different; but stand at the opposite ends of the scale, there is very much more prospect of succeeding with them. The enlightened East Jews recognise this, but I doubt whether West Jews do, or could easily be got to recognise anything so contrary to their fixed ideas as that any Jews exist who are unfitted for the modern economic world. But no one else can help these poor people, who engrossed as they are in the practice of their strange and age-old religion, will look with suspicion on anything that does not come to them from their co-religionists and R'abbis. The Commission of which I have the honour of being a member was appointed in consequence of representations made by the Jewish community in Great Britain, and the sole recommendation I ven- ture to make is that the same community be invited to study this side of the subject. I have, &c. P. WRIGHT. Sir Horace Rumbold, Bart, G.C.M.G., M.V.O. »See the "Jewish Chronicle," August 1, 1919, p. 23. 'See L. Stein, "Die Vorschriften der Thora," 1904. ' See Graetz, "Geshichte der Juden." * See H. Cohen, "Das Problem der Judischen Sittenlehre. " ^ See Graetz, "Geschichte der Juden." •* For a full but partial account of the whole process, see "Die Juden der Gegenwart," by A. Ruppin. Judischer Verlag, Koln, 1911. 'See "Die Rassenmerkmale der Juden," by Fishberg, Ernst Reinhardt, Munich, 1913. 'See "Die General Privilegien der Polnischen Judenschaft," by P. Bloch, J. Jolowicz, Posen, 1832. ' See the Resolution . of the Fourth Zionist Congress, August 19, 1919. "See Mr. Grunbaum's declaration adopted at the Fourth Zionist Conference, Warsaw, August 19, 1919. 48 Typical Hymns of Hate and a Few Other Voices AN EXAMPLE OF MODERATION Prince Casimir Lubomirski, the former pro-Ger- man burgomaster* of Warsaw and the present Polish Minister or Ambassador to the United States, de- clares shame-facedly that every native of Poland of good character, is by the Polish Constitution, a citi- zen, and any immigrant coming into Poland can be- ■ come a citizen in the same way as he can in the United States, except that the period of probation is ten instead of five years. Prince Lubomirski further insists that Poland does not" discriminate be- tween citizen and citizen, and that all are equal be- * fore the law and all are free to do as they please and to go their own way as long as they do not violate the laws of the country. According to this princely gentleman of Polish habits, there is actually no Jew- ish question in Poland,, for the Polish Constitution provides for the emancipation of the Polish Jews. The gentlemen in Washington have listened to this explanation of his Polish Excellency and are astounded. On the one hand there are authentic reports reaching this country daily to the effect that the Polish people are crazy with Jew-hatred, and that they are busily engaged in pogroms and in all forms of Jew-baiting, and on the other hand there is an ofificial declaration on the part of the accredited Polish Minister to the United States in which he says that the Jews in Poland are emancipated and are free to do as they please as long as they do not violate the laws of Poland. Prince Lubomirski is the only Polish representative abroad who has the audacity, nay the impudence, to tell the most shame- ful lies regarding the treatment of the Polish Jews. The well-known Polish musician, Casimir Stojow- sky, in an article published in this month's "North American Review" is going one better. To him, Poland is actually paradise, a blessing to humanity, a blessing to civilization and a blessing to all the Poles and to all those who live in Poland. ' We presume that there is a specimen of humanity that can best be characterized as prize-liars, and that the Polish representatives abroad personify best this specimen of humanity. The Polish representatives abroad know very well that among the three million Jews in Poland there is not one who holds an official office or mu- nicipal office, that the Jews are actually excluded from participation in the management of the State. The Polish representatives abroad know very well that the Jews in Poland are excluded from most all the industries and are also driven out of trade and commerce. The Polish representatives abroad know perfectly well that there is an organized social eco- nomic boycott between the Pole's and the Polish Jew, called into being some fifteen years ago and making rapid strides, not only in Poland proper, but in all the countries occupied by the Polish military. The Polish representatives abroad know perfectly well that the Polish Jews are being robbed and beaten every day in the presence of the Polish police, they know that there is no protection for the Polish Jews, they know that each and every Polish Jew must give away part of his poor income to the police, if he wants to be safe in the streets or wants to be insured against beard pulling, or any other pogrom-like activity of the Polish ruffians. The Polish representatives abroad know that the Polish academic authorities do not admit Jews to the Po- lish universities, because they are Jews, and that the Polish government is doing its utmost to outdo Czarism. They know that all the outrages perpe- trated by old Russia against the Jews are child-play in comparison with the appalling crimes committed by the Polish government and the Polish people against the Jews. If the American people knew only one-tenth part of the crimes committed by Po- land against the Jews, no Pole would dare to show his face in this country. The Polish representatives abroad know that even the Spanish inquisition has not committed so many crimes against the Jews as Poland is committing now, but still they have the audacity and impudence to assert that all is well with the Polish Jews, that they are not discrimi- nated against, and that their rights are guaranteed by the Constitution. We know that the rights are guaranteed by the Constitution, tut to the Poles the Constitution of their own country does not mean anything? To them the Constitution is just a scrap of paper, and it is so because the Poles, a demoral- ized and degenerated people, are a nation without honor, and without honesty, and they are the only nation among all the re-established eastern Euro- pean nations who have started their new career by- committing crimes and outrages against national and religious minorities. It is obvious that a po- gromist people, like the Poles, will do anything to hide their crimes for the time being and that their representatives will act like prize-liars and lie away the blue from the sky in order to gain a momentary success. But one cannot fool all the people all the time. The day will soon come when these Lubomirskies and Stojowskies and other Polish prize-liars in the western countries will be recog- nized as such and their assurances will no more carry weight than those of the Prussians under the Hohenzollerns. Poland born in crime and sin will go under in a sea of crime and sin. — Front "The Sentinel," the American Jewish Weekly, Chicago, July 23, 1920. * The truthfulness of this type of journalism may be judged by this reference. There was no "pro-German burgomaster" of Warsaw under the German occupation, but a regency Council was instituted, composed, among others, of the archbishop of Warsaw and Zdzislav Lu- bomirski, who was quite distantly related to the present Minister of Poland to the United States. 49 POLISH REVOLT IS NEAR. SAYS JUSTICE LEVY N. Y. Jurist, in Paris, Likens Army to Mexican Bandits — Tells of Frequent Pogroms By C. F. BERTELLI, Special Correspondent of New York American Paris, Aug. 11 — Poland is less fit for self-govern- ment than the Philippines, and the Polish army is in worse shape than the Mexican bandits. So as- serted Justice Aaron Levy, presiding Justice of the New York Municipal Court, returning here from Warsaw this morning. He gave me a statement de- scribing the conditions in Poland as "absolutely in- credible," adding: "Giving Poland her independence was the worst mistake of the makers of the Treaty of Versailles. The Polish people do not know the first rudiments of self-government. The great mass of the people is illiterate and unintelligent and is unable to use the franchise. The people live in terror and oppression. The Polish treatment of the Jews must be seen to be believed. "By day and night miniature pogroms are exe- cuted throughout Poland. By an edict from War- saw not one Jew is permitted to be a farmer or to work on the public utilities. As a result their land has been confiscated and they have been driven en masse into the small towns and cities. There, utter- ly dispirited and hopeless, they abjectly desire peace at any cost, preferring the Soviet regime to the pres- ent government, which is universally hated. "In any event there soon will be a revolution in Poland. For if the government does not withdraw I am positive that the peasants will rise en masse and kick it out. "When I left Poland Sunday the Soviet Army was thirty miles from Warsaw and advancing rapid- ly. No preparations were made for the defense of the city. When I return to America I intend to ui^ge by every means in my power the intervention of the United States to save the millions of Jews in Poland from extermination." • — New York American, August 12, 1920. THE IDEALS OF POLAND* By His Excellency, HUGH GIBSON, American Minister to Poland When I went to Poland a little over a year ago, for the first time, or rather a few months before I went there, it was a country without a govern- ment, practically a howling wilderness from end to end, a country without any organized railway system or distribution of food or any of the normal facilities of modern life. To-day there is a very distinct contrast to that time. Orderly government is maintained throughout all the territories held by the Polish Government. The railway system, while not yet perfect, is rapidly getting better. Food distribution is improving day by day, and al- together there is a decided progress. And, in spite of the sufferings of the past six years — su£feritlgs that we can hardly understand — the progress of the past few months has been sufficient, not only to keep up the high morale of the Army and the civil population, but to key them to a higher pitch, which gives us every reason to hope that Poland will pull through, overcome all her obstacles, and establish herself as a center of orderly government, that is essential to the maintenance of order and peace in eastern Europe. * From an address delivered at- the inaugural luncheon of the American-Polish Chamber of Commerce and In- dustry, New York, May 27, 1920. THE CURE OF POLAND'S EVILS By HENRY MORGENTHAU If American Jewry wants to cure the evils of Po- land they must get at the root of it. Sending one or two million Jews to Palestine will do little good. The evil consists in allowing the Jews in a town to follow one or two pursuits. Where there are 5,000, perhaps 1,000 of them could make an honest living, but 5,000 must cheat each other or starve. They must be given schools of instruction. They must change their mode of life. It will take a year's in- tensive study to find out how to do it, but it would be a most creditable achievement for those Jews who have benefited by liberty in this country. — From a Speech Before the Judaeans, New York, December 14, 1919, and Reprinted from the New York Times of December 15, 1919. PATRIOTISM Secretary, the American Polish Chamber of Com- merce, New York. My Dear Sir: In reply to your circular letter* of August 30th, I beg to inform you that I am not interested in domg busmess with Poland, although I was myself born at Warsaw. But having been informed last year, while in Paris, how the Polish people were persecuting the Hebrew race of which I am proud to be a member. I have no confidence nor desire to have any business association with the Polish people. Therefore, you will kindly eliminate mailing any further advertising matter to me. ISIDORO GelbTRUNK, 67 Worth Street. *A letter sent out by the American-Polish Chamber of Commerce drawmg attention to business opportunities in Poland. 50 IF WARSAW FALLS Editor Globe : — You wonder what will happen if Warsaw falls. Here is my guess, based upon a -pretty fair understanding of the Bolshevist mind. The Polish Army will have been annihilated long before Warsaw is reached. When that is accom- plished the purpose for which Soviet Russia mobi- lized its army, much against its will, shall have been achieved. They will, therefore, evacuate Poland. Meanwhile the Polish proletariat, freed from the after all, are not so wicked? Instead, they seem to take a fanatical pleasure in disseminating news of imaginary pogroms and other anti-Polish propaganda. They do not con- sider that Poland is a country racked with over six years of horrible war. They do not consider that all kinds of people make up a nation. They do not mention that what they spread to all news- papers on earth as a "pogrom" might be nothing but a drunken brawl, a small altercation that ended in blows. At this date European dispatches pub- lish stories of skirmishes between Poles, Germans, Ukrainians, Czechs, Slovaks, Lithuanians, etc. Yet none of these nations has raised the cry: "pogrom." Bloodshed, licentiousness, robbery is a natural outcome of war. Our American history will tell us of robber bands after the Revolution ; "guerillas" after the Civil War. Why condemn a nation for the acts of a few? Are we really murderers? Do we really enjoy orgies of blood? Do we really kill innocent Jews and their children? Look, around. Maybe your next door neighbor is a Pole. Maybe you have a few in your employ. Do they look like murderers, baby-killers ; or are they just plain, hard working American citizens like yourself? One thing more — I myself was born in America, in Newark — I have come in contact with Poles from Galicia, Posen, Lemberg, Plock and Warsaw. Al- ways the sentiment has been the same. They all complained of the Jews. There was no concrete reason that^could not be ironed out. I often won- dered. So many people, from so many different sections,* yet all with the same story. Why? Now the Jews are exceptionally good business people. They study trade conditions. When business is poor they want to know why, and then set out to get rid of that reason. Wouldn't it be a good idea to find a solution for this mighty problem that con- cerns the future of a nation? It cannot be solved by wild rantings of a Judge Levy. That is only pouring oil upon the fire. It cannot be solved by breaking windows and at- tacking Poles indiscriminately with shouts of "Damn Polacks." It cannot be solved by the display of Jewish flags on a day like last Sunday, "Polish Day," with no other purpose than to be spiteful. And it surely cannot be solved by propaganda, that is aimed at the very foundations of Poland, that would deprive Poland of her LIBERTY, and once again make her a slave. Frank Kempczynski, Editor. — Published in the "Kronika," Polish language newspaper of Nenjark, New Jersey, August 18, 1920. 54 The Truth? London — (J. C. B.) — The Warsaw correspondent writes that the Jews of that city celebrated July the Fourth by decorating their homes, closing their schools and hplding a special service in their syna-* gogues. The Polish authorities resented the jubila- tions in honor of America's independence and pro- hibited all public manifestations* — From The Sentinel, "The American Jewish Weekly," Chicago, July 23, 1920. There are some persons who affect to believe that there can be no such thing as gratitude be- tween nations. It would have been a wholesome experience for these people if they could have wit- nessed as I did this year's celebration of the Fourth of July in Warsaw. The Bolsheviki were advanc- ing on the city. Their approach was heralded by the reports of the cruelties and the devastation that were marking their path. Warsaw was in a state of the greatest anxiety. The Poles, however, would let nothing interfere with the fitting celebration of America's birthday. In the churches of the city the people gathered to hear sermons of gratitude to the American people for what they have done for Poland. Afterwards the American colony assembled in the great square before the City Hall where a small copy of our statue of liberty had been erected. Ten thousand children, every one fed by the Hoover organization and clothed by the American Red Cross, marched through the square cheering America, their bene- factor. In the evening there was a great reception at which fervid speeches were made to us Ameri^ cans. But it is the children w^e shall always remem- ber, and we know that whatever happens America has a friend in Europe for at least one .generation. By William C. Boyden, American Commissioner of the League of Red Cross Societies. * The italics are the Editor's. 55 The Situation The importance of the foregoing reports would appear more vividly if at the same time was pub- lished the news which for nearly two years has be'en spread over the whole world concerning the terrible Polish "pogroms" and "atrocities," claiming that thousands upon thousands of peaceful citizens were murdered through race and religious hatred. Such a confrontation would show clearly of what Poland is accused, and what basis she was discredited and condemned in the opinion of the world, and what a small part of these accusations proved to be true. It would also show that although 90 per cent of the accusations were proved false, nobody with- drew them, and their authors took from the reports of the American and English Missions only what could be used against Poland. The rest they passed over in silence. To confront however the result of the investigations of these Missions with all these accusations, instead of a small book several volumes would be necessary. From the very first moment, when at the begin- ning of November, 1918, Poland regained her in- dependence, day after day and month after month, news of dreadful Jewish pogroms were spread over the whole world. What is more, no other news came from Poland, as if the Poles, after their libera- tion from 150 years of captivity, had nothing better to do than to murder Jews. This news found the more credit as nobody con- tradicted it. And nobody could contradict it. The Polish Government could not, because there was no Polish Government. When, in November, 1918, the German and Austrian authorities ceased to function in Poland (the Russian authorities had long since fled), nobody remained to govern, and Poland, devastated by four years of war, found her- self without government, without administration, without tribunals, without police and without an army. And when the Polish Government arose it still could not deny the pogroms, for it first had to create an administration that would restore order and investigate all excesses. All this was accom- plished in an astonishingly short period, but even then the government could not occupy itself with a press campaign, firstly because it learned of these accusations very late in the day (Poland was virtu- ally cut off from the world), secondly, because in addition to creating the whole machinery of State, it had to create an army in order to repulse invasion on four fronts. And so the news of dreadful "pogroms" penetrated everywhere, spread systematically via Berlin and Vienna, and by special bureaux in Stockholm and Copenhagen, which from day to day furnished news to Zionist organizations possessing sufficient means and influence to give it a world-wide publication. And the news was frightful. It told of thousands of Jews not only beaten and robbed, but murdered and burned alive. As these facts were confirmed by "eye-witnesses" it is no wonder they aroused general indignation. And when Mr. Israel Cohen, the Secretary of the London Zionist Organization, after investigating the matter on the spot published in English papers and at a meeting in Queen's Hall in London that such atrocities had taken place in Poland in 130 towns, indignation meetings and funereal processions began all over the world. At this point the Polish Government began to issue denials of these crimes, which called forth greater indignation : "It is not enough that they murder innocent Jews, in addition they lie." For of necessity the denials were unaccompanied by proofs. When an "eye-witness" declared that he counted 2,300 Jewish corpses, how prove that it was untrue and that these corpses are living. Ex- cited public opinion demanded negative proof from Poland, but did not demand proofs from her ac- cusers. The news of "pogroms" were so established all over the world that the denials of the numerous foreign correspondents who began to visit Poland found no faith. What is more, when after December 1918 the various missions of the Allies began to arrive in Poland, and the members of these mis- sions also began to deny the pogroms, even their testimony was regarded with suspicion. Jewish pogroms in Poland had become a dogma so firmly established that denials were useless. When therefore Mr. Paderewski, at that time Polish Premier, requested the Governments of the Allies to send a special mission to Poland to find out the truth, an unheard of thing happened ; the American as well as the English Government came to the conviction that in order that the reports should find credit a Jew must stand at the head of the mission. Christian testimony did not appear to be sufficient. This aroused among the Poles an astonishment as great as would have been felt by Polish Jews, if at the head of an American mission had been placed, for instance. Congressman Kleczka, an equally honored and respected American citizen, but suspected of partiality because of his Polish descent. And as humour never loses its rights even in the most dramatic moments, it was a standing joke in the Polish Press that at the head of the mission on the question of the lynching of negroes in Amer- ' ica should be a colored gentleman from Haiti and a full blooded delegate from Central Africa. But even thus, with Jews at its head, the task of this mission was not easy, for the question of pogroms in Poland had taken on such a character that even the testimony of Jews was accepted only when it was against Poland. A Polish Jew in Stockholm was brutally convinced of this when he was beaten and ejected from an indignation meeting for daring to question the truth of the accusations ; 56 Mr. L. Pilichowski, President of the Union of Polish Jews in England, at the meeting in Queen's Hall (April 9th, 19) was greeted with insulting cries and shouted down when he expressed his conviction that the present Polish Government has every desire to establish tolerable relations with the Jews; Mr. Diamand, an eminent Jewish member of the Polish Parliament — and one of the leaders of the Socialist Party, was accused of treason by a Zionist paper for expressing a similar opinion. In this difficult situation, the two chiefs of the missions for investigating pogroms in Poland chose different ways, Mr. Morgenthau, an American citi- zen of the Jewish faith, did not renounce his nat- ural sympathy with his cobelievers, but at the same time strove to be an impartial judge, not the rep- resentative of one side only. The British Jew, Sir Stuart Samuel, did not take so much trouble, and the manner in which his investigations were carried out left in Poland the impression of an at- torney gathering materials for an act of accusation, rather than of a judge. The task was in any case so difficult, and the whole atmosphere so permeated with the bitterness of accusations and the poison of hate, that the mem- bers of both missions, the American as well as the English, were unable, in spite of their sincere desire, to make a common report. Mr. Morgenthau wrote a separate report, and General Jadwin and Mr. H. H. Johnson, two Christian members of his mis- sion, wrote also a separate report while Sir Stuart Samuel's report had to be sandwiched between a letter by Sir H. Rumbold, the British Minister in Poland, and the report of Mr. P. Wright — both constituting a severe criticism of the report of Sir Stuart Samuel. In spite of their diversity however, these reports possess great documentary value, for they represent one question from different standpoints. They would have to be recognized as the final revelation of the whole truth if they were completed by the remarks of a man occupying the same position to- wards the Polish nation as Sir Samuel occupied towards the Jews. In such a case the matter could have been considered by all sides as satisfactorily cleared up. But just as they are, these reports give a pretty complete picture of the Jewish problem in Poland, considered as a whole. In his letter of June 30th, 1919, Secretary Lansing defined the work of the mission as : "investigation of the various massacres, pogroms, and other ex- . cesses alleged to have taken place, the economic boycott, and other methods of discrimination against the Jewish race," afterwards adding that "the establishment of the truth in regard to those matters. . . .is merely for the purpose of seeking to discover the reason lying behind such excesses and discriminations with a view to finding a possible remedy." These three points : 1st, the truth about the pogroms etc., 2nd the reason lying behind such ex- cesses, and 3rd the possible remedy, are presented in a different manner not only by the two missions, but also by the members of each mission. / — Pogroms, Atrocities, Excesses Although the reports of the members of the two missions often differ in the description of anti- Jewish incidents in Poland, there is not much dif- ference in the final result of their investigations. To a certain degree Sir Stuart Samuel is an ex- ception, recognising as "proved to my satisfaction" details not quoted at all as proved by any of the other members of the two missions. The final result of the investigations of both mis- sions is that during the first five critical months there were about 280 killed in the anti-Jewish ex- cesses (Morgenthau) ; that the number of killed "has not exceeded 300" (Jadwin- Johnson) ; that the number of killed was at least 348 (Sir S. Samuel) ; and "not more than 200 or 300 unjustly- killed" (Wriglit). At the same time Sir H. Rumbold divides these excesses into two categories : those "which were perpetrated in Poland proper in the course of which 18 Jews lost their lives ;" the others being those which occurred in the war zone during the campaign. It must be remembered that newspaper reports of pogroms which aroused such world-wide indigna- tion, mentioned thousands of Jews killed in each of the 130 Polish towns said to have been the sceiie of these "atrocities." The disturbances in Poland proper happened during the first moments of her independence, when there was neither government, police nor army, and the starving populatioii was free to attack stores where they believed provisions to be hidden. They did not seek Jews, but food. In any country in the world such excesses might have taken on greater proportions if the police ceased to act at the very moment when the hungry population, un- able to buy food anywhere, seized all means of get- ting it. At to the incidents in the war zone, it must be remembered that reports confirm in part that the Jews fought on the side of the enemies of Poland at the most critical moment, and in part that they were suspected of this with more or less justice. If it is recalled that after driving the Russians from Galicia the German and Austrian armies hung in Galicia 30 thousand people suspected of sympathy with the enemy it will be easy»to understand the words of Mr. Wright, who, in speaking of the num- ber of killed in these conditions, said: "One would be too many, but taking these casualities as a stand- ard with which to measure the excesses committed against them (the Jews), I am more astonished at their smallness than their greatness." As to the responsibility for these excesses, even Sir Stuart Samuel said that (with the exception of the incidents in Lvov, Lida and Wilna) "the mil- itary authorities endeavoured to restrict the action of the soldiers as much as possible," and that "speak- ing generally, as the civil authority has been able to make its power effective, so the position in the 57 rear of the troops has become more and more satis- factory." Other merobers of the two missions are more decided. Mr. Morgenthau says : "It would be. . . .un- fair to condemn the Polish nation as a whole for the violence committed by uncontrolled troops or local mobs." General Jadwin and Mr. H. H. John- son state that "none of these excesses were in- stigated or approved by any responsible govern- mental authority, civil or military, "that every- where the authorities ordered investigations and repression, that even in the sad incidents in Pinsk "no share can be attributed to any military ofiEcial higher up, to any of the Polish civil ofificials, or to the few Poles resident in that district of White Russia." Mr. P. Wright says that the excesses took place at a period when "there was not much law for anyone," and adds that these events are small and trivial in comparison with the horrors of Bolshevism, the atrocities of the Ukrainian rising, and the brutalities of the struggle between the Germans and the Russians. In the opinion of Sir H. Rumbold "in view of the weakness of the central administration, and the original want of discipline in the Polish army, it would appear that the authori- ties could not be held responsible for the excesses" ; that the condition of the Jews in Poland "bad as it may have been or may still be, has been far better than in most of the surrounding countries." And Sir H. Rumhold concludes: "It is giving the Jews very little real assistance to single out, as is some- times done, for reprobation and protest, the country where they have perhaps suffered least." // — Causes of the Anti- Jewish Movement in Poland The reports of the ttvo missions cite many causes which produced dislike of the Jews in Poland. No report, however, attributes it to religious prejudice, nor considers the excesses as religious persecution and a lack of religious tolerance. This is a point to be emphasized. The report of Sir Stuart Samuel differs from all the others in that he does not see any other causes for this dislike except perhaps the malice of Poles revenging themselves for the election of Mr. Jagiello as deputy for Warsaw. It is difficult to consider as a real cause the phenomenal discovery of Sir Stuart that the Jews represent the only mid- dle-class in Poland, which for the rest has only an aristocracy and a peasantry (?). He mentions also as a cause of unjust reproaches the use of the Ger- man language and the close relations with the Ger- mans during the war, as well as the suspected taint of Bolshevism, at the same time remarking: "al- though it should not be matter of surprise if some of the younger generation of educated Jews, finding all avenues of advancement and fair play barred, should be found ready to listen to proposals for freedom and equality of opportunity." It is thus Sir Stuart defines Bolshevism, differing fundamen- tally in this respect from Mr. P. Wright, who is of the opinion that "the Bolshevik administration was a parody of the Tsarist administration, which itself was little better than a parody," and confirms the large part taken by the Jews in this administra- tion. Mr. Morgenthau looks deeper, and finds political as well as economic causes, showing circumstances which inclined the Polish soldier to look upon the Jews as aliens, and hostile to Polish nationality, show- ing the chaotic state of affairs in Poland, the social unrest after the war which stimulated patriotic out- bursts, sentiments incompatible with the nationaHst declarations of some Jewish organizations, their de- mands for autonomy and their attitude during the Conference in Paris. General Jadwin and Mr. John- son add to this the abnormal concentration of Jews in Poland, their readiness to go with the winning side, alleged speculations in foodstuffs, denunciations to the Germans, their conduct toward the enemies of Poland, and the danger of anti-Polish propaganda which has its source in Germany. Mr. P. Wright gives many reasons for the strained relations existing between the Poles and the Jews. Some are of an economic nature. The Jews in Poland are small middlemen, hardly ever producers, capitalists of a few shillings for whom there is every year less and less room. They are unfit for the modern eco- nomic world, and are driven out by modem methods. "Polish workmen will not work with people whose personal habits are so unclean." "They are also driven into all sorts of illicit and fraudulent practices, and I think the Poles are right when they complain that too large a proportion of such offenses are Jewish." Mr. Wright then gives political reasons. The Litwaki sent by Russia into Poland, openly professed them- selves partisans of conquering Russia, organized the Polish Jews and the Jewish Press, which fought against Polish autonomy. During the war it was with Jews that the Germans set up their organization to squeeze and drain Poland; they were their instru- ment. They fought with the Bolsheviki, often joining them because of the opportunity of doing business, especially speculation in food. Germanized, Russified, with Bolshevist connections, they appeared to the Poles as representatives of their oppressors. "It had seemed certain that one of the two, the German or the Russian Empire, must win, and that the Jews who had their money on both were safe; but the despised Poland came in first. Even now the Jews can hardly believe in its resurrection, and one of them told me it still seems to him a dream." Mr. Wright made a thorough study of the social con- ditions of Polish Jews, and his unexpected conclusions are that eastern Jews with their own language, dress, calendar, with their narrow ritualism based on literally taken texts of books which rule their whole life, have a civilization which resembles the civilization of Islam, not only far removed from European civilization, but a civilization of the fifth century before Christ. The eastern Jews are "not civilized in our sense of the word, and it is impossible for the Poles to amalgamate with them, and difficult to mix with them or even to frame common laws with them." "The semi-assimila- tion of the larger masses of the eastern Jews is the very cause of the evil." It stimulates their nationalism. They will not be governed by men who are not of their race, language and religion. "They protest they 58 are not Poles ; they are only Jews, but Polish subjects." The result is the demand for a national autonomy: all the Jews in Poland should figure on a separate register, they should have a representative body with extensive powers, separate budget and organization, their deputies to the Polish Parliament elected by Jews only, the right to use Yiddish in legal proceedings, schools, etc. This 14 per cent, of the population of Poland, with its antiquated Asiatic civilization, should "be organized for all time as a separate national body, safe from fhe assimilating influence of the remaining 86 per cent, of the population — all this is "the very cause of the evil." /// — Possible Remedies In speaking of possible remedies Mr. Morgenthau is sparing of words, but touches on many fundamental ideas. "To formulate a solution of the Jewish problem will necessitate a careful and broad study,, not only of the economic condition of the Jews, but also of the exact requirements of Poland. These requirements •will not be definitely known prior to the fixation of Pplish boundaries, and the final regulation of Polish relations with Russia, with which the largest share of trade was previously conducted. It is recommended that the League of Nations, or the larger nations in- terested in this problem, send to Poland a commission consisting of recognized industrial, educational, agri- cultural, economic and vocational experts, which should remain there as long as necessary to examine the problem at its source." On another page he says : "When the boundaries of Poland are once fixed, and the internal organization of the country is perfected, " the Polish Government will be increasingly able to protect all classes of Polish citizenry." In the opinion of Mr. Morgenthau "The minority must be encouraged to participate with their whole strength and influence in making Poland the great unified country that is required in Central Europe to combat the tremendous dangers that confront it. Poland must promptly de- velop its full strength, and by its conduct first merit and then receive the unstinted moral, financial and economic support of all the world which will ensure the future success of the Republic." He rrJtntions the new Polish Constitution now in the making, the gen- erous scope of which "has already been indicated by the special treaty with the Allied and Associated Powers, in which Poland has affirmed its fidelity to the principles of liberty and justice and the rights of minorities, and we may be certain that Poland will be faithful to its pledge, which is so conspicuously in harmony with the nation's best traditions." And Mr. Morgenthau concludes: "There must be but one class of citizens in Poland, all members of which enjoy equal rights and render equal duties." General Jadwin and Mr. Johnson subscribe to the conclusions of Mr. Morgenthau, insisting on the neces- sity of "one and only one class of citizens," and ad- vising Poland and Jews to "keep in mind American ex- perience in public school development, and carefully to weigh the question whether the permanency of the separate school plan will be advisable." They beUeve that "once the military threat against Poland is re- moved and the territorial uncertainty of the Republic is ended, the nation will be able to concentrate its energies on internal problems and, by the course of natural development, create a governmental system in- suring equality, protection and prosperity to all ele- ments of its population. The mission thoroughly be- lieves that Poland has the raw materials of citizenship quite equal to this accomplishment." General Jadwin and Mr. Johnson conclude by en- umerating "the duties of the outside world toward Poland" concerning the establishment of the frontiers, protection against external interference, material aid in the nature of food, clothing and raw materials, study of over-population or under-industrialization, campaign by League of Nations of universal education in ideals of democracy and the disinterested counsel of the allied democracies based on their experience. Mr. P. Wright, like all the other members of the two missions, sees the principal remedy in the opening up of Russia to the Jews : "If Russia is opened to the Jews, the Polish Jewish question may solve itself. The Jews who were pumped into Poland by the Tsarist Government will stream back there, and now sweep along with them very many of the Polish Jews." Ben sides this, as a logical consequence of his opinion con- cerning the low social level of the eastern Jews and their unfitness for modern conditions, Mr. Wright, in deep sympathy with the "immense mass of squalid and helpless poverty," sees the necessity of educating the eastern Jewish masses, of preaching to them "the gospel of the toothbrush," of cleanliness and of teach- ing them modern methods of earning a livelihood. He insists that western Jews may in this respect help their unfortunate eastern brethren; who "look with suspicion on anything that does not come from their co-religionists and Rabbis." Sir S. Samuel, always original, differs widely from the other members of the missions. Besides the open- ing of Russia, facilities of emigration, introduction of new industries, equality of rights, and remedies qualified as unsuitable by Sir H. Rumbold, Sir Stuart sees only one other efficient remedy — the police. The Polish Government must be urged to carry out the clauses of the Minority Treaty in a spirit of sympathy with the Jews (this urging for sympathy is curious), boycotts must be decreed illegal and all publications advocating boycotts suspended. Sir Stuart overrates the power" of the police and the efficiency of press gagging methods. He does not remember that the English authorities, at that periol all-powerful in Ire- land, were unable to protect from such proceedings a certain Captain Boycott, who was compelled to leave Ireland, such proceedings being thereafter known as "boycotting." Sir Stuart Samuel appears to be un- aware that a remedy, to be efficient, must influence the feelings of the population, and the sole prohibition of giving expression to these feelings would be no remedy at all ; on the contrary, it would stimulate ill- feeling against the Jews if the Polish Government were urged to suppress, for the benefit of the Jews, publications expressing the real sentiment of the Polish people. Such a prohibition would be worse than use- less—the sentiment itself should be changed. It is easy to draw one logical deduction from Sir 59 Stuart's suggestion. If political boycott should be suppressed, it could not be limited to anti-Jewish boy- cott. How about the anti-Polish boycott? Sir Stuart would, of course, find absurd a demand to suppress the boycott of the Polish State and the Polish nation, ad- vocated with such unanimity and persistence all over the world. No Pole has ever expressed such an ex- travagant demand. Conclusion There are two circumstances which give a tragic stamp to the relations between the Poles and the Jews. Firstly, this dispute is not a historical necessity, it is not a natural consequence of centuries-old relations, but of an accidental outside cause, which fell on Poland in spite of the tendencies and efforts of her inhabi- tants. A second tragic circumstance is that this con- flict began with such a lurid outburst at the very mo- ment when Poland had regained her independence, and again took up the thread of her history as a State, a history whose annals record through centuries tra- ditions of tolerance and liberty. Before her dismemberment, when Poland was an independent State, the relations between Poles and Jews were satisfactory. Poland earned the title of "Paradisus Judaeorum," and although Jews flocked to Poland from other countries where they suffered per- secution, there was every prospect of their assimila- tion as equal citizens. Religious tolerance was such that there were no religious dissensions, and national dissensions did not exist. In view of the traditional exclusiveness of the Jewish community the process of assimilation proceeded slowly, but it proceeded, and was not interrupted even by the Partitions. If the literature of a nation reflects its character, Polish liter- ature is perhaps the only literature representing Jews as national patriots, headed by Jankiel in the national epics by Mickiewicz, Poland's greatest poet. This pro- cess reached its zenith in 1862, when A. 'Wielopolski was at the head of the administration of Congress Poland, and he, a Pole, proclaimed the emancipation and equal rights of the Jews, and this was immediately put in practice by Poles, not only poHtically, but so- cially. The consequence of this was that Jews took part in the Polish insurrection. But the insurrection was suppressed, the remainder of Poland's autonomy withdrawn and the rights of the Jews restricted. This was the act of Russia. And what is more, Russia, wishing to rid herself of Jews, began to send them to Poland. Poland could absorb socially her own Jews, bound to her by the traditions of centuries. She could not assimilate this foreign surplus. In the sixteenth century, the period of Poland's greatest prosperity, three and one-half per cent. .of the population were Jews. At present the Jews represent 14 per cent, of the population. In addition, these arrivals brought with them, not only a stubborn separatism, but hatred of Poland. The result was the appearance in Poland of anti-Semitism — a guest hitherto unknown. Anti- Jewish sentiments increased when the inimical attitude of the "Litvak" and their adherents was so glaringly revealed during the Great X'N'ar. It increased still more when the resuscitation of independent Poland was greeted by an organized, universal choir of hostile voices, discrediting the reborn nation. This outburst of hatred was not justified by the so- called "pogroms," reduced to the real proportions, of which there were fewer victims than from the auto- mobile casualties in New York during the same period. On the other hand thes? hostile voices from abroad aroused great irritation in Poland, from which suffered the poor masses of Jews in daily contact with Poles,. with whom they have to live. The members of the two missions propose different remedies for this state of affairs. Sofne of them' — such as the establishment of Polish frontiers, peace, the opening of emigration to Russia, aid in economic development, etc. — find unanimous approval. There is also general unanimity as to the necessity of equal rights for Jews, to which also all Poles agree. In this respect, nevertheless, there are certain differ- ences of opinion of which adherents of equal rights, are not always conscious. Equal rights, although con- firmed in Articles of the Constitution and guaranteed by treaties, cannot really become part of the State organism until mutual hostility is removed. Mr. Mor- genthau concludes his report with the words : "There must be but one class of citizens in Poland, all mem- bers of which enjoy equal rights and render equal duties." Even anti- Jewish Polish papers agree to this, but add : "Let the Jews do their duty, and then we will consider them as having equal rights" ; the Jews say : "When we feel we have equal rights we will fulfill our duties." Are we to wait and see who begins first ? No, this hostility must be removed, and relations brought about in which such a dilemma would be im- possible. This cannot, however, be attained by the compulsory methods so dear to Sir Stuart Samuel. The Govern- ment, the Polish people, declare themselves ready to co-operate in order to arrive at harmony and concord. Let us suppose, however, that this is not the case. Po- land is a democratic State, and 86 per cent, of her population may impose their will on the Government. Let us suppose against all probability, that the will of the population is contrary to the clauses of the Minor- ity Treaty. What then? If the League of Nations in defense of Jews applied forcible measures to Poland, it might obtain momentary results, but such action would certainly not improve internal relations between Jews and Poles ; it would be more likely to create an atmosphere of bitterness favorable to the birth of real pogroms. With the Minority Treaty or without it. the sincerity of the concord is the essential point of the problem, not a concord obtained by compulsion. A sincere concord is barred by the demand of some Jews for national autonomy. With such an autonomy there would be not one, but two classes of citizens, con- demned to eternal discord : one representing 86 per cent, of Christian citizens with normal rights, the other the 14 per cent of Jewish citizens enjoying special privileges in addition to normal rights. Moreover, the fixing of the peculiarities of the Jew- ish minority would hinder the reconciliation and a har- monious co-existence. This can be attained only by removing the barriers dividing these two groups of citizens, and not by rendering them permanent. Mr. Wright, in his report, represents the intellectual and cultural state of eastern Jews as such ; that "it is impossible for the Poles to amalgamate with them, and 60 •difficult to mix with them, or even to frame common laws for them." To render these differences perma- nent would be to make impossible a friendly co- existence. In calling attention to this, General Jadwin and Mr. Johnson point to American experience in public school ■development. This is based on Americanization, not interfering in any way with the freedom and equality of citizens, but moulding them into one vital organism. Similarly Polonisation on the same broad and liberal principles, must form the basis of Polish- Jewish rela- tions if Poland also is to be a vital organism. To re- move all that divides, and to promote all that ap- proaches and conciliates — that is the principal task. National, like human organisms, cannot suffer the presence of foreign bodies; they must assimilate or reject them. No League of Nations is strong enough to grant "national autonomy" to a splinter driven into a living body. The laws of physiology are stronger than all htunan laws. Poland was slowly and peacefully assimilating her own Jews, when the Russian Government drove into her midst the masses of Russian Jews, like a splinter in a human body. When these foreign masses begin their return journey to Russia, the wound will cease to fester and will begin to heal. In the meantime, noth- ing inflamed this wound so much as the universal anti- Polish campaign on account of alleged Polish pogroms. This campaign irritated the Poles and drove them into the anti-Semitic camp ; this campaign encouraged that part of the Jews inimical to Poland to look abroad for support against their own country ; this campaign par- al\zed on both sides the efforts of those who desired reconciliation and concord. Even were she not bound by the clauses of the Minority Treaty, Poland is forced to settle this in- ternal dispute, and heal the wound, which not only enfeebles, but pains her. She must accomplish this for her own good and for her own future. Western Jews who have become an organic part of modern society, and have great influence with their eastern brothers, can in this respect render priceless service to Poland, as well as to their Polish co-believers. During his stay in Poland, after investigations on the spot, Mr. Henry Morgenthau constantly en- deavored to act as a conciliator, to encourage confi- dence and concord, and to stimulate common efforts toward the common good. The Polish-Je'wish prob- lem will be the quicker and the better solved, the more numerous the followers Mr. Morgenthau finds among western Jews : people of good will, proclaim- ing, not hatred and boycott, but love and concord. Among the Polish nation are not lacking people who have adopted this watchword. Then, without difficulty and outside pressure, as a normal result, will arise in Poland one class of citi- zens, enjoying equal rights and rendering equal duties, as desired not only by Mr. Morgenthau, the eminent American citizen of Jewish faith, but also by even the most catholic citizens of Poland. The Polish Treaty Convenant That Assures Liberty to Minorities in Poland — M. Clemenceau's Letter* When the principal allied and associated powers signed the German Peace Treaty on June 28, 1919, they also signed another important pact to which the Polish del- egates had just affixed their signatures. This treaty with Poland was the first of a series of formal agreements binding the new States of Eastern Europe to maintain the institutions of modern political freedom under the aegis of the League of Nations. Under the treaty Poland agreed to protect minorities against discriinination, to assume payment of such a share of the Russian debt as should be assigned to her by the Interallied Co'mmission, and to support important international postal, railway, telegraphic, and other conventions incidental to the estab- lishment of a national standing. A statement issued at Paris on June 30 by Louis Marshall, President of the Combined Jewish Committees of the World, contained this comment on the treaty: "Nothing thus far accomplished by the Peace Conference exceeds in importance the Polish treaty signed at Ver- sailles, which is the first of a series of conventions with the new States of Eastern Europe to protect all racial,, religious, and linguistic minorities. It is literally a charter of liberty and the final- act of emancipation of those who for .centuries have been bereft of elemental human rights. Had nothing else been achieved in Paris than the pro- nouncement that henceforth the rights of minorities are to be respected and safeguarded, this act of righteousness alone would have evidenced a memorable advance in the onward march of civilization. It enshrines in the law of nations the eternal principles of human liberty that consti- tute the distinctive features of the American Constitution." Explanatory Letter In transmitting this document to the Polish Govern- ment on lune 24, Premier Clemenceau, as President of the Peace Conference, addressed a long letter to Premier Paderewski at Warsaw setting forth the reasons for the various conditions laid down in it. The letter began as follows: On behalf of the Supreme Council of the principal allied and associated powers, I have the honor of communicating to you herewith, in its final form, the text of the treaty which, in accordance with Article 93 of the treaty of peace with Ger- many, Poland will be .asked to sign on the occasion of the confirmation of her recognition as an independent State and of the transference to her of the territories included in the former German Empire which are assigned to her by the said treaty. The principal provisions were communicated /to the Polish delegation in Paris in May last and were subsequently com- municated direct to the Polish Government through the French Minister ^t Warsaw. The council since has had the advantage of the suggestions which you were good enough to convey in the memorandum of June 16, and as the result of a study of the suggestion modifications have been intro- duced in the text of the treaty. The council believes that it will be found that, by the modification, the principal points to which attention was drawn in your memorandum have, in so far as they relate to specific provisions of the treaty, been adequately covered. In formally communicating to you the final decision of the principal allied and associated powers in this matter I should desire to take this opportunity of explaining in a more formal manner than has hitherto been employed the conditions by which the principal allied and associated powers have been guided in dealing with the question. •Reprinted from the New York Times Current History, August 1919. O-nlOlng' Principles One — In the first place, I would point out that the treaty does not constitute any fresh departure. It has for long been the established procedure of the public law of Europe that when a State is created, or even when large accessions of territory are made to an established State, the joint and formal recognition by the great powers should be accom- panied by the requirement that such State should. In the form of a binding international convention, undertake to comply with certain principles of government. This prln- 61 ciple, for which there are numerous other precedents, re- ceived the explicit sanction when, at the last great assembly of Kuropean powers — the Congress of Berlin — the sovereignty and Independence of Serbia, Montenegro, and Rumania were recognized. It Is desirable to recall the words used on this occasion by the British, French, Italian and German pleni- potentiaries, as recorded in the protocol of June 28, 1878. Premier Clemenceau here quoted from Lord Salisbury, William Henry Waddington, French plenipotentiary at the Berlin Congress; Prince Bismarck, Count de Launay. Italian plenipotentiary, and Count Andrassy of Austria- Hungary, who made declarations on the occasion in question emphasizing the necessity of establishing the principle of religious liberty. Premier Clemenceau then resumed: Two — The principal allied and associated powers are of the opinion that they would be false to the responsibility which rests upon them if on this occasion they departed from what has become an. established tradition. In this connection I must also recall to your consideration the fact that It is through the endeavors and sacrifices of the powers in whose name I am addressing you that the Polish Nation owes the recovery of its independence. It is by their decision that sovereignty is being re-established over the territories in question; and that the inhabitants of these territories are being Incorporated in the Polish Nation. It is on the support which these powers will afford to the League of Nations that the future Poland will, to a large extent, depend for the secure possession of these territories. There rests, therefore, upon these powers an obligation which they cannot evade to secure in the most permanent and solemn form guarantees for certain essential rights which will afford to the inhabitants the necessary protection, what- ever changes may take place in the internal constitution of the Polish State. It Is in accordance witU this obligation that clause 93 was Inserted In the treaty of peace with Germany. This clause relates only to Poland, but a similar clause applies the same principles to Czechoslovakia, and other clauses have been inserted in the treaty of peace with Austria, and will be Inserted in those with Hungary and Bulgaria, under which similar obligations will be undertaken by other States which, under those treaties, receive large accessions of territory. The consideration of these facts would be sufficient to show that by the requirement addressed to Poland at the time when it is receiving in the most solemn manner the joint recognition of the re-establlshment of its sovereignty and Independence, and when large accessions of territory are being assigned to it. no doubt is thrown upon the sincerity of the desire of the Polish Government and the Polish Nation to maintain the general principles of justice and liberty. Any such doubt would be far from the Intention of the prin- cipal allied and associated powers. Three — It Is Indeed true that the new treaty differs in form from earlier conventions dealing with similar matters. The change of form Is a necessary consequence and an essential part of the new system of international relations which Is now being built up by the establishment of the League of Nations. Under the older system the guarantee for the execution of similar provisions was vested in the great powers. Experience has shown that this was in practice ineffective, and It was also open to the criticism that It might give to the great powers, either Individually or In combina- tion, a right to interfere in the internal constitution of the States affected, which could be used for political purposes. Under the new system the guarantee Is Intrusted to the League of Nations. The clauses dealing with this guarantee have been carefully drafted, so as to make it clear that Poland will not be in any way under the tutelage of those powers who are signatory to the treaty. I should desire, moreover, to point out to you that provision has been inserted in the treaty by which disputes arising out of its provisions may be brought before the court of the League of Nations. In this way differences which might arise will be removed from the political sphere and placed In the hand of a judicial court, and it is hoped that thereby an impartial decision will be facilitated, whfle at the same time any danger of political interferences by the powers in the internal affairs of Poland will be avoided. Four — The particular provisions to which Poland and the other States will be asked to adhere differ to some extent from those which were imposed on the new States at the Congress of Berlin. But the obligations imposed upon new States seeking recognition have at all times varied with the particular circumstances. New Provisions Necessary Premier Clemenceau here pointed out that obligations with regard to the Belgian provinces were undertaken by the Netherlands in 1814, when those provinces were annexed; that when the Kingdom of Greece was estab- lished it was determined that its Government could be both monarchical and constitutional, and that Greece, when she annexed Thessaly, accepted a stipulation that the lives, property, honor, religion, and customs of the inhabitants should be respected and all their rights pro- tected. He continued: The situation with which the powers have now to deal is new, and experience has shown that new provisions are necessary. The territories now being transferred both to Poland- and to other States Inevitably include a large popula- tion speaking languages and belonging to races different from that of the people with whom they will be Incorporated. Unfortunately, the races have been estranged by long years of bitter hostilities. It Is believed that these populations will be more easily reconciled to their new position if they know that from the very beginning they have assured protec- tion and adequate guarantees against any danger of unjust treatment or oppression. The very knowledge that these guarantees exist will. It is hoped, materially help the recon- ciliation which all desire, and will, indeed, do muoli to prevent the necessity of its enforcement. Five — To turn to the individual clauses of the present treaty. Article 2 guarantees to all inhabitants those element- ary rights which are, as a matter of fact, secured in every civilized State. Clauses 3 to 6 are designed to insure that all the genuine residents in the territories now transferred to Polish sovereignty shall in fact be assured of the full privileges of citizenship. Articles 7 and 8, which are in accordance with precedent, provide against any discrimina- tion against those Polish citizens who by their re- ligion, tlieir language, or by their race differ from the large mass of the Polish population. It is under- stood that, far from raising any objection to the manner of the articles, the Polish Government have already, of their own accord, declared their firm intention of basing^ their institutions on the cardinal principles enunciated therein. Protection for Jews The following articles are of a rather different nature, in that they provide special privileges to certain group of these minorities: * * * Six — Clauses 10 and 12 deal specifically with the Jewish citizens of Poland. The information at the disposal of the principal allied and associated powers as to the existing relations between the Jews and the other Polish citizens has led them to the conclusion that, in view of the historical development of the Jewish question and the great animosity arousod by it, special protection is necessary for the Jews of Poland. These clauses have been limited to the minimum which seems necessary under the circumstances of the present day, viz., the maintenance of Jewish schools and the protec- tion of the Jews in the religious observance of their Sabbath. It is believed that these stipulations will not create any obstacle to the political unity of Poland. They do not constitute any recognition of the Jews as a separate political community within the Polish State. The educational provi- sions contain nothing beyond what is in fact provided in the educational institutions of many highly organized modern States. There is nothing inconsistent with the sovereignty of the State in recognizing and supporting schools in which children sliall be brought up in the religious influences to- which they are accustomed in their home. Ample safeguards against any use of non-Polish language to encourage a spirit of national separation have been provided in the express acknowledgment that the provisions of this treaty do not prevent the Polish State from making the Polish language obligatory in all its schools and educational institutions. In Part 7 of his letter Premier Clemenceau dealt with the economic clauses of the treaty, such as freedom of transit and Poland's adhesion to certain international conventions, and pointed out that the powers had not been actuated by any desire to secure special commercial advantages for themselves. He added: In conclusion, I desire to express to you on behalf of the allied and associated powers the very sincere satisfaction which they feel at the re-establlshment of Poland as an important State. They cordially welcome the Polish Nation on its re-entry into the family of nations. They recall the great services which the ancient Kingdom of Poland ren- dered to Europe both in public affairs and by its contribu- tions to the progress of mankind, which is the common work of all civilized nations. They believe that the voice of Poland will add to the wisdom of their common deliberations in the cause of peace and harmony, that Its influence will be used to further the spirt of liberty and 'justice botti In internal- and external affairs, and that thereby it will help in the work of reconciliation between the nations which, "with the conclusion of peace, will be the common task of humanity. The text of the treaty itself, signed by Poland and the allied and associated powers on June 28, 1919, is given in full on the next four pages. TEXT OF TREATY SIGHED BY VOXtAXTD The TTnited States of America, the Britlsli Empire, Trance. Italy, and Japad,' the principal allied and asBocIated powers, on the one hand; and Poland, on the other hand: WHEREAS, The allied and associated powers have, by the success of their arms, restored to the Polish Nation the independence of which it had been unjustly deprived; and WHEREAS, By the proclamation of March 30, 1S17, the Government of Russia assented to the re-establishment of an independent Polish State; and, WHEREAS, The Polish State, which now, in fact, exer- cises sovereignty over those portions of the former Russian 62 Empire which are Inhabited by a majority of Poles, has al- ready been recognized as a sovereign and important State by the principal allied and associated powers; and WHEREAS, Under the treaty of peace concluded with Germany by the allied and associated .powers, a treaty of which Poland is a signatory, certain portions of the former Qerman Empire will be incorporated in the territory of Po- land; and WHEREAS, Under the terms of the said treaty of peace, the boundaries of Poland not already laid down are to be subsequently determined by the principal allied and associated powers ; The United States of America, the British Empire, France, Italy, and Japan, on the one hand, confirming their recognition of the Polish State, constituted within the said limits as a sovereign and independent member .of the family of nations and being anxious to insure the execution of the provisions of Article 93 of the said treaty of peace with Germany; Poland, on the other hand, desiring to conform her institu- tions to the principles of liberty and justice, and to give a sure guarantee to the inhabitants of the territory over which she assumed sovereignty; for this purpose the follow- ing representatives of the high contracting parties: The President of the United States of America; his Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ire- land and of the British dominions beyond the seas. Emperor of India; the President of the French Republic; his Majesty the King of Italy; his Majesty the Emperor of Japan, and the President of the Polish Republic, after having exchanged their full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed as follows: CHAPTER I. ABTICBi: 1 — Poland undertakes that the stipulations con- tained in Articles 2 and 8 of this chapter shall be recognized as fundamental law, and that no law, regulation, or official action shall conflict or interfere with these stipulations, nor shall any law, regulation, or official action prgvail over them. ABTICI^E 2 — Poland undertakes to assure full and complete protection to life and liberty to all Inhabitants of Poland, without distinction of birth, nationality, language, race, or religion. All inhabitants of Poland shall be entitled to the free exercise, whether public or private, of any creed, religion, or belief whose practices are not Inconsistent .with public order or public morals. ABTICI^E 3 — Poland admits and deblares to be Polish nationals ipso facto Hungarian or Russian nationals habit- ually resident, at the date of the coming into force of the present treaty. In territory which is or may be recognized as forming part of Poland under the treaties with Germany, Austria, Hungary, or Russia, respectively, but subject to any provisions in the said treaties relating to persons who became resident in such territory after a specified date. Nevertheless, the persons referred to above who are over 12 years of age will be entitled under the conditions contained In the said treaties to opt for any other nationality which may be open to them. Option by a husband will cover his wife and option by parents will cover their children under 18 years of age. Persons who have exercised the above right to option must, except where it Is otherwise provided in the treaty of peace with Germany, transfer within the succeeding twelve months their place of residence to the State for which they have opted. They will be entitled to retain their immovable property In Polish territory. They may carry with them their movable property of every description. No export duties may be imposed upon them in connection with the removal of such property. ARTICKi: 4 — Poland admits and declares to be Polish nationals, ipso facto and without the requirement of any formality, persons of German, Austrian, Hungarian, or Rus- sian nationality who were born In the said territory of parents habitually resident there, even if at the date of the coming into force of the present treaty they are not themselves habitually resident there. , Nevertheless, within two years after the comipg Into force of the present treaty, these persons may make a declaration before the competent Polish authorities in the country in which they are resident, stating that they abandon Polish nationality, and they will then cease to be considered as Polish nationals. In this connection a declaration by a husband will cover his wife, and a declaration by parents will cover their children under 18 years of age. ABTICIiE S — Poland undertakes to put no hindrance in the way of the exercise of the right which the persons concerned have, under the treaties concluded or to be concluded by the allied and associated powers with Germany, Austria, Hungary, or Russia, to choose whether or not they will acquire Polish nationality. ABTICIiE 6 — All persons born in Polish territory who are not born nationals of another State shall ipso facto become Polish nationals. ABTICI^i: 7 — All Polish nationals shall be equal before the law and shall enjoy the same civil and political rights with- out distinction as to race, language, or religion. Differences of religion, creed, or confession shall not prej- udice any Polish national in matters relating to the en- joyment of civil or political rights, as for admission to public employments, functions, and honors, or the exercise of pro- fessions and industries. No restriction shall be imposed on the free use by any Polish national of any language in private intercourse. In commerce, in religion, in the press, or in publications of .any kind, or at public meetings. Notwithstanding any establishment by the Polish Govern- ment of an official language, adequate facilities shall be given to Polish nationals of non-Polish speech for the use of their language, either orally or in writing, before the courts. ABTId^E 8 — Polish nationals who belong to racial, relig- ious, or linguistic minorities shall enjoy the same treatment and security in law and in fact as the Polish nationals. Im particular they shall have an equal right to establish, manage, and control at their own expense charitable, religious, and social institutions, schools and other educational establisk- ments, with the right to use their own language and to exercise their religion freely therein. ABTICI^i: 9 — Poland will provide, in the public educatloMal system in towns and districts in which a considerable propor- tion of Polish nationals of other than Polish speech are residents, adequate facilities for insuring that in the primary schools instruction shall be given to the children of such Polish nationals through the medium of their own language. This provision shall not prevent, the Polish Government from making the teaching of the Polish language obligatory in the said schools. In towns and districts where there is a considerable proportion of Polish nationals belonging to racial, religious, or linguistic minorities, these minorities shall be assured an equitable share in the enjoyment and application of the sums which may be provided out of public funds under the State, municipal, or other budgets, for educational, religi^oMS, or charitable purposes. The provisions of this article shall apply to Polish citizens of German speech only in that part of Poland which was German territory on Auust 1, 1914. ARTICLE 10 — Educational committees appointed locally by the Jewish communities of Poland will, subject to the general control of the State, provide for the distribution of the proportional share of public funds allocated to Jewish schools i naccordance with Article 9, and for the organization amd management of these schools. The provision of Article 9 concerning the use of language in schools shall apply to these schools. ABTICtE 11 — Jews shall not be compelled to perform any act which constitutes a violation of their Sabbath, nor shall they be placed under any disability by reason of their refusal to attend courts of law or to perform any legal business on their Sabbath. This provision, however, shall not exempt Jews from such obligations as shall be imposed upon all other Polish citizens for the necessary purposes of military service, national defense, or the preservation of public order. Poland declares her intention to refrain from ordering or permitting elections, whether general or local, to be held oa a Saturday, nor will registration for electoral or other purposes be compelled to be performed on a Saturday. ABTICIiE 12 — Poland agrees that the stipulations in the foregoing articles, so far as they affect persons belonging to racial, religious, or linguistic minorities, constitute obliga- tions of international concern, and shall be placed under the guarantee of the League of Nations. They shall not be . modified without the assent of a majority of the Council of the League of Nations. The United States, the British Empire, France. Italy, and Japan hereby agree not to withhold their assent from any modification in these articles which is in due form assented to by a majority of the Coimcil of the League of Nations. Poland agrees that any member of the Council of the League of Nations shall have the right to bring to the atten- tion of the Council any infraction, or any danger of infrac- tion, of any of these obligations, and that the Council may thereupon take such action and give such direction as it may deem proper and effective in the circumstances. Poland further agrees that any difference of opinion as to question of law or fact arising out of these articles, between the Polish Government and any of the principal allied and associated powers, or any other power a member of the 63 Council (5f Ihe League of dispute of an international Covenant of the League of liereby consents that any party thereof demands, be of International Justice. Court shall be final and sh as an award under Articl Nations, shall be held to be a. character under. Article 14 of the Nations. The Polish Government such dispute shall, if the other referred to the Permanent Court The decision of the Permanent all have the same force and effect 13 of the covenant. CHAPTER II. ARTICIii: 13 — Each of the principal allied and associated powers, on the one part, and Poland on the other shall be at liberty to appoint diplomatic representatives to reside in their respective capitals, as well as Consul Generals, Consuls, Vice Consuls, and Consular Agents, to reside in the towns and ports of their respective territories. Consul Generals, Consuls, Vice Consuls, and Consular Agents, however, shall not enter upon their duties until they have been admitted in the usual manner by the Gov- erment in' the territory of which they are stationed. Consul Generals, Consuls, Vice Consuls, and Consular Agents shall enjoy all the facilities, privileges, exemptions, and immunities of every kind which are or shall be granted to Consular officers of the most favored nation. ARTICLE 14 — Pending the establishment of a permanent tariff by the Polish Government goods originating in the allied and associated States shall not be subject to any higher duties on importation into Poland than the most favorable rates of duty applicable to goods of the same kind under either the German, Austro-Hungarian, or Russian customs tariffs on July 1. 1914. ABTICI^E 15 — Poland undertakes to make no treaty, con- vention, or arrangement, and to take no other action, which will prevent her from joining in any general agreement for the equitable treatment of the commerce of other States that may be concluded under the auspices of the League of N'ations within five years from the coming into force of the present treaty. Poland also undertakes to extend to all the allied and as- sociated States any favors or privileges in customs matters which they may grant during the same period of five years to any State with which, since August, 1914, the Allies have been at war, or to any State which may have concluded with .A.ustria special customs arrangements as provided for in the treaty of peace to be concluded with Austria. ARTIC&i; 16 — Pending the conclusion of the general agree- ment referred to above, Poland undertakes to treat on the same footing as national vessels, or vessels of the most fa- vored nation, the vessels of all the allied and associated States which accord similar treatment to Polish vessels. By way of exception from this provision, the right of Poland or any other allied or associated State to confine her maritime coasting trade to national vessels is expressly reserved. ABTICKE 17 — Pending the conclusion, under the auspices of the League of Nations, of a general convention to secure and maintain freedom of communications and of transit, Poland undertakes to accord freedom of transit of persons, goods, vessels, carriages, wagons, and mails in transit to or from any allied or associated State over Polish territory, including territorial waters, and to treat them at least as favorably as the persons, goods, vessels, carriages, wagons, and mails respectively of Polish or of any other more favored nationality, origin, importation, or ownership, as regards facilities, charges, restrictions, and all other matters. All charges imposed in Poland on such traffic in transit shall be reasonable, having regard to the conditions of the traffic Goods in transit shall be exempt from all customs or other duties. Tariffs for transit traffic across Poland and tariffs between Poland and any allied or associated power, involving through tickets or waybills, shall be established at the request of that allied or associated power. Freedom of transit will extend to postal telegraphic and telephonic services. It is agreed that no allied or associated power can claim the benefit of these provisions on behalf of any part of its territory in which reciprocal treatment is not accorded with respect to the same subject matter. If within a period of five years from the coming into force of the present treaty no general convention as aforesaid shall have been concluded under the auspices of the League of Nations, Poland shall be at liberty at any time thereafter to give twelve months' notice to the Secretary General of the League of Nations to terminate obligations of this article. ABXICKE 18. — Pending the conclusion of a general con- vention on the International regime of waterways, Poland undertakes to apply to the river system of the Vistula (in- cluding the Bug and the Narest) the regime applicable to international waterways set out in Articles 332 to 337 of the treaty of peace with Germany. ARTICIiE 19 — Poland, undertakes to adhere, within twelve months of the coming into force of the present treaty, to the international conventions specified in Annex I. Poland undertakes to adhere to any new convention, con- cluded with the approval of the Council of the League of Nations within five years of the coming into force of the present' treaty, to replace any of the international instruments specified in Annex I. , , , .,^, ., The Polish Government undertakes within twelve months to notify the Secretary General of the League of Nations whether or not Poland desires to adhere to either or both of the international conventions specified in Annex II. Until Poland has adhered to the two conventions last specified in Annex I. she agrees, on condition of reciprocity, to protect by effective measures the industrial, literary and artistic property of ' nationals of the allied and associated States. In the case of any allied or associated State not ad- hering to the said conventions, Poland agrees to continue to afford such effective protection on the same conditions until the conclusion of a special bilateral treaty or" agreement for that purpose with such allied or associated State. Pending her adhesion to the other conventions specified in Anne.x I., Poland will secure to the nationals of the allied and associated powers the advantages to which they would be entitled vmder the said conventions. Poland further agrees, on condition of reciprocity, to recog- nize and protect all rights in any industrial, literary, or ar- tistic property belonging to the nationals of the allied and associated States now in force or which, but for the war, would have been in force in any part of her territories before their transfer to Poland. For such purposes they will accord the extensions of time agreed to in Articles 307 and 308 of the treaty with Germany. ANNEX I. Telegraphic and Radlo-Telegrraphlc Ck>nventlona International Telegraphic Convention signed at St. Peters- bury July 10-22, 1875. Regulations and tariffs drawn up by the International Tel- egraph Conference signed at Lisbon .lune 11, 1908. International Radio-Telegraphic Convention, July 5, 1912. Railway Conventions Conventions and arrangements signed at Berne on Oct. 14, 1890, Sept. 20, 1893, July 16. 1895, and Sept. 19, 1906, and the current supplementary provisions made under those conven- tions. Agreement on May 15, 1886, regarding the sealing of rail- way trucks subject to custom inspections, and protocol of May 18, 1907. Agreement of May 15, 1886, regarding the technical stand- ardization of railways, as modified on May 18, 1907. Sanitary Convention Convention of Dec. 3, 1903. Other Conventions Convention of Sept. 26, 1906, for the suppression of night work for women. Convention of Sept. 26, 1906, for the suppression of the use of white phosphorus in the manufacture of matches. Conventions of May 18, 1904, and May 4, 1910, regarding the suppression of the white slave traffic. Convention of May 4, 1910, regarding the suppression of obscene publications. International conventions of Paris of March 20, 1883, as revised at Washington in 1911, for the protection of industrial property. International convention of Sept. 9, 1886, revised at Berlin on Nov. 13, 1908, and completed by the additional protocol signed at Berne on March 20, 1914, for the protection -of literary and artistic works. ANNEX II. Agreement of Madrid of April 14, 1891, for the prevention of false indications of origin on goods, revised at Washington in 1911, and agreement of Madrid of April 14, 1891, for the international registration of trade marks, revised at Washing- ton in 1911. ARTZCIiE 20 — All rights and privileges accorded by the foregoing articles to the allied and associated States shall be accorded equally to all States members of the League of Nations. The present treaty, of which the French and English texts are both authentic, shall be ratified. It shall come into force at the same time as the treaty of peace with Germany. The deposit of ratifications shall be made at Paris. Powers of which the seat of the Government is outside Europe will be entitled merely to inform the Government of the French Republic through their diplomatic representative at Paris that their ratification has been given. In that case they must transmit the instrument of ratification as soon as possible. A procSs-verbal of the deposit of ratifications will be drawn up. ^ The French Government will transmit to all the signatory powers a certified copy of the procSs-verbal of the deposit of ratifications. ARTICLE 21 — Poland agrees to assume responsibility for such proportion of the Russian public debt and other Russian public liabilities of any kind as may be assigned to her under a special convention between the principal allied and asso- ciated powers on the one hand and Poland on the other, to be prepared by a commission appointed by the above States. In the event of the commission not arriving at an agreement, the point at issue shall be referred for immediate arbitration to the League of Nations. In faith whereof the above-named plenipotentiaries have signed the present treaty. Done at Versailles, (Jnne 28, 1919), In a single copy -wlitcli will remain deposited in the archives of the French Bapnblle, and of which authenticated copies will be trannulttad to aach of the signatory powers. 64 '■■=-•«.'■ "It is giving the Jews very little real assistance to single out, as ; is some- times done, for reprobation and protest, the country where they have perhaps suffered least." —Sir H. RUMBOLD British Minister to Poland