ft? V CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY UNDERGRADUATE UBRARY DATE DUE . fill .«Jm> .- * .*^ . . ' ly."?"?^™ 6AYL0BD PRINTED IN U.S.A. Corneir University Library PQ 4333.T75 A dictionary of proper names and notable 3 1924 012 403 824 M' fe/ Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924012403824 DANTE DICTIONARY PAGET TOY N BEE HKNRY FROWDE, M.A. PUBLISHER TO THB DNIVBRSITY OF OXFORD LONDON, EDINBURGH, AND NEW YORK A DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES AND NOTABLE MATTERS IN THE WORKS OF DANTE BY PAGET TOYNBEE, M.A. BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD EDITOR OF 'SPECIMENS OF OLD FRENCH,' 'HISTORICAL FRENCH GRAMMAR,' ETC. ' Dietro alle poste clelle care pianie ' /«/", xxiii. 148 OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS MgCCC,XCVIII HS33 -ifl — <^C._ 'Si ne di je pas que cist livres soit estrais de mon povre sens, ne de ma nue science ; mais il est autressi comme une bresche de miel cueillie de diverses flors.' Brunetto Latino, Tr^sor, I. i. ^'A(^ J L/^ SS'o U^ OXFORD : PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS BY HORACE HART, M.A., PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY PREFACE In this Dante Dictionary I have made an attempt to bring together, in a convenient and concise form, such information as is available concerning the various persons and places mentioned or referred to in the works of Dante (i. e. in the Divina Commedia, the Canzoniere, the Vita Nuova, the Convivio, the De Vulgari Eloquentia, the De Monarchia, the Epistolae, the Eclogae, and the Quaestio de Aqua et Terra, as printed in the Oxford Dante ^). I have endeavoured, as far as possible, to present the results of the most recent researches. This has been, in not a few cases, a matter of some difficulty, owing to the fact that a great many of the numerous articles on Dantesque .subjects published in Italy make their appearance in more or less ephenieral periodicals. For this reason I have been obliged occasionally to accept my information at second hand, through the medium of one or other of the special Dante publications, such as the Giornale Da?itesco, the Bullettino della Societd Dantesca Italiana, and the like. I am not sanguine enough to suppose that I have succeeded in every instance in bringing my articles wholly ' up to date ' ^- In extenuation of any shortcomings in this respect I can only plead the wide extent of the field which has had to be explored, and the ' quel d'Adamo ', as Dante puts it, ' I'incarco della carne d'Adamo ', beneath which the energies -of even the most ardent explorers will sometimes flag. A few kindred subjects have been included with the proper names, such as the denominations of the several classes of sinners, &c., and of the various heavens, &c., mentioned in the Divina Commedia (e. g. Accidiosi, Ipocriti, Traditori ; Cielo Stellate, Rosa Celestiale) ; certain personifications and titles (e. g. Aquila, Pellicano ; Archimandrita, Savio) ; the titles of books quoted by Dante (e. g. Aeneis, Btbica, De Reglmine Ptinclpum) ; and so on ^. ' Tatte le Of ere di Dante Alighieri, nuovamente rivedute nel testo dal Dr. E. Moore, con Indite dei Nomi Propri e delle Cose Notabili, compilaio da Paget Toynbee. Oxford, 1894 (second edition, 1897). The convenience of this edition for the purposes of reference can hardly be overrated. ' I have been able in a few cases to add references to important articles which appeared while this work was passing through the press. ' A list of these ' notable matters ' will be found at the end of the volume (Table xxxv). [v] PREFACE I have appended sundry genealogical and chronological tables ^ (with an index ^) in illustration of the numerous historical allusions in Dante's works. Also, for the convenience of those who do not happen to be provided with the Oxford Dante, ,1 have given an index of first lines (in both alphabetical and numerical order) in the Canzoniere ^, and comparative tables of the chapter- divisions in the De Monarchia^ adopted respectively in the editions of Witte (followed by the Oxford Dante), Fraticelli, and Giuliani. I have, further, to facilitate reference, supplied an index of such English or Anglicised names as differ in form from the Italian or Latin, with cross-references to the latter^, e.g. Apulia [Puglia], Elbe [Albia], Ephialtes [Fialte], Jesse [Isai], Phaethon [Fetonte], Uzzah [Oza], and the like. The idea of this work was originally suggested by the Vocabolario Dantesco of L. G. Blanc ^. This invaluable handbook, however, deals with the Divina Commedia only, and, as its title implies, includes the vocabulary of the poem as well as the articles (necessarily very brief) on the proper names. Blanc's book was followed twenty years later by the Dizionario della Divina Commedia of Donato Bocci', a useful work, but marred by the introduction of a great deal of irrelevant matter, especially in the historical articles, which, by a strange freak on the part of the author, are brought down to the nineteenth century. In 1865 appeared the first three volumes of the Manuale Dantesco of Jacopo Ferrazzi, which were followed by a fourth volume in 1871, and by a fifth in 1877 *. This work (of which the four last volumes bear the sub-title of Enciclo- pedia Dantesca) contains a mass of useful information on all subjects connected with Dante. Its value, however, as a book of reference is seriously impaired by the total absence of method in the arrangement of the material, as well as by the fact that the indices appended to the several volumes are of the most meagre and unsatisfactory description. In the comprehensive Dizionario Dantesco of Giacomo Poletto ' an attempt is made for the first time systemati- cally to cover the whole range of Dante's writings. The chief value of this work lies in the author's acquaintance with scholastic theology. It is unfor- tunately very incomplete ; and, owing to the grave inaccuracies and mis- references with which it abounds, it must be used with great caution. Of these works I have availed myself to such limited extent as the scheme of the present volume would allow. I may take this opportunity of acknow- ledging my obligations to them. ' Tables i-xxxi. ^ Table xxxviii. ' Table xxxii. ' Table xxxiii. » Table xxxvi. ' Vocabolario Dantesco, cu Dictionnaire Critique et Raisonni de la Divine Comidie de Dante Allighieri, far L. G. Blanc. Leipslc, 1852. An Italikn translation by G. Carbone was published at Florence in 1859 ; fifth edition, 1896. ' Dizionario Storico, Geografico, Universale, della Divina Commedia di Dante Alighieri, contenente' la Biografia dei Personaggi, la Notizia dei Paesi, e la Spiegazione delle Cose piti difficili del Sacra Poema opera di Donato Bocci. Turin, 1873. A brief Biographical Guide to the Divina Commedia, by Frances Locock, appeared in the next year (London, 1874). ' Manuale Dantesco delVroi. Giuseppe Jacopo Ferrazzi. 5 vols. Bassano, 1865-77. ° Dizionario Dantesco di quanto si coniiene nelle Opere di Dante Allighieri, con richiami alia Somma Teologica di S. Tommaso d' Aquino, colV illustrazione dei nomi proprl mitologici, storici geogt^afici e delle quesiioni piii eontroverse, compilato dal Prof. D. Giacomo Poletto. 7 vols Siena 188K-7 ' [vi] PREFACE A few weeks before the completion of my own work Dr. Scartazzini pub- lished the first part of his Enciclopedia Dantesca ^ ; of this book it is not my province to speak here. My obligations, as far as modern commentaries on the Divina Commedia are concerned, are chiefly to those of Dr. Scartazzini ^ and Prof. Casini ^, to the latter of which especially I am greatly indebted. I have also made frequent use of Mr. A. J. Butler's notes to his English version of Dante's poem* ; and I have found much valuable information in Mr. W. W. Vernon's carefully compiled volumes on the Inferno and Purgatorio ^. Of the mediaeval commentaries I have, for general purposes, made most frequent reference to that of Benvenuto da Imola (in the handsome edition for which Dante students are indebted to the munificence of Mr. Vernon ^). In the case of local allusions I have, where possible, given the preference to the commentator best qualified by circumstances of birth or residence to supply the required information (as, for instance, to Jacopo della Lana and Benvenuto for Bologna, to Francesco da Buti for Pisa, and so on). The con- temporary chronicles of Giovanni Villani ' and Dino Compagni ^ have also, of course, been in constant requisition. To attempt to enumerate here, even in the most summary manner, the host of other authorities made use of in the course of the work (the majority of them ' scritti danteschi ' published in the form of fugitive pieces) would be to trench on the province of the bibliographer', and would prove almost as onerous an undertaking as the proverbial 'doppiar degli scacchi.' References to the most important authorities, however, will be found in their proper places in the body of the Dictionary. As regards Dante's prose works, I have had for the most part to break new ground, the help afforded by the few existing commentaries being, as a rule, of the scantiest. The results of my own researches, which are necessarily given only in brief in the Dictionary, have been published from time to time in Romania, the Giornale Storico della Letteratura Italiana, the Academy, the ' Dr. G. A. Scartazzini : Enciclopedia Dantesca — Dizionario critico e ragionato di quanta concerne la Vita e h Opere di Dante Alighieri. Vol. i. A-L. Milan, 1896. Vol. ii. (Parte prima) M-R. Milan, 1898. " La Divina Commedia di Dante Alighieri, riveduta nel testo e commentata da G. A. Scartazzini. 4 vols. Leipzig, 1874-90. Edizione Minore, Milan, 1893; second edition, 1896. ' La Divina Commedia di Dante Alighieri, con il commento di Tommaso Casini. (4ta edizione.) Florence, 1896. * The Hell, Purgatory, and Paradise of Dante Alighieri, edited with Translation and Notes by Arthur John Butler. 3 vols. London, 1880-92. ' Readings on the Inferno and Purgatorio of Dante, chiefly based on the Commentary of Benvenuto da Imola, by the Honble. William Warren Vernon. 4 vols. London, 1889-97. ° Benevenuti de Rambaldis de Imola Comentum super Dantis Aldigherii Comoediam, nunc primum integre in lacem editum, sumptibus Guilielmi Warren Vernon, curante Jacobo Philippo Lacaita. 5 vols, Florence, 1887. ' The edition used is that in 8 vols, published at Florence (II Magheri) in 1823. ' Dino Compagni e la siia Cronica, per Isidore del Lungo. 2 vols. Florence, 1879. ' What promises to be an exhaustive bibliography of Dante literature is in course of preparation by Mr. T. W. Koch, Librarian of the Dante Collection recently presented by Mr. Willard Fiske to the Cornell University Library (U.S.A.). [vii] PREFACE Athenaeum, the Reports of the Cambridge (U.S.A.) Dante Society, and other periodicals, to which references are supplied as occasion arises. I am indebted for valuable assistance on special points to several Oxford friends, members of the Oxford Dante Society, among whom I may mention the Principal of St. Edmund Hall (Rev. Dr. E. Moore), the Rector of Exeter College (Rev. Dr. W. W. Jackson), the Regius Professor of Modern Histolry (Mr. F. York Powell, of Oriel College), the Quain Professor of English Litera- ture at University College, London (Mr. W. P. Ker, of All Souls' College), Mr. Edward Armstrong, of Queen's College, Dr. Charles L. Shadwell, of Oriel College, and Rev. H. F. Tozer, of Exeter College. In the verification of Dante's numerous quotations from classical writers and from Scripture I have been largely helped by the exhaustive indices com- piled by Dr. Moore, and recently published in the first series of his Studies in Dante'^. I am glad to take this opportunity of expressing my acknowledge- ments to Dr. Moore for his generosity in allowing me the use of 'advanced sheets ' of these indices, whereby I was enabled to check, and in many cases to suppletnent, my own reference-lists. . I must also acknowledge my obligations to the Keeper of Printed Books (Dr. Richard Garrtett), and the Keeper of Coins (Dr. Barclay V. Head), at the British Museutti, who have courteously supplied me with information on subjects connected with their respective departments ; as well as to Bodley's Librarian at Oxford (Mr. E. W. B. Nicholson), the Librarian of the Cambridge University Library (Mr. F. Jenkinsoh), M. Gaston Raynaud of the Biblioth^que Nationale at Paris, Prbfessof Pio Rajna of Florence, and Professor Rodolfo Renier of Turin, for services of a similar nature ; and to various writers in the Encyclopaedia Britannica (ninth edition) and in Dr. Smith's Classical Dictionary. I may mention, in conclusion, that I hope to deal later with the Vocabulary of the Divina Commedia, Canzoniere, Vita Nuo'va, and Convivio — Se tanto lavoro in bene assommi I PAGET TOYNBEE. DoRNEY Wood, Bucks. August 23, 1897. *^* A few corrections and additions which were too late for insertion in the body of the Work will be found under the heading of Corrigenda et Addenda on pp. 564-5. > studies in Dante. First Series : Scripture and Classical Authors in Dante. By Edward Moore D.D. Oxford, 1896. I have also availed myself of the labours of Mazzucchelli in this department for the Convivio, and of those of Witte for the De Monarchia. [viii] CONTENTS PAGE Preface v-viii Proper Names and Notable Matters 1-563 Addenda et Corrigenda 564-565 Genealogical Tables 567-591 Chronological Table S92-597 Index of First Lines of the Canzoniere 598-600 Chapter-divisions in various Editions of the De Monarchia . . . 601-603 Numeration of the Epistolae in various Editions 604 List of Articles dealing with Notable Matters other than Names of Persons or Places 605-607 Index of English or Anglicised Names which differ from the Italian OR Latin 608-610 Plates . 611-613 List of Tables and Plates 614 Index to Tables and Plates 615-616 [ixl LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS. A.T. . QuMStio de Aqua et Terra. A.V. Authorized Version. B. Beatriee (in the D.C.). Ball. Ballata. Canz. Canzone. Cent. Century. Conv. Convimo. D. Dante. B.C. Divina Commedia. Eel. Ecloga. ed. edited by. edd. editors or editions. Encyc. Brit. Encyclopaedia Britannica. Epist. Epistola. Inf. Inferno. M. Matilda (in the B.C.). Mon. De Monarchia. N.T. New Testament. Nov. Novella. O.F. Old French. O.T. Old Testament. Par. Paradise. Pnrg. Purgatorio. ref. reference. S. Statins (in the D.C.). Sest. Sestina. Son. Sonetto. V. Virgil (in the D.C.). V. verse. V.E. De Vulgari Eloquent! a. V.N. Vita Nuova. var. variant. VIU. ViUani. Vulg. Vulgdte. EXPLANATION OF SIGNS, &c. References throughout are to the Oxford edition of the complete works of Dante. In order, however, that the Dictionary may serve equally well for other editions of Dante's works (e. g. those of Witte, Fraticelli, and Giuliani), I have, as is explained in the Preface, appended, in the case of the Canzoniere, an index of first lines arranged (i) in alphabetical order, (2) in numerical order (according to the numeration of the poems in the Oxford edition) [Table xxxii] ; in the case of the De Monarchia, comparative tables of the chapter-divisions adopted respectively in the editions of Witte (whose arrangement is followed in the Oxford Dante) , Fraticelli, and Giuliani [Table xxxiii] ; and, in the case of the Epistolae, comparative tables of the numeration adopted respectively in the Oxford Dante, and in the editions of Fraticelli and Giuliani [Table xxxiv]. In order to facilitate reference in the case of the prose works, references (indicated by ' superior ' or index numbers) are given to the lines (numbered separately for each chapter) of the several treatises as printed in the Oxford Dante, as well as to Book and Chapter; thus Conv. i. 12" = Convivio, Bk. i, Ch. 12, I. 19 ; Mon. ii. 3"'' = De Monarchia, Bk. ii, Ch. 3, /. 102 ; V.N. § 25" = Vita Nuova, Sect. 25, /. 76 ; and so on. The index-numbers being disregarded, the references hold equally well, of course, for the other editions of the several treatises. Cross-references are indicated by printing the name referred to between square brackets and in black type, e. g. [Buemine]. A single square bracket after a name, e. g. Agamemnoue], Londra]', indicates that the person or place in question is alluded to only, not mentioned by name, in Dante's works. Index- numbers are employed for the purpose of distinguishing between several persons or places of the same name, e.g. Adriauo^ Adb^iauo''; Ida', Ida"; Lapo', Lapo'' The titles of books are printed in slanting type, e.g. Aenels, De Civitate Dei. w A Abati], ancient noble family of Florence, thought by some to be referred to by Caccia- guida (in the Heaven of Mars) as quel che son disfatti Per lor superbia, Par. xvi. 109- 10. The reference is more probably to the Uberti [Uberti]. The Abati, who, as Villani records, lived in the ' sesto di porte san Piero,' were Ghibel- lines (v. 39 ; vi. 33) ; they were among those who were expelled from Florence in 1258 (vi. 65) ; they took part in the battle of Mont- aperti, with which their name is associated through the treachery of Bocca degli Abati (vi. 78) [Boeca] ; at the time of the feuds which arose through the factions of the Bian- chi and Neri in Florence, they were partly Ghibellines, partly Guelfs, but they all threw in their lot together with the Bianchi (viii. 39) ; and they were among those of the latter party who were the objects of the vengeance of the Florentine podestk, Fulcieri da Calboli, in 1302 (viii. 59) [Calboli]. Abati, Bocca degli. [Bocoa.] Abati, Buoso degli. [Buoso.] Abbagliato, name applied by the Floren- tine Capocchio (in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of Hell) as a nickname (' muddle-head ') to a Sienese spendthrift, who has been identified with one Meo (i. e. Bartolommeo), son of Rai- nieri de' Folcacchieri of Siena, and who was a member of the ' spendthrift brigade,' a com- pany of twelve wealthy young Sienese, who vied with each other in squandering their means, Inf xxix. 130-2 [Brigata Spendereccia]. This Bartolommeo de' Folcacchieri held high office in Siena between 1277 and 1300, where he was chancellor in 1279, and gon- falonier of the army in 1278 and 1280; he was rector of Campagnatico in 1288, podestk of Montereggioni in 1290 and of Monteguidi in 1300, and captain of the Sienese mer- cenaries in the Maremma from 1289 to 1292 ; it is on record that he was fined in 1278 for being found drinking in a tavern. (See C. Mazzi, Fokacchiero Folcacchieri rimaiore senese del sec. xiii.) Benvenuto and others, reading ' I'abbagliato suo senno proferse,' instead of ' 1' Abbagliato,' take abbagliato as an epithet of senno, and refer the verb to Caccia d'Asciano of the previous line ('displayed his own muddled wits '). Abel, Abel, second son of Adam ; mentioned by Virgil among those released by Christ from Limbo, Inf. iv. 56. [Limtoo.] •Abido, Abydos, town in the Troad, on the narrowest part of the Hellespont,nearly opposite to Sestos in Thrace ; celebrated as the home of Leander, who used to swim nightly across to Sestos to visit Hero, Purg. xxviii. 74 [Xieandro : Sesto i] ; mentioned in connexion with the bridge of boats built by Xerxes across the Hellespont, Mon. ii. 9^3-4 [Elles- ponto : Serse]. Abile], Mt. Abyla, in N. Africa, opposite Calpe (Gibraltar), one of the ' Columns of Hercules'; alluded to, Inf. xxvi. 108. [Colonne di Eroole.] Abraam, the patriarch Abraham ; men- tioned by Virgil among those released by Christ from Limbo, Inf. iv. 58. [Limbo.] Absalone, Absalom, son of David by Maachah, daughter of Talmai, king of Geshur (2 Sam. iii. 3) ; encouraged by the evil coun- sels of Ahithophel the Gilonite, he rebelled against his father, but was defeated in Gilead, in' the wood of Ephraim, where he met his death (2 Sam. xv-xix) ; he is mentioned by Bertran de Born (in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII of Hell), who compares his own instigation of the 'Young King' to rebel against his father Henry II of England with the similar part played by Ahithophel in encouraging Absalom to rebel against David, Inf. xxviii. 136-8. [Arrigo *.] Abydos, town in the Troad, on the Helles- pont, Mon, ii. 954. [Abide] [1] Academicae Quaestiones Acciaiuoli, Niccola Academicae Quaestiones], the Academic Questions (a fragment, in two books) of Cicero ; hence D. got the opinion of Zeno that virtue is the highest good, Con v. iv. 6'*"' (Acad. Quaest. ii. 22 : ' . . . utrum Zenoni cre- didisset, honestum quod esset, id bonum solum esse'; ii. 42 : 'honestum autem, quod ducatur a. conciliatione naturae, Zeno statuit finem esse bonorum, qui inventor et princeps Stoi- corum fuit ') [Zenone] ; and also the account of the Academic and Peripatetic schools of philosophy, Conv. iv. 6ii5~*'' {Acad. Quaest. i. 4) :— ' Platonis autem auctoritate, qui varius, et multi- plex, et copiosus fuit, una et consentiens duobus vocabulis philosophiae forma instituta est, Academi- corum et Peripateticorum : qui rebus congruentes, nominibus differebant. Nam, cum Speusippum, sororis filium, Plato philosophiae quasi heredem reliquisset; duos autem praestantissimos studio atque doctrina, Xenocratem Cbalcedonium, et Aristotelem Stagiritem : qui erant cum Aristotele Peripatetic! dicti sunt, quia disputabant inambu- lantes in Lycio ; illi autem, qui Platonis instituto in Academia, quod est alterum gymnasium, coetus erant, et sermones habere soliti, e loci vocabulo nomen habuerunt. Sed utrique Platonis ubertate completi, certam quandam disciplinae formulam composuerunt, et eam quidem plenam, ac refertam : illam autem Socraticam dubitationem de omnibus rebus, et nulla aiErmatione adhibita consuetudinem disserendi reliquerunt.' Acam. [Acan.] Acan, Achan, son of Carmi, of the tribe of Judah, 'who took of the accursed thing' in appropriating part of the spoil of Jericho, con- trary to the commands of Joshua. After the defeat of the Israelites in their attack upon Ai, A. confessed his guilt, and the booty was dis- covered. Thereupon he and his whole family were stoned to death by command of Joshua, and their remains and property were burned (Josh. vii). D. includes A. among the in- stances of avarice proclaimed by the Avari- cious in Circle V of Purgatory, Purg. xx. 109- II [Avari], Accademia, the Academia, a piece of land on the Cephissus, near Athens, so called from having originally belonged to a hero named Academus. It was subsequently a gym- nasium, adorned with groves and statues, and became celebrated as the scene of Plato's teaching, whence his followers were called Academic philosophers. D. speaks of it as ' lo luogo dove Platone studiava,' in connexion with the origin of the name of his school of philosophy, Conv. iv. 6i26-8_ [Acoademioi : Platone.] Accademici, the Academic or Platonic school of philosophers, so called from the Academia at Athens, where Plato and Speus- ippus used to teach, Conv. iv. S'^^^~^ [Acoa- demia] ; they were succeeded and superseded by the Peripatetics, Conv. iv. 61*2-5 [Peri- patetioi]. D. got his account of these schools from the Academicae Quaestiones of Cicero (i. 4) [Academicae Quaestiones]. Acciaiuoli, Niccola], Florentine Guelf, who in 1299, together with Baldo d'Aguglione (Par. xvi. 56), in order to destroy the evidence of a fraudulent transaction in which, with the connivance of the Podestk, he had been en- gaged, defaced a sheet of the public records of Florence. This scandal took place during the period of corruption and maladministra- tion which followed the expulsion of Giano della Bella from Florence [Aguglione : Giano della Bella]. D. alludes to this tam- pering with the ' quaderno,' Purg. xii. 105. The following account of the incident, which appears to have been unknown to Benvenuto, is given by the Anonimo Fiorentino : — ' Nel MCCLXxxxv, doppo la cacciata di Gian de la Bella, essendo Firenze in male stato, fu chiamato rettore di Firenze, a petizione di quelli che regge- vono, uno povero gentile uomo chiamato messer Monfiorito della Marca Trivigiana, il quale prese la forma della terra, et assolvea et condennava sanza ragione, et palesemente per lui et sua famiglia si vendea la giustizia. Nol sostennono i cittadini, et compiuto I'ufficio, presono lui e due suoi famigli, et lui missono alia coUa*, et per sua confessione si seppono cose che a moiti cittadini ne segui grande infamia ; et faccendolo coUare due cittadini chia- mati sopra a ci6, I'uno dicea : basta, I'altro dicea : no. Piero Manzuoli cambiatore, chiamato sopra ci6, disse : dagli ancora uno crollo ; e '1 cavalieri ch'era in sulla colla disse : io rende' uno testimonio falso a messer Niccola Acciaioli, il quale non con- dannai ; non volea il Manzuolo che quella con- fessione fosse scritta, per6 che messer Niccola era suo genero ; I'altro pure voile, et scrissesi ; et saputo messer Niccola questo fatto, ebbe si gran paura che il fatto non si palesasse, ch'egli se ne consiglib con messer Baldo Agulione, pessimo giudice ghibellino antico. Chiesono il quaderno degli atti al notaio, et ebborlo ; et il foglio dov'era il fatto di messer Niccola trassono del quaderno : et palesandosi per lo notaio del foglio ch' era tratto, fu consigliato che si cereasse di chi 1' avea fatto ; onde il Podesta, non palesando niente, prese messer Niccola, et messer Baldo fuggi. Fu con- dennato messer Niccola in libre .iii."-, et messer Baldo in .ii.ra- et a'confini fuori della citta et del contado per uno anno.' Villani makes no mention of this incident, possibly because the Acciaiuoli were Guelfs like himself; it is, however, recorded at length by Dino Compagni (i. 19), whose account is sub- stantially the same as that given above; he adds that the corrufjt Podestk, whom he calls ' Messer Monfiorito di Padova,' was not only flogged but imprisoned by the Florentines, who refused to release him in spite of repeated i.e. had them tied up and flogged with a rope's end. [2] Aceidiosi Achaemenides applications from the Paduans ; he finally effected his escape by the help of the wife of one of the Arrigucci [Arriguooi]. Aceidiosi], the Slothful, supposed by some, on account of the expression 'accidioso fummo' Hnf. vii. 123), to be included with the Wrathful (and perhaps also the Envious) in Circle V of Hell [Invidiosi : Iraeondi]. Those who expiate the sin of Sloth (accidid) in Purgatory are placed in Circle IV, Purg. xvii. 46-xix. 43 \BeatltudM: Purgatorio] ; their punishment is to be obliged to run continually round and round, urging each other to greater exertion with the cry ' Ratto, ratto, che il tempo non si perda Per poco amore,' Purg. xviii. 94- 104 ; those in front recall instances of alacrity, viz. how the Virgin Mary hastened to salute Elisabeth (Luke i. 39), and how Julius Caesar hastened to subdue Lerida {vv. 99-102) [Maria 1 : Cesare i] ; those behind recall instances of sloth, viz. how the children of Israel lost the promised land, and how some of the companions of Aeneas remained behind in Sicily (vv. 131-8) [Ebrei: Aceatei]. Example : an Abbot of San Zeno at Verona [Alberto della Scala : Zeno, San]. Accorso, Francesco d', son of the famous Florentine jurist, Accorso da Bagnolo (com- monly known by the Latin name of Accursius), who lectured in the university of Bologna, where he died in 1260 ; the son, who was born at Bologna in 1225, was himself a celebrated lawyer ; he was professor of civil law at Bologna, and in 1273, when Edward I passed through that city on his way back from Palestine, decided, upon the invitation of the latter, to accompany him to England, where he lectured for some time at Oxford, being provided with free quarters in the ' King's Manor ' (i.e. Beaumont Palace, the traditional birthplace of Richard Coeur-de-Lion, the memory of which is preserved in the name of the present Beaumont Street). The Bolo- gnese, who were anxious not to lose him, for- bade him to go, under pain of confiscation of all his property, a threat which was carried into execution in the next year, when he was pro- scribed as a Ghibelline ; his belongings, how- ever, were restored to him on his return to Bologna in 1281, where he died in 1293. A sister of his is said also to have professed law at the university of Bologna. A tale about him forms the subject of one of the Cento Novelle Antiche (Nov. Ixxxi. ed. Biagi). D. places Francesco d'Accorso, together with Priscian and Brunetto Latino, among the Sodomites in Round 3 of Circle VII of Hell, Inf. XV. no [Sodomiti]. Benvenuto states that D.'s condemnation of these persons aroused a good deal of indig- nation, which he himself was inclined to share until his own personal experience of the grue- some state of affairs ' in the university of Bologna, where he lectured on Dante in 1375, induced him to modify his opinion ; he says : — ' Franciscus filius Accursii primogenitus fuit etiam famosissimus doctor legura, qui laboravit morbo pejoris et ardentioris febris, quam pater suus . . . autor ponit Franciscum ista horrenda ignominia maculosum, quia male servavit legem suam pulcerri- mam, quam docebat alios, quae dicit : cum vir nubit in feminam armentur leges, etc. Et hie nota, lector, quod vidi aliquando viros sapientes magnae literaturae conquerentes, et dicentes, quod pro certo Dantes nimis male locutus est hie nominando tales viros, Et certe ego, quando primo vidi literam istam, satis indignatus fui ; sed postea experientia teste didici, quod hie sapientissimus poeta optima fecit. Nam in McccLXxv, dum essem Bononiae, et legerem librum istum, reperi aliquos vermes natos de cineribus sodomorum, inficientes totum illud stu- dium : nee valens diutius ferre foetorem tantum, cujus fumus jam fuscabat astra, non sine gravi periculo meo rem patefeci Petro cardinali Bituri- censi, tunc legato Bononiae ; qui vir magnae virtutis et scientiae detestans tam abhominabile scelus, mandavit inquiri contra principales, quorum aliqui capli sunt, et multi territi diffugerunt. Et nisi quidam sacerdos proditor, cui erat commissum negotium, obviasset, quia laborabat pari morbo cum illis, multi fuissent traditi flammis ignis; quas si vivi eifugerunt, mortui non evadent hie, nisi forte bona poenitudo extinxerit eas aqua lacryma- rum et compunctionis. Ex hoc autem incurri capitale odium et inimicitiam multorum ; sed divina justitia me contra istos hostes naturae hucusque benigne protexit.' Acestei, Acestes, a Trojan born in Sicily, whose father was the river-god Crimisus, and his mother a Trojan woman named Egesta, who had been sent to Sicily by her parents. D. refers to the account given by Virgil (Aen. v. 711-18) of how Aeneas on his arrival in Sicily was hospitably entertained by Acestes, with whom he left those of his companions who were unfit to proceed with him to Italy, Conv. iv. 2692-6 ; these latter are mentioned as instances of sluggards by the Slothful in Circle IV of Purgatory, Purg. xviii. 136-8. [Aceidiosi.] Aceste^, Acaste, the nurse of Argia and Deiphyle, the two daughters of Adrastus, king of Argos ; mentioned with reference to the account given by Statins in the Thebaid (i. 529 ff.) of how she brought the two maidens into the presence of their father when Polynices and Tydeus were with him, Conv. iv. 2578-84_ [Adrasto.] Achaemenides, companion of Ulysses, who left him behind in Sicily, when he escaped from the Cyclops. When subsequently the Trojans landed in the island they found Achae- menides there and heard from him how his companions had been devoured by Poly- [3] B2 Acheronte Achitofel phemus. D. refers to this episode, Eel. ii. 82-3 ; his account is taken either from Virgil (Aen. iii. 588-691), who appears to have in- vented the incident, or from Ovid {Metam. xiv. 160-222). [Polyphemus.] Acheronte, ' sad Acheron, the flood of sorrow, black and deep,' one of the rivers of Hell, which forms the boundary of Hell proper. Inf. iii. 78; xiv. 116; Purg. ii. 105; gran fiume, Inf. iii. 71 ; trista riviera, v. 78 ; fiume, V. %l ; livida palude, v. 98 ; onda bruna, V. 118; mal fiume, Purg. i. 88; on its shore assemble from every land all those who have died in the wrath of God, Inf iii. 122-3 ; Purg. i. 88 ; ii. 105 ; here they wait to be ferried across by Charon, Inf. iii. 70-120 [Caron : Inferno] ; its origin, and that of the other rivers of Hell, is explained to D. by Virgil, Inf. xiv. 1 12-19 [Fiumi Infernali]. Achille, Achilles, son of Peleus and Thetis, the foremost hero of the Greeks in the Trojan war. In his youth he was instructed by Chiron the Centaur, from whose charge he was withdrawn by his mother, who placed him in hiding in the island of Scyros, to pre- vent his going to the Trojan war. While there he became enamoured of Deidamia, daughter of Lycomedes, king of Scyros, but at the instance of Ulysses, who discovered his hiding- place, he desqrted her and accompanied him to the war. The spear of Achilles possessed the property of healing the wounds inflicted by it. At the first landing of the Greeks in the Troad, Telep^us, son of Hercules, the king of Mysia, was wounded by A. ; as the wound did not heal he sought the oracle, and was told that it could only be cured by him who inflicted it ; he accordingly sought A., who applied some of the rust of his spear to the wound and healed it. D. places A., ' il grande Achille ' (cf. Purg. xxi. 92), in Circle II of Hell, among those who met their death through love, and says of him, in allusion to the mediaeval tradition as to his death, 'con amore al fine combatteo,' i.e. he fought on love's side to the end, Inf. v. 65-6 [Ijusstiriosi] {see below) ; he is men- tioned in connexion with his bringing up by Chiron, Inf. xii. 71 [Chirone] ; his desertion of Deidamia, Inf xxvi. 62 [Deidamia] ; the healing property of his spear, Inf xxxi. 5 [Feleus] ; his conveyance to Scyros by his mother, Purg. ix. 34 [Schiro] ; the (unfinished) poem of Statius (the Achilleid) on the subject of his heroic achievements, Purg. xxi. 92 [AcbUlelde] ; his descent from Aeacus, Conv. iv. 27I92-5 [Eaoo]. According to the Homeric story A. was killed before Troy, after having slain Hector. D. follows (Inf V. 65-6) the later account, current in the Middle Ages, which was derived from the De Bella Trojano and the De Excidio [4] Trojae of the so-called Dictys the Cretan and Dares the Phrygian. These two works, which purported to be written by actual combatants in the war, were the principal authorities in mediaeval times for the story of the Trojan war ; and upon them Guido delle Colonne professed to have based his popular prose romance of Troy, the Historia Trojana (written in 1270 and 1287), which as a matter of fact is a more or less close translation of the Old French Roman de Troie, written more than a hundred years before by Benoit de Sainte-More. According to the mediaeval account Achilles was killed by treachery in the temple of Apollo Thymbraeus in Troy, whither lie had been lured by the promise of a meeting with Polyxena, of whom he was enamoured, and who had been offered him in marriage if he would join the Trojans. Paris (Alexander) lay in wait inside the temple with Deiphobus, and when A. arrived the latter threw his arms round him and embraced him. While A. was thus helpless Paris transfixed him with his sword and fled, leaving him mortally wounded on the ground. When dis- covered by Ajax and Ulysses he had just strength to murmur with his last breath that he had been killed by treachery through his love for Polyxena — ' dolo me atque insidiis Deiphobus atque Alexander Polyxenae gratia circumvenere ' (Bell. Troj. iv. 11). This tradi- tion as to the death of Achilles is twice referred to by Servius in his commentary on Virgil {Aen. iii. 522 ; vi. 57). Achllleide], the Achilleid, poem in hexa- meters on the subject of Achilles and the Trojan war, commenced by Statius, the author of the Thebaid, but left incomplete at his death, only one book and a portion of the second having been written. Statius (in Purgatory) alludes to it, in ad- dressing Virgil, as la seconda somma, 'the second burden,' under which he fell by the way, Purg. xxi. 92-3 [Stazio]. D. was indebted to it for the incident of Ulysses' persuasion of Achilles to desert Deidamia, Inf. xxvi. 61-2 (Achill. i. 536 fif. ; ii. i flF.) [Deidamia : Ulisse] ; and for that of Achilles awaking in Scyros, Purg. ix. 34-9 [Achill. i. 198 ff.) [ScMro] ; as well as for certain details in his invocation to Apollo, and his reference to the laurel as the reward of poets and warriors. Par. i. 13 ff., 25-9 {Achill. i. 9-16). Achitofel, Ahithophel the Gilonite, who encouraged Absalom in his rebellion against his father David, and who, when his counsel was overthrown by Hushai, David's emissary, put his household in order, and hanged him- self, and died ' (2 Sam. xv-xvii) ; he is men- tioned by Bertran de Born (in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII of Hell), who compares his own evil-doing in stirring up the 'Young King' to Acis Acri rebel against his father Henry II with that of A. in inciting Absalom to rebel against David, Inf. xxviii. 136-8 [Absalone : Bertram dal Bomio]. ' Acis, a shepherd of Sicily, son of Faunus, who was beloved by the nymph Galatea, and was consequently crushed beneath a rock by the Cyclops Polyphemus, who was jealous of him ; his blood as it gushed from under the rock was changed by Galatea into the river Acis. The story, which is told by Ovid {Metam. xiii. 860-97), whenqe D. took it, is referred to. Eel. ii. 78-80. [G-alatea: Poly- pliemus.] Aconei, village in Tuscany, in the neigh- bourhood of Florence, the exact situation of which is uncertain ; some place it between Lucca and Pistoja, others in the Valdisieve, one of the valleys opening out of the upper end of the Valdarno. Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) laments that the feud between the Church apd the Emperor, among other conseqi;ences, brought the Cerchi, the leaders of the Bianchi, from their original home at Acone to settle in Florence, Par. xvi. 65. [Cerchi.] It appears that the people of the Acone district were constantly at war with the Floren- tines on account of the castle of Monte di Croce, which belonged to the Conti Guidi, and was situated in their neighbourhood, close to the Florentine territory. After a number of unsuccessful attempts the Florentines at length in 1154 captured it by treachery, a,nd razed it to the ground, on which account the Conti Guidi ever after bore a grudge against Florence, as Villani relates (iV. 37). It was about this time that the Cerchi came to Florence. The Ottimo Comento says : — ' I Cerchi furono della contrada detta oggi Pie- vere d'Acone, la quale per la castello di Monte di Croce, ch' e in quelle pievere, ebbe molte guerre col comune di Firenze ; finalrpente nel mille cento cinquanta tre li Fiorentini presero e dis- fecero il detto castello ; di che piii uomini della contrada vennero ad abitare la citta di Firenze, in fra i quali furono i Cerchi.' Acone 2], Hakon V (VII), king of Norway, 1299-1319 ; alluded to (probably) by the Eagle in the Heaven of Jupiter as quel di Norvegia, Par. xix. 139. [Aquila^; Norvegia.] Acquacheta (' Still-water'), the name, ac- cording to D., of the river Montone (' Ram '), above Forli, Inf. xvi. 97. D. compares the descent of the infernal river, Phlegethon, to the falls of the Montone near the monastery of San Benedetto in Alpe (vv. 94-105). He speaks of the Montone as the first river which, rising on the N. side of the Apennines, flows direct into the Adriatic without entering the Po (vv. 94-6). This description is no longer true of the Mon- tone. At the present day it applies to the Lamone, which falls into the Adriatic N. of Ravenna. From the time of Pliny, however, who speaks of it as the Anemo (Hist. Nat. iii. 20), down to Cent, xvi, the Lamone had no direct outlet to the sea, but flowed either into the Po di Primaro, or into the swamps about the mouth of that river (see Barlow, Contribu- tions to the Stud^ of the D. C, pp. 1 3 1-3). [Ijainozie : Monte Veso.] The Montone rises as a torrent in the district of the Etruscan Apennines known as Mura- glione, about six miles from the monastery of San Benedetto ; close to the latter it is joined by the torrents of the Acquacheta and Rio- destro, and later on, a few miles above Forll, near Terra del Sole, it receives the waters of the Rabbi ; finally at Ravenna it joins the Ronco (the ancient, Bedesis), and the two, forming one stream under the name of the Fiumi Uniti, enter the Adriatic between Ravenna and S. ApoUinare. D. implies that the river was known as the Acquacheta as far as Forll, and only received the name of Montone on reaching that city. In the present day, at any rate, this is not the case, the name of Montone being a,pplied to it as high up as San Benedetto. (See P. Nadiani: Jnterpre- iasione dei versi di D. sulfiume Montone.) Acquaqueta. [Acquacheta.] Acqiiasparta, village in Umbria, about ten miles S.W. of Spoleto, at the head of a torrent of the same name, which- flows into the Tiber not fa,r from Todi ; mentioned by St. Bonaventura (in the Heaven of the Sun), together with Casale, Par. xii. 124. The allusion is to Matteo d'Acquasparta, a P'ran- ciscan who, having been appointed General of the Order in 1287, introduced relaxations of discipline, which were strongly opposed by Ubertino da Casale and his following [CasaleJ. Matteo was created cardinal by Nicholas IV in 1288 ; he was sent in 1300, and again in 1301, by Boniface VIII to settle the differences between the Bianchi and Neri in Florence, a mission in which he totally failed (Vill. viii. 40, 49) 1 he died in 1302. Acri, Acre or Acca (the Ptolemais of the I^.T.), commonly called St. Jean d'Acre by Europeans, town and seapprt of Syria, situated on a low propiontory at the N. extremity of the Bay of Acre, about 80 miles N.W. of Jerusalem and 27 S. of Tyfe (mod. Sur). After having been ip the possession of the Saracens since the middle of Cent, vii, Acre was taken by the Crusaders under Baldwin I in 1 104, who made it their principal port, and retained it until 1 187, when it was re- covered by Saladin. In 1191, after a long siege, which cost 100,000 lives, it was retaken by Richard Cceur-de-Lion and Philip of France, [5] Acri Adamo who gave the town to the knights of St. John of Jerusalem, whence it received the name of St. Jean d'Acre. It remained in the posses- sion of the Christians for a hundred years, during which, in spite of being continually assaulted by the Saracens, it grew into a large and populous city, with numerous churches, convents, and hospitals, enclosed on the land side within a double line of immensely strong fortifications. In the spring of 1291, however, in consequence of the violation of a truce with the Saracens on the part of the Christian mercenaries in the city, it was besieged with a great host by the Sultan, El-Melik El- Ashraf Khaleel, and after holding out for a few weeks was carried by assault, 60,000 of the inhabitants being taken prisoners, and either put to- the sword or sold into slavery. With this great disaster, by which the last of the Christian possessions in the Holy Land passed back into the hands of the Saracens, the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem came to an end. On receipt of the news the Pope, Nicholas IV, at once attempted to organize a new crusade for the recovery of the city, and called upon all Christians, under pain of excommunication, to abstain from any further traffic with Egypt, the head-quarters of the Mussulman power. The loss of Acre is referred to by Guido da Montefeltro (in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of Hell), who reproaches Boniface VIII with carrying on war at home with Christians (meaning the Colonnesi), instead of devoting his resources to the recovery of Acre and the chastisement of the Saracens, Inf. xxvii. 85-9. [Colonnesi : Laterano.] Villani, who gives a long account of the fall of Acre (which is copied almost verbatim by Benvenuto), laments the loss of the place, apparently not so much as a blow to Chris- tianity, as on account of the damage inflicted on commerce by the closing to the West of such a valuable emporium : — ' La cristianita ricevette uno grandissimo dam- maggio, die per la perdita d'Acri non rimase nella terra satita neuna terra per gli cristiani ; e tutte la buone terre di mercatanzia che sono alle nostre marine e frontiere, mai poi non valsono la meta a profitto di mercatanzia e d'arti per lo buono sito dov' era la citta d'Acri, perocch' ell' era nella fronte del nostro mare e in mezzo di Soria, e quasi nel mezzo del mondo abitato, presso a Gerusalem settanta miglia, e fondaco e porto d'ogni merca- tanzia si del levante come del ponente ; e di tutte le generazioni delle genti del mondo v' usavano per fare mercatanzia, e turcimanni v' avea di tutte le lingue del mondo, si ch' ella era quasi com' uno alimento al mondo. . . . Venuta la dolorosa novella in ponente, il papa ordino grandi iiidulgenzie e perdoni a chi facesse aiuto o soccorso alia terra santa, mandando a tutti i signori de' cristiani, che volea ordinare passaggio generale, e difese con grandi processi e scomuniche quale cristiano andasse in Alessandria o in terra d'Egitto con [6] mercatanzia, o vittuaglia, o legname, o ferro, o desse per alcuno modo aiuto o favore.' {yii. 145.) Actus Apostolorum, the Acts of the Apostles, Mon. ii. 8^0 (ref. to Ads i. 26) ; Mon. iii. 1342-3 ; quoted, Conv. iv. 2o28-9 (Acts x. 34) ; Mon. iii. 9137-9 (^Acts i. l) ; Mon. iii. i3*3-53 (Acis XXV. 10 ; xxvii. 24 ; xxviii. 19) ; Epist. V. 4 {Acts ix. s). The book of the Acts of the Apostles is supposed to be symbolized by the elder habited like a physician (in allusion to the description of the author as 'Luke, the beloved physician,' Coloss. iv. 14) in the mystical Procession in the Terrestrial Paradise, Purg. xxix. 134-8, 145-8 [Prooeasione]. Adalagia], Alazais (Adelais), wife of Barral, lord of Marseilles, of whom the troubadour Folquet of Marseilles was enamoured ; his love for her is hinted at. Par. ix. 96-9. [Foloo.] Adam, Adam, V. E. i. 424, e"' ", 49 ; Mon. ii. 13^' 6 ; gen. Adam, V. E. i. 6^" ; gen. Adae, Mon. ii. 13^' s ; dat. Adae, V. E. i. 42* 6". [Adamo.] — Note. D. follows the Vulgate in his use of the inflected form of the Latin Adam; Adae occurs as dat. in Gen. ii. 20 ; iii. 17 ; as gen. in Rom. v. 14; Adam occurs as gen. in Gen. V. I, 4 ; as ace. in Gen. ii. 19, 22, &c. ; as abl. in Gen. ii. 22. Adamo, Adam, the first man, Inf. iii. 115 ; Purg. ix. 10 ; xi. 44 ; xxix. 86 ; xxxii. 37 ; Conv. iv. 1528- 32, 68, 70'; Mon. ii. 132' 6 ; V. E. i. 421, 61"' 1'^' 43 ; il prima parente, Inf. iv. 55 ; Conv. iv. 152''; il prima gener ante, Con. iv. 1538. Pumana radice, Purg. xxviii. 142; radix humanae propaginis, V.. E. i. 8'' ; Panima prima, Purg. xxxiii. 62 ; Par. xxvi. 83 ; V. E. 1.6*^^; r anima primaia, Par. xxvi. 100; tuom che non nacque. Par. vii. 26 ; seme d.eir umana natura. Par. vii. 86 ; il petta ande la casta Si trasse per farmar la bella guancia, II cui palata a tutta il monda casta. Par. xiii. 37-9 ; la terra degna Di tutta V animal perfezione, Par. xiii. 82-3 ; il priina padre, Par. xiii. 1 1 1 ; poma che matt^ra Sola prodatto fasti. Par. xxvi. 91-2 ; padre antico. Par. xxvi. 92 ; il padre per la ctii ardito gusta L' umana specie tanto amara gusta, Par. xxxii. 1 22-3; il mag- giar padre difamiglia, Par. xxxii. \j,(i ; primus homo, V. E. i. js-*- 12 ; primus loquens, V. E. i. 527. 660 ; Tjiy ^i„g matre, vir sine lacte, qui neque pupillarem aetatem nee -uidit adultam, V. E. i. 65 7 ; Adam and Eve, la prima gente, Purg. i. 24 ; Ii primi parenti. Par. vii. 148 ; primi parentes, Mon. i. le^; Adam and St. Peter, due radici (of the Celestial Rose), Par. xxxii. 120. // mal seme d' Adamo, i. e. the damned, Inf. iii. 115; quel d" Adamo, i.e. human nature, Purg. ix. 10 ; so la came d^ Adamo, Purg. xi. 44 ; ie figlie d: Adamo, i.e. womankind, Purg. xxix. 86 ; figli d' Adamo, figliuoli d Adamo, Adamo Adamo, Maestro i.e. mankind, Conv. iv. Y^fi^-"^^ •. filii Adam, V.E. i. 610. Adam created as a full-grown man, Par. vii. 26 ; xxvi. 91-2 ; V. E. i. 6^-7 ; the most per- fect of living things, Par. xiii. 82-3 ; V. E. i. S^* ; the father of the human race. Inf. iii. IIS) iy- 55; Purg. ix. 10; xi. 44; xxix. 86; Par. vii. 86, 148; xiii. iii; xxvi. 92; xxxii. 122, 136; Mon. i. i67; his and Eve's eating of the forbidden fruit the cause of all the woes of mankind, Par. xiii. 37-9 ; xxxii. 122-3. Adam is mentioned by Virgil among those released by Christ from Limbo, Inf. iv. 55 [Limbo] ; his name is murmured by those who accompany the mystical Procession in the Terrestrial Paradise in token of their re- probation of his sin of disobedience, Purg. xxxii. 37 ; his place in the Celestial Rose, where he is seated on the left hand of the Virgin Mary, as being the first to believe in Christ to come, while St. Peter, the first to believe in Christ come, is seated on her right, is pointed out to D. by St. Bernard, Par. xxxii. 121-6 [Rosa] ; D. sees his spirit in the Heaven of the Fixed Stars, quarto lume (the other three being those of the three Apostles, St. Peter, St. James, and St. John), Par. xxvi. 81 ; being informed by Beatrice who it is, D. burns with a desire to hear him speak and prays him to gratify it (vv. 82-96) ; Adam com- plies, and informs D. that- he was expelled from Paradise for disobedience and pride (z/w. 97-117) ; that the Creation took place 523? (i.e. 4302 + 930) years before the Crucifixion (hence 6498, i.e. 5232+1300-34, years before the date of the Vision) (vv. 118-20) ; that he lived 930 years upon earth {Gen. v. 5) [vv. 121- 3) ; that the language he spoke was extinct before the building of the Tower of Babel (^v. 124-6) {see below); that speech is natural to man, but the manner of it subject to his will {vv. 127-32) ; that before his death God was called /upon earth, but that afterwards man changed the name to El {vv. 133-8) [El] ; lastly, that he abode in Paradise rather more than six hours {vv. 139-42). In discussing the nature of nobility D. argues that, if it is merely hereditary and cannot be begot anew ip any individual, then, if Adam was noble, all mankitid must be noble, and, if Adam was vile, then all mankind must be vile, Conv. iv. 1519-34J Solomon's description {Eccles. iii. 21) of mankind, as distinct from beasts, as the sons of Adam, Conv. iv. 1565-71 j the sin of Adam not pun- ished in Christ if the Roman Empire did not exist of right, Mon. ii. 131""^; all mankind sinners through his sin, Mon. i. \(fi~^ ; ii. 136"'; Adam the first being endowed with speech, V. E. i. 424^6 ; his first utterance addressed to God, V. E. i. 58-*; the absurd- pretensions of those who claim that their mother-tongue was the language spoken by Adam, V. E. i. 6ii~i'' ; the language spoken by him Hebrew, which survived the confusion of tongues at the building of the Tower of Babel, V. E. i. 6*9-61 p. retracts this opinion. Par. xxvi. 124-6). [Heber.] Adamo, Maestro, jMaster Adam of Brescia, famous coiner, who, at the instigation of the Conti Guidi of Romena, counterfeited the gold florin of Florence, striking coins con- taining one-eighth of alloy (21 carats of gold instead of 24, the legal standard). The fraud was soon detected, and the Florentines, jealous for the purity of their coinage, which had become a standard throughout Christendom, , caused the false coiner to be burned alive (in 1 281) at Consuma, on the road between Florence and Romena, in the Casentino. D. places Maestro Adamo among the Falsi- fiers in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxx. 61 ; mastro A., v. 104 ; un fatio a guisa di liuto, v. 49 ; I'idropico, V. II?; quel M uvea enfiata I'epa, v. 119; il monetier, v. 124 [Palsatpri] ; after parting from Gianni Schicchi and Myrrha in Bolgia 10, D. and Virgil come upon a figure dis- torted with dropsy, Inf. xxx. 46-57 ; it ad- dresses D. and names itself as Master Adam {vv. 58-61) ; then, after describing the tortures he is suffering from thirst (wz/. 62-72), he pro- ceeds to narrate the circumstances of his crime and punishment (z/w. 73-5), and says that if he could see the three brothers Guidi down there in Hell he would not barter the sight for the Fonte Pranda {vv. 76-8) [Braada, rente] ; he adds that he has been told that one of them (probably Aghinolfo) is already ip Hell, and that if he had been able to stir, though only at the rate of an inch in a hun- dred years, he would ere this have set out to look for him, since it was he and his brothers who had brought himself to this pass (vv. 79- 90) ; D. then questions him as to two figures lying prostrate close by (^v. 91-3) ; he replies that they are Potiphar's wife and Sinon the Greek, who were in that position when he arrived and had not stirred since (wz/. 94-9) ; Sinon thereupon strikes Master Adam on the paunch with his fist, and the latter returns the blow, smitipg S. in the face (vv. 100-5) ; they then indulge in mutual recriminations {vi/. 106-29), to which D. listens until he is reproved by Virgil (;vv. 130-2), and they move on [Sinone]. The Anonimo Fiorentino says : — ' Questi fu maestro Adamo da Brescia, grandis- simo maestro di monete ; fu tirato in Casentino nel castello di Romena al tempo che i conti di quello latQ stavono male col comune di Firenze,. Erono ~allora signori di Romena, et d'attorno in quello paese, tre fratelli : il conte Aghinolfo, il conte Guido, et il conte Alessandro ; il maestro Adamo, riduttosi con loro, costoro il missono in sul salto, P] Adice Adimari et feciongli battere fiorini sotto il copio del comune di Firenze, ch' erono buoni di peso ma non di lega; per6 ch'egli erono di xxi carati, dove elli debbono essere di xxiiii; si che tre carati v'avea dentro di rame o d'altro metallo : venia I'uno a essere peggio il nono o circa. Di questi fiorini se ne spesono assai : ora nel fine, venendo un di il maestro Adamo a Firenze spendendo di questi fiorini, furono conosciuti essere falsati : fu preso et ivi fu arso.' Master Adam is said to have been originally employed by the Florentines to coin their gold florins, so that it was an easy matter for him to counterfeit them. Butler suggests that he had been introduced into Florence by his fellow-townsman, Filippo degli Ugoni, who was Podestk in 1252, when the gold florin was first struck, as Villani records: — \ ' Nel detto tempo ... la cittade montd molto in istato e in ricchezze e signoria, e in gran tran- quillo : per la qual cosa i mercatanti di Firenze per onore del comune, ordinaro col popolo e comune " che sibattesse monela d'oro in Firenze; e eglino "promisono di fornire la moneta d'oro, che in prima battea moneta d'ariento da danari dodici I'uno. E allora si comincio la buona moneta d'oro fine di ventiquattro carati, che si chiamano fiorini d'oro, e contavasi I'uno soldi venti. E ci6 ^ fu al tempo del detto messer Filippo degli Ugoni / di Brescia, del mese di Novembre gli anni di /■ Cristo 1252. I quali fiorini, gli otto pesarono una oncia, e dall'uno lato era la 'mpronta del giglio, s^e dair altro il san Giovanni.' (vi. 53.) According to Troya the fraud upon the Florentines was found out through the acci- dental burning down of a house belonging to the Anchioni in the Mugello, when a large collection of the counterfeit coins was dis- covered. Adice, the Adige, river of Upper Italy, formed by the junction of the Etsch or Adige proper and the Eisach, which rise in the Tyrolese Alps and fl6w S. as one stream through the Tyrol past Trent and Roveredo ; entering Italy the river turns S.E. towards Verona, which it encloses in a loop, and sub- sequently flows E. past Rovigo and falls into the Adriatic a few miles below Chioggia and about eight to the N. of the most northerly outlet of the Po. D. mentions it in connexion with the de- flection of its course by a great landslip in the neighbourhood of Trent, Inf. xii. 4-5 [Trento] ; the March of Treviso, with Lombardy and Romagna, is described by Marco Lombardo (in Circle III of Purgatory) as il paese ch' Adice e Po riga, Purg. xvi. 115 [Maroa Tri- visiana] ; Cunizza (in the Heaven of Venus) refers to the inhabitants of the greater part of the modern province of Venetia, including the towns of Vicenza, Padua, Treviso, Feltro, Bel- luno (and perhaps Verona and Venice), as la turba . . . Che Tagliamento ed Adice richiude. Par. ix. 43-4 [Tagliamento].— jVo/^. D. uses ' the article, r Adice, Inf. xii. S ; elsewhere he writes Adice, Purg. xvi. 115 ; Par. ix. 44. Adimari], powerful Florentine family, al- luded to by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) as Coltracotata schiatta. Par. xvi. 115 ; he describes them as overbearing and savage to such as gave way to them, but servile towards those who opposed them or were wealthy {vv. 115-17); and adds that in his day they were already coming into impor- tance, but were of such low extraction that Ubertino Donati (who had married a daughter of Bellincione Berti, of the house of Ravignani) was not by any means pleased when his wife's sister married one of them {vv. 118-20) [Bel- lincion Berti : Donate, Ubertin]. Villani says of the Adimari : — ' Nel quartiere di porta san Piero erano . . . il legnaggio degli Adimari i quali furono stratti di casa i Cosi, che oggi abitano in Porta rossa, e santa Maria Nipotecosa feciono eglino : e bene che sieno oggi il maggiore legnaggio di quello sesto e di Firenze, non furono perb in quelli tempi de' piii antichi ' (iv. 11). He says they were Guelfs (v. 39), and as such were expelled from Florence in 1248 (vi. 33) ; they were among those who took refuge in Lucca after the Ghjbelline victory at Montaperti in 1260 (vi. 79); and, when subsequently the Guelf party in Florence split up into Bianchi and Neri, they all joined the former, with the exception of"^ the Cavicciuli branch : — ' I Cerchi furono jn Firenze capo della parte bianca, e con loro tennero della casa degli Adimari quasi tutti, se non se il lato de' Cavicciuli.' (viii. 39r) It appears from Villani (vii. 56) that there was a bitter feud between them and the Donati (who were afterwardg leaders of the Neri) long before the split-up of the Guelf party in Florence, and this feud is doubtless hinted at in Cacciaguida's allusion, Par. xvi. 118-20; Benvenuto comments on this passage : — ' Unus nobilis de Donatis nomine Ubertinus moleste tulit quod soror uxoris suae daretur uni de Adimaris. . . . Ad quod sciendum quod dominus Bellincionus fuit socer Ubertini dp Donatis, qui filiam suam habuit in uxorem ; sed quia tradidit aliam filiam uni de Adimaris Ubertinus valde indignatus fuit, quia reputabat sibi ad verecundiam, quod asset factus affinis et cognatus unius de Adimaris.' The Adimari, who were divided into three branches, viz. the Argenti, the Aldobrandi, and the Cavicciuli, were D.'s near neighbours in Florence, and were notoriously hostile to him. "This was especially the case with the Cavic- ciuli branch, who, as Villani states (viii. 39), unlike the rest of the family, joined the Neri ; one of these, a certain Boccaccio or Boccac- [8] Adoardo Adriauo cino, according to the old commentators, got possession of D.'s property when he was exiled, and always actively opposed his return. Benvenuto says : — ' Est praesciendum, quod isti vocantur Adimari, et alio nomine Caviccioli, ex quibus fuit unus nomine Boccaccinus, quen^ Dantes offenderet tempore quo erat in statu. Quare ille post exilium autoris impe- travit in communi bona ejus, et semper fuit sibi infestus, et totis viribus semper obstitit cum con- sortibus et amicis ne autor reverteretur ad patriam. Quare autor facit islam vindictam cum penna, quam non potuit facere cum spata.' According to Dino Compagni (ii. 25) one of the Adimari, one Baldinaccio, was included in the same sentence of banishment in 1302 as D. himself. Adoardo. [Edoardc] Adolfo, Adolf of Nassau, Emperor (but never crowned) from 1292 to 1298, in which year he was defeated and slain in a battle near Worms by his successor, Albert I. [Alberto Tedesco.] D. mentions him, together with Albert, and his predecessor Rudolf, among the successors of Frederick II, Conv. iv. 3*i~^. [Pederigo 2 : Ridolfo 1 : Table ix.] Adrasto, Adrastus, King of Argos, father of Argia and Deiphyle, whom he respectively married to Polynices of Thebes, and Tydeus of Calydon, each of them a fugitive from his native country. His attempt to restore Poly- nices to the throne of Thebes, which had been usurped by his brother Eteocles, led to the celebrated war of the Seven against Thebes, Adrastus, Polynices, and Tydeus being joined by four other heroes, Amphiaraus, Capaneus, Hippomedon, and Parthenopaeus. D. mentions A., in illustration of his defini- tions of ' stupore,' ' pudore,' and ' verecundia,' in connexion with three incidents related by Statius in the Thebaid, Conv. iv. 2560-41 78-88, 107-16_ — First (' stupore ') how he was stupefied when he saw Polynices covered with a lion's skin, and Tydeus with that of a wild-boar, the oracle of Apollo having told him that his daughters should marry a lion and a wild- boar : ' Hie primum lustrare oculis cultusque virorum Telaque magna vacat ; tergo videt hujus inanem Inpexis utrimque jubis horrere leonem . . . Terribiles contra saetis ac dente recurvo Tydea per latos umeros ambire laborant Exuviae, Calydonis honos. Stupet omine tanto Defixus senior, divina oracula Pnoebi Agnoscens . . . ' Sensit manifesto numine ductos Adfore, quos nexis ambagibus augur Apollo Portendi generos, vultu fatlente ferarum, Ediderat.*^ (Theb. i. 482 ff.) Second (' pudore '), how his daughters ' turned pale and red,' and kept their eyes fixed on his face when they were brought by their nurse, Acaste, into the presence of Tydeus and Polynices : [9] 'Tunc rex longaevus Acasten (Natarum haec altrix . . .) Imperat acciri tacitaque immurmurat aure. Nee mora praeceptis, cum protinus utraque virgo Arcano egressae thalamo : . . . Nova deinde pudori Visa virum facias: pariter pallorque ruborque Purpureas hausere genas, oculique verentes Ad sanctum rediere patrem.' {Theb.\. iflt^^^ Thirdly ('verecundia'), how Polynices, being questioned by Adrastus as to his parentage, mentions his mother and his country, but out of shame does not mention the name of his father Oedipus [Edipo] : ' " Cadmus origb patrum, tellus Mavortia Thebe, Est gjenetrix Jocasta mihi." Turn motus Adrastus Hospitiis (agnovit enim) : "Quid nota recondis?'" (7%c*.i. 68off.) It was probably this last passage, as is noticed by Benvenuto, that suggested to D. the delicate touch whereby he makes Manfred speak of himself as ' the grandson of the Empress Con- stance ' (Purg. iii. 113), thus avoiding the men- tion of his mother, he being a natural son. Benvenuto observes : ' Facit Manfredus sicut mulus, qui interrogatus a leone cujus filius esset, dicebat : sum nepos equi, cum ipse esset filius asini. Simile est ei, quod scribit Statius secundo Majoris de Polynice, qui interrogatus ab Adrasto rege Argivorum, noleljat propalare nomen patris sui Oedipi, qui infamis genuerat eum ex matre propria.' Adria, the Adriatic sea ; Ravenna referred to by Tityrus (i. e. D.) as being in the Emilia on the shores of the Adriatic, ' Aemilida qua terminat Adria terram,' Eel. ii. 68. [Adria- tioo : Eavenna.] Adriano 1, Adriatic ; il lito Adriaho, i. e. the shores of the Adriatic, the reference Iseiiig tp the situation of the monastery of Sta. Maria in Porto fuori at Ravenna, or, more probably, to that of Sta. Maria in Pomposa near Co- macchio. Par. xxi. 122 [Damiano, Pier] ; il mare Adriano, i. e. the Adriatic sea, Conv. iv. 13I21. [Adriatioo.] Adriano 2], Adrian V(Ottobuonode'Fieschi of Genoa), elected Pope at Rome, in succession to Innocent V, July 11, 1276 ; died at Viterbo on Aug. 16 following, before he had been crowned. He was nephew of Innocent IV, and had been sent by Clement IV to England as legate in 1268, in which capacity he helped to bring about the restoration of peace after the Barons' War, and preached the Crusade of 1270 which was joined by Prince Edward. D. places him among the Avaricious in Circle V of Purgatory, alluding to him as sticcessor Petri, Purg. xix. 99 ; Valtro nascosto, v. 84 ; quella creatura, v. 89 ; Roman Pastore, v. 107 [Avari]. When D. and Virgil enter the Circle of the Avaricious, V. prays the spirits to direct them on their upward course (Purg. xix. 70-8) ; a voice (that of Adrian V) replies, bidding them bear continually to the right {vv. 79-81) ; D., with the approval of V., ap- Adriauus Aeneis preaches the speaker (w. 84-go) and addresses hitn, asking who he was and what sin he and his companions are expiating (vv. 91-6) ; he repUes that he had been a Pope (vv. 97-9), of the family of the Counts of Lavagna (vv. 100-2) [Lavagna], and had only held office a little more than a month (vv. 103-5) ; he then tells D. how during his life he had been avaricious, for which he was now being punished, and how after he became Pope he turned from his evil ways (vv. 106-14) ; and explains that he and his companions are undergoing purgation from the sin of avarice (vv. 115-26); becoming aware that D. is kneeling, A. asks the reason (vv. 127-30) ; D. replies that it is out of respect for the papal dignity (vv. 131-2) ; whereupon A. bids him rise, reminding him that earthly distinc- tions have noplace there (vv. 133-8) ; he then dismisses D., after mentioning his niece Alagia as the only one of his kin whose prayers could avail him (vv. 139-45) [Alagia], Adrianus, Pope Adrian I (772-795) ; men- tioned by D., who erroneously states that Charlemagne was crowned Emperor by him, in reference to the fact that it was at his invi- tation that the King of the Franks attacked and crushed the Lombards under Desiderius, and thus saved the Church from destruction, Mon. iii. iii-s [Carlo Magno : Desiderio]. D.'s authority for these statements was prob- ably Vincent of Beauvais, who records the events here referred to in the Speculum His- toriale (xxiii. 168-70). Adriatico. [Adriatieum Mare.] Adriaticum Mare, the Adriatic Sea ; its shores the E. limit of the Italian language, y. E. i. 8^3-7 ; receives the waters of the left side of Italy (if the Apennines be taken as the dividing line from N. to S.), V. E. i. lo*^-^ ; referred to as, la marina, Inf. v. 98 ; Purg. xiv. 92 ; il mare, Par. viii. 63 ; il mare Adriano, Conv. iv. 13I2I; Adria, Eel. ii. 68. [Adria : Adriano 1 : Mare Adriano.] Adulator!], Flatterers, placed among the Fraudulent in Bolgia 2 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xviji. 100-36 [Frodolenti] ; their punishment is to be plunged up to the lips in filthy excrement, while they beat their heads with their fists, vv. 104-8, 112-14, 124. Examples : Alessio Interminei of Lucca [Alessio Interminei] ; the harlot Thais [TaideJ. Aeacidae, descendants of Aeacus, king of Aegina ; Pyrrhus, king of Epirus (who claimed the title of Aeacides as being descended from Achilles, grandson of Aeacus), described by D. as ' tam moribus Aeacidarum, quam san- guine generosus,' Mon. ii. io^t-s. [Eaco : Pirro ''.J [10] Aegyptii, Egyptians ; do not concern themselves with the political system of the Scythians, Mon. iii. 312-15 (from Ethics iii. 3 : ' quomodo Scythae optime administrare rem- publicam possint, nuUus ex Lacedaemoniis consultat,' — D. having by a slip of memory substituted Egyptians for Spartans) ; as op- pressors of the Israelites they typify the oppo- nents of the Emperor Henry VII, Epist. v. i. Aegyptius, Egyptian, Mon. iii. 3I2. [Ae- gyptii.] Aegyptus, Egypt; the exodus of the Israelites from (Psalm cxiv. l), Purg. ii. 46 ; Epist. X. 7 [Egitto] ; Vesoges, king of, Mon. ii. 9^6 [Vesoges] ; death of Alexander the Great in, Mon. ii. 981-7 [Alessandro 2] ; Ptolemy XII, king of, Mon. ii. g69-70 [Tolom- meo^]. Aemilis Terra, the Emilia, province of N. Italy, corresponding roughly (as regards its present boundaries) with the old province of Romagna ; mentioned by Tityrus (i. e. D.) in connexion with the situation of Ravenna on the Adriatic coast, ' Aemilida qua terminat Adria terram,' Eel. ii. 68. [Ravenna : Ro- magna.] Aeneas, the hero of the Aeneid, Mon. ii. 230, i6, 61,64, 71, 113 ^51^769)80 n8, 16 ■ Epist. vii. 4. . [Enea.] Aeneis, the Aeneid of Virgil, epic poem in twelve books, containing an account of the fortunes of Aeneas after the fall of Troy, and of his wanderings until he settled in Italy; quoted as (ace. sing.) Aeneidem (xzx.Aeneida), Mon. ii. 32'-' ;• (gen. sing.) Aeneidos, Mon. ii. 11I6 ; and (according to nearly all the printed edd.), V. E. ii. 8^2 ; (gg^. plur.) Aeneidorum, V. E. ii. 473 ; and (according to Pio Rajna), V. E. ii. 822 . Eneida, Purg. xxi. 97 ; V. N. § 25T6.83; Conv. i. 375; ii. 612U; iii. Ill59; iv. 4I15, 249s, 26". 6*; D. speaking to Virgil calls it il tuo volume, Inf. i. 84 ; V. himself calls it la mia rima. Inf. xiii. 48 ; I' alia mia Tragedia, Inf. xx. 113; Statins calls it la divina fiamma Onde sono allumati piil di mille, Purg. xxi. 95-6 ; and says of it, mamma Fummi, e fummi nutrice poetando, vv. 97-8. — Note. The barbarous gen. plur. Aeneidorum (V. E. li. 473, 822), which is doubtless due to the analogy oi Bucolicorum, Georgicorum (from Bucolica, Georgica), is by no means uncommon in mediaeval MSS. Rajna mentions two well- known MSS. of the Aeneid, one of Cent, xi, the other, which belonged to Petrarca, of Cent, xm or early Cent, xiv, in which this form constantly recurs, especially in the headings to the several books. D. quotes from, or refers to, the Aeneid directly upwards of forty times:— Inf. xx. 112-3 (Aen. 11. 114); Purg. xxii. 40-1 (Aen. Aeneis Aetnicus iii. 56-7) ; Purg. xxx. 21 {Aen. vi. 884) ; Purg. XXX. 48 [Aen. iv. 23) ; V. N. § 2ST6-84 (^Aen. i. 65,76-7; iii. 94); Conv. i. 37'5-''(^^«.iv.i74-5); Conv. ii. 6i''i~3 [Aen. i. 664-5) ; Conv. iii. 11I69-60 [Aen. ii. 281) ; Conv.iv. 4i"-i9 {Aen. i. 278-9) ; Conv. iv. 26^°-^^ {Aen. iv, v, vi ; iv. 272-82; vi. 98 ff.; V. 715-18; V. 545 flf. ; vi. 162-84 ; V. 45 ff.) ; V. E. ii. 4^^-^ {Aen. vi. 129-31) ; V. E. ii. 823 {Aen. i. l) ; Mon. ii. 3«-ii6 {Aen. i. 342 ; i. 544-5 ; vi. 166-70 ; iii. 1-2; viii. 134-7; iii. 163-7; iii. 339-40; iv. 171-2 ; xii. 936-7) ; Mon. ii. 4^3-7 {Aen. viii. 652-6) ; Mon. ii. 597-120 {Aen. vi. 844-5 ; vi. 826; vi. 821-2) ; Mon. ii. 771-83 {Aen. vi. 848-54 ; iv. 227-30) ; Mon. ii. 892-4 {Aen. v. 337-8) ; Mon. ii. 981-6 {Aen. i. 234-6) ; Mon. ii. Ii8~2i {Aen. xii. 697-765; xii. 938-52); Epist. vi. 5 {Aen. ii. 353) ; Epist. vii. 3 {Aen. i. 286-7) ; Epist. vii. 4 {Aen. iv. 272-6). D. was also indebted to the Aeneid for information or details as to the following : — 'just' Aeneas {Aen. i. 544-5), Inf. i. 73-4 [Euea] ; 'proud' Ilium {Aen. iii. 2-3), Inf. i. 75 (cf. Inf. xxx. 14 ; Purg. xii. 61-3) [Ilion] ; ' humble ' Italy {Aen. iii. 522-3), Inf. i. 106 [Italia] ; Camilla {Aen. xi. 657, 768-831), Inf. i. 107; iv. i24[Cammilla] ; Nisus and Eurya- lus {Aen. ix. 176-449), Inf. i. 108 [Eurialo :^ Niso] ; Turnus {Aen. xii. 947-52), Inf. i. 108 [Turno] ; Silvius {Aen. vi. 763), Inf. ii. 13 [Silvio] ; Charon {Aen. vi. 298-301), Inf. iii. 82-109 [Caron] ; Electra, ancestress of Aeneas {Aen. viii. 134 ff.). Inf. iv. 121 [Elettrai] ; Penthesilea {Aen. i. 490-3 ; xi. 662), Inf. iv. 124 [Pentesilea] ; Latinus and Lavinia {Aen. vii. 72), Inf. iv. 125-6 [Latino 3; Lavinia]; Minos {Aen. vi. 432-3), Inf. v. 4-5 [Minos] ; Dido and Sychaeus {Aen. iv. 68, loi, 552), Inf. V. 62 ; Par. ix. 97-8 [Dido : Sicheo] ; Cerberus {Aen. vi. 395-6, 417-23), Inf. vi. 13- 33 ; ix. 98-9 [Cerbero] ; Styx {Aen. vi. 323, 369), Inf. vii. 106 [Stige] ; the Furies {Aen. vi. 554-5), Inf. ix. 36-42 [Erine],; Tisiphone {Aen. x. 761), Inf. ix. 48 [Tesifone] ; Dis {Aen. vi. 127), Inf. viii. 68 [Dite] ; Pasiphae {Aen. vi. 24-6, 447), Inf. xii. 12-13 [Pasife] ; the Harpies {Aen. iii. 209 ff.). Inf. xiii. 10-15 [Arpie] ; the trees inhabited by spirits {Aen. iii. 26 ff.). Inf. xiii. 3 iff. [Pier deUe Vigne : Suicidi] ; Crete and Rhea {Aen. iii. 104-5, 111-12), Inf. xiv. 94-102 [Greta: Eea]; Cocytus {Aen. vi. 323), Inf. xiv. 119 [Cooito] ; Manto {Aen. x. 198-200), Inf. xx. 55 ff. [Mauto] ; Cacus {Aen. viii. 193-267), Inf. XXV. 17-27 [Caoo] ; Sinon {Aen. ii. 183-98; ii. ^^ ff.), Inf. xxvi. 58-60 ; xxx. 98 ff. [Sinone] ; the Palladium {Aen. ii. 163-70), Inf. xxvi. 63 [Palladio] ; Gaeta {Aen. vii. 1-4), Inf. xxvi. 92-3 [Gaeta] ; Cato {Aen. viii. 670), Purg. i. 31 ff. [Catone 2] ; Tithonus and Aurora {Aen. iv. 584-5 ; ix. 459-60), Purg. ix. 1-3 [Aurora: Titone] ; the rape of Ganymede {Aen. v. 253-7), Purg. ix. 20-4 [Ganimede : Ida ^] ; Circe {Aen. vii. 15, 17-20), Purg. xiv. 40-2 [Ciree] ; Amata {Aen. xii. S93-607), Purg. xvii. 34-9 ; Epist. vii. 7 [Am.ata] ; Acestes {Aen. V. 711-18), Purg. xviii. 136-8; Conv. iv. 269*"" [Aceste 1] ; Fabricius {Aen. vi. 844- 5)J Purg. xx. 25-7 [Fabtorizio] ; Pygmalion (Aen. i. 340 ff.), Purg. xx. 103-5 [Pigmalione] ; Helicon {Aen. vii. 641 ; x. 163), Purg. xxix. 40 [Elioona] ; the 'bird of Jove,' i.e. the Eagle {Aen. i. 394), Purg. xxxii. 112 [Aquila]; Pallas, son of Evander {Aen. x. 479 ff. ; xii. 887-952), Par. vi. 36 [Pallante] ; Antandros {Aen. iii. i-ii). Par. vi. 67 [Antandro] ; Hector's , tomb {Aen. v. 371), Par. vi. 68 [Ettore] ; Cupid and Dido {Aen. i. 657-60, 715-19), Par. viii. 9 [Cupido : Dido] ; Dido's love for Aeneas {Aen. iv. 2, 68, 101), Par. ix. 97 [Dido] ; Anchises in the Elysian fields {Aen. vi. 676 ff.). Par. xv. 25-7 [Anchise: Elisio] ; the death of Anchises {Aen. iii. 707- 11), Par: xix. 131-2 [Anohise] ; Rhipeus {Aen. ii. 426-7), Par. xx. 68, 121 [Bifeo] ; the Sybil {Aen. iii. 441-52), Par. xxxiii. 65-6 [Sibilla] ; the Tarquins {Aen. vi. 818), Conv. iv. 591 [Tar- quinii] ; the Decii and Drusi {Aen. vi. 825), Conv. iv. 5I22-3 [Decii : Drusi] ; Pergama, the citadel of Troy {Aen. iv. 344 ; vii. 322 ; x. 58), Epist. vi. 4 [Pergama] ; Sergestus (Aen. v. 268-72), Eel. ii. 31 [Sergestus]. D. not infrequently borrows or echoes phrases from the Aeneid; e.g. 'ante oculos se offert ' (Aen. vii. 420), Inf. i. 62 ; ' Sed si tantus amor casus cognoscere nostros ' {Aen. ii. 10), Inf. V. 124-5 ;' carcere caeco' {Aen. vi. 734), Inf. X. 58-9; Purg. xxii. 103; 'Si bene quid de te merui ' (Aen. iv. 317), Inf. xxvi. 80-1 ; ' Ter conatus ' &c. (Aen. vi. 700-1^, Purg. ii. 80-1 ; ' litore rubro' (Aen. viii. 686), Par. vi. 79 ; ' sanguis mens ' (Aen. vi. 836), Par. XV. 28 ; ' grates persolvere dignas Non opis est nostrae, . . . nee quicquid ubique est Gentis Dardaniae ... [si qua est coelo pietas (Aen. ii. 536)] . . . Praemia digna ferant ' (Aen. i. 600-5), Epist. i. 2; ' recidiva Pergama' (Aen. iv. 344 ; vii. 322 ; k. 58J, Epist. vi. 4 ; ' praesaga mens ' (Aen. x. 843), Epist. vi. 4 ; ' malesuada fames ' {Aen. vi. 276), Epist. vi. 5 ; ' quae tam sera moratur Segnities .' ' {Aen. ii. 373-4), Epist. vii. 3. (See Moore, Studies in Dante, i. 166-97.) Aeolus, god of the winds ; mentioned in quotation from Virgil {Aen. i.65), V. N. § 25^^. [Eolo.] Aetna, Mt. Aetna ; name under which D. figures Bologna in his correspondence with Giovanni del Virgilio, Eel. ii. 27 ; referred to as Aetnaeum litus, v. 6g ; Aetnica saxa, ^. 74. [Etna.] Aetnaeus, Aetnaean ; Aetnaeum litus, i.e. Mt. Aetna, Eel. ii. 69. [Aetna.] Aetnicus, Aetnaean ; Aetnica saxa, i. e. Mt. Aetna, Eel. ii. 74. [Aetna.] [11] Aflfrica Agamemnone Affrica, Africa ; the scene of the combat between Hercules and Antaeus, Conv. iii. 3«*~5 [Anteo] ; Hannibal's despatch to Carthage of the rings taken from the Romans slain at Cannae, Conv. iv. 5I66-8 [Canne] ; the African campaign of Scipio Africanus Major, Conv. iv. jiea-?! [Soipione i] ; the continent to which belonged Electra, ancestress of Aeneas, and Dido, his second wife, Mon. ii. 368-771 102-3 [Enea] ; Atlas, the ancestor of Aeneas, of African origin, Mon. ii. 3^^ [Attas 1] ; Mt. Atlas in Africa, as testified by Orosius, Mon. ii. 385-91 [Atlas 2] ; the scene of Julius Caesar's victory (at Thapsus), and Cato's death (at Utica), Mon. ii. 5I69-70 [Cesare ^ : Catone] ; alluded to as, /e arene, Purg. xxvi. 44 ; /a ierra che perde ornbra (since in the torrid zone when the Sun is vertically overhead there is no shadow), Purg. xxx. 89 ; la terra di larba, Purg. xxxi. 72 [larba]. AfFricani. [Afrieani.] Affricano, Scipio Africanus Major, Purg. xxix. 116. [Scipione 1.] Aforismi, the Aphorisms of Hippocrates, one of the chief medical authorities in the Middle Ages. Galen wrote a commentary upon them which, with the Aphorisms them- selves, was translated into Latin from an Arabic version by Constantinus at Monte Cassino in Cent. xi. Benvenuto defines an aphorism as a ' maxim in medicine,' and quotes an example from Hippocrates (this being the first in the collection): — 'ars longa, vita brevis, judicium difficile, tempus acutum, experimentum vero fallax.' D. mentions the Aphorisms, Par. xi. 4 ; couples them with the Tegni of Galen as in- appropriate gifts from a physician to a knight, Conv. i. 831-3. [Ippocrate : Galieno : Tad- deo.] Afri, Africans, i. e. Carthaginians ; their defeat by the Romans, Mon. ii. ii"'. [Carta- ginesi.] Africa, Africa, Mon. ii. s^s- 85, 87, 90, 103^ ji6i. [Affrica.] Afrieani, Africans ; do not admit the claim of the Church to bestow the Imperial autho- rity, Mon. iii. 1459; i.e. Carthaginians, com- manded by Hannibal in their war with the Romans, Mon. ii. 1 159-60. [Afri: Cartaginesi.] Agabito, Agapetus I, Pope 535-536 ; men- tioned by the Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of Mercury) as having convinced him of the error of his heretical belief as to there being but one nature in Christ, Par. vi. 14-18 [Giustiniano]. It appears, however, as a matter of fact, as Butler observes, to have been not Justinian himself, but his wife Theo- dora, who held heterodox opinions, she having been attached to the Eutychian or Mono- [12] physite heresy. The Emperor's own orthodoxy seems to have been unimpeachable till quite the end of his life (d. 565), when he lapsed into erroneous views concerning not the nature but the person of Christ. Agapetus was Pope at the time when the Gothic power in Italy was being destroyed by Belisarius, and the story is that he was sent by Theodatus, king of the Goths, to make terms with Justinian at Constantinople. He angered the latter by his refusal to acknowledge Anthimus, who had been translated from the see of Trebizond to that of Constantinople, contrary to the canon of the Church. The Emperor, however, over- come by his firmness, consented to listen to the charges against Anthimus, who was con- victed of Eutychianism and deposed from his see. Agapetus died at Constantinople, while on his mission to Justinian, in 536, D.'s authority for his statement as to the conversion of the Emperor by Agapetus may have been Brunette Latino, who says : — ' Et ja soit ce que cist Justiniens fust au com- mencement en Terror des hereges, en la fin reconut il son error par le conseil Agapite, qui lors estoit apostoiles.' [Tnsor, i. 87.) According to Anastasius Bibliothecarius Agapetus convinced Justinian as to the two- fold natijre of Christ : — ' Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum deum et hominem esse, hoc est duas naturas esse in uno Chrislo.' Agag, king of the Amalekites, who was spared by Saul contrary to God's command, and afterwards slain by Samuel (i Sam. xv) ; mentioned as type of the opponents of the Emperor Henry VII in Italy, whom D. urges the latter to destroy as Samuel destroyed Agag, Epist. vii. 5. Agamemnone], Agamemnon, son of Atreus, and brother of Menelaiis, the leader of the Greeks in the Trojan war ; alluded to by Beatrice (in the Heaven of the Moon) in con- nexion with the sacrifice of Iphigenia, as lo gran duca dei Greci, Par. v. 69. When Helen, the wife of Menelaus, was carried off by Paris, and the Greek chiefs resolved to recover her by force of arras, Agamemnon was chosen as their commander. After two years of preparation, the Greek army and fleet assembled in the port of Aulis m Boeotia. H ere, A. having killed a stag which was sacred to Artemis, the goddess sent a pestilence on the Greek army, and produced a calm which preveinted them from leaving the port. In order to appease her wrath A., by the advice of Calchas, consented to sacrifice his daughter Iphigenia ; but at the moment of the sacrifice she was rescued by Artemis, and another victim was substituted in her place. The calm thereupon ceased, and the Greek Agapito Agnfel host sailed to the coast of Troy. [Aulide : Calcanta : Ifigenia.] Ag&pito. [Agdtaitc] Agathon, Greek poet, Mon. iii. 653. [Aga- tone.] Agatone, Agathon, Greek tragic poet, a pupil of Socrates, and friend of Euripides and Plato, born at Athens circ. B. C. 448, died circ. 400 ; a tragedy of his is mentioned by Aristotle in the Poetics, and he himself is several times mentioned in the Rhetoric, but none of his works have come down to us. Agathon is mentioned by Virgil as being among the Greek poets who are with Homer and himself in Limbo, Purg. xxii. 107 [liimbo] ; his saying (taken from Ethics vi. 2) that God cannot cause what is, not to have been, Mon. iii. 650-3. Aggregazioae delle Stelle, Libra dell', the alternative title {Liber de Aggregatione Scien- tiae Stellartim) of the Element a Astronomica of Alfraganus ; quoted to prove that the motions of the heaven of Venus are threefold, Conv. ii. 5133-6. [Alfergano : Venere, Cielo di.] Aghinolfo da Romena], one of the Conti Guidi who persuaded Maestro Adamo of Brescia to counterfeit the Florentine gold florin ; referred to by Adamo as brother of Guido and Alessandro da Romena, Inf xxx. Tj ; one of them (supposed to be Aghinolfo, who died at the beginning of 1300), he says, is already in Hell, v. 79 [Adamo, Maestro]. This Aghinolfo was the father of Uberto and Guido da Romena, to whom D. addressed one of his letters, Epist. ii. [Guidi, Conti : Table jcxiv. B], Aglauro, Aglauros, daughter of Cecrops, King of Athens, who was changed into a stone by Mercury, because she in jealousy tried to prevent him from visiting her sister Herse whom he loved ; her story is told by Ovid (Metam. ii. 737-832). D. introduces her as an instance of envy in Circle II of Purgatory, where her voice is heard proclaiming, ' I am Aglauros who was turned into stone,' Purg. xiv. 139 [Invidiosi] ; she is mentioned as the type of envy, Canz. xviii. 71. Agli, Lotto degli], Florentine judge (one of the Guelf sureties in tlje peace concluded by Cardinal Latino in 1280, prior in 1285, and podestk of Trent in 1287), who after delivering an unjust judgment iwent home and hanged himself; he is supposed by some of the com- mentators to be the individual placed among the Suicides in Round 2 of Circle VII of Hell, Inf xiii. 123-xiv. 3; cespuglio xiii. 123, 131 ; quegli, V. 139; colui, xiv. 3. [Sxiicidi.] Ja- como da Sant' Andrea, one of those punished in this Round for riotous living, being pursued by dogs, takes refuge behind a bush ; but the dogs seize him and tear him to pieces, rending the bush at the same time. Inf. xiii. 120-9; D. and Virgil approach the bush, which wails at being torn {vv. 130-5) ; V. addresses it, and inquires who the spirit contained in it was {vv. 136-8) ; the spirit, after begging them to collect the leaves that had been torn from the bush, tells them that he was a Florentine, and had hanged himself in his own house {vv. 139-51)1 D., having collected the scattered leaves, restores them to the bush, and moves on (xiv. 1-4). The Ottimo Comento says : — ' Alcuni dicono, ch'egli fu un Messer Lotto degli Agli di Firenze, il quale pervenuto in somma poverta, data per danari una falsa senteriza, per fuggire poverta e vergogna s'impicc6.' The Anonimo Fiorentino : — ' Fu costui . . . uno giudice della famiglia degli Agli, il quale, avendo renduto uno consiglio falso, et essendo stato condennato per questo vitu- perevolmente, se ne pose tanto dolore a cuore ch' egli, tornato a casa sua, per disperazione s'im- picc6 per la gola.' The Agli of Florence, as appears from Villani (v. 39) and Dino Compagni (ii. 36), were Guelfs. Other commentators think the person in- tended was one of the Mozzi, who hanged himself in despair at finding himself bankrupt ; thus the Anonimo (ed. Selmi) says : — ' Questo cespuglio che piangea si ebbe noma Rucco de' Mozzi da Firenze ; e fu molto ricco : e perche la compagnia loro falli, venne in tanta poverta che egli s"impicc6 egli stesso in casa sua.' The Ottimo mentions this alternative opinion : — 'Alcuni dicono che questi fu Rucco de' Mozzi di Firenze, il quale di molto ricco divenuto poveris- simo, voile finire sua vita anzi I'ultima miseria.' Buti, Benvenuto, and others, mention both names, but remark that, as many Florentines hanged themselves about this time, they are inclined to think that D. left the reference purposely vague. This is the opinion of Boc- caccio : — ' Non 6 costui dall' autor nominato, credo per I'una delle due cagioni, o per riguardo de' parent! che di questo cotale rimasero, i quali per avven- tura sono onorevoli uomini, e percib non gli vuole maculare della infamia di cosi disonesta morte ; ovvero perciocche in que' tempi, quasi come una maladirione mandata da Dio nella citta nostra, piti se ne impiccarono ; acciocchfe ciascun possa apporlo a qua] piii gli place di qUe' raolti.' Casini thinks the mention of ' il passo d'Arno' (v. 146), i.e. the Ponte Vecchio, points to Rocco de' Mozzi, whose family, as Villani records (vii. 42^ dwelt close to the Ponte Rubaconte on the other side of the Arno, and not far from the Ponte Vecchio. Agnel, Agnello, one of five Florentines (Inf. xxvi. 4-5) placed by D. among the Thieves in [13] Agobbio Aguglione Bolgia 7 of Circle VIH of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. XXV. 68; uno (spirito), v. 51 [Ladri] ; he is one of three spirits seen by D. to undergo transformation, he being blended in form with a serpent (vv. 49-78) ; the latter is identified by the commentators with Cianfa de' Donati [Cianfa : Pucoio Scianoato]. According to the old commentators he belonged to the Brunelleschi, a Ghibelline family of Florence, who first joined the Bianchi and then went over to the Neri ; none of them give any details except the Anonimo (ed. Selmi), who says : — ' Questo Agnello fu de' Brunelleschi di Firenze ; e infino picciolo votava la borsa al padre e a la madre, poi votava la cassetta a la bottega, e imbo- lava. Poi da grande entrava per le case altrui, e vestiasi a modo di povero, c faciasi la barba di vecchio, e per6 il fa Dante cosi trasformare per li morsi di quelle serpente come fece per furare.' Agobbio, Gubbio, town of Central Italy on the slopes of the Apennines in N. of Umbria, about thirty miles E. of Arezzo, and about twenty N. of Perugia ; mentioned in connexion with Oderisi, the illuminator, whom D. calls I'onor d' Agobbio, Purg. xi. 80. [Oderisi.] Agostino 1, Augustine, one of the earliest followers of St. Francis of Assisi, whom he joined in 12 10, and eventually (in 1216) head of the Franciscan Order in Terra di Lavoro ; placed by D., together with Illuminato of Rieti, among the Spirits who loved wisdom (Spiriti Sapienti) in the Heaven of the Sun, where they are named to him by St. Bonaventura, Par. xii. 130-2 [Sole, Cielo del]. Agostino 2, St. Augustine (Aurelius Augus- tinus), the greatest of the four great fathers of the Latin Church (the other three being St. Ambrose, St. Jerome, and St. Gregory the Great) ; born at Tagaste in Numidia, Nov. 13, 354; died at Hippo, during the siege of the town by the Vandals, Aug. 28, 430. His father, Patricius, was a pagan at the time of his birth, but his mother, Monica, was an earnest Christian, and brought up her child in the Christian faith ; he was, however, not baptized, and as he grew up he fell away from his mother's influence, and led a dissolute life, but was devoted at the same time to his studies, which he began at Tagaste, and afterwards pursued at Carthage ; at the latter place he joined the Manichaeans, but becoming dis- satisfied with their doctrines he abandoned the sect. From Carthage he went to Rome, whence he was invited to Milan, in his thirtieth year, as teacher of rhetoric. Here he came under the influence of St. Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, and in 386 was converted and baptized. After paying a second visit to Rome, he went to Hippo, where he was ordained presbyter, and finally became Bishop in 396 ; here he [14] died thirty-four years later at the age of seventy- six. St. Augustine was a voluminous writer, his works being directed chiefly against the Manichaeans and the Pelagians ; his two most famous books are his Confessions, written about 397, shortly after he became bishop, in which he gives a vivid sketch of his early career, and the City of God, written between 413 and 426, an apologetic treatise in vindica- tion of Christianity and the Christian Church. St. A. is mentioned by St. Thomas Aquinas in the Heaven of the Sun in connexion with Orosius, of whose Historia adversus Paganos he is said to have availed himself in the De Civitate Dei, Par. x. 120 [Orosio] ; his place in the Celestial Rose, where he is seated below St. Benedict and St. Francis, is pointed out to D. by St. Bernard, Par. xxxii. 35 [Kosa]; his Confessions the kind of work in which it is allowable for the author to speak of himself, Conv. i. 2i''i-5 \Contession{\ ; his saying that 'no man is without stain ', Conv. i. 4^''~^(Conf. i. 7 : 'nemo mundus a peccato coram te, D eus ') ; his contention that if men comprehended and practised equity there would be no need of the written law, Conv. iv. 982-6 ; his advice that men should acquire the habit of self-control, Conv. iv. 2ii2S~8 ■ a man may lead a religious life without assuming the habit of St. Benedict, or St. Augustine, or St. Francis, or St. Dominic, Conv. iv. 28fi8-T4. jjis writings undoubtedly inspired, Mon. iii. 387-91 ; his De Civitate Dei and De Doctrina Christiana quoted, Mon. iii. 461-72 \civHate Dei, De: Doctrina Ciiris- tiana, De} ; his works and those of the other Fathers neglected for those of the Decretalists, Epist. viii. 7 [Decretalistae] ; his treatise De Quantitate Animae, Epist. x. 28 [Quantitate Animae, De]. Some think St. Augustine is alluded to as. one of ' the four in humble guise ' in the mystical Procession in the Terrestrial Paradise (the other three being St. Ambrose, St. Gregory, and St. Jerome), Purg. xxix. 142. [Froeessione.] Agosto 1. [Augusto.] AgostO 2, month of August ; mentioned in connexion with the prevalence of ' vapori ac- cesi' (i.e. meteors and summer lightning) in the twilight of summer evenings, Purg. v. 37-9 ; referred to as the period tra il luglio e il settembre, in connexion with the crowded state of the hospitals of Valdichiana at that time of year, owmg to the malaria generated by its swamps (' maxime autem augustus est infirmus mensis etiam in locis sanis,' observes Ben- venuto). Inf. xxix. 47 [Chiana]. Agubbio, [Agobbio.] Aguglione, castle (now destroyed) formerly called Aquilone, in the Florentine territory in the Va di Pesa to the S. of the city ; Caccia- guida (m the Heaven of Mars) laments that Aguglione Alagia owing to the extension of its boundaries Florence has ' to endure the stink ' of il villan d'Aguglion (i.e. according to the most general interpretation Baldo d'Aguglione), Par. xvi. 56 ; this Baldo was concerned in the fraud of Niccola Acciaiuoli alluded to, Purg. xii. 105 [Acoiaiuoli, Hiocola]. Baldo d'Aguglione, who is spoken of by Dino Compagni (i. 19) as ' giudice sagacissimo,' was one of those who drew up the Ordinamenti di Giustizia in Florence in 1 293 [Giano della Bella]. His family were Ghibellines, and as such his father Guglielmo, and his brother Puceio, were exiled from Florence in 1268. Baldo himself, however, took the other side and remained in Florence, where, after playing an important part in the events of 1293, and in the expulsion of Giano della Bella in 1295, he became Prior in 1298. In 1299, in con- sequence of the discovery of his share in the fraud of Niccola Acciaiuoli, he fled from Florence, and was condemned in his absence to a fine of 2,000 lire and to a year's banish- ment. In 1302, when through the intervention of Charles of Valois the Bianchi were expelled, he and Bonifazio da Signa (Par. xvi. 56) joined the Neri with certain other renegade Bianchi and Ghibellines. From this time forward he occupied a position of great influence in Florence. In 131 1, while he was Prior for the second time, and the city was anxious to present a united front to the Emperor Henry yil, he drew up the decree (dated Sep. 2, 1311) known as the ' Riforma di Messer Baldo d'Aguglione,' whereby the sentences against a number of the Guelf exiles were revoked and cancelled, and a number of others, who are all included under the head of Ghibellines, were expressly excepted, among the latter being Dante Alighieri [Dante]. In this proclamation (which is printed in extenso by Del Lungo in his DeW Esilio di Dante, pp. 109-44) the Priors and Gonfaloniere and twelve good men by them elected : — ' Attendentes providere fortificationi corrobo- rationi et reconciliationi Populi et Comunis Florentie et Partis Guelfe dicte civitatis et comi- tatus et districtus Florentie Guelforum, et super rebampniendis Guelfis, et aliis ... ad hoc ut ipsa civitas et districtus in pace consistat, et Guelforum unio fiat et sit in dicto Populo et Comuni et civitate et comitatu et districtu Florentie, et ad exaltatio- nem Guelfe Partis, Christi nomine invocato, pro fortificatione, custodia, corroboratione et recon- ciliatione Populi et Comunis Florentie et districtus, et singularium personarum ipsius . . . concorditer providerunt et ordinaverunt, firmaverunt et stantia- verunt: Quod omnes et singuli vere Guelfi, mares et femine, tam populares quam magnates, natione seu origine de civitate comitatu et districtu Flor- entie, includendo in districtu Florentie comunia terras populos plebatus et loca que fuerunt dis- trictus Pistorii, ac etiam plebatus terras et populos civitatis et districtus Florentie, condempnati et exbampniti, seu condempnati tantum seu exbamp- niti tantum, Comunis Florentie, expresse vel tacite, seu pro exbampnitis habiti, vel qui ipso jure exbampniti vel condempnati essent ... ex nunc intelligantur esse et sint exempti liberi et totaliter liberati cancellati et absoluti, et exemptio libera et totaliter liberata cancellata et absoluta, de predictis et a predictis omnibus et singulis . . . Et salvo et reservato quod omnes et singuli infra- scripti nullum benefitium consequantur expresse predictis provisionibus vel aliqua earum, nee de ipsorum condempnationibus et bampnis, vel con- dempnationibus tantum vel bampnis tantum, liberari cancellari vel absolvi possint vel debeant ullo modo, ymmo exbampniti sint et condempnati sint et remaneant in omnibus sicut erant ante pre- sentem provisionem. Nomina quorum sunt hec . . .' [here follows a long list of names of families and individuals, numbering between four and five hundred, grouped according to the quarters of the city in which their residences were situated. In the last division but one, De Sextu Porte Sancti Petri, occurs the entry ' Filii domini Cionis del Bello et Dante Alleghierii,' in this same division being included ' Omnes de domo de Abbatibus, excepto Ciolo' (this last being perhaps the Ciolus referred to by D., Epist. ix. 3), ' De domb de Eliseis' (to which house the Alighieri are said to have belonged), ' De domo de Porti- nariis' (the family of Beatrice), and ' Gianus della Bella et filii ']. When, in the next year, the Emperor Henry VII's army was advancing towards Florence, Baldo d'Aguglione fled from the city, and was consequently himself declared an outlaw ; he managed, however, to secure a pardon, and returned to Florence, where he died not long after, leaving several sons to succeed him, but the family died out before the end of Cent. xiv. Benvenuto says : — ' Iste, quem vocat autor Rusticum, fuit quidam . jurista nomine Ubaldus de Aguglione, villa comi- tatus Floreutiae, qui fuit magnus canis. Dicebat se optime nosse guelphos et ghibellinos, et fecit librum de tam detestanda materia, quem diu floren- tini sequuti sunt.' Aiace, Ajax, son of Telamon ; his descent from Aeacus, Conv. iv. 2719* [Eaco.] Aimeric. [Hamericus : Ifamericus.] Alagherius. [Alighieri.] Alagia, Alagia de' Fieschi, of Genoa, daughter of Niccolo de' Fieschi, Irnperial Vicar in Italy, niece of Pope Adrian V, and wife of Moroello Malaspina, the friend of D., by whom she had three sons [Malaspina, Moroello] ; she had two sisters, one of whom, Fiesca, married Alberto Malaspina, while the other, Giacomina, married Obizzo Il^of Este. [Table xxvi : Table xxiii.] A. is mentioned by Adrian V (in Circle V of Purgatory) as being still alive, and the only one of his kin who was virtuous, and whose prayers could avail him, Purg. xix. 142-5 [Adriano ^]. Benvenuto says [15] Alagna Alagna that D. means to imply ' quod mulieres illorum de Flisco fuerunt nobiles meretrices.' Some of the old commentators think that Alagia is thefemmina of Purg. xxiv. 43 [Gentuoca]. Alagna, Anagni, town in Latium, situated on a hill about forty miles S.E. of Rome, cele- brated as the birthplace of Pope Boniface VIII, and as the scene of his imprisonment by Philip the Fair ; mentioned by Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory) in connexion with Philip's outrage on the Pope, Purg. xx. 86-7 ; quel d' Alagna, i.e. Boniface VIII, Par. xxx. 148 [Bonifazioi : Filippo2]. The long struggle between Philip the Fair and Pope Boniface culminated at length in the employment of open violence on the part of the King of France against the Pope's person. Philip accused Boniface of profligacy and heresy, and demanded the convocation of a General Council 'to remove these scandals from the Church.' Boniface retorted by issuing a Bull, in which the King of France was de- clared excommunicate, while his subjects were released from their allegiance, and the clergy were forbidden to receive benefices at his hands. This Bull was ordered to be suspended in the porch of the Cathedral of Anagni on Sep. 8, 1303 ; but on the eve of that day Sciarra Colonna, whose house Boniface had so bitterly wronged, and William of Nogaret, the emissary of the King of France, suddenly appeared in Anagni with an armed force, and seizing the person of the Pope, after heaping every indignity upon him, held him a prisoner for three days, while the soldiers plundered his palace. He was at last rescued by the people of Anagni, who expelled the soldiers and forced Sciarra and Nogaret to fly for their lives. Boniface immediately set out for Rome to prepare measures of vengeance against Philip and his accomplices, but the shock he had undergone was too much for him ; he became raving mad, and died at Rome, barely a month after his rescue from prison, Oct. 11, 1303. [Colonna, Sciarra: Guglielmo di Ifogaret.] Villani gives the following account of the incident of Anagni, and of the death of Boni- face : — Musciatto, vi stettono piii tempo, mandando am- basciadori, e messi, e lettere, e faccendo venire le genti a loro di segre'to, faccendo intendere al palese che v'erano per trattare accordo dal papa al re di Francia, e perci6 aveano la delta moneta recata : e sotto questo colore menarono il trattato segreto di fare pigliare in Anagna papa Bonifazio, spendendone molta moneta, corrompendo ,i baroni del paese e' cittadini d' Anagna ; e come fu trattato venne fatto : che essendo papa Bonifazio co' suoi cardinal! e con tutta la corte nella citta d'Anagna in Campagna, ond' era nato e in casa sua, non pensando nfe sentendo questo trattato, nh pren- dendosi guardia, e se alcuna cosa ne senti, per sue grande cuore il mise a non calere, o forse come piacque a Dio, per gli suoi grandi peccati, del mese di Settembre 1303, Sciarra della Colonna con genti a cavallo in numero di trecento, e a pife di sua amista assai, soldata de' danari del re di Francia, coUa forza de' signori da Ceccano, e da Supino, e d'altri baroni di Campagna, e de' figliuoli di messer Maffio d'Anagna, e dissesi coU' assento d'alcuno de' cardinal! che teneano al trattato, e una mattina per tempo entrO in Anagna colle insegne e bandiere del re di Francia, gridando: muoia papa Bonifazio, et viva il re di Francia; e corsono la terra sanza contesto niuno, anzi quasi tutto I'ingrato popolo d'Anagna segui le bandiere e la rubellazione ; e giunti al palazzo papale, sanza riparo vi saliro e presono il palazzo, perocchfe il presente assalto fu improvviso al papa e a' suoi, e non prendeano guardia. Papa Bonifazio sen- tendo il romore, e veggendosi abbandonato da tutti i cardinali, fuggiti e nascosi per. paura o chi da mala parte, e quasi da' piii de' suoi famigliari, e veggendo ch'e' suoi nemici aveano presa la terra e '1 palazzo ov'egli era, si cus& morto, ma come magnanimo e valente disse: Dacchfe per tradimento, come Gesii Cristo voglio esser preso e mi conviene morire, almeno voglio monre come papa; e di presente si fece parare dell'ammanto di san Piero, e coUa corona di Costantmo in capo, e colle chiavi e croce in mano, e in su la sedia papale si pose a sedere. E giunto a lui Sciarra e gli altri suoi nimici, con villane parole lo scherniro, e^rrestaron lui e la sua famiglia, che con lui erano rimasi; intra gli altri lo scherni messer Guiglielmo di Lunghereto, che per lo re di trancia avea menato il trattato, donde era preso, e minacciolo, dicendo di menarlo legato a Leone %°'^'^L ^°^^^°' e quivi in generale concilio il farebbe disporre e condannare. II magnanimo papa gh rispuose, ch' era contento d'essere ' Dopo la discordia nata tra papa Bonifazio e '1 daunato e disposto per glipaterini com'e'ra eeli" 5 Filippo di Francia, ciascuno di loro procacciO e '1 padre e la madre arsi per paterini • onde messer Guiglielmo rimase confuso e vergognato. Ma poi come piacque a Dio, per conservare la santa digmta papale, niuno ebbe ardire o non piacque loro di porgli mano addosso, ma lasciarlo .1 tesoro del papa e della Chiesa. In questo dolore yergogna e tormento stette il valente papa Bonifazio preso per gli suoi nimici per tie di, d'abbattere I'uno I'altro per ogni via e modo che potesse : il papa d'aggravare il re di Francia di scomuniche e altri processi per privarlo del reame ... Lo re di Francia dall' altra parte non dormia, ma con grande sollecitudine, e consiglio di Stefano della Colonna e d'altri savi Italiani e di suo reame, mand6 uno messere Guiglielmo di Lunghereto di Proenza, savio cherico e sottile, con messer Musciatto Franzesi in Toscana, forniti di molti ma come Cristo al terzo di resuscitb co i danari contanti, e a ricevere dalla compagnia de; a lui che papa Bonifazio fosse dilibero^''2he Peruzzi (allora suoi merca anti) quanti danar. sanza priego o altro procaccio, se non per opera bisognasse, non sappiendo eglino perche. Earn- divina, il popolo d'Anao-no ^<„„,«^I- ji 1 vati al castello di St'aggia, ch' era del detto messer errore! e usc^tT dellt fo^ro l^.t^r^tl^! [16] ' Alamania Albauus subitamente si levaro all' arme, gridando : viva il papa e sua famiglia, e muoiano i traditori ; e cor- rendo la terra ne cacciarono Sciarra della Colonna e' suoi seguaci, con danno di loro di presi e di morti, e liberaro il papa e sua famiglia. Papa Bonifazio veggendosi libero e cacciati i suoi nimici, per ci6 non si rallegr6 niente, perch^ avea con- ceputo e addurato nell' animo il dolore della sua avversita: incontanente'si parti d'Anagna con tutta la corte, venne n Roma a santo Pietro per fare concilio, con intendimento di sua offesa e di santa Chiesa fare grandissima vendetta contra il re di Francia, e chi offeso 1' avea ; ma come piacque a Dio, il dolore impetrato nel cuore di papa Boni- fazio per la ingiuria ricevuta, gli surse, giunto in Roma, diversa malattia, che tutto si rodea come rabbioso, e in questo stato pass6 di questa vita a di 12 d'Ottobre gli anni di Cristo 1303, e nella chiesa di san Piero all' entrare della porte, in una ricca cappella fattasi fare a sua vita, onorevole- mente fu soppellito.' (viii. 63.) Alamania, Germany, V. E. i. 18*8. [La- magna.] Alamanni, Germans, V. E. i. 8^9. [Te- descM.] Alardo, Erard de Val^ry, lord of Saint- Valdrian and of MaroUes, Constable of Cham- pagne, born circ. 1200, died 1277 ; mentioned in connexion with the battle of Tagliacozzo (Aug. 23, 1268), in which by his aid Charles of Anjou defeated Conradin, the last of the Hohen- staufen, Inf. xxviii. 17-18. Erard and his brother, Jean de Valdry, ac- companied St. Louis on his first expedition to the East in 1248. Joinville records (lix. 295) that Erard rescued his brother from the hands of the Turks, who had made him prisoner in a skirmish ; but makes no further mention of him. In 1255 he was in France, and in the same year he was a prisoner in Holland, whence, after a captivity of a few months, he was ransomed by Charles of Anjou. In 1265, according to the continuators of Guillaume-de- Tyr, he went a second time to the East. In 1268, finding himself on account of his advanc- ing years unequal to the fatigues and hard- ships of oriental warfare, he set out from Palestine to return to France. On his way, as Villani records, he passed through Italy ('il buono messer Alardo di Valleri, cavaliere francesco di grande senno e prodezza, di quegli tempi era arrivato in Puglia tornando d'oltre- mare dalla terra santa,' vii. 26), where his opportune arrival was hailed with delight by Charles of Anjou, then on the eve of a battle with the young Conradin. The two armies met at Tagliacozzo, and Charles, though inferior in numbers, was enabled, by the superior skill of Erard, to defeat his foe and take him prisoner. The victory was due mainly to the fact that Charles, by Erard's advice, kept his reserves in the background until Conradin's German and Spanish troops, who at the be- ginning of the day had routed their opponents, were disordered by pursuit and scattered over the field in search of plunder. Charles then suddenly advanced with his fresh troops (con- sisting of a third of his forces, which Erard had prevailed upon him to hold concealed behind a hill), and, falling upon the enemy, completely routed them. It is in allusion to Charles' victory by means of this stratagem of Erard's that D. speaks of 'Tagliacozzo Ove senz'arme vinse il vecchio Alardo,' Inf. xxviii. 17-18. [Curradino : Tagliacozzo.] Shortly after the battle of Tagliacozzo (his brother having apparently died meanwhile) Erard once more assumed the cross, and ac- companied St. Louis on his second voyage (in 1270) to the East. In 1271, after the return of the expedition, in which St. Louis had met his death at Tunis, Erard was again in France, where he appears to have remained, in a position of high importance, until his death in 1277 (see Academy, Aug. 4 and 18, 1888). The Burgundian poet Rustebuef, who was a contemporary of Erard, speaks of him with high praise in his lament for the King of Navarre (i.e. Teobaldo II, who had also accompanied St. Louis in 1270 and had died on his way home), describing him as a peerless knight : — ' Mes sire Erars de ■ Valeri, A cui onques ne s'aferi Nus chevaliers de loiaute.' An amusing story, relating to a deception practised by Erard upon St. Louis at the in- stance of Charles of Anjou, whereby they obtained permission to hold a tourney which had previously been forbidden by the king, is told in the Cento Novelle Antiche (Nov. v, ed. Biagi). Alba, Alba Longa, the most ancient town in Latium, built according to tradition by Ascanius, son of Aeneas. Rome is supposed to have been founded by the inhabitants of Alba Longa, which was so called from its stretching in a long line down the Alban Mount to the Alban Lake. The town was destroyed byTuUus Hostilius,and was never re- built, its inhabitants being removed to Rome. The Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of Mercury) mentions Alba in connexion with the Roman Eagle, which he says remained there for three hundred years, until the defeat of the three Alban Curiatii by the three Roman Horatii, Par. vi. 37-9. [Aquilai : Albani : Curiatii.] Albani, inhabitants of Alba Longa ; their descent from Aeneas and Lavinia, Mon. ii. jios-g ; their defeat by the Romans in the com- bat between the Roman Horatii and the Alban Curiatii, Par. vi. 37-9 ; Conv. iv. 5155-60 ; Mon. ii. 1 122-36. [Alba: Curiatii.] Albanus, Alban ; populus A., the Albans, their contest with the Romans for supremacy, Mon. ii. 1122-T. [Albani] [16] Alberichi Alberto Alberichi, ancient noble family of Florence, mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) as having been already in decline in his day. Par. xvi. 89. In Dante's time the family was extinct ; Villani says : — ' Nel quartiere di porta san Piero erano . . . gli Alberighi, che fu loro la chiesa di santa Maria Alberighi da casa i Donati, e oggi non n' e nullo.' (.iv. II.) Alberigo, Frate, Friar Alberigo (so called because he was one of the 'Jovial Friars,' which order he joined in or before 1267), a member of the Manfredi family, the Guelf lords of Faenza (to which also belonged Tribaldelloj Inf. xxxii. 122), and father of Ugolino Bucciola (V. E. i. 1419-20) [Buociola, TTgoliao : Frati Godenti] ; placed by Dante in Tolomea, the third division of Circle IX of Hell, among those who betrayed their guests, Inf. xxxiii. 118; un de' tristi della fredda crosta, v. 109 ; lui, vv. IIS, 121, 139, 150; ei, V. I42 ; il peggiore spirto di Romagna, v. 154 [Tolo- mea : Traditori]. As Dante and Virgil pass among the traitors in Tolomea, one of them (Alberigo), taking the poets for damned spirits on their way to Giudecca, begs them to re- move the crust of ice from his face that he may weep, Inf. xxxiii. 109-14 ; Dante under- takes to do so if he will reveal his identity, and on hearing who he is expresses surprise that he was already dead {vv. 115-21); A. says that he knows not how his body fares upon earth, and then explains to D. the ' privilege ' possessed by Tolomea, viz. that of receiving the souls of traitors like himself im- mediately after the act of treachery, while the body upon earth is tenanted by a fiend until its death (vv. 122-33) ; he then points out the soul of Branca d'Oria of Genoa, who had murdered his father-in-law (vv. 1 34-8) ; D. does not believe him, saying that he knows Branca to be still alive {^v. 139-41) ; but A. explains that the soul of B. had descended to Hell even before that of his victim, and that its place in his body was occupied by a devil, as was also the case with the soul of his ac- complice in the crime (wz/. 142-7) [Branca d'Oria]. A. now claims the fulfilment of D.'s promise to remove the ice from his face, but D. refuses to do so, and with an imprecation on the Genoese parts from him {vv. 148-57). The circumstances of Alberigo's crime, ac- cording to Benvenuto, were as follows. In 1286 (more probably in 1284) his younger brother, Manfred, in order to obtain the lord- ship of Faenza, plotted against him, and in a dispute which occurred in consequence struck Alberigo ; the latter, however, pretended to forgive the insult on the ground that it was the act of an impetuous youth, and a reconciliation took place. Later on, when he thought the matter had been forgotten, Alberigo invited [18] Manfred and one of his sons to a banquet (at his house at Cesato, May 2, 1285) ; the repast over, he called out, ' Bring the fruit,' at which signal some assassins, who had been concealed behind the tapestry, rushed out and despatched father and son before his eyes. Hence ' le male frutta di Frate Alberigo' passed into a proverb. Villani, in irecording the murder of a brother of Alberigo by his nephew in 1327, says : ' cosi mostr6 che non volesse tralignare e del nome e del fatto di frate Alberigo suo zio, che diede le male frutta a' suoi consorti, faccendogh tagliare e uccidere al suo convito ' (x. 27). Benvenuto says : — ' Iste vocatus est frater Albericus de Faventia civitate de Manfredis nobilibus et potentibus, qui saepe habuerunt dominium illius civitatis ; et fuit de fratibus Gaudentibus . . . Fuerunt autem in dicta domo tres consanguinei eodem tempore, scilicet Albericus praedictus, Alberghettus et Man- fredus. Accidit autem, quod in mcclxxxvi Man- fredus, juvenis animosus, cupiditate regnandi, struxit insidias fratri Alberico; et cum incre- paretur ex hoc a fratre Alberico, et devenissent ad graves contentiones verborum, Manfredus ductus impetu irae, dedit fratri alapam magnam, scilicet fratri Alberico. Sed ipse frater Albericus sagacior aliquandiu rem dissimulanter tulit; et tandem cum credidit injuriam excidisse a memoria illius, finxit velle reconciliare sibi dictum Man- fredum dicens, quod parcendum erat calori ju- venili. Facta igitur pace, Albericus fecit convivium, cui interfuerunt Manfredus et unus filius ejus. Finita coena, cum magna alacritate dixit Albericus : veniant fructus ; et subito eruperunt famuli armati, qui latebant ibi post unam cortinam, qui crudeliter trucidaverunt ad mensam patrem et filium, Albe- rico vidente et gaudente.' Albero da Siena, said to be the son or protegd of a bishop of Siena, wh om he persuaded to cause the alchemist Griffolino of Arezzo to be burned for pretending that he could teach him to fly ; mentioned by Griffolino (in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of Hell), Inf. xxix. 109 ; lui, V. 112; quel, V. 114 [Griffolino]. The sim- plicity of a certain Alberto da Siena, supposed to be the same as the individual here men- tioned, forms the subject of several of the stories of Sacchetti {Nov. xi-xiv). The com- mentators identify the bishop in question with one Bonfiglio, who was bishop of Siena from 1216 to 1252, and an ardent persecutor of heretics. Alberti, Alberto degli. [Alberto s.] Alberti, Alessandro degli, [Alberto 3.] Alberti, Napoleone degli. [Alberto s.] Alberti, Orso degli. [Orso, Cont'.] Alberto 1, Albertus Magnus, Conv. iii. 7^7 ; IV. 23126. [Alberto di Cologna.] Alberto 2, the Emperor Albert I of Austria, Par.x1x.115; Conv. iv. 3*2. [Alberto Tedesoo.] Alberto Alberto 3, Alberto degli Alberti, Count of Mangona in the Val di Sieve, and of Vernia and Cerbaia in the Val di Bisenzio, a few miles N.W. of Florence ; mentioned by Camicione de' Pazzi (in Caina) in connexion with his two sons Alessandfo and Napoleone, who killed each other in a dispute about the inheritance, Inf. xxxii. 57. D. places the two brothers in Caina, the first division of Circle IX of Hell, among those who were traitors to their kindred : i fraiei iniseri lassi, Inf. xxxii. 21 ; due stretti, V.41 ; t/uei, V. 44; ei, v. 50; cotesti due, v. 55 [Caina : Traditori]. On arriving in Caina D. hears a voice warning him not to tread on the heads of the unhappy brothers, Inf. xxxii. 16-21 ; life looks about him and sees at his feet, plunged up to the neck in ice, two forms in close embrace {vv. 22-42) ; he asks them who they are, whereupon they turn to look at him, and then in fury butt at each other ' like two he-goats' {vv. 43-5 1 ) ; a third spirit (that of Camicione de' Pazzi) informs D. that these were two brothers, sons of Alberto of Val di Bisenzio (-vv, 52-8), and that they were the worst of all the traitors punished in Caina {vv. 58-65) [Camlcion de' Pazzi]. Villani states (vi. 68) that the castle of Mangona belonged of right to Alessandro, the younger of the two brothers, and was unjustly seized by Napoleone, who was a Ghibelline, and to whom his father by his will dated 1250 had left only a tenth part of the inheritance. Thereupon the Florentines (in 1259) expelled N. by force of arms, took possession of Man- gona and of Vernia, another castle belonging to the Alberti, and forced the inhabitants to swear allegiance and pay yearly tribute to Florence. When the Guelfs returned to Florence in 1267 A. was reinstated in his possessions, and in gratitude for the protection of the Florentines bequeathed to them the two castles in the event of his sons dying without heirs male. Villani says nothing as to the subsequent fatal quarrel between the two brothers (which took place some time after 1282) ; Benvenuto, .however, says ' venientes ad discordiam propter hereditatem, se invicem interfecerunt.' A son of ISIapoleone degli Alberti, viz. Count Orso, is placed in Antepurgatory, Purg. vi. 19 [Orso, Cont']. Alberto da Siena. [Albero da Siena.] Alberto della Magna, Albertus Magnus, Conv. iii. S^i^. [Alberto di Cologna.] Alberto della Scala], lord of Verona, 1277-1301 ; referred to by the unknown Abbot of San Zeno in Circle V of Purgatory as having 'already (i.e. in 1300, the assumed date of the Vision) one foot in the grave,' Purg. xviii. 121 ; the Abbot goes on to refer to Alberto's ap- pointment of his illegitimate son, Giuseppe, whom he describes as ' deformed in body and Alberto di Cologna mind, and basely bom,' to the abbacy of San Zeno (' quel monistero'), an appointment which he will shortly repent in Hell (vv. 122-6). [Zeno, San.] Alberto, who was at that date an old man, died on Sept. 10, 1301. Besides this illegitimate son — whose tenure of the abbacy of San Zeno (1291-1314) coincided in part, as Philalethes points out, with D.'s sojourn at Verona — he had three legitimate sons, who succeeded him one after the other in the lordship of Verona, viz. Bartolommeo (d. March 7, i3of), Alboino (d. Oct. 24, 131 1), and Can Grande, D.'s host at Verona. [Seala, Delia : Table xxviii.] Alberto di Cologna, Albert of Cologne, better known as Albertus Magnus, styled ' Doctor Universalis ' on account of his vast learning, was born of noble parents at Lavingen on the upper Danube in Swabia in 1 193. After studying at Padua and Paris, he joined the Dominican Order in 1222, and under its rules studied theology at Bologna and elsewhere. Subsequently he was appointed to lecture at Cologne, where the Order had a house, and he taught for several years there and at Ratisbon, Freiburg, Strasburg, and Hildesheim. Among his pupils at Cologne was Thomas Aquinas, who in 1245 accompanied him to Paris, where he received his doctorate ; after remaining in Paris for three years he returned to Cologne with Aquinas in 1248. In 1254 he was elected Provincial of the Dominican Order at Worms; and in 1260 was made Grand Master of the Palace at Rome, and Bishop of Ratisbon, by Alexander IV. Three years later he retired to Cologne, where he died at the age of eighty- seven, Nov. 15, 1280. He was a most volu- minous writer, his collected works (printed at Lyons in 165 1) filling twenty-one folio volumes, of which six are devoted to commentaries on Aristotle, five on the Scriptures, two on Dionysius the Areopagite, three on the Liber Sententiarum of Peter Lombard, the remaining five containing his Summa Theologiae, Summa de Creaturis, treatise on the Virgin, and various opuscula, one of which is on alchemy. Albertus was the earliest among the Latins, as Avicenna had been among the Arabs, to make known the complete doctrine of Aristotle ; he wrote not merely commentaries, but para- phrases and illustrative treatises on each one of Aristotle's works. He appears, says Butler, to have been the first of the Schoolmen who brought the Aristotelian and Christian philo- sophy into harmony ; and it is to him origin- ally that D. owes his doctrine of freewill as the basis of ethics. Albertus is referred to as Alberto, Conv. iii. 7^7; iv. 231^26 ; Alberto di Cologna, Par. x. 98; Alberto della Magna, Conv. iii. 5113 j hg is placed among the spirits of great theologians and others who loved wisdom (Spiriti Sapi- [19] C 2 Alberto Tedesco Alchimisti enti) in the Heaven of the Sun, together with his pupil St. Thomas Aquinas, by whom his spirit is pointed out to D. as having been his 'frate e maestro,' Par. x. 97-9 [Sole, Cielo del] ; his theory as to the Equator as pro- pounded in the De Natura Locorwn and the De Proprietatibus Elementorum, Conv. iii. ^iu-i5ij^ocorum,De Natura : Proprietatibus Elementorum, De] ; his opinion in the De Intellectu as to the distribution of the Sun's light, Conv. iii. 727-45 \lntellectu, De\ ; his theory as to the four ages of life and the several ' qualities ' appropriated to them, as set forth in the De Meteoris (a misreference of D., the passage in question occurring in the De Juventute et Senectuie), Conv. iv. 23I13-26 [Meieora 2]. D. also refers to the De Meteoris for the theory of Albertus as to the nature of comets, his references to Albumazar and Seneca being taken from the same source, Conv. ii. 14164-76 [Albiiinassar : Seneca] ; from here too he got the account of the various theories as to the nature and origin of the Milky Way, Conv. ii. 1 5*6-77 [GalasBla] ; and his account of the incident which happened to Alexander the Great and his army in India, Inf. xiv. 31-6 [Alessandro Magno]. From Albertus Magnus (De Natura et Origine Animae) comes also the opinion that all potential forms of matter are actually existent in the mind of the Creator, which is wrongly referred to the De Substantia Orbis of Averroes, A. T. § 18^^"^ [Averrois] ; and (from the De Caelo et Mundo) the opinions of Aristotle and Ptolemy as to the number and order of the several heavens, Conv. ii. 386-45 \Caelo, De^. The quotations from the De Causis, thought by some to be from the De Causis et Processu Universitatis of Albertus, are from the pseudo- Aristotelian treatise De Causis, on which the work of Albertus is a commentary [Caus/s, De\. (See Paget Toynbee, Some obligations ofD. to Albertus Magnus, in Romania, xxiv. 4013-12.) Alberto Tedesco, German Albert, i.e. Albert 1 of Austria, son of Rudolf of Hapsburg, Emperor (but never crowned) 1 298-1 308 [Kidolfo'] ; he was elected after having de- feated and slain his predecessor, Adolf of Nassau, in a battle near Worms, his treason against Adolf having been condoned by Boni- face VIII in consideration of the advantages of his alliance against the Pope's mortal enemy, Philip the Fair of France [Adolfo]. D. refers to him as Alberto, Par. xix. 115 ; Conv. iv. 3*2 ; Alberto Tedesco, Purg. vi. 97 ; Cesare, Purg. vi. 92, 114; he apostrophizes him, reproaching him for his neglect of Italy, and foretells his violent death (which took place on May i, 1308, when he was assassi- nated at Konigstein, close to the castle of Hapsburg, by his nephew John), Purg. vi. 97- 117 ; rebukes him (by the mouth of the Eagle in the Heaven of Jupiter) for his cruel inva- sion of Bohemia (in 1304), Par. xix. 115-17 [Praga] ; mentions him as successor of Rudolf and Adolf, Conv. iv. 388-43 [Federigo^ : Table ix]. Albia, the river Elbe, which rises in the Riesen-Gebirge in N. of Bohemia, through which it flows first S., then W., then N.W., being joined by the Moldau some 20 miles N. of Prague ; it subsequently flows N.W. through Saxony and Germany into the North Sea. Sordello (in Antepurgatory) mentions it in connexion with Bohemia, which he describes as the land drained by the Moldau and the Elbe, ' la terra dove I'acqua nasce, Che Molta in Albia, ed Albia in mar ne porta,' Purg. vii. 98-9. [Buemme : Molta.] Albtiino della Scala, Alboino, second son of Alberto della Scala, who was lord of Verona, ,1277-1301; he succeeded his elder brother, Bartolommeo, in 1304, and held the lordship until his death on Oct. 24, 131 1 [Soala, Delia : Table xxviii]. D. mentions A. — as some think, slightingly — in comparison with Guide da Castello, Conv. iv. 1671-2; he, is alluded to, according to some, as il gran Lorn- bardo, Par. xxvii. 71 [Lombardoi]. Albumassar, Albumazar (Jafar ibn Mu- hammad Al Balkhi, Ab'A Maskar), Arabian astronomer, born at Balkh in Turkestan A. D. 805, died 885. Three of his works are extant in Latin translations, viz. Iniroductorium in astronomiam and Liber de magnis conjunc- tionibus (both printed at Augsburg in 1489), and Tractatus florum astronomiae (printed at the same place in 1488). D. quotes his opinion that meteors, as being under the domination of the planet Mars, portend political catastrophes, such as the death of kings, Conv. ii. 14I70-4 . tjjis is taken, not direct from Albumazar, but from the De Meteoris of Albertus Magnus, who says :— ' Vapor iste . . . aliquando autem vulnerat exu- rendo multum, vel parum, secundum fortitudinem ignis sui. Si autem secundo modo est, debilem habet ignem, qui parum alterat ea super quae cadit non vulnerando ; quia statira extinguitur. Vult tamen Albumasar quod etiam ista aliquando mortem ^regis et principum significant propter dominium Martis.' (I. iv. 9.) Brunette Latino, speaking of a comet which appeared shortly before' the death of King Manfred, says : — ' De cele estoile dient Ii sage astrenomien que quant ele apart el firmament, ele senefie remue- mens de regnes ou mort de grans seigneurs.' Tresor, i. 98.) Alcamo, CiuUo d'. [20] [Cinllo d' Alcamo.] Alchimisti], Alchemists, placed among th*e Alcide Falsifiers in Bolgia lo of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxix. 67-139; their punish- ment is to be afHicted with paralysis and leprosy {vv. 71-84) [Falsatori]. Tommaseo says : — 'Gli alchimisti per troppo trattare il mercurio e sostanze simili, al dir d'Avicenna, e d'altri, diven- tavano paralitici.' Alcide, Alcidesji.e. Hercules, son of Alceus; the troubadour Folquet (in the Heaven of Venus) alludes to the love of A. for lole, daughter of Eurytus, King of Oechalia, whom he wished to marry after the completion of his twelve labours, Par. ix. 101-2 [roloo: lole] ; D. calls upon the Emperor Henry VII to come and crush his opponents in Italy, as A. did the Hydra, by striking at the ' seat of life' (i.e. Florence), Epist. vii. 6. [Ereole.] Alcides, Hercules, Epist. vii. 6. [Alcide.] Alcimus, the high-priest appointed by Demetrius I, King of Syria, in opposition to Judas Maccabaeus {i Maccab.y'ii-hCj; coupled with Demetrius as typifying respectively Clement V and Philip the Fair of France, Epist. viii. 4. [Demetrius.] Alcithoe], one of the daughters of Minyas of Boeotia ; she and her sisters, Arcippe and Leucippe, refused to join in the worship of Bacchus during his festival, and spent the time in weaving instead, whereupon they were changed into bats, and their work into a vine. Ovid's account of their metamorphosis (Meiam. iv. 1-35, 389-415) is referred to by D., who speaks of them as ' tres sorores contemtrices numinis in semine Semeles,' Epist. iv. 4. [Semele.] Alderotto, Taddeo di. [Taddeo.] Aldighiero. [Alighieri.] Aldobrandeschi, ancient and powerful Ghibelline family, Counts of Santafiora in the Sienese Maremma, where they had been settled since Cent. ix. Villani mentions them among the Ghibellines whose proposal to destroy Florence after the battle of Montaperti was overruled by Farinata degli Uberti (vi. 81) ; he records that they were active sup- porters of the Emperor Henry VII (ix. 47), and subsequently of Uguccione della Faggi- uola (ix. 71) and Castruccio Castracane (ix. 301). Benvenuto says they were so powerful in Tuscany at one time that they used to boast that they had as many strongholds as there are days in the year ; he adds that they were nearly extinct in his day : — ' In maritima civitatis Senarum fuerunt olim comites nobilissimi de Sancta Flore castello, adeo potentes in Tuscia, quod solebant gloriari quod poterant omni die anni mutare locum et stare in loco tutcf, tot castella fortia habebant ; sed habue- runt diu bellum cum dicta civitate, per quod jam Aldobrandeschi tempore nostri poetae erant in magna ruina, et hodie sunt quasi omnino exterminati.' The Ottimo Comento says of them : — ' Li conti da Santa Fiore ebbono, ed hanno, ed aranno quasi sempre guerra con li Sanesi ; e la cagione e, perche li conti vogliono mantenere loro giurisdizione, e li Sanesi la vogliono sciampiare : come in generate delle comunanze italiche.' D. mentions Santafiora, whence the counts took their title, Purg. vi. in [Santafiora]; and names two of the counts, viz. Guglielmo Aldobrandesco, Purg. xi. 59; and his son, Omberto, Purg. xi. 67 [Guglielmo Aldo- braudesco: Omberto]. Casini gives the following account of this family : — ' La famiglia feudale degli Aldobrandeschi, che ebbe signoria su quei territori che costituiscono air incirca la moderna provincia di Grosseto, aveva raggiunto il colmo della sua potenza col conte palatino Ildebrando morto nel 1208, il quale lasci6 i suoi domini ai iigliuoli Ildebrandino maggiore, Bonifazio, Ildebrandino minore, e Gu- glielmo. Questo Guglielmo fu certo uno dei piii potenti e procacciariti signori del tempo suo in Toscana : nel 1231, insieme coi fratelii, sommise i suoi castelli al comuue di Siena obbligandosi a pagare il censo, e nel 1224 si obbligb alio stesso comune di ritrarsi a vivere a Grosseto ; ma presto si mise in guerra con quella repubblica, e pare infelicemente, se nel 1327 fu per sei mesi in pre- gione a Siena ; ma appena liberate, continue la guerra, aiutato sottomano dalla Chiesa romana, sino al 1237, in cui strinse societa coi senesi : nel 1250 era al bando dell' impero insieme col figlio Ildebrandino, non sappiamo bene per qual ra- gione : tra il 1353 ^ i' 1256 mori, lasciando i su6i diritti feudali ai figliuoli Ildebrandino e Omberto ; il primo dei quali, rimasto presto il solo erede, fece poi nel 1274 con i suoi consorti la divisione dei domini nelle due contee di Soana e di Santa- fiora. Omberto, nominato una sola volta in un documento del 1256, ebbe la signoria del castello di Campagnatico, donde scendeva a depredare i viandanti e danneggiare i senesi ; tanto che nel 1259 il comune di Siena mand6 a lui alcuni sicari che lo affogarono nel suo letto. II nome di Guglielmo Aldobrandeschi doveva suonare ancora famoso ai tempi di Dante, almeno in Toscana e tra i Ghibellini, se non altro perche ei fu I'autore di quel ramo della sua casa che prese il titolo dalla contea di Soana. La famiglia Aldobrandeschi era antichissima tra le case feudali toscane, e il primo di essa di cui ci avanzi memoria fu Alperto, vissuto alia fine dell' ottavo secolo ; e antichi appariscono i titoH nobiliari della famiglia, poiche un Ildebrando era messo imperiale al principio del secolo nono, e un altro Ildebrando era gia assai potente signore alia fine di quel secolo e accolse nella sua contea di Roselle I'imperatore Guide . . . Gli Aldobrandeschi nel 1300 erano ormai divisi nelle due famiglie di Soana e di Santafiora, alle quali appunto era riuscita funesta la superbia (Purg. xi. 67-9) : che il ramo di Soana fini con Margherita, nipote di Omberto e figlia d'lldcbrandino, la quale per desiderio di alte nozze [21] Aldobrandi, Tegghiaio Alessandro spos6 Guido di Montfort (Inf. xii. 119') e !asci6 solo una figliuola che trasmise quella contea agli Orsini di Pitigliano ; e il ramo di Santafiora si trovd involto in lunghi contrast! col comune di Siena, il quale, se non riuscl a domare del tutto la superbia di quei feudatari, molto assottiglib i loro domini ed abbassd la loro potenza.' Aldobrandi, Tegghiaio, Florentine Guelf of the powerful Adimari family, at one time (in 1256) Podest^ of Arezzo [Aclim.ari]. Villani describes him as 'cavaliere savio e prode e di grande autoritade' (vi. "Jl^. He is mentioned (as il Tegghiaio) togetheir with Farinata degli Uberti (with whom he is coupled), and Jacopo Rusticucci, Arrigo, and Mosca de' Lamberti, Inf. vi. 79 ; he is one of those ch' a ben far poser gV ingegni [v. 81) of whom D. asks Ciacco for news, the reply being ei son tra le anime piii nere {v. 85) [Ciacco]. Tegghiaio is one of the three Florentines (the other two being Guido Guerra and Jacopo Rusticucci) seen by D. afterwards among the Sodomites in Round 3 of Circle VII of Hell, Inf. xvi. 41 ; ombra, v. 4 ; Faltro, V. 40 [Sodomiti] ; his spirit is pointed out to D. by Jacopo Rusticucci, who alludes {vv. 41-2) to the fact of his having attempted to dissuade the Florentines from undertaking the disastrous expedition against Siena in 1260, which resulted in the crushing defeat at Mont- aperti, and the ruin of the Guelf party in Florence. Villani narrates (vi. 77) that, on the occasion referred to, T. acted as the spokes- man of the Guelf nobles, at whose head was Guido Guerra ; they, knowing more of the conditions of warfare, and being aware that the banished Ghibellines and their Sienese allies had been reinforced by a body of German mercenaries, looked upon the undertaking with grave misgivings, and counselled delay, until the Germans, who had been engaged for three months only, half of which term had already expired, should be disbanded. In response to this appeal T. was taunted with cowardice, to which he replied by challenging the speaker to adventure himself on the day of battle wherever he should go [Montaperti]. According to Villani (vi. 8l) T. survived the battle and took refuge with the rest of the Tuscan Guelfs at Lucca. Note. — The name Tegghiaio must be scanned Tegghiai' (dis- syllable) ; cf. Uccellatoi', Par. xv. 1 10. Alepri], Florentine family, thought by some to be included among those which received knighthood from the Marquis Hugh of Bran- denburg, ' il gran barone,' Par. xvi. 128. [Ugo di Brandimborgo.] Alessandria, Alessandria della Paglia, town on the Tanaro, in the ancient duchy of Milan ; mentioned in connexion with the war waged against it by the sons of William, Marquis of Montferrat, to avenge his capture and imprisonment, Purg. vii. 135 [Gugli- elmo3] ; coupled with Trent and Turin as being near the frontier and consequently in- capable of preserving a pure dialect owing to the introduction of foreign elements, V. E. i. 156I-4. Alessandria was built in 1 168 by the Lom- bard League as a bulwark against the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa. It received the name Alessandria in honour of Pope Alexander III, but it was also called Cesarea for a time. In 1 174 it was unsuccessfully besieged by Frederick, who gave it in derision the nick- name della Paglia (i.e. ' of straw '). Alessandro 1, Alexander, Count of Ro- mena, Inf. xxx. ^T. [Alessandro da Eo- m.enai.] Alessandro 2, Alexander the Great, of Macedon, bom at Pella in Macedonia, B. C. 356. A. ascended the throne B.C. 336, on the murder of his father Philip ; conquered Egypt (where he founded the city of Alexandria at the mouth of the Nile, B.C. 331), Syria, Media, Persia, and India; died at Babylon, B.C. 323, at the age of 32, after a reign of nearly thirteen years. D. speaks of him simply as Alessandro, Inf. xii. 107 ; xiv. 31 ; Conv. iv. iii24 j Alexander, V. E. ii. 6'* ; Mon. ii. 96I ; rex Macedo, Mon. ii. 9^- ; his place among the Tyrants in Round i of Circle VII of Hell, Inf. xii. 107 {see below) ; his marvellous experiences in India, Inf. xiv. 31 (see below) ; his liberality, Conv. iv. iil23-5 {see below) ; contemporary with Aristotle, V. E. ii. 6i3"~i* ; more nearly attained universal mon- archy than any other sovereign, Mon. ii. 9 ^i"'. In this last passage D. says that A. sent ambassadors to Rome to demand submission, but died in Egypt before the reply of the Romans reached him, ' ut Livius narrat.' The circumstance is not mentioned by Livy, who on the contrary states his belief that the Romans never so much as heard of Alexander — 'ne fama quidem illis notum arbitror fuisse' (ix. 18). The story is probably of Greek origin, but it is not known whence D. got it. Otto of Freising, who may possibly have been D.'s authority, seems to refer to the same story in his account of A.'s death : — ' Alexander totius Orientis potitus victoria, dum Romam quoque cum universe Occidente sibi sub- jugare parat, ab India revertitur in Babylonem, ubi exterarum gentium ex toto pene orbe ac ultimo Occidente, id est ab Hispanis, Gallis, Ger- mania, Affrica, ac ferme omni Italia legati sibi occurrerunt, ut inde venisse cerneres legationem, quo vix tarn parvo tempore crederes etiam rumo- rem pervenisse.' (ii. 25.) D.'s statement that A. died in Egypt and was buried there, in proof of which he quotes Lucan {Phars. viii. 692-4), Mon. ii. 966-74^ js perhaps due to a confusion on his part between Babylon on the Euphrates and Babylon (Old [22] Alessandro Alessaudro Cairo) on the Nile, a confusion into which he appears to have fallen elsewhere also [Babi- lonia]. (See Academy, Aug. lo, 1895.) The majority of modern editors, contrary to the opinion of the old commentators, hold that the Alexander who is placed, together with Dionysius of Syracuse, among the Tyrants in Round I of Circle VII of Hell ('Quivi ^ Ales- sandro e Dionisio fero,' Inf. xii. 107) is not Alexander the Great, but the Thessalian tyrant, Alexander of Pherae [Alessandro Fereo : Dionisioi : Violenti]. The contention is that D. would not thus condemn the king whom he eulogizes highly in the Convivio as an example of munificence (iv. 1 1-"-^*), and in the De Monarchia as having nearly attained universal empire (ii. 9^^"^). D., however, is by no means always consistent in his estimate of historical personages, his tendency being to regard them as types, rather than as indi- viduals; thus Bertran de Bom, who is eulogized equally with Alexander the Great in the Con- vivio, is placed in one of the lowest circles of Hell (Inf.xxviii. 134) ; and Cato, the suicide, and opponent of Caesar, instead of being in Hell,, is placed as warder of Purgatory. Further, it is not in accordance with D.'s principle as enunciated by Cacciaguida, 'ti son mostrate . . . nella valle dolorosa, Pur I' anime che son di fama note' (Par. xvii. 136-8), that the indi- vidual mentioned here simply as ' Alessandro,' without any further description, should be the comparatively obscure tyrant of Pherae. The view that the person intended. is Alex- ander the Great is strongly supported by the fact that Orosius, whose Historia adversum Paganos was one of D.'s chief authorities in matters of ancient history, repeatedly brands the Macedonian conqueror as a cruel and bloodthirsty monster ; he describes him as 'Alexander Magnus, magnus vere ille gurges miseriarum, atque atrocissimus turbo totius Orientis ' (iii. 7) ; . . . ' humani sanguinis in- saturabilis, sive hostium sive etiam sociorum, recentem tamen semper sitiebat cruorem ' (iii. 18) ; '. . . per duodecim annos,trementem sub se orbem ferro pressit ' (iii. 23) ; and, after recording that he died at Babylon 'adhuc sanguinem sitiens,' he concludes with a long apostrophe on the ruin and misery which had been inflicted by hirn upon the whole world. Lucan also, another of D.'s historical authorities, denounces Alexander of Macedon as a robber and the bane of the world : — ' Proles vesana Philippi Felix praedo . . . Perque Asiae populos fatis urguentibus actus Humana cum strage ruit, gladiumque per omnes Exegit gentes . . . Terrarum fatale malum, fulmenque, quod omnes Percuteret pariter populos, et sidus iniquum Gentibus.' i^Phars. x. 20, 30-2, 34-6.) Among the early commentators Benvenuto mentions the theory that some other than Alexander the Great is intended, but dismisses it with contempt : — 'Ad sciendum quis fuerit iste Alexander est notandum, quod aliqui, sequentes opinionera vulgi, dixerunt quod autor non loquitur hie de Alexan- dre Macedone, sed de quodam alio, sed certe istud est omnino falsum, quod potest patera dupli- citer ; primo, quia cum dicimus Alexander debet intelligi per excellentiam de Alexandre Magno ; secundo, quia iste fuit violentissimus hominum.' He then proceeds to justify this opinion at length from Orosius, Justin, Lucan, and others, and concludes : — 'Ad propositum ergo autor ponit Alexandrura hie tanquam primum et prineipem violentorum, maxima eontra proximum ; ita quod punit eum a vitio praedominante, et describit eum simplicitar et nude, quasi dicat : eum nomino Alaxandrum in- tellige quod iste fuit maximus autor violantiarum in terris.' The fact that Alexander the Great does not appear among the great heroes of antiquity in Limbo is also in favour of the view that he is the Alexander referred to by D. in this passage. D.'s allusion (Inf. xiv. 31-6) to the incident which happened to A. and his army in India was doubtless derived, directly or indirectly, from the apocryphal E^istola Alexandri Regis ad Aristotilem praeceptore'in suum de Mira- bilibus Indiae; there is, however, a notable discrepancy between the two accounts, for D. says that A. bade his soldiers trample the flames, whereas in the Epistola it is the snow they are bidden to trample : — ' Frigus ingans vaspertino tempore saeviebat. Cadere mox in modum vellerujn immensae coe- perunt nives ; quarum aggregatione matuens ne castra eumularentur, caleara militem nivam juba- bam, ut quam primum injuria pedum tabeseeret.' A similar account is given in the abridged Latin version (byLeoarchipresbyter) of Ps'eudo- Callisthenes, commonly known as Historia de Praeliis, which had been popularized in Italy more, than sixty years before the date of D.'s Vision by means of a version in elegiacs, com- posed in 1236 by Wilkinus de Spoleto. It has been assumed by the commentators that D.'s version was due to a confused recol- lection of the details of the story as given in the Epistola ; the immediate source of his account, however, was almost undoubtedly a passage in the De Meteoris of Albertus Magnus (a book with which D. was well acquainted), in which, owing to a misquotation of the Epistola, precisely the same confusion occurs, as to the trampling of the flames, as was made by D. Albertus, at the close of a discussion as to the nature and origin of igneous vapours (the same term as that used by D. in speaking of the fiery downpour, V. 35), quDtes in illustration what happened to Alexander in India : — ' Admirabilam autem impressionem scribit Alex- [23] Alessandro IV Alessio Interminei and:r ad Aristotilem in epistola de mirabilibus Indiae, dicens quemadmodum nivis nubes ignitae de aere cadebant, quas ipse militibus calcare praecepit' {Meteor, i. 4). This same book of the De Meteoris of Albertus was also D.'s authority for the quota- tions from Albumazar and Seneca in the Con- vivio (ii. 14I70-6) [Meteora'i]. D. may also have been acquainted with the account of the episode in the O. F. Roman d'Alixandre (Cent, xii), which has several features in common with the description in the D. C. :— ' Eiisement comme nois est fus del ciel pleiis ; Trestout art la contree ensement comme fus . . . A negier commen9a de I'air qui fu enbrons ; Ne demora puis gaires si en vint grans fuisons, Et les flocel caioient si grans comme toisons . . . Alixandres commande a trestous ses barons Que ne remegne en Tost escuiers ne gar9ons. Que en mainent les bestes par tous les pavilions, Et abatent le noif a peus et a bastons. For le calor des bestes fu grans remetions ; Li nois qui est remise, cau^a comme sablons.' (ed. Miclielant, p. 337.) In the Convivio (iv. iii^s-e^D. quotes Alexander the Great as an example of munifi- cence, of which he was the proverbial type in the Middle Ages, as has been pointed out by Paul Meyer : — 'A partir de la seconds moitie du xii« si6de,"et jusqu'a la fin du moyen age, le merite pour lequel Alexandre est universellement c^lebre . . . est surtout et par dessus tout sa largesse.' {Alexan- dre le Grand dans la lUt.franf. du moyen age, ii. 372 ff.) ; see also Romania xxvi. 453-60. Alessandro IV], Pope Alexander IV, thought by some to be included among the Popes referred to. Inf. xix. 73-4 [Wiooolo^]. Rainaldo, of the family of the Counts of Segni and Anagni, Cardinal Bishop of Ostia, nephew of Pope Gregory IX, was elected Pope at Naples, Dec. 12,1254; diedat Viterbo, May2S, 1261. Alessandro degli Alberti. [Albertl.] Alessandro da Romen a'], Alexander (I), Count of Romena, who with his brothers Guido and Aghinolfo induced Maestro Adamo to counterfeit the Florentine gold florin. Inf. xxx. 77[Adamo2: Q-uidi, Conti]. He is supposed by some to be the Alexander mentioned in the titles of Epist. I, Epist. II. Alessandro da Romena 2], Alexander (II), Count of Romena, according to some the nephew of the above, and identical with the Alexander mentioned in the titles of Epist. I, Epist. II. [G-uidi, Conti,] Alessandro Fereo], Alexander tyrant of Pherae, B.C. 368-359; defeated at Cynos- cephalae by Pelopidas the Theban general, B.C. 364 ; killed by his own wife, B.C. 359. He was famed for his cruelty, one of his amuse- ments being to dress up men in the skins of wild beasts, and to set dogs to worry them. [24] Many commentators think he is the Alexander placed along with Dionysius of Syracuse among the Tyrants in Round i of Circle VII of Hell, Inf. xii. 107. It is worthy of note that these two are coupled both by Cicero (De Offlciis, ii. 7) and Valerius Maximus (ix. 13), though in neither case as examples of tyranny. It is more probable that the person meant by D. was Alexander the Great. [Alessandro^.] Alessandro Magno. [Alessandro 2.] Alessandro Novello], a native of Treviso, who was Bishop of Feltre from 1298 to 1320; alluded to by Cunizza (in the Heaven of Venus), in connexion with his treacherous surrender of certain refugees who had sought his protection, as r empio pastor di Feltro, Par. ix. 52-3 ; preie cortese, v. 58. [Peltroi.] Alessio Interminei, a native of Lucca, with whom D. appears to have been acquainted, at.any rate by sight, and whom he places among the Flatterers in Bolgia 2 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xviii. 122; un, v. 116; quei, V. 118 ; lui, v.\20\ egli, v. 124 [Adtila- tori]. As he looks down into this Bolgia D. sees a head so covered with filth that he can- not make out whether it belongs to a layman or to a cleric, Inf. xviii. 1 15-17 ; the owner of it asks D. why he stares at him more than at the others {vv. 1 18-19); 'o which D. replies that, unless he is mistaken, he has seen him before ' with his hair dry,' and that he recog- nizes him as Alessio Interminei, hence his curiosity {vv. 120-3) ; A. thereupon, beating his headj acknowledges that his flattery has brought him to this pass {vv. 124-6). Of Alessio but little is known beyond the fact that he lived in the latter half of Cent, xiii ; it appears from a document dated 1295 that he was alive in that year, and he must have died not long after ; he had several sons who survived him. The author of a sonnet (attri- buted to Cino da Pistoja) addressed to Busone da Gubbio represents D. himself and a Jewish friend of his, Immanuel Ben Salomo (Manoello), as sharing with Alessio the doom of the Flatterers in Hell. The Interminei or Interminelli were promi- nent Bianchi of Lucca, whence, as Villani records (viii. 46), they were expelled by the Neri in 1301. To this house belonged the famous Ghibelline leader, Castruccio Castra- cane, on the mother's side' according to Benvenuto, but Villani describes him (x. 122) as bearing the name of Interminelli. Benvenuto says of Alessio, whom he depicts as an abiect flatterer : — ■" 'Iste fuit quidam Alexius miles dignltate, nobilis genere, natione lucanus, natura blandissimus. Fuit enim de Interminellis de Luca; de qua stirpe ex linea materna fuit iUe strenuus miles Castniccius tyrannus cordatus et multura formidatus in tola Aletto Alfergano Tuscia, qui fuit magnus malleus Florentiae, do- minus Pisarum, Lucae, et Pistorii. . . . Iste ergo Alexius ex prava consuetudine tan turn delectabatur adulatione, quod nullum sermonem sciebat facere, quem non condiret oleo adulationis : omnes un- gebat, omnes lingebat, etiam vilissimos et mer- cenaries famulos ; et, ut cite dicam, totus colabat, totus foetebat adulatione.' Aletto, Alectci, one of the three Furies ; she is stationed with Megaera and Tisiphone to guard the entrance to the City of Dis, Inf. X. 4S-8 [Dite^]. D. represents A. as weeping, probably in imitation of the Virgilian ' luctifica Alecto ' (Aen. vii. 324) [Erine]. Alexander!, Alexander the Great, Mon. ii. 96! ; V. E. ii. 61*. [Alessandro^]. Alexander 2, Alexander, count of Romena, Epist. I. Hi. ; II. tit, 1. [Alessandro da Komena.] Alexandria, Alessandria della Paglia, V. E. i. is"". [Alessandria.] Alfa, Alpha, first letter of the Greek alpha- bet ; mentioned in allusion to Jiev. i. 8 : 'I am Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the end- ing,' Par. xxvi. 17 ; Alpha, Epist. x. 33. Alfarabio, Alfarabius (Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn Turkhdn Abu Nasr, Al- Farabi), so called from Farab, his birthplace, in Transoxiana, one of the earliest of the Arabian philosophers ; he practised as a phy- sician at Damascus, where he died in 950 ; in philosophy he was a follower of Aristotle, as mterpreted by the neo- Platonic commentators. Latin translations (made in Cent, xii) of two of his opuscula (viz. De Sctentiis and De Jntel- lectu et Intellectd) are contained in Alpharabii Opera Omnia (Paris, 1638) ; and two others in Documenta PhiloSophiae Arabum (Bonn, 1836); he also wrote a commentary on the Rhetoric of Aristotle, and a treatise De Boni- tate Pura, which was utilized by the author of the pseudo-Aristotelian De Causis ; his works are repeatedly quoted by Guillaume d'Auvergne (Bishop of Paris, 1228-1248), by Roger Bacon (in his Opus Majus), and by Albertus Magnus (in his De Causis). D. quotes A. (according to one reading) in support of the theory that every effect partakes of the nature of its cause, Conv. iii. i^''. The correct reading in this passage, however, is almost certainly not Alfarabio (which isadopted by Fraticelli and Giuliani after Scolari), but Alpetragio (i.e. Alpetraus or Alpetragius), which is the reading of all the early edd., and consequently, probably, of the MSS. [Alpetragio]. Alfergano, Alfraganus (Ahmad ibn Mu- hammad ibn Kathir, Al-Farghani), so called from his birthplace Fergana in Sogdiana (now Samarcand), celebrated Arabian astro- nomer, who flourished at the beginning of Cent. ix. during the Caliphate of Ma'miin (d. 833). He wrote in Arabic (besides treatises on sundials and on the astrolabe) a work on the elements of astronomy, consisting of thirty chapters, which is based upon the principles of Ptolemy, whom A. frequently quotes. This work was translated from Arabic into Latin, about the year 11 42 (as is supposed), by Johannes Hispalensis, under the title of Alfragatii Elementa Astronotnica, for which the alternative title Liber de Aggregatione Scientiae Stellarum is sometimes substituted. This version, the popularity of which is attested by the number of MSS. still in existence (there being at least a score in the libraries of Oxford alone), is the one which was in common use in the Middle Ages ; there are three printed edi- tions of it, published respectively at Ferrara (1493), at Nuremberg (1537), and at Paris (1546). There are two other independent Latin versions, one by Christmann, published at Frankfort in 159c, the other by Golius, published at Amsterdam in 1669. According to the latter, Alfraganus was commonly known as ' Computator ' on account of his proficiency in mathematics, just as Averroes was known as ' Commentator ' from his commentaries upon Aristotle, and as Aristotle himself was styled par excellence ' Philosophus.' D. was evidently familiar with the Elementa Astronomica of Alfraganus, and studied it closely, for he was largely indebted to it for astronomical and other data, though only on two occasions does he acknowledge his obligations ; he mentions Alfraganus himself as his authority for the dimensions of the Earth and of the planet Mercury, Conv. ii. i486 [Merciirio^ : Terra^] ; and refers to his Elementa, under the title of Libro delV' Aggregazione delle Stelle (but without mentioning the name of' the author), for the demonstration of the three- fold motion of the Heaven of Venus, Conv. ii. 5134 [Venere, Cielo di] ; he was also indebted to Alfraganus for his information as to the projection of the shadow of the Earth as far as the sphere of Venus, Par. ix. 1 18-19 [Terra^] ; the Syrian calendar and the Arabian usage in reckoning the commencement of the day from sunset, V. N. § 30!"" [Arabia: Tisrin] ; the poles and equators of the various heavens, Conv. ii. 4*7-68^ jii_ 563-79 J and the motion of the heaven of the Fixed Stars from W. to E. 1° in 100 years, Conv. ii. 6i*i~3, 151^-1* ; V. N. § 210-12 [Cielo Stellato] ; the diameter of the planet Mercury, Conv. ii. 1482-8 [llereurio^] ; the distance of Venus from the Earth, Conv. ii. 7104^8 [Terra" : Venere^] ; the diameter of the Earth, Conv. ii. 7106-8^ 1497-8 . jv. gss-eo [Terra2] ; the number of the Fixed Stars, Conv. ii. 15I8-22 [Stelle Pisse] ; the periods of the revolutions of the planets, Conv. ii. 15132-57 [Cielo Cristallino] ; the circum- [25] Alfonso Ali ference of the Earth, Conv. iii. 58O-107 [Terra^] ; the difference between ' equal ' and ' temporal ' hours, Conv. iii. 6^''^~^^ (see below) ; the dia- meter of the Sun, Conv. iv. S'^"* [Sole]. D.'s explanation of the difference between ' equal ' and ' unequal ' or ' temporal ' hours is taken from cap. 1 1 of the Elementa : — ' Posuerunt astrologi initium uniuscujusque diei cum nocte sua, ex hora medii diei usque in horam medii sequentis. . . . Omnes vero dies cum nocte sua dividuntur per 24 horas . . . et haec vocantur aequales, quia nulla diversitas est quantitati earum. . . . Horae vero temporariae sive inaequales, cum quibus fit unaquaeque dies ac nox tam in aestate quam in hyeme 12 horarum. Earumque quanti- tates fiunt diversae, secundum longitudinem diei ac noctis, sive brevitatem. Cum fuerit dies pro- lixior nocte, erunt horae ejus prolixiores horis noctis. Et similiter, cum fuerit brevier, erunt horae ejus breviores. . . . Et nominantur tempora horarum diei. [Perspicuum itaque est, eas horas diei aequales, quarum quidem numerus pro diei longiLudine vel brevitate major vel minor est ; tempora ver6 manent aequalia. Horas autem temporarias vel inaequales diei, quarum tempora sunt inaequalia ; at numerus semper aequalis est.] ' (See Paget Toynbee, Dante's obligations to Alfraganus, in Romania, xxiv. 413-32.) Alfonso 1], Alphonso III, King of Aragon, 1285-1291, eldest son of Peter III, whom he succeeded in Aragon. D. places him in the valley of flowers in Antepurgatory, among the princes who neglected to repent, and represents him as seated behind his father, referring to him, on account of his having died before he was thirty, as lo giovinetto, Purg. vii. 116 [Antipurgatorio]. D. implies that he was superior to his brothers, James (who succeeded him in Aragon as James II), and Frederick (who became King of Sicily as Frederick II, 1296-1337) [Pietro^]. A. is perhaps referred to as I'onor di Cicilia e d'Aragona, Purg. iii. 115 [Aragona : Table i]. Alfonso 2], Alphonso X, El Sabio, King of Castile and Leon, 1252-1284, the most learned prince of his age, and compiler of the celebrated astronomical tables known as the ' Alphonsine Tables ' ; thought by some to be alluded to by the Eagle in the Heaven of Jupiter as quel di Spagna, Par. xix. 125 ; but the reference is more probably to his grandson, Fernando IV (1295-1312) [Castella: rerdinando: Table iii] ; some suppose also that he is the King of Castile commended for his munificence as il buon Re di Castella, Conv. iv. 11 128-6; but the reference in this case is almost certainly to his great-grandfather, Alphonso VIII, King ofCastile, 1158-1214 [Alfonso^]. Alfonso 3], Alphonso VIII, King of Castile, 1158-1214 ; most probably the King of Castile mentioned, together with the Marquis of Mont- ferrat and the Count of Toulouse, on account [26] of his liberality, Conv. iv. iii^o-s. This king, whom D. speaks of as ' il buon Re di Castella,' was one of the great patrons and protectors of the troubadours (whence doubtless D.'s refer- ence to him), as were Boniface II of Montferrat, and Raymond V of Toulouse, with whom he is coupled. Bertran de Born speaks of him in one of his poems as ' il valen rei de Castela n'Anfos,' and in the old Provengal life of Folquet of Marseilles he is referred to as 'lo bos reis Anfos de Castela,' a description which D. has adopted. Among his prot^gds were Peire Rogier, Guiraut de Borneil, Folquet of Marseilles, and Aimeric' de Pegulhan, of whom the last three are mentioned by D. in the De Vulgari Eloquentia and elsewhere. [Castella : Table iii.] Alfragano. [Alferganc] Algazel, Algazali (Muhammad ibn Mu- hammad, Zain Al-Din Abu Hamid, Al-Ghaz- zali), Moslem theologian, usually described as Arabian philosopher, born 1058, died mi. After lecturing on theology at Bagdad, he re- tired to Damascus, returning ten years later to Bagdad, where he resumed his teaching. He spent the close of his life in retirement, absorbed in the contemplative life of the Sufis, who had been his earliest instructors. He wrote a treatise, which is extant, called Destructio Philosophorum, against the accepted Aristo- telianism of the day, his philosophy being characterized by a reversion from the meta- physical to the theological state of thought. The work called the Tendencies of the Philo- sophers, translated into Latin and published at Venice in 1506 under the title Logica et Philo- sophia Algazelis Arabis, contains neither the logic nor the philosophy of Algazali. It is a mere abstract of the Peripatetic systems, and was made preliminary to the Destructio men- tioned above. With Algazali Arabian philo- sophy in the East came to an end ; but it revived in the West in Mahometan Spain, where its most distinguished exponent was the great Aristotelian commentator, Averroes {Encyc. Brit). D. quotes the opinion of Algazali {Logic, et Philos. i. 4), which he shared with Plato and Avicenna, that substantial generation is effected bythejnotive powers of the Heavens, Conv. n. 1431 2 ; the theory, held by him {Logic, et Philos. n. s) and Avicenna, that souls are noble or ignoble of themselves from the begin- nmg, Conv. iv. 2ii5-i7. (See Mazzucchelli, Autort cttati nel Convito.) Ali, Ali ibn Abu Taleb, fourth in order of the Cahphs or successors of Mahomet, born at Mecca circ. 597 ; his father was uncle of the prophet, by whom A. himself was adopted and educated ; as a youth he was the first to de- clare his adhesion to the cause of Mahomet, Alichino AUagherius who in return made him his vicegerent, and later rewarded him with the hand of his daughter Fatima. When Mahomet died (in 632) without male issue, A. did not press his legitimate claims to succeed him, but allowed three other companions of the prophet succes- sively to become Caliph, viz. Abu-Eekr (632- 634), Omar (634-644), and Othman (644-656) ; it was not until after the murder of Othman in 656 that he assumed the caliphate, which he held until his assassination at Kufa in 661. The question of All's right to succeed to the caliphate divided the Mahometans into two great sects, viz. the Sunnites (represented by the modern Turks), who deny his right, and the Shiites or Fatimites (represented by the Persians), who affirm it, and who venerate A. as second only to Mahomet himself. D. places Ali, together with Mahomet, among the Schismatics in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxviii. 32 ; he is repre- sented as ' cloven in the face from the chin to the forelock,' while Mahomet is cloven ' from his chin to his fundament ' {vv. 24, 33) [Seis- matiei]. Benvenuto represents A. as the uncle and teacher of the prophet : — ' Aly fuit patruus Macoraethi . . . habet totam faciem per longum divisam, ita quod est parum divisus, sed in parte corporis honestiori et princi- paliori, quia Macomethum instruxit et juvit ad tantum errorem, licet non tantum deliquerit.' Alichino, one of the ten demons in Bolgia 5 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge) deputed by Malacoda to escort D. and Virgil, Inf. xxi. 118; xxii. 112; quei, vv.\2^,i2(); compagno,v.l'i7; Paltro, V. 139 ; he and his companions are placed as guardians of the Barrators, whom they rend with their iron prongs whenever the latter venture to appear above the surface of the boiling pitch in which they are immersed [Barattieri]. Alichino is the victim of a trick on the part of Ciampolo, one of the Barrators, who eludes him, and in consequence brings down upon A. the wrath of Calcabrina, one of the other demons. Inf. xxii. 112-35 ; the latter flies at A., and the two fall together into the pitch, whence they are fished out by four of their companions {vv. 137-50) [Calcabrina: Ciam.polo]. Some see in the name Alichino, which Philalethes renders ' Biickeschnurbs ,' the Helle- quin (mod. ' Harlequin ') who with his mesnie is so frequently met with in O.F. literature. Alighieri], Dante's family name, referred to by Cacciaguida, D.'s great-great-grandfather (in the Heaven of Mars), as tua cognazione. Par. XV. 92 ; il tuo soprannome, v. 138. Cac- ciaguida, who is said to have belonged to the Elisei, one of the ancient families of Florence who boasted their descent from the Romans, married one of the Aldighieri or Alighieri, probably of Ferrara, from whom he says D.'s surname was derived, ' Mia donna venne a me di val di Pado, E quindi il soprannome tuo si feo,' Par. xv. 137-8. [Cacciaguida : Dante.] There has been much discussion as to the correct form of D.'s surname, which, ^s. might be expected, is spelt in many various ways in MSS. The name itself appears to be of German origin. Minich, however, attempts to give it a local origin, and derives it from alga, the sea- weed with which all the swampy land in the Po valley abounds, referring Cacciaguida's ' quindi ' {v. 138) not to ' mia donna,' but to ' val di Pado.' The most recent investigations tend to show that in the Latin form the name was probably originally Alagherii, and in the Italian Alighieri (see M. Scherillo, // cog- nome Alighieri, in Alcuni capitoli della Bio- grafia di Dante, Turin, 1896). The name in its Latin form (spelt variously by different editors) occurs, Epist. ii. tit. ; v. tit. ; vi. tit. ; vii. tit. ; viii. tit. ; ix. 3 ; x. tit., 10 ; A. T. §§ 1 2, 24*. Alighieri, Bello degli. [Belle] Alighiero], the son of Cacciaguida, and great-grandfather of Dante, whose father, Ali- ghiero II, was the eldest son of Bellincione, the eldest son of Ahghiero I ; the second son of the last was Bello, father of Geri del Bello (Inf. xxix. 27) [Table xxii]. Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) refers to Alighiero as his own son, and D.'s great- grandfather, and as being the ancestor from whom the poet derived his surname Alighieri, ' Quel da cui si dice Tua cognazione . . . Mio figlio fu, e tuo bisavo fue,' Par. xv. 91-2, 94 [Alighieri : Dante]. This Alighiero is men- tioned, together with his brother Preitenitto, in a document dated Dec. 9, ii8g; and is proved by another document to have been alive on Aug. 14, 1201 ; it is evident that D. was ignorant of the exact date of his death, for he makes Cacciaguida say (in 1300) that his son had been ' a hundred years and more ' among the Proud in Circle I of Purgatory (Par. XV. 92-3) [Cacciaguida : Superbi]. Aliotti], noble Florentine family, said to have been a branch of the Visdomini, who, as some think, are alluded to by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) as being patrons of the bishopric of Florence, the revenues of which they enjoyed during the vacancy of the See, Par. xvi. 112-14. Benvenuto says : — ' Ista domus Visdominorum tantae dignitatis quasi defecit ; tamen ex ea factae sunt duae aliae domus, scilicet illi de la Tosa, et Aliotti.' The Aliotti are mentioned by Villani (xii. 23) among the noble families who were reduced in 1343 to the rank of 'popolani.' [Tostaghi : Visdomini.] AUagherius. [Alighieri,] [27] AUighieri AUighieri. [AligMeri.] Almeone, Alcmaeon, son of Amphiaraus the seer and Eriphyle. Amphiaraus, fore- seeing that the expedition against Thebes would prove fatal to him, concealed himself in order to avoid joining it; but his wife Eriphyle, bribed by Polynices with the necklace of Harmonia, revealed his hiding-place, so that he went, and met his death [Armonia]. Before he died, however, he enjoined Alcmaeon to slay Eriphyle to avenge her betrayal of him ; accordingly on his return from Thebes Alcmaeon put his mother to death [Anfiarao : Erifile]. The incident of A. slaying Eriphyle is represented among the graven pictures on the ground in Circle I of Purgatory, where E. figures as an example of defeated pride, Purg. xii. 49-5 1 [Superbi] ; A. is mentioned again in the same connexion. Par. iv. 103-5, where the line ' Per non perder pietk si fece spietato ' (v. 105) is a reminiscence of Ovid : — ' ultusque parente parentem Natus erlt facto pius et sceleratus eodem/ {Metatn. ix. 407-8.) Alpei, the Alps, Inf. xiv. 30; xx. 62 ; Purg. xvii.i; xxxiii.iii; .^i^2,Canz.xi.6i; alluded to as alpestre rocce, in connexion with the source of the Po, Par. vi. 51 [Fo] ; the Tyrolese Alps are described as I'Alpe, che serra Lamagna Sovra Tiralli, Inf. xx. 62-3 ; the Pennine Alps are perhaps referred to. Inf. xx. 65 [Pennine]. Alpe^, the Apennines, Inf. xvi. loi. [Apen- nines : Benedetto, San.] Alpetragio, Alpetragius or Alpetraiis, an Arabian of Morocco, who flourished about the middle of Cent. xii. He was celebrated as the author of a new physical theory of the celestial motions, his idea being that the stars moved in spirals, thus representing or rather com- bining their proper and diurnal motions. Jourdain (Trad. Lat. d'Aristote, pp. 132-3) identifies Alpetragius with a certain Nour- Eddin Alpetrongi, a Christian of Seville, who became a Mahometan, and wrote a treatise on the Sphere, based upon the new system intro- duced by Azarchel, which was translated in 1217 at Toledo by Michael Scott, and which had an important influence upon the astro- nomical studies of Cent. xiii. D. quotes A. in support of the theory that every effect partakes of the nature of its cause, Conv. iii. 2^'. Some modern edd. for Alpe- tragio here read Alfarabio, Alfarabius, but there is little doubt that the former is the right reading. [Alfarabio.] Alpha, first letter of the Greek alphabet, Epist. x. 33. [Alfa.] Alphesiboeus, name, borrowed from Virgil (Ed. v. 73 ; viii. l), under which D. is Altaforte said to have concealed the identity of a certain Maestro Fiducio de' Milotti, a physician of Certaldo, who was -with him at Ravenna, Eel. ii. 7, 15,44, 45, 49> 76. Alpi, the Alps, Canz. xi. 6i. [Alpei.] Altaforte, Hautefort, castle in the Limousin in the bishopric of P^rigord, some twenty miles N.E. of Perigueux (in the modern Department of Dordogne) ; it belonged to the celebrated troubadour, Bertran de Born, to whom D. refers as colui chegid. tenne Altaforte, Inf. xxix. 29 [Bertram dal Bornio]. Although his Pjoven^al biographer gives Bertran the title of Viscount, and says that he was lord of nearly a thousand men (' Bertrans de Born si fo de Lemozi, vescoms d'Autafort, que i avia prop de mil omes '), it is evident from existing documents that Hautefort was neither a viscounty nor the centre of a wealthy lordship. It was a first-class fortress, worthy of its name, lofty and strong (the chronicler Jaufr6 de Vigeois terms it 'castrum valde in- expugnabile '), but not otherwise a place of importance. After the death of the ' Young King ' (June II, 1183), eldest surviving son of Henry II of England, Bertran was besieged in Hautefort by Richard Cceur-de-Lion, and Alphonso II, King of Aragon, who appeared with an army before its walls on June 29 in that same year. After holding out for a week, the fortress fell, and was handed over by Richard to Bertran's brother Constantine. In the end, however, it was restored to Bertran, who held it till his death. The story of the taking of Hautefort through the treachery of the King of Aragon, and of how the King of England (who is erroneously represented as taking part in the siege) restored it to Bertran, is told by an anonymous troubadour in the razo (argument) to one of Bertran's poems : — ' Lo reis Enrics d'Engleterra si tenia assis en Bertran de Born dedintz Autafort el combatia ab SOS edificis, que molt Ii volia gran mal, quar el crezia que tota la guerra quel reis joves, sos filhz, Ii avia faita, qu'en Bertrans lalh aguds faita far, e per so era vengutz denan Autafort per lui de- seretar. EI reis d'Arago venc en Tost del rei Enric denan Autafort. E quan Bertrans o saup, si fo molt alegres quel reis dArago era en Tost, per so qu'el era sos amies especials. EI reis d'Arago si mandet sos messatges dintz lo castel, qu'en Bertrans Ii mandfes pa e vi e earn ; e el si Ten mandet assatz, c per lo messatge per cui el mandet los presens el Ii mandet pregan qu'el fezes si qu'el fezes mudar los edificis e far traire en altra part, quel murs on il ferion era totz rotz. E d, per gran aver del rei Enric, el Ii dis tot so quen Bertrans Ii avia mandat a dire. El reis Enrics si fetz metre dels edificis plus en aquela part on saup quel murs era rotz e fo lo murs ades per terra el castels pres. En Bertrans, ab toU sa gen, fo menatz al pabalho del rei Enric, el reis [28] Alvernia Ambrosius b receup molt mal e silh dis : " Bertrans, Bertrans, vos avetz dit que anc la meitatz del vostre sen nous ac mestier nul temps, mas sapchatz qu' ara vos a el be mestier totz." — " Senher, dis en Bertrans, el es be ver qu'eu o dissi e dissi be vertat." El reis dis : " Eu ere be qu'el vos sia ara falhitz." " Senher, dis en Bertrans, be m'es falhitz." — " E com ! " dis lo reis. " Senher, dis Bertrans, lo jorn quel valens joves reis, vostre filhz, mori, eu perdi lo sen el saber e la conoissensa." El reis, quan auzi so qa'en Bertrans li dis en ploran del filh, venc li grans dolors al cor de pietat e als olhz, si que nos poc tener qu'el no pasmfes de dolor. E quan el revenc de pasmazo, el crida e ditz en ploran: "En Bertrans, en Bertrans, vos avetz be droit e es be razos si vos avetz perdut lo sen per mon filh, que el vos volia melhz que ad ome del mon ; e eu, per amor de lui, vos quit la persona e I'aver el vostre castel e vos ren la mia amor e la mia gracia e vos don cine centz marcs d'argen per los dans que vos avetz re- ceubutz." En Bertrans silh cazec als pes, referen li gracias e mercSs, el reis ab tota la soa ost s'en anet. En Bertrans, quan saup quel reis d'Arago li avia faita si laida felonia, fo molt iratz ab lo rei n'Anfos.' Alvernia i,Auvergne, district in S.-Central France, on the borders of the old Languedoc, whence the troubadour Peire d'Alvernha took his name, V. E. i. lo^*. [Petrus de Alvernia.] Alvernia^], La Vernia, mountain (4796 ft.) in the Casentino E. of Florence, near Bibbiena, on the S.W. slope of which St. Francis of Assisi founded a monastery (in 1218), the remains of which are still to be seen ; it is here that St. Francis is said to have received the stigmata in 1224 after fasting for forty days. St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the Sun), in connexion with this incident, refers to the mountain, which is situated between the sources of the Tiber and the Arno, as il crudo sassp, intra Tevere ed Arno, Par. xi. 106-7. [Francesco^.] Amalech, Amalek, the Amalekites ; men- tioned as typical of the Emperor Henry VII's opponents in Italy, Epist. vii. J. [Agag.] Amano], Haman, chief minister of Aha- suerus, from whom he obtained a decree that all the Jews in the Persian empire should be put to death (Esther iii. 8-15) ; after the failure of this attempt to compass the destruc- tion of the Jews, H., through the intervention of Esther and Mordecai, was hanged on the gallows which he had prepared for the latter (Esther vii. 7-10). [Aasuero : Ester : Mar- dooheo.j Haman figures among the examples of wrath seen by D. in Circle 111 of Purgatory, where he is represented as ' crucified,' with Ahasuerus, Esther, and Mordecai grouped around him, Purg. xvii. 25-30 [Iraeondi]. D.'s use of the term ' crocifisso,' as applied to Haman, is explained by the Vulgate, where the word rendered ' gallows ' in A.V. is repre- sented by Lat. cnix ('jussit excelsam parari crucem '). The same term is employed by Brunetto Latino : — ' Hester fist crucefier Aman, qui voloit destruire le pueple Israel.' {Tre'sor, i. 58.) Amanti, Spiriti. [Spirit! Amantl.] Amata, wife of Latinus, King of Latium, and mother of Lavinia ; she hanged herself rather than live to see her daughter married to Aeneas [Lavinia]. D. includes her among the examples of wrath in Circle III of Purga- tory, Purg. xvii. 34-9, where in a vision he sees Layinia weeping and reproaching her mother with her suicide, calling upon her as regina, v. 35, and madre, v. 39 [Iraeondi]. In his letter to the Emperor Henry VII, D. com- pares the city of Florence to Amata (Epist. vii. 7) :— 'Haec Amata ilia impatiens, quae, repulso fatali connubio, quem fata negabant generum sibi adscire non timuit, sed in bella furialiter provo- cavit, et demum, male ausa luendo, laqueo se suspendit.' The episode is narrated by Virgil, but D. sup- plies the words to which Virgil only alludes : — 'Accidit haec fessis etiam fortuna Latinis, Quae totam luctu concussit funditus urbera. Regina ut tectis venientem prospicit hostera, Incessi muros, ignes ad tecta volare, Nus(]uani acies contra Rutulas, nulla agmina Tumi : Infelix pugnae juvenem in certamine credit Kxstinctum, et, subito mentem turbata dolore, Se caussam clamat, crimenque caputque malorum, Multaque per maestum demens effata furorem, Purpureos moritura manu discindit atnictus, Et nodum informis leti trabe nectit ab alta, Quam cladem miserae postquam accepere Latinae, Filia prima manu flavos Lavinia crines Et roseas laniata genas, tum cetera circum Turba furit ; resonant late plangoribus aedes.' (Aen. xii. .593-607.) Ambrogio, Sant'. [Ambrosius.] Ambrosius, St. Ambrose, celebrated Father of the Church, born 334, died 397. St. A. was educated at Rome, studied law, practised as a pleader at Milan, and in 369 was' appointed governor of Luguria and Aemilia (N. Italy). In 374 he was nominated Bishop of Milan, though not yet baptized. He at first refused the dignity, but accepted it under persuasion. As Bishop he became the unswerving opponent of the Arian heresy [Arrio], which had the support of Justina, mother of Valentinian II, and, for a time, of the young Emperor himself. In 390, on account of the ruthless massacre at Thessalonica ordered by the Emperor Theodosius, St. A. refused him entrance into the church at Milan for eight months. St. Augustine was among those who received baptism at his hands [Agostino''^]. St. A. was a voluminous writer, but many of his works are little more than reproductions of the writings of Origen and other Greek Fathers. His exegetical works include an exposition of [29] Ambrosius Amiclate the Gospel of St. Luke, and commentaries on certain of the Psalms. He was also the author of many hymns, designed to combat the errors of Arianism, some of which have been adopted in the liturgies of the Western Church. The beginning of one of these, ' Te lucis ante,' is quoted by D., who represents the spirits in the valley of flowers in Antepurgatory as chant- ing it, Purg. viii. 13-14. The hymn is as follows : — ' Te lucis ante terminum, Rerum Creator, poscimus, Ut tua pro dementia, Sis praesul et custodia. Procul recedant somnia Et noctium phantasmata : Hostemque nostrum comprime, Ne polluantur corpora. Praesta, Pater piissime, Patrique compar Unice, Cum spiritu Paraclito Regnans per omne saeculum.^ D. reproaches the Italian cardinals with their neglect of the works of St. A., and of the other Fathers of the Church : ' Jacet Gregorius tuus in telis aranearum ; jacet Ambrosius in neglectis clericorum latibulis ; jacet Augus- tinus ; abjectus Dionysius, Damascenus, et Beda,' Epist. viii. 7. Some think that St. A. is alluded to as one of the four elders ' in humble guise ' in the mystic Procession in the Terrestrial Paradise (the other three being St. Augustine, St. Gregory, and St. Jerome), Purg. xxix. 142. The reference, however, is more probably to the four writers of the canonical Epistles. [Proeessione.] Several of the old commentators think St. A. is referred to as Quel awocato del tempi Cristiani, Par. x. 119. Benvenuto hesitates between St. A. and Paulus Orosius, the his- torian : — 'Ad evidentiam istius literae est notandum quod litera ista potest verificari tam de Ambrosio quam de Orosio. De Ambrosio quidem quia fuit magnus advocatus temporum christianorum, quia tempore suo pullulaverunt multi et magni haeretici ; contra quos Ambrosius defensavit ecclesiam Dei, immo et contra Theodosium imperatorem fuit audacis- simus ; et ad ejus praedicationem Augustinus conversus fuit ad fidem, qui fuit vahdissimus mal- leus haereticorum. Potest etiam intelligi de Paulo Orosio, qui fuit defensor temporum chris- tianorum reprobando tempora pagana, sicut evi- denter apparet ex ejus opere quod intitulatur Ormesta mundi, quern librum fecit ad petitionem beati Augustini, sicut ipse Orosius testatur in prohemio dicti libri. . . . Et hie nota quod quamvis istud possit intelligi tam de Orosio quam de Am- brosio, et licet forte autor intellexerit de Orosio, cui fuit satis familiaris, ut perpendi ex multis dictis ejus, tamen melius est quod intelligatur de Ambrosio, quia licet Orosius fuerit vir valens et utilis, non tamen bene cadit in ista corona inter tam egregios doctores.' In spite of Benvenuto's arguments, however, there can be scarcely a doubt that Orosius is intended. [Orosio.] Amerigo. Amfione. [Hamerious.] [Anfione.] [30] Amicitia, De, Cicero's treatise On Friend- ship, written in the form of a dialogue, the chief speaker being Laelius, to commemorate the friendship of the latter with Scipio Africanus the younger [Lelio] ; quoted as D'Amicizia, Conv. i. I2'9; Dell' AmistH, Conv. ii. 13I9; one of the books with which D. consoled him- self after the death of Beatrice, Conv. ii. 13I7-22 J Cicero's opinion, in agreement with that of Aristotle, that love is begot by proxi- mity and goodness, and increased by advan- tage, study, and habit, Conv. i. i2i8-iis ; — Amic. 5 5: 'Hoc praestat amicitia propinqui- tati, quod ex propinquitate benivolentia tolli potest, ex amicitia non potest ; sublata enim benivolentia, amicitiae nomen tollitur, propinqui- tatis manet.' — § 9 : ' confirmatur amor et beneficio accepto, et studio perspecto, et consuetudine ad- juncta.' D. was indebted to the De Amicitia (§ 26) for the quotation (from the Eunuchus of Terence) which he puts into the mouth of Thais (the words attributed to her by D. being really those of Gnatho), Inf xviii. 133-5 [Taide]. D. probably also got from the same work (§ 7) the story of Pylades and Orestes, alluded to, Purg. xiii. 32 [Oreste]. Amicizia, D'. [Amicitia, De.] Amiclas, Amyclas, Conv. iv. 13120. [Ami- clate.] Amiclate, Amyclas, a poor fisherman who 'Caesar and his fortune bare at once' in his boat from Epirus into Italy. Julius Caesar, being anxious to reach Italy, went secretly at night to the cottage of A., who, secure in his poverty, admitted him, and consented to convey him across the Adriatic. A. is mentioned, in allusion to this incident, by St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the Sun) in connexion with St. Francis, and his devotion to poverty, Par. xi. 67-9; Lucan's account of the incident quoted in a discussion as to the harmfulness of riches, Conv. iv. I2ll0-21_ ' D. has closely followed Lucan's narrative of the episode (Par. xi. 67-9), the last four lines of which he translates in the Convivio (iv. ' Haud procul inde domus non ullo robore fulta Sed stenh jnnco, cannaque intexta palustri Et latus inversa nudum munita phaselo ' Haec Caesar bis terque manu quassantia tectum Limma commovit ; molli consurgit Amyclas T^^t^^^ =^^ '°™= Quisnam mea iaufragus, inquit, Tecta petit ■>. aut quem nostrae fortuna coegit Auxihum sperare casae? Sic fatus ab alto Aggere jam tepidae sublato fune favillae bcmtillam tenuem commotos pavit in ignes ■ Securas belli, praedam civilibus armis Scit non esse casam, O vitae tuta facultas Pauperis, angustique lares! O munera nondum Amiclate Analytica Priora Intellecta dedm ! Quibus hoc contingere templis Aut potuit muris, nullo trepidare tumultu Caesarea pulsante manu?' (Phars. v. 515-31.) The following account of the incident is given by the Anonimo Fiorentino : — ' Essendo rebellati gli romani senatori a Cesare, et essendo fuori di Roma cestui con grande seguito ch'avea, si degli Romani estrinseci come d'altri popoli, faceva viva guerra ad essi, et a quelle cittadi ciie a loro ubidiano ; e fra I'altre si era una terra al principio di Romania, appellata Durazo, molto forte e ben murata, <• teneasi per gli romani sanatori. . . . Cesare con sua gente and6 ad assedio al detto Durazo ; e vigorosamente facea sua guerra. In processo di tempo awenne che vittuaglia mancava all' oste di Cesare. Questi per le circustanze pigliavano ogni castello e fortezza e rubavano e toglievano tutta quella vittuaglia ch' egli trovavono ; abbreviando, egli disciporono e miseno in fuga tutte quelle pertinenze d'intorno, salvo che suso la marina era uno nocchiero, vel tragittatore, lo quale solamente avea una sua barca e un remo, e in terra non avea se non uno capannuccio, dov'era un poco di paglia; e quivi posava quando dormia, o s' ello era fucri d'opera. Avea nome Amiclas, lo quale perch' era cosi povero, non temea rubagione, perch^ avea poco, vel quasi nulla sustanzia temporale, non temea invidia d'esser morto; si che, dove tutta la con- trada, vel paese, fugia dall' oste di Cesare, costui, per la sua povertade, stava sicuro, e non brigava di trovare altra stanzia. ... Or dice che, veggendo Cesare pure mancargli vittuaglia, mandb navilj nelle parti d'ltalia, cosi forniti come bisogno era, et agli rettori di quegli commise suo affare. Pas- sato quello termine che costoro doveano esser venuti coUa vittuaglia, e non eran tornati, misesi Ce- sare una sera in via disconosciutamente, e nol seppe alcuna persona dell' oste. Venne a casa d'Ami- clate, e tanto venne effettuosamente che diede delle mani nell'uscio dello medale, e fecelo tutto crollare, e disse: O della casa! vieni, ch'io voglio che tu mi tragietti con tua navicella oltre questo braccio di mare. Amiclas, udito la boce di Cesare, e sentito lo bussamento di suo ostello, s'awide bene che questo era grande fatto ; ma pensossi : lo son povero, io non ho nulla, che costui possa affrettare di vedere, si che, sia di che condizione viiole, o vuol grande o vuol minore, el non mi pu6 offendere : io odo lo mare esser turbato, e soe la etade della luna e gli altri aspetti de' pianeti, gli quali hanno a rauover lo tempo ad esser mal disposto : io non voglio servire a costui. Pensato questo, rispuose : Amico mio, io non voglio ; lo tempo non 6 disposto : io non ne voglio far nulla. Fatta da costui questa risposta, Cesare si maraviglib molto ; ma pensossi di fare per- suasioni, accib ch' egli lo servisse, e disse : Frate, io ti voglio fare assapere ch' io son Cesare, lo quale, come tu puoi avere inteso, io sono temuto ; ch6, non solo a una mia parola si moverebbe uno uomo, ma la metade di quegli del mondo ; s'egli pensassono ch'io lo pensassi, correrebbono a ridu- cere in atto mio pensiero. Costui rispuose : Questo pu6 esser ch' egli farebbono per paura d'esser disfatti di suo dominio et avere ; ma io non temo di perdere alcuna cosa, ch' io sono in estrema povertade. Rispuose Cesare : Se tu mi farai questo servigio, io ti provvedr6 si che tu non avrai bisogno d'andare a tale sei-vizio ; e trar- rotti di questa povertade. Ad Amiclas piacque tale proiierta ; ma, conoscendo lo tempo male adatto a navicare, mal volentieri si mettea in mare, e comincid a ragionare. a Cesare d'astrologia, mostrando la costellazione disposta a producere fortuna in mare. Abbreviando, Cesare volea pur passare per quelle parti, onde dovea venire la vittuaglia ; e disse ad Amiclas : Non temere, ch' j' ho gli Dii a mia posta ; noi non possiamo perire. Persuaso Amiclate, misesi in mare.' Amidei], noble Florentine family, whose murder of Buondelmonte, in revenge for a slight to a lady of their house, gave rise to the bloody factions of Guelfs and Ghibellines in Florence. Villani, who records the incident, speaks of them as ' onorevoli e nobili cittadini ' (v. 38) ; he says they lived in the Sesto di san Piero Scheraggio, and sided with the Ghibellines, the Buondelraonti being Guelfs (v. 39). Cacciaguida, addressing D. (in the Heaven of Mars), refers to them as ' La casa di che nacque il vostro fleto' (i.e. the house which caused so much lamentation in Florence), and says that in his day they and their ' consorti ' (i. e., according to the old commentators, the Uccellini and Gherardini) were held in high honour, Par. xvi. 136-9. [Buondelmonte.] Amistk, Dell'. [AmiciUa, De.] Amore, Love, i. e. Cupid, the son of Venus, as ,is testified by Virgil (Aen. i. 664-5) ^'^^ Ovid (Meiam. v. 363), Conv. ii. 6117-26. [Cu- pido.] Amore, Rimedio d'. [Remedia Amoris.'\ Amos, Amoz, father of the prophet Isaiah, who is hence spoken of as Amosfilius, Epist. vii. 2 (ref. to 2 Kings xix). [Isaia.] Amphitrite, daughter of Oceanus and wife of Neptune, goddess of the sea ; mentioned to indicate the sea, Epist. vii. 3 ; the ocean as distinct from inland seas, A. T. § 15^. Anacreonte, Anacreon, celebrated Greek lyric poet, born at Teos, an Ionian city in Asia Minor ; he lived in Athens circ. B. c. 522, and died circ. 478 at the age of 85. His poems, only a few genuine fragments of which have been preserved, are chiefly in celebration of love and wine. According to the reading of Aldus and others, A. is mentioned as being among the ancient poets in Limbo, Purg. xxii. 106 [Limbo]. The correct reading, however, is almost certainly, not Anacreonte, but Anti- fonte [Antifonte]. Anagna. [Alagna.] Analytica Priora, the Prior Analytics, logi- cal treatise of Aristotle ; quoted, as Priora, in illustration of the use of hypothesis in argu- ment, A. T. § igis ; the first book, which deals with the form of the syllogism, is quoted [31] Anauia Anastasio (apparently) as De Syllogismo, to show that in a syllogism containing four terms the form of the syllogism is not kept, ' ut patet ex iis quae de Syllogismo simpliciter,' Mon. iii. 716--". Aristotle says {Anal. Priora, i. 25) : ' Mani- festum est quod omnis demonstratio erit per tres terminos et non plures.' Witte thinks the reference is rather to the Summulae Logicales of Petrus Hispanus. Anania^, Ananias, ' the disciple at Damas- cus,' who healed St. Paul's blindness by laying his hands upon him {Acts ix. 10-18) ; the virtue of the glance of Beatrice compared to that of the hand of A., Par. xxvi. 12. Anania 2], Ananias, husband of Sapphira ; the two are included among the examples of lust of wealth proclaimed by the Avaricious in Circle V of Purgatory, col marito Safira, Purg. XX. 112. [Avari: Safira.] Anassagora, Anaxagoras, celebrated Greek philosopher of the Ionian school ; born at Clazomenae in Ionia, B. c. 500 ; died, at the age of 72, at Lampsacus in Mysia, B. c. 428. While at Athens, where he lived as the friend and teacher of Euripides and Pericles, he was accused of impiety, and sentenced to pay a fine of five talents and to quit the city. He taught that a supreme intelligence was the cause of all things. D., whose knowledge of A. was probably de- rivedfromCicerof.^i'afif. i. 13 ; ii. 31, 37; Tusc. i. 43 ; iii. 13 ; v. 39 ; &c.), places him, together with Thales (with whom he is coupled by Aris- totle in the Ethics, vi. 7), in Limbo among the great philosophers of antiquity. Inf. iv. 137 [Limbo] ; his opinion as to the nature and origin of the Milky Way, Conv. ii. ijss-g [Galassia]. Anastagi, noble Ghibelline family of Ra- venna, next in importance to the Polentani and Traversari (Purg. xiv. 107), with the latter of whom, as well as with the Counts of Bagna- cavallo (Purg. xiv. 115), they were in close alliance. Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory) mentions them among the ancient worthy families of Romagna, and speaks of them and of the Traversari as being without heirs, and consequently on the eve of extinc- tion, Purg. xiv. 107-8. [Traversara, Casa.] The Anastagi for a time played an important part in the politics of Romagna. In 1249, while Alberto Caccianimico of Bologna was Podestk of Ravenna, the Anastagi and their friends rose upon the Polentani and their Guelf adherents and expelled them from the city, after deposing the Podestk, who was the nominee of the Church. Soon after, however, the exiled Guelfs returned to Ravenna, replaced the Podestk in his office, and in their turn expelled the Ghibellines, who were, moreover, threatened with excommunication bythe famous Cardinal, Ottaviano degli Ubaldini (Inf. x. 120), [32] unless within a given time they submitted themselves to the Church. Eight or nine years later the Anastagi made peace with their adversaries, and were allowed to return to Ravenna, probably through the mediation of their allies, the Counts of Bagnacavallo, one of whom was at this time (1258) Podestk of Ravenna. From about this period the family of the Anastagi appears to have fallen rapidly into decay, and bythe year 1300, the date of the Vision, hardly a trace of them remained in Ravenna. (See Casini, Dante e la Romagna?) According to the Ottimo Comento, both the Anastagi and the Traversari were expelled from Ravenna by the Guelf Polentani : — ' Perocche per loro cortesia i Traversari erano molto amati da' gentili e dal popolo, quelli da Polenta, occupatori delta repubblica, come sos- petti e buoni Ii cacciarono fuori. ... Li Anastagi furono antichissimi uomini di Ravenna, ed ebbero grand! parentadi con quelli da Polenta ; ma, perocchfe discordavano in vita ed in costumi, Ii Polentesi, come lupi, cacciarono costoro come agnelli, dicendo die avevano lore intorbidata I'acqua.' Benvenuto mentions that one of the gates of Ravenna (the present Porta Serrata) was in his day named after the Anastagi : — ' Isti fuerunt raagni nobiles et potentes, a quibus una porta, in Ravenna usque hodie denominatur porta Anastasia. De ista domo fuit nobilis miles dominus Guido de Anastasiis, qui mortuus est per impatientiam amoris cujusdam honestissimae do- minae, quam nunquam potuit flectere ad ejus amorem.' Benvenuto alludes to the story (adapted by Dryden as ' Theodore and Honoria ') told by Boccaccio, ' curiosus inquisitor omnium delec- tabilium historiarum,' in the Decamerone (v. 8), of how a youth named Nastagio degli Honesti fell in love with the daughter of Messer Paolo Traversaro, and of how he encountered the ghost of Messer Guido degli Anastagi. Anastagio. [Anastasio.] Anastasio, Pope Anastasius II (496-498), placed by D. among the Heretics in Circle VI of Hell, where he is enclosed in a tomb bearing the inscription, ' I hold Pope Anastasius, who was drawn from the right way by Photinus,' Inf. XI. 8-9 [Bretioi]. D. appears to have confused Pope Anastasius II with his name- sake and contemporary, the Emperor Ana- stasius I (491-518), who is said to have been led by Photinus, a deacon of Thessalonica (not to be confounded with the better-known Photmus, Bishop of Sirmium, who died in 376, and was, like his namesake, condemned as a ' heretic), mto the heresy of Acacius, bishop of Constantinople (d. 488), who denied the divine origin of Christ, holding that he was naturally begotten and conceived in the same way as the rest of mankind [Fotino]. Aucella Andrea de' Mozzi The tradition followed by D. is thus related by the Anonimo Fiorentino, whose account is taken from the chronicle of Martinus Polonus (d. 1278), a history of the Popes and Emperors from the beginning of the Christian era down to the accession of Nicholas III : — ' Fu cestui papa Anastagio secondo, nato di Fortunato cittadino Romano, die sedette nella sedia apostolica anni due et mesi undici et di ventitr^. Questi constitui che niuno clierico, nfe per ira nk per rancore nfe per simile accidente, pretermettesse o lasciasse di dire I'ufficio sue. Scomunicb Anastagio imperadore ; et perd che in quel tempo molti cherici si levorono contro a lui, per6 ch'egli tenea amicizia et singulare fratel- lanza et conversazione con Fortino diacono di Tessaglia, che poi fu vescovo . . . et questo For- tino fu famigliare et maculato d'uno medesimo errore d'eresia con,Acazio dannato per la chiesa cattolica ; et perchfe Anastagio volea ricomunicare questo Acazio, avegna iddio ch'egli non potessi, fu percosso dal giudicio di Dio ; per6 che, essendo raunato il concilio, volendo egli andare a sgravare il ventre ne' luoghi segreti, per volere et giu- dicio divine, sedendo et sforzandosi, le interiora gli uscirono di sotto, et ivi iini miserabilmente sua vita.' Butler says : — ' In 482 the Emperor Zeno had put forth his Henotihon, designed to calm the dissensions which had prevailed ever since the Council of Chalcedon in 451. The Roman pontiffs did not approve this, and excommunicated the Byzantine patriarchs who supported it, including Acacius. In the pontificate of Anastasius, his namesake the Em- peror was desirous of restoring the name of Acacius to the diptych or roll of patriarchs deceased in the orthodox faith; and Photinus, a deacon of Thessalonica, was sent to treat with Pope Ana- stasius on the subject, and persuaded him to allow it. Ultimately the belief grew up that Anastasius had been tainted with the Nestorian heresy. Gratian (Par. x. 104) seems to have been the authority for this misrepresentation.' Ancella, handmaiden ; title by which D. refers to Aurora, ' ancella del Sole,' Par. xxx. 7 [Aurora] ; Iris, ' ancella di Junone,' Par xii. 12 [Iri] ; the hours, 'ancelle del giorno,' Purg. xii. 81 ; xxii. 118. Anchise, Anchises, son of Capys and Themis, daughter of Ilus ; he was beloved by Venus, by whom he became the father of Aeneas. On the capture of Troy by the Greeks Aeneas carried A. on his shoulders from the burning city. A. did not live to reach Italy ; he died soon after the arrival of Aeneas in Sicily, where he was buried on Mt. Eryx. When Aeneas descended to Hades he saw the shade of A., which conversed with him and foretold the future greatness of Rome. Aeneas referred to as Jigliuol d' Anchise, Inf. i. 74 ; Purg. xviii. 137 ; the meeting between D. and Cacciaguida in the Heaven of Mars compared to that of Aeneas and A. in Hades, Par. XV. 25-7 ; the death of A. in Sicily, ' I'isola del foco. Dove Anchise fini la lunga etate,' Par. xix. 131-2 ; the fortitude of Aeneas in braving the terrors of Hades in order to seek the shade of A., as related by Virgil {Aen. vi. 236 ff.), Conv. iv. 26^'^^ ; the prophecy of A. to Aeneas when they met in Hades {Aen. vi. 847-53), Mon. ii. 767-77. [Enea.] Anchises, the father of Aeneas, Mon. ii. 768. [Anchise.] Anco, Ancus Marcius, fourth King of Rome, B.C. 640-616 ; he succeeded Tullus HostiHus, and was succeeded by Tarquinius Priscus, Conv. iv. 5**" ; he and the other six Kings of Rome are referred to. Par. vi. 41. Anconitana, Marca, [Marca Anooni- tana.] Anconitanei, inhabitants of the March of Ancona, V. E. i. lo^o-? ; incolae Anconitanae Marchiae, V. E. i. li^^; Marchiani, V. E. i. 12^^ ; coupled with the Trevisans as ttirius- que Marchiae viri, V. E. i. 191^ [Marca Anconitana] ; their dialect distinct from those of the inhabitants of Calabria and Romagna, V. E. i. io8S~7 ; the ughest of the Italian dialects after that of the Romans, V. E. i. 1 1 18-20; rejected by D., with those of the Romans and Spoletans, as unworthy to be the Italian vulgar tongue, V. E. i. ii^o-i; the Apulian dialect infected by its barbarisms, and by those of the Roman dialect, V.E. i. 12^6-9; their dialect abandoned by their most illus- trious poets in favour of the Italian vulgar tongue, V. E. i. I9"-19. Andald, Loderingo degli. [Loderingo.] Andrea de' Mozzi], member of the noble Florentine family (who were Guelfs and Bianchi) of that name, Bishop of Florence, 1287-1295. After having been chaplain to Popes Alexander IV and Gregory IX, Andrea accompanied Cardinal Latino into Tuscany (in 1278) when the latter was sent by Nicholas III to mediate between the Guelfs and Ghibellines. ,, In 1272 he was a canon of Florence, and in 1287 he was appointed bishop. During his bishopric the Church of Santa Croce and the great Hospital of Santa Maria were founded m Florence, the latter being endowed (in 1287, it is said at Andrea's suggestion) by Folco Portinari, the father of Beatrice. In Sept., 1295, on account of his unseemly living, he was (at the request of his brother Tommaso de' Mozzi, say Boccaccio and Benvenuto) trans- ferred by Boniface VIII to the see of Vicenza, where he died a few months later (Feb. 1296). His body, in accordance with his own dkec- tions, was sent back to Florence and buried in the church of San Gregorio (which had been founded by the Mozzi family), where a monu- ment was erected to him with the inscription [33] Andrea di Ungaria ' Sepulcrum venerabilis patris domini Andreae de Mozzis Dei gratia episcopi Florentini et Vicentini.' Andrea is referred to by Brunetto Latino as Colui . . . che dal servo de' servi Fu tras- mutato d'Arno in Bacchiglione Ove lascib It mal firotesi nervi (i. e. the one who was trans- ferred by the Pope from Florence to Vicenza), and included by him among those who are with himself in Round 3 of Circle VII of Hell, where those guilty of unnatural offences are punished (his malpractices, according to the old commentators, being alluded to in v. 114), Inf. XV. 1 12-14 [Baoohiglione : Violenti]. Philalethes remarks that, considering the honourable burial accorded to Andrea by his family, there is some reason to doubt the slory told by the old commentators as to the cause of his removal from Florence. Some think his translation to Vicenza may have been due to the disturbances caused by the proceedings of Giano della Bella [Giano]. Benvenuto describes Andrea as a simpleton and buffoon, and gives sevefal instances of his ridiculous naiveU in preaching. On one occa- sion, he says, he compared the Providence of God to a mouse sitting on a beam ; on another he illustrated the immensity of the divine power by contrasting the insignificance of a grain of turnip-seed with the magnificience of the full-grown turnip, of which he produced a large specimen from beneath his cloak : — ' Volo te scire cum non mddico risu, quod iste spiritus fuit civis florentinUs, natus de Modiis, episcopus Florentiae, qui Vocatus est Andreas. Iste quidem vir simplex et fatuus, saepe publice praedicabat populo dicens multa ridiculosa ; inter alia dicebat, quod providentia Dei erat similis muri, qui stans super trabe videt quaecumque geruntur sub se in domo, et nemo videt eum, Dicebat etiam, quod gratia Dei erat sicut stercus caprarum, quod cadens ab alto ruit in diversas partes dispersum. Similiter dicebat, quod potentia divina erat immensa ; quod volens demonstrare exempio manifesto, tenebat granum rapae in manu et dicebat ; bene videtis, quam parvulum sit istud granulum et minutum ; deinde extrahebat de sub cappa maximam rapam, dicens : ecce quam mira- bilis potentia Dei, qui ex tantillo semine facit tantum fructum.' Andrea di Ungaria], Andrew III, King of Hungary, 1290-1301, the last of the line of St. Stephen ; he was succeeded by Wenceslas of Bohemia (1301-1305) and Otho of Bavaria (1305-1308); on the death of the latter the crown passed to the House of Anjou in the person of Charles Robert (1308-1342), eldest son of Charles Martel, who had been titular king. [Carlo Martello : Table xii.] Andrew is referred to by the Eagle in the Heaven of Jupiter, who expresses the hope (perhaps ironically) that Hungary may no more be ill-treated at the hands of her kings. Par. xix. 142-3 [XTngaria]. Angeli Andrea, Jacomo da sant'. [JaoomoS.J Andromache, daughter of Eetion, King of Thebes in Cilicia, and wife of Hector, by whom she had a son Scamandrius or Astyanax. On the capture of Troy her son was killed, and she herself was taken prisoner by Neoptolemus, son of Achilles, who carried her to Epirus; she subsequently married Hector's brother, Helenus, King of Chaonia. D. mentions A. in connexion with Virgil's account of her meeting with Aeneas at Buthro- tum in Epirus, and her enquiry {Aen. iii. 339- 40) after Ascanius, Mon. ii. 397-101 [Asoanio]. Anfiarao, Amphiaraus, son of Oicles and Hypermnestra, great prophet and hero of Argos. By his wife Eriphyle, sister of Adrastus, he was the father of Alcmaeon. He was one of the seven kings who joined in the expedition against Thebes (Inf. xiv. 68) [Tebe] ; fore- seeing that the issue would be fatal to himself, he concealed himself to avoid going to the war, but his hiding-place was revealed by his wife Eriphyle, who had been bribed by Polynices with the necklace of Harmonia (Purg. xii. 50-1) [Armonia]. A., as had been foreseen, met his death at Thebes, being swallowed up by the earth, but before he died he enjoined his son Alcmaeon to put Eriphyle to death on his return from Thebes, in punishment of her be- trayal of him (Purg. xii. 50-1 ; Par. iv. 103-5). [Almeone : Erifile.] D. places A. among the Soothsayers in Bolgia 4 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), and alludes to the manner of his death, Inf. xx. 31-9 [Indovini]. The incident is related by Statius ( Theb. vii. 789-823 ; viii. i ff.), whence D. borrowed it, vv. 33-4 being a reminiscence of Pluto's words to Amphiaraus : — ' At tibi quos, inquit, Manes, qui Itmite praeceps Non licito per inane mis?' {Theo. viiL 84-5.) Anfione, Amphion, son of Zeus and Antiope ; by the help of the Muses he built the walls of Thebes, the stones coming down from Mt. Cithaeron and placing themselves of their own accord, charmed by the magic skill with which he played on the lyre. D. mentions A. in connexion with the Muses and the assistance they gave him at Thebes, Inf. xxxii. lo-il [Muse]. Horace refers to the story in the Ars Poetic a : — 'Dictus et Amphion, Thebanae conditor aj-cis, Saxa movere sono testudinis et prece blanda Ducere quo vellet.' (mi. 394-6.) Angeli, Angels, the lowest Order in the Celestial Hierarchies, ranking last in the third Hierarchy, Conv. ii. 6** ; they preside over the Heaven of the Moon, Conv. ii. 6106-7 [Para- dise] ; they are referred to by Beatrice (in the Crystalline Heaven) in her exposition of the Angehc Orders as angelici ludi, Par. xxviii. 136. [Qerarohia.] [34] Angelo, Castello sant' Angelo, Castello sant'. [Castello sant' Angelo.] Angiolello, Angiolello da Carignano, noble- man of Fano, who together with Guido del Cassero was invited by Malatestino, lord of Rimini, to a conference at La Cattolica on the Adriatic coast ; as they were on their way to the rendezvous they were surprised in their boat, and thrown overboard and drowned off the promontory of Focara, by Malatestino's orders. The event took place soon after 1312, the year in which Malatestino succeeded his father as lord of Rimini. This crime is foretold to D. by Pier da Medicina (in Bolgia 9 of Circle VI II of Hell), who bids him warn Angiolello and Guido, ' i due miglior di Fano,' of the fate which is in store for them. Inf. xxviii. 76-90. [Cattolica, La : Focara : Malatestino : Pier da Medi- cina.] According to the Anonimo Fiorentino the object of this crime (' enorme facinus,' Benvenuto calls it) on the part of Malatestino was to prepare the way for his seizure of the lordship of Fano : — ' Messer Guido da Fano et Agnolello erano i maggiori uomini di Fano, onde messer Malatestino de' Malatesti, era signore di Rimino, vennegli in pen- siero d'essere signore di Fano : mostrandosi amico di questi messer Guido et Agnolello pensb, avendo tentato piii volte : s' io uccido costoro, che sono i maggiori, io ne sar6 poi signore ; et cosi gli avvenne. Scrisse loro ch' egli volea loro parlare, et ch' egliono venissono alia Cattolica, et egli sarebbe ivi, ch' e uno luogo in quel mezzo tra Rimino et Fano. Questi due, fidandosi, si mis- sono in una barchetta per mare per venire alia Cattolica : messer Malatestino face i suoi stare in quello mezzo con una altra barchetta ; et come messer Malatestino avea loro comandato, presono messer Guido et Agnolo et gettorongli in mare; onde segui che la parte che aveano in Fano, per- dendo i loro capi, furono cacciati di Fano : onde ultimamente segui che messer Malatesta ne fu signore.' Anglia, England, V.E.i.82T. [Inghilterra.] Anglici, the English, V. E. i. S^i. [Inglesi.] Anglicus, English ; Anglicum mare, the English Channel, one of the limits of the langue ^oil, V. E. i. 861. [Ungua Oil.] Anitna, De, Aristotle's treatise (in three books) On Soul, quoted as £>sff Anima, Conv. ii. 96*, 1068, 14241 . iii. 283, 126_ glll^ 564 . iv. 7III, 139, 1368, 13II6, 2o59; Ue Anitna, Hon. i. 3''8 ; iii. 16^' ; the comment of Averroes on, Conv. iv. 13*8 ; Mon. i. 3''''~8; Aristotle's opinion that the soul is immortal, Conv. ii. 9^3-4 (^^. ii. 2) ; that the influence of the agent affects the passive nature disposed to receive it, Conv. ii. lo^e-s (.^«. ij. 2) ; that science is of high nobility because of the noble- ness of its subject and its certainty, Conv. ii. 14240-3 (^„, i. i) ; that the principal faculties Animalibus, De of the soul are three in number, viz. vegetative, sensitive, and intellectual, and that it is further endued with scientific, deliberative, inventive, and judicatory faculties, Conv. iii. 7,'^-^' 122-31 {An. ii. 2 ; iii. 9) ; that the soul is the active -principle of the body and hence its cause, Conv. iii. e^^^is {An.W. i) ; that, strictly speak- ing, light and colour alone are visible, Conv. iii. gSi-4 (An. ii. 7) ; that life is the existence of the living, and that the several faculties of the soul stand one above the other, just as do the pentagon, quadrangle, and triangle, Conv. iv. 7I10-12, 139-46 (^An. ii. 2 ; ii. 3) ; that the mind is healthy when it knows things as they are, Conv. iv. 15111-10 [An. iii. 3); that things should be adapted to the powers acting upon them, in order to receive their influence, Conv. iv. 20^8-61 (An. ii. 2) ; that the soul, being eternal, is alone incorruptible, Mon. iii. 16^^-9 {An. ii. 2). [Aristotile.] Animae, De Quamtitate, St. Augustine's treatise On the Capacity of the Soul ; cited in support of the contention that memory is power- less to retain the most exalted impressions of the human intellect,. Epist. x. 28. [Agostino 2.] Witte quotes the following passage : — ' Jam vero in ipsa visione veritatis, quae Septi- mus atque ultimus animae gradus est, neque jam gradus, sed quaedam mansio, quo illis gradibus pervenitur, quae sint gaudia, quae perfruitio summi et veri boni, cujus serenitatis atque aeternitatis afflatus, quid ego dicam?' (Cap. 76.) Animalibus, De, Aristotle's books On Animals, quoted as Degli Animali, Conv. ii. 3I4, 9'9, Under this title D. apparently quotes two different works of Aristotle, viz. the De Historia Animalium. (in ten books) and the De Partibus Animalium (in four books), since of the two passages referred to by him one comes from the former work and one from the latter ; further, he speaks (Conv. ii. 9''9) of the twelfth book On Animals, from which it is evident that two or more of Aristotle's works on this subject were regarded in his time as forming one collection. Jourdain states {Trad. Lat. d'Aristote, p. 172) that in the Arabic versions, upon which the Latin translation of Michael Scott was based, the ten books of the De Historia Animalium, the four of the De Partibus Animalium, and the five of the De Generatione Animalium., were grouped to- gether in a single collection of nineteen books. Since D. quotes the last of these works sepa- rately (A. T. § 13*2), and the passage he refers to as occurring in the twelfth book On Animals comes from the eighth book of the De Historia Animalium, it is probable, as Mazzucchelli suggests, that the De Animalibus, as known to him, consisted of the four books De Partibus Animalium and the ten De Historia Anima- lium, in that order; this would satisfactorily account for his speaking of the eighth book of the latter as ' il duodecimo degli Animali.' [35] AnlmaUum, De Oen. Antandro D. quotes Aristotle's opinion that the plea- sures of the intellect transcend those of the senses, Conv. ii. 3I0-15 {Part. Anim. i. 5) ; that man is the most perfect of all animals, Conv. ii. 978-30 {Hist. Anim. viii. l). [Aristotile.] Attimalium, De Qeneratione, Aristotle's treatise (in five books) On the Generation of Animals; his saying that God and Nature always work for the best, A. T. % 1339-42 {Qen. Anim. ii. 6). [Aristotile.] Anna% St. Anne, mother of the Virgin Mary; placed in the Celestial Rose, where St. Bernard points out to D. her seat on the right hand of John the Baptist, opposite to St. Peter, St. Lucy being on the left hand of the Baptist, opposite to Adam, Par. xxxii. 133-7 [Rosa] ; mentioned as the mother of the Virgin and wife of Joachim, Conv. ii. 6i3-i4 [Gioac- chino ^ : Maria Salome]. Brunetto Latino says of her : — ' Anne ot .iii. maris, Joachim, Cleophas, at Sa- lome, at de chascun ot una Maria. Et ainsi furant .iii. Maries, dont la premiera fu mere Jhasu Crist ; la seconda fu mera jaque "at Joseph ; la tiarce fu mere da I'autra Jaque at da Jehan I'avan- galista.' {Tresor, i. 64.) Anna 2], Annas, father-in-law of Caiaphas the high-priest ; he is referred to (by Catalano) as ' il suocero ' of Caiaphas (in allusion to John xviii. 13 : 'they led him away to Annas first; for he was father-in-law to Caiaphas, which was high priest that same year '), and represented as being crucified on the ground, together with the latter and the Pharisees who condemned Christ, among the Hypocrites in Bolgia 6 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxiii. 115-23. [Ipocriti.] Annibale, Hannibal, the great Carthaginian general, son of Hamilcar Barca, born B.C. 247, died circ. B.C. 183. After overrunning Spain, H. carried the war against the Romans into Italy, and in the course of the second Punic war defeated them at the Lacus Trasimenus B.C. 217, and at Cannae in the next year. The defeat and death of his brother Hasdrubal at the Metaurus (B.C. 207) compelled H. to assume the defensive, and after four years' fighting he crossed over to Africa, where he was completely defeated by Publius Scipio Africanus at Zama, B.C. 202 [Soipionei]. Some years later he poisoned himself in order to avoid falling into the hands of the Romans. ,D. mentions Hannibal in connexion with his defeat at Zama, Inf. xxxi. 117 [Zama]; his passage of the Alps and the victories of the Roman Eagle, Par. vi. 50 [Aquila 1 : Arabi : Po] ; his victory over the Romans at Cannae, Inf. xxviii. 11; Conv. iv. S^^"* [Canne] ; his threatened assault on Rome, Mon. ii. 468-64 ; his final overthrow by Scipio, Mon. ii. ii59-6i . the condition of Rome in D.'s day such as to merit even the pity of Hannibal, Epist. viii. 10. [36] Ansalone. [Absalone.] Anselmo, Anselm, Archbishop of Canter- bury, 1093-1 109 ; he was born at Aosta in Piedmont in 1033, and in 1060, at the age of 27, became a monk in the abbey of Bee in Normandy, whither he had been attracted by the fame of Lanfranc, at that time prior ; in 1063, on the promotion of Lanfranc to the abbacy of Caen, he succeeded him as prior ; 15 years later, in 1078, on the death of Herluin, the founder of the monastery, he was made abbot, which ofKce he held till 1093 ; in that year he was appointed Archbishop of Canterbury by William Rufus, in succession to Lanfranc, after the see had been vacant for fbflr years ; in 1097, in consequence of disputes with William on matters of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, he left England for Rome to con- sult the Pope, and remained on the Continent until William's death in iloo, when he was recalled by Henry I ; he died at Canterbury, April 21, 1 109. A. was the author of several theological works, the most important of which are the Monologion (an attempt to prove in- ductively the existence of God by pure reason without the aid of Scripture or authority), the Proslogion (an attempt to prove the same by the deductive method), and the CurDeus Homo (a treatise on the Atonement intended to prove the necessity of the Incarnation). A. is placed among the doctors of the Church (Spiriti Sapienti) in the Heaven of the Sun, where he is named to D. by St. Bonaventura, Par. xii. 137. [Sole, Cielo del.] Anselmuccio, one of the grandsons of Count Ugolino della Gherardesca of Pisa, •whose imprisonment and death he shared in 1288 in the Tower of Famine at Pisa, Inf. xxxiii. 50; he and his uncle Uguccione, and his elder brother Nino, are referred to by Ugolino (in Antenora) as Ii tre, v.^i; and he and his uncle Gaddo as gli altri due, v. 90 [tlgolino, Conte]. A. was the younger brother of Nino il Brigata {v. 89), they being the sons of Guelfo, eldest son of Ugolino, and Elena, daughter of Enzio, King of Sardinia, natural son of Frederick II. [Table xxx.] A. ap- pears to have been born subsequently to 1272 (his name being omitted from a document of that date in which the other sons of Guelfo are mentioned as having claims in Sardinia in their mother's right), and consequently must have been about fifteen at the time of his death. [Brigata, II.] Antaeus, [Autec] Antandro, Antandros, city of Great Mysia, on the Adramyttian Gulf, at the foot of Mt. Ida, whence Aeneas sailed for Italy after the fall of Troy (^^. iii. i-ii) The Emperor Justinian (m the Heaven of Mercury) mentions it, tp- the Giant, Mon. ii. I0»' Antenora Antenora gether with the Simois (Aen. v. 634) and the tomb of Hector {Aen. v. 371), to indicate the Troad, which he says was revisited by the Roman Eagle after the battle of Pharsalia, Par. vi. 67 [Aquilai]. The reference is probably to thevisit of Julius Caesar to Troy while in pursuit of Pompey, which is recorded by Lucan : — * Sigaeasque petit famae mirator arenas, Et Simoentis aquas, et Graio nohile busto Rhaetion, et multum debentes vatibus umbras. Circuit exustae nomen memorabile Trojae . . . . . . securus in alto Gramine ponebat gressus, Phryx incola manes Hectoreos calcare vetat . . . Hectoreas, monstrator ait^ non resnicis aras?' {Phars. ix. 961 ff.) Antenora, name given by D. to the second of the four divisions of Circle IX of Hell (used elsewhere as a name for Hell generally, Canz. xviii. 28), where Traitors are punished, Inf. xxxii. 88 [Inferno] ; here are placed those who have been traitors to their country, their city, or their party, Inf. xxxii. 7a-xxxiii; 90 [Tradi- tori]. Examples: Bocca degli Abati [Booea] ; Buoso da Duera [BuosoS] ; Tesauro de' Bec- cheria [Becoheria] ; Gianni de' Soldanieri [Qiannii]; Tebaldello de' Zambrasi [Tebal- dello] ; Ganalon [Ganellone] ; Ugolino della Gherardesca [Ugolino, Conte] ; Archbishop Ruggieri degli Ubaldini [Euggieri, Arci- veaoovo]. The name of this division is derived from the Trojan Antenor, who was universally, in the Middle Ages, held to have betrayed Troy to the Greeks — thus in Benott de Sainte- Maure's Roman de Troie (written circ. 1 1 60) he is spoken of as ' Anthenorz li cuverz Judas,' 'li vielz Judas,' 5:c. The Homeric account, that he tried to save his country by advising the surrender of Helen, was apparently lost sight of at that time. There is no hint of Antenor's treachery in Virgil. Servius (Cent, v) makes mention of it in his note on Aen. i. 246, and refers for confirmation to Livy : — ' Jam primum omnium satis constat Troja capta in ceterossaevitum esse Trpjanos ; duojjus, Aeneae Antenorique, et vetusti jure liospitii et quia pacis reddendaeque Helenae semper auctores fuerant, omne jus belli Achivos abstinuisse.' (i. i.) The mediaeval belief was no doiibt derived from the histories of the so-called Dictys Cretensis and Dares phrygius, which, through the medium of Latin translations, were widely read in the Middle Ages. Thus Villani, in his account of the founding of Padup,, says : — 'Antinoro fu uno de' maggiori signori di Troia, e fu fratello di Priamo, e figliuplo del re Laome- donte, 11 quale fu incolpato molto del tradiipento di Troia, e Enea il senti, secondo che scrive Dario ; ma Virgilio al tutto di ci6 lo scolpa.' (i. 17.) Dictys in his account describes how the Trojans, finding themselves hard-pressed, mutiny against Priam, and determine to give * From this accourtt it is evident that Aeneas was no less up Helen and her belongings to the Greeks. Antenor is sent with proposals of peace, and he takes the opportunity to arrange with the Greek chiefs for the betrayal of the city, his reward being half Priam's possessions and the appointment of one of his sons as king : — 'Trojani, ubi hostis muris infestus, magis ma- gisque saevit, neque jam resistendi moenibus spes ulterius est, aut vires valent, cuncti proceres sedi- tionem adversus Priamum extollunt, atque ejus regulos : denique accito Aenea* filiisque Ante- noris, decernunt inter se, uti Helena cum his quae ablata erant, ad Menelaum duceretur . . . Ceterum ingressus consilium Priamus, ubi multa ab Aenea contumeliosa ingesta sunt, ad pos- tremum consilii sententia jubet ad Graecos cum mandatis belli deponendi ire Antenorem . . . [After making a long speech to the Greeks Antenor asks them to appoint representatives with vvhom he may treat.] . . . Postquam finem loquendi fecit, postulat uti quoniam a senibus legatus pacis missus est, darent ex suo numero cum queis super tali negotio disceptaret ; electique Agamemnon, idomeneus, Ulysses atque Diomedes, qui secreto ab aliis proditipnem componunt. Prae- terea placet, uti Aeneae, si permanere in fide vellet, pars praedae et domus universa ejus in- cplumis maneret. Ipsi ^utem Antenori dimidium bonorym Priami, regnumque uni filiorum ejus quem elegisset, concederetur. Ubi satis tractatura visum est, Antenor ad civitatem dimittitur, re- ferens ad suos compo.sifa inter se longe alia.' {De Bella Trojano, iv.' 22.) [In the sequel the Wfooden horse is introduced into Troy, and the city is captured and handed over to Aeneas and Antenor. Finally Antenor expels Aeneas and remains in sole possession of tlie kingdom.] Dares Phrygius gives a more circumstantial account ; — ' Conveniunt clam Antenor, Polydamas, Uca- legon . . . dicunt se mirari pertinaciam regis [sc. Priami] qui clausus cum patria et comitibus perire mallet, quam pacem facere. Antenor ait se in- venisse quid faciendum sit, quod sibi et illis in commune' proficiat, dum sibi et illis foret fides. Omnes se in fide adstringunt. Antenor ut vidit se obstrictum, mittit ad Aeneam, dicens, prodendam esse patriam, et sibi suisque cavendum esse ; ad Agamemnonem de his aliquem mittendum esse . . . [A messenger is sent to Agamemnon and it is arranged that Antenor and Aeneas should open one of the gates of the city at pight and admit the Greek army, on the understanding that their own liyes and property and those of their wives and relatives should be respected.] . . . Antenor et Aeneas noctu ad portam praesto fuerunt, Neo- ptolemum susceperunt, exercitui portam resera- verunt, lumen ostenderunt, fugae praesidium sibi et suis omnibus ut esset postulaverupt. Neopto- lemus irruptionem facit, Trojanos caedit, perse- quitur Priamum, quem ante Aram Jovis obtruncat . . . Tota die et nocte Argivi non cessant vastare, praedam asportare. Postquam dies illuxit, Aga- meninon , . . exercitum consulit, an placeat Antenori et Aeneae, cum his qui una patriam guilty than Antenor— a fact which D. of course had to ignore. [37] Antenori Anteo prodiderant, servari, quam illis clam confirmaverant. Exercitus totus conclamat, placere sibi . . . [During the sack of the city Polyxena, daughter of Priam and Hecuba, had been confided by the latter to Aeneas, who concealed her. Neoptolemus de- mands that she shall be delivered up, and slays her at the tomb of his father, Achilles, of whose death she had been the cause (Achille). Aga- memnon, angry with Aeneas for concealing Polyxena, bids him depart from Troy, and hands the kingdom over to Antenor.] {De Excidio Trojae Historia, §§ xxxix-xliii.) Among his other acts of treachery Antenor discovered to the Greeks the secret of the Palladium, which he delivered over to them (Inf xxvi. 63) [Dioraede ; Palladio]. Antenori, descendants of the Trojan Antenor, who is said to have betrayed Troy to the Greeks ; name applied by Jacopo del Cassero (in Antepurgatory) to the inhabi- tants of Padua (perhaps in allusion to their treacherous understanding with Azzo of Este), which is supposed to have been founded by Antenor, Purg. V. 75. [Antenora: Aazo.] The migration of Antenor to the Adriatic after the fall of Troy, and his founding of Padua, are recorded by Livy (i. l) and Virgil {Aen. i. 242 ff.) : — 'Antenor potuit, mediis elapsus Achivis, lUyricos penetrare sinus, atque intima tutus Regna Liburnorum, et fontem superare Timayi . . . Hie tamen iUe urbem Patavi sedesque lopavit Teucrorum.' Brunetto Latino says : — ' Quant la cit6 de Troie fu destruite et que li un s'enfoirent 9a et li autre la, selonc ce que for- tune les conduisoit, il avint que Prians li juenes, qui fu filz de la seror au roi Prian de Troie, entre lui et Antenor s'en alerent par mer o tout .xiiii™. homes a armes tant que il arriverent la ou est pre la cite de Venise, que il commencerent premiere- ment et fonderent dedanz la mer, porce que il ne voleient habiter en terre qui fust a seignor. Puis s'en parti Antenor et Prians, a grai}t compaignie de gent, et s'en alerent en la marche de Trevise, non mie loing de Venise, et la firent une autre cite qui est apel^e Padoe, ou gist li cors Antenor, et encore i est sa sepolture.' {Tresor, i. 39.) Villani :— ' II detto Antinoro . . . venne ad abitare in terra ferma ov' e oggi Padova la grande citta, ed egli ne fu il prime abitatore e edificatore ... 11 detto Antinoro mori e rimqse in Padova, e infino al presente nostro terppo si ritrovd il cprpo e la sepoltura sua con lettere intagliate, che faceano testimonianza com' era il corpo d' Antinoro, e da' Padovani fu rinnovata sua sepoltura, e ancgra oggi si vede in Padova.' (i. 17.) Anteo, Antaeus, son of Neptune and Earth, mighty giant and wrestler of Libya, whose strength was invincible so long as he remained in contact with his mother earth. Hercules discovered the source of his strength, lifted him from the ground, and crushed him in the air. D. places A., along with Nimrod, Ephialtes, and Briareus, to keep ward at the mouth of Circle IX of Hell, Inf. xxxi. 100, 113, 139; quegli, V. 130; il gigante, xxxii. 17 [Briareo: Pialte: Hembrotto : Giganti]. D. having expressed a desire to see Briareus, Virgil tells him that B. is a long way off, but that close by he shall see Antaeus, who (unlike Nimrod) can talk intelligibly, and (unlike the other giants) is unbound, and will put them down into the next Circle (Inf xxxi. 97-105) ; presently they come to A., who projects five ells, not counting his head, out of the pit in which he is standing {vv. 112-114); D. addresses him, and after alluding to his slaying lions for prey in the neighbourhood of Zama {^vv. 115-118), and to his having refrained from helping the other giants in their attack upon Olympus {vv. 119- 121), begs him to put them down on to the ice of Cocytus {vv. 122-123), hinting that it is worth his while, as D. is alive and can render him famous in the world above {vv. 124-129) ; A. in response bends down and takes hold of V. (who tells D. to take hold of himself), and deposits the two in Cainci {vv. 130-143) ; he then raises himself erect again, leaving D. and V. at some distance below his feet (vv. 144-145, xxxii. 16-18). In thus helping them on their way A. plays the same part among the Giants as Chiron had done among the Centaurs [Chirone]. D. represents A. as being unbound ('di- sciolto,' V. loi), since, unlike the other giants, who are in chains {vv. 87, 88, 104), he did not join in the war against the gods {^v. 119-121). The fight between Hercules and A. {v. 132) is described by Lucan {Phars. iv. 593-660), from whom D. got the details {vv. 11 5-1 1 7) as to tl^e locality of the event (viz. in the valley of the Bagrada in the neighbourhood of Carthage, not far distant from the scene of Scipio's defeat fif Hannibal at the battle of Zama) : — ■ Inter si^mirutas magnae Carthaginis arces . . . . . . qua se Bagrada lentus agit sicpae sulcator arenae . . . ... exesas undique rupes, Antaei quae regna vocat non vana vetustas.' (vv. 58s ff.) Also the acppunt of the lions slain for prey by A. {v. 118) :— 'Haec illi spelunca domus, latuisse sub alta ^.upe fcrunt, epulas raptos h^buisse leones.' {vv. 6oi-3.) And the opinion that if A. had helped the other giants in the war against Olympus the gods would have been worsted :— ' ^"^"^ t^™ i"^!? f"'' terramm gloria Typhon, raSr "^^"^'5''^ f=''<'='' caeloque pepercit (sc. Quod non Phlegraeis Antaeum sustulit arvis.' (»»■ S9S-7-) D. describes the contest between Hercules and Antaeus, referring to Ovid {Metam. ix. rs^Zz! ^^°- \'^'^^^ as his authorities, Conv. iii. 3™ ""; and refers to it as an instance of [38] Antepraedicamenta Antipurgatorio a single combat, Mon. ii. 8^8-83^ 1087-9. [Ata- lanta.] Antepraedicamenta, name by which D. quotes the first part of the Praedicamenta or Categories of Aristotle, which forms an intro- duction to the rest of the work, as is explained in the comment of Averroes : — 'Primus tractatus se habet veluti praefatio ad ea quae vult A. tractare in hoc libro ; nam in eo continentur ea quae sunt veluti praenotiones, et definitiones ad ea quae vult tractare in hoc libro.' D. says : ' diversitas rationis cum identitate nominis equivocationem facit, ut patet per Philosophum in Antepraedtcameniis,' A.T. § 12^6 ; the passage referred to is the opening sentence of the Praedicamenta : — 'Aequivoca dicUntur, quorum nomen solum commune est, secundum nomen vero substantiae ratio diversa.' The Categories are twice elsewhere quoted under the title oi Praedicamenta, Mqn. iii. 15^8 ; A.T. § 26. [Praedicamenta.] Anthaeus. [Antaeus.] Antictona, Antichthon (Gk. amlxBav), i. e. 'counter-Earth,' name given by Pythagoras (according to Aristotle, De Ca'elo, ii. 13) to a supposed sphere, opposite to, and cprre- sponding with, the Earth, Conv. iii. <^'^-^. [Antipodi.] Antifonte, Antiphon, Greek tragic poet, mentioned by Aristotle (Rhet. ii. 2, 6, 23), and by Plutarch, who includes him among the greatest of the tragic authors ; he appears to have written three tragedies (viz. Aleleqger, Andromache, 3JxA. Jason) which have not been preserved. Virgil names him, together with Simoni^es and Agathon (both of whom are also several times mentioned by Aristotle in the Rhetoric), among the poets of antiquity who are with Homer and himself in Limbo, Purg. xxii. 106 [Limbo]. For Antifonte many edd. read Anacreotite (which is an old variant, occurring in the Ottimo Comento), but the MS. authority is almost entirely in favour of the former. Antigone, daughter of Oedipus, King of Thebes, by his mother Jocasta, and sister of Ismene, Eteocles, and Polynices ; when Oedipus had put out his eyes, and was com- pelled to leave Thebes, she accompanied him and remained with him until he died at Colonus ; she- then returned to Thebes, and, after her two brothers had killed each other, in defiance of Creon, King of Thebes, she buried the body of Polynices ; Creon there- upon had her shut up in a cave, where she put an end to her life. [Edipo : Eteoole.] Virgil, addressing Statius (in Purgatory), mentions A., together with Deiphyle, Argia, Isniene, Hypsipyle, Manto, and Thetis, and Deidamia and her sisters, as being ' delle genti tue ' (i. e. mentioned in the Thebaid or Achilleid), among the great women of antiquity in Limbo, Purg. xxii. 109-14. [Limbo.] Antinferno], Ante-hell, a division of Hell, outside the river of Acheron, where are the souls of those who did neither good nor e*il, and were not qualified to enter Hell itself; these are naked and are tormented by gadflies and wasps, so that their faces stream with blood, Inf. iii. 1-69 [Inferno] ; among them D. sees the shade of Pope Celestine V, vv. 58- 60 [Celestino]. Antioco], Antiochus Epiphanes, King of Syria (d. B.C. 164), youngest son of Antiochus the Great. Together with the high-priest Jason he endeavoured to root out the Jewish Religion and to introduce Greek customs and the worship qf Greek di vipities (2 Maccab. iv. 13- 16). This attempt le4 to a rising of the Jewish people under Mattathias and his sons the Maccabees, which rpulted in the preservation of the name and faith of Israel. In B. C. 164 A. attempted to plunder a temple in Elymais, but was repulsed,-^nd died soon after (i Maccab. vi. 1-16). Pope Nicholas III (in Bolgia 3 of Circle VIII of Hell), speaking pf Jason, alludes to A. as ' suo re,' and, referring to the Book of Maccabees, draw^ a parallel between their machinations and those of Clement V and Phijip the Fair of France, Inf xix, 82-7 [Cle- mente^ : Tilippo^ : Jasone^]. Antipodi], Antipodes ; of the inhabited world and the Mt. of Purgatory, Inf. xxxiv. 113; Par. i. 43; more precisely, of Jerusalem and the Mt. of Purgatory, Purg. ii. 1-6 ; iv. 66- 87 ; the Pythagorean Antichthon or Counter- Earth, Conv. iii. 529-37 [Antictona]. Antipurgatorio], Ante-purgatory, region outside the actual gate of Purgatory, answer- ing somewhat to the Limbo of Hell ; referred to by Forese Douati (in Circle VI of Purga- tory) as la casta ove s'aspetta, Purg. xxiii. 89 [Purgatorio]. Here are located the spirits of those who died without having availed them- selves of the means of penitence offered by the Church. They are divided into four classes : — I. Those who died in contumacy of the Church, and only repented at the last moment ; these have to remain in Ante-purgatory for a period thirty-fold that during which they had been contumacious, unless the period is shortened by the prayers of others on their behalf (Purg. iii. 136-41). Examples : Casella the musician [Casella] ; King Manfred [Manfredi]. — 2. Those who in indolence and indifference put off their repentance until just before their death ; these are detained outside Purgatory for a period equal to that of their lives upon [39] Autistes Apocalypsis earth, unless it be shortened by prayers on their behalf (Purg. iv. 130-5). Example: Belacqua of Florence [Belaoqua].— 3. Those who died a violent death, without absolution, but repented at the last moment ; these are detained under the same conditions as the last class ; during their detention they move round and round, chanting the Miserere (Purg. V. 22-4, 52-7). Examples : Jacopo del Cassero [Cassero, Jaoopo del] ; Buonconte da Monte- feltro [Buonconte] ; La Pia of Siena [Pia, La]; Benincasaof Arezzo[Benineasa]; Clone de' Tarlati [Clone] ; Federico Novello of Batti- foUe [Pederico M'ovello] ; Farinata degli Scornigiani [Farinata^] ; Count Orso [Orso, Conte]; Pierre de la Brosse [Broecia, Pier dalla] ; and Sordello, who is stationed apart (Purg. vi. 58) [Sordello]. — 4. Kings and princes who deferred their repentance owing to the pressure of temporal interests ; these are de- tained for the same period as the last two classes ; they are placed in a valley full of flowers, and are guarded at night by two angels against the attacks of a serpent (Purg. vii. 64-84 ; viii. 22-39). Examples : Emperor Rudolf [Kidolfo] ; Ottocar of Bohemia [Otta- ohero] ; Philip III of France [Pilippoi] ; Henry I of Navarre [Arrigo''] ; Peter 111 of Aragon [Pietro^] ; Charles I of Naples [Carloi]; Alphonso III of Aragon [Alfonsoi]; Henry HI of England [Arrigo'] ; William of Montferrat [QuglielmoS] ; Nino Visconti of Pisa [Wino^] ; and Conrad Malaspina the younger [Malaspina, Currado^]. Antistes, Bishop ; title applied by D. to the Pope, Mon.iii. 611, 129; Epist. viii 10. [Papa.] Antonio, Sant', St. Anthony the Egyptian hermit (not to be confounded with his name- sake of Padua), bom at Coma in Upper Egypt in 251, died at the age of 105 in 356. He is regarded as the founder of monastic institu- tions, his disciples who followed him in his retirement to the desert haying formed, as it were, the first community of monks. His symbol is a hog (perhaps as a type of the temptations of the devil, or possibly as a token of the power ascribed to him of warding off disease from cattle), which is generally repre- sented lying at his feet. His reniains were miraculously discovered long after his death, and transported to Constantinople, whence in Cent, xi a portion of them was transferred to Vienne in Provence. The monks of the order of St. Anthony are said to have kept herds of swine, which they fattened with the proceeds of their alms, and which were regarded by the common folk with superstitious reverence, a fact which the monks turned to account when collecting alms. A story of the evil fate which befell a Florentine who tried to kill one of these hogs of St. Anthony forms the subject of one of Sacchetti's novels {Nov. ex). [40] Beatrice (in the Crystalline Heaven) men- tions St. A. and his hog in the course of her denunciation of the Preaching Friars, who practised upon the credulity of the common people. Par. xxix. 124-6. Anubis, Egyptian divinity, worshipped in the shape of a human being with a dog's head (' latrator Anubis,' Aen. viii. 698), which was identified by the Romans with Mercury ; ac- cording to the reading of some edd., D. at- tributes to Anubis the words {Aen. iv. 272-6) of Mercury to Aeneas, Epist. vii. 4 ; other edd. read not Anubis but a nubibus. Aonius, Boeotian (from the Acnes, an ancient race of Boeotia) ; mantes Aonii, the range of Mt. Helicon in Boeotia, Eel. i. 28 [Elicoija}. Apenninoi, the Apennine range, which forms the backbone of Italy, branching off from the Alps at the head of the Gulf of Genoa ; mentioned in connexion with the source of the Acquaqueta, Inf. xvi. 96 [Aoquaqueta], and of the Archiano, Purg. v. 96 [Archiano] ; one of the S. limits of the langue ^o'il, V. E. i. 882-3 ; taken by D. as the dividing line (from N. to S.) of Italy in his examination of the various local dialects, V. E. i. lo*!"'?, 14I-2 ; crossed by the Roman Eagle in company with the Emperor Henry VII, Epist. vii. i ; alluded to as alpe. Inf. xvi. loi [Benedetto, San] \ it giogo di che il Tever si disserra, Inf. xxvii. 30 [Tevere] ; il gran giogo, Purg. v. 116 [Casen- tino] ; Valpe^tro monte, Purg. :fiv. 32 [Peloro] ; il monte, Purg. xiv. 92 [Bomagna] ; lo dosso d' Italia, Purg. xxx. 86 ; sassi, the peaks of the Apennines being described as rising between the shores of the Adriatic ^nd the Mediter- ranean, Par. xxi. 106 [Catria]. Some think the Apennines are the moun- tains referred to as Apennino (van Pennino), Inf. 3CX. 65 ; the reference is more probably to the Pennine Alps [Apennino 2; Pennine]. Apennino 2, a spur of the Rhaetian Alps, situated above Gargnano, N.W. of the Lago di Garda ; thought by Witte to be the Apennino {vzx. Pennino) mentioned Inf.xx. 6$ [Pennino: Val CamQnica], Apenninus. [Appenninus.] Apocalypsis\, the Apocalypse or Revelation of St. John; quoted a.% Johannis Visio, Epist. X. 33 (Rev. i. 8) ; referred to. Inf. xix. 106-10 (ref. to Rev. xvii. 1-3) ; Purg. xxix. 105 (ref. to Rev. IV. 8) ; Par. xxv. 94-6 (ref. to Rev. vii. 9) ; Par. xxvi. 17 (ref. to Rev. i. 8). The Apocalypse is supposed to be symbolized by the solitary elder, who walks sleeping with undimmed coun- tenance behmd all the rest, in the mystical Pro- cession in the Terrestrial Pafadise, Purg. xxix. 143-4. [Giovanni^: Prooessione.] Apollo Aquila Apollo, son of Jupiter and Latona, who gave birth to him and his twin-sister Diana on the island of Delos [Delo : Diana : Latona]. A. was god of the Sun, Diana of the Moon, hence D. speaks of them together as li due occhi del cielo, Purg. xx. 132 ; and of the Sun and Moon as ambedue i figli di Latona, Par. xxix. I ; similarly he speaks of the Sun as Phoebae f rater, Mon. i. li^^; Phoebus, Mon. ii. 9''5 ; Delias, Epist. vi. 2 [Sole]. D. invokes A. as god of music and song. Par. i. 13 [Calliope: Parnaso] ; Par. ii. 8; Epist. x. 18, 31 ; calls him Timbreo (from Thymbra, where he had a celebrated temple), Purg. xii. 31 [Timbreo] ; divina virtit, Par. i. 32 ; la Delfica deitd, (from his famous oracle at Delphi), Par. i. 32 ; refers to his worship. Par. xiii. 25 [Peansi] ; the prophecy of his oracle that the two daughters of Adrastus would marry a lion and a wild-boar, Conv. iv. 2566 [Adrasto]. Apostoli, the twelve Apostles ; only three of them (St. Peter, St. James, and St. John) present at the Transfiguration, Conv. ii. 1*6-8 j Par. XXV. 33 ; the saying pf Christ to Peter {Matt. xvi. 19; John xx, 23) addressed equally to the rest of the Apostles, Mon. iii. 8^"** ; all present with Christ at the Last Supper, Mon. , iii. 933-4. the Pope not entitled to receive temporal goods, save for the purpose of dis- pensing them to the poor, as did the Apostles, Mon., iii. ioi28-32; the Acts of the Apostles, Mon. ii. 870 j jji. 1-342 \Actus Apostoloruip]. Apostoloi, St. Paul, Conv. ii. 6^; iv. 2i5b, 2266, 24!'^; Apostolus, Mon. ii. ll***, 13''' i^; iii. 106O; Epist. X. 27 ; A. T. § 22i5. [Paolo.] Apostolo^, St. James, Conv. iv. 2o5i. [Jacopo.] Apostolorum, Actus. [Actus Apostolo- rum.] Apostolus. [Apostoloi.] Appenninus, the Apennine range, V. E, i. g63j iof2j 14^; Epist. vii. I. [Apenninol.] Apuli, the Apulians ; their dialect differs from those of the Romans and Sicilians, V. E. i. io6i~3 J condemned as harsh, V. E. i. la^"; rejected by some of their poets in favour of the 'curial' language, V. E. i. i26i-«; their best writers, like those of Sicily, Tuscany, Romagna, Lombardy, and the two Marches, wrote in the Italian vulgar tongue, V. E. i. I 915-19. Apulia, province of S. Italy, which formed part of the old Kingdom of Naples; divided in two by the Apennines, V. E. i. lo*3-62. [PugUa.] Apulus, Apulian; Apulum Vulgare, the Apulian dialect, neither that nor the Sicilian the most beautiful in Italy, V. E. i. i'2'i-3. [Pugliese.] Aqua et Terra, Quaestio de. [Quaestlo de Aqua et Terra.] Aquario, Aquarius ('the Water-bearer'), constellation and eleventh sign of the Zodiac, which the Sun enters about Jan. 20 (equivalent to Jan. 10 in D.'s day) ; so called from the rains which prevail at that season in Italy and the East. D. speaks of the time of the young year ' when the Sun is tempering (i. e. warm- ing) his rays beneath Aquarius,' the period indicated being the latter half of January or the beginning of February, Inf. xxiv. 1-2. [Zodlaoo.] Aquila 1, the Imperial Eagle, the Roman standard, Purg. x. 80 ; Par. vi. i ; /' uccel di Giove, Purg. xxxii. 112; V uccel di Dio, Par. vi. 4; il sacrosanto segno. Par. vi. 32; it pub- blico segno, Par. vi. 100 ; il segno Che fe' i Romani al mondo riverendi. Par. xix. loi ; il segno del mondo. Par. xx. 8 ; lo benedetto segno, Par. XX. 86 ; hence, as symbol of the Roman Emperors, Purg. xxxii. 125 ; xxxiii. 38 ; Mon. ii. 1 1^6, 1355 ; Epist. V. 4 ; vi. 3 ; signa Tarpeia, Epist. vii. I. In the Heaven of Mercury the Emperor Justinian traces the course of the Imperial Eagle from the time when it was carried west- ward from Troy by Aeneas (the founder of the Roman Empire), down to the time when the Guelfs opposed it, and the Ghibellines made a party ensign of it, Par. vi. i-lli ; after referring to the transference of the seat of Empire eastward to Byzantium (a.d. 324) by Constantine, two hundred years and more before he himself became Emperor (a.d. 527) (yv. i-io) [Costantino : Giustiniano], J. re- lates to D. how Aeneas planted the Eagle in Italy, and Pallas died to make way lor it [vv. 35-6) [Pallante] ; how it flourished at Alba for three hundred years and more, and how the Horatii fought for it {vv. 37-9) [Alba : Crazii] ; he then refers to the period of the seven kings at Rome, from the rape of the Sabine wpmen to that of Lucretia, and the ex- pulsion of the Tarquins from Rome {vv. 40-2) [Sabine : Lucrezia : Tarquinii] ; and recalls the wars of Rome against Brennus and the Gauls, and against Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, and others (vv. 43-5) [Brenno : Pirro^] ; the noble deeds of Manlius Torquatus, Quintius Cincinnatus, the Decii, and the Fabii (vv. 46-8) [Torquato : Cincinnato : Deoi : Fabi] ; the war against the Carthaginians under Hannibal, and the victories of Scipio Africanus Major andofPompey(z'Z'. 49-53) [Annibale: Arabi: Scipionei : Pompeo] ; the destruction of Fie- sole by the Romans after the defeat of Catiline {vv. 53-4) [Piesole] ; he then recounts the exploits of Julius Caesar, viz. his victorious campaigns in Gaul (vv. 55-60) [Cesarei : Era] ; [41] Aquila Aquila his crossing of the Rubicon {vv. 61-3) [Hubi- oone] ; his wars in Spain and Epirus against Pompey, his victory at Pharsalia, his pursuit of Pompey into Egypt and defeat of Ptolemy {vv. 64-6) [Spagna : Durazzo : Farsaglia : Ifilo : Tolommeo^] ; his visit to the Troad, and, his defeat of Juba, King of Numidia, and of the sons of Pompey at Munda {vv. 67-72) f Antandro : Giuba : Munda] ; J. next relates the victories of Augustus over Brutus and Cassius at Philippi, over Mark Antony at Mutina, and over Lucius and Fulvia at Perusia (vv. 73-5) [Filippi^: Modena : Perugia]; the death of Cleopatra, and the long peace under Augustus (vv. 76-81) [Augusto^ : Cleo- patra : Jane] ; the crucifixion of Christ under Tiberius, and the siege of Jerusalem by Titus (vv. 82-93) [Tiberio : Tito] ; then, passing over seven centuries, he comes down to Charle- magne and the destruction of the Lombard kingdom (vv. 94-6) [Carlo Magno : De- siderio] ; and finally, passing over another five centuries, concludes with the mention of the wars of the Guelfs and Ghihellines in D.'s own day (vv. 97-1 11) [Guelfi: QhibeUini]. D. gives similar summaries of periods of Roman history in the Convivio (iv. jSS-iTS) and De Monarchia (ii. 4^'^"^", n8~88)_ Aquila 2, the Eagle in the Hpaven of Jupiter; the spirits of the Just (Spiriti Giudicanti), having formed successively the letters of thp Figures illustratin shape assumed b to the Florentine (From the design of the Di^lte of Sermoneta.) sentence ' Diligite justitiam qui judicatis ter- ram' (Par. xviii. 70-93), remain for a time in the shape of M, the final letter (fig. a) (vv. 94-6) ; then gradually other spirits join them, and the M is by degrees metamorphosed, first intp the lily of Florence or fleur-de-lys (fig. b), and then into the Imperial Eagle (fig. c) (vv. 97-1 14) ; aquila, Par. xviii. 107 ; imprenta, z/. 114 ; bella image, Par. xix. 2, 21 ; quel segno, v. 37 ; iene- detta imagine, v. 95 ; i I segno Chefe'i Romani al mondo riverendi, vv. 101-2 ; il segno del mondo. Par. xx. 8 ; aquila, v. 26 ; I'image della imprenta DeWeterno placer^, vv. 76-7 ; bene- detto segno, v. 86; imagine divina, v. 139. [Aquilai : Qiove, Cielo di.] After an apostrophe from D. on Papal avarice (Par. xviii. 11 5-1 36), the Eagle begins to speak, using the first person as representing the spirits of which it is composed (Par. xix. 10-13) ; having stated that it owes its place in Heaven to the righteousness of the spirits while on earth (vv. 13-18), in response to 'a doubt of old standing' (viz. that, since faith in Christ and baptism are essential to salvation, millions who have never heard of Christ must neces- sarily, through no fault of their own, be eternally damned, — a result which it is hard to reconcile with the idea of divine justice) expressed by D. (yv. 22-32), it proceeds to show that God's justice is not as man's justice (vv. 40-99) ; then, after insisting that faith without works is of no avail (vv. 103-14), it goes on to reprehend the evil deeds of certain princes, referring in particular to the invasion of Bohemia by Albert of Austria (vv. 1 15-17) [Alberto 2 : Buemme] ; the debasement of his coinage by Philip IV of France, and his coming death (vv. 118-20) [Pilippo^] ; the wars between England and Scotland(i'7/. 121-3) [Inghilese] ; the luxury and eflfeminacy of Ferdinand IV of Castile and of Wenceslas IV of Bohemia (vv. 124-6) [Spagna : Buemme] ; the depravity of Charles 1 1 of Naples (vv. 127- 9) [Carlo 2] ; the avarice and baseness of Frederick II of Sicily (vv. 130-5) [rederioo^] ; the ' filthy works ' of Don Jaime of Majorca and of James II of Aragon (vv. 136-8) [Ja- comoi; JaooHio^]; the misdoings of Dionysius of Pprtugal and Hakon Longshanks of Nor- way, and the false coinit^g of Stephen Ouros of Rascia (vv. 139-41) [Dionisio^: Aoone^ : Easoia] ; the misfortunes of Hungary, and the union of Navarre with France [vv. 142-4) [TJngaria : Ifavarra] ; and finally the miseries of Cyprus under Henry II of Lusignan (vv. 145- 8) [ArrigoS : Cipri]. After a pause, during which the voices of the spirits are heard changing (Par. xx. 1-15), the Eagle resumes, explaining to D. that the spirits which,form its eye and eyebrow (the head being in profile, only pne eye is visible— see engraving below) are the most exalted (v-j^. 31-6) ; it thenpro- ceecjs to name these, pointing out that the pupil of the eye is for-me^ by David (vv. 37- 42), while the eyebrq\Y, beginning from the Eye and eye-brow of the Eagle formed by-i. David ; -■ ^ 6.'llhi"eus ' +-"=°°^'»"""=i 5 WiUi^of Sicily [42] side nearest the beak, is formed by five others, VIZ. Trajan (vv. 43-8), Hezekiah (vv. 49-54) Constantme (vv. 56-60) ; William the G6od of Sicily (w. 61-6), and Rhipeus (vv. 67-72) [David: Ezechia: Costantino : Qugli- Aquilegienses Aragones elmo^] ; after another pause, in response to certain inward questionings of D. as to the presence of the pagans Trajan and Rhipeus in Heaven [vv. 73-83), the Eagle concludes with the explanation that they were saved by faith, Rhipeus in Christ to come, Trajan in Christ already come {vv. 88-138) [Rifeo : Traiano]. Aquilegienses. [Aguileienses.] Aquileienses, inhabitants of Aquileia, ancient city in the Venetian territory, at the head of the Adriatic ; their dialect distinct from those of the Trevisans, Venetians, and Istrians, V. E. i. iqBB-TO ■ condemned, with that of the Istriaris, as harsh and unpleasant, V. E. i. Il38~8. poj- Aquileienses Rajna restores the MS. reading Aquilegienses. Aquilone, Aquilo, the N. wind, Purg. xxxii. 99 [Austto] ; hence the North, Purg. iv. 60 ; Conv. iv. 20^8 [Borea]. Aquino, Rinaldo d'. [Kenaldus de Aquino.] Aquino, Tommaso d'. [Tommaso^.] Arabi, Arabs; term applied by an ana- chronism to the Carthaginians (whose territory in D.'s day was occupied by the Arabs), the reference being to their passage of the Alps under Hannibal, and their subsequent defeat by Scipio, Par. vi. 49-51. [Cartaginesi.] By similar anachronisms D. speaks of Virgil's parents as Lombardi, Inf. i. 68 ; and of the Gauls as Franceschi, Conv. iv. 51^1. Arabia, Arabia ; alluded to (according to some, others thinking that Egypt is intended) as cib cKe di sopra il mar rosso /«, i. e. the country above the Red Sea, Inf. xxiv. 90 ; mentioned (according to the better readir}g, for which many edd. substitute the 'facilior lectio ' Italia) in connexion with the Arabian usage of reckoning the commencement of the day from sunset, instead of from sunrise, V.N. § 30^. D. here, in speaking of the death of Beatrice, says ' secondo I'usanza d' Arabia, I'anima sua nobilissima si parti i^ella prima era del nono giorno del mese,' i. e. B. died flot on June 9, as has been usually supposed, but on the evening of June 8, which according to the Arabian usage would be t^e beginning of June 9. D.'s object in introducing the Arabian usage is plain. He wishes to bring ii^ the number nine in connexion with the day, month, and year of B.'s death. The year, he says, was that in which the number ten had been nine times completed in Cent, xiii, i.e. 1290; the month, June, the sixth according to our usage, but the ninth according to the Syrian usage ; and the day, the eighth according to our usage, but the ninth according to the Arabian usage. The information as to the Arabian reckoning D. got from the Elemenia Astronomica of Alfraganus, who says : ' Dies Arabum . . . initium capit ab occasu Solis, . . . finem ver6 ab ejusdem occasu . . . Auspicantur enim Arabes diem quemque cum sua nocte . . . ab eo momento, quo Sol occidit.' (Cap. i.) (See Romania, xxiv. 418-20.) [Alfergano : Tisrin.] Aragne, Arachne (i.e. 'spider'), Lydian maiden, daughter of Idmon of Colophon, a famous dyer in purple. A. excelled in the art of weaving, and, proud of her skill, ventured to challenge Minerva to compete with her. A. produced a piece of cloth in which the amours of the gods were woven ; and Minerva, unable to find fault with it, tore it in pieces. In despair A. hanged herself, but the goddess loosened the rope and saved her life, the rope being changed into a cobweb, and A. herself into a spider. D. mentions her on account of her skill in weaving, Inf xvii. 18; and includes her amongst the examples of defeated pride in Circle I of Purgatory, Purg. xii. 43-45 [Superbi]. Her story is told by Ovid {Metam. vi. I-I4S)- Aragona, Aragon, one of the old kingdoms of Spain, of which (with Catalonia) it forms the N.E. corner; Manfred (in Antepurgatory) mentions it in connexion with his daughter Constance, the wife of Peter HI of Aragon, whom he speaks of as ' genitrice Dell' onor di Cicjlia e d'Aragona,' Purg. iii. 115-16; some think that by the ' honour of Sicily and Aragon ' Alphonso III, eldest son of Constance and Peter, is meant, he having succeeded his father in Aragori (1285), and having been entitled also, in right qf his mother, in virtue of which Peter had assumed it, to the crown of Sicily, though he abandoned his rights to his brother James ; the allusion is more probably to the second and thirc} sons of Constance and Peter, viz. James, King of Aragon (1291-1327), and Frederick, King of Sicjly (1296-1337). [Al- fonso 1 : Federioo^ ; Jacomoi; Table i.] The objection that D, elsewhere (Purg. vii. 119-20) speaks severely of these two princes, especially qf Frederick (Par. xix. 130 ; xx. 63 ; Conv. iv. 61*2 1 V. E. i. 128'), is not a valid one, as the praise of them in the present passage ig put into the mouth of their grandfather, Manfred, who would naturally be inclined to judge tl}em favourably, especially in view of the fact that, by holding the island of Sicily, they h^d to a certain extent avenged the wrongs inflicted on the house of Swabia by that of Anjou. D. mentions the mountains of Aragon, i.e. the Pyrenees, as the S. limit of the langue rf'oil, V. E. i. 882. [Lingua OzA] Aragones, inhabitants of Aragon, which is bounded on the E. by Catalonia, on the S. and W. by Castile, and on the N.W. by Navarre ; their king an instance of a prince whose juris- diction is limited by the confines of the neigh- [43] Aragouia Archemoro bouring kingdoms, while that of the Emperor is bounded by the ocean alone, Mon. i. il*^~'. Aragonia, Aragon ; montes Aragoniae, i. e. the Pyrenees, V.E.i.8«^. [Aragona: Fireneo.] Arbia, small stream of Tuscany, which rises a few miles S. of Siena and runs into the Ombrone at Buonconvento ; on its left bank is the hill of Montaperti, where was fought (Sept. 4, 1260) the great battle between the Ghibellines and Guelfs of Florence, referred to by D. as Lo strazio e il grande scempio Che fece I'Arbia colorata in rosso, Inf. x. 85-6. [Montaperti.] The Guelfs, who since the beginning of Cent, xiii had been predominant in Florence, were expelled in 1248 by the Ghibellines with the assistance of the Emperor Frederick II. After the death of the latter (1250) they were recalled, and the Ghibelline leaders in their turn were driven into exile, to be followed in 1258 by the rest of their party [Guelfo]. The Ghibellines, however, soon found a powerful ally in Manfred, natural gon of the Emperor Frederick, and in 1260, with his help and that of the Sienese, they inflicted a crushing defeat on the Florentine Guelfs at Montaperti, which left them masters of Tuscany [Manfred!]. The Sienese and exiled Ghibellines had spared no effort to ensure their victory. In the previous year they had sent envoys, among whom was Farinata degli Uberti, to Manfred asking for assistance against Florence aiid its allies. Manfred declared himself willing to spare them a hundred of his German cavalry. This meagre offer the envoys in disgust deterrnined to decline, but they were overruled by Farinata, and the deputation returned to Siena under the escort of the German horsemen. Shortly after, however, the latter were cut tq pieces in a skirmish with the Florentines, who paptured Manfred's banner, and dragged it in the dirt through the streets of Florence. Enraged at this insult, Manfred at once despatched to Siena eight hundred more of his German cavalry, under the command of Conte Giordano. Farinata now, with the connivance of the Sienese, entered into secret negotiations \vith the Florentines, pretending that the exiled Ghibellines were weary of the Sienese and were anxious for peace ; he therefore proposed that the Florentines, under pretext of relieving Montalcino, which was being besieged by the Sienese, should despatch a force to the Arbia, in readiness for an attack on Siena, one of the gates of which he promised to open to them, Completely deceived, the Florentines, in spite of the remonstrances of their leaders, closed with the offer [Aldobrandi]. On Tuesday, Sept. 4, 1260, supported by allies from all parts of Tuscany, as well as from Genoa, Bologna, Perugia, and Orvieto, in all over 30,000 strong, they marched out with the Carroccio and the [44] big bell Martinella, and encamped in the valley of the Arbia. In reliance on the false informa- tion that one of the gates of Siena would be opened to them, they were awaiting certain intelligence of the fact, when to their surprise they saw the GhibeUine army advancing to the attack. Though numerically weaker, the Sienese were skilfully ordered and well com- manded by Provenzano Salvani, Farinata, and others, and they were besides supported by Manfred's eight hundred German horsemen under Conte Giordano. Taken by surprise the Guelfs were thrown into disorder, which in a short time became a panic, when, at the moment of the charge of the German cavalry, Bocca degli Abati, a traitor in their own ranks, struck off the hand of Jacopo de' Pazzi, who was carrying the standard of the Florentines [Booea]. Seeing the standard down, the Guelfs gave up all for lost, and the Sienese, falling upon them before they could recover from their confusion, routed them completely with terrible slaughter. The Carroccio and Marti- nella were taken (the two flagstafifs of the former are still to be seen in the Cathedral of Siena), and some 3,000 dead of the Florentines alone are said to have been left upon the field. On receipt of the fatal news the Guelfs fled from Florence, and the Ghibellines were with difficulty dissuaded by Farinata from razing the city to the ground [Farinata i]. The Guelf Villani concludes his account of the disaster with the exclamation : — ' E cosi s'adond la rabbia dell' ingrato e superbo popolo di Firenze . . . e allora fu rotto e annul- lato il popolo vecchio di Firenze, ch' era durato in tante vittorie e grande signoria -e stato per dieci anni ! ' (vi. ■Jg.) Area, Dell', ancient noble family of Flor- ence, extinct in D.'s day ; mentioned by Caccia- guida (in the Heaven of Mars) as having been of importance in his lifetime, Par. xvi. 92. Villani says : — ' Nel quartiere della porta di san Brancazio . . . molti antichi furono quelli dell' Area, e oggi son spent}.' (iv. 12.) The Ottimo Comento : — ' Questi furono nobili e arroganti, e fecero di famose opera ; de' quali h oggi piccola fama : sono pochi in persona, e pochi in avere.' Arcangeli, Archangels, the lowest Order but one in the Celestial Hierarchies, ranking next above the Angels, Conv. ii. 6**-^ . they preside over the Heaven of lylercury, Conv. ii. 6108 [Gerarohia ; Paradise] ; Beatrice (in the Crystalline Heaven) mentions them as forming, together with Principalities and Angels, the third Celestial Hierarchy, Par. xxviii. 124-6 [Gabbriello : Michele : Baf- faeUe.] Archemoro, Archemorus or Opheltes, son of Lycurgus, King of Nemea ; while under the Archiano Argenti, Pilippo charge of the captive Hypsipyle he was killed by the bite of a serpent, whereupon Lycurgus would have put H. to death had she not been rescued by her two sons. D. quotes from Statius {Theb. V. 609-10) the apostrophe of Hypsipyle to A., Conv. iii. iii65-9; the death of A. is referred to as la tristizia di Licurgo, Purg. xxvi. 94. [Isiflle : Licurgo^.] Archiano, now Archiana, torrent in Tus- cany, which rises in the Apennines above Camaldoli and falls into the Arno just above Bibbiena in the Casentino, Purg. v. 95, 125. Buonconte da Montefeltro, who fought oh the side of Arezzo and the Ghibellines at the battle of Campaldino and was slain, relates to D. (in Antepurgatory), in reply to the inquiry of the latter as to what became of his body, how it was washed by the floods into the Archiano, and carried down by that stream into the Arno, Purg. v. 94-129. [Buonconte : Camp- aldino.] Archimandrita, Archimandrite, title given in the Greek Church to an abbot in charge of several convents ; applied by D. to St. Francis, Par. xi. 99 [Francesco^] ; St. Peter, Mon. iii. 9^^^ [Pietroi] ; the Pope, Epist. viii. 6 [Papa]. Arcippe], daughter of Minyas of Boeotia ; referred to, with her sisters Alcithoe and Leucippe, Epist. iv. 4. [Alcithoe.] Arcivescovo Ruggieri, [Euggieri, Arcivesoovo.] Ardinghi, ancient noble family of Florence, in low estate in D.'s day ; mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) among the great families existing in his time. Par. xvi. 93. Villani says of them : — ' Nel quartiere di porta san Piero erano . . . gli Ardinghi che abitavano in ortQ s&n Michele, erano molto antichi.' (iv. 11.) The Ottimo Comento : — ' Questi sono al presente in bassissimo stato, e pochi.' Aretini, Aretines, inhabitants of Arezzo ; mentioned, as some think, with a special allu- sion to the battle of Campaldino, at which D. himself is supposed to have been present, Inf. xxii. 5 [Dante : Campaldino] ; such inci- dents, however, as D. describes in the text must have been common enough during the hostilities between Florence and Arezzo after the expulsion of the Guelfs from the latter city in June 1287. In describing the course of the Arno, Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purga- tory) refers to the Aretines, who were in a state of almost constant feud with Florence, as Botoli . . . Ringhiosi piil che non chiede lor fossa, ' curs who snarl more than their power demands,' Purg. xiv. 46-7 [Arno]. Their dia- lect distinct from that of the Sienese, V. E. i. ioT5-e . condemned with the rest of the Tuscan dialects, a specimen of it being given, V. E. i. i327-8_ [Arezzo.] Aretino, inhabitant of Arezzo ; of Griffolino the alchemist. Inf. xxx. 31 [Griffolino]; Benin- casa da Laterina, Purg. vi. 13 [Benincasa] ; Clone de' Tarlati, Purg. vi. 15 [Clone] ; Guit- tone the poet, V. E. i. 13'; ii. 68T [Guit- tone]. Aretinus. [Aretino.] Aretinus, Guido. [Guittone.] Aretinus, Guitto. [Guittone.] Aretusa, Arethusa, one of the Nereids, nymph of the fountain of Arethusa in the island of Ortygia near Syracuse ; while bathing she was perceived by the river-god Alpheus, who pursued her ; on appealing to Artemis she was changed into the fountain of the same name, but Alpheus continued to pursue her under the sea, and attempted to mingle his stream with the waters of the fountain. D. alludes to Ovid's account {Metam. v. 587 ff.) of the metamor- phosis, Inf. XXV. 97-8. Arezzo, city in S.E. of Tuscany, about midway between Florence and Perugia ; it was a staunch adherent of the Ghibelline cause, and was in consequence in a state of almost constant feud with the Florentines, whose repeated attempts to get possession of it were successfully resisted by the Aretines, until at last in 1336 the city and neighbouring territory fell into their hands (Vill. xi. 60) ; it is men- tioned as his native place by the alchemist Griffolino (in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of Hell), Inf. xxix. 109 [Griffolino] ; and alluded to by Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purga- tory) in his description of the course of the Arno, which flows S.E. through the Casentino to within four or five miles of the city, and then makes a great bend and flows N.W. towards Florence, Purg. xiv. 46-8. [Aretini : Arno.] Argenti, Filippo, one of the Cavicciuli branch of the Adimari family of Florence, placed by D. among the Wrathful in Circle V of Hell, Inf. viii. 61 ; un pien di fafigo, v. 32 ; persona orgogliosa, v. 46 ; il fiorentino spirito bizarre, v. 62. [Iracondi.] As D. and Virgil are being ferried across the marsh of Styx, a form covered with mud rises up in front of them and asks D. who he is that comes alive into Hell, Inf. viii. 31-3 ; D. replies that he has not come to remain, and inquires in turn who the other is (^v. 34-5) ; the figure gives an evasive reply, whereupon D., recognizing that it is Filippo Argenti, curses him [vv. 36-9) ; F. A. then makes as though to seize the boat, but is thrust off by V. (vv. 40-2), who commends D. and describes the overbearing character of [45] Argi Argo F. A. {vv. 43-8) ; D. expresses a desire to see the latter smothered in the marsh {vv. 52-4) ; V. approves his wish, which is shortly after gratified, F. A. being attacked by his com- panions, who call out his name {vv. 55-61) ; in fury he rends himself with his teeth, and beyond a shriek of pain D. hears no more of him {vv. 62-5). The old commentators say that Filippo got his name Argenti from the fact that on one occasion he had his horse shod with silver. They all agree in saying that he had a very savage temper. Boccaccio says : — ' Fu questo Filippo Argenti . . . de' Cavicciuli, cavaliere ricchissimo, tanto che esso alcuna volta fece il cavallo, il quale usava di cavalcare, ferrare d'ariento, e da questo trasse il soprannome. Fu uomo di persona grande, bruno e nerboruto e di maravigliosa forza, e piu che alcuno altro ira- cundo, eziandio per qualunque menoma cagione.' In the Decamerone (ix. 8) is a characteristic story of how Filippo fell foul of a certain Bion- dello, who at the instigation of Ciacco had ventured to trifle with him : — Messer Philippo Argenti huom grande et ner- boruto, et forte, sdegnoso, iracundo, et bizarro piii che altro . . . presolo per gli capelli, et strac- ciatagli la cufiBa in capo, et gittato il cappuccio per terra, et dandogli tuttavia forte, diceva : Traditore . . . paioti io fanciullo da dovere essere uccellato ! Et cosi dicendo, con le pugna, lequali haveva che parevan di ferro, tutto il viso gli ruppe, ne gli lasci5 in capo capello, che ben gli volesse, et convoltolo per lo fango tutti i panni in dosso gli straccii . . . Alia line havendol Messer Philippo ben battuto, et essendogli molti dintorno, alia maggior fatica del mondo gliele trasser di mano cosi rabbuffato, et mal concio, come era.' Benvenuto, who copies the above story with- out acknowledgement, tells another of how Filippo had a horse, which he called 'the Florentine people's horse,' because he placed it at the disposal of the first comer who should ask for it ; and of how he used to amuse himself by jeering at the disappointment of those who came when the horse had already been requisi- tioned. According to Benvenuto this was the horse which was on occasion shod with silver. D.'s special bitterness against Filippo (' Bontk non h. che sua memoria fregi,' v. 47) may be partially explained by the fact that the Adimari, and especially the Cavicciuli branch to which F. belonged, were notoriously hostile to himself. [Adimari.] Argi, Argos ; the hospitality of the Argives abused by the Trojans (allusion to the rape of Helen from Sparta by Paris), Epist. v. 8. Argia, daughter of Adrastus, King of Argos, sister of Deiphyle, and wife of Polynices of Thebes, from whom at her marriage she re- ceived the fatal necklace of Harmonia, with [46] which Eriphyle was bribed to betray the hiding- place of Amphiaraus [Anflarao]. Virgil, addressing Statius (in Purgatory), mentions her as being ' delle genti tue ' (i. e. mentioned in the Thebaid or Achilleid) among the great woftien of antiquity in Limbo, Purg. xxii. no [Antigone : Limbo] ; she and Deiphyle are mentioned as examples of modesty, Conv. iv. 2578-88_ [Adrasto.] Argivi, the Argives ; Adrastus, King of, Conv. iv. 2562. [Adrasto.] Argo 1, the ship Argo, built by Argus, son of Phrixus, in which the Argonauts sailed to Colchis in search of the golden fleece. Par. xxxiii. 96. [Argonaut! : Jasone^.] Argo 2, Argus, son of Arestor, surnamed Panoptes ('all-seeing') because he had a hun- dred eyes. Juno, jealous of Jupiter's love for Io, set A. to watch over her after she had been metamorphosed into a cow ; but Jupiter com- manded Mercury to slay him. Mercury there- fore descended to earth in the guise of a shepherd, and, having beguiled A. to sleep with the story of the metamorphosis of Syrinx, cut off his head. Juno thereupon transplanted his eyes into the tail of her favourite bird, the peacock. A. is mentioned in connexion with his eyes, which are compared to those on the wings of the four beasts in the mysticaj Procession in the Terrestrial Paradise, Purg. xxix. 95-6 [Processione] ; his being set to sleep by the story of Syrinx and his death are referred to, Purg. xxxii. 64-6 [Siringa]. D. got the story from Ovid : — [Jupiter having transformed Io into a cow, Juno asks for her as a gift, and then places her under the guardianship of Argus.] 'Pellice donata, non protinus exuit omnem Diva metum ; timuitque Jovera, et fuit anxia furti : Donee Arestoridae servandam tradidit Argo. Centum luminibus cinctum caput Argus habebat: Inde suis vicibus capiebant bina quietein, Cetera servabant, atque in statione manebant. Constiterit quocumque modo, spectabat ad Io, Ante oculos Io, quamvis aversus, habebat.' [Mercury, despatched by Jupiter, seats himself by the side of Argus and begins to tell him the story of Syrinx.] ' f.^'^i' Atlantiades, et euntem multa loqnendo Uetinmt sermone diem ; junctisque canendo Vincere arundinibus servantia lamina tentat. llle tamen pugnat molles evincere somnos • tt quamvis sopor est oculorura parte receptus. Parte tamen vigilat: quaerit quoque, namque r?perU tistula nuper erat, qua sit ratione reperta. Tum deus: Arcadiae gelidis sub montibus, inqnit. Inter Hamadryadas celeberrima Nonaerinis^ ' Na.as una fu,t : Nymphae Syringa vocabant Non semel et Satyros eluserlt ifia sequentes RLs''habit°!'?° ' umbrosaque silvl, feraiqne „ J . . • ■ •. redeuntem colle Lycaeo TllVverba'^f^r'""^"^ ■="""' P""'"""' -■"- [Argus falls asleep; the sequel of the story of Syrinx which Mercury was about to tell.] Argolico Ari6te ' Restabat verba referre ; Et precibus spretis fugisse per avia Nympham, Donee arenosi placidum Ladonis ad amnem Venerit; hie iUi cursum impedientibus undis, Ut se mutarent, liquidas orasse sorores ; Panaque, quutn prensam sibi jam Syringa putaret, Corpore pro Nymphae calamos tenuisse palustres. Dumque ibi suspirat, motos in arundine ventos Effecisse sonum tenuem, siniilem(^ue querent! : Arte nova, vocisque deum dulcedme captum, Hoc mihi eoneilium tecum, dixisse, manebit. — Atque ita disparibus calamis compazine cerae Inter se junctis nomen tenuisse puellae. Talia dicturus vidit Cyllenius omnes Succubuisse oculos, adopertaque lumina somno.' [Seeing that Argus has fallen asleep, Mercury stops the narrative and cuts off his head.] 'Supprimit extemplo vocem ; 6rmatque soporem, Languida permulcens medicata lumina virga. Nee mora : falcato nutantem vulnerat ense, Qua collo confine caput ; saxoque cnientum Dejicit, et maculat praeruptam sanguine cautem. Arge, jaces ; quodque in tot lumina lumen habebas, Kxstinctum est ; centumque oculos nox occupat una. Kxcipit hos, volucrisque suae Saturnia pennis CoUocat et gemmis caudam stellantibus implet.' ^Metam. i, 622-9, 68a ff.) Argolico, belonging to Argolis or Argos ; gente Argolica, i.e. the Greeks, mentioned by Pier da Medicina (in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII of Hell), perhaps with an allusion to the Argo- nauts, Inf. xxviii. 84. [Argonauti : Greoi.] Argonauti], Argonauts, ' sailors of the Argo ' who sailed to Colchis in search of the golden fleece. Jason, who commanded the expedition, was accompanied by fifty heroes, including Hercules, Castor and Pollux, The- seus, and all the famous men of the age. D. speaks of them as Quei gloriosi che passaro a Colco, Par. ii. 16 ; and alludes to them (per- haps) as genie Argolica, Inf. xxviii. 84 ; and to their expedition, Inf. xviii. 86-7. [Argo 1 : Jasone '.] Arianna], Ariadne, daughter of Minos and Pasiphae, and sister of the Minotaur [Milios : Fasife : Minotauro]. She fell in love With Theseus when he came to Crete to bring the tribute of the Athenians to the Minotaur, and gave him the sword with which he slew the monster, and the clue of thread by means of which he found his way out of the Labyrinth [Dedalo]. Theseus in return promised to marry 'her, and took her away with him from Crete, but deserted her in Naxos ; here she was found by Bacchus, who made her his wife and at her death placed among the stars, as the constellation of the Crown, the garland she had worn at her marriage (Par. xiii. 13-14) [Bacco]. Virgil (in Round i of Circle VII of Hell) refers to A. as the sister of the Minotaur, with an allusion to her love for Theseus, Inf. xii. 19-20 [Teseo] ; she is referred to, in connexion with the constellation of the Crown, as la figliuola di Minoi, Par. xiii. 14 [Corona]. Her story is told by Ovid : the Minotaur, having been enclosed by Minos in the Laby- rinth of Daedalus, is slain by Theseus with the aid of Ariadne ; the latter, abandoned by Theseus, is rescued by Bacchus, who weds her and places her crown in the sky : — * Creverat opprobrium generis ; foedumque patebat Matris adulterium, monstri novitate biformis. Destinat hunc Minos tlialamis removere pudorem, Multiplicique domo, caecisque includere tectis. Daedalus, ingenio fabrae celeberrimus artis, Ponit opus ; lurbatque notas, et lumina flexum Ducit in errorem variarum ambage viarum . . . . . . implet Innumeras errore vias ; vixque ipse reverti Ad limen potuit : tanta est fallacia tecti ! Quo postquam tauri geminam juvenisque figuram Clausit, et Actaeo bis pastum sanguine monstrum Tertia sors annis domuit repetita novenis; Utque ope virginea, nullis iterata priorum, Tanua difficilis filo est inventa relecto ; Protinus Aegides, rapta Mino'ide, Dian Vela dedit; comitemque suam crudelis in illo Litore deseruit: desertae, et multa querent!, Amplexus et opem Liber tulit: utque perenni Sidere clara foret, sumptam de fronte coronam Immisit caelo : tenues volat ilia per auras ; Dumque volat, gemmae subitos vertuntur in ignes ; Consistuntque loco, specie remanente Coronae, Qui medius nixique genu est, anguemque tenentis.' {Meiam. viii. 1.56-61, 166 fF.) Ari^te, Aries (' the Ram'), constellation and the first of the twelve signs of the Zodiac, which the Sun enters at the vernal equinox (about March 3i), Par. xxviii. 117; Conv. iii. ji34, 143 . Canz. XV. 41 ; il Montone, Purg. viii. 134 ; Par. xxix. 2 ; alluded to as quella luce Che raggia dietro alia celeste Lasca, 'the light which beams behind the heavenly Carp ' (since Aries comes next to Pisces in the zodiacal circle), Purg. xxxii. 53-4 [Fesci] ; migliore Stella (since, according to the old belief, the Sun was in Aries at the time of the Creation and of the Incarnation), Par. i. 40 ; hence, quelle stelle. Inf. i. 38, where D. indicates the time of the Creation, are also those of Aries (Benvenuto says : ' dicunt enim astrologi et theologi quod Deus ab initio saeculi posuit solem in ariete, in quo signo facit nobis ver'). The vernal equinox is described, Purg. viii. 133-5 [Montone']; Canz. xv. 41 ; the rising of the Sun at the vernal equinox, Par. i. 37-41 (Butler comments : ' the equator, the ecliptic, and the equinoctial colure, or great circle through the equinoxes and the pole of the equator, intersect on the first point of Aries ; at sunrise about the spring equinox this point is therefore on the horizon, which makes the fourth circle : the three crosses being made by the others with it') ; notturno Ariete, 'the Ram seen by night ' (i. e. when the Sun is in Libra, after the autumnal equinox), Par. xxviii. 117; ambedue lijigli di Latona Cdperti del Montone e delta Libra, 'both the children of Latona brooded over by the Ram and the Scales ' (i.e. the Sun and Moon opposite to each other at the equinox, the one being in Aries, the other in Libra), Par. xxix. 1-2 [Libra] ; Aries and Libra opposite signs at opposite points of the zodiacal circle, being entered by the Sun at the vernal and autumnal equinoxes respec- tively, Conv. iii. 5i30-*2 [Zodiaoo]. [47] Aristotele Aristotile forty times, Conv. i. I, 12 ; ii. I, 3, S> ^°> '4» IS, 16; iii. I, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, II, 14, 15 ; iv. 3, 4, 8, 10, 12, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 22, 27. D. also speaks of him as ti mio maestro, Conv. Aristotele, Aristotle, Purg. iii. 43. [Aristo- tile.] Aristoteles, Aristotle, V. E. ii. 613 ; Mon. i. 1*^1, 1 1^1 ; A. T. § 1237. [Aristotile.] Aristotile, Aristotle, the Greek philosopher, born at Stagfra (whence he is sometimes called ' the Stagirite '), a town in Chalcidice in Mace- donia, B.C. 384. In 367 he went to Athens to pursue his studies, and he there became the pupil of Plato, who called him ' the intellect of filosofi, Conv. iv. 8i*i ; maestro delta nostra his school.' After the death of Plato he vita, Conv. iv. 238I ; he alludes to A.'s surname quitted Athens and returned to Macedonia, ' the Stagirite,' mentions him as the founder of i. 9^1 ; quello glorioso Jilosofo at quale la natura ptii aperse Ii suoi segreti, Conv. iii. ^64^6 J maestro delta umana ragione, Conv. iv. 2i3^ ; maestro e duca delta gente umana, . . .il maestro e Vartefice che ne dimostra ilfine delta umana vita, Conv. iv. 668-72; maestro de' where at the request of Philip of Macedon he became the instructor of his son Alexander (afterwards Alexander the Great). A. re- mained in Macedonia seven years, and then went back to Athens, where he founded the Peripatetic school of philosophy. He presided over his school for thirteen years (335-323), during which period he composed the greater part of his works. After the death of Alexander (323) he was looked upon with suspicion in Athens as a friend of Macedonia, and he had to leave that city to avoid being tried on a charge of impiety. He retired to Chalcis in Euboea, where he died in 322 at the age of sixty-three. His numerous works, which treated of almost all the subjects of human knowledge cultivated in his time, have always exercised a powerful influence upon learning, especially in the Middle Ages. D. places A. in Limbo together with Plato, Socrates, and other . great philosophers of antiquity, Inf iv. 131 [Limbo], In the D.C. he is mentioned by name once, Aristotele, Purg. iii. 43 ; referred to as it maestro di color che sanno. Inf. iv. 131 ; (by Charles Martel addressing D.), // maestro vostro. Par. viii. 120 (ref. to Pol. ii. 2). He is probably also alluded to as piil savio di te, Purg. XXV. 63, where Statius tells D. that a wiser than he went astray with regard to the nature of the soul, by teaching that the active intellect (' intellectus agens ') was separate from the soul, a doctrine inconsistent with personal immortality. Butler points out that the reference appears to be to De Anima, iii. 4, 5 ; but many think that the allusion is to Averroes. It is probably to A. too that D. alludes as Colui, che mi dimostra il prima amore, Par. xxvi. 38 ; some, however, take the allusion to be to Plato, or to Dionysius the Areopagite. In the Vita Nuova A. is referred to twice by the title of il Filosofo, the Philosopher (as he was commonly called par excellence in the Middle Ages), V. N. §§ 25", 4280. In the Convivio he is mentioned by name the Peripatetic School, and describes his genius as ' quasi divino,' his opinion as ' somma e altissima autoritade,' and himself as 'degnis- simo di fede e d'obbedienza,' Conv. iv. 65i'-i62_ In D.'s Latin works A. is mentioned by name four times, Aristoteles, V. E. ii. i>^^ : Mon. i. i^i, ii7i ; A. T. § I23T ; referred to by the title of Philosophus forty times, Mon. i. 3, 5, 10, II, 12, 13, 14, 15 ; ii. 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 12 ; iii. I, 4, 10, 16 ; Epist. viii. 5 ; x. 5, 16, 18, 27 ; A. T. §4 2, 6, 12, 13, 21, 23 ; he is also referred to as Magister, Mon. iii. 7^6; magister sapi- entum, V. E. ii. 10* ; praeceptor morum., Mon, iii. 117 ; praeceptor, Epist. viii. 5. With the exception of the Bible, Aristotle's works are quoted by D. more frequently than those of any other author, the direct quotations or references to them numbering about 150. The following are quoted by name : — Prior Analytics, quoted as Priora, A.. T. § 19I9 ; and (perhaps) as De Syllogismo, Mon. iii. 719 \Analytica Priora]. On Sophistical Refutations, quoted as De Sophisticis Elenchis, Mon. iii. 4^6 [Sopbisticis Blencbis, De\. Categories, quoted as Praedicamenta, Mon. iii. 155S; A. T. § 25; the first book, being introductory, is quoted as Antepraedicamenta, A. T. § 1266 [Praedicamenta]. Art of Rhetoric, quoted as Rettorica, Conv. iii. 885; Rhetorica, Epist. x. 18 \Itbetorlca^]. Nicomachean Ethics, quoted as Etica, Inf. xi. 80 ; Conv. i. 962, lo'i, 1221. 76 ; jj. 591, 1443, Ijl^e, 128 . iii_ j57j ^90^ 454^ 789, 8169 1 1 75. 92, 144 12127. 13 70, 74 IS 147 \(fi\ 15^3"; iv. 8*' 1*2, 179, n, 18, 75, 94, 19B3, 2o37, 2ll'27, '22l'5, 25*, 27*7' 110 ; Canz. viii. 85 ; Ethica, A. T. §§ 1868, 20I8; Ad Nicomachum, Mon. i. 3* ii72 1326 143^ I5'2; ii. 263, 306 817 1240. iii. lolOl 1267; A. T. § Ill4[£fli/ca]. Politics, quoted as Politica, Conv. iv. 4*6; Mon. i. 391, 515, 1268 . ii. 317^ 7S6, 8i*[Aj//tfca], Physics or Physical Discourse, quoted as Fisica, Inf. xi. 101 ; Conv. ii. iios . iii ijio. iv. 2« 926, io91, 15I62, 1678 . Physi^a, V. E. ii! lo9; Epist. X. 25; A. T. §§ iiU, 2o23 ; De upwards of fifty times, Aristotile, Conv. i. 9 ; Naturali Auditu, Mon. i. 97 • ji 741 . iji' jeU Ji-3, 4. 5.9, 10. 14, 15; iii-2, 5,7, 9, II. 14. is; \Pbyslca]. ' ' ' • ^ IV. 2, 6, 7, 8, II, 13, 15, 17, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, On the Heavens, quoted as Di Cielo e 27, 28 ; referred to as // Filosofo upwards of Mondo, Conv. ii. 320, 61, 434, ci3 . ^n cH giii • [48] Aristotile Arli iv. 928; De Caelo et Mundo, A. T. §§ 12**, 13*1 ; De Caelo, Epist. x. 27 ; A. T. § 2i56 [Caelo, De]. On Generation and Corruption, quoted as Di Generazione, Conv. iii. loi^ ; iv. lo^i [Oeaeratlone et Cormptione, De], Meteorologies, quoted as Meteora, A. T. §§615 23*7 [jWefeorai]. History of Animals (ftiore correctly Re- searches about Animals), and On Parts of Animals, both quoted &% Degli Animali; the former, Conv. ii. g's ; the latter, Conv. ii. 3I5 [Aalmalibus, De]. On Soul, quoted as DelV Anima, Conv. ii. 96*, 1068, I^Ml ; iii. 283> 126, 6111, g54 . jv. 7I11, I39j 1368, ijiie, 2o69 ; De Anima, Mon. i. 3^8 ; iii. i627 \Anitaa, De], On Sense and Sensible Things, quoted as Di Senso e Sensato, Conv. iii. 9**, los \Sensu et Seasibili, De]. On Youth and Old Age, quoted as Di Gio- •ventute e Senettute, Conv. iv. 28^^ [Juventute et Senectute, De]. On Generation of Animals, quoted as De Generatione Animalium, A. T. § 13*2 \Qene- ratlone Animalium, De]. First Philosophy or Metaphysics, quoted as Prima Filosofia, Conv. i. i^ ; Prima Philo- sophia, Mon. iii. 12^ ; Metafisica,Y . N. § 42^" ; Conv. ii. 332, 512' 118, 14I4S, i6B0 ; iii. 11I2, 149*; iv. lo^s ; Metaphysica, Epist. x. 5, 16, 20; De Simpliciter Ente, Mon. i. 12^1, 13I5, 15I2JI9J iii. 14I9 [Metapbysica]. On Causes, pseudo- Aristotelian work, quoted as Di Cagioni, Conv. iii. 2^' ; Delle Cagioni, Conv. iii. 6*i> n*, 7I''; iv. 21*9; De Causis, Mon. i. iii32; Epist. x. 20, 21 [Causis, De]. (On D.'s obligations to Aristotle see Moore, Studies in Dante, i. 92-156, whence the refer- ences to Book and Chapter of the various Aristotelian treatises quoted by D. are for the most part taken.) D. mentions two Latin translations of Aris- totle, which he says, differed materially in places, and which he calls respectively the 'New' and the 'Old,' Conv. ii. Xi,^'^^- The earliest Latin translations of Aristotle were made, not from the original Greek, but from Arabic versions. Subsequently St. Thomas Aquinas made or caused to be made a new translation, direct from the Greek, of several of the Aristotelian treatises. This Greek-Latin version probably answers to D.'s ' New' trans- lation, the ' Old ' being the representative of the earlier Arabic- Latin version. (See Moore, op. cit. i. 305-18.) At a later date the Latin version of the Ethics was translated into Italian ; but it was an untrustworthy rendering, and is spoken of by D. with contempt, Conv. i. ic'o-i. This Italian version referred to by D. is generally supposed to be that made by the Florentine physician Taddeo di Alderotto [Alderotto : Bthica]. Arli, Aries, town in Provence, in the modem department of Bouches-du-Rh6ne, close to where the Rhone forms its delta before enter- ing the Mediterranean [Eodano]. D. mentions Aries, Arli, ove Rodano stagna, in connexion with the famous cemetery Aliscamps (i.e. Elysios Campos) and its great sarcophagus tombs, Inf. ix. 112, 115. This cemetery was originally a Roman burying-ground, and was consecrated, according to the legend, by St. Trophimus as a resting-place for the bodies of the faithful. At the moment of consecration Christ is said to have appeared to the Saint, and to have promised that the souls of those who were buried there should be exempt from the torments of the demons of the sepulchres. Caput regni Burgundionum, quod Arelatense dicitur, civitas est Arelas, antiquissimis dotata privilegiis. Hanc, ordinatus ab apostolis Petro et Paulo, Trophimus, Jesu Christi discipulus . . . ad (idem Christi convertit, et post pauca . . . deli- beravit coemeterium solenne ad meridianam urbis partem constituere, in quo omnium orthodoxorum corpora sepulturae traderentur . . . lUi Christus, pridem in carne familiariter agnitus, apparuit, opus ejus sua benedictione perfundens, dato coe- meterio ac iUis sepeliendis munere, ut quicunque inibi sepelirentur ' nullas in cadaveribus suis paterentur diabolicas illusiones, secundum quod in evangelio legitur, quosdam daemones habitare in sepulchris.' (Gerv. Tilb.) The cemetery at Aries, consequently, became the favourite burying-place for those who died in arms against the infidel. There was a tradition that the greater part of those who were slain with the twelve peers of Charlemagne at the ' dolorous rout ' of Roncesvalles were buried there [Ronoisvalle]. ' Erant tunc temporis bina cimiteria praecipua sacrosancta, alterum apud Arelatem in Aylis campis, alterum apud Burdegalam ... in quibus maxima pars illorum {sc. apud Runcievallem inter- fectorura) sepelitur . . . Postea ego et Karolus . . . a Blavio discedentes per Gasconiam et Tolosam tendentes Arelatem perreximus, ibi vero inve- nimus Burgundionum exercitus qui a nobis in Hosta valle discesserant, et per Morlanum et Tolosam venerant cum mortuis suis et vulneratis, quos lectulis et bigis secum illuc adduxerant ad sepeliendum eos in cimeterio in Ailis campis.' {Turpini Historia Karoli Magni et Rotholandi, §§ xxviii, xxix.) Another tradition assigned the cemetery at Aries as the burying-place of the Christians slain in the great battle at Aries, where William of Orange was defeated by the Saracens, as is narrated in the O. F. chanson de geste Ales- chans [Guglielmo di Oringa]. In Cent. xiii. one of the tombs was specially identified as the sepulchre of William's nephew Vivien, who had been slain in the battle and buried there by William : — [49] Armonia Arnaldo Danielle ' En Aleschans Guillaumes I'enfoi ; Encore i gist il ores/ (Aymeri de Narlonne, 4543-4) Boccaccio mentions the above tradition as being current in his day, but adds that he does not believe it : — ' Ad Arli, alquanto fuori della citta, sono molte arche di pietra, fatte ab antico per sepolture . . . Di queste dicono i paesani una loro favola, affer- mando in quel luogo essere gia stata una gran battaglia tra Guglielmo d'Oringa e sua gente d'una parte, o vero d'altro principe cristiano, e barbari infedeli venuti d'Affrica, ed essere stati uccisi molti cristiani in essa, e che poi la notte seguente, per divino miracolo, essere state quivi quelle arche recate per sepoltura de' cristiani, e cosi la mattina vegnente tutti i cristiani morti essere stati seppelliti in esse.' Benvenuto and Buti, who give a similar account, state that not only were the tombs miraculously provided for the slaughtered Christians, but that also as a mark of divine favour the bodies of the faithful were miracu- lously distinguished from those of the infidels by a writing placed on the forehead of each, indicating who he was ; thus, naively adds Benvenuto, enabling them to be buried in large or small tombs according to their rank. Armonia], Harmonia, daughter of Mars and Venus, wife of Cadmus, founder of Thebes. On his wedding-day Cadmus received a present of a necklace, which he gave to H., and which afterwards became fatal to whoever possessed it. D. refers to this necklace, the story of which is told by Statius (Theb. ii. 265 ff.), as lo sventurato adornamanto, Purg. xii. 51 [Almeone : Anfiarao : Erifile]. By Cadmus H. became the mother of Autonoe, Ino, Semele, Agave, and Polydorus, and when C. was trans- formed into a serpent she shared his fate, an incident to which D. alludes, Inf.- xxv. 97. [Cadmo : Ino : Semele.] Arnaldo Danielle], Arnaut Daniel,famous Provencal poet, placed by D. among the Lustful in Circle VII of Purgatory: Arnaut, Purg. xxvi. 142 ; questi, v. 115 ; spirto, v. 116 ; // mosiraio, v. 136 ; ei, v. 139 [Lussuriosi] ; he is pointed out to D. by Guido Guinicelli, who describes him as the best of all con- temporary writers, whether in the langue d'oc or the langue rf'oil, and ridicules the notion that he is inferior to Giraut de Bomeil, as some thought {vv. 115-20) ; presently D. approaches Arnaut and begs to know his name {vv. 136-8) ; A. in response addresses D. in Provengal, and names himself, explaining that he is here ex- piating his past folly {^v. 139-47); he then disappears into the flames, and D. sees him no more (z/. 148) [Gerardus de Bomeil : Giiido Guinieelli]. Arnaut Daniel, who flourished as a poet between 11 80 and 1200, belonged to a noble [50] family of Ribeyrac in Pdrigord (in the modern department of Dordogne). Little is known of his life. He appears to have been a personal friend of the famous Bertran de Born. He spent much of his time at the court of Richard Coeur-de-Lion (the king of Dover, 'lo reis de Dobra,' as he calls him) ; he visited Paris, where he attended the coronation of Philip Augustus ('al coronar fui del bon rei d'Es- tampa '), as well as Spain, and perhaps Italy. His works, such as they have been preserved, consist of eighteen lyrical poems, one satirical, the rest amatory. The tenor of one of these, which forms part of a poetical controversy with two other troubadours concerning the conduct of a certain lady, sufficiently accounts for the place in Purgatory assigned to him by D. (See Canello, Vita ed Opere di Arnaldo Dani- ello.) Arnaut is said to have been the originator of the sestina, a form of composition which D. imitated from him, as he himself tells us in the De Vulgari Eloquentia (ii. lo^^s^ : — ' Hujusmodi stantiae usus est fere in omnibus cantionibus suis Arnaldus Danielis; et nos eum secuti sumus cum diximus : Al poco giorno, ed al gran cerchio d'ombra.' (Sest. i.) D. regarded him pre-eminently as the poet of love : — ' Haec tria, salus videlicet, Venus, virtus, ap- parent esse ilia magnalia quae sint maxima per- tractanda, hoc est ea quae maxima sunt ad ista, ut armorum probitas, amoris accensio, et directio voluntatis. Circa quae sola, si bene recolimus, illustres viros invenimus vulgariter poetasse ; sci- licet Bertramum de Bornio, arma ; Arnaldum Danielem, amorem ; Gerardum de Bornello, recti- tudinem; Cinum Pistoriensem, amorem; amicum ejus, rectitudinem.' (V. E. ii. 2'^'^) He is mentioned as having employed a stanza without refrain and without rime, wherein D. copied him, V. E. ii. io?4r-8^ 13^-1*; the first lines of three of his poems are quoted, V. E. ii. 287 (No. ix in Canello) ; V. E. ii. 661 (No. XV in Canello) ; and V. E. ii. 13I2 (No. xvii in Canello). D.'s high opinion of Arnaut's verse is difficult to understand ; modem critics are by no means inclined to agree with his estimate. Even in D.'s own time the poems were regarded as difficult and obscure, as appears from the old Provengal biography : — 'Amautz Daniels si fo d'aquella encontrada don fo Amautz de Maroill de I'evescat de Peire- gorc, d'un chastel que a nora Ribairac. E fo gentils hom, et amparet ben letras ; e deleitet se en trobar et en caras rimas, per que las soas chanssons non son leus ad entendre, ni ad aprendre. Petrarca, however, shared D.'s opinion, for he gives Arnaut the first place among love- poets who were not natives of Italy •— Arnaldo Daniello Aruo E poi v'era un drappello Di portamenti, e di volgari strani. Fra tutti il primo Arnaldo Daniello, Gran maestro d'amor, ch'alla sua terra Ancor fa onor col suo dir novo e bello.' {Trionfo d^Amore, iv. 38-42.) Gaston Paris gives the following description of the characteristics of Arnaut's poetry : — ' Arnaut Daniel est un troubadour de la fin du xii« si^cle, dont il nous est rest6 dix-sept chansons, d'un style tres travaille, tr^s particulier at tres obscur; il est par excellence le maltre du trobar clus, de cet art singulier ou on estimait en seconde ligne la difficulte de composition pour le poete, et en premiere la difficult^ de comprehension pour I'auditeur. Ce genre, qui nous parait rebutant et pueril, avail certains merites dont le plus grand 6tait, en donnant a chaque mot une importance exagdr^e, de preparer la creation du style ex- pressif, concis, propre et personnel, qui devait se produire avec un incomparable 6clat dans la Divine Come'die. Dante admirait profond^ment Arnaut Daniel, qu'il avait certainement etudie a fond. Dans un passage c^lebre du Purgatoire il le declare bien supSrieur a Guiraut de Borneil, que lui preffere la vaine opinion du vulgaire. Nous sommes aujourd'hui de I'avis du vulgaire, et le jugement de Dante a surpris tons les critiques modernes.' {Romania, x. 484 ff.) The expression used by D. of Arnaut, ' Versi d'amore e prose di romanzi SoverchiS tutti ' (Purg. xxvi. 1 18-19), has been misunderstood by some of the commentators as meaning that A. surpassed every one both in ' versi d'amore' and in ' prose di romanzi,' that is to say that he was pre-eminent as a writer both of love- verse and prose-romances, an interpretation which appears to have been due to some extent to an error of Tasso and Pulci, who attribute to A. the authorship of a Lancilotto and a Rinaldo. There is no evidence, however, that he wrote any romances, in prose or verse, and there is little doubt that the real meaning of D.'s phrase is that suggested by the com- ment of Buti, viz. that A. surpassed all writers of love-verse and prose-romance, that is to say — having regard to D.'s statement in the De Vulgari Eloquentia (i. lo^^-iej that every- thing in vernacular prose, whether translated or original, was in French — that A. was superior to all who wrote either in Provengal or in French. (See Academy, April 13, 1889.) D. puts into the mouth of Arnaut eight lines of Provencal (vv. 140-7)— in order, says Ben- venuto, to show that he had some knowledge of everything — with which, as was to be ex- pected, the copyists have played havoc. A critical text of these lines has recently been published by Renier (Giornale Storico delta Letteratura Italiana, xxv. 316) as follows : — ' Ei cominci6 liberamente a dire : Tan m'abellls vostre cortes deman Qu'ieu no me puesc ni-m voill a vos cobrire. leu sui Arnaut, que plor e vau cantan : Consiros vei la passada folor, E vei jauzen lo jorn, qu^esper, denan. Ara us prec per aquella valor Que vos g;uida al som d^esta escalina, Sovenha vos a temps de ma dolor.' [' So pleases me your courteous demand, that I nor can nor will hide myself from you. I am Arnaut, who weep and go singing ; with sorrow I look upon my past folly, and with rejoicing I contemplate the day I hope for hereafter. Now I pray you, by that virtue which is guiding you to the summit of this ascent, bethink yourself in due time of my woe.'] Several stories are told of Arnaut : the old Provencal biographer gives an account of a trick he played upon another troubadour while at the court of Richard Cceur-de-Lion ; and Benvenuto relates how he supported himself in his old age, and how he ended his days as a monk : — ' Iste magnus inventor fuit quidam provincialis tempore Raymundi Berengerii boni comitis pro- vinciae, nomine Arnaldus, cognomine vero Daniel, vir quidem curialis, prudens et sagax, qui invenit multa et pulcra dicta vulgaria ; a quo Petrarcha fatebatur sponte se accepisse modum et stilum cantilenae de quatuor rhythmis, et non a Dante. Hie, dum senuisset in paupertate, fecit cantilenam pulcerrimam, quam misit per nuntium suum ad regem Franciae, Angliae, et ad alios principes occidentis, rogans, ut quemadmodum ipse cum persona juverat eos delectatione, ita ipsi cum fortuna sua juvarent eum utilitate. Cum autem nuntius post hoc reportasset multam pecuniam, dixit Arnaldus : Nunc video, quod Deus non vult me derelinquere. Et continuo sumpto habitu monastico parcissimae vitae semper fuit.' Arno, the principal river of Tuscany, which, rising, like the Tiber, among the spurs of Falterona in the Apennines, flows S.E. through the Casentino, past Poppi, Bibbiena, Rassina, and Subbiano, to within four or five miles of Arezzo, where it makes a sudden sweep away to the N.W. ; then with a more rapid descent it flows past Laterina, Montevarchi, Figline, and Pontassieve, receiving on its way the waters from Pratomagno on the right, and from the Chianti hills on the left; here it is joined by the Sieve, and turning W. flows through Florence ; then, descending more gently, it winds between Montelupo and Ca- praia, and passing through the deep gorge of Pietra Golfolina enters the plain of Empoli, whence it flows through Pisa into the Mediter- ranean, after a course of some 150 miles, its mouth being about five miles below the city of Pisa. The Arno is mentioned, in connexion with the ancient statue of Mars on the Ponte Vec-!> chio, Inf. xiii. 146 [Martei; Ponte Vecchio]; the transference of Andrea de' Mozzi from Arno (i. e. Florence) to Baechiglione (i. e. Vicenza), Inf. XV. 113 [Andrea de' Mozzi: Bacohi- glione] ; D. born and brought up at Florence on the Arno, Inf. xxiii. 95 ; Purg. xiv. 24 ; V. E. i. 6^8-19 ; Epist. iii. 2 ; Eel. i. 44 [Fireuze] ; [51] E a Arno Arpie the streamlets by which it is fed from the hills in the Casentino, Inf. xxx. 65 [Casen- tino] ; the islands of Caprara and Gorgona called upon by D. to choke its mouth and so drown Pisa, Inf. xxxiii. 82-4 [Caprara : Gor- gona : Pisa] ; its confluence with the Archiano, Purg. V. 125 [Archiano] ; D.'s description of the river recognized by Guido del Duca, Purg. xiv. 24 {see below) ; the situation of Alvernia between the Arno and the Tiber, Par. xi. 106 [Alvernia 2]; the source of the Arno, Purg. xiv. 17, 31; Epist. vi. 6; vii. 8; its course more than a hundred miles, Purg. xiv. 18 ; its mouth. Inf. xxxiii. 83 ; Purg. xiv. 34-5 ; alluded to, as il bel fiume. Inf. xxiii. 95 ; lo flume real (so called as flowing direct into the sea), Purg. V. 122 ; un fiumicel che nasce in Falter ona E cento miglia di corso nol sazia, Purg. xiv. 17- 18; quella riviera, v. 26; valle, v. 30; la maladetta e sventuraia fossa, 'Z'. 51 ; il fiero fiume, V. 60 ; in the Latin works called Sarnus, V. E. i. 619 ; Eel. i. 44 ; Epist. iii. 2 ; vi. 6 ; vii. 8 [Sarnus]. Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory) traces the course of the Arno, Purg. xiv. 29- 54 ; D. having first described it as a stream, which rises in Falterona, and flows through Tuscany with a course of more than a hundred miles, and on the banks of which he was bom {vv. 16-21), Guido perceives that he is speak- ing of the Arno {vv. 22-4) ; his companion (Rinieri da Calboli) asks in -wonder why D. concealed the name of the river, as though it were something horrible {vv. 25-7) ; Guido replies that he does not know, but that it is fitting the name of such a stream should perish, for from its source to its mouth its valley is inhabited by men more worthy to be callfed brute beasts than human beings {vv. 28-42) ; first, he says, it flows among foul hogs, ' iDrutti porci,' i. e. the men of Casentino (with especial reference to the Conti Guidi, lords of Romena and Porciano, and with a play on the latter name) (vv. 43-5) [Guidi, Conti] ; then it comes among ' curs which snarl more than their power demands,' i.e. the Aretines, from whom ' in disdain it turns its muzzle away ' (in allusion to the sharp bend of the river away from Arezzo to the N.W.) {vv. 46-8) [Aretini] ; then, as it descends and grows larger, it finds wolves, i. e. the Flo- rentines {vv. 49-51) [Fiorentini] ; and next, passing through deep gorges (between Monte- lupo and Empoli), it comes among foxes, i.e. the Pisans {vv. 52-4) [Pisani] ; after which it reaches the place ' ove si rende per ristoro Di quel che il ciel della marina asciuga,' i. e. the sea {vv. 34-5). Villani also traces the course of the Arno ; in his account of Tuscany he says : — ' Questa provincia di Toscana ha piii fiumi : intra gli altri reale e maggiore si h il nostro fiume d'Arno, il quale nasce di quella medesima mon- tagna di Falterona che nasce il fiume del Tevere, che va a Roma ; e questo fiume d'Arno corre quasi per lo mezzo di Toscana, scendendo per le montagne della Vernia, ove il beato santo Fran- cesco fece sua penitenzia e romitaggio, e poi passa per la contrada di Casentino presso a Bibbiena e a pie di Poppi, e poi si rivolge verso levante, vegnendo presso alia citta d'Arezzo n. tre miglia, e poi corre per lo nostro Valdarno di sopra, scen- dendo per lo nostro piano, e quasi passa per lo mezzo della nostra citta di Firenze. E poi uscito per corso del nostro piano, passa tra Montelupo e Capraia presso a Empoli per la contrada di Greti e di Valdarno di sotto a pi6 di Fucecchio, e poi per lo contado di Lucca e di Pisa, raccogliendo in sfe molti fiumi, passando ppi quasi per mezzo la citta di Pisa ove assai h grosso, sicchg porta galea e grossi legni ; e presso di Pisa a cinque miglia matte in mare, e '1 suo -corso e di spazio di miglia cento venti.' (i. 43.) Aronta, Aruns, Etruscan soothsayer, who, according to Lucan, foretold the civil war, which was to end in the death of Pompey and the triumph of Caesar {Phars. i. 584-638). D. places A. among the Soothsayers in Bolgia 4 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xx. 46 [Indovini] ; and describes him as having dwelt in a cave ' nei monti di Luni,' i. e. in the Carrara hills {v. 47) [Luni] ; in which he follows Lucan : ' Haec propter placuit Tuscos de" more vetusto Acciri vates, quorum qui maximus aevo Aruns incoluit desertae moenia Lunae, Fulminis edoctus motus, venasque calentes Fibrarum, «t motus erraatis in aere pennae.^ (vv. 584-8.) Some edd. of Lucan for Lunae read Lucae, i. e. Lucca. Arpie, Harpies, foul monsters in the shape of birds, with long claws, with the heads of maidens, and faces pale with hunger. D. places them as tormentors of the Suicides in Round 2 of Circle VII of Hell (where they are probably meant to be symbolical of re- morse). Inf. xiii. 10, loi [Violenti]. D.'s account of the Harpies, and of how they drove the Trojans from the Strophades, ' with sad presage of woe to come' {vv. 10-15), is taken from Virgil. Aeneas and his companions land in the Strophades, the abode of the Harpies : — 'Seryatum ex undis Strophadum me litore primum ■ Accipiunt; Strophades Graio stant nomine dictae, Insulae lonio in magno, quas dira Celaeno Harpyiaeque colunt aliae . . . Tristius baud illis monstrum, nee saevior ulla Pestis et ira deum Stygils sese extulit undis. Virffinei volucrum voltus, foedissima ventris Proluvies, uncaeque manus, et pallida semper Ora fame. [The Harpies, having swooped down on the food of the Trojans, and having been attacked by them, Celaeno foretells that before they reach Italy they will be reduced by hunger to devour their tables. The Trojans flee.] [52] „ 'Turn litore curve txstruimusque toros dapibusque epulamur opioiis. Arrigo Arrigo At subitae horrifico lapsu de montibus adsunt Harpyiae et magnis quatiunt clangoribus alas, Diripiuntque dapes contactuque ohinia foedant Immundo . . . Sociis tunc, arma capessant, Edico, et dira bellum cum gente gerendum . /. Una in praecelsa consedit rupe Celaeno, Infelix vates, rumpitque banc pectore vocetn:, . . , Italiam cursu petitis, ventisque vocatis Ibitis Italiam, portusque intrare licebit; Sed non ante datam cingetis moenibus urbem,y Quam vos dira fames nostraeque injuria caedis Ambesas subigat malis absumere mensas . . . < . . Fugimus spuraantibus undis, Qua cursum ventusque gubernatorque vocabat.' (Aen. iii. 209 ff.) Arrigo l, Florentine of whom nothing cer- tain is known ; he is mentioned together with Farinata degli Uberti, Tegghiaio Aldobrandi, Jacopo Rusticucci, and Mosca de' Lamberti, Inf. vi. 80. He is one of those cA' a ben far poser gV ingegni (v. 81), of whom D. asks Ciacco for news, the reply being ei son tra h anime piii nere (v. 85) [Ciaeoo]. All the others are referred to again subsequently, but we hear no more of A. The, commentators differ as to his surname. Benvenuto says : — ' istum nunquam nominabit amplius ; debet tacite poni cum Musca quia fuit secum in eadem culpa ; fuit enim nobilis de Sifantibus.' Boccaccio calls, him Arrigo Giandonati and says merely : — ' furono quest! cinque onorevol^ e famosi cavalieri e cittadini di Firenze.' Some identify him with Oderigo de' Fifanti, who was implicated in the murder of Buondel- monte [Mosca : Suondelmonte]. Arrigo 2, Henry ¥1 1 of t-uxemburg. Em- peror 1308-1313; I'alfo A., Par. xvii. 82; XXX. 137; Henricus, Epist. v. 2; vi. 6 fin.\ vii. tit., fin. ; the successor of Albert I, Purg. vi. 102 [Alberto Tedesoo] ; the other, altri, who was to heal the wounds of Italy neglected by Rudolf, Purg. vii. 96 [Ridolfo] ; Titan pacificus, 'the Sun of peace'; alius Moyses, Epist. V. I ; Sponsus Italiae, mundi solatium, gloria plebis suae, clementissimus Henricus, Divus et Augustus^ et C(f.esq.r, Epist. v: 2 ; novus agricola Romanorum; Hectoreus pastor, Epist. v. 5 ; Rex Italiae, Epist. v. 6 ; Romanus princeps, mundi rex, et Dei minister, Epist. vi. 2 ; delirantis Hesperzae domitor, Epist. vi. 3 ; Romanae rei bajulus, divus et triutnphator Henricus, Epist. vi. 6 ; sanctissimus trium- phaior et dominus singularis, Epist. vii. tit. ; Sol noster, Epist. vii. 2 ; praeses unicus -mundi, Epist. vii. 6 ; excellentissimus principum, Epist. vii. T, proles alta (var. altera) Isai, Epist. vii. 8. D. refers to the secret opposition encoun- tered by Henry VII from the Gascon Pope, Clemfent V, who was ostensibly his supporter, Par. xvii. 82 ; xxx. 142-4 [Guasco] ; Beatrice points out to D. the throne prepared for Henry in the Celestial Rose, and refers to him as the coming regenerator of Italy, Par. xxx. 137-9 [KosaJ. D. wrote three Letters with especial refer- ence to the Emperor Henry VII — one ad- dressed to the Princes and Peoples of Italy, exhorting them to receive him, Epist. v; the second to the rebellious Florentines who op- posed his coming, Epist. vi ; the third addressed to the Emperor himself, beseeching him to come into Tuscany and chastise Flo- rence without delay, Epist. vii. Henry, Count of Luxemburg, was at the instance of Clement V unanimously elected Emperor (at the age of forty), Nov. 1308, in opposition to Charles of Valois, the candidate of the French king, Philip the Fair, ' on ac- count of his renowned valour, say the old Books, and also, add the shrewder of them, because his brother, archbishop of Trier, was one of the Electors, and the Pope did not like either the Austrian or the French candidate then in the field' (Carlyle). Henry, who had been recommended to Clement by the Car- dinal da Prato as 'il migliore uomo della Magna, e il piii leale e il piii franco e piu cattolico' (Villani, viir. loi), was crowned at Aix, Jan. 6, i3of. In the following June he sent ambassadors to Florence to announce that he was coming- into Italy to receive the Im- perial crown, a ceremony which had been neglected by his predecessors for the last sixty years. To this advent of Henry D. looked anxiously for a settlement of the affairs of Italy ('a drizzare ritalia verrk,' Par. xxx. 137), and for a means to secure his own return to Florence. But hig, hopes were doomed to bitter disappointment. The Emperor crossed the Alps in the summer of 1310, and at first was well received. ' The cities of Lombardy opened their gates ; Milan (where he assumed the iron crown, Jan, 6, 13^?, D. being pre- sent) decreed a vast subsidy ; Guelf and Ghi- belline exiles alike were restored, and Im- perial vicars appointed everywhere : supported by the Avignoiiese pontiff, who dreaded the restless ambition of his French neighbour, King Philip IV, Henry had the interdict of the Church as well as the ban of the Empire at his command' (Bryce). But this success did not last long. Tumults and revolts broke out in Lombardy; and at Rome, whither he went to be crowned, Henry found St. Peter's in the hands of King Robert of Naples, so that the coronation had to take plac€, shorn of its ceremony, in St. John Lateran, on the southern bank of the Tiber (June 29^ 1312). The hos- tility of the Guelfic league, headed by the Florentines, with King Robert as their acknow- ledged leader, compelled the Emperor to hasten back to Tuscany, fQj; the purpose of laying siege to Florence, which had per- sistently defied him. To counterbalance the opposition of the Guelfs, he was obliged to abandon his policy of impartiality, and to identify himself with the Ghibellines, whose [53] Arrigo Arrigo aid he secured by granting to their chiefs the government of cities. Meanwhile Clement V, yielding to the menaces of the French king, had secretly withdrawn his support from the Emperor (Par. xvii. 82 ; xxx. 142-4). Henry arrived before Florence in September (1312) ; but in October he was obliged to raise the siege and retire to Pisa, whence in the summer of the next year he set out with the intention of reducing Naples. On his way south he was seized with illness, and on August 24, 1313, he expired at Buonconvento near Siena. His somewhat sudden death, which was pro- bably due to a malarious fever contracted at Rome, was currently ascribed to poison ad- ministered by a Dominican monk in the con- Magna pacificft, con soUecito intendimento di venire a Roma per la corona imperiale, e per pacificare Italia dalle diverse discordie e guerre che v' erano, e poi di seguire il passaggio oltre- mare in racquistare la terra santa, se Dio gliel' avesse conceduto.' (ix. i.) . . . ' Questa somma virtude ebbe in s6, che mai per avversita quasi non si turbd, nd per prosperita ch' avesse non si vana- glorid.' (ix. 49.) After giving a detailed account (ix. 1-52) of the Emperor's doings in Italy, Villani excuses himself for having devoted so much space to them on the twofold ground of the universal interest they excited and of the great future that seemed in store for Henry himself : — ' Non si maravigli chi legge, perchd per noi i continuata la sua storia sanza raccontare altre cose e avvenimenti d'ltalia e d'altre provincie e reami ; secrated wafer. The Emperor's body was taken to Pisa and interred in the Cathedral, ^ „ , , .... . ,.• • . , ./ joiiu Der due cose, 1 una, percne tutti 1 cnstiani, ed where a monument (removed m 1830 to the ^ . ". . 1' ■ "i „„..„: „,„,.j,,„„„ ,1 „,„ ^ p,.\ -ilji/-^- ■ -n- „ eziandio 1 Greci e baraceni, guardavano al sue Gampo Santo), ascribed to Giovanni Pisano, ^^^^^^^t^ ^ fortuna, e per cagione di ci6 poche nc was erected to him. -- ■ The intelligence of Henry's death, which was a crushing blow for D. and the Ghi- bellines, was received with unbounded joy by their opponents, as is testified by the following letter addressed by the Signoria of Florence to their allies a few days after the event : — ' To you our faithful brethren, with the greatest rejoicing in the world we announce by these presents the blessed news, which our Lord Jesus Christ, looking down from on high as well to the necessities of ourselves, and other true and faithful Christians, the devoted servants of Holy Mother Church, as to those of His own Cause, has vouch- safed to us. To wit, that the most savage tyrant, Henry, late Count of Luxemburg, whom the rebellious persecutors from old time of said Mother Church, namely the Ghibellines, the treacherous foes of you and of ourselves, called King of the Romans, and Emperor of Germany, and who under cover of the Empire had already consumed and laid waste no small part of the Provinces of Lombardy and Tuscany, ended his life on Friday last, the twenty-fourth day of this month [of August], in the territory of Buonconvento. Know further that the Aretines and the Ghibelline Conti Guidi have retired themselves towards Arezzo, and the Pisans and Germans towards Pisa taking his body, and all the Ghibellines who were with him have taken refuge in the strongholds of their allies in the neighbourhood. . . . We beseech you, therefore, dear brethren, to rejoice with ourselves over so great and fortunate accidents.' (See Del Lungo : Dmo Co}npagni, i. 607-38.) Of Henry VII, the ideal sovereign of D.'s De Monarchia, the Guelf Villani says : — 'Arrigo conte di Luzimborgo fu savio e giusto e grazioso, prode e sicuro in arme, onesto e cattolico ; e di piccolo state che fosse per suo lignaggio, fu di magnanimo cuore, temuto e ridot- tato ; e se fosse vivuto piii lungamente avrebbe fatte grandissime cose. Questi fu eletto a im- peradore . . . e incontanente ch'ebbe la confer- mazione dal papa, si fece coronare in Alamagna a re ; e poi tutte le discordie de' baroni della [54] vita notabili erauo in nulla parte altrove ; I'altra, per le diverse e varie grandi fortune che gl'in- corsono in si piccolo tempo ch' egli visse, che di certo si credea per gli savi, che se la sua morte non fosse stata si prossimana, al signore di tanto valore e di si grandi imprese com' era egli, avrebbe vinto il Regno e toltolo al re Ruberto, che piccolo apparecchiamento avea al riparo suo . . . e appresso s' avesse vinto il Regno come s'av- visava, assai gli era leggiere di vincere tutta Italia, e deir altre provincie assai.' (ix. 53.) Dino Compagni speaks of him in similar terms of praise : — 'Non avendo la Chiesa braccio nfe difenditore, pensorono il papa e i suoi cardinah fare uno im- peradore, uomo che fusse giusto, savio e potente, iigliuolo di santa Chiesa, amatore della fede. E andavano cercando chi di tanto onore fusse degno : e trovorono uno che in Corte era assai dimorato, uomo savio, di nobile sangue, giusto e famoso, di gran lealta, pro' d'arme e di nobile schiatta, uomo di grande ingegno e di grande temperanza ; ci6 e Arrigo conte di Luzinborgo di Val di Reno della Magna, d'eta d'anni xl, mezzano di persona, bel parlatore, e ben fazionato, uno poco guercio.' (iii. 23.) Arrigo 3], the Emperor Henry II, 1002- 1024 ; referred to as lo Imperadore, how he was answered from the Psalms by a priest at whom he had scoffed on account of his ugli- ness, Conv. iii. 4T4-80. Scolari gives the anecdote here alluded to by D. from the Historia Varia of Lodovico Domenichi : — 'The Emperor Henry, whose reign began in 1002, hearing mass one day said by a very de- formed priest, was lost in wonder at the sight of a man so ugly and so different from other men. But the priest being truly a man of God, the Emperor's thought was revealed to him, and he said to him : " Know that the Lord God made us and not we ourselves " {Psalm c. 3).' Arrigo *], Prince Henry of England, second son (WiUiam, the first-born, having died in Arrigo Arrigo childhood) of Henry II, born 1155, died 1183. Owing to the fact that he was twice crowned during his father's lifetime (at Westminster in 1 1 70, and at Winchester in 1 172) he was com- monly known at home and abroad as the Young King. Shortly after his second corona- tion he went over with his brothers Geoffrey and Richard to the French court, and from there, backed by his mother Queen Eleanor, and by Louis VII (whose daughter Margaret he had married in 1 1 70), he demanded from Henry II that either England or Normandy should be handed over to him. The refusal of this demand was made the occasion of open hostihties, which were carried on at intervals for nearly ten years, and were finally ter- minated by the death of Prince Henry of fever at Martel in Pdrigord (on the N. boundary of the modern department of Lot), June 11, 11 83. D. mentions Henry by his title of the Young King in connexion with the troubadour Ber- tran de Bom, who describes himself (in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII of Hell) as ' quelli Che diedi al re giovane i mai conforti,' Inf. xxviii. 134-5 [Bertram dal Bornio]. Little or nothing is known historically of the part played by Bertran in abetting the Young King in his rebellion against his father; nor do Bertran's own poems throw much light upon the subject. D.'s authority for the state- ment which he puts into the mouth of Bertran (' lo feci il padre e il figlio in sfe ribelli,' Inf. xxviii. 136) was the old Provengal biography of the troubadour, in which it is explicitly mentioned that B. set father and son at variance, until the strife was ended by the death of the latter : — 'En Bertrans de Born fetz mesclar lo paire el filh d'Englaterra tan entrol joves reis fo mortz d'un cairel en un chastel d'en Bertran . . . Totz temps volia qu'ilh aguessen guerra ensems, lo paire el filhs elh fraire, I'us ab I'autre.' After the death of the Young King, Bertran wrote a celebrated planh or lament upon him, beginning : — 'Si tuit H dol elh plor elh marrimen K las dolors elh dan elh chaitivier Que cm anc auzis en est segle dolen Fossen enseni,s, sembleran tot leugier Contra la mort del jove rei Engles.' ['If all the grief and bitterness and woe, And all the ps^in and hurt and suffering, That ip this world of misery men know, Were massed in one, 'twould seem but a light thing Beside the death of the Young English King.'] A vivid picture of the life of the Young King, who, was universally beloved for his graciousness and generosity, is given in the O. F. poem (written circ. 1225) on William the Marshall (regent of England during the first three years of Henry Ill's reign), in which he is represented as constantly engaged in tournaments and in dispensing largesse. It is remaTka,ble that in this poem Bertran de Born, \yhose friendship with the prince is such a marked feature in the old Provengal bio- graphy, is not so much as mentioned. Waiter Map, who was personally acquainted with him, gives the following description of Prince Henry's person and character in the De Nugis Curialium, comparing him to Absa- lom, just as D. compares Bertran to Ahith- ophel : — ' Decessit Henricus rex junior, nostri filius Henrici regis, cui nemo hodie par est . . . anno suae nativitatis -xxvii"., vir novae adinventionis in armis, qui militiam fere sopitam excitavit, et ad summum usque perduxit. Ejus possumus virtutes qui eum vidimus, ipsius amici et familiares, et gratias describere. Speciosus erat prae caeteris statura et facie, beatissimus eloquentia et affabili- tate, hominum araare, gratia, et favore felicissimus, persuasione in tantum efficax ut fere omnes patris sui fideles in ipsum insurgere fefellerit. Absalon eum si non major hie vero fuit, comparare possis ; ille unum hahuit Architophel, hie multos. . . . Qui quod dives, quod generosus, quod amabilis, quod facundus, quod pulcher, quod strenuus, quod omni- modis generosus, quod paulo minor angelis, totum convertit in sinistram, et perversa felicitate fortis- simus tarn infrunito factus est animo parricida, ut in sunjmis desideriis mortem ejus posuerit. . . . Nihil impenetratum liquit, omnem lapillum movit, totum foedavit proditionibus orbem, prodigalis proditor ipse prodigusque malorum, fons scelerum serenissimus, appetibilis nequitiae foraes, pulcher- rima peccati regia, cujus erat regnum amoenis- simum. Ut sciatis quomodo creator fuerit haereseos pro^itorum : pater suus totum sibi sedaverat ad pacem mundum, ta,m ex alienis quam ex suis ; hie ^uten; rumpi, foedera fefellit, et in regem pacificura contra juramenta juratorum arma coegit, perjurus ipse patri, me vidente, multociens, frequens ei ponebat scandalum, victusque redibat eo semper ad delicta proclivior quo securius advertebat sibi veniam non posse negari. NuUas unquam meruit iras qua? n Amalric kept Henry virtually a prisoner and fissumed all the power into his own hands. Before, however, he could finally make himself master of the kingdom, he was assassinated by one of his own adherents (1310). On his death, his younger brother, C^mmerino, at- tempted to seize the throne ; but Henry's following demanded the restoration of the rightful king, who resijmed the government, and retained jt until his death in 1324. [Table v.] Arrigo d'Inghilterra, Henry III, King of England, 1 216-1272; succeeded his father John at the age pf 10 and reigned for 56 years; he married Eleanor, second cjaughter of Ray- mond Berenger IV, Count of Provence, whose younger daughter, Sanzia, married Henry's brother, Richard of Cornwall, [Berlinghieri : Table xi.] D. places Henry in the valley of flowers in Antepurgatory, among the princes who ne- glected to repent, Purg. vii. 130-2; he is represented as seated alone (v. 131), probably as being unconnected with the Empire (com- pare the similar position in Hell of Guy de Montfort, Inf. xii. 118, and of Saladin, Inf. iv. 129) [Aatipurgatorio]. D. speaks of him as 'il re della semplice vita' (v. 130); and says (v. 132) that he was more fortunate in his issue than were Peter III of Aragon or Charles I of Anjou, thus praising by implication his son, Edward I [Edoardoi]. Villani, who makes Henry the son of Richard CcEur de l4on (in which error he is followed by Benvenuto), describes him as 'semplice uomo e 4i buona f^ e di poco valore' (v. 4), and 'uomo di semplice vita, sicchfe i baroni I'aveano per niente ' (vii. 39). Hume speaks of him as having been 'noted for hip piety and devotion, and for his regular attendance at public worship.' Matthew of Westminster, in recording his death, says : — 'Quantae fuerat innocentiae, quantae patientiae, quantaeque devotionis in obsequio Salvatoris, dominus novit, et qui ei fideliter adhaeserunt.' Henry III is one of the princes mentioned (as 'lo rey engles') by Sordello in his cele- brated lament for Blacatz, in which he re- proaches the sovereigns of Europe for their degeneracy. [Sordello.] Arrigo Manardi, gentleman of Bertinoro, mentioned by Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory), along with Lizio da Valbona, among the worthies of Romagna, Purg. xiv. 97 [Lizio]. Little is known of Arrigo, beyond that he was a contemporary of Guido del Duca (d. circ. 1229) and of Pier Traversaro (d. 1225), and that he was taken prisoner with the latter by the Faentines in 1 170. He is known to have been still alive in 1228, in which year he was present in Ravenna at the nomination of Paolo Traversaro to the procuratorship of the city. (See Casini, Dante e la Romagna^ The Ottimo Comento says of him : — ' Fu da Brettinoro, cavaliere pieno di cortesia e d'onore, volentieri raise tavola, donb robe e cavalli, pregi6 li valentuomini, c sua vita tutta fu data a larghezza ed a bello vivere.' Benyenuto, who describes him as ' vir nobilis et prudens,' says that he was a friend of Guido del Duca, and that when the latter died he had the bench on which they used to sit together sawn in two, since he considered there was no one worthy to replace Guido. [Guido del Duca.] The Mainardi (who some think are alluded to, Purg. xiv. 113), as a family, were Ghibellines and adherents of the Traversari. One Baldi- netto de' Mainardi was among the Ghibellines who were expelled from Bertinoro in 1295. But some of them took the opposite side, for, as Philalethes points out, the son of an Alber- ghetto de' IMainardi was kjUed with the Guelf Rinieri da Calboli in the assault on Forll in 1296. [Binier da Calboli.] Arrigucci, ancient noble family of Florence, mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars), together with the Sizii, as having held office in his day. Par. xvi. 108. These two families are frequently mentioned together by Villani, who says they resided in the 'quar- tiere della porta del Duomo ' (iv. 10) ; they were Guelfs : — ' nel sesto di porte del Duomo furono in quegli tempi di parte guelfa i To- singhi, gli Arrigucci, gli Agli, i Sizii ' (v. 39 ; vi. 33) ; and were among those who fled from Florence to Lucca after the great Ghibelline victory at Montaperti (vi. 79) ; they afterwards threw in their lot with the Bianchi (viii. 39). Villani records that one Compagno degli Arrigucci was consul in Florence in 11 97 (v. 22). Dino Compagni states that it was by the help of the wife of one of the Arrigucci that Messer Monfiorito, the PodestJi of Flor- ence who was imprisoned for his complicity in the fraud of Niccola Acciaiuoli and Baldo d'Aguglione [Acciaiuoli], managed to effect his escape : — ' M. Monfiorito fu messo in prigione . . . Poi si fuggi di prigione, perche una moglie di uno degli Arrigucci, che avea il marito in prigione dove lui, fece fare lime sorde e altri ferri, co' quali ruppono le prigioni, e andoronsi con Die' (i. 19.) [57] Arrio Artii According to the Ottimo Comento both the Arrigucci and the Sizii were nearly extinct in D.'s day. Arrio, Arius, the originator of the Arian heresy that the Father and the Son were not 'one substance,' a doctrine which theAthanasian creed was designed to controvert. St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the Sun) mentions A. together with Sabeilius as conspicuous among those who sought to distort the Scrip- tures, Par. xiii. 127 [Sabellio]. (See Aquinas, Contra Gentiles, iv. 6-8.) Arius was presbyter of Alexandria, and while holding that position (circ. A. D. 318) promulgated his heresy, which consisted in the doctrine that Christ was a created being inferior to God the Father in nature and dignity, though the first of all created beings ; and that the Holy Spirit is not God, but was created by the power of the Son. This doctrine, which was condemned by the Council of Nice in 325, gained many adherents after the death of A. (in 336), including several Emperors, and gave rise to the famous Heterousian and Homo- ousian controversy, which distracted the Church for 300 years. ArsNova. \Aeie 'Nuova.'] Ars Poetica, the Poetics or Art of Poetry of Horace, a poem in hexameters, the subject of which is a discussion of dramatic poetry ; quoted by D. as Poetria, V. N. § 2582 (A. P. 141-2); Conv. ii. 14*8 (^. P. 70-1); Poetica, V. E. ii. 435, where Rajna reads Poetria (A. P. 38-9) I Epist. X. 10 {A. P. 93-5). Be- sides these direct quotations, there are several reminiscences of the Ars Poetica in D.'s works ; thus the expression ' buono Omero,' V. N. § 25511-2^ is evidently borrowed from A-P- 359 ('quandoque bonus dormitat Homerus'); and the description of Democritus, Conv. iij. 1474-6 :_ ' Deqiocrito, della propria person^ non curando, ne barba, nfe capelli, nfe unghie si togliea ' — is doubtless a somewhat confused recollection of— ' Excludit sanos Helicone poetas Democritus, bona pars non ungiies ponere curat, Non barbapi . , . Si tribus Anticyris caput insanabile nunquam Tonsori Licino commiserit." {A. P. 296-8, 300-1-) Also, the list of Roman poets given by Statius (addressing Virgil) in Purgatory, Purg. xxii. 97-8, was probably suggested by A. P. 54-5, in combination with 2 Epist. i. 58-9. [Orazio.] Ars Vetu». [Arte Veccbla.] Arsencl. [Arzana,.] Arte t^uova, the Ars Nova, or Nova Logica, name given in the Middle Ages to certain dialectical treatises of Aristotle ; coupled by D. with the Ars Vetus, Conv. ii. I4i''6. [Arte Veccbia.] Arte Veccbia, the Ars Vetus, or Vetus Logica, name given in the Middle Ages to certain dialectical treatises of Aristotle ; coupled with the Ars Nova, in these two being con- tained the whole science of Dialectics, Conv. ii. 14103-6. According to Lambert of Auxerre (circ. 1250) the Vetus Logica consisted of the Praedica- inenta and De Interpretatione ; and the Nova Logica of the Analytica Priora^ Analytica Posteriora, Topica, and Sophistici Elenchi : — ' Tunc quaeritur, quae sit differentia inter logicam et dyalecticam. Ad hoc dicendum, quod logica, secundum quod est ars et secundum quod est scientia, securior est ad dyalecticam. Logica enim scientia est de omni syllogismo docens, dyalectica de syllogismo dyalectico solum vel apparent! dya- lectico . . . Unde logica traditur in omnibus libris logicae, qui sunt sex, scilicet liber Praedicamen- torum, liber Peryermenias (i.e. de Interpretatione), qui nunc dicuntur vetus logica ; liber Priorum (sc. Analyiicorum), Posteriorum (sc. Analyticorum), Thopicorum et Elenchorum (sc. Sophisticorum), qui quatuor dicuntur nova logica ; dyalectica vero traditur in libro Thopicorum et E.lenchorum solum.' (Summa Logicae, apud Prantl, Geschichte der Logik, Bd. iii. p. 26, n. 103.) These terms were recognized in the schools quite at the beginning of Cent. xiii. A statute of the University of Paris, dated A. D. 1215, runs : — ' Et quod legant libros Aristotelis de dialectica tarn veteri quam nova in scholis ordinarie et non ad cursum.' Aegidius Romanus (d. 1316) wrote a com- mentary on the Ars Vetus, the title of which is 'Expositio in artem veterem, videlicet in Universalibus, Praedicamentis, Postpraedica- mentis, Sex Principiis et Periermenias ' [Egi- dio2]. Raymond Lully, the author of the Ars Magna (d. 1315), wrote a commentary on the Logica Nova. Artil, Arthur, mythical king of Britain, hero of the romances of the Round Table ; he was wedded to Guenever, and was slain by the hand of his son Mordred. Brunetto Latino relates that after the death of Aeneas — 'Brutus ses freres s'en passa en une terre qui par le non de lui fu apelde Bretaigne, qui or est Angleterre clamge ; et il f^ Ii commencemenz des rois de la Grant Bretaigne, et de ses generacions nasqui Ii bons rois Artus, de cui Ii romant parolent que il fu rois coronez a .cccc.lxxxiii. anz de I'in- carnation Jhesu Crist, au tens que Zeno fu empereres de Rome, et regna entor .l. anz.' {Tresor, i. 35.) A. is mentioned by Camicione de' Pazzi (in Cama), who says that Alessandro and Napo- leone degli Alberti were even worse traitors than him ' who had his breast and shadow pierced with one self-same blow by the hand of Arthur,' I. e. A.'s son, the traitor. Sir Mordred, Inf. xxxii. 62 [Albert!]. The incident alluded to by D. is thus narrated in the O. F. romance (MS. Brit. Mus. Add. 10294, Cent, xiv) :— [58] Artti Ascesi 'Et Mordret, qui bien voit que li rois ne baiot s'a lui non ochire, nel refuse pas, ains li adrece la teste del ceval ; et li rois, qui li vient al plus droit qu'il puet, le fieri de toute sa force si durement qu'il li ront les mailles del hauberc, et li met parmi le cors le far de son glaive. Si dist I'estoire qu'apres I'estors del glaive passa parmi la plaie uns rais de soleil si apertement que Girflet le vit. Dont cil del pais distrent que ce avoit fait Nostre Sires par cores qu'il avoit a lui.' ['And Mordred, who saw well that the King was minded only to slay him, avoided him not, but turned his horse's head to him ; and the King, who came at him as straight as he might, smote him with all his strength so sorely that he burst the mail of his hauberk and thrust the iron of his lance through the midst of his body. And the story says that after the withdrawal of the lance there passed through the wound a ray of sun so mani- festly that Girflet saw it. Wherefore they of the country said that this had our Lord done because of his wrath against him. '] The following 9.ccount of Sir Mordred's treachery is taken from Caxton's Malory's Morte Darthur. (It will be noted that Malory omits the detail alluded to by D.)— King Arthur, being obliged to leave his kingdom in order to make war upon Sir Lancelot, appoints Sir Mordred regent during his absence : — ' Kynge Arthur and syr Gawayne made a grete hoost redy to the nombre of thre score thousand, and al thynge was made redy fqr their shyppyng to passe over the see ; and so they shypped at Cardyf, ^nd kynge Arthur made sir Mordred chyef ruler of alle gnglond, and al^o he put quene Guenever under his governauncg, by cause syr Mordred was kynge Arthur's sone he gaf hym the rule of his land and of his wyf ; and soo the kynge passed the see ^nd landed upon syr Launcelots landes. ... As syr Mordred was rular of alle Englond he dyd do make letters as though that they came from beyonde the see, and the letters specefyed that kynge Arthur was slayn in bataylle wyth syr Launcelot. Wherfore syr Mordred made a parlemente, and called the lories togyder, and there he made them to chese hyqi kyng, and soo was he crowned fit Caunterburye . . . and after- ward he drewe hym unto Wynchester, and there he took the Quene Guenever and sayd playnly that he wolde wedde hyr which was his unkyl's wyf and his fader's wyf. . . . Than' came worde to syr Mordred that kyng Arthur had araysed the syege for syr Launcelot and he was comyng home- Ward wyth a grete hoost to be avenged upon syr Mordred . . . and sqo syr Mordred drewe with a grete hoqst to Dover, for there he her^ saye that sir Arthur wold arryve, and soo he thoughte to bete his owne fader from his landes. . . . And soo as sire Mordred wat at Dover with his host there came kyng Arthur with a. grete navye of shyppes and galeyes and carryks, and there was syr Mor- dred redy awaytynge upon his londage to lette his owne fader to landp up the lande that he was kyng over. . . . Than were they condesended that kyng Arthure and syr Mordred shold mete be- twyxte bothe theyr' hoostes. . . . Thenne was kyng Arthure ware where syr Mordred lenyd upon, his swerde. . . . Now gyve me my spcre, sayd Arthur, for yonder I have espyed the traytour that alle thys woo hath wrought. . . . Thenne the kyng gate hys spere in bothe his handes and ranne toward syr Mordred, cryeng, tratour, now is thy deth day come. And whan syr Mordred herde syr Arthur he ranne untyl hym with his swerde drawen in his hande. And there kyng Arthur smote syr Mordred under the shelde wyth a foyne of his spere thorughoute the body more than a fadom. And whan syr Mordred felte that he had hys dethes wounde, he thryst hym self wyth the myght that he had up to the bur Cjf kynge Arthur's spere. And right so he smote his fader Arthur wyth his swerde holden in bothe his handes on the syde of the heed that the swerde persyd the helmet and the brayne panne, and therwythall syr Mordred fyl starke deed to the erthe.' (Bk. xx. 19 — Bk. xxi. I, 2, 4.) Benveputo gives a lengthy account of King Arthur : — ' Sicut scribit Gualterius Anglicus in sua chronica quae britannica vocatur, in qua admiscet multa falsa veris in exaltationem syae regionis.' D. mentions A. again in connexion with the Arthurian romances, 'Arturi regis ambages pulcherrimae,' which he cites as e^jamples of prose compositions in the langue d'6\\ V. E. i. 10I2-19 [Lingua Oz/]. His own acquaint- ance with them is evident from the fact that, besides King Arthur and Mordred, he mentions Galleha\ilt (Inf. v. 137), Giienever (Par. xvi. 15), Lancelot (Inf v. 128 ; Cqnv. iv. zS^s), and Tristan (Inf. v. 67). Artunis, King Arthur, V. E. i. lo^*. [Artu.] Arzan^, the Arsenal at Venice, Inf. xxi. 7. That mentioned by D. is the old one which was btiil^ in 1 104, and w^s considered one of the most ijnportant in Europe. It was en- closed within high walls surmoiinted by battle- ments and towers. At the beginning of Cent, xiv it was considerably enlarged, and in 1337 a new Arsenal was built ; but parts of the old one are still in existence. [Vinegia.] Ascanio, Ascanius, son of Aeneas and Creusa ; mentioned, as having been trained in ^rms in Sicily, Cony- iv- 26^6-9 (j-ef. to Aen. v. 545-603) ; as son of Creusa, Mon. ii. 31°"^ ■^here D. quotes Aen. iii. 339-40, with the interpolated hemistich : ' peperit fumante {var. florente) Creusa ' ; his personation by Cupid is alluded to. Par. viii. 9 [Cupido] ; the Emperor Henry VII's son John, King of Bohemia, a second Ascanius, Epist. vii. 5 [Johannes 2]. Ascanius, son of Aeneas, Mon. ii. 3100 ; Epist. vii. 5. [Asqariio.] Ascesi, the modem Assisi, town of Central Italy, in N. E. of Unibria, on the road between Perugia and Foligflo, celebrated as the birth- place of St. Francis [5'ranoesoo 2] ; mentioned [59] Asciano Assuero by St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the Sun), who says it should be nanied, not Ascesi (' I rose '), but rather Oriente, as having been the birthplace of 'a Sun,' i.e. St. Francis, Par. xi. 49-54. This conceit was perhaps borrowed from St. Bonaventura, who in his life of St. F. applies to him the words of Rev. vii. 2 : ' I saw another angel ascending from the East ' (' Vidi alterum angelum asce.n- dentem ab ortu soUs ') ; or from the opening words of the abridgement of the life by Tom- maso da Celano : ' Quasi sol oriens in mundo beatus Franciscus vita, doctrina et miraculis claruit.' The situation of A., which stands on the S.W. slope of Monte Subasio, between the streams Tupino (on the E.) and Chiassi (on the W.), is described Par. xi. 43-8 [Chiassi ^ : Subasio]. Asciano, small town in Tuscany, on the Ombrone, about 15 miles S.E. of Siena; Caccia d' Asciano is mentioned by Capocchio (in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of Hell) among the spendthrifts of Siena, Inf. xxix. 131. [Ab- bagliato : Brigata Spendereccia : Caccia d'Asciano.] Ascoli, town of Central Italy, on the Tronto' in the S. of the Marches close to the border of the Abruzzo ; thought by some to be the place mentioned under the name of Cascibli in the dialectal poem quoted V. E. i. ii^s. [Ca- scioli.] Asdente, maestro Benvenuto, nicknamed Asdente (i. e. toothless), a shoemaker of Parma who was famed as a prophet and soothsayer during the latter half of Cent. xiii. D. places him, together with Guido Bonatti, among the Soothsayers in Bolgia 4 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), and observes that he repents, now it is too late, that he did not stick to his own trade. Inf. xx. 118-20 [Indo- vini] ; referred to, as ' il calzolaio di Parma,' as an instance of an individual who would be noble, if notoriety constituted nobility, Conv. iv. i665-n. According to Benvenuto, A. foretold the defeat of Frederick II at the siege of Parma in 1248. The following account of him is given in the chronicle of his contemporary and fellow-citizen, Salimbene of Parma (printed by C. E. Norton in Report XIV of American Dante Society ) : — 'His diebus erat in civitate p^nnensi quidam pauper homo, operans de opera cferdpnico, faciebat enim subtellares, purus et simplex, ac timens Deum, et curialis, idest urbanitatem habens, et illiteratus ; sed illuminatum valde intelleetum habebat in tantum ut intelligeret scripturas illorum qui de futuris praedixerunt, scilicet abbatis Joachym, Merlini, Methodii et Sibillae, Isaiae, Jeremiae, Oseae, Danielis et Apocalypsis, nee non et Michaelis Scoti, qui fuit astrologus Friderici [60] secundi Imperatoris quondam. Et multa audivi ab eo, quae postea evenerunt, videlicet quod Papa Nicolaus tertius in mense augusti mori debebat, et quod Papa Martinus erat futurus ; et multa alia, quae expectamus videre, sifuerit vita comes. . . . Iste homo, praeter proprium nomen, quod est magister Benvenutus, communiter appellatur Asdenti, idest absque dentibus per contrarium, quia magnos habet denies et inordinatos, et loquelam impeditam, taraen bene intelligit et bene intelligitur. In capite pontis moratur in Parma, juxta foveam civitatis et juxta puteum, per stratam quae vadit ad burgum sancti Domini. . . . His diebus dominus Opizo parmensis episcopus prophetam parmensium, qui dicitur Asdenti, invitavit ad prandium, et de futuris diligenter quaesivit ab eo. . . . Nee est aliter iste propheta, nisi quia illuminatum intelleetum habet ad inteliigendum dicta omnium qui de futuris aliquid praedixerunt. Et est curialis homo et humilis et familiaris, et sine pompa et vanagloria ; nee aliquid dicit affirmando, sed dicit : ita videtur mihi, et ita intelligo ego istam scripturam ; et cum aliquis legendo coram eo aliqui^ subtrahit, statim percipit et dicit : tu decipis me, quia aliquid dimisisti. Et de diversis partibus mundi multi veniunt ad ipsum interrogandum.' Asia, connexion of Aeneas with Asia by descent and marriage, Mon. ii. 361-61 93-5 (j-gf. to Aen. iii. 1-2) [Enea] ; subjected by Ninus, King of Assyria, Mon. ii. 923-8 [ifinoi] ; over- run by Vesoges, King of Egypt, Mon. ii. gss-s [Vesoges] ; separated from Europe by the Hellespont, Mon. ii. 982-* [EUesponto] ; partly occupied by Greeks, V. E. i. 819-21 [Qreci]. Asiani, Asiatics; their rejection of the proposition that the imperial authority is de- rived from the Church, Mon. iii. 1459. Asopo, Asopus, river in Boeotia, in the neighbourhood of Thebes; mentioned, together with the Ismenus, in reference to the crowds of Thebans who used to throng their banks at night to invoke the aid of Bacchus, when they needed rain for their vineyards, Purg. xviii. 91. D. probably had in mind the account given by Statius in the Thebaid (ix. 434 ff.). Assalone. [Absalone.] Assaracus, King of Troy, son of Tros, father of Capys, grandfather of Anchises, and great-grandfather of Aeneas; mentioned to prove the connexion of , Aeneas with Asia, Mon. ii. 362 [Enea]. Assiri, Assyrians ; their flight from Bethulia after the death of Holofernes {Judith xv. 1-3), Purg. xii. 59 [Oloferne] ; included among the examples of defeated pride portrayed on the ground m Circle I of Purgatory, Purg. xii. 58-60 [Superbi] ; ipentioned in connexion with Nmus, Mon. li. 923 [Ifinoi]. Assisi. [Ascesi.] Assuero, Ahasuerus, King of Persia, 'which reigned from India even unto Ethiopia' (prob- Assyrii Atlas ably identical with Xerxes) ; D., in a vision, jsees him, together with Esther and Mordecai, witnessing the death of Haman, Purg. xvii. 25-30 [Amano]. Assyrii, Assyrians, Mon. ii. 923. [Assiri.] Astraea, daughter of Zeus and Themis ; she was goddess of justice, and during the Golden Age lived among mankind, but when the wickedness of the world increased she withdrew to heaven and took her place among the stars as the constellation Virgo. She is mentioned, Mon. i. li^ ; Epist. viii. 7 ; alluded to as giustizia, Purg. xxii. 71-2, where D. translates Virgil's lines : — *Jam redit et Virgo, redeunt Saturnia regna, Jam nova progenies coelo demittitur alto.' (Ed. Iv. 6-7.) Atalanta, Boeotian maiden, daughter of Schoenus, celebrated for her swiftness of foot ; being unwilling to marry, she declared she would accept no suitor who failed to outstrip her in running. Hippomenes succeeded by the assistance of Venus, who gave him three golden apples which he dropped in the course of the race ; A. stopped to pick them up, and thus enabled Hippomenes to pass her and win her as his wife. This race, for the account of which D. refers to Ovid {Metam. x. 560-680), is mentioned as an example of a contest for a prize, as distinguished from a contest or duel between two antagonists, such as that between Hercules and Antaeus, Mon. ii. 8*3-5. [Anteo.] Atamante, Athamas, King of Orchomenus in Boeotia, son of Aeolus and Enarete, Inf. XXX. 4. At the command of Juno, A. married Nephele, but he was secretly in love with the mortal Ino, daughter of Cadmus, King of Thebes, by whom he had two sons, Learchus and Melicertes [Ino]. Having thus incurred the wrath both of Juno and Nephele, he was seized with madness, and in this state killed his son Learchus. Ino thereupon threw her- self into the sea with Melicertes. Ino herself had incurred the wrath of Juno for having brought up Bacchus, the son of Jupiter and her sister Semele [Giunone: SemelS.] D. alludes to the story. Inf. xxx. 1-12 ; his account is borrowed from Ovid, whom he has closely followed. Athamas in his madness takes Ino and her two sons for a lioness and cubs ; he seizes Learchus and dashes him against a rock : — 'Protinus AeoHdes media furibundus in aula Clamat: lo ! comites, his retia tendite silvis, Hie mode cum gemina visa est mihi prole leaena ! Utque ferae, sequitur vestigia conjugis amens, Deque sinu matris ridentem et parva Learchum Brachia tendentem rapit, et bis terque per auras More rotat fundae; ngidoque infantia saxo Discutit ossa ferox. [Ino in frenzy, invoking her nephew Bacchus, for which she is mocked by Juno, flings herself with Melicertes into the sea.] Tunc denique concita mater, Seu dolor hoc fecit, seu sparsi causa veneni, Exululat; passisque fugit male sana capillis; Teque ferens parvum nudis, Melicerta, lacertis, Kvoe ! Bacche I sonat. Bacchi sub nomine Juno Risit, et: Hos usus praestet tibi, dixit, alumnus. Imminet aequoribus scopulus ; pars ima cavatur Fluctibus, et tectas defendit ab imbribus undas ; Summa nget, frontemque in apertura porrigit aequor. Occupat hunc, — vires insania fecerat, — Ino, Seque super pontum, nuUo tardata timore, Mittit, onusque suum ; percussa recanduit unda.' (Meiam. iv. 512-30.) Atene, Athens, capital of Attica; men- tioned in connexion with the slaying of the Minotaur by Theseus, who, by an anachronism, is called il duca d'A., Inf. xii. 17 [Arianna : Minotauro : Teseo] ; the laws of Solon, Purg. vi. 139 [Solone] ; the flight of Hippo- lytus, Par. xvii. 46 [Fedra : Ippolito] ; the Athenian schools of philosophy, which are all at one in I' A. celestiale (i. e. Heaven), Conv. iii. J4I37-41 J t]je war of Cephalus with Crete, Conv. iv. 27158-6O [Cefalo]; alluded to, in connexion with the story of Pisistratus, as la villa Del cut name ne' Dei fit tanta lite (i. e. the town for the naming of which Neptune and Minerva contested), Purg. xv. 97-8 [Mi- nerva: Pisistrato]. Atlante], the giant Atlas ; referred to as gigante, Conv. iv. 29*'. [Atlas 1.] Atlantico], the Atlantic Ocean, alluded to as il mar. Inf. xxvi. 142 ; I'onde Dieiro alle quali . . . Lo sol tal volta ad ogni uom si na- sconde, i. e. the waters behind which the sun sinks during the summer solstice, the reference being more precisely to the Gulf of Gascony, Par. xii. 49-51 [Guascogna, Golfo di] ; il varco Folle d ' Ulisse, ' the mad track of Ulysses,' i. e. over the Atlantic beyond the Pillars of Hercules, Par. xxvii. 82-3 [nUsse]. Atlantis, Electra, daughter of Atlas and Pleione, and mother of Dardanus, his father being Jupiter ; Virgil's mention of her {Aen. viii. 134-7) as ancestress of Aeneas, Mon. ii. 369-76. [Elettrai; Enea.] In the quotation from the Aeneid in this passage Witte and others read 'Electra, ut Graii perhibent, et Atlantide cretus,* which makes nonsense, Electra and Atlantis being, of course, one and the same person. (See Academy, July 8, 1893.) Atlas^, son of lapetus and Clymene ; he made war with the other Titans upon Jupiter, and being conquered was condemned to bear the heavens upon his head and hands. He was the father of Electra, who is hence called Atlantis, and grandfather of Dardanus, the ancestor of Aeneas. He was of African origin, the Atlas range in Africa being named from him. D. mentions him, quoting Aen. viii. 134-7, to prove the connexion of Aeneas with Africa,' Mon. ii. 3DS-V6 [Enea] ; Juvenal's say- ing : 'Nanum cujusdam Atlanta vocamus' [61] Atlas Augusto (5aA viii. 32), translated, Conv. iv. 29*8 9 [Giovenale]. Atlas 2, the Atlas range in N. Africa; Oro- sius quoted {Hist. i. 2. § 11) to prove that it is in Africa, Mon. ii. s^^-" [Atlas 1 : Orosio] ; the Imperial Eagle soars alike over the Py- renees, Caucasus, and Atlas, Epist. vi. 3. Atropds, Atropos, one of the three fates. At the birth of every mortal, Clotho, the spinning fate, was supposed to wind upon the distaff of . Lachesis, the allotting fate, a certain amount of yarn ; the duration of the life of the in- dividual being the length of time occupied in spinning the thread, which, when complete, was severed by Atropos, the inevitable fate [Cloto: Lacliesis]. D. says that certain souls are consigned to Tolomea even before Atropos has given them movement, i. e. before death, Inf. xxxiii. 124-6 [Tolomea]. Attila, King of the Huns (a.d. 434-453), inown, on account of the terror he inspired, ds Flagellum Dei, ' the scourge of God ' ; the first part of.his career of conquest (445-450) was occupied with the ravage of the Eastern Empire between the Euxine and the Adriatic, the latter part (450-452) with the invasion of the Western Empire. In 452 he demanded in marriage the sister of the Emperor Valen- tinian III, with half the kingdom of Italy as her dowry, and on the refusal of this demand he conquered and destroyed many of the principal cities of N.E. Italy, laid waste the plains of Lombardy, and marched upon Rome ; he was, however, met by Pope Leo the Great, who persuaded him to turn back and to evacuate Italy ; he died in his own country in the next year from the bursting of a blood- vessel. D. places A. among the Tyrants in Round i of Circle VII of Hell, describing him, in allu- sion to his appellation of the ' scourge of God,' as 'Attila che fu flagello in terra,' Inf. xii. 134 [Tiranni] ; he is mentioned in connexion with his (mythical) destruction of Florence, Inf. xiii. 149. The tradition accepted by D. in this latter passage arose doubtless from a con- fusion of Attila with Totila, King of the Ostro- goths (541-553), by whose forces Florence was besieged in 542. Villani gives an account (ii. l) of the destruction of the city by 'Totile Flagellum Dei re de' Goti e de' Vandali ' in the year 440, thus hopelessly confounding the two. As a matter of fact there appears to be no truth in the tradition that Florence was de- stroyed, either by Attila or Totila, and rebuilt by Charlemagne, as both D. (Inf. xiii. 148) and Villani (iii. i) believed. Benvenuto is better informed ; he says : — 'Certe miror nimis de isto excidio Florentiae quod Athila dicitur fecisse ; quia . . . non videtur quod Athila transiverit unquam Appeninum, nee Paulus Diaconus, nee aUus tractans de gestis [62] Athilae dicit hoc. Ideo dico quod autor noster secutus est chronicas patriae suae, quae multa frivola similia dicunt . . . vel forte vidit aliquem autorem autenticum dicentem hoc, quern ego non vidi ; sed quidquid sit de isto facto, ego nihil credo.' Auditu, De Naturali. [Natural! Audita, De.] Augusta, title of honour, borne by the mothers, wives, sisters, and daughters of the Roman Emperor ; applied by D. to the Virgin Mary in the sense of Empress, Par. xxxii. 119 [Maria i]. Augustalis, Imperial ; solium Augustale, ' the Imperial throne,' during its vacancy the world goes astray, Epist. vi. I. Augustino, St. Augustine, Conv. iv. 983. [Agostino ''.] Augustinus, St. Augustine, Mon. iii. 3*8^ 4^1 ; Epist. viii. 7 ; x. 28. [Agostino ^.] Augusto 1, Augustus, title of honour borne by the Roman Emperor ; applied by D. to the Emperor Frederick II, Inf. xiii. 68 [Cesare^: rederico^]; the Emperor Henry VII, Epist. V. 2, 3 ; vii. iii., 4 [Arrigo 2]. Augusto 2, Augustus, first Roman Emperor, born B. c. 63, died at Nola A. D. 14, at the age of 76. He was son of Caius Octavius by Atia, daughter of Julia, the sister of Julius Caesar. His original name was Caius Octavius, which, after his adoption by his great-uncle Julius Caesar, was changed to Caius Julius Caesar Octavianus. Augustus was a title of venera- tion conferred upon him by the Roman Senate and people, B.C. 27. After the murder of Julius Caesar at Rome (b. c. 44) he left his studies at ApoUonia, hastened to Italy, de- feated Antony at Mutina (b. c. 43) [Modena], Brutus and Cassius at Philippi (b. C. 42) [Bruto], took Perusia and defeated Lucius Antonius (b. c. 40) [Perugia], defeated Sextus Pompeius in Sicily (B.C. 36) [Sesto], and finally Antony and Cleopatra at Actium (B.C. 31) [Cleopatra], thus putting an end to the civil war. The further wars of A. were chiefly undertaken in defence of the frontiers of the Roman dominions, Italy itself remained at peace [Jano]. ■ Augustus, contemporary of Virgil, Inf. i. 71 ; removed V.'s body from Brundusium to Naples, Purg.vii. 6 [Virgilio]; his victories in the civil war and subsequent peace. Par. vi. 73-81 [Aquila i] ; his triumphs at Rome, Purg. 3CX1X. 116; Epist. V. 8; universal peace under him at time of Christ's birth, Par. vi. 80-1 ; Conv. iv. 560-5; Mon. i. 1610-18 ; tis decree ■that all the world should be taxed' (Luken. i), Conv. IV. 565 ; Mon. ii. 9100-3^ igis-si . Epjgt, TO. 3; referred to as Octavian, Purg.' vii. 6; ""'• " "• bearer of the Roman Eagle, Epist. V. 8; Augustulo Avari baiulo, Par. vi. 73 ; principe e comandatore del Roman popolo, Conv. iv. 563-4 ; portent at his death related by Seneca, Conv. ii. \/^'^^ ; second Roman Emperor, Epist. vii. i. Augustulo], Romulus Augustulus, last of the Roman Emperors of the West ; after reigning for one year (475-6) he was over- thrown and expelled by Odoacer [Imperio Bomano]. Some think he is alluded to as Colui chefece per viltate il gran rifiuto, Inf. iii. 59. The reference, however, is most prob- ably to Celestine V. [Celestino.] Augustus 1, tide of honour borne by the Roman Emperors ; applied by D. to the Em- peror Henry VII, Epist. v. 2, 3 ; Epist. .vii. tit., 4. [Augusto 1.] Augustus 2, the Emperor Augustus, Mon. i. 1610 ; ii. 91% 12^2 . Epist. v. 3 ; vii. i, 3. [Augusto 2.] Aulide, Aulis, port in poeotia, on the Eu- ripus, where the Greek fleet assembled before sailing for Troy, and where it was detained by Artemis until Agamemnon appeased her wrath, Inf. XX. III. [Agamemnone : Caloanta : Euripilo.] Aurora, goddess of dawn, who at the close of every night rose from the couch of her spouse Tithonus, and in a chariot drawn by swift horses ascended up to heaven from the river Oceanus to announce the coming light of the Sun. D. describes sunrise as the gradual deepen- ing of the colour on A.'s cheeks from white to vermilion, which then passes into orange, Purg. ii. 7-9 ; she is referred to as la chiarissima ancella del Sole, Par. xxx. 7 ; and, perhaps (many thinking the Aurora of the Moon is intended), as concubina di Titone, Purg. ix. i. [Titone.] Ausonia, ancient name for the part of Italy now known as Campania, hence used to indicate Italy itself. In describing the king- dom of Naples, Charles Martel (in the Heaven of Venus) speaks of it as 'Quel como d'Ausonia, che s'imborga Di Bari, di Gaeta, e di Catona {^var. Crotona), Da ove Tronto e Verde in mare sgorga ' — ' that horn of Italy which has for its limits the towns of Bari, Gaeta, and Catona, from where the Tronto and Verde disgorge into the sea,' Par. viii. 61-3 ; Bari on the Adriatic, Gaeta on the Mediterranean, and Catona at the extreme S., roughly indicate the extent of the Neapo- litan territory, while the Verde (or Garigliano) flowing into the Mediterranean, and the Tronto flowing into the Adriatic, represent the frontier with the Papal States [Italia: Ifapoli]. The variant Crotona for Catona, though adopted by many modern edd., has very little MS. authority [Catena]. Apostrophizing Italy as Ausonia, D. says it had been well for her had the Donation of Constantine never been made, Mon. ii. 1366-9 [Costantino] . Auster, S. wind, Mon. ii. ^^^ *" ; Epist. x. r. [Austro.] Austericch, Austria, Inf. xxxii. 26. The consonantal ending -ic or -icch (as against -icchi of some edd.) seems preferable as ad- mitting the onomatopoeic monosyllable cricch [v. 30). The variant Ostericch (Villani has Osterich), which corresponds more closely with the Germ. Osterreich, is perhaps the correct reading. [Danoia.] Australe, southerly ; austral vento, ' S. wind,' Purg. xxxi. 71 (var. nostral v., 'wind of our land,' i.e. N. wind). Austro, Auster, S. wind; coupled with Aquilone, the two being mentioned as typically boisterous winds, Purg. xxxii. 99 ; its violence in Libya, Mon. ii. 436' *6 ; hence, the South, ' Austri Regina ' {Matt. xii. 42, in A.V. ' the Queen of the South '), i. e. the Queen of Sheba, Epist. x. I [Saba]. Avari], the Avaricious, placed with Pro- digals in Circle IV of Hell, Inf. vii. 22-66 [Inferno]. Their guardian is Pluto or Plutus, the accursed wolf (Inf. vii. 8 ; Purg. xx. 10) [Pluto]. They are compelled to roll about great weights, the Avaricious in one half of the Circle, the Prodigals in the other; when they meet they smite against and revile each other, and then turn back and meet again at the opposite end of the semicircle [Cariddi]. Among the Avaricious D. sees many ' clerks, popes, and cardinals,' but names none of them as they are unrecognizable — 'La sconoscente vita, che i fe sozzi. Ad ogni conoscenza or Ii fa bruni ' {vv. S3-4). Those who expiate the sins of Avarice and Prodigality in Purgatory are placed in Circle V [Beatitudini : Purgatorio]; their punishment is to lie prostrate on the ground, bound hand and foot, their faces down- ward to remind them that on earth their thoughts were fixed on earthly things, while they murmur 'Adhaesit pavimento animamea' [Psalm cxix. 25), Purg. xix. 70-5, 118-26. Examples : Pope Adrian V [Adriano 2] ; Hugh Capet [Ciapetta] ; Statius [Stazio]. During the day the Avaricious proclaim in- stances of self-denial or liberality, viz. the Virgin Mary [Maria i], Fabricius [Pabbri- zioi], and St. Nicholas [Niecolao] ; during the night they inveigh against notorious in- stances of avarice or of the lust of wealth, viz. Pygmalion [Pigmalione], Midas [Mida], Achan [Acan], Ananias and Sapphira [Ana- nia 2 : Safira], Heliodorus [Eliodoro], Poly- mestor [Polinestore], and Crassus [Crasso]. [63] Avellana, Ponte Avicenna Scartazzini points out that D. has given seven instances of avarice, evidently in accordance with the doctrine of Thomas Aquinas (S. T. ii. 2, Q. ii8, A. 8), who describes the offspring of avarice (' Filiae avaritiae dicuntur vitia quae ex ipsa oriuntur, et praecipue secundum appetitum') to be inhumanity ('ex avaritia oritur obduratio contra misericordiam, quia scilicet cor ejus misericordia non emollitur'), restlessness ('oritur itiquietudo, in quantum ingerit homini soUicitudinem et curas super- fluas '), violence (' in acquirendo aliena utitur quandoque quidem vi, quod pertinet ad vio- lentias '), deceit and perjury (' quandoque autem utitur dolo, qui quidem si fiat in verbo fallacia erit ; quantum ad simplex verbum, perjurium, si addatur confirmatio juramenti '), fraud and treachery (' si autem dolus com- mittatur in opere, sic quantum ad res erit fraus ; quantum autem ad personas erit jfiro- ditio'). These D. exemplifies respectively by Polymestor, Midas, Crassus, Heliodorus, Ana- nias and Sapphira, Achan, and Pygmalion. Avellana, Fonte], the Benedictine monas- tery of Santa Croce di Fonte Avellana, situated in Umbria on the slopes of Monte Catria, one of the highest peaks of the Apen- nines, near Gubbio [Catrlaj. St. Peter Damian (in the Heaven of Saturn), who was Abbot in 1041, describes its situation to D., Par. xxi. 106-10, speaking of it as ermo, v. no ; quel chiostro, v. 118 ; quel loco, V. 121. [Damianc] There is a tradition, based upon very slender foundations, that D. himself spent some time at Fonte Avellana after his departure from Verona in 13 1 8. (See Bartoli, Lett. Ital., v. 271-3O Aventino, Mt. Aventine, one of the seven hills of Rome, where the giant Cacus had a cave. Inf. xxv. 26. [Caoo.] Averrois, Averroes (Muhammad ibn Ah- mad, Ibn-Roschd), celebrated Arabian scholar of Cent. xii. His most famous work was a commentary upon Aristotle (whence he was commonly known as the Commentator par excellence), whose writings he knew through the medium of Arabic translations. He "was bom at Cordova in Spain between 11 20 and 1 149, and died in Morocco about 1200. A., who was a physician and lawyer as well, was the head of the Western school of philosophy, as Avicenna was of the Eastern. Boccaccio lays stress on the great influence his works had on the study of Aristotle, which up till his day had been almost neglected. A Latin translation of his great commentary, attributed to Michael Scot, was in existence before 1250 [Michele Sootto]. D. places him among the great philosophers in Limbo, in a group with Hippocrates, Galen, and Avicenna, describing him as A., che il [64] gran comento feo. Inf. iv. 144 [Limbo]. Some think he is alluded to as fiii savio di te, Purg. xxv. 63, where Statius tells D. that a wiser than he went astray with regard to the nature of the soul ; but the reference is more probably to Aristotle [Aristotile]. D. mentions him, Mon. i. 3'" ; and refers to him by the title of the Commentator, Conv. iv. 1388; A. T. §§ 5^, .18; his commentary on Aristotle's De Anima, Conv. iv. 1368-9 ; Mon. i. 377-8 ; A. T, § 56-8 ; his opinion, as recorded in his work De Substantia Orbis, that all potential forms of matter are actually existent in the mind of the Creator, A. T, § 1 8 36-9. This opinion, as a matter of fact, appears to come, not from Averroes' De Sub- stantia Orbis, but from the De Natura et Origine Animae (II. vii) of Albertus Magnus, who attributes it to Plato : — ' Dixit Plato formas omnes ideales esse in mente divina antequam prodirent in corpora : sicut formae ideales artiiicialium sunt in mente artificis ante- quam in materias artium traducantur.' Benvenuto, who represents A. as the deter- mined opponent of the teaching of Avicenna, expresses surprise that D. should have con- signed so notorious an unbeliever and blas- phemer to no worse place than Limbo : — 'Quompdo autor posuit istum sine pena, qui tam impudenter et impie blasfemat Christum, dicens, quod tres fuerunt baratores mundi, scilicet Christus, Moyses, et Macomettus, quorum Christus, quia juvenis et ignarus, crucifixus fuit ? ' In the frescoes of the Cappella degli Spa- gnuoli (Cent, xiv.) in S. Maria Novella at Florence, A. is depicted, together with the heretics Sabellius and Arius, at the feet of St. Thomas Aquinas. Avicenna, Avicenna (Husain ibn Abd Allah, Ibn-Sina), Arabian philosopher and physician of Ispahan in Persia ; bom near Bokhara A.D. 980, died 1037. He was a voluminous writer, among his works being commentaries upon Aristotle and Galen. Of the latter, whose writings he condensed and arranged, he is said to have remarked that he knew a great deal about the branches of medicine, but very little about its roots [Galieno]. His own treatise, the Canon Me- dicinae, was still in use as a text-book in France as late as Cent. xvii. D. places A. among the great philosophers m Limbo, in a group with Hippocrates, Galen, and Averroes, Inf. iv. 143 [Limbo] ; his opmion [De Intelligentiis, § 4), which he shared with Plato and Algazali, that 'sub- stantial generation ' is effected by the motive powers of the Heavens, Conv. ii. 1427-32 . that the Milky Way is made up of numbers of small stars, Conv. ii. 1569-77 [Galassia] ; that a distinction exists between ' light ' and ' splen- dour' (De Anima, iii. % 3), Conv. iii. 1438-41 ; Azio Azzolino his theory {De Anima,\. % 3), held also by Alga- zali, that souls are noble or ignoble of them- selves from the beginning, Conv. iv. 21I5-I''. (See Mazzucchelli, Autori citati nel Convito.) \ Azio], Actium, promontory of Acarnania, off which Octavianus defeated Antony and Cleopatra, B. C. 31 ; the victory is alluded to by the Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of Mercury) in connexion with the triumphs of the Roman Eagle, Par. vi. 77. [Aquila^: Cleopatra.] Azzo Marchio. [Azzo da Ssti.] Azzo, Ugolino d', a native of Tuscany, domiciled at Faenza, who is mentioned by Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory), together with Guido da Prata, among the worthies of Romagna, Purg. xiv. 104-5. The individual in question, — whom Ben- venuto describes as ' vir nobilis et curialis de Ubaldinis, clarissima stirpe in Romandiola, qui fuerunt diu potentes in alpibus citra Apen- ninum et ultra, prope Florentiam,' — is probably Ugolino degli Ubaldini, son of Azzo degli Ubaldini da Senno, a member of the powerful Tuscan family of that name ; he is said to have been a nephew of Ubaldino dalla Pila (Purg. xxiv. 29), and of the famous Cardinal Ottaviano degli Ubaldini (Inf. x. 120), and first cousin of the Archbishop Ruggieri degli Ubaldini (Inf. xxxiii. 14). [Ubaldini : Table xxix.] This Ugolino, whose mother's name was Aldruda, is repeatedly mentioned in contemporary records, viz. in 1218, 1220, 1228, 1231, 1244, 1249, 1252 (in which year he was in Florence), 1257, 1274, and in 1280 (under which year his name appears among those who bound themselves to abide by the terms of peace proposed by the pacificator. Cardinal Latino) ; he married Beatrice Lancia, daughter of Provenzano Salvani of Siena, by whom he had three sons, Giovanni, Francesco, and Ottaviano ; he made his will in 1285, and died at an advanced age in Jan. 1293. He appears to have been a man of great wealth and landed property. His death is recorded, together with that of Guido Riccio da Polenta, in the contemporary chronicle of Pietro Can- tinelli, a proof, as Casini points out, that Ugolino d' Azzo degli Ubaldini was at that time well known in Romagna, so that D. could not long after appropriately make Guido del Duca say of him 'vivette nosco' {v. 105). (See Casini, Dante e la Romagna^ Azzo da Esti], Azzo VIII (III) of Este, son of Obizzo II, whom he succeeded in 1293 as Marquis of Este, and Lord of Ferrara, Modena, and Reggio ; married, as his second wife, in 1305, Beatrice, daughter of Charles II of Naples ; died, without (legitimate) male issue, 1308 [Table xxiii]. D. refers to him (perhaps) as il Marchese, Inf. xviii. 56 ; quel da EsH, Purg. v. ']^ ; Azzo Marchio, V, E. i. 1288-9 J Marchio Estensis, V. E. ii. 6*2 ; the popular belief that he murdered his father by smothering him with a pillow (probably a calumny) is accepted by D., who speaks of him in this connexion as the ' stepson ' (figliastro) of Obizzo, Inf. xii. 111-12 [Obizzo da !EiSti] ; his intrigue (or, perhaps, that of his father) with Ghisolabella, sister of Caccianimico, and the vile conduct of the latter, Inf. xviii. 55-7 [Caccianimico : Ghisolabella] ; his murder of Jacopo del Cassero of Fano, Purg. V. 77-8 [Cassero, Jacopo del] ; his marriage with Beatrice of Naples, Purg. xx. 79-81 [Beatrice 2] ; condemnation of him, together with Charles II of Naples (his father-in-law), Frederick II of Sicily, and John Marquis of Montferrat, for bloodthirstiness, treachery, and avarice, V. E. i. i236-*2; a passage in his praise quoted (ironically), V. E. ii. 6*^-4. Villani gives the following account of the death of Azzo, and touches incidentally on his marriage with Beatrice of Naples (Purg. xx. 79- 81), but he makes no reference to the alleged bargain to which D. alludes in the text : — ' Nel detto anno 1306 i Veronesi, Mantovani, e Bresciani feciono lega insieme, e grande guerra mossono al marchese Azzo da Esti ch' era signore di Ferrara, per sospetto preso di lui, ch' egli non volesse essere signore di Lombardia, perch' avea presa per moglie una figliuola del re Carlo ; e corsono la sua terra, e tolsongli piii di sue castella. ■ Ma I'anno appresso fatto sue isforzo, e con aiuto della gente di Piemonte e del re Carlo, fece oste grande sopra loro, e corse le loro terre, e fece lore grande dammaggio. Ma poco tempo appresso ammaI6 il detto marchese, e si mori in grande stento e miseria ; il quale era stato il piii leggiadro e ridottato e possente tiranno che fosse in Lom- bardia.' (viii. 88.) Dino Compagni, however, states positively that Azzo purchased the royal alliance, among the considerations given being the cities of Modena and Reggio, which rebelled in conse- quence :— ' Parma, Reggio e Modona s' erano ribellate dal marchese di Ferrara ; il quale, per troppa tirannia facea loro, Iddio non lo voUe piii sostenere ; ch6 quando fu piu inalzato, cadde. Perche avea tolto per moglie la figliuola del re Carlo di Puglia; e perch6 condiscendessi a dargliene, la comperd, oltre al comune uso, e fecele di dota Modona e Reggio : onde i suoi frategli e i nobili cittadini sdegnorono entrare in altrui fedelta.' (iii. 16.) Azzolino^, Ezzelino III da Romano, son of Ezzelino II and Adeleita degli Alberti di Mangona, son-in-law of the Emperor Frederick II, and chief of the Ghibellines of Upper Italy, born 1 194, died 1259. D. places him among the Tyrants in Round I of Circle VII of Hell, where he is pointed out by Nessus, who draws attention to his black hair, Inf. xii. 109-10 [Tiranni] ; he is alluded to by his sister Cunizza (in the Heaven of [65] Azzolino Babel Venus) as a firebrand ('facelk') which deso- lated the March of Treviso, and described as being from Romano and of the same ' root ' as herself, Par. ix. 28-31 [Cunizza: Eomano*].' D . here alludes to the common belief, recorded by Pietro di Dante, that before Ezzelino's birth his mother dreamed that she brought forth a firebrand : — ' Mater Azzolini, dum partui ejus esset vicina, somniabat quod parturiebat unam facem igneam, quae comburebat totam Marchiam Trevisanam ; et ita fecit sua horribili tyrannide. Et tangit hoc autor dum dicit de facella.' Ezzelino, whose lordship over the March of Treviso lasted for more than thirty years, was a ruthless and bloodthirsty tyrant, and was guilty of the most inhuman atrocities. Villani says of him :— ' Questo Azzolino fu il piii crudele e ridottato tiranno che mai fosse tra' cristiani, e signoreggid per sua forza e tirannia (essendo di sua nazione della casa di Romano gentile uomo) grande tempo tutta la Marca di Trevigi e la citta di Padova e gran parte di Lombardia ; e' cittadini di Padova molta gran parte consum6, c acceconne pur de' migliori e de' pivi nobili in grande quantita, e togliendo le loro possessioni e mandogli mendi- cando per lo mondo, e moiti altri per diversi martirii e tormenti fece morire, e a un' ora undici- mila Padovani fece ardere . . . e sotto 1' ombra di una rudda e scelerata giustizia fece moIti mali, e fu uno grande flagello al suo tempo nella Marca Trevigiana e in Lombardia.' (vi. 72.) His contemporary Salimbene of Parma says of him in his chronicle (quoted by C. E. Norton in Report XIV of American Dante Society) : — ' Icilinus vero fuit membrum diaboli et iilius iniquitatis . . . Pejor enim homo fuit de mundo : non credo revera quod ab initio mundi usque ad dies nostros fuerit ita malus homo ; nam ita tremebant eum omnes, sicut tremit juncus in aqua : et hoc non sine causa erat ; qui enim erat hodie, de crastina die securus non erat. Pater petebat filium ad interficiendum, et iilius patrem, vel aliquem sibi propinquum, ut Icilino placeret : omnes majores et meliores et potentiores et ditiores et nobiliores delevit de Marchia trivisina ; et muli- eres castrabat, et cum filiis et filiabus in carceribus includebat, et ibi fame et miseria peribant. Multos religiosos interfecit, et in carceribus diu habuit tam ex ordine fratrum Minorum et Praedicatorum, quam ex ordinibus aliis. . . . Nee Nero, nee Decius, nee Diocletianus, nee Maximianus in malitia fuerunt similes sibi, sed neque Herodes, neque Antiochus, qui pessimi homines de mundo fuerunt.' In 1255 Pope Alexander IV proclaimed a crusade against Ezzelino, styling him ' a son of perdition, a man of blood, the most inhuman of the children of men, who, by his infamous torture of the nobles and massacre of the people, has broken every bond of human society, and violated every law of Christian liberty.' After a war of three years' duration, in the course of which he committed the most terrible atrocities, Ezzelino was finally defeated (Sep. 16, 1259) by the Marquis of Este at Cassano, where he was desperately wounded and taken prisoner. Eleven days after, having torn open his wounds, he died in his prison at Soncino, at the age of sixty-six, after a reign of thirty-four years. Benvenuto states that he is said to have been short of stature, hairy, and swarthy (Inf. xii. 109), and that he had a long hair upon his nose, which stood upright when he was in a passion, to the terror of all beholders. Several stories are told of him in the Cento Novelle Antiche (Nov. xlii, cxxi, ed. Biagi), in one of which it is stated that he killed himself by striking his head against the pole of the tent in which he was confined : — ' Fue messere Azolino preso in bataglia in uno luogho che si chiama Chasciano et percosse tanto il capo suo al feristo del padiglione ov* egli era legato, che ss' uccise egli medesimo.' (Nov. cxxi.) Azzolino 2], Ezzelino II da Romano, father of Ezzelino III and Cunizza, by his third wife, Adeleita degli Alberti di Mangona ; alluded to by his daughter Cunizza (in the Heaven of Venus) as the radice from which she and ' the firebrand ' (her brother Ezzelino) were sprung, Par. ix. 29-31. [Azzolino 1; Cunizza.] B Babel, the Tower of Babel ; the word Babel means ' confusion,' V. E. i. 6^^, 78" ; up till the building of the Tower all Adam's descendants spoke the same language as he had spoken, V. E. i. 6*3~*2 (this opinion D. recanted in the D. C, Par. xxvi. 124-6) [Adamo] ; the Tower built at the instigation of Nimrod, V. E. i. 729-30 J ti)e confusion of tongues the conse- quence of its building, V. E. i. 9I8-20, "j-jie Tower is alluded to as il gran lavoro, Purg. xii. 34 ; I'ovra inconsumabile, Par. xxvi. 125. [66] In the Middle Ages Nimrod was universally regarded as the builder of the Tower of Babel. The tradition is preserved in the name given to the vast ruins of the great temple of Belus m Babylon (commonly identified with the Tower of Babel), which are known as Sirs- Ntmrud. [Nembrotto : Sennaar.] The di- mensions of the Tower are given by Brunetto Latino : — 'Sachiez que la tor de Babel avoit en chascune quarreure .x. hues, dont chascune estoit .iiiim. pas, Babilon Badla Et si avoit li murs de large .l. coudes, et.cc. en avoit de haut, dont chascune avoit .xv. pas, et li pas avoit .11. piez.' {Tre'sor, i. 24.) Babilon, the kingdom of Babylon ; Vesilio di B., i. e. life on earth as opposed to life in heaven, Par. xxiii. 135 (var. Babilonid) ; its destruction by Cyrus (B.C. 538) and trans- ference of the kingdom to the Persians, Mon. ii. 9*3-5 . the Florentine exiles compared to exiles in B., Epist. vii. I, 8. D., follovping St. Augustine, who interprets Babylon, like Babel, as meaning ' confusion ' (' civitas, quae appellata est confusio, ipsa est Babylon, Babylon quippe interpretatur con- fusio,' Civ. Dei, xvi. 4), renders the expression ' super flumina Babylonis ' {Psalm cxxxvii. i) by 'super flumina confusionis,' Epist. vii. i. [Babel: Babilonia.] Babilonia, the kingdom of Babylon or Babylonia, Par. xxiii. 135 (var. Babilon) [Babilon]. In speaking of the empire of Semiramis D. alludes to B. as la terra che il Soldan corregge, 'the land ruled by the Sultan,' Inf. V. 60 [Soldaiio]. He has apparently confused the ancient kingdom of Babylonia (or Assyria) with Babylonia or Babylon (Old Cairo) in Egypt, which was the territory of the Sultan. Boccaccio, for instance, always describes Saladin as 'il Soldano di Babilonia' (Decatn. i. 3 ; x. 9). Cf. Mandeville : — ' The Lond of Babyloyne, where the Sowdan dwellethe comonly ... is not that gret Babyloyne, where the Dyversitee of Langages was first made . . . when the grate Tour of Babel was begonnen to ben made.' Benvenuto notices theconfusion, but suggests that D. meant to imply that Semiramis extended her empire so as to include Egypt as well as Assyria. ' Istud non videtur aliquo mode posse stare quia de rei veritate Semiramis nunquam tenuit illam Babiloniam, quam modo Soldanus corrigit ... ad defensionem autoris dico, quod autor noster vult dicere quod Semiramis in tantum ampliavit regnum, quod non solum tenuit Babiloniam antiquam, sed etiam Egiptum, ubi est modo alia Babilonia.' This confusion between the two Babylons is perhaps responsible for D.'s statement (Mon. ii. 96S-7) that Alexander the Great died in Egypt [Alessandro Magno]. Babylon, the kingdom of Babylon, Mon. ii. 9*5 ; Epist. vii. 8. [Babilon.] Babylonii, Babylonians ; the rebellious Florentines compared to, Epist. vi. 2. Bacchiglione, river of N. Italy, which rises in the Alps above Vicenza, through which it passes, flowing in a S.E. direction as far as Padua, where it divides into three streams ; one of these runs into the Brenta, another into the Adige, while the third, retaining the name of Bacchiglione, enters the Adriatic near Brondolo. The river is mentioned by Brunetto Latinoft (in Circle VII of Hell), in connexion with Andrea de' Mozzi, to indicate Vicenza, Inf. xv. 113 [Andrea 1 : Vicenza] ; it is referred to as I'acqua che Vicenza bagna by Cunizza (in the Heaven of Venus), who prophesies that the Paduans at the marsh ' will change the water ' of the Bacchiglione, Par. ix. 46-7. This prophecy is usually understood to mean that the Paduans will stain with their blood the marsh formed by the river, the reference being to the war between Padua and Can Grande, Imperial Vicar in Vicenza, which resulted in the defeat of the former in 13 14 [Padova]. The special fight alluded to here is identified by Philalethes with one which took place in June, 1312, when the Paduans were driven back across the B. with great loss by Can Grande, and many of them were drowned in the river. It appears that when at war with Padua the Vicentines were in the habit of damming the B., so as to deprive the Paduans of the water needed for their mills, &c. ; the con- sequent overflow of the river converted the low- lying land to the south of Vicenza, between the Monti Berici and the Monti Euganei, into a vast swamp, which is supposed to be the ' palude ' alluded to in the text. Another interpreta- tion has been proposed by Gloria, who takes il Palude as a proper name, and holds that the allusion is to an incident which took place in 131 4, when the Paduans, finding that the waters of the Bacchiglione had been cut off by the Vicentines, turned into the bed of the river the waters of the Brenta, thus defeating the object of the enemy. It appears that the district of Brusegana, where the Brentella flows into the Bacchiglione, was known by the name of il Palude. (See Casini in loc.) Bacco, Bacchus, god of wine, son of Jupiter and Semele, the daughter of Cadmus, King of Thebes ; mentioned in connexion with his worship by the Thebans, Purg. xviii. 93 [Asopo] ; the invocation ' Evoe ! Bacche ! ' alluded to. Par. xiii. 25 ; la citta di Baco (in rime), i. e. Thebes, his birthplace, Inf xx. 59. [Semeie.] One of the two peaks of Parnassus was sacred to B., hence some think there is an allusion to him. Par. i. 16-18 [Parnaso]. He is referred to as semen Semeles, Epist. iv. 4 [Alcithoe] ; as Bromius,Kc\.n. S3. [Bromiua: Mida.] Baco, Bacchus, Inf. xx. 59 (: laco : Benacd) [Baooo]. Badia], the ancient Benedictine monastery in Florence, known as the Badia (opposite to the Bargello), which was founded in 978 by the Countess Willa, mother of the Marquis Hugh of Tuscany (or of Brandenburg, as Villani calls him). The church of the Badia, and the old wall (1078) of Florence on which it was situated. [67] F 2 Bagnacaval Barbari are referred to by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars), who says that from its chimes Florence took her time, 'la cerchia antica, Ond' ella toglie ancora e terza e nona,' Par. XV. 97-8. [Fiorenza.] Lana says : — ' Sulle ditte mura vecchie si h una chiesa chiamata la Badia, la quale chiesa suona terza e nona e 1' altre ore, alle quali li lavoranti delle arti entrano ed esceno dal lavoric' The Marquis Hugh was buried in the Badia, where the anniversary of his death (lioi) was solemnly commemorated every year on St. Thomas' day (Dec. 21), a custom to which Cacciaguida refers. Par. xvi. 128-9 [TJgo di Brandimborgo] . Of the ancient church of the Badia, which was originally dedicated to St. Stephen, and afterwards to the Virgin, little now remains, the present building dating for the most part from Cent. xvii. Bagnacaval, Bagnacavallo, town in the Emilia, between the rivers Senio and Lamone, midway between Imola and Ravenna. In D.'s time it was a stronghold belonging to the Malavicini, who thence took their title of Counts of Bagnacavallo. They were Ghibel- lines, and in 1249 expelled Guido da Polenta and the Guelfs from Ravenna. Later on they were in ill repute as often changing sides. B. is mentioned by Guido del Duca (in Circle H of Purgatory), who implies that its Counts were becoming extinct (though as a matter of fact they do not appear to have died out before the end of Cent, xiv), Purg. xiv. 115. Bagnoregio, now Bagnorea, village in Italy, perched on the top of a hill, on the borders of Latium and Umbria, near the Lago di Bolsena, about 8 miles due S. of Orvieto ; mentioned by St. Bonaventura (in the Heaven of the Sun) as the place of his birth, Par. xii. 127-8. [Bonaventura.] Balaam, the son of Beor, whose ass spake and saved him from destruction by the angel of God {Numb. xxii. 28-30) ; not she that spake, but the angel of God within her, V. E. i. 2**-6 ; Epist. viii. 8. Baldo d'Aguglione. [Aguglione.] Barattieri], Barrators (those who sell justice, office, or employment), placed among the Fraudulent in Bolgia 5 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxi, xxii. [Frodolenti.] Their punishment is to be imniersed in a lake of boiling pitch, and to be rent by devils armed with prongs whenever they appear above the surface. Inf. xxi. 16-57 ; xxii. 34-42 ; SS-75; 112-29. Examples: an 'Ancient' of Santa Zita [Zita, Santa] ; Bonturo Dati [Bon- turo] ; Ciampolo di Navarra [Ciampolo] ; Frate Gomita di Gallura [Gomita] ; Michael Zanche [Michel]. Barbagia, mountainous district in S. of [68] Sardinia, the inhabitants of which are said to have been originally called Barbaricini, and to have descended from a settlement of prisoners planted by the Vandals. Philalethes states that they were converted to Christianity in the time of Gregory the Great (590-604), but still retained many of their heathen customs after their conversion. They were proverbial in the Middle Ages, according to the old commen- tators, for the laxity of their morals and their loose living. Benvenuto says that the women were in the habit of exposing their breasts (' Pro calore et prava consuetudine vadunt indutae panno lineo albo, excoUatae ita, ut ostendant pectus et ubera '), a practice which, according to an authority quoted by Witte, seems to have been continued among their descendants until quite recently. In D.'s time they formed a semi-savage independent tribe, and refused to acknowledge the Pisan govern- ment. Benvenuto says they were a remnant left at the time when Sardinia was reconquered from the Saracens ; which, from the mention oi Saracine (z/. 103), appears to have been D.'s view of their origin. [Sardigna.] Forese Donati (in Circle VI of Purgatory) refers to Florence as a second Barbagia, and compares the morals of the Florentine women unfavourably with those of the Sardinian savages, Purg. xxiii. 94-6 [Fiorentine], Barbara, Barbarian women ; the Florentine women compared unfavourably with, Purg. xxiii. 103 [Florentine]. Some take Barbare here in the sense of ' women of Barbary,' but as D. couples them with Saracine, the other interpretation is the better, since the term Saracen was used at that time of the inhabitants of Africa generally, including of course those of Barbary [Saracini]. Barbari, Barbarians ; mentioned by D. in connexion with the effect produced by the sight of Rome and its wonders upon visitors from outlandish parts, ' quando Laterano Alle cose mortali and6 di sopra,' Par. xxxi. 31-6. The reference is probably (as in vv. 103-4) to the Jubilee of 1300, in which year says Villani:— ^ ^ 'Gran parte de' cristiani che allora viveano, feciono pellegrinaggio a Roma, cosi femmine come uomini, di lontani e diversi paesi, e di lungi e d'appresso. . . . E I'anno durante, avea in Roma, oltre al popolo roraano, duecentomila pellegrini.' (viii. 36.) Benvenuto, Buti, and others, take the meanmg to be general, 'when Rome was at the head of the world ' ; but in that case there would be no special point in the mention of the Lateran, which, on the other hand, at the time of the Jubilee was a centre of interest, as being the papal residence. [Giubbileo: Laterano.] Some think the allusion is to the original barbarian invaders of Rome, and Barbariccia Battista, II explain, 'in the days when the Popes cared nothing for Rome.' Barbariccia, name of the leader of the ten demons selected by Malacoda to escort D. and Virgil through Bolgia 5 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), where the Barrators are punished, Inf. xxi. 120 ; xxii. 29, 59, 145 [Barattieri] ; hence spoken of as duca, Inf. xxi. 138 ; decurio, xxii. 74 ; gran propesto, v. 94. B. with a disgusting signal summons his troop (Inf. xxi. 139), and they accompany D. and V. along the borders of the boiling lake of pitch (xxii. 13) ; at the approach of B. all the Barrators disappear beneath the surface (vv. 28-30), except one, who is hooked by Graffiacane {vv. 31-36), and then gripped and held by B. (z/w. 59-60) ; the latter invites D. to question his victim {vv. 61-63), and meanwhile keeps the other demons off from him {vv. 73-75, 91-96) ; finally he sends four of the demons to drag Alichino and Calcabrina out of the pitch into which they had fallen while fighting {vv. 145-147) [Ali- chino : CiampolpJ. Philalethes ijenders the name ' Sudelbart.' Barbarossa, ' Redbeard,' the Italian sur- name of the Emperor Frederick I (1152-1190) ; referred to by the Abbot of San Zeno (in Circle IV of Purgatory), in connexion with his de- struction of Milan (March, 1162), as lo buon .5., Purg. xviii. 119. [Federiooi: Milano.] Bardi], wealthy family of Florence, who were Guelfs (Villani, v. 39), and afterwards sided with the Cerchi and Bianchi (viii. 39) ; they were the founders of the great Florentine banking house, which achieved European celebrity, and eventually failed in 1345 for nearly a million gold florins (xii. 55). Some of the old commentators think they are alluded to. Par. xvi. 94-8. Buti says : — ' Questi nuovi felloni furno i Bardi . . . le case delli Ravignani furno poi del conti Guidi . . . poi furno dei Cerchi, e poi delli Bardi.' But the reference is almost certainly to the Cerchi, and perhaps the Donati also [Cerchi]. It was to a member of this family, Simone de' Bardi, that Beatrice Portinari was married in 1287 [Beatrice-']. Bardticcio], Florentine, renowned for his piety ; who, with another good man, Giovanni da Vispignano, is supposed by some to be referred to by Ciacco (in Circle III of Hell), who, speaking of the evil state- of Florence, says, ' Giusti son due, ma non vi sono intesi ' (i. e. there are two just citizens, but no regard is paid to them), Inf. vi. 73. Villani records their deaths and the miracles wrought by their means : — 'L'anno 1331 morirono in Firenze due buoni e giusti uomini e di santa vita a conversazione e di grandi limosine, tutto che fossono laici. L'uno ebbe noma Barduccio ... a I'altro abbe noma Giovanni da Vispignano. . . , E per ciascuno mostr6 Iddio aperti miracoli di sanara infermi a attratti e di pill diverse maniere, a per ciascuno fu fatta solenna sepoltura, e poste piii immagini di cera par voti fatti.' (x. 175.) Vellutello holds it ' per cosa certa ' that the allusion is to these two ; but it is not probable that their reputation would have been so great at the time Ciacco was speaking, i.e. thirty years before their death. The reference is usually understood to be to D. himself and Guide Cavalcanti. [Cavalcanti.] Bari, town of S. Italy in Apulia on the Adriatic coast ; mentioned by Charles Martel (in the Heaven of Venus) as one of the extreme points of the Kingdom of Naples, Par. viii. 62. [Ausonia.] Barone, Baron ; title applied by D. to St. Peter, Par. xxiv. 115 [Pietroi]; St. James, Par. xxy. 17 [Jacopoi.] Barone, II gran, the great Baron, i. e. the Marquis Hugh of Brandenburg, Par. xvi. 128 [Ugo di Brandimborgo]. Bartolommeo della, Scala], eldest son of Alberto della Scala, whom he succeeded as lord of Verona, Sep.. 10, 1301-March 7, 130J; he is referred to (probably) as ' il gran Lom- bard o,' Par. xvii. 71. [Lonibardo, O-ran: Scala, Delia.] Barucci, ancient noble family of Florence, mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) as having been of importance in his day, Par. xvi. 104. They were extinct in D.'s time ; Villani says : — ' In porta del Duojno . . . furono i Barucci che stavano da Santa Maria Maggiore, che oggi sono venuti menc' (iv. 10.') . . . 'Furono molto antichi uomini.' (v. 30.) . . . ' Nel sasto di porta del Duomo furono in quegli tempi Ghibellini, i Barucci, i Cattani da Castiglione e da Cersino, gli Agolanti, i Brunalleschi, a poi si feciono Guelfi parte di loro.' (v. 39-) The Ottimo Comento : — ' Questi furono piani di ricchezze a di leggiadrie ; oggi sono pochi in numero, a sanza stato d'onore cittadino : sono Ghibellini,' Battista, II, St. John the Baptist, Inf. xiii. 143; xxx. 74; Purg. xxii. 152; Par. xvi. 47; he was the patron saint of Florence, which in pagan times had been under the protection of Mars, hence Florence is spoken of as ' la cittk che nel Battista Muto il primo patrone,' Inf. xiii. 143-4; 'I'ovil di san Giovanni,' Par. xvi. 25; the Florentine florin, which wa,s stamped on one side with the lily (' fiore,' whence fiorino), and on the other with the image of the Baptist, referred to as ' la lega suggellata del Battista,' Inf. xxx. 74 (cf. Par. xviii. 133-5) ! t'^s Baptistery of Florence, which was dedicated to the Baptist, referred to by D. as 'il mio bel san Giovanni,' Inf. xix. 17; and as 'il Battista,' the phrase ' tra Marte e il Battista ' (i. e. between the [69] Battisteo Battisteo Ponte Vecchio, on which the ancient statue of Mars used to stand, and the Baptistery) being used to indicate approximately the N. and S. limits of the city of Florence in the days of Cacciaguida, Par. xvi. 47 [Battisteo: Fio- renza: Marte^]. St. John the Baptist is mentioned (in allusion to Matt. iii. 4, ' his meat was locusts and wild honey') as an example of temperance in the Circle of the Gluttonous in Purgatory, Purg. xxii. 151-4 [Golosi] ; he is referred to as Giovanni, Inf. xix. 17 ; Par. iv. 29 ; xvi. 25 ; il gran Giovanni, Par. xxxii. 31 ; quel Giovanni, lo quale j>recedette la verace luce, V. N. § 243_^~' (ref. to Matt. iii. 3) ; Praecursor, Epist. vii. 2 (ref. to Matt. xi. 2-3) ; colui che voile viver solo, E che i>er salti fu tratto a martiro. Par. xviii. 134-5 (ref to Matt. iii. i ; xiv. 1-12) ; the forerunner of Christ, V. N. § 2436-T ; Epist. vii. 2 ; his life in the wilderness, Par. xviii. 134 ; xxxii. 32 ; his execution by Herod at the instance of the daughter of Herodias, Par. xviii. 135 ; xxxii. 32 ; his two years in Limbo (i.e. from his own death to that of Christ), Par. xxxii. 33 ; his place in the Celestial Rose (opposite to the Virgin Mary, with St. Anne on his right, and St. Lucy on his left). Par. xxxii. 31-3 [Roaa] ; the patron saint of Florence, Inf. xiii. 143 ; xix. 17 ; xxx. 74 ; Par. xvi. 25, 47 [Giovanni i]. Battisteo, the Baptistery of San Giovanni at Florence; Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) tells D. that he was baptized, 'nell' antico vostro Battisteo,' Par. xv. 134; it is referred to elsewhere (by D.) as 'il mio bel san Giovanni,' Inf. xix. 17 ; (by Cacciaguida) as 'il Battista,' Par. xvi. 47 [Battista, II: Giovanni i]. In connexion with the Baptistery D. refers (Inf. xix. 16-21) to the fact that he once broke one of the ' pozzetti ' of the font in order to rescue a child who had fallen in and could not get out again. The ' pozzetti ' were circular holes in the thickness of the outer wall of the font (such as may still be seen in that at Pisa), in which the officiating priest used to stand to escape the pressure of the crowd, and which apparently were also used on occasion as baptismal basins. Lana (writing between 1323 and 1328) says : — ' Li forami, dov' erano piantati li peccatori, dice che sono tutti simili a quelli, che sono nella pila del battesimo di san Giovanni da Firenze, nelli quali sta lo prate che battizza. Circa la qual comparazione 6 da sapere che sono molte cittadi che non v'6 battesimo se non in una chiesa in su la terra, e molte ne sono che ogni chiesa ha battesimo. Or Firenze h. di quelle che vi ha pur uno ed 6 nella chiesa principale che 6 edificata a nome di san Joanni Battista, ov' avenne che per alcune costituzioni della Chiesa vaca lo battesimo per alcun tempo dell' anno, come e nella quaresma, salvo in caso di necessitadi ; e tutti quelli che nasceno sono servati al sabato san to a battezzare. Siche in quelle terre dov' h osservata tal costitu- zione, e non hanno se non un luogo da battezzare, quando vien lo sabato santo si v' e grande molti- tudine di gente, per quella cagione ; ed awenne gia che v' era tal calca, che '1 prete a ci6 deputato fu spinto a tal modo e soppressato, che vi misvenne molte creature. Sichfe per voler schifare tal pericolo fenno li Fiorentini fare una pila di pietra viva grande con otto cantoni, ed era ed e si massiccia che nella sua grossezza sono foramini, nelli quali s'entra per di sopra ; ed in quelli entra lo prete battezzatore e stawi entro fino la corregia, si ch' elli h sicuro d'ogni calca e spingimento, e qui entro entra al tempo della grande moltitudine a battezzare.' Benvenuto gives the following account of the incident alluded to by D., which he says happened during his priorate in 1300: — ' Debes scire quod Florentiae in ecclesia patronali Johannis Baptistae circa fontem baptismalem sunt aliqui puteoli marmorei rotundi in circuitu capaces unius hominis tantum, in quibus solent stare sacerdotes cum cruribus ad baptizandum pueros, ut possint liberius et habilius exercere officiura suum tempore pressurae, quando oportet simul et semel plures baptizari, quoniam tota Florentia tam populosa non habet nisi unum Baptisterium {var. Baptismum). . . . Et autor incidenter commemorat unum casum satis peregrinum, qui eraerserat pauco tempore ante in dicto loco. Qui casus fuit talis : cum in ecclesia praedicta circa Baptismum coUu- derent quidam pueri, ut est de more, unus eorum furiosior aliis intravit unum istorum foraminum, et ita et taliter implicavit et involvit membra sua, quod nulla arte, nuUo ingenio poterat inde retrahi. Clamantibus ergo pueris, qui ilium juvare non poterant, factus est in parva hora magnus con- cursus populi ; et breviter, nuUo sciente aut potente succurrere puero periclitanti, supervenit Dantes, qui tunc erat de Prioribus regentibus. Qui subito viso puero, clamare coepit : Ah quid facitis, gens ignara ! portetur una securis ; et continue portata securi, Dantes manibus propriis percussit lapidem, qui de marmore erat, et faciliter fregit : ex quo puer quasi reviviscens a mortuis liber evasit.' In the C omenta Anonimo (ed. Vernon, 1848) the name of the boy is given as Antonio di Baldinaccio de' Cavicciuli, a family which was especially hostile to D. [Adimari.] As baptisms used to take place only on two days in the year, on the eves of Easter and Pentecost, and in the Baptistery alone, the crowd on these occasions must have been very great. Villani records that in his time the yearly baptisms averaged between 5,000 and 6,000, the numbers being checked, he says, by means of beans, a black one being deposited for every male child and a white one for every female. He incidentally remarks that the excess of males over females was between 300 and 500 every year : — ' Troviamo dal piovano che battezzava i fanciulli (iraperocchfe ogni maschio che si battezzava in san Giovanni, per averne il novero metteva una fava nera, e per ogni femmina una fava bianca) che [70] Be Beatrice erano I'anno in questi tempi dalle cinquantacinque alle sessanta centinaia, avanzando piu il sesso masculino che '1 femminino da trecento in cinque- cento per anno.' (xi. 94.) The present Baptistery, which is octagonal in form, was in D.'s time the Cathedral of Florence, that of Santa Maria del Fiore, which was begun by Arnolfo in 1298, not having been completed until the middle of Cent. xv. The structure dates back at least as early as Cent, vi, and was erected on the site of, or perhaps converted from, an ancient temple of Mars, the tutelary deity of Florence (Inf. xiii. 144). It was probably built on the model of the Pantheon, with an open space in the centre of the dome, which in 1550 was surmounted by a lantern. The existing exterior of black and white marble was erected (i 288-1 293) by Ar- nolfo. In 1248 the building narrowly escaped destruction at the hands of the Ghibellines. Wishing to wreak their vengeance upon the Guelfs, by whom it had been used as a council chamber, they gave orders to the architect, Niccolo Pisano, to demolish the tall tower of Guardamorto, which stood close beside it, and so to arrange that it should crush San Giovanni in its fall. Niccol6, however, failed to carry out his instructions, and the church was sparecf. The famous bronze gates did not exist in D.'s time, the one on the S. side having been executed by Andrea Pisano about 1330, the others by Ghiberti about 1400. The font to which D. alludes is said to have been removed in 1576 by the Grand Duke, Francesco I de' Medici, on the occasion of the baptism of his son Philip. The present font was placed where it stands in 1658, but it is the work of an earlier period. Be, first syllable of the name Beatrice ; D. speaks of his reverence for even the syllables of B.'s name, Be and Ice, Par. vii. 14. Some editors, reading ^, think there is an allusion to the pet name Bice. [Beatrice 1 : Bice : Ice.] Beatitudiai], the Beatitudes, the promises of blessing made by our Lord in the Sermon on the Mount (Matt. v. 3-12). In each Circle of Purgatory D. represents an Angel singing one of the Beatitudes to comfort those who are purging themselves of their sins. In Circle I, where the sin of Pride is purged, the Angel of Humility sings Beati pauperes spiritu, ' Blessed are the poor in spirit,' Purg. xii. 1 10. [Superbi.] In Circle II, where the sin of Envy is purged, the Angel of Charity sings Beati misericordes, ' Blessed are the merciful,' Purg. XV. 38. [Invidiosi.] In Circle III, where the sin of Wrath is purged, the Angel of Peace sings Beati pacifici, ' Blessed are the peacemakers,' Purg. xvii. 68. [Iracondi.] In Circle IV, where the sin of Sloth is purged, the Angel of the Love of God sings Beati qui lugent, 'Blessed are they that mourn,' Purg. xix. 50. [Acoidiosi.] In Circle V, where the sin of Avarice is purged, the Angel of Justice sings Beati qui sitiunt justitiam, ' Blessed are they who thirst after justice,' Purg. xxii. 5. [Avari.] In Circle VI, where the sin of Glut- tony is purged, the Angel of Abstinence sings Beati qui esuriunt justitiam, ' Blessed are they who hunger after justice,' Purg. xxiv. 151. [Golosi.] In Circle VII, where the sin of Lust is purged, the Angel of Purity sings Beati mundo corde, ' Blessed are the pure in heart,' Purg.xxvii.8. [Lussuriosi.] In the Terrestrial Paradise, as D. and Virgil enter, Matilda sings (from Psalm xxxii. i), Beati quorum tecta sunt peccata, ' Blessed are they whose sins are covered,' Purg. xxix. 3. [Purgatoric] Beatrice!, Beatrice, the central figure of the Vita Nuova and of the Divina Commedia, commonly identified with Beatrice Portinari, daughter of Folco Portinari of Florence. She was born in 1266, probably in June (Purg. xxx. 124) ; married Simone de' Bardi in 1287 ; died June 8, 1290 (V. N. § 30I-13 ; Purg. xxxii. 2), at the age of 24 (Purg. xxx. 124). [Arabia.] The assumption that D.'s Beatrice was the daughter of Folco Portinari rests mainly upon a statement of Boccaccio which he makes in his Vita di Dante, and more explicitly in his Comento. In commenting on Inf. ii. 70, where the name of Beatrice occurs for the first time, he says : — 'Perciocche questa h la primiera volta che di questa donna nel presente libro si fa menzione, non pare indegna cosa alquanto manifestare, di qui I'autore in alcune parti della presente opera intend^, nominando lei. . . . Fu adunque questa donna (secondo la relazione di fededegna persona, la quale la conobbe, e fu per consanguinita strettissima a lei) figliuola di un valente uomo cbiamato Folco Portinari, antico cittadino di Firenze : e comecchfe I'autore sempre la nomini Beg,tri(;e dal suo primitivo, ella fu chiamata Bice : ed egli acconciamente il testimonia nel Paradiso, laddove dice : " Ma quella reverenza, che s'in- donna Di tutto me, pur per B e per ICE." E fu di costumi e di onesta laudevole, quanto donna esser debba, e possa ; e di bellezza e di leggiadria assai ornata : e fu moglie d'un cavaliere de' Bardi, chiamatp messer Simone, e nel ventiquattresimo anno della sua eta passb di questa vita, negli anni di Cristo mccxc' This very definite statement both as to the parentage and marriage of Beatrice was made by Boccaccio, within fifty years of D.'s death, in his public lectures before a Florentine audience, at a time when the Portinari and Bardi, both of them well-known families, were still residing in Florence. It is hardly credible that he should thus publicly commit himself, and run the risk of being publicly contradicted, unless his statement were in accordance with the actual facts. In addition to this testimony of Boccaccio (whose father, it may be noted, was intimately [71] Beatrice Beatrice connected with the Bardi, having acted as their agent in Paris), there is the evidence of the poet's own son, Pietro di Dante, in his comment on Inf. ii. 70 (in a passage which occurs in the Ashburnham MS. of the Comento, but is omitted from the version printed by Ld. Vernon) : — ' Et quia modo hie primo de Beatrice fit mentio, de qua tantus est serino raaxime infra in tertio libro Paradisi, premictendum est quod revera quedam dotnina nomine Beatrix, insignis valde moribus et pulcritudine tempore auctoris viguit in civitate Florentie, nata de domo quorumdara civium florentinorum qui dicuntur Portinarii, de qua Dantes auctor procus fuit et amator in vita dicta domine, et in ejus laudem multas fecit cantilenas ; qua mortua ut ejus nomen in famam levaret in hoc suo poemate sub allegoria et typo theologie earn ut plurimum accipeFe voluit.' ^See Rotnania, xxiii. 265.) Benvenuto da Imola, who was a friend of Boccaccio, and attended his, lectures on Dante in Florence, is emphatic as to the reality of Beatrice, though he does not mention her family name : — 'Sed quae est ista Beatrix? Ad hoc sciendum est quod ista Beatrix realiter et vere fuit mulier florentina magnae pulcritudinis.' The function of Beatrice in the D. C. is to conduct D. from the Terrestrial to the Celestial Paradise. She appears to Virgil (having been moved by St. Lucy, at the bidding of the Virgin Mary), and sends him to the help of D. (Inf. ii. 52-118). Subsequently, when Virgil has left D., she appears to D. himself, standing on a mystic car, and clad in white, green, and red (the colours of the three theological virtues, faith, hope, and loye) (Purg. xkx. 31-3) ; addressing him by name {v. 55), she calls him to account for the error of his ways (Purg. xxx. 103-xxxi. 69) ; then, after having revealed to him the destiny of the Church, she accompanies him on his pilgrimage through heaven as his guide and interpreter, and finally leaves him (after a solemn denunciation of Boniface VIII and Clement Vj to resume her seat among the elect, at the side of Rachel, in the Celestial Rose, sending St. Bernard to take her place with D. (Par. xxxi. 59). [Bernardo: Bosa: Virgilio.] ' AUegorically, Beatrice represents Theology, the divine science, which leads man to the contemplation of God, and to the attainment of celestial happiness. Speaking to Virgil, Beatrice refers to D. as I'amico mio, Inf. ii. 61 ; D. himself she addresses once only by name, Dante being her first word to him, Purg. xxx. 55 ; on other occasions she addresses him as /rate, Purg. xxxiii. 23 ; Par. iii. 70; iv. 100; vii. 58, 130. Beatrice is mentioned by name sixty-three times in the B.C., but on no occasion does D. address her by name ; the name occurs twice only in the Inferno, Inf. ii. 70, 103 ; seventeen times in the Purgatorio, Purg. vi. 46 ; xv. 77 ; xviii. 48, 73 ; xxiii. 128 ; xxvii. 36, 53 ; xxx. 73 ; xxxi. 80, 107, 114, 133; xxxii. 36, 85, 106; xxxiii. 4, 124 ; forty-four times in the Paradiso, Par. i. 46, 64 ; ii. 22 ; iii. 127 ; iv. 13, 139 ; v. 16, 85, 122 ; vii. 16 ; ix. 16 ; x. 37, 52, 60 ; xi. 11; xiv. 8, 79; XV. 70; xvi. 13; xvii. 5, 30; xviii. 17, S3 ; xxi. 63 ; xxii. 125 ; xxiii. 19, 34, 76 ; xxiv. 10, 22, 55 ; xxv. 28, 137 ; xxvi. TJ ; xxvii. 34, 102 ; xxix. 8 ; xxx. 14, 128 ; xxxi. 59, 66, 76 ; xxxii. 9 ; xxxiii. 38. D. speaks of B. as donna beata e bella, Inf. ii. S3 ; donna di virtu, Inf. ii. 76 ; loda di Dio vera, Inf. ii. 103 ; quella, il cui bel occhio iutto vede. Inf. x. 131 ; donna che saprd,. Inf. xv. 90; quella che lume fla tra il vero e Pintelletto, Purg. vi. 44 ; la donna, Purg. xxx. 64 ; la donna mia, Purg. xxxii. 132 ; Par. v. 94 ; vii. 11 ; viii. 15 ; &c. ; madonna. Par. ii. 46; quel sol, che jiria d'amor mi scaldd il petto. Par. iii. i ; la dolce guida. Par. iii. 23 ; amanza del primo amante. Par. iv. 118; diva. Par. iv. 118; bella donna. Par. x. 93 ; colei ch' aW alto volo mi vestl le piume. Par. xv. 54; quella donna ch'a Dio mi menava. Par. xviii. 4 ; il mio conforto. Par. xviii. 8 ; quel miracolo. Par. xviii. 63 ; la mia celeste scorta. Par. xxi. 23 ; quella, ond' io aspetto il come ^ I quando Del dire e del tacer. Par. xxi. 46-7 ; la mia guida. Par. xxii. i ; dolce guida e cara. Par. xxiii. 34 ; la dolce donna. Par. xxii. 100 ; quella pia, che guidb le penne Delle mie ali a cosl alto volo. Par. xxv. 49-So ; quella che imparadisa la mia mente. Par. xxviii. 3 ; quella che vedea i pensier dubi Nelld mia mente. Par. xxviii, 97-8 ; il sol degli occhi miei. Par. xxx. 75 ; he refers to her familiar name Bice, Par. vii. 14. [Bice.] In the Vita Nuova Beatrice is mentioned by name twenty-three times : V. N. %% 2'> 5I7, 32^ 1246^ 1434^ 226' 23, 23I8' 101' 102, 2428, 32, 42j 29II, 3213: 27, 58, 95^ 40*' 16' 4166, 42^, 43IS ; D. refers to her as la gloriosa donna della mia mente, § 3^; la gentilissima B., §§ S"' 32^ 1434^ 23I8, 40I6 ; la mia donna, §§ 69, 1", 1 880, 248^ 416^ ^c. ; la gentilissima donna, §§ 9^*' 11^^ 14^^ 26I, 31I, 4i9; quella genti- lissima, la quale fu distruggitrice di tutti i vizi e regina delle mrtti, § ioii-i3 ; la donna della cortesia, § 12IO; /^ mirabile donna, hh 1.4*^, 23« ; questa gentilissima, §§142, iS^s, 3l3, 2225, 23122^ 297 ; questa donna, U 1448 1582, l613, 172, 18M igll2^ 2I?4, 2213' ", 35^ la mia gentilissima donna, § iSi* ; madonna, § 19*8 ; tanta meraviglia, § 22* ; questa nobi- lissima B., § 22^ ; donna gentile, § 22'2 ; la mirabile B., § 2424 ; Bice, § 245^ ; questa B. beata, § 29IO ; la mia nobilissima donna, h IT ; questa gloriosa B., § 40* ; questa bene- detta, § 43* ; q^ella benedetta B., § 43I5, In the Qonvivio she is mentioned by name four times : Conv. ii. 26' si, 780, gss ; -q. speaks [72] Of her as quella B. beata, Conv. ii. 28 ; quella Beatrice Beccheria gloriosa £., Conv. ii. a^i, 78O ; qttella viva B. beata, Conv. ii. 9^^ ; quella gloriosa donna, Conv. ii. 9I3* ; il primo dtletto delta mia anima, Conv. ii. 13''. Beatrice 2, Beatrice, youngest daughter of Raymond Berenger IV, Count of Provence ; married (in 1246) to Charles of Anjou, who subsequently (in 1266) became King of Sicily and Naples [Carlo'] ; by this marriage Pro- vence became united to the French crown (Purg. XX. 61) [Provenza]. Her eldest sister, Margaret, married Charles' eldest brother, Louis IX of France. The two sisters are mentioned together by Sordello (in Ante- purgatory) in connexion with their husbands, who he says were as inferior to Peter III of Aragon, as Charles II of Anjou was to his father, Charles I, Purg. vii. 127-9 [Luigi": Margherita]. B?nvenuto says the reference is to the two daughters of Charles II, who married James and Frederick, the two sons of Peter III and Manfred's daughter Con- stance : — ' Istae duae erant nurus dictae Constantiae, altera uxor donni Jacobi, altera donni Friderici, quarum neutra poterat gloriari de probo viro.' This, however, is at variance with the facts, for James' wife was called Blanche, and Frederick's Eleanor. B. is referred to by the Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of Mercury) as one of the four daughters of Raymond Berenger IV, each of whom became a Queen, Par. vi. 133-4. [Beringhieri, Eamondo : Table xi.] Beatrice 3], Beatrice, youngest daughter of Charles II of Naples; married (in 1305) to Azzo VIII, Marquis of Este, in consideration, it was said, of a large sum of money. This transaction, which D. compares to the selling of female slaves by corsairs, is alluded to by Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory), Purg. XK. 79-81. To add to the disgrace of the pro- ceeding it appears that Azzo was a great deal older than Beatrice, since he had married his first wife, Giovanna Orsina, more than twenty years before. Villani (viii. 88) mentions the marriage, but says nothing about the alleged bargain. [Azzo daEsti: Carlo'*: Table xxiii.] Beatrice*], daughter of Obizzo II of Este, and sister of Azzo VIII ; she was married first to Nino Visconti of Pisa, by whom she had a daughter Joan, and afterwards (at Modena in June, 1300) tcj Galeazzo Visconti of Milan. It appears that before her marriage to the latter she had already been betrothed to Alberto Scotto of Piacenza, but Matteo Visconti of Milan, being anxious for an alliance with the house of Este, managed to secure her as the wife of his son Galeazzo. Beatrice, after her marriage, came to reside in Milan, but within two years (in 1302) the Visgonti were expelled thence by the Torriani (aided by Alberto Scotto, who thus avenged the slight passed upon him), and Galeazzo was forced to take refuge in Tuscany, where he died in 1328. Beatrice, however, lived to return to Milan, her son Azzo having regained the lordship, and died there in 1334. Nino Visconti (in Antepurgatory) refers to Beatrice as the mother of his daughter Joan, and reproaches her with her seqond marriage, saying that the Milanese viper will not become her toiiib so well as the cock of Gallura, Purg. viii. 73-81 [Giovanna" : Nino''' : Table xxiii : O-aleazzo : Milanese]. As a matter of fact the arms of both the Visconti families, viz. the cock and the viper, were placed upon the tomb of Beatrice in the church of San Francesco at Milan ; and as, during her life- time, she was in the habit of using the combined arms of her second husband and of her father, viz. the viper and the eagle, it is not improbable that her commemoration of both her husbands on her tomb was due to a desire to falsify the prediction put by D. into the mouth of Nino. (See Del Lungo, Dante ne' tempi di Dante, pp. 302-12.) Sacchetti relates [Nov. xy) that Beatrice's marriage with Nino, who was an old ma,n at the time, was arranged by her brother Azzo with a view to bringing into the family of Este the Giudicato of Gallura, which belonged to Nino. On Nino's dying without male issue Azzo is said to have bitterly reproached his sister, whose reply forms the point of Sacchetti's story. Beccheria, Tesa,uro de' Beccheria of Pavia, Abbot of Vallombrosa, and Legate in Florence of Alexander IV. After the expulsion of the Ghibellines from Florence in July, 1258, he was seized by the Florentines on a charge of intriguing with them, put to the torture, and beheaded in the Piazza di sant' Apollinare in September of the same year. For this act of sacrilege the Florentines were excommunicated by the Pope. From Villani it appears that in spite of his confession, extracted by torture, many people thought him innocent : 'Del mege di Settembre prossimo del detto anno (1258), il popolo di Firenze fece pigliare I'abate di Valembrosa, il quale era gentile uomo de' signori di Beccheria di Pavia in Lombardia, essendoli appostp, che a petizione de' ghibellini usciti di Firenze trattava tradimento, e quelle per martiro gli fecero confessare, e scelleratamente nella piazza di santo Apollinare gli feciono a grido di popolo tagliare il capo, non guardando a sua dignita, n6 a ordine sacro ; per la qual cosa il comune fli Firenze e' Fiorentini dal papa furono sconjunicati. . . . E di vero si disse, che '1 religioso uomo nulla colpa avea, con tutto che di suo legnaggio fosse grande ghibellino.' (vi. 65.) D., however, did not believe in his innocence, for he places him in Antenora among those [73], Beccio da Caprona Bellincion, Berti who were traitors to their country, referring to him as quel di Beccheria, Inf. xxxii. 118-20. [Anteiiora.] Though Tesauro was not a Florentine by birth, he was practically one by adoption, as Benvenuto points out : — ' Poterat dici florentinus, ratione incolatus, quia erat ibi beneficiatus.' Beccio da Caprona], the murderer (ac- cording to Pietro di Dante and the Anonimo Fiorentino) of Farinata degli Scornigiani of Pisa, Purg. vi. 17-18 [Marzuoeo]. Beda, the Venerable Bede, Anglo-Saxon monk, the father of English history, and most eminent writer of his age, was born circ. 673, near Wearmouth in N.E. of Durham ; at the age of seven he was received into the monastery at Wearmouth, where he was educated ; in his nineteenth year he was ordained deacon, and in his thirtieth he became priest ; after three years at Wearmouth he removed to the newly- founded monastery 9,t Jarrow, where he spent the whole of his life in study and writing, and where he died in 735. He was the author of a large number of works, chiefly ecclesiastical, the most important being his Ecclesiastical History of England {Historia Ecdesiastica Nostrae Insulae (ic Gentis) \x\ five books, which he brought down to 731, witfiin four years of his death. D. places Bede, together with Isidore pf Seville and Richard of St. Victor, among the great doctors (S;piriti S^apienti) in the Heaven of the Sun, where his spirit is pointed out by St. Thomas Aquinas, Par. x. 131 [Sole, Cielo del] ; the Italian Cardinals reproached with their neglect of his works, Epist. viii. 7. [Ambrosius.] Belacqu^, musical instrument-maker of Florence, noted for his indolence, say the old commentators. D. places him in Ante- purgatory among those who neglected their repentance until just before death, Purg. iv. 123 ; un, v. 106; colui, v. no; lui, v. 117 ; ei, V. 127 [Antipurgatorio]. As D. and Virgil pass along, V. explains that the ascent of the Mt. of Purgatory becomes easier as it approaches the top, and that, once on the summit, D. would be able to repose hi,s weari- ness, Purg. iv. 88-95 ; thereupon a voice says to D. that mayhap he will -yv-ant a rest before that {vv. 97-9) ; turning round they see figures lounging listlessly under the shadow of a rock {%iv. 100-5), and among them one sitting clasping his knees, with his face hidden between them {vv. 106-8) ; D. draws V.'s attention to his indolent aspect, whereupon the figure, scarce raising his face, addresses D., whq recognizes that it is Beviiacqua (109-15) ; in reply to a. question from D. as to why he is seated there, B. explains that, because he delayed his repentance to the last, he is doomed to wait outside Purgatory for as long as he had lived [74] on earth, unless some righteous person make intercession for him {vv. 123-35). Benvenuto says that besides being a maker of musical instruments, B. was something of a musician also, and adds that D., who was a lover of music, was intimate with him on that account: — 'Iste fuit de Florentia, qui faciebat citharas et ^lia instrumenta musica, unde cum magna cura sculpebat et incidebat coUa et capita cithararum, et aliquando etiam pulsabat. Ideo Dantes fami- liariter noverat eum, quia delectatus est in sono.' The Anonimo Fiorentino says of him : — ' Questo Belacqua fu uno cittadino da Firenze, artefice. et facea cotai colli di liuti et di chitarre, et era il piii pigro uomo che fosse m^i ; et si dice di lui ch' egU venia la mattina a bottega, et ponevasi a sedere, et mai non si levava se non quando egli voleva ire a desinare et a dormire. Ora I'Auttore fu forte sue dimestico : molto 11 riprendea di questa sua nigligenzia ; onde un di, riprendolo, Bel- acqua rispose coUe parole d'Aristotile : Sedendo et quiescendo aninta efficiiur sapiens ; di cjte I'Auttore gli rispose : Per certo, se per sedere si diventa savio, niuno fu mai piii savio di te.' Belinoi, Hamericus de, [Hamericus'.] Bella, Delia], ope of the Florentine families which received knighthood from the Marquis Hugh of Brandenburg, il gran Barone, Par. xvi. 128 ; alluded to by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) as having the same arms as the Marquis, but with a border of gold, {vv. 131-2J [aangalan(^i : XJgo di Brandim- borgo]. Many think there is a special reference to the famous Giano della Bella, the great law- maker and champion of the commons of Florence ; thus Benvenuto says, ' iste de quo autor loquitui; fuit quidam Zannes de la Bella.' [Giano della Bella.] Villani states that the family had lost their nobility in D.'s day: — ' Nel quartiere di porta san Piero . . . abitavano quelli della Bella di san Martino divenuti popolani.' (iv. II.) They were Guelfs (v. 39), and after the Ghibelline victory at Montaperti in 1260, uplike the majority of Guelf families, they elected to remain in Florence, instead of retiring to Lucca (vi. 79). Bellincion, Berti, Florentine of the ancient Ravignani family, father of 'la buona Gual- drada ' (Inf. xvi; 37), through whose marriage with Guido Guerra IV, the Conti Guidi traced their descent from the Ravignani. He lived in the second half of Cent, xii, and in 1 176 was deputed by the Florentines to take over from the Sienese the castle of Poggibonsi, which had been ceded by the latter. Villani speaks of him as ' il buono messere Bellincione Berti de' Ravignani onorevole cittadino di Firenze (iv. i). Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) quotes Bellisar B. as an example of the simplicity of the Florentines of his day, describing how he was content to be girt with 'leather and bone,' Par. XV. 1 12-13 ; and speaks of him as 'I' alto Bellincion' in connexion with the Ravignani, and their descendants the Conti Guidi, Par. xvi. 97-9. [Gualdrada : Guidi, Conti : Kavignani.] Bellisar, Belisarius, the famous general of the Emperor Justinian, born on the borderland between Thrace and Illyricum qirc. 4.D. 505, died at Constantinople, March, 565. His great achievements were the overthrow of the Vandal kingdom in Africa, the reconquest of Italy from the Goths, and the foundation of the exarchate of Ravenna upon the ruins of the Gothic dominions. In 563, when he was nearly sixty, he was accused of being privy to a con- spiracy against Justinian, in consequence of which, according to the popular tradition, his property was confiscated, his eyes were put out, and he was compelled to beg jn the streets of Constantinople, crying to the passers-by, ' Date obolum Belisario.' In truth, however, his disgrace only lasted eight months, during which he was confined to his own palace. The Emperor, having satisfied himSelf that the charge was false, restored him to favour, and he lived in possession of his wealth and horiours until his death two years later (in 565), Justinian himself dying a few months after. Belisarius is mentioned by the Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of Mercury), who says that he entrusted him with the conduct of his wars, while he himself was occupied with his great work on the Roman law. Par. vi. 23-7. [Q-iustinianc] It is probable that D., who doe^ not hint at the ingratitude of Justinian towards his great general, did not know more of the history of the latter than is contained in thp medieval chronicles. Villani concludes his account as follows : ' Belisario bene awenturosamente e con vittoria in tutte parti vinse e soggiogb i ribelli dello 'mperio, e tenne in bupno state mentre vivette, infino agli anni di Cristo 565, che Giustiniano imperadore e Belisario moriro bene awenturosa- mente.' (ii. 6.) Bello, Bello degli Alighieri, son of Ali- ghiero I, and brother of Bellincione, D.'s grandfather ; he is describe4 in documents as 'dominus ' (in Italian 'messere '), which implies that he was either a judge or a knight ; he was one of the council of the Anziani in 1255, and must have been among those who had to fly from Florence after the Ghibelline victqry at Montaperti in 1260, he and his branch of the family having been Guelfs ; he was dead in 1268, in which year his son Geri was granted compensation for a house which had been de- stroyed by the Ghibellines after his exile in 1 260. Bello is mentioned by Virgil (in Circle VIII Bello, Geri Del of Hell) in connexion with his son Geri, Inf. xxix. 27. [BeUo, (Jeri del : Table xxii.] Bello, Geri del, Geri (i.e. Ruggieri) del Bello degli Alighieri, son of the preceding, and first cousin of D.'s father, Alighiero II ; his name appears as ' Geri quondam Dom. Belli Alaghieri' in a document dated 1269, contain- ing a list of the compensations granted to Guelf families in Florence for the losses inflicted by the Ghibellines after the battle of Montaperti in 1360; he had three brothers, viz. Gualfreduccip, who in 1237 was enrolled in the Arte di Calimala, Cenni (i.e. Bencivenni), who died in 1277, and Clone (i.e. Uguccione), who was a knight of the golden spur (' cavaliere a spron d'oro '). [Table xx:ii.] D. places Geri among the 'seminator di scandalo e di scisma ' in Bolgia 9 of Circle VI II of Hell (Malebolge), Inf xxix. 27 ; un spirto del mio sangue, v. 20 ; ello, v. 23 ; ei, v. 24 ; lui, z/. 25 ; gli, V. 32 ; lui, v. 34 ; ei, v. 34 ; se, V. 36. [Scismatici.] Virgil, having noticed that D. was gazing qarnestly into the ninth Bolgia, asks him the reason, to which D. replies that he was looking for a spirit of his own race who should have been there, Inf. xxix. 3-21 ; V. then tells D. that he had seen this spirit, whose name was Geri del Bello, point threateningly at D., and then, as D. was intent upon Bertran de Born and did not notice hirri, go his way in silence (vv. 22-30) ; D. explains that Geri had died a violent death, and had not yet been avenged by any of his kin, and that that was doubtless the reason why he was indignant with hirRself and did not stop to speak, wherefore he felt all the more pity for him (vv. 31-6). The old cpmmentators differ as to the details of Geri's story ; Laiia, Buti, and the Anqnimo Fiorentino say that he killed one of the Gerini or Geremei, and was in retaliation slain by one of them ; the Ottimo, Benvenuto, and others give the name of the family as Sacchetti. Lana says of Geri : — ' Fu sagacissima persona, piacevole e converse- vole : dilettossi di commettere male tra le persone, e sapealo fare si acconciamente, che pocjii se ne poteano guardare da lui.' According to Buti, Geri's father had been killed by one of the Gerini, and in revenge he treacherously murdered one of the latter. The story is tf^at he disguised himself as a leper and went to beg at the house of the Gerini ; when the master of the house appeared Geri, pretending that the Podestk was coming, advised him to put away his arms, and then, when he was defenceless, fell upon him and killed him. For this deed he was banished to Fucecchio, where subsequently he was slain by Geremia de' Gerini, whose uncle had been appointed to the office of Podestk in that town. Benvenuto, who describes Geri as a turbulent [75] Belo Benedetto and quarrelsome person, says that he sowed discord among the Sacchetti, one of whom retaliated by killing him ; and he states that it was not until thirty years afterwards that Geri's death was avenged by the sons of Clone, who killed one of the Sacchetti in his own house : — ' Gerius iste vir nobilis fuit frater domini Cioni del Bello de Aldigheriis ; qui homo molestus at scismaticus fuit interfectus ab uno de Sacchettis nobilibus de Florentia, quia seminaverat discordiara inter quosdam ; cujus mors non fuit vindicata per spatium triginta annorum. Finaliter filii domini Cioni et nepotes praefati Gerii, fecerunt vindictam, quia interfecerunt unum de Sacchettis in ostio suo.' There can be little doubt that the Sacchetti were the family with whom Geri was at feud, for not only does Pietro di Dante in his com- mentary (according to the Ashburnham MS.) give the name of Geri's murderer as one of the Sacchetti (' occiso olim per quemdam Bro- darium de Sacchettis de Florentia'), but he also, like Benvenuto, states that the vengeance was accomplished by the murder of one of this family by the nephews of Geri (' nepotes dicti Gerii in ejus ultione/qyemdam de dictis Sacchettis occid?runt '). Further, the existence of a blood-feud between the Alighieri and the Sacchetti is attested by the fact that in 1342 an act of reconciliation was entered into between these two families at the instance of the Duke of Athens, the guarantor on the part of the Alighieri being Dante's half-brother, Francesco, who appeared on behalf of himself and his two nephews, the poem's sons, Pietro and Jacopo, and the rest of the family : — ' Franciscus quondam AUegherii . . . pro se ipso et suo nomine . . . , obligando ac etiam pro et vice et nomine Doinini Petri et Jacobi filiorum quondam Dantis AUegherii . . . , consortum suorum absentium, et pro et vice et nomine omnium et singulorum aliorum eorum et cujusque ipsorum consortum filiorum fratrum descendentiiim et adscendentium et consanguineorum in quocunque gradu, tam natorum, quam nasciturorum.' (See Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital. N.S. ii. 65-70.) Belo, Belus, King of Tyre, father of Dido {^Aen. i. 625) ; the troubadour Folquet (in the Heaven of Venus), referring to Dido as ' la figlia di Belo,' compares his love for Adalagia with hers for Aeneas, Par. ix. 97-9. [Ada- lagia : Dido : rolco.] Beltramo dal Bornio, Bertran de Bom, Conv. iv. I ii28. [Bertram dal Bornio.] Belzebi, Beelzebub, ' prince of the devils ' (Matt. xii. 24), name by which D. refers to Satan (whom he usually calls Lucifer), Inf. xxxiv. 127. [Luciferc] Benaco, the Roman Lacus Benacus, the modern Lago di Garda, lake in N. of Italy, at the foot of the Tyrolese Alps ; its E. shore is in Venetia, the W. in Lombardy. Virgil mentions it, in his account of the founding of Mantua, in connexion with the Mincio. which flows out of the S. extremity of the lake. Inf. xx. 63, 74, 77 ; laco, v. 61 ; lago, V. 66 ; and describes its situation, vv. 61-3 [Mantua: Mincio: TiraUi]. The southernmost point of the lake is indicated by the mention of Peschiera {vv. 70-3) [Pes- cMera] ; the northernmost, roughly, by the mention of a spot where the Bishops of Trent, Brescia, and Verona could all give their blessing (vv. 67-9), i. e. since a Bishop can only give his episcopal blessing within the limits of his own diocese, a place where the three dioceses of Trent, Brescia, and Verona meet. Attempts have been made to identify the exact locality indicated. Some think the reference is to the little island off the point of Manerba on the W. shore, on which (ac- cording to Bishop Gonzaga, who had been Prior of the Franciscan monastery to which the island in his time belonged) there was a chapel, dedicated to St. Margaret, and sub- ject to the jurisdiction of three Bishops, ' Tri- dentino scilicet, Brixiensi, atque Veronensi.' (See Ferrazzi, Man. Dant., iii. 91-2 ; iv. 31-2, 389 ; v. 344-6-) Benedetto 1, St. Benedict, founder of the Benedictine order, the first religious order of the West, was born of a noble family at Nursia (now Norci.a) in the E. of Umbria, in the year 480. In early yQuth he was sent to school in Rome, but shocked by the wild life of his associates be ran away at the age of fourteen, and hid himself among the mountains near Subiaco on the borders of the Abruzzi. There he lived in solitude for three years in a cave, acquiring a great reputation for sanctity, which led the monks of the neighbouring monastery of Vicovaro to choose him as their abbot. Impatient, ho,wever, of his severe rule, of which he had warned them before accepting their invitation, they attempted to rid themselves of him by poison. Their attempt being discovered St. B. left them and returned once more to Subiaco, whence in 528 he went to Monte Cassino, where in the next year he founded his famous monastery on the site of an ancient temple of Apollo. He died at Monte Cassino fourteen years later, March 21, 543. His 'Regula Monachorum,' which was designed to repress the irregular lives of the wandering monks, was first introduced in this monastery, and eventually became the rule of all the western monks. One of the features of his system was that, in addition to their religious exercises, his monks occupied themselves with manual labour, and in the instruction of the young. [Cassino.] D. places St. Benedict among the contem- plative spirits (Spiriti Contemplanti) in the Heaven of Saturn, la maggiore e la piti lucu- [76] Benedetto lenta {margheritd), Par. xxii. 28 ; lei, v. 31 ; lui, V. S2; padre, v.'fi; egli, v. 61 [Saturno, Cielo di] ; his place in the Celestial Rose, by the side of St. Francis and St. Augustine, is pointed. out to D. by St. Bernard, Par. xxxii. 35 [Eosa] ; D.'s statement that a man may lead a religious life without assuming the habit of St. Benedict, or St. Augustine, or St. Francis, or St. Dominic, Conv. iv. 2868-74 In the Heaven of Saturn Beatrice directs D.'s attention to a number of little spheres of light, one of the largest and brightest of which (the spirit of St. B.) advances, and in response to D.'s secret desire addresses him (Par. xxii. 19-31) ; after relating how he founded the mon- astery of Monte Cassino and converted the neighbouring villages from paganism to the true faith (vv. 32-45), he explains to D. who his companions are, naming several of them {vv. 46-51) ; then, D. having expressed a wish 'to see him in his bodily form, divested of the envelope of light {vv. 52-60), St. B. tells him that he must wait until he reaches the Em- pyrean, where all desires are satisfied {vv. 61-72) ; and finally, after a lament over the backslidings of his own and other monastic orders {vv. 73-96), he parts from D. and re- joins the company of spirits {vv. 97-9). In his account of the founding of the mon- astery of Monte Cassino {vv. 37-45), D. has closely followed St. Gregory, who in his Dialogues (ii. 2) says : — ' Castrum, quod Casinum dicitur, in excels! montis latere situm est (qui videlicet mons distenso sinu hoc idem castrum recipit, sed per tria milia in altum se subrigens velut ad aera cacumen tendit), ubi vetustissimiim fanum fuit, in quo ex antiquorum more gentilium a stulto rusticorum populo Apollo celebrabatur. Circumquaque in cultu daemonum luci excreverant, in quibus adhuc eodem tempore infidelium insana multitudo sacri- ficiis sacrilegis insudabat. Illuc itaque vir Dei (Benedictus) perveniens contrivit idolum, subvertit aram, succendit lucos, atque ipso in templo ApoUinis oraculum Mariae Virginis, ubi vero ara ejusdem ApoUinis fuit, oraculum sancti Joannis construxit, et commorantem circumquaque multitudinem prae- dicatione continua ad fidem vocabat.' Benedetto 2], Benedict XI (Niccol5 Boc- casini), son of a notary of Treviso, was born in 1240, and became a Dominican in 1257 ; in 1296 he was elected General of the Order, and two years later he was created Cardinal Bishop of Ostia by Boniface VIII ; he was elected Pope at Rome, Oct. 22, 1303, in suc- cession to Boniface, and died at Perugia (of poison administered in some figs, it is said), after a reign of a little more than eight months, July 7, 1304. Great hopes were entertained of Benedict at his election, as he was known to be a man of wise and upright character, but the briefness of his pontificate prevented their realization. Villani says of him : — Benedetto, San ' Questi fu di Trevigi di piccola nazione, che quasi non si trov6 parente . . . fu frate predicatore, uomo savio e di santa vita, e per la sua bonta e onesta vita per papa Bonifazio fu fatto cardinale, e poi papa. Ma vivette in su '1 papato mesi otto e mezzo ; ma in questo piccolo tempo comincib assai buone cose, e mostrb gran volere di pacificare i cristiani.' ^viii. 66.) — ' Fu buono uomo, e onesto e giusto, e di santa e religiosa vita, e avea voglia di fare ogni bene, e per invidia di certi de' suoi frati cardinali, si disse, il feciono morire di velenc' (viii. 80.) Dino Compagni : — ' Nostro Signore Iddio, il quale a tutte le cose provede, volendo ristorare il mondo di buono pastore, provvide alia necessita de' cristiani. Perchfe chiamato fu nella sedia di santo Piero papa Benedetto, nato di Trevigi, frate predicatore, e priore generale, uomo di pochi parenti e di piccolo sangue, costante e onesto, discrete e santo. II mondo si rallegri di nuova luce.' (iii. i.) In March i3of Benedict XI sent Niccol6 da Prato, whom he had created Cardinal, to pacify the factions in Florence. His coming was hailed with delight by the Ghibellines and Bianchi, as the Cardinal himself was a Ghi- belline ; but his impartiality disappointed their hopes, and led to the failure of the mission, the Cardinal departing in the following June, and leaving the city under an interdict. [Bianchi.] Some commentators take Benedict XI to be the 'Veltro' of Inf. i. loi-ii, pointing to the facts that his birthplace was 'tra Feltro e Feltro' {v. 105), Treviso being between Feltre in the Trevisan March, and Montefeltro in Romagna ; that as Pope he would be possessed of the divine authority attributed to the 'Veltro' {v. no); and that his character and the ex- pectations formed of him , answered the de- scription of the promised deliverer {vv. 103-4). This identification, however, is untenable, seeing that Benedict was already dead when the Inferno was written. [Veltro.] In his letter to the Italian Cardinals, urging them to elect an Italian Pope as successor to Benedict XI, D. refers to the latter as 'de- functus Antistes,' Epist. viii. 10. Benedetto 3], Pope Benedict V, 964; during the absence of the Emperor Otto I from Rome, the Romans rose against his nominee Leo VIII, drove him from the city, and set up as Pope John XII, whom Otto had deposed ; on the death of John soon after, they elected IBenedict V in his place ; as soon, however, as Otto returned to Rome he deposed Benedict, whom he sent into exile to Germany, and restored Leo VIII. D., referring to these incidents, says that from this action of Otto it might be argued that the Church was dependent upon the Empire, Mon. iii. iii6-2i_ [Leo: Otto.] Benedetto, San 1, mountain in the Etrus- can Apennines, on the slopes of which, above [77] Benedetto, San Benevento Forli, IS situated a monastery of St. Benedict, known as San Benedetto in Alpe. D. mentions it in connexion with the Acquacheta or Mon- tone, the falls of which are close by, Inf. xvi. ICO [Acquacheta: Montone]. He implies (according to one interpretation of vv. 101-2) that the monastery ought to have maintained more monks than it did. It appears, however, as a matter of fact, that the monastery never was a wealthy one, and consequently was not deserving of the reproach implied in this in- terpretation. The reference is more probably to a proposal of the Conti Guidi, in whose territory the monastery was, to build a castle on the table-land just above the falls ; this plan, which was never carried into execution, is mentioned both by Boccaccio, who had it from the abbot of the monastery, and Ben- venuto ; the former says : — * Ove dovea per milte esser riceito : lo fui gia lungamente in dubbio di eib che I'autore volesse in questo verso dire ; poi per ventui a trovatomi nel detto monisterio di san Benedetto insieme con I'abate del luogo, ed egli mi disse, che fu gia tenuto ragioiiamento per quelli couti, i quali son signori di quella Alpe, di volere assai presso di questo luogo dove quest' acqua cade, siccome in luogo niolto comodo agli abitanti, fare un castello, e riducervi entro molte villate da torno di lor vassalli : poi mori colui che questo, piii che alcun degli altri, metteva innanzi, e cosi 11 ragionamento non ebbe effetto.' The locality of the monastery, which was situated on the mountain road leading from Florence across the Apennines to Forll, was probably familiar to D., who, as he himself tells us (Conv. iv. 11), had made the ascent of Falterona. Benedetto, San 2, St. Benedict of Nursia, Conv. iv. 2869. [Benedetto ^] Benedictusi, Pope Benedict V, Mon. iii. 1119. [Benedetto^] Benedictus 2], Pope Benedict XI, referred to as defuncius Antistes, Epist. viii. 10. [Bene- detto^.] Benevento, town in Campania, on the Calore, about 30 miles N.E. of Naples. On the plain of Grandella, near Benevento, was fought (Feb. 26, I26f) the great battle between Charles of Anjou and Manfred, King of Sicily, which resulted in the total defeat and death of the latter. D. mentions Benevento in connexion with the burial of Manfred's body at the head of the bridge over the Calore, close to the town, where it was laid under a great pile of stones cast upon it one by one by the soldiers of Charles' army, 'Sotto la guardia della grave mora,' Purg. iii. 128-9 ; subsequently the body was removed thence by the Archbishop of Cosenza, at the bidding, it is said, of Clement IV, and cast unburied upon the banks of the [78] Verde, outside the kingdom of Naples, vv. 130-2. [Manfredi.] Villani gives the following account of the battle, and of the burial of Manfred : — ' Ordinate le schiere de' due re nel piano della Grandella perlo modo detto dinanzi, e ciascuno de' detti signori ammonita la sua gente di ben fare, e dato il nome per lo re Carlo a' suoi, Mongioia cavalieri; e per lo re Manfredi, Soavia cavalieri; il vescovo d'Alzurro, siccome legato del papa, assolvette e benedisse tutti quelli dell' oste del re Carlo, perdonando colpa e pena, perocch' essi combatteano in servigio di santa Chiesa. E ci6 fatto, si comincid I'aspra battaglia tra le prime due schiere de' Tedeschi, e de' Franceschi, e fu si forte I'assalto de' Tedeschi, che malamente menavano la schiera de' Franceschi, e assai gli feciono rinculare addietro, e presono campo. II buono re Carlo veggendo i suoi cosi malmenare, non tenne I'ordine della battaglia di difendersi colla seconda schiera, awisandosi che se la prima schiera de' Franceschi ove avea tutta sua fidanza fosse rotta, piccola speranza di salute attendea dall' altre ; incontanente colla sua schiera si mise al soccorso della schiera de' Franceschi, contro a quella de' Tedeschi, e come gli usciti di Firenze e loro schiera vidono lo re Carlo fedire alia battaglia, si misono appresso francamente, e feciono maravigliose cose d'arme il giorno, seguendo sempre la persona del re Carlo ; e simile fece il buono Gilio il Bruno conestabile di Francia con Ruberto di Fiandra con sua schiera, e dall' altra parte fedi il conte Giordano colla sua schiera, onde la battaglia fu aspra e dura, e grande pezza durd che non si sapea chi avesse il migliore ; perocche gli Tedeschi per loro virtude e forza colpendo di loro spade, molto danneggiavano ' i Franceschi. Ma subitamente si lev6 uno grande grido tra le schiere de' Franceschi, chi che'l si cominciasse, dicendo : agli siocchi, agli stocchi, a fedire i cavalli; e coSi fu fatto, per la qual cosa in piccola d'ora i Tedeschi furono molto malmenati e molto abbattuti, e quasi in isconfitta volti. Lo re Manfredi lo quale con sua schiera de' Pugliesi stava al soccorso dell' oste, veggendo gli suoi che non poteano durare la battaglia, si confortd la sua gente della sua schiera, che '1 seguissono alia battaglia, da' quali fu male inteso, perocchfe la maggiore parte de' baroni pugliesi, e del Regno, m tra gli altri il conte Camarlingo, e quelle della Cerra, e quello di Caserta e altri, o per vilta di cuore, o veggendo a loro avere il peggiore, e chi disse per tradimento, come genti infedeli e vaghi di nuovo signore, si fallirono a Manfredi, abbando- nandolo e fuggendosi chi verso Abruzzi e chi verso la citta di Benivento. Manfredi rimaso con pochi, fece come valente signore, che innanzi voile in battagha morire re, che fuggire con vergogna : e mettendosi I'elmo, una aquila d'argento eh' egli avea ivi su per cimiera, gli cadde in su I'arcione dinanzi :e egh ci6 veggendo isbigotti molto, e disse a baroni che egh erano da lato in latino : hoc est signum Dei, perocche questa cimiera appiccai 10 colle mie mani in tal modo, che non dovea potere cadere ; ma per6 non lascid,' ma come valente signore prese cuore, e incontanente SI mise alia battaglia, non con sopransegne reali per non essere conosciuto per lo re, ma come un Beni, Di Pine de' Beringhieri, Ramondo altro barone, lui fedendo francamente nel mezzo della battaglia ; ma per6 i suoi poco duraro, che gik erano in volta : incontanente furono sconfitti, e lo re Manfredi morto in mezzo de' nemici : dissesi per uno scudiere francesco, ma non si seppe il certo . . . Nella sua fine, di Manfredi si cerc6 piii di tre giorni, che non si ritrovava, e non si sapea se fosse morto, o preso, o scampato, perchd non avea avuto alia battaglia in dosso armi reali ; alia fine per uno ribaldo di sua gente fu riconosciuto per piu insegne di sua persona in mezzo il campo ove fu la battaglia ; e trovato il suo corpo per lo detto ribaldo, il mise traverse in su uno asino vegnendo gridando : chi accatla Manfredi, chi accaiia Manfredi: quale ribaldo da uno barone del re fu battuto, e recato il corpo di Manfredi dinanzi al re, fece venire tutti i baroni ch' erano presi, e domandato ciascuno s' egli era Manfredi, tutti timorosamente dissono di si. Quando venne il conte Giordano si si diede delle mani nel volto piangendo e gridando : omi, ome, signor mio : onde molto ne fu commendato da' Franceschi, e per alquanti de' baroni del re fu pregato che gli facesse fare onore alia sepultura. Rispose il re : je le fairois vohntiers, s'il ne fui excoinmunie\ ma imperocch' era scomunicato, non voile il re Carlo che fosse recato in luogo sacro ; ma appie del ponte di Benivento fu soppellito, e sopra la sua fossa per ciascuno dell' oste gittata una pietra, onde si fece grande mora di sassi. Ma per alcuni si disse, che poi per mandate del papa, il vescovo di Cosenza il trasse di quella sepultura, e mandoUo fuori del Regno ch' era terra di Chiesa, e fu sepolto lungo il fiume del Verde a' confini del Regno e di Campagna : questo per6 non affermiamo. Questa battaglia e sconfitta fu uno venerdi, il sezzaio di Febbraio, gli anni Cristo 1265.' (vii. 9.) Beni, Di Pine de'. [Pinibus, De.] Benincasa d'Arezzo], Benincasa of Late- rina (in the upper Val d'Amo), a judge of Arezzo ; according to the old commentators, while acting as assessor for fhe Podestk of Siena, he sentenced to death a brother (or uncle) of Ghino di Tacco, a famous robber and highwayman of Siena ; in revenge Ghino stabbed him while he was sitting in the papal audit office at Rome, whither he had got him- self transferred from Siena, at the expiry of his term there, in order to be out of Ghino's reach. D. places B. in Antepurgatory, among those who died a violent death, without absolution, but repented at the last moment, referring to him as 'I'Aretin, che dalle braccia Fiere di Ghin di Tacco ebbe la morte,' Purg. vi. 13-14. [Antipurgatorio : Ghin di Tacco.] Benvenuto, who describes Benincasa as a great lawyer, relates that on one occasion, being questioned on a point of law by some of his pupils at Bologna, he referred them contemptuously to their own Accursius, who he said had befouled the whole Corpus Juris :— ' Hie poeta nominat unum magnum juriscon- sultum de Aretio, qui fuit tempore illo famosus et acutus in civili sapientia, audax nimis. Unde semel interrogatus a scholaribus suis Bononiae de quodam puncto juris, non erubuit dicere : Ite, ite ad Accursium, qui imbractavit tctum corpus juris. Hie vocatus est dominus Benincasa, et fuit de uno castello comitatus Aretii, quod dicitur Laterina.' Bergamaschi, inhabitants of Bergamo, town in Lombardy about 30 miles N.E. of Milan ; Peschiera well placed to hold them and the Brescians in check, Inf xx. 70-1 [Peschiera] ; their dialect and that of the Milanese condemned, V. E. i. li^o-s. [Ber- gamo.] Bergamo. [Pergamum.] Bergomates, inhabitants of Bergamo, V.E. i. 1 130. xhe reading of the MSS. and early edd. is Pergameos (from Pergamum, the Latin form of Bergamo), for which Fraticelli and subsequent edd. substituted Bergomates; the correct reading has been restored by Rajna. [Bergamaschi.] Beringhieri, Ramondo, Raymond Be- renger IV, last Count of Provence (1209-1245) ; mentioned by the Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of Mercury), who says he had four daughters, each of them a Queen, an honour which he owed to his faithful minister Romeo (i.e. Romieu of Villeneuve), Par. vi. 133-5. [Bomeo.] The Count's four daughters were : — Margaret, married in 1234 to Louis IX, King of France [Margherita] ; Eleanor, married in 1236 to Henry III, King of England [Eleonora] ; Sancha or Sanzia, married in 1244 to Henry's brother, Richard, Earl of Cornwall, afterwards (in 1257) King of the Romans [Sanzia] ; and Beatrice, married in 1246 (the year after her father's death) to Charles of Anjou, brother of Louis IX, afterwards (in 1266) King of Sicily and Naples [Beatrice^]. As Beatrice was her father's heiress, and at the time of her marriage was Countess of Provence, her union with Charles of Anjou brought Provence into the possession of the royal house of France ; this result is alluded to by Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory), Purg. xx. 61 ; and by Charles Martel (in the Heaven of Venus) son of Charles II of Anjou and Naples, who says that if he had lived he would have been Count of Provence (in right of his grandmother Beatrice), Par. viii. 58-60. [Carlo': Pro- venza : Table xi.] The story of Romeo and Count Raymond, which D. adopted, is told by Villani : — ' II buono conte Raimondo Berlinghieri di Proenza fu gentile signore di legnaggio, e fu d'una progenia di que' della casa d'Araona, e di quella del conte di Tolosa. Per retaggio fu sua la Proenza di qua dal Rodano ; signore fu savio e cortese, e di nobile stato, e virtuoso, e al suo tempo fece onorate cose, e in sua corte usarono tutti i gentili uomini di Proenza, e di Francia, e Catalogna per la sua cortesia e nobile stato. . . . [79] Berlinghieri Bernardo Arriv6 in sua corte uno romeo che tornava da san Jacopo, e udendo la bonta del conte Raimondo, ristette in sua corte, e fu si savio e valoroso, e venne tanto in grazia al conte, che di tutto il fece maestro e guidatore ; il quale sempre in abito onesto e religiose si mantenne, e in poco tempo per sua industria e senno raddoppi6 la rendita di suo signore in tre doppi, mantenendo sempre grande e onorata corte. E avendo guerra col conte di Tolosa per confini di loro terre (e il conte di Tolosa era il maggiore conte del mondo, e sotto se avea quattordici conti), per la cortesia del conte Raimondo, e per lo senno del buono romeo, e per lo tesoro ch'egli avea raunato, ebbe tanti baroni e cavalieri, ch' egli venne al disopra della guerra, e con onore. Quattro figliuole avea il conte e nullo figliuolo maschio. Per lo senno e procaccio del buono romeo, prima gli maritb la maggiore al buono re Luis di Francia per moneta, dicendo al conte : " Lasciami fare, e non ti gravi il costo, che se tu mariti bene la prima, tutte I'altre per lo suo parentado le mariterai meglio, e con meno costo." E cosi venne fatto, che incontanente il re d'Inghilterra per essere cognato del re di Francia, tolse I'altra per poca moneta ; appresso il fratello carnale essendo eletto re de' Romani, simile tolse la terza ; la quarta rimanendo a marita^'e, disse il buono romeo : " Di questa voglio che abbi uno valente uomo per figliuolo, che rimanga tua reda"; e cosi fece. Trovando Carlo conte d'Angib, fra- tello del re Luis di Francia, disse: "A cestui la da', ch' e per essere il migliore uomo del mondo," profetando da lui ; e cosi fu fatto. Avvenne poi per invidia, la quale guasta ogni bene, ch' e' baroni di Proenza appuosono al buono romeo, ch' egli avea male guidato il tesoro del conte, e feciongli domandare conto : il valente romeo disse : " Conte, io t' ho servito gran tempo, e messo di picciolo stato in grande, e di ci6 per lo falso consiglio di tue genti se' poco grato ; io venni in tuo corte povero romeo, e onestamente del tuo sono vivuto, fammi dare il mio muletto, e il bordone e scarsella com' io ci venni, e quetoti ogni servigio." II conte non volea si partisse ; per nulla voile ri- manere, e com' era venuto, cosi se n'andd, che mai non si seppe onde si fosse, nfe dove s'andasse ; avvisossi per molti, che fosse santa anima la sua.' (vi. 90.) Berlinghieri. [Beringhieri.] Bernardin di Fosco, Bernardo, son of Fosco, of Faenza, said by the old commentators to have been of humble origin, but- to have so distinguished himself as to be received on terms of equality by the nobles of his native city. Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory), who speaks of him as ' verga gentil di picciola gramigna,' mentions him among the worthies of Romagna, as an instance of a person who from base beginnings raised himself to a high position in virtue of his noble qualities, Purg. xiv. 101-2. The Ottimo Comento, whom Benvenuto fol- lows, says of him : — ' Questo messer Bernardino, figliuolo di Fosco, lavoratore di terra e di vile mestiero, con sue virtuose opere venne tanto eccellente, che Faenza di lui ricevette favore ; e fu nominate in pregie, e nen si vergognavane li grandi antichi uomini venirlo a visitare per vedere le sue orrevolezze, ed udire da lui leggiadri metti.' The Anonimo Fiorentino records a striking example of his liberality :— ' Fu questi nate di piccola gente, e fu cittadino di Faenza, grandissimo ricco uomo, et tenea molti cavalli et molti famigli, et avea imposto a' famigli suoi che chiunque chiedesse veruno de' cavalli suoi, che a tutti gli desse. Awenne che un di, volendo cestui cavalcare a' suoi lueghi, comand6 a' famigli che facesseno porre la sella a' cavalli : fugli detto che tutti erono prestati : mandd richeggendo de' cavalli de' cittadini, et perchfe erono in diverse faccende aoperati, veruno ne potfe avere. Chiama uno suo famiglio, et fassi recare uno libro per giurare : il famiglio, che il conoscea cortese, perchfe egli non giurasse cosa ch' egli s'avessi a pentere, credendo che del case fosse irate, non gliele volea recare : nell' ultimo, avendegli recato il libro, giurd che mai niune cavallo gli sarebbe chiesto, quantunque egli n' avesse bisogno, ch' egli non prestasse, per6 ch' egli avea prevate quanto altri avea care d'essergli prestati, quande altri n'avea bisogno.' Beyond the indications afforded by D. him- self and the old commentators nothing is known of Bernardo di Fosco, save that he was Podestk of Siena in 1249 (and probably of Pisa in 1248) ; and that he played a prominent part in the defence of Faenza against the Emperor Frederick II in 1240, during the podestkship of Michele Morosini of Venice, a defence which lasted nearly a year, and was famous enough to be commemorated in a sirventese by Ugo di san Circ, who makes special mention of ' Miguel Moresi ' and ' Bemart de Fosc' (See Casini, Dante e la Romagna^ Bernardo 1, Bernard of Quintaville, a wealthy merchant of Assisi, where he was a person of much importance, who was the first follower of St. Franqis of Assisi. At first, though attracted by St. Francis, he distrusted him ; but having convinced himself of his sincerity, he submitted himself to his direction, sold all his possessions for the benefit of the poor, and embraced the rule of poverty. After the death of his master he became the head of the Order. St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the Sun) mentions B. as having been the first to follow St. F., and refers to his great eager- ness to become his disciple. Par. xi. 79-81. [Praneesco^.] In this account D. follows the Vita Francisci of Tommaso da Celano, who says : — ' Frater Bernardus legatam pacem amplectens, ad mercandum regnum coelerum post Sanctum Dei (sc. Franciscum) cucurrit alacriter. . . . Solvit protinus calceamenta de pedibus, baculum deponit," &c. [80] Bernardo Bernardo Bernardo 2, St. Bernard, the great Abbot of Clairvaux, and preacher of the disastrous second Crusade, was born of noble parents in the village of Fontaines, near Dijon, in Bur- gundy, in 1091. After studying in Paris, in 1 1 13, at the age of twenty-two, he joined the newly-founded Benedictine monastery of Ci- teaux, not far from his own home, at the head of which was Stephen Harding, an English- man. Two years later, in 1115, St. B. was selected by Harding to be the head of one of the branches, which the increasing fame of Citeaux made it necessary to establish, and he set out with a small band of devoted followers, journeying N. until he came to a spot in the diocese of Langres in Champagne, known as the 'valley of wormwood,' where he made a clearing and founded his famous abbey of Clairvaux. His influence soon spread beyond the limits of his monastery, and from this time until his death he is one of the most prominent figures in the history of his time. After the death of Honorius II in 1130 his champion- ship secured the triumph of Innocent II over his rival Anacletus ; and in 11 40 at the Council of Sens he secured the condemnation of the heretic Peter Abelard. The news of the cap- ture of Edessa by the infidels in 11 44 led St. B., with the approval of the Pope, to preach a new Crusade, which resulted in the dis- astrous expedition of Louis VII and Conrad III (1147-1149). The failure of the Crusade was a crushing blow to St. B., from which he never recovered, and though he continued to take an active part in pubhc affairs, he gradually sank, and died, at the age of sixty-two, Aug. 20, 1 1 53. He was canonized a few years after his death by Pope Alexander III. His numerous writings consist of epistles, sermons, and theo- logical treatises, which are conspicuous for his devotion to the Virgin Mary, whence on his canonization he was described as 'alumnus familiarissimus Dominae Nostrae.' His most important work is the De Consideratione (quoted by D., Epist. x. 28), written in the last years of his life, and addressed to his disciple, Pope Eugenius III, which is largely a protest against the excessive centralization of the au- thority of the Church at Rome. (See Morison, Life and Times of St. B.) [Consideratione, De.] In the B. C, St. Bernard acts as D.'s guide, when Beatrice leaves him, and remains with him until the end of the vision ; he is regarded as the symbol of contemplation (Par. xxxi. lio-ii; xxxii. l), whereby man attains the vision of the Deity. Pietro di Dante says : — ' Figura est, quod per theologiam Deum videre et cognoscere non possumus, sed per gratiam et con templationem. Ideo mediante sancto Bernardo, idest contemplatione, impetratur a Virgine gratia videndi talia, quae per scripturas percipi non possunt.' St. B. is mentioned by name. Par. xxxi. 102, 139 ; xxxiii. 49 ; Epist. x. 28 ; he is referred to as zm Sene VesHto con le genti gloriose, Par. xxxi. 59-60 ; egli, v. 65 ; il santo Sene, v. 94 ; colui, che in questo mondo, Contemplando, gusib di que Ha pace, w. iio-ii ; egli, v, 113 ; quel contemplante, Par. xxxii. i ; santo Padre, ■z/. 100; colui, cK abbelUva di Maria, v. 107 ; egli, V. 109; I'orator, Par. xxxiii. 41. D. several times alludes to St. B.'s well-known devotion to the Virgin, which is apparent in all his works, and especially in his Homilies on the Annunciation, and on the Praises of the Virgin (Par. xxxi. 100-2, 139-42 ; xxxii. 40-2). The description of St. B. as having ' a benign joy diffused in his eyes and cheeks' (Par. xxxi. 61-2) is, as Butler points out, evidently an allusion to a personal characteristic, which is mentioned by Alan, Bishop of Auxerre : — ' Apparebat in carne ejus gratia quaedam, spiritualis tamen potius quam carnalis ; in vultu claritas praefulgebat, non terrena utique, sed caelestis; in oeulis angelica quaedam .puritas et columbina simplicitas radiabat. Ipsa etiam sub- tilissima cutis in genis modice rubens. . . .' Beatrice, having conducted D. to the Em- pyrean, points out to him the Celestial Rose, in which are the seats of the Elect (Par. xxx. 128-48), and, while he is lost in wonder at the sight, leaves him in order to return to her own place among them (xxxi. 1-54) ; not knowing that she has departed, D. turns to ' question her, and finds in her stead an elder (St. Bernard), who, in answer to his inquiry as to where B. is, states that he has been sent by her to take her place at D.'s side (vv. 5 5-66) ; he then points out to D. where she is seated {vv. 67-9) ; after D. has prayed to B. to continue her care for his welfare, St. B. bids him look steadfastly upon the Celestial Rose, and so prepare himself for the divine vision, which he says will be vouchsafed them at the instance of the Virgin Mary, whose faithful servant he declares himself to be {vv. 70-102) ; D. then, by St. B.'s direction, looks to where the Virgin is seated amid countless angels, and St. B., seeing D.'s eyes fixed upon her, turns his own gaze towards her with deep devotion {vv. 103-42) ; having explained to D. the arrangement of the seats of the Elect in the Rose, and having solved his doubt as to the salvation of infants (xxxii. 1-138), St. B. offers up a prayer to the Virgin that she may help D. to attain the vision of the highest bliss, and may henceforth have him in her keeping, so that he slide not back into his evil affections (xxxii. 139-xxxiii. 39) ; at the end of his prayer he signs to D. to look upward, and thereafter the vision closes {vv. 40-145). [Maria' : Rosa.] St. Bernard's prayer to the Virgin is adapted by Chaucer in the ' Invocacio ad Mariam ' in the Seconde Nonnes Tale {vv. 29-56) : — [81] Bernardone, Pietro Bertram dal Bornio ' And thou that flour of virgines art alle, Of whom that Bernard list so wel to wryte, To thee at my biginning first I calle . . . Thou mayde and mooder, doghter of thy sone, Thou welle of mercy, sinful soules cure, In whom that God, for bountee chees to wone, Thou humble, and heigh over every creature, Thou nobledest so ferforth oar nature. That no desdeyn the maker hadde of kinde, His sone in blode and flesh to clothe and winde. Withinne the cloistre blisful of thy sydes Took mannes shap the eternal love and jjees, That of the tryne compas lord and gyde is. Whom erthe and see and heven, out of relees, Ay herien; and thou, virgin wemmelees. Bar of thy body, and dweltest maydeu pure, The creatour of every creature. Assembled is in thee magnificence With raercy, goodnesse, and with swich pitee That thou, that art the Sonne of excellence, Nat only helpeth hem that preyen thee. But ofte tyme. of thy benignitee, Ful frely, er tnat men thyn help biseche. Thou goost biforn, and art hir lyves leche.* Bernardone, Pietro, wealthy wool-mer- chant of Assisi, father of St. Francis ; he strongly opposed his son's wish to devote himself to a life of asceticism, and even pro- secuted him before the Bishop of Assisi for squandering his money in charity. St. Francis thereupon, in the presence of the Bishop and of his father, renounced all worldly possessions, stripping off even his clothes, so that the Bishop had to cover him with his mantle. [Francesco ^] St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the Sun), in his account of the life of St. F., alludes to Bemardone's opposition to his son, and to the incident of St. F.'s renunciation before the Bishop, Par. xi. 58-62 ; and refers to the fact that St. F. in his humility, to remind himself of his origin, used to call him- self ' fi' di Pietro Bernardone,' vv. 88-90. St. Bonaventura, in his Vita Francisci (written in 1261), relates that when St. F. heard himself lauded as a holy man, he would bid one of his friars to vilify him, and on being thus reproached with his low birth and his father's occupation, would reply that it was fitting for the son of Pietro Bernardone to hear such things : — ' Cum populi merita sanctitatis in eo extoUerent, praecipiebat alicui fratri ut in contrarium verba ipsum vilificantia proferret, cumque frater ille licet invitus eum rusticum et mercenarium, et inutilem diceret, respondebat : Benedicat tibi Dominus, fill carissime, quia tu verissima loqueris, et talia filium Petri Bernardonis decet audire.' Bernardus, St. Bernard of Clairvaux, Epist. X. 28. [Bernardo ^.] Berneil, Guiraut de. [Qerardus de Bor- nello.] Berta, Bertha, imaginary personage ; coupled with Petrus, V. E. ii. 6^* ; any gossip or simpleton, donna (var. monna) Berta e ser Martina, 'gammer Bertha and gaffer Martin,' Par. xiii. 139. Fraticelli quotes from Passa- vanti's Specchio delta vera Penitenza (written 1354) :- ' Ser Martino dall' aja e donna Berta dal mulino piu arditamente si mettono ad interpretare i sogni, che non farebbe Socrate e Aristotile.' (Traitaio rfe' Sogni.) Berti, Bellincion. [Bellincion Berti.] Bertinoro. [Brettinoro.] Bertram dal Bornio, Bertran de Born, lord of Hautefort near Pdrigueux, one of the earliest and most famous of the troubadours ; he was born of a noble Limousin family about 1 140, and died at the age of about 75 (prob- ably in 121 5), as a monk in the Cistercian monastery of IDalon, near Hautefort, which he had entered some twenty years before, and to which he and his family had made numerous donations ; his name occurs several times in the cartularies of the monastery between 1197 and 1202, and the date of his death is fixed with tolerable certainty by a laconic entry (in the year 1215) in the diary of a monk of Saint- Martial in Limoges : — ' Octava candela in sepulcro ponitur pro Bertrando de Born ; cera tres solidos empta est.' D. places Bertran among the sowers of discord in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxviii. 134 ; un busto sema capo, V. 119 ; quel, v. 123 ; colui che gid, tenne Altaforte, Inf. xxix. 29 [Scismatici] ; among the company of sinners in this Bolgia D. sees a headless body going along with the rest, with the head held in its hand, swinging by the hair, like a lantern (Inf. xxviii. 112-26); on nearing D. it suddenly lifts up its arm with the head, which begins to speak, informing D. that it belonged to Bertran de Bom, who gave the evil counsel to the Young King {;vv. 127-35) ; and that, as he, like Ahithophel, set father and son at variance, so in retaliation his head is parted from his trunk {^v. 136-42), [Altaforte : Arrigo *.] D. mentions Bertran as an example of munificence, Conv. iv. I l^^s ; and as the poet of arms par excellence, quoting the first line (' No puosc mudar, un chantar non esparga') of one of his sirventes (written on the occasion of the outbreak of hostilities between Philip Augustus and Richard Coeur-de-Lion in I188), V. E. ii. 279-85. More than forty of Bertran's poems have been preserved, the majority of them being of a warlike tone ; the most famous is his lament (beginning ' Si tuit Ii dol elh plor eUi marnmen ') for the death of the Young King, 1. e. Prince Henry, son of Henry II of England. Of the part played by Bertran in the rebellion of the Young King against his father, for which D. places him in Hell, little or nothing is known historically; and not much is to be gathered from Bertran's own poems. The sources of D.'s information upon the subject [82] Bertram dal Bornio Bianchi were the old Provengal biographies of the troubadour and the razos or arguments to his poems. In one of these it is related that the King of England hated Bertran as the evil counsellor of his son, and the cause of the strife between them : — ' E'l reis Henries volia mal a'n Bertran, per so qu'el era amies e eonselhaire del rei jove, so filh, lo quals avia aguda guerra ab el, e crezia qu'en Bertrans n'agues tota la colpa.' From these old biographies and notices, which, though in many respects historically inaccurate, nevertheless represent the trou- badour as he appeared to D., we get the following account : — Bertran de Born was viscount of Hautefort, a eastle with nearly = thousand retainers, in the Bishopric of PSrigueux in the Limousin. He had a brother Constantine, whom he would have dis- possessed of his inheritance, had it not been for the King of England. He was continually at war with his neighbours, the Count of Perigueux, and the Viscount of Limoges, as well as with his own brother, and Richard Coeur-de-Lion, so long as he was Count of Poitou. He was a good knight, and a good warrior, and a good wooer, and a good troubadour, and wise and well-spoken. And when- ever he had a mind he was master of the King of England and of his son ; but he always desired that father and son should be at war, and one brother with another : — v ' Bos chevaliers fo e bos guerriers e bos domneiaire e bos trobaire e savis e be parlans e saup tractar mals e bes,. et era senher totas vetz quan si volia del rei Henric d'Engla- terra e del filh de lui. Mas totz temps volia qu'ilh aguessen guerra ensems, lo paire e*l filhs.' And he likewise always desired the King of England and the King of France to be at war together. And if ever they made peace, straight- way he tried by his songs to undo the peace and to show how each was dishonoured by it ; whereby he gained for himself much good and much evil. And he wrote many poems, and the King of Aragon used to say that the songs of Guiraut de Borneil were as the wives of his sirvenies. And the jongleur who sang for him was called Papiol. And Bertran was gracious and courteous, and used to call Geoffrey, the Count of Brittany, Rassa ; and the King of England, Oc e No (i. e. ' Yes and No ') ; and the Young King he called Maiinier. And he loved to set the barons at war, and he set King Henry at war with his son until the Young King was slain in Bertran's castle. And Bertran used to boast that he had more wits than he had need of; and when King Henry took him prisoner he asked him whether he had not need of all his wits then ; and Bertran answered that he lost all his wits when the Young King died. Then King Henry wept and forgave him and gave him lands and honours : — ' E'n Bertrans de Born si's vanava qu'el cujava tan valer que ja no cujava que totz sos sens I'agues mestier. E puois lo reis lo pres, e quan Tac pres ... en Bertrans ab tota sa gen fo menatz al pavilho del rei Henric, e'l reis lo receup mout mal, e'l reis Henries si'lh dis : Bertrans, Bertrans, yos avetz dich que anc la meitatz del vostre sen no'us ac mestier nuls temps, mas sapchatz qu'ara vos a el be mestier totz.— - Senher, dis en Bertrans, el es be vers qu'ieu o dissi, e dissi be vertat.— E'l reis dis ; leu ere be qu'el vos sia aras falhitz. — Senher, dis en Bertrans, be m'es falhitz, — E com? dis lo reis. — Senher, dis en Bertrans, lo jorn que'l valens joves reis, vostre filhs, morit, ieu perdei lo sen e'l saber e la con- noissenza. — E'l reis, quan auzit so qu'en Bertrans 11 dis en ploran del filh, venc li grans dolors al cor de pietat et als uolhs, si que no's puoc tener qu'el no pasmes de dolor. E quan el revenc de pasmazo, el crida e dis en ploran : En Bertrans, en Bertrans, vos avetz be drech, et es De razos, si vos avetz perdut lo sen per mo filh, qu'el vos volia mielhs que ad home del mon. Et ieu, per amor de lui, vos quit la persona e I'aver e'l vostre chastel, e vos ren la mia amor e la mia gracia, e vos do cine cens marcs d'argen per los dans que vos avetz receubutz. — E'n Bertrans si'lh chazet als pes referen li gracias e merces.' And Bertran lived long in the world, and then joined the order of the Cistercians. (See A. Thomas, Podsies de Bertran de Born, 1888; and A. Stimming, Bertran von Born, 1893.) Bertramus de Bornio, Bertran de Bom, V. E. ii. 2''9-80 ; Bertramus, V.E. ii. 2^*. [Ber- tram dal Bornio.] Bestemmiatori], Blasphemers ; placed among the Violent in Round 3 of Circle VII of Hell, Inf. xiv. 43-72 ; genie, vv. 22, 26-7 [Violenti] ; their punishment is to lie prone on the ground in a desert of burning sand, while flakes of fire fall upon them from above. Inf. xiv. 13-30. Example: Capaneus [Capaneo]. Betlemme], Bethlehem ; alluded to as the birthplace of Christ, Purg. xx. 23. [Maria^.] Bianca, Blanche, pseudonym of a lady (called also Giovanna and Cortese) mentioned in one of D.'s poems, Canz. x. 153. Bianchi], the ' Whites,' one of the divisions of the Guelf party in Florence, who eventually identified themselves with the Ghibelhnes, while their opponents, the Neri or 'Blacks,' remained staunch Guelfs {see below). [Table Z2Xi.] Ciacco (in Circle III of Hell) refers to the Bianchi as la parte selvaggia (in allusion, as is supposed, to the fact that their leaders, the Cerchi, ' uomini salvatichi ed ingrati,' as Villani calls them, came from the forest-lands of Val di Sieve in the Mugello), and after adverting to the bloody strife between the two parties, foretells their expulsion of the Neri (in 1301), their own downfall (in 1302), and the triumph of their rivals with the help of an ally (Boni- face VIII), adding that the latter will keep the upper hand for a long period, during which they will grievously oppress the Bianchi, Inf. vi. 64-72 [CercM : Ciaeoo] ; Vanni Fucci (in Bolgia 7 of Circle VIII of Hell) foretells the expulsion of the Neri from Pistoja (in 1301), and the expulsion of the Bianchi from Florence (1301-2), and the defeat of the latter at Campo Piceno, and the siege and capture of Serra- valle (in 1302) by the Neri of Florence and the Lucchese under Moroello Malaspina, Inf. xxiv. 143-50 [Pucoi, Vanni] ; Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) refers to the exiled Bianchi (from whom D. held aloof after 1303) [83] G 2 BiancM Biauchi as la compagnia malvagia e scempia^ Par. xvii. 62. [Dante.] The parties of the Bianchi and Neri had their origin in the year 1300 in Pistoja, in a feud between two branches of the Cancellieri, a Guelf family of that city, who were descended from the same sire, one Ser Cancelliere, but by diiferent mothers. These two branches adopted distinctive names, the one being known as the Cancellieri Bianchi, as being descended from Cancelliere's wife Bianca, the other as the Cancellieri Neri, according to Machiavelli : — ' Perche i Cancellieri erano discesi da messer Cancelliere, che aveva avute due mogli, delle quali I'una si chiam6 Bianca, si nomin6 ancora I'una delle parti, per quelli che da lei erano discesi, Bianca, e I'altra, per torre nome contrario a quella, fu nominata Nera.' {1st. Fior. ii.) A strong feeling of rivalry existed between these two branches, which at last, on the occasion of a trifling quarrel, broke out into actual hostilities. Benvenuto relates that one day the father of Focaccia, who belonged to the Cancellieri Bianchi, chastised one of his nephews, for assaulting another boy with a snow-ball. The nephew in revenge a few days after struck his uncle, for which he was sent by his father to receive such punishment as the uncle should think fit to administer. The latter, however, laughed the matter off, and sent the boy away with a kiss. But Focaccia, catching his cousin as he came out of the house, dragged him into the stable and cut off his hand on the manger, and then, not content with this, sought out the boy's father, his own uncle, and murdered him : — 'Accidit a casu, quod pater Focacciae tempore hiemis, cum luderetur ad nivem, verberavit unum puerum nepotem suum, quia ille dicebatur per- cussisse inepte alium puerum cum nive ; ex quo puer post aliquos dies simulans se velle loqui isti patruo suo, dedit illi alapam in vindictam. Pater pueri dolens de temerario excessu filii, misit ipsum ad fratrem ut facefet correptionem de eo ad placitum suum. Et ille tamquam prudens risit, et remittebat filium patri non tactum nisi solo osculo. Sed Focaccia sceleratus expeotans puerum in limine domus, traxit ipsum in stabulum patris, et ampu- tavit illi manum impie cum ense super praesepe equi ; et non contentus ista crudelitate indignissima, continuo accessit ad domum patris pueri, qui erat patruus suus, et ilium crudelissime obtruncavit.* This atrocious crime naturally led to re- prisals, and in a short time the whole city was in a ferment. One half the citizens sided with the Neri, the other half with the Bianchi, so that Pistoja was reduced to a state of civil war. To put an end to this state of things the Florentines intervened. In the hopes of extinguishing the feud they secured the leaders of both factions, and imprisoned them in Florence. Unhappily this measure only led to the introduction of the feud among [84] themselves. In Florence also there happened to be two rival families, the Donati, who were ancient but poor, and the Cerchi, who were rich upstarts. The former, headed by Corso Donati, took the part of the Cancellieri Neri, while the Cerchi, headed by Viero de' Cerchi, took the part of the Cancellieri Bianchi. So it came about that, through the private en- mities of two Pistojan and of two Florentine houses, Florence, which was ostensibly Guelf at the time, became divided into Black Guelfs and White Guelfs. These two divisions, which had originally been wholly unpolitical, by degrees became respectively pure Guelfs and disaffected Guelfs, the latter, the White Guelfs, finally throwing in their lot with the Ghibellines. [Cancellieri: Cerchi: Donati: rocaceia.] The commencement of actual hostilities in Florence between the Bianchi and Neri was due to a brawl one evening in the spring of the same year (May I, 1300) between some of the Cerchi and Donati on the occasion of a dance in the Piazza di santa Trinitk. Two parties of young men on horseback belonging to either side, while looking on, began hustling each other. This soon led to serious fighting, during which one of the Cerchi had his nose cut off. The peace having once been broken, the conflict was carried on without intermission, until at last in 1302 the Neri, with the aid of Charles of Valois, finally expelled the Bianchi from Florence, D. being included in the decree of banishment. The incident is described by Villani : — ' Awenne, che andando a cavallo dell' una setta e deir altra per la citta armati e in riguardo, che con parte de' giovani de' Cerchi era Baldinaccio degli Adimari, e Baschiera de' Tosinghi, e Naldo de' Gherardini, e Giovanni Giacotti Malispini co' loro seguaci piii di trenta a cavallo; e con gli giovani de' Donati, erano de' Pazzi, e Spini, e altri loro masnadieri ; la sera di calen di Maggio anno 1300, veggendo uno ballo di donne che si facea nella piazza di santa Trinita, I'una parte contra I'altra si cominciarono a sdegnare, e a pignere I'uno contro all'altro i cavalli, onde si cominci6 una grande zuifa e raislea, ov' ebbe piii fedite, e a Ricoverino di messer Ricovero de' Cerchi per disawentura fu tagliato il naso dal volto ; e per la detta zuffa la sera tutta la citta fu per gelosia sotto I'arme. Questo fu il comincia- raento dello scandalo e partimento della nostra citta di Firenze e di parte guelfa, onde molti mali e pericoli ne seguiro appresso.' (viii. 39.) The following list of the various families which joined the Bianchi and the Neri re- spectively, many of whose names are fami- liar as occurring in the D. C, is given by Villani : — ' I Cerchi furono in Firenze capo della parte bianca, e con loro tennero della casa degli Adimari quasi tutti, se non se il lato de' Cavicciuli ; tutta la casa degli Abati, la quale era allora moho possente, Bianco Bibbia, La e parte di loro erano guelfi e parte ghibellini ; grande parte de' Tosinghi, spezialmente il lato del Baschiera ; parte di casa i Bardi, e parte de' Rossi, e cosi de' Frescobaldi, e parte de' Nerli e de' Mannelli, e tutti i Mozzi, che allora erano molto possenti di ricchezza e di stato ; tutti quegli della casa degli Scali, e la maggiore parte de' Gherar- dini, tutti i Malispini, c gran parte de' Bostichi e Giandonati, de' Pigli, e de' Vecchietti e Arrigucci, e quasi tutti i Cavalcanti, ch' erano una grande e possente casa, e tutti i Falconieri, ch' erano una possente casa di popolo. E con loro s'accostarono molte case e schiatte di popolani e artefici minuti, e tutti i grandi e popolani ghibellini ; e por lo seguito grande ch'aveano i Cerchi, il reggimento della citta era quasi tutto in loro pqdere. Delia parte nera furono tutti quegli della casa de' Pazzi quasi principali co' Donati, e tutti i Visdomini, e tutti i Manieri e' Bagnesi, e tutti i Tornaquinci, e gli Spini, e' Bondelraonti, e' Gianfigliazzi, Agli, e Brunelleschi, e Cavicciuli, e I'altra parte de' Tosinghi, e tutto il rimanente ; e parte di tutte le case guelfe nominate di sopra, che quegli che non furono co' bianehi, per contrario furono co' neri. E cosi delle dette due parti tutta la citta di Firenze e '1 contado ne fu partita e contaminata.' (viii. 39.) Bianco, one of the Bianehi, or disaffected Guelfs of Florence, Inf. xxiv. 150. [Bianehi.] Biante, Bias of Priene in Ionia (circ. B.C. 550) ; mentioned as one of the Seven Sages of Greece, who were the predecessors of the philosophers, Conv. iii. li^*-*!. JQ.'s authority here appears to have been St. Augustine : — ' Regnante verp apud Hebraeos Sedechia et apud Rbmanos Tarquinio Prisco, ductus est captivus in Babyloniam populus Judaeorum eversa Hierusalem. . . . Eo tempore Pittacus Mitylenaeus, alius e septem sapientibus, fuisse perhibetur. Et quinque ceteros, qui ut septem numerentur, Thaleti . . . et huic Pittaco adduntur, eo tempore fuisse scribit Eusebius, quo captivus Dei populus in Babylonia tenebatur. Hi sunt autem : Solon Atheniensis, Chilon Lacedaemonius, Periandrus Corinthius, Cleobulus Lindius, Bias Prienaeus. Omnes hi, septem appellati sapientes, post poetas theologos claruerunt, quia genere vitae quodam laudabili praestabant hominibus ceteris et morum nonnulla praecepta sententiarum brevitate complexi sunt. Nihil autem monumentorum, quod ad litteras attinet, posteris reliquerunt, nisi quod Solon quasdam leges Atheniensibus dedisse perhibetur ; Thales vero physicus fuit, et suorum dogmatum libros reliquit. . . . Tunc et Pythagoras, ex quo coeperunt appellari philosophi.' {Civ. Z)«, xviii. 25.) Bibbia, La, the Bible ; mentioned in con- nexion with St. Jerome's preface to his Latin translation of the Bible (the Vulgate), Conv. iv. 5143.-4 [Jeronimo] ; usually referred to as la Scrittura, Par. iv. 43; xii. 125; xix. 83; xxix. 90; xxxii. 68 ; Conv. iv. 12**^; Scriptura, V. E. i. 410 ; Mon. iii. 388, 4S ; Epist. x. 22 ; le Scritture, Par. xiii. 128 ; I'antica e la novella Proposizion, Par. xxiv. 97-8 ; le nuove e le Scritture antiche, Par. xxv. 88 ; il vecchio e il nuovo Testamento, Par. v. 76 ; vetus et novum Testamentum, Mon. iii. i^^^ ; duo Testamenta, Mon. iii. 14'^*. [Bvaageiio.] D. quotes the Bible upwards of 200 times: — Inf. xi. 106-8 {Gen. i. 28; ii. 15; iii. 19); Purg. ii. 46 {Psalm cxiv. l) ; Purg. v. 24 {Psalm li. l) ; Purg. X. 40 {Lu&e i. 28) ; Purg. x. 44 {Luke i. 38) ; Purg. xii. 1 10 {Malt. v. 3) ; Purg. xiii. 29 {Jokn ii. 3) ; Purg. xiii. 36 {Matt. v. 44) ; Purg. xiv. 133 {Gen. iv. 14) ; Purg. xv. 38 {Matt. v. 7) ; Purg. xvi. 19 {/o^n i. 29) ; Purg. xvii. 68-9 {Matt. v. 9) ; Purg. xviii. 100 {Luke i. 39) ; Purg. xix. 50 {Matt. v. 4) ; Purg. xix. "Ji {Psalm cxix. 25) ; Purg. xix. 137 {Matt. xxii. 30); Purg. XX. 136 {Luke ii. 14); Purg. xxii. 4-6 {Matt. v. 6) ; Purg. xxiii. 11 {Psalm li. 15) ; Purg. xxiii. 74 {Matt, xxvii. 46) ; Purg. xxiv. 151-4 {Matt. v. 6) ; Purg. xxv. 128 {Luke i. 34) ; Purg. xxvii. 8 {Matt. v. 8) ; Purg. xxvii. 58 {Matt. xxv. 34) ; Purg. xxviii. 80 {Psalm xcii. 4) ; Purg. xxix. 3 {Psalm xxxii. l) ; Purg. xxix. 51 {Matt. xxi. 9) ; Purg. xxix. 85-7 {Luke i. 42) ; Purg. XXX. 1 1 {Cant. iv. 8) ; Purg. xxx. 19 {Matt. xxi. 9) ; Purg. xxx. 83-4 {Psalm xxxi. 1-8) ; Purg. xxxi. 98 {Psalm li. 7) ; Purg. xxxiii. I {Psalm Ixxix. i) ; Purg. xxxiii. 10-12 {John xvi. 16) ; Par. iii. 121-2 {Luke i. 28) ; Par. viii. 29 {Matt. xxi. g) ; Par. xiii. 93 (l Kings iii. 5) ; Par. xvi. 34 {Luke i. 28) ; Par. xviii. 91-3 {Wisd. i. l) ; Par. xx. 94 {Matt. xi. 12) ; Par. xxiv. 64-5 {Heb. xi. l) ; Par. xxv. 38 {Psalm cxxi. i) ; Par. xxv. 91 {Isaiah Ixi. 7, 10) ; Par. xxv. 73-4, 98 {Psalm ix. loj ; Par. xxvi. 42 {Exod. xxxiii. 19) ; Par. xxxii. 12 {Psalm li. i) ; Par. xxxii. 67-70 {Gen. xxv. 22-5) ; Par. xxxii. 95 {Luke i. 28). V. N. § 7*1-3 {Lament, i. 12) ; V. N. § 23S5-6 {Mark xi. 10); V.N. § 2488-9 {Matt. iii. 3); V. N. §§ 29I-3, 318-9 (Lament, i. i) ; Conv. i. 481-^ {Matt. xiii. 57) ; Conv. i. I l^i-^ {Matt. XV. 14) ; Conv. ii. 1*8-3 {Matt. xvii. i) ; Conv. ii. i58-60 {Psalm cxiv. i); Conv. ii. 4*^-3 {Psalm viii. i); Conv. ii. 6^"' {Heb. i. i); Conv. ii. 616-13 {John i. 5) ; Conv. ii. 6^^-^ {Luke i. 26-7) ; Conv. ii. 6^8-8 {Matt. xxvi. S3) ; Conv. ii. 629-31 {Matt. iv. 6, 11) ; Conv. ii. e^*-' {Cant. viii. 5) ; Conv. ii. 6103-5 {Psalm xix. i) ; Conv. ii. 9II6-10 {John xiv. 6) ; Conv. ii. 1182-5 {Eccles. v. 13); Conv. ii. IS^''!-^ {John xiv. 27) ; Conv. ii. 15176-8 {Cant. vi. 8-9) ; Conv. iii. 4T6-7 {Psalm c. 3) ; Conv. iii. 814-20 [Ecclus. i. 3 ; iii. 21-3) ; Conv. iii. 1 1128-9 {Prov. viii. 17) ; Conv. iii. 1453-60 {Ecclus. xxiv. 9) ; Conv. iii. 14^^ {Prov. viii. 23) ; Conv. iii. I4''3 {John 1. 1-2) ; Conv. iii. 154S-6 {Wisd. iii. 11) ; Conv. iii. 1553-s {Wisd. vii. 26) ; Conv. iii. 15I6I-2 {Wisd. ix. 9.); Conv. iii. 15I68-7T {Prov. viii. 27-30); Conv. iii. 15I90-2 {Prov. iv. 18); Conv. iv. 2'4-5 {Eccles. iii. 7); Conv. iv. 283-7 {James v. 7) ; Conv. iv. s^-ij {Prov. viii. 6) ; Conv. iv. 5*8-4 {Jsaiah xi. i) ; Conv. iv. 564-6 {Euke ii. i) ; Conv. iv. 6164-b {Wisd.y'x. 23 in Vulg., omitted from A. V.) ; [85] Bibbia, La Conv. iv. 6i''*-8 {Ecdes. x. i6, 17) ; Conv. iv. 795-7 {Prov. xxii. 28) ; Conv. iv. 798-102 [Prov. iv. 18-19) ; Conv. iv. 7i3<'-3 [Prov. v. 23) ; Conv. iv. 1 1I12-13 {Luke xvi. 9) ; Conv. iv. 12U3-4 (c:^;2. i. 26) ; Conv. iv. 138I-2 (i?(?»z. xii. 3); Conv. iv. 1569-71 [Ecdes. iii. 21); Conv. iv. 1 5I37-9 (Prov. xxix. 20) ; Conv. iv. 16I-* [Psalm Ixiii. 1 1) ; Conv. iv. 168-10 ( Wisd. vi. 23 in Vu!g.) ; Conv. iv. i6*9-54 [Ecdes. x. 16-17); Conv. iv. 16110-12 [Matt.vn. 15-16); Conv. iv. 17M-101 [Luke x. 41-2) ; Conv. iv. 1960-8 [Psalm viii. i, 4-6) ; Conv. iv. 2o28-9 (Acts X. 34) ; Conv. iv. 2o6i-3 (James i. 17) ; Conv. iv. 2i56 [Pom. xi. 33) ; Conv. iv. 21I10-12 (Isaiah xi. 2) ; Conv. iv. 22^^-8 (i C(7r. ix. 24); Conv. iv. 221*9-59 (Mark xvi. 1-7) ; Conv. iv. 22169-74 (j^fa/^. xxviii. 2-3) ; Conv. iv. 2379-8O (Psalm civ. 9) ; Conv. iv. 23I05-6 [Luke xxiii. 44) ; Conv. iv. 241*2-7 (Prov. i. 8, 10) ; Conv. iv. 24I68-5 [Prov. XV. 31); Conv. iv. 24I72-3 (Coloss. iii. 20) ; Conv. jv. 25i7-'i8 [Prov. iii. 34) ; Conv. iv. 25I9-20 (Prov. iv. 24) ; Conv. iv. 276O-3 (i Kings iii. 9); Conv. iv. 2775-6 (Matt. x. 8) ; Conv. iv. 2875-81 [Rom. ii. 28-9) ; Conv. iv. 3o37-8 [Matt. vii. 6). V. E. i. 2*5 [Numb. xxii. 28) ; V. E. i. 4I3-I8 (Gen. iii. 2-3) ; V. E. i. 1235 [Matt, v. 22) ; Mon. i. 1IO-12 (Psalm \. 3); Mon. i. i38-9 (James i. 5) ; Mon. i. 4I* [Psalm viii. 5) ; Mon, i. 423-0 [Luke ii. 13-14) ; Mon. i. 4?5 (Luke xxiv. 36) ; Mon. i. 5^0-1 [Matt. xii. 25) ; Mon. i. 810-11 [Gen. i. 26); Mon. i. 823-4 [Deut. vi. 4); Mon. i. 1380 [Psalm 1. 16); Mon. i. jjGi-s [Psalm Ixxii. i) ; Mon. i. 1466-73 [Exod. xviii. 17-26); Mon. i. 1522-4 (Psalm iv. 7); Mon. i. 16I8 (Gal. iv. 4); Mon. i. i636-8 (Psalm cxxxiii. l) ; Mon. ii. 1I-6 (Psalm ii. 1-3) ; Mon. ii. 2*2 [John i. 3-4) ; Mon. ii. 272-3 [Rom. i. 20) ; Mon. ii. 3^4-6 (Luke vi. 38) ; Mon. ii. 4II-14 [Exod. viii. 18-19) ; Mon. ii. 836 [jj^b. xi. 6) ; Mon. ii. 837-42 [Levit. xvii. 3-4) ; Mon. ii. 857-9 [Exod. vii. 9) ; Mon. ii. 86I-* (2 Chron. XX. 12) ; Mon. ii. 870 [Acts i. 23-6) ; Mon. ii. 975 [Rom. xi. 33) ; Mon. ii. 9I01-3 [Luke ii. 1) ; Mon. ii. iqIO [Psalm xi. 7); Mon. ii. ii69 (2 Tim. iv. 8) ; Mon. ii. 138-11 (Rom. v. 12) ; Mon. ii. 13I6-26 [Ephes. i. 5-8) ; Mon. ii. 1326-7 (John xix. 30) ; Mon. ii. 1386-7 [Exod. ii. 14) ; Mon. ii. 1344-5 (Isaiah liii. 4) ; Mon. iii. ii-3 (Dan. vi. 22) ; Mon. iii. iis-ie [Prov. viii. 7) ; Mon. iii. 1^2 (Ephes. vi. 14) ; Mon. iii. i24-5 (Isaiah vi. 6-7) ; Mon. iii. i27 [Coloss. i. 13-14) ; Mon. iii. i3i-3 (Psalm cxii. 6-7) ; Mon. iii. 376 (Psalm cxi. 9) ; Mon. iii. 379 [Cant. i. 3) ; Mon. iii. 384-6 [Matt, xxviii. 20); Mon. iii. 399-104 (Matt. XV. 2-3) ; Mon. iii. 4I0-13 (Gen. i. 16) ; Mon. iii. 58-10 [Gen. xxix. 34-5) ; Mon. iii. 6*-5 (i Sam. XV. 16, 23, 28) ; Mon. iii. 7I-3 [Matt. ii. 11) ; Mon. iii. 82-5> *i (Matt. jcvi. 19) ; Mon. iii. 92 (Luke xxii. 38) ; Mon. iii. 925 [Ltcke xxii. 7) ; Mon. iii. 988-42 [Luke xxii. 14, 35-6) ; Mon. iii. 960 [Luke xxii. 38) ; Mon. iii. 970-8O (Matt. xvi. 15-16, 21-3) ; Mon. iii. 981-6 (Matt. Bibbia, La xvii. 4) ; Mon. iii. g'o (Matt. xiv. 28) ; Mon. iii. 994-7 [Matt. xxvi. 33, 35 ; Mark xiv. 29) ; Mon. iii. g98-l02 [Euke xxii. 33) ; Mon. iii. 5X03-7 [John xiii. 6, 8) ; Mon. iii. 9IO8-9 (John xviii. 10) ; Mon. iii. 9III-14 (John xx. 5-6) ; Mon. iii. 9116-19 (John xxi. 7) ; Mon. iii. 9I20-2 (John xxi. 21) ; Mon. iii. 9I32-5 (Matt. x. 34-5) ; Mon. iii. 9137-9 (Acts i. l) ; Mon. iii. Io44-6 (John xix. 23-4, 34) ; Mon. iii. io5o-3 (I Cor. iii. 11) ; Mon. iii. lo53 (Matt. xvi. 18) ; Mon. iii. io59-6i (Cant. viii. 5) ; Mon. iii. 10I09-11 [Matt. X. 9); Mon. iii. 1343-5 [Acts XXV. 10) ; Mon. iii. 1346-7 [Acts xxvii. 24) ; Mon. iii. 13*9-53 [Acts xxviii. 19) ; Mon. iii. 1357-8 [Phil. i. 23) ; Mon. iii. 1366-76 [Levit. ii. II ; xi. 43) ; Mon. iii. 1422-3 [Matt. xvi. 18); Mon. iii. 1423-5 (John xvii. 4) ; Mon. iii. 1488-5 (Numb, xviii. 20j ; Mon. iii. 1520-3 (Johnian. 15); Mon. iii. 1524-6 (jokn xxi. 19); Mon. iii. 1528-34 [John xviii. 36); Mon. iii. 1586-9 [Psalm xcv. 5) ; Mon. iii. i67* (Psalm xxxii. 9). Epist. iv. 5 [John xv. 19) ; Epist. v. 4 (Psalm xcv. 2 ; Rom. xiii. 2 ; Acts ix. 5) ; Epist. V. 5 (Luke xjci. 8) ; Epist. v. 7 (Psalm xcv. 5) ; Epist. V. 8 [Rom. i. 20) ; Epist. v. 9 [Matt. xxii. 21); Epist. v. 10 [Ephes. iv. 17; I Pet. ii. 17) ; Epist. vi. I (Deut. xxxii. 35) ; Epist. vi. 5 [Rom. i. 29) ; Epist. vi. 6 (Isaiah liii. 4) ; Epist. vii. 2 (Josh. x. 12-13 > Luke vii. 19 ; John i. 29) ; Epist. vii. 3 (Luke ii. i ; Matt. iii. 15) ; Epist. vii. 5 (l Sam. xv. 17-18) ; Epist. viii. I (Lament, i. i) ; Epist. viii. 2 (John xxi. 15-17) > Epist. viii. 3 (Psalm Ixxix. 10) ; Epist. viii. 4 (Ezek. viii. 16) ; Epist. viii. 5 (l Cor. xv. 10; Psalm. Ixix. 9 ; Matt. xxi. 16) ; Epist. viii. 8 (Numb. xxii. 28) ; Epist. x. 2 [Wisd. vii. 14); Epist. X. 7 [Psalm cxi v. i) ; Epist. x. 22 (Jerem. xxiii. 24 ; Psalm cxxxix. 7-9 ; Wisd. i. 7 ; Ecclus. xiii. 16) ; Epist. x. 27 (Ephes. iv. 10; Ezek. xxviii. 12-13) ! Epist. x. 28 (2 Cor. xii. 3-4 ; Matt. xvii. 6 ; Ezek. i. 28 ; Dan. ii. 3 ; Matt. v. 45) ; Epist. x. 33 (John xvii. 3 ; Rev. i. 8); A. T. § 2i69 [Gen. i. 9); A. T. § 226-8 [Job xi. 7) ; A, T. § 229-11 [Psalm cxxxix. 6) ; A. T. § 22II-13 [Isaiah Iv. 9) ; A. T. § 22I5-I8 [Rom. xi. 33) ; A. T. § 222» (John viii. 21). The above references are to the Authorized Version (A. V.) ; the Vulgate references, where they differ from these (as in the Psalms), are given under the headings of the several books quoted or referred to by D., viz. Genesis [Oenesis], Exodus [Bxodus], Leviticus [Le- viticus], Numbers [Numerorum, Liber], Deu- teronomy [Deateroaomium], Joshua [Josae, Liber], Judges [Judicum, Liber], Samuel [Samuelis, Libri], Kings [Regum, LIbrI], Chronicles [Paralipomenoa, Libri], Tobit [Tobiae, Liber], Judith [Juditb, Liber], Esther [Esther, Liber], Job [Job, Liber], Psalms Psalmorum, Liber], Proverbs [Proverbioram, Liber], Ecclesiastes [Bcclesiastes], Canticles or the Song of Solomon [Caaticutn Cantl- [86] Bibbia, La Bocca contm\, Wisdom [Sapientlae, Liber], Eccle- siasticus [Bccleslastlcus], Isaiah [Isalae, Propbetia], Jeremiah [Jeremiae, Propbetia], Lamentations {Lamentatioaes Jeremiae}, Ezekiel [Bzechielis, Propbetia], Daniel {Danlelis, Propbetia], Maccabees [Macha- baeorum, Llbrl], Matthew [Mattbaeatn, Bvangellum secundum], Mark [Marcum, Evangellum secundum], Luke [Lucam, Bvangellum secundum], John [Jobannem, Bvangellum secundum], Acts of the Apostles [Actus Apostolorum], Epistle to the Romans [Romanos, Bplstola ad], Epistle to the Corinthians [Corlntblos, Bplstola ad], Epistle to the Galatians [Oalatas, Bplstola ad], Epistle to the Ephesians [Bpheslos, Bplstola ad]. Epistle to the Philippians [Pbillppenses, Bplstola ad], Epistle to the Colossians [Colos- senses, Bplstola ad], Epistle to the Thessa- lonians [Tbessalonlcenses, Bplstola ad]. Epistle to Timothy [TImotbeum, Bplstola ad], Epistle to the Hebrews [Hebraeos, Bplstola ad], Epistle of James [Jacobl, Bplstola], Epistles of Peter [Petri, Bpistolae], Epistle of Jude [Judae, Bplstola], Revelation [Apocalypsls], St. Jerome, in his preface to the Latin translation of the Bible {Prologus Galeatus), reckons the canonical books of the O. T. at twenty-four ; he divides them into thi:ee groups ■ — the first of which comprises the five books of Moses ; the second comprises eight pro- phetical books, viz. Joshua, Judges,. Sa,muel, Kings, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the twelve minor prophets (counting as one book) j the third comprises nine hagiographical books, viz.Job,Psalms,Proverbs,Ecclesiastes,Canticles, Daniel, Chronicles, Esdras, and Esther; to which he adds Ruth and Lamentations, making, twenty-four in all : — ' Primus liber, quem nos Genesim dicimus ; secundus, qui Exodus appellatur ; tertius, Leviticus ; quartus, quem Numeros vocamus ; quintus, qui Deuteronomium praenotatur. Hi sunt quinque libri Moysi, quos Hebraei Legem appellant. Secun- dum, prophetarum ordinem faciunt : et incipiunt ab Jesu filio Nave ; deinde subtexunt Judicum librum ; tertius sequitur Samuel, quem nos Regum primum et secundum dicimus ; quartus Regum, qui tertio et quarto Regum volumine continetur ; quintus est Isaias ; sextus, Jeremias ; Septimus, Ezechiel ; octavus, liber duodecim Prophetarum. Tertius ordo, Hagiographa possidet : et primus liber incipit a Job ; secundus a David ; tertius est Salomon, tres libros habens Proverbia ; quartus, Ecclesiasten ; quintus, Canticum Canticorum ; sextus est Daniel ; Septimus, qui liber apud nos Paralipomenon primus et secundus inscribitur ; octavus, Esdras ; nonus, Esther. Atque ita Sunt pariter veteris legis libri vigintiduo : id est, Moysi quinque, et Prophetarum octo, Hagiographorum novem. Quanquara nonnuUi Ruth et Cinoth (i. e. Lamentationes) inter Hagiographa scriptitent, et hos libros in sue putent numero supputandos, ac per hoc esse priscae legis libros vigintiquatuor : quos sub numero vigintiquatuor seniorum Apoca- lypsls Joannis inducit adorantes Agnum.' The twenty-four books of the O. T., ac- cording to this reckoning of St. Jerome, are supposed to be symbolized by the four-and- twenty elders in the mystical Procession in the Terrestrial Paradise, Purg. xxix. 83-4. [Prooessione.] Blbbla, Proemlo delta. [Proemlo della Blbbla.] Bice, familiar abbreviation of Beatrice ; coupled with Vanna, the familiar name of Giovanna, the lady-love of Guido Cavalcanti, Son. xiv. 9 (V. N. § 24*8) ; Son. xxxii. 9 [Giovanna*] ; alluded to (perhaps), Par. vii. 14, where, however, D. probably merely means to express his reverence for every part of the name of B. [Beatrice 1.] Bilacqua. [Belacqua.] Billi], name of a Florentine family, supposed by some commentators to be alluded to by the arms la colonna del vaio. Par. xvi. 103. The reference is more probably to the Pigli. [Pigli.] Bindi, people of the name of Bindo, popular abbreviation of Aldobrando ; mentioned to- gether with Lapo, asbeingamongthe commonest names in Florence, Par. xxix. 103. [Lapi.] Bisdomini. [Visdomini.] Bisenzio, stream in Tuscany, which flows close to Prato and Campi, and falls into the Arno opposite Lastra, about 10 miles below Florence ; mentioned by Camicione dei Pazzi (in Caina) in connexion with the Conti Alberti, whose castles of Vernia and Cerbaia were situated in the Val di Bisenzio, Inf. xxxii. 56. [Alberti.] Bismantova, village in the Emilia on a steep hill of the same name about 20 miles S. of Reggio ; mentioned by D. in connexion with the precipitous ascent to it, Purg. iv. 26. In the Middle Ages it was strongly fortified and was a place of some importance. Nothing now remains but a huge sheer semicircular rock, known as ' La Pietra di Bismantova.' Benvenuto describes it as having had a sort of plateau at the s.ummit, which at times seems to have been cultivated. He says it could only be approached by a single tortuous path- way, which became very steep towards the top. To his fancy the ' mountain presented a striking resemblance in many particulars to the Mt. of Purgatory. For B. ip, cacume there is a variant B. e in Cacume, the last word being taken, by Buti, Landino, and others, for the name of another mountain, said to be in Campania. Bocca, Bocca degli Abati, one of the Ghi- bellines who remained in Florence after the [87] Boccio Boezio expulsion of the rest of the party in 1258, and who, while ostensibly fighting on the side of the Florentine Guelfs at the battle of Mont- aperti, at the moment when the latter were hard pressed by Manfred's German cavalry, treacherously cut off the hand of the Florentine standard-bearer, thus creating a panic, which ended in the disastrous defeat of the Guelfs [Arbia]. Villani says : — 'Come la schiera de' Tedeschi rovinosamente percosse la schiera de' cavalieri de' Fiorentini ov* era la 'nsegna della cavalleria del comune, la quale portava messer Jacopo del Nacca della casa de' Pazzi di Firenze, uomo di grande valore, il traditore di messer Bocca degli Abati, ch' era in sua schiera e presso di lul, colla spada fedi il detto messer Jacopo e tagliogli la mano colla quale tenea la detta insegna, e ivi fu morto di presente. E ci6 fatto, la cavalleria e popolo veggendo abbattuta I'insegna, e cosi traditi da' loro, e da' Tedeschi si forte assaliti, in poco d'ora si misono in isconfitta.' (vi. 78.) Bocca is placed in Antenora, the second division of Circle IX of Hell, among those who have betrayed their country, Inf. xxxii. 106 ; una [testa), v. 78 ; colui che bestemmiava, V. 85 ; malvagio traditor, v. no [Antenora] ; as D. and Virgil pass along among the traitors, the former strikes his foot against the head of one of them (Inf. xxxii. 73-8), who demands why he is struck, unless it be in order 'to increase the vengeance of Montaperti' (vv. 79-81) ; on hearing the last word D. asks V. to wait, as he wishes to solve a doubt (either as to the identity of the trajtor at Montaperti, or as to that of the speaker), and demands who it is that thus chjdes others {vv. 82-7) ; the speaker (Bocca) replies by asking D. who he is that goes through Antenora striking others with a force more like that of a living man than of a damned spirit (as he supposes D. to be) [vv. 88-90); D. retorts that he is alive and can make hjm famous, if he desire fame, by recording his name {vv. 91-3) ; B. replies that on the co^trary he desjres oblivion, and bids D. go and leave him alone {vv. 94-6) ; D. thereupon seizes him by the scalp and threatens to tear out his hair unless he reveals his name {vv. 97-9) ; as he refuses D. carries out his threat, making him howl so that one of his companions (Buoso da Duera) shouts to him, calling him by name, to know what is the matter {vv. 100-8) ; D. having thus learned B.'s name is content, and says he will brand him with infamy by telling the truth about him {vv. 109-11); B. defies him to do his worst, and then, to avenge himself for having been named by his companion, informs D. who the latter is {vv. 11 2-1 7); after he has named several more qf his com- panions D. leaves him {vv. 118-24). Boccio. [Becoio.] Boemia. [Buemme.] BoStius, author of the De Consolatione Phtlosophiae, Mon. i. 92s ; ii. 991 ; Epist. x. 33. [Boezio.] Boezio, Boethius (Anicius Manlius Tor- quatus Severinus Boethius), Roman statesman and philosopher, born at Rome circ. A.D. 475, died at Pavia (Ticinum) 525. pibbon de- scribes him as ' the last of the Romans whom Cato or TuUy could have acknowledged for their countryman.' His father, Flavius Man- lius Boethius, was consul in 487, and died soon after. As a wealthy orphan Boethius inherited the patrimony and honours of the Anician family, and was educated under the care of the chief men at Rome. He also studied at Athens, and translated or commented on ' the geometry of Euclid, the music of Pythagoras, the arithmetic of Nicomachus, the mechanics of Archimedes, the astronomy of Ptolemy, the tjieology of Plato, and the logic of Aristotle, with the commentary of Porphyry.' To his works was due to a great extent the knowledge of Aristotle in the Middle Ages. He was no less distinguished for his virtue than for his learning, and was always ready to relieve the poor and oppressed. He married Rusticiana, daughter of the senator Symmachus, by whom he had two sons. From "Theodoric, King of the Ostrogoths, who was then master of Italy, he received the title of patrician while still a youth, and in 510 he was made consul, an honour which twelve years later (522) was conferred upon his two sons. But his good fortune did not last ; his powerful position and bold maintenance of justice aroused jealousy and hatred, and he was accused by his enemies of plotting against Theodoric. The king, be- lieving him guilty, threw him into prison at Pavia, while the senate without a trial passed a sentence against him of confiscation and death. After he had spent some time in prison he was put to death by torture, a cord being fastened round his head and tightened until his eyes were forced from their sockets; he was then beaten with clubs until he expired. He was buried in the church (now desecrated) called St. Peter's of the Golden Ceiling (S. Pietro in Cielo d'Oro), where in 722 a tomb was erected to his memory by Liutprand, King of the Lombards; this was replaced in 990 by a more magnificent one erected by the Emperor Otho III, for which Pope Sylvester II wrote an inscription. It was during his im- prisonment at Pavia that Boethius wrote his most celebrated work, the De Consolatione Philosophiae [Consolatione Philosopbiae, De]. In the Middle Ages Boethius was re- garded as a martyr who died in defence of the Christian faith. Villani, in his record of the death of Theodoric, says of him : — ' Questi fu quelle Teodorico il quale mand6 in pregione e fece poi morire in Pavia U buono santo [88] Bologna Bologuesi Boezio Severino, console di Roma, perch' egli per bene e stato della repubblica di Roma e della fede cristiana, il contrastava de' suoi difetti e tirannie, opponendogli false cagioni. AUora il santo Boezio compuose in pregione a Pavia il libro della filosofica consolazione.' (ii. 5.) D. places B. among the great doctors {Spiriti Sapienti) in the Heaven of the Sun, Par. x. 121-9 [Sole, Cielo del] ; his spirit is pointed out by St. T^homas Aquinas, who speaks of him as Panima santa, che il mondo fallace Fa manifesto {vv. 125-6), and alludes to his exile and torture, and to his burial at Pavia {vv. 127-9) [Cieldauro]. B. is frequently mentioned by D. in his prose works, in connexion with the De Con- solatione, Conv. i. 286, ii^S; ii. 327^ nis^ ijis^ 16* ; iii. l78, 2^2 ; iv. 1235.74^ 13130,130; Mon. i. 9^5 ; ii, 9^1 ; Epist. x. 33 ; he is spoken of as il Savio, Conv. iv. 13108 ; and is alluded to perhaps (though the reference js most prob- ably to Virgil) by Francescpi da Rimini (ad- dressing D. in Circle II of Hell) as il tuo dottore. Inf. v. 123 [Virgilio]. In these well- known lines (wz/. 121-3) Francesca quotes what is almost certainly a reminiscence of a passage in the De Consolatione : — ' In omni adversitate fortunae infelicissimum est genus infortunii fuisse felicem' {Lib. ii. pr. 4). This passage was imitated by Chaucer in his Trotlus and Criseyde : — ' Of fortunes sharp adversitee The worst kinde of infortune is this, A man to have ben in prosperitee, And it remembren, whan it passed is.^ (Bt. ii. vv. 1625-8.) In his translation of the book he renders it:— ' In alle adversitee of fortune, the most unsely kinde of contrarious fortune is to han ben weleful.' Boethius obliged, by the nature of his book, to speak of himself in the De Consolatione, Conv. i. z^s^i"! ; his contempt for popular glory, Conv. i. ll^^~^; his book one of those wherein D. sought consolation after the death of Beatrice, Conv. ii. iz'^^'^^^, i6*~8. Bologna, city of N. Italy, capital of the Emilia (in the old Romagna), situated on a plain between the Apennines and the Po, with the two rivers Savena and Reno about two miles distant on the E. and W. respectively. It was the seat of one of the most famous mediaeval universities (founded in 11 19), at which D. is said to have studied. Among the buildings in existence in D.'s day were the Palazzo dei Podestk (1201), where King Enzio, son of the Emperor Frederick II, was kept a prisoner and died in 1272; the Palazzo Pubblico (1290), the Palazzo della Mercanzia (1294), the churches of San Giacomo Maggiore (1267), and San Domenico (dedicated to St. Dominic, who died at Bologna in 1221) ; and the two great towers, the Asinelli (1109) and the Carisenda (mo). The Bolognese, who took an active share in the Crusades, for a long time remained neutral in the contest between the Guelfs and Ghibellines, but eventually they sided with the former. Bologna is mentioned in connexion with Catalano and Loderingo, two Bolognese Frati Gaudenti, one of whom refers iq the university, Inf. xxiii. 142 [Catalano] ; Fabbro of Bologna, one of the worthies of Romagna, Purg. xiv. 100 [Fabbro] ; the dialect of B. rejected by the chief Bolognese poets, V. E. i. 15*^"* [Bolognesi] ; Caccianimico, a native of B. (in Bolgia I of Malebolge), alludes to the situation of the city between the Savena and the Reno, Inf. xviii. 61 [Reno ^ : Savena] ; he refers to the Bolognese use of sipa for sia, and declares that there are more pandars in Hell from B. than would equal the whole copulation of the city at that time, vv. 59-61 Caocianinjico : Seduttori]. Benvenuto, who ived for ten years at Bologna, and lectured there on the D. C, remarks that this is not by any means an extraordinary estimate ; he adds that as much might be said of many other Italian cities, to say nothing of Paris. D. mentions the Salse, a ravine near B., where the bodies of criminals were thrown, Inf. xviii. 51 [Salse] ; and the Carisenda tower, Inf. xxxi. 136 [Carisenda] ; the university is referred to, Inf. xxiii. 142; •Bologna itself is alluded to under the guise of a nymph of the Reno, Eel. ii. 85 [Ifaias]. Bolognese, native of Bologna ; of Venedico Caccianimico, Inf. xviii. 58 [Caeoianimioo] ; of the two Frati Gaudenti, Catalano dei Cata- lan! and Loderingo degli Andalo, Inf. xxiii. 103 [Catalano : Iioderingo]. Bolognese, Francp, Franco of Bologna, an illuminator nientioned by Oderisi (in Circle I of Purgatory) as being a better artist than himself, Purg. xi. 82-4. Little is known of Franco ; Vasari, in his life of Giotto, says he was employed, together with Oderisi (whose pupil he appears to have been), by Boniface VIII in the Vatican library, where he illumi- nated many of the MSS. It would appear from D.'s reference to him in the text that he was still living in 1300. [Oderisi.] Bolognesi, the Bolognese; the B. of the Borgo San Felice and those of the Strada Maggiore instances of inhabitants of the same city speaking different dialects, V. E. i. 9*2-4 . their dialect discussed at length and pronounced to be the best of the Italian dialects (a supe- riority due to importations from neighbouring dialects), but at the same time not worthy to rank as the language of Italy, as is evident from the fact that the chief Bolognese poets did not employ it, V.E. i. 153-53 ■ two Bolognese poets, Guido dei Ghisilieri and Fabruzzp dei [89] Bolsena Bouagiuuta Lambertazzi, writing in the ' tragic ' style began with a line of seven syllables, V. E. ii. i238-« ; two Bolognese Frati Gaudenti, Inf. xxiii. 103 [Catalano: Loderingo]. D. (by the mouth of Caccianimico in Bolgia I of Ma,lebolge) reproaches the B. with being pandars and avaricious, Inf. xviii. 58-63. With regard to the latter charge Benvenuto says they were not miserly, iDut were greedy of money in order to gratify their sensual appetites, and consequently were not scrupulous as to the methods by which they gained it : — ' Autor capit hie avaritiam large ; nam bononi- ensis naturaliter at communiter non est avarus in retinendo, sed in capiendo tantum. Illi enim, qui sunt vitiosi, ibi prodig^liter expendunt ultra vires facultatis vel lucri ; ideo faciunt turpia lucra, aliquando cum ludis, aliquando cum fui'tis, ali- quando cum lenociniis, exponentes filias, sorores, et uxores libidini, ut s^dsfaciant gulae et yolupta- tibus suis.' This testimony of Benvenuto, who knew Bologna intimately, fully justifies D.'s strictures. He suggests that D.'s own knowledge of the matter was gained by personal experience while he was a student at Bologna. The account of the Bolognese given by Fazio degli Uberti in the Dittamondo (iii. 5) is to the same effect : — ' Intra Savena e Ren citta si vede, Si vaga e p^ena di tutti i diletti, Che tal vi va a caval, che torna a piede. Quivi son donna con ieggiadri aspetti, E il noma 4ella terra sie^e il fatto, Buona ne'studi e sottil d'lntellettr." Benvenuto elsewhere gives a terrible account of the moral depravity of Bologna in another respect [Aocorso, Franoesoo d']. Bolsena, Lajce of Bolsena (the lacus Vulsi- niensis oi the Romans), in the extreme N. of Latium, ope of the largest lakes in Central Italy. It was, and is still, famous for its eels. Forese Donati (in Circle VI of Purgatory) mentions the lake and its eels in connexion with Pope Martin IV, who, was in the hab(t of gorging himself on baked eels that had been drowned in wine, Purg. xxiv. 22-4 [Martino^]. Bonaccorsi, Pinamonte de'. [Pina- monte.] Ponagiunta, Bonagiunta Orbicciani degli Overardi, son of Riccomo di Bonagiunta of Lucca, notary and poet of the latter half of Cent, xiii ; he was alive on Dec. 6, 1296, on which date he is mentioned in a document as having been engaged in superintending the works of the church of San Michele at Lucca. A considerable number of his poems has; been preserved ; they show little originality of either thought o,r expression, and are imitated for the most part from Provengal models. D. places B. among the Gluttonous in Circle VI of Purgatory, Purg. xxiv. 19, 20 ; questi, V. 19; lui, V. 21 ; quel da Lucca, v. 35 ; ei, [90] i^w. 37, 38, 44 ; lui, z/. 52 [Golosi]; B., who is pointed out to D. by Forese Donati (Purg. xxiv. 19-20), shows a desire to speak to the former, and mutters something about ' Gen- tucca,' which D. overhears (vv. 34-9) ; being invited by D. to speak, he foretells to him that he will become enamoured of a certain lady of Lucca, who is not yet married [vv. 40-8) [Gentucoa] ; he then asks D. if he is the author of the 'new rimes' beginning 'Donne, ch'avete intelletto d'Amore' (being the first canzone in the V. N.) [vv. 49-51) ; D. replies that he writes as Love dictates i^v. 52-4) ; B. acknowledges in this the secret of the 'dolce stil nviovo,' and of D.'s superiority over Jacopo da Lentino, Guittone d'Are?zo a,nd himself; he then relapses into silence and D. moves on {vV' 55-63). [Guittone : Ifotaro, II.] Casini repiarks upon this passage : — ' Per la plena intelligenza di questo passo h da notare che quando Dante incomincid a poetare, circa nel 1283, due scuol? di poesia lirica fiorivano in Italia : la scuola siciliana, cosi delta dal luogo ove prima si formd, allargandosi poi assai presto a tutto il mezzogiorno d'ltalia e alia Toscana, deHa quale scuola furono capi, in Sicilia il notaio Giacomo da Lentini e in Toscana Buonagiunta da Lucca ; e la scuola dottrinale, che teorizzd largamente sull' amore, fiorita specialmente in Tos- cana con Guittone d'Arezzo e in Bologna con Guide Guinizelli. I poeti della scuola siciliana non fecero altro che da,re veste italiana alia lirica provenzale, ristringendola agli argomenti amorosi e prediligendo la forma metriqa della canzone; quelli della scuola dottrinale si staccarono dalla poesia provenzale, introducendo nelle lor rime le teoriche e le discussion! intorno all' amore, al- largandosi alcuni ad argomenti fllosofici o religiosi politici, tentando di nobilitare lo stile poetico coir avvicinarsi piii alia costruzione del periodo latino, accogliendo accanto alia canzone il sonetto. A queste due scuole seguitb la fiorentina, detta del dolce siil nuovo, cui appartennero, oltre Dante, Guide Cavalcanti, Lapo Gianni, Dino Frescobaldi, Gianni Alfani e piii altri. Questi poeti, mevendo dalla teorica del Guinizelli sulla natura dell' amore, considerate come il sentimento proprio d^Ue anirae virtuose, creareno tutto un sistema d'idealizzazione della donna, mescelando le speculazioni dottrinali alle ima^inazioni geniah della fantasia, e della poesia amatoria fecero per i primi in Italia una vera opera d'arte : poiche alia profondita e novita dei concepimenti seppero far corrispondere uno stile pill franco e perspicuo, una lingua piii naturale e piii eflScace, e forme metriche meglio determinate (canzone e sonetto) o raccqlte dalla poesia del popolo (ballata). Tale svolgimento della lirica ita- liana nella secpnda meta del secole xiii h poetica- mente rappresentato in questo episodic di Buona- giunta.' D. blames Bonagiunta, together with Guit- tone dArezzo, Brunetto Latino, and other Tuscan poets, for having written in their local dialects, to the exclusion of the ' curial vulgar tongue,' V. E. i. 13T-13, Bonatti, Guido Bonifazio Benvenuto says that Bonagiunta was more addicted to wine than to versifying, but was a facile writer, and addressed some of his poems to D., who had been acquainted with him : — ' Iste fuit Bonagiunta da Urbisanis, vir honora- bilis, de civitate lucana, luculentus orator in lingua materna, et facilis inventor rhythmprum, seij facilior vinorum, qui noverat autorem in vit^, et aliquando scripserat sibi. Ideo autor fingit eum ita familiariter loqui secum de ipso et de aliis inventoribus modernis.' Bonatti, Guido, famous astrologer and soothsayer of ForR, placed by D. among the Soothsayers, along with Asdente, in Bolgia 4 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xx. Il8 [Indovini]. B., who was a tiler ('rico- pritore di tetti ') by trade, seems to have acted as domestic astrologer to Guido d^ Montefeltro ; it is said to have been by his aid that the latter won his decisive victory over the French papal forces at ForR, May I, 1282 (Vill. vii. 81) [Forli]. Benvenuto says that B. wrote a work on astrology {Liber introductorius ad Judicia Stellarum, written circ. 1270 ; printed at Venice, 1491), which he had seen, and which was so clearly writtep as to be intelligible even to women. He tells an amusing story of how a rustic, by observing the behaviour of his donkey, was able correctly to foretell the Qoming of a storm on a fine day, to the confusipn of the astrologer, who, after consulting his astro- labe, had asserted thg.! it was impossible there should be r3.in that day. An 0I4 chronicle, appended to the 1494 edition of fhe Speculum Historiale of Vincent de Beauvajs, says of Bonatti : — ' In syderfilibus discipliriis universo occidenti notissimus et celeberrimus fuit. Cui adeo e^ in iacultate aperta fuerunt omnia, ut nil apud earn illi incognitum fuerit.' Salimbepe of Parma, who was his contem- porary, gives the following account (printed by C. E. Nofton in Report XIV of Americfin Dante Society) of how he was discomfited at Forll by ^ Franciscan friar of jieggio : — 'Frater Hugo de Regio, qui dictus est Hugo paucapalea, fuit magister in grammatica in saeculo, et magnus trufator et magnus prolocutor, et in ordine fratrum Minorum soUeifinis et optimus praedic^tor, et qui mordaces ordinis confutabat et confundebat praedicationibus et exemplis. Nam quidatti magister Guido Bonattus de Furlivio, qui se philosophum et astrologum esse dicebat, at praedicationes fratrum Minorum et Praedicatorum vituperabat, ita ab eo fuit confusus coram universi- tate et populo liviensi, ut toto tempore quo frater Hugo fuit in partibus illis, non solum non loqui, veru;p etiam nee apparera audaret.' Filippo Villani claims Guido Bonatti as a Florentipp, and says that he was of good family, and was brought up to the law, which he abandoned for the superior attractions of astrology. Bonaventura, St. Bonaventura, otherwise Giovanni Fidanza ; placed by D. among the doctors of the Church {Spiriti Sapienti) in the Heaven of the Sun, Par. xii. 127 ; luce, v. 28 [Sole, Cielo del]. When St. Thomas Aquinas has finished his account of the life of St. Francis, St. B. proceeds to relate that of St. Dominic (Par.xii.3i-ios); after bewailing the degeneracy of the Franciscan Order {vv. 106-26), he names himself (vv. 127-29) and eleven others who are with him {vv. 130-45) [Domenieo]. St. Bonaventura was born at Bagnoregio (now Bagnorea), near Orvieto, in 1221, the year of St. Dominic's death. As a child he was attacked by a dangerous disease, which was miraculously cured by St. Francis of Assisi. When the latter heai;(i that the child had recovered he is said to have exclaimed ' buona Ventura ' (happy chance), whereupon the boy's mother changed his name to Bonaventura. Ip 1243 he entered the Franciscan Order. After studying at Paris under Alexander of Hales, he became successively professor of philosophy and theology, and in 1255 was made doctor. Having risen to be General of the Franciscan Order (in 1256), he was offered the Archbishopric of York by Clemept IV, which he declined. He was afterwards (1274) createdCardinalBishopof Albano byGrego^y X, whpm he accompanied to the second Council qf Lyons, where he died, July" 15, 1274, 'his magnificent funeral being attended by a Pope, ap Emperor, and a King.' St. B. was canon- ized in 1482 by Sixtus IV, and placed among the doctors of the Church, with the title of 'Doctor Seraphicus,' by Sj^^tus V. He was a voluminous writer, one of his works being a life of St. Francis. Butler remarks that his philosophy was strongly leavened with mysticism, and differs from that of Aquinas (whose mind was of a far more masculine stamp) in having more affinity with Plato than with Aristotle. Etonconte. [Buonconte.] Bondelmonti. [Buondelmonti.] Bonifazio 1, Bopiface VIII (Benedetto Gaetani or Guatani), born at Anagni circ. 1217 ; created Cardinal by Martin IV in 128 1 ; elected Pope at Naples, in succession to Celestine V, Dec. 24, 1294; crowned at Rome, Jan. 23, 1295 ; died at Rome, Oct. 11, 1303. Boniface is spoken of (by Nicholas III in Bplgia 3 of Malebolge) as Bonifazio,, Inf. xix. S3 ; (by Guido da Montefeltro in Bolgia 8 of Malebolge) as il gran Prete, Inf. xxvii. 70 ; and lo Principe del nuovi Farisei, Inf. xxvii. 85 ; (by Hugh Capet in Circle V of Purgatory) as il Vicario di Crista, Purg. xx. 87 ; (by St. Bonaventura in the Heaven of the Sun) as [91] Bonifazio Bouifazio colui che siede, che traligna. Par. xii. 90 ; (by St. Peter in the Heaven of the Fixed Stars) as Quegli M usurpa in terra il luogo mio, Par. xxvii. 22 ; (by Beatrice in the Empyrean) as quel (t Alagna, Par. xxx. 148. D. assigns to Boniface, by anticipation (he not having died until three years after the assumed date of the Vision), his place among the Simoniacs in Bolgia 3 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), by the artifice of making Nicholas III mistake D. himself for Boniface, Inf. xix. 52-7 [Simoniaoi] ; Nicholas ex- presses surprise that B. slhould have come three years before his time (z/w. 52-4), and asks whether he is ali'eady weary of the power which he acquired by deceitful means {vv. 55-7) [Wicoolo^]; the dealings of B. with Guido da Montefeltro are referred to, Inf. xxvii. 70-1 1 1 [Guido Montefeltrano] ; his war with the Colonna family, Inf. xxvii. 85-7 [Colon- nesi: Laterano]; his imprisonment at Anagni, Purg. XX. 86-90 [Alagna] ; his evil reign. Par. xii. 90 ; xxvii. 25-7 ; his usurpation of the Papal See (his election not being valid so long as his predecessor Celestine V was alive), Par. xxvii. 22-4 [Celestino] ; his place among the Simoniacs between Nicholas I II and Clement V, Par. xxx. 146-48 (cf. Inf. xix. 52-4). Some think it is Boniface VIII (others think Charles of Valois) to whom Ciacco (in Circle III of Hell) refers as tal che testi piaggia. Inf. vi. 69 [Carlo *] ; B. is probably also alluded to (though tha reference may be to the devil, or to the Pope in general, or to the Emperor, or to both) as il capo reo, Purg. viii. 131 ; and as la puttana sciolta, Purg. xxxii. 149, and consequently lafuia, Purg. xxxiii. 44, the harlot of the mystic Procession in the Terrestrial Paradise, who represents the Church, but with especial reference to Boniface VIII and Clement V [Processione] ; the part he played in the expulsion of the Bianchi, D. among them, from Florence is supposed to be alluded to by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars), Par. xvii. 49-51 ; there is perhaps a further reference to him in the expression of Marco Lombardo (in Circle III of Purgatory), ' & giunta la spada Col pasturale,' Purg. xvi. 109-10, the allusion to the union of the sword with the crook, of the temporal power with the spiritual, being, as some think, to the action of B. after the victory of Albert of Hapsburg over Adolf of Nassau in 1298, when he not only refused to crown the victor, but, as Sismondi relates (Vol. ii. Chap. 9, ed. 1838), placed the crown on his own head, and seizing a sword, cried : ' I am Caesar, I am Emperor, I will defend the rights of the Empire ' [Alberto Tedesoo]. Some see an allusion to the death of Boniface (but the reference is more probably to the removal of the Papal court to Avignon in 1305) in the prophecy of Folquet of Marseilles (in the Heaven of Venus), Par. ix. 139-42. [92] Boniface VIII, after procuring the abdication of the incapable Celestine V, secured his own election through the influence of Charles II of Naples, whose support he -gained by pro- mising to help him in his war for the re- covery of Sicily. Villani says : — ' Nel detto anno 1294, messer Benedetto Guatani cardinale, avendopersuo senno e segacita adoperato che papa Celestino avea rifiutato il papato . . . segui la sua impresa, e tanto adoperd co' cardinali e col procaccio del re Carlo, il quale avea amista di molti cardinali, specialmente de' dodici nuovi eletti per Celestino, e stando in questa cerca, una sera di notte isconosciuto con poca compagnia and6 al re Carlo, c dissegli : Re, il tuo papa Celestino t' ha voluto e potato servire nella tua guerra di Cicilia, ma non ha saputo ; ma se tu adoperi co' tuoi amici cardinali che io sia-eletto papa, io saprd, e vorrd, e potr6 ; promettendogli per sua fade e saramento di mettervi tutto il podere della Chiesa. Allora Io re fidandosi di lui, gli promise e ordind co' suoi dodici cardinali che gli dessero le loro boci . . . e per questo modo fu eletto papa nella citta di Napoli, la vilia della nativita di Cristo del detto anno.' (viii. 6.) It was at the invitation of Boniface that Charles of Valois, brother of Philip IV of France, went to Florence in Nov. 1301, os- tensibly to make peace between the Bianchi and Neri, his intervention resulting in the expulsion of the former and the exile of D. [Carlo*]. Boniface was thus the ultimate cause of D.'s lifelong banishment, and the poet in consequence indulges towards him a fierce hatred, assigning him, as is noted above, his place of torment in Hell while he was yet a.Uve. It is noteworthy, however, that notwithstanding his personal hatred for Boni- face D. refuses in any way to condone the enormity of the oiFence committed by Philip IV in laying hands on the Vicar of Christ, when the long struggle between them, and the bitter contest with the Colonna family, finally cul- minated in the tragedy of Anagni [Alagna]. Ozanam remarks : — ' Dante est I'ennemi politique de Boniface ; il croit lui devoir son exil, I'asservissement de sa patrie ; il I'accuse de fraude, de simonie, d'usurpa- tion . . . Mais en presence du crime d'Anagni . . . il ne voit plus que le Christ captif en la personne de son vicaire.' Apart from his having prostituted the in- fluence of the Church in the furtherance of the designs of Charles II of Naples, Boniface was repeatedly guilty of simony in advancing his own family and adherents to ecclesiastical dignities, as is recorded by Villani : — 'Fece al suo tempo piu cardinali suoi amici e confident!, intra gli altri due suoi nipoti molto giovani, e uno suo zio fratello che fu della madre, e venti tra vescovi e arcivescovi suoi parenti e amioi della piccola citta d'Anagna di ricchi vesco- vadi, e I'altro suo nipote e figliuoli, ch' erano conti . . . lascio loro quasi infinito tesoro.' (viii. 64.) Bouifazio Bonifazio Milman says of him : — • ' Of all the Roman Pontiffs Boniface left the darkest name for craft, arrogance, ambition, even for avarice and cruelty. He was hardly dead when the epitaph was proclaimed to the un- protesting Christian world : He came in like a fox, he ruled like a lion, and he died like a dog.' {Lot. Christ.) Villani, Guelf though he was, is unable to condone his notorious faults : — ' Questo papa Bonifazio fu della citta d'Alagna, assai gentile uomo di sua terra, iigliuolo di messer Lifredi Guatani, e di sua nazione ghibellino, e mentre fu cardinale protettore di loro . . . ma poi che fu fatto papa molto si fece guelfo, e molto fece per lo re Carlo nella guerra di Cicilia.' (viii. 6.) — ' Fu savissimo di scrittura e di senno naturale, e uomo molto avveduto e pratico, e di grande cono- scenza e memoria ; molto fu altiero, e superbo, e crudele contro a' suoi nimici e awersari, e fu di grande cuore, e molto temuto da tutta gente, e alz6 e aggrandi molto lo state e ragioni di Santa Chiesa . . . Magnanimo e largo fu a gente che gli piacesse, e che fossono valorosi, vago molto della pompa mondana secondo suo stato, e fu molto pecunioso, non guardando ne faccendosi grande nfe stretta coscienza d'ogni guadagno, per ag- grandire la Chiesa e' suoi nipoti . . . Fu piii mondano che non richiedea alia sua dignita, e fatte avea assai delle cose a dispiacere di Dio.' (viii. 64.) The following scathing verses on his avarice and simony were addressed to Boniface by his contemporary Jacopone da Todi, a Fran- ciscan monk (died circ. 1306), who was im- prisoned in consequence : — 'O Papa Bonifacio, molto ai jocato al mundo, penso che jocundo non ten porai partire. £1 mundo non he usato lassar i soi serventi, che ala sua partita^ se partano gaudenti ; non fara lege nova de fartene exempto, ch'el non te dia el presento, ch'el dona al so servire. * * * Par che la vergogna de drieto haoi zetata ; Tanima el corpo hai posto a levar tua casata ; chi in arena mobele fa grande edificata, subito e ruinata, non li po fallire. * * ii: Quando in la contrada te piace alcun castello, adesso mitti discordia entro frate et fratello; a I'un zeti el brazo al collo, a I'altro mostri el coltello ; sel non consente al to appello menacilo del ferire. Se alcuno vescovello po covelle pagare mittigli lo flagello che lo voi degradare ; poi lo mandi al camarlengo ch'el si deba acordare che tanto pora dare che tu lo lassi redire. Pensi per astutia lo mundo dominare ; zo che tu ordeni I'un anno I'altro voi guastare; a! mundo non he cavallo che se lassi infrenare ch'el possi cavalcare secundo el to volere. * » * O lin^a maledecta ha dicere vilania, remproperar \'ergogne con grande blasphemia; ne imperator ne rege, ne altro homo che sia, da ti non se parthia senza crudel ferire. * * * O pessima avaritia sete induplicata bever tanta pecunia e non esser satiata. non te pensavi, misero, a cui Thai congregata, che tal te I'a robata che non era in to pensefe. * * * Non trovi chi recordi papa nuUo passato ch'in tanta vanagloria se sia delectato ; per ch'el timor de Dio de retro hai zetato, signo he de desperato o del falso sentire. Amen.' Bonifazio 2, a Bishop (identified by modem commentators with Bonifazio dei Fieschi of Genoa, Archbishop of Ravenna, 1 274-1 295), whom D. places among the Gluttonous in Circle VI of Purgatory, describing him as ' Bonifazio Che pasture col rocco molte genti,' Purg. xxiv. 29-30 [Golosi]. Benvenuto says this expres- sion is appropriate of the Archbishop of Ra- venna, whose see is a very extensive one : — ' Archiepiscopus ravennas est magnus pastor, qui habet sub se multos episcopos suffraganeos ab Arimino usque Parmam.' With reference to the term rocco used by D. here of the pastoral staff, Lana says : — ' Questo Bonifacio fu arcivescovo di Ravenna, lb quale non porta lo pastorale cosi ritorto come gli altri arcivescovi, ma 6 fatto di sopra al modo di rocco delli scacchi.' The ancient pastoral staff of the Archbishops of Ravenna, which is still preserved, bears at the top an ornament shaped like a chess ' rook,' answering to the description given by Lana. (See the illustration given by C. Ricci in La D. C. illustrata nei luoghi e nelle persone, P- 459-) Bonifazio dei Fieschi, who was a nephew of Innocent IV, was appointed Archbishop of Ravenna by Gregory X in 1274, during the second Council of Lyons ; he was sent to France by Honorius IV in 1285 to help Edward I of England in his efforts to bring about a reconciliation between Alphonso III of Aragon and Philip the Fair, and to negotiate for the release of Charles II of Naples; he died Feb. i, 129^. He is known to have been [93] Bonifazio Borgo immensely wealthy and to havfe possessed a great collection of plate and rich embroideries, but there is no record of his having been addicted to gluttony. In a contemporary account he is described as ' magnus prolocutor et partem ecclesiasticam firmiter tenens ' ; and another says of him: ' acquisivit et auxit et augmentavit multa bona et jurisdictionem et honores ecclesie.' (See C. Ricci, L'ultimo rifugio di D., pp. 120 ff.) Bonifazio 3], Fazio or Bonifazio de' Mori Ubaldini of Signa, a lawyer who was Gonfalo- niere di Giustizia in Florence in 1316, and several times Prior. He was sent as ambas- sador to Clement V in 13 10 for the pur- pose of organizing the opposition to the Em- peror Henry VII when he came into Italy ; and his name figures in consequence on the list of those condemned by the Emperor in 1313. He is probably the individual referred to as quel da Signa, whom Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) couples with Baldo d'Agu- glione, Par. xvi. 56. [Aguglione.] Dino Compagni, who calls him Fazio da Signa (ii. 23), states that he and Baldo were renegade Bianchi, and took an active part in helping the Neri to expel their old allies from Florence in 1301. Some think D. meant Pino da Signa, whom Compagni (i. 14) men- tions together with Baldo, amongst those who conspired against Giatio della Bella in 1294. Bonifazio di Monferrato. [Monfer- ratc] Bononia, Bologna, V. E. i. 15**) ^. [Bo- logna.] Bononienses> the Bolognese, V. E. i. g43-4^ I5*i27; ii. i2«. [Bolognesi.] Bononiensis, Bolognese ; vulgare Bononi- ense, the Bolognese dialect, V. E. i. 1588. [Bolognesi.] Bonorum, De Pine. [Plnlbus, £)e.] Bonsignori, Niccold de'. [Niocoldi.] Bcnturo, Bonturo Dati, head of the popu- lar party in Lucca at the beginning of Cent, xiv ; mentioned ironically by one of the devils in Bolgia 5 of Malebolge as being the only man in Lucca who was not a barrator (he having been in reality an ' archbarrator,' as Benvenuto calls him). Inf. xxi. 41. [Barattieri.] B. appears to have carried on his nefarious traffic on so large a scale that nearly all the offices in Lucca were manipulated by him. Benvenuto says that once, when he was on a mission to Boniface VIII, the Pope, by way of remonstrance at some piece of double-dealing, shook him by the arm, whereupon B. ex- laimed : ' Holy Father, you have shaken the half of Lucca ' : — ' Bonturus fuit archibaratarius, qui sagaciter ducebat et versabat illud commune totum, et dabat [94^ officia quibus volebat; similiter excludebat quos volebat. Unde dum semel ivisset legatus ad papam BonifaBium, Bonifacius, magnus marescalcus hominum, qui cognoscebat laqueos ejus, cepit eum per brachium, et vibravit. Cui ille respondit : tu quassasti dimidiam Lucam.' In 1314 his insolent reply to the demand of the Pisans for the restitution of the castle of Asciano, viz. that the Lucchese kept this castle as a mirror for the Pisan ladies (Villani, vii. 122), led to a fierce war between Pisa and Lucca, which terminated disastrously for the latter. The Lucchese in consequence expelled Bonturo from Lucca, and he was obliged to take refuge in Florence, where he died. The Pisans, after their triumph, wrote the following lines in blood upon the gate of Lucca in mockery of Bonturo : — * Or ti specchia, Bontur Dati, Ch* e^ Lucchesi hai consigliati ! Lo die di San Frediano Alle portb di LuCca fu U pisano.' Boote], Bootes (or Areas), son of Helice or CaUisto by Jupiter. Juno having in jealousy metamorphosed CaUisto into a she-bear, she was one day pursued by her son Areas while hunting ; when he was on the point of killing her Jupiter transformed them both into Con- stellations, CaUisto becoming the Great Bear, Areas the Little Bear or Bootes. D., referring to Bootes as il Jiglio iPElice, speais of the North as the region which is covered every day by Helice and her son, i. e. by the Great and Little Bear, Par. xxxi. 31-3 [JBlice] ; the two Bears are spoken of as POrse, Purg. iv. 65 ; Par. ii. 9 [Orsa] ; the Little Bear is aUuded to, Par. xiii. 10 [Come]. Borea, Boreas, the N. wind, Par. xxviii. 81 ; D. here speaks of it as blowing 'from that cheek whence it is most gentle,' and clearing away the fog. Brunetto Latino in his Tr^sor (i. 107), after naming the four points of the compass from which the winds blow, says : — ' Et ce sont Ii quatre vent principal dou monde, et chascuns d'euiz en a .ii. autres entor lui qui sont aussi comma bastart.' Speaking of the ' bastard ' or side-winds of the N. wind, he says : — ' Li principaus vens qui vient de la tramontane done nues et froidure, et oil qui Ii est encoste, vers couchant, done noif et grelle . . . mais Ii autres qui est vers levant rastrait pluies et nues,' — i.e. the direct N. wind brings clouds and cold, the N.W. wind brings snow and hail, while the N.E. keeps off rain and clouds. It is evident, therefore, that D. is speaking of the N.E. wind. Lucan's mention of Boreas {Phars. ix. 480), quoted, Mon. ii. 4*1. Borgo, the Borgo sant' Apostolo, one of the ancient quarters of Florence, situated close to the Arno, between the Ponte Vecchio and the Borgo san Felice Branca d'Oria Ponte S. Trinitk ; mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars), who says that in his day the Gualterotti and Importuni lived there, and that the quarter vifould have been more peaceful had they not had new neighbours, Par. xvi. 133-5. The ' nuovi vicini ' were the Buondelmonti, who came into Florence in 1 135, and subsequently (in 1215) gave rise to the feuds which led to the introduction of the Guelf and Ghibelline factions into Florence. [Buoudelmonti : Fiorenza.] Villani says : — ' In borgo santo Apostolo erano grandi Gualte- rotti e Importuni, che oggi son popolani ; i Bondelmonti erano nobili e antichi cittadini in contado, e Montebuoni fu loro tastello, e piii altri in Valdigreve ; prima si puosono Oltrarno, e poi tornarono in Borgo.' (iv. 13.) Borgo san Felice. [Burgum S. Pelicis.] Bomeil, Gerardus de. [Gerardus de , Borneil.] Bomio, Born, name of a forest, on the borders of the Limousin and P^rigord, in the midst of which, on the shore of a small lake, not far from the village of Bellegarde, was situated the castle where the famous trouba- dour, Bertran de Born, was bom (circ. 1140), Inf. xxviii. 134. Bomio, Bertram dal. [Bertram dal Bomio.] Borsiere, Guglielmo, a Florentine, said to have been a pursemaker, placed by D. in Round 3 of Circle VII of Hell among those guilty of unnatural offences ; he is mentioned by Jacopo Rusticucci, who asks D. for news of Florence, saying that Guglielmo, who had but recently joined them, gave them a grievous report of it. Inf. xvi. 67-72. [Sodomiti.] Benvenuto says that Guglielmo (who, as is evident from vv. 70-1, must have died shortly before 1300), becoming tired of pursemaking, left his trade and took to a social life, spending his time in travelling about and visiting noble- men's houses. He also tells the story, which is the subject of one of the tales of the Deca- merone (i. 8), of how he cured a certain Messer Ermino Grimaldi of Genoa of his miserly ways, Boccaccio (in his Comento) says of him : — 'Questi fii cavalier di corte, uorao costumato molto e di laudevol maniera ; ed era il suo esercizio, e degli altri suoi pari, il trattar paci tra' grandi e gentili uomini, trattar matrimonii e parentadi, e talora con piacevoli e oneste novelle recreare gli animi de' faticati, e confortargli alia cose onorevoli ; il che i moderni non fanno, anzi quanto pill sono scellerati e spiacevoli, e con brutte operazioni e parole, piii piacciono e meglio possono essere proweduti.' Boso. [Buoao.] Bostichi, ancient noble Florentine family, mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) as having been of importance in his day, Par. xvi. 93. Villani states that they lived near tlie Mercato Nuovo (iv. 13) and were Guelfs (v. 39 ; vi. 33) ; they fled from Florence with the rest of the party in 1260 after the Ghibelline victory at Montaperti (vi. 79), and subsequently sided, some with the Bianchi, some with the Neri (viii. 39). Accord- ing to Dino Compagni (ii. 20) the Bostichi Neri were guilty of the wildest excesses in Florence after the return of Corso Donati in Nov. 1301. The Ottimo Comento speaks of them as having fallen into decay : — ' Sono al presente di poCo valore, e di poca dignitade.' Brab&nte, Brabant, ancient duchy, now one of the provinces of Belgium ; mentioned in connexion with the second wife of Philip III of France, whom D. calls la donna di Brabante, Purg. vi. 23. Mary, daughter of Henry III, Duke of Brabant, married Philip III as his second wife in 1274. [Filippo ^ : Table viii]. She is said to have accused Pierre de la Brosse, Philip's chamberlain, of an attempt upon her chastity, in consequence of which he was put to death. D. appears to have believed that Pierre was innocent, and he urges Mary to repent of having caused his death, while she yet had time (■Z'z/. 22-4). Mary died, Jan. 12, 1321, in the same year as D., and may not improbably have read this warning. [Breccia.] Margaret of Brabant, to whom three letters, said to have been written by D., were addressed by the Countess of BattifoUe, was the wife of tlie Emperor Henry VII of Luxemburg. The letters, which are undoubtedly spurious, are printed by Giuliani. Branca d'Oria, member of the famous Ghibelline house of Doria at Genoa, who, with the aid of his nephew, treacherously murdered (circ. 1290) his father-in-law, Michael Zanche, governor of Logodoro in Sardinia, at a banquet to which he had invited him. D. places his soul in Tolomea, the third division of Circle IX of Hell, among the Traitors, although he was not yet dead. Inf. xxxiii. 137, 140; un tal, v. 155. [Tolomea.] Frate Alberigo having pointed out to D. the shade of Branca d'Oria, D. objects that the latter is yet alive (vv. 134-41) ; A. replies that Branca's soul descended to Hell, even before that of his victim, Michael Zanche (who was among the Barrators in Malebolge, Inf. xxii. 88), his body on earth being inhabited by a fiend {vv. 142-47). [Alberigo, Frate : Michel Zanche.] Barnabo, the son of Branca d'Oria (not Branca himself, as Dino Compagni erroneously states), received the Emperor Henry VII when he visited Genoa in 13 11. There is a tradition, mentioned by Papanti (Dante secondo le tradizioni), that Branca and [95] Branda, Fonte Brettinoro his friends revenged themselves upon D. for this condemnation of him, by causing D. to be ill-received when he visited Genoa. Branda, Fonte, celebrated fountain at Siena (mention of which occurs as early as 1081), situated at the foot of the hill upon which the church of San Domenico stands, so called from the Brandi family, tp whom- the site at one time belonged ; commonly supposed to be the fountain referred to by Maestro Adamo (in Bolgia 10 of Malebolge), Inf. xxx. 78. It appears, however, that there was another fountain of the same name (now dried up, but the existence of which is attested by its mention in ancient documents) in the neigh- bourhood of Romena, close to the scene of Maestro Adamo's crime and punishment, which may be the one alluded to. All the old commentators take the reference to be to the Fonte Branda at Siena, but this may be merely because it was better known. [Adamo, Maestro.] Brandimborgo, Ugo di. [TTgo di Bran- dimborgo.] Brandino Padovano. [Ildebrandinus Paduanus.] Brandizio, Brundusium (Brindisi), town on the Adriatic in Apulia (the Roman Cala- bria), the termination of the Via Appia, and the usual port of embarkation in ancient times for Greece and the East ; Virgil died here on his return from Greece, Sep. 26, B.C. 19. Addressing D. (in Antepurgatory), Virgil says of his own body, 'Napoli I'ha, e da Brandizio h tolto,' Purg. iii. 27 ; the allusion is to the transference of V.'s body from Brundu- sium to Naples by order of Augustus, and to the old epitaph recorded by Suetonius : — ' Mantua me genuit, Calabri rapuere, tenet nunc Parthenope ; cecini pascua, rura, duces *— i. e. I was born at Mantua, died at Calabrian Brundusium, and was buried at Naples ; I wrote the Eclogues, the Georgia, and the Aeneid. [Augusto ^ : Virgilio.J Brenno, Brennus, leader of the Senonian Gauls, who in B.C. 390 crossed the Apennines, defeated the Romans at the AUia, and took Rome ; after besieging the Capitol for six months he quitted the city upon receiving 1,000 pounds of gold as a ransom for the Capitol, and returned safe home with his booty. According to later tradition (followed by Livy, V. 48-9), at the moment when the gold was being weighed, and Brennus, declaring the Roman weights to be false, had thrown his sword into the scale, Camillus and a Roman army appeared, fell upon the Gauls and slaughtered them. The Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of Mercury) mentions the defeat of Brennus among the exploits of the Roman Eagle, Par. [96] vi. 44 [Aqiiila i] ; the story of the attack of the Gauls on the Capitol, and their repulse by Manlius, is referred to, Conv. iv. 5160-4 . and told on the authority of Livy (v. 47) and Virgil {Aen. viii. 652-6), Mon. ii. 4*2-57 [Camillo: GalU^: Manlius]. Brennus. [Brenno.] Brenta, river of Upper Italy, which rises in the Tyrolese Alps above Trent, flows S.E. and then S. past Bassano, and after being joined by the Bacchiglione just below Padua, falls into the Venetian Lagoons by two mouths (the southernmost, near Brondolo, being now the outlet of the Brenta canal). D. mentions the B. in connexion with the embankments built by the Paduans as a pro- tection against its floods. Inf. xv. 7-9 [Chiar- entana] ; Cunizza (in the Heaven of Venus) mentions it as one of the boundaries of the March of Treviso, Par. ix. 27 [Marca Trivi- siana], Brescia, town in Lombardy about 16 miles W. of the Lago di Garda ; mentioned by Virgil, in his account of the founding of Mantua, in con- nexion with a place on the lake where the three dioceses of Trent, Brescia, and Verona meet, Inf. XX. 68 [Benaco] ; a neighbour of Mantua, Cremona, and Verona (from which it is dis- tant about 38, 30, and 40 miles respectively), V. E. i. I58~ii ; one of the Guelfic cities which opposed the Emperor Henry VII, Epist. vii. 6. Bresciani, inhabitants of Brescia, Inf. xx. 71 ; Brixiani, V. E. i. 1481 ; Brixienses, V. E. i. 1426 ; Peschiera well placed to hold them and the Bergamasks in check, Inf. xx. 70-1 [Peschiera] ; their dialect, together with those of the Veronese, Vicentines, Paduans, and Trevisans, condemned as harsh, especially in a woman's mouth, one of their peculiarities being a fondness for consonantal endings in/, V. E. i. 1420-36. Brettinoro, now Bertinoro, small town in the Emilia, between Fori! and Cesena ; it was the native place of Guido del Duca (Purg. xiv. 81) and Arrigo Mainardi (Purg. xiv. 97). Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory) mentions it in allusion to the expulsion of the Ghibellines in 1295, probably with especial reference to the Mainardi family, Purg. xiv. 1 1 2- 1 4. After being for a time under the lord- ship of the Malatesti of Rimini, the town passed towards the end of Cent, xiii into the hands of the Ordelaffi of Forli, in whose possession it was at the date of the Vision. According to the Ottimo Comento, whose account is repeated by Benvenuto, it was in its best days renowned for the hospitality of its nobles : — ' Intr' all* altre laudabili costume de' nobili di Brettinoro era il convivere, e che non voleano che uomo vendereccio vi tenesse ostello ; ma una Briareo Brigata Spendereccia colonna di pietra era in mezzo il casteljo, alia quale, come entrava deiitro il forestiere, era menato, ed a una delle campanelle convenia mettere il cavallo e cappello ; e come la fronte li dava, cosi era menato alia casa per lo gentile uomo al quale era attribuita quella campanella, ed onorato secondo suo grado. La quale colonna e campanella furono trovate per torre materia di scandolo intr' alii detti gentili, che ciascuno prima correva a menarsi a casa il forestiere, siccome oggi quasi si fugge.' Briareo, Briareus or Aegaeon, son of Uranus and Gaea, one of the giants who warred against Olympus. He was slain by Jupiter with a thunderbolt and buried under Mt. Etna. Virgil represents him with a hundred arms and fifty heads : — ' Aegaeon . . . centum cui brachia dicunt Centenasque manus, quinquaginta oribus ignem Pectoribusquearsisse, Jovis cum fulmina contra Tot paribus streperet clipeis, tot stringeret enses.^ (Aen. I. 565-8.) D. calls him lo ismisurato B., a recollection of the ' immensus Briareus ' of Statins ( Theb. ii. 596), and places him with Antaeus, Ephi- altes and Nimrod, as one of the warders at the mouth of Circle IX of Hell, Inf. xxxi. 98 [G-iganti] ; he is represented, transfixed by the bolt of Jupiter, among the examples of defeated pride in Circle I of Purgatory, Purg. xii. 28-30. [Superbi.] Brigata, II, Nino il Brigata, grandson of Count Ugolino della Gherardesca of Pisa, whose imprisonment and death he shared in 1288 in the Tower of Famine at Pisa, Inf. xxxiii. 89 ; he and his uncle Uguccione, and his younger brother Anselmuccio, referred to by Ugolino (in Antenora) as It tre, v. 71 [Ugolino, Conte]. Nino was the son of Guelfo, eldest son of Ugolino, and Elena, daughter of Enzio, King of Sardinia, the natural son of Frederick II [Table xxx]. D. repre- sents both the two sons of Ugolino, and his two grandsons, as being of tender age ('etk novella,' v. 88). Nino cannot have been very young, for he is said to have been married, and not long before his death the Ghibellines had wished to associate him with his grand- father in the government of Pisa ; he is men- tioned in a document (dated 1272) relating to the claims of himself and his brothers (but without mention of Anselmuccio, the youngest, who was probably not born at the time) to their mother's rights in Sardinia. D. in the Convivio (iv. x^f^"'^) uses the phrase 'etk novella' as the equivalent of ' gioventute,' which he elsewhere (iv. 2411^37) defines as the period between twenty-five and forty-five ; so that the expression as applied to Ugolino's sons and grandsons is not so incongruous as it at first appears. [Anselmuccio.] Brigata Spendereccia], the ' Spendthrift Brigade ' of Siena, a company of extravagant young men which flourished for a short time during the second half of Cent, xiii ; alluded to by Capocchio (in Bolgia 10 of Malebolge) as il brigata, Inf. xxix. 130 ; he mentions four of its most conspicuous members by name, viz. Stricca, v. 125 ; Niccol6, v. IT] ; Caccia d''Asciano, v. 131 ; and ' I'Abbagliato,' v. 132; a fifth member, Lano, is mentioned. Inf. xiii. 120. [Abbagliato : Caccia d'Asoiano : Lano : Ificoold 1 : Stricca.] Benvenuto gives a long account of this 'brigade,' which he says' was composed of twelve members, all wealthy young men, who were bent upon doing something to make themselves talked about. Accordingly they each contributed a large sum to a common fund, of which each member was bound to spend lavishly, under pain of expulsion from the society. They then hired a magnificent palace, where they met once or twice in the month, and gave sumptuous banquets, enter- taining and loading with gifts any persons of distinction who happened to come to Siena. They prided themselves on having all sorts of strange and rare dishes ; and one of their freaks was to fling the gold and silver utensils and table ornaments out of the window as soon as the banquet was over. In this way they ran through their means in less than two years, and became the laughing-stock of all the world, some of them being reduced to live on charity. Benvenuto adds that two sets of poems were composed on them, one de- scribing their magnificent beginning, the other their miserable ending. The poems referred to by Benvenuto are probably those of Folgore da San Gemignano (himself supposed to have been a member of the 'brigade') and Cene dalla Chitarra of Arezzo, the former of whom addressed to the ' brigata nobile e cortese ' a series of twelve sonnets, one for each month of the year, in celebration of their merry life, while the latter wrote a series in parody of the other, giving a picture of the miserable condition to which they were reduced by their folly ; specimens of both are given by Nan- nucci {Lett. Ital., i. 341-50). The following is Folgore's opening sonnet, in which we get the names of six other members of the ' brigade,' making up, with the five mentioned by D., and Folgore himself, the complete number of twelve : — ' Alia brigata nobile e cortese, E a tutte quelle parte dove souo, Con allegrezza stando sempre, dono Cani, ucceUi, e denari per ispese. Ronzin portanti, quaglie a volo prese, Braccni, levrier corrier, veltri abbandono : In questo regno Niccolo corono, Poich' elli i. il fior della citta Sanese. Tingoccio, Atain di Toguo, ed Ancaiano, E Bartolo, e Mugaro, e Fainotto, Che paiono figliuoli del re Bano; Prodi e cortesi piii che Lancilotto ; Se bisognasse, con le lance in mano Parian torneamenti a Camelotto.' [97] Brisso Bruggia Brisso, Bryson, ancient Greek philosopher, mentioned by Aristotle as having attempted to square the circle, a problem which appa- rently he tried to solve dishonestly by non- geometrical methods {Soph. Elench. i. lo ; Anal. Post. i. 8). St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the Sun) mentions B., together with Parmenides and Melissus, as examples of bad reasoners, who attempt to find the truth without having first mastered the art of reasoning. Par. xiii. 125. Brixia, Brescia, V. E. i. 151" ; Epist. vii. 6. [Brescia.] Brixiani, Brescians, V. E. i. 1481 ; Brix- ienses, V. E. i. 1428. [Bresciani.] Brixienses. [Brixiani.] Breccia, Pier dalla, Pierre de la Brosse, according to tradition, a surgeon of low birth, but actually a gentleman of Touraine of honourable extraction, who was favourite and chamberlain of Philip III of France. He had already held the office of chamberlain to Philip's father, Louis IX, whom he accom- panied on his last expedition to the East, which ended in the King's death at Tunis in 1270. On the sudden death in 1276 of the heir to the throne, Louis, Philip's son by his first wife, Isabella of Aragon, an accusation was brought against the Queen, Mary of Brabant, of having poisoned Louis, in order to secure the succession of her own son, among her accusers being Pierre de la Brosse. 'L'an de grace mil deux cens soixante seize, avint que Loys le premier fils le roy Phelippe mouru et fu empoisonne, ainsi comma aucuns dient. Le roy en fu en souspeyon, et ceste souspeyon mist en son cuer Pierre de la Broce, son maistre chambellenc : car il maintenoit et disoit en derrenier que ce avoit fait la royne, et que elle feroit, se elle povoit, mourir les autres, pour ce que le royaume peust venir aux enfans qui estoient de son corps.' {Grandes Chroniques de France : Phelippe III. ch. xxii.) j>Jot long afterwards Pierre was suddenly arrested by order of the King at Vincennes, and imprisoned at Janville, in the Beauvaisis. From thence he was removed to Paris, where he was condemned and sentenced to death before an assembly of the nobles, and hanged by the common hangman, in the presence of the Dukes of Burgundy and Brabant, and of the Count of Artois, June 30, 1278. The suddenness and ignominy of his execution appear to have caused great wonder and con- sternation, especially as the charge on which he was condemned was not made known. According to the popular account he had been accused by the Queen of an attempt upon her chastity. The truth seems to be that he was hanged upon a charge of treasonable cor- respondence with Alphonso X, King of Castile, [98] with whom Philip was at war, the intercepted letters on which the charge was based having, it is alleged, been forged at the instance of the Queen. It is at any rate certain that Pierre was an object of envy and hatred to the great nobles of Philip's court, and it is likely enough that they made common cause with the Queen in bringing about his fall. D. places Pierre de la Brosse in Ante- purgatory among those who put off repentance, Purg. vi. 22 [Antipurgatorio] ; and evidently regarded him as innocent, for he speaks of his spirit as having been divided from his body 'through hate and envy, not for fault com- mitted' {vv.\<^2\) ; at the same time he implies that Mary of Brabant was guilty of his death, since he warns her to repent of her crime ere it is too late (she being still alive at the time he wrote), lest she should be consigned to a worse place than Pierre, namely to Hell {vv. 22-4) [Brabante]. Benvenuto states that D. satis- fied himself Of Pierre's innocence while he was in Paris: — ' Dantes, qui fuit Parisius, post exilium sutim, explorata diligenter veritate hujus rei, dignum duxit, ipsum ponere salvum in purgatorio, et reddere sibi bonam famam, sicut fecerat Petro de Vineis in inferno.' Bromius, ' the noisy god,' surname , of Bacchus ; mentioned, in connexion with King Midas, Eel. ii. 53. [Bacco : Mlda.] Bruggia, Bruges, capital of Western Flan- ders, about 25 miles N. W. of Ghent, and about ten from the coast ; mentioned, together with Wissant, in connexion with the embankments built by the Flemings to keep back the sea, B. roughly indicating the eastern limit of the Flemish sea-board, Wissant the western, Inf. XV. 4 [Gtiizzante] ; coupled by Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory) with Douay, Ghent, and Lille, to indicate Flanders, Purg. xx. 46. The reference here is to the events which took place in Flanders between 1297 and 1304, in which those towns played a conspicuous part. In 1297 Guy, Count of Flanders, having by his dealings with Edward I of England excited the suspicions of Philip IV of France, was decoyed by the latter under a lying pretext to Corbeil, where he was kept prisoner until he had sworn to renounce all communication with Edward. No sooner, however, did Guy regain his liberty than he broke his oath. Philip thereupon proceeded to make war upon him, and sent his brother, Charles of Valois, into Flanders to reduce the country. Guy, having been abandoned by his ally, the King of England, who through the mediation of Boniface VIII had made peace with Phihp (March, isgf), was compelled to come to terms with Charles. It was agreed that he should go to Fans with his two sons to sue for the king's pardon, a safe-conduct for his return being promised him in the event of peace not being con- Brunelleschi, Agnello Brunetto Latino eluded between them within the'year. Philip, how- ever, declared that in offering these terms Charles had exceeded his authority, and treacherously imprisoned Guy and his two sons. Treating Flanders as a subject state, he visited the country in person and was well received by a portion of the population. But the cruelty and oppression of Chatillon, the French Governor, drove the lower classes to arms ; they rose in every part of the country, and with an army, which consisted mostly of peasants and mechanics, they totally defeated the French, at Courtrai (the ' Battle of the Spurs'), March 21, 130J. In this battle, in which they lost the. flower of their nobility, the Comte d'Artois among them, the French met with the vengeance to which D. alludes, Purg. xx. 47. After this defeat Philip made peace with Flanders, released his prisoners, and surrendered all the country N. of the Lys to Robert de Bethune (eldest son of Guy, who had died in captivity), the southern portion being annexed to France. (See Philalethes; and Villani, xix, xx, xxxii, xxxvii, Iv-lviii, Ixxvi- Ixxix.) Brunelleschi, Agnello. [AgnSl.] Brunetto Latino, Florentine Guelf, son of Buonaccorso Latino, born in Florence circ. 1210, died 1294 ; he was a notary (whence the title of ' Ser ' given him by D., Inf. xv. 30, loi), and is commonly supposed (from a misunder- standing of Inf. XV. 82-5) to have been D.'s master, which in the ordinary sense of the word he cannot have been, since he was about fifty-five when D. was born. It is uncertain at what period he began to take part in public affairs in Florence ; he held an official position in 1253, and in the next year he attested, in his capacity of notary, two public documents (April 20, and Aug. 25), which are still pre- served, and one of which is drawn up in his own handwriting. In 1260 he was sent on an embassy to Alphonso X of Castile (one of the candidates for the imperial crown) in order to induce him to assist the Guelfs against Manfred and the Ghibellines. While he was on his way back, he learnt from a student who had come from Bologna, the news of the decisive victory of the Ghibellines over the Florentine Guelfs at Montaperti (Sep. 4, 1260), and the consequent expulsion of the latter from his native city : — ' Esso Coraune sagio Mi fece suo messagio Air alto re di Spagna, Ch' or & re de la Magna £ la corona atende, Se Dio no gliel contende . . . B io presi conpagna E andai in Ispagna E feci Tambasciata Che mi fue comandata: E poi sanza sogiorno Ripresi mio ritorno, Tanto che nel paese Di terra Navarrese, Venendo per la calle Del pian di Roncisvalle, Incontrai uno scolaio Su'n im muletto baio Che venia da Bologna . . Io lo pur domandai Novelle di Toscana In dol2e lingua e plana, Ed e' cortesemente, Mi disse inmantenente, ' Ch' e' Guelfi di Fiorenza Per mala provedenza E per forza di guerra Eran fuor de la terra, E '1 dannagio era forte Di pregione e di morte.' {Tesoreito, ii. 11-50.) On the receipt of this disastrous news B. aban- doned his intention of returning to Italy, and took refuge in France. He appears first to have gone to Montpellier (Tesoretto, xxi. 3) ; he was in Paris in Sep. 1263, and at Bar-sur-Aube in April, 1264, as we know from notarial docu- ments in his handwriting under those dates (see Rassegna Italiana, March, 1885, and Athenaeum, Nov. 6, 13, 20, 1897). While in France he compiled his encyclopaedic work, the Livre dou Tresor, as he himself records : — ' Mainfroiz . . . tint le roiaume de Puille et de Secile contre Dieu et centre raison, si comme cil qui dou tout fu contraires a sainte Eglise. Et por ce fist il maintes guerres et diverses persecutions contre toz les Ytaliens qui se tenoient devers sainte Eglise, meismement contre la guelfe partie de Florence, tant que il furent chaci^ hors de la vile, et lor choses en furent mises a feu et a flamme, et a destruction ; et avec els en fu chaci6 maistres Brunez Latin ; et si estoit il par cele guerre essilliez en France quant il fist cest livre.' ( Tresor, i. 99.) After Manfred's defeat and death at the battle of Benevento (Feb. 26, X26f), and the consequent discomfiture of the Ghibellines of Tuscany, Brunetto returned to Florence and resumed his share in public affairs. In 1269 at Florence and in 1270 at Pisa he acted as notary to Guy de Montfort, Charles of Anjou's vicar in Tuscany ; in 1273 he was secretary to the Florentine government ('scriba con- siliorum Communis Florentiae '), and in 1275 he was president (' console ') -of the notarial guild ; he was one of the commissioners aiid guarantors of the ephemeral peace patched up between the Guelfs and Ghibellines in Florence in 1280 by the Cardinal Latino ; in 1284 (Oct. 13) he was one of the two syndics of the Florentine government for the conclusion of an offensive and defensive alliance with Genoa and Lucca against the Pisans, who in the previous August had been totally defeated by the Genoese in the great naval battle at Meloria; in 1287 (Aug. 15 to Oct. 15) he served the office of prior ; and in 1289 he was appointed one of the public orators of Florence ; he died in Florence, aged over eighty, in 1294. His influence and authority with the Florentines are attested by the fact that his name appears in no less than thirty-five public documents (between Oct. 21, 1282 and July 22, 1292) as having been consulted by the government on various important matters, and for the most [99] H 2 Brunette Latino Brunetto Latino part it is recorded that his advice was followed. (See Thor Sundby, Vita ed Opere di B. L., trans, by Renier, with appendices by Del Lungo and Mussafia.) Brunetto was buried in the church of Santa Maria Maggiore at Florence. His portrait, according to Vasari (in his Vita di Giotto), is one of those associated with that of D. in the fresco attributed to Giotto in the Bargello :— ' Giotto . . . ritrasse nella cappella del palagio del Podesta di Firenze Dante Alighieri, coetaneo ed amico suo grandissimo . . . Nella medesima cappella h il ritratto, similmente di mano del medesimo, di ser Brunetto Latini maestro di Dante, e di messer Corso Donati gran cittadino di que' tempi.' Villani, in recording Brunetto's death, speaks of him as having been the first to introduce the systematic study of oratory and political science into Florence : — ' Nel anno 1294 mori in Firenze uno valente cittadino il quale ebbe nome ser Brunetto Latini, il quale fu gran filosofo, e fu sommo maestro in rettorica, tanto in bene sapere dire come in bene dittare. E fu quegli che spuose la Rettorica di TuUio, e fece il buono e utile libro detto Tesoro, e il Tesoretto, e la Chiave del Tesoro, e piii altri libri in filosofia, e de' vizi e di virtu, e fu dittatore del nostro comune. Fu mondano uomo, ma di lui avemofattamenzione, perocch' eglifu cominciatore e maestro in digrossare i Fiorentini, e farli scorti in bene parlare, e in sapere guidare e reggere la nostra repubblica secondo la politica.' (viii. 10.) Brunetto's two best known works are the Livre dou Tresor (in which are comprised several of the treatises referred to by Villani), a sort of Encyclopaedia of history, natural science, ethics, rhetoric, and politics, in French prose (written between 1262 and 1266) \Te- sord\ ; and the Tesoretto, a didactic poem, written (in 1262 or 1263) in a popular style in Italian heptasyllabic couplets. To the latter, in which the favourite device of an allegorical journey is employed, D. was doubtless in- debted for many suggestions. D. places Brunetto Latino in Round 3 of Circle VII of Hell, among those guilty of unnatural offences, ser Brunetto, Inf. xv. 30, loi ; Brunetto Latino, v. 32 ; un, v. 23 ; quegli, V. 31 ; lui, vv. 34, 44; ei, v. 46; lui, '"■ S°i ^£'^h '^^ 55 ; It'll v. 80; egli, V. 103 [Sodomiti]. As D. and Virgil proceed along the embankment on their way through Circle VII they see a crowd of souls advancing towards them on the plain below, who look hard at them (Inf. xv. 16-21); one of them (Brunetto), recognizing D., gives an exclama- tion of surprise and takes hold of the skirt of his robe [vv. 22-4) ; D. looks at him closely and in turn recognizing him, leans down and addresses him by name {vv. 25-30) ; B. L. proposes to turn back and accompany D. for a while {vv. 31-3), to which D. gladly assents, with the approval of V. {vv. 34-42) ; not venturing to descend alongside of B. L., he walks parallel with him keeping his head bent down towards him {vv. 43-5) ; B. L. asks D. what brings him to Hell before he is dead, and who his guide is {vv. 46-8) ; D. having replied, B. L. tells him that if he ' follows his star ' he will become famous {;vv. 49-57), and adds that if he himself had lived he might have helped D. in his task (vv. 58-60) ; he then foretells how the Florentines will repay the good D. does them (in opposing the entry of Charles of Valois) by persecuting him (vv. 61-9), and how later both Bianchi and Neri will court him (an apparently unfulfilled pro- phecy), but in vain (vv. 70-8) ; D. replies, expressing his reverence and gratitude for B. L.'s teaching (vv. 79-87), and declares that he will bear in mind his and other (i. e. those of Ciacco and of Farinata) predictions as to his own future in order that Beatrice may expound them, but that meanwhile he is pre- pared for evil fortune if it be in store for him (vv. 88-96) ; after a word of approval from V. (z/z/. 97-9) D. asks B. L. as to his companions (vv. 100-2) ; the latter replies that they were all ' clerks and great men of letters, and of great fame,' some of whom he names {^v. 103-14) ; then seeing another company ap- proaching, he takes leave of D. recommending his Trdsor to him, and speeds back to rejoin his companions (yv. 115-24). It is not known on what grounds D. con- demned Brunetto to this particular division of Hell ; possibly, as in the case of Priscian, he is introduced merely as the representative of a class (' letterati grandi,' v. 107), which was undoubtedly especially addicted in those times to the vice in question. Benvenuto testifies that it was prevalent to a terrible degree in Bologna while he was lecturing on the Divina Commedia there in 1375, to such a degree, indeed, that he felt himself bound, in spite of the odium and personal risk which he incurred by so doing, to bring the matter to the notice of the Papal Legate [Accorso, Prancesco d' : Priseiano]. Some think ViUani's expression ' fu mondano uomo,' as well as the phrase in the Tesoretto, ' siamo tenuti Un poco mondanetti ' (xxi. 22-3), point to the supposition that Brunetto had an evil reputation in this particular respect. It is noticeable, on the other hand, that vice of this nature is especially reprobated in the Tresor:— ' Chastee est bele chose, porce que ele se delite es convenables choses, au tens, au leu, a la quantity et a la guise qu'il convient ; mais li deliz dou siecle desevrez de nature est desmesureement blasmable plus que avoltire, ce est gesir avec le maale ' (ii. 30) ... ' Deliz par male nature est gesir avec les maales, et telz autres deshonorables choses' (ii. 37) . . . 'De luxure vienent avugleti de cuer, non fermete, amor de soi meisme, haiiie [100] Brunetus Plorentinus Bruto de Dieu, volenti de cest siecle et despit de I'autre, fornicacion, avoutire, et pechi6 contre nature' (ii. in)— as well as in the Tesoretto : — ' Ben fe gran vituperio Comraettere avolterio . . . Ma tra questi peccati Son vie piu condannati Que' che son soddomiti. Deh come son periti Que' che contra natura Brigan cotal lussura ! ' (xxi. 315-26.) Others contend that the term 'mondano' means nothing more than ' worldly ' as opposed to ' spiritual.' .(See Scherillo, Brunetto Latini, in Alcuni capitoli della biografia di Dante, pp. 1 16-221.) The question has been raised as to the cor- rect form of Brunetto's surname, Latini or Latino ; the former is most commonly used, but Brunetto himself (on occasion at least) preferred Latino, as appears from the Tesoretto, where the phrase ' io Brunetto Latino ' occurs twice (i. 70 ; xx. 5), this form being assured in both cases by the rime. Latino is the form invariably used by Bono Giamboni in his translation of the Trdsor, in which the name appears in the French equivalent Bnmez Latins (i. e. Brunettus Latinus, in Italian, Brunetto Latino) ; as well as by Boccaccio in his Comento. On the other hand it is certain that the form Latini was also used, both by Brunetto himself and by his contemporaries. (See Academy, July 17, 1886 ; Feb. 9, 1895.) In his estimate of the Tuscans and their dialects, D. blames Brunetto, together with Bonagiunta of Lucca, Gallo of Pisa, and Mino Mocato of Siena, for having written in his own local dialect, V. E. i. is^^is. Brunetus Florentinus, Brunetto Latino, V. E. i. 1310-11. [Brunette]. Bruto 1, Lucius Junius Brutus, son of Marcus Junius and of Tarquinia, sister of Tarquinius Superbus. His elder brother was murdered by Tarquinius, and Lucius only escaped his brother's fate by feigning idiotcy, whence he was sumamed Brutus. After the rape of Lucretia by Sextus Tarquinius, and her consequent suicide [Lucrezia], B. roused the Romans to expel the Tarquins ; and upon their banishment he was elected first consul with Tarquinius CoUatinus. While consul he proved his unflinching patriotism by putting to death jhis two sons, who had attempted to restore the Tarquins. He fell in battle shortly after, fighting against Aruns, son of Tarquinius. D. places B. in Limbo among the great heroes of antiquity, describing him as quel Bruto che caccib Tarquino, Inf. iv. 127 [Limbo] ; he is mentioned, as first Consul and founder of the Roman Republic, Conv. iv. J99-100 J as having sacrificed his sons on the altar of duty, Conv. iv. 51^1-2 ; D. refers to Livy's account (ii. 4) of the latter incident, and quotes Aen. vi. 821-2, Mon. ii. 5I12-20. Bruto 2, Marcus Junius Brutus, the so-called tyrannicide. When he was only eight years old his father was slain in Gaul by command of Pompey, but nevertheless, having been trained by his uncle Cato in the principles of the aristocratic party, when the civil war broke out (B.C. 49) he joined Pompey. After the battle of Pharsalia (b. c. 48) he was pardoned by Caesar, and was admitted by him into con- fidence and favour, being made governor of Cisalpine Gaul (B.C. 46), and praetor (B.C. 44), ahd being, further, promised the governorship of Macedonia. But in spite of all his obliga- tions to Caesar, he was persuaded by Cassius to murder him under the delusive idea of again establishing the repubhc. After Caesar's death, B. remained for a time in Italy, and then took possession of the province of Mace- donia. He was joined by Cassius, who com- manded in Syria, and their united forces were opposed to Octavian (afterwards Augustus) and Antony. Two battles were fought in the neighbourhood of Philippi (B.C. 42), in the former of which B. was victorious, though Cassius was defeated ; but in the latter B. also was defeated, whereupon he put an end to his own life. [Cassio.] D. places Brutus with Cassius and Judas Iscariot in Giudecca, the last division of Circle IX of Hell, the nethermost pit, in the jaws of Lucifer, Inf. xxxiv. 65. [Giudecca: Luci- fero] ; the Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of Mercury) mentions him in connexion with his defeat by Augustus at Philippi, Par. vi. 74. [Aquilai.] At first sight it appears inconsistent that D., the sworn enemy of despotism, who sets Cato, though he committed suicide rather than fall into Caesar's hands, as guardian of the gate of Purgatory, should condemn Brutus and Cassius, the last defenders of the liberty of Rome, to the lowest pit of Hell, as equally guilty with Judas. The explanation lies in the principle, maintained by D. in the De Monarchia and elsewhere, that the institution of the Roman Empire was ordained by Divine Providence for the well-being of mankind, just as was that of the Papal office. ' Opus fuit homini duplici directivo, secundum duplicem finem: scilicet Summo PQntifice, qui secundum revelata liumanum genus perduceret ad vitam aeternam ; et Im- Eeratore, qui secundum philosophica documenta genus umanum ad temporalem felicitatem dirigeret ' (iii. i6">— 8^). Consequently he regards the murderers of Caesar, not as the defenders of liberty, but as traitors against the Empire, of which he held Caesar to be the first representative. (Hence Caesar is placed, not among the tyrants in Hell with Alexander the Great, but in Limbo with Aeneas, the ultimate founder, according to D.'s theory, of the Roman Empire.) Just as Judas, the betrayer of Christ, is the prototype of those who betray the highest spiritual authority, so Brutus and Cassius, the betrayers of Caesar, are [101] Brutus Buiamonte, Giovanni the prolotjfpes of those who betray the highest civil authority. Brutus, Lucius Junius Brutus, Mon. ii. 5I13. [Brutoi.] Bucciola Tommaso. [Faenza, Tom- itiaso da.] Bucciola, Ugolino, Ugolino Bucciola or Buzzola, son of Frate Alberigo (Inf. xxxiii. llS), was a member of the Manfredi family of Faenza ; he was born probably between 1240 and 1250; he was a Guelf, and in 1279 was one of the principal sureties in the peace between the Geremei and the Lambertazzi ; in 1282 he was elected Podestk of Bagna- cavallo ; three years later he was concerned, together with his father Alberigo and others of the Manfredi family, in certain violent doings at the castle of Sezate ; in 1292 (he having married meanwhile), and again in 1295 and 1296, he was engaged in party quarrels, which resulted in his having to leave Faenza, and retire to Ravenna, where he died, Jan. 8, 1 30 1. (See Torraca, Fatti e scritti di U. Buzzola, Rome, 1893.) D. mentions Ugolino, together with Tom- maso da Faenza (who, according to some accounts, was his brother), as having rejected the local dialect in their poems, V. E. i. 1418-20. Two sonnets of Ugolino's of little merit have been preserved (one addressed to Onesto Bolognese), which are printed by Torraca. His contemporary, Francesco da Barberino ( 1 264-1 348), who knew him personally, speaks of him in his Documenti d'Amore as having written a didactic poem De salutandi modis in the Faentine dialect ' in ydiomate Faventino- rum, rimis ornatissimis atque subtilibus.' BacoUca, the Bucolics or Eclogues of Virgil ; referred to as z Bucolici Carmi, Purg. xxii. 57; Bucolica, Mon. i. ii^; D. quotes and comments on Ed. iv. 6, Mon. i. ii^-iO; three lines from the same Eclogue (iv. 5-7) are translated, Purg. xxii. 70-2 ; and referred to, Epist. vii. I [Astraea] ; Virgil is spoken of as the author of the Eclogues ' il Cantor de' Bucolici Carmi,' Purg. xxii. 57. [Virgilic] Bucolic] Carmi, the Eclogues of Virgil, Purg. xxii. 57. [Bucolica.] Buemme, Bohemia, in the Middle Ages an independent kingdom, under the Premsyl dynasty from 11 97 to 1306, and then under the Luxemburg dynasty (founded by John of Lux- emburg, son of the Emperor Henry VH) till 1437. [Table ii.] Wenceslas IV is referred to by the Eagle in the Heaven of Jupiter as ffuel di Buemme, Par. xix. 125 [Vincislao] ; Bohemia itself is alluded to by the Eagle (in reference to the cruel invasion of the country in 1304 by Albert of Hapsburg, who attempted to force Wen- ceslas IV to submit to the exclusion of his own son Wenceslas from the throne of Hun- gary in favour of Charles Martel's son, Charles Robert) as il regno di Praga, Par. xix. 117 [Alberto Tedesoo : Praga] ; and by Sordello (in Antepurgatory), in connexion with Ottocar II, as la terra dove Facqua nasce, Che Multa in Albia, e Albia in inar ne porta (i.e. the country where the Moldau rises), Purg. vii. 98-9. [Albia : Multa : Ottaoherc] Buggea, Bougia or Bougie, town in N. Africa, in Algeria, on the gulf of the same name. In the Middle Ages it was a very im- portant commercial port, its chief article of export being wax and wax-candles, whence the latter came to be known as bougies. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries it carried on a brisk trade with Italy, and Italian mer- chants (chiefly Genoese and Pisan) had nume- rous buildings of their own in the city, as is evident from the repeated mention of 'Ii fondachi di Buggea' in a treaty concluded in 1264 between the Pisans and the Emir of Tunis (printed by Monaci, Crest. Ital., pp. 166-8). Bougie is situated about 100 miles E. of Algiers, and is on almost exactly the same meridian as Marseilles ; hence the troubadour Folquet of Marseilles (in the Heaven of Venus), wishing to indicate his birthplace, says it is a place where the sun rises and sets at almost the same hour as it does at Bougie, Par. ix. 91-3. [Foloo : Marsilia.] Btiiamonte, Giovanni], Florentine usurer of the Bicchi family, said by the old commenta- tors to be the individual referred to (by Rinaldo degli Scrovigni) as 'il cavalier sovrano Che recherk la tasca con tre becchi,' Inf. xvii. 72-3 ; Rinaldo informs D. that the advent of Buia- monte is eagerly awaited by the Florentine usurers who are with himself in Round 3 of Circle VII of Hell {ijv. 71-3) [Rinaldo: Usurai]. D. condemns B. and Vitaliano of Padua to Hell by anticipation, they both having been alive at the date of the Vision (1300). Several of the old commentators say that the ' tre becchi ' are three goats, giving B.'s arms as on a field or three goats sable, e. g. the Anonimo Fiorentino : — ' Pqrtava per arme 11 campo giallo et tre becchi neri I'uno sopr» I'altro, come stanno i Leopard! che sono nell' arme del re d'Inghilterra.' Lana, Buti, and others, on the other hand, explain the ' tre becchi ' as three beaks, giving the arnjs as on a field azure three kites' or eagles' beaks or, 'tre becchi di nibbio gialli nel campo azzurro.' The latter is the correct description as appears from Vernon's note ;— ' Ld. Vernon gives a reproduction of the shield taken from the Archives of Florence. The 6«a*i upon it are eagles' beaks ; two above and one underneath. The family of the Buiamonti had the lordship of Torre Becchi, a strong place in the territory of Florence. Buiamonte di messer Rota, [102] Bulgari Buonconte a distinguished Guelf, with his three sons, took part in the disastrous battle of Montaperti. Giovanni Buiamonte is supposed to have been another son of the above. He was Gonfaloniere of Justice in 1293, and his palace was destroyed in the great fire of 1304, which was kindled by the treachery of Neri degli Abati.' Bulgari], Ghibelline family of Bertinoro, thought by some to be alluded to, Purg. xiv. 113- Bulicame, hot sulphurous spring near Vi- terbo, to the stream of which D. compares Phle- gethon, one of the rivers of Hell, Inf. xiv. 79 [riegetonta]. Like similar establishments in all times, the hot-spring of Bulicame was the resort of prostitutes ('le peccatrici '), who being compelled to reside in a special quarter had the water supplied to baths in their houses (doubtless for the use of their clients) by means of conduits leading from the spring. Benvenuto says : — ' Debes scire quod apud civitatem Viterbii est quaedam mirabilis aqua calida, rubea, sulphurea, profunda, de cujus lecto exit quidam rivulus parvus, quem meretrices habitantes in ilia planicie dividunt inter se ; nam in qualibet domuncula meretricis est balneum ex illo rivulo ordinatum; ergo bene est comparatio propria in rubore, in colore, et in foetore.' Fazio degli Uberti states that the spring at Bulicame was hot enough to cook a sheep while a man walked a quarter of a mile, and adds that the bath was a sovereign remedy for the stone : — ' lo nol credea, perchfc I'avessi udito, Senza provar, che '1 bulicame fosse Acceso d^un bailor tanto inlinito. Ma gettato un monton dentro si cosse, In men che un uomo andasse un quarto miglio, Ch' altro non ne vedea che proprio I'ossa. Un bagno v' ha, che passa ogni consigUo Contra U mal della pietra.* (Pittamondo, iii. 10.) In Cent, xv the place seems to have been abandoned altogether to loose women, as appears from a municipal edict of Viterbo dated 1469 : — ' Nessuna meretrice ardisca nh presuma da hora nanze bagnarse in alcun bagno dove sieno consuete bagnarse le cittadine et donne viterbese, ma si vogliono bagnarse, vadino dicte meretrici nel bagno del bulicame.' According to Villani the hot-springs were known -to the Romans : — ' La citta di Viterbo fu fatta per li Romani . . . gli Romani vi mandavano gl'infermi per cagione de' bagni ch'escono del bulicame.' (i. 51.) Barlow describes the ruins of a large estab- lishment, half-way between Bulicame and Viterbo, known as the Bagno di ser Paolo Benigno, to which the water of Bulicame was conveyed by conduits, and which has been com- monly identified with the baths alluded to by D. (Contributions to the Study of the D.C., p. 129.) The use of the word bulicame, Inf. xii. 117, 128, was doubtless suggested to D. by the association of Viterbo, a reference to which occurs in the same passage {vv. 118-20). [Viterbo.] Buona— [Bona—] Buonconte, Buonconte da Montefeltro, son of the famous Ghibelline captain, Guido da Montefeltro ; placed by D. in Antepurgatory among those who delayed their repentance to the last, Purg. v. 88 ; un altro, v. 85 ; lui, v. 91 ; egli, V. 94 ; il secondo [spirito), v. 132. [Antipurgatorio.] In June 1287 Buonconte helped the Ghibel- lines to expel the Guelfs from Arezzo, an event which was the beginning of the war between Florence and Arezzo (Vill. vii. 115); in 1288 he was in command of the Aretines when they defeated the Sienese at Pieve del Toppo (Vill. vii. 120) [Toppo, II] ; and in 1289 he was appointed captain of the Aretines and led them against the Guelfs of Florence, by whom they were totally defeated (June 11) at Campaldino, among the slain being Buon- conte himself, whose body, however, was never discovered on the field of battle (Vill. vii. 131). [Campaldino.] In Antepurgatory several spirits pray D. for his good offices, one of whom names itself as Buonconte of Montefeltro (Purg. v. 85-8) ; he laments that neither his wife Joan, nor his other relatives (meaning probably his daughter, who married one of the Conti Guidi, his brother Federico, who was Podestk of Arezzo in 1300, and was killed at Urbino in 1322, or his father's cousin Galasso da Montefeltro, who was Podestk of Arezzo in 1290 and 1297) remembered him in their prayers {vv. 88-90) ; in answer to D.'s inquiry as to how it happened that his body was never found at Campaldino and its burial-place never known (w. 91-3), B. replies that having been wounded in the throat, he fled across the plain to the point (just above Bibbiena) where the Archiano falls into the Arno, and that there he fell down and died, with the name of the Virgin Mary on his lips (vv. 94-102) ; he then relates how the angel of God took his soul, and how the devil, in fury at being baulked of his prey at the last moment, through B.'s tardy repentance, wreaked his vengeance upon the body, causing a storm of rain to fall, which flooded the Ar- chiano, so that the corpse was swept down into the Arno, where it was rolled along the bottom and at last covered up by the gravel of the river {vv. 103-29). [Archiano: G-iovannai.] Benvenuto relates that Buonconte, having been sent by the Bishop of Arezzo to recon- noitre the enemy's position before the battle, returned with the report that it would be highly imprudent to risk an engagement. The Bishop thereupon taunted him with being an unworthy [108] Buondelmonte Buondelmonti scion of the house of Montefehro ; to which B. replied that if the Bishop dared follow where he led, he would never return alive ; and so it happened that both were killed. Sacchetti introduces a reminiscence of Buon- conte's death at Campaldino into his Novel- liere (clxxix), in which he tells a story of how a daughter of B. and a daughter of Count Ugolino of Pisa, each of whom had married one of the Conti Guidi, taunted each other, the one with the death of Ugolino in prison by starvation, the other with the circumstances of Buonconte's defeat by the Guelfs. Buondelmonte, Buondelmonte de' Buon- delmonti of Florence, whose breach of faith with a lady of the Amidei family, whom he had promised to marry, led to his murder by the outraged Amidei at the foot of the statue of Mars on the Ponte Vecchio in 1215 ; Caccia- guida (in the Heaven of Mars) apostrophizes B., and reproaches him with his breach of troth, and with its fatal consequences. Par. xvi. 1 40-1. [Buondelmonti.] Buondelmonti, the leaders of the Guelf party in Florence {see below), whose family left the country and took up their residence in Florence in 1 135, on account of the destruction of their castle of Montebuono in the Valdigreve close to Florence, in the process of the expan- sion of the city. Villani says : — 'Negli anni di Cristo 1135 essendo in pi6 il castello di Montebuono, il quale era molto forte e era di que' della casa de' Bondelmonti, i quali erauo cattani antichi gentili uomini di contado, e per lo nome del detto loro castello avea noma la casa Bondelmonti; e per la fortezza di quello, e che la strada vi correa appiS, coglievano pedaggio, per la qual cosa a* Fiorentini non piacea ne voleano si fatta fortezza presso alio citta, si v' andarono ad oste del mesa di Giugno ad ebbonlo, a patti cha '1 castallo si disfacesse, e I'altre pos- sassioni rimanessaro a'detti cattani, e tornassero ad abitare in Firenze. E cosi comincid il comuna di Firenze a distendarsi, e coUa forza piii che con ragione, crescendo il contado e sottomettandosi alia giuridizione ogni nobile di contado, e dis- faccendo le fortezza.' (iv. 36.) Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) laments the extension of Florence, which brought the Buondelmonti, amongst others, into the city. Par. xvi. 66 [Valdigreve] ; and says that the Borgo sant' Apostolo, the quarter of Florence in which they dwelt, would have been more peaceful had they never entered it (z/z;. 134-5) [Borgo] ; he then apostrophizes Buondel- monte, one of the family, whose murder by the Amidei gave rise to the Guelf and Ghibelline factions in Florence, and laments that he had not rather been drowned in the Ema when the family originally came into the city {vv. 140-4) [Ema] ; he adds, however, that it was meet that the statue of Mars, at the foot of which B. [104] was killed, should claim its victim (t/w. 145-7). [Martei.] Buondelmonte de' Buondelmonti (Par. xvi. 140-7) was murdered by the Amidei in 1215 at the instigation of Mosca de' Lamberti, in revenge for an insult to their family, Buondelmonte having, it appears, promised to marry a lady of the Amidei, and having capriciously thrown her over for one of the Donati. In consequence of this murder a bitter feud arpse between the partizans of the Buondelmonti and those of the Uberti (a member of whose family had been implicated in the murder), which resulted in the introduction into Florence of the Guelf and Ghibelline factions, the former being headed by the Buondelmonti, the latter by the Uberti. [Amidei: Ghibellini: Mosca: Uberti.] The following account of the murder, and of the incident which led to it, is given by Villani :— ' Nagli anni di Cristo 1215 assando podasta di Firanza messar Gherardo Orlandi, avendo uno masser Bondelmonte de' Bondelmonti, nobile cittadino di Firanza, promesso a terra par moglie una donzalla di casa gli Amidei, onoravoli a nobili cittadini ; e poi cavalcando per la citta il detto messer Bondelmonte, ch' era molto leggiadro e bello cavaliere, una dona di casa i Donati il chiamji, biasimandolo dalla donna ch'egli avea promessa, coma non era balla nS sofficienta a lui, e dicendo : io v'avea guardata questa mia figliuola — la quale gli mostrd, e era bellissima ; incontananta per subsidio diaboli preso di lai, la promise e ispos6 a moglie; per la qual cosa i parenti della prima donna promessa raunati insiama, e dogliandosi di ci6 che messar Bondelmonte aveva loro fatto di vergogna, si presono il maladetto isdegno, onde la citta di Firenze fu guasta e partita ; che di piu casati de' nobili si congiuraro insieme, di fare vergogna al detto messer Bondelmonte, per vendetta di quelle ingiurie. E stando tra lore a consiglio in che modo il dovessero offendere, di batterlo o di fadirlo, il Mosca de' Lamberti disse la mala parola : Cosa fatta, capo ha ; cioe che fosse morto, e cosi fu fatto ; che la mattina di Pasqua di Risurrasso, si raunaro in casa gli Amidei di santo Stefano, e vegnendo d'oltrarno il detto messere Bondelmonte vastito nobilmante di nuovo di roba tutta bianca, a in su uno palafreno bianco, giugnendo appife del ponte Vecchio da lato di qua, appunto appife del pilastro ov'era la 'nsegna di Marti, il detto raassara Bondelmonte fu atterrato del cavallo per lo Schiatta degli Uberti, e par lo Mosca LamlDerti e Lambertuccio degli Amidei assalito e fadito, a per Oderigo Fifanti gli furono segate le vane e tratto a fine ; e ebbevi con loro uno de' conti da Gangalandi. Per la qual cosa la citta corse ad arma a romora ; e questa morte di messer Bondelmonte fu la cagiona e cominciamento dalle maledette parti guelfa e ghibellina in Firenze, con tuttoche dinanzi assai erano le sette tra' nobili cittadini e le dette parti, per cagione delle brighe e question! dalla Chiesa alio 'mperio ; ma per la morte del detto messere Bondelmonte, tutti i legnaggi de' nobili e altri cittadini di Firenze se ne partiro, e chi tenne co' Bondehnontiche presono Buoso Buoso Donati la parte guelfa e furonne capo, e chi con gli Uberti che furono capo de' Ghibellini, onde alia nostra citta segui molto di male e ruina, come innanzi fara menzione, e mai non si crede ch' abbia fine, se Iddio nol termina. E bene mostra che '1 nemico deir umana generazione per le peccata de' Fio- rentini avesse podere nell' idolo di Marti, ch' e' Fiorentini paganl anticamente adoravano, che appid della sua figura si commise si fatto'micidio, onde tanto male e seguito alia citta di Firenze.' (v. 38.) This incident, which forms the subject of one of the tales of the Pecorone of Giovanni Fiorentino (viii. i), is also recorded by Dino Compagni, but with some difference of detail : — 'Doppo molti antichi mali per le discordie de' suoi cittadini riceuti, una ne fu generata nella detta citta, la quale divise tutti i suoi cittadini in tal modo, che le due parti s'appellorno nimici per dua nuovi iiomi, ciofe Guelfi e Ghibellini. E di ci6 fu cagicne, in Firenze, che uno nobile giovane cittadino, chiamato Buondelmonte de' Buondel- monti, aveva promesso torre per sua donna una figUuola di m. Oderigo Giantrufetti. Passando dipoi uno giorno da casa i Donati, una gentile donna chiamata madonna Aldruda, donna di m. Forteguerra Donati, che aveva dua figliuole molte belle ; stando a' balconi del suo palagio, lo vidde passare, e chiamollo, e mostrdgli una delle dette figliuole, e dissegli : chi hai tu tolta per moglie ? io ti serbavo questa. La quale guardando molto gli piacque, e rispose : Non posso altro oramai. A cui madonna Aldruda disse : Si, puoi, ch6 la pena pagherb io per te. A cui Buondelmonte rispose : E io la voglio. E tolsela per moglie, lasciando quella che aveva tolta e giurata. Onde m. Oderigo, dolendosene co' parenti e amici suoi, deliberorono di vendicarsi, e di batterlo e fargli vergogna. II che sentendo gli Uberti, nobilissima famiglia e potente, e suoi parenti, dissono voleano fusse morto : ch6 cosi fia grande I'odio della morte come delle ferite ; cosa fatta capo ha. E ordi- norno ucciderlo il di menasse la donna; e cosi feciono. Onde di tal morte i cittadini se ne divisono, e trassonsi insieme i parentadi e I'amista d'amendua le parte, per modo che la detta divi- sione mai non fini.' (i. 2.) Buoso, one of five Florentines (Inf. jcxvi. 4-5) placed by D. among the Robbers in Bolgia 7 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge),' Inf. XXV. 140 [Ladri]. Nothing is known of B., the commentators not being agreed even as to his name. Lana and Pietro di Dante call him Buoso degli Abati, while Benvenuto identifies him with Buoso Donati, who is men- tioned, Inf. XXX. 44 [Buoso Donati]. B. is one of three spirits seen by D. to undergo transformation (Inf. xxv. 35-141) ; B., who is originally in human shape {v. 86j, exchanges forms with Francesco Guercio de' Cavalcanti {vv. 103-41), who appears, to begin with, in the shape of a serpent X^-. 83). The third spirit is that of Agnello Brunelleschi {v. 68) [Agndl : Cavalcanti, F. G. de' : Puooio Sciancato]. Buoso Donati, one of the Donati family of Florence (mentioned in the 'estimo' of 1269, a document containing a list of the compensa- tions granted to Guelf families in Florence for damage done by the Ghibellines in 1260 after the battle of Montaperti, and in the peace proposals of Cardinal Latino in 1280), said by Benvenuto and others to be the Buoso who is placed among the Robbers in Malebolge, Inf. xxv. 140 [Buoso : Donati] ; he is mentioned by his full name in connexion with the fraud of the mimic Gianni Schicchi de' Cavalcanti, who, after his death, in collusion with his son Simone, personated him on his supposed death-bed, and dictated a will in favour of Simone ; Gianni took care, however, to insert several clauses con- taining bequests to himself, by way of com- mission on the transaction, amongst others being that of a favourite and very handsome mare (or she-mule) of Buoso's, to which D. alludes as la donna della torma, ' the lady of the stud,' Inf. xxx. 42-5. It appears that before his death Buoso had expressed a desire to make amends to some of the persons he had robbed ; Simone, in alarm lest his father should have given effect to this resolve in his will, consulted Gianni Schicchi, who hit upon the above-mentioned device for securing the property to Simone [Cavalcanti, Gianni Schicchi de']. Pietro di Dante says that Buoso was smothered by Simone (whom he calls his nephew), and Gianni Schicchi. The circumstances of the fraud are described in detail by the Anonimo Fiorentino : — ' Dicesi che, essendo messer Buoso Donati aggravate d'una infermita mortale, volea fare testamento, perd che gli parea avere a rendere assai dell' altrui. Simone suo figliuolo il tenea a parole, per ch' egli nol facesse ; et tanto il tenne a parole ch' elli mori. Morto che fu, Simone il tenea celato, et avea paura ch' elli non avessi fatto testamento mentre ch' egli era sano ; et ogni vicino dicea ch'egli I' avea fatto. Simone, non sappiendo pigliare consiglio, si dolse con Gianni Sticchi et chiesegli consiglio. Sapea Gianni contraffare ogni uomo, et coUa voce et cogli atti, e massimamente messer Buoso, ch' era uso con lui. Disse a Simone : Fa venire uno notajo, et di' che messer Buoso voglia fare testamento ; io enterr6 nel letto suo, et cacceremo lui dirietro, et io mi fasceri) bene, e metterommi la cappellina sua in capo, et farb il testamento come tu vorrai ; e vero che io ne voglio guadagnare. Simone fu in Concordia con lui ; Gianni entra nel letto, e mostrasi appenato, et contrafia la voce di messer Buoso che parea tutto lui, e comincia a testare et dire : Io lascio soldi .xx. all' opera di santa Reparata, et lire cinque a' Frati Minori, et cinque a' Predicatori, et cosi viene distribuendo per Dio, ma pochissimi danari. A Simone giovava del fatto : Et lascio, soggiunse, cinquecento fiorini a Gianni Sticchi. Dice Simone a messer Buoso : Questo non bisogna mettere in testamento ; io gliel daro come voi lascerete. — Simone, lascerai fare del mio a mio senno ; io ti lascio si bene, che [105] Buoso da Duera Cacciagulda tu dei esser contento. Simone per paura si stava cheto. Quest! segue : Et lascio a Gianni Sticchi la mula mia ; che avea messer Buoso la migliore mula di Toscana. Oh, messer Buoso, dicea Sjmone, di cotesta mula si cura egli poco et poco 1' avea cara ; io so ci6 che Gianni Sticchi vuole meglio di te. Simone si comincia adirare et a consumarsi ; ma per paura si stava. Gianni Sticchi segue : Et lascio a Gianni Sticchi fiorini cento, che io debbo avere da tale mio vicino ; et nel rimanente lascio Simone mia reda universale con questa clausula, ch' egli dovesse mettere ad esecuzione ogni lascio fra quindici di, se non, che tutto il reditaggio venisse a' Frati Minori del convento di Santa Croce; et fatto il testamento, ogni uomo si parti. Gianni esce del letto, et riraettonvi messer Buoso, et lievono il pianto, et dicono ch'egli e morto.' Buoso da Duera], a Ghibelline of Cremona, where he and the Marquis Pallavicino were heads of the party; he was expelled from Cremona in 1267, and in spite of repeated attempts did not succeed in re-establishing himself there until 1282. D. places him in Antenora, the second division of Circle IX of Hell, among those who were traitors to their country, referring to him as quel da Duera, Inf. xxxii. 116; un altro, v. 106 ; guei, v. 114; ei, V. IIS [Antenora]. While D., with his hand twisted in the hair of Bocca degli Abati, is trying in vain to force him to tell his name, one of the companions of the latter in the ice, disturbed by his yells, shouts to him to know what is the matter, calhng him by his name, so that D. learns what he wanted (Inf. xxxii. 103- 11); Bocca, furious at having his name revealed, revenges himself by revealing to D. the identity of his companion, explaining that it is Buoso of Duera, who is there bewailing the money of the French [vv. 1 12-17). When Charles of Anjou entered Italy in 1265 on his way to encounter Manfred and take possession of the kingdom of Naples, the French troops under Guy de Montfort, accom- panied by Charles' wife, Beatrice of Provence, advanced through Lombardy, and made their way into Parma, unmolested by the force of Cremonese and other Ghibellines of Lombardy, with which the Marquis Pallavicino had been ordered by Manfred to block their passage. This neglect of Manfred's instructions was due to some act of treachery, not clearly specified, on the part of the Cremonese leader, Buoso da Duera, who was believed to have been bribed by the French — by Charles' wife, according to Benvenuto ('Uxor Caroli veniens cum Guidone de Monforte portabat secum magnam pecu- niam, cum qua venenavit avaram mentem Bosii.') In revenge for this treachery the whole of the Duera line in Cremona was ex- terminated by the Cremonese. Villani says :— ' II conte Guido di Monforte coUa cavaleria che '1 conte Carlo gli lascid a guidare, e coUa contessa moglie del detto Carlo, e co' suoi cavalieri, si partirono di Francia del mese di Giugno del detto anno (1265) . . . e coll' aiuto de' Milanesi, si misono a passare la Lombardia tutti in arme, e cavalcando schierati, e con molto affanno di Piemonte infino a Parma, perocche '1 marchese Pallavicino parente di Manfredi, colla forza de' Chermonesi e dell' altre citta ghibelline di Lombardia ch' erano in lega con Manfredi, era a guardare i passi con piij di tremila cavalieri, che Tedeschi e che Lombardi ; alia fine come piacque a Dio . . . i Francesehi passarono sanza contasto di battaglia, e arrivarono alia citta di Parma. Bene si disse che uno messer Buoso della casa di que' da Duera di Chermona, per danari ch' ebbe da' Francesehi, mise consiglio per modo, che I'oste di Manfredi non fosse al con- tasto al passo, com' erano ordinati, onde poi il popolo di Chermona a furore distrussono il detto legnaggio di quegli da Duera.' (vii. 4.) Sismondi thinks it doubtful, as a matter of history, whether Buoso was actually guilty of the treachery imputed to him by D. It appears that he was stationed to guard the passage of the Oglio, but owing to the advance of Obizzo da Este with a strong force to the support of the French, abandoned his position and took shelter in Cremona. The opposite bank of the river being thus in the hands of their allies, Charles' troops were able to effect their crossing without difficulty. Buoso's failure to oppose their passage, coupled with the fact that he was notoriously avaricious, probably gave rise to the suggestion that he had been bribed by the French to retire. Burgum S. Felicis, Borgo San Felice, quarter of Bologna; its dialect different from that of the Strada Maggiore in the same city, V. E. i. 9«-*. [Bolognesi.] Buzzola. [Bucoiola.] C Caccia d' Asciano, Caccia dei Cacciaconti, whose family was a branch of the Scialenghi, a member of the ' Spendthrift Brigade' of Siena; mentioned by Capocchio (in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of Hell) among other Sienese spendthrifts as having recklessly squandered his means. Inf. [106] xxix. 131. [Asciano : Brigata Spendereccia : Capocchio.] Cacciaguida, the great-great-grandfather of D., of whose life nothing is known beyond what D. himself tells us ; viz. that he was bom in Florence (Par. xv. 130-3) in the Sesto di Cacciaguida Porta san Piero (Par. xvi. 40-2) about the year 1090 {vv. 34-9) ; that he belonged (possibly) to the Elisei, one of the old Florentine families which boasted Roman descent (Par. xv. 136; xvi. 40) ; that he was baptized in the Baptistery of San Giovanni in Florence (Par. xv. 134-5) ; that he had two brothers, Moronto and Eliseo (v. 136) ; that his wife came from the valley of the Po, and that from her, through his son, D. got his surname of Alighieri {vv. 91-4, 137-8) ; that he followed the Emperor Conrad III on the Second Crusade, and was knighted by him (vv. 139-44) ; and finally that he fell fighting against the infidel about the year 1147 {vv. 145-8). His existence is attested by the men- tion of his name in a document (still preserved in Florence), dated Dec. 9, 1189, in which his two sons (' Preitenittus et Alaghieri fratres, filii dim Cacciaguide ') bind themselves to remove a fig-tree which was growing against the wall of the Church of San Martino. (See Frullani e Gargani, Delia Casa di Dante, p. 29.) [Table xxii.] D. places Cacciaguida in the Heaven of Mars among those who fought for the faith (Spiriti Militanti), Par. xv. 135 ; his spirit is spoken of as astro, v. 20 ; gemma, v. 22 ; lume, vv. 31, 52 ; spirto, v. 38 ; luce, Par. xvi. 30 ; xvii. 28, 121 ; santa lampa. Par. xvii. 5 ; anima santa, V. loi ; specchio beato. Par. xviii. 2 ; fulgor santo, V. 25 ; ei, v. 28 ; alma, v. 50 ; he is addressed by D. as vivo topazio. Par. xv. 85 ; voi, Par. xvi. 16, 17, 18 ; padre mio, Par. xvi. 16 ; xvii. 106 ; cara mia primizia, Par. xvi. 22 ; cara piota mm, Par. xvii. 13 ; and referred to by him as amor paterno. Par. xvii. 35 ; il mio tesoro, V. 121 ; he addresses D. as sanguis meus, Par. xv. 28 ; figlio. Par. xv. 52 ; xvii. 94 ; fronda mia. Par. xv. 88, speaking of himself as la tua radice, v. 89 ; and refers to him as il mio seme, Par. xv. 48. Among the spirits in the Heaven of Mars one (that of Cacciaguida) makes itself known to D. as an ancestor of his (Par. xv. 19-90) ; after referring to his son Alighiero, through ■whom D. got his surname, and begging D.'s prayers for him {^v. 91-6), C. pronounces a eulogy on the virtues of the old citizens of the Florence of his day {vv. 97-129) ; he then gives details of his own life from his birth in Florence to his death in the Holy Land {vv. 130-48) (see above) ; after a reference to the date of his birth and to the situation of the house in which he was born (Par. xvi. 34-45) (see below), he again discourses on the former state of Florence, mentioning the names of some forty families {^v. 46-154) ; then, in reply to D.'s questions as to his own future, he foretells his exile (Par. xvii. 46-60), and his association at first with the exiled Bianchi and Ghibellines, and his subsequent withdrawal from them (vv. 61-9), and refuge with one of the Scaligers (vv. 70-99) ; and lastly, having pointed out Caccianimico, Venedico the souls of other warriors who are there with him, he leaves D. and returns to his station (Par. xviii. 28-51) [Alighieri: Currado^ : Lombardo : Harte, Cielo di]. There is considerable difference of opinion as to the precise date of Cacciaguida's birth, the indications given by D. (Par. xvi. 34-9) being variously interpreted. Cacciaguida says that from the Incarnation of Christ down to the day of his own birth the planet Mars had returned to the sign Leo 580 times (or 553 times, according as trenta or ire be read in v. 38), i. e. had made that number of revolutions in its orbit. The questions involved are twofold — (a) as to the reading, Irenta or tre ; (b) as to whether the period of the revolu- tion of Mars is to be estimated at about two years, as given by Brunette Latino {Trisor, i. in) and implied by D. in the Convivio (ii. 15"'), or at the correct period, as given by Alfraganus, of 687 days approximately (actually, according to Witte, 686 days, 22 hrs., 24 min.). If we read trenta (with the majority) and take the period of Mars at the estimate of Alfraganus, we get (due regard being had to leap-years) the year 1091 as the date of Cacciaguida's birth. If, on the other hand, we read tre, and put the period of Mars at two years, we get the year 1106. In the former case Cacciaguida would have been 56, in the latter 41, at the time when he joined Conrad III on the Second Crusade (1147) and met his death (Par. XV. r39-48). Several of the old commentators (Anonimo Fiorentino, Buti, Landino, &c.), reading trenta and computing the period of Mars at two years, bring the date of Cacciaguida's birth to n6o, i.e. thirteen years after his death! while Benvenuto, who avoids this error, brings it to 1054, which on his own showing (since he gives 1 154 as the date of the Crusade) would make Cacciaguida a Crusader at the age of 100 ! Cacciaguida indicates (Par. xvi. 40-2) the situation of the house in which he and his ancestors lived in Florence, as being ' in the place where the last sextary is first attained by him who runs in the yearly horse-race,' i. e. on the boundary of the district known later as the Sesto di Porta san Piero. The house of the Ehsei (Vill. iv. 11) stood not far from the junction of the Mercato Vecchio and the Corso, apparently just at the angle formed on the N. side of the present Via de' Speziali by its intersection with the Via de' Calzaioli (see Philalethes' plan of old Florence, and that of modern Florence in Baedeker's N. Italy). The Sesto di Porta san Piero appears, as Witte observes, to have been the last of the city divisions to be traversed by the competitors in the ' annual gioco,' who entered the city probably at the Porta san Pancrazio, close to "where the Palazzo Strozzi now stands, crossed the Mercato Vecchio, and finished in the Corso which was thence so called. [Fiorenza.] Caccianimico, Venedico, VeneticoCaccia- nemici dell' Orso, of Bologna, son of Alberto de' Caccianemici, who was head of the Geremei or Guelf party of Bologna from 1260 till 1297. Venetico was a man of violent temperament, as appears from the fact that in 1268, at his [107] Caccianimico, Venedico Caco father's instigation, he murdered his cousin Guido Paltena, and in 1286 he was accused of having harboured a malefactor in his house at Bologna ; he was at various times Podestk of Pistoja, Modena, Imola, and Milan (in iz86), and was, with his father, an active opponent of the Lambertazzi or Ghibelline party of Bologna. He was a staunch ally of the Marquis of Este, and his support of the policy of the latter with regard to Bologna appears to have led to his expulsion from his native city in 1289. He had two sons, one of whom, Lambertino, married in 1305 Costanza of Este, daughter of the Marquis Azzo VIII. (See Gozzadini, Le Torri gentilizie di Bologna, pp. 2 12 if.) D., who appears to have been personally acquainted with C, places him among the Pandars and Seducers in Bolgia I of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xviii. 50 ; uno {pecca- tore), V. 40 ; costui, v. 42 ; quel frustato, v. 46 ; egli, v.^2; il, v. 64 ; ruffian, v. 66 [Seduttori] ; as D. passes through the Bolgia he catches sight of a form (that of Caccianimico) which is familiar to him (Inf. xviii. 40-2) ; with Virgil's consent he stops to look more closely at him (vv. 43-5) ; C. thereupon tries to conceal his identity by holding his face down, but D. recognizes him, and addressing him by name, asks what brought him there (•z/t/. 46-51); C. unwillingly rephes that it was he who brought Ghisolabella to do the will of the Marquis (vv. 52-7) ; he then tells D. that he is by no means the only Bolognese in that part of Hell, for there are as many pandars from Bologna there with him as would equal the whole existing population of the city {vv. 58-61) ; he adds that avarice was at the bottom of it all (ww. 62-3) ; at this point a demon comes up and slashes him, telling him to get on, as there are no women for hire there (z/w. 64-6) [Bolo- gnesi: G-hisolabellaj. The Ghisolabella mentioned by Caccianimico as having been handed over by him to the evil passions of the Marquis of Este was his own sister, who in or before 1270 was married to Niccol6 da Fontana of Ferrara. The Marquis in question is said by Lana and Buti to have been Obizzo II (1264-1293), while Benvenuto and others say it was his son, Azzo VIII (1293-1308); as far as dates are concerned, the former seems the more likely, for the incident probably took place before Ghisola- bella's marriage, i.e. before the year 1270. Benvenuto, who describes C. as 'vir nobilis, liberalis, et placabilis, qui tempore suo fuit valde potens in Bononia favore marchionis Estensis,' says that he lent himself to this intrigue in order to further ingratiate himself with the Marquis : — ' Habuit unam sororem pulcerrimam, quam con- duxit ad serviendum marchioni Azoni de sua pulcra persona, ut fortius promereretur gratiam ejus.' He adds, however, that there was more than [108] one version of the affair (as D. himself implies. Inf. xviii. 57) — according to one, Ghisolabella was seduced without her brother's knowledge ; according to another, Azzo introduced himself in disguise into the heuse of Caccianimico and having explained what his errand was, suc- ceeded in his design, C. not being in a position to resist him. The following detailed account, given by the Anonimo Fiorentino, probably represents the popular version of the story : — ' Fu costui messer Venedico de' Caccianimici da Bologna ; e fu provigionato uno tempo del marchese Azzo da Esti, signore di Ferrara. Avea messer Venedico una sua sorella, bellissima donna, detta madonna Ghisola, et antonomastice, per eccellenzia, per6 che avanzava in bellezza tutte le doune bolognesi a quello tempo, fu chiamata la Ghisola bella. II marchese Azzo, udendo parlare della bellezza di costei, et avendola alcuna volta veduta' per I'amista di messer Venedico, ultimamente, sotto questa fidanza, si parti da Ferrara scono- sciuto, et una sera di notte picchid all' uscio di messer Venedico : messer Venedico si maraviglid, et disse che la sua venuta non potea essere senza gran fatto. II Marchese, sotto gran fidanza, et perche conoscea I'animo di messer Venedico, gli disse ch' egli volea meglio alia sua sirocchia, a madonna Ghisola, che a tulto il mondo ; et ch' egli sapea ch' ell' era in quella casa: et pertanto, dopo molti prieghi, messer Venedico consent! et discese alia volonta del Marchese ; partissi della casa, et lascid lui dentro ; onde il Marchese, giunto a costei, doppo alcuna contesa, ebbe a fare di lei.' The commentator adds : — ' Poi in processo di tempo la novella si sparse : et perchfe parea forte a credere che messer Venedico avesse consentito questo della sirocchia, chi dicea la novella et apponevala a uno, et chi a un' altro ; di che ora messer Venedico chiarisce a Dante, et dice che, come che questa novella si dica, io fui quelli che condussi costei a fare la volonta del Marchese.' Caco, Cacus, son of Vulcan, a fire-breathing monster who lived in a cave on Mt. Aventine, and preyed upon the inhabitants of the district. He stole from Hercules, while he was asleep, some of the cattle which the latter had taken from Geryon in Spain, and, to prevent their being tracked, dragged them into his cave by their tails ; but their whereabouts being dis- covered by their bellowing as the rest of the herd passed by the cave, Hercules attacked Cacus and (according to Virgil, Aen. viii. 193- 267) strangled him. D., who represents Cacus as a Centaur, places him among the Robbers in Bolgia 7 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxv. 25 ; un Centaur 0, v. ly ; egli, v. 20; et, v. 34 [Ladri] ; on the disappearance of Vanni Fucci, D. sees a Centaur approach and furiously cry out after V.F. (Inf. xxv. 16-8) ; the Centaur's back, from croup to neck, is covered with snakes, while on the nape of his neck is Cadmo Caelo, De perched a fiery dragon {vv. 19-24) ; Virgil tells D. that this is Cacus, whose den was in Mt. Aventine, and was often swamped in blood (vv. 25-7) ; he then refers to his theft of the cattle from Hercules, and to his death beneath the club of the latter, and explains that he is not placed in Circle VII with the other Centaurs because, unlike them, he employed fraud in his theft [vv. 28-33) [Centauri]. With regard to the mode of Cacus' death D. follows, not Virgil, but Livy : ' cum Herculem vadentem ad speluncam Cacus vi prohibere conatus esset, ictus clava morte occubuit ' (i. 7). His representation of C. as a Centaur was doubtless due to a misunderstanding of Virgil's description, from which several details of his account are borrowed : — ' Hie spelunca fuit, vasto submota recessu, Semihominis Caci facies quam dira tenebat, Solis inaccessam radiis ; semperque recenti Caede tepebat humus, foribusque adfixa superbis Ora virum tristi pendebant pallida tabo. Huic monstro Vulcanus erat pater: illius atros Ore vomens ignes magna se mole ferebat.' {Aen. viii. 193-9.) Cadmo, Cadmus, founder of Thebes, son of Agenor, King of Phoenicia, and brother of Europa [Eiiropa^]. He married Harmonia, daughter of Mars and Venus [Armenia], by whom he became the father of Autonoe, Agave, Semele, Ino, and Polydorus [Ino: Semeld]. As a penalty for having slain a dragon sacred to Mars, C. was tra,nsformed into a serpent, Harmonia, at her own request, sharing his fate. D. alludes to this transformation, Inf. xxv. 97-8 ; he refers to Ovid's account of it, from which several touches in his own description {vv. 103-38) are borrowed : — [Cadmus is changed into a serpent.] ' Ut serpens, in longam tenditur alvum ; Durataeque cuti squamas increscere sentit, Nigraque caeruleis variari corpora guttis ; In pectusque cadit pronus ; commissaque in unum Faulatim tereti sinuantur acumine crura . . . Lingua repente In partes est fissa duas, nee verba volenti Sufficiunt ; quotiesque aliquos parat edere questus, Sibilat.' [Harmonia, in answer to her prayer, shares his fate.] ' " Cadme, quid hoc? ubi pes ? ubi sunt humeritjue manusque ? Et color, et facies, e^ dum loquor, omnia? cur non Me quoque, caelestes, in eandem vertitis anguem?" Dixerat ; ille suae lambebat conjugis ora ; Inque sinus caros, veluti cognosceret, ibat ; Et dabat amplexus, assuetaque colla petebat . . . at ilia Lubrica permulcet cristati colla draconis, Et subito duo sunt ; junctoque volumine serpunt.' (Meiiim. iv. S75-9i 585- Si 59' f-' D. seems also to have had in mind Ovid's account of the transformation by Ceres of a boy into a lizard : — ' Loquentem Cum liquido mixta perfudit Diva polenta. Combibit os maculas ; et, qua modo brachia gessit, Crura jgerit ; cauda est mutatis addita membris j Inque brevem formam, ne sit vis magna nocendi, Contrahitur ; parvaque minor mensura lacerta est.' (Metam. v. 453-S.) Caelesti Hlerarchla, De, treatise On the Celestial Hierarchy, reputed to be the work of Dionysius the Areopagite ; his doctrine that every essence and virtue proceeds from the First Cause, and is reflected, as it were, from the higher to the lower Intelligences, Epist. X. 21 [Dionisio^]. Fraticelli quotes the follow- ing passage : — ' Conclusum igitur a nobis, quomodo ilia quidem antiquissinia,quae Deo praesto, est intelligentiarum distributio, ab ipsamet primilus initiante illumina- tione consecrata, immediate illi intendendo, secre- tiori simul et manifestiori divini Principatus illus- tratione purgetur et illuminetur atque perficiatur.' Caelo, Del, Aristotle's treatise (in four books) On the Heavens ; quoted by D. under two titles, Di Cielo e Mondo, Conv. ii. 32"' 6i^ 43*, 513 ; iii. S5'^, 9UI ; iv. 926 ; De Caelo et Mundo, A. T. Sh '2**, 13*1 ; and De Caelo, Epist. X. 27 ; A. T. § 2x56. It may be noted that D. appears at times to be quoting rather from the De Caelo et Mundo of Albertus Magnus (which is a commentary on Aristotle's treatise) than from the De Caelo itself. Alexander of Aphrodisias (circ. a.d. 200) held that the latter should be entitled De Mundo rather than De Caelo ; and this was the title apparently which it bore in the Greek texts, for St. Thomas Aquinas says of it 'Apud Graecos intitulatur De Mundo' The Arabian and Latin translators combined the two, and called the treatise De Caelo et Mundo, under which title it is usually quoted in the Middle Ages. D. quotes from it Arjstotle's erroneous opinion that there were only eight Heavens, the eighth and outer one being that of the Fixed Stars, also that the Heaven of the Sun was next to that of the Moon, Conv. ii. 3I9-30 {Cael. ii. 10, 12) ; his observation of the occultation of Mars by the Moon, Conv. ii. 359-65 (Cael. ii. 12) ; his opinion that the Empyrean is the abode of blessed spirits, Conv. ii. 43''-4 (Cael. i. 3, 9) ; that the celestial Intelligences equal in number the celestial revolutions, Conv. ii. 512-17 (Cael. i. 8) ; his rejection of the Platonic theory that the Earth revolves on its own axis, Conv. iii. 553-8 (Cael. ii. 8, 12, 14); his opinion that the stars have no change save that of local motion, Conv. iii. 9I09-11 (Cael. ii. 8) ; that the juris- diction of Nature has fixed limits, Conv. iv. 921-7 (Cael. i. 2, 7) ; that the material of the Heavens increases in perfection with its remote- ness from the Earth, Epist. x. 27 (Cael. i. 2) ; that bodies are ' heavy ' or ' light ' in respect of motion, A. T. § 12*2-4 (Cael. iv. l) ; that God and Nature always work for the best, A. T. § 1339-41 (Cael. i. 4) ; that to inquire into the reasons for God's laws is presumptuous and foolish, they being beyond our understanding, A. T. § 2166 (Cael. ii. 5). [Aristotile.] D. was also indebted to the De Caelo (ii. 13) for the Pythagorean theory as to the constitu- tion of the universe, with the central place [109] Caelo, De Caiuo occupied by fire, round which revolve the Earth and a 'counter-Earth' (anticiona), Conv. iii. 529-41. [Antiotona : Pittagora.] Caelo, /)e2], treatise of Albertus Magnus, otherwise known as De Caelo et Mundo, a com- mentary upon the Aristotelian treatise of the same name \Caelo, De^; from here D. got the opinions of Aristotle and Ptolemy as to the number and order of the several heavens, Conv. ii. 386-45 (see Romania, xxiv. 408-11). [Albertoi.] Caelo et Mundo, De. [Caelo, De.] Caelum Empyreum.the Empyrean, Epist. X. 24, 26. [Cielo Empireo.] Caelum Stellatum, the Heaven of the Fixed Stars, A. T. § 2i9. [Cielo Stellate] Caesari, Juhus Caesar, Mon. ii. 51^1 ; Epist. vii. 1 , 4 [Cesarei] ; Augustus, Mon. ii. g'-"^, 12*^ [Augusto^] ; Tiberius, Mon. ii. 13*^; Epist. v. 10 [Tiber io]. Caesar 2, appellative of the Roman Em- perors ; of Nero, Mon. iii. 1344-53 [iTerone] ; hence of the sovereigns of the Holy Roman Empire; of Frederick II, V. E. i. 12^1 ; of Henry VII, Epist. v. 2; vi. 5, /?«. ; of the Emperor in general, Mon. iii. 16"^ ; Epist. v. 3, 5, 9; vii. I [Cesare^]. Caesareus, pertaining to the Holy Roman Empire, imperial, Epist. x. iii. Cagioni, Libro di. [Causis, De.] Cagnano, small river of Upper Italy in Venetia, now known as the Botteniga, which unites with the Sile at Treviso ; Cunizza (in the Heaven of Venus) alludes to Treviso as the place dove Sile e Cagnan s'accompagna. Par. ix. 49 ; the two rivers are mentioned to- gether to indicate Treviso, Conv. iv. 14II6-17. [Gherardo da Cammino : Trevigi.] Cagnazzo, ' Dogface,' one of the ten demons in Bolgia 5 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge) deputed by Malacoda to escort D. and Virgil, Inf. xxi. 119; xxii. 106; guei, v. 120; when Ciampolo offers to summon some of his fellow Barrators if the demons will retire (Inf. xxii. 97-105), C. suggests that it is a trick of the former in order to get away from them {vv. 106-8) ; persuaded, however, by Alichino they prepare to move off, C. being the first to go (vv. 119-20) [Aliehino : Ciampolo]. Phila- lethes renders the name ' Reckelschnauzer.' Caiaphas, the high-priest, Mon. ii. 1351. [Caifas.] Caietani, inhabitants of Gaeta ; their dialect distinct from that of the Neapolitans, V. E. i. 939-41. [Gaeta.] Caifas], Caiaphas, the high-priest, placed together with his father-in-law Annas, among Hell (Malebolge), un crocifisso in terra, Inf. xxiii. Ill; quel confitto, v. 115 ; ei, v. 119; colui cK era disteso in croce, v. 125 [Anna^: Ipooriti] ; D. has just begun to address the two Frati Gaudenti, Catalano and Loderingo, when suddenly he catches sight of a figure crucified on the ground, which writhes and sighs as he looks at it (Inf. xxiii. 109-13); Catalano explains to him that this is Caiaphas, who gave the advice to the Pharisees {John xi. 50) that it was expedient that one man should die for the people (vv. 1 14-17); and points out that he is so placed that all the other hypocrites pass over his prostrate naked body {vv. 118-20) ; he adds that his father-in- law Annas, and all the rest of the Council of the Jews who condemned Christ are punished there in the same way {vv. 121-3) ; D. mean- while notices that Virgil is gazing in wonder at the crucified figure (the significance of which would, of course, be unknown to him) {vv. 124-6). Caiaphas is mentioned with Pilate in con- nexion with the judgement of Christ, Mon. ii. 1351. [Pilate] Caina, name given by D. to the first of the four divisions of Circle IX of Hell, where Traitors are punished, Inf. v. 107 (var. Cairi) ; xxxii. 58 [Inferno]. In this division, which is named after Cain, the murderer of his brother, are placed those who have been traitors to their own kindred. Inf. xxxii. 16-69 [Tradi- tori]. Examples : Alessandro and Napoleone degli Alberti [Alberti] ; Mordred [Morda- rette] ; Focaccia dei Cancellieri [Pooaccia] ; Sassolo Mascheroni [Mascheroni] ; Camicione dei Pazzi (and Carlino dei Pazzi) [Camicione ; Carlino]. Caino, Cain, eldest son of Adam and Eve, the murderer of his brother Abel ; mentioned in connexion with the old popular belief that the ' man in the Moon ' was Cain with a bundle of thorns (probably with reference to his un- acceptable offering), Caino e le spine (i. e. the Moon), Inf. xx. 126; the spots on the Moon which gave rise to this popular superstition about Cain, Par. ii. 49-51. [Luna.] The following passage from the Tuscan ver- sion of the story gives the Italian form of the tradition— Cain attempts to excuse himself for the murder of Abel :— ' Caino cerc6 di scusarsi, ma allora Iddio Ii rispose : Abele sara con me in Paradise, e tu in pena della tu' colpa sarai confinato nella luna, e condannato a portare eternamente addosso un fascio di spine. Appena dette qoeste parole da Dio, si lev6 un fortissimo vento e trasportd Caino in corpo e anima nella luna, e d'allora in poi si vede sempre la su' faccia maledetta, e il fardello di spine che h obbligato a reggere insino alia fin del mondo, indizio della vita disperata che Ii tocca C^ee St. Prato, Caino e h spine trascmare. the Hypocrites in Bolgia 6 of Circle VIII of semndo Dante e la tradizione plpohre") ' [110] Caiphas Callaroga A similar belief was current in England, as appears from the Testament of Cresseid (by Robert Henryson, formerly attributed to Chaucer) in the description of Lady Cynthia (the Moon) : — ' Hir gyte was gray, and full of spottis blak ; And on hir breist ane churl paintit ful evin, Beirand ane bunch of thomis on his bak, Quhllk for his thift micht dim na nar the hevin.' l,vv. 260-263.) There are several references to this belief in Shakespeare {Tempest, ii. 2; Mtds. Night's Dream, iii. I ; v. i). According to the old German popular tale the man in the Moon was set there as a punishment for gathering sticks on Sunday. Cain is introduced as an example of Envy in Circle II of Purgatory, where his voice is heard crying Anciderammi qualunque m'ap- prende, ' Every one that findeth me shall slay me' (Gen. iv. 14), Purg. xiv. 133. [In- vidiosi.] Some MSS. read Cain or Caino instead of .Caina, Inf. v. 107; the former seems pre- ferable, if only on the ground that with Caina we should expect the article, as in Inf. xxxii. 58 (cf. I'Antenora, Inf. xxxii. 88; guesia To- lomea, Inf. xxxiii. 124; la Giudecca, Inf. xxxiv. 117). (See Moore, Text. Crit., pp. 38-9 note?) Caiphas. [Caiaphas.] Calabrese, inhabitant of Calabria (the province which forms the ' toe ' of Italy), Calabrian ; il Calabrese abate, i. e. the abbot Joachim, Par. xii. 140. [Gioacohino 1.] Calabri, Calabrians ; distinction between their dialect and that of the inhabitants of Ancona, V. E. i. lo*^. Calaroga, [CaUaroga.] Calboli, name of an illustrious Guelf family of Forll ; mentioned by Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory), Purg. xiv. 89; he refers to two members of this house, viz. Rinieri da Calboli, vv. 89-90 [Rinieri], and his grandson, Fulcieri, vv. 58-66 [Fulcieri]. The castle of Calboli, whence the family de- rived their name, was situated in the upper valley of the Montone, near Rocca S. Ca- sciano. It was destroyed by Guido da Monte- feltro in 1277. Calboli, Fxilcieri da. [Fulcieri.] CalboU, Rinieri da. [Klnier 1.] Calcabrina, one of the ten demons in Bolgia 5 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge) deputed by Malacoda to escort D. and Virgil, Inf. xxi. 118; xxii. 133. Furious at having been duped by Ciampolo, C. vents his rage by flying at his fellow-demon Alichino, by whose advice the demons had retired, and had thus given their victim the chance to escape (Inf. xxii. 133-8) ; the two grapple together and both fall into the boiling pitch {vv. 139-41), whence they are fished out by four of their com- panions (z'Z'. 145-50). [Alichino: Ciampolo.] Philalethes renders the name ' Frostetretel.' Calcanta, Calchas, son of Thestor, the soothsayer who accompanied the Greeks to Troy; D. associates him with Eurypylus as having foretold the time of the sailing of the Greek fleet from Aulis, where it was detained by Artemis, and refers to Virgil's account. Inf. XX. 1 10-14 [Atilide] : — 'Suspensi Eurypylum scitantem oracula Phoebi Mittimus, isque adytis haec tristia dicta reportat ; Sanguine placastis ventos, et virgine caesa, Quum primum lliacas, Danai, venistis ad oras ; Sanguine quaerendi reditus, animaque litandum Argolica ; — volgi quae vox ut venit ad aures, Obstipuere animi, eelidusque per ima cucurrit Ossa tremor, cui fata parent, quern poscat Apollo. Hie Ithacus vatem magno Calchanta tumultu Protrahit in medios ; quae sint ea numina divom Flagitat.' (Aen. ii. 1 14-124.) Virgil, as a matter of fact, makes no men- tion of the circumstance referred to by D., who has perhaps here confused two separate incidents [Buripilo]. Note. — D. uses the form Calcanta here in rime (: canta : quanta) for Calcante. (See Nannucci, Teorica dei Nomi, pp. 237-8.) Calcidonio, native of Chalcedon, a Greek city of Bithynia, on the coast of the Propontis, at the entrance of the Bosphorus, nearly oppo- site to Byzantium ; epithet applied to Xeno- crates, Conv. iv. 6^^^. [Senocrate.] Calfucci, ancient noble family at Florence, mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) as being descended from the Donati, who are hence described as ' Lo ceppo di che nacquero i Calfucci,' Par. xvi. 106 [Donati]. According to Villani the Calfucci (who, with theUccellini and Bellincioni, the other branches of the Donati, were Guelfs) were extinct in D.'s time : — ' Nel quartiere di Porta san Piero . . . erano i Donati ovvero Calfucci, che tutti furono uno legnaggio, ma i Calfucci vennoiio meno.' (iv. 11.) The Ottimo Comento says : — ' Calfucci, Donati, ed Uccellini furono d'uno ceppo : Ii Donati spensero Ii detti loro consorti Calfucci, si che. oggi nuUo, od uno solo se ne mentova, o pochissimi.' Calisto, Calixtus I, Bishop of Rome (217- 222) during the reigns of the Emperors Ma- crinus and Elagabalus. D. follows the tradition that he was martyred, and includes him, together with Sixtus I, Pius I, and Urban I, among those of his immediate successors men- tioned by St. Peter (in the Heaven of Fixed Stars) as having, like himself, shed their blood for the Church, Par. xxvii. 44. Callaroga, the ancient Calagurris (famous as the birthplace of Quintilian and Prudentius), [111] Calliope Cammino, Gherardo da now Calahorra, city in Old Castile, between Logroiio and Tudela, two miles from the Ebro ; mentioned by St. Bonaventura (in the Heaven of the Sun) as the birthplace of St. Dominic, whence he calls it la fortunata Callaroga. Par. xii. 52 ; he describes it as being in the kingdom of Castile and Leon, a country not far from the Atlantic, vv. 49-54. [Atlantioo : Castiglia.] Calliopfe, Calliope, Muse of Epic Poetry ; invoked by D. at the commencement of the Purgatorio, Purg. i. 9. At the commencement of the Inferno he invoked the Muses in general (Inf. ii. 7) ; at the commencenjent of the Para- dise he invokes Apollo (Par. i. 13) [Parnaso], and claims to be under the inspiration of Minerva and the nine Muses as well (Par. ii. 8-9). [Muse.] Note.— Y ox the accent Calliopi (some read Callioped) compare Climeni (Par. xvii. l), Eunoi (Purg. xxviii. 131 ; xxxiii. 127), Gelboi (Purg. xii. 41), Giosui (Purg. xx. ill ; Par. ix. 125; xviii. ■!,%), Leti (Inf. xiv. 131, 136; Purg. xxvi. 108 ; &c.), Moisi (Inf. iv. 57 ; Purg. xxxii. 80 ; &c.), JVo^ (Inf. iv. 56 ; Par. xii. 17), SemeU (Inf. XXX. 2 ; Par. xxi. 6). Calliopea. [CalliopS.] Calliopeus, of Calliope ; C. sermo, a po- etical composition in a lofty style, Epist. iv. 2. Callisto], the nymph Callisto, otherwise known as Helice, the mother of Bootes ; she was transformed into the constellation of the Great Bear, her son becoming the Little Bear, Purg. xxv. 131 ; Par. xxxi. 32. [Eoote : EHce.] Calpe], Mt. Calpe, the modern Gibraltar ; alluded to by Ulysses (in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of Hell) as one of the 'Columns of Hercules,' Inf. xxvi. 108. [Colonne di Erode.] Camaldoli], monastery perched high among the mountains, in a thick pine forest, in the Casentino, about ■ 30 miles from Florence, founded in 1012 by St. Romualdus for his Order of Reformed Benedictines. The origin of the name is said to be Campvs Maldoli, from a certain Count Maldolus, who presented the site to St. Romualdus. It is alluded to by Buonconte da Montefeltro (in Antepurgatory) as I'Ermo, Purg. v. 96. [Ermo, L' : Ho- moaldc] Camicion de' Pazzi, Alberto (or Uberto) Camicione, one of the Pazzi of Valdarno, of whom nothing is known save that he treacher- ously killed his kinsman Ubertino. [Pazzi.] Benvenuto says : — ' Iste fuit quidam miles de Pazzis nobilibus de Valle Ami, vocatus dominus Ubertus Camisonus, qui occidit proditorie dominum Ubertinum con- sanguineum suum.' The Anonimo Fiorentino : — ' Questo Camiscione fu de' Pazzi di Valdarno j et andando un di a diletto messer Ubertino de' Pazzi ed egli, perocch^ avevono certe fortezze comuni come consorti, Camiscione pensa di pigliarle per s6, morto messer Ubertino : cosi cavalcando gli corse addosso con uno coltello, et diegli pill colpi, et finalmente I'uccise.' D. places C. in Caina, the first division of Circle IX of Hell, among those who have been traitors to their own kindred. Inf. xxxii. 68 ; un, V. 52 [Caina] ; he is described as having lost both his ears^ through the cold of the ice in which he is placed (vv. 52-3) ; he addresses D., and after naming several of those who are with him, tells his own name, adding that he awaits the arrival of his kinsman Carlino de' Pazzi, the heinousness of whose crime will make his own appear trivial in comparison {vv. 54-69) [Carlino de' Pazzi]. Camilla. [CammiUa.] Camillo, M. Furius Camillus, one of the great heroes of the Roman republic ; he was six times consular tribune and five times dictator. During his first dictatorship (396) he gained an important victory over the Falis- cans and Fidenates, took Veil, and entered Rome in triumph. Five years later (391), however, he was accused of having made an unfair distribution of the plunder from Veii, and went into voluntary exile at Ardea; but in the next year (390), the Gauls having taken Rome and besieged the Capitol, the Romans recalled C, who having been made dictator in his absence, hastily collected an army, attacked the Gauls, and completely defeated them. He died of the pestilence in 365. The story of C.'s liberation of Rome from the Gauls, and his voluntary return into exile after his victory, is referred to, Conv. iv. 5 134-9 ; and given on the authority of Livy (v. 46) and Virgil {Aen. vi. 825), Mon, ii. 5I00-11. [Brenno : GteUi 2.] Camillus. [CamUlo.] Camino. [Caniinino.] Cammilla, Camilla, daughter of King Me- tabus of the Volscian town of Privernum j she assisted Turnus, King of the Rutulians, against Aeneas, and after slaying a number of the Trojans, was at length killed by Aruns (Aen. xi. 768-831). D. mentions her, with Turnus, Nisus, and Euryalus, as having died for Italy, Inf. i. 107 ; and places her in Limbo, among the heroes of antiquity, in company with Penthesilea (Aen. xi. 662), Latinus, and Livinia, Inf. iv. 124-6. [Limbo.] Cammino, Gherardo da, gentleman of Treviso, of which he was lord, under the title of Captain-General, from 1283 until his death in 1306, when he was succeeded by his son [112] Cammino, Glierardo da Campaguatico Riccardo (Par. ix. 50-1) ; he is mentioned by Marco Lombardo (in Circle HI of Purgatory), who, in speaking of the degenerate state into which Lombardy had fallen after the wars between Frederick II and the Church, says that there yet survive three old men whose lives are a reproach to the younger generation, viz. Currado da Palazzo, Guido da Castello, and'il buon Gherardo,' Purg. xvi. 121-6; D. then asks of what Gherardo Marco is speaking {■Vv. 133-5); whereupon Marco expresses astonishment that D. should never have heard of G., whose name must have been well known throughout Tuscany (vv. 136-8), and adds that he knows him by no other name than that of ' il buon Gherardo,' unless it be as the father of Gaia (whose reputation was just the opposite of that of her father) {vv. 139-40). [Fedenco^: Gaia.] In his discussion as to the nature of nobility in the Convivio D. singles out Gherardo as an illustrious instance of true nobility : — ' Pogniamo che Gherardo da Cammino fosse State nepote del piii vile villano che mai bevesse del Sile o del Cagnano, e la obblivione ancora non fosse del suo avolo venuta ; chi sara oso di dire che Gherardo da Cammino fosse vile uomo ? e chi non parlera meco, dicendo quelle essere stato nobile ? Certo nuUo, quanto vuole sia presuntuoso, perocchd egli fu, e fia sempre la sua memoria.' (iv. 14"'-^'.) That Gherardo's name was familiar in Tus- cany is evident from the fact, pointed out by Del Lungo, that he is mentioned in one of the Cento Novella Antiche (Nov. xv. ed. Bor- ghini) as having shortly before his death (which occurred ' dopo ventidue anni di gius- tissimo govemo' on March 26, 1306) lent to Corso Donati, who was later on (in 1308) Podestk of Treviso, a sum of ' quattro mila lib. per aiuto alia sua guerra.' The Ottimo Comento remarks that G. ' si dilett6 non in una, ma in tutte cose di valore,' and Ben- venuto says of him : — ' Iste fuit nobilis miles de Tarvisio, de nobilissima domo illorum de Camino, qui saepe habuerunt principatum illius civitatis. Hie fuit vir totus benignus, humanus, curialis, liberalis, et amicus bonorum : idee antonomastice dictus est bonus.' According to Philalethes, Gherardo was so highly respected that in 1294 two brothers of the House of Este sought knighthood at his hands. Of the Cammino family Barozzi (in Dante e il suo Secolo, pp. 803-4) says : — ' Erano i da Camino una delle piu potenti fa- miglie della Marca Trivigiana, che ritiensi abbiano cangiato il primitive cognome di Mentanara in quelle da Camino, per un castello di questo neme fatto fabbricare da Guecello Montanara nel 1089 ; nen si hanne per6 documenti certi interno a questa famiglia se non nella secenda meta del secelo xii. Gherardo figlio di Biaquino e d'India da Carapo- sampiero fu il piii illustre personaggio della sua stirpe. — E agevole il retinere che Dante lo abbia conesciuto di persona, tanto piii che Gherardo fu protettore dei letterati e dei poeti.' Cammino, Riccardo da], son of Ghe- rardo da Cammino (the preceding), whom he succeeded in the lordship of Treviso in 1306 ; he inarried Giovanna, daughter of Nino Vis- conti of Pisa, and was (according to the most trustworthy accounts) murdered in 13 12 by a half-witted servitor, while playing at chess in his own palace with Alteniero degli Azzoni, who had planned the assassination in order to avenge the honour of his wife whom Ric- cardo had seduced [Griovanna ^ : Table xxx], Barozzi (in Dante e il suo Secolo, p. 805) says : — ' A Gherardo successe nel governe di Treviso il di lui figlio primogenito Riccardo, che per la sua supferbia ed arreganza venne in odio ai Trivigiani. tu in allora che Altinieri degh Azzeni, uno dei principali della citta, mosso dal desiderie di re- stituire la liberta alia patria, e forse anche da particolari motivi di vendetta, unitesi col conte Rambaldo di Cellalto, con Guide Tempesta, con Pietro Bonaparte e con Telberte Calza, deliberd di ammazzare Riccardo. Nel giorno cinque di aprile del 1312 mentre questi giuocava agli scacchi, un sicario cempro dalle Azzeni gli si accostb arditamente e le percosse con un' arma tagliente sopra il capo. L'emicida fu teste ucciso, forse a seppellire per sempre il neme dei congiurati ; ma Riccardo morendo sospettb gli autori del colpo . . . Altiniero dope aver aiutato i Trivigiani a scuotere il giege di Guecello da Camino fratello e succes- sere di Riccardo nel governe della citta, fu eletto podesta di Padova che difese eroicamente contro le genti di Cane della Scala, scenfiggendole nel- 12 di luglio 1320. . . . Dope lunghe e fertunese vicende incentr6 anch' egli una morte vielenta, ucciso nel letto, su cui giaceva ferite, da Guglielmo da Campesampiere (a member of the family to which Riccardo'S paternal grandmother belonged).' The Ottimo Comento says that Riccardo was murdered with the connivance of Can Grande della Scala ('il fece uccidere messer Cane della Scala per mano d'uno villano col trattato di certi gentiluomini del paese'). According to Benvenuto his death was con- trived by his own brother Guecello, who suc- ceeded him in the lordship of Treviso. Riccardo's assassination is foreshadowed by Cunizza (in the Heaven of Venus), who says of him ' Tal signoreggia e va con la testa alta, Che gik per lui carpir si fa la ragna,' Par. ix. 50-1. [Cunizza.] Camonica, Val. [Valcamonica.] Campagnatico, village and castle, belong;- ing to the Ghibelline Counts Aldobrandeschi, situated on a hill in the valley of the Ombrone, not far from Grosseto in the Sienese Ma- remma ; it was in the possession of the Aldo- brandeschi from Cent, x until the end of [113] Oampaldino Campo di Siena Cent, jciii, when it passed into the hands of the Sienese. Omberto Aldobrandeschi (in Circle I of Purgatory) refers to it as the place where he was murdered (in 1259) by the Sienese, Purg. xi. 65-6. [Aldobrandeschi : Omberto.] Campaldino, small plain in the Casentirio, in the Upper Valdamo, between Poppi and Bibbiena, the scene of the battle, fought June 1 1 , 1289, between the Florentine Guelfs and the Ghibellines of Arezzo,' in which the latter were totally defeated, Buonconte da Montefeltro, one of their leaders, being slain on the field. In his interview with Buonconte (in Ante- purgatory) D. questions him as to what became of his body, which was never discovered on the battle-field of Campaldino, Purg. v. 91-3. [Buonconte.] ' Come piacque a Dio i Fiorentini ebbono la vittoria, e gli Aretini furono rotti e sconfitti, e furono morti piu di millesettecento tra a cavallo e a pi6, e presi piu di duemila. . . . Intra' morti rimase messer Guiglielmino degli Ubertini vescovo d'Arezzo, il quale fu uno grande guerriere, e messer Guiglielmino de' Pazzi di Valdarno e' suoi nipoti . . . e morivvi Bonconte figliuolo del conte Guido da Montefeltro, e tre degli Uberti, e uno degli Abati, e piii altri usciti di Firenze . . . Alia detta sconiitta rimasono molti capitani e valenti uomini di parte ghibellina, e nemici del comune di Firenze, e funne abbattuto I'orgoglio e superbia non soiamente degli Aretini, ma di tutta parte ghibellina e d'imperio.' (Villani, vii. 131.) Among the leaders on the Guelf side were Vieri de' Cerchi and Corso Donati (at that time Podestk of Pistoja), who were destined later to become the heads respectively of the Bianchi and Neri parties in Florence [Bianchi]. It was largely owing to the gal- lantry of Corso that the day was won for the Florentines. In command of the Aretine reserve was the Conte Guido Novello, Podestk of Arezzo, and head of the Ghibelline party, who distinguished himself by running away. This engagement was also known as the battle of Certomondo, from the name of a Franciscan monastery (founded by the Conti Guidi in 1262) not far from the place where it was fought :t— ' Si schierarono e aflTrontarono le due osti . . . nel piano a pi6 di Poppi nella contrada detta Certomondo, che cosi si chiama il luogo, e una chiesa de' frati minori che v'i presso, e in uno piano che si chiama Campaldino ; e ci6 fu un sabato mattina a di 11 del mese di Giugno.' (Vill. vii. 131.) The later biographers of D. assert that he himself was present at this battle, fighting on the side of the Guelfs. The only authority for this statement is the Vita di Dante of Leonardo Bruni, in which he quotes a fragment of a letter supposed to have been written by D. referring to his experiences in the battle :— ' Dieci anni erano gia passati dalla battaglia di Campaldino, nella quale la parte ghibellina fu quasi al tutto raorta e disfatta ; dove mi trovai non fanciuUo nell' armi, e dove ebbi temenza molta, e nella fine grandissima allegrezza per li varii casi di quella battaglia.' It is significant, however, that no mention of the fact is made by Villani (vii. 131), or Dino Compagni (i. 10), or Benvenuto da Imola, all of whom give detailed accounts of the battle. It is remarkable also, as Bartoli points out {Lett. Ital., v. 3), that in answer to the Isidding of one of the spirits in Antepurgatory, ' Guarda se alcun di noi unque vedesti ' (Purg. V. 49), D. replies : ' Perchfe ne' vostri visi guati Non riconosco alcun ' (vv. 58-9) ; and yet Buontonte, whom he could hardly have failed to recognize if he had been present at the battle of Campaldino, was amongst those into whose faces he was gazing. Those who hold that D. took part in the battle see a reference to it, Inf. xxii. 4-5. Matteo Palmieri, in his Vita Civile (Lib. iv. ad fin.), relates a marvellous incident which is alleged to have happened to D. at Campaldino. Campi, village in Tuscany, on the Bisenzio, about nine miles N.W. of Florence; mentioned, together with Certaldo and Figline, by Caccia- guida (in the Heaven of Mars), who laments that owing to the immigration into Florence of the inhabitants of these places the character of the Florentines had become debased. Par. xvi. 49-51. Casini points out that there is probably a special significance in D.'s mention of these places : — ' Campi in Val di Bisenzio, Certaldo nella Valdelsa, Figline nel Valdarno superiore sono tre borgate del territorio fiorentino, di qualche im- portanza al tempo di Dante, ma oscure nel se- colo di Cacciaguida : il che accresce il significato dispregiativo delle parole con le quali I'antico cittadino lamenta I'inurbarsi delle famiglie conla- dine. N6 la scelta di queste borgate 6 senza ragione : poichd Dante, scrivendo questo verso, ricordava certo che da Figline erano venuti quei fratelli Franzesi, usurai e mali consiglieri del re dl Francia, tornati in Firenze con Carlo di Valois, e quel Baldo Fini dottore di legge che i Neri mandarono nel 1311 a sommuovere il re di Francia contro I'imperatore Arrigo VII : ricordava che da Certaldo era quel giudice Jacopo d'lldebrandino, che fu dei Priori nel 1289 e poi piu tardi uno del faccendieri di parte Nera, e di quelli che ebbero voce d'aver "distrutto" Firenze.' Campidoglio, modern name of the Capitol of Rome ; applied by an anachronism by D.to the ancient Capitol, in connexion with the siege by the Gauls under Brennus in 390, Conv. iv. 5I62. [Capitolium: Gaiua.] Campo di Siena, the principal piazza in Siena, formerly known as the Campo or the Piazza del Campo, now called the Piazza [114] Campo Piceno Can Grande della Scaia Vittorio Emanuele ; mentioned by Oderisi (in Circle I of Purgatory) in connexion with Pro- venzano Salvani, Purg. xi. 134. [Frovenzan Salvani : Siena.] Campo Piceno, (apparently) a plain in Tuscany in the neighbourhood of Pescia, be- tween Serravalle and Montecatini ; Vanni Fucci (in Bolgia 7 of Circle VIII of Hell), prophesying the defeat of the Bianchi by Moro- ello Malaspina (' il vapor di Valdimagra '), says the battle will take place on the ' Picene plain,' Inf. xxiv. 148. There is some doubt as to what particular engagement is here referred to, as neither Villani nor Dino Compagni makes mention of any battle on the Campo Piceno. The allusion is probably to the siege and capture, in 1302, of the stronghold of Serravalle by the Floren- tine Neri and Lucchese, under Moroello Mala- spina, in the course of their attack upon Pistoja. (Villani, viii. 52.) Some think the reference is to the siege and final reduction, in 1305-6, of Pistoja itself, on which occasion also the Florentines and Lucchese were led by Moro- ello. Ever since the expulsion of the Bianchi from Florence in 1301, Pistoja had remained the only stronghold in Tuscany of themselves and the Ghibellines ; after its capture, April 10, 1306, the fortifications were razed, and the territory divided between Florence and Lucca (Vill. viii. 83) [Malaspina, Moroello]. It is not clear why the Campo Piceno, which evidently denotes a district in the neighbourhood of Pistoja, was so called. It is at some distance from the ancient Picenum, which was a district on the Adriatic coast. The wrongful application of the name probably arose from a misunderstanding of a passage in Sallust, in whose account of the defeat of Catiline it is stated, as Butler and others have pointed out, that when Metellus Celer, who was commanding 'in agro Piceno,' heard of Catiline's move ' in agrum Pistoriensem,' he succeeded by rapid marches in blocking the mountain route from Pistoja into Gaul : — * Reliquos Catilina per montes asperos ma^nis itineribus in acnim Pistoriensem abducit, eo consilio, uti per tramites occmte perfugeret in Galliatn Transalpinam. At Q. Metellus Celer cum trious legionibus in a^o Piceno praesidebat, ex difficuitate renim eadem ilia existumans. quae supra dixi- mus, Catilinam agitare. Igitur ubi iter ejus ex perfugis cognovit, castra propere movit ac sub ipsis radicibus mon- tium consedit, qua illi descensus erat in Galliam properanti.' (Catil. § 57.) Villani, who expressly refers to Sallust as his authority, says that Catiline, on leaving Fiesole, ' arriv6 di la ov' e oggi la citta di Pistoja nel luogo detto Campo a Piceno, ci6 fu di sotto ov' 6 oggi il castello di Piteccio ' (i. 32) ; and later, that ' alia fine deir aspra battaglia Catellina fu in quello luogo di Piceno sconfitto e morto con tutta sua gente.' The same confusion appears in the com- mentators on D. ; e. g. Benvenuto says : — ' Picenum appellatus est ager apud Fistorium, in quo dim fuit debellatus Catilina, ut patet apud Sallustium ; ' and John of Serravalle : — * Ille campus qui est prope Fistorium in quo devictus fuit Cathellina vocatur Picenus a Sallustio.' Can Grande della Scala, Can Francesco della Scala, called Can Grande, third son of Alberto della Scala (lord of Verona, 1277- 1301), was born on March 9, 129J ; he married Joan, daughter of Conrad of Antioch ; and died at Treviso, July 22, 1329. In 1308 he was associated with his brother Alboino in the lordship of Verona, and was made joint Vicar Imperial with him by the Emperor Henry VII ; on the death of Alboino (Oct. 131 1) he became sole lord of Verona, a position which he main- tained until his death. Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) fore- tells to D. that he shall see Can Grande at the . court of ' il gran Lombardo ' (i. e., according to the most probable interpretation, Bartolommeo, Cane's eldest brother). Par. xvii. 70-6 ; after referring to the fact th^t Cane was born under the influence of the planet Mars, which gave promise of his future warlike character {yv. 76-8), and stating that he was at that time (i. e. in 1300, the assumed date of the Vision) unknown, owing to his being only nine years old (vv. 79-81), C. forecasts his future great- ness and magnificence, and his signal services to the Emperor Henry VII and the Ghibelline cause, and bids D. repose his hopes in him (ww. 82-8) ; he then, in conclusion, makes a vague reference to Cane's future achievements, and suddenly breaks off (z/t/. 89-93). [Lom- bardo 1 : Scala, Della :' Table xxviii.] Can Grande is identified by many with the ' Veltro ' of Inf. i. loi ; and the ' Cinquecento diece e cinque ' of Purg. xxxiii. 43 [Veltro : DXV] ; he is mentioned at the close of the treatise De Aqua et Terra (which is dated from Verona in 1320, a year before D.'s death, at a time when Cane was Imperial Vicar), A. T. § 343. Of Cane's character D. speaks in terms of high praise in the D. C, mentioning his war- like exploits (' notabili fien I'opere sue,' Par. xvii. 78), his indifference to money or to toil ('sua virtute In non curar d'argento nfe d'affanni,' vv. 83-4), and his magnificent bounty (' Le sue magnificenze conosciute Sa- ranno,' vv. 85-6). To him he dedicated the Paradiso, in a lengthy letter addressed, ' Magnifico atque victorioso domino, domino Cani Grandi de Scala, sacratissimi Caesarei principatus in urbe Verona et civitate Vicentia Vicario Generali,' in which the title and subject of the Divina Commedia are discussed. The letter opens with a eulogy of Can Grande's magnificence and bounty, of which D. says he himself partook, and which he acknowledges to have surpassed even the extravagant reports he had heard of it : — ' Inclyta vestrae magnificentiae laus, quam fama vigil volitando disseminat, sic distrahit in diversa diversos, ut hos in spem suae prosperitatis attollat, hos exterminii dejiciat in terrorem. Hoc quidem praeconium, facta modernorum exsuperans, tan- [115] I 2 Can Grande della Scala Canavese quam veri existentia latius, arbitrabar aliquando sUperfluum. Verum ne diuturna me nimis incerti- tudo suspenderet, velut Austri regina Hjerusalem petiit, velut Pallas petiit Helicona, Veronam petii fidis oculis discursurus audita. Ibique magnalia vestra vidi, vidi beneficia simul et tetigi ; et quem- adtnodum prius dictorum suspicab&r excessum, sic posterius ipsa facta excessiva cognovi.' (Epist. XI.) Can Grande, who had been present when Henry VII received the iron crown at Milan (Jan. 6, 1311), was on the point of embarking at Genoa to assist at the coronation in Rome, when the news of Alboino's death reached him (Oct.), and he returned at once to Verona to assume the lordship. One of his first acts was to rescue Brescia, which had submitted to the Emperor a few months before, from the hands of the Guelfs ; and thenceforward until his death he played the leading part in the aifairs of Lombardy. The following is a summary of the most im- portant events in his career : — 1308-1311. Joint lord of Verona with Alboino. — 13x1. Vicar Imperial in Verona (Vill. ix. 20) ; (Oct.) Sole lord ofVerona ; (Dec.) Rescues Brescia from the Guelfs (Vill. ix. 32) ; helps to take Vicenza from the Paduans. — 1312. Vicar Imperial in Vi- cenza. — 1314. (Sep.) Repels Paduan attack on Vicenza (Vill. ix. 63); (Oct.) makes peace with Padua and is confirmed in lordship of Vic.enza. — 1315. Attacks Cremona, Parma, and Reggio, in alliance with Passerino de' Bonaccorsi, lord of Mantua and Modena. — 1316. Dante perhaps at Verona.^1317. (May) With help of Uguccione della Faggiuola repels fresh attack of Paduans on Vicenza ; (Dec.) appointed Vicar Imperial in Verona and Vicenza by Frederick of Austria ; besieges Padua (Vill. ix. 89).— 1318. (April) Takes Cremona (Vill. ix. 91) ; (Dec. 16) elected Captain General of Ghibelline league in Lombardy at Soncino. — 1319. (Aug.) Besieges Padua (Vill. ix. 100). — 1320. (Aug, 25) Repulsed by Paduans, Uguccione della Faggiuola being killed (Vill. ix. 121). — 1322. (Sep.) Takes part with Passerino de' Bonaccorsi in siege of Reggio (Vill. ix. 167). — 1324. (June) Attacked in Padua by German forces of Otho of Austria, whom he repels (Vill. ix. 255). — 1327. Besieges Padua (Vill. x. 42). — 1328. Captures Mantua; (Sep. 28) at invitation of Paduan Ghibellines becomes lord of Padua (Vill. x. loi). — 1329- (July 18) Takes Treviso, where he dies (July 22) ; buried at Verona (Vill. x. 137). Can Grande is described in the Veronese Chronicle as being tall, handsome, of soldierly bearing, and gracious in manner and speech : — 'Fuit staturae magnae et pulchrae, et omnibus spectabilis et gratiosus in actis, similiter et loquela, et bellicosus in armis.' Albertino Mussato, on the other hand, who was taken prisoner during the unsuccessful attempt of the Paduans upon Vicenza in 13 14, speaks of him as being harsh and vindictive, wanting in self-control, obstinately bent upon having his own way, and willing to be thought more ruthless than he really was : — ' Erat vir ille acer et intractabilis, nuUos coercens impetus, sed ad quaecunque ilium ira provocasset praeceps et inexorabilis, nee non habitu gestuque immanior videri malens, quam sua valuisset exer- cere severitas ; nee plus quidquam pensi habens quam si eidem, quaecunque voluisset, licerent.' Villani says of him : — ' Fu valente tiranno e signore dabbene.' (xi. 95.) — ' Fu il maggiore tiranno e '1 pill possente e ricco che fosse in Lombardia da Azzolino di Romano infino allora, e chi dice di piii.' (x. 137.) Boccaccio, who makes him the subject of one of the stories in the Decamerone (i. 7), speaks of him as being second only to the Emperor Frederick II : — ' Messer Cane della Scala, alquale in assai cose fu favorevole la fortuna, fu uno de' piii notabili e de' piu magnifici signori, che dallo imperadore Federigo secondo in qua si sapesse in Italia.' Benvenuto tells a characteristic story of how as a boy he showed his contempt for riches : — ' Dum pater ejus duxisset eum semel ad videndum magnum thesauriim, iste illico levatis pannis minxit super eum ; ex quo omnes spectantes judicaverunt de ejus futura magnificentia per istum contemptum pecuniarum.' The following account of Can Grande's court at Verona, given by Sagacio Mucio Gazata, a chronicler of Reggio, who was himself re- ceived there as a guest while in exile, is quoted by Sismondi : — ' Different apartments, according to their con- dition, were assigned to the exiles in the Scala palace ; each had his own servants, and a well- appointed table served in private. The various apartments were distinguished by appropriate devices and figures, such as Victory for soldiers, Hope for exiles, Muses for poets, Mercury for artists, and Paradise for preachers. During meals musicians, jesters, and jugglers performed in these rooms. The halls were decorated with pictures representing the vicissitudes of fortune. On occasion Cane invited certain of his guests to his own table, notably Guido da Castello, who on account of his singlemindedness was known as the Simple Lombard, and the poet Dante Alighieri.' The sarcophagus and equestrian statue of Can Grande are still to be seen among the famous tombs of the Scaligers at Verona. Canavese, district of Upper Italy, which lies between the Dora Riparia and the Dora Baltea, and stretches from the slopes of the Pennine and Graian Alps down to the Po ; it formed part of the ancient marquisate of Montferrat, and, according to Benvenuto, boasted of nearly 200 castles : — ' Contrata est contermina Montiferrato, quae clauditur a duobus brachiis fluminis, quod dicitur Dura, a tertia parte clauditur Pado, a quarta ab Alpibus, et habet forte ducenta castella.' [116] Cancellieri Cancellieri Sordello (in Antepurgatory) mentions it, together with Montferrat, in connexion with William Longsword, Marquis of Montferrat and Canavese (1254-1292), Purg. vii. 136. [Guglielmo 3 : Monferrato.] Cancellieri], Guelf family of Pistoja, which, owing to a feud between two branches, known as the Cancellieri Bianchi and the Cancellieri Neri, gave rise to the factions of the Bianchi and Neri, first in Pistoja (in 1300) and later in Florence. Focaccia, a member of this family, who was one of those principally concerned in the original strife, is mentioned by Camicione de' Pazzi (in Caina) as a typical traitor, Inf. xxxii. 63. Villani gives the following account of the Cancellieri family and of the origin of the feud : — ' In questi tempi (1300) essendo la citta di Pistoia in felice e grande e buono stato secondo il suo essere, a intra gli altri cittadini v' avea uno lignaggio di nobili e possenti che si chiamavano i Cancellieri, non per6 di grande antichita, nati d'uno ser Cancelliere, il quale fu mercatante e guadagnb moneta assai, e di due raogli ebbe piii figliuoli, 1 quali per la loro ricchezza tutti furono cavalieri, e uomini di valore e dabbene, e di loro nacquero molti figliuoli e nipoti, sicchd in questo tempo erano piii di cento uomini d'arme, ricchi e possenti e di grande affare, sicch6 non solamente i maggiori di Pistoia, ma de' piii possenti legnaggi di Toscana. Nacque tra loro per la soperchia grassezza, e per sussidio del diavolo, sdegno e nimista, tra '1 late di quelli ch' erano nati d'una donna a quelli dell' altra ; e I'una parte si puose nome i Cancellieri neri, e I'altra i bianchi ; e crebbe tanto che si fedirono insieme, non per6 di cosa inorma. E fedito uno di que' del lato de' Can- cellieri bianchi, que' del lato de' Cancellieri neri per avere pace e concordia con loro, mandarono quegli ch' avea fatta 1' offesa alia misericordia di coloro che I'aveano ricevuta, che ne prendessono I'ammenda e vendetta a loro volonta ; i quali del lato de' Cancellieri bianchi ingrati e superbi, non avendo in loro pieta n6 carita, la mano dal braccio tagliaro in su una mangiatoia a quegli ch' era venuto alia misericordia. Per lo quale comincia- mento e peccato, non solamente si divise la casa de' Cancellieri, ma piii micidii ne nacquero tra loro, e tutta la citta di Pistoia se ne divise, che I'uno tenea coll' una parte, e I'altro coU' altra, e chiamavansi parte bianca e nera, dimenticata tra loro parte guelfa e ghibellina : e piu battaglie cittadine, con molti periooli e micidii, ne nacquero e furono in Pistoia; e non solamente in Pistoia, ma poi la citta di Firenze e tutta Italia contaminaro le dette parti.' (viii. 38.) The subjoined narrative is from the Istorie Pistalesi, and is presumably the most authentic. It is noteworthy that neither in this account, nor in that of Villani given above, is there any mention of Focaccia, the hero of the story as told by Benvenuto da Imola [Bianchi]. He is, however, the chief actor in another disturbance which took place later in the same year, and which, according to the Pistojan chronicle, was the particular occurrence which led to the intervention of the Florentines, and to the sub- sequent introduction into Florence itself of the Bianchi and Neri feud. It is possible, therefore, that D.'s reference (Inf. xxxii. 63) may be to this latter incident, and not to the original quarrel between the two parties, as is generally supposed [rocaccia]. 'Narra si in questo libro la cagione, perche la citta di Pistoia e '1 suo contado venne in divisione ; cioS I'uno cittadino con I'altro, e I'uno fratello con I'altro. E per quella divisione si divise la citta di Firenze, e fecero di loro due parti : per modo che non fu ne maschio, ne femina, ne grande, ne piccolo, ne frate, ne prete, che diviso non fosse. Per la qual divisione si crearono in Pistoia due parti ; delle quali I'una si chiam6 parte Bianca, e I'altra si chiam6 parte Nera ; multiplicando tanto, che non romase persona ne in Citta, ne in Contado, che non tenesse, 6 con I'una parte, 6 con I'altra. . . . ' Nel 1300 la detta Citta havea assai nobili, e possenti cittadini, in fra quali era una schiatta, di nobili, e possenti cittadini, e gentil' huomini, gli quali si chiamavano Canceglieri ; et havea quella schiatta in quel tempo diciotto cavaglieri a speroni doro, et erano si grandi, e di tanta potenza, che tutti gl' altri grandi soprastavano, e batteano : e per loro grandigia, e richezza, montarono in tanta superbia, che non era nessuno si grande ne in Citta, ne in Contado, che non tenessono al disotto ; molto villaneggiavano ogni persona, e molte sozze e rigide cose faceano; e molti ne faceano uccidere, e fedire, e per tema di loro nessuno ardia a lamentarsi. ' Seguitoe, che certi giovani della detta casa, li quali teneano la parte Bianca ; et altri giovani della detta casa, li quali teneano la parte Nera : essendo a una cella, ove si vendea vino, et havendo beuto di soperchio, nacque scandolo in tra loro giocando ; Onde vennero a parole, e percossonsi insieme, si che quello della parte Bianca soprasteo a quello della parte Nera: lo quale havea nome Dore di M. Guiglielmo, uno de maggiori di casa sua, ciofe della parte Nera. Quello della parte Bianca, che 1' havea battuto, havea nome Carlino di M. Gualfredi pure de maggiori della casa della parte Bianca. Onde vedendosi Dore essere battuto, et oltraggiato, et vitoperato dal consorto suo, e non potendosi quivi vendicare, peroch' erano piii fratelli a darli : partissi, e propuosesi di volersi vendicare, e quel medesimo di cioe la sera a tardi stando Dore in posta, uno de fratelli del detto Carlino, cl^' havea offeso lui, ch' havea nome M. Vanni di M. Gualfredi, et era giudice, passando a cavallo in quel luogo, dove Dore stava in posta : Dore lo chiam6, et egli non sapendij quello, ch'el fratello gl' havea fatto, and6 a lui, et volendoli Dore dare d'una spada in su la testa M. Vanni, per riparare lo colpo, par6 la ixiano ; onde Dore menando gli tagli6 il volto, e la mano per modo, che non ve li romase altro, ch'el dito grosso : di che M. Vanni si partio, et andonne a casa sua : e quando lo padre, e' fratelli, e gl' altri consorti lo videro, cosi fedito, n' hebbero grande dolore : per6 ch' egl' era, come detto e, de migliori del lato suo : et anco perche colui, che 1' havea fedito era quello [117] Cancellieri, Pocaccia de' Caazoniere medesimo in tra quelli del suo lato, di che tutti gl' amici e parenti loro ne furono forte mal content!. Lo padre di M. Vanni, f;' fratelli pensarono per vendetta uccidere Dore, e '1 padre, e fratelli, e consorti di quelle lato : EUino erano mplto grandi, e molto imparentati, e colore gli teraeano assai, e tanta paura haveano di loro, che per temenza non usciano di casa. Onde vedendo il padre, e' fratelli, e consorti di Dore, che li convenia cosj stare in casa, credendo uscire della briga, diliberarono di mettere Dore nelle mani del padre, e de' fratelli di M. Vanni, che ne facessono loro piacere ; cre- dendo che con discrezione lo trattassono, come fratello, dopo questa deliberazione ordinarono tanto, che feciono pigliare Dore, e cosi preso lo mandarono a casa di M. Gualfredi, e de' fratelli di M. Vanni, e miserlo loro in mano : Costoro come spietati e crudeli, non riguardando alia benignita di coloro, che gli li haveano mandato, lo misono in una stalla di cavalli, e quivi uno de' fratelli di M. Vanni li tagli6 quella mano, con la quale egli havea tagliato quella di M. Vanni, e diedili un colpo nel viso in quel medesimo lato dove egli havea fedito M. Vanni, e cosi fedito e dimozzicato lo rimandarono a casa del padre ; Quando lo padre, e' frateUi, e consorti del lato suo, et altri suoi parenti lo , videro cosi concio, furono troppo dolenti : e questo fue tenuto per ogni persona troppo rigida e crudele cosa, a mettere mano nel sangue loro medesimo, c spezialmente havendolo loro , mandato alia misericordia : Questo fue lo cominciamento della divisione della Citta e Contado di Pistoia ; onde seguirono uccisioni d'huomini, arsioni di case, di castella, e di ville. ' La guerra si comincid aspra in tra quelli della casa de Canceglieri della parte Nera, e quelli della detta casa della parte Bianca, e disfidaronsi insieme, e tanto multiplied la guerra, che non rimase in Pistoia ne nel Contado persona, che non tenesse, 6 con I'una parte, 6 con I'altra : e spesso per questa cagione combattea I'uno vicino con I'altro in Citta et in Contado.' {1st. Pist., ed. 1578, pp. 1-3.) In the Pecorone of Giovanni Fiorentino a girl is said to have been the cause of the quarrel : — ' Per una fantesca che era assai bella e gratiosa nacque fra loro una maladetta divisione di parole e di alcuna ferita, di che sendosi divisi in due parti, I'una si chiamava Cancellieri Bianchi, ci6 e quegU che discesero dalla prima moglie, et altri si cbiamarono Cancellieri Neri, e questi discesero dalla seconda.' {Giorn. xiii. Nov. i.) Cancellieri, Focaccia de'. [Fooaceia.] CancrOj Cancer (' the Crab '), constellation and fourth sign of the Zodiac, which the Sun enters at the summer solstice (about June 21) [Zodiaco]. Speaking of the brightness of the spirit of St. John, D. says that if a luminary of that brilliance were to shine in Cancer, it would be as light as day during a whole winter month, Par. xxv. 100-2. During the middle month of winter, when the Sun is in Capricorn, Cancer, being then exactly opposite the Sun, is up throughput the night, which, in the case D. supposes, would thus be turned into day, so that daylight would be continuous throughout the month. D.'s meaning is that the spirit of St. John shone with a briUiancy equal to that of the Sun. Cancer and Capricorn each of them distant somewhat more than 23 degrees (actually 23° 28') from the Equator, Conv. iii. 5I3T-42. Cane della Scala. [Can Orande.] Canis Grandis de Scala, Can Grande, Epist. %. tit. ; A. T. § 248. [Can Orande.] Canne], Cannae, village in Apulia, famous as the scene of the defeat of the Romans by Hannibal during the Second Punic War, B.C. 216. D. alludes to the battle of Cannae and to the heap of gold rings taken from the bodies of the dead Romans and produced in the senate-house at Carthage by Hannibal's envoy as proof of his victory, Inf. xxviii. 10-12 ; Conv. iv. 5I64-8 ; in the former passage (v. 12) D. mentions Livy as his authority, but from the . context of the second passage it appears that he was indebted rather to Orosius (Hist. iv. 16, §§ 5, 6) than to Livy (xxiii. 11-12). [Livio: Orosio : Scipione 1.] Cantlcum Caaticorutn, Canticles or the Song of Songs (in A. V. the Song of Solomon), Mon. iii. lo^^* ; quoted, Purg. xxx. 1 1 [Cant. iv. 8) ; Conv. ii. (fi*^'' [Cant. viii. 5) ; Conv. ii. 15X76-8 [Cant. vi. 8-9: Vulg. vi. 7-8); Mon. iii. 3^9 (Cant. i. 3) ; Mon. iii. io59-6i (Cant. viii. s). — The Canticles is supposed to be sym- bolized by one of the four-and-twenty elders (representing the 24 books of the O. T. accord- ing to the reckoning of St.Jerome) in the mys- tical Procession in the Terrestrial Paradise, Purg. xxix. 83-4. [Bibbla : Processione.] Cantor, II, the Singer ; title by which D. refers to David, Par. xx. 38 ; xxv. 72 ; xxxii. 11 [David] ; to Virgil, Purg. xxii. 57 [Virgilio]. Canzoniere], collection of D.'s lyrical poems, consisting of sonnets, canzoni, balhie, and sestine. A large proportion of these belong to the Vita Nuova, and a few to the Convivio ; the rest appear to be independent pieces, though some think that the ' canzoni pietrose ' (viz. Canz. xii, Sest. ii, Canz. xv, and Best, i), so called from the frequent recurrence in them of the word j>ietra (supposed, like the selvaggia of Cino da Pistoja and the lauro of Petrarca, to be a lady's name), form a spedal group. The Vita Nuova contains twenty-five son- nets (Son. i-xxv) two of which (Son. ii, iv) are irregular, while one (Son. xviii) has two versions of the first quatrain (V. N. §§ 3, 7, % 9) 13. 14, IS. 16, 20, 21, 22, 24, 26, 27, 33, 35. 36, 37, 38, 39> 40; 41, 42) ; five canzoni (Canz. i-v), of which two (Canz. iii, v) are imperfect (V. N. §§ 19, 23, 28, 32, 34) ; and one ballata (Ball, i, V. N. § 12). \yita Nuova.] [118] Canzoniere Caorsa The Convivio contains three canzoni (Canz. vi-viii) with an accompanying commentary, out of fourteen which it was intended to con- tain. \Convivio7[ In the De Vulgari Eloquentia D. quotes the first lines of nine of his poems, all of which are extant, except one, beginning ' Traggemi della mente Amor la stiva ' (V. E. ii. 1 1^2) which is not included in the existing collections, and so far has not been discovered in MSS.; of the eight others, two are given at length in the Vita Nuova (Canz. i, ii), and one jn the Convivio (Canz. vii) ; these eight poems occur as follows ! — ' Doglia mi reca nello core ardire ' (Canz. x ; V. E. ii. 2«). 'Amor, che muovi tua virtu dal cielo' (Canz. ix; V. E. ii. 5™, ii=»). ' Amor, che nella mente mi ragiona ' (Canz. vii ; V. E. ii. 6" ; Conv. iii ; Purg. ii. 112). 'Donne, ch'avete intelletto d'amore ' (Canz. i; V. E. ii. 8", 12" ; V. N. § 19). 'AI poco giorno, ed al gran cerchio d'ombra' (Sest. i ; V. E. ii. io'», 13'*). 'Donna pietosa, e di novella etate' (Canz. ii; V. E. ii. n*'; V.N. § 23). ' Poscia ch' Amor del tutto m' ha l^sciato ' (Canz. xix ; V. E. ii. i?''). ' Amor, tu vedi ben che questa Donna ' (Sest. ii ; V. E. ii. I3==). In the Epistolae two poems are included : — a canzone, beginning ' Amor, dacchfe convien pur ch' io mi doglia ' (Can?, xi), is appended to the letter addressed to Moroello Malaspina (Epist. iii) ; and a sonnet, beginning ' To sono stato con Amore insjeme ' (Son. xxxvi), is appended to the letter addressed to Cino da Pistoja (Epist. iv). This gives a total, so far, of twenty-six son- nets, i. e. twenty-five (V. N.) and one (Epist. iv) ; thirteen canzoni, \. e. five (V. N.), three (Conv.), four (V. E.), and one (Epist. iii) ; two sestine (V. E.) ; and one ballata (V. N.). In addition to these, a considerable number of other lyrical poems is attributed to D., some of which are almost certainly not his. In the several editions of the Canzoniere the number varies according to the taste or caprice of the various editors, there being as yet no accepted critical test. Witte's collection includes in all eighty sonnets, twenty-six canzoni, and twelve ballate.. Fraticelli prints as genuine, forty- four sonnets, twenty-one canzoni, ten ballate, and three sestine ; as doubtful, five sonnets, one canzone, and two ballate ; and as spurious, thirty-four sonnets, thirteei} canzoni, three ballate, and three mq.drigals. Giuliani prints as genuine, thirty-fiye sonnets, twenty-one canzoni, seven ballate, an4 one sestina ; as doubtful, eight sonnets, one canzone, four ballate, and two sestine. In the Oxford Dante are printed fifty-one sonnets, twenty-one can- zoni, ten ballate, and four sestine, eighty-six poems in all, the total being made up of the seventy-eight printed as genuine by Fraticelli, and the eight which he considers doubtful. [Table xxxii.] The tenzone or poetical correspondence between D. and Forese Donati, consisting of six sonnets (three addressed by D. to Forese, and three of Forese's in reply), though long considered of dubious authenticity, is now generally accepted by the best critics as genuine. These sonnets are not included in the Oxford Dante. [Forese]. Of D.'s lyric poems Villani says : — ' Fece in sua giovanezza il libro della VHa nova d'amore ; e poi quando fu in esilio fece da venti can- zonf morali e d'amore molto eccellenti.' (ix. 136.) Boccaccio says : — ' Compose molte canzoni distese, sonetti, e ballate assai e d'amore e morali, oltre a quelle che nella sua i^ita Nuovd appariscono.' Among those to whom D. addressed poems were his friends Guide Cavalcanti (Son. xxxii) and Cino da Pistoja (Son. xxxiv, xlvi). The first printed collection of D .'s lyric poems appears to have been that included in ' Sonetti e canzoni di diversi antichi autori toscani in dieci libri raccolte,' published at Florence in 1 527, the first four books of which contain forty- five sonnets, nineteen canzoni, eleven ballate, and one sestina, attributed to D. Certain, however, of the cc^nzoni and madrigali (as they are described) had already been printed at Milan in 15 18. Fifteen canzoni are printed at the end of the first edition of the Vita Nuova (Florence, 1576). Caorsa, Cahors, town in S. of France, on the river Lot, capital of the ancient Province of Quercy in Guyenne, chief town of mod. Department of Lot. It was famous in the Middle Age? as a great centre of usurers, whence the term Caorsinus\)t.cs.xas. a common synonym for ' usurer.' D. uses the terms Sodqm and Cahors, to indicate Sodomites and Usurers, who are punished in Round 3 of Circle VII of Hell, among the Violent, Inf. xi. 49-51 [Sodomiti : Usurai]. Boccaccio says that the practice of usury was so prevalent at Cahors that even the servant-maids used to lend their wages, and any trifiing sum they received : — ' Caorsa 6 una citta in Prpenz^ ... si del tutto data al prestare a^ usura, che in quella non 6 ne uomo n6 femmina, rvh vecchio ne giovane, nh piccolo ne grande che a ci6 non intenda ; e non che altri, ma ancora le serventi, npn che il lor salario, ma se d'altra parte sei p otto denari venisser loro alle mani, tantosto gh dispongono e prestano ad alcun prezzo ; per la qual cosa e tanto questo lor miserabile esercizio divulgato, e massimamente appo noi, che come I'uom dice d'alcuno, egli e Caorsino, cosi s'intende che egli sia usuraio.' [119] Caorsino Capaneo In the frequent edicts issued by various European sovereigns for the expulsion of usurers, the term 'Caorsini' (often coupled with ' Lombard! ') constantly recurs. Du Cange quotes from an edict issued by Charles II of Anjou against the Jews, dated Dec. 8, 1289: — ' Praecipimus ut expulsio praedicta extendatur ad omnes Lombardos, Caturcinos, aliasque personas alienigenas, usuras publice exercentes'; and from another issued by Philip III of France : — 'Extirpate volentes de finibus Regni nostri usurariam pravitatem, quam quosdam Lombardos at Caorsinos, aliosque complures alienigenas in eodem Regno publice intelleximus exercere . . . ' Matthew of Westminster writes (anno 1232) :— ' Rogerius London, episcopus . . . aegre sustinens usurarios Christianos quos Caursinos appellamus, in civitate sua habitare, et foenora sua, variato nomine palliantes, exercere, conabatur eos a dioecesi sua propulsare.' So Matthew Paris (anno 1235) : — ' Invaluit his diebus adeo Caursinorum pestis abominanda, ut vix esset aliquis in tota Anglia, . . . qui retibus illorum jam non illaquearetur. Etiam ipse Rex debito inestimabili eis tenebatur obligatus. Circumveniebant enim in necessitatibus indigentes, usuram sub specie negoti^tionis palli- antes.' The word was still in use in the same sense in the next century, as appears from a statute of the church of Meaux (anno 1346), quoted by Du Cange : — ' Inhibentes ne quis in domibus, vel in locis, aut in terris Ecclesiarum Lombardos, aut alios advenas, qui vulgariter Caorcini dicuntur, usurarios mani- feste receptare praesumat.' All the old commentators (with the exception of the Anonimo Fiorentino, who says : ' Caorsa h una terra in Lunigiana ') seem to have under- stood the reference as being to Cahors in Guyenne. The suggested derivation of ' Caor- sini' from the Corsini, the great Florentine bankers, is inadmissible, there being no evidence to show that the Corsini were known outside Florence, much less outside Italy, as early as the first half of Cent, xiii, during which period the term was in common use in England and France, as is shown above. (See Todeschini, Scritti su D., ii. 303-12.) Caorsino, inhabitant of Cahors ; St. Peter, in his denunciation (in the Heaven of Fixed Stars) of his successors in the See of Rome, referring to the extortions and avarice of John XXII (who was a native of Cahors), and of his predecessor, the Gascon Clement V, says 'Del sangue nostro Caorsini e Guaschi S'apparec- chian di here,' Par. xxvii. 58-9 [Caorsa : Clements 2 : Giovanni XXII]. Caos, Chaos, the vacant and infinite space, which, according to the ancient cosmogonies, existed previous to the creation of the world, and out of which the gods, men, and all things came into being. D. mentions Chaos in connexion with the theory of Empedocles, that the alternate supremacy of hate and love was the cause of periodic destruction and cgnstruction in the scheme of the universe, Inf. xii. 41-3 [Empe- docles]. Caosse. [Caos.] Capaneo, Capaneus, son of Hipponoiis, one of the seven kings who besieged Thebes ; he was struck by Zeus with a thunderbolt as he was scaling the walls of the city, because he had dared to defy the god. D. places C. among the Blasphemers in Round 3 of Circle VII of Hell, and represents him as defying the gods even in Hell, Inf. xiv. 63 ; quel grande, v. 46 ; quel medesmo, v. 49 ; lui, V. 50 ; I'un de' sette regi CK assiser Tebe, w. 68-9 ; lui, ^/. 71 [Bestemmlatori] ; he is referred to (in connexion with Vanni Fucci, than whom D. says he saw no spirit in all Hell more rebellious against God, not even Capaneus) as quel che cadde a Tebe giil dd muri, Inf. xxv. 15 ; and mentioned as the type of impious pride, Canz. xviii. 70. As D. and Virgil cross the plain of sand where the Violent are exposed to the rain of fire, D. sees a mighty spirit (that of C.) ' who seems not to care for the burning,' and asks V. who it is (Inf. xiv. 43-8) ; the spirit himself in reply exclaims that such as he was living guch he is dead {vv. 49-51) ; and that even if Jove were to weary out Vulcan and the Cyclops, as he did at the battle of Phlegra, and were to shoot at him with all his might, he would still care not (^v. 52-60) ; thereupon V. rebukes him, calling him by name {^v. 61-6), and then explains to D. who he was (vv. 67-72). [Plegra.] D. got the story of C. from Statins, from whose account he has borrowed several touches : — [The gods, anxious for the fate of Thebes, clamour to Jupiter to intervene ; he remains un- moved. The voice of Capaneus is heard impiously challenging the gods to come to the aid of the city, and taunting Jupiter in particular.] 'Nontamen haec turbant pacem Jovis; ecce quierant Juma, cum mediis Capaneus auditus in astris: Nunane pro trepidis, clamabat, numina Thebis Statis? ubi infandae segnes teljuris alumni, Bacchus et Alddes? pudet instigare minores. Tu potius venias (quis enim concurrere nobis Dignior? en cineres Semeleaqne busta tenentur), Nunc age, nunc totis in me conitere flammis, luppiterl an pavidas tonitru turbare puellas Fortius et soceri turres excindere Cadmi ? [Jupiter, at the instance of the other gods, smites him with a thunderbolt ; he refuses to fall, and dies upright, leaning for support against the walls of the city. ] [120] Capeti CapoccMo Ingemuit dictis superum dolor ; ipse furentem Risit et incussa sanctarutn mole coniarum, Quaenam spes jiominum tumidae post praelia Phlegrae? Tune etiam feriendus ? ait. Premit undiqae lentum Turba deum frendens et tela ultricia poscit . . . in media vertigine mundi Stare virutn jnsatiasque vident deposcere pugnas . . . dicentem toto Jove fulmen adactum Corripuit; primae fugere in nubila cristae, Et clipei niger umbo cadit, jamque omnia lucent Membra vin . . . Stat tamen, extremumgue in sidera versus anhelat, Fectoraque invisis obicit fumantia muris, Ne caderet : sed membra vinim terrena relinquunt, Exuiturque anitpus ; paulum si tardius artus Cessissent, potuit fulmen sperare secundum.' {Thebaid.-yi. 897-906, 907-11, 918 ff.) Capeti], the Capets, the third race of French kings ; alluded to by Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory) as 'la mala pianta, Che la terra cristiana tutta aduggia,' Purg. xx. 43-4- In the year 1300 (the assumed date of the Vision) a Capet was on the throne of France (viz. Philip IV, who was also King-consort of Navarre), and another on the throne of Naples (viz. Charles II of Anjou, whose grandson, Charles Robert, was heir to the Hungarian throne). The first of the Capets known in history was Robert the Strong, a Saxon, who was Count of Paris in 861, Count of Anjou in 864, and Duke of France in 866, in which year he died ; his great-grandson, Hugh Capet (Duke of France, 960), son of Hugh the Great (Duke of France, d. 956), was elected King of France in 987, and thus supplanted the Car- lovingian dynasty. In the Capetian dynasty the French crown descended from father to son (from Hugh Capet down to Louis X, who was succeeded by his two brothers) for more than three hundred years. [Ciapetta : Table viii. A.] Capitolium, the Capitol of Rome ; besieged by the Gauls (under Brennus in 390) and saved by M. Manlius, who was aroused from sleep by the cackling of the sacred geese, Mon. ii. 4*3-9 j referred to, by an anachronism, in connexion with the same incident, as Campidoglio, Conv. iv. 5I6O-4 [Campidoglio : Galli^: Manlius]. Capocchio, 'Blockhead,' name (or nick- name) of an alchemist placed by D. among the falsifiers in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf xxix. 136 ; xxx. 28 ; raltro lebbroso, xxix. 124 [Falaatori]. On their way through Bolgia 10 D. and Virgil see two spirits (Griffolino and Capocchio) seated back to back supporting each other, and scratching the scabs from their flesh (Inf. xxix. 73-84) ; V. addresses one of them (Grif- folino) and asks if any ' Latins ' are among them (z/z/. 85-90) ; G. replies that both he and his comrade are ' Latins,' and asks V. who he is {vv. 91-3) ; V. tells him that he has brought D., who is alive, to show him Hell [yv. 94-6) ; thereupon the two spirits start apart and gaze at D. {vv. 97-9) ; at V.'s suggestion D. then asks them who they are {^v. 100-8) ; G. states that he belonged to Arezzo, and was burnt at the instance of Albero of Siena, because in jest he had offered to teach him to fly, and had not done so ; he adds, however, that it was not on that account that he was in Hell, but because he had been an alchemist {vv. 109-20) [Albero : Griffolino] ; D. then asks V. if any folk were ever so vain (empty- headed) as the Sienese {vv. 121-3), to which the other spirit (Capocchio) replies, ironically mentioning as exceptions several notorious Sienese spendthrifts {vv. 124-32) ; he after- wards names himself, mentioning that he had falsified metals by alchemy, and implies that D. had been acquainted with him {vv. 133-9) > later on two other spirits, come rushing madly along, one of whom makes for C, gores him on the neck, and drags him to the ground (xxx. 25-30) ; G. informs D. that this is Gianni Schicchi, and that the other is Myrrha {vv. 31-45) [Gianni Sehicchi : Mirra]. C. was a Florentine (or, according to some, a Sienese) and was burnt at Siena in 1293 as an alchemist, as is proved by a document dated Aug. 3, 1293, preserved in the State Archives at Siena : — ' Item pagati xxxviii sol. dicta die in uno floreno de auro tribus ribaldis qui fecerunt unam justitiam, ideo quod fecerunt comburi Capocchium.' Benvenuto tells a story of how one Good Friday C. depicted on his finger-nails the whole story of the Passion, and then, on being sur- prised by D., licked it off again ; for which D. reproved him, it seeming to him as mar- vellous a feat as that of the man who made a copy of the whole Iliad minute enough to be contained in a nutshell, or that of another man who made imitation ants in ivory : — ' Iste fuit quidam magister Capochius florentinus, vir ingeniosus ad omnia, maxime ad transnatu- randum metalla ; qui ob hoc, ut quidam dicunt, fuit combustus in civitate Senarum. . . . Semel die quodam Veneris sancti cum staret solus abstractus in quodam claustro, efBgiavit sibi totum processum passionis Domini in unguibus mira artificiositate ; et cum Dantes superveniens quaereret : quid est hoc quod fecisti ? iste subito cum lingua delevit quidquid cum tanto labore ingenii fabricaverat. De quo Dantes multum arguit eum, quia istud opus videbatur sibi non minus mirabile, quam opus illius, qui totam Iliadem tam subtiliter descripsit, quod intra testam nucis claudebatur ; et alius fecit formicas eburneas.' The Anonimo Fiorentino says that D. and C. studied together, and that the latter, before he took to counterfeiting metals, used to be a wonderful'mimic : — ' Fu da Firenze, et fu conoscente dell' Auttore, et insieme studiorono ; et fu uno che, a modo d'uno uomo di corte, seppe contraffare ogni uomo che volea, et ogni cosa, tanto ch' egli parea [121] Caponsacchi propriamente la cosa o I'uomo ch' egli contraffacea in ciascuno atto : diessi nell' ultimo a contraffare i metalli, come egli facea gli uomini.' Caponsacchi. [Caponsaooo, II.] Caponsacco, II, one of the Caponsacchi, ancient noble family of Florence, who origin- ally (in 1 125) came from Fiesole. Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) says that they were already settled in the Mercato Vecchio in his day, Par. xvi. 121-2. Villani mentions them among the noble famihes that lived in that quarter : — ' Nel quartiere di porta san Piero . . . presso a Mercato vecchio abitavano i Caponsacchi che furono grandi Fiesolani.' (iv. 11.) He says they were one of the original Ghi- belline families in Florence (v. 39), and records that they took part in the expulsion of the Florentine Guelfs in 1244 (vi. 33), and that they were among the Ghibellines who were themselves expelled in 1258 (vi. 65). After their return from exile in 1280 they appear to have joined the Bianchi, and to have been again expelled along with them in 1302. It is stated by Rica (Ckiese Florentine) that the wife of Folco Portinari and mother of Beatrice was a member of the Caponsacchi family. Cappelletti, according to some, a noble Ghibelline family of Verona, according to others a Guelf family of Cremona ; mentioned by D., together with the Mojitecchi, in his appeal to the Emperor, Albert of Austria, to come into Italy to look after the interests of his adherents, Purg. vi. 106. On an incident arising out of a feud between these two families, ' the Montagues and Capu- lets,' Shakespeare founded his play of Romeo and Juliet. According to Benvenuto the two houses were in alliance, and waged war together against their common foe, the Counts of San Bonifacio : — ' Istae fuerunt duae clar^e familiae Verpnae, maxime Monticuli, quae habuerunt diu bellum cum alia nobilissima familia, scilicet, cum comitibus de Sancto Bonifacio.' The Montecchi were the heads of the Ghibel- line party in Verona, and allied themselves with the notorious Ezzelino da Romano, who through their means became lord of Verona (1236-1259) [Montecchi]. Pietro di Dante speaks of the Cappelletti as belonging to Cremona, their op- ponents in that city being the Troncaciufifi ; — ' In Verona est facta pars Montecchia et pars Comitum ; in Cremona Cappelletti et Troncaciuffi ; in Urbeveteri pars Monaldeschia et Philippesca; et sic de aliis.' According to this view the four houses named by D. are meant to be regarded as pairs of opposing families, whose differences were to be ended by the coming of the Emperor, not merely as examples of oppressed Ghibellines ; Caprona this is the more probable, because two of the four families appear to have been Guelf, viz. the Monaldi or Monaldeschi (according to Villani, ix. 40), and the Cappelletti (according to Salimbene, who describes them as the leaders of the Papal party in Cremona). [Pilip- peschi.] Capra, 'the Goat,' i.e. Capricorn, one of the signs of the Zodiac ; alluded to as ' il corno della Capra del ciel,' Par. xxvii. 68-9. [Capri- corno.] Capraia. [Caprara.] Caprara, Capraia, small island in the Medi- terranean, about 20 miles E. of the N.-most point of Corsica ; D. calls upon it and Gorgona, another island further N., to come and block up the mouth of the Arno, in order that Pisa and its inhabitants may be annihilated, Inf xxxiii. 82-4 [Gorgona]. Both these islands in D.'s time belonged to Pisa. A nephew of the Count Ugolino deUa Gherardesca, viz. the Count Anselmo, whona he is said to have poisoned (Villani, vii. 121), took his title from Capraia. Capricorno, Capricorn, constellation and tenth sign of the Zodiac, which the Sun enters at the winter solstice (about Dec. 22) [Zodiaoo]. D. speaks of the Sun driving Capricorn from mid-heaven, meaning that C. had passed the meridian, the time indicated being about 6 a.m., Purg. ii. 56-7; the sign is referred to as 'il corno della Capra del ciel' (the season indi- cated being mid-winter). Par. xxvii. 68-9; Cancer and Capricorn each of them distant rather more than 33 degrees (actually 23° 28') from the Equator, Cqnv. iii. 5i37-42_ Caprona, castle in the territory of Pisa, about 5 miles from that city, on a hill close to the Arno. In August, 1289, shortly after the death of Count Ugolino and the expulsion of the Guelfs froni Pisa, the Tuscan Guelfs, headed by the Lucchese apd Florentines, in- vaded the Pisan territory, and paptured several forts, including that of Caprona, as Villani records : — ' Nel detto anng 1289 4^1 mese d'Agosto, i Lucchesi feciono oste sopra la citta di Pisa colla forza de' Fiorentini, . . . e andarono insino alle porte di Pisa, e fecionvi i Lucchesi correre il palio per la Joro festa di san Regolo, e guastarl^ intorno in venticinque di che vi stettono ad oste, e presono il castello di Caprona, e guastarlo.' (vii. 137.) D. mentions Caprona, with reference (prob- ably) to the capitulation of the Pisan garrisqn, and their issue from the fort through the rtiidst of the besieging force under a safe-coiiduct, Inf. xxi. 94-6. Biiti, who was a Pisan, and lectured on the D. C. at Pisa, holds that D. is referring tq what took place on a later occasion, when [122] Cardinale, II Cardinale, II Caprona and the other captured forts were retaken by the Pisans under Guido da Monte- feltro, who was military captain of Pisa from March I28f to 1293 (Villani, vii. 128 ; viii. 2) :— ' Questo castello era si forte che per battaglia non si poteva avere, onde avvenne che, fatto poi capitano di guerra per li Pisani il conte Guido da Monte Feltro, acquist6 a' Pisani tutto ci6 che avevano perduto, et ancora Caprona : imper6 che, spiato per alcuno segreto modo che quelli dentro non av^eano acqua, si raosse un di' da Pisa et assedib Caprona ; e non avendo piii che here, benche avessono assai da mangiare, i fanti che v'erano dentro s'arrenderono a patto d'essere salve le persone. E quando uscirono fuori del castello et andavano tra' nimici, v' erano di quelli che diceano e gridavano : Appicca, appicca : im- per6 che il conte Guido li avea fatti legare tutti ad una fune, accib che non si partissono I'uno dair altro, et andando spartiti non fossono morti da' - contadini ; e facevali menare in verso Pisa, per conducerli a una via che andava diritto a Lucca, piti breve che alcun' altra ; e pertanlo elli ebbono paura ch' el patto, che era loro stato fatto, non fosse attenuto.' The difficulty in the way of accepting this as the incident alluded to by D. lies in the fact that on the occasion he refers to he was himself present (' vid' io ') ; so that, if Buti's supposition is correct, D. must either, though himself a Guelf, have been among the Ghibellines who were besieging the fort, or he must have formed part of the beleaguered garrison, neither of which is likely to have been the case. It may be added that neither Villani nor the other chroniclers mention this alleged recapture of Caprona of which Buti speaks. Benvenuto, who understands the reference to be to the original capture of Caprona by the Tuscan Guelfs, states that D. himself took part in the siege : — 'Hie nota quod autor fuit personaliter in isto exercitu ; erat enim tunc juvenis viginti quinque annorum, et ibi vidit istum actun) ; ideo libentius fecit talem comparalionem, ut de se memoriam faceret, quia aliquando tractaverat arma.' But it is more probable that he wag present merely as a spectator. Buti records that in his d^y the castle of Caprona was a ruin, nothing being left but the outside walls and one of the (owers. Cardinale, II, Cardinal Ottaviano degli Ubaldini, known to his contemporaries as ' the' Cardinal' par excellence; e.g. the Anonimo Fiorentino says : — ' Perb che questo cardinale Ottaviano fu il maggiore di veruno altro cardinale a quel tempo, per eccellenzia, dicendo il Cardinale, s'intendea di Ottaviano.' D. places him among the Heretics in Circle VI of Hell, Inf x. 120. [Eretici.] Ottaviano, who was brother of Ubaldino della Pila (Purg. xxiv. 29) and uncle of the Archbishop Ruggieri (Inf. xxxiii. 14), was made Bishop of Bologna in 1240, when he was under thirty, by special dispensation of Pope Gregory IX, and in 1244 he was created Cardinal by Innocent IV at the Council of Lyons ; he was papal legate in Lombardy, and died in 1273 [Ubaldini]. Benvenuto describes him as a devoted Ghibelline, and credits him (as do Lana and others) with a saying : ' If I have a soul, I have lost it a thousand times over for the Ghibellines' : — 'Vir fuit valentissimus tempore suo, sagax et audax, qui curiam Romanam versabat pro velle suo, et aliquando tenuit eam in montibus Florentiae in terris suorum per aliquot menses ; et saepe de- fendebat palam rebelles ecclesiae contra Papam et Cardinales; fuit magnus protector et fautor ghibelinorum, et quasi obtinebat quidquid volebat. Ipse fecit primum Archiepiscopum de dome vice- comitum Mediolani, qui exaltavit stirpem suam ad dominium illius civitatis, et altam potentiam in Lombardia : erat multum honoratus et formidatus ; ideo, quando dicebatur tunc : Cardinalis dixit sic ; Cardinalis fecit sic ; intelligebatur de cardinali Octaviano de Ubaldinis per excellentiam. Fuit tamen epicureus ex gestis et verbis ejus j nam cum semel petiisset a ghibelinis Tusciae certam pecuniae quantitatem pro uno facto, et non obtinuisset, prorupit indignanter et irate in banc vocem : si anima est, ego perdidi ipsam millies pro ghibelinis.' Salimbene of Parma, who was personally acquainted with him, gives the following naive account of the Cardinal in his Chronicle (printed by C. E. Norton in Report XIV of American Dante Society) : — ' Missus fuit in Lombardiam legatus dominus Octavianus diaconus cardinalis. Hie, fuit pulcher homo et nobilis, scilicet de filiis Hubaldini de Musello in episcopatu fiorentino : multum reputatus fuit ex parte Imperii, sed propter honorem suum interdum faciebat aliqua ad utilitatem Ecclesiae, gciens quod propter hoc missus fuerat. . . . Cum redii in Lombardiam, et post plures annos dominus Octavianus adhuc legatus esset Bononiae, pluribus vicibus comedi cijm eo ; et locabat me semper in capite mensae suae, ita quod inter me et ipsum non erat nisi sooius frater, et ipse tertium locum mensae habebat a capite. Tunc faciebam quod Sapiens in Prov. dopet xxiii ; et hoc fieri oportebat, quoniam tota sala palatii discumbentibus erat plena. Verumtamen abundanter et decenter comestibilia habebamus et vinum abundans et praecipuum ponebatur, et omnia delicata. Tunc coepi cardi- nalem diligere.' Villani relates that he alone of the Papal Court rejoiced at the news of the battle of Montaperti : — 'Come in corte di Roma venne la novella della sconfitta, il papa e' cardinali ch' amavano lo stato di santa Chiesa, n' ebbono grande dolore e com- passione . . . ma il cardinal Ottaviano degli [12.3] Cariddi Carlo Ubaldini, ch' era ghibellino, ne fece gran festa.' (vi. 80.) It appears, however, that the Cardinal, though a Ghibelline by family and with undoubted Ghibelline leanings, was during at least a con- siderable portion of his career a zealous partisan of the Guelf cause, to which, as Philalethes points out, he rendered important services. (See Gozzadini, Le Torri gentilizie di Bologna, pp. 503 ff.) Cariddi, Charybdis, eddy or whirlpool in the Straits of Messina, which was regarded as peculiarly dangerous by ancient navigators, because in the endeavour to avoid it they risked being wrecked upon Scylla, a rock opposite to it. D. compares the jostling of the Misers and the Prodigals in Circle IV of Hell, to the tumbling and breaking of the waves in the whirlpool, as the opposing currents from the Ionian and Tyrrhenian Seas meet together. Inf. vii. 22-4. [Avari.] Benvenuto quotes the famous line (from the Alexandreis of Gautier de Lille) : — 'Incidit in Scillam cupiens vitare Caribdim.' Carignano, Angiolello da. [AngioleUo.] Carisenda, one of the leaning towers at Bologna, built in mo by Filippo and Oddo dei Garisendi ; it is 163 ft. high and 10 ft. out of the perpendicular. At its side stands the Asinelli tower (erected in 1109 by Gherardo degli Asinelli) which is 320 ft. high, and 4 ft. out of the perpendicular. D. compares the stooping giant Antaeus to the Carisenda tower as it appears to a spectator when the clouds are sailing over it from behind him. Inf. xxxi. 136-8. [Anteo.] These two towers stand in a small piazza at the E. end of what is now the Via Rizzoli, in the quarter formerly known as the Porta Ravignana, nearly in the centre of the town. Benvenuto says that the Carisenda (which is also known as ' la torre mozza') was considerably higher at the time D. wrote, a great part of it having been thrown down by Giovanni di Oleggio, one of the Visconti of Milan, during his 'tyranny' (1351- 1360) at Bologna. He adds that this was doubtless a reminiscence of D.'s student-days at the university of Bologna. (See Gozzadini, Le Torri gentilizie di Bologna, pp. 272 ff.) There is a tradition to the effect that the Carisenda tower was built purposely with a lean, in order that it should attract more attention than the lofty Asinelli tower at its side. A close inspection, however, of the building will reveal the fact that the courses of bricks, as well as the holes for the scaffolding (which still remain), run at right angles to the inclination of the tower, thus proving that the leaning is due, not to design, but to the accidental sinking of the foundations. To the same cause is doubtless due the inclination of the neighbouring tower, and of the Campanile at Pisa (which is 13 ft. out of the perpendicular in a height of 179 ft.), as well as of several of those at Venice. Vasari, in his life of Arnolfo di Lapo, discusses the reasons why neither the Campanile at Pisa, nor the Carisenda tower at Bologna, has lost its stability in spite of the inclination. Carlino, Carlino de' Pazzi of Valdarno, who, while the Neri of Florence and the Lucchese were besieging Pistoja in 1302, held the castle of Piantravigne in the Valdarno for the Bianchi of Florence, but treacherously for a bribe delivered it into the hands of the Neri. Villani gives the following account : — 'Nella stanza del detto assedio di Pistoia si rubell6 a' Fiorentini il castello di Piantravigne in Valdarno, per Carlino de' Pazzi di Valdarno, e in quello col detto Carlino si rinchiusono de' migliori nuovi usciti bianchi e ghibellini di Firenze grandi e popolani, e faceano grande guerra nel Valdarno ; la qual cosa fu cagione di levarsi I'oste da Pistoia, lasciando i Fiorentini il terzo della loro gente all' assedio di Serravalle in servigio de' Lucchesi, e tutta I'altra oste tornata in Firenze, sanza soggiorno n' andarono del mese di Giugno in Valdarno e al detto castello di Piano, e a quello stettono e as- sediarono per ventinove di. Alia fine per tradi- mento del sopraddetto Carlino, e per moneta che n' ebbe, i Fiorentini ebbono il castello. Essendo il detto Carlino di fuori, fece a' suoi fedeli dare I'entrata del castello, onde molti vi furono morti e presi, pure de' migliori usciti di Firenze.' (viii. 53.) Dino Compagni says : — 'A parte bianca e ghibellina accorsono molte orribili disaventure. Eglino aveano in Valdarno uno castello in Plan di Sco, nel quale era Carlino de' Pazzi con lx cavagli e pedoni assai. I Neri di Firenze vi posono I'assedio. Dissesi che Car- lino li tradi per danari ebbe: il perchd i Neri vi misono le masnade loro, e presono gli uomini, e parte n'uccisono, e il resto feciono ricomperare.' (ii. 28.) Carlino's act of treachery not having yet taken place at the assumed date of the Vision (1300), D. assigns him his place in Caina by anticipation, making his kinsman Camicione, who had himself been guilty of the treacherous murder of a relative, say that he awaited Carlino's coming to excuse him (meaning that his own crime would appear trivial beside that of Carlino), Inf. xxxii. 69. [Camicione: Pazzi.J Benvenuto says that two relatives of Carlino, one of them being his uncle, were among the Ghibelline prisoners put to death by the Neri on taking possession of the castle. The site of the castle of Piantravigne, which was in the commune of Pian di Sco in the Upper Valdarno, is now occupied by Pieve di San Lorenzo in Piantravigne. Carlo 1, Charles I, King of Naples and Sicily, Count of Anjou and Provence, younger son of Louis VIII of France and Blanche of Castile, and brother of St. Louis ; he was born in 1220 ; in 1246 he married Beatrice, youngest daughter [124] Carlo Carlo of Count Raymond Berenger IV of Provence, in whose right he became Count of Provence ; and in 1266, after the defeat of Manfred at Benevento, he became King of Naples and Sicily; he died Jan. 7, 138^. [Berlinghieri, Raxnondo : Provenza : Tatole viii.] D. places Charles in the valley of flowers in Antepurgatory among the princes who neglected to repent, where he is seated beside Peter III of Aragon ; Sordello, who points him out, refers to him as colui del maschio naso^ Purg. vii. 113 ; il nasuto, v. 124; lui, v. 125 ; il seme, v. 127 [Antlpurgatorio] ; and says that he (' il seme ') is as superior to his son, Charles II ('la pianta'), as Peter III of Aragon is to him (Charles I) and his brother (Louis IX) {vv. 127-9) [Beatrice 2; Carlo 2; Luigi^: Margherita : Pietro ^J ; he is mentioned in connexion with Pope Nicholas III, who was his enemy. Inf. xix. 99 [Ifieoold^] ; Oderisi (in Circle I of Purgatory) mentions him in con- nexion with Provenzano Salvani, whose friend (taken prisoner at Tagliacozzo) he held to ransom, Purg. xi. 136-7 [Provenzano Sal- vani] ; Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory) speaks of his coming into Italy, and charges him with the murder of Conradin and of Thomas Aquinas, Purg. xx. 67-9 (Curradino : Tom.maBo2] ; his grandson Charles Martel (in the Heaven of Venus) speaks of him (or, as some think, of his son, C. M.'sfather, Charles II) as the ancestor in whose right his own descend- ants ought to have been on the throne of Sicily, Par. viii. 67-72 [CarloS]. Charles of Anjou, 'the greatest champion the Guelf cause ever had,' having been Invited (in 1263) by Urban IV to assume the crown of Naples ('to which, says Milman, there were already three claimants of right — if it was hereditary, it belonged to Conradin, if at the disposal of the Pope, it was already awarded to Edmund of England ; and Manfred was on the throne, sum- moned, as it seemed, by the voice of the nation'), in response to the entreaties of the new Pope, Clement IV, came into Italy in the spring of 1265, and in Uttle more than three years, by his defeat of Manfred at Benevento (Feb. 26, 126J), and of Conradin at Tagliacozzo (Aug. 23, 1268), com- pletely and finally crushed the power of the Hohenstaufen in Italy. Charles, whose wife Beatrice, as Villani records (vi. 89), had pledged her jewels in order to furnish the expedition which was to make her a Queen like her three elder sisters, arrived in Rome in May, 1265, and was forthwith elected Senator. On Jan. 6, I26f , he was crowned King of Sicily and Apulia, and immediately after he set out to invade Manfred's dominions. Meeting the pro- posal of the latter for negotiations with the defiance, 'I will send him to Hell, or he shall send me to Paradise,' Charles engaged him on Feb. 26 at Benevento, the pass at Ceperano having been treacherously left open, and totally defeated him, Manfred himself being among the slain [Benevento : Ceperano : Manfred!]. Charles thus became master of the kingdom ; but in less than two years the insupportable tyranny of the French led to an invitation to the young Conradin, son of the Emperor Conrad IV, to come and assert his hereditary rights and deliver the country from the foreign yoke. In response to this appeal Conradin entered Italy, and during the absence of Charles ih Tuscany, made his way to Rome, where he was received with enthusiasm, notwith- standing his having been excommunicated by the Pope. After collecting men and treasure at Rome, he set out on Aug. 10, i268, to make good the Hohenstaufen claim to the kingdom of Naples. Charles, on hearing of his advance, hastened to oppose him, and a fortnight later (Aug. 23) the two armies met at Tagliacozzo in the Abruzzi. Though inferior in numbers Charles gained a complete victory, owing to the superior strategy of the veteran captain Erard de Val^ry, who had offered his services to the brother of his sovereign. Conradin fled from the field and attempted to escape into Sicily, but he was betrayed into the hands of Charles, who, after a mock trial, had him beheaded like a felon in the market-place at Naples (Oct. 29), where his body was buried, Charles not allowing it to be laid in consecrated ground [Alardo : Curradino : Tagliacozzo]. Thus confirmed in the possession of the two Sicilies, Charles gradually extended his influence in Italy, until, as Villani says, he became one of most powerful princes in Europe : — ' Ne' detti tempi (1279) lo re Carlo re di Gerusalera e di Cicilia era il piu possente re e il pifl ridottato in mare e in terra, che nullo re de' cristiani.* (vii. 57.) The people of Sicily, however, rendered desperate by the tyranny and exactions of their conquerors, determined to throw ofi" the French yoke, and at length in 1282 an insurrection, which had been carefully fostered for some time previously by John of Procida, a devoted adherent of the Hohenstaufen, with the connivance and help (as was commonly believed) of Pope Nicholas III and the Greek Emperor Palaeologus, suddenly broke out. The immediate occasion of the rising was an insult offered to a Sicilian girl by a French soldier during the Easter festival at Palermo, which led to the frightful massacre of the French, known as- the ' Sicilian Vespers,' and to the termination of their rule in the island [Vespri Siciliani]. After the expulsion of the Angevins the crown of Sicily was offered to and accepted by Peter III of Aragon, who had a claim to it in right of his wife, Constance, the daughter of Manfred [Costanza^]. Charles made several unsuccessful attempts to regain possession of the island, and finally died at Foggia in Apulia, in the midst of preparations for a fresh invasion, Jan. 7, I28f Villani, who devotes considerable space to the doings of Charles of Anjou (vi. 88-9 ; vii. 1-95), speaks of him as 'il pii sofKciente principe di prodezza d'arme, e d'ogni virtii che fosse al suo tempo ' (vi. 88) : and, ' il pii temuto e ridottato sienore, e il pii valente d'arme e con piu alti intendimenti, che niuno re che fosse nella casa di Francia da Carlo Magno infino a lui, e quegli che piu esalto la Chiesa di Roma.' (vii. 95.) He gives the following description of his [125] Carlo Carlo character and person, noting, as D. does (Purg. vii. 113, 124), his large nose : — 'Questo Carlo fu il primo oriffine de're di Cicilia e di Puglia stratti della casa di Francia . . . ed^ bene ragione di far memoria di tanto signore, e tanto amico e protettore e difenditore di santa Chiesa e della nostra citta di Firenze. . . . Fu savio, di sane consiglio, e prode in arme, e aspro, e molto temuto e ridottato da tutti 1 re del mondo, magnanimo e d'alti intendimenti, in fare ogni ejande impresa sicuro, in ogni avversita fermo, e veritiere d ogni sua promessa, poco parlante, e molto adoperante, e quasi non ridea se non pocg, onesto com' uno religioso, e cattolico, aspro in giustizia, e di feroce riguardo, grande di persona e nerboruto, di colore ulivlgno, e con grande naso, e parea bene maesta reale piu eh' altro signore ; molto vegghiava e poco dormiva, e usava di dire, che dormendo, tanto tempo si perdea; largo fu a' cavalieri d'arme, ma covidoso d'acquistare terra e signoria e moneta d'onde si venisse, per fornire le sue imprese e guerre; di gente di corte, mmestrieri, e giucoiari non si ailett6 mai.' (vii. 1.) Rustebuef, a contemporary Burgundian poet, who wrote two poems appealing to the young nobles to join Charles In his expedition against Manfred, speaks thus highly of him : — 'De Puille est la matiere que je vueil comencier, Et du roi de Cezile, que Diex puisse avancier! Qui voldra els sainz ciels semance semancier Voise aidier au bon roi qui tant fet a prisier. Li bons rois estoic cuens d*Anjou et de Provance, Et s'estoit filz de roi, freres au roi de France. Bien pert qu'il ne vuet pas fere Dieu de sa pance, Quant por Tarme sauver met le cors en balance.' {Le Dit de Puille^ w. 5-12.) Carlo^, Charles II, King of Naples, Count of Anjou and Provence, son of the preceding by Beatrice of Provence ; he was born in 1243, before his father became King of Naples, after which he bore the title of Prince of Salerno ; he married (circ. 1 271) Mary, daughter of Stephen V of Hungary, by whom he had nine sons and five daughters ; on his father's death (in 1285) he became King of Naples, but being at the time a prisoner in Spain, where he was detained till 1288, he was not crowned until May 29, 1289 ; he died May 6, 1309. His two eldest sons, Charles Martel, titular King of Hungary (d. 1295), and Louis (d. 1297), having predeceased him, he was succeeded in Naples by his third son, Robert, Duke of Calabria [CarloS; IiuigiS; Boberto^: Table viii]. Of his daughters, the eldest, Margaret, married (1290) Charles of Valois [Carlo* : Table viii] ; the second, Blanche, married (1295) James II of Aragon [Jaoomoi : Table i] ; the third, Eleanor, married (1302) Frederick II of Sicily [Federieo^: Table iv] ; the fourth, Mary, married Sancho, King of Majorca [Table xiv] ; and the youngest, Beatrice, married (1305) Azzo VIII of Este [Azzo : Table xxiii]. Charles is mentioned by Jacopo del Cassero (in Antepurgatory) in connexion with the king- dom of Apulia, which the latter refers to as quel di Carlo, Purg. v. 69 [Puglia] ; the Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of Mercury) warns him, as the leader of the Guelfs, not to oppose the Imperial Eagle, referring to him (to distinguish him from his father) as Carlo novella, Par. vi. 106-7 [Guelfl] ; his son Charles Martel (in the Heaven of Venus) speaks of him (or, as some think, of Charles I) as the ancestor [126] in whose right his own descendants ought to have been on the throne of Sicily, Par. viii. 67-72 [Carlo 3; Ridolfoi] ; and contrasts his ' larga natura ' with the niggardliness of his son (C. M.'s brother) Robert {vv. 82-3) [Roberto^] ; the Eagle in the Heaven of Jupiter refers to him as il Ciotto di Gerusalemme, he being lame — 'fu sciancato alquanto' says Villani (vii. i) — and the title of Jerusalem being attached to the crown of Naples (since the abandonment of her claim by Mary of Antioch to Charles I ), and says that his good qualities might be indi- cated by I (one), his bad ones by M (thousand), Par. xix. 1 27-9 [Gherusaleiuiue] ; the Eagle mentions him again in connexion with the suffer- ings of Sicily during his war with Frederick of Aragon, Par. xx. 62-3 [Cicilia] ; Sordello (in Antepurgatory), alluding to him as la pianta, refers to his inferiority to his father {il seme), Purg. vii. 127-9 [Carlo 1] ; Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory) rebukes him for having married his youngest daughter Beatrice, from mercenary motives, to Azzo VIII, the old marquis of Este, referring to him (in allusion to his capture on board ship in 1284 by Ruggieri di Loria — see below) as I' altro {Carlo), che giA, uscl preso di nave, Purg. xx. 79-Bi [Azzo : Beatrices] ; D. denounces him and his adver- sary Frederick of Aragon for their evil doings, both in the Convivio (iv. 6i*2-3j and the De Vulgari Eloquentia (i. 1288-8). After the ' Sicilian Vespers ' (in 128a) Charles, who was then Prince of Salerno, set out from Provence to join his father in his attempt to recover the island of Sicily, and was entrusted by him with the command of the fleet at Naples, but with strict injunctions not to engage the enemy. Incensed, however, by the taunts of the Sicilian admiral, Ruggieri di Loria, who was in command of the fleet of Peter III of Aragon, Charles came out and attacked him, but was totally defeated (June, 1284), and himself taken prisoner on board his ship (Purg. xx. 79), and conveyed to Sicily. Villani, in his account of the affair, relates an incident which proves that the Angevins were scarcely more popular in the kingdom of Naples than they were in Sicily : — 'II prenze rimaso alia battaglia con la meti delle sue galee ov' erano i baroni e' cavalieri, chi di battaglia di mare s'mtendeano poco, tosto furono isconfitti e presi con nove delle loro galee; e il prenze Carlo in persona con molta baronia furono presi e menati in Cicilia, e furono messi in pregione in Messma nel castello di Mattagrifone. E avvenne, come fu fatta la detta sconfitta e preso il prenze, che quelli "1 Surrenti mandarono una loro galea con loro ambtisciadori a Ruggeri di Loria con quattro cofani pieni di fichi fiori . . . e con dugento agostari d'oro per presentare al detto ammi- raglio; e gmgnendo alia galea ove era preso il prenze, veggendolo riccamente armato e con molta gente intomo, credettono che fosse messer Ruggeri di Loria, si gli s'in- ginocchiarono a' piedi, e feciongh fl detto presente, dicendo i Messer 1 ammiraglio . . . plazesse a Deo com' hai preso lo ligho avessi lo patre I ... II prenze Carlo con tutto suo dam- maggio comincio a ridere, e disse all' ammiraglio : Pour le saint Dieu ces sont bien leales a monseigneur le roi ! Questo avemo messo in nota per la poca fede ch' hanno quegli del Regno al loro signore.^ (vii. 93.) The Sicilians, having got the Prince of Salerno mto their hands, were for beheading him, as his Carlo Carlo father had beheaded Conradin ; but by the advice of Manfred's daughter Constance, wife of Peter of Aragon, his life was spared, and he was sent a prisoner into Spain. In the following year (1285) Charles I of Naples and Peter III of Aragon both died. The latter was succeeded in Aragon by his eldest son, Alphonso, while James, his second son, was crowned King of Sicily. The Prince of Salerno being still a captive in the hands of the Aragonese in Catalonia, his eldest son, Charles Martel, assumed the government of the kingdom of Naples. In 1288, through the intervention of Edward I of England, Charles was liberated by Alphonso of Aragon, on the understanding that Sicily should remain in the possession of Alphonso's brother, James, while Charles was to retain the kingdom of Naples ; the latter, further, undertook to induce Charles of Valois to abandon his claim to the crown of Aragon, which had been bestowed upon him by Martin IV on the excommunication of Peter III. [Carlo*.] Leaving his three sons, Louis, Robert, and John, as hostages, and pledging himself to return to captivity if the conditions were not fulfilled within a specified period, Charles hastened into Italy to the Papal court. On May 29, 1289, in defiance of his pledges, he was crowned King of Sicily and Naples by Nicholas IV, who granted him a large subsidy in aid of his operations against Sicily. Meanwhile Charles of Valois, with the support of Sancho IV of Castile, invaded Aragon, and compelled Al- phonso to withdraw the troops he had sent to the assistance of his brother James in Sicily. In 1291, on the sudden death of Alphonso, James assumed the crown of Aragon, leaving the govern- ment of Sicily in the hands of his brother Frederick. A few years later, however, through the mediation of Boniface VIII, a treaty was made between Charles II and James, whereby the latter, ignoring the claims of his brother, Frederick, agreed to abandon Sicily to Charles, and to support him with his troops in the event of resistance on the part of the Sicilians, and at the same time to release his three sons from captivity ; in con- sideration of which Charles bestowed (in 1295) on him his daughter Blanche with a large dowry, while the Pope granted him the sovereignty of Corsica and Sardinia, which of right belonged to the Pisans and Genoese. When the news of this treaty reached the Sicilians, they at once re- nounced their allegiance to James, and elected his brother Frederick king in his stead (1296). Charles thereupon declared war on Frederick, and with the aid of James of Aragon and Ruggieri di Loria, who had abandoned Frederick's cause, had all but reduced Sicily, when in 1299, after Frederick had been defeated (July 4) in a naval battle off Cape Orlando, James suddenly with- drew, declaring that he would not be the instru- ment of his brother's overthrow. Shortly after, Frederick defeated the French troops of Charles and took prisoner his son Philip, Prince of Tarentum. In April, 1302, Charles of Valois, who as pacificator in Tuscany had been engaged in crushing the Bianchi and Ghibellines in Florence, made a descent upon Sicily, in company with Robert, Duke of Calabria, Charles IFs eldest surviving son. But the expedition was a failure, and he was forced to conclude an ignominious peace with Frederick, who was confirmed in the sovereignty of Sicily with the title of King of Trinacria, and received in marriage (.May, 1302) Eleanor, third daughter of Charles II. The latter, having been foiled in every attempt to regain possession of the kingdom of Sicily, died on May 3, 1309, and was succeeded in the kingdom of Naples by his son Robert. Villani, who describes Charles as ' bello uomo di corpo, e grazioso e largo ' (vii. 95), on record- ing his death says of him : — ' Fu uno de' piu Iarg;hi e graziosi signori che al suo tempo vivesse, e nel suo regno fu chiamato il secondo Alessandro per la cortesia ; ma per altre virtil fu di poco valore, e inas;agnato in sua vecchiezza disordinatamente in vizto carnale.* (viii. 108.) Carlo 3, Charles Martel, eldest son of Charles II of Naples and Anjou (the preceding), and of Mary, daughter of Stephen IV (V) of Hun- gary ; he was born in 1271 ; and in 1291 he married Clemence of Hapsburg, daughter of the Emperor Rudolf I, by whom he had three children, Charles Robert (Carobert) (after- wards King of Hungary), Clemence (married Louis X of France), and Beatrice [Carlo ^: Table viii] ; he died at Naples in 1295, at the age of twenty-four. D. places C. M. in the Heaven of Venus among the spirits of lovers {Spiriti Amanti), Par. ix. 1 ; un lume. Par. viii. 31 ; luce, v. 43 ; signer, v. 86 ; lui, v. 94 ; egli, w. 94, 115; lume santo. Par. ix. 7 [Venere, Cielo di] ; the spirit of C. M. approaches D. and Beatrice from among a number of other spirits, and addresses D., quoting the first line of one of his canzoni (Canz. vi. i) (Par. viii. 31-9) ; D., with the approval of B., asks who he is {vv. 40-8) ; C. M. replies, saying that his life upon earth had been but short, otherwise he might have prevented much evil (w. 49-51); after explaining why D. does not recognize him {vv. 52-4), and referring to their acquaintance during his lifetime, and to D.'s love for him {vv. 55-7), he goes on to say that if he had lived he would have been Count of Provence {vv. 58-60) [Provenza], King of Apulia [vv. 61-3) [Puglia], and King of Hungary (t/w. 64-6) [Ungaria] ; he adds that had it not been for the misgovemment which led to the ' Sicilian Vespers ' and the expulsion of the French from Sicily, the descendants through himself of Charles I of Anjou and of the Emperor Rudolf (whose son-in-law he was), would have ruled in ' Trinacria ' (i. e. the island of Sicily) {vv. 67-75) [Cioilia: Trinacria] {see below); he then proceeds to reproach his brother Robert (afterwards King of Naples) for his avarice and for the greed Of his Catalan followers, contrasting his niggardliness with the open- handedness of his father {vv. 76-84) [Cata- logna] ; in reply to a question of D. he explains how, if Nature be thwarted, a good seed may produce evil fruit {vv. 85-135), men's natural dispositions being influenced by circumstances [127] Carlo Carlo {•vv. 136-48), as in the case of his own brothers, Louis, who, being a king's son, became a monk (vv. 145-6), and Robert, who became a king, when he had better have been a monk {v. 147) [LuigiS; Eoberto2] ; C. M. having ceased, D. apostrophizes his daughter (or widow) Clemence, and tells her how C. M. had foretold the future wrongs of his line (with special allu- sion probably to the exclusion of Charles Robert from the throne of Naples by his uncle Robert), but had bidden him not to reveal them (Par. ix. 1-6) [Carlo ^ : Clemenza] ; meanwhile the spirit of C. M. had returned whence it came (vv. 7-9). With regard to Par. viii. 67-75, 't "s noteworthy that in the descendants of Charles Martelthe con- tending factions of Italy would have been united, Rudolf (his father-in-law) being, as Emperor, the head of the Ghibellines, and Charles of Anjou (his grandfather) being the great supporter of the Guelfs. It is not improbable, as Butler suggests, that Charles had some such result in view when he arranged the alliance ; Villani says : — ' Lo re Carlo il (sc. Ridolfo) temette forte ; e per essere bene di lui, diede a Carlo Martello fieliuolo del figliuolo, la figliuola del detto re Ridolfo per moglie.' (vii. 55.) On the death of his grandfather in 1285, Charles Martel, who was then only fourteen, assumed the government of the kingdom of Naples (his father being then a prisonfer in Catalonia"), under the guardianship of his cousin, Robert of Artois. In 1290, on the death (July 19) without issue of his mother's brother, Ladislas III (IV), he became titular King of Hungary, and on Sep. 8 was crowned with great pomp at Naples; but he never reigned in Hungary, the kingdom being seized by Andrew III (1290-1301), who was first cousin to Stephen IV (V) his maternal grandfather [TIngaria: Table xii]. ' II re Carlo si tomo a Napoli, e M giorno di Nostra Donna di Settembre' prossimo il detto re fece in Napoli grande corte e festa, e fece cavaliere Carlo Martello suo primigenito 6g1iuolo, e fecelo coronare del reame d'Ungheria per uno cardinale legato del papa, e per piii arcivescovi e vescovi. E per la detta coronazione e festa piii altri cavalieri novelli si feciono il giorno, Franceschi, e Provenzali, e del Regno, e spezialmente Napoletani, per lo re e per lo figliuolo ; e fu grande corte e onorevole, e cio fece lo re Carlo, perocchfe era jnorto in quello anno il re d'Ungheria, del quale non rimase niuno figliuolo maschio ne altra reda, che la reina Maria moglie del detto r^Carlo, e madre del detto Carlo Martello, a cui succedeva per ereditaegio il detto reame d'tlngheria. Ma morto ii detto re d'Ungheria, Andreasso disceso per legnaffgio della casa d'Ungheria entr6 nel reame, e la maggiore parte tra per forza e per amore ne conquisto, e fecesene fare signore e re.' (Villani, vii. 135.) In 1291 he married Clemence of Hapsburg, daughter of the Emperor Rudolf I, by whom he had three children, Charles Robert (Carobert), Clemence, who married Louis X of France, and Beatrice. [Carlo °: Table viii.] In the spring of 129^ he visited Florence, where he remained more than three weeks, awaiting the arrival of his father from France ; he became very popular with the Florentines, and it was on this occasion probably that Dante made his acquaintance (Par. viii- 55-7)- 'Ando il re Carlo in Francia ... e lui tomando ... si pass6 per la citta di Firenze, nella quale era gia venuto da Napoli per farglisi incontro Carlo Martello suo figliuolo re d'Ungheria, e con sua compagnia duecento cavalieti ft sprom d'oro, Franceschi, e Provenzali, e del Regno, tutti fiovani, vestiti col re d'una partita di scarlatto e_ verde runo, e tutti con selle d'una assisa a palafreno riievate d'ariento e d'oro, colP arine a quartieri a gigli ad oro, e accerchiata rosso e d'argento, ciofe I'arme d'Ungheria, che parea la piu nobile e ricca compagnia che anche avesse uno giovane re con seco. E ih Firenze stette piii di venti di, attendendo il re suo padre e' fratelli, e da' Fiorentini gli fa fatto grande onore, ed egli mostro grande amore a' Fioren- tini, ond' ebbe molto la grazia di tutti.' (Vill. viii. 13.) Benvenuto says ; — ' Cum isto (Carolo Martello) Dantes habuit certam fanilig- ritatem, cum venisset semel Florentiam . . . quo tempore bantes florebat in patria, juvenis viginti quinque annorum ; qui tunc ardens amore, vacans sonis et cantibus, uncis amoris promeruit gratiam istius juvenis Caroli.' In 1295, on the departure of Charles II for the court of Aragon, with his daughter Blanche, the destined bride of James II, Charles Martel was appointed by his father Vicar-General in the kingdom of Naples, but he died at Naples shortly after in that same year. Benvenuto says that C. M. died in the same year as his wife (' Carolus iste uno et eodem anno reddidit animam Deo cum Clementia uxore sua'), but this is a mistake, as Clemence did not die until 1301, and D. represents C. M. as being dead in 1300. The actual date of his death is proved by a letter written, under date Aug. 30, 1295, by Boniface VIII to Mary of Hungary, appointing her Regent of the kingdom of Naples and con- doling with her on the death of her son : — ' Charissimae in Christo filiae Mariae Regitiae Siciliae illustri. Pridem, non absque gravi nostrae mentis amari- catione, percepto, guod clarae memoriae Carolus Rex Hun* gariae, cnarissimi in Christo filii nostri Caroli Regis Siciliae nlustris ac tuus primogenitus, ipsius(jue Regis in regno Siciliae vicarius generalis, mortem, sicut Domino placuit, apud NeapoHm subierat temporalem, nos attentae considera- tionis studio, prout ad nostrum spectat oilicium, attendentes, quod in regno ipso, rege absente praefato, non habebatur qui vices exerceret ipsius, &c. . . . Datum Anagniae, tertio kal. septembris, anno i.' (See Todeschini, Sctitti su Daniif i. 173-206.) Carlo*, Charles, Count of Alengon and Valois (1285), and of Anjou (1290), commonly known as Charles of Valois, third son of Philip III of France (by his first wife, Isabella of Aragon), brother of Philip IV, and father of Philip VI ; he was bom in 1270; in 1284, when he was only fourteen, he was nominated by Pope Martin IV to the crown of Aragon, which the latter had declared vacant upon the excommunication of Peter III in the previous year, and some years later he made an un- successful attempt to take possession of the kingdom, in spite of the undertaking which had been given by Charles II of Naples to Alphonso, son and successor of Peter III, that his claims should be abandoned [Carlo ^ : Pietro 3] ; he married (in 1290) Margaret of Anjou, eldest daughter of Charles II, in whose right he became Count of Anjou, and by whom he had two sons (the elder of whom was sub- sequently King of France as Philip VI), and four daughters ; he died Dec. 16, 1325. [Table viii : a?able xi.] Charles is mentioned by Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory), who refers to him as un altro Carlo (to distinguish him from [128] Carlo Carlo Charles I of Anjou, previously mentioned), and foretells his coming into Italy without an army, but armed only with 'the lance of treachery,' wherewith he would ' burst the paunch of Florence,' and gain for himself not land (in allusion to his nickname ' Sanzaterra '), but disgrace and remorse, Purg. xx. 70-8 (see below) ; some think he is alluded to by Ciacco (in Circle III of Hell), who foretells the return to power of the Florentine Neri by the help of tal che teste piaggia, i. e. one who is hanging off the shore, lying to (' scilicet Karoli sine terra, qui nunc stat ad plagiam, quasi dicat, qui nondum est in motu, nee in procinctu veniendi,' says Benvenuto), Charles being at that time ( 1 300) at war in Flanders on behalf of his brother, Philip the Fair (Vill. viii. 32), Inf. vi. 6g I others take this reference to be to the duplicity of Boniface VIII, who, while osten- sibly trying to mediate between the Bianchi and Neri, was in reality favouring the latter, the ultra Guelfs, and thus brought about the ultimate triumph of that party (' dicesi appo i Fiorentini co\m piaggiare, il quale mostra di voler quello che egli non vuole,' says Boccaccio) [Bonjfazio^] ; Charles is alluded to by D., under the title of Totila, with reference to his expulsion of the Bianchi from Florence, and his fruitless expedition to Sicily in 1302, V. E. ii. 6*6~8 (' ejecta maxima parte florum de sinu tuo, Florentia, nequicquam Trinacriam Totila serus adivit ') [see below). In the year 1300 Charles of Valois was sum- moned to Italy by Boniface VIII, for the twofold purpose of helping Charles II of Naples in his war against Frederick II of Aragon in Sicily, and of making peace between the contending factions of the Bianchi and Neri in Tuscany, the Pope promising in return to secure his election as Emperor. ' Informato papa Bonifazio del male stato e diibitoso della citta di Firenze ... si prese per consiglio di mandare per messer Carlo di Valos, fratello del re di Francia, per doppio intendimentoj principalmente per aiuto del re Carlo per la guerra di Cicilia, dando intendimento al re di Francia e z ' detto messer Carlo di farlo eleggere imperadore de' Ro- gli die' titolo di paciaro in Toscana, per recare colla suaforza la citta di Firenze al suo mani . . . e oltre a questo intendimento.' (Villani, viii. 43.) ' Nel detto anno 1301 del mege di Settembre, ginnse nella citta d'Alagna in Cam- pagna, ov' era papa Bonifazio colla sua corte, messer Carlo conte di Valos . . . con piii conti e baroni, e da cinquecento cavalieri franceschi in sua compagnia (cf. Purg, xx. 73), avendo fatta la via da Lucca ad Alagna sanza entrare in Firenze, perche n' era sospetto ; il quale messer Carlo dal papa e da suoi cardinal! fu ricevuto onorevolemente ; e venne aa Alagna lo re Carlo e' suoi figli'uoli a parlamentare con lui e a onorarlo . . . E trattato e messo in assetto col papa e col re Carlo il passaggio di Cicilia alia primal era vegnente, per la principale cagione perch' era mosso di Francia, il papa, non dimenticato lo sdegno preso contro alia parte Dianca di Firenze, non voile che soggiornasse e vernasse invano, e per infestamento de' guelfi di Firenze si gli diede il titolo di paciaro in Toscana, e ordino che tomasse alia citt& di Firenze.' (viii. 49.) Charles arrived in Florence on All Saints' Day, 1301, having been allowed to enter the city un- opposed, on the faith of his promise to hold the balance between the two parties, and to maintain peace. No sooner, however, had he obtained command of the city, than he treacherously espoused the cause of the Neri, armed his followers, and threw the whole of Florence into confusion. In the midst cf the panic Corso Donati, the exiled leader of the Neri, made his way into the city, broke open the prisons and released the prisoners, who, together with his own adherents, attacked and pillaged the houses of the Bianchi during five days, Charles of Valois meanwhile, in spite of his promises, making no attempt to interfere. Finally, in the following April, the Bianchi were expelled from Florence, D. being among those who were condemned to be exiled. '11 di d'Ognissanti 1301, entr6 messer Carlo in Firenze, disarmata sua gente, faccendogli i Fiorentini grande onore . . . e a di 5 di Novembre nella chiesa di Santa Maria Novella, essendosi raunati podesta, e capitano, e' priori, e tutti i consiglieri, e il vescovo, e tutta la buona gente di Firenze . , . messer Carlo, come figliuolo di re, promise di conservare la cittk in pacifico e buono stato ; e 10 scrittore a queste cose fui presente. Incflntanente per lui e per sua gente fu fatto il contradio, che . . . siccom' era ordinato per gli guelfi neri, fece armare sua gente, . . . onde per la detta novitade di vedere i cittadini la sua gente a cavallo armata, la citta fu tutta in gelosia e sospetto, e all' arme grandi e popolani, ciascuno a casa de' suoi amici secondo suo podere, abbarrandosi la citta in piu parti. ... In questo romore messer Corso de' Donati, il quale era isbandito e rubello, com' era ordinato, il di medesimo venne in Firenze da Peretola, con alquanto seguito di certi suoi amici e mas- nadieri a pie. ... E lui entrato dentro schierato in su la piazza di san Piero maggiore, gli crebbe genti e seguito di suoi amici, gridando : Viva messer Corso e '1 barone ! cio era messer Corso, che cosl il nomavano ; e egli veggendosi crescere forza e seguito, la prima cosa che fece, ando alle carcere del comune, . . . e quelle per forza aperse e dilibero i pregioni. . . . E con tutto questo stracciamento di cittade, messer Carlo di Valos ne sua gente non mise consiglio ne riparo, ne attenne saramento o cosa promessa per lui. Per la qual cosa i tiranni e malfattori e isbanditi ch erano nella cittade, presa baldanza, e essendo la citta sclolta e sanza signorla, cominciarono a rubare i fondachi e botteghe, e le case a chi era di parte bianca, o chi avea poco podere, con molti micidii, e fedite faccendo nelle persone di pid buoni uomini di parte bianca. E duro questa pestilenzia in cittk per cinque di continui, con grande ruina della terra. . , . E per questo modo fu abbattuta e cacciata di Firenze I'in- grata e superba parte de' bianchi, con seguito di molti ghibellini di Firenze, per messer Carlo di Valos di Francia per la commissione di papa Bonifazio, a di 4 d'Aprile 130a, onde alia nostra cittk di Firenze segiiirono molte rovine e pericoli.' iVill. viii. 49.) (Cf. Dino Compagni, ii. 2-28.) The secret object of his mission to Florence having thus been fulfilled, in accordance with the designs of Boniface VIII, Charles of Valois left Tuscany (April, 1302), and proceeded to Naples to make preparations for a campaign against Sicily. ' Nel detto anno 1302 del mese d'Aprile, messer Carlo di Valos, fornito in Firenze quello perche era venuto, ciofe sotto trattato di pace cacciata la parte bianca di Firenze, si parti e andonne a corte, e poi a Napoli.' (Vill. viii. 50.) Accompanied by Robert, Duke of Calabria, eldest surviving son of Charles II, he landed in Sicily with a large force ; but the guerilla warfare carried on by Frederick II, and the ravages of the climate, soon reduced him to such extremities that he was forced to conclude an ignominious peace. Without the knowledge of Charles II he agreed that Frederick should marry Eleanor, the second daughter of the former, and should be confirmed in the possession of Sicily [Federioo']. In November of the same year he returned to France, the barren result of his expedition having earned him the nickname in Italy of Carlo SattsaieiTa (' Lackland'). ' Veggendo che altro non potea, messer Carlo sanza saputa del re Carlo ordino una dissimulata pace con don Federigo . . . e cosi per contradio si disse per motto : Messer Carlo [129] Carlo Carlo Magno venne in Toscana per paciaro, e lascio il paese in guerra ; e and6 in Cicilia per fare guerra, e reconne vergognosa pace. II quale il Novembre vegnente si torno in Francia, scemata e consumata sua gente e con poco onore.' (Vill. viii. 50.) Charles died at Nogent in 1325, leaving a son, Philip, who afterwards (in laaS) became King of France as Philip VI, being the first of the Valois line. His countrymen remarked of Charles that he was 'fils de roi, frere de roi, oncle de trois rois, p6re de roi, et jamais roi ' ; he having un- successfully aspired to no less than four crowns, viz. those of Aragon, of Sicily, of Constantinople (through his second wife, Catherine, daughter of Philip Courtenay, titular Emperor of Constanti- nople), and of the Empire. Carlo S], Charles, Duke of Lorraine, fourth son of Louis IV of France (936-954), and brother of Lothair (954-986). On the death, without issue, of Louis V (986-987), eldest son of Lothair, the rightful successor to the throne was his uncle, Charles, who was the last re- maining representative of the Carlovingian line ; but owing to the fact that, as Duke of Lorraine, he was a vassal of the German Emperor, the French would not accept him as king. The throne was thereupon seized by Hugh Capet, who' besieged Charles in Laon, took him prisoner, and kept him in captivity until his death in 992. Charles of Lorraine is alluded to by Hugh Capet (whom D. appears to have confounded with his father, Hugh the Great), who (in Circle V of Purgatory) says that when the ' ancient kings ' had come to an end ' fuor ch' un renduto in panni bigi ' (i. e. with the exception of one who became a monk), he was so powerful that his own son (if Hugh Capet is the speaker, this must be Robert II, who was crowned in 980— if Hugh the Great, the son, of course, is Hugh Capet) was promoted to the vacant throne, and thus commenced the Cape- tian line of kings, Purg. xx. 53-60 [Capeti : Ciapetta]. The difficulty here is that Charles of Lor- raine, who is undoubtedly the person intended, did not become a monk. There can hardly be a question, however, that D. has confused him, the last of the Carlovingians, with Childeric III, the last of the Merovingians, who, after his deposition by Pepin le Bref in 752, was confined in the monastery of Sithieu, where he died in 755. [Childerioo.] ' Stefano papa secondo . . . feee al detto Pipino molti brivilegi e grazie, e fecelo e confermb re di Francia, e dispuose Ilderigo re ch' era della prima schiatta, perocch' era uomo di niuno valore, e rendSsi monaco.' (Villani, iL 12.) Carlo 6], Charles Robert (Carobert), King of Hungary, 1308-1342 ; he was the son (bom 1 292) of Charles Martel (eldest son of Charles 1 1 of Naples) and Clemence of Hapsburg; on the death of Otho of Bavaria (in 1308) he succeeded to the throne of Hungary, of which his father had been titular king (1290-1295), and on the death (in 1309) of his grandfather, Charles II, he claimed the throne of Naples also ; his claim, however, was disputed by his uncle Robert, eldest surviving son of Charles II, who appealed in person to Pope Clement V, and obtaining a decision in his favour, was crowned King of Naples at Avignon, June, 1309 (Vill. viii. 112), his nephew being at the same time recognized by Clement as King of Hungary [Ungaria : Table xii]. Charles Martel (in the Heaven of Venus) alludes to his son with reference to the fact that, had it not been for the misgovernment of the French, the descendants through him- self of Charles of Anjou and of Rudolf of Hapsburg (whose son-in-law he was) would have reigned in Sicily (in which case the con- tending factions of Italy would have found a common chief in the person of Charles Robert), Par. viii. 67-75 [Carlo 3] ; he refers to the supersession of Charles Robert in the king- dom of Naples, Par. ix. 6 [Eoberto^: Table xi]. Carlo Magno, Charlemagne (Charles the Great), restorer of the Empire of the West, eldest son (born at Salzburg in 742) of Pepin le Bref, King of the Franks (752-768) ; on his father's death ' he became joint king with his brother Carloman, and on the death of the latter (in 771) he became sole king of the Frankish Empire ; in 774, after his defeat of Desiderius, he assumed the title of King of Lombardy; and on Christmas Day, 800, he was crowned Emperor of the West, at Rome, by Pope Leo III ; .he died on Jan. 28, 814, and ,was buried at Aix-la-Ch^pelle ; he was canonized in 1 165. 'His services against the Arian, the Lombard, the Saracen,^nd the Avar, earned him the title of Champion oithe Faith, and Defender of the Holy See.' (Bryce, H. R. E.) D. places Charlemagne, together withRolanti, in the Heaven of Mars, among those who fought for the faith {Spiriti Militanti), Par. xviii. 43 [Marte, Cielo di] ; he is mentioned in connexion with the destruction of his rear- guard under Roland at Roncesvalles, Inf xxxi. 17 [Boncisvalle] ; and (by the Emperor Justinian in the Heaven of Mercury) in con- nexion with his defence of the Church against Desiderius and the Lombards, Par. vi. 96 [Desiderius]. ' When on Pepin's death the restless Lombards again took up arms and menaced the possessions of the Church, Charles swept down like a whirl? wind from the Alps at the call of Pope Hadmn, seized King Desiderius in his capital, assumed himself the Lombard crown, and made northern Italy thenceforth an integral part of the Frankish Empire.' (.Bryce, H. R. E.) In the De Monarchia (iii. i ii-i3) j). refers to Charlemagne's defeat of Desiderius and to his [130] Carlo Martello Carro, II coronation at Rome by the Pope as Emperor of the West, and combats the theory that the latter incident implies, the dependence of the Empire upon the Church. In this passage D. erroneously states that C. was crowned by Pope Adrian I, while the Emperor Michael was on the throne of Constantinople ; as a matter of fact he was crowned by Pope Leo III (795- 816) during the reign of the Empres§ Irene (797-803) [CoBtantinopoli]. Carlo Martello. [Carlo 3.] Carlovingi], the Carlovingian line of French kings (752-987), the second dynasty, which supplanted that of the Merovingians (448-752) ; there were twelve kings of this line, the first being Pepin le Bref (752-768), and the last Louis V (986-987), on whose death the crown was seized by Hugh Capet, the first king of the Capetian line. [Capeti : Table viii. A.] Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory) refers to the Carlovingians as ' li regi antichi ' (though, perhaps, owing to D.'s having con- fused the last of that line with the last of the Merovingians, it is the latter who are meant, the designation of ' ancient kings ' being more appropriate to them than to the comparatively recent Carlovingians), Purg. xx. 53. [Carlo ^.] Carnali Peccatori. [Lussuriosi.] Carnaro. [Quamaro.] Carolus Magnus, Charlemagne, Mon. iii. 1 1^' 6 [Carlo Magno]. Carolus Secundus, Charles II of Naples, V. E. i. 1237-8 [Carlo 2]. Carcn, Charon, son of Erebus, the boatman who ferried the shades of the dead across the rivers of the lower world ; introduced by D. as ferryman on the river of Acheron in Hell, across which he conveys in his boat the souls of those who have died in the wrath of Qod, Inf. iii. 94, 109, 128; un vecchio, bianco per antico pelo, v. 83 ; ei, v. 90 ; lui, v. 94 ; il nocchier della livida pahide, v. 98 ; dimonio, con occhi di bragia, v. 109 ; he is represented as having shaggy jaws (' lanose gote,' v. 97) and fiery eyes (' occhi di fiamme,' ' occhi di bragia,' vv. 99, 109), in imitation of Virgil's description : — ' Portitor has horrendus aquas et flumina servat Terribili squajcre Charon, cui plurima mento Canities inculta jacet, stant ]uniina flarnma, Sordidus ex humeris nodo dependet amictus.' (Aen. vi. 298-301.) As D. and Virgil approach the shore of Acheron, a hoary old man (Charon, the symbol of conscience) makes towards them in his boat, and chides them, telling D., whom he sees to be alive, to get away thence (Inf. iii. 82-9) ; as D. does not go back, C. tells him that he must seek another way into the world of spirits, but V. pacifies him by informing him of D.'s divine mission iyv. 90-9) ; C. then collects the spirits that are waiting, beating with his oar such as lag, and conveys them across the stream of Acheron i^v. 100-20) ; while V. bids D. take courage from the words of C. (which imply that he shall not be among the damned) (vv. 1 21-9) [Acheronte]. Carpigna, now Carpegna, town in Romagna (in the present province of the Marches) in the district of Montefeltro, about 15 miles N.W. of Urbino, between the sources of the Marecchia and the Foglia. Guido di Carpegna, who belonged to a branch of the Counts of Montefeltro, is mentioned by Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory), together with Pier Traversaro, among the worthies of Romagna, Purg. xiv. 98. Benvenuto says that Guido was noted for his liberality, and tells a story of how, in order to defray the expenses of an entertainment he gave at Bertinoro, he sold half a valuable quilt, explaining to a friend who remonstrated with him, that when abed in summer he left his feet uncovered to keep them cool, and in winter kept them warm by curling himself up : — ' Iste fuit vir nobilis de Montefeltro, qui omnes sibi pares liberalitate superavit : de quo audio quod, cum fecisset solemne conviviura in Bretenorio, deficiente pecunia, fecit vendi dimidium carae cultrae quam habebat. De qua re increpatus a familiari, curialitatem suam condivit curiali scom- mate, dicens quod in aestate prae calore tenebat pedes extra, et in byeme vero prae frigore tenebat crura contracta.' The Carpegna family, who boasted descent from one of the comrades of Odoacer (Cent, v), appear to have been established in Romagna in the neighbourhood of Montefeltro as early as Cent. X. Two members of the family bore the name of Guido, of whom the elder was already dead in 1221, while the younger, who was grandson of the other, died towards the end of Cent. xiii. Guido di Carpegna the elder had three sons, Rinieri (mentioned as late as 1249), Ugo (Podestk of Rimini in 1249, alive in 1256), and Guiduccio ; Rinieri, the eldest of the three, had two sons, Guido and Ugo, of whom the former, Guido di Carpegna the younger, is probably the person alluded to by D. This Guido was Podestk of Ravenna in 1251 ; he is mentioned as late as 1270, but was dead in 1289, having left three sons, Guido, Rinieri, and Contuccio. (See Casini, Dante e la Romagna) Carpigna, Guido di. [Carpigna.] Carrarese, inhabitant of Carrara, a town in the N.W. corner of Tuscany, at the foot of the Carrara hills, famous for their quarries of white marble ; mentioned by Virgil (in Bolgia 4 of Circle VIII of Hell) in connexion with the soothsayer Aruns, Inf. xx. 48 [Aronta]. Carro, II 1, 'the Wain,' the constellation otherwise known as Ursa Major, ' the Great [131] K 2 Carro, II Bear ; ' described as lying tutto sopra il Coro, i.e. right upon the N.W. line (the time in- dicated being between 4 a.m. and 5 a.m.), Inf. xi. 114 [Coro] ; no longer visible to D. by the time he was well advanced into the S. hemi- sphere, Purg. i. 30 ; never invisible from the N. hemisphere in the course of its revolution round the Pole, Par. xiii. 7-9 (cf. Canz. xv. 28-9). D. speaks of ' the Wain ' elsewhere as setten- trione, Purg. xxx. i ; sette stelle gelide, Canz. XV. 29; and (in a quotation from Boethius), septem gelidi triones, Mon. ii. 9^8 [Setten- trioneij ; and also as Helice [Boots : Elice], and 'the Bear' [Orsa]. Carro, II 2, the two- wheeled Car in the mystic Procession in the Terrestrial Paradise, Purg. xxix. 107, 151 ; xxx. 9, 61,101; xxxii.24, 104, 115, 126, 132; divina basterna, Purg. xxx. 16 ; benedetto carco, Purg. xxxii. 26 ; dificio santo Purg. xxxii. 142 ; vaso, Purg. xxxiii. 34. The mystic Car is usually understood to be symbolical of the Church, its two wheels re- presenting, according to the most commonly received interpretation, the Old and New Testaments ; various other interpretations have been suggested, e. g. the active and contem- plative life, the Franciscan and Dominican orders (cf. Par. xii. 106-10), the Greek Church and the Latin Church, Holy Scripture and Tradition, &c. [Processione]. Cartagine, Carthage, the celebrated city of the ancient world, situated in the recess of a large bay in the northernmost extremity of N. Africa ; it was founded by Phoenicians of Tyre, according to tradition, circ. B. c. 853, i. e. nearly 100 years before the foundation of Rome, of which it was destined subsequently to be the great rival. The contest between Rome and Carthage, which lasted for more than 100 years, was carried on through the three Punic wars ; in the first (B. C. 265-242) Carthage lost Sicily and the Lipari islands ; in the second (b. c. 218-201) which began with the siege of Saguntum, she was stripped of all her power ; and in the third (B.C. 146) the city itself was captured and destroyed by Scipio Africanus Minor. At a later period it was rebuilt, and under the Empire it again became the first city of Africa ; it was taken by the Vandals in A. D. 439, retaken by Belisarius in 533, and destroyed by the Arabs in 698. D. mentions Carthage in connexion with the imprisonment and death of Regulus in the first Punic war, Conv. iv. 5124-9 [Regolo] ; its capture and destruction by Scipio, Epist. viii. 10 [Soipione 2]. Cartaginesi, Carthaginians ; their nego- tiations with the Romans through Regulus for an exchange of prisoners in the first Punic war, Conv. iv. 5124-7 [Regolo]; Dido their queen. Casella Mon. ii. 3102-3 [Dido] ; their meditated attack upon Rome under Hannibal in the second Punic war frustrated by a sudden storm of hail, as is recorded by Livy (xxvi. 11), Mon. ii. 488-64 [Annibale]; defeated by the Romans in the great struggle for empire, Mon. ii. 1 1 69-63 [Bomanii]; alluded to in connexion with the second Punic war, and their defeat of Romans at Cannae, Inf. xxviii. 10 [Canne] ; described (by an anachronism) as Arabs, Par. vi. 49 [Arabi] ; the Punic, race, Mon. ii. 46I, ii53 [Poeni] ; Africans, Mon. ii. Ii8»-i [aM: Afrioani]. Carthaginenses, Carthaginians, Mon. ii. 3103. [Cartaginesi.] Carthago, Carthage, Epist. viii. 10. [Car- tagine.] Casale, town of N. Italy in Piedmont, on the right bank of the Po, about 30 miles E. of Turin ; mentioned by St. Bonaventura (in the Heaven of the Sun) together with Acqua- sparta. Par. xii. 124. The allusion is to Uber- tino da Casale and Matteo d'Acquasparta, the leaders of the two sects which arose within the Franciscan Order soon after the death of St. Francis. Butler (after Philalethes) notes :— ' The one party, of whom Matteo d'Acquasparta, Generalin 1289, was head, construing the founder's rule (" scrittura," u. 125) in a somewhat liberal sense, relaxed the severities of the Order ; while the others, with the encouragement of successive Popes, adopted a narrower and more literal inter- pretation. The most vigorous champion of this view was Ubertino, whose followers took the liame of Spiritualists. Clement V did his best to reconcile the two factions, for which he has D.'s approval ' [AoQLuasparta : Ubertino da Oasale]. Casalodi, castle near Brescia, whence the Guelf Counts of Casalodi, who in 1272 made themselves masters of Mantua, took their title ; it is mentioned by Virgil (in Bolgia 4 of Circle VIII of Hell) in reference to the ex- pulsion of Alberto da Casalodi from Mantua by the stratagem of Pinamonte de' Buonac- corsi, and the consequent slaughter of a large number of the inhabitants. Inf. xx. 95. [Pina- monte.] Cascidli, name of a place (for which most edd. read Cascoli) mentioned in a poem attri- buted by D. to Castra of Florence and quoted, V. E. i. 1 1^8. CascioU (which is the reading of Cod. Vat. 3793, the only MS. in which the poem has been preserved) is identified by some with Casoli, in the Abruzzo, on a branch of the Sangro, about 20 miles S. E. of Chieti ; by others with Ascoli, in the Marches, on the Tronto, close to the border of the Abruzzo. [Castra.] Cascoli. [Cascidli.] Casella, musician of Florence (or, accord- ing to some, of Pistoja), and friend of D., who [132] Casella Cassero, Jacopo del sees him in Antepurgatory among those who neglected to repent, and addresses him as Casella mio, Purg. ii. 91 ; una (anima), v. 76 ; lei, •V. 80 ; Vombra, v. 83 ; lei, v. 84 ; egli, vv. 94, 113 [Antipurgatorio] ; as D. and Virgil are looking at the crowd of souls just disembarked upon the shore of Purgatory from the vessel of the celestial boatman, one of them (that of Casella) draws near and makes as though to embrace D., who vainly attempts to clasp it (Purg. ii. 50-81); Casella draws back smiling and bids D. cease his attempts, whereupon D., recognizing who it is, begs C. to stay and speak with him [w. 82-7) ; C. complies, and asks D. the object of his journey, which he explains, and then inquires of C. how it is that he has only just arrived (vv. 88-93) i C. answers that the delay was due to no injustice, but to the just will of the celestial boatman, who several times denied him passage as he was waiting at the mouth of the Tiber with other souls destined for Purgatory (t/i/. 94-105) [Tevere] ; he explains that for the last three months (i.e. since the beginning of the Jubilee, at Christmas, 1299) the angel had taken all who had desired to go (vv. 98-9) [Giubbileo] ; D. then begs him to sing, whereupon he begins to chant one of D.'s canzoni (Canz. vii) (vv. 106-14) ; D., v., and the other spirits stop and listen, till Cato chides them for loitering, and they all move on their way (vv. 115-33)- This episode of the meeting between D. and Casella is alluded to by Milton in his Sonnet to Henry Lawes : — ' Dante shs^ll give Fame leave to set thee higher , Than his Casella, whom he wooed to sing, Met in the milder shades of Purgatory.' C. is said to have set to music some of D.'s verses. Crescimbeni claims to have seen in the Vatican Library a ballad or madrigal by Lemmo da Pistoja, who lived towards the end of Cent, xiii, with the inscription ' Lemmo fece, e Casella diede la nota,' i.e. composed by Lemmo and set to music by Casella. The Anonimo Fiorentino says of Casella : — 'Questi fue Casella da Pistoja grandissimo musico, et massimamente nell' arte dello 'ntonare; et fu molto dimesticp dell' Auttorp, per6 che in sua giovinezza fece Dante molte canzone et ballate, che questi intond ; et a Dante dilettb forte I'udirle da lui, et massimamente al tempo ch' era innamorato di Beatrice.' Benvenuto : — . ' Iste spiritus, cum quo autor tam amicabiliter loquitur, fuit quidam suus florentinus nomine Casella, qui fuit famosus cantor tempore suo, vir quidem curialis, affabilis, ad quem Dantes saepe solebat accedere in vita ad recreandum spiritum cantu illius, quando erat fatigatus studio, vel stimulatus passione amoris.' A record exists, among the documents pre- served at Siena, of the payment of a fine by Casella for perambulating the streets at night ; it is dated July 13, 1282, so that Casella's death, the year of which is unknown, must have occurred some time between that date and the year 1300. Casentinenses, inhabitants of the Casen- tino ; their dialect, like that of the people of Prato, harsh and discordant owing to their exaggerated accentuation, V. E. i. 1 1*0-2 ; alluded to as brutti porci, Purg. xiv. 43. [Casentino.] Casentino, district in Tuscany, comprising the upper valley of the Arno and the slopes of the Etruscan Apennines ; mentioned by Maes- tro Adamo (in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of Hell) in connexion with the numerous streams which descend thence into the Arno, Inf. xxx. 65 ; Buonconte (in Antepurgatory) mentions it In connexion with the Archiano (which falls into the Arno just above Bibbiena), Purg. v. 94 [Archiano] ; and alludes to it as la valle . . . Da Pratomagno al gran giogo, i. e. the valley between the ridge of Pratomagno (on the W. side), and the main ridge of the Apen- nines (on the E.), Purg. v. 1 15-16 [Prato- raagno] ; in tracing the course of the Arno, Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory) speaks of the inhabitants as brutti porci (with especial reference probably to the Conti Guidi, lords of Romena and Porciano in the Casen- tino, there being perhaps an allusion to the latter name), Purg. xiv. 43. [Arno.] Casino. [Cassinc] Casoli. [Cascidli.] Cassentinenses. [Casentinenses.] Cassero, Guide del], nobleman of Fano, who, together with Angiolello da Carignano, was murdered (circ. 13 12) by order of Mala- testino of Rimini, Inf. xxviii. "]"]. [Angiolello.] Cassero, Jacopo del], member of a powerful Guelf family of fano (probably a relative of the preceding), who incurred the enmity of Azzo VIII of Este by his opposition to the designs of the latter upon Bologna, of which city Jacopo was Podestk in I2i96. In revenge Azzo had him assassinated at Oriaco, between Venice and Padua, while he was on his way (in 1298) to assume the office of Podestk at Milan at the invitation of Maffeo Visconti. He appears to have gone by sea from Fano to Venice, and thence to have pro- ceeded towards Milan by way of Padua ; but while he was still among the lagoons, only about eight miles from Venice, he was waylaid and stabbed. Malatesta of Rimini was sus- pected of being concerned in the murder, he having, it is said, induced Mafifeo Visconti to appoint Jacopo Podestk of Milan, in order that when the latter was out of the way he might the more easily secure the lordship of Fano. [133] Cassero, Jacopo del Jacopo was the son of Uguccione del Cas- sero, Podestk of Macerata in 1268, and nephew of Martino del Cassero, who was pro- fessor of law at Arezzo in 1255, and was reputed the first jurist of his day in Italy. J. is mentioned by Villani (vii. 120) among the Guelf leaders who joined the Florentines in their expedition against Arezzo in 1288. Docu- ments are still preserved at Bologna relating to his election as Podestk, and to his departure at the expiration of his term of office, which he refused to prolong on account of the odium he had incurred in defending the city, ' contra Marchionem estensem perfidum thyrannum et inimicum comunis et populi bononiensis et ejus sequaces.' After his assassination his body was conveyed to Fano, where it was buried in the Church of San Domenico, with a long inscription which is still legible. (See Del Lungo, Dante ne^ tempi di Dante, pp. 423 ff.) D. places Jacopo m Antepurgatory among those who put off their repentance to the last, Purg. V. 64-84 ; tmo (peccatore), v. 64 [Anti- purgatorio] ; D. having expressed his will- ingness to do anything in his power for the spirits who have besought his good offices (vv. 43-63), one of them (Jacopo) begs him that if ever he goes to Fano he will cause prayers to be offered on his behalf (vv. 64- 72) ; he then relates that he was a native of Fano, and had been murdered at the bidding of Azzo of Este in the Paduan territory, where he had thought to be secure [vv. 73-8) ; he explains that he was overtaken at Oriaco, and might have escaped if he had fled towards La Mira (vv. 79-81), but he ran to the marshy ground, and getting entangled in the cane- brakes and mud, fell and bled to death (vv. 82- 4) [Azzo da Ssti: Mira, Iia : Oriaco]. According to the old commentators Jacopo had excited the animosity of Azzo not only by his political opposition, but also by personal abuse of the marquis ; thus Lana says : — ' Non li bastava costui fare de' fatti contra li amici del marchese, ma elli continue usava villanie volgari contra di lui, ch' elli giacque con sua matrigna, e ch' elli era disceso d'una lavandara di panni, c ch' elli era cattivo e codardo ; e mai la sua lingua non saziavasi di villaneggiare di lui. Per li quali fatti e detti I'odio crebbe si al marchese, ch' elli li trattd la morte in questo modo.' Similarly Benvenuto : — ' Bononienses elegerunt in Potestatem eorum . . . nobilem militem dominum Jacobum del Cassaro de civitate Fani. Qui vir temerarius, et qui non bene didicerat regulam juris : potentioribus pares esse non possumus, semper obloquebatur temere de marchione estensi, semper vocans eum pro- ditorem estensem, qui reliquerat Ghibellinos Ro- mandiolae. Marchio saepe audiens haec et in- dignans dixit : certe iste agaso Marchianus non Cassino impune feret imprudentiam suam asininam, sed castigabitur fuste ferreo. Dedit ergo operam, quod certi famuli idonei ad hoc persequerentur ilium, quocumque pergeret, finito officio Bononiae.' Cassino, the monastery of Monte Cassino, 'the parent of all the greatest Benedictine monasteries in the world,' founded by St. Bene- dict of Nursia in 529, and the scene of his death in 543. It is situated on a spur of Monte Cairo, a few miles from Aquino in the N. of Campania, almost exactly halfway be- tween Rome and Naples. When St. Bene- dict first came to the spot, it was still the centre of pagan worship, the summit of the hill being crowned by a temple of Apollo, and a grove sacred to Venus, both of which were destroyed by him. St. Benedict (in the Heaven of Saturn) men- tions Cassino, Par. xxii. 37 ; badia, v. 76 ; and relates to D. how he found the site in the hands of the heathen, and how he planted his monastery there, and by the blessing of God was enabled to withdraw the surrounding inhabitants from their idolatrous worship (vv. 37-45) ; he subsequently laments over the degenerate state into which his foundation had fallen (vv. 73-81). [Benedetto 1.] Benvenuto gives an interesting account, which he had from Boccaccio, of a visit paid by the latter to the monastery of Monte Cassino, and of the melancholy condition in which he found the books in the library : — ' Narrabat mihi jocose venerabilis praeceptor mens Boccaccius de Certaldo . . . quod dum esset in Apulia, icaptus fama loci, accessit ad nobile monasterium montis Cassini. . . . Et avidus videndi librariam, quam audiverat ibi esse nobilissimam, petivit ab uno monacho humiliter, velut ille qui suavissiipus erat, quod deberet ex gratia aperire sibi bibliothecam. At ille rigide respondit, osten- dens sibi altam scalam : ascende quia aperta est. Ille laetus ascendens invenit locum tanti thesauri sine ostio vel clavi, ingressusque vidit herbam natam per fenestras, et libros omnes cum bancis coopertis pulvere alto ; et mirabundus coepit aperire et volvere nunc istum librum, nunc ilium, invenitque ibi multa et varia volumina antiquorum et peregrinorum librorum ; ex quorum aliquibus detracti erant aliqui quaterni, ex aliis recisi margines chartarum, et sic multipliciter deformati ; tandem miseratus labores et studia tot inclytissi- morum ingeniorura devenisse ad manus perditissi- morum hominum, dolens et illacrymans recessit ; et occurrens in claustro petivit a monacho obvio quare libri illi pretiosissimi essent ita turpiler detruncati. Qui respondit quod aliqui monachi, volentes lucrari duos vel quinque solidos, radebant unum quaternum et faciebant psalteriolos, quos vendebant pueris ; et ita de marginibus faciebant evangelia et brevia, quae vendebant mulieribus. Nunc, vir studiose, frange tibi caput pro faciendo libros.' In this library is preserved an important MS. of the D. C, hence known as the Codex [134] Cassio Castel, Guido da Cassinensis, from which an edition was printed by the monks in 1865, in commemoration of the sixth centenary of the birth of D. Cassio, Caius Cassius Longinus, , one of the murderers of Julius Caesar. In B. C. 49 he was tribune of the plebs, joined the aristo- cratical party in the civil war, and fled with Pompey from Rome. After the defeat of the latter at Pharsalia in 48, C. surrendered to Caesar, who not only pardoned him, but in 44 made him praetor, and promised him the province of Syria for the next year. But he had never ceased to look upon Caesar as his enemy, and it was he who formed the con- spiracy against the life of the dictator, and gained over Marcus Brutus to take part in it. After the murder of Caesar (March 15, 44), C. went to Syria, which he claimed as his province, although the senate had assigned it to Dolabella, and had conferred Cyrene on C. in its stead. After defeating Dolabella he crossed over to Greece with Brutus in order to oppose Octavian and Antony. The op- posing forces m^t at Philippi (42), where C. was defeated by Antony, while Brutus, who commanded the other wing of the army, drove Octavian off the field. C, ignorant of the success of Brutus, would not survive his de- feat, and commanded one of his freedmen to put an end to his life. In a second battle shortly after Brutus also was defeated, where- upon he too killed himself. D. places Cassius with Brutus and Judas Iscariot in the jaws of Lucifer in Giudecca, the last division of Circle IX, the nethermost pit of Hell, Inf. xxxiv. 67 [Bruto ^ : Giudeoea : Iiucifero] ; he is mentioned with Brutus by the Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of Mercury) in connexion with the victories of the Roman Eagle under Augustus, the re- ference being to the battle of Philippi, Par. vi. 74 [Aquilai; FilippiS]. D. describes C. as membruto, ' stout of limb ' (Inf. xxxiv. 67), which is not in accordance with the facts so far as they are known. Shakespeare, following Plutarch (with whom D. probably was unacquainted), speaks of him as 'spare Cassius,' and gives him 'a lean and hungry look.' It has been suggested that D. was thinking of Lucius Cassius, whose corpulence is specially noticed by Cicero : — 'Hoc providebam animo, Quirites, remote Catilina, nee mihi esse P. Lentuli somnum, nee L. Cassii adipem, nee Cethegi furiosam temeritatem pertimescendam.' \ln Cati- linam.^ iii. 7.) [Cioero.] Castalia], celebrated fountain on Mt. Par- nassus, sacred to Apollo and the Muses ; referred to as la ctstema di Pamaso, Purg. xxxi. 141 (cf Purg. xxii. 65). [Parnaso.] Castalius, Castahan ; Castaliae sorores, i. e. the Muses, Eel. i. 54. [Castalia : Muse.] Castel, Gtlido da, gentleman of Reggio, mentioned by Marco Lombardo (in Circle III of Purgatory) as one of three old men (the other two being Currado da Palazzo and Gherardo da Cammino) who yet survive as a reproach to the younger generation in Lom- bardy, Purg. xvi. 125 ; Marco adds that Guido is better named, in the French fashion, the simple Lombard, 'il semplice Lombardo' {v. 126). The point of this expression is some- what obscure ; the usual explanation that the term ' Lombard ' was at that time a general name in France for an Italian (e. g. Boccaccio makes two Frenchmen speaking of Tuscans call them 'questi Lombardi cani') does not hold, since Guido was a Lombard, and con- sequently would be called so by others besides Frenchmen. The point of the appellation would seem to lie rather in the epithet ' sem- plice,' as descriptive of Guide's character. It is possible, however, that the term ' Lom- bardo' here is a rendering of the French ' Lombart ' in its more special signification of 'usurer' [Caorsirio]. In the Ottimo Comento it is stated that Guido da Castello was noted for his generosity in supplying the necessities of th6se who passed his way on the road to or from France : — ' Messer Guido studi6 in onorare li valenti uomini, che passavano per lo cammino francesco, e molti ne rimise in cavalli ed armi, che di Francia erano passati di qua ; onorevolmente consumate loro facultadi, tornavano meno ad srnesi, ch' a loro non si convenja, a tutti diede, senza speranza di merito, cavalli, arme, danari.' The name ' semplice Lombardo,' applied to Guido by his French-speaking friends, may therefore have been meant as a playful de- scription of the ' honest usurer,' who provided horses, arms, and rnoney, without looking for any return. (See Academy, Nov. I, 1890.) Guido was a contemporary of D., who is said to have been his guest at one time. The two are mentioned as fellow-guests at the court of Can Grande della Scala at Verona [Can Grande]. Berivenuto says Guido be- longed to the Castello branch of the Roberti family, and adds that he was an accomplished poet in the vulgar tongue :-^ ' Iste fuit de Regio Lombardiae, de Robertis, quorum tria erant membra, scilicet illi de Tripoli, illi de Castello, et illi de Furno. . . . Iste florebat in Regio tempore nostri poetae . . . fuit autem vir prudens et rectus, sani consilii, amatus et honoratus, quia zelator er-at reipublicae, et protector patriae, licet tunc alii essent potentiores in terra ilia : fuit libe^-'^lis ; cujus liberalitatem poeta noster expertus est semel, regeptus et honoratus ab eo in domo sf^a. fuit etiam Guido pulcer inventor in rhythmo vulgari, ut pulcre apparet in quibusdam dictis ejus.' D. mentions Guido in the Convivio in his discussion as to the nature of nobility, where he says that if mere notoriety constituted a claim to nobility : — [135] Castella Castrocaro 'Asdente, il calzolaio di Parma, sarebbe piii nobile che alcuno suo cittadino, e Albuino della Scala sarebbe piii nobile che Guido da Castello di Reggio ; che ciascuna di queste cose i falsissima.' (iv. i6«»-".) Castella, Castile, one of the old kingdoms of Spain, comprising the modern provinces of Old and New Castile. The kingdom of Castile was united to that of Leon from 1037 till the death of Alphonso VII in 11 57, when the two were separated, Alphonso's eldest son, San- cho III, succeeding to the throne of Castile, the second son, Fernando II, to that of Leon. The two kingdoms were reunited in 1230, in which year Fernando III, who had succeeded to the throne of Castile in 1217, on the death of his maternal uncle, Enrique I (his mother, Doiia Berenguela, having abdicated in his favour), became also King of Leon, in suc- cession to his father, Alphonso IX. [Table iii : Table iii. A.] The kingdom of Castile and Leon is alluded to by St. Bonaventura (in the Heaven of the Sun), Par. xii. 46-54 ; he describes it as the country in the W. of Europe, not far from the Atlantic (vv. 46-51), in which is situated Callaroga, the birthplace of St. Dominic, which he says ' lies under the protection of the great shield, in which the lion is subject and subjugates ' (vv. 52-4), the arms of Castile and Leon consisting of two castles and two lions, the lion being above the castle on one half of the shield, and below it on the other [Callaroga] ; Fernando IV, King of Castile and Leon (1295-1312), is alluded to (probably) by the Eagle in the Heaven of Jupiter as g^ue/ di Spagna, Par. xix. 125 [Spagna] ; Castile is mentioned, in connexion with its ' good king,' il buon re di Castella, i.e. (probably) Alphonso VIII, King of Castile (1158-1214), Conv. iv. II126-S [Alfonso 3]; and as being a neighbour of Aragon, Mon. i. li^^"'' [Ara- gona]. CasteUana Civitas, Cittk di Castello, town on the Tiber, in extreme N. of Umbria ; its dialect, as well as those of Perugia, Orvieto, and Viterbo, not discussed by D . as being closely connected with the Roman and Spoletan dia- lects, V. E. i. 1329-32. Castello, Citt^ di. [Castellana Civitas.] Castello, Guido da. [Castel, Guido da.] Castello Sant' Angelo], Castle of St. An- gelo on the right bank of the Tiber at Rome, originally the Moles Hadriani, the mausoleum erected by Hadrian for himself and his suc- cessors ; it was completed in A. D. 140 by Antoninus Pius. From Hadrian down to Septimius Severus (d. A. D. 2ii) all the Em- perors and their families were buried in it. In 537) when Rome was besieged by the Goths, it was converted into a fortress. It owes its [136] modern name to the tradition that Gregory the Great (590-604), while leading a pro- cession to pray for the cessation of the plague, beheld the Archangel Michael sheathing his sword above the Castle, in commemoration of which the chapel of S. Angelo inter Nubes was subsequently erected at the summit of the building by Boniface IV (608-614). The great bronze pine-cone (referred to, Inf. xxxi. 59) is said at one time to have been placed on the pinnacle of the Castle. D. refers to it in connexion with the crowds of pilgrims who swarmed across the bridge of St. Angelo during the Jubilee of 1300, as il castello, Inf. xviii. 32. [Giubbileo.j Castiglia. [Castella.] Castore, Castor, twin-brother of Pollux; Leda, having been visited by Jupiter in the form of a swan, brought forth two eggs, from one of which issued Helen, and from the other Castor and Pollux. At their death Jupiter placed the twins among the stars as the con- stellation Gemini. [Leda.] Virgil (in Antepurgatory) mentions Castor and Pollux to indicate the sign Gemini, and intimates to D. that if it were the month of June, when the Sun is in Gemini, that part of the Zodiac in which the Sun would then be, would lie nearer the N. (Gemini being to the N. of Aries, in which the Sun was at the time of the Vision), Purg. iv. 61-6. [Gemelli: Zodiacc] Castra, a Florentine, to whom D. attri- butes the authorship of a canzone (the first two hnes of which he quotes) in ridicule of the dialect of the men of Ancona, Rome, and Spoleto, V. E. i. 1121-9. The poem in question has been preserved in one MS. only (Cod. Vat. 3793), where it appears with the name ' Messer Osmano ' pre- fixed to it ; this name (which is probably for Osimano, i. e. belonging to Osimo, a city in the March of Ancona) may be either a pseud- onym of the author, or the name of the person to whom the poem is addressed. According to Grion, Castra (or Castratutti) and Osmano are both of them pseudonyms of a certain Ser Manno, some of whose poems are printed by Crescimbeni. (See D'Ancona and Comparetti, Antiche Rime Volgari, i. 484-8 ; and Mpnaci, Crest. Ital., pp. 492-4.) Castrocaro, formerly a strong castle, now a village, in Romagna, in the valley of the Montone, a few miles from Forli ; in Cent xiii it belonged to the Counts of Castrocaro, who were Ghibellines, but submitted (in 1282) to the Church. Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory) includes its Counts among the degenerate families of Romagna, and laments that they had not died out, Purg. xiv. 116-17. Catalauo Catalogna Benvenuto speaks of them as being extinct in his day : — ' Castrocaro, nobile castrum, et vere carum, supra Forlivium in valle Montorii, cujus comites hodie defecerunt. Sed tunc adhuc vigebant, sed degenerabant a nobilitate vicinorum.' About the year 1300 the castle passed into the hands of the Ordelaffi of Forli ; subsequently it appears to have been purchased by the Florentines. It was for some years one of the principal Guelf strongholds in Romagna. Catalano, a member of the Guelf Catalani family of Bologna (a branch of the Malavolti, whence Villani speaks of C. as Catalano de' Malavolti), born at Bologna circ. 1210; he was Podesta of Milan in 1243, of Parma in 1250, of Piacenza in 1260; in 1249 he commanded a division of the Bolognese infantry at the battle of Fossalta, in which King Enzio was defeated and taken prisoner ; in 1261 he was associated with Loderingo degli Andal6 of Bologna in founding the Order of the Knights of Our Lady (subsequently known as the ' Frati Gaudenti ') ; in 1265 and 1267 he and Loderingo shared the office of Podestk in Bologna, and in 1266 in Florence ; shortly after his last term of office he retired to the monastery of the Frati Gaudenti at Ronzano near Bologna, \vhere he died and was buried in 1285. (See Gozzadini, Le Torri gentilizie di Bologna, pp. 203 ff.) After the defeat and death of Manfred at Bene- vento (Feb. 26, i26|), the Florentine commons, who were for the most part Guelf, began to be turbulent and to murmur against the government of Guido Novello and the Ghibelline nobles. The latter, therefore, as a conciliatory measure, arranged that the ofBce of Podesta should be held jointly by a Guelf and a Ghibelline, instead of by a single individual as heretofore ; and they selected for the purpose the two Bolognese, Frati Gaudenti, Catalano de' Catalani, a Guelf, and Loderingo degli Andalo, a Ghibelline, in the expectation that they would administer the office impartiallj'. Catalano and Loderingo set to work to reform the government, without favouring either party, their most important measure being the establish- ment of the ' Council of Thirty-six,' which was selected from nobles and commons of both parties. This measure, however, gave oifence to Guido Novello and the Ghibelline nobles, who attempted to suppress the Council ; but the commons rose upon them, and they were forced to leave the city, the houses of many of the Ghibellines (that of the Uberti, in the quarter known as the Gardingo, among them) being wrecked by the populace. Catalano and Loderingo, who had already asked to be relieved of their office, there- upon quitted Florence, not without a suspicion on the part of the Florentines (vvhich both D. and Villani regarded as well-founded) that ' under cover of false hypocrisy,' as Villani puts it, they had combined together for their own purposes, taking bribes from the Guelfs and persecuting the Ghibellines. They were succeeded in the office of jPodesta by Ormanijo Monaldeschi of Orvieto. Villani gives the following account : — ' Come la novella fu in Firenze e per Toscana della scon- fitta di Manfredi, i ghibellini . . . comrnciarono ad invilire, e avere panra in tutte parti, e' guelfl usciti di Firenze ch' erano ribelli, e tali a' confini per lo contado e in piii parti cominciarono a invigorire e a prendere cuore e ardire . . . onde il popolo di Firenze ch' era piii guelfo d'animo che ghibejlino . . . simile cominciarono a rinvifforire, e a mor- morare, e parlare per la cittk, dogliendosi delle spese e incarichi disordinati che riceveano dal conte Guido_ No- vello, e dagli altri che reggeano la terra; onde quelli che reggeano la cittk di Firenze a parte ghibellina, sentendo nella citta il detto subuglio e mormorio, e avendo paura che 'I popolo non si rubellasse contra a loro, per una cotale mezzanitk, e per contentare il popolo, elessono due cavalieri frati godenti di Bologna per podestadi di Firenze, che Tuno ebbe nome messer Catalano de' Malavolti, e I'altro messer Roderigo di Landolo, e I'uno era tenuto di parte guelfa, cio era messer Catalano, e Taltro di parte ghibellma _. . . Questi due frati per lo popolo di Firenze furono fatti venire, e misongli nel palagio del popolo d'incontro alia Badia, credendo che per I'onesta dell' abito fossono comuni, e guardassono il comune da soperchie spese; i quali tutto- che d'animo di parte fossono divisi, sotto coverta di falsa ipocrisia furono in Concordia piii al guadagno loro proprio one al bene comune.' (vii. 13.) D. places Catalano, together with Loderingo, among the Hypocrites in Bolgia 6 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxiii. 104 ; due, v. 82 ; frati, V. 109 ; Catalano, Vun, v. \ca ; il frate Catalan, v. 114; il frate, vv. 127, 142 [Ipo- eriti] ; D. having begged Virgil to discover some one of the Hypocrites who might be known by deed or name, one of the latter cries to them to stop, as he can satisfy their curiosity (Inf. xxiii. 73-9) ; D. then at V.'s bidding stops, and two of the Hypocrites hasten up to him, and after gazing at him in wonder ask who he is {vv. 80-93) ; D. having replied asks in his turn who they are and what is the nature of their punishment {vv. 94-9) ; he is answered by one of them (Catalano), who says they were Frati Gaudenti of Bologna, and gives their names, recounting how they two were chosen to fill the office of Podestk at Florence usually filled by one man, and how, instead of keeping peace, they wrought havoc in the city, as the ruins about the Gardingo still testify {vv. 100-8) [Prati Gaudenti: Gardingo: Loderingo]; D. begins to address them, but breaks off short on catching sight of a sinner crucified on the ground {vv. 109-13) ; C. explains that this is Caiaphas, and that his father-in-law Annas, and the rest of the Council who condemned Christ, are there with him {vv. 1 14-23) [Caifaa] ; Virgil then, after gazing in wonder at Caiaphas, inquires as to the way out {vv. 127-32), and from C.'s answer finds that the devil Malacoda in the previous Bolgia (Inf. xxi. 1 11) had lied to him {vv. 133-41) ; whereupon C. remarks that he had heard erewhile at Bologna that the devil was ever a liar and the father of lies {vv. 142-4) [Bologna: Malacoda]. Catalogna, Catalonia (Cataluna), province in N. E. corner of Spain, which in D.'s time formed part of the kingdom of Aragon ; men- tioned by Charles Martel (in the Heaven of Venus), who, in allusion to the greed of the needy Catalan retainers of his brother Robert, [137] Catania, Golfo di Catone speaks of Vavara povertd. di Caialogna, Par. viii. 77. [CarloS; Roberto^.] Robert, with his brothers Louis and John, had been detained in Catalonia from 1288 to 1295 by the King of Aragon, as hostages for their father, Charles II of Naples, and during his residence there R. had gathered round him a following of Catalan gentlemen who accom- panied him into Italy. Benvenuto says : — ' Rex Robertus quando stetit in Aragonia, cujus pars maritima vocatur Catalonia, obses pro patre suo, acquisivit amicitias et fatniliaritates multorum, quos postea in Italia promovebat ad officia, qui noverant bene accumulare. Ad quod duo impelle- bant COS, scilicet, paupertas, quae suadet homini furtum et rapinam ; et avaritia, quae reddit honiinem ingeniosum ad omnia illicita lucra.' When Robert came to Florence in 1305 he brought with him, Villani says (viii. 82), ' una masnada di trecento cavalieri araonesi e cata- lani ' ; and after he became King of Naples (in 1309) we several times find his Catalan and Aragonese troops employed in Italy against the Emperor Henry VII, as Villani records : — * Nel detto anno 1311 . . . i Fiorentini mandarono a Bologna il maliscaico del re Ruberto con quattro- cento cavalieri Catalan!, ch' erano al loro soldo per la guardia di Bologna, e per contastare alio 'mperadore se venisse da quella parte.' (ix. 17.) — * Nell' anno 1312 del mese d'Aprile, sentendo il re Ruberto I'apparecchiamento che '1 re d'Alamagna facea a Pisa per venire a Roma per coronarsi, si mandb innanzi a Roma . . . messer Gianni suo fratello con seicento cavalieri catalani e pugliesi . . , e v' andarono di Firenze dugento cavalieri di cavallate de' migliori cittadini, e '1 maliscaico del re Ruberto, ch' era al loro soldo, con trecento cavalieri catalani e mille pedoni.' (ix. 39.) Catania, Golfo di], the Gulf of Catania, on the E. of Sicily ; alluded to by Charles Martel (in the Heaven of Venus) as il golfo Che riceve da Euro maggior briga, i. e. the gulf which is most exposed to the S. E. wind, it being open to the E., Par. viii. 68-9 ; he also refers to the circumstance that owing to the proximity of Mt. Aetna, the gulf, which lies 'tra Pachino e Peloro ' (^'. 68), i. e. between Cape Passaro and Cape Faro, is often covered with a dense pall of smoke. [Etna.] Catellini, ancient noble family of Florence, mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) as having been already in their decline in his time. Par. xvi. 88. In D.'s day they were extinct ; Villani says : — ' Nel quartiere della porta di san Brancazio . . . i Catellini furono antichissimi, e oggi non n' e ricordo; dicesi ch' e' figliuoli Tieri per bastardo nati fossono di loro legnaggio.' (iv. 12.) The Ottimo Comento : — ' Questi sono spenti al nome, salvo che di loro si dice, che sono discesi certi cittadini, detti figliuoli di Bernardo Manfredi.' According to Ld. Vernon two members of this family held high ofifice in Florence in 1197 and 1215 ; they were Ghibellines, and as such were expelled from Florence in 1258 and again in 1268 ; they returned after the pacification of 1280, but were excluded from office owing to their refusal to enrol themselves in one of the Arti. Catilina, Lucius Sergius Catilina,the famous Roman conspirator; born circ. B.C. 108, praetor 68, died 62. C, who was the descendant of an ancient patrician family which had fallen into poverty, was a candidate for the consulship in 66, but was disqualified in consequence of an impeachment for oppression during his praetor- ship. In revenge he formed a plot to murder the two consuls who had been elected. This plot having failed he engaged in a more exten- sive conspiracy, which came to a head during the consulship of Cicero, B.C. 63. By the vigi- lance of the latter all C.'s plans were baffled, and he himself was forced to leave Rome. Shortly after, Cicero obtained legal evidence against the rest of the conspirators, and at once summoned their leaders to the Senate, where they were condemned to death, the sentence being carried out that same night. A force was then dispatched against C, who was defeated and killed, while fighting with great valour, in the neighbourhood of Florence, B.C. 62. According to mediaeval authorities it was on this occasion that the town of Fiesole was destroyed by the Romans. D. alludes to the conspiracy of C. and its frustration by Cicero, Conv. iv. S^'s-e, [Cice- rone : Fiesole.] Cato, Marcus, Cato of Utica, Mon. ii. 5I3*. [Catone 2.] Catona, small town of S. Italy, in Calabria, a few miles N. of Reggio, almost exactly oppo- site Messina ; mentioned by Charles Martel (in the Heaven of Venus) to indicate the southern- most limit of the kingdom of Naples, Par. viii. 62 [Ausonia: Ifapoli]. It appears in D.'s time to have been the point of departure for Messina ; thus after the ' Sicilian Vespers ' Charles I concentrated his troops at Catona previous to their embarkation for that port. For Catona many mod. edd. read Crotona, v^hich is adopted by Pietro di Dante, and men- tioned as a variant by Buti ; it has, however, very slight MS. authority. Blanc supports it on the ground that Crotona is much better known than Catona, which is precisely a reason for suspecting it. Catona is the reading of Witte and of the most recent edd. (See Giom. Star. Lett. ItaL, xxx. 214-26.) Catone 1, Marcus Porcius Cato, the Censor, commonly called Cato Major (i.e. the Elder), to distinguish him from his great-grandson Cato of Utica [Catone 2] ; he was born B.C. 234, elected Censor in 184, and di.ed at the age of [138] Catone Catoue 85 in 149; he was especially noted for his attempts to repress the growing luxury of the Romans, and for his uncompromising hostility to Carthage. D. refers to him as Catone, Conv. iv. 3i82; Catone VecchiOjCorw. iv.27151, 28*6; his opinion (as put into his mouth by Cicero) as to the divinity of the soul [Senect. § 21), Cortv. iv. 2180-6 . his increased delight in conversation as he grew older [Senect. § 14), Conv. iv. 27151— t; his eagerness to see (after death) the great Romans who had gone before him {Senect. § 23), Conv. iv. 28**-8. [Senectute, De.] Catone^, Marcus Porcius Cato Uticensis, great-grandson of Cato the Censor, born B. c. 95 ; brought up as a devoted adherent of the Stoic school, he became conspicuous for his rigid morality. In 63 he was tribune of the plebs, and supported Cicero in his proposal that the Catilinarian conspirators should be put to death. He was one of the chief leaders of the aristo- cratical party, and opposed vehemently the measures of Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus. On the outbreak of the civil war in 49 he sided with Pompey ; after the battle of Pharsalia he joined Metellus Scipio in Africa ; when the latter was defeated at Thapsus, and all Africa, with the exception of Utica, submitted to Caesar, he resolved to die rather than fall into his hands ; he therefore put an end to his own life, after spending the greater part of the night in reading Plato's Phaedo on the immortality of the soul, B.C. 46. Cato is mentioned in connexion with his march through the desert of Libya shortly before his death [Phars. x. 411 ff.), Inf xiv. 15; he is placed as warder at the entrance to Purgatory, tin veglio solo, Purg. i. 31 ; ei, v. 42 ; lui, V. 52 ; egli, v. 86 ; altrui, v. 133 (where some think the reference is to God) ; il veglio onesto, Purg. ii. 119; the description of Cato's personal appearance, with long white hair and beard (Purg. i. 34-6) is borrowed from Lucan: — ' Hie nee horrificam sancto dimovit ab ore Caesariem, duroque admisit gaudia vultu ; Ut primum tolli feralia viderat arma, Intonsos rigidam in frontem descendere canos Passus erat, moestamque genis increscere barbam.* {Phars. ii. 372-6.) D. and Virgil meet Cato on their arrival on the island from which rises the Mt. of Purga- tory, where he appears as a sohtary old man of venerable aspect, with long white hair and beard, and a radiant countenance (Purg. i. 31-9) ; he asks D. and V. who they are, taking them for damned spirits (vv. 40-8) ; V., after making D. do reverence, replies that through the intervention of Beatrice D. is come to see the spirits under his guardianship (vv. 49-69), and is seeking freedom, for the sake of which Cato himself had died at Utica {vv. 70-5) ; after explaining that D. is yet alive, and that he himself was come from Limbo, where Cato's wife Mg.rcia was, V. implores him for the latter's sake to grant them admittance {vv. 76-84) : Cato replies that Marcia can no longer move him now, but that for Beatrice's sake he will grant their request {vv. 85-93) ; then having bid V. gird D. with a rush and wash his face, he disappears {vv. 94-109) ; he appears once more to chide the loitering spirits who were listening to Casella's singing (after which he is not seen again), Purg. ii. i ig-23. As a suicide and a pagan, and as the bitter opponent of Caesar, the founder of the Roman Empire, we should expect to find Cato in Hell, with Pier delle Vigne, or with Brutus and Cassius, instead of being admitted to Purgatory and destined eventually to a place in Paradise (Purg. i. 75). D., however, regards him, not in his relation to the Roman Empire, but as the devoted lover of liberty, the representative of the soul made free by the annihilation of the body ; and consequently as the appropriate guardian of those who by purgation were freeing themselves from the last traces of sin before appearing in _ the presence of God. In his treatment of Cato D.' appears to have followed Virgil, who, instead of placing him - among the suicides in Taxtarus {Aen. vi. 434-9), represents him as a lawgiver among the righteous dead in Elysium : — • 'Secretosque pios, his dantem jura Catonem ' (viii. 670) — a line which probably suggested to D. the employment of Cato as warder of Purgatory. D.'s estimate of Cato was doubtless also in part derived from Cicero {see below), and from Lucan, who pictures him as the personification of godlike virtue : — 'Nam cui crediderim Superos arcana daturos Dicturosque magis quam sancto vera Catoni ? . . , Ecce parens verus patriae dignissimus aris, Roma, tuis ; per quern nunquam jurare pudebit, Et quem, si stetens unquam cervice soluta, TuDC olim factura deum.' {Phars. ix. 554-5 ; 601-4.) ' Hi mores, haec duri immota Catonis Secta fuit, servare modum, finemque tenere, Naturamque sequi, patriaeque impendere vitam ; Nee sibi, sed toti genitum se credere mundo. Huic epulae, vicisse famem ; magnique penates, Submovisse hiemem tecto ; pretiosaque vestis, Hirtam membra super, Romani more Quiritis, Induxisse togam ; Venerisque huic maximus usiis, Progenies ; Urbi pater est, Urbique maritus ; Justitiae cultor, rigidi servator honesti ; In commune bonus ; nullosque Catonis in actus Subrepsit, partemque tulit sibi nata voluptas.' {Pilars, ii. 380-91.) D. expresses his great reverence for Cato in the De Monarchia : — ' Accedit et illud inenarrabile sacrificium severissimi verae libertatis auctoris Marci Catonis . . . (qui) ut mundo libertatis amores accenderet, quanti libertas esset ostendit, dum e vita liber decedere maluit, quam sine libertate remanere in ilia ' (ii. g^^a-io^ . ^^j ;„ tjjg Convivio: — ' O sacratissimo petto di Catone (cf. Purg. i. 80), chi presumera di te parlare ? Certo maggiormente parlare di te non si puo, che tacere.' (iv. 5'*""^.) — ' Furono dunque filosofi molto antichi . . . che videro e credettero questo fine della vita umana essere solamente la rigida onesta ; cioe rigidamente, senza rispetto alcuno, la verita e la giustizia seguire. . . . E costoro e la loro setta chiamati furono [139] Catria Causis, De Stoici : e fu di loro quello glorioso Catone.' (iv. 6'"""^.) — 'Si legge di Catone, che non a s6, ma alia patria e a tutto il mondo nato essere credea.' (iv. 27""^.) — In speaking of Cato's wife Marcia, whom he gave to Hortensius, and who after the death of the latter came back to him, D. says her return to Cato symbolizes the noble soul returning to God in old age : — ' Marzia, vedova fatta . . . torn6 dal principio del suo vedovaggio a Catone ; per che si significa la uobile anima dal principio del senio tornare a Dio. E quale uomo terreno piii degno fu di significare Iddio, che Catone 1 Certo nuUo. . . . Nel nome di cui 6 bello terminare ci6 che delli segni della nobilta ragionare si convegna, perocchfe in lui essa nobilta tutti li dimostra per tutte etadi.' (iv. 28'" ".) Cato's escape from Julius Caesar into Africa, Conv. iii. 5I21-S [Cesarei] ; his greatness not to be measured by words, Conv. iv. 51*0-2 j belonged to the Stoic sect of philosophers, Conv. iv. 6^3-6 ; his belief that he was born not for himself, but for his country and the whole world (from Lucan, Phars. ii. 383 : ' Nee sibi, sed toti genitum se,crederemundo'),Conv. iv. 2731-3 ; Lucan's account of the return of his wife Marcia to him, Conv. iv.aS^'-i^' [Marzia] ; the most staunch champion of liberty, choosing death as a free man, rather than life without liberty, Mon. ii. 5I32-40 j Cicero's estimate of his character quoted (freely) from the De Offictis (i. 31) : ' Cato, to whom nature had given in- credible firmness and who had strengthened this severity by his unremitting constancy to his principles, and who never formed a resolu- tion by which be did not abide, was indeed bound to die rather than to look on the face of a tyrant,' Mon. ii. 5I68-70. Catria, Monte Catria, one of the highest peaks of the Apennines, on the borders of Umbria and the Marches, between Gubbio and Pergola. St. Peter Damian, (in the Heaven of Saturn) describes it as a 'boss' formed by the lofty Apennines which rise between the shores of the Adriatic and of the Mediterranean, and refers to the fact that on its slopes was situated the monastery of Fonte Avellana, of which he was at one time Abbot, Par. xxi. 106-14. [Apennino : Avellana.] Cattolica, La, small town on the Adriatic, between Rimini and Pesaro, at the point where the Emilia and the Marches meet ; mentioned by Pier da Medicina (in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII of Hell) in connexion with the murder of Guide del Cassero and Angiolello da Carignano by order of Malatestino of Rimini, Inf. xxviii. 80. [Angiolello.] Caucasus, Mt. Caucasus ; Caucason, Epist. vi. 3 ; Eel. ii. 22 ; the Florentines threatened with the Imperial Eagle, which soars alike over the Pyrenees, Caucasus, and Atlas, Epist. vi. 3. Caudinae Furcae, the 'Caudine Forks,' narrow passes in the mountains near Caudium, a town in Samnium on the road from Capua to Beneventum, where the Roman army sur- rendered to the Samnites, B.C. 321. D. quotes Lucan (Phars. ii. 135-8) to show how nearly the Empire in Italy was transferred from the Romans to the Samnites, Mon. ii. ii*3-5i_ [Sanniti.] Causis, De, pseudo-Aristotelian treatise of unknown authorship, on which commentaries were written by Albertus Magnus, St. Thomas Aquinas, and Aegidius Romanus. It appears to have been transmitted by the Hebrews of Spain as a work of Aristotle, and was included as such in the MSS. and early printed editions of his works. It was translated from Arabic into Latin between 1 1 67 and 1 187 by Gerardus Cremonensis (d. at Toledo, 1 187), 'magnus linguae translator arabicae,' who translated also the Canon Medicinal of Avicenna, and the Almagest of Ptolemy. The treatise, which is quoted as early as Cent, xii, was regarded as of great weight and authority in the Middle Ages. It was probably originally written in Arabic. Albertus Magnus, who wrote a com- mentary on it under the same name (the full title of his work is De Causis et Processu Uni- versitatis), was the first to suspect that it was a compilation from Aristotle and the Arabian philosophers. He ascribed it to a certain David the Jew: — ' David Judaeus quidam ex dictis Aristotelis, Avicennii, Algazelis, et Alpharabii congregavit, per modum theorematura ordinans ea, quorum commentum ipsemet adhibuit, sicut et Euclides in geometricis fecisse videtur.' (De Causis et Proc, Univ., ii. i.) St. Thomas Aquinas identified portions of it as extracts from the Elevatio Theologica (Stoix«Wij BeoKoyiKrj) of Proclus, upon whose work it was probably based. (See Jourdain, Traductions Latines d^Aris- tote, pp. 183-5, 196 ; Prantl, Geschichte der Logik im Abendlande, Bd. iii. pp. 8-10 ; and Bardenhewer, Die pseudo-aristotelische Schrift Ueber das reine Gute bekannt unter dent Namen Liber de Causis.) TheZ'^ Causis quoted by D. has been thought by some to be the above-mentioned work of Albertus Magnus ; but it is evident that the work referred to by D. is the pseudo- Aristotelian treatise, since nearly all his quotations are taken word for word from the latter. D. makes no reference to the authorship of the De Causis \ he quotes it simply as libra di Cagioni, Conv. iii. 2^7 ; Hbro delle Cagioni, Conv. iii. 6"' n*, 7I'? ; iv. 218' ; De Causis, Mon. i. 1 1I32-3 ; liijgf jg Causis, Epist. x. 20, 21. p. quotes from the De Causis (the references being to the thirty-two Propositiones or Lec- tiones, into which the Latin work is divided) the theory that every ' substantial form ' pro- ceeds from its'First Cause, which is God, Conv. [140] Cavalcante Cavalcanti Cavalcanti, Guido iii. 2''*-7 (Prop, xx) ; that the Divine Goodness and its gifts become diverse by the concurrence of that which receives them, Conv. iii. 2^1-* {Prop. XX, ' Diversificantur bonitates et dona ex concursu recipientis') ; that the first of all thirigs is 'being,' Conv. iii. 2*2-4 (Prop, iv init., ' Prima rerum creatarum est esse, et non est ante ipsum creatum aliud ') ; that every Intelli- gence on high knows what is above itself and what below, Conv. iii. 639-42 (Prop. viii init, ' Omnis intelligentia scit quod est supra se, et quod est sub se ; verumtamen scit quod est sub se, quoniam est causa ei, et scit quod est supra se, quoniam acquirit bonitates ab eo ') ; that every cause informs its effect with the goodness it has received from its own cause, which is God, Conv. iii. e^i^-i^ (Prop, i, ' Causa prima adjuvat secundam causam super operationem suam, quoniam omnem opera- tionem quam causa efHcit secunda, prima etiam causa efficit') ; that the Primal Goodness dis- penses its bounty ' with a single affluence ' (con un discorrimento), Conv. iii. jVi-\9 (Prop. xx, ' Prima bonitas influit bonitates super res omnes influxione una') ; that every noble soul has three methods of operation, the animal, the intel- lectual, and the divine, Conv. iv. 2l*9-9i (Prop. iii init., 'Omnis anima nobilis tres habet opera- tiones. Nam ex operationibus ejus est operatio animalis, et operatio intelligibilis, et operatio divina ') ; that the difference between causes is one of degree, Mon. i. 11I29-33 (Prop. i) ; that every primary cause has greater influence upon the object affected than a universal secondary cause, Epist. x. 30 (Prop. i. init., ' Omnis causa primaria plus est influens supra causatum suum quam causa universalis secunda ') ; that every intelligence is full of forms, Epist. x. 21 (Prop. x init., ' Omnis intelligentia plena est formis '). Cavalcante Cavalcanti. [Cavalcanti, Cavalcante.] Cavalcanti, noble familyof Florence, several members of which are mentioned by D., the most conspicuous being Cavalcante and his son Guido, the poet and friend of D. Villani describes the Cavalcanti as being very wealthy and powerful : — ' I Cavalcanti erano una grande e possente casa . . . erano delle piu possenti case e di genti, e di possessioni, e d'avere di Firenze.' (viii. 39, 71.) They were originally Guelfs (v. 39 ; vi. 33) ; on the outbreak of the Bianchi and Neri feuds in Florence they for the most part sided with the Cerchi, the leaders of the Bianchi faction, of which they were subsequently some of the most prominent supporters. Cavalcanti, Cavalcante], Florentine Guelf, father of D.'s friend, the poet Guido Cavalcanti ; he is placed among the Heretics in Circle VI of Hell, but is not mentioned by name ; ombra. Inf. x. 53 ; lui, v. 61 ; costui, V. 65 ; quel caduto, v. I lo [Eretici]. While D. is conversing with the Ghibelline Farinata degli Uberti, the shade of Cavalcante rises up from a sepulchre alongside of the latter, and looks eagerly to see if his son is with p. (Inf. X. 53-6) ; not seeing Guido, he asks where he is, and why he is not with D. (vv. 57-60) ; D., divining his identity from ' his words and the fashion of his punishment ' (vv. 64-6), replies that he is not come of himself, but is brought by Virgil, ' whom per- haps your Guido held in disdain' (^v. 61-3) ; noticing that D. used the past tense (' ebbe a disdegno'), C. anxiously asks if his son is dead, and receiving no reply, falls back into his sepulchre and is seen no more (vv. 67-72) ; subsequently D. in compunction prays Farinata to tell him that Guido is yet ahve, and that his own silence was due to wonderment at C.'s ignorance as to his son's fate (vv. 109-14) [Cavalcanti, Guido : Farinata]. C. is said to have been an Epicurean, and to have disbelieved in the immortality of the soul ; Boccaccio says of him : — ' Fu leggiadro e ricco cavaliere, e segui I'opinion d'Epicuro, in non credere che I'anima dopo la morte del corpo vivesse, e che il nostro sommo bene fosse ne' diletti carnali ; e per questo siccome eretico 6 dannato.' Benvenuto : — ' Iste omnino tenuit sectam epicureorum, semper credens, et suadens aliis, quod anima simul moreretur cum corpore ; unde saepe habebat in ore istud dictum Salomonis ; Unus est interitus hominis et jumentorum, et aequa utriusque con- ditio. . . . Iste cum audisset autorem conferentem multa cum Farinata de novitatibus Florentiae . . . surrexit statim ad videndum autorem, qui ita mordaciter tangebat ghibelinos, quia ipse Caval- cante erat guelphus cum suis. . . . Et sic vide quod autor ponit duos epicureos simul de parte con- traria, unum ghibelinum, alterum guelphum.' Cavalcanti, Guido, famous Florentine poet, son of Cavalcante, his mother being (probably) a lady of the house of the Conti Guidi ; he was bom probably between 1250 and 125s, but in any case not later than 1259 ; while still a youth (in 1267) he was betrothed by his father to Beatrice degli Uberti, daughter of the famous Farinata, at the time when an attempt was made to conciliate the feuds in Florence by means of matrimonial alliances between members of the opposing factions (see below) ; the date of the marriage, by which Guido had two children, a son Andrea and a daughter Tancia, is unknown. In 1280 Guido acted as one of the sureties of the peace arranged by the Cardinal Latino. From 1283 dates his friendship with D. (V. N. § 3I02-3). In 1284 he was a member, together with Brunetto Latino and Dino Compagni, of the Grand Council. He was an ardent Guelf, and [HI] Cavalcanti, Guido Cavalcauti, Guido when the Guelf party in Florence, split up into Bianchi and Neri, headed respectively by the Cerchi and the Donati, he threw in his lot with the former and distinguished himself by the violence of his opposition to the Donati, and especially to Corso Donati by whom, as Dino Compagni relates (i. 20), he was nick- named 'Cavicchia' (see Del Lungo's note). Between 1292 and 1296 Guido set out on a pilgrimage to Compostela in Galicia, but he got no further on his way than Toulouse, whence he appears to have turned back to Nimes. While he was on this journey Corso Donati made an attempt to assassinate him, in retaliation for which Guido on his return attacked Corso in the streets of Florence, receiving a wound in the affray (Comp., i. 20). In the summer of 1300, during D.'s priorate (June-Aug.), it was decided (June 24), in order to put an end to the disturbances caused by the continued hostilities between the two factions, to banish the leaders of both sides, the Neri being sent to Castel della Pieve, the Bianchi (Guido being among them) to Sar- zana in Lunigiana; amongthose who approved this decision were Dante, in his capacity as Prior, and Dino Compagni, who formed one of the council (' I Signori, isdegnati, ebbono consiglio di piii cittadini, e io Dino fui uno di quelli.' i. 21). It thus came about that D. was instrumental in sending his own friend into exile, and, as it proved, to his death ; for though the exiles were recalled very shortly after, so that Guido only spent a few weeks at Sarzana, he never recovered from the effects of the malarious climate of the place, and died in Florence at the end of August in that same year ; he was buried in the cemetery of Santa Reparata on Aug. 29, as is attested by an entry in the official records still preserved in Florence. In recording his exile and death, Villani says of him : — ' Questa parte (i bianchi) vi stette meno a' con- fini, che furono revocati per lo infermo luogo, e tornonne malato Guido Cavalcanti, onde morio, e di lui fu grande dammaggio, perocchfe era come filosofo, virtudioso uomo in piii cose, se non ch' era troppo tenero (' touchy') e stizzoso.' (viii. 4a.) The betrothal of Guido Cavalcanti to the daughter of Farinata degli Uberti, and the other matrimonial alliances projected at the same time, are recorded by Villani under the year 1267 : — ' Per trattato di pace, il gennaio vegnente il popolo rimise in Firenze i guelfi e' ghibellini, e feciono fare tra loro piii matrimoni e parentadi, intra li quali questi furono i maggiorenti ; che messer Bonaccorso Bellincioni degli Adimari diede per moglie a messer Forese suo figliuolo la figliuola del conte Guido Novello, e messer Bindo suo fratello tolse una degli' Ubaldini, e messer Caval- cante de' Cavalcanti diede per moglie a Guido suo figliuolo la figliuola di messer Farinata degli Uberti, e messer Simone Donati diede la figliuola a messer Azzolino di messer Farinata degli Uberti.' (vii. 15.) Of Guido's poems, which consist of canzoni, sonnets, and ballaie, some didactic, some purely lyrical, a large number has been pre- served ; the most famous of the didactic poems is the canzone (' Donna mi prega, perch' io voglio dire ') on the nature of love, which is twice quoted by D. (V. E. ii. loS"^' "3) and was the subject of numerous commentaries, among them being one in Italian by Aegidius Romanus [^gidio ^J ; the sonnets are for the most amatory, many of them being addressed to Dante, Dino Compagni, and Cino da Pistoja ; the ballaie are the least artificial of his poems. Guido Cavalcanti belongs with Dante, Lapo Gianni, Dino Frescobaldi, Gianni Alfani, &c. to the school of ' il dolce stil nuovo,' which superseded that of Guido Guinicelli— the. Guido whom his namesake eclipsed as a poet in the vulgar tongue, according to D.'s estimate : ' Ha tolto I'uno all' altro Guido La gloria della lingua.' (JPurg. xi. 97-8,) (See D'Ancona and Bacci, Lett. Ital., i. 93-5 ; and Ercole, Rime di G. C.) In the D. C, Guido is mentioned in the con- versation between D. and Cavalcante in Circle VI of Hell, where the latter refers to him as 'mio figlio' and asks why he is not with D., Inf. X. 60 ; D. in his reply refers to him as ' Guido vostro,' and, indicating Virgil, hints that Guido ' held him in disdain ' (w. 61-3) ; D. having used the past tense ('ebbe a dis- degno '), Cavalcante assumes that his son is dead, and asks D., 'non viv' egli ancora?' (vv. 67-9) ; D. does not reply, but subsequently bids Farinata tell Cavalcante that Guido is still alive, 'il suo nato fe co' vivi ancor con- giunto ' {vv. 109-14) [Cavalcante] ; he is mentioned again (by Oderisi in Circle I of Purgatory) as ' I'uno Guido ' whose fame as an Italian poet should eclipse that of 'I'altro Guido ' (i. e. Guido Guinicelli), and who in his turn should perhaps be eclipsed by another contemporary poet (i. e. according to some, by D. himself), Purg. xi. 97-9. [Guide*]. In the Vila Nuova, which is dedicated to Guido Cavalcanti (§ 3122-3)^ 15. several times refers to him as his most intimate friend, ' quegli, cui io chiamo primo de' miei amici,' V. N. § 3^8-9 ; ' mio primo amico,' §§ 24", 31^2, 348"* ; he includes him among the famous poets of the day, and mentions that G. was one of those to whom he sent his sonnet ' A ciascun' alma presa e gentil core,' to which G. replied, and which D. says was the beginning of their friendship : — ' A questo sonetto fu risposto da molti ... tra li quali fu risponditore quegli, cui io chiamo primo de' miei amici ; e disse allora un sonetto lo quale comincia : Vedesti al mio parere ogni valore. E [142] Cavalcanti, Guido Cavalcanti, Guido questo fu quasi il principio dell' amista tra lui e me, quand' egli seppe ch' io era quegli che gli aVea ci6 mandato.' (§ 3''-"".) To him D. addressed a sonnet referring to G.'s love for a lady of the name of Giovanna (Son. xxxii) : — ' Guido, vorrei che tu e Lapo ed io Fossimo presi per incantamento, E messi ad un vascel, ch' ad ogni vento Per mare andasse a voler vostro e^ mio . . . £ monna Vanna e monna Bice poi, , , . Con noi ponesse il buono incantatore, E quivt ragionar sempre d'amore . . .' In the ' De Vulgari Eloquentia Guido is several times mentioned ; he is referred to as Guido Florentinus, V. E. i. 13^^ ; ii. 12^1 ; Guido Cavalcanti, V. E. ii. 6^^ ; Guido de Florentia, V. E. ii. 12I* ; his poems quoted, ' Poi che di doglia cuor convien ch' io porti,' V. E. ii. 6^'; 'Donna mi prega, perch' io voglio dire,' V. E. ii. 12IT1 63 . he, like D. him- self and Lapo, rejected the Florentine dialect in his poems, V. E. i. 1382-7 ; composed can- zoni in the most illustrious style, V. E. ii. 6^* ; wrote stanzas of eleven- syllabled lines, V. E. ii. I2i*~i6 J employed three-syllabled lines in his canzone on the nature of love, V. E. ii. 1262-3. Several of the old commentators suppose that Guido Cavalcanti and D. himself are the two persons referred to by Ciacco (in Circle III of Hell), who, in speaking of the corrupt state of Florence, says ' Giusti son due, ma non vi sono intesi,' i. e. 'there are two just citizens, but no heed is paid to them. Inf. vi. 73. Thus Boccaccio says : — 'Quali questi due si sieno, sarebbe grave I'in- dovinare ; nondimeno sono alcuni, i quali donde che egli sel traggano, che voglion dire essere state I'uno I'autor medesimo, e I'altro Guido Cavalcanti, il quale era d'una medesima setta con lui.' Similarly Benvenuto : — 'Autor loquitur de se et Guidone Cavalcante, qui de rei veritate tempore illo erant duo oculi Florentiae, sed autor non exprimit nomen, sed relinquit intelligi judicio prudentum. De se enim nullus sapiens dubitabit.' Others think D. and Dino Compagni are intended [Compagni, Dino] ; while Vellutello has no doubt that the reference is to two pious Florentines, Barduccio and Giovanni da Vis- pignano, whose saintly reputation is recorded by Villani [Barduccio]. The meaning of D.'s expression with regard to Guido that ' haply he held Virgil in disdain ' (Inf. X. 63) has been much disputed. The early commentators explain that Guido pre- ferred philosophy to poetry ; e. g. Boccaccio says : — ' Percioccjife la filosofia gli pareva, siccome ella 6, da molto piu che la poesia, ebbe a sdegno Virgilio e gli altri poeti.' , Some think the reason was political, and that Guido, who was a Guelf, was in ant- agonism with Virgil as the poet of the Roman Empire ; while others (e. g. Rossetti) think it was because of his ' strong desire to see the Latin language give place in poetry and litera- ture to a perfected Italian idiom,' a desire to which D. alludes in the Vita Nuova, where he says that Guido wished him to write to him in the vulgar tongue only (§ 3121-*). Of Guido's character we have, besides the account of Villani quoted above, that of his friend and poetical correspondent, Dino Com- pagni, who describes him in his chronicle as ' uno giovane gentile . . . cortese e ardito, ma sdegnoso e solitario e intento alio studio' (i. 20). Boccaccio in his Comento says of him : — ' Fu uomo costumatissimo e ricco e d'alto in- gegno, e seppe molte leggiadre cose fare meglio che alcun altro nostro cittadino : e oltre a ci6 fu nel suo tempo reputato ottimo loico e buon filo- sofo, e fu singularissimo amico dell' autore, siccome esso medesimo mostra nella sua Vita Nuova, e fu buon dicitore in rima.' And in ih€ Decamerone : — ' Fu uno de' migliori loici che avesse il mondo, e ottimo filosofo naturale, si fu egli leggiadrissimo e costumato e parlante uomo molto, e ogni cosa che far voile e a gentile uom pertenente, seppe meglio che altro uom fare, e con questo era ricchissimo, e a chiedere a lingua sapeva onorare, cui neir animo gli capeva, che il valesse. . . . Alcuna volta speculando, molto astratto dagli uomini diveniva, e perci6 che egli alquanto tenea della opinione degli Epicuri, si diceva tra la gente volgare, che queste sue speculazioni erano solo in cercare, se trovar si potesse, che Iddio non fosse.' (vi. 9.) Benvenuto says of him, 'fuit alter oculus Florentiae tempore Dantis.' Rossetti, who translated many of Guido's poems, gives the following estimate of him : — ' He seems to have been in all things of that fitful and vehement nature which would impress others always strongly, but often in opposite ways. Self-reliant pride gave its colour to all his moods ; making his exploits as a soldier frequently abortive through the headstrong ardour of partisan- ship, and causing the perversity of a logician to prevail in much of his amorous poetry. The writings of his contemporaries, as well as his own, tend to show him rash in war, fickle in love, and presumptuous in belief; but also by the same concurrent testimony, he was distinguished by- great personal beauty, high accomplishments of all kinds, and daring nobility of soul. Not un- worthy, for all the weakness of his strength, to have been the object of D.'s early emulation, the first friend of his youth, and his precursor and fellow-labourer in the creation of Italian Poetry. . . . As a poet, he has more individual life of his own than belongs to any of his predecessors ; by far the best of his pieces being those which relate to himself, his loves and hates.' (Dante and his Circle.) [143] Cavalcanti, Francesco G. de' Celestino V Two characteristic stories of Guide have been preserved, the one by Boccaccio {Decam. vi. 9), the other by Sacchetti {Nov. 68). Cavalcanti, Francesco Guercio de'], 'squinting Francis' (called Guelfo by the Ottimo), member of the Cavalcanti family of Florence, who was murdered by the inhabi- tants of Gaville, a village in the Upper Val- darno ; his death was speedily avenged by the Cavalcanti, who in their fury are said to have almost dispeopled Gaville. He is one of five Florentines (Inf. xxvi. 4-5)— the others being Cianfa (Inf. xxv. 43), Agnello (v. 68), Buoso [v. 140), and Puccio Sciancato {v. 148) — whom D. places among the Robbers in Bolgia 7 of Circle VI 11 of Hell (Malebolge), alluding to him as quel, che tu, Gaville, piagni. Inf. xxv. 151. [Ladri.] Francesco is one of three spirits seen by D. to undergo transformation ; he is a serpent to begin with (un serpentello acceso, v. 83), and gradually exchanges forms with Buoso, who is at first in human shape (vv. 103-41). [Buoso : Puccio Soiancato.] The AnonimO Florentine says of him : — ' Questi S messer Francesco chiaraato messer Guercio de' Cavalcanti, che fu morto da certi uomini da Gaville, ch' h una villa nel Val d'Arno di sopra nel contado di Firenze, per la qual morte i consorti di messer Francesco molti di quelli da Gaville uccisono et disfeciono ; et per6 dice I'Aut- tore che per lui quella villa ancor ne piagne, et per le accuse et testimonianze et condennagioni et uccisioni di loro, che per quella cagione ne seguitorono, che bene piangono ancora la morte di messer Francesco.' Cavalcanti, Guelfo de'. [Cavalcanti, Francesco Guercio de'.] Cavalcanti, Gianni Schicchi de'. [Gianni Schicchi.] Cayster, river of Asia Minor, which rises in Mt. Tmolus, and flows through Lydia and Ionia into the Aegean Sea a few miles above Ephesus ; it was famous for its swans, in which connexion (in imitation of Georg. i. 384) D. mentions it. Eel. ii. 1 8. Cecilio, Caecilius Statins, Roman comic poet, contemporary of Ennius, and immediate predecessor of Terence ; he was a native of Milan, and originally a slave, but afterwards was freed ; he died B.C. 168. C. is mentioned, together with Terence, Plautus, and Varro (or Varius) by Statins (in Purgatory), who asks Virgil for news of them, and is told that they and Persius and many others are with Homer and V. himself in Limbo, Purg. xxii. 98. [Limbo.] D. doubtless got the name of C. from Horace, by whom he is twice mentioned in his lists of Roman poets : — 'Dicitur . . . Plautus ad exemplar Siculi properare Eplcharmi ; Vincere Caecilius gravitate, Terentius arte.' \,Epist. n. i. S7-9.) 'Quid autem Caecilio Plauloque dabit Romanus ademptum Virgilio Varioque?' {A. P. 53-5.) C. is also mentioned, together with Plautus and ' Terentius vester,' by St. Augustine in the De Civitate Dei (ii. 12), with which D. was familiar. Cecina, river of Tuscany, which flows into the Mediterranean about 20 miles S. of Leg- horn ; mentioned together with Corneto, which is situated on the Marta, about 10 miles N. of Civitavecchia, these two rivers indicating roughly the N. and S. limits of the Maremma of marshy sea-board of Tuscany, Inf. xiii. 9 [Maremma]. Cefalo, Cephalus, King of Athens ; men- tioned in connexion with Ovid's account of how C, being at war with Crete, sought assis- tance from Aeacus, King of Aegina (Metam. vii. 501-5), of how Aeacus complied (vv. 506- II), and of how he related to C. the history of the pestilence that destroyed the people of Aegina and of the repopulation of the island {vv. 523-657) Conv. iv. 27I56-87 [Eaco], D. translates the second passage {vv. 506-11), which according to the established text runs as follows : — 'Aeacu^ in capulo sceptri nitente sinistra, Ne petite auxilium, sed sumite, dixit, Athenae. Nee dubie vires, quas haec habet insula, vestras Oucite ; et omnis eat rerum status iste mearum. Robora non desunt ; superat mihi miles, et host! : Gratia Dis ; felix et inexcusabile tempus.' The text used by D., however, evidently read Dicite for Ducite and erat for eat (v. 509), and, unless the Italian text is corrupt, it must have read hostis for hosti {v. 510). Celestino V], Celestine V (Pietro da Morrone), elected Pope at the age of nearly 80, at Perugia, July 5, 1294; abdicated at Naples, Dec. 13 of the same year. After the death of Nicholas IV in 1292, the Cardinals had been in conclave for nearly two years without electing a new Pope, when on the suggestion of the Cardinal of Ostia they sum- moned the venerable hermit, Pietro da Mor- rone, from his cell in the remote Abruzzi to assume the papal crown. Pietro, who was of humble birth, was on account of his extra- ordinary austerities regarded by the people as a man of the highest sanctity. Scarcely, how- ever, had he ascended the pontifical throne than, weary of his dignity, he began to long for his former solitude, and to cast about for some way of vacating his office. 'Negli anni di Cristo 1294 del mese di Luglio, essendo stata vacata la Chiesa di Roma dopo la morte di papa Niccola piii di due anni, per dis- cordia de' cardinali ch'erano partiti, e ciascuna setta volea papa uno di loro, essendo i cardinali in Perugia . . . furono in concordia di non chiamare niuno di loro coUegio, e elessono uno santo uomo, ch' avea nome frate Piero dal Morrope d'Abruzzj. Questi era romito e d'aspra vita e penitenzia, e [144] Celestino V Celestino V per lasciare la vanita del mondo . . . se n'andb a fare penitenzia nella montagna del Morrone, la quale 6 sopra Sermona. Questi eletto e fatto venire e coronato papa, per riformare la Chiesa fece di Settembre vegnente dodici cardinal! . . . ma perche egli era semplice e non litterato, e delle pompe del mondo non si travagliava volentieri, i cardinal! il pregiavano poco, e parea loro che a utile e stato della Chiesa avere fatta mala ele- zione. II detto santo padre aweggendosi di ci6, e non sentendosi sofficiente al, governamento della Chiesa, come quegli che piii amava di servire a Die e I'utile di sua anima che I'onore mondano, cercava ogni via come potesse rinunziare il papato.' (Villani, viii. 5.) According to the current belief, which was shared by D. (Inf. xix. 56), Celestine's abdica- tion was brought about by the crafty Benedetto Gaetani, who a few days after, through the interest of Charles II of Naples, secured his own election, and became Pope as Boniface VIII:— ' Intra gli altri cardinal! della corte era uno messer Benedetto Guatani d'Alagna molto savio di scrittura, e delle cose del mondo molto pratico e sagace, il quale aveva grande volonta di per- venire alia dignita papale, e quello con ordine avea cercato e procacciato col re Carlo e co* cardinali, e gia aveva da loro la promessa, la quale poi gli venne fatta. Questi si mise dinanzi al santo padre, sentendo ch' egli avea voglia di rinunziare il papato, ch' egli facesse una nuova decretale, che per utilita della sua anima ciascuno papa potesse il papato rinunziare, mostrandogli I'esemplo di santo Clemente, che quando santo Pietro venne a morte, lascid ch' appresso lui fosse papa ; e quegli per utile di sua anima non voile essere . . . e cosi come il consiglid il detto cardinale, fece papa Celestino il detto decreto ; e ci6 fatto, il di di Santa Lucia di Dicembre vegnente, fatto con- cestoro di tutti i cardinali, in loro presenza si trasse la corona e il manto papale, e rinunzib il papato, e partissi della corte, e tornossi ad essere eremita, e a fare sua penitenzia. E cosi regnd nel papato cinque mesi e nove di papa Celestino.' (Vill. viii. s.) — ' Vero e che moiti dicono, che il detto cardinale gli venne una notte segretamente con una tromba a capo al letto, et chiamoUo tre volte, ove Papa Celestino gli rispose, et disse, Chi sei tu? Rispose quel dalla tromba, lo sono I'angel da Iddio mandate a te come suo divoto servo ; et da parte sua ti dico che tu abbia piii cara I'anima tua che le pompe di questo mondo, et subito si parti. Di che Papa Celestino non rest6 ch' egli rinuntid.' {Pecorone, xiii. 2.) In order to secure himself from any attempt at opposition on the part of Celestine, Boniface put him in prison, where he died in 1296. He was canonized a few years later (in 1313) by Clement V. [Bonifazio^.] Celestine is alluded to as the predecessor of Boniface VIII, in connexion with his abdica- tion. Inf. xxyii. 105 ; and according to the most general opinion (dating from the earliest commentators) he is the person indicated by D. as ' colui Che fece per viltate il gran rifiuto,' whose shade he saw among the souls of those ' Che visser senza infamia e senza lodo,' and who were not worthy to enter Hell, "Inf. iii. 36, 59-60. It has been objected to this identifica- tion that D. would hardly have condemned so severely one whom the Church regarded and honoured as a saint ; but this objection does not hold good inasmuch as, though Celestine was canonized in 1313, the decree of canoniza- tion was not made public until 1328, during the pontificate of John XXII, seven years after D.'s death, as is recorded by Villani : — ' Nel detto anno 1328, papa Giovanni co' suoi cardinali appo la citta di Vignone in Proenza, ov' era lo corte, canonizzb santo Pietro di Muirone, il quale fu papa Celestino quinto.' (x. 89.) This point is noted by Boccaccio, who says : — ' Quando I'autore entrd in questo cammino . . , questo san Piero non era ancora canonizzato . . . fu canonizzato molti anni dopo, cioe al tempo di papa Giovanni vegesimo secondo : e per6 infino a quel di che canonizzato fu, fu lecito a ciascuno di crederne quello che piii gli piacesse, siccome 6 di ciascuna cosa che della chiesa determinata non sia.' It must be borne in mind that by his abdi- cation Celestine rendered himself in D.'s eyes a traitor to mankind, in that he betrayed the sacred office of the ' summus pontifex, qui secundum revelata humanum genus perduceret ad vitam aeternam' (Mon. iii. 16''^"'); that he for the time being extinguished all hopes of a reform in the Church ; and finally, that he had left the way open for D.'s bitterest enemy, Boniface VIII. What D. stigmatizes as coward- ice the Church chose to regard as humility, but as Milman remarks : — ' Assuredly there was no magnanimity contemp- tuous of the Papal greatness in the abdication of Celestine ; it was the weariness, the conscious in- efficiency, the regret of a man suddenly wrenched from all his habits, pursuits, and avocations, and unnaturally compelled or tempted to assume an uncongenial dignity. It was the cry of passionate feebleness to be released from an insupportable burden.' Of the old commentators, Pietro di Dante seems to have no doubt that Celestine is in- tended: — ' Inter quos nominat fratrem Petrum de Murrono, ut credo, qui dictus est Papa Celestinus V; qui possendo ita esse sanctus et spiritualis in papatu sicut in eremo, papatui, qui est sedes Christi, pusillanimiter renuntiavit.' The rest are almost unanimously of the same opinion, but most of them mention Esau as an alternative. Benvenuto, on the other hand, energetically maintains that D. could not have meant Celestine, since his abdi- cation was an act, not of cowardice, but of noble self-renunciation ; his own opinion is [145] Centauri Ceperano that the reference is to Esau, but he adds that if D. did mean Celestine it was through ignorance that he was a holy man, and because he made way for Boniface VIII : — ' Certe communis et vulgaris fere omnium opinio esse videtur, quod autor noster hie loquatur de Celestine . . . sed, quicquid dicatur, mihi videtur quod autor nuUo modo loquatur nee loqui possit de Celestino. Prime, quia licet Celestinus fecerit maximam renuntiationem, non tamen ex vilitate, imo ex magnanimitate ; fuit enim Celestinus, si verum loqui volumus, vere magnanimus ; magn- animus ante papatum, in papatu, et post papatum. . . . Quis ergo fuit iste tristissimus ! Dico breviter . . . quod fuit Esau : iste enim fecit magnam refutationem quande renunciavit Omnia primo- genita sua fratri sue Jacob . . . ista fuit maxima renunciatio ; nam ex primogenitura Isaac patris eerum descensurus erat Christus. ... Si tamen quis velit omnino resistere, et dicere autorem intellexisse de Celestino . . . pro excusatione autoris dicam quod nondura erat sibi nota sanctitas heminis. . . . Praeterea autor erat iratus Bonifacio, auteri exilii et expulsienis ejus. Qui Celestinus denaverat sponte Bonifacio summum pontificatum.' Fazio degli Uberti in the Dittamondd (written before 1360) names Celestine as being in Hell, evidently in allusion to this passage of the D. C. :— ' Tra lor 'tosl per cattivo si danna II mis^ro .'Giovanni lor Delfino, Che rifiiit6 Ponor di tanta manna, Come fe in inferno papa Celestino.' (iv. 21.) Among the Various persons suggested by modern commentators are Diocletian, the Roman Emperor who abdicated ; Augustulus, the last Roman Emperor of the West ; Giano della Bella ; and Vieri de' Cerchi, the incap- able head of the Florentine Bianchi. (See Barlow, II gran Rifiuto). Centauri, Centaurs, mythical raCe, half horses and half men ; they are said to have been the offspring of Ixion, King of the Lapithae, and a cloud in the shape of Hera, hence D., who introduces them as examples of gluttony in Circle VI of Purgatory, refers to them as ' i maladetti Nei nuvoli formati,' Purg. xxiv. 1 2 1-2 ; their fight with the Lapithae and Theseus at the wedding of Pirithoiis, their half-brother, and Hippodame, is alluded to, vv. 122-3 [Grolosi: Teseo]. D. got the story from Ovid : — [During the wedding-feast the Centaur Eurytus, inflamed with wine, attempts to carry off the bride, while his companions seize the other women.] ' Duxerat Hippodamen audaci Ixione natus, Nubigenasque feros, positis ex ordine mensis, Arboribiis tecto discumbere jusserat antro . . . Ecce canunt hymenaeon, et ignibus atria fumant ; Cinctaque adest virgo matnim, nuruumque catervai Praesignis facie; feficem diximus ilia Conjuge Pirithoiim : quod paene fefelUmus omen. Nam tibi, saevorum saf^vissime Centaurarum Euryte, quam vino pectus, tam virgine visa Ardet ; et ebrietas geminata libidine regnat. Protinus eversae turbant convivia roensae ; Raptaturque comis per vim nova nupta prehecsis. Eurytus Hippodamen, alii, quam quisque probabanC Aut poterant, rapiunt.' [Theseus rescues Hippodame and the fight becomes general.] '"Quae te vecordia," Theseus, "Euryte, pulsat," ait, "qui, roe vivente lacessas Pirithoiim, violesque duos ignanls in uno?" Neve ea magnanimus fnistra memoraverit heros, Submovet instantes, raptamque fu'rentibus aufert,' [In the sequel, after a bloody conflict, the Centaurs are defeated.] {Metam. iii. 210 ff.) D. places the Centaurs as guardians of the Tyrants and Murderer's in Round I of Circle VII of Hell, Inf. xii. 56; fiere snelle, v..y6; they are armed with bows and arrows {vv. 56, 60), and shoot any of the spirits who attempt to evade their punishment {vv. 73-5) ; three of them, Chiron, Nessus, and Pholus, advance from the troop {vv. 59-60) ; Nessus threatens D. and Virgil {vv. 61-3), but is rebuked by the latter {vv. 64-6), who explains to D. who they are {vv. 67-72), and requests Chiron to give them an escort {vv. 91-6) ; Chiron sends Nessus with them, who points out the different sinners to them as they -go along {vv. 97-139) [Chirone : Folo i TTesso : Violent!]. Elsewhere D. refers to the Centaurs as ' the brothers of Cacus,' Inf. Scxv. 28. [Caoo.] The Centaurs, with their semi-bestial form, typify the sins of bestiality (Inf. xi. 83). Ben- venuto regards them as representative of the foreign mercenaries (' stipendiarii,' the ' con- dottieri ' of later times), who were beginning to overrun Italy : — ' Isti centauri figuraliter sunt stipendiarii, et viri militares praedatores . . . proh dolor! in haec tempera infelicitas mea me deduxit, ut viderem hodie miseram Italiam plenam barbaris socialibus omnium nationura. Hie enim sunt Anglici sanguine!, Alemanni furiosi, Britones bruti, Vascones rapaces, Hungari immundi.' Centauro, Centaur ; of Nessus, Inf. xii. 61, 104, 115, 129 [ITesso] ; of Cacus (who was not properly speaking a Centaur), Inf. xxv. 17 [Caco]. Ceperano, town in Latium on the banks of the Liris (branch of the Garigliano), which there forms part of the frontier between the Papal States and the kingdom of Naples. D. mentions C. in allusion to the betrayal of Manfred by the Apulians just before the fatal battle of Benevento (Feb. 26, I26|), Inf. xxviii. 16-7. Hearing of the approach of Charles of Anjou, Manfred directed all his energies to the defence of the passes into his kingdom. At the point called the bridge of Ceperano, where the road crosses the Liris, he posted the Count Giordano, and his relative, the Count of Caserta ; the latter, however, turned traitor (in revenge, it is said, for a private wrong), and abandoned the pass, leaving Charles to advance unopposed : — [146] Cephas Cerclii ' Lo re Manfredi sentendo la venuta del detto Carlo, e poi della sua gente . . . incontanente mise tutto suo studio alia guardia de' passi del Regno, e al passo al ponte a Cepperano mise il conte Giordano e quello di Caserta . . . con gente assai a pi^ e a cavallo. . . . Awenne che, giunto il re Carlo con sua oste a Fresolone in Campagna, scendendo verso Cepperano, il detto conte Giordano che a quello passo era a guardia, veggendo venire la gente del re per passare, voile difendere il passo ; il conte di Caserta disse ch' era meglio a lasciarne prima alquanti passare, si gli avrebbono di la dal passo sanza colpo di spada. II conte, quando vide ingrossare la gente, ancora voile assalirli con battaglia ; allora il conte di Caserta, il quale era nel trattato, disse che la battaglia era di gran rischio, imperciocch6 troppi n'erano passati. Allora il conte Giordano veggendo si possente la gente del re, abbandonarono la terra e il ponte, chi dice per paura, ma i piii dissono per lo trattato fatto dal re al conte di Caserta, imperciocch' egli non amava Manfredi . . . e voile fare questa vendetta col detto tradimento. E a questo diamo fede, perocchfe furono de' primi egli e' suoi che s'arrenderono al re Carlo, e lasciato Cepperano, non tornaro all' oste del re Manfredi a san Ger- mane, ma si tennero in loro castella.' (Villani, vii. 5.) D. implies that there was a battle at Cepe- rano, but as a matter of fact no engagement took place at the bridge ; he has perhaps con- fused what happened there with the action at San Germano, which was besieged and taken a few days later (Vill. vii. 6) ; or possibly, since the context seems to point to an engagement in which there was great loss of life, his words (taken somewhat loosely) refer to the decisive battle at Benevento itself, during which, at a critical moment, as Villani relates : — ' la maggiore parte de' baroni pugliesi, e del Regno, . . . o per vilta di cuore, o veggendo a loro avere U peggiore, e chi disse per tradimento, . . . si fallirono a Manfredij abbandonandolo e fuggen- dosi.' (vii. g.) [Benevento : Manfredi.] Cephas (a Syriac word, answering to the Greek Peter, and signifying a rock), name given by Christ to Simon : — 'When Jesus beheld Simon, he said, Thou art Simon the son of Jona : thou shalt be called Cephas, which is by interpretation, A stone.' {John i. 4a.) St. Peter Damian (in the Heaven of Saturn) contrasts the simplicity of St. Peter (whom he calls by the name of Cephas) and St. Paul with the luxury of the prelates of his day, Par. xxi. 127-8 [Pietroi]. Cepperano, [Ceperano.] Cerbero, Cerberus, huge dog-like monster, with three heads, who guarded the entrance to the infernal regions ; the last and most difficult of the twelve labours of Hercules was to bring Cerberus into the upper world, which he ac- [147] complished by putting the monster in a chain and carrying him off. D., taking C. as the type of gluttony, places him as guardian of Circle HI of Hell, where the Gluttonous are punished, Inf vi. 13 ; Jiera crudele e diver sa, v. 13; il gran vermo, v. 22 ; demonio, v. 32 ; he is described as a cruel and uncouth brute, with three heads, scarlet eyes, a greasy black beard, a huge belly, and paws armed with nails, with which he claws and rends the spirits under his charge {vv. 13-18), while he deafens them with his barking (vv. 32-3) [Golosi] ; when he catches sight of D. and Virgil, he shows his tusks at them, but V. appeases him by throwing handfuls of earth down his throats {vv. 22-31). The incident is imitated from Virgil : — ' Cerberus haec ingens latratu regna trifauci Personat, adverso recubans inmanis in antro. Cui vates, horrere videns jam colla colubris, Melle soporatam et medicatis frugibus offam Objicit. Ille fame rabida tria guttura pandens Corripit objectam, at(jue inmania terga resolvit Fusus humi, totoque ingens extendftur antro.' {Aen. vi. 417-23.) The heavenly messenger at the gate of Dis mentions C. as having had ' his chin and throat peeled,' in allusion to his having been chained and carried off to the upper world by Hercules, Inf. ix. 98-9 : — 'Tartareum ille (Alcides) manu custodem in vincla petivit, Ipsius a solio regis, traxitque trementem.' [Aen. vi. 39S-6.) Cerchi, wealthy Florentine family of low origin, who originally came from Acone, a small village in the neighbourhood of Florence ; in 1215, when Florence was divided into Guelfs and Ghibellines, they espoused the cause of the former, and were already at that date rising into prominence ; subsequently, when the Florentine Guelfs split up into Bianchi and Neri, by which time they were wealthy mer- chants, and very powerful in the commercial - world, they became the leaders of the former, while the Donati, who were of noble origin, headed the Neri. Villani, whose father was a partner in the house of Cerchi, and who acted as their agent in England, says r — ' Nel sesto di porte san Piero furono de' nobili guelfi gli Adimari, i Visdomini, i Donati, i Pazzi . . . e gia i Cerchi cominciavano a salire in istato, tutto fossono mercatanti.' (v. 39.) — 'Erano di grande affare, e possenti, e di grandi parentadi, e ricchissimi mercatanti, che la loro compagnia era delle maggiori del mondo ; uomini erano morbidi e innocenti, salvatichi e ingrati, siccome genti venuti di piccolo tempo ill grande stato e podere.' (viii. 39.) The Cerchi are mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars), who laments the extension of the city of Florence, which brought them from their original home at Acone within its walls. Par. xvi. 65 [Acone i] ; he alludes to their residence in the Porta san Piero, where. L 2 Cerere Cervia the Ravignani, the ancestors of the Conti Guidi (whose palace the Cerchi bought in 1280), dwelt in his time, and speaks of them as 'nuova fellonia di tanto peso, Che tosto fia jattura della barca;' in reference to their up- start origin, and to the ruin which the Bianchi and Neri feuds were destined to bring upon the city {^v. 94-8) [Guidi, Conti: Ravi- gnani]. In reference to the Cerchi as leaders of the Bianchi, the latter are called by Ciacco (in Circle III of Hell) 'la parte selvaggia,' i.e. the rustic (the Cerchi having only recently come into the city from the country), and hence boorish, savage, party (just as Villani calls them ' salvatichi,' and speaks of their 'bizarra salvatichezza '), Inf. vi. 65 [Bianohi]. After their purchase of the palace of the Conti Guidi (Vill. iv. 11) the Cerchi became the near neighbours of the more ancient but less wealthy Donati, and in consequence great jealousy, ending in a deadly feud, arose be- tween the two houses, which led to constant breaches of the peace in Florence. The degree of jealousy and suspicion with which they regarded each other may be gathered from the following incident, related by Dino Compagni : — ' Intervenne, che una famiglia che si chiamavano i Cerchi (uomini di basso stato, ma buoni mercatanti e gran ricchi, e vestiano bene, e teneano molti famigli e cavagli, e aveano bella apparenza), alcuni di loro comprorono il palagio de' conti (Guidi), che era presso alle case de' Pazzi e de' Donati, i quali erono piu antichi di sangue, ma non si ' ricchi : onde, veggendo i Cerchi salire in altezza (avendo murato e cresciuto il palazzo, e tenendo gran vita), cominciorono avere i Donati grande odio contro a loro. . . . Di che si generb molto scandalo e pericolo per la citta e per speziali persone. . . . Essendo molti cittadini uno giorno, per seppellire una donna morta, alia piazza de' Frescobaldi, essendo I'uso della terra a simili raunate i cittadini sedere basso in su stuoie di giunchi, e i cavalieri e dottori su alto in sulle panche, essendo a sedere i Donati e i Cerchi in terra (quelli che non erano cavalieri), I'una parte al dirempetto all' altra,' uno, o per racconciarsi i panni o per altra cagione, si lev6 ritto. Gli awersari anche, per sospetto, si levorno, e missino mano alle spade ; gli altri feciono il simile : e vennono alia zuffa : gli altri uomini che v' erano insieme, li tramezzorono, e non gli lasciorno azzuffare. . . . Non si pote tanto amortare, che alle case de' Cerchi non andasse molta gente; la quale volentieri sarebbe ita a ritrovare i Donati se none che alcuni de' Cerchi non lo consent!.' (i. 20.) Cerere, Ceres, daughter of Saturn and Rhea, and sister of Jupiter, by whom she became the mother of Proserpine. Jupiter, without her knowledge, had promised her daughter to Pluto, the god of the lower world, and while Proserpine was gathering flowers near Enna in Sicily, 'she herself, a fairer flower, n was plucked ' by the infernal god, and carried oflF to the lower regions. After wandering many days in search of her daughter C. learnt from the Sun that Pluto had carried her off; whereupon she quitted Olympus in anger and came to dwell on earth among men, becoming the protectress of agriculture. D. mentions her as goddess of Corn, Conv. ii. j43-4 ; and alludes to her as the mother of Proserpine, to whom he compares Matilda, as she appeared to him gathering flowers upon the banks of the river Lethe, Purg.xxviii. 49-51 [Matelda: Proserpina]. The description is taken from Ovid : — ' Haud procul Hennaeis lacus est a moenibus altae Nomine Fergus aquae : . . . Silva coronat aquas, cinffens latus omne; suisque Frondibus, ut velo, Phoebeos submovet ictus. Frigora dant rami, Tyrios humus humida flores, Perpetuum ver est; quo dum Proserpina luco Ludit, et aut violas, aut Candida lilia carpit, Dumque puellari studio calathosque sinumque Implet, et aequales certat superare legendo, Paene simul visa est, dilectaque, raptaque Diti; Usque adeo properatur amor ! Dea territa maesto Et matrem, et comites, sed matrem saepius, ore Clamat ; et, ut summa vestem lani^rat ab ora, Collect! flores tunicis cecidere remissis. Tantaque simplicitas puerilibus adfuit annis, Haec quoque virgineum movit jactura dolorem,' {MetaTK. V. 585-401.) Certaldo, village in Tuscany, in the Val d'Elsa, about seven miles from Poggibonsi on the road between Florence and Siena; mentioned, together with Campi and Figline, by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars), who laments the immigration into Florence of in- habitants from these places, and the consequent debasement of the Florentine character, Par. xvi. 50. [Campi.] Benvenuto sees a special allusion to a cer- tain Jacobo da Certaldo, one of the Priors of Florence, who, when the Podestk threatened to resign, insolently asked him if he thought he was the only person who could govern Florence, and coolly himself assumed the office of Podestk : — ' Hoc dixit autor propter quemdam dominura Jacobum de Certaldo, qui fuit tantae temeritatis, quod cum Potestas Florentiae ex certo casu raiiia- retur se depositurum sceptrum, iste, qui tunc erat de prioribus, arroganter respondit : Nonne credas quod sit alius sciens regere terram istam! Et continue assumpta virga Potestatis, accessit ad palatium Potestatis et coepit sedere ad bancum ad jura reddenda ; et hoc fecit aliquot diebus.' Certaldo was the residence of Boccaccio, and Benvenuto, who calls him 'venerabilis prae- ceptor meus,' takes this opportunity of singing the praises of the author of the Decamerom. Cervia, small town in the Emilia (in the old Romagna) on the Adriatic, about twelve miles S. of Ravenna ; it was a place of some importance in the Middle Ages, as enjoying a salt monopoly, which appears to have yielded a considerable revenue. Benvenuto says : — 481 Cesare Cesare ' Habet haec civitas praerogativam salis ; uude cardinalis ostiensis dorainus Bononiae et Roman- diolae erat solitus dicere : Plus habemus de Cerviola parvula, quam de tota Romandiola.' In answer to an inquiry from Guido da Montefeltro (in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of Hell) as to the condition of Romagna, D. in- forms him that the Polenta family, who had long been lords of Ravenna (since 1270), were at that time (in 1300) also lords of Cervia, Inf. javii. 40-2. Philalethes states that in 1292 Bernardino Polenta, a brother of Francesca da Rimini, was Podestk of Cervia, while another brother, Ostasio Polenta, was Podestk of Ravenna. The lord of Ravenna at the time D. was speaking was Guido Vecchio da Polenta (d. 1310), father of Francesca da Rimini, and grandfather of Guido Novello, D.'s future host of Ravenna. Cervia subsequently passed into the hands of the Malatesta of Rimini. [Mala- testa: Folenta.] Cesare 1, Caius Julius Caesar (born B.C. 100), according to D.'s theory, the first of the Roman Emperors ; he was Consul in 59, conquered Gaul and invaded Britain between 58 and 49 (in which year he passed the Rubicon and marched on Rome), and subsequently de- feated Pompey's lieutenants in Spain ; in 48 he crossed over to Greece and defeated Pompey at Pharsalia; and pursuing him into Egypt, after his death, made war upon Ptolemy in 47 ; in 46 he defeated Scipio and Juba iji Africa at Thapsus, and in the next year crossed over to Spain and defeated Pompey's sons at Munda; in the autumn of 45 he returned in triumph to Rome, where in the following spring (March 15, 44) he was assassinated by Brutus and Cassius. D. places Caesar, whom he represents as armed ^nd as having the eyes of a hawk ('fuisse traditur . . . nigris vegetisque oculis,' says Suetonius), among the great heroes of antiquity in Limbo, in company with the Trojan warriors Hector and Aeneas (the mythical founder of the Roman Empire), Inf. iv. 122-3 [Limlbo] ; he is mentioned in con- nexion with his crossing the Rubicon, Inf. xxviii. 98 ; Epist. vii. 4 [Ciirio : Kubicon] ; his campaign in Spain against Pompey's lieu- tenants, Afranius and Petreius, Purg. xviii. loi [Ilerda] ; the belief that he had been guilty of sodomy, Purg. xxvi. 77 {see below) ; his victories in Gaul, Spain, Greece, and Egypt, Par. vi. 57-72 [Aquila i] ; his victory at Thapsus, Conv. iii. 5I23; Mon. ii. 5I6I [Catone^]; his office as 'first supreme prince ' (i.e. Emperor of Rome), Cony. iv. si"" ; called Julius by Virgil (in his first speech to D.), Inf. i. 70 [JuHua] ; alluded to (by St. Thomas Aquinas in the Heaven of the Sun), in connexion with the sioiy of the fisher- man Amyclas, as Colui cK a tidto il mondo fe' paura, Par. xi. 69 ; and mentioned in the same connexion, Conv. iv. 13I13-I9 [Am.i- clate]. In the passage, Purg. xxvi. 77-8, D. alludes to an incident which is said to have taken place during one of Caesar's triumphs, when he was greeted by the crowd with shouts of ' Regina,' in allusion to the common belief that while in Bithynia he had committed sodomy with King Nicomedes. The Anonimo Fiorentino says : — , 'Poi che Cesare ebbe vinta Tultima battaglia contro a' figliuoli di Pompeo appresso a Monda . . . tornd a Roma, dove gli furon fatti cinque triunfi ; et pero che lecito era a ciascuno di rimproverare al triunfatore ogni suo vizio . . . uno grido a Cesare : O reffina di Bitinia, come se' oggi onorato! rimproverandogli il vizio di sodomita, il quale avea usato in lui il re di Bitinia.^ Suetonius, in his life of Caesar, in a chapter headed I>e pudicitia ejus prostrata apud Nicomedem regem, gives the following account : — 'Pudicitiae Caesaris famam nihil quidem praeter Nico- medis contubernium laesit, gravi tamcn et perenni ojiprobrio, et ad omnium convicia exposito. Omitto Calvi Licinii notissimos versus, Bithynia quicquid et paedicator Caesaris unquan^ habuit. Praetereo actiones Dotabellae, et Curionis patris, in quibus eum Dolabella pellicem reginae spondam mteriorem regiae lecticae, et Curio stabulum Nicomedis, et bithynicum fornicem dicunt. Missa etiam facio edicta Bibuli, quibus proscripsit collegam suum bithynicam reginam eique regem antea misse cordi, nunc esse regnum. Quo tempore, ut M. Brutus refert, Octavius etiam quidam vali- tudine mentis liberius dicax conventu maximo, quum Pom- peium regem appellasset, ipsum reginam salutavit. , . . Gallico denique tnumpho milites ejus mter caetera carmina qualia currum prosequentes joculariter canunt, etiam vulga- tissimum illud pronunciaverunt, Gallias Caesar subegit, Nicomedes Caesarem, Ecoe Caesar nunc triumphat, qui subegit Gallias, Nicomedes non triumphat qui subegit Caesarem.* The commentators suppose that D.,who speaks of Caesar's having been greeted as ' Regina ' during a triumph, confused the two incidents referred to by Suetonius, viz. his being saluted as ' Regijia ' in a public assembly, and his being mocked by his soldiers during a triumph on ac- count of his supposed unnatural intercourse with Nicomedes. D.'s authority, however, was probably not Suetonius, but the Magnae JDerivaliones of Uguccione da Pisa, whose version of the incident, given under the word triumphus, exactly agrees with that of D. : — ' In ilia die licebat cuilibet dicere in personam trium- phantis quicquid vellet: unde Caes^ri tnumphanti fertur quidam dixisse cum deberet induci m civitatem : Aperite portas regi calvo et reginae Bitiniae, volens significare quod calvus erat et quod succ^ba extiterat regis Bitiniae. Et alius de eodem vitio : Ave rex et regina ! ' D. was well acquainted with this work of Uguccione, of which he made considerable use, and which he quotes by name in the Convivio (iv. 6'°), ['D'g:uccione ''.'] D. consistently regards Julius Caesar as the first of the Roman Emperors, hence he ad- dresses Henry VII of Luxemburg as ' Caesaris successor,' Epist. vii. I ; and it is as traitors to Caesar, the representative of the highest civil authority ('primo principe sommo,' Conv. iv. 5100), that he condemns Brutus and Cassius to the lowest pit of Hell, along with Judas, the betrayer of the representative of the highest spiritual authority. [Bruto 2.'\ [149] Cesare Chiaua Cesare 2, Caesar, appellative of the Roman Emperors^ applied by D. to the sovereigns of the Holy Roman Empire as well ; of Frederick II, Inf. xiii. 65; V. E. i. 1221 [Federico^]; of Albert I, Purg. iv. 92, 114 [Alberto Tedesoo] ; of li^nry vn, Epist. v. 2; vi. ^,fin. [Arrigo^] ; of the Roman Emperor' in general, Par. i. 29 ; xvi. 59 ; Men. iii. l6i35 ; Epist. y. 3, 5, 9 ; vii. I ; of Justinian, Par. vi. 10 [Qiustiniano] ; of Tiberius, who, as having succeeded Julius Caesar and Augustus, is called il tereo Cesare, Par.vi.86; Mon.ii.13*'; Epist. v. 10 [Tiberio] ; of Julius Caesar, Mon. ii. 51*1 ; Epist. vii. I, 4 "Cesare 1]; of Augustus, Mon. ii. gi^^, i2« Augusto 2] ; of Nero, Mon. iii. I2**> *'> 60, 53 lifer one]. D. lays great stress on the fact that to the Roman Emperor, in the person of his represen- tative, Pontius Pilate, was granted the glory of satisfying the divine justice (Par. vi. 88-90), since by the crucifixion of Christ the wrath of God on account of the sin of Adam was appeased (Par. vii. 40-48). The argument is developed in the De Monarchia : — ' Si Romanum imperium de jure non fuit, peccatum Adae in Christo non fuit punitum. ... Si ergo sub ordinario judice Christus passus non fuisset, ilia poena punitio non fuisset ; et judex ordinarius esse non poterat, nisi supra totum humanum genus jurisdictionem habens. . . . Et supra totum liumanum genus Tiberius Caesar, cujus vicarius erat Filatus, jurisdictionem non habuisset, nisi Romanum imperium de jure fuisset.' (ii. 13!"^".) Cesena], town of N. Italy in the Emilia (in the old Romagna), on the Savio, midway between Fori! and Rimini, at the foot of the hills belonging to the Etruscan Apennine range. In answer to an inquiry from Guido da Monte- feltro (in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of Hell) as to the condition of Romagna, D. refers to Cesena as the city ' a cui il Savio bagna il franco,' and remarks that, just as it is placed between hill and plain, so it has alternate experience of tyranny and freedom. Inf. xxvii. 52-4. Cesena, about the time of which D. is speak- ing (1300), appears to have been to a certain extent independent. Galasso da Montefeltro (cousin of Guido) was Captain and Podesti in 1289, and Podestk again in 1299; on his death in 1300 Ciapettino degli Ubertini be- came Podestk, while Uguccione della Faggiuola and Federigo da Montefeltro (Guide's son) were Captains, but they were driven out in the following year. In 13 14 the lordship of the town was assumed by Malatestino, lord of Rimini. Chermontesi, [CMaram^ontesi.] Cherubi, Cherubim (in rime for Cheruhini, coupled with Serafi for Serafini), Par. xxviii. 99 (: dubi : ubi). [Cherubini.] Cherubini, Cherubim ; Guido da Monte- feltro says that on his death St. Francis claimed him, but that he was carried off to Hell by a devil, one of the black Cherubim, and thrust into Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII (Malebolge), Inf. xxvii. 1 12-14. The commentators point out that, as the Cherubim preside over the eighth Heaven {see below), so the fallen mem- bers of that order are appropriately put in charge of the eighth Circle of Hell. Beatrice (in the Crystalline Heaven) men- tions the Cherubim, in her exposition of the arrangement of the Angelic Hierarchies, as ranking second in the first Hierarchy, the Seraphim ranking first of all. Par. xxviii. 98-9 (cf. Conv. ii. 65*^^) [Gerarcfaia] ; they con- template the second Person of the Trinity, God the Son, Conv. ii. 6*1"* ; they preside over the Heaven of the Fixed Stars. [Paradiso 1.] The Cherubim were said to excel in know- ledge, the Seraphim in ardour ; as these were respectively the characteristics of the two orders of St. Dominic and St. Francis, the Dominicans being more especially distinguished by their attention to doctrine, the Franciscans by their good works, a parallel was established between the two angelic and the two monastic orders. St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the Sun) alludes to this when he says of St. Francis and St. Dominic (Par. xi. 37-9) : — ' L'un fu tutto serafico in ardore, L'altro per sapienza in terra file Di ciierubjca luce ^^o splendore,* [Domenioani.] Chiana, river in Tuscany, noted in D.'s time for the sluggishness of jts stream ; the silting up of its bed turned the whole Valdi- chiana into a malarious swamp, which was a byword for its unhealthiness. At the begin- ning of the present century the valley was drained, and the river converted into a canal, connecting the Arno (at a point close to Arezzo) with the Lago di Chiusi and the Paglia (a tribu- tary of the Tiber), which it enters a little N. of Orvieto. The Chiana is remarkable as having entirely changed the direction of its current ; formerly the stream flowed S. towards the Tjber, now it runs in the reverse direction towards the Arno. D., referring to its sluggishness, says that the dancing of the two garlands of stars in the Heaven of the Sun as greatly surpassed such dancing as we are accustomed to, as the motion of the Primum Mobile, the most swiftly revolving of the Heavens, surpasses that of the Chiana, Par, jciii. 22-4. [Mobile Primo.] D. mentions the Valdichiana, the district between Arezzo, Cortona, Montepulciano, and Chiusi, and alludes to the crowded state of its hospitals in the month of August on account of its unhealthiness, coupling it with the malarious Maremma of Tuscany and the low- lands of Sardinia, Inf xxix. 46-8. Benvenuto states that there was a large hospital for poor fever-patients at Altopasso in the Valdichianf' district. [150] Chiara, Santa Chiara, Santa], St. Clara, the first founder of conventual institutions for women ; she was born of a noble familyof Assisi in 1194; founded in 1212, under the direction of St. Francis, the order of nuns which bears her name ; died in 1253, and was canonized, by Alexander IV, in 1255. The rule of her order, which was con- firmed in 1246 by Gregory IX, was character- ized by extreme austerity. St. C. is alluded to by Piccarda Donati (ad- dressing D. in the Heaven of the Moon), who had been a niin of the order, as Donna . . . alia cui norma Nel vostro mondo giit si veste e vela, Par. iii. 98-9. [Piooajrda.] Benvenuto says of her: — ' Fuit conterranea et contemporanea beati Fran- cisci, ejus dilecta et devota, quae in omnibus illius vestigia voluit imitari, in paupertate, caritate, humilitate, sobrietate, puritate, et simplicitate.' Chiaramontesi], ancient noble family of Florence, alluded to by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) as having been among the great families of his day ; he speaks of them, in reference to a fraud of a member of the house when overseer of the salt-customs, as Quel ch' arrossan per lo staio, 'those who blush for the bushel,' Par. ?;vi. 105 ; this same fraud is alluded to again, together with that of Niccola Acciaiuoli, in connexion with the ascent to the church of San Miniato, the steps of which D. says were made in the days 'when the ledger and the stave were safe' in Florence, Purg. xii. 103-5 [Aooiaiuoli, Ifiooola]. The perpetrator of the fraud in question was a certain Durante de' Chiaramontesi, who, about the year 1299, when overseer of the salt customs in Florence, used to receive the salt in a measure of the legal capacity, but dis- tributed it in a measure of smaller capacity from which a stave had been withdrawn, and thus made a large profit on the difference. The Ottimo Comento says : — ' Essendo un ser Durante de' Chermontesi doga- nieri e camarlingo della camera del sale del co- mune di Firenze, trasse il detto ser Durante una doga dello staio, applicando a se tuttp il sale, owero pecunia che di detto avanzamento perveniva.* The Anonimo fiprentino : — ' Era usanza di meusurare il sale et altre cose con stara fatte a doghe di legname, come V'&o"- ciuoli ; un cittadipo della famiglia de' Chiaramontesi fu camerlingo a dare il sale ; appresso questi, quando il recevea dal comune, il riceveva colic staio diritto ; quando il dava al popolo ne trasse una doga picciola dello staio, onde grossamente ne venia a guadagnare. Scopersesi il fatto ; et saputa la verita, questo cittadino fu condennato et gravemente et vituperevolmente, onde poi i di- scendenti suoi, che sono antichi uomini, essendo loro ricordato arrossono et vergognonsi ; et fessl di ci6 in lor vergogna una canzoncella che dicea ; EgU e iratta una doga del sale, Et gli uffici son tutti salviati.' CMarentana Benvenuto states that the culprit was be- headed, and that to prevent similar frauds it was ordained that for the future the measure should be of iron. Neither Villani nor Dino Compagni makes mention of this particular fraud, which by Lana, and one or two of the other old com- mentators, is laid at the door, not of the Chiaramontesi, but of the Tosinghi, who are said to have cheated in the distribution not of salt, but of corn. Villani, who mentions the Chiaramontesi among the Guelf families (v. 39), says of them : — * N^ quartiere di porta san Piero erano . . . i Galligai, e Chiarmontesi, e Ardinghi che abita- vanp in orto san Michele, erano molto antichi.' (iv. II.) According to the Ottimo Comento they had fallen into decay in D.'s time : — ' Ebbero noma ed hanno Chermontesi ; e se alcuna cosa erano, caddero quandp i Cerchi furono pacciati si come Bianchi.' Ld. Vernon states that members of the family are named in early records ^s having held office in Florence quite at the beginning pf Cent, xiii ; while one of them was among the Priors in 1301. Their name pedal's ii? the Riforma of 1 3 1 1 among the families condemned %o banishment and perpetual exclusion from office. Chjarentana, Carin^hia, mountainous pro- vince of Illyria, which lies between Styria and the Tyrol, and is separated from Venetia by the Carnic Alps ; as at present constituted it forms part of the Austrian Empire, but the roediaeval duchy of Carinthia was considerably moye extensive thani the modern province of that name. D . mentions C. in connexion with the Brenta, the floods of which he says a^^e caused by the melting of the snows in that district during the sumrner, Inf. xv. 7-9. [Brenta.] Modern commentators have made a difficulty about identifying CMarentana with Carinthia, inasmuch as the Brenta takes its rise a long way to the W. of that province ; but, as Butler points out, in early mediaeval times the duchy of Carinthia embraced not only the Val Sugana, where are the head-waters of the Brenta, but extended even as far as the city of Padua, the lordship of which, as Villani records (ix. 192), was exercised by the Dukes of Carinthia as late as 1322. Witte favours the suggestion that the refer- ence is to a mountain-group, called Canzana or Carenzana, in the neighbourhood of Trent, which is described as lying between Valvignola and Valfronte on the E. of the lake of Levico, and as stretching, under various names, along the left bank of the Brenta. CMarentana, however, is the regular Italian term for Carin- thia in mediaeval writers, and is used as such [151] Chiascio Chi rone repeatedly by Villani (e. g. ix. 92 ; xii. 67) as well as by Fazio degli Uberti (Dittam., iii. 2) ; and it was understood in that sense by Ben- venuto : — •' Brenta flumen oritur in Alemannia in parte quae dicitur Carinthia, ubi regnant quidam domini qui vocantur duces Carinthiae.' Boccaccio apparently understood it in the same way : — ' Chiarentana 6 una regione posta nell' Alpi, che dividono Italia della Magna.' Chiascio. [CMassi 2.] Chiassii, the Roman Classis, the ancient harbour of Ravenna, which under Augustus was an important naval station. Chiassi, which was at one time a large town, was destroyed by Liutprand, King of the Lombards, in 728. The name is preserved in that of the church of Sant' ApoUinare in Classe, which stands on the site of part of the old town. D. mentions it in connexion with the ' Pineta ' or pine-forest, which extends along the shore of the Adriatic for several miles N. and S. of Ravenna, Purg. xxviii. 20. [Pineta.] Chiassi 2], the Chiassi or Chiascio, stream in N. of Umbria, which rises in the hill near Gubbio, on which St. Ubaldo lived as a hermit before he was made Bishop of Gubbio, and enters a. branch of the Tiber a few miles S.E. of Perugia. St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the Sun) in his description of the situation of Assisi, which stands on the S.W. slope of Monte Subasio, between the streams of Tupind (on the E.) and Chiassi (on the W.), alludes to it as I'acquache discende Del colle eletto dal beato Ubaldo, Par. xi. 43-4 [Asoesi]. Chiavari. [Chiaverl.] Chiaveri, now Chiavari, town in Liguria, on the Riviera di Levante, some 20 miles E. of Genoa ; mentioned by Pope Adrian V (in Circle V of Purgatory) in connexion with the Lavagna, which runs into the sea between that town and Sestri l,evante, Purg xix. 100 [Lavagna]. Chiesa, the. Churgh, Par. v. 77 ; vi. 22 ; xxii. 82; Conv. iii. 6^1; iv. 231*2; Ecclesia, Men. ii. 136O; iii. 3*2-133^ 6", io*-i30, 1313-Te, 141-50^ 157-62. Mater Ecclesia, Mon. iii. 3*2 ; Epist. viii. 6 ; santa Chiesa, Purg. iii. 137 ; xxiv. 22; Par. iv. 46; v. 35; vi. 95; x. 108; xxxii. 125 ; Conv. ii. 431, 6^* ; Chiesa militante. Par. XXV. 52 ; Ecclesia militans, Epist. viii. 4 ; I'esercito di Crista, Par. xii. 37 ; Sposadi Dio, Par. X. 140 ; Sposa di Crista, Par. xi. 32 ; xii. 43; xxvii. 40; xxxi. 3; xxxii. 128; Spasa e Secretaria di Crista, Conv. ii. 633-* . sponsa Christi, Mon. iii. 3'*; Epist. vii. 7; viii. 11; Mater piissima, Sponsa Christi, Epist. vii. 7 ; Crucifixi Sponsa, Epist. viii. 4 ; bella Donna, Inf. xix. 57; Vigna, Par. xviii. 132; Orto di Crista, Par. xii. 72, 104 ; xxvi. 64 ; Barca di Pietra, Par. xi. 119; Navicella, Purg. xxxii. 129; Navicula Petri, Epist. vi. i ; la Sedia che fu benigna . . . ai poveri giusti, Par. xii. 88-9 ; Apostalica Sedes, Epist. viii. 2, 11; Chiesa di Roma, Purg. xvi. 127 ; spoken of by St. Peter (in the Heaven of Fixed Stars) as il loco mio. Par. xxvii. 22 ; and by St. James (in the same) as nostra Basilica, Par. xxv. 30. In the mystic Procession in the Terrestrial Paradise the Church is represented as a two- wheeled Car, Carro, Purg. xxix. 107, 151 ; XXX. 9, 61, 101 ; xxxii. 24, 104, 115, 126, 132; Bastema, Purg. xxx. 16 ; Dificio santo, Purg. xxxii. 142 ; Vasa, Purg. xxxiii. 34. [Prooes- sione.] Childerico]. Childeric III, last of the Merovingian Kings of France, sumamed ' Le Faineant ' ; he was born circ. 734, succeeded to the throne in 742 (after an interregnum of 5 years, his predecessor, Thierry IV, having died in 737), and was deposed by Pepin le Bref in March, 752. After his deposition he was compelled by Pepin to become a monk, and was shut up in the convent of Sithieu at St. Omer, where he died in 755. D. has appa- rently confused Charles, Duke of Lorraine, the last of the Carlovingian line', with Childeric, the last of the Merovingians, in the passage, Purg. XX. 53-60. [Carlo ".] Chilon, of Lacedaemon (circ. B. C. 590) ; one of the Seven Sages of Greece, Conv. iii. 1 1 38. [Biante.J Chirone, Chiron, the Centaur, son of Saturn and Philyra, daughter of Oceanus. Saturn being enanioured of Philyra, and fear- ' ing the jealousy of his wife Rhea, changed himself into a horse, and in this shape begat Chiron, who hence had the form of a Centaur. C. educated Achilles, Aesculapius, Hercules, and many other famous Greeks. D. places C, along with Nessus and Pholus, as leader of the Centaurs, who act as guardians of the Violent in Round i of Circle VII of Hell, Inf. xii. 65, 71, 77, 97 ; Purg. ix. 37 [Centauri]; Virgil, being questioned by Nessus as to his errand, replies that he will give his answer to Chiron (Inf. xii. 61-6) ; N. then points out to D. the latter, who is represented as stationed between Nessus and Pholus with his face bent down on his breast, describing him as ' il gran Chirone, il qual nudrl Achille ' (vv. 70-1) ; as D. and V. approach C. puts aside the beard from his mouth with an arrow, and observes to his companions that D. moves what he touches {vv. 77-82) ; V. explains to him that D. is alive, and asks him for an escort, which C. grants, bidding Nesgus accompany them (vv. 83-99) [Nesso] ; C. is mentioned again as the tutor of Achilles in connexion with the fact that Thetis took her son away from him and hid him in Scyros for fear he should be [152] Chiusi Ciacco sent to the Trojan War, Purg. ix. 37. [Achille : Sohiro.] Chiusi, the ancient Clusium, formerly one of the twelve great Etruscan cities ; it is situated in the Valdichiana, close to the lake of the same name, on the borders of Tuscany and Umbria, midway between Florence and Rome, Caccjaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) mentions Chiusi, together with Sinigaglia, and says that these two once-powerful cities were rapidly falling into decay, as Luni and Urbisaglia had already done, adding that if cities decay and perish we ought not to be surprised that families should come to an end, Par. xvi. 73-8. The sentiment is perhaps borrowed from the letter of Servius Sulpicius to Cicero on the death of Tullia ! — ' Ex Asia rediens, quum ab Aegina Megaram versus navigarem, coepi regiones circumcirca prospicere ; post me erat Aegina, ante Megara, dextra Piraeus, sinistra Corinthus : quae oppida quodam tempore florentissima fuerunt, nunc pro- strata et diruta ante oculos jacent. Coepi egomet mecum sic cogitare, Hem, nos homunculi indig- namur, si quis nostrlim interiit aut ' occisus est, quorum vita brevior esse debet : quum, uno loco, tot oppidorum cadavera prpjecta jaceant.' {Ad Fam. iv. 5.) The decay of Chiusi was doubtless in g^eat part due to the unhealthiness of its situation in the malarious Valdichiana, as Benvenuto points out. [Chiana.] Chremes, imaginary personage, the typical father in a comedy ; introduced by Horace in the Ars Po'etica, in a passage iyv. 93-5) which D. quotes in illustration of his argument that the language of comedy is more lowly than that of tragedy, Epist. x. 10. Cbristinna, De Doctrina. [DocMaa Chris- tiana, De.] Christiani, Christians, Mon. iii. 3*". [Cris- tiani.] Christianas, Christian ; fides Christiana, Mon. ii. 123 J Christiana religio, Mon. iii. 3^32. [CriBtiano.] Christus. [Cristo.] Chrysippus, celebrated Stoic philosopher, bom at Soli in Cilicia, B.C. 280 ; died B.C. 207, aged seventy-three. C., who studied at Athens under the Stoic Cleanthes, disliking the Aca- demic scepticism, became one of the most strenuous supporter? of the principle that knowledge is attainable, and may be esta- blished on certain foundations. D. quotes from Cicero's De Officiis (iii. 10) the dictum of C. that a man who runs in a race should do his best to win, but should in no wise try to trip up his rival, Mon. ii. 89*-i"i. [Eurialc] Ciacco, a Florentine, contemporary of D. (possibly identical with the Ciacco dell' An- guillaia, one of whose poems is printed from Cod. Vat. 3793 by D'Ancona and Comparetti in Antiche Rime Volgari, iii. 178-81), placed among the Gluttons in Circle III of Hell, Inf. vi. 52, 58 ; una (ombra), v. 38 ; ella, v. 39 ; lei, V. 43 ; egli, v. 49 ; anijna trista, v. SS j gli, V. 38 ; egli, v. 64 ; lui, v. 77 ; quegli, I/. 85 [Qolosi]. As D. and Virgil pass over the shades of the Gluttons which lie prone on the ground, one of them (that of Ciacco) raises itself to a sitting posture and addresses D. (Inf. vi. 34-9) ; he asks, since D. was born (1265) before he died (1286), whether D. re- members him (^v. 40-2) ; D. says he does not recognize him, and asks who he is (ijv. 43-8) ; C, in reply, names himself, saying that he was a Florentine, and that he and his com- panions are being punished for gluttony {vv. 49-57) ; D. expresses pity for his fate, and then inquires as to the future of Florence, whether any just men yet be there, and why it is so torn with discord {^v. 58-63) ; C, in reply, foretells that the rivalry between the Bianchi and Neri will result in bloodshed (May I, 1300), that the Bianchi, after expelling the Neri (1301), will within three years (April, 1302) be in their turn overthrown by the Neri with the aid of an ally (Boniface VHI or Charles of Valois), and that the latter will keep the upper hand for a long while, and will grievously oppress the Bianchi (yv. 64-72); he adds in con- clusion that there are two just men yet in Florence (supposed to be D. himself and Guido Cavalcanti), but that no heed is paid to them (here, and that pride, envy, and avarice are the sparks which kindled the flame of discord in the city ivv. 73-6) ; D. then inquires for news of five Florentines, Farinata degli Uberti (Inf. X. 32), Tegghiaio Aldobrandi (Inf. xvi. 41), Jacopo Rusticucci (Inf. xvi. 44), a certain Arrigo, and Mosca de' Lamberti (Inf. xxviii. 106), whether they are in Heaven or Hell {vv. 77-84) ; C. replies that they are among the blackest souls, and that if D. goes far enough down into Hell he will see them {vv. 85-7) ; he then, after begging D. to keep his memory alive in the upper world, declines to speak any more, and with a lingering glance at D. falls prone again among the other shades {vv. 88-93). Ciacco (a name which, according to Fan- fani, is often met with in old Florentine re- cords, and which is apparently an abbreviation of Giacomo) is described by Boccaccio as a great glutton and parasite, but for all that a man of good parts and good breeding ; — 'Fu GQstui uomo non del tutto di corte, ma percipcchd poco avea da spendere, erasi, come egli stesso dice, dato del tutto al vizio della gola. Era morditore di parole, e le sue usanze erano sempre co' gentili uomini e ricchi, e massimamente con quelli che splendidamente e dilicatamente [153] Ciacco hiangiavano e beveano, da' quali se chiamato era a mangiare v* andava, e similmente se invitato non era, esao medesimo s'invitava ; ed era per questo vizio notissimo uomo a tutti i Fiorentini ; senzach^ fuor di questo egli era costumato uomo, secondo la sua condizione, ed eloquente e afTabile e di buon sentimento ; per le quali cose era assai volentieri da qualunque gentile uomo ricevutc' Benvenuto says the Florentines had the reputation of being sober in drink and diet as a rule, but adds that when they did exceed they outdid every one else in gluttony; he thinks it was on this account, apart from the fact that D. was personally acquainted with him, that Ciacco was selected as an example : — ' Nota quod autor potius voluit ponere istum quam alium, turn quia melius noverat eum, turn quia Fiorentini, quamvis sint communiter sobrii in cibo et potu, tamen, quando regula fallit, excedunt gulositatem oninium hominum mundi, sicut testan- tur duo alii Fiorentini poetae, scilipet Petrarcha et Boccacius.' Boccaccio tells a story in the Decamerone (ix. 8) of how Ciacco was fooled by a fellowr parasite named Biondello in the matter of a dinner at the house of Corso Donati, where, instead of lampreys and sturgeon, as he had been led to e?cpect, he got nothing but pease and fried fish ; and of how he revenged himself by embroiling Biondello with the hot-tempered Filippo Argenti,who gave him a sound hiding : ' Essendo in Firenze uno da tutti chiamato Ciacco uomo ghipttissimo, quantp alcun' altro fosse giammai, e non possendo la sua possibilita sostenere le spese, che la sua ghiottprnia richiedea, essendo per altro assai costumato, e tutto pienp di belli e piacevoli motti, si diede ad essere non del tutto uom di cqrte, ma morditore, et ad usare con coloro, che ricchi erano, e di mangiare delle buone cose si dilettavano, e con questi a desinare et a cena (ancor che chiamato non fpsse ogni volta) andava assai spvente. Era similmente in que' tempi in Firenze uno, il quale era chianiato Biondello, piccoUetto dellapersona, leggiadro molto, e pill pulito che una mosca, con sua cuffia in capo, con una zazzerina bipnda, e per punto senza un capel torto avervi. II quale quel medesimo mestiere usava che Ciacco. II quale essendo una mattina di quaresima andato la, dove il pesce si vende, e comperando due grossissime lamprede per IVIesser Vieri de' Cerchi, fu veduto da Ciaccp, il quale avvicinatosi a Biondello disse : Che vuol dir questo? A cui Biondello rispose: lersera ne furon mandate tre altre troppo piii belle, che queste non sono, et uno storione a Messer Cprso Donati, le quali non bastandogli per voler dar mangiare a certi gentili uomini m' ha fatte com- perare quest' altre due ; non vi verrai tu ? Rispose Ciacco : Ben sai, che io vi verrd. E quando tempo gli parve, a casa Messer Corso se n' and6, e trovoUo con alcuni suoi vicini, che ancora non era andato a desinare. Al quale egli, essendo da lui domandato, che andasse facendo, rispose : Messere, io vengo a desinare con voi, e con la Vostra brigata. A cui Messer Corso disse : Tu sie [154] Ciampolo '1 ben venuto, e perci6 che egli d tempo, andianne. Postisi adunque a tavola primieramente ebbero del cece, e della sorra, et appresso del pesce d'Arno fritto senza piii. Ciacco accortosi dello 'nganno di Biondello, et in se non poco turbato, sene propose di dovernel pagare.' In the sequel Ciacco revenges himself on Biondello by sending a feigned message from him with a bottle to Filippo Argenti asking for some wine ; whereupon the latter, suspect- ing that he is being made fun of, in fury falls upon Biondello and cruelly beats him. [Ar- genti, Filippo.] Ciacco de' Tarlati, [Cione de' Tarlati] Ciampolo], name given by tjie commen- tators to a native of Navarre, whom D. places among the Barrators in Bolgia 5 of Circle VIII of Hell (Majebolge), Inf. xxii. 48 ; uno {pecca- tore), V. 32 ; Io sciagurato, v. 44 ; quei, v. 47 ; il sorco, V. 58 ; lui, v. yy ; Io spaurato, v. 98 ; Io Navarrese, v. 121; quegli, v. 128; quel, V. 135 ; il baratiier, v. 136 [Barattieri]. In the boiling pitch where the Barrators are tor- tured, D. and Virgil see one of the sinners with his snovit above the surface, \yho is hooked by the demon Graffiacane (Inf. xxii. 31-6) ; at D.'s request V. asks who he is (vv. 43-7) ; the sinner replies that he was a native of Navarre, that his father had been a spendthrift, and that in consequence his mother had placed him in the service of a nobleman {vv. 48-51); that he afterwards became a retainer of King Thibaut, and toqk to working jobbery, for which he was now being punished (vv. 52-4) ; as he concludes his story a demon, Ciriatto, rips him with his tusk, and another, Barba- riccia, grips him in his arms, and tells V. to ask -yvhat more he wants to know of him {vv. 55-63) ; V. then inquires of C. if there are any of ' Latin ' race with him there (vv. 64-6) ; C. replies that there was one of a neighbouring race (i. e. Sardinian), whom he would be glad to rejoin beneath the pitch, in order to escape the maulings of the demons (vv. 66-9) ; the latter thereupon set on him again (vv. 70-5) ; after a while, V. having asked to whom he was referring, C. names two Sardinians, Fra Gomita and Michael Zanche (vv. 76-90), and, after being once more interrupted by the threats of the demons, promises to summon some Tuscan and Lom- bard barrators if the demons will withdraw (vv. 91-105) ; the latter suspect a trick, but are persuaded by Alichino to retire (vv. 106- 20), whereupon C. leaps into the pitch and escapes from them (vv. 1 2 1-3) ; Alichino, furious at being tricked, pursues him, but C. ducks down and disappears (vv. 124-32) ; to vent his rage one of the other demons, Calca- brina, fiies at Alichino, and they fall together into the pitch, whence they are fished out by four of their companions (vv. 133-50). Cianfa Cianghella Benvenuto supposes that D. heard of this Navarrese (whose name sounds more Italian than Spanish — Ciampolo or Giampolo, i. e. Giovanni Paolo) in Paris ' cum ibi esset gratia studii post indignam expulsionem suam.' Ac- cording to his account C.'s father, after wasting all his substance, hanged himself: — 'Iste infelix fult natione hispanus de regno Navarriae, natus ex nobili matre et vilissimo patre. Qui cum prodigaliter dilapidasset omnia bona sua, ut audio, tandem desperate suspendit se laqueo. . . Iste ergo filius vocatus est nomine Ciampolus, quem mater sua nobilis dpmina posuit ad standum cum quodam nqbili : qui scivit ita sagaciter se habere, quod factus est illi in brevi carissimus ; et sic fama prosperante et favore domini coadjuvante iste intravit curiam regis Thebaldi, qui ultra reges Navarriae fuit vir singujaris justitiae et clementiae, et summa sagacitate tam mirabiliter adeptus est gratiam et favorem regis : qui rex amoratus de eo commisit totam curiam regendam manibus ejus, ita quod conferebat beneficia, et omnia ministrabat. Tunc coepit astutissime baratare et accumulare ; et licet saepe fieret querela de eo, rex nihil cre- dere volebat ; et sic continuo crescebat audacia audacissimo.' Philalethes observes that if tradition had not assigned the name Cianipolo to this indi- vidual he would have been inclined to identify him with Geofifroi de Beaumont, Thibaut's seneschal, to whom the king entrusted the government of Navarre during his absence in the East. [Tetaaldo 2.] Cianfa, according to the old commentators, a member of the Donati famijy of Florence ; one of five Florentines (Inf. xxvi. 4-5) placed by D. among the Robbers in Bolgia 7 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf.xxv.43 [Ladri] ; D. hears three spirits talking, and one of them asks what has become of Cianfa {vv. 35-43) ; presently he sees a serpent with six feet (iden- tified by the commentators with Cianfa), which fastens itself to one of the three {vv. 49-51), and gradually the two forms, of serpent and man, are blended together and become in- distinguishable {vv. 52-78) [Agn^l : Puccio Sciancato]. The Anonimo (ed. Selrni) says of Cianfg. : — ' Fu cavaliere de' Donati, e fu grande ladro di bestiame, e rompia botteghe e votava le cassette.' A ' Dominus Cianfa de Dopatis,' who is pos- sibly the Cianfa referred to by D., is mentioned in the will of Corso Donati, from which it appears that he was alive in 1282, in which year he was a member of the ' ConsigUo del Capitano per il Sesto di Porta san Piero.' (See Torraca, Nuove Rassegne, p. 378.) Cianghella, Florentine lady of ill repute, contemporary of D. ; said to have been the daughter of Arrigo della Tosa, and to have died circ. 1330; she is mentioned by Caccia- guida (in the Heaven of Mars), who, speaking of the degenerate state of Florence, says that [1 in his day such a person as she would have been as great a marvel in that city as Cornelia would be now, Par. xv. 128 [Corniglia]. The old commentators say C. was notorious for her arrogance, extravagance, and profligacy. Benvenuto states that she married a certain Lito degli Alidosi of Imola, a native of his own city, after whose death she returned to Florence and led a disreputable hfe. He says he had heard many stories of her from a neighbour of hers in Imola. One of these he records as a specimen, to the effect that on a certain occasion when she had gone to church to hear a sermon she was so in- furiated, because none of the ladies present rose to make room for her, that she violently assaulted several of them ; her blows being returned, a free fight ensued, greatly to the amusement of the male members of the con- gregation, who could not restrain their laughter, in whjch the preacher himself joined, and thus the sermon was brought to an end. She appears also to have been in the habit of beat- ing her servants with a stick : — ' Ista Cianchella fuit nobilis muKer florentina de stirpe illorura de la Tosa, quae fuit maritata in civitate Imolae cuidam Lito de Alidosiis, fratri domini Alidosii qui olim abstulit Imolam Bononiae cum Maghinarcjo Pagano. . . . De ista possem multa et vera referre, qu^e audivi ab optimo patre meo magistro Compagno, qui diu legit tam lauda- biliter quam utiliter juxta domum habitationis praedictae dominae. Ergp quia autor ponit istam pro prava muliere, dicam aliquid jocosum de ea. IJaec siquidem mulier fuit arrogantissima et in- tolerabilis ; ibat per dqmum cum bireto in capite floreutinarum et baculo in manu, nunc verberabat fanfulum, nunc coquum. Accidit ergo semel quod cum ivisset ad missam ad locum fratrum praedica- torum de Imola, npn longe a domo ejus, quidam frater praedicabat a casu. Et cum nulla domina assurgeret sibi, Cianchella accensa indignatione et ira coepit injicere manus atroces nunc in istam, nunc in illam dominam, lacerando uni crines et trichas, alter! bindas et velg.mina. Aliquae non patientes, coeperunt reddere sibi vicem suam. Ex quo orto magno strepitu cum clamore in ecclesia, viri circumstantes audieiites praedicationem coepe- runt omnes fortissime ridere, et ipse praedicator similiter ; et sic praedicafio fuit soluta, et risu finita. Quid ultra ? Haec mulier defuncto marito reversa est Florentiam, et ibi fuit vanissima, et multos habuit procos et multum lubrice vixit. Unde ipsa mortua, quidam frater simplex, prae- dicans super funere ejus, dixit quod invenerat in ista foemina unum solum peccatum, scilicet, quod oderat pgpulum Florentiae.' Lana describes her as having been the arbitress of fashion in the matter of dress : — ' Fue ed e una donna di quelle della Tosa, la quale per tutta questa etade h stata la inventrice di tutte le novitadi nelli abiti delle donne ; e stata molto bella donna, e I'altre, credendo parer si belle, hanno voluto contraffarla, onde sono venute 55] Ciapetta, Ugo Ciapetta, Ugo in tanta incontinenzia, ch' ello gli perdeno le pub- bliche e comuni.' Ciapetta, Ugo, Hugh Capet, King of France, 987-996, the first king of the Capetian line ; placed by D. among the Avaricious in Circle V of Purgatory, Purg. xx. 49; quello spirto,v.yi; esso,v.^\; anima,v. ii\,; egli, V. 40 ; esso, v. 124 [Avari]. As D. and Virgil go forward they hear the voice of a spirit (that of Hugh Capet) proclaiming instances of liberality and self-denial (Purg. xx. 16-33) > D. approaches the spirit and inquires who he was and why he alone utters these praises [vv, 34-9) ; the spirit replies that he was the founder of the evil race of Capetian kings (vv. 40-5) ; after referring to the iniquitous dealings of Philip the Fair with Flanders, and invoking the divine vengeance upon him [vv. 46-8) [Fiandra], he names himself, and says that from him were sprung the Philips and Louises by whom of late France had been ruled {vv. 49-51) [Capeti] ; he then states that he was the son of a Parisian butcher {v. 52), and that when the Carlovingians had all died out save one, who became a monk, he found himself so powerful that he was able to promote his own son to the ' widowed crown ' of France (vv. S3-6q) [Carlovingi: Carlo ^]; after remark- ing that it was with the annexation of Provence to the French crown that the kings of his race began their evil career (vv. 61-5) [Provenza], he refers to their seizure of Ponthieu, Normandy, and Gascony (vv. 65-6) [Ponti : Normandia : Guascogna] ; to the murder of Conradin and St. Thomas Aquinas by Charles of Anjou (vv. 67-9) [Carlo i] ; to the mission of Charles of Valois to Italy, to his treacherous dealings with Florence, and to his ill-success (vv. 70-8) [Carlo*]; to Charles IPs infamous marriage of his daughter Beatrice to Azzo VIII of Este (vv. 79-84) [Carlo ^J ; to the imprisonment of I5oniface VIII at Anagni by Philip the Fair, and to the destruction of the Templars by the latter (vv. 85-93) [Bonifazio^ : Templari] ; after again invoking the divine vengeance (vv. 94-6), he explains to D. that during the day he and the spirits with him utter the praises D. had heard, but that during the night they recall examples of avarice and of the lust of wealth (vv. 97-102), of which he gives instances (vv. 103-17) ; he adds that they speak loud or low according as their devotion urges them (vv. 118-20), and in conclusion answers D.'s second question (vv. 35-6) by explaining that the praises are uttered by them all, but that he was the only one who was uttering them aloud at that time (vv. 121-4). The statements put by D. into the mouth of Hugh Capet as to the origin of the Capetian dynasty are in several respects at variance vyith the historical facts, and can only be e}(plained on the supposition that D. has confused Hugh Capet virith his father, Hugh the Great, some of then; being applicable to the one, some to the other. The facts are as follows : — Hugh the Great died in 956 ; Louis V, the last of the Carlovingians, died in 987, in which year Hugh Capet became king ; on his death in 996, he was succeeded by his son Robert, who had previously been crowned in 988. D. makes Hugh Capet say : — firstly, that he was the son of a butcher of Paris {v. 52), whereas common tradition assigned this origin not to Hugh Capet, but to his father Hugh the Great (see below) ; — secondly, that when the Carlo- vingians came to an end he was so powerful that he was able to make his son king (vv. 53-60), whereas on the failure of the Carlovingian line Hugh Capet himself became king (987) ; and though it is urged in explanation of the expression '■ widowed crown ' (v. 58) that he associated Ins son Robert with him in the government and had him crowned in the year 1,988) after his own accession, while he himself appears never to have been actually crowned, and that therefore, strictly speaking, he did advance his son Robert to the 'widowed crown,' it is not by any means likely that D. was aware of these facts ; nor do they explain Hugh Capet's further statement (vv. 59-60) that with his son the Capetian line began, whereas in fact it began with himself. On the other hand this statement could not apply to Hugh the Great, of whom p. seems to have beeii thinking, because he had already been dead more than 30 years when the crown became vacant by the death of Louis V, and was seized by Hugh Capet. The tradition that Hugh the Great, who in reality was descended from the Counts of Paris, vvas the son of a butcher, was commonly believed in the Middle Ages, and was, as Villani records, accepted as true by most people in D.'s time : — *Ueo Ciapetta, fallitq il legnaggio di C^rlo Magno, fa re di Francia nelli apni di Cristo 987. Questo Ugo m duca d'Orliens (e per alcuno si scrlve, cne fur sempre i suoi antichi e duclii e dl grande lignaggio), ligliuolo d'Ugo il ffrande, e nato per madre della serocchia d'Otto primo della Magna j ma per li piil si dice, che '1 padre fu uno grande e ricco borgese di Parigi stratto di nazione di buccieri, owero mer- catante di bestie ; ma per la sua grande ricchezza e potenza, vacate ii ducato d'Orliens, e rimasane una donna, si I'ebbe per mogiie, ohde nacque il detto Ugo Ciapetta.' (iv. 4.) Benvenuto supposes that D. fqund out about the origin of the Capets while he was in Paris, and stated it here in order to correct the erroneous belief that they were of noble descent : — ' Aliqui dicunt, quod iste fuit nobilissimus miles de Nor- mandia; alii quod fuit dux Aureliani. Sed Dantes curio- sissimus investigator rerum memorandarum, cupi esset Farisius gratia studii, rg)erit, quod iste Hugo de rei veritate fuerat films carnificis. Ideo reputat fictum quidquid aliter dicatur, ad colorandam vilitatem originis, sicut mufti faciant.' The legend is recounted at length in an Old French poem dealing with the life and adventures of Hugh Capet, in which the author, speaking of Capet's father, says ; — ' Bouchier fu li plus riche de trestout le pais.' The tradition hngered on as late as Cent, xv, for Villon, in one of his Ballades, speaks of '' Hue Capel, Qui fut extr^ict de boucherie.' It is mentioned also, with a reference to D,, in the Satyre Menippee (Cent, xvi) : — [156] Cicero Cicilia Tota familia Borboniorum descendit de becano, sive mavultis de lanio, qui carnem vendebat in laniena Parisina, ut assent quidam poeta valde amicus Sanctae Sedis Apo- stolicae, et ideo qui noluisset mentiri.' (p. 107, ed, Read.j Cicero, Marcus Tullius Cicero, the cele- brated Roman writer, philosopher, and states- man ; born B. c. 106, died B. C. 43. He was elected Consul, B.C. 63, and during his consul- ship crushed the famous Catiline conspiracy. D. alludes to this incident in his career, with especial reference to the fact that he was a ' novus homo ' : — ' Non pose Iddio le mani quando uno nuovo cittadino di piccola condizione, ciofe TuUio, contro a tanto cittadino quanto era Catilina, la Romana liberta difese ? ' Conv. iv. 5"". [Catilina.] C. is placed among the great men of antiquity in Limbo, Inf. iv. 141 [Limbo] ; D. usually speaks of him as TuUy, Tullio, Inf. iv. 141 , Conv. i. Il94, I2i9; ii. 966, Y'^p, 16*; iv. 5"*, 6109^ 89' 17, I265> Tl, 15123^ 2I'*1, 221^, 2462' 93' lO:', 2595, 27"' 111' 134' ISl, 2814' 44^ 2973 ; TulHuS, V. E. ii. 6^3 (according to some edd.) ; Mon. ii. 5I6' 141' 142, 896, io22, 37 ; Epjst. x. 19 ; Cicero, Mon. i. l23 ; ii. 554. 67, 84. The inclusion of Cicero among the writers ' qui usi sunt altissimas prosas ' (V. E. ii. 6*i~4) is due, as Rajna points out, to a misreading, the MSS. reading not 'Tullium, Livium, Pli- rium,' but ' Titum Livium, Plinium.' D. quotes Cicero's works upwards of thirty times ; the following are quoted by name : — De Offi-ciis, quoted as Degli Officii (var. Ufficii), Conv. iv. 81", 151^*, 24I00, 2595, 27III, 134; Officia, Mon. ii. 555,168^ 895, io24. [Omclls. De.] De Finibus, quoted as Di Fine de' Beni, Conv. i. ii96; iv. 611"; Dgi pi^g ^ Beni, Conv. iv. 22!^; De Fine Bonorum, Mon. ii. 585,141. \Pinibus, De.\ De Amicitia, quoted as D'Amicizia, Conv. i. I2i9; Dell' Amist^, CoTxv.iliz^^. [Amicitia, De.] De Senectute, quoted as Delia Vecchiezza, Conv. ii. 9^'' ; Di Senettute, Conv. iv. 21*1, 2463, 94^ 2713' 151, 2814. [Senectute, De.] De Inventione Rhetorica (commonly known as De Inventione), quoted as Rhetorica, Mon. ii. 5I6 ; Nova Rhetorica, Epist. x. 19. [Inven- tioae, De.] Paradoxa, quoted as Di Paradosso, Conv; iv. 1255. [Paradoxa.] Besides the above D. made use of the Aca,- demicae Quaestiones, whence (i. 4) he took his account of the various philosophical schools, Conv. iv. 6125-42 [Academicae Quaestiones] ; and perhaps of the Tusculanae Quaestiones, whence (v. 3) he may have derived his state- ment as to the invention of the terms ' philo- sophy 'and 'philosopher 'by Pythagoras, Conv. ii. 16102-3; iii. ii4i-4 [pittagora]. The only trace of an acquaintance on D.'s part with the Orationes appears in the description of Cassius as 'membruto' (Inf. xxxiv. 67), which Mai suggested was perhaps a reminiscence of a passage from the Catiline Orations (iii. 7) where Cicero speaks of the obesity of Lucius Cassius. According to Mai the Catiline Ora- tions were used in the schools in D.'s day, which would account for his acquaintance with the passage. [Cassic] D. ascribes to Cicero the saying that 'the son of a worthy man ought to strive to bear good witness to his father,' Conv. iv. 29. This passage has not been identified in any of Cicero's works. D. probably got it at second- hand from some collection of adages. (See Moore, Studies in Dante^ i. 258-73.) Cicilia, island of Sicily, Inf. xii. 108 ; Purg. iii. 116; Sicilia, Conv. iv. 2695> 138 ; y. E. i. 857, io57, 1231; Trinacria, Par. viii.67 ; V.E.i. I2i5; ii. 648; £ci. ii. 71 . alluded to as fisola del fuoco, Par. xix. 131 ; quella terra, Par. xx. 62 ; the sufferings of the island under Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, Inf. xii. 107-8 [Dionisioi] ; Manfred (in Antepurgatory) speaks of his daughter Constance, wife of Peter III of Aragon and Sicily, as genitrice Dell' onor di Cicilia e d' Aragona ('the honour of Sicily and Aragon ' being either her eldest son, Alphonso III, King of Aragon, who succeeded to both crowns, but had resigned that of Sicily to his brother James ; or her two younger sons, James and Frederick, who at the time were Kings of Aragon and of Sicily respectively), Purg. iii. 115-6 [ Alfonso 1; Aragona] ; Charles Martel (in the Heaven of Venus) speaks of the island as la bella Trinacria (there being prob- ably a special significance in his use of this particular name), and refers to the smoke from Aetna which overhangs its E. coa;st. Par. viii. 67-70 [Catania : Trinacria] ; he says that his descendants would have been ruling in Sicily if the misgovemment of his grandfather, Charles I of Anjou, had not brought about the massacre of theFrenchat the 'Sicilian Vespers '(■z/z/. 7 1-5} [Carlo 1 : Carlo 3] ; the Eagle in the Heaven of Jupiter refers to the island as I'isola del fuoco (on account of the eruptions of Aetna), in connexion with Frederick II of Aragon (King of Sicily, 1296-1337), and alludes to the fact that Anchises died there, Par. xix. 130-2 [Anchise : rederico 3] ; the Eagle refers to it again, in allusion to its sufferings during the war between Frederick of Aragon and Charles II of Naples, as'quella terra Chepiange Carlo e Federico vivo,' Par. xx. 62-3 [Carlo 2] ; Aeneas leaves there his aged followers in the care of Acestes, Conv. iv. 2692-6 [Aoeste] ; trains Ascanius to arms there, Conv. iv. 2696-9 [Ascanio] ; and institutes games in memory of Anchises, Conv. iv. 26137-8 [Enea] ; Sicily one of the S. limits of the Italian language, V. E. i. 853-7 ; to be reckoned with Sardinia as on the right side of Italy, if the Apennines be taken as the dividing line (from N. to S.), [157] Ciciliano Cielo Cristallino V. E. i. 1066-9 . its dialect distinct from that of Apulia, V. E. i. 106I-2 ; the seat of the Court (in the time of the Emperor Frederick II), whence the name Sicilian applied to Italian poetry, V. E. i. 1230-5; the Sicilian dialect the most famous of all the Italian dialects, both because all poems written in Italian were called Sicilian, and because many important poems were written by Sicilians, V. E. i. 126-H; this fame a reproach to the princes of Italy, who neglected letters, V. E. i. 1 21^-9 ; the common Sicilian dialect unworthy of preference, that spoken by the nobles worthy of commenda- tion, but neither the Sicilian nor the Apulian fo be reckoned the most beautiful dialect of Italy, V. E. i. I2*3~^*; the Italian vulgar tongue employed by Sicilian poets, V. E. i. ig^^-T ; . _ _ . . . the fruitless expedition of Charles of Valois f Conv. ii. 420-7 ; has its two poles ' firm, fixed, Cielo Cristallino, the Crystalline Heaven, Conv. ii. iP-~^^; 15I22; origin of the name, Conv. ii. 4I2-13 ; the ninth Heaven, Conv. ii. 43-13, 1462 ; A. T. § 2i3-* ; otherwise called the Primum Mobile, or First Movement, Par. XXX. 107; Conv. ii. 3*1-2, 420,61*9, 1 5I22; Mon. i. 9II ; A. T. § 21^; the origin of the motion of all the other Heavens, Conv. ii. 15132-5; Inf. ix. 29 ; Par. xxvii. 106-8 ; xxviii. 70-1 ; its existence first conceived by Ptolemy to account for the complex motion of the Heaven of the Fixed Stars, Conv. ii. 386-45 [cielo Stellate] ; its revolution accomplished in some- thing under 24 hours, Conv. ii. 3*^-8 ; imper- ceptible to sense save for its motion, Conv. ii. 49-10 ; its almost inconceivable velocity caused by its longing to be united with the Empyrean, against Sicily, V. E. ii. 6« [Carlo*] ; Aetna the most rich in pasture of all the Sicilian mountains, Eel. ii. 71-2. [Etna.] The name Sicily is sometimes loosely applied to the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, comprising Naples (Apulia and Calabria) and Sicily proper. This kingdom was ruled successively by Norman (1129-1194), Swabian (1194-1266), and Angevin (1266-1282) sovereigns [Wapoli : Puglia]. In 1282 the Sicilians rose against the house of Anjou, and expelled the French, after the massacre known as the ' Sicilian Vespers ' [ Vespro Sieiliano], This revolt led to the separation of the two kingdoms, Sicily passing to the house of Aragon, while Naples remained in the hands of the Angevins [Carlo': Carlo': Federioo*: Jaoomo': Tableiv: Table iv. A]. Ciciliano, Sicilian, Inf. xxvii. 7 ; Sidlianus, V. E. i. 125' 6, 8, 33, 44 ; Siculus, V. E. i. 1271 ; Eel. ii. 72 [Sioillanus] ; il hue Cicilian, i. e. the brazen bull made by Perillus for PhaJaris, tyrant of Agrigentum in Sicily, in which human beings were tortured by being roasted alive, and which was so constructed that the shrieks of the victims sounded like the bellowing of the bull, Inf xxvii. 7-12 ; D. alludes to the fact that Phalaris tested the contrivance first of all upon Perillus himself {vv. 7-9), and compares the shrieks of the damned in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), who are tor- tured in flame, to those which issued from the buU [tjv. XO-15). [Perillo.] Ciclope. [Cyclops.] Ciclopi. [Cyclopes.] Cieldauro, the church of San Pietro in Ciel d'Oro ('Golden Ceiling') at Pavia; mentioned by St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the Sun) in connexion with Boethius, who was buried there after his execution by Theodoric in 524, Par. x. 128 [Boezio]. Boccaccio introduces this church in the Decamerone (x.9). Cielo e Moado, Di. [Caelo, De.] [158] and immutable' as regards all things else, those of the lower Heavens being fixed only as regards themselves, Conv. ii. 4*8-51 . jjke the other Heavens, has an equator or circle equidistant from each pole, where the motion is most rapid, Conv. ii. 462-68 . resembles Moral Philosophy, inasmuch as it directs by its motion the daily revolutions of all the other Heavens, Conv. ii. 1462-3, 15I22-38 . jf its motion were to cease a third part of the Heavens would be invisible to every part of the Earth, while there would be neither life nor measure of time on the latter, and the whole Universe would be in disorder, Conv. ii. 15I39-57 ^see below); the largest of the corporeal Heavens (the Empyrean being incorporeal), Par. xxvii. 68 ; xxx. 39 ; is encircled by the Empyrean, and itself en- circles all the other Heavens, Son. xxv. i ; Par. i. 122-3; "• 113-14; xxiii. 112; xxvii. 1 12-13 ; the most rapid of the Heavens, Conv. ii. 420 ; Purg. xxxiii. 90 ; Par. i. 123 ; xiii. 24 ; xxvii. 99 ; its motion not measured by that of any of the other Heavens, but their motion measured by it, hence it is the origin of time, Par. xxvii. 115-19 (cf. Conv. ii. 15154-6) j 'has no other where than the mind of God,' Par. xxvii. 109-10; is perfectly uniform throughout, Par. xxvii. loo-l ; A. T. § 2i3-6. D. refers to the Crystalline Heaven as la spera che piil larga gira, Son. xxv. i ; il ciel che tutto gira. Inf. ix. 29 ; il cielo che pitt alto festina, Purg. xxxiii. 90 ; il ciel che ha maggior fretta. Par. i. 123 ; corpo nella cui -virtute Lesser di tutto suo contento giace, Par. ii. 1 13-14; il ciel che tutti gli altri avanza, Par. xiii. 24 ; Lo real manto di tutti i volunti Del mondo, Par. xxiii. 1 12-13 ; lesto, Par. xxvii. 118; il maggior corpo, Par. xxvii. 68 ; xxx. 39 ; ciel velocissimo. Par. xxvii. 99 ; volume. Par. xxviii. 14 ; il ciel che tutto quanta rape L'altro universo seco, Par. xxviii. 70-1. In the passage, Conv. ii. 15"^", D. states that, if the movement of the Primum Mobile or Crystal- line Heaven, on which depends the daily motion of all the other Heavens, were suspended, there Cielo Cristallino Cielo Empireo would remain only the almost insensible move- ment of the Starry Heaven from W. to E. of one degree in a hundred years (corresponding to what is now called the Precession of the Equinoxes). In this case the Earth would cease to revolve, and, as only i86° of the Heavens would then be visible to us, the Sun and other planets would be invisible for half their revolutions, being hidden behind our backs during the rest of the time ; further, a third part of the Heavens would never have been seen from the Earth, since from the Creation to D.'s day (Which he estimates at about 6,400 years) the Starry Heaven would only have moved from W. to E. about 60°, hence 60°+ 180° =!S^o° would be the whole amount of the Heavens which would have been visible, leaving 360°— 240° = 120°, i.e. one-third part of the Heavens Which had never been seen. The data as to the periods of the several planets D. got from Alfraganus, who in his chapter De orbibus planetarum says : — ' Fit orbis Lunae 29 dierum et 12 hor^nlm et dimidiae et quartae unius horae. Mercurii ac Veneris ac Solis, uniuscujus- gue istorum rotatus fit 365 diebus et quarta unius diei ferfe. Martis autem in anno Persico et 10 ilaensibus et 22 diebus ferfe. Jovis verb in circUlo eg^ressae cuspidis in 1 1 annis et 10 mensi- bus et 16 diebus. In circulo autenl signorUm, minus uno die et dimidio fere, fet Saturni in circulo egressae cuspidis in vigintinovem annis et quinque mensibus, et quindecim diebus. In circulo signonim minus hoc per novem dies.' (Cap. 17.) D. has calculated the half revolutions roughly from these data\ according to his figures the periods would be, for Saturn, I4j years x 2 = 29 years (as against ^9 years, 5 tnonths, 15 days, given by Alfraganus) ; for Jupiter, 6 years x 2 = 12 years (as against 11 years, 10 months, 16 days) ; for Mars, t year nearly x 2 = a years nearly (as against i year, 10 months, 22 days) ; for the Sun, Venus, and Mercury, 182 days, 14 hours X 2 = 365 days, 4 hours (as against 365 days, 6 hours) ; and for the Moon, 14^ days X 2 = 29 days (as against 29 days, i2| hours). The Crystalline Heaven is the ninth in D.'s conception of the Universe, Conv. ii. 4^, 1462 ; A. T. § 21* [Paradisoi] ; resembles Moral Philosophy, Conv. ii. 1462-3, 15122-6*; it is presided over by the Seraphim, Par. xxviii. 71-2 [Serafini]. dn leaving the Heaven of the Fixed Stars, D. and Beatrice ascend to the Crystalline Heaven (Par. xxvii. 78-99) ; B. explains to D. the working of the Primunt Mobile, and its effect upon the other Heavens {vv. xoo-20) ; D. sees a point of dazzling brilliancy around which revolve nine concentric circles of flame (Par. xxviii. 1-39) ; B. explains that this point is the Deity, and the fiery circles are the nine Angelic Hierarchies, the order of which she expounds to him {^vv. 40-139) [Gerarchia] ; after B. has discoursed further of the angels and other matters, they ascend to the Empy- rean (Par. xxix. i-xxx. 39). Witte gives the following summary account of the system of the universe (in which the Primum Mobile plays such an important part) adopted by D. : — 'The Ptolemaic system, as D. knew it, con- sisted of ten perfectly concentric Heavens. The Earth was the fixed immovable centre of this system, and equally immovable was the outer- most Heaven, or Empyrean, the abode of the Blessed, by which the Universe is surrounded. Its desire towards this dwelling of the Deity lends to the next, the ninth or Crystalline Heaven, the Primum Mobile, so rapid a motion that in spite of its immeasurable circumference it revolves upon its axis in a little under twenty-four hours, carrying with it in its circuit all the other eight Heavens, without, however, interfering with their special revolutions. Such a special revolution, and the slowest of all, viz. of but one degree from W. to E. in a hundred years, is that of the eighth Heaven, in which the Fixed Stars are set, at equal distances from the Earth, and receiving their light from the Sun (Par. xx. 6 ; xxiii. 30 ; Conv. ii. 14'"' ; iii. I2''~°). In this movement of the Heaveil of the Fixed Stars all those enclosed by it partake. Then follow the Heavens called after the seven planets, Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, the Sun, Venus, Mercury, and the Moon ; all of which, besides the two movements common to them all, have their own special revolution. ... It is, how- ever, no inanimate gravity which impels the mani- fold motions of these heavenly bodies ; each one is occasioned by the will of a supernatural being, an Angel, an Intelligence (Par. ii. 127-9 > Conv. ii. S*-°). These Intelligences are the inhabitants of each separate Heaven, and the motion of the planets is nothing else than the force of the thought of these holy spirits. Their power exerts that influence upon the Earth which the astrologers often ascribed to the planets and constellations themselves — an influence which imparts certain tendencies and inclinations to man, but which, through his exclusive privilege of free-will, can be combated and overcome.' Cielo decimo. [Cielo Empireo.] Cielo del Sole. [Sole, Cielo del.] Cielo della Luna. [Luna, Cielo della.] Cielo delle Stelle Fisse. [Cielo Stel- lato.] Cielo di Glove. [Giove, Cielo di.] Cielo di Marte. [Marte, Cielo di.] Cielo di Mercurio. [Merourio, Cielo di.] Cielo di Saturno. [Saturno, Cielo di.] Cielo di Venere. [Venere, Cielo di.] Cielo Empireo, the Empyrean, the highest Heaven, the abode of the Deity, 'the pure Empyrean where He sits High throned above all highth,' Inf. ii. 21 ; Conv. ii. 4I*, \^^'= ; Epist. X. 24, 26 ; meaning of the name, Conv. ii. 4I5-I6 ; Epist. X. 24 ; the tenth or last Heaven, Conv. ii. 4I3-15, 25, Q.r>\^ 1463 ; Purg. XV. 52 ; Par. xxii. 62 ; xxiii. 108 ; Epist. x. 24 ; or, regarded from the opposite point of view, the first, Purg. xxx. I ; Par. iv. 34 ; Epist. x. 25, 26 ; in it is contained the Primum Mobile, Par. i. 122-3 ; ii. 113-14; xxvii. 112-14 [Cielo Cristallino] ; contains all bodies and is con- [159] Cielo Empireo Cielo Stellato tainedbynone, Conv. ii. 486-' ; Purg. xxvi.63 ; Epist. X. 24, 25 ; within it all bodies move, Epist. X. 24: but itself remains motionless in eternal peace, Conv. ii. 4"-"' ''' ''. IS^^^"' ; Par. i. 122; ii. 112 ; Epist. x. 24; immaterial. Par. XXX. 39 ; Epist. x. 24 ; composed purely of light, Par. xxiii. 102 ; xxx. 39 ; of which it receives more than any other of the Heavens, Par. i. 4 ; Epist. x. 25, 26 ; does not exist in space, but in the divine Mind, Conv. ii. 4^'^^^ ; the abode of Angels and of the Blessed, Conv. ii. 430-2; Par. xxx. 43-xxxi. 27; and of the Deity, Conv. ii. 4^8-9 ; Par. xxxiii. 52-141 ; hence replete with love, Purg. xxvi. 63 ; Epist. X. 24 ; resembles the divine science of Theology, inasmuch as it is full of peace, Conv. ii. 1468-*, Iji65-7j whereas the other Heavens are pre- sided over by the several Angelic Orders or Intelligences, God himself is the Intelligence of the Highest Heaven, Conv. ii. 699-i"2 ; Par. xxvii. 112; xxxiii. 124-6. D. refers to the Empyrean as aWo divinis- simo e quieto, Conv. ii. 4^^ ; luogo quieto e pacifico, Conv. ii. 4^8 ; cielo quieto, Conv. ii. 146a ; ii sovrano edificio del mondo, Conv. ii. 436 ; spera suprema, Purg. xv. 52 ; Par. xxiii. 108 ; prima cielo, Purg. xxx. i ; primo giro, Par. iv. 34 ; primum caelum, Epist. x. 25, 26 ; ultima spera, Par. xxii. 62 ; caelum supremum, Epist. x. 24 ; decimo cielo, Conv. ii. i^^, 6101, 148S ; il del . . . Ch'i pien cTamore e piii ampio si spazia, Purg. xxvi. 62-3 ; il del che piii delta luce prende, Par. i. 4 ; il del sempre quieto, Nel qual si volge quel cK ha maggior fretta. Par. i. 122-3 ; il del delta divina pace. Par. ii. 112 ; il del piii chiaro, Par. xxiii. 102 ; il del ch' e pura luce. Par. xxx. 39. The nature of the Empyrean is thus ex- pounded by D. in the Convivio : — ' Fuori di tutti gli altri cieli, Ii Cattolici pongono lo Cielo Empireo, che tanto vuol dire, quanto cielo di fiamma ovvero luminoso ; e pongono esso essere immobile, per avere in s^, secondo ciascuna parte, ci6 che la sua materia vuole. . . . E questo quieto e paciiico cielo h lo luogo di quella somma Deita che Se sola compiutamente vede. Questo 6 lo luogo degli spiriti beati, secondo che la santa Chiesa vuole, che non pu6 dire menzogna. . . . Questo h il sovrano edificio del mondo, nel quale tutto il mondo s'inchiude, e di fuori dal quale nulla 6 : ed esso non h in luogo, ma formato fu solo nella prima Mente, la quale Ii Greci dicono Protonoe. Questo e quella magnificenza, della quale parl6 il Salmista, quando dice a Dio : Levata 6 la magnifi- cenza tua sopra Ii cieli.' (ii. 4"-".) The Heaven of the Empyrean is the tenth in D.'s conception of the Universe, Purg. xv. 52 ; Par. xxii. 62 ; xxiii. 108 ; Conv. ii. /^^, 61"!, 146a; Epist. x. 24 [Paradisoi]; resembles Theology, Conv. ii. 1468-*, i5i«6-?; it is pre- sided over by the Deity, Conv. ii. 699-102. On leaving the Crystalline Heaven D. and Beatrice ascend to the Empyrean, where a great brightness surrounds them (Par. xxx. 38-60); Paradise appears first as a river of hght {vv. 61-96); afterwards, as D. sees more clearly, it assumes the appearance of a vast white Rose, in which are the seats of the Blessed (Par. xxx. 97-xxxii. 84) ; B. points out to D. the seat prepared for the Emperor Henry VII (Par. xxx. 133-8) ; St. Bernard explains the arrange- ment of the seats, and points out, among the spirits already there, the Virgin Mary, Eve, Rachel, Beatrice, Sarah, Rebekah, Judith, Ruth, St. Anne, St. Lucy, Adam, Moses, St. Peter, St. John the Evangelist, St. John the Baptist, St. Francis, St. Benedict, and St. Augustine (Par. xxxi. 115-17; xxxii. 1-35) [Rosa]. After the manifestation of the Deity (Par. xxxiii. 76-108), the Trinity {vv. 109-26), and of Christ {vv. 127-39), the Vision ends. Cielo nono, [Cielo Cristallino.] ■ Cielo ottavo. [Cielo Stellato.] Cielo primo. [Luna, Cielo della.] Cielo quarto. [Sole, Cielo del.] Cielo quinto. [Marte, Cielo di.] Cielo secondo. [Mereurio, Cielo di.] Cielo sesto. [Giove, Cielo di.] Cielo settimo. [Saturno, Cielo di.] Cielo Stellato, the Starry Heaven, or Heaven of the Fixed Stars, V. N. % 2^0 ; Conv. ii. 3*3, 475^ 15I8 ; caelum stellatum, A. T. § 2i9 ; cielo delle Stelle Fisse, Cofiv. ii. 3^8, 48 ; la spera stellata, Conv. ii. 14^9 ; I'ottava spera, Conv. ii. 3^*, 14^9 ; Par. ii. 64 ; octavo sphaera, A. T. § 2i9-i0; r ottavo cielo, Conv. ii. 4*; lo del . . . che ha tante vedute. Par. ii. 115 ; il del, cut tanti lumi fanno bello, Par. ii. 130; il cerchio che piii tardi in cielo e torto, Purg. xi. 108 (cf. Conv. ii. 15) ; erroneously believed by Aristotle, who held that there were only eight Heavens, to be the outermost and last of the Heavens, Conv. ii. 319-26 . ptolemy, noticing its complex motion, conceived that there must be another Heaven beyond, viz. the Primum Mobile, Conv. ii. 386-45 ; the Heaven of the Fixed Stars the eighth in order of position, Conv. ii. 323-5^ 48-9 ; A. T. § 2i9 ; those of its stars which are nearest to its equator possessed of the greatest virtue, Conv. ii. 476-7 ; re- sembles Physics arid Metaphysics, Conv. ii. 14^9-62^ IJ4-121 . reasons for this resemblance, Conv. ii. 1513-121; the number of its stars estimated by the wise men of Egypt at 1,022, Conv. ii. 15I8-22 [stelle Fisse]; its Galaxy, Conv. ii. i54*-8(i [Galassia] ; one of its poles visible, the other invisible, Conv. ii. 1510-1I1 87-94 {^see below) ; its double motion, one from E. to W. (i. e. the daily motion of the heavens), and another hardly perceptible from W. to E. (i.e. the precession of the equinoxes), this latter being so slow that it only advances one degree in a hundred years, and hence the revolution [160] Cielo Stellato Cimabue will never be completed, the world being already in its last age, and only a little more than a sixth part of its revolution having been accomplished since the beginning of the world, Conv. ii. 1 512-1 *> 96-118 (^see below) ; if the motion of the Primum Mobile were to be sus- pended, and only this motion of the Starry Heaven to remain, a third part of the Heavens would not yet have been seen from the Earth, and the Sun and planets would be hidden for half their revolutions, Conv. ii. I jiss-sa [Clelo Cristallino] ; the Starry Heaven had moved one-twelfth part of a degree towards the E. since the birth of Beatrice (which took place therefore about eight years and four months before), V. N. § 28-12 [Beatrice]. D.'s information with regard to the two poles and the two motions of the Starry Heaven was borrowed from the Ekmenla Astronomica of Alfraganusj of the two celestial poles, he says :— ' Caelum . . . cum omnibus stellis convertitur circulari motu, super duobus polls, fixis et immotis : quorum alter in pla^a Doreali consistlt, alter in australi ' (the visible pole, of course, beinff the one in the northern region of the sky; the invisible, that in the southern region). (Cap. 2.) Of the two celestial motions he says : — ' Dice itaque duos in caelo observari principales motus : quorum primus totum versat caelum, facitque noctem et diem. Is namque circumagit Solem, et Lunam, omnesque Stellas reliquas ab oriente in occidentem, una quotidie con- versione . . . Motus autem secundus is est, quo Solem et Stellas versari cemimus ab occtdente in orientem, in partes primo motui contrarias.' (Cap. 5.) The nature of the second motion (from W. to E.) he explains as follows : — * Stellarum fixarum sphaera , . . cujus motus . . . est uni- versis stellis errantibus communis . . . ab occidente gyratur in orientem super zodiaci polls, centenis quibusque annis, ut Ftolemaei est sententia, per spatium unius gradus. £odem motu una convertuntur septem planetarum sphaerae ; ita ut . . . totum zodiacum percurrant annis 36000. (Cap. 13.) The astronomy of D.'s time, following Ptolemy, put the revolution of the Starry Heaven, i. e. the cycle of the precession of the equinoxes, at 36,000 years (a hundred years for each of the 360 degrees) ; this is too much, it being really 26,000 years. D.'s calculation, that only a little more than a sixth part of the revolution had been accom- plished since the beginning of the world, is based upon the belief that the creation took place five thousand years and more before the birth of Christ; so that in the thirteenth century A. D. more than six thousand years had elapsed, and the Heaven had moved through rather more than 60 degrees, or one-sixth of the whole circuit. (Orosius puts the period from Adam to Abraham at 3,184 years, and from Abraham to the Nativity at 2,015 years, making 5,199 years from the creation to the Nativity; this sum, with the addition of the 1,300 years of the Christian era, gives a total of 6,499 years.) The Heaven of the Fixed Stars is the eighth in D.'s conception of Paradise, Par. ii. 64 ; Conv. ii. 32*, 48, 1461 ; A. T. § ai^-i" [Para- dlsoi] I resembles Physics in three respects and Metaphysics also in three respects, (^onv. ii. I5*-I2i ; it is presided over by the Cherubim [Cherubini]. Inside of the Empyrean re- volves the Primum Mobile, in which originate the influences which are distributed by the Starry Heaven to the various spheres which make up the Universe, Par. i. 122-3 i "• 1 12-17. On leaving the Heaven of Saturn, D. and Beatrice ascend with incredible velocity to that of the Fixed Stars, entering it in the constella- tion of Gemini, under which D. was born (Par. xxii. 100-23) ; they here behold the triumph of Christ and the coronation of the Virgin Mary (Par. xxiii) ; St. Peter examines D. con- cerning the nature and matter of faith (Par. xxiv) ; St. James examines him concerning hope (Par. xxv. 1-96) ; St. John then appears {vv. 97-139), and examines him concerning love (Par. xxvi. 1-66) ; after which Adam ap- pears, who resolves certain doubts of D. re- specting the first state of man {vv. 67-142) ; then St. Peter inveighs against the iniquity of the Popes (Par. xxvii. 1-66) ; afterwards D. and B. ascend to the Crystalline Heaven (7/^.67-99). Cielo terzo. [Venere, Cielo di.] Cielo d'Alcamo. [Ciullo d'Aloamo.] Cimabue, Giovanni Cimabue, the great Florentine artist, and master of Giotto, com- monly regarded as the regenerator of painting in Italy ; he was born circ. 1 240, and died, not in 1300 as Vasari states, but in or after 1302, since he is proved by documentary evidence to have been painting in Pisa in that year ; he was buried in Santa Maria del Fiore at Florence. Oderisi (in Circle I of Purgatory) mentions him in illustration of the brief endurance of fame, that of C. having been speedily eclipsed by the fame of Giotto, Purg. xi. 94-6. Vasari says : — ' Oscurd Giotto veramente la fama di lui, non altrimenti che un lume grande faccia lo splendore d'un molto minora : perciocche, sebbene fu Cimabue quasi prima cagione della rinnovazione dell' arte della pittura ; Giotto nondimeno suo creato,mosso da lodevole ambizione ed aiutato dal cielo e dalla natura, fu quegli che, andando piii alto col pensiero, aperse la porta della verita a coloro che 1' hanno poi ridotta a quella perfezione e grandezza, in che la veggiamo al secolo nostro.' The Ottimo Comento (quoted by Vasari) says : — 'Fu Cimabue di Firenze pintore nel tempo di I'autore, molto nobile di piii che homo sapesse, et con questo fue si arogante et si disdegnoso, che si per alcuno Ii fusse a sua opera posto alcun fallo o difetto, o elli da sh V avessi veduto (che, come accade molte volte, I'artefice pecca per difetto della materia, in che adopra, o per mancamento ch' 6 nello strumento con che lavora), inmantenente quell' opra disertava, fussi cara quanto volesse.' Vasaj-i quotes an epitaph on C. (evidently [161] M Cinciunato Ciuo based upon Purg. xi. 94-5) which, he says, was placed in the Cathedral at Florence : — 'Credidit ut Cimabos picturae castra tenere, Sic tenuit, vivens ; nunc tenet astra poll.' C.'s portrait, according to Vasari, was intro- duced by Simone da Siena in one of his frescoes in the Spanish Chapel of Santa Maria Novella at Florence : — ' II ritratto di Cimabue si vede di mano di Simone Sanese, nel capitolo di Santa Maria Novella, fatto in profilo nella storia della Fede, in una figura che ha il vise magro, la barba piccola, rossetta ed appuntata, con un cappuccio secondo I'uso di quei tempi, che lo fascia intorno intorno e sotto la gola con bella nianiera. Quelle che gli 6 allato, 6 I'istesso Simone maestro di quell' opera, che si ritrasse da s6 con due specchi per far la testa in profilo, ribattendo I'uno nell'altro.' Cincinnato, Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus, one of the heroes of the old Roman republic, the Roman model of frugality and integrity ; he lived on his farm, which he cultivated him- self. In B.C. 458 he was called from the plough to assume the dictatorship, in order to deliver the Roman army from the Aequians ; having accomplished this task, and defeated the enemy, he returned to his farm, after holding the dic- tatorship only sixteen days. In 439 he was a second time appointed dictator, at the age of eighty. The Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of Mercury) mentions him in connexion with the exploits of the Roman Eagle, referring to him (in allusion to his surname Cincinnatus, i. e. ' shaggy-haired ') as Quimio che dal cirro Negletto fu nomato, Par. vi. 46-7 [Aquilai] ; he is mentioned again (as Cincinnato) by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars), who, speaking of the degenerate state of Florence, says that in his day such a person as Lapo Salterello would have been as great a marvel in that city as Cincinnatus would be now. Par. XV. 127-9 [Iiapo 2] ; his laying down of the dictatorship and voluntary return to the plough are referred to, Conv. iv. 5I30-4 j and, with a reference to Livy (iii. 28), though D. was more probably thinking of the account of Orosius (ii. 12, §§ 7, 8), and to Cicero (Fin. ii. 4), Mon. ii. 576-89. Cincinnatus, the dictator, Mon. ii. 576> 88. [Cincinnato.] Cino, Cino (i. e. Guittoncino) di ser Fran- cesco de' Sinibuldi of Pistoja, commonly known as Cino da Pistoja, the friend of D., and one of the principal poets of the new lyric school in Italy (which comprised, among others, Lapo Gianni, Dino Frescobaldi, Guido Orlandi, Gianni Alfani, Guido Cavalcanti, and Dante Alighieri), was born at Pistoja in 1270; he was a lawyer by profession, and was the author of several legal works, the most important of which is the Lectura in Codicem, a commentary on the first nine books of the Code of Justinian ; after studying at Pistoja (-vyhence he was exiled in 1307) and Bologna, he received his doctorate at Bologna (1314), and lectured on law succes- sively at Treviso (1318), Siena (1321), Florence (1324), Perugia (1326), where he had among his pupils the famous Bartolo da Sassoferrato, and Naples (1330). Towards the close of his life he returned to Pistoja, which he had re- visited at various intervals, and held several official posts in his native town, where he died at the end of 1336 or the beginning of 1337. He was buried in the Cathedral of San Jacopo at Pistoja, where a monument by Cellino di Nese of Siena was erected to him; on it is a bas-relief representing Cino lecturing to nine pupils, among them Francesco Petrarca, who afterwards composed a sonnet on his death. In politics Cino belonged to the Bianchi party, with decided GhibeUine leanings, as appears from the fact that he accompanied Duke Louis of Savoy as his assessor when the latter went to Rome in 1310 to make preparations for the reception of Henry VII of Luxemburg, on whose death , he wrote a poem in which he speaks of the Emperor as ' colui in cui virtute Com' in suo proprio loco dimorava.' Among Cino's friends, besides D., who in the De Vulgari Eloquentia usually speaks of him- self as 'amicus Cini' (V. E. i. loso, 1725. jj. 293, 549, 6'3), were Onesto da Bologna, Cecco d'Ascoli, Bosone da Gubbio, and his pupil Petrarca. Cino was one of those who replied to D.'s sonnet, ' A ciascun' alma presa, e gentil core ' (V. N. § 3^7) ; among numerous poems of his which have laeen preserved, several of them addressed to D., is a canzone on the death of Beatrice, and another on the death of D. him- self. His love-poems are said to have been inspired by his passion for Selvaggia^ daughter of Filippo Vergiolesi of Pitecchio, who after- wards married Focaccia de' Cancellieri of Pistoja. He himself married (in 1300) Mar- gherita degli Ughi, by whom he had five children. (See G. Carducci, Rime di Cino da Pistoja ; Bartoli, Lett. Jtal., iv. 1-133 ! ^^ D'Ancona and Bacci, Lett. ItaL, 1. 306-15.) D. addressed two sonnets to Cino (Son. xxxiv, xlvi) ; and a letter (' Exulanti Pistoriensi Florentinus ej ul immeritus ') in which he re- plies to C.'s inquiry whether the soul ' can pass from passion to passion ' (Epist. iv.) ; Cino is named. Son. xxxiv. 2 ; xlvi. 12 ; Cinus Pistori- ensis, V. E. i. loao, 133T, 1724-6; jj. 382, 5*7; Cinus, V. E. ii. 7.^^ ; Cinus de Pistorio, V. E. ii. 6'" ; he is addressed by D. as carissime, Epist. iv. I ; /rater carissime, Epist. iv. 5 ; his poems are quoted, V. E. ii. 2^2, 5*8^ 671 ; d. couples C. with himself as having written poems in the vulgar tongue, V. E. i. io28-3i | and with Guido Cavalcanti, Lapo Gianni, and himself, as having rejected the Tuscan dialect, [162] Cinus Pistoriensis Ciriatto C. being mentioned last on account of D.'s hatred to Pistoja, V. E. i. 13S3-9 ; the excellence of the vulgar tongue exemplified in the canzoni of C. and D., V. E. i. 17I8-26 ; c. the poet of love, D. the poet of rectitude, V. E. ii. 282-3 ; he and D. both made use of eleven-syllabled verses, V. E, ii. 539-50 ; and both employed the most excellent form of canzone, V. E. ii. e^f-s. Cinus Pistoriensis. [Cino.] Cinyras, King of Cyprus, son of Apollo, and father of Adonis by his own daughter Myrrha, who deceived him by disguising her- self as another woman. D. alludes to the incest of C. (the story of which is told by Ovid, Metam. x. 298 fif.), Inf. XXX. 38-41 ; and compares Florence to Myrrha, Epist. vii. 7. [Mirra.] Ciolus, Ciolo, said to be the name of one of the Florentine exiles who submitted to the degrading terms imposed upon those who were desirous of returning to Florence. D. says in his letter to a Florentine friend, in which he scornfully rejects any such terms for himself, that it would ill become a man who was familiar with philosophy to so far humiliate himself as to submit to be treated like a prisoner after the manner of Ciolo and other infamous wretches, 'more cujusdam Cioli et aliorum infamium,' Epist. ix. 3. This Ciolo is not improbably the Ciolo degli Abati, who, alone of his house, was expressly excepted by name (' Omnes de domo de Abba- tibus, excepto Ciolo ') from the decree known as the ' Riforma di messer Baldo d'Aguglione' issued in 131 1 (Sep. 2) against the contu- macious exiles, D. being one of them. (See Del Lungo, DeW Esilio di D., p. 137; Dino Comfagni, iii. p. 289, n. 2i^.) Some suppose the individual in question to be a certain Lippo Lapi Ciole, who among others is said to have been allowed to return to Florence in 1316 on condition that he should walk behind the Carroccio with a fool's cap on his head. (See Witte, Dante-Forschungen, i. 498.) A certain Ser Ciolo da Firenze is the hero of one of Sacchetti's tales {Nov. Ii) in which he plays a part somewhat resembling that ascribed to Ciacco in the Decamerone. [Ciacco.] Cione de' Tarlati. [Guooio de* Tarlati.] Ciotto di Gerusalemme. [Gerusa- lemme.] Cipri, Cyprus, the most easterly island in the Mediterranean ; mentioned by Pier da Medicina (in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII of Hell) together with Majorca, one of the most westerly, to indicate the whole length of the Mediterranean Sea, Inf.xxviii. 82 ; it is alluded to by the Eagle in the Heaven of Jupiter by the mention of two of its chief cities, Fama- gosta and Nicosia, with reference to the suffer- ings of the island under the misgovernment of Henry II of Lusignan, Par. xix. 145-7. [Ar- rigo 8 : Table v. A.] Benvenuto, apropos of this passage, launches out into a peculiarly fierce tirade against the luxury, effeminacy, and wantonness of Cyprus and its king : — ' Regnum Cypri . . . rixatur propter regem suum bestialiter viventem, qui rex non discordat, nee recedit a latere aliarum bestiarum, idest aliorum regum vitiosiorum. Et vera non discohaeret, et non dissociatur a vivere bestiali aliorum, immo vincit et excedit cum sua gente Cypri omnes reges et gentes regnorum christianitatis in superfluitate luxuriae, gulae, mollitiei, et in omni genere volup- tatum. Sed velle describere genera epularum, suraptuositatem, varietatem, et nimietatem, fasti- diosum asset narrare, et taediosum scribere et perniciosum audire. Idee viri sobrie et temper- anter viventes debent avertere oculos a videndo, et aures ab audiendo mores meretricales lubricos et foetidos insulae illius, quam permittente Deo nunc januenses invaserunt, expugnaverunt et male mulctaverunt.' Ciprigna, Cypriote, name applied by D. to the planet Venus, Cyprus having been regarded as , the birthplace of the goddess, Par. viii. 2 [Venere i] ; he explains how the name of Venus, goddess of love, came to be given to the planet, describing how the ancients worshipped not only her, but also her mother Dione, and her son Cupid, as being endowed with the power of inspiring love {%iv. 1-12) [Cupido : Dione]. Circe, the enchantress Circe, daughter of Helios (the Sun) and Perse, who dwelt in the island of Aeaea, upon which Ulysses was cast, and had the power of transforming men into beasts ; she is mentioned by Ulysses (in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of Hell), who describes how he sta.yed more than a year with her in the neighbourhood of Gaeta, before Aeneas had so named it, Inf. xxvi. 91-3 [Ulisse] : — 'Tu quoque litoribus nostris, Aene'ia nutrix, Aeternam moriens famam, Caieta, dedisti ; Ht nunc servat honos sedem tuus, ossaque nomen Hesperia in magna, si qua est ea gloria, signat . . . Proxuma Circaeae raduntur litora terrae.' {fAen. vii. 1-4, 10.) Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory) compares the inhabitants of the Valdarno to the men transformed by her into beasts, Purg. xiv. 40-2 [Arno] : — * Hinc exaudiri gemitus iraeque leonum, . . . Saetigerique sues, atque in praesepibus ursi Saevire, ac formae magnorum ululare luporum, Quos hominum ex facie dea saeva potentibus herbis Induerat Circe in voltus ac terga ferarum.* {Aen. vii. 15, 17-20.) Ciriatto, one of the ten demons in Bolgia S of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), deputed by Malacoda to escort D. and Virgil, Inf. xxi. 122; xxii. 55; he is represented as being tusked like a boar (' sannuto '), Inf. xxi. 122 ; and with- one of his tusks he rips up the bar- rator Ciampolo, Inf. xxii. 55-7 [Alichiuo: [163] M 2 Giro Civitate Dei, De Clampolo]. Philalethes renders the name ' Schweinsborst.' Giro, Cyrus the elder, founder of the Persian Empire, son of Cambyses, a Persian noble, and of Mandane, daughter of Astyages, King of Media; he led the Persians against Astyages, defeated him and took him prisoner, and became King of the Medes, B.C. 559; conquered the kingdom of Lydia and took Croesus prisoner, B.C. 546; conquered Babylon, B.C. 538; was defeated and slain in a battle against the Massagetae, a Scythian people, B. C. 529. D. includes him among the examples of defeated pride in Circle I of Purgatory, Purg. xii. 56 [Superbi] ; and refers to the story (for which his authority was Orosius, Hisi. ii. 7, § 6) of the vengeance of Tomyris, Queen of the Massagetae, whose son he had slain, how after his defeat and death she had his head cut off and thrown into a vessel filled with human gore, and mocked it, saying, ' For blood thou hast thirsted, drink thy fill' {vv. 55-7) ; his conquest of Babylon, and dream of universal empire, and his subsequent defeat and death at the hands of Tomyris, are referred to, Mon. ii. 9*3-8 [Orosio : Tamiri]. Cirra, Cirrha, town in Phocis, on the Cris- saean Gulf, about 15 miles S.W. of Delphi, often confused with Crissa, an inland town a few miles distant, of which it appears to have been the port ; both towns were inti- mately connected with Delphi, the seat of the oracle of Apollo, hence Cirrha was sometimes used as a synonym of Delphi (cf Statius, Tkeb. iii. 106, 455, 474). The name was also applied to one of the peaks of Parnassus, to that namely which was sacred to Apollo (the other, Nisa, being sacred to Bacchus), as is explained by Isidore of Seville in his Ori- gines : — ' Parnasus mons est Thessaliae, juxta Boeotiam, qui gemino vertice est erectus in caelum. Hie in duo finditur juga, Cirra et Nisa, unde et nuncu- patus, eo quod in singulis jugis colebantur Apollo et Liber.' (xiv. 8.) Hence Cirrha was also used as a synonym of Parnassus (cf. Statius, Theb. i. 62, ii. 63, iii. 611). [Parnaso.] D. mentions Cirrha in connexion with Apollo in his capacity as god of song, and suggests that he himself is but the forerunner of more mighty poets. Par. i. 35-6. Most of the old commentators are silent on the subject of Cirrha, but both the Ottimo Comento and Benvenuto hold that D.'s refer- ence is to one of the peaks of Parnassus : — ' II tempio d' Apollo, dove si viene a pregare, h in sul giogo di Parnaso detto Cirra ; e nell' altro giogo, detto Nisa, k il tempio di Bacco.'— ' Cirra, idest Apollo, qui colitur in Cirrha, altero jugo mentis Parnasi.' Citerea, Cytherea, name of Venus {Aen. i. 261, 661, &c.), who was so called from Cythera (now Cerigo), an island off the S.E. point of Laconia, near which she is said to have risen from the foam of the sea. D. applies the name to the planet Venus, the time indicated being the early morning before dawn, Purg. xxvii. 95. As a matter of fact in April, 1300, the assumed date of the Vision, Venus was not actually a morning-star, but rose after the Sun. [Venere^.] Cittk di Castello. Castellana Civitas. Ciu£fagni], one of the Florentine families which received knighthood from the Marquis Hugh of Brandenburg, ' il gran Barone,' Par. xvi. 128. [Gangalandi.] CiuUo d'Alcamo], the author (called by some Cielo d'Alcamo or Cielo dal Camo) of the poem, the third line of which (' Tragemi d'este focora, se t' este a boluntate,' or, ac- cording to the reading of Cod. Vat. 3793, the only MS. in which the poem has been pre- served, ' Trami d'este focora se t' este a bolon- tate ') is quoted by D. as an example of the Sicilian dialect as spoken by the lower classes, V. E. i. 1250. Alcamo is a town in the N.W. of Sicily, about 25 miles S.W. of Palermo, and 7 S.E. of Castellamare. CiuUo, according to Nan- nucci, represents the Sicilian Nzullo, an abbre- viation of VincenciuUo, VincenzuUo, the dimi- nutive of Vincenzio. The poem, which consists of thirty-two stanzas of five lines each (riming aaa bb, ccc dd, &c.), is in the form of a dialogue (' contrasto ') between a lover and his mistress, and was written, as is proved by internal evidence, between 123 1 and 1250, so that the author was a contemporary of the Emperor Frederick II. (See D'Ancona and Comparetti, Rime Antiche Volgari, i. 165-377 ; Monad, Crest. Ital., 106-9 ; and Nannucci, Lett. Ital., \. 1-15.) . Civitas Castellana. [Castellana Civi- tas.] Civitate Dei, De, St. Augustine's work (in twenty-two books) On the City of God, an apologetic treatise (written between 413 and 426) in vindication of Christianity and the Christian Church ; his comparison of the significant and insignificant parts of a narrative to the share and other parts of a plough, Mon. iii. 451-9 [Civ. Dei, xvi. 2) : — ' Non sane omnia, quae gesta narrantur, aliquid etiam significare putanda sunt ; sed propter ilia, quae aliquid significant, etiam ea, quae nihil significant, adtexuntur. Solo enim vomere terra proscinditur ; sed ut hoc fieri possit, etiam cetera aratri membra sunt necessaria ' — a passage which is quoted, in a mutilated form, by Boccaccio in his Comento at the close of Leeione vi. Though D. only once quotes ihtDe Civitate [164] Claudianus Clemente Dei by name, he was evidently familiar with the work, from which he derived details, for in- stance, as to Pythagoras, the Seven Sages of Greece, &c. [Agostino 2.] Claudianus], Claudian (Claudius Claudi- anus), the last of the Latin classic poets ; he was born at Alexandria arid came to Italy in A. D. 395, where he enjoyed the patronage of Stilicho, the famous general of the Emperor Theodosius I ; he diedcirc. 408. C, who was a jjagan, wrote a number of poems, many of which are extant, remarkable for the purity of their Latin. A quotation from his De Bella Gildonico, ' minuit praesentia famam' {v. 385), occurs in the so-called letter of D. to Guido da Polenta, in which the passage is erroneously ascribed to Virgil ; for this reason, among others, the authenticity of this letter is suspected. Some think D. borrowed from Claudian's De Raptu Proserpinae (ii. 262) his description of Proserpine, Purg. xxviii. 50-1 ; but his authority here was Ovid {Metam. v. 385-401), and it is doubtful whether he had any ac- quaintance with Claudian. (See Academy, Dec. 2, 1893.) Clemens, Pope Clement V, Epist. v. 10. [Clemente 2.] Clemente 1, Clement JV (Guy Foulquois), a native of Languedoc ; created Cardinal (by Urban IV, whom he succeeded), 1261; elected Pope at Perugia, Oct. 8, 1264 ; died at Viterbo, Nov. 29, 1268. Manfred (in Antepurgatory) mentions him in connexion with the Bishop of Cosenza, who by his orders disinterred M.'s body from its grave beneath the heap of stones at the bridge of Benevento, and had it cast outside the limits of the kingdom of Naples, Purg. iii. 124-9 [Benevento : ManfrediJ. Some think Clement IV is included among the Popes mentioned by Nicholas III (in Bolgia 3 of Circle VIII of Hell), Intxix. 73-4 [Niocold^]. Clemente 2], Clement V (Bertrand de Goth), a native of Gascony ; appointed Arch- bishop of Bordeaux by Boniface VIII, 1299 ; elected Pope (in his absence) at Perugia, June 5, 1305, in succession to Benedict XI ; crowned at Lyons, Nov. 14 of the same year ; died at Roquemaure, near Avignon, April 20, 1314. It was during the Pontificate of Cle- ment V, who appears never to have entered Italy, that the Papal See was removed to Avignon, where it remained in what Italian writers call the ' Babylonian Captivity,' for over seventy years ; at the end of which period (i378)theGreatSchismtook place, ClementVII reigning as Pope at Avignon, Urban VI at Rome. The Schism came to an end with the election of Alexander V in 1409. Clement owed his election to an intrigue between Philip the Fair and the French party among the Cardinals. After a long contest between the latter, headed by Napoleone degli Orsini and the Cardinal Niccol6 da Prato, and the partisans and kindred of Boniface VIII, headed by Matteo degli Orsini and Francesco Gaetani, a compromise was arrived at. It was agreed that one party should nominate three Ultramontane (Northern) prelates, not members of the Sacred College, and that the other party should within forty days elect one of these to the Papacy. The Gaetani party having named three Archbishops (among them the Archbishop of Bordeaux), of whom they felt sure, as they had all been appointed by Boniface VIII, Niccol6 da Prato made up his mind that their choice should fall upon the Archbishop of Bordeaux. He at once entered into secret communications with Philip the Fair, and brought about an interview between him and the Archbishop, in the course of which the King told the latter that he had it in his power to make him Pope, but that he must first agree to six conditions. These having been named, with the exception of the last (relating probably to the suppression of the Templars), which the King kept secret, the Archbishop gave his consent to them, pledging himself in a solemn oath upon the Host, and delivering up his brother and two nephews as hostages. The result of the inter- view having been communicated to the French Cardinals, the Archbishop of Bordeaux was unanimously chpsen Pope, the Gaetani party remaining in entire ignorance of the intrigue by which the election had been brought about. ' II savio e provveduto cardinale da Prato si pens£>, che meglio si potea fornire il loro intendi- mento a prendere messer Ramondo del Gotto arcivescovo di Bordello, che nullo degli altri, con tutto che fosse creatura del papa Bonifazio, e non amico del re di Francia, per offese fatte a' suoi nella guerra di Guascogna per messer Carlo di Valos ; ma conoscendolo uomo vago d'onore e di signoria, e ch' era Guascone, che naturalmente sono cupidi, che di leggieri si potea pacificare col re di Francia ; e cosi presono il partito segreta- mente, e per saramento egli e la sua parte del coUegio . . . e per fidati e buoni corrieri ordinati per gli loro mercatanti (non sentendone nulla I'altra parte), mandarono da Perugia a Parigi in undici di, ammonendo e pregando il re di Francia per lo tenore delle loro lettere, che s' egli volesse racquistare suo stato in santa Chiesa, e rilevare i suoi amici Colonnesi, che '1 nimico si facesse ad amico, ci6 era messer Ramondo del Gotto arcives- covo di Bordello, I'uno de' tre eletti piii confident! deir altra partej' cercando e trattando con lui patti larghi per se e per gli amici suoi, perocche in sua mano era rimessa la lezione dell' uno di que' tre cui a lui piacesse. Lo re di Francia avute le dette lettere e commissioni, fu molto allegro e sollecito alia impresa. In prima mandate lettere amichevoli per messi in Guascogna a messer Ramondo del Gotto arcivescovo di Bordello, che gli si facesse incontro, che gli volea parlare . . . e udita insierae [165] Clemente Clemente la messa, e giurata in su I'altare credenza, lo re parlamenta con lui, e con belle parole, di ricon- ciliarlo con messer Carlg, e poi si gli disse : Vedi arcivescovo, i' ho in mia mano di poterti fare papa s' io voglio, e per6 sono venuto a te : e perci6, se tu mi prometterai di farmi sei grazie ch' io ti domanderd, io ti fard questo onore : e acciocchfe tu sie certo ch' io n' ho il podere, — trasse fuori e mostrogli le lettere e le commissioni dell' uno coUegio de' cardinal! e dell' altro. II Guascone covidoso della dignita papale, veggendo cosi di subito come nel re era al tutto di poterlo fare papa, quasi stupefatto dell' allegrezza gli si gittd a' piedi, e disse ; Signore mio, ora conosco che m' ami piii che uomo che sia, e vuoimi rendere bene per male : tu hai a comandare e io a ubbidire, e sempre sard cosi disposto. Lo re il rilevd suso, e basciollo in bocca, e poi gli disse : Le sei speziali grazie ch' io voglio da te sono queste. La prima, che tu mi riconcili perfettamente coUa Chiesa, e facci perdonare del misfatto ch' io commisi della presura di papa Bonifazio. II secondo, di ri- comunicare me e' miei seguaci. II terzo articolo, che mi concedi tutte le decime del reame per cinque anni per aiuto alle mie spese c' ho fatte per la guerra di Fiandra. II quarto, che tu mi prometti di disfare e annullare la memoria di papa Bonifazio. II quinto, che tu renda I'onore del cardinalato a messer Jacopo e a messer Piero della Colonna, e rimettigli in stato, e fai con lore insieme certi miei amici cardinali. La sesta grazia e pro- messa mi riservo a luogo e a tempo, ch' & segreta e grande, L'arcivescovo promise tutto per sara- mento in sul Corpus Domini, e oltre a ci6 gli die' per istadichi il fratello e due suoi nipoti ; e lo re giur6 a lui e promise di farlo eleggere papa.' (Villani, viii. 80.) Having been elected under these circum- stances, Clement naturally, as Pope, was little more than a creature of the French king, whose behests he was forced to carry out one after the other. The condemnation of Boniface VII I, however, he managed to avoid, Philip's atten- tion being diverted to a more profitable matter, viz. the plundering and ultimate suppression of the Order of the Templars. ' Per sua avarizia si mosse il re, e si ordm6 e fecesi promettere segretamente al papa, di disfare I'ordine de' tempieri, opponendo contro a loro molti articoli di resia: ma piii si dice che fu per trarre di loro molta moneta, e per isdegni presi col maestro del tempio e coUa magione. II papa per levarsi d'addosso il re di Francia, per la richesta ch' egli avea fatta del condannare papa Bonifazio . . . o ragione o torto che fosse, per piacere al re egli assenti di ci6 fare.' (Villani, viii. 92.) When in 1308, on the assassination of the Emperor Albert of Austria, the Imperial crown became vacant, Clement was pressed by Philip to support (as some suppose, in fulfilment of the secret sixth condition of his election) the candidature of his brother, Clement's old enemy, Charles of Valois. Ostensibly the Pope com- plied, but, dreading any further extension of the formidable power of France, he secretly exerted all his influence against Charles, and favoured the claims of his rival, Henry of Luxemburg, who was elected as Henry VII. When the new Emperor descended into Italy to assert his imperial rights Clement for a time loyally co-operated with him ; but, yielding to the menaces of the French king, he gradually withdrew his support, leaving Henry to carry out his task alone, unaided, if not actually opposed, by the Papal influence. Clement survived the Emperor he had betrayed less than a year, his death having been hastened, according to Villani, by his apprehensions as to the fate in store for him in the next world, which had been revealed to him through witch- craft, by means of a vision. ' Nell' anno 1314 di 20 d'Aprile, mori papa Clemente. . . . Questi fu uomo molto cupido di moneta, e simoniaco, che ogni beneficio per danari s'avea in sua corte, e fu lussurioso ; che palese si dicea, che tenea per arnica la contessa di Pelagorga bellissima donna, figliuola del conte di Fusci. E lascib i nipoti e suo lignaggio con grandissimo e innumerabile tesoro : e dissesi che, vivendo il detto papa, essendo morto uno suo nipote cardinale cui egli molto amava, costrinse uno grande maestro di negromanzia che sapesse che dell' anima del nipote fosse. II detto maestro fatte sue arti, uno cappellano del papa molto sicuro fece portare a' dimonia, i quali il menarono alio 'nferno, e mostrargli visibilemente uno palazzo iv' entro uno letto di fuoco ardente, nel quale era I'anima del detto suo Jiipote morto, dicendogli, che per la sua simonia era cosi giudicato. E vide nella visione fare un altro palazzo alia 'ncontra, il quale gli fu detto si facea per papa Clemente ; e cosi rapportb il detto cappellano al papa, il quale mai poi non fu allegro, e poco vivette appresso : e morto lui, e lasciatolo la notte in una chiesa con grande luminara, s'accese e arse la cassa, f '1 corpo sua dalla cintola in giii.' (ix. 59.) D. assigns to Clement, who is not mentioned by name in the D. C, a place among the simoniacal Popes in Bolgia 3 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xix. 82-7 [Simoniaoi] ; Nicholas III, who is already in Hell, foretells his coming there next after Boniface VIII (the intervening Pope, Benedict XI, having by his uprightness escaped condemnation), speaking of him as ' a lawless pastor from the Westward' (i.e. from Gascony) 'of fouler works' than Boniface (vv. 82-4) ; and alludes to his deal- ings with Philip the Fair in the matter of his election to the Papacy, comparing him to Jason, ' who laboured underhand to be high- priest ' {Mace. iv. 7) by bribing King Antiochus (vv. 85-7) [Antioeo : Jasone 2 : Niooold ^] ; his dealings with Philip are alluded to again (by Hugh Capet in Circle V of Purgatory) with especial reference to the destruction of the Templars, Purg. xx. 91-3 [Templari] ; and also in the mystical Procession in the Terrestrial Paradise, in which the Church, [166] Clemenza Climene with especial reference to Boniface VIII and Clement V, is figured as a whore ('puttana sciolta,' 'fuia'), which dallies with a giant (Philip IV), Purg. xxxii. 148-56 ; the removal of the Papal See to Avignon being alluded to, w. i57-6o[I'ilippo2 : Processione] ; Caccia- guida (in the Heaven of Mars) refers to his betrayal of the Emperor Henry VII, and in allusion to his nationality speaks of him as il Guasco, Par. xvii. 82 [Arrigo^] ; St. Peter (in the Heaven of Fixed Stars), in reference to the sirnonyand extortions of him and John XX 1 1 (a native of Cahors), says ' Del sangue nostro Caorsini e Guaschi S'apparecchian di here,' Par. xxvii. 58-9 [Caorsino : Guasco] ; finally, Beatrice (in the Empyrean) denounces C.'s treachery to Henry VII (these being her last words in the poem), foretelling that his death (April 20, 1314) shall follow hard upon that of the Emperor (Aug. 24, 1313), and that for his simony he shall be thrust into Hell, making Boniface VIII go lower down, Par. xxx. 142-8 [Bonifazioi]. p. mentions Clement in his letter to the Princes of Italy, in connexion with his support of Henry VII in Italy, Epist. v. 10 ; and refers, in his letter to the Italian Cardinals, to his death, and his removal of the Papal See to Avignon, Epist. viii. 10, 11. Some think D.'s apostrophe, Par. xviii. 130-6, is addressed to Clement V, but the latter was alreadydead when this passage was written; the Pope in question is John XXII. [Q-iovanni XXII.] Clemenza, Clemence, either the widow or the daughter of Charles Martel of Hungary, apostrophized by D. as bella Clemenza, Par. ix. I [Carlo 3]. There is considerable doubt as to which Clemence D. is here address- ing. Charles' widow, Clemence of Hapsburg, daughter of the Emperor Rudolf I, died in 1 301, the year after the assumed date of the Vision, but long before the Paradiso was written. Charles' daughter Clemence, who married Louis X of France, and was still living in 1328, at the assumed date of the Vision can have been only seven or eight years old. The large majority of commentators take the refer- ence to be to the latter, since it is difficult to understand how D., in his own person, could address, as still living, Charles' widow, who had been dead some twenty years at the time at which he was writing. On the other hand, D. refers to Charles Martel in his apo- strophe to Clemence as 'Carlo tuo' (■Z'. l), which is an unusual and unnatural way of speaking to a daughter of her father ; not a few of the commentators, therefore, decide in favour of the elder Clemence, including Pietro di Dante (who, however, speaks of her as 'filia_ regis Alberti de Austria'), and Benvenuto ('dirigens sermonem ad Clenientiam uxorem Caroli, autor dicit . . . Carlo tuo, vir tuus pulcer dilectus'). Cleobulo, Cleobulus, of Lindus in Rhodes (circ. B.C. 580); one of the Seven Sages of Greece, Conv. iii. 11*". [Biante.] Cleopa],the disciple Cleophas, one of the two to whom Christ appeared on the road to Em- maus after His resurrection {Luke-xsiw. 13-35) 5 alluded to, Purg. xxi. 8. Cleopatra, Queen of Egypt, daughter of Ptolemy Auletes, celebrated for her beauty. At the death of her father (B.C. 51) she became joint sovereign with her brother Ptolemy, but was expelled from the throne by the guardians of the latter. She was replaced upon the throne by Julius Caesar, by whom she had a son, Caesarion. After Caesar's death she became the mistress of Mark Antony, and was present with him at the battle of Actium, where he was defeated by Octavianus. She then fled to Alexandria, and, Antony having stabbed himself, tried to gain the love of Augustus ; but failing in this, and seeing that he was determined to carry her captive to Rome, she put an end to her life with the poison of an asp (b. c. 30). The dynasty of the Ptolemies thus came to an end in Egypt, which now became a Roman province. D. places C. among the Lustful, together with Dido, in Circle 11 of Hell, speaking of her as Cleopatra lussuriosa, Ipf. v. 63 [Lussu- riosi] ; the Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of Mercury) mentions her jn connexion with the victories of the Roman Eagle, and refers to her flight from Actium and to her death, Par. vi. 76-8 [Aquila i]. Cleopatras. [Cleopatra.] Cleto, Cletus (or Anacletus), Bishop of Rome from 76 (or 78) to 88 (or 90), successor of Linus, who is held to have been the im- mediate successor of St. Peter [Lino i]. C, who was martyred under Domitian, is mentioned by St. Peter (in the Heaven of Fixed Stars), together with Linus, in connexion with their martyrdom and his own. Par. xxvii. 41. . Climen^, Clymene, mother of Phaethon by Phoebus ; D. compares himself, in his un- certainty as to what Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) was going to prophesy about his fate, to Phaethon, when he went to his mother Clymene to learn if he were really the son of Phoebus, Par. xvii. 1-6. Phaethon's comrade, Epaphus, having in- sinuated that he was not the son of Phoebus, C. swears to him by Phoebus himself that he is truly the son of the god, and urges him to go and ask Phoebus in person. The result is that Phaethon induces his father to let him drive his chariot, an enterprise that proves fatal to him [Fetonte]. D. got the story from Ovid : — [167] CU6 CoUe ' Fu!t huic (Epapho) animis aequalis et annis Sole satus Phaethon, quem quondam magna loquentem, Nee sibi cedentem, Phoeboque parente superbum, Non tulit Inachides : MatriquCj ait, omnia demens Credis ; et es tnmidas genitons imagine falsi. — Erubnit Phaethon, iramque pndore repressit ; Et tulit ad Clymenen Epaphi convicia matrem: Quoque magis doleas, genitrix, ait, ille e^o liber, lUe ferox tacui ; pudet naec opprobria nobis Et dici potuisse, et non potuisse repelli. At tu SI modo sum caelesti stirpe creatus, Ede notam tanti generis; meque assere caelo. — Dixit, et implicuit materno brachia collo.' {Metam. i. 750 ff.) Clid, Clio, the muse of History; mentioned by Virgil, addressing Statius (in Purgatory), in reference to the fact that the latter had invoked her at the beginning of the Thebaid (i. 41 ; cf. X. 630), thus proving that he was a pagan, Purg. xxii. 58. Cloelia, Roman maiden, one of the hostages given to Porsena, King of Clusium, who made her escape and swam across the Tiber to Rome, but was sent back by the Romans. Porsena was so struck with her exploit that he set her at liberty, together with some of the other hostages. D. refers to the incident of her escape, his account being borrowed from that of Orosius, whose description (ii. 5, § 3) of Cloelia's ' admi- rabilis transmeati fluminis audacia' he echoes, Mon. ii. 465-70, Cloto, Clotho, the spinning fate, the youngest of the three fates, who at the birth of every mortal was supposed to wind on the distaff of Lachesis, the allotting fate, a certain amount of yarn, the duration of the individual's life being determined by the length of time it took to spin. [Atropds.] Clotho and Lachesis are mentioned by Virgil, who explains to Statius (in Purgatory) that D.'s life has not yet run its course, Purg. xxi. 25-7. [Lachesis.] Clugni, Cluny, town in France, about 10 miles N.W. of Macon, the site of a famous Benedictine abbey, founded in 910 ; it had 2,000 monastic communities directly under its sway in France, Italy, Spain, England, and other parts of Europe, the inmates of which formed the congregation of Cluniac monks. A few modem add. (e.g. Witte and Phil- alethes) read Clugni, instead of Cologna (the reading of most of tie old edd.), Inf. xxiii. 63. [Cologna.] Cocito, Cocytus, ' named of lamentation loud Heard on the rueful stream,' river of Hell, whose waters are frozen and form a vast sheet of ice in the nethermost pit, in which, im- mersed to various depths, and in various postures, are placed the four classes of Traitors, Inf xiv. 119; xxxi. 123; xxxiii. 156; xxxiv. 52; stagno, Ini. xiv. 119 (cf. Aen. vi. 323); lago, Inf. xxxii. 23 ; la ghiaccia,\xil.-xxx\\.^e,\ xxxiv. ^9 i la- gelatina, Inf. xxxii. 60 ; i gelati guazzi, v. 72 ; Id. dove i peccatori stanno freschi, v. 117; la [168] gelata, Inf. xxxiii. 91 ; lafredda crosta, v. 109 ; le gelate croste, Inf xxxiv. 75. [Traditori.] Like Acheron, Styx, and Phlegethon, C. owes its origin to the tears of the ' gran veglio di Creta' (Inf. xiv. 1 12-19) [Greta] ; these unite in a stream which under various names flows down to the bottom of Hell, where it forms Cocytus, the waters of which are col- lected into a lake, and frozen by the wind generated by the wings of Lucifer (Inf. xxxiv. 46-52) [Piumi Infernali : Lucifero]. Coelo, De. {Caelo, De.] ColchJ, Colchians, inhabitants of Colchis ; mentioned by Virgil, in connexion with the expedition of Jason and the Argonauts in search of the golden fleece, Inf. xviii. 87. [Coloo : Jasone 1.] Colchus, Colchian ; vellera colcha, ' the golden fleece,' Eel. ii. i. [Colco.] Colco, Colchis, country of Asia, bounded on the W. by the Euxine, on the N. by the Caucasus, on the E. by Asian Iberia ; famous as the land to which Jason and the Argonauts sailed in search of the golden fleece. D. mentions it in connexion with the Argo- nauts, whom he speaks of as Quel gloriosi che passaro a Colco, Par. ii. 16 ; he here warns his readers that their wonder at the contents of the Paradiso will surpass that of the Argonauts 'when they saw Jason turned ploughman' {vv. 17-18) [Argonaut!]. There is pjobably a reminiscence of Ovid (Metam. vii. 120) : — 'Mirantur Colchi; Minyae clamoribus implent, Adjiciuntque animos; but D. has transferred the ' wonder ' from the Colchians to the companions of Jason [Jasone i]. Colle, town in Tuscany, in the Valdelsa, situated on a hill about 10 miles N.W. of Siena, and 14 E. of Volterra. It was the scene of a battle (June, 1269) in which the Sienese Ghibellines, with a mixed force of Germans and Spaniards, under Provenzano Salvani (who was slain) and Count Guido Novello, were defeated by the Florentine Guelfs with the help of some of the French troops of Charles of Anjou. Colle is mentioned by Sapla (in Circle II of Purgatory) in connexion with this engagement, Purg. xiii. 115. [Sapla: Pro- venzano Salvani.] By this victory the Florentines avenged the disastrous defeat of Montaperti nine years before : — ' Gli anni di Cristo 1269 nel mese di Giugno, i Sanesi, ond' era governatore messere Provenzano Salvani di Siena, col conte Guido Novello, colle masnade de' Tedeschi e di Spagnuoli, e con gli usciti ghibellini di Firenze e dell' altre terre di Toscana, e coUa forza de' Pisani, i quali erano in quantita di millequattrocento cavalieri e da ottomila pedoni, si vennono ad oste al castello di Colle di Valdelsa, il quale era alia guardia de' Fiorentini. CoUina Porta Colonue, Guido delle . . . E postisi a campo alia badia a Spugnole, e venuta in Firenze la novella il venerdi sera, il sabato mattina messer Giambertaldo vicario del re Carlo per la taglia di Toscana si parti di Firenze coUe sue masnade, il quale allora avea in Firenze seco da quattrocento cavalieri franceschi ; e sonando la campana, i Guelfi di Firenze seguendolo a ca- vallo e a piede, giunsono in Colle la cavalleria la domenica sera, e trovarsi intorno di ottocento cavalieri, o meno, con poco popolo, perocch^ cosi tosto, come i cavalieri, non poterono giugnere a Colle. . . . Sentendo i Sanesi la venuta della cavalleria di Firenze, si levarono da campo dalla detta badia per recarsi in piii salvo luogo. Messer Giambertaldo veggendogli mutare il campo, sanza attendere piii gente, passb coUa cavalleria il ponte, e schierata sua gente coUa cavalleria di Firenze, e quello popolo che v' era giunto, e' CoUigiani (ma per la subita venuta de' Fiorentini nuUo ordine aveano di capitani d'oste, nS d'insegna del comune) . . . bene awenturosamente, come piacque a Dio, ruppono e sconfissono i Sanesi e loro amista. . . , II conte Guido Novello si fuggi, e messere Pro- venzano Salvani signore e guidatore dell' oste de' Sanesi fu preso, e tagliatogli il capo, e per tutto il campo portato fitto in su una lancia. ... In questa battaglia i guelfi di Firenze fecero grande uccisione de' nemici per vendetta di loro parenti e amici che rimasono alia sconfitta a Montaperti ; quasi nullo o pochi ne menarono a pregioni, ma gli misono a morte e alle spade ; onde la citta di Siena, a comparazione del suo popolo, ricevette maggiore danno de' suoi cittadini in questa sconfitta, che non fece Firenze a quella di Montaperti.' (Villani, vii. 31 .) Collina Porta, the Colline gate, the most N. of the gates of ancient Rome, close to the Quirinal and Viminal hills ; Lucan's mention of it [Phars. ii. 13S), in connexion with the battle between the Samnites and the Romans under Sulla (B.C. 82), quoted, Mon. ii. li**. [Sanniti.] Cologna, Cologne on the Rhine ; men- tioned by D. in his description of the Hypo- crites, who, he says, had ' cowls with hoods down in front of their eyes shaped Hke those worn by the monks of Cologne,' Inf. xxiii. 61-3. [Ipooriti.] According to the old commentators the hoods worn by the Cologne monks were pecu- liarly ungainly, and were so fashioned by order of the Pope as a punishment for their pre- sumption in having petitioned for leave to wear scarlet cowls and other decorations. Lana says : — ' t. da sapere che elli h uno ordine di monaci Ii quali hanno lo capo in Cologna, che e in Alemagna ed 6 molto ricchissima e nobilissima badia quella ; il quale abbate gia piii tempo sentendosi esser signer di tanto ordine ed avere, cresce per arro- ganzia in tanta audacia che elli and6 ricchissima- mente a corte di messer lo papa, e a lui domandd, facendoli notevile lo suo essere, che Ii piacesse di darli parola ed eziandio fare scrivere in canone, che I'abbate del detto luogo potesse avere la cappa di scarlatto e '1 cappuccio ; ancora, che le manu- brette delle sue cinture fosseno d'argento sovra dorate. Udito lo papa cosi inonesta domanda, procedette verso lui che elli e Ii suoi frati non potesseno avere cappe se non nere e di panno non foUato, e avesseno quelle cappe dinanzi e di drieto tanto lunghe, ch' elli menasseno coda per derisione di loro ; ancora che Ii cappucci delle predette cappe fosseno si grandi ch' elle tenesseno una misura di formento, che 6 tanto quanto k uno staro ; e per quell' arroganzia del detto abbate, die volea alle sue cinture guarnimento d'argento e d'oro, che non potesse avere nh elli nfe Ii suoi frati, overo monaci, altro guarnimento ad esse se non di legno. E a quel tempo in qua hanno quelli monaci e '1 suo abbate tenuto e usato tale abito.' Zamboni (in Gli Ezzelini, Dante e gli Schiavi) identifies the Cologna mentioned here, not with the German town, but with a village of that name in the neighbourhood of Verona, which he says was in D.'s time the centre of a woollen industry for the manufac- ture of monks' cowls; while Philalethes and Witte, reading Clugnl (for which there appears to be very slight authority) instead of Cologna, take the reference to be to the famous Bene- dictine abbey of Cluny in France. [Clugni.] Cologna, Alberto di, Albert of Cologne, i. e. Albertus Magnus, Par. x. 98. [Alberto 1.] Colonia. [Cologna.] Colonna, Egidio. [Egidio 2.] Colonna, Jacopo], one of the Colonna cardinals deprived by Boniface VIII ; alluded to as the colleague of Napoleone Orsini, ' col- lega Ursi,' Epist. viu. 10. [Colonnesi : Or- sini, Napoleone.] Colonna, Pietro], one of the Colonna cardinals deprived by Boniface VIII ; alluded to as the colleague of Napoleone Orsini, ' col- lega Ursi,' Epist. viii. 10. [Colonnesi : Or- sini, Napoleone.] Colonna, Sciarra], one of the leaders in the attack upon Boniface VllI at Anagni ; he and William of Nogaret are alluded to by Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory) as ' vivi ladroni,' Purg. xx. 90. [Alagna : Boni- fkzio 1 : Colonnesi : Guglielmo di No- garet.] Colonne, Guido delle, a judge of Messina in Sicily, who belonged to the Sicilian school of poetry which flourished under the Emperor Frederick II and his son Manfred. Besides poems Guido also wrote a romance of Troy in Latin prose, the Historia Trojana, which was widely popular in the Middle Ages ; it was avowedly compiled from the apocryphal his- tories be Excidio Trojae and De Bella Trojano of Dares and Dictys, but is in reality a more or less close translation of the O. F. Roman de Troie (written circ. 1160) of Benott de Sainte-More. This history (which is said to have been undertaken at the instance of Matteo della Porta, Archbishop of Palermo, [169] Colonne di Ercole Colonnesi 1263-1272) is in twenty-eight books, of which the first was written about 1270, and all the others in Sep.-Nov. 1287; the interruption in the work was caused by Guido's having ac- companied Edward I to England, when the latter was on his way home from the Crusade after the death of Henry III. In 1276 (or perhaps earlier) Guido was made Judge of Messina, whence he is commonly known as Guido delle Colonne, Giudice di Messina. According to an English chronicler he was still alive during the pontificate of Nicholas IV (1288-1292). Guido was well known in Eng- land ; he is mentioned by Chaucer in the Hous of Fame as ' Guido de Columpnis ' (iii. 379), while his Historia Tfojana was trans- lated into Middle English under the name of the ' Geste Hystoriale ' of the Destruction of Troy (E. E. T. S. 1869-74). A small number of Guido's poems has been preserved, including two (printed by Nannucci, Lett. Ital., i. 73-81, and by Monaci, Crest. Jtal., 218-23) which are quoted by D. The origin of Guido's surname delle Colonne is uncertain. Gorra thinks that it was derived from the old name (' Columnae Herculis ') of Terranova on the S. coast of Sicily, to which Guido himself refers in his Historia (Bk. xiii). Monaci, on the other hand, holds that Guido was not a Sicilian at all, but belonged to a branch of the Roman Colonna family, the title 'Judex Messanae,' by which he is referred to in Sicilian documents, being of itself sufficient proof that he was not a native of Messina, it being the recognized custom at that time to appoint judges from outside. (This, however, is contested by Torraca, Giorn. Dant., V. 145-74.) Gaspary doubts the identity of the poet with the author of the Historia Trojana, and suggests that the latter was the son of Guido delle Colonne the poet. (See D'Ancona and Bacci, Lett. Hal., i. 39-40.) D. (who makes no reference to the Historia Trojana) quotes, but without mentioning the author's name, the first lines of two of Guido's canzoni (' Ancor che I'aigua per lo foco lassi,' and ' Amor che lungamente m' hai menato ') as examples of the lofty style of Sicilian poetry, V. E. i. I2i2> 14 . the latter line is quoted again as an instance of the use of the eleven-syllabled line, the author's name being given ^5 Judex de Columnis de Messina, V. E. ii. 5*3~*. Some think that Guido delle Colonne is one of the Guidi referred to by Oderisi (in Circle I of Purgatory), Purg. xi. 97-8. [Guido *.] Colonne di Ercole], the 'Columns of Hercules,' i.e. Mt. Abyla in N. Africa and Mt. Calpe (Gibraltar) in Spain, so called from the tradition that they were originally one moun- tain, which was torn asunder by Hercules ; they were supposed to mark the W. limit of the habitable world. Brunetto Latino says : — ' En Espaigne ... est la fins de la terre, selonc ce que les anciennes gens proverent, et meisme- ment le tesmoigne la terre de Calpe et Albina, ou Hercules ficha les colonnes quant il vainqui toute la terre, au leu ou la nostre mer ist de la mer Oceane, et s'en va parmi les .ii. mons ou sont les .11. isles Gades et les colonnes Hercules.' (Tresor, i. 134.) And in the Tesoretto : — *Appresso questo mare Vidi diritto stare Gran colonne, le quali Vi mise per segnali Ercules il potente, Per mostrare alia gente, Che loco sia finata La terra, e terminata.* (xi, iig-26.) Ulysses (in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of Hell) refers to the Pillars of Hercules in connexion with the Strait of Gibraltar, which he describes as ' quella foce stretta Ov' Ercole segn6 Ii suoi riguardi,' Inf. xxvi. 107-8 ; they are spoken of as the W. limit of the habitable world, 'ter- mini occidentales ab Hercule positi,' A. T. § i9«-2. [Abile : Calpe : Setta.] Colonnesi], the Colonna family of Rome ; their war with Boniface VIII, who proclaimed a crusade against them, is alluded to by Guido da Montefeitro (in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of Hell), Inf. xxvii. 85-7, 96-1 1 1 [Laterano : Penestrino] ; the Colonna cardinals, Jacopo and Pietro, are referred to by D. in his letter to the Italian cardinals as the colleagues of Napoleone Orsini, ' collegae Ursi,' Epist. viii. 10 [Orsini, Napoleone]. The feud between the Colonnesi and Boni- face, which existed throughout his reign, came to a head in 1297, in which year it appears that Sciarra Colonna robbed part of the Papal treasure. The Pope in consequence deprived his two uncles, Jacopo and Pietro, of their rank as Cardinals, excommunicated them and the rest of their house, and razed to the ground thejr palaces in Rome. The Colonnesi there- upon left Rome and openly defied Boniface from their strongholds of Palestrina and Nepi. The latter was captured, but Palestrina held out, and was only surrendered on promise of a complete amnesty. No sooner, however, did the Pope get the fortress into his hands than he had it completely destroyed; and the Colonnesi, who had received absolution on their submission, furious at this piece of treachery, again defied the Pope, and were again excommunicated. During the remainder of Boniface's reign they remained in exile. They had their revenge when Sciarra Colonna, as agent of Philip the Fair, captured Boniface at Anagni. The Colonna cardinals were eventually reinstated in their dignities by Clement V at the bidding of Philip the Fair. [Alagna: Clemente^.] Villani's account of the struggle between Boniface and the Colonnesi closely resembles that of D. in several details : — ' Negli anni di Cristo 1297, a di 13 del mese di Maggio, tenendosi papa Bonifazio raolto gravato [170] Colossenses, Bpistola ad Commedia da' signori Colonnesi di Roma, perchfe in piii cose r aveano contastato per isdegno di loro maggior- anza, ma piii si tenea il papa gravato, perch6 messer Jacopo e messer Piero della Colonna cardinal! gli erano stati contradi alia sua lezione, mai non si pens6 se non di mettergli al niente. E in questo awenne, che Sciarra della Colonna loro nipote, vegnendo al mutare della corte di Alagna alle some degli arnesi e tesoro della Chiesa, le rub6 e prese, e menoUe in sua terra. Per la qual cagione aggiugnendovi la mala volontade conceputa per addietro, il detto papa contro a loro fece pro- cesso in questo modo; ch'e' detti messer Jacopo e messer Piero della Colonna diaconi cardinali, del cardinalato e di molti altri beneficii ch' aveano dalla Chiesa, gli dispuose e priv6 ; e per simile modo condannb e priv6 tutti quegli della casa de' Colonnesi, cherici e laici, d'ogni beneficio ecclesiastico e secolare, e scomunicoUi che mai non potessono avere beneficio ; e fece disfare le case e' palazzi loro di Rcma, onde parve molto male a' loro amici romani ; ma non poterono contradire per la forza del papa e degli Orsini loro contrari ; per la qual cosa si rubellarono al tutto dal papa e cominciarono guerra, perocch' eglino erano molto possenti, e aveano gran seguito in Roma, e era loro la forte citta di Pilestrino, e quella di Nepi, c la Colonna, e piii altre castella. Per la qual cosa il papa diede la indulgenza