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 Bibliographical notes on some 
 
 3 1924 024 838 918 
 Bulletin No. 2 
 
 Bibliographical Notes on 
 
 some Books about 
 
 Reconstruction 
 
 BY 
 
 Aksel G. S. Josephson 
 
 The John Crerar Library 
 
 Northwestern University Building 
 
 Chicago, 1919 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this bool< is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924024838918 
 
ELBERT H. GARY LIBRARY OF LAW 
 
 Northwestern University Law School 
 
 Bulletin No. 2 
 
 Bibliographical Notes on 
 
 some Books about 
 
 Reconstruction 
 
 BY 
 
 Aksel G. S. Josephson 
 
 The John Crerar Library 
 
 50001 
 
 Northwestern University Building 
 
 Chicago, 1919 
 
These notes were for the most part written in the summer and early fall of 1918 and first published, in 
 Swedish, in October of that year, in three Swedish weeklies : Arbetaren and Nordstjernan, New York, and Svenska 
 Socialisten, Chicago. They were afterwards printed, in English ani with additional material, under the title 
 "Notes on some books on Peace and the New Society," in The City Club Bulletin, Chicago, in December, and also 
 in The Publishers' Weekly, New York, in January. They are now reprinted from The City Club Bulletin with some 
 of the notes expanded. 
 
 'T^HE purpose of these notes is to call atten- 
 ■*■ tion to a number of books and pamphlets 
 which have appeared since the outbreak of the 
 War and which discuss the problems of the com- 
 ing peace and point forward to the new era that 
 is to come after peace has been made, an era, we 
 hope and expect, full of promises of greater 
 liberty for the individual, better order in the 
 relations between individuals and nations. 
 
 In these books leading personalities and young 
 journalists vie with each other to place before 
 the public their views of what form this new 
 society ought to take, all filled with a desire to 
 give words to their thoughts, to assist in the 
 solution of this the most important and the most 
 difficult problem that has arisen for centuries. 
 
 It was only natural that the books published 
 during the first months of the world war looked 
 backward rather than forward. For instance 
 the collection of studies of the causes of the war, 
 issued by a number of Oxford professors under 
 the title JVhy We Are at War. Another book 
 of this kind is, as the title indicates. The His- 
 torical Backgrounds of the War by F. C. Ad- 
 kins (N. Y.: R. M. McBride). It is a study 
 of the antecedents of the belligerent nations in 
 order to find therein an explanation of the pres- 
 ent situation. The author, who is a teacher of 
 history, says, however, in his preface that his ob- 
 ject is not so much to impart exact information 
 as to provoke thought. In this lies the real 
 value of the book: real thoughts, clear, sharp, 
 consistent thinking is just what we need at the 
 present time. We meet with so much loose 
 talk, the result of muddled thinking. 
 
 How Diplomats Make War, by Francis Neil- 
 son (N. Y.: B. W. Huebsch) is also a book that 
 looks backward, but in order to point to a 
 brighter future. It is a study of the diplomatic 
 history of Europe since 1815, from a decidedly 
 radical, democratic point of view. First pub- 
 lished anonymously, in 1915, while the author 
 was a member of the British Parliament. 
 The book closes with the following words: 
 "Each people now the war is in progress is 
 actuated subconsciously by the notion that the 
 end of the war will bring the freedom that 
 will raise them up out of the slough of the past. 
 The vision of the men in the trenches is one of 
 peace and disarmament; but whether the close 
 of the strife will open an era of an unarmed 
 enduring peace is a question which will depend 
 entirely on the people themselves. Governments 
 have made the war ; only the peoples can make an 
 unarmed peace." Neilson is the radical poli- 
 tician, Charles Seymour, on the other hand — 
 The Diplomatic Background of the War (New 
 Haven: Yale Univ. Press)— is the scientific in- 
 vestigator and George Adams Gibbons the wide- 
 
 awake, cleareyed journalist with many oppor- 
 tunities to look behind the scenes — The New 
 Map of Europe and The Reconstruction of 
 Poland and the Near East (N.Y.: CenturyCo.). 
 The former shows how Bismarck's policy was 
 directly responsible for the situation that 
 brought about the war. The latter pays par- 
 ticular attention to the inflammable material 
 collected on the Balkan peninsula. 
 
 Peace propositions appeared at an early date, 
 made both by individuals and organized bodies of 
 men : peace societies and political groups. These 
 proposals were collected by the American Asso- 
 ciation for International Conciliation in New 
 York and published under the title Towards an 
 Enduring Peace. 
 
 Recently another collection of similar docu- 
 ments has appeared, edited by Emily Greene 
 Balch, under the title Approaches to the Great 
 Settlement (N. Y.: B. W. Huebsch). Only those 
 proposals that have come from labor and socialist 
 groups are here printed in extenso, as the others 
 are easily available in public documents and 
 other oflScial publications. Besides printing the 
 texts the author reviews the various proposals. 
 The volume covers the period from the issuing 
 of the President's peace note in December, 1916, 
 to the various replies to the Pope's note of Au- 
 gust, 1917. It is, indeed, a text-book for the 
 study of the peace problems and worth the most 
 careful reading. It should be kept close at hand 
 by all who wish to follow intelligently the de- 
 liberations of the Peace Conference. 
 
 Theoretical problems of many kinds have been 
 raised in connection with the war and the altered 
 relations between men which it has created. Some 
 of these were discussed in a few lectures at Bed- 
 ford College for Women in February and 
 March, 1915, and afterwards published under 
 the title The International Crisis in its Ethical 
 and Psychological Aspects (N. Y. : Oxford Univ. 
 Press). The various lectures dealt with the 
 following subjects: "The morality of strife in 
 relation to the war"; "Herd instinct and the 
 war"; "International morality: The United 
 States of Europe"; "The changing mind of a 
 nation at war"; "War and hatred"; "Patriotism 
 and the perfect state." The author of the last 
 study, Bernard Bosanquet, points out that the 
 value of our patriotism depends on what we de- 
 sire for our country and closes with the follow- 
 ing words: "The patriotism we have tried to 
 portray implies and demands that we should 
 desire for our country, not a triumph of vanity 
 and selfinterest, but a share in such a solid work 
 of organization as shall be most favorable to the 
 performance of a true state's function in every 
 community of Europe. Thus alone can we de- 
 
serve well of our country, and our country of 
 the world." 
 
 William E. Ritter takes the standpoint of the 
 scientist, especially the biologist, in his book War, 
 Science and Civilization (Boston: R. G. Badger). 
 His thesis is that "if man would make earth yield 
 the most possible for his wants, he must find a 
 more rational and effective way of distributing 
 it than by means of war." As the author re- 
 marks in the introduction to the book, it treats 
 of civilization rather than war. And civiliza- 
 tion as development, as progress. "Science," the 
 author affirms, "furnishes the groundwork of a 
 great rational faith in man's capacity for in- 
 definite progress." The book was written in 
 1915 and in its closing paragraph the author 
 outlines with a few words an international situ- 
 ation where every nation is to help the other, 
 England to help Russia to better seaports, 
 France to help Germany to more room in 
 Africa, Germany to help Japan, the United 
 States and Great Britain to free the Pacific. 
 And he adds: "This is idealism, but scientific 
 idealism." It might be worth while, in con- 
 nection with this book, to call attention to 
 another which, however, has nothing to do either 
 with war, peace or reconstruction, but deals 
 with a science that has been called "essentially 
 a reformer's science": Culture and Ethnologv 
 by Robert H. Lowie (N.Y.: D. C. McMurtrie). 
 "As the engineer calls on the physicist," he says, 
 "for a knowledge of mechanical laws, so the 
 social builder of the future who should seek to 
 refashion the culture of his time and add to its 
 cultural values will seek guidance from eth- 
 nology." 
 
 How humanity shall be dragged out of the 
 mire into which the war has thrown it is a 
 question that was raised very early. Six Ameri- 
 can university professors and one retired admiral 
 make up one group that has tried to solve the 
 riddle, some English liberal and radical politi- 
 cians and writers, another. The speculations of 
 the former were published under the title Prob- 
 lems of Readjustment After the War (N. Y. : 
 D. Appleton & Co.). Here we find discussed 
 such topics as "War and democracy," "The 
 crisis in social evolution," "The war and inter- 
 national law," "The conduct of military and 
 naval warfare," etc. "Is this the end of Euro- 
 pean democracy?" asks the author of the first, 
 Albert Bushnell Hart. "Will example and mili- 
 tary pressure cause the end of American democ- 
 racy?" And he points out that "popular govern- 
 ment in America depends upon the power of 
 democracy to repel the shock of militarism." In 
 the English volume. Towards a Lasting Settle- 
 ment, edited by Charles R. Buxton (N. Y. : 
 Macmillan Co.), other subjects are discussed: 
 "The basis of permanent peace," "Nationality," 
 "War and the woman's movement," "The demo- 
 cratic principle and international relations" are 
 the titles of some of these studies. G. Lowes 
 Dickinson, author of the opening essay, asks: 
 "What makes for peace?" and he answers his 
 own question thus: "Not religion, not science, 
 not learning, not education. All these serve war 
 as much as they serve peace. There is one thing 
 
 only that works for peace, that human reason 
 that is also human charity." 
 
 The annual meeting of the American Academj 
 of Political and Social Sciences was held shortly 
 after the entry of the United States into the wai 
 against Germany. The subject under discussion 
 was America's Relation to the World Conflict and 
 the papers that were read on the occasion were 
 printed in the number for July, 1917, of its 
 Annals. Walter Lippman^ in his address on "The 
 World Conflict in its Relation to American 
 Democracy," says: "We who have entered the 
 war to insure democracy in the world will have 
 raised an aspiration that will not end with the 
 overthrow of Prussian autocracy. We shall turn 
 with fresh interests to our own tyrannies — to 
 our Colorado mines, our steel industries, our 
 sweatshops and our slums. We shall call that 
 man un-American and no patriot who prates of 
 liberty in Europe and resists it at home." And 
 Emily Green Balch, in speaking of "The War 
 in its relation to Democracy and World Order" 
 affirms that "the time is to come somehow, some- 
 time, when the ruling type of our civilization will 
 be a co-operative world order in which the ele- 
 ment of coercions will be shrinking more and 
 more and in which the element of free, spon- 
 taneous, joyful fellowship will be ever greater 
 and greater." Two other numbers of the 
 Annals, for July and September, 1915, deal with 
 America's Interests as Affected hy the European 
 War and America's Interests After the War. 
 
 The University of Chicago has made a sub- 
 stantial contribution to the discussion of the sub- 
 ject of these notes by publishing a volume of 
 Readings in the Economics of War, compiled by 
 Professors J. Maurice Clark and Harold G. 
 Moulton of its own faculty and Walton H. 
 Hamilton of Amherst College. While two of its 
 three main divisions, those dealing with the eco- 
 nomic background of war in general and with 
 the proper organization of the industrial system 
 for war, treat of what now is past, the third is 
 concerned with questions of the future, with "the 
 changes which have come in the wake of the 
 war and with the problems of reorganization and 
 group welfare which will have to be met." Thi^ 
 last division, however, occupies only 50 of the 
 book's 676 pages, while the second fills over 550. 
 The explanation is, of course, that the work was 
 planned and executed in the midst of the struggle| 
 though it so happened that when it was read^ 
 for publication the struggle was nearly over and 
 the smallest part of the book might seem to be 
 just now the most pertinent. But only seem- 
 ingly. The statements collected about the mobil-i 
 ization of the country's resources for war will 
 have their significance in considering after- 
 war problems. I quote the opening sentences in 
 the Introduction to the last division of the book: 
 "The war is but a stage in a continuous process 
 of economic and social development. With its 
 termination will come no end of change and no 
 cessation in the need of controlling development. 
 On the contrary, there will gradually emerge 
 a new situation, new problems, and the need of 
 many new adjustments. The resources of the 
 
country, the organization of industry, and the 
 services of the people which have heen used for 
 a single military' end will have to be made to 
 serve other purposes." 
 
 It is necessary to come to a clear understand- 
 ing of the aims of the war, says George G. Arm- 
 strong in Our Ultimate Aim in the War (Lon- 
 don: G. Allen & Unwin). And he considers 
 that England, having taken the lead in so many 
 liberal movements, ought to lead the way in the 
 straightening out of the present tangle. "The 
 time has come to consider whether the war may 
 not shortly be ended by international agreement 
 in which 'the United States shall participate." 
 Thus wrote about the end of 1916 in the New 
 York Times a mysterious author who called him- 
 self "Cosmos" and it is said in the introduction 
 to the letters, as collected in bookform: The 
 Basis of Durable Peace (N. Y. : Scribner's) 
 that his competence and authority would be rec- 
 ognized in both hemispheres, were his name 
 known! He outlines a plan for a League of 
 Nations, though not using that phrase, which 
 had not as yet come into vogue when he wrote, 
 and asys in conclusion that a durable peace 
 depends upon "the victory of the Allies in the 
 present war and upon the establishment in pub- 
 lic policy of the principles for which they are 
 contending. It depends upon the withholding 
 of all acts of vengeance and reprisal, and the 
 just and statesmanlike application to each spe- 
 cific problem that arises for settlement of the 
 principles for which the war is being fought. 
 ... It depends upon domestic policies of justice 
 and helpfulness, and the curbing of arrogance, 
 greed and privilege, so far as it is within the 
 power of government to do so. It depends upon 
 the exaltation of the idea of justice, not only 
 as between men within a nation, but as between 
 nations themselves; for durable peace is a by- 
 product of justice." 
 
 "The propitious future of mankind is in the 
 hands of the armies of the democracies and the 
 radical and labor organizations of the world," 
 says Horace M. Kallen. His contribution to the 
 'solution of the world problem bears the title 
 The Structure of Lasting Peace (Boston: 
 Marshal Jones Co.) The cause of the present 
 situation is nationalism with its military system, 
 its economic competition and its industrial slav- 
 ery. The straightening out of the tangle must 
 be done in the sign of internationalism and de- 
 mocracy. The two go together. "The pressure 
 towards peace and internationalism has been a 
 direct function of the spread of democracy, and 
 the spread of democracy has consisted in the 
 removal of political, economic, superstitional 
 and social taboos upon the panting energies, the 
 spontaneous creative powers of the masses of 
 men." Kallen also outlines a plan of a League 
 of Nations and says in the closing sentences of 
 his book: "Human nature is not in conflict with 
 peace and a free international order. It sets no 
 limit to internationalism. Only the perversion 
 of human nature by the illusions of exclusive 
 sovereignty, the sordid realities of class vanity 
 and class greed, of 'national honor' and 'the 
 rights of property' limit and combat it. Regard 
 
 a free league of free peoples: if you will it, it 
 is no dream." 
 
 Nothing short of the abolition of the competi- 
 tive system and of private ownership can create a 
 lasting peace in the opinion of Thorstein Veblen, 
 the author of a trenchant Inquiry into the Na- 
 ture of Peace and the Terms of Its Perpetua- 
 tion (N. Y. : Huebsch). "To many thoughtful 
 men ripe in worldly wisdom it is known of a 
 verity that war belongs indefeasibly in the order 
 of nature. Contention, with manslaughter, is 
 indispensable in human intercourse, at the same 
 time that it conduces to the increase and dif- 
 fusion of the manly virtues. So likewise, the 
 unspoiled youth of the race, in the period of 
 adolescence and aspiring manhood, also com- 
 monly share this gift of insight and back it with 
 a generous commendation of all the martial 
 qualities; and women of nubile age and no un- 
 due maturity gladly meet them half way." Thus 
 begins this remarkable book in which we find 
 discussed "the nature, causes and consequences 
 of the preconceptions favoring peace or war." 
 This author is not so optimistic as some others; 
 he says in the preface to the book: "The quest 
 of perpetual peace at large is no less a para- 
 mount and intrinsic human duty than it was, 
 nor is it at all certain that its final accomplish- 
 ment is nearer." And he seeks the answer to 
 the various questions about war and peace "not 
 in terms of what ought dutifully to be done to- 
 ward the desired consummation, but rather in 
 terms of those known factors of human behavior 
 that can be shown by analysis of experience to 
 control the conduct of nations in conjunctures 
 of this kind." 
 
 The moral issue in the world war is the sub- 
 ject, of Morris Jastrow's reflexions in The War 
 and the Coming Peace (Philadelphia: J. B. 
 Lippincott Co.). "The triumph of the moral 
 issue involved in the world war is the victory of 
 Ahuramazda over Ahriman, the overcoming of 
 evil by the overthrow of power — the enthrone- 
 ment of right as against might; and this will be 
 followed, as surely as the day follows the night, 
 by the dawn of a new era of light and peace 
 for the entire world." He is not concerned with 
 the terms of peace, but with "the general ques- 
 tions of the kind of peace which should follow 
 the triumph of the moral issue." In a previous 
 book, The War and the Bagdad Railway (Lip- 
 pincott) the same author narrates the history of 
 Asia Minor and points out its importance in the 
 present conflict; the Eastern question must, on 
 this point is he emphatic, be solved in the spirit 
 of co-operation, not of competition. 
 
 Carl H. Grabo's little book The World Peace 
 and After (N. Y.: A. A. Knopf) discusses the 
 international question and the relations of vari- 
 ous groups within the nation to each other and 
 to the state, and closes with some practical pro- 
 posals, among them arrangement for minority 
 representation with the abolition of the two- 
 party system and "the alliance of the professional 
 and intellectual workers with the manual work- 
 ers for the purpose of securing greater political 
 power." 
 
 "When the great peoples championing the 
 
cause of democracy feel that their cause involves 
 the polar extremes of human life, then we may 
 be sure that the war is the birth throes of a 
 nobler civilization," says John Firman Coar in 
 Democracy and the War (N. Y.: G. P. Put- 
 nam's Sons). 
 
 In Patriotism, National and International 
 (N. Y. : Longmans, Green & Co.) Sir Charles 
 Waldstein tries to show "that German so-called 
 patriotism, in the form of the corporate pride of 
 the individual German citizen, has ultimately 
 been most effective in producing this war." The 
 purpose of the book is to help foster an opinion 
 hostile to this kind of patriotism. — To guide pub- 
 lic opinion in a rational direction is the expressed 
 purpose of another book: What is National 
 Honor? (N. Y.: Macmillan) by Leo Perla. 
 Against national honor he places international. 
 In this he sees the only sure guarantee for a 
 future peace. 
 
 Lothrop Stoddard and Glenn Frank have pub- 
 lished, under the title Stakes of the War (N. Y.: 
 Century Co.), a "summary of the various prob- 
 lems, claims and interests of the nations at the 
 peace table." The book is an examination of 
 these claims and "those racial and territorial 
 problems directly involved in the war at the time 
 the book goes to press, and which are virtually 
 certain to be treated at the peace table." There 
 may be more problems coming; nothing is more 
 uncertain in this crisis than the number of prob- 
 lems that will come up for solution. The open- 
 ing sentences of the preface are significant : "Yes- 
 terday the detailed facts of European politics, 
 trade, industry and religion were of primary im- 
 portance to the scholar and foreign trader. To- 
 day they inject themselves into the discussions 
 of every counting room, throw their shadow 
 across the deliberation of every labor council, and 
 stand as stubborn factors in the personal fortune 
 and future of every American." 
 
 Walter E. Weyl writes about The End of the 
 War (N. Y.: MacmiHan Co.). It is not easy 
 to say when the end will come, nor what its char- 
 acter will be. Pacifists and patriots are at log- 
 gerheads, America must be converted from its 
 isolation to take part in world politics, as arbiter. 
 Militarism is the enemy. In the fight against it, 
 liberals in all lands stand aligned against the 
 forces of reaction that endeavor to gain the 
 upper hand in all lands. Many obstacles stand 
 in the way of the goal: internationalism. The 
 struggle is not ended with the return of the dele- 
 gates from the peace conference. Then first be- 
 gins the struggle for democracy. On the ques- 
 tion of internationalism he says: "Month by 
 month it becomes more apparent that German 
 policies are closely associated with a new, or 
 at least a newly emphasized conception of an 
 omnipotent state, largely free from international 
 restraints and considerations for subject na- 
 tionalities, and with the right to impress into 
 its services the lives, goods and opinions of its 
 subjects. As opposed to this conception stands 
 that of Internationalism, which subordinates 
 state policy to the larger interests of the whole 
 family of nations, which emphasizes the right 
 
 of nationalistic self-determination and the de- 
 sirability of peace." 
 
 To show up the dogma of the sovereignty of 
 the state, with its right to act the bandit, as the 
 enemy that must be fought, rather than any par- 
 ticular kind of organization of the state, is the 
 purpose of David Jane Hill's The Rebuilding 
 of Europe (N. Y. : Century Co.). This author 
 sees the deepest cause of the war in the fact 
 that peaceful development failed to create an ef- 
 fective international organization. As to the final 
 outcome of the struggle he says: "The real test- 
 ing time of democracy will be the moment of 
 victory; for victory there must be, and yet a 
 victory that is not a conquest. If the claims of 
 democracy in this war are to be accepted, it is 
 intended to be a defense of the conquered against 
 the conqueror, a protest against the ordeal of 
 battle as the decisive factor in determining the 
 fate of nations. To invert the role would be 
 to abandon the cause." 
 
 It is necessary that a high ideal be placed be- 
 fore the nations of the world, if such an organi- 
 zation shall be possible. It was such an ideal 
 President Wilson presented in his second Address 
 of acceptance, on the 2nd of September, 1916. On 
 that occasion he uttered the following words: 
 "No nation stands wholly apart in interest when 
 the interest of all nations are thrown into con- 
 fusion and peril. If hopeful and generous enter- 
 prise is to be renewed, if the healing and helpful 
 arts of life are indeed to be revived when peace 
 comes again, a new atmosphere of justice and 
 friendship must be generated by means the world 
 has never tried before. The nations of the world 
 must unite in joint guarantees that whatever is 
 done to disturb the whole world's life must first 
 be tested in the court of the whole world's opin- 
 ion before it is attempted." 
 
 President Wilson's speeches and public writ- 
 ings are a commentary to the part the United 
 States has played in the world drama that now is 
 brought to a close. Several editions have been 
 published. I have the following before me : Pres- 
 ident Wilson's Foreign Policy, edited by John 
 Brown Scott, with an introduction and notes by 
 the editor and containing only those portions that 
 deal with the relations with foreign powers (N. 
 Y. : Oxford University Press) ; President Wil- 
 son's State Papers and Addresses, with an intro- 
 duction by Albert Shaw (N. Y.: G. H. Do- 
 ran Co.) ; and President Wilson's Addresses (N. 
 Y. : H. Holt & Co.), an inexpensive edition, 
 edited by George M. Harper, with an introduc- 
 tion by the editor dealing with Woodrow Wilson f 
 as a literary artist. Also America's Attitude 
 towards the War, a collection of excerpts pub- 
 lished by The Bankers' Trust Company in New 
 York. 
 
 The question of the international organization 
 of the states and peoples of the earth is closely 
 connected with the peace settlement, is the opin- 
 ion expressed by H. N. Brailsford in A League 
 of Nations (N. Y.: Macmillan). The book is 
 a text-book in the new internationalism. It 
 deals comprehensively with the various aspects 
 of the organization of the new League, eco- 
 
nomic, social and political. "Defeat means our 
 failure to achieve international organization, and 
 victory means our success. It is impossible any 
 longer to measure our accomplishment by any 
 scattered tests. We may acquire colonies, im- 
 pose indemnities, conquer regions of Turkey, 
 and effect territorial changes in Europe, but if 
 we fail to create the organization of an endur- 
 ing peace we have failed in the only aim which 
 could compensate the world for these years of 
 heroism and misery, of endurance and slaughter. 
 The settlement of the war and the creation of 
 the League are not two separate problems. They 
 are a single organic problem. The League can- 
 not be based on a settlement which merely reg- 
 isters the claims of successful force." The peace 
 will be incomplete and temporary only, if a single 
 nation remains trammeled in its development. 
 "When each nation turns to its fellow and speaks, 
 though it be still in bewilderment and pain, the 
 wish to create the co-operative world in which 
 all may live and grow," then can the new league 
 of nations be built up. This idea, of a new 
 league of nations, built on the foundations of 
 co-operation and democracy, has spread to all sec- 
 tions of the community. Even the men of the 
 church, naturally so conservative, and not easily 
 moved in the direction of new ideas, have taken 
 it up and given it their support. See, e. g., the 
 pamphlet of the bishop of Oxford, Charles Gore, 
 entitled The League of Nations and the Oppor- 
 tunity of the Church (N. Y. : Doran). H. G. 
 Wells In the Fourth Year (N. Y.: Macmillan) 
 calls it "the most creative and hopeful of polit- 
 ical ideas that has ever dawned upon the con- 
 sciousness of mankind." He regards the British 
 Empire as the nucleus of the League to come. 
 It is, as it exists today, "a provisional thing," 
 "an emergency arrangement." "Here we hold 
 as trustees," he says, "and there on account of 
 strategic considerations that may presently dis- 
 appear, and though we will not contemplate the 
 replacement of our flag an5rwhere by the flag of 
 any other competing nation, though we do hope 
 to hold together with our kin and with those who 
 increasingly share our tradition and our lan- 
 guage, nevertheless we are prepared to welcome 
 great renunciations of our present ascendency 
 and privileges in the interest of mankind as a 
 whole." He greets with satisfaction the large 
 number of books on the subject that have ap- 
 peared. His own is one of the most important 
 of them all. 
 
 Norman Angell, in his latest book The Polit- 
 ical Conditions of Allied Success (N. Y.: Put- 
 nam), points to the two tendencies that will 
 wrestle with each other during the peace settle- 
 ment and after: the imperialistic and the demo- 
 cratic. Whether the thousands of young men 
 of the allied nations that have been and will be 
 sacrificed, will have died for a cause that is 
 worth this sacrifice, depends, he says, on "the 
 understanding which those who remain can man- 
 age to bring to bear upon our international prob- 
 lem." 
 
 This League of nations, or of free nations, as 
 Wells calls it, is not to be confused with the 
 League to Enforce Peace which was organized 
 
 in Washington by a group of American men of 
 affairs. The proceedings of the first annual 
 meeting of that League, held in May, 1916, have 
 been published under the title Enforced Peace; 
 this volume contains the most authoritative state- 
 ment about its program and ideals. 
 
 "Know thyself" was the admonition of the 
 Delphic oracle to those who came there for ad- 
 vice. "To the American people, as they turn, 
 in this momentous hour, to inquire what Destiny 
 has in store for them, this injunction is particu- 
 larly fitting," says H. P. Powers in the opening 
 sentences of his new book America Among the 
 Nations (N. Y.: Macmillan). To aid in this 
 inquiry this author presents a survey of the rela- 
 tions of the United States to other states, large 
 and small. The closing chapter is a forecast 
 and here the author points out that "though the 
 world must be subdued to order, humanity must 
 somehow still be free." 
 
 "Every European will probably agree that at 
 the close of the present war there ought to be, 
 and, indeed, there must be, some reconstruction 
 of the map of Europe. And every democratic 
 European will certainly also agree that the basis 
 of that reconstruction must be sought in the more 
 ample recognition of the principle of nationality." 
 Thus the Earl of Cromer in the introduction 
 which he has supplied to Arnold J. Toynbee's 
 "essays in reconstruction" published under the 
 title The New Europe (N. Y.: E. P. Dutton & 
 Co.). In the first of the seven essays compos- 
 ing this volume the author speaks of "Two Ide- 
 als of Nationality," the British "inward will to 
 co-operate and the German demand for power 
 over all the lands where German arms have at 
 any time been victorious.' The question of na- 
 tionality permeates the whole volume. The last 
 essay, dealing with Ukraine "as a question taken 
 at random," ends with these words: "If the set- 
 tlement is to be wisely and justly accomplished 
 (and if it is not, the future is unthinkable), it 
 will need the fervent thought and the unweary- 
 ing goodwill, not only of the statesmen in coun- 
 cil, but of every citizen of every country of Eu- 
 rope," and I would add: of America. 
 
 "It is not enough to wish to end war. We 
 must uproot the errors that foster it," is the 
 admonition of G. Lowes Dickinson in The 
 Choice Before Us (N. Y.: Dodd, Mead & Co.). 
 If there shall be an end to war, if the present 
 war shall really be a war against war, then the 
 forces that cause war must be overcome. The 
 principal among these is militarism, which, he 
 states, is not only a military and political system, 
 but a state of mind. And he points out how 
 important it is not to lose from sight, in time 
 of war, what it is that we are fighting for. 
 
 Winston Churchill's A Traveler in War Time 
 (N. Y. : Macmillan Co.) is a vivid account of 
 a few weeks' visit to France and what the au- 
 thor saw and heard there. To this he has added 
 "An essay on the American contribution and the 
 democratic idea" in which he emphasizes that 
 "failure to recognize that the American is at 
 heart an idealist is to lack understanding of our 
 national character." 
 
 The international problem is not the only one 
 
to be solved in the" spirit of democracy. The 
 other great problem is the industrial. The re- 
 organization of industry is a subject which all 
 these writers emphasize as a task that demands 
 the most careful consideration. A conference of 
 representatives of industry and commerce, both 
 employers -and employees, was held at Ruskin 
 College in Oxford in July, 1916, at which occa- 
 sion the question was discussed from all sides. 
 The papers read at the conference and the sub- 
 sequent discussions have been published by the 
 college in a pamphlet entitled The Reorganiza- 
 tion of Industry. Another British institution, 
 the Garton Foundation in London, has issued a 
 Memorandum on the Industrial Situation after 
 tite War, the result of a conference of a number 
 of anonymous leaders of industry, labor and 
 other interests, which was held at its initiative 
 during the months of May to September, 1916. 
 Those that partook in the conference foresaw 
 strife in the economic field after the war and 
 the result of their deliberation may be expressed 
 in a nutshell thus: "To hold the balance true 
 between the economic and the human side of the 
 problem — is a task as truly national as that of 
 victory in war." 
 
 Industrial Reconstruction (N. Y. : E. P. But- 
 ton & Co.) is the title of a symposium published 
 in 1917, consisting of letters and other state- 
 ments by leading Englishmen in reply to a ques- 
 tionnaire sent out by Huntley Carter asking: 
 "1. What in your opinion will be the industrial 
 situation after the War as regards (a) Labor; 
 (b) Capital; (c) the Nation as a single com- 
 mercial entity? 2. What in your view is the 
 best policy to be pursued by (a) Labor; (b) 
 Capital; £c) the State?" The editor speaks 
 of the national interest as the compelling force 
 in men's mind. "Men in this country (i. e. 
 Great Britain) are indeed," he says, "seriously 
 and deeply moved in the direction of uneasy yet 
 hopeful speculation concerning the problems of 
 the future, and the industrial problem most of 
 all. Is it peace that the War will bring, or is 
 it a worse war than that in which we are en- 
 gaged? And if peace, how shall we find it? 
 What new feeling and thought, what new en- 
 ergy, what taste and refinement, aided by ex- 
 tended knowledge, will announce the appear- 
 ance of this healthy movement? What changes 
 effected in the minds of industrialists will enable 
 them to understand each other, and leave them 
 to felicitate themselves on the noble uses of har- 
 mony?" 
 
 Another English symposium. Labour and Capi- 
 tal after the War (London: John Murray), is 
 edited by S. J. Chapman, a member of the Whit- 
 ley Committee; it contains as an appendix the 
 First Report of that Committee and has an in- 
 troduction by Mr. Whitley himself. The vari- 
 ous contributors discuss the general subject from 
 their several points of view, but the editor re- 
 marks in his preface that on the labor question 
 they all agree, no matter how divergent are 
 their views on other subjects. The last essay 
 is contributed by the editor. He speaks of the 
 "greater solidarity," which was growing rapidly 
 
 before the war and has since been accentuated 
 and become more articulate. "A social structure 
 bound together by serfdom," he points out, "is 
 a ramshackle creation at best, devoid of any 
 internal principle of cohesion. This is not far 
 behind us, but the bare wage system repeats 
 many of its inherent defects. At the other ex- 
 treme, to which the civilization for which the 
 Allies stand is working, lies the ideal of self- 
 determination. In this, the ruling authority is 
 not acquired by force, but is won by efficient 
 leadership and the acceptance of responsibilities 
 that go far beyond wages and profits concepts 
 and the most obvious humanitarian obligations. 
 Moreover, it is being increasingly borne in upon 
 us that it is an authority which is not and should 
 not be wholly centralized in the employer. To 
 some extent it must be divided and distributed 
 according to the capacities of the several human 
 parts of the industrial organism to think wisely 
 for more than personal objects." 
 
 American Problems of Reconstruction, edited 
 by Elisha M. Friedman (N. Y.: E. P. Button 
 & Co.), deals mainly with economic and financial 
 aspects in the narrower sense of these words. 
 Scientific management. Industrial research, In- 
 ternational commerce, Stabilizing foreign trade, 
 these are some of the subjects discussed in this 
 symposium by business men and lawyers. The 
 conservative nature of the discussion is well ex- 
 emplified in the Foreword, by Franklin K. Lane. 
 He writes: "The one danger of any period of 
 reconstruction is not the inventiveness of the 
 human mind, — throwing into the air for all men 
 to gather by wireless new lines of thought, novel 
 conceptions of society, — the danger is in letting 
 go the old before the new is tested. The ship 
 must not be allowed to drift. We must make 
 sure that we have power to take us in the new 
 direction before we let go the anchor. To reject 
 tradition, to despise the warnings of history and 
 to be superior to the limitations of human na- 
 ture, is to drive without a chart into a Saragossa 
 sea of water logged uselessness." Charles M. 
 Schwab emphasizes the need of technical research 
 because the cost of production must be lowered 
 by other means than lowering the wages of the 
 workers. 
 
 In Britain after the Peace: Revolution or Re- 
 construction (London: T. F. Unwin) Brougham 
 Villiers endeavors to look "below the battle," 
 as he says in 'the last chapter of the book. He 
 discusses the various problems of reconstruction 
 of society: demobilization, finance, industry, land, 
 and the problem of development, intellectual, 
 material and political, suggesting as the result 
 of his considerations, a National Works De- 
 partment. "To look beyond the welter of hate 
 and destruction now proceeding in Europe to 
 the serener atmosphere 'above the battle'," or 
 "to peer below it, to see what the rapid changes 
 going on beneath the surface of things portend, 
 and what problems they are preparing for us 
 after the war is over," either of these courses, he 
 says, "is more profitable than to watch the fleet- 
 ing incidents of the battle itself." What the 
 statesmen and writers of the world have written 
 
 8 
 
and said during the war, is "for the most part 
 only the outbreaks of its delirium." And the 
 author closes with the question : "Are we to take 
 full advantage of the things that have been hap- 
 pening below the battle, the destruction which 
 the war itself has brought not upon this or that 
 army or Empire, but on the system of military 
 Imperialism itself?" 
 
 The British Labor Party took up the question 
 of reconstruction and outlined its views on this 
 subject in a remarkable program which it 
 placed before the country's electors and of which 
 an American edit,ion has been issued under the 
 title Towards a New World (2:d ed., N. Y.: 
 W. R. Browne). In its comprehensiveness and 
 its definiteness it is the most remarkable docu- 
 ment which to date any political party has 
 issued. An allied victory will not be a demo- 
 cratic victory "if the result be merely a restora- 
 tion of the capitalistic regime which the war 
 has discredited and destroyed." The program 
 which the party presents involves a complete 
 recasting of the present foundations of society. 
 And it reaches farther than any socialistic party 
 ever did in that it wants to represent "all that 
 work with hands or brain."* The leader of the 
 party, Arthur Henderson, comments on the pro- 
 gram in a pamphlet: The Aims of Labour (N. 
 Y. : Huebsch). He sees clearly what the future 
 has to offer: "an era of revolutionary change to 
 which there is no parallel in history." A Clean 
 Peace is the title of a pamphlet issued by 
 Charles A. McCurdy (N. Y.: Doran) contain- 
 ing the official text of the memorandum in re- 
 gard to the conditions of peace which were ac- 
 cepted at a conference between representatives 
 of labor and socialist groups in the allied coun- 
 tries, held in London in February, 1918. It is 
 nearly identical with the statement on the same 
 subject which was made in December, 1917, by 
 the British Labor Party and the Trade Union 
 Congress. 
 
 "The war has profoundly altered the attitude 
 of women toward public affairs,' says Marion 
 Phillips in the Introduction to a small volume, 
 Women and the Labor Party (N. Y.: Huebsch), 
 written by some British women members of that 
 party. "These hitherto unconsidered citizens," 
 she says further on, "have begun to think on 
 political issues : they naturally ask how they shall 
 act." The essays contained in the book are in- 
 tended to "describe the work which lies before 
 the people when the world once more is at 
 peace." They treat of woman's activities along 
 various lines, in the home and the factory, as 
 domestic workers and brainworkers, with a clos- 
 ing study of "Women and Internationalism" in 
 which Mary Longman speaks of the work of 
 the Women's International Council of Socialist 
 and Labor Organizations, British Section, which 
 was formed in 1910. She, closes by saying that 
 women "have had a share in saving internation- 
 alism from being wrecked in the storms of war, 
 and when peace comes they will have a large 
 
 * Since this was written, the Chicago Federation of 
 Labor has issued a leaflet containing an Independent La- 
 bor Party Program, embodying similar ideas. 
 
 responsibility in the task of rebuilding a society 
 in which international sentiment is expressed in 
 terms of international organization." 
 
 Paul U. Kellogg's British Labor and the 
 War (N. Y. : Boni & Liveright) deals very fully 
 with the war-aims of the British Labor Party, 
 and ideas of reconstruction, with a view on the 
 American Federation of Labor and its stand- 
 point in regard to the labor movement in Eng- 
 land. 
 
 That the industrial problem must be solved 
 in a way that is satisfactory to all parties, with- 
 out being a compromise, is pointed out by Sidney 
 Webb in his study of The Restoration of Trade 
 Union Conditions (N. Y. : Huebsch). And J. 
 A. Hobson says in Democracy After the War 
 (N. Y. : Macmillan) that the problems of peace, 
 democracy and internationalism are inseparable 
 and at bottom one and that "with the triumph 
 of this league is the problem of personal liberty, 
 political and industrial, as well as spiritual, in- 
 dissolubly joined." / 
 
 Questions of pure science are treated in a col- 
 lection of essays: Science and the Nation (Cam- 
 bridge, England: University Press), edited by 
 A. C. Seward and with an interesting introduc- 
 tion by Lord Moulton. The thesis of the col- 
 lection is that it is to be feared that the in- 
 dustrial advancement that has been fostered 
 by the war may lead to a neglect of pure sci- 
 ence. Lord Moulton does not share this fear. 
 These studies show how pure science, or, as he 
 would call it, experimental research^ has aided 
 mankind in its everyday life. Its influence will 
 not be diminished in the future. 
 
 Science has had its own peculiar problems as 
 well, affected by the war. One of them is the 
 question of publications of learned societies. There 
 is much overlapping, a deplorable lack of proper 
 co-operation, much resulting waste. This was 
 brought before the English scientific public at 
 the initiative of Sir Robert Hadfield, president 
 of the Faraday Society. His address and the 
 subsequent discussion have been reprinted from 
 the Transactions of the Society under the title: 
 The Co-ordination of Scientific Publication. 
 
 The spiritual and religious problems that have 
 been aroused by the War also have their spokes- 
 men, e. g. George Lansbury, the author of Your 
 Part in Poverty (N. Y.: Huebsch), one of Eng- 
 land's most prominent labor leaders, socialist and 
 member of the Church of England. What we 
 need is, he says, a new heart, a complete change 
 of point of view. And he writes about the fail- 
 ure of Christendom to redeem the world; this 
 is, he says, "writ large on the blood-stained bat- 
 tlefields which today stretch across Europe, Asia 
 and Africa" and "still deeper on the social life 
 of all those nations who profess to serve God 
 and to believe in the teachings of his blessed 
 Son." And he berates the idea that either indi- 
 viduals or nations can gain anything by domi- 
 nating over others. The same standpoint takes 
 Henry S. Coffin in a series of lectures on the 
 ministry and the church: In a Day of Social 
 Rebuilding (New Haven: Yale University 
 Press). Without new motives, he says, social 
 
control is of small avail. A new heart, a new 
 spirit must inspire the peoples, if not all attempts 
 at international organization shall be in vain. 
 
 The World Significance of a Jewish State lies, 
 according to A. A. Berle, in its being a link be- 
 tween the Asiatic and the European nations. 
 The little book is also a contribution to the dis- 
 cussion of spiritual values. The author, a 
 protestant theologian, sees in the establishment 
 of a Jewish state in Palestine a matter of great 
 interest to Christians as well as to Jews, be- 
 cause that country is the original home of both 
 the Jewish and the Christian religion (N. Y. : 
 M. Kennerley). 
 
 About ten years ago Ralph Adams Cram wrote 
 an essay called The Great Thousand Years, in 
 which he praised the Middle Ages and its civ- 
 ilization and prophesied the destruction of ours. 
 He has now re-published it in book form with 
 a supplementary chapter, "Ten Years After" 
 (Boston: Marshall Jones). He sees the only 
 salvation out of the coming revolution in a new 
 kind of monasticism, "the instinctive gathering 
 together of men into small units for defense 
 and community development" and their further 
 "assimilating into a larger unity without the sur- 
 render of independence and autonomy." In an- 
 other booklet. The Nemesis of Mediocrity (same 
 publ.), he deprecates the lack, in our genera- 
 tion, of leaders, without whom, he says, democ- 
 racy is a danger and culture and even civiliza- 
 tion will pass away. 
 
 Creative Impulse in Industry by Helen Marot 
 (N. Y. : Button) is called "a proposition for 
 educators"; it is a contribution to the discussion 
 about industrial education, and the author speaks 
 of "the impasse which we had apparently reached 
 when the war occurred ; it is where we still are," 
 she says. Educators have opposed the control 
 of education by business, because "industry un- 
 der the influence of business prostitutes effort." 
 But schools must work hand-in-hand with in- 
 dustry: "unattached to the human hive they are 
 denied participation in life." On the basis of 
 this idea Miss Marot has worked out a plan 
 for an educational experiment which is here 
 published under the auspices of the Bureau of 
 Educational Experiments. Such an experiment 
 will be an important step in the work of recon- 
 structing society after the war. 
 
 Two writers, an English university teacher and 
 journalist and an American philosopher, have 
 issued collections of their essays and addresses 
 from the last four years. A reading of these 
 two volumes will disclose the thoughts that 
 have moved and still move the intellectual classes 
 in both countries. The Englishman, Gilbert 
 Murray, has, as he tells in the preface, had 
 an American audience in mind in making up this 
 particular collection of his essays; he calls it 
 Faith, War and Policy (Boston: Houghton 
 Mifflin Co.) and in the preface he makes 
 the following significant confession of guilt of 
 England and its allies: "We have none of us 
 done our duty as free societies. We have op- 
 pressed the poor; we have accepted advertise- 
 ment in the place of truth; we have given too 
 
 much power to money; and we have been indif- 
 ferent to the quality of human character." Lib- 
 erty and Democracy is the title of Hartley B. 
 Alexander's book (Boston: Jones). Never has 
 clear thinking been more necessary, he says. His 
 object in publishing the book has been to be of 
 service to his fellow citizens, as far as is in his 
 power. It is the duty of every man to express 
 what he thinks in the most important questions 
 of the day. It is particularly the duty of the 
 teacher. The reconstruction of society, this au- 
 thor says, must be accomplished through the 
 education of the individual citizen. It is worth 
 while to quote the aphorism of Aristoteles which 
 he has placed as motto for his book: "He who 
 would duly inquire about the best form of a 
 state, ought first to determine which is the most 
 eligible life." He who wishes to make up his 
 mind on this point will find an excellent guide 
 in Bertrand Russell's two books: Principles of 
 Social Reconstruction, published in this country 
 under the more catching title .Why men fight, 
 and Political Ideals (both N. Y.: Century Co.). 
 The former, published in 1916, is a survey of 
 the society of the future, as conceived by a radi- 
 cal individualist. It deals with the questions of 
 the state and of war, of property and education, 
 of marriage and religion. "It is not only more 
 material goods that men need," says the author, 
 "but more freedom, more opportunity for the 
 joy of life, more voluntary co-operation, and 
 less involuntary subservience to purposes not 
 their own. All these things the institutions of 
 the future must help to produce, if our increase 
 of knowledge and power over nature is to 
 bear its full fruit in bringing about a good 
 life." The last chapter of the book is called 
 "What we can do." We can think the thoughts 
 of the future, the author says: "Our ex- 
 pectations must not be for tomorrow, but for 
 the time when what is thought now by a few 
 shall have become the common thought of many. 
 If we have courage and patience, we can think 
 the thoughts and feel the hopes by which, sooner 
 or later, men will be inspired, and weariness and 
 discouragement will be turned into energy and 
 ardor. For this reason, the first thing we have 
 to do is to be clear in our own minds as to the 
 kind of life we think good and the kind of 
 change that we desire in the world." In the 
 essay on "Individual liberty" in Russell's Po- 
 litical Ideali we read : "One fact which emerges 
 from these considerations is that no obstacles 
 should be placed in the way of thought and its 
 expression, nor yet in the way of statements of 
 fact. This was formerly common ground among 
 liberal thinkers, though it was never quite 
 realized in the practice of civilized countries. 
 But it has recently become, throughout Europe, 
 a dangerous paradox, on account of which men 
 suffer imprisonment and starvation. For this 
 reason it has again become worth stating." I 
 close these notes with the opening words of this 
 book: "In dark days, men need a clear faith 
 and a well-grounded hope; and as the outcome 
 of these, the calm courage which takes no ac- 
 count of hardships by the way." 
 
 10 
 
LIST OF BOOKS 
 
 Adkins, F. C: The Historical Backgrounds 
 of the War 3a 
 
 Alexander, H. B.: Liberty and Democracy .. 10b 
 
 American Academy of Political and Social 
 Sciences: America's Interests after the 
 War 4b- 
 
 American Academy of Political and Social 
 Sciences: America's Interests as Affected 
 by the War 4b 
 
 American Academy of Political and Social 
 Sciences: America's Relation to the World 
 Conflict ; 4b 
 
 American Association for International Con- 
 ciliation : Towards an Enduring Peace ... 3b 
 
 Angell, N.: The Political Conditions or Al- 
 lied Success 7a 
 
 Armstrong, G. G. : Our Ultimate Aim in the 
 War : 5a 
 
 Balch, E. G. : Approaches to the Great Set- 
 tlement 3b 
 
 Bankers' Trust Company: America's Atti- 
 tude Towards the War 6b 
 
 Berle, A. A.: The World Significance of a 
 Jewish State 10a 
 
 Brailsford, H. N.: A League of Nations... 6b 
 
 British Labour Party: Towards a New 
 
 World 9a 
 
 Buxton, C. R. : Towards a Lasting Settle- 
 ment 4a 
 
 Carter, H.: Industrial Reconstruction 8a 
 
 Chapman, S. J.: Labour and Capital after 
 
 the War 8a 
 
 Churchill, W.: A Traveller in War Time. . 7b 
 Clark, J. M.: Readings in the Economics of 
 
 War ^^ 
 
 Coar, J. F.: Democracy and the War 6a 
 
 Coffin, H. S.: In a Day of Social Rebuilding. 9b 
 
 "Cosmos": The Basis of Durable Peace 5a 
 
 Cram, R. A.: The Great Thousand Years. .10a 
 Cram, R. A.: The Nemesis of Mediocrity. . .10a 
 Dickinson, G. L.: The Choice Before Us... 7b 
 Faraday Society: The Co-ordination of Sci- 
 entific Publications 9b 
 
 Friedman, E. M. : American Problems of Re- 
 
 construction °° 
 
 Garton Foundation: Memorandum on the 
 
 Industrial Situation After the War 8a 
 
 Gibbons, G. A.: The New Map of Europe. . 3b 
 Gibbons, G. A.: The Reconstruction of Po- 
 
 land and the Near East i° 
 
 Gore, C: The League of Nations and the 
 Opportunity of the Church /a 
 
 Grabo, C. H.: The World Peace and After. 5b 
 
 Henderson, A.: The Aims of Labour 9a 
 
 Hill, D. J.: The Rebuilding of Europe 6b 
 
 Hobson, J. A.: Democracy After the War. . 9b 
 
 International Crisis (The) in Its Ethical 
 and Psychological Aspects 3b 
 
 Jastrow, M.: The War and the Bagdad 
 Railway 5b 
 
 Jastrow, M. : The War and the Coming 
 Peace 5b 
 
 Kallen, H. M.: The Structure of Lasting 
 Peace 5a 
 
 Kellogg, P. U. : British Labor and the War. . 9b 
 
 Lansbury, G. : Your Part in Poverty 9b 
 
 League to Enforce Peace: Enforced Peace.. 7b 
 
 Lowie, R. H.: Culture and Ethnology 4a 
 
 McCurdy, C. A.: A Clean Peace 9a 
 
 Marot, H.: Creative Impulse in Industry.. .10a 
 
 Murray, G. : Faith, War and Policy 10a 
 
 Neilson, F.: How Diplomats Make War... 3a 
 
 Perla, L.: What Is National Honor? 6a 
 
 Phillips, M.: Women and the Labour Party. 9a 
 
 Powers, H. P.: America Among the Nations 7b 
 
 Problems of Readjustment After the War. . 4a 
 
 Ritter, W. E. : Science, War and Civiliza- 
 tion 4a 
 
 Ruskin College: The Reorganization of In- 
 dustry ; 8a 
 
 Russell, B. : Political Ideals 10b 
 
 Russell, B. : Principles of Social Reconstruc- 
 tion (= Why Men Fight) 10b 
 
 Seward, A. C. : Science and the Nations.... 9b 
 
 Seymour, C. : The Diplomatic Background 
 of the War 3a 
 
 Stoddard, L. Stakes of the War 6a 
 
 Toynbee, A. J.: The New Europe 7b 
 
 Veblen, T. : An Inquiry into the Nature of 
 
 Peace 5b 
 
 Villiers, B.: Britain After the Peace. .;.... 8b 
 
 Waldstein, C. : Patriotism 6a 
 
 Webb, S. : The Restoration of Trade Union 
 
 Conditions 9b 
 
 Wells, H. G.: In the Fourth Year 7a 
 
 Weyl, W. E.: The End of the War 6a 
 
 Why We Are at War 3a 
 
 Wilson, W. : President Wilson's Addresses . . 6b 
 Wilson, W. : President Wilson's Foreign 
 
 Policy 6b 
 
 Wilson, W.: President Wilson's State Pa- 
 pers and Addresses 6b 
 
 11