CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY DATE DUE *a! PRINTED IN U.S.A. Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924092572209 AH ISTORY OF THE CUSTOM -REVENUE IN ENGLAND. FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE YEAR iS2y. COMPILED EXCLUSIVELY FROM ORIGINAL AUTHORITIES. HUBERT HALL, O/H.M. Public R^ord Office. VOL. 11. FISCAL HISTORY. LONDON : ELLIOT STOCK, 62, P./VTERNOSTER ROW. 1885. H3- ^ie> Hirl \4H ^^^s l« ^ ^^^^^S i£iitl!;fflSit|!^ ^^g ^^^ J^^m w^f&^^^^^w^^^^^ s^^rs^^^^j ^ S ^^^^^^mi ^^8 ^^^^^^^^^ JkI^^B 5^^ (^^^^^^^^^^(MHMx ^Sv^^ffl ^^^^^^ ^^ *^ ^^^^^&§^^^^ ^^P%i CONTENTS OF VOL. II. CHAPTER 1. OF PORTS . - - - II. OF CUSTOMERS - - - - in. OF PRISES, OR CAPTIONS AND EMPTIONS IV. OF TOLLS, OR PRISE COMMUTATIONS - V. OF PRISAGE AND BUTLER.\GE - VL OF THE ANTIQUA AND NOVA CUSTUMA VII. OF THE SUBSIDY VIII. OF LOCAL CUSTOMS IX. OF THE MALTOLTE AND THE MUTULTU X. OF ASSIGNMENTS - - , - APPENDIX - - - - INDEX - - - - - I'ACE I 34 56 74 90 117 1 4 J 159 169 185 199 274 H 8 imCnjW^[ i cy^IBgfJaJ Mi m CHAPTER I. OF PORTS. T may be said that there are two aspects in Definition •^ ^ . of a Port. which the history of the outports of this country should be considered. The first of these is in regard of their natural capacities and suitability as outlets and inlets of commerce ; the second is concerned with the economic or political development of the port-town or borough itself. In the former aspect, we should take note of the From a _^ Physical geographical position of the port, both towards the Aspect. , chief centres of native industries, and to the foreign or colonial marts for which the commodities pro- duced there are naturally destined. We should also attach some importance to the geological formation of its harbours and coast-line, and to the meteoro- logical fluctuations which characterize its climate. Neither should we omit from our considerations the ethnological peculiarities or temperament of its inhabitants, so far as these can be distinguished under a more or less common habit of speech and VOL. II. 21 History of the Customs. manners and subordination to a directly or indirectly central rule. From an xhis is what would be called the physical aspect Historical . . ^ . Aspect. of the site and of the community which tenanted it ; the remaining aspect is the historical. Here we treat of the community, more especially in its rela- tions with the larger fellowship of subjects at large. We trace the territorial proprietorship which first occupied the site of the future Port as a villa, manor, or a fortress. Next we follow the course of the ad- ventitious or assured prosperity of the settlement through its successive stages of enfranchisement, as a township, burgh, walled-seaport, custom-port, staple-port, emporium or arsenal, and European city. This sustained investigation necessitates many halting-places of research. We must ascertain care- fully, for instance, the scope of its municipal fran- chise compared with that of other corporate burghs ; whether this franchise be private or imperial, and whether its custody and the control of its revenues are committed into the hands of the citizens them- selves on definite terms, or are retained, or ever resumed, by the Crown, and entrusted by it in preference to a royal Governor or custos. The various sources of that revenue must also be defined and classified in relation to the privileges of the in- habitants (or of the lord, when the jurisdiction is a private one) for the exaction of various tolls and port- dues, and to the prerogative of the Crown for the collection of its imperial Customs. Lastly, it maj Of Ports. 3 be needful to chronicle the several external incidents that have befallen in the history of the port, the growth or diminution of the population ; war or pestilence ; political pre-eminence or enfranchise- ment ; increase or decrease of commerce ; enhance- ment or decay of physical advantages, and the hke. Here, however, we are concerned even indirectly Present with but a few of the above considerations, and theSubject. directly with one only, the growth and proportions, and administration of the Custom-revenue due at every port where the same was appointed to be taken. The existence of certain ports rudely used for the °g^Kin°g's latter purpose is as ancient as our earliest extant ^°'''^' Records. At first it seems to have been customary to collect a general assessment in the shape of a tenth, fifteenth, or some other proportion upon all merchandise leaving or entering the country at a few of the more frequented ports, which fixed Customs were farmed, as a rule, by the Crown to some magnate or suitable official. For all ordinary purposes, such as that of the regulation of traffic, the prise of merchandise, and similar exertions of its jurisdiction prerogative, the Crown was content to employ the oi'tports. good offices of the elective officers of the burgh where any such enjoyed a grant of free liberties in this respect ; or of its own bailiff where the franchise was a royal one ; or of the cmtos where the Government was retained or had been resumed into its own hands. Thus, in the reigns of John and 21 — 3 4 History of the Customs. Henry III., Yarmouth, Lenn, Sandwich, and the Cinque Ports answered the mandates of the King by their baiUffs {bdlivi), whether the franchise were within or without the jurisdiction of the Crown. Local Other towns were represented either by their reeves or mayors (prepositi) or, where the seaport was fortified, by the custos, usually a constabularius or custos maris, as in the case of Bristol, South- ampton, and Scarborough. London and Sandwich, both independent franchises, the former enjoying a free municipal Government, the latter under the lordship of the Abbot of Christchurch, Canterbury, till the 2ist of Edward I., in addition to the responsi- bilities of their own officers — sheriffs and bailiffs, that is, respectively — were placed under the supervision ' Camer- of 3- chamberlain. This officer was connected with Londonie.' ^^^ King's household through the wardrobe, and was mainly engaged in the control of the wine duties, whether as prisage. Custom, or purveyance. His jurisdiction was not necessarily confined to the two ports in question, but was capable of extension to other ports, such as Southampton, Boston, and Lenn, at such periods as these latter became em- poriums of the wine trade. Somewhat later than the period in which the general toll or Custom levied from merchants was farmed by a patentee of the Crown, we find another expedient in use for the administration of the Custom- revenue at the chief outports. From the reign of Richard L to that of Edward L, with certain intervals, the main bulk of the Customs was collected and Of Ports. 5 answered by the Chamberlain of London. With Later Ex- the reign of Edward I. we reach the final stage of forSect- development in the histbry of the Customs, and with Ktag's that the foundation of the ports on their modern aMhe™' footing. The uncertain prises and tolls of the Crown ^°"^- on every commodity of native produce exported and on all kinds of foreign wares imported, imposed by way of license before they might depart or be ad- mitted into the King's territory, were exchanged for a definite Custom (since it was limited and granted anew by Parliament) upon the chief or staple com- modities of the realm, distinctly specified. Still later in the reign, the Customs due from merchandise imported — by foreign merchants especially — were also determined and rectified by charter. To this new order of things the fact is owing of Growth the rise of so many port -towns throughout the Port-towns country, but especially on the eastern and north- Edw!^!. eastern coasts, to the first rank amidst cities of the kingdom. If the Crown had lost somewhat of its indefinite prerogative, it had gained materially by the acquisition of a definite and most considerable revenue. It was found necessary at length to entrust the collection of this revenue to special officers who should moreover be resident at every port to protect the interests of the Crown. As the number of these ^, . , Their Im- ports was necessarily limited in view of the centrali- portanco. zation of the new system, each of them became more or less an emporium of trade. Wealthy merchants resided in each. Costly wares were amassed in the storehouses and Custom-booths on its quays ; and History of the Cttstoms. its harbours sheltered a fleet of carricks and hoys. Moreover, the position of England in her relations with her nearest neighbour and great rival on the opposite Continent had greatly altered. Her own stake in the latter country was now comparatively small, and confined to a few southern provinces. At any time, therefore, the theatre of war might be changed to her own coast lines and maritime counties. The necessity for a custos maris at every exposed point of the south-eastern coast might be but a precursor of the appointment of a new ' Custos littoris Gallici.' Steps taken Hence we can discover at the close of the thirteenth Crown for '^^'"^ury the commencement of a defensive policy Jhe^afety^ on the part of the Enghsh Government, prompted Trade. in part no doubt by a consideration of the new and valuable interests which it had at stake, in the re- cently established port-towns of Yorkshire, Lincoln- shire, Norfolk, Kent, and Surrey. Most of these were henceforth walled and otherwise effectually defended against any sudden inroad ; and as the Defence of ^^^cution of these defensive works was mainly under- the Ports, taken by the inhabitants themselves, they received in recompense hereof certain graces and privileges, in the shape of grants of Murage, Quayage, and forlhar °'^^^^ port-dues, with a general recognition of their Purpose, improved status. None the less, however, the Crown made use of their natural resources to serve its own ends. To one or other of them all merchants, whether exporting or importing wares of native or foreign production, were compelled to resort ; and Local Of Ports. 7 there they were easily overlooked by the Customers of the Crown, and forced to render a proper account of all Custom-dues. Not but that the townsmen themselves were o/tirin*^ grateful for the monopoly thus conferred upon •habitants, them ; for they ever evinced, the greatest interest in its maintenance and extension. On one occasion, even, we find the Corporation of Southampton pay- ing the annual fee of the King's Butler without any evidence of compulsion or assignment ; and every port alike was wont to make the increase to arise from the King's Customs the pretext for any grant or favour that they sought at the hands of the Crown. Having thus sketched the general progress of the typical ports up to the date of their consolidation with the commencement of the history of the Customs proper, as a constitutional revenue, it may ^°^of"^e be useful to note some of the chief political and Subject. social events which distinguished the subsequent career of each of them. The following is a list of the most important of i^'s'^y of these ports : English •^ . , , . Ports dur- Berwick. — This town is rather conspicuous in ing the ^, , • , . Middle history as a border garrison than as a port, in Ages. which latter aspect its position would appear to ress and have been most anomalous. Placed so far in the o^Bervrick. North, with the nearest staple-town at Newcastle^ Berwick was in danger of complete isolation from the advantages of State-protected commerce — such as those advantages were ! Therefore the merchants 8 History of the Customs. who resided at or resorted to the town were per- ils Privi- mitted exceptional facilities for exporting the rough TSde^"*^ wools of the Valley of the Coquet at a very low rate of Custom. They were exempt also from the ordi- nances of the Staple, and were therefore capable of selecting the best market on the Continent,, free of the extortionate duties levied at the Staple Wool- beam and the other suicidal exactions which de- barred Flemish customers from offering current prices on the Calais ' 'Change.' PoUcy of The great object of the Government was to ensure with'regarf ^ Constant supply of victuals and other necessaries to to Berwick. |.jjjg northern outpost, as well as a certain proportion of staple merchandise to feed the export trade of the port, thus ensuring a source of income to the treasurer of the town, for the pay and maintenance of the garrison out of the Customs due to the Crown. We read, however, of loud complaints from the Local Ex- southern merchants, who alleged that they were tortions. enticed to bring their wares to Berwick, under a promise of special advantages, whereas when they arrived there not only were excessive port-dues levied from their cargoes, but prises were also made at the pleasure of the King's purveyors. Moreover, the rents of the storehouses allotted to them were so high that they could not afford to make use of them; and after enduring these hardships, when they had sold their produce and purchased and shipped native wools at the low rate of Custom promised, their ships were often driven by stress of weather into Hartlepool, where the Customers, Of Ports. 9 ignoring their former commuted payment of the Custom, compelled them to pay the whole anew. So notorious at one time had these extortions be- come, that no merchant of Southampton, the great of The Port emporium for imported merchandise, would trans- J;°n{Jn„e°d ship any wares to the ' North Parts.' For example, Privileges. by the Statute Staple (27 Edward III., c. 12) no wools might be exported to Berwick or Scotland. Yet after this date licenses were constantly granted against the Statute. So, too, the Statute 6 Rich. II., forbidding the exportation of corn, was remitted in the case of Berwick and other garrisons ; shippers paying the Custom due to the Crown thereon. In the thirteenth year of the same reign, Berwick and the other northern garrisons were exempt from the payment of Tunnage and Poundage. In the first of Henry IV. merchants exporting from Berwick were licensed to carry their wools else- where than to Calais. In the thirteenth year of the same reign, Berwick was especially excepted from the Confirmation of the Ordinances against the Grant of Licenses to export to other marts than Calais. Finally, in the fourth year of Henry VI., a petition was presented in Parliament by the bur- gesses of Berwick, that whereas licenses were granted to them in the late reign to export wools of the Scotch Borders, paying Custom thereon at the rate of 13s. 4d. (which was afterwards restricted to wools exported to Middleburgh only), yet now the Scotch will not suffer them to purchase any of lo History of the Customs. those wools; wherefore they pray for Hcense to purchase wools of the English Borders for a term of twenty years on like conditions. custom. There are no returns for Berwick amongst the returns wanting, enrolled accounts of the Customs. There could, however, have existed but a trifling revenue from this source, and that was probably at this period answered by the Treasurer of the Garrison.* The Port of Boston. — This port was probably an important St. Botulf, . , . ^ . , , . . , or Boston. One from very early times. Besides shipping large quantities of wool to Flanders, it was also a con- siderable emporium for imported wines, chiefly from Bordeaux and Rochelle, as well as for produce of Curious many northern countries of Europe. In the case of Claims of . .,.,,. Private wmes, the enterprise of the inhabitants was much hampered at one time through a ' Liberty ' claimed by the Earl of Richmond in the shape of a heavy charge on all wines imported, which were bound to be stored in his cellars ; the accommodation in question being the pretext for the exaction. Par- ticulars of this claim will be found in the Year- Boston a Book II-I2 Edward III. By the Statute Staple (27 Port. Edward III.), Boston was assigned as one of the ports in connection with a staple town and district ; the staple in question being Lincoln, and the district the county of the same and the adjoining country, a tract which produced almost the finest and most highly-priced of any English wools. Later, how- ever, the staple itself seems to have been removed from Lincoln to Boston, for in the fiftieth year of * It was so answered in the reign of Elizabeth. Of Ports. 1 1 Edward III. we find the Commons of the counties of Lincoln, Leicester, Notts, and Derby, the dis- tricts annexed to that staple, petitioning that the same may be restored from Boston to Lincoln, a petition that was promptly refused. Boston was one of the first of the few leading ports to which Edward I. assigned collectors (custodes) of the Customs in the twenty-fifth year of his reign. This was also one of the ports by which alone subjects were permitted to depart the realm by the Statute 15 Richard IL, c. 2. In the eighth year of Edward II. the great ^"J^',"™; Custom of wools and leather at Boston amounted to ^2,428 5s. 6Jd. In the eleventh year, the loan made to the King upon the same Custom was £2,867 i6s. 8^d. In the nineteenth year the great Custom amounted to ;^88g i8s. 6id., the returns being everywhere low. The loan made to Ed- ward III. in his first year was as much as £2,880 i8s. 5d., the largest collected at any port. The contribution of this port to the subsidy granted in the fifteenth year of the same reign was £2,293 7s. iijd., again the largest excepting that of London. In the second of Richard II. the subsidy and Custom at the port of Boston was £g,ooo, still the largest of any except London. Bridgewater, like Chepstow, was a small port con- ^"tlftnd nected with Bristol. Chepstow. Bristol— The early history of the Custom- ^'J;^P°"°f revenue in this port is intimately associated with one of the most extraordinary of all the lawless 1 2 History of the Customs. episodes of the Middle Ages. The facts of this case are as follows : Remark- Bristol, though at all times an important port, in able in 14th ,,.,,, Century for due course a staple-town, and later still the great Dispute emporium of the West of England, the third city Crown. of the Empire, never seems to have yielded much revenue to the Crown from the Custom-dues of staple commodities. Where Boston, Hull, and a few more great ports contributed thousands of pounds, Bristol returned scarce as many shillings. Therefore it was, perhaps, that the Crown, in the reign of Edward I. and prior to the sixth year of Edward II., permitted the citizens to collect these Customs and answer them in their own person to the Crown, allowance therefor being probably made to them on their farm. Details In the sixth year of Edward H-, however, the Quarrel. Crown, dissatisfied no doubt with this state of affairs, appointed a custos, who was to act both as a military Governor and Treasurer of the Crown- revenues. At the same time the King imformed the mayor and citizens by his writ that he had committed the custody of the place to his officer in the manner above mentioned, and enjoined them to be ' intending and obeying ' to the same. Now the ^e Crown ^^°& ^^^ ^ perfect right to resume his manage- criticized. ment of the affairs of any city which had failed to satisfy the conditions of its charter. Nearly four centuries later it was still possible for the Crown to trump up a technical charge of mismanagement against a powerful city, confiscate its charters by Of Ports. 13 process of Scire Facias, and restore its forfeited privileges only on payment of an extortionate fine. In the age of a yet beneficent prerogative, however, such a seeming high-handed measure was only resorted to in extreme cases ; often most reluctantly by the Crown, and then at the earnest desire of the subjects themselves in their own interests. More- over, anyone who examines the condition of the Custom-revenue of Bristol under the management of its Corporation will perceive that strong action on the part of the Crown was urgently called for. The citizens themselves seem to have taken a Position of the Cm- different view of the case. They were perfectly zens. contented with themselves and with the present state of their affairs, and they wanted no custos or ruler over them. Therefore, relying on a clerical error in the King's most recent writ, and on the terms of a previous one which authorized them ' to guard the city themselves for the King,' they deter- mined not to receive the new Governor if they could help it ; and if not, to give him a warm reception. Anon the cxistos arrived with his suite, and took up his abode in the castle. Thence he temon^of sallied forth in person to superintend the collection *■= <^'''- of the disputed Customs, but was forcibly opposed by the mayor at the head of the able-bodied towns- men, and was compelled to beat a swift retreat into his fortress. The citizens, being now left masters of the field, proceeded to appoint their own officers, imprisoning those deputed by the Crown, and continued to 1 4 History of the Cttstoms. collect the Customs as of old. Then the Crown, apprised of the position of affairs, addressed several writs to the mayor enjoining him, on the heaviest penalties, to submit ; which missive the latter and his supporters treated as so much waste parchment. Meantime the custos was beleaguered in the citadel, and was cut off from all supplies in the direction of the city. More than this, the worthy burgesses, with true antiquarian zeal, hunted up yet another writ from the Crown, authorizing them to erect an outer wall to cover the defences of the castle. This recom- They be- mendation they utilized by building a wall of circum- siege the _ -' j o Royal vallation over against the citadel, whence they kept Governor, , . , - . J r up a brisk fire of ' quarrells ' and ' cloth-yard ' shafts upon the ill-starred garrison. At the same time they put their affairs in order by forcibly ejecting every known partizan of the royal cause, together with all their families, relatives and effects. Matters and ill-treat had reached this pass when the King's justices were Justices, sighted approaching the town, one of them being Thomas de Berkly, a man justly execrated by the citizens. The latter, therefore, composed chiefly, we hear, of a ' huge crowd of malefactors,' sallied forth to meet the learned judges, whom they assaulted and bound, and finally cast into the common gaol. Siege of Some time after, according to another account, it would appear that the Earl of Gloucester encamped before Bristol with an army of 30,000 men, and summoned the citizens to surrender. This sum- mons they rejected, and defended their city against Of Ports. 1 5 the whole of this overgrown po%%e. Whereupon, we read, the Earl, acting on the advice of the elder Despenser, who was then in his company, purchased Legal Pro- ceedings a writ of Oyer and Terminer against the citizens, against the ' to be taken at Gloucester without the liberties of the said city.' There the citizens being summoned did not appear; whereupon the sheriff returned them non inventi, and they were consequently out- lawed and their goods seized for the King. These legal proceedings brought the citizens to their senses. They despatched six delegates to Westminster to come to terms with the Crown. Both sides were heard, and a jury was impanelled in Gloucestershire to find on the issue. Their verdict was in favour of the Crown, on all points, and judgment was entered accordingly. Whereupon the They citizens tendered their submission, and prayed the submis- King's pardon on ransoming themselves by payment ^'°"' of a fine. The pardon was granted on the following conditions. That the citizens should account for the revenue that they had appropriated during their thirty-five weeks of misrule, and pay a fine of 4,000 marks to the King. Three persons were exempted by name from the pardon and declared outlawed. In the twenty-fifth year of Edward III. we find the men of Bristol once more on bad terms with the Government. They complain that whereas the Later Diffi- Crown had granted them the power to levy Murage, t^he Crown.* Quayage, and Plankage for the repair of their fortifications, yet lately these revenues have been granted by the Crown to another person, a pro- i6 History of the Ctistoms. Bristol as a Port. ceeding which, they somewhat naturally observe, is highly unjust as well as unprecedented. We may note that Bristol was one of the ports to which a custos was assigned by Edward I., in the year 1298, ' ad custumam, suam lanarum, etc., colle- gendum recipiendum et custodiendum quamdiu Regi placuerit.' This was also one of the staples established by the Statute Staple (27 Edward III.), though not in connection with any district or any port other than its own. It was also a port assigned by the Statute of Richard II. for natives to depart the realm. The customers of Bristol were also supposed to keep watch upon neigh- bouring ports in the no-man's land of the Welsh borders, such as Chepstow, taking security from the wares of merchants there for due payment of the Customs. The Customs taken at the Port of Bristol varied for certain periods, the following year-returns showing thus : Great Custom 2 Edward II., £2 i6s. 6d. ; 11 Edward II. (Mutuum), 6s. 2d.; 12 Edward II., £7 los. 4d. ; I Edward III. (Mutuum), £7 14s.; 15 Edward III. (Subsidy), £6 13s. 8Jd. ; i Richard II. (Custom and Subsidy), £100. Cardigan, Caermarthen, Carnarvon. — There was but one staple assigned for Wales by the Statute of Edward III., Caermarthen, for which, however, no Carnarvon, j-g^uj-^g exist. Carnarvon was a considerable depot for imported merchandise, which was also subjected to severe exactions at the hands of the Crown, Custom- returns. Welsh Ports, Cardigan Caermar- then and Of Ports. 1 7 especially in the matter of the prise of wines and the hire of ships. Cardigan was a port for the passage of wools as early as the reign of Edward I., as we learn from the curious case cited amongst the Exchequer Memoranda and referred to in Chapter IX. of the present volume. Chichester was a staple town and port by the The Port of , , Chichester. Statute of the Staple (27 Edward III.), and occurs throughout the Inrolled Accounts as returning a small revenue to the Exchequer. In the forty- second year of Edward III., a subsidiary staple was created at Lewes for wools bound to Chichester, for convenience of transit. For certain purposes, however, the Custom-returns were answered for the whole county of Sussex, under the latter title. In the fifth year of Edward II., the return for Custom- •' ' returns. the great Custom here was ^f 179 os. lojd. In the eleventh year (Mutuum), £82 3s. iid. In the first of Edward III. (Mutuum), £g i8s. iid. In the fifteenth year (Subsidy), ^152 13s. 8|d. In the first of Richard II. (Custom and Subsidy), ^^750. Chester. — Until quite the close of the Middle Ages, Chester un- ^ 2S. 7d. The Port of Ipswich. — This was not appointed a staple by the cSppewic. statute of Edward III., nor was it finally endowed with that status till the sixth year of Henry IV. In the first year of that reign we find the townsmen complaining of the poverty of their port, the gradual Its Che- dejection of resident merchants, and their inability Career. to pay the farm, which was assessed at a time when Of Ports. 2 r heir position was a far more prosperous one. In he fourth year, another petition mentions this farm IS £66 per annum, and £73 for the Fifteenth. They :herefore pray for a reduction of their taxes, and ire directed to sue to the King. Two years later, paSem. lowever, the citizens claim to have long possessed ;he privileges of a staple, complaining that these ire now usurped by the port of Yarmouth, and pray that they may be restored. In answer to this remonstrance the passage of wools was ordered to be made at both ports. This ordinance does not seem to have been satisfactorily observed, for in the following Parliament the citizens of Ipswich renew their suit, praying that licenses granted against their privileges may be held void, which was promised them till the next Parliament. Though Ipswich had thus great difficulty in esta- Competi- blishing its position, this fact was owing chiefly to Yarmouth, the superior claims of its great rival Yarmouth. The port is continuously mentioned in the InroUed A.ccounts, though the returns were not considerable. In the first year of Edward II., the Great Custom Custom- amounted to £2,T.2 7s. 6|d. In the first year of Ed- ward III., to £80 13s. 6d. In the fifteenth year, (Subsidy) to £300. Ipswich was one of the ports to which permanent 'Mstodes or Customers were assigned by Edward I. Kingston-on-HuU. — This port is usually supposed HuU. :o have been founded by Edward I. in the twenty- fifth year of his reign. This belief is probably xronage of Dwing to the fact that cusiodes of the Customs there signed ^^' 22 History of the Customs. there ty were assigned by Edward about that time. In reality, however, Hull had been one of the chief outports of the realm for a long time previous to the reorganization of the Custom - revenue in 1297. In the ninth year of the same reign, the Customs collected from the wools of aliens alone amounted to £1,096 los. 8|d., or more than one-eighth of the entire revenue of the kingdom from this source. In the reign of Edward III. we find the burgesses petitioning that their town may be walled, for the safety of merchandises collected there. In the Position of twenty-fifth year, Kingston was created a staple Hull as a . . -i-^r., ■. Staple Port, port m connection with York, the staple town for that county; and henceforth its position was assured. It was also one of the ports of passage appointed by the Statute of Richard II. (5 Ric. II., c. 2). ^m: I" the sixth year of Edward II. the Great Custom collected here amounted to ;f 1,175 i5s- 95d. In the eleventh year the Mutuum obtained by the Crown was ;f 1,721 15s. 6|d. In the first half of the twentieth year the returns dropped to £216 3s. id. The Mutuum in the succeeding year, however, was ;f979 los. id. In the fifteenth of Edward III. the return for the Subsidy was only £397 os. 4d. In the second year of Richard II., again, the Custom and Subsidy was £8,202, or the third -largest sum collected from any port. Like other eastern ports, Hull was a hot-bed of smuggling, chiefly in connection with the evasion of the staple monopoly of Calais. It may be observed, too, that the navigation of the Humber Of Ports. 23 was probably difficult before the erection of the Ravenspur beacon in the reign of Henry V. Lemi. — In 1298, Lenn was one of the ports to The Port which Customers were assigned. In connection with this establishment, we find that a writ was issued by the Crown, directing a Wool-beam, or balance, to be sent to Lenn regulated on the same scale as that of London. This was not made a Not at first staple port by the first Statute Staple of Edward ^o,\^p'* III. In the thirty-eighth year, however, Yarmouth was assigned as a staple for wools in connection with Lenn, as a port of passage for the same. In the forty-seventh year Lenn itself was declared a staple, independent of Yarmouth. At some period subsequent to this, however, the staple would seem to have been removed from Lenn, for in the seventh and eighth years of Henry IV. the burgesses petition for the privileges of their port to be renewed, and that no licenses shall be granted against them. The returns of the Great Custom at Lenn, for returns. the following selected years, read as under : 4 Ed- ward II., £319 15s. 8d. ; II Edward II. (Mutuum), ^86 los. 3|d. ; 17 Edward II., ^133 14s. yfd. ; i Edward HI. (Mutuum), £149 17s. lod. ; 15 Edward III. (Subsidy), £125 8s. 5d. ; 2 Richard II. (Custom and Subsidy), ;f300. London. — Just as the franchise of London was the liiJ^H^^ most ancient and complete of any, comprising liber- ties and free customs, more amply framed and more ^l2lon. securely enjoyed than in the case of other cities of the realm, so by force of its metropolitan position the Custom- revenue, 24 History of the Customs. alone, as well as by virtue of the above acquired ad- vantageSj this city became in the earliest time the great commercial emporium of England for the merchandises of all countries, as well as the largest shipping port for the export-trade in staple com- modities of the kingdom. We have seen, indeed, that in the thirteenth century the authorized col- lector of the chief branches of the Custom-revenue Centre of belonging to the Crown in the Port of London was also, by virtue of this central office, the agent for the collection of similar dues in the other ports, and especially in those of Southampton, Sandwich, and Boston. Later still, in the reign of Edward I., after the Great Custom ' on staple commodities had been presumably granted to the Crown by Parlia- ment, in the third year of the reign, the system employed for collecting this revenue at the Port of London was extended to the rest of the kingdom. staff of In its full perfection we find this system consisting Customers, j- . . 01 the mamtenance of two Collectors and one Comp- troller, a Tronager or Clerk of the Wool-beam, and a Pesour, or Weigher of goods of avoir-du-pois (averia de pondere), namely, those rated ad, valorem, together with searchers, packers, and other inferior officers. These were for the ' Custumae magna et parva.' For the prisage of wines there was the King's Butler (whose jurisdiction lay throughout the king- dom, but whose headquarters were properly fixed here), his lieutenant, and other deputies. The" Extent of limits of the Port of London were thus defined : the Port. , T T J • In Londonis et m smgulis locis abinde ex utraque Of Ports. 25 parte Tamisie usque Grenewicum.' The staple in connection with the port being fixed at Westminster, staple at by the Statute Staple of Edward III., the chief minster, employment of the Customers would be found in that direction. None the less they or their depu- ties had to keep close watch upon the shipping in the river as far down as Greenwich, and for this jurisdiction purpose they were allowed in their accounts for the of the" '*^^ hire of a boat upon the river. So, too, they were "='°""^''^- authorized to hire a house which was no doubt used as an office, and also a larger storehouse, such as existed in every port of consequence, for the recep- tion of merchandise forfeited or reserved for the Crown. Both these buildings were probably situ- ated upon or near the Wool-Quay. Side by side with this imperial administration of the Custom- revenues granted to the Crown in Parliament, or taken by virtue of its mere prerogative, the local or municipal Customs upon all merchandise liable thereto were administered by the officers of the City without (except on certain rare occasions) coming into conflict with the interests of the former. The returns for the Customs of London, both for the Antiqua and Nova Custuma, from [the thirty- second year of Edward I. to the second year of Henry IV., will be found in the Appendix to this Custom- ■^ returns. volume. Liverpool. — Though this town had obtained a grant Liverpool. of liberties and free customs on the same footing ' as any other Burgh upon the sea ' as early as the reigp of John, it remained a place of small import- 26 History of the Customs. Early Foundation and sub- sequent Insignifi- cance. The Port of Lyme. Wretched Condition of, during 14th and iSth Centuries. Pecuniary Embarras- ments. The Haven of Lyming- ton. ance, even for the transport service between Ireland and the West of England, till the last century. It was in fact overshadowed by the commercial great- ness, first of Chester, and afterwards of Bristol; the former of which absorbed the traffic with the North of Ireland, and the latter the growing imports from Virginia and the West Indies. There exist no returns for the Customs of Liver- pool during the period before us. Lyme. — In the reign of Edward III. we find the burgesses of Lyme complaining that, although they enjoy the status of a seaport, yet they have no harbour for shipping beyond the shelter of a flimsy breakwater, in great part destroyed by the sea. In order to rebuild this, they obtained a grant of the quayage at their port during five years. In the fourth year of Henry IV., the citizens were com- pelled to memorialize the Crown to resume the government of the town and to remit the arrears of their ferm and subsidies. This ferm amounted of old to 32 marks yearly, with an average assessment for a Tenth of ^8 los. Of the latter sum £6 los. was remitted in the seventeenth year of Richard II. ; but even then the inhabitants were unable to dis- charge the residue, and were in hopeless arrears with their ferm. In the eleventh year of Henry IV., therefore, this was reduced to ^5 annually, and the assessment of the subsidy to 13s. 4d., to continue at those rates for ten years. Lymington. — This was not a port proper, but a haven, where ships landed by accident or were Of Ports. 27 driven by stress of weather. This was its position till the reign of Henry VI., when the citizens peti- tioned the Crown that a deputy-Customer should Connected ■^ •' with South- reside there to custom the wares of such merchants ampton as as might be desirous of shipping or discharging undei- cargoes there. By means of this arrangement, "^^ Lymington was made a subsidiary port in connec- tion with Southampton. Melcombe. — In Edward I.'s reign we learn that 7''^^'"^'°'^ => Melcombe. this port had a coket for staple commodities and resident Customers. This privilege was withdrawn its varying near the end of the reign, and does not appear to ' have been fully restored. At any rate, it was not made a staple port till the forty-second year of Edward III., an Ordinance which was confirmed in the forty-fifth year. Several new staples were Becomes a created at this period on account of the stress of '^'^ ° the French war. In the second year of Richard II. the burgesses presented a petition in Parliament, setting forth that their town had been sacked by the enemy, and requesting a grant of Murage fifg French. and Poundage and exemption from the toll of prise- wines, and remission of their ferm and other taxes till their state should be restored. In the seven- teenth year of Richard II. the townsmen obtained a reduction of their ferm for twenty years, which grant was confirmed in the fourth year of Henry IV. After these twenty years had elapsed, it was found gapw ^^ that there were only eight resident burgesses, who the town. could contribute only 20s. between them for the ferm and 6s. 8d. for the assessment of a Tenth. The com- 28 History of the Ctistoms. Custom- returns. The Port of New- castle. Encroach- ments on its Privi- leges. Defensive Position against Scotland. muted ferm and subsidy, agreed upon in the late reign, amounted to 8 marks and £9 los. respectively. In the eleventh year of Henry IV., therefore, their liabilities were remitted for ten years, which expired in the seventh year of Henry V., when the citizens were distrained upon in the Exchequer. Then matters grew worse and worse with them, till, in the eleventh and twelfth years of Henry VI., we find a fresh petition presented for a nominal ferm and subsidy and a pardon for all arrears of the same. In the eleventh year of Edward II. Melcombe contributed £84 los. s^d. to the Mutuum. In the first year of Edward III. the return was nil. To the Subsidy in the fifteenth year, ;^i5 igs. 6|d. To the Custom and Subsidy in the second year of Richard II., £300. In the eleventh year of Henry IV. the average return from all sources was esti- mated as being equal to 1,000 marks. ' Newcastle-on-Tyne. — In the reign of Edward I. we have the details of an animated contest between the citizens of Newcastle and their neighbour the Prior of Tynemouth. The Prior's foreshore lay between the town and the open sea ; and the dignitary in question found means to intercept the traffic destined for the port by the usual expedient of an open fair outside the town. We learn from these proceedings that the citizens enjoyed a grant of murage and other port-customs, which they seemed to have re- tained henceforward for the fortifications of their town, one of the bulwarks against a Scotch invasion. As early as the ninth year of Edward I., Customs Of Ports. 29 upon staple commodities were collected at this port. In the twenty-sixth year two custodes, or Customers, were assigned for the same ; and in the twenty- seventh year of Edward III. this was appointed to be one of the staples in England, and by the Statute 5 Richard II., c. 2, one of the only legi- timate ports of passage. In spite of its natural advantages, however, the affairs of the city were not so flourishing as might have been expected. In the nineteenth year of Edward II. the townsmen ob- tained a remission of their ferm for one year in consideration of the repair of their walls. In the fifteenth year of Edward III. the assessment for the Subsidy was 73^ sacks of wool ; but the inhabitants declared their poverty to be so great, and their inability to pay this rate so undoubted, that they were resolved to emigrate to Berwick in case the matter were pressed. One of their chief causes of distress was said to be the extortions practised by the governor of the castle there. In later times, Newcastle, like Berwick, was placed Special Privileges. under the special protection of the Crown. Licenses to export wools at a reduced rate of Custom, or to other marts than the staple of Calais, were freely granted ; and to accomplish this object the reward of 50 per cent, for the capture of smuggled wool was withdrawn from the disposal of the Mayor and merchants of the staple. In the fourth year of Henry IV. all arrears of the ferm and subsidy were pardoned in consideration of the repair of the fortifi- cations, much damaged by the enemy and the en- 30 History of the Customs. Custom- returns. Plymouth. The Port of Poole. Supersedes Melcombe as a Port. Ports- mouth, Newport, and Queens- borough. The Port of Sandwich. croachments of the sea. In the ninth year of Edward I., the new Custom on aHens' wools and leather shipped from Newcastle amounted to 3^323 3s. gd. The returns for the Great Custom read as follows for the years mentioned below : 32 Edward I., £582 is. ijd. ; 11 Edward II., (Mutuum), -£"42 9s. od. ; 16 Edward II., ^134 15s. 7^d. ; I Edward III. (Mutuum), £28 4s. 5d. ; I Richard II., ^1,200 (Custom and Subsidy). From 2ist June, 50 Edward III., to 21st June, I Richard II., the new Customs on cloth and avoir- dupois amounted to ^50 15s. yd. Plymouth was one of the ports assigned by the Statute 5 Richard II., c. 2, for the passage of subjects beyond the realm. Its commercial importance was small during the period before us. Poole was at first only recognised as a haven, having a deputy-Customer resident, and being other- wise placed in connection with the port of Mel- combe. As the latter, however, fell into decay in the reign of Henry VI., Poole took its place as the chief port for the Dorset coast in the eleventh year of that reign. Portsmouth, like Newport, was a haven connected with the port of Southampton. Queensborough. — Once a staple port, but the staple was removed hence to Sandwich in the first year of Richard II. Sandwich. — One of the Cinque Ports, the only one of commercial importance. This was a private Of Ports. 3 1 franchise till the twenty-first year of Edward I., its Early when it was acquired by the Crown from the Prior of Christ Church, Canterbury. Previous to this, however, the Custom-revenue of the Crown, which arose chiefly from the prisage of wines, was collected and answered by the Chamberlain of London and Sandwich. This town was appointed as a staple port in connection with Canterbury in the twenty- seventh year of Edward III. It was also one of the ports of passage limited by the Statute of Richard II. In the thirty-fifth year of Edward I., the Great Custom- ,,.,., returns. Customs return was £273 17s. g^d. ; m the nmth year of Edward II., £39 17s. lod. ; in the eleventh year (Mutuum), £104 7s. gfd. ; in the first year of Edward III. (Mutuum), nil; in the fifteenth year (Subsidy) ,;f 79 iis.4id.; in the firstyear of Richard II. (Custom and Subsidy), £2<^o. Scarborough enjoyed certain local Customs levied Scarboro' chiefly upon fishing craft. shoreham. Shoreham was at one time the port of Chichester when the latter was a staple town. Southampton. — This port was the most important The Port of any on the southern coast, and was the great amptou. emporium of imported wines and miscellaneous wares rated ad valorem. It was one of the ports for which Customers were assigned in the twenty- sixth year of Edward I. By the Statute Staple of Edward III., Southampton was made a staple port in connection with Winchester. It was also assigned E.-ctensive as a port of passage for natives by the Statute of diction. Richard II. The limits of the jurisdiction of this History of the Customs. Custom- returns. Wey- mouth. The Port of Great Yarmouth. Early Im- portance. Later Difficulties. port were most extensive, including the whole coast- line from Portsmouth to Weymouth and the Isle of Wight. There were no Customers assigned, how- ever, for the neighbouring havens till the tenth year of Henry IV. The returns for the Great Custom levied here are as under for the following years : 33 Ed. I., ;f 1,590 15s. ojd. ; 10 Ed. II., £966 los. sfd. ; II Ed. II. (Mutuum), £i,26z 8s. lod. ; i Ed. III. (Mutuum), :^6o3 6s. ofd. ; 15 Ed. III. (Subsidy), ^^1,398 5s. 6|d. ; I Ric. II. (Custom and Subsidy), ;^2,ooo. New Custom : 33 Ed. I., ^^532 13s. 6Jd. ; 18 Ed. II., £106 gs.; 45 Ed. III. (cloth and avoirdu- pois), £xs I2S. ijd. ; 46 Ed. III. (ditto), £3 is. iiid. Wareham was claimed as a private franchise, and the Customs collected for the Earl of March till the twelfth year of Richard II., when the port-reeves were distrained to answer for them at the Exchequer. It was not, however, a Custom port. Weymouth was a haven in connection with the port of Melcombe. Yarmouth. — Jernemouth, or Magna Jermuta, was from early times one of the chief ports of the east coast. Customers were assigned for it in the twenty- sixth year of Edward I. By the Statute Staple of Edward III., it was appointed the staple port for Norwich, and it was one of the ports of passage mentioned in the Statute of Richard II. In the tenth year of Richard II., the citizens represented themselves as greatly impoverished by the magnitude of their ferm. This complaint is repeated again in the first and eleventh years of Henry IV., and this Of Ports. 33 ferm amounted to £60 (with the assessment of the subsidy jfioo). A chief cause of the prevailing dis- tress was the gradual silting of sand in the harbour, and consequent diminution of shipping. Yarmouth J?°™P^"" was also hard pressed by the competition of its?^'g^^°^" rivals Lenn and Ipswich. The Custom-returns for this port for the within- Custom ^ returns. named years are as follows : 34 Edward I. (Great Custom), 3^286 15s. lojd. New Custom: fb'^ lis. id.; II Edward II. (Mutuum), £277 17s. 6Jd.; 15 Edward II., ^^104 14s. 8d. ; i Edward III. (Mutuum), £81 19s. ; 15 Edward III. (Subsidy), £176 los. 8d. ; I Richard II. (Custom and Subsidy), £700.* * For specimens of the condition of the seaports of this kingdom in a later period, see Appendix to Volume I. and Appendix to the present volume. VOL. 11. 23 CHAPTER II. OF CUSTOMERS. Origin of the Office. Agents of tlie Crown. F we were to persist in an endeavour to trace the office of Collector of the Customs (Consuetudines) of the Crown to its earliest employment in the remote period of unrecorded history, we should be qualified only to assign its provisional tenure to such servants or agents as the King appointed to purchase ' at his price,' or to superintend the assessment by the local jurats of such provisions or stores as his present necessities warranted him in demanding at the hands of his subjects to maintain the dignity of his state or governance. These agents might be either the King's ' men,' active members of his Comitatus in the tribal period, or subordinate household of&cers acting in conjunction with the local authorities under a national monarchy; or patentees, farmers, and other recognised accountants of the Crown under a central Government working by the machinery of an organized revenue, such as was the system of the Norman and Plantagenet Exchequer. As we shall see, any or all of the latter class of Of Customers. 35 collectors of the ' ancient and due Customs of the various Crown' might exist at one and the same time, empioyrf Either it was the usual fixed agent of the Crown Di'siinaion. revenues* acting in obedience to the mandate Llcaf °' contained in the royal writ addressed to him to ^'Jjjg''^'^ provide by way of pre-emption the articles enume- Crown. rated therein ' ad opus Regis et suorum :' which provision was properly made by the assessments of the jurats of the district placed in requisition 'by the view' of the King's skilled purveyors. Or some Farmers. courtier fined to the Crown for the monopoly of collecting the tolls levied from general merchandise in commutation of this same liability to prisage — accounting for the nett proceeds of the Disme or Quinzime which they levied to the Exchequer.t Or in the case of certain local franchises, such as London and Sandwich, the King's chamberlain chamber- answered for the dues of merchandise and the profits of the Prerogative of Prisage or purveyance, * ' Rex vicecotniti Leircestrie.' — Lit. Claus., 17 J., m. I. ' Dirigatur breve constabulario de Scardeburg . . . ballivis de Gememue . . . Dunewic . . . Sandewic . . . Lenn . . . Riha . . . vicecomitibus Londonie . . . constabularis Bristolli . . . Nor- hamptonie . . . ballivis de Portesmue . . . Scorham . . . Winchelse . . . Rumenal . . . dehiis que ceperunt.' — Lit. Claus., 8 Hen. III., m. 15. ' Rex omnibus ballivis Portuum Anglie.' — Pat., 6 J., m. 4. 'Rex prepositis de Sorham.' — Pat., 10 J., m. 4. 'Rex baronibus de Hasting, Dovre, Sandwic, H^^, Ru- menall, tic'— Pat., 8 J., m. 4. t Magn. Rot., 5 J., rot. I, Lond. et Midd. Compotus W. de Wroteham, Reginald! de ComhuU, etc.— Magn. Rot., 6 J. 23—2 36 History of the Customs. Purveyors. Chief Butler of England. Customers Proper. with an extended jurisdiction in some cases over the conduct of traffic at the outports.* Or when the great medium of the export trade of this country came to be recognised as consisting of wool, wool- fells and leather, regularly appointed Customers of the Crown answered the fixed duty arising both from this source and from the similarly constituted Customs paid by foreign merchants upon all exports and imports at regular periods to the Exchequer.t Lastly, in contradistinction to this latter permanent service, the uncertain proceeds arising from the liability to prise of produce of the kingdom other than woollens or hides, as well as of such imports of natives as were not submitted to the assessment fixed by the Carta Mercatoria, were realized either by the (officers of the) King's 'taskers and pur- veyors' (captores et emptores), or later, in the case of wines, by his Chief Butler; or by other special agents, farmers, or patentees.! It is only, however, with the class of collectors of * ' Compotus Gervasii de Aldermansbury de Cameraria Lon- donie et Sandwici.' — Magn. Rot, lo Ric. I., rot. iz^ ' Compotus W. de Haverhull de eadem.' — Magn. Rot, 30 Hen. III. ' Compotus Pencil de Mora et Sociis suis de Cameraria Lon- donie et Prisa vinorum Regis apud Southampton,' etc. — Magn. Rot, 1 Ed. I. ' Camerariis Londonie et captoribus vinorum Regis per Angliam.' — HU. Com., 6 Ed. I., rot. 4. t ' Compoti Custodum vel CoUectorum Antiquse et Parvas Custumae.' — L. T. R. Pipe, Series 1-3. % ' De Custuma vinorum in Londonia coUigenda.'— //z7. Record, 25 and 26 Ed. I., rot. 10''. ' Compoti Pincernarie Anglie.'— Z. T. R. Pipe, Series 1-3. Of Customers. zl the Custom upon exported woollens and hides, the Antiqua or Magna Custuma, together with the aliens' Custom established by the Carta Mercatoria, the Nova or Parva Custuma, that we have here to deal, for we find no other employment of the title of Customer but in the case of the regularly appointed and salaried officers of the Crown at its outports. As the nature of these offices has hitherto been little understood, it will be well to follow the history of their development somewhat closely. There is, more- over, another though a more sentimental interest attaching to one of them connected with the name of the poet Chaucer, of which we have already spoken. The appointment of proper officials to collect the Date from Customs and manage the interests of the Crown at the ports is distinctly associated with the reign of Edward I. We have already observed in the history causes of of this and the preceding reign the vast importance pointment. that was beginning to be attached to the adapta- biHty of personal property in comparison with real estate, for purposes of constitutional or arbitrary taxation. Now, in either of these aspects, the revenue yielded by the immemorial Customs of the Crown in their latest commuted form was an in- valuable source of income at the disposal of the Ex- chequer. But, on the other hand, the liability of the subject was of a kind most easily evaded, both by the reputable merchant or broker of the interior, as well as by the practised smuggler of the maritime districts. It was to the endeavours of the Govern- ment for defeating these frauds upon the revenue 3S History of tht Customs. ' Gustos . Lanarum Regis.' Instances from the Memo- randa Rolls. • that the origin of the Customer is to be traced. At first this officer appears as the custos or keeper of the King's wools (or those of his subjects) at the out- ports, his duties consisting in the supervision of all chargeable commodities exported, and of collecting thereon the tolls due to the Crown. Thus in the twenty-sixth year of Edward I. the royal writ is issued to appoint keepers for staying the exportation of wools from the port of Jarrow, on the grounds of the great frauds hitherto committed against the revenue.* In the preceding autumn the King had addressed his mandate to the custodes of Newcastle-on-Tyne, forbidding them to continue the collection of the maltolte, and ordering a return to the ancient rates of duty.t So, too, in April of the twenty-sixth year, custodes are appointed ' to collect, receive and guard ' the revenue arising from the Antiqua Custuma at the ports of London, Bristol, Kingston - on - Hull, Boston, Yarmouth, Ipswich, Southampton, Newcastle, and Lenn.J * ' Quia Rex ex fidedigno relatu intellexit quod ,diversi mer- catores tain alienigene quatn indigene lanas suas transfretare faciunt ad portum de Jaro super These, custumam Regi inde debitam minime persolventes in dampnum, etc. Rex . . . assignavit ... ad lanas omnium et singulorum mercatorum eas transfretare volencium in portu predicto arrestandum et salvo custodiendum donee Rex aliud inde mandaverit.' — Trin. Bria. irroi., 26 Ed. I., rot. 60. t ' Cum nos ad instanciam Communitatis Regni nostri re- miserimus custumam . . . nobis nuper in subsidio guerre nostra contra Regem Francie concessam de quolibet sacco lane ex- eunte Regno nostro . . . salva antiqua custuma . . . nobis prius concessa.' — Mich. Bria. irrot., 25 and 26 Ed. I., rot. 27*. t ' Custodes ad Custumam suam lanarum, pellium lanutarum, Of Customers. 39 It seems quite certain that these custodes, or Custodcs keepers of the ports and Customs, were identical wurc^i- with the collectores who figure from the end of this '^'''°'^'' reign in the regular series of Inrolled Accounts, In fact, the two performed precisely similar duties, except that the title of the former more aptly de- scribed the performance of a rigorous duty necessi- tated by the prevalent recourse to unconstitutional taxation under the first Edward ; that is to say, the custos not only customed the merchants' wool and transmitted the receipts to the Crown, but he also on occasion seized the entire bulk of the same, within his jurisdiction, and assisted in its disposal by the King's agents for the ready money which the neces- sities of the Crown had compelled it to raise by resorting to the obsolete prerogative of prisage in kind for the public service. The appointment by the Crown of authorized fo°the Ap- ofScers at its ports, whether as bailiffs, keepers, or ^fRe^™nt collectors, and their subordinates, will seem justified Customers, by a perusal of some of the smuggling cases put on record in the Memoranda of the Exchequer. One of the worst cases of this kind that will be met with is that of Henry of Arderne, captured abroad in 1297, prevalence and extradited to England for trial before the Barons smuggling. on the following charges : That he had shipped from case of London to Flanders in the ship Fynch of Colchester Ardeme.^ 10 sacks of uncustomed wool, the property of et coriorum, exeuncium Regnum suum apud Lenn, colligendum, recipiendum et custodiendum quam diu Regi placuerit.'— //i7. Commun., 25 and 26 Ed. I., rot. 10. 40 History of the Ctistoms. another, who paid him 40s. per sack (the full Custom) ' for himself,' on condition that the fraud were successfully carried out. In the same ship was smuggled by Henry a quantity of lock-wool, con- cealed in casks of Rhenish. He also negotiated for another customer the clandestine exportation of 2 sacks and i poke of wool in consideration of a douceur of 20s. At the same time, through his partner, John Gold, Henry seems to have been mixed up in similar frauds upon the revenue in other quarters. Again the latter had been concerned with another disreputable character, the brother probably of his partner's accomplice, in smuggling 4 sacks more of wool on behalf of one Claus de la Porte, receiving here also 40s. for his pains, and taking the opportunity of exporting at the same time two more sacks of his own equally without paying Custom.. Henry was taken after a long pursuit in Flanders ; brought before the English treasurer, the Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, then resident abroad on behalf of England's commercial interests; confessed; was sent to England, and committed by the Barons of the Exchequer to the Fleet, whence he was allowed to ransom himself for a fine of 30 marks payable by instalments.* * ' London : Memorandum quod Henricus de Arderne de Attachiamento, attachiatus in partibus Flandrie pro trans- gressione facta Regi de lanis per ipsum ductis ab Anglia sine Custuma. Venit coram W. Coventrensi et Lychfeld. Episcopo Domini Regis Thesaurario in partibus predictis et recognovit transgressiones subscriptas ; videlicet quod idem Henricus transducere fecit a Portu Londonie usque portes Flandrie in Of Customers. 41 From the above narrative, one of many hundred similar cases, w^e can understand the motives of the Crown in issuing its writs for the appointment of keepers of the wool {i.e., of the Customs) upon the information of credible witnesses as to the local prevalence of smuggling. The extent of the responsibility of the King's Responsi- officers for their actions, as well as several curious Customers . seen in the processes in connection with the smuggling, seizure, great and disposal of prohibited commodities, will be well case at seen in the case of certain transactions at Boston. Navi Fynche de Colecestre . . . x saccos lane Johannis Bokerell de Dowato sine coketto et absque custuma inde Regi solvenda et recepit de dicto Johanne xl'. de quolibet sacco ad opus suum proprium, ac si talem custumam Regi solvisset. Et quod transducta fuerunt in eadem navi dicto tempore duo dolia ad vinum Reneis plena Lokettis, que fuerunt Johannis Golde socij dicti Henrici, sine custuma Regi inde solvenda. Et quod pro xx^., quos idem Henricus recepit de Roberto de Wendlesworth ut lanam suam transducere faciat sine custuma ; idem Henricus transducere fecit in eadem navi eodem tempore ij saccos et j poketto lane predicte Roberti sine custuma Regi inde solvenda. Ita recognovit quod Thomas de Bclonia in sua propria navi eodem tempore transducere fecit a dicto portu vj pokettos de propria lana dicti Thome, sine Custuma, etc. Et quod idem Thomas plura talia facta fecit ; et quod Johannes Golde socius dicti Henrici transducere fecit eadem navi dicto tempore j saccum de propria lana, etc., sine custuma, etc.. Item idem Henricus recognovit quod ipse ante Pentecostem anno xxv. transducere fecit a dicto portu . . . versus dictas partes in navi Johannis de Bolonia iiij saccos lane Claij de la Porte absque custuma et coketto et recepit de dicto Claio xk pro quolibet sacco ad opus suum proprium ; et quod ipse transducere fecit in eadem navi . . . j saccum lane et j saccum de Loks de propria lana ipsius Henrici et nichil solvit Regi pro custuma.' — [Judicium de supra dictis.] — Hil. Com., 26 Ed. I., rot. 64. 42 History of the Customs. It would appear that, in the twenty-fourth year of Edward I., the Customs' officials of Boston boarded the boat of a foreign merchant which was making for a ship belonging to the same owner, anchored off the harbour under suspicious circumstances. In the boat they discovered eleven dickers five hides of leather uncustomed, which they promptly seized and locked up in the Custom-house, ' cum chose forfet.' The owner, resenting this necessary discipline, purchased a writ of trespass in the name of his English agent, one John Dagh, or Day, of Faversham, against the keepers and their comptroller. While the case was pending before the Courts, the King's ministers appointed to take wools and leather ' al us le roi ' — that is, by way of prisage by purveyance for the public service — entered the Custom-house, and finding there the eleven and a half dickers of leather in question, entered them in their roll for the King's use. There was now a treble ownership claimed for the goods ; that of the Crown, of the custodes, and of the merchant respectively. The latter, however, had still pursued his plea against the officials up to the previous Hilary ; and the leather likewise lay rotting in the Custom-house (' empirent de jour en jour '), so that the keepers were constrained to pray the King's pleasure herein. At the same time a well-disposed merchant had surrendered six hides, which he alleged to have been brought to his ship's side in the night by some strangers in a boat who wished to do business with him for the same. He refused their offers, however, and seized the hides, which Of Customers. 43 he handed over to the keepers. The latter now desired to know the further pleasure of the Crown with regard to these. A third and still more determined attempt at smuggling had also been brought under the notice of the officials of this port. Here a Brabant merchant attempted to convey thirteen dickers of leather in a small boat from a point twelve leagues below the port to his ship by night. He was hotly pursued, overtaken, and the hides arrested and locked up in the Custom- house. With regard to these, too, the keepers of Boston asked for further instructions. In due course instructions were received from the Result of the Pro- Barons to keep the leather safely till the Quindisme ceedings \n. of Easter, and meanwhile to make proclamation for its owners to appear and show cause why the same should not be forfeited. This was done ; and, subse- quently, Robert de Frendesbergh and John Dagh, of Faversham, the owners and claimants of the first eleven and a half dickers seized, failed to put in an ap- pearance. The midnight visitor of the honest captain did not of course appear to claim his six hides ; and at first the Brabant merchant was returned non inventus. But eventually the latter put in an appear- ance, with the excellent excuse that he was carrying leather from Fleet to Yarmouth, where he intended to custom his cargo, but that he landed by accident at Wrangle near Boston, mistaking that place for his real destination ; and that he was in the act of rectifying this error, by rejoining his ship, when he was pounced upon by the obtuse Customers of St. 44 History of the Customs. Botulph. The worthy merchant's ' sea-tale ' found credit with a London jury, who resolutely refused throughout the reign to convict any inhabitant of their franchise of a misdemeanour towards the Crown, rather than of a trespass against their corporate privileges.* GeneraiAs- ^.s late as the year 1298, then, we find the signmeiitof •' -^ Customers Customers of the Crown at the chief ports of the at the Ports from 129S. kingdom appointed under the title of custodes, and having a dual office to fulfil, that of captor of wools and leather, as well as of collector of the toll normally levied therefrom. In this same year, however, the last traces of a long-continued system of arbitrary taxation had begun to disappear, owing to the determined opposition of all classes of the nation, recorded in the Confirmatio Cartarum. Six years Necessi- later still, the last possibility of raising an extra- tatedbythe • , j , Grant of a ordmary revenue by way 01 mere prisage had been of Custom abandoned by the Crown in consideration of a fixed Crown. scale of duty upon exports and imports of aliens, as determined by the Carta Mercatoria. It is through this enforced change of financial policy that we henceforth find the Customs establishment organized on a scale that endured more or less unchanged for centuries. Offices of The office of custos was now permanently fused Custos and _ -^ -' Collector with that of collector, which had previously existed United. . . , , . ^ ^ m isolated mstances.t It sometimes happened that " Pasch. Com., 25 and 26 Ed. I. + ' Querela collectoris custume apud D,' — Hit. Com., 26 Ed. I. rot. 52. Of Customers. 45 the double title was retained, but without any obvious significance.* There were, as a rule, two of these collectors, Steff^oT at least, for a port of any extent, and in conjunction Customers. with them we find a comptroller (conti'a-rotularius), a tronager or keeper of the wool-beam ; the same or a similar officer in charge of the pesage or scale of avoirdupois, and various other subordinates. But first of the collectors. The appointment of Collectors, these officials, who must have been drawn in the period before us from the educated middle-class of society, so responsible was the post held by them, and so'delicate the duties which they had to perform, was notified by the King's letters patent. These were usually issued for the information of all whom it might concern to record the assignment of the office in question to the patentee. Sometimes, however, the King's mandate was addressed to an existing collector to yield over his office to the King's nominee upon pain of the royal displeasure. The fact and date of such appointment were always mentioned in the preamble to his account by each collector in turn, usually in the form of an explanation t with regard * ' Compotus W. de Combemartyn et W. Sernat custodum et collectorum veteris custume,' etc. — L. T. R. Ciisium. Comp. irrot., 35 Ed. I., London. ■\ ' Compotus W. de Combemartyn et W. Sernat custodum et collectorum veteris custume lanarum pellium lanutarum et coriorum in portu Londonie ... a primo die Decembris anno regni regis Edwardi filii regis Henrici XXXV° usque xiij diem, ejusdem mensis proxime seqquentis quo die Rex assignavit Ricardum de Luda contra rotulatorem recepcionis predicte 46 History of the Customs. to the term of his account. In later times, the surrender of his office by a Customer was sometimes notified under his own hand as a discharge of all claims on his part against the Crown. The collectors thus appointed were of two kinds : collectors of the Collectors Great Custom and collectors of the Petty Custom. ofthe ^, r 1 • , . . Ancient The former were the more important functionaries, by reason of the larger revenue which passed through their hands, and on the whole they were the more highly paid. In the port of London, the two ti^^™""^*^*' collectors of the Great Customs received £2.0 yearly each — a sum, it may be observed, which would go further than would ;f 300 to a modern Custom-house clerk. The collectors were also allowed for the hire of a building and the repair of a boat, with the wages of a boatman upon the river when necessary.* The duties of the collectors of the Great Custom were very similar to those of the old custodes. Their first and chief care was to ensure the payment of Custom on all wools and leather shipped from their custume . . . necnon custume de aliis rebus et mercimoniis per mercatores extraneos . . . et ab eodem die Decembris usque vij diem Julij quo die dictus Rex Edwardus obiit, et ab eodem Septimo die Julii quo die Edwardus filius et heres regnare incepit usque festum sancti Michelis proxime sequentis et ab eodem festo sancti Michelis videlt. anno primo usque ultimum diem Maij proxime sequentis per visum et testi- monium dicti contra - rotulatoris.' — Custum. Comp. irrot.. Ibid. * ' Et pro conductu unius domus,' 33s. 4d. and 60s. ' Et pro stipendio unius batillarij,' 40s. The building in question was used either as a storehouse or an office. Of Customers. 47 port — a term, as we have seen, which included every available place of embarkation in its immediate neighbourhood. No wool or leather was permitted to leave the shore under any pretext before it had Apparatus for Custom- been weighed at the wool-beam, and each bale tested ing Wools, and sealed with the Government stamp or ' coket,' as it was called. This wool-beam was supplied to all the ports on a uniform pattern, corrected by the standard scale of the City of London. It was placed under the charge of a * keeper of the tronage,' who received a fee of 2d. from each merchant who weighed in his goods. The coket seal was delivered with considerable formality to each collector, on his appointment by the Exchequer authorities, neatly secured in a case or purse.* A like fee was received by the collectors for its use, as in the case of the tronage, which fee was sometimes granted as a perquisite to the comptroller or else was accounted for by the collectors.t As, however, the collector was rather a clerical Method of ' ' Account. officer than a coastguard, the most arduous part of his labours consisted in preparing and balancing his accounts against the inevitable day of reckoning with the treasurer. These accounts, which had to be prepared with his own hand, were in the form of a ledger — called then a 'liber' or 'rotulus de particuHs.' This was composed primarily in connec- tion with the official's liabilities as recorded in the * Pasch. Com., 25 and 26 Ed. I. t ' Et de exitibus sigilli coket.' ' Et non respondet de exitibus sigilli coket.' 48 History of the Customs. Great Roll for the year.* The totals of his payments into the Treasury were also drafted on the Receipt Roll, and any assignment made in lieu of such actual paying into the Receipt of the Exchequer should normally have figured upon the Issue Roll.t The salient items of the accountant's private ledger were reproduced in the Inrolled Accounts, executed under the supervision of the auditors of the Exchequer, and usually at the expense of the Crown. The proceeds of the Great Custom upon wool — for leather was almost wholly unproductive — were paid into the Treasury by the collectors or their agents, either at stated periods or in response to an urgent demand from the Crown in anticipation thereof. It might, however, and did very frequently happen that, to save the cost and inconvenience attending the carriage of treasure from a distant port to the Ex- chequer, the collector was empowered to pay over certain sums out of the issues of his office to thfe King's creditors, whether governors of districts, chatelains, or merely usurers, who held certain branches of the revenue in pawn for the repayment of their advances to the Crown. This subject, how- ever, being one of considerable importance, and one which has hitherto been chiefly overlooked, will be treated of separately under the head of Assignment. Collectors The collectors of the New or Petty Custom upon Custom, the exports or imports of aliens were chosen in a •" ' Et respondet in Rotulo Xo in Item London."— 0«/«»«. Comp. irrot. 5 Ed. II. London, t ' Per assignationem factam isto die.' Of Customers. 49 similar manner with their colleagues of the old Customs. It frequently happened, indeed, that the two offices were combined in the same hands, especially in the earliest period of the service. Thus the Old and New Customs for the port of London were collected by the same Customers, from the thirty- second year of Edward I., at which date the regular series begins, to the fifth year of his successor ; the sum of both accounts being added together and devoted to the same purposes. Moreover, the collectors of the one branch of Customs do not appear to have received any extra remuneration, on account of their services about the other department. After the fifth year of Edward II., the New Custom was discontinued on the compulsion of the Lords Ordainers, and was not received by the Crown until the sixteenth year of the reign. After the latter date, however, the two classes were finally distinguished by the employment in either of separate collectors. The duties of these new collectors differed con- Thejr' Dunes. siderably from those of the older officers. As a rule, they had charge of the fresh tax levied upon aliens' wool exported at the rate of 50 per cent, beyond the ancient Custom of half a mark paid by denizens ; but this was sometimes, in later times more especially, collected with the regular duty. They had also the exclusive care of protecting and getting in the Custom payable on all cloths of denizens or aliens alike, whether exported or im- ported, according to their respective rates of duty. Together with cloth, there were some articles of VOL. 11. 24 50 History of the Customs. commerce imported or, rarely, exported by aliens alone, chargeable for Custom on the scale of the Carta Mercatoria. Such were wax, wines (on one occasion at least between the sixteenth and twentieth years of Edward II.), and articles of avoirdupois (averia de Pondere). The usual rate of payment for Reraunera- a coUector of the New Custom at the port of London tion. '^ was either ^lo or ii| marks (23 marks being divided between the two), with an allowance of ^f 5 ' pro misis et expensis suis.' Their accounts were rendered in the same manner as those of their con- temporaries, and, though more elaborate in respect of the entries enumerated, were more concise in their wording, and occupied less space on the rolls than the former sort. Suers. T^^ comptrol of the Customs, both Great and New, was doubtless designed to serve as a check upon the accuracy of the collectors. For this purpose the comptroller prepared and presented an independent account to the Exchequer. The whole system of Exchequer accounts, we may remark, was one of checks. For example, the chancellor's scribe, with his version of the Great Roll, acted as the contra-rotularius of the treasurer's scribe with a similar work in hand, whilst, at one time, a third scribe sat as contra-rotularius to them both. The system was pushed to its extreme application in the case of the Account, DupHcament, and Declared Account of the Audit Office in Tudor times. Comp- It is usually supposed that the comptroller of the the New Petty Customs was a fairly-paid official. I cannot Custom. ■" •' *^ Of Customers. 51 however, find any mention of his payment out of the proceeds of the Customs in the usual way, though it is possible that the collectors may have had to find his salary out of the sum allowed them ' pro misis et expensis,' such an allowance being quite unusual with regard to this service. It remains now only to speak of the officer orTronour clerk of the Tronage, or Tronage and Pesage/" Though not a sinecure, the place was no doubt a lucrative one if we may judge by the considerable receipts from the charge of coket when that was payable in the onus of the account instead of to the comptroller or other grantee. In fact, the question of the remuneration of this official was once the occasion for a cause, cellbre in the annals of the Exchequer, the circumstances of which have never yet been understood. The facts were as follows. F'*^? '""^' •' trating In the second year of Edward II., Alexander J[™^^j^°J le Peyntour received a grant of the office of Tronage in the port of London during the King's pleasure, and a notification to that effect was made to the collectors of the Old and New Customs, then com- bined. In the nineteenth year of the same reign, however, one John Lung, said to be the holder of the same office, was distrained to appear in the Exchequer and answer for the issues of that port. John appeared accordingly, and pleaded that there was no account due from him, nor any profit there- from accruing to the Crown, whereupon by an in- spection of the records it appeared that no former keeper of the Tronage had ever in fact accounted for 24—3 52 History of the Ciistoms. the issues of the office, and therefore John was suffered to depart quit of the claim.* Statement j^ jg quite true that no revenue was due to the oiAccount *■ in vogue. Crown from this source, because in the contempo- rary Customs accounts we have the entry recurring throughout the whole period in question : ' Respon- dent de Sigillo Coket, sed non respondent de Tron- agio per tempus predictum, quia A. B. habet illud officium ad terminum vitse suse, de dono Regis.' * ' Rex xiiij die Martij anno secundo assignavit dilectum ser- N'ieritem suum Alexandrum le Peyntour ad officium Tronagij in civitate Londonie exercendum quamdiu Regi placuerit. ' Et eodem die mandatum est W. Sernat et W. Cusyn Cus- todibus Custume Lanarum, etc., in civitate Londonie.' — Hil. Comiss., 1 Ed. II., rot. lo^. ' Londonia : ' Memorandum quod cum Dominus Rex ix°. die Octobris, anno primo Regis nunc, assignaverit Johannem le Lung civem Civitatis Londonie ad officium Tronagij in eadem civitate exer- cendum quamdiu Regi placeret, preceptum fuit vicecomitibus Londonie quod distringant predictum Johannem per ten-as catalla, etc., ita quod haberent corpus ejus hie modo in crastino Sancti Michelis ad reddendum Regi compotum de tronagio predicto de tempore, etc. Et idem Johannes venit, etc. Et dicit quod nullum compotum inde reddere tenetur, quia dicit quod nullus qui dictum officium ante ipsum tenuit ex commis- sione Regis unquam inde computavit nee est aliquod proficuum spectans ad officium illud de quo, etc. Et super hoc scrutatis P^otulis [non] est compertum quod [n]ullus custos tronagii pre- dict! unquam inde computavit, nee quod respondeatur Domino Regi de aliquo proficuo proveniente de eodem tronagio. Ideo consideratum est, quod idem Johannes quoad compotum pre- dictum recedet quietus.' — Mich. Coin., 19 Ed. II., rot. a. See also writ to Sheriff of Southampton to distrain Nicholas de Barbeflet to appear and answer for the tronage of South- ampton. Mich. Bria., i Ed. II., rot. go''. Of Ctistomers, 53 It is clear, however, that neither Alexander nor Contra- John held the office for his life, whatever others may de^nc7of" have done, for in the fifth year of Edward III. we ='''°^^^''=^- find the former again in possession.* After his death, presumably in the ninth year of that reign, the place was given to Walter le Chesthunte. From such extracts as are cited here amongst Position of the Parhamentary proceedings contained in the of the Appendix to Vol. I. of this history, it will be h.TJ'isth chiefly gathered that the workings of the official '^'^"'"'y- department concerned in the collection of the Custom - revenue of the Crown were from the accession of the House of Lancaster an especial object of solicitude to the Legislature. On the other hand, it will be equally conspicuous that the organi- zation of the Custom-service remained intact on the Conser- very same footing as that on which it was erected by character Edward I., the titles and functions of the principal customs' officials, together with the mode of their appointment ^nt'?''^''" and the whole scheme of their connection with the Exchequer of the Crown, being literally unaltered down to comparatively modern times.t * The inconsistency is seen to be as follows : In the second year of Edward II. Peyntour held the office vice Lung-, ap- pointed in the first year. In the nineteenth year Lung is again in office, succeeded therein by Peyntour. t 'Jacobus Dei 'gratia, etc., dilecto sibi Johanni Marshall generoso salutem. Scias quod nos de fidelitate et circumspec- tione tuis plenius confidentes, assignavimus te ad Custumam nostram lanarum coriorum et pellium lanutarum nobis de hereditate nostra debitam in portu ville nostre de Berwicke et in omnibus et singuhs portubus locis et crecis eidem portui ad- jacentibus. Habendum et tenendum Officium predictum tibi 54 History of the Customs. Therefore, it will be sufficient to indicate the social and official standing of the Customer of Tudor and Stuart times, to append specimens of the scale of the establishment in force at the great port of the Kingdom at each of those dates : Customers at the Port of London, 1565. One Customer for the receipt of the Petty Custom on exports. One ditto for ditto on imports. One Comptroller. One Surveyor. One Searcher. Fee of the Customer for a Warrant to un- lade goods imported . . .2d. Ditto of the Comptroller for his seal to the same . . . . . id. Ditto of the Customer and Comptroller, for a license or Cocket, to export goods customed .... 5d. prefato Johanni Marshall quamdiu nobis placuerit, una cum omnibus et singulis feodis, etc., ac in tarn amplis modo et forma, etc. Levandum et colligendum ac ad opus nostrum recipiendum, et ad Sigillum nostrum quod dicitur Cockett in portu predicto custodiendum. Ita quod de denariis inde pro- venientibus nobis respondeas ad Scaccarium nostrum. Et ideo , tibi precipimus, etc. Teste me ipso apud Westmonasteriam vicesimo nono die Maij anno regni nostri Anglie vicesimo primo.' — Original Writs, Ceriiorari, 14 Car. II. See also Surrenders of Offices, viz., ' Contrarotularij magna et nove Custume et Subsidij coriorum lanarum pellium lanu- tarum plumbi et stanni, necnon Subsidij, iijs. per dolium et js. per £! — Original Writs, 15 Car. II. Of Customers. 55 Ditto of the Surveyor Ditto of Customers for the Registry of Ships inward or outward bound, each Custmners at the Port of London, 1604. One Collector of the Subsidy on imports One ditto of ditto on exports One ditto of the Petty Custom on ex- ports ..... One ditto of ditto on imports Two ditto of the Ancient Custom (each) One Surveyor (including increase of salary) One Comptroller of the Subsidy (ditto) One Comptroller of the Ancient Custom One ditto of the Petty Custom One Searcher One Usher of the Custom-House Fourteen Waiters (each) Four ditto (each) One Pricker of the Steel-yard id. Id. Per i £ s. d. 400 76 13 4 277 6 8 62 6 8 50 300 255 30 20 20 4 44 44 44 CHAPTER III. OF PRISES, OR CAPTIONS AND EMPTIONS. Sources of ^^^^^N the primitive idea of Teutonic kineship, the Royal !iir:«:Svra or' Revenue in sfifiHwl the possession of an imperial revenue, it a Pnmitive ^i^S^KslI . . . State of S^'SO i^ needless to insist, is never entertained. The princeps, or dux, attended by his following of elders or warriors, has an instrument ever ready to his hand for defensive or offensive action. Whether he be a descendant of the demi- gods, or the hero of a momentous crisis, it is equally obvious to his followers that, as the leader of their choice, he must receive something more than moral support at their hands. His is no paternal govern- ment which, backed by an ample exchequer, can train and feed men for home or foreign warfare. It rests on nothing more than the influence of personal prestige, and, from a worldly point of view, their ruler is no better than primus inter pares. But this penniless champion is one, they feel (the history of their race is an oft-taught lesson to them), who can lead them from victory to victory, direct them to booty upon booty ; who can promote them from a province to a kingdom, and exalt them from a clan Of Prises, or Captions and Emptions. 57 into a nation. The tribesman, therefore, fights both for himself and his chief; he for success and the glory which it brings. The former provides the materials for the enterprise — service at his own ex- pense, and contributions in kind to maintain the rude splendour of his patron's state. The latter stakes the honour of his family upon the results of his own wisdom and prowess. The fight is won. The chief becomes a king ; his tribe a kingdom. He becomes also a great landlord, with tracts of Expansion conquered territory at his disposal. These he dis- above tributes amongst his retainers, whose personal state. attachment, now exchanged for a feudal obligation, is in no way lessened by their altered circumstances, but strengthened and multiplied infinitely by the possession of individual power and patronage. The king is now no longer a simple patriarch, but a dread liege, a sovereign by divine right and human force. He is rich above his vassals ; can play the potentate, ^'^^: the patron, the magnifico at his good pleasure. But of'^^e for how long ? True, that for every retainer of olden days he can now put ten vassals or sub-vassals into the field. But with power comes either the sense of its insecurity, or the fresh lust of conquest. For now the kingdom is pitted against rival king- Firmer doms ; the onslaught grows to an invasion ; the battle is lengthened into a campaign. The direction of the ruler becomes more necessary; his require- ments more pressing. He must have more steeds, more panoplies, more sheep and oxen at his dis- posal.- At last, he or his successors lead their host eminence of the Ruler 58 History of the Customs. to a crowning victory. Rival dynasties are over- thrown ; scattered sub-kingdoms are amalgamated. rf SoTC.'°" '^^^ victor finds himself upon the throne of a great reignty. nation. Then at length his kingship begins to assert itself. He is not only the leader of his people in war, but their administrator in peace. He is the supreme landlord, the origin of justice, the patentee of heaven for honours and privileges and emolu- ments, which he alone of all others has aspired to ; and this is his prerogative — this distinguishes him from all the rest, and is his guarantee for that supremacy which is needful to the trust which has been imposed upon him, the well-being of his subjects. Condition The latter have dispersed to take possession of of the Subjects, their lots, to map out, build, and cultivate the sou. Their great men remain a caste of vigilant and rest- less warriors. The humbler sort become a native peasantry, or turn their enterprise to the pursuit of trade. The one great obligation of common self- defence is still upon them all. Each man must hold himself ready, at his lord's call, in his person and with his labour and substance in the king's wars. With the latter there is no distinction be- tween public and private emergencies. What he Responsi- Sacrifices for the general good, he equally dispenses Natfonli''^ for his own personal advantage. He represents the committed ""ity of the race, and his action is only magnified to the jji theirs. A danger is at hand, and the nation must Sovereign, ° repel it at whatever cost. Granting its existence, what that danger is, or how, or whence, is for the Of Prises, or Captions and Emp lions. 59 moment at least no affair of theirs. Such is the position that they have accepted by adopting a system which alone has wrought their greatness. Suppose then that an army of defence has volun- tarily assembled, equipped, and even provisioned for a certain space of time at individual expense. But, ^^^voiun^ except under the most primitive conditions of war- {,^"2^°"^]^'" fare, a still greater outlay will be needed to keep it a certain under arms, to brace the sluggish mass with the sinews of war. Whence are these funds to be pro- cured ? From the first it was decided that all must contribute where the safety of all was concerned. But now all are not fit to bear arms ; moreover, all are not now accessible. The nation has shifted the responsibility of its defence upon the king. He has resources of his own, a revenue,' such as it is, suffi- cient for his expenses of state. The quarrel is his ; let him bear the brunt himself. This is what actually came to pass, as indeed was inevitable in a state pretending to civilization. In this aspect the king was the State ; and, it may be added, always has been. The tribal warrior did not load his chief with Necessities . , , , • , of the arms and necessaries for the latter s private aggran- sovereign dizement, but to qualify him for his post as champion becoming of the race ; ' to do him honour,' we are told, ' and also to reheve his necessities.'* Now this honour was essentially for the credit of the community, and the necessity of the hour was equally a concern of their own. Thus we find that in the latter period to which * Tacitus, ' Germania,' c. 15. 6o History of the Czistoms. we were referring, the new nation endowed their king with a prerogative derived apparently from that early system of oblations, of levying supplies fault by Eit discretion to meet his sovereign requirements ; tions from i" Other words, the right of prisage, pre-emption, or ject^'pro- purveyance. Now what were these sovereign re- duce, quirements ? ' Those of the State itself!' For the king was the State, and his privy purse eked out in a large degree its revenue. The personal security or pre-eminence of the ruler before the world was, in those days and for long after, the first object of maintain Statecraft. Ncxt to this his dignity and state were Sovereign's of the most importance. Therefore above all things MUitary ^6 must be a victorious ruler ; and he must also be ex°cuse ** Strong in justice and conspicuous in splendour. He for these, .y^g^g p^j^j ^q ^,g efficient ; but he was not left to regu- late the pay according to the efficiency displayed. No such principle is even yet consistently recognised ; but at this point the ruler is left to his own devices, of^tiie '™ Those are various ; some creditable, othets the re- rown. verse. Here, it concerns us only to trace the con- stitutional origin and scope of one of them. Origin of The king had, in Anglo-Saxon times, we may Purveyance believe, the prerogative of prisage or purveyance — Times. the admitted right to purchase, ' for his own use,' stores or material at an official discretion with regard to quantity or price. He represented the glory of the nation, and his equipage, appointments, and hospitality must be such as to magnify the post. Of Its in- what did this executive task consist ? If we reduced pUcatioi^!''' ^^^ expenditure incurred therein to an average, it Of Prises, or Captions and Emptions. 6i would be found to be two-thirds for fighting and the residue for dress and diet. Therefore for every charger or harness which the Crown required in the pubhc service to grace some pomp or ceremony, for every ox slaughtered for the royal table, twice as many again would figure in the field of war, or replenish the salting-tubs of a royal garrison. It is to be feared that such a proposition as is here advanced will appear a monstrous one to many students of history. It will be pointed out that purveyance was but a sumptuary grace permitted to an ill-paid ruler. That its scope was limited to the requirements of the royal household, and any ex- tension thereof for purposes of state was no true use, but a mere abuse of an economical provision. Granting the excellence of this theory, what is the evidence of its fulfilment ? There is no evidence for Absence of Evidence the period in question, neither is there any such in for the support of the contrary argument. But there is a Theory . considered. strong presumption from the analogy of later Customs in favour of such an application of this prerogative as is here surmised, which would appear all but im- perative. Our friends, however, are not in the secret of this later practice, but continue the appHcation of their theory to all time. Therefore, although it would not be unreasonable AnL^gy to deny the existence of any comprehensive historical ^ j^'s^_ evidence in point prior to records, yet when from ance. early records it can be shown that the actual practice was to the effect before stated — that is to say that two-thirds of the personal revenue of the Crown 62 History of the Customs. derived from purveyance pure and simple was ex- pended, not for household necessaries, but for purposes of state — more than one theory may be permitted on the subject. Origin and It has been said that the Crown enjoyed from an fh°Crown's early date the prerogative of prisage or purveyance, rf Pre^^"^^ Let us now proceed to ascertain in what way that emption. prerogative was exercised. Roughly speaking, the supplies of which the king stood in need were of two kinds : (i) Provisions for his household and retinue for every-day consumption ; for feast days and ceremonies ; for journeys and expeditions at home and abroad. (2) Dress and appointments for the same on hke occasions. For three centuries after the conquest there was no limit finally established for the demand thus created. If the king and his men were ' at home ' on any work- Possibie ing day of the year, a comparatively modest supply of the was sufficient for the requirements of the royal ™™°' household. On any festival day, and especially those on which the king wore his crown, according to custom, preparations on a much larger scale were necessary. During a campaign or state progress abroad, the ordinary arrangements of the service underwent a complete change. The court was now a camp; the retinue an army. There were 10,000 mouths to feed instead of 1,000 ; and a like increment in the expenditure requisite for their equipment. Service^'" ^'^ ^^ ^'^'^^ ^'^^ Under the Norman kings this excres- inWar. cence was not readily perceptible. . The vassal followed his lord at his own cost. The executive Of Prises, or Captions and Emptions. 63 had no responsibility as to whether or no the mihtia- man starved in that service, and therefore it often happened that the men of his county supplied him with funds sufficient for his support during the campaign. With the Plantagenet kings came the great change in feudal warfare — the commutation of personal service for an assessment in money of kind. Henceforth for the most part the sovereign Scutage and Prise. waged war at his own expense, defrayed by the existing revenues of his Crown. The necessary supplies for the palace or the castle-camp, the General hunting excursion or the foreign progress, for each tion of , the KinjT s and for all, were levied by the king's mandate from Rigiuot Purvey- his subject producers. The process was as follows : ance. The Crown, required oxen and sheep and corn for P™"=ess of ^ ■*■ enforcing the royal household or army — ' ad opus nostrum et the same, nostrorum.' Then a writ of Privy Seal was directed to its officers in the counties — the sheriffs in most cases — commanding such provision to be made at the royal expense, for the officer was allowed the nominal outlay incurred in his account. If wine were lacking for a hke service, the king's chamberlains at London and Sandwich, in early times, took from each cargo landed in England, unfranked, one cask on each side of the mast, at the most, for half its market value. If this were not enough to furnish the quota specified, part of the cargo was purchased at a slightly higher rate. It even happened, by no means unfrequently too, that a ship with all its cargo of wine was chartered by the Crown, and navigated forthwith to the required point ; but it seems to have been usual 64 History of the Customs. to subject only foreign vessels to this exaction. In like manner clothing, arms, horses, and miscellaneous stores were procured indiscriminately for the royal need or gratification. ' Ad opus regis et suorum ' was a password that opened every grange or warehouse. Instances Yov example : In the fifth year of Henry II. the from the . ^ •' . •' Great Rolls Sheriffs of London and Middlesex bought and were Exchequer, allowed for a helmet and sword-belt for the King's use.* In the twentieth year of the same reign they purchased for the royal service 200 suits of iron and 41 of steel armour, with 31 measures of salt, and 2 cables.-f- In the tenth year of John the Sheriff of Kent was allowed, amongst other articles, for linen, stuff, and silk, for the King's purpoint, and for the robes of the Queen's damsels and of other attend- ants.J In the first year of Richard I. the Sheriffs of Middlesex again are allowed for helmets, and iron caps, and shields, and knives, and spears, and armour, and cordwain ; and for the charge of the King's pavilions, as well as for silk cloth and wine for his use.§ In the tenth year of John, an officer * ' Et in Galea Regis et Zona, xvji'. vj^. viijd.' — Magn. Rot., 5 Hen. II., Lond. t ' Et pro cc garbis ferri . . . et pro xlj garbis de acer . . . et pro xxxj hoppis salis . . . et pro ij caabulis.' — Ibid., 20 Hen. II., rot. 1^. X ' Et pro tela linea et sendallis ... ad purpunctum Regis . . . et Robis Domisellarum Regine et aliorum servientum.' — Ibid., 10 J., Kent. § ' Et pro galeis et capellis ferreis et scutis et cultellis et hastis et ferro et cordewan et custamento papilionum Regis et pluribus armamentis et negociis . . . et pro pannis sericis . . . et pro vino ... ad opus Regis.' — Magn. Rot., i Ric. I., Lond. and Midds. Of Prises, or Captions and Emptions. 65 is acquitted of 1,000 oars, bought for the King's galleys.* In the fifth year of Henry II. the Sheriff of Sussex expended £14 upon three ships to convey the King's daughter to Saxony. This princess was Matilda, the bride of Henry the Lion.t In the fourth year of Henry III. Hubert de Burgh was allowed for large sums spent upon the garrison of Dover Castle. J In the twentieth year of Henry II. the Sheriff of Warwick and Leicestershire victualled the Castle of Leicestershire for the King.§ By a writ of Liberate, in the twenty-sixth year of Henry III., the King enjoined the Sheriff of Sussex to provide against the Feast of Christmas next, 10 wild boars intact, 10 peacocks, 50 rabbits, 100 partridges, from tiie^ and 500 fowls, and to cause them to be conveyed to ^^^^^^ Westminster.il In the twentieth year of the same reign the Sheriff of Bucks and Bedford was required to provide 1,000 fowls and 20 roe-deer for the same palace.U Geoffry Fitz-Peter is enjoined by a writ * ' Et pro mille remis emptis ad galias Regis.' — Magn. Rot., 10 J., rot. 8^ t ' Et in liberatione iij navium . . . que abierunt in Saxoniam cum filia Regis, xiiiji^ per breve Regis .'—/&"^., 13 Hen. 11., rot. 3^ % ' Et ipsi Huberto M et DC et Lvj'i etx viij^ et vjd ob. quos posuit per preceptum Regis in castro Regis de Dovre muniendo et firmando.'— /i5zV., 4 Hen. III., Norf. et Suff. § ' Et in Warnistura Castelli Legercestrie.'— /fo'^., 20 Hen. II., rot. lo*". !| ' Rex, etc. Precipimus tibi quod emi facias in balliva tua contra instans festum Natalis Domini X Braones cum capitibus; X Pavones ; L Cuniculos ; C Perdices ; et D Gallinas et omnia predicta mitti facias usque Westmonasteriam. T. etc. xj die Decembris. — Liberiate, 26 Hen. III., m. 14. «[ Magn. Rot., 20 Hen. III., Buks. et Bed. VOL. II. 25 66 History of the Cttstoms. Instance from a Wardrobe Account. Instances from the Memo- randa Rolls. of John to allow i,ooo bacons, and 72 deer, provided through the King's agents.* In the same reign the Barons of the Exchequer are ordered to allow the Sheriff of Southampton for wine and bread provided for the King's use at Marlbro'.t The same sheriff was commanded to hold the men of his bailiwick ready to hunt and take the King's fallow deer for his service in Normandy.J In a Wardrobe account of Edward I. an entry of payment occurs for 142 quarters of oats, and 14 of drage taken by the Sheriff of Oxford and Berks for the King's purveyors for his service. The price paid was slightly below the average of the period. § In the twenty-fifth year of Edward I. the King assigns the Sheriff of Kent, and certain other officers, * ' Rex, etc. G. filio Petri, etc. Sciatis quod nos recepimus per manus Ricardi et Gilbert! Servientum Willielmi de Sancto Michaelo mille bacones et Lxxij damos quos nobis misistis et vobis mandamus quod inde quieti sint.' — Liberate, 3 J., m. i. t ' Rex, etc., baronibus de Scaccario, etc. Computate secundum legem scaccarij Willielmo de Stok vicecomiti de Suhantesira centum solidos et x<* quos posuit per preceptum nostrum in pane et vino mittendis ad nos de Wintonia ad Marl- buriam.' — Ibid., 5 J., m. 7. X ' Rex, etc., vicecomiti de Suhamtsira, etc. Precipimus tibi quod cum W. de Nevilla tibi scire faciet, sommoneri facias homines de ballia tua ad veniendos ad caciam nostram in Nova Foresta ad capiendum feras ad opus nostrum in Normanniam.' — Ibid., m. 5. § ' Per vicecomitem ) Clerico Marescalli de prisis factis . . . Oxon. et Berks. ) in precio CXLij q"'. vijK avene, et xiiij qr. dragei, liberatorum eidem per dictum vicecomitem apud Wodestok, Chipping Norton, et Stowe, mense Martis, una cum cariagio earundem avene et dragei, per indenturam xv" xiiij= xj —E. Q. R. Wardrobe Accts., \% 29 Ed. I. id' Of Prises, or Captions and Einptions. 67 to make provision of victuals and other necessaries within that bailivtrick for the use of the King and Iiis men in foreign parts, namely, of 1,500 quarters of wheat and 500 quarters of oats, to be prised and paid for in such manner as shall seem best to the assignees. The supply thus levied to be shipped to the army abroad, with all despatch.* At the same time, 1,500 quarters were ordered from Southampton, 2,000 from Essex and Hertford, 2,500 from Norfolk and Suffolk, and 1,000 from Sussex. In the first year of Edward II. the Sheriff of Essex and Hertford is requested to provide 30 live oxen, 30 live pigs, 40 gammons or hams of bacon, and 6 wild boars. t In the fifteenth year of Edward II. the Sheriffs of Middlesex are required to purchase, with the approval of the King's purveyor, 200 quar- ters of wheat, 100 of beans, 300 of oats, 100 of coarse salt, 80 carcases of oxen, and 120 pigs, for victualling the Tower of London. J * 'Kancia, Rex (etc.). Quia blado, victualibus et aliis necessariis ad opus nostrum et nostrorum nobiscum in partibus transmarinis existencium quam plurimum indigemus. Assigna- vimus vicecomitem nostrum comitatus predicte et dilectos clericos nostros ... ad MD quarteria frumenti et quod D quar- teria avene infra comitatum et ad opus nostrum juxta forum patrie emenda et capienda prout iidem . . . melius viderint faciendum ... Et hoc sicut commodum nostrum et vestrum et salvacionem Regni nostri diligitis nullatenus omittatis.' — Mich. Communia, 25 and 26 Ed. I., rot. 7^ t ' Essex, ) Et vicecomiti Essex et Hertford ad providendum Hertford. I XXX boves vivos ; XXX porcos vivos ; XL bacones et vj braones.' — Hil. Bria. irretorn., i Ed. H., 93''. X ' Preceptum est vicecomitibus quod . . . provideri et emi faciant per visum Stephani le Blount . . . cc quarteria frumenti ; 25—2 68 History of the Ciistoms. In the first year of the same reign, the King orders a warrant to be issued by his Treasurer to the Sheriff of Gloucester to victual the Castle of Gloucester, the same being utterly unprovided with stores.* In the same year the King also addressed a strong remon- strance to the Sheriff of York, who had neglected to provide the corn and other victuals required at his hands for the Scotch campaign. He is now com- manded to fulfil his commission without further delay, regardless as to whether the amount of his ferm covered the outlay or no; for the balance would be remitted to him on application to the Treasurer. t In this same year, too, the Sheriffs of c quarteria fabarum ; ccc quarteria avene ; c quarteria grossi salis ; j;;; carcosia bourn ; cxx porcos . . . pro municione Turris Londonie.' — Mich. Bria. irretorn., ij Ed. II., rot. 78a. * ' Thesaurario per Regem. Edward par la grace de Dieu, etc. Al honorable Pere en Dieu W . . . de Wircestre, etc. Pur ceo qe nous avons entendu qe noster chastel de Gloucestre est tut desgarny de tutes maneres de vitailles, vous mandoms et chargoms qe vous facez aver garaunt a noster cher e feal Mons"'. Nicolas de Kyngeston noster viscunt de Gloucestre qil face estore e gamier noster dit chastel de tutes maneres de vitailles necessaires solunc ce qe vous porrez aviser qe mester y soit. Done souz nostre Prive Seal a Wyndesore, le viij Avril, etc.'— Hil. Bria., I Ed. II., rot. 37''. f ' Rex, etc. Cum nuper tibi precipimus quod de exitibus Ballivi tui emi et provider! facias in eadem balliva tua tam blada quam alia victualia mittenda ad partes Vescie pro susten- tacione nostra et fidelium nostrorum nobiscum ad partes illas in proximo venturorum. Volumus et tibi sub omni eo quod nobis forisfacere poteris firmiter injungendo precipimus quod dictum preceptum nostrum cum quantis poteris diligencia et efficacia plenarie exsequaris, ita videlicet quod si exitus Ballive tue ad dictas providencias non sufficiant, eo non obstante, illas subarrare Of Prises, or Captions and Emptions. 69 Oxford, Southampton, and Wilts, in conjunction with the especial agent of the Crown, were author- ized to ' take and provide for our use ' certain coarse cloths within those counties, for the coronation solemnities at Westminster.* With regard to wine : In the twenty-sixth year of Henry III., 104 casks were bought for the stock of instances Dover Cfistle, at 35s. each.t In the fourth year of usueRoiis. Edward I., 20 casks were ordered by the King's butlers at £2 6s. yjd.j In the first year of Henry IV., 9 casks and i pipe of sweet wine and Malmsey were bought for the royal household at £7 i6s. 8d.§ In the twentieth year of Edward IV., 80 butts of Malmsey were purveyed for the army against Scot- land at £z 8s. 4d.ll In the eleventh year of the same reign, 2 casks of red wine were presented to the citizens of London after the fight with the rebels at Mile End.U All of the above are examples of purveyance pure The above and simple ; for although the King's purveyors, onhe"'^'^^ whoever they might have been, did not go through prerogative the land cheapening bargains for ready-money, or °^ ^"^^• carrying away even more than they required unpaid for, and wasting the residue in wanton sport (which et parare non omittatis, et constare facias indilate dilecto nobis, etc. Thesaurario per tuas litteras, etc. Et nos tibi pecuniam faciemus mitti, et breve faciemus ad idem negocium adim- plendum.' — Trin. Bria. irretorn., i Ed. II., rot. 84''. * Trin. Bria. irretorn., 15 June, i Ed. II. t Liberate, 26 Hen. III. X Issue Roll, 4 Ed. I., Mich. § Ibid., i Hen. IV., Mich. II Ibid., 20 Ed. IV., Mich. H Ibid., 11 Ed. IV., Easter. 70 History of the Customs. latter proceedings would seem to be the established ideal of a purveyor's functions), yet none the less a prerogative was exercised, and an abuse was suffered by the whole body of the King's subjects. In truth, nothing could appear more reasonable or essential than that the Government, in need of stores for the public service, should be permitted to make its requisite purchases on a principle of proved economy. This was to the effect that the Custom of Exchequer, to obviate the expense of collecting the Payments revenue twice over, should assign certain sums then by Assign- ' ... ment. Jn the hands of its collectors, in satisfaction of such purveyance. The Crown, it might be argued, had nothing to gain by the transaction, beyond the fiscal convenience of anticipating its fixed revenue. The collector again would only pay out, instead of paying in, his quota to the Treasury, clearing himself by the Royal warrants at the proper time and place. sumedAd- Lastly, the producer would have an inexhaustible vantages, demand for his produce at a presumably fair rate ; for the official who blindly turned over the money received and issued stood between him and the mere rapacity of the Crown. But alas ! How dif- ferent is the reality to the presumption ! The curse of the feudal system was, that the tyranny of the over-lord should be handed down as the sign-manual for all his following in gradation to avail themselves Negatived of. Thus the sheriff, practically if not absolutely. Exactions held his bailiwick from the Crown at a rack-rent, of the J J • r • King's and made a pomt oi extractmg every penny he Officers. could from the lieges. Of Prises, or Captions and Emptions. 71 When a requisition for supplies was made by the King, this officer proceeded to purchase right and left, at a fair rate it is true, though at a somewhat unfair measure ; and paid the vendor with a tally against himself at the Exchequer. The result was that at the end of the year the sheriff paid in his dues to the Treasury, minus the sums supposed to have been incurred in the above service ; and, if he were so ill-inclined, pocketed the difference, leaving to the wretched subject the alternative of waiting for his money, or travelling at a ruinous expense and risk to produce his voucher before the Barons and recover the debt at his peril. It is the surest proof of the deeply-rooted char- Toleration r ^ • • 1 • • r 1 °^ Purvey- acter of this prerogative that, in spite 01 the ance a notorious abuses, the deplorable waste and misery Antiquity, attending its exercise, the nation should have tolerated the expedient with scarcely a murmur. Two limitations there were, however, placed upon the prerogative of the Crown in this respect, both depending upon external considerations. The nation drew the line, firstly, at extensive prisage in ^^^^ ^^^ support of an unpopular or inexpedient policy ; and, L™i'a- secondly, at its extension to any other than specific the Prero- subjects or beyond a precedented quantity. Both of these constitutional objections were righteously and fearlessly advanced towards the close of Edward I.'s reign. That monarch had not only advanced the scale of these requisitions for the service of his wars to an unprecedented extent, but had not hesitated to lay his hands on any article of produce 72 History of the Customs. Resistaupe which could be turned to advantage. Thus he Organized Seized his subjects' wool, not for his own immediate of Edw. I. use, or for that of his retainers, but to raise money- loans upon it for unspecified objects. Moreover, in place of a moderate provision in kind for his Argument personal or pressing necessities, he was here bent Policy of upon manufacturing an extraordinary revenue far the Crown , , , °. , . , . , in 1294 or beyond the scope of his admitted prerogative. A few hundreds for a court solemnity, or a few thousands in the course of a popular campaign, was a matter of public indifference. But ^^50,000 to ^100,000 in a year from this private source was too much for the long-sufferance of his subjects. Worst of all, the policy which dictated this expenditure was highly unpopular. It was in vain for the King to urge that he was not exceeding his nominal right, or even his civil right to buy like the rest Argument of his people.* It is true that in theory all staple for the commodities were enjoyed at the King's pleasure only ; that wealth was distributed practically under his sole control. But his refractory Barons and their humbler supporters could have answered that, in the case of wool at least, the right of prise had been commuted for a fixed toll, and that in other respects constitutional precedents must be followed. Attitude Without the necessity of chopping logic with their of the . Baronage. Sovereign, these sturdy champions of the constitu- tion gained their point. Till the reign of James I. * ' E il nous sembla qe nous devoms estre auxi fraunches d'achater leynes en nostre pais come un autre.' — Trin. Com- mtmia, 25 and 26 Ed. I., rot. 55^. Of Prises, or Captions and Emptions. 73 no sovereign attempted to carve an independent revenue out of the Customs. In later Plantagenet times the right of prisage Decay of • • 1 Purvcveincc m its broadest acceptation is nearly lost sight of in the 14th under a Parliamentary control and direction of the ^"'"''^" public expenditure. A definite bargain with the Crown was preferred to the old system of give and take for the general good. It is then that the Ordinary ,. ,.,..,, , . , ^ . Purveyance practice ot individual purveyance, deprived of its for the early significance, acquires that odious reputation HolfsehoU which has survived to within comparatively recent times. But the public service was cleansed from the pest of this form of publicanism. In still later times, as late at least as the end^™^?;"'^ Navy Con- of the seventeenth century, the Crown habitually tractors •' _ _ ■' under the entrusted the purchase of provisions for the public Tudors. service to individual contractors. These men, it is true, were backed by authority which made it danger- ous for the producer to decline dealing with them ; but their offers were not positively unfair, and above all they paid for all on the spot. The Crown put money in their purses, and they accounted for its outlay, thus avoiding the old system of assignment and forced credit, with its attendant evils. Still the prerogative ^^f^^ of prisage in this mild shape survived, and it would of P"ses. be hard to assign a date for its final extinction. In the next chapters we shall follow the refine- The Place . 1 ■ 1 1 °f Prise ment of that system of compensation which took taiien by Moncv" shape of definite percentages in place of arbitrary toiis from requisitions in kind ; of the Customs, that is, as we employed now understand the term. chandlse. CHAPTER IV. National Opposition to system- atic Prises of the Crown based on the Grant of 1275. Retrospect of the Position of the Crown in Pre- OF TOLLS, OR PRISE COMMUTATIONS. E have seen in the last chapter that the indiscriminate requisitions of the Crown from the commodities of the soil had at length been opposed by its subjects, on the ground that the King's prerogative herein had been limited and defined anew by Statute in the third year of his reign. The meaning of this objection was, that the Crown, enjoining in virtue of its prerogative an indefinite right of prisage by way of purveyance for its own use of every product of the realm, had, with the advice of the estates acting on the prayer of the merchants, agreed to accept in the case of wool, woolfells and hides, the chief exports of the kingdom, a fixed toll or per- centage in lieu of requisitions in kind. This transaction is the first of its sort on a compre- hensive scale in our history, but the principle which it embodies existed in far earlier times. In that primitive age of which we have before spoken, the king had not only the prescriptive right to obtain relief for the necessities of his Of Tolls, or Prise Comnmtaiions. 75 person or of his state from the products of the soil — histo.ic lead, iron, tin, corn, cattle, wool, and even articles of staple manufacture — but he also acquired by means hereof a species of vested interest in the prevailing distribution of those forms of wealth. In pli^otnt one aspect as the supreme landlord of the nation he was implicated in his tenants' welfare. Their prosperity was the security for the strength and efficiency of his rule, and he felt justified in insisting that the security should be tangible. It is thus that we arrive at the explanation of the fact that the Crown, in the earliest period of our history, as the Sole had the absolute regulation of internal traffic, ofx°ade^° sale or barter between its subjects, in its own p^^'^s^^- hands. If a tenant's wealth by his own simplicity or negligence became diverted into other channels, this event, the economic importance of which was so slight, was otherwise disastrous to the Crown. It had lost the efficient service of a Theory of Com- fighting man ; and it had also lost an available mutation. contribution to its own possible necessities. The spirit which prompted the enactments preventing a freeman from parting with his arms under any circumstances was the same with that which ordered the form of his bargains with his neigh- bours, and debarred him from the risks and profits, alike, of international commerce. It is proper to insist much upon this explanation of the undoubted Prerogative .... distinct phenomenon of the Crown alone possessmg the right from to erect a market at large for the produce of the land. Historians are apt to dwell upon the necessity, ever- 76 History of the Customs. present to the chief magistrate, of keeping the peace between his turbulent subjects as a readier solution of the problem ; and in one sense the suggestion is a reasonable one. It was indeed essential that each party to the primitive bargains of the period should be convinced that the other had a ' clean-back,' as their jargon went ; but this theory will not explain the still wider control of the Crown for the commercial welfare of the nation at large, exercised without question into far later Prerogative times. In any case the fact remains that under no of Restraint of Traffic, circumstances was a subject of this kingdom at liberty to absent himself beyond the cognizance of the Government, even in the pursuit of his lawful occupation. Neither might such a one export or transport to a distant place any commodity of the kingdom without the royal license. Thus he could not at his own will consign a cargo of tin, wood, wool, leather, corn, flesh, fish, or other staple articles to the order of a Flemish agent, or of a fellow-subject in one of the French dependencies of the English Crown. Nay more ! It was an admitted fact that the sovereign's prerogative was infringed, his state impaired, by any such trans- action, and amends must be made on either score by the payment of a substantial fine in considera- tion of a royal license to trade in the way proposed. In the face of this fundamental right, how are we to dismiss the notion of the Crown's proprietary interest in the products of the soil from our minds ? It would seem as though the sovereign, holding that Of Tolls, or Prise Commtciaiioiis. 77 the entire native wealth of the kingdom lay at his AppJication disposal for the relief of those needs which were case of incurred by his royal state or responsibilities, would Products. suffer no portion thereof to be removed beyond his reach without compensating his revenue for the possible losses which it might thus sustain. It is far less probable that the Crown, in its Alternative infinite wisdom and justice and strength, should have immediately arrived at the following compact with its subjects in their interests, which the orthodox sticklers for an illimitable constitution have loved to suppose. That it should, with the consent of all, have been allowed to levy definite contributions, from the merchandise which passed through the outports to maintain the safety of the seas; from the inland carts and barges to preserve the King's peace upon the highways and common rivers, and at the gates and quays of its great cities to ensure the latter a decent provision for an orderly municipal government, or for a strong imperial occupation in the interests of its own state and revenue ! It is true, however, that the latter object did ^^^^'^^/y seemingly enter into the calculations of the Govern- *^ '^'■°'"'- ment, and that the consideration which it received from its subjects on such occasions was in view of a twofold concession made to them on its own part. Those who fined to the Crown for a license to traffic within the Hmits of its sovereign control were not only acquitted of all claims to arbitrary prisage or toll, but received, at the same time, a 78 His lory of the Customs. guarantee for the safety of themselves and their property against any hindrance, seizure, or exaction Necessity whatsoever. Safety to whom, and from what, we for Safe- -' conducts should ask. The question is not a needless one, as in Early ^ Times. we shall presently see. The Kmg's peace, except in the case of certain remote franchises, reigned throughout the length and breadth of the land. By a wise disposition, too, the authority of the Crown was nowhere so jealously guarded or so frequently exerted as in the very spots where the maintenance of peace and order was most liable to be threatened. Mand -phe Waggoner or packhorse-driver and his master routes reflected as they plunged into the depth of a royal on the Pre- forest that, thanks to their sovereign's hobby in the servationof , , . ,. the King's shape of veuery, not an outlaw dare make himself known in a country where the very high-roads were beset with footpads ; and paid their modest toll accordingly with willing hearts at the forest-gate. So, too, the wool-barge or hay-lighter which navigated the upper waters of the Thames gladly submitted to the avalage imposed by the King's bailiff or farmer. It could scarcely otherwise have been a pleasant passage for the market-boat of the reign of John within the clutches of such governors as might be in lack of stores in any royal castle from Windsor to Oxford. But even the hardiest of public robbers had a wholesome dread of poaching on royal preserves, lest he should be invited by the Exchequer Barons to fine for his acquittal in 30 marks, or should receive the royal missive at sight of which he must surrender his command to the bearer. But Of Tolls, or Prise Covnnutatioiis. 79 all men who were not out of the pale of the law were entitled to the benefit of the King's Peace; and certainly no exception was made to the disadvantage of the mercantile community. "Why then did the latter show themselves so Not suf- ficient to desirous of obtaming the King's Letters Patent ? protect The fact is that they were divided into two distinct Traders classes, each trading under differing circumstances, special The one was composed of native merchants, natural- born subjects — indigenes as they were called — who Nor to fined to the Crown for license to export produce of NatTv"^ the kingdom to a foreign mart ; or only to transport fron/" it along the coast to one of the great English fairs, EScdons. such as Boston or Lenn. The other comprised foreign merchants, aliens, strangers, or alienigence, who equally fined for liberty to introduce themselves or their wares into England, subject to existing regulations. The former class received the King's Distinction ° _ _ ° between protection from molestation, not at the hands of*etwo Classes their fellow-countrymen, for the safeguard would in this have been needless, but to pass them safely through the officious hands of the royal Customers and bailiffs, who would otherwise have made short work of their liberty and cargoes by handing over the ' pirate' to the custody of the sheriff to await ex- amination and heavy fine or bail in the Exchequer Chamber, and by seizing and disposing of his merchandise as forfeit to the Crown. The ahen, on the other hand, did really stand in need of a safe- conduct, in view both of these official severities and still more of the jealous hatred of their own hopeful So History of the Customs. Custuma or Toll on Merchan- dise derived from Consuetudo or Imme- morial Preroga- tive of Prise. Historical Origin of the Ctistuma or Money- toll. customers, the enlightened and protectionist natives of the land ; for to the custos at the outport, the riverside baron, the wayside outlaw, and the town apprentice, the Lombard or Flemish pedlar appeared fair game for violence and extortion in every form. We have thus seen that the Custuma or practice of the Crown to levy a revenue from produce ex- ported from or imported into the kingdom, was a gradual development of the earlier consuetudo or prerogative (for it was not from the first limited by the constitution, as some have supposed, but was the birthright of the sovereign from time immemorial), by virtue of which the King took prises of provisions or stuff to supply the exigencies of his state or war- fare from his own subjects; and exacted the same with a still higher hand from foreign traders, who might be both ' strangers ' and ' foes,' according to the caprice of all rude nations. .The one was a caption in peace ; the other a capture of war, as the very etymology of the word suffices to prove, interpreted as it has been by the prescriptive usage of four whole centuries of recorded history. We shall now, therefore, be able to follow with a clearer under- standing the following outline of the process which is found existent in very early times. It would seem as though the first traces of the system of collecting a certain or uncertain toll from commodities of the land or from foreign imports were connected with the office of chamberlain of the King's household, or *chamberlain of the cities of London and Sandwich. With regard to this appoint- Of Tolls, or Pj'ise Commutations. 8i ment, it is important to note that the office of chamberlain was in immediate contact with the department of the King's wardrobe, which depart- ment had the administration of all that revenue (amongst others) which accrued from the royal prerogative of prisage in every form, and which (with the rest) was chiefly spent upon the pay of retainers or troops, and the supply of household provisions or munitions of war. This connection between the Custom-revenue and the King's household was not lost sight of for centuries. It is curious to examine the details of one of these accounts, in which we witness clearly enough the transition state of the Customs between the Prisage and the Toll. The chamberlain (the The ° • r I. Chamber- usual accountant) answers a large receipt from the lainship of n J London. current toll on staple merchandise, usually assessed either at a tenth or fifteenth of the gross value. This was the Decima or Disme, and Quindecima or Quinzime, and was probably levied chiefly from the wool-trade, being collected at the outports either by the chamberlains or by the King's patentees or farmers. Courtiers would fine in as much as i,ooo marks to the Crown for the collection of this duty, which, however, only returned a few thousands yearly into the Treasury. Besides this toll, the issues of the fairs of Boston and Lenn, etc., were sometimes accounted for, together with the follow- ing miscellaneous profits : The assize of woad, which chargeable could neither be exported nor imported without ^1^"°' license and Custom paid in lieu of, or in addition to VOL. II. 2^ 82 History of the Customs. a fine ; the Custom of corn, salt, honey, cheese, salmon, lard, grease, etc., together with tin and lead, all of which lay under like restrictions, though no certain toll was levied from them. The more usual method pursued seems to have been that of considering all of the above as liable to extra- ordinary prisage, unless redeemed by a fine for license to trade in them. Thus we find frequent entries for the profit of corn and other provisions taken and sold, ' ad opus Regis,' at the outports, as well as wool, linen, cloth, and silks, etc., which presumably had not been included in the assessment of the Disme or Quinzime. Apart from these Captions, we find entries of similar profits realized by the extreme employment Other of the Prise or Capture of goods belonging to Sources of , , , . , , ., Customary suspccted persons, or to the subjects of a hostile Revenue nation. It is more difficult to explain the nature of entries which specify the profits arising from the sale of boats, masts, anchors, cables, and other rigging. It is true that these were forbidden com- modities of traffic, in so far that a toll was exacted from them both at the King's ports and in private franchises ; but it seems doubtful whether the majority of these articles were dealt with as forfeit prises or as perquisites of pre-emption resold at a profit in the shape of surplus stores. Lastly, there Prisage of is the usual balance from the sale of prise-wines, both of those which were taken at the rate of one cask on each side of the mast for about half their value, and of others bought up at a rather higher Of Tolls, or Prise Commutations. 8 o rate, though still considerably below their marketable value. Thus, in the tenth year of Richard I., Gervase of ^^^""Jf^"^ Aldermanbury accounts for the chamberlainship of '=''"'= ■'^=" London during the two last years ; namely, for 'e.^P- £i8 6s. 6d. from the Disme on merchandise, during ten days only ; for £71 14s. gd. from licenses to import and sell woad ; for -£"23 12s. from licenses to export wool and hides ; for 47 marks from woad captured and sold ; for 100 marks, the fine of one of the King's enemies ; for £20 from prise-wool resold ; for divers fines ; for 5^^ marks from Flemish silks taken and sold ; for 11 marks from smuggled filet, forfeited and sold ; for i mark from salmon sold ; for ^8 14s. from flitches and gammons prised ; for 5^23 IIS. from prise-wines ; for 3s. 4d. from linen- sheeting and walebrun bought (!) for the King's use ; for 225 marks from forty-five sacks of wool taken at Hull and resold ; for ^f 13 4s. 3d. from prise-corn of the men of Rye ; for loos. from the King's enemies, and for certain rigging of one of the King's ships sold.* It will be seen that the above schedule is divisable ^"^aifove^ into four heads : First, prises proper, or goods pur- Account, veyed and resold at a profit ; secondly, fines for license to trade ; thirdly, captures or forfeits ; and fourthly, commutation of prises for a fixed toll in the shape of a disme on general merchandise. "With regard to the first of these, we have already examined their growth and extent in the preceding " Magn. Rot., 10 Ric. I., rot. \i!°. 26 — 2 84 History of the Customs. Nature chapter. The second class is to be further divided, of the ^ . , ,. Licenses of as has been already stated, into the licenses accorded the Crown . , r . for Foreign to native merchants to export, and to loreign mer- chants to impbrt, the commodities of their respective countries ; and of this species of exaction some instances will now be given in order. In the fourth year of John, certain denizen merchants are acquitted of all the King's tolls throughout England, saving the franchise of the Instances cj^y of London.* In the seventh year of the same from the -^ •'^ Patent reign, Laurence of London has Hcense to export one cargo of corn anywhere abroad, unmolested by the King's offiicers.t In the same year, another English subject receives permission to export a cargo of salt and hides in payment of the usual Customs, without interruption. J Two more natives ~' 'Rex, etc. Sciatis quod volumus quod Berenger Berav at Raymundus Berav et Bartram Berav, mercatores dilecti nostri Martini Algeis, et eorum mercandize sint quietiper totam terram nostram de omnibus consuetudinibus ad nos pertinenti- bus salva libertate Civitatis Londonie. Teste, etc., xxiij die Julij.' — Pat., 4 J., m. IT. t ' Rex omnibus ballivis portuum maris, etc. Sciatis quod dedimus licentiam Laurencio de Londonia abducendi unam navatam bladi de terra nostra Anglie in Normanniam, vel in Flandriam, vel quo voluerit. Et ideo vobis precipimus quod si idem vel ejus ballivi presentium latores per vos transitum fuerint ipsos bladum illud libere et sine impedimento abducere permittatis. Durabunt autem littere usque ad Pascham anno, etc., vijo. Teste, etc., iiij die Januarij.' — Pat., 7 J., m. 2. X ' Rex omnibus, etc. Sciatis quod dedimus licentiam Alexandre de Wareham abducendi de terra nostra Anglie unam navatam salis et corionim usque in Normanniam, faciendo inde antiquas et rectas et debitas consuetudines. Et ideo vobis pre- Of Tolls, or Prise Commutations. 85 receive a license also in this year to export hides, wool, lard, and pack-horses.* In the eighth year, the King gives license to the Bishop of Chichester to carry Purbeck marble by sea for the repair of his cathedral.t In the tv^fenty-sixth year of Edward I. a society of Lombard merchants are informed that they may export merchandise without fear of seizure, or of paying more than the accustomed dues of the Crown. J In the third year of John, two merchant- strangers pay for license to import two shiploads of corn between Christmas and Mid-Lent, without hin- drance. § In the same year, the King remits to one of his officers the Custom of certain wines which he is importing.il In January, the seventh year, two cipimus quod ipsum ea libere et sine impedimento abducere permittatis. Teste, etc., xij die Januarij.' — Ibid. * ' Rex, etc., omnibus, etc. Sciatis quod concesserimus Rogero de Keniievalli et Geuttan Cressi, quod possint sine im- pedimento transfretare cum viij lestis coriorum et xij saccis lane et duobus doliis sepi et iiij runcinis et quod possint salvo redire in terram nostram Anglie cum mercandisis suis faciendo inde rectas et debitas consuetudines usque ad festum Sancti Johannis Baptisti, anno, etc., vijo.' — Ibid., m. 3. f ' Rex omnibus galiotis, etc. Sciatis quod dedimus licentiam domino S. Cicestrensi Episcopo ducendi marmor suum per mare e Purbic. usque Cicestriam ad reparacionem ecclesie sue de Cicestria.' — Pat., 8 J., m. 4. X Hil. com. 26 Ed. I. § Pat., 3 J., m. 6. II ' Rex, etc., omnibus, etc. Sciatis quod nos quietamus dilecto et fideli nostro Willielmo Brivverr. vinum suum de- scendens per Ligerim. ab omni consuetudine que ad nos per- tinet, hoc anno regni nostri tercio.' — Pat., 3 J., m. g. 86 History of the Customs. foreign merchants receive a license to come and go safe and secure throughout England, paying the wonted Customs to the Crown. This safe-conduct to hold good till Midsummer.* In the fourth of John, a merchant of St. Emilion is permitted to come and go without hindrance with his wares, and to sell the same, paying only the rightful Customs of the Crown ; and all the King's ministers are to prevent anyone from offering him any annoyance. or injury by the way.f Also in the fourth year of this reign, the King grants to Herbert Mulard to enter this country freely and unmolested, and to traffic in his goods and merchandises, on paying to the Crown and other Seigniories their just and due Cus- toms, and further forbids anyone to hinder or molest or damage the patentee, or his following.^ In the thirtieth year of Henry HI. the King grants his letters patent to Simon de Campos, merchant of Douay, permitting him to trade throughout Eng- land, paying only the right and wonted Customs of the Crown, and that no prise shall be taken of Simon's cloths for three years next folIowing.§ With respect to the third head, under which cap- * Pat., 7 J., m. s. t ' Rex, etc., senescallis, etc. Mandamus vobis quod Marcum Sturmin, de Sancto Emilione mercatorem permittatis sine impedimento ire et redire per totam terram nostram cum omnibus rebus et mercandizis suis et necociare, faciendo debitas et rectas consuetudines nee, permittatis quod aliquis super hoc molestiam inferat aut gravamen. Teste, etc., ix die Februarij.' Pat., 4 J-, m. 3. % Pat, 4 J., m. 3. § Pat., 30 H. III., m. 4. Of Tolls, or Prise Covimtitations. 87 tures of war, or forfeitures for illicit trading were included above, instances will be found in Gervase of Aldermanbury's account, and these may easily be multiplied. During Edward I.'s war with France, instances for example, the merchandise of subjects of the Memo- latter country was seized in a wholesale fashion, and roUs. realized by the Crown;* and in the same reign forfeitures of smuggled goods are constantly recorded in the proceedings of the Exchequer.f The remaining class of the Custom-revenue men- Percen- ° (ages on tioned in these early records is that of a percentage staple Pro- on general merchandise in part acquittance at least General ° , Merchan- of the old liability to prisage. The Crown had dise. quickly made the discovery that a permanent reve- nue was more easily raised from personal property than from real estate, and of the latter in the shape of a toll prepaid in hard cash, rather than of a more or less vexatious tithe in kind. Naturally the pro- duce formally selected as the subject of this organized taxation was that which chiefly represented the superfluous wealth of the country exported to foreign countries in payment of such necessaries or luxuries as were required for home consumption. From very early times this staple export was recognised as con- Leathe^' sisting of wool, wool-fells, and leather. Wool, then, and hides were probably the chief source of Custom- revenue to the Crown at the time when it was also in receipt of frequent fines for Hcense to export less tangible articles of commerce. * Memor., 24 and 25, 25 and 26 Ed. I. Inter Communia. t Ibid. 88 History of the Customs. Minerals, Minerals, corn, cattle, and other produce did not offer such facilities for traffic or taxation, on a two- Provisions fold ground. In the first place, it was not easy to ictua la). gjjgyj-g jjj g^ fudc and unquiet age more than a limited food-supply for the demands of the population ; neither was it expedient, on political grounds, to risk denuding the latter of the necessaries of life, in order to furnish forth possible foes across the narrow seas. In the second place, the difficulties of rating products of this kind were admittedly great. In fact, until the problem was partially solved by the institution of a poundage on their intrinsic value only, such exports could not have contributed largely to the revenue collected from merchants by means of a disme or quinzime. In the thirteenth century we find the one-tenth, or other dividend, chiefly employed in the assessment of a constitutional tax- ation of personal property, the customary toll being fixed as a ratage on the bulk of staple exports. Custom This was now practically reduced to the duty of Wools and 6s. 8d. upon every sack of wool, or its equivalent in Perman- 300 fells,* and 13S. 4d. upon each last of hides ex- Settied. ported. All other exports were either insignificant i^on'ortier ^" amount, or were discouraged, and indeed, for the Exports, most part, wholly forbidden by the Crown, for motives of interest and policy. But when permitted, such exports paid Custom rather by a fine to the Crown, or by suffering a heavy liability to prise, than by a fixed tariff. In the case of imports, whose existence was irk- * This proportion was in later reigns reduced to 240 fells for every sack (from 42 Edward III.). Of Tolls, or Prise Comnmt aliens. 89 some to the patriotism as well as to the self-seeking spirit of the times, though the necessity for their 1^^^^'^^^'^^^ toleration could not be denied, no scale of charge on ]f^'^^ Unfixed. the same plan as that of the Ancient or Great Cus- tom of wools and leather was in force previous to the beginning of the fourteenth century. There was, it f^^^' is true, a very ancient prerogative of the Crown, ^?^g°" °^ limited by common law, though never by statute, for taking one cask out of ten, and two out of twenty, one, that is, on each side of the mast, from every cargo of imported wines ; but all other imports were, even more than uncustomed native produce, liable to prisage, at the mere discretion of the Crown. In xarifffor 1275 the rate of the older Custom upon exports was Exports fixed by statute ; and in 1303, the convention of the ports™ Crown with alien merchants embodied in the Carta |gttkd Mercatoria settled the rates chargeable upon the ™^^l^ imported wares of the latter. These two enactments are the great landmarks in Later As- the history of our Custom-revenue, and with these Sjrairl. that history properly commences. Meanwhile, neither such exports as were included in the Statute of Westminster, nor any imports of native merchants, were subject to any fixed toll whatever, but continued to lie within the Crown's prerogative of prisage. In spite of every opposition of its sub- jects, that prerogative was exercised by successive sovereigns, for what they took to be their kingdom's welfare, for centuries before it became forcibly dis- used. Even now its discreet exercise is the first duty of every Government which seeks to provide ' ut terra de bonis suis se illsesa conservaret.' CHAPTER V. OF PRISAGE AND BUTLERAGE. Classified under three heads. HE consuetudo pertaining to the prerogative of the Crown, in the matter of wines imported into this country, was neither wholly in the nature of the immemorial Custom, the Antiqua Custuma, that is, limited by statute when granted anew for a constitutional con- sideration, as in the case of wools and leather, nor in that of a new Custom, such as governed the pro- cedure in force in the case of most other imports included within the terms of Carta Mercatoria. It partook, indeed, of the nature of both ; but only with regard to its very different application to the two classes of denizens and aliens, and even so, that application is seen to be somewhat anomalous. In point of fact, there existed three distinct phases of development in the history of the taxation of wines. In the first place, the commodity in question, like any other, whether exported or imported, was sub- jected to the arbitrary requisitions of the Crown to relieve its necessities, real or imaginary, for which purpose, as we have already seen, when speaking of Of Prisage and Butlerage. 91 Prises in general, the royal purveyors, or other Aibitrary agents, simply purchased at, the ports, either for the wines. sovereign's ' stock ' or for the requirements of his warlike operations, such wines as seemed suitable, at a price so far below their marketable value, that the resale of the same, likewise in gross, yielded no inconsiderable profit to the Government. As a modification of this primitive expedient, we find, in rather later times, an understanding in force between the subject and the Crown, having refer- ence to the commutation of these objectionable prises for a fixed toll, in the shape of a license to traffic in this chargeable commodity. Thus it hap- p^s" of pened, in the case of denizens, that a certain propor- ^1"^^;.°'' tion of their cargo, one-tenth at that period, roughly speaking, was appointed as a prise of the Crown, to be taken at its price, which was here of course still lower than that offered for prises under the older system. At the same time, aliens, less favoured apparently than native traders, fined for license to import, either in a lump sum for the whole cargo, or in a toll assessed upon each cask that it contained. In course of time, as constitutional restraints ^"^^ew^ upon the mere prerogative of the sovereign became ^^^'"'"o"" fully established, we have to deal with an expansion Butlerage. of the prevailing method of levying the Customs in this as in other respects. The toll of wool and leather had grown from a license to trade into a Custom proper, levied upon an unalterable scale for denizens and aliens alike. This scale was that of the Antiqua Custuma, or half a mark upon wools and History of the Cttstoms. twice so much upon leather, supplemented by a Nova Custuma of 50 per cent, added to the tax on aliens by virtue of the compact arrived at through Carta Mercatoria. On the same analogy, therefore, we should expect to find the toll on wines fixed at a corresponding period in the shape of a money- payment upon every cask imported, with a slightly higher rate enforced in the case of alien merchants. But, in reality, no such system in a complete form ever came into effect. While the commuted toll upon aliens' wines became fixed as the New Custom by Carta Mercatoria, that upon the only recognised import by denizens, not similarly provided for, pre- served its original status as a prise levied in kind, and in no other way by the Crown in virtue of its ancient prerogative. This is the origin of the Prisage of Wines ; the Recia Prisa due to the Crown by immemorial usage, which is so familiar a term to all students of early financial history, and which has acquired a signifi- cance of its own in connection with the greatest constitutional problem of the seventeenth century. We have thus to account for the internal develop - ment of this phenomenal Custom, associated only with the liabilities of denizen subjects of the Crown; next, for that of the New Custom, or Butlerage, as it was called, from the end of the fourteenth century, the commuted toll paid in specie, at a fixed rate, upon every cask imported by alien traders ; while, lastly, there remains to be mentioned what has been perhaps loosely styled, even in early Records, the Of Prisage and Butler age. 93 ' Ancient Custom ' of wines, payable, like the Antiqua a Further Custuma of woollens and leather, by denizens and wines of a aliens alike, but which, as we shall presently see, Namre" appears to have been rather in the nature of an Excise, as well as in that of a Local Custom. In the earliest of extant Records, we find not c°Jiection ' 01 tne infrequent entries of allowances claimed on their Reyenue ■^ _ denved accounts by certain officers of the Crown for wine from 1 r T Wines. bought by them for the King's use ; by the authority, that is, of the royal writ directed to them for that purpose. The accountants alluded to might be any of those usually employed by the Crown for that service — sheriffs, bailiffs, reeves, constables, or farmer-patentees. The position which they occu- pied under the Crown f6r this object was very clearly defined. Apart from the immemorial claim which the Crown may have been supposed to exercise in the matter of requisitions in kind to relieve its personal necessities, its controlling power in the interests of native commerce — of public morality, even, if we can discover such a purpose in its action — ^was undisputed for fully four centuries after the date we are alluding to. The ports of the kingdom were the King's gates, to which he could grant access, or refuse it, to any person or any substance whatsoever, at his sole discretion. To preserve the balance of trade, too, it was an especial object with every ruler to restrain the importation of foreign commodities within reasonable limits. So it came to pass that — ^just as every trader, sub- ject or alien, who made it his business to export 94 History of the Customs. produce of the realm to some foreign mart could only do so by the tolerance of the Crown, expressed in the form of a heavy toll levied upon all such staple commodities as vi^ool, hides, minerals, and victuals — the importation of the wares of other nations, and chief amongst them wine, was sub- jected to similar dues by the vigilance of the executive power. Licenses to Sometimes we find this toll levied in the shape of a license (that is, a grant by letters patent) to im- port a specified bulk of wine into the country. Thus, in the reign of John, numerous instances occur of individuals fining to the Crown for license to import cargoes. In some cases the necessary permission is cheaply purchased, as when two barrels are given out of a shipload ;* or more dearly when 40 marks in addition are given for the safe- conduct of two cargoes of the patentees' wines. t Not inciu- In addition to this exaction, however, the ' ancient sive of the 1 i /-. Recta and due Customs of the Crown' had still to be dis- charged by the privileged importer. All, therefore, that he gained was exemption from the arbitrary prise of the Crown — the 'Mala Prisa,' as that exaction might be termed in contradistinction to the Recta Prisa, or recognised duty. We have numberless instances on record of such transactions as we have witnessed in the case of other commodities purchased by the royal preroga- tive of purveyance. In the fifth year of John, the * Magn. Rot., 11 J., Rot. I and 12b. t Ibid., 14 J., Rot. 5. Prisa. Of Prisage and Butleragc. 95 King commands his officers by writ to abstain from instances . . IT-. T^ ■ r from the levying any prise other than the Recta, Pnsa from Patent , . . , . . . r 1 1 Rolls and the wmes 01 certain persons enjoying a saie-conduct close Roils. from the Crown.* This episode is explained by an entry in the Great Roll for the twelfth year of this reign of twenty-two tuns of wine bought ' ad opus Regis.'t In the seventeenth year of John the sheriff of Leicester is instructed to pay the arrears of a purchase of wines forcibly detained at Southampton and appropriated for the King's use. J In the eighth year of Henry III., the bailiffs of Sandwich are ordered to take ten casks of the thirty arrested at that port for the King's service.§ Besides the arbitrary though tacitly admitted Definition prerogative of purveyance or pre-emption, there jfecta existed, as we have seen, an established toll, uniformly levied by the Crown — the Recta Prisa. This was assessed at the rate of two tuns, or four pipes, out of every average cargo, but its exact definition is as follows : Out of every cargo of ten * ' Rex, etc. Sciatus quod due naves ... in custodia et pro- tectione nostra sunt. Unde vobis mandamus quod de vinis predictis nuUam prisam capiatis preterquam rectam prisam nostram.' — Pat., 5 J., m. 3. ' Et idee vobis mandamus quod . . . nullam prisam de navibus illis capiatis nisi ubi prisa solet antiquitus capi.' — Ibid., m. 4. f ' Et pro iiij tonellis de vino rubeo de prisa Ixs . . . Et pro xxij tonellis vini rubei emptis ad opus Regis xxxji'. xiij^. iiijd.' — Magn. Rot., 12 J., Rot. lOb. X Rot. Claus., 17 J., m. i. § ' Mandatum est Ballivis Sandwice quod de sexaginta doliis vini . . . que apud Sandwicam sunt arestata recipiant x dolia vini.' — Rot. Claus., 8 Hen. III., m. 8. 96 History of the Customs. revenue. tuns, or, above ten tuns, under twenty tuns, one tun to be purchased for the King at his price. Above twenty tuns, two tuns to be so purveyed and no more, irrespective of the bulk of the cargo. Thus, in the case of a ship carrying nine tuns, the Crown would have no claim to purveyance. In the case of a cargo of fifteen tuns, one would be taken for the Crown ; and in that of a ship laden with thirty tuns, two. So, likewise, a cargo of a hundred tuns or more would only yield two tuns for the King's purveyance. By a rough estimate, the yield was calculated at one cask on each side of the mast, according to the burthen of the vessel.* Account- Though the King might direct his writ to any royal ants for the Wine- officer, or indeed to any responsible subject, such as the reeve of a town which held its franchise at ferm * ' Si noef tonelx des vyns, ou meyns de neof, veignent en nief ou en bat, de chaumberleyn le roi ne doit" rien prendre "k le pryse le roi par dreit. Et si x tonelx veignent, il prendra j tonelle ; et silia xix tonelx, il ne doit prendre a la pryse de la prys fors un tonelle ; et de xx tonelx il prendra deux. Et si c ou cc toneux veignent ensemble en une nief, le chaumberleyn ne prendra a le prys le Roi fors deux tonelx.' — Liber Alius, i. 247-8. ' De qualibet nave in se habente x dolia vini et ultra, non ex- tendente ad xx dolia, pro prisa predicta x dolium vini ; et de qualibet nave in se habente xx dolia vini et ultra, pro prisa pre- dicta duo dolia vini.' — Compotus Pincerne Anglie, Pipe, Series III. ' Of every shipp havinge in her tenne tunnes, one cask ; and of every shipp havinge in her xx tonne and above, two tonne : one before the maste, and th' other behinde.' — Eliz., Ciisiovur's Account, Cotton MSS.Galb., B. X. ' Videlicet de uno doleo vini ante malum et alio post malum.' — Rot. Chart.., 6 Ed. I., m. 2. Of Prisage and But lei-age. 97 from the Crown, there was usually only one class of accountants which had the management of this department of the revenue. These were the Cham- Chamber- ■^ lains of berlains of London and Sandwich, vested in some London and Sand- instances also with a further jurisdiction over the wich. ports of Southampton and Boston, which four places were the recognised emporiums of the im- ported wine trade. These chamberlains rendered their accounts in the Great Roll, and were charged with the profits of prise-wines at the Exchequer, and allowed for such sums as had been disbursed by them in that service. But on the whole a running account was kept between the Crown and its creditors, whether foreign merchants or English vintners, the latter receiving the current price of wines taken by prise or purchased in the open market alike at very distant days of payment. It is these chamberlains' of their accounts which furnish us with most of the statistics that are available for estimating the contemporary values of prise and purveyance, compared with the market quotations of foreign vintages. Not only did these agents of the Crown purchase on its behalf the very considerable supply of prise-wines that came to hand at the recognised ports for this trade, but they were also armed with authority to purchase at the mere discretion of the Sovereign or the steward of the Household any quantity of wines that might be needed for the King's use, carefully selecting such vintages as were appropriate to the service in point. This practice was doubtless warranted, as we have VOL. II. 27 98 History of the Customs. seen, by ample precedents ; but its abuse was equally incontestable, and, unfortunately, less liable to be remedied by constitutional protests. Thus in the reign of John, at a period when prise-wines were usually purveyed for the Crown at as low a rate as Abuse of 15s. per butt (at most 20s.), it was quite as easy for Purvey- . ,. ^ . ance. the purveyor to obtain credit for any quantity of a similar vintage at from 20s. to 30s. or at least 25 per cent, under the market value. The effect of these arbitrary transactions was of course to enrich the royal revenue at the expense of the importer, who took care, however, as we know, that he should be no individual loser by the exaction to which he must perforce submit. For example, we commonly meet with charges in the accounts of the chamber- System of lains of London and Sandwich ' for the profit' not only of the sale of prise-wines proper, but also of other wines bought ostensibly in the open market, though considerably below their current value, and with an enforced credit.* Even as late as the reign of Edward I. we find the King's chamberlain allowed Instances for wines of the Recta Prisa at 20s. per butt; and from . . '^ Tarious for bought wines at twice that rate for the house- Records. 1 1 1 . T r hold.t In fact, this very orncer was not only styled * ' Et xxj'' et v^ de proficuo Lxxiij tonellorum de quibus xxxj tonelli sunt de prisa et xlij empti : Qui omnes fuerunt venditi.' — Magn. Rot., n J-, rot. 5, m. 2. t ' Poncio de Mora, mercatori, viginti libras, videlicet decern libras pro decern doliis vini de recta prisa Regis, et decern libras pro quinque doliis vini ab ipso emptis et que una cum predictis decern doliis vini de prisa, per ipsum liberari precepit Constabu- larius Castri Wyndesore ad expensas liberorum Regis in eodem castro.'— /w?/^ Roll, Mich., i Ed. I. Of Prisage and Butlerage. 99 ' Chamberlain of London,' and as such the receiver of prise-wines at the ports, but also ' Purveyor of the King's wines for his use.'* The profits realized by the Crown under either head were at no time probably very considerable. In an average year of the reign of John we read of 20 tuns of the Recta Prisa resold at a profit of £16 los., and 60 more purveyed and resold for a gain of ^20 8s. on the purchase-money. t In the eighth year of Richard I. ^28 2S. 6d. was accounted for as the profit on prise- wines sold, and in the tenth year £33 lis. was answered on the like account. The allowance to the chamberlain for disbursements upon wines shows the following figures : Wines of Anjou : 5 tuns from the Recta Prisa, and 3 tuns bought. Wines of Gascony : 45 tuns ditto, and 222 tuns ditto. Wines of Auxerres : 2 tuns ditto, and 14 tuns ditto. Wines of France proper : 31 tuns ditto, and 23 tuns ditto. Wines of Saxony : 3 tuns from the Recta Prisa. The outlay for the above was £507 lis. — of which the 86 tuns of prise-wines would amount to ^^86, leaving 262 tuns bought at an average price of slightly over 32s. per tun.J '' ' Camerarius nosterLondonieet Emptor vinorum nostronim . . . captorum ad opus nostrum.' — Pat, 57 H. III., m. i. t Magn. Rot., ij J. + /did, 14 J., rot. 5. 27 — 2 lOO History of the Customs. In the tenth year of Henry III., ii tuns of white wine were purchased for the Crown, at an average of -£2 per tun. One tun of sacramental wine for 50s., and 20 casks seized for the Queen's use, at an average of £2 6s. 8d. The latter purchase was, however, made from a Bordeaux merchant, apparently abroad, and therefore not on the usual terms.* On the other hand, as late as the twenty-sixth year of the same reign 104 casks could be purchased by the Crown at an average of only 35s. per tun. Chamber- ^^ analysis of the account of the Chamberlain of lain s Ac- ■^ counts. London and S andwich from the twenty-seventh to the thirtieth year of Henry III. gives the following result : Angevin, French and Gascon prise-wines : 404 casks bought in at 20s., and a portion resold at a total profit of ^182 8s. St. John's and Rhenish : 22 casks purveyed at an average of 2 marks per tun. French, Gascon, Angevin, and Rhenish : ggg casks at slightly under 35s. per tun. French must : 20 casks at 30s. per tun. From the forty-sixth to the forty-eighth years of the reign the analysis is as follows : 46th year — 66 casks of prise-wines, at Southamp- ton. 47th year — 59 casks of prise-wines, and 30 bought at Southampton ; 50 casks of the prise at Boston. 48th year — 60 casks of the prise and 26 bought at Southampton ; 10 bought at Boston. * Liberate, 10 H. III. Of Prisage and Butlerage. loi The following is the analysis of the account of Poncius de la More and his assistants of the Cham- berlainship of London, and the prise of wines at Southampton and Boston, from the feast of St. Martin, in the fifty-seventh year of Henry III. to Michael- mas, I Edward I. : London. — 43 casks of the prise resold for ;fioo 6s. 8d. Profit, £57 6s. 8d. or £-l 6s. 8d. per tun. Southampton. — 51 casks sold for ;fio6 3s. 4d. Profit, £55 3s. 4d., or nearly £x is. j^d. per tun. Boston. — 89 casks sold for :£'i98. Profit, ^^"log, or nearly £i 4s. 6d. per tun. The following selected entries of wines purchased Average for the use of the Crown in succeeding reigns will wine, show the fluctuation of prices to be due not to the enhancement or depreciation of the market value of wines, but to the varying conditions which attended the purchase : Edward I. £2 6s. i^d. @; £2 4s. 6d. @ Richard II. £5-© Henry IV. £7 i6s. 8d. @ Henry V. . £8.@ Edward IV. £$ i6s. 2d. @ £Z 8s. 4d. @ To ascertain the difference between the price paid vaiue of by the King's purveyors and the current value of ^ ^^^^"^^ wines in the open market, we may take the average Crown, rates of £2 against £2 los. before the Hundred Years' War ; £^ against £6 in the reign of Richard II. ; and £'j against £8 at the close of the Wars of the Roses, taking one quotation and quality with I02 History of the Customs. another. It must be remembered, however, that during the ''greater part of this time the Recta Prisa was taken at the traditional rate of 20s. per tun, regardless of the economical changes in progress. New Cus- -pjjg Custom of wines, as we find it settled by the torn of ' •' Wines or provisions of Carta Mercatoria, was the ratification Butlerage '^ of that compromise which had been already initiated in the matter of the prisage of wines commuted for a toll in money, payable on every cask imported. The consideration specified was the exemption of those who compounded thus with the Crown from its arbitrary prises, the rate of the toll being fixed at 2S. per tun. After settling this question in the Its Political case of the alien merchants, Edward I. soon after- '^ °^' wards made a like proposition to his own subjects, at a ' Colloquium,' to which the leading denizen merchants were invited. The latter, however, reso- lutely refused to profit by the terms thus held out to them, though it could not have escaped even their not very shrewd perceptions that the compromise would work to their advantage. The fact is, these protec- tionist worthies were piqued by the suggestion that they should submit to trade on the same terms as regarded the Customs of the Crown with their hated rivals — the men who owed the safety of their persons and the security of their property merely to the exertions of a vigorous police and the con- stant enactments of a judicious executive in Parlia- ment. Of course it was impossible that this divided Of Prisage and Butlerage. practice of levying the revenue which accrued to the Crown from imported wines should work smoothly, and the lapse of time only added fuel to the prevailing discontent of the native traders. At first, the difference in the ratage of the two Compara- classes was almost imperceptible. At a time when of the Lia- the average price of wine did not exceed 50s. per DenLens tun, the denizen who imported 20 casks paid a toll ^""^ '^''^"^" of £3 as the equivalent of the difference between the rate of the Recta Prisa and the current value of the two casks which were taken of him by the Crown ; whilst the ahen paid a net toll of 40s. on a like bulk of cargo. The difference was even thus compensated by the immunity of the former from any further exemption beyond the sacrifice of the two tuns in question, while the alien continued to pay on every cask beyond the number cited above. The position of the two parties, however, became wholly reversed immediately after the enormous rise of prices follow- ing the great Pestilence of 1349. Wine had now doubled in value at the lowest computation. Therefore, in the case of a cargo of 20 tuns im- ported by denizens, -£8 instead of £z represented the sacrifice enforced by every prise against the 40s. still alone paid by the alien importer. One point existed in the former's favour — ships of greater burthen were now universally employed, so that by importing a cargo of eighty tons against a like bulk shipped by his rival, he could still equalize matters, though at the cost of depreciating the market value of his wares, since the usual consignee I04 History of the Customs. of an imported cargo of wine was some private buyer, a lord, or abbot, whose annual ' stock ' did not require nearly so great a supply. The Enghsh merchant did not submit without a struggle. As usual, he had recourse to misstatements of facts and plausible offers, in order to gain his point at the expense of his fellow-citizens of the world. This he attempted to compass in two seve- ral ways. In the first place, by wrangling over the number of casks included in a cargo which came within the limits of the Recta Prisa. Secondly, by seeking to obtain for certain ports a total immunity from the prisage. In the first of these two objects he failed, but in the second he was partially successful. In the second year of Henry IV. the Commons te^nCTot presented their petition in Parliament,* complaining MCTchants *^^* whercas in ancient times there was granted to in Pariia- the then King and his heirs, to take from every ship * ' Item suppliont les communes que come de anxien temps graunte fuist que le Roy qui adonques estoit et ses heirs duissent avoir de chescun Nief charge de xxx tonelx de vyn ou de pluis deux tonelx de vyn en noun del Prise en chescun Port d'Engleterre solonc ceo que fuist accustume et usee en chescun Port ; tanque John Waltham jadys evesque de Sarisbirs en temps de Richard nadgairs Roy fuist Tresorer d'Engleterre, torcenoussment, saunz auctorite de Parlement, fist Boteler qui adonques estoit prendre en chescun Port devers le S. et W. de chescun Nief portant xx tonelx, ou pluis, deux tonelx pur le Prise, encountre les usages et Custumes en les ditz Portz useez en temps del tres noble roy E. aiel nostre S"'. le roy q'or est, que Dieu assoille, ou en ascun temps par devant, et encountre le graunte fait en Parlement la primer temps que le Prise fuist Graunte a Roy qui adonques estoit, en graunt destruction, etc' — Jioi. Part., iii. 477, 109. Of Prisage and Butlerage. 105 containing thirty tuns or above, two tuns at most, by way of prise ; yet, in the reign of the late King Richard II., John Bishop of Salisbury, being then Treasurer of England, wrongfully, and without authority of Parliament, caused the then Butler of the Crown to take of every ship laden with twenty tuns or more, two tuns, against the usages and customs of the Southern and Western ports existing from time immemorial, and contrary to the grant of the prisage aforesaid. Now, with regard to this unreasonable complaint, it is sufficient to observe that the English commons were in the first place responsible for their own suf- ferings — heautous timoroumenoi on the worst of national impulses — envy, hatred, malice, and all uncharitable- ness towards their fellow- labourers. Again, the grant referred to never existed in fact, but the Recta Prisa was an outcome of the unbounded pre- rogative of the Crown ; not like the Custom of wools, limited and granted anew by any statute. Lastly, the rate at which the prisage had always been levied, and which continued in force for cen- turies after this date, was that here complained of as unwarranted by ancient usage. Such glaring and interested misstatements remind us of the tactics of a Puritan Parliament under the early Stuarts. Before the date of the above petition, a similar Pariia- one had been presented in Parliament, during the inquiries preceding reign, setting forth that the King's mer- sta°eofthe chant subjects are utterly undone by reason of the J/'win«. io6 History of the Customs. excessive prises of the Crown, and praying that the following scale of payment may be accepted in lieu thereof, and as an equivalent of the Custom of 2S. paid by aliens, namely, 2od. for every prisable pipe, and lod. for every other pipe, saving the liberties of existing franchises. By this was meant that the faithful Commons should indemnify themselves by discharging all their cargoes at London or the Cinque Ports, which enjoyed a qualified exemption from prisage. But the Crown checkmated this manoeuvre by its reply that exemption would be granted from the Recta Prisa, provided that denizens paid 2s. Custom, per tun, like aliens, in whatever place their wines were landed.* It is at least doubtful how far the immunity of cer- indepen- tain franchises was warranted by the Constitution. dent Fran- ■' chises. In the case of the Cinque Ports, at least, we know that the grant of Edward I. applied only to wines imported * ' Item monstrent les communes coment par cause de Prise de vyns venauntz en le Roialme les Marchantz qui paient Prises sont grandement oppressez, damagez, et deseasez, et petit profit ou avantage a nostre dit 5'=. le Roi. Sur quoi suppliont a vostre Hautesse les Marchantz sus-ditz, pur le melliour profit et avantage nostre dit S"^. le Roi et ease des ditz suppliantz, qu'ils purront estre quitz de tiels Prises paiant pur chescun Pipe de vyns prisables vynt deniers et pur chescun pipe de vyn Dys deniers as Portz ou ils deschargent come les Aliens paient. Sauvant toute foitz a toutz Citees.Burghs et Seign"^^ lour liber- tees et Franchises. ' Resjionsio. — S'ils vuillent paier Deux soldz pur chescun tonelle de vyn parmy le Roialme, si bien deinz Franchises come dehors, le Roi voet qu'ils soient quitz de sa Prise et sinoun, soit use come A&\3L\mt..'—Rot. Pari., i6 Ric. II., iii. 306, 29. Of P visage and Butlerage. 107 by the Barons themselves, and for their own use.* Cinque Yet both these ports, and London also, for long after, were generally supposed to enjoy such an exemption, and have been so described by every writer on the subject, including even Hale. It was certainly laid down at an early date, however, as a fundamental principle, that the King levied his ancient Customs (imperial taxation, as we should now term it) regardless of any local franchise or usage, and no valid reason can be adduced for the exemption of the first city of the kingdom from this common practice. Even if any such were esta- blished, it included only the private necessities of citizens, and was exclusive of the general trade, as may be gathered in a certain degree from the docu- ments cited below.f * ' Et quod de propriis vinis suis de quibus negociantur quieti sint de recta prisa nostra.' — Rot. Chart., 6 Ed. I., m. 2. In this same Roll the Prisage of wines in Ireland was con- firmed to the Lord Butler of Ireland, but was afterwards resumed by the Crown. A re-grant of the same was afterwards made to his descendant in the reign of Edward III., on the occasion of his marriage with the king's kinswoman the Lady Eleanor, Dowager of the Constable, Hereford and Essex. The grant was finally redeemed from his remote descendant Walter, Mar- quess of Ormonde, in 1810-11 (after the family had been twice attainted), for the enormous sum of ^216,000 — a highly uncon- stitutional proceeding. See Genealogist, April, 1884, and Jan., 1885. t ' Pur Thomas Chaucer, ' As tres honures e tres sages Seign". du eest present Parlenient monstre Thomas Chaucer, Chief Butiler nostre S"'. le Roy ; Cement toutz Roys d'Engleterre, du temps dont memorie ne court, de lour droit heritage e come parcell al Corone io8 History of the Customs. Both the Recta, Prisa and the Custom, the former known as the Prisage, and the latter as the Butler- age, were levied chiefly by the ' taskers and buyers d'Engleterre, tout-dys ount estee en possession du leur Prises de Vyns en chescun Port d'Engleterre ; c'est assavoir de chescun Nief droitement arrivant de'ins ascune Port d'Engleterre, des vyns de denizeins nient fraunchises, fret de XX ton de Vyn ou pluys, due est au Roy d'avoir de chescun tiel Nief fret de tieux vyns ij tons ou iiij pipes de vyn pur son droit prise; et de chescun Nief fret de x ton, ou en outre tan quk xx ton, j ton ou ij pipes de vyn come al chief Butiler nostre dit S"^. le Roy pur le temps estant ou a son Lieutenant en ascuns des Portz d'Engleterre pluis meinour lour semble, pur le profit nostre dit S"'^ le Roy ; desqueux Prises si bien nostre S''. le Roy come toutz autres Roys ses predecessours ount este tout-dys en possession et loialement paiez deins toutz les Portz d'Engleterre forque soulemeni en le Port de Loundres e les Cynk Portz j lesqueux. si bien par nostre dit 'Si'^. le Roy come par ses predecessours sunt estee e a present sount einz enfraunchises qe chescuns homme si bien de la citee de Loundres come de les Cynk Portz queux sont enfraunchises en ycelle purront bien e fraunchement aler over lour vyns la ou lour plerra parmye tout le Roialme d'Engleterre, sanz ascune Prise en manere come devaunt est dit a nostre S^. le Roy ent paier. La que Fraunchise est suppose que par nostre dit Sr. le Roy ne ses predecessours ne fuist graunte al lieux suis-ditz forque au fyn qe les gentz soulement queux demuront . . . [which custom is now evaded by many]. '■Answer. — The King will send for the Mayor, etc., of London, and enjoin that none be so enfranchized, " s'il ne soit receant e demurant deins mesme la Citee." ' — Rot. Pari., iii. 646, 73. ' Et oneratur super compotum de xvj'' de precio quatuor doliorum vini Hugonis Vaughan. mercatoris Indigene in portu predicto hoc anno accidentium et per ipsum Hugonem colore libertatis Londonie detentium, asserentem se fore civem et com- morantem infra libertatem civitatis predicte, cum hie oneratur pro eo quod dictus Hugo commoratur extra libertatem civitatis predicte.' — Compotus Pincerne Anglie, Pipe, Series IIL, Bun. .325, rot. 2. Of P visage and Butlerage. 109 of the King's wines' before the reign of Edward III. ; after, from the close of that reign, by the King's Butler exclusively, under the heading of the Butler- age of England. (' Compotus Pincerne capitalis An- glie.') As, however, these branches of the Custom- revenue have no further interest beyond the last- mentioned date, until the reign of Henry VIII. is reached, and as, moreover, they were not answered by the regular Customers of the Crown, no analysis of their value or proportion need be offered here. There exists, however, one exceptional account, Excep- that for the collection of the Custom of wines during System of Account the four last years of the reign of Edward II., which under Ed- ward II. is included amongst the regular series of Customers' enrolled accounts, and which therefore is given here : London. Custuma Vinorum {' Ultra Antiquam Custumam unius denarij Regi vel aliis solvmdam'). 5 Aug. to 15 May, 16 Edward II. 15 May, 16, to 15 May, 17 15 May, 17, to Mich., 18 Mich., 18, to 22 Sepr., ig 22 Sepr., ig, to Deer., 20 In this account we have seen that mention is made of an ancient Custom of wines. This is not the only Record in which it is so defined, though really the Custom in question was nothing more than an excise analogous to the Aulnage of cloths. The origin of this excise is to be found in the diffi- /ard do. II. 22g 3 326 14 d. do. 19 13 do. do. 155 3 Nulla. no History of the Customs. Gauge of culty experienced in measuring wines contained, owing to the rude workmanship of the age, in casks of differing capacity. Therefore the Crown was interested in the prevention of frauds upon its Customs, for the double reason, it may be believed, that the mediaeval merchant was capable both of importing vessels of wine containing considerably more than the standard of the official ratage, and also of exporting the same when empty, filled with broken wool, to evade the Custom on that commodity also. The subject, also, had his own interests to protect ; for the foreigner who con- trived to pass off a partly filled or smaller cask upon the native buyer for the genuine measure, could do so practically with impunity, by distributing his dis- honest wares judiciously throughout the kingdom.* For each of these reasons, therefore, an excise called the ' Gauge of Wines ' was instituted by the Crown, by whom an officer was assigned to gauge or test each cask before it was permitted to be * ' Item prie la commune que come plusours vyns de diverses maneres sont sovent amenez deinz la Terre queux passent sanz gauge pur cause que I'Estatut sur ycel fait louche trop briefment la matire ; a grant damage des seigneurs at communes qui sont sovent desceuz en lours achatz a cause qu'ils ne poent sanz gaugie avoir conisance come bien les vesseulx contiennent. Qe plese pur profit du Roy et du Roialme pluis overtement de- clarrer mesme I'estatut, fesant pluis expresse mention en general des toutes maneres vins de quelconque pays qu'ils soient, si bien vins doulces et Renys come touz autres, ovesque vynegre oyle med et touz autres licours que sont deinz vessels que poent estre gaugiez. ' Responsio.—'Dt Roi le voet.' — Rot. Pari., iii. 97, 51. Of Prisage and Butlerage. 1 1 1 landed at a fixed charge or fee of id. for each cask. Of course the Crown far more than paid the work- ing expenses of this estabhshment, as we find the officer in question remunerated in most cases at a fee of only i mark per annum, paid to him usually by the Customer with whom he was associated.* It is curious to note this insignificant etymology of a title which was at one time in more general use than that even of ' Custom-house officer.'t The institution, then, of the Prisage upon imported Later His- P , . , . tory of the wines, an economical extension of the right of pre- Prisage as emption, is obscured by antiquity ; for, unlike the defined. similar dues of the Crown from the distinctive exports, woollen and mineral, it was never limited and granted anew by any statute. We have already traced its progress from the turning-point of the Carta Mercatoria, and it now remains to note from actual returns the result of the schism of the Eng- lish merchants from the scheme propounded by the Crown in 1303. The failure of the ' Colloquium ' in that year ensured Effects of ^ •'the Refusal the continuance of the old scale of duty on wines of Denizens .to accept imported by denizen merchants ; namely, the prise the Terms , p of Carta at one or two, at most, casks out or every cargo Mercatoria. unladen. There were, however, exceptions to this duty : the result perhaps of the Parliamentary grant of a subsidy on wines. The chief exception was of course that in favour of the stronghold of constitu- tional opposition, the City of London. * ' The King's Pannetier was distrained to answer for the gauge of wines at Bristol.' — Mich. Bria., 15 Ed. II., rot. 81''. t The ' Gauger.' 1 12 History of the Customs. Exceptions At a Very early date this exemption was admitted. of London Chaucer, as the King's Butler, petitioned, as we have Cinque Seen, that this privilege of freedom from prisage might Early """ "ot be extended beyond hond-fide citizens, such as ' re- ^'""'^ sient et demurrant deins le citty.' He acknowledged, howevter, that Londoners proper, as well as the men of the Cinque Ports, were 'enfranchizes in ycelle, bien et franchement, aler avec lour vines la ou lour plerra permi le realme d'Angleterre, sans ascun prise a nostre signior le roy ent paier.' If we turn to the accounts of the Chief Butler, in the Pipe or Audit Series, exactly a century later, we shall find the following position of the revenue from this source in the Port of London and elsewhere. dveTfew' Fi'om 1500 to 1504, 16 to 20 Henry VH., the "urnffM^' import trade in wines is very sluggish. In the and Batier- seventeenth year the prisage from the port of age at London amounts to little or nothing. The butler- London ° and the age receipts are /Ss i6s. 8d. At Southampton, on Outports. ,,,,,. f ' the other hand, the prisage exceeds the butlerage by more than twice. In 1529-30, the same officer. Lord John Huse, ' Capitalis Pincerna Anghe,' for the time being, accounts for the receipts 'de custuma et prisis vinorum in singulis portubus Anglie.' This 'Custuma' is the butlerage, or ' parva custuma,' substituted for the prisage by the Carta Mercatoria, and represents 2s. on every tun, the prisage being rated at ^^4. The following formula is decisive evidence as to the nature of this Custom. ;fi7i is received in the port of London 'de custuma 1712, doliorum vini diversis marcatoribus Of Prisage and Butler age. 113 alienigenis in portu predicta custumatorum, videlicet, dolii per antiquam custumam ij^ ; prout responsum est Regi in quam plurimis compotis pincernarum Anglie pro tempore existentium, sicut continetur in libro de particulis inde super hunc compotum existenti.' The total of the prisage and butlerage for London in this year is equal to £214. The chief ports mentioned besides London are : Bristol, Exon, Dartmouth, Southampton, Kingston- on-HuU, Sandwich, Yarmouth, and others. Exemption of religious houses from the cost of car- riage of prise-wines de dono Regis was still frequently allowed by a pious sovereign. The Abbess of Sion, in the year 1500, got ' iiij. dol. iij. hh. vini,' and Dame Elinor Verney 'iij. hh. vini,' at a very low rate, ' eo quod dominus Rex Henricus Septimus dominus Rex nunc, concessit predictis libere et quiete absque frectagio seu aliquo alio onere per lit- teras patentes.' The total annual value of the prisage and butlerage under Henry VIL or Henry VHL was between ^1,500 and ^£"2,000 on an average. With the reign of Mary a slight increase is visible, pointing to the supposed necessity of adjusting the balance of trade. In 1554, at Exeter and Dart- mouth, prisage was paid on seven tuns, and butler- age on thirty tuns ; total £48 15s. It will be seen that aliens contributed only one twenty-sixth part of this revenue on about the same bulk of wine imported by denizens. In the same year, in the port of London, denizens, * non existentes liberi homines civitatis Londonie,' paid prisage on eight VOL. II. 28 114 History of the Customs. casks. The total receipts were £62 9s. 8d. for the year. Here, again, it will be seen that the Custom on 384 casks was only ^38 8s., and yet, on just one forty-eighth of that number, £24 is. 8d. was paid in the shape of prisage, while at another port denizens was still more favoured from this period onwards. At the beginning of the first year of Mary's reign, the importation of wines to Southampton must, for some reason, have become almost disused. The im- ports in former years had been most extensive, and probably invaluable to the town itself; but during this year no prise-wines were taken ; while the Custom on the cargoes of aliens amounted only to ^4 los. for the same period. The fact is that the worthy citizens of Southampton had been tempted to enrich themselves at the expense of their fellow- countrymen, and in a slighter degree of the now objectionable ahen, and both of these had preferred to avoid the port altogether. How comes it, then, that in the next reign we find the returns for this Excep- port very large, and the citizens not only exempt sitionof from prisage, but licensed to plunder the alien, South- ampton who was now obliged to land his wines at their under Philip and quays ? It will be remembered that, in August, Mary. 1554, Philip and Mary granted to this very town the famous license which has been alluded to before. The denizens, and with them the richer part of the spoil, escaped by the interference of the common law ; but, as it were in bravado, to com- pensate them for that loss, the burgesses were hence- forth exempted from prisage at a time when Custom Of Prisage and Butlerage. 115 was paid on 658 tuns of wine imported by aliens, and more than half of that value should have been paid as prisage by denizens. Under Henry VIII. the prisage was farmed for^^a^of^e •^ •=> Prisage /■4 per tun ; under Elizabeth for /6. Leases were "P'^^'^ •^ Henry granted by letters patent for terms of twenty or forty viii. years as a rule.* The value of a butt of sweet wine under Elizabeth was £8 ; of a tun of French wine, £i los. The new imposition on wines before referred to imposi- was derived historically, if not legally, from the Mary and ' new Custom ' of Henry VIII. The following is the Eii==abeth. official account of the scale of duties on the butt of sweet wines previous to the new imposition under Mary : Subsidy, 2s. ; New Custom, 6s. 8d. ; But- lerage, 2S. The two marks new imposition enjoined by Gardiner in his despatch to the port officials of London was increased to four marks, and was con- tinued at that rate under Elizabeth.t * ' Grant of the farm, of all prise-wines to the said King be- longing within the Port of Bristol to John Guylmyn of London vintner for a term of 40 years next after the expiration of a former grant for 20 years dated in the i6th year ; at the rate of £ii, for every tun to be paid by the said John to the hands of the King's Butler or the Treasurer of his chamber.'— /"a/., 35 Hen. VIII. t In the case of French wines the imposition payable under Mary was 40s. as a license to import. This was increased to 4 marks in the first year of Elizabeth by the addition of another mark. Thus we find Thomas Lord Buckhurst accounting for the impost of 13s. 4d. upon every tun of wine imported from 17th April, 1559, to 9th March, 1565. The total number of tuns 28—2 1 1 6 History of the Customs. It is noteworthy that all these official calculations were made with regard to imports or exports by ahen merchants. The loss to the denizen was trifling, while the actual consumer was not taken into consideration at all ; but the evil wrought was by the consequent stagnation of trade. ■which paid this impost was 7,576, accounting for a revenue of ;^5,05o 13s. 4d. for the whole period. CHAPTER VI. OF THE ANTIQUA AND NOVA CUSTUMA. E have already seen that the Crown by virtue of its ancient prerogative was empowered, at first with the tacit consent of its subjects, and afterwards by their solemn consent expressed by a perpetual grant of the same in a strictly limited form, to levy a toll from all staple commodities exported from the kingdom. In the earlier period the King was accustomed to take this toll either in kind, by way of prise or requisition for his service, or in specie, in the shape of a certain percentage, usually a tenth or a fifteenth, assessed upon the merchandise shipped by merchants at his ports. In the latter period, commencing with the reign of Edward I., the pretensions of the Crown were limited and defined by a grant of the com- monalty of the realm, in a more or less representa- tive assembly. Henceforth staple commodities were interpreted as comprising wool, woolfells, and leather, from each of which a specified percentage, according to the bulk exported, was to be levied ; the rates being as follows : For a sack of wool con- Review of the Early] ' Theory of the Cus- tom- Scale of the Custom on Staple Commodi- ties in 1275. 1 1 8 History of the .Customs. taining 26 stones, of 14 lbs. of 16 oz. each, or 52 cloves or nails of 7 lbs., half-a-mark (6s. 8d.). For 300 fells, pelts* or wooled skins, the estimated equivalent of a sack, half-a-mark. For a last of leather, containing 20 dickers of 12 hides each, one mark (13s. 4d.). The scale thus fixed in the third year of this reign was observed for centuries, without any material alterations ; but in addition to these regulated exports there were other staple commodi- Subsidiary ties chargeable for the Customs of the Crown ; Commodi- minerals, such as lead and tin ; victuals, such as a fixed lard, grease, honey, butter, and cheese. All these Custom, commodities were primarily subject to the arbitrary requisition of the Crown, or to any scale of toll in commutation thereof that the latter might appoint. As they were not included in the limitation of the Antiqua Custuma, these articles continued to occupy a sort of undefined position till the close of this reign. Still, they are none the less to be included amongst commodities liable to the Ancient Custom (here not Hmited and granted anew) of the Crown until some other system were adopted. This was ac- New Cus- complished in the thirty-first year of the reign by the Wools and terms of the treaty contracted between the Crown and Pound- and the alien merchants, known as the Carta ^se. 1303- Mercatoria, whereby the former commuted these indefinite prises on behalf of the latter for the following scale of Customs : Wool and woolfells, 3s. 4d. beyond the half-mark of the Ancient Custom. ^' It appears to myself fairly certain that 'pelt' is merely a corruption of the contracted form of pellis, namely, ' peft.' Of the Antiqua and Nova Cwstuma. 119 Wine, 2s. per tun, in lieu of the prisage. Wax, lad. per quintal. All other commodities exported or imported, 3d. per pound of 20s. ad valorem. Of the above items it will be observed that the j^^ com°-^ increased Custom on wools, woolfells, and leather, P?=i''°" ' ' ' with Aliens was an unconstitutional imposition in the face of the ^y Cam ■^ Mercatona. grant made in the third year of this reign. It might, however, be urged against this view of the matter that, in spite of Magna Carta, there was a distinction to be made between the liberties of aliens and those of denizens, as affected by that limitation ; and that the imposition in question should be con- sidered in the light of a license to traffic, such as from time immemorial had been sued for and granted to aliens.^ Moreover, the article in Magna Carta which granted freedom of traffic to aliens within the realm had been studiously ignored during the century after its execution. If Magna Carta, a treaty entered into between the King and his subjects, was to be preserved inviolate, why not Carta Mercatoria, an instrument of equal sanctity on the same showing, entered into between two parties who derived equal benefit therefrom, and so without the compulsion of one of them, as in the former instance ? By this instrument the Crown had commuted its prerogative of indefinite prisage for a fixed scale of Custom on all chargeable com- modities exported or merchandise imported. Hence- forward this commutation of the residue of the Crown's Customary revenue at its outports, not Origin of the Nova included in the limitation of the grant of 1275, was Custuma. 1 20 History of the Customs. established on a distinct footing as the Nova or Parva Custuma. Two years later the Crown endeavoured to extend the scale of this New Custom to the victuals, grain, minerals, and cloths, ex- ported or imported, respectively, by its merchant subjects; as well as to wines imported, and wools and leather exported by them. The latter, however. Position of justly refused to consent to any increase of the Denizens . with regard Custom assessed on the great staple commodities to Carta , , ,..,,, Mercatoria. above the rates limited by the previous grant in Parliament. Less wisely, they equally declined to bind themselves on the same terms as their alien fellow-traders, with respect to subsidiary exports and imports, especially wines, on which they continued to pay the prisage in kind at a ruinous disadvantage to themselves. As matters stood, therefore, denizens who desired to ship any staple commodities other than those specified in the terms of the former grant, could only do so at one of the appointed outports of the kingdom. More- over, they could export none of these without the King's license, to obtain which they would have to fine in an arbitrary sum of money. Neither could they import any foreign merchandise, except by a similar permission obtained in like manner. This restriction would also be held to apply to cloths, the manufactured produce of the realm, corn, and pro- visions of all kinds, live or dead, none of which had ever been suffered to leave or enter the kingdom unlicensed or uncustomed. The result was that denizen merchants continued to pay the prisage on Of the Antiqua and Nova Custuma. 121 wines imported as of old ; and were further com- pelled to pay an ad valorem Custom on all cloths exported or imported at a somewhat lower rate than was fixed for aliens. These two being the chief articles of commerce, the Crown lost little or nothing by the refusal of its subjects to come to terms, for it also continued to grant licenses on its own terms for the free export of every other product of the land, while restricting the import trade at its discretion, or to conciliate national prejudices. The Great Custom of wool, woolfells, and leather Prescrip- tion for the on the terms defined by the grant made in the year Antiqua 1 1 ■ 1 r 1 ■ Custuma. 1275, was consistently levied after that date, irre- spective of any further grant to the Crown through- out the whole of this period down to the year 1640. The wools or leather purchased by denizen or alien merchants in the counties, by their own bargain with the producer, were conveyed to the nearest seaport, there to be coketted by the Customers. Thence they were shipped for consign- ^"Jj^^l"^ ment to the merchants' partners or agents abroad ; levied, their destination being at first one of the Flemish staples ; then Calais, as the sole English staple ; and rarely Middleburgh as a temporary expedient. By j^En^ia^d. the Statute Staple of Edward III. (27 Edw. III. ii.), tiowever, the staple was removed from Calais and iistributed between about a dozen English cities. Each of these was a miniature staple with its own nayor, privileges, and ordinances. Each, too, was :he sole emporium for a certain wool-producing iistrict, and had a port assigned to it for the 12 2 History of the Customs. passage of wools purchased at its mart. None but aliens might export wools or leather on penalty (at first) of life and limb ; while the safety and comfort of foreign purchasers was amply provided for. The advantage which the Crown and its advisers sought to derive from this change of policy was threefold. First, they desired to place the whole of the retail Mcy'i™ trade in the hands of native merchants (for no augurated. g^jjgjj ^^s to be permitted to sell to another), securing thus to the producer and broker better prices and larger profits, respectively, as well as improving the worldly position of the great towns and their in- habitants. Secondly, to justify the exaction of an exorbitant subsidy on the native commodities ex- ported by making the whole sum come out of the pockets of merchants strangers. Thirdly, to foster a reciprocity of traffic by making it obligatory on all aliens who sold their wares within the realm to do so at a fair profit only ; and to expend a certain pro- portion of the proceeds in the purchase of native commodities. o°th?'''" When staple commodities which were liable to Se^stapk' the Antiqua Custuma — wool, woolfells, and leather, that is, as distinct from ' gross' commodities, or lard, butter, cheese, etc. — were duly conveyed to a seaport which had a woolbeam and resident Customers, they were forthwith coketted and shipped to their legitimate destination. During the period, however, that Staples were held in England, there were certain preliminary formaHties to be gone through. The mayors of the staples were Of the Antiqua and Nova Ctistuma. 123 responsible for the proper weight, and ownership, etc., of the intended exports, and they were bound to hand over their charge to the Customers of the Crown with sufficient precautions taken against fraud. The Customers again, by the strictest inter- pretation of existing ordinances, made it part of their duties to verify the correctness of the previous estimates ; and even when the staple was confined to Calais, took security from the shippers that cargoes should be landed at the colonial staple in the same state as when they left the English ports. Such precautions were indeed not unnecessary at a period when the practice of smuggling excelled amongst the criminal fine arts. The ' coketting ' of wools and leather was ac- Coket. complished in the following manner : the sacks or serplers containing wool, and the bales of salted hides,* were placed under the custody of the collectors when they reached the wool-quay, and were successively weighed at the ' beam ' by a special officer, the ' tronager ' or ' tronour,' care Tronage. being taken that no sharp practice was resorted to on either side, such as was only too often com- plained of. Only those who have witnessed the marvellous celerity with which a modern wool-stapler weighs and tallies a farmer's ' tods ' of wool will understand the possibility of the use of ' sleight of hand,' as asserted in many cases by aggrieved brokers or their principals. For the latter were willing to affirm that a foot or arm deftly inserted * ' Coria salsa,' also called 'green ' hides. 1 24 History of the Customs. often prevented the scale from turning in the shipper's favour, in which case he forfeited the overbulk, or was charged, at the least, with the Custom of a whole clove to make up the deficit of half a pound. The weigher received a fee of 2d. from every merchant whose wools or leather passed the beam. When satisfactorily weighed, the sacks and bales were sealed with the collector's coket, and after the amount assessed on each according to the rate had been satisfactorily discharged, were handed over to the owners as ' coketted ' or customed, a fee of 2d. being exacted from each for the 'coket.' It was early made a stringent rule that no -wools, etc., should be ' coketted ' except in the names of the real owners. Coverture. This latter measure was intended to defeat collu- sion between native and alien merchants, the latter of whom paid a higher Custom and subsidy than the former, and were besides, during the existence of English staples, alone permitted to export. It seems to have been customary to allow 4 cloves on every serpler in calculating the standard for the dead weight of the canvas and of the two cords and one lath with which the bale was secured. Terms of The nett Custom payable to the Crown was not Payment ^ ■' for the usually exacted on the spot. The more usual plan, unless the Crown were hard pressed for an imme- diate advance, was for the collectors to accept the shipper's note obligatory with an indenture. This was the officer's voucher for the sum required of him at the Exchequer. In later times the pre- Customs. Of the Antigua and Nova Custuma. 125 vailing practice was for payments of half the amount to be made at six months, and the remainder at twelve months. We learn that frauds were often committed upon the revenue through Customers selling blank cokets to the shippers, who filled them up for a less bulk than was actually exported by them, indentures of payment being executed to match. The ' coket ' or Government Stamp was the discharge of the merchant on the high seas or at any home or foreign port under the dominion of the English Crown. Here, however, the right to break bulk was always a vexed question, though legally interpreted on several occasions in favour of the liberties of the subject. The stamp of this^°™°f^j coket was probably an impression upon a thin disc seal. of heated lead such as would readily adhere to the surface of the canvas. The excise stamp upon native cloths was also of this nature.* From a very early period we find that the ordinary conditions of the Customs' service were disturbed by certain exceptions taken by authority of the Crown. It is well known that Edward I., especially in the Expedient twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth years of his reign, by Mmuum a sweeping exercise of his prerogative of purveyance, ^^jjoj^g seized at the ports all the wools belonging to >" 1296-7- merchants who were in a position to export more than five sacks. These wools he 'took and pur- chased for his own use,' shipping them to Flanders to be sold there to satisfy his obHgations to his * Changed for a wax impression, except for the City of London, etc., about the reign of Edward IV. 126 History of the Customs. Flemish allies. Moreover, to facilitate such sale, no other wools were allowed to be exported from England for the time being. Of course, all these wools, if they had not already paid Custom whilst in private hands, were exported Custom-free, and allowed to the Customers in their accounts.* Repetition Half a century later the very same expedient was Exactions resortcd to by Edward III., this time with the in 1341. . - ^ . sanction of Parliament, and in the form of an advance on the subsidy already granted. Thus in the thirteenth year of the latter reign, 2,318 sacks were exported from the port of London alone as ' the King's own wools.' Again, in the fifteenth year, 1,200 sacks were exported from the same port, also in the King's name ; the shipments of private owners being ' kept back for the sale of the King's wools.'t Licenses. Another, and a far more consistent evasion of the form of the grant made by Parliament or of the con- ditions attached thereto, was effected by means of licenses or dispensations granted by the Crown to individuals who fined for the privilege of exporting >vools either against the penal Statutes or the arbitrary restrictions in force at various times. Thus from the fifteenth to the twenty-fifth years of Edward III., such licenses were freely granted in the face of the existing restrictions in favour, at first, of the King's own purchases, and afterwards of the same when committed more immediately to the farmership of certain merchant-contractors. The bulk of wool covered by these hcenses varied * Customers' Inrolled Accounts, L. T. R. Pipe.' t Ibid. Of the Antigua aud Nova Custuma. 127 at a single shipment from 50 or 100 sacks to 600, as exported on one occasion from a single port by the society of the Bardi at an enhanced rate of 3s. 4d. above the Ancient Custom. After the assignment of Calais as the sole English Calais the ^ . ^ . Sole Staple staple, the law required that all wools, unless it for English were otherwise provided, should be shipped from England to the staple at Calais, and to no other place. This ordinance remained in force, more or less stringently observed, during the remainder of the period before us. Calais thus gained what was practically an exclusive monopoly of the English wool-market on the Continent, and it jealously clung to the lucrative privilege which it enjoyed to the loss and inconvenience of the consumer and manufacturer both at home and abroad. The Crown, however, now saw an opportunity to Licenses ' '_ rr J against the obtain for itself a considerable share in the profits Privileges ^ of the of this monopoly. Whilst maintaining the pro- staple visions of its grant to the favoured staple by making in the isth it a penal offence for any of its subjects to attempt to escape the extortions of the Calais wool-beam and quays, it reserved to itself the right of violating its bargain, when convenient to do so, by introducing a saving clause into the Statutes in point, ' except for such as are licensed by the King.' By this re- servation was meant that the King, when short of money, could license merchants who were willing to pay the difference between a wretched market for their wools and an increased tariff, to ship their wares to any countries that pleased them, provided 128 History of the Customs. the same were in amity with the EngUsh Crown. A twofold advantage accrued to the sovereign by this manoeuvre which not only ensured a constant supply of ready money, the amount of which could be almost indefinitely increased, but the bargain being ostensibly of a private nature, the income thus obtained was exempt from the rigorous appropria- tion of the Parliamentary financial committee. The Crown, therefore, benefited largely hereby, and so no doubt did a single class of its subjects. The real losers were the inhabitants and staplers of Calais and the English nation at large, who had to make good the constant drains thus made upon the self-supporting Treasury of their chief continental fortress. The complaints of the enlightened Com- mons, prompted by the local Government of Calais, were therefore both frequent and loud in opposition to this selfish policy of the Crown. At one time their representations would receive attention, and Statutes and Ordinances would be passed or confirmed forbid- ding the further issue of these Hcenses, and declaring Enact- all such to be ipso facto void. It was even rendered ments of Parliament once a penal offence to accept any such grants, or against ^ . . , . , Licenses for officials of the Crown to recognise them ; but in tiie Crown, those troubled times the Crown could safely count on a reaction setting in to remove all constitutional restraints upon its prerogative. In such cases as these, the murmurs of the Commons, though in- tended as a warning to the Government, were directed nominally against certain evil-disposed persons un- known ; while, as a matter of fact, the King's power Of the Autiqua and Nova Custtima. 129 to grant such licenses at his discretion was tamely recognised. This is more especially witnessed during the reigns of Henry VI. and Edward IV. One or two general exceptions, indeed, there were. Exceptions recognised for reasons of actual expediency. Thus North of the ' North parts,' or counties, were so shut off from commercial intercourse with the rest of the country, that it was found necessary to foster the resources of their inhabitants by liberal concessions in the matter of staple traffic. Hence all wools or leather shipped from Newcastle or Berwick were both exempt from the general restriction as to destina- tion, and were also included under a lighter scale of imposts. Had it been otherwise, most of the produce of those districts would quickly have found its way over the Scotch Border ; but where the same could be exported at a merely nominal rate, and then to the best market, the advantages thus obtained easily out-weighed the cost and risk of carriage across the Border for the sake of free trade. The revenue arising from the Great or Ancient Custom was at first expended at the discretion of the Crown, directed presumably by its pressing necessities. Employ- Therefore we shall be prepared to find the treasure custom-' ^ collected by the various Customers of the Crown [hrcrown! employed for multifarious purposes. The method of disbursement was usually that known as Assignment ; Assign- that is to say, a creditor of the Crown, whether in a Sevenue'to public or private capacity, received an order on the ^^^1°''^ Customer of a specified port for the payment of *'™™- VOL. II. 29 130 History of the Ctistoms. his bill out of the receipts in hand, or to arise from the Custom there. Thus the Customs on wools and leather at every port of England were assigned to the society of the Friscobaldi in repayment of £10,000 which they had advanced to Edward I. On this occasion ;f3,i36 us. lod. were collected in the port of London alone, between April in the thirty-second year, and Midsummer in the thirty- fourth year (a period of fifteen months), and every penny was faithfully handed over to the assigns of the great Florentine house.* So, too, the receipts of the same Custom (deducting only the salaries of the officials), amounting to nearly £7,000, collected at the same port between Michaelmas 34-5 and 31st May 1-2 Edward II. (a period of rather more than eighteen months) was likewise assigned and delivered to the representatives of the same house. Again, the Ancient Customs collected at the same * ' Et . . . mercatoribus de Societate Friscobaldorum de Florentia, in partem solutionis tam diversorum debitorum in quibus Rex tenetur dictis mercatoribus ex diversis causis, quam decem millia librarum qiias Rex eisdem mercatoribus concessit de dono suo in recompensatione dampnorum et jacturarum quas iidem mercatores ratione retardationis solutionis debitorum pre- dictorum sustinuerunt: pro quibus quidem debitis et decem millia librarum idem Rex pro se et heredibus suis concessit et assig- navit eisdem mercatoribus custumam lanarum, coriorum, et pellium lanutarum in omnibus portubus et locis regni Anglie et terre Regis Hibernie habendum quousque dicti mercatores vel unius eortim, aut certus attornatus eorundem mercatorum vel unius eorum tam predicta decem millia libra quam omnia alia debita sua de Mutuis predictis de dicta custuma receperint vel receperit, MMMCxxxvj'' xjs xd.' — Custum. compot. irrof, L. T. R. Pipe, Series II., London, 34 Ed. I. Of the Antiqua and Nova Cusiuma. 131 port between the second and fifth years of Edward II., were assigned to and received by certain French merchants in satisfaction for wines taken or pur- chased ' for the King's use.' Whenever a loan was made to the King by the merchants, it was usual to repay it by assignments of the incoming receipts of the Custom-revenue. Thus, if the wools of an in- tending shipper were seized for the King's use, or if merely an additional Custom were exacted from them by way of loan, he would receive satisfaction in this manner, often only after tedious delay. Later still, as an equivalent of this method of assignment, creditors of the Crown received licenses, in the shape of letters of safe-conduct, to export so much wool, etc.. Custom-free, as would realize the amount due to them. In this way, for example, Richard, Duke of York, Remission received an assignment in lieu of £10,000 which to tiie should have been allowed him during his govern- ment of Ireland. This expedient, too, was resorted to for satisfaction of the claims of owners whose wools, Custom having been duly paid thereon, had been lost or captured at sea. Here both Custom and Subsidy were remitted for a corre- sponding bulk in the next shipment to be made. Besides these assignments to merchants, there was another and a far more wholesale hypothecation of the Custom-revenue, that, namely, to public officers. Regular soldiers of the Crown (especially those maintained menfs°for in distant garrisons, such as Calais, Berwick, Carlisle, *s^g^„^"e'^'"^ etc.), civil officers (especially such as were connected 29 — 2 History of the Customs. with the Household) : all, in fact, to whom salaries, or wages, or pensions were due, and to whom it was not found convenient to pay the same in ready- money. Some of the most noteworthy of these instances of assignment were made in the case of the Staple of Calais, in payment of the enormous loans frequently made to the Crown by the company of Garrison merchant staplers there. During the reign of Henry VI., there occurred periodical panics both at the Court of Westminster and on 'Change at the staple, on the score of the garrison at Calais. Once, indeed, the troops did mutiny for their wages, and shut in the. leading merchants till they guaranteed the amount. Therefore, in view of such contingencies, the Crown found no difficulty in per- suading the English colonists to defray the needful charges of the garrison ; receiving in satisfaction an assignment of the Customs. Thus, in the ninth year of Richard II., an assignment was made for the Treasurer of Calais of 20s. from every sack shipped to Calais, and paying the Custom and Subsidy, which amounted in one year, for the port of London only, to £7,960 os. iid. Similar loans were met by assignments of the same Customs in every succeeding reign, most frequently of all in those of Henry VI. and Edward IV. In the civil ^^nuities Yy^x, assignments were made varying from the ensions. ]a.rgest sums in the case of an annuity or reward to some powerful courtier, to the smallest in that of some valet or groom whose hard-earned pension Of the Antiqua and Nova Custuma. 133 had fallen into hopeless arrears. Thus the Lords Appellants extorted an assignment of ^^20,000 out of the Customs, to be divided amongst their party on the successful Result of the Coup d'Etat of 1387-8. The Issue and Receipt Rolls of the period will show us how many humbler claimants found their assign- ments dishonoured at the Exchequer. Lastly, assignments were often made to defray the expenditure of the King's Privy Purse, that is of his Household. The best-known instance of such a Appro- .... r 1 ■ • r priation transaction is m the case 01 the appropriation 01 of the the Ancient Custom of the Crown (which for that purpose was ordered to be collected and answered separately in the Customers' Accounts) by a financial committee in the first Parliament of Richard II., in payment of the King's ordinary Household expenses. The constitutional motive for this appropriation was the removal of all pretexts for excessive purveyance. Assignments were also made upon the Great Custom in favour of the Queen's Privy Purse, the maintenance of the Royal children, and other departments of the Court. The New or Petty Custom, Nova or Parva History of . . - the New Custuma, of the Crown, had its origin, as we have custom, before seen, in the Carta Mercatoria of Edward I. Previous to this treaty, therefore, it is to be identified with the Antiqua Custuma, or Customs at large ; the commuted ' prises,' that is, taken by the Crown in virtue of its ancient prerogative from time immemorial. When the Great Custom was limited and granted anew upon the representative staple 1 34 History of the Ctistoms. commodities exported from the kingdom, no mention was made either of the lesser staple exports, ' gross wares' as they were afterwards termed, or of imported foreign wares such as cloths, silks, furs, wax, grocery, and spices, whether exported or imported, by denizens or aliens respectively. All of these were included in the scale fixed by Carta Mercatoria in the case of aliens ; while denizens Liability of shifted for themselves. Wines, again, had a increased Separate scale of their own; an Antiqua Custuma Customs. Qj. prisage, and a Nova Custuma or butlerage, at this time. As the denizens never afterwards sought to obtain, except in the case of wines, nor indeed ever needed, a definite rate of Custom for the exported necessaries or imported luxuries of life, they remained on the same footing, ostensibly, as before towards the prerogative of the Crown. Whether this position would have remained tenable in the existence of a strong despotism it would be difficult to decide. There were two circumstances which tended to secure their position. One was the rise of the theory of a Parliamentary control of the Crown revenue. The other was the national jealousy and (not unjustifiable) hatred and contempt of alien merchants resident in or visitors to this Averted by country. The former event dates from the 'subsidy' the Rise ,._,,. . , ^ , . ofPariia- granted in Parliament in the fourteenth year of SupptyT Edward III. This was the first subsidy ever granted and levied beyond the Ancient and New Customs upon wool, woolfells, and leather, for the grant in the thirteenth year was only a forced loan Of the Antigua and Nova Custuma. 135 sanctioned by Parliament in view of the financial Subsidy of r -1 r 1 -I ■ T 1 1 Wools and failure of the ninth previously granted, and was a Leather. veritable ' Maltolte,' exacted with arbitrary violence by the Crown, ministers or patentees. The subsidy of the twenty-seventh and following years of Edward III. was also assessed at 40s. beyond the Ancient and New Customs, and was levied at first from aliens only ; afterwards, when the restrictions upon exported wool were withdrawn, upon denizens also at a lower rate. Henceforth this subsidy continued, as we shall further see, to be one of the chief resources of Parliamentary supply. Following the precedent of this subsidy, a parallel Tunnage oi Wines and grant was first made in the forty-seventh year. Poundage chargeable upon the wines and merchandise ofpois. avoirdupois exported or imported by denizen or alien merchants alike, hereafter known and levied as Tunnage and Poundage. Now denizens paid on the subsidy of wools at the same rate as aliens ; but on the Custom collected with it, they paid at a lower rate than aliens ; on both together, that is, 3s. 4d. less than the latter. This sum represented the difference between the increase of the Ancient Custom on the wools, etc., of aliens according to the scale of Carta Mercatoria, and the original rate of half-a-mark to which alone denizens were liable. As this continued to be for another century, at least, the only advantage which they received in comparison with the hated foreigner (an advantage small enough in their view), they clung to it with their native tenacity. Therefore, 136 History of the Customs. as any disproportion in the subsidy to the prejudice of denizens was not to be thought of, the original rate of the Ancient Custom was never raised in their case. Favoured We have thus traced the causes which account for Native the fact that the denizen merchant escaped from the ' imposition of the New Custom, in the case of wools and leather, with which he was at one time threatened. His further exemption from the in- creased rates of those same Customs on other commodities may be explained on similar grounds by the fact of his liability to the secondary subsidy of Tunnage and Poundage on the same scale (for a long time at least), as in the case of the alien mer- chant; so that neither here could he possibly be induced to equalize matters by submitting to the impositions of the New Custom of 1301. There- fore, while the alien merchant paid Tunnage at 3s., ^Im the New Custom, or Butlerage of 2s. on every cask, and Poundage at i2d., ^lu& 3d. imposed by the scale of Carta Mercatoria, the denizen would pay no more than the Tunnage and Pound- age alone. In the case of cloths, imported and exported, he did indeed consent to submit to the imposition of a New Custom in company with aliens ; but only on condition that the rate should be considerably lower in his own case. He had here found himself pitched on one of the horns of a con- stitutional dilemma ; for if he stood on his constitu- tional privileges, the Crown would (as it had plainly hinted) have taxed his exported cloth as so much raw wool in a condensed shape, and would have excluded Of the Antigua and Nova Custuma. 137 his imported finery altogether (as it was clearly in its power to do) . Still the native merchant continued firm in this refusal to be placed on the same footing as his alien confreres ; and, so late as the reign of Edward IV., declined to pay Poundage on his cloths in addition to the customary rate. The scale fixed by Carta Mercatoria for the New Custom payable by merchants strangers endured without alteration for the whole of the period under notice, and indeed beyond it. In the reign of Ed- ward II. an important departure was attempted. By the New Ordinances passed in Parliament of the fifth year, all manner of impositions upon the mer- chandises of merchants strangers were forbidden. These had been formally respited by the Crown in the third year, doubtless under pressure, but osten- sibly for the purpose of a financial experiment. Now, however, they were ordered to be entirely discon- tinued ; not for the reasons usually supposed, but as Causes and a blow to the financial importance of resident alien the New merchants in the Councils of the State. Therefore, 0/1312"*^ from the fifth to the sixteenth year of this reign, the Customs ceased to be levied at the ports. At the latter date their collection was resumed, and con- tinued till the close of the reign. This latter period of five years is noticeable for a further anomaly, namely, the collection, with the New Custom proper, of the Butlerage payable by aliens. Throughout the whole of the following reign the New Custom was regularly collected on the old scale, and, amongst other things, the imposition of 3S.4d. on the woolsack, 138 History of the Customs. and 6s. 8d. on the last of leather exported by aliens, was answered under this head. After the enactment of the Statute Staple in the twenty-seventh year, however, the New Custom on aliens' wools and leather was, by virtue of the King's writ, answered by the collectors of the Ancient Custom and Subsidy, which were levied from all alike. Even then it was distinguished in the accounts for another ten years ; but, after the thirty-eighth year, the Ancient and New Customs and the Subsidy of wool, woolfells, and leather were entered together without further distinction, and this method of accounting for them henceforward obtained. Later The Great Custom of wool, woolfells, and leather theAntiqua has been before alluded to as the development of ustuma. ^j^g ancient prerogative of pre-emption checked by a constitutional agitation, and finally determined, to the future embarrassment of the Government, in the interests of the political party for the time being dominant. We have further traced the internal history of this branch of the revenue well-nigh down to the close of the fifteenth century, and it now remains only to describe in a few words its final decline, under the influence of an advanced civiliza- tion, itsdecreas- From the reign of Henry VII. onwards we may 'at^the^cipse fairly assert that wool, the ancient source of wealth Middle to the nation and taxation to the Crown, had ceased ^^^^' to be of any accpunt for national purposes. Indeed, the financial history of the Custom in question be- comes henceforth wholly associated with the interests Of the Antiqua and Nova Custti,ma. 139 of Calais as an English fortress representing the now Repre- useless key of the lost English possessions on the chiefly, Continent. We have seen, in another place, both by the the nominal value of this Custom and the method o/oaa^^ of its assignment to the Company of the Staple at [fs Assign- Calais in order to ensure a never-failing fund avail- '"®"'- able for the payment of the garrison there. One re- markable point, however, must be noticed in connec- tion with the constitutional history of a later age, the Fallacy that opinion, namely, which generally prevailed in the custom seventeenth century, that during the reigns of Henry twice!^due VI., Edward IV., and the early Tudor Sovereigns, the Assign- Great Custom on staple wares was paid twice over, '"^°'" once, namely, at the English port of shipment, and again at Calais. This, however, was clearly not the case, for the Imperial and local Customs were on an entirely different footing, as will be readily seen from the examples of both kinds given in the third chapter of Volume I. Probably the confusion was caused by the occurrence of a double Custom on the wools of aliens at this time, or from the fact of the nature of the assignment made to the Calais Company by the English Crown being here misunderstood. Finally, we may repeat that, with the beginning of Great the sixteenth century, the Antiqua Custuma yields sup^eSeded its place to the Petty Custom, and to that charac- o'uty^on teristic tax of the Tudor period, the Impost, which ^e imposl here took the form of an increased duty on woollen fabrics, avowedly to equalize the balance of trade consequent on the complete absorption of the raw produce of this country in the now universal industry 140 History of the Customs. of cloth- working. Last of all, but not till the accom- plishment of the restoration of the Stuart monarchy, the invariable grant of the subsidy of wool, woolfells, and ' leather, had given place to a legal confirmation of the Marian impost on cloths exported, though nominally, at least, the Ancient Custom was still suppos.ed to be levied in the old way by the Cus- tomers of the Crown at the ports. Later During the period preceding the new impositions of'the"^^ of Mary, the Parva Custuma was regulated and Custuma enforced in the same protective spirit as the duty on imported wines. At the Port The following scale, in force at the port of London on on. £^j. ^j^g yQ2s 1545-46, may be taken as an example. The duties were levied on ' merchandise laden in the port, and exported within the time of this account.' The Custom-house regulations were most stringent, especially in the case of aliens ; and the City officials . took care that these competitors were spared no insult or extortion. Constitu- But the most important feature of the account in tionalValue . . . , . , . ,. ^ of the question is the evidence which it supplies for the Customers' purpose of Completely refuting Hakewell's rash ' assertion, echoed by every subsequent writer, that no precedent for actual impositions existed between the reigns of Edward IIL and Mary. Now it will be seen, from the extract given below, that, in the thirtieth year of his reign, Henry VIIL was induced to proclaim publicly that no excessive Customs should be levied during seven years to come, which objectionable duties so to be remitted included, as Of the Antigua and Nova Custuma. 141 we learn from the account itself, the Petty Custom As iiius- trated by charged on the general merchandise of aliens ex- the Recital ported or imported beyond the Parliamentary grant remitting of the poundage. Not only are all of the above called im- duties openly acknowledged by the Crown as imposi- p°^'"°"^- tions (which was very obviously the case), but the respite hereby proclaimed was strictly carried out, to the great loss during those seven lean years of the sovereign's revenue. Yet when the last day of grace had expired, every penny formerly derived from each of those impositions was vigorously exacted as of old. In the face of these facts, which remain on record to the present day,* who shall say that the thought of impositions was unknown to the age which preceded the reigns of the female sovereigns of the Tudor line ? * ' Idem dominus Rex xxvi"> die Februarij anno regni sui xxx™o per litteras suas patentes de Magno Sigillo suo, ob certas causas at considerationes ipsum adtunc moventes, publice pro- clamari fecisset per totum Regnura suum Anglie quod a vj" die Aprilis eodem anno xxx™", durante toto et integro termino vij annorum extunc proxime sequentium, Nulla persona aut per- sone, alienigenae vel indigense, aliquam aliam majorem seu lar- giorem Custumam et Subsidium quam in dicta proclamalione specificatum solveret aut solverent. Idem dominus Rex The- saurario et Baronibus mandavit, quod ipsi omnes et singulos nuper, ac eos qui pro tempore essent coUectores Custume et Subsidii suorum in singulis portubus hujus Regni sui Anglie, separalibus compotis suis coram eisdem Thesaurario et Baroni- bus ad scaccarium suum de hujusmodi Custuma et Subsidio a Supradicto die Aprilis, et deinceps durante dicto termino vij annorum reddendis de eisdem majori et largiori Custuma et Subsidio, de tempore in tempus durante eodem termino,exonerari facerent, etc' — Mentor. Hil. Record, 30 Hen. VIII., Rot. 36. 142 History of the Ciistoms. Details of There seems to have been three classes formed Customer's out of those who paid these Customs * — merchants the'^Port 0/ of Hanse, denizens, and aliens. All of these paid London. ^^^ -^^ ^j^^ ^ ^^ various merchandise. Towards the total Custom derived from the exportation of undyed cloth, denizens contributed i4d. and aliens igd. the piece. As the bulk exported by either was nearly equal, this inequality of duty influ- enced the returns considerably. Of worsted, 168 pieces exported by aliens paid I2d. in the pound, but 117 pieces were carried abroad by native traders at only 3d. the piece, valued at £1. Effects of These comparatively low rates of Custom ensured Changes on a vast demand for unwrought cloth in the Flemish * TradT*^^ markets. The retail trade was almost entirely taken out of the hands of the English artisan, and much suffering and discontent followed. To remedy this Necessity evil the Government placed a bounty on home in- adys[ment dustries, in the shape of an imposition on exported Custom on cloths equivalent to an increase of 300 per cent, in Cloths. ^jjg Custom. At the same time, to propitiate the mercantile interest, which had grown rich by a real monopoly of exports, a still heavier imposition was laid on imported foreign wines.t Origin of This was the state of affairs at Elizabeth's acces- *o'sitions of ^ion. The piece of long-cloth now paid 19s. 4d. EifSbeti? 'beyond the Poundage.' Short-cloths paid 14s. 4d., Scale of also exclusive of Poundage. later Duty on Cloths The last of leather had still to undergo the follow- and Leather. * Viz., 1545. See p. 140. t The empty wine-ships were re-laden with English woollen fabrics. Of the Antiqiia and Nova Cushima. 143 ing scale of charges before it might be exported : Custom, 20s., Subsidy, £'^ 13s. 4d. ; Calais tpll, i6d.* It may be inferred at whose expense these imposi- tions were levied ! A comparative table of the exports and imports view of the State of during the year 1570 shows well the false and ex- EngUsh aggerated views of the Government with regard to 1570. the balance of Trade ; but at the same time we must not forget that these views were shared by the bulk of the nation. The total exports amounted to £26,665 3s. lod., paying for Custom £1,356 8s. 2d., and for Subsidy £835 17s. 4d. Of this sum, no less than -£"21,272 2S. 8d. was derived from woollen cloths. The imports were valued at £45,356 i8s. 7d., but were rated only at £27,304 13s. 2d., paying for Custom £1,262 OS. 4d., for Subsidy £146 6s., and for impost £552 I2s. It is needless to say that the valuation made above was chiefly fictitious, being probably designed to represent the loss to the English manufacturer through foreign competi- tion. These figures, however, are highly instructive, character showing that while the revenue derived from imports statement, was only slightly inferior in value to that from ex- ports on the same rated bulk, probably two-thirds of the former and a full half of the latter, in proportion, were contributed by the foreigner in the siiape of a license to trade. * All of these rates were those payable by aliens only. 1 44 History of the Customs. View of the Still more light is thrown on the manipulation of Woollen the revenue by the Crown from the gross returns of ported and the principal branches of the Customs for the first hnported, ^ix years of Elizabeth's reign. 1558-1564- Woollen cloths, £37,800, £45,000, £31,900, £25,800, £25,000, £6,500, in round numbers. Total, £220,249 13s. lod. Woollen cloths, ' vocat cottons, freses and Bayes,' total £5,000. Imposition on wines, £2,000, £7,000, £6,000, £5,000, £2,000, and £5,000, in round numbers. Total £29,000. Large Custom and Subsidy of wines, total £8,000. for Cost of I have checked the general accuracy of these figures explained, by the proportion deducted for the charge of collec- tion. This deduction amounted to a sixth of the gross receipts, a fact, it appears to me, of the deepest significance. The requirements or efficiency of an official establishment may safely be calculated in an exactly inverse ratio to its expenditure in every age of society. •■J^ S^-^ r^i^ ^^', ■^vi-- ',■-%; <^#p< ,J=:- ^rrr ^^'^ 5^ ^Slj i ^ ^*^ !>■- ^J*-" •^^SSii^^^^^lP^^ J» ^Sjfi^ Sf^ >Yft i^ •^^^ ^^^ if?^ ^ 4!^ '^*' [*^^^^6.V« yXFpO w^ J^t^ ««^ iai^'^.l ftr .'J'-'.i IkG gaw i!P^^5^^3n'™n ■ B f^'imm \mi ^^ *»^ *;^! ^H^) 1 1 1 ^^B 111 P p 'w* P % 1 ^1 ^ m ^^^^ ^^ aJM ^ ."i'i-s-" ^ ^ m ^ CHAPTER VII. OF THE SUBSIDY. HE Subsidy was a Parliamentary grant in Definition excess of {ultra) the Customs levied by Subsidy as virtue of the Crown's prerogative from mentary 1 1- r 1 Increase certain classes of merchandise after the of the respective rates appointed in every case. Therefore, just as the Customs proper were of a twofold nature, so, too, were the corresponding Subsidies. The Ancient Custom on wools and leather was linked with a Subsidy upon the same commodities, collected and answered at the same places, in the same manner, and returned in the same account as the other. The distinction between the two was this : that the Custom of wools and leather was derived from the ancient prerogative of the Crown, limited and re- newed in Parliament. The Subsidy of wools and leather, on the other hand, depended upon the grant of Parliament, limited equally as to the rate, but, unlike the other, also limited as to its duration. The second sort of Subsidy was that which practi- cally followed the details of the New Custom of the Crown, imposed, strictly speaking, upon aliens only. VOL. II. 30 146 History of the Customs. The chief branches of this latter revenue were derived respectively from wines imported, and from cloths imported or exported, like the above, only by aliens. If we add to this list the supplementary toll in kind paid by denizens upon wines in the shape of the Extended Prisage, the New Custom of cloth paid by the same in course of time at a lower rate, and the Poundage, not lawfully due species of upon their goods of avoir-du-poids, but realized by the dise as Crown at its best discretion, we shall complete our oun age. gxamination of every article outside the scale of the Great Custom, on which Custom in any shape was chargeable. According to the precedent of the original Subsidy, therefore, though at an interval of thirty years, an increase of all of these Customs was made by grant of Parliament. This, in its usual Subsidy of form, was the grant of Tunnage, as a Subsidy Jn Wines, upon every tun of wine imported by denizens or aliens alike beyond the Prisage and Butlerage ; and that of Poundage, or the Subsidy payable both by denizens and aliens upon every librate of merchandise beyond the poundage already paid by aliens. Subsidy There was also a distinct Subsidy assessed at certain ofciotiis. pg].jQ(jg upon cloths beyond the rates of the New Custom. This fabric, however, by reason of its com- position, and perhaps to strengthen the claim of the Crown to regard it at its pleasure as raw produce, was usually excepted from the grant of the two regular Subsidies. The following chronology of the various subsidies granted in Parliament between 1348 and 1485 will Of the Subsidy, 147 sufficiently describe the contemporary economical and political significance connected therewith. 13 Edward III. ' A Subsidy of a Tenth granted by Parliament on condition that the Maltolte of Wools, etc., lately imposed be repealed and the Ancient Custom restored.' 14 Edward III. ' Grant of a Subsidy of the ninth sheaf, fleece, and lamb. Further grant of a Subsidy of 40s. on every sack of wool, 300 woolfells, and last of leather exported beyond the Ancient Custom, by standard measure, for one year. This grant not to be drawn into a Custom, and to be appropriated for the defence of the kingdom.' 17 Edward III. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools as the " old " Custom and Subsidy at the same Rates for three years. ' Declaration of the Commons that the grant of this Subsidy was illegal as made by the merchants only, without the assent of the commonalty. Pro- ject for removing the staple to England that the Crown may benefit by the levying of the Subsidy from aliens only.' 18 Edward III. 'Declaration of the Commons that the grant of a Subsidy above the Ancient Customs is illegal. Answer of the Crown thereto that the Subsidy in question was granted by Parlia- ment itself for three years. Imposition of two marks above the Custom and Subsidy by the farmers of the revenue.' 22 Edward III. ' Declaration of the Commons that the Subsidy is a grievance. Also that the late advance of wools prised by the Crown be reckoned in the Assessment for the Subsidy.' 30—2 148 History of the Ctistoms. 25 Edward III. ' Declaration of the Commons that the Subsidy lately granted by the Merchants is illegal, and that it be repealed and a Subsidy granted instead, to endure for half-a-year or one year at most. Answer of the Crown that the Subsidy already granted by Parliament has yet two years to run. ' Complaint of the Commons that Subsidy is charged on 300 fells as being equivalent to one sack of wool, instead of 3s. 4d. only as of old. Answer of the Crown that Custom never was so taken as described.' 27 Edward III. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., at 40S. for three years from Michaelmas last ; aliens only being permitted to export. ' Subsidy first answered in the Customers' Ac- counts, separately. Amount of the Subsidy in the Port of London, £16,407 5s. 8fd. The New Custom answered with the Ancient Custom from 12 Nov., 27-8.' 28 Edward III. 'Amount of the same for the 27th year, £46,850 5s. old.' 29 Edward III. ' Grant of the Subsidy for six years at the former rates, without any other imposition. ' Amount of the same for the 28th year, £30,195 17s. ifd.' 30 Edward III. ' Amount of the same for the 29th year, £31,655 14s. 7d.' 31 Edward III. 'Exportation of wool by denizens to ports in amity with the Crown permitted till Michaelmas next, paying Custom at 50s. wool and lOos. leather. ' Amount of the same for the 30th year, £38,485 i8s. 3d.' Of the Subsidy. 149 32 Edward III. ' Amount of the same for the 31st year, £37,337 9s. 7W 33 Edward III. ' Amount of the same from Michaelmas to 18 January of the 32nd year, £9,388 2S. 5d.' . 34 Edward III. 'Amalgamation of the Subsidy with the Custom from this date.' 36 Edward III. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools at 20S. and of leather at 40s. beyond the Custom, from Michaelmas 35 Edw. III. for three years. ' Petition of the Commons that after the term of the Subsidy has expired, only the Custom of wools etc., shall be taken at the ancient rates.' 38 Edward III. * Grant of the Subsidy of wools at 40s. and of leather at 80s. beyond the Custom. ' The New Custom of wools, etc., amalgamated with the Ancient Custom and Subsidy from this date.' 42 Edward III. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., at 36s. 8d. per sack, etc., and 80s. leather beyond the Customs, for two years from Michaelmas next.' 43 Edward III. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., at 43s. 4d. and 80s., without the Custom, for three years from Michaelmas next. ' New Ordinances of the Staple : aHens only to export wools. The rate of woolfells changed from 300 to 240 as the equivalent of a sack.' 46 Edward III. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., at the same rates for two years. ' Licenses granted to denizens to export wools against the Statute.' 150 History of the Customs. 47 Edward III. ' Grant of a Subsidy of Poundage on all merchandize exported or imported (except for such as already bear Custom), at 6d. Tunnage of wines at 2S. for two years, provided, that there be no further imposition after the first year. None sum- moned to Parliament shall be collectors of this Subsidy.' 50 Edward III, ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., at the same rates for three years. No Subsidy to be taken for rough native cloth exported, unless unfulled. Impeachments and attainders for mal- versation of the Custom and Subsid}'.' 1 Richard II. ' Appointment by Parliament of guardians of the Subsidy of wools and leather ; their accounts to be viewed by a commission of Parlia- ment.' ' 2 Richard II. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., at 46s. 8d. and £4 6s. 8d. (beyond the Custom), with a new Increase of 13s. 4d. and 26s. 8d. Poundage at 6d. ' Release of the new Increase aforesaid. ' The Ancient and New Customs answered separately from the Subsidy for the time being.' 4 Richard II. ' Extension of the Subsidy above- granted till Christmas. Inquiry into the administra- tion of the Subsidy.' 5 Richard II. ' Extension of the Subsidy till Candlemas, and thence for four years from Mid- summer following. ' Merchants who pre-pay the Subsidy exempted from the Custom.' 9 Richard II. 'Grant of the Subsidy expiring at Midsummer from the First of August following, at 43s. 4d. and 46s. 8d. (beyond the Ancient Custom Of the Subsidy. 151 of 6s. 8d. only, this being the first mention of two rates of the Subsidy). The Subsidy to determine from Midsummer until ist August, in order to assert the free grant of Parliament.' 10 Richard II. ' Grant of the Subsidy of Tunnage at 3s. and Poundage at I2d. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., to November 20th, and thence to Christmas, unless a new Parlia- ment intervene.' 11 Richard II. 'Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., for one year at 43s. \A. (denizens), 46s. 8d. (aliens), amounting with the Ancient Custom to 50s. and 53s. 4d. respectively, the New Custom being thus included in the grant of Parliament with the Subsidy on aliens. Leather, 7I marks (denizens) and 8 marks (aliens). ' Grant of the Subsidy of Tunnage and Poundage as before.' 13 Richard II. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., till Christmas following at 40s. and 43s. 4d. including the Ancient Custom. ' Grant of the Subsidy of Tunnage at 3s. and Poundage at 6d., to be levied on the wholesale value only. War-supplies exempt from Poundage.' 14 Richard II. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., at 50S. and 53s. 4d., 7J marks and 8 marks, for three years. 'Grant of the Tunnage at 3s. and Poundage at i2d. ' Both Subsidies to be void unless the staple is removed as ordained.' 15 Richard II. ' The above grant to be effectual, notwithstanding any limitation. ' Receipts from the Tunnage (30 Nov. 14—8 Dec. 15). ^840 i6s. 6d. ; Poundage; ;f4,i20 7s. ijd.' 152 History of the Ctistoms. 16 Richard II. ' Re-grant of the Subsidy passed in the 14th year to annul the Umitation aforesaid ; provided, also, that one half the Tunnage and Poundage so re-granted be not levied in case of peace being declared.' 17 Richard II. ' Re-grant of the Tunnage and Poundage aforesaid to annul the limitation whereby no part of the same can yet be levied. Provided, that not more than one half be now levied, and that the whole Subsidy determine within 15 days after the declaration of peace.' 20 Richard II. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., and Tunnage and Poundage at the former rates, for three years and five years respectively.' 21 Richard II. ' Re-grant of the above Subsidies, at the same rates (except with the increase of 6s. 8d. for the wools of aliens), for the term of the Ring's life.' 1 Henry IV. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., from Michaelmas last, for three years, at 50s. (denizens) and 60s. (aliens).' 2 Henry IV. ' Grant of the Tunnage at 2s. (ex- cepting wines taken for the Recta Prisa), and Pound- age at 8d. for two years from Easter next.' 4 Henry IV. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools at 50s. (denizens) and 60s. (aliens).- Leather at iocs, (denizens) and io6s. 8d. (aliens), for three years. ' Grant of the Tunnage and Poundage at former rates for two and a half years.' , 6 Henry IV. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., at 43s. 4d. and 53s. 4d., etc., for two years. . ' Grant of Tunnage and Poundage at the same rates for two years. Of the Subsidy. 153 ' Petition of the Commons that the increase of 6s. 8d. above the Ancient Custom be repealed for the New Custom taken as of old. ' Petition of the same that whereas in the 4th year a Subsidy of wools, etc., was granted, at the rates of 43s. 4d. (denizens), 53s. 4d. (aliens), beyond the Ancient Custom of 6s. 8d. ; and afterwards that grant was inrolled in the Chancery as for 50s. and 60s. respectively, with no mention made therein of the Custom, and thereon Commissions were issued to the Customers to levy the Subsidy at the above rates, beside the Ancient Custom of the Crown. And also those who have shipped wools at the former rates have been distrained to pay the Ancient Cus- tom. Therefore that it be declared that the intention of the Commons was to grant 43s. 4d. and 50s. re- spectively, beyond the Ancient Custom of 6s. 8d. and the New Custom of los. respectively; and further, that all proceedings hereon in the Exchequer be stayed. * Decision of the Crown in answer to the above petition, that the increase be remitted before St. Martin's last, and from thence to Michaelmas next that it be taken as granted of Record.' 7 and 8 Henry IV. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc.,, from Michaelmas next, for one year at 43s. 4d. and 53s. 4d. ' Grant of the Tunnage and Poundage at the former rates. ' The residue of the last Subsidy to be expended only by the advice of the Treasurer of the grant, except for £6,000 granted to the King absolutely. ' Grant of an increase of I2d. on the Poundage, to be levied from aliens only, for one year from 24 June next. ' Issues of the Tunnage and Poundage assigned to certain merchants undertaking the safeguard of the seas.' 9 Henry IV. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., at the same rates for two years. 154 History of the Customs. ' Grant of the Subsidy of Tunnage and Poundage for the same term. ' The Crown pledged to take no further Subsidy for the above term.' II Henry IV. ' Statement in Parliament that the Custom and Subsidy of wools, alone, in the 14th year of the late reign, amounted to above ^160,000, which revenue has since that time greatly diminished through the ill , administration and frauds of the Customers. ' Appropriation of three-fourths of the Subsidy of wools, granted in the present Parliament, for the defence of Calais, during two years. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., and Tun- nage and Poundage, at the former rates, for two years.' 13 Henry IV. ' Grant of the Subsidy, Tunnage, and Poundage, at the same rates for one year. Three-fourths thereof appropriated for the garrison of Calais.' 2 Henry V. ' Grant of the Tunnage and Poundage at the same rates, nett, for three years.' 3 Henry V. ' Re-grant of the Tunnage and Poundage as above, from Michaelmas next, during the King's life. 'Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., at 43s. 4d. (denizens) and 60s. (aHens), lOOS. and io6s. 8d. for two years from Michaelmas next, and thence during the King's life.' I Henry VI. ' Grant of the Subsidy of Wools (and leather), Tunnage and Poundage (expressed in English for the first time). Wools, 33s. 4d. (denizens), 53s. 4d. (aliens) ; one half payable at six months, the Of the Subsidy. 155 other half at twelve months (leather not included in the terms of the grant), for two years. ' Grant of the Tunnage and Poundage at 3s. and i2d. for the same term.' 2 Henry VI. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., at 33s. 4d, and 43s. 4d. Allowances to denizens as before. Also Tunnage and Poundage at the former rates, to be levied from aliens only.' 4 Henry VI. 'Grant of the Subsidy, Tunnage, and Poundage at the same rates, for two years, as before.' 6 Henry VI. ' Grant of the Tunnage and Pound- age at the same rates from denizens only, for one year.' 8 Henry VI. 'Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., at the same rates, for two years. ' Grant of the Tunnage and Poundage for the same. ' Further grant of the Tunnage and Poundage for one year, at 3s. (6s. for sweet wines of aliens), lad. (is. 6d. for aliens).' 10 Henry VI. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., at 5 nobles (denizens). Also Tunnage and Poundage at the former rates ; for one year from St. Martin's, 1434.' ' Amount of the Customs and Subsidies for the gth year, £34>852 los. gfd.' 11 Henry VI, ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., at 53s. 4d. (aliens) for three years. Also Tunnage and Poundage at the same rates for two years (denizens), and three years (aliens). 'Amount of the Customs and Subsidies for the loth year, ^^30,804 is. S^d.' 156 History of the Customs. 12 Henry VI. ' Amount of the Customs and Sub- sidies for the nth year, £26,510 4s. S^d.' 14 Henry VI. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., 5 nobles (denizens), and 7 nobles (aliens). Also Tunnage and Poundage at the same rates; from the expiration of the last grant to St. Martin's, I437-' 15 Henry VI. 'Grant of the Subsidy of wools at 33s. 4d. (denizens), 53s. 4d. (ahens). Also Tun- nage and Poundage at the former rates, for three years.' 18 Henry VI. ' Grant of the Subsidy, Tunnage, and Poundage, as before, for three years.' 20 Henry VI. ' Grant of the Subsidy, Tunnage, and Poundage, as before, for two years.' 23 Henry VI. ' Grant of the Subsidy, Tunnage, and Poundage, as before, for four years.' 27 Henry VI. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools for four years, at the same rates for denizens and aliens, and 13s. 4d. for Newcastle. ' Grant of Tunnage and Poundage at the same rates, for five years. ' 20S. out of the Subsidy of every sack, and two- thirds of every sack customed at Berwick, to be appropriated for the garrison of Calais. ' Statement of the Commons that in the reign of Edward III. the Custom and Subsidy of wools ex- ported to Calais exceeded sometimes £68,000 per annum.' 31 Henry VI. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., at 43s. 4d. (denizens), and iocs, (aliens) ; loos. (denizens), and loos. 8d. (aliens), from the 3rd April during the King's hfe., Of the Subsidy. 157 ' Aliens exempted from payment of the balance of the last grant. Also Tunnage and Poundage at the former rates for the same term. ' The Poundage lately imposed upon native cloths, and. the increase of los. on the Subsidy of denizens remitted on petition of the Commons.' I Edward IV. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., at 33s. 4d. (denizens), and 66s. 8d. (aliens) ; 66s. 8d. and 73s. 4d. to be levied as before, from ist March, during the King's life. ' Grant of the Tunnage at 3s: (6s. sweet wines of aliens), and Poundage at lad. (i2d. extra on Tins of aliens) for the same term. ' Existing assignments and appropriations as be- fore to remain and be in force.' I Richard III. ' Grant of the Subsidy of wools, etc., Tunnage and Poundage at the same rates as in the former grant, and with the like assignments and allowances, during the King's life.' I Henry VII. ' Grant of the Tunnage and Poundage, and of the Subsidy of wools, etc., as before, during the King's hfe.' I Henry VIII. ' Grant of the Tunnage and Poundage, • and of the Subsidy of wools, etc., as before, during the King's life.' I Edward VI. ' Grant of the Tunnage and Pound- age as before, with I2d. per Awlme of Rhenish wines. Also the Subsidy of wools, etc., as before, during the King's life.' I Mary. ' Grant of the Tunnage and Poundage, and of the Subsidy of wools, etc., as before, during the Queen's life.' I Elizabeth, ' Grant of the Tunnage and Pound- 158 History of the Customs. age, and of the Subsidy of wools, etc., as before, from 16 November, i Elizabeth.' I James I. ' Grant of the Tunnage and Pound- age as before, and of the Subsidy of wools, etc., during the King's life.' 16 Charles I. ' Grant of a Subsidy of Tunnage and Poundage and other sums of money payable upon Merchandize exported or imported, namely, Tunnage and Poundage at the former rates, and the Subsidy of wools, etc., as before. Also all other duties on Merchandize imposed since i James I. from 20 May, 1641, to 15 July following. ' Further grants of the above, by chapters 12, 22, 25, 29, 31, and 36 of the same Parliament.' 12 Charles II. ' Grant of the Tunnage, at ^4 los. and £6 (London), ^3 and £4 los. (Out-ports), on French wines ; 45s. and £3 ; 30s. and 45s. sweet wines ; 20s. and 25s. Rhenish wines, for Denizens and Aliens respectively. ' Grant of the Poundage at I2d. as before. ' Grant of the Subsidy of 3s. 4d. and 6s. 8d. on every short woollen cloth exported by Denizens or Aliens respectively, during the King's life.' CHAPTER VIII. OF LOCAL CUSTOMS. HE King's port is properly defined as a Definition town on the sea-coast, or communicating examined, more or less directly with the sea, possess- ing a convenient haven for shipping, furnished with suitable wharves, docks, or quays ; and where there is a woolbeam of standard weight and resident Customers. A port, therefore, was originally a sea-side city, town, or borough, enjoying a municipal or private franchise, or retained in the liands of the Crown. The possession of natural advantages, or the Various employment of influential representations, deter- of ^ Port, mined the selection of such a town as a recognised seaport. This eligibility in point of site consisted, during the Middle Ages at least, of a position in some sheltered part of the eastern coast, whence a direct transit could be secured for exported staple commodities to the Flemish markets. On the other hand, the great ports of the southern coast, such as Southampton and Sandwich, owed their Emolu- ments. 1 60 History of the Customs. prosperity to their convenient situations as em- poriums for imported merchandises from the ports of France, Italy, Spain, and the far East ; while those of the western coast, few in number and in- significant by comparison, were only important for their position with regard to Ireland. Tnd'^^^^^ It is easily supposed that the possession of the status of a port of the kingdom was a lucrative privi- lege to the inhabitants. As a very considerable treasure was collected there in the custody of the Customers, besides valuable merchandise in the storehouses along the quays or on board the shipping in the harbour, it was essential both for the interests and dignity of the Crown and the safety of its sub- jects that such a port should be most strongly fortified and guarded. In some cases the town was protected by a royal fortress or citadel, garrisoned by the Crown itself. In other cases, as at Newcastle, Hull, and elsewhere, the citizens themselves manned Local the walls when danger threatened. In every case Taxation ° 1, , for Self- the repairs of the town and sea-walls, and the re- building of quays and storehouses, and other neces- sary charges, were sustained by the citizens them- orfqr selves. Even such a trivial item as the paving of necessary ^ " Repairs, the Streets was not to be neglected for the welfare of a flourishing port ; for we read that the Corporation of Southampton, in the reign of Edward IV., sought the assistance of the Government to enable them to repair the High Street of that town, on the ground that t;he injuries sustained in the shape of broken shins by opulent foreigners while perambulating the Of Local Ctistoms. i6i streets after dark made that desirable class of visitors chary of residing within their franchise. For the former weighty considerations, therefore, the inhabitants were ever seeking to obtain, and the Crown was ever prompt to grant, certain privileges which should ensure the collection of a sufficient fund to carry out each of these useful works. No easier or (perhaps coincidentally) fairer method could be devised to meet the call thus made upon the resources of the port -town than to levy a certain fixed toll in the shape of port, harbour, quay, or passage dues upon all shipping that entered, or even left, the port. This was carried out with the sanction of the Crown, where the port was of royal foundation ; or at the discretion of the lord, when the same was a private franchise ; or as appertaining to the claim of liberties and free Customs from time immemorial, when the toll in question was a per- manent liability. In the first of these instances the fund so to be raised was usually limited to a fixed rate and for a certain period ; and was, moreover, to in^ygntg be applied to a definite object. If for repair of the ?9"^ walls, it was styled the ' Murage ;' if for that of the Taxation. quays, the ' Quayage,' etc., together with such other dues as are signified by the terms ' Pavage,'* ' More- age,' ' Towage,' ' Terrage,' ' Strandage,' ' Cranage,' ' Mesonage,' ' Anchorage,' ' Keelage,' ' Bushelage,' * ' Pavage,' like ' Murage,' was properly a civic contribution of the same nature as the gable-tax, though sometimes levied from alien merchants. VOL. II. 31 1 62 History of the Customs. * Ballastage,' 'Lestage,'* ' Measurage,' 'Average,' ' Primage,' and the like. CoUection It was an important principle, and one which Local should be carefully borne in mind, that the imposi- apart tion and collection of these and similar duties at any Imperial po^ of the realm were wholly independent of the Revenue. Customary revenue of the Crown,t which was answered at every port, whether possessing a muni- Case of the cipal or private franchise. Thus, at Sandwich, the Sandwich. Ancient Custom, with the Prisage, were answered by the Chamberlain, or other officer deputed by the Crown ; while at the same time the bailiff levied certain local Customs or port-dues on behalf of the liberties of the lord, who was the Prior of Christ Church, Canterbury, enfranchised by the following Charter of Knut : ' Knut rex Anglorum dedit ecclesie Christi brachium sancti Bartolomasi apostoli cum magno pallio, et sui capitis auream coronam ; et portum de Sandwica et omnes exitus ejusdem aque ab utraque parte fluminis, ita ut natante nave in flumine cum plenum faerit, quam longius de Navi potest securis parvula in terram projici, debet ministris ecclesie Christi rectitudo navis accipi. Nullus que omnino hominum aliquam consuetudinem in eodem portu habet, exceptis monachis Ecclesie Christi. Eorum * The same signification in later times. During the Middle Ages, however, ' Lastage ' seems to have meant a toll on the Last (10,000) of Herring, etc. t We find, however, in the earliest Pipe Rolls of the reign of Henry II. the issues of the ' Lastage' for various counties and boroughs answered at the Exchequer by the Sheriff. Of Local Customs. 163 quoque est transfretacio portus et navicule et thelo- neum navicule et omnium navium que ad Sandwicam venerunt a Pepernessa usque Northmutham. Si quid autem in magno mari repertum fuerit, delatum Sandwicam, medietatem Ecclesia Christi habebit, reliqua vero pars invent oribus remanebit.' Specimens of some of these Local Customs are given below. Customs at the Port of Berwick. Poundage of Avoir de Pois For each Bale „ Cloth . Alnage of Cloths . Gauge of Wines . Mesonage . Toll of Wheat . 4d. per 20s. 4d. 4d. 4s. 4d. per Tun. i2d. 2d. per Garner. Temp. Edward I. Customs in the City of Canterbury. For each Quarter of Wheat Sold „ „ „ Barley, etc. „ Last of Herrings . 1,000 Herrings . . Fish to the value of 5s. . All other Merchandise . id. id. 4d. Id. Id. id. per 5s. value. Temp. Richard II. Customs at the Port of Dover. Poundage .... For each Ox ,, „ Sheep . ,, „ Man ' Passing or re-passing the Seas.' Temp. Henry VI. 31—2 id. per 20s. id. Id. id. 164 History of the Customs. Customs at the Port of London. Tronage. Aliens exporting wool pay 6d. for every sack of two 'weighs.' Over two 'weighs,' iid. for the first sack ; 5d. and lod. respectively for every other sack. Butter, Tallow, and Grease are charged i^d. the first 'weigh;' \A. for every other. Leather, I2d. the last, or 2d. the dicker. A bale of fells, corded, 4d. A bale of any other merchandise, 4d. A bale of cloth, 4d. A tun of beer, exported, 4d. A tun of wine, 2d. A tun of honey, i2d. A quarter of woad, ^d. A karr of lead, exported by Aliens, 4d. Of every great ship, 2d. A small ship, id. Terrage of small boats, \A. each. A ship with nuts, 4d. Of every garner in a ship, 4d. Pesage. Merchandise over 100 lbs. and under 1,000 lbs, Jd. Over 1,000 lbs. and under 2,000 lbs., i|d. Over 2,000 lbs., 2d. — Temp. Edward III. From Merchants Strangers, of every bale of Avoir de Pois, 2d. Of all other goods not in bale, yd. per 1,000 lbs., half to be paid by the vendor, and half by the buyer, in each case. — Temp. Henry IV. Scavage. Of every 'kark' of grain, weighing 300 lbs., 4od. Of pepper, over 300 lbs., 6d. Of Alum, weighing 400 lbs., 8d. Of every ' kark ' of sugar, cummin, almonds, brazil, quicksilver, ginger, cetewale, lake, licorice, mace, cloves, cubebs, nutmeg, vermilion, dates, figs, raisins, shumak, sulphur, ivory, canel, gingerbread, rice, turpentine, cotton, whalebone, pioygne, frankincense, aniseed, chesnuts, orpiment, olive oil, and all other goods of avoir du pois weighing 400 lbs. the kark, 6d. Half karks and quarter karks charged in propor- tion. For the fee of Spanish wool, wadmal^ mercery, Of Local Customs. 165 canvas, martens, coney-skins, wool-skins, linen cloth, fustian, felt, lormerie, pile, haberdashery, squirrels, parmentry, chalons, cloth of Rheims, cloth of silk, etc., 6d. Half fee of above, 3d. Quarter fee, i|d. Cordwain, godelmynges, basil, id. per dozen. Saffron, ^d. per pound. Silk, |d. per pound. ' Et seit assaver que ceste custume nest prys fors des avoirs qui veignent d'outre meer,' viz. wax, argoil, copper, tin, grisure ; but no Custom is taken of grisure unless it be carried beyond Thames ; otherwise 6d. for fee. Customs at London Bridge. A Ship laden with Gurnard* only, pays 2, Gurnards for the Prise. The same with Gurnard and Ray, one fish of either sort. The same with Herring, fresh or salt, 100 fish. The same with bulwarks, 2d. for strandage. The same with Bass, Surmullet, Conger, Dory, Turbot, Shad, and Eels, pays no Custom. The same with bails, id. The same with Mackerel or Haddock, id. Five baskets of welks, |d. A ship laden with Ling, Mackerel, and Haddock, consigned to citizens, |d. for the ship. If to aliens, 26 fish, and id. as before. Gurnard exported by aliens, 2d. per 100. A ship laden with Sprats, i tendle and id. for the ship. The same with Dabs, 26 for 100 fish. The same with Porpoise, id. (if cut up to retail, the bailiif to take the chaudron, the tail, and the 3 fins). The same with Conger, the best and next best fish. The same with Scotch Salmon, two fish. If with Salmon and Gurnard, one of each. If with Salmon '■ Melwel (milvellus). 1 66 History of the Customs. and Haddock, one Salmon and 13 Haddock, and 2d. for the ship. The first ship laden with Herrings that arrives from Yarmouth, 200 fish ; all other ships, 100 fish. Customs of Billingsgate. A great ship owned by aliens . 2d. for Terrage. A small ship with oarlocks, . id. for the same. A boat . . . . . |-d. for strandage. Two quarters of wheat . . |d. One combe of wheat by water . id. One quarter of woad exported . id. Two quarters of sea-coal . . Jd. One tun of Beer exported by aliens 4d. 1000 Herrings exported or im- ported by the same . ^d. Gurnard exported by the same . 2d. per 100. Customs by Land. Fish imported, one fish out of every load, and Jd. for the Horse. Salmon of citizens, 2d. the cart. The same of aliens, the next best fish and 2d. the cart. Ling and Herrings (white or red), 5 fish and 2d. the cart. Gurnard, i fish and 2d. the cart. Eels, 2d. the cart. Apples and Pears, etc., Jd. for the horse. Customs at the Wool-quay. Tronage, J per serpler, and ^ per 100 fells. Later ijd. and 2d. Chalking, ^d. per sack, or nothing. Mesonage, ^d. per sack — later, |d. Quersage, ^d. per sack, or nothing. Adieu, id. or nothing.* * ' Adieu ' is a corruption of ' denier a dieu,' called profes- sionally the ' farewell ' of Customers. It was forbidden to be exacted by several Statutes, but was still occasionally levied as a ' God-penny.' Of Local Customs. 167 Coketage, 2d. per head. Farewell ' f P'^^sents extorted by the Customers. Impositions levied from Merchants of Hanse, temp. Henry VI. Tun of Wine, exported or imported . 2d. Chest of Seal ..... 2d. Last of Herrings .... 3d. Bale of Rice 4d. Carriage of Merchandise entering the City, 2s. per ton. Customs at the Port of Sandwich. Fo r each Cable .... s. J. 3 JJ 33 Sheet, etc. . I SJ 33 Ship bought 2 )} 33 Boat sold 2 )J 33 Herring-net . I 3) 33 Mackerel-net oh )) 100 Sturgeon 4 39 3? Salmon 4 33 each Wey of Cheese . I ) J 33 Bale of Cloth 4 )J 33 Cloth unpacked I )) 33 Sack of wool 2 )) 33 Linen cloth . o|- 3 J 100 Ells of Canvas 4 JJ 33 Last of Leather . 4 3 J 100 Fells .... 4 )? each Sporting dog 4 J3 3) Ox ... • 2 3J )f Pig . . . . I 33 3? Man passmg the seas . 2 33 33 Horseman 2 33 33 Horse .... 2 93 33 Sheep .... 6 8 33 33 Tun of wine of Guienne 8i 33 JJ Other wines . 4 1 68 History of the Customs. Miscellaneous Customs. Exeter. — Petty Customs (Nove Custume) claimed by the citizens as appertaining to their ferm, by grant of Edward III. Poole. — Customs answered to Earl of Warrenne, e.g., 2d. per tun of wines; 2d. per ^fioo of avoir du pois. Boston, Chester, Lynne, etc., took Tronage, etc., according to the rates at London. Ravenspurn-on-Humher. — Tolls taken by the Hermit of Ravenspurn by grant of Parliament for the charges of the Beacon there. For each ^hip over 120 tons . . i2d. „ ,, /„ „ 100 tons . . 8d. „ ,, / „ less than 100 tons . 4d. Temp. Henry VI. Port-dues of London, 1565. Anchorage, 8d. to 54d., according to burthen of ship. Lastage or Ballastage, 6d. per Ton. Groundage or Strandage, 4d., 6d. or lad., according to burthen. Lighterage, paid at a fixed scale of charge. Cranage, ditto. Scavage [in dispute] . Package, 2d. per cloth ; 2jd. per load. CHAPTER IX. OF THE MALTOLTE AND THE MUTUUM. HE Maltolte is a familiar term to all Definition of the students of early constitutional history, Maltolte especially in its bearings upon the Parliamentary life of the nation. The word, indeed, stands as the prototype of the ' Im- position,' which became so notorious in Tudor and Stuart times, just as 'prisa' was a name of odious significance when unqualified by the prefix ' recta' to denote the accustomed dues of the Crown upon imported wines limited by immemorial usage, so per contra a toll was to be regarded as an instrument of constitutional taxation, unless it were branded with the epithet of ' evil.' Generally speaking the Maltolte was an increased rate of 40s. per sack, and probably 6 marks on the last of leather to match. It was used loosely, how- ever, to cover such arbitrary prises as were only too common, in the shape, that is, of a wholesale and forced purveyance of uncustomed wools and leather, ^^l^^^' though the technical terms for the latter proceedings ^'^^^ Legal were an ' arrest' previous to a ' caption and emption,' 1 70 History of the Customs. or, as it was diplomatically styled, an ' acceptance' for the royal service.* The occurrence of a Maltolte in history is of necessity limited to a somewhat brief period. In the period of an undefined and unlimited prerogative, at least in matters relating to trade and the revenue of state thence derived, the possibility of a stigma attaching to the exercise of the prerogative in this way had not been as yet conceived of. So, too, from the close of the reign of Edward I. the constitutional principle had been finally established that any increase of taxation in this or in any other direction was impracticable, except by a grant of Parliament in the form of a Character- subsidy. It is in the reign of Edward I. only, then, isticofthe ,,,,,,., , . r reign of that the Maltolte is presented to us as a subject 01 the first historical importance. We read in Heming- Account of burgh that, ' In Lent the King enjoined (by writ) Heming- that all who hold wools and hides should carry '"^^'' them by a given day to certain outports, on pain of their being confiscated and of imprisonment and heavy amends to the King, which, when they had performed, the King's officers took for the King's need, giving tallies for the same, every sack of wool exceeding the limit of 5 sacks, and for every sack not exceeding the limit of 5 sacks they exacted from the owners thereof 40s. by way of maltolte.'t Another chronicler gives a similar version of the transaction : ' At that season it was proclaimed by * ' Arrestare ;' ' Capere et emere ;' ' Accipere ad opus nos- trum.' t W. de Hemingburgh, ii. 119. Of the Maltolte and the Mutuum. 171 the criers throughout England that holders of wools Matthew should expose them for sale within the month in the minster, cities assigned, otherwise they would yield them as forfeit to the King himself: which truly on St. George's Day, after the manner described shrewdly gathered together, were transported unto Flanders as forfeit to the King.'* The result of these extortions was in the first Opposition place to drive the opposition Baronage into with- Baronage, standing the collection not only of the Maltolte, but also of all forms of indiscriminate prisage, by force of arms. The malcontents who broke up the Parliament at Salisbury retired to their own counties, and dared the purveyors of the Crown to venture within their franchises. This rebellious attitude was changed still later for one of passive resistance, working by constitutional forms. The King, who had scraped together sufficient funds for his immediate necessities, chiefly through form^'^°'^ this forced bargain with the merchants (whose wool fixation was already consigned at the Flemish Staples to the credit of our royal monopolist), was impatient to commence his campaign in the north of France. This was the opportunity of the Commons and their aristocratic sympathizers to pour into his unwilling ears a floodtide of petitions and remonstrances. Even if his military vassals, they urge on behalf of 'Grava- men' of the refractory nobility, are compelled by the custom the Com- , , . . _ „ , ^^. , . monalty. of their service to lollow the King s person into out- landish parts, which of itself is more than a dubious * Matt. Westm., p. 430. 172 History of the Ctistoms. proposition, yet they find themselves so impoverished by the recent arbitrary exactions of the Crown, that adequate preparation for that purpose is wholly impossible. This impoverishment, they state further, is chiefly due to the exorbitant wool- tax of 40s. on the sack, or 40 per cent, of the gross value of that commodity. The King -Jq ^j^jg manifesto Edward returned an evasive avoids giving an answer, and sailed shortly after to take command of Answer. •' his army. Then, following their opportunity to the utmost, the ringleaders occupied the capital, stayed the collectors of an eighth that had been hastily voted by an unrepresentative Parliament, and com- Coup pelled the Regent to acquiesce in their project of Refractory reform, embodied in the confirmation of the charters Earls. , , . , and the articles agamst arbitrary tallage entered in the grant of pardon directed to themselves. The above is a very brief summary of the effect which the arbitrary seizure of its subjects' wools, and the imposition of an extraordinary Custom above the ancient toll limited and defined in the fourth year of the reign, had wrought upon the fortunes of the tiOT of the Crown. In extenuation of the sovereign's discomfi- o°the o ^"'■^ ^^ must recollect that the aristocratic opposition position. yff2,s a very strong one, and that it had profited by the constitutional lessons learnt in the reign of Henry III. Moreover, the French war was, strangely enough, highly unpopular for the moment with both feudal and commercial interests. The commonalty, at the prompting of the feudal tenants, had taken upon itself to assure the King ' that it does not seem to Of the Maltolte and the Mttttium. 1 73 them to be for the welfare of the King that he shall Foreign cross into Flanders, unless he were better assured of the Crown the Flemish for himself and his people.' Now this gratuitous insinuation against the Together Crown's new-found allies gives us the clue to the Foreign undercurrent of popular feeling that was perhaps ashamed to express itself otherwise than by a sullen resistance to the measures inspired by royal National diplomacy. The truth is that the Flemish were the Aliens and commercial rivals of this country, and that the their Com- rivalry in question was just then at its greatest P^""°"- height. Not only did the industrious and ingenious alien, with his wealth of inviting wares imported with the connivance of the Crown in consideration of the Customs or licenses paid thereon, threaten (as some patriotic people openly declared) to denude the insular kingdom of its current species, or even of its bullion at large, at a period when wealth existed not at all, unless in a tangible shape, but he seemed also in a fair way to absorb the larger share of the export trade into his own hands, still under the same royal auspices. Consequently, in the heat of national jealousy, it happened, as it happened many times afterwards, as it happened even so late as the reign of Elizabeth, with the massacre of St. Bartholomew fresh in the Compara- memory of fellow- Protestants, that the English difference nation came to look on their sovereign's Flemish France, allies as more deserving their hostility than the French, who imported little else than wine; that, after attempting by every means in their power to 174 History of the Customs. discourage a war undertaken in the interests of Flanders alone, as it seemed to them, they actually went to such lengths as to attempt to avoid payment Ebullition of debts due to Flemish merchant strangers; to Malice" ^"^ harbour French agents, and to conceal their wares Iftens' from the confiscating hand of the Crown, and to refuse resolutely to convict offenders in these respects, at least within their private franchises. Not only this, but they played a yet bolder game against the unpopular foreign policy of the Crown. Assign- The latter had reckoned chiefly upon the proceeds of mentofthe , „ p . , , . . _,, Customs to the Customs to furnish the sinews of war. There- Speciai fore it became almost a point of honour to thwart tioi^"^^™ the executive in this expectation by withholding the shipment of wools and leather for the time being, and at the same time by indulging in a systematic course of smuggling which must, if unchecked, have defrauded the revenue to an almost incalculable extent. High- It is impossible to deny that the Crown met these ftoceed- somewhat discreditable manoeuvres with downright Crovra.*^ tyranny. Its subjects were compelled, as we have seen in the extracts given above, to collect all their wools and leather at the orthodox outports, or to submit to their seizure in default for a breach of the 'law' (since the Crown alone in those days pro- pounded the laws of commerce). Once brought Success of within its reach, it was easy enough for the Govern- its Policy. ■' ° ment to levy the Custom due upon these staple exports, under pretence of taking security for its eventual payment, and with this money in hand to Of the Maltolte and the Mutuum. 175 prosecute the war. In addition to this main revenue, too, the Crown was able to secure itself from any extensive smuggling, and also to single out the goods of hostile aliens for confiscation. We can afford to smile at the ingenuity displayed in this crisis by a sovereign who, with all his obstinate*®"". ■^ o ? meaning impetuosity, meant to act well by his subjects, and ^.t^e who eventually yielded up his arbitrary pretensions, if not with a good grace, at least without that petty vindictiveness displayed by more than one of his successors. The following instances, selected from numerous instances ° _ _ from the entries of the same nature which exist amongst Memo- the Exchequer Memoranda for this period, will Rolls. give some idea of the true state of feeling enter- tained by the people with regard to their sovereign's unpopular scheme alike for foreign and domestic policy : ' That whereas the King has lately granted on Arrest of behalf of the Treasurer and Barons of his Exchequer Merchants that the goods of all Flemish merchants who are chandise indebted to the Crown should be arrested : Yet on '^«"^°^«'5- account of his treaty and friendship with the Count of Flanders the above precept shall be cancelled.'* ' That whereas the King had caused and taken to be arrested for his use all manner of merchandize belonging to subjects of Flanders and Namur within his kingdom by reason of his war with France : now upon conclusion of the late treaty with the Flemish, he has seen good to order the same merchandize to « Mich. Brev., 25 Ed. I. 176 History of the Customs. be restored out of the hands of the sheriffs.'* ' The Goods of King-, on behalf of the Flemish merchants, for the English Merchants debts owed to them by merchants of London : that seized. as Security where the goods and chattels of the latter may not Debts to satisfy the debt, their wools shall be arrested and emings. ^g^j^gjj jp^j. ^j^g Satisfaction of the creditors, by the French King's officers. 't ' The King to his officers to arrest arrested, the goods of French agents, but to allow the agents Creditors of the Society of the Friscobaldi, not being French, o-OTm to export their wools paying the Custom appointed. 'J Arrelt'of ' ' ^°^ the appraisement of the hides belonging to of^othe?*^^ merchants of Lucca, which were lately arrested for Italians the King's service by " Probi homines" of the Port of as Debtors ° •' of the Sandwich. '§ ' Release of the debt due to the Crown Crown. by merchants of Lucca, on kccount of their wools lately arrested.' || 'The King to the Barons to levy owta^ to ^ ^^^ debts owing to Flemish merchants by subjects Flemings of France on behalf of the Crown, and as apper- by French _ ^^ put in taining thereto by reason of the war.'1[ ' Certain charge for the Crown, merchants reputed to be of Lubeck and debtors Distraint . , . on Debtors 01 the Crown distrained, and some uncustomed Crown at a merchandise arrested and taken in default, for the AHempted Scotch War. The case removed to London, and a rf\?e°" d^y given in the Exchequer. Whereupon the Former, merchants appear, and answer that they are not of Lubeck nor the debtors in question. The Customers affirm that they are such persons and debtors. Issue joined, day and jury assigned. But after the: « Pasch. Brev., 25 Ed. I. § Hil. Brev., 25 Ed. I. t Ibid., rot. 40b. II Pasch. Brev., 25 Ed. L X Mich. Brev., 25 Ed. I. jf Trin. Brev., 25 Ed. I. Of the Maltolte and the Mtittmm. 177 jury are twice summoned, and fail to appear. The London third time of summons they appear, but refuse to try to serveon the issue, as the jurisdiction of the Court is ousted "'^ ^^^^" by the franchise of their city. Matter reserved.'* ' Peter de Lekes and Richard de Woodhull previously inquests assigned " to inquire by the oath of Probi Homines Forfeiture what goods and merchandises of merchants and Merchan- men of the kingdom of the King of France, up to ^'^^ that present, had been concealed or falsely claimed by any inhabitants of this kingdom as well such as had been taken into the King's hand by reason of the present war, etc., as those which remained to be taken and sold, etc." But as the officials have hitherto failed to issue or serve the writ punctually, whereby the matter has been already ' many times postponed, a further day is now assigned for the Dies Data, accountants concerned to answer without fail.'t ' Communication from the Crown to the Barons, etc., Edward i. touching the proposed passage of wools. It cannot course of consent to respite the Custom in individual cases, xradf." for the sake of example. Free passage and a safe market at the present moment with Brabant and Zeeland. Urges that the passage of wools may be hastened as much as possible; and promises that any further changes shall be notified to them with advice thereon for the best.'l * Hil. Com., 25 & 25 Ed. I., rot. S2b. t Ibid., rot. 66. % ' Edward par la grace de deu, etc. Nous avoms bien entendu I'ordenement qe les marchantz unt fait par devaunt vos VOL. II. 32 178 History of the Customs. His Fi- ' Statement contained in the King's writ that he nancial _ ° Statement, has undertaken to raise and also needs for his own service a sum of not less than 75,000 marks before he shall cross into Flanders. That for the purpose of raising this sum he can perceive no speedier or sounder plan than that of buying up 8,000 sacks of wool, to be purchased through the agency of the " most able merchants in England," as though for their own use ; that is, at the same weights and prices, and in the same ports as has been ac- customed. Provided that no pre-emption be made from the wools of poor men ; and that letters of credit be assigned to the vendors payable without delay at the Exchequer, and that none shall suffer therein in any manner Thereupon the wool so en dreit du passage des Leynes e nous semble quil est bon e convenable, de quei nos tenoms bien apaiez ; mes de ceo qe vous avez fait a saver qe ceo serreit le profist de nous e de nostre Roiaume si nous donissions respit de la Custume as Marchanz qui en averunt defaute. Sachez quil nous semble si nous la fissions a acouns, qe taunz dautres mettreient peine de la purchaser par colour de poverte qe nos en serions trop charges et serreit nostre profist delaie, par quey nous entendoms qe le meilleur est a tenir encor I'ordinaunce de la Custome tut ausi com ele ad este tenue e usee avaunt ces heures. E de ceo qe les marchaunz unt prie qe nos vausissions ordiner coment ils peussent aver la, outre en alaunt e en venaunt, sauf recet pur eus e ptjr lour marchaundises, Sachez qe nos entendoms qe ils puent sauvement repeirrer en la terre le Duk de Brabant e en Zeland E nous vos chargeoms en la fei qe vos nos devez qe le passage des laynes faciez haster par tot come vos poiez en bone manere.' — Mich. Communia, 24-25 Ed. I., rot. 7. Of the Maltolte and the Mutuum. 1 79 purchased is to be shipped off, less the appointed Custom.'* ' The King to the Sheriff of Kent to levy £12,000, '^^^^^^ the sum owed by the Archbishop of Canterbury for "po" *« ^ corn bought by him on the occasion of the last theArch- ° •' . bishop of vacation of the See.t Same to the Sheriff of Sussex Canterbury , A- c^ iox ^ Civil and Surrey to levy £900 from the same.J Same to Debt, the Sheriff of Cambridge and Hants to levy /■2,ooo Same for ° •' -^ the Bishop of the goods, etc., of W. de Luda, Bishop of Ely, of Ely, 'de , . , remanente part of £4,901 5s. g|d. owed by him " de remanente compoti.' compoti." '§ ' Writ to arrest and take canvas and linen at St. Mandates of the Botulf for the King's service. Petition for the men Crown authorizing of Lenn that wools may be brought thither, as they the Prise ' -^ of divers are to St. Botulf and Yarmouth.' || Commodi- 'Writ "pro bladis capiendis:" That the King*'^^' being in need of large quantities of grain for his foreign wars, the same to be collected by the sheriffs, saving each man's necessary stock. To be paid for by taUies payable at one month.lf Note hereupon respecting the alleged extortions of Sheriffs towards the poor. Redress promised. The King to the Barons, to send word to all ports where there is a coket to hasten the shipment of wools, and to order the number to be certified.'** * Trin. Brev., 25 Ed. I. t Hil. Brev., 25 Ed. I. X Ibid. § Pasch. Brev., 25 Ed. I. II Mich. Brev., 25 Ed. I. \ Ibid., 24 and 25 Ed. I., rot. 17. ** Trin. Brev., 25 Ed. I. 32—2 i8o History of the Ctistoms. Exemption ' Merchants of Sandwich prefer a complaint Merchants' against the collectors of the Customs that their from Prise, wools have been arrested in London contrary to the late ordinance, namely, that no wools of natives should be taken below a certain standard. The matter referred the King's pleasure.* Complaint of Extortion denizen merchants, that whereas they customed ofCus- , . , tomers their wools at Yarmouth, the same were arrested at redressed. „ . , ■, r^ it ,-> i Berwick, and Custom charged anew. On the production of their coket certificate, immediate redress is ordered. t Complaint of certain merchants orderS of London that their wools have been unjustly irjust^cls^'^ arrested and shipped with the wools bought for the Crown.' ' Ordered by the King's special grace that the Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield residing in Flanders be advertised hereof, that upon inquiry he may return the value of those wools, deducting only the Custom. 'J 'A merchant of Chichester has deposited 19 sacks of wool as security for a Custom estimated at ^61 3s. 6d. These have been seized for the King, and shipped to Flanders. Inquiry and redress ordered. Complaint of Robert le Mercer, of South- ampton, that he surrendered 12 sacks of wool, "nomine vadii," for a Custom of ^^60, due from him ; but that the King's officers receive a writ to take all wools outstanding within that county after the close of Easter, according to the ordinance, and this wool is seized amongst others, though surrendered before the expiration of the term * Trin. Brev., 25 Ed. I. t Ibid. % Ibid. Of the Maltolte and the Mutmim. i8i appointed. Value directed to be returned to him, less the Custom due.* The King to the Customers Redress of of St. Botulf to deliver up the wools of foreign Hardships merchants, deducting the Custom due thereon, justices. Petition of the Burgesses of Cardigan, that their wools have been arrested to their great impoverish- ment, their city being already much decayed. Pray some favour or relief at the expense of merchant strangers. Privy Seal hereupon directed to the Treasurer to see what can be done in the matter "sanz damage de nous." Inspection of the schedule of those wools accordingly, found to amount to less than five sacks. Decided that because of the poverty of that city the whole value shall be restored.t * Trin. Brev., 25 Ed. I. t ' A noster Seignor le Rei si luy plest, ses Burgeys de Cardigan prient sa grace de ce que vos ministres ount arestuz nos leynes at nos quirs par votre commandement, sicum nos entendoms. Au quel resterement trescher Seigneur vos prioms reniedi et vostre grace. E tant plus tost cher Seignur que nostre Estat est enfebliz et empoverez par diverses guerres come vos le savez. E pur ce cher Seigneur que les uns de nos autres marchandizes n'avoms fors solement en les leynes et les quirs qui sont arestuz, qui ne amont utre entre nos touz forsque xxxiij livers. E si vos plest tres cher Seigneur de ceste chose voillez faire vostre grace por vos pores Burgois qui tant sumus destruz. E si autre grace ne pussoms aver de vous que vous trescher Seigneur, si vos plest, nos voillez granter que nos seioms plus pres a nostre petit chatel que autres estraunges a mesme le jour que vos ministres les ount taxez.' 'The above petition forwarded to the Treasurer with the King's mandate to act thereon for the best. " Sanz damage de nous," whereupon the Barons, after inspecting the schedule of the Returns of the Collectors for those parts, find that the l82 History of the Cttstoms. Attempted Frauds upon the Revenue. Earls Mar- shal and Constable before the Barons. ' Note, that many owners have concealed wools in private franchises out of the King's jurisdiction to evade the Custom. The Sheriffs engaged in keeping watch upon these places to attack the offenders and confiscate their wools.* Numerous manucaptions of persons convicted of concealing wools so as to defraud the Customs. 't ' Ordered pro rege, that all who have been convicted of concealing wools, etc., in divers counties, may, upon giving security, condone their offences by a fine for the ransom of the same. 'J ' The refractory Earls appear at the Exchequer and forbid the levy of ^th, illegally granted. Also the tallage of wools, etc., as tending to slavery and insufferable. The Barons report to the King. Answer of the King defending his conduct, and asserting his freedom to purchase wools like any other. '§ Bulk of wool arrested amounted to 4 Sks. \\ Stones, purchased at the following prices, 11^ Stones at I2d ; 2\ Sks. and 16 Stones at i4d. ; 37 Stones at I4d. Total, £() 19s. lod. Also i Last, 6 Dickers, 2 Hides of Leather. Total, /j 15 2s. Grand Total, £,1'^ IS. lod., paid by tallies. In consideration whereof, and of the poverty of the citizens, it is ordered that the said wool and Leather be restored. Mandate to that effect to the " Custodes Nove Custume apud Haverford." in whose custody the same now remain — " receptis ab eisdem (Burgensibus) tallias quas contra Regem habent" — which Tallies shall be restored to the Ex- chequer then being at York.' — Hil. Commun., 25 and 26 Ed. L, rot. 70. * Pasch., 25 and 26 Ed. L t 24 and 25, 25 and 26 Ed. I., passim. % Trin. Com., 24 and 25 Ed. I., rot. 40. § Ibid., 25 Ed. I., rot. SS*". Of the Maltolte and the Mutuum. 183 The above extracts, if carefully studied, will perhaps help to throw a new light on the relations of the Crown towards its subjects in the matter of both Maltolte and Tallage. If the Maltolte was an unconstitutional expedient Definition c 1 • • 1 ^ , ■ .... of the lor reheving the Crown s pressing necessities m the Mutuum. absence of any readiness on the part of its subjects to assist in the prosecution of an unpopular war, the Mutuum itself was an equally arbitrary measure, though its true nature was skilfully disguised. Here both native and foreign merchants were invited to make an advance to the Crown on the strength of the regular Customs-revenue by allowing those Customs to be levied in advance of the usual period for shipping the staple exports. Besides this negative form of loan, however, the King was some- times able to persuade his merchants to advance a supplementary sum 'beyond the fixed Custom,' repayment being faithfully promised by the Crown at its earliest convenience, and certain concessions touching freedom of traffic being also thrown in. There are three advances of such a loan as this on ^j^j^P'^^ a considerable scale, one in the reign of Edward II. same. and two in that of his successor. The first of these was conceded to Edward II. by the merchants of his kingdom, both native and aliens, in aid of the Scotch war ; and a writ for that purpose was addressed to the Customers at every port to assess the loan at the usual rate, namely 6s. 8d. from denizens, and los. from aliens on the sack of wool from Michaelmas, 11 Edward II., to Michael- 1 84 History of the Customs. mas following. The total amount realized by this Mutuum was some ^7,000. The second loan was made by certain merchants, also for the Scotch war, in the first year of Edward III., being levied at the usual rates for the year ending 24th June, 2 Edward III., the amount collected being in excess of the former by about ^1,000. The third Mutuum recorded was rather of the nature of a subsidy. But it is entered separately in the Inrolled Accounts, and is moreover described as a subsidy granted by the merchants only 'pro defensione sacre Ecclesie et regni,' and was levied for one year from Midsummer, 15 Edward III., whereas the regular Custom, it will be seen, was collected for a wholly different period. The value of this ' subsidy' was about ;f 10,000. A sketch of the course of events which necessitated the collection of this familiar loan will be found in Chapter II. of Volume I. CHAPTER X. OF ASSIGNMENTS. HE importance of the Custom-revenue to the welfare of the State could not be more aptly proved than by demonstrating the leading part which it played in the intricate system of finance known as Assignment. This, indeed, was nothing more or less than the Nature of Assign- hypothecation of the permanent revenues of the mem. Crown to its State creditors, whether Lombard usurers or native officials, engaged in any branch of the public service, from Lord Warden of the Scottish Marches, down to the meanest valet of the chamber. This system was one of tallies out of the issue of ^5^^°^ the Exchequer, payable upon the revenues entered ™ent. on the Receipt side, but payable in fact at the Issue side itself. The strict definition of a tally is ex- emplified in the procedure of the ministers' accounts regulated by the Great Roll of the Treasurer of the Exchequer. Here the accountant, usually the sheriff, as the recognised farmer or collector of the ancient demesne revenues of the Crown, paid in certain sums to his account in so many tallies. These tallies TaUies. 1 86 History of the Customs. were square sticks of hard wood, nine or ten inches long, on which were carved, at the proper intervals of numeration — that is to say, in increasing value from right to left, according to the decimal reckon- ings of £ s. d. — notches cut horizontally to represent the figures of account. The tally was then split into two symmetrical halves, one half being kept at the Exchequer, and the other returned to the ac- countant ; the one being styled ' the tally,' and the other ' the counter-tally,' or ' foil.' Every time the sheriff paid money into the Receipt on his account, these two halves were brought together and the new entry recorded in fresh cuts across the split. The tallies were then separated and disposed as before ; but in the end, when they were compared at the conclusion of the officer's account, each half, when brought together, should correspond, notch for notch, and letter for letter, otherwise no such voucher was deemed genuine.* Object of It will be readily understood that this system of Cut Tallies , , ■ •, 11 . ^ , . identical cnecks was similar to the later practice of chiro- of inden- graphs. In fact, as early as the reign of Edward I., '"'^^' we find ' indented ' writings chiefly in vogue instead of wooden vouchers. This was in the case of another class of transactions, those, namely, between subject and subject in the interest or behalf of the Crown. Employ- Thus, when a collector of the Customs received a ment of Direct Tallies or « The Structure and employment of a Tally have been de- 'agafnst scribed at greater length in "An Introduction to the Study of the Crown.' the Pipe Rolls" (Pipe Roll Society), to which the reader can be conveniently referred. Of Assignments. 187 mandate to pay over his receipts to some foreign merchant, a creditor of the Crown, he was in- structed to give and receive an indented receipt, or voucher of payment. So, too, when Edward I. pushed the practice of seizing his subjects' \vool and other commodities to the extreme limits of his prerogative, the royal purveyors were accompanied on their iters by a scribe of the Exchequer, who made out to the reluctant vendor a Treasury bill; under the Great Seal, for repayment at so many months. The return of this order to the Receipt of the Exchequer was a voucher for the official charged with the repayment of this disguised loan, and, when verified by the tenor of his warrant, secured him a due allowance from the Treasurer. It will here be seen that there existed from very early times three species of talHes. One, the wooden tally, preserved, in the case of sheriffs' accounts, down to quite recent times ; another, in the shape of a chiro- graph, or formal receipt exchanged between the creditors of the Crown and the latter's agents ; and a third of a very different nature, resembling, in fact, a modern banker's draft, or letter of credit. It is this last with which we have here to deal, as illustrative Case in being the instrument in use in the negotiation of an point, assignment proper. Let us suppose that A represents a public creditor of the Crown in the fourteenth or fifteenth century ; that is, one who claims payment for services per- formed, or repayment of moneys expended in the interests of the State. Now there are two ways open to the Crown, or rather to the Exchequer 1 88 History of the Customs. officials, of repaying A. One is to hand him an order on the Treasurer in the shape of a writ of the Crown — a mandate, as it was technically called — * Pay to A so much out of the treasure remaining in from"'^^ your hands.' This was called an assignment in his Records qwu name. m point. Thus, in the ninth year of John, by the King's mandate, 10,000 marks were paid out of the Ex- chequer at Westminster to Robert de Brailbroc, custos of Northampton. Somewhat later Robert was ordered to pay over this sum directly to Engelard de Cigoinie, the King's creditor ; this being equiva- lent to an order on the Exchequer in favour of Engelard, Robert standing in loco Thesaurarii. In the twenty-second year of Henry III. the Crown issued a mandate to the collectors of the one-thirtieth for Bucks, authorizing them to levy the usual assessment upon the Prioress and Religious of Marlowe, in spite of a previous exemption. Soon after, the Crown issued another writ of Liberate to the Barons of the tion of fte Exchequer, directing the repayment to the convent Practice in ^f ^}jg iQa,n which it had thus made ad opus nostrum. Force in a -^ simple As- In later times we iind this mandate described as signment. ' The raising of a tally (or more than one) in the name of A.' Thus A receives £269 7s. 7d. in seven tallies raised in his own name to defray his charges incurred in the maintenance of a prisoner. A and B receive tallies payable to them two, and cashed by A , for the safe custody of a foreign castle. A , being treasurer of Calais, is paid by two tallies raised in his own name, and delivered to him by his own hand, according to the writ of Liberate existing Of Assignments. 189 amongst the mandates for that term. A receives ^£■96 in one tally raised in his own name out of the issues of the King's forests beyond Trent. This was a repayment for services rendered in war. A, Bishop of Ely, is repaid ^100 lent by him to the Crown at the receipt of the Exchequer. A" . "^ _ ^ _ Assigned There was this difference between a simple man- Tally equiva- date and the assignment of a tally, that the former lent to a was properly payable at sight, whilst the latter was cheque.' usually ' assigned ' upon some incoming source of revenue. In the former case, the payment recorded in the Issue Roll of cash to the order of ^4, or by his own hands, was simply balanced by the revenue in- coming at large as set down in the Receipt Roll ; whilst in the latter contingency, a special portion of the assessed revenue was notified as having been paid in discharge of A 's tally. On the other hand, let us take the case of another creditor or assignee of the Crown, whom we will like- wise, for the sake of clearness, denominate B. Second —.. - , . , . Case of a The Crown owes this person money, or desires to Double As- make an advance to him for the public service, but explained. instead of doing so by a simple mandate or tally in his own name, that is, payable to him at the Ex- chequer, an assignment is made to him in a more roundabout way. If £100 were due from the Crown, the latter raised a tally in the name of a third person (whom we will call C), payable from C to B. This agent, or intermediate assignee, as he really was, will be found in most cases represented by a farmer, custos, or collector of the revenues. In far the majority of cases, however, he was a customer of the Crown. C igo History of the Ctistoms. therefore receives the usual mandate, which is also his warrant, to pay over to B so much out of the proceeds of the Customs of his port, with a promise usually that the same shall be allowed him at the Exchequer on his account. To make the transaction complete, the Crown should likewise address a writ of computate to the Barons to authorize the allowance aforesaid ; but this missive was not always so employed. Instances Thus, in the sixth year of Henry III., the bailiffs Records of Scarborough are ordered to pay over the farm of their town to William de Harecourt, custos of the Castle there, which advance will be computed to them at the Exchequer. In the fifty-fifth year of Henry III., the royal warrant is issued to the justices oi Itinera, oi -which the same justices were accomptants. In the forty-fourth year of Edward III., an assignment is made to Henry de Sneyth, Clerk of the Wardrobe, by a tally containing £20 in the name of the Abbot of Cirencester — the latter being pro- bably a collector of the clerical subsidies. The same officer likewise receives an assignment made by two tallies containing 3^440 in the names of the collectors of the Customs in the port of Boston. These tallies are delivered to Sneyth in lieu of cash for his office. In the same year the Keeper of the Wardrobe receives ;f 200 by the hands of the collec- tors of Customs in the port of London authorized by the King's writ of Liberate. Third Case Sometimes the assignment was still further com- pUcated plicated. Thus B receives £28 6s. 8d. in two Of Assignments. 191 allies, raised in the name of C (the sheriff of^ssign- ^ ment jloucester), payable by D (the men of Bristol, (Double) ■ explained. hat IS, upon their firm). The reason of this double Lssignment is that though the sheriff was account- ible for the corpus of the county, the city of Bristol vas farmed by its own burgesses, who were the im- nediate bailees to the Crown. Again, the following Another ransaction is a most intricate one. B (the Abbot of Torre) is paid ;f6o in one tally, raised in the name )f C (collector of the one-tenth and one-fifteenth for Devon). This money is paid over accordingly by C .0 B, being an allowance for so much advanced by B to D, the Keeper of the Royal Mines in that county, "or the works of the said mine. In especial cases, :he warrant or mandate to the assignee was in the brm of a Privy Seal, likewise remaining of Record ' inter mandata de hoc termino." Thus ;£"i40 is raised by a tally in the name of the collectors of the Dort of London, payable to Edward de Balliol, King )f Scotland, upon his allowance. The following are also complex cases of assignment, ^"ggg^^j [n the first year of Edward II., the King makes an intricate ... Assign- issignment of the moneys remaining in the hands of ment. ;he collectors of the port of London, payable to the society of the Friscobaldi, then the principal creditors jf the Crown. At the same time, moreover, another nandate is issued to the collectors of Yarmouth, bidding them pay over the equivalent of this advance ;o the intermediate assignees. In the same reign, the nen of Newcastle made a loan of ^^633 6s. 8d., " ad legotia Regis inde expediendum." In satisfaction of 192 History of the Customs. this loan they received an assignment upon the farm of their own city, payable by dormant writ of A llocate at the Exchequer ; that is to say, they were allowed to repay themselves out of the moneys which should hereafter become due to the Exchequer. Direct Very rarely an assignment was made for the Advance . not by benefit of a creditor upon a receiver of the revenue. Way of Tally. which was not so entered in the Issue Roll, but only as a direct payment. As a matter of fact, too, it must be mentioned, assignments were frequently violated to suit the convenience of the Government. Thus we have cases in which foreign creditors of the Assign- Crown are unable to obtain payment of their credits ments to Public upon local receivers, by reason that the latter have Creditors dis- been commanded, by a special mandate from the Exchequer, to pay over their balance to the Trea- sury, notwithstanding any assignment in anticipa- tion. To remedy this breach of good faith, the Crown often addresses a strict injunction to the Barons to discontinue that practice forthwith. It may be easily supposed that the chief reason for the existence of this system of disbursing the public Conveni- revenue is to be found in the convenience to all ence of As- parties concemed which attended its employment. In a state of society when locomotion was both difficult and dangerous, it was a great advantage to the Crown to obviate the necessity of carrying the treasure collected at a distant port straight to the capital ; and so, too, it removed a hardship from the path of a public officer or royal creditor in that he was enabled to receive payment of the salary as principal Of Assignments. 193 due to him from the hands of a neighbouring tax- gatherer, without incurring the cost and labour of a journey to Westminster. For example, the journey of a collector of the instances Customs at a distant port to London, on the King's of this, business, was attended by no small ceremony. In the fifteenth year of Edward II. the collectors of Boston are ordered to convey certain treasure or wares to London, and a writ, or ' letter of safe con- duct,' has to be addressed to the Sheriff and other officers concerned to assist and protect the parties in question upon the road, and to furnish them with sufficient means of carriage, etc., at the expense of the Crown, to be defrayed by the collectors them- selves out of the treasure in their hands.* In the forty-fourth year of Edward III. the collectors of Boston were allowed £6 13s. 4d. for the expenses attending the carriage of certain treasure to London, ordered to be despatched on some pressing occasion by mandate of the Treasurer. The system in question, however, had also its dis- * ' Littera de conductu : ' Rex, etc. Cum dilecti servientes nostri Galfridus de Sutton et Ricardus de Franldyn nuper Collectores Custume lanarum, pellium lanutarum, et coriorum in portu de Sancto Botulfo et collectores ejusdem Custume nunc veniant de Sancto Botulfo usque ad Scaccarium nostrum apud Westmonasteriam cum quibus rebus nostris ibidem ducendis. Vobis mandamus quod cum iidem Galfridus et Ricardus et eorum sequaces per vos transitum fecerint, habere facietis eisdem . . . salvum et securum conductum et sufficiens cariagium sumptibus nostris, per manus . . . ipsorum . . . solvendis, etc' — Mich. Conimiss. 15 Ed. II., rot. 4. VOL. II. 33 194 History of the Customs. Abuse ot advantages. Thus it often happened that a military ment leader retained in the royal service by contract sealed by indenture, at a stipulated wage for himself and his followers, received an assignment upon some distant branch of the revenue, which assignment, by neglect, or by the non-execution of the contract, was never credited. Then after the lapse of years, it might be, or even after the death of the contractor, himself or his heirs were suddenly required to account for the sum assigned to them, though in effect that assignment had never been carried out.* In this case, the unfortunate assignee by proxy often had to pay up in full, without any hope of redress ; for in those days offices changed hands so rapidly that routine business of this kind was lost sight of in a comparatively short space of time, and the * ' Item pur ce que grandes meschiefs ont eschuz devaunt ces heures as diverses personnes qui furent retenuz ou assignez de servir nostra Sire le Roi par endentures ou sanz endentures . . . at par tiees causes rescaurant certeines summes des Deniers al resceite de I'Eschequier, ou aillours,! par assignment, queux sommes furent mys sur eux illoeques comme Deniers recauz par voie d'Apprest at currarent en damande en I'eschequer come dette clare ; at coma que las dites personnes ensi retenuz, lours heirs, etc., sovent ont demandez . . . d'accompter des tiels sommes . . . ils ne furent mye k ce receuz einz furent mjs a suer garant du Prive Seal ou de Grant Seal . . . d'accompter ovesque eux . . . Queux garants lour ont deniez sovent foitz par cause qa las Ministres . . . furent morts ou removez . . . devaunt qe tieles suites furent commencez ... a causa qe aucun garant voloit qe tiel accompt ne deust estre receu forsque soulement de la somme ensi receu d'Apprest, la ou greindre somme fuist due a reson, a giantz meschiefs de diverse personnes.' — Rot. Parl.^ iii. Of Assignments. 195 individual suffered for the negligence of the authori- ties. The mention of this circumstance leads us to the spec°es%f discussion of a point of financial procedure con- •^^^ue?"^'' nected with assignment, which has been already alluded to in the introduction to this work. In such a case as that designated above, the proper method was for the assignee to return his tally, whether it were raised in his own name or in the name of a receiver, into the upper Exchequer, to be cancelled with the foil. Thereupon the entry of payment by assignment or otherwise was struck through, and the following memorandum made on the right-hand margin of the Roll : ' Ista particula cancellatur, quia tallia per quam fit assignatio resti- tuitur et dampnatur cum folia.' Again, on the receipt side, the receiver in whose name the tally had been drawn was already credited with the assignment. Therefore, as no such call would now be made upon- him, this credit was likewise struck out, and a similar memorandum appended as in the Issue Roll. Thus in the forty-fourth year of Edward III., ^^^^^ William Strete received an assignment by a tally for !=="'= ;f 200, in the name of the collectors of Kingston-upon- Hull, upon the 4th of December. This tally was presently restored by Strete, and cancelled with the foil, the entry on the Issue Roll being also cancelled, and the usual memorandum entered in its stead. Besides this, it had happened, as usual, that the collectors stood already credited with this sum by 33—2 196 History of the Cttstoms. an entry in the corresponding Receipt Roll, which entry at the same time debited the amount to the true assignee by the marginal note to the line of receipt — 'On behalf of William Strete.' But as matters stood, Strete had returned the tally, and therefore no such payment would be made to him by the collectors as had been pre-supposed in the Receipt Roll. Nothing remained then but to cancel the latter entry, which was effected in the same way as in the Issue Roll, the result being res infecia. So far, the process in use, though somewhat intricate, is intelligible enough ; but it sometimes happens, frequently indeed in a later period, that the entire Remark- practice in point is considerably varied. For Variations instance, we find an entry of an assignment made in Practice, the usual way in the Issue Roll standing as though it had been made good. In the corresponding portion of the Receipt Roll, however, we find the entry of credit to the collector, or other receiver, cancelled, with the usual memorandum that the tally has been cancelled, but worded in this form, in the left-hand margin of the roll : ' Mutuum de B (the assignee) par tot tallias inferius cancellatas, sive dampnatas." This Now it may appear strange that the significance iiftherto of this proccss has never yet been satisfactorily ex- covered, plained — it must be presumed, on account of the want of attention that has always prevailed with regard to Exchequer finance. It will easily be per- ceived, however, by means of the foregoing state- Of Assignments. 197 ments, that the following is the true solution of the mystery. The Crown is in want of funds, and therefore ^''P'*??: ' tion of the prevails on the assignee to hand back his tally at the Mystery. Receipt of the Exchequer, where it is cancelled. At the same time, too, the entry in the Receipt Roll is also cancelled. But further, instead of the corre- sponding entry in the Issue Roll being cancelled to match, it is allowed to stand as though the payment had been effective. Thus the assignee is account- able for the advance, being only protected by the in- formal note respecting the mutuum advanced by him, whilst the collector is no longer credited with the sum in point, this being now available for the Crown's wants in some other quarter. For example, in the Issue Roll forty-four Edward instance in '^ ■' point. III. occurs an entry of the payment on the 22nd of January of £288 19s. 5d., in three tallies, to Simon Bochell, one of the creditors of the late Queen Philippa. In the corresponding entry on the Re- ceipt Roll, however, we find that these tallies, which have been drawn upon the collectors of Kingston- on-HuU, are cancelled in two instances, leaving only a balance of £88 igs. 5d. actually paid to Simon. We also find the memorandum of a imduum made in the case of these two items, in the manner above described, on the Receipt Roll. We must bear in mind, however, that such trans- Distinction , , . , , between a actions as these are not comparable with the 'Mutuum' vexatious tyranny displayed in the case of forced -Benevo- ' Benevolences,' but were a regular business transac- 198 History of the Customs. tion between the Crown and the Accountant. We even find the King himself a party to such expedients, sometimes as a lender, and sometimes as a borrower ; and other great persons, including the Queen of Denmark and Sweden, were content to waive their immediate claims upon occasion in the interests of the Public Service.* * For examples of Assignments for the King's Household, etc., in Tudor times, see Appendix to Volume I. APPENDIX. EXTRACTS FROM RETURNS ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE CUSTOM-REVENUE, 1303-1660. Appendix. 20I t:3 00 o 'W s^ « s -« fc) N CO o ^ 5? KH o 5* ^ c> J M ^ H ^ s ^ ej ^ s < ■^' \o "t M y^ en a« N o\oo « H -^ CO IN ■^ . ^0 VO 00 vo in tN O»00 ON -^ 0^\0 CO H vo tJ- IH HHHMMHHH H c^ ■<*■ mo lo t ., m O M fl H 00 t-s C» ■^ O^OO M N N 10 H « 00 0\vO OnO\0 hoO cot~sO\ ■^H CI H W ■^"^w COlOTj-CT •saoavHD ^ H en t^s c>o ooHiOoioeiLo -Hns H H H M '.:'.','. • -* lOvO Ti-v5 Th « vo CO ts -^ O H (^ loco H 00 o\ U3 :i> MH HWM WHH W ^<)l>.iO N « M "^ inoo HOO Tt-n 'd-'^o^b-o 1 c4 'tgco =^■^0 M J . tN.\0 VD H H vo N CO n ^svo in '^ "jico 00 w Tj-iiT^tN.H H iriN OnO\ CO ■'j- 1000 -*■ « ■^ o* o\ 1000 00 «0 QvO PI 0"^C1'0 CfJCN ^ IT) ^ "1 » lOCOHHHMO H«CO vO 0\ H Csvo Ov W 0^ w 0\ O S o (,■ lO tNy3 rt- H COOO 0^ CO 00 CO ON CO M U-lOO t^ CO VO M ■* « N ^s'0 ts M 00 w IOONO\I>.CO« -^OvO lOH CO sjSxS-vg-g-f^ H t^covo onovo 000 COl>.0\ 1-4 1 w ■^ IN tM % 1300 ^•^o . \o -d- ^ oin tJ-vO tJ- H 00 N O^OO (v. I>. 0\ cj MiO'^'^cocnH tj-h m w -] . CO txy3 M ov 00 Tt-N ISC1C0 P) fOOmcO 'A m -"d- m CO so tN.00 w 0^\0 -i-5 •§?-S;vSo ^ : 5: . 0' . : : . : 6 ""S':'g„- S5-^°od^oo- u s,-g>^-gz . I, „, May I Mich, 2 March Mich, 3 Vlich, 4 Mich, 5 Jan, 5 Mich, 6 Mich, 7 Mich, 8 March < Apr, to Mich, ich. 32-3 to Mi ich. 33-4 to 24 June 34 to Mi ich. 34-5 to 30 Dec. 35 Edw I Edw, I ich. to 31 [une I to ich. to 31 Apr. 2 to ich. 3 to ich. 4 to ich, to 31 Feb, 5 to ich. 6 to ich. 7 to ich, to If hSSS-Sh Sh'ShSSShSSS I 202 History of the Customs. TABLE II. A ccounts of the Collectors of the A ncient Custom and Subsidy in i the Port of London from 32 Edward I. to 2 Henry IV. I Apr. 32 to Mich. 32-3 Edvv. I. Mich. 32-3 to Mich. 33-4 do. Mich. 33-4 to 24 June 34 do. 24 June 34 to Mich. 34-5 do. Mich. 34-s to 30 Nov. 35 do. I Dec. 35 Edw. I. to Mich. 1 Edw. II Mich, to 31 May i do. I June I to Mich. 2 do. Mich, to 31 Mar. 2 do. I Apr. 2 to Mich. 3 do. Mich. 3 to Mich. 4 do. Mich. 4 to Mich. 5 do. ..^ Mich, to 31 Jan. 5 do. I Feb. s to Mich. 6 do. ]..'i Mich. 6 to Mich. 7 do. ,,\ Mich. 7 to Mich. 8 do. .']] Mich, to 15 Mar. 8 do. ]" 16 Mar. 8 to 20 Oct. 9 do. \'_ 20 Oct. to 18 Apr. 9 do. "' 19 Apr. to Mich. 10 do \^_ Mich. 10 to Mich. 11 do. Mich. II to Mich. 12 do. ]." Mich. 12 to Mich. 13 do. i]' Mich. 13 to Mich. 14 do. ''' Mich. 14 to Mich. 15 do. ,', Mich. IS to Mich. i5 do. .", Mich, to Easter 16 do. "'_ Easter i6 to 25 Aug. 17 do... 26 Aug. to Mich. 17 do. , Mich. 17 to Mich. 18 do. ... Mich. 18 to Mich. 19 do. .'. Mich. 19 to Mich. 20 do. ]" Mich. 20 Ed. II. to 4 Feb I Edw. III. ... ;.. 4 Feb. to Mich, i do. Mich, to 25 Dec. i do. !!! 26 Dec. I to Mich. 2 do. Mich to 25 Dec. 2 do. "' 26 Dec. 2 to 22 Apr. 3 do. !.! WOOL. RATE WOOL- FELLS. < « LEATHER RATE. £ s. d. S. d. £ s. d. f. rf. £ s. d. s. d. 1501 9l 6 8 57 15 I 6 J 8 7i 13 4 4845 IS li ,, 55 3 "J ,, 3 II 264S 17 84 ,, 62 II oj ,, 2 6 6| ][ 2417 16 34 ,, 2 18 Si ,, '\ 713 4 s4 '> 2 g ij -' 10 9l „ 4156 ej ,, 64 10 10^ „ 7 5 8 ' 1791 10 ,, 35 18 o| 7 if 2894 I gj H 18 5 5 J, " 1672 13 I M II 14 6i ,j " 2930 18 7 18 14 44 ,, 048 '* 4022 19 6 24 19 64 ,, 12 ii| " 4647 19 gi 22 9 4 ,, 15 8 '• 1095 18 2J 4 18 2 ^ >> 3807 18 94 14 14 6 " 5352 13 14 29 18 3 2| " 4718 9 9 37 6 7 " 2931 3 10 10 19 4 " i 2892 8 o\ 18 19 7J 'e 4i 13 4 " ., 1289 7 6 8 8i *' 2128 10 22 4 7j 12 10^ '* 3918 16 9J 21 17 10 029^ " 3908 5 44 2 16 2 >» 3270 16 9J I 4 2i " 4749 5 7i 4 2 74 II xo\ ** 4255 13 8J I 12 s4 IS 2| " 3283 8 8J 6 6 6j " 1976 II 64 8 gj 11 1804 18 24 13 3 2 l| " 743 3 7 9I " 3672 7 54 2 2 oi >» 427s ig 104 8 13 Hi 10 3f " 3466 10 1 3 oi 14 10 ,, 1866 15 i| 9 6J 149 2497 19 si 17 4i 19 10 386 13 4 7J 13 4 " 2IOI 2 4 206 216 669 3 I i5 7 '* 1209 8 8 I 6 10 >i Appendix. 203 TABLE II.— continued. DATE. WOOL. RATE. WOOL FELLS < LEATHER KATE. £ '■ d. s. d. £ ^- d s.d. £ s. d. J. d. 22 Apr. to 29 May 3 Edw. 6 8 Ill 171 3 10 2| 6 8 30 May to Mich. 3 do. 1956 12 10 8 9J _, Mich. 3 to Mich. 4 do. 3658 6 2 2 104 Mich, to 14 Nov. 4 do. 257 4 94 [I 15 Nov. to 11 Dec. 4 do. ... 249 2 10 9i 12 Dec. to 24 Dec. 4 do. 49 IS 4I 25 Dec. 4 to 22 May 5 do. ... 1472 6 s 2 18 Si 22 May to Mich. 5 do. 1917 14 ij io| Mich. 5 to Mich. 5 do. 4313 13 4 S 3i 17 9| 13 4 M ich. 7 to Mich. 8 do. 3850 9 9 12 2 2f f) Mich. 8 to Mich. 9 do. 4499 9 24 S II si 13 4 Mich. 9 to 24 June 10 do. ... 2809 I 7 2i 24 June to Mich. 10 do. 2i66 9 3 18 4 Mich. lo to 21 Aug. II do. ... 2847 18 8 14 I 21 Aug. to Mich. 11 do. Mich. II to Mich. 12 do. ... 1286 19 9 10 16 9 10 18 4i ,, Mich. 12 to Mich. 13 do. ... 983 7 8i 9 16 6 S 4 )t Mich. 13 to Mich. 14 do. ... 4563 5 6i 69 17 Si 14 S ,, Mich. 14 to Mich. 15 do. ... 1800 16 II 70 18 zi 17 4 8| ,, Mich, to 23 Jan. i5do. 24 Jan. to Mich. i6 do. 402 s 7J 37 2 4I 7 2 ,, 1378 17 14 52 18 Si 12 II i| ,, Mich, to 30 Nov. i6 do. "94 3 4 9 14 8 I I 2j ,, 30 Nov. 16 to Mich. 17 do. ... 1661 14 104 6S 13 oi 6 4 4i ,, Mich. 17 to 20 July 18 do. ... 1750 17 of 36 3 2 I 10 8i ■■ 4 Nov. 25 to Mich. 26 do. ... 2869 19 9 105 II 9j 2 9l „ Mich. 26 to Mich. 27 do. ... 2690 16 3| 43 II Si ,, f Mich. 27 to Mich. 28 do 7598 6 8| 2og 16 7i 4l ,, Mich. 28 to Mich. 29 do. ... 4890 16 s 131 13 4* Mich, to 16 Oct. 29 do. 234 II 2 8 5| 16 Oct. 29 to Mich. 30 do. ... 4909 4 lOj 130 6 Mich. 30 to Mich. 31 do. 6267 17 9i 146 13 3i 3 4| ,, Mich. 31 to Mich. 32 do. 6067 12 6| IS4 8 i I S 7i „ Mich, to 18 Jan. 32 do. 1533 15 II 31 X 18 Jan. 32 to Mich. 33 do... 26197 16 S 50 1 198 2 6 50 100 Mich. 33 to Mich. 34 do. 39732 I si 1570 16 4 2 ,, Mich. 34 to 9 Apr. 35 15696 10 si 413 II ,, 9 Apr. to Mich. 35 do. 14874 2 10 481 19 10 " * No Returns from July 18 to 4 November 25 Edward III. t The New Custom collected with the Old from 12 Nov. 27, Edw. III. J The Old and New Customs and Subsidy included from this date. 204 History of the Customs. TABLE II. — continued. Date. Customs Rates. AND Subsidy. WOOL AND WOOLFELLS. LEATHER. £ '■ d. s. d. J. d. S. d. s. d. Mich. 3S to Mich. 36 Edw. III.* 55307 3 9i 50 100 9 Feb. to Mich. 37 do. 19864 17 rt 26 8 & 30 S3 4 & 60 Mich. 37 to Mich. 38 do. 21014 13 ,, ,, II I Mich. 38 to Mich. 39 do. 35363 19 6i J, ,, ,, , Mich. 39 to Mich. 40 do. 38530 S 6i 46 8 & 50 93 4 c& 100 Mich. 40 to Mich. 41 do. 35863 19 o| ,, ,, II 1 Mich, to 8 Dec. 41 do. 2733 19 oi ,, ,, 8 Dec. 41 to 8 Aug. 42 do 20909 17 sS „ II 1 8 Aug. to Mich. 42 do. 3000 14 If ,, ,, .1 1 Mich. 42 to Mich. 43 do 33288 IS II J 43 4 & 46 8t 1, Mich. 43 to Mich. 44 do 26673 I ^0^ [SO o]J& S3 4 [too o]J & 106 g Mich. 44 to Mich. 45 do 37065 18 4 Mich. 45 to Mich. 46 do 34892 7 si [..S [..S Mich. 46 to Mich. 47 do 28991 3 7 Mich, to 11 Jan. 4j.do. II Jan. 47 to 2bFeb. 10219 2 oi 48 do. 4167 4 9 26 Feb. to Mich. 48 do. 13426 18 6 Mich. 48 to 26 July 49 do 20464 19 o| 26 July to IS Nov. 49 do. III09 5 2t Mich. 49 to 16 Oct. 50 do. ,~! 25300 9 3i ,, 16 Oct. so to 21 June SI do. 15143 si ,, 22 June to 24 Aug. i Rich. II 211 16 loj ,, 24 Aug. I to Mich. 2 do. 44819 15 7 ,, ,. '§ Mich. 2 to Mich. 3 do. 23781 8 3I ,, M • Mich. 3 to Mich. 4 do. 23180 7 6^ ,, ,, Mich. 4 to Mich. 5 do. 23062 19 I ,, M Mich, s to Mich. 6 do. 26743 14 7| ,, ,, Mich. 6 to Mich 7 do. 14346 I 2 ■■ " L^ * Totals of the Old and New Custom and Subsidy amalgamated from this date. + 240 woolfells to the sack from this date. X Aliens only export. § Separate Account taken for Custom and Subsidy by special order of ParUament. Appendix. 205 TABLE II. — continued. Customs Rates. Date. AND Subsidy. WOOL AND WOOLFELLS. LEATHER. 1 £ s. d. s. d. s. d. S. d s. d. Mich. 7 to Mich. 8 Ric. II 23598 3 24 50 & 53 4 100 o & 106 8 Mich. 8 to Mich 9 do.. 15312 14 iij ,, Mich, g to Mich. 10 do. 17047 16 3J 49 & 53 4 98 o & 106 8 Mich, to 20 Jan. 10 do. 10241 10 5 ,, 20 Jan. 10 to 24 June 11 do. 9394 17 3i 11 ». ,, 24 June to Mich. 11 do. 4069 6 si t» t. ^^ Mich, to I Dec. 11 do. 4946 19 I^ M 1 i ,] I Dec. to 4 Feb. 11 do. 4572 9 loi If >. ^^ 4 Feb. to All Souls 12 do 8716 7 6 5o» & 53 4 100 &. 106 8 All Souls 12 to AH Souls 13 do 16965 6 2.\ All Souls to Purification 13 do. S2&7 12 8| Purification 13 to 30 Nov. 14 do 13944 3 44 30 Nov. to 3 Jan. 14 do. 3 Jan. 14 to 8 Dec. 15 do 12868 II 5 J 8 Dec. 15 to 23 July 16 Rich. U. ... ... 14468 10 4 [..]t [..] 23 July 16' to Mich. 17 do 21503 8 nj Mich. 17 to Mich. 18 do 15726 5 4j Mich. 18 to Mich. 19 do. 15987 9 6 Mich. 19 to Mich. 20 do 12757 19 7i Mich, to 17 Feb. 20 do. 3599 17 Feb. 20 to Mich. 21 do 12182 I 5J Mich, to 16 June 21 do. 8328 18 4 ".t & 60 "0 ',', & 120 16 June 21 to Mich. 22 do 4706 10 4 Mich. 22 Ric. IT. to 12 Oct. I Hen. IV.... 15615 18 7J 12 Oct. to Mich. I do. 13234 2 I Mich. I to 18 Nov. 2 do 1783 5 10 ..§ [..1 18 Nov. to 4 June 2 do. 6345 I 5i ..§ * From II June 12 Ric. II. X From 24 Jan. 21 Ric. 2. t Aliens only export. § No aliens export. 206 History of the Custo7ns. TABLE III. — Analysis of the New Custom in the Port of London from i6 to 20 Edward II. Wool. WOOLFELLS. 1 Leather. Total. CUSTOM. RATE. CUSTOM. RATE. 'custom. RATE. 20 July to 27 Oct, 16 Edward II. ... 27 Oct. 16 to Mich. 17 171 I II J. d. 3 4 £ ^- d. S. d. £ s.d. J. d. £ s. d 171 I II do Mich. 17 to Mich. i8 S07 19 si " loj 3 4 I S " 6 8 509 6 3 do Mich. 18 to 22 Sept. lo 906 5 I if " IlJ " 4 IS " 911 2 10 do 22 Sept. 19 to Mich. 883 IS 8 ,•• 2 11 2j .. ji 7 5 887 14 sJ 20 do Mich, to I Dec. 20 do. 974 I 4 119 12 ir^ ,, 5 41 .. 19 S ... 1 - 97S S "i ... 1119 12 ii| EXPORTED. Date. Cloths Dyed in Grain. u Parti-Co- loured Cloths. custom. 5 £ '■ d. 20 July to 27 Oct. 16 Ed- ward II. 27 Oct. 16 to Mic. 17 do. Mic. 17 to Mic. 18 do. Mic. 18 to 22 Sep. 19 do. 22 Sep. 19 to Mic. 20 do. Mic. to I Dec. 20 do. 20 July to 27 Oct. 16 Ed- ward II. ... 27 Oct. 16 to Mic. 17 do. Mic. 17 to' Mic. 18 do. Mic. 18 to 22 Sep. 19 do. 22 Sep. 19 to! Mic. 20 do. Mic. to I Dec. 20 do. [ o 14 £ s. d. s.d. Undyed Cloths. £ Poundage. Wax custom. < J. cus- tom. a < a s. £ ^- d. £s.d. 14 3 ^ io5 117 13 8 14 81 16 7 H 6 13 4 Total. IMPORTED. 2 3 2 6 2 18 o 7 19 o 10 17 6 850 3 19 -6 090 I 6 760 I 326 10 .. 391 lo 3 .. 4SS 19 10 .. 231 15 75 7 ■• 8 9 O; 840 600 145 12 6^ 90 II 8 6 13 4 25 o 9 52 2 3 40 10 6 19 18 6 160 £ ^- d. 14 o o 106 o o [17 13 o 8 14 81 i6 7 8J 6 13 4 IS IS o?i 369 3 9 462 13 o 652 13 loj 349 2 8 84 9 4 Appendix. 207 -I N o IS s o < a. s 'S' s •^ r«i P*. •aoavHo •^i cow ^4m tN WW r 01 "V ■ff CO ts« -ans *^ ^ "A « •-< H WHO S COW Hw "It •^* (^ Ti-ioio M 'A CO M Ov in ■^ CI « VO «■ s? CO 000 b3 "«3 00 w H K <: \o S-' « < M 1 ON 00 IN vO 10 co-^ b cq M M H a H H On 000 ** ■"t 1 < t-i" CO M H 10 C4 VO ■-h to CO CO n ^ 5: H Tf W m Th n « w HI "^ r*5 PW r*N =g, MW r-H^TW H CO w 00 00 CO CO H H IH M s? -H- M -i- H M 10 H N vn C^ lom ^s J M 1 1 CO = ' : : '- - = = : : : « ^s ^O t^ w in 01 M ^s 10 Lei -a- 10 w « ^s tN. ON ^ VO CO ■^00 ^^ IH ON 1: CO CO 'd- =0 \o CO CO M CO H J3 -'jd :S :,ri : > : : >^ ■43 '.^ : 6 d Apr. 32 to Mic 32-3 Edw. I ich. 32-3 to Mic 33-4 do. ... ich. 33.4 to 24 Ju 34 do. ... June 34 to Mic 34-Sdo. ... ich. 34-s to 30 No 3Sdo. Dec. 35 Edw. I. Mich. I Edw. II. ich. to 31 M 1 Edw. II.... June I to Mic 2 do. ich. to ^i Mar s : 3 do. ich. 3 to Mich. 4 d ich. 4 to Mich, sd 1 H % S « § H § H % M §s 1 208 History of the Customs. TABLE VJ .—continued. EXPORTED. Date. Cloths Dyed in Grain. BULK. RATE. CUSTOM. I Apr. 32 to Mich. 32-3 Edw. I. Mich. 32-3 to Mich, 33-4 do Mich. 33-4 to 24 June 34 do 24 June 34 to Mich. 34-Sdo, ' ... Mich. 34-5 to 30 Nov. 35 do I Dec. 35 Edw. I. to Mich. I Edw. II. ... Mich, to 31 May i Edw. II I June I to Mich. 2 do. Mich, to 31 March 2 do I Apr. 2 to Mich. 3 do. Mich. 3 to Mich. 4 do. Mich. 4 to Mich. 5 do. I Apr. 32 to Mich. 32-3 Edw. I Mich. 32-3 to Mich, 33-4 do Mich. 33-4 to 24 June 34do 24 June 34 to Mich. 34-5 do Mich. 34-s to 30 Nov. 3Sdo I Dec. 35 Edw. I. to Mich. 1 Edw. ir. ... Mich, to 31 May do. ... I June I to Mich. 2 do. Mich, to 31 March 2 do. I Apr. 2 to Mich. 3 do. Mich. 3 to Mich. 4 do. Mich. 4 to Mich. 5 do. Cls. "i 5l 13 4 s. d. 2 o L i. d. 130 o II 6 160 080 44 343i 7Si II 54 45S 31 20 3 IMPORTED. 4 8 34 7 7 10 Parti-coloured Cloths. BULK. rate, custom, 580 4 II 6 320 2 19 o 200 060 o 16 Cls. I9i 8i 7i 3? J. d. I 6 £ s- d. I 9 7 o 12 4i O II 3 057 030 046 254 I 6 448i " 109 ■• 34 .. 60 .. 2Ioi 200 53 69 54l .. 24 •• 19 I o 33 12 44 8 3 6 280 4 10 o 10 4i o o 19 6 2 I* I 16 o Appendix. 209 TABLE \S .—continued. EXPORTED. Undyed Cloths. CUSTOM. Cls. 160J' I 694 231 ■ 7 I s- d. 803 7 14 ij 396 Poundage. i64oJ 6084J 2681 491 109s S257| S933S 13264 36354 3171A 233I 070 060 030 070 82 9 304 4 9 134 I 6 24 II S4 IS 262 17 296 13 66 6 181 IS 158 II II 13 291 18 10 I 6 6 9 4 ^ ^- d. 1561 3 4 5135 II 4 20S4 13 4 73S 3 I 773 19 4 3850 2 2 2490 9 7 1432 13 4 2046 17 6 1219 6 II 1102 9 II 2851 o o 8496 2 7 22406 8 4 11064 2 2 43°S 4 3 4407 9 10 21021 4 i4 18539 6 8' 7988 8 10 11314 8 10 10022 I 10 5694 16 10 18S0S o 10 (f.i £ s. d. I 3 i 19 10 3 .. 64 3 io4 ,. 26 ■ I ..93 ..; 9 13 ,,48 2 Wax. 31 2 17 18 „' 25 II 8- „' IS 4 10 .. 13 IS 7i ,, 3S 12 loj IMPORTED. £ s- d. Total. 106 4 27S 17 138 o 53 16 SS I 10 262 IS o 231 14 10 99 17 ol 141 8 7I 125 3 9: 71 S 8] 23s I 3; S68| io37i 65i 473 239i 736} ioo6f 222 ii3i 77 76s 19 10 3 51 17 9 33 I 7 9 II 19 9 36 16 SO 6 II 2 o 22 II 5 13 3 17 38 S 64 3h £ s- d. 30 3 3l 73 3 °i 31 8 s4 9 12 114 9 13 9l 49 13 o 31 3 o 19 o 44 25 16 6J 15 1° iii 13 18 8 36 o 4:j 231 4 3; 703 o 6J 320 17 6J 84 S 131 14 lOj q86 12 n S96 17 9i 181 5 .3if 353 17 III 295 II 3i 87 2 6 567 17 oi VOL. II. 34 2IO History of the Customs. TABLE V. A ccounts of the Collectors of the New Custom in the Port of London from 32 Edward I. to i Henry IV. DATK. CUSTOM. I April 32 to Mich. 32-3 Edward I. , Mich. 33 to Mich. 33-34 do. Mich. 34 to 24 June 34 do 24 June 34 to Mich. 34-5 do. Mich. 35 to 30 Nov. 35 do — I Dec. 35 Edward I. to i Mich. Edward II. Mich, to 31 May i do. 1 June I to Mich. 1-2 do. ... Mich, to 31 March 2 do. I April 2 to Mich. 2-3 do. ... Mich. 3 to Mich. 3-4 do Mich. 4 to Mich. 4-5 do 20 July to 27 Oct. 16 do. ... 27 Oct. 16 to Mich. 16-17 do Mich. 17 to Mich. 17-18 do. Mich. 18 to 22 Sept. 18-19 do. ••■ ■•■ 22 Sept 19 to Mich. 19-20 do. Mich, to I Dec. 20 do. 1 Dec. 20 Edward II. to 29 Jan. i Edward III 29 Jan. to Mich, i Edward III. 26 Oct. I to Mich. 2 do Mich. 2 to 2 Feb. 3 do 3 Feb. to Mich. 3 do. Mich. 3 to 1 1 May 4 do 1 1 May to Mich. 4 do Mich. 4 to 12 May 5 do 12 May to Mich. 5 do Mich, to 28 Oct. 5 do. 28 Oct. 5 to 2 Feb. 6 do 2 Feb. to Mich. 6 do. Mich. 6 to Mich. 7 do Mich. 7 to Mich. 8 do. ... ... Mich. 8 to Mich. 9 do ;£ s. d. 770 ir II 1902 12 io|- 939 14 4| 678 8 II 307 4 10 1397 19 loi S51 4 I 825 9 4^ 681 18 ^i 838 17 H 698 10 9i i3.S« 2 0- 200 16 il;f 984 10 149 1 8 10 I.S49 2 M 1340 16 3i 210 15 7i 31° 7 11 364 4 7| 506 12 loi 231 i6 10 621 10 2 323 19 64 231 18 4i- 423 6 3i 330 5 si 27 I 9i 223 6 ij 680 12 si 1094 15 6 1136 s iif 1027 18 oi Appendix. 21 I DATE. Mich. 9 to Mich. lo Edward Mich. lo to 12 Feb. ii do. 1 2 Feb. to Mich. 1 1 do. Mich. II to Mich. 12 do. Mich. 12 to Mich. 13 do. Mich. 13 to 8 March 14 do. 8 March to Mich. 14 do. Mich. 14 to Mich. 15 do. Mich. 15 to Mich. 16 do. Mich. 16 to 30 July 17 do. * * * 4 Nov. 25 to Mich. 26 do. Mich. 26 to Mich. 27 do. Mich, to 12 Nov. 27 do. Mich. 28 to Mich. 29 do. Mich. 29 to Mich. 30 do. Mich. 30 to Mich. 31 do. Mich. 31 to Mich. 32 do. Mich. 32 to Mich. 33 do. Mich. 33 to Mich. 34 do. Mich. 34 to 12 July 35 do. 12 July to Mich. 35 do. Mich. 35 to Mich. 36 do. Mich. 36 to Mich. 37 do. Mich. 37 to 19 June 38 do 19 June to Mich. 38 do. Mich. 38 to 6 July 39 do. 6 July to Mich. 39 do. Mich. 39 to 30 Jan. 40 do. 30 Jan. to Mich. 40 do. Mich, to 19 Nov. 40 do. 19 Nov. 40 to Mich. 41 do. Mich. 41 to Mich. 42 do. Mich. 42 to Mich. 43 do. Mich. 43 to 31 May 44 do. 31 May to 8 June 44 do. 8 June to Mich. 44 do. Mich. 44 to Mich. 45 do. Mich. 45 to Mich. 46 do. Mich, to 24 Dec. 46 do. III. CUSTOM. £ s. d. 603 14 6|- 18 3 I 85 12 8^ 567 o 4J- 117 2 \\\ 58 19 ot 115 6 ii| 227 18 6| 197 2 4f 329 10 3 * * * 416 10 3f 1851 I sJ 1006 12 IT 314 10 if 432 17 2I 484 2 9 466 17 o| 621 II \\ 547 I 6f 423 10 6f 28 17 of 69s IS i°i 659 o 10 458 2 311 10 504 16 308 13 20I 15 664 O 13s 7 970 7 998 4 931 13 II 681 O 2| 287 2 8^ 1009 I i.\\ 12 II 4 6-1 276 II 8 34—2 \ 4f li o Of 3f 9 8i 9^ 7i 212 History of the Customs. DATE. 25 March to 23 April 49 Edward 23 April to 24 Aug. 49 do. . . . 24 Aug. to I Oct. 49 do. I Oct. 49 to 20 Feb. 50 do 20 Feb. 50 to 21 June i Richard 22 June to Mich, i do. Mich. I to Mich. 2 do. Mich. 2 to Mich. 3 do. Mich. 3 to Mich. 4 do. Mich, to I March 4 do. 1 to 2 7 March 4 do. . . . 27 March 4 to Mich. 5 do. ... Mich. 5 to Mich. 6 do. Mich, to 5 Dec. 6 do. 5 Dec. 6 to Mich. 7 do. Mich. 7 to 3 July 8 do. 3 July 8 to Mich. 9 do. Mich. 9 to Mich. 10 do Mich, to 15 March 10 do. ... 15 March 10 to Mich. 11 do. Mich. II to Mich. 12 do. ... Mich, to 25 May 12 do. 25 May 12 to 2 Feb. 13 do.... 2 Feb. 13 to Mich. 14 do. ... Mich. 14 to Mich. 15 do. ... Mich. 15 to 8 Aug. 16 do. ... 8 Aug. 16 to Mich. 17 do. ... Mich. 17 to Mich. 18 do. ... Mich. 18 to Mich. 19 do. ... * * H= * 10 Dec. 20 to Mich. 21 do Mich, to 19 May 21 do. 19 May 21 to Mich. 22 do. ... Mich. 22 to 6 Oct. I Henry IV. III. II. CUSTOM. £ s. d. * * * 184 17 loj 244 4 \\ 52 13 6i 271 16 "J 362 I of 302 7 ^\ 996 16 I if 889 15 si 832 8 7i 347 14 8 79 12 61 445 5 4 929 12 6f 170 S I 603 II. I; : 773 17 li- 1087 14. st 1014 16 II 560 15 6-i 506 10 sJ 1008 15 xo\ 983 12, I 951 61: 825 14 5 1291 18 4 1441 17. 8i 2130 2 8J- 1703 II loi I9S3 8 8i * * . * 1346 12 7 672 10 3 1031 7. 9i 1371 8. 2 Appendix. 213 TABLE VI. Value of the Customs paid by Aliens from 12 Nov. 27 to Mich. 37 Edward III. DATE. 12 Nov. 27 to Mich. 28 Edward III Mich. 28 to Mich. 29 do. Mich. 29 to Mich. 30 do. Mich. 30 to Mich. 31 do. Mich. 31 to Mich. 32 do. Mich, to 18 Jan. 32 do. 18 Jan. 32 to Mich. 33 do. Mich. 33 to Mich. 34 do. Mich. 34 to 9 April 35' do. 9 April to Mich. 35 do. Mich. 35 to Mich. 36 do. 9 Feb. to Mich. 37 do.f * New Custom on Wools alone collected separately from the other branches of that Custom, and accounted for by the Collectors of the Ancient Custom by Writ dated 12 Noir., 27 Ed. III. t Denizens forbidden to export after Mich. 37 Edw. III. Licensed only, from this date. CUSTOM. £ s. d. 3376 17 7i 2516 II 3f 2638 6 4-i 3207 17 7-} 3112 2 sf 792 10 •^\ 1746 8 6" 2648 14 9-^ 1046 7 9|- 991 II of 3587 16 6 6359 6 6-1 214 History of the Customs. TABLE VII. Bulk of the Wool and Woolfdls Exported by Alien Merchants, from Mich. 37 Edward III. to Mich. 2 Richard II. Date. Wool. Wool-fells. BULK. RATE. BULK. RATE. Mich. 37 to Mich. 38 Ed- ward III.* Sks. els. 4206 19 s. d. 30 300 Flls. 64206 S. d. 30 Mich. 38 to Mich. 39 do. 1848 i5i ,, S2S74 „ Mich. 39 to Mich. 40 do. 4236 14 so 40583 SO Mich. 40 to Mich. 41 do. 429s Si ,, 66204 ,, Mich, to 8 Dec. 41 do. 486 26 „ 2289 ,, 8 Dec. 41 to 8 Aug. 42 do. ... 2397 22^ ,, 1333S ,, 8 Aug. 42 to Mich. 42 do. ... 583 " ,, Mich. 42f to Mich. 43 do. ... 8013 26 46 8 32014 45 8 Mich. 43 to Mich. 44 do. Mich, 44 to Mich. 45 do. [Aliens only e-xport.! 3516 SI S3 4 22284 S3 4 Mich. 45 to Mich. 46 do. Mich. 46 to Mich. 47 do. [Aliens only export.] 4967 24i 1* 35888 Mich, to II Jan...^}>-do. 1512 4 M I5S7 ,, 26 Feb. to Mich^^ do. 641 134 ,, 4748 ,, Mich. 48 to 26 July 49 do. ... 2893 46i ,, 20316 ,, 26 July to 15 Nov.^^do. 3124 4oi ,, 38001 „ /^H 15 Nov. 49 to 16 Oct;_so do... loiS 33 M 7361 .. ^P^ 16 Oct. 50 to 21 June 51 do... 121 31 .. 46485 .. (h)^ 22 June to 24 Aug. i Ric. II. 1208 284 " iSoi .. IV7 24 Aug. I to Mich.^_2_do.+ ... 2080 7 ■■ * Chiefly aliens export from this date during remainder of the reign. \ 240 fells rated as a sack from this date. j Old and New Customs and Subsidy collected separately, by writ 10 Oct. 2 Ric. II Appendix. 215 TABLE VIII. Year-totals of the Ancient Custom and Subsidy in the Port of London, 1304-1401. DATE. I April 32 to Mich. 32-3 Edward I. Mich. 33 to Mich. 33-4 do. Mich. 34 to Mich. 34-5 do. Mich. 35 Edward I. to Mich, r Edward II Mich. I to Mich. 1-2 do. Mich. 2 to Mich. 2-3 do. Mich. 3 to Mich. 3-4 do. Mich. 4 to Mich. 4-5 do. Mich. 5 to Mich. 5-6 do. Mich. 6 to Mich. 6-7 do. Mich. 7 to Mich. 7-8 do. Mich. 8 to 20 Oct. 8-9 do. 20 Oct. 9 to Mich. 9-10 do. Mich. 10 to Mich. lo-ii do Mich. II to Mich. 11- 12 do, Mich. 12 to Mich. 12-13 do Mich. 13 to Mich. 13-14 do Mich. 14 to Mich. 14-15 do, Mich. 15 to Mich. 15-16 do Mich. 16 to Mich. 16-17 do Mich. 17 to Mich. 17-18 do Mich. 18 to Mich. 18-19 do, Mich. 19 to Mich. 19-20 do. Mich. 20 Edward II. to Mich, i Edward III Mich. I to Mich. 2 do. 3 do. 4 do. 5 do. 6 do. 2 to Mich. 3 to Mich. Mich Mich Mich. 4 to Mich Mich. 5 to Mich is a a- Mich. 7 to Mich. 8 do. Mich. 8 to Mich. 9 do. Mich. 9 to Mich. 10 do. Mich. 10 to Mich. 11 do. Mich. II to Mich. 12 do, CUSTOM. 1559 4904 5314 4944 4740 4634 4048 4671 4923 5382 4755 5853 3447 3940 3911 3272 4754 4258 3289 4533 3674 4294 3468 4368 2492 4010 3658 3949 4314 s. d. Si I I 6 5 2^ II ii| 4 9i 19 8 74 4 16 17 16 17 si 6i 5 3 I Si 7 io| 6 i| II 7i 4 5 9 oi 3 lof 16 Si 3851 2 if 4505 14 o 4977 14 9i 2848 12 9 1308 14 io| 2l6 History of the Customs. DATE. Win I % 3 Mich. 12 to Mich. 13 Edward III. ... Mich. 13 to Mich. 14 do. Mich. 14 to Mich. 15 do. - Mich. 15 to Mich. 16 do. Mich. 16 to Mich. 17 do. , Mich. 17 to 20 July 18 do. , * * * 4 Nov. 25 to Mich. 26 do. . Mich. 26 to Mich. 27 do. . Mich. 27 to Mich. 28 do. . Mich. 28 to Mich. 29 do. . Mich. 29 to Mich. 30 do. Mich. 30 to Mich. 31 do. . Mich. 31 to Mich. 32 do. . Mich. 32 to Mich. 33 do. . Mich. 33 to Mich. 34 do. Mich. 34 to Mich. 35 do. . Mich. 35 to Mich. 36 do. . 9 Feb. 37 to Mich. 37 do. . Mich. 37 to Mich. 38 do. . Mich. 38 to Mich. 39 do. . Mich. 39 to Mich. 40 do. . Mich. 40 to Mich. 41 do. . Mich. 41 to Mich. 42 do. . Mich. 42 to Mich. 43 do. . Mich. 43 to Mich. 44 do. . Mich. 44 to Mich. 45 do. . Mich. 45 to Mich. 46 do. . Mich. 46 to Mich. 47 do. . Mich. 47 to Mich. 48 do. . Mich. 48 to 15 Nov. 49 do.. Mich. 49 to 16 Oct. 50 do. . 16 Oct. 50 Edward III. Richard II 24 Aug. I to Mich. 2 do. Mich. 2 to Mich. 3 do. Mich. 3 to Mich. 4 do. Mich. 4 to Mich. 5 do. Mich. 5 to Mich. 6 do. Mich. 6 to Mich. 7 do. ^ iviicn. o 10 iviiun. 7 uu. H Mich. 7 to Mich. 8 do. CUSTOM. to 24 Aug. I £ s. 999 9 4647 8 1888 19 1890 17 2938 II 1788 10 * * 297s 14 2734 7 7808 3 5022 9 5276 o 6414 14 6223 6 28960 15 41302 19 31466 4 SS307 3 19864 17 21014 13 35363 19 38530 5 35863 19 26644 19 33288 IS 26673 I 37065 18 34892 28991 27813 31574 25300 15354 17 44819 15 23781 8 23180 7 23062 19 26743 14 14346 I 23598 3 d. o| o 10 7 5f * 9i 8f 9f 5l 5i H 4i 9 9h 7f o 6f 6i of 71 loi- i| 5i 7 3i 3 34 3-1--'^ Sic 7"- I't'i 34- « '0\ 6-4-- rVK 't -\ 2 4f 10 3 * * 10 3f 1 Si 12 11 10 l| 17 2\ 2 9 17 o| 11 4i 1 6f 7 7I 15 i°i \o\ 12 6 9 of 16 of IS Si 4 7j 13 II 2 II 1 iii 4 6i 11 8" * * 15 6i 5 2J 16 iif IS si Appendix. 219 DATE. II. Mich. 3 to Mich. 4 Richard Mich. 4 to Mich. 5 do. Mich. 5 to Mich. 6 do. Mich. 6 to Mich. 7 do. Mich. 7 to 3 July 8 do. 3 July 8 to Mich. 9 do. Mich. 9 to Mich. 10 do. Mich. 10 to Mich. 11 do. Mich. II to Mich. 12 do. Mich, to 25 May 12 do. 25 May 12 do. to Mich. 14 Mich. 14 to Mich. 15 do. ... Mich. 15 to 8 Aug. 16 do. ... 8 Aug. 16 to Mich. 17 do. ... Mich. 17 to Mich. 18 do. ... Mich. 18 to Mich. 19 do. ... 10 Dec. 20 to Mich. 21 do. ... Mich. 21 to Mich. 22 do. ... Mich. 22 to 6 Oct. I Henry IV, do. CUSTOM. £ ^- d. 832 8 i\ 872 12 6^ 929 12 6f 773 16 2\ 773 17 I'i 1087 14 5f 1014 16 II 1067 5 iif 1008 15 10^ 983 12 I 1776 14 ii-i 1291 18 4 1441 17 8^ 2130 2 8^ 1703 II 10^ 1953 8 Z\ 1346 12 7 1703 18 o\ 1371 8 2 Same. =='Ju''e'<» 24 Aug. I Ric. II. a Ric. II. Analysis of the Ancient Custom and Subsidy {London) for the Reign of Richard II. , ' Custom and Subsidy, £211. 'i6s. io|-d. Geoffrey Chaucer, Comptroller.' ' Custom, ;^62g3 6s. 8d. Rates, 6s. 8d. and 13s. 4d. ; =4 Aug. denizens ios.,and20s. aliens. Subsidy, ^38,526 8s. iid. to^Tcii.^' Rates 43s. 4d. and 46s. 8d., denizens and aliens. ' "" " ' Writ to the Barons dated 10 Octr. 2 Ric. II. (inter communia Mich. 2 Ric. II.), that whereas it has been enacted in Parhament that the whole of the Subsidy of Wools, etc., shall be apphed by the view of certain persons to the war ; and that the Ancient Custom, namely of 6s. 8d. and los., be wholly devoted to the expenses of the King's House- hold, together with the issues of the Coket, the re- turns of the said Subsidy and Custom are to be separately entered in the Accounts of the Collectors. 2 20 History of the C^tsto7ns. ' Nic. Brembre, a Collector ; Geoffrey Chaucer, Comptroller.' ^Ri^' II ' Custom and Subsidy, -^23,781 8s. 3|d. Rates, to Mich.' 50s. and 53s. 4d : loos. and io6s. 8d. 1220 Mer- 3Ric.11. chants export. ' A new increase of 13s. 4d. and 26s. 8d. imposed and remitted. ' Nic. Brembre and J. Philpot, Collectors ; Geoffrey Chaucer, Comptroller.' Mich. ' Custom and Subsidy, ^^23,780 7s. 6Jd. Rates, loMich. ' same. 1296 merchants export. 4 Ric. li. <■ j^jc. Brembre and J. Philpot, Collectors ; Geoffrey Chaucer, Comptroller.' Mich. ' Custom and Subsidy, ;f 23,062 19s. id. Rates, to^lch'' same. 1306 merchants export. s Ric. II. ' £500 of above granted to the King for his own person, delivered into the hands of Simon Burghley, under-Chamberlain. ' Nic. Brembre and J. Philpot, Collectors; Geoffrey Chaucer, Comptroller.' Mich. ' Custom and Subsidy, £26,743 14s. 7|d. Rates, to Mich. ' same. 1536 merchants export. 6 Ric. II. 'Enacted that Denizens or Aliens may export elsewhere than to the Staple, paying Calais Toll. 60 sacks of Aliens' wool so exported paying toll at igd. per sack, £4 15s. ' Nic. Brembre and J. Philpot, Collectors; Geoffrey Chaucer, Comptroller.' Mich. ' Custom and Subsidy, £14,346 is. 2d. Rates, to Mich. ■ same. 660 merchants export. 7 Ric. II. i 3,000 marks of the above assigned to merchants of Catalonia and Arragon. Projected removal of the^ Staple to England. ' Nic. Brembre and J. Philpot, Collectors; Geoffrey Chaucer, Comptroller.' Appendix. 221 ' Custom and Subsidy, £23,598 3s. 2jd. Rates, Mich. same. 926 merchants export. to^lch.'" ' ;f 500 assigned to the Queen from the Antiqua ^ ^''=- ^'• Custuma. Enactment against the continuance of the Calais Toll. Deniers de Cales (Calais Toll) 3^183 I2S. io|d. Nic. Brembre and J. Organ (i July) Collectors ; Geoffrey Chaucer, Comptroller.' ' Custom and Subsidy, ;£"i 5,312 14s. ii|d. Rates, m^h. ^^ same. 718 merchants export. Calais toll, £65 14s. to Mich. ' ' Nic. Brembre and J. Organ, Collectors; Geoffrey « ^''- "" Chaucer, Comptroller.' ' Custom and Subsidy, £t.'j,04,7 i6s. 3|d. Rates, Mich. same. 746 merchants export. Calais toll, to liTch. ' £87 I2S. 9d. '° ^'<=- "■ ' Aliens licensed to export to Middleburgh. Or- dained that Staple be held in England according to Stat. 27 Ed. 3. Nic. Brembre and J. Organ, Collec- tors ; Geoffrey Chaucer, Comptroller. Assignment to the Treasurer of Calais of 20s. per sack of wool exported for the same period (including 6s. 8d. per sack from 20 Feb. to 24 June 9-10 Ric. II.), by man- date inter Brevia, Hil. 9 Ric. II. Assignment of 3^500, payable half-yearly, to the Duke of Gloucester out of the Customs of London. £150 only received by him from Mich, to Easter.' ' Custom and Subsidy, £9,394 17s. 3-J-d. Rates, Mich. 49s. and 53s. 4d. ; £4 i8s. and io6s. 8d. 432 mer- to 24 June chants export. Calais Toll, £61 los. 9d. " ^'''- "• ' Nic. Brembre and Nic. Exton, Collectors ; Adam Yardley, Comptroller (4 Deer. 10 Ric. II.) vice Geoffrey Chaucer. Enacted that no fresh imposition be imposed without consent of Parliament. Subsidy expired conditionally 20 Nov'. 10 Ric. II. Renewed in the Spring. £500 instead of £600 received by the Duke of Gloucester before Easter lo-ii Ric. II.' 222 History of the Customs. 24 June ' Custom and Subsidy, £4,059 6s. 3|d. Rates, II Ric. ii. same. ' 170 Merchants export. Calais Toll, -^20 5s. 3d.' Mich. ' Custom and Subsidy, ■£\,(j\^ igs. i-Jd. Rates, i°iRic°n. same. 206 merchants export. Calais Toll, £21 8s. 8d.' I Dec. to 'Custom and Subsidy, ^£'4,572 gs. io|d. Rates, tfRic. II. same. 214 merchants export. Calais Toll, ' ' £\z i8s. 5Jd. Staple at Middleburgh.' 4 Feb. ' Custom and Subsidy, /'8,7i6 7s. 6d. Rates, wAirsouis. same (50s. denizens, from 12 June). 412 merchants I. Ric. II. export. Calais Toll, £^% 8s. io|d. 'Assignment of ;£"20,ooo to the Lords Appellant paid hereout at the rates of 20s. per sack and 40s. per last. Duke of Gloucester's annuity now regu- larly paid. Staple at Middleburgh.' ^"Rk"'!!. ' Custom and Subsidy, /^i6,965 6s. 2^d. 697 mer- toAiisouis chants export. Calais Toll, ;^8 gs. gfd. Staple at '^ "^' ■ Calais. Rates, 40s. and 43s. 4d.' All Souls to ' Custom and Subsidy, ^^8,287 12s. 8f d. 347 mer- i3"Ric'i^L" chants export. Calais toll, not answered. Staple at Calais. Rates, same.' Purification ' Custom and Subsidy, -^I3,g44 3s. 4|d. Rates, toj^Nov.' the same. 737 merchants export. Calais Toll, 14 Ric. II. £fj gg_ ^ij. Ordained that the Staple shall be re- moved to England. Export by denizens forbidden. Staple at Calais.' to 3 Jan. ' Custom and Subsidy, nil.' 14 Ric. II. 3 Jan. ^^ 'Custom and Subsidy, £12,868 lis. sJd. Rates, to 8 Dec. ' 50S. and 53s. 4d., etc. 365 merchants export. Calais 15 Ric. II. 'Pq]]^ £371 2S. 2od., on Shipments "ad partes exteras." Staple at Calais. Appendix. 223 ' Ordained that the grant of Subsidy be void un- less the Staple is removed to England. (Repealed by Pari., 15 Ric. II.)' ' Custom and Subsidy, 1^14,463 los. 4d. Rates, s Dec. same. 404 merchants export. Calais Toll, £144 is. 3d. t'l^s'juiy' on shipments "ad partes exteras." Staple at Calais, "^ ^"' ''" and elsewhere by license.' 'Custom and Subsidy, 3^21,505 8s. iifd. Rates, ^3 Jub'^^ the same. 616 merchants export. Calais Toll, w Mick 3^60 i8s. lod. Staple at Calais, and elsewhere by"'^"^""' license.' ' Custom and Subsidy, ;f 15,726 5s. 4|d. Rates, ^'^/ „ the same. 496 merchants export. Calais Toll, f Micii. ;^io i2s. 2^d. Staple at Calais, and elsewhere by ' license.' ' Custom and Subsidy, £15,987 9s. 6d. Rates, ^'*.-^ jj the same. 530 merchants export. Calais Toll, to Mich. £7 6s. 3d. Staple at Calais, and elsewhere by '' license.' ' Custom and Subsidy, 3^12,757 19s. 7id. Rates, Mich.^ ^^ same. 454 merchants export. Calais Toll, £4 13s. o-^-d. to Mick. Staple at Calais, and elsewhere by license.' ^°^"^' "■ ' Custom and Subsidy, ;f 12,182 is. 5^d. Rates, Mich. the same. 412 merchants export. Calais Toll, to Mich. '' ;f9 5s- Sjd. Staple at Calais, and hcenses to =' ^''=- "• Venice.' une ' Custom and Subsidy, 3^8,328, i8s. 4d. Rates, ^'"^-y^^ same. 334 merchants export. Calais Toll, nil. 2iRic."ii Staple fixed at Calais only. -£%% 5s. 5d. arising from wools at 60s. per sack, licensed by Parliament.' 'Custom and Subsidy, ;£"4,7o6 los. 4d. Rates, ^^ ^IJ^u 50s. and 60s., etc. 135 merchants export. Calais ^° Mick ^ Toll, £9 8s. id. Staple at Calais. 2 24 ^History of the Customs. ' Ordained that licenses against the Staple be void.' 22'Ric. II. ' Custom and Subsidy, ^£'15,615 i8s. 7^d. Rates, 'i°HeS"v. 5°s- s-"*! 60s., etc. 587 merchants export. Calais Toll, £10 OS. 8Jd. Staple at Calais. ' Licenses against the Staple to be repealed.' Analysis of the New Custom {London) for the Reign of Richard II. Mich. ' New Custom, ^996 i6s. iifd. to Mich. ' 'Rate of cloths, etc.: Aliens— Skarlet, 3s. 6d. ; aRicii. Rj^y^ 2g_ jj_. undyed, 2s. 9d. ; Worsted, ijd.; Double, IS. I Jd. ; Single do., 7|-d. ' Denizens — Skarlet, 2S. 4d. ; Ray, is. 9d. ; Un- dyed, IS. 2d. ; Worsted, id. ; Double, 9d. ; Single do., 5d. 'Custom of Undyed cloths exported, ^^21 6s. S-Jd. ' Poundage of Exports and Imports, £s^S 5^- 6f d.' Mich. «MLch"- ' New Custom, £889 15s. 5id.' 3 Ric. II. M^h. ^j ' New Custom, ^832 8s. 'j\A. tojikh/ ' Writ to Collectors, dated 8 Oct. 4 Rich. II., not to levy beyond the " Ancient Customs," and to repay what they have so levied.' 4 Ric. II. Mich. ' New Custom, £347 14s. 8d. 4°Ric.ii. ' Custom of Cloth (Aliens), at 5s. 6d., 3s. 3d., and 25. pd.' I to 27 Mar. ' New Custom, /7g 12s. 6J-d.' 4 Ric. II. ; .^/ :7 27 Mar. tt> Mich"- ' New Custom, £445 5s. 4d.' 5 Ric. II. fRiJ: II. ' New Custom, £929 12s. 6|- d. e'Ric^'i'i ' Custom of Cloth exported, £260 los. 3jd. Appendix. 225 'John Hyde and Geoffrey Chaucer, successively Comptrollers.' ' New Custom, ;f 170 5s. id. Exoneration of a \l^^\^ Collector, and appointment of a new collector by 6Ric. n". writ.' 5 Dec. 'New Custom, /6o^ lis. iW.' toMch. ' ■^ -^ * 7 Ric. II. 'New Custom, ^773 17s. iijd. Collector re- '^Jj^^- jj moved.' tosjuiy" 8 Ric. II. ' New Custom, ;f 1,087 M^- 5|d- ific^i. ' " Panni curti mercatorum de Hansa," I2d. each, to Mich. 'Assignnient of xzdi per Hem -ajs, a Pension, being ^ the first during the reign.' ' New Custom, ;f 1,014 i6s. iid. f^i „ ' Salary of Collectors, 23 marks (two) ; loos. for '° ^-'^Vj expenses, and allowance for hired house 33s. 4d.' ' New Custom, ^560 15s. 6id. ' Geoffrey Chaucer, Comptroller to 13 Dec. Henry f^ j'^'^'^j^^ Gysores, Comptroller from thence to 15 Mar. 1° Ric. 11! William More, Vintner, removed from office of Col- lector, 15 Mar., under a mandate, " ut se nullatenus intromittat." ; Collector's salary, 23 marks (two), and loos. " pro misis et expensis circa collectionem ejusdem Custume." ' ' New Custom, S^o^ los. 5id.' 1° Ric. 11. ' ■*^~' •'^ to Mich. 11 Ric. II. ' New Custom, ;£"i,oo8 15s. lojd. Comptroller Mich. removed.' Z^^- 12 Ric, II. ' New Custom, ^^983 12s. id. Comptroller re-ap- ^"-f"-.^ pointed.' 12 Ric. 11. 'New Custom, £951 OS. 6Jd. Comptroller again il^c^'ii. to removed.' fs^Ricrii." VOL. II, 35 2 26 History of the Customs. Purification ' New Custom, ^825 14s. 5d. to Mich. ■ * Assignment to John Holland, Earl of Hunts, of 14R1C. II. ^QQ marks />£»' attnum.' 14Ric.11. ' New Custom, ^1,291 i8s. 4d. '"sRifii. ' 432 Quintals of Wax imported by Aliens.' Mich. to^^Au"- ' New Custom, ^1,441 17s. Sid.' 16 Ric. II. j6Ric. II. ' New Custom, -f 2,1^0 2s. Sid.' to Mich. > X, > O 17 Ric. II. Mich T7Ric. II. ' New Custom, /'1,70s us. loAd.' to Mich. > X, '/ ^ J 18 Ric. II. Sc. II. ' New Custom, /•i,953 8s. 8|d.' to Mich. 19 Ric. II. '.oRfc.ii. ' New Custom, £1,346 12s. 7d.' to Mich. =.1 Ric. II.* « .t'May ' New Custom, £672 los. 3d.' 21 Ric. II. It^/ii ' New Custom, £1,031 7s. g-^d.' to Mich. ■ ' Custofli of Cloths, £802 13s. 8d.' 22 Ric. II. Mich. 22 Ric. II. ' New Custom, £1,371 8s. 2d. to 6 Oct. ' ^ '^' I Hen. IV. 6 Oct. to ' New Custom, £1,717 i8s. gd.' ^Hcn. IV. ' Hanse Merchants export 3,369 ells undyed cloth at I2d. ' Assignment of 1,000 vc^ per annum to Eliz. Lan- caster, late wife of John Holland, Earl of Hunts, etc' * Blank in InroUed Accounts. Appendix. 227 Assignments upon the Custom-Revenue for THE Royal Household, 1485-1603. Assignment for the Expenses of the King's House- hold, I Henry VII. : Chief Butler of England ^100 Petty Custom in the Port of London 100 marks. Tannage and Poundage in the Port of London .... ^£■2,400 Custom and Subsidy in the Port of Southampton 1,000 marks. Ditto Bristol .... £400 Ditto Plymouth and Fowey . 100 marks. Ditto Poole .... £100 Ditto Exeter and Dartmouth £100 Ditto Sandwich 100 marks. Assignment for the Expenses of the King's Household, 2 Henry VII. : Subsidy of Tunnage and Poundage in the Port of London Petty Custom in the Port of London Butlerage of England Customs and Subsidy in the Port of Southampton Ditto Bristol .... Ditto Exeter and Dartmouth . Ditto Plymouth and Fowey . Ditto Poole .... Ditto Sandwich . . Assignment for the Expenses of the King's Household, 1 Henry VIII. : Subsidy of Tunnage and Poundage in the Port of London . . 3,801 12 i^ Petty Custom in the Port of London 1,803 3 4 35—2 2,872 6 8 51b 13 4 100 2,166 13 4 600 100 65 13 4 100 66 13 4 22<: Histoiy of the Citstoms. £ s. d. 100 40 79 I 9i 100 160 20 8 100 300 40 500 100 ,000 66 13 4 Butlerage of England Customs and Subsidy in the Port of Lynne Ditto Yarmouth Ditto Ipswich . Ditto Poole . Ditto Bridgewater Ditto Plymouth and Fowey Ditto Bristol . Ditto Sandwich Ditto Exeter and Dartmouth Ditto Kingston-on-Hull (farmed) Ditto Southampton . Ditto Chicester Assignments for the King's Great Wardrobe : £ s- d. Tunnage and Poundage in the Port of London . . . . ' 580 g 10 Petty Custom in the Port of London 354 10 i Custom and Subsidy in the Port of Sandwich . . . . 40 o o Calais Treasury from defalcations for victuals received out of the Customs and Subsidies there. . . 540 o o Assignment for the King's Household under the new Scheme, confirmed by Stat. 6, Henry VIIL, c. 24 {Inter alia). Revenues of the Treasury of Calais. Issues of the Customs and Subsidy of Wools assigned to the Company of the Staple at Calais. Farm of the King's lands and revenues in the Marches of Calais. Issues of the office of Chief Butler of England. New Custom of 6s. 8d. on Malmesey wines pay- able at the Ports. [Continued by 7 H. VIIL, c. 7, and 14 and 15 H. VIIL, c. 15.] Appendix. 229 Assignment for the King's Household 22 Hen. VUL, C. lo. £ s. d. Collectors of the Subsidy of Tunnage and Poundage in the Port of London . 5,000 Collectors of the Petty Custom in the same Port . , 3,000 Collectors of the Customs and Sub- sidy in the Port of Lynn . 55 3 10 Ditto Yarmouth 80 Ditto Ipswich 100 Ditto Southampton . 500 Ditto Poole . i5o Ditto Bridgewater 20 8 Ditto Bristol . 400 Ditto Sandwich 40 Ditto Exeter and Dartmouth 600 Ditto Kingston-on-Hull 123 6 8 Ditto Chicester 66 13 4 Assignment of the Sum of ^40,027 4s. 2jd., for the Expences and charges of the Queen's Household, Assignments being made there-for, annually, by the Lord Treasurer at the Receipt of Exchequer unto the Cofferer of the Household upon the officers chargeable for the Revenues hereunder specified (amongst others). All former Acts for the purpose in question to be void : Collectors of Customs and Subsidy in the Port of Kingston-on-Hull Collectors of Tunnage and Poundage in the Port of London Collectors of Petty Custom in the Port of London Collectors of Customs and Subsidy in the Port of Poole £ 200 5,500 o o 7,000 o o 43 17 6 230 History of the Customs. ' In default of due assignment by Tallies struck for the dischardge of the said assignees (amongst others) other assignments shall be made by the Treasurer. ' Moreover all such assignments for Her Majesty shall be preferred before any others ; saving for pre- vious Assignments and for claims by Inheritance. ' Small Receivers to pay to the hands of General Receivers ; General Receivers and Customers to the hands of the Cofferer, subject to the retention out of the sums in their hands by Customers, etc., of their accustomed Fees : subject to an Account to be made by them before the Barons of the Exchequer at the suit of H.M. Cofferer, otherwise ordinary payments shall be made by the Collectors aforesaid to the Cofferer alone at the usual Terms.' — Act 5 Eliz., c. 32. Appendix. 231 Abstract of the Prisage and BiMerage of Wines, Mich. 1500 to Mich. 1504. DATE. PORT. PRIS- BUTLER - NETT AGE. AGE. TOTAL.* dols. £ s. d. roi 2 £ ■>• d 8s 16 8 94 14 Mich. 150010 Mich. 1501 ... London 8 Mich. 1501 to Mich. 1502 ... ,1 24 113 8 Mich. 1502 to Mich. 1503 ... " 16 56 I 45 2 I So 8 II Mich. 1503 to Mich. 1504 ... 24 84 18 10 Mich. 1500 to Mich. 1502 ... Bristol 387 6 366 10 4 Mich. 1502 to Mich. 1504 ... ,, Mich. 1500 to Mich. 1501 ... Exon and Dartmouth 142 i5 3 Mich. 1501 to Mich. 1502 ... 86 8 4 Mich. 1502 to Mich. 1503 ... go 3 10 Mich, 1503 to Mich. 1504 ... \\ 84 13 I Mich. 1500 to Mich. 1502 ... Kingston-on- HuU 14 19 2 Mich. 1502 to Mich. 1503 ... 32 7 6 Mich. 1503 to Mich. 1504 ... ,, 22 I Mich. 1500 to Mich. 1501 ... Newcastle 18 13 4 Mich. 1501 to Mich. 1502 ... 12 12 Mich. 1502 to Mich. 1503 ... 968 Mich. 1503 to Mich. 1504 ... II 14 2 Mich. 1500 to Mich. 1502 ... Bridgewater SI 12 6 Mich. 1502 to Mich. 1503 ... IS 19 6 Mich. 1503 to Mich. 1504 ... '[ 13 10 8J Mich. 1500 to Mich. 1501 ... Southamp- ton 121 3 6 Mich. 1501 to Mich. 1502 ... 98 12 Mich. 1502 to Mich. 1503 ... " 79 7 6 Mich. 1503 to Mich. 1504 ... 95 12 If Mich, 1500 to Mich. 1501 ... Ipswich 9 II 10 Mich. 1501 to Mich. 1502 ... ,^ 79 6 Mich. 1502 to Mich. 1503 ... [, 5 12 6 Mich. 1503 to Mich. 1504 ... ,, 15 19 ID Mich. 1500 to Mich. 1501 ... Boston 4 3° Mich. 1501 to Mich, 1502 ... , Mich. 1502 to Mich. 1503 ... ,, 12 3 Mich. 1503 to Mich. 1504 ... jj 10 Mich. 1500 to Mich. 1503 . . Sandwich I 7 6 Mich. 1503 to Mich. 1504 .. ,, I 5 Mich. 1500 to Mich. 1503 .. Chichester 13 18 9 Mich. 1503 to Mich. 1504 .. ,, 30 3 8 Mich. 1500 to Mich. 1501 .. Lyme and Weymouth 10 12 Mich. 1501 to Mich. 1502 .. ,, ... 9 17 8 Mich. 1502 to Mich. 1504 .. »> 33 14 6 Mich. 1500 to Mich. 1504 .. Lyme 137 S 2 Mich. 1500 to Mich. 1502 .. Yarmouth 9 5 4 Mich. 1502 to Mich. 1504 ... .. 8 4 10 * The Nett Totals, 1500-1504, are calculated by deducting Prise-wine given away, etc. , and the necessary expenses of collection. 232 History of the Ctistoms. Abstract of the Prisage and Butlerage of Wines — continued. [Mich. 1500 to Mich. 1504 .. [Mich. 1500 to Mich. 1504 . . Plymouth and Fowey Poole PRIS- AGE. BUTLER- AGE. NETT TOTAL. Answered as of the Duchy of Cornwall.] Claimed by Countess of Rich- mond.] Total of the Prisage Total of the Butlerage Sweet Wines of Aliens Expences allowed ... Nett Grand Total 1500-1504 ji'2387 i dol. 651 I hhd. I I s. d. 721 21 17 6 2g- 737 14 9i PRISE- WINES PRISE- PRISE- WINES WINES AC- BUTLER- NETT GIVEN COUNTED AGE. TOTAL.* AWAY. FOR £ s. d. ttts.hds. f. s- d. £ s. d. £ S. d. Mich. 1519 to Mich. 1520 45S 5 41 23s 7 5 701 18 6 Mich. 152010 26 Mar. 1521 529 13 4 36 75 218 10 10 26 Mar. to Mich. 1521 ... 201 18 4 I iq 6 8 5° 3 6 Mich. 1521 to Mich. 1522 274 8 4 2fi 18 95 16 8 Mich. 1522 to Mich. 1523 116 18 226 4 2J Mich. 1523 to Mich. 1524. 35 IS 32 198 8 Mich. 1524 to Mich. 1525 84 10 14 13 4 233 14 II Mich. 1525 to Mich. 1526 331 16 8 34 29 6 8 215 15 * Mich. 1529 to Mich. 1530 329 10 31 3 65 13 4 203 14 4 DATE. ARREA:tS. EXPENCES. £ ^- d. £ ^- d. £ s. d. £ s. d. Mich, 154s to Mich. 1546 231 S61 II 396 19 4 Mich. 1546 to Mich. 1547 606 II 230 1407 10 9 800 19 9 Mich. 1547 to Mich. 1548 1177 10 9 662 3 10 1918 9 7 740 i3 10 Mich. 1548 to Mich. 1549 1256 s 9 223 1842 3 585 14 6 Mich. 1549 to Mich. 1550 1619 3 364 18 44 2537 IS 7 918 IS 3 Mich. 1550 to Mich. 1551 2172 17 2A 223 2856 2 84 3129 4 3I 683 s 6 Mich. 1551 to Mich. 1552 2633 2 8A 453 8 3 496 I 7 Mich. 1552 to Mich. 1553 2675 16 283 16 8 2941 17 84 266 I 8 Mich. 1553 to Mich. 1554 2658 I oi 249 18 2855 13 24 197 12 2 Mich. 1554 to Mich. 1555 2605 IS 2Jr 2999 13 44 393 18 2 Mich. ISS5 to Mich. 1556 3008 10 83, 107 17 10 3292 15 104 284 5 2 Mich. 1556 to Mich. 1SS7J3184 18 °k 243 3384 14 299 2 I * The Nett Totals 1519-1530 cannot be precisely specified in all cases, t The Year Totals 1545-1557 are subject to deduction of expenses. Appendix. 23: Abstract of the Prisage and Butler age of Wines — continued. PRISE-VSflNES PRISE-WINES YEAR SOLD. GIVEN AWAY. TOTAL. tuns. tuns. hds. gls. tuns. hds. gls. Mich. 1558 to Mich. ISW 24 1920 1944 Mich. 1559 to Mich. 1560 73 I5S4 1627 Mich. 1560 to Mich. lS6l 82 1761 1843 Mich. 1561 to Mich. i=;62 64 1963 20 2027 20 Mich. 1562 to Mich. is6s 91 1930 I 20 2021 I 20 Mich. 1563 to Mich. Total bulk 1564 44 1517 I 20 1561 I 20 378 10646 3 40 1 1023 2 60 Total value ^1189 8 4 ;^io64 13 10 ;^2254 2 2 £ s. d. Mich. 1564 to Mich. i'^6; 200 12 4 Mich. 1565 to Mich. 1^66 181 2 Mich. 1566 to Mich. i=;67 369 18 10 Mich. 1567 to Mich. iS68 349 14 Mich. 1568 to Mich. iSbq 321 II 10 Mich. 1569 to Mich. Total bulk 1570 396 4 10 372 tuns 6373 tuns 6745 tuns Total value jfii8i i5 8 ^637 7 2 ;£i8i9 3 10 DATE. ARREARS. PRISAGE. BUTLER- AGE. FARM OP PORT OF LONDON- YEAR TOTAL. Mich. 1570 to Mich. 1589 £ s. d 4146 7 gj £ s. d. 7363 3 8 £ s. d 1703 18 4 £ s. d. £ S. d 9066 2 Mich. 1589 to Mich. 1590 Mich. 1590 to Mich. 1591 Mich. 1591 to Mich. 1592 Mich. 1592 to Mich. 1593 Mich. 1593 to Mich. 1594 114 3 SI9 I 387 3 8 489 7 4 476 IS 5 Gross value Nett value 1578 358 10 5 50 1986 10 5 1014 S 5 Mich. 1594 to Mich. 1595 Mich. 1595 to Mich. 1596 Mich. 1596 to Mich. 1597 1014 5 5 60 70 258 a 520 488 67 II 8 105 6 77 7 5 10 10 10 1140 2 I 417 II 8 374 12 5 Mich. 1597 to Mich. 1598 Mich. 1598 to Mich. 1599 Mich. 1599 to Mich. 1600 Mich. 1600 to Mich. 1601 Mich. 1601 to Mich. 1602 Mich. 1602 to Mich. 1603 Mich. 1603 to Mich. 1604 Mich. 1604 to Mich. 1603 511 4 8 390 2 5 771 9 4 69s 9 S 641 6 I 523 19 5 702 9 I 812 12 II Gross value Nett value 4224 748 13 4 80 5048 13 4 2956 6 8 Mich. 1605 to Mich. 1607 165 1849 6 8 174 10 2 20 2043 16 10 From 1607 the Prisage and Butlerage were farmed for ;^soo per annum. 234 History of the Customs. Abstract of the Custom-Revenue 1-7 Elizabeth. 1 Eliz. 2 » 4 >, 1 Eliz. 2 „ 4 „ I Eliz. I Eliz. 4 ., CM/i. £ s. d ■ 37866 I 5 .. 45043 7 8i ■ 31938 3 li S Eliz. ... 7 „ ... 23864 15 ... 25036 15 ... 56510 10 d k Cottons, Friezes, and Baize, £ s. d ■■ 839 3 2^ ■■ 731 44 .. 788 18 8i 5 Eliz. ... 6 „ ... 7 „ £ s. ... 648 4 ... 853 19 ... 1194 15 d. 2 2 oi Imposition on Wines. £ s. d ■ 2379 2 5i ■ 7700 13 3 • 6173 13 iij 5 Eliz. ... 6 „ ... 7 ,. £ '■ . ... 5662 3 ... 2076 14 ... S192 8 d Il| 2 51 Custom and Subsidy of Wines. £ s. d 990 16 4 . 1350 II I , 1829 6 5 Eliz. ... 6 „ ... 7 ., £ s. ■■ 1363 I 1296 14 ■• 1133 5 d. 8 S 5 Analysis of the Above Returns. Gross Revenue from Cloths Expenses of Collection . . . Nett Revenue ... Gross Revenue from Cottons, etc. Expenses of Collection ... Nett Revenue ... £ s. d 220249 13 10 36713 5 Si 183536 8 4i 5051 2 8 841 17 li 4209 5 6| Total Revenue Total Expenses 225300 16 6 37SSS 2 6i Appendix. 235 Analysis of Custom Revenue {continued). Total Custom of Cloths for tlie loth Year of Eliz. Nett Total of Expenses i to 7 Eliz. Balance in favour of the former ... Average Custom of Cloths i to 7 Eliz. Xett Total of Expenses i to 7 Eliz. Average Expense of Collection Gross Revenue from Impositions on Wines Expenses of Collection .. . Nett Revenue ... £ s. d. 38984 8 II 37550 2 82 1434 6 2 3755° 2 8i 37550 2 8j i6|/fr cent. 29184 16 2j 4864 2 8 24320 13 6 J Gross Revenue from the Custom and Subsidy of Wines Expenses of Collection ... Nett Revenue ... Total Revenue Total Expenses 7963 14 II 1337 5 92 6626 9 ij 37148 II li 6191 8 6 30967 2 7i Total Nett Revenue from Wines ... Total Nett Revenue (Wines and Cloths) i to 7 Eliz. 256267 9 ij Total Custom, Subsidy, and Imposition of Wines for the loth Year of Elizabeth ... Nett Total of Expenses I to 7 Eliz. Balance in favour of the former ... Average Custom, Subsidy, and Imposition i to 7 Eliz. Nett Total of Expenses 1 to 7 Eliz. Average Expenses of Collection ... 7669 6I9I \ 64 6 477 IS oj 6201 6201 8 8 Si si i(>^ per cent. 236 History of the Customs. Classification of Imports from the Low Countries, circa A.D. 1563. Necessary. Superfluous. Apples Battry Balances Busk-cloths Buckram Brabant-cloths Brussels-cloths Bruges-thread Brushes Brick-stones Andlets Antimony Aquavitse Argall Arsenic Augers Axes Agaricum Armoniacum Acacia Acorns Anacardia Amonia Azarum Aspatum Agnus Castus Adzes Arrows Agate Alibanum Bankers verdure Bales Bags (locks and steel rings) Balm-glasses Bast-hats Besic Bole-armoniac Broaches (latten) Bridle-bits Brick-stones (Flanders) Baserons Bottles Buskins Appendix. I 1 *-T ■0/ Necessary. Superfluous. Buttons Benalum Benruby Cods'-heads Cambrick Cod-fish Carpets (Ghent) Curtain-rings Candle-snuffers Cuttle-bones Cabbages Crosbow-thread Cushion-cloths Cowls (linen) Canwell (yarn) Crewel-ribband Crewel-girdles Cruses (stone) Chess-boards Cowls (silk) Comb-cases Cases (of ivory combs) Combs Coffers (velvet) Canvas Damask-napkins Daggers (coarse) Diaper-table-cloths Damask-toweling Diaper-napkins Damask-table-cloths Doubles Dornix (green) Drinking-glasses Eels Earthen-pots Empty-barrells Feather-beds Fustian (Naples) Flemish-cloth Frisade Flasks (powder) Flanders-bands Flanders-neckerchers Galls Glass (coloured) Gallingaie Gloves (silk) Gull-fish Gum of Ivv-berries History of the Ciistoms. Necessary. Superfluous. Glue Gentioma Glass (broken) Gray furs Ditto (white) Grana pene Ditto (coloured Bur- Golange major gundy) Gold-soil Guns Glasses (looking) Gum-apoponiac Gum-ceraphania Ghent-cloth H arborough-cloths Hats (woollen) Holland-cloths Ditto (velvet, satin, silk) Hanging-locks Ditto (worsted) Harness-nails Hat-bands Haddocks Hook-ends Herrings Hilts Hops Handkerchers Horns (Lant-horn) Henigo-cloth Harnsdale-cloth Hour-glasses Iron Iron-backs (chimney) Isinglass Imperlings Javelin-staves Javelin-heads Kettles Knives Ling Leather (cushions) Long - skein - thread Leaf of gold (white) Lures (Hawk) Latten Lynx Appendix. 239 Necessary. Madder Matches (gun) Mogador Morris-pikes Nails Siiperjltmis, Onions Paper Painted-cloths Pack-thread Painted-trenchers Patten-nails Parquets Pesing-thread Points Pouch-rings Purses Purling-wire Pulleys Plate (gilt) Puppets Ditto (white) Pimpillows Ditto (Parcel-gilt) Purled-lace Plane-irons Quails Rape-oil Round-boxes Red-lead Regals Rods Records Salt Satin (Bruges) Salmon Salt-cellars Salt-fish Silver (Bruges) Spanish-skins Sculls (sic) Soap Stand-dishes Sugar-candy Sleaves (womens') Swans-quills Spectacle-cases Sprigs Satin (Ypres) Sturgeon Spoons Sculls Slippers Staple-fish Stools (chamber) Sack-cloth Shuttles (weavers') 240 History of the Customs. Necessary. Superfluous. Tapestry Tailors'-shears Tenter-hooks Threaden-ribband Ticks Trunks Tow Trenchers Tukes Thread Tongs (fire) Tips (horns) Whiting Woollen-girdles Worsted Classification of French Imports, circa a.d. 1563. Necessary. Superfluous. Almonds Aiglettes (for caps) Boultel (Reims) Brasell Bottles Brittany laces Box-pieces (for combs) Bottles (glass) Books (unbound) Buckram Budge Bombazines Boards British Cloth Canvas Combs (gross or box) Chafing-dishes (iron) Carving-knives Carving-tools Cart-nails Cards Caen-stones Cap-gold Caps Combs (case) Comb-cases Appendix. 241 Necessary. Superfluous. Crippins Copper-chains Copper-broaches Cap-ribband Dowlas or Lockram Dudgeon Dornix (French) Dornix (woollen, etc.) Dog-chains Daggers (bone) Fish (Newland) Firlings of iron French-woollen-cloths Girdles (leather) Gimlets Hawks'-hoods Hats (velvet, etc.) Hat-bands Ink-horns Knives Lampreys Lyons-thread Laces Looking-glasses Mill-stones Napkins Nuts Old iron Old sheets Oil (spike) Paper (pressing, etc.) Pack-thread Pack-needles Paving- stones Pans Paper (painted) Pipes Pins Points Pulleys VOL. II. 36 242 History 0/ the Customs. Necessary. Pears Superfluous. Purled-lace Perosin Polle davys Prunes Puppets Pimpillows Point-lace Plaster of Paris Passemin-lace Rosin Rouen-skins Racquets Rattles Salt (bay) Silk Shanks Shears Stitched-cloth Tassels Taffeta Thread of Paris Vinegar Woad (Toulouse) Wool-cards Appendix. 243 Table of English Exports, a.d. 1570. DESCRIPTION. BULK. VALUE. CUSTOM. SUBSIDY. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ S. d. Wilts, cloths 345 1740 c 118 8 - 5 52 10 Kent do 2261 1778 78 17 2 52 3 Hants, kerseys 503* 2733 14 174 5 9 104 12 Suffolk cloths 630 3323 19 4 216 13 4 105 6 Devon, kerseys 3i3i 1902 10 109 9 4 77 7 Gloucestershire cloths 247I 1257 8 4 83 14 5 18 19 Northern kerseys ... 172 774 59 19 2 42 8 Coney-skins ... 105800 673 8 27 13 4 480 Manchester cotton goods 14230 827 6 8 23 13 4 I I 3 Penny Stones (cloths) 4o8f 2131 8 4 141 10 I 94 I Tin (wrought and un- wrought 52700 lbs. 143 1 6 38 19 2 7 6 II Cocksall cloths 64 1360 21 19 I 9 10 Lead (wrought and un- wrought) 115 fothers 1057 10 54 10 Norwich worsteds ... 86 pieces 213 6 8 6 9 I 12 3 Tallow 25600 lbs. 255 12 16 Lamb-skins 18400 no 8 7 6 8 Enghsh ashes 86 lasts 109 2 3 Sheep-skins 57800 ion 10 21 13 9 282 Horns 565000 127 2 6 4 4 9 112 Northern dosens (cloths) 3S9 1246 126 4 95 10 6 Shoes old) 8600 doz. 344 7 3 4 I 15 10 Shoes new) 850 pr. 59 10 4 5 I I 3 Pin-whites (cloths) ... 47,? 153 12 16 19 2 16 19 2 Cardnall whites do 83^ 225 c 29 X2 9 29 12 9 Statutes do 43J 192 15 i6 1 15 16 I Straits do 43.'r 230 15 10 II 15 10 11 Stockbridges do. 59; 356 21 2 3 21 2 3 Tavistock do 3^ 223 4 n 7 II 7 Northern Plains do.... 62| 250 22 6 I 22 6 I Bridgewaters do. 140 560 49 16 3 49 16 3 Total of all sorts 26665 3 to 1523 2 2 865 10 n Total of Woollens only Balance of Commodities 21272' 2 8 1356 8 2 835 17 4 other than Woollens 5393 t 2 166 14 29 13 7 36- 244 History of the Customs. Table of English Imports, a.d. iS/o- DESCKIPTION. BULK. VALUE. ASSESS- MENT. CUSTOM. SUBSIDY. IM- POST. d. £ ^■ d. £ s. d. £ ^■ d. £ '■ Velvets 1002 yds. 874 4 752 2 37 12 2 4 1 Pepper 17067 lbs. 2836 IS 4 141 8 8 4 70 18 4 S 18 4 Hops . . 497600 lbs: 5967 4 3287 6 8 164 7 4 19 19 8 Satins.. 1580 yds. 886 811 40 II 3 14 4 Fustians 1223 10 522 26 2 s Salt .. 878 weys. 1572 878 43 18 4 Prunes 900828 lbs. 1762 mo 12 6 55 10 5 I 10 Paper. . 1728 reams 403 4 216 2 8 10 16 2 14 7 Raisins 3600 lbs. 964 10 227 5 II 7 3 Figs .. 2B90 lopnets 560 2 8 305 4 15 IS 2 Madder 5600 lbs. 490 3 8 96 6 4 16 4 10 II Wainscoats 19900 (grt. 100) 1748 6 8 796 39 16 7 3 Pitch . . 650 lasts 2275 1300 65 82 6 Tar .. 174 lasts 609 348 17 8 2 3 6 Woad 17300 lbs. 841 3 4 264 6 8 13 2 4 I 12 6 Canvass 1 19664 ells 4470 S 2389 13 4 "9 9 8 17 13 9 Alum . . 104556 lbs. 1459 17 1719 I 8 85 19 I 21 10 8 Mace . . 778 lbs. S17 6 8 258 13 4 12 18 8 I 10 6 Sugar . . 51000 lbs. 2040 1700 85 10 12 6 Taffeta 1920 ells 600 480 24 6 Cloves 1500 lbs. 450 374 10 18 14 6 2 6 10 Currants 7900 lbs. 276 10 ■ 128 10 6 8 6 14 6 Flax .. 8920 lbs. 119S 16 483 13 8 24 3 8 Sarcenet 3600 ells 780 600 4 30 3 IS Holland cloths 286 815 343 4 17 13 3 I 19 French wines 150 tuns 1450 1450 25 375 Sack .. 60 tuns 840 840 9 III Bastard 36 tuns 540 540 4 10 66 12 Rhenish 30 awmes 60 60 3 ° IS Camlet 758 1206 718 35 18 3 7 6 Stock-fish . . 167 lasts 967 758 37 18 3 6 8 Ling .. 8400 S9S 280 14 I 15 Cards(Playing) 314 13 4 236 II 16 I 17 6 Battry 2756 lbs. 123 IS 55 2 15 13 9 Tapestry 2880 ells 810 432 21 12 2 S Galls .. 23000 lbs. 690 306 13 4 15 6 8 I 18 9 Seville oil . . 58 tuns (?) 1854 13 4 659 32 19 2 8 9 Nails . . 24 bars. 288 160 8 I 17 Total .. 45336 18 27304 13 2 1262 4 146 6 552 12 Total of Foreign Imports, 1570 Ditto of English Exports, do. Balance in favour of Imports ^45356 18 o y 26665 3 1° ^18691 14 2 Appendix. 245 Analysis of the Average Value of the Custom-Revenue for the five years ended Mich. 43 Eliz. PORT. CUSTOM. PORT. CUSTOM. , f. s. d. A s. d. Anglia I02 P+ London — Boston 1684 ^ ^ Tunnage and Bristol S3 2 10 Poundage Bridgewater 288 2 74 (imports) 29824 19 3i Chichester . . 287 10^ Staple of England Chester 207 io| (Custom and Exon and Dart- Subsidy of mouth. . 2604 12 Z-h Wools) 259 II if Ipswich ISS3 q 3 Lynn 26q 3 9 Kingston-on-Hull . 2337 16 3 Newcastle . . 899 5 7i London — Plymouth and Great Custom Fowey . . 1543 iij (wools and Poole 1823 4 I leather) 66 1=; Southampton 899 10 4 Ditto (cloths, etc.) 75105 8 iii Sandwich . . 1472 17 2 Petty Custom (ahens) 6 Yarmouth . . 970 16 ij Tunnage and Gloucester. . IS S 64 Poundage (exports) 7607 Carlisle 13 17 1 MISCELLANEOUS. Imposition on Currants and Licence to Levant Company Custom of Venetian Wares [Purveyance (Prisage) of French and Rhenish Wines bubsidy and Imposition of the same Farm of the Impositions on Coal and other Minerals Farm of the Imposition on Tin. . . . Imposition on Sweet Wines . . . . . . [Butlerage of Wines . . £ s. d. 4000 O O 200 o o 200 tuns] 15000 o o 6200 o o . 2000 o o 7880 4 loi 471 II 8] CUSTOM-REVENUE. GROSS TOTAL. DEDUCTIONS. NETT TOTAL. Total of Customs, Sub- £ s. d. £ '■ d. £ s. d. sidies, and Impositions (exclusive of the Butlerage) Total of the Butlerage (exclusive of the Prisage) 126874 15 8 471 II 8 5680 16 si 277 13 4 121193 19 2i 193 18 4 246 History of the Customs. Illustrative Returns for the Custom-Revenue in the Seventeenth Century. Nett Revenue from 25 Dec. 25 Dec. 25 Dec. 25 Dec. 25 Dec. 25 Dec. 22 July 25 June 25 June 25 June 25 June 25 June 1604 to 1610 to 1645 to 1646 to 1647 to 1648 to 1649 to 1650 to 1651 to 1652 to 1653 to 1654 to 24 Dec. 1605 24 Dec. 161 1 24 Dec. 1646 24 Dec. 1647 24 Dec. 1648 21 July 1649 24 June 1650 24 June 1651 24 June 1652 24 June 1653 24 June 1654 Mich. 1655 ALL Sources. L s- d. ... 112400 o o ... 136226 10 2 ... 277000 o o* ... 263000 o o* ... 203000 o o* ... 147000 o o* ••• 27S35S 14 4 ... 320000 o o* ... 331000 o o ... 311000 o o ... 417000 o o ... 501000 o o* New Imposition on Pelts, Lead, and Tin. 25 Dec. 1607 to Mich. 1608 — 36000 Pelts 15 122 Weys of Tin 556 fo. 400 lbs. of lead £ s. 36 o 273 19 556 4 d. o li o ;^866 3 U New Imposition on all Exports from the Port of London of Denizens and Aliens, by Warrant of 28 July 6 Jac. I. £ J-. d. Mich. 1608 to Mich. 1609 ... 8428 3 7i Mich. 1609 to Mich. i6io ... 8068 5 6 Mich. 1610 to Mich. 1611 ... 5780 3 Mich. 1611 to Mich. l6l2 ■•■ 5637 6 84 Pretermitted Customs on all Exports of Aliens and on CERTAIN Woollens of Denizens by Warrant of 6 July, 1620. 25 Feb. 1619-20 to 24 Dec. 1620 25 Dec. 1629 to 24 Dec. 1630 ... £ s. d. 4330 8 34 1578 18 9 New Imposition on Tobacco, 1615-1625. 1615-17 — ;ii'9450 duty on 126000 lbs. at is. bd. 1622-24— ;Ji 5 1 50 >, 202000 lbs. „ In round numbers. Appendix. 247 Government Monopoly of Tobacco (Spanish). 1626-7 — 78000 lbs. bought at lor. (av.) ... ;^39000 „ resold at 5^. to I 7j. ... 42000 Government profit ... ;^30OO Farm of the Subsidy and Impost of Tobacco, 1632-9. Nett Revenue 1632-7 — ;f loooo per annum. j> 1637-9— 1 1000 „ Rates. s. d. English Tobacco (Colonial)— Virginia and Somers Island : Sub- sidy 2^?. per lb., Impost 21^. ... o 4 ,, ,, St. Christopher's (Charibbee's) : Subsidy 31/. per lb.. Impost 30^. . o 6 Spanish Tobacco— (Roll or Pudding): Subsidy 6d. per lb., Impost IS. 6d. ... ... ...20 „ „ (Leaf) : Subsidy 4^/. per lb., Impost ij. 61/. . i 10 Any other Foreign Tobacco— Subsidy is. 41/. per lb. (extra), Impost IS. ^d. (extra). Imposition on Currants and Wines. 1634-9 — ;^6oooo per annum. Custom on Sea-Coal (farmed at ^s. per Chaldron). 1667-S0 — ;^iooo per annum. Analysis of the Custom' •Revenue 1649-50. £ s. d. A. — Port of London — ... ... 215382 7 2 Derived from : (i) Subsidy of Imports (Denizens) ... 118080 I II (2) „ „ (Aliens) ... - 15549 3 8 (3) Subsidy of Sweet Wines 26694 12 44 (4) ,, French and Rhenish 8178 IS °h (S) „ Currants... 11822 2 I (6) Petty Custom (Imports) 3569 10 Nett Total of Imports ... ...;^i79884 5 I (7) Subsidy of Exports (Denizens and Aliens) ... 22831 15 Ti (8) Subsidy of Cloths ... 12114 12 oj (9) Petty Customs (Exports) 551 14 7 Total Exports ... ... £3S49& 2 I B.—Outports.— Total ... ■■• 59973 7 "5 Total Revenue.., ••■;^27S35S 14 .i! 248 History of the Customs. Specimens of Returns for the Custom-Revenue at the Outports under the Commonwealth.* £ £ 1649—50 1650-51 Barnstaple 1050 1000 Berwick ... 428 Boston ... 400 Bridgewater 10 jz'il. Brighton 200 Bristol ... 1 1800 12000 Cardiflf ... 490 Carlisle ... 640 Chester ... 600 1 800 Chichester 73 [SeeShoreh'm] Colchester 800 Dartmouth ^ 1200 2000 Dover ... 4140 3000 Exeter ... 3400 4000 Feversham 33 Gloucester 40 Hull ... 8000 12000 Ipswich... 1080 Liverpool , 365 400 Lyme iSoo 4000 Lyme-Regis 565 Milford 258 Minehead 221 Newcastle 9000 13000 Plymouth 4380 8000 Pool 400 600 Portsmouth 500 Poulton ... 42 ... Rye 471 1400 Rochester 225 Sandwich 258 Shoreham 400 Southampton 3537 2500 Swansea ... Weymouth ' 1090 1200 Yarmouth 2500 .,. 2500 These returns are given in round numbers. Appendix. 249 THE RATES OF MERCHANDIZES. ' That is to say, The Subsidy of Tonnage, The Subsidy of Poundage, and the Subsidy of Woollen Clothes or Old Drapery, as they are rated and agreed on by the Commons House of Parliament, set downe and ex- pressed in this Booke, to bee paid according to the Teno"' of the Act of Tonnage and Poundage from the four and twentieth Day of June inclusively, in the Twelveth Yeare of his Ma'>== Raigne, during his Ma''" life.'* IMPORTS. DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE BULK RATED. CUSTOM. £ 5. d. Adzes (for coopers) doz. 12 Aggates (bean) 100 doz. 13 4 „ (large) each 6 Alphabets ... set 5 Alum cwt. of 112 lbs. 2 Alpisti (canary seec cwt. 3 15 Amber lb. 3 4 ,, mast (2I lbs.) 8 4 „ (beads) lb. 10 Anchovies ... bar. (small) 7 6 Andirons (latten) lb. I „ (iron) pair 10 Andlets (mails) lb. 3 Anvils cwt. IS Anneile (Barbary) lb. I 6 Annotto )J I 6 Apples bz. 4 „ bar. (3 bz.) I „ (pippins) JJ 3 * This Schedule of Rates has been tabulated from the Parliamentary Schedule in a concise form, for convenience of reference, and of com- parison with preceding and subsequent assessments. 250 History of the Customs. DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE. Aquavitse ... )> ... ... Argal (any sort) Armour (old) Arrows (for trunks) Ashes (potash) „ (soap or wood) Awl-blades ... Augers Axes Babies (puppets for children) Babies' heads (clay) [All other toys for children Bacon (Irish) „ (Westphalia, etc.) Balks (great) „ (rniddle) „ (small) Bags (with locks) „ (rings only) Balances (gold) „ (oz.) Balls (tennis) „ (washing) Bandeliers .. Band-strings Bands (Flanders, bone lace) „ ( „ etc., cut work) Bankers (of verdure) Barbers' aprons Barlings Barley {vide corn) Barilla (saphora) Basket-rods . . . Basons (latten) Bast (or straw), hats knotted „ „ plain Bast ropes ... BULK RATED. bar. hhd. cwt. )» gross bar. 200 lbs. last (12 bars.) 1000 gross doz. gross doz. librate flitch cwt. grt. 100 (120) doz. f? gross jj 1000 gross 100 doz. knots each doz. piece bar. (2 cwt.) bundle lb. doz. )» each bundle 2 13 4 o 3 o 6 5 o 13 1 o o 6 o o I 12 5 2 2 I 5 2 2 2 5 6 o o o 8 12 6 13 o o o 16 o 10 10 o 20 o 4 o 13 1 13 d. 4 o 4 o 8 o o 4 o 8 o 17 10 o 13 4 I 4] o 8 o o o o o 8 4 o o 8 o o o o 4 4 Appendix. 251 DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE. BULK RATED. CUSTOM. £ s. d. Bast ropes cwt. 8 Battry (kettles) >> 9 Baize (Florentine) yard I 5 Beads (amber) \see Amber] » (bone) grt.gross(i728) I 10 ,, (box) J) I 10 .. (coral) lb. 10 „ (chrystal) 1000 3 „ (glass and wood) . . . grt. gross 10 „ (jasper) 100 2 Beaupers ... piece(24-syds) I 5 Beef (Irish or Scotch) bar. I )J JJ •'• ton 6 Bells (hawks', French) doz. pair 5 „ ( „ Nuremburgh) J) 2 » (horse) gross 10 .. (dogs) JJ I 4 „ (morrice) JJ S „ (clapper) lb. I Bell-metal cwt. I 13 4 Bellows pair 3 4 Bits (bridle) doz. I Blacking cwt. 4 Blankets (Paris, coloured)... each I 6 8 ( „ etc., uncol'd) JJ I Boards (barrell) 120 5 » (clap) JJ 15 » (paste) 1000 13 4 » (pipe) 120 I „ (white, shoemakers') each I Bodkins gross 6 8 Boom-spars 120 I 13 4 Bombazine (narrow) piece (15 yds.) 6 „ (broad) JJ 7 Books (unbound) basket (8 bales) 8 Bosses (bridle) gross I Botanoes each 10 Bottles (earthenware) doz. 5 „ (glass, wicker) JJ I „ ( „ leather) JJ 4 10 252 History of the Customs. DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE. BULK RATED. J) J) J) Bottles (glass, uncovered) „ (wood, pap) Boultel Rheims Bows (steel) Bow-staves ... Boxes (tinder) (nest) (pepper) ... (spice) (marmalade or jelly) (sand) (soap) (touch, leather) ( „ velvet) ( „ metal) „ (tobacco) ... Bracelets (or necklaces) glass j> red Brasse laver-cocks . . . „ pile weights... ,, trumpets „ lamps Bridles Broaches (latten or copper) Brushes, beard „ heather (coarse) » „ (fine) ), hair „ rubbing (heath) „ comb „ weavers' . . . „ rubbing (hair) Brimstone Bristles (undressed) „ (dressed) ... Buckrams (German) „ (Eastern) „ (Carrik) Buckles (girdle) ... „ (girths) ... doz. gross each I20 gross )) )> doz. gross 60 doz. jj ?) gross lb. j^ doz. jj 3) gross jj doz. cwt. 12 lbs. )) each half short piece gross £ o o o o 4 I 3 I o o I 2 O O I I o o o o o o I o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 1 o s. 4 10 8 10 o o o 2 6 4 o o 3 IS o 10 4 4 I I 12 10 o 12 6 3 6 6 I 13 5 I 6 5 10 10 5 2 o 6 d. 6 o o o o o o 6 o 6 o o o o o o o o 4 o o o o o 8 o 8 8 o 4 o 4 8 o o o o o o 8 Appendix. 253 DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE. BULK RATED. CUSTOM. £ S. d. ' BufBns,' etc., Grograms (narrow) ... piece 3 (broad) ... )j 4 10 Bugasines (calico) ... half piece 5 Bugle (great) lb. 4 >, (seed) )) 6 8 M (lace) >l 8 Bullions (for purses) gross 10 BuUrushes load I Burrs (millstone) 100 2 10 Buskins (leather) dozen pair 4 Bustians each 2 Butter bar. I >, (Irish) cwt. 10 Buttons (brass, etc.) gross 2 13 4 „ (crystal) doz. 8 „ (glass) grt. gross I 6 8 „ (thread) )) I » (silk) 3> 2 „ (damask, fine) doz. I „ (bugle) j» I 4 „ (for handkerchiefs).. gross 4 ,. (hair) )» 4 Cabinets (small) each 2 ,. (large) J? 4 Cables cwt. 13 4 Caddus (creuell) ... doz. pieces (36 "W yds.) 3 Calves' skins (untanned) ... each 10 Camaletto (half silk, half hair) yard 10 Candles (tallow) lb. 3 Candle-plates(brass or latten) )) I 4 Candlesticks „ J, I 4 „ (wire) doz. 6 8 Candle-wick cwt. 3 10 Calicos piece 10 Canes (reed) 1000 2 10 „ (wood) doz. 4 Cant-spars 120 I ^3 4 254 History of the Customs. DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE BULK RATED. CUSTOM. £ s. d. Capers lb. 006 Capravens 120 3 13 4 Cap-hooks gross 15 Caps (cockered) doz. 280 „ (children's) j> 100 „ (night, satin or velvet) ,, 300 „ (silk knit) )J 40 „ (woollen) 3) 100 „ (linen) ?» 080 Cards (playing) 12 doz. pair 600 ,. (wool) doz, pair 060 Carpets ('Tonny') piece (2-|yds.) I 10 ;, (Scotch) J) 13 4 „ (Cornix) )> I 5 ,, (Brunswick) J) 10 „ (China, cotton) ... J) 040 „ (Ghentish) doz. 300 „ (Turkey, short) ... piece (under 4 yds.) „ (over4yds.) I 10 .. ( „ long) 800 „ (Persian) sqr. yd. 250 Carrells piece (15 yds.) I 6 8 Cases for looking - glasses (Nos. 3 to lo, etc.) ... doz. 4J. to £^ 1 3 J. 4d. Cases (comb, wooden) »3 100 „ ( „ ivory, small) ... )> I 6 8 J , ( „ medium) ?) ' 200 5 ( » large) 3) 400 J (for combs, single) .. gross 100 > ( „ double) ... 33 200 ) (for spectacles, gilt) . . . it I 6 8 ) ( „ ungilt) J) 13 4 „ (for needles or pins) . . . 33 13 4 » ( ,. gilt) doz. 050 Cattle (Irish) each 2 10 Caskets (small iron) doz. I 10 „ (medium do.) 33 280 53 (large do.) | 33 300 Appendix. '55 DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE. BULK RATED, Caskets (steel) Caviare Cauls (linen) „ (silk) Cisterns (latten)- Chafing-dishes (brass, etc.). „ (iron) Chains (for keys or purses) (dogs') Chairs (walnut) Camlet (unwatered) „ (watered) . . . ,, (silk and hair) Cheese Cherries Chess-boards Chess-men ... Chests (iron, cypress, etc.) Chimney-backs (small or large) China peas . . . Chisels Citrons Clap-board ... Claricords ... Cloaks (felt) Cloth (woollen) Cochineal . . . Coals (Scotch) Coffers(iron,velvet,or leather) Comashes (Turkey) Combs (wool) „ (bone) „ (wood) „ (ivory) „ (horse) Comfetts ... Compasses (iron) .. doz. cwt. doz. ») lb. fi doz. each yard 3) cwt. doz. gross each lb. doz. »» I20 pair each yard lb. ton each pair lb. gross lb. doz. lb. doz. CUSTOM. £ 6 I o I o o o 13 o 8 o 3 o 10 o 3 o S o 10 o 6 s. d. o o o 8 o 6 8 1 4 I 4 4 o 4 o o o o 100 TOO O 12 O 6s. 8d. to 13.?. 4d. 034 o 4 3 o ° 15 o 13 2 o 8 10 IS. 8d. to 6.f.8^. 068 4s. ^Id. to 6s. 8d. 400 050 040 6s. Sd. to los. 0100 040 020 020 256 History of the Customs. DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE. BULK RATED. CUSTOM. £ :f. d. Compasses (brass) doz. 4 (ships').,. )» 7 6 Copper (unwrought) cwt. 10 „ (chains) each 2 (plate) mark 6 8 Copperas cwt. 15 Cordage J) 13 4 Cork jj 16 8 Corn (wheat under ks. Zd. per bz. at place of im- portation) bz. 5 „ (do. above 6^-. 8^.) ... qr. 6 8 „ (Rye under 45. 6^.) ... bz. 3 4 „ ( „ above 4.r. (>d.) ... qr- 5 „ (Beans, barley, malt, under y. 6d.)... bz. 3 4 „ (Do. above 35. 6d.) ... qr. 5 Coverlets (Scotch) each 15 Counters (latten) lb. I Crosbows (laths and thread) j> 8 „ (racks) each 10 Cruises (stone) 120 lay. to ^i 6s. 8d. Cushions (Scotch) doz. 10 „ (cloths for) )) 2 10 „ (tapestry for) )j 4 10 Cuttle-bones thousand I 6 8 Daggs each I Daggers (for children) doz. 2S to AS. (large) )> £1 6s. M. to- £4 Deals 120 £a, io £15 Desks each 4s. to io.r. Dials (wood) doz. 3 „ (bone) 51 12 Dimity yd. 12 Dogs (earthenware) gross 4 Dornix piece £^ ^o£2 „ (French) yd. 2 Appendix. 257 DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE. BULK RATED. CUSTOM. £ s. d. Dudgeon 100 pieces 100 Durety yd. 6j. M. to lojT. Dutties each 100 Drugs (about 300 specified kinds) various various (Except for those imported direct in British ships to pay one-third less than the r ates herein men tioned.) Earlings gross 100 Earthenware (tiles, etc.) . . . thousand £-^ to £Z „ (various) librate 016 Eggs 120 018 Elephants' teeth cwt. 400 Emery stones )j 080 Ebony wood )j 100 Fans (corn) each 068 „ (paper) doz.. 068 „ (French) jj 200 Feathers (bed) cwt. 600 „ (ostridge) lb. ;^i to^2 Feather-beds each 2 13 4 Felts (for cloaks) ?j 400 Fiddles (toy) doz. 040 Fire-shovels J) 13 4 Figuretto yd. 084 Files gross 200 Fish (cod) barrel 13 4 ,> (cod) 120 268 „ (cods'-heads) bar. 034 „ (colefish) 120 100 » (eels) bar. 268 „ ( „ alive) cargo 20 „ (gull-fish) bar. 068 „ (haddock) )> 068 „ (herrings, white) ») 084 „ ( „ red) cade 084 „ (lampreys) each 010 >, (lings) 120 368 „ (Newland) )) lOJ'.tO^^IIOj-. VOL. II. 37 258 History of the Customs. DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE. BULK RATED. CUSTOM. £ s. d. Fish (salmon) bar. 2 » ( grilse) J) IS seals) each 13 4 stockfish, cropling) . . . I20 13 4 „ lubfish) ... J> I 6 8 „ titling) ... JJ 6 8 whitings) bar. 3 4 [Except for Fish English taken and imported in English ships which pay no custom by the 5 Eliz.] Flinnel yd. I 8 Flasks (leathern) ,, (velvet) doz. 5 ° »t 2 „ (horn) »j 6 8 Flax (undressed) ... cwt. I „ (dressed) J) IS Fleams each c 2 Flocks cwt. 2 Flutes gross I Frieze (Irish) yd. 9 Frizado piece 8 Furs (ermine) 40 2 „ (badger) each 2 , (bear, black or red) . . . )} I , ( „ white) )> 2 , (beaver) )j 6 8 , (badger) various various , (calaber) 40 8 , (cats) 100 1 , (dockerers) 40 13 4 , (fitches) jj 13 4 , (foxes, black) each 10 , ( „ common) jj I 4 , (foynes) 100 I 6 8 . (grays) 40 12 6 , (jennets) each 3J. tc ) 16^. 8^. , (letwis) 40 8 4 , (leopards) each I S ° , (martens) 40 10 , (miniver) mantle 13 4 > ( Tiinx) 40 3 Appendix. 259 DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDfzE. BULK RATED. CUSTOM. £ s. d. Furs(mole) doz. 006 „ (otter) each 050 „ (ounce) )j 12 6 „ (sables) 40 30 „ (weazel) doz. 004 „ (wolf) each 140 „ (wolverine) )» 12 6 Fustian (of various countries) piece £Z JS. to ;^8 Fusses of cloves lb. 036 Gadza yd. 2s. 8d. to 5.y. Gally-dishes doz. 026 Garnets lb. £^io£5 Gauntlets pair 040 Garters (French) doz. pair 300 Galls cwt. 200 Gimlets doz. 080 Girdles (crewel or leather)... gross £2 13s. ^d to £3 6s. 8d (silk, etc.) doz. £iio£4^ Glasses (window) case £1 105. to £4 io.r. „ (drinking, Venice)... doz. 18 „ ( „ Flemish)... 100 I 5 „ ( „ Scotch or French ); 15 „ ( „ common) doz. 030 „ (burning) '. )» 030 « (viols) 100 15 (water) doz. 12 (looking) ... ... gross 080 n ( » ) doz. 135. 4d. to ^45 » (hour) )> £^ to £3 „ (spectacle) )» 100 Glass-plates (for looking- glasses) )» £t^ t0;^3O Glass-pipes ... cwt. 7100 All other glass (except beads) librate 016 Glue cwt. 100 26o History of the Customs. DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE. BULK RATED. CUSTOM. £ s. d. Globes pair £l> to £(> Gloves (Bruges or French) gross 2 lO O „ (other sorts) doz. pair 105. to £4 Gold and silver thread lb. From I OS. Gold foil gross 6 3 Gold paper >j 13 4 Graines lb. 068 Grindle-stones chaldron 160 Grocery (various) [All spicery, except pepp 2r, imported direct in English ships to pay one-third of the Rates herein mentioned. 1 Grograros (Turkey) yd. 039 Guns (calervers) each 050 „ (muskets) 3) 10 Gunpowder (serpentine) ... cwt. SCO (corn) )) 800 Halberds each ZS. 4d. to 1 3 J. 4d. Hammers doz. 4S. to ;3.s-. 4d. Handkerchiefs )j 300 Harness-roses thousand 010 Harness (corslets) each 100 „ (cuirasses) 3) 12 6 „ (morions) ,, Si", to 10,'. Harp-strings gross 050 Hat-bands jf 500 Hats doz. £1 t0;^IO Hawks (falcon) each 400 „ (goshawk) )) 3 6 S „ (gerfalcon) 4 10 „ (jerkin) ... 33 3 6 8 „ (lanner) ?1 400 „ (lanneret) ... ?3 200 » (tassel) 200 Hawk's-hoods gross I 6 8 Hair-sieves 3) 10 Hair (camel's) lb. 030 ,, (elk's) cwt. 12 6 „ (goat's) lb. 012 Appendix. 261 DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE. BULK RATED. CUSTOM. £ s. d. Heather cwt. I Hemp (drest) )) ;^8 tO;^IO „ (undrest) J» 13 4 Hides (buff) each 10 ,, (cow or horse) ;» 2S. 6d. to 10s. „ [others undressed ... ?J half the 1 cus- Hilts doz. tomj 2 Honey bar. 2 Hoops cwt. I 6 8 Hops )) 15 Hose (Mantua) pr. 10 Jet lb. 3 4 Jews-trumps gross 10 Ink (printers') cwt. 2 Imperlings doz. I 10 Inkhorns gross 3 Incle (unwrought) lb. 2 6 „ (wrought) 12 lbs. 8 Indigo (foreign) lb. 3 4 „ (Enghsh plantation) 3) I Instruments (surgical, etc., various) Iron ton 7 Iron-backs each 6.f. 8i/. to 13X. 4rf. Irons, fire ... gross 10 Iron-stones each 5 Juice of lemons pipe 4 Ivory lb. 10 Key-knops gross I Knives (coarse) dicker 3 „ (carving) doz. 3 „ (French) gross 4 „ (glover's) 6 1 10 >, (pen) gross I lO „ (stock) doz. ^4 to £6 262 History of the Customs. DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE. Lace (bone) (Brittany) (crewel) (gold and silver) (pomet) (purl) (silk) Ladles (melting) . . . Latten Lead ore Lemons (pickled) ... Lemon-water Leather Lures (hawks') Lime (dyer's) Linseed Linnen-cloth (calico) (Dutch canvass) (French) (packing) (working) (damask) (diaper) (lawns) (Flanders Holland) (British) (Irish)... (lockrams) (Eastland) (Hambro') (Scotch-twill) BULK RATED. ,12 yds. gross lb. Troy gross lb. A."de P. GWt. ton pipe tun doz. each bar. bz. piece 100 ells yd. piece ell loo ells jj io6 ells IOC ells ell 100 ells £ 4 6 8 12 2 I lO 2 d. o o o o o o o o £'2. to £i M. 4 o ( 4 o < lo 13 bs. £2 to p^20 014 050 050 o 10 o 3 10 o ^6t0;^l5 2 10 o £3, to £6 IS. 4d. tO;^i gd. t0;^i i6s. los. to £6 5 13 o o o 3 [All linen to pay a full half beyond the former Rates, for which security shall be given at the Custom-house for payment in 1 2 months, or cash-payment at a discount of 10 J>er cent. If re-exported within 12 months, the Custom shall be returned.] Locks (hanging) I gross \£x t.os.Xo £% Lutes (Cologne) | doz. 800 Appendix. 263 DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE. BULK RATED. CUSTOM. £ s. d. Lutes (Venice) doz. 24 Lute-strings gross zs. M. to £\ 6s. 8d. Lithmus cwt. I Madder cwt. ids. M. \Ja £t. \os. Maps (printed) ream 4 Masks (velvet) doz. 3 .. (satin) H 2 Masts (ships') each 35. 4(/. to £1 Match (gun) lb. 2 Mats (Russia) each 6 Meal (wheat or rye) last 3 c Medlars 2 bz. 10 Metheglin hhd. 2 Mustard seed cwt. 10 Nails (chair) thousand 13 4 „ (copper, etc.) ten thousand 13 4 » (head) bar. 8 „ (small) jj 16 „ (tenter-hooks) thousand 5 Napkins (French) doz. 12 Neats' tongues (Russian) ... each 2 Neckerchiefs (Flemish) ... doz. 6 Needles 12000 3 (packing) 1000 13 4 Nutmegs (picked) each 4 Nuts (small) bar. 10 „ (walnuts) J) 6 8 Oakum cwt. 10 Ochre bar. I 6 8 Oars each I Oats qr. 4 Oil (rape and linseed) tun 70 „ (Spanish) ?> 32 „ (salad) ... gal. 5 „ (train) tun £^ to. £8 264 History of the Customs. DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE BULK RATED. CUSTOM. £ s. d. Olives hhd. 800 Onions bar. 034 Oranges and lemons 1000 100 Packthread 100 lb. 300 Pans (cooking) cwt. 300 ,, (warming) doz. 300 Paper (printing and MS.) ... ream 036 Parchment ... doz. 070 Pears and apples bar. 10 Pease qr. 040 Petticoats (silk) each 400 Pheasants (in season) doz. 400 „ (out of season) . . . )j 2 10 Pike^heads each 006 Pikes )j 036 Pins 12000 2 10 Pipe-staves 120 068 Pipes (playing) doz. 040 Pitch last 2 10 Plaster of Paris 30 cwt. ,2 00 Plate oz. 45. to 5^-. Plates (metal) 100 13 4 Playing-tables (walnut) pr. 068 Points gross ^I tO;^'l \OS. Pumice-stones ton 13 4- Pomegranates 1000 200 Pork ton 600 Potatoes cwt. 16 8 Pots (earthenware) 100 £x 6s. M. to £2 IOJ-. „ (metal) cwt. 030 Pullies (iron or wood) gross £^ to £s » (brass) doz. 040 Quails doz. 080 Quills (goose) 1000 020 Quilts (French) doz. 4 16 „ (calico) each 200 ,. (satin) )i 6 13 4 Quinces 100 080 Appendix. 205 DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE. BULK RATED. CUSTOM. £ s. d. Racquets each 008 Rape-seed qr. 100 Rashes piece ;^4tO;^i8 Rattles (children's) gross I 6 8 Razors dicker 100 Recorders case 100 Ribbon (silk) lb. 400 Rice cwt. 1 6 8 Rosin )) 068 Rugs each 135. 4(/. to £\ Rims for sieves gross 060 Rings (key) )) 090 „ (curtain) lb. 014 » (wire) gross 040 „ (brass, etc.) )) 100 „ (small) 2 gross 10 „ (hair) gross 030 Sack-cloth 100 ells 800 Saddles (steel) each 100 Saffron lb. I 10 Salt (Spanish) bz. 008 .. (bay) )) 006 » (petre) cwt. 100 Saws (hand) doz. 068 Scissors gross 300 Serge (Athens) yd. 020 „ (Florence) jj 100 Shears (shearmen's) pair 100 „ (glovers') S) 010 „ (seamsters') doz. 034 ,, (taUors') ?) 16 Sheep (Irish) score 500 Shumack ■ cwt. 13 4 Syder tun 400 SUk (foreign) lb. 2S. tO;^5 „ (in English ships) J> iS^. to £2 [All foreign silks re-exported within 1 2 months to be allowed for full Custom paid on them.] 266 History of the Customs. DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE. BULK RATED. CUSTOM. £ s. d. Skins (bucks) each 2s. 6d. to $s. » (calf) j> 6s. M. to los. „ (dog-fish) )) o o 6 » (fox) doz. o i6 .. (goat) jj 6.f. ?,d. to £2 » (kid) I GO £^ to £2 » (seal) each I 8 „ (sheep) >» 003 Snuffers doz. 068 Soap (castle or Venice) . . . cwt. 300 „ (Flemish) bar. 4 • Spars I20 100 Spectacles (loose) gross 100 Spoons (horn) 5J 16 Sponges lb. 034 Stand-dishes (wood) doz. 040 „ (brass) jj 12 „ (leathered each 068 (pocket) doz. 200 Starch cwt. 500 Steel (long) )> I 10 .. (gad) ibar. ro Stone-birds (whistles) gross 040 Stones (blood) lb. 15 » (Caen) ton IS » (dog) last of 3 pair 39 ,, (mill) each 10 „ (quern) )> £2 5s. to £4 10s. „ (slick) lOO 15 Sturgeon firkin I 10 Stuffs mixed with wool yd. 150 Sword-blades (Venice or Flanders) doz. ;^I to £1 lOS. Table-books doz. los. to £1 Tables (playing ; coarse) . . . pr. 050 Tacks (iron) rooo 068 Tallow cwt. 16 8 Appendix. 267 DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE. BULK RATED. CUSTOM. £ s. d. Tapestry ell (Fl.) 2s. Td. to ;^8 Tar bar. 068 Tassels 1000 050 Thimbles ... J) 300 Thread (Lyons or Paris) ... bale 30 „ (Bruges) 12 lbs. 2 10 Thrums lb. 6d. to IS. Ticks each I 10 Tin-foils gross 024 Tinsel yd. ^s. to 10 J. Tobacco (Spanish or other foreign) lb. 10 Tobacco (English planta- tion) )? 019 Tools (carving) gross 100 Tow cwt. 10 Treacle ■ bar. 400 Trenchers (white) gross 040 „ (painted) )j 12 Twine lb. 006 Twist doz. 10 Vallances (Scotch) each 080 Vellum skin lo Viol each 13 4 12 Vices doz. Vinegar tun 500 Vizards doz. 140 Wadmoll yd. 009 10 Wainscoats J 120 Wax cwt. 2 00 Whale-fins (English) ton 50 „ (foreign) )) 100 Whet-stones 100 16 8 Whip-cord lb. 008 Whistles gross 040 Woad (green) ton 15 „ (Tholouse) cwt. I 13 4 200 Worsted piece 268 History of the Cztstoms. DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE. BULK RATED. CUSTOM. £ s. d. Wood (ebony) cwt. 2 o ,, (Brazil) )? I 15 „ (Guinea) ton 3° „ (Irish) 3J o 13 4 Wool (beaver) free „ (cotton, foreign) ib. o 4 „ ( „ colonial) ... free „ (Ostridge, English) ... )» » (Irish) 5J „ (lambs') JJ „ (Spanish) J» Wrests (harp, etc.) gross I 4 Wire (latten) cwt. 6 13 4 „ (iron) )) 7 10 „ (steel) lb. o 3 Wine-lees tun 4 Yarn (cable) cwt. o r3 4 „ (mohair) lb. o 2 6 „ (cotton) )j o I „ (grogram) )) o 3 » (Irish) 4 cwt. 5 .= (linen) lb. o I ,. (sail) J, o 6 „ (Scotch) jj o I „ (woollen) EXP cwt. ORTS. 3 6 8 AUabaster ...' load 2 Alum cwt. I Apothecary and confection- ery wares J) 2 Anvils )) O 10 Apples bz. O I Aqua vitse hhd. 2 Ashes last r 13 4 Appendix. 269 Bacon Bags Bandeliers ... Beef Beer (English-shipped) „ (any other) . . . Bell-metal Bellows Billets Bird-lime ... Bones (ox) ... Books Brass-ware ... Bridles Brushes (heather) ... Buttons (hair) Butter (' good or bad ') Baize (single) Calves'-skins (denizens) „ (aliens) Cambodium Candles Canvas \vide Linen] Caps Cards (wool) „ (playing) .. Cardboards ... Carpets Cheese Coaches or chariots, etc. Coals (denizens) . . „ (aliens Copper-wares Cordage Coverlets ... Cushions (Yorks.) .. Cottons (northern).. „ (Welsh) .. Corn (wheat) BULK RATED. CUSTOM. £ s. d. flitch ro doz. 10 100 10 bar. 3 ° tun 2 jj 6 cwt. 4 doz. 6 1000 2 cwt. I 10 1000 6 8 cwt. ° 5 )) 16 8 , doz. I 7 5> 10 gross 6 bar. 3 piece I doz. 2 10 ii 5 ° lb. I 6 12 lbs. ° 5 doz. 6s. to I 2S. )> 10 cwt. ° 5 gross I each 11 8 cwt. I each 5 chaldron ;^5 to ;^8 >» ^10 to ^16 cwt. 16 8 J) 10 each IS. T,d. to IS. M. doz. I 100 goads 2 )> 2 10 qr. I 270 History of the Customs. DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE. BULK RATED. CUSTOM. £ s. d. Corn (barley) qr. 10 „ (malt) )» 10 ., (beans) »3 10 „ (oats) J^ 6 8 „ (pease) J> 10 .. (rye) )) 10 „ (buck-wheat) ... 1) 10 Dornix (English) yd. 9 Dimity J3 4 Emery stones cwt. I 10 Figuretto piece 15^. to aCl lor. Fitches 40 I 13 4 Flannel yd. 4i Flax cwt. I Frieze yd. 6 Fustians (English) fi-ee Garments, etc free 2 6 Garters (worsted) gross Girdles )j iQS. to i6s. 8d. Glass (broken) bar. 3 4 „ (window) chest 10 ,, (drinking) cwt. 3 4 Glue J) 16 8 Gloves (plain) doz. 4 „ (fringed) jj 6 8 „ (furred) )S 6 8 „ (buck's hide) }) I Goose-quills 1000 2 Grindle-stones chaldron 13 4 Gunpowder... cwt. 2 Guts (ox) ".. bar. I Haberdashery cwt. I Hair ... Hair-cloth Hake piece 120 £1 I0J-. t0;^6 , ° 13 4 034 Appendix. 271 DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE. BULK RATED. CUSTOM. £ s. d. Harness (coach) pr. I Hats (beavers) doz. 2 Hawks-hoods )J 2 6 Hemp-seed qr. 2 Herring (white, full) bar. 13 4 „ ( „ shotten) ... )) 6 8 „ (red, full) cade 6 „ ( „ shotten) J) 3 „ (summer, white) ... bar. 6 8 » ( „ red) ... cade 3 Holsters ... doz. pr. 10 Hops cwt. I 10 Horns (ox) 1000 2 10 =, (rams') jj I „ (sheep) 3 4 „ (stags') 100 I 12 Horses (stone) each 66 13 4 „ (geldings) »? 20 „ ( „ to English colonies „ 10 Horses (mares) ,j 126 13 4 Hoops (barrel) 1000 13 4 Jewels, etc free Iron (wrought) cwt. 10 „ (unwrought) ton 16 Irish mantles each 3 4 Lace (gold and silver) lb. I 16 Lampreys 1000 I 6 8 Leather wares lb. 10 Lime chaldron 13 4 Linen 40 ells 10 Linseed qr. 3 Lead fodder 20 Maps and charts ... cwt. 5 Mustard seed » 10 Nails cwt. 5 272 History of the Customs. DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE. BULK RATED. CUSTOM. £ s. d. Nuts (small) bar. 6 8 Oatmeal ... bz. 3 4 Oil (train) tun 10 Oysters (pickled) bar. I 4 Ochre cwt. I Oxen each 6 13 4 Parchment ... roll 13 4 Paste-boards gross 12 Pictures cwt. 5 Pilchards (aliens) ... ton 20 Points (leather) gross 6 Pork bar. 4 Rape-cakes ... 1000 10 Rape-seed qr. 3 Rugs (Irish) yd. 4 Saddles each 3-f- to 5-f- Saffron ... ... ... lb. I 10 Salt-petre cwt. 4 Shovels each IS. 4d. to 4.f. Shoes (old) 100 doz. pr. 4 » (new) lb. 10 Silk )j .■? 4 Skins (coney) 120 TOS. to £^ 17,S. Ad. „ (kid) 100 los. to 1 3 J. 4^. „ (lamb) 120 16s M . to £ I 10 J. „ (otter) each I ,. (hare) J) 3 ,, (cats') 100 I 6 8 » (fox) each 8 „ (swans') J) 2 6 „ (dogs') doz. 2 6 „ (badgers') each I „ (squirrels') 1000 2 9 ,, (wolf) each 6 Appendix. 27^ DESCRIPTION OF MERCHANDIZE. BULK RATED. CUSTOM. Skins (elk) Soap Sprats Starch each bar. cade cwt. £ s. d. 100 100 I 8 100 Steel (gad) Stockings Stones (slate) Stuffs (woollen, etc.) Sugars (refined) doz. 1000 lb. cwt. 100 5^. to 125. 6(/. 034 014 10 Tallow cwt. 200 Tapestry Thrums lb. 100 10 13 4 Tobacco-pipes Tin (unwrought) ... „ (pewter) „ (aliens) gross cwt. 010 768 500 double Velures Vinegar Virginals ... able piece tun pr- TOO 268 100 Watches each 10 Wadmol Wax yd. cwt. 4-i 600 Whale-fins Woad gross ton 020 15 Wood (red) cwt. I 10 „ (box)... Worsted Wine-lees ton piece butt 400 1 5 J. and ;^i 100 Wool (Spanish) ... free Yarn (grogram) : lb. 040 VOL. II. 38 GENERAL INDEX. Ad valorem, duty assessed as, i. 65 Adventurers, English Company of, i. 43-51 letters patent to the, i. 46, 47 Aldermanbury, Gervase of, ii. 83 Aliens (or alien merchants), i. 5, 89, go mercantile status of, i. 87 coverture with forbidden, i. 268, 284 penalties against coverture with, i. 301 losses from coverture with, i. 279 licensed to trade, ii. 86 licenses for, to be void, i. 286, 288 safe-conducts granted to, i. 212 free traffic for, i. 210, 240 trading privileges to, i. 231 in the fellowship of the cord- wainers, i. 286 restraint of traffic of, i. 272, 273, 279. 299, 320 to buy in open market only, i. 285 disadvantages of, ii. 135 head-tax on, i. 28 poll-tax on, i. 96 duties paid by, doubled, i. 96 pesage paid by, i. 28 port-dues paid by, i, 243 to purchase native commodities, i. 269 to account for profits of the Customs, i. 208 security from, for Customs, i. 235 arrest of, i. 89 — — compulsory residence of, i. 209 to have hosts assigned to them, i. 243 Aliens, naturalization of negatived, i. 288 forestalling by, forbidden, i. 99 imports by, penalized, i. 280 retail trade of, hindered, i. 99 fraudulent salvage claims of, i. 272 consistent oppression of, i. 88 treatment of by Parliament, i. 86-96 I Allowanc^ to denizens for losses at sea, i. 102, 256-326 * Almaynes,' i. 23 Almayn ,fnerchants, petition as to loans Of, i. 230 Almayngild. iVe ' Steelyard.' Amsterdam, murder at, i. 36 Anchorage, ii. 161 Ancient Custom, i. 5, 7, 63, 66, 68, 82, 92, 188 of 1275, i. 95 appropriation of the, i. 73 of wines, i. 65 review of the origin of the, ii. 117 decline of the, ii. 138 analysis of the, ii. 201-5, 214-17, 219-26 Anglesea, privilege to, 1. 308 Anglie Rex et Terra, i. 188 Anjou, wines of, ii. 99 Antiqua Custuma. See 'Ancient Custom.' Antiquary, the, i. 3, 6 Antwerp, increase of trade in, i. 112 Appropriation of the Ancient Custom, !• 73 of supply, i. 83, 84, 246 '— evaded by the Crown, i. 86 Arcle, Sire de, i. 102 General Index. 275 Ardenne, Henry de, case of, ii. 39 Assignments, in general, ii. 185-198 form of, ii. 186 — — nature of, ii. 185 complicated nature of, ii. 190 cases of, ii. 191 double, explanation of, ii. 189 instances of, from Records, ii. 190 cancelled, explanation of, ii. 195- 197 fictitious, i. 85 'proper,' illustration of, ii. 187 * simple,' explanation of, ii. 188 official, miscarriage of, ii. 194 for the Civil List, ii. 132 for creditors of the Crown, ii. 129 of Customs for the king's house- hold, i. 252, 277, 281, 284, 289, 291, 320 : ii. 227-230 for the king's Great Wardrobe, i. 2S4 for the Public Service, ii. 131 ■ for the Staple of Calais, i. 288 ; ii. 132 of wools for Calais, i. 283 for the Scotch war, i. 80 of the Great Custom, 1. 11 dishonoured, i. 98 evaded, i. 85 Assize, cloth of, i. 83 Auncel measure superseded by statute weight, i. 219 Auxerres, wines of, ii. 99 Average, ii. 162 Avoirdupois, articles of, i. 70 Bacon, Sir Francis, speech of in 1610, i. 151, 158 Ballastage or lastage, ii. 162 Bamborough Castle, custos of, i. 98 Barbadoes, Island of, grantbyassembly of, i. 193 Barbary Society, foundation of the, i. S3 Barow in Brabant, wools shipped to, i. 276 Barter, ordinance against, i, 202 Bastards, i. 129. &e also 'Wines.' Bates' case, i. 16, 148, 185 mutilation of MS. report of, i. 17 ■ note on by Hargrave, i. 18 Bates, Richard, information against, i- 14s Benevolences, i. 168 Bergerac, trade of penalized, i. 164 Berwick, port of, ii. 7 Berwick, Custom-returns at, non-exist- ent, ii. 10 importance of as a garrison, ii. 8 assignment of Custom to, i. 281 exceptional advantages of, ii. 8 confirmation of privileges to, i. 320 exempted from tunnage and poundage, i. 235 mart for English wares, i. 277 repeal of license to, i. 262 local extortions at, ii. 8 ill repute of amongst merchants, ii. 9 BiUingsgate, Customs of, ii. i65 Bochell, Simon, ii. 19 Bodmin, Staple of tin at, ii. 18 Book of rates,!. 145, 326 ; ii. 256-273 Book-trade, bonus to the, i. 295 Bordeaux, wine-fleet from, i. 23 Boston (St. Botulf), Staple port of, ii. 10, 190 early assignment of custodes to, ii. II jurisdiction of the Chamberlain at, i. 64 Chamberlain's accounts at, ii. lOI Custom-returns at, ii. 11 great smuggling case at, ii. 41 tronage at, ii. 168 Bow-staves, compulsory importation of, i. 108 Brabant merchants, petition of, i. 199 Brailbroc, Robert de, ii. 188 Bray, Sir Edward, i. 122 Bridgewater, port of, ii. 11 Bristol, port and Staple of, ii. 12 merchants of, privileges to, i. 310 Customers of, jurisdiction of the, i. 238 port-Customs at, ii. i6 dispute of, with the Crown, ii. 12 siege of, ii. 14 submission of, ii. 14 penalties adjudged to, ii. 15 later conflict of, with the Crown, ii. 16 citizens of, ii. 191 custos of, ii. 4 Buildings, new, proclamation against i. 318 Bullion, ordinance of, i. 106, 218, 239, 240, 263, 280, 282, 284, 28:;! 304 Burgoyn, Archduke of, i. 49 38—2 276 General Index. Burgundy, Duke of, i. 27 Duchess of, i. 35 Bushelage, ii. 161 Butler, Chief, i. 12, 13 Lord, in Ireland, i. 13 the King's, i. 72, 96, 210 Butlers (Botillers), petition of the, i. 13 Butlerage, origin of the, ii. 91. See also ' Prisage ' and ' Wines.' Butter, licenses to export, i. 259 special licenses for, i. 266 Calais as a mercantile colony, i. 29 Staple at, i. 32, 33, 259 the sole English Staple, ii. 121, 127 retention of the Staple at, i. 259, 260 — — articles for the Government of, i. 261 ordinances for the Staple at, i. 298 altered position of the Staple at, i. 116 infringement of the privileges of the Staple at, 1. 263 decay of the Staple at, ii. 302 fate of, i. 44 monopoly of revived, i . 303 ■ sources of the revenue of,, i. 118 ■ subdivision of the local revenue of, i. 120 numbers of the garrison of, i. 121 mutiny of the garrison of, i. 38 Calais toll, i. 87, ii. 220-4 levied at Southampton, i. 231 ' Devoirs ' of, i. 87 mint at, i. 254 Cambridge, Earl of, grant to, i. 212 Campbell v. Hall, case of, i. 191-6 Campos, Simon de, letters patent granted to, ii. 86 Canada, i. 192 Candia, imposition on wines of, i. 169 Canterbury, Archbishop of, distraint upon the, ii. 179 Fraternity of St. Thomas of, i. 48 Caption as a Customary revenue, i. 62 Cardigan, port of, ii. i5 burgesses of, petition of the, ii. 181 Carlisle, mart for English wares, i. 277 Caethiarthen, port of, ii. 16 Carnarvon, port and Staple of, ii. 16 Canarvon, exactions at, ii. 17, rSt privilege to, i. 308 Carta Mercatoria, i. 6, 24, 70, 202 ; ii. 120 Cecil, Sir William, foreign policy of i. 144 Chamberlain of London, i. 12 of London and Sandwich, i. 64 jurisdiction of the, at Boston, i. 64 -accounts of the, ii. 100, 101 Chamberlainship of London, the, ii. 81 of London and Sandwich, ii. 97 Chancery inrolments, i. 57 Channel Islands, exemption for, i. 236 Chaucer, the poet, Comptroller of Customs, i. 10, II ; ii. 219-21, 225 Thomas, petition of, i. i5 ; ii. 107 assignment for, i. 250, 251 - butlerage confirmed to, '■ ^ii Cheese, licenses to export, i. 259 special license for, i. 266 Chepstow, port of, ii. 11 -jurisdiction of the Customers of Bristol at, i. 238 Chester, port of, importance of the, ii. 17 tronage at, ii. i68 Chichester, improvement of the Haven of, i. 3i;8 port and Staple of, ii. 17 Custom-returns at, ii. 17 Bishop of, licensed to ship marble, ii. 85 Chiriton, Walter de, farmer of Cus- toms, i. 218 Christofer, the ' good ship,' i. 252 Cinq Ports, exempted from subsidy, i. 287 bailiff of the, ii. 4 Cirencester, Abbot of, ii. 190 Clapboard, compulsory importation of, i. 319 , . Clarence, Dulce of, exemption for, 1. 250 Clarke. Baron, i. 130. See also ' Re- ports.' — - analysis of argumentby, in Bates ' case, i. 153 Claveryng, Edmund de, ii. 19 Close Rolls, i. 38 Cloth, scales of Custom on, i. 6 General Index. 277 Cloth, Crown revenues from, i. 77 readjustment of the Custom on, ii. 142 evasion of the Custom on, i. 247, 248 definition of the subsidy of, ii. 146 increase of the subsidy of, i. 325 tax on, i. 173 taxation of, for a relief, i. 302 petition against duties on, i. 216 later duty on, ii. 142 standard measures of, i. ioq ■ progress of manufactures of, i. 76 prevention of frauds in making, i. 302 foreign workers of, in England, i. 211 defective regulations for the sale of, i. 306 importation of forbidden by statute, i. 2ri protection of, i. 270 decline of trade in, i. 274 penalties for frauds in making, >■ 319 exported, partial concessions for, i. 226, 229, 241, 297 of assize, i. 83 of colour, standard of, i. 100 common, exempt from subsidy, i. 241 English, duty on, i. 170 fine-dyed, i. 76 manufacture of, i. 288 foreign, not to be worn. i. 210 of grain, Custom on, i. 70 ■ of half-grain. Custom on, i. 70 kerseys, to have measurement affixed, i. 299 native, petition for abatement of duty on, i. 251 of ray, standard of, i. 100 ■ semi-wrought, license to export, i. Z14 unfuUed, exempt from Custom, i. 226 restraint of trade in, i. 285 of Guildford, i. 106 unwrought, i. 83 export of, i. 144 free export of, i. 104 conditions for ex- ported, i. 316 Welsh, frauds in folding, i. 298 white, regulations for, i. 286 Cloth, woollen, imported, value of, under Elizabeth, ii. 144 - exported, Custom on, i. ■ manufacture of, i. 282 ' frauds in making and 281 vending, i. 285 frauds in dyeing, i. 294 unfuUed, exportation of forbidden, i. 280 worsted, Germans and Gascons to export, i. 222 Clove, standard weight of the, i. 199 Cockermouth, petition of against a Sunday Fair, i. 200 Cokets, i. Ill due execution of, i. 253 Coketage, i. in Coketing, process of, ii. 123 Coket-seal, form of the, ii. 125 Collectors of the Customs, ii. 45-30, 97, 219-26 appointment of, ii. 45, 50 remuneration of, ii. 46 travelling expenses of, ii. 193 system of accounts of, ii. 47 of the New Custom, ii. 48 Colonia, merchants of, petition of, L 96 Colonial produce, protection of, i. 176 — excuses for the pro- tection of, i. 179 Assemblies, legislative powers of, i. 19s Commissioners for appropriation of supply, i. 85. See also ' Appropria- tion of supply.' Commutation of pre-emption, theory of, ii. 7S Comptrollers of the Customs, ii. 50, 51, 54, 219-25 to be resident, i. 241 appointment of, ii. 50 remuneration of, ii. 51 Confirmatio Cartarum, i. 68, 77, 201 Consuetudines in the sense of Cus- toms, i. 160, 161 Cordwainers, regulations for the, i. 286 Corn, exportation of to privileged places, i. 233 — — free export of, when permitted, i. 238 exportation of forbidden, i. 211, 221, 267, 305 restricted, i. 259 sliding scale for, i. 273, 306, 320 Cornwall, ports of, ii. 18 2 78 General Index. Coventry, Parliament at, i. 244 Coverture, abuse of, ii. 124 fraudulent, of denizened aliens, i. 104. Ses also Aliens. Cranage, ii. 161 ' Cunage, Cornish petition for respite of, i. 199 Currants, the case of, i. 171 Custodes and Collectors identical, ii. 39 ' ^ offices of united, ii. 44 maris, at the seaports, ii. 6 lanarum regis, ii. 38 Custom, or Toll, derivation of, ii. 80 Great, assignment of the, i. 11 of the port of London, i. 10 Custom-revenue, origin of the, i. 56 under Edward I. , i. 3 ■ various employment of the, ii. 129 Customs, the, i. 10, 17, 67, 71, 187 local, ii. 159-68 distinct from imperial re- venue, ii. 162 specimens of, ii. 163-68 ' pretermitted, i. 174 provision for the, i. 324 of Billingsgate, ii. 166 of London Bridge, ii. 165 — — by land, ii. i65 at the wool quay, ii. i65 • of the Middle Ages, i. S5-i03 of Personal Monarchy, i. 103-144 Royalist and Parliamentarian, i. 145-85 Imperial and Colonial, i. 186-96 definition of the, i. 55 — defined by Parliament, ii. 5 special officers of the, i. 64 variation in collection of, i. 71 farmers of the, i. 189 collectors of the. See ' Collec- tors.' Commissioners of the, i. 189 Comptrollers of the. See ' Comp- trollers.' Comptroller-General of the, i. 190 Receiver-General of the, i. 190 receivers of the, to be natives, i. 209 limitation of offices in the, i. 214 specimens of the, ii. 201-73 value of the, i. 73-6 diminution of tlie, i. 174 Customs, rates of the, increased, i. 209 accounts of the, ii. 52 half-yearly payment of the, ii. 124 appropriation of the, ii. 133 assignment of the, ii. 70 to ahens, ii. 174 for the King's household. See 'Assignment.' ■ reciprocity of demanded, i. 274, 275 frauds on the, excepted from a general pardon, i. 304 general evasion of the, i. 137-40, 307 Customers, in general, ii. 33-55 remuneration of, ii. 45-50, 54, 225 appointment of, i. 271 ■ origin of the office of, ii. 34 causes of the appointment of, ii. 37, 39. 44 abuses of, i. 97 ■ extortions by, redress of, ii. 180 forbidden, i. 270 misconduct of, i. 97 frauds by, i. 248, 259 regulations for, i. 242, 263 — — responsibility of, ii. 41 offices of the, held at King's pleasure, i. 236 duration of the offices of, iL 53 various officers employed as, ii. 35 — - proper distinction of, ii. 36 as agents of the Crown, ii. 34 average staff of, ii. 45 at the port of London, ii. 54 accounts of, for the port of Lon- don, ii. 142 Custuma Antiqua et Nova, ii. 117-44 Cutlery, importation of, prohibited, i. 309 Dagh, or Day, John, proceedings by, ii. 42 Dartmouth, port of passage for natives, sole port for tin exported, i. 236 Davies, Sir John, speech of in i5io, i. 151 Dawtrey, Sir Francis, i. 122 Decima, or Disme, of merchandise, ii. 81 Deniers de Calais, i. 87 Denizens, technical definition of, i. 29 General Index. 279 Denizens, licenses to, abused, i. 82 allowance to for losses at sea, i. 102 to export at aliens' Customs, ex- cept to Calais, i. 267 to pay aliens' Customs, i. 291 treated as aliens, i. 288 Customs for, i. 281 Dialogus de Scaccario, i. 2 Diet, commercial, at Bruges, i. 115 Dordraght, shipment of wool to, i. 219 wool case, petition concerning, i. 223 Dover, port of passage for natives, ii. 18 privileges of, i. 274 Dowlas cloth, importation of re- strained, i. 290 Drogheda, oflSce of Butler in, i. 13 Dublin, office of Butler in, i. 13 Dunwich, port or haven of, ii. 18 unprosperous state of, ii. 18 destruction of, ii. 19 Custom-returns at, non-existent, ii. 20 Dutch, commercial prosperity of the, a cause of jealousy, i. 112 War, causes of the, i. 184 Dyer, Lord Chief Justice, i. 130. See also ' Reports.' East coast, smuggling from the, i. 277 East India Company, i. 54 Eastland Company, incorporation of the, i. 53 Edward I., Customs of the reign of, 1". 2,5, IS Edward III., Customs of the reign of, J- 5. 9. 74-5 Edward IV. , commerce under, i. 37 Ellesmere, Lord Chancellor, i. 173 Ely, Bishop of. Lord Treasurer,; ii. ^ distraint upon, ii. 179 Elys, William, impeachment of, i. 227 Emption, as a Customary revenue, i. 62 Englehard de Cigoinie, ii. 188 • Exchange,' the, at Calais, i. 34 Exchanges, foreign, i. 88 Exchequer Chamber, i. 132 inrolments, i. 57 statute of the, i. 97 Excise, i.190 Exeter, staple-port of, insignificance of the, ii. 20 Exeter, Custom-returns at, ii. 20 Petty Customs at, ii. 167 Exports of aliens, limitation of, i. 72 bonus on native, i. log prohibited, i. 236 view of English, under Elizabeth, ii. 143. See also ' Trade.' Fabrics, English, protection of, i. 287 Fells, export charges on, i. 218 Fish, restraint of importation of, i. 139 — tmde in, ii. 281 free trade in, i. 284 limitation of local Customs on at Hull, i. 299 Flanders, i. 35 • Count of, i. 46 treaty with to be observed, i. 233 Flax, or hemp-seed, compulsory sow- ing of, i. 294 Fleming, Chief Baron, i. 19, 124 analysis of argu- ment by, in Bates' case, i. 154-38. See also ' Reports.' Flemings, imprisonment of, i. loi Flemish merchants, charges against, i. 41 nobles, ordinance for recoining, i. 242 towns, fairs held in, i. 31 English jealousy of the, ii. 173 Flint, privilege to, i. 308 Fcedera. .S« 'Rymer, Thomas.' Foreign exchanges, i. 88 Forestalling, by aliens, i. 99 France, trade with, i. in exportations to, restrained, i. 232 wines of, i. 129 ; ii. 99. See also 'Wines.' . Franchises, exempt from Prisage of Wines, ii. 107 Frectagium, i. 6 Frendesburg, Robert de, proceedings by, ii. 43 Friscobaldi of Florence, Society of, L 22, 64 repayment of loan to, ii. 130 Fullers, protected, i. 83 Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of Win-' Chester, foreign policy of, i. 144 despatch by, ii. 114 Gascon wines, i. 106, 129 ; ii. 99 28o General Index. Gascon wines, free traffic in, i. 269. Seetisa 'Wines.' Gateside united with Newcastle, \. 304 Gaugers of wines, negligence of the, i. 217 General merchandise, i. 2, 5 Genoa, merchants of, exempted from scavage, i. 247 Gildhalla Teutonicorum, i. 24 liberties of the, i. 27. See also ' Almayngild ' and 'Steelyard.' Gloucester, i. 183 Duke of, i, 10, 36 Sheriff of, ii. 191 Gloucestershire, woollen cloths of, i. 50 Gold, John, smuggling case of, ii. 41 Grant, extraordinary, of Parliament, i. 70 'Graveling,' i. 34 Grazing sheep, unprofitable, i. 44 Great Custom, assignment of tlie, i. 117 fallacy as to a double duty on the, ii. 139 finally superseded, ii. 139. See also ' Ancient Custom.' Great Intercourse, i. 37 Great Rolls of the Pipe, i. 56, S9 Grenada, Island of, cession of the, i. 192 case of the, 191- 96 Grey de Wilton, Lord William, i. 122 Guildford, cloths of, i. 100 Guisnes, Castle of, i. 122 Gunpowder, duty on fixed, i. 323 Haberdashery, not to be imported, i. 309 Haddon, Commissioner, at Bruges, i. "S Hakewell, speech of in 1610, i. 18, 131, 149-159 Hale, Sir Matthew, treatise on the Customs, i. 3, 4 Hallam, Henry, i. 18. 124-128 Hampnes, Castle of, i. 122 ~Hampton (Southampton), exemption for, i. 241 Hanse, merchants of, i. 23, 64 - imports and ex- ports by, i. 24 i. 28 - legislation for, Hanse, merchants of, dispute of, with the Londoners, i. 28 petition of against scavage enforced at London, '• 257 - scale of Cus- toms for, i. 276 279, 289, 301 confirmed, i. 296 -proviso for, i. - privileges of, -imposition on. ii. 167 Hanseatic League, i. 21 Harbour-toll, levied in specie, i. 65 Harecourt, William de, ii. 190 Hargrave, Francis, i. 18, 131, 147 Hats and caps, importation of for- bidden, i. 286 to be sold only at fixed prices, i. 289 — prices of, limited. 1. 304 of velvet, qualification for wear- ing, i. 316 Haverford West, port of, ii. 20 Head-tax on alien merchants, i. 28 Hemingburgh, W. de, account of the maltolte by. ii. 170 Henry II., Customs of the reign of, i. 60 Henry VI., increased Custom-rates under, i. 96 Hides, scale of Custom on, i. 66 special license for, i. 267 not to be exported, i. 316 Honey, alleged as a staple export, i. 317 Hops, new duty on, i. 178 restraint of the importation of, i. 320 Horns, unwrought, restraint of sale of, i. 320 Horses, exportation of restrained, i. 281 or kine, exportation of limited, i. 290 Hosts, assigned to alien merchants, "• 243 Household, Royal, purveyance for the, i. 61 assignments for the. .S^(? ' Assignment.' Howard, Lord, dispatch from, i. 42 Howell, edition of 'StateTrials' by, i. 19. 153171 Hull. See ' Kingston-on-Hull. ' General Index. 281 Hyde, Lord Chief Justice, i. 132. See ' Reports." Imperial and Colonial Customs. See 'Customs.' Imports, foreign, restraint of, i. 61 exclusion of, i. 105 necessary, list of, i. 114 ; ii. 236- 42 ■ superfluous, list of, i. 114 ; ii. 236-42 ' restraint of, i. 287 view of, under Elizabeth, ii. 143 Impositions, the great case of, i. 9, 18 ' in retaliation, sanctioned by Par- liament, i. 269, 271 ' instances of, i. 163-174 • of Mary and Elizabeth, ii. 114 on Hanse merchants, ii. 167 Imprests, statute concerning, ii. 194 Intercourse, revival of the, under Elizabeth, i. 50 • reasons for the, i. 112 Ipswich, new Staple at, i. 225 ■ ancient privileges restored to, i. 245 ■ port of, poverty of the, ii. 20 • injured by the rivalry of Yarmouth, ii. 21 ■ Custom-returns at, ii. 21 Irish invited to English Staples, i. 220 Iron, exportation of forbidden, i. 221 Issue Roll, entry of assignments in the, ii, 195-7 Italian traders, i. 22 • free traffic to, i. 245 ' to sell by gross, i. 277 Joan (Queen), frauds by foreign ser- vants of, i. 260 Jfalers, Marquis of, i. 212. See 'Cam- bridge, Earl of.' Keelage, ii. 161 King's Butler. See ' Butler, the King's.' Chamberlain. See ' Chamber- Iain.' King's Ports, origin of the. See ' Ports.' Kingston-on-HuU, town of, i. 7, 8, 24 ; ii. 194 Staple port of, ii. 22 Custom-returns at. li. 22 Kingston-on-Hull, exactions at, i. 297 Lane, reports by. See ' Reports. ' Latten, or brass, not to be exported, i. 289 Latymer, Lord William, impeachment of, i. 83, 227 Leather, exported, a source of revenue, ii. 87 later duty on, ii. 142 loan on, i. 165 — limitation of, i. 297; to, i. 29s - repeal of a monopoly ii. 316 • ■ tanned, regulations for the ex- portation of, i. 304 hides or tallow, exportation of to be felony, i. 306 frauds in currying, i. 294 ] frauds in tanning, i. 294 Leeward Islands, i. 192 Leicester, Karl of, monopoly of cloths to, i. 116 Lenn. See ' Lynn. ' Lestage, ii. 162 Levant Company, i. 53, 156 Liberate Rolls, i. 58 Licenses, abuse of, i. 85 ; ii. 126 to merchants by way of patents, ii. 84 to patentees of the Crown, ii. 94 against the privileges of the Staple, ii. 127 to denizens, i. 82 to export English commodities, i. 114 for denizens not to export to Calais, i. 267, 268 to export corn , i. 267 damage effected by on Calais, i. 270 of the Crown declared illegal, L 249 enactments against, ii. 128 arbitrary, forbidden, i. 301 Limerick, office of Butler in, i. 13 Lincoln, license for, i. 265. 266 exempted from taxation, i. 282, 286 Staple removed from, ii. 10 Lincolnshire, wools of, reputation of the, ii. 10 Linen, conditional importation of, i. 298 drapers of London, petition of the, i. 290 Lionel, Prince Regent, imposition by, i. 166, 215 2«2 General Index. Live stock, export of, prohibited, i. 107 Liverpool, early foundation and insig- nificance of, ii. 26 Loans, fictitious, i. 166 Lockram cloth, importation of re- strained, i, 290 Lombard Societies, i, 22 merchants, encouragement to, ii. 85 penalties against, i- . 267 London, privileges of, i. 199 Port of, ii. 24 officers of the, ii. 24 jurisdiction of, ii. 25 74 - extent of the, ii. 24 • Great Custom at the, i. - Custom-returns at the. ii. 26 Customers at the, ii. 54 Chamberlain of, i. 12, S4 ; ii. 4i 97. loi port dues of, ii. 168 London Bridge, Customs at, ii. 165 Lords Appellant, assignment to the, "• 23s Low countries, i. 35 trade with the, i. 47 Great Intercourse with the, i. no free trade with the, i. 125 Lucca, Society of the Merchants of, i. 22, 64 Luda, W. de. Bishop of Ely, distraint upon, ii, 179 Lung, John, case of, ii. 51 Lyme, port of, ii. 26 Lymington, haven of, ii. 27 Lynn, bailiff of, ii. 4 staple port of, ii. 23 Customers at, ii. 23 Custom-returns at, ii. 23 tronage at, ii. 168 new staple at, i . 226 manufactures at, i. 296 Lyons, Richard, impeachment of, i. 83, 166, 227 Madox, Thomas, i. 3, 4, 8 Magna Carta, i. 4, 87, 8g, i5o, 209 Mala Prisa, 1. 65 Malmseys, i. 129 imposition on, i. 280. See also ' Wines. ' Maltolte and Mutuum, of the, ii. i6q- 184 Maltolte and Mutuum, derivation of the, i. 4 definition of the, ii. 67, 169 expedient of the, ii. 125 s ' operation of the, ii. 169 r ; oppositionof the Baronage to the,. ' ii. 171 •' superseded by the subsidv, if 77 of wool, said to be fixed as a sub- sidy, i. 214 Mansfield, Lord Chief Justice, i. 191 Manufactures, native, protected, i.- 108 rising import- ance of, i. ros Marlowe, Prioress of, ii. 188 Mary, alleged impositions under, i. 124 Matthew of Westminster, chronicle of,. ii. 171 Measurage, ii. 162 Melcombe, new Staple at, i. 223 confirmed as a Staple port, i. 260. Staple port of, ii. 27 sack and decay of, ii. 27 Custom-returns at, ii. 28 Memoranda Rolls, cited, i. 169 ; ii; 175-182 Mercer, Robert le, complaint of, ii. 180 Mercers, Fellowship of the, i. 48 Mereswell, R. de, i. 7 Merchants, number of, exporting from London, ii. 220-224 — r- native, favoured position of, ii, 136 Adventurers,!. 37, 45-51 petition by the, i. 47 SI - charter to the, i. - act for the, i. 282 • Fellowship of the. incorporated, i. 310 contractors, complaints of, i. 216 Staplers, incorporation of the, i. 32 — ^strangers, i. 60 precautionsagainst free trade by, i. 260. See also ' Aliens.' Mesonage, ii. 161 Metal, exportation of restrained, i.. 298, 299 Middleburgh, shipment of wools to; i. 226 rarely used as a Staple, ii. 121 ' Minerals, taxes on, i. 5 General Index. ^83 Minerals, scale of Custom on, i. 66 and other products, rated low, ii. 88 Mines, case of, i. 154 Monopolies, abolition of, i. 320 Morling, wools, assignment of, i. 276 Murage, i. 157 ; ii. 6, 161 Muscovy Company, charters to the, i. 50-52 Muskadels. Sec 'Wines.' Muluum, mis-translation of, i. 8 inexact quotation of, i. 165 definition of the, ii. 183 expedient of the, ii. 125 examples of the, ii. 183, 184 special form of, ii. 195-98 Navigation Act, germ of the, i. 104 : confirmation of the, i. 124, 292 1. 304 ■ partial repeal of the, - repealed, i. 319 - emended, i. 309 ,310 Netherlands, trade with the, i. in New Custom, i. 6. 66, 84, 95 ; ii. 119 specimens of the, ii. 208-213, 217-226 respite of the, i. 208 repeal of the, i. 209 on wools, evasion of the, 1. 245 - political history of the, • on wine and cloth, i. n. 102, 133 89 on sweet wines, origin of the, i. 126 ' New Impositions,' i. 174 ' New Ordinances ' of 1312, i. 22, 208 ; ii. 137 Newcastle-on-Tyne, ii. 191 ■ port of, ii. 28 Staple port of, ii. 29 at, ii, 30 Custom - returns - deceits in the coal Customs at, i. 254, 255 position of. 290 to, i. 262 - repeal of license - joined to Gate- side, i. 304 Newnham Bridge, fort of, i. 122 Noble, English, only legal tender at Calais, i. 254 Norfolk, privilege to, i. 308 Nottingham, prise of, i. 213 Nova Custuma. See ' New Cus- tom.' Ordinance of Bullion. See ' Bul- lion.' Ordinances, the New. See ' New Ordinances. ' Orford haven, preservation of, i. 318 Ormonde, Earl of, grant to, i. 13 Marquis of, compensation to, i. IS attainders, i. 14 Outports, jurisdiction of the, ii. 3 Oxford, claim by the Corporation of,. i- 13 Parliament, grants of, i. 77-84 grant of subsidy by, i. 78 limitation of subsidies by, i. 79 petitions to, i. 100, 198, 327 complaints of, against merchants, i. 80 enactments of, against Crown licenses, ii. 128 misrepresentations by, i. 81, 82 control of the Customs by, i. 77- 86 supervision of Customs by, i. 97 attitude of, towards aliens, i. 86- 96 the ' Good,' reforms of the, i. 83 the (Long) inconsistent policy of the, i. 181, 184 ■ Rolls of, i. 8 Parva Custuma. See ' New Custom.' Patent Rolls, i. 58, 84-86 Patent Pro Mercatoribus Anglie, i. 46 Peachee, John, impeachment of, i. 228 Pelts, exportation of prohibited, i. 316 Penalties for concealment of Customs, i- 259 Percentage on general merchandise, ii. 87 Pesage. Customs of, ii. 164 of aliens' wares, i. 28 Pesour, office of, ii. 51 Petitions to Parliament. See ' Parlia- ment. ' Petty Customs, at Exeter, ii. 167 later history of the, ii. 140. See also ' New Custom." Pewterers, not to purchase foreign tin- wares, i. 29s 284 General Index. Peyntour, Alexander le, case of, ii. SI Philip and Mary, charter of, to the Muscovy Company, i. 51 Philippa, Queen, ii. 190 Philypot, J., collector of the subsidy, i. 230 Piracy in the narrow seas, i. 23 Plowden. See ' Reports.' Plymouth, port of, ih 18, 30 harbour of, polluted by tin-mines, j. 294 haven of, .preservation of the, i. 317 Pooie, port of, ii. 30 . Customs at the, ii. 168 Ports, in general, ii. 1-33 ■ Customs at the, i. 63 • definition of, ii. i, 159 growth of the, ii. 5 prosperity of the, ii. 7 defences of the, ii. 6 local ta.xation for the maintenance of, ii. 160 privileges and emoluments of the, ii. 160 south western, preservation of the, i. 298 Port-dues, grievances arising from, i. Ill of London, ii. 168 Porte, Claus de la, frauds by, on the Customs, ii. 4r Portsmouth, port of, ii. 30 Poundage, grant of, i. 231, 234, 237, 238, 246, 247, 249, 251, 25s, 257, 258, 260-263, 268, 269, 271, 273, 278, 284,287,300, 305. 311, 320, 322-325 increase of, i. 246 Preemption, origin and nature of, i. 58 ; ii. 62 'early practice of, i. 60 Primage, ii. 162 Prisage of wines, i. 2, 3, 4, 6, 13 ; ii. 82 returns of the, ii. 231-233 origin of the, in early limes, i. 65 : ii. 60, 92 definition of the, ii. 95 commutation of the, refused by denizens, i, 237 rehgious houses exempted from the, ii. 113 in Ireland, i. 15 instances of the, in the Close Rolls, ii. 95 Patent Rolls, ii. 95 Prisage, chief ports for, ii. 113 Prisage and Butlerage, ii. 90-116 returns of, in the sixteenth century, ii. 112 Prise, i. 2, 60, 65 uncommuted, i. 66, ; ii. 74 right measures for, i. 252 of victuals, i. 217 Prise-Wines, value of, i. 7 Prises, or Captions and Emptions, ii. 56-73 Provisions, t^xes on, i. 5 Puritans, protective policy of the, i. 179 Purveyance, i. 58, 60, 62, 72, 97 motive and antiquity of, i. 60 or maltolte, i. 69 regulation of, i . 269 limitation of, i. 301 standard scile for, i. 263 excess of, remedied, i. 306 recognition of, i. 257 decay of, ii. 73 instances of, from Exchequer Rolls, ii. 64 • Issue Rolls, ii. • Liberate Rolls, ii. Memoranda 69 65 Rolls, ii. 67 ■ Wardrobe Ac- count, ii. 66 Purveyors, Royal, i. 62 Quayage, grants of, ii. 6 Queensborough, Staple removed from,, i. 230 port of, ii. 30 Quindecima, or Quinzime, of mer- chandises, ii. 81 Ramsay, Sir J. H., Bart., on Pell Ac- counts, i. 4 Ravenspur-on-Humber, beacon of, ii. 168 - tolls at, ii. Hermit of. grant of tolls to the, ii. 168 Receipt Rolls, entry of assignments in the, ii. 195-198 Recta Prisa. See ' Prisage.' ' Recta tolta,' i. 67 Regrating, abuse of, i. 105 act against, i. 303 Regralors, act against, renewed, ii. 290 General Index. 285 Reports (Law), Dyer's, i. 131, 134 Hyde's, i. 132, 136 ■ Lane's, i. 19, 124, 130, 148 Plowden's, i. 131 Restraint of foreign imports, i, 272. See also ' Imports ' and ' Trade.' Revenue, royal, early sources of the, i. I ; ii. 56 Reynivall, John, Alderman of London, i. 27 Richard L, Customs of the reign of, i. 60 Richard II., Customs of the reign of, i. 10 Rolls of Chancery, i. 58 Romaneys. See ' Wines.' Round, Mr. J. H., i. 7, 16 Ruysbank, town of, i. 122 Rye, port of, i. 302 Rymer, Thomas, i. 32. See also ' Foedera.' Sacks. See 'Wines.' Safe conduct, letters of, i. 25 ; ii. 193 to merchants, i. 167 St. Botulf , writ to take linen and can- vas at, ii; 179 St. Emilion, trade of, penalized, 164 Salisbury, Lord Treasurer, i. 173 Salt fish, Customs on, i. 316 to be imported to ports north of Boston, i. 318 Sandwich, early history of, ii. 31 bailiff of, ii. 4 chamberlain of, i. 64 ; ii. 4, 97 — ;— port of, case of the, ii. 162 Custom-returns at, ii. 31 local Customs at, ii. 167 assignment of the Customs at, i. 272 Staple removed to, i. 230 Saxony, wines of. See ' Wines.' Scarborough, bailiffs of, ii. 190 custos of, ii. 4 local Customs at, ii. 31 Scavage, Customs of, i. 282 ; ii. 164. See also ' Genoa, merchants of.' Scutage, i. 161 ; ii. 63 Searcher of the Customs, i. 9 gratuities to, forbidden, i.242 Shearmen, i, 83 Sheep in wool, not to be exported, i- 259 exportation of, to be felony, i. 309 taxation of, for a relief, i. 302 Shoreham, port for Chichester, ii. 31 Shoreham, exempted from subsidy, i. 282 ; ii. 286 Shorling, wools, assignment of, i. 276 Sion, Abbess of, ii. 113 Skins and pelts not to be exported ex- cept as Staple-ware, i. 309 Smuggling, precautions against, i. 263 regulations against, i. 243 new device for, i. 259, 268 Sneyth, Henry de, ii. 190 Southampton, port of, extensive juris- diction of the, ii. 31 exceptional position of, ii. 114 Custom-returns at, ii. 32 chamberlain's accounts at, ii. loi custos of, ii. 4 decay of Customs at, i. 291 monopoly of sweet wines granted to, i. 138, 312 Custom and Subsidy at, assigned to the Bishop of Winchester, i. 252 Spices imported to be duly garbled, i. 320 assignment of, for the royal house- hold, i. 252 Staple, origin of the, i. 29'^ of Calais, i. 29-45 — ^ Company of the, i. 86 Court of the, i. 33 mayors of the, appointed, 221 Customs of the, i. 35- petition from the, i. 229 statutes of the, i. 33 -^.,. ordinance for the, revised, i. 267 • regulations for the, i. 239, 253, 265 exports, comparative values of, '•75 . assignments to the, 1. 117-119 free passage of goods bought at the, i. 237 repeatedly moved, i. 31- . retained at Calais, i. 117 restored to Calais, i. 235 to be removed to Calais if neces- sary, i. 244 removed from Calais to Middle- burgh, i. 23s removed from Calais for three years, i. 254 in England, i. 82, 223 removal of the, to England ad- vised, i. 21S to be held in English towns, i. 219 suspended by Edward III., i. 31 - monopoly of the, confirmed, i. 251 privileges of the, upheld, i. 257 . 286 General Index. Staple, obsolete privileges of the, i. n8 privileges of the, undone by the King's licenses, i. 270 outrage on an emissary of the, i. 36 ports, English, names of the, i. 219 Statute of the Exchequer, i. 97 Statutes of the Realm, i. 8 epitome of the, relating to the Customs, i. 197-327 — - Staple, i. 33 Steelyard, the, i. 24, 26 — — assured to Hanse merchants, i. 27 Style-hus. See 'Steel-yard.' Strandage. ii. 161 Strate, William, ii. 19 Stubbs, the Right Rev. Dr., i. 2, 4-6 Subsidy, i. 4 definition of a, ii. 145 poUtical significance of a, ii. 147 on gems and furs, i. 26 extraordinary, [on vessels in the Baltic trade, i. 26 of one-ninth sheaf and lamb granted, i. 211 of one-tenth granted, i. 211 on wines, grant of the, i. 233 on ships by way of tonnage, i. 240 abnormal rates of the, i. 93 renewal of the, i. 232 regrant of the, i. 233 granted for the King's life, i. 25, 239, 251 prolongation of the, i. 234 increase of the, remitted, i. 258 limitation of the, i. 212 appropriation of the, not to be taken during two years, i. 247 error in a grant of the, i. 246 of wools. See ' Wools, Subsidy of.' of tunnage. Set ' Tunnage, Sub- sidy of.' — — of poundage. See ' Poundage, Subsidy of.' Subsidies, grants of, for safeguard of the seas, i. 324 — — chronology of, 1348-1485, ii. 146- ■^ . in general, 11. 145- 158 Suffolk, privilege to, i . 308 Supply, Parliamentary, effect of, ii. 134. See also ' Appropriation of Supply. ' Sweet wines, increase of duty on, i. I 96. See * Wines.' Tally, description of a, ii. 185 Tallies, method of accounting by, ii. 186 later use of as chirographs, ii. 186 illustrative case of the use of, ii. 187 instances of the use of from Re- cords, ii. 188 against the Crown, use of, ii. 186 cancelled, e-xplanation of, ii. 19 Tallow, special license for, i. 267 not to be exported, i. 316 Tanners, regulations for, i. 286 Taxation at the ports, increase of, i. 183 Terrage, ii. 161 Tobacco, tax on, i. 173 ■ — — rates on, i. 180 duty on, i. 323 new impositions on, i. 175 imports of, i. 178 foreign, jealousy of, i. 177 Spanish, Royal monopoly of, i. - 177 Vii'ginian, protection of, i. 176 Tolls or Prise Commutations, ii. 63-89 in money, historical origin of, ii. 80 Tonnage mistaken for tunnage, i. 9 Torre, Abbot of, ii. 191 Toulouse woad, i. 106 Towage, ii. 161 Trade under Edward IV., i. no balance of, ii. 142 protective tendencies of, j. 142 by small craft restricted, i. 310 Free, partial repeal of, i. 279 restoration of, i. 279 native, restraint of, i. 276, 299, 303 licenses, grants of, i. 25 routes, inland, state of, ii. 78 Societies of the Middle Ages, 2I-SS restraint of, i. 104, no, 243, 277, 302, 321 ; ii. 76 Traders, petty, rise of a class of, i. 105 Treasure trove, I4r, i5i Tronage, case relating to, ii. 51 Customs of, ii. 164 at Boston, ii. 168 at Chester, ii. 168 at Lynne, ii. 168 General Index. 287 Tonnage, false, petition against, i. igg Tronager, or Tronour, duty of the, ii. 123 . office of the, ii. Tronour, misread ' trovour, i. 8 Turlcey Company, i. 53 merchants, incorporation of, i. 148 Tannage, i. 126 and butlerage, ' the right concern- ing,' 140 grant of, i. 234, 237, 238, 247, 249-251, 257, 258, 260, 262-265, 268, 269, 271, 273, 278, 284, 2B7, 300, 305. 3". 320, 322-325 Valence, William de, private fran- chises of, i. 200 Venice, carrying trade of, i. 106 competition of, i. 136 imposition on sweet wines of, i. 122 duties on Malmseys of, i. 137 Virginia, Customs on products of, Victuals, export of, forbidden, i. 305 Wallop, Sir John, i. 122 Walworth, W., collector of the Sub- sidies, i. 230 Warrenne, Earl of, Customs claimed by the, ii. 168 Waterford, office of butler in, i. 13 Wax, Custom on, i. 70 • alleged as a Staple export, i. 317 Welsh to have free access to English Staples, i. 220 West Indies, exports from the, i. 193 Westminster, Staple at, ii. 24 Weymouth, a haven for Melcombe, ii. 32 ' Whitesand,' i. 34 Whittington, Mayor of the Staple, i. 36 Wiltshire, woollen cloths of, i. 50 Winchelsea, port of, i. 302 Wines, i. 70, 136 increased importation of, i. 143 exceptional position of, ii. 89 ' Captores et emptores ' of, i. 72- prise of, the king's right to, re- tained, i. 202 price of, fixed, i. 298 retail price of, fixed, i. 123 ■ retail prices of, i. 129 wholesale prices of, i. 129 Wines, wholesale prices of, assessed, i. 293, 300 Act for the sale of, confirmed, i- 29s sale of, restricted, i. 304 regulations as to retailing, i. 254 ' Ancient Custom ' of, i. 65 impositions on, i. 127 — value of the, under Elizabeth, ii. 144 new Custom on, origin of the, ii. 91 e-\ceptional Custom account of, ii. 109 Subsidy of, definition of the, ii. 145 tax on, i. 5, 173 classification of duties on, ii. 90 . revenue from, i. 122 — ■ accounts of the, ii. 95-iot petitions as to the taxation of, ii. 106 of Anjou, ii. 99 of Auxerres, ii. 99 Bastards, i. 129 of Candia, i. 169 French, i. T29, 292 ; ii. 99 retail prices of, fi.xed, i. 293 duties on French and sweet, i. 130 Gascon, i. 106, 129, 292 ; ii. 99 Gauge of, ii. tio observance of the, i. 266, 278 Malmseys, i. 129 Muskadels, i. 129 Romaneys, i. 129 Sacks, i. 129 of Saxony, ii. 99 sweet. Custom on, equalized, i. 308 monopoly of, granted to Southampton, i. 312 increased duties on, 1, 32s royal proclamations concerning, i. 29s Woad, Assize of, ii. 81 Toulouse, i. 106 Wool, i. 38, 96 lamb's, rateage of, i. 262 Shorling and Morling, assign- ment of, i. 276 Spanish, fears expressed about the competition of, i. 113 false weights of, i. 214 288 General Index. Wool, frauds in packing, i. 273 winding, i. 294 grievances connected with the exportation of, i. 214 exportation of forbidden, i. 214 restrictions upon the exportation of, i. 224 exportation of to be a felony, i. 264, 266 forbidden on pain of death, i. 210 to be shipped to Calais only, i. 274 not to be shipped from Berwick, i. 220 not to be shipped from Scotland, i. 220 free passage of, i. 218 licenses to denizens to export, i. 222 passage of, regulations for the, i- 27s. device for smuggling, i. 259 shipwrecked, allowance for, i. 278 exported, bullion to be remitted for, i. 253 prise of, in the counties, i. 213 statutory price of, enforced, i. 79 scale of prices fixed for, i. 40 sale of, i. 273 — - penalties for forestalling, i. 274 act against regrating, i. 300 cost of p£^cking, i. 119 ■ order as to coketting, i. 223 apparatus for Customing, ii. 47 new impositions on, i. 216 decrease of exported, i. 75 ■ decUne of revenue from, i. 76 exported, chiefsource of revenue, ii. 87 Wool and leather, permanent Custom on, ii. 88 grant of 30,000 sacks of, i. 211 tax on, granted by Parliament, i. S subsidy of, 221,222,225, 226,231, 233, 23s, 236, 239, 241, 243, 244, 249, 247. 249. 251, 257, 258, 260, 262- 26s, 268, 270, 271, 273, 278, 284, 300, 30s, 3". 320. 323. 324 first grant of the, ii. 134 - under Henry VI., i. 25 rate of the, i. 104 reduction of the, i. 271 — r- loan on, i. 165 assignment of, for Calais, i. 283 Custom on, doubled, i. 104 Wool-beam, business of the, ii. 123 Wool-cards, not to be imported, i. 319 Wool-Custom, i. 5, 38 Wool-fells, rate of Custom on, i. 5 Wool Quay, Customs at the, ii. 166 new impositions at the. i. 228 Wool-shippers, decrease of numbers of, under Hen. VIII., i. 39 Wood, export of forbidden, i. 305 Worsted, single, exempt from Calais toll, i. 238 Wooton, Commissioner at Bruges, i. "S Yarmouth, ii. 19! — Bailiff of, ii, 4 — port of, ii. 32 York, Richard, Duke of, assignment to, i. 37, ISO ; ii. 13a THE END. Elliot such. Paternoster Row, London.