Preiented to 
 The Cornell University, 1869, 
 
 BY 
 
 Goldwin Smith, M. A. Oxon., 
 
 Regius Profeffor of Hiltory in tht 
 Univerfity of Oxford. 
 
rslty Library 
 History of the Parliament of Enaland 
 
 3 1924 027 954 662 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tiiis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/cletails/cu31924027954662 
 
THE HISTOEY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PARLIAMENT OF ENGLAND, 
 
 WHICH BEGAN 
 
 NOVEMBER 3, 1640; 
 
 A SHORT AND NECESSARY VIEW OF SOME 
 PRECEDENT YEARS. 
 
 WRITTEN BY THOMAS MAY, Esq. 
 
 SECRETARY FOR THE PARLIAMENT. 
 
 TBMPORA MUTANTt!R. 
 MUTANTUR HOMINES. 
 VERITAS EADEM MANET. 
 
 A NEW EDITION. 
 
 OXFORD: 
 
 AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 
 M.DCCC.LIV. 
 
I have read over the first part of this History, contained in 
 
 three books, an impartial truth; and judge it fit for public view 
 
 by the printing. 
 
 JO. LANGLEY. 
 
 May 7, 1647. 
 
ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 IhE History of the Parliament of England by 
 Thomas May Esq. has been printed twice previously 
 to the present edition. The first edition appeared 
 in small folio in the year 1647. The second was 
 published in the year 181 2 in 4to, under the super- 
 intendance of Baron Maseres. Upon comparing the 
 two editions Baron Maseres was found to have al- 
 tered the phraseology in very numerous places 
 without any warrant, which variations have been 
 noticed and enclosed between [ ] as far as p. 1 1 1 
 of the present edition. After that page the original 
 edition has been strictly followed, disregarding alto- 
 gether the Baron's interpolations. 
 
 The papers at the end which were appended by 
 Baron Maseres to his edition have also been com- 
 pared with those contained in Husbands' Collection, 
 (which was published at London with the title of 
 Remonstrances &c. &c. between the King and Parliament 
 from Dec.164.1 to March 1643. London, 1643. 4to.) and 
 corrected thereby. 
 
 November 1853. 
 
 a2 
 
PREFACE 
 
 TO THE EDITION OF 1812. 
 
 1 HE following history of the parliament of England, which 
 begun on the 3rd. day of November in the year 1640, and 
 which has since been usually distinguished by the name of the 
 long parliament, was written by Thomas May, esquire, a gen- 
 tleman of great genius and literary attainments, who flourished 
 in the reign of king Charles the First. He was born at May- 
 field, in the county of Sussex, in the year 1595, and was the 
 eldest son of sir Thomas May, a knight, who lived at that 
 place, and who seems to have been possessed of a competent 
 estate in that neighbourhood, which was sufiicient to main- 
 tain him in the condition of an independent gentleman ; as it 
 does not appear that he was engaged in any of the profes- 
 sions. And the liberal education which he gave his eldest 
 son, our author, seems to confirm this supposition of the in- 
 dependence of sir Thomas May's circumstances : for, after 
 having sent him to some good school in the neighbourhood of 
 Mayfield, in the early part of his youth, (in which he made an 
 uncommon progress in the acquisition of the learned lan- 
 guages,) sir Thomas May entered him at Sidney-Sussex 
 college, in the university of Cambridge, in the rank of a fellow 
 commoner, which is the upper class of students there, into 
 which the eldest sons of the affluent and independent gentle- 
 men of England are usually admitted. And here our author 
 continued his classical studies with great assiduity and suc- 
 cess, and laid in a copious stock of that elegant literature 
 and familiar acquaintance with the best poets and historians 
 of antiquity, for which he was afterwards so much celebrated. 
 And in the year 161 a he took the degree of bachelor of arts, 
 
vi PREFACE TO 
 
 being then only seventeen years of age ; it being the custom 
 in those days to remove young scholars from grammar schools 
 to the two universities of Oxford and Cambridge about three 
 years earher than is done at present, or for the last sixty or 
 seventy years. But, after taking the degree of bachelor of 
 arts in the university of Cambridge, it does not appear that 
 our author ever took any other degree there. 
 
 From the year i6ia (when he was seventeen years old) to 
 the year 1615, (when he was twenty years of age,) it does not 
 appear where Mr. May resided : though it seems reasonable 
 to suppose that it was partly at Cambridge and partly with 
 his father in Sussex. But in the month of August 1615 he 
 was admitted a student of the law in the society of Gray's 
 Inn. And from that time he resided chiefly either at that inn 
 of court, or in some other part of London, for more than 
 twenty years ; during which time he devoted himself much to 
 the study and cultivation of poetry, and, in consequence of 
 his success in that elegant art, became famiharly acquainted 
 with the most eminent courtiers and wits of those times, and 
 particularly with sir Kenelm Digby, sir Richard Fanshaw, sir 
 John Suckling, sir Aston Cokaine, Mr. Thomas Carew, (one of 
 the gentlemen of the privy-chamber to king Charles,) and 
 Endymion Porter, (one of the gentlemen of his bedchamber,) 
 besides Ben Johnson, (the celebrated dramatic poet,) and 
 many other persons of higher quality, who were poets them- 
 selves, and lovers of poetry in others, amongst whom they 
 admitted Mr. May to have a strong claim to be distinguished. 
 And it was in the course of these twenty years (from the year 
 1615 to the year 1635) that Mr. May made an excellent 
 translation in verse of Lucan's noble historical poem on the 
 civil war of Rome, between Pompey the Great and Julius 
 Caesar, entitled Pharsalia; which translation was first pub- 
 lished in the year 1627, or the second year of the reign of 
 king Charles the First, and when Mr. May was thirty-two 
 years old; and was published a second time in the year 1630, 
 or when Mr. May was thirty-five years old ; and was then 
 accompanied with a continuation of the poem in seven addi- 
 tional books, in English verse, (like the translation of Lucan's 
 work,) which carry the history of that destructive civil war 
 to the death of Julius Csesar in the Capitol, by the hands of 
 
THE EDITION OF 1812. vii 
 
 several senators of Rome, who had conspired against him ; 
 who, for the most part, (or with the exception of only Marcus 
 Brutus and Caius Cassius, and perhaps two or three persons 
 more,) were officers of his own army, but yet thought it to be 
 their duty to put him to death, when they found that he was 
 resolved to terminate the long series of victories which they 
 had helped him to gain, with a total suppression of the liber- 
 ties of their country. With this grand and awful event, (which 
 afforded an example of the punishment due to ambitious men, 
 who employ their great talents to the destruction of pubhc 
 Hberty), Mr. May thought the poem ought to end : and it 
 may reasonably be supposed that he thought that Lucan him- 
 self would have closed his poem with the description of that 
 catastrophe, if he had lived to bring it to a conclusion. 
 
 And after having pubhshed this continuation of Lucan's 
 poem, in seven additional books in English verse, in the year 
 1630, he translated it into Latin verse, and caused the trans- 
 lation to be printed at Leyden in Holland, where it was much 
 admired by learned foreigners, and thought to be not inferior, 
 in the purity of the Latin and the harmony of the verses, to 
 the verses of Lucan himself. 
 
 This translation of Lucan's Pharsalia, with the continuation 
 of it in English verse, and the translation of the said continua- 
 tion into Latin verse, are the principal works that have con- 
 tributed to the reputation of Mr. May as a poet. But they 
 are not the only ones. For he also distinguished himself as a 
 dramatic writer, by writing five plays, two comedies and three 
 tragedies. The first of his comedies was entitled The Heir, 
 and was acted at London in the reign of king James the 
 First, in the year 1 630, when our author was but twenty-five 
 years old ; and it was afterwards published in the year 1 533 ; 
 and it is spoken of by the writers of those times as an ex- 
 cellent performance. And his other comedy, which was called 
 The Old Couple, is thought to have been written about the 
 same time as the former, and was also brought upon the 
 stage at London, and well received by the public, and it is 
 said to have been esteemed but little inferior to his former 
 comedy. His three tragedies were entitled Cleopatra, queen 
 of Egypt ; Agrippina, empress of Rome ; and Antigone, the 
 Theban princess : but they seem to have been less admired 
 
viii PREFACE TO 
 
 than his comedies. And he distinguished himself by other 
 elegant publications, both in verse and prose, before the be- 
 ginning of the long parliament, of which he wrote the follow- 
 ing history. He Hved somewhat above a year after the death 
 of king Charles the First, in January 1 648—49, and died, al- 
 most suddenly, in the year 1 650, in the fifty-fifth or fifty-sixth 
 year of his age. 
 
 More particulars concerning the life and writings of this 
 eminent author may be seen under the article of his name, in 
 the Biographia Britannica. But those that have been here 
 set forth are sufficient to show that he must have had ex- 
 cellent opportunities of knowing the several public events 
 that happened throughout the whole reign of king Charles the 
 First, which began in the year 1635, (when Mr. May was 
 thirty years of age,) and ended in the year 1648-49, when 
 Mr. May was fifty-four years old. And therefore Mr. May 
 seems to have been admirably well fitted to become the his- 
 torian of the transactions of this whole reign, and especially 
 of the proceedings of the three first years of this parliament, 
 which met in November 1640, if he possessed the grand re- 
 quisite of a good historian, which is impartiality, or the love 
 of truth. Now that he had this important requisite seems to 
 be highly probable from the following considerations : 
 
 As his history of this parhament was published so early as 
 the year 1 647, that is, less than seven years after the first 
 meeting of it in November 1640, there must have been great 
 numbers of persons hving at the time of its publication, who 
 had been witnesses of the several transactions recorded in it, 
 and perfectly acquainted with all the circumstances belonging 
 to them ; and many of these persons would no doubt have 
 been ready enough to contradict the accounts he had given of 
 them in this history, and to point out to the public the parti- 
 cular points in which he had misrepresented them, if those 
 accounts had not been faithful. And yet I do not find that 
 any writers of that time, from the month of May 1 647, when 
 this history was pubhshed, to the month of May 1660' when 
 king Charles the Second was restored to his father's throne, 
 have ever contested the truth of the facts related in this his- 
 tory. And therefore it seems reasonable to conclude that 
 those facts are true. 
 
THE EDITION OF 1812. ix 
 
 And, further, we may observe that the facts related in this 
 history are found to agree with the accounts given of them by 
 Mr. Whitelock in his Memorials, and by others of the most 
 sedate and exact historical writers of those times : which is 
 an additional ground for supposing him to have been a very 
 impartial, as well as a very well informed and judicious re- 
 later of the proceedings of that important period of our 
 history. 
 
 And, lastly, this History of the Parliament almost speaks 
 for itself in support of the impartiahty of its author. For it 
 is written in so calm and temperate a style, is so free from 
 invective and animosity, and has every where such an air of 
 candour and moderation, that it seems to be almost impossi- 
 ble for a reader of it not to suppose it to be impartial. 
 
 And, accordingly, this is the character that has generally 
 been allowed to belong to this work, by the most diligent and 
 critical inquirers into the English history: of which I will 
 here give two examples by citing the opinions of two very 
 eminent persons to this purpose, namely, the late very learned 
 Dr. Warburton, bishop of Gloucester, and the late very great 
 minister of state, in the three last years of the reign of king 
 George the Second, Mr. William Pitt, who was afterwards 
 created earl of Chatham. 
 
 Dr. Warburton, bishop of Gloucester, in his familiar letters 
 to his intimate friend Dr. Hurd, (who was afterwards bishop 
 of Worcester,) has two very remarkable passages relating to 
 this work of Mr. May, which I will here transcribe from the 
 collection of those letters which was published a few years 
 ago, soon after the death of Dr. Hurd. 
 
 The first of these passages occurs in a letter of bishop 
 Warburton to Dr. Hurd, dated on the 30th day of June, in 
 the year 1753, and is in these words : 
 
 As to the History of the Long Parliament, the principal authors 
 are, May's History of the Parliament, Clarendon, Whitelock, Ludlow, 
 Rushworth's Collections, and Walker's History of Independency. 
 The first is an extraordinary performance, little known ; written with 
 great temper, good sense, and spirit ; and has the qualities of a re- 
 gular composition. 
 
 The second passage is in a letter to Dr. Hurd, dated on the 
 i6th of August of the same year 1753, and is in these words : 
 
X PREFACE TO 
 
 May's History of the Parliament is a just composition, accord- 
 ing to the rules of history. It is written with much judgment, pene- 
 tration, manliness, and spirit ; and with a candour that will greatly 
 increase your esteem, when you understand that he wrote by the 
 order of his masters, the parliament. 
 
 The opinion of the great Mr. William Pitt (afterwards earl 
 of Chatham) occurs in a letter to his nephew, Thomas Pitt, 
 esquire, (his elder brother's son,) who was then a young man 
 and a student at Clare-hall, in the imiversity of Cambridge, 
 and who was afterwards created lord Camelford ; which letter 
 was dated on the 5th of September, 1754. The passage con- 
 taining it is in these words : 
 
 I desired you, some time since, to read Lord Clarendon's His- 
 tory of the CivU Wars. I have lately read a much honester and 
 more instructive book, of the same period of history. It is the 
 History of the Parliament, by Thomas May, esquire. I will send 
 it to you as soon as you return to Cambridge. 
 
 These passages of the letters of these two very eminent 
 persons are strong testimonies in favour of this excellent 
 history, of which, however, I cannot find that there has ever 
 been published any second edition : and the copies of this first 
 edition of it (which is printed in a thin folio volume in a very 
 large type) are now grown very scarce. I therefore hope 
 that this new edition of it, in the more commodious size of a 
 quarto volume, and with the addition of short abstracts of its 
 contents, printed in a smaller character in the margins of the 
 pages, (which, though it is a practice that is now grown much 
 out of fashion, appears to me a most important article for 
 the convenience of the reader,) will be acceptable to the 
 public ^. 
 
 At the end of this history I have printed an Appendix to 
 it, which contains all the declarations and votes and mes- 
 sages of both houses of parliament to the king, with the 
 king's answers to them, from the month of November 1641, 
 (when the king had returned from Scotland to London,) to 
 the 7th of the following month of March 1641-42, when he 
 had refused to reside at Westminster, near the parliament 
 (in consequence of some popular tumults that had arisen 
 
 a In the present edition the abstracts are printed at the head of the page. 
 
THE EDITION OF 1812. xi 
 
 there, from which he apprehended danger to his person,) and 
 was retiring to the city of York, to raise a body of troops 
 there for his defence, under the name of a life-guard; 
 which measure was soon after followed by an open civil war. 
 Amongst these parliamentary papers will be found, first, the 
 famous grand remonstrance of the house of commons, pre- 
 sented to the king in December 1 64 1 , which contains a just 
 picture of the several grievances of the nation, arising from 
 the king's misgovernment, from the beginning of his reign, 
 and the king's answer to it ; and, secondly, an account of the 
 king's violent entry into the house of commons on the 4th of 
 January 1641-42, attended by a body of 300 armed men, to 
 seize the persons of five of the most eminent members of the 
 house, (Mr. Denzil Hollis, sir Arthur Haslerig, Mr. Pym, 
 Mr. Hambden, and Mr. Strode,) in order to have them tried 
 for high treason for what they had said and done as members 
 of that house ; together with an account of the altercation 
 that took place between the king and the parliament in con- 
 sequence of that violent measure ; and, thirdly, an account of 
 several informations that had been given to the parliament, 
 of licenses that had been granted, under the king's hand, to 
 several Irish officers of the popish religion, (some of whom 
 had been bred in the wars in Flanders and Holland, in the 
 service of the king of Spain,) to go over to Ireland, where it 
 was much to be feared that they would engage in the Irish 
 rebellion ; and some of them had actually done so : from 
 which information the parliament could not but entertain 
 some suspicions that the king, though he might not have at 
 first authorized and encouraged the Irish papists to enter 
 into this rebellion, as those rebels declared that he had done, 
 yet now that the rebellion was on foot was unwilling that it 
 should be speedily suppressed, and was in hopes that he 
 should receive some assistance from those rebels against the 
 English parliament. These informations received by the par- 
 liament, and set forth in some of the latter papers in this 
 Appendix, are very positive and particular, and seem fully 
 sufficient to justify the suspicions entertained by the parlia- 
 ment of the king's secret sentiments on this subject, and did 
 certainly contribute very much to increase the jealousy they 
 had conceived of his design to revoke all his late concessions, 
 
xii PREFACE TO 
 
 and to resume his former absolute authority, by any means 
 that he could employ for that purpose. And if that horrid 
 Irish rebelhon had not happened at the time it did, and 
 Ireland had continued for a year or two in the same state of 
 peace and tranquillity in which it was when the king went to 
 Scotland in August 1 64 1 , to meet his parliament there, and 
 settle the affairs of that kingdom both in church and state, 
 (which he did to the thorough satisfaction of his Scottish 
 subjects,) it seems probable that, upon his return to London 
 in the following month of November 1641, he would have 
 complied in like manner with his English parliament, in all 
 the further measures they would have proposed to him, for 
 the complete correction of the former abuses in the govern- 
 ment, both in church and state, and for the rendering all 
 these corrections and concessions permanent after the disso- 
 lution of the present parliament, so as to put them out of all 
 danger of being rescinded or revoked, either by the king 
 himself or any of his successors to the crown. And if this 
 opinion is well founded, it will follow that that horrid rebellion 
 in Ireland must be considered as having been the cause, not 
 only of all the bloodshed and robbery and desolation which 
 it immediately spread over that island, but also of all the 
 misery in which England was overwhelmed during the whole 
 of the English civil war, or for the space of more than nine 
 years, to wit, from the summer of the year 1643, when it 
 begun, to the end of the year 1651, when (after the great 
 victory gained at Worcester, by the army of the common- 
 wealth of England, under the command of Oliver Cromwell, 
 over the Scottish army, commanded by king Charles the 
 Second) the whole island of Great Britain was restored to 
 peace. 
 
 It appears from the last paragraph of this History, in page 
 238 of this edition, that Mr. May had intended to pub- 
 lish a continuation of it, in which, as he informs us, he 
 proposed to give a large account of the cessation of arms 
 made by the king with the Irish rebels, (soon after the relief 
 of the city of Gloucester by the earl of Essex in the summer 
 of the year J 643,) and of the great victories which small 
 numbers of the English forces had obtained over great multi- 
 tudes of those Irish rebels, before the time of that cessation • 
 
THE EDITION OF 1812. xiii 
 
 as also of the covenant, which the Enghsh parliament, and 
 that part of the nation that adhered to it, entered into, about 
 this time, with their brethren of Scotland, for the maintenance 
 of the religion and liberties of the two kingdoms. But this 
 design Mr. May did not carry into execution, though the 
 reason of his declining to do so is not apparent. This omis- 
 sion is much to be regretted ; as a clear and faithful account 
 of these two subjects, the state of Ireland, after the massa- 
 cre of the protestants, on the 23d of October 1641, to the 
 cessation of arms made with them, by the king's command, in 
 the autumn of 1643, ^^^ ^^^ treaty of the covenant between 
 the parliaments of England and Scotland entered into about 
 the same time, given us by the impartial pen of this in- 
 telligent writer, would have afforded great satisfaction to his 
 readers. But our loss on this occasion may be in some de- 
 gree repaired, with respect to the state of Ireland during 
 those two years, or at least during the first part of them, by 
 having recourse to the excellent History of the Irish Rebel- 
 lion and Massacre, in October 1643, written by sir John 
 Temple, who was master of the rolls in Ireland, and a member 
 of the king's privy council in Dublin at the very time of its 
 breaking out, and took a zealous and active part in the mea- 
 sures that were immediately employed for the preservation of 
 that important city. This account of that horrid event is 
 universally allowed to be perfectly true and authentic, and 
 is indeed made up, in a great degree, of the depositions of 
 several persons who were eyewitnesses of the various assaults 
 and murders and robberies of the poor protestants, by their 
 perfidious popish neighbours, with whom they had been living 
 in the most friendly and unsuspecting familiarity for almost 
 forty years. Its authenticity is therefore above all suspicion ; 
 and it was pubhshed before Mr. May wrote this History of the 
 Parliament: for it is mentioned by him in the 131st page of 
 this volume, with the greatest approbation, where he calls it 
 " the faithful relation of that rebeUion by a noble gentleman, 
 whose place in that kingdom gave him the means to know it;" 
 and he declares that he had partly collected from it what he 
 himself had said in this History concerning that shocking event. 
 It therefore seems probable, that what is related on this sub- 
 ject by sir John Temple, in his history of this rebellion, will 
 
xiv PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF J 812. 
 
 contain much of the same matter which would have been 
 related by Mr. May concerning it, if he had executed his first 
 design of continuing his history to a later period : and there- 
 fore I think that the readers of this work of Mr. May would 
 do well to peruse sir John Temple's History of the Irish 
 Rebellion after it, as a proper sequel, or supplement, to it. 
 The only edition of sir John Temple's work that I have seen 
 was printed in the year 1 746 ; and the copies of it, I am in- 
 formed, are grown somewhat scarce. It would therefore be 
 probably an acceptable service to the lovers of truth in the 
 history of their country, to publish another edition of it. For 
 the horrid event, of which it gives a faithful relation, ought 
 never to be forgot. 
 
 FRANCIS MASERES. 
 
 Inner Temple, 
 Nov. 28, 1811. 
 
THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 1 HE use of history, and the just rules for composure of it, 
 have been so well and fully described heretofore by judicious 
 writers, that it were lost labour, and a needless extension of 
 the present work, to insist, by way of introduction, upon 
 either of them. I could rather wish my abiUties were such, 
 as that the reader (to whose judgment it is left) might find 
 those rules to have been observed in the narration itself, in- 
 stead of being set forth to him in the preface by a vain anti- 
 cipation. 
 
 I will only profess to follow that one rule, Truth, to which 
 all the rest (like the rest of moral virtues to that of justice) 
 may be reduced ; against which there are many ways, besides 
 plain falsehood, wherein a writer may offend. Some historians, 
 who seem to abhor direct falsehood, have, notwithstanding, 
 dressed truth in such improper vestments, as to seem to have 
 brought her forth to act the same part that falsehood would ; 
 and to have taught her, by rhetorical disguises, partial con- 
 cealments and invective expressions, instead of informing, to 
 seduce a reader, and carry the judgment of posterity after 
 that bias which themselves have made. It was the opinion 
 of a learned bishop of England, not long ago deceased, that 
 the Annals of cardinal Baronius did more wound the protest- 
 ant cause than the controversies of Bellarmine : and it may 
 well be true. For against the unexpected stroke of partial 
 history the ward is not so ready, as against that polemic 
 writing, in which hostility is professed with open face. 
 
 This fault I have endeavoured to avoid : but it is my mis- 
 fortune to undertake a subject that is of such a nature that 
 really to avoid partiality in treating it is not very easy : but 
 to escape the suspicion or censure of falling into it, is almost 
 impossible for the clearest integrity that ever wrote. Other 
 writers, as well as myself, will, I suppose, undertake to handle 
 this subject : and because none of them, perchance, may give 
 
xvi THE AUTHOR'S PEEFACE. 
 
 perfect satisfaction, I shall, in the behalf of us all, entreat the 
 reader, that, in his censure of our several productions, he 
 would deal with the writings of men as with mankind itself, 
 oaU that the best which is the least bad. 
 
 The subject of this work is a civil war; a war indeed as 
 much more than civil, and as full of miracle, both in the causes 
 and effects of it, as was ever observed in any age ; a war as 
 cruel as unnatural, that has produced as much rage of 
 swords, as much bitterness of pens, both public and pri- 
 vate, as was ever known ; and has divided the understand- 
 ings of men, as well as their affections, in so high a degree, 
 that scarce could any virtue gain due applause, any reason 
 give satisfaction, or any relation obtain credit, unless amongst 
 men of the same side. It were therefore a presumptuous 
 madness to think that this poor and weak discourse, which 
 can deserve no applause from either side, should obtain from 
 both so much as pardon ; or that those persons should agree 
 in the judgment they will form of it who could never agree 
 in any thing else. 
 
 I cannot therefore be so stupid as not to be fully sensible 
 of the difficulty of the task imposed on me, or the great envy 
 which attends it ; which other men who have written histories, 
 upon far less occasion, have discoursed of at large in their 
 prefaces. And Tacitus himself, complaining of those ill times 
 which were the unhappy subject of his Annals, (though he 
 wrote not in the time of the same princes under whom those 
 things were acted,) yet (because the families of many men 
 who had then been ignominious were yet in being) could not 
 but discourse how much happier those writers had been, who 
 had taken more ancient and prosperous times for their argu- 
 ment ; such (as he there expresses it) as those times in which 
 the great and glorious actions of the old Romans, their honour- 
 able achievements, and exemplary virtues, are recorded. 
 
 And I could have wished more than my life (being myself 
 inconsiderable) that, for the sake of the public, my theme 
 could rather have been the prosperity of these nations, the 
 honour and happiness of this king, and such a blessed condi- 
 tion of both, as might have reached all the ends for which 
 government was first ordained in the world, than the descrip- 
 tion of shipwrecks, ruins, and desolations. Yet these things, 
 
THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE. xvii 
 
 truly recorded and observed, may be of good use, and may 
 benefit posterity in divers kinds. For though the present 
 actionSj or rather sufferings, of these (once happy) nations, 
 are of so high a mark and consideration, as might, perchance, 
 throw themselves into the knowledge of posterity by tradition 
 and the weight of their own fame, yet it may much conduce 
 to the benefit that may arise from that knowledge, to have 
 the true causes, original, and growth of them represented by 
 an honest pen. 
 
 For the truth of this plain and naked discourse, which is 
 here presented to the public view, containing a brief narration 
 of those distractions which have fallen amongst us during the 
 sitting of this present parliament ^, as also some passages 
 and visible actions of the former government, (whether pro- 
 bably conducing to these present calamities or not, of which 
 let the reader judge,) I appeal only to the memory of any 
 Englishman, whose years have been enough to make him know 
 the actions that were done, and whose conversation has been 
 enough public to let him hear the common voice and dis- 
 courses of people upon those actions ; to his memory, I say, 
 do I appeal, whether such actions were not done and such 
 judgments made upon them as are here related. In which, 
 perchance, some readers may be put in mind of their own 
 thoughts heretofore, which thoughts have since, like Nebu- 
 chadnezzar's dream, departed from them. An English gen- 
 tleman, who went to travel when this parliament was called, 
 and returned when these differences were grown among us, 
 hearing what discourses were daily made, affirmed, that the 
 parliament of England (in his opinion) was more misunder- 
 stood in England than at Rome ; and that there was a greater 
 need to remind our own countrymen than to inform strangers 
 of what was past; so much, said he, have they seemed to for- 
 get both the things themselves and their own former notions 
 concerning them''. 
 
 a That is, from November 3rd, A. D. 1640, to September 27th, 1643, at 
 which this history closes. 
 
 t) The meaning of this passage seems to be, " that the English noble- 
 men and gentlemen who now sided with the king against the parliament, 
 seemed to have forgot the sentiments of disgust and indignation against 
 
 MAY. b 
 
xviii THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 But where war continues, people are enforced to make 
 their residence in several quarters ; and therefore several, ac- 
 cording to the places where they converse, must their infor- 
 mation be concerning the condition and state of things. From 
 whence arises not only a variety, but a great discrepancy for 
 the most part, in the writings of those who record the pas- 
 sages of such times. And therefore it has seldom happened, 
 but that, in such times of calamity and war, historians have 
 much dissented from each other. Franciscus Harseus com- 
 piled annals of the bloody and fierce wars in the Netherlands, 
 when some of those provinces fell from the obedience of Philip 
 the Second, king of Spain : which business he relates in such 
 a way, as must, in probability, lead a reader to believe that 
 the king and his officers were altogether innocent, and the 
 people of those countries the only causers of their own ca- 
 lamity. Meteranus also wrote the history of those very times, 
 which whoso reads must needs make a contrary censure con- 
 cerning the occasion of that war. The like discrepancy hath 
 been found in historians of all ages and nations, and there- 
 fore ought not to be much wondered at, if it should now 
 happen. 
 
 But that which, of all other subjects, is most likely to be 
 differently related, (because informations will not agree in such 
 a distance,) is concerning the actions of war and soldiery; and 
 in the time of this war, it is a thing of extreme difficulty (I 
 might say of impossibility) for those of one party to be truly 
 informed of all the counsels, or the very performances and 
 actions, of commanders and soldiers on the other side. How 
 much valour the English nation on both sides have been 
 guilty of in this unnatural war, the world must needs know in 
 the general fame. But for particulars, how much worth, vir- 
 
 the tyrannical government of the king, both in civil and ecclesiastical mat- 
 ters, which had been entertained by them, and continually expressed in 
 their free and private conversations, before the meeting of the parhament, 
 and were now thwarting the parliament in its wise and vigorous endea- 
 vours to restrain the king's power in such a manner as to prevent his re- 
 voking all his late concessions, and returning to the exercise of his former 
 arbitrary authority, to which he was justly thought to be still secretly 
 attached. 
 
THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE. xix 
 
 tue, and courage, some particular lords, gentlemen, and others 
 have showed, unless both sides do write, will never perfectly 
 be known. My residence hath been, during these wars, in 
 the quarters and under the protection of the parliament; and 
 whatsoever is briefly related of the soldiery, being toward the 
 end of this book, is according to that light which I discerned 
 there. For whatsoever I have missed concerning the other 
 party, I can make no other apology than such as Meteranus 
 (whom I named before) doth in the preface to his history, 
 De Belgicis tumultibus. Whose words are thus : Quod plura 
 de reformatorum^ et patrice de/ensorum, quam de partis ad- 
 mrsce rebus gestis exposuerim ; mirum haudquaquam est : quo- 
 niam plus comtnercii et familiaritatis niihi cum ipsis, et major 
 indagandi opportunitas, fuit. Si pars adversa idem tali prohi- 
 tate prcestiterit et ediderit ; posteritas gesta omnia legere, et li- 
 quido cognoscere, magno cum fructu poterit. In like manner 
 may 1 aver, that if in this discourse more particulars are set 
 down concerning the actions of those men who defended the 
 parliament than of those that warred against it, it was be- 
 cause my conversation gave me more light on that side ; to 
 whom, as I have endeavoured to give no more than what is 
 due, so I have cast no blemishes on the other, nor bestowed 
 any more characters than what the truth of story must re- 
 quire. If those that write on the other side will use the same 
 candour, there is no fear but that posterity may receive a 
 full information concerning the unhappy distractions of these 
 kingdoms. 
 
 This I must add, that to inform the world of the right 
 nature, causes, and growth of these distractions, it will re- 
 quire that the discourse begin from precedent times ; which I 
 shall endeavour to deduce down to the present time with as 
 much brevity as the necessity of unfolding trutJi can possibly 
 admit. 
 
 Neither is it needful to begin the story from times of any 
 great distance, or to mention the government of our most 
 ancient princes, but from that prince'' (fresh in the memory 
 
 d Queen Elizabeth, who died in the year 1603, only thirty-seven years 
 before the meeting of the parliament which is the subject of this histor)', 
 which was in November 1640. 
 
 b2 
 
XX THE AUTHOE'S PREFACE. 
 
 of some yet living) who first established the reformed religion 
 in this kingdom, and, according to that, settled a new interest 
 in the state ; which it was most behooveful and requisite for 
 her successors to follow, and much conducing, besides the 
 glory of Almighty God, to their own honour, power, and 
 greatness. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 Chap. I. — Wherein is a short mention of queen Elizabeth, king 
 James, and the beginning of king Charles his reign ; his two first 
 parliaments. Of the war with Spain and France. The death of 
 the duke of Buckingham. And the third pariiament of king 
 Charles Page i . 
 
 Chap. II. — A brief relation of some grievances of the kingdom. 
 The various opinions of men concerning the present government. 
 The condition of the court-clergy and of England. Some ob- 
 servations of a stranger concerning the religion of the English 
 people 15 
 
 Chap. Ill, — The condition of the Scottish state and clergy when 
 the new book of hturgy was sent unto them ; how it was re- 
 ceived ; with some effects which followed. The king's proclama- 
 tion sent by the earl of Traquair ; against which the lords make a 
 protestation 27 
 
 Chap. IV. — The Scots enter into a covenant. The marquis Hamil- 
 ton is sent thither from the king. A nationsd synod is granted to 
 them, but dissolved within few days by the marquis, as commis- 
 sioner from the king. The king declares against the covenanters 
 and raises an army to subdue them 38 
 
 Chap. V. — The averseness of the English people from this war with 
 Scotland. The king advanceth to York with his army. The pre- 
 paration of the Scottish covenanters. A pacification is made and 
 both armies disbanded. Another preparation for war with Scot- 
 land. A parliament called to begin in England on the 13th of 
 April. The parliament of Scotland is broken off by command of 
 the king to the earl of Traquair 46 
 
 Chap. VI. — The parliament beginneth in England, but is soon dis- 
 solved. The clergy continue their convocation. The Scots enter 
 into England. Some passages of the war. A parliament is called 
 to begin on the 3rd of November. A truce between the armies 
 for two months 58 
 
xxii CONTENTS. 
 
 Chap. VII. — Tlie beginning of the English parliament. Grievances 
 examined. Sufferers relieved. Delinquents questioned. The arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury committed to the Tower. The flight of secre- 
 tary "Windebank and of the lord-keeper Finch 69 
 
 N:;hap. VIII. — The trial and death of the earl of Strafford. Conspi- 
 racies detected during the agitation of it. An act for continuance 
 of this present parliament. With a mention of that grant of the 
 triennial parliament in February before 86 
 
 Chap. IX. — Allowance of money from the English parhament to the 
 Scots. The vast charge of disbanding the two armies. The great 
 taxations for that purpose, and the manner of poll-money. Tlie 
 people take a protestation. An act for putting down the high- com- 
 mission court and the starchamber; with other occurrences of 
 that time. The queenmother [of France] departeth from England. 
 The king goeth into Scotland 102 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 Chap. I. — A standing committee during the recess of both houses 
 of parliament. The rebellion of the Irish, and massacre of the pro- 
 testants there. Some endeavours of the English parliament for 
 relief of that kingdom 119 
 
 Chap. II. — The king returneth out of Scotland and is pompously 
 entertained by the city of London. The remonstrance is published 
 by the parliament. The king entereth into the house of commons. 
 The protestation of the twelve bishops, and how it was censured 
 by the lords and commons. Divers unhappy obstructions of the 
 relief of Ireland T33 
 
 Chap. III. — The queen passeth into Holland with her daughter the 
 princess Mary. Difference between the king and parliament con- 
 cerning the militia. The king goeth toward York, and is followed 
 with a petition from the lords and commons to Theobald's, and 
 another declaration to Newmarket. The king is denied entrance 
 into Hull by sir John Hotham. 15^ 
 
 Chap. IV. — Many members of both houses leave the parliament 
 and repair to the king. Nine of the lords who first went away 
 are impeached by the commons and censured by the peers. The 
 great seal is carried away from London to York. Some votes of 
 parliament concerning the king's proceedings. A petition with nine- 
 teen propositions sent from the parliament to the king 175 
 
 Chap. V. —An order for the bringing in of plate and money into 
 Guildhall. The king's declaration to the lords about hira : their 
 
CONTENTS. xxiii 
 
 profession and protestation to him. The king layeth siege to Hull, 
 but raiseth it again. The earl ofWarwick taketh possession of the 
 navy as lord-admiral. The earl of Essex is voted in parliament 
 
 to be lord-general of all their forces 198 
 
 Chap. VI. — A brief relation of the condition of divers counties in 
 England when the parliament's ordinance for the militia and the 
 king's commission of array were put in execution. With a men- 
 tion of some lords and others who were actors on either side. The 
 lord mayor of London committed to the Tower, and sentenced by 
 the parliament. A mention of some declarations, messages, and 
 answers that passed between the king and the two houses of par- 
 liament 213 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 Chap. I. — Prince Rupert and prince Maurice arrive in England. 
 The earl of Essex taking leave of the parliament goeth to his 
 command. The king increaseth in strength at Shrewsbury. A 
 skirmish at Worcester. The great battle of Keynton is 
 fought 242 
 
 Chap. II. — The parliament send to the king concerning an accom- 
 modation. A fight at Brentford. Another treaty with the king 
 begun and broken ofi". Reading besieged by the lord-general 
 Essex, and surrendered to him. A conspiracy to betray Bristol. 
 A treacherous plot against the parliament and city of London dis- 
 covered and prevented 270 
 
 Chap. IIL — Matters of state transacted in parliament touching the 
 assembly of divines. The making of a new great seal. Impeach- 
 ing the queen of high treason, and other things. The lord- 
 general Essex, after some marches, returneth to quarter his 
 wasted and sick army about Kingston. The king's forces 
 masters of the west. The earl of Newcastle's greatness in the 
 north. Some mention of the earl of Cumberland and the lord 
 Fairfax 287 
 
 Chap. IV. — Some actions of sir Thomas Fairfax in the north. The 
 queen lands in England. The revolt of sir Hugh Cholmely, and 
 the two Hothams. The state of this war in the western parts. 
 The condition of the associated counties. A short relation of sir 
 William Waller's actions ; of colonel Cromwell, sir William Bre- 
 reton, and sir John Gell 302 
 
 Chap. V. — The death of the lord Brook and of the earl of North- 
 ampton. A short mention of some actions in divers counties. 
 
xxiv CONTENTS. 
 
 The low condition of the parliament at that time. The siege of 
 
 Gloucester 324 
 
 Chap. VI. — The expedition of the lord-general Essex for relief of 
 Gloucester. The great battle of Newbury described 340 
 
 APPENDIX, 
 
 Expressing the titles of the several papers contained in the Appendix 
 to this History of the Parliament of November 3 , 1 640, which are 
 reprinted from the first 1 1 8 pages of the much larger collection of 
 papers of the same kind which was published by Mr. Husbands in the 
 year 1642-3, and contains 9^5 pages. 
 
 December 1641. 
 
 His majesty's speech to both houses of parliament after his return 
 from Scotland. Dec. 2 359 
 
 His majesty's proclamation for obedience to the laws concerning re- 
 ligion. Dec. 10 360 
 
 His majesty's proclamation for the attendance of the members in 
 both houses. Dec. 12 361 
 
 His majesty's speech to both houses concerning a bill for pressing 
 of soldiers. Dec. 14 362 
 
 A petition from the lords and commons to his majesty concerning his 
 speech of the 14th of December 363 
 
 A petition and remonstrance of the state of the kingdom. Dec. 
 
 ^5 365.393 
 
 His majesty's answer to the petition that accompanied the Remon- 
 strance 393 
 
 His majesty's declaration to all his loving subjects in answer to the 
 
 remonstrance 3 06 
 
 His majesty's message to the common council, delivered by the lord 
 Newburgh, respecting tumultuous and riotous assemblies. Dec. 
 
 31 403 
 
 His majesty's message to the house of peers concerning Ireland. 
 Dec. 28 406 
 
 January 164 1-4. 
 
 His majesty's proclamation concerning the rebels in Ireland. Ja- 
 nuary 1 406 
 
 Articles of high treason against the lord Kimbolton and five mem- 
 bers of the house of commons. Jan. 3, 1641-42 408 
 
CONTENTS. XXV 
 
 An order of the commons against breaking open any doors or trunks 
 
 of any member of that house 408 
 
 His majesty's speech in the house of commons concerning the five 
 
 members. Jan. 4 409 
 
 An order and declaration of the house of commons concerning the 
 
 breach of their privileges. Jan. 5, 1641-42 410 
 
 Another declaration of the house of commons concerning the breach 
 
 of their privileges, and the vindication of divers of their members. 
 
 Jan. 17, 1641-42 411 
 
 The petition and protestation of the bishops to the king's majesty. 415 
 A proposition by the house of commons unto his majesty for a 
 
 guard 418 
 
 His majesty's answer to the house of commons' proposition for a 
 
 guard 419 
 
 The petition of the common council of London to his majesty. 420 
 
 His majesty's answer to the city petition 42 1 
 
 His majesty's proclamation for a general fast throughout the king- 
 dom. Jan. 8, 1641-42 423 
 
 His majesty's message to both houses concerning the lord Kimbol- 
 
 ton, and the five members. Jan. 12, 1641-42 424 
 
 The petition of the county of Buckingham to his majesty 425 
 
 His majesty's answer to the Buckinghamshire petition. Jan. 13, 
 
 1641-42 425 
 
 An order of both houses concerning the lord Digby and others. Jan. 
 
 13. 1641-42 426 
 
 His majesty's profession and addition to his last message con- 
 cerning the lord Kimbolton and the five members. Jan. 14, 
 
 1641-42 426 
 
 Questions propounded by master attorney, by the house of commons, 
 
 concerning the five members, with his answer to each of them. 427 
 His majesty's letter to the lord-keeper in defence of the attorney 
 
 general 4^8 
 
 His majesty's message to both houses of parliament. Jan. 20, 
 
 1641-42 429 
 
 An order of the lords, to prevent the delivering of petitions unto 
 
 them. Jan. 20, 1641-42 430 
 
 His majesty's letter to both houses, concerning the lord Kimbolton, 
 
 and the five members. Jan. 31, 1641-42 43 i 
 
 The Scotch commissioners' proposition for sending two thousand five 
 
 hundred men into Ireland. Jan. 24, 1641-42 43 [ 
 
 The votes of the commons, and order of the lords, concerning the 
 
 propositions of the Scots 433 
 
 MAY. c 
 
XXVI 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 His majesty's answer to the Scotch propositions. Jan. 26, 
 1641-42 433 
 
 His majesty's further answer to the three articles of the said propo- 
 sitions. Jan. 27, 1641-42 433 
 
 The petition of the house of commons to his majesty concerning the 
 militia. Jan. 26, 1641-42 434 
 
 His majesty's answer to the said petition of the house of commons. 
 Jan. 28, 1641-42 435 
 
 An order by both houses for prevention of popish commanders from 
 going into Ireland. Jan. 29, 1641-42 437 
 
 February 1641-42. 
 
 Two petitions of the lords and commons to his majesty, the 
 one concerning the militia, the other concerning the five 
 members 43 8, 439 
 
 His majesty's answer to the two petitions of both houses. Feb. 2, 
 1641-42 440 
 
 His majesty's consent for the princess Mary's going to Hol- 
 land 441 
 
 The queen's majesty's answer to a message of both houses 441 
 
 His majesty's message to the house of commons concerning master 
 Pym's speech. Feb. 7, 1641-42 442 
 
 An answer of the house of commons to his majesty's message. Feb. 
 10, 1641-42. 443 
 
 His majesty's reply to the said answer of the house of com- 
 mons 444 
 
 His majesty's message to the house of peers, for accepting of sir John 
 Corners in sir John Biron's room. Feb, 1 1, 1641-42. 447 
 
 A list of the names of those men which were thought fit to be in- 
 trusted with the militia of the kingdom. Feb. 1 2, 1641-42. . . 447 
 
 His majesty's message to both houses of parliament. Feb. 14, 
 1641-42 449 
 
 A petition of the lords and commons to his majesty concerning the 
 members accused 450 
 
 An ordinance concerning sergeant-major Skippon 451 
 
 A message from a committee to the Spanish ambassador concerning 
 some ships lying at Dunkirk 452 
 
 The Spanish ambassador's answer to the same 453 
 
 His majesty's message to both houses concerning the militia. . . 454 
 
 The petition of the lords and commons to his majesty in answer to 
 his majesty's message 455 
 
CONTENTS. xxvii 
 
 A message from both houses to the king and queen's majesties con- 
 cerning some letters of the lord Digby's 456 
 
 A message from both houses to his majesty concerning the prince 
 his son. Feb. 24, 1641-42 457 
 
 His majesty's answer to the said message of both houses 457 
 
 Votes of the lords and commons upon the propositions for Ire- 
 land 458 
 
 His majesty's answer and assent unto the propositions for Ireland. 
 Feb. 24, 1641-42 461 
 
 Directions from the lords and commons concerning the propositions 
 for Ireland 462 
 
 An ordinance of both houses for settling the militia of the king- 
 dom 463 
 
 His majesty's answer to both houses of parliament concerning the 
 mihtia. Feb. 28, 1641-42 465 
 
 March 1641-42. 
 
 A petition of the lords and commons to his majesty concerning the 
 militia of the kingdom. March i, 1641-42 468 
 
 His majesty's answer to the said petition 469 
 
 Votes of both houses of parliament for settling the militia 470 
 
 An order of both houses of parliament for the speedy rigging of the 
 navy. March 2, 1641-42 471 
 
 A declaration of the lords and commons presented to his majesty at 
 Newmarket. March 9, 1641-42 472 
 
 Additional reasons to the former declaration of both houses. . . 479 
 
 His majesty's speech at the delivery of the declaration, from the lords 
 and commons, presented to his majesty at Newmarket, on the 9th 
 of March, 1 641-42 480 
 
 Some passages that happened between the king's majesty and the 
 committee of both houses on the 9th of March, when the decla- 
 ration was delivered • 481 
 
 His majesty's declaration in answer to the said declaration of both 
 houses 482 
 
 A letter from both houses of parhament to all high-sheriffs concern- 
 ing the propositions for Ireland 489 
 
 Votes of both houses for securing the kingdom. March 15, 
 1641-42 49° 
 
 His majesty's message from Huntingdon to both houses upon his 
 removal to York. March 15, 1641-42 491 
 
xxviii CONTENTS. 
 
 Votes of both houses upon his majesty's message from Hunting- 
 don 493 
 
 A new declaration of the lords and commons, to his majesty, upon 
 his removal from Huntingdon to York, concerning warrants granted 
 for papists going into Ireland. March 15, 1641—42 493 
 
 His majesty's answer to a paper, entitled, a new declaration of the 
 lords and commons 497 
 
 THE HISTOKY 
 
THE HISTOEY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PARLIAMENT OF ENGLAND. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 Wherein is a short mention of queen Elizabeth, king James, 
 and the beginning of king Charles his reign ; his two first 
 parliaments. Of the war with Spain and France. The 
 death of the duke of Buckingham. And the third parliament 
 of king Charles. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth, of glorious memory, together 
 with that great stock of wealth and honour which her 
 prudent and just government had brought to the Eng- 
 lish nation, had enriched them besides with a greater 
 treasure, (which we may justly account the cause of all 
 the rest,) religion reformed from popish superstition. 
 
 That reformation engaged the queen in a new in- 
 terest of state, to side with the protestants against 
 those potent monarchs of the other religion, which 
 seemed at the beginning as much danger and disad- 
 vantage to her, as it proved in conclusion security and 
 honour; so impossible it is for any disadvantage to 
 prevail over them that help the Lord against the 
 mighty. 
 
 MAY. B 
 
2 Of queen Elizabeth. booi 
 
 That storm from France, which so much threatened 
 the weak beginnings of her reign, was suddenly blown 
 over by the death of Henry the Second, and, some few 
 months after, of his son Francis, who had married the 
 queen of Scotland : the danger which remained greatest 
 was from Spain, where Philip the Second then reigned, 
 a prince not greater in dominion, treasure, and armies, 
 than deeply engaged against the protestant religion, by 
 the instigation and assistance of the Jesuits, an order 
 which in the age before had been highly countenanced 
 by pope Paul the Third, in opposition to the gospel 
 doctrine, that then began to spread apace in Germany 
 and other parts. 
 
 The whole order of Jesuits (as endeavouring to set 
 up one temporal kingdom of Christendom suitable to 
 the papal hierarchy) applied their service altogether to 
 the monarchy of Spain, as being then far the greatest in 
 Europe (and fittest for their purpose) by the late uniting 
 of so many kingdoms and duchies under the person of 
 Charles the emperor, who by a fortunate birthright in- 
 herited, together with Castile and Arragon, and all 
 the great acquisitions of his grandfather Ferdinand in 
 Italy and the West Indies, the rich and useful patri- 
 mony of his father Philip, Burgundy and the Nether- 
 lands. All these he had left entirely to his son Philip, 
 who to so large a territory had made that strong addi- 
 tion of the kingdom of Portugal, and might seem an 
 enemy too mighty for England and all the protestants 
 of Europe to oppose. 
 
 But queen Elizabeth had woven the interest of her 
 own state so inseparably into the cause of religion 
 itself, that it was hard to overthrow one without the 
 ruin of the other. And God, who had given her so 
 much grace and courage as to rely wholly upon him, 
 did, with that almighty hand, not only hold her up 
 
^^^^■^- Of queen Elizabeth. 3 
 
 from sinking, but lift her above the heads of all her 
 enemies. 
 
 By what degrees and means she achieved the great 
 actions of her reign, and brought so much prosperity 
 to her nation, it is not the scope of this discourse to 
 relate at large, (for her history is not the work in hand,) 
 but only in brief to declare that, before her death, she 
 was the happy instrument of God to promote the pro- 
 testant religion in all parts. She curbed the Spanish 
 greatness by supporting France from ruin, to give some 
 balance to the other ; as she preserved Scotland from 
 being swallowed up by the French before. She pro- 
 tected the Hollanders against him, vanquished his 
 armies both by land and sea, with many other such 
 things as might seem too much to be the achieve- 
 ments of one reign. And, last of all, she reduced 
 Ireland wholly to obedience, notwithstanding all the 
 subtle machinations of Spain, and open assistance 
 given in arms to her Irish rebels. All which she 
 accomplished by the justice and prudence of her go- 
 vernment, by making the right use of her subjects' 
 hearts, hands, and purses, in a parliamentary way ; as 
 also securing her own kingdom by strengthening the 
 hands of protestants abroad ; insomuch as she stood at 
 last above the reach of any enemy by open war ; and 
 protected by God, though often attempted by domestic 
 treasons and assassinations, till in the end she died in 
 a good old age, leaving to her successor, king James, 
 the kingdom of England in an happier condition than 
 ever it was, the kingdom of Ireland wholly subdued 
 and reduced, to reap for himself the harvest of all her 
 labour and expense ; and nothing to do for it, but to 
 propagate the true faith in that kingdom, which she, 
 prevented by death, could not perform ; and was, in 
 probability, an easy task for king James at that time ; 
 
 B 2 
 
4 Of king James. book 
 
 much conducing, besides the honour of God, to his 
 own temporal strength and greatness, if he had only 
 gone fairly on in that way which queen Elizabeth had 
 made plain for him. 
 
 The prosperity of England seemed then at the height, 
 or aKfirj ; and it pleases God that states many times 
 shall decline from their happiness without any apparent 
 signs to us, or reasons that we can give, as a heathen 
 complains : 
 
 O faciles dare summa deos, eademque tueri 
 Difficiles ! Lucan. I. 540. 
 
 How easy are the gods to raise states high. 
 But not to keep them so ! 
 
 These things have made some high reaching writers 
 impute the raising and declination of kingdoms and 
 commonwealths to certain aspects of heavenly con- 
 stellations, to conjunctions and oppositions of planets, 
 and various eclipses of celestial luminaries ; others, to 
 an hidden strength and secret efficacy of numbers 
 themselves ; and most men to the perpetual rotation 
 of fortune : but the judgments of God in those things 
 are past our finding out ; and they are too wise who 
 are not content sometimes to wonder. 
 
 For king James, the successor to queen Elizabeth, 
 was a wise and learned prince, of disposition merciful 
 and gracious, excellently grounded in that religion 
 which he professed, as the world may find by his 
 extant writings ; a prince of whom England conceived 
 wonderful hope, and received with great joy and tri- 
 umph. But he did not begin where his predecessor 
 left, proceeding rather in a contrary way : what the 
 reasons of it were, I will not at all presume to deliver 
 my opinion, though some have been bold to write and 
 publish of late years, that it was fear for his own per- 
 son that made him to temporize with Rome, consider- 
 
'^^^^•i- Of king James. 5 
 
 ing the boldness of Jesuitical assassins : others, more 
 candidly, conceived it might be his great desire of 
 peace and union with other princes, though he might 
 err in the means of attaining that end ; for he was by 
 nature a great seeker of peace and abhorrer of blood- 
 shed, according to that motto which he ever nsed,Beati 
 pacificL I cannot search into men's thoughts, but only 
 relate the actions which appeared. 
 
 King James, at the beginning of his reign, made a 
 peace with Spain, Avhich was brought very low by 
 queen Elizabeth, and had been nearer to ruin in all 
 probability had she lived a few years longer ; the 
 estates of the united provinces of the Netherlands, 
 those useful confederates to England, began to be 
 despised by the English court, under a vain shadow 
 instead of a reason, " that they were an ill example 
 for a monarch to cherish." Then began secret treaties 
 to pass betwixt Rome and the court of England ; care 
 to be taken about reconciliation of religions; the rigour 
 of penal laws against the papists (notwithstanding that 
 odious plot of the gunpowder treason) was abated ; the 
 pomp of prelacy and multitude of ceremonies increased 
 daily in the church of England, and according to that 
 were all civil affairs managed both at home and abroad. 
 
 Neither was it easy for the king to turn himself out 
 of that way, when he was once entered into it; so that 
 at last the papists began by degrees to be admitted 
 nearer to him in service and conversation. Exceeding 
 desirous he then was to match the prince his son to 
 the infanta of Spain ; about which many and long 
 treaties passed, wherein not only the Spaniard, but the 
 pope, made many present advantages of the king's 
 earnest desires, and many ways deluded him, as it 
 appeared plainly by his own letters to his ambassadors 
 there, since found and published. 
 
6 Of the duke of Buckingham. boo 
 
 Thus was the king by degrees brought, not only to 
 forsake, but to oppose, his own interest both in civil 
 and religious affairs, which was most unhappily seen 
 in that cause, (as the duke of Rohan observed,) wherein, 
 besides the interest of all protestants and the honour 
 of his nation, the estate and livelihood of his own 
 children were at the height concerned, the palatinate 
 business. 
 
 From hence flowed a further mischief ; for the king 
 (being loath, perchance, that the whole people should 
 take notice of those ways in which he trod) grew 
 extremely disaffected to parliaments, calling them for 
 nothing but to supply his expenses^ dissolving them 
 when they began to meddle with state affairs, and 
 divers times imprisoning the members for speeches 
 made in parliament, against the fundamental privileges 
 of that high court. 
 
 Parliaments being thus despised and abused, projects 
 against the laws were found out to supply the king's 
 expenses, which were not small; and the king (whether 
 to avoid the envy of those things or the trouble of 
 them) did iu a manner put off all business of govern- 
 ment from himself into the hands of a young favourite, 
 the duke of Buckingham, whom he had raised, from a 
 knight's fourth son, to that great height, and intrusted 
 with the chief offices of the kingdom ; besides the 
 great power which he had by that extraordinary favour 
 of conferring all places and preferments both in church 
 and state. 
 
 This duke, not long before the death of king James, 
 was grown into extraordinary favour and entireness with 
 the prince, whom he afterward swayed no less than he 
 had before his father ; like an unhappy vapour exhaled 
 from the earth to so great an height, as to cloud not 
 only the rising but the setting sun. 
 
^^^^•i- Of king Charles. 7 
 
 King Charles, with great hopes and expectation of 
 the people, and no less high expressions of love and 
 duty from all in general, began his reign on the 27th 
 of March 1624. And indeed that love which the 
 people bare to his person had been before testified 
 whilst he was yet prince, at his return from Spain, 
 though the journey itself had not been pleasing to the 
 kingdom ; for when the people saw him arrived in 
 safety, there needed no public edict for thanksgiving 
 or joy ; every society and private family (as if the 
 hearts of all had been in one) did voluntarily assemble 
 themselves together, praising God, with singing of 
 psalms, with joyful feasting, and charity to the poor ; 
 insomuch that, I suppose, the like consent, without any 
 interposing authority, hath not been often known. 
 
 The same affections followed him to his throne, the 
 same hopes and fair presages of his future government, 
 whilst they considered the temperance of his youth, 
 how clear he had lived from personal vice, being grown 
 to the age of twenty-three, how untainted of those li- 
 centious extravagances which unto that age and fortune 
 are not only incident, but almost thought excusable. 
 
 But some men suspended their hopes, as doubting 
 what to find of a prince so much and so long reserved; 
 for he had never declared himself of any faction, or 
 scarce interposed in any state affairs, though some 
 things had been managed in his father's reign with 
 much detriment to his own present and future for- 
 tunes. Yet that by the people in general was well 
 censured, as an effect of his piety and obedience to 
 the king his father, and happy presages [were] gathered 
 from it, " that so good an obeyer would prove a just 
 ruler." 
 
 They wondered also to see him suddenly linked in 
 such an entire friendship with the duke of Buckingham; 
 
8 A war with Spain and France. boc 
 
 for extraordinary favourites do usually eclipse and much 
 depress the heir apparent of a crown, or else they are 
 conceived so to do, and upon that reason hated and 
 ruined by the succeeding prince; in which kind all 
 ancient and modern stories are full of examples. 
 
 In the beginning of king Charles his reign, a parlia- 
 ment was called, and adjourned to Oxford, (the plague 
 raging extremely at London,) where the duke of 
 Buckingham was highly questioned, but by the king 
 (not without the grief and sad presage of many people, 
 that private affections would too much prevail in him 
 against the public) he was protected against the parlia- 
 ment, which for that only purpose was dissolved, after 
 two subsidies had been given, and before the kingdom 
 received relief in any one grievance ; as is expressed 
 in the first and general Remonstrance* of this present 
 parliament, where many other unhappy passages of 
 those times are briefly touched ; as, that the king, im- 
 mediately after the dissolution of that parliament, con- 
 trived a war against Spain, in which the design was 
 unhappily laid, and contrary to the advice which at 
 that time had been given by wise men, who persuaded 
 him to invade the West Indies ; a way, no doubt, far 
 more easy and hopeful for England to prevail against 
 Spain than any other : instead of that, the king, with 
 great expense of treasure, raised an army and fleet to 
 assault Cales, the duke of Buckingham bearing the 
 title both of admiral and general, though he went not 
 himself in person. But the matter was so ordered that 
 
 * This Remonstrance was passed by the house of commons on 
 Wednesday the isth of December, 1641. It is entitled,^ remon- 
 strance of the state of the kingdom, and is expressed in clear and 
 temperate language, and has a great appearance of being true. See 
 Husbands's Collection of all Remonstrances, Declarations, &c. of this 
 Parliament, published in the year 1642. 
 
!HAP. I. Of the surrender of Rochelle to the French army. 9 
 
 the expedition proved altogether successless, and as dis- 
 honourable as expensive. 
 
 They complained likewise of another design, (which 
 indeed was much lamented by the people of England 
 in general,) about that time put in practice, a thing 
 destructive to the highest interest of the nation, the 
 maintenance of [the] protestant religion : a fleet of 
 English ships were set forth, and delivered over to the 
 French, by whose strength all the sea forces of Rochelle 
 were scattered and destroyed, a loss to them irrecover- 
 able, and the first step to their ruin. 
 
 Neither was this loan of ships from England (for 
 such was the people's complaint and suspicion against 
 those who at that time stood at the helm) supposed to 
 proceed so much from friendship to the state of France 
 as from design against religion ; for immediately upon 
 it, the king, by what advice the people understood not, 
 made a breach with France, by taking their ships, to a 
 great value, without making any recompense to the 
 English, whose goods were thereupon imbarred, and 
 confiscate in that kingdom. 
 
 In revenge of this, a brave army was raised in 
 England, and commanded by the duke of Buckingham 
 in person, who landing at the Isle of Rhea was at the 
 first encounter victorious against the French ; but 
 after few months' stay there, the matter was so un- 
 happily carried (the general being unexperienced in 
 warlike affairs) that the French prevailed, and gave a 
 great defeat, where many gallant gentlemen lost their 
 lives, and the nation much of their ancient honour. 
 
 From thence proceeded another step to the ruin of 
 Rochelle; the sick and wounded English were sent into 
 that city, and relieved by the besieged Rochellers, out 
 of that little provision which they then had, upon 
 faithful promise of supplies from England in the same 
 
10 Assassination of the duke of Buckingham. boi 
 
 kind. The provisions of Rochelle were little enough 
 for their own relief at that time, if we consider what 
 ability the French king had to continue that siege ; 
 when to the proper wealth and greatness of his crown 
 was added that reputation and strength which his late 
 success against all the other protestant garrisons in 
 France had brought. 
 
 The besieged Rochellers, not doubting at all of the 
 due and necessary supply of victual from England, sent 
 their ships thither for that purpose ; but those ships, 
 whose return with bread was so earnestly expected, 
 were stayed in England by an embargo ; and so long 
 stayed, till that unhappy town was enforced to yield 
 by famine, the sharpest of all enemies. 
 
 But in the mean time, whilst these ships with victual 
 were detained, a great army was raised in England for 
 relief of Rochelle; but too great was the delay of those 
 preparations, till time was past, and that army in the 
 end disbanded by the sad death of the duke of Buck- 
 ingham their general, who was stabbed at Portsmouth 
 by a private gentleman, John Felton. 
 
 This Felton was a soldier of a low stature, and no 
 promising aspect; of disposition serious and melancholy, 
 but religious in the whole course of his life and con- 
 versation ; which last J do not mention out of purpose 
 to countenance his unlawful act, as supposing him to 
 have had (as some did then talk) any inspiration or 
 calling of God to it : his confessions to his friends, 
 both public and private, were, that he had often secret 
 motions to that purpose, which he had resisted and 
 prayed against, and had almost overcome, until he was 
 at last confirmed in it by reading the late dissolved 
 parliament's remonstrance against the duke : that then 
 his conscience told him it was just and laudable to be 
 the executioner of that man whom the highest court 
 
i^P- 1. Peace with Spain without consent of parliament. 11 
 
 of judicature, the representative body of the kingdom, 
 had condemned as a traitor. But let posterity cen- 
 sure it as they please ; certain it is, that Felton did 
 much repent him of the unlawfulness of the fact, out 
 of no fear of death or punishment here ; for he wished 
 his hand [to be] cut off before the execution, which his 
 judges could not doom by the laws of England. 
 
 The king had not long before broken off another 
 parliament, called in the second year of his reign, in 
 which the petition of right was granted, to the great 
 rejoicing of the people. But it proved immediately 
 to be no relief at all to them ; for, the parliament 
 presently dissolved, the king acted over the same 
 things which formerly he had done; and that grant, 
 instead of fortifying the kingdom's liberty, made it 
 appear to be more defenceless than before, [seeing] 
 that laws themselves were no bar against the king's 
 will. The parliament, in hope of gracious acts, had 
 declared an intent to give his majesty five subsidies ; 
 the full proportion of which five subsidies was, after 
 the dissolution of that parliament, exacted by com- 
 mission of loan from the people, and those imprisoned 
 which refused the payment of that loan : great sums 
 of money were required and raised by privy seals ; a 
 commission for squeezing the subject byway of excise ; 
 soldiers were billeted upon them ; and a design laid to 
 enslave the nation by a force of German horse ; with 
 many other things of that nature. 
 
 Those affairs of state which concerned confederates 
 abroad, had been managed with as much disadvantage 
 and infelicity to them as dishonour to the English 
 nation, and prejudice to the cause of religion itself 
 
 Peace was made with Spain without consent of 
 parliament ; by which all hope was utterly lost of 
 reestablishing the king's nearest kindred in their just 
 
12 Exultation at the death of the duke of Buckingham. i 
 
 dominion ; and the protestant religion much weakened 
 in Germany. What counsels had then influence upon 
 the court of England might be the amazement of a 
 wise man to consider, and the plain truth must needs 
 seem a paradox to posterity ; as, that the protestant 
 religion, both at home and abroad, should suffer much 
 by the government of two kings, of whom the former 
 in his own person wrote more learnedly in defence of 
 it, and the latter in his own person lived more con- 
 formably to the rules of it, than any of their contem- 
 porary princes in Europe. But the civil affairs of 
 state were too ill managed to protect, or at least to 
 propagate, true religion ; or else the neglect of religion 
 was the cause that civil affairs were blessed with no more 
 honour and prosperity. The right ways of queen Eliza- 
 beth, M'ho advanced both, had been long ago forsaken, 
 and the deviation grew daily further and more fatal to 
 the kingdom : which appeared in a direct contrariety 
 to all particulars of her reign. Titles of honour were 
 made more honourable by her in being conferred 
 sparingly, and therefore probably upon great desert ; 
 which afterwards were become of less esteem, by being 
 not only too frequently conferred, but put to open sale, 
 and made too often the purchase of mechanics or the 
 reward of vicious persons. 
 
 At the death of that duke, the people were possessed 
 with an unusual joy, which they openly testified by such 
 expressions as indeed were not thought fit nor decent 
 by wise men upon so tragical and sad an accident, 
 which in a Christian consideration might move compas- 
 sion, whatsoever the offences of the man were. 
 
 To such people that distich of Seneca might gi-ve 
 answer : 
 
 Res est sacra miser. Noli mea tangere fata. 
 
 Sacrilegae bustis abstinuere manus. Epigramm. IV. 9. 
 
^^■^- A third parliament is dissolved. 13 
 
 Sacred is woe ; touch not my death with scorn : 
 Even sacrilegious hands have tombs forborne. 
 
 And it may be that God was offended at the excess 
 of their joy, in that he quickly let them see the benefit 
 was not so great to them as they expected by it ; but 
 his judgments are too high for men to search. True 
 it is, that the people in general loving the king's per- 
 son, and very unwilling to harbour the least opinion of 
 ill in him, looked upon the duke as the only hinder- 
 ance of the kingdom's happiness; supposing that, 
 though other statesmen might afterwards arise, of as 
 bad or worse intentions than the duke, yet none 
 would have so great a power for execution of them, 
 nor any other genius be ever found to have so great a 
 mastery over the king's genius. But it is certain that 
 men did much therefore rejoice at the death of this 
 duke, because they did before much fear what mischief 
 might befall a kingdom, where that man, who knew 
 himself extremely hated by the people, had all the 
 keys of the kingdom in his hand, as being lord-admiral 
 and warden of the cinque ports, having the command 
 of all the soldiers, and the only power to reward and 
 raise them. 
 
 These joys and hopes of men lasted not long : for in 
 the same year, (being the fourth of king Charles,) and 
 after the death of the duke of Buckingham, another 
 parliament was dissolved ; and then the privileges of 
 that high court [were] more broken than ever before. 
 Six members of the house of commons, who had been 
 forward in vindicating the privileges of parliament, 
 were committed close prisoners for many months to- 
 gether, without the liberty of using books, pen, ink, 
 and paper, while they were detained in this condition, 
 and not admitted [to] bail according to law : they were 
 also vexed with informations in inferior courts, where 
 
14 Tlie people' s hope lost of being ' 
 
 they were sentenced and fined for matters done in 
 parliament, and the payment of such fines extorted 
 from them. Some were enforced to put in security of 
 good behaviour before they could be released : the 
 rest, who refused to be bound, were detained divers 
 years after in custody, of whom, one sir John Elliot, a 
 gentleman of able parts, that had been forwardest in 
 expression - of himself for the freedom of his country, 
 and [in] taxing the unjust actions of the duke of Buck- 
 ingham while that duke lived, (though the truth be, 
 that those speeches of his were no other than what 
 carried the public consent in them,) died by the harsh- 
 ness of his imprisonment, which would admit of no 
 relaxation, though, for health's sake, he petitioned for 
 it often, and his physician gave in testimony to the 
 same purpose. The freedom that sir John Elliot used 
 in parliament was by the people in general applauded, 
 though much taxed by the courtiers, and censured by 
 some of a more politic reserve, (considering the times,) 
 in that kind that Tacitus censures Thraseas Pcetus, as 
 thinking such freedom a needless, and therefore a foolish 
 thing, where no cure could be hoped by it : Sihi peri- 
 culum, nee aliis libertatem. 
 
 After the breaking off this parliament, (as the histo- 
 rian speaketh of Roman liberty, after the battle of 
 Philippi, nunquam post hoc prcelium, 8fc.) the people of 
 England for many years never looked back to their 
 ancient liberty. A declaration was published by the 
 king, wherein aspersions were laid upon some members ; 
 but indeed the court of parliament itself was declared 
 against. All which the dejected people were forced to 
 read with patience, and allow, against the dictate of 
 their own reason. 
 
 The people of England from that time were deprived 
 of the hope of parliaments ; and all things so managed 
 
CHAP. I. governed by the parliament. 15 
 
 by public officers, as if never such a day of account 
 were to come. 
 
 I shall, for method's sake, first of all make a short 
 enumeration of some of the chief grievances of the 
 subjects, which shall be truly and plainly related, as 
 likewise some vices of the nation in general, (that the 
 reader may the better judge of the causes of succeeding 
 troubles,) during the space of seven or eight years after 
 the dissolution of that parliament ; and then [shall] give 
 some account concerning the several dispositions of the 
 people of England, and their different censures of the 
 king's government during those years ; touching, by the 
 way, somewhat of the manners and customs of the court 
 of England ; and then briefly of the condition of eccle- 
 siastical affairs, and the censures of men concerning 
 
 that. 
 
 ^ 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 A brief relation of some grievances of the Icing dom. The various 
 opinions of men concerning the present government. The condi- 
 tion of the court and clergy of England. Some observations 
 of a stranger concerning the religion of the English people. 
 
 JLT cannot but be thought, by all wise and honest men, 
 that the sins of England were at a great height, that 
 the injustice of governors and vices of private men were 
 very great, which have since called down from Al- 
 mighty God so sharp a judgment, and drawn on by 
 degrees so calamitous and consuming a war. Those 
 particular crimes an English historian can take no plea- 
 sure to relate, but might rather desire to be silent in, 
 and say with Statins, 
 ' .... Nos certe taceamus, et obruta multa 
 
 Node tegi propria patiamur crimina gentis. Silv.V. 89. 
 Let us be silent, and from after-times 
 Conceal our own unhappy nation's crimes. 
 
16 Monopolies of the kingdom. book 
 
 But to be silent in that were great injustice and im- 
 piety toward God ; — to relate his judgments upon a 
 kingdom, and forget the sins of that kingdom, which 
 were the cause of them. The heathen historians do 
 well instruct us in that point of piety, who never 
 almost describe any civil war or public affliction with- 
 out relating at the beginning how vicious and corrupted 
 their state was at that time grown ; how faulty both 
 the rulers and people were, and how fit to be punished, 
 either by themselves or others. Nor do any of the 
 Roman poets undertake to write of that great and 
 miserable civil war, which destroyed the present state 
 and enslaved posterity, without first making a large 
 enumeration of such causes ; how wicked the manners 
 of Rome were grown, how the chief rulers were given 
 to avarice and oppression, and the whole state drowned 
 in luxury, lusts, and riot, as you may see upon that sub- 
 ject in two the most elegant of them. And shall we 
 Christians, who adore the true God, and live under the 
 gospel light, not be sensible, under so heavy a judg- 
 ment, of our own offences ? 
 
 To begin with the faults of the higher powers, and 
 their illegal oppression of the people during these eight 
 or nine years, in which parliaments were denied to 
 England, which I briefly touch, referring the reader to a 
 more full narration in the Remonstrance; multitudes of 
 monopolies were granted by the king, and laid upon all 
 things of most common and necessary use, such as soap, 
 salt, wine, leather, sea-coal, and many other of that kind: 
 Regia privatis crescunt ceraria damnis. 
 
 Claud, de IV. Cons. 499. 
 By loss of private men the exchequer grows. 
 
 Large sums of money were exacted through the 
 whole kingdom for default of knighthood under the 
 shadow of an obsolete law. Tonnage and poundage 
 
^^^'^- "• Many other illegal oppressions. 17 
 
 were received without the ordinary course of law ; and 
 though they were taken under pretence of guarding 
 the seas, yet that great tax of ship-money was set on 
 foot under the same colour ; by both which there was 
 charged upon the people some years near 700,000/. 
 though the seas at that time were not well guarded. 
 
 These things were accompanied with an enlargement 
 of forests, contrary to Magna Charta, the forcing of 
 coat and conduct-money, taking away the arms of 
 trained bands in divers counties, disarming the people 
 by engrossing of gunpowder, keeping it in the Tower of 
 London, and setting so high a rate upon it that the 
 poorer sort were not able to buy it ; nor could any have 
 it without license ; whereby several parts of the king- 
 dom were left destitute of their necessary defence. 
 
 No courts of judicature could give redress to the 
 people for these illegal sufferings, whilst judges were 
 displaced by the king for not complying with his will, 
 and so awed, that they durst not do their duties ; for, 
 to hold a rod over them, the clause quamdiu se bene 
 gesserint was left out of their patents, and a new clause, 
 durante beneplacito, inserted. 
 
 New illegal oaths were enforced upon the subjects 
 and new judicatories erected without law; and when 
 commissions were granted for examining the excess of 
 fees, and great exactions discovered, the delinquents 
 were compounded with, not only for the time past, but 
 immunity to oifend for the time to come ; which, in- 
 stead of redressing, did confirm and increase the griev- 
 ance of the subjects. 
 
 By this time all thoughts of ever having a parliament 
 again were quite banished ; so many oppressions had 
 been set on foot, so many illegal actions done, that the 
 only way to justify the mischiefs already done was to 
 do that one greater, to take away the means which 
 
 MAY. c 
 
18 Opinions of the lords, S^c. concerning the government. bo 
 
 was ordained to redress them — the lawful government 
 of England by parliaments. 
 
 Whilst the kingdom was in this condition, the seri- 
 ous and just men of England, who were no way inter- 
 essed in the emolument of these oppressions, could 
 not but entertain sad thoughts and presages of what 
 mischief must needs follow so great an injustice ; that 
 things carried so far on in a wrong way must needs 
 either enslave themselves and posterity for ever, or re- 
 quire a vindication so sharp and smarting, as that the 
 nation would groan under it; and though the times 
 were jolly for the present, yet, having observed the 
 judgments of God upon other secure nations, they could 
 not choose but fear the sequel. Another sort of men, 
 and especially lords and gentlemen, by whom the pres- 
 sures of the government were not much felt, who en- 
 joyed their own plentiful fortunes, with little or insen- 
 sible detriment, looking no further than their present 
 safety and prosperity, and the yet undisturbed peace 
 of the nation, whilst other kingdoms were embroiled in 
 calamities, and Germany sadly wasted by a sharp war, 
 did nothing but applaud the happiness of England, and 
 called those ungrateful and factious spirits, who com- 
 plained of the breach of laws and liberties, that the 
 kingdom abounded with wealth, plenty, and all kind of 
 elegances, more than ever ; that it was for the ho- 
 nour of a people that the monarch should live splen- 
 didly, and not be curbed at all in his prerogative, which 
 would bring him into the greater esteem with other 
 princes, and more enable him to prevail in treaties; 
 that what they suffered by monopolies was insensible, 
 and not grievous, if compared with other states ; that 
 the duke of Tuscany sat heavier upon his people in 
 that very kind ; that the French king had made him- 
 self an absolute lord, and quite depressed the power of 
 
CHAP. 11. Indisposition of the courtiers towards parliament. 19 
 
 parliaments, which had been there as great as in any 
 kingdom, and yet that France flourished, and the gentry 
 lived well ; that the Austrian princes, especially in 
 Spain, laid heavy burdens upon their subjects. 
 
 Thus did many of the English gentry, by way of 
 comparison, in ordinary discourse, plead for their own 
 servitude. 
 
 The courtiers would begin to dispute against parlia- 
 ments in their ordinary discourse, that they were cruel 
 to those whom the king favoured, and too injurious 
 to his prerogative ; that the late parliament stood upon 
 too high terms with the king ; and that they hoped 
 the king should never need any more parliaments. 
 Some of the greatest statesmen and privy-councillors 
 would ordinarily laugh at the ancient language of Eng- 
 land, when the word liberty of the subject was named. 
 But these gentlemen, who seemed so forward in taking 
 up their own yoke, were but a small part of the nation, 
 (though a number considerable enough to make a re- 
 formation hard,) compared with those gentlemen who 
 were sensible of their birthrights and the true interest 
 of the kingdom ; on which side the common people in 
 the generality and the country freeholders stood, who 
 would rationally argue of their own rights, and those 
 oppressions that were laid upon them. 
 
 But the sins of the English nation were too great 
 to let them hope for an easy or speedy redress of 
 such grievances ; and the manners of the people so 
 much corrupted, as by degrees they became of that 
 temper which the historian speaks of his Romans, ut 
 nee mala, nee remedia, ferre possent, they could neither 
 suifer those pressures patiently, nor quietly endure the 
 cure of them. Profaneness too much abounded every 
 where ; and, (which is most strange,) where there was 
 no religion, yet there was superstition : luxury in diet, 
 
 c2 
 
20 Of the lord Wentworth. booki. 
 
 and excess both in meat and drink, was crept into the 
 kingdom in an high degree, not only in the quantity, 
 but in the wanton curiosity. And in abuse of those 
 good creatures which God had bestowed upon this 
 plentiful land, they mixed the vices of divers nations, 
 catching at every thing that was new and foreign. 
 
 .... Non vulgo nota placebant 
 Gaudia, non usu plebeio trita voluptas. 
 
 Petronius, Sat. cxix. 8. 
 
 .... Old known delight 
 They scorn, and vulgar, bare-worn pleasure slight. 
 
 As much pride and excess was in apparel, almost 
 among all degrees of people, in newfangled and various 
 fashioned attire ; they not only imitated, but excelled 
 their foreign patterns, and, in fantastical gestures and 
 behaviour, the petulancy of most nations in Europe. 
 Et laxi crines, ef tot nova nomina vestis. Id. ibid. 26. 
 Loose hair, and many new-found names of clothes. 
 
 The serious men groaned for a parliament ; but the 
 great statesmen plied it the harder to complete that work 
 they had begun, of setting up prerogative above all laws. 
 
 The lord Wentworth (afterward created earl of 
 Strafford for his service in that kind) was then labour- 
 ing to oppress Ireland, of which he was deputy, and 
 to begin that work in a conquered kingdom which was 
 intended to be afterward wrought by degrees in Eng- 
 land : and indeed he had gone very far, and [was very 
 prosperous] in those ways of tyranny, though very much 
 to the endamaging and setting back of that newly 
 estabhshed kingdom. 
 
 He was a man of great parts, of a deep reach, subtle 
 wit, of spirit and industry to carry on his business, 
 and such a conscience as was fit for that work he was 
 designed to. He understood the right way and the 
 liberty of his country as well as any man ; for which, 
 
^"^^•"- Of the English court. 21 
 
 in former parliaments, he stood up stiffly, and seemed 
 an excellent patriot. For those abilities he was soon 
 taken oiF by the king, and raised in honour, to be 
 employed in a contrary way, for enslaving of his coun- 
 try ; which his ambition easily drew him to undertake. 
 To this man, in my opinion, that character which Lucan 
 bestows upon the Roman Curio in some sort may suit : 
 
 Hand alium tanta civem tulit indole Roma, 
 Aut cui plus leges deberent recta sequenti. 
 Perdita tunc urbi nocuerunt scecula, postquam 
 Ambitus, et luxus, et opum metuenda facultas 
 Transversa mentem dubiam torrente tulerunt : 
 Momentumque fuit mutatus Curio rerum. Phaxs. V. 814. 
 
 A man of abler parts Rome never bore. 
 
 Nor one to whom (whilst right) the laws ow'd more. 
 
 Our state itself then suffered, when the tide 
 
 Of avarice, ambition, factious pride. 
 
 To turn his wavering mind quite cross, began : 
 
 Of such high moment was one changed man. 
 
 The court of England, during this long vacancy of 
 parliaments, enjoyed itself in as much pleasure and 
 splendour as ever any court did. The revels, triumphs, 
 and princely pastimes were for those many years kept 
 up at so great a height, that any stranger which tra- 
 velled into England would verily believe a kingdom 
 that looked so cheerfully in the face could not be sick 
 in any part. 
 
 The queen was fruitful, and now grown of such an 
 age as might seem to give her privilege of a further 
 society with the king than bed and board, and make 
 her a partner of his affairs and business, which his ex- 
 treme affection did more encourage her to challenge : 
 that conjugal love, as an extraordinary virtue of a king, 
 in midst of so many temptations, the people did admire 
 and honour. 
 
22 Of the clergy of England. book 
 
 But the queen's power did by degrees give privilege 
 to papists (and, among them, [to] the most witty and 
 Jesuited) to converse, under the name of civility and 
 courtship, not only with inferior courtiers, but with 
 the king himself, and to sow their seed in what ground 
 they thought best; and by degrees, as in compliment 
 to the queen, nuncios from the pope were received in 
 the court of England, Panziane, Con, and Rosetti ; the 
 king himself maintaining in discourse, that he saw no 
 reason why he might not receive an ambassador from 
 the pope, being a temporal prince. But those nuncios 
 were not entertained with public ceremony ; so that 
 the people in general took no great notice of them ; 
 and the courtiers were confident of the king's religion 
 by his due frequenting prayers and sermons. 
 
 The clergy, whose dependance was merely upon the 
 king, were wholly taken up in admiration of his happy 
 government, which they never concealed from himself 
 as often as the pulpit gave them access to his ear ; and 
 not only there, but at all meetings, they discoursed 
 with joy upon that theme ; affirming confidently, that 
 no prince in Europe was so great a friend to the church 
 as king Charles ; that religion flourished nowhere but 
 in England ; and no reformed church retained the face 
 and dignity of a church but that : many of them used 
 to deliver their opinion, that God had therefore so 
 severely punished the palatinate, because their sacrilege 
 had been so great in taking away the endowments of 
 bishoprics. 
 
 Queen Ehzabeth herself, who had reformed religion, 
 was but coldly praised ; and all her virtues were forgot- 
 ten, when they remembered how she cut short the 
 bishopric of Ely. 
 
 Henry the Eighth was [also] much condemned by them 
 for seizing upon the abbeys, and taking so much out of 
 
CHAP. II. Of archbishop Laud. 23 
 
 the several bishoprics as he did in the thirty-seventh year 
 of his reign. To maintain, therefore, that splendour of a 
 church, which so much pleased them, was become their 
 highest endeavour; especially after they had gotten, 
 in the year 1633, an archbishop after their own heart, 
 Dr. Laud ; who had before, for divers years, ruled the 
 clergy, in the secession of archbishop Abbot, a man of 
 better temper and discretion ; which discretion, or vir- 
 tue, to conceal, would be an injury to that archbishop. 
 He was a man who wholly followed the true interest 
 of England, and that of the reformed churches in 
 Europe ; so far as that in his time the clergy was not 
 much envied here in England, nor the government 
 of episcopacy much disfavoured by protestants beyond 
 the seas. Not only the pomp of ceremonies [was] daily 
 increased, and innovations of great scandal brought 
 into the church, but in point of doctrine many fair 
 approaches [were] made towards Rome ; as he that 
 pleaseth to search may find in the books of bishop 
 Laud, Montague, Heylin, Pocklington, and the rest ; 
 or, in brief, collected by a Scottish minister, master 
 Baily. And as their friendship to Rome increased, 
 so did their scorn to the reformed churches beyond the 
 seas ; whom, instead of lending that relief and succour 
 to them which God had enabled this rich island to do, 
 they failed in their greatest extremities, and instead of 
 harbours, became rocks to split them. 
 
 Archbishop Laud, who was now grown into great 
 favour with the king, made use of it especially to ad- 
 vance the pomp and temporal honour of the clergy, pro- 
 curing the lord treasurer's place for Dr. Juxon, bishop 
 of London, and endeavouring, as the general report 
 went, to fix the greatest temporal preferments upon 
 others of that coat ; insomuch as the people merrily, 
 when they saw that treasurer, with the other bishops. 
 
24 Irreligion of the court. book i. 
 
 riding to Westminster, called it the church triumphant ; 
 doctors and parsons of parishes were made every where 
 justices of peace, to the great grievance of the country 
 in civil affairs, and depriving them of their spiritual 
 edification. 
 
 The archbishop, by the same means which he used 
 to preserve his clergy from contempt, exposed them 
 to envy, and, as the wisest could then prophesy, to 
 a more than probability of losing all : as we read of 
 some men, who, being foredoomed by an oracle to a 
 bad fortune, have run into it by the same means they 
 used to prevent it. The like unhappy course did the 
 clergy then take to depress puritanism, which was, " to 
 set up irreligion itself against it," the worst weapon 
 which they could have chosen to beat it down : which 
 appeared especially in point of keeping the Lord's day ; 
 when not only books were written to shake the morality 
 of it, as that of Sunday no Sabbath, but sports and pas- 
 times of jollity and lightness were permitted to the 
 country people upon that day, by public authority, and 
 the warrant commanded to be read in churches : which, 
 instead of producing the intended effect, may credibly 
 be thought to have been one motive to a stricter observ- 
 ance of that day in that part of the kingdom which 
 before had been well devoted ; and many men, who 
 had before been loose and careless, began upon that 
 occasion to enter into a more serious consideration of 
 it, and were ashamed to be invited, by the authority 
 of churchmen, to that which themselves, at the best, 
 could but have pardoned in themselves as a thing of 
 infirmity. 
 
 The example of the court, where plays were usually 
 presented on Sundays, did not so much draw the coun- 
 try to imitation, as reflect with disadvantage upon the 
 court itself, and sour those other court pastimes and 
 
CHAP. II. Archbishop Laud's opinion concerning Popery. 25 
 
 jollities, which would have relished better without that 
 in the eyes of all the people, as [being] things that had 
 ever been allowed to the delights of great princes. 
 
 The countenancing of looseness and irreligion was 
 no doubt a good preparative to the introducing of an- 
 other religion; and the power of godliness being beaten 
 down, popery might more easily by degrees enter ; 
 men quickly leave that, of which they never took fast 
 hold : and though it were questionable whether the 
 bishops and great clergy of England aimed at popery, 
 it is too apparent [that] such was the design of Romish 
 agents ; and the English clergy, if they did not their 
 own work, did theirs. A stranger of that religion, a 
 Venetian gentleman, out of his own observations in 
 England, will tell you how far they were going in this 
 kind ; his words are : 
 
 The universities, bishops, and divines of England, do daily 
 embrace catholic opinions, though they profess it not with 
 open mouth, for fear of the puritans : for example, they hold 
 that the church of Rome is a true church ; that the pope is 
 superior to all bishops; that to him it appertains to call gene- 
 ral councils; that it is lawful to pray for souls departed; that 
 altars ought to be erected ; in sum, they believe all that is 
 taught by the church, but not by the court, of Rome. 
 
 The archbishop of Canterbury was much against the 
 court of Rome, though not against that church in so 
 high a kind : for the doctrine of the Roman church 
 was no enemy to the pomp of prelacy ; but the doctrine 
 of the court of Rome would have swallowed up all 
 under the pope's supremacy, and have made all great- 
 ness dependant upon him : which the archbishop con- 
 ceived would derogate too much from the king in tem- 
 porals, (and therefore hardly to be accepted by the 
 court,) as it would from himself in spirituals, and make 
 his metropolitical power subordinate, which he desired 
 
26 Of the puritans of England. booki. 
 
 to hold absolute and independent within the realm of 
 England, [as if he had been an English pope.J 
 
 It is certain that the archbishop of Canterbury (as 
 an English gentleman observes) would often profess 
 against those Tridentine papists, whom [he hated only] 
 as papists properly so called. For at the council of 
 Trent all matters concerning the court of Rome 
 (which are of themselves but disputable) were deter- 
 mined as points of faith, to be believed upon pain of 
 damnation : but matters of faith indeed concerning the 
 church of Rome were left disputable, and no anathema 
 annexed to them. But that Venetian gentleman, 
 whom before we cited, declares in what state, for mat- 
 ter of religion, England at that time stood, and how 
 divided ; namely, into papists, protestants, and puri- 
 tans. Papists are well known. " The protestant party," 
 saith he, " consists of the king, the court-lords and 
 gentlemen, with all that are raised by favour to any 
 honour : besides almost all the prelates and both the 
 universities." 
 
 What the protestants are, he further declares, viz. 
 " They hate puritans more than they hate papists ; 
 that they easily combine with papists to extirpate 
 puritans ; and are not so far engaged to the reformed 
 religion, but that they can reduce themselves again to 
 the old practice of their forefathers ; that they are very 
 opinionative in excluding the pope's supremacy." 
 
 He speaks then concerning the puritans, and says, 
 " that they consist of some bishops, of almost all the 
 gentry and commonalty, and therefore are far the most 
 potent party." 
 
 And further declares what they are, viz. "They are 
 such as received the discipline of the French and 
 Netherlanders, and hold not the English reformation 
 to be so perfect as that which Calvin instituted at 
 
CHAP. III. Condition of the Scottish State and clergy. 27 
 
 Geneva; that they hate papists far more than they 
 hate protestants," &c. 
 
 Thus far of this stranger's observation concerning 
 England. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The condition of the Scottish state and clergy when the new 
 book of liturgy was sent unto them ; how it was received ; 
 with some effects which followed. The king's proclamation 
 sent by the earl of Traquair ; against which the lords make 
 a protestation. 
 
 XN this condition stood the kingdom of England 
 about the year 1636, when the first coal was blown, 
 which kindled since into so great a combustion as to 
 deface and almost ruin three flourishing kingdoms. 
 Neither was this coal blown by the grieved party of 
 England, the commonalty, and those religious men 
 that prayed for reformation, but by the other side, who 
 had oppressed them. No commotion at all was raised 
 from the oppressed party, though it consisted of the 
 body of the nation, and [was] therefore strong enough 
 to have vindicated themselves, would they have risen in 
 illegal tumults. 
 
 The land was yet quiet, and that storm which the 
 people had feared before the death of the duke of 
 Buckingham was not in so long a time fallen upon 
 England, although the causes in government which 
 made them fear it had continued at the height ever 
 since. They only wished for a parliament, but durst 
 not hope it, unless some strange accident, not yet dis- 
 covered by them, might necessitate such a cure. The 
 commons therefore quietly endured their yoke, the 
 court freely enjoyed its greatness and splendour, and 
 the then clergy, without control, their dignity, until 
 
28 State of the clergy in Scotland. book i. 
 
 too great a care of securing and increasing that dignity 
 made them endeavour those courses which proved the 
 ruin of it ; for from the clergy this fire began, though 
 the state was not innocent. The tyranny of civil govern- 
 ment moved the same pace that the ambition of prelacy 
 did ; and the king's council had gone so far, as they 
 could not be content that the people were patient, un- 
 less they could take away all possibility, for the future, 
 of the people's redress. 
 
 But the name of religion was used at the beginning 
 of the business, and a conformity in church-worship 
 between the two kingdoms of England and Scotland 
 pretended to be introduced : but the means proved un- 
 happy, and were defective both in policy and justice, as 
 will anon more particularly appear. 
 
 The archbishop of Canterbury was a main agent in 
 this fatal work ; a man vigilant enough, of an active, 
 or, rather, of a restless mind; more ambitious to under- 
 take than politic to carry on ; of a disposition too fierce 
 and cruel for his coat ; which, notwithstanding, he was 
 so far from concealing in a subtle way, that he increased 
 the envy of it by insolence. He had few vulgar and pri- 
 vate vices, as being neither taxed of covetousness, in- 
 temperance, or incontinence ; and, in a word, a man not 
 altogether so bad, [in his personal character,] as unfit for 
 the state of England. 
 
 To bring about the work in hand, long preparation 
 had been made in Scotland; and though that kingdom 
 was hardly brought to endure the rule and pomp of 
 prelacy, yet now it seemed perfectly to be wrought : 
 the bishops there, no less than in England, had gotten 
 all the ecclesiastical power into their hands, and had as 
 great a share in civil government. 
 
 Of fourteen bishops, (which is all the Scottish num- 
 ber,) eleven were privy-councillors ; the archbishop of 
 
CHAP. ni. Canons of the church of Scotland. 29 
 
 St. Andrew's, primate of Scotland, was lord chancellor ; 
 and the bishop of Ross (a great favourite of the arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury) was in election and assured hope 
 to be lord high treasurer ; many of them, besides, were 
 gotten into state employment and gainful offices. 
 
 To establish that episcopal power, the high com- 
 mission court, like that in England, was erected, and 
 a book of canons for that church was, by the king's 
 authority, published and ratified ; wherein all subjects 
 to the crown of Scotland are commanded, in all articles, 
 to submit themselves to the episcopal censure. 
 
 The whole structure of ecclesiastical policy, so long 
 used in Scotland, and established by so many acts of 
 parliament, was at one blow thrown down, (as many of 
 their writers did then complain ;) their consistories, 
 classes, and presbyteries were held in the nature of 
 conventicles ; and all decision of ecclesiastical contro- 
 versies confined only to the tribunal of a bishop. " Al- 
 though," say they, " after that unhappy synod of Perth, 
 which was held in the year 1618, we never had any 
 national synod or assembly, yet there remained a kind 
 of face or name of provincial synods, presbyteries, and 
 sessions:" (though indeed but vain names and shadows:) 
 but after the monstrous birth of those canons that very 
 shadow was quite lost. 
 
 Olim vera fides libertatis obit ; 
 
 Nunc et ficta perit. Lucan. IX. 204. 
 
 Yet, for all this, the power of prelacy was not so 
 firmly rooted in Scotland as in England, nor so well 
 fortified by the affections of [the] one kingdom as of the 
 other. Besides, the reformation of England had never 
 abrogated, nor scarce shaken, the prelatical dignity in 
 any parliament. 
 
 But in Scotland it was once quite ruined, and [had 
 been] by degrees built up again, not without many diffi- 
 
30 The king orders the Common Prayer book i. 
 
 culties ; not without great reluctancy of the peers, 
 gentry, and most of the ministers ; not without ex- 
 traordinary interposition of regal authority, and great 
 art used by two kings in managing the business, and 
 raising it to that height in which [then it] stood ; as 
 you may read at large in some late writers of that 
 kingdom. 
 
 Neither were the peers and gentry of that kingdom 
 so impatient of this new yoke only out of zeal to pre- 
 servation of religion in purity ; (though that, no doubt, 
 were their greatest reason ; that church having been 
 ever much addicted to the reformation of Geneva and 
 those other churches, as it appeared by their great 
 unwillingness to receive those few ceremonies of the 
 English church at their synod of Perth ;) but [also as 
 being loath] to suffer any diminution of their temporal 
 liberties; which could not be avoided in admittance 
 of episcopal jurisdiction, and was manifested in that 
 kingdom by divers examples of rigorous proceedings, 
 which some bishops used against gentlemen of quality, 
 by way of fines and imprisonments, and the like; which 
 particulars are too large to be here inserted in this 
 narration. 
 
 In the year 1637, a book of liturgy was composed, 
 and sent out of England, (which they complained of, 
 because it was not before allowed by their church in 
 a national synod, as was fit for a business of so great 
 import,) with an express command from the king, that 
 they should reverently receive it, and publicly read it 
 in their churches, beginning on Easter-day, and so for- 
 ward; against which time the privy council of Scotland 
 had commanded that every parish should buy two, at 
 the least, of them. 
 
 That Service Book was the same with the Common 
 Prayer Book of England, excepting some few alterations, 
 
CHAP. III. to be used in the churches of Scotland. 31 
 
 of which some (as they observed) were alterations for 
 the better, but others for the worse. 
 
 For the better, they esteemed that so many chapters 
 of the Apocrypha were not appointed to be read, as in 
 the English Prayer Book ; and where the English re- 
 tained the old vulgar Latin translation, especially in the 
 Psalms, that book followed the last translation, commonly 
 called that of king James. 
 
 Those alterations for the worse were divers, observed 
 by the Scots, especially in the Lord's supper, of which 
 some were these : the express command for situation 
 of the altar (so called) to the eastern wall, together 
 with many postures of the minister whilst he officiated, 
 expressed in their exceptions ; but especially this, that 
 in the consecrating prayer, those words, which in the 
 English Common Prayer Book are directly against tran- 
 substantiation, were quite left out in that Book, and in- 
 stead of them such other words as in plain sense agreed 
 with the Roman mass book. 
 
 As for example : Hear us, O most merciful Father, 
 and of thy Omnipotent goodness grant, so to bless and 
 sanctify by thy word and Spirit these creatures of bread 
 and wine, that they may be to us the body and blood of 
 thy beloved Son. 
 
 Many other alterations the Scots have observed and 
 expressed in their writings, and, in one word, affirmed, 
 that, wheresoever that book varies from the English 
 liturgy it approaches directly to the Roman missal, 
 and oflFered to prove that all the material parts of the 
 mass book are seminally there. 
 
 It was thought by many, that if the Book without 
 any alteration at all had been sent into Scotland, 
 though the Scots perhaps would not have received it, 
 they would not have taken it in so evil part : and it 
 might have been construed only as a brotherly invita* 
 
32 The king's Declaration concerning book i. 
 
 tion to the same service which England used. But 
 what the reasons were of those alterations I find no- 
 where expressed, but only where the king, in his de- 
 claration concerning that business, is pleased to say 
 thus: 
 
 We, supposing that they might have taken some offence 
 if we should have tendered them the English Service Book 
 totidem verbis, and that some factious spirits would have 
 endeavoured to have misconstrued it, as a badge of depend- 
 ance of that church upon this of England, which we had put, 
 upon them to the prejudice of their laws and liberties; we 
 held it fitter that a new book should be composed by their 
 own bishops, in substance not differing from this of England, 
 that so the Roman party might not upbraid us with any 
 weighty or material differences in our liturgies ; and yet in 
 some few insensible alterations differing from it, that it might 
 truly and justly be reputed a book of that church's own com- 
 posing, and established by our royal authority, as king of 
 Scotland. 
 
 These were the king's expressions, which, as it seemed, 
 were not satisfactory to the Scots in that point. 
 
 For they were (as is before specified) not well af- 
 fected to their own bishops, whose power and juris- 
 diction over them was rather enforced than consented 
 to. Neither did they suppose that a conformity in 
 church-worship, had it been such as their consciences 
 could well have embraced, had been any badge of their 
 dependancy upon England, as being a people not con- 
 quered, but united in an equal freedom under the same 
 king. 
 
 Besides, they could not relish it well, that the arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, and other English bishops, who 
 in many points of ceremony and worship, which they 
 accounted things tolerable, did make as near approaches 
 to the church of Rome as possibly they could, for no 
 other reason (as they profess in their writings) than 
 
CHAP. m. ff^g jgooA of Common Prayer. 33 
 
 that they laboured to bring union into the Christian 
 church, if it were possible, should now invite the 
 church of Scotland (whom they accounted more puri- 
 tanical than themselves) to union by a quite contrary 
 way ; as, instead of framing their service nearer to the 
 Scottish profession and discipline, to urge them to a 
 liturgy more popish than their own : so that it seemed 
 for unity they were content to meet Rome rather than 
 Scotland. 
 
 To return to the narration: the Service Book, accord- 
 ing to the king's command, was offered to the church 
 of Scotland and the council there, and published by 
 proclamation ; a day for the reading of it in all churches 
 appointed, which was the Easter-day following, 1637. 
 
 But then, upon some considerations, and further trial 
 of men's minds, (as the king declares,) the first reading 
 of it was put off until the 213rd of July next ensuing, to 
 the end that the lords of the session (their session being 
 the same with the term in England) and others, who 
 had any law business, might see the success of it before 
 the rising of the session, which always endeth upon the 
 first of August ; and that so, upon their return into 
 their several countries, they might report the receiving 
 of this book at Edinburgh ; it being ordered, that on 
 that Sunday the book should be read only in the church 
 of Edinburgh and some other [churches] near adjacent ; 
 and warning was printed and published in those several 
 pulpits the Sunday before, that it was to be read. 
 
 On the 23rd day of July, being Sunday, the book 
 was read in St. Giles' church, commonly called the great 
 church at Edinburgh, where were present many of the 
 privy council, both archbishops, and divers other bishops, 
 the lords of the session, the magistrates of Edinburgh, 
 and a great auditory of all sorts. 
 
 But the people, especially the meanest vulgar, (for 
 
 MAY. D 
 
34 The reading of the Common Prayer suspended. book 
 
 they first appeared against it,) and some women, ex- 
 pressed so great a detestation of the book, not only in 
 words and outcries, but actions, that the city magis- 
 trates were troubled much to get the service performed ; 
 and the bishop who read it, coming out of the church, 
 had probably been slain by the multitude, if he had not 
 been rescued by a^nobleman. 
 
 Between the two sermons the council and magistrates 
 met about preventing future tumults ; but, though the 
 book were read more quietly in the afternoon, yet the 
 tumult was far greater after evening prayer, from the 
 people who had stayed in the streets ; and the bishop, 
 in the earl of Roxburgh's coach, hardly escaped from 
 being stoned to death. 
 
 The greatest men and magistrates of Edinburgh, to 
 excuse themselves to the king, (some of them also writ- 
 ing to the archbishop of Canterbury,) laid all the fault 
 upon the rabble ; for as yet none of quality had ap- 
 peared, insomuch as that the privy council and magis- 
 trates of Edinburgh, the next morning, held some con- 
 sultation about finding out and punishing the ring- 
 leaders of that uproar. 
 
 But not long after, upon the appearing of some others 
 of higher rank, and petitions from divers ministers, 
 that the reading of that book might be a while re- 
 spited, till his majesty might be further petitioned and 
 informed, the council yielded so far, as that it should 
 not be urged by the bishops till his majesty's pleasure 
 were further known. 
 
 Upon which, many gentlemen and ministers, who 
 had resorted to Edinburgh with petitions not long 
 before, returned in part satisfied to their own habita- 
 tions ; and at many places met together, with fastings 
 and prayer, that God would be pleased to direct the 
 king's heart in that way which they conceived most 
 
CHAP. III. Commissioners for the Service Book. 35 
 
 conducible to the happiness of the church and state of 
 Scotland. 
 
 Upon the 18th of October following, harvest being 
 now ended, a great conflux of all sorts was at Edinburgh, 
 to hear what the king was pleased to determine of the 
 business ; where they find an edict against them, " that, 
 upon pain of being guilty of rebellion, all should, within 
 few hours' warning, depart the city ; and because the 
 citizens of Edinburgh had twice tumultuously opposed 
 the Prayer Book, and assaulted the bishop of Edinburgh, 
 as a punishment to that city, the term was to be re- 
 moved to the borough of Linlithgow ; and the next 
 term, after the ordinary vacants, to be held at the 
 borough of Dundee, there to remain during his ma- 
 jesty's pleasure." 
 
 The petitioners (as they were then called) were much 
 moved at this edict ; and on the 19tli of that October 
 presented to the privy-council a great complaint against 
 the bishops, whom they conceived [to be] the authors 
 of all this business, and desired justice against them, as 
 well for other crimes, as for introducing, contrary to 
 law, that superstitious and idolatrous book. 
 
 To this complaint a great number of all ranks sub- 
 scribed, and professed to the council that they could 
 not depart out of Edinburgh till some way were found 
 out to settle the present grievances. 
 
 Whilst they stayed there, their number daily increas- 
 ed from all the remotest provinces, [so] that the council 
 were enforced to give way, that till the king's pleasure 
 were yet further known, they might choose some out 
 of their number of all ranks to represent the rest, and 
 follow the cause in the name of all the rest : upon 
 which they chose four of the higher nobility, four of 
 the lower rank of nobility, as representers of provinces ; 
 as many burgesses of towns ; and four pastors, as repre- 
 
 d2 
 
36 The earl of Traguair publishes a proclamation. book i. 
 
 senters of the classes : having settled this, the rest 
 quietly departed to their own homes. 
 
 The king, hearing of these things, sent a command 
 to the council of Edinburgh not to take upon them- 
 selves any more the decision of this controversy, which 
 he reserved in his own power : and proclamation was 
 made in December 1637 concerning the king's inten- 
 tions, that they were not to infringe the laws or liber- 
 ties of the kingdom. 
 
 When therefore the commissioners petitioned the 
 council to give way to them, to bring their actions 
 against the bishops, the council answered, that the 
 king had commanded them to receive no more peti- 
 tions against either the bishops or Book of Service. 
 
 Whereupon the commissioners, discontented, prepare 
 a protestation against the king's council, declaring, that 
 what mischief soever might afterwards ensue was to be 
 all imputed to the king's council for denying justice. 
 
 The council, fearing what effects might follow, desired 
 the bishops to absent themselves, and gave leave to the 
 commissioners to appear before them ; where the lord 
 of Lowden, in name of all the rest, made an oration, in 
 which, charging the bishops with other crimes, besides 
 these stirs, he desired them to be altogether removed 
 from the council-table, till they had answered and 
 cleared themselves. To the like purpose spake one of 
 the ministers. 
 
 The council seemed sorry that it lay not in their 
 power (since the king's command was peremptory) to 
 give satisfaction to their desires, but entreated their 
 patience for so small a time as till they might again 
 receive notice of his majesty's pleasure. 
 
 The king, further certified by them, sent for the earl 
 of Traquair into England, who was soon despatched 
 again into Scotland ; and in February 1638 caused 
 
CHAP. HI. Protestation against the Service Book. 37 
 
 the king's mandate in Stirling (where the council then 
 sat) to be published. 
 
 The proclamation declared that the bishops were 
 wrongfiilly accused as authors of sending the Prayer 
 Book ; that his majesty himself was author of it, and 
 all was done by his command ; that he condemned all 
 tumultuous proceedings of his subjects to exhibit peti- 
 tions or complaints against the innocent bishops and 
 Book of Liturgy, and all subscriptions to that purpose 
 hitherto, as conspiring against the public peace ; pro- 
 nouncing pardon to those which repented, and the 
 punishment of high treason to such as persisted ; pro- 
 mising to hear the just complaints of his subjects, so 
 they oiFended not in matter or form. 
 
 After the proclamation was made at Stirling, the earl 
 of Hume, lord Lindsey, and others, in name of all the 
 petitioners, made a protestation against it ; which pro- 
 testation was afterward repeated at Linlithgow, and last 
 at Edinburgh. 
 
 The effect of that protestation was, (for we cannot 
 here insert it at large,) that the Service Book was full 
 of superstition and idolatry, and ought not to be ob- 
 truded upon them without consent of a national synod, 
 which in such cases should judge ; that it was unjust 
 to deny them liberty to accuse the bishops, being guilty 
 of high crimes, of which till they were cleared they did 
 reject the bishops as judges or governors of them. They 
 protested also against the high commission court, and 
 justified their own meetings and superscriptions to peti- 
 tions, as being to defend the glory of God, the king's 
 honour, and liberties of the realm. This protestation 
 was read in the market-place at Stirling, and the copy 
 hung up in public. 
 
38 A covenant for the defence of true religion. book i. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The Scots enter into a covenant. The marquis Hamilton is sent 
 thither from the king. A national synod is granted to them, 
 hut dissolved within feiv days by the marquis, as commis- 
 sioner from the king. The king declares against the cove- 
 nanters, and raises an army to subdue them. 
 
 X* ROM Stirling the commissioners resorted to Edin- 
 burgh, whither many from all parts met to consult of 
 the present business ; and concluded there to renew 
 solemnly among them that covenant which was com- 
 monly called, " The lesser Confession of the Church of 
 Scotland;" or, "The Confession of the King's Family;" 
 which was made and sealed under king James his 
 hand, in the year 1580, [and] afterwards confirmed by 
 all the estates of the kingdom and decree of the na- 
 tional synod [in] 1581. Which confession was again 
 subscribed by all sorts of persons in Scotland, [in the 
 year] 1590, by authority of council and national synod ; 
 and a covenant added to it for defence of true re- 
 ligion and the king's majesty ; which covenant the 
 aforesaid lords, citizens, and pastors, in the year 1638, 
 did renew, and took another according to the present 
 occasion. 
 
 The covenant itself (expressed at large in the records 
 of that kingdom) consisted of three principal parts: the 
 first was a retaking, word for word, of that old covenant, 
 1580, confirmed by royal authority, and two national 
 synods, for defence of the purity of religion and the 
 king's person and rights against the church of Rome. 
 The second part contained an enumeration of all the 
 acts of parliament made in Scotland in defence of the 
 reformed religion, both in doctrine and discipline, against 
 popery. 
 
 The third was an application of that old covenant to 
 
CHAP. IV. The king's objection to the covenant. 39 
 
 the present state of things, where, as in that all popery, 
 so in this all innovations in those books of liturgy 
 unlawfully obtruded upon them, are abjured ; and a 
 preservation of the king's person and authority, as like- 
 wise a mutual defence of each other, in this covenant, 
 are sworn unto. 
 
 Against this covenant the king, much displeased, 
 made these four principal objections : first, by what 
 authority they entered into this covenant ? or pre- 
 sumed to exact any oath from their fellow-subjects? 
 secondly, if they had power to command the new 
 taking of this oath, yet what power had they to inter- 
 pret it to their present occasion ? it being a received 
 maxim, that no less authority can interpret a law than 
 that which made it, or the judges appointed by that 
 authority to give sentence upon it : thirdly, what 
 power they had to add any thing to it, and interpose a 
 new covenant of mutual assistance to each other, 
 against any other power that should oppose them, 
 none excepted ? and, fourthly, that all leagues of 
 subjects among themselves, without the privity and 
 approbation of the king, are declared to be seditious 
 by two parliaments in Scotland ; one, of the tenth par- 
 liament of James the Sixth, act the twelfth ; and the 
 other, the fifteenth act of the ninth parliament of queen 
 Mary. 
 
 What answer the covenanters made to these objec- 
 tions, and what arguments the king used to enforce 
 the contrary, are largely expressed in many writings ; 
 being such, indeed, as not only then, but since, in the 
 sad calamities of England, have been discoursed of in 
 whole volumes ; containing all that can be said con- 
 cerning the true rights and privileges of princes and 
 people. 
 
 The covenant, notwithstanding, was generally sub- 
 
40 The marquis of Hamilton goes into Scotland, book i. 
 
 scribed by all there present at Edinburgh, in February 
 1638, and copies of it sent abroad to those who were 
 absent, and [were] so fast subscribed by them also, that 
 before the end of April he was scarce accounted one 
 of the reformed religion that had not subscribed to 
 this covenant. And the church and state were divided 
 into two names, of covenanters and non-covenanters ; 
 the non-covenanters consisting, first, of papists, whose 
 number was thought small in Scotland, scarce exceed- 
 ing six hundred ; secondly, [of] some statesmen in office 
 and favour at that time ; thirdly, [of] some, who, though 
 they were of the reformed religion, were greatly affected 
 to the ceremonies of England and [the] Book of Common 
 Prayer. 
 
 Many bishops at that time came from thence to the 
 court of England, and three lords of the council of 
 Scotland, whom the king had sent for, to advise about 
 the affairs of that kingdom ; where, after many debates 
 M;hat course to take, whether of reducing the cove- 
 nanters by arms, or using more gentle means, the king 
 at last sent the marquis Hamilton, together with those 
 three lords, into Scotland. 
 
 The marquis arrived at Dalkeith, and within few 
 days entered Edinburgh, in June, being met and 
 conducted into the city by a great multitude of all 
 ranks, in which number were seven hundred pastors 
 of churches. 
 
 The marquis, by the king's command, dealt with the 
 covenanters to renounce their covenant, or else told 
 them there was no hope to obtain a national synod, 
 which they so much desired, for settling of the church, 
 which, they affirmed, could not be done without mani- 
 fest perjury and profanation of God's name. 
 
 But when nothing was agreed upon, they besought 
 the marquis, at his return into England, to present 
 
CHAP. IV. vihere he publishes the king's proclamation. 41 
 
 their humble desire to the king : but before his de- 
 parture, in July, he published the king's proclamation, 
 wherein his majesty protests to defend the protestant 
 religion ; and that he would no more press upon them 
 the book of Canons or Service Book but by lawful 
 mediums ; that he would rectify the high commission, 
 and was resolved to take a speedy opportunity of call- 
 ing both a parliament and [a] synod. 
 
 When the proclamation was ended, the covenanters 
 read their protestation, of which the heads were : that 
 they never questioned his majesty's sincerity in the 
 protestant religion : that these grants of his were not 
 large enough to cure the present distempers ; for he 
 doth not utterly abolish that Service Book nor the 
 high commission, being both obtruded against all law 
 upon them : that their meetings are not to be con- 
 demned in opprobrious words, being lawful, and such 
 as they would not forsake, until the purity of religion 
 and peace might be fully settled by a free and national 
 synod. 
 
 The marquis went into England to return at a pre- 
 fixed day, the 12th of August. In the mean time 
 the Scots keep a solemn fast; and the covenanters, not 
 hoping from the king so quick a call of a national 
 synod as the present malady required, published a 
 writing, wherein they endeavour to prove, that the 
 church in such a condition may provide for itself; "that 
 the power of calling a synod, in case the prince be an 
 enemy to the truth, or negligent in promoting the 
 church's good, is in the church itself." And that the 
 state of the church of Scotland at that time was neces- 
 sitated to such a course ; which they endeavour to 
 prove by reciting all their particular grievances, and by 
 answering all arguments of the contrary side for the 
 right of princes howsoever affected to religion ; as ap- 
 
42 TTie covenanters reject articles proposed by the king. book i. 
 
 pears at large in their tractate concerning the necessity 
 of synods. 
 
 The marquis returned into Scotland before the ap- 
 pointed day, and brought articles from the king, to 
 which the covenanters, if they would have either par- 
 liament or synod, were required to consent. 
 
 But they utterly rejected those articles, as too in- 
 valid for their purpose of settling things ; so that 
 the marquis, fearing lest the covenanters, weary of 
 delays, would call a synod without staying the king's 
 consent, earnestly persuaded them to forbear it only 
 till his next return from court, whither he would 
 presently go to persuade the king. Which request 
 of his, with much ado, was granted by them, and 
 the day for his return appointed, the 22nd of Sep- 
 tember; by which time, unless the marquis returned, 
 it was free for the covenanters to provide for their own 
 affairs. 
 
 But the marquis, with singular diligence, prevented 
 his day, and published the king's proclamation, of 
 which the chief heads were : first, the king did ab- 
 rogate all decrees of council for the Book of Canons 
 and Common Prayer, and abrogate the high commis- 
 sion ; secondly, that none should be pressed to the 
 five articles of Perth ; thirdly, that bishops should be 
 subject to the censure of a synod ; fourthly, that no 
 oath should be given at ordination of pastors, but by 
 law of parliament ; fifthly, that the lesser Confes- 
 sion, of 1580, should be subscribed to by all the king- 
 dom ; sixthly, that the king called a national synod, 
 to begin at Glasgow the 21st of November, 1638, and 
 a parliament at Edinburgh the 15th of May, 1639; 
 lastly, for peace-sake, he would forget all their of- 
 fences past. 
 
 The covenanters, at the first hearing of this peaceful 
 
CHAP. IV. The covenanters' protestation. 43 
 
 message, were much joyed ; but, looking nearly into 
 the words, they found (as they affirm) that their pre- 
 cedent actions were tacitly condemned, and the just 
 freedom of a national synod taken away. 
 
 Therefore, loath to be deceived, they frame a pro- 
 testation, not (as they alleged) misdoubting the 
 candour of the king, but not trusting those in favour 
 with him ; by whose destructive counsel they supposed 
 it was that the king had not showed this clemency at 
 first. 
 
 The chief heads of their protestation were these : 
 first, after humble thanks to God and the king, they 
 conceived this grant no sufficient remedy for their 
 sores. 
 
 For his majesty calls that a panic fear in them, which 
 was upon no imaginary but just grounds, as a real mu- 
 tation both of religion and laws, by obtrusion of those 
 books directly popish. 
 
 Secondly, whereas the king, in his former mandates, 
 so highly extolled those books, as most religious and 
 fit for the church, they could not be satisfied with a 
 bare remission of the exercise of them, unless he would 
 utterly abrogate and condemn them ; or else itching- 
 innovators would not be wanting hereafter to raise new 
 troubles to the church about them. 
 
 Thirdly, the just liberty of national synods is di- 
 minished, and episcopacy set up, they being allowed, as 
 bishops, though not deputed by the churches, to give 
 their voices in a synod. 
 
 Fourthly, the subscribing again of that old covenant 
 could not be admitted, for many reasons there at large 
 expressed ; of which some are, that it would frustrate 
 their late covenant, and make it narrower than before, 
 and not able to suit to the redress of present grievances, 
 and be a needless multiplying of oaths, and taking the 
 
44 A synod is convened in Glasgow ; it is dissolved. book i. 
 
 name of God in vain; with many other objections, which 
 cannot be fully here inserted. 
 
 That covenant, notwithstanding, was solemnly taken 
 at Edinburgh by the marquis of Hamilton, the king's 
 commissioner, and all the privy-council. 
 
 The marquis then gave order for the synod, fearing 
 lest the covenanters, if he delayed to call it, would do 
 it themselves, and on the 16th of November came to 
 Glasgow in great state. 
 
 Where, after many meetings for preparation to the 
 business, on the 21st of the same month, according to 
 the king's edict, the national synod began ; but within 
 seven days that synod was dissolved by the marquis 
 Hamilton, in the king's name, and they commanded to 
 sit no more. 
 
 The marquis alleging, for reason of it, that they had 
 broken the laws of a free synod in many proceedings, 
 not only in those few days of their sitting, but before it 
 began, in their manner of elections; with other such like 
 matters. 
 
 But they protested against that dissolution, and con- 
 tinued the synod when the marquis was gone. What 
 were the acts of that synod, what proceedings it had, 
 and what impediments it met withal, you may read in 
 two large descriptions, the one published by the king, 
 the other by the synod ; how the bishops protested 
 against the synod ; how the synod answered their pro- 
 testation; how the synod wrote to the king; how they 
 proceeded against the bishops, deposing them all from 
 their dignities ; how, of all the fourteen bishops, eight 
 were excommunicated, four excluded from all min- 
 isterial function, and two only allowed to officiate as 
 pastors ; how the five articles of Perth, the Book of 
 Liturgy, the Book of Canons and Ordination, were all 
 condemned, the high commission taken away, and 
 
CHAP. rv. Royal proclamation against the covenanters. 45 
 
 whatsoever else had crept into the church since the 
 year 1580, when that national covenant was first esta- 
 blished. 
 
 The Scots covenanters, when themselves broke up 
 the synod, wrote a letter of thanks to the king, and 
 immediately after published a declaration, dated the 
 4th of February, 1638, from Edinburgh, and directed 
 " To all the sincere and good Christians in England, to 
 vindicate their actions and intentions from those asper- 
 sions which enemies might throw upon them." 
 
 That declaration was welcome to the people of Eng- 
 land in general, and especially to those who stood best 
 affected to religion, and the laws and liberties of their 
 country: but by the king's authority it was suppressed, 
 as all other papers that might be sent from the Scots ; 
 and a proclamation soon after, bearing date the 27th of 
 February, 1638, was published by the king, and com- 
 manded to be read in all churches of England ; the 
 title of it was, " A proclamation and declaration to in- 
 form our loving subjects of England, concerning the 
 seditious actions of some in Scotland, who, under false 
 pretence of religion, endeavour the utter subversion of 
 our royal authority." 
 
 The declaration was filled with sharp invectives and 
 execrations against the Scottish covenanters ; but the 
 truth is, it wrought little upon the hearts of the Eng- 
 lish people, who conceived a good opinion of the Scots; 
 and were more confirmed in it, because the king had 
 carried the whole business so closely from the English 
 nation, as not only not to declare unto them in a par- 
 liament, (which former princes used to call upon less 
 occasions,) but not revealing the proceedings of it to the 
 body of his privy-council, acquainting only some of them, 
 whom he thought fittest for his purpose, as the king 
 himself expresseth in two places of his own book, 
 
46 Unpopularity of war with Scotland, book i. 
 
 entitled, " A large Declaration concerning the late 
 tumults in Scotland," p. 76 and p. 126. In fine, the 
 Scots are declared rebels; and the king in person, with 
 an English army richly furnished, is going to chastise 
 them. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The averseness of the English people from this war with Scot- 
 land. The king advanceth to York with his army. The 
 preparation of the Scottish covenanters. A pacification is 
 made, and both armies disbanded. Another preparation 
 for war with Scotland. A parliament called to begin in 
 England on the I3th of April. The parliament of Scotland 
 is broken off by command of the king to the earl of 
 Traquair. 
 
 JXeVER were the people of England so averse from 
 any war, as neither hating the enemy against whom, nor 
 approving the cause for which, they were engaged. 
 
 Their own great sufferings made them easily believe 
 that the Scots were innocent, and wronged by the 
 same hand by which themselves had been oppressed. 
 And for the cause, it was such wherein they could not 
 desire a victory ; [as they naturally supposed] that the 
 same sword which subdued the Scots must destroy 
 their own liberties, and that the contrivers of this war 
 were equal enemies to both nations. 
 
 Nor was this only the thought of wisest gentlemen, 
 but the common people in general were sensible of the 
 mutual interest of both kingdoms. 
 
 Those courtiers who were in all things wholly com- 
 pliant to the king's will did also dislike this war with 
 Scotland, though not for the same reason which the 
 forenamed did; as not considering the cause or quarrel, 
 but the disadvantages of the war itself 
 
 Those disadvantages they used to vent in contemp- 
 
CHAP. V. foy yjjiich the king makes preparation. 47 
 
 tuous expressions of the poverty of Scotland ; " that 
 nothing could be gotten from such wretched enemies ; 
 that the king were happy (if with his honour he might 
 suffer it) to be rid of that kingdom, and would be a 
 great gainer by the loss of it." The younger courtiers 
 were usually heard to wish Scotland under water, or 
 that the old wall of Severus the emperor were now 
 reedified. 
 
 Those courtiers that were of a graver discourse did 
 likewise seem to fear the consequence of this business, 
 and, I remember, would daily mention the story of 
 Charles duke of Burgundy, his pressing of a war upon 
 the Swissers ; and what Philip de Commines relates 
 about the battle of Granson, that the duke lost to the 
 value of three millions of crowns ; all which he fondly 
 ventured against so wretched a people, that it is there 
 expressed, if all the Swissers had been taken prisoners, 
 they would not be able to pay a ransom to the value of 
 the spurs and bridle-bits in his camp; and very frequent 
 in their mouths was that verse, 
 
 Curandum in primis, ne magna injuria fiat 
 
 Fortibus et miseris. Juvenal. VIII. 131. 
 
 Take heed of offering too great injuries 
 
 To people stout and poor. 
 But the people of England, though they abhorred the 
 very thought of that unnatural war, yet glad they 
 seemed to be that such an occasion happened, which 
 might in reason necessitate the king to call an English 
 parliament, and so, by accident, redress the many 
 grievances of England : which might also prevent the 
 fear of such wars for the future, and bring a just 
 punishment upon those who were found to be the 
 authors or assisters of this present disturbance. 
 
 But the king, though resolved to pursue his design 
 of war,[yet,J rather than take the advice of a parliament, 
 
48 Timely care taken by the Scots. book t. 
 
 was content to want the aid of it, and to seek supplies 
 of a lower condition. Great sums of money he bor- 
 rowed from the chief nobility; and required propor- 
 tionable loans from all the judges and officers ; but 
 especially the clergy, of all ranks, were liberal in con- 
 tribution to this war ; which was then called by many 
 men helium episcopale. 
 
 All courtiers, as well extraordinary as ordinary, were 
 summoned to attend the king in person with horse and 
 arms, in a proportion suitable to their ranks. 
 
 By whom, and such volunteers of the gentry as 
 came in to gain his majesty's favour, with old soldiers 
 that embraced it as their profession, a gallant army 
 was made up, York was appointed for the rendezvous, 
 and the earl of Arundel commander-in-chief. 
 
 The king, as it was well known, had been advertised 
 by many, and especially by the prosecuted bishops, who 
 were fled out of Scotland, that the Scottish covenanters 
 were in no sort able to resist him; that scarce any Eng- 
 lish army at all would be needful to fight, but only to 
 appear, and his majesty would find a party great enough 
 in Scotland to do the work. 
 
 And, indeed, much might have been done in that 
 kind, if the lords of the covenant had not used a most 
 dexterous and timely prevention, which is as necessary 
 in a defensive as [in] an offensive war. 
 
 For besides the feared incursion of the English upon 
 their borders, and what invasion the deputy of Ireland, 
 on the western coast, might make, together with the 
 earl of Antrim, and his forces from the Hebrides, the 
 marquis Huntley in the north, and marquis Douglas to- 
 wards the southern parts, with the earl of Heth, were 
 to be feared, and the town of Aberdeen to be secured, 
 before it could fortify to receive the king's fleet. 
 
 All which, with timely care, was undertaken and 
 
CHAP. V. for the defence of Scotland. 49 
 
 provided against by several lords, as Argyle for the 
 west, Montrose for the north, colonel Monroe for the 
 south. 
 
 The most considerable forts in that kingdom were 
 taken in at the beginning, without any blood or re- 
 sistance, and furnished by them with ammunition, as 
 Edinburgh and Dun-Britain ; and the haven of Leith, 
 to secure Edinburgh, suddenly fortified. All neuters, 
 or suspected persons, they disarmed without tumult. 
 The castle of Dalkeith they scaled and took, with all 
 the warlike provision which had been brought into it 
 by marquis Hamilton the year before. In that castle 
 they found the king's crown, sceptre, and sword ; which, 
 in great state and solemnity, were carried from thence 
 by the greatest noblemen, and laid up in Edinburgh 
 castle. 
 
 The covenanting lords at the same time published a 
 long remonstrance, in answer to the king's proclama- 
 tion against them, the 27th of February, and to satisfy 
 the people of England concerning their proceedings 
 and intents. 
 
 The marquis Hamilton arrived at Forth with a fleet 
 in May, and sent letters to the governor of Edinburgh 
 to obey the king's commands, and especially to publish 
 in Edinburgh that proclamation which had been by 
 the king proclaimed at York upon the 25th of April ; 
 wherein, among other things, the rents and debts due 
 to covenanters, from tenants and others, are forbidden 
 to be paid to them. 
 
 The governor desired the marquis to expect an an- 
 swer till the parliament sat, which was to begin within 
 few days ; who [when they were assembled] returned 
 answer to the marquis, that they could not in that obey 
 his command, for many reasons, expressed at large in 
 their commentaries. 
 
 MAY. E 
 
50 A treaty between the king and the Scots book i. 
 
 In the mean time the king commanded the parlia- 
 ment to dissolve, which immediately obeyed ; and, 
 being threatened with war on every side, elected sir 
 Alexander Lesley, an experienced commander in the 
 German wars, to be their great general ; to whom all 
 the greatest earls and lords of the covenant swore 
 obedience in all warlike commands ; taking an oath of 
 him for performance of his duty ; and immediately be- 
 took themselves every man to his charge, throughout 
 all parts of the kingdom, according as they were com- 
 manded by Lesley. 
 
 Whilst the armies on both sides advanced forward, 
 and no decision of this difference seemed with reason 
 to be hoped for, but such as the stroke of war must 
 allow, the Scottish covenanters did, nevertheless, con- 
 tinue their first course of petitioning the king ; and, by 
 many addresses to him, protested their loyalty to his 
 crown and person ; and did not omit, by letters and 
 messages, to solicit as advocates those English noble- 
 men whom they esteemed [the] best and truest patriots, 
 as the earls of Essex, Pembroke, and Holland, as sup- 
 posing that this war was not approved of by any that 
 were firm to the cause of religion and liberties of both 
 kingdoms (for so themselves express it). 
 
 The earl of Dumferling, having free passage about 
 that time to the English army, assured his fellow-cove- 
 nanters, that those noble forenamed earls, and almost 
 all the English nobility, were much averse from this 
 war, and favourers of their suit to the king. 
 
 Which did so much encourage the covenanters to 
 continue their humble petitions to the king, (and God 
 being pleased to give his blessing,) that, after some few 
 messages to and fro, the king was pleased to give leave 
 that six of them should come and personally treat at 
 ^he earl of Arundel's tent, upon the 10th of June, 
 
CHAP. V. is opened on the lOth of June 1639. 51 
 
 with some of the English nobility; at which discourses, 
 some few days after, the king himself vouchsafed to be 
 present : at last, after many humble expressions of the 
 covenanters, and some expostulations of the king with 
 them, by the happy mediation of wise and noble coun- 
 sellors, a pacification was solemnly made upon such 
 articles as gave full satisfaction to all parties, save only 
 that the Scottish covenanters were not pleased with 
 some expressions which the king had used in the pre- 
 face to the pacificatory edict, as, calling their late synod 
 pseudo-synodus Glasguensis, and aspersing their pro- 
 ceedings in arms with such epithets as tumultuous, 
 illegal, and rebellious. 
 
 Which notwithstanding, at the humble suit of them, 
 the king was pleased to moderate, to expunge some 
 of those harsh phrases; as likewise to explain more 
 clearly other ambiguous sentences, to take away all 
 suspicions from people's hearts ; the copies of which 
 were delivered to divers of the English nobility, who 
 had taken faithful pains in procuring that happy peace; 
 that, if any doubts should afterwards happen, their judg- 
 ments might be taken concerning the intention of the 
 writing. 
 
 The king also declared, for satisfaction of the Scots, 
 that, though his expressions at some places might seem 
 harsh, yet his meaning to them was never the worse ; 
 that care must be taken of his own reputation in 
 foreign parts ; and that litigation about words was 
 vain when the matter was clear and their suit wholly 
 granted. 
 
 The king granted them a free national synod, to be 
 holden upon the 6th of August following, and a parlia- 
 ment to begin upon the 210th day of the same month, 
 to confirm and ratify what the synod should decree ; 
 which the Scots thankfully receive, esteeming that to 
 
 E 2 
 
52 Preparation is again made for war with Scotland. book i. 
 
 be the only proper aud efficacious way to settle a firm 
 peace both in church and state. 
 
 They were also joyful that the king had promised to 
 be there himself in person. But that hope afterwards 
 failed them ; for the king excused himself, affirming, 
 that urgent and weighty affairs at London, as he was 
 certified by letters from his queen and council, re- 
 quired his presence there ; but that he would send a 
 deputy thither, with full power to make good what- 
 soever he had promised ; which was the earl of Tra- 
 quair. 
 
 This pacification, to the great joy of good men, was 
 solemnly concluded on the 18th of June, 1639, and 
 both armies, within eight and forty hours, to be dis- 
 banded : which was accordingly done, and both the 
 English and Scots returned home, praising God, who, 
 without any efii"usion of blood, had compounded this 
 difference, and prevented a war so wickedly designed. 
 
 But that joy lasted not long; for the earl of Traquair, 
 the king's commissioner, could not agree with the 
 Scottish parliament ; the Scots complaining that no- 
 thing was seriously performed which the king had 
 promised at the pacification ; as shall more appear 
 afterward. 
 
 But, however it were, within a little time after that 
 the king had been at London, that paper which the 
 Scots avowed to contain the true conditions of that 
 pacification was by the king disavowed, and com- 
 manded by proclamation to be burned by the hands of 
 the hangman : though the contents of that paper were 
 not named at all in the proclamation, nor the people of 
 England acquainted with any of them. Which put the 
 English in great fear that the former counsels of divi- 
 sions yet prevailed in the court, especially discerning a 
 show of preparation for war again. 
 
CHAP. ^•. J%e lo^fi Wentivorth arrives in England. 53 
 
 But (leaving the Scots at their parliament a while) 
 in the mean time the lord Wentworth, deputy of Ire- 
 land, arrived in England, and was received by the king 
 with great expressions of grace and favour, dignified 
 with a higher title, and created earl of Strafford. 
 
 Great was the expectation of all the English what 
 might be the effect of his coming over ; great was the 
 opinion which men in general had conceived of his 
 ability and parts ; looking at him as the only hinge 
 upon which the state was now likely to turn. But very 
 different and various were the conjectures of gentlemen 
 at that time, in their ordinary discourses, (for I will re- 
 late the truth,) what use this great statesman would 
 make of his ability and favour. 
 
 Some (as they wished) did seem to hope, when they 
 considered his first right principles, that whatsoever he 
 had acted since his greatness was but to ingratiate 
 himself perfectly with the king ; that so at last, by his 
 wisdom and favour, he might happily prevail both upon 
 the king's judgment and affection, and carry him from 
 those evil counsels which he had long been nurtured in, 
 to such ways as should render him most honourable and 
 happy; that the earl was so wise as to understand what 
 most became a wise man, and would make greatness 
 beloved and permanent. 
 
 But others durst not hope so much from him when 
 they considered his government in Ireland and the 
 ambition of the man : they feared that neither his vir- 
 tue was great enough to venture his own fortunes by 
 opposing any evil counsels about the king, nor his 
 favour great enough to prevail in overruling ; that he 
 was sent for only to complete that bad work which 
 others of less brain than he had begun. 
 
 Which [bad work] he would sooner venture to do, 
 than to make himself the author of a new and good 
 
54 The parliament of Scotland is prorogued. book i. 
 
 one ; seeing, it hath been observed, that few statesmen 
 have ever opposed princes, but rather seconded and 
 assisted them in their bad inclinations. 
 
 From whence it comes, that few statesmen have 
 converted princes from ill courses, but been them- 
 selves perverted from that goodness which seemed to 
 be before in them. Historians, therefore, neither im- 
 puted the goodness of Augustus to Marcus Agrippa 
 or Statilius Taurus ; nor [the faults of Tiberius] to 
 Sejanus. According to that sentence of Machiavel, 
 Recta consilia, a quocunque profiscuntur, a principis 
 prudentia ; non autem principis prudentia a rectis con- 
 siliis derivatur. 
 
 At that time the king declared to his council an in- 
 tention that he had of calling a parliament in England, 
 to begin in April following. The people seemed to 
 wonder at so great a novelty as the name of a parlia- 
 ment ; but feared some further design, because it was 
 so long deferred : whilst, in the mean time, prepara- 
 tions for a war against Scotland seemed to go forward, 
 and the deputy of Ireland was first to go over, and 
 summon a parliament in Ireland, which he accordingly 
 did, crossing the seas about the end of December. 
 
 What work he was to do there the people knew 
 not, but wished that the English parliament might 
 have begun before the Scottish business had proceeded 
 too far ; which [meeting of the English parliament] 
 they supposed might happily prevent so sad a war, and 
 save those charges which would before April grow 
 upon such warlike preparations, and require a supply 
 from that parliament : [for] that it were better to pre- 
 vent such a necessity than purposely to stay till that 
 necessity were made. 
 
 On the 18th day of that December, the earl of Tra- 
 quair, by a command from the king, under his privy 
 
CHAP. V. Commissioners sent to the king respecting the pacification. 55 
 
 seal, broke up the parliament in Scotland, and pro- 
 rogued it till the 2nd day of June in the following 
 year. 
 
 The Scots complained that it was a new example 
 and breach of their liberties, not heard of before in 
 twenty ages, that a parliament, fully assembled, and 
 complete in all her members, whilst business of moment 
 was depending, should be dissolved without the con- 
 sent of the house itself; that, whatsoever kings in 
 other kingdoms might do it concerned not them to in- 
 quire, but it was absolutely against their laws, according 
 to which the king had lately promised them he would 
 only proceed. 
 
 Traquair, immediately upon the dissolution of the 
 Scottish parliament, hastened to the court of England 
 to certify the king of all proceedings. 
 
 And the parliament deputies of Scotland despatched 
 away with special instructions to the king also four 
 commissioners, the earls of Dumferling and Lowden, 
 Douglas and Barclay. 
 
 Their instructions were, that before the king him- 
 self, not the council of England, (because of the inde- 
 pendency of that kingdom,) they should complain of 
 those injuries, and entreat redress, which had been 
 offered to them since the pacification ; the dissolving 
 of their parliament ; the garrisoning of Edinburgh cas- 
 tle vdth three times as many [soldiers] as would serve 
 for defence; the garrisoning of Dun-Britain castle with 
 English soldiers ; that the Scots trading in England, 
 but more especially in Ireland, were enforced to new 
 oaths, damning their late covenant, and contrary to the 
 articles of pacification. 
 
 They sent withal an information to the English 
 nation in general, touching all their proceedings and 
 intentions, and expressing at large (as may be there 
 
56 The earl of Strafford revisits England. book i. 
 
 read) what particular injuries tbey had received since 
 the pacification, and how much contrary to that agree- 
 ment. 
 
 The four Scottish forenamed commissioners, after 
 some audiences before the king, and divers of his Eng- 
 lish council, were in March committed to prison, the 
 king intending shortly to charge them, the parliament 
 being near ; Lowden to the Tower, and the other three 
 to other custody. 
 
 About this time the earl of Strafford, returning out 
 of Ireland, where he had held a short parliament, and 
 gotten four subsidies from them, came to the king- 
 again ; and, the English parliament being presently to 
 begin, an accusation was drawn against Lowden, then 
 prisoner in the Tower, concerning a letter written from 
 the Scottish covenanters to the French king ; to which 
 epistle the [said] earl had set his hand. 
 
 The matter of accusation was, that the Scots, weary 
 of obedience to their own king, had recourse to a foreign 
 prince for assistance, and by that means might draw the 
 armies of France into this island. 
 
 His answer was, the letter was written in May 1639, 
 when Scotland was tlireatened with a grievous invasion, 
 and they had notice that, by ambassadors and agents, 
 their cause was represented odious to all foreign princes 
 and states; that their intention was to clear themselves 
 from those aspersions abroad, and especially to the king 
 of France, whose ancestors had been ancient friends to 
 the kingdom of Scotland, and for fear lest that king 
 might possibly be wrought upon to be their enemy 
 otherwise. 
 
 That it was not to draw warlike assistance from the 
 king of France, (which nevertheless they thought law- 
 ful in an extreme necessity and persecution,) but only 
 his mediation in their behalf to their own king ; and 
 
CHAP. V. The Scots' address to the English parliament. 57 
 
 that the letter, well examined, would bear no other 
 sense ; though there were mention of aid, yet their 
 secret instructions to their messenger had specified 
 what kind of aid it was which they desired ; but, how- 
 soever, they alleged, that the draught of that letter 
 did not then please them, nor was it at all consented 
 to, nor intended to be sent ; besides that, the super- 
 scription, To the King, at which so great exception was 
 taken, as if they acknowledged the French king for 
 their sovereign, was not written at all by them, but 
 added by some enemy after that it was gotten out of 
 their hands. Besides all this, the thing was done be- 
 fore the pacification and act of oblivion, and ought not 
 now to be remembered against them. Whether their 
 answer were sufficient or not, true it is, that nothing at 
 all was made of that business, though the king himself, 
 at the beginning of the English parliament, mentioned 
 it against the Scots as a proof of their disloyalty, and 
 justification of those warlike preparations which he had 
 made against them. 
 
 The Scots in the mean time had written to the 
 English parliament a large justification of all their pro- 
 ceedings, entreating them, by the way of brotherly ad- 
 vice, to be wary in vindicating their own laws and 
 liberties, to frustrate the design of those evil coun- 
 sellors who had procured this parliament for no other 
 end than to arm the king with warlike supplies against 
 his Scottish subjects, and by that war to enslave, if not 
 ruin, both the nations ; that, after so many violations 
 and dissolutions of parliaments in England, this was not 
 called to redress grievances, but to be so overreached 
 (if they were not careful and courageous) that no possi- 
 bility should be left for the future of redressing any ; 
 that some dangerous practice might be well suspected, 
 when, at the same time, a parliament was denied to 
 
58 The English parliament meet book i. 
 
 Scotland, though promised by the word of a king ; 
 granted to England when not expected ; and obtruded 
 upon Ireland when not desired. 
 
 Many particulars of that nature were expressed in 
 the Scottish Remonstrance. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The parliament beginneth in England, but is soon dissolved. The 
 clergy continue their convocation. The Scots enter into Eng- 
 land. Some passages of the war. A parliament is called to 
 begin on the 3rd of November. A truce between the armies 
 for two months. 
 
 U PON the 13th of April the parliament began ; 
 when the king produced that forenamed writing of his 
 Scottish subjects to the French king, as an apparent 
 token of their disloyalty, and a necessity in him of 
 chastising them by arms; for which he had already 
 made so great a preparation, as required a present sup- 
 ply of money from this parliament. To the same purpose 
 that the king bad briefly expressed himself, the lord 
 keeper Finch, in a long and eloquent oration, dilated 
 the business. 
 
 Twelve subsidies were demanded by the king, in 
 lieu of which, the release of shipmoney was promised ; 
 to which demand answer was made by divers members 
 of the house in several speeches, that redress of griev- 
 ances was the chief end of assembling parliaments, 
 and ought to precede granting of subsidies. Which 
 not only reason but the constant practice of all ages 
 had confirmed ; that there was never more need of re- 
 dressing grievances than at this time, without which 
 the people would repine to part with twelve subsidies ; 
 that the sum was extraordinary great, especially to be 
 
'^^^^•'*'^- on the 13th of April 164D. 59 
 
 given for releasing of that which they never conceived 
 the king had any title to, but had taken by power against 
 the laws. 
 
 The king promised that grievances should be after- 
 wards redressed, but required the money first, because 
 there was a necessity of hastening the war, without 
 which the opportunity of summer would be lost. To 
 which it was answered by many, that the people had 
 no reason to pay for that which was never caused nor 
 desired by them, nor could any way prove to their 
 good, but, quite contrary, to the danger and detriment 
 of the whole kingdom ; that the same people would 
 undoubtedly pay with more willingness so many sub- 
 sidies to prevent that unhappy war, to settle the state, 
 and punish the principal contrivers or assisters of that 
 disturbance. 
 
 Among all the gentlemen of the house of commons 
 who spake to that purpose, the lord George Digby, son 
 to the earl of Bristol, (a young nobleman of extraordinary 
 abilities,) was eminent for a speech there; wherein com- 
 plaining that the house was required to give present 
 answer concerning supplies to the king to engage him- 
 self in a war, and that a civil war; "for," said he," so I 
 must needs call it, seeing we are of the same religion 
 and under the same king." He divided his complaint 
 into five heads : 
 
 1. We are not permitted to redress grievances at all. 
 
 2. We are not permitted so much as to represent to his 
 majesty the disaffection of his subjects to this war. 
 
 3. We are not permitted to say, that we think they are 
 the same persons that are the causers of our grievances and 
 the grievances of Scotland, and that the cutting off of those 
 incendiaries of state would be a safe, easy, and honourable 
 cure. 
 
 4. That war will make the breach wider and the remedy 
 desperate. 
 
60 Moderation of the English parliament. booki. 
 
 5. That the best justice is, to fill the pits which are made 
 to entrap others with the bodies of those that digged them, 
 
 &c. 
 
 Master Pym, also, a grave and religious gentleman, in 
 a long speech of almost two hours, recited a catalogue 
 of all the grievances which at that time lay heavy upon 
 the commonwealth. 
 
 Of which many abbreviated copies, as extracting the 
 heads only, were with great greediness taken by gen- 
 tlemen and others throughout the kingdom ; for it 
 was not then in fashion to print speeches of parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 Divers of the members besides (too many to be here 
 named) did fully descant upon such particular griev- 
 ances as they had informed themselves of in their se- 
 veral counties and boroughs. 
 
 But it is most true, though it have been said, Quic- 
 quid multis peccatur, inultum est, that there was never 
 any parliament which was more unanimous in appre- 
 hension of grievances, and yet more moderate in the 
 language and manner of declaring against them. And 
 so great seemed to be their care of offending in this 
 parliament, (being the first that in so many years had 
 been granted to England,) that, notwithstanding they 
 perceived [that] the money they were to give to the 
 king must be employed against their own interest, yet 
 they took the subsidies into consideration ; by which 
 they might, perchance, gain the king's affection to par- 
 liaments ; and were content to hope, that, whilst the 
 houses sat, the bad council about the king might be 
 awed into moderation, and the war against Scotland, by 
 wise and honest interpositions, might be again composed, 
 as it had been the summer before. 
 
 But whilst the business was in debate, whether they 
 were not quick enough in granting, or the conditions 
 
CHAP. VI. The convocation of the clergy continue to sit. 61 
 
 were too much feared by the king, I will not judge, but 
 only relate what was done. 
 
 The king in person came into the house upon the 
 5th of May, and dissolved the parliament, but used 
 fair language to them, protesting that he would govern 
 as much according to law as if a parliament were con- 
 stantly sitting ; yet, the next day after the dissolution 
 of it, some members were imprisoned; the lord Brooke 
 was searched for papers, his study, cabinets, and pockets; 
 master Bellosis and sir John Hotham were committed 
 to prison for speeches, but soon discharged ; master 
 Crew, who was a member of the house of commons, 
 and was in the chair for petitions concerning ministers, 
 was committed to the Tower, for not discovering some 
 petitions delivered to him in parliament, and continued 
 a prisoner almost to the beginning of the next parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 After the dissolution of this parliament, the convoca- 
 tion of divines continued their sitting, and by authority 
 from the king made divers canons, and an oath to be 
 imposed not only upon clergymen, but on many of the 
 laity. 
 
 That continuance of the convocation (whatsoever 
 themselves, perchance ignorant of the law, might think 
 of it) was judged [to be] very illegal ; as it appeared by 
 the votes of the succeeding parliament and the opinion 
 of lawyers delivered there. 
 
 When master Bagshaw, the November following, 
 inveighing against those canons which were made 
 whilst they sat, proved the bishops and clergy in a 
 pramunire; the lord Digby at the same time aifirm- 
 ing, that their convocation was a new synod, patched 
 out of an old conventicle. Many other lawyers of 
 note, at several times, argued the case concerning 
 those canons. 
 
63 The king raises money by illegal methods. book i. 
 
 Insomuch that the house of commons, in December 
 following, nullo contradicente, resolved that those ca- 
 nons were against the fundamental laws of the king- 
 dom, the property and liberty of the subject ; and in 
 the following April, 1641, falling again upon the late 
 convocation, for their canons and other misdemeanours, 
 they voted the convocation house in 200,000^. fine to 
 the king; the archbishop of Canterbury to pay 20,000^., 
 the archbishop of York 10,000^., the bishop of Chester 
 3,000^., and the rest of the clergy, according to their 
 abilities, proportionably, to make up the sum. 
 
 Certain it is, it was not in any substantial way ad- 
 vantageous to the king ; but only to give them time 
 and opportunity to tax the clergy in money for sup- 
 plying his majesty in the war then on foot against the 
 Scots. 
 
 The king must needs be driven to a great exigent at 
 that time, having so expensive a war in hand, and want- 
 ing the assistance of parliament. 
 
 The courses that were then taken by the king to 
 supply that defect were, partly, the contribution of the 
 clergy, to whom that war was less displeasing than to 
 the laity. 
 
 Collections were made among the papists ; writs of 
 shipmoney were issued out again, in a greater pro- 
 portion than before ; great loans were attempted to 
 be drawn from the city of London, to which purpose 
 the names of the richest citizens were by command 
 returned to the council-board. But these ways being 
 not sufficient, some others were made use of, which 
 were of a nature more unusual, as the seizing of 
 boUoine [or bullion] in the Tower; the lord Cottington 
 also, for the king's use, took up a great commodity of 
 pepper at the exchange, to be sold again at an under 
 rate. 
 
CHAP. VI. The common soldiers opposed to war with Scotland. 63 
 
 A consultation was also had of coining 400,000^. of 
 base money, upon allegation that queen Elizabeth had 
 done the like for her Irish wars ; but the king waved 
 that, upon reasons which the merchants gave of the in- 
 conveniences of it. 
 
 The Scots, hearing of the breach of this English par- 
 liament, thought it high time to provide for their own 
 safety; and, being restrained in their trade, and im- 
 poverished by loss of ships seized in divers parts, resolve 
 to enter England with a sword in one hand and a peti- 
 tion in the other ; signifying in the mean time to the 
 people of England, in two large remonstrances, what 
 their intentions were to that nation, and the reasons of 
 their entrance ; which whoso pleases may read at large 
 in their printed book. 
 
 When the king had notice of the Scots' intentions, 
 a fleet was forthwith sent to annoy the maritime 
 coasts of Scotland, and a land army to meet at York, 
 where the earl of Strafford, as president of the north, 
 commanded in chief, though the earl of Northumber- 
 land, at the time of raising the army, was named 
 generalissimo, but, for want of health, could not be 
 present. 
 
 A great magazine of ammunition had been sent to 
 Hull, Newcastle, and Berwick, the castle of Edin- 
 burgh being kept by Riven, a firm man to the king's 
 side. 
 
 But in the expedition of the king's army towards 
 the north, it was a marvellous thing to observe in divers 
 places the averseness of the common soldiers from this 
 war. 
 
 Though commanders and gentlemen of great quality, 
 in pure obedience to the king, seemed not at all to 
 dispute the cause or consequence of this war, the 
 common soldiers would not be satisfied, questioning 
 
64 A skirmish at Newburne, Aug. 28, 1640. book i. 
 
 in a mutinous manner, whether their captains were 
 papists or not, and in many places were not appeased 
 till they saw them receive the sacrament ; laying 
 violent hands on divers of their commanders, and kill- 
 ing some, uttering in bold speeches their distaste of 
 the cause, to the astonishment of many, that common 
 people should be sensible of public interest and religion, 
 when lords and gentlemen seemed not to be [so]. 
 
 By this backwardness of the English common sol- 
 diers, it came to pass that the war proved not so sharp 
 and fatal to both nations as it might otherwise have 
 done. 
 
 Some blood was shed, but very little, first, at New- 
 burne, a town five miles distant from Newcastle, where 
 part of the English army encamped to intercept the 
 passage of the Scots, as they marched toward New- 
 castle. 
 
 But many of the English soldiers forsook their com- 
 manders and fled, sooner than the use of that nation is 
 to do in war ; but the English horse made good a 
 fight, and with great courage and resolution charged 
 upon the Scots, but all in vain, their number being too 
 small. 
 
 In this skirmish, which happened upon the 28th of 
 August, the number of men slain on both sides is not 
 related, either by the English or Scottish relation ; but 
 certain it is, that it was not great. 
 
 Three valiant and active commanders of the English 
 army were taken prisoners, colonel Wilmot, sir John 
 Digby, and O'Neal, the two latter being papists, and 
 both captains of horse. 
 
 This fight opened that rich town of Newcastle to the 
 Scots, and within [a] few days after they put a garrison 
 into Durham, commanded by the earl of Dnmferling, 
 and, taking that fort of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, inter- 
 
CHAP. VI. The king is petitioned to call another parliament. 65 
 
 cepted some ships which were newly arrived there with 
 provision of corn for the king's army. 
 
 Some blood was also shed about the same time, when 
 part of the English garrison at Berwick, hearing that 
 some ammunition was laid up in a little town of Scot- 
 land, Dunsian, made an attempt upon it, but found it 
 better fortified than was expected, and were repelled 
 with some slaughter; from whence, hearing that a 
 greater power of Scots was making toward them under 
 the command of the lord Hadinton, (who unfortunately 
 perished afterward, blown up with powder at Dunglass,) 
 they returned to Berwick. 
 
 The king, during these skirmishes, had, by procla- 
 mation, warned all the English nobility, with their fol- 
 lowers and forces, to attend his standard at York against 
 the Scots, [on] the 20th of September ; where, whilst 
 himself in person resided, he received an humble peti- 
 tion from the Scots, containing an expression of their 
 loyalty to him, and the innocence of their intentions 
 toward England. 
 
 But their expressions were in such general terms, 
 that the king returned answer to the earl of Lanrick, 
 secretary for Scotland, commanding them to specify 
 their demands, more particularly : which whilst the 
 Scots prepared to do, it pleased God to open the 
 hearts of many English lords, who, considering and 
 bewailing the great calamity and dishonour which 
 England was then thrown into, by these unhappy pro- 
 ceedings of the king, framed an humble letter, sub- 
 scribed by all their hands, and sent it to his majesty, 
 wherein they represent to him the miserable condition 
 of the kingdom, and mischiefs attending that wicked 
 war ; as, the danger of his person, the waste of his 
 revenue, the burden of his subjects, the rapines com- 
 mitted by that army which he had raised; wherein 
 
 MAY. ^ 
 
66 The king calls another parliament. book i. 
 
 papists, and others ill affected to religion, are armed in 
 commands, who are not by the laws permitted to have 
 arms in their own houses ; the great mischief which 
 may fall upon the kingdom, if his intentions, which are 
 reported, of bringing in Irish and foreign forces, should 
 take effect ; the urging of shipmoney ; the multitude 
 of monopolies and other patents, to the great and uni- 
 versal grievance of his people ; the great grief of the 
 subjects for the long intermission of parliaments, for 
 dissolving of the last, and former dissolutions of such 
 as have been called, without any good effect : for 
 remedy whereof, and for prevention of future dangers 
 to his own royal person and the whole state, they 
 humbly entreat his majesty, that he would be pleased 
 to summon a parliament within some short and con- 
 venient time, whereby the causes of these and other 
 great grievances, which the people lie under, may be 
 taken away, and the authors and counsellors of them 
 may be brought to legal trial and condign punishment; 
 and that this war may be composed without blood, in 
 such manner as may conduce to the honour and safety 
 of his majesty, the comfort of the people, and uniting 
 of both kingdoms against the common enemy of the 
 reformed religion. Subscribed by almost twenty earls 
 and barons. 
 
 The king, receiving this message from the peers of 
 England, by his proclamation ordained a day, which 
 was upon 24th of September, for all the lords to meet 
 at York, to whom he declared, that, of his own free ac- 
 cord, he had determined to call a parliament in England, 
 to begin as soon as possibly could be, allowing the usual 
 time for issuing out of writs, which was upon the 3rd of 
 November ensuing, 1640. 
 
 But he desired, first, to consult with them what an- 
 swer to return to the Scots' demands, and how with his 
 
CHAP. VI. A treaty for cessation of hostilities. 67 
 
 honour he might deal with them who had so boldly 
 invaded England. 
 
 And, to make them understand the whole state of 
 the business, he commanded the earl of Traquair, who 
 had been his commissioner there, to relate all occur- 
 rences since the beginning. 
 
 He desired likewise their advice, how his army might 
 be paid before [the] supplies of parliament could come. 
 
 After many debates, and different opinions in point 
 of honour and convenience, it was at last agreed by the 
 greater part of peers, and so concluded, that sixteen 
 lords should be chosen to treat with the Scots, and 
 agree upon what conditions they thought fit. 
 
 Eight earls were named, Bedford, Essex, Hartfort, 
 Salisbury, Warwick, Holland, Bristol, and Barkshire ; 
 as likewise eight barons, Wharton, Paget, Kimbolton, 
 Brooke, Pawlet, Howard, Savile, and Dunsmore. 
 
 The Scots were required to send as many, with full 
 commission, to whom letters of safe -conduct in the 
 amplest manner were granted. 
 
 When the matter came to debate, the earl of Bristol 
 for the most part was prolocutor to the English, and the 
 earl of Lowden to the Scots. 
 
 After many demands on both sides, and expostu- 
 lations upon slighter matters, which were easily re- 
 conciled, there was one point which seemed too hard a 
 case in the eyes of the English peers, that the Scottish 
 army should be paid by the English whilst their own 
 army was in great distress by reason of arrears. 
 
 But in conclusion, those honest lords, who under- 
 stood the condition of that unhappy war, were content 
 upon any terms to make an end of it ; and in conclu- 
 sion an agreement was made upon these terms : 
 
 1. A truce, or cessation of arms, for two months, till the 
 16th of December. 
 
 r2 
 
68 The terms of the treaty. book i. 
 
 2. That 850^. a day should be paid to the Scots during that 
 truce. 
 
 3. That if it were not paid, the Scots might force it from 
 the counties of Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmorland, 
 and Durham. 
 
 4. That those counties should be allowed the Scots for their 
 winter-quarters. 
 
 5. No new preparations for war to be made. 
 
 6. That private injuries should not break the truce, so satis- 
 faction were made upon complaint. 
 
 7. That merchants might freely traffick in either kingdom, 
 without letters of safe - conduct, but soldiers without leave 
 might not pass their limits. 
 
 Upon such terms was this unnatural war (although 
 the armies could not as yet be disbanded) brought to a 
 cessation ; and both nations rested in assured confi- 
 dence that a peace must needs follow, since the whole 
 matter was now to be debated in the English parlia- 
 ment, which was to begin about a fortnight after ; for 
 it was likely that a parliament should put a period to 
 that war which could never have been begun but for 
 want of a parliament. They were also confident that 
 that freedom which the fundamental laws and consti- 
 tution of the kingdom of England allow to parliaments, 
 could not be denied to this, (though to many others it 
 had long been,) as being that parliament to which the 
 king was necessitated, and the only way which was 
 now left him to tread, after so many deviations unfor- 
 tunately tried ; and upon which the people had set up 
 their utmost hope, whom it seemed not safe, after so long 
 suffering, to provoke any further. 
 
 In what a desperate condition the kingdom of Eng- 
 land was at that time, what necessity there was of a 
 present cure, with how much difficulty that cure was 
 to be wrought, and with what wariness and wisdom it 
 concerned both king and people to play their parts, a 
 
CHAP. VII. The beginning of the English parliament. 69 
 
 judicious reader may partly conjecture by the former 
 passages already related. 
 
 But further to enlighten the reader, (for in this plain 
 relation I shall be sparing to use any descants of my 
 own,) I will refer him to speeches which at the begin- 
 ning of this parliament were made by judicious gen- 
 tlemen, and those of greatest moderation, labouring, as 
 much as they could possibly, to spare the king, and 
 touch tenderly upon his honour ; which I shall men- 
 tion anon. 
 
 According to the reason of the parliament and king- 
 dom, went along the sense of courtiers themselves, (as 
 ■was expressed in an ingenuous treatise found in the 
 privy-chamber,) concerning the condition in which the 
 king and kingdom of England were, when this so much 
 expected parliament was to begin. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The beginning of tfie English parliament. Grievances examined. 
 Sufferers relieved. Delinquents questioned. The archbishop 
 of Canterbury committed to the Tower. The flight of secretary 
 Windebank and of the lord keeper Finch. 
 
 On the 3rd of November 1640 the parliament began; 
 where the king expressed himself very well in a speech 
 gracious and acceptable to both houses, who did not 
 expect from him any such acknowledgment of former 
 errors, as might seem too low for the majesty of his 
 person, but only desired to gain his affection for the 
 future. 
 
 Very pleasing to them all was that gracious expres- 
 sion, that he did now clearly and freely put himself 
 upon the love and affections of his English subjects, 
 desiring them to consider the best way for the safety 
 
70 Beginning of the English parliament, i.6^o. book i. 
 
 and security of the kingdom of England ; and in order 
 to it, for satisfaction of their just grievances, wherein 
 he would so heartily concur, that the world might see 
 his intentions were to make it a glorious and flourish- 
 ing kingdom. In which business he did freely and will- 
 ingly leave it to them where to begin. 
 
 He desired also that all jealousies and suspicions 
 might be laid aside by them, which he promised to do 
 on his part. And withal, to give some reasonable 
 colour to his former war, whether to excuse or jus- 
 tify the proceedings of it, he seemed as yet much 
 distasted with the boldness of the Scots, who had 
 entered England with an army against his will, calling 
 them by the name of rebels, and that it concerned 
 the honour of him and England to drive them out 
 again. 
 
 And in his second speech, two days after, "I told you," 
 said he, " that the rebels must be put out of this king- 
 dom ; it is true, I must needs call them so, so long as 
 they have an army that do invade us ; although I am 
 under treaty with them, and under my great seal do 
 call them subjects ; for so they are too." 
 
 His desire to have them out was sweetened with 
 that reason, that he was sensible how much his English 
 subjects of the north would suffer otherwise. 
 
 All which, with more particulars, was set forth in a 
 long oration by the lord keeper Finch, who likewise 
 justiiied the king's intention of calling this parliament 
 before the peers petitioned him at York. 
 
 Though the king were thanked for his grace towards 
 his English parliament, yet that motion of expelling 
 the Scots was otherwise considered of by the houses, 
 as will appear in the particulars of it : for, about a week 
 after, it was ordered by the house of commons, that 
 100,000^. should be paid to the two armies, to be 
 
CHAP. VII. The Scottish commissioners come to London. 71 
 
 levied ratably upon all the counties of England, (ex- 
 cept the northern counties, which were then charged,) 
 and, till it could be levied, the money to be taken up 
 at interest. 
 
 And Scottish commissioners were allowed to come 
 and exhibit their complaints and dispute the business 
 at London ; who accordingly came thither about the 
 19th day of the same month ; for the business was not 
 yet ended, but still in treaty, which treaty (as the king 
 said in his speech) was but transported from Rippon to 
 London. 
 
 Before the great cure, which was expected from this 
 parliament, could go on, it was necessary that some time 
 should be spent in searching and declaring the wounds, 
 which, in divers elegant and judicious speeches, was done 
 by some members of both houses. 
 
 The abuses which of late years had been committed 
 about religion, and the manifold violations of laws and 
 liberties, were upon the first day after the house of 
 commons was settled, being the 9th of November, enu- 
 merated and discoursed upon by master Grimston, sir 
 Benjamin Rudyerd, master Pym, and master Bagshaw ; 
 and the abuses of Ireland, reflecting much upon the 
 earl of Strafford, were opened by sir John Clotworthy of 
 Devon, but living in Ireland. 
 
 The like speeches, for many days following, were 
 made by divers gentlemen of great quality, where, in 
 the midst of their complaints, the king was never men- 
 tioned but with great honour, they always mixing thanks 
 for the present hope of redress with their complaints of 
 former grievances. 
 
 The first of which they rendered to the king, and 
 threw the other upon his ministers ; of which, if the 
 reader would see a perfect exemplar, sir Benjamin 
 Rudyerd's speech (the second that was delivered in the 
 
72 Speech of sir B. Rudyerd on book 
 
 house) will best discover the present state of grievances, 
 and the vray of sparing the king, [he being] a religious? 
 learned, and judicious gentleman, 
 
 Cujus erant mores qualis facundia. 
 Whose speech I shall wholly insert, that the condition 
 of the state may the better be understood. 
 
 Master Speaker, 
 
 We are here assembled to do God^s business and the 
 king's, in which our own is included, as we are Christians, 
 as we are subjects: let us, first, fear God, then shall we 
 honour the king the more : for I am afraid we have been 
 the less prosperous in parliaments because we have preferred 
 other matters before him. Let religion be our primum qua- 
 rite ; for all things else are but et cateras to it : yet we may 
 have them too, sooner and surer, if we give God his pre- 
 cedence. 
 
 We well know what disturbance hath been brought upon 
 the church for vain, petty trifles ; how the whole church, the 
 whole kingdom, hath been troubled, where to place a meta- 
 phor, an altar. 
 
 We have seen ministers, their wives, children, and families, 
 undone, against law, against conscience, against all bowels of 
 compassion, about not dancing upon Sundays : what do 
 these sort of men think will beeome of themselves, when the 
 Master of the house shall come and find them thus beating 
 their fellow-servants ? 
 
 These inventions were but sieves, made of purpose to win- 
 now the best men ; and that is the devil's occupation. 
 
 They have a mind to worry preaching ; for I never yet 
 heard of any but diligent preachers that were vexed with these 
 and the like devices. 
 
 They despise prophecy, and, as one said, they would fain 
 be at something were like the mass, that will not bite; a 
 muzzled religion. They would evaporate and disspirit the 
 power and vigour of religion, by drawing it out into solemn 
 and specious formalities, into obsolete, antiquated ceremonies, 
 new furbished up. And this (belike) is that good work in 
 hand which doctor Heylin hath so celebrated in his bold 
 
^^^■^'i^- the state of religion. 73 
 
 pamphlets : all their acts and actions are so full of mixtures, 
 mvolutions, and complications, as nothing is clear, nothing 
 sincere, in any of their proceedings. Let them not say that 
 these are the perverse suspicions, malicious interpretations, 
 of some factious spirits amongst us, when a Romanist hath 
 bragged and congratulated in print, that the face of our 
 church begins to alter, the language of our religion to 
 change : and Sancta Clara hath published, that if a synod 
 were held non intermixtis puritanis, setting puritans aside, 
 our Articles and their religion would soon be agreed. 
 
 They have so brought it to pass, that under the name of 
 puritans all our religion is branded, and under a few hard 
 words against Jesuits all popery is countenanced. 
 
 Whosoever squares his actions by any rule, either divine or 
 human, he is a puritan : whosoever would be governed by the 
 king's laws, he is a puritan. 
 
 He that will not do whatsoever other men would have him 
 do, he is a puritan. Their great work, their masterpiece, now 
 is, to make all those of the religion to be the suspected party 
 of the kingdom. 
 
 Let us further reflect upon the iU effect these courses have 
 wrought, what by a defection from us on the one side, a sepa- 
 ration on the other; some, imagining whither we are tending, 
 made haste to turn, or declare themselves papists beforehand ; 
 thereby hoping to render themselves the more gracious, the 
 more acceptable. A great company of the king's subjects, 
 striving to hold communion with us, but seeing how far we 
 were gone, and fearing how much further we would go, were 
 forced to fly the land, some into other inhabited countries, 
 very many into savage wildernesses, because the land would 
 not bear them. Do not they that cause this cast a reproach 
 upon the government ? 
 
 Master Speaker, let it be our principal care, that these 
 ways neither continue nor return upon us ; if we secure our 
 religion, we shall cut off and defeat many plots that are now 
 on foot by them and others. Believe it, sir, religion hath 
 been for a long time, and stiU is, the great design upon this 
 kingdom. It is a known and practised principle, that they 
 who would introduce another religion into the church, must 
 first trouble and disorder the government of the state, that 
 
74 Speech of sir B. Rudyerd on book i 
 
 so they may work their ends in a confusionj which now lies 
 at the door. 
 
 I come next. Master Speaker, to the king's business more 
 particularly, which indeed is the kingdom's; for one hath no 
 existence, no being, without the other, their relation is so 
 near ; yet some have strongly and subtly laboured [to make] 
 a divorce [between them], which hath been the very bane of 
 both king and kingdom. 
 
 When foundations are shaken, it is high time to look to 
 the building. He hath no heart, no head, no soul, that is not 
 moved in his whole man to look upon the distresses, the 
 miseries of the commonwealth ; that is not forward, in all 
 that he is and hath, to redress them in a right way. 
 
 The king, Hkewise, is reduced to great straits, wherein it 
 were undutifulness beyond inhumanity to take advantage of 
 him : let us rather make it an advantage for him, to do 
 him best service, when he hath most need, not to seek 
 our own good, but in him and with him ; else we shall 
 commit the same crimes ourselves which we must condemn 
 in others. 
 
 His majesty hath clearly and freely put himself into the 
 hands of this parliament ; and I presume there is not a 
 man in this house but feels himself advanced in this high 
 trust : but, if he prosper no better in our hands than he hath 
 done in theirs who have hitherto had the handling of his 
 affairs, we shall for ever make ourselves unworthy of so gra- 
 cious a confidence. 
 
 I have often thought and said, that it must be some great 
 extremity that would recover and rectify this state ; and 
 when that extremity did come, it would be a great hazard 
 whether it might prove a remedy or ruin. We are now. 
 Master Speaker, upon that vertical, turning point ; and 
 therefore it is no time to palliate, to foment our own un- 
 doing. 
 
 Let us set upon the remedy ; we must, first, know the 
 disease, but to discover the diseases of the state is (accord- 
 ing to some) to traduce the government, yet others are of 
 opinion that this is the half way to the cure. 
 
 His majesty is wiser than they that have advised him; and 
 therefore he cannot but see and feel their subverting, de- 
 
^**^^- "^"- the state of religion. 75 
 
 structive counsels, which speak louder than I can speak of 
 them, for they ring a doleful, deadly knell over the whole 
 kingdom ; his majesty best knows who they are. For us, let 
 the matters bolt out the men, their actions discover them. 
 
 They are men that talk largely of the king's service, yet 
 have done none but their own ; and that is too evident. 
 
 They speak highly of the king's power; but they have made 
 it a miserable power, that produceth nothing but weakness 
 both to the king and kingdom. 
 
 They have exhausted the king's revenue to the bottom, nay, 
 through the bottom, and beyond. 
 
 They have spent vast sums of money wastefuUy, fruitlessly, 
 dangerously; so that more money, without other counsels, wiU 
 be but a swift undoing. 
 
 They have always peremptorily pursued one obstinate, per- 
 nicious course ; first, they bring things to an extremity; then 
 they make that extremity (of their own making) the reason of 
 their next action, seven times worse than the former; and there 
 we are at this instant. 
 
 They have almost spoiled the best instituted government 
 in the world for sovereignty in a king [and] Hberty to the 
 subject; the proportionable temper of both which, makes the 
 happiest state for power, for riches, for duration. 
 
 They have, unmannerly and slubberingly, cast all their pro- 
 jects, all their machinations, upon the king; which no wise 
 or good minister of state ever did, but would stiU take aU 
 harsh, distasteful things upon themselves, to clear, to sweeten 
 their master. 
 
 They have not suffered his majesty to appear unto his 
 people in his own native goodness. 
 
 They have eclipsed him by their interpositions. Although 
 gross, condense bodies may obscure and hinder the sun from 
 shining out, yet he is still the same in his own splendour. And 
 when [those bodies] are removed, all creatures under him are 
 directed by his light [and] comforted by his beams. 
 
 But they have framed a superstitious, seeming maxim of 
 state for their own turn, that if a king will suffer men to 
 be torn from him, he shall never have any good service done 
 him. When the plain truth is, that this is the surest way 
 to preserve a king from having ill servants about him ; and 
 
76 Speech of sir B. Rudyerd on book i 
 
 the divine truth likewise is. Take away the wicked from the 
 king, and his throne shall be established. 
 
 Master Speaker, now we see what the sores are in general; 
 and when more particulars shall appear, let us be very care- 
 ful to draw out the cores of them, not to skin them over with 
 a slight, suppurating, festering cure, lest they break out again 
 into a greater mischief; consider of it, consult, and speak 
 your minds. 
 
 It hath heretofore been boasted, that the king should never 
 call a parliament till he had no need of his people. These 
 were words of division and malignity. [For] the king must 
 always, according to his occasions, have use of the people^s 
 power, hearts, hands, [and] purses ; [and] the people will 
 always have need of the king's clemency, justice, [and] pro- 
 tection : and this reciprocation is the strongest, the sweetest 
 union. 
 
 It hath been said too of late, that a parliament will take 
 away more from the king than they will give him. It may 
 well be said, that those things which will fall away of them- 
 selves will enable the subject to give him more than can be 
 taken any way else. Projects and monopolies are but leak- 
 ing conduit-pipes ; the exchequer itself, at the fullest, is but 
 a cistern, and now a broken one : frequent parliaments only 
 are the fountains ; and I do not doubt but in this parlia- 
 ment, as we shall be free in our advices, so shall we be the 
 more free of our purses, that his majesty may experimentally 
 find the real difference of better counsels, the true, solid 
 grounds of raising and establishing his greatness, never to be 
 brought again (by God's blessing) to such dangerous, such 
 desperate perplexities. 
 
 Master Speaker, I confess I have now gone in a way 
 much against my nature, and somewhat against my custom 
 heretofore used in this place. But the deplorable, dismal 
 condition, both of church and state, hath so far wrought 
 upon my judgment, as it hath convinced my disposition ; 
 yet am I not vir sanguinwm ; I love no man's ruin ; I thank 
 God I neither hate any man's person nor envy any man's 
 fortune ; only I am zealous for a thorough reformation in a 
 time that exacts, that extorts it. Which I humbly beseech 
 this house may be done with as much lenity, as much mode- 
 
CHAP. vir. relief given to Dr. Bastwick and others. 77 
 
 ration, as the public safety of the king and kingdom can pos- 
 sibly admit. 
 
 In so great a concurrence of business and weighty 
 affairs, concerning the safety and the very being of 
 three kingdoms, as far as the parliament had leisure to 
 consider and redress the damages or other injuries of 
 particular persons, their first care was to vindicate 
 distressed ministers, who had been imprisoned or de- 
 prived by the bishops, and all others who in the cause 
 of religion had been persecuted by them : many of 
 those ministers, within few weeks after the begin- 
 ning of the parliament, were released from durance, 
 and restored to their charges, with damages from their 
 oppressors ; many doctors and other divines, that had 
 been most busy in promoting the late church innova- 
 tions about altars and other ceremonies, and therefore 
 most gracious and flourishing in the state, were then 
 questioned and committed ; insomuch as the change, 
 and the suddenness of it, seemed wonderful to men, 
 and may worthily serve as a document to all pos- 
 terity, 
 
 Quam fragili loco starent super bi, 
 In what frail places stand the proudest men. 
 Among divers others of this kind, and the most re- 
 markable of all, was that relief which the parliament, 
 immediately upon their first sitting, gave to three per- 
 secuted gentlemen, doctor Bastwick, a physician, mas- 
 ter Prynne, a lawyer, and master Burton, a minister. 
 
 The whole passage of whose story we will here insert 
 in one continued discourse, that it may not hereafter 
 interrupt any other relations of business. 
 
 These three men, for the same ofFence, or very little 
 difTering in substance, (as those that read their extant 
 books may perceive,) not being able to contain them- 
 selves in such a cause, had written against the manner 
 
78 Relief to Dr. Bastwick and others. book i. 
 
 of English episcopacy and those inconveniences or 
 extravagances which, as they conceived, flowed from 
 it, to the prejudice of purity in religion ; for which 
 offence they were all three heavily censured in the 
 high commission court, at several times, and com- 
 mitted to several prisons, where they long remained in 
 durance, till afterward their cause was brought into 
 the starchamber, where they received a sad doom ; 
 and the same day stood all three upon pillories in 
 Westminster Palace-yard, where their ears were like- 
 wise cut off '^. 
 
 It seemed, I remember, to many gentlemen, (and was 
 accordingly discoursed of,) a spectacle no less strange 
 than sad, to see three of several professions, the noblest 
 in the kingdom, divinity, law, and physic, exposed at 
 one time to such an ignominious punishment, and con- 
 demned to it by protestant magistrates, for such tenants 
 in religion as the greatest part of protestants in Eng- 
 land held, and all the reformed churches in Europe 
 maintained. 
 
 But the court of starchamber seemed to take cog- 
 nizance only of their unlawful publishing those tenents, 
 and disobedience to the authority then in being. 
 
 This was but the beginning of their punishment ; 
 they were afterward banished to remote places of the 
 kingdom, and there kept in close and solitary con- 
 finement, and not allowed pen and paper, nor the 
 
 b On the 30th day of June, 1637. The lords or members of the 
 court of starchamber, who were principally concerned in passing 
 this cruel sentence, were, sir Thomas Coventry, the lord keeper of 
 the great seal, lord Cottington, and sir John Finch, who was at that 
 time chief justice of the court of common pleas. See the selection 
 from the Harleian Miscellany, in one volume quarto, printed for 
 Kearsley, bookseller, in Fleet-street, No. 46, in the year 1793, in 
 pages 3 14 — 324 of the said volume. 
 
CHAP. VII. They return to London with great acclamation. 79 
 
 sight of any friends, no not so much (for two of tliem 
 were married) as of their own wives. Their imprison- 
 ments, at several removes, were in the castles of Lan- 
 ceston, Lancaster, Carnarvon, and the isles of Scilly, 
 Guernsey, and Jersey. 
 
 These three, within five days after the parliament 
 began to sit, were sent for home from their banishment; 
 and accordingly master Prynne and master Burton, 
 upon the 28th of November, came into London, (doc- 
 tor Bastwick within few days after, in the same manner,) 
 being met upon the way, some few miles from London, 
 and brought into the city by five thousand persons both 
 men and women, on horseback, who, all of them, wore 
 in their hats rosemary and bays, in token of joy and 
 triumph. 
 
 The discourses of men upon this action were very dif- 
 ferent : some, both of the clergy, of the court, and 
 other gentlemen besides, did not conceal their dislike 
 of it, afiirming that it was a bold and tumultuous af- 
 front to courts of justice and the king's authority : 
 others, who pitied the former sufferings of those men, 
 and they that wished reformation in matters of justice, 
 were pleased with it ; hoping that it would work good 
 effects in the king's mind, and make him sensible how 
 his people stood disaffected to the rigour of such pro- 
 ceedings ; and esteemed it as a good presage of the 
 ruin of those two courts, the high commission and 
 [the] starchamber; which proved true within half a year 
 after. 
 
 How it wrought at that present upon the king is 
 not known. But actions of that nature, where the 
 people, of their own accords, in a seeming tumultuous 
 manner, do express their liking or dislike of matters in 
 government, cannot have always the same success, but 
 work, according to the disposition of the prince or 
 
80 Proceedings against scandalous clergymen. book i. 
 
 governor, either to a sense causing reformation, or to 
 an hatred of them as upbraiders of his actions, aut corri- 
 gunt aut irritant. 
 
 Within a month after, the business of these three 
 men was, by order of the parliament, referred to com- 
 mittees to examine and report. 
 
 Upon which reports, not two months after, it was 
 voted by the house of commons, that those judgments 
 so given against them (but severally for every one of 
 the three) were illegal, unjust, and against the liberty 
 of the subject ; and within a month after voted that 
 they should receive damages for their great sufferings ; 
 and [that] satisfaction should be made them in money, 
 to be paid by the archbishop of Canterbury, the high 
 commissioners, and those lords who had voted against 
 them in the starchamber ; that they should be again 
 restored to their callings, and receive, master Burton 
 6000^., and master Prynne 5000/. ; doctor Bastwick, in 
 a vote by himself, was given the like sum. 
 
 As these were comforted after their sufferings, so 
 other divines, (for the beginning of this parliament 
 seemed a little doomsday,) after a short pleasure, were 
 brought to their torment. 
 
 A committee was made to inquire of scandalous 
 ministers ; which appeared in two kinds (and were 
 accordingly censured); either loose livers, and men of 
 a debauched behaviour, (for many such were gotten 
 into good preferments, and countenanced, to affront the 
 puritans ;) or else offenders in way of supei'stition : of 
 the former sort many were in [a] short time accused, by 
 degrees censured, and turned out of their livings : of 
 the latter sort there was no small number of offenders ; 
 nor in likelihood could that which had been the way 
 to all high preferments want walkers in it. 
 
 Among all the men of his rank. Dr. Cosins, master 
 
CHAP. VII. Br. Cosins, and Dr. Wren bishop of Norwich. 81 
 
 of Saint Peter's college in Cambridge, was most noted 
 for superstitious and curious observations in many 
 kinds ; a man not noted for any great depth of learn- 
 ing, nor yet scandalous for ill living, but only forward to 
 show himself in formalities and outward ceremonies 
 concerning religion, many of which were such as a pro- 
 testant state might not well suffer. 
 
 This man was questioned ujjon many ai-ticles ; some, 
 by himself; some, where other divines were joined with 
 him ; imprisoned he was, [and] afterwards bailed; and, 
 though deprived of some preferments, yet escaped with- 
 out any great punishment, and was one of them in that 
 crowd of offenders who might rejoice that the parlia- 
 ment had so much business. 
 
 But greater clergymen than Dr. Cosins were then 
 to come upon the stage : bishop Wren, a man guilty 
 of the same crime in su)3erstition that Cosins was, as 
 far as concerned his own person, but far more guilty as 
 a magistrate, and able to impose it upon others, was 
 upon the 19th of December accused of treason, and 
 entered into a recognizance of 30,000/. to appear, with 
 three sureties engaged each of them in bonds of 
 10,000/. 
 
 This Wren, being bishop of Norwich, a diocese 
 in which there were as many strict professors of re- 
 ligion (commonly called puritans) as in any part of 
 England, had there violently pressed superstitious cere- 
 monies, or such as they conceived so, upon them, put 
 down accustomed lectures, and deprived many min- 
 isters much beloved and reverenced among them. By 
 which rigour he grew, accidentally, guilty of a won- 
 derful crime against the wealth and prosperity of the 
 state. 
 
 For many tradesmen (with whom those parts abound- 
 ed) were so afflicted and troubled with his ecclesiastical 
 
 MAY. G 
 
82 Pymme impeached of high treason. book i. 
 
 censures and vexations, that, in great numbers, to avoid 
 misery, they departed the kingdom ; some into New 
 England and other parts of America, [and] others into 
 Holland, vrhither they transported their manufactures 
 of cloth ; [which was] not only a loss by diminishing 
 the present stock of the kingdom, but a great mischief 
 by impairing and endangering the loss of that peculiar 
 trade of clothing, which hath been a plentiful fountain 
 of wealth and honour to the kingdom of England, as it 
 was expressed in the parliament remonstrance. But 
 more particular crimes were laid against the bishop, 
 which there may be occasion to discourse of hereafter, 
 in the proceedings against him. 
 
 The day before bishop Wren was accused, being the 
 18th of December, a greater man, both in church and 
 state, William Laud, archbishop of Canterbury, was 
 voted in the house of commons guilty of high treason ; 
 master Denzil Hollis, a member of that house, was 
 sent up to the lords, to appeach him there ; upon 
 which he was sequestered, and confined to the black 
 rod. He was also charged by the Scottish commis- 
 sioners, together with the earl of Strafford, as a chief 
 incendiary in the late war between both nations ; and 
 divers articles laid against him ; which to examine and 
 discuss further a committee was appointed. 
 
 Upon the 23rd of February, master Pymme made re- 
 port to the house of commons what heinous and capital 
 crimes were objected against him ; upon which the 
 house fell into a serious debate, and a charge of high 
 treason, in fourteen articles, was drawn up against him ; 
 which charge, two days after, was sent from the house 
 of commons by master Pymme up to the lords. 
 
 The archbishop was that day brought before the lords 
 to hear that charge read ; and it was there voted, that 
 he should immediately be sent to the Tower; but upon 
 
CHAP. VII. Debate upon shipmoney. 83 
 
 his earnest suit, for some special reasons, he was two 
 days longer suffered to abide under the black rod, and 
 then accordingly sent to the Tower; where we will leave 
 him, till the course of this narration bring him to further 
 trial upon those articles. 
 
 Civil offenders, as well as ecclesiastical, must needs 
 be many in so long a corruption of government; of 
 whom one, as he was first in time, and soon left the 
 stage, besides his chief crime concerning matters of 
 church and religion, so he shall first be named. 
 
 Sir Francis Windebank, principal secretary of estate, 
 a great favourite and friend to the archbishop of Can- 
 terbury, and by his friendship, as was thought, advanced 
 to that place of honour, was, upon the 12th of Novem- 
 ber, questioned in an high kind concerning popish 
 priests ; of whom, in that seven or eight years that he 
 had been secretary, he had bailed a great number, and 
 released many by his power, contrary to the laws made 
 and then in force against them ; which being examined 
 by a committee, and certain to prove foul against him, 
 as it did afterward, (for upon examination there were 
 proved against him seventy-four letters of grace to re- 
 cusants, within four years, signed with his own hand ; 
 sixty-four priests discharged from the Gatehouse, twen- 
 ty-nine discharged by a verbal warrant from him,) he 
 thought it his best course, before trial, to fly the land ; 
 so that, upon the 4 th of December, news was brought 
 to the house, that secretary Windebank, with master 
 Read, his chief clerk, was fled ; and soon after, notice 
 was given that he arrived in France, where he long con- 
 tinued. 
 
 About that time came the great business of ship- 
 money into debate in parliament, and was voted by 
 both houses to be a most illegal taxation and unsuf- 
 ferable grievance ; in reference to which case almost 
 
 g2 
 
84 Sir J. Finch, lord keeper of the great seal, book i. 
 
 all the judges were made delinquents, for their extra- 
 judicial opinions in it, as more particularly will after- 
 ward appear. As for other petty grieTances, (sucli as 
 were the multitude of monopolies upon all things and 
 commodities of greatest and most familiar use,) the 
 house daily condemned them ; and the delinquents of 
 meaner note in that kind, [who] were examined and 
 censured, [were] too many to be here named ; nay, so 
 impartial was the house of commons in that case, that 
 many of their own members, who had been guilty of 
 such monopolies, were daily turned out of the house 
 for that offence. 
 
 But the business of shipmoney did reflect with a 
 deeper stain of guilt upon the then lord keeper Finch 
 than upon any of the other judges whatsoever, for his 
 great activity and labouring in it, by threats and pro- 
 mises working upon the other judges, as we find alleged 
 against him. 
 
 Sir John Finch, in the year 1636, when that taxation 
 of shipmoney was first plotted and set on foot, was newly 
 made lord chief justice of the common pleas, a man in 
 favour with the king and many of the greatest lords in 
 court, having before been the queen's attorney; a gen- 
 tleman of good birth, of an high and imperious spirit, 
 eloquent in speech, though in the knowledge of the 
 law not very deep. 
 
 Upon the death of the lord keeper Coventry, about 
 December, 1639, the king was pleased to confer that 
 high trust of keeping the great seal upon him ; which 
 oflice at this time he held. 
 
 Upon the 7th of December, when shipmoney was 
 fully debated, and absolutely damned by the house of 
 commons, and the offence of the judges began to be 
 scanned, sixteen gentlemen of that house were chosen 
 to examine those judges that had given their extraju- 
 
CHAP. VII. flies to Holland. 85 
 
 dicial opinions for it, (for three gave their opinions other- 
 wise : the arguments of two [of them,] judge Crooke and 
 judge Hutton, were very famous ; baron Denham, [who 
 was the third,] by reason of sickness, could not declare 
 his opinion in so large a manner,) [in order to discover] 
 what threats or promises had been used to them and 
 by what persons. 
 
 Upon which examination, and further light given, the 
 next day a committee was named to draw up charges 
 against the judges and against the lord Finch, then lord 
 keeper, a charge of high treason. He, not many days 
 after, became an humble suitor to the house of commons, 
 that, before the charge of high treason were delivered 
 against him, they would be pleased to hear him, ore 
 tenus, in their own house. 
 
 His suit was granted ; and the next day save one, in 
 a long oration, he endeavoured to clear himself ; but all 
 in vain was that endeavour: though his deportment were 
 very humble and submissive, and his speech full of per- 
 suasive rhetoric, it could not prevail to divert the judg- 
 ment, though many in the house were moved to a kind 
 of compassion. 
 
 He, either secretly informed by friends or himself 
 perceiving by evident signs how things were likely to 
 go with him, conceived it best to use a timely preven- 
 tion, and the next day, disguised, fled, and soon crossed 
 the seas into Holland. 
 
 After his flight, he was voted by the house of com- 
 mons guilty of high treason for four causes : 
 
 I . Disobeying the house, in refusal to speak at their com- 
 mand, when he was speaker in parliament, in the fourth year 
 of king Charles. 
 
 ■2. For threatening some judges in the matter of ship- 
 money. 
 
 3. For his illegal and cruel judgments ia the forest 
 
86 The earl of Strafford is impeached of high treason book r. 
 
 business, when he was lord chief justice of the common 
 pleas. 
 
 4. For drawing that injurious declaration after dissolution 
 of the last parliament. 
 
 Upon which a charge was drawn up against him and 
 carried up to the lords upon the 14th of Jan. [1640-41,J 
 three weeks after his flight, by the lord Falkland, 
 who presented it with a very pithy and sharp oration 
 against the man. 
 
 These two last delinquents, (though men of eminent 
 place in the commonwealth,) as they did not long trou- 
 ble the parliament, nor much retard the progress of 
 public business, preventing their trials by timely flight, 
 so can they take up no large room in this historical 
 narration. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The trial and death of the earl of Strafford. Conspiracies de- 
 tected during the agitation of it. An act for continuance of 
 this present parliament. With a mention of that grant of the 
 triennial parliament in February before. 
 
 JDUT now a greater actor is brought upon the stage, 
 Thomas [Wentworth] earl of Strafford, lieutenant of Ire- 
 land, a man too great to be let escape ; no sooner ac- 
 cused but surprised, and secured for a trial. 
 
 Which trial of his, if we consider all things — the 
 high nature of the charge against him ; the pompous 
 circumstances and stately manner of the trial itself; 
 the time that it lasted ; the preciousness of that time 
 so consumed ; and, lastly, of what moment and conse- 
 quence the success of it must prove — I may safely say, 
 that no subject in England, and probably in Europe, 
 ever had the like. 
 
CHAP. vm. and taken into custody. 87 
 
 So great it was, that we can hardly call it the trial 
 of the earl of Strafford only ; the king's affections to- 
 ward his people and parliament, the future success of 
 this parliament, and the hopes of three kingdoms de- 
 pending on it, were all tried when Strafford was ar- 
 raigned. 
 
 Many subjects in Europe have played louder parts 
 upon the theatre of the world, but none left it with 
 greater noise ; nor was the matter of his accusation 
 confined within one realm; three whole kingdoms were 
 his accusers, and eagerly sought, in one death, a recom- 
 pense of all their sufferings ; that we may say of his 
 case as Claudian [says] of Ruffinus, 
 
 Offends Ruffinum divide terris. 
 
 Within ten days after the parliament began, the earl 
 of Strafford, newly returned from the north, was sitting 
 in the house of lords ; when master Pymme, an ancient 
 gentleman, of great experience in parliamentary affairs, 
 and no less known fidelity to his country, came up to 
 the lords, and, in the name of all the commons of 
 England, accused Thomas earl of Strafford, lord lieu- 
 tenant of Ireland, of high treason ; and desired their 
 lordships that he might be sequestered from parliament 
 and forthwith committed to prison; as also to let them 
 know that the commons, within very few days, would 
 resort to their lordships with the particular articles and 
 grounds of this accusation. 
 
 The earl was required to withdraw ; and after a de- 
 bate thereof, called in ; was committed to safe custody 
 to the gentleman usher ; and immediately after, upon 
 the 13th day of November, a sergeant-at-arms was sent 
 into Ireland for sir George Ratcliffe, a great favourite 
 of the earl's, and one that, under him, had been very 
 active in the oppression of Ireland ; a man of subtle 
 wit and knowledge of the law, as having before been 
 
88 Charge against the earl of Strafford ; book i. 
 
 educated at the inns of court, and taken the degree of 
 barrister. 
 
 Sir George accordingly, upon the 4th of December, 
 came in, and yielded himself to the speaker ; from 
 whence he was committed to custody. And, four 
 days after, the lords of parliament sent the earl of 
 Strafford to the Tower, with a strict command to the 
 lieutenant, that he should keep a close guard upon 
 him. 
 
 Much time was interposed between the several pro- 
 ceedings against this earl of Strafford, by reason of the 
 multiplicity of weighty business which the parliament 
 then had. But before the end of January, a long charge 
 was read against him in the house of commons, and a 
 message, not long after, sent to the lords, to desire that 
 he might be sequestered from all his places of dignity 
 and honour in England and Ireland. 
 
 The charge against him consisted of nine articles, 
 which afterwards, upon a further impeachment, were 
 extended to eight and twenty. All those articles are 
 to be seen at large in the records : but, for further 
 satisfaction of the reader, I will give a brief touch of 
 the scope of them. The first and second being much 
 alike, concerning his ruling of Ireland, and those parts 
 of England where his authority lay, in an arbitrary 
 way, against the fundamental laws of the kingdom, 
 which laws he had endeavoured to subvert: thirdly, his 
 retaining part of the king's revenue, without giving a 
 legal account : fourthly, the abusing of his power, to 
 the increase and encouragement of papists : fifthly, 
 that he maliciously had endeavoured to stir up hostility 
 between England and Scotland : sixthly, that, being 
 lieutenant-general of the northern army, he had wil- 
 fully suffered the Scots to defeat the English at New- 
 burne, and take Newcastle ; that by such a loss and 
 
GHAP. VIII. he gives in his answer. 89 
 
 dishonour, England might be engaged in a national and 
 irreconcilable quarrel with the Scots : seventhly, that 
 to preserve himself from questioning, he had laboured 
 to subvert parliaments, and incense the king against 
 them : eighthly and lastly, that these things were done 
 during the time of his authority as deputy of Ireland 
 and lieutenant-general of the northern armies in Eng- 
 land. 
 
 The commons, saving to themselves a liberty of fur- 
 ther impeachment against the said earl, &c., do require 
 his legal answer to all, 
 
 The further impeachment, consisting of twenty-eight 
 articles, was, for the most part, branched out of these, 
 and insisted upon in more particulars, concerning his 
 tyranny in Ireland over divers persons, contrary to law. 
 Concerning which the reader must be referred to the 
 records themselves, as being too large to be here in- 
 serted. 
 
 The earl of Strafford, upon the 213d of February, was 
 brought before the lords to give in his answer ; which 
 he accordingly did ; the king himself being there pre- 
 sent to hear it read. 
 
 It was very large ; and, when it was done, he was 
 sent back to the Tower, there to remain till further 
 order. 
 
 A committee being appointed to consider of that bu- 
 siness, upon the 4th of March following made report 
 in the house, that they would manage and maintain 
 their accusation of treason against him; and thought 
 it not fit to reply to his answer, but call him to speedy 
 trial. 
 
 Immediately upon which a conference was had with 
 the lords concerning that trial, and some circumstances 
 which were thought fit to be used at it. 
 
 The commissioners of Scotland had likewise a charge 
 
90 The earl of Strafford^s ground of defence. book i. 
 
 against the earl of Strafford ; concerning those injuries, 
 which, as they conceived, their nation and kingdom had 
 suffered from him. But the substance of that charge 
 was implied in those articles before specified, which 
 the parliament of England had exhibited against him. 
 
 Upon the 22nd of March 1640 [1640-1] that re- 
 markable trial of the earl of Strafford began. 
 
 Westminster-hall was the place chosen, where scaf- 
 folds were raised on both sides, nine degrees in height ; 
 whereof seven were appointed for the members of the 
 house of commons to sit on, who were all there in a 
 committee : the two upper degrees of the scaffold were 
 appointed for the commissioners of Scotland and the 
 lords of Ireland, who were then come over. 
 
 In the midst, on a lower ascent, sat the peers of Eng- 
 land, the earl of Arundel being lord high steward and 
 the earl of Lindsey lord high constable. The throne 
 was placed for the king ; but the king coming thither 
 (which he did every day of the trial) sat private with 
 the queen and other ladies, in a close gallery, made of 
 purpose to hear the proceedings, and took notes [of them 
 himself in writing.] 
 
 The earl of Strafford answered daily at the bar, 
 whilst the whole house of commons, having put them- 
 selves into a committee, had liberty to charge him, 
 every man as he saw occasion : but though many of 
 them did sometimes speak, yet the accusations were 
 chiefly managed by two expert lawyers, master Glynne 
 and master Maynard, both members of the house. 
 
 Many foul misdemeanours, committed both in Ire- 
 land and England, were daily proved against him : but 
 that ward which the earl, being an eloquent man, espe- 
 cially lay at, was to keep off the blow of high treason, 
 whatsoever misdemeanours should be laid upon him ; of 
 which, some he denied, others he excused and extenu- 
 
CHAP. VIII. Great interest at Us trial. 91 
 
 ated with great sublety ; contending, to make one thing 
 good, that misdemeanours, though never so many and so 
 great, could not, by being put together, make one treason, 
 unless some one of them had been treason in its own 
 nature." 
 
 Every day tbe first week, from Monday to Saturday, 
 without intermission, the earl was brought from the 
 Tower to Westminster-hall, and arraigned many hours 
 together ; and the success of every day's trial was the 
 greatest discourse or dispute in all companies. 
 
 For by this time the people began to be a little di- 
 vided in opinions ; the clergy in general were so much 
 fallen into love and admiration of this earl, that the 
 archbishop of Canterbury was almost quite forgotten 
 by them. 
 
 The courtiers cried him up, and the ladies (whose 
 voices will carry much with some parts of the state) 
 were exceedingly on his side. 
 
 It seemed a very pleasant object, to see so many 
 Sempronias (all the chief court-ladies filling the galle- 
 ries at the trial) with pen, ink, and paper in their 
 hands, noting the passages, and discoursing upon the 
 grounds of law and state. They were all of his side ; 
 whether moved by pity, proper to their sex, or by ambi- 
 tion of being thought able to judge of the parts of the 
 prisoner. 
 
 But so great was the favour and love which they 
 openly expressed to him, that some could not but think 
 of that verse, 
 
 Non formosus erat, sed erat facundus Ulysses, 
 Et tamen cequoreas torsit amore deas. 
 
 Ulysses, though not beautiful, the love 
 Of goddesses by eloquence could move. 
 
 But his trial in this manner lasted, with few days' 
 intermission, from the 22nd of March till the midst of 
 
92 Bill of attainder against the earl of Strafford, book i. 
 
 April following, the earl having personally answered 
 fifteen days. 
 
 After all this long trial, the house of commons fell 
 into debate about a bill of attainder against the earl of 
 Straiford, and voted him guilty of high treason in 
 divers particulars of that accusation in which they had 
 proceeded against him ; and in more particular he was 
 voted guilty of high treason for his opinion given before 
 the king at a secret council, which was discovered by 
 some notes of sir Henry Vane, who was also a privy 
 councillor and present at that time ; in which notes it 
 was found, that the earl of Strafford had said to the 
 king, that he had an army in Ireland, which his 
 majesty might employ to reduce this kingdom to 
 obedience. 
 
 These notes sir Henry Vane, eldest son to the before 
 named sir Henry, had found (as he alleged to the 
 house) in his father's cabinet, and produced before the 
 house without his father's knowledge, who seemed 
 extreme angry with his son for it. 
 
 This is related the more at large, because it was the 
 first occasion (that was open and visible) |whereby so 
 eminent a member as the lord George Digby was lost 
 from the house of commons, as will afterwards appear ; 
 for that vote was opposed by the lord Digby and some 
 others. 
 
 Nevertheless, a committee was apointed to draw up 
 the bill of attainder, which was accordingly done, and 
 read in the house of commons on the 21st day of April, 
 when the earl was again voted guilty of high treason ; 
 which was carried by far the greater part ; for on the 
 other side were but nine and fifty, of whom the lord 
 Digby was one; who made to that purpose a very 
 elegant, though much displeasing speech in the house ; 
 of which more hereafter. 
 
CHAP. ^^II. which is refused by the king. ' 93 
 
 That bill of attainder was sent up to the lords; where, 
 after the reading of it, a great division was in that 
 house, and many of the lords much opposed it. 
 
 But master St. John, the king's solicitor, and a 
 member of the house of commons, was appointed 
 within few days after to make good the bill by law, 
 and give the lords satisfaction, which was accordingly 
 done upon the 29th of April, in Westminster-hall ; 
 where the earl of Strafford was present at the bar, and 
 the king and queen seated in their usual places. 
 
 Master St. John opened the branches of the bill, and 
 in a discourse of two hours made it good by precedent 
 statutes and the like, to the satisfaction of almost all 
 that heard him. 
 
 But the king was not satisfied in conscience (as he 
 declared to both houses two days after) to condemn 
 him of high treason ; and told them, no fears or respects 
 whatsoever should make him alter that resolution, 
 founded upon his conscience ; but confessed, that his 
 misdemeanours were so great, [that] he held him unfit to 
 serve him in any office whatsoever ; with other expres- 
 sions of that kind. 
 
 The king's speech was somewhat displeasing to the 
 houses ; but the city were out of patience, and within 
 four days after came to Westminster, about five thou- 
 sand of them, crying for justice against the earl of Straf- 
 ford; and following the lords, complaining that they 
 were undone, and trading decayed, for want of due exe- 
 cution of justice. 
 
 The lords gave them good words, and promised them 
 to acquaint the king with it. But the next day they 
 appeared again with the same complaint ; their fears 
 being more aggravated, by reason of reports that at- 
 tempts were made to get the earl out of prison ; upon 
 
94 The earl of Strafford is beheaded : his execution book i. 
 
 which occasion some lords were sent to keep the Tower, 
 and assist the lieutenant there. 
 
 But the king was hard to be removed from his re- 
 solution, although the judges in the mean time had 
 delivered their opinions in the house of lords concern- 
 ing the earl of Strafford ; and the lords had voted him 
 guilty of high treason upon the fifteenth article, for 
 levying of money in Ireland by force of arms; and 
 upon the nineteenth, for imposing an oath upon the 
 subjects in Ireland, that they should not protest against 
 any of the king's commands. 
 
 The king at last, wearied with these complaints, 
 called a privy-council at Whitehall, where he spent a 
 great part of the day, calling also the judges to deliver 
 their opinions before him concerning the earl of Straf- 
 ford; and sent for four bishops, to resolve him upon 
 scruple of conscience. After which he granted a com- 
 mission to the earl of Arundel, the lord privy seal, and 
 the two lord chamberlains, to sign that bill for the 
 execution of the earl of Strafford three days after, being 
 Wednesday the 12th of May 1641 ; which was accord- 
 ingly done upon the scaffold on Tower-hill. 
 
 This was the unfortunate end of that earl of Strafford 
 whose character and actions have been in some manner 
 before described. 
 
 Of whom we may truly say, that as his life and coun- 
 sels had been of great moment and concernment in the 
 state before, so did his death and trial, by unhappy 
 accidents, prove to be. 
 
 The divisions and disturbances which his life could 
 make were not greater than those that his death occa- 
 sioned. 
 
 Appianus observes of Sylla the dictator, that as his 
 living power had robbed the Roman senate of their 
 
CHAP. VIII. gives rise to great divisions in parliament. 95 
 
 freedom, so did his very funeral ; where so many of his 
 old soldiers and hacsters followed the solemnity, that 
 the senators who were present dared not with freedom 
 express their thoughts of him, but were enforced to 
 flatter him dead as well as living. 
 
 How far the earl of Strafford did in his lifetime 
 divide the king's affections from his people and parlia- 
 ments, (which was part of [the charge against him,]) I 
 cannot surely tell ; but certain it is, that his trial and 
 death (which has made me insist the longer upon it) 
 did make such a division in that kind, as, being unhap- 
 pily nourished by degrees afterward, has almost ruined 
 the three kingdoms •=- 
 
 The length of his trial, whilst two armies at an heavy 
 expense were to be paid, and other business at a great 
 stand, did divide some impatient people (at least in 
 some degree) from the parliament ; the manner of his 
 condemnation divided the parliament in itself; and the 
 eager pressing of his death did discover or cause a sad 
 division of the king from his parliament. 
 
 Nine and fifty members of the house of commons 
 dissented in vote from the rest upon the bill of attain- 
 der : upon which some indiscreet persons (for so I must 
 needs esteem them, though it was never known who 
 they were, or by whose notice it was done)' the next 
 day set up a paper upon the Exchange, with the names 
 of those nine and fifty, and a title over it, The names 
 of those men, who, to save a traitor, would betray their 
 country. 
 
 They that were thus posted up, supposing it to be 
 done or caused by some of their house, were much pro- 
 voked at it, many of them growing by degrees dis- 
 affected to the parliament, (not all, for there were 
 among those dissenting gentlemen very wise and learned 
 « This was written in the year 1647. 
 
96 A conspiracy against the parliament . book i. 
 
 men,) and, upon that unhappy distraction that fell out 
 about a year after, forsook the parliament. 
 
 Upon the same bill of attainder the lord Digby made 
 his foresaid speech, which, by a command from the 
 house, (for he had printed it,) was to be burnt by the 
 hangman ; which was the visible cause of his deserting 
 the parliament, and proving so great an actor against 
 it ; as shall hereafter be declared. 
 
 The worst consequence of all was, that the king's 
 heart did upon this occasion appear to be quite alien- 
 ated from the parliament. 
 
 For, to prevent the earl of Strafford's death, an escape 
 for him out of the Tower was contrived. To further 
 which, and to curb the parliament in other things by 
 force of arms, a great conspiracy was entered into by 
 many gentlemen of rank and quality. The design of 
 this conspiracy had many branches, as shall appear in 
 the narration. 
 
 The persons of chiefest note in it were master 
 Henry Percy, brother to the earl of Northumberland ; 
 master Henry Jermyn, the great favourite of the queen, 
 to whom he was master of the horse ; master Goring, 
 eldest son to the lord Goring ; master Wilmot, eldest 
 son to the lord Wilmot ; colonel Ashburnham ; captain 
 Pollard ; sir John Suckling ; O'Neal, an Irishman and 
 a papist ; with divers others of a more inferior rank, 
 such as were privy but to some part of the design : for 
 it seems their counsels were divided, and they [were] not 
 all guilty of the same things ; as by their several ex- 
 aminations upon oath appeared. 
 
 But that which grieved the hearts of honest men, 
 and made them almost despair of that happiness which 
 was before hoped for by this parliament, was, that they 
 discovered the king himself to be privy to this con- 
 spiracy against them ; which was plainly testified by 
 
CHAP. VIII. the king privy to it. 97 
 
 colonel Goring's examination ; as likewise by a letter 
 written by master Percy to his brother the earl of 
 Northumberland; where he names the king's discourses 
 with him, and the desire which the king had to join 
 such as he thought fit with them. 
 
 The conspirators had taken an oath of secrecy among 
 themselves. 
 
 The report made in parliament from committees 
 after the examination of several gentlemen, concerning 
 this conspiracy, discovered many branches of their de- 
 sign. 
 
 One was concerning the Tower of London, that 
 soldiers should have been put into it. For sir John 
 Suckling, and some others of the conspirators, under 
 pretence of raising forces for the Portugal, had ga- 
 thered men in London, who were to possess themselves 
 of the Tower. 
 
 The lieutenant, sir William Balfour, was commanded 
 by the king himself to admit those soldiers into the 
 Tower. But he, perceiving that it was a plot to let 
 the earl of Strafford escape, disobeyed that command 
 of the king's, as appeared by his examination. 
 
 In which is likewise specified, that the earl offered 
 2000/. in marriage with his daughter to the lieutenant's 
 son, if he would consent to the earl's escape. 
 
 Another branch, and that the chief of this design, 
 was to bring up the English army, which was in the 
 north, as yet undisbanded, and to engage it against the 
 parliament, to awe the houses in divers things concern- 
 ing the king's prerogative and maintaining episcopacy, 
 as master Percy signified in the forementioned letter. 
 
 To join with these forces, and strengthen the plot, a 
 French army was to be landed at Portsmouth, and that 
 town, for the same purpose, was to be put into master 
 Jermyn's hands. 
 
 MAY. H 
 
98 Several conspirators against parliament are imprisoned. ~ book i. 
 
 The Irish army, consisting of eight thousand, almost 
 all papists, when the earl of Strafford had escaped out 
 of the Tower, was to be brought over under his conduct, 
 and engaged in the same service. 
 
 All these things were confessed upon several examin- 
 ations. 
 
 The parliament were most grieved to find the king 
 so far in it ; and then recalled to mind how his 
 majesty, on the 28th of April before, had told the 
 houses, that he could not allow of the disbanding of 
 the Irish army, for divers reasons best known to him- 
 self. 
 
 The conspiracy being in some part detected, Percy, 
 Jermyn, and Suckling fled the day before they should 
 have been examined, being the 6th of May, and passed 
 into France, where Suckling not long after died. 
 
 But afterwards, upon the reading of a letter in the 
 house upon the 14tli of June, sent by master Percy 
 out of France to his brother the earl of Northumber- 
 land, Wilmot, Ashburnham, and Pollard (three mem- 
 bers of the house of commons, mentioned in that 
 letter, as privy to this conspiracy) were commanded to 
 withdraw, and then called in severally, examined, and 
 committed, Wilmot to the Tower, Ashburnham to the 
 King's Bench, and Pollard to the Gatehouse ; from 
 whence they were not long after released upon bail, 
 as being found guilty not in so high a degree as others 
 were. 
 
 Goring, upon his examination, dealt so clearly with 
 them, and so far purged himself from evil intentions, 
 that he was not at all committed by the parliament. 
 
 O'Neal, who proved most guilty of that part of the 
 conspiracy for bringing up the English army against 
 the parliament, was presently after apprehended, and 
 committed to the Tower ; whence it was generally 
 
CHAP. VIII. The two houses return thanks to the king. 99 
 
 thought he would be brought to trial for his life, and 
 suffer ; but he made an escape. 
 
 The parliament, considering what great disturbance 
 they began to find in settling the state, what con- 
 spiracies had been on foot, and doubtful of the king's 
 sincere affection towards them, considering also what 
 great disbursements of money were to be made for 
 payment of two armies, and other charges for settling 
 the state, to which purpose money was to be borrowed 
 upon the public faith, by a joint consent of both houses, 
 moved the king to sign a bill for continuance of this 
 present parliament, that it should never be dissolved till 
 both houses did consent and agree that public grievances 
 were fully redressed. 
 
 A bill was drawn up to that purpose, and the king, 
 the same day that he signed the bill for execution of 
 the earl of ' Strafford, being the 10th of May, 1641, 
 signed that also for continuance of the present parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 But in this place it is fit to insert what had passed 
 before in this kind. 
 
 The king, upon the 15th of Feb. before, had signed a 
 bill, presented to him by both houses, for a parliament 
 to be held in England every third year ; that the lord 
 keeper, and [the] chancellor of the duchy for the time 
 being, should be sworn to issue forth the writs, and 
 upon default to lose their places. 
 
 The same day in the afternoon there was a con- 
 ference between the two houses, to return the king 
 thanks ; upon which it was concluded that the whole 
 house should go to the king to Whitehall, and that the 
 lord keeper, in the name of both houses, should return 
 their thankfulness to his majesty ; which was accord- 
 ingly done. 
 
 Expressions of joy, by order from the parliament, 
 
 H 2 
 
100 Reflections on the act for book i. 
 
 were that night made about London, with ringing of 
 bells, making of bonfires, with such usual things. 
 
 It is observable, in the course of histories, how much 
 kings, in such limited monarchies as that of England, 
 do, in time, by degrees, gain upon the people's rights 
 and privileges : so that those things which by [the] con- 
 stitution of the government the people may challenge 
 as due from the prince, having been long forborn, be- 
 come at last to be esteemed such acts of extraordinary 
 grace, as that the prince is highly thanked for granting 
 of them. 
 
 Such was the case of this triennial parliament, as both 
 houses afterward, when the unhappy division began, and 
 the king upbraided them with this favour, could plainly 
 answer, that it was not so much as by law they might 
 require, there being two statutes then in force for a par- 
 liament once a year. 
 
 The king himself also, at the time when he granted 
 that triennial parliament, could not forbear to tell them, 
 that he put an obligation upon them in doing it which 
 they had scarce deserved. 
 
 " For hitherto," said he, " to speak freely, I have had 
 no great encouragement to grant it : if I should look 
 to the outward face of your actions or proceedings, and 
 not to the inward intentions of your hearts, I might 
 make question of doing it." 
 
 But that grant which the king since passed, upon 
 the lOtli of May, for continuance of the present par- 
 liament, not only afterward by himself was much up- 
 braided to them, but by many gentlemen, who were 
 not well affected to their parliament, and [by] all the 
 faction of prelatical clergy, in their ordinary discourse, 
 was censured [as] a greater grace than it was fit for the 
 king to grant. 
 
 To such men, their discourses and writings, afterward, 
 
CHAP. VIII. the continuance of the parliament. 101 
 
 when the great distraction happened, and the war was 
 breaking out, the parliament, in many of their declara- 
 tions, answered, 
 
 That though there were in it some seeming restraint 
 of the regal power in dissolving parliaments, yet really 
 it was no taking that power from the crown, but sus- 
 pending the execution of it for this time and occasion 
 only. Which was so necessary for the public peace, that 
 without it they could not have undertaken any of those 
 great charges, but must have left both the armies to 
 disorder and confusion, and the whole kingdom to blood 
 and ruin. 
 
 For to pay the armies, and defray other necessary 
 charges, money was to be borrowed upon the public 
 faith ; which had been nothing worth, if that parlia- 
 ment could have been dissolved at the king's pleasure. 
 
 And where it was objected, that no king ever granted 
 the like before, they answered, it was evident that no 
 king before ever made so great a necessity for a parlia- 
 ment to require it. And besides, that in the constitution 
 of England's government it was never the meaning of 
 the lawgivers that the king should dissolve any parlia- 
 ment whilst the great affairs of the kingdom were de- 
 ■ pending; and though the king had used to do so, it was 
 nevertheless unlawful. 
 
 The Scots in their Remonstrance, 1640, told the king, 
 that he had broken their laws in dissolving the parlia- 
 ment there, against the consent of their house. 
 
 And it is very well understood by those that are skil- 
 ful in laws of both nations, that English parliaments 
 have originally the same freedom. 
 
 It was nevertheless probably then thought by all, 
 that the king would not have assented to that act, if 
 at that time the freshness of those forementioned griev- 
 ances in the people's hearts, and the present discovery 
 
102 The parliament resolve that the Scotch book i. 
 
 of that odious treason, of bringing an army against 
 the parliament, had not made it unsafe for him to 
 deny it. 
 
 That opinion was more confirmed by tlie following 
 actions, since time, and the unconstancy of some lords 
 and gentlemen, had raised him a party ; when that 
 knot, which by law he could not again untie, he endea- 
 voured to cut asunder by the sword ; as was afterwards 
 observed in the parliament's declaration. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Alloivance of money from the English parliament to the Scots. 
 The vast charge of disbanding the tivo armies. The great 
 taxations for that purpose, and the manner of poll-money. 
 The people take a protestation. An act for putting down 
 the high-commission court and the star chamber ; with other 
 occurrences of that time. The queenmother [of Francel de- 
 liarteth from England. The king goeth into Scotland. 
 
 XHE parliament, conceiving themselves somewhat 
 strengthened and secured by that act of continuance, 
 began to fall upon the main business of the kingdom ; 
 but their first desire was to ease themselves of that 
 unsupportable charge of keeping two armies in pay. . 
 It was therefore resolved that both the armies should 
 forthwith be disbanded. 
 
 The earl of Holland was nominated by the king, and 
 well approved of by the parliament, to go down as 
 general, for disbanding of the English. And for the 
 speedy disbursement of so great a sum, which was to 
 be raised out of the poll-money (of which I shall speak 
 anon) and the six subsidies, much plate was appointed, 
 with more than ordinary haste, to be melted and 
 coined. 
 
 The reader will here, perchance, desire to be satis- 
 
CHAP. IX. and English armies shall be disbanded 103 
 
 fied by what means the Scottish army, which the king- 
 in the beginning of the parliament was so desirous 
 to have driven out of the kingdom, and styled rebels, 
 should continue undisbanded till this time. 
 
 The cessation of arms, which was made before to 
 expire about the end of December last, was at that 
 time renewed by the parliament for a month longer; 
 who presently after took it into consideration, that the 
 Scots should be satisfied for all their charges they had 
 been at and losses sustained, since that unhappy war 
 that the king had raised against them. 
 
 In the February following, after a serious debate 
 concerning that business, the necessities of the Scots 
 being well weighed, and their demands considered, it 
 was not only agreed that their ships, taken since that 
 war, should be restored, and 4000/. in ready money 
 given to them to rig those ships, but, for the main of 
 all, it was resolved upou by both houses to give the full 
 sum of 300,000/., in these words expressed, "towards a 
 supply of the losses and necessities of our brethren of 
 Scotland ;" and that the parliament would in due time 
 take into consideration the manner of raising it and 
 [the] days of payment. 
 
 Whereupon the Scottish commissioners, three days 
 after, returned thankfulness to the parliament, not only 
 for that great sum of 300,000/., but for the style of 
 brethren which they had given them. 
 
 And the same week, to continue and further strength- 
 en the amity of both nations, the parliament of England 
 ordained that all books, libels, and proclamations against 
 the Scots should be called in, and a thanksgiving to 
 God should be in all churches through England for the 
 happy conclusion of that peace. 
 
 But before the time came that the parliament, pressed 
 with so many great and weighty affairs, could have leisure 
 
104 The Scotch and the English army are both disbanded. book i. 
 
 to consider and fully determine the times for payment 
 of that great sum to the Scots, (which was not till the 
 19th day of the following June, when it was concluded 
 that they should receive 100,000/. of it at midsummer 
 come twelve months, and the other 200,000/. at mid- 
 summer two years after,) the Scots presented many 
 papers to the house at several times for money to 
 supply the wants of their army, which were friendly 
 entertained and considered by the parliament. For 
 that army was kept long undisbanded ; insomuch as 
 about the end of the following May there was in 
 arrear due to the Scottish army (besides the gift of 
 300,000/.) 120,000/. 
 
 So great a charge was the parliament of England 
 content to be at, rather than suffer the Scots to go, till 
 businesses were better settled ; which gave occasion to 
 many of the clergy, and others not well-affected to [the 
 parliament,] not only in discourse, but [also] in written 
 libels, to tax the parliament, and impute it to them as 
 a crime of too much distrust of the king, and that they 
 kept a foreign army to awe their own prince. 
 
 But certain it is, that since that time, when the fore- 
 named conspiracies began to break out, the houses, not 
 well assured of the king, nor fully trusting the English 
 army, were content that the Scots should not be dis- 
 banded until the others were ; being also doubtful of 
 that Irish army which the king (as is before expressed) 
 had told them he could not disband, for some reasons 
 best known to himself. 
 
 Nor was that army of Scots disbanded till August, 
 at the same time when the English army was by the 
 earl of Holland, appointed general to that purpose. 
 And both the armies quietly departed, conducted to 
 their own homes by order from justices of peace, 
 through the several counties. 
 
CHAP. IX. The high-commission court and starchamber abolished. 105 
 
 To defray so vast a charge as the payment of two 
 great armies, the parliament, besides the grant of six 
 subsidies, imposed a tax seldom or never known, which 
 was that of the poll-money, wherein the whole kingdom 
 were to be personally assessed. Every duke at lOOZ., 
 a marquis at 80^., earls at 60/., viscounts and barons at 
 40/., knights of the bath 30/., other knights 20/., esquires 
 10/., every gentleman dispending TOO/, per annum was 
 seized [or assessed] at 5/., and all others of ability to pay 
 a competent proportion : the meanest head of the 
 whole kingdom was not excused under sixpence. 
 
 This bill of poll-money was offered by the houses to 
 the king, together with two others of great concern- 
 ment, one for putting down the high-commission court, 
 and the other for putting down the starchamber. 
 
 But the king showed some reluctancy in that busi- 
 ness, desiring to pass only that bill of poll-money for 
 the present, and to deliberate about passing of the 
 other two. At which the house of commons, being 
 certified so much by the lords, were not well contented, 
 and voted that his majesty should pass all three or 
 none at all. 
 
 Notwithstanding, the king, upon the 2nd of July, 
 did, accordingly, pass the poll-money, and demurred 
 upon the other two. But, understanding that the mat- 
 ter was so ill taken, and being [loath], upon mature 
 deliberation, to displease the kingdom at that time, he 
 came again upon the following Tuesday, being the 5th 
 of July, and passed the other two, for putting down the 
 high-commission [court] and the starchamber. 
 
 Many of the courtiers and nearest servants about 
 the king were very sorry that his majesty, seeing that 
 he passed those two bills so soon after, had not freely 
 done it at the same time (as was desired) together with 
 the poll-money ; because it might be thought an un- 
 
106 The king publishes a manifesto, ivhich is sent to the emperor book i, 
 
 willingness in him, and that his heart (which was then 
 feared) did not perfectly concur with his people's de- 
 sires ; whereby much of the thanks, which so great a 
 grace, freely and forwardly expressed, might have de- 
 served, did seem in a manner lost. 
 
 The king, therefore, at the passing of those two bills, 
 told them as much, that he could not but be sensible 
 of those reports of discontent which he had heard was 
 taken by some for his not passing them before; and 
 thought it very strange, that two things of so great 
 importance should be expected from him without an 
 allowance of time to consider of them : that he won- 
 dered they could harbour any discontent, if they remem- 
 bered how much he had done this parliament; as, his 
 granting that the judges hereafter should hold their 
 places qtiafn diu se bene gesserint ; bounding the forest- 
 laws ; taking away shipmoney ; establishing the sub- 
 jects' property in tonnage and poundage ; granting the 
 triennial parliament ; free justice against delinquents ; 
 with other things ; concluding graciously, that he would 
 omit nothing which might give them just content. 
 
 And when he had signed the forenamed bills, after 
 a short mention of the journey which he intended 
 speedily to take into Scotland, he propounded to them 
 a thing very acceptable concerning his nephew the 
 prince elector palatine, that he could not but (at the 
 desire of that prince) send an ambassador to assist him 
 at the diet at Ratisbon with the emperor : and, fearing 
 that he should not receive so good an answer as might 
 in justice be expected, he (for the better countenancing 
 that business) intended to publish a manifesto in his 
 own name ; but would not do it but by consent and 
 advice of parliament ; without which he conceived it 
 would be a thing of no validity. 
 
 Which manifesto was afterwards made by the full 
 
CHAP. IX. of Germany. — Character of the queenmother of France. 107 
 
 consent of both houses, and sir Thomas Roe, a member 
 of the house, and a gentleman of great abilities, Avas 
 sent to the emperor at Ratisbon about it ; but without 
 any good success. 
 
 At the same time the queenmother of France, as 
 was before desired by the parliament, was to take her 
 leave of England. The king consented to her depar- 
 ture ; but, money [being] wanting for the provision of 
 her journey, the parliament allotted 10,000/. to her 
 out of the poll-money. This great lady had arrived in 
 England almost three years before, and so long been en- 
 tertained by the king her son-in-law with great respect, 
 and an allowance answerable to support her state, 100/. 
 per diem. 
 
 It was her misfortune (how far her crime I cannot 
 tell) that, during her abode here, the two kingdoms of 
 England and Scotland were embroiled in great trou- 
 bles ; which the people were apt to impute in some 
 measure to her counsels, knowing what power the 
 queen her daughter had with the king. 
 
 Others taxed her not at all, but looked upon other 
 causes, the same counsels, which, long before her ar- 
 rival, had distempered England ; but the people made 
 their judgment upon it from her actions or successes in 
 other places. 
 
 But, however it were, the queen was fearful of the 
 people here, and had not long before desired to have 
 a guard allowed her, pretending fear of her life, by 
 reason of some attempts which she conceived to have 
 been made against her ; upon which a guard was set 
 about her house. 
 
 Her regency in France had not been happy, nor 
 according to the interest of that kingdom; though 
 that, perchance, may be accounted a fault not so par- 
 ticular to her as commonly incident to the regency of 
 
108 The princess Mary is married boom. i. 
 
 queenmothers in that land : insomuch as Thuanus com- 
 mends the saying of Charles the Ninth (a prince whom 
 otherwise he doth not praise) upon his deathbed, That, 
 since he must die at that age, (being four and twenty,) 
 he thanked God he had no son, lest France should fall 
 under a regency, of which he had found the sad effects. 
 His mother was Katharine de Medicis, of the same 
 family with this queen. 
 
 After the time of her regency, her actions had been 
 such, that the king her son would not harbour her in 
 his own kingdom ; nor was she welcome into the terri- 
 tories of her son-in-law the king of Spain. But the 
 people there were no less desirous of her departure 
 than afterward in England. 
 
 Insomuch as she became a strange example of the 
 instability of human fortunes, that so great a queen, 
 and mother to so many mighty princes, should want a 
 quiet harbour for her age. 
 
 Not long after her departure from England she died 
 at CuUeine, and might seem a parallel, in some things, 
 to the [famous] empress of Rome who founded that city, 
 and there planted a Roman colony, Agrippina, [the wife 
 of] Claudius Csesar and [the] mother of Nero. They both 
 had tasted of power, been active in it, but not pleasing 
 to the people. They were both taught that the great- 
 ness of their sons was not so much advantage to their 
 power as they had hoped, and had learned, that all 
 power dependent upon another is of small validity and 
 less stability; as Tacitus observes, speaking of the same 
 Agrippina, Nihil rerum mortalium tarn instabile etjluoaum 
 est, quam fama potentice non sua vi nixce. 
 
 About two months before the departure of this queen, 
 the princess Mary, eldest daughter to the king, not yet 
 ten years of age, was married with great triumph at 
 Whitehall to the young prince of Orange, William ; 
 
CHAP. IX. to the prince of Orange. 109 
 
 bishop Wren, being then dean of the king's chapel, 
 performed the solemnity on Sunday the 2nd of May, 
 1641. 
 
 The marriage had been before debated of in parlia- 
 ment, and consented to ; the king himself, upon the 
 9th of February, having declared to the lords what large 
 propositions the ambassadors of the States had made to 
 him upon that purpose. 
 
 The people in general were pleased with this mar- 
 riage, and glad the king had chosen out [for his son-in- 
 law] a protestant prince, and [one who was also a] servant 
 to a state which had been long confederate with Eng- 
 land, and whose interest carried them the same way, 
 they being [professors of the same religion, and in that 
 kind of discipline to which the greatest part of the par- 
 liament and the people of England were inclined, and 
 to which they hoped (though that hope was not at that 
 time so fully declared as it was afterward) to reform 
 the church of England, as that of Scotland had been 
 reformed to it already.] By this match of the king's 
 own choosing they began to hope that the Spanish fac- 
 tion in court was not now at all prevalent, but that 
 things might hereafter be carried [on] according to the 
 right English way. 
 
 In this hope they were the more confirmed, seeing 
 the parliament go on without any opposition from the 
 king ; no dissension having yet happened, nor [being] 
 likely to happen, as they conceived : for that con- 
 spiracy, of bringing up the army against the parliament, 
 which we touched before, was not yet discovered, nor 
 at all thought of, though, within few days after, it 
 broke out. 
 
 But some there were who suspended their joy, and 
 were not much confident that this marriage would bring 
 happiness to England, unless the king were perfectly 
 
110 Proceedings in the house against bishop Wren. book i. 
 
 right with his people, and wished the same thing [as] 
 they did ; considering [on the] one side the condition of 
 the princeofOrange, and that he might be ambitious of 
 more [power] than was due to him, and for that reason 
 [might] engage himself in a reciprocal way for the king 
 against his people, if occasion served. 
 
 On the other side, they considered the States as poli- 
 ticians of this world, and men who had other interests 
 [in view] than that of religion ; and if dissension should 
 in England happen between prince and people, (which 
 was never but feared in some degree,) miglit be apt to 
 side with the king against the just freedom of the sub- 
 ject ; which must needs depress the strength of Eng- 
 land, and keep it from so much greatness as might 
 eclipse their own, the king of S])ain being now weak, 
 and [they having] no such fear of him as might enforce 
 them to need England's strength, as heretofore. 
 
 But the parliament, about the beginning of this July, 
 were busied in such a multiplicity of affairs, (which by 
 several committees they daily [transacted,]) concerning 
 the reformation of domestical abuses, that it were an 
 endless, and indeed an improper thing for an historian 
 to describe them all. The records [of parliament] will at 
 large satisfy those that are curious in particulars ; only 
 some of the chief I will briefly touch, which happened 
 before the king went into Scotland. 
 
 Upon the 5th of July, 1641, the committee appointed 
 for that purpose made their report to the house of com- 
 mons of the charge against Matthew Wren, bishop of 
 Ely, (whose accusation was before mentioned,) consist- 
 ing of many articles; which all tended to the introducing 
 of sujierstition, and too near approaches to the Roman 
 religion, as those articles will declare. 
 
 After some time spent in debate upon the articles, 
 it was resolved upon the question, and voted, that it 
 
CHAP. IX. Charges brought against several judges. Ill 
 
 was the opinion of the house, that bishop Wren was 
 unworthy and unfit to hold or exercise any oiRce or 
 dignity in church or commonwealth ; and further voted, 
 that there be a message sent to the lords, to desire them 
 to join with the commons in petitioning his majesty to 
 remove the said bishop both from his person and ser- 
 vice. 
 
 About the same time also the charges against those 
 judges before mentioned, who gave their extrajudicial 
 opinions for levying of shipmoney, being five in num- 
 ber, (judge BramstoD, baron Trever, baron Weston, 
 baronDavenport, [and] judge Crawley,) were read in the 
 house of commons, and several members appointed to 
 present those particular charges against every judge ; 
 which they all did, making large speeches in aggrava- 
 tion of their crimes : against judge Berkley there was 
 a higher charge, so great as amounted to high treason. 
 
 The king was now wholly intent upon his journey 
 into Scotland, which he determined to take upon the 
 10th of August, to which both houses had once agreed, 
 but afterwards, upon mature consideration, desired the 
 king to defer it fourteen days longer for divers reasons. 
 
 That the distempers of the kingdom were such as 
 could not well be composed, unless his majesty would 
 stay the desired time, there being many weighty affairs 
 to be taken into consideration, and no course yet set 
 down for the government of the kingdom in his ab- 
 sence. 
 
 The king, notwithstanding their often and earnest 
 pressing this suit, was steadfast to the first day, alleging 
 that the affairs of Scotland did necessarily require his 
 presence there at that time, and that he would pass 
 any thing of just concern before he went, and that he 
 had to the same purpose many times desired them to 
 hasten their [business] for him before such a time. 
 
113 The parliament begin to be less popular, book i. 
 
 The king accordingly, upon tlie 10th of August, de- 
 parted out of London toward Scotland ; but the same 
 day, before he took his journey, coming to the lords' 
 house, he passed divers bills which the houses had pre- 
 pared for him; some concerning the public, (as, the bill 
 for knighthood, the bill for free making of gunpowder 
 and saltpetre,) and others concerning the estates and 
 affairs of private men. 
 
 He likewise signed the commission for passing of 
 bills in his absence : the commissioners appointed were, 
 the lord keeper, the lord privy-seal, the earl of Lindsey, 
 the earl of Essex, marquis Hartford, the earl of Bath, 
 and the earl of Dorset. 
 
 He signed them also another bill, whereby he made 
 the earl of Essex general of all his forces on this side 
 Trent, by which he had power to raise forces in case of 
 necessity. 
 
 But to another request, which both houses had made 
 to him the day before, which was, that the earl of 
 Pembroke might be made lord steward, in the earl of 
 Arundel's place, during his absence, (for the earl of 
 Arundel was then going over with the queenmother,) 
 and that the earl of Salisbury might be appointed lord 
 treasurer, he said he would take further time to con- 
 sider of it. 
 
 By this time many jealousies began to arise in the 
 hearts of the people, many divisions, and differences of 
 opinions concerning the parliament ; which (being by 
 degrees fomented by such persons as were disaffected 
 to it, by reason of their own losses and particular in- 
 terests ; whose number could not be small) did fatally 
 prepare the way to that miserable confusion which after 
 followed. 
 
 Bishops had been much lifted at, though not yet 
 taken away ; whereby a great party, whose livelihood 
 
CHAP. IX. tlie causes of this change. 113 
 
 and fortunes depended on them, and far more whose 
 hopes of preferment looked that way ; most of the 
 clergy, and both the universities, began to be daily 
 more disaffected to the parliament ; complaining that 
 all rewards of learning would be taken away ; which 
 wrought deeply in the hearts of the young and most 
 ambitious of that coat. 
 
 Another thing, which seemed to trouble some who 
 were not bad men, was that extreme license which the 
 common people, almost from the very beginning of the 
 parliament, took to themselves, of reforming, without 
 authority, order, or decency ; rudely disturbing church 
 service whilst the Common Prayer was reading ; tear- 
 ing those books, surplices, and such things : which the 
 parliament (either too much busied in variety of af- 
 fairs, or, perchance, too much fearing the loss of a con- 
 siderable party, whom they might have need of against 
 a real and potent enemy) did not so far restrain as was 
 expected or desired by those men. 
 
 To this were added those daily reports of ridiculous 
 conventicles, and preachings made by tradesmen and 
 illiterate people of the lowest rank, to the scandal and 
 offence of many : which some in a merry way would 
 put off, considering the precedent times, that these 
 tradesmen did but take up that which prelates and 
 the great doctors had let fall, preaching the gospel ; 
 that it was but a reciprocal invasion of each other's 
 callings, that chandlers, salters, weavers, and such like, 
 preached, when the archbishop himself, instead of 
 preaching, was daily busied in projects about leather, 
 salt, soap, and such commodities as belonged to those 
 tradesmen. 
 
 Many people by degrees grew disaffected to the 
 parliament, being daily poisoned by the discourses of 
 the friends, kindred, and retainers to so many great 
 
 MAY. I 
 
114 The parliament less popular ■ book i. 
 
 delinquents, as must needs fear such a parliament ; 
 who, though they be no considerable party in respect 
 of the whole commonwealth, yet plied their particular 
 interests with more eagerness than most do the public. 
 
 Some are taken off by time and their own incon- 
 stancy, when they have looked for quicker redress of 
 grievances than the great concurrence of so many 
 weighty businesses (in a long discontinued and reform- 
 ing parliament) can possibly admit, how industrious so- 
 ever they be, distracted with so great a variety. Those 
 people, after some time spent, grew weary again of 
 what before they had so long wished to see ; not con- 
 sidering that a prince, if he be averse from such a 
 parliament, can find power enough to retard their pro- 
 ceedings and keep off for a long time the cure of state. 
 When that happens, the people, tired with expectation 
 of such a cure, do usually, by degrees, forget the 
 sharpness of those diseases which before required it ; 
 or else, in the redressing of many and long disorders, 
 and to secure them for the future, there being for the 
 most part a necessity of laying heavy taxes, and drain- 
 ing of much money from the people, they grow ex- 
 tremely sensible of that present smart, feeling more 
 pain by the cure for a time than they did by the 
 lingering disease before, not considering that the causes 
 of all which they now endure were precedent, and their 
 present suffering is for their future security. 
 
 It was the general opinion of all gentlemen at that 
 time, that a parliament, so much and long desired as 
 this was after so great and constant a violation of 
 the laws and liberties of England in the king's former 
 government, could scarce, in possibility, ever grow into 
 the dislike of the people, or at least so great a part 
 of the people as might be able (which within one 
 year, was after seen) to make a war against it, and en- 
 
CHAP. IX. the causes of this change. 115 
 
 danger the utter ruin and subversion of it. But I have 
 spoken before of some causes vchich might seem strong- 
 enough to engage a part of the people against parlia- 
 ment, whose particular interests and livelihoods were 
 nearly touched. How far any proceeding might dis- 
 taste others, who were uninterested in their private 
 fortunes or callings, I cannot tell any certain reason : 
 but I remember within the compass of a year after, 
 (when this civil war began to break out over all the 
 kingdom, and men in all companies began to vent 
 their opinions in an argumentative way, either opposing 
 or defending the parliament cause ; and treatises were 
 printed on both sides,) many gentlemen who forsook 
 the parliament were very bitter against it for the pro- 
 ceedings in religion, in countenancing, or not suppress- 
 ing, the rudeness of people in churches, (which I related 
 before,) acting those things which seemed to be against 
 the discipline of the English church, and might in- 
 troduce all kinds of sects and schisms. Neither did 
 those of the parliament side agree in opinions concern- 
 ing that point : some said, it was wisely done of the 
 parliament not to proceed against any such persons, 
 for fear of losing a considerable party, as is said be- 
 fore ; others thought and said, that, by so doing, they 
 would lose a far more considerable party of gentlemen 
 than could be gained of the other sort. They also 
 aflSrmed, that, laws and liberties having been so much 
 violated by the king, if the parliament had not so 
 far drawn religion also into their cause, it might have 
 sped better; for the parliament frequently at that 
 time, in all their expressions, whensoever they charg- 
 ed the corrupt statesmen of injustice and tyranny, 
 would put popery, or a suspicion of it, into the first 
 place against them. I remember, when the war was 
 begun, among those little treatises, which were then 
 
 I 2 
 
116 A treatise upon the unpopularity of parliament. booki. 
 
 published, (as many there were without any names to 
 them,) I found one, in which the case is thus expressed, 
 to recite the words of it : 
 
 Perchance, saith he, too much insisting upon religion, and 
 taxing the king for affecting popery, hath, hy accident, weak- 
 ened the parliament, and hrought parties to the king. It may 
 seem a great paradox that the best and only necessary of all 
 things, religion, being added into the scale of laws and liber- 
 ties, should make the scale lighter than before. Neither can 
 it be true but by accident ; as thus : the strange intercourse 
 betwixt Rome and the English court ; the king's own letters 
 to the pope; his favouring of priests, and such things; though 
 they may give a state just cause of suspicion, that their reh- 
 gion is undermining : yet, because it cannot be so absolutely 
 proved to the sight of all the people that the king favoured 
 popery, as that he violated the laws and liberties of the king- 
 dom ; (which latter was visible to all •) the former, concern- 
 ing religion, remains ; in the people's veason, as a controverted 
 question, (the king still protesting for religion,) and the dis- 
 putes about that, amusing the people, make them by degrees 
 forget that crime of the king's which was without controversy 
 and evident, the violation of laws and liberties : and more 
 than so; for some, supposing that the parliament unjustly 
 taxed him in religion, did in time beheve that he was not 
 so guilty of the other as they would make him : which I 
 have heard some of late maintain. From whence may follow 
 a strange conclusion ; that the king's dealing so much with 
 Rome, to the disadvantage of the protestant rehgion, should 
 now turn to his own advantage in a protestant kingdom. And 
 we may make this as paradoxical a supposition, that if the 
 king had never done any thing prejudicial to the protestant 
 religion he would have found fewer protestants this parlia- 
 ment to take his part. For then, there being no dispute at 
 all about religion, the crimes of his state misgovernment 
 had plainly and inexcusably appeared to all; as we have 
 seen that some of our former kings, for the like violation 
 of laws and hberties, when there was but one rehgion, 
 and therefore no dispute about it, have been heavily censured 
 in parhament, no man appearing in their justification. And 
 
CHAP. IX. A protestation in support of the privileges. 117 
 
 why should not a parliament think that such things are 
 cause enough to be stood upon, and to justify their quarrel 
 before God? as if the Almighty did not abhor injustice^ oppres- 
 sion, tyranny, and the like, in any kingdom, unless the pro- 
 fession of religion were also depraved. Nay, he abhorreth it 
 more in that place where the purest profession of religion is. 
 Besides, that frequent naming of religion, as if it were the 
 only quarrel, hath caused a great mistake of the question; in 
 some, by reason of ignorance ; in others, of subtlety, whilst 
 they wilfally mistake, to abuse the parliament's cause, writing 
 whole volumes in a wrong stated case ; as, instead of dis- 
 puting " whether the parliament of England lawfully as- 
 sembled, where the king virtually is, may by arms defend 
 the religion established by the same power, together with the 
 laws and liberties of the nation, against delinquents, detain- 
 ing with them the king's seduced person?" they make it 
 the question, " whether subjects, taken in a general notion, 
 may make war against their king for religion's sake ?" 
 
 Such was the sense of many gentlemen at that time 
 which adhered to the parliament. But to proceed in 
 the narration. 
 
 The parliament had been of late sensible of the loss 
 of some from them, and (having detected divers con- 
 spiracies and machinations of disaffected people against 
 them, and fearing more) had, in May last, framed a 
 protestation, which was solemnly taken by all the mem- 
 bers of both houses, and sent through England to 
 be taken by the people : the form of it was in these 
 words : 
 
 I, A. B., in the presence of Almighty God, promise, vow, 
 and protest to maintain and defend, as far as lawfully I may, 
 with my hfe, power, and estate, the true reformed protestant 
 religion, expressed in the doctrine of the church of England, 
 against all popery and popish innovations within this realm, 
 contrary to the said doctrine ; and according to the duty of 
 my allegiance, I wUl maintain and defend his majesty's royal 
 person, honour, and estate, as also the power and privilege of 
 parliaments, the lawful rights and liberties of the subjects. 
 
118 Changes in the great officers of the kingdom, book i. ch. ix. 
 
 and every person that shall make this protestation, in what- 
 soever he shall do in the lawful pursuance of the same ; and 
 to my power, as far as lawfully I may, I will oppose, and, by 
 all good ways and means, endeavour to bring condign punish- 
 ment on all such as shall, by force, practice, counsels, plots, 
 conspiracies, or otherwise, do any thing to the contrary in this 
 present protestation contained : and further, that I shall, in 
 all just and honourable ways, endeavour to preserve the union 
 and peace betwixt the three kingdoms of England, Scotland, 
 and Ireland, and neither for hope, fear, or any other respects, 
 shall relinquish this promise, vow, and protestation. 
 
 It were not amiss in this place briefly to mention 
 some alterations which had been made before the time 
 that the king took his journey into Scotland, (though 
 they were not done immediately about that time, but 
 some weeks or months before,) because they concern 
 some noblemen of whom we shall have occasion here- 
 after to make mention in the course of this history. 
 
 The lord Cottington, upon the 17th of May 1641, 
 had resigned his place, master of the wards, the lord 
 viscount Say and Seal succeeded him in that office. 
 
 Within few days after, the lord-treasurer, Dr. Juxon, 
 bishop of London, resigned his staff, and the office was 
 committed to five commissioners. About that time 
 the earl of Leicester, lately come from being ambassa- 
 dor in France, was by the king made lord lieutenant 
 of Ireland. The earl of Newcastle was removed from 
 being governor to the prince, and the marquis of 
 Hartford appointed in his room. 
 
BOOK II. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 A standing committee during the recess of both houses of par- 
 liament. The rebellion of the Irish, and massacre of the 
 protestants there. Some endeavours of the English parlia- 
 ment for relief of that kingdom. 
 
 -L HE business of England, by this absence of the king, 
 was at a great stand. In such a concurrence of high 
 affairs, and so great an expectation to find redress of 
 pressing grievances, nothing was so irksome to the peo- 
 ple as delay. To retard the cure was little better than 
 to destroy. And the sequel, within a short time, proved 
 worse than the wisest men could imagine or the most 
 jealous possibly suspect, though jealousies and fears 
 were then grown to a great height, and the parliament 
 of England less than ever assured of the king's real 
 affection to them. Nothing of state was transacted 
 in parliament during the king's absence. Some debates 
 there were only about church service and alterations to 
 be made in the Book of Common Prayer ; in which, 
 notwithstanding, nothing was concluded. One busi- 
 ness only came to be discussed ; of which the king 
 himself gave occasion ; who, within few days after 
 his arrival in Scotland, signified by a letter to the 
 lords that he was engaged to the Spaniard by promise 
 to let him have four thousand soldiers out of that 
 lately disbanded Irish army which the earl of Strafford 
 had before raised; his desire was to make good his 
 promise by consent of parliament. But the house of 
 
120 The king proposes to enlist soldiers for the king of Spain, book ii. 
 
 commons (whom the lords had invited to a conference 
 for that purpose) would not consent that any Irish 
 should go to assist the Spaniard. Some reasons were 
 then given ; but more particular cause was showed 
 about ten days after, when a second letter came from 
 the king, in which his majesty declared that the Spanish 
 ambassador claimed his promise, from which in honour 
 he could not recede. Notwithstanding, since he had 
 found that ambassador so reasonable, as that he was 
 content to accept of two thousand, he hoped the par- 
 liament would not deny that. The house took it into 
 consideration ; and within two days the lord of Falkland, 
 a member of the house of commons, at a conference 
 delivered to the lords, gave reasons, in the name of that 
 house, why it was very unfit to grant the king's desire, 
 because the Spaniard was not only an ally and con- 
 federate, but an assistant to the emperor against the 
 prince elector his majesty's nephew, who, by the power 
 and oppression of that emperor, had been long deprived 
 of his inheritance : and at this time, when the king had 
 published a manifesto in behalf of his nephew, and to 
 that purpose sent an ambassador to the diet of Ratisbone, 
 it would seem a contradiction in the king to assist the 
 enemies of the said prince elector, and a drawing of his 
 own sword against himself: besides the great prejudice 
 it must needs bring to the protestant cause, which this 
 present parliament so much intended and laboured to 
 promote. Upon these reasons it was thought fit not 
 to consent to the king's desire in that point. And im- 
 mediately the two houses of parliament adjourned 
 themselves from that day, being the 8th of September, 
 till the 20th of October, and appointed a standing com- 
 mittee of fifty members during that recess. 
 
 Before the access and meeting again of the parlia- 
 ment, letters came from the English committee in 
 
CHAP. I. Plot against the marquis Hamilton and others. 121 
 
 Scotland, and were read before that standing committee 
 of Westminster, importing the discovery of a treason- 
 able plot against the lives of marquis Hamilton and 
 others, the greatest peers of Scotland ; the conspiriators 
 being the earl of Crayford and some others. How it 
 was discovered, or how prevented, or whether the king 
 had any privity to it, (though one of that country have 
 since written very plainly, charging the king with it,) 
 because the state of Scotland were very silent in it, 
 the parliament of England took the less notice of it : 
 only the standing committee, for avoiding the like 
 attempts at London, and fearing that such might flow 
 from the same spring, appointed strong guards to be 
 placed in many parts of the city, till further directions 
 might be given from the two houses at their access. 
 The malignancy which at that time began to appear in 
 people of that condition and quality which we before 
 mentioned, and was not only expressed in usual dis- 
 course among their companions, but vented in scurril- 
 ous and bitter libels against those lords and commons 
 who were generally reputed the most sedulous for the 
 commonwealth, was cause sufficient to increase the 
 fears and jealousies of the parliament. 
 
 But that fatal fire, which so sadly wasted the three 
 kingdoms, broke out there where it was least feared, 
 and those that seemed most secure were the first 
 sufferers. About the end of October 1641, during 
 the king's abode in Scotland, the most barbarous and 
 bloody rebellion that ever any age or nation were guilty 
 of, broke out in Ireland. The atrocity of it is without 
 a parallel ; and as full of wonder was the close carriage 
 of so black and far reaching a design. The innocent 
 protestauts were upon a sudden disseized of their 
 estates, and the persons of above two hundred thou- 
 
123 Barbarous massacre of the protestants in Ireland. book ii. 
 
 sand, men, women, and children, murdered, many of 
 them with exquisite and unheard-of tortures, within 
 the space of one month. 
 
 That which increased the amazement of most men 
 was the consideration, that the ancient hatred which 
 the Irish (a thing incident to conquered nations) had 
 borne to the English did now seem to be quite buried 
 and forgotten : forty years of peace had compacted 
 those two nations into one body, and cemented them 
 together by all conjunctures of alliance, intermarriages, 
 and consanguinity, which was in outward appearance 
 strengthened by frequent entertainments, and all kinds 
 of friendly neighbourhood. There seemed in many 
 places a mutual transmigration (as was observed by a 
 noble gentlemana, whose place in that kingdom gave 
 him means to know it, out of whose faithful relation of 
 that rebellion and massacre I have partly collected 
 my discourse of it) into each other's manners. Many 
 English strangely degenerating into the Irish manners 
 and customs, and many Irish, especially of the better 
 sort, having taken up the English language, apparel, 
 and decency of living in their private houses. The 
 present government was full of lenity and moderation, 
 and some redress of former grievances had then been 
 newly granted by the king to his Irish subjects. The 
 same gentleman, in his history of the Irish rebellion, 
 (where the reader may more fully inform himself of 
 particulars,) affirms, that he could never hear of any one 
 Englishman that received any certain notice of this 
 conspiracy, till that very evening before which it was 
 to be put in execution. Some intimations had been 
 given by sir William Cole, in a letter to the lords 
 justices, sir William Parsons and sir John Burlace, 
 
 » Sir John Temple. 
 
:hap. I. The castle of Dublin is saved from the rebels. 133 
 
 with the rest of the council, concerning dangerous re- 
 sorts and meetings of some persons who were judged 
 fit instruments for such a mischief. 
 
 This horrid plot, contrived with so much secrecy, was 
 to take effect upon the 23rd of October. The castle 
 of Dublin, the chief strength of that kingdom, and 
 principal magazine of the king's arms and ammunition, 
 (where all those arms which were taken from the late 
 disbanded Irish army, and others, which the earl of 
 Strafford had provided, were deposited,) was to be seized 
 by nine of the clock that day by the rebels ; to which 
 purpose many of the Irish gentry of great quality, were, 
 the night before, come to Dublin, to be in readiness for 
 the performing of that exploit. It was further agreed 
 among those conspirators, that, upon the same day, all 
 other his majesty's forts and magazines of arms and 
 ammunition in that kingdom should be surprised, and 
 all protestants and English, that would not join with 
 them, should be cut off. But it pleased God to prevent 
 the seizure of that castle, and so to save the kingdom 
 from being wholly lost in one day ; and that by a 
 means strange and unexpected. Hugh Mac Mahon, 
 esquire, grandson to the famous rebel Tyrone, a gentle- 
 man of a plentiful fortune in the county of Monagan, 
 and one that had served in arms under the king of 
 Spain as lieutenant-colonel, a principal agent in this 
 rebellion, and coming with others (as aforesaid) into 
 Dublin the day before that great design was to be put 
 in execution, being the 22nd of October, admitted into 
 his company at a tavern in that city one Owen Conally, 
 of Irish extract, but a protestant, and servant to sir 
 John Clotworthy, a member of the English parliament. 
 To this Owen he revealed so much, as they were drink- 
 ing, that the honest man, escaping from him, (though 
 not without great danger to himself, at the present,) 
 
124 A proclamation against the Irish rebels. bookii. 
 
 informed the lord justice Parsons, that night, about nine 
 of the clock, of a dangerous design upon the whole 
 kingdom ; which being taken into present considera- 
 tion, Mac Mahon was apprehended, and, after his ex- 
 amination, the lord Maquire also, another principal 
 actor ; who were both committed to close custody, and 
 the castle secured with all diligence. But many con- 
 spirators of great note escaped that night out of Dublin, 
 as Birne, More, Plunket, and others. 
 
 The lords of the council, amazed at the discovery of 
 so horrid a treason, did notwithstanding endeavour 
 (since there was no prevention ; for Mac Mahon had 
 plainly told them, when he was examined, that by that 
 time all the counties of Ireland were risen) to use the 
 best remedies to that desperate disease, and hoping 
 that perchance the news how the plot for seizing of 
 Dublin-castle was disappointed might somewhat dis- 
 hearten the conspirators in remote parts, and encourage 
 the good subjects with more confidence to stand upon 
 their guard, issued forth a proclamation presently, and, 
 by careful messengers, spread it into as many parts of 
 the kingdom as they could. The effect of which pro- 
 clamation was, to signify the discovery of the treason, 
 and exhort all men to their duty in suppressing of it. 
 
 But the general design was past prevention; and that 
 very day came in some poor English protestants, and 
 others in a short time, every day, and almost every 
 hour; showing how they had been robbed, their houses 
 surprised by the rebels, whose outrage daily increased 
 in rapine and murdering, and firing towns and villages 
 in divers counties. To oppose therefore the growth 
 of that desperate malady, the lords justices (despatching 
 letters to the king in Scotland and the earl of Leicester, 
 lately made lieutenant of Ireland by the king, and yet 
 resident at London, of their lamentable condition) 
 
:hap. I. The Irish rebellion first breaks out in Ulster. 125 
 
 examined with all diligence how they were provided 
 for such a war. They found in Dublin stores, arms 
 for ten thousand, with artillery, powder, match, and 
 lead proportionable, laid in by the late earl of Straiford ; 
 though designed by him another way, yet reserved, by 
 God's providence, for this service. But the officers and 
 soldiers of the old standing army were so much dis- 
 persed into remote places of the kingdom, for the 
 guard of other forts, that there was scarce any possibi- 
 lity of drawing a considerable company together to de- 
 fend Dublin, or make head against the rebels in the 
 north. The greatest mischief to the state and advan- 
 tage to the rebels, was, that there was no money in the 
 exchequer; besides, the king's revenues, and rents of 
 English gentlemen due for that half year, were either 
 in tenants' or collectors' hands in the country, and must 
 unavoidably fall into the rebels' power; so that, although 
 their disease were present, the only means of cure was 
 remote, which was a dependance upon some supplies 
 from the parliament of England. 
 
 Upon the very day designed for surprisal of the 
 castle at Dublin, the 23rd of October, the northern 
 rebels broke out in the province of Ulster, and in few 
 days got possession of so many towns, forts, and gentle- 
 men's houses, within the counties of that province, as 
 might seem almost incredible, if we consider only the 
 chief actors, men of no great skill in martial affairs, or 
 any policy: such as sir Pbelim O'Neal, and his brother, 
 with the rest ; and not rather (which indeed was the 
 true reason) the general engagements of the Irish, 
 and their deep dissimulation, concurring with the great 
 credulity of the English, upon the causes aforementioned, 
 of so long intermixed cohabitation and friendly rela- 
 tions betwixt them. Both these were the causes which 
 afterward increased the massacre of the English, who. 
 
126 Treachery and a-uelty of the Irish rebels. book ii 
 
 when the fire brake out, implored the friendship of 
 their Irish neighbours, landlords, or tenants ; commit- 
 ting into their hands and protection their treasure, wives, 
 and children, with all that was dear unto them, in hope 
 that former friendship might prevail. But they gene- 
 rally either betrayed them into the power of other 
 rebels, or perfidiously and cruelly murdered them with 
 their own hands : which extreme falsehood and cruelty 
 in the Irish was thought to be much increased by the 
 charmings of their priests, who told them, that it was a 
 mortal sin to protect or relieve any of the English. 
 
 That intermixture of the nations did also, at this sad 
 time, make the English less able to defend themselves 
 than if they had lived singly by parties of their own. 
 For where the English were able to make any head, 
 or stand upon their guard, (though in such an amaze- 
 ment and sudden surprisal,) they defended themselves 
 beyond belief, till the Irish (principled by their priests) 
 offered them fair quarter ; with assurance of lives and 
 goods, safe -conduct, and free passage to what places 
 they pleased ; confirming such covenants with deep 
 oaths and protestations, and sometimes their hands 
 and seals. But when they had the deceived English 
 in their power, the soldiers spoiled, stripped, and 
 murdered them at their pleasure. So were many 
 served ; as, at Armagh, by sir Phelim O'Neal and his 
 brother ; at Belterbert, by Philip O'Relley; at Long- 
 ford, Tullough, and other castles in the county of Fer- 
 managh, by other of those rebels. But if the English 
 (who stood to defend their private houses, and so were 
 the more easily cut off) could have deserted their habi- 
 tations at the first rising, and joined themselves into 
 bodies, they might happily have made a better resist- 
 ance. Whilst these inhuman cruelties and massacres 
 were acting in miserable Ireland, and daily spreading 
 
DHAP. I. Proceeding of the parliament against the Irish rebellion. 137 
 
 themselves in every part of that kingdom, many coun- 
 ties in several provinces declaring themselves, and 
 following the barbarous example of those in Ulster, 
 the sad nevps vpas brought to the parliament of Eng- 
 land. 
 
 The first letters, which before were mentioned, sent 
 from the lords justices upon the 215th of October, were 
 carried and delivered at London on the last day of 
 that month by Owen O'Conally, the happy discoverer 
 of the first plot ; with a full information of all par- 
 ticulars within his knowledge ; which by the lords, who 
 were first acquainted with it, was delivered at a con- 
 ference to the house of commons ; who presently or- 
 dered, that the house forthwith should be resolved into a 
 committee, to consider the matter offered concerning the 
 rebellion in Ireland, as likewise to provide for the safety 
 of England. By which committee it was agreed that 
 50,000^. should presently be provided ; and that the 
 loan of it should be entreated from the city of Loudon 
 upon public security. 2. That a select committee 
 of both houses be named to consider the affairs of 
 Ireland. 3. That Owen O'Conally, who discovered this 
 great treason, should have 500^. presently paid him, and 
 200/. per annum pension, till provision in land of a 
 greater value be made for him. 4. That papists of 
 quality be secured in their several counties within 
 England. 5. That no persons whatsoever, except those 
 who are merchants, shall be admitted to go over into 
 Ireland, without certificate from the committee of both 
 houses appointed for the affairs of Ireland. 
 
 These things were reported to both houses, and will- 
 ingly assented to, within two days after the discovery 
 first made unto them of that rebellion. And (notwith- 
 standing those present distractions in England, which 
 began then to appear) part of every day during that 
 
128 Proceedings of the English parliament, book ii 
 
 November was allotted to the consideration of Ire- 
 land. Within four days after the beginning of which 
 month, they ordered many particulars of great import 
 for the relief of it, consisting of supplies of money, 
 magazines of victuals, ammunition of all sorts, courses 
 to be taken for raising forces for the occasions of that 
 kingdom ; and shipping for guard of their sea-coasts ; 
 as more particularly appeareth in the records of parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 Whilst the English parliament were thus ordering 
 the aflairs of bleeding Ireland, other letters from the 
 lords justices, bearing date the 5th of November, were 
 brought, and communicated to both houses. Who, in 
 earnest zeal to the promotion of that business, voted 
 200,000/. to be raised for suppressing the Irish rebellion, 
 securing England, and payment of the public debts. For 
 which the city of London must of necessity be made 
 use of (collections through the kingdom being too slow 
 for such an urgency). And to encourage the city in it, 
 an order was made to secure them for moneys formerly 
 lent, and to allow them the full interest of eight per cent, 
 for all together. 
 
 Whilst the English parliament were thus busied 
 about the relief of Ireland, the horrid rebellion with 
 a swift motion ran throughout that unhappy kingdom, 
 many counties daily joining with them ; and divers 
 lords and gentlemen, who for many days had lived un- 
 suspected in Dublin, went into the country to side with 
 the rebels, and act their parts in those inhuman outrages: 
 the lords justices and privy-council were enough trou- 
 bled to secure Dublin, to victual the castle, and prepare 
 defence against those dangers which threatened the city, 
 and were made much more by the fears of spoiled people 
 resorting thither. 
 
 But the care of the privy-council extended further 
 
CHAP. I. The papists break their solemn protestations. 129 
 
 (notwithstanding the troubles there) than to the city of 
 Dublin ; and having a magazine of arms within the 
 castle, resolved so to dispose of them as that resist- 
 ance might be made against the rebels in other parts. 
 Some arms were happily disposed to such gentlemen 
 (sir Henry Tichborne, sir Charles Coote, and others, of 
 whom more hereafter) as to their lasting honour did 
 excellent service. But another part were worse than 
 lost, those which were distributed to the lords and gen- 
 tlemen of the English pale, who afterwards declared 
 themselves for the rebels, and used the arms to the 
 destruction of those who put them into their hands. 
 That English pale is a large circuit of land possessed at 
 the first conquest of Ireland by the English, and ever 
 since inhabited by them, containing divers counties, as 
 Dublin, Meath, Lowth, Kildare, &c. 
 
 The lords of the council thought fit to trust those 
 lords and gentlemen of the pale both with commissions 
 and arms, (though many of them professed papists,) 
 hoping that this great confidence would work so far 
 upon their heai'ts, (if any truth or loyalty were left 
 there,) as to keep them, at least, from joining with the 
 enemy ; but, if they were honest, would enable them 
 to oppose the threatening incursions of the northern 
 rebels. This great trust the council were more encou- 
 raged to repose in these perfidious lords and gentlemen 
 of the pale, because themselves had appeared at Dublin 
 of their own accords, professing truth and loyalty, with 
 deep and solemn protestations, and that they were most 
 forward and ready to concur with their lordships in that 
 service. 
 
 But so great an affliction was to fall upon unhappy 
 Ireland, that all those lords that were papists, after they 
 had received commissions and arms, notwithstanding 
 
 MAY. K 
 
130 The papists break their solemn protestations. book ii 
 
 all their deep vows, did most perfidiously, soon after, 
 desert their houses, and openly declare themselves in 
 actual rebellion ; such as were viscount Mongannet, 
 Gormanston, and Costeloe, Dillon, Birne, Beller, Talbot, 
 and many others. 
 
 The condition of Dublin was more lamentable every 
 day than other ; and not so much afflicted were they 
 with fears and dangers which threatened themselves, 
 as that extreme sorrow, which compassion must needs 
 work in them, toward all the suffering English which 
 resorted thither. Dublin was the sanctuary of all the 
 despoiled protestants, and by that means the sad stage 
 upon which all horror was represented ; and what mis- 
 chiefs soever were acted in other parts were there dis- 
 covered and lamented. Their eyes were sad witnesses 
 of the rebels' cruelty, in those despoiled English which 
 daily resorted to the city ; but their ears much more 
 afflicted with relation of those horrid tortures which 
 had been used to those who died in other parts. 
 Their eyes could not but extremely suffer from such 
 wretched spectacles as daily from all parts presented 
 themselves ; people of all conditions and qualities, of 
 every age and sex, spoiled and stripped, with no co- 
 verings, but rags or twisted straw, to hide their pri- 
 vities ; some wounded almost to death, others frozen 
 with cold; some tired with travel, and so surbated that 
 they came creeping on their knees; others famished 
 beyond all relief. And, besides the miseries of their 
 bodies, their minds tortured with the loss of all their 
 fortunes, and sad remembrance of their husbands, wives, 
 or children, most barbarously murdered before their 
 faces. In this most lamentable plight, with wasted 
 bodies and distracted minds, did they arrive at Dublin ; 
 some to be relieved, some entombed, (which was more 
 
CHAP. I. Horrid acts of cruelty committed by the Irish rebels. 131 
 
 than their murdered friends could obtain from the 
 rebels,) insomuch as they appeared like walking ghosts 
 in every street; and all the barns, stables, and outhouses 
 were filled with them ; where they soon died, after 
 they had recovered the city, in so great numbers, that 
 all the churchyards of Dublin could not contain them : 
 but the lords were enforced to take in large pieces of 
 ground on both sides of the river, to set apart for bury- 
 ingplaces. 
 
 But that part of this woful tragedy which was pre- 
 sented to their eyes was the least, and but the shadow 
 of that other, which was related to their ears ; of which 
 the readers and all posterity may share the sorrow. 
 Many hundreds of those which had escaped, under 
 their oaths, lawfully taken upon examination, and re- 
 corded with all particulars, (as may be seen at large in 
 the records,) deliver to the council what horrid mas- 
 sacres the bloody villains had made of men, women, 
 and children ; and what cruel inventions they had 
 to torture those whom they murdered ; scarce to be 
 equalized by any the most black and baleful story of 
 any age. 
 
 Many thousands of them at several places, (too many 
 to be here inserted,) after all despites exercised upon 
 them living, put to the worst of deaths ; some, burned 
 on set purpose; others, drowned for sport and pastime; 
 and, if they swam, kept from landing with poles, or shot 
 and murdered in the water ; many were buried quick ; 
 and some set into the earth breast high, and there left 
 to famish. But most barbarous (as appears, in very 
 many examinations) was that cruelty which was showed 
 to great-bellied women ; whom the villains were not 
 content to murder, but ripped up their bellies, and 
 many times took delight to see the hogs eat the abor- 
 
 K 2 
 
132 The earl of Ormond is made lieutenant-general book i 
 
 tive infants. But I am loath to dwell upon so sad a 
 narration. 
 
 The greatest part of these inhuman cruelties were 
 acted by the Irish upon the poor unarmed Britons 
 before any provocation given unto them, and the blood 
 of so many thousand innocent persons sacrificed to 
 their mere malice, as many afterwards were sacrificed 
 to their revenge ; as, whensoever the Irish received 
 any blow from the English forces, the English pro- 
 testants that lived among them were murdered in 
 great numbers. 
 
 By this time the lords of the council had armed as 
 many as they were able, and given commissions for 
 raising of several regiments, which were put into the 
 hands (for the most part) of gallant men, as their 
 actions after testified to the world. Sir Charles Coote, 
 an active and valiant man, (who was also made governor 
 of Dublin,) with great speed made up his regiment out 
 of the poor, robbed, and stripped English, which bad 
 fled to Dublin ; sir Henry Tichborne, a worthy com- 
 mander, was despatched away with a regiment of foot, 
 to keep Tredagh from the approaching rebels : the lord 
 Lambert also, sir Thomas Lucas, captain Armstrong, 
 captain Yarner, with others, raised, by commissions, sol- 
 diers there. 
 
 This was done about the middle of November; at 
 which time also the earl of Ormond, with his well armed 
 troop of horse, came to Dublin ; where, within few 
 days after, he was, by a commission sent from the earl 
 of Leicester, lord lieutenant of Ireland, (as likewise 
 by the king's approbation from Scotland, signified in 
 a letter,) made lieutenant-general of all the forces 
 there. 
 
 For the earl of Leicester at that time was not enabled 
 
CHAP. n. of the forces in Ireland. 133 
 
 so far witli necessaries for the service of Ireland as to 
 repair thither in person. 
 
 The earl also sent over to the lords at Dublin (toge- 
 ther with an order of the lords and commons of the 
 parliament of England) comfortable letters in this time 
 of distress, to let them knoM^ that the king had referred 
 the vphole business of Ireland to the parliament of Eng- 
 land; who had undertaken the charge and management 
 of the war, had declared a speedy and vigorous assist- 
 ance, had designed for their present supplies the sum of 
 50,000?., and taken order for all further provisions 
 necessary. 
 
 But, that they might not be altogether destitute of 
 real comfort, the parliament of England sent them over 
 at the same time 20,000/., which arrived most season- 
 ably at Dublin (their treasure beginning utterly to fail) 
 for paying those new companies which they had raised. 
 
 About the end of November, the lords justices and 
 council of Ireland, considering the miserable desolations 
 brought upon that whole kingdom, and what miseries 
 were further threatened, commanded by proclamation 
 a public and religious fast to be weekly observed upon 
 Friday in the city of Dublin, to implore the mercy and 
 assistance of Almighty God, and divert his heavy indig- 
 nation from them. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The king returneth out of Scotland, and is pompously enter- 
 tained by the city of London. The Remonstrance is published 
 hy the parliament. The king entereth into the house of com- 
 mons. The protestation of the twelve bishops ; and how it 
 was censured by the lords and commons. Divers unhappy 
 obstructions of the relief of Ireland. 
 
 JdUT, to leave Ireland struggling against her sad and 
 woful calamities, and return again to the affairs of 
 
134 The English house of commons book h. 
 
 England; at that same time, about the end of Novem- 
 ber, 1641, the king, returned from Scotland, was by the 
 city of London entertained, feasted, and conducted 
 to his palace at Whitehall, with as pompous solem- 
 nity and costly expressions of love and duty as ever 
 any king of England was. 
 
 Of which extraordinary testimonies of affection to- 
 ward him the king seemed \eYj sensible, and returned 
 thanks to the city; inviting, within few days after, the 
 chief of them to Hampton-court, where they were 
 feasted, and divers aldermen knighted by his majesty. 
 
 While the king resided at Hampton-court, the house 
 of commons presented to him a Remonstrance, or de- 
 claration of the state of the kingdom ; wherein all the 
 chief grievances and oppressions, which the nation had 
 groaned under since the beginning of his reign until 
 that time, were recited ; but with as much tenderness 
 of expression, and respect to his person, (for such care 
 they took, as it appeared in that petition of theirs 
 which accompanied the Remonstrance,) as so much truth 
 could possibly be uttered. For all the fault is laid upon 
 ill ministers, who are there called a malignant party . 
 
 That Remonstrance, some little time before the king's 
 return out of Scotland, had been with much earnest- 
 ness debated in the house of commons : and at that 
 time, when it was voted, so much divided was the house, 
 that not above nine voices carried it. 
 
 So fierce and long were the disputations about it, and 
 arguments urged on both sides, that not only the day, 
 but a great part of night was spent in it. For the house 
 arose not until two of the clock in the morning. 
 
 The prevailing part alleged for it, (as it was afterward 
 expressed in their petition to the king,) that their inten- 
 tion was only to inform his majesty, his peers, and all 
 other his loyal subjects ; with no purpose at all of lay- 
 
CHAP. n. present a grand remonstrance to the king. 135 
 
 ing the least blemish upon his person, but to represent 
 how much his royal authority and trust had been abused, 
 to the great prejudice and danger of his majesty and all 
 his good subjects. 
 
 It was alleged by many gentlemen in ordinary dis- 
 courses, who were of the same opinion that the pre- 
 ■vailing voters in parliament were, that such a Remon- 
 strance might be of good use, and that the king (hav- 
 ing, perchance, been ignorant, in some degree, of how 
 much evil had formerly been wrought) might, by this 
 Remonstrance, be not only brought to a knowledge 
 of his past errors, but a salubrious fear of offending 
 again, by considering how public and manifest to the 
 world the defaults of princes in point of government 
 must needs appear. 
 
 The other side were of opinion, that this Remonstrance, 
 instead of directing him for the future, would teach him 
 only to hate the makers of it, as upbraiders of his 
 crimes, and those that went about to lessen or blemish 
 (and so the king seemed to relish it, as appeared in 
 his answer printed) his reputation with the people. 
 They held it fitter at such a time, when the king's affec- 
 tions were dubious toward the parliament, to win him 
 by the sweeter way of concealing his errors, than, by 
 publishing of them, to hazard the provocation of him, 
 with whom it was not behoveful to contest, unless they 
 were in hope to change his disposition for the future, 
 or ascertained of their own power, and resolved to make 
 full use of it. 
 
 For mine own part, I will make no judgment at all 
 upon it ; nor can we truly judge by the success of 
 things. But such an unhappy genius ruled those times, 
 (for historians have observed a genius of times as well 
 as of climates or men,) that no endeavours proved sue- 
 
136 Fears and jealousies book ii. 
 
 cessful ; nor did any actions produce the right (though 
 probable) effects. 
 
 Who would not in probability have judged that the 
 foremen tioued costly and splendid entertainment, which 
 the city of London gave to the king, would have ex- 
 ceedingly endeared them unto him, and produced no 
 effects but of love and concord? Yet accidentally 
 it proved otherwise. For many people, ill-affected to 
 the parliament, gave it out in ordinary discourse, [non 
 ignota loquor, it is a known truth,) that the city were 
 weary of the parliament's tedious proceedings, and 
 would be ready to join with the king against them. 
 Whether it begat the same opinion in the king or 
 not, I cannot tell ; but certainly some conceived so, by 
 actions which immediately followed, expressing a greater 
 confidence against the parliament than before, displac- 
 ing some from such trusts as they had conferred on 
 them : insomuch that the city presently after, finding 
 what ill use was made of these expressions, were en- 
 forced to declare themselves in a petition to both 
 houses ; that, since some ill-affected people had inter- 
 preted their loyal and affectionate entertainment of the 
 king as a sign that they would wholly adhere to him and 
 desert the parliament, they openly professed the con- 
 trary ; and that they would live and die with them for 
 the good of the commonwealth. 
 
 After which the city, no less than the parliament, did 
 seem to be distasted both by the king and queen. 
 
 The fears and jealousies that now reigned were of a 
 sadder nature than the fears of any former times had 
 been. Two yeai-s before, the people feared that whilst 
 this king lived they should never see a parliament, 
 but now they began to fear that no parliament could 
 do them good. 
 
CHAP. II. between the king and the parliament. 137 
 
 At this time began that fatal breach between king 
 and parliament to appear visibly, and wax daily wider, 
 never to be closed, until the whole kingdom was by 
 sad degrees brought into a ruinous war. 
 
 From henceforth no true confidence appeared between 
 him and that high court ; every day almost contributed 
 somewhat to the division, and declarations upon seve- 
 ral occasions were published to the world ; of which, 
 though the language for the most part were fairly 
 couched, and sweetened with frequent intermixtures of 
 gracious expressions from the king, and affectionate 
 professions from the parliament ; yet the substance was 
 matter of expostulation, and many intervening actions 
 (which we shall endeavour to express particularly) did 
 so far heighten them, and sharpen by degrees the style, 
 till those paper contestations became a fatal prologue 
 to that bloody and unnatural war which afterward 
 ensued. 
 
 The king, to answer that Remonstrance before men- 
 tioned, published a declaration to justify his own ho- 
 nour and government ; and at the same time sent a 
 message to the common council of London, complaining 
 of tumultuary assemblies of people from the city, daily 
 resorting to AVestminster, to the disturbance of that 
 place and his palace of Whitehall. 
 
 For people about that time in great numbers used 
 to present petitions to the parliament, and make pro- 
 testations of their fidelity to them in these times of 
 fears and jealousies, which grew now so great that the 
 house of commons, upon the same day that the king 
 sent that complaining message to the city, petitioned 
 him to allow them a guard for security of their persons 
 while they sat : alleging in the petition that there was 
 a malignant party bitterly envenomed against them, 
 who did daily gather strength and confidence, and were 
 
138 The king goes to the house of commons with bookii. 
 
 now come to that height of boldness as to give out 
 insolent and menacing speeches against the parliament 
 itself. It was therefore their humble desires that they 
 might have a guard out of the city, commanded by the 
 earl of Essex, lord chamberlain of his majesty's house- 
 hold, of whose fidelity to king and commonwealth no 
 question was ever made. 
 
 Which petition was denied by the king ; but with a 
 solemn engagement of himself by the word of a king, 
 that the security of all and every one of them from 
 violence was, and ever should be, as much his care, as 
 the preservation of himself and his children ; and if 
 this general assurance would not suffice to remove 
 these apprehensions, he would command such a guard 
 to wait upon them as he would be responsible for to 
 Almighty God. 
 
 The next day after that the king had thus answered 
 the petition of the house, being the 4th of January, 
 1641, he gave unhappily a just occasion for all men to 
 think that their fears and jealousies were not causeless. 
 For upon that day the king came to the parliament in 
 person, attended with a great number of gentlemen, 
 soldiers and others, armed with swords and pistols, to 
 the number of about three hundred, who came up to 
 the very door of the house of commons, and placed 
 themselves there and in all passages near unto it : the 
 king in person entered the house of commons, and de- 
 manded five members of that house to be delivered to 
 him. The manner of it was, seating himself in the 
 speaker's chair, he asked him whether those five mem- 
 bers were there or not. The speaker, Mr. William 
 Lenthall, returned to his majesty an humble and dis- 
 creet answer, that he had neither eyes to see nor 
 tongue to answer any thing but what he was com- 
 manded by the house. 
 
CHAP. II. a party of armed men to arrest five members. 139 
 
 The names of those members whom he demanded 
 were, Mr. Denzil Hollis, second son to the earl of 
 Clare, sir Arthur Haslerig, Mr.Pym, Mr. Hampden, and 
 Mr. Strode; all gentlemen of great esteem and repu- 
 tation in the house : two of them, Mr. Hollis and 
 Mr. Strode, having before suffered many years of sharp 
 and harsh imprisonment from the king after the dis- 
 solution of that parliament in the fourth year of his 
 reign, for matters done in parliament contrary to the 
 privileges of that high court. The king had, the day 
 before, by his attorney-general, sir Edward Herbert, a 
 member also of the house of commons, demanded the 
 deliverance of those five forementioned gentlemen ; and 
 sent a sergeant-at-arms to apprehend them, pretending 
 that he meant to charge them, and together with them 
 the lord Mandevile, eldest son to the earl of Man- 
 chester, a member of the house of lords, with articles of 
 high treason, and other misdemeanours ; which articles 
 were to this purpose : 
 
 1. That they had endeavoured to subvert the government, to 
 deprive the king of his legal power, and to place on subjects 
 an arbitrary and tyrannical power. 
 
 2. That they had endeavoured, by foul aspersions upon his 
 majesty's government, to alienate the affections of his people 
 from him. 
 
 3. That they endeavoured to draw his late army from his 
 obedience, to side with them in traitorous designs. 
 
 4. That they traitorously invited and encouraged a foreign 
 power to invade his majesty's kingdom of England. 
 
 5. That they traitorously endeavoured to subvert the very 
 rights and beings of parliament. 
 
 6. That they have endeavoured, by force and terror, to 
 compel the parliament to join with them in their traitorous 
 designs, and to that end have actually raised and countenanced 
 tumults against the king and parliament. 
 
 7. That they have traitorously conspired to levy, and actually 
 have levied war against the king. 
 
140 The king's appearance in the house with armed men book ii. 
 
 But the house of commons hearing this demand, to 
 prevent such further breaches of parliament privileges 
 as might ensue, upon the same day ordered upon the 
 question, That if any persons should come to the lodg- 
 ings of any member of that house, and there offer to 
 seal their trunks or doors, or to seize upon their per- 
 sons, that then such members should require the aid of 
 the constable to keep such persons in safe custody till 
 the house did give further order. And they further de- 
 clared, that if any person should offer to arrest or de- 
 tain the person of any member of that house, vs'ithout 
 first acquainting the house therewith, and receiving 
 further order from thence, that it should be lawful for 
 such a member, or any person in his assistance, to stand 
 upon his and their guard of defence, and to make re- 
 sistance, according to the protestation taken to defend 
 the privileges of parliaments. 
 
 These things had passed the day before that the king 
 had so entered into the house of commons. His majesty 
 finding that those five members were not there, (for 
 they, by consent of the house, upon some informations 
 of what would happen, had absented themselves,) from 
 the speaker's chair, where he sat, made a speech to the 
 house, wherein he told them, that he was very sorry 
 for that occasion, but yet, no king of England that 
 ever was should be more careful to maintain the privi- 
 leges of parliament than he would be ; that those five 
 members were dangerous men; but he protested, in the 
 word of a king, that he never intended any force, but 
 to proceed against them in a legal and fair way. But 
 sithence he could not now do that which he came for, he 
 would trouble them no more ; but expected, as soon as 
 those five members came to the house, that the house 
 would send them to him; or else he would take his own 
 course to find them. 
 
CHAP. II. is declared to be a breach of privilege. 141 
 
 But this great breach of privileges of parliament was 
 increased by many circumstances. For the day before, 
 being the 3rd of January, contrary to the forementioned 
 order of the house of commons, the chambers, studies, 
 and trunks of those five members, by a warrant from 
 the king, were sealed up, sir William Killigrew and 
 sir William FIemen,with others, being employed in that 
 service. And within two days after, upon the 6th of 
 January, a proclamation was made by the king for the 
 apprehending and imprisoning of those five members ; 
 wherein it was suggested, that, through the conscience 
 of their own guilt, they were absent and fled, not will- 
 ing to submit themselves to justice. 
 
 Whereupon the house of commons, in vindication of 
 their own privileges, and those five gentlemen, pub- 
 lished, within a few days after, a declaration, in which 
 that proclamation of the king's (entitled there, A printed 
 paper) is declared to be false, scandalous, and illegal ; 
 and that, notwithstanding the said printed paper, or 
 any warrant issued out, or any other matter yet appear- 
 ing against them or any of them, they may and ought 
 to attend the service of the said house of commons, and 
 the several committees then on foot: and that it was 
 lawful for all persons to lodge, harbour, or converse with 
 them or any of them ; and whosoever should be ques- 
 tioned for the same should be under the protection and 
 privilege of parliament. 
 
 The house of commons further declared, that the 
 publishing of several articles, purporting a form of a 
 charge of high treason against the lord Mandevile 
 and the forenamed five members, by sir William Killi- 
 grew, sir William Flemen, and others, in the inns of 
 court and elsewhere, in the king's name, was an high 
 breach of the privilege of parliament, a great scandal 
 to his majesty and his government, a seditious act 
 
142 The commons petition the king to name his advisers. book ii. 
 
 manifestly tending to the subversion of the peace of 
 the kingdom, and an injury and dishonour to the said 
 members, there being no legal charge or accusation 
 against them. 
 
 Whereas there is mention made in the late recited 
 words of this Declaration concerning the inns of court, 
 we cannot omit, that about the same time (so un- 
 happy a genius of division reigned among all sorts) 
 there wanted not some men, disaffected to the parlia- 
 ment, who went up and down persuading the young 
 gentlemen of the inns of court to make offer of their 
 service to the king, as a guard of defence, if any 
 danger threatened his person. Upon which, divers of 
 those young gentlemen, to ingratiate themselves, re- 
 paired to the court, and were kindly received by the 
 king and queen. 
 
 The parliament at that time further declared, that 
 the privileges of parliament and the liberties of the 
 subject, so violated and broken, could not be fully and 
 sufficiently vindicated, unless his majesty would be 
 pleased to discover the names of those persons who 
 advised his majesty to issue out such warrants for 
 sealing of the chambers and studies of the said five 
 members; to send a sergeant-at-arms to the house of 
 commons to demand those members ; to issue out 
 warrants for their apprehension ; to come thither him- 
 self in person ; to publish articles in the form of a 
 proclamation against the said members in the forede- 
 clared manner ; to the end that all such persons who 
 advised him to these actions might receive condign 
 punishment. 
 
 According to this, the houses humbly desired his 
 majesty that he would so far satisfy their just and legal 
 request, as to let them know those informers ; (for the 
 law, in two several statutes, provides that satisfaction, 
 
CHAP. ir. The city of London petition the king. 143 
 
 that if in time of parliament the king accuse a mem- 
 ber of the same, of what crime soever, he ought to 
 signify to the parliament who were the informers ;) 
 but the king refused to do it. Upon which the house 
 of commons examined his attorney-general, sir Edward 
 Herbert, who had preferred the aforesaid articles : he 
 confessed nothing to them concerning any other person 
 or informer ; but only that he received the command 
 from the king himself, and knew nothing further of it. 
 The same the king testified concerning the said attorney 
 in a letter to the lord keeper; wherein he justifieth the 
 attorney's action, as being no otherwise than the duty 
 of a servant required. But the parliament made another 
 judgment of it; as namely, that sir Edward Herbert had 
 broken the privilege of parliament in preferring the said 
 articles, and done an illegal act : upon which he was 
 committed to prison. 
 
 These actions of the king did exceedingly afflict all 
 honest protestants, especially at such a time, when the 
 affairs of bleeding Ireland did so much and so speedily 
 require the assistance of England, which must needs 
 by these unhappy distractions be retarded, and the total 
 loss of the protestant cause there much endangered. 
 But the city of London was not the least sensible of 
 it ; who, in a deep and sorrowful apprehension of this 
 design, petitioned the king with an expression of all the 
 fears and dangers which they conceived themselves in 
 at that time. The things which they enumerate in their 
 petition are, that his majesty had put out a person of 
 honour and trust from being lieutenant of the Tower ; 
 that he had lately fortified Whitehall with men and 
 munition in an unusual manner, some of which men 
 had abused, with provoking language, and with drawn 
 swords wounded divers unarmed citizens passing by. 
 To explain this branch of their petition, the reader 
 
144 The city of London petition bookii. 
 
 must be informed, that the king, the very next day 
 after he had entered the house of commons as afore- 
 said, went in his coach into the city of London, whither 
 he had heard that those five members had retired 
 themselves ; and was every where humbly entreated by 
 the citizens, in flocks about his coach, that he would be 
 pleased to agree with his parliament, and not infringe 
 the privilege thereof. The king, perceiving which way 
 the affections of the city went, returned again to White- 
 hall, where he stayed about a week after. During which 
 time, (by what advice, or to what intention, I cannot 
 tell,) he built there a little court of guard, and enter- 
 tained some gentlemen and others, who, as the petition 
 declares, gave those affronts to divers citizens that passed 
 by. They complain likewise in the petition of the late 
 endeavours used to the inns of court; the calling in 
 divers cannoniers and other assistants into the Tower ; 
 the late discovery of divers fireworks in the hands of a 
 papist. " But most of all," say they, " our fears are in- 
 creased by your majesty's late going into the house of 
 commons, attended with a great number of armed men, 
 besides your ordinary guard, for apprehending divers 
 members of that house, to the endangering of your 
 sacred person and of the persons and privileges of that 
 honourable assembly. The effects of all which fears 
 tend, not only to the overthrow of the whole trade of 
 this city and kingdom, which your petitioners already 
 feel in a deep measure, but also to the utter ruin of 
 the protestant religion, and the lives and liberties of all 
 your loyal subjects. The petitioners therefore most hum- 
 bly pray your sacred majesty, that, by the advice of 
 your great council in parliament, the protestants in Ire- 
 land may be speedily relieved, the Tower put into the 
 hands of persons of trust, that, by removal of doubtful 
 and unknown persons from about Whitehall and West- 
 
CHAP. II. ig graciously answered by the king. 145 
 
 minster, a known and approved guard may be appointed 
 for the safety of your majesty and parliament ; and that 
 the lord Mandevile, and the five members of the house 
 of commons lately accused, may not be restrained of 
 liberty, or proceeded against otherwise than according 
 to the privileges of parliament. 
 
 The king, though he conceived this petition (as him- 
 self expressed) of an unusual nature, yet, willing to give 
 content to the city, returned a gracious answer to their 
 particulars ; that for Ireland, he conceived he had ex- 
 pressed as much care on his part as possibly he could, 
 and would not fail for the future. What he had done 
 concerning the Tower had been to satisfy their fears 
 before, in displacing one of good trust, and putting in 
 another of unquestionable reputation ; and what pre- 
 paration of strength soever he made there, was with as 
 great an eye of safety and advantage to the city as to 
 his own person. For his guard entertained at White- 
 hall, he alleged the disorderly and tumultuous conflux 
 of people to Westminster, to the danger of his royal 
 person, not punished at all by course of law ; and if 
 any citizens were wounded, he was assured it happened 
 by their own ill demeanours : that he knew no other 
 endeavours to the inns of court than a gracious inti- 
 mation that he accepted the tender of their loyal af- 
 fections, encouraging them to continue the same upon 
 all occasions. That he knew of no fireworks in the 
 hands of papists. For his going to the house of com- 
 mons, that he intended no course of violence, though 
 that way had been justifiable ; for he was assured that 
 no privilege of parliament could extend to treason; 
 which he knew would be proved against them upon 
 clear grounds; and they in due time should be ac- 
 quainted with it ; and that his proceedings against 
 them should be according to the laws. 
 
 MAY. L 
 
146 The protestation of twelve bishops. book ii. 
 
 The king, presently after his answering of that peti- 
 tion, sent another message to the parliament, that for 
 the present he would wave his proceedings against 
 those five members ; and returned a gentle answer at 
 that time to the petitioners of Buckinghamshire, who 
 came, to the number of about two thousand, in be- 
 half of their knight, Mr. Hampden, a gentleman much 
 honoured by them, and by most of the whole king- 
 dom ; in which petition they prayed that Mr. Hampden 
 and the rest, that lie under the burden of that accusa- 
 tion, might enjoy the just privileges of parliament. 
 
 It was then grown a custom, which proved acci- 
 dentally very unhappy to the kingdom, (however it 
 were meant,) to come in great numbers to Westmin- 
 ster, when they presented petitions to the parliament ; 
 though the people petitioning were unarmed, and no 
 just fear from them in the opinion of those who af- 
 fected the parliament ; yet those who thought them- 
 selves not well relished by the people in general took 
 occasion from thence either to fear indeed, or at least 
 to pretend fear, alleging that the parliament was dis- 
 turbed by such a numerous confluence of people, and 
 the freedom of the houses in some degree infringed ; 
 that some of the meaner sort were too apt to cast out 
 rude words against such as they thought to be no good 
 members of the commonwealth, of what degree soever 
 they were. 
 
 From hence was occasion taken by some, to justify 
 that guard about Whitehall, and afterwards to excuse 
 the king's absenting himself from the parliament : and 
 from this ground did the twelve bishops, about a week 
 before this city petition, frame their petition and pro- 
 testation (for so it was called) to his majesty and the 
 peers, which was to this purpose : 
 
 They protested themselves to abominate all actions or 
 
CHAP. II. They are in consequence accused of high treason. 147 
 
 opinions tending to popery, or any malignity against the 
 state ; but were willing and ready to perform their duties in 
 parliament : but, whereas, coming to perform that duty and 
 service, they have been rudely menaced, affronted, and put 
 in fe^T of their lives by multitudes of people, and can find no 
 redress or protection upon complaint made, they therefore 
 humbly protest before his majesty and the noble peers, that, 
 saving to themselves all their rights and interests of sjtting 
 and voting in that house at other times, they dare not sit pr 
 vote in the house of pe,ers, until his majesty shall further 
 secure them. And because their fears are not vain, but upoi> 
 true grounds ^nd objects, they do, in jiU duty and huijiility, 
 thereforjB protest, before his majesty and the peers, against all 
 laws, orders, votes, resolutions, and determinations, as in 
 themselves null and of none effect, which in their absence, 
 since the 27th of this instant December, 1641, have already 
 passed, as likewise against all such as shall hereafter pass, 
 during this their enforced absence from the said house. Which 
 protestation they desired the king to command the clerk of 
 tbat house to record. 
 
 Tke lords of parliament imnjediately delivered by the 
 mouth of tbe lord keeper, at a conference, to the house 
 of commons, that seeing this protestation was of dan^ 
 gexons consequence, and deeply entrenching upon the 
 fupdamental privileges and being of parliament, there- 
 fore they thought fit to communicate it to the house pf 
 commons. The commons thanked their lordsl^ips for 
 imparting it to them with so much affectjon and speed, 
 a,nd for .expressing their sense thereof,; and came to 
 this resolution, to accuse those twelve bisjiops of high 
 treason. 
 
 Master Glynn, therefore, was sent to the lords; who, 
 at their bar, in the name Qf all the commons of Eng- 
 land, accused those twelve prelates of high treason, for 
 endea.vo,uring to subvert the fundamental laws of the 
 realm, and the very being of parliaments; and to desire 
 the lords that they might be forthwith sequestered from 
 
 l2 
 
148 Ten bishops are sent to the Tower. book ii. 
 
 parliament, and put into safe custody ; and that their 
 lordships would appoint a speedy day for the commons 
 to charge them. The lords instantly sent the black rod 
 to find out these bishops, and apprehend them; so that 
 by eight of the clock at night they were all taken, and 
 brought upon their knees to the bar, and ten of them 
 committed to the Tower : two of them, in regard of 
 their age, were committed to the black rod. The twelve 
 bishops were these : Jo. Eborac. Thomas Duresme, Ro- 
 bert Coven, and Lichfield, Jos. Norwich, Jo. Asaph, 
 Guil. Bath and Wells, Geo. Hereford, Rob. Oxon., 
 Matth. Ely, Godfrey Gloucester, Jo. Peterborough, 
 Mor. LlandafF. 
 
 Such work as this was daily made to the parliament 
 of England ; whereby not only the relief of Ireland 
 was wholly obstructed, but all redress of the grievances 
 of England, and settlement of the state there, was so 
 long retarded, till both kingdoms were at last involved 
 in the same war and confusion. It was a strange thing 
 that so barbarous and bloody a rebellion should break 
 out in Ireland, without any the least suspicion or fear 
 of such a calamity, without any cause given by the 
 innocent English protestants : and surely it may seem 
 as strange a thing, if well considered, that the revenge 
 of so horrid and inhuman a massacre should be thus 
 hindered ; and indeed it might be thought almost im- 
 possible, unless the raising of the one and hindering 
 the other proceeded from the same cause. 
 
 There was a great hope, about the beginning of De- 
 cember, that Ireland would speedily be relieved, and 
 forces transported out of Scotland within a short time 
 to that purpose, considering what careful provisions the 
 parliament of England (as is before related) had made 
 upon the first notice of it. But at that time the king 
 was returned from Scotland ; and in a speech to the 
 
CHAP. II. The king's speech relative to Ireland disliked. 149 
 
 parliament, in which he conjured them to proceed in 
 the business of relieving Ireland, he likewise took 
 notice of a bill for pressing of soldiers for Ireland, de- 
 pending in the house of peers, and declared his dislike 
 of putting it in that way ; being, as he said, a great 
 infringement and diminution of his royal prerogative ; 
 telling them withal, that he was little beholding to that 
 man who began such a dispute concerning the bounds 
 of his ancient and undoubted prerogative. But he 
 offered at last that the bill might pass with a salvo jure 
 both to king and people, leaving such debates to a time 
 that might better bear it. 
 
 This speech of the king's was much distasted by both 
 houses, as a great breach of parliament privilege, inso- 
 much as they framed a petition to him, wherein they 
 express, that the king, by taking notice of the debate 
 in the house of lords concerning a bill for pressing of 
 soldiers, had broken the fundamental privilege of par- 
 liament, which is, that he ought not to take notice of 
 any matter in agitation or debate in either house, but 
 by their information and agreement ; and that he ought 
 not to propound any condition or limitation to a bill in 
 debate and preparation, or to manifest his approbation 
 or dislike of the same, until it be presented to his ma- 
 jesty in due course of parliament ; and that every par- 
 ticular member of either house hath free liberty of 
 speech, to propound or debate matters according to 
 order of parliament ; and that the king ought not to 
 conceive displeasure against him for such opinions or 
 propositions. They entreated likewise a reparation for 
 that great breach of privilege ; and for prevention of 
 the like, that the king would make known who they 
 were by whose misinformation and evil counsel he had 
 done it, that they might receive condign punishment. 
 
 This business took up some time, and was one un- 
 
150 ' fhe teltef of Ireland book n. 
 
 happy impedimeint to the sudden relief of Ireland, not- 
 withstanding the high necessities of that kingdom, and 
 the affections of England in general to it; and so 
 heavily went on all preparationSj that it was long before 
 the house of commons could find means to enable the 
 lord lieutenant td send over so much as one regiment, 
 for defence of the castle and city of Dublin, which was 
 cominauded by a worthy gentleman, sir Simoii Etafcourt; 
 who, being designed governor of the city of Dublin, tvas 
 sent away by order of parliarnent with his regiment, 
 arid landed there on the last day of December 1641, to 
 the great comfort of that city, being much distressed slnd 
 terrified by the near approach of the Irish rebels; 
 
 Another obstruction of the relief of Ir'eland happened 
 about three weeks after, wheti the Scots delivered eight 
 propositions to the English parliament, touching the 
 sending over of two thousand five huiidred Scots, which 
 were then in readiness, into the north of Ireland. 
 Both houses of parliament consented to all the proposi- 
 tions ; but the king excepted against one of them, being 
 the third, which was, that the Scots desired to have the 
 keeping of the town and castle of Carrickfergus, with 
 power to remain there, or enlarge their quarter's at 
 discretion ; aiid if any regiments or troops in that 
 province should join with them, that they receive orders 
 from the chief commander of the Scottish forces. Against 
 this article the king took exceptions, and desired the 
 houses to take it again into consideration, as a thing of 
 importance, which he doubted might be prejudicial to 
 England : but if the liouse desired it should be so, him- 
 self would speak with the Scottish commissioners, to 
 see what satisfaction he could give them therein. The 
 Scots told his majesty, that since it was agreed upon by 
 both houses of parliament, and that the Strength of his 
 majesty's argument wasj that article implied too great 
 
CHAP. II. ig jyiy^ch obstructed. 151 
 
 a trust for auxiliary forces, they were in good hope 
 that his majesty, being their native king, would not 
 show less trust in them than their neighbour nation 
 had freely done. Upon which the king at last was 
 content to admit the article, and the advice of his par- 
 liament. 
 
 This fatal obstruction of Ireland's relief did but 
 second another immediately before : for at the first, 
 the commissioners of Scotland had not power given 
 them from the state there, to treat for sending over a 
 less number than ten thousand men, which the lords 
 were unwilling to yield to. But that obstacle seemed 
 to be removed by the zealous aifection of the house of 
 commons, who, according to those instructions of the 
 state of Scotland to their commissioners, voted the 
 sending over of ten thousand Scots. But the house of 
 lords, after long debate, would not yield unto it, unless 
 the house of commons would give assurance that ten 
 thousand English might be as speedily sent over : 
 which the commons as much desired, and promised 
 their endeavour in it ; but that the English then could 
 not be so soon raised, much less transported, as the 
 Scots, every man understood. There was no other 
 reason given, that ever I understood, but only that it 
 was dishonourable for England that Ireland should be 
 reduced by the Scots : and this was the discourse of 
 papists, and other persons disaffected to the cause, 
 among the people every where. 
 
 Though it were much wondered at by all good pro- 
 testants, that so nice a point of honour should be stood 
 upon, when their religion and cause lay bleeding in 
 Ireland after so sad and deplorable a kind ; which 
 began to deject the spirits of the poor protestants in 
 Ireland, and make them suspect some secret workings 
 underhand against the good affections expressed by 
 
152 The king is suspected of favouring the book ii. 
 
 the house of commons, and those lords who were well 
 affected to the state : for they by the greater number 
 were over-voted, so many popish and ill-affected lords, 
 besides four and twenty bishops, (for the bishops' voices 
 in parliament were not then taken away,) sitting in that 
 house. 
 
 It was then also generally talked, and much com- 
 plained of among the well-affected people, that the 
 king had been so backward in proclaiming those barba- 
 rous Irish, rebels: and not only talked among the people, 
 but alleged by the parliament itself, (in their own de- 
 claration afterward, when the breach between king 
 and parliament grew greater,) as a sign that those in- 
 human rebels had been countenanced by the court of 
 England, in that the proclamation, whereby they were 
 declared traitors, was so long withheld, as till the 1st 
 of January, though the rebellion broke forth in October 
 before ; and then no more than forty copies were ap- 
 pointed to be printed, with a special command from 
 his majesty not to exceed that number ; and that none 
 of them should be published till the king's pleasure 
 were further signified, as by the warrant appears, a 
 true copy whereof was printed ; so that a few only 
 could take notice of it. And this (say they) was made 
 more observable by the late contrary proceedings against 
 the Scots, who were in a very quick and sharp manner 
 proclaimed, and those proclamations forthwith dis- 
 persed with as much diligence as might be through all 
 the kingdom ; and ordered to be read in every"church, 
 accompanied with public prayers and execrations. 
 
 That declaration of the lords and commons, in which 
 this is expressed concerning the king's slow proclaim- 
 ing of the Irish rebels, was published when the king 
 was gone to York ; at which he was much distasted in 
 many particulars, and returned answer to them. Among 
 
CHAP. II. jyigji rebels.— His vindication of himself. 153 
 
 Others, because that of Ireland seemed to lie heavy 
 upon his reputation, it is just that the reader should 
 see the king's own answer to that point, that he may 
 the more fairly judge ; which shall be therefore inserted, 
 in the very words of the king's Declaration : 
 
 To countenance those unhandsome expressions whereby 
 usually they have implied our connivance at, or want of zeal 
 against the rebellion of Ireland, (so odious to all good men,) 
 they have found a new way of exprobration, that the proclama- 
 tion against those bloody traitors came not out till the be- 
 ginning of January, though that rebellion broke out in Octo- 
 ber ; and then, by special command from us, but forty copies 
 were appointed to be printed. It is well known where we 
 were at that time, when that rebellion broke forth, in Scot- 
 land; — that we immediately from thence recommended the 
 care of that business to both houses of parliament here, after 
 we had provided for all fitting supplies from our kingdom of 
 Scotland ; — that after our return hither we observed all those 
 forms for that service, which we were advised to by our 
 council of Ireland, or both houses of parliament here : and if 
 no proclamation issued out sooner, (of which for the present 
 we are not certain, but think that others before that time 
 were issued by our directions,) it was because the lords justices 
 of that kingdom desired them no sooner ; and when they did, 
 the number they desired was but twenty, which they advised 
 might be signed by us ; which we for expedition of the ser- 
 vice commanded to be printed, (a circumstance not desired 
 by them,) thereupon we signed more of them than our justices 
 desired : — all which was very well known to some members 
 of one or both houses of parliament, who have the more to 
 answer, if they forbore to express it at the passing of this De- 
 claration; and if they did express it, we have the greater 
 reason to complain, that so envious an aspersion should be 
 cast upon us to our people, when they knew well how to an- 
 swer their own objection. 
 
 This was the king's answer to that point of the par- 
 liament's declaration concerning Ireland. But the house 
 of commons, in another declaration, though long after, 
 
154 The king's unwillingness to proclaim the insurgents book ii. 
 
 charge the king upon the same particular, with more 
 circumstances of aggravation : as, that although the 
 rebels had most impudently styled themselves the 
 queens army, and professed that the cause of their ris- 
 ing was, to maintain the king's prerogative and the 
 queen's religion against the puritan parliament of Eng- 
 land ; and thereupon both houses of parliament did 
 humbly and earnestly advise his majesty to wipe away 
 this dangerous scandal, by proclaiming them rebels and 
 traitors to his majesty and the crown of England, which 
 then would have mated and weakened the conspirators 
 in the beginning, and have encouraged both the parlia- 
 ment here and good people there the more vigorously 
 to have opposed their proceedings ; yet such was the 
 power of evil counsel about him, that no proclamation 
 was set forth to that purpose till almost three months 
 after the breaking out of this rebellion ; and then com- 
 mand given that but forty should be printed, nor they 
 published till further direction should be given by his 
 majesty. But the business of Ireland was more par- 
 ticularly touched in subsequent declarations, which in 
 their due time and place may hereafter be related. 
 
 That proclamation against the Irish rebels came not 
 out above two days before the king entered the house 
 of commons, as is before expressed ; by which act so 
 great a disturbance was made, and the relief of Ireland 
 so much retarded. 
 
 It was likewise complained of to the king by the 
 house of commons, within three weeks after, that, since 
 the ports, by order of both houses^ (as is before men- 
 tioned,) had been stopped against all Irish papists, 
 many of the chief commanders, then in the head of 
 the rebels, had been suffered to pass by his majesty's 
 immediate warrant. Of which the king cleared himself 
 in answer to them, that by examining his own memory 
 
CHAP. III. rebels. — He offers to go into Ireland. 155 
 
 and the notes of his secretaries, he could not find him- 
 self guilty of granting any such warrants. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The queen passeth into Holland with her daughter the princess 
 Mary. Difference between the king and parliament concern- 
 ing the militia. The king goeth toward York, and is followed 
 with a petition from the lords and commons to Theobald's, and 
 another declaration to Newmarket. The king is denied entrance 
 into Hull by sir John Hotham. 
 
 LT was wonderful that nothing at all could advance 
 or further this great and necessary work of reducing 
 Ireland, when so many courses were propounded and 
 tindertaken : as about the middle of February, both 
 houses of parliament had found a way, which they con- 
 ceived to be most substantial and firm to carry on that 
 war ; namely, by adventuring for proportions of land in 
 Ireland ; there being, by their account, within the four 
 provinces of Ulster, Connaught, Munster, and Leinster, 
 two millions and an half of acres of land forfeitable 
 from the rebels in those provinces, to be shated among 
 those adventurers in the city of London, of other coun- 
 ties thefeabout, that would bring in or subscribe such 
 sums of money as were thought fit, and which were 
 tipon good and serious consideration set down in par- 
 ticular ; whereby, if an happy conquest were made 
 upon those bloody rebels, a large recompense might be 
 made to all those English who either in person or purse 
 had contributed to so good a work. The king was well 
 contented with these propositions, offering withal to go 
 himself in person into Ireland (but that was not thought 
 fitting by the parliament); and so far it passed, that an 
 act was made to that purpose, enabling the parliament 
 
156 The parliament petition the king book ii. 
 
 with power to carry on that war, until Ireland should 
 be declared to be wholly subdued ; and that no peace 
 or cessation of arms should be at any time made with 
 those rebels, unless both houses of parliament assented 
 to it. 
 
 But while these things were acting, other business, 
 wherein the safety and security of England was con- 
 cerned, fell into debate; which was touching the militia 
 of the kingdom of England and dominion of Wales, to 
 be settled in every county upon such persons as the 
 parliament should approve. A petition to this purpose 
 was sent to the king, presently after they had received 
 a message from him, dated the 20th of January, wherein 
 the king in fair language desires the parliament, since 
 that particular grievances and distractions were too 
 many, and would be too tedious to be presented by 
 themselves, that they would comprise and digest them 
 into one entire body, that so his majesty and themselves 
 might be able to make the more clear judgment of 
 them ; and that it should then appear, by what his 
 majesty would do, how far he hath been from intend- 
 ing or designing any of those things which the too 
 great fears and jealousies of some persons seem to ap- 
 prehend, and how ready he would be to equal or ex- 
 ceed the greatest examples of most indulgent princes 
 in their acts of grace and favour to the people. 
 
 This message was received with thanks by the parlia- 
 ment, who resolved to take it into speedy and serious 
 consideration. But to enable them with security to dis- 
 charge their duties in those affairs, they desired the 
 king to raise up to them a sure ground of safety and 
 confidence, by putting in the mean time the Tower, 
 with other principal forts, and the whole mihtia of the 
 kingdom, into the hands of such persons as the parlia- 
 ment might trust, and should be recommended to him 
 
CHAP. in. to place the Toiver and the militia at tfieir disposal. 157 
 
 by both houses. This petition of theirs was not well 
 relished by the king, as appeared by his answer. But 
 the thing was of so great consequence that one answer 
 could not suffice. 
 
 Many reiterated petitions were presented, and many 
 answers returned upon this subject, which are extant 
 upon record ; where the king often promiseth to be 
 careful that no hands, but those who are very faithful 
 to the commonwealth, shall be by him intrusted with 
 any part of the militia ; but the nomination of any per- 
 sons to those places he will reserve to himself, it being 
 a principal and inseparable flower of his crown, vested 
 in him, and derived to him from his ancestors, by the 
 fundamental laws of the kingdom. The parliament on 
 the other side affirming, that nothing could enable them 
 to suppress the rebellion in Ireland and secure them- 
 selves, but the instant granting of that humble petition, 
 which they hoped the king would not absolutely deny: 
 that it was their duty to him and the commonwealth, 
 to represent unto him whatsoever they found so abso- 
 lutely necessary; for the preservation of both which, 
 the laws both of God and man enjoin them to see it 
 put in execution. 
 
 During the debate of this business, and before any 
 absolute conclusion was made of it, the king took a 
 journey to Canterbury ; upon what reasons, shall be 
 anon declared. It was before related, that the king 
 after his entering into the house of commons to sur- 
 prise the five members, had stayed a week at White- 
 hall, and then retired to Hampton-court ; the next 
 day after, divers citizens, with a great show of boats, 
 and guns in them, brought the five members to West- 
 minster, with many expressions that they would not 
 forsake them, who sat to defend their religion, laws, 
 and liberties. 
 
158 The king and queen go to Canterbury. book ii. 
 
 The king, now resident at Hampton-court, seemed 
 extremely distasted at the city, and pretended the 
 reasons of his absence from parliament to be fear for 
 his person, by reason of tumults that might be raised : 
 but true it is, after this time he never could be 
 brought near the city or parliament either in body 
 or mind. 
 
 Within few days after the king had been at Hamp- 
 ton-court, he sent for divers of his servants, who were 
 then members of parliament, to leave the house, and 
 give their attendance upon his person : but two, the 
 chief of them, Robert earl of Essex, lately made lord 
 chamberlain of his household, and Henry earl of Hol- 
 land, groom of the stole, chose rather to obey his writ, 
 whereby they were called to assist in parliament about 
 the highest affairs of England, than to obey this pri- 
 vate command of his, to come and attend at Hampton- 
 court, alleging in excuse, that their attendance in par- 
 liament was truer service to him as king than any other 
 could be. For this, the king presently after sent a mes- 
 senger to demand the staff of the one, and the key of 
 the other, being the ensigns of their offices; which they 
 willingly resigned to the messenger's hands. 
 
 From Hampton-court, about the midst of February, 
 the king and queen went to Canterbury, and so to 
 Dover, with the princess Mary their eldest daughter, 
 married, not a year before, to William, son to the 
 prince of Orange. The queen herself passed from 
 thence into Holland, under pretext of keeping her 
 daughter company to her husband, (the lady was then 
 about ten years of age,) which was not at all hindered 
 by the parliament. But the queen carried with her all 
 or the greatest part of the crown jewels of England, 
 which immediately she pawned in Holland, and with 
 that money bought arms and Eimmunition for that sad 
 
CHAP. III. A petition about the militia is presented to the king. 159 
 
 war which ensued not long after between the king and 
 the parliament of England. 
 
 The king's stay at Canterbui-y and Dover was not 
 long, nor the places so remote but that some business 
 might pass, though with great trouble of those lords 
 and others, members of the house of commons, who 
 posted between upon all occasions. The greatest thing 
 which was done in that time was, that the king at Can- 
 terbury signed the bill for taking away bishops' votes in 
 parliament. 
 
 When the queen and her daughter had taken sail, 
 the king came back to Greenwich, whither he sent for 
 the prince and duke of York to come to him, and at- 
 tend him in his journey to the city of York, which v/ss 
 the place which he intended to reside at, and to that 
 purpose immediately went on his way as far as Theo- 
 bald's ; to which place he was followed with a petition 
 from both houses, presented to him upon the 1st of 
 March 1641. The substance of it was, to entreat his 
 majesty that he would at last be pleased to grant their 
 necessary petition concerning the militia of England ; 
 which if he did refuse, in these times of distraction, 
 they must be enforced and did resolve to dispose of it, 
 for the safety of the kingdom, in such manner as had 
 been propounded to his majesty. They likewise en- 
 treated him to continue his abode near London and 
 his parliament, and not to take his son the prince out 
 of those parts : and in conclusion, desired his majesty 
 to be informed by them, his great council, that by the 
 laws of England, the power of raising, ordering, and 
 disposing of the militia within any city, town, or other 
 place, cannot be granted to any corporation by charter 
 or otherwise without the authority and consent of par- 
 liament. 
 
 The king denied to give any other answer concern- 
 
160 A declaration about grievances is presented to the king. book ii. 
 
 ing the militia than what he had before done ; that he 
 conceived himself not safe in any place near London ; 
 and that he would take such a care of the prince his 
 son as should justify him to God as a father, and to his 
 dominions as a king. 
 
 The parliament, upon occasion of that short answer 
 of the king to their petition, voted presently that that 
 answer was a flat denial ; and that all was truth which 
 they had averred in their petition concerning the dan- 
 ger of his removal so far from the parliament, and 
 likewise carrying of his son aM'ay. It was likewise 
 ordered by the lords and commons, that the earl of 
 Northumberland, lord-admiral, should give speedy di- 
 rections for all the ships belonging to the navy royal 
 to be speedily rigged and fitted for the service of the 
 commonwealth. 
 
 A declaration was drawn then by both houses, and 
 presented to the king at Newmarket, upon the 9th 
 of March, by the earls of Pembroke and Holland, with 
 some members of the house of commons, wherein were 
 represented to him some of the old grievances expressed 
 in the first remonstrance at his return out of Scotland : 
 as, that the design of altering religion had been car- 
 ried on by those of greatest authority about him for 
 divers years ; that the war against Scotland was pro- 
 cured in order to that design ; that the rebellion in Ire- 
 land was contrived here in England, out of many pre- 
 sumptions gathered from several examinations there. 
 They speak likewise of his attempt for bringing his 
 army against the parliament, of which before mention 
 was made ; of his warrants granted contrary to promise, 
 for transportation of Jermyn, Digby, and other delin- 
 quents ; of that great breach of parliament privilege, in 
 coming to the house of commons to surprise those 
 members : by all which they endeavour to prove their 
 
CHAP. III. The king sends his parliament another message. 161 
 
 fears and jealousies grounded upon true substantial 
 reasons, and necessary for the safety the common- 
 wealth entrusted to them; and that the king's fear 
 to reside near London is altogether without ground, 
 and pretended for nothing but to perplex the common- 
 wealth, proceeding from evil and traitorous counsels ; 
 affirming, that his majesty's absence would cause men 
 to believe, that it was out of design to discourage the 
 undertakers, and hinder the other provisions for reliev- 
 ing Ireland; that it would hearten the rebels there, and 
 all disaffected persons in this kingdom. 
 
 The king expressed much indignation when he re- 
 ceived this remonstrance, complaining of the manner of 
 it, that it was only an upbraiding, not an invitation 
 or persuasion of him to return to the parliament ; and 
 told them, that in all Aristotle's Rhetorics there was 
 no such argument of persuasion ; and that he would 
 answer it in another declaration, which within few days 
 after was drawn up and published ; wherein, with deep 
 protestations, he vindicates the truth of his religion, 
 and justifies his other proceedings, denying those war- 
 rants for transporting master Jermyn and others, in that 
 manner which they urge them ; taxes them with their 
 needless fears and uncertain expressions of advertise- 
 ments from Rome, Venice, Paris, and other places : re- 
 cites the many gracious acts which he had already passed 
 this parliament, to satisfy his people ; and protests, in 
 conclusion, that he is most desirous to reside near bis 
 parliament, and would immediately return to London, 
 if he could see or hear of any provisions made for his 
 security. 
 
 The king sent them another message from Hunting- 
 don on the 15th of March, being then upon his re- 
 moval to the city of York; wherein he expresses his care 
 of Ireland, and not to break the privilege of parliament; 
 
 MAY. M 
 
163 Notes of both houses of parliament book ii. 
 
 but chiefly, to let them know that he understands his 
 own rights ; forbidding them to presume, upon any 
 pretence of order or ordinance, (to which he is no party,) 
 concerning the militia, or any other thing, to do or 
 execute what is not warranted by those laws ; and 
 withal recommending to them the substance of his 
 message of the 20th of January last ; that they com- 
 pose and digest with all speed such acts as they shall 
 think fit, for the present and future establishment of 
 their privileges. 
 
 These were the heads of some declarations, petitions, 
 and answers : for about this time, and for three months 
 after, such messages, remonstrances, petitions, and an- 
 swers grew so voluminous upon all occasions as might, 
 recited verbatim, make a large history. 
 
 Thus is the king gone to York, while the parliament 
 sit at London, declaring in vain, and voting (as they did 
 upon receipt of his last message) by consent of both 
 houses, 
 
 I. That the kiug's absence, so far remote from his parlia- 
 ment, is not only an obstruction, but may be a destruction to 
 the affairs of Ireland. 
 
 3. That when the lords and commons in parliament shall 
 declare what the law of the land is, to have this not only 
 questioned and controverted, but contradicted, and a com- 
 mand that it should not be obeyed, is an high breach of the 
 privilege of parliament. 
 
 3. That they which advised the king to absent himself from 
 the parliament are enemies to the peace of this kingdom, and 
 justly to be suspected as favourers of the rebelhon in Ireland. 
 
 It may seem strange to a reader, that the king, with- 
 out any but such bootless opposition as pen and paper 
 can make against him, even in the sight and notice of 
 a parliament, whilst they not only beheld his actions, 
 but seemed to discern the designs, and foresee the effects 
 which would flow from them, could be able to carry 
 
CHAP. III. Iq if^g king's message. 163 
 
 the work on so clearly and so far, until the whole king- 
 dom were thereby involved in a most calamitous and 
 destructive war. I will not presume to publish any 
 opinion of mine own, how or when this ruin of the 
 kingdom should have been prevented, but only relate 
 what was then done, that posterity hereafter may judge 
 of it. 
 
 It was not unknown to the parliament, at least not 
 unsuspected, (for it was usually talked among the peo- 
 ple of that time,) that the queen, when she passed into 
 Holland, carried with her the crown-jewels, to pawn 
 or sell there: which if she did, they could not be 
 ignorant what the intention was, or what the effect was 
 like to prove ; nor could it be unknown to them how 
 unlawful the act was, and therefore how fit to be pre- 
 vented. For they indicted her afterwards of high trea- 
 son for that fact, and were able to tell the world, in a 
 declaration, how great a crime it is in a king himself to 
 make away the ornaments of the crown, and in parti- 
 cular the jewels of it; yea, in such kings as did it only 
 to spend or give away, not to maintain war against 
 their own people; for whose preservation not only those, 
 but whatsoever they possess, was first bestowed on 
 them. 
 
 They seemed to oppose the prince's departure from 
 Hampton-court, to attend the king his father into the 
 north, because it might increase fears and jealousies in 
 the people ; but the king carried him away. 
 
 Above all the rest, they were not ignorant how won- 
 derful an obstruction to all business of parliament, and 
 to the settling of England, or relieving of Ireland, that 
 far removal of the king's person from the parliament 
 must needs prove, and which themselves sufficiently 
 expressed: that the very journey itself, though no worse 
 design were in it, was in no kind excusable, as most 
 
 M 2 
 
164 The king is much annoyed by the book it, 
 
 inconvenient, for the reasons aforesaid, and convenient 
 in nothing that was ever alleged for it. Yet the king 
 passed quietly thither. 
 
 One design of the king, which indeed was thought 
 the chief of that his northern expedition, was prevented 
 by the parliament by an open and forcible way ; which 
 was, the seizing upon the strong town and fort of Hull, 
 with all that magazine of arms which was there de- 
 posited. But it was very remarkable what means had 
 been used on both sides to prevent, if it had been pos- 
 sible, that open denial of the king's entrance into Hull, 
 and that the matter should not have come so far : which 
 the king conceived so great an affront to him, that it 
 grew the subject of many large and voluminous declara- 
 tions afterward from either part. 
 
 For the prevention of that, before it happened, the 
 king from York had sent a message to the parliament 
 upon the 8th of April 1642, that he intended to go in 
 person over into Ireland, to chastise by force of arms 
 those barbarous and bloody rebels ; and to that purpose 
 he thought fit to advertise the parliament, that he in- 
 tended to raise forthwith, by his commissions, in the 
 counties near Westchester, a guard for his own person, 
 (when he should come into Ireland,) consisting of two 
 thousand foot and two hundred horse, which he would 
 arm at Westchester, from his magazine of Hull. 
 
 But at the same time the lords and commons in 
 parliament had sent a petition to the king for leave to 
 remove the magazine at Hull to the Tower of London, 
 alleging, that the stores of arms and ammunition in the 
 Tower were much diminished, and that the necessity of 
 supplies for the kingdom of Ireland (for which they had 
 been issued from thence) daily increased : that the 
 occasion for which the magazine was placed at Hull 
 was taken away, there being no danger now from Scot- 
 
CHAP. III. 
 
 parliament'' s petition to remove the magazine from Hull. 165 
 
 land. They likewise alleged that it would be kept in 
 the Tower with less charge and more safety, and trans- 
 ported from thence with much more convenience for 
 the service of Ireland. 
 
 The king seemed very angry at this petition, alleging, 
 among other things, that if any of those arms were 
 designed for Ulster or Leinster, the conveyance of them 
 would be more easy and convenient from Hull than 
 from London. But most of all he seemed to be exas- 
 perated, (for the parliament had used timely prevention,) 
 that they had sent to keep out from thence the earl of 
 Newcastle, whom the king in that answer termeth a 
 person of honour, fortune, and unblemished reputation, 
 and committed that town and fort (without his consent) 
 to the hands of sir John Hotham. 
 
 The parliament, as it appeared by their expression 
 in a declaration at that time, were much confirmed in 
 that opinion which they had of the king's aiming at 
 Hull, when he went northward, by an intercepted 
 letter from the lord George Digby, dated from Middle- 
 borough in Zealand, the 20th of January 1641, to sir 
 Lewis Dives, wherein he writes, that if the king will 
 declare himself, and retire to a safe place, he should be 
 able to wait upon him from thence, as well as out of 
 any part of England, over and above the service which 
 he might do for him there in the mean time. The like 
 expressions he used in another letter to the queen, in- 
 tercepted in the same packet, intimating some service 
 he might do her in those parts ; and desired a cipher, 
 whereby to hold correspondence with her in writing. 
 This young lord, of whom we spake before about the 
 death of the earl of Strafford, a man of excellent parts, 
 and one that had been acceptable to the parliament, 
 until his speech about that business, and some other 
 miscarriage detected upon the same occasion, was much 
 
166 The parliament settle the militia, and take charge of book n. 
 
 alienated in heart from the parliament, because that 
 speech of his (which he had printed against command) 
 was ordered to be burned by the hands of the hangman; 
 so that afterward he became a great cherisher, as ap- 
 peai'ed in divers things, of those divisions which were 
 growing between the king and parliament, and was 
 voted against in the house of commons, as a disturber 
 of the public peace, for appearing armed at Kingston 
 upon Thames in an unusual and illegal manner, with 
 other circumstances thereto belonging. Whereupon the 
 lords in parliament sent for him ; and if he appeared 
 not within twenty days, proclaimed him traitor. But 
 he in the mean time was transported by sir John Pen- 
 nington into Holland, by a warrant under the king's 
 hand, as the declaration of the lords and commons to 
 the king in March following expressed. 
 
 Dui'ing the time that the king and parliament were 
 (as aforesaid) busied about getting the magazine of 
 Hull, the parliament proceeded by degrees in settling 
 the militia in divers counties, and putting the com- 
 mands into such hands as they reposed confidence in ; 
 as likewise to take charge of the navy, and provide by 
 that means against any foreign force that might assault 
 the kingdom. And because the earl of Northumber- 
 land and lord admiral, by reason of indisposition of 
 health, was disenabled then for commanding the fleet 
 in his own person, they thereupon recommended to his 
 lordship the earl of Warwick, (a man of such ability in 
 sea affairs, and such untainted reputation, as they durst 
 highly trust,) to supply his lordship's room in that em- 
 ployment. But understanding that the king had chosen 
 sir John Pennington into that command, a message was 
 sent from both houses to the king on the 28th of 
 March, to entreat him that the employment might no 
 longer be detained from the earl of Warwick, as a 
 
CHAP. III. the navy. — Hotham opposes the king at Hull. 167 
 
 noble person chosen by both houses of parliament in 
 that service, the charge whereof was to be borne by the 
 commonwealth. 
 
 The king refused to admit of the earl of Warwick, 
 taking great exception at the message from both houses, 
 as appeared by his letter to the lord keeper concerning 
 it, that they would take upon them the nominating of 
 the chief sea commander. But the earl of Warwick, 
 within few months after, though not without some op- 
 position of divers gentlemen, who had before been 
 placed in command by the king, and strove to carry 
 away their ships to his majesty, was possessed of the 
 whole navy: of which some more particulars may here- 
 after be related. 
 
 Upon the 23rd of April 1642, the king, attended by 
 some noblemen, and no great train of gentlemen and 
 soldiers, came before the walls of Hull, to demand 
 entrance there ; but he found the gates shut, and the 
 bridges drawn up, by the command of sir John Hotham, 
 a member of the house of commons, and by the parlia- 
 ment intrusted with the government of that town. Sip 
 John Hotham appeared upon the wall, and kneeling 
 down there, entreated his majesty that he would be 
 pleased not to command that which he must be en- 
 forced (though extremely grieved to disobey his ma-jesty 
 in any thing) to deny at that time ; alleging, that he 
 could not admit his majesty without breach of trust to 
 the parliament, beseeching the king to give him leave 
 to send to the parliament, to acquaint them with his 
 command, and take their direction. 
 
 The king, upon this denial, grew into choler, and 
 after some hot words, seeming not to believe that the 
 parliament had commanded any such thing ; and to 
 that purpose speaking, demanded of sir John Hotham, 
 that if he had order from the parliament to keep out 
 
168 The king complains of the offence offered to him book il. 
 
 his person, be should show it in writing ; for otherwise 
 he would not believe it. But sir John Hotham, be- 
 cause the order was not in those express words, as 
 naming the king's j)articular person, though he knew 
 the sense and meaning of the parliament, did not pro- 
 duce any writing ; only beseeching the king not to 
 command him that which he might not do. Where- 
 upon the king, after some hours spent in vain about 
 the town, proclaimed sir John Hotham traitor; and 
 returned, when he had received out of the town his 
 son the duke of York, and his nephew the prince 
 elector, whom sir John the day before had admitted 
 into the town, entertained, and lodged there that 
 night. 
 
 The next day the king, in a message to the parlia- 
 ment, complained of that affront offered by sir John 
 Hotham, accusing him for that he had traitorously and 
 seditiously strived to put his disobedience upon the 
 parliament, the king seeming to believe that Hotham 
 had done it upon his own head, without any direction 
 or authority from them : and within two days after, 
 sent another message to the parliament, complaining in 
 a sharper manner than before of that great indignity, 
 which, if they afforded him no reparation, would make 
 the world believe that his privileges were less than any 
 subject's in the land, and that it was more lawful to 
 rob him of his proper goods than the meanest member 
 of the kingdom. He sent also, at the same time, a 
 letter to the mayor of Hull, commanding him, and all 
 officers of that town, to take care that no part of the 
 magazine should be removed, or transported out of the 
 town, under any pretence of order or power whatso- 
 ever, without his royal assent, under his hand. He 
 caused likewise all passages between Hull and London 
 to be stopped up, and by that means apprehended a 
 
CHAP. III. hy sir J.Hotham, who is justified by parliament. 169 
 
 servant of sir John Hotham's, going withi a letter to 
 the parliament concerning the proceedings before men- 
 tioned. 
 
 The parliament immediately, upon notice of these 
 things, declared their reasons for Hull, and that the 
 stopping of passages, and intercepting of messengers or 
 letters to or from the parliament, or in their service, 
 was an high breach of the privileges of parliament, 
 ■which by the laws of the land, and their protestation, 
 they were bound to defend, and punish the violators ; 
 authorizing, by ordinance of both houses, all sheriffs, 
 justices, constables, and other officers, to aid them 
 employed in the said service, for their more speedy, 
 free, and safe passage ; giving order also to the said 
 officers within the counties of York and Lincoln, to 
 suppress any armies raised to force Hull, or stop the 
 passages before mentioned, in disturbance of the king- 
 dom's peace. 
 
 It was voted by them, two days after, that sir John 
 Hotham had done nothing but in obedience to the com- 
 mand of both houses of parliament. Resolved also it 
 was upon the question, that this declaring of sir John 
 Hotham traitor, being a member of the house of com- 
 mons, was an high breach of the privilege of parliament. 
 Resolved again, that declaring sir John Hotham traitor, 
 without due process of law, was against the liberty of 
 the subject and laws of the land. 
 
 An order of assistance was then given to the earl of 
 Stamford, the lord Willoughby of Parham, sir Edward 
 Ayscough, sir Christopher Wray, sir Samuel Owfield, 
 and master Hatcher, as committees of both houses sent 
 down to Hull, and the two counties of York and Lin- 
 coln, for service of the kingdom, that all sheriffs, jus- 
 tices, mayors, &c., should be assisting to them upon all 
 occasions. 
 
170 The parliament justifies sir J. Hotham. book iii 
 
 To that declaration, votes, and orders of assistance of 
 both houses of parliament, the king, on the 4th of May, 
 returned an answer, wherein at large he expresses how 
 heinous the affront was, and how much he accounts him- 
 self injured by the parliament, in not repairing him 
 against Hotham; labouring to prove by ancient statutes 
 there cited, that sir John Hotham's denial of entrance 
 to him was absolutely high treason by the law of the 
 land. 
 
 Upon this subject, within the space of one week, two 
 other declarations and answers passed between the king 
 and both houses, too large to be here inserted: but the 
 scope of the king's declarations in general are to vin- 
 dicate his own rights and dignity allowed him as king 
 by the laws of the land ; wherein he seemeth not to 
 take notice of the present occasion, or such things as 
 are conceived dangers, and thought necessary to pre- 
 vent, by a parliament sitting. The parliament, on the 
 other side, with all humility, and reverent expressions 
 to the king's person, seeming to take no notice of any 
 affront offered or intended to his majesty himself, but 
 only of preserving Hull, the militia, and navy, out of 
 the hands of those wicked counsellors, which they con- 
 ceived to be too prevalent with him, to the danger of 
 ruining the kingdom and himself; both which they 
 laboured to preserve, and were lawfully called to it by 
 that authority which belongs to parliaments, by the 
 fundamental constitution of English government. They 
 desire to inform the king, that his interest in towns, 
 arms, or the kingdom itself, is not of that kind that 
 private men have interest in their goods, to sell or dis- 
 pose of at pleasure ; but only as intrusted to him for 
 the good of all : in performance of which trust, none 
 but the parliament, while it sitteth, are or ought to be 
 his counsellors and directors : that there can be no 
 
CHAP. III. The king summons the gentry of York. 171 
 
 good or useful disputation where the principles are not 
 granted : and it was ever heretofore taken (say they) for 
 a certain principle, that the parliament sitting is the 
 only judge of what is dangerous to the commonwealth, 
 and what useful, as likewise what is lawful in those 
 cases ; which the king, by advice of no private council 
 whatsoever, ought to control or contradict : which 
 principle till the king will be pleased rightly to appre- 
 hend, disputations and declarations are endless, and no 
 true understanding between him and his people can be 
 begotten. 
 
 Of all these things if a reader desire to be satisfied 
 in particular, he may find the questions all fully stated 
 by the parliament, and the king's desires expressed by 
 himself, in two large declarations ; one called the par- 
 liament's third remonstrance, dated the 2l6th of May 
 1642, and the king's answer to that remonstrance. 
 
 But things began to go on in an high manner; the 
 parliament authorizing sir John Hotham to issue out 
 warrants to constables and other officers to come with 
 arms for the defence of Hull ; and the king, on the 
 other side, forbidding any such warrants, bringing, or 
 training, without an express authority under his hand. 
 
 The king had summoned the gentry of that county 
 to attend him at the city of York, which they accord- 
 ingly did, upon the 121th of May 1642 ; where he 
 caused, after he had spoken some few words to them, 
 to be read aloud in their hearing his answer to the de- 
 claration of both houses concerning Hull, the answer 
 of the parliament to his two messages concerning Hull, 
 together with his reply to the same, and his message 
 to both houses, declaring the reasons why he refused 
 to pass that bill of the militia : after which, he pro- 
 ceeded in a speech to them, wherein he strove to make 
 them apprehend, that traitorous attempts might be 
 
172 The king summons the gentry of York. bookii, 
 
 against his person ; and for that reason he desired a 
 guard of horse and foot to be levied there for his de- 
 fence. He complained likewise that the committee of 
 parliament consisting of four members of the house of 
 commons, Ferdinando lord Fairfax, sir Hugh Cholmlej, 
 sir Philip Stapleton, and sir Henry Cholmley, refused 
 to obey his command ; for they being there employed 
 in their own country by the parliament, to do service 
 to the state, were commanded by the king to depart 
 out of the country ; which they durst not do, against 
 the intention of the parliament, who employed them 
 there. But the king, in that speech to the county, 
 bade them take heed of those four gentlemen, not 
 knowing what doctrine of disobedience they might 
 preach to the people, under colour of obeying the 
 parliament. The king's speech and declaration read, 
 seemed to be much applauded by many gentlemen 
 and their servants : as when those things which came 
 from the parliament were read, the same persons ex- 
 pressed much scorn, hissing, and reviling the language 
 and reason of them. 
 
 But divers of the gentry, and greatest part of the 
 freeholders, began with sorrow to consider that this 
 division of the king from his great council could pro- 
 duce nothing but misery to the kingdom and dishonour 
 to himself; and therefore they humbly answered his 
 propositions concerning a guard, that they were will- 
 ing to do any service, or expose their lives to any 
 hazard for the safety of his majesty's royal person ; yet 
 they thought themselves unworthy to advise him in a 
 thing of so high consequence ; but humbly beseeched 
 him to impart the grounds of his fears and jealousies 
 to his high court of parliament, of whose loyal care and 
 affections to the king's honour and safety, and prosperity 
 of the whole kingdom, they were most confident. And 
 
CHAP. III. A petition is presented to his majesty. 173 
 
 in behalf of the four forementioned members of parlia- 
 ment lately employed to attend " your majesty," said 
 they, "from both houses, being all gentlemen of quality 
 and estate in the county ; we humbly crave your ma- 
 jesty's leave to express our confidence in their unstained 
 loyalty to your majesty, so far as that you may securely 
 admit their attendance to negotiate their employments, 
 until they shall be recalled by the parliament. And we 
 do all engage ourselves for their fidelity, as being most 
 assured that your royal person shall be secure in the 
 general loyalty of your subjects in this county, without 
 any extraordinary guard." 
 
 The king was presented also, the next day, with a 
 petition from many thousands, who termed themselves 
 " peaceably affected subjects in the county of York," in 
 which, expressing their loyalty and affection to him, they 
 speak thus : 
 
 We are confident that no so absolute and tearty observance 
 of your majesty's just commands can be demonstrated, as 
 when you shall in parliament declare them : if they be di- 
 vided, (which God forbid,) our hearts even tremble to consider 
 the danger, and diminution of the honour and safety of your- 
 self and kingdom ; since it is clear to every understanding, 
 that it is not a divided part of one or several counties can 
 afford that honour and safety to your majesty, as the whole 
 kingdom : which you may command, no ground of fear or 
 danger remaining, if a good confidence were begot betwixt 
 your majesty and the parhament ; whose grave and loyal 
 counsels are, as we humbly conceive, the visible way, under 
 God, to put a speedy end to the troubles in Ireland, and 
 establish your throne in righteousness. And lastly, we hum- 
 bly supplicate that we may represent our unfitness to become 
 judges betwixt your majesty and parliament in any thing, or 
 dispute the authority of either; which we humbly conceive do 
 fortify each other, &c. 
 
 The king was not well satisfied or pleased with this 
 petition, but persisted still in his former way of raising 
 
174 The king raises a guard, and the parliament the militia, book ii. 
 
 forces under the name of a guard ; whilst the parlia- 
 ment were voting to maintain those gentlemen their 
 committee in the north, in such things as they have 
 done, and shall further do in obedience to their com- 
 mands, for preservation of the kingdom's peace ; as 
 also to maintain their ordinance concerning the militia, 
 and to issue out commissions into all parts of the king- 
 dom, and appoint certain days for all the trained bands 
 to be exercised in each county according to that ordi- 
 nance : and that some members might be sent into the 
 several counties, to see the ordinance performed; and 
 the magazines of those several counties in England and 
 Wales to be forthwith put into the power of the lord 
 lieutenants of the said counties, being such as were in- 
 trusted by the parliament. And whereas the king had 
 made proclamation for all the gentlemen and others of 
 that county to attend him in arms as a guard, the par- 
 liament, three days after, declared, that it was against 
 the laws and liberties of the kingdom that any of the 
 subjects thereof should be commanded by the king to 
 attend him at his pleasure, but such as are bound 
 thereto by special service ; and that whosoever, upon 
 pretence of his command, shall take arms, and gather 
 together with others in a warlike manner, to the terror 
 of the king's people, shall be esteemed disturbers of 
 the public peace : and that the sheriffs of those coun- 
 ties where such raising or drawing of armed men should 
 be, should immediately raise the power of the county 
 to suppress them, and keep the king's peace according 
 to law. 
 
 So different and directly contrary at this time were 
 the commands of the king and parliament, in all things, 
 that the lords in parliament having been informed that 
 the king was resolved to adjourn the next term from 
 Westminster to York, and had given command to the 
 
CHAP. III. Members of both houses repair to the king. 175 
 
 lord keeper to issue proclamations and writs to that 
 purpose, voted that such a removal of the term, while 
 the parliament sat, was illegal ; and ordered that the 
 lord keeper should not issue any writs or seal any pro- 
 clamation tending to that end. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Many members of both houses have the parliament and repair 
 to the king. Nine of the lords who first went away are im- 
 peached by the commons, and censured by the peers. The 
 great seal is carried away from London to York. Some 
 votes of parliament concerning the king's proceedings. A 
 petition ivith nineteen propositions sent from the parliament 
 to the king. 
 
 _LHE king proceeded in his earnest endeavour of 
 raising forces, as a guard for his person : which in some 
 measure he had effected, by many fair expressions of 
 love and grace to the people of those northern counties, 
 and serious protestations of the clearness of his intent 
 from any violation of laws and liberties of the kingdom, 
 or making war against the parliament. But the king- 
 dom was not much affrighted with any forces which 
 the king could so raise ; nor could any other attempt 
 of his in the northern parts make the people fear a 
 civil war, until they saw that great defection of the 
 parliament members, which began before the end of 
 April, and continued for the greatest part of that May: 
 for at that time did the lords, one after another, and 
 sometimes by numbers, abandon the parliament sitting, 
 and go to the king at York, insomuch that in a very 
 short space those lords became the greater number; and 
 their departure began therefore to seem less strange 
 than^gie constant sitting of the rest. The lords who 
 lc\ft ihe parliament were these : the duke of Richmond, 
 
176 Various reflections of the people on the bookii: 
 
 marquis Hartford, the earls of Lindsey, Cumberland, 
 Huntingdon, Bath, Southampton, Dorset, Salisbury, 
 (although Salisbury, within few days after, repenting 
 himself, made a secret escape from York to London, 
 and joined himself again to the parliament, with whom 
 he continued constant ever after,) Northampton, Devon- 
 shire, Bristol, Westmoreland, Berkshire, Monmouth, 
 Rivers, Newcastle, Dover, Carnarvon, Newport ; the 
 lords Maltrevers, Willoughby of Eresby, Rich, Howard 
 of Charleton, Newark, Paget, Chandoys, Falconbridge, 
 Pavvlet, Lovelace, Savile, Coventry, Mohun, Dunsmore, 
 Seymour, Grey of Ruthen, Capel. Within the same 
 compass of time, many of the house of commons, 
 though no great number in respect of those who con- 
 tinued in that house, did likewise so far break that 
 trust which was reposed in them, as to forsake their 
 seats in parliament ; some of them, as was reported, 
 invited by letters from the king, and others of their 
 own accord. 
 
 At the revolt of so mau}^ members from the parlia- 
 ment, the kingdom in general began to fear ; and all 
 that loved the nation's peace were in an high measure 
 dismayed ; among whom nothing was to be heard, in 
 all meetings and discourses, but sad presages of misery 
 to the kingdom, if Almighty God did not in a mira- 
 culous way prevent it : they concluded that no other 
 way could have been found out to endanger the over- 
 throw of that parliament, which many open attempts 
 and secret conspiracies could not do : that as the ruin 
 of England could not in probability be wrought but by 
 itself; so the parliament could not be broken (a pro- 
 logue to the other) but by her own members, and that 
 sentence verified, Perditio tua ew te. Though the opin- 
 ions of men differed concerning the censure f'^^ those 
 members; while some condemned, others in son^o de- 
 
CHAP. III. Abandonment of parliament by the members. 177 
 
 gree excused them, according as affection and private 
 interests did lead them : yet concerning the effects 
 which that revolt in all probability must produce, all 
 rational men concurred in opinion, that nothing but 
 calamity and ruin could flow from it. What else (said 
 they) can this revolt do, but nourish and increase the 
 king's disaffection to the parliament ? What, but en- 
 courage his distance from it, and attempts against it ? 
 What, but secure the Irish rebels, and endanger the 
 loss of that kingdom ; cherish papists, obstruct justice, 
 and give impunity to all delinquents ? Nothing else 
 had power to undermine and shake the dignity and 
 reverence belonging to that high court ; whilst not only 
 the people, by that diminution of their number, were 
 persuaded to esteem of it as an imperfect parliament, 
 but the king might take that advantage of it, (which 
 proved true in his succeeding declarations and writings, 
 what he never did before,) as to call them a faction, or 
 pretended parliament, and such like. 
 
 In censuring those lords and commons who deserted 
 the parliament, the people, as was said before, did much 
 differ. Some considering how great the number was, 
 that many of them were of whole estates, of good re- 
 putation, and able parts, began to think, or at least to 
 say, that the parliament was not free enough ; that 
 those members (which was also their own excuse) were 
 curbed by a prevalent faction in the houses, and over- 
 awed by tumults from the city of London. Upon that 
 occasion, they called to mind in what manner the names 
 of nine and fifty members of the house of commons had 
 been posted up at the Exchange, for dissenting from the 
 rest about condemning of the earl of Strafford ; besides 
 what menacing speeches had been given by rude people 
 to some lords, whom they thought ill-affected. 
 
 MAY. N 
 
178 Reflections of the people on the abandonment book ii. 
 
 Others answered, that although such things had been 
 rashly and foolishly done by some unadvised persons, 
 yet it could not be feared that any tumults from the 
 city would ever violate a parliament sitting ; and that 
 the tumultuous appearance of such multitudes from the 
 city was rather intended for encouragement and security 
 of the parliament against such invasions as might be 
 made upon them, to awe their just freedom, and trea- 
 cherous conspiracies which by report were made against 
 them by people disaffected to that high court ; which 
 that plot of bringing the army against them formerly, 
 and late resorts of armed jjersons about Whitehall, 
 gave them cause to fear : that no fears of danger could 
 be pretended from the house itself against any member. 
 but such as that member M^as bound to undergo and 
 suffer rather than betray so great a trust of the people : 
 that it was to be presumed that no member of parlia- 
 ment wlio was well-afFected to his country could suffer 
 any thing from the house itself, whose ends and coun- 
 sels must needs be supposed to tend to the public good, 
 or else our ancestors, who constituted that frame of 
 government, were much deceived : that it was very 
 improbable the liberty of subjects should be violated by 
 that court, which is the only defence and conserver of 
 it, and without which it had always suffered from 
 princes, yea, such princes as were not very wicked. 
 
 They alleged that it was very dishonourable for those 
 lords, being the greater number, to pretend fear for 
 deserting the parliament : for if it were upon a true 
 dislike of any proceedings there, they were enough to 
 have stayed, and perchance have cured, those inconveni- 
 ences, and too many to have suffered in a good cause : 
 though honour would command one man alone, lawfully 
 called to it, to maintain a truth with any hazard. On 
 
CHAP. III. of parliament by many of the members. 179 
 
 the other side, they were too many to flee, to encourage 
 the king against his parliament, and thereby foment 
 that dissension which could produce no good effect. 
 
 It was alleged by many men, that some of those 
 lords were noblemen of honourable and virtuous re- 
 pute. Though that were not denied, nor could any 
 certain sign from the former demeanours of the lords 
 in general arise, to distinguish who were likely to 
 adhere to the parliament and who to desert it, (for they 
 were deceived on both sides in some particulars,) yet 
 certainly it was averred, that those lords whom the 
 people had most especially trusted in, as true patriots, 
 proved to be part of those who continued in the house, 
 and those whom the people in general distasted or dis- 
 trusted happened to be among those who upon this 
 occasion forsook the parliament. 
 
 It was likewise frequently spoken, that those mem- 
 bers of the house of commons who deserted it were 
 men generally of as able parts as any that continued 
 there. It was no wonder, (replied others,) but very pro- 
 bable, that they were such men, and such as had, or 
 thought they had, good parts enough to be looked upon 
 by a prince : for those men (though we should esteem 
 them all of equal honesty) were likeliest to fall off. 
 There is a difference between wisdom and good parts, 
 such as we count eloquence, wit, polite learning, and 
 the like : and that wisdom which is least adorned with 
 such dresses as these is usually at such times most safe 
 in itself, and freest from being corrupted ; as that 
 beauty is, which is set off with the least witchery of 
 attire : for that beauty which is curiously decked, as it 
 is most subject to be tempted by others, so it is most 
 apt to be proud of itself, and by consequence to betray 
 itself to such a temptation as is great enough. So it 
 hath been often seen in this case, (as was observed by 
 
 n2 
 
180 Vote passed in which the king book ii. 
 
 an old parliament man,) that those gentlemen of fine 
 parts, when other men of a plainer wisdom have had 
 the honour in a constant way to do excellent service 
 for the commonwealth, have been won from their 
 country's cause, as soon as majesty hath at all vouch- 
 safed to tempt them, or that perchance their opinion of 
 themselves hath made them meet or seek such a tempt- 
 ation. Besides that danger of invitation from a king, 
 it hath been too often known that men of such parts, 
 or that think so of themselves, have been apter to take 
 pet and grow angry, when any speech of theirs hath 
 not received that honour which they expected, or any 
 other affront hath been offered to them ; and what such 
 an anger may make proud and ambitious spirits to do, 
 even against their own country, and the dictates of 
 their conscience and reason, the world hath been taught 
 by many examples, some of high consequence, and very 
 remarkable, such as Coriolanus the Roman, and Julian 
 the Spanish general, which, for the eminence of the 
 persons, and extraordinary effects which they wrought 
 in the world, must needs fall into record, when the 
 actions of mean and private men are buried in oblivion. 
 Besides, there are many, whose callings make them 
 capable of easier and greater gratifications from the 
 king than other men ; as lawyers and divines ; who 
 will therefore be apt to lean that way where the pre- 
 ferment lies. Such discourses were frequent in all 
 companies at that time, for different affections did at 
 all meetings beget such argumentative language. 
 
 What sense and apprehension the parliament had of 
 so many members forsaking their station shall appear 
 anon, by a vote passed in the house of commons, and 
 presented to the lords by master Denzil Hollis, after 
 some intervening passages have been related. 
 
 Whilst the king, encouraged and strengthened by 
 
CHAP. III. is charged with making war upon the parliament . 181 
 
 this great accession of reputation to his side, pursued 
 his design of raising forces in the north, the parliament, 
 after that they had on the 20th of May petitioned 
 the king to disband such forces, and rely for his security 
 (as his predecessors had done) upon the laws and affec- 
 tions of his people, contenting himself with his usual 
 and ordinary guards, declared that otherwise they held- 
 themselves bound in duty towards God, and the trust 
 reposed in them by the people, and by the fundamental 
 laws and constitutions of the kingdom, to employ their 
 care and utmost power to secure the parliament, and 
 preserve the kingdom's peace ; and immediately it was 
 voted in parliament, and resolved upon the question, 
 " That it appears that the king, seduced by wicked 
 counsel, intends to make war against the parliament, 
 who in all their consultations and actions have proposed 
 no other end unto themselves but the care of his king- 
 doms, and the performance of all duty and loyalty to 
 his person." It was likewise resolved upon the ques- 
 tion, " that whensoever the king maketh war upon the 
 parliament, it is a breach of the trust reposed in him by 
 his people, contrary to his oath, and tending to the dis- 
 solution of this government." As also, " that whosoever 
 shall serve or assist him in such wars are traitors by 
 the fundamental laws of this kingdom, and have been 
 so adjudged in two acts of parliament, 1 1 Rich II and 
 I Hen. IV : and that such persons ought to suffer as 
 traitors." 
 
 But those lords who had forsaken the parliament 
 continuing still with the king in the northern parts, 
 the parliament, by an order of the 30th of May, sum- 
 moned nine of them, who first had gone away, to ap- 
 pear at Westminster ; viz. the earls of Northampton, 
 Devonshire, Dover, and Monmouth ; the lords Howard 
 of Charleton, Rich, Grey of Ruthen, Coventry, and 
 
182 Speech of Mr. D. Hollis, bookii. 
 
 Capel ; but they utterly refused to come away, return- 
 ing an answer in writing, which the parliament judged 
 to be a slighting and scornful letter : upon which a 
 vote was passed against them in the house of commons, 
 and presented on the 15th of June to the lords, by 
 master Hollis, with an oration of his own concerning 
 the importance of the business : the greatest part of 
 which speech being here inserted, may give light to the 
 reader concerning the condition of the kingdom at that 
 time, and the judgment of the houses upon it. 
 
 His speech began thus : 
 
 My lords, by command of the knights, citizens, and bur- 
 gesses of the house of commons, I come hither to your lord- 
 ships in behalf of the parliament, or rather in behalf of the 
 whole kingdom, labouring with much distraction, many fears, 
 great apprehensions of evil and mischief intended against it, 
 and now hatching and preparing by that malignant party 
 which thirsts after the destruction of religion, laws, and liberty; 
 all which are folded up, cherished, and preserved in the careful 
 bosom of the parliament. 
 
 It hath ever been the policy of evil counsellors (who are the 
 greatest enemies we have in the world, or can have) to strike 
 at parliaments, keep off parliaments, break parliaments, or 
 divide parliaments, by making factions, casting in diversions 
 and obstructions, to hinder and interrupt the proceedings of 
 parliament ; all against the parliament. 
 
 Your lordships have had experience of this truth this par- 
 liament ; a succession of designs upon it : first, to awe it, and 
 take away the freedom of it by the terror of an army ; then, 
 to bring force against it, actually to assault it, and with the 
 sword to cut in sunder this only band which ties and knits 
 up king and people, the people among themselves, and the 
 whole frame of this government, in one firm, and I hope indis- 
 soluble knot of peace and unity. 
 
 God diverted those designs, did blow upon them; presently 
 another is set upon, which was, to obstruct and hinder our 
 proceedings, that in the mean time the flame of rebellion 
 might consume the kingdom of Ireland, and distempers, dis- 
 
CHAP. HI. impeaching the nine lords for their desertion. 183 
 
 tractions, and jealousies be fomented here at home, to tear 
 out the bowels of this kingdom, the parliament being dis- 
 abled from helping it, by occasion of so many diversions, so 
 much business cut out unto it, many obstructions and diffi- 
 culties, especially that great one, from whence all the rest 
 receive countenance and support, his majesty^s absenting 
 himself, not concurring with us, and so withdrawing both his 
 presence and influence ; by which means such remedies could 
 not be applied as were necessary, and what was done was 
 done with infinite trouble to the parliament and excessive 
 charge to the subject, double, treble, what otherwise would 
 have served the turn; so the subject is grieved, and oppressed 
 with charge, and the blame of all is laid upon the parliament, 
 and the parliament unjustly said to be the cause of all these 
 evils, which the authors of them had made so great, and so 
 confirmed and secured by the frequent interruptions of the 
 parliament, that they could not suddenly nor easily be sup- 
 pressed or removed. 
 
 Well, by God's infinite blessing, the parliament was in a 
 fair possibility to wade through this likewise, and though the 
 night had been black and stormy, some day began to appear : 
 miraculously our armies had prospered in Ireland, and, God 
 be praised, the malevolent practices of these vipers at home, 
 as they appeared, were in some sort mastered ; and the par- 
 liament began to act and operate towards the settling of the 
 great affairs both of church and state, and providing for the 
 defence and safety of this kingdom, against either foreign inva- 
 sion, or any striving of the disaffected party among themselves. 
 
 Then three ways are together assayed for the weakening 
 and invalidating the proceeding and power of the parliament, 
 and making way for the utter subversion of it. 
 
 I. Force is gathered together at York, under pretence of a 
 guard for his majesty's person, to make an opposition against 
 the parliament, and by strong hand to support and protect 
 delinquents, so as no order of parliament can be obeyed, but 
 on the other side is slighted and scorned, to make the parlia- 
 ment of no reputation, to be but imago parliamenti, a mere 
 shadow, without substance, without efficacy. 
 
 3. To send out in his majesty's name, and as declarations 
 and messages from him, bitter invectives against the parlia- 
 
184 Speech of Mr. D.Hollis, book ii. 
 
 mentj to perplex it, and engage it in expense of time to 
 answer them : and besides, cunningly to insinuate and in- 
 fuse into the people, by false colours and glosses, a disopinion 
 and dislike of the parliament, and, if it be possible, to stir up 
 their spirits to rise against it, to destroy it, (and in it all 
 other parhaments,) to the ruin of themselves, their wives, and 
 children. 
 
 3. The third plot is : the members are drawn away, and 
 persuaded to forsake their duty and attendance here, and go 
 down to York, thereby to blemish the actions of both houses, 
 as done by a few and an inconsiderable number, and rather a 
 party than a parliament, and perhaps to raise and set up an 
 anti-parhament there. 
 
 My lords, this is now the great design, whereby they hope 
 by little and little the parliament shall even bleed to death, 
 and moulder to nothing, the members dropping away one 
 after another ; a desperate and dangerous practice, and, as 
 your lordships well observed, (when you were pleased to com- 
 municate the business to us,) an effect of the evil counsels 
 now prevailing, and tending to the dissolution of the parlia- 
 ment, of this parliament, which, under God, must be the pre- 
 server of three kingdoms, and keep them firm and loyal to 
 their king, subject to his crown, save them from being turned 
 into a chaos of disorder and confusion, and made a dismal 
 spectacle of misery and desolation ; this parliament, which is 
 the last hope of the long oppressed, and in other countries 
 even almost wholly destroyed, protestant religion : this parlia- 
 ment, which is the only means to continue us to be a nation 
 of freedom, and not of slaves ; to be owners of any thing : in 
 a word, which must stand in the gap, to prevent an inlet and 
 inundation of all misery and confusion. 
 
 My lords, this parliament they desire to destroy ; but I 
 hope it will destroy the destroyers, and be a wall of fire to 
 consume them, as it is a wall of brass to us, to defend king 
 and kingdom, us and all we have, 
 
 Your lordships wisely foresaw this mischief, and as wisely 
 have endeavoured to prevent it, by making your orders to 
 keep your members here ; as that of the 9th of April, and 
 several other orders enjoining them all to attend ; thereby 
 restraining them from repairing to York, where the clouds 
 
CHAP. HI. impeaching the nine lords for their desertion. 185 
 
 were observed to gather so fast, threatening a storm, and 
 such preparations to be made against the parliament, that it 
 necessitated both houses to pass a vote, That the king, seduced 
 by wicked counsel, intended to make luar against the parlia- 
 ment ; and all who shall serve and assist in such wars are 
 declared to be traitors : which vote passed the 20th of May ; 
 so setting a mark upon that place, and their opinion concern- 
 ing those who should at this time resort thither. 
 
 Yet now, in such a conjuncture of time, when the kingdom 
 had never more need of a parliament, and the parliament 
 never more need of all the help and assistance of the best 
 endeavour and advice of every member ; the safety, and even 
 being of three kingdoms depending on it ; after such orders 
 and commands of your lordships' house to the contrary; such 
 a vote of both houses; and expressly against their duty; being 
 called thither by writ under the great seal, which is the king's 
 greatest and highest command, and not controllable, nor to 
 be dispensed with by any other command from him whatso- 
 ever ; and called to treat and consult de arduis regni, the 
 great urging and pressing affairs of the kingdom, never more 
 urgent, never more pressing : notwithstanding all this, these 
 lords, the earls of Northampton, Devonshire, Dover, Mon- 
 mouth, the lords Howard of Charlton, Rich, Grey, Coventry, 
 and Capel, have left their stations, withdrawn themselves, and 
 are gone to York ; and beiag summoned to appear by an 
 order of the 30th of May, instead of obedience, return re- 
 fusal, by a slighting and scornful letter, which hath been so 
 adjudged both by your lordships and the house of commons. 
 
 My lords, the house of commons hath likewise, upon the 
 consideration and debate of this business, finding it so much 
 to concern the safety of the kingdom, and the very being of 
 the parliament, passed this vote ; That the departing of these 
 nine lords from the parliament without leave, after such a time 
 as both houses had declared that the king, seduced by wicked 
 counsel, intended to make war against the parliament ; and 
 their still continuing at York, notwithstanding their summons 
 and command, is an high affront and contempt of both houses ; 
 and that the said lords did as much as in them lay, that the 
 service of parliament might be deserted, and are justly suspected 
 to promote a war against the parliament. 
 
186 Speech of Mr.D.Hollis, impeaching the nine lords. book ii. 
 
 The house, in further prosecution of their duty in this par- 
 ticular, and in pursuance of their protestation, which obhges 
 them to endeavour to bring to condign punishment all such 
 high offenders against, not only the privileges, but the very 
 essence of parliament, have sent me up to impeach these 
 lords, and desire that speedy and exemplary justice may be 
 done upon them. 
 
 And accordingly I do hei'e^ in the name of the knights, 
 citizens, and burgesses of the commons' house assembled in 
 parliament, and in the name of all the commons in England, 
 impeach Spencer earl of Northampton, William earl of Devon- 
 shire, Henry earl of Dover, Henry earl of Monmouth, Charles 
 lord Howard of Charleton, Robert lord Rich, Charles lord Grey 
 of Ruthen, Thomas lord Coventry, and Arthur lord Capel, for 
 these high crimes and misdemeanours following; viz. for that, 
 contrary to their duty, they being peers of the realm, and 
 summoned by writ to attend the parliament ; and contrary 
 to an order of the house of peers of the 9th of April last, and 
 several other orders, requiring the attendance of the members 
 of that house ; and after a vote passed in both houses the 
 20th of May last, that the king, seduced by wicked counsel, 
 intended to make Mar against the parliament ; and that who- 
 soever served or assisted him in that war was adjudged a 
 traitor ; did notwithstanding, afterwards, in the same month 
 of May, contemptuously, having notice of the said votes and 
 orders, withdraw themselves from the said house of peers, 
 and repair to the city of York, where the preparations of the 
 said war were, and yet are, in contrivance and agitation; they 
 knowing of such preparations : and being by an order of the 
 30th of May duly summoned by the house of peers to make 
 their appearance before that house upon the 8th day of June 
 last past, they refused to appear, and returned a scornful an- 
 swer by a letter under their hands, directed to the speaker of 
 the lords' house, and remaining there upon record. 
 
 For which crimes and misdemeanours, to the interruption 
 of the proceedings of parliament, and great affairs of the 
 kingdom, and tending to the dissolution of the parliament 
 and disturbance of the peace of the kingdom, I am com- 
 manded, in the name of the said commons, to demand of 
 your lordships that the said lords may be forthwith put to 
 
CHAP. III. Lord Littleton sends the great seal to York. 187 
 
 their answer^ and receive speedy and exemplary punishment, 
 according to their demerits. The commons saving to them- 
 selves liberty at all times hereafter, to exhibit any other or 
 further impeachment or accusation against the said lords, or 
 any of them. 
 
 Upon this impeachment of the nine lords, the house 
 of peers, about a month after, being in their robes, 
 entered into debate of the said impeachment ; and after 
 divers speeches made by some lords, setting forth the 
 greatness of their offence, they were censured, 1. Never 
 to sit more as members of that house ; 2. That they 
 should be utterly uncapable of any benefit or privileges 
 of parliament ; 3. That they should suffer imprisonment 
 during their pleasure. After which censure, it was 
 concluded that the said lords should be demanded, in 
 the behalf of both houses of parliament, to submit to 
 the said censure. 
 
 About that time, when the members of both houses 
 of parliament did daily forsake their station, and repair 
 to the king at York, another accident fell out, which 
 gave a great wound to the parliament, and much en- 
 couragement to the king in his designs ; which was the 
 carrying away of the great seal of England from London 
 to York. 
 
 Edward lord Littleton, on whom the king, when the 
 lord keeper Finch fled out of England, as is before re- 
 lated, bad conferred the keeping of the great seal, (he 
 being before lord chief justice of the common pleas, 
 and created a baron of the realm,) had continued for 
 some si)ace of time, after the rest were gone to York, 
 firm to the parliament in all appearance, and upon all 
 occasions voted according to the sense of those that 
 seemed the best affected that way ; and among other 
 things, gave his vote for settling the militia by ordinance 
 of parliament j insomuch that there seemed no doubt 
 
188 The parliament's order to seize arms. book ii. 
 
 at all to be made of his constancy ; till at the last, 
 before the end of the month of June, a young gentle- 
 man, one master Thomas Eliot, groom of the privy 
 chamber to the king, was sent closely from York to 
 him ; who being admitted by the lord keeper into his 
 private chamber, when none else were by, so handled 
 the matter, whether by persuasions, threats, or promises, 
 or whatsoever, that after three hours' time he got the 
 great seal into his hands, and rid post with it away to 
 the king at York. 
 
 The lord keeper Littleton, after serious consideration 
 with himself what he had done, or rather suffered, and 
 not being able to answer it to the parliament, the next 
 day, early in the morning, rode after it himself, and 
 went to the king. 
 
 Great was the complaint at London against him for 
 that action ; nor did the king ever show him any great 
 regard afterwards. The reason which the lord keeper 
 Littleton gave, for parting so with the great seal, to 
 some friends of his who went after him to York, was 
 this ; that the king, when he made him lord keeper, 
 gave him an oath in private, which he took, that when- 
 soever the king should send to him for the great seal 
 he should forthwith dehver it. This oath (as he averred 
 to his friends) his conscience would by no means suffer 
 him to dispense withal ; he only repented (though 
 now too late) that he had accepted the office upon those 
 terms. 
 
 The parliament, to prevent so sad a war, sent out 
 two orders ; one, to all sheriffs, justices, and other 
 officers within 150 miles of the city of York, that they 
 should take special care to make stay of all arms and 
 ammunition carrying towards York, until they have 
 given notice thereof to the lords and commons, and re- 
 ceived their further direction ; and to that purpose to 
 
CHAP. III. The king issues a proclamation. 189 
 
 keep strict watches within their several limits, to search 
 for and seize all such arms, and apprehend the persons 
 going with the same : the other was to the sheriff of 
 Lancashire, and other adjacent counties, to suppress the 
 raising and coming together of any soldiers, horse or 
 foot, by any warrant from the king, without the advice 
 of the lords and commons in parliament ; as likewise to 
 declare all that should execute any such warrant from 
 the king, disturbers of the peace of the kingdom ; and 
 to command the trained bands to be assistant to the 
 sheriflfs in that service. 
 
 These orders of the parliament were immediately 
 answered by a proclamation from the king ; forbidding 
 all his subjects belonging to the trained bands, or militia 
 of this kingdom, to rise, march, muster, or exercise, by 
 virtue of any order or ordinance of one or both houses 
 of parliament, without consent or warrant from his 
 majesty. The parliament notwithstanding proceed in 
 settling the militia of the kingdom, (having made on the 
 2nd of June an order for those revolted members to 
 return to their duty again before the I6th of that month, 
 under the forfeiture of 100/., to be disposed to the 
 wars in Ireland, besides undergoing such punishment 
 as the houses should think fit,) and had by this time at 
 many places begun to settle the said militia. 
 
 Upon the same 2nd of June also, the lords and 
 commons sent a petition to the king, with nineteen 
 propositions; which the king received with great indig- 
 nation, as appeared in his answer to them both in gene- 
 ral and in divers particulars concerning those proposi- 
 tions, as esteeming himself injured in restraint of his 
 power and prerogative. The petition and propositions 
 were as followeth : 
 
] 90 The parliament's petition book ii. 
 
 The humble petition and advice of both houses of parliament; 
 ivith nineteen propositions, and the conclusion, sent unto his 
 majesty the 2nd of June 1642. 
 
 Your majesty's most humble and faithful subjects, the 
 lords and commons in parliament, having nothing in their 
 thoughts and desires more precious and of higher esteem 
 (next to the honour and immediate service of God) than the 
 just and faithful performance of their duty to your majesty 
 and this kingdom ; and being very sensible of the great dis- 
 tractions and distempers, and of the imminent dangers and 
 calamities which those distractions and distempers are like to 
 bring upon your majesty and your subjects ; all which have 
 proceeded from the subtle informations, mischievous practices, 
 and evil counsels of men disaffected to God's true religion, 
 your majesty's honour and safety, and the public peace and 
 prosperity of your people, after a serious observation of the 
 causes of those mischiefs ; do in all humility and sincerity 
 present to your majesty their most dutiful petition and advice, 
 that out of your princely wisdom, for the establishing your 
 own honour and safety, and gracious tenderness of the welfare 
 and security of your subjects and dominions, you will be 
 pleased to grant and accept these their humble desires and 
 propositions, as the most necessary effectual means, through 
 God's blessing, of removing those jealousies and differences 
 which have unhappily fallen betwixt you and your people, and 
 procuring both your majesty and them a constant course of 
 honour, peace, and happiness. 
 
 The propositions. 
 I. That the lords and others of your majesty's privy-coun- 
 cil, and such great officers and ministers of state, either at 
 home or beyond the seas, may be put from your privy-coun- 
 cil, and from those offices and employments, excepting such as 
 shall be approved of by both houses of parliament : and that 
 the persons put into the places and employment of those that 
 are removed, may be approved of by both houses of parlia- 
 ment : and that privy-couucillors shall take an oath for the 
 due execution of their places, in such forms as shall be agreed 
 upon by both houses of parliament. 
 
CHAP. III. containing nineteen propositions. 191 
 
 2. That the great affairs of the kingdom may not be con- 
 cluded or transacted by the advice of private men, or by any 
 unknown or unsworn counsellors ; but that such matters as 
 concern the public, and are proper for the high court of par- 
 liament, which is your majesty^s great and supreme council, 
 may be debated, resolved, and transacted only in parliament, 
 and not elsewhere : and such as shall presume to do any 
 thing to the contrary shall be reserved to the censure and 
 judgment of parliament : and such other matters of state as 
 are proper for your majesty's privy-council shall be debated 
 and concluded by such of the nobility and others as shall 
 from time to time be chosen for that place, by approbation 
 of both houses of parliament. And that no public act con- 
 cerning the affairs of the kingdom, which are proper for your 
 privy-council, may be esteemed of any validity, as proceeding 
 from the royal authority, unless it be done by the advice and 
 consent of the major part of your council, attested under 
 their hands. And that your council may be limited to a 
 certain number, not exceeding twenty-five, nor under fifteen. 
 And if any councillor's place happen to be void in the interval 
 of parliament, it shall not be supplied without the assent of 
 the major part of the council; which voice shall be confirmed 
 at the next sitting of parliament, or else to be void. 
 
 3. That the lord high steward of England, lord high con- 
 stable, lord chancellor, or lord keeper of the great seal, lord 
 treasurer, lord privy seal, earl marshal, lord admiral, warden 
 of the cinque ports, chief governor of Ireland, chancellor of 
 the exchequer, master of the wards, secretaries of state, two 
 chief justices, and chief baron, may always be chosen with 
 the approbation of both houses of parliament ; and in the in- 
 tervals of parliaments, by assent of the major part of the 
 council, in such manner as is before expressed in the choice 
 of councillors. 
 
 4. That he or they unto whom the government and educa- 
 tion of the king's children shall be committed, shall be ap- 
 proved of by both houses of parliament ; and in the intervals 
 of parliament, by the assent of the major part of the council, 
 in such manner as is before expressed in the choice of coun- 
 cillors : and that all such servants as are now about them, 
 
192 The parliatnent's petition book ii. 
 
 against whom both houses shall have any just exceptions, shall 
 be removed. 
 
 5. That no marriage shall be concluded or treated for any 
 of the king's children, with any foreign prince, or other per- 
 son whatsoever abroad or at home, without the consent of 
 parliament, under the penalty of a pr<Bmunire unto such as 
 shall be concluded, or treat any marriage as aforesaid : and 
 that the said penalty shall not be pardoned or dispensed with 
 but by the consent of both houses of parliament. 
 
 6. That the laws in force against Jesuits, priests, and 
 popish recusants, be strictly put in execution, without any 
 toleration or dispensation to the contrary : and that some 
 more effectual course may be enacted by authority of parlia- 
 ment, to disable them from making any disturbance in the 
 state, or eluding the law by trusts or otherwise. 
 
 7. That the votes of popish lords in the house of peers may 
 be taken away, so long as they continue papists : and that 
 your majesty will consent to such a biU as shall be drawn, for 
 the education of the children of papists by protestants in the 
 protestant religion. 
 
 8. That your majesty will be pleased to consent that such 
 a reformation be made of the church government and liturgy 
 as both houses of parliament shall advise ; wherein they in- 
 tend to have consultations with divines, as is expressed in 
 their declaration to that purpose; and that your majesty will 
 contribute your best assistance to them, for the raising of a 
 sufficient maintenance for preaching ministers through the 
 kingdom : and that your majesty will be pleased to give 
 your consent to laws for the taking away of innovations and 
 superstition, and of pluralities, and against scandalous min- 
 isters. 
 
 9. That your majesty will be pleased to rest satisfied with 
 that course that the lords and commons have appointed for 
 ordering the militia, until the same shall be further settled 
 by a bill : and that your majesty will recall your declarations 
 and proclamations against the ordinance made by the lords 
 and commons concerning it. 
 
 10. That such members of either house of parliament as 
 have during this present parliament been put out of any place 
 
CHAP. IV. containing nineteen propositions. 193 
 
 and office, may either be restored to that place and office, or 
 otherwise have satisfaction for the same, upon the petition of 
 that house whereof he or they are members. 
 
 1 1 . That all privy councillors and judges may take an oath, 
 the form whereof to be agreed on and settled by act of par- 
 Hament, for the maintaining of the petition of right, and of 
 certain statutes made by this parliament, which shall be men- 
 tioned by both houses of parliament : and that an inquiry of 
 all the breaches and violations of those laws may be given in 
 charge by the justices of the King's Bench every term, and 
 by the judges of assize in their circuits, and justices of the 
 peace at the sessions, to be presented and punished according 
 to law. 
 
 12. That all the judges, and all the officers placed by appro- 
 bation of both houses of parliament, may hold their places 
 quam diu bene se gesserint. 
 
 13. That the justice of parliament may pass upon all de- 
 linquents, whether they be within the kingdom, or fled out 
 of it : and that all persons cited by either house of parliament 
 may appear, and abide the censure of parliament. 
 
 14. That the general pardon offered by your majesty may 
 be granted with such exceptions as shall be advised by both 
 houses of parHament. 
 
 15. That the forts and castles of this kingdom may be put 
 under the command and custody of such persons as your 
 majesty shall appoint, with the approbation of your parlia- 
 ment; and in the intervals of parliament, with approbation 
 of the major part of the council, in such manner as is before 
 expressed in the choice of councillors. 
 
 16. That the extraordinary guards and military forces now 
 attending your majesty may be removed and discharged; and 
 that for the future you will raise no such guards or extraor- 
 dinary forces, but according to the law in case of actual re- 
 bellion or invasion. 
 
 ] 7. That your majesty will be pleased to enter into a more 
 strict allegiance with the states of the United Provinces, and 
 other neighbour princes and states of the protestant religion, 
 for the defence and maintenance thereof against all designs 
 and attempts of the pope and his adherents to subvert and 
 suppress it : whereby your majesty will obtain a great access 
 
 MAY. o 
 
194 The king' s answer to the petition book ii. 
 
 of strength and reputation, and your subjects be much encou- 
 raged and enabled in a parliamentary way, for your aid and 
 assistance in restoring your royal sister and her princely issue 
 to those dignities and dominions which belong unto them ; and 
 relieving the other distressed protestant princes who have suf- 
 fered in the same cause. 
 
 1 8. That your majesty will be pleased, by act of parlia- 
 ment, to clear the lord Kimbolton, and the five members of 
 the house of commons, in such manner, that future parlia- 
 ments may be secured from the consequence of that evil 
 precedent. 
 
 19. That your majesty will be graciously pleased to pass a 
 bill for restraining peers made hereafter from sitting or voting 
 in parliament, unless they be admitted thereunto with the con- 
 sent of both houses of parliament. 
 
 And these our humble desires being granted by your ma- 
 jesty, we shall forthwith apply ourselves to regulate your 
 present revenue in such sort as may be for your best advan- 
 tage, and likewise to settle such an ordinary and constant 
 increase of it, as shall be sufficient to support yoiu' royal 
 dignity in honour and plenty, beyond the proportion of any 
 former grants of the subjects of this kingdom to your ma- 
 jesty^s royal predecessors. We shall likewise put the town 
 of Hull into such hands as your majesty shall appoint, with 
 the consent and approbation of parliament, and deliver up a 
 just account of all the magazine, and cheerfully employ the 
 uttermost of our endeavours in the real expression and per- 
 formance of our most dutiful and loyal affections, to the pre- 
 serving and maintaining the royathonour, greatness, and safety 
 of your majesty and your posterity. 
 
 Hen. Elsynge, cler. pari. D. Com. 
 
 To these propositions, sent from the parliament, the 
 king returned such an answer as showed that he was 
 much displeased with the whole business : for befor^ 
 his particular answers to the several propositions, he 
 complaineth in general, and those very sharp, expres- 
 sions of the method of their proceedings against him : 
 and that the cabalists of this business (for so he calls 
 
CHAP. IV. that contained the nineteen propositions. 195 
 
 them) have used great art and subtlety against him; 
 first to strengthen themselves with unlawful power, 
 before they make their illegal demands. He taxes 
 them, that first they had removed the law itself, as a 
 rub in their way, and pressed their own orders and 
 ordinances upon the people (tending to a pure arbi- 
 trary power) as laws, and required obedience to them, 
 without the consent or concurrence of himself. That 
 they had wrested from him the command of the militia, 
 (a thing inherent in his crown,) countenanced the treason 
 of Hotham against him, and directed to the people in- 
 vectives against his government, to weaken his just au- 
 thority and due esteem among his subjects ; casting 
 upon him aspersions of a strange nature, as, that he 
 should favour a rebellion in the bowels of his king- 
 dom. He complains likewise that they had broached 
 (for so he calls it) a new doctrine, namely, that the 
 king is bound to pass all laws that shall be offered to 
 him by both houses of parliament : a point of policy fit 
 for their present business, as destructive to all his 
 rights. That they have overawed his subjects, in sti- 
 fling all petitions that did not please them ; and filled 
 the people's ears with needless fears and jealousies, and 
 such like things, before they thought his majesty sufii- 
 ciently prepared to take those bitter pills. For, saith 
 he, " if they had unseasonably vented such propositions, 
 as the wisdom and modesty of their predecessors never 
 thought fit to oifer to any of our progenitors, nor we, in 
 honour or regard to our regal authority, (which God 
 hath intrusted us with for the good of our ])eople,) 
 could receive without just indignation, (for such many 
 of the present propositions are,) their hopes would soon 
 have been blasted, and those persons to whom offices, 
 honours, power, and commands were designed, by such 
 ill timing of their business, would have failed of their 
 
 o 2 
 
196 The king's anstver to the petition book ii. 
 
 expectation, not without a brand upon the attempt." 
 Therefore he saith, that they had made beforehand 
 those forenamed preparations. The king seems to 
 doubt likewise, because the parliament have not told 
 him that this is all they desire of him, that these pro- 
 positions are probably intended to make way for a su- 
 perfoetation of a (yet) higher nature. And in the 
 propositions in general he observes, that the contrivers 
 of them (the better to advance their true ends) dis- 
 guised as much as they could their intents with a mix- 
 ture of some things really to be approved by every honest 
 man, others specious and popular, and some already 
 granted by him : all which, saith he, are cunningly 
 twisted, and mixed with other things of their main de- 
 sign of ambition and private interest. 
 
 But the king desires not to be understood so, as if 
 he intended to fix this design upon both or either house 
 of parliament : for he utterly professeth against it, being 
 most confident of the loyalty, good affections, and in- 
 tegrity of the intentions of that great body, and know- 
 ing well that very many of both houses were absent, 
 and many dissented from all those particulars of which 
 he complains : but that he believes, and accordingly 
 professes to all the world, that the malignity of this 
 design hath proceeded from the subtle informations, 
 mischievous practices, and evil counsels of some ambi- 
 tious turbulent spirits, disaffected to God's true religion, 
 (using their own language,) the unity of the professors 
 thereof, his honour and safety, and the public peace 
 and prosperity of the people. (And such other like 
 general expressions.) 
 
 In particular, the king expressed himself with great 
 indignation against ten of their propositions, which 
 were the 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 9, 15, 16, 19 : averring, that if 
 they did intend the establishment of his honour, toge- 
 
CHAP. IV. that contained the nineteen propositions. 197 
 
 ther with the security of his people, (as their profession 
 is,) they would not offer him such propositions : for that 
 profession, joined to these propositions, appeared to his 
 judgment as a mockery and scorn. 
 
 He averreth further, that their demands are such, as 
 that he were unworthy of that royal descent from so 
 many famous ancestors, unworthy of the trust reposed 
 in him by the laws, if he should divest himself of such 
 a power so inherent in his crown, and assume others 
 into it ; protesting, that if he were both vanquished 
 and a prisoner, in worse condition than any the most 
 unfortunate of his predecessors had ever been reduced 
 unto, he would never stoop so low as to grant those 
 demands, and to make himself of a king of England a 
 duke of Venice. 
 
 The several answers that the king made, and argu- 
 ments that he used to each several branch of those 
 propositions, are too large to be here inserted, and 
 may be read, by those that would be further informed, 
 in the printed book of parliament declarations and 
 ordinances •*. 
 
 h The book here referred to was printed in this very same year 
 164a, at London, for Edward Husbands, J. Warren, and R. Best, 
 and Sold at the Middle Temple, and at Gray's-Inn-gate, and at the 
 White Horse in Paul's Churchyard : and its title was as follows : 
 " An Exact Collection of all Remonstrances, Declarations, Votes, 
 Orders, Ordinances, Proclamations, Petitions, Messages, Answers, 
 and other remarkable Passages between the King's Most Excellent 
 Majesty and his High Court of Parhament ; beginning at his Majesty's 
 Return from Scotland, being in December 1 64 ] , and continued until 
 March the 21st, 1643." 
 
 Which were formerly puWished either by the king's majesty's 
 command, or by order from one or both houses of parhament. 
 
 With a table, wherein are most exactly digested all the foremen- 
 tioned things according to their several dates and dependencies. 
 
198 The two houses raise troops and money. book ii. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 An order for the bringing in of plate and money into Guildhall. 
 The king's declaration to the lords about him : their profes- 
 sion and protestation to Mm. The king layeth siege to Hull, 
 but raiseth it again. The earl of Warwick taketh possession 
 of the navy., as lord admiral. The earl of Essex is voted in 
 parliament to be lord general of all their forces. 
 
 wN the 10th day of June following, an order was made 
 by both houses of parliament for bringing in of money 
 and plate, to maintain horse, horsemen, and arms for 
 preservation of the public peace, and defence of the 
 king's person, (for that the parliament in their expres- 
 sions always joined together with their own safety,) and 
 both houses of parliament. Wherein it was expressed, 
 that whosoever should bring in any money or plate, or 
 furnish any horsemen and arms for that purpose, should 
 have their money repaid with interest, according to 
 eight in the hundred ; for which both houses of parlia- 
 ment did engage the public faith. 
 
 Four treasurers were ordained, whose acquittances 
 for the receipt of any sum should be a sufficient ground 
 to the lenders to demand their money and plate again 
 with the interest belonging thereunto. The ti'easurers 
 were, sir John Wollaston, knight and alderman of Lon- 
 don, alderman Towes, alderman Warner, and alderman 
 Andrewes. Commissaries also were appointed to^value 
 the horse and arms which should be furnished for that 
 service. 
 
 It was desired in that order, that all men resident in 
 or about London, or within eighty miles, would bring 
 in their money, plate, or horse within a fortnight after 
 notice ; and they that dwell further off, within three 
 weeks: and that those who intended to contribute 
 within the time limited, but were not for the present 
 provided of money or horse, should subscribe, that it 
 
CHAP. VI. The king sends a commission of array into Leicestershire. 199 
 
 might be soon known what provision would be for 
 effecting of that great and important service. And in 
 conclusion it was declared, that whatsoever was brought 
 in should be employed to no other purposes but those 
 beforementioned ; the maintenance of the protestant 
 religion, the king's person, dignity, and authority, the 
 laws of the land, the peace of the kingdom, and privi- 
 leges of parliament. 
 
 Whilst this order was drawing up, advertisement by 
 letters was given to the parliament, that the crown 
 jewels were pawned at Amsterdam, and other places of 
 the Netherlands ; upon which money was taken up, 
 and warlike ammunition provided in those parts, as 
 battering pieces, culverins, fieldpieces, mortar pieces, 
 granadoes, with great store of powder, pistols, carabines, 
 great saddles, and such like. Whereby the parliament 
 thought they could not otherwise .judge, than that the 
 king did plainly intend a war against them, and had 
 designed it long before. 
 
 They received intelligence at the same time that the 
 king had sent a commission of array into Leicestershire, 
 directed to the earl of Huntington, the earl of Devon- 
 shire, and Mr. Henry Hastings, second son to the earl 
 of Huntington, (for the lord Hastings' eldest son to that 
 earl did then adhere to the parliament,) which three 
 were chief in the commission ; but many other knights 
 and gentlemen of that county were named in it. Toge- 
 ther with this commission of array, the king sent a 
 letter also, containing the reasons of it, wherein he com- 
 plaineth that the parliament, by their ordinance for the 
 militia, would divest him of that power which is properly 
 inherent in his crown. And for the occasion and rea- 
 son of that commission, he urgeth a declaration of their 
 own, using their very expressions and words in his let- 
 ter ; that whereas it hath been declared by votes of both 
 
200 The king's declaration to the lords at York ; book ii. 
 
 houses of parliament, the 15th of March last, that 
 the kingdom hath of late been, and still is, in evident 
 and imminent danger, both from enemies abroad and a 
 popish discontented party at home ; he concludes that, 
 for the safeguard both of his own person and people, 
 there is an urgent and inevitable necessity of putting 
 his people into a posture of defence, &c. Thus did the 
 parliament's prologue to their ordinance of militia serve 
 the king's turn for his commission of array totidem 
 verbis. The co]iy of which commission and letter com- 
 ing into the hands of the parliament, it was resolved 
 upon the question, by the lords and commons assembled 
 in parliament, that this commission of array for Leices- 
 ter is against law, and against the liberty and property 
 of the subject : and resolved again upon the question, 
 within two days after, that all those that are actors in 
 putting the commission of array in execution shall be 
 esteemed as disturbers of the kingdom's peace, and be- 
 trayers of the liberty of the subject. It was also ordered 
 by both houses, that this commission of array, and the 
 forementioned votes, should be forthwith printed and 
 published through the kingdom. 
 
 The king was not wanting to his own design in the 
 mean time, and whatsoever might give countenance to 
 the business he had in hand ; but made a short declara- 
 tion to the lords who then attended him at York, and 
 others his privy council there, in these words : 
 
 We do declare, that we will require no obedience from you 
 but what is warranted by the known laws, as we expect that 
 you shall not yield to any commands not legally grounded or 
 imposed by any other. We will defend all you^ and all such 
 as shall refuse any such commands, whether they proceed 
 from votes and orders of both houses, or any other way, from 
 all danger whatsoever. We will defend the true protestant 
 rehgion estabUshed by the laws, the lawful liberties of the 
 subjects of England, and just privileges of all the three estates 
 
CHAP. VI. their pt-ofession and protestation to him. 201 
 
 of parliament ; and shall require no further obedience from 
 you, than as we accordingly shall perform the same. We 
 will not (as is falsely pretended) engage you in any war 
 against the parliament, except it be for our necessary defence 
 against such as do insolently invade or attempt against us 
 and our adherents. 
 
 Upon this declaration of the king, those lords and 
 others of his council made a promise to him, and sub- 
 scribed it with their hands, as followeth: 
 
 We do engage ourselves not to obey any orders or com- 
 ruands whatsoever, not warranted by the known laws of the 
 land. We engage ourselves to defend your majesty's person, 
 crown, and dignity, with your just and legal prerogative, 
 against all persons and power whatsoever. We will defend 
 the true protestant rehgion established by the law of the land, 
 the lawful liberties of the subjects of England, and just pri- 
 vileges of your majesty, and both houses of parliament. 
 Lastly, we engage ourselves not to obey any rule, order, or 
 ordinance whatsoever, concerning any militia, that hath not 
 the royal assent. 
 Subscribed by 
 
 L. Keeper, D. of Richmond, Ma. Hertford, E. ofLinsey, 
 E. of Cumberland, E. of Huntington, E. of Bath, E. of 
 Southampton, E. of Dorset, E. of Salisbury, E. of 
 Northampton, E. of Devonshire, E. of Bristol, E. of 
 Westmoreland, E. of Berkshire, E. of Monmouth, E. 
 of Rivers, E. of Newcastle, E. of Dover, E. of Carnar- 
 von, E. of Newport, L. Mowbray and Maltrevers, L. 
 Willoughhy of Eresby, L. Rich, L. Charles Howard of 
 Charleton, L. Newark, L. Paget, L. Chandoys, L. 
 Ealconbridge, L. Paulet, L. Lovelace, L. Coventry, 
 L. Savile, L. Mohun, L. Dunsmore, L. Seymour, L. 
 Grey of Ruthen, L. Fawlkland, the comptroller, secre- 
 tary Nicholas, sir John Culpeper, lord chief justice 
 Banks. 
 
 The king immediately wrote a letter to the lord 
 mayor of London, the aldermen and sheriffs, forbidding 
 by express command any contribution of money or plate 
 
202 Declaration of the lords at York, book ii. 
 
 toward the raising of any arms whatsoever for the par- 
 liament; and that they should lend no money, unless 
 toward the relief of Ireland, or payment of the Scots. 
 He [)ub]ished then a declaration to all his subjects, 
 inveighing bitterly against the parliament, for laying a 
 false and scandalous imputation upon him of raising war 
 against the parliament, or levying forces to that end : 
 in which he invites all his loving subjects, to prevent 
 his own danger, and the danger of the kingdom from 
 a malignant party, (taking up the parliament's language,) 
 to contribute money or plate to him, and they shall be 
 repaid, with consideration of eight in the hundred. 
 And immediately upon it made a profession before those 
 forementioned lords and councillors about him, (calling- 
 God to witness in it,) disavowing any preparations or 
 intentions to levy war against the parliament : upon 
 which those forementioned lords, and others then pre- 
 sent at York, made this declaration and profession, 
 subscribed under their hands : 
 
 We whose names are underwritten, in obedience to his 
 majesty's desire, and out of the duty which we owe to his 
 majesty's honour and to truth, being here upon the place, 
 and witnesses of his majesty's frequent and earnest declara- 
 tions and professions of his abhorring all designs of making 
 war upon the parhament ; and not seeing any colour of pre- 
 parations or counsels that might reasonably beget the belief 
 of any such design, do profess before God, and testify to all 
 the world, that we are fully persuaded that his majesty hath 
 no such intention ; but that all his endeavours tend to the 
 firm and constant settlement of the true protestant religion, 
 and the just privileges of parliament, the liberty of the sub- 
 ject, the law, peace, and prosperity of this kingdom. 
 
 The king, strengthened with arms and ammunition 
 from Holland, and more strengthened (for as yet he 
 wanted hands to wield those arms) by this protestation 
 of lords in his behalf concerning his intention of not 
 
CHAP. VI. of their belief of the king's professions. 203 
 
 making war against the parliament, whereby the people 
 might more easily be drawn to side with him, proceeded 
 in his business with great policy and indefatigable in- 
 dustry. His pen was quick in giving answer to all 
 petitions or declarations which came from the parlia- 
 ment; and with many sharp expostulations, in a well 
 compiled discourse, on the 17th of June, answered a 
 petition of the parliament ; which petition was to this 
 effect, that he would not disjoin his subjects in their 
 duty to himself and parliament, destroying the essence 
 of that high court ; which was presented to him at 
 York by the lord Howard, sir Hugh Cholmely, and sir 
 Philip Stapleton : and within three weeks, both in his 
 own person and by his messengers, with speeches, pro- 
 clamations, and declarations, advanced his business in a 
 wonderful manner. At Newark he made a speech to 
 the gentry of Nottinghamshire in a loving and winning 
 way, commending their affections toward him ; which 
 was a great part of persuasion for the future, coming 
 from a king himself. Another speech he made at Lin- 
 coln, to the gentry of that county, full of protestations 
 concerning his good intentions, not only to them, but 
 to the whole kingdom, the laws and liberties of it. In 
 that short time also, by the help of many subtle lawyers, 
 whom he had about him, he returned a very long and 
 particular answer, with arguing the case in all points', 
 to a declaration which the parliament had before made 
 against the commission of array, expounding that statute, 
 5 Hen. IV, whereupon that commission was supposed 
 to be warranted. The proofs and arguments on both 
 sides are to be read at large in the records, or in the 
 printed book of ordinances and declarations, where a 
 
 c These answers of the king were, for the most part, drawn up by 
 Mr. Edward Hyde, who was afterwards earl of Clarendon, and lord 
 chancellor of England. 
 
204 The Tcing makes preparations book ii. 
 
 reader may satisfy his own judgment. "Within that 
 time also the Idng sent out a proclamation against 
 levying forces without his command, urging laws and 
 statutes for it : and another long proclamation to inform 
 the people of the legality of his commissions of array, 
 and to command obedience to them. Another he sent 
 forth against the forcible seizing or removing any maga- 
 zine of ammunition of any county ; and another, for- 
 bidding all relieving or succouring of Hull against him. 
 Upon which the parliament declared, that those procla- 
 mations, without their assent, were illegal ; and forbad 
 all sheriffs, mayors, &c. to proclaim them, and all parsons 
 and curates to [read] or publish them. 
 
 From York the king removed to Beverley ; from 
 whence he sent a message to both houses, and a pro- 
 clamation concerning his going to Hull, to take it in ; 
 requiring, before his journey, that it might be delivered 
 up to him. But that message of his came to the house 
 of peers after they had agreed upon a petition, which 
 was drawn up, to move the king to a good accord with 
 his parliament, to prevent a civil war : to be carried to 
 him, and presented at Beverley, by the earl of Holland, 
 sir John Holland, and sir Philip Stapleton. That very 
 petition seemed to them so full an answer to the king's 
 message, that both houses resolved to give no other 
 answer to that message but the said petition. But 
 immediately after, a declaration was published by both 
 houses of parliament, for the preservation and safety of 
 the kingdom, and the town of Hull ; with assurance 
 of both houses to satisfy all loss sustained by any ser- 
 vice done for the safety of the said town, by reason of 
 overflowing of water upon the grounds there, to all 
 persons who should be found faithful in their several 
 services. 
 
 Tlie king continued resolute in his intention of gain- 
 
CHAP. V. for besieging the town of Hull. 305 
 
 ing Hull : by what means he attempted it, and how 
 those attempts proved to be frustrate, is now the sub- 
 ject of a short discourse. 
 
 The town of Hull was not more considerable to the 
 kingdom as a maritime and strong place, than it was 
 now made remarkable to the world in many high and 
 famous circumstances of this civil war ; for which cause 
 I shall the more particularly insist upon it. 
 
 Hull was the place which (being intrusted with so 
 rich a magazine of ammunition) did probably allure 
 the king to forsake a parliament sitting at London and 
 visit the north. Hull was the place where the king in 
 person did first find his commands denied, and his at- 
 tempts resisted in an actual way ; which proved the 
 subject of so many declarations and disputations of state 
 and government; and Hull is the place which must now 
 bear the first brunt of his armed indignation. 
 
 The king, with an army of three thousand foot and 
 one thousand horse, was removed from York to Beverley, 
 a town distant from Hull six miles ; and intending to 
 besiege Hull by land, (expecting also that sir John Pen- 
 nington with some of his ships should stop the passages, 
 and cut off provisions from relieving the town by sea, 
 though that expectation were made frustrate by the 
 earl of Warwick his seizing on the navy royal,) pro- 
 claimed that none, on pain of death, should convey 
 any provision or relief thither. He disposed many 
 men in cutting of trenches, to divert the current of 
 fresh water that ran to Hull, and sent two hundred 
 horse into Lincolnshire under the command of the 
 lord Willoughby, son to the earl of Lindsey, and sir 
 Thomas Glenham, to stop all relief of it from Burton 
 upon Humber. 
 
 Sir John Hotham, perceiving the king's intentions 
 and endeavours, and knowing him to be in person 
 
206 Sir J.Meldrum is sent to assist book ii. 
 
 within an hour and half's march of the town, having 
 first sent three messengers, one after another, with 
 humble petitions to him, who were all laid fast by the 
 king, and not suffered to return, called a council of 
 war, in which it was debated, whether or not they 
 should permit the enemies to march near the town 
 with their ordnance, holding them play from off the 
 wall and outworks, until the tide came to its height, 
 and then draw up the sluice, and let them swim for 
 their lives. But a more merciful advice prevailed, 
 which was, (for prevention of so many deaths,) to draw 
 up the sluice presently, having the advantage of a 
 spring tide, and drown all the country about Hull. 
 But sir John Hotham, before it was done, gave the in- 
 habitants and owners of land thereabout sufficient and 
 timely notice to remove their cattle and all their goods, 
 and assured them (which was ratified by the parliament 
 upon the public faith) that whatsoever damage they re- 
 ceived thereby should be repaired by the authority of 
 parliament out of the estates of those persons who had 
 been most active and assistant to the king in that de- 
 sign. 
 
 Sir John by letters informed the parliament in what 
 condition the town was, desiring only (so it might 
 speedily be done) a supply of money and victuals, with 
 five hundred men. Upon which, by command of par- 
 liament, drums were beat up in London, and other ad- 
 jacent places, for soldiers to be sent to Hull by sea. The 
 earl of Warwick was desired by the houses to send two 
 of the king's ships from the Downs to Hull, to do as 
 sir John Hotham should direct for his best assistance. 
 And sir John Meldrum, a Scottish gentleman, an expert 
 and brave commander, was appointed to assist sir John 
 in that service. 
 
 The king's army were not confident to carry the 
 
^HAP. V. sir /. Hotham in the defence of Hull. 207 
 
 town by plain force, making their approaches with 
 great difficulty and disadvantage, and those for the 
 most part in the night time, when undiscovered they 
 burnt two mills about the town : they therefore had 
 recourse to subtlety : and knowing some within the 
 walls fit for their purpose, a plot was therefore laid to 
 fire the town in four places, which whilst the soldiers 
 and inhabitants were busy in quenching, two thousand 
 of the king's army should assault the walls. The sign 
 to those within the town, when to fire those places, was, 
 when they discerned a fire on Beverley-minster, this 
 should be assurance to them within the town that they 
 without were ready for the assault. But this treason had 
 no success, being discovered by one of the instruments, 
 and confessed to sir John Hotham. Many particular ser- 
 vices were done both by land and water, by barks and 
 boats upon the river Humber. 
 
 The townsmen of Hull were so far provoked by this 
 treacherous design of their enemies, and so much ani- 
 mated against them, that they all entered into pay, 
 and now the walls would not contain them ; but five 
 hundred of the town, conducted by sir John Meldrum, 
 issued out, about the end of July, upon their besiegers ; 
 who seeing their approach, prepared courageously to re- 
 ceive and encounter them : but they were but a small 
 part of the king's forces which were resolute to fight ; 
 the other part, which consisted of the trained bands of 
 that country, were not forward to be engaged against 
 their neighbours : the king's horse, and most resolute 
 assistants, seeing themselves deserted by the foot, re- 
 tired as fast as they could to Beverley : but sir John 
 Meldrum pursued them, slew two, and took thirty pri- 
 soners in the pursuit. And not long after, when the 
 supplies from London arrived at Hull, sir John Mel- 
 drum, with a greater force, made so fierce a sally upon 
 
208 The earl of Warwick is admitted to book ii. 
 
 his enemies, as caused most of the leaguer to retire dis- 
 orderly, one and twenty of them being slain, and fifteen 
 taken prisoners. Sir John Meldrum following the ad- 
 vantage of his success with a swift motion, arrived sud- 
 denly at a leaguer town called Aulby, between three 
 and four miles from Hull ; where the king's magazine 
 was kept in a barn, in which was a great quantity of 
 ammunition, powder, and fire-balls, and certain engi- 
 neers employed there for making of fireworks : sir 
 John suddenly set upon it in the night, drove away 
 the guard, who consisted most of trained bands, and 
 other Yorkshire men, bearing no great affection to the 
 war, and therefore ran more speedily away, leaving 
 their arms behind them : much of the ammunition and 
 other arms they took away with them, fired the barn, 
 the powder, and fireworks, and what else they could 
 not carry with them, and returned safely again into 
 Hull. 
 
 The king calling a council of war, and considering 
 the ill success of his proceedings, and the preciousness 
 of that time which he consumed there, by their advice 
 resolved to break up his siege before Hull, and march 
 away; the chief men about him laying the fault of this 
 failing upon the unskilfulness of the country captains 
 and cowardice of the trained bands. The king probably 
 might have sped better, if sir John Pennington could 
 have brought part of the navy to his assistance: but that 
 was seized by the earl of Warwick ; of which it will be 
 now time to speak more particularly. 
 
 The earl of Warwick had in former times been so 
 great a lover of the sea-service, and so well experienced 
 in those affairs, being besides a man of courage, of reli- 
 gious life, and known fidelity to his country, that among 
 all the noblemen at this time he was esteemed by the 
 parliament (in this important business of settling their 
 
^H^^-'^- the command of the whole fleet. 209 
 
 militia by land and sea,) the fittest man to take com- 
 mand of the navy as lord admiral. According to that, 
 an ordinance of both houses was drawn up, to confer 
 the office on him. 
 
 The king had given the employment to sir John Pen- 
 nington, a man who had long been vice-admiral, and a 
 successful commander ; and had written his letters to 
 the earl of Warwick, with a strict command to quit the 
 place. The earl of Warwick was in a great strait 
 between two such high commands, being gone down to 
 take possession of the navy,and therefore called a coun- 
 cil of war, acquainting them all both with the ordinance 
 of parliament and the king's letters. But the earl him- 
 self was swayed in conscience to give obedience rather 
 to the ordinance of parhament ; and the reason of it 
 himself gives in a letter directed to a lord of the 
 house. "When I considered," saith he, "the great care 
 which I have seen in the parliaments of this kingdom 
 for the good and safety both of king and kingdom, 
 and every man's particular in them ; and that they are 
 the great council, by whose authority the kings of 
 England have ever spoken to their subjects ; I was re- 
 solved to continue in this employment, until I shall 
 be revoked by that authority that hath intrusted me 
 with it." 
 
 Most of the captains took up unanimously the same 
 resolution that the earl did, excepting five, which were 
 the rear-admiral, captain Fogge, captain Baily, captain 
 Slingsby, and captain Wake, who alleged that they had 
 the king's command to obey sir John Pennington, whom 
 he had appointed admiral instead of the earl of North- 
 umberland. These five had gotten together round, to 
 make defence against the earl : but he came to anchor 
 about them, and having begirt them, summoned them 
 again ; upon which three of them came in, and sub- 
 
 MAY. P 
 
310 The earl of Warwick commands the fleet. book h, 
 
 mitted ; two only, captain Slingsby and captain Wake, 
 stood out. The earl let fly a gun over them, and turned 
 up the glass upon them, sending his boat, and most of 
 the boats in the fleet, to let them know their danger if 
 they came not within that space. But so peremptory 
 was their answer, that the masters and sailors grew im- 
 patient; and although they had no arms, assaulted them, 
 seized upon those captains, being armed with their 
 pistols and swords, struck their yards and topmasts, and 
 brought them to the earl. Thus, by the wonderful cou- 
 rage of these unarmed men, the business was ended 
 without effusion of any blood, when the earl was ready 
 to give fire upon them. 
 
 Within few days after, another addition of strength 
 was brought to the earl of Warwick by an accident. A 
 great and strong ship of the king's, called The Lion, 
 putting to sea from Holland, and bound for Newcastle, 
 being much distressed with foul weather, was driven 
 into the Downs. Captain Fox, who commanded that 
 ship, saluted the earl of Warwick, who presently ac- 
 quainted the captain with the ordinance of parliament 
 whereby his lordship had command of those ships, re- 
 quiring his submission thereunto. The captain at first 
 refused to yield obedience to the ordinance, and there- 
 upon was presently clapped in hold : but all his officers 
 in the ship submitted themselves, and struck their sails 
 and topyards in token of obedience to the said ordi- 
 nance. This ship was very considerable, carrying two 
 and forty great pieces of brass ordnance ; besides, a 
 little vessel laden with gunpowder of a great value 
 was taken also together with this ship. The earl was 
 informed by some of her men, that young prince Rupert 
 and prince Maurice, with divers other commanders, in- 
 tended to have come from Holland in this ship, the 
 Lion. But after three days' and three nights' storm at 
 
CHAP. V. The parliament orders a land army. 311 
 
 sea those two princes (in a sick and weak condition) 
 landed again in Holland. 
 
 The king hearing of the surprisal of the Lion, sent a 
 messenger to the earl of Warwick to demand her 
 again, with all the goods therein, and that she should 
 be brought to Scarborough. But the earl returned an 
 answer to this effect, that the parliament had intrusted 
 him with the care of the fleet, and that that ship was 
 a part thereof; therefore he humbly besought his ma- 
 jesty to pardon him ; for without their consent he might 
 not part with her; and that he knew of no goods within 
 her belonging to his majesty. 
 
 But leaving the earl of Warwick to his sea employ- 
 ments, it is time to return to those warlike levies and 
 preparations which were made by land; for now the fatal 
 time was come, when those long and tedious paper con- 
 flicts, of declarations, petitions, and proclamations, were 
 turned into actual and bloody wars, and the pens se- 
 conded by drawn swords. 
 
 On the 12th of July 1642, the parliament voted that 
 an army should be raised for the safety of the king's 
 person and defence of the parliament; for so they called 
 it, desiring to join together what seemed to be at so 
 great a distance and enmity. 
 
 The earl of Essex was by a great and unanimous con- 
 sent of both houses chosen general of that army, and of 
 all forces raised for the parliament ; with whom they 
 protested to live and die in that cause. 
 
 The earl of Essex was a gentleman of a noble and 
 most untainted reputation, of undoubted loyalty to his 
 country and prince ; having always (what course soever 
 the court steered) served in an honourable way the 
 right interest of the English nation and the protestant 
 religion ; and to that end had formerly engaged him- 
 self in the palatine war, and service of the Netherland 
 
 p 2 
 
213 The earl of Essex is commander of the land army. book ii. 
 
 united provinces : insomuch as at this time, when they 
 sought a lord to undertake the high charge of com- 
 manding in chief, there seemed to be no choice at all ; 
 but we may say of this election as Paterculus did of 
 another, Non qucerendus erat quern eligerent, sed eligen- 
 dus qui eminebat. 
 
 The parliament at that time were very able to raise 
 forces, and arm them well, by reason of the great mass 
 of money and plate which to that purpose was heaped 
 up in Guildhall, and daily increased by the free con- 
 tribution of those that were well-affected to the parlia- 
 ment cause ; where not only the wealthiest citizens and 
 gentlemen who were near -dwellers brought in their 
 large bags and goblets, but the poorer sort, like that 
 widow in the gospel, presented their mites also ; inso- 
 much that it was a common jeer of men disaffected to 
 the cause, to call it the thimble mid hodkin army. 
 
 The earl of Essex was very careful and industrious 
 in raising of his army ; in which he desired to have as 
 great a body of horse as could conveniently be gotten, 
 by reason that he conceived his chief work was to seek 
 out the king's forces, and prevent their spoiling of the 
 country and disarming several counties to furnish them- 
 selves. And indeed his forces, considering the long 
 peace of England, and unreadiness of arms, were not 
 only raised, but well armed in a short time. Many of 
 the lords who then sat in the house of peers (besides 
 those lords who went into divers counties to settle the 
 militia, and therefore raised forces for safety of those 
 several places) listed themselves in the lord general's 
 army, and took -commissions as colonels; the lord Ro- 
 berts, the lord Saint John, eldest son to the earl of 
 Bullenbrook, the lord of Rochford, eldest son to the 
 earl of Dover, and many gentlemen of the house of 
 commons, of greatest rank and quality there, took com- 
 
CHAP. VI. Condition of divers counties in England. 213 
 
 missions for horse and foot service in that army; of 
 whom these were some : sir John Merrick, who was 
 made sergeant-major-general of that army ; the lord 
 Grey of Grooby, son to the earl of Stamford ; master 
 Denzil Hollis, master Hampden, sir Philip Stapleton, sir 
 William Waller, sir Samuel Luke, sir Henry Cholmly, 
 master Grantham, master Whitlock, with divers others. 
 The earl of Bedford, within two days after that the 
 earl of Essex was chosen generalissimo, was voted to be 
 general of the horse. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 A brief relation of the condition of divers counties in England 
 when the parliament's ordinance for the militia and the 
 king's commission of array were put in execution. With a 
 mention of some lords and others who were actors on either 
 side. The lord mayor of London committed to the Tower, 
 and sentenced by the parliament. A mention of some decla- 
 rations, messages, and answers that passed between the king 
 and the two houses of parliament. 
 
 During the time that this army was raising for the 
 parliament, to be conducted by his excellency in person, 
 the king, with small strength as yet, was removing from 
 place to place to gather forces, aud draw people to his 
 side. Of whose proceedings, and by what degrees he 
 increased in power, I shall speak hereafter in a con- 
 tinued series, to avoid confusion in the story. But in 
 the mean time, the parliament's ordinance of militia 
 and the king's commission of array were justling to- 
 gether almost in every county; the greatest of the 
 English nobility on both sides appearing personally, to 
 seize upon those places which were deputed to them 
 either by the king or by the parliament. No ordinances 
 from the one or proclamations from the other could 
 
214 Lincolnshire adheres to the parliament. bookii. 
 
 now give any further stop to this general and spreading 
 mischief. God was not pleased that one chimney should 
 contain this civil fire, but small sparks of it were daily 
 kindling in every part of the land. 
 
 Let it not therefore seem amiss, if in the first place 
 J make a brief relation into what posture every parti- 
 cular county, or most of them, had endeavoured to put 
 themselves, during that time, which was since the ] 2th 
 of July, when the first apparent denouncing of war be- 
 gan, and the general was elected in parliament, till the 
 23rd of October, when it broke out into a fierce and 
 cruel battle. But let not the reader expect any full or 
 perfect narration of this, which would take up too great 
 a time, and prove as tedious as unnecessary. The only 
 reason why I have entered into it is to inform the 
 reader what lords and gentlemen did first appear in 
 action on either side in those particular counties, that 
 in the progress of the story he may be better acquainted 
 with those names whose actions proved of so high con- 
 cernment in the future war. Nor can any perfect judg- 
 ment be made of the affections or condition of any one 
 county in this brief narration of so short a time : for 
 scarce was there any city or shire but endured in pro- 
 cess of time many changes, and became altered from 
 their first condition, either by unconstancy of affections,^ 
 or else enforced to take a new side, as they were threat- 
 ened by approaching armies of either party, when the 
 war grew to a greater height. 
 
 In some couhties there was no struggling at all, one 
 side wholly prevailing, and the people's affections bend- 
 ing the same way ; as it appeared in Lincolnshire at 
 the first, (which was the first account given to the par- 
 liament of their militia, and where some circumstances 
 are of that note, as to make it justly deserve a more 
 particular recital than other places,) when the lord 
 
CHAP. VI. The king's letter to the lord Willoughby. 215 
 
 Willoughby of Parham went down thither, being chosen 
 by the parliament lord lieutenant of that county. This 
 young lord being come to Lincoln expresseth to the 
 parliament what cheerful and hearty obedience he found 
 from the captains and officers of the trained bands, and 
 in how good a posture they were, beyond all expecta- 
 tion ; considering the unhappiness of the plague being 
 then in the town, which hindered the appearance of 
 some; but that was fully supplied by a company of 
 volunteers, equal in number and goodness of arms to 
 the trained bands. Yet that change which I spake 
 of before did afterwards sadly appear in this county, 
 which was afterwards as much divided in itself as any 
 part of England, and by that means a most unhappy 
 seat of war, often gained and regained by either side. 
 Lincolnshire was then very forward for the lord Wil- 
 loughby, (however, afterward he found some resistance 
 from the earl of Lindsey, who sided with the king,) as 
 he wrote up to the parliament, and sent also to them 
 the king's letter and his own answer ; which are both 
 fit to be inserted into the story, being the first of that 
 kind, and much unfolding the nature of the business. 
 
 The king''s letter to the lord Willoughby of Parham. 
 Charles Rex. 
 Right trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. Whereas 
 we understand that you have begun to assemble, train and 
 muster the trained bands of our county of Ijincoln, under 
 pretence of an ordinance of parliament whereto we have not 
 given our consent, which is not only contrary to the law, but 
 to our command and pleasure, signified by our proclamation 
 sent to our high sheriff of that our county. Wherefore, that 
 you may not hereafter plead ignorance of such our prohibi- 
 tion, we do by these our letters command and charge you, 
 upon your allegiance, to desist and forbear to raise, train, 
 exercise, or assemble together any part of the trained bands 
 of our county, either by yourself, or by any others em- 
 
216 Lord Willoughby's reply book ii. 
 
 ployed under you, or by warrant from you. And because 
 you may, for what you have already done concerning the 
 militia of that our county, plead, that you had not so par- 
 ticular a command, we shall pass by what you have already 
 done therein, so as presently, upon your receipt hereof, you 
 shall desist and give over meddling any further with any 
 thing concerning the militia of that our county. But if you 
 shall not presently desist, and forbear meddling therewith, 
 we are resolved to call you to a strict account for your dis- 
 obedience therein, after so many particular and legal com- 
 mands given you, upon your allegiance, to the contrary; and 
 shall esteem and proceed against you as a disturber of the 
 peace of the kingdom. 
 
 Given at our court at York the 4th of June 1642. 
 
 To our light trusty and well-beloved, the 
 lord Willoughby of Parham. 
 
 The lord Willoughby of Parhara's letter in answer to 
 his majesty. 
 Sir, 
 
 As there can be nothing of greater unhappiness to me 
 than to receive a command from your majesty whereunto 
 my endeavours cannot give so ready an obedience as my 
 affections ; so I must confess the difficulty at this time not 
 a little, how to express that duty which I owe to your ma- 
 jesty's late commands, and not falsify that trust reposed in 
 me by your high court of parliament ; through whose parti- 
 cular directions I am now come into this county to settle the 
 militia, according to the ordinance of parliament, which by 
 the votes of my lord Littleton, and others in the house of 
 peers, better versed in the laws than myself, passed as a legal 
 thing ; and hath since been confirmed (if I mistake not) by 
 his example, and your majesty's chief justice, sir John Banks, 
 both in accepting their ordinance and nominating their 
 deputy lieutenants : how much further they proceeded, I 
 know not. 
 
 But, sir, if the opinions of those great lawyers drew me 
 into an act unsuitable to your majesty's liking, I hope the 
 want of years will excuse my want of judgment. And since 
 by the command of the parliament I am now so far engaged 
 
CHAP. VI. to his majesty. 317 
 
 in their service, as the sending out warrants to summon the 
 county to meet me this day at Lincoln, and afterwards in 
 other places ; I do most humbly heseech your majesty not to 
 impose that command on me, which must needs render me 
 false to those that rely on me, and so make me more unhappy 
 than any other misery that can fall upon me. 
 
 These things, sir, I once more humbly beseech your ma- 
 jesty may be taken into your gracious consideration ; and that 
 you would never be pleased to harbour any misconceit of me 
 or of this action ; since nothing hath yet passed by my com- 
 mands here, or ever shall, but what shall tend to the honour 
 and safety of your majesty^s person, to the preservation of 
 the peace of your kingdoms, and to the content (I hope) of 
 all your majesty's subjects in these parts, amongst whom I 
 remain 
 
 Your majesty's most humble and 
 
 most dutiful subject and servant, 
 
 Fra. Willoughby. 
 
 Upon the receipt of these letters, the lords sent a 
 message to the house of commons, in which they ex- 
 pressed how much they did value and approve the en- 
 deavours of this lord, in a service so much importing 
 the safety of this kingdom, not doubting of their readi- 
 ness to concur with them, upon all occasions, to manifest 
 the sense they have and shall retain of his deservings ; 
 which appear the greater, by how much the difficulties 
 (appearing by the circumstances of those letters) have 
 been greater. The lords therefore, as they resolved to 
 make his interest their own in this service for the 
 public good and safety of the kingdom, so they desired 
 the commons to join with them in so just and necessary 
 a work. To this the house of commons consented, and 
 resolved to join with the lords in this vote, making the 
 like resolution also for the deputy-lieutenants for the 
 county of Lincoln, and desired the lords' concurrence 
 therein. Upon which it was ordered by the lords in par- 
 
218 The people of Essex book ii. 
 
 liament, that they agree with the house of commons for 
 the resolution concerning the deputy-lieutenants of the 
 county of Lincoln. 
 
 In Essex also, which proved a most unanimous county, 
 and by that means continued in peace and happiness, 
 the earl of Warwick, (whose care and action was not 
 confined only to the sea,) chosen lord lieutenant by 
 the parliament, when he went down to muster and 
 exercise the country, was received with great applause. 
 The trained bands were not only complete, but in- 
 creased by volunteers to unusual numbers ; and so 
 affectionate to that cause they were in general, that 
 they presented a petition to the earl of Warwick and 
 the deputy-lieutenants, in the name of all the captains 
 and lieutenants of the several companies, and in the 
 name of all persons belonging to the trained bands. 
 To which petition, when it was read in the field, they 
 expressed a full consent by their general acclamations 
 and applause in every company. The earl of Warwick 
 therefore sent the petition to the parliament, to let 
 them see the extraordinary alacrity and affection of 
 that county of Essex to them ; which was in these 
 words which follow: 
 
 To the right honourable Robert earl of Warwick, lord lieutenant 
 of the county of Essex ; and to the worthy gentlemen the de- 
 puty-lieutenants of the same county, confided in by the most 
 honourable the high court of parliament. 
 "We the captains and lieutenants, with the full consent of 
 the trained bands and volunteers of the county now assembled, 
 having, before the access of this present parliament, seen our 
 religion, our laws and liberties, brought to the brink of ruin 
 and subversion, by the results of most desperate and wicked 
 counsels, could not but with exceeding joy behold the assem- 
 bling and continuance of so great and faithful a council, (the 
 representative body of this kingdom,) and with most certain 
 confidence commit thereto all that was dear unto us. 
 
CHAP. VI. adhere zealously to the parliament. 319 
 
 And having also seen the late hellish designs and actings 
 of a malignant party in this kingdom, and the bloody rebel- 
 lion in Ireland, all working to retard the progress or subvert 
 the being of this worthy parhament, and therein to bereave 
 us of all our hopes of reformation, or future peace and happi- 
 ness to this church or state ; we cannot but ascribe all glory 
 and praise unto the Lord of lords, and express most hearty 
 thankfulness to his blessed instruments, that great assembly, 
 for their undaunted resolutions, • unparalleled endeavours, 
 and happy proceedings for the common good. And herein 
 (as not the least means of our safety) for the most necessary 
 and seasonable ordinance of theirs touching the militia, 
 "whereby we are put under the command and guidance of so 
 noble a lord and such worthy gentlemen, whereunto we 
 humbly desire this present day and meeting may be an evi- 
 dence and pledge of our free and willing obedience. 
 
 Having intrusted our religion, our laws, and all into the 
 hands of that great and most faithful council the parliament, 
 whose care and fidelity we have so abundantly found, we even 
 bleed to see the heart and actions of our royal king (contrary 
 to his own royal expressions) declining from the counsels of 
 his parliament, and carried after other counsels, whom, as the 
 laws and constitutions of this land have not known nor re- 
 posed upon, so we (for our own parts) neither wiU nor dare 
 intrust with our religion or laws ; and whom, we verily 
 believe, could they prevail against that highest court, (under 
 God our chiefest bulwark and defence,) would soon deprive us 
 both of religion and law, and (notwithstanding all their spe- 
 cious pretences) reduce us to a condition no less miserable 
 than slavish. 
 
 From the deep apprehensions of all which, we do freely and 
 heartily promise and tender our persons and estates to assist 
 and defend (to the uttermost) the high court of parliament 
 now assembled, the members, power and privileges thereof ; 
 and therein, his majesty's person and authority, and the king- 
 dom's peace, (according to our late protestation,) against all 
 contrary counsels, power, or force of arms whatsoever, which 
 shall be reared up or attempted against them. 
 
 And this our humble acknowledgment and resolution, 
 (which, we doubt not, will be accorded unto by all good 
 
220 The majority of Kent adhere to the parliament ; book ii. 
 
 subjects^ we humbly desire your honour and worships to 
 tender, on our behalf, to that most honourable assembly of 
 parliament ; for whose happy progress and success we shall 
 daily pray. 
 Subscribed, 
 J. Kiteley, Henry Farre, John Ballet, John Flemming, 
 WilliamMarsham, Robert Barrington, captains. Thorn. 
 Harper, John Woodcock, Richard Lawrence, George 
 Colwel, Thomas Clark, WiUiam Burls, Heutenants. 
 
 The parliament were very forward to express their 
 approbation of this most affectionate declaration of the 
 Essex men, and returned them an answer; part of which 
 was in this manner : 
 
 This just and faithful resolution of theirs to the public good, 
 the lords and commons do not only approve, but commend ; 
 assuring them, that as their endeavours have been for the 
 peace and happiness of the king and kingdom ; so they will 
 persist in discharge of the great and public trust which lies 
 upon them ; to go througli all difficulties which may oppose 
 the public peace and welfare of this kingdom ; and will upon 
 all occasions be ready to express particularly to those persons 
 that respect which is due to persons from whom they have 
 received so great assurance of affection and fidelity. 
 
 In Kent there was cheerful obedience (without any 
 open opposition) showed to the ordinance of the militia; 
 as it appeared by their petition and proclamation, and 
 more by their real and constant actions. True it is, 
 that some gentlemen of that county were not much 
 aflPected to the ])arliament's cause, who did accordingly 
 frame a displeasing petition to the houses, and brought 
 it up to London, accompanied with many gentlemen of 
 that county : but the parliament having notice of it, 
 sent officers, and disarmed those gentlemen who brought 
 the petition before they passed over London bridge ; 
 and the two which presented it to the house of com- 
 mons, sir William Butler and Mr. Richard Lovelace, 
 were both committed. Those in Kent who favoured 
 
CHAP. VI. also Sussex, Surrey, Middlesex, S^c. 221 
 
 the king's party and commission of array were not a 
 number considerable enough to bring tbat county into 
 any combustion ; the gentlemen which adhered to the 
 parliament used so great a care and industry in settling 
 the militia, in disarming those few (but great) papists 
 among them, in raising arms, and taxing themselves at 
 high rates for the service of the parliament, that they 
 not only preserved their own county in quiet, but gave 
 great assistance to the parliament armies in other places, 
 as will appear in the sequel of this story. 
 
 The eastern end of Sussex (it being a long and nar- 
 row county lying for many miles upon the sea) stood 
 firm to the parliament, and were very industrious in 
 settling of the militia, by which means they were so 
 happy as to preserve themselves in peace and quietness. 
 But the western part of that county, by means of many 
 revolted members of the parliament, inhabitants there, 
 together with their allies and friends, was at the first in 
 some distraction, though it continued not very long. 
 
 Surrey and Middlesex, by fortune of their situation, 
 could not but side with, and by consequence be pro- 
 tected by, the parliament. 
 
 The eastern counties, Suffolk, Norfolk, and Cam- 
 bridgeshire, once the kingdom of the East-Angles, were 
 happily kept from the beginning without any great 
 combustion ; though it were certain that many of the 
 chief gentry in those counties bended in their affections 
 to the king's commission of array : but they were not 
 a part strong enough to engage their countries in a war: 
 for the freeholders and yeomen in general adhered to 
 the parliament ; and those gentlemen who attempted 
 to raise men, or draw forces together, or provide arms 
 for the king, were soon curbed, and all their endea- 
 vours crushed at the beginning, by those of the other 
 side ; especially by the great wisdom and indefatigable 
 
222 Other counties adhere to the parliament. book ii. 
 
 industry of master Oliver Cromwell, a member of the 
 house of commons, who had taken a commission for 
 colonel of horse from the parliament : of whose parti- 
 cular actions there will be high occasion to discourse 
 hereafter. 
 
 The county of Southampton began at the first to be 
 divided, and continued so, being long and variously per- 
 plexed with the changing fortunes of either side. Colo- 
 nel Goring, eldest son to the lord Goring, who had 
 been the year before a means to detect that conspiracy 
 of bringing the northern array against the parhament, 
 (of which already hath been spoken,) and by that grown 
 into some trust with the parliament, of which he was a 
 member, was sent down to Portsmouth, to keep that 
 place for them, and three thousand pounds allowed him 
 for the charges of fortification. He receiving that money 
 from the parliament broke his trust, and kept the place 
 for the king against them ; with what success, shall 
 hereafter be declared. But immediately after his re- 
 volt, the earl of Portland, governor of the Isle of Wight, 
 a man suspected by the parliament, was committed to 
 custody in London, for security of his person, lest he 
 should comply with colonel Goring, and command that 
 island for the king's party. The government of Wight 
 was then committed to the earl of Pembroke, a man of 
 whose fidelity the parliament doubted not. 
 
 Though the southern and eastern parts of England 
 enjoyed some show of rest, the counties more remote 
 from London, toward the north and west, could not at 
 all partake of that happiness. 
 
 In Lancashire the lord Strange, son to the earl of 
 Derby, who M'as made lord lieutenant of Lancashire 
 and Cheshire by the king, seeking to put the commis- 
 sion of array in execution, found great resistance from 
 the parliamentary gentlemen, sir Thomas Stanley, mas- 
 
CHAP. VI. 77te hrd Strange is repulsed at Manchester. 223 
 
 ter Holland, master Holcraft, master Egerton, master 
 Booth, as also master Ashton and master Moor, both 
 members of the house of commons ; by whom, within 
 the space of few months, he was quite driven out of the 
 county, aud that shire wholly ruled by the parliament, 
 though it abounded more with papists than any other. 
 
 The lord Strange upon the 15th day of July had 
 made an attempt to gain Manchester, and by those 
 gentlemen was repulsed, where one man was slain ; 
 which was the first blood shed in these civil wars. But 
 this lord was not at all fortunate in service against the 
 parliament ; who not long after returned again with a 
 great force, consisting of three thousand men, to the 
 town of Manchester ; where, after he had sharply be- 
 sieged it for the space of two whole weeks, he was at 
 last quite beaten, with the loss of many of his men. 
 
 In Cheshire also, the other county of which he was 
 made lieutenant by the king, his fortune was no better ; 
 where he was resisted by sir William Brereton and 
 other gentlemen, and hindered from seizing the maga- 
 zine of that county, as he intended. Nor could the 
 earl of Rivers, whom the king had put into the com- 
 mission of array, (being a papist,) assist him sufficiently 
 to make good that county for the king, but that the 
 papists were all disarmed there by those protestant 
 gentlemen that adhered to the parliament. 
 
 Further north the countries were more full of vari- 
 ance. The earl of Newcastle, with a strong garrison, 
 kept for the king the town of Newcastle. And the 
 earl of Cumberland, made lord lieutenant of Yorkshire 
 by the king, was active in putting the commission of 
 array in execution ; but resisted they were by the lord 
 Fairfax and others of the parliamentary gentlemen. 
 But this business of the north shall now be passed over, 
 deserving a larger story hereafter, when time shall re- 
 
224 State of Derbyshire, Leicestershire, ^c. book ii. 
 
 quire to speak of the earl of Newcastle's greatness, and 
 the various fortunes of the lord Fairfax, and his son sir 
 Thomas Fairfax. 
 
 In Derbyshire, where many great lords and gentle- 
 men inhabited, none at all of note stood for the parlia- 
 ment but sir John Gell and his brother; of whose ac- 
 tions it will be seasonable to speak in another place. 
 
 Staffordshire and Nottinghamshire were in no less 
 combustion. 
 
 In Leicestershire the troubles were far greater, and 
 early begun by master Henry Hastings, second son to 
 the earl of Huntingdon, whom the king had made sheriff 
 of that county, and put into the commission of array; 
 who raised great forces to seize upon the magazine of 
 that county. Against whom the earl of Stamford was 
 sent by the parliament, as lord lieutenant, with a con- 
 siderable strength ; who arriving there did much curb 
 the proceedings of master Hastings, and took possession 
 of the town of Leicester. 
 
 Great was the contention about that time in War- 
 wickshire between the earl of Northampton for the 
 king and the lord Brook for the parliament, not with- 
 out sharp encounters, and slaughter on either side. The 
 earl having seized the ordnance at Banbury, marched 
 with great fury into Warwickshire, spoiling the country 
 as he went, though not without opposition of the people 
 and the lord Brook's forces; against whom he could not 
 at all prevail. 
 
 The earl of Pembroke had settled the militia in Wilt- 
 shire with small ado, though it continued not long so. 
 And the earl of Holland in Berkshire, being but faintly 
 resisted by the earl of Berkshire, the lord Lovelace, and 
 others. For soon after the earl of Berkshire, together 
 with sir John Curson, sir Robert Dormer, and others 
 for the commission of array, who came to Watlington 
 
CHAP. Yi. Of the western counties. 225 
 
 in Oxfordshire to seize the magazine of that part of 
 the county, which was kid up in that town, were there 
 taken prisoners, and sent up to the parliament by co- 
 lonel Hampden and colonel Goodwin, two members of 
 the house of commons, and knights for the shire for 
 Buckingham. 
 
 But the further that this discourse travels westward, 
 the greater and more remarkable you shall find such 
 contestations ; especially considering the number of 
 lords and gentlemen of great rank, and many of them 
 members of parliament, who sided with the king against 
 the parliament, and were therefore afterward voted out 
 of the house. One great head there was of all those 
 western counties, William marquis of Hartford, whom 
 the king, by his commission of array, had appointed 
 chief, and made him lord lieutenant-general of Devon, 
 Cornwall, Somerset, Dorset, Wilts, Southampton, Glou- 
 cester, Berks, Oxford, Hereford, and seven counties 
 within the principality of Wales ; who, notwithstanding 
 his high command, was never able to achieve any great 
 matter for the king's side ; so much were the common 
 people of the west at that time inclined to the parlia- 
 ment, and so active were those gentlemen who stood 
 for it — such as were the sons of sir Francis Popham, 
 master Alexander Popham, Hugh and Edward, who 
 were more animated by the example of their aged 
 father, master Strode a deputy-lieutenant, and others — 
 against all those frequent attempts which the marquis 
 made. 
 
 Great was the number of considerable men in those 
 countries which took part with the marquis against the 
 parliament, and very industrious in their several stations 
 to put in execution the commission of array ; as the 
 lord Paulet, sir Ralph Hopton, and sir John Stowel, 
 both members of the house of commons, and for that 
 
 MAY. Q 
 
226 Sherburn is besieged by the parliament troops. book ii. 
 
 reason put out of the house. Sir Richard Slany in 
 Cornwall, another member, put out also for the same 
 cause ; as likewise were «ir Edward Rodney and master 
 Coventry, both parliament men, who followed the mar- 
 quis in some of his actions. Sir Bevile Greenvile, an 
 active man, another member of parliament, was very 
 industrious for the array, both in Cornwall and Devon, 
 joining himself with the earl of Bath, came for that 
 purpose to his house at Tastock in Devonshire, and 
 assisted by many gentlemen, as master Culins, sheriff of 
 that county, Mr.Bamfield, Mr. Ashford, Mr. GifFord, Mr. 
 Saithil, baronet Seymour, and Mr. Courtney; to whose 
 assistance squire Rogers came with forces out of Dor- 
 setshire. 
 
 Various were the successes which marquis Hartford, 
 assisted by so many of the gentry, found in his several 
 enterprises ; sometimes prevailing, but more often dis- 
 tressed. In one skirmish, which, about the beginning 
 of August, himself, the lord Paulet, sir Ralph Hopton, 
 sir John Stowel, and Mr. Smith, another member of the 
 house of commons, made against the deputy-lieutenants 
 in Somersetshire, he prevailed against them, and pos- 
 sessed himself of the town of Shepton Mallet; ten 
 men were slain, and many wounded. Going afterwards 
 to Wells, he had been besieged by many thousands of 
 the people, who arose against him ; but that, having 
 timely notice of their coming, he escaped a back way 
 out of the town. About which time the earl of Bed- 
 ford was sent down by the parliament against him with 
 three hundred horse ; by whom the lord marquis, the 
 lord Paulet, sir Ralph Hopton, colonel Lunsford, and 
 many other considerable nieu, were besieged in Sher- 
 burn. For great numbers out of the country came daily 
 to the assistance of the earl of Bedford. Many weeks 
 did that siege continue ; many sallies were made out. 
 
CHAP. VI. Sir R. Gurney is imprisoned by the parliament. 337 
 
 and sharp encounters on both sides performed with 
 great courage ; the parliament side being in firm hope 
 to have taken them at last; which was conceived a 
 thing of great moment and advantage to their affairs, 
 if they could have possessed the persons of so many 
 men, considerable both in their fortunes and valour; 
 and who proved afterwards very strong and cruel ene- 
 mies. Yet that hope was frustrate: for about the 
 beginning of October they all escaped out of Sherburn: 
 the earl nevertheless pursued after them, and in the 
 chase took Mr. Pallart, sir Henry, sir John, and sir 
 Charles Barclay, prisoners. Within a week after, the 
 earl of Bath was apprehended, and brought up a pri- 
 soner to the parliament. 
 
 It cannot be much wondered at that division was 
 found in country towns and villages so far remote from 
 the parliament, where the people were variously wrought 
 upon by persuasions or fears from either side, when 
 London itself, the seat of that great council, and chief- 
 est bulwark of their defence, was not without some 
 taste of these distractions. Which, besides the actions 
 of some private citizens, too petty to be here rehearsed, 
 may appear to the reader in one thing, which cannot 
 be omitted : the lord mayor of London was at this time 
 a prisoner in the Tower, committed by the parliament. 
 
 Sir Richard Gurney, lord mayor of London for that 
 year, was charged by the house of commons on the 7th 
 of July for being a mover of sedition in the kingdom, 
 in causing the king's proclamation concerning the com- 
 mission of array (which was declared by both houses to 
 be illegal) to be proclaimed in the city. And the 
 charge being perfected, was sent up to the lords, desir- 
 ing that he might forthwith be called to his answer, 
 which was accordingly granted. 
 
 Four days after, while the lord mayor was attending 
 
 Q 2 
 
228 Complaints of the king and parliament book ii. 
 
 the lords' house upon this charge, an additional im- 
 peachment was read against him in the house of com- 
 mons, brought in by the common council of London, 
 for divers breaches of his oath in execution of his office, 
 for proclaiming divers illegal proclamations, and con- 
 temning the orders of parliament. 
 
 This impeachment vras forthwith sent up, and read 
 in the lords' house. Upon the reading of which, it was 
 ordered that he should be sent to the Tower, from 
 thence to be brought to a legal trial upon his impeach- 
 ment. 
 
 Many days, during the space of a whole month, was 
 this lord mayor brought from the Tower to Westmin- 
 ster, to attend the lords of parliament, and many times 
 returned back without being heard, by reason of so 
 great a multiplicity of business as the houses were 
 then in. 
 
 At last, after some hearings, he was brought, on tlie 
 12th of August, to the house of lords, to receive his 
 censure : the effect whereof was, that he should be put 
 from his mayoralty, never bear office in the city or com- 
 monwealth, be uncapable of all honour or dignity to be 
 conferred on him by the king, and stand committed 
 prisoner to the Tower during the pleasure of both 
 houses. 
 
 During the time of these contentions between the 
 ordinance of the militia and commission of array, which 
 is briefly touched by itself, it will not be amiss to re- 
 turn to the king's proceedings in his own person, by 
 what degrees he came to increase in strength, and what 
 contestations happened betwixt himself and the parlia- 
 ment : wherein that which concerned the pen shall be 
 first briefly touched, and then his other actions. But 
 those declarations, petitions, and proclamations, which 
 upon all occasions were tlien published, are too many 
 
'^HAP. VI. against each other. 229 
 
 and too long to be recited in a story ; in the records 
 and printed books of ordinances they may be read. I 
 shall only mention some of the chief, and excerpt the 
 most material contents of them. 
 
 The parliament, about the end of July, had petitioned 
 the king to forbear all preparations of war, and remove 
 his garrisons. To which he gave answer, and upbraided 
 them with their preparations of war, for appointing the 
 earl of Essex to be their general, and the earl of War- 
 wick admiral. In that answer, he descants at large 
 upon particulars, commanding his said answer and their 
 petition to be read in all churches. To which the par- 
 liament reply, as they had done before, that they 
 cannot lay down arms, nor rejourn the parliament to 
 any other place, as he would have them, unless he 
 leave off those warlike preparations, and comply with 
 that council, to which only he ought to adhere by the 
 constitution of this government. They likewise com- 
 mand the petition, answer, and reply to be read in all 
 churches. 
 
 But things proceeding still higher, the king, being 
 returned to the city of York, from thence sent forth a 
 proclamation, to suppress (as he there styleth it) the pre- 
 sent rebellion under command of Robert earl of Essex ; 
 offering withal free pardon to him, and all such as shall 
 "within six days after the date thereof, being the 9th of 
 August, lay down their arms. In which proclamation 
 also he commanded the marquis Hartford to raise 
 speedily what forces he could, within all those counties 
 whereof he had made him lieutenant-general in the 
 commission of array, (of which before was spoken,) and 
 to march against, destroy, or apprehend the said earl of 
 Essex. 
 
 The parliament upon this proclamation make a de- 
 claration, wherein they briefly recount all the king's 
 
230 The king publishes a long declaration book ii. 
 
 former proceedings against them and the kingdom : all 
 which they attribute (after their usual manner) to his 
 wicked council ; and promise still to make him great 
 and happy, if he will return to his great council. 
 
 But the next day after his former proclamation, the 
 king, continuing still at York, sent forth another, de- 
 claring that no papist should serve him in his army, and 
 that his soldiers should commit no rapine upon the peo- 
 ple. And within two days after that he published a 
 discourse, called "A declaration to all his loving subjects 
 concerning the proceedings of this present parliament." 
 This Declaration was of a great length, containing fifty 
 pages in a large quarto. In which was comprised a 
 kind of history touching all former passages betwixt 
 himself and them, from the beginning of these divi- 
 sions ; which is to be read in the printed book of par- 
 liament ordinances. Toward the end of that Declaration, 
 he protesteth a wonderful love to parliaments, and to 
 the peace and happiness of the kingdom ; but he requires 
 that some persons (as disturbers of the public peace) 
 may be delivered into the hands of justice, to be tried 
 by their peers, naming the lord of Kymbolton, and those 
 five members of the house of commons whom before he 
 came to surprise in that house, master HoUis, sir Arthur 
 Haslerig, Mr. Pym, Mr. Hampden, and Mr. Strode, as 
 likewise Mr. Henry Martin and sir Henry Ludlow, two 
 members also of the house of commons, for speaking 
 some bold speeches in that house. He also desires to 
 have delivered up to him alderman Pennington, who 
 succeeded in the mayoralty to the forenamed sir Richard 
 Gurney, and captain Venn, one of the city captains : 
 those two last lie accuses of bringing tumults from the 
 city, to terrify the parliament at Westminster. Another 
 desire of the king's is, that indictments of high treason 
 upon the statute of the 2l3rd year of king Edward the 
 
CHAP. VI. against the proceedings of parliament. 231 
 
 Third may be drawn against the earls of Essex, War- 
 wick, and Stamford, the lord Brook, sir John Hotham, 
 and sergeant-major-general Skippon, an expert and re- 
 ligious soldier, a man of high action in the succeeding 
 war, whom the city had employed in exercising of their 
 militia ; as likewise against all those who shall here- 
 after exercise the militia by virtue of the ordinance of 
 parliament. 
 
 The pen was very quick upon all occasions ; and the 
 king, the next day after the publication of this long 
 forementioned Declaration, sent a message to the par- 
 liament, upbraiding both houses with an order which 
 they had then made for the borrowing of 100,000^. out 
 of that money which the adventurers had raised for re- 
 ducing of Ireland and subduing the rebels there ; af- 
 firming, that out of his princely care and piety toward 
 distressed Ireland, he cannot but take notice of it; 
 commanding them immediately to retract that mis- 
 chievous and unjust order, (for so he calls it,) as they 
 would answer the contrary to Almighty God, himself, 
 and those that have trusted them : wherein he ex- 
 pecteth their speedy answer and obedience ; and the 
 rather, that he may thereby be secured that such part 
 of the 400,000/. as is or shall be collected from his 
 good subjects of England, by virtue of the late act of 
 parliament whereby the same is granted, may not like- 
 vnse (under false pretences) be diverted from the 
 proper use to which it was intended, and misemployed 
 to the disturbance of the kingdom's peace, in a war 
 against him. 
 
 The lords and commons in parliament make answer 
 to this message, expressing what caution there was in 
 the very order (which upon that very occasion was 
 printed) for speedy repayment of that sum, and dis- 
 posing of it to the right use. But first they tell the 
 
232 The parliament charges the king with actions book ii. 
 
 king, that this very message of his to tliem is an high 
 breach of the privilege of parliament : and upon that 
 occasion they call to remembrance and declare many 
 particulars of their care for the relief of Ireland, and 
 the king's hindering of it. Those particulars there ex- 
 pressed are as followeth: they declare, "that this bloody 
 rebellion was first raised by the same counsels that had 
 before brought two armies within the bowels of this 
 kingdom, and two protestant nations ready to welter 
 in each other's blood, which were both defrayed a long 
 time at the charge of the poor commons of England, 
 and quietly at last disbanded, by God's blessing upon 
 the parliament's endeavours. That this design failing, 
 the same wicked councils who had caused that impious 
 war raised this barbarous rebellion in Ireland ; and 
 recommended the suppressing thereof (for the better 
 colour) to the parliament's care ; who out of a fellow- 
 feeling of the unspeakable miseries of their protestant 
 brethren there, (not suspecting this horrid plot, now 
 too apparent,) did cheerfully undertake that great work, 
 and do really intend and endeavour to settle the pro- 
 testant religion and a permanent peace in that realm, 
 to the glory of God, the honour and profit of his ma- 
 jesty, and security of his three kingdoms. But how 
 they have been discouraged, retarded, diverted in and 
 from this pious and glorious work, by those traitorous 
 counsels about his ma,jesty, will appear by many par- 
 ticulars." 
 
 They there mention the sending over at first of 
 20,000/. by the parliament, and that good way found 
 out to reduce Ireland by the adventure of private men, 
 without charging the subject in general, which would 
 probably have brought in a million of money, had the 
 king continued in or near London, and not, by leaving 
 his jiarliament, and making war upon it, so intimidated 
 
Chap. vi. tending to defeat salutary measures. 233 
 
 and discouraged the adventurers, and others who would 
 have adventured, that that good bill is rendered in a 
 manner ineffectual. 
 
 They mention, that when at the sole charge of the 
 adventurers five thousand foot and five hundred horse 
 were designed for the relief of Munster, under the 
 command of the lord Wharton, and nothing was want- 
 ing but a commission to enable that lord for the service, 
 such was the power of wicked counsel, that no commis- 
 sion could be obtained from the king; by reason whereof 
 Limerick was wholly lost, and the province of Munster 
 since in very great distress. 
 
 That when well-affected persons, at their own charge, 
 by way of adventure, had prepared twelve ships and six 
 pinnaces, with a thousand land forces, for the service of 
 Ireland, desiring nothing but a commission from his 
 majesty; that commission, after twice sending to York 
 for it, and the ships lying ready to set sail three weeks 
 together, at the charge of near 300/. a day, was likewise 
 denied. And those adventurers (rather than lose their 
 expedition) were constrained to go by virtue of an ordi- 
 nance of both houses of parliament. 
 
 That, though the lords justices of Ireland earnestly 
 desired to have two pieces of battery sent over, as ne- 
 cessary for that service; yet such commands were given 
 to the officers of the Tower, that none of the king's ord- 
 nance must be sent to save his kingdom. 
 
 That Charles Floyd, engineer and quartermaster- 
 general of the army in Ireland, and in actual employ- 
 ment there against the rebels, was called away from 
 that important service by express command of the 
 king. 
 
 That captain Green, comptroller of the artillery, a man 
 in pay, and principally employed and trusted here by 
 the lord lieutenant of Ireland for providing and order- 
 
234 The parliament charges the king ivith actions book n. 
 
 ing the train of artillery which was to be sent to Dublin, 
 and who had received great sums of money for that 
 purpose, was commanded from that employment and 
 trust, to serve the king in this unnatural war against 
 his parliament. And when the parliament had pro- 
 vided six hundred suits of clothes for present relief of 
 the poor soldiers in Ireland, and sent them towards 
 Chester, William Whitaker, that undertook the carriage 
 of them, was assaulted by the king's soldiers lying 
 about Coventry; who took away the six hundred suits 
 of clothes, and the poor man, his waggon and horses, 
 though they were told that the clothes were for the 
 soldiers in Ireland, and though the poor carrier was five 
 times with the earl of Northampton to beg a release of 
 his waggon. 
 
 That three hundred suits of clothes sent likewise by 
 the parliament for Ireland, with a chirurgeon's chest of 
 medicaments, towards Chester, were taken all away by 
 the king's troopers under command of one captain 
 Middleton, together with the jjoor carrier's horses and 
 waggon, for the king's service. As likewise, that a great 
 number of draught horses prepared by the parliament 
 for the artillery and baggage of the Irish army, and sent 
 to Chester for that purpose, being there, attending a 
 passage, are now required by the king for his present 
 service in England; whose forces are so quartered about 
 the roads to Ireland, that no provision can pass thither 
 by land with any safety. 
 
 That captain Kettleby and sir Henry Stradling, the 
 admiral and vice-admiral of the ships appointed to lie 
 upon the coast of Ireland, to annoy the rebels, and to 
 prevent the bringing of ammunition and relief from 
 foreign parts, are both called away from that employ- 
 ment by the king's command ; and by reason of their 
 departure from the coast of Munster, to which they were 
 
CHAP. VI. tending to defeat salutary measures. 335 
 
 designed, the rebels there have received powder, ammu- 
 nition, and other relief from foreign parts. 
 
 By which particulars (say they) it may seem that 
 those rebels are countenanced there, upon design to 
 assist the enemies of the parliament here ; especially 
 considering that those confident rebels have presumed, 
 very lately, to send a petition to the king, entitling 
 themselves his majesty's catholic subjects of Ireland, 
 and complaining of the puritan parliament of England; 
 and desiring, that since his majesty comes not thither, 
 according to their expectation, they may come into 
 England to his majesty. 
 
 The parliament therefore, finding what danger both 
 kingdoms are in by the designs of cruel enemies, 
 thought fit to provide for the safety of both, by pre- 
 paring a competent army for the defence of king and 
 kingdom. But in regard that the plate brought in by 
 so many well-affected men could not be coined so sud- 
 denly as the service required, and well knowing that 
 100,000/. might for a short time be borrowed out of the 
 adventurers'money for Ireland, without any prejudice to 
 the affairs of that kingdom, whose subsistence depends 
 upon the welfare of this, and resolving to make a speedy 
 repayment of that money, made this order : which that 
 it may appear (say they) to all the world to be neither 
 mischievous, illegal, nor unjust, (as the king calls it,) the 
 house of commons thought fit to recite it in hcec verba; 
 and instead of retracting the order, to repay that money 
 with all possible speed. 
 
 The order, July 30. 
 It is this day ordered by the commons house of parliament, 
 that the treasurers appointed to receive the moneys come in 
 upon the subscriptions for Ireland, do forthwith furnish, by 
 way of loan, unto the committee of lords and commons for 
 the defence of the kingdom, the sum of ioo,oooZ., for the 
 
236 His majesty's message to both book ii, 
 
 supply of the public necessity^ for defence of the king, par- 
 liament, and kingdom, upon the public faith, to be repaid 
 duly and carefully within so short a time, that it shall not 
 be diverted from that purpose for which it was intended, or 
 any way frustrate the acts already made in the behalf of that 
 adventure. 
 
 During the time of these paper conflicts, the king in 
 person had often removed, and visited many places. 
 To the gentry of Leicestershire he made a speech on 
 the !20th of July, after his usual manner, with protest- 
 ations of his great love to the people and care of the 
 kingdom. And from thence removing northward, on 
 the 4th of August he made a speech after the same 
 manner to the gentry of Yorkshire ; from whence he 
 returned back to Nottingham, and there set up his 
 standard royal. Very few people resorted to it. Nor 
 had the king at this time a considerable strength to 
 guard his person, if any attempts had been to have 
 seized upon him. From Nottingham, on the 25th of 
 August, the king sent a message to the parliament by 
 the earls of Southampton and Dorset, and sir John 
 Culpepper, one of the members of the house of com- 
 mons, who had deserted the parliament, and went to 
 the king at York ; having not long before been made 
 by him chancellor of the exchequer. 
 
 The king's message to both houses of parliament from Notting- 
 ham, Aug. 25, 1 642. 
 We have with unspeakable grief of heart long beheld the 
 distractions of this our kingdom. Our soul is fuU of anguish, 
 until we may find some remedy to prevent the miseries which 
 are ready to overwhelm this whole nation by a civil war. And 
 though all our endeavours tending to the composing of those 
 unhappy difierences betwixt us and our two houses of parha- 
 ment, (though pursued by us with all zeal and sincerity,) have 
 been hitherto without that success we hoped for ; yet such is 
 our constant and earnest care to preserve the public peace. 
 
CHAP. VI. houses from Nottingham. 237 
 
 that we shall not be discouraged from using any expedient, 
 which by the blessing of the God of mercy may lay a firm 
 foundation of peace and happiness to all our good subjects. 
 To this end observing that many mistakes have arisen by the 
 messages, petitions, and answers betwixt us and our two 
 houses of parliament ; which happily may be prevented by 
 some other way of treaty, wherein the matters in difference 
 may be more clearly understood and more freely transacted; 
 we thought fit to propound to you, that some fit persons 
 may be by you enabled to treat with the like number to be 
 authorized by us, in such a manner, and with such freedom 
 of debate, as may best tend to that happy conclusion which 
 all good men desire — the peace of the kingdom. Wherein, as 
 we promise in the word of a king all safety and encourage- 
 ment to such as shall be sent unto us, if you shall choose the 
 place where we are for the treaty, which we whoUy leave to 
 you, presuming the like care of the safety of those we shall 
 employ, if you shall name another place ; so we assure you 
 and all our good subjects, that (to the best of our under- 
 standing) nothing shall be therein wanting on our part 
 which may advance the true protestant religion, oppose 
 popery and superstition, secure the law of the land, (upon 
 which is built as well our just prerogative as the propriety 
 and liberty of the subject,) confirm all just power and privi- 
 leges of parHament, and render us and our people truly happy, 
 by a true understanding betwixt us and our two houses of par- 
 liament. Bring with you as firm resolutions to do your duty, 
 and let all our people join with us in our prayers to Almighty 
 God for his blessing upon this work. 
 
 If this proposition shall be rejected by you, we have done 
 our duty so amply, that God wiU absolve us from the guilt 
 of any of that blood which must be spilt. And what opinion 
 soever other men may have of our power, we assure you, 
 nothing but our Christian and pious care to prevent the 
 effusion of blood hath begot this motion; our provision of 
 men, arms, and money being such as may secure us from 
 further violence, till it please God to open the eyes of our 
 people. 
 
238 The answer of both houses book ii. 
 
 The miswer of the lords and commons to the king's message of 
 the i^th of August, 1642. 
 May it please your majesty : 
 
 The lords and commons in parliament assembled having 
 received your majesty's message of the 25th of August^ do 
 with much grief resent the dangerous and distracted state of 
 this kingdom, which we have by all means endeavoured to 
 prevent, both by our several advices and petitions to your 
 majesty, which have been not only without success, but there 
 hath followed that, which no evil counsel in former times 
 hath produced, or any age hath seen, those several proclama- 
 tions and declarations against both the houses of parliament, 
 whereby their actions are declared treasonable and their per- 
 sons traitors ; and thereupon your majesty hath set up your 
 standard against them, whereby you have put the two houses 
 of parliament, and in them this whole kingdom, out of your 
 protection : so that until your majesty shall recall those pro- 
 clamations and declarations whereby the earl of Essex and 
 both houses of parliament, their adherents and assistants, and 
 all such as have obeyed and executed their commands and 
 directions, according to their duties, are declared traitors, or 
 otherwise delinquents ; and until the standard, set up in pur- 
 suance of the said proclamations, be taken down, your majesty 
 hath put us into such a condition, that, whilst we so remain, 
 we cannot, by the fundamental privileges of parliament, the 
 public trust reposed in us, or with the general good and safety 
 of this kingdom, give your majesty any other answer to this 
 message. 
 
 Withia few days after, the king sent instructions 
 under his privy-signet to his commissioners of array for 
 the several counties of England and Wales ; as, to mar- 
 quis Hartford, vi'hom the king had made lieutenant- 
 general of all the western counties, as is before ex- 
 pressed ; to the earl of Cumberland, lord lieutenant of 
 Yorkshire ; and the lord Strange, lieutenant for Lan- 
 cashire and Cheshire : in which instructions he com- 
 mands them to pursue the earl of Essex, whom he again 
 calls rebel and traitor. 
 
i^P. VI. to his majesty's message from Nottingham. 239 
 
 Immediately after, the king sent a reply to that 
 answer of the parliament to his last message of the 
 25th of August ; which being short, that the reader 
 may the more truly inform himself of the nature of 
 this strange division, I shall wholly insert in the very 
 words : 
 
 We -will not repeat what means we have used to prevent 
 the dangerous and distracted estate of the kingdom, nor how 
 those means have been interpreted, because, being desirous to 
 avoid effusion of blood, we are willing to decline all memory 
 of former bitterness, that might make our offer of a treaty 
 less readily accepted. We never did declare, nor ever intended 
 to declare, both our houses of parliament traitors, or set up 
 our standard against them ; and much less to put them and 
 this kingdom out of our protection : we utterly profess against 
 it before God and the world. And further, to remove all 
 possible scruples which may hinder the treaty so much de- 
 sired by us, we hereby promise, so that a day be appointed 
 by you for the revoking of your declarations against all per- 
 sons as traitors or otherwise for assisting us, we shall with all 
 cheerfulness upon the same day recall our proclamations and 
 declarations, and take down our standard. In which treaty 
 we shall be ready to grant any thing that shall be really for 
 the good of our subjects; conjuring you to consider the bleed- 
 ing condition of Ireland, and the dangerous condition of 
 England, in as high a degree as by these our offers we have 
 declared ourself to do : and assuring you, that our chief 
 desire in the world is to beget a good understanding and 
 mutual confidence betwixt us and our two houses of parha- 
 ment. 
 
 To the king's most excellent majesty. 
 
 The humble answer and petition of the lords and commons 
 assembled in parliament to the king's last message. 
 May it please your majesty : 
 
 If we the lords and commons in parliament assembled should 
 repeat all the ways we have taken, the endeavours we have 
 used, and the expressions we have made unto your majesty, 
 to prevent those distractions and dangers your majesty speaks 
 
240 The answer of both houses to the king's last message. bookii. 
 
 of, we should too much enlarge this reply : therefore, as we 
 humbly, so shall we only, let your majesty know, that we can- 
 not recede from our former answer, for the reasons therein 
 expressed : for that your majesty hath not taken down your 
 standard, recalled your proclamations and declarations where- 
 by you have declared the actions of both houses of parliament 
 to be treasonable, and their persons traitors : and you have 
 published the same since your message the 25th of August, 
 by your late instructions to your commissioners of array. 
 Which standard being taken down, and the declarations, 
 proclamations, and instructions recalled, if your majesty 
 shall then upon this our humble petition, leaving your forces, 
 return unto your parliament, and receive their faithful advice, 
 your majesty shall find such expressions of our fidelities and 
 duties as shall assure you that your safety, honour, and great- 
 ness can only be found in the affections of your people and 
 the sincere counsels of your parliament, whose constant and 
 undiscouraged endeavours and consultations have passed 
 through difficulties unheard of, only to secure your kingdoms 
 from the violent mischiefs and dangers now ready to fall upon 
 them; who deserve better of your majesty, and can never allow 
 themselves (representing likewise your whole kingdom) to be 
 balanced with those persons whose desperate dispositions and 
 counsels prevail still so to interrupt all our endeavours for the 
 relieving of bleeding Ireland, as we may fear our labours and 
 vast expenses will be fruitless to that distressed kingdom. As 
 your presence is thus humbly desired by us, so it is in our 
 hopes that your majesty will in your reason believe, there is 
 no other way than tliis to make your majesty's self happy 
 and your kingdoms safe. 
 
 The parliament immediately after published a de- 
 claration, that the arras which they were enforced to 
 take up for the preservation of the kingdom, laws, and 
 liberties could not be laid down, until the king should 
 withdraw his protection from such persons as had been 
 voted delinquents by both houses, and leave them to the 
 justice of parliament. 
 
 The king, within few days after, made another reply 
 
CHAP. VI. Answer of both houses to the king's message. 241 
 
 to the last answer of the parliament. The substance of 
 it was, that he could neither do nor offer any more than 
 he had already, and that he should think himself clear 
 and innocent from any blood that might be spilt in this 
 quarrel ; praying God so to deal with him and his pos- 
 terity, as he desired to preserve religion, law, and liberty 
 of the subjects, and privilege of parliament. The par- 
 liament returned answer, that while the king thinks 
 himself bound in honour to protect such delinquents, 
 in whose preservation the kingdom cannot be safe, nor 
 the rights of parliament at all maintained, but must 
 needs fall into utter contempt, they must needs think 
 he hath not done what he can or ought to do. They 
 tell him it is impossible that any reasonable man should 
 believe him to be so tender of bleeding Ireland, when 
 at the same time divers of the Irish traitors, the known 
 favourers of them, and agents for them, are admitted 
 into his presence with grace and favour, and some of 
 them employed in his service. 
 
 MAY. 
 
BOOK III. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Prince Rupert and prince Maurice arrive in England. The 
 earl of Essex taking leave of the parliament goeth to his 
 command. The king increaseth in strength at Shrewsbury. 
 A skirmish at Worcester. The great battle of Keynton is 
 fought. 
 
 About the beginning of this September prince Ru- 
 pert, second son to Frederic prince elector palatine of 
 the Rhine, who had long been detained prisoner of 
 ■war by the emperor, and newly released, arrived in 
 England, to offer his service to the king his uncle in 
 those wars which were now visibly begun in this un- 
 happy kingdom ; together with him came his younger 
 brother prince Maurice; an addition rather of gallantry 
 than strength to the king's side, being both young and 
 unexperienced soldiers. Neither indeed, though they 
 were near in birth to the crown of England, were they 
 near enough to add any security to the king, by pur- 
 chasing the people's hatred to themselves ; though that 
 were imagined, and talked of by many, as the cause 
 why they were sent for. Their elder brother, Charles, 
 prince elector, might have served more fitly to play that 
 part : but he, having long remained in the court of 
 England, had lately left the king, not above two months 
 before the arrival of his brothers ; the reasons why he 
 went away were partly expressed by himself afterward 
 in a message which he sent out of Holland to the 
 houses of parliament, wherein he professed sorrow for 
 
CHAP. I. Prince Rupert commands a body of the king's troops. 343 
 
 these distractions, and protested, that whilst he was in 
 the court of England, he had by all means endeavoured 
 to bring the king into a good opinion of his parliament ; 
 acknowledging that his own interest and that of the pro- 
 testant religion in Germany did more depend upon the 
 happiness of the English parliament than upon any 
 thing else, under God. True it is, that this prince left 
 not the king until he saw the rent between him and 
 his parliament too great to close ; and having before 
 been exposed by the king to some probability of envy, 
 as when he attended his majesty to the house of com- 
 mons for surprisal of the five members ; and with him 
 afterwards, when some things unpleasing to the people 
 had been done ; he might in likelihood, being of that 
 opinion that he was of this cause, think it tlie wisest 
 way to take a fair leave in time of the king. 
 
 These two young princes, arrived in England, were 
 soon put into employment and command under the 
 king their uncle, in which they showed themselves very 
 forward and active, as will appear afterward, and if 
 more hot and furious than the tender beginnings of a 
 civil war would seem to require, it may be imputed to 
 the fervour of their youth, and great desire which they 
 had to ingratiate themselves to the king ; upon whom, 
 as being no more than soldiers of fortune, their hopes 
 of advancement wholly depended. 
 
 Prince Rupert, the elder brother, and most furious 
 of the two, within a fortnight after his arrival, com- 
 manded a small party of those forces which the king 
 had at that time gathered together, which were not of 
 so great a body as to be termed an army, with which 
 he marched into divers counties, to roll himself like a 
 snowball into a larger bulk by the accession of forces 
 in every place : through divers parts of Warwickshire, 
 Nottinghamshire, Leicestershire, Worcestershire, and 
 
 r2 
 
244 Of colonel Goring. book hi. 
 
 Cheshire, did this young prince fly with those troops 
 which he had, not inviting the people so much by fair 
 demeanour, (for such was the report to the houses of 
 parliament,) as compelling them by extreme rigour to 
 follow that side which he had taken. Many towns and 
 villages he plundered, which is to say robbed, (for at 
 that time first was the word plunder used in England, 
 being born in Germany, when that stately country was 
 so miserably wasted and pillaged by foreign armies,) 
 and committed other outrages upon those who stood 
 affected to the parliament, executing some, and hanging 
 up servants at their masters' doors, for not discovering 
 of their masters. Upon which news, the houses of par- 
 liament fell into a serious debate, and agreed that a 
 charge of high treason should be drawn up against him 
 for endeavouring the destruction of this state, which 
 was voted a great breach of the kingdom's laws, and 
 breach of the privilege of that great council, represent- 
 ing the whole state of it. 
 
 Let it not seem amiss in this place to insert a pas- 
 sage, happening at the same time, which cannot be 
 omitted by reason of the eminence of that person whom 
 it concerns in the succeeding wars. 
 
 Colonel Goring, who was before spoken of to keep 
 the town of Portsmouth against the parliament, being 
 now no longer able to hold it out, was permitted by 
 captain Merrick, not without allowance from the earl 
 of Warwick, to leave the place, and to be conveyed to 
 the Brill in Holland, according to his own desire : this 
 the parliament were contented with, because the cap- 
 tain was necessitated to agree to it, for preservation of 
 that town, and many persons therein well-affected to 
 the parliament ; for Goring had threatened to destroy 
 the town with wildfire, if he might not preserve his 
 own life by a peaceable surrender. 
 
CHAP. I. The king marches towards Shrewsbury. 245 
 
 Whilst prince Rupert was thus active with a flying 
 party, the king himself was moving with those forces 
 which he had, but in a gentler and calmer way ; for the 
 reverence which the people bare to his person made him 
 find less resistance, as winds lose their fury when they 
 meet no opposition ; but howsoever, the king desired 
 to go in such a way as to be taken for a father of his 
 country, and a prince injured by the parliament ; pro- 
 fessions of love, persuasions, and protestations of his 
 affection to the people, were the chief instruments 
 which he used to raise himself a strength, and com- 
 plaints against the proceedings and actions of the par- 
 liament ; as when he was marching toward Shrewsbury, 
 where he intended to make his chief rendezvous, being 
 a place convenient to receive and entertain such forces 
 as should come to him out of Wales : which place (as 
 will appear afterward) failed not his expectation, though 
 it were more than the parliament could suspect. As 
 he was marching thither with a small army, he made a 
 speech between Stafford and Wellington, on the 19th 
 of September, and caused his protestation to be then 
 also read in the head of his army ; wherein, among 
 other things, he tells them (for their comfort, and hope 
 to prevail) that they should meet no enemies but trai- 
 tors, most of them Brownists, anabaptists, and atheists, 
 who would destroy both church and commonwealth. 
 And in this protestation, with deep vows, and impreca- 
 tions upon himself and his posterity, he declares his 
 whole care and intentions to be for the maintenance of 
 the protestant religion, the laws and property of the 
 subject, together with the privilege of parliament ; as 
 he was accustomed to do in his former speeches. 
 
 But the king, not many days before, had taken a 
 more harsh and coercive way ; for, marching through 
 Derbyshire, Leicestershire, and Nottinghamshire, he 
 
246 The earl of Essex takes the command. book iii. 
 
 commanded the trained bands of those counties to 
 attend and guard his person ; and when they were met, 
 disarmed the greatest part of tliem, taking as many 
 arms as served for two thousand men, besides good 
 sums of money, which, not without some constraint, he 
 borrowed from them. 
 
 But to leave the king's proceedings for a while, it is 
 time to return to the lord-general for the parliament, 
 and the army raised under his conduct ; which at that 
 time, when prince Rupert began to march, was grown 
 to a considerable body, consisting of about fourteen 
 thousand horse and foot ; their general rendezvous was 
 at Northampton, where many of the chief commanders, 
 as the lord Brook, lord Roberts, colonel Hampden, and 
 others, stayed with them, expecting the presence of his 
 excellence, who on the 9th of September taking his 
 leave of the parliament and city of London, bent his 
 journey toward Northampton, and was waited on by 
 the trained bands, and a great number of armed gentle- 
 men from Essex house to the end of the city with great 
 solemnity. But the love and wishes of the people that 
 did attend him were far greater than any outward sig- 
 nification could express : to whom he seemed at that 
 time, though going to a civil war, as much an English- 
 man, and as true a patriot, as if he had gone against a 
 foreign enemy. Great was the love and honour which 
 the people in general bore to his person, in regard of 
 his own virtue and honourable demeanour ; and much 
 increased by the memory of his noble father, the high- 
 est example that ever I yet read of a favourite both to 
 prince and people ; of whom that was most true which 
 Velleius Paterculus speaks with flattery and falsehood of 
 Sejanus, in quo cum judicio principis certabant studia 
 populi, " the people's love strived to match the prince's 
 judgment." That cause, wherein the earl of Essex had 
 
CHAP. 1. j4^ petition is presented to his majesty. 247 
 
 engaged himself, seemed to them religious enough to 
 require their prayers for the success of it : for the parlia- 
 ment, though they raised an army, expressed much 
 humility and reverence to the king's person ; for not 
 many days after the departure of the lord-general, by 
 consent of both houses, a petition to the king was 
 drawn up, to be carried by sir Philip Stapleton, a mem- 
 ber of the house of commons, often spoken of before, 
 and at this time a colonel in the lord-general's army. 
 This petition he carried to Northampton to the general, 
 to be by him presented (according to the parliament's 
 desire) to his majesty, in a safe and honourable way : 
 in which petition nothing at all (according to their for- 
 mer declarations) is charged upon the king himself, but 
 only upon his wicked council ; and the former misgo- 
 vernments briefly mentioned ; and that this wicked 
 council have raised an horrid rebellion and massacre in 
 Ireland ; and ever since, by opposition against the par- 
 liament, hindered the relief of that kingdom, and at last 
 drawn his majesty to make a war upon his parliament, 
 leading an army in person, to the destruction of his 
 people, depriving his good subjects of his majesty's pro- 
 tection, and protecting those traitors against the justic© 
 and authority of parliament. 
 
 We, the lords and commons assembled in parliament, have, 
 (for these are the words of the petition,) for the just and ne- 
 cessary defence of the protestant religion, of your majesty's 
 person, crown, and dignity, of the laws and liberties of the 
 kingdom, and the privileges and power of parHaments, taken 
 up arms, appointed and authorized Robert earl of Essex, to 
 be captain general of all the forces by us raised, to conduct 
 the same against those rebels and traitors, to subdue and 
 bring them to condign punishment : and wq do most humbly 
 beseech your majesty to withdraw your royal presence and 
 countenance from these wicked persons; and if they shall 
 stand out in defence of their rebellious and unlawful attempts, 
 
248 Directions given by parliament to the lord-gen£ral, book hi. 
 
 that your majesty will leave them to be suppressed by that 
 power which we have sent against them ; and that your ma- 
 jesty will not mix your own dangers with theirs, but in peace 
 and safety, without your forces, forthwith return to your par- 
 liament, and by their faithful advice compose the present dis- 
 tempers and confusions abounding in both your kingdoms, 
 and provide for the security and honour of yourself and royal 
 posterity, and the prosperous estate of all your subjects. 
 Wherein if your majesty please to yield to our most humble 
 and earnest desires, we do, in the presence of Almighty God, 
 profess, that we will receive your majesty with all honour, 
 yield you all due obedience and subjection, and faithfully 
 endeavour to secure your person and estate from all dangers; 
 and to the uttermost of our power to procure and establish 
 to yourself and to your people all the blessings of a glorious 
 and happy reign. 
 
 According to this petition were those directions from 
 the parliament to the lord-general sent at the same 
 time ; wherein the lord-general is required by the 
 houses to use his utmost endeavour, by battle or other- 
 wise, to rescue the king's person, the persons of the 
 prince and duke of York, out of the hands of those 
 desperate persons now about them. Another direction 
 was, that if his majesty upon this humble petition should 
 be pleased to withdraw himself from the persons now 
 about him, and return to the parliament, that then the 
 lord-general should disband, and should serve and de- 
 fend his majesty with a sufficient strength in his return. 
 Another direction was, that his excellency should pro- 
 claim pardon to all those who were at that time se- 
 duced against their parliament and country, if within 
 ten days after that proclamation they would return to 
 their duty, doing no hostile act within the time limited: 
 provided that this should not extend to admit any man 
 into either house of parliament, who stands suspended, 
 without giving satisfaction to that house whereof he 
 
*^HAP. I. now at the head of a gallant army. 349 
 
 was a member ; and excepting all persons impeached 
 for delinquency by either house, and those persons who 
 have been eminent actors in these treasons, and there- 
 fore impeached in parliament of high treason ; such as 
 were at that time declared and there named ; the earls 
 of Bristol, Cumberland, Newcastle, and Rivers, secre- 
 tary Nicholas, master Endymion Porter, master Edward 
 Hyde, the duke of Richmond, the earl of Carnarvon, 
 viscount Newark, and viscount Falkland : these were 
 the persons at that time voted against, and declared 
 traitors, though afterwards others were added to the 
 number of them, and many of these left out, as occa- 
 sions altered. 
 
 Such directions, and others for the advantage of the 
 army and behoof of the countries through which he 
 was to march, were given by the parliament to his ex- 
 cellency, but above all things to restrain carefully all 
 impieties, profaneness, and disorders in his army. 
 
 The general arriving at Northampton was there pos- 
 sessed of a great and gallant army, well furnished at all 
 points, consisting of about twenty thousand, with those 
 that within few days were to come thither : an army 
 too great to find resistance at that time from any forces 
 afoot in England ; for the king's side had then small 
 strength : what they had, consisted of horse, who in 
 small parties roved up and down, to make provision, 
 and force contribution in several places. Prince Rupert 
 especially, like a perpetual motion, with those horse 
 which he commanded, was in short time beard of at 
 many places at great distance. The care therefore 
 which his excellency especially took was so to divide 
 his great army as to make the several parts of it use- 
 ful, both to annoy the straggling troops of the enemy, 
 and protect those counties that stood affected to the 
 parliament, as also to possess himself, either in his own 
 
250 A skirmish takes place at Worcester, book hi. 
 
 person or by his lieutenants, of such towns as he thought 
 might be of best import, if this sad war should happen 
 to continue. 
 
 From Northampton he marched to Coventry, to 
 make that considerable city a garrison for the parlia- 
 ment, and from thence to Warwick ; and having forti- 
 fied that town, marched away towards Worcester, upon 
 intelligence that the king himself intended to come 
 thither with his forces ; for his desire was to find out 
 the king; and the parliament, to whom he imparted 
 his design by letter, approved well of his advance to- 
 wards Worcester. 
 
 The city of Worcester, as well as the whole county, 
 had been in great distractions, by reason, not only of the 
 dissenting affections of the inhabitants, but the frequent 
 invitations from both sides ; if we may call that an in- 
 vitation which is made by armed force. Sir John Byron 
 had first entered Worcester for the king's side, whom 
 master Fiennes, son to the lord Say, had opposed for 
 the parliament ; and afterward prince Rupert, with five 
 hundred horse, not far from the city, was encountered 
 by master Fiennes, who commanded another body about 
 that number; the skirmish was but small, and not above 
 twelve inen slain, as the report was made at London. 
 But before the lord-general could arrive at Worcester, 
 (who was marching thither from Warwick, as was be- 
 fore expressed,) there happened a fight there, not to be 
 omitted, in regard of the persons that were there slain 
 or wounded, though the number of men in general that 
 fell were small. Prince Rupert was then at Worcester 
 with twelve troops of horse, when about that city divers 
 of the parliament's forces were, though not joined in 
 one body, but dispersed : the prince marched out of 
 the city into a green meadow, and there set his men in 
 battle array, to encounter whom he could first light 
 
^^^^- I- in which prince Rupert is worsted. 251 
 
 upon. Within half a mile of that field were the par- 
 liament troops, colonel Sandys with his regiment of 
 horse, captain Hales, and captain Wingate, who made 
 toward the prince ; but their passage was very disad- 
 vantageous, as being through a narrow lane, where only 
 four of a breast could march : colonel Sandys, whose 
 fault was too much courage, charging with his own 
 regiment through that lane too soon, before the rest 
 of the parliament forces could come up, (for besides 
 the forenamed captains. Hales and Wingate, captain 
 Fiennes and captain Austin were not far oif, and 
 marching apace to their assistance,) made notwith- 
 standing some slaughter of the prince's men, and 
 maintained the fight until the mentioned forces ap- 
 proached the place ; but then the prince, the two 
 sides growing into some equality of number, fearing, 
 perchance, to be too long engaged in a fight, until the 
 lord-general's array might approach, some of the fore- 
 runners not being far off, retreated back into the city 
 of Worcester, through which he marched away with as 
 much speed as he could, the parliament forces follow- 
 ing him through the town, and so over a bridge, about 
 which some of the parliament dragooners were placed, 
 who cut off twenty of the prince's troopers, and took 
 thirty prisoners. There were found dead at the place 
 of their first encounter thirteen men. There were slain 
 of the parliament side of note, colonel Sandys' cornet, 
 who first of all fell, and sergeant-major Douglas ; co- 
 lonel Sandys himself was desperatelywounded, of which 
 wounds he died about a month after. It was reported 
 that colonel Wilmot, of whom we have spoken before, 
 and who was afterward an eminent champion on the 
 king's side, was in this conflict run through the body 
 by colonel Sandys. 
 
 His excellency immediately after this fight came to 
 
252 The king establishes a mint at Shrewsbury, book hi. 
 
 Worcester with his army, where he resolved to quarter 
 a while, as a place convenient to send out parties upon 
 all occasions, and watch the motion of the king's forces. 
 This discourse shall here leave him, and relate the pas- 
 sages of the other armies. 
 
 Prince Rupert, having left Worcester, marched with 
 his troops to Ludlow, twenty miles distant thence; and 
 the king with a small body of horse passed into Wales, 
 and having made a speech full of protestations to the 
 inhabitants of Denbigh and Flintshire, and gained some 
 parties there, the next day he marched to Shrewsbury, 
 where he intended to quarter for a time, as a fit ren- 
 dezvous for those forces expected from Wales, and 
 other near adjacent parts. To Shrewsbury the king 
 caused a mint to be brought, and there coined all the 
 plate which he then had, or was then and soon after 
 presented to him ; for many noblemen, gentlemen, and 
 others, about that time, had furnished the king not 
 only with horses and arms, but money and plate, as 
 the citizens of London and other gentlemen had 
 done to the parliament, upon their public faith, as is 
 before expressed. It is a wonderful thing, almost 
 beyond what himself could hope, or the parhament 
 suspect, how much and how suddenly the king grew 
 in strength, in that little time that he quartered at 
 Shrewsbury ; the king, within few days after his com- 
 ing thither, had in public, to the gentry, freeholders, 
 and other inhabitants of that county, made an oration 
 full of persuasive art, and such winning expressions, as 
 fitted the purpose he had in hand, such as might render 
 him to the thoughts of those people an injured prince, 
 and move compassionate affections toward him. Which 
 speech of his, as it was reported and printed in London, 
 I shall here insert : 
 
CHAP. I. where he increases in strength, and delivers an oration. 353 
 
 Gentlemen, 
 
 It is some benefit to vae, from the insolences and misfor- 
 tunes which have driven me about, that they have brought 
 me to so good a part of my kingdom, and to so faithful a 
 part of my people : I hope neither you nor I shall repent my 
 coming hither ; I will do my part that you may not ; and of 
 you I was confident before I came. The residence of an 
 army is not usually pleasant to any place; and mine may 
 carry more fear with it, since it may be thought (being 
 robbed and spoiled of all mine own, and such terror used 
 to fright and keep all men from supplying of me) I must 
 only live upon the aid and relief of my people. But be not 
 afraid ; I would to God my poor subjects suffered no more 
 by the insolence and violence of that army raised against me 
 (though they have made themselves wanton even with plenty) 
 than you shall do by mine ; and yet, I fear, I cannot prevent 
 all disorders : I will do my best : and this I promise you, no 
 man shall be a loser by me, if I can help it. 
 
 I have sent hither for a mint ; I will melt down all my 
 own plate, and expose all my land to sale or mortgage, that, 
 if it be possible, I may bring the least pressure upon you : 
 in the mean time, I have summoned you hither to do that 
 for me and yourselves, for the maintenance of your religion 
 and the law of the land, (by which you enjoy aU that you 
 have,) which other men do against us. Do not suffer so 
 good a cause to be lost for want of supplying me with that 
 which wiU be taken from you by those who pursue me with 
 this violence. And whilst these ill men sacrifice their money, 
 plate, and utmost industry to destroy the commonwealth, be 
 you no less liberal to preserve it. Assure yourselves, if it 
 please God to bless me with success, I shall remember the 
 assistance that every particular man here gives me to his 
 advantage. However, it wdl hereafter, (how furiously so- 
 ever the minds of men are now possessed,) be honour and 
 comfort to you, that, with some charge and trouble to your- 
 selves, you did your part to support your king and preserve 
 the kingdom. 
 
 But with such skill had the king managed his affairs 
 there, and so much had fortune crowned his endeavours, 
 
254 Preparations for the defence of London. book hi. 
 
 that before the middle of October, which was about 
 three weeks after his first coming to Shrewsbury with 
 an inconsiderable body of an army, he was grown 
 to a great strength, consisting of about six thousand 
 foot, three thousand brave horse, and almost two thou- 
 sand dragooners ; and purposing about that time to re- 
 move from thence, he issued out warrants to the in- 
 habitants of Shrewsbury, and other adjacent towns and 
 villages, to send horses and carts for his removal. 
 
 The king marched along within the view of Coven- 
 try, but not intending to lose any time there in sitting 
 down before it, unless the town had been freely sur- 
 rendered to him : but that was denied, though in a very 
 humble message, by the governor of it. Marching on, 
 he came and lay at Southam, when the lord-general 
 Essex was not many miles distant from him. So much 
 was the king now grown in strength, that he was able, 
 at so great a distance, to strike some terror into the 
 city of London itself, and provoke their sedulous endea- 
 vour for a defence against his feared approach, though 
 the lord-general Essex with as great an army were 
 then abroad to attend his marches. The parliament 
 itself took the business into their strict care : for both 
 houses conceiving that the city was in imminent danger 
 of the king's forces, ordered, that the trained bands 
 thereof should be speedily raised for a guard ; that 
 such fortifications as could suddenly be made should 
 not be wanting ; that a committee should be appointed 
 to consider of the present setting up courts of guard, 
 and raising works, for planting of ordnance in special 
 places about the city and suburbs. According to which 
 order many hundreds of men fell presently to work, in 
 digging of trenches, and other bulwarks. It was ordered 
 likewise that the trained bands of London, Middlesex, 
 and Surrey should be put into a readiness ; and that the 
 
CHAP. I. Different counties associate for their defence. 255 
 
 close committee, by help of the lord mayor, should with 
 all diligence search out and secure the persons of all 
 the ill-affected citizens, or the chief of them, that were 
 suspected to be most able or active to raise a party 
 against the parliament. 
 
 Twelve companies of London were by order of par- 
 liament sent to Windsor, to possess and secure that 
 castle, and many seamen raised to guard the passages 
 of the river Thames. 
 
 The parliament about that time considering how 
 much these civil distractions increased over the whole 
 kingdom, passed a vote, that it was and should be law- 
 ful for all counties in England to enter into an associa- 
 tion, for mutual defence of each other, of their religion, 
 laws, and liberties. Whereupon, within a short time 
 after, Buckingham, Hartford, and Nottinghamshire 
 began to associate after that manner, raised forces for 
 the parliament, and advanced both plate and money 
 upon their propositions. 
 
 The danger that seemed to threaten London at tliat 
 time, though distant in place, yet in reason was near. 
 For the king's army was judged to be nearer to it than 
 the lord-general's was ; and it was probable enough that 
 his desires would rather lead him to attempt the city 
 than to engage against the army; and it was thought 
 and spoken by some, that London was a place where he 
 had many friends, who upon the approach of such an 
 army would appear for him, and to facilitate his achieve- 
 ments would fill the city with intestine tumults and 
 seditions. That London was the only place where the 
 parliament was to be totally suppressed, and his army 
 enriched to the height of their desires. But others 
 were of opinion, that such an attempt, as it was pre- 
 posterous, would prove frustrate, and that the city 
 could not be gained, unless the army were first sub- 
 
256 The battle of Edge-hill, or Keynton. book hi. 
 
 dued. For besides the consideration, that the supposed 
 party for the king in London were not in probability 
 of power enough to accomplish his ends, it might be 
 thought they were not so desperately inclined to him, 
 as to throw themselves and estates into such hazard as 
 must be undergone in the confused rage of a licentious 
 army. The main reason against it was, that the lord- 
 general Essex, with an army as strong as the king's, 
 would follow his march near at hand, and by the help 
 of those forces which the city of London would pour 
 forth upon him utterly ruin his enclosed army. But 
 howsoever the counsels were, it pleased God that it was 
 brought to a battle, to which probably the king might 
 be the more invited by that advantage of the absence of 
 a great part of the parliament's army. 
 
 This famous battle, called by some the battle of 
 Edge-hill, by others the battle of Keynton, (that Keyn- 
 ton is a little town in Warwickshire, almost in the 
 midway between Stratford-upon-Avon and Banbury,) 
 was fought on a Sunday, being the 23rd day of October. 
 The king on Saturday the 2l2nd of October came within 
 six miles of Keynton, and that night at Cropredy and 
 Edgecot lodged his great army, consisting of about 
 fourteen thousand foot and about four thousand horse 
 and dragooners ; a far greater number than the lord- 
 general Essex had together at that time, (though his 
 whole army consisted of more,) for that opportunity the 
 king took of the absence of many regiments of the par- 
 liament. The lord-general Essex on that Saturday 
 night quartered at Keynton with his army, consisting 
 then but of twelve regiments, and about forty troops of 
 horse, little in all exceeding the number of ten thousand 
 men : the reason why his forces at that time were no 
 more in number, was, besides that by reason of the 
 suddenness of his march, and diligence to follow the 
 
CHAP. I. The battle of Edge-hill, or Keynton. 257 
 
 king's army, be had left behind two regiments of bis 
 foot, one under tbe command of colonel Hampden, the 
 other of colonel Grantham, together with eleven troops 
 of horse, behind but one day's march, and left to bring 
 on the artillery, which was seven pieces of cannon, with 
 great store of ammunition, and came not to Keynton 
 till the battle was quite ended ; the lord-general also 
 had before left for preservation of the countries there- 
 about (and whom on such a sudden he could not call 
 together to his assistance) one regiment of foot and 
 two troops of horse, under command of the earl of 
 Stamford at Hereford, that the power of Wales might 
 not fall into Gloucestershire; another regiment was left 
 at Worcester, another at Coventry, for the safety of 
 that town, and one regiment occasionally lodged then 
 in Banbury. 
 
 In Keynton the lord-general intended to rest Sunday, 
 to expect the residue of his forces and artillery, but in 
 the morning the enemy was discovered not far off, 
 which made him give present order for drawing that 
 army which he had there into the field. The king's 
 forces had gotten the advantage of a very high and 
 steep ascent, called Edge-hill, from whence they were 
 discovered that morning ; not far from the foot of that 
 hill was a broad champaign, called, The vale of the red 
 horse, a name suitable to the colour which that day \vas 
 to bestow upon it, for there happened the greatest part 
 of the encounter. Into that field the lord-general was 
 forced presently to march, making a stand about half a 
 mile distant from the foot of Edge-hill, where he drew 
 his army into battalia, and saw the king's forces descend- 
 ing the hill, ready for their encounter; that army at the 
 first having two advantages, of the hill and of tlie wind : 
 it was full of skilful commanders, and well ordered ; 
 
 MAY. s 
 
258 The battle of Edge-hill, or Keynton. booic ii. 
 
 their greatest body of horse was on the right wing, on 
 the left were some horse and dragooners. 
 
 The parliament army was drawn up and put into 
 battalia upon a little rising ground in the forenamed 
 vale, the foot being, many of them, a good space behind 
 the horse, when the charge began. Three regiments of 
 horse were on the right wing ; the lord-general's own 
 regiment, commanded by sir Philip Stapleton ; sir Wil- 
 liam Balfore's regiment, who was lieutenant-general of 
 the horse ; and the lord Fielding's regiment, which 
 stood behind the other two, in the way of a reserve ; 
 sir John Meldrum's brigade had the van ; colonel Essex 
 was in the middle ; the lord-general's regiment, the lord 
 Brook, and colonel Hollis, were in the rear ; in the left 
 wing were about twenty troops of horse, commanded 
 by sir James Ramsey their commissary general. In 
 this posture they stood when the other army advanced 
 toward them, the strength of their horse being (as 
 aforesaid) on their right wing, opposite to the left wing 
 of the parliament army. 
 
 The cannon on both sides with a loud thunder began 
 the fight, in which the success was not equal, the par- 
 liament's cannon doing great execution upon their ene- 
 mies, but theirs very little. 
 
 The earl of Lindsey, general for the king, with a 
 pike in his hand, led on the main body of that army, in 
 which was the king's own regiment, encountered by the 
 lord-general Essex, who exposed himself to all the dan- 
 ger that a battle could make, first leading on his troop, 
 then his own regiment of foot, and breathing courage 
 into them, till, being dissuaded by divers from engaging 
 himself too far, he returned to the rest of the army, to 
 draw them on. The chief regiments having begun the 
 battle, sir Philip Stapleton, with a brave troop of gen- 
 tlemen, (which were the general's lifeguard, and com- 
 
CHAP. I. Sir Faithful Fortescue deserts to the king. 259 
 
 manded by him,) charged the king's regiment on their 
 right flank within their pikes, and came off without any 
 great hurt, though those pikemen stoutly defended 
 themselves, and the musketeers, being good firemen, 
 played fiercely upon them. The battle was hot at that 
 place, and so many of the king's side slain, that the par- 
 liament army began to be victorious there ; they took 
 the standard royal, the bearer thereof, sir Edmund 
 Varney, being slain, and the general, the earl of Lindsey, 
 sore wounded, was taken prisoner. But the same for- 
 tune was not in every part ; for the king's right wing, 
 led by prince Rupert, charged fiercely upon the left 
 wing of the other, (consisting most of horse,) and pre- 
 vailed altogether, for the parliament troops ran almost 
 all away in that wing, and many of their foot companies, 
 dismayed with their flight, fled all away before they 
 had stood one charge ; colonel Essex, being utterly for- 
 saken by that whole brigade which he commanded, 
 went himself into the van, where he performed excel- 
 lent service, both by direction and execution, till at the 
 last he was shot in the thigh, of which he shortly after 
 died ; (some part of their disheartening was caused by 
 the revolt of their own side ; for sir Faithful Fortescue, 
 at the beginning of the fight, instead of charging the 
 enemy, discharged his pistol to the ground, and with 
 his troop, wheeling about, ran to the king's army, to 
 whom he had formerly given notice thereof by his cor- 
 net.) The parliament army had undoubtedly been 
 ruined that day, and an absolute victory gained on the 
 king's side, if prince Rupert and his pursuing troops 
 had been more temperate in plundering so untimely 
 as they did, and had wheeled about to assist their dis- 
 tressed friends in other parts of the army ; for prince 
 Rupert followed the chase to Keynton town, where 
 the carriages of the army were, which they presently 
 
 s 2 
 
260 Sir W. Balfore defeats book hi. 
 
 pillaged, using great cruelty, as was afterward related, 
 to the unarmed waggoners and labouring men. A great 
 number of the flying parliament soldiers were slain in 
 that chase, which lasted two miles beyond Keynton ; 
 and so far, till the pursuers were forced to retire, hav- 
 ing met with colonel Hampden, who marched with the 
 other brigade of the army, that brought on the artillery 
 and ammunition, before spoken of. Colonel Hampden 
 discharged five pieces of cannon against them; some were 
 slain, and the rest ceasing the pursuit retired hastily to 
 the field, where they found all their infantry, excepting 
 two regiments, quite defeated ; for in the mean time, 
 sir William Balfore, lieutenant-general of the horse, 
 with a regiment of horse, charged a regiment of the 
 king« foot before any foot of his own side could come 
 up to him, and, breaking most bravely into it, had cut 
 most of them off; and afterward, by the assistance of 
 some foot who were come up to him, he defeated 
 another regiment, and so got up to the greatest part of 
 the king's ordnance, taking some of them, cutting off 
 the gears of the horses that drew them, and killing the 
 gunners, but was enforced to leave them without any 
 guard, by reason that he laboured most to make good 
 the day against several regiments of the king's foot, 
 who still fought with much resolution, especially that 
 which was of the king's guard, where his standard was ; 
 by which sir William Balfore's regiment rode, when 
 they came back from taking the ordnance, and were 
 by them mistaken for their own side. [Theirj passing 
 without any hostility was the cause, that immediately 
 afterward, sir William riding up toward the lord-general 
 Essex's regiment of horse, they gave fire upon sir William 
 Balfore's men, supposing them to be enemies, but soon 
 discovering each other, they joined companies, and were 
 led up with half the lord-general's regiment, by his ex- 
 
CHAP. I. tiDo of his majesty's regiments. 261 
 
 cellency himself, against the king's main strength, where 
 a terrible and bloody encounter happened ; at the same 
 time colonel Ballard, who led a brigade there of the 
 lord-general's regiment and the lord Brook's, forced a 
 stand of the king's pikes, and broke through two of his 
 regiments. 
 
 In this great conflict the standard royal (as aforesaid) 
 was taken, and sir Edmund Varney slain, the earl of 
 Lindsey, with his son, taken prisoners, together with 
 colonel Vavasor, lieutenant-colonel of that regiment ; 
 colonel Munroe also was there slain. 
 
 The standard thus taken, and put into the lord- 
 general's hand, was by him delivered to his secretary, 
 master Chambers ; but the secretary, after he had 
 carried it some time in his hand, suffered it to be 
 taken from him by an unknown person, and so pri- 
 vately it was conveyed away. There also was great 
 service performed by the lord Gray, son to the earl of 
 Stamford, and sir Arthur Haslerig, and a considerable 
 help given to the turning of the day, by defeating a 
 regiment of the king's called the blue regiment. 
 
 By this time all the king's foot, excepting two regi- 
 ments, were dispersed, and the parliamentarians had 
 gotten the advantage of the wind, and that ground 
 which their enemies had fought upon. Those two 
 regiments of the king's, retiring themselves, and find- 
 ing their ordnance behind them without any guard, 
 took stand there, and made use of their cannon, dis- 
 charging many shot against their enemies. But at 
 that time the parliament foot began to want powder, 
 otherwise (as was observed by a commander in that 
 army) they had charged them both with horse and 
 foot ; which in all probability would have utterly 
 ruined the king's infantry, consisting in a manner but 
 of two regiments. 
 
262 The parliament army remain masters of the field. book iii. 
 
 Thus the parliament army, partly for want of am- 
 munition, and partly being tired with so long a fight, 
 (for the whole brunt of the battle had been sustained 
 by two regiments of their horse and four or five of their 
 foot,) made no great haste to charge any more. 
 
 The king's horse, who had been long pillaging about 
 Keynton, by this time had leisure to come about on 
 both hands, and join themselves to their foot ; but as 
 they came back on the left hand of their enemies, sir 
 Philip Stapleton with his horse gave them a terrible 
 charge, which they were not long able to endure, but, 
 finding a gap in an hedge, got from him upon the 
 spur as fast as they could, to the rest of their broken 
 troops, and so at last joined with their foot that stood 
 by the ordnance. And now on both sides the horse 
 were gathered to their own foot, and so stood together 
 both horse and foot, one against another, till it was 
 night. 
 
 The parliament army being wholly possessed of the 
 ground which their enemies bad chosen to fight upon, 
 stood upon it all night, and in the morning returned 
 to a warmer place near Keynton, where they had quar- 
 tered the night before ; for they were much pinched 
 with cold, and the whole army in extreme want of 
 victuals. 
 
 The king's army had withdrawn to the top of the 
 hill for their more security, where they made great 
 fires all the night long. 
 
 About nine of the clock the next morning the par- 
 liament army drew out again into battalia, and so 
 stood about three hours, until the other army was 
 quite gone from the hill, and then they withdrew 
 themselves into their quarter towards Keynton, and to 
 their other brigade, artillery, and ammunition, which 
 being commanded by colonel Hampden and colonel 
 
CHAP. I. Each army claims the victory. 263 
 
 Grantham, (as aforesaid,) was now come to Keynton, 
 and lodged there. The king had drawn out his horse 
 upon the further side of the hill, where he stayed till 
 toward night, whilst his foot were retiring behind the 
 hill, and marching away. A little before night, his 
 horse also withdrew themselves ; and about an hour 
 after, the parliament horse marched quite away, and 
 went with the rest of the army to Warwick to refresh 
 themselves. 
 
 That going to Warwick was thought by a noble 
 gentleman of the parliament side to be ill designed, 
 for, saith he, had the army, instead of going to War- 
 wick, marched toward Banbury, we should have found 
 more victuals, and had, in probability, dispersed all the 
 foot of the king's army, taken his cannons and carriages, 
 and sent his horse further off; whereas now, because we 
 did not follow them, though they quitted the field 
 whereon they fought, and left their quarter before us, 
 yet they began soon after to question who had the day. 
 Howsoever it were, true it is, that the king, no less 
 than the parliament, pretended to be victorious in that 
 battle ; and so far ascribed the victory to his own side, 
 that a prayer of thanksgiving to God was made at 
 Oxford for it. A thanksgiving was also on the parlia- 
 ment side for the victory of that day. And it is certain, 
 that there were many marks of victory on both armies, 
 colours and cannon were taken on both sides, without 
 any great difference of the number of them. And though 
 in speeches made afterwards by either party, and books 
 printed, there is no consent at all concerning the num- 
 ber of men slain, but so great a discrepancy as it is al- 
 most a shame to insert into an history, yet surely, by 
 the best account, there were more slain on the king's 
 side than on the other. Those of quality that were lost 
 on both parties were, of the king's, the earl of Lindsey, 
 
264 Loss of persons of distinction who were slain on both sides.BOOK iii. 
 
 lord-general of his army, the lord Aubigny, brother 
 to the duke of Lenox, sir Edward Varney, standard- 
 bearer, colonel sir Edmund Monroy, a Scottish gentle- 
 man, and colonel Lunsford his brother, with other gen- 
 tlemen and commanders, besides common soldiers, whose 
 number (as is before said) would not be agreed upon ; 
 yet I have heard, that the country people thereabouts, 
 by burying of the naked bodies, found the number to 
 be about six thousand that fell on both sides, besides 
 those which died afterwards of their wounds. There 
 were taken prisoners, of the king's side, the lord Wil- 
 loughby, son and heir to the earl of Lindsey, colonel 
 Vavasor, colonel Lunsford, sir Edward Stradling, with 
 others of less note ; a George, the badge of a knight 
 of the garter, was found in the field by a common 
 soldier, (besides that which the lord-general Lindsey 
 wore, and had about his neck when he was slain,) and 
 bought of him by a captain, which was sent up to the 
 parliament, there viewed, and restored again to the 
 captain. 
 
 On the parliament side were slain only these of mark 
 and quality, the lord St. John, eldest son to the earl of 
 Bolingbroke, colonel Charles Essex, and lieutenant- 
 colonel Ramsey, and none of any great note taken 
 prisoners. 
 
 The battle was fought with great courage on both 
 sides, both by the generals and other commanders, be- 
 sides some particular regiments of soldiers, who were 
 observed to perform their parts with great courage and 
 bravery, such as colonel Hollis's regiment of red- 
 coats, and others, too many to be all named in a short 
 discourse. 
 
 It could not but fall into the observation of many 
 men, that the year befoi'e, upon the same day of the 
 month, namely, the 23rd of October^ that this famous 
 
^HAP. 1. The king publishes a declaration against the parliament. 265 
 
 battle of Keyntou was fought, the bloody rebellion of 
 the Irish broke out, with that inhuman massacre of the 
 English protestants in that kingdom, where the English, 
 by their own loss and bleeding, were sadly put in mind 
 that they had too long deferred the revenge of their 
 butchered brethren in Ireland. 
 
 It was likewise observed by many men of the par- 
 liament side, (who seemed to make no question but 
 that the victory was on their side, as a further blessing 
 of God to the protestant cause,) that on the very same 
 day that this battle was won in England, the Swedes 
 obtained a very great and notable victory against the 
 imperialists and those of the Roman religion in Ger- 
 many. 
 
 But the king, supposing himself victorious at Keyn- 
 ton-field, immediately published a declaration to all his 
 loving subjects, (for so it is styled,) after his victory 
 against the rebels. Wherein, though the expostulation 
 be very bitter, yet he endeavoureth that it should not 
 seem to be made against the parliament itself, but 
 against some of them, whom he termeth malignant, 
 malicious, with such like epithets, as have laboured to 
 lay aspersions upon him of things whereof he profess- 
 eth himself altogether innocent. Those aspersions he 
 makes of two sorts : the first is, concerning his favour- 
 ing of popery, and employing papists in his army ; the 
 second, of raising that army against the parliament. 
 Both which he labours to wipe off, with a recrimina- 
 tion against the parliament. For the first, after a great 
 protestation of the truth of his religion, and his past, 
 present, and future care for the better establishing of 
 it in his dominions, with the extirpation of popery ; 
 though he cannot but acknowledge, that some eminent 
 men of that religion are armed in his service, which he 
 thinks excusable in so great a necessity and danger as 
 
266 The parliament publishes a full and distinct book hi. 
 
 he was in ; yet lie tells the parliament, that in their 
 army there are more papists, commanders and others, 
 than in his. 
 
 For the second, that he levied his army against the 
 parliament. He seemeth to hope that none of his 
 good subjects will believe it, unless they will believe 
 that a dozen or twenty factious and seditious persons 
 be the high court of parliament, which consists of king, 
 lords, and commons. For the privileges of parliament, 
 he avers, that whosoever will not believe the raising of 
 an army, to kill their king, to alter the government 
 and laws by extravagant votes of either or both houses, 
 to force the members to submit to their faction and 
 take away freedom of consultation from them, to be 
 the privilege of parliament, must confess, that the 
 army now raised by the king is no less for the vindica- 
 tion and preservation of parliaments than for his own 
 necessary defence. 
 
 The king chargeth them likewise with uncharity, 
 that they have endeavoured to raise an implacable ha- 
 tred between the gentry and commonalty of the king- 
 dom, by rendering all persons of honour odious to the 
 common people under the style of cavaliers; and to 
 persuade the people, that there was an intention by the 
 commission of array to take away a part of their estates 
 from them. Which he denies, and concludes with pro- 
 testations to the contrary. 
 
 The parliament returned answer to this declaration, 
 but not as being the king's, (according to their oft men- 
 tioned custom,) but coming from wicked and malicious 
 contrivers of falsehood and scandals, who, say they, to 
 our unspeakable sorrows, have gained so much power 
 with his majesty, as to vent the same under the title of 
 his own royal name. 
 
 For the first objection ; they do not affirm that the 
 
^^^- I- answer to the king's declaration. 267 
 
 king favours popery himself, but justify that things 
 have been carried in the favour of it by some about 
 him, according to the particular instances in many of 
 their former declarations. They seem to be amazed at 
 the strange boldness of the contrivers of that declara- 
 tion, in averring that there are more papists in their 
 army than in the king's, whereas they cannot, or at 
 least do not, name any one, which they desire may be 
 done, if there be any such, that the parliament may 
 know how to displace them. But the parliament in 
 their answer name many of greatest rank and quality 
 of that religion in the king's army, who have raised 
 him in some counties the most considerable forces 
 which he hath, and many commissions granted by him- 
 self to papists, acknowledged so. That it were sense- 
 less to think that any papists favoured the parliament's 
 cause at all ; whereas it is certain, that there are none 
 of that religion, but are either openly or secretly assist- 
 ant to that cause which the king hath taken. 
 
 For the second objection ; that the king's forces are 
 not levied against the parliament itself, but a few 
 seditious persons. They think it an impossible thing, 
 that twelve or twenty such persons (as they are termed) 
 should have power to compel the rest of that body to 
 submit to their faction, and to have their freedom of 
 consultation taken from them. 
 
 " The truth is," say they, "not a few persons, but the 
 parliament itself, is the thorn that lies in these men's 
 sides ; which heretofore, when it was wont to prick 
 them, was with much ease, by a sudden dissolution, 
 pulled out : but now that it is more deeply fastened 
 by an act of continuance, they would force it out by 
 the power of an army. 
 
 "That whosoever will read the speeches and declara- 
 tions made upon the breaking up of all former parlia- 
 
368 Of the breaches and privileges of book iu. 
 
 ments, ever since the beginning of this king's reign, 
 will find the pretences of those unjust dissolutions to 
 be grounded upon exceptions against particular mem- 
 bers, under the name of a few factious and seditious 
 persons^; so that the aspersing and wounding of the 
 parliament through the sides of a few members is no 
 new invention." 
 
 But, say they, those former declarations in the king's 
 name being groundless invectives, not against particu- 
 lar members, but against the votes and proceedings of 
 both houses ; and declaring the earl of Essex, general 
 of the forces raised by them, to be a traitor ; and that 
 all those which assist him, thereby comprehending both 
 houses of parliament, by whose command and authority 
 he bears that place, [are] rebels, and guilty of high 
 treason, is argument sufficient (no groundless accusa- 
 tion) to prove the king's army to be raised against the 
 parliament, or to take away the privileges thereof. 
 
 Those privileges of parliament, consisting in three 
 things ; 1. as they are a council to advise ; 2. a court 
 to judge ; 3. a representative body of the realm, to 
 make, repeal, or alter laws; these privileges have, say 
 they, during the sitting of this parliament, been all 
 apparently broken, to the view of all men, by the 
 king's wicked council. Their advice scarce at all 
 hearkened unto by the king, but other counsels of 
 unknown persons preferred before them. For the 
 second, as a court to judge ; the delinquents, so pro- 
 nounced by the parliament, have been protected by the 
 king against them ; of which they give many particu- 
 lar instances. Touching the third, for making laws; 
 they instance his refusal of many wholesome bills for 
 church and state ; besides the breaking of their privi- 
 leges, they produce some attempts utterly to subvert 
 them ; as, the forementioned endeavour of bringing up 
 
CHAP. I, parliament lately made by his majesty. 269 
 
 the northern army, to force conditions upon the parlia- 
 ment ; the king's letters and commands to members of 
 both houses to attend him at York, leaving their true 
 and legal station ; which when they obeyed, it was 
 scandalously alleged that they were driven away. 
 
 For any violence intended to the king's person, as 
 they utterly deny it, so they refer it to indifferent men 
 to judge, by all their long sufferings, and humble peti- 
 tions to him to avoid those endangerings of his person. 
 But for that imputation laid upon them, of an endea- 
 vour to raise an implacable malice and hatred between 
 the gentry and commonalty of the kingdom ; they con- 
 ceive it a charge of a strange nature, that they should 
 endeavour to raise the hatred of the commonalty against 
 themselves. " For so it must follow, unless the contriv- 
 ers of that declararation will deny the parliament to 
 be gentlemen. But though we know," say they, "well 
 there are too many of the gentry of this kingdom, who, 
 to satisfy the lusts of their own ambition, are content 
 to sell their birthright, to render themselves and their 
 posterity to perpetual slavery, and to submit themselves 
 to any arbitrary and unlimited power of government, 
 so they may for their own time partake of that power, 
 to trample and insult over others ; yet we are certain 
 that there are many truehearted gentlemen, who are 
 ready to lay down their lives and fortunes (and of late 
 have given ample testimony thereof) for maintenance 
 of their laws, liberties, and religion, with whom, and 
 others of their resolution, we shall be ready to live 
 and die." 
 
 Lastly, they prove, by particular instances, that in the 
 king's commission of array there is not only an inten- 
 tion to take away part of men's estates, but that it hath 
 been put into real execution ; with many other things in 
 justification of all their proceedings and declarations ; 
 
370 Effects of the battle of Edge-hill book in. 
 
 which may be read more at large in the records. This 
 was the effect of that verbal skirmish which immediately 
 followed the great and bloody battle of Keynton. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 TTie parliament send to the king concerning an accommodation. 
 A fight at Brentford. Another treaty with the king begun 
 and broken off. Reading besieged by the lord-general Essex, 
 and surrendered to him. A conspiracy to betray Bristol. 
 A treacherous plot against the parliament and city of London 
 discovered and prevented. 
 
 At the famous battle of Edge-hill the great cause of 
 English liberty (with a vast expense of blood and 
 treasure) was tried, but not decided, which did there- 
 fore prove unhappy, even to that side which seemed 
 victorious, the parliament army. 
 
 For though the king's forces were much broken by 
 it, yet his strength grew accidentally greater and more 
 formidable than before ; to whom it proved a kind of 
 victory not to be easily or totally overthrown. 
 
 For the greatest gentlemen of divers counties began 
 then to consider of the king as one that in possibility 
 might prove a conqueror against the parliament ; and 
 many of them, who before as neuters had stood at gaze, 
 in hope that one quick blow might clear the doubt, 
 and save them the danger of declaring themselves, 
 came now in, and readily adhered to that side where 
 there seemed to be least fears and greatest hopes, 
 which was the king's party ; for on the parliament side 
 the encouragements were only public, and nothing pro- 
 mised but the free enjoyment of their native liberty ; 
 no particular honours, preferments, or estates of ene- 
 mies ; and on the other side, no such total ruin could 
 be threatened from a victorious parliament, being a body, 
 as it were, of themselves, as from an incensed prince. 
 
CHAP. II. on the minds of the English gentry. 271 
 
 and such hungry followers as usually go along with 
 princes in those ways. And how much private inter- 
 est will oversway public notions, books of history, rather 
 than philosophy, will truly inform you ; for, concerning 
 human actions and dispositions, there is nothing under 
 the sun which is absolutely new. Look upon the dis- 
 course of one historian in that subject, Dion Cassius, a 
 writer of as little bias, in the opinion of all critics, as 
 any among the ancients, when he relates the last war 
 about Roman liberty, after which (as himself speaks) 
 that people never again looked back toward it. Which 
 was the war of Brutus and Cassius against Caesar and 
 Antony ; Et si ante lianc pugnam civilibus bellis, S^c. 
 Although, saith Dion, before this war they had many 
 civil wars, yet in others they fought who should oppress 
 the Roman liberty; in this war, one side fought to 
 vindicate liberty, the other, to bring in tyranny, yet the 
 side of tyranny prevailed, and drew most to it. Of what 
 quality they were, the same historian speaks also : the 
 armies of Brutus and Cassius, that stood for liberty, 
 consisted of the lower sort of people, and eoo subditis 
 Romanorum ; the other, that stood for tyranny, consist- 
 ed, saith he, e^ Romanis nobilibus et fortibus. Brutus 
 and Cassius, two chief soldiers, before the battle, mak- 
 ing orations, encouraged them to fight for their ancient 
 freedom and Roman laws. Caesar and Antony pro- 
 mised to their soldiers the estates of their enemies, et 
 imperium in omnes gentiles suos, and power to rule over 
 their own countrymen ; which proved, it seems, better 
 oratory than the other, and more persuasive. Brutus 
 and Cassius delayed the battle, as loath to waste so 
 much blood, if by any other stratagem they might have 
 subdued ; because they were, saith Dion, good men, 
 and pitied their countrymen, loving the safety, and 
 striving for the liberty even of those men who fought 
 
373 The lord-general Essex comes to London. book hi. 
 
 against them, to overthrow that liberty ; yet that delay 
 proved ill, and many noblemen in that time forsook 
 them, and turned to the other side, whither their pri- 
 vate hopes or fears led them. Whether the parallel 
 will in some measure fit this occasion or not, I leave it 
 to the reader, and return to the narration. 
 
 The earl of Essex, the next day after Keynton battle, 
 marched with his army toward Warwick, to which to-wn 
 he arrived safe, disposing of the prisoners, waggons, and 
 ordnance, which he had taken, into that castle, with 
 resolution, after some short refreshment of his men 
 there, to march nearer to the king ; but the king re- 
 turned toward Oxford, seizing by the way upon Ban- 
 bury, from whence he took fifteen hundred arms, and 
 turned out the parliament soldiers that were quartered 
 there. 
 
 His army, consisting especially of horse, was divided 
 into several bodies, and prince Rupert with part of it 
 visited the towns near adjacent, as Abingdon, Henley, 
 and other places ; from whence he returned with great 
 booty. 
 
 Within few days he made a nearer approach toward 
 London, but with a flying army, resting in no place, 
 sometimes as far as Staines and Eghara, which made 
 the city of London careful to provide for their safety 
 against sudden incursions, and send forces to possess 
 and fortify Windsor castle. 
 
 In the mean time, to secure London, and free 
 those parts from greater fears, the earl of Essex had 
 marched with his army nearer to that city, and on the 
 7th day of November came himself to Westminster, 
 (his army being billeted about Acton and other near 
 places,) and was vrelcomed by both houses of parlia- 
 ment, who presented him with a gift of 5000/. as an 
 acknowledgment of their thanks, in behalf of the king- 
 
^"'^^•"•. ' A battle is fought at Brentford. 273 
 
 dom, for his care, pains, and valour, in the actions al- 
 ready past. 
 
 But before the earl of Essex departed from London, 
 another bloody tragedy was acted, and the scene no 
 further than Brentford, about eight miles distance, the 
 king himself being there, or not far off, in person. The 
 manner and occasion of it shall be in brief related. 
 
 The parliament expressing great grief for this un- 
 natural war and bloodshed, that this endangered king- 
 dom might be saved from ruin, and the better means 
 made to recover Ireland, had agreed upon a petition 
 for accommodation, to be presented to the king, then 
 at Colebrook, by the earls of Northumberland and Pem- 
 broke, with four commons, the lord Wainman, master 
 Pierpoint, sir John Evelin, and sir John Ipsley ; sir Peter 
 Killigrew was sent before to procure a safe-conduct. 
 But the king refused to admit of sir John Evelin, be- 
 cause he was one whom himself had named a traitor 
 the day before. Which exception of the king's was 
 extremely distasted by the parliament ; yet so great 
 was their desire of accommodation, that although this 
 excepting of sir John Evelin were voted by them a 
 breach of privilege, and a flat denial from the king, the 
 petition was sent by the five forenamed lords and gen- 
 tlemen, sir John Evelin being very willing to be left 
 out. 
 
 The king being then at Colebrook, fifteen miles dis- 
 tant, seemed to receive the petition with great willing- 
 ness, and returned them a fair answer, calling God to 
 witness in many protestations that he was tenderly 
 compassionate of his bleeding people, and more de- 
 sirous of nothing than a speedy peace ; to which pur- 
 pose he was most willing, at any place where he should 
 reside, not far from London, to receive such proposi- 
 
 MAY. T 
 
274 Relation of the battle book hi. 
 
 tions of peace as they should send, and to treat with 
 them. 
 
 As soon as the parliament lords returned with this 
 answer, the king's artillery (according to all relations) 
 advanced forwards with divers troops of horse, through 
 that town of Colebrook, after them towards London ; 
 and taking advantage of a great mist which happened 
 that Friday night, they marched to Brentford, and fell 
 upon the parliament forces which were there quartered, 
 which were a broken regiment of colonel HoUis's, but 
 stout men, who had before done great service. Of them 
 the king's forces killed many, and had quite destroyed 
 all in probability, if the lord Brook's and colonel Hamp- 
 den's regiment, billeted not far off, had not made haste 
 to their relief, who coming in, maintained a great and 
 bloody fight against the king's forces, where many were 
 slain on both sides, and many taken prisoners ; both 
 parties, as before it happened at Keynton battle, es- 
 teeming themselves conquerors, and so reporting after- 
 wards. The news of this unexpected fight was soon 
 brought to London, whither also the noise of the great 
 artillery was easily heard. 
 
 The lord-general Essex, then sitting at Westminster, 
 iu the house of peers, took horse immediately, and with 
 what strength he could call together on such a sudden 
 came in to the rescue of his engaged regiments ; but 
 night had parted them, and the king was retired to his 
 best advantages. All that night the city of London 
 poured out men toward Brentford, who every hour 
 marched thither, and all the lords and gentlemen that 
 belonged to the army were there ready on the Sunday 
 morning, being the 14th of November, a force great 
 enough to have swallowed up a far greater army than 
 the king had. Besides, the king's forces were encom- 
 
CHAP. II. at Brentford. 275 
 
 passed on every side; insomuch as great hope was con- 
 ceived by most men that the period of this sad war was 
 now come. But God was not yet appeased toward this 
 nation ; a fatal door was opened to let out the enclosed 
 king : three thousand of the parliament soldiers were 
 then at Kingston-upon-Thames, a town about ten miles 
 distant from the city ; which soldiers were all (as it 
 happened) commanded to leave that town, and march 
 through Surrey with what speed they could, and over 
 London bridge, so through the city toward Brentford, 
 to prevent the enemy's passage to Loudon. The reason 
 of that command was afterward given, for that the 
 lord-general was not assured of strength enough to 
 stop the enemy from London, nor could beforehand 
 be assured of so great an army as came thither before 
 morning. But this was the event of it ; and through 
 Kingston, thus abandoned, the king retreated ; and 
 leaving some troops to face his enemies, brought all his 
 foot and artillery over that bridge, which drawing up 
 afterward, he had time enough securely to plunder many 
 places of that country, and retire safely to Oxford, where 
 he intended to take up his winter quarters. 
 
 The parliament, upon this action of the king, began 
 to be out of hope of doing any good by treaties, resolv- 
 ing that the lord-general, with all speed that might be, 
 should pursue the king's forces, and fall upon them 
 about Oxford and Reading, for news was daily brought 
 them how active his parties were, under the conduct of 
 prince Rupert and others, in plundering all the places 
 thereabouts. And the city of London, to encourage 
 the parliament with a free tender of their service, 
 framed a petition to them, to entreat them, that they 
 would proceed no further in the business of accommo- 
 dation, because evil counsel was so prevalent with the 
 king, that he would but delude them ; that they had 
 
 T 2 
 
276 The lord-general Essex besieges Heading. book hi, 
 
 heard his forces are weak, and that if his excellency 
 would follow and fall upon them, and that no delays 
 be made for fear of foreign forces coming over, the 
 city, as heretofore, would with all willingness spend 
 their lives and fortunes to assist the parliament. 
 
 The city was thanked for their petition and protest- 
 ation, and the lord-general moved by the parliament 
 to advance, who, though the season of the year were 
 not very fit for so great a body to march, was very de- 
 sirous to obey their commands. The best way was 
 thought to divide his army, and send several parties to 
 several places, to restrain the enemies from annoying 
 the countries, as, to Buckingham, Marlow, Reading, and 
 other parts, until himself with his whole force could be 
 well accommodated to march from Windsor (where he 
 lay that winter) toward the king. But it so fell out, 
 either by reason of ill weather at some times, and at 
 other for want of money or fit accommodation, that the 
 general himself, with his main army, marched not forth 
 until the spring, whose first business was to lay siege 
 to Reading, which was fortified by the king's forces, 
 and maintained by a garrison of three thousand soldiers 
 and twenty pieces of ordnance ; before which town he 
 sat down upon the 25th of April 1643, with an army 
 of about sixteen thousand foot and three thousand 
 horse. 
 
 Now (leaving the lord-general before Reading with 
 his army) in the mean time we will show one main 
 reason why he did no sooner advance ; the expectation 
 of another treaty, which the parliament had desired to 
 have with the king, for settling of the kingdom's peace, 
 which proved fruitless, in debate lasted a long time. 
 Propositions were drawn up by the parliament, and 
 sent to Oxford on the 31st of January 1642, by four 
 lords and eight commoners, the earls of Northumber- 
 
CHAP. II. His majesty makes othm- propositions to parliament. 277 
 
 land, Pembroke, Sarum, and Holland, lord Wainman, 
 lord Dungarvan, sir John Holland, sir William Litton, 
 master Pierpoint, master Waller, master Whitelock, mas- 
 ter Winhood : the propositions were, 
 
 1. That the king would pass those bills which the houses 
 had made ready. 
 
 2. To pass a bill for settling parliament privileges and 
 liberties. 
 
 3. For bringing to trial those delinquents whom the houses 
 had impeached since January last. 
 
 4. For clearing the six members before mentioned. 
 
 5. For restoring all judges and officers of state lately re- 
 moved. 
 
 6. To pass a bill for repaying the charge of the kingdom. 
 
 7. A bill for an act of oblivion. 
 
 8. An act for a general pardon without exception. 
 
 9. That there may be a cessation of arms for fourteen days^ 
 to agree upon these propositions. 
 
 The king, not liking nor yet utterly refusing these 
 .propositions, sent the commissioners home to their par- 
 liament, within a week after they came, to carry six pro- 
 positions from him to the houses ; which were, 
 
 1 . That his revenue, magazines^ towns, forts, and ships, may 
 be delivered to him. 
 
 2. That all orders and ordinances of parliament wanting his 
 assent may be recalled. 
 
 3. That all power exercised over his subjects by assessments 
 and imprisoning their persons may be disclaimed. 
 
 4. That he will yield to the execution of the laws against 
 papists, provided that the Book of Common Prayer be con- 
 firmed. 
 
 5. That such persons as upon the treaty shall be excepted 
 out of the general pardon shall be tried by their peers 
 only. 
 
 6. That there be a cessation of arms during the treaty. 
 
 The houses, upon receiving of these propositions, 
 though at first it were the opinion of many not to send 
 
278 Reading is surrendered to the earl of Essex. book hi. 
 
 any answer at all to thera ; yet at last, to show respect 
 to the king, entered into a further debate about treat- 
 ing with him concerning the propositions on both sides, 
 and concerning the cessation of arms, or disbanding ; 
 with such limitations and restrictions touching the order 
 of treating as would perchance seem too tedious to be 
 here related ; and on the 20th of March the earl of 
 Northumberland, sir John Holland, sir William Armine, 
 master Pierpoint, and master Whitelock, (the lord Say 
 should have been one, but the king excepted against 
 him, as formerly against sir John Evelin, upon the same 
 ground, which though the parliament took ill at the first, 
 yet they proceeded in the business,) were sent to Oxford 
 as treaters upon those propositions. In vain was this 
 treaty; so high the demands were judged to be on both 
 sides, that there seemed no possibility of ever meeting ; 
 where the fault lay I judge not ; but the parliament, 
 after many messages between London and Oxford, at 
 last sent for their commissioners home again, who re- 
 turned to London upon the 17th of April ; upon which 
 the lord-general immediately advanced with his array 
 (as aforesaid) to besiege Reading. 
 
 Reading was not able to hold out long, but the lord- 
 general was loath to storm it for fear of destroying so 
 many innocent people as remained in the town ; which 
 compassion of his was well approved of by the parlia- 
 ment ; therefore upon composition it was rendered 
 within sixteen days to his excellency by the deputy 
 governor, colonel Fielding, for the governor, sir Arthur 
 Aston, was before wounded by an accident, and could 
 not perform the office : the terms were easy, for they 
 all marched out with bag and baggage. This siege had 
 not at all advantaged the parliament, if another busi- 
 ness had not fallen out during that short siege ; which 
 may also be thought a reason why the town was so 
 
CHAP. II. A contagious sickness breaks out there. 379 
 
 soon rendered. A good body of the king's forces, both 
 horse and foot,(the king himself in person not far from 
 them,) came to relieve Reading, assaulting one quarter 
 of the parliament army at Causum bridge, within a mile 
 of the town, and were beaten back with great slaughter, 
 which fell especially upon gentlemen of quality, of whom 
 the king at that encounter lost a considerable number; 
 but how many they were, or their particular names, I 
 find not mentioned. 
 
 The gaining of Reading might seem an addition of 
 strength to the parliament side ; it proved otherwise ; 
 nothing was gotten but a bare town, which had been 
 happier, had it been only so : the town was infected, 
 and caused afterwards a great mortality in the parlia- 
 ment army. The soldiers besides were discontented, 
 that, being already much behind in pay, they were not 
 suffered to plunder, or make any benefit of their victory. 
 For the parliament, before Reading was delivered up, 
 had approved of the conditions, and promised to the 
 lord -general's soldiers, to forbear plundering, twelve 
 shillings a man, besides their pay. But neither of these 
 were then performed; money began already to be want- 
 ing, and the great magazine of treasure in Guildhall 
 quite consumed. While they stayed there, expecting 
 money, the sickness and mortality daily increased, and 
 the lord-general, by advice of his council of war, in- 
 tended to march thence for better air. But such a 
 general mutiny was raised for want of money, that his 
 excellency, though with much courage and just severity 
 he began to suppress it, was advised by his council of 
 war to desist, for fear of a general defection, till money 
 might come from the city. Notwithstanding, upon this 
 discontent in the army, whilst his excellency removed 
 to Causum house, to avoid the infection, many of the 
 soldiers disbanded, and went away. Then began a tide 
 
^80 A plot at Bristol to betray that city to the king book in.' 
 
 of misfortune to flow iu upon the parliament side ; and 
 their strength almost in every place to decrease at one 
 time ; for during the time of these six months, since 
 the battle of Keynton, until this present distress of the 
 lord-general's army about Causum, which was about the 
 beginning of May, the war had gone on with great fury 
 and heat, almost through every part of England ; the 
 particulars of which shall hereafter be related by them- 
 selves, to avoid confusion in the story : the lord-general 
 had at that time intelligence that sir Ralph Hopton had 
 given a great defeat to the parliament forces of Devon- 
 shire ; and that prince Maurice and marquis Hartford 
 were designed that way, to possess themselves wholly 
 of the west. 
 
 Leaving therefore the lord-general a while, I shall 
 proceed to speak of some things which happened at 
 other places in that month of May. The king's 
 armies were then in fair possibility of gaining the 
 whole west ; and seemed of strength enough to a- 
 chieve it by open war, without the assistance of secret 
 treacheries and conspiracies ; which notwithstanding 
 "were then in agitation, though they proved not suc- 
 cessful against the parliament, but destructive to the 
 contrivers. As at Bristol, a place of great import, and 
 much desired by the king's forces, when the plot of 
 betraying that city to prince Rupert was set on foot ; 
 which I here relate, as falling out about the beginning 
 of May 1643. 
 
 The city of Bristol was then in the parliament's pro- 
 tection, and governed by colonel Nathaniel Fiennes, 
 second son to the viscount Say and Seal, though many 
 of the inhabitants there, as appeared by this design, were 
 disaffected to the parliament's side. 
 
 Tliis design Avas very bloody, and many of that city 
 had perislied in it, had not the conspirators been disco- 
 
CHAP. li. is discovered and punished. 281 
 
 vered and apprehended a little before they were to put 
 it in execution. 
 
 Robert Yeomans, late sheriff of Bristol, William Yeo- 
 mans his brother, George Bourchier, and Edward Da- 
 cres, were the chief managers of this design ; who, with 
 many others of that opinion, had secretly provided them- 
 selves of arms, intending to kill the sentinels by night, 
 and possess the main guard, (with other particulars, to 
 be found in the records of their examinations, and 
 proofs against them,) whereby to master the greatest 
 part of the other side within the town, to kill the 
 mayor, and many others that were known to stand 
 affected to the parliament ; and by that means to be- 
 tray the city to the king's forces. In expectation of 
 which act, prince Rupert with other commanders, and 
 about four thousand horse, and two thousand foot, 
 stayed upon Durdam Downs, about two miles from the 
 city. But the plot was discovered, the conspirators ap- 
 prehended, and brought to trial by a council of war, 
 where the four forenamed were condemned, and two 
 of them hanged at Bristol, namely, Robert Yeomans 
 and George Bourchier ; although great means had 
 been made to save them, and colonel Fiennes to that 
 purpose had been threatened from Oxford, by general 
 Riven, (created by the king earl of Forth,) in a letter 
 unto him ; which being of great consequence, for the 
 clear understanding of this war, and the nature of it, 
 I thought fit to insert here, together with the answer 
 thereunto. 
 
 Patrick earl of Forth, lord Etterick, and lord lieutenant of all 
 his majesty's forces. 
 
 I having been informed, that lately at a council of war you 
 have condemned to death Robert Yeomans, late sheriff of 
 Bristol, who hath his majesty's commission for raising a re- 
 giment for his service^ WilUam Yeomans his brother, George 
 
283 Letters respecting those who conspired to deliver Bristol, book hi. 
 
 Bourchier, and Edward Dacres, all for expressing their loyalty 
 to his majesty, and endeavouring his service, according to 
 their allegiance ; and that you intend to proceed speedily 
 against divers others in the like manner ; do therefore sig- 
 nify to you, that I intend speedily to put master George, 
 master Stevens, captain Huntley, and others, taken in re- 
 bellion against his majesty at Cicester, into the same condi- 
 tion. I do further advise you, that if you offer by that unjust 
 judgment to execute any of them you have so condemned, 
 that those here in custody, master George, master Stevens, 
 and captain Huntley, must expect no favour or mercy. 
 
 Given under my hand at Oxford, this i6th of May, 1643. 
 
 To the commander-in-chief of the xOKTH. 
 
 council of war in Bristol. 
 
 The answer to this letter was as followeth : 
 Nathaniel Fiennes governor, and the council of war in the 
 
 city of Bristol. 
 Having received a writing from your lordship, wherein it 
 is declared, that upon information of our late proceedings 
 against Robert Yeomans, William Yeomans, and others, you 
 intend speedily to put master George, master Stevens, captain 
 Huntley, and others into the same condition ; we are well 
 assured, that neither your lordship nor any other mortal 
 man can put them into the same condition ; for whether 
 they live or die, they will always be accounted true and 
 honest men, faithful to their king and country, and such as 
 in a fair and open way have always prosecuted that cause, 
 which in their judgment, guided by the judgment of the 
 highest court, they held the justest; whereas the conspirators 
 of this city must both in life and death carry perpetually 
 with them the brand of treachery and conspiracy : and if 
 Robert Yeomans had made use of his commission in an open 
 way, he should be put into no worse condition than others 
 in the like kind had been ; but the law of nature among all 
 men and the law of arms among soldiers make a difference 
 between open enemies and secret spies and conspirators. 
 And if you shall not make the like distinction, we do signify 
 unto you, that we will not only proceed to the execution of 
 the persons already condemned, but also of divers others of 
 
CHAP. II. A plot in London against the parliament. 383 
 
 the conspirators, unto whom we had some thoughts of ex- 
 tending mercy. And do further advertise you, that if by 
 any inhuman and unsoldier-like sentence you shall proceed 
 to the execution of the persons by you named, or any other 
 of our friends in your custody, that have been taken in a fair 
 and open way of war ; then sir Walter Pye, sirWiUiam Crofts, 
 and colonel Connesbey, with divers others taken in open re- 
 bellion, and actual war against the king and kingdom, whom 
 we have here in custody, must expect no favour or mercy. 
 And by God's blessing upon our most just cause, we have 
 powers enough, for our friends^ security, without taking in 
 any that have gotten out of our reach and power, although 
 divers of yours, of no mean quality and condition, have been 
 released by us. Given under our hand the i8th of May, 
 1643. 
 
 To Patrick earl of Forth, NATHANIEL PlENNES, president, 
 
 lord lieut. general. ClEMENT WaLKER, &C. 
 
 The king also at that time wrote a very sharp com- 
 mand to the mayor and citizens of Bristol, to raise what 
 power they could to hinder the execution of those men, 
 which he terms the murder of his loyal subjects ; but 
 nothing availed to save their lives, for the forenamed 
 Robert Yeomans and George Bourchier, according to 
 the sentence, were both executed. The loss of Bristol 
 from the parliament, a place of great import, was thus 
 by the detection and prevention of this conspiracy, re- 
 spited for a while only. For not long after it was sur- 
 rendered to prince Rupert ; and happy it was for the 
 prince himself to gain that city in a more honourable 
 way, and less effusion of English blood. 
 
 At the same time that these conspirators against 
 Bristol were by sentence of a council of war put to 
 death, another plot of higher nature, and more full 
 of horror, was detected at London ; a plot, which if not 
 discovered, had quite ruined the parliament itself, and 
 struck at the very head and chief residence of it, the 
 
284 Plot in London against the parliament ; book hi. 
 
 «i ties of London and Westminster ; which cannot be 
 omitted in this relation, though with as much brevity 
 as can be possible it shall be touched. 
 
 The scope of it was, to have put in execution the 
 commission of array within London and Westminster, 
 and so to have raised a sufficient force for the king's 
 side to ruin the parliament. Many citizens of London 
 were in the plot, together with some gentlemen besides, 
 who had taken an oath of secrecy among themselves ; 
 and were the more animated in it, upon promises, 
 which master Waller, the chief man in eminence 
 among them, (a member of the house of commons,) had 
 made to some of the rest, that many members of both 
 houses of parliament were engaged in the plot, and 
 would in due time be assistants to it. Though it proved 
 in conclusion that master Waller was not able to make 
 good so much as he had promised. The plot was hor- 
 rid, and could not possibly have been put in execution 
 without great effusion of blood, as must needs appear 
 by the particular branches of it, which were confessed 
 upon the examinations of master Waller, master Tom- 
 kins, master Challoner, master Hasell, master Blinkhorn, 
 master White, and others the chief actors in it. 
 
 That which appeared by the narrative declaration, 
 published by authority of parliament, was to this effect : 
 that, 
 
 1. They should seize into their custody the king's children. 
 
 2. To seize upon several members of both houses of parlia- 
 ment, upon the lord mayor of London, and the committee of 
 the militia there, under pretence of bringing them to legal 
 trial. 
 
 3. To seize upon all the city's outworks and forts, upon 
 the Tower of London, and all the magazines^ gates, and other 
 places of importance in the city. 
 
 4. To let in the king's forces^ to surprise the city with their 
 assistance ; and to destroy all those who should by authority 
 
CHAP. n. two of the conspirators are put to death. 285 
 
 of parliament, be their opposers ; and by force of arms to re- 
 sist all payments imposed by the authority of both houses 
 for support of those armies employed in their defence. 
 
 Many other particulars there were, too tedious to 
 relate at large, as, what signals should have been given 
 to the king's forces of horse to invade the city, what 
 colours for difference those of the plot should wear to 
 be known to their fellows, and such like. Much 
 heartened they were in this business by a commission 
 of array sent from Oxford at that time from the king^ 
 to them, and brought secretly to London by a lady, the 
 lady Aubigny, daughter to tlie earl of SufTolk, a widow 
 ever since the battle of Keynton ; where the lord 
 Aubigny her husband was slain. 
 
 That commission of array was directed from the king 
 to sir Nicholas Crispe, sir George Stroud, knights ; to 
 sir Thomas Gardiner, knight, recorder of London ; sir 
 George Binion, knight; Richard Edes and Marmaduke 
 Royden, esquires ; Thomas Browne, Peter Paggon, Charles 
 Gennings, Edward Carleton, Robert Abbot, Andrew 
 King, William White, Steven Bolton, Robert Aldem^ 
 Edmund Foster, Thomas Blinkhom, of London, gentle- 
 men ; and to all such other persons as, according to the 
 true intent and purport of that commission, should be 
 nominated and appointed to be generals, colonels, lieu- 
 tenant colonels, sergeant majors, or other officers of that 
 council of war. The commission itself is to be read at 
 large in the parliament records. 
 
 But this conspiracy was prevented, and proved fatal 
 to some of the contrivers ; being detected upon the 
 last day of May, (which happened at that time to be 
 the day of the monthly fast,) and master Waller, master 
 Tomkins, with other of the forenamed conspirators, being 
 apprehended, were that night examined by divers grave 
 members of the parliament, of whom master Pym was 
 
286 Of the plot in London against the parliament. book hi. 
 
 one ; and afterwards reserved in custody for a trial. 
 They were arraigned in Guildhall, and master Waller, 
 master Tomkins, master Challoner, master Hasell, master 
 White, and master Blinkhorn, were all condemned ; 
 none were executed but master Tomkins and master 
 Challoner, being both hanged, master Tomkins in Hol- 
 born, and master Challoner in Cornhill, both within 
 sight of their own dwellinghouses ; master Hasell died 
 in prison, Blinkhorn and the other were, by the mercy 
 of the parliament and the lord-general Essex, reprieved, 
 and saved afterwards ; master Waller, the chief of them, 
 was long detained prisoner in the Tower, and about a 
 year after, upon payment of a fine of 10,000Z., was 
 pardoned, and released to go travel abroad. It was 
 much wondered at, and accordingly discoursed of by 
 many at that time, what the reason should be why 
 master Waller, being the principal agent in that con- 
 spiracy, (where master Tomkins and master Challoner, 
 who had been drawn in by him, as their own confes- 
 sions, even at their deaths, expressed, were both exe- 
 cuted,) did escape with life. The only reason which I 
 could ever hear given for it, was, that master Waller 
 had been so free in his confessions at the first, without 
 which the plot could not have been clearly detected ; 
 that master Pym, and other of the examiners, had en- 
 gaged their promise to do whatever they could to pre- 
 serve his life. He seemed also much smitten in con- 
 science, and desired the comfort of godly ministers, being 
 extremely penitent for that foul offence ; and afterwards, 
 in his speech to the house, (when he came to be put out 
 of it,) much bewailed his offence, thanking God that so 
 mischievous and bloody a conspiracy was discovered 
 before it could take effect. 
 
CHAP. III. jin assembly of divines is called. 287 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Matters of state transacted in parliament touching the assem- 
 bly of divines. The making of a new great seal. Impeaching 
 the queen of high treason, and other tilings. The lord-gene- 
 ral Essex, after some marches, returneth to quarter his 
 wasted and sick army about Kingston. The king's forces 
 masters of the west. The earl of Newcastle's greatness in 
 the north. Some mention of the earl of Cumberland and the 
 lord Fairfax. 
 
 J\.T the same time that these conspiracies were closely 
 working to undermine the parliament, and war was 
 raging in highest fury throughout the kingdom, many 
 state businesses of an unusual nature had been transacted 
 in the parliament sitting. For things were grown 
 beyond any precedent of former ages, and the very 
 foundations of government were shaken, according to 
 the sense of that vote, which the lords and commons 
 had passed a year before, "that whensoever the king 
 maketh war against the parliament, it tendeth to the 
 dissolution of this government." 
 
 Three things of that unusual nature fell into debate 
 in one month, which was May 1643, and were then, or 
 soon after, fully passed ; one was at the beginning of 
 that month, concerning the assembly of divines at 
 Westminster. Among other bills which had passed 
 both houses, and wanted only the royal assent, that 
 was one ; that a synod of divines should be chosen and 
 established, for the good and right settlement of reli- 
 gion, with a fit government for the church of England. 
 This bill was oft tendered to the king to pass, but utterly 
 refused by him : the matter therefore was fully argued, 
 what in such cases might be done by authority of par- 
 liament, when the kingdom's good is so much concerned, 
 when a king refuseth, and wholly absenteth himself 
 from the parliament. And at last it was brought to 
 
288 The parliament resolve to book iit. 
 
 this conclusion ; that an ordinance of parliament, where 
 the king is so absent and refusing, is by the laws of 
 the land of as good authority to bind the people, for 
 the time present, as an act of parliament itself can be. 
 
 It was therefore voted, by the lords and commons, 
 that the act for an assembly of divines to settle reli- 
 gion and a form of government for the church of Eng- 
 land (which the king had oft refused to pass) should 
 forthwith be turned into an ordinance of parliament, 
 and the assembly thereby called debate such things for 
 the settlement of religion as should be propounded to 
 them by both houses ; which not long after was accord- 
 inglyput in execution. 
 
 The case seemed of the same nature with that of 
 Scotland in the year 1639, when the Scottish covenant- 
 ers, (as is before mentioned in this history,) upon the 
 king's delay in calling their national synod, published 
 a writing to that purpose ; that the power of calling a 
 synod, in case the prince be an enemy to the truth, or 
 negligent in promoting the church's good, is in the 
 church itself. 
 
 In the same month, and within few days after, an- 
 other business of great consequence was by the lords 
 and commons taken into consideration, which was, the 
 making of a new great seal, to supply the place of that 
 which had been carried away from the parliament, as 
 before is mentioned. This business bad been fully 
 debated in the house of commons, and the month 
 following, at a conference between both houses, the 
 commons declared to the lords what great prejudice 
 the parliament and whole kingdom suffered by the 
 absence of the great seal ; and thereupon desired their 
 speedy compliance in votes for the making of a new 
 one. 
 
 The matter was debated in the house of peers, put 
 
CHAP. III. to make a neiv great seal. 289 
 
 to votes, and carried for the negative. The only reason 
 which they alleged against the making of a new seal 
 was this, that they have hitherto despatched all busi- 
 ness since the absence of the seal, by virtue of ordi- 
 nances of parliament, and they conceived that the 
 same course might still be kept, in what matters so- 
 ever were necessary to be expedited for the good of 
 the kingdom, without a seal. Yet the lords gave a 
 respective answer, that if the house of commons would 
 inform them in any particular cases wherein the king- 
 dom's prejudice by absence of the great seal could not 
 be remedied by virtue of an ordinance, they would take 
 it into further consideration, to induce compliance ac- 
 cordingly. 
 
 Neither was it long before the lords, upon reasons 
 showed, concurred with the house of commons, who 
 about the beginning of July presented to the lords at 
 a conference the votes which had before passed in their 
 house, together with the reasons for making of a new 
 great seal. The votes were these : 
 
 Resolved upon the question, June 14 and 26. 
 
 1 . That the great seal of England ought to attend the par- 
 liament. 
 
 2. That the absence of it hath been a cause of great mischief 
 to the commonwealth. 
 
 3. That a remedy ought to be provided for these mischiefs. 
 
 4. That the proper remedy is by making a new great seal. 
 
 The reasons which they gave were divided into two 
 branches: the first declaring those mischiefs which were 
 occasioned by conveying away the great seal from the 
 parliament; the second expressing those inconveniences 
 and mischiefs which proceeded from the want of the 
 great seal with them. The reasons of the first kind 
 were thus : 
 
 1. It was secretly and unlawfully carried away by the 
 
 MAY. U 
 
290 The parliament resolve book hi. 
 
 lord-keeper, contrary to the duty of his place, who ought 
 himself to have attended the parliament, and not to have 
 departed without leave ; nor should have been suffered to 
 convey away the great seal, if his intentions had been dis- 
 covered. 
 
 2. It hath been since taken away from him, and put into 
 the hands of other dangerous and ill-affected persons ; so as 
 the lord-keeper, being sent unto by the parliament, for the 
 sealing of some writs, returned answer, that he could not seal 
 the same, because he had not the seal in his keeping. 
 
 3. Those who have had the managing thereof have em- 
 ployed it to the hurt and destruction of the kingdom many 
 ways ; as, by making new sheriffs in an unusual and unlawful 
 manner, to be as so many generals or commanders of forces 
 raised against the parliament ; by issuing out illegal commis- 
 sions of array, with other unlawful commissions for the same 
 purpose; by sending forth proclamations against both houses 
 of parliament, and several members thereof, proclaiming them 
 traitors, against the privileges of parhament and laws of the 
 land ; by sealing commissions of oyer and terminer to proceed 
 against them, and other of his majesty's good subjects ad- 
 hering to the parliament, as traitors ; by sending commis- 
 sions into Ireland, to treat a peace with the rebels there, 
 contrary to an act of parliament made this session. Besides 
 divers other dangerous acts passed under it, since it was se- 
 cretly conveyed away from the parliament ; whereby great 
 calamities and mischiefs have ensued, to the prejudice of the 
 kingdom. 
 
 Mischiefs arising through want of the great seal. 
 
 1. The terms have been adjourned ; the course of justice 
 obstructed. 
 
 2. No original writs can be sued forth without going to 
 Oxford ; which none who holds with the parliament can do, 
 without peril of his life or liberty. 
 
 3. Proclamations in parhament cannot issue out, for bring- 
 ing in delinquents impeached of high treason or other crimes ; 
 under pain of forfeiting their estates, according to the ancient 
 course. 
 
 4. No writs of error can be brought in parliament, to re- 
 
CHAP. III. to make a new great seal. 291 
 
 verse erroneous judgments ; nor writs of election sued out 
 for choosing new members upon death or removal of any ; 
 whereby the number of the members is much lessened, and 
 the houses in time like to be dissolved^ if speedy supply be 
 not had, contrary to the very act for continuance of this par- 
 liament. 
 
 5. Every other court of justice hath a peculiar seal ; and 
 the parliament, the supreme court of England, hath no other 
 but the great seal of England ; which being kept away from 
 it, hath now no seal at all ; and therefore a new seal ought 
 to be made. 
 
 6. This seal is clavis regni, and therefore ought to be resi- 
 dent with the parliament (which is the representative body of 
 the whole kingdom) whilst it continues sitting ; the king, as 
 well as the kingdom, being always legally present in it during 
 the session thereof. 
 
 The lords upon these reasons concurred with the 
 house of commons, and order was given that a new 
 great seal should forthwith be made; which was accord- 
 ingly done. 
 
 It should seem the king was not well pleased with 
 this action of the parliament, as appeared by what was 
 done at Oxford above a year after, when the king as- 
 sembled together the lords which were with him, and 
 all those gentlemen that had been members of the 
 house of commons, and had deserted the parliament at 
 Westminster, whom the king called his parliament at 
 Oxford, and propounded many things for them to de- 
 bate upon ; amongst which it was taken into debate, 
 and resolved upon the question by that assembly at 
 Oxford, that this very action (which they style coun- 
 terfeiting the great seal) was treason, and the whole 
 parliament at Westminster, eo facto, guilty of high 
 treason. But this was passed at Oxford long after; of 
 which, occasion may be to speak further hereafter. 
 
 But at the time when the parliament made their 
 
 u 2 
 
292 Tlie queen is impeached of high treason. BOOKiiii 
 
 new great seal, the people stood at gaze, and many 
 wondered what might be the consequence of so un- 
 usual a thing. Some, that wholly adhered to the par- 
 liament, and liked well that an action so convenient 
 and useful to the present state was done by them, 
 looked notwithstanding upon it as a sad mark of the 
 kingdom's distraction, and a sign how irreconcilable 
 the difference might grow between the parliament and 
 the king's person. For the legality or justness of 
 making of the seal, there was little dispute or argu- 
 ment among those who were not disaffected to the 
 parliament ; and though there were no direct or plain 
 precedent for it, (for the case of a king's being per- 
 sonally in war against the parliament sitting was never 
 before,) yet by comparison with other times, when the 
 necessities of state have required such a thing, it was 
 not only allowed, but thought requisite. I do not 
 know of any thing written against it by any lawyers, 
 or other of the king's party ; but master Prynne, a 
 learned lawyer, and great antiquary of the parliament 
 side, hath written a copious discourse in justification of 
 it, (both by arguments of reason, and many near resem- 
 bling precedents of former times,) called. The opening 
 of the Great Seal of England, which is extant to be read 
 by any that would be satisfied what power from time 
 to time parliaments have challenged and been allowed 
 over that seal, both in making of it in the infancy or 
 absence of princes, and disposing of it in the dotage or 
 wilfulness of others. 
 
 But before this business was fully concluded, another 
 thing, which seemed as great a sign how wide the rent 
 was grown, fell into debate in the house of commons : 
 some time was spent in consultation about it, and much 
 arguing on both sides. The matter was about charging 
 the queen of high treason. To that purpose many ar- 
 
CHAP. iTi. Excise upon commodities. 293 
 
 tides of an high nature were drawn up against her ; 
 some of them were, that she had pawned the crown 
 jewels in Holland ; that she had raised the rebellion in 
 Ireland ; that she had endeavoured to raise a party in 
 Scotland against the parliament ; that she had gone in 
 the head of a popish army in England : for not long 
 before this time, the queen, with arms and ammunition 
 from the Low Countries, and commanders of war from 
 thence, had landed in the north of England, been enter- 
 tained there by the earl of Newcastle, and by him and 
 others, with strong forces, conveyed to the king at Ox- 
 ford ; whereof more particulars will be related hereafter. 
 Divers other articles were framed against the queen, 
 upon which, within few months after, she was impeached 
 of high treason by the house of commons, and the im- 
 peachment carried up by master Pym to the house of 
 peers, where it stuck for many months, but was after- 
 ward passed there also, and may be further discoursed 
 of in the due time. 
 
 It had been likewise before ordered by both houses, 
 and was now accordingly put in execution, that the 
 king and queen's revenue coming into the exchequer 
 should be detained, and employed to the public service 
 of the commonwealth; a committee was chosen of lords 
 and commons to dispose of it to the best uses. Divers 
 necessary charges of the state were defrayed by it, and 
 among others (which seemed a kind of just retaliation) 
 many members of both houses of parliament, whose whole 
 estates had been seized upon by the king's armies, were 
 in some measure relieved at London out of his revenue, 
 and thereby enabled to subsist in that public service to 
 which they had been called. 
 
 But so exceeding great by this time were the charges 
 grown for supportation of so spreading a war, that no 
 contributions nor taxes whatsoever were thought suffi- 
 
394 The earl of Essex marches to Thame. book hi. 
 
 cient, unless an excise were imposed upon commodities, 
 (according to the way of theNetherlanders,) such as beer, 
 wine, tobacco, and meat ; which was taken into consi- 
 deration by both houses, and this summer agreed upon. 
 But the excise was laid with much gentleness, especially 
 upon all victuals of most common and necessary use, 
 insomuch that it was little felt either by the rich or 
 poor people, and yet amounted monthly to a very con- 
 siderable sum, though the king's quarters were then the 
 greatest part of England ; for the city of London was 
 within the parliament quarters. 
 
 To return again to the lord-general Essex. His ex- 
 cellency in May 1643, having, as aforesaid, received in- 
 telligence of the defeat given to the parliament army 
 in the west, and in what condition things there stood, 
 not being able with his own forces to give them relief, 
 sent order to sir William Waller (whose actions shall 
 be anon mentioned in a series by themselves) to march 
 thither in assistance of the Devonshire forces ; and writ 
 his command to the governor of Bristol, to aid him 
 with such horse and foot as he could conveniently 
 spare out of his garrison. But things could not at that 
 time be put in execution according to his desires ; and 
 before sir William Waller could get far into the west, 
 prince Maurice, marquis Hartford, and sir Ralph Hopton 
 were joined all together. 
 
 The lord-general, since it was much desired by the 
 city of London, from whom the supplies of money were 
 to come, that he should move M'ith his whole army 
 towards Oxford, was content, though somewhat against 
 his judgment, to proceed in that design; and marched 
 with the main body to Thame, to meet there with the 
 forces sent from the associated counties to his assist- 
 ance ; from whence (as a person whose care and com- 
 mand extended over the whole kingdom, which was 
 
CHAP. III. His army suffers from sickness and bad weather. 295 
 
 now overspread with a general war, and wasted by 
 many armies at once) he granted a commission, by 
 direction of the parliament, to the lord Fielding, (now 
 earl of Denbigh by the late death of his father, who 
 was slain in a skirmish, fighting against the parliament,) 
 to be general of four counties, Shropshire, Worcester, 
 Stafford, and Warwickshire ; to levy forces there, and 
 conduct them into any part of the kingdom, against the 
 king's power, according to directions from the parlia- 
 ment or lord-general. He granted also at the same 
 time another commission in the like manner to sir 
 Thomas Middleton, to raise forces as general of all 
 North Wales. 
 
 At Thame the hand of God, in an extreme increase 
 of sickness, (hundreds in a day desperately ill,) did visit 
 the lord-general's army ; and by strange unseasonable- 
 ness of weather, and great rain, continuing fourteen 
 days, the place being upon a flat, moist, and clayey 
 ground, made it impossible for him to advance from 
 that quarter. In which time the army was by sickness, 
 and departure of most of the auxiliary forces, brought 
 to a number utterly unable to attempt the former de- 
 sign, without certain ruin, the situation of Oxford upon 
 the river of Thames considered; for the lord-general 
 conceived it impossible (as himself expressed) to block 
 up the town, without a double number to what he then 
 had. 
 
 But when the rain ceased, and the waters were so 
 much abated as to make the ways passable, intelligence 
 was brought that prince Rupert had drawn out his horse 
 and foot toward Buckingham, with his cannon also ; and 
 had called in the country, making open profession before 
 them that he would give battle to the general. The 
 general marched with some speed toward Buckingham, 
 to fight with him. When he came within two miles of 
 
296 The king's party are now book hi. 
 
 that town, he found the case far otherwise, and had 
 intelligence that the prince had quitted Buckingham 
 in a kind of disorderly manner ; that the night before 
 he had horsed his foot, and marched away, leaving some 
 of his provisions behind him. 
 
 The lord-general understood well, that it was not 
 possible for him, with his train of artillery and foot 
 companies, to follow the enemy to any advantage. For 
 if he had been at that time strong enough in horse, his 
 desire was to have hindered prince Rupert from joining 
 with the queen, who then was marching with a good 
 convoy of horse from the northern parts of England 
 (where she had arrived from the Netherlands) toward 
 Oxford. But being not able to follow that design, he 
 desisted from his march to Buckingham, sending into 
 the town a party of his horse to quarter there that 
 night, and to bring away that provision which the 
 enemy had left there. He himself, with the rest of his 
 army, marched to great Brickhill, a place most conveni- 
 ent to lie between the enemy and London, to defend 
 the associated counties, to assist or join with the forces 
 of the lord Gray of Grooby, sir John Meldrum, and 
 colonel Cromwell, to whom he had before written, that 
 if they could possibly, they should fight with the queen's 
 forces, and stop her passage to the king. But it seemed 
 that the business could not be done ; that the queen 
 and prince Rupert were suffered to join together with 
 all their forces. Sir William Waller had been long 
 victorious in the west, yet now the parliament's fortune, 
 almost in every place, began to fail ; and intelligence 
 was brought to the lord-general, that sir William, hav- 
 ing almost gained the whole west, and besieging sir 
 Ralph Hopton in the Devizes, a town of Devonshire, 
 was on a sudden, by unexpected forces from Oxford 
 under the conduct of the lord Wilmot, totally routed 
 
CHAP. HI. in a very prosperous condition. 397 
 
 and forced into Bristol. The lord-general intending at 
 the first report of this news to have marched himself 
 for relieving of the west, upon more particular infor- 
 mation, that sir William Waller's forces were so far 
 broken that no assistance at all could be given by 
 them, was enforced to desist from that enterprise. Con- 
 sidering also that his own army was shrunk, through 
 the continual increase of violent sickness, want of pay, 
 clothing, and other necessaries, to a most inconsider- 
 able number, he resolved to proceed no further, nor to 
 engage that weak army to the ruin of itself and danger 
 of the kingdom ; especially since the forces of the asso- 
 ciated counties could not with safety be commanded so 
 far from home. He therefore returned toward London, 
 quartering that poor remainder of an army at Kingston- 
 upon-Thames, and other places near adjacent. In this 
 distressed condition I must a while leave that great 
 general, until some few weeks' time shall recruit his 
 power, and enable him to make that famous and ho- 
 nourable expedition to the relief of Gloucester. 
 
 So great at this time were the successes which in all 
 parts crowned the king's armies, that they seemed to 
 possess an absolute victory, and the parliament in pro- 
 bability quite ruined ; on one side the lord-general's 
 army mouldered away by long sickness and other 
 wants ; the long successful sir William Waller quite 
 broken in the west ; and about the same time the lord 
 Fairfax, and his son sir Thomas Fairfax, (though re- 
 served by Divine Providence for a transcendent height 
 of honour in the future,) with all the gentlemen almost 
 which served the parliament in those northern parts, 
 being defeated by the earl of Newcastle ; and the lord 
 Fairfax, with his son, driven into the town of Hull: on 
 the other side, the king's armies were full and strong ; 
 sir Ralph Hopton, whom for his valour and industry 
 
298 The earl of Newcastle commands an army in the north, book hi. 
 
 the king had honoured with the title of a baron, was 
 possessed of a gallant army in the west, and seemed to 
 want nothing so much as a considerable enemy ; the 
 king's other forces were free to choose what stage they 
 pleased to act their parts upon. Prince Rupert was 
 sent to besiege Bristol, where colonel Nathaniel Fiennes, 
 second son to the viscount Say, was governor; which 
 city, in this low ebb of the parliament, could not long 
 hold out, but was soon delivered to the prince, a place 
 of as much concernment as any in the kingdom. Prince 
 Maurice, with another army, came to besiege the city of 
 Exeter, into which the earl of Stamford was retreated 
 after his defeat at Stretton in Cornwall, a nobleman 
 who had long struggled with various success, and in 
 sharp encounters against sir Ralph Hopton and other 
 commanders of the king's side in those western counties, 
 ruined at last by the treacherous revolt of some who 
 had taken the same cause with him at the first. This 
 city was likewise, after a long siege, for want of sup- 
 plies, delivered, upon articles, to the prince that be- 
 sieged it. 
 
 But the great cloud, which not only overshadowed 
 the parliament in the north, but threatened to pour out 
 storms upon parts far remote, was the earl of New- 
 castle, with his mighty army, who was grown formid- 
 able to the associated counties, and many other places 
 of the kingdom. His army was at that time the great- 
 est of any in England, which he maintained in brave 
 equipage, by large contributions enforced from the 
 country, and seemed of strength enough, not only to 
 master any opposition of English forces, but to serve as 
 a bulwark against the greatest army which the kingdom 
 of Scotland could be able to send in aid of the English 
 parliament. For the parliament had then sent into 
 Scotland for the brotherly assistance of that kingdom, 
 
CHAP. III. Great services performed by the lord Fairfax. 299 
 
 and agreed upon entering into a covenant with them 
 for defence of religion and the common liberty of both 
 nations. 
 
 It pleased the Divine Providence (whose workings 
 are many times beyond the reach of human conjec- 
 tures) that this strong army, before the entrance of the 
 Scots, found an enemy in England worthy of their 
 fear, and were, by the personal valour and successful 
 conduct of sir Thomas Fairfax, who seemed lately in a 
 low condition, so far broken, (together with other de- 
 feats given to parts of it sent abroad,) that the passage 
 for the Scots into England was much facilitated, as shall 
 hereafter appear in more particular. 
 
 But it is worthy consideration (and therefore cannot 
 but deserve a mention) with what unwearied constancy 
 and wondrous magnanimity the two Fairfaxes, father 
 and son, did labour to preserve those northern parts for 
 the parliament, especially observing what great enemies 
 they dealt withal ; how many unexpected disadvantages 
 happened to them, and accessions of power to their foes 
 at several times ; which, though it cannot be here re- 
 lated with full circumstances or particulars, yet may be 
 touched in a general way. 
 
 The lord Fairfax, ever since that there was any ap- 
 pearance of this unhappy war, and that the king's com- 
 misssion of array began to justle with the parhament's 
 ordinance of militia, had been very industrious in rais- 
 ing strength, and joined himself most unanimously in 
 that cause with sir John Hotham and his son master 
 John Hotham, a member also of the house of commons, 
 and a gentleman, not only active but prosperous, whilst 
 he continued faithful to that side which he had chosen. 
 And since the war broke out into action, the lord Fair- 
 fax, either singly by himself or sometimes joined with 
 master Hotham, had taken and fortified many towns 
 
300 A battle is fought at Tadcaster, book hi. 
 
 and forts for the parliament, and made many sharp and 
 fierce encounters agahist potent enemies. The earl of 
 Cumberland, who was first made lord-lieutenant of 
 Yorkshire by the king, was not able to suppress them, 
 nor scarce maintain the war against that power which 
 they had raised : maugre whose forces, they took and 
 fortified Cawood castle and the town of Selby in the 
 month of October 1642, and surprised, presently after, 
 the town of Leeds, where part of the earl's forces were 
 quartered, of whom they took divers prisoners, knights 
 and gentlemen of good quality, one of which was sir 
 George Detherick, together with his whole troop. 
 
 The earl of Cumberland himself, within few days 
 after, was driven into the city of York, and there be- 
 sieged and summoned by the lord Fairfax and master 
 Hotham ; which happened about the same time that 
 the famous battle between the king and the lord-gene- 
 ral Essex was fought at Keynton. 
 
 But the earl of Newcastle with a greater force en- 
 tered into York whilst the lord Fairfax and captain 
 Hotham lay not far off; who, notwithstanding his 
 great strength when he marched out of York, was en- 
 countered by them at Tadcaster, upon the 7th of De- 
 cember, the fight or several skirmishes continuing about 
 five hours ; in which the parliament forces did so well 
 take their advantages, that they slew (as was reported 
 to the parliament) two hundred of the earl's men, with 
 the loss of eight soldiers of their own, of whom captain 
 Lister was one, whose death was much lamented in the 
 country, being esteemed a brave and religious man. 
 After several skirmishes, the parliament army had the 
 fortune to make a fair retreat to Cawood castle and 
 Selby, and leave all to the earl, whose forces were re- 
 ported to be about eight thousand horse and foot, the 
 lord Fairfax and captain Hotham having not above two 
 
CHAP. HI. The earl of Newcastle is resisted by Fairfax. 301 
 
 thousand one hundred foot and seven troops of horse : 
 their number had been greater, if sir Hugh Cholmely 
 and colonel Sainton, with their regiments of foot and 
 two troops of horse, who were expected, had accordingly 
 come in to them. 
 
 The earl of Newcastle was now grown not only 
 master of the field there, but formidable to all the ad- 
 jacent counties ; who did therefore implore aid from 
 the parliament. The parliament, upon that occasion, 
 hastened the association of those counties which lay 
 nearer to them, that they might be the more able to 
 supply their remoter friends. 
 
 The king's side received then an addition of strength 
 in the north, by the landing of colonel Goring at New- 
 castle, with two hundred commanders from Holland, and 
 other provisions for the war. 
 
 The earl of Newcastle marching from Tadcaster sur- 
 prised Leeds, in which town he took many gentlemen 
 prisoners, and forced them to ransom themselves at 
 high rates ; whereby he was further enabled to pay his 
 great army. Then also he gave commissions to papists 
 in that country to arm themselves in the king's service ; 
 which he justified by writings published upon that oc- 
 casion ; and at the same time proclaimed the lord Fair- 
 fax traitor. 
 
 The lord Fairfax, notwithstanding, marched with such 
 forces as he had gotten together, and proved successful 
 in divers attempts against several parts of the earl of 
 Newcastle's forces, one of them happening at Sherburn, 
 between Tadcaster and Doncaster, and another at Brad- 
 ford, against a party of the earl of Newcastle's army 
 under the conduct of colonel Goring, colonel Evers, sir 
 William Savile, and sir John Gotherick,who came with 
 a good strength of horse and dragooners to surprise on 
 a sudden that town of Bradford ; but were by forces 
 
303 Great and active services of sir T. Fairfax. book hi. 
 
 timely sent to the relief of it forced to retire with some 
 loss ; which, though it were not a victory against colonel 
 Goring and the rest, may notwithstanding be termed a 
 successful action, in being able to repel an enemy too 
 potent for them in all probability. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Some actions of sir Thomas Fairfax in the north. The queen 
 lands in England. The revolt of sir Hugh Cholmely and the 
 two Hothams. The state of this war in the ivestern parts. 
 The condition of the associated counties. A short relation of 
 sir William Waller'' s actions ; of colonel Cromwell, sir William 
 Brereton, and sir John Gell. 
 
 (jrREAT were the achievements of sir Thomas Fairfax 
 in that month of January and the following February ; 
 for no season of the year nor storms of winter could 
 quench the rage of this civil fire. Sir Thomas Fairfax, 
 on the 23rd of January ] 642, marched from Bradford 
 (six miles distant from Leeds) with six troops of horse 
 and three companies of dragoons, under the command 
 of sir Henry Foulis, baronet, his lieutenant-general of 
 his horse, and near one thousand musketeers, with two 
 thousand clubmen, under the command of sir William 
 Fairfax, colonel, and lieutenant-general of the foot. 
 When sir Thomas approached the town of Leeds, he 
 despatched a trumpeter to sir William Savile, com- 
 mander-in-chief there under the earl of Newcastle, 
 requiring the town to be delivered to him for the king 
 and parliament. But receiving a resolute and seeming 
 scornful answer from sirWilliam Savile, he drew nearer, 
 and prepared to make an assault, though there were 
 great strength in the town, namely, fifteen hundred 
 foot and five hundred horse and dragoons, with two 
 brass sakers. Sir Thomas Fairfax drew out five com- 
 panies of his most expert soldiers, whom he disposed of 
 
CHAP. IV. He takes the towns of Leeds, Wakefield, and Tadcaster. 303 
 
 at a fit side of the town, under the command of major 
 Forbes, captains Briggs, Lee, Franke, and Palmer. Sir 
 William Fairfax, at the head of his regiment, and [in] 
 the face of the enemy, stormed the town with great 
 skill and courage, whilst major Forbes did the like in his 
 place, and sir Thomas himself, everywhere encouraging 
 and teaching valour by his own example, brought on 
 his men ; so that after two hours of hot fight, though 
 the besieged behaved themselves well, the town was 
 entered by sir Thomas Fairfax, sir William Fairfax, and 
 sir Henry Fowles on one side, and major Forbes, with 
 his fellow captains, on the other. They took within the 
 town their two brass sakers, with good store of arms 
 and ammunition, four colours, and five hundred pri- 
 soners, among whom were six commanders : the com- 
 mon soldiers, upon taking of an oath never to fight in 
 this cause against the king and parliament, were set at 
 liberty, and suffered to depart, but without their arms. 
 There were slain about forty men, of which number the 
 besieged lost the greater half. Sergeant major Bea- 
 mont, endeavouring in the flight to save his life by 
 crossing the river, so lost it, being drowned therein ; 
 and sir William Savile himself, crossing in flight the 
 same river, hardly escaped the same fate. Public 
 thanksgiving to Almighty God was given at London 
 for this victory. 
 
 Sir Thomas Fairfax with his victorious forces im- 
 mediately marched to another quarter of the earl of 
 Newcastle's army at Wakefield, from whence the chief 
 commander, sir George Wentworth, fled, and left it to 
 him. Not long after, he marched to Tadcaster; at 
 whose approach the earl's forces, though a considerable 
 number, fled away, and forsook their works. 
 
 From that time scarce any one fortnight of all the 
 following spring passed without some remarkable addi- 
 
304 The earl of Montrose comes over to the king. book hi. 
 
 tion of strength to the king's side, in those northern 
 parts. In February general King, a Scottish commander 
 of great experience in military affairs, came out of Hol- 
 land, landed at Newcastle, joined himself with the earl 
 of Newcastle, and passed to York with six thousand 
 arms. In the same month also the queen landing from 
 Holland, near to Sunderland, with great provision of 
 arms and ammunition, and many commanders of note 
 in her retinue, was convoyed by the earl of Newcastle to 
 the city of York. 
 
 The earl of Montrose about the same time, a young 
 lord of great esteem in Scotland, who before in the 
 Scottish war (as is there mentioned) had showed him- 
 self one of the most active and zealous covenanters of 
 that nation, forsook his party there, and with the lord 
 Oglesby fled out of Scotland with one hundred and 
 twenty horse, to the queen at York. Upon which both 
 those lords were proclaimed at Edinburgh traitors to 
 their king and country, for that, contrary to their cove- 
 nant, they stole out of Scotland, to assist the popish 
 army (for so they called that of the earl of Newcastle's) 
 against the parliament of England. 
 
 Another great wound to the parliament, not long 
 after, was the revolt of sir Hugh Cholmely, a member 
 of the house of commons, and one that had carried a 
 good esteem among them, who had before (as is already 
 mentioned) been employed by the parliament as a com- 
 missioner in the north, together with the lord Fairfax 
 and sir Philip Stapleton, and was at this time highly 
 intrusted by them ; for he was governor of Scarborough, 
 a place of great importance. He falsely betrayed his 
 trust, and forsook the cause he had undertaken, going 
 to the queen with three hundred men. Upon which he 
 was impeached of high treason by the parliament ; but 
 it was not his fortune to suffer for that offence, as others 
 
CHAP. IV. Hotham and his son are placed in the Tower. 305 
 
 did, who about the same time failed in their trusts. 
 The town of Scarborough was left in possession of a 
 parliament captain, who was usually called Browne 
 Bushell, a man that some thought would have kept it 
 to the parliament's use : he likewise revolted, and de- 
 livered it to their enemies. 
 
 Upon the landing of general King, and the queen 
 presently after, a suspicion began to arise, by some cir- 
 cumstances, that the two unfortunate Hothams, the 
 father and the son, were false to the parliament. Which 
 by the strict observation of some vigilant men on that 
 side was further discovered, and began at last to be 
 discoursed of with as little belief for a long time as 
 Cassandra's prophecies, and when it came more plainly 
 to appear, with as much, not only wonder, but sorrow 
 of honest men, that so much unconstancy should be 
 found. The particulars of this discovery, and how much 
 the parliament, if not timely prevented, had suffered by 
 it, there will be time hereafter to discourse of more at 
 large. But they were both accused to the parliament, 
 seized upon at Hull, and sent up to London, where they 
 long remained prisoners in the Tower, before the time 
 of their trial and execution. 
 
 Not all these disadvantages, by the growth of ene- 
 mies and revolt of friends, could dishearten the lord 
 Fairfax and his son, who still persisted with great cou- 
 rage, and raising the clubmen of the country, to piece 
 up those small forces which remained with them, were 
 able for a while to make considerable resistance, and 
 perform divers services against some parts of the earl 
 of Newcastle's vast army. But one victory was gained 
 by sir Thomas Fairfax at Wakefield which may be 
 termed rather miraculous than strange, though I shall 
 relate nothing save known truth, such a victory, against 
 so much odds, and so many disadvantages, as may serve 
 
 MAY. X 
 
306 Sir T.Fairfax gains a victory at Wakefield. book iir, 
 
 to teach how much success may possibly crown bold 
 attempts, and justify that old saying, Audaces fortuna 
 juvat. 
 
 The lord Fairfax, general of the parhament's forces 
 in the north, on the 20th of May gave order for a party 
 to be drawn out from the garrisons of Leeds, Bradford, 
 Halifax, and Howley : they marched one thousand foot, 
 three companies of dragooners, and eight troops of horse: 
 sir Thomas Fairfax commanded in chief: the foot were 
 commanded by sir William Fairfax and sergeant-major- 
 general Gilford ; the horse divided into two bodies, four 
 troops whereof were commanded by sir Thomas Fairfax 
 himself, the other four by sir Henry Fowlys. From 
 Howley, which was their rendezvous, they marched 
 away, and by four o'clock in the morning came before 
 Wakefield : those of the town were ready for them, 
 and sent out some of their horse to encounter with 
 theirs, and musketeers to line some hedges, even to 
 the very town. There were in Wakefield three thou- 
 sand foot and seven troops of horse, besides colonel 
 Lampton's regiment, which came into the town after 
 that the parliament's forces entered into it. But at the 
 first encounter the parliament's forces beat their ene- 
 mies' horse back ; and their foot also drove those mus- 
 keteers from the hedges even into the town, which 
 they assaulted in two places, called Wrengate and 
 Northgate, and after an hour and a half's fighting, 
 recovered one of their enemies' pieces, and turned it 
 upon them ; and withal entered the town in both 
 Ijlaces at the same time. AVhen the barricados were 
 opened, sir Thomas Fairfax with the horse also fell 
 into the town and cleared the street; there was a cruel 
 and fierce encounter ; in which place colonel Goring 
 was taken prisoner by lieutenant Matthew Alured, 
 (brother to captain John Alured, a member of the 
 
^^^^- ^^- state of the ivest of England. 307 
 
 house of commons;) yet in the market-place stood 
 three troops of horse and colonel Lanipton's regiment; 
 to whom major-general Gifford sent a trumpet, with 
 proffer of quarter, if they would lay down their arms. 
 To which when they returned a scornful answer, he 
 fired a piece of their own ordnance upon them, and the 
 horse also falling in with great fury, soon beat them out 
 of the town, and took all their oflSicers prisoners. They 
 took withal twenty-seven colours of foot, three cornets 
 of horse, and about fifteen hundred common soldiers. 
 They were likewise forced, when they fled, to leave be- 
 hind them four pieces of ordnance, with ammunition, 
 which the parliament forces carried away with them. 
 For when they had thus taken the town, they found 
 their number and strength too weak to keep it and 
 their prisoners too. And therefore they quitted the 
 place, and marched away with this brave booty. 
 
 This great victory at Wakefield seemed (according 
 to the common saying) like a lightening before death ; 
 for not long after, these forces were quite broken by 
 the earl of Newcastle, whose greatness overspread those 
 countries, and was never encountered by any enemy 
 but in parts of his army. He had managed the whole 
 business, and attained his height of power by great 
 skill and policy ; and now, having no near enemy in 
 the field, was gone to besiege the lord Fairfax in Hull, 
 which was by some talked of as an error in him, no less 
 than besieging Gloucester soon after by the king was 
 censured. 
 
 Such a continual and sad war had the northern parts 
 been forced to endure all the winter. Nor was it their 
 case alone ; scarce any county of England was free from 
 it. The whole west, consisting of so many rich and 
 flourishing shires, had been as sad a stage of civil 
 tragedies. Many armies and small parties of either 
 
 X 2 
 
308 The earl of Stamford is by the parliament book hi. 
 
 side (too many for one history to describe at large, or 
 give particular due to the actions of every gentleman) 
 had been engaged, without any intermission, in those 
 parts. 
 
 Of all commanders there, that sided with the king 
 against the parliament, sir Ralph Hopton, by his un- 
 wearied industry, and great reputation among the peo- 
 ple, had raised himself to the most considerable height, 
 and continued the longest a leader of armies, as the 
 sequel of the story will hereafter declare : but his suc- 
 cesses, through the whole course of his actions, were 
 very various, and many ebbs and flows were in his 
 fortune. 
 
 The marquis Hartford, though far higher in dignity, 
 and greater by power of his large commission from the 
 king, (of which before is spoken,) was not able to act so 
 largely in the field as sir Ralph did, though he were 
 seldom idle, but busy about towns and in small parties. 
 They were both opposed in their beginnings, not so 
 much by any noblemen, or great commanders employed 
 by the parliament's commissions, as by private gentle- 
 men of those counties ; the chief of which were sir 
 Francis Popham and his sons, master Strode a deputy 
 lieutenant there, with others before named, besides 
 plain freeholders of the country, who seemed to under- 
 stand their own liberties and interest which they had 
 in the commonwealth. Until at the last the earl of 
 Stamford, a stout gentleman, (who had been before em- 
 ployed about Leicester, against master Hastings, with a 
 commission from the parliament, as general of some 
 counties,) was sent into the west. 
 
 The earl of Stamford was by the parliament made 
 lord-general of all South Wales, and the four next ad- 
 jacent counties, as Gloucester, Worcester, Hereford, 
 and Cheshire ; with power to raise forces in all those 
 
CHAP. IV. made lord-general of the west. 309 
 
 counties, to appoint officers and commanders over them, 
 to train and exercise the men, and to fight with all that 
 should oppose him. The lord Gray, son and heir to the 
 earl of Stamford, vs^as appointed to succeed his father in 
 his former charge, and made lord-lieutenant of five coun- 
 ties, Leicester, Nottingham, Derby, Rutland, and Lincoln, 
 to continue the war against master Hastings, the earl of 
 Chesterfield, and others, who opposed the parliament in 
 those parts. 
 
 The earl of Stamford, at his first coming into the 
 west, was successful against sir Ralph Hopton, whom 
 he raised from the siege of Plymouth ; but sir Ralph 
 Hopton, not long after, by a stratagem of feigning flight, 
 entrapped many of the earl's men, conducted by a lieu- 
 tenant of his, and gave an overthrow to the parliament 
 forces ; betwixt whom and the earl of Stamford, upon 
 the 15th of March 1642, a truce was made for twenty 
 days. The earl, after the expiration of that truce, again 
 taking the field, with a competent army, was a while 
 prosperous against sir Ralph Hopton ; but not long after 
 overthrown by the revolt of young Chudley, son to sir 
 John Chudley, by whose assistance before those parlia- 
 ment forces had been victorious. The earl of Stamford 
 was then enforced to betake himself to the city of 
 Exeter, whither Hopton and Chudley followed him, to 
 lay siege to the place. But prince Maurice was soon 
 after sent thither to command in chief; to whom at last 
 (as is before expressed) it was upon fair articles surren- 
 dered by the earl of Stamford. 
 
 Notwithstanding so many misfortunes, as had then 
 fallen upon the parliament side, about the end of May 
 1643, they did not despair of regaining the whole west, 
 by the active valour of sir William Waller, who about 
 that time was very prosperous in those counties and 
 some parts of the principality of Wales, and whose 
 
310 Sir W. Waller takes Chichester book hi. 
 
 name was grown to be a great terror to his enemies. 
 Of bis actions, and by what degrees he grew into esteem 
 and strength, it will not be amiss to relate in a continued 
 series, considering how great a general he became after- 
 wards in these wars, and in what low command he be- 
 gan. He was a gentleman of fair experience in military 
 aftairs by former travels and services abroad, of good 
 judgment, and great industry, of which he gave many 
 testimonies to the kingdom. 
 
 Sir William Waller, about the time of the battle of 
 Keynton, received a commission to be colonel of horse ; 
 and moving that winter following, as occasions of the 
 present war required, performed many exploits ; he 
 took in Farnham castle, and passed southward, after 
 that Portsmouth by his assistance had been taken from 
 colonel Goring, and some other quick services at Win- 
 chester, and in the country thereabouts, which he had 
 performedjjoining himself with colonel Browne, a citizen 
 of London (who took up arms at the beginning of this 
 civil war, and continued till the very end, in high com- 
 mands, and reputation as high ; of whose actions more 
 must be delivered in the sequel of this history). Colonel 
 Hurrey and some others passing into the western part 
 of Sussex, he laid siege to the city of Chichester : in 
 that city many gentlemen of rank and quality had for- 
 tified themselves, and gathered together much arms and 
 ammunition for service of the king against the parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 About the middle of December, appearing before 
 Chichester, he was there met with some forces, troops 
 of horse and dragooners, that came to his assistance 
 from Kent and Sussex, under the conduct of colonel 
 Morley, a member of the house of commons, a gentle- 
 man of good rank in Sussex, and great activity in the 
 parliament service, and sir Michael Leivesey, a Kentish 
 
CHAP. IV. and Malmsbury. 311 
 
 knight. The battery was placed by sir William at fit 
 places, and all things ordered with great skill ; but be'- 
 fore the battery began, to save effusion of blood, sir 
 William, by the consent of all his officers, summoned 
 the town by a trumpet, with such conditions offered, 
 which were judged too high by the besieged, and there^ 
 fore at first not accepted of; yet after eight days it was 
 rendered to him upon no other conditions than only 
 quarter and fair usage. The prisoners which were taken 
 there of note were immediately sent toward London to 
 the parliament, who were sir Edward Ford high sheriff 
 of Sussex, sir John Morley, colonel Shelley, master 
 Leaukner, colonel Lindsey, lieutenant-colonel Porter, 
 major Dawson, and major Gordon, with doctor King 
 then bishop of Chichester, and many other officers and 
 commanders in arms, to the number of sixty, about four 
 hundred dragooners, and almost as many foot soldiers. 
 In the March following, his employment was in the 
 western parts of England, where he raised forces. The 
 next in command under him, who continued with him 
 in almost all his actions, was sir Arthur Haslerig, an- 
 other member of the house of commons, serving as 
 knight for Leicestershire, a man that in all battles and 
 skirmishes gave great proofs of his prowess and personal 
 valour. Sir William Waller having now raised a com- 
 petent force, and marching out of Bristol on the 19th 
 of March, within two days after approached Malms- 
 bury. Colonel Herbert Lunsford, a stout gentleman 
 and a good soldier, brother to sir Thomas Lunsford 
 that was taken at Keynton battle, was then governor 
 of Malmsbury ; who upon the first approach sent out 
 seven troops of horse, to begin an encounter with him ; 
 but they were no ways able to endure the force of those 
 horse which sir William had drawn out against them, but 
 fled immediately, some of them back into the town ;. 
 
312 Waller defeats the king's troops near Gloucester, book hi. 
 
 many of them, conceiving that there was small safety in 
 the town for them, fled quite away. 
 
 Sir William assaulted the town the same day, but not 
 prevailing then, he lodged there all night, preparing the 
 next morning for another and more fierce assault. 
 But the besieged, conceiving the place untenable, de- 
 sired a parley, and yielded upon quarter. He took at 
 Malmsbury one piece of ordnance, about three hundred 
 prisoners, whereof colonel Lunsford and colonel Cook 
 were the chief, with almost twenty officers, great and 
 small ; good store of rich prize and ammunition : the 
 conquest was bloodless, and very few slain on either 
 side. 
 
 Within few days after, he obtained a very consider- 
 able victory near to Gloucester against the lord Her- 
 bert of Ragland, son to the earl of Worcester, who with 
 a great army of Welchmen lay against that town ; 
 which, for the manner of it, in brief, was thus : sir 
 William with his forces coming near to Cirencester, 
 made show (the better to conceal his purpose) as if he 
 intended to fall upon that town ; but his design was 
 for Gloucester, and had taken such provident care, that 
 the men in Gloucester had notice of his purpose ; and 
 that with the help of his flat-bottomed barges, which 
 thence were brought to him in the nature of waggons, 
 (useful both by land and water,) he would transport his 
 forces over the river Severn, beyond Gloucester, and 
 fall upon the rear of the lord Herbert's Welch forces, 
 when he was least feared or expected ; withal, he gave 
 notice to the Gloucester forces to fall upon the front of 
 that army, as he would upon their rear. The plot, as 
 it was wisely contrived, was successful in the event, and 
 took so good effect for him, that when the lord Herbert 
 was in skirmish with the forces of Gloucester, and con- 
 fident to cut them all off, being very few in comparison 
 
CHAP. IV. and takes Monmouth. 313 
 
 of his own, sir William with his army, near Highnam, 
 their quarter, fell suddenly upon the rear of the lord 
 Herbert's men, with such fury, that they were all rout- 
 ed, and would gladly have fled, if they had known any 
 way to escape. There were slain of that Welch army 
 about five hundred upon the place, near a thousand 
 taken prisoners, with all their arms and ammunition, 
 the rest wholly dispersed and scattered : the lord Her- 
 bert himself escaped by flight, and got to Oxford. 
 
 Sir William Waller, after this great victory, marched 
 from thence to Tewkesbury ; at whose approach, those 
 of the king's soldiers that were garrisoned there fled 
 away, and left it to him ; from whence marching further 
 into the country, he surprised divers straggling troopers 
 of the other side, with some arms, pistols, and carbines, 
 together with 16000/. in money, and carried away his 
 booty to Gloucester, 
 
 Within as short a distance of time, he took Chepstow 
 in Monmouthshire, and seized upon divers of those that 
 were conspirators for the betraying of Bristol, (of which 
 treason I have spoken before,) and who upon the dis- 
 covery of it had fled from thence. At that place he 
 took a ship called the Dragon of Bristol, and great store 
 of wealth in her, belonging to those who were his ene- 
 mies ; which he seized, as a just booty, and much to his 
 advantage. 
 
 From Chepstow he marched with a swift pace to 
 Monmouth ; the town, upon composition, was soon ren- 
 dered to him ; from whence, after he had put a garrison 
 into it, he marched to Uske, and summoned the coun- 
 try ; where divers forces came into him ; among others, 
 sir William Morgan's son, of Tredegan, brought him 
 five hundred armed men, and some money ; where 
 also master Herbert of Colebrook raised a thousand 
 men, and seized on Abergaine for the parliament. 
 
314 Waller takes Hereford and Leinster, book hi. 
 
 Sir William Waller, in this high career of his for- 
 tune, was commanded back from the west by the lord- 
 general Essex, to come to the chief army : which being 
 soon understood among those of the king's army, he 
 was waylaid by prince Maurice. The intention of sir 
 William Waller was to get to Gloucester with his 
 forces ; having therefore sent away his ordnance and 
 baggage, with his foot to guard it over Wye to Aust, 
 himself, with his horse and dragoons, resolved to fall 
 upon prince Maurice's army, and force a passage 
 through, which he did with great success, and small 
 loss ; and, as he marched afterward, cut down all the 
 bridges behind him ; whereby he hindered prince Mau- 
 rice from marching after him. This course if the prince 
 had taken before him, sir William Waller might have 
 been kept in Wales to his great disadvantage. But by 
 that means of cutting down the bridges, prince Mau- 
 rice's pursuit being hindered, sir William Waller, by 
 assistance of the governor Massey, regained many towns 
 possessed by the king's forces, especially Tewkesbury, 
 sir Matthew Carew being fled from thence. But there 
 he took many prisoners, much arms and riches; he 
 placed a garrison there ; and from thence, according to 
 his first design, arrived safe at the city of Gloucester. 
 
 Sir William Waller continued not long at Glouces- 
 ter, but, (being now dispensed with for returning to the 
 lord -general,) according to his usual celerity, he flew to 
 Hereford, before any fear or expectation of his coming. 
 He took that town upon quarter, and in it many pri- 
 soners of great rank and quality, among whom was the 
 lord Scudmore, with five revolted members of the 
 house of commons, viz. the lord Scudmore's son, colonel 
 Herbert Price, sir Richard Cave, lieutenant-colonel 
 Conisby, master Conisby, and besides them sir Walter 
 Pye, sir William Crofts, lieutenant-colonel Thomas 
 
CHAP. IV. and then marches to Bath with his army. 315 
 
 Price, sergeant-major Mintridge, sir Samuel Amby, ser- 
 geant-major Dalton, captain Somerset, captain Sclater, 
 doctor Rogers, doctor Goodwin, doctor Evans, and divers 
 others ; who vs^ere all carried away to Gloucester. 
 
 Within three days after that service, he surprised the 
 town of Leinster in that county, twelve miles distant 
 from Hereford, where he took good prize, disarmed 
 many of the king's party there, and placed a garrison in 
 the town. 
 
 It was feared at that time, by those of the king's side, 
 that sir William Waller, going on in so prosperous a way, 
 might perchance surprise Worcester and Ludlow. To 
 prevent therefore his further proceedings, prince Mau- 
 rice, with a good strength of horse, was sent from Ox- 
 ford, with whom also the marquis of Hartford was 
 joined, to fall upon him. But sir William scouring the 
 countries thereabouts with his active forces, and having 
 disarmed many of the other side in Wilts and Somer- 
 setshire, came to Bath with an army much increased of 
 late hoth in number and reputation ; at which place sir 
 Edward Hungerford, sir John Horner, and master 
 Strode, joined with him to oppose prince Maurice and 
 the marquis Hartford. About that part of the country 
 were frequent and fierce encounters, which lasted for a 
 long time, and many retreats with great skill and cou- 
 rage were made on both sides when night parted the 
 fury of their fights. But sir William Waller proved 
 for the most part victorious, (whose particular actions 
 there deserve a more peculiar relation,) and at last 
 became master of the field, chasing his enemies so far 
 as a town called the Devizes, to which place he fol- 
 lowed and besieged them. The losses in all those seve- 
 ral encounters were very uncertain, and variously re- 
 ported, by reason that both parties had many times 
 liberty to bury their dead ; but on the parliament side 
 
316 Waller is defeated by the lord Wilmot. book hi 
 
 were lost one major, one lieutenant, and two cornets. 
 Sir Arthur Haslerig was there wounded, but the danger 
 was not very great. On the other side, besides the un- 
 certain number of common soldiers, some of quality 
 were slain ; among whom was sir Bevile Greenvile, lieu- 
 tenant-colonel Ward, major Lowre, with five or six 
 captains : sir Ralph Hopton, the earl of Carnarvon, and 
 the lord Mohun were reported to be wounded. 
 
 Sir Ralph Hopton was besieged in the Devizes by sir 
 William Waller, and began to treat about the surren- 
 der of it ; for prince Maurice and the marquis of Hart- 
 ford were retired toward Oxford, where suddenly the 
 fortune of war changed, and sir William Waller's army, 
 by an unexpected party of fresh forces, which came 
 from Oxford, (for the lord-general Essex's army was 
 so much wasted by sickness and other distresses, that 
 he could not at all straiten Oxford, nor hinder any 
 forces from issuing thence,) under the conduct of the 
 lord Wilmot, was utterly defeated, scattered, and ruined, 
 as was before mentioned. He himself, for security at 
 the present, retired into the city of Bristol, from whence, 
 within few days, he rode, accompanied with some gen- 
 tlemen, toward London, and was there received with 
 great affection, and many promises of their best endea- 
 vour to set him forth with another army. 
 
 The king's forces seemed now to have done the 
 greatest part of their work, being in a manner sole 
 masters of the west and most northern counties of 
 England, and having ruined the lord Fairfax and sir 
 William Waller's armies. Yet in all counties the for- 
 tune was not alike : in many places those gentlemen 
 which adhered to the parliament were able, not only to 
 guard themselves, but get ground upon their enemies, 
 though those actions were for the most part performed 
 in skirmishes between small parties, in preserving their 
 
CHAP. IV. Quiet and happy state of the eastern counties. 317 
 
 own strengths, or taking towns from the other side, 
 such as had been in Cheshire, Lancashire, Staffordshire, 
 Derby, Leicester, Nottingham, and other places, which 
 I shall briefly touch anon, after I have related in how 
 contrary a condition to the north and west, which had 
 been the seat of a fierce war, and a prey to the greatest 
 and most potent armies of either side, and how much 
 happier than those other counties, which had been 
 always molested with alarms and skirmishes, and suf- 
 fered by pillaging on both parties, the eastern counties 
 of England had remained all the foregoing winter, and 
 continued so during the whole progress of this bloody 
 war, which were the counties of Suffolk, Norfolk, Cam- 
 bridge, Essex, Hartford^ Huntingdon, &c., who never 
 wei-e made the seat of any part of this civil war. These 
 parts of the kingdom had joined themselves in an asso- 
 ciation by authority of parliament, with power to defend 
 each other, and levy forces against all enemies to that 
 cause. This great happiness of peace and quiet that they 
 enjoyed may be supposed to flow from the unanimity 
 of their affections, which carried them all the same 
 way ; and true it is, that there was as much unanimity 
 of opinion and affection in those counties among the 
 people in general as was to be found in any part of 
 England ; but it was especially among the common peo- 
 ple : for a great and considerable number of the gentry, 
 and those of highest rank among them, were disaffected 
 to the parliament, and were not sparing in their utmost 
 endeavours to promote the king's cause, and assist his 
 force against it ; which might have thrown those coun- 
 tries (if not wholly carried them to the other side) into 
 as much distraction and sad calamity as any other part 
 of the land had felt ; nor could that association have 
 been possibly made, if those gentlemen had not been 
 curbed and suppressed by that timely care which the 
 
318 Oliver Cromwell's book hi. 
 
 parliament took, and more particularly by the success- 
 ful services of one gentleman, master Oliver Cromwell 
 of Huntington, a member of the house of commons ; 
 whose wisdom, valour, and vigilancy was no less avail- 
 able in this important business, than remarkable after- 
 wards in the highest services and greatest battles of 
 the whole war. Of this man's actions (because it pleas- 
 ed God to raise him afterward into the greatest com- 
 mands, and prosper in so high a measure all his under- 
 takings, that he became within few years one of the 
 chief props on which the parliament leaned, and great- 
 est scourges of the other side) let it not seem amiss if I 
 discourse in a continued series, during those months 
 that intervened the battle of Keynton and that low 
 ebb of the parliament which preceded the siege of 
 Gloucester. 
 
 The first action that Cromwell undertook was to 
 secure the town of Cambridge for the parliament, about 
 the middle of January. Universities were, of all places, 
 most apt to adhere to the king's party, esteeming parlia- 
 ments, and especially this, the greatest depressors of 
 that ecclesiastical dignity, in hope of which they are 
 there nurtured. 
 
 Upon which reason they were packing up a large 
 quantity of the plate that belonged to all the colleges, 
 to send it away to the king, which would have made a 
 considerable sum. This was foreseen by Cromwell ; who, 
 by a commission from the parliament and lord-general 
 Essex, had raised a troop of horse, and came down into 
 that country, with authority to raise more forces as 
 occasion served : he came to Cambridge soon enough 
 to seize u]3on that plate, which was going to Oxford : 
 but before his arrival there, he performed by the way 
 another service : sir Thomas Conesby, lately made high 
 sheriff of Hartfordshire, had received a proclamation 
 
CHAP, IV. great services to the parliament. 319 
 
 from the king to proclaim the earl of Essex and all 
 his adherents traitors, and was then at St.AIban's upon 
 a market-day, proclaiming of the same ; Cromwell with 
 his troop seized upon him, and sent him up to the par- 
 liament. 
 
 Not long after, he collected in convenient time 
 the forces of that county, and invited the neighbour 
 counties of Essex, Suffolk, and Norfolk to their assist- 
 ance, against an invasion of the lord Cape), who should 
 have been seconded by prince Rupert also to invade 
 that place and hinder the association ; which had been 
 done, if that timely prevention had not been used. This 
 made them forbear their intended invasion, and retire 
 to other parts. 
 
 About the beginning of March, Cromwell, having 
 raised a regiment of horse, consisting of one thousand, 
 marched into Suffolk with much celerity, upon intelli- 
 gence of a great and considerable confederacy held 
 among those gentlemen which adhered to the king's 
 party, at a town in that county called Lowerstoff, a 
 place of great consequence : he surprised them un- 
 awares, gained the town with small difficulty, and no 
 shot at all. In which he took prisoners sir Thomas 
 Barker and his brother sir John Pettus, master Thomas 
 Knevet, two of the Catlines, captain Hammond, master 
 Corey, master Turrill, master Preston, and about twenty 
 others of quality and substance. In that town he gained 
 good store of ammunition, saddles, pistols, powder, shot, 
 and several engines for war, enough to have served a 
 considerable force. And certain it was, that if Crom- 
 well had not surprised them in that nick of time, it had 
 proved a matter of great danger to the county ; for 
 within one day after, as many more knights and gentle- 
 men, that were listed before, had met at the same place. 
 This was a timely service to the parliament, and a great 
 
320 Oliver GromwelVs great services to the parliament. book in 
 
 discouragement to all that party in Suffolk and Norfolk, 
 which adhered to the king's side. 
 
 But when the spring grew further on, and it was 
 seasonable to make longer marches, about the beginning 
 of April, Cromwell, having well settled the businesses of 
 those associated counties for the parliament's use, and 
 not confining his care and services within those parts 
 only, raised a greater force, of such as came freely and 
 heartily in to him ; with whom he marched along to- 
 wards Lincolnshire, with purpose to assist those of his 
 side that warred against Newark. Newark was one of 
 the strongest garrisons which was then held of the 
 king's side, replenished with many gentlemen of Lin- 
 colnshire, and other shires, and some expert soldiers, 
 who enforced large contributions from the adjacent 
 country, and made roads oftentimes even to the walls 
 of Lincoln. Colonel Cromwell, in his march thither, as 
 he passed through the county of Huntingdon, disarmed 
 many that were ill-affected to the parliament, and in- 
 creased by that means his strength so far, that he was 
 grown above two thousand strong ; and before he came 
 to Newark, receiving an addition of horse from captain 
 Hotham, he also joined with some forces of Lincoln- 
 shire. At his first approach near to Newark, it was his 
 fortune to perform a good service for his side ; for when 
 captain Wray, with his Lincolnshire horse, had too rashly 
 quartered within a little of that town, he was set upon 
 in the night time by a strong party from the town ; 
 where, after some little bickering, not being able to re- 
 sist so great a number, he was surprised with his whole 
 troop ; but the alarum coming to Cromwell, he advanc- 
 ed, and at ten o'clock at night fell upon the Newarkers, 
 rescued captain Wray's troop, and took three troops of 
 theirs, with the slaughter of many of them. 
 
 After this, when he sat down before the town, he 
 
CHAP. IV, and sir W. Brereton in Cheshire. 331 
 
 was so vigilant upon all sallies that were made out, and 
 so successful, that he took many men and colours at 
 several times ; and, with his horse, watching all occa- 
 sions, he once defeated a strong party of the Newarkers, 
 near to Grantham, where the odds of number was so 
 great on their side, that it seemed almost a miraculous 
 victory. At another time he fell upon a party of the 
 earl of Newcastle's army sent toward Newark, and 
 quartering between that town and Grantham, of whom 
 he slew many, took an hundred horse and forty pri- 
 soners. 
 
 Such things as these were the beginnings of Cromwell 
 at his first entrance into the soldiery ; those that must 
 be called his deeds were in the following years of this 
 unhappy war, and will require a larger and more full 
 expression. 
 
 In those other counties which were named before 
 this discourse of the association, the fortune of war, 
 during the aforesaid months, had been very various, and 
 daily contestations happened, being for the most part 
 betwixt small parties, and in besieging, taking, and re- 
 taking of towns and forts. In Cheshire, sir William 
 Brereton (a wise and vigilant man, who from the begin- 
 ning of these troubles had taken charge of that county, 
 serving in parliament as knight thereof) had so well 
 acted his part against the earl of Darby, (made by the 
 king lord-lieutenant of that county as well as of Lanca- 
 shire,) that he was the chief instrument of delivering 
 Cheshire out of his hands, and preserving it for the 
 parliament, though the greater part of gentry there 
 adhered to the king : but it pleased God to give many 
 victories to sir William Brereton against them. 
 
 He obtained, about the beginning of March, a great 
 victory against those of the king's party at Middlewich 
 in Cheshire ; which town, after a sharp encounter in the 
 
 MAY. Y 
 
322 The acts of sir W. Brereton. book hi 
 
 fields before it, he finally took, with five hundred pri- 
 soners, whereof many were commanders and gentlemen 
 of great worth ; which victory did much advance the 
 parliament's cause in those parts. 
 
 He resisted with great success the lord Cholmely 
 and sir Thomas Aston, two powerful men, and zealous 
 for the king's party. 
 
 Having settled in some measure, by extraordinary 
 care and wisdom, his own county for the parliament, 
 and raised many stout and well armed men there, he 
 was forward to give assistance to other parts ; and ad- 
 vancing into Shropshire against the lord Capel, he sur- 
 prised a town called Dreyton, in which sir Vincent 
 Corbet, a commander of the king's side, was quartered ; 
 but sir William Brereton with small opposition entered 
 the town, and took two complete troops of horse and 
 six companies of dragooners. Sir Vincent Corbet 
 escaped by flight. 
 
 He marched thence along through those counties, 
 and took some places of great import, as the affairs of 
 both parties stood at that time. 
 
 Sir William went on prosperously, and within a short 
 time after took Whitchurch, upon the edge of Shrop- 
 shire, with great store of arms and ammunition, and 
 many prisoners of the lord Capel's forces. 
 
 But sir William Brereton, when he joined forces with 
 other men, or came in opportunely to the relief or rescue 
 of engaged friends, performed divers great and advan- 
 tageous services to the side he took, especially when he 
 joined in action with sir John Gell of Derbyshire, a 
 constant and successful actor for the parliament ; of 
 whom by himself, and together with sir William Brere- 
 ton, I shall make a further mention. 
 
 The county of Derby, full of nobility and gentry, 
 was much swayed, even from the beginning of these dis- 
 
CHAP. IT. Lord Brook acts fo7- the parliament in Staffordshire. 323 
 
 tractions, against the parliament ; for scarce did any 
 gentleman in all that county, but sir John Gell, appear 
 for it at the first. He, with his brother and some of 
 his kindred, by the help of those freeholders and yeo- 
 men that inclined that way, made a party to resist those 
 great ones at such a time as must needs renown his 
 courage and constancy. And it pleased God to make 
 him prosperous in that great and hazardous undertak- 
 ing, and to carry it so during the whole war. 
 
 After the battle at Keynton, he took a commission 
 from the earl of Essex ; with great care and cost he 
 provided arms, and timely seized upon the town of 
 Derby ; which town he so well fortified, that it proved 
 a sufficient defence against the assaults of potent ene- 
 mies, and a refuge upon all occasions to the parliament's 
 friends ; it was likewise, no doubt, a great encourage- 
 ment to many of the neighbouring counties to stand 
 upon their guard in the like kind. 
 
 But the walls of Derby could not immure sir John 
 Gell, nor hinder him from acting his part abroad. In 
 many services he joined himself (not without good 
 success) with sir William Brereton, with colonel Crom- 
 well, and marched sometimes with the lord Grey of 
 Grooby (before mentioned, lord-lieutenant of those 
 counties) against master Hastings, and against the town 
 of Newark. 
 
 In the month of February he marched with those 
 forces which he had, under the conduct of the lord 
 Brook, into Staffordshire, to take in Lichfield, which 
 was then possessed by a garrison of the king's side. 
 Having entered the town, they found hot and sharp 
 resistance from a place of great strength, called The 
 Close, or cathedral yard, a place famous in the succeed- 
 ing war, as being often gained and regained, with the 
 loss of much blood on either side. 
 
 Y % 
 
324 Sir J. Gell obtains a victory at Salt-heath. book m. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The death of the lord Brook and of the earl of Northampton. 
 A short mention of some actions in divers counties. The 
 low condition of the parliament at that time. The siege of 
 Gloucester. 
 
 While the parliament army continued at the siege 
 of Lichfield-close, their general, the lord Brook, as he 
 looked out of a window, was unfortunately shot into 
 the head, and died immediately ; a man as much la- 
 mented by the parliament as any that ever fell on that 
 side, and as much honoured for his piety, valour, and 
 fidelity. 
 
 After his death, sir John Gell succeeded in that com- 
 mand, and about the beginning of March took the Close, 
 with very little loss of blood, though they had their 
 mines ready prepared to blow up the walls of the Close 
 and had thrown granados into it ; which made the be- 
 sieged cry out for quarter, which they obtained ; for the 
 soldiers thought it not honourable (being in cold blood) 
 to revenge their general's death, by putting them to the 
 sword. But they took a good and rich booty of money, 
 bag and baggage, about a thousand arms, and very con- 
 siderable prisoners, the earl of Chesterfield, with his son, 
 and divers other gentlemen of rank. 
 
 About the middle of that March, sir John Gell, with 
 an army of fifteen hundred horse and foot, advanced 
 from Lichfield toward the town of Stafford ; where it 
 was his fortune to meet with the earl of Northampton 
 and his forces, consisting of about twelve hundred horse, 
 at a place called Cranock-green, or Salt-heath, almost 
 four miles from Stafford : the earl gave a brave and 
 furious charge upon them, and, being stronger in horse, 
 made sir John Gell's horse to retreat and disorder at 
 this first charge ; in which he took divers of them pri- 
 
CHAP. V. Death of the earl of Northampton. 325 
 
 soners, and surprised two drakes. After that, he wheeled 
 twice about their foot, seeking his best advantage where 
 to break them : but sir John Gell and his commanders 
 did so well order their battalia, that the foot kept un- 
 broken, and made good the field again, together with 
 their horse, and resaluted their hot assailants, fighting 
 pellmell for a long time. 
 
 At this fierce encounter the earl of Northampton 
 himself was slain in the place, one master Lucy and 
 captain Bagot, with many more, about whose number 
 relations did not agree ; a cornet of the king's also was 
 here slain, and his colours taken, having on it a crown 
 and this inscription, Carolus Rex. Two other cornets 
 were there taken, of which one was the prince's ; for the 
 king and prince's troops were both there. They took 
 prisoner one of the earl of Chesterfield's younger sons ; 
 and sir John Gell, by the timely coming in of sir Wil- 
 liam Brereton to his assistance, before the fight was 
 ended, obtained a great victory, and drove his enemies 
 quite out of the field. Among the rest, master Hastings, 
 (as was then reported,) having been once taken prisoner, 
 and rescued, fled away wounded. 
 
 Thus it fell out that these two peers, the earl of 
 Northampton and the lord Brook, who first of all the 
 nobility, at the breaking out of this civil distraction, had 
 personally contested in one county, about the parliament 
 ordinance of militia and the king's commission of array, 
 within a small distance both of place and time, ended 
 their days by this unhappy war. They were both much 
 lamented by their own parties, both men of worth and 
 courage, though much different in the manner of their 
 lives and conversations. 
 
 As Cheshire, though a county where many papists 
 inhabited, was, by the successful care of sir William 
 Brereton and other gentlemen, kept from deserting the 
 
326 Sir J.Seaton takes Preston, book hi. 
 
 parliament, and able to resist the earl of Darby, the 
 king's lieutenant there ; so her sister Lancashire, more 
 full of papists, and more fiercely assaulted by that earl, 
 under the same authority, being the place of his chief 
 residence and power, was able not only to resist him, 
 but finally beat him out of the country by the courage 
 and industry of divers protestant gentlemen of that 
 shire ; of whom I have named many in the precedent 
 book. But it is fit to give a little touch of the chief 
 actions. 
 
 The parliament, in midst of winter, when that county 
 was in the greatest distraction, had sent down sir John 
 Seaton, a Scottish knight, an experienced and stout 
 commander, as major-general of the forces in that shire, 
 that he might direct the unskilful valour of that people ; 
 though many of those gentlemen had done great ser- 
 vices before, as appeared at Manchester and some other 
 places. 
 
 One of his exploits was at Preston : sir John Seaton 
 having settled himself at Manchester, marched from 
 thence, about the beginning of February, toward Preston, 
 with major-general Sparrow, colonel Holland, captain 
 Booth, sergeant-major Birch, master Nowell of Meark- 
 ley, and some other, with about ten companies and 
 almost two thousand clubmen, to take in Preston, a 
 town well fortified, and very stoutly defended. But it 
 was so furiously assaulted (captain Booth in person 
 first scaling the walls) by the parliament forces, that 
 after two hours of extreme hot fight, the parliament 
 forces were masters of it : the town was taken with 
 small loss of the assailant side, which was wonderful ; 
 not one oflScer, and not above seven or eight common 
 soldiers. On the other side many fell; the mayor of the 
 town, Adam Morte,with his son, sir Gilbert Houghton's 
 brother, a captain of horse, M'ith divers others of quality: 
 
CHAP. V. Lancaster, and Wigan. 327 
 
 sir Gilbert himself fled to Wighatn. They took two 
 hundred prisoners, whereof many were gentlemen of 
 good rank in the country : they took three pieces of 
 ordnance, many muskets, and other arms, with two or 
 three colours. The taking of this town was of great 
 consequence, both toward the maintenance of the par- 
 liament forces, and also to stop the passage from New- 
 castle to Chester and Shrewsbury. 
 
 Shortly after, sergeant-major Birch was sent from 
 Preston to Lancaster town ; who, without any great op- 
 position, (for he came suddenly and unexpected,) soon 
 entered the town with his whole company ; and being 
 entered, the townsmen assisted him very freely to win 
 the castle there ; which he took into his possession for 
 the parliament. 
 
 Wigan also, in Lancasliire, was taken in, with great 
 store of arms and prisoners, by sir John Seaton, with 
 those gentlemen that followed him, together with the 
 townsmen of Manchester, and other clubmen of the 
 country, whom they had gotten together. 
 
 The earl of Darby desisted not from his endeavours 
 to reduce that county ; but marched with a consider- 
 able strength to take in Whaley, which he had almost 
 accomplished, but was notwithstanding repelled from 
 thence by the forces of the country. 
 
 The same earl had likewise possessed himself of War- 
 rington, a considerable town in Lancashire ; and left a 
 garrison in it ; but at the beginning of June that town 
 was regained by the forces of Manchester, with eight 
 pieces of ordnance, and five or six hundred prisoners ; 
 by which all Lancashire seemed to be reduced to the 
 obedience of the parliament, scarce any place of con- 
 siderable strength being left in the power of the earl 
 of Darby. 
 
 The lord Grey of Grooby had been long possessed of 
 
328 Low condition of the parliament party. book iii. 
 
 Leicester, as the chief quarter where he resided ; and 
 besides his actions at other parts about that place, with 
 various fortunes had opposed the forces of master Hast- 
 ings, who kept a garrison at Ashby de la Zouch, and 
 acted with great fervour and constancy for the king's 
 cause. 
 
 Hampshire had been much distressed by both par- 
 ties ; but the king's garrison of Winchester, and that 
 of Basing-house, the dwelling-place of marquis Win- 
 chester, were there predominant, and at their pleasure 
 forced contribution from the adjacent country. Wales 
 was almost wholly at the king's dispose, except very 
 few places, which with much difficulty preserved them- 
 selves for the parliament, and some gentlemen, who 
 with much hazard continued their fidelity to that side, 
 such as colonel Glynn, colonel Mitten, and Laughern, 
 with other private gentlemen. But indeed the parlia- 
 ment was then in a low ebb ; and before the end of 
 that July, 1643, they had no forces at all to keep the 
 field ; their main armies (as is before touched) being 
 quite ruined, and no hope in appearance left, but to 
 preserve a while those forts and towns which they then 
 possessed ; nor could they long hope to preserve them, 
 unless the fortune of the field should change. 
 
 Thus seemed the parliament to be quite sunk beyond 
 any hope of recovery, and was so believed by many men. 
 The king was possessed of all the western countries, 
 from the furthest part of Cornwall, and from thence 
 northward as far as the borders of Scotland. His armies 
 were full and flourishing, free to march whither they 
 pleased, and enough to be divided for several exploits ; 
 one part was sent to take in Exeter, where the earl of 
 Stamford was shut up, not able long to hold the place. 
 The king in person, with a gallant army, designed his 
 march towards Gloucester, the only considerable town 
 
CHAP. V. Intrenchments made round London. 339 
 
 in those parts which the parliament held. What the 
 king's party conceived then of the other side was ex- 
 pressed in many writings ; one, in the nature of a jeering 
 epigram, was made at Oxford, which I thought fit to 
 insert, because of the particular expressions of the par- 
 liament's low condition. The thing is written in an odd 
 manner, and the names of the parliament commanders, 
 Fairfax and Waller, expressed by a rebus way of Latin, 
 as likewise those of the king's side, marquis of Hartford 
 and earl of Newcastle. I leave it to the reader without 
 either translation or comment : 
 
 Extincta castro Fax pulchra novo est ; 
 Nee nautoR postea nee militi 
 Sit nota Pharos ; Auster disparem 
 Haud tulit casum : Mums, cui addita est 
 Canina littera, mersa est, suis 
 Cum turmis, nuper, Leporis vado. 
 Euri jBafwoTovei Bristonia 
 Leporinos horrescens vortices. 
 Anglica Claudii timet pares 
 Urbs casus ; herois Teutonici 
 Myrmidones astant magno cum duce. 
 Pacata Thule est ; nee Noto timor 
 Popello aut regi. Nihil relictum est 
 Britannicum domare Cmsarem 
 Ni veo)j,aivoy.ivov preces gregis. 
 H<BC Sphinges raptim (Edipo sua'^. 
 Julii ao, 1643. 
 
 London was then altogether unfortified, no works 
 were raised ; nor could they, if their enemies, then 
 masters of the field, had come upon them, have op- 
 
 d In the first line of this epigram the two words Fax pulchra denote 
 the lord Fairfax and his son sir Thomas Fairfax, and the troops 
 under their command ; and the words Castro novo denote the earl of 
 Newcastle and his army. In the fourth and fifth lines the words 
 Murus, cui addita est Canina littera, denote sir William Waller, or 
 
330 Intrenchments round London. book iii, 
 
 posed any walls, but such as old Sparta used for their 
 guard — the hearts of courageous citizens. But at that 
 time London began her large intrenchment ; which en- 
 compassed not only the city, but the whole suburbs on 
 every side, containing about twelve miles in circuit. 
 That great work was by many hands completed in a 
 short time, it being then a custom every day to go out 
 by thousands to dig, all professions, trades, and occupa- 
 tions taking their turns ; and not only inferior trades- 
 men, but gentlemen of the best quality, knights, and 
 ladies themselves, for the encouragement of others, re- 
 sorted daily to the works, not as spectators but assisters 
 in it ; carrying themselves spades, mattocks, and other 
 instruments of digging, so that it became a pleasing 
 sight at London to see them going out in such order 
 and numbers, with drums beating before them, and 
 put life into the drooping people, (being taken for an 
 happy omen,) that in so low a condition they seemed 
 not to despair. But bootless in probability had that 
 labour proved, and not timely enough to save Lon- 
 
 Wall-er, and his army ; and in the sixth line the words Leporis vado 
 denote the marquis of Hertford, or Hartford, or Harford, or Hare- 
 ford, or Hares-ford, and his army, which had lately defeated sirWil- 
 liam "Waller's army. In the ninth and tenth lines the words Claudii 
 urbs denote the city of Gloucester, which is sometimes in Latin called 
 Claudii casira. In the tenth hne the words herois Teutonici seem to 
 denote prince Rupert, the German hero, who had lately taken the 
 city of Bristol, and who was coming with the great army of the king, 
 with the king himself at the head of it, cum magno dv.ce, to lay siege 
 to Gloucester. In the eleventh line the words' Pacata Thule est 
 mean that Scotland is in a state of peace, and occasions no fright or 
 alarm to the neighbouring southern kingdom of England, or to its 
 people, or its king, nee Noto timor, popello aut regi. And the twelfth 
 line seems to mean that the only enemy that threatens the king's 
 cause with ruin is the prayers of the puritan faction at London, who 
 have lately run mad with religious zeal and enthusiasm. 
 
CHAP. V. The earl of Manchester takes a military commission. 331 
 
 don, if the king had marched thither instead of Glou- 
 cester. 
 
 But that storm of fortune was strong enough to 
 shake off divers of the loose leaves that seemed to 
 grov7 on the parliament side, and unsettle the resolu- 
 tions of such as were not enough rooted in that cause 
 which they had chosen : for divers men of great quality, 
 and members of both houses, some lords, and many of 
 the commons, did at that time desert the parliament 
 and fly to Oxford : whose names (though the lords were 
 named who first deserted it) are here spared, because 
 this latter revolt must needs carry the face of a crime ; 
 as being no matter of opinion or conscience, by which 
 the first justified themselves; but proceeding, in all 
 probability, from weakness, and fear for their private 
 fortunes. They therefore lost much of their esteem 
 on both sides ; becoming like a foil to set off the con- 
 stancy of those few members who durst yet continue 
 there, and remain firm to their first principles, and 
 public interest, wading through more difficulties and 
 dangers than any former parliament had been enforced 
 to do. 
 
 But in the parliament itself there appeared no show 
 of despair, as they observed who were then witnesses of 
 their proceedings ; and the city of London expressed 
 much forwardness and alacrity in recruiting the lord- 
 general Essex both with their persons and purses, be- 
 sides their great endeavour to raise another army for 
 sirWilliam Waller, to be as a reserve to the other upon 
 the great occasion then in hand. 
 
 The earl of Manchester, to his lasting honour, chose 
 that very time to begin his martial employment ; and 
 raising forces through the eastern associated counties, 
 (of which he was then made general by the parliament, 
 those counties having been before prepared for that 
 
333 The citizens of Gloucester resolve to book hi 
 
 association, by the wisdom and activity of the foremen- 
 tioned colonel Cromwell,) performed that year and the 
 next great services for the parliament. 
 
 While the parliament and city of London were thus 
 busied in recruiting their decayed armies, Gloucester 
 began to be made the chief scene on which this civil 
 tragedy was acted, and place of great concernment in 
 the kingdom, where the first turn of fortune grew. 
 The city of Gloucester was then governed by colonel 
 Edward Massey, a man of excellent skill to defend 
 it ; of such a courage, as no threats of a powerful 
 enemy could shake ; and such a fidelity, as no pro- 
 mises of a king could overcome. This Massey was 
 brought to Gloucester by the earl of Stamford, under 
 whom he had served as lieutenant-colonel, and by de- 
 putation from that earl had for many months governed 
 that city. 
 
 Now there was no more expectation of the earl's re- 
 turn thither ; and therefore Massey, as the fittest man, 
 by consent both of citizens and soldiers, was appointed 
 governor, and made a colonel by commission from the 
 general. 
 
 The surrender of Bristol to the king's forces (which 
 was more sudden than could be feared, and for which 
 afterward the governor master Fiennes was questioned, 
 and condemned by a council of war) must needs strike 
 a great terror and sad amazement into Gloucester, which 
 now seemed to stand forlorn, and without hope of any 
 rescue, in the midst of a large country, possessed by 
 their victorious enemies. 
 
 It cannot be denied, that the resolution which this 
 city had taken up, of resisting the king at such a time, 
 was very admirable, if a man consider the small strength 
 they had within, the many discouragements round about 
 them, the great distance of any aid that could be sent 
 
CHAP.v. defend that city for the parliament. 333 
 
 to them. Their strength within was very small; the 
 whole number of soldiers, horse, foot, and dragoons, 
 together with the trained bands, and those horse and 
 dragoons which on a sudden they got from Barclay- 
 castle, consisting of few more than fifteen hundred ; 
 forty barrels of powder was all their store, with a very 
 mean and slender artillery for such a service : the 
 works were of a vast compass, and little more than 
 half perfected, when this rough storm did first threaten 
 them. 
 
 The whole country round about them, instead of en- 
 couraging this resolution of theirs, did rather endeavour 
 to shake and weaken it, by intimations of the danger, and 
 persuasions to make peace with such an enemy : for 
 they had revolted from the parliament, or resolved so 
 to do ; and wished, for their own private interests, that 
 the king were quietly possessed of that city ; for they 
 conceived (not without reason) that the standing out of 
 Gloucester would be unhappy for that country; because 
 by the falling down of a great army they could not but 
 expect a destruction of their corn, cattle, and all other 
 provisions ; and at the last, if it should so fall out, that 
 the king should fail of taking in that town, they must 
 be enforced to stoop perpetually under two burdens, 
 and be cast into a sad condition of poverty and misery. 
 Whereas if that army did prevail, they were sure to 
 rest in the heart of the king's country, far from spoil 
 and plunder, and for an easy contribution enjoy free 
 and ample trade. 
 
 The succour which the city could expect was as far 
 off as London ; and in what condition the parliament 
 armies then were is before related. Notwithstanding 
 all this, the citizens of Gloucester, together with ex- 
 amining what strength they had, examined also the 
 grounds of their perseverance. A common-council was 
 
334 The king summons the city of Gloucester. book hi 
 
 held, where the officers of the soldiery were present; 
 their late protestation was called to remembrance, and 
 read there ; by which they were all obliged never to 
 act or comply with the adverse faction. Upon which 
 consideration they heightened their courages, and unani- 
 mously resolved to refuse the tender of peace. Private 
 cares were then forgotten, and not only men, but women 
 and children, acted their parts, in making up those de- 
 fects that were in the fortifications. 
 
 In this condition stood Gloucester when the king in 
 person, attended with a great and gallant army, full of 
 the flower of English nobility and gentry, was come to 
 besiege it, being the 10th of August, 1643. 
 
 Part of the king's forces, some days before, had been 
 discerned hovering on the top of the hills ; and a sum- 
 mons had been sent from prince Rupert to the city: to 
 which the mayor gave answer, that he kept the town for 
 his majesty's behoof, and could not render it. Which 
 answer, though laughed at by those of the army, the 
 mayor conceived very justifiable, and that he did truly 
 hold it for the use of his majesty, but according to the 
 sense of both houses of parliament. 
 
 The king was full of indignation that such a forlorn 
 city should stand out against him ; yet he desired to 
 gain it without blood and loss of time, which seemed 
 then precious in his full career of victory. To that pur- 
 pose he came in person before it, that the reverence or 
 terror of his presence might prevail with them ; and 
 being come before the city, he gave this honourable 
 summons by two heralds of arms : 
 
 Charles Rex. 
 Out of our tender compassion to our city of Gloucester, 
 and tliat it may not receive prejudice by our army, which we 
 cannot prevent if we be compelled to assault it ; we are per- 
 sonally come before it, to require the same, and are graciously 
 
CHAP. V. The answer to that summons. 335 
 
 pleased to let all the inhabitants of, and all other persons 
 within that city^ as well soldiers as others, know, that if they 
 shall immediately submit themselves, and deliver this city to 
 us, we are contented freely and absolutely to pardon every 
 one of them without exception ; and do assure them in the 
 word of a king, that they nor any of them shall receive the 
 least damage or prejudice by our army in their persons or 
 estates : but that we will appoint such a governor, and a 
 moderate garrison, to reside there, as shall be both for the 
 ease and security of that city and the whole country. But 
 if they shall neglect this offer of grace and favour, and compel 
 us by the power of our army to reduce that place, (which, by 
 the help of God, we shall easily and shortly be able to do,) they 
 must thank themselves for all the calamities and miseries 
 which shall befall them. To this message we expect a clear 
 and positive answer within two hours after the publishing 
 hereof ; and by these presents do give leave to any persons 
 safely to repair to and return from usj whom that city shall 
 desire to employ imto us in that business. And we do require 
 all the officers and soldiers of our army quietly to suffer them 
 to pass accordingly. 
 
 After some debate upon this message, an answer was 
 drawn and consented unto, both by the citizens and the 
 soldiers ; which was presented to the king by sergeant- 
 major Pudsey, and a citizen, as foUoweth : 
 
 We the inhabitants, magistrates, officers, and soldiers 
 within this garrison of Gloucester, unto his majesty's gra- 
 cious message return this humble answer, that we do keep 
 this city, according to our oath and allegiance, to and for 
 the use of his majesty and his royal posterity ; and do ac- 
 cordingly conceive ourselves wholly bound to obey the com- 
 mands of his majesty signified by both houses of parliament ; 
 and are resolved, by God's help, to keep this city accord- 
 ingly- 
 
 The king received this answer to his summons with- 
 out any expression of choler or indignation, seeming 
 only to wonder at their great confidence, and from what 
 hope of relief it should proceed, using these words be- 
 
336 The king besieges book ill 
 
 fore the messengers, Waller is extinct, and Essex can- 
 not come. But by this time the king's army was drawn 
 into the fields about Gloucester, prince Rupert and 
 general Riven facing it on one side with about six 
 thousand horse and foot, and two thousand horse on 
 the other ; and immediately after this answer advanced 
 forward into the suburbs, on the east side of the city ; 
 but were there entertained with an hot skirmish, and 
 fired out. For upon the return of the messengers, the 
 suburbs were set on fire, and flaming round about be- 
 came an object of great terror, by which the citizens 
 seemed more engaged to pursue their resolution, and 
 the king's army to settle themselves for gaining by 
 force what they perceived would not be yielded on 
 other terms. 
 
 That very night the king's army began their intrench- 
 ments within musket shot of the walls, on two sides of 
 the city, taking advantage, for their security, of the 
 shadow and shelter of some few houses which the flames 
 had not catched. Which being perceived, the mus- 
 keteers plied them from the walls, but could do little hurt 
 so against the pioneers ; which caused the besieged to 
 make several sallies by small parties into those trenches, 
 and at some places beat them out, gaining both arms 
 and prisoners, and retreating safe. 
 
 Sir William Vavasor had advanced with his Welch 
 forces on the west side, and made near approach that 
 way, intending to join with other forces that came from 
 Worcester, and had drawn themselves together on the 
 north-west side. On the south side general Riven 
 placed his leaguer, taking advantage of a rising ground 
 in the midst, to shelter himself from the shot of the 
 besieged. Sir Jacob Ashley, who in the first skirmishes 
 had received a wound, was quartered with a strong bri- 
 gade at the east side of the city. 
 
CHAP. V. the city of Gloucester. 337 
 
 Thus was Gloucester on all sides blocked up, and 
 nothing expected but a most furious and bloody busi- 
 ness. The king's commanders, being many of them 
 gentlemen of great skill and experience of conduct, 
 had made their approaches (by the confession of all) 
 with as much advantage as could be, and placed their 
 batteries accordingly ; the soldiers on that side had 
 showed themselves very swift and indefatigable in their 
 intrenchments, and as bold in all attempts which they 
 made upon the town. Nor were the besieged behind- 
 hand in courage, patience, and activity ; as appeared not 
 only in their defences, but frequent sallies; the governor 
 Massey being admired by his enemies for the great 
 skill and dexterity which he showed upon all occasions : 
 of which I shall discoui-se the more particularly and at 
 large, by reason of the great importance of this famous 
 siege, the condition of the whole kingdom depending 
 so much upon the success of it. 
 
 Many strange and successful sallies were made by 
 the besieged. 
 
 Three days after the siege was laid, an hundred and 
 fifty musketeers, commanded by captain Gray, sallied 
 over the works, upon the Worcester forces, with whom 
 the Welch had not yet joined, fell into their quarters, 
 marched up to their main guard, killed a captain with 
 eight or nine common soldiers, took five prisoners, 
 divers arms, burnt their guard, and retreated without 
 the loss of any. Captain Mallery, with the like number 
 of musketeers, within a day after, was commanded forth, 
 to surprise some ordnance of their enemies, which were 
 suspected to lie at a certain place ; but finding none, 
 retreated without loss, having killed some, taken a few 
 prisoners, and fired part of their quarters. Within a 
 week after, another party of an hundi-ed and fifty 
 musketeers, commanded by captain Crispe, sallied forth, 
 
 MAY. z 
 
338 The king besieges book hi 
 
 and fell into their enemies' trenches under the town 
 wall, marched above half way through them, performed 
 strangely, and killed above an hundred men, as was 
 confessed by some of that side, and, by the help of the 
 musketeers on the city walls, retreated safe, without 
 the loss of any, only two wounded. 
 
 The besiegers proceeded with great skill and industry 
 in making their batteries and undermining at several 
 places ; which labour of undermining at some places 
 was made frustrate by water springs, and in others by 
 the extreme hardness of rocky ground ; and where the 
 business was more feasible, the skill of the governor 
 prevented them by countermining. Many granados 
 were shot of great bigness from their mortar-pieces into 
 the town, but guided by a strange band of Providence 
 into such by-places, that they did very little hurt. One 
 thing is worthy the relating; when the Welch and 
 Worcester forces of the king came up, and four pieces 
 of ordnance were drawn a good distance before the 
 place of their leaguer, and one of them planted for 
 battery, a party of about four hundred musketeers, 
 commanded by major Pudsey and captain Gray, assist- 
 ed by captain Faulkner and captain Massey, sallied 
 forth of one of the gates ; meanwhile a lieutenant, with 
 fifty musketeers, was sent over the works to give them 
 an alarum, whilst the greater party got behind their 
 cannon and breastworks, fell upon their main guard, 
 slew many officers, two cannoneers, slew or mortally 
 wounded about an hundred common soldiers, took a 
 lieutenant, with four more prisoners, nailed their can- 
 non, and retreated with the loss only of two slain and 
 four taken prisoners. 
 
 Two sallies of such parties were not long after made, 
 though not with the same success altogether, (by reason 
 of some misguidance,) yet so much, as that they retreated 
 
CHAP. V. the city of Gloucester. 339 
 
 without any sensible loss ; and were enough to amaze 
 their enemies, that such small parties should run up to 
 their headquarters, force their men, and be able in that 
 manner to recover back. And it was observed, by those 
 who well understood war, that it was a more than 
 ordinary providence which did preserve and bring off 
 those many several parties, when the vanquishing of 
 any one of them must needs run the city into extreme 
 hazard ; whose whole strength remained upon the works 
 day and night, except the reserve of an hundred and 
 twenty men at the main guard. One rare and slender 
 rank were to receive all the storm without seconds: 
 yet it was the opinion of the best soldiers that the safety 
 of the whole did require those frequent saUies, as the 
 best remedies for so desperate a disease : which did not 
 only I'etard their enemies' preparations, but put them 
 into an amaze, that the besieged should continue in 
 such an height of resolution ; which resolution was to 
 be kept up by the heat of action. And it was the go- 
 vernor's care to keep his enemies waking by continual 
 alarms, to waste and weary them. 
 
 The king's army were still preparing for a general 
 storm, and striving in the mean time to waste the 
 magazine of the town, which they hoped would soon 
 fail : they spent their own store, and daily acted to the 
 terror of the besieged ; shooting granados and fire-balls 
 out of their mortar-pieces ; and from one battery which 
 they had planted shot in one night above twenty fiery 
 bullets, which flew through the air like so many falling 
 stars, some eighteen pound weight, others two and 
 twenty ; some of them passing through stables and 
 hayricks, did, notwithstanding, by their swift motion, 
 fail of kindling, and, which seemed strange, could not 
 set one house on fire. Many mines and countermines 
 were every day working with great industry on both 
 
 z2 
 
; 340 Parliament resolves to relieve Gloucester. book hi 
 
 sides, the governor Massey striving to animate his men, 
 and prevent the town's despairing, by showing the pro- 
 bability of a sudden relief, withal adding, that their 
 so late yielding would not at all mollify the king's army. 
 On the other side, the king seemed loath to invite them 
 to yield solemnly by public summons, lest he should 
 detract from the honour of his enterprise. Yet many 
 dealt with them underhand, by advertisements of the 
 king's displeasure, using also persuasions, and some inti- 
 mations of the possibility of grace. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The expedition of the lord-general Essex for relief of Gloucester. 
 The great battle of Newbury described. 
 
 W HILST Gloucester was thus besieged, and the siege 
 so strait that no intelligence could possibly arrive at 
 it, the parliament, who, after serious considerations 
 and debates, had for the present resolved upon the re- 
 lief of that city, as the only means to preserve the 
 kingdom, were as much straitened how to proceed in 
 the business with that expedition which was required. 
 To recruit an army so much wasted as the lord- 
 general's was seemed too slow for this service; and 
 therefore the trained bands of London, and their auxili- 
 aries, must of necessity be made use of. Those that were 
 well affected to the parliament encouraged each other to 
 the work ; the disaffected, on the other side, laboured 
 in all discourses to breed despair of the achievement; 
 and, to discourage the lord-general from marching, 
 false reports were every day raised in London, that 
 Gloucester was taken. Tlie lord-general Essex was 
 fourscore miles off, with no present or visible army at 
 that time ; his march lying through those countries 
 
CHAP. VI. The earl of Essex marches to that city, 341 
 
 which were already harrowed by the enemy : insomuch 
 that all considered it was a question which was more 
 wonderful, that he undertook it, or that he did it. 
 The parliament was at that time so far sunk, both in 
 strength and reputation, and so much forsaken by those 
 who followed fortune, that nothing but an extraordinary 
 providence could make it again emergent. The cause 
 and very being of it was now at stake, by the success 
 only of this expedition to be redeemed or quite lost. 
 But it pleased God, that, according to that extremity, 
 the resolutions of men were fitted. The city regiments 
 and auxiliaries came cheerfully in to perform the ser- 
 vice ; and that poor remainder of the lord-general's old 
 army was with all speed recruited. An army was like- 
 wise intended to be speedily raised for sir William 
 Waller to march after, as a reserve. But that was not 
 so suddenly done as the occasion required ; if it had, 
 and that sir William could (as was intended) have come 
 in with a supply at Newbury, it was the opinion of most 
 men that the king's side had received an irrecoverable 
 defeat. 
 
 On the 24th of August the lord-general Essex on 
 Hownslow-heath, ten miles from London, mustered his 
 men ; where almost all the members of both houses of 
 parliament rode with him to survey the army ; and 
 toward evening took leave of their general, who marched 
 on, and that night lodged at Colebrook. 
 
 Upon intelligence of this army's advance, prince 
 Rupert, with the greatest part of the king's horse, drew 
 off from Gloucester, to oppose their march, and take 
 what advantages he could against it : but the king with 
 his main army continued the siege, resolving so to do 
 till the last hour; hoping that every moment might 
 work somewhat for his end, either by failing of the 
 town's store of ammunition, or some other want that 
 
343 Skirmishes between some of the king^s forces book in. 
 
 might happen. Neither was that hope without reason. 
 And so much more wonderful was the fortune of that 
 town to be relieved at such a nick of time, when their 
 ammunition was so far consumed, that but three single 
 barrels of powder were left in their magazine. 
 
 On Saturday the 2l6th of August, 1643, the lord- 
 general Essex began his march from Colebrook to 
 Beaconsfield, and so forward to Beerton, where he 
 clothed his army, and marched on. The city regiments 
 and auxiliaries joined not with the lord-general's army 
 till the 1st of September, when the general rendezvous 
 was on Brack! ey-heath. But before the joining of all 
 their forces, a small party of the king's army, consisting 
 of four hundred horse, had faced a part of the parlia- 
 ment ai-my, and skirmished with them about Bicester, 
 but soon retreated upon the approach of greater num- 
 bers. The general, taking up his head quarter at Aynho, 
 sent a regiment to quarter that night at Deddington, 
 under the conduct of colonel Middleton ; who, hearing 
 there of two regiments of the king's horse, sent two 
 companies of dragoons, and a party of horse, to approach 
 the town. But the king's horse retreated to a passage 
 toward Oxford, where the lord Wilmot was with fifty 
 troops more. The next morning two parliament regi^ 
 ments, conducted by Middleton and sir James Ramsey, 
 advanced to that pass ; where their enemies stood in 
 two great bodies, and after some skirmish gained the 
 pass, placing dragooners to maintain it. But the king's 
 forces drew up again toward it, and were received with 
 a very hot skirmish, which lasted many hours, till at 
 last the king's forces made a retreat; but perceiving 
 that colonel Middleton marched back toward the main 
 army, (which he did by the lord-general's command,) 
 they sent a party of horse to fall on his rear, who fol- 
 lowed them through Deddington, but were beaten back 
 
CHAP. VI. and those of the parliament. 343 
 
 through the town in some confusion. The loss of men 
 in these skirmishes was not much on either side; neither 
 could it certainly be known, but was imagined by the 
 parliament side to be more on their enemy's party than 
 on theirs. 
 
 The lord-general with his own regiment of horse, 
 and the lord Gray, quartering at Adderbury, upon in- 
 telligence that some of the king's horse from Banbury 
 were abroad, sent out a party from both regiments, who 
 beat them in again, and pursued them into Banbury 
 town, whence they took divers horses and prisoners, 
 those in the castle not daring to stir out. The general 
 marched from thence to Chipping Norton, where some 
 of the king's forces appeared again, but soon retreated, 
 as they did almost every day during the march of that 
 army. 
 
 On the 4th of September, when the lord-general 
 marched toward Stow-on- the- Wold, he sent colonel Har- 
 vey, with his regiment of horse,and two regiments of foot, 
 to advance a little before toward the right hand, and 
 the city regiments upon the left, under the conduct of 
 lieutenant-colonel Baily, general adjutant of the foot. 
 Prince Rupert appeared with about four thousand horse, 
 drawn up on the hills, facing the parliament forces, and 
 sent a strong party of horse into a bottom near Stow-on- 
 the-Wold, to encompass colonel Harvey's regiments. 
 Which being perceived, three regiments from the van 
 of the parliament army advanced to his rescue, and 
 made that party of the king's forces retreat to their 
 main body : many skirmishes there happened, but little 
 loss on either side. 
 
 From thence the general marched in the front of his 
 infantry, sir James Ramsey in the rear, and sir Philip 
 Stapleton had the van guard ; when the king's horse 
 again appeared, and were by sir Philip Stapleton and 
 
344 Lord Essew rescues Gloucester book hi. 
 
 others of that army encountered with divers skirmishes; 
 but they retreated in a great body, and still appeared 
 before the parliament army, as they marched on, for the 
 space of seven miles. 
 
 On the 5th of September the lord-general advanced, 
 and came to Presbury hills ; where he drew up his 
 whole army in view of the city of Gloucester, and dis- 
 charged four pieces of great ordnance, to give them 
 notice of his approach. Soon after, he might discover 
 the king's quarters on fire: for upon the lord-gene- 
 ral's advance they deserted the siege, and marched 
 away all night. The rear-guard of the lord-general's 
 army, some ordnance and ammunition, stayed on the 
 top of the hill, by reason of the steepness thereof, dark- 
 ness of the night, and tempestuousness of the weather, 
 whereby (besides a famine of victuals) the whole army 
 had, for three days' march before, extremely suffered, 
 through a country that their enemies had already de- 
 stroyed. But the lord-general marched from thence 
 to Cheltenham, though during his march the king's 
 forces skirmished with some parts of his army, and 
 divers times beat up his quarters whilst he stayed at 
 Cheltenham, which was two days, till the 8th of Sep- 
 tember, when he marched with his whole army to 
 Gloucester; and was there, with great expressions of 
 joy and much honour, received by that long besieged 
 and now rescued city ; the general much extolling the 
 skilful valour and indefatigable industry of colonel 
 Massey, and praising the patient constancy of the city ; 
 they, on the other side, highly honouring his excellency 
 for bringing them this relief, through so many difficul- 
 ties, discouragements, and disadvantages ; both joining 
 in thanks to Almighty God for his divine providence 
 over them, and great mercy in sending so timely a de- 
 liverance. 
 
CHAP. VI. and takes Cirencester. 345 
 
 The lord-general lodged two nights in Gloucester, 
 furnishing the city with ammunition, money, and other 
 necessaries ; and from thence marched to Tewkesbury, 
 staying betwixt the king's forces and that garrison four 
 days, to give them more time to furnish themselves 
 better with provision of victual ; which was to be 
 brought from Herefordshire, and parts beyond the 
 Severn, since the other parts had been before ran- 
 sacked by the king's forces. 
 
 When the general with his whole army arose from 
 Tewkesbury, and intended to quarter at Cheltenham, 
 he was advertised that a body of the king's army were 
 then in Cirencester, (which were reported to be prince 
 Maurice's forces,) and had there laid in great store of 
 provision for their army. Upon that advertisement the 
 general, his want of victuals and necessaries still con- 
 tinuing, and miserably increasing upon his whole army, 
 made a long march with the vanguard of his army to 
 fall upon them, which he did about one of the clock in 
 the night, sending in a party of horse to seize upon the 
 sentinels and guards, whilst himself, with the rest of 
 the horse, begirt the town ; and a forlorn hope of foot, 
 with his own foot regiment, entered the town, and sur- 
 prised two regiments of horse (belonging to sir Nicholas 
 Crispe and colonel Spencer) which were by the con- 
 fession of some prisoners taken, intended for raising a 
 commotion in Kent. The lord-general at that town of 
 Cirencester took forty loads of victual, which, under 
 God's providence, was the preservation of his army, 
 until the day that the great battle of Newbury was 
 fought. He took there likewise six standards, all the 
 officers, except the two colonels, which were absent, 
 with divers other gentlemen of quality ; above three 
 hundred common soldiers, and four hundred horse. 
 
 The general from Cirencester, in short marches, not 
 
346 Skirmishes between the forces. book hi. 
 
 above five miles a day, vi^ent to Cricklade, and to 
 Swindon, from thence intending to pass to Hungerford, 
 But vchen the van and body of his army had marched 
 almost all over Auburn Chase, a gallant body of the 
 king's horse, consisting of about six thousand, ap- 
 proached hard to the rear-guard of his army ; which, 
 not being a sufficient number to resist them, endea- 
 voured to make an orderly retreat to the body of their 
 army. But the king's horse pursued so hotly both on 
 rear and flank, that those horse regiments of the gene- 
 ral's rear-guard could not retreat but with confusion, 
 and some loss. But being come to the body of the 
 foot, they were drawn up again into order, and faced 
 their enemies, until all the foot were marched. Never- 
 theless the king's horse again advancing, put their ene- 
 mies the second time into the like disorder ; till some 
 of the general's regiments, facing about towards them, 
 charged the forlorn hope of the king's forces, consisting 
 of five hundred horse, and put them wholly into disor- 
 der ; and then charging the two regiments which ser 
 conded that forlorn hope, they routed them likewise ; 
 but the king's horse came on bravely with fresh bodies, 
 and stopped their enemies' further pursuit. Immedi- 
 ately followed a brave charge, made by two of the par- 
 liament's regiments, which was encountered with as 
 much gallantry on the other side, so that they both re- 
 treated at one time. Another charge was made by some 
 regiments of the parliament army, and so answered by 
 the other, that they were forced to retreat to their main 
 body ; at which time sir Philip Stapleton (who had the 
 vanguard of the parliament army that day) came pur- 
 posely back, and drew up his regiment to succour his 
 friends, which caused the king's forces to retire alto- 
 gether ; and the night stopped any further proceed- 
 ings. 
 
CHAP. VI, The battle of Newbury. 347 
 
 On the king's party in these hot encounters were 
 slain the marquis De Vieu Ville, with other officers of 
 good quality, whose worth and valour appeared highly, 
 though I find not their names recorded. Many common 
 soldiers were there slain, and one lieutenant-colonel ; 
 two lieutenants and a cornet taken prisoners. On the 
 parliament side were slain, of officers, captain Middle- 
 ton and captain Hacket ; divers officers were wounded ; 
 some common soldiers slain, and colonel Sheffield lost 
 a standard. The lord-general Essex marched that night 
 with his army to Hungerford, sir Philip Stapleton, who 
 before had the van, bringing up the rear. 
 
 The next day the famous battle of Newbury was 
 fought ; which battle may deserve (because the con- 
 dition of the whole kingdom so much depended on the 
 success of it) to be related in a large and particular 
 manner. But because I have found nothing written of 
 it by those of the king's party, and that there was a 
 punctual narrative published by some colonels of the 
 parliament army, gentlemen of great and unstained re- 
 putation, concerning this battle ; which narrative I have 
 heard some of their enemies confess to be full, not only 
 of modesty, but truth in the general, or for the most 
 part ; let the reader be pleased to take it from their 
 relation. If any thing may hereafter appear of greater 
 truth, it will not trouble any honest man to see it pub- 
 lished. Neither is it a thing unheard of, for men to 
 describe their own actions with impartial truth ; since 
 Julius Ca3sar is acknowledged to have written his own 
 Commentaries, not only of the Gallic but civil war, 
 with so much clear integrity, that his enemies had 
 nothing to blame in it. Take it therefore in their 
 language. 
 
 On Tuesday, the 19th of September 1643, we marched 
 from Hungerford towards Newbury ; and when we ap- 
 
348 The battle of Newbury. book hi, 
 
 preached within two miles of the town, we might dis- 
 cover the enemies' forces upon an hill ; their whole 
 army, having prevented us, were gotten to Newbury, 
 and possessed the town. But the next morning, being 
 Wednesday, by break of day, order was given for our 
 march to an hill called Bigg's hill, near to Newbury, 
 and the only convenient place for us to gain, that we 
 might with better security force our passage. But when 
 his excellency perceived that the enemies' forces had 
 possessed themselves of that hill, marching himself 
 upon the head of his own regiment, colonel Barclay's 
 and colonel Holborne's brigades, he charged so fiercely, 
 that he beat them from the hill, and kept it (rather 
 gaining than losing ground) the whole day. His ex- 
 cellency's regiment, and those other brigades, all the 
 while they continued there, were hotly charged by the 
 enemies' horse and foot, whilst much prowess was showed 
 on both sides. The general in person bestirred himself, 
 giving directions wherever there was occasion, and, pre- 
 sent in all places of danger, discharged the part of an 
 excellent general, as the enemies themselves witnessed. 
 But he considered not the danger of his person, whilst 
 he laboured to maintain that place, which of all others 
 was most advantageous for his prospect. By this time 
 came up the two trained bands of London, who, though 
 they were often charged by the horse and foot, stood to 
 it with undaunted resolution. 
 
 The battle thus begun by the foot, sir Philip Staple- 
 ton, with his excellency's guard and regiment of horse, 
 advanced upon the plain of the hill ; when he had no 
 sooner drawn up out of the lane's end, seconded by 
 colonel Dalbeire's regiment of horse, (no other horse 
 being advanced to the place,) but the enemy perceiving 
 this advantage, being all drawn already in several great 
 bodies of horse, part of them advanced immediately. 
 
CHAP. VI. The battle of Newbury. 349 
 
 and charged our horse; whom we so well received, 
 (giving no fire till we joined close with them,) that the 
 enemy was wholly routed, and pursued with much exe- 
 cution near to the place where their whole body of horse 
 stood. From thence, by order, we drew back to our 
 first ground ; by occasion whereof, opportunity was 
 gained to bring up the remainder of our horse, which 
 had the vanguard that day : whereupon the enemy 
 drew out some fresh regiments of his horse, and with 
 all possible speed advanced again upon sir Philip, but 
 received no better entertainment than before, being 
 again routed by him. By that time that he had drawn 
 up his regiment again into some order, the other regi- 
 ments (Ramsey, Harvey, Goodwin) were come up to 
 him, when the enemy with their whole body charged 
 upon them bravely, and were as well received. Sir 
 Philip Stapleton was here charged both in front and 
 flank, his whole regiment having spent both their pis- 
 tols, and was so encompassed, that the enemy and ours, 
 with both our whole bodies, were all mixed together ; 
 and in this confusion many were slain on both sides, 
 and our men at last were forced towards the lane's end, 
 where they first came in ; which being near our foot, 
 the enemies endeavoured to disengage themselves, and 
 drew back to their own forces. Those that entered the 
 lane with ours were most of them slain. 
 
 We took three colours of horse complete, and a piece 
 of another colours. In the first charge colonel Dalbeire 
 and commissary Copley, charging stoutly, were both 
 wounded. In the third charge captain Hammond, cap- 
 tain Fleetwood, captain Pym, and cornet Doily, were 
 all wounded. Captain Draper, who had a forlorn hope 
 of sir Philip Stapleton's men, did good service ; as cap- 
 tain Abercromby and captain Shibborne did with their 
 dragoons. The left wing of our horse, commanded by 
 
350 The battle of Newbury. book ii 
 
 colonel Middleton, and the right wing of the enemies' 
 horse, could not be engaged, but in small parties, by 
 reason of the hedges. 
 
 The actions of our horse thus described wholly, (be- 
 cause we were loath to interrupt the series, for the 
 reader's clearer understanding,) return we to the foot. 
 Major general Skippon in the morning, when his ex- 
 cellency (as aforesaid) was engaged upon the hill, hast- 
 ened to the top of the hill, where our vanguard was in 
 fight ; having before ordered the march of our train of 
 artillery, and those that attended it, (which were the 
 lord Roberts's brigade, and his own, sir William Sprin- 
 gers, colonel Manwarings, and the red and blue auxili- 
 ary regiments,) to be near to his excellency. Looking 
 from the hill toward Newbury, he perceived a great 
 strength of the enemy, both horse and foot, in divers 
 great bodies advancing directly toward the way which 
 all our train was of necessity to march. To prevent 
 therefore what he suspected, which was, that the enemy 
 would fall upon our train, or upon the rear of those 
 that fought on the hill, or gain that hill behind us, our 
 last night's quarter, or all, lie speedily disposed (which 
 his excellency did also send him a command to do) 
 forces in places most convenient : meanwhile the gene- 
 ral sending for more foot, that brigade wherein his 
 regiment and Springer's were, with the red auxiliaries, 
 were sent up ; placing the lord Roberts's brigade, with 
 four small pieces, just where the enemy advanced, who 
 gave them so warm an entertainment, that they made 
 them run ; and the lord Roberts possessed the ground 
 which the enemy came first up unto : his lieutenant 
 colonel was shot in the face. 
 
 That forlorn hope which he had commanded the night 
 before being now strengthened with three hundred 
 musketeers, and led by major Fortescue, major-general 
 
CHAP. VI. The battle of Newbury. 351 
 
 Skippon placed on the left of the lord Roberts's brigade, 
 upon the highway that came from Newbury just upon 
 us ; upon which way four drakes were likewise placed 
 and well defended, though the enemies came up so 
 close, that they took away a limmer of one of our 
 pieces, but it was with loss of many of their lives. 
 
 Colonel Manwaring's regiment was placed on the 
 right hand, between the hill and the lord Roberts's 
 brigade. This regiment his excellency a while after 
 commanded away, to the relief of his own regiment, 
 colonel Barclay's, and colonel Holborne's brigades, which 
 had been four hours upon very hot service. It fortuned 
 that this regiment was no sooner brought on, but they 
 were overcharged with two great bodies of horse and 
 foot, so that they were forced to retreat, and lose that 
 ground which the forenamed forces had gotten ; which 
 colonel Holborne perceiving, with his brigade gave the 
 enemy a round salvo, and instantly his own and colo- 
 nel Barclay's brigades and the general's regiment again 
 advancing, beat back the enemy, regained the ground, 
 and made good the place all the day after. 
 
 The blue auxiliary regiment was commanded to re- 
 lieve and assist the forlorn hope, which had been three 
 or four times in their turns at the point. The fight all 
 along the valley (more than half a mile in length) was 
 continued as long as in any other part of the army, which 
 was till ten o'clock at night ; about which time the 
 enemy gave a good round salvo upon colonel Barclay 
 and colonel Holborne's posts. These things ordered, the 
 major-general rode up to the top of the hill, where he 
 espied an advantage to bestow eight or nine demi-cul- 
 verin shot upon the enemy, who out of an house pelted 
 the forenamed gentlemen at near distance. Then he 
 rallied the two train-band regiments into one body, 
 drew them up, and placed them before, where the train 
 
352 The battle of Newbury . book n 
 
 of artillery did afterwards draw up to the top of the 
 hill, and desired major Boteler to draw the musketeers 
 of his regiment on the right hand before the two demi- 
 culverins that were placed at the end of the lane on 
 the top of the hill ; and the red auxiliaries he placed on 
 the left hand of those pieces, which before were slen- 
 derly guarded. The artillery was well ordered that day 
 by the skill and care of sir John Merrick. 
 
 While this was acting, two pieces which belonged to 
 the major-general's regiment, and one drake of sir Wil- 
 liam Brooke's, were, by the general's regiment, under 
 the command of major Boteler, with the assistance of 
 two hundred musketeers, recovered ; and the enemy 
 drew away from their pikes (which with their colours 
 kept standing, with many great bodies of horse to guard 
 them) five or six hundred musketeers, besides dragoons, 
 to encompass our men on the right hand among the 
 hedges ; just at which time his excellency sent to have 
 three hundred musketeers of the forlorn hope, to go to 
 the relief of colonel Barclay and colonel Holborne's sol- 
 diers. But then the enemy falling on upon our right 
 hand, diverted them, who, with other of our musketeers 
 thereabouts, beat the enemy off, who else had done us 
 great mischief. This was about four o'clock in the 
 afternoon, when all our whole army of foot was engaged 
 in the fight. But then he also caused some of the red 
 auxiliary regiment to draw nearer to colonel Barclay's 
 post, as he himself required. At length night drew on, 
 when the enemy, both horse and foot, stood in good 
 order on the further side of the green, where we ex- 
 pected their stay till next morning, and that they were 
 working (as was reported) to place their cannon, to 
 make use of them against us when day should break : 
 against which supposed encounter we encouraged our 
 soldiers beforehand, and resolved, by God's help, the 
 
CHAP. VI. Tlie lord-general marches to Readiny . 353 
 
 next day to force our way through them, or die. But 
 it pleased God to make our passage without blows ; for 
 the enemy was gone by night ; so that the next morn- 
 ing we marched quietly over the same ground where 
 the battle was fought, and where the enemy stood ; for, 
 on Thursday early, his excellency gave command for 
 the army's march towards Reading ; to which purpose 
 it was all drawn up upon the heath, where the battle 
 was fought ; and after that his excellency had given 
 order for burying the dead, about ten o'clock we began 
 to march. Colonel Middleton, with his own and three 
 regiments more, (lord Grey, Sheffield, Meldrum,) and 
 four hundred commanded musketeers under colonel 
 Barclay, had the rear-guard : during which march, the 
 enemy at a great distance shot from several hedges, 
 but troubled us not. When we came to a long heath, 
 we drew up the whole army several times, and no 
 enemy appeared. But at the entrance of a narrow 
 lane toward the evening, the enemy fell upon us with 
 eight hundred commanded musketeers, and most of 
 their horse, who caused our horse, then in the rear, to 
 make a very disorderly and confused retreat. But when 
 colonel Middleton, with the rest of the commanders in 
 the rear, hasted to charge the enemy with our foot, he 
 made them retreat with as much confusion over the 
 heath as they had us before; the loss not great on either 
 side. Lieutenant Browne was taken prisoner. 
 
 After this, the same evening, the lord-general drew up 
 the army to Theal, and taking some refreshment there, 
 marched the next morning, being Friday, with the 
 whole army to Reading ; where he stayed till the sab- 
 bath was past, and gave public thanks for the great 
 victory. 
 
 This was a victory not denied to the parliament, nor 
 at all disputed ; although the lord-general Essex, for 
 
 MAY. A a 
 
354 TJie king agrees to a cessation of arms book ii 
 
 want of victuals, marched away to the necessary relief 
 of his army, and could not stay to pursue the victory 
 which he had gotten. The number of slain in that 
 battle were judged to be, by those who speak most 
 moderately, four times as many of the king's party as 
 of the parliament's ; but others have spoken of a far 
 greater difference. Divers captains, as captain Massy 
 and captain Hunt, with others, were slain on the par- 
 liament side ; but scarce any of higher rank. Three 
 of the nobility fell on the king's side, the earl of Car- 
 narvon, the lord Spencer, (newly made by the king earl 
 of Sunderland,) and the lord viscount Falkland. 
 
 After this victory, the lord-general was received at 
 London with great joy and honour. The trained bands 
 and auxiliaries of London marched home in full com- 
 panies, and were welcomed by their friends, and met 
 by the lord mayor and aldermen at Temple-bar : and 
 now the face of things seemed much to change, and the 
 reputation of the parliament rise higher. 
 
 At the time of this expedition for relief of Glou- 
 cester a cessation of arms was made by the king with 
 the Irish rebels ; of which, together with the great vic- 
 tories which small numbers of the English forces ob- 
 tained over great multitudes of those Irish rebels, before 
 the time of that cessation, (which was here omitted, as 
 not to interrupt the relation of proceedings in the Eng- 
 lish wars,) there may be a larger discourse in the con- 
 tinuation of this history ; as also of the covenant which 
 the parliament, and that part of the nation which ad- 
 hered to them, about this time entered into with their 
 brethren of Scotland, for maintenance of the religion, 
 laws, and liberties of both kingdoms. 
 
 Here ends this full and faithful history of the first three 
 years of this celebrated parliament (which has since been 
 
CHAP. VI. with the Irish rebels. 355 
 
 generally called The long parliament of king Charles the First) 
 by Mr. Thomas May. For though he here speaks of a con- 
 tinuation of it, as a work that he then designed speedily to 
 enter upon, he never carried that design into execution. 
 However, he afterwards published a more summary history 
 of the whole civil war of England, down to the trial and exe- 
 cution of king Charles, in January 1 648-9, about three years 
 after the publication of the present history, to wit, in the 
 year 1650, during the government of England and Ireland 
 under the form of a commonwealth, or republic, without a 
 king and house of lords, and before Oliver Cromwell had 
 usurped the supreme authority by military force under the 
 title of lord protector. This summary history was published, 
 with the approbation of the parliament then sitting, under 
 the authority of an imprimatur signed Na. Brent, and dated 
 June 10, 1650, which was about a year before the author's 
 death. It is written in a clear and easy style, and is full of 
 judicious observations, and seems to be very faithful and im- 
 partial. The title of it as follows : 
 
 "A Breviary of the History of the Parliament of England ; 
 expressed in three parts : 1 . The causes and beginning of the 
 civil war of England ; a. A short mention of the progress of 
 that civil war ; 3. A compendious relation of the original and 
 progress of the second civil war. Written byThomasMay,esq." 
 
 The oldest edition I have seen of this Breviary of the history 
 of this parliament was published in the year 1655. But I sup- 
 pose there had been a former edition of it in the year 1 650, 
 which is the date of the imprimatur. 
 
 F. M. 
 
 A a 2 
 
X* OR the furtlier satisfaction of the readers of the foregoing 
 valuable history of the first part of the celebrated long parlia- 
 ment of England, (from its beginning on the 3rd day of 
 November 1640, to the 37th of September 1643,) by Mr. 
 Thomas May, I shall here insert an Appendix to it, contain- 
 ing aU the papers issued by the king and the parHament, from 
 the time of the king's return from Scotland to London in 
 November 1641, to the middle of the following month of 
 March in the year 1641—2, when the king had retired from 
 his usual residence at his palace at Whitehall in consequence 
 of some tumults in the city of London, and was gone to 
 Huntingdon in his way to the city of York, where he after- 
 wards resided for some time, and began to raise soldiers as a 
 guard to his person, which he declared he apprehended to be 
 in danger: which measure was, in a few months after, followed 
 by an open war between him and the parliament. The papers 
 here republished form the first part of the large Collection 
 (mentioned above in the note in page 197) which was published 
 by Mr. Husbands in the year 1642-3 ; and they relate to the 
 principal subjects of dispute in these unfortunate dissensions 
 between the king and the parhament ; and therefore will, as 
 I conceive, be sufficient to gratify the curiosity of the greater 
 part of the readers of this history. But they are followed in 
 that Collection by a great body of other papers, which, on 
 account of their great number, and the great length of many 
 of them, I have not thought it necessary to reprint on this 
 occasion, though they contain much important matter that 
 may be interesting to very diligent inquirers into the founda- 
 tions of our laws and government, Mr. Husbands' whole 
 Collection extending to no fewer than 955 pages. 
 
APPENDIX, 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 ALL THE PAPERS IN HUSBANDS' COLLECTION, 
 
 FROM THE BEGINNING OP DECEMBER 1 64 1 
 TO THE I 6th of march 164I-2. 
 
 His majesty's speech to both houses of parliament, Dec. 2,1641. 
 My lords and gentlemen, 
 
 J. THINK it fit, after so long absence, at this first occasion, 
 to speak a few words unto you ; but it is no ways in answer 
 to master speaker's learned speech. Albeit I haved stayed 
 longer than I expected to have done when I went away, yet 
 in this I have kept my promise with you, that I have made 
 all the haste back again that the settling of my Scotch affairs 
 could any ways permit : in which I have had so good success, 
 that I will confidently af&rm to you, that I have left that na- 
 tion a most peaceable and contented people; so that, although 
 I have a little misreckoned in time, yet I was not deceived in 
 my end. 
 
 But, if I have deceived your expectations a little in the time 
 of my return, yet I am assured that my expectation is as much 
 and more deceived in the condition wherein I hoped to have 
 found business at my return. For, since that, before my going, 
 I settled the liberties of my subjects, and gave the laws a free 
 and orderly course, I expected to have found my people reap- 
 ing the fruits of these benefits, by living in quietness and sa- 
 tisfaction of mind : but, instead of this, I find them disturbed 
 with jealousies, frights, and alarms of dangerous designs and 
 plots ; in consequence of which, guards have been set to de- 
 fend both houses : I say not this as in doubt that my subjects' 
 affections are any way lessened to me in this time of my ab- 
 
360 APPENDIX. 
 
 sence ; (for I cannot but remember, to my great comfort, the 
 joyful reception I had now at my entry into liondon ;) but 
 rather as I hope that my presence will easily disperse these 
 fears. For I bring as perfect and true affections to my people 
 as ever prince did, or as good subjects can possibly desire. 
 And I am so far from repenting me of any act I have done 
 this session for the good of my people, that I protest, if it 
 were to do again, I would do it, and will yet grant what else 
 can be justly desired for satisfaction in point of liberties, or 
 in maintenance of the true religion that is here established. 
 
 Now I have but one particular to recommend unto you at 
 this time : it is Ireland : for which though I doubt not your 
 care, yet methinks the preparations for it go but slowly on. 
 The occasion is the fitter for me now to mention it, because 
 of the arrival of two lords from Scotland, who come instructed 
 from my council there, (who now, hy act of parliament, have 
 full power for that purpose,) to answer that demand which it 
 pleased both houses to make me by way of petition, that met 
 me at Berwick, and which the duke of Richmond sent back 
 by my command to my Scotch council : therefore my desire 
 is, that both houses would appoint a select committee, to end 
 this business with these noblemen. I must conclude in tell- 
 ing you, that 1 seek my people's happiness ; for their flourish- 
 ing is my greatest glory, and their affections my greatest 
 strength. 
 
 By the king. 
 A proclamation for obedience to the laws ordained for esta- 
 blishing of the true religion in this kingdom of England. 
 
 His majesty, considering that it is a duty most beseeming, 
 and that most obhgeth sovereign authority in a Christian 
 king, to be careful (above all other things) of preserving and 
 advancing the honour and service of Almighty God, and the 
 peace and tranquillity of the church, (to which end his majesty, 
 with his parliament, hath it under consideration how all just 
 scruples might be removed,) and being, in the mean time, 
 sensible that the present division, separation, and disorder 
 about the worship and service of God, as it is established by 
 the laws and statutes of this kingdom, in the church of Eng- 
 land, tendeth to great distraction and confusion, and may 
 
APPENDIX. 361 
 
 endanger the subversion of the very essence and substance 
 of true reUgion, hath resolved, for the preservation of unity 
 and peace, (which is most necessary at this time for the church 
 of England,) to require obedience to the laws and statutes or- 
 dained for establishing of the true religion in this kingdom, 
 whereby the honour of God may be advanced, to the great 
 comfort and happiness both of his majesty and his good sub- 
 jects. 
 
 His majesty doth therefore charge and command, that di- 
 vine service be performed, in this his kingdom of England 
 and dominion of Wales, as is appointed by the laws and sta- 
 tutes established in this realm, and that obedience be given 
 by all his subjects, ecclesiastical and temporal, to the said 
 laws and statutes concerning the same ; and that all judges, 
 ofl&cers, and ministers, ecclesiastical and temporal^ according 
 to justice and their respective duties, do put the said acts of 
 parliament in due execution against all wilful contemners and 
 disturbers of divine service, contrary to the said laws and 
 statutes. 
 
 His majesty doth further command, that no parsons, vicars, 
 or curates, in their several parishes, shall presume to introduce 
 any rites or ceremonies other than those which are established 
 by the laws and statutes of the land. 
 
 Given at his majesty's palace of Whitehall, the loth day 
 of December, in the seventeenth year of his majesty's 
 reign. — God save the king. 
 
 By the king. 
 
 A proclamation for the attendance of the members in both 
 
 houses of parliament. 
 
 His most excellent majesty, having summoned this present 
 parliament in his princely care of the good and welfare of his 
 loving subjects, in the continuance of the same care, doth, 
 with advice of his privy-council, by this his royal proclama- 
 tion, declare his royal will and pleasure to be, that aU the 
 members of both houses of parliament do repair to the par- 
 liament at Westminster at or before the 12th of January 
 next, and give their due and diligent attendance in parlia- 
 ment : to the end that this kingdom may fully enjoy the 
 
362 APPENDIX. 
 
 benefit and happiness which his majesty intendeth unto them 
 by summoning and continuing of this parliament. And of 
 this his majesty's will and command they are to take notice 
 by this his proclamation, and to give a just observance there- 
 unto, upon such pains and penalties as by law and justice may 
 be inflicted upon them. 
 
 Given at his majesty's palace of Whitehall, the 12th day 
 
 of December, in the seventeenth year of his majesty's 
 
 reign. — God save the king. 
 
 His majesty's speech delivered to both houses in parliament, the 
 T4th of December, 1641. 
 
 My loeds and gentlemen. 
 
 The last time that I was in this place, and the last thing 
 that I recommended unto you was the business of Ireland ; 
 whereby I was in good hope that I should not have need 
 again to put you in mind of that business. But, still seeing 
 the slow proceedings therein, and the daily despatches that I 
 have out of Ireland of the lamentable estate of my protestant 
 subjects there, I cannot but again earnestly recommend the 
 despatch of that expedition unto you : for it is the chief busi- 
 ness that at this time I take to heart ; and there cannot (al- 
 most) be any business that I can have more care of. I might 
 now take up some of your time in expressing my detestation 
 of rebellions in general, and of this in particular : but, know- 
 ing that deeds, and not declarations, must suppress this great 
 insolency, I do here, in a word, offer you whatsoever my 
 power, pains, or industry can contribute to this good and 
 necessary work of reducing the Irish nation to their true and 
 wonted obedience. 
 
 And, that nothing may be omitted on my part, I must here 
 take notice of the bill for pressing of soldiers, now depending 
 among you, my lords ; concerning which I here declare, that, 
 in case it come so to me as it may not infringe or diminish 
 my prerogative, I will pass it : and, further, seeing there is a 
 dispute raised (I being little beholding to him whosoever at 
 this time began it) concerning the bounds of this ancient and 
 undoubted prerogative, to avoid further debate at this time, I 
 offer, that the bill may pass with a salvo jure, both for king 
 
APPENDIX. 363 
 
 and people, leaving such debates to a time that may better 
 bear it. If this be not accepted, the fault is not mine that 
 this bill pass not, but [of] those that refuse so fair an offer. 
 
 To conclude, I conjure you by all that is or can be dear to 
 you or me, that, laying away all disputes, you go on cheerfully 
 and speedily for the reducing of Ireland . 
 
 To the king's most excellent majesty. 
 
 The humble petition of the lords and commons in parliament, 
 
 concerning his majesty's speech of the 14th of Dec. 1641. 
 
 Most gracious sovereign. 
 Your majesty's most humble and loyal subjects, the lords 
 and commons in parliament, do, with all faithfulness and zeal 
 to your majesty's service, acknowledge your royal favour and 
 protection to be a great blessing and security to them for the 
 enjoying and preserving of all those public and private liber- 
 ties and privileges which belong unto them ; and whensoever 
 any of those liberties or privileges shall be invaded or broken, 
 they hold themselves bounds with humility and confidence, to 
 resort to your princely justice for redress and satisfaction. 
 And because the rights and privileges of parliament are the 
 birthright and inheritance, not only of themselves, but of the 
 whole kingdom, wherein every one of your subjects is inter- 
 ested ; the maintenance and preservation whereof doth very 
 highly conduce to the public peace and prosperity of your 
 majesty and all your people; they conceive themselves more 
 especially obliged, with all humbleness and care, yea, with all 
 earnestness and constancy of resolution and endeavour, to 
 maintain and defend the same. Amongst other the privileges 
 of parliament, they do, with all dutiful reverence to your 
 most excellent majesty, declare, that it is their ancient and 
 undoubted right, that your majesty ought not to take notice 
 of any matter in agitation and debate in either [of the] houses 
 of parliament, but by their information and agreement ; and 
 that your majesty ought not to propound any condition, pro- 
 vision, or limitation, to any bill or act in debate or prepara- 
 tion in either house of parliament ; or to manifest or declare 
 your consent or dissent, approbation or dislike of the same, 
 before it be presented to your majesty in due course of par- 
 
364 APPENDIX. 
 
 liament : and that every particular member of either house 
 hath free liberty of speech to propound or debate, any mat- 
 ter according to the order and course of parliament : and 
 that your majesty ought not to conceive displeasure against 
 any man for such opinions and propositions as shall be de- 
 livered iu such debate^ it belonging to the several houses of 
 parliament respectively to judge and determine such errors 
 and offences in words or actions as shall be committed by any 
 their members in the handling or debating any matters de- 
 pending. 
 
 They do further declare, that all the privileges above men- 
 tioned have been lately broken, to the great sorrow and griev- 
 ance of your most humble and faithful subjects, in that 
 speech which your majesty made in parliament to both 
 houses, upon Tuesday last, the 14th of this present month of 
 December, in that your majesty did therein take notice of a 
 bill for impressing of soldiers being in agitation in the said 
 houses, and not agreed upon : and that your majesty did 
 therein offer a salvo jure, or provisional clause, to be added to 
 that bill before it was presented to your majesty by the con- 
 sent of both houses, and did at the same time declare your 
 displeasure against such persons as had moved some doubt or 
 question concerning the same bill. All which they do affirm 
 and declare to be against the ancient, lawful, and undoubted 
 privileges and liberties of parliament. 
 
 And therefore they most humbly beseech your majesty, by 
 your royal power and authority, to maintain and protect them 
 in these and all other the privileges of your high court of par- 
 liament, [and] that you will not, for the time to come, break 
 or interrupt the same. And that none of your loyal subjects 
 may suffer or sustain any prejudice in your majesty's favour 
 or good opinion for any thing done or spoken in parliament. 
 And, for the reparation of your loyal subjects in this their just 
 grievance and complaint, for the breaches of their privileges 
 above mentioned, and prevention of the like for the time to 
 come, that your majesty will be pleased to declare and make 
 known the name or names of the person or persons by whose 
 mis-formation [misinformation] and evil counsel your majesty 
 was induced to the same ; that so he or they may receive such 
 condign punishment as shall appertain to justice in that behalf. 
 
APPENDIX. 365 
 
 And this they most humbly desire, and as your greatest and 
 most faithful council shall advise your majesty to perform, as 
 that which will be not only a comfort to themselves, but like- 
 wise a great advantage to your majesty, by procuring and 
 confirming such a confidence and unity betwixt your majesty 
 and your people, as may be a foundation of honour, safety, 
 and happiness to your person and throne, as they stand bound 
 always to pray for and endeavour. 
 
 The petition of the house of commons, which accompanied the 
 declaration of the state of the kingdom when it was presented 
 to his majesty at Hampton- court. 
 
 Most geacious sovereign. 
 Your majesty's most humble and faithful subjects, the com- 
 moners in this present parliament assembled, do, with much 
 thankfulness and joy, acknowledge the great mercy and favour 
 of God, in giving your majesty a safe and peaceable return 
 out of Scotland into your kingdom of England, where the 
 pressing dangers and distempers of the state have caused us 
 with much earnestness to desire the comfort of your gracious 
 presence, and likewise the unity and justice of your royal 
 authority, to give more life and power to the dutiful and loyal 
 counsels and endeavours of your parhament, for the preven- 
 tion of that eminent ruin and destruction wherein your king- 
 doms of England and Scotland are threatened. The duty 
 which we owe to your majesty and our country cannot but 
 make us very sensible and apprehensive, that the multiplicity, 
 sharpness, and malignity of those evils under which we have 
 now many years suffered, are fomented and cherished by a 
 corrupt and ill-affected party, who, amongst other their mis- 
 chievous devices for the alteration of religion and government, 
 have sought, by many false scandals and imputations, cun- 
 ningly insinuated and dispersed amongst the people, to 
 blemish and disgrace our proceedings in this parhament, and 
 to get themselves a party and faction amongst your subjects, 
 for the better strengthening of themselves in their wicked 
 courses, and hindering those provisions and remedies which 
 might, by the wisdom of your majesty and counsel of your 
 parliament, be opposed against them. 
 
366 APPENDIX. 
 
 For preventing whereof, and the better information of 
 your majesty, your peers, and all other your loyal subjects, 
 we have been necessitated to make a declaration of the state 
 of the kingdom, both before and since the assembly of this 
 parliament, unto this time ; which we do humbly present to 
 your majesty without the least intention to lay any blemish 
 upon your royal person, but only to represent how your 
 royal authority and trust have been abused, to the great 
 prejudice and danger of your majesty and all your good 
 subjects. 
 
 And because we have reason to believe that those malignant 
 parties, whose proceedings evidently appear to be mainly for 
 the advantage and increase of popery, are composed, set up, 
 and acted by the subtle practice of the Jesuits, and other 
 engineers and factors for Rome, and, to the great danger of 
 this kingdom and most grievous affliction of your loyal sub- 
 jects, have so far prevailed as to corrupt divers of your 
 bishops, and others in prime places of the church, and also to 
 bring divers of these instruments to be of your privy council, 
 and other employments of trust and nearness about your 
 majesty, the prince, and the rest of your royal children : and, 
 by this means, have had such an operation in your council, 
 and the most important affairs and proceedings of your go- 
 vernment, that a most dangerous division and chargeable 
 preparation for war betwixt your kingdoms of England and 
 Scotland, the increase of jealousies betwixt your majesty and 
 your most obedient subjects, the violent distraction and in- 
 terruption of this parliament, the insurrection of the papists 
 in your kingdom of Ireland, and bloody massacre of your 
 people, have been not only endeavoured and attempted, but 
 in a great measure compassed and effected : 
 
 For preventing the final accomplishment whereof, your 
 poor subjects are enforced to engage their persons and estates 
 to the maintaining of a very expenseful and dangerous war, 
 notwithstanding they have already, since the beginning of this 
 parliament, undergone the charge of 150,000/. sterling, or 
 thereabouts, for the necessary support and supply of your 
 majesty in these present and perilous designs. And because 
 all our most faithful endeavours and engagements will be 
 ineffectual for the peace, safety, and preservation of your ma- 
 
APPENDIX. 367 
 
 jesty and your people, if some present, real, and effectual course 
 be not taken for suppressing this wicked and malignant party ; 
 We, your most humble and obedient subjects, do, with all 
 faithfulness and humility, beseech your majesty ; 
 
 1. That you will be graciously pleased to concur with the 
 humble desires of your people in a parliamentary way, for the 
 preserving the peace and safety of the kingdom from the 
 malicious designs of the popish party. 
 
 For depriving the bishops of their votes in parliament, and 
 abridging their immoderate power, usurped over the clergy 
 and other your good subjects, which they have most perni- 
 ciously abused, to the hazard of religion, and great prejudice 
 and oppression of the laws of the kingdom, and just liberty of 
 your people. 
 
 For the taking away such oppressions in religion, church 
 government, and discipline, as have been brought in and 
 fomented by them. 
 
 For uniting all such your loyal subjects together as join 
 in the same fundamental truths against the papists, by re- 
 moving some oppressions and unnecessary ceremonies, by 
 which divers weak consciences have been scrupled, and seem 
 to be divided from the rest ; for the due execution of those 
 good laws which have been made for securing the liberty of 
 your subjects. 
 
 2. That your majesty will likewise be pleased to remove 
 from your council all such as persist to favour and promote 
 any of those pressures and corruptions wherewith your people 
 have been grieved ; and that for the future your majesty 
 will vouchsafe to employ such persons in your great and pub- 
 he affairs, and to take such to be near you in places of trust, 
 as your parhament may have cause to confide in ; that, in 
 your princely goodness to your people, you will reject and 
 refuse all mediation and solicitation to the contrary, how 
 powerful and near soever. 
 
 3. That you will be pleased to forbear to alienate any of the 
 forfeited and escheated lands in Ireland which shall accrue to 
 your crown by reason of this rebellion ; that out of them the 
 crown may be the better supported, and some satisfaction 
 made to your subjects of this kingdom for the great expenses 
 they are like to undergo this war. 
 
368 APPENDIX. 
 
 Which humble desires of ours being graciously fulfilled by 
 your majesty, we will, by the blessing and favour of God, 
 most cheerfully undergo the hazard and expenses of this war, 
 and apply ourselves to such other courses and counsels as 
 may support your royal estate with honour and plenty at 
 home, with power and reputation abroad, and, by our loyal 
 affections, obedience, and service, lay a sure and lasting foun- 
 dation of the greatness and prosperity of your majesty and 
 your royal posterity in future times. 
 
 A remonstrance of the state of the kinffdom. 
 Die Mercurii, 15 Decemb. 1641. 
 
 The commons in this present parliament assembled, having 
 with much ^earnestness and faithfulness of affection, and zeal 
 to the public good of this kingdom and his majesty^s honour 
 and service, for the space of twelve months, wrestled with the 
 great dangers and fears, the pressing miseries and calamities, 
 the various distempers and disorders, which had not only 
 assaulted, but even overwhelmed and extinguished, the li- 
 berty, peace, and prosperity of this kingdom, the comfort and 
 hopes of all his majesty's good subjects, and exceedingly 
 weakened and undermined the foundation and strength of his 
 own royal throne ; do yet find an abounding malignity and 
 opposition in those parties and factions who have been the 
 cause of those evils, and do still labour to cast aspersions upon 
 that which hath been done, and to raise many difficulties for 
 the hinderance of that which remains yet undone, and to 
 foment jealousies betwixt the king and the parliament ; that 
 so they may deprive him and his people of the fruit of his 
 own gracious intentions, and their humble desires of procur- 
 ing the public peace, safety, and happiness of this realm. For 
 the preventing of those miserable effects, which such maU- 
 cious endeavours may produce, we have thought good to 
 declare, 
 
 1 . The root and the growth of these mischievous designs. 
 
 2. The maturity and ripeness to which they had attained 
 before the beginning of the parliament. 
 
 3. The effectual means which hath been used for the extir- 
 pations of those dangerous evils, and the progress which hath 
 
APPENDIX. 369 
 
 therein been made by his majesty's goodness and the wisdom 
 of the parliament. 
 
 4. The ways of obstruction and opposition by ■which that 
 progress hath been interrupted. 
 
 5. The courses to be taken for the removing those obstacles, 
 and for the accomplishing of our most dutiful and faithful 
 intentions and endeavours, of restoring and establishing the 
 ancient honour, greatness, and security of this crown and 
 nation. 
 
 The root of all this mischief we find to be a malignant and 
 pernicious design of subverting the fundamental laws and 
 principles of government, upon which the religion and justice 
 of this kingdom are firmly established. The actors and pro- 
 moters hereof have been, 
 
 1. The Jesuited papists, who hate the laws, as the obstacles 
 of that change and subversion of rehgiou which they so much 
 long for. 
 
 2. The bishops, and the corrupt part of the clergy, who 
 cherish formality and superstition, as the natural effects and 
 more probable supports of their own ecclesiastical tyranny 
 and usurpation. 
 
 3. Such counsellors and courtiers as, for private ends, have 
 engaged themselves to further the interests of some foreign 
 princes or states, to the prejudice of his majesty and the state 
 at home. 
 
 The common principles by which they moulded and go- 
 verned all their particular counsels and actions were these : 
 
 First, to maintain continual differences and discontents be- 
 twixt the king and the people upon questions of prerogative 
 and liberty; that so they might have the advantage of siding, 
 with him, and, under the notion of men addicted to his ser- 
 vice, gain to themselves and their parties the places of greatest 
 trust and power in the kingdom. 
 
 A second, to suppress the purity and power of rehgion, and 
 such as were best affected to it ; as being contrary to their own 
 ends, and the greatest impediment to that change which they 
 thought to introduce. 
 
 A third, to conjoin those parties of the kingdom which were 
 most propitious to their own ends, and to divide those who 
 were most opposite, which consisted in many particular obser- 
 
 MAY. B b 
 
370 APPENDIX. 
 
 vations ; to cherish the Arminian part in those points wherein 
 they agree with the papists ; to multiply and enlarge the dif- 
 ference between the common protestants and those whom 
 they call puritans ; to introduce and countenance such opin- 
 ions and ceremonies as are fittest for accommodation with 
 popery ; to increase and maintain ignorance, looseness, and 
 profaneness in the people : that of those three parties, papists, 
 Arminians, and libertines, they might compose a body fit to 
 act such counsels and resolutions as were most conducible to 
 their own ends. 
 
 A fourth, to disaffect the king to parliaments by slanders 
 and false imputations, and by putting him upon other ways 
 of supply, which, in show and appearance, were fuller of ad- 
 vantage than the ordinary course of subsidies, though in truth 
 they broiight more loss than gain both to the king and 
 people, and have caused the distractions under which we both 
 suffer. 
 
 As in all compounded bodies, the operations are quahfied 
 according to the predominant element ; so in this mixed 
 party, the Jesuited counsels, being most active and prevail- 
 ing, may easily be discovered to have had the greatest sway 
 in all their determinations, and, if they be not prevented, 
 are likely to devour the rest, or to turn them into their own 
 nature. 
 
 In the beginning of his majesty''s reign, the party began to 
 revive and flourish again, having been somewhat damped by 
 the breach with Spain in the last year of king James, and by 
 his majesty''s marriage with France; the interests and counsels 
 of that state being not so contrary to the good of religion and 
 the prosperity of this kingdom as those of Spain ; and the 
 papists of England, having been ever more addicted to Spain 
 than France : yet they still retained a purpose and resolu- 
 tion to weaken the protestant parties in all parts, and even in 
 France, whereby to make way for the change of religion which 
 they intended at home. 
 
 The first effect and evidence of their recovery and strength 
 was the dissolution of the parliament at Oxford, after there 
 had been given two subsidies to his majesty, and before they 
 received relief in any one grievance : many other more 
 miserable effects followed. 
 
APPENDIX. 371 
 
 The loss of the Rochelle fleet, by the help of our shipping, 
 set forth and delivered over to the French, in opposition to 
 the advice of parliament : which left that town without defence 
 by sea, and made way not only to the loss of that important 
 place, but likewise to the loss of all the strength and security 
 of the protestant religion in France. 
 
 The diverting of his majesty's course of wars from the 
 West Indies, (which was the most facile and hopeful way 
 for this kingdom to prevail against the Spaniard,) to an 
 expenseful and successless attempt upon Cales ; which was so 
 ordered as if it had rather been intended to make us weary of 
 war than to prosper in it. 
 
 The precipitate breach which [with] France, by taking 
 their ships to a great value, without making recompense to 
 the English, whose goods were thereupon imbarred and con- 
 fiscate in that kingdom. 
 
 The peace with Spain without consent of parliament, con- 
 trary to the promise of king James to both houses ; whereby 
 the palatine cause was deserted, and left to chargeable and 
 hopeless treaties ; which, for the most part, were managed by 
 those who might justly be suspected to be no friends to that 
 cause. 
 
 The charging of the kingdom with billeted soldiers in all 
 parts of it, and that concomitant design of German horse, 
 that the land might either submit with fear or be enforced 
 with rigour to such arbitrary contributions as should be re- 
 quired of them. 
 
 The dissolving of the parliament in the second year of his 
 majesty's reign, after a declaration of their intent to grant five 
 subsidies. 
 
 The exacting of the like proportion of five subsidies, after 
 the parliament dissolved, by commission of loan, and divers 
 gentlemen, and others, imprisoned for not yielding to pay 
 that loan ; whereby many of them contracted such sicknesses 
 as cost them their lives. Great sums of money required and 
 raised by privy-seals. An unjust and pernicious attempt to 
 extort great payments from the subject by way of excise, 
 and a commission issued under seal to that purpose. The 
 petition of right (which was granted in full parliament) 
 blasted with an illegal declaration, to make it destructive to 
 
 Bb2 
 
372 APPENDIX. 
 
 itself, to the power of parliament, and to the liberty of the 
 subject, and to that purpose printed with it ; and the petition 
 made of no use, but to show the bold and presumptuous in- 
 justice of such ministers as durst break the laws and suppress 
 the liberties of the kingdom, after they had been so solemnly 
 and evidently declared. 
 
 Another parliament dissolved, 4 Car., the privilege of 
 ]3arliament broken by imprisoning divers members of the 
 house, detaining them close prisoners for many months to- 
 gether, without the liberty of using books, pen, ink, or paper, 
 denying them all the comforts of life, all means of preserva- 
 tion of health, not permitting their wives to come unto them 
 even in time of their sickness. And, for the completing of 
 that cruelty, after years spent tu such miserable durance, de- 
 priving them of the necessary means of spiritual consolation ; 
 not suffering them to go abroad to enjoy God's ordinances in 
 God's house, or God's ministers to come to them, to admin- 
 ister comfort unto them in their private chambers : and, to 
 keep them still in this oppressed condition, not admitting 
 them to be bailed according to law, yet vexing them with 
 informations in inferior courts, sentencing and fining some 
 of them for matters done in parliament, and extorting the 
 payments of those fines from them, enforcing others to put in 
 security of good behaviour, before they could be released. 
 
 The imprisonment of the rest, which refused to be bound, 
 still continued; which might have been perpetual, if necessity 
 had not, the last year, brought another parliament to relieve 
 them; of whom, one^ died, by the cruelty and harshness of 
 his imprisonment, which would admit of no relaxation, not- 
 withstanding the imminent danger of his life did sufiiciently 
 appear by the declaration of his physician, and his release, 
 or at least his refreshment, was sought by many humble 
 petitions. And his blood still cries either for vengeance or 
 repentance of those ministers of state, who are at once 
 obstructors of the course both of his majesty's justice and 
 mercy. 
 
 Upon the dissolution of both these parliaments, untrue and 
 scandalous declarations published, to asperse their proceed- 
 ings, and some of their members, unjustly, to make them 
 » Sir John Elliot. See above, p. 14. 
 
APPENDIX. 373 
 
 odiouSj and colour the violence which was used against them. 
 Proclamation set out to the same purpose ; and, to the great 
 dejecting of the hearts of the people, forbidding them even to 
 speak of parliaments. 
 
 After the breach of the parliament, in the fourth year of 
 his majesty, injustice, oppression, and violence, broke in upon 
 us without any restraint or moderation. And yet the first 
 project was the great sums exacted through the whole king- 
 dom for default of knighthood, which seemed to have some 
 colour and shadow of a law : yet, if it be rightly examined 
 by that obsolete law which was pretended for it, it would 
 be found to be against all the rules of justice, both in re- 
 spect of the persons charged, the proportion of the fines de- 
 manded, and the absurd and unreasonable manner of their 
 proceedings. Tonnage and poundage hath been received with- 
 out colour or pretence of law ; many other heavy impositions 
 continued against law ; and some so unreasonable, that 
 the sum of the charge exceeds the value of the goods. The 
 book of rates lately enhanced to a high proportion ; and such 
 merchants as would not submit to their illegal and unreason- 
 able payments were vexed and oppressed above measure, and 
 the ordinary course of justice, the common birthright of the 
 subject of England, wholly obstructed unto them. And al- 
 though all this was taken upon pretence of guarding the sea, 
 yet a new and unheard of tax of shipmoney was devised upon 
 the same pretence. By both which, there was charged upon 
 the subject near 700,000/. some years; and yet the merchants 
 have been left so naked to the violence of the Turkish pirates, 
 that many great ships of value, and thousands of his majesty's 
 subjects, have been taken by them, and do still remain in 
 miserable slavery. 
 
 The enlargement of forests, contrary to charta de foresta 
 and the composition thereupon. The exactions of coat and 
 conduct money, and divers other military charges. The tak- 
 ing away the arms of the trained bands of divers counties. 
 The desperate design of engrossing all the gunpowder into 
 one hand ; keeping it in the Tower of London, and setting so 
 high a rate upon it that the poorer sort were not able to buy 
 it ; nor could any have it without license ; thereby to leave 
 the several parts of the kingdom destitute of their necessary 
 
374 APPENDIX. 
 
 defence ; and^ by selling so dear that which was sold, to make 
 an unlawful advantage of it, to the great charge and detri- 
 ment of the subject, the general destruction of the king's 
 timber, especially that in the forest of Dean, sold to papists, 
 which was the best storehouse of this kingdom, for the main- 
 tenance of our shipping. The taking away of men's right, under 
 colour of the king's title to land between high and low water 
 marks. The monopolies of soap, salt, -vdne, leather, seacoal, 
 and, in a manner, of all things of most common and neces- 
 sary use. The restraint of the liberties of the subjects in 
 their habitation, trades, and other interest. Their vexation 
 and oppression by purveyors, clerks of the market, and salt' 
 petremen. The sale of pretended nuisances, as buildings in 
 and about London, conversion of arable into pasture,' con- 
 tinuance of pasture, under the name of depopulation, have 
 drawn many millions out of the subjects' purses, without any 
 considerable profit to his majesty. Large quantities of com- 
 mon, and several grounds, have been taken from the subject, 
 by colour of the statute of improvement, and by abuse of the 
 commission of sewers, without their consent, and against it. 
 And not only private interest, but also public faith have 
 been broken, in seizing of the money and bullion in themint; 
 and the whole kingdom like to be robbed at once, in that 
 abominable project of brass money. Great numbers of his 
 majesty's subjects, for refusing those unlawful charges, have 
 been vexed with long and expensive suits ; some fined and 
 censured, others committed to long and hard imprisonments 
 and confinements, to the loss of health of many, of life in 
 some ; and others have had their houses broken up, their 
 goods seized ; some have been restrained from their lawful 
 callings : ships have been interrupted in their voyages, sur- 
 prised at sea in an hostile manner by projectors, as by a 
 common enemy : merchants prohibited to unlade their goods 
 in such ports as were for their own advantage, and forced to 
 bring them to those places which were most for the advan- 
 tages of the monopolizers and projectors. The court of star- 
 chamber hath abounded in extravagant censures, not only for 
 the maintenance and improvement of monopolies, and other 
 unlawful taxes; but for divers other causes, where there hath 
 been no offence, or very small; whereby his majesty's subjects 
 
APPENDIX. 375 
 
 have been oppressed by grievous fines^ imprisonments, stig- 
 matizings, mutilations^ whippings, pillories^ gags, confine- 
 ments, banishments, after so rigid a manner as hath not 
 only deprived men of the society of their friends, exercise of 
 their professions, comfort of books, use of paper or ink, but 
 even violated that near union which God hath established 
 betwixt men and their wives, by forced and constrained sepa- 
 ration ; whereby they have been bereaved of the comfort and 
 conversation one of another, for many years together without 
 hope of relief ; if God had not, by his overruling Providence, 
 given some interruption to the prevailing power and counsel 
 of those who were the authors and promoters of such peremp- 
 tory and heady courses. 
 
 Judges have been put out of their places for refusing to 
 do against their oaths and consciences : others have been so 
 awed, that they durst not do their duties, and, the better to 
 hold a rod over them, the clause Quam diu se bene gesserit 
 was left out of their patents, and a new clause, Durante bene 
 placito, inserted. Lawyers have been checked for being 
 faithful to their clients ; solicitors and attorneys have been 
 threatened, and some punished for following lawful suits : 
 and by this means all the approaches to justice were inter- 
 rupted and forecluded. New oaths have been forced upon 
 the subject against law; new judicatories erected without 
 law : the council-table have, by their orders, oflFered to bind 
 the subjects in their freeholds, estates, suits, and actions. 
 The pretended court of the earl marshal was arbitrary, and 
 illegal in its being and proceedings. The chancery, exche- 
 quer-chamber, court of wards, and other English courts have 
 been grievous in exceeding their jurisdictions. The estate 
 of many famiHes weakened, and some ruined, by excessive 
 fines, exacted from them for compositions of wardships. All 
 leases of above a hundred years made to draw on, wardship 
 contrary to law. Undue proceedings used in the finding of 
 offices, to make the jury find for the king. The common 
 law courts, seeing aU men more inclined to seek justice there, 
 where it may be fitted to their own desire, are known fre- 
 quently to forsake the rules of the common law, and, straining 
 beyond their bounds, under pretence of equity, to do in- 
 justice. Titles of honour, judicial places, sergeantships-at-law. 
 
376 APPENDIX. 
 
 and other offices, have been sold for great sums of money ; 
 whereby the common justice of the kingdom hath been much 
 endangered, not only by opening a way of employment, in 
 places of great trust and advantage, to men of weak parts, 
 but also by giving occasion to bribery, extortion, and par- 
 tiality; it seldom happening that places ill gotten are well 
 used. Commissions have been granted for examining the 
 excess of fees : and, when great exactions have been dis- 
 covered compositions have been made with delinquents, not 
 only for the time past, but likewise for immunity and security 
 in offending for the time to come ; which, under colour of 
 remedy, hath but confirmed and increased the grievance 
 to the subject. The usual course of pricking sheriffs not 
 observed, but many times sheriffs made in an extraordinary 
 way ; sometimes as a punishment and charge unto them ; 
 sometimes such were pricked out as would be instruments to 
 execute whatsoever they would have to be done. 
 
 The bishops and the rest of the clergy did triumph in the 
 suspensions, excommunications, deprivations, and degrada- 
 tions of divers paiuful, learned, and pious ministers, in the 
 vexation and grievous oppression of great numbers of his ma- 
 jesty's good subjects. The high commission grew to such ex- 
 cess of sharpness and severity as was not much less than the 
 Romish inquisition; and yet in many cases, by the archbishop's 
 power, was made much more heavy, being assisted and strength- 
 ened by authority of the council-table. 
 
 The bishops and their courts were as eager in the country; 
 and, although their jurisdiction could not reach so high in 
 rigour and extremity of punishment, yet were they no less 
 grievous, in respect of the generality and multiplicity of vex- 
 ations, which, lighting upon the meaner sort of tradesmen 
 and artificers, did impoverish many thousands, and so afflict 
 and trouble others, that great numbers, to avoid their miseries, 
 departed out of the kingdom, some into New England and 
 other parts of America, others into Holland, where they 
 have transported their manufactures of cloth ; which is not 
 only a loss, by diminishing the present stock of the kingdom, 
 but a great mischief, by impairing and endangering the loss 
 of that peculiar trade of clothing, which hath been a plen- 
 tiful fountain of wealth and honour to this nation. Those 
 
APPENDIX. 377 
 
 were fittest for ecclesiastical preferment, and soonest obtained, 
 who were most officious in promoting superstition, most 
 virulent in railing against godliness and honesty. 
 
 The most public and solemn sermons before his majesty 
 were, either to advance prerogative above law, and decry 
 the property of the subject, or full of such kind of invectives 
 whereby they might make those odious who sought to main- 
 tain the religion, laws, and liberties of the kingdom ; and 
 such men were sure to be weeded out of the commission of 
 the peace, and out of all other employments of power in the 
 government of the country. Many noble personages were 
 councillors in name ; but the power and authority remained 
 in a few of such as were most addicted to this party ; whose 
 resolutions and determinations were brought to the table for 
 countenance and execution, and not for debate and delibera- 
 tion; and no man could offer to oppose them, without disgrace 
 and hazard to himself: nay all those that did not wholly con- 
 cur and actively contribute to the furtherance of their designs, 
 (though otherwise persons of never so great honour and abili- 
 ties,) were so far from being employed in any place of trust 
 and power, that they were neglected, discountenanced, and, 
 upon all occasions, injured and oppressed. This faction was 
 grown to that height and entireness of power, that now they 
 began to think of finishing their work, which consisted of these 
 three parts : 
 
 1. The government must be set free from all restraint of 
 laws, concerning our persons and estates. 
 
 2. There must be a conjunction betwixt papists and protest- 
 ants in doctrine, discipline, and ceremonies ; only it must not 
 yet be called popery. 
 
 3. The puritans (under which name they include all those 
 that desire to preserve the laws and liberties of the kingdom, 
 and to maintain religion in the power of it) must be either 
 rooted out of the kingdom with force, or driven out with fear. 
 For the effecting of this it was thought necessary to reduce 
 Scotland to such popish superstitions and innovations as 
 might make them apt to join with England in that great 
 change which was intended. Whereupon new canons and a 
 new liturgy were pressed upon them; and when they refused 
 
378 APPENDIX. 
 
 to admit of them, an army was raised to force them to it, 
 towards which the clergy and the papists were very forward 
 in their contribution. The Scots likewise raised an army for 
 their defence ; and when both armies were come together, 
 and ready for a bloody encounter, his majesty's own gracious 
 disposition and the counsel of the English nobility, and duti- 
 ful submission of the Scots, did so far prevail against the evil 
 counsel of others, that a pacification was made, and his majesty 
 returned with peace and much honour to London. 
 
 The unexpected reconciliation was most acceptable to all 
 the kingdom, except to the malignant party, whereof the 
 archbishop and the earl of Strafford being heads, they and 
 their faction begun to inveigh against the peace, and to 
 aggravate the proceeding of the States, which so incensed his 
 majesty that he forthwith prepared again for war. And such 
 was their confidence, that, having corrupted and distempered 
 the whole frame and government of the kingdom, they did 
 now hope to corrupt that which was the only means to restore 
 all to a right frame and temper again: to which end they 
 persuaded his majesty to call a parliament, not to seek counsel 
 and advice of them, but to draw countenance and supply from 
 them, and engage the whole kingdom in their quarrel : and, 
 in the mean time, continued all their unjust levies of money, 
 resolving either to make the parliament pliant to their wiU, 
 and to establish mischief by a law, or else to break it ; and 
 with more colour to go on by violence, to take what they 
 could not obtain by consent. The ground alleged for the 
 justification of this war was this. 
 
 That the undutiful demands of the parliament of Scotland 
 was a sufl&cient reason for his majesty to take arms against 
 them, without hearing the reason of those demands ; and 
 thereupon a new army was prepared against them, their 
 ships were seized in all ports, both of England and Ireland, 
 and at sea ; their petitions rejected, their commissioners re- 
 fused audience. This whole kingdom most miserably dis- 
 tempered with levies of men and money, and imprisonments 
 of those who denied to submit to those levies. The earl of 
 Strafford passed into Ireland, caused the parliament there to 
 declare against the Scots, to give four subsidies towards that 
 
APPENDIX. 379 
 
 war, and to engage themselves, their lives and fortunes, for 
 the prosecution of it ; and gave directions for an army of eight 
 thousand foot and one thousand horse to be levied there, 
 which were for the most part papists. The parliament met 
 upon the 13th of April one thousand six hundred and forty. 
 The earl of Strafford and archbishop of Canterbury, with their 
 party, so prevailed] with his majesty, that the house of com- 
 mons was pressed to yield to a supply for maintenance of 
 the war with Scotland before they had provided any relief 
 for the great and pressing grievances of the people, which, 
 being against the fundamental privilege and proceeding of 
 parliament, was yet, in humble respect to his majesty, so far 
 admitted as that they agreed to take the matter of supply 
 into consideration, and two several days it was debated. 
 Twelve subsidies were demanded for the release of shipmoney 
 alone; a third day was appointed for conclusion, when the 
 heads of that party began to fear the people might close with 
 the king in satisfying his desire for money ; but that, withal, 
 they were likely to blast their malicious designs against Scot- 
 land, finding them very much disposed to give any counte- 
 nance to that war. 
 
 Thereupon they wickedly advised the king to break off the 
 parliament, and to return to the ways of confusion, in which 
 their own evil intentions were most like to prosper and suc- 
 ceed. 
 
 After the parliament ended the 5th of May, one thousand 
 six hundred and forty, this party grew so bold as to counsel 
 the king to supply himself out of his subjects' estates by his 
 own power, at his own will, without their consent. The very 
 next day, some members of both houses had their studies and 
 cabinets, yea their pockets, searched : another of them, not 
 long after, was committed close prisoner, for not delivering 
 some petitions which he received by authority of that house, 
 and, if harsher courses were intended, (as was reported,) it is 
 very probable that the sickness of the earl of Strafford, and 
 the tumtdtuous rising in Sonthwark, and about Lambeth, 
 were the causes that such violent intentions were not brought 
 to execution. A false and scandalous declaration against the 
 house of commons was published in his majesty's name. 
 
380 APPENDIX. 
 
 which yet wrought little effect with the people^ but only to 
 manifest the impudence of those who were authors of it. 
 
 A forced loan of money was attempted in the city of Lon- 
 don. 
 
 The lord mayor and aldermen, in their several wards, en- 
 joined to bring in a list of the names of such persons as 
 they judged fit to lend, and of the sum they should lend. 
 And such aldermen as refused so to do were committed to 
 prison. 
 
 Tlie archbishop and the other bishops and clergy continued 
 the convocation, and, by a new commission, turned it to a 
 provincial synod, in which, by an unheard-of presumption, 
 they made canons that contain in them many matters con- 
 trary to the king's prerogative, to the fundamental laws and 
 statutes of the realm, to the right of parliaments, to the pro- 
 perty and liberty of the subject, and matters tending to sedi- 
 tion, and of dangerous consequence, thereby establishing their 
 own usurpations, justifying their altar- worship, and those 
 other superstitious innovations, which they formerly intro- 
 duced without warrant of law. 
 
 They imposed a new oath upon divers of his majesty's sub- 
 jects, both ecclesiastical and lay, for maintenance of their own 
 tyranny ; and laid a great tax upon the clergy for supply of 
 his majesty ; and generally they showed themselves very 
 affectionate to the war with Scotland, which was by some 
 of them styled bellum episcopale ; and a prayer composed, 
 and enjoined to be read in all churches, calling the Scots 
 rebels, to put the two nations into blood, and make them 
 irreconcilable. All those pretended canons and constitutions 
 were armed with the several censures of suspension, excom- 
 munication, deprivation, by which they would have thrust 
 out all the good ministers, and most of the well-affected 
 people of the kingdom, and left an easy passage to their own 
 design of reconciliation with Rome. The popish party enjoined 
 such exemptions from the penal laws as amounted to a tolera- 
 tion, besides many other encouragements and court favours : 
 they had a secretary of state, sir Francis Windibank, a 
 powerful agent for the speeding of all their desires ; a pope's 
 nuncio residing here, to act and govern them according to 
 
APPENDIX. 381 
 
 such influences as he received from Rome, and to intercede 
 for them with the most powerful concurrence of the foreign 
 princes of that religion. By his authority the papists of all 
 sorts, nobility, gentry, and clergy, were convocated after the 
 manner of a parliament ; new jurisdictions were erected of 
 Eomish archbishops, taxes levied, another state moulded 
 within this state, independent in government, contrary in 
 interest and afl'ection, secretly corrupting the ignorant or 
 negligent professors of our religion, and closely uniting and 
 combining themselves against such as were sound, in this 
 posture waiting for an opportunity by force to destroy those 
 whom they could not hope to seduce. For the efi'ecting 
 whereof, they were strengthened with arms and munition, 
 encouraged by superstitious prayers, enjoined by the nuncio 
 to be weekly made for the prosperity of some great design. 
 And such power had they at court, that secretly a commission 
 was issued out, intending to be issued to some great men of 
 that profession for the levying of soldiers, and to command 
 and employ them according to private instructions, which, we 
 doubt, were framed for the advantage of those who were the 
 contrivers of them : his majesty's treasure was consumed, his 
 revenue anticipated, his servants and officers compelled to lend 
 great sums of money ; multitudes were called to the coun- 
 cil-table, who were tired with long attendances there, for re- 
 fusing illegal payments. The prisons were filled with their 
 commitments ; many of the sheriffs summoned into the star- 
 chamber, and some imprisoned for not being quick enough 
 in levying the shipmoney ; the people languished under grief 
 and fear, no visible hope being left, but in desperation. The 
 nobility began to be weary of their silence and patience, and 
 sensible of the duty and trust which belongs to them : and 
 thereupon some of the most eminent of them did petition his 
 majesty at such a time, when evil counsels were so strong 
 that they had reason to expect more hazard to themselves 
 than redress of those pubhc evils for which they interceded. 
 Whilst the kingdom was in this agitation and distemper, the 
 Scots, restrained in their trades, impoverished by the loss of 
 many of their ships, bereaved of all possibihty of satisfying 
 his majesty by any naked supplication, entered with a power- 
 ful army into the kingdom, and, without any hostile act 
 
382 APPENDIX. 
 
 or spoil in the country as they passed, more than forcing 
 a passage over the Tyne at Newborn near Newcastle,) pos- 
 sessed themselves of Newcastle, and had a fair opportunity 
 to press on further upon the king's army : but duty and 
 reverence to his majesty, and brotherly love to the English 
 nation, made them stay there ; whereby the king had leisure 
 to entertain better counsels ; wherein God so blessed and 
 directed him, that he summoned the great council of peers to 
 meet at York, upon the 24th of September, and there declared 
 a parliament to begin the 3rd of November then following. 
 The Scots, the first day of the great council, presented an 
 humble petition to his majesty; whereupon the treaty was 
 appointed at Rippon, a present cessation of arms agreed upon, 
 and the full conclusion of all differences referred to the wis- 
 dom and care of the parliament. At our first meeting all 
 oppositions seemed to vanish ; the mischiefs were so evident, 
 which those evil counsellors produced, that no man diu'st 
 stand up to defend them. Yet the work itself afforded difii- 
 culty enough. The multiplied evils and corruption of sixteen 
 years, strengthened by custom and authority, and the con- 
 current interest of many powerful delinquents, were now to 
 be brought to judgment and reformation. The king's house- 
 hold was to be provided for ; they had brought him to that 
 want that he could not supply his ordinary and necessary 
 expenses without the assistance of his people. Two armies 
 were to be paid, which amounted very near to 80,000/. a 
 month ; the people were to be tenderly charged, having been 
 formerly exhausted with many burdensome projects. 
 
 The dif&culties seemed to be insuperable which by the Di- 
 vine Providence we have overcome. The contrarieties incom- 
 patible, which yet in a great measure we have reconciled. 
 Six subsidies have been granted, and a bill of poll money, 
 which, if it be duly levied, may equal six subsidies more ; in 
 all 6oo,oooZ. Besides, we have contracted a debt to the Scots 
 of 220,000/. ; and yet God has so blessed the endeavours of 
 this parliament, that the kingdom is a great gainer by all 
 these charges. The shipmoney is abolished, which cost the 
 kingdom above 200,000/. a year. The coat and conduct 
 money, and other military charges, are taken away, which in 
 many countries amounted to little less than the shipmoney. 
 
APPENDIX. 383 
 
 The monopolies are all suppressed, whereof some few did pre- 
 judice the subject above a million yearly. The soap an 
 loOjOooZ. ; the wine 300,000^. ; the leather must needs ex- 
 ceed both : and salt could be no less than that ; besides the 
 inferior monopolies, which, if they could be exactly computed, 
 would make up a great sum. That which is more beneficial 
 than all this is, that the root of these evils is taken away ; 
 which was the arbitrary power, pretended to be in his ma- 
 jesty, of taxing the subject, or charging their estates, without 
 consent in parliament, which is now declared to be against 
 law, by the judgment of both houses, and likewise by an act 
 of parliament. Another step of great advantage is this : the 
 living grievances, the evil counsellors and actors of these mis- 
 chiefs, have been so quelled, by the justice done upon the 
 earl of Strafford, the flight of the lord Finch and secretary 
 "Windibank, the accusation and imprisonment of the arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, of judge Bartlet, and the impeach- 
 ment of divers other bishops and judges, that it is like not 
 only to be an ease to the present times, but a preservation to 
 the future. 
 
 The discontinuance of parhaments is prevented by the bill 
 for a triennial parliament, and the abrupt dissolution of this 
 parliament by another bill ; by which it is provided, it shall 
 not be dissolved or adjourned without the consent of both 
 houses. 
 
 Which two laws, well considered, may be thought more 
 advantageous than all the former ; because they secure a fuU 
 operation of the present remedy, and afford a perpetual spring 
 of remedies for the future. 
 
 The starchamber, the high commission, the courts of the 
 president and council in the north, were so many forges of 
 misery, oppression, and violence ; and are all taken away : 
 whereby men are more secured in their persons, hberties, and 
 estates, than they could be by any law or example for the 
 regulation of those courts or terror of the judges. 
 
 The immoderate power of the council- table, and the exces- 
 sive abuse of that power, is so ordered and restrained, that 
 we may well hope that no such things as were frequently 
 done by them, to the prejudice of the pubHc liberty, will ap- 
 pear in future times but only in stories, to give us and our 
 
384 APPENDIX. 
 
 posterity more occasion to praise God for his majesty's good- 
 ness, and the faithful endeavours of this parliament. The 
 canons and the power of canon making are blasted by the 
 vote of both houses. 
 
 The exorbitant power of bishops and their courts are 
 much abated, by some provisions in the bill against the high 
 commission court. The authors of the many innovations 
 in doctrine and ceremonies, the ministers that have been 
 scandalous in their lives, have been so terrified in just com- 
 plaints and accusations, that we may well hope they will be 
 more modest for the time to come ; either inwardly convicted 
 by the sight of their own folly, or outwardly restrained by the 
 fear of punishment. 
 
 The forests are, by a good law, reduced to their right 
 bounds ; the encroachments and oppressions of the stannary 
 courts, the extortions of the clerk of the market, and the 
 compulsion of the subject to receive the order of knighthood 
 against his will, paying of fines for not receiving it, and 
 the vexatious proceedings thereupon for levying of those fines> 
 are by other beneficial laws reformed and prevented. 
 
 Many excellent laws and provisions are in preparation for 
 removing the inordinate power, vexation, and usurpation of 
 bishops ; for reforming the pride and idleness of many of the 
 clergy; for easing the people of unnecessary ceremonies in 
 religion ; for censuring and removing unworthy and unprofit- 
 able ministers ; and for maintaining godly and diligent preach- 
 ers through the kingdom. 
 
 Other things of main importance for the good of this king- 
 dom are in proposition, though little could hitherto be done 
 in regard of the many other more pressing businesses ; which 
 yet, before the end of this session, we hope may receive some 
 progress and perfection. 
 
 The establishing and ordering the king's revenue, that so 
 the abuse of officers, and superfluity of expenses, may be cnt 
 off, and the necessary disbursements for his majesty's honour, 
 and the defence and government of the kingdom, may be 
 more certainly provided for. 
 
 The regulating of courts of justice, and abridging both the 
 delays and charges of lawsuits ; the setthng of some good 
 courses for preventing the exportation of gold and silver, and 
 
APPENDIX. 385 
 
 the inequality of exchanges betwixt us and other nations ; for 
 the advancing of native commodities^ the increase of our 
 manufactures, and well balancing of trade, whereby the 
 stock of the kingdom may be increased, or, at least, kept 
 from impairing, as, through neglect hereof, it hath done for 
 many years last past : for improving the herring fishing upon 
 our own coasts ; which will be of mighty use in the employ- 
 ment of the poor, and a plentiful nursery of mariners for 
 enabling the kingdom in any great action. 
 
 The oppositions, obstructions, and other difB.culties where- 
 with we have been encountered, and which still lie in our 
 way, with some strength and much obstinacy, are these : the 
 malignant party, whom we have formerly described to be the 
 actors and promoters of aU our misery, they have taken heart 
 again; they have been able to prefer some of their own factors 
 and agents to degrees of honour, to places of trust and employ- 
 ment, even during the parliament. They have endeavoured 
 to work in his majesty ill impressions and opinions of our 
 proceedings, as if we had altogether done our own work and 
 not his, and had obtained from him many things very preju- 
 dicial to the crown, both in respect of prerogative and profit. 
 To wipe out this slander, we think good only to say thus 
 much; that all that we have done is for his majesty, his 
 greatness, honour, and support : when we yield to give 25,000^. 
 a month for the relief of the northern countries, this was 
 given to the king : for he was bound to protect his subjects. 
 They were his majesty's evil counsellors, and their ill instru- 
 ments, that were actors in those grievances which brought 
 in the Scots : and if his majesty please to force those who 
 were the authors of this war to make satisfaction, (as he 
 might justly and easily do,) it seems very reasonable that the 
 people might well be excused from taking upon them this 
 burden, being altogether innocent and free from being any 
 causes of it. 
 
 When we undertook the charge of the army, which cost 
 above 50,000^. a month, was not this given to the king ? was 
 it not his majesty^s army? were not all the commanders 
 under contract with his majesty at higher rates and greater 
 wages than ordinary ? and have not we taken upon us to dis- 
 
 MAY. <^ c 
 
386 APPENDIX. 
 
 charge all the brotherly assistance of 300,000?. which we gave 
 the Scots ? was it not toward the repair of those damages and 
 losses which they received from the king's ships, and from his 
 ministers ? These three particulars amount to above i , 1 00,000?. 
 Besides, his majesty hath received, by impositions upon mer- 
 chandise, at least 400,000?.; so that his majesty hath had out 
 of the subjects' purse^ since the parliament began, 1,500,000?. : 
 and yet these men can be so impudent as to tell his majesty 
 that we have done nothing for him. As to the second branch 
 of this slander, we acknowledge, with much thankfulness, 
 that his majesty hath passed more good bills to the advan- 
 tage of his subjects than have been in many ages; but, withal, 
 we cannot forget, that these venomous counsels did manifest 
 themselves in some endeavours to hinder these good acts : and, 
 for both houses of parliament, we may with truth and modesty 
 say thus much : that we have ever been careful not to desire 
 any thing that should weaken the crown, either in just profit 
 or useful power. The triennial parliament, for the matter 
 of it, doth not extend to so much as by law we ought to have 
 required, there being two statutes still in force for a parlia- 
 ment to be once a year ; and for the manner of it, it is in 
 the king's power that it shall never take effect, if he, by a 
 timely summons, shall prevent any other way of assembling. 
 In the bill for continuance of this present parliament there 
 seems to be some restraint of the royal power in dissolving 
 of parliaments ; not to take it out of the crown, but to 
 suspend the execution of it for this time and occasion only ; 
 which was so necessary for the king's own security, and the 
 pubUc peace, that without it we could not have undertaken 
 any of these great charges, but must have left both the armies 
 to disorder and confusion, and the whole kingdom to blood 
 and rapine. The starchamber was much more fruitful in op- 
 pression than in profit, the great fines being for the most 
 part given away, and the rest stalled at long times. The 
 fines of the high commission were in themselves unjust, and 
 seldom or never came into the king's purse. These four bills 
 are particularly and more specially instanced : in the rest 
 there will not be found so much as a shadow of prejudice to 
 the crown. 
 
APPENDIX. 387 
 
 They have sought to dimmish our reputation with the 
 people, and to briag them out of love with parliaments : the 
 aspersions which they have attempted this way have been 
 such as these : That we have spent much time, and done 
 little, especially in those grievances which concern religion : 
 That the parliament is a burden to the kingdom by the 
 abundance of protections, which hinder justice and trade, 
 and by many subsidies granted, much more heavy than any 
 they formerly endured. To which there is a ready answer : 
 If the time spent in this parliament be considered in rela- 
 tion backward to the long growth and deep root of those 
 grievances which we have removed, to the powerful supports 
 of those delinquents which we have pursued, to the great 
 necessities and other charges of the commonwealth, for which 
 we have provided : or, if it be considered in relation forward 
 to many advantages, which not only the present, but future 
 ages are like to reap by the good laws and other proceedings 
 in this parliament ; we doubt not but it will be thought, by 
 all indifferent judgments, that our time hath been much 
 better employed than in a far greater proportion of time in 
 many former parliaments put together ; and the charges 
 which have been laid upon the subject, and the other incon- 
 veniences which they have borne, will seem very light in 
 respect of the benefit they have and may receive. And for 
 to the matter of protections, the parliament is so sensible of 
 it, that therein they intend to give them whatsoever ease may 
 stand with honour and justice, and are in a way of passing a 
 bill to give them satisfaction. 
 
 They have sought, by many subtle practices, to cause jea- 
 lousies and divisions betwixt us and our brethren of Scot- 
 land, by slandering their proceedings and intentions towards 
 us, and by secret endeavours to instigate and incense them 
 and us one against another. They have had such a party 
 of bishops and popish lords in the house of peers as hath 
 caused much opposition and delay in the prosecution of de- 
 linquents, [and] hindered the proceedings of divers good bills 
 passed in the commons' house concerning the reformation of 
 sundry great abuses and corruptions both in church and state. 
 
 They have laboured to seduce and corrupt some of the 
 
 c c3 
 
388 APPENDIX. 
 
 commons' house, to draw them into conspiracies and com- 
 binations against the liberty of the parliament ; and, by their 
 instruments and agents, they have attempted to disaffect and 
 discontent his majesty's army, and to engage it for the main- 
 tenance of their wicked and traitorous designs, the keeping 
 up of bishops in votes and functions, and, by force, to compel 
 the parliament to order, limit, and dispose their proceedings 
 in such manner as might best concur with the intentions of 
 this dangerous and potent faction: and when one mischievous 
 design and attempt of theirs, to bring on the army against 
 the parliament and the city of London, had been discovered 
 and prevented, they presently undertook another of the same 
 damnable nature, with this addition to it, to endeavour to 
 make the Scottish army neutral, whilst the English army, 
 which they had laboured to corrupt and envenom against us 
 by their false and slanderous suggestions, should execute 
 their malice, to the subversion of our religion and the disso-. 
 lution of our government. 
 
 Thus they have been continually practising to disturb the 
 peace, and plotting the destruction, even of all the king's 
 dominions, and have employed their emissaries and agents in 
 them, all for the promoting of their devilish designs ; which 
 the vigilancy of those who were well-affected hath still dis- 
 covered and defeated before they were ripe for execution in 
 England and Scotland : only in Ireland, (which was further 
 off,) they have had time and opportunity to mould and pre- 
 pare their work, and had brought it to that perfection, that 
 they had possessed themselves of that whole kingdom, 
 totally subverted the government of it, rooted out religion, 
 and destroyed all the protestants, whom the conscience of 
 their duty to God, their king, and country, would not have 
 permitted to join with them, if, by God's wonderful provi- 
 dence, their main enterprise upon the city and castle of 
 Dublin had not been detected and prevented upon the very 
 eve before it should have been executed. Notwithstanding, 
 they have, in other parts of that kingdom, broken out into 
 open rebellion, surprising towns and castles, committed mur- 
 ders, rapes, and other villanies ; and shaken off all bonds of 
 obedience to his majesty and the laws of the realm ; and, in 
 
APPENDIX. 389 
 
 general, have kindled such a fire as nothing but God's infinite 
 blessing upon the wisdom and endeavours of this state will be 
 able to quench. And certainly, had not God, in his great 
 mercy unto this land, discovered and confounded their former 
 designs, we had been the prologue to this tragedy in Ireland; 
 and had by this time been made the lamentable spectacle of 
 misery and confusion. 
 
 And, now, what hope have we but in God, whenas the only 
 means of our subsistence, and power of reformation, is, under 
 him, in the parliament ? But what can we, the commons,' 
 without the conjunction of the house of lords ? and what 
 conjunction can we expect there, when the bishops and recu- 
 sant lords are so numerous and prevalent, that they are able 
 to cross and interrupt our best endeavours for reformation, 
 and, by that means, give advantage to this malignant party 
 to traduce our proceedings ? They infuse into the people that 
 we mean to abolish all church-government, and leave every 
 man to his own fancy for the service and worship of God, 
 absolving him of that obedience which he owes, under God, 
 unto his majesty, whom we know to be intrusted with the 
 ecclesiastical law as well as with the temporal, to regulate all 
 the members of the church of England by such rules of order 
 and discipline as are established by parliament, which is his 
 great council, in all affairs both in church and state. We 
 confess our intention is, and our endeavours have been, to 
 reduce within bounds that exorbitant power which the pre- 
 lates have assumed unto themselves, so contrary both to the 
 word of God and to the laws of the land ; to which end we 
 passed the bill for the removing them from their temporal 
 power and employments ; that so the better they might with 
 meekness apply themselves to the discharge of their functions; 
 which bill themselves opposed, and were the principal instru- 
 ments of crossing it. 
 
 And we do here declare, that it is far from our purpose or 
 desire to let loose the golden reins of discipline and govern- 
 ment in the church, to leave private persons or particular 
 congregations to take up what form of divine service they 
 please; for we hold it requisite that there should be, through- 
 out the whole realm, a conformity to that order which the 
 
390 APPENDIX. 
 
 laws enjoiiij according to the word of God. And we desire 
 to unburden the consciences of men of needless and super- 
 stitious ceremonies^ to suppress innovations, and take away 
 the monuments of idolatry. And, the better to effect the 
 intended reformation, we desire there may be a general synod 
 of the most grave, pious, learned, and judicious divines of 
 this island, assisted by some from foreign parts professing 
 the same religion with us ; who may consider of all things 
 necessary for the peace and good government of the church, 
 and represent the results of their consultations unto the par- 
 liament, to be there allowed of and confirmed, and receive 
 the stamp of authority, thereby to find passage and obedience 
 throughout the kingdom. 
 
 They have maliciously charged us, that we intend to de- 
 stroy and discourage learning ; whereas it is our chiefest care 
 and desire to advance it, and to provide a competent mainte- 
 nance for conscionable and preaching ministers throughout the 
 kingdom ; which will be a great encouragement to scholars, 
 and a certain means whereby the want, meanness, and igno- 
 rance, to which a great part of the clergy is now subject, will 
 be prevented. And we intend likewise to reform and purge 
 the fountains of learning, the two universities ; that the 
 streams flowing from thence may be clear and pure, and an 
 honour and comfort to the whole land. 
 
 They have strained to blast our proceedings in parliament 
 by wresting the interpretations of our orders from their ge- 
 nuine intention. They tell the people that our meddling 
 with the power of episcopacy hath caused sectaries and con- 
 venticles ; when idolatry and popish ceremonies, introduced 
 into the church by the command of the bishops, have not only 
 debarred the people from thence, but expelled them from the 
 kingdom. Thus, with Eliah,we are called, by this malignant 
 party, the troublers of the state; and still, while we endeavour 
 to reform their abuses, they make us the authors of those 
 mischiefs we study to prevent. 
 
 For the perfecting of the work begun, and removing all 
 future impediments, we conceive these courses will be very 
 effectual j seeing the religion of the papists hath such prin- 
 ciples as do certainly tend to the destruction and extirpation 
 
APPENDIX. 391 
 
 of all protestants, when they shall have opportunity to ef- 
 fect it. 
 
 It is necessary, in the first place, to keep them in such con- 
 dition as that they may not be able to do us any hurt, and 
 for avoiding of such connivance and favour as hath heretofore 
 been showed unto them, that his majesty be pleased to grant 
 a standing commission to some choice men named in parlia- 
 ment, who may take notice of their increase, their counsels, 
 and proceedings, and use all due means, by execution of the 
 laws, to prevent any mischievous designs against the peace 
 and safety of this kingdom ; that some good course be taken 
 to discover the counterfeit and false conformity of papists to 
 the church, by colour whereof persons very much disaffected 
 to the true religion have been admitted into places of greatest 
 authority and trust in the kingdom. 
 
 For the better preservation of the laws and liberties of the 
 kingdom, that all illegal grievances and exactions be presented 
 and punished at the sessions and assizes ; and that judges 
 and justices be careful to give this in charge to the grand 
 jury, and both the sheriff and justices to be sworn to the 
 due execution of the petition of right, and other laws : that 
 his majesty be humbly petitioned by both houses to employ 
 such counsellors, ambassadors, and other ministers, in manag- 
 ing his business at home and abroad, as the parliament may 
 have cause to confide in, without which we cannot give his 
 majesty such supplies for support of his own estate, nor such 
 assistance to the protestant party beyond the sea, as is de- 
 sired. 
 
 It may often fall out, that the commons may have just 
 cause to take exceptions at some men for being counsellors, 
 and yet not charge those men with crimes : for there be 
 grounds of diffidence which lie not in proof: there are others 
 which, though they may be proved, yet are not legally cri- 
 minal. To be a known favourer of papists ; or to have been 
 very forward in defending or countenancing some great of- 
 fenders questioned in parliament; or to speak contemptuously 
 of either houses of parliament or parliamentary proceedings ; 
 or such as are factors, or agents, for any foreign prince of 
 another religion ; such as are justly suspected to get coun- 
 sellors' places, or any other of trust, concerning public em- 
 
392 APPENDIX. 
 
 ploymentj for money. For all these, and divers others, we 
 may have great reason to be earnest with his majesty not to 
 put his great aflFairs into such hands, though we may be un- 
 willing to proceed against them in any legal way of charge or 
 impeachment. 
 
 That all counsellors of state may be sworn to observe those 
 laws which concern the subject in his liberty ; that they may 
 likewise take an oath not to receive or give reward or pen- 
 sion from any foreign prince, but such as they, within some 
 reasonable time, discover to the lords of his majesty's council : 
 and, although they should wickedly forswear themselves, yet 
 it may herein do good to make them known to be false and 
 perjured to those who employ them, and thereby bring them 
 into as little credit with them as with us. 
 
 That his majesty may have cause to be in love with good 
 counsel and good men, by showing him, in an humble and 
 dutiful manner, how full of advantage it would be to himself 
 to see his own estate settled in a plentiful condition to sup- 
 port his honour ; to see his people united in ways of duty to 
 him, and endeavours of the public good; to see happiness, 
 wealth, peace and safety, derived to his own kingdom, and 
 procured to his allies, by the influence of his own power and 
 government. 
 
 That all good courses may be taken to unite the two king- 
 doms of England and Scotland to be mutually aiding and 
 assisting one another, for the common good of the island, and 
 honour of both. 
 
 To take away all diiferences amongst ourselves for matters 
 indifferent in their own nature concerning religion, and to 
 unite ourselves against the common enemies, which are the 
 better enabled by our divisions to destroy us all, as they hope 
 and have often endeavoured. 
 
 To labour by all offices of friendship to unite the foreign 
 churches with us in the same cause, and to seek their liberty, 
 safety, and prosperity ; as bound thereunto both by charity to 
 them and by wisdom for our own good. For by this means 
 our own strength shall be increased, and, by a mutual con- 
 currence to the same common end, we shall be enabled to 
 procure the good of the whole body of the protestant pro- 
 fession. 
 
APPENDIX. 393 
 
 If these things may be observed, we doubt not but God 
 ■will crown this parliament with such success as shall be the 
 beginning and foundation of more honour and happiness to 
 his majesty than ever yet was enjoyed by any of his royal 
 predecessors. 
 
 [|End of the grand remonstrance, or declaration of the state of 
 the kingdom, from the beginning of the reign of king Charles 
 the First to December 1641, by the house of commons. Pre- 
 sented to the king at Hampton-court.] 
 
 His majesty's answer to the petition which accompanied the de- 
 claration presented to him at Hampton-court, Dec. 1 , 1 641. 
 We, having received from you, soon after our return out of 
 Scotland, a long petition, consisting of many desires of great 
 moment, together with a declaration of a very unusual nature 
 annexed thereunto ; we have taken some time to consider 
 of it, as befitted us in a matter of that consequence, being 
 confident that your own reason and regard to us, as well as 
 our express intimation by our comptroller to that purpose, 
 would have restrained you from the publishing of it, till such 
 time as you should have received our answer to it. But, 
 much against our expectation, finding the contrary, that the 
 said declaration is already abroad in print, by directions from 
 your house, as appears by the printed copy, we must let you 
 know that we are very sensible [of this] disrespect. Notwith- 
 standing, it is our intention, that no failing on your part 
 shall make us fail on ours, of giving all due satisfaction to the 
 desires of our people, in a parliamentary way ; and therefore 
 we send you this answer to your petition ; reserving ourself, 
 in point of the declaration, which we think unparliamentary, 
 and shall take a course to do that which we shall think fit in 
 prudence and honour. 
 
 To the petition, we say, that, although there are divers 
 things in the preamble of it which we are so far from admit- 
 ting, that we profess we cannot at all understand them, as, 
 " of a wicked and malignant party prevalent in the govern- 
 ment ;" "of some of that party admitted to our privy-council, 
 and to other employments of trust and nearest to us and our 
 children ;" " of endeavours to sow among the people false 
 
394 APPENDIX. 
 
 scandals and imputations to blemish and disgrace the pro- 
 ceedings of the parliament ;" all or any of which did we 
 know of, we should be as ready to remedy and punish, as you 
 to complain of. That the prayers of your petition are grounded 
 upon such premises as we must in no wise admit ; yet, not- 
 withstanding, we are pleased to give this answer to you : 
 
 To the first, concerning religion, consisting of several 
 branches, we say, that for the preserving the peace and safety 
 of the kingdom from the designs of the popish party, we 
 have, and will still concur with all the just desires of our 
 people in a parliamentary way ; that for the depriving of the 
 bishops of their votes in parliament, we would have you con- 
 sider, that their right is grounded upon the fundamental law 
 of the kingdom and constitution of parliament. This we 
 would have you consider : but, since you desire our concur- 
 rence herein in a parliamentary way, we will give no further 
 answer at this time. 
 
 As for the abridging of the inordinate power of the clergy, 
 we conceive that the taking away of the high commission 
 court hath well moderated that : but, if there continue any 
 usurpations or excesses in their jurisdictions, we therein 
 neither have nor will protect them. 
 
 Unto that clause which concerneth corruptions (as you 
 style them) in religion, in church government, and in disci- 
 pline, and the removing of such unnecessary ceremonies as 
 weak consciences might check at ; [we answer] that, for any 
 illegal innovations which may have crept in, we shall willingly 
 concur in the removal of them. And, if our parliament shall 
 advise us to call a national synod, which may duly examine 
 such ceremonies as give just cause of offence to any, we shall 
 take it into consideration, and apply ourself to give due satis- 
 faction therein. But we are very sorry to hear, in such gene- 
 ral terms, corruption in religion objected ; since we are per- 
 suaded in our conscience, that no church can be found upon 
 the earth that professeth .the true religion with more purity 
 of doctrine than the church of England doth, nor where the 
 government and discipline are jointly more beautified, and 
 free from superstition, than as they are here established by 
 law, which (by the grace of God) we will with constancy 
 maintain (while we live) in their purity and glory, not only 
 
APPENDIX. 395 
 
 against all invasions of popery, but also from the irreverence 
 of those many schismatics and separatists, wherewith of late 
 this kingdom and this city abounds, to the great dishonour 
 and hazard both of church and state ; for the suppression of 
 whom we require your timely and active assistance. 
 
 To the second prayer of the petition, concerning the re- 
 moval and choice of counsellors, we know not any of our 
 council to whom the character set forth in the petition can 
 belong: that, by those whom we had exposed to trial, we 
 have already given you sufficient testimony, that there is no 
 man so near unto us in place or affection whom we will not 
 leave to the justice of the law, if you shall bring a particular 
 charge and sufficient proofs against him : and of this we do 
 again assure you. But, in the mean time, we wish you to 
 forbear such general aspersions as may reflect upon all our 
 council, since you name none in particular. 
 
 That, for the choice of our counsellors, and ministers of 
 state, it were to debar us that natural liberty all freemen 
 have; and [as] it is the undoubted right of the crown of Eng- 
 land to call such persons to our secret councils, to public em- 
 ployment, and our particular service, as we shall think fit, so 
 we are, and ever shall be, very careful to make election of such 
 persons in those places of trust as shall have given good tes- 
 timonies of their abilities and integrity, and against whom 
 there can be no just cause of exception whereon reasonably 
 to ground a diffidence : and to choices of this nature, we 
 assure you that the mediation of the nearest unto us hath 
 always concurred. 
 
 To the third prayer of your petition, concerning Ireland, 
 we understand your desire of not aUenating the forfeited 
 lands thereof to proceed from your much care and love, 
 and, likewise, that it may be a resolution very fit for us to 
 take. But whether it be seasonable to declare resolutions 
 of that nature before the events of a war be seen, that 
 we much doubt of Howsoever, we cannot but thank you 
 for this care, and your cheerful engagement for the sup- 
 pression of that rebelHon; upon the speedy effecting thereof 
 the glory of God in the protestant profession, the safety of 
 the British there, our honour, and that of the nation, so 
 
396 APPENDIX. 
 
 much depend. All the interests of this kingdom being so 
 involved in that business^ we cannot but quicken your affec- 
 tions therein, and shall desire you to frame your counsels, 
 and to give such expedition to the work, as the nature thereof, 
 and the pressure in point of time requires, and whereof you 
 are put in mind by the daily insolence and increase of those 
 rebels. 
 
 For conclusion, your promise to apply yourselves to such 
 courses as may support our royal estate with honour and 
 plenty at home, and with power and reputation abroad, is 
 that which we have ever promised ourself, both from your 
 loyalties and affections, and also for what we have already 
 done, and shall daily go adding unto, for the comfort and 
 happiness of our people. 
 
 His majesty^s declaration to all his loving subjects. 
 
 Published with the advice of his privy-council. 
 
 Although we do not believe that our house of commons 
 intended, by their remonstrance of the state of the kingdom, 
 to put us to any apology, either for our past or present actions, 
 notwithstanding, since they have thought it so very necessary 
 (upon their observation of the present distemper) to publish 
 the same for the satisfaction of all our loving subjects, we have 
 thought it very suitable to the duty of our place (with which 
 God hath trusted us) to do our part to so good a work ; in 
 which we shall not think it below our kingly dignity to de- 
 scend to any particular which may compose and settle the 
 affections of our meanest subjects, since we are so conscious 
 to ourself of such upright intentions and endeavours, and 
 only of such, (for which we give God thanks,) for the peace 
 and happiness of our kingdom, (in which the prosperity of our 
 subjects must be included,) that we wish from our heart that 
 even our most secret thoughts were published to their view 
 and examination ; though we must confess we cannot but be 
 very sorry, in this conjuncture of time, (when the unhappi- 
 ness of this kingdom is so generally understood abroad,) there 
 should be such a necessity of publishing so many particulars ; 
 
APPENDIX. 397 
 
 from which we pray no inconveniences may ensue that were 
 not intended. 
 
 We shall in few words pass over that part of the narrative 
 wherein the misfortunes of this kingdom, from our first enter- 
 ing to the crown to the beginning of this parliament, are 
 remembered in so sensible expressions, and that other, which 
 acknowledgeth the many good laws passed by our grace and 
 favour this parliament for the security of our people : of 
 which we shall only say thus much, that, as we have not re- 
 fused to pass any bill presented to us by our parliament, for 
 redress of those grievances mentioned in the remonstrance, so 
 we have not had a greater motive for the passing those laws 
 than our own resolution (grounded upon our observation and 
 understanding of the state of our kingdom) to have freed our 
 subjects, for the future, from those pressures which were 
 grievous to them, if those laws had not been propounded : 
 which therefore we shall as inviolably maintain as we look to 
 have our own rights preserved; not doubting but all our 
 loAong subjects will look on those remedies with that full 
 gratitude and affection, that even the memory of what they 
 have formerly undergone, by the accidents and necessities of 
 those times, will not be unpleasant to them. And possibly, 
 in a pious sense of God^s blessing upon this nation, (how little 
 share soever we shall have of the acknowledgment,) they will 
 confess they have enjoyed a great measure of happiness (even 
 in these last sixteen years) both in peace and plenty, not only 
 comparatively in respect of their neighbours, but even of those 
 times which were justly accounted fortunate. 
 
 The fears and jealousies which may make some impression 
 in the minds of our people we will suppose may be of two 
 sorts, either for religion or liberty, and their civil inter- 
 ests. The fears for religion may haply be, not only as ours, 
 here estabhshed, may be invaded by the Romish party, but as 
 it is accompanied with some ceremonies, at which some tender 
 consciences really are, or pretend to be, scandalized : for of 
 any other, which have been used without any legal warrant or 
 injunction, and already are or speedily may be abohshed, we 
 shall not speak. 
 
 Concerning religion, as there may be any suspicion of 
 favour or inclination to the papists, we are willing to declare 
 
398 APPENDIX. 
 
 to all the world, that, as we have been from our childhood 
 brought up in and practised the religion now established 
 in this kingdom ; so it is well known we have (not con- 
 tented simply with the principles of our education) given a 
 good proportion of our time and pains to the examination of 
 the grounds of this religion, as it is different from that of 
 E-ome, and are, from our soul, so fully satisfied and assured 
 that it is the most pure and agreeable to the sacred word of 
 God of any religion now practised in the Christian world, 
 that, as we believe we can maintain the same by unan- 
 swerable reasons, so we hope we should readily seal to it by 
 the effusion of our blood, if it pleased God to call us to that 
 sacrifice. And therefore nothing can be so acceptable unto 
 us as any proposition which may contribute to the advance- 
 ment of it here, or the propagation of it abroad, being the 
 only means to draw down a blessing from God upon ourselves 
 and this nation. And we have been extremely unfortunate if 
 this profession of ours be wanting to our people, our constant 
 practice in our own person ha-ving always been (without osten- 
 tation) as much to the evidence of our care and duty herein 
 as we could possibly tell how to express. 
 
 For differences amongst ourselves for matters indifferent 
 in their own nature, concerning religion, we shall, in tender- 
 ness to any number of our loving subjects, very willingly 
 comply with the advice of our parliament, that some law may 
 be made for the exemption of tender consciences from punish- 
 ment or prosecution for such ceremonies and in such cases, 
 which, by the judgment of most men, are held to be matters 
 indifferent, and, of some, to be absolutely unlawful, provided, 
 that this ease be attempted and pursued with that modesty, 
 temper, and submission, that in the mean time the peace 
 and quiet of the kingdom be not disturbed, the decency and 
 comeliness of God's service discountenanced, nor the pious, 
 sober, and devout actions of those reverend persons who were 
 the first labourers in the blessed reformation, or of that time, 
 be scandaled and defamed. For we cannot, without grief of 
 heart, and without some tax upon ourself and our ministers, 
 for the non-execution of our laws, look upon the bold license 
 of some men, in printing of pamphlets, in preaching and 
 printing of sermons, so full of bitterness and malice against 
 
APPENDIX. 399 
 
 the present government, against the laws established, so full 
 of sedition against ourself, and the peace of the kingdom, 
 that we are many times amazed to consider by what eyes 
 these things are seen, and by what ears they are heard : and, 
 therefore, we have good cause to command, as we have done, 
 and hereby do, all our judges and ministers of justice, our 
 attorney and solicitor-general, and the rest of our learned 
 counsel, to proceed with all speed against such, and their 
 abettors, who, either by writing or words, have so boldly and 
 maliciously violated the laws, disturbed the peace of the com- 
 monwealth, and, as much as in them lies, shaken the very 
 foundation upon which that peace and happiness is founded 
 and constituted. And we doubt not but all our loving sub- 
 jects will be very sensible that this busy, virulent, demeanour 
 is a fit prologue to nothing but confusion ; and, if not very 
 seasonably punished and prevented, will not only be a blemish 
 to that wholesome accommodation we intend, but an unspeak- 
 able scandal and imputation, even upon the profession and 
 religion of this our kingdom of England. 
 
 Concerning the civil liberties and interest of our subjects 
 we shall need to say the less, having erected so many lasting 
 monuments of our princely and fatherly care of our people in 
 those many excellent laws passed by us this parliament ; 
 which, in truth, (with very much content to ourself,) we con- 
 ceive to be so large and ample, that very many sober men have 
 very little left to wish for. 
 
 "We understood well the right, and pretences of right, we 
 departed from in the consenting to the bills of the triennial 
 parliament, for the continuance of this present parliament, 
 and in the preamble to the bill of tonnage and poundage ; 
 the matter of which (having begot so many disturbances in 
 late parliaments) we were willing to remove, that no interest 
 of ours might hereafter break that correspondence ; abun- 
 dantly contenting ourself with an assurance (which we still 
 have) that we should be repaired and supplied by a just pro- 
 portion of confidence, bounty, and obedience of our people. 
 In the bills for the taking away the high commission and star- 
 chamber courts, we believed we had given that real satisfac- 
 tion, that all jealousies and apprehensions of arbitrary pres- 
 sures under the civil or ecclesiastical state would easily have 
 
400 APPENDIX. 
 
 been abandoned, especially when they saw all possible doubts 
 secured by the visitation of a triennial parliament. 
 
 These, and others of no mean consideration, we had rather 
 should be valued in the hearts and affections of our people, 
 than in any mention of our own, not doubting, but as 
 we have taken all these occasions to render their condition 
 most comfortable and happy, so they will always, in a grate- 
 ful and dutiful relation, be ready, with equal tenderness and 
 alacrity, to advance our rights and preserve our honour, upon 
 which their own security and subsistence so much depends. 
 And we will be so careful, that no particular shall be presented 
 unto us, for the completing and establishing that security, to 
 which we will not, with the same readiness, contribute our 
 best assistance. 
 
 If these resolutions be the effects of our present counsels, 
 (and we take God to witness that they are such, and that all 
 our loving subjects may confidently expect the benefit of 
 them from us,) certainly no ill design upon the pubhc can 
 accompany such resolutions, neither will there be greater 
 cause of suspicion of any persons preferred by us to degrees 
 of honour, and places of trust and employment, since this 
 parliament ; and, we must confess, that, amongst our mis- 
 fortunes, we reckon it not the least, that, having not retained 
 in our service nor protected any one person against whom 
 our parliament hath excepted, during the whole sitting of it, 
 and having, in all that time, scarce vouchsafed to any man 
 an instance of our grace and favour, but to such who were 
 under some eminent character of estimation amongst our 
 people, there should so soon be any misunderstanding, or 
 jealousy of their fidelity and uprightness, especially in a time 
 when we take all occasions to declare that we conceive our- 
 self only capable of being served by honest men and in honest 
 ways. However, if in, truth we have been mistaken in such 
 our election, the particulars shall be no sooner discovered to 
 us, either by our own observation or other certain informa- 
 tion, than we will leave them to public justice, under the 
 marks of our displeasure. 
 
 If, notwithstanding this, any malignant party shall take 
 heart, and be willing to sacrifice the peace and happiness of 
 their country to their own sinister ends and ambitions, under 
 
APPENDIX. 401 
 
 what pretence of religion and conscience soever; — if they shall 
 endeavour to lessen our reputation and interest, and to weaken 
 our lawful power and authority with our good subjects ; — if 
 they shall go about, by discountenancing the present laws, to 
 loosen the bonds of government, that all disorder and confu- 
 sion may break in upon us ; — we doubt not but God, in his 
 good time, will discover them unto us ; and the wisdom and 
 courage of our high court of parliament join with us in their 
 suppression and punishment. 
 
 Having now said all that we can, to express the clearness 
 and uprightness of our intentions to our people, and done 
 all we can to manifest those intentions, we cannot but confi- 
 dently believe all our good subjects will acknowledge our 
 part to be fully performed, both in deeds past and present 
 resolutions to do whatsoever with justice may be required of 
 us, and that their quiet and prosperity depends now wholly 
 upon themselves, and is in their own power, by yielding all 
 obedience and due reverence to the law, which is the in- 
 heritance of every subject, and the only security he can have 
 for his life, liberty, or estate ; and the which being neglected 
 or disesteemed, (under what specious shows soever,) a great 
 measure of infelicity, if not an irreparable confusion, must, 
 without doubt, fall upon them. And we doubt not it will 
 be the most acceptable declaration a king can make to his 
 subjects, that, for our part, we are resolved not only duly to 
 observe the laws of ourself, but to maintain them against 
 what opposition soever, though with the hazard of our being. 
 
 And our hope is, that not only the loyalty and good affec- 
 tions of all our loving subjects will concur with us in the 
 constant preserving a good understanding between us and 
 our people, but at this time their own and our interest, and 
 compassion of the lamentable condition of our poor protestant 
 subjects in Ireland, will invite them to a fair intelligence and 
 unity amongst themselves, that so we may, with one heart, 
 intend the relieving and recovering that unhappy kingdom, 
 where those barbarous rebels practise such inhuman and un- 
 heard of outrages upon our miserable people, that no Christ- 
 ian ear can hear without horror, nor story parallel. And 
 as we look upon this as the greatest affliction it hath pleased 
 God to lay upon us, so our unhappiness is increased, in that, 
 
 MAY. D d 
 
402 APPENDIX. 
 
 by the distempers at home, so early remedies have not been 
 applied to those growing evils as the expectation and neces- 
 sity there requires ; though for our part, as we did, upon the 
 first notice, acquaint our parliament of Scotland (where we 
 then were) with that rebellion, requiring their aid and assist- 
 ance, and gave like speedy intimation and recommendation 
 to our parliament here, so, since our return hither, we have 
 been forward to all things which have been proposed to us 
 towards that work, and have lately ourself offered (by a mes- 
 sage to our house of peers, and communicated to our house 
 of commons) to take upon us the care to raise speedily ten 
 thousand English volunteers for that service, if the house of 
 commons shall declare that they will pay them ; which par- 
 ticulars we are (in a manner) necessitated to publish, since 
 we are informed, that the malice of some persons hath whis- 
 pered it abroad, that the no speedier advancing of this busi- 
 ness hath proceeded from some want of alacrity in us to this 
 great work ; whereas we acknowledge it a high crime against 
 Almighty God, and inexcusable to our good subjects of our 
 three kingdoms, if we did not, to the utmost, employ all our 
 powers and faculties, to the speediest and most effectual 
 assistance and protection of that distressed people. 
 
 And we shall now conjure all our good subjects, (of what 
 degree soever,) by all the bonds of love, duty, or obedience, 
 that are precious to good men, to join with us for the re- 
 covery of the peace of that kingdom, and the preservation of 
 the peace of this, to remove all their doubts and fears, which 
 may interrupt their affection to us, and all their jealousies 
 and apprehensions, which may lessen their charity to each 
 other : and then (if the sins of this nation have not prepared 
 an inevitable judgment for us all) God will yet make us a 
 great and glorious king over a free and happy people''. 
 
 •> This declaration of the king to his subjects, in answer to the foregoing 
 grand remonstrance or declaration of the house of commons, is generally 
 supposed to have been drawn up by Mr. Edward Hyde, who was after- 
 wards lord chancellor of England and earl of Clarendon. 
 
APPENDIX. 403 
 
 A common council held at Guildhall, in the city of London, the 
 3 1 s< of December, 1 64 1 . 
 
 Commune concilium tentum in camera Guildhall, civitatis 
 LondonisBj tricesimo primo die Decembris 1641, post mei'i- 
 diem, anno regni Dominini nostri Caroli, nunc regis Anglise, 
 &c. decimo septimo, coram Ricardo Gurney, miHte et baro- 
 netto, majore civitatis Londonise, Thoma Gardiner, miHte, 
 ejusdem civitatis recordatore, Ed. Bromfield, milite, et Ed. 
 Wright, milite, et aldermanno dictse civitatis, Johanne Cordell, 
 milite, Johanne Gayer, milite, Jacobo Garrad, milite, ac al- 
 dermanno, Thoma Atkin, aldermanno, Johanne Wallaston, 
 milite et aldermanno, Thoma Adams, Johanne Warner, Jo- 
 hanne Towse, Abrahamo Reynardson, et Thoma Austin, prse- 
 dictse civitatis aldermannis, ac Georgio Garret et Georgio 
 Clark, militibus et aldermannis ac vicecomitibus civitatis prse- 
 dictse, nee non majore parte conciliariorum de communi con- 
 cilio ejusdem civitatis, tunc et ibidem assemblatorum. 
 
 At this common-council master recorder declared, that, by 
 the direction of the right honourable the lord mayor, he was 
 to signify to them the cause of their now assembling, how 
 that his lordship had yesterday received a letter from sir Ed- 
 ward Nicholas, knight, one of his majesty's principal secre- 
 taries, intimating that it was his majesty's pleasure his 
 lordship should call a common council against this time, and 
 then his lordship should be advertised of his majesty's further 
 pleasure : and that there was now at this present in the coun- 
 cil-chamber an honourable person, being the lord Newburgh, 
 chancellor of his majesty's court of the duchy, and one of his 
 majesty's most honourable privy-council, come hither to de- 
 liver his majesty's message or request to this court : and 
 thereupon the right honourable the lord Newburgh was de- 
 sired to come into this court, who, being here, declared and 
 said in this manner ; " Gentlemen, his majesty, out of his good 
 affection towards the city, and acknowledging of your great 
 loves lately showed unto his highness, hath sent me on a mes- 
 sage unto you, assuring it to be the same contained in a paper 
 which he presented and desired to be read to this common- 
 council, which was accordingly done, the tenor whereof fol- 
 loweth in these words," viz. 
 
 " There having been of late many tumultuary and riotous 
 
 Dd2 
 
404 APPENDIX. 
 
 assemblies of people about our palaces of Whitehall and West- 
 minster, to the great disturbance of us and our parliament : 
 and we having received information, that some ill-affected 
 persons do stiU endeavour to incite the like tumults again, 
 we have thought fit to recommend to your especial care the 
 preventing them, as far as in you lies, especially [during] 
 the ensuing holidays, at which the idleness of many may 
 make them apter to such disorders. We have thought fit 
 likewise to let you know, that we are so well assured of the 
 good affections of our city of London, by the great expres- 
 sions which it hath made unto us of late, that we can in no 
 wise understand it to have any share in the fault of these 
 tumults and distempers, but that they proceed merely from 
 the mean, unruly people of the suburbs. And as we are 
 most confident of the hearts and good affections of our city 
 of London towards us and our government, and will not en- 
 tertain any other opinion ; so we do desire them not to be 
 disturbed by any jealousies that ill-affected persons may en- 
 deavour to sow, but to rest most confident and assured, that 
 the safety, the protection, and the prosperity of the city shall 
 ever be with us a principal care. " 
 
 After the reading of which most gracious message, whereby 
 is fully manifested and expressed his majesty's gracious good- 
 ness and great care for the safety and prosperity of this city, 
 (the lord Newburgh having withdrawn himself,) this common- 
 council took the same into their serious consideration, and 
 how for the present to return, by this honourable person, 
 unto his majesty an answer with all humility and thankful- 
 ness ; and, after much debate, it was fully agreed and re- 
 solved of by this common-council, that, in the first place, 
 should be returned and rendered unto his majesty from this 
 common-council, as the representative body of the whole 
 city, their humble duty in all thankful manner, for his good- 
 ness and gracious love and care manifested to this city. 
 
 Secondly, that it should be signified unto his majesty, [that 
 neither] this court nor any particular member thereof hath 
 had any hand in these tumultuous and riotous proceedings, 
 and that they, and every one of them, do disavow and disclaim 
 the same. 
 
 Thirdly, that it may be likewise signified, that this court 
 
APPENDIX. 405 
 
 (as the representative body of the whole city) doth promise 
 from henceforth their best endeavours to prevenfand suppress, 
 in time to come (as far as in them heth), all such or the like 
 tumultuous assemblies^ and all mutinous and rebelhous per- 
 sons. 
 
 And lastly, that the humble desire of this court may be 
 presented unto his majesty, to be graciously pleased, that all 
 the delinquents and causers of these tumults, whatsoever 
 they be, being apprehended, may be brought into examina- 
 tion, and receive condign punishment according to the law. 
 
 And these four things thus agreed upon, were, by direction 
 of this common-council, here openly declared and delivered, 
 by the mouth of master recorder, unto that honourable per- 
 son the lord Newburgh, here present, with desire that the 
 same should be, by his lordship, accordingly presented unto 
 his majesty ; the which he promised to perform with trust. 
 
 And afterwards this court entered into further consulta- 
 tion and debate, touching the tumultuous and riotous assem- 
 blies lately spread, night and day, in several parts of this city, 
 to the great trouble and affrightment of his majesty's good 
 subjects, and also touching the great neglect of that due 
 respect which ought to be given by the inhabitants of this 
 city, to the several precepts lately issued out by my lord 
 mayor for a continual] watch and ward, day and night, for 
 prevention and suppression of such tumults and distempers. 
 
 And likewise touching the great neglect in appearance of 
 the trained bands of this city to their colours at the beat of 
 the drum, especially in these times of danger, in contempt of 
 authority, being a matter of exceeding great consequence, and 
 not fit to be suffered. And thereupon this common- council, 
 taking much to heart that such disobedience should grow 
 and be found in the inhabitants of this city, to the great dis- 
 respect of magistracy and contempt of government ; and that 
 such disorders and tumultuary assemblies should be permitted 
 in such a city as this, (formerly famous for the good and quiet 
 government thereof,) hath thought it very expedient and 
 behoveful, for redress and remedy to be had in these abuses, 
 (being not fit to be any longer endured,) that every member 
 of this common-council now assembled, shall, in their several 
 precincts, spread it abroad and make it known, that, if any 
 
406 APPENDIX. 
 
 person or persons shall from henceforth neglect his duty 
 and service to be performed, as aforesaid^ and shall not do 
 his best endeavour to suppress or prevent any tumults or 
 riotous assemblies, that shall hereafter be attempted within 
 this city, or liberties thereof, that then he or they offending 
 shall receive condign punishment, according to his or their 
 demerits. 
 
 And it is further thought fit, and so agreed by this common- 
 council, that my lord mayor may send out his precepts in 
 such manner and to such purpose as his lordship and his 
 brethren the aldermen shall think fit, for watch and ward, 
 raising of arms, or otherwise, for the safety and preservation 
 of this city ; to which this court and all the members thereof 
 promise all due and cheerful obedience. 
 
 His majesty's message, sent by the lord chamberlain to the 
 house of peers the 2Sth of December 1641. 
 
 His majesty being very sensible of the great miseries and 
 distresses of his subjects in the kingdom of Ireland, which go 
 daily increasing so fast, and the blood which hath been already 
 spilt by the cruelty and barbarousness of those rebels, crying 
 out so loud, and perceiving how slowly the succours designed 
 thither go on, his majesty hath thought fit to let your lord- 
 ships know, and desires you to acquaint the house of com- 
 mons therewith, that his majesty will take care, that by 
 commissions which he shall grant, ten thousand English volun- 
 teers shall be speedily raised for that service, if so the house 
 of commons shall declare that they will pay them. 
 By the king. 
 
 Whereas divers lewd and wicked persons have of late risen 
 in rebellion in our kingdom of Ireland, surprised divers of 
 our forts and castles, and possessed themselves thereof; sur- 
 prised some of our garrisons ; possessed themselves of some 
 of our magazines of arms and munition ; dispossessed many 
 of our good and loyal subjects of the British nation, and pro- 
 testants, of their houses and lands ; robbed and spoiled many 
 thousands of our good subjects of the British nation, and 
 protestants, of their goods, to great values ; massacred multi- 
 tudes of them, imprisoned many others, and some who have 
 the hono)ir to serve us as privy councillors of that our king- 
 
APPENDIX. 407 
 
 dom : we therefore^ having taken the same into our royal 
 consideration, and abhorring the wicked disloyalty and horri- 
 ble acts committed by those persons, do hereby not only 
 declare our just indignation thereof, but also do declare them 
 and their adherents and abettors, and all those who shall 
 hereafter join with them, or commit the like acts on any of 
 our good subjects in that kingdom, to be rebels and traitors 
 against our royal person, and enemies to our royal crown of 
 England and Ireland. 
 
 And we do hereby strictly charge and command all those 
 persons, who have so presumed to rise in arms against us 
 and our royal authority, (which we cannot otherwise interpret 
 than acts of high rebellion and detestable disloyalty, when 
 therein they spoil and destroy our good and loyal subjects of 
 the British nation, and protestants,) that they immediately 
 lay down their arms, and forbear all further acts of hostUity ; 
 wherein if they faU, we do let them know, that we have au- 
 thorized our justices of Ireland, and other our chief governor 
 or governors, and general or lieutenant-general, of our army 
 there, and do hereby accordingly require and authorize them, 
 and every of them, to prosecute the said rebels and traitors 
 with fire and sword, as persons who, by their disloyalty against 
 us their lawful and undoubted king and sovereign, have made 
 themselves unworthy of any mercy or favour : wherein our 
 said justices or other chief governor or governors, and general 
 or lieutenant-general of our said army, shall be countenanced 
 and supported by us and by our powerful succours of our 
 good subjects of England and Scotland, that so they may re- 
 duce to obedience those wicked disturbers of that peace, which, 
 by the blessing of God, that kingdom hath so long and so 
 happily enjoyed, under the government of our royal father 
 and us. And this our royal pleasure we do hereby require 
 our justices, or other chief governor or governors of that our 
 kingdom of Ireland, to cause to be published and proclaimed 
 in and throughout our said kingdom of Ireland. 
 
 Given under our signet, at our palace at Westminster, 
 
 the 1st day of of January, in the seventeenth year of 
 
 our reign, 1641 <^. — God save the king. 
 
 ■= This date is more than two months after the 23rd of October 1641, 
 when the Irish rebelUon and massacre began. And it is remarkable, that 
 
408 APPENDIX. 
 
 Articles of high treason, and other misdemeanours, against the 
 
 lord Kymbolton, Mr. Pym, John Hampden, Denzill Hollis, 
 
 sir Arthur Haslerig, and William Strode, being all 
 
 members of the house of commons. 
 
 1 . That they have traitorously endeavoured to subvert the 
 fundamental laws and goverument of this kingdom, and de- 
 prive the king of his legal power, and to place on subjects an 
 arbitrary and tyrannical power. 
 
 2. That they have endeavoured, by many foul aspersions 
 upon his majesty and his government, to alienate the affec- 
 tions of his people, and to make his majesty odious to them. 
 
 3. That they have endeavoured to draw his majesty's late 
 army to disobedience to his majesty's command, and to side 
 with them in their traitorous design. 
 
 4. That they have traitorously invited and encouraged a 
 foreign power to invade his majesty's kingdom of England. 
 
 5. That they have traitorously endeavoured to subvert the 
 very rights and beings of parliaments. 
 
 6. That, for the completing of their traitorous designs, they 
 have endeavoured, as far as in them lay, by force and terror, 
 to compel the parliament to join with them in their traitorous 
 designs, and to that end have actually raised and counte- 
 nanced tumults against the king and parliament. 
 
 7. That they have traitorously conspired to levy, and actu- 
 ally have levied, war against the king. 
 
 Die LmncB, 3 Januar. 1641. 
 
 It is this day ordered upon the question, by the commons 
 house of parliament, that, if any persons whatsoever shall 
 come to the lodgings of any member of this house, and there 
 do offer to seal the trunks, doors, or papers of any members 
 of this house, or to seize upon their persons ; that then such 
 members shall require the aid of the constable, to keep 
 such persons in safe custody, till this house do give further 
 
 with this proclamation, a warrant, signed by secretary Nicholas, was sent 
 to the printer, importing, " that it was his majesty's pleasure he should 
 forthwith print, on good paper, forty copies of the same for the king's use, 
 and that no more be printed tiU his pleasure be further notified." See 
 Rushworth's Historical Collections abridged, vol. iv. page 234. 
 
APPENDIX. 409 
 
 order. And this house doth further declare, that, if any per- 
 son whatsoever shall offer to arrest or detain the person of 
 any member of this house, without first acquainting this 
 house therewith, and receiving further order from this house ; 
 that it is lawful for such member, or any person [willing to] 
 assist him, to stand upon his and their guard of defence, and 
 to make resistance, according to the protestation taken to 
 defend the privileges of parliament. 
 
 H. Elsynge, Cler. Pari. D. Com. 
 
 His majesty's speech in the house of commons, Jan. 4, 1641. 
 Gentlemen, 
 
 I am sorry for this occasion of coming unto you : yester- 
 day I sent a sergeant-at-arms upon a very important occasion, 
 to apprehend some that by my command were accused of 
 high treason, whereunto I did expect obedience, and not a 
 message. And I must declare unto you here, that, albeit no 
 king that ever was in England shall be more careful of your 
 privileges, to maintain them to the uttermost of his power, 
 than I shall be ; yet you must know, that in cases of treason, 
 no person hath a privilege ; and therefore I am come to know 
 if any of those persons that were accused are here. For I 
 must tell you, gentlemen, that so long as those persons that 
 I have accused (for no slight crime, but for treason). are here, 
 I cannot expect that this house can be in the right way that 
 I do heartily wish it : therefore I am come to tell you, that I 
 must have them wheresoever I find them. Well; — since I 
 see all the birds are flown, I do expect from you that you 
 shall send them unto me as soon as they return hither : but 
 I assure you, in the word of a king, I never did intend any 
 force, but shall proceed against them in a legal and fair way, 
 for I never meant any other. 
 
 And now, since I see I cannot do what I came for, I think 
 this no unfit occasion to repeat what I have said formerly ; 
 That whatsoever I have done in favour and to the good of my 
 subjects, I do mean to maintain it. 
 
 I will trouble you no more, but tell you, I do expect, as 
 soon as they come to the house, you wUl send them to me : 
 otherwise I must take my own course to find them. 
 
410 APPENDIX. 
 
 Die Mercurii, 5 Jan. 1641. 
 Commons house of parliament. 
 
 Whereas his majesty^ in his royal person, yesterday, being 
 the 4th of January, 1641, did come to the house of commons, 
 attended with a great multitude of men, armed in a warlike 
 manner, with halberds, swords, and pistols, who came up to 
 the very door of the house, and placed themselves there, and 
 in other places and passages near to the house, to the great 
 terror and disturbance of the members thereof then sitting, 
 and, according to their duty, in a peaceable and orderly man- 
 ner treating of the great affairs of both kingdoms of England 
 and Ireland; and his majesty, having placed himself in the 
 speaker's chair, did demand the persons of divers members of 
 the house to be delivered unto him : 
 
 It is this day declared, by the house of commons, that the 
 same is a high breach of the rights and privileges of parlia- 
 ment, and inconsistent with the liberty and freedom thereof: 
 and therefore this house doth conceive they cannot, with the 
 safety of their own persons, or the indemnity of the rights 
 and privileges of parHaraent, sit here any longer, without a 
 full vindication of so high a breach, and a sufficient guard 
 wherein they may confide ; for which both houses jointly, and 
 this house by itself, have been humble suitors to his majesty, 
 and cannot as yet obtain. 
 
 Notwithstanding which, this house, being very sensible of 
 the greatest trust reposed in them, and especially at this 
 time of the manifold distractions of this kingdom, and the 
 lamentable and distressed condition of the kingdom of Ire- 
 land, doth order, that this house shall be adjourned until 
 Tuesday next at one of the clock in the afternoon, and that a 
 committee be named by this house, and all that will come 
 shall have voices, and shall sit at the Guildhall in the city of 
 London, to morrow morning at nine of the clock ; and shall 
 have power to consider and resolve of all things that may 
 concern the good and safety of the city and kingdom, and 
 particularly how our privileges may be vindicated and our 
 persons secured ; and to consider of the aff"airs and relief 
 of Ireland ; and shall have power to consult and advise with 
 any person or persons, touching the premises, and shall have 
 power to send for parties, witnesses, papers, and records. 
 
APPENDIX. 411 
 
 And it is further ordered, that the committee for the Irish 
 affairs shall meet at the Guildhall aforesaid, at what time 
 they shall think fit ; and consult and do touching the affairs 
 of Ireland, according to the power formerly given them by 
 this house; and both the said committees shall report the 
 results of their consideration and resolution to this house. 
 
 Master Chancellor of the Exchequer J M. Glyn; M. Whit- 
 lock j lord Falkland; sir Phil. Stapleton ; M. Nath. Fiennes ; 
 sir Ralph Hopton ; sir John Hotham ; sir Walter Earl ; sir 
 Robert Cook ; sir Tho. Walsingham ; sir Samuel Roll ; M. 
 Pierpoint; M.Walt. Long; sir Rich. Cave; sir Ed. Hunger- 
 ford; M. Grimstdn; sir Christ. Wr ay; sir Ben. Rudyard ; sir 
 John Heppisley; M. Herbert Price ; sir John Wray; sir Tho. 
 Barrington; M.Wheeler; sir WiU. Litton. 
 
 This is the committee appointed by the former order, and 
 are to pursue the directions of the former order ; and aU that 
 win come are to have voices at this committee. 
 
 A declaration of the house of commons touching a late breach 
 of their privileges, and for the vindication thereof, and of 
 divers members of the said house. 
 
 Whereas the chambers, studies, and trunks of master Den- 
 zU HoUis, sir Arthur Haslerigg, master Jphn Pym, master 
 John Hampden, and master William Strode, esquires, mem- 
 bers of the house of commons, upon Monday the 3rd of this 
 instant January, by colour of his majesty's warrant, have been 
 sealed up by sir William Killigrew and sir William Flemen 
 and others, which is not only against the privilege of parlia- 
 ment, but the common liberty of every subject : which said 
 members afterwards, the same day, were, under the like 
 colour, by sergeant Francis, one of his majesty's sergeants- 
 at-arms, contrary to all former presidents, demanded of the 
 speaker, sitting in the house of commons, to be delivered unto 
 him, that he might arrest them of high treason. And whereas, 
 afterwards, the next day, his majesty, in his royal person, came 
 to the said house, attended with a great multitude of men, 
 armed in warlike manner, with halberds, swords, and pistols, 
 who came up to the very door of the house, and placed them- 
 selves there, and in other places, and passages near to the 
 said house, to the great terror and disturbance of the mem- 
 
412 APPENDIX. 
 
 bers then sitting, and, according to their duty, in a peaceable 
 and orderly manner treating of the great affairs of England 
 and Ireland. And his majesty, having placed himself in the 
 speaker's chair, demanded of them the persons of the said 
 members to be delivered unto him ; which is a high breach of 
 the rights and privileges of parliament, and inconsistent with 
 the liberties and freedom thereof. And whereas, afterwards, 
 his majesty did issue forth several warrants to divers ofl&cers, 
 under his own hand, for the apprehension of the persons of 
 the said members, which by law he cannot do ; there being 
 not all this time any legal charge or accusation, or due pro- 
 cess of law issued against them, nor any pretence of charge 
 made known to that house ; all which are against the funda- 
 mental liberties of the subject and the rights of parliament : 
 whereupon we are necessitated, according to our duty, to de- 
 clare, and we do hereby declare, that if any person shall 
 arrest master HolUs, sir Arthur Haslerigg, master Pym, 
 master Hampden, and master Strode, or any of them, or any 
 other member of parliament, by pretence or colour of any 
 warrant issuing out from the king only, [he will] be guilty of a 
 breach of the liberties of the subject and of the privilege 
 of parliament, and a public enemy to the commonwealth. 
 And that the arresting of the said members, or any of them, 
 or of any other member of parliament, by any warrant what- 
 soever, without a legal proceeding against them, and without 
 consent of that house, whereof such person is a member, is 
 against the liberty of the subject, and a breach of privilege of 
 parliament ; and the person which shall arrest any of these 
 persons, or any other member of the parliament, is declared a 
 public enemy of the commonwealth. Notwithstanding aU 
 which, we think fit further to declare, that we are so far from 
 any endeavours to protect any of our members that shall be 
 in due manner prosecuted, according to the laws of the kiug- 
 dom and the rights and privileges of parliament, for treason, 
 or any other misdemeanours, that none shall be more ready 
 and willing than we ourselves to bring them to a speedy and 
 due trial, being sensible that it equally imports us as well to 
 see justice done against them that are criminous as to defend 
 the just rights and liberties of the subjects and parliament of 
 England. 
 
APPENDIX. 413 
 
 And whereas, upon several examinations, taken the 7th 
 day of this instant January, before the committee appointed 
 by the house of commons to sit in London, it did fully ap- 
 pear that many soldiers, papists, and others, to the number 
 of about fire hundred, came with his majesty on Tuesday last 
 to the said house of commons, armed with swords, pistols, 
 and other weapons, and divers of them pressed to the door 
 of the said house, thrust away the doorkeepers, and placed 
 themselves between the said door and the ordinary attendants 
 of his majesty, holding up their swords, and some holding up 
 their pistols ready-cocked, near the said door, and saying, 
 " I am a good marksman ; I can hit right, I warrant you ;" 
 and they not suffering the said door, according to the custom 
 of parliament, to be shut, but said they would have the 
 door open, and, if any opposition were against them, they 
 made no question but they should make their party good, 
 and that they would maintain their party ; and when seve- 
 ral members of the house of commons were coming into the 
 house, their attendants desiring that room might be made 
 for them, some of the said soldiers answered, "A pox of 
 God confound them !" and others said, " A pox take the house 
 of commons ; let them come and be hanged ; what ado is 
 here with the house of commons !" and some of the said sol- 
 diers did likeivise violently assault, and by force disarm, some 
 of the attendants and servants of the members of the house 
 of commons, waiting in the room next the said house ; and, 
 upon the king's return out of the said house, many of them, 
 by wicked oaths and otherwise, expressed much discontent, 
 that some members of the said house, for whom they came, 
 were not there ; and others of them said, " When comes the 
 word ?" and no word being given at his majesty's coming 
 out, they cried " A lane, a lane." Afterwards some of them, 
 being demanded what they thought the said company in- 
 tended to have done, answered, that, questionless, in the 
 posture they were set, if the word had been given, they should 
 have fallen upon the house of commons, and have cut all their 
 throats. Upon all which we are of opinion, that it is suffi- 
 ciently proved, that the coming of the said soldiers, papists, 
 and others with his majesty to the house of commons, on 
 Tuesday last, being the 4th of this instant January, in the 
 
414 APPENDIX. 
 
 manner aforesaid, was to take away some of the members of 
 the said boiase ; and if they should have found opposition or 
 denial, then to have fallen upon the said house in a hostile 
 manner : and we do hereby declare, that the same was a trai- 
 torous design against the king and parliament. And, whereas 
 the said master HoUis, sir Arthur Haslerigge, master Pym, mas- 
 ter Hampden, and master Strode, upon report of the coming 
 of the said soldiers, papists, and others, in the warlike and hos- 
 tile manner aforesaid, did, with the approbation of the house, 
 absent themselves from the service of the house, for avoiding 
 the great and many inconveniences which otherwise appa- 
 rently might have happened : since which time, a printed 
 paper, in the form of a proclamation, bearing date the 6th 
 day of this instant January, hath issued out for the appre- 
 hending and imprisoning of them ; therein suggesting, that, 
 through the conscience of their own guilt, they were absent 
 and fled, not willing to submit themselves to justice ; we do 
 further declare, that the said printed paper is false, scan- 
 dalous, and illegal, and that, notwithstanding the said printed 
 paper, or any warrant issued out, or any other matter yet 
 appearing against them or any of them, they may and ought 
 to attend the service of the said house of commons, and the 
 several committees now on foot, and that it is lawful for all 
 persons whatsoever to lodge, harbour, or converse with them 
 or any of them : and whosoever shall be questioned for the 
 same shall be under the protection and privilege of parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 And we do further declare, that the publishing of several 
 articles, purporting a form of a charge of high treason against 
 the lord Kymbolton, one of the members of the lords' house, 
 and against the said master Hollis, sir Arthur Haslerigge, 
 master Pym, master Hampden, and master Strode, by sir 
 WilHam Killigrew, sir WiUiam Piemen, and others in the 
 inns of court, and elsewhere, in the king's name, was a high 
 breach of the privilege of parliament, a great scandal to his 
 majesty and his government, a seditious act, manifestly tend- 
 ing to the subversion of the peace of the kingdom, and an in- 
 jury and dishonour to the said members, there being no legal 
 charge or accusation against them. 
 
 That the privileges of parliament and the liberties of the 
 
APPENDIX. 415 
 
 subject, so violated and broken, cannot be fully and suffi- 
 ciently vindicated, unless his majesty will be graciously 
 pleased to discover the names of those persons who advised 
 his majesty to issue out warrants for the seahng of the 
 chambers and studies of the said members ; to send a ser- 
 geant-at-arms to the house of commons, to demand their said 
 members ; to issue out several warrants under his majesty's 
 own hand, to apprehend the said members ; his majesty's 
 coming thither in his own royal person ; the publishing of 
 the said articles and printed paper, in the form of a procla- 
 mation, against the said members, in such manner as is before 
 declared ; to the end that such persons may receive condign 
 punishment. 
 
 And this house doth further declare, that aU such persons 
 as have given any counsel, or endeavoured to set or maintain 
 division or dislike between the king and parliament, or have 
 listed their names, or otherwise entered into any combination 
 or agreement to be aiding or assisting to any such counsel 
 or endeavour, or have persuaded any other so to do, or that 
 shall do any the things above mentioned, and shall not 
 forthwith discover the same to either house of parliament, or 
 the speaker of either of the said houses respectively, and dis- 
 claim it, are declared public enemies of the state and peace of 
 this kingdom, and shall be inquired of and proceeded against 
 accordingly. 
 
 Die Imtub, 17 Januarii, 1641. It is this day ordered, by the 
 commons assembled in parliament, that this declaration 
 shall be forthwith published in print. 
 
 Hen. Elsing. Cler. Pari, de Com. 
 
 To the king's most excellent majesty, and the lords and peers 
 now assembled in parliament. 
 
 The humble petition and protestation of all the bishops and 
 prelates, now called by his majesty's writs to attend the par- 
 liament, and present about London and Westminster for that 
 service. 
 
 That, whereas the petitioners are called up by several and 
 respective writs, and under great penalties, to attend in par- 
 liament, and have a clear and indubitate right to vote in biUs, 
 
416 APPENDIX. 
 
 and other matters whataoever^ debatable in parliament, by the 
 ancient customs, laws, and statutes of this realm, and ought 
 to be protected by your majesty, quietly to attend and prose- 
 cute that great service : 
 
 They humbly remonstrate and protest before God, your 
 majesty, and the noble lords and peers now assembled in par- 
 liament, that, as they have an indubitate right to sit and vote 
 in the house of the lords, so are they (if they may be pro- 
 tected from force and violence) most ready and willing to 
 perform their duties accordingly. And that they do abomi- 
 nate all actions or opinions tending to popery and the 
 maintenance thereof, as also, aU propension and inclination 
 to any malignant party, or any other side or party whatsoever, 
 to the which their own reasons and consciences shall not move 
 them to adhere. 
 
 But, whereas they have been at several times violently 
 menaced, affronted, and assaulted, by multitudes of people, 
 in their coming to perform their services in that honourable 
 house; and lately chased away, and put in danger of their 
 lives, and can find no redress or protection upon sundry com- 
 plaints made to both houses in these particulars. 
 
 They likewise humbly protest before your majesty and the 
 noble house of peers, that saving unto themselves all their 
 rights and interests of sitting and voting in that house at other 
 times, they dare not sit or vote in the house of peers until 
 your majesty shall further secure them from all affronts, in- 
 dignities, and dangers in the premises. 
 
 Lastly, whereas their fears are not built upon phantasies 
 and conceits, but upon such grounds and objects as may well 
 terrify men of good resolutions and much constancy, they 
 do, in all duty and humiUty, protest before your majesty, and 
 the peers of that most honourable house of parliament, against 
 all laws, orders, votes, resolutions, and determinations, as in 
 themselves null, and of none effect, which in their absence, 
 since the 27th of this instant month of December, 1641, have 
 already passed ; as hkewise against all such as shall hereafter 
 pass in that most honourable house during the time of this 
 their forced and violent absence from the said most honour- 
 able house; not denying, but, if their absenting of themselves 
 were wilful and voluntary, that most honourable house might 
 
APPENDIX. 417 
 
 proceed in all these premises, their absence or this their pro- 
 testation notwithstanding. 
 
 And humbly beseeching your most excellent majesty to 
 command the clerk of that house of peers to enter this their 
 petition and protestation amongst his records, they will ever 
 pray to God to bless and preserve, &c. 
 
 Jo. Eborac, Thomas Duresme, Robert Co. Lich., Jos. Nor- 
 wich, Jo. Asaphen, Guil. Ba. and Wells, Geo. Hereford., 
 Bob. Oxon, Ma. Ely, Godfr. Glouc, Jo. Peterburg, Mor. 
 Llandaff. 
 
 Vera copia Jo. Erown Cleric. Parliament. 
 
 The house of lords was pleased on the 30th of December to 
 send a message to the house of commons, by sir John Banks 
 and judge Reeves, to desire a present conference, by a com- 
 mittee of both houses touching matters of dangerous and high 
 consequence. 
 
 And at the conference, the lord-keeper, in the name of the 
 house of peers, deHvered as foUoweth : 
 
 That this petition and protestation of the twelve bishops, 
 containing matters of high and dangerous consequence, and 
 such as my lords are very sensible of, and such as require a 
 speedy and sudden resolution ; it extending to the deep in- 
 trenching upon the fundamental privileges and being of par- 
 liament : therefore the lords have thought fit that this matter, 
 concerning the whole parliament, may be communicated to 
 the house of commons ; it being a thing of so great and so 
 general concernment. 
 
 This being thus communicated to the house of commons, 
 they came to this resolution, to accuse these twelve bishops 
 of high treason, for endeavouring to subvert the fundamental 
 laws and being of parliaments. 
 
 And master Glyn was ordered to go to the lords, and at 
 their bar, in the name of the house of commons, and all the 
 commons of England, to accuse these twelve prelates of high 
 treason for endeavouring to subvert the fundamental laws of 
 the realm, and the very being of parliaments, manifested by 
 preferring that petition and protestation; and to desire the 
 lords that they may be forthwith sequestered from parliament, 
 and put into safe custody; and that their lordships would ap- 
 
 MAY. E e 
 
418 APPENDIX. 
 
 point a speedy day for the commons to charge them, and they 
 to answer : for that the commons were ready to make good 
 their charge. 
 
 He was further ordered to give the lords thanks foil com- 
 municating this petition, with so much affection and speed, 
 and for expressing their sense thereof. 
 
 After master Glyn had delivered this at the bar, the lords 
 sent the black rod instantly, to find out these bishops, and 
 apprehend them ; and by eight of the clock at night they 
 were all taken, and brought upon their knees to the bar, and 
 ten of them committed to the Tower, and two (in regard of 
 their age, and indeed of the worthy parts of one of them, the 
 learned bishop of Durham) were committed to the black rod. 
 
 A proposition or message, sent the 315^ of December, 1641, to 
 his majesty, by the house of commons, for a guard. 
 
 Most gbacious sovereign. 
 We are sent by the knights, citizens, and burgesses of the 
 house of commons, your faithful and loyal subjects, (who are 
 ready to lay down their lives and fortunes, and spend the last 
 drop of their blood, to maintain your crown and royal person 
 in greatness and glory, and do, by us, cast themselves down 
 at your royal feet,) to present unto your majesty their humble 
 desires, upon their great apprehensions and just fears of mis- 
 chievous designs and practices to ruin and destroy them. 
 There have been several attempts heretofore to bring de- 
 struction upon their whole body at once, and threats and 
 menaces against particular persons. There is a malignant 
 party bitterly envenomed against them, daily gathering 
 strength and confidence, and now come to such height as 
 they have given boldness to some to imbrue their hands in 
 the blood of your subjects, in the face and at the doors of 
 the parliament, and at your majesty's own gates, and have 
 given out insolent and menacing speeches against the parlia- 
 ment itself. This causeth great distractions among the people 
 in general, and much fear and apprehension in the house of 
 commons ; that they conceive they cannot, with the safety 
 of their persons, (upon which the safety and peace of the 
 whole kingdom doth now depend,) sit any longer unarmed 
 
APPENDIX. 419 
 
 and unguarded, as they are. They have therefore their re- 
 course unto your majesty, most humbly beseeching you, that 
 it may stand with your good liking, if they provide for their 
 own safety, which the very law of nature and reason doth 
 allow unto them ; it is their humble desire, that they may 
 have a guard out of the city of Ijondon commanded by the 
 earl of Essex, lord chamberlain of your majesty^s household, 
 of whose fidelity to your majesty and the commonwealth they 
 have had long experience. By this your majesty's grace and 
 favour you will remove their fears, fill them with comfort and 
 assurance, and enable them to serve your majesty in such a 
 way as shall render your majesty and your government happy 
 and glorious. And to this they do most humbly desire your 
 majesty's gracious and speedy answer, because their safety and 
 the safety of the whole kingdom depends upon it, and will not 
 admit of any delay. 
 
 His majesty's answer to the message or proposition sent the 
 last of December past, by the house of commons, for a guard. 
 
 We have taken the last message from you, touching your 
 desire of a guard, into serious consideration, and truly with 
 great grief of heart, that, (after a whole year's sitting of this 
 parliament, wherein you have obtained those things, for the 
 happiness and security of yourselves, and the rest of our sub- 
 jects, as no age can equal,) instead of reaping in peace and 
 tranquiUity the fruits of your labours, and of our grace and 
 aflfection to our people, we should find jealousies, distrusts, 
 and fears, still so prevalent amongst you, as to induce you to 
 declare them unto us in so high a measure as you have done 
 at this time. 
 
 We are wholly ignorant of the grounds of your apprehen- 
 sions : but this we do protest before Almighty God, (to whom 
 we must be accountable for those whom he hath intrusted to 
 our care and protection,) that had we any knowledge or be- 
 lief of the least design in any, of violence, either formerly or 
 at this time, against you, we would pursue them to condign 
 punishment, with the same severity and detestation that we 
 would do the greatest attempt upon our crown. 
 
 We know the duty of that place where God hath set us, 
 
 E e 2 
 
420 APPENDIX. 
 
 the protection we owe to all our loyal subjects, and most par- 
 ticularly to you, called to our service by our writs ; and we 
 do engage unto you solemnly the word of a king, that the 
 security of all and every one of you from violence, is, and shall 
 ever be, as much our care, as the preservation of us and our 
 children. 
 
 And if this general assurance shall not suffice to remove 
 your apprehensions, we will command such a guard to wait 
 upon you, as we will be responsible for to Him who hath en- 
 charged us with the safety and protection of our subjects. 
 Whitehall, 3rd Jan. 1641. 
 
 To the king's most excellent majesty. 
 
 The humble petition of the mayor, aldermen, and common 
 council of the city of London. 
 
 May it please your most excellent majesty ; the often ex- 
 pressions of your most gracious acceptance of the manifesta- 
 tion of the petitioners' duty and loyalty, and the frequent 
 declarations of your majesty's great care of the good and 
 welfare of this city, and of the true protestant religion, and 
 of protecting and preserving the persons and privileges of 
 your great council, assembled in the high court of parlia- 
 ment : each encouraged the petitioners to represent the great 
 dangers, fears, and distractions wherein the city now is, by 
 reason of the prevailing progress of the bloody rebels in Ire- 
 land, fomented, and acted by the papists and their adherents, 
 and want of aid to suppress them, and the several intima- 
 tions they have had both foreign and at home, of the driving 
 on of their designs, tending to the utter ruin of the pro- 
 testant religion, and of the lives and liberties of your ma- 
 jesty's loyal subjects, the putting out of persons of honour 
 and trust from being constable and lieutenant of the Tower, 
 especially in these times, and the preparations there lately 
 made, the fortifying of Whitehall with men and munition 
 in an unusual manner : some of which men, with provoking 
 language and violence, abused divers citizens passing by, 
 and the drawing divers swords, and therewith wounding 
 sundry other citizens in Westminster-hall that were un- 
 armed : the late endeavours used to the inns of court, the 
 
APPENDIX. 421 
 
 calling in divers cannoneers, and other assistance, into the 
 Tower, the late discovery of divers fireworks in the hands of 
 a papist, and the misunderstanding betwixt your majesty 
 and parliament, by reason of misinformation, as they humbly 
 conceive. 
 
 Besides all which, the petitioners' fears are exceedingly 
 increased by your majesty's late going into the house of com- 
 mons, attended with a great multitude of armed men, besides 
 your ordinary guard, for the apprehending of divers members 
 of that house, to the endangering of your sacred person, and of 
 the persons and privileges of that honourable assembly. 
 
 The effects of all which fears tend, not only to the over- 
 throw of the whole trade of this city and kingdom, which the 
 petitioners already feel in a deep measure ; but also threaten 
 the utter ruin of the protestant religion, and the lives and 
 liberties of all your loyal subjects. 
 
 The petitioners therefore most humbly pray your sacred 
 majesty, that, by the advice of your great council in parha- 
 ment, the protestants in Ireland may be speedily relieved, the 
 Tower put into the hands of persons of trust : that, by re- 
 moval of doubtful and unknown persons from about Whitehall 
 and Westminster, a known and approved guard may be ap- 
 pointed for the safety of your majesty and parliament, and 
 that the lord Mandevill, and the five members of the house 
 of commons lately accused, may not be restrained of liberty, 
 or proceeded against, otherwise than according to the privi- 
 leges of parliament. 
 
 And the petitioners (as in all duty bound) shall pray for 
 your majesty's most long and happy reign, &c. 
 
 His majesty's answer to the petition of the mayor, aldermen, 
 and common-council of the city of London. 
 His majesty having fully considered the matter of this peti- 
 tion, is graciously pleased to declare, that being unalterably 
 resolved to make good all his expressions and declarations of 
 his care of this city, of the true protestant religion, and of the 
 privileges of parliament; his majesty takes in good part the 
 intimation given by the petitioners of the fears and distrac- 
 tions wherein the city now seems to be. And though he 
 
422 APPENDIX. 
 
 conceives he did on Wednesday, at the Guildhall, satisfy most 
 of those particulars, is pleased to add this further answer : 
 
 1 . That for the sad business of Ireland, his majesty cannot 
 possibly express a greater sense than he hath done, there 
 being nothing left on his majesty^s part unofFered or undone. 
 And he hoped, by the speedy advice and assistance of his 
 parliament, that great and necessary work would be put in a 
 just forwardness, to which his majesty wiU contribute all 
 his power : and how zealous he is, and hath been therein, 
 will appear in a declaration speedily to be set forth by his 
 majesty. 
 
 2. For the Tower : his majesty wonders, that having re- 
 moved a servant of good trust and reputation from that 
 charge, only to satisfy the fears of the city, and put in an- 
 other of unquestionable reputation and known ability, the 
 petitioners should still entertain those fears ; and whatever 
 preparation of strength is there made, is with as great an eye 
 of safety and advantage to the city as to his majesty's own 
 person, and shall be equally employed to both. 
 
 3. For the fortifying of Whitehall with men and munition 
 in an unusual way : his majesty doubts not, but the petitioners 
 have observed the strange provocation he hath received to 
 entertain that guard : that by the disorderly and tumultuous 
 conflux of people at Westminster and Whitehall, his majesty's 
 great council was not only disquieted, but his own royal per- 
 son in danger, most seditious language being uttered even 
 under his own windows, whilst the examination and punish- 
 ing such tumults by the course of law were interrupted and 
 stopped. And if any citizens were wounded or ill- entreated, 
 his majesty is confidently assured that it happened by their 
 own evil and corrupt demeanours. 
 
 4. His majesty knows no other endeavours to the inns of 
 court, than a gracious intimation, that he received the tender 
 of their loyal and dutiful affections with very good approba- 
 tion and acceptance, and an encouragement given them to 
 continue the same upon all occasions. Neither doth his 
 majesty know what discoA'ery hath been lately made of fire- 
 works in the hands of any papist. 
 
 5. For his going to the house of commons, (when his attend- 
 ants were no otherwise armed than, as gentlemen, with swords,) 
 
APPENDIX. 423 
 
 his majesty is verily persuaded, that, if the petitioners knew 
 the clear grounds upon which those persons stand accused of 
 high treason, and what will be proyed against them, (which 
 in due time they shall be acquainted with,) and considered 
 the gentle way his majesty took for their apprehension, (which 
 he preferred before any course of violence, though that way 
 had been very justifiable ; for his majesty is very well assured, 
 that it is notoriously known, that no privilege of parliament 
 can extend to treason, felony, or breach of the peace,) the 
 petitioners would believe his majesty's going thither was an 
 act of grace and favour to that house, and the most peaceable 
 way of having that necessary service, for the apprehension of 
 those persons, performed ; especially, if such orders have been 
 made (which his majesty is not willing to believe) for the re- 
 sistance of all lawful authority, as are discoursed of. 
 
 6. And for the proceedings against those persons mentioned 
 in the petition, his majesty ever intended the same should be 
 with all justice and favour according to the laws and statutes 
 of the realm ; to the which all innocent men would cheerfully 
 submit. 
 
 And this extraordinary w^ay of satisfying a petition of so 
 unusual a nature, his majesty is confidently persuaded, will 
 be thought the greatest instance can be given of his majesty's 
 clear intention to his subjects, and of the singular estimation 
 he hath of the good afi"ections of this city, which he believes 
 in gratitude will never be wanting to his just commands and 
 service. 
 
 By the king. 
 
 A proclamation for a general fast throughout this 
 realm of England. 
 
 His majesty, taking into his princely and pious considera- 
 tion the lamentable and distressed estate of his good subjects 
 in his majesty's kingdom of Ireland, and conceiving it to be 
 a just and great occasion calling upon him, and his people of 
 this his kingdom of England, for a general humiliation of all 
 estates of this kingdom before Almighty God, in prayer and 
 fasting, for drawing down his mercy and blesshig upon that 
 kingdom : his majesty doth therefore, by this his proclamation. 
 
424 APPENDIX. 
 
 straitly charge and command, that a general, public, and 
 solemn fast be kept and holden, as well by abstinence from 
 food as by public prayers, preaching, and hearing of the word 
 of God, and other sacred duties, in all cathedral, collegiate, 
 and parish churches and chapels within this his majesty's 
 kingdom of England and dominion of "Wales, (his majesty's 
 cities of London and Westminster only excepted, where it 
 hath already been observed,) on the 20th day of this present 
 month of January. 
 
 And his majesty doth further, by this his proclamation, 
 straitly charge and command,that a general, public, and solemn 
 fast be kept and holden, as well by abstinence from food, as by 
 public prayers, preaching, and hearing of the word of God, 
 and other sacred duties, in all cathedral, collegiate, and parish 
 churches and chapels within this kingdom of England and 
 dominion of Wales, (without any exception,) on the last 
 Wednesday of the month of February next following the 
 date hereof, and from thenceforth to continue, on the last 
 Wednesday of every month, during the troubles in the said 
 kingdom of Ireland. All which, his majesty doth expressly 
 charge and command, shall be reverently and devoutly per- 
 formed by all his loving subjects, as they tender the favour 
 of Almighty God, and would avoid his just indignation against 
 this land, and upon pain of such punishments as his majesty 
 can justly inflict, upon all such as shall contemn or neglect so 
 religious a work. 
 
 Given at the court at Whitehall, the 8th day of January, 
 in the seventeenth year of his majesty's reign of great 
 Britain, France, and Ireland. — God save the king. 
 
 The king's message to both houses, January 12, 1641. 
 His majesty, taking notice that some conceive it disputable 
 whether his proceedings against my lord Kymbolton, master 
 Holhs, sir Arthur Haslerigg, master Pym, master Hampden, 
 and master Strode, be legal and agreeable to the privileges of 
 parliament, and being very desirous to give satisfaction to all 
 men, in all matters that may seem to have relation to pri- 
 vilege ; is pleased to wave his former proceedings : and, all 
 doubts by this means being settled, when the minds of men 
 
APPENDIX. 425 
 
 are composed, his majesty will proceed thereupon in an un- 
 questionable way : and assures his parliament, that upon all 
 occasions he will be as careful of their privileges as of his life 
 or his crown. 
 
 To the king's most excellent majesty. 
 
 The humble petition of the inhabitants of the county 
 
 of Buckinghamshire 
 Sheweth, 
 
 That your petitioners, having, by virtue of }'our highness's 
 writ, chosen John Hampden knight for our shire, in whose 
 loyalty we, his countrymen and neighboiirs, have ever had 
 good cause to confide : however, of late, to our no less amaze- 
 ment than grief, we find him, with other members of parlia- 
 ment, accused of treason : and having taken to our serious 
 consideration the manner of their impeachment, we cannot 
 but (under your majesty's favour) conceive that it doth so 
 oppugn the rights of parliament, to the maintenance whereof 
 our protestation binds us, that we believe it is the malice, 
 which their zeal to your majesty's service and the state, hath 
 contracted in the enemies to your majesty, the church, and 
 commonwealth, hath occasioned this foul accusation, rather 
 than any deserts of theirs, who do likewise, through their 
 sides, wound the judgment and care of us your petitioners, 
 and others, by whose choice they were presented to the 
 house. 
 
 Your petitioners therefore most humbly pray, that master 
 Hampden, and the rest that lie under the burden of that 
 accusation, may enjoy the just privileges of parliament. 
 And your petitioners shall ever pray, &c. 
 
 Windsor, ^^Jan. 1641. 
 His majesty being graciously pleased to let all his subjects 
 understand his care not knowingly to violate, in the least 
 degree, any of the privileges of parliament, hath therefore 
 (lately) by a message sent by the lord -keeper, signified, that 
 he is pleased, because of the doubt that hath been raised of 
 the manner, to wave his former proceedings against master 
 Hampden and the rest, mentioned in this petition ; concern- 
 
426 APPENDIX. 
 
 ing whom his majesty intends to proceed in an unquestion- 
 able way. And then, his majesty saith, it will appear, that 
 he had so sufficient grounds to question them, as he inight 
 not, in justice to the kingdom and honour to himself, have 
 forborne : and yet his majesty had much rather that the said 
 persons should prove innocent than be foimd guilty : however, 
 he cannot conceive that their crimes can in any sort reflect 
 upon those his good subjects who elected them to serve in 
 parhament. 
 
 Die Jovis, 13 Januarii, 1641. 
 
 Whereas information hath been given to the parliament, 
 that the lord Digby (son to the earl of Bristol) and colonel 
 Lunsford, with others, have gathered troops of horse, and have 
 appeared in a warlike manner, at Kingston-upon-Thames, in 
 the county of Surry, (where the magazine of arms for that 
 part of the county lies,) to the terror and affright of his ma- 
 jesty's good subjects, and disturbance of the public weal of 
 the kingdom : 
 
 It is this day ordered, by the lords and commons in par- 
 liament, that the sheriffs of the several counties of England 
 and Wales, calling to their assistance the justices of the peace, 
 and the trained bands of those several counties, (or so many 
 of them as shall be necessary for the service,) shall suppress 
 all unlawful assemblies gathered together, to the disturbance 
 of the pubKc peace of the kingdom, in their several counties 
 respectively: and that they take care to secure the said coun- 
 ties, and all the magazines in them. 
 
 Die Veneris, viz. 14 die Jan. 1641. 
 Ordered by the lords in parliament, that this order be 
 printed and published in all the market-towns in this 
 kingdom. 
 
 John Brown, Cler. Parliament. 
 
 His majesty's profession and addition to his last message to 
 the parliament, January 14, 1641. 
 His majesty being no less tender of the privileges of par- 
 liament, and thinking himself no less concerned, that they be 
 
APPENDIX. 427 
 
 not broken, and that they be asserted and vindicated when- 
 soever they are so, than the parliament itself, hath thought 
 fit to add to his last message this profession, that in all his 
 proceedings against the lord Kymbolton, master Hollis, sir 
 Arthur Haslerig, master Pym, master Hampden, and master 
 Strode, he had never the least intention of violating the least 
 privilege of parliament ; and, in case any doubt of breach of 
 privileges remain, will be willing to clear that, and assert 
 those, by any reasonable way that his parliament shall advise 
 him to. Upon confidence of which, he no way doubts his 
 parhament will forthwith lay by all jealousies, and apply 
 themselves to the public and pressing afikirs, and especially 
 to those of Ireland, wherein the good of this kingdom and 
 the true religion (which shall ever be his majesty's first care) 
 are so highly and so nearly concerned : and his majesty as- 
 sures himself, that his care of their privileges will increase 
 their tenderness of his lawful prerogative, which are so neces- 
 sary to the mutual defence of each other; and both which will 
 be the foundation of a perpetual perfect intelligence between 
 his majesty and parliaments, and of the happiness and pros- 
 perity of his people. 
 
 The questions propounded to master attorney general, by the 
 house of commons, and his answer thereunto. 
 
 Question i. Whether did you contrive, frame, or advise, the 
 said articles, or any of them? — Answer. I will deal in- 
 genuously and freely, and shall say the same which before I 
 did to your lordships ; I need no long time to answer this : 
 I did none of these three, neither contrive, frame, or advise 
 these articles, or any of them, and will be content to die if 
 I did it. 
 
 Question 2. Whether do you know the truth of the said ar- 
 ticles, or any of them, in your own knowledge, or by infor- 
 mation? — Answer. I do know nothing of my own knowledge 
 of the truth of this, nor of any particular, nor have heard 
 by information ; this I speak upon the truth of an honest 
 man, and nothing was ever said unto me of this, but by my 
 master the king. 
 
 Question 3. Whether will you undertake to make good the 
 
428 APPENDIX. 
 
 said articles, or any of them, when you shall be thereunto 
 called by due course of law? — Answer. By my former ex- 
 pression you may discern what answer I can make to this ; I 
 cannot undertake to make one tittle good in them, otherwise 
 than my master shall command me and enable me : for of 
 myself I cannot, nor will not, no more than one that never 
 heard of them. 
 
 Question 4. From whom received you these articles, and by 
 whose direction and advice did you exhibit them ? — Answ. It 
 was by my master the king, his express command, 1 did exhibit 
 them ; from his hand I did receive them. 
 
 Question 5. Whether had you any testimony or proof of 
 these articles before the exhibiting of them ? — Answer. For 
 the exhibiting of these articles I received his majesty's com- 
 mand. 
 
 To which answer master sergeant Wilde replied, " The 
 house of commons desires you to answer, whether you had 
 any proof or testimony, or any information of any proof of 
 these articles ; they in no kind desire to know what you 
 had." To this, master attorney answered, " There is nothing 
 in this world that I shall not be most ready to ; but this I 
 desire time to consider of, in regard of a trust between a 
 master and servant." 
 
 Die Sab. 15 Jan. 1641. 
 It is resolved by the house of commons, since the said 
 answer of master attorney-general, that he hath broken the 
 privilege of parliament, in preferring the said articles, and 
 that the same is illegal, and he criminous for so doing ; and 
 that a charge be sent up to the lords, in the name of the 
 house of commons, against master attorney, to have satisfac- 
 tion for this great scandal and injury to the members thereof, 
 unless, by Thursday next, he bring in his proof, and make 
 good (if he can) the said articles against the said persons, or 
 any of them. 
 
 His majesty's letter to the lord-keeper of the great seal of Eng- 
 land coacerning sir Edward Herbert, knight, ^c. 
 Charles Rex. 
 Right trusty and well-beloved counsellor, we greet you well, 
 
APPENDIX. 429 
 
 and have thought good hereby to certify that we did, the 3rd 
 of January last, deliver to our attorney certain articles of 
 accusation engrossed in paper, a copy whereof we have sent 
 here enclosed, and did then command him in our name, to 
 acquaint our house of peers, that divers great and treasonable 
 designs and practices against us and the state had come to 
 our knowledge ; for which we commanded him, in our name, 
 to accuse the six persons in the said paper mentioned of high 
 treason, and other high misdemeanours, by deHveriug the 
 paper to our said house, and to desire to have it read, and 
 further to desire in our name, that a select committee of 
 lords might be appointed to take the examinations of such 
 witnesses as we would produce, and as formerly had been 
 done in cases of like nature, according to the justice of the 
 house, and the committee to be under a command of secrecy 
 as formerly, and further in our name to ask liberty to add 
 and alter, if there should be cause : we do further declare, 
 that our said attorney did not advise or contrive the said 
 articles, nor had any thing to do with, or in advising 
 any breach of privilege that followed after. And for what 
 he did in obedience to our commands, we conceive he was 
 bound by oath and the duty of his place, and by the trust by 
 us reposed in him so to do : and, had he refused to obey us 
 therein, we would have questioned him for breach of oath, 
 duty, and trust. 
 
 But now, having declared that we find cause wholly to de- 
 sist from proceeding against the persons accused, we have com- 
 manded him to proceed no further therein, nor to produce nor 
 discover any proof concerning the same. 
 
 Given at Royston, the 4th of March, 1641. 
 
 His majesty's message, sent to both houses of parliament, 
 20th January 1641. 
 
 His majesty, perceiving the manifold distractions which are 
 now in this kingdom, which cannot but bring great incon- 
 venience and mischiefs to this whole government ; in which 
 as his majesty is most chiefly interested, so he holds himself, 
 by many reasons, most obliged to do what in him lies for 
 the preventing thereof; though he might justly expect (as 
 
430 APPENDIX. 
 
 most proper for the duty of subjects) that propositions for 
 the remedies of these evils ought rather to come to him than 
 from him ; yet (his fatherly care of all his people being such, 
 that he will rather lay by any particular respect of his own 
 dignity than that any time should be lost for prevention of 
 these threatening evilsj which cannot admit the delays of the 
 ordinary proceedings in parliament) doth think fit to make 
 this ensuing proposition to both houses of parliament : that 
 they will, with all speed, fall into a serious consideration of 
 all those particulars, which they shall hold necessary, as well 
 for the upholding and maintaining of his majesty's just and 
 regal authority, and for the settling of his revenue, as for the 
 present and future establishment of their privileges ; the free 
 and quiet enjoying of their estates and fortunes; the liberties 
 of their persons ; the security of the true religion now pro- 
 fessed in the church of England ; and the settling of cere- 
 monies in such a manner as may take away all just offence. 
 Which when they shall have digested, and composed into 
 one entire body, that so his majesty and themselves may be 
 able to make the more clear judgment of them ; it shall then 
 appear, by what his majesty shall do, how far he hath been 
 from intending or designing any of those things which the 
 too great fears and jealousies of some persons seem to appre- 
 hend; and how ready he will be to equal and exceed the 
 greatest examples of the most indulgent princes in their acts 
 of grace and favour to their people. So that, if all the present 
 distractions (which so apparently threaten the ruin of this 
 kingdom) do not (by the blessing of Almighty God) end in 
 an happy and blessed accommodation, his majesty will then 
 be ready to call heaven and earth, God and man, to witness, 
 that it hath not failed on his part. 
 
 Die Jovis, 20 Januarii, 1641. 
 Loans' house. 
 Whereas the lords in the upper house of parliament do 
 find that there are many petitions concerning private persons 
 depending now before their lordships, and conceive that many 
 more may be brought into that house, if timely advertisement 
 be not given to the contrary ; which may occasion the repair 
 and attendance of divers of his majesty's loving subjects upon 
 
APPENDIX. 431 
 
 their lordships, who cannot give a despatch to private busi- 
 nesses, by reason of the many public and great aflfairs that 
 now lie before them, concerning the safety and weal of his 
 majesty's kingdoms : 
 
 It is therefore thought fit, and so ordered by the lords in 
 parliament, that all private businesses shall be hereby de- 
 ferred and put off, until the 21st of March next; whereof 
 this house doth hereby give notice to all his majesty's loving 
 people, to prevent the charge and trouble which otherwise 
 the petitioners might be put unto in repairing unto this 
 house, at this time. 
 
 His majesty's letter, January 24, in answer to the petition of 
 both houses of parliament, as it was presented by the earl of 
 Newport, and tlie lord Seymer, January 21, 1641. 
 His majesty having seen and considered the petition pre- 
 sented unto him, the 21st of this instant, by the earl of New- 
 port and the lord Seymer, in the names of both houses of 
 parliament, is pleased to return this answer. That he doth 
 well approve of the desire of both houses, for the speedy pro- 
 ceeding against the persons mentioned in the petition ; where- 
 of his majesty, finding the great raconveniences by the first 
 mistake in the way, hath endured some delays, that he might 
 be informed in what order to put the same. But, before 
 that that be agreed upon, his majesty thinks it unusual or 
 unfit to discover what proof is against them, and therefore 
 holds it necessary (lest a new mistake should breed more 
 delays ; which his majesty, to his power, wUl avoid) that it 
 be resolved whether his majesty be bound, in respect of 
 privileges, to proceed against them by impeachment in par- 
 liament ; or whether he be at liberty to prefer an indictment 
 at the common law, in the usual way, or have his choice of 
 either : whereupon his majesty will give such speedy direc- 
 tions for prosecution, as shaU show his majesty's desire to 
 satisfy both houses, and to put a determination to the busi- 
 ness. 
 
 Scots commissioners proposition, 2^ January 164.1, touching the 
 sending of the two thousand five hundred mep, into Ireland. 
 Concerning the proposition made to us, the 2 and of Jan,, 
 
432 APPENDIX. 
 
 from the committees of both houses for the transporting pre- 
 sently to Ireland of the two thousand five hundred men now on 
 foot in Scotland ; we, having no instruction for that end, can- 
 notj hy ourselves, condescend otherwise than upon the closure of 
 the treaty : but shall most heartily represent it to the council 
 of Scotland, and second the same with our earnest desires, 
 that every thing may be done, which may contribute to the 
 preservation of that kingdom, and may testify our brotherly 
 affection to this. And, that we may be the more able to 
 move the council to condescend to the same, we desire the 
 propositions following to be granted : 
 
 1 . That provision of victuals be presently sent to Carrick- 
 fergus, to be sold to our soldiers at reasonable rates, answer- 
 able to their pay. 
 
 2. That an order be set down how they shall be paid there, 
 and from whom they may require the same. 
 
 3. That they have the command and keeping of the town 
 and castle of Carrickfergus, with power to them to remain 
 still within the same, or to enlarge their quarters, and to go 
 abroad in the country upon such occasions as their officers in 
 their discretion shall think expedient for the good of that 
 kingdom. And if it shall be thought fit that any regiments 
 or troops in that province shall join with them, that they re- 
 ceive orders from the commanders of our forces. 
 
 4. That provision of match, powder, and ball be presently 
 sent to Carrickfergus ; and what arms, ammunition, or ar- 
 tillery shall be sent over with them from Scotland, that the 
 like quantity be sent from hence to Scotland, whensoever the 
 same shall be demanded. 
 
 5. That a part of the 30,000^. of the brotherly assistance 
 be presently advanced to us, which although, in a just pro- 
 portion to these men, it will amount but to 7500^., yet, for the 
 better furthering of the service, we desire i o,oooZ., if it may 
 stand with your convenience. 
 
 6. That their pay, which was condescended unto from the 
 8th of December, be presently advanced to the 8th of Feb. 
 next, against which time we are confident they shall be ready 
 to march. 
 
 7. That a man of war, or some merchants' ships, be sent 
 from Bristol, Westchester, or Dublin, to Lochryan, for a safe 
 
APPENDIX. 433 
 
 convoy and guard of the passage, because they, being in open 
 boats, may be subject to inconveniences from the enemy, whose 
 frigates we hear are towards that coast. 
 
 8. That the sending over of these men be without prejudice 
 to the proceeding of the treaty, which we desire may go on 
 without any delay. 
 
 IVeslm. 24 Jan. 164.1. Ia. PbyMKOSE. 
 
 Resolved, that the house of commons doth agree unto these 
 particular propositions now presented from the Scots com- 
 missioners. 
 
 Ordered, that the house of peers agreeth with the house of 
 commons unto these propositions from the Scots commis- 
 sioners in every particular. 
 
 His majesty's answer to the proposition above mentioned, given 
 the 26th of Jan. 1641, at Windsor. 
 His majesty, having perused and considered these eight 
 propositions presented by the Scots commissioners, doth will- 
 ingly consent to them all, except only the third, which his 
 majesty doth not approve, and wisheth the houses to take 
 that article again into consideration, as a business of very 
 great importance, which his majesty doubts may be preju- 
 dicial to the crown of England and the service intended: and, 
 if the houses desire it, his majesty shall not be unwilling to 
 speak with the Scots commissioners, to see what satisfaction 
 he can give them therein. 
 
 His majesty's further answer to the third article of the said 
 proposition of the Scots commissioners, resolved on the 26th, 
 and given the zjth of January 1641, at Windsor. 
 After that his majesty had (yesterday) sent his opinion 
 concerning the articles which the Scots commissioners gave 
 in, touching the present supplies to be sent for Ireland, they 
 themselves waited on him, their chief errand being the self- 
 same business ; whereupon his majesty thought it fit to per- 
 suade them (as much as he could) to alter the third article, 
 because he conceived it might be a prejudice to the crown of 
 England, the particulars whereof were too long to relate : 
 their only argument that weighed with him, being, that (since 
 MAY. I" f 
 
434 APPENDIX. 
 
 it was agreed upon by both houses of parliament, and that 
 the strength of his majesty's argument was, that article im- 
 plied too great a trust for auxiliary forces) they were in good 
 hope that his majesty, being their native king, would not 
 show less trust in them than their neighbour nation. So 
 that the question being (merely) of trust, and that both houses 
 of parliament have thought fit to grant it, (though his majesty 
 could wish that that third article were drawn more for the 
 advantage of the crown of England than he conceives it is, ) 
 his majesty cannot but wholly admit of the advice of his par- 
 liament in this particular, especially since his majesty per- 
 ceives, that insisting upon the same would breed a great delay 
 in the necessary supply of his kingdom of Ireland. 
 
 To the king's most excellent majesty. 
 
 The humble petition of the knights, citizens, and burgesses of 
 the commons' house, now in parliament assembled [January 
 26,1641-42.] 
 
 Humbly showeth, 
 That, whereas the houses of parliament have received a 
 gracious message from your majesty, dated the 20th day of 
 this instant January, your petitioners return to your majesty 
 most humble thanks, resolving to take it into speedy and 
 serious consideration. And, to enable them with security to 
 discharge their duties therein, they desired the house of peers 
 to join with them, in humbly beseeching your sacred majesty 
 to raise up unto them a sure ground of safety and confidence, 
 by putting the Tower, and other principal forts of the king- 
 dom, and the whole militia thereof, into the hands of such 
 persons as your parliament might confide in, and as should 
 be recommended unto your majesty by both houses of par- 
 liament, that, all fears and jealousies being laid aside, they 
 might, with all cheerfulness, proceed to such resolutions as, 
 they hoped, would lay a sure foundation of honour, greatness, 
 and glory to your majesty and your royal posterity, and of 
 happiness and prosperity unto your subjects throughout all 
 your dominions. Wherein the house of peers have refused 
 to join with your petitioners. They, notwithstanding, no way 
 discouraged, but confiding in your majesty's goodness to your 
 
APPENDIX. 435 
 
 people, do therefore make their humble address to your ma- 
 jesty, to beseech you, that the Tower of London, and other 
 principal forts, and the whole militia of the kingdom, may be 
 put into the hands of such persons as shall be recommended 
 unto your majesty by your petitioners ; not doubting but 
 they shall receive a gracious and speedy answer to this their 
 humble desire j without which, in all human reason, the great 
 distractions of this kingdom must needs overwhelm it with 
 misery and ruin. 
 
 And your petitioners shall ever pray, &c. 
 
 His majesty'' s answer to the petition of the commons' house, 
 January 28, 1641. 
 
 His majesty having seriously considered of the petition pre- 
 sented to him from the house of commons, on Wednesday the 
 36th of this month, returns this answer : 
 
 That he was in good hope his gracious message, of the 20th 
 of this month, to both houses, would have produced some 
 such overture, which, by offering what is fit on their parts to 
 do, and asking what is proper for his majesty to grant, might 
 beget a mutual confidence in each other. 
 
 Concerning the Tower of London, his majesty did not ex- 
 pect, that, having preferred a person 'i of a known fortune and 
 unquestionable reputation to that trust, he should be pressed 
 to remove him, without any particular charge objected against 
 him ; and therefore returns this answer : 
 
 That if, upon due examination, any particular shall be pre- 
 sented to his majesty, whereby it may appear that his majesty 
 was mistaken in his opinion of this gentleman, and that he is 
 unfit for the trust committed to him, his majesty will make 
 no scruple of discharging him ; but otherwise, his majesty is 
 obliged, in justice to himself, to preserve his own work, lest 
 his favour and good opinion may prove a disadvantage and 
 misfortune to his servants, without any other accusation ; of 
 which, his majesty doubts not, his house of commons will be 
 so tender, (as of a business wherein his majesty's honour is so 
 much concerned,) that, if they find no material exception 
 against this person, they will rather endeavour to satisfy and 
 * Sir John Byron. 
 Ff 3 
 
436 APPENDIX. 
 
 reform the fears of other men, than, by complying with them, 
 press his majesty to any resolution which may seem so much 
 to reflect upon his honour and justice. 
 
 For the forts and castles of the kingdom, his majesty is 
 resolved that they shall always be in such hands (and only 
 such) as the parliament may safely confide in ; but the nomi- 
 nation of any persons to those places (being so principal and 
 inseparable a flower of his crown, vested in him, and derived 
 unto him from his ancestors, by the fundamental laws of the 
 kingdom) he will reserve to himself; in bestowing whereof, as 
 his majesty will take care that no corrupt or sinister courses 
 shall prevail with him, so he is willing to declare, that he shall 
 not be induced to express that favour so soon to any persons 
 as to those whose good demeanour shall be eminent in or to 
 his parliament. And if he now hath, or shall at any time by 
 misinformation confer such a trust upon an undeserving per- 
 son, he is, and will always be, ready to leave him to the wis- 
 dom and justice of his parliament. 
 
 For the militia of the kingdom, (which by the law is subject 
 to no command but of his majesty, and of authority lawfully 
 derived from him,) when any particular course for ordering 
 the same (which his majesty holds very necessary for the peace 
 and security of his kingdom) shall be considered and digested 
 by his parliament, and proposed to his majesty, his majesty 
 will return such an answer as shall be agreeable to his honour 
 and the safety of his people, his majesty being resolved only 
 to deny those things, the granting whereof would alter the 
 fundamental laws, and endanger the very foundation, upon 
 which the public happiness and welfare of his people is 
 founded and constituted, and would nourish a greater and 
 more destructive jealousy between the crown and the subject, 
 than any of those which would seem to be taken away by sucb 
 a satisfaction. 
 
 And his majesty doth not doubt, that his having granted 
 more than ever king hath granted, will ever persuade hia 
 house of commons to ask more than ever subjects have asked. 
 And if they shall acquaint his majesty with the particular 
 grounds of their doubts and fears, he will very wilhngly apply 
 remedies proportionable to those fears ; for his majesty calls 
 God to witness, that the preservation of the public peace, the 
 
APPENDIX. 437 
 
 law, and the liberty of the subject, is, and shall always be, as 
 much his majesty's care and industry, as of his life, or the 
 hves of his dearest children. 
 
 And therefore his majesty doth conjure his house of com- 
 mons, by aU the acts of duty and favour they have received 
 from him this parliament, by their hopes of future happiness 
 m his majesty and in one another, by their love of religion 
 and the peace of this kingdom, (in which that of Ireland can- 
 not be forgotten,) that they will not be'transported by jealousies 
 and apprehensions of possible dangers, to put themselves or 
 his majesty into real and present inconveniences, but that 
 they will speedily pursue the way proposed by his majesty's 
 former message, which, in human reason, is the only way to 
 compose the distractions of the kingdom, and, with God's 
 blessing, will restore a great measure of fehcity to king and 
 people. 
 
 Die Sabbat. 29 Januarii, 1641. 
 
 An order made by both houses of parliament, to prevent the 
 going over of popish commanders into Ireland, and also to 
 hinder the transportation of arms, ammunition, money, corn, 
 victuals, and all other provision to the rebels, and for the 
 sending back of the Irish papists lately come over. 
 
 Whereas great numbers of papists, both English and Irish, 
 (some whereof have been and are commanders in the wars, 
 and others such as have estates in England,) have gone out 
 of this kingdom into Ireland, immediately before and during 
 the barbarous and bloody rebellion there, and traitorously 
 joined themselves with the rebels of that nation against his 
 majesty and the crown of England ; and likewise divers other 
 popish commanders, and such as have estates in England, are 
 daily preparing to go thither, to the same wicked ends : and 
 great store of arms, ammunition, money, corn, and other 
 victuals and provisions, have been sent and are daily prepar- 
 ing to be sent to that kingdom, for the assistance and en- 
 couragement of those rebels : for prevention whereof, the 
 lords and commons in this present parliament assembled do 
 hereby order, and straitly charge and command, all sheriffs, 
 justices of the peace, mayors, bailiffs, constables, and other 
 
438 APPENDIX. 
 
 his majesty's officers, within the realm of England and domin- 
 ion of Wales, that they apprehend and examine all such 
 persons as they shall suspect to be papists, and going out of 
 this kingdom or the dominion of Wales into Ireland. And 
 that they make also stay of all arms, munition, money, corn, 
 and other victuals and provisions, which they shall suspect to 
 be preparing for transportation into Ireland, for the aid and 
 relief of the rebels there, and to give speedy notice thereof 
 unto the parliament. 
 
 And whereas, also, divers poor people, men, women, and 
 children, of the Irish nation, and papists, have lately come in 
 great numbers out of Ireland into Cornwall, Devon, and other 
 parts of this kingdom, where they have been and are very 
 disorderly, and much terrify the inhabitants where they come, 
 and due care is not taken in all places for the suppressing and 
 punishing of them : the lords and commons in this parliament 
 assembled do hereby further order and require all officers 
 before-mentioned, that they put the laws in due execution 
 against such wandering Irish papists before expressed, and 
 that they cause them to be forthwith conveyed back into that 
 kingdom. 
 
 This order was read, and, by vote upon the question, as- 
 sented unto, and ordered to be fair written, and sent up to 
 the lords by master Carew. 
 
 Master Carew brings answer, that the lords do fully agree 
 with the house in this order. 
 
 Hen. Elsing, Cler. Pari. Dom. Com. 
 
 To the king's most excellent majesty. 
 
 The humble petition of the lords and commons assembled in 
 
 parliament. 
 
 Most gracious sovereign, 
 
 The present evils and calamities wherewith your kingdoms 
 
 are most miserably entangled, the imminent dangers which 
 
 threaten your royal person and all your people, have caused 
 
 us, your most faithful and obedient subjects, the lords and 
 
 commons in this present parliament, with thankfulness to 
 
 entertain, and with all earnestness of affection and endeavour 
 
 to pursue, the gracious proposition and direction, which, not 
 
APPENDIX. 439 
 
 long since, we have received from your majesty: and we 
 have thereupon taken into our most serious consideration the 
 ways and means of securing the safety of your royal person, 
 preserving the honour and authority of your crown, removing 
 all jealousies betwixt your majesty and your people, suppress- 
 ing the rebellion in Ireland, preventing the fears and dangers 
 in this kingdom, and the mischievous designs of those who 
 are enemies to the peace of it. And that we may, with more 
 comfort and security, accomplish our duties herein, we most 
 humbly beseech your majesty, that you will be pleased forth- 
 with to put the Tower of London, and all other forts, and the 
 whole militia of the kingdom, into the hands of such persons 
 as shall be recommended unto your majesty by both houses 
 of parhamant, which they assure themselves will be a hopeful 
 entrance into those courses, which, (through God^s blessing,) 
 shall be effectual for the removing all diffidence and misap- 
 prehension betwixt your majesty and your people, and for 
 establishing and enlarging the honour, greatness, and power 
 of your majesty and royal posterity, and for the restoring 
 and confirming the peace and happiness of your loyal subjects 
 in all your dominions. 
 
 And to this our most necessary petition we in all humility 
 expect your majesty's speedy and gracious answer, the great 
 distractions and distempers of the kingdom not admitting any 
 delay. 
 
 To the king's most excellent majesty. 
 
 The humble petition of the lords and commons noiv assembled 
 in parliament, 
 
 Showeth, 
 That whereas your majesty, by a message sent to both 
 houses of parliament, signified an apprehension of some trea- 
 sonable matter to have been committed by the lord Kymbol- 
 ton, master Hollis, sir Arthur Haslerigg, master Pym, master 
 Hampden, and master Strode; and thereby declared your 
 majesty's intention to proceed against them in an unquestion- 
 able way ; we the lords and commons in this present parlia- 
 ment assembled, did make our humble petition to your 
 majesty, to beseech your majesty to give directions, that your 
 
440 APPENDIX. 
 
 parliament might be informed, before Tuesday then next 
 ensuing, what proof there was against them, that accordingly 
 there might be a legal and parliamentary proceeding against 
 them, whereby they might be brought to condign punishment, 
 if guilty; or discharged from so heavy an accusation, if 
 innocent : and whereas your majesty was graciously pleased, 
 in answer to that petition, to express your good approbation 
 of the desire of both houses for the speedy proceeding against 
 the persons in that petition mentioned, yet your majesty gave 
 no other satisfaction to their desire than this, that your 
 majesty held it necessary, lest a new mistake should breed 
 more delays, that it should be resolved, whether your majesty 
 were bound, in respect of privileges, to proceed against them 
 by impeachment in that parliament, or to be left at liberty to 
 prefer an indictment at the common law, in the usual way, or 
 to have your choice of either ; and we finding still that there 
 is no legal and parhamentary proceeding against them, and 
 that they still lie under the burden of that high charge, we 
 think it our duty once again to beseech your majesty to give 
 directions, that your parliament may be informed, before 
 Friday next, what proof there is against them, that accord- 
 ingly they may be called to a legal trial, it being the undoubted 
 right and privilege of parHament that no member of parlia- 
 ment can be proceeded against without the consent of parlia- 
 ment : and this we most humbly conceive ourselves obliged 
 to ask, it being no less agreeable with justice, to have the 
 innocency of parties unjustly charged, manifested, than to 
 bring the nocent to their just punishment. 
 
 His majesty's answer to two petitions of the lords and commons, 
 delivered 2nd February 1641. 
 
 His majesty, having well considered of the two several 
 petitions, presented unto him on Wednesday, the and of this 
 month, from both houses of parliament, and being desirous to 
 express how willing he is to apply a remedy, not only to your 
 dangers, but even to your doubts and fears ; he, therefore, to 
 that petition, which concerns the forts and militia of this 
 kingdom, returns this answer ; that, when he shall know the 
 extent of power which is intended to be established in those 
 
APPENDIX. 441 
 
 persons whom you desire to be the commanders of the militia 
 in the several counties ; and likewise to what time it shall be 
 limited, that no power shall be executed by his majesty alone, 
 without the advice of parliament ; 
 
 Then he will declare, that (for the securing you from all 
 dangers or jealousies of any) his majesty will be content to 
 put in all the places, both of forts and militia, in the several 
 counties, such persons as both the houses of parliament shall 
 either approve or recommend unto him, so that you declare 
 before unto his majesty the names of the persons whom you 
 approve or recommend : unless such persons shall be named, 
 against whom he shall have just and unquestionable ex- 
 ceptions. 
 
 To the other petition, concerning the members of either 
 house, his majesty returns this answer, That as he once con- 
 ceived that he had ground enough to accuse them, so now his 
 majesty finds as good cause wholly to desert any prosecution 
 of them. 
 
 And, for a further testimony of his majesty's real intention 
 towards all his loving subjects, (some of whom, happily, may 
 be involved in some unknowing and unwilling errors,) for the 
 better composing and settling of all fears and jealousies, of 
 what kind soever, his majesty is ready to grant as free and 
 general a pardon, for the full contentment of all his loving 
 subjects, as shaU, by the approbation of both houses of parlia- 
 ment, be thought convenient for that purpose. 
 
 His majesty's consent for the princess Mary's going to Holland, 
 and her majesty to accompany her thither. 
 His majesty, being very much pressed by the States^ am- 
 bassador to send the princess his daughter immediately into 
 Holland, and being likewise earnestly desired by his royal 
 consort the queen to give her majesty leave to accompany her 
 daughter thither, hath thought fit to consent to both desires, 
 and to make this his majesty's consent and her majesty's re- 
 solution known to his parliament. 
 
 Her majesty's answer to a message of both houses. 
 The queen, having received a message from both houses of 
 
442 APPENDIX. 
 
 parliament by the earl of Newport and the lord Seymor, in- 
 timating unto her that she had been told that the house of 
 commons had an intention to accuse her of high treason, and 
 that articles to that purpose had been showed unto her, re- 
 turns this answer : 
 
 That there was a general report of an accusation intended 
 against her, but she never saw any articles in writing, and 
 having no certain author, either for the one or for the other, 
 she gave little credit thereunto, and much less now, being 
 assured from the house of commons that never any such thing 
 came into their thoughts. 
 
 Nor will she believe they would lay an aspersion upon her, 
 who hath ever been very unapt so far to misconstrue the 
 actions of any one person, and much more the proceedings of 
 parliament, and shall, at all times, wish a happy understanding 
 between the king and his people. 
 
 His majesty's message, sent to the house of commons, concerning 
 licenses granted by his majesty to several persons to pass into 
 Ireland, [February 7, 1641-42.] 
 
 His majesty, taking notice of a speech, pretending in the 
 title to have been delivered by master Pym in a conference, 
 and printed by order of the house of commons, in which it is 
 affirmed, that, since the stop upon the ports against all Irish 
 papists by both houses, many of the chief commanders, now 
 in the head of the rebels, have been suffered to pass by his 
 majesty's immediate warrant ; and being very certain of hav- 
 ing used extreme caution in the granting of passports into 
 Ireland ; so that he conceives, either this paper not to have 
 been so delivered and printed as it pretends, or this house to 
 have received some misinformation : 
 
 His majesty would be resolved, whether this speech were so 
 delivered and printed; and if it were, would have this house to 
 review upon what informations that particular was grounded; 
 that either that may be found upon reexamination to' have 
 been false, and both this house and his majesty injured by it; 
 or that his majesty may know by what means and by whose 
 fault his authority hath been so highly abused as to be 
 made to conduce to the assistance of that rebellion, which he 
 
APPENDIX. 443 
 
 so much detests and abhors, and that he may see himself 
 fully vindicated from all reflections of the least suspicion of 
 that kind. 
 
 The answer of the house of commons. 
 
 Your majesty's most loyal and faithful subjects, the com- 
 mons now assembled in parliament, have taken into their 
 serious consideration the message received from your majesty 
 the 7 th of this instant February, and do acknowledge, that 
 the speech therein mentioned to be delivered by M. Pym, in 
 a conference, was printed by their order, and that what was 
 therein delivered was agreeable to the sense of the house. 
 And touching that passage wherein it is affirmed, that, since 
 the stop upon the ports against all Irish papists by both 
 houses, m.any of the chief commanders now in the head of 
 the rebels have been sufiered to pass by your majesty's im- 
 mediate warrants, they present your majesty with this their 
 humble answer : 
 
 That they have received divers advertisements concerning 
 the several persons (Irish papists and others) which have 
 obtained your majesty's immediate warrants for their passing 
 into Ireland since the order of restraint, of both houses, some 
 of which, (as they have been informed,) since their coming 
 into Ireland, have joined with the rebels, and been com- 
 manders amongst them, and some others have been stayed, 
 and are yet in safe custody ; particularly the lord Delvin, 
 and four other persons in his company ; whereof one is 
 thought to be a priest, one colonel Butler, brother to the 
 lord Minyart, now in rebellion, and sir George Hamilton ; all 
 which are papists ; and one other, (as is reported,) being son 
 of the lord Netersfield, whose father and brother are both in 
 rebellion: the particular names of others we have not yet 
 received, but doubt not, but upon examination, they may be 
 discovered. 
 
 And your majesty's most faithful subjects are very sorry 
 that the extreme caution which your majesty hath used hath 
 been so ill seconded with the diligence and faithfulness of 
 your ministers, and that your royal authority should be so 
 highly abused ; although (as it was expressed in that speech 
 
444 APPENDIX. 
 
 by master Pym) we believe it was by the procurement of 
 some evil instruments, too near your royal person, with- 
 out your majesty's knowledge and intention. And we be- 
 seech your majesty to take such course, that not only your 
 honour may be vindicated for the time past, but your king- 
 dom may be secured from the like mischief for the time to 
 come. 
 
 Read, and, by vote upon the question, assented unto, [Feb. 
 lo, 1641—42.] 
 
 His majesty's reply to the house of commons answer concerning 
 licenses granted by the king to several persons to go into 
 Ireland. 
 
 As his majesty hath expressed a great desire to give his 
 house of commons all possible satisfaction to all their just 
 requests, and a readiness to rectify or retract any thing done 
 by himself which might seem to trench upon their privileges 
 by any mistake of his ; so he doubts not they will be ready, 
 upon all occasions, to manifest an equal tenderness and re- 
 gard of his majesty's honour and reputation with his good 
 subjects ; and therefore his majesty expects they should re- 
 view his message, of the 7th of this month, concerning a 
 passage in master Pym's speech, and their answer, sent to 
 his majesty by some of their members on the loth of the 
 samcj with which his majesty can by no means rest sa- 
 tisfied. 
 
 His majesty's exception in that message was, that it was 
 affirmed in that speech, that, since the stop upon the ports 
 against all Irish papists by both houses, many of the chief 
 commanders now in the head of the rebels have been suffered 
 to pass by his majesty's immediate warrant. 
 
 To this, the answer is : 
 That the speech, mentioned in that message to be de- 
 livered by M.Pym, was printed by their order, and that what 
 was therein delivered was agreeable to the sense of the house : 
 that they have received divers advertisements, concerning 
 several persons, Irish papists, and others, who/have obtained 
 his majesty's immediate warrant for their passing into Ire- 
 
APPENDIX. 445 
 
 land since the order of restraint, of both houses ; some of 
 which, they have been informed, since their coming into Ire- 
 land, have joined with the rebels, and been commanders 
 amongst them. 
 
 His majesty is most assured no such person hath passed 
 by his warrant or privity : and then he desires his house of 
 commons to consider whether such a general information and 
 advertisement (in which there is not so much as the name of 
 any particular person mentioned) be ground enough for such 
 a direct and positive affirmation as is made in that speech, 
 which, in respect of the place and person, and, being now ac- 
 knowledged to be agreeable to the sense of the house, is of 
 that authority, that his majesty may suffer in the affections 
 of many of his good subjects, and fall under a possible con- 
 struction (considering many scandalous pamphlets to such a 
 purpose) of not being sensible enough of that rebellion, so 
 horrid and odious to all Christians, by which, in this distrac- 
 tion, such a danger might possibly ensue to his majesty^s 
 person and estate, as, he is well assured, his house of com- 
 mons will use their utmost endeavours to prevent. And 
 therefore his majesty thinks it very necessary, and expects, 
 that they name those persons who by his majesty's license 
 have passed into Ireland, and are now there in the head of 
 the rebels ; or that, if, upon their reexamination, they do not 
 find particular evidence to prove that assertion, (as his ma- 
 jesty is confident they never can,) as this affirmation (which 
 may reflect upon his majesty) is very pubUc, so they will 
 publish such a declaration whereby that mistake may be dis- 
 covered; his majesty being the more tender in that parti- 
 cular which hath reference to Ireland, as being most assured 
 that he hath been, and is, from his soul, resolved to discharge 
 his duty (which God will require at his hands) for the relief 
 of his poor protestant subjects there, and the utter rooting 
 out that rebellion ; so that service hath not suffered any but 
 necessary delays, by any act of his majesty's, for the want of 
 any thing proposed to his majesty, within his majesty's power 
 to do. 
 
 For the persons named in the answer, his majesty saith, 
 that colonel Butler and the son of the lord Nettersfield ob- 
 tained his warrants for their passage into Ireland [during the 
 
446 APPENDIX. 
 
 time of] his majesty's being in Scotland, which was long (as 
 his majesty thinks) before the order of both houses : his 
 majesty, knowing the former of them to be one who hath 
 always made professions to his service, and to be uncle to 
 the earl of Ormond, of whose affection to the protestant reli- 
 gion and his majesty's service his majesty hath great cause to 
 be assured ; and the latter being a person of whom at that 
 time there was no suspicion to his majesty^s knowledge. For 
 the others, it may be, they have obtained warrants from his 
 majesty since the said order; but his majesty assures the 
 parliament that he had no intimation of such an order tiU 
 after stay made of sir George Hamilton, who was the last 
 that had any license from his majesty to pass for Ireland. 
 
 And his majesty, having, since this answer from the house 
 of commons, used all possible means, by the examining his 
 own memory and the notes of his secretaries, to find what 
 warrants have been granted by him, and to what persons, 
 doth not find that he hath granted any to any Irish but those 
 who are named by the house of commons, and, in December 
 last, to the earl of St. Alban's and to two of his servants, 
 and to one Walter Terrel, a poor man ; they being such as, 
 his majesty is assured, are not with the rebels, and, much 
 less, chief commanders over them. And though, it may be, 
 the persons named by the house of commons are papists, yet 
 his majesty at that time thought it not fit (in respect of their 
 alliance in that kingdom to such persons of great power, of 
 whom his majesty hoped well) to discover any suspicion of 
 them ; the lords justices having declared by their letters, 
 (which letters were not disapproved of by the parliament 
 here,) that they were so far from owning a public jealousy of 
 all papists there, that they had thought fit to put arms into 
 the hands of divers noblemen of the pale of that religion, who 
 made professions to his majesty's service, and desired the same. 
 And, since so great a trust reposed in some of the lords of 
 that religion was not disapproved by the parliament here, 
 his majesty could not imagine it unsafe or unfit for him to 
 give licenses to some few to pass into that kingdom, who, 
 though papists, professed due allegiance and loyalty to his 
 majesty. 
 
 And therefore, unless the first afiirmation of the house of 
 
APPENDIX. 447 
 
 commons can be made good by some particulars, his majesty 
 doth not know that his ministers have failed in their diligence 
 and faithfulness to his majesty in this point, or that his ho- 
 nour hath suffered so much by any act of his own, as that it 
 needs be vindicated for the time past by any other way than 
 such a declaration which he expects from this house, as in 
 duty and justice due to his majesty. 
 
 A message from his majesty to the house of peers, on Friday 
 the nth of February, ] 64 1 , concerning his acceptance of sir 
 John Coniers, in the place of sir John Byron, to be lieutenant 
 of the Toioer. 
 
 Although his majesty conceives that he is not obliged to 
 give an answer in any particular concerning the forts and 
 militia of the kingdom, until he shall know and consent to 
 the power and the time, how and to whom, the forts and 
 militia shall be disposed ; yet, to show his real intention to 
 satisfy the fears of his people, he is content to accept of sir 
 John Coniers, in the place of sir John Byron, for to be lieu- 
 tenant of the Tower of London, having already, at his earnest 
 desire, received the surrender of the said place from him. 
 
 A true and exact list of those persons nominated and recom- 
 mended by the house of commons to his majesty as persons fit 
 to be intrusted with the militia of the kingdom : wherein they 
 desire the concurrence of the house of peers, Feb. 12, 1641. 
 Berkshire, earl of Holland ; Bedfordshire, earl Bulling- 
 broke ; Buckinghamshire, lord Paget ; Cambridgeshire and 
 the isle of Ely, lord North; Cheshire, and the county and city 
 of Chester, lord Strange ; Cornwall, lord Robarts ; Cumber- 
 land, lord Gray of Wark ; Derby, earl of Eutland ; Devon- 
 shire, and of the county and city of Exon, earl of Bedford ; 
 Dorsetshire, and the county of the town of Poole, earl of 
 Sahsbury; for the isle of Purbeck com. Dorset, sir John 
 Banks, knight, lord chief-justice of the common pleas and 
 constable of Corffe castle; Durham, sir Henry Vane the 
 elder ; Essex, earl of Warwick ; Gloucestershire, and of the 
 county and city of Gloucester, lord Chandois ; Hampshire, 
 and of the town and county of Southampton, and of the Isle 
 
448 APPENDIX. 
 
 of Wight, earl of Pembroke; Hartfordshire, earl of Salisbury; 
 HerefordsMre, lord Dacres; Huntingdonshirej lord Mandevile ; 
 Kent, and the city and county of Canterbury, earl of Leices- 
 ter ; com. Lancaster, lord Wharton ; Leicester, earl of Stam- 
 ford; Middlesex, earl of Holland; com. Northampton, lord 
 Spencer ; Nottingham, and of the town and county of Not- 
 tingham, earl of Clare ; Northumberland, and of the town 
 and county of Newcastle, and of the town of Barwick, earl of 
 Northumberland; Norfolk, and of the county and city of 
 Norwich, earl of Warwick; Oxfordshire, lord Viscount Say 
 and Seal ; Rutland, earl of Exon ; Salop, lord Littleton, lord- 
 keeper of the great seal of England ; Somerset, marquis 
 Hertford. 
 
 That the lieutenant of the county of Worcester shall be 
 nominated before Somerset. 
 Staffordshire, and of the county of the city of Lichfield, earl 
 of Essex ; Suffolk, earl of Suffolk ; Surry, earl of Notting- 
 ham ; Sussex, earl of Northumberland ; Warwick, and of 
 the county of the city of Coventry, lord Brooke ; Westmor- 
 land, earl of Cumberland ; Wilts, earl of Pembroke ; Wigorn, 
 and of the county of the city of Worcester, lord Edward 
 Howard of Eserig ; for the county and city of Bristol, master 
 Denzil HoUis ; Yorkshire, and of the county of the city of 
 York, and of the county of the town of Kingston-on-HuU, 
 earl of Essex ; of the parts of Kestaven and Holland, and 
 the county of the city of Lincoln, earl of Lincoln ; for the 
 parts of Lindsay, in the county of Holland, lord Willoughby 
 of Parham ; Monmouth, lord Philip Herbert ; isle of Angle- 
 sey, earl of Northumberland; Brecknock, lord Philip Her- 
 bert; Cardigan, earl of Carbery; Carmarthen, and Carmarthen 
 town, earl of Carbery; Carnarvon, earl of Pembroke; Denbigh, 
 lord Fielding; Flintshire, lord Fielding; Glamorgan, lord 
 Philip Herbert ; Montgomery, earl of Essex ; Merioneth, 
 earl of Pembroke ; Pembroke, and the town of Haverford- 
 west, earl of Northumberland ; Radnor, lord Littleton, lord- 
 keeper of the great seal of England. 
 
 That for the levying, ordering, and exercising the militia of 
 the city of London power is given unto sir John Gaire, sir 
 Jacob Garret, knights and aldermen, Thomas Atkin, alder- 
 man, sir John Wollastone, knight and alderman, John Warner, 
 
APPENDIX. 449 
 
 alderman, and John Towse, alderman, sergeant-major-general 
 Skippon, or any three [or] more of them, Kandolph Manwaring, 
 William Gibs, John Fowke, James Bunce, Francis Peck, 
 Samuel Warner, James Russell, Nathaniel Wright, William 
 Barkley, Alexander Normington, Stephen Estweeke, Owen 
 Rowe, citizens of London, or any six or more of them. 
 
 His majesty's message to both houses of parliament, 
 February 14, 1641. 
 
 Though his majesty is assured, that his having so suddenly 
 passed these two biUs, being of so great importance, and so 
 earnestly desired by both houses, will serve to assure his 
 parliament that he desires nothing more than the satisfaction 
 of his kingdom ; yet, that he may further manifest to both 
 houses how impatient he is, till he find out a full remedy to 
 compose the present distempers, he is pleased to signify. 
 
 That his majesty will by proclamation require, that all 
 statutes made concerning recusants be, with all care, dili- 
 gence, and severity, put in execution. 
 
 That his majesty is resolved, that the seven condemned 
 priests shall be immediately banished, if his parliament shall 
 consent thereunto : and his majesty wiU give .present order 
 (if it shall be held fit by both houses) that a proclamation 
 issue, to require all Romish priests within twenty days to 
 depart the kingdom ; and if any shall be apprehended after 
 that time, his majesty assures both houses, in the word of a 
 king, that he wiU grant no pardon to any such without con- 
 sent of his parliament. 
 
 And because his majesty observes great and difierent trou- 
 bles to arise in the hearts of his people concerning the 
 government and liturgy of the church, his majesty is willing 
 to declare, that he wiU refer that whole consideration to the 
 wisdom of his parliament, which he desires them to enter into 
 speedily, that the present distractions about the same may be 
 composed ; but desires not to be pressed to any single act on 
 his part till the whole be so digested and settled by both 
 houses, that his majesty may clearly see what is fit to be left, 
 as well as what is fit to be taken away. 
 
 For Ireland, (in behalf of which his majesty's heart bleeds,) 
 
 MAY. G g 
 
450 APPENDIX. 
 
 as his majesty hath concurred with all propositions made for 
 that service by his parliament, so he is resolved to leave 
 nothing undone for their relief which shall faU within his pos- 
 sible power, nor will refuse to venture his own person in that 
 war, if his parliament shall think it convenient, for the reduc- 
 tion of that miserable kingdom. 
 
 And, lastly, his majesty, taking notice, by several petitions, 
 of the great and general decay of trade in this kingdom, and 
 more particularly of that of clothing and new draperies, (con- 
 cerning which he received lately at Greenwich a modest, but 
 earnest, petition from the clothiers of Suffolk,) of which de- 
 cay of trade his majesty hath a very deep sense, both in re- 
 spect of the extreme want and poverty it hath brought and 
 must bring upon many thousands of his loving subjects, and 
 of the influence it must have in a very short time upon the 
 very subsistence of this nation, doth earnestly recommend 
 the consideration of that great and weighty business to both 
 houses ; promising them, that he will most readily concur in 
 any resolution their wisdoms shall find out, which may con- 
 duce to so necessary a work. 
 
 The lords and commons assembled in parliament, do, with 
 much joy, receive and with thankfulness acknowledge, your 
 majesty's grace and favour, in giving your royal assent to a 
 bill, entitled, " An act for disenabling all persons in holy 
 orders to exercise any temporal jurisdiction or authority :" 
 and also your majesty's care for Ireland, expressed in the 
 despatch of the biU of pressing, so much importing the safety 
 of that and this kingdom. 
 
 To the king's most excellent majesty. 
 
 The humble petition of the lords and commons now assembled 
 in parliament, 
 Showeth, 
 
 That your majesty, in answer to their late petition touch- 
 ing the proceedings against the lord Kymbolton, master HoUis, 
 sir Arthur Haslerigg, master Pym, master Hampden, and 
 master Strode, members of the parliament, was pleased to 
 signify, that as your majesty once conceived that you had 
 
APPENDIX. 451 
 
 ground enough to accuse them, so now your majesty finds as 
 good cause wholly to desert any further prosecution of them. 
 Notwithstanding which, they remain still under that heavy 
 charge so imputed unto them, to the exceeding prejudice, not 
 only of themselves, but also of the whole parliament. And 
 whereas, by the express laws and statutes of this your realm, 
 that is to say, by two acts of parliament, the one made in the 
 37th and the other in the 38th year of the reign of your 
 most noble progenitor king Edward the Third, " If any per- 
 son whatsoever makes suggestion to the king himself, of any 
 crime committed by another, the same person ought to be 
 sent with the suggestion before the chancellor or keeper of 
 the great seal, treasurer, and the great coimcil, there to find 
 surety to pursue his suggestion ; which if he cannot prove, 
 he is to be imprisoned till he hath satisfied the party accused 
 of his damages and slander, and made fine and ransom to the 
 king :" the said lords and commons humbly beseech your 
 majesty, that, not only in point of justice to the said mem- 
 bers in their particulars, but for the vindication of the rights 
 and privileges of parliament, your majesty wiU be pleased to 
 send the person or persons, that in this case made the sug- 
 gestions or informations to your majesty against the said 
 members of parliament, together with the said suggestions 
 or informations, to your parliament, that so such fruits of 
 the said good laws may be had as was intended by them, 
 and the rights and priTdleges of parliament may be vindi- 
 cated : which of right and justice ought not to be denied. 
 
 An ordinance of both houses of parliament, for the safeguard of 
 the parliament, tower, and city of London, under the com- 
 mand of sergeant-major-general Skippon. 
 
 Whereas, upon the 12th of January last past, (amongst 
 other things in that order,) it is ordered by the lords and 
 commons in parliament, in these words : "And for the better 
 safeguard of the Tower, it is further ordered by both houses 
 of parliament, that the sherifi's of London and Middlesex 
 shall appoint and place a sufficient guard about the Tower, 
 both by land and water, under the command of sergeant- 
 major-general Skippon, commander of the guards of the par- 
 
 Gg2 
 
452 APPENDIX. 
 
 liament, and that those guards be careful to see the former 
 order observed :" now, whereas the said sergeant-major hav- 
 ing (in his great care and faithfulness) given his advice to the 
 said sherifis, concerning what guards he conceived to be fit- 
 ting, and how the same guards ought to have been ordered 
 by water and land, as he" thought most advantageous for the 
 said service : whereas also the said sergeant-major hath given 
 his further advice and order, to divers other persons, con- 
 cerning the timely discovery and preventing of any thing that 
 might have been attempted or done, contrary to the intent of 
 the said order of both houses of parliament. 
 
 And whereas the said sergeant-major Skippon hath, ac- 
 cording to the trust reposed in him by the city of London, 
 placed the trained bands of the said city at the further end 
 of Tower-street, and in such other places within and about 
 the city, as he conceived to be most for the safety of the city : 
 all and every particular of the which premises, and whatso- 
 ever else in the same kind, and to the same ends, that he the 
 said sergeant-major hath advised or done, or shall advise or 
 do, according to the order aforesaid, is hereby well approved 
 of and fully warranted by both houses of parliament, as being 
 for the real good service of his majesty and the common- 
 wealth ; as also for the safety of the parliament and city ; 
 and is, in aU and every part thereof, according to his duty, 
 the last protestation, and the laws of this kingdom. And if 
 any person shall arrest, or any other way trouble him for so 
 doing, he doth break the privilege of parliament, violate the 
 liberty of the subject, and is hereby declared an enemy to the 
 commonwealth . 
 
 A message from a committee of both houses of parliament to the 
 Spanish ambassador, to make stay of ships at Dunkirk in- 
 tended for the supply of rebels in Ireland. 
 
 The lords and commons have commanded us to intimate to 
 the Spanish ambassador the advertisement that they have 
 received of certain ships lying in Dunkirk, laden with am- 
 munition, ready to take sail, intended for the relief of the 
 rebels of Ireland. This they hold contrary to the articles 
 agreed upon in the treaties of peace between the two crowns ; 
 
APPENDIX. 153 
 
 aud therefore the ambassador is to be moved from both 
 houses, to send speedily to Dunkirk, and to all other his ma- 
 jesty's dominions, and unto the king his master, to make 
 stay of those and all such ships as may carry any supply of 
 men, victuals, money, or any other aid, to his majesty's sub- 
 jects that at this present are in rebellion in Ireland ; which 
 otherwise will be understood to be a breach of the treaties 
 between the crowns of England and Spain, and so resented 
 by the parliament. 
 
 The Spanish ambassador' s answer to the message from a com- 
 mittee of both houses of parliament . 
 The lord ambassador of Spain, don Alonso de Cardenas, 
 having understood what the lord Fielding, of the lords' house, 
 and sir Thomas Barrington, baronet^ and sir John Holland, 
 baronet, of the house of commons, all three commissaries 
 from the parliament, have said in behalf of both houses, con- 
 cerning the advertisement given them, that in the haven of 
 Dunkirk there were certain ships laden with ammunition, 
 ready to take sail, intended for the relief of the rebels of Ire- 
 land, which they hold contrary to the articles of peace between 
 the two crowns ; and that they required he should send to 
 Dunkirk, and aU other his majesty's dominions, and that he 
 should write unto the king his master, to make stay of those 
 and all such ships as may carry supply of powder, victuals, 
 money, or any other aid, to his majesty's subjects, that at 
 this present are in rebellion in Ireland ; because, otherwise, 
 it would be understood to be a breach of the treaties between 
 the two crowns, and so resented by the parliament : — the 
 said ambassador of Spain answered, that, besides the under- 
 standing which he hath of the king his master's mind and 
 intention to conserve the friendship which he professeth with 
 his majesty of Great Britain, he hath express and most par- 
 ticular notice, that the ships which are now in Dunkirk-haven, 
 laden with soldiers and ammunition, and ready to sail, neither 
 are for Ireland, nor were they provided for any such purpose; 
 and that this notice was given him by don Francisco de Mello, 
 earl of Assumar, governor and captain-general of the states 
 of Flanders, whom the resident of his majesty of Great Britain, 
 
454 APPENDIX. 
 
 that assists in Brussels, assured that he is fully satisfied of 
 their not going for Ireland, as is also his king, who signified 
 so much unto him in a letter, in which he likewise com- 
 manded him to thank the said don Francisco de Mello, for 
 denying leave, which certain Irish, serving in those states, 
 had asked to return to their country, which he denied, to 
 avoid all suspicion; notwithstanding their end for asking it 
 was unknown. The same assurance did the same ambassador 
 give unto the commissaries aforesaid of the parliament, con- 
 cerning the mentioned ships in Dunkirk, laden with ammu- 
 nition and soldiers, that they are not for Ireland; and he 
 proffered to write to Dunkirk, and aU other parts of Flanders 
 and dominions of the king his master, and particularly to his 
 catholic majesty, to the end, that the observance of the ar- 
 ticles of peace (which hitherto have been so religiously ob- 
 served of the king his master's part and his subjects) may be 
 continued ; and that new and strait orders be given, that 
 no subject of his catholic majesty shall dare violate them, 
 sending any kind of aids to foster the insurrection in Ire- 
 land, under pain of the punishment imposed upon the trans- 
 gressors. And the said ambassador, to manifest the sincerity 
 of his heart, profitred to solicit it with the readiest and most 
 forcible means that lay in his power, hoping (as in reason he 
 should) that his majesty of Great Britain, and the parlia- 
 ment, will, for their part, punctually observe the same in the 
 aforesaid conformity towards the rebels of the king his mas- 
 ter, not permitting any kinds of succour or assistance, in 
 whatsoever quality, to be afforded them, from these king- 
 doms. Renewing for this effect all requisite orders unto the 
 ofi&cers and ports of the said kingdoms, chastising the trans- 
 gressors of what is settled in the peace with the punishments 
 contained in the articles of it ; that so, by reciprocal observ- 
 ance, the good correspondency, which is at this present be- 
 twixt the two crowns of Spain and England, may be assuredly 
 maintained. 
 
 His majesty's message to both houses concerning the militia. 
 
 His majesty, having received an humble petition of the 
 lords and commons, by the hands of the earls of Carlisle and 
 
APPENDIX. 455 
 
 Monmouth, returns this answer; That his dearest consort 
 the queen and his dear daughter the princess Mary being 
 now upon their departure for Holland, he cannot have so 
 good time to consider of a particular answer for a matter of 
 so great weight as this is : therefore he must respite the same 
 until his return. 
 
 To the king's most excellent majesty. 
 
 The humble petition of the lords and commons concerning 
 this message. 
 
 May it please your most excellent majesty, 
 Your humble and loyal subjects, the lords and commons, 
 have, with a great deal of grief, received your majesty's an- 
 swer to their just and necessary petition concerning the 
 militia of the kingdom ; which your majesty, by a gracious 
 message formerly sent unto them, was pleased to promise 
 should be put into such hands as your parliament should 
 approve of or recommend unto you ; the extent of their 
 power, and the time of their continuance, being likewise de- 
 clared. That being done, and the persons by both houses 
 nominated, your majesty, nevertheless, refers your resolution 
 herein to a longer and a very uncertain time, which (the pre- 
 sent dangers and distractions so great and pressing) is as 
 unsatisfactory and destructive as an absolute denial. There- 
 fore we once again beseech your majesty to take our desire 
 into your royal thoughts, and to give us such an answer as 
 may raise in us a confidence, that we shall not be exposed to 
 the practices of those who thirst after the ruin of this king- 
 dom, and the kindling of that combustion in England which 
 they have in so great a measure effected in Ireland ; from 
 whence (as we are daily informed) they intend and endea- 
 vour to invade us, with the assistance of the papists here 
 amongst us. 
 
 Nothing can prevent these evils, nor enable us to suppress 
 the rebellion in Ireland, and secure ourselves, but the instant 
 granting of that our humble petition ; which we hope your 
 majesty will not deny to those who must, in the discharge of 
 their duties, both to your majesty and the commonwealth, 
 represent unto your majesty what they find so absolutely 
 
456 APPENDIX. 
 
 necessary for the preservation of both ; which the laws, both 
 of God and man, enjoin them to see put in execution, as 
 several coimties, by their daily petitions, have desired of us, 
 and in some places begun already to do it of themselves. 
 Feb. 22, 1641. 
 
 Resolved, upon the question, and assented unto, and ordered, 
 that master Mollis carry it up to the lords, to desire their 
 concurrence herein. 
 
 A message from bathhouses of parliament, sent to the king and 
 queen's majesties^ touching certain letters, lately intercepted, 
 and, as it may be conjectured, sent from the lord Digby to 
 the queen's majesty. 
 
 Most gracious soverei&n, 
 Your majesty's most loyal and faithful subjects, the lords 
 and commons in parliament, have received your message of 
 the 1 6th of this instant February, sent at the instance of the 
 queen's majesty ; and, upon consideration thereof, to our 
 great joy and content, find therein clear expressions of grace 
 and favour from both your majesties : for which we return 
 oui' most humble thanks ; and have herewithal sent the tran- 
 script of that letter required by your majesty, as likewise of 
 two other letters, directed to master secretary Nicholas and 
 sir Lewes Dives, all which were brought to us under one 
 cover, endorsed to master secretary, with information that 
 they were written by the lord Digby ; who, being a person 
 fled from the justice of parliament, and one who had given 
 many evidences of the disaffection to the public good, we 
 conceived it necessary to open the two former, and finding 
 sundry expressions in them fall of asperity and malignity 
 to the parliament, we thought it very probable that the like 
 may be contained in that to her majesty, and that it would 
 be dishonourable to her majesty and dangerous for the king- 
 dom if it should not be opened, wherein we were no whit 
 deceived, as your majesty may well perceive by the contents 
 thereof. 
 
 And although we cannot but be very sensible of the great 
 dishonour therein done to your majesties, and the malicious 
 endeavours of fomenting and increasing the jealousy betwixt 
 
APPENDIX. 457 
 
 your majesty and your people ; yet we are far from reflecting 
 any thing upon the queen, or expecting any satisfaction from 
 her majesty ; but impute all to the bold and envenomed spirit 
 of the man. Only we most earnestly beseech your majesty, 
 to persuade the queen, that she will not vouchsafe any coun- 
 tenance to or correspondency with the lord Digby, or any other 
 of the fugitives or traitors whose offences now depend under 
 the examination and judgment of parliament; which we assure 
 ourselves will be very efi'ectual to further the removal of all 
 jealousies and discontents betwixt your majesty and your 
 people, and the settling the great afiairs of your majesty and 
 the kingdom in an assured state and condition of honour, 
 safety, and prosperity. 
 
 A message from both houses of parliament unto his majesty 
 
 concerning the prince his son. 
 The lords and commons in parliament humbly desire his 
 majesty, that the prince may not be removed from Hampton- 
 court ; and that for these ensuing reasons : 
 
 1 . They conceive his majesty had resolved, that the prince 
 should stay at Hampton-court until his majesty^s return. 
 
 2. That the lord marquis Hertford, appointed by his majesty 
 to be governor of the prince, and approved of, and commanded 
 by the parliament to give his personal attendance on the 
 prince, is now so indisposed in his health, that he is not able 
 to attend the prince to any other place. 
 
 3. That the prince's removal at this time from Hampton- 
 court may be a cause to promote jealousies and fears in the 
 hearts of his majesty's good subjects ; which they conceive 
 very necessary to avoid. 
 
 Die Jovis, 24 Feb. 1641. 
 Ordered by the lords and commons in parliament, that 
 the lord Howard of Char, shall attend upon the king, 
 and present these reasons unto his majesty. 
 
 John Brown, Cler. Parliament. 
 
 His majesty's answer to the reasons he received by way of 
 message from both houses concerning the prince his son. 
 That his majesty intended, at his remove from Hampton 
 
458 APPENDIX. 
 
 court with his royal consort the queen towards Dover, that the 
 prince his son should stay at Hampton-court till his majesty 
 returned to some of his houses ; and thereupon^ as soon as his 
 majesty resolved upon a certain day to be at Greenwich, he 
 commanded that his son should attend him there, which was 
 no way contrary to his former intention. 
 
 2. That his majesty was very sorry to hear of the indisposi- 
 tion of the marquis Hertford, being the person upon whom 
 he principally relies for the care of his dearest son ; but if 
 that indisposition should have lasted, his majesty could no 
 ways think fit that his want of health should have hindered 
 the prince from waiting upon his majesty according to his 
 command ; and therefore would have been much offended if 
 the prince had failed of meeting his majesty according to his 
 appointment. 
 
 3. To the fears and jealousies, his majesty knows not what 
 answer to give, not being able to imagine from what grounds 
 they proceed. But if any information have been given to 
 that purpose, his majesty much desires that the same may be 
 examined to the bottom ; and then he hopes that their fears 
 and jealousies will be hereafter continued only with reference 
 to his majesty's rights and honour. 
 
 The votes of the lords and commons upon the propositions made 
 by divers worthy and well-affected persons for the speedy and 
 effectual reducing of the kingdom of Ireland. 
 
 The lords and commons, taking into their serious consider- 
 ations as well the necessity of a speedy reducing of the rebels 
 of Ireland to their due obedience, as also the great sums of 
 money that the commons of this realm have of late paid for 
 the public and necessary affairs of the kingdom ; whereof, the 
 lords and commons are very sensible, and desirous to embrace 
 all good and honourable ways, tending to his majesty's great- 
 ness and profit, the settling of that realm, and the ease of his 
 majesty's subjects of England ; and whereas, divers worthy 
 and well affected persons, perceiving that many millions of 
 acres of the rebels' lands of that kingdom, which go under 
 the name of profitable lands, will be confiscate and to be dis- 
 posed of, and that in case two millions and a half of those 
 
APPENDIX. 459 
 
 acres, to be equally taken out of the four provinces of that 
 kingdom, may be allotted for the satisfaction of such persons 
 as shall disburse any sums of money, for the reducing of the 
 rebels there, would effectually accomplish the same, have 
 made these propositions ensuing : 
 
 1. That two millions and an half of those acres may be 
 assigned, allotted, and divided amongst them, after this pro- 
 portion : viz. 
 
 (-200 li. 1000 acres in Ulster. 
 For each adven- J 300 li. j 000 acres in Connaught. 
 ture of I 450 li. 1000 acres in Munster. 
 
 '^600 li. 1000 acres in Leinster. 
 
 All according to the English measure, and consisting of 
 meadow, arable, and profitable pasture, the bogs, woods, and 
 barren mountains being cast in over and above. These two 
 millions and a half of acres to be holden in free and common 
 soccage of the king, as of his castle of Dublin. 
 
 2. That out of those two millions and an half of acres, a 
 constant rent shall be reserved to the crown of England, 
 after this proportion, viz. 
 
 ' Ulster I d — 
 
 Connaught J d — ob. 
 
 Munster id—<\ ; 
 
 Leinster 3«^ — 
 
 Whereby his majesty's revenue out of those lands will be 
 much improved, besides the advantages that he wiU. have by 
 the coming to his hands of all other the lands of the rebels, 
 and their personal estates, without any charge unto his 
 majesty. 
 
 3. That for the erecting of manors, settling of waste and 
 commons, maintaining of preaching ministers, creating of 
 corporations, and regulating of the several plantations, one 
 or more commissions be hereafter granted by authority of 
 parliament. 
 
 4. That money for this great occasion may be the more 
 speedily advanced, all the undertakers in the city of London, 
 and within twenty mUes distant thereof, shall underwrite their 
 several sums before the 20th day of March, 1641 ; and all 
 within sixty miles of London, before the ist day of April, 
 
 Out of each acre 
 thereof in 
 
460 APPENDIX. 
 
 1 642 ; and the rest of the kingdom^ before the 1 st day of 
 May, 1642. 
 
 5. That the several sums to be underwritten shall be paid 
 in at four payments, viz. one fourth part within ten days 
 after such underwriting, and the other three parts, at three 
 months, three months, and three months : all to be paid into 
 the chamber of London. 
 
 6. That, for the better securing of the said several sums 
 accordingly, every one that doth so underwrite shall at the 
 time of his subscription pay down the twentieth part of the 
 total sum that shall be by him then underwritten. 
 
 And in case that the residue of his first fourth part be not 
 paid in to such person or persons as shall be appointed to 
 receive the same within the ten days before limited, then 
 such a party shall not only forfeit the twentieth part of the 
 sum total, formerly deposited, but so much more of his first 
 fourth payment to be added thereunto, as shall make up the 
 one moiety of the said first payment. And if the same person 
 shall fail in any other of the three payments, he shall then 
 forfeit his entire first fourth part, and all the benefit of his 
 subscription ; which forfeiture shall accrue to the common 
 benefit of the rest of the undertakers. 
 
 The lords and commons, upon due and mature deliberation 
 of these propositions, have approved of them, and given their 
 consent unto the same, and will become humble petitioners 
 to his majesty for his royal approbation thereof; and that 
 hereafter he will be pleased, upon the humble suit of both 
 houses of parliament, to give his royal assent to such biUs 
 as they shall tender unto him for the settling of those 
 propositions and all other things necessarily conducing there- 
 unto. 
 
 By virtue of an order of the honourable house of commons, 
 made on Monday the 7th of this present month of February, 
 1 641 ; we (the committee appointed to receive the moneys 
 given by the members of the house of commons, for the relief 
 of the poor distressed people that are come out of Ireland) 
 are to require you to send unto us, or any one of us, a certi- 
 ficate, what sums of money are collected within your parish, 
 for the relief of the poor distressed people of Ireland, and to 
 require you to bring in such sums of money as you have re- 
 
APPENDIX. 461 
 
 ceived, to that committee ; who are authorized by the house 
 to receive the same. 
 
 Dated at Westminster, the 15th day of February, 1641. 
 The committee appointed by the house for the said collec- 
 tion, are, sir Edward Aiscough, knight; Francis Rowse, Henry 
 Martin, William Wheeler, esquires. 
 
 To the minister and churchwardens of the parish of . 
 
 His majesty's gracious answer and assent, declared unto both 
 houses of parliament, February 24, 1641, was as followeth .- 
 His majesty, being very glad to receive any proposition 
 that may repair the calamity of his distressed kingdom of 
 Ireland, especially when it may be without burden or im- 
 position, and for the ease of his good subjects of this king- 
 dom, hath graciously considered the overture made by both 
 houses of parliament to that purpose, and returns this an- 
 swer : 
 
 That as he hath offered, and is still ready, to venture his 
 own royal person for the recovery of that kingdom, if his 
 parliament shall advise him thereunto, so he will not deny 
 to contribute any other assistance he can to that service, by 
 parting with any profit or advantage of his own there : and 
 therefore (relying upon the wisdom of his parliament) doth 
 consent to every proposition now made to him, without taking 
 time to examine, whether this course may not retard the re- 
 ducing of that kingdom, by exasperating the rebels, and ren- 
 dering them desperate of being received into grace, if they 
 shall return to their obedience. 
 
 And his majesty will be ready to give his royal assent to 
 all such bills as shall be tendered unto him by his parha- 
 ment for the confirmation of every particular of this proposi- 
 tion. 
 
 Die Veneris, 25th Feb. 164 1. 
 
 Ordered, by the lords in parliament, that the propositions 
 concerning Ireland, and his majesty's gracious answer 
 thereunto, together with the directions, shall be forth- 
 with printed and published. 
 
462 APPENDIX. 
 
 And for the better effecting of this work, the lords and commons 
 have thought fit to publish these ensuing directions : 
 
 1. Whereas, according to the proportion of lands in the 
 propositions mentioned, (being two millions and a half of 
 acres,) the sums to be underwritten will not exceed one 
 million of money ; it will be requisite that, together with the 
 sums underwritten, the day and time of each subscription be 
 likewise set down ; to the intent, that those who do under- 
 write before the million of money shall be made up, may not 
 be excluded from the benefit of their respective subscriptions, 
 in case they make payment of the respective sums according 
 to the propositions. 
 
 Nevertheless, if any shall underwrite after the million of 
 money shall be made up, they shall be admitted to the shares 
 of such as (having underwritten to the million) shall fail of 
 payment according to the propositions, or else (at their elec- 
 tion) shall be forthwith repaid all such sums as they shall 
 have paid in upon hope of taking benefit of the proposi- 
 tions. 
 
 2. The places to be appointed for the several underwritings, 
 to be, for the cities of London and Westminster, and the 
 counties of Surry and Middlesex, the chamber of London : 
 for aU other counties in England and Wales, the towns where 
 the last assizes were kept. But any of those counties that 
 shall desire to underwrite in London may be at liberty to do 
 it there. 
 
 3. The persons to be employed in taking the underwritings 
 and receiving the moneys for London and Westminster, Mid- 
 dlesex and Surry, are to be such as upon further consultation 
 with the citizens of London shall be appointed; and in all 
 other counties, the sherifi's of the several counties respect- 
 ively, who are to give acquittances for such sums as they 
 shall receive. 
 
 4. That printed books of the propositions, and his ma- 
 jesty^s answer thereunto, and of the instructions, shall be 
 sent, and letters written from the speaker, to the several 
 sheriff's of the said counties, who shall publish the books and 
 letters at the next assizes, and shall then likewise give public 
 notice of the times and places by them to be appointed, as 
 
APPENDIX. 463 
 
 well for the several underwritings as for the payment of the 
 sums that shall be underwritten : and for the better publish- 
 ing of those books, the several citizens and burgesses of the 
 house of commons shall forthwith send down several books 
 and letters to the head officers of their cities and boroughs 
 respectively. 
 
 5. That the several sheriffs shall, from week to week, send 
 up to the chamber of London a true list of the names and 
 sums subscribed, and of the time of the subscription. 
 
 6. For the better encouragement of such persons as shall 
 be employed for the city of London and the parts adjoining, 
 as likewise of the said sheriffs, and such other persons as shall 
 be by them employed herein, it shall and may be lawful for 
 the said sheriffs, and for the said persons appointed for the 
 city of London respectively, to deduct, and retain to his or 
 their use, after the rate of one penny in the pound, for their 
 pains and charges, in receiving the said sums and in return- 
 ing the same. 
 
 7. That, together with the printed propositions and letters 
 from the speaker, paper-books, with titles prefixed, shall be 
 sent down to the sheriffs of each county, in the beginning of 
 which books, next under the titles, the knights, citizens, and 
 burgesses respectively, that serve for the same, and who shall 
 imderwiite any sum, according to the said propositions, shall 
 subscribe their names and sums in the first place. 
 
 An ordinance of both homes of parliament, for the ordering of 
 
 the militia of the kingdom of England and dominion of 
 
 Wales. 
 
 "Whereas there hath been of late a most dangerous and 
 desperate design upon the house of commons, which we have 
 just cause to believe to be an effect of the bloody counsels 
 of papists, and other ill-affected persons, who have already 
 raised a rebellion in the kingdom of Ireland ; and, by reason 
 of many discoveries, we cannot but fear they will proceed, 
 not only to stir up the like rebelhon and insurrections in this 
 kingdom of England, but also to back them with forces from 
 abroad : 
 
 For the safety, therefore, of his majesty's person, the par- 
 liament, and kingdom, in this time of imminent danger. 
 
464 APPENDIX. 
 
 It is ordained by the king, the lords and commons^ now 
 in parliament assembled, that shall have power 
 
 to assemble and call together all and singular his majesty's 
 subjects within the county of as well within 
 
 liberties as without, that are meet and fit for the wars, and 
 them to train, exercise, and put in readiness, and them, after 
 their abilities and faculties, well and sufficiently, from time 
 to time, to cause to be arrayed and weaponed, and to take 
 the muster of them in places most fit for that purpose. 
 
 And shall have power, within the said county, 
 
 to nominate and appoint such persons of quality as to him 
 shall seem meet to be his deputy-lieutenants, to be approved 
 of by both houses of parliament. And that any one or more 
 of the said deputies, so assigned and approved of, shall, in the 
 absence or by the command of the said , have power 
 
 and authority to do and execute, within the county of , all 
 
 such powers and authorities before in this present ordinance 
 contained : and shall have power to make colonels and cap- 
 tains, and other ofiicers, and to remove out of their places, 
 and to' make others, from time to time, as he shall think fit 
 for that purpose. And his deputies, colonels, and cap- 
 
 tains, and other ofiicers, shall have further power and au- 
 thority, to lead, conduct, and employ the persons aforesaid, 
 arrayed and weaponed, as well within the county of as 
 
 within any other part of this realm of England or dominion 
 of Wales, for the suppression of all rebellions, insurrections, 
 and invasions that may happen, according as they, from time 
 to time, shall receive directions, by his majesty's authority, 
 signified unto them by the lords and commons assembled in 
 parliament. 
 
 And it is further ordained, that such persons as shall not 
 obey in any of the premises shall answer their neglect and 
 contempt to the lords and commons, in a parliamentary way, 
 and not otherwise, nor elsewhere ; and that every the powers 
 granted, as aforesaid, shall continue, until it shall be other- 
 wise ordered or declared by both houses of parliament, and 
 no longer. 
 
 This to go also to the dominion of Wales. 
 
 John Brown, Cler. Parliament. 
 
APPENDIX. 465 
 
 Charles Rex. 
 
 To our trusty and right well-beloved counsellor Edward, lord 
 
 Littleton, keeper of the great seal. 
 
 Right trusty and right well-beloved counsellor, we greet you 
 
 well. Our will and pleasure is, that you deliver, to be read in the 
 
 house of peers, this our answer to the desire from both houses 
 
 concerning the militia; and for so doing this shall be your 
 
 sufficient warrant. Given at our house at Greenwich, the 
 
 28th of February, 1641. 
 
 majesty's answer to both houses of parliament, concerning 
 the militia, February 28, 1641. 
 
 His majesty having, with his best care and understanding, 
 perused and considered, that which was sent him from both 
 houses, for the ordering of the militia, (presented unto him, to 
 be made an ordinance of parliament, by the giving of his royal 
 assent,) as he can by no means do it for the reasons hereafter 
 mentioned, so he doth not conceive himself obliged, by any 
 promise made in his answer of the 2nd of this month to the 
 petition of both houses, to yield the same. 
 
 His majesty finds great cause to except against the preface, 
 or introduction, to that order, which confesseth a most dan- 
 gerous and desperate design upon the house of commons of 
 late, supposed to be an effect of the bloody counsels of papists 
 and other ill-affected persons; by which many may understand 
 (looking upon other printed papers to that purpose) his com- 
 ing in person to the house of commons on the 4th of January, 
 which begot so unhappy a misunderstanding between him 
 and his people, and for that though he beheves it, upon the 
 information since given him, to be an apparent breach of 
 their privilege, and hath offered, and is ready, to repair the 
 same for the future by any act shall be desired of his majesty, 
 yet he must declare, and require to be believed, that he had 
 no other design upon that house, or any member of it, than 
 to require, as he did, the persons of those five gentlemen his 
 majesty had the day before accused of high treason, and to 
 declare that he meant to proceed against them legally and 
 speedily ; upon which he believed that house would have de- 
 livered them up. And his majesty calls the Almighty God 
 to witness, that he was so far from any intention or thought 
 
 MAX. " H h 
 
466 APPENDIX. 
 
 of force or violence, although that house had not delivered 
 them according to his demand, or, in any case whatsoever, 
 that he gave those his servants, and others who then waited 
 on his majesty, express charge and command, that they should 
 give no offence to any man ; nay, if they received any provo- 
 cation or injury, that they should bear it without return: and 
 his majesty neither saw or knew that any person of his train 
 had any other weapons, but his pensioners and guards those 
 with which they usually attend his person to parliament, and 
 the other gentlemen, swords. And, therefore, his majesty 
 doubts not but this parliament will be regardful of his honour 
 herein ; that he shall not undergo any imputation by the rash 
 or indiscreet expressions of any young men then in his train, 
 or by any desperate words uttered by others, who might 
 mingle with them without his consent or approbation. 
 
 For the persons nominated to be lieutenants of the several 
 counties of England and Wales, his majesty is contented to 
 allow that recommendation. Only concerning the city of Lon- 
 don, and such other corporations as by ancient charters have 
 granted unto them the power of the militia, his majesty doth 
 not conceive that it can stand with justice or policy to alter 
 their government in that particular. 
 
 And his majesty is willing forthwith to grant every of them 
 (that of London and those other corporations excepted) such 
 commissions as he hath done this parliament to some lord- 
 lieutenants by your advice. But if that power be not thought 
 enough, but that more shall be thought fit to be granted to 
 these persons named than by the law is in the crown itself, 
 his majesty holds it reasonable, that the same be, by some 
 law, first vested in him, with power to transfer it to these 
 persons ; which he will willingly do. And, whatever that power 
 shall be, to avoid all future doubts and questions, his majesty 
 desires it may be digested into an act of parliament rather 
 than an ordinance, so that all his loving subjects may thereby 
 particularly know both what they are to do and what they 
 are to suffer for their neglect ; that there be the least latitude 
 for his good subjects to suffer under any arbitrary power 
 whatsoever. 
 
 As to the time desired for the continuance of the powers 
 to be granted, his majesty giveth this answer, that he cannot 
 
APPENDIX. 467 
 
 consent to divest himself of the just power which God and 
 the laws of this kingdom have placed in him for the defence 
 of his people^ and to put it into the hands of others for any 
 indefinite time. And, since the ground of this request from 
 his parliament was, to secure their present fears and jeal- 
 ousies, that they might with safety apply themselves to the 
 matter of his message of the 20th of January, his majesty 
 hopeth that his grace to them since that time in yielding to 
 so many of their desires, and in agreeing to the persons now 
 recommended to him by his parliament, and the power before 
 expressed to be placed in them, will wholly dispel those fears 
 and jealousies, and assureth them, that, as his majesty hath 
 now applied this unusual remedy to their doubts, so (if there 
 shall be cause) he will continue the same to such time as 
 shall be agreeable to the same care he now expresseth to- 
 wards them. 
 
 And in this answer, his majesty is so far from receding 
 from any thing he promised, or intended to grant, in his 
 answer to the former petition, that his majesty hath hereby 
 consented to all that was then asked of him by that petition 
 concerning the militia of the kingdom, (except that of Lon- 
 don and those other corporations,) which was to put the 
 same into the hands of such persons as should be recom- 
 mended unto him by both houses of parliament : and his 
 majesty doubts not, but the parliament, upon well weighing 
 the particulars of this his answer, will find the same more satis- 
 factory to their ends, and the peace and welfare of all his good 
 subjects, than the way proposed by this intended ordinance, to 
 which, for these reasons, his majesty cannot consent. 
 
 And whereas his majesty observes, by the petition of both 
 houses, presented to him by the earl of Portland, sir Thomas 
 Heale, and sir William Savile, that in some places some per- 
 sons begin already to intermeddle of themselves with the 
 militia, his majesty expecteth that his parliament should ex- 
 amine the particulars thereof, it being a matter of high con- 
 cernment and very great consequence. 
 
 And his majesty requireth, that if it shall appear to his par- 
 liament that any persons whatsoever have presumed to com- 
 mand the militia without lawful authority, they may be pro- 
 ceeded against according to law. 
 
 H h2 
 
468 APPENDIX. 
 
 A copy of the petition of both houses of parliament concerning 
 the militia, S^c. Presented to his majesty at Theobalds, 
 1 Martii, 1641. 
 
 Most gracious sovereign. 
 
 Your majesty's most loyal and obedient subjectSj the lords 
 and commons in parliament, do find their just apprehensions 
 of sorrow and fear, in respect of the public dangers and 
 miseries like to fall upon your majesty and the kingdom, to 
 be much increased, upon the receipt of your unexpected de- 
 nial of their most humble and necessary petition concerning 
 the militia of the kingdom ; especially grieving, that wicked 
 and mischievous counsellors should still have that power with 
 your majesty, as, in this time of imminent and approaching 
 ruin, rather to incline your resolutions to that which is apt 
 to further the accomplishment of the desires of the most ma- 
 lignant enemies of God's true religion, and of the peace and 
 safety of yourself and your kingdom, than to the dutiful and 
 faithful counsel of your parliament. 
 
 Wherefore they are'enforced in all humility to protest, that, 
 if your majesty shall persist in that denial, the dangers and 
 distempers of the kingdom are such as will endure no longer 
 delay : but, unless you shall be graciously pleased to assure 
 them by these messengers, that you will speedily apply your 
 royal assent to the satisfaction of their former desires, they 
 shall be enforced, for the safety of your majesty and your king- 
 doms, to dispose of the militia by the authority of both houses, 
 in such manner as hath been propounded to your majesty, 
 and they resolve to do it accordingly. 
 
 They likewise most humbly beseech your majesty to be- 
 lieve, that the dangerous and desperate design upon the house 
 of commons, mentioned in their preamble, was not inserted 
 with any intention to cast the least aspersion upon your ma- 
 jesty, but therein they reflected upon that malignant party, 
 of whose bloody and malicious practices they have had so 
 often experience, and from which they can never be secure, 
 unless your majesty will be pleased to put from you those 
 wicked and unfaithful counsellors, who interpose their own 
 corrupt and malicious designs betwixt your majesty's good- 
 ness and wisdom, and the prosperity and contentment of your 
 
APPENDIX. 469 
 
 self and of your people : and that for the despatch of the 
 great affairs of the kingdom, the safety of your person, the 
 protection and comfort of your subjects, you will be pleased 
 to continue your abode near to London and the parliament, 
 and not to withdraw yourself to any the remoter parts; which 
 if your majesty should do, it must needs be a cause of great 
 danger and distraction. 
 
 That your majesty will likewise be graciously pleased to 
 continue the prince his highness in these parts, at St. James's, 
 or any other of your houses near London, whereby the designs 
 which the enemies of the religion and peace of this kingdom 
 may have upon his person, and the jealousies and fears of 
 your people, may be prevented. 
 
 And they beseech your majesty to be informed by them, 
 that, by the laws of the kingdom, the power of raising, or- 
 dering, and disposing of the militia within any city, town, or 
 other place, cannot be granted to any corporation by charter 
 or otherwise, without the authority and consent of parlia- 
 ment : and that those parts of the kingdom which have put 
 themselves in a posture of defence against the common danger, 
 have therein done nothing but according to the declaration 
 and direction of both houses, and what is justifiable by the 
 laws of this kingdom. 
 
 All which their most humble counsel and desires, they pray 
 your majesty to accept as the effect of that duty and allegi- 
 ance which they owe unto you, and which will not suffer them 
 to admit of any thoughts, intentions, or endeavours, but such 
 as are necessary and advantageous for your majesty's great- 
 ness and honour, and the safety and prosperity of the king- 
 dom, according to that trust and power which the laws have 
 reposed in them. 
 
 His majesty's answer to the petition of both houses presented 
 the ist of March, 1641. 
 I am so much amazed at this message, that I know not 
 what to answer : you speak of jealousies and fears : lay your 
 hands to your hearts, and ask yourselves whether I may not 
 likewise be disturbed with fears and jealousies : and, if so, I 
 assure you this message hath nothing lessened them. 
 
470 APPENDIX. 
 
 For the militia, I thought so much of it before I sent that 
 answer, and am so much assured that the answer is agreeable 
 to what in justice or reason you can ask, or I in honour grant, 
 that I shall not alter it in any point. 
 
 For my residence near you, I wish it might be so safe and 
 honourable, that I had no cause to absent myself from White- 
 hall ; ask yourselves whether I have not. 
 
 For my son, I shall take that care of him which shall jus- 
 tify me to God as a father, and to my dominions as a king. 
 
 To conclude, I assure you, upon my honour, that I have no 
 thought but of peace and justice to my people, which I shall 
 by all fair means seek to preserve and maintain, relying upon 
 the goodness and providence of God for the preservation of 
 myself and rights. 
 
 Divers questions upon his majesty's last answer, concerning the 
 militia, resolved upon by the house of commons. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That this answer of his majesty is a denial 
 to the desires of both houses of parliament concerning the 
 militia. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That those that advised his majesty to give 
 this answer are enemies to the state and mischievous pro- 
 jectors against the defence of the kingdom. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That this denial is of that dangerous conse- 
 quence, that, if his majesty shall persist in it, it will hazard 
 the peace and safety of all his kingdoms, unless some speedy 
 remedy be applied by the wisdom and authority of both houses 
 of parliament. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That such parts of this kingdom as have put 
 themselves into a posture of defence against the common 
 danger, have done nothing but what is justifiable, and is ap- 
 proved by the house. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That if his majesty shall remove into any 
 remote parts from his parliament, it will be a great hazard to 
 the kingdom, and a great prejudice to the proceedings of the 
 parliament. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That this house hold it necessary, that his 
 majesty may be desired, that the prince may come unto St. 
 
APPENDIX. 471 
 
 James's, or to some other convenient place near about Lon- 
 don, and there to continue. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That the lords be desired to join with this 
 house in an humble request unto his majesty, that he will be 
 pleased to reside near his parliament, that both houses may 
 have a convenience of access unto him upon all occasions. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That the lords be moved to join with this 
 house in some fit course of examination, to find who were 
 the persons that gave his majesty this advice ; that they 
 may be removed from his majesty, and brought to condign 
 punishment. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That no charter can be granted by the king 
 to create a power in any corporation over the militia of that 
 place without consent of parliament. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That the lords shall be moved to join with 
 this house in these votes. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That the lords shall be desired to appoint a 
 select committee, that may join with a committee of a pro- 
 portionable number of this house; to consider and prepare 
 ■what is fit to be done upon these votes, or upon any thing 
 else that may arise upon this answer of his majesty concern- 
 ing the militia and concerning the prince. 
 
 March 2. 
 
 Questions resolved upon by both homes of parliament, with an 
 
 order for the speedy rigging of the navy, for the defence 
 
 of the kingdom. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That the kingdom be forthwith put into a 
 posture of defence, by authority of both houses, in such a 
 way as is already agreed upon by both houses of parliament. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That the lords be desired to join with the 
 house of commons in this vote. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That a committee shall be appointed to pre- 
 pare a declaration upon these two heads, viz. 
 
 1 . To lay down the just causes of the fears and jealousies 
 given to these houses : and to clear these houses from any 
 jealousies conceived against them. 
 
 2. And to consider of all matters that may arise upon this 
 
472 APPENDIX. 
 
 message of his majesty, and to declare their opinions what is 
 fit to be done threupon. 
 
 Die Mercurii, i Martii. 
 The lords and commons in this present parliament assem- 
 bled, having received advertisement of extraordinary prepara- 
 tions made by the neighbouring princes, both by land and 
 sea; the intentions whereof have been so represented as to 
 raise an apprehension in both houses, that the public honour, 
 peace, and safety of his majesty and his kingdom cannot be 
 secured, unless a timely course be taken for the putting of 
 this kingdom into a condition of defence at sea as well as 
 land : it is therefore ordered, by the lords and commons 
 aforesaid, that the earl of Northumberland, lord-high-admiral 
 of England, do forthwith give effectual direction and order, 
 that all and every the ships belonging to his majesty's navy, 
 which are fit for service, and not already abroad, nor designed 
 for this summer's fleet, be with all speed rigged, and put in such 
 a readiness as that they may soon be fitted for the sea ; and 
 that his lordship do also make known unto all the masters 
 and owners of such ships as now are in or about any of the 
 harbours of this kingdom, and may be of use for the public 
 defence thereof, that it will be an acceptable service to the 
 king and parliament, if they likewise will cause their ships to 
 be rigged, and so far put in a readiness as they may be, at a 
 short warning, set forth to sea, upon any emergent occasion : 
 which will be a means of great security to his majesty and his 
 dominions. 
 
 The declaration. 
 May it please your majesty ; 
 Although the expressions in your majesty's message, of the 
 2nd of this instant March, do give just cause of sorrow to us 
 your faithful subjects, the lords and commons in parliament, 
 yet it is not without some mixture of confidence and hope, 
 considering they proceeded from the misapprehension of our 
 actions and intentions, which having no ground of truth or 
 reality, may, by your majesty's justice and wisdom, be re- 
 
APPENDIX. 473 
 
 moved, when your majesty shall be fully informed, that those 
 fears and jealousies of ours, which your majesty thinks to be 
 causeless, and without any just ground, do necessarily and 
 clearly arise from those dangers and distempers, into which 
 the mischievous and evil coimsels about you have brought 
 this kingdom ; and that those other fears and jealousies, by 
 which your favour, your royal presence and confidence, have 
 been withdrawn from your parliament, have no foundation 
 or subsistence in any action, intention, or miscarriage of 
 ours, but are merely grounded upon the falsehood and malice 
 of those, who, for the supporting and fomenting their own 
 wicked designs, against the religion and peace of the king- 
 dom, do seek to deprive your majesty of the strength and 
 affection of your people, them of your grace and protection, 
 and thereby to subject both your royal person and the whole 
 kingdom to ruin and destruction. 
 
 To satisfy your majesty's judgment and conscience in both 
 these points, we desire to make a clear and free declaration of 
 the causes of our fears and jealousies ; which we ofi'er to your 
 majesty in these particulars : 
 
 1. That the design of altering religion, in this and in your 
 other kingdoms, hath been potently carried on by those in 
 greatest authority about you, for divers years together. The 
 queen's agent at Rome, and the pope^s agent or nuncio here, 
 are not only evidences of this design, but have been great 
 actors in it. 
 
 2. That the war with Scotland was procured to make way 
 for this intent, and chiefly invited and fomented by the 
 papists, and others popishly affected : whereof we have many 
 evidences, and especially their free and general contribution 
 to it. 
 
 3. That the rebellion in Ireland was framed and contrived 
 here in England ; and that the English papists should have 
 risen about the same time, we have several testimonies and 
 advertisements from Ireland ; and that it is a common speech 
 amongst the rebels : wherewith concur other evidences and 
 observations of the suspicions, meetings, and consultations, 
 the tumultuary and seditious carriage, of those of that reli- 
 gion, in divers parts of this kingdom, about the time of the 
 breaking out of the Irish rebelHon. The deposition of 
 
474 APPENDIX. 
 
 O'Connelly, — the information of master Cole, minister, — the 
 letter of Trestram Whitcombe, — the deposition of Thomas 
 Grant, — and many others which we may produce, do all agree 
 in this. The public declaration of the lords, gentlemen, and 
 others of the pale, that they would join with the rebels, (whom 
 they call the Irish army,) or any other, to recover unto his 
 majesty his royal prerogative, wrested from him by the puri- 
 tan faction in the houses of parliament in England, and to 
 maintain the same against all others, as also to maintain 
 episcopal jurisdiction, and the lawfulness thereof; these two 
 being quarrels, upon which his majesty's late army in the 
 north should have been incensed against us. 
 
 The great cause we have to doubt, that that late design, 
 styled, the queen's pious intention, was for the alteration of 
 religion in this kingdom ; for the success whereof, the pope's 
 nuncio, the count Rosetti, enjoined fasting and praying to be 
 observed every week by the English papists ; which appeared 
 to us by one of the original letters directed by him to a priest 
 in Lancashire. 
 
 The boldness of the Irish rebels in affirming they do no- 
 thing but by authority from the king : that they call them- 
 selves the queen's army : that the prey or booty which they 
 take from the English they mark with the queen's mark : 
 that their purpose was to come to England, after they had 
 done in Ireland : and sundry other things of this kind, proved 
 by O'Connelly, and divers others, especially in the foremen- 
 tioned letter from Trestram Whitcombe, the mayor of Kin- 
 sale, to his brother Benjamin Whitcombe, wherein there is 
 this passage, " that many other strange speeches they utter 
 about religion and our court of England, which he dares not 
 commit to paper." 
 
 The manifold attempts to provoke your majesty's late army 
 and the army of the Scots, and to raise a faction in the city 
 of London and other parts of the kingdom : that those who 
 have been actors in those businesses have had their depend- 
 ance, their countenance, and encouragement from the court ; 
 witness the treason whereof master Jermin and others stand 
 accused, who was transported beyond sea by warrant under 
 your majesty's hand, after your majesty had given assurance 
 to your parliament that your majesty had laid a strict com- 
 
APPENDIX. 475 
 
 mand upon all your servants, that none of them should de- 
 part from court: and that dangerous petition, delivered to 
 captain Leg by your majesty's own hand, accompanied with 
 a direction, signed with C. R. 
 
 The false and scandalous accusation against the lord Kim- 
 bolton and the five members of the house of commons, ten- 
 dered to the parliament by your majesty's own command, — 
 endeavoured to be justified in the city by your own presence 
 and persuasion, and to be put in execution upon their persons, 
 by your majesty^s demand of them, in the house of commons, 
 in so terrible and violent a manner as far exceeded all former 
 breaches of privileges of parliament, acted by your majesty, or 
 any of your predecessors : and (whatsoever your own inten- 
 tions were) divers bloody and desperate persons, which 
 attended your majesty, discovered their affections and resolu- 
 tions to have massacred and destroyed the members of that 
 house, if the absence of those persons accused had not, by 
 God's providence, stopt the giving of that word, which they 
 expected, for the setting them upon that barbarous and bloody 
 act : — the listing of so many officers, soldiers, and others, — 
 putting them into pay and under command of colonels, — 
 feasting and caressing them in an unusual manner at White- 
 hail ; — ^thereby maintaining them in the violent assaults, and 
 other injuries, which they offered to divers of your subjects 
 coming that way in a lawful and peaceable manner: — the 
 carrying them out of town ; after which they were told by 
 the lord Digby, that the king removed on purpose that they 
 might not be trampled in the dirt : — and keeping them so 
 long in pay, endeavouring to engage the gentlemen of the 
 inns of court in the same course : — the plotting and designing 
 of a perpetual guard about your majesty : — the labouring to in- 
 fuse into your majesty's subjects an evil opinion of the par- 
 liament through the whole kingdom ; — and other symptoms 
 of a disposition of raising arms and dividing your people by a 
 civil war ; in which combustion Ireland must needs be lost, 
 and this kingdom miserably wasted and consumed, if not 
 wholly ruined and destroyed. 
 
 That, after a vote had passed in the house of commons, 
 declaring that the lord Digby had appeared in a warlike 
 manner at Kingston-upon-Thames, to the terror and afright 
 
476 APPENDIX. 
 
 of your majesty's good subjectSj and disturbance of the 
 public peace of the kingdom, and that threfore the lords 
 should be moved to require his attendance, he should, 
 nevertheless, be of that credit with your majesty, as to be 
 sent away by your own warrant to sir John Pennington to 
 land him beyond the sea ; from whence he vented his own 
 traitorous conceptions, that your majesty should declare 
 yourself, and retire to a place of strength in this kingdom, as 
 if your majesty could not be safe among your people : and, 
 withal, took that transcendent boldness, to write to the queen, 
 oiFering to entertain correspondency with her majesty by 
 ciphers, intimating some service which he might do in those 
 parts, for which he desired your majesty's instructions ; 
 whereby, in probability, he intended the procuring of some 
 foreign force, to strengthen your majesty in that condition 
 into which he would have brought you : which false and mali- 
 cious counsel and advice, we have great cause to doubt, made 
 too deep an impression on your majesty, considering the 
 course you are pleased to take, of absenting yourself from 
 your parliament, and carrying the prince with you; which 
 seems to express a purpose in your majesty to keep yourself 
 in a readiness for the acting of it. 
 
 The manifold advertisements which we have had from 
 Rome, Venice, Paris, and other parts, that they still expect 
 that your majesty has some great design in hand for the 
 altering of religion, the breaking the neck of your par- 
 liament ; that you will yet find means to compass that de- 
 sign ; that the pope's nuncio hath solicited the kings of 
 France and Spain to lend your majesty four thousand men a 
 piece, to help to maintain your royalty against the parliament. 
 And this foreign force, as it is the most pernicious and malig- 
 nant design of all the rest, so we hope it is, and shall always 
 be, furthest from your majesty's thoughts ; because no man 
 can believe you will give up your people and kingdom to be 
 spoiled by strangers, if you did not likewise intend to change 
 both your own profession in religion and the public profession 
 of the kingdom, that so you might stiU be more assured of 
 those foreign states of the popish religion for your future 
 support and defence. 
 
 These are some of the grounds of our fears and jealousies, 
 
APPENDIX. 477 
 
 which made us so earnestly to implore your royal authority 
 and protection for our defence and security, in all the ways 
 of humility and submission : which being denied by your 
 majesty, seduced by evil counsel, we do (with sorrow for the 
 great and unavoidable misery and danger which thereby is 
 like to fall upon your own person and your kingdoms) apply 
 ourselves to the use of that power, for the security and de- 
 fence of both, which, by the fundamental laws and constitu- 
 tions of this kingdom, resides in us ; yet still resolving to 
 keep ourselves within the bounds of faithfulness and allegi- 
 ance to your sacred person and your crown; so as to the 
 second sort of jealousies and fears of us, expressed by your 
 majesty, we shall give a shorter, but as true and as faithful an 
 answer. 
 
 Whereas your majesty is pleased to say, that, for your 
 residence near the parliament, you wish it might be so safe 
 and honourable that you had no cause to absent yourself 
 from Whitehall ; this we take as the greatest breach of privi- 
 lege of parliament that can be offered ; as the heaviest misery 
 to yourself, and imputation upon us that can be imagined ; 
 and the most mischievous effect of evil counsels. It roots up 
 the strongest foundation of the safety and honour which your 
 crown affords ; it seems, as much as may be, to cast upon 
 the parliament such a charge as is inconsistent with the 
 nature of that great council, being the body whereof your 
 majesty is the head : it strikes at the very being, both of king 
 and parhament ; depriving your majesty, in your own appre- 
 hension, of their fidelity, and them of your protection ; which 
 are the mutual bands and supports of government and sub- 
 jection. 
 
 We have, according to your majesty's desire, laid our 
 hands upon our hearts; we have asked ourselves, in the 
 strictest examination of our consciences ; we have searched 
 our affections, our thoughts ; considered our actions : and we 
 find none that can give your majesty any just occasion to 
 absent yourself from Whitehall and the parliament ; but that 
 you may, with more honour and safety, continue there than 
 in any other place. 
 
 Your majesty lays a general tax upon us. If you will be 
 graciously pleased to let us know the particulars, we shall 
 
478 APPENDIX. 
 
 give a clear and satisfactory answer : but what hope can we 
 have of ever giving your majesty satisfaction, when those parti- 
 culars which you have been made believe were true, yet being 
 produced and made known to us, appeared to be false ; and 
 your majesty, notwithstanding, will neither punish nor pro- 
 duce the authors, but go on to contract new jealousies and 
 fears, upon general and uncertain grounds, affording us no 
 means or possibility of particular answer, to the clearing of 
 ourselves : for proof whereof we beseech your majesty to con- 
 sider these instances. 
 
 The speeches alleged to be spoken in a meeting of divers 
 members of both houses at Kensington, concerning a purpose 
 of restraining the queen and prince : which, after it was 
 denied and disavowed, yet your majesty refused to name the 
 authors, though humbly desired by both houses. 
 
 The report of articles framed against the queen's majesty, 
 given out by some of near relation to the court : but, when 
 it was publicly and constantly disclaimed, the credit seemed 
 to be withdrawn from it. But the authors, being kept safe, 
 will always be ready for exploits of the same kind, wherewith 
 your majesty and the queen will be often troubled, if this 
 course be taken to cherish and secure them in such wicked 
 and malicious slanders. 
 
 The heavy charge and accusation of the lord Kimbolton, 
 and the five members of the house of commons, who re- 
 fused no trial or examination which might stand with the 
 privilege of parhament : yet no authors, no witnesses, pro- 
 duced, against whom they may have reparation for the great 
 injury and infamy cast upon them, notwithstanding three 
 several petitions of both houses, and the authority of two acts 
 of parliament vouched in the last of those petitions. 
 
 We beseech your majesty to consider in what state you 
 are ; how easy and fair a way you have to happiness, honour, 
 greatness, plenty, and security, if you will join with the par- 
 liament and your faithful subjects, in defence of the religion 
 and pubhc good of the kingdom. This is all we expect from 
 you; and for this we shall return to you our lives, fortunes, 
 and uttermost endeavours, to support your majesty, your just 
 sovereignty and power over us. But it is not words that can 
 secure us in these our humble desires. We cannot but too 
 
APPENDIX. 479 
 
 well and sorrowfully remember what gracious messages we 
 had from you this summer, when, with your privity, the bring- 
 ing up the army was in agitation. We cannot, but with the 
 like affections, recall to our minds how, not two days before 
 you gave directions for the above mentioned accusation, and 
 your own coming to the commons' house, that house received 
 from your majesty a gracious message, that you would always 
 have care of their privileges as of your own prerogative, of 
 the safety of their persons as of your own children. That 
 which we expect — which will give us assurance that you have 
 no thought but of peace and justice to your people — must be 
 some real effect of your goodness to them, in granting those 
 things which the present necessities of the kingdom do enforce 
 us to desire : and, in the first place, that your majesty will be 
 graciously pleased to put from you those wicked and mis- 
 chievous counsellors which have caused all these dangers and 
 distractions, and to continue your own residence, and the 
 prince's, near London and the parliament : which, we hope, 
 will be a happy beginning of contentment and confidence 
 betwixt your majesty and your people, and be followed with 
 many succeeding blessings of honour and greatness to your 
 majesty, and of security and prosperity to them. 
 
 The additional reasons. 
 
 The lords and commons have commanded us to present 
 unto your majesty this further addition to their former de- 
 claration : 
 
 That your majesty's return and continuance near the par- 
 liament is a matter, in their apprehension, of so great neces- 
 sity and importance towards the preservation of your royal 
 person and your kingdoms, that they cannot think they have 
 discharged their duties, in the single expression of their desire, 
 unless they add some further reasons to back it with : 
 
 I. Your majesty's absence will cause men to believe, that it 
 is out of design to discourage the undertakers, and hinder the 
 other provisions, for raising money for defence of Ireland. 
 
 II. It will very much hearten the rebels there, and dis- 
 affected persons in this kingdom, as being an evidence and 
 effect of the jealousy and division betwixt your majesty and 
 your people. 
 
480 APPENDIX. 
 
 III. That it will much weaken and withdraw the affection 
 of the subject from your majesty ; without which a prince is 
 deprived of his chiefest strength and lustre, and left naked to 
 the greatest dangers and miseries that can be imagined. 
 
 IV. That it will invite and encourage the enemies of our re- 
 ligion and the state, in foreign parts, to the attempting and 
 acting of their evil designs and intentions towards us. 
 
 V. That it causeth a great interruption in the proceedings of 
 parliament. 
 
 These considerations threaten so great danger to your 
 majesty's person and to all your dominions, that, as 
 your majesty's great council, they hold it necessary to 
 represent to you this their faithful advice, that so, 
 whatsoever followeth, they may be excused before God 
 and man. 
 
 His majesty's speech to the committee, the ()th of March 
 
 1 64 1, when they presented the declaration of both 
 
 houses of parliament at Newmarket. 
 
 I am confident that you expect not I should give you a 
 speedy answer to this strange and unexpected declaration ; 
 and I am sorry (in the distraction of this kingdom) you 
 should think this way of address to be more convenient than 
 that proposed by my message, of the 20th of January last, to 
 both houses. 
 
 As concerning the grounds of your fears and jealousies, I 
 wiU take time to answer particularly, and doubt not but I 
 shall do it to the satisfaction of all the world. God, in his 
 good time, will, I hope, discover the secrets and bottoms of 
 all plots and treasons ; and then I shall stand right in the 
 eyes of all my people. In the mean time I must tell you, 
 that I rather expected a vindication, for the imputation laid 
 on me in master Pym's speech, than that any more general 
 rumours and discourses should get credit with you. 
 
 For my fears and doubts, I did not think they should have 
 been thought so groundless or trivial, while so many seditious 
 pamphlets and sermons are looked upon, and so great tumults 
 are remembered, unpunished, uninquired into. I still con- 
 fess my fears, and call God to witness, that they are greater 
 
APPENDIX. 481 
 
 for the true protestant profession, my people, and laws, than 
 for my own rights or safety ; though I must tell you, I con- 
 ceive that none of these are free from danger. 
 
 What would you have ? Have I violated your laws ? Have 
 I denied to pass any one bill for the ease and security of my 
 subjects ? I do not ask you what you have done for me. 
 
 Have any of my people been transported with fears and 
 apprehensions ? I have offered as free and general a pardon 
 as yourselves can devise. All this considered, there is a 
 judgment from Heaven upon this nation, if these distractions 
 continue. 
 
 God so deal with me and mine as all my thoughts and in- 
 tentions are upright for the maintenance of the true protest- 
 ant profession, and for the observation and preservation of 
 the laws of this land : and I hope God will bless and assist 
 those laws for my preservation. 
 
 As for the additional declaration, you are to expect an 
 answer to it when you shall receive the answer to the declara- 
 tion itself. 
 
 Some passages that happened the gth of March between the 
 king's majesty and the committee of both houses, when the 
 declaration was delivered. 
 
 When his majesty heard that part of the declaration which 
 mentioned master Jermin^s transportation, his majesty inter- 
 rupted the earl of Holland in reading, and said, " Thafs false;" 
 which being afterwards touched upon again, his majesty then 
 said, " 'Tis a lie." And when he was informed that it related 
 not to the date but the execution of the warrant, his majesty 
 said, " It might have been better expressed then, and that it 
 was a high thing to tax a king with breach of promise." As 
 for this delaration, his majesty said, " I could not have 
 believed the parliament would have sent me such a one, if I 
 had not seen it brought by such persons of honour. I am 
 sorry for the parliament ; but glad I have it : for by that I 
 doubt not to satisfy my people ; though I am confident the 
 greater part is so already." 
 
 te speak of ill counsels : but I am confident the parliament 
 hath had worse informations than I have had counsels. His 
 
 MAY. I i 
 
482 APPENDIX. 
 
 majesty asking, what he had denied the parliament, the earl 
 of Holland instanced that of the militia. His majesty replied, 
 "That was no bill;" the earl of Holland then said, "It was a 
 necessary request at this time ;" and his majesty also then 
 said, he had not denied it. 
 
 What passed the next day, when his majesty delivered 
 his answer, 
 
 Which was read by the earl of Holland to the rest of the 
 committee ; and that being done, his lordship endeavoured to 
 persuade his majesty to come near the parliament. Where- 
 unto his majesty answered, "I would you had given me cause; 
 but I am sure this declaration is not the way to it. And in 
 all Aristotle^s Rhetoricks there is no such argument of per- 
 suasion." The earl of Pembroke, thereupon, telling him that 
 the parliament had humbly besought his majesty to come 
 near them aforesaid, his majesty replied, he had learnt by 
 our declaration that words were not sufficient. His majesty 
 being then again moved, by the said earl of Pembroke, to 
 express what he would have, said, he would whip a boy in 
 Westminster school that could not tell that by his answer. 
 And further said, they were much mistaken if they thought 
 his answer of that a denial : and being also asked by the said 
 earl of Pembroke whether the militia might not be granted, 
 as was desired by the parliament, for a time, his majesty swore, 
 "By Grod, not for an hour ; you have asked that of me in this 
 was never asked of a king, and with which I will not trust my 
 wife and children." 
 
 His majesty said, " The business of Ireland will never be 
 done in the way that you are in ; four hundred will never do 
 that work. It must be put into the hands of one. If I were 
 trusted with it, T would pawn my head to end that work. And, 
 though I am a beggar myself, yet," speaking with a strong as- 
 severation, " I can find money for that." 
 
 His majesty's declaration to both houses of parliament, {which 
 he likewise recommends to the consideration of all his loving 
 subjects,) in answer to that presented to him at Newmarket, 
 the c)th of March, 164.1 . 
 Though the declaration lately presented to us at New- 
 
APPENDIX. 483 
 
 market, from both our houses of parliament, be of so strange 
 a nature, in respect of what we expected, (after so many acts 
 of grace and favour to our people,) and some expressions in it 
 so different from the usual language to princes, that we might 
 well take a very long time to consider it ; yet the clearness 
 and uprightness of our conscience to God, and love to our 
 subjects, hath supplied us with a speedy answer, and our un- 
 alterable affections to our people prevailed with us to suppress 
 that passion which might well enough become us upon such 
 an invitation. 
 
 We have reconsidered our answer of the i st of this month 
 at Theobalds, which is urged to have given just cause of sor- 
 row to our subjects. Whosoever looks over that message (which 
 was in effect to tell us, that, if we would not join with them 
 in an act which we conceived might prove prejudicial and 
 dangerous to us and the whole kingdom^ they would make a 
 law without us, and impose it upon our people) will not think 
 that sudden answer can be excepted to. 
 
 We have little encouragement to replies of this nature, when 
 we are told of how little value our words are like to be with 
 you, though they come accompanied with all the actions of 
 love and justice, where there is room for actions to accom- 
 pany them. Yet we cannot but disavow the having any such 
 evil council or councillors about us, to our knowledge, as are 
 mentioned ; and if any such be discovered^ we will leave them 
 to the censure and judgment of our parliament. In the mean 
 time, we could wish, that our own immediate actions, which 
 we avow, and our own honour, might not be so roughly cen- 
 sured and wounded, under that common style of evil coun- 
 cillors. 
 
 For our faithful and zealous affection to the true protest- 
 ant profession, and our resolution to concur with our parlia- 
 ment in any possible course for the propagation of it and the 
 suppression of popery, we can say no more than we have al- 
 ready expressed in our declaration to all our loving subjects, 
 published in January last, by the advice of our privy-council ; 
 in which we endeavoured to make as lively a confession of 
 ourself in this point as we were able, being most assured that 
 the constant practice of our life hath been answerable there- 
 unto : and therefore we did rather expect a testimony and 
 
 I i2 
 
484 APPENDIX. 
 
 acknowledgment of such our zeal and piety, than those ex- 
 pressions we meet with in this declaration of any design of 
 altering religion in this kingdom. And we do (out of the 
 innocency of our soul) wish that the judgments of Heaven 
 may be manifested upon those who have or had any such 
 design. 
 
 As for the Scots troubles, we had well thought that those 
 unhappy differences had been wrapt up in perpetual sQence 
 by the act of oblivion ; which, being solemnly passed in the 
 pai'liaments of both kingdoms, stops our mouth from any 
 other reply than to show our great dislike for reviving the 
 memory thereof. 
 
 If the rebellion in Ireland (so odious to all Christians) seems 
 to have been framed and maintained in England, or to have 
 any countenance from hence, we conjure both our houses of 
 parliament, and all our loving subjects whatsoever, to use all 
 possible means to discover and find such out, that we may 
 join in the most exemplary vengeance upon them that can 
 be imagined : but we must think ourself highly and cause- 
 lessly injured in our reputation, if any declaration, action, or 
 expression of the Irish rebels, any letter from count Rosetti 
 to the papists for fasting and praying, or from Trestram Whit- 
 combe, of strange speeches uttered in Ireland, shall beget any 
 jealousy or misapprehension in our subjects of our justice, 
 piety, and affection, it being evident to all understandings, 
 that those mischievous and wicked rebels are not so capable 
 of great advantage, [by any other circumstance,] as by having 
 their false discourses so far believed as to raise fears and jea- 
 lousies to the distraction of this kingdom, the only way to their 
 security : and we cannot express a deeper sense of the suffer- 
 ing of our poor protestant subjects in that kingdom than we 
 have done in our often messages to both houses, by which 
 we have offered, and are still ready, to venture our royal 
 person for their redemption ; well knowing, that, as we are 
 (in our own interest) more concerned in them, so we are to 
 make a strict account to Almighty God for any neglect of our 
 duty or their preservation. 
 
 For the manifold attempts to provoke our late army, and 
 the army of the Scots, and to raise a faction in the city of 
 London, and other parts of the kingdom : if it be said, as re- 
 
APPENDIX. 485 
 
 lating to us, we cannot, without great indignation, suffer our- 
 self to be reproached to have intended the least force or 
 threatening to our parliament, as the being privy to the 
 bringing up of the army would imply : whereas, we call God 
 to witness, we never had any such thought, or knew of any 
 such resolution, concerning our late army. 
 
 For the petition showed to us by captain Legge, we well 
 remember the same, and the occasion of that conference. 
 Captain Legge being lately come out of the north, and re- 
 pairing to us at Whitehall, we asked him of the state of our 
 army, and (after some relation made of it) he told us, that the 
 commanders and officers of the army had a mind to petition 
 the parliament, as others of our people had done, and showed 
 us the copy of a petition : which we read ; and finding it to 
 be very humble, desiring the parliament might receive no in- 
 terruption in the reformation of the church and state to the 
 model of queen Elizabeth^s days ; we told him, we saw no 
 harm in it : whereupon he replied, that he believed all the 
 officers of the army would like it ; only he thought sir Jacob 
 Ashley would be unwilling to sign it, out of fear that it might 
 displease us. We then read the petition over again ; and 
 then, observing nothing in matter or form, as we conceived, 
 could possibly give just cause of offence, we delivered it to 
 him again, bidding him give it to sir Jacob Ashley, for whose 
 satisfaction we had written C R. upon it, to testify our ap- 
 probation. And we wish that the petition might be seen and 
 published ; and then, we believe, it will appear no dangerous 
 one, nor a just ground for the least jealousy or misapprehen- 
 sion. 
 
 For master Jermin, it is well known that he was gone 
 from Whitehall before we received the desire of both houses 
 for the restraint of our servants : neither returned he thither, 
 or passed over, by any warrant granted by us after that 
 time. 
 
 For the breach of privilege in the accusation of the lord 
 Kimbolton, and the five members of the house of commons, 
 we thought we had given so ample satisfaction in our several 
 messages to that purpose, that it should be no more pressed 
 against us, being confident, if the breach of privilege had been 
 greater than hath been ever before offered, our acknowledg- 
 
486 APPENDIX. 
 
 ment and retractation hath been greater than ever king hath 
 given ; — besides the not examining how many of our privileges 
 have been invaded in defence and vindication of the other. 
 And therefore we hoped our true and earnest protestation in 
 our answer to your order concerning the militia would so far 
 have satisfied you of our intentions there, that you would no 
 more have entertained any imagination of any other design 
 than we there expressed. 
 
 But why the listing of so many officers, and entertaining 
 them at Whitehall, should be misconstrued, we much marvel, 
 when it is notoriously known the tumults at Westminster 
 were so greatj and their demeanours so scandalous and sedi- 
 tious, that we had good cause to suppose our own person, and 
 those of our wife and children, to be in apparent danger, and 
 therefore we had great reason to appoint a guard about us, 
 and to accept the dutiful tender of the services of any of our 
 loving subjects ; which was all we did to the gentlemen of the 
 inns of court. 
 
 For the lord Digby, we assure you, in the word of a king, 
 that he had our warrant to pass the seas, and had left our 
 court, before we ever heard of the vote of the house of com- 
 mons, or had any cause to imagine that his absence would 
 have been excepted against. 
 
 What your advertisements are from Rome, Venice, Paris, 
 and other parts, — or what the pope's nuncio solicits the kings 
 of France or Spain to do, — or from what persons such infor- 
 mations come to you, — or how the credit and reputation of 
 such persons have been sifted and examined, — we know not ; 
 but are confident no sober honest man in our kingdoms can 
 believe that we are so desperate or so senseless, to entertain 
 such designs as would not only bury this our kingdom in 
 sudden distraction and ruin, but our own name and posterity 
 in perpetual scorn and infamy. And therefore we could have 
 wished, that, in matters of so high and tender a nature, (where- 
 with the minds of our good subjects must needs be startled,) 
 all the expressions were so plain and easy, that nothing might 
 stick with them with reflection upon us, since you thought fit 
 to publish it at all. 
 
 And having now dealt thus plainly and freely with you by 
 way of answer to the particular grounds of your fears, we hope 
 
APPENDIX. 487 
 
 (upon a due consideration and weighing both together) you 
 will not find the grounds to be of that moment to beget, or 
 longer to continue, a misunderstanding betwixt us, or force 
 you to apply yourselves to the use of any other power than 
 what the law hath given you ; the which we always intend 
 shall be the measure of our own power, and expect it shall be 
 the rule of our subjects' obedience. 
 
 Concerning our fears and jealousies, as we had no intention 
 of accusing you, so are we sure no words spoken by us (on 
 the sudden) at Theobalds will bear that interpretation. We 
 said, for our residence near you, we wished it might be so 
 safe and honourable that we had no cause to absent our- 
 self from Whitehall : and how this can be a breach of privi- 
 lege of parliament we cannot understand. We explained our 
 meaning in our answer at Newmarket, at the presentation of 
 this declaration, concerning the printed seditious pamphlets 
 and sermons, and the great tumults at Westminster : and we 
 must appeal to you and all the world, whether we might not 
 justly suppose ourself in danger of either. And, if we were 
 now at Whitehall, what security have we, that the like shall 
 not happen again, especially if any delinquents of that nature 
 have been apprehended by the ministers of justice, and been 
 rescued by the people, and so as yet escaped unpunished ? If 
 you have not been informed of the seditious words used in and 
 the circumstances of those tumults, and will appoint some way 
 for the examination of them, we will require some of our learned 
 counsel to attend with such evidence as may satisfy you. And 
 till that be done, or some other course taken for our security, 
 you cannot (with reason) wonder that we intend not to be 
 where we most desire to be. 
 
 And can there yet want evidence of our hearty and impor- 
 tunate desire to join with our parliament and all our faithful 
 subjects in defence of the religion and pubhc good of the 
 kingdom ? Have we given you no other earnest but words, 
 to secure you of those desires ? the very remonstrance of the 
 house of commons (published in November last) of the state 
 of the kingdom, allows us a more real testimony of our good 
 affections than words : that remonstrance valued our acts of 
 grace and justice at so high a rate, that it declared the king- 
 dom to be then a gainer, though it had charged itself by bills 
 
488 APPENDIX. 
 
 of subsidies and poll money, with the levy of 600,000/., be- 
 sides the contracting of a debt to our Scots subjects of 
 220,000/. 
 
 Are the bills for the triennial parliament, for relinquishing 
 our title of imposing upon merchandise, and power of press- 
 ing of soldiers, for the taking away the starchamber and high 
 commission courts, for the regulating the council-table, but 
 words ? Are the bills for the forests, the stannary courts, the 
 clerk of the market, and the taking away the votes of bishops 
 out of the lords' house, but words ? Lastly, what greater 
 earnest of our trust and reliance on our parliament could or 
 can we give, than the passing of the bill for the continuance 
 of this present parliament ? the length of which, we hope, 
 will never alter the nature of parliaments and the constitu- 
 tion of this kingdom, or invite our subjects so much to abuse 
 our confidence, as to esteem any thing fit for this parliament 
 to do, which were not, if it were in our power to dissolve it 
 to morrow. And, after all these and many other acts of 
 grace on our part, (that we might be sure of a perfect recon- 
 ciliation betwixt us and all our subjects,) we have offered, and 
 are still ready to grants a free and general pardon, as ample 
 as yourselves shall think fit. Now if these be not real ex- 
 pressions of the affections of our soul for the public good of 
 our kingdom, we must confess that we want skill to manifest 
 them. 
 
 To conclude, (although we think our answer already full 
 to that point,) concerning our return to London : we are 
 willing to declare, that we look upon it as a matter of so 
 great weight, as with reference to the affairs of this kingdom, 
 and to our own inclinations and desires, that if all we can say 
 or do can raise a mutual confidence, (the only way, with God's 
 blessing, to make us all happy,) and, by your encouragement, 
 the laws of the land, and the government of the city of Lon- 
 don, may recover some life for our security, we will overtake 
 your desires, and be as soon with you as you can wish. And 
 in the mean time we will be sure, that neither the business 
 of Ireland, or any other advantage for this kingdom, shall 
 suffer through our default or by our absence ; we being so 
 far from repenting the acts of our justice and grace, which 
 we have already performed to our people, that we shall, with 
 
APPENDIX. 489 
 
 the same alacrity, be still ready to add such new ones as may 
 best advance the peace, honour, and prosperity of this 
 nation. 
 
 A letter sent from both houses of parliament to all the high- 
 sheriffs of this kingdom concerning the late propositions for 
 Ireland. 
 
 Master sheriff. 
 The lords and commons, beiag deeply sensible of the un- 
 speakable calamities which his majesty's good subjects of the 
 kingdom of Ireland do now suffer, by the barbarous cruelties 
 and massacres of the rebels there, and conceiving these 
 printed propositions herewith sent, (being ratified by his 
 majesty's royal assent, and the unanimous approbation of 
 both houses of parliament,) do undoubtedly tend to the speedy 
 and effectual reducing of those bloody rebels, the propagating 
 of the protestant religion, the augmenting of the greatness 
 and the revenue of the crown of England, and the establish- 
 ing of an happy and firm peace for the future in his majesty's 
 three kingdoms; and all this to be effected (by God's gracious 
 assistance) without the general charge of the subject, and to 
 the great advantage of those that shall underwrite, have 
 thought fit to require you to publish these printed proposi- 
 tions and instructions at this Lent assizes, to the intent that 
 all his majesty's good people within your county may take 
 notice of the benefit which they may receive by under- 
 writing in due time ; and that so many of them then pre- 
 sent and willing to subscribe, may give up a note of their 
 names, sums, and dates of their subscriptions, to you, to be 
 entered in the paper-book mentioned in the printed instruc- 
 tions, which is forthwith to be sent unto you. And you are 
 further directed hereby, at this Lent assizes, (if they be not 
 past,) by the advice and assistance of the justices of peace for 
 your county then present, to appoint certain days and places 
 most convenient for this service ; when and where yourself, 
 and the justices of peace within each division, will be present, 
 to receive the names, sums, and times of subscription, of such, 
 of his majesty's well-affected subjects within your county as 
 shall not have subscribed at this Lent assizes, their names. 
 
490 APPENDIX. 
 
 sums, and times of subscription, to be likewise entered in the 
 paper-book. And if this letter come to your hands after the 
 assizes, then to appoint such times and places as may best 
 speed this service. And further, yourself, and the justices of 
 peace, the ministers of God's word, and persons of quality 
 within your county, are hereby earnestly desired to show 
 themselves active and exemplary in advancing this great and 
 pious work ; it is a service tending so much to the glory of 
 God, the honour and profit of his majesty, and the peace and 
 tranquillity of his three kingdoms for the future. And you 
 are hkewise to inform those that shall underwrite, that the 
 act of parliament (which his majesty hath promised to pass 
 for the settling of those two millions and a half of acres) is 
 already in hand, and that the lands are to be divided so in- 
 differently by lot amongst them that underwrite, that no one 
 man whatsoever shall have more respect or advantage than 
 other in division. And, lastly, you are to give a speedy 
 account to the parliament of your proceedings herein, and of 
 those that do really advance this service. Thus, not doubting 
 of your utmost care and diligence herein, we bid you heartily 
 farewell. 
 
 Several votes resolved upon by both houses of parliament con- 
 cerning the securing of the kingdom of England and dominion 
 of Wales. 
 
 Resolved, upon the question, by the lords in parliament, 
 nemine contradicente, 
 
 That the ordinance of the lords and commons in parlia- 
 ment, for the safety and defence of the kingdom of England 
 and dominion of Wales, is not any way against the oath of 
 allegiance. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That the several commissions granted under 
 the great seal to the Heutenants of the several counties are 
 illegal and void. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That whosoever shall execute any power over 
 the militia of this kingdom and dominion of Wales by colour 
 of any commission of lieutenancy, without consent of both 
 houses of parliament, shall be accounted a disturber of the 
 peace of the kingdom. 
 
APPENDIX. 491 
 
 Die Martis, 15 Martii, 1641. 
 
 Eesolved, &c. That the kingdom hath been of late, and still 
 is, in so e\ddent and imminent danger, both from enemies 
 abroad and a popish and discontented party at home, that 
 there is an urgent and inevitable necessity of putting his ma- 
 jesty's subjects into a posture of defence for the safeguard 
 both of his majesty and his people. 
 
 That the lords and commons, fully apprehending this dan- 
 ger, and being sensible of their own duty to provide a suitable 
 prevention, have, in several petitions, addressed themselves to 
 his majesty, for the ordering and disposing of the militia of 
 the kingdom, in such a way as was agreed upon by the wis- 
 dom of both houses, to be most effectual and proper for the 
 present exigences of the kingdom, yet could not obtain it ; 
 but his majesty did several times refuse to give his royal as- 
 sent thereunto. 
 
 Ordered, That the house of peers agrees with the house of 
 commons in this proposition. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That in this case of extreme danger, and of 
 his majesty's refusal, the ordinance agreed on by both houses 
 for the militia doth oblige the people, and ought to be obeyed, 
 by the fundamental laws of this kingdom. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That these shall be the heads of a declara- 
 tion. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That such persons as shall be nominated de- 
 puty-lieutenants, and approved of by both houses, shall receive 
 the commands of both houses to take upon them to execute 
 their offices. 
 
 Ordered, by the lords and commons in parliament, that these 
 several votes shall be forthwith printed and pubhshed. 
 John Brown, Cler. Parliament. 
 
 Huntington, 15 Martii, 1641 . 
 
 His majesty's message to both houses of parliament upon his 
 removal to the city of York. 
 His majesty, being now in his remove to his city of York, 
 where he intends to make his residence for some time, thinks 
 fit to send this message to both houses of parliament : 
 
492 APPENDIX. 
 
 That he doth very earnestly desire that they will use all 
 possible industry in expediting the business of Ireland, in 
 which they shall find so cheerful a concurrence by his ma- 
 jesty, that no inconvenience shall happen to that service by 
 his absence, he having all that passion for the reducing of 
 that kingdom which he hath expressed in his former mes- 
 sages, and being unable by words to manifest more affection 
 to it than he hath endeavoured to do by those messages (hav- 
 ing likewise done all such acts as he hath been moved unto 
 by his parliament). Therefore, if the misfortunes and cala- 
 mities of his poor protestant subjects there shall grow upon 
 them, (though his majesty shall be deeply concerned in and 
 sensible of their sufferings,) he shall wash his hands before all 
 the world from the least imputation of slackness in that most 
 necessary and pious work. 
 
 And that his majesty may leave no way unattempted which 
 may beget a good understanding between him and his par- 
 liament, he thinks it necessary to declare, that, as he hath 
 been so tender of the privileges of parliament that he hath 
 been ready and forward to retract any act of his own, which, 
 he hath been informed, hath trenched upon their privileges, 
 so he expects an equal tenderness in them of his majesty's 
 known and unquestionable privileges, (which are the privi- 
 leges of the kingdom,) amongst which, he is assured, it is a 
 fundamental one, that his subjects cannot be obliged to obey 
 any act, order, or injunction to which his majesty hath not 
 given his consent : and therefore he thinks it necessary to 
 publish, that he expects, and hereby requires, obedience from 
 all his loving subjects, to the laws established, and that they 
 presume not, upon any pretence of order or ordinance (to 
 which his majesty is no party) concerning the militia, or any 
 other thing, to do or execute what is not warranted by those 
 laws, his majesty being resolved to keep the laws himself, and 
 to require obedience to them from all his subjects. 
 
 And his majesty once more recommends to his parHament 
 the substance of his message of the 20th of January last, that 
 they compose and digest, with all speed, such acts as they 
 shall think fit for the present and future establishment of 
 their privileges, the free and quiet enjoying their estates and 
 fortunes, the liberties of their persons, the security of the true 
 
APPENDIX. 493 
 
 religion now professed in the church of England ; the main- 
 taining his majesty's regal and just authority, and settling his 
 revenue ; his majesty heing most desirous to take all fitting 
 and just ways which may beget a happy understanding 
 between him and his parliament, in which he conceives his 
 greatest power and riches doth consist. 
 
 TTie votes of both hoiises of parliament concerning the Icing's 
 last message sent from Huntington to both houses on Wednes- 
 day the i6th of March, 1641. 
 
 Kesolved, &c. That this house shall insist upon their former 
 votes concerning the militia. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That the king's absence, so far remote from 
 his parliament, is not only an obstruction, but may be a de- 
 struction to the afiairs of Ireland. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That when the lords and commons in par- 
 liament (which is the supreme court of judicature in the 
 kingdom) shall declare what the law of the land is, to have 
 this not only questioned and controverted, but contradicted, 
 and a command that it should not be obeyed, is a high breacli 
 of the privilege of parliament. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That a committee shall be appointed by this 
 house to join with a committee of the lords to inquire where 
 this message was framed. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That those persons that advise his majesty to 
 absent himself from the parliament are enemies to the peace 
 of this kingdom, and justly to be suspected to be favourers of 
 the rebellion in Ireland. 
 
 Resolved, &c. That those that advised his majesty to this 
 message are enemies to the peace of this kingdom, and justly 
 to be suspected to be favourers of the rebellion in Ireland. 
 
 A new declaration of both houses of parliament, sent to the king's 
 most excellent majesty, the \6th of March, upon his removal 
 from Huntington to York. 
 
 May it please your majesty, 
 Your majesty's most humble and faithful subjects, the 
 
 knights, citizens, and burgesses of the commons' house of 
 
494 APPENDIX. 
 
 parliament, having considered your majesty's reply to their 
 answer, touching such persons as have been licensed by your 
 majesty to pass into Ireland, do most humbly beseech your 
 majesty to believe, that they shall always with thankfulness 
 and joy receive from your majesty any satisfactory answer to 
 their just requests ; and as they hope they shall find in your 
 majesty a readiness to rectify those things which have been 
 done to their prejudice, so will they be careful to remove all 
 apprehensions of their actions or speeches which may seem to 
 cast any dishonour upon your majesty. 
 
 For your majesty's better satisfaction concerning the posi- 
 tive affirmation, that many of the chief commanders now in 
 the head of the rebels (after the ports were stopped by order 
 of both houses) have been suffered to pass by your majesty's 
 immediate warrant ; may it please your majesty to consider, 
 that herein they have affirmed nothing but what they had cause 
 to believe was true ; the grounds whereof they humbly present 
 to your majesty. 
 
 The first ground is this, that both houses of parliament 
 (having, upon your majesty's commendation, taken into their 
 care the suppression of the rebellion of Ireland) had reason 
 to be especially watchful over the ports, because the rebels, 
 abounding in numbers of men for the most part ignorant of 
 the use of their arms, could by no means become dangerous or 
 formidable to this kingdom, but by the access of soldiers and 
 commanders, wherewith they were like to be furnished either 
 out of Prance or Flanders ; from both which places the pas- 
 sage into Ireland is speedy and easy through this kingdom. 
 And thereof they could not choose but be very sensible of 
 whatsoever gave liberty or opportunity to such a passage, as 
 of a very hurtful and dangerous grievance : for prevention 
 whereof they did, upon the 7th of November, agree upon an 
 order, and restrain all passage into Ireland, but upon due and 
 strict examination by such persons as were trusted to make 
 those licenses. 
 
 A second ground, that the other licenses granted to the lord 
 Delvin, and then acknowledged by your majesty's answer, 
 were such (both in regard of the persons to whom they were 
 granted, and the extent of the words in which they were 
 granted) as were apt to produce such an effect as is men- 
 
APPENDIX. 495 
 
 tioned in that positive affirmation, that is, to open a way for 
 the passage of papists, and other dangerous persons, to join 
 with the rebels, and to be heads and commanders amongst 
 them : which is thus proved. 
 
 The warrant granted to colonel Butler, since the order of 
 restraint by both houses of parliament, did extend to all ports 
 of England and Scotland, and did gi\e free passage to him- 
 self and to his company, without any qualification of persons, 
 or limitation of number : and this colonel was himself a papist, 
 had a brother in rebellion, and general of the rebels in Mun- 
 ster, was expected and very much desired by those rebels ; 
 who, for a long time, kept a regiment to be commanded by 
 him, as we have been credibly informed. 
 
 The second was granted to a son of the lord Nettersfield ; 
 which lord had four sons in England since the rebellion, one 
 of which is settled in England, three others intended to pass 
 into Ireland, and were all dangerous persons, being papists, 
 bred in the wars, in the service of the king of Spain ; and one 
 of them lately become a Jesuit. 
 
 The third, to the lord Delvin, extends to himself and four 
 persons more, unnamed, that one of those who should have 
 passed with him is taken to be a Jesuit ; and another, who 
 calls himself Ploncket, seems to be a man of some breeding 
 and quality, and like to have been serviceable to the rebels, 
 and to have done mischief, if he had gone over. 
 
 The fourth, to sir G-eorge Hamilton, and three more, un- 
 named. This gentleman is likewise a professed papist, and 
 may be doubted to be of the party of the rebels, one of that 
 name being mentioned in the instructions of Sempill the 
 Jesuit, amongst divers other dangerous persons of the popish 
 party in Scotland and Ireland ; which instructions were found 
 in a ship stayed in Cornwall, which was going into Ireland with 
 divers Jesuits, soldiers, and others, for the encouragement of 
 the rebels. 
 
 A third ground is this, that by virtue and authority of these 
 licenses several persons have passed over which are now in 
 actual rebellion, and joined with the rebels ; and some have 
 command amongst them ; which is thus proved : 
 
 One captain Sutton did, by virtue and authority of your 
 majesty's license, embark at Whitehaven, in the company of 
 
496 APPENDIX. 
 
 colonel Butler, and was driven back by foul weather ; where- 
 upon the colonel stayed, and went to Chester ; but that cap- 
 tain reembarked himself in the same bottom, and passed into 
 Ireland, where he went into rebellion with the lord Dunsany, 
 and hath since obtained the place of a colonel amongst the 
 rebels, as we are very credibly informed. 
 
 Two of the sons of the lord Nettersfield, one a Jesuit and 
 the other a soldier, passed into Ireland in December last; 
 both of them by virtue of your majesty^s warrant, as we have 
 cause to beheve ; for that they went both together in one 
 ship, and the license, acknowledged to be granted by your 
 warrant, must needs be granted to one of them, seeing the 
 other brother, who lately endeavoured to pass over, did produce 
 no license, and, upon his examination, doth absolutely deny 
 that he had any. 
 
 A fourth ground (which we humbly offer to your majesty) 
 is this, that your majesty cannot be assured that no other did 
 pass upon your license, as your majesty doth conceive, and is 
 pleased to express in your answer, and that we had great 
 cause to believe that divers others had passed over by your 
 warrant besides the persons afore-mentioned ; and that for 
 these reasons : 
 
 I. Because we received such a general information, that 
 divers, now in the head of the rebels, were passed by your 
 majesty's license, which (being true in part, and easy to be 
 eflfected, in regard of the nature and extent of the warrants, 
 and probable to be attempted, in regard of the subtlety and 
 vigilancy of that party to make use of all advantages,) seemed 
 to deserve credit ; which we should not have given to it, if it 
 had been a naked information without such circumstances. 
 
 3. Because we had concurring advertisements, from Ireland 
 and Chester, that divers priests, Jesuits, and popish com- 
 manders, had passed over, and were landed there; and par- 
 ticularly some of colonel Butler's company ; and that the 
 officers of the ports had kept no entry of the names of these 
 persons or of the warrants by which they were transported. 
 
 These, we hope, will be sufficient to persuade your majesty 
 to believe, that, as we had some cause to give credit to the 
 said informations, so we had no intention to make any ill use 
 of them to your majesty's dishonour, but did impute the 
 
APPENDIX. 497 
 
 blame to your ministers, who might have been more careful 
 to have informed your majesty of the quality of those persons 
 named in your licenses, and so to have limited them that 
 they might not have extended to others, as they did, how 
 many and dangerous soever. 
 
 And they pray your majesty to rest assured that they shall 
 always be tender of your honour and reputation with your 
 good subjects ; and for this cause have made this true de- 
 claration of the full state of this matter, that they may think 
 no otherwise of it than the truth : and in all things shall 
 labour to establish a good understanding and confidence 
 betwixt your majesty and your people ; which they heartily 
 desire and pray for, as the chiefest means of preserving the 
 honour, safety, and prosperity of your majesty and your 
 kingdom. 
 
 His majesty's answer to a message sent to him by the house of 
 commons concerning licenses granted by him to persons to go 
 into Ireland. 
 
 His majesty hath seen and considered the message pre- 
 sented to him by the lord Compton and master Baynton, the 
 19th of March, 1641, at York, touching such persons as have 
 been licensed by his majesty to pass into Ireland. 
 
 Though he will not insist upon what little reason they had 
 to suspect that some ill-affected persons had passed into Ire- 
 land, under colour of his majesty's license, (inferences, slender 
 proofs to ground belief upon,) yet he must needs avow, that, 
 for any thing that is yet declared, he cannot see any ground 
 why master Pym should so boldly affirm before both houses 
 of parliament, that, since the stop upon the ports by both 
 houses against all Irish papists, many of the commanders 
 now in the head of the rebels have been suffered to pass by 
 his majesty's immediate warrant; for as yet there is not any 
 particular person named that is now so much as in rebellion, 
 (much less in the head of the rebels,) to whom his majesty 
 hath given license. 
 
 And therefore, according to his majesty's reply upon that 
 subject, his majesty expects that his house of commons pub- 
 lish such a declaration whereby this mistaking may be cleared: 
 
 MAY. K k 
 
498 APPENDIX. 
 
 that so all the world may see his majesty's caution in giving 
 of passes ; and likewise, that his ministers have not abused 
 his majesty's trust by any surreptitious warrants. 
 
 And lastly, his majesty expects, that henceforth there be 
 more wariness used before such public aspersions be laid, 
 unless the grounds be beforehand better warranted by suffi- 
 cient proofs. 
 
 THE END. 
 
January 1863. 
 
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 CRANMER'S Catechism, 1548. Together with the same in 
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 CARDWELL'S Two Books of Common Prayer, set forth by 
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 TAVERNER'S Postils on the Epistles and Gospels, com- 
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 THE TWO BOOKS OF HOMILIES appointed to be read in 
 
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 ADDISON'S Evidences of the Christian Religion. 1827. sm. 8vo. 2 
 
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 ENCHIRIDION Theologicum Anti-Romanum. 
 
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 GRESWELL'S Harm.oniaEvangelica. Editioquinta. 1856. 8vo. 9 6 
 
 Prolegomena ad Harmoniam Evangelicam. 1840. 8vo. 9 6 
 
 Dissertations on the Principles and Arrangement of a Har- 
 mony of the Gospels. 1837. 5 vols. 8vo. 3 3 
 
 HAMMOND'S Paraphrase and Annotations on the New Testa- 
 ment. 1845. 4 vols. Svo. 1 10 
 
 Paraphrase on the Book of Psalms. Ed. T. Brancker. 
 
 1850. 2 vols. Svo. 1 I 
 
 HOOKER'S Ecclesiastical Polity, and other Works ; with his 
 Life by Walton, and additions, arranged by the Rev. John 
 Kbble, M.A. (Reprinting.) 
 
 (without Keble's Notes.) 1S50. 2 vols. Svo. II 
 
 HOOPER'S (Bp.) Works. 1855. 2 vols. Svo. 8 
 
 HORBERY'S Works : Future Punishment, and Sermons. 1S28. 
 
 2 vols. Svo. 8 
 
 JACKSON'S(Dr.Thomas) Works. 1844. 12 vols. Svo. 3 6 
 
 JEWEL'S Works. A new edition, edited by the Rev. R. W. 
 
 Jelf, D.D. 1S47. S vols. Svo. 2 10 
 
 JONES'S Method of settling the Canonical Authority of the 
 
 New Testament. 1827. 3 vols. Svo. 15 
 
 LESLIE'S (C.) Theological Works. 1832. 7 vols. Svo. 2 
 
 NEWCOME'S (Abp.) Observations on our Lord's Conduct. 
 
 1852. Svo. 5 
 
 PARAPHRASE and Annotations on the Epistles of St. Paul. 
 
 1852. Svo. 070 
 
 University Press, Oxford. 
 
EngKsh Theology (continued). 11 
 
 PATRICK'S (Bp.) Theological Works. 1859. 9 vols. 8vo. 3 14 6 
 
 PEARSON'S Exposition of the Creed. A new edition, revised 
 and corrected by the Rev. E. Burton, D.D. 1857. 8vo. 10 6 
 
 Minor Theological "Works, now first collected, with a Me- 
 moir of the Author, Notes, and Index. By Edward Chur- 
 TON, M.A. 1844. 2 vols. 8vo. 14 
 
 SANDERSON'SWorks,editedbyjAcoBSON. 1854. 6vols.8vo. 1 19 
 
 SCOTT'SChristianLife, and other Works. 1826. 6 vols. 8vo. 1 7 
 
 SHARP'S (Abp. John) Theological Works. 1829. 5 vols. 8vo. 1 2 6 
 (Archd. T.) Charges on the Rubric and Canons. 1853. 8vo. 3 
 
 SHERLOCK'S Sermons, complete in 4 vols. 1812. 8vo. 10 
 
 SMALRIDGE'S (Bp. G.) Sermons. 1852. 2 vols. 8vo. 8 
 
 SOUTH'S (Robert) Sermons preached upon Several Occasions. 
 
 1842. 5 vols. 8vo. 2 10 6 
 
 STANHOPE'S Paraphrase and Comment on the Epistles and 
 
 Gospels, A new edition. 1851. 2 vols. 8vo. 18 
 
 STEELE'S Christian Hero. 1802. i2mo. 1 6 
 
 STILLINGFLEET'S Origines Sacrae. 1837. 2 vols. 8vo. 9 
 
 Rational Account of the Grounds of Protestant Religion : 
 
 being a vindication of Abp. Laud's Relation of a Conference, 
 
 &c. 1844. 2 vols. 8vo. 10 
 
 WALL'S History of Infant-Baptism, with Gale's Reflections, 
 and Wall's Defence. By the Rev. Henry Cotton, D.C.L. 
 1862. 2 vols. 8vo. A new edition. 110 
 
 WATERLAND'S Works, with Life, by W. Van Mildert, 
 D.D. late Lord Bishop of Durham. A new edition, with co- 
 pious Indexes. 1857. 6 vols. 8vo. 2 11 
 
 Sermons on the Divinity of Jesus Christ. 1815. 8vo. 4 6 
 
 WHEATLY'S Illustration of the Book of Common Prayer. A 
 
 new edition. 1846. 8vo. 5 
 
 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 CLARENDON'S History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars m 
 England, printed from the original MS. in the Bodleian Li- 
 brary. To which are subjoined the Notes of Bishop War- 
 burton. 1849. 7 vols, medium 8vo. 2 10 
 
 • A new edition, from the MS. 1839. 7 vols, i8mo. 1 5 
 
 with his Life, written by himself, in which is included a 
 
 Continuation of his History of the Grand Rebellion. With 
 copious Indexes. In one volume, royal 8vo. 1842. 12 
 
 Life, and Continuation of his History, with the suppressed 
 
 Passages. 1827. 3 vols. Svo. 16 6 
 Life, &c., from the MS. 1857. 2 vols, medium Svo. 12 
 
 University Press, Oxford. 
 
12 History of England {continued). 
 
 CARTE'S Life of James Duke of Ormond. A new edition, care- 
 fully compared with the original MSS. iSsi. 6 vols. 8vo. 260 
 
 MAY'S History of the Long Parliament. 1854. 8vo. 6 6 
 
 SPRIGG'S England's Recovery ; being the History of the Mo- 
 tions, Actions, and Successes of the Army under the immediate 
 conduct of Sir Thomas Fairfax. A new edition. 1854. 8vo. 6 
 
 WHITELOCKE'S Memorials of Enghsh Aflfairs from 1625 to 
 
 1660. 4 vols. 8vo. 1853. 1 10 
 
 BURNET'S History of His Own Time, with the suppressed Pas- 
 sages and Notes. A new edition. 1833. 6 vols. 8vo. 2 10 
 
 History of James n., with additional Notes. i8g2. 8vo. 9 6 
 
 Lives of James and William Dukes of Hamilton. 1852. 8vo. 7 6 
 
 LUTTRELL'S (Narcissus) Diary. A Brief Historical Relation 
 of State Affairs, from September 1678, to April 1714. 6 vols. 
 8vo. 1857. 3 3 
 
 CHRONOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, &c. 
 
 CLINTON'S Fasti Hellenici. The Civil and Literary Chrono- 
 logy of Greece, from the earliest Accounts to the LVth Olym- 
 piad. 1834. 4to. 1 10 6 
 
 from the LVIth to the CXXHId Olympiad. i84i.4to. 1 14 6 
 
 • from the CXXIVth Olympiad to the death of Augus- 
 tus. Second edition. 1851. 4to. 1 12 
 
 Epitome of the Fasti Hellenici, or Civil and Literary Chro- 
 nology of Greece, from the earliest Accounts to the Death of 
 Augustus. 1851. 8vo. 066 
 
 Fasti Romani. The Civil and Literary Chronology of Rome 
 
 and Constantinople from the Death of Augustus to the Death 
 of Justin n. 1845. 4tO' 2 2 
 
 ■ Vol. n. Appendix. From the Death of Augustus to 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 6 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 the Death of Heraclius. 1850. 4to. 17 
 Epitome of the Fasti Romani, or Civil and Literary Chro- 
 nology of Rome and Constantinople. 18154. 8vo. 070 
 
 CRAMER'S Geographical and Historical Description of Asia 
 Minor. 1832. 2 vols. 8vo. 
 
 Map of Asia Minor. 
 
 Map of Ancient and Modern Italy, on two sheets. 
 
 Description of Ancient Greece. 1828. 3 vols. 8vo. 
 
 Map of Ancient and Modern Greece, on two sheets. 
 
 FAUSSETT'S Sacred Chronology, edited by R. Faussett, 
 
 M.A. 1855. 8vo. 7 6 
 
 GRESWELL'S Fasti Temporis Catholici, 1852. 4 vols. 8vo. 2 10 
 
 Tables, i vol. 4to., and Introduction to Tables, i vol. 8vo. 
 
 cloth. 15 
 
 Origines Kalendariae Italicee. 1854. 4 vols. 8vo. 2 2 
 
 * Origines Kalendarije HeUenicae. The History of the Pri- 
 mitive Calendar among the Greeks, before and after the legis- 
 lation of Solon. 1862, 6 vols. 8vo. 4 4 
 
 STUBBS (W.), Registrum Sacrum Anglicanum, 1838. sm. 4to. 8 6 
 
 University Press, Oxford. 
 
Chronohgy, Geography, S^c. {continued). 13 
 
 WELLS'S Geography of the Old and New Testament. 1819. 
 
 2 vols. 8vo. 080 
 
 LEWIS'S Antiquities of the Hebrew Republic. A new edition. 
 
 1834. 3 vols. 8vo. 16 C 
 
 RALEGH'S (Sir Walter) History of the World, and other 
 Works. 1829. 8 vols. 8vo. 2 12 
 
 CASAUBONI Ephemerides, cum prsefatione et notis, edente 
 
 JoHANNE Russell, S.T, P. Tomi H. 1850. 8vo. 15 
 
 KENNETT'S Parochial Antiquities. 1818. 2 vols. 4to. 1 14 
 
 CATALOGUE of Oxford Graduates from 1659 to 1850. 8vo. 1851. 12 U 
 
 STATUTAUniversitatis 0.^oniensis. 1861. 8vo, 5 
 
 *INDEX to Wills proved in the Court of the Chancellor of the 
 University of Oxford, and to such of the Records and other 
 Instruments and Papers of that Court as relate to matters or 
 causes Testamentary. By the Rev. J. Griffiths, Keeper of 
 the Archives. 8vo. cloth. 3 
 
 MATHEMATICS, NATURAL SCIENCE, &c. 
 ARCHIMEDIS OPERA. 1792. fol. 1 5 
 
 SCHEMATA Geometrica ex Euchde et aliis, Tabulis seneis ex- 
 
 pressa. 1844. 8vo. 2 G 
 
 ♦ENUNCIATIONS of the Propositions of Euclid. Books I— VI. 
 
 and XII. 1862. fcap. 8vo. limp cloth. 1 
 
 BACONI Novum Organum, edited, with Enghsh Notes, by 
 
 G. W. KiTCHiN, M.A. 1853. 8vo. 9 
 translated by G. W. Kitchin, M.A. 1855. 8vo. 9 iJ 
 
 BRADLEY'S Miscellaneous Works and Correspondence. With 
 a Supplement, containing an Account of Harriot's Astrono- 
 mical Papers. 1832. 4to. 17 
 ReductionofBradley'sObservations,byDr.BusCH.i838.4to. 3 
 
 DAUBENY'S Introduction to the Atomic Theory. Second edi- 
 tion, greatly enlarged. 1850. i6mo. 6 
 
 PRICE'S Treatise on the Differential Calculus. Second edition. 
 
 1858. 8vo. 14 G 
 
 Vol. II. 1854- 8vo. 14 ^ 
 
 Vol. III. 1856. 8vo. 14 G 
 
 Vol. IV. 1862. 8vo. lb 
 
 RIGAUD'S Historical Essay on the first puMication of New- 
 ton's Principia. 1839. 8vo. 4 
 Correspondence of Scientific Men of the 17th Century. 
 
 1841. 2 vols. 8vo. , ,, . T^ A,r s^ ° 
 
 * I Contents and Index to, compiled by A. De Morgan. 1862. ^ ^ ^ 
 
 8vo. sewed. 
 LISTER (M.), Historia sive Synopsis Methodica Conchyhorum. 
 
 Rec. et Indice instruxit L. W. DiLLWYN, 1826. folio. 2 5 
 
 THEOPHILI Protospatharii de Corporis Humani Fabrica Li- 
 
 briV. EdiditG. A. Gbeenhill, M.D. 1842. 8vo. 8 
 
 TJnivGioity Press, Oxford. 
 
14 
 
 BODLEIAN LIBRARY CATALOGUES, &c. (in sheets.) 
 
 CATALOGUS Codd. MSS. Orientalium Bibliotheca; Bodleiana;, 
 
 Pars 1. a J. Ubi. 1788. fol. 10 
 
 CATALOGUS Codd. MSS. Orientalium BibliotheciB Bodleianee, 
 
 Partis II. vol. I. ab Alexandro NicoLL, A.M. 1821. fol. 10 
 
 CATALOGUS Codd. MSS. Oriental. Bibl. Bodl. Partis II. vol. 
 
 II. Arabicos complectens, edidit B.B. PusEY, S.T.B. 1835. fol. 10 
 CATALOGUS MSS. qui ab E. D. Clarke comparati in Bibl. 
 
 Bodl. adservantur. Pars II. MSS. Oriental. Edidit A. Nicoll, 
 
 A.M. 1814. 4to. 2 6 
 
 CATALOGUS Codd. MSS. Bibl. Bodl. Codd. ^tliiopici, di- 
 
 gessit A. DiLLMAN, Ph. Doct. 1848. 4to. 6 6 
 
 CATALOGUS MSS. Sanscritorum post-vedicorum, auctore 
 
 Th. Aufrecht. Pars I. 1859. 4to. 10 
 
 CATALOGUS Codd. MSS. et Impressorum cum notis MSS. 
 
 olim D'Orvillianorum, qui in Bibl. Bodl. adservantur. 
 
 1806. 4to. 2 6 
 
 CATALOGUS MSS. E. D. Clarke. Pars I. Inseruntur Scho- 
 lia inedita in Platonem et in Carmina Gregorii Naz, 1812. 4to. 5 
 CATALOGUS MSS. Borealium praecipue Islandicee Originis, 
 
 Auctore Finno Magno Islando. 1832. 4to. 4 
 
 CATALOGUS Codd. MSS. qui in CoUegiis Aulisque Oxonien- 
 
 sibus hodie adservantur. Confecit H. O. Coxe. Tomi II. 
 
 1852. 4to. 2 
 
 CATALOGI Codd. MSS. Bibl. Bodl. Pars I. Codices Grsci; 
 
 ed. H. O. Coxe. 1853. 4to. 1 
 Partis II. fasc. I. Codd. Gul. Laud. Confecit H.O.Coxe. 
 
 1858. 4to. " 10 
 
 CATALOGI Codd. MSS. Bibl. Bodl. Pars III. Codices Greecos 
 
 et Latinos Canonicianos complectens. Confecit H. O. Coxe, 
 
 Hypo-Bibliothecarius. 1854. 4to. 10 
 
 CATALOGUS Codd. MSS. Bibl. Bodl. Pars IV. Codices 
 
 T. Tanneri, complectens. Confecit A. Hackman, A.M. 
 
 i860. 4to. 12 
 
 *CATALOGUS Codd. MSS. Bibl. Bodl. Pars. V. Ricardi Raw- 
 linson, Codicum classes duas priores complectens. Confecit 
 G. D. Macray, A.m. 1862. 4to. 12 
 
 CATALOGUS Librorum Impressorum Bibliothecae Bodleianas. 
 
 Tomi IV. 1843-1850. fol. 4 
 
 CATALOGUS Dissertationum Academicarum quibus nuper 
 
 aucta est Bibliotbeca Bodleiana. 1834. fol. 7 
 
 CATALOGUE of Books bequeathed to the Bodleian Library by 
 
 R. GouGH, esq. 1814. 4to. 15 
 
 CATALOGUE of Early English Poetry and other Miscellaneous 
 Works illustrating the British Drama, collected by Edmond 
 Malone, esq. 1835. fol. 4 
 
 CATALOGUE of the printed Books and Manuscripts bequeathed 
 
 by Francis Douce, esq. to the Bodleian Library. 1840. fol. 15 
 
 CATALOGUE of the Manuscripts bequeathed unto the Uni- 
 versity of Oxford by Elias Ashmole. By W. H. Black. 
 1845. 4to. 1 ]0 
 
 University Press, Oxford. 
 
ALPHABETICAL INDEX. 
 
 Page 
 9 
 
 Addison 
 
 -^schines 
 
 -^schylus 2 
 
 Allis n 
 
 Andocides i 
 
 Anecdota 4 
 
 Antiphon 2 
 
 Apostolic Fathers 7 
 
 Apsines 4 
 
 Archimedes 13 
 
 Aristophanes 2 
 
 Aristoteles 3 
 
 Ashmolean Catalogue 14 
 
 Aufi-echt's Catalogue 14 
 
 Aylmer, Life of 8 
 
 Bacon 13 
 
 Barrow 10 
 
 Beda 8 
 
 Bentley 9 
 
 Beveridge 9 
 
 Bibhography 6 
 
 Bilaon 8 
 
 Bingham's Works, 8 
 
 Biscoe 9 
 
 Black's Catalogue 14 
 
 Blayney 5 
 
 Bodleian Catalogues 14 
 
 Bos, (L.) I 
 
 Bradley 13 
 
 Bragge 9 
 
 Brancker's Hammond 10 
 
 Bull 9 
 
 Bm-net 8, 10, 1 2 
 
 Burton 7, 10, 1 1 
 
 Busch 13 
 
 Butler 10 
 
 Cardwell 5, 9 
 
 Carte 12 
 
 Casaubon 13 
 
 Catalogues, B. B 13, J 4 
 
 Catena 7 
 
 Chandler's Ijife of David .... 10 
 
 Chandler's Greek Accents ... i 
 
 Cheke, Life of 8 
 
 ChilUngworth 10 
 
 Choeroboscus 4 
 
 Chuonology 12 
 
 Churton 11 
 
 Cicero 4 
 
 Clagett 10 
 
 Clarendon 1 1 
 
 Clarke's Catalogue 14 
 
 Classics i, 2, 3, 4 
 
 Clergyman's Instructor 10 
 
 Clinton 12 
 
 Colet, Life of 8 
 
 Comber JO 
 
 Conferences 9 
 
 Confessions 9 
 
 Connection of History 8 
 
 Coptic 5 
 
 Page 
 
 Cornelius Nepos 4 
 
 Cotton 6, 1 1 
 
 Coxe's Catalogues 14 
 
 Cramer 7,12 
 
 Cranmer 8, 9 
 
 Cureton 6 
 
 Cyrill 7 
 
 Daubeny i :^ 
 
 Demosthenes 3 
 
 Diatessaron 5 
 
 Dindorf 2, 3 
 
 Dissertations 10 
 
 Documentary Annals 9 
 
 Donne 8 
 
 D'Orville's Catalogue 14 
 
 Donee's Catalogue 14 
 
 Dowhng 6 
 
 Ebert 6 
 
 Ecclesiastical History . . 8 
 
 Enchiridion 10 
 
 English Theology 9 
 
 Ephesus 6 
 
 Etymologicum i 
 
 Euchd, Enunciations of ... . 13 
 
 Euripides 2 
 
 Eusebius 7 
 
 Evagrius 7 
 
 Fairfax 12 
 
 Fasti 12 
 
 Fathers 7 
 
 Faussett 12 
 
 Fell 8 
 
 Fleetwood 10 
 
 Formularies 9 
 
 FuUer 8 
 
 Gaisford ', 4, 7 
 
 Geography 12 
 
 Gibson 9 
 
 Gough's Catalogue 14 
 
 Greek Grammar i 
 
 Greek Lexicon i 
 
 Greek MSS 14 
 
 Gregorii Naz., Scholia in ... . 14 
 
 Greswell 10, 12 
 
 Grindal, Life of 8 
 
 Hale, Life of- • 8 
 
 Hamilton, Dukes of 12 
 
 Hammond 8, 10 
 
 Hardy's Le Neve 8 
 
 Harmonia Evangelica 10 
 
 Harpocration 3 
 
 Hephgestion i 
 
 Heurtley 9 
 
 History 11 
 
 Holy Scriptures 5 
 
 Homer 3 
 
 Homilies 9 
 
 Hooker 8, 10 
 
 Hooper, Bp. G 10 
 
 Horbery 10 
 
 Hussey 7, 8 
 
16 
 
 ALPHABETICAL INDEX. 
 
 Injunctions, &c 9 
 
 Inett 8 
 
 Islandic Catalogue 14 
 
 Jackson 10 
 
 Jacobson 7, 9, 1 1 
 
 James II 12 
 
 Jelf 10 
 
 Jenkyns 8 
 
 Jewel 10 
 
 Jones , 10 
 
 Josephus 6 
 
 Keble's Hooker 10 
 
 Kennett 13 
 
 Knight 8 
 
 Le Neve's Fasti 8 
 
 Leslie 10 
 
 Lewis 8, 1 3 
 
 Liddell and Scott i 
 
 Lightfoot 6 
 
 Lifter 13 
 
 Lloyd 8 
 
 Longinus 4 
 
 LuttreU 12 
 
 Lye 5 
 
 Maccabees 6 
 
 Magnus* Catalogue 14 
 
 Malone's Catalogue , 14 
 
 May 12 
 
 Michel S 
 
 Miller's Origen 7 
 
 Mitchell Indices 2, 4 
 
 Newcome 10 
 
 NicoU's Catalogue 14 
 
 Nov. Test. Grsecum 5 
 
 NoeU 9 
 
 Oratores 2 
 
 Oriental MSS 14 
 
 Origen 7 
 
 Ormond 12 
 
 Ormulum 5 
 
 Parker, Life of 8 
 
 Parliament 12 
 
 Paroemiographi 4 
 
 Patres 7 
 
 Patrick 10, 1 1 
 
 Pearson 11 
 
 Pecock, Life of 8 
 
 Philosophumena 7 
 
 Plato 4 
 
 Plotinus 4 
 
 Plutarch 4 
 
 Postils 9 
 
 Prayer-books 9 
 
 Price's Calculus t 3 
 
 Prideaux 8 
 
 Primers 9 
 
 Prophetffi 5 
 
 Psalmi Anglo-Sax 5 
 
 Gallic 5 
 
 Pusey's Catalogue 14 
 
 Ralegh 13 
 
 RawUnson's Catalogue 14 
 
 Reformatio Legum g 
 
 Rigaud 13 
 
 Routh 7) 1 2 
 
 Sanderson 11 
 
 Sanskrit 6, 14 
 
 Scheller i 
 
 Schemata 13 
 
 Scott II 
 
 Scott and Liddell i 
 
 Scriptores rei metricse 4 
 
 Septuagint 5 
 
 Sharp II 
 
 Sherlock 11 
 
 Shuckford 8 
 
 Smallridge 11 
 
 Smith, Life of 8 
 
 Socrates 7 
 
 Sophocles 2 
 
 South II 
 
 Sozomen 7 
 
 Sprigg 12 
 
 Stanhope 11 
 
 Statutes 13 
 
 Steele ii 
 
 Stillingfleet 8, 10, 1 1 
 
 Stobseus 4 
 
 Strype 8 
 
 Stubbs 12 
 
 Suidas I 
 
 Sylloge Confessionum 9 
 
 Synodalia 9 
 
 Tanner's Catalogue 14 
 
 Tattam 5, 6 
 
 Taverner g 
 
 Taylor, Bp. Jeremy 10 
 
 Testaments, Greek 5 
 
 Theodoret 7 
 
 Theodosii Cauones 4 
 
 Theology 9, 10, 11 
 
 Theophili 13 
 
 Thoi-pe's Anglo-Saxon 5 
 
 Uri's Catalog".e 14 
 
 Vetus Test. Gr 5 
 
 Vocabulary i 
 
 Wake 10 
 
 Wall II 
 
 Walton 85 10 
 
 Waterland 11 
 
 Wells 13 
 
 Wheatly 11 
 
 White s 
 
 Whitelocke 12 
 
 Whitgiftj Life of 8 
 
 WUkins i; 
 
 Williams 6 
 
 WUls, Index to 13 
 
 Wordsworth's Gr. Gr i 
 
 Wotton's Life 8 
 
 Wycliffe 5, 8 
 
 Xenophon , 3