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AuA^tXZ^ /i4z^/»'jSL^ STUDIES IN HONOR OF MAUEICE BLOOMFIELD PROFESSOR OF SANSKRIT AND COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY IN THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY BALTIMORE, MARYLAND BY A GROUP OF HIS PUPILS ^— r m 1 1 I NEW HAVEN YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON - HUMPHREY MILFORD - OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS MDCCCCXX '^ 1; If yet i.ll^KAUY / 4-9^ COPYRIGHT, 1920, BY YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS TABLE OF COI^ENTS Foreword v, vi List of Co-operating Dedicators vii-xiii In Memoriam : A. AV. Stratton, A. H. Ewing xv Biographical Sketch xvii-xxi Bibliography xxiii-xxxi Contributed Articles L. C. Barret : Paippalada and Rigveda 1 H. H. Bender: On the Lithuanian Word-Stock as Indo- European Material 19 F. R. Blake : Congeneric Assimilation as a Cause of the Development of New Roots in Semitic 35 G. M. Bolling : The Recension of Canakya used by Galanos . 49 G. W. Brown : The Sources of Indian Philosophical Ideas . . 75 W. N. Brown : Escaping One's Fate, A Hindu Paradox and its Use as a Psychic Motif in Hindu Fiction 89 E. W. BuRLiNGAME: Buddhist-Zoroastrian Legend of the Seven Marvels 105 Fr. EdgertoN : The Philosophic Materials of the Atharva Veda 117 E. W. Fay : Irradiation and Blending • 137 H. M. Johnson: Rauhineya's Adventures, The Rauhine- yacaritra 159 H. W. Magoun : Agni Vrtrahan and Verethraghna 197 Ruth Norton : The Life-Index, A Hindu Fiction Motif . . /. 211 S. G. Oliphant : The Vedic Press-Stones 225 R. S. Radford : Licensed Feet in Latin Verse : A Study of the Principles of Exceptional Shortening, of Diaeresis, and of Short Vowels in Hiatus 251 Indices 273 ) I I I \ \ l. / FOREWORD These Studies are offered to Maurice Bloomfield, on the fortieth anniversary of his doctorate, as an expression of affec- tion for teacher and friend, and as a mark of homage to one of America's foremost scholars. It would have been easy to increase the bulk of the volume, and, no doubt, its scholarly value, by calling for contributions from his friends and colleagues. But to the Committee in charge of the work it seemed best that the contributors should be only those who have stood to him in the relation of pupil to. teacher. For it is his qualities as a teacher, no less thaii as a scholar, that have won for him a place perhaps unequalled, among American humanists of this generation. All the world knows his scholarly work. But all of academic America, at least, is no less aware of the extraordinarily stimulating influence which he has exerted upon those who have been privileged to sit under him. Moreover, it seemed necessary to restrict the scope of the vol- ume still further. Professor Bloomfield. 's courses in Compara- tive Philology and Comparative Grammar have been given fot over thirty-five years and have enrolled many hundreds of students. Through these pupils his influence has been felt in every field of linguistic activity in this country and in many other spheres of humanistic work. The Committee was for a time attracted by the idea of planning a volume to center upon exhibiting the wide range of this influence. But in the end it was decided to make the volume more unified by limiting the contributions to those subjects which have chiefly engaged his own attention. Even thus limited, the scope of the volume remains sufficiently wide. At the conclusion of our work we feel that it is far short of all we should wish it to be. We shall not offer as an excuse the peculiar difficulties^ of the times in which it was conceived and ^ These difB.culties have been further increased by the death of two of our associates. Professor Kirby F. Smith of the Johns Hopkins University had promised us an article on 'Invisibility in Folklore,'' but at the time of his death the work had not progressed so far as to permit the publication of his results. Professor Fay's article was completed and appears below in this volume. Unfortunately, however, he did not live to see it in type, and it lacks ttie benefit of the final revision he would have given it. vi Foreword brought forth ; for we feel that at no time could any such effort have produced results worthy of Professor Bloomfield. But we ask him to accept the volume from the contributors as a token of their affection and esteem, and as a pledge that they will continue to work along these lines with a living, grateful recog- nition of the instruction and inspiration for which they are indebted to him. ^ SUBSCRIBERS AND CO-OPERATING DEDICATORS. Henry L. Abbot, Cambridge, Mass. Justin E. Abbott, Summit, N. J. Emil Abegg, Ziirick, Switzerland- Julian W. Abernethy, Burlington, Vt. Cyrus Adler, Philadelphia, Pa. William P. Albright, Jerusalem, Palestine. Dines Andersen, Copenhagen, Denmark. Eple B. Babeock, New York City. F. H. Baetjer, Baltimore, Md. Marshall Ballard; Bay St. Louis, Miss. Philip L. Barbour, New York City. Lewellys P. Barker, Baltimore, Md. George E. Bamett, Baltimore, Md. George A. Barton, Bryn Mawr, Pa. John W. Basore, Princeton, N. J. ' A. J. Bell, Toronto, Canada. Charles E. Bennett, Ithaca, N. Y. C. Theodore Benze, Philadelphia, Pa. George 0. Berg, Northfield, Minn. William Sturgis Bigelow, Boston, Mass. Charles Edward Bishop, Morgantown, W. Ya. Leonard Bloomfield, Urbana, 111. Franz 'Boas, New York City. Alexander L. Bondurant, University, Miss. W. D. Booker, Baltimore, Md. John M. Brendal, Perham, Minn. James Wilson Bright, Baltimore, Md. Carl Darling Buck, Chicago*, 111. Karl Budde, Marburg, Germany. Westcott Burlingame, Albany, N. Y. Charles Dana Burrage, Boston, Mass. R. Butin, Washington, D. C. Moses Buttenwieser, Cincinnati, Ohio. W. .Caland, Utrecht, Netherlands. Morgan Callaway, Jr., Austin, Tex. John Campbell, New York City. Edward Capps, Princeton, N. J. Albert J. Carnoy, Louvain, Belgium. viii Subscribers and Co-operating Dedicators Mitchell Carroll, Washin^on, D. C. Adam Carruthers, Toronto, Canada. J. McKeen Cattell, Garrison-on-Hudson, N. Y. Jarl Charpentier, Upsala, Sweden. Francis A. Christie, Meadville, Pa. Walter Eugene Clark, Chicago, 111. Erma E. Cole, New London, Conn. Hermann Collitz, Baltimore, Md. Samuel Daiches, London, England. Mme. Martelle Elliott Davis, Tacoma, Wash. Marchese Comm. Giacomo De Gregorio, Palermo, Italy. Arthur A. Dembitz, Philadelphia, Pa. Herman L. Ebeling, Baltimore, Md. Edward Edwards, London, England. George V. Edwards, New York City. F. C. Eiselen, Evanston, 111. Aaron Ember, Baltimore, Md. Henry Lane Eno, Princeton, N. J. A. E. Erkes, Leipzig, Germany. H. R. Fairclough, Stanford University, Calif. Thomas Fell, Annapolis, Md. John H. Finley, Albany, N. Y. Simon Flexner, New York City. Harold N. Fowler, Cleveland, Ohio. Tenney Frank, Baltimore, Md. Fabian Franklin, New York City. Solomon B. Freehof, Cincinnati, Ohio. Henry Snyder Gehman, Philadelphia, Pa. John Marshall Gest, Philadelphia, Pa. Alice Getty, Paris, France. Paul Geuthner, Paris, France. T. Casper Gilchrist, Baltimore, Md. Basil Lanneau Gilder sleeve, Baltimore, Md. John Glenn, Jr., Baltimore, Md. Charles J. Goodwin, Bethlehem, Pa. Elihu Grant, Haverford College, Pa. Edwin L. Green, Columbia, S. C. Sir George A. Grierson, Camberley, England. Lucia C. G. Grieve, Ocean Grove, N. J. Karl Joseph Grimm, Gettysburg, Pa. B. Howell Griswold, Jr., Baltimore, Md. Luise Haessler, New York City. George Ellery Hale, Pasadena, Calif. Subscribers and Co-opei^ting Dedicators Wm. Gardner Hale, Stamford, Conn. Clayton M. Hall, Ruxton, Md. George M. Hall, Baltimore, Md. W. S. Halsted, Baltimore, Md. HoUist^r Adelbert Hamilton, Elmira, JN". Y. M. S. Handman, Austin, Tex. W. A. Harris, Richmond College, Richmond, Va. Fairfax Harrison, Belvoir, Va. James Taft Hatfield, Evanstoii, 111. m ' Paul Haupt, Baltimore, Md. Francis J. Hemelt, Washington, D. C. Philip S. Henry, Asheville, N. C. E. I^iiller Hess, Berne, Switzerland. Lewis Hodous, Hartford, Conn. Jacob H. Hollander, Baltimore, Md. E. Washburn Hopkins, New Haven, Conn. Herbert Pierrepont Houghton, Waukesha, Wis. W. H. Howell, Baltimore, Md. Henry M. Hurd, Baltimore, Md. H. Hyvernat, Washington, D. C. A. V. Williams Jackson, New York City. H. C. G. von Jagemann, Cambridge, Mass. Bartlett B. James, Baltimore, Md. Morris Jastrow, Jr., Philadelphia, Pa. James R. Jewett, Cambridge, Mass. K. F. Johansson, Upsala, Sweden. Allan Chester Johnson, Princeton, N, J. R. F. Johnston, Peking, China. Florin H. Jones, Coytesville, Pa. Thomas F. Kane, Grand Forks, N. Dak. George Charles Keidel, Washington, D. C. Robert James Kellogg, Shawnee, Okla. H. A. Kelly, Baltimore, Md. James A. Kelso, Pittsburgh, Pa. Roland G. Kent, Philadelphia, Pa. James W. Kern, Lexington, Va. David Martin Key, Jackson, Miss. R. Brent Keyser, Baltimore, Md. J, Kirste, Graz, Austria- C. Klincksieck, Paris, France. Sten Konow, Kristiania, Norway. A. G. Laird, Madison, Wis. H. Carrington Lancaster, Baltimore, Md. X Subscribers and Co-operating Dedicators Charles R. Lanman, Cambridge, Mass. Berthald Laufer, Chicago, 111. James T. Lees, Lincoln, Nebr. W. G. Leutner, Cleveland, Ohio. Eugene Levering, Baltimore, Md. Bruno Liebich, Heidelberg, Germany. Christopher Longest, University, Miss. A. 0. Lovejoy, Baltimore, Md. Henry F. Lutz, Philadelphia, Pa. Sir C. J. Lyall, London, England. J. Gresham Machen, Princeton, N. J. Ralph Van Deman Magoffin, Baltimore, Md. J. H. T. Main, Grinnell, Iowa. Theodore Marburg, Baltimore, Md. Mrs. John Markoe, Philadelphia, Pa. Edward B. Mathews, Baltimore, Md. S. J. Meltzer, New York City. Clarence W. Mendell, New Haven, Conn. R. D. Messayeh, New York City. Alfred W. Milden, University, Miss. Charles W. E. Miller, Baltimore, Md. Robert^JEdwin Miller, U. S. Navy. Helen Lovell Million, Mexico, Mo. Edward W. Morley, West Hartford, Conn. James B. Nies, Brooklyn, N. Y. Charles J. Ogden, New York City. Henry S. Pancoast, Philadelphia, Pa. Stewart Paton, Princeton, N. J. Daniel A. Penick, Austin, Tex. George Wharton Pepper, Philadelphia, Pa. Walter Petersen, Lindsborg, Kansas. Aristides E. Phoutrides, New York City. T. Noel de L. Purcell, London, England. E. J. Rapson, Cambridge, England. Samuel Rea, Philadelphia, Pa. Lord Reay, London, England. J. N. Renter, Helsingsfors, Finland. David M. Robinson, Baltimore, Md. J. G. Rosengarten, Philadelphia, Pa. Lessing Rosenthal, Chicago, 111. Robert Bruce Roulston, Baltimore, Md. Adelaide Rudolph, New York City. Thomas DeC. Ruth, Washington, D. C. Subscribers and Co-opemiUng Dedicators xi Frank Knight Sanders, New York City. Virginia Saunders, New York City. Gottlieb Schaenzlin, Baltimore, Md. Nathaniel Schmidt, Ithaca, N. Y. Wilfred H. Schoff, Philadelphia, Pa. H. Schumacher, Washington, D. C. Charles P. G. Scott, Yonkers, N. Y. John A. Scott, Evanston, 111. Helen M. Searles, South Hadley, Mass. Edward H. Sehrt, Baltimore, Md. Joseph S. Shefloe, Baltimore, Md. George Shipley, Baltimore, Md. H. H. Sipes, Philadelphia, Pa. John R. Slattery, Paris, France. M. S. Slaughter, Madison, Wis. Charles S. Smith, Washington, D. C. John C. Smock, Hudson, N. Y. Charles William Sommerville, Memphis, Tenn. ~ A. L. Taylor Starck, Cambridge, Mass. R. B. Steele, Nashville, Tenn. Sir Aurel Stein, Oxford, England. Georg Steindorff, Leipzig, Germany. ^ John Lammey Stewart, Bethlehem, Pa. Alvin H. M. Stonecipher, Indianapolis, Ind. Robert P. Strickler, Baltimore, Md. Claire M. M. Strube, Baltimore, Md. E. H. Sturtevant, New York City. Satalur Sundara Suryanarayanam, Lalagvahavam, Madura, South India. William Marshall Teape, Sunderland, England. Sir Richard Temple, London, England. W. S. Thayer, Baltimore, Md. Hugo P. Thieme, Ann Arbor, Mich. Edward Joseph Thomas, Cambridge, England. Henry Alfred Todd, New York City. Albert H. Tolman, Chicago, 111. William Trelease, Urbana, 111. Ebbe Tuneld, Lund, Sweden. Frederick Tupper, Burlington, Vt. Mrs. Lawrence TiirnbuU, Baltimore, Md. J. Ph. Vogel, Leiden, Holland. ~^, B. J. Vos, Bloomington, Ind. Jacob Wackernagel, Basle, Switzerland. xii Subscribers and Co-operating Dedicators M. Walleser, Heidelberg, Germany. William D. Ward, Los Angeles, Calif. Samuel W. Wass, Toronto, Canada. Leroy Waterman, Ann Arbor, Mich. William H. Welch, Baltimore, Md. Monroe Nichols Wetmore, Williamstown, Mass. Louis N. Whealton, Long Beach, Calif. Miles White, Jr., Baltimore, Md. Daniel Willard, Baltimore, Md. ' J. Whitridge Williams, Baltimore, Md. Edward Allen Wilson, San Antonio, Tex. Roy Martin Winger, Seattle, Wash. Henry Wood, Baltimore, Md. James Haughton Woods, Cambridge, Mass. K. V. Zettersteen, Upsala, Sweden. R. Zimmermann, Bombay, British India. LIBRARIES AND OTHER INSTITUTIONS. American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, Pa. Boston College Library, Chestnut Hill, Mass. The Case Memorial Library of the Hartford Seminary Founda- tion, Hartford, Conn. College of William and Mary, Williamsburg, Va. Cornell University Library, Ithaca, N. Y. Free Public Library, Newark, N. J. Harvard College Library, Cambridge, Mass. Haverford College Library, Haverford, Pa. Iowa State Library, Des Moines, Iowa. Library American Museum of Natural History, New York City. Library Company of Philadelphia, Philadelphia, Pa. Library of Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. Library of Lafayette College, Easton, Pa. j> Library of Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. Library of State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa. Library of The University of California, Berkeley, Calif. Library of The University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. Library of The University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. Library of The University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. Library of Union Theological Seminary, New York City. Library of Washington University, St. Louis, Mo. It Suhstrihers and Co-operating Dedicators xiii Libreria de Jesus Menendez, Buenos TA-ires, Republica Argentina. Musee Guimet, Paris, France. ' The National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth, Wales. Nevada State Library, Carson City, Nev. The New York Public Library, New York City. North Dakota Masonic Grand Lodge Library, Fargo, N. Dak. Northwestern University Library, Evanston, 111. Ohio State University Library, Columbus, Ohio. Princeton Theological Seminary Library, Princeton, N. J. San Francisco Law Library, San Francisco, Calif. Smith College Library, Northampton, Mass. Southern Baptist Theological Seminary Library, Louisville, Ky. University of Michigan Library, Ami Arbor, Mich. University of Nebraska Library, Lincoln, Neb. University of Rochester Library, Rochester, N. Y. Vermont State Library, Montpelier, Vt. Wellesley College Library, Wellesley, Mass. Wesleyan University Library, Middletown, Conn. Yale University Library, New Haven, Conn. ; y IN MEMORIAM v, ALFRED WILLIAM STRATTON ARTHUR HENRY EWING QVOS CONDISCIPVLOS NOSTROS IN INDIA LABORANTES MORS INTEMPESTIVA RAPVIT J- BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Maurice Bloompield was born on February 23, 1855, at Bielitz, Austria. When he was four years old his family moved to the United States, and his boyhood was spent in Milwaukee and Chicago. He began his collegiate studies at the old University of Chi- cago (1871-4), and finished them at Furman University, Green- ville, South Carolina (1876-7), where he received the degree of Master of Arts in 1877. These were the times when the Ku IQux Klan was active in South Carolina, and ever since then he has had well-reasonpd and clear-cut opinions on what is called the Negro Problem (compare the entries in the Bibliography under the years 1890 and 1892). During his stay in the south he came under the influence of Crawford H. Toy, who was then teaching in Greenville. The direction of his career was definitely determined by his work under William Dwight Whitney at Yale, where he registered as a graduate student in the fall of 1877. From there he went as Fellow, to the recently opened Johns Hopkins University, where Charles R. Lanman was then in charge of instruction in Sanskrit. Here he received, in June, 1879, the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.' Immedi- ately after this he went abroad to study in Germany. The decade then ending had witnessed the birjh of the modem science of- Comparative Indo-European Philology. Early in that decade a revolution had started with such works as Ascoli's 'Glottologia' (of which a German version, Vorlesungen uher die vergleichende Lautlehre, appeared in 1872), Johannes Schmidt's Verwandtschaftsverhdltnisse der indogermcmischen Sprachen (1872), and Fick's Die ehemalige Spracheinheit der Indoger- manen Europas (1873). Then came Brugmann's articles in the ninth volume of Curtius' Studien (1876), the discovery of Ver- ner's Law (1877), and the discovery of the facts concerning the Indo-Iranian palatals by Collitz {BB 2. 291 ff. and 3. 177 ff., 1878 and 1879) — out of which three sources, principally, devel- oped a new theory of Indo-European Ablaut. The climax in the transition to the new period came just about the time when Bloomfield went to Germany. He was attracted and stirred by the T^ork of the rising schools of philologists, both * Junggrammatiker ' and others ; and his early publications sho^iv V. xviii Biographical Sketch r J , how great was their influence upon him. At the same time he continued his Indological studies, especially in the field of ^e Veda; and here too he came under inspiring influences. He spent a year at Berlin, studying Indie Philology with Albrecht Weber, Hermann Oldenberg, and Heinrich Zimmer; Classical and general Comparative Philology with Johannes Schmidt; and Celtic with Zimmer. Then for another year, at Leipzig, he studied Indie and Celtic Philology with Ernst Windisch, Classi- cal and Comparative Philology with Georg Curtius and Karl Brugmann, and Slavic with August Leskien. He seems also to have been greatly influenced by some of his fellow-students, par- ticularly by M. A. (now Sir Aurel) Stein, and Hermann Collitz. Collitz was later to become his colleague at Johns Hopkins Uni- versity, as Professor of Germanic Philology. Stein was his fellow-student at both Berlin and Leipzig, and they have remained warm friends to this day ; Bloomfield has always had the greatest admiration and regard for Stein, who has given evi- dence of reciprocating these feelings. Among his other fellow- students were Paul Deussen, the historian of philosophy ; Kuno Meyer, the Celtist; Ernst Leumann, the Indologist; B. Giiter- bock, G. Mahlow, and F. Hartmann. In 1881 Bloomfield was recalled from Europe by President Gilman to take charge of the work in Sanskrit at the Johns Hopkins University, where he has ever since been Professor of Sanskrit and Comparative Philology. On June 20, 1885, he was married to Miss Rosa Zeisler.^ Two children were born to them : Elinor Marie (now Mrs. A. Sanders DeWitt, of Detroit, Michigan) , and Arthur Leonard (now Asso- ciate in Medicine in the Johns Hopkins University). He still occupies during the academic year the same house, at 861 Park Avenue, Baltimore, in which he settled immediately after his marriage. His summers are usually spent with his family at Breadloaf , in the Green Mountains, Vermont. Professor Bloomfield 's relations with European scholars, dat- ing in many cases from his student days, have remained close and intimate. To some extent he has kept up such associations by correspondence — altho he has been heard to express doubts as to whether this effort is, ill general, worth while. Yet he counted Max Miiller, for instance, a warm personal friend, and this friendship was kept up to the day of Miiller 's death, altho they never saw each other. Various trips to Europe have also helped to keep him in touch with his friends and colleagues ^ Mrs. Bloomfield died on June 25, 1920, while this book was in press. Biographical Sketch xix there. ' His second trip took place in 1884, when he went to Tiibingen to work with Eudolf Roth on materials in preparation of his edition of the Kausika Sutra, and where, incidentally, he was welcomed and entertained by his old friend Stein. After a lapse of fifteen years he made a third trip, this time also to Tubingen, in 1899, to confer with Richard Garbe, his co-editor of the chromo-photographic reproduction of the Kashmirian Atharva Veda. Later he visited Europe as the representative of the Johns Hopkins University at three of the International Congresses of Orientalists — at Hamburg in 1902, at Algiers in 1905, and at Copenhagen in 1908 ; and in 1911 he was the Uni- versity's delegate at the five hundredth anniversary celebration of the University of St. Andrews, Scotland. At Copenhagen he laid before the Congress of Orientalists his Vedic Concordance, for which he was awarded the Hardy Prize by the Royal Acad- emy of Bavaria. During the winter of 1906-7 he delivered the seventh series of lectures in the course of American Lectures on the History of Religions before various educational institutions in this country. These lectures were afterwards printed in his book. The Religion of the Veda. He is a member, and has been vice-president and president, of the American Oriental Society ; a member and councillor of the American Philosophical Society; a member of the German Oriental Society, of the American Philological Association, of the International Committee for Congresses on the History of Religions, of the Advisory Council of the American Simplified Spelling Society, and of the National Institute of Social Sciences ; Foreign Member of the Bohemian Academy of Prague, Honorary Member of the Finno-Ugrian Society of Helsingfors, and Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. In 1906 the honorary degree of LL.D. was conferred upon him by Princeton University at its sesquicentennial celebration. His alma mater, Furman University, gave him the same degree in 1908. He also received in 1916 the honorary degree of L.H.D. from the University of Chicago at the celebration of its twenty- fifth anniversary. His scholarly activities are fully recorded in the Bibliography, and there is no need to repeat what is said there. Yet it seems desirable to indicate in a summary fashion the chief lines they have followed. Almost his first publication was an edition of a text dealing with Yedic ritual; and from that time to this he has never XX Biographical Sketch ceased to make the interpretation of the Veda— from all possible angles— one of his foremost interests. In this field the great monument that he has reared is the Vedic Concordance. It is a tool for Vedic investigation which will remain in use as long as Vedic studies are pursued, and with which the St. Petersburg Lexicon alone can be compared. But his peculiar genius as a Vedic interpreter can best be seen elsewhere. While all Vedic texts, and particularly the Rig Veda, have received their share of his attention, it is more especially the Atharva Veda that he has made his very own. His studies begin with interpretations of individual Atharvan hymns; continue with the edition of the Kausika Sutra, the translation of Hymns of the Atharva Veda for the Sacred Books of the East, and the chromophoto- graphic reproduction of the Kashmirian Atharva Veda; and cul- minate in his brilliant volume on The Atharva Veda for the. Grxmdriss der indo-arischen Philologie, which will doubtless remain for many years to come the standard work on the subject. He has also inspired several of his pupils to independent work in various phases of Atharvan literature. In this field he stands far beyond all rivals; there can be no question that he is the greatest Atharvanist of the- world. His early interest in Comparative Philology has never left him. Such an interest was the usual thing among Indologists in those days; the two fields always, or nearly always, went together. With the enormous widening and deepening of the scope of both of them, this combination has become much more difficult and consequently rarer. Professor Bloomfield is almost the last representative of the older tradition ; for the other living scholars of his own generation have almost without exception abandoned one or the other of the two subjects. His enthusiasm for Indo-European Pre-history was fired anew in the early years of the present century by the remarkable finds in Turkestan, and later in the Hittite country; and it is safe to predict that he will never turn his mind away from such matters. In general linguistics the calling of due attention to the process of ' adaptation ' was his achievement. It promises to be paral- leled in importance by the new points of view opened up in his article 'On Instability in the Use of Moods in Earliest Sanskrit.' In historical grammar the subject of noun formation, especially suffixal formation, has keenly interested him; he has devoted several penetrating studies to it, and under his stimulus three of his students have written doctoral dissertations in it. It should be noted that, besides the courses in Comparative Phil- Biographical Sketch XXI ology and Comparative Grammar of which mention has been made in the Foreword, he has for many years regularly con- ducted courses in Avestan and Lithuanian, primarily for stu- dents of Comparative Philology. Other courses of a similar sort have been given sporadically. Indian religions have also deeply interested him, as can be seen from his various monographs, beginning with an article on Buddhism published in 1892, and especially from his book on The Religimi of the Veda — the best account of Vedic religion in the English language, and perhaps in any language. More inci- dentally and in passing he has touched upon the various philo- sophic systems of India. Of late he has become very much interested in Indian folklore and story literature, and has con- ceived the idea of gradually elaborating an encyclopedia of the recurring motifs of Hindu fiction. The interest and value of such studies he has himself illustrated in a number of articles, and several of his pupils are helping him to carry on this work. Two articles in this volume are contributions to this 'encyclo- pedia. ' It should be noted, finally, that he has by no means failed to take an interest in the literatures of the Pali and Prakrit dia- kcts. In both — especially in Pali and the Jaina Maharastri — he has conducted classwork for many years. And while his publications do not show so much evidence of his activities in these fields as yet, his pupils would be surprised if his learning and acumen did not in them also bear fruit more extensively, in the fullness of time. /' \ r BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PROFESSOR BLOOMFIELD'S WRITINGS It is hoped that this bibliography includes a reference to everything published by Professor Bloomfield down to the year 1920. Cross references are furnished in cases where he has written on the same subject in more than one place ; and when articles referred to are merely abstracts of longer articles pub- lished elsewhere, this fact is indicated. The items are arranged chronologically according to the year of publication. In general we have treated as the year of pub- lication the year that is printed on the title-page of the book, or volume of a periodical, in question. An exception has been made, however, with the Journal and Proceedings of the Amer- ican Oriental Society. The issuance X)f these was, particularly in the early days of the Society 's existence, very irregular ; and each volume usually included, in those days, parts which had appeared at different intervals of time. Yet each volume, of course, carries only one date on the title-page. We have there- fore abandoned our rule in this case, and have recorded articles published in JAOS and PAOS as of the year when they actually appeared in print.^ The following abbreviations of titled of periodicals are used in the bibliography: i AEB ==. American Historical Beview. AJP = American Journal of Philology. B5=:(Bezzenberger^s) Beitrdge zwr Kunde der indogermanischen Sprachen. GGA =: Goettingisohe Gelehrte Anzeigen. lA ^ Indian Antiquary. IF = Indogermojiische Forschu7igen^ JAOS =1 Journal of the American Oriental Society. JHUC ■=. Johns Hopkins University Circulars. PAOS ^ Proceedings of the American Oriental Society. PAPA z= Proceedings of the American Philological Association. PAPS = Proceedings of the American Philosophical Sodeiy. TAP A =: Transactions of the American Philological Association. WZKM z= Wiener Zeitschrift fii/r die Kunde des Morgenlandes. ZDMG ^ Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenldndischen Gesellschdft. ^ This is again apt to be a very different matter from the year in which such communieations were verbally presented to the American Oriental Society. For example, Bloomfield 's Pif th Series of * Contributions to the Interpretation of the Veda' was presented orally to the Society in 1892, actually published in April, 1894 {JAOS 17. 149), and finally included as part of Volume 16 of the JAOS, which bears the date 1896. xxiv Bibliography 1878 On the Vedie compounds having an apparent genitive^ as prior member. TAOS 11. v. -1,^1 1879 [Noun-formation in the Eig-Veda. Dissertation; unpublished.] 1880 The ablaut of Greek roots which show variation between E and O. - AJP 1. 281 ff . ; JEUC no. 7, December, 1880, p. 79. 1881 Das Grhyasamgraha-parisista des Gobhilaputra. ZDMG 35. 533 ff., 788. (Of. below, 1882, On the Grhyasarngraha-pari^ista of Gobhi- laputra.) The relation of eZScis: l^vla. JHUC no. 12, December, 1881, p. 163. On non-diphthongal e and in Sanskrit. PAOS 11. Ixsiv ff. Eeview of Gustav Meyer's Griechische Grammatik. AJP 2. 507 ff. 1882 Final AS before sonants in Sanskrit. AJP 3. 25 ff.; JHT7C no. 13, February, 1882, p. 174, cf. iUd., no. 17, August, 1882, p. 243. The etymology of dfi^XaKelv. JHUC no. 13, February, 1882, p. 175. (Cf. below, 1885, Four etymological notes.) On the Grhyasarrigraha-pari§ista of Gobhilaputra. JHUC no. 15, May, 1882, p. 205. (Cf. above, 1881, Das Grhyasamgraha-pari- sista des Gobhilaputra.) On differences I of use in present-systems from the same root in the Veda. PAOS 11. cxxvi ff. (Same subject as next.) A search for the functional or dialectic differences in the present systems of the Veda. JHUC no. 20, December, 1882, p. 26. (Same subject as preceding.) On the Eev. L. F. MUls' edition of the Gathas. AJP 3. 499 f. ik i "<■ 1883 Arthur C. Burnell and the Talavakara Brahmana. JHUC no. 21, '^' ^ February, 1883, p. 51 f. Historical and critical remarks introductory to a comparative study of Greek accent. AJP 4. 21 ff. (Abstracted in next.) On the general theory of Greek accentuation.^ JHUC no. 22, April, 1883, p. 66. (Abstract of preceding.) On the etymology of 0tXos. JHUC no. 25, August, 1883, p. 141. On certain irregular Vedic subjunctives or imperatives. PAOS 11. clxi ff. ; JRJJC no. 27, November, 1883, p. 6. (Abstracts of next but two.) On an edition, proposed by the writer, of the KaniSika-Sutra of the Atharva-Veda. PAOS 11. clxx {Ms) ff. (Cf. next but two.) Eeview of Biihler's Leitfaden fiir den Elementarcursus des SansJcrit. AJP 4. 350 f. 1884 On certain irregular Vedic subjunctives or imperatives. AJP 5. 16 ff. (Abstracted in preceding but two.) On an edition, proposed by the writer, of the KauSika-Sutra of the Atharva-Veda. JHUC no. 29, March, 1884, p. 52 ff. (Cf. pre- ceding but two.) On the probability of the existence of phonetic law. AJP 5. 178 ff.; (abstract) JHUC no. 30, April, 1884, p. 74. On the position of the Vaitana-Sutra in the literature of the Atharva- Veda. PAOS 11. ccxxiii ff. (Abstract of next.) ^ Bibliography xxv 1885 Off the position of the Vaitana-Sutra iif the literature of the Atharva- Veda. JAOS 11. 375 ff. (Abstracted in preceding.) Four etymological notes. 1. Latin usque : Vedic dccha. — 2. iriiruv, ^ripe,' and iriirtav, 'mild, weak.' — 3. On a probable equivalentin Sanskrit of the Greek ^particle &p, ph. — 4. dfi^XaKelv : Sanskrit mlecchati. AJF 6. 41 ff. (Cf. next three, and above, 1882, The etymology of dfi^XaKelv.) Latin usque : Vedic dcchd. JHUC vol. 4, whole no. 36, January, 1885, p. 32. (Cf. preceding.) iriircov, 'ripe,' and irivav, 'mild, weak.' IMd., p. 33. (Cf. preced- ing but one.) On a probable equivalent in Sanskrit of the Greek particle dp, l>h. JHUC vol. 4, whole no. 39, May, 1885, p. 76 f. (Cf. preceding but two.) Note on the study of Sanskrit and Comparative Philology. JHUC vol. 4, whole no. 41, July, 1885, p. 119 f. On a new group of Vedic words belonging to the root pras, 'to ask.' IMd., p. 119. (Abstract of next.) On some Vedie derivatives of the root pras, 'ask,' hitherto mis- understood, [prds, 'debate,' etc.] PADS 13. xlii ff. (Ab- stracted in preceding.) 1886 The correlation of v and m in the Veda. JHUC vol. 5, whole no. 49, May, 1886, p. 93. (Abstract of next.) The correlation of v and m in Vedic and later Sanskrit. PAOS 13. xcvii ff. (Abstract-ed in preceding.) Eeview of Lanman's SansTcrit Header. AJP 7. 98 ff. Three hymns of the first book of the Atharva-Veda. [AV. 1. 2, 1. 12, 1. 14.] Ibid., cxii ff. (Cf. next but two.) Introduction to the study of the Old-Indian sibilants. (With Edward H. Spieker.) Ibid., cxvii ff. Two hymns of the Atharva-Veda, ii, 11, and vi, 128. Ibid., cxxxii ff. (Cf. next.) Seven hymns of the Atharva-Veda. (Later known as Contributions to the interpretation of the Veda, First Series. — ^AV. 1. 2, 1. 12, 1. 14, 2. 11, 2. 27, 6. 100, 6. 128.) AJP 7. 466 ff. (Cf. preced- ing, and preceding but two.) 1887 On the jdydnya-ehsLTm, AV. 7. 76. 3-5, and the apadt-hjmna (6. 83; 7. 74. 1-2; 7. 76. 1-2) of the Atharva-Veda. PAOS 13. ccxiv ff. (Cf. below, 1890, Contributions, Second Series, No.'l.) On the so-called fire-ordeal hymn, AV. 2. 12. Ibid., ccxxi ff. (Cf. below, 1890, Contributions, Second Series, No. 3.) 1888 The origin of recessive accent in Greek. AJP 9. 1 ff., 220. 1889 On the etymology of the particle om. PAOS 14. cl ff. On the Vedic instrumental padbhis. i Ibid., clii ff. (Cf. below, 1890, Contributions, Second Series, No. 6.) Eeview of Simon's Beitrdge zur Kenntnis der vedischen Schulen, AJP 10. 227 f. / xxvi Bibliography 'Contributions from various Sanskrit manuscripts to Bohtlingk's Sanskrit Lexicon of the St. Petersburg Academy, about 300^ in number (see the prefaces to vol. Hi, 1882, and vol. vii, 1889)/— Quotation from Bibliographia EopUnsiensis, Fa/rt I, Philology (see below under 1892), page 7. 1890 The Kau^ika-Sutra of the Atharva-Veda, with extracts from the commentaries of Darila and Ke§ava. JAOS 14. New Haven, 1890. Review of Balg's Comparative glossary of the Gothic language. AJP 11. 99 ff. On a Vedic group of charms for extinguishing fire by means of water-plants and a frog. PA08 15. xxxix ff. (Of. next but three, No. 5.) Women as mourners in the Atharva-Veda. Ihid., xliv ff. (Cf. next but two, No. 4.) On the fiTT-Xer. talldyd, AV. 7. 76. 3. Hid., xlvii f. (Cf. next but one, No. 2.) On the so-called Nirukta of Kautsavaya. Ibid., xlviii ff. Contributions to the interpretation of the Veda. Second Series. 1. On the jdydnya-eha.Tm, AV. 7. 76. 3-5, and the apacit-hjmns of the Atharva-Veda. — 2. On the a7r.\e7. talidyd, AV. 7. 76. 3. — ^3. On the so-called fire-ordeal hymn, AV. 2. 12. — 4. Women as mourners in the Atharva-Veda. [AV. 14. 2. 59-62, etc.] — 5. On a group of Vedic charms for extinguishing fire by means of water- plants and a frog. — 6. On the Vedic instrumental padbhis and the word pddbisa. AJP 12. 319 ff. (Cf. above, under 1887, 1889, and 1890.) Study of human types. [The Negro question.] The Baltimore Sun, April 3, 8, 11, 15, 20, 23, 26, and 30, and May 2 and 8, 1890. 1891 On adaptation of suffixes in congeneric classes of substantives. AJP 12. 1 ff. Review of Brugmann's Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen. Ibid., 362 ff. Contributions to the interpretation of the Veda. Third Series. 1. The story of Indra and Namuci. — 2. The two dogs of Yama in a new role. — 3. The marriage of Saranyu, Tvastar's daughter. JAOS 15. 143 ff.^ Contributions to the interpretation of the Veda. Fourth Series. 1. The meaning of the root yup.~2. On jalasah, jaZdsabhesajah, jalasam, and jalasam. — 3. On the thirteenth book of the Atharva- Veda. AJP 12. 414 ff. 1892 The negro problem. The Christian Begister, vol. 71, no. 8 (Febru- ary 25, 1892), p. 120. -According to PAOS 16. iii, this was pubUshed in 1892; but this state- ment is evidently erroneous, since the above article was reviewed in Decem- ber, 1891 in both the Academy and the Eevue Critique, Bibliography xxvii The essentials of Buddhist doctrine and ethics. International Jour- nal of Ethics, 2. 313 f£. The foundation of Buddhism. New World, 1. 246 ff. [Announcement of] A Vedie Concordance. Being a collection of the hymns and sacrificial formulas of the literature of the Vedas. JHUC vol. 11, whole no. 99, June, 1892, p. 99 ff. (Of. next but one.) Contributions to the interpretation of the Vedas. Third, fourth, and fifth series. [Brief summary.] Ihid., p. 101 f. Annoimcement of a Vedic Concordance, being a collection of the padas of the hymns and sacrificial formulas of the literatui-e of the Vedas. PAOS 15. clxxiii ff. (Cf. preceding but one.) Bibliographia ' Hopkinsiensis. 1876-1891. Part I: Philology. [Edited by Maurice Bloomfield.] Baltimore, 1892. ^ Beview of Hillebrandt's Vedische Mytliologie, Vol. I. New World, 1. 796 fif. (Cf. next.) 1893 Eeview of Hillebrandt 's Vedische Mythologie, Vol I. AJP 14. 491 ff. (Cf. preceding.) On the origin of the so-called root-determinatives. PAPA 24. xxvii ff. (Cf. below, 1894, IF 4. 66 ff.) The myth of Soma and the eagie. Festgruss an Budolf von Both, Stuttgart, 1893, p. 149 ff. (Cf. next but two. No. 1.) On the &ir.\€y. rujdndh, EV. 1. 32. 6, with a note on haplology. PAOS 16. vTnHi fe. (Cf. below, 1896, Contributions,^ Seventh Series, No. 3.) The etymology of uloTcd. Ihid., xxxv ff. (Cf. below, 1896, Con- tributions, Seventh Series, No. 4.) 1894 Contributions to the interpretation of the Veda. Fifth Series. 1. The legend of Soma and the eagle. (Cf. preceding but two.) — 2. On the group of Vedic words ending ia -pitvd (sapitvd, prapitvd, ahhipitvd, apapitvd). JAOS 16. 1 ff. (Presented orally in 1892, but published in April, 1894.) Contributions to the interpretation of the Veda. Sixth Series. 1. The legend of Mudgala and Mudgalani.— 2. On the meanings of the word iusma. — ^3. On certain aorists in -di- in the Veda. ZBMG 48. 541 ff. A century of comparative philology. JHTJC vol. 13, whole no. 110, March, 1894, p. 39 ff. Trita, the scape-goat of the gods, in relation to AV. 6. 112 and 113. PAOS 16. cxix ff. (Cf. below, 1896, Contributions, Seventh Series, No. 6.) On the group of Vedic words ending in -gva and -gvi/n. Ihid., cxxiii ff. (Cf. below, 1896, Contributions, Seventh Series, No. 5.) On the so-called root-determinatives in the Indo-European languages. IF 4. 66 ff. (Cf. above/ 1893, PAPA 24. xxvii ff.) . ; Eeview of A. C. Kaviratna's CharaTca-Samhita. AJP 15. 235 f. xxviii Bibliography 1895 On assimilation and adaptation in congeneric classes of words. AJP 16. 409 ff. Eeview of Eagozin's Story of Vedie India. AEB 1. 103 ff. Eaee-prejudice. New World, 4. 23 ff. Eeview of Max Muller 's Three lectures on the Veddnta philosophy. Ibid., 155 ff. On Professor Streitberg's theory as to the origin of certain Indo- European long vowels. TAPA 26. 5 ff. 1896 Two problems in Sanskrit Grammar. 1. On the instrumentals in na from stems in man (mahind, varina, prathind, hhUnd, etc.).-— 2. On the relations of the vowel groups Ur and ur to tr and ir in Sanskrit. PAOS 16. clvi ff.; reprinted, by special request of the " editor of BB, in BB 23. 105 ff. (See below, 1897.) Contributions to the interpretation of the Veda. Seventh Series. 1. The myth of the heavenly eye-baU, with reference to EV. 10. 40. 9. — 2. The original daTcsind, or fee of the priests. — 3. On the aTT.Xer. rujdndh, [EV. 1. 32. 6], with a note on haplology and haplography. — 4. The meaning and etymology of uloM. — 5. On the group of Vedic words ending in -gva and -gvin, with notes on visnu, is-Tcar, and adhrigu.—Q. Trita, the scape-goat of the gods, in relation to AV. 6. 112 and 113. AJF 17. 399 ff. (Eegarding Nos. 3-6 cf. above, under 1893 and 1894.) On the 'Frog-Hymn' EV. 7. 103, together with some remarks on the composition of the Vedic hymns. JAOS 17. 173 ff. The meaning of the compound atharvdngirasah, the ancient name of the fourth Veda. JAOS 17. 180 ff. 1897 La religion vedique d' apres les hymnes du Eig-Veda. Par Abel Eergaigne. [Tomes I-III, Paris, 1878-1883.] Tome IV. Index. Par M. Bloomfield. [Biiliotheque de I'ecole des hautes etudes, Fasc. 117.] Paris, 1897. Hymns of the Atharva-Veda, together with extracts from the ritual books and the commentaries. \^Sacred Books of the East, Vol. 42.] Oxford, 1897. Eeview of Hillebrandt 's Bitual-Uteratur. Vedische Opfer und Zauber. AJP 18. 350 ff. Two problems in Sanskrit Grammar. BB 23. 105 ff. (See above, 1896.) Indo-European notes. 1. On the vocalism and accent of the middle participle in the Indo-European languages. — 2. Ionic lo-ite = iare 'till.' — S.Latin salus : salvos. — 4. The fractional numerals in Avestan. TAPA 28. 55 ff. 1898 Max Miiller's Eeminiscences. [Eeview of Mulleins Auld Lang Syne.] The Philadelphia Press, April 10, 1898. The position of the Gopatha-Brahmana in Vedic literature. JAOS 19, second half, 1 ff. The meaning and etymology of the Vedic word viddtha. Ibid., 12 ff. A note on Dr. Biihler. [Necrological.] lA 27. 371 f. Bibliography xxix 1899 The myth of Pururavas, Urvaii, and Ayu. JAOS 20. 180 ff. A proposed photographic reproduction of the Tiibingen manuscript " of the Kashmirian Atharva-Veda, the so-called Paippalada-Sakha. JAOS 20. 184 f. The Atharva-Veda. {Grundrisa der indo-arischen PMlologie und Alt&rtumslcunde, II. Band, 1. Heft, B.] Strassburg, 1899. 1900 Eeview of Max MuUer's Bdmdkrishna : his life and sayings. AHB 5. 347 fe. Review of Monier Williams' SansTcrit-English Dictionary. AJP 21. 323 n. On the wedding stanza,^Rig-Veda 10. 40. 10. IMd., 411 ff. 1901 On the relative chronology of the Vedic hymns. JAOS 21, second half, p. 42 ff. On fcisama, an epithet of Indra. Ihid., p. 50 fif. On the Sanskrit original of the Pranou Oupnekhat (Pranava Upanisad) in the Persian translation of the Upanisads. Miscel- lanea lingmstica in onore di Graziado Ascoli, Torino, 1901, p. 31 ff. The Kashmirian Atharva-Veda (School of the Paippaladas) , repro- duced by chromophotography from the manuscript in the Univer- sity Library at Tubingen; edited ... by Maurice Bloomfield and Richard Garbe. Three volumes. Baltimore, 1901. 1902 photographic reproduction of the Kashmirian Atharva,-Veda. JHUC vol. 21, whole no. 155, January, 1902, p. 28 f. The symbolic gods. Studies in honor of Ba^il L. Gildersleeve, Baltimore', 1902, p. 37 ff. Review of Caland's Altindisches Zauberritual. GGA 164. 489 ff. On the initial sound of the Sanskrit words for 'door.' Album Kern, Leiden, 1903, p. 193 f. Alfred William Stratton. [Necrological.] AJP 23. 351 ff. 1903 The god Indra and the Sama-Veda. WZEM 17. 156 ff. 1904 On some alleged Indo-European languages in cuneiform character. AJP 25. 1 ff. Cerberus, the dog of Hades. The Monist, 14. 523 ff. (Reprinted in book form J see next but one.) On the minor and problematic Indo-European languages. PAPA 35. xxvii ff. 1905 Cerberus, the dog of Hades. The history of an idea. Chicago, 1905. (Reprint from The Monist, 14. 523 ff. ; see preceding but one.) 1906 Brahmanieal riddles and the origin of theosophy. Congress of Arts and Science, Universal Exposition, St. Louis, 1904; New York and Boston, 1906; ii. 481 ff. The long-lost Mani Bible. Discovery of manuscripts in Chinese Turkestan. Harper's Monthly, 112, March, 1906, p. 527 ff. On conflicting prayers and sacrifices. JHUC vol. 25, whole no. 192, XXX Bibliography December, 1906, 1 ff. = Actes du XlVe congrds international des orientaUstes (Alger 1905), Paris, 1906, p. 242 fE. Four Vedic studies. 1. On the verbal root Tcrp = Iclp in the Veda.— 2.— On the ^TT.Xer. vlrenyah, EV. 10. 104. 10.— 3. On the aTr-Xer- darvm, RV. 7. 6. 1.— 4. The Vedie instrumental padhMh for the second time. JEUC vol. 25, whole no. 192, December, 1906, p. 10 n. = Actes du XlVe congrds international des orientalistes (Alger 1905), Paris, 1906, p. 232 ff. Seven emendations of the text of the Rig-Veda. (RV. 8. 18. 13c ; i. 30. 16c; 3. 5. 5a; 8. 29. 6a; 6. 49. 15b; 1. 119. 8<:; 3. 36. 7a.) JAOS 27. 72 ff. Corrections and conjectural emendations of Vedie texts. AJF-27. 401 ff. A Vedie Concordance. Being an alphabetic index to every line of every stanza of the published Vedie literature and to the liturgie formulas thereof, that is an index to the Vedie mantras, together with an account of their variations in the different Vedie books. Harvard Oriental Series, Volume 10. Cambridge, 1906. 1908 The religion of the Veda. The ancient religion of India (from Rig-Veda to Upanishads). American Lectures on the History of Religion, Seventh Series. New York and London, 1908. Introductory note (pp. v-vii) to Letters from India, by Alfred William Stratton. London, 1908. The etymology of HPESBTS. AJP 29. 78 ff. On the newly discovered Indo-European language called Tocharian. JHUC vol. 27, p. 1108 ff.; whole no. 210, November, 1908, p. 106 ff. 1909 On certain work in continuance of the Vedie Concordance. JAOS 29. 286 ff. On some disguised forms of Sanskrit paiu 'eattie.' 1. The stem Tcsu. — 2. On the supposititious root raps. IF 25 (Festschrift fur Karl Brugmann) , 185 ff. Review of von Schroeder's Mysterium und Mimus im Big-Veda. AJP 30. 78 ff. 1911 Some Rig-Veda repetitions. JAOS 31. 49 ff. 1912 Review of Caland's Das Vditdna-Sutra des Atharvaveda. GGA 174. 1 ff. The Sikh Religion. Studies in the History of Religions, presented to C. H. Toy, New York, 1912, p. 169 ff. On instability in the use of moods in earliest Sanskrit. AJP 33. 1 ff. On the variable position of the finite verb in oldest Sanskrit. IF 31 (Festschrift fiir Berthold DelhriicTc), 156 ff. Review of Stein 's Buins of Desert Cathay. AHB 18. 113 ff . 1913 The character and adventures of Muladeva. PAPS 52. 616 ff. 1914 A plea for more classical education. Johns HopTcins Alumni Maga- zine, 2. 267 ff. Bibliography xxxi On talking birds in Hindu fiction. Festschrift Ernst Windisch . . . dargebracht, Leipzig, 1914, p. 349 ff. Eeview of Feist's Kultur, Aus'breitung, und Herhunft der Indo- germanen. AHB 19. 840 ff. 1916 On the etymology and meaning of the Sanskrit root varj. JAOS 35. 273 ff. (Issued February, 1916.) / On two cases of metrical shortening of a fused long syllable, Eig- Veda 8. 18. 13 and 6. 2. 7. Aufsatze zur Kultur- und Sprach- gescMchte, vornehmlich des Orients, Ernst Kuhn gewidmet, Miinchen, 1916, p. 211 ff. On recurring psychic motifs in Hindu fiction, and the laugh-and- cry motif. JAOS 36. 54 ff. Eig-Veda Eepetitions. The repeated verses and distichs and stanzas of the Eig-Veda in systematic presentation and with critical dis- cussion. Harvard Oriental Series, Volumes 20 and 24. Cam- bridge, 1916. 1917 On the art of entering another's body; a Hindu fiction motif. PAFS 56. 1 fe. Some cruces in Vedie text, grammar, and interpretation. 1. ajurya- mur for ajur(yd'm) yamur, and other haplologies. — 2. chardis for chadis, a case of contamination or word blend. — 3. Some cxhl^o-ra. — 4. On the expression n&vyam sdnyase. — 5. On stanza 6 in the hymn of Sarama and the Panis, EVi 10. 108. — 6. On the meaning of ukhacMd. — 7. Irregular 'relative clause constructions. AJP 38. 1 fP. 1919 The fable of the crow and the palm-tree: a psychic motif in Hindu fiction. AJP 40. 1 ff. The Life and Stories of the Jaina Savior Par§vanatha. 254 pp. Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University i Press, 1919. The mind as wish-car in the Veda. [With a new interpretation of EV. 1. 32. 8, mdno rUhdnah.'] JAOS 39. 280 &. Fifty years of Comparative Philology. TAPA 50. 62 ff. 1920 The dohada, or craving of pregnant women: a motif of Hindu fic- tion. JAOS 40. 1 ff. Notes on the Divyavadana. JAOS 40. 336 ff. % 'Ji r": ::.:^\ I J -. ■ V ; .\ PAIPPALADA AND RIG VEDA ^ LeEoy Carr Barret Professor of Latin, Trinity College The title op this paper may easily suggest too much, and also too little. It is proposed to deal with such material in the first eight books^ of Paippalada as appears also in RV, consider- ing only variant readings and the structure of corresponding hymns. But a large amount of the material appears not merely in these two collections but in yet others also, especially of course AVS, so that much of the paper is concerned with a com- parison of the readings of Ppp, RV and ^. In the introduction to Ppp Bk 1 (JAOS 26. 203) I recorded the impression that Ppp tends to agree with RV against S; this study is made in an effort to test the validity of that impression. Altho the Ppp' material is drawn from the first eight books only, these books occupy nearly three sevenths of the entire manuscript; the investigation is preliminary but is not based on material so meagre as to be unworthy of consideration. The study may be called a preliminary consideration of the text of the Ppp, pri- marily in its relations to RV and ^. \ In several brief chapters the material is presented, with some evaluating comments'. Regularly the reading of Ppp is given first, then the reading of RV, then the reading of other texts; reference to stanzas is made by the Ppp numbers; usually the words are quoted exactly as they stand in sandhi, but no men- tion is made of Ppp peculiarities of sandhi. The Ppp readings are usually given as edited, but the reading of the ms is given where it seems needed. I. Material appearing im, Pdipp and BV only. (A.) Pdipp 1. 84 has 8 of the 12 stanzas of RV 10. 58, and adds 2 new ones ; the order of stanzas may be compared thus : -^ Ppp 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. RV 4, 3, 1, - 5, 2, 8, -, 7, 11. ^ ^ Books 1-6 have been published in JAOS volumes 26, 30, 32, 35, 37, and 34. Books 7 and 8 are far enough advanced to make their material available. 2 LeBoy Carr Barret Ppp shows only ordinary Atharvan adaptations : in la Ppp catussraktim, RV caturbhrstim ; 10a para paravatam, para^ paravatah; in st 4 it has vayum antariksam (wrongly edited) and in st 8 candraih jiaksatrani. Paipp 1. 107 is RY 10.* 168 followed by two new stanzas: stt 3 and 4 in Ppp are 4 and 3 in RV. Some variants are signifi^ cant. In la Ppp ms has mahima for RV mahimanaih, but this may be only a graphic error; lb bhanjayann for rujann to the detriment of the metre; Ic Ppp ms divasprg yety, probably intending ety, for RV divisprg yaty; Id atho eti for uto eti. For 2b RV has ainarii gachanti samanaih na yosah, Ppp ms nainaih gacchanti sumaneva yosa: cf. RV 4. 58. 8a (Ppp 8. 13, 8a) abhi pravanta samaneva yosah, and RV 6. 75. 4a te acaranti samaneva yosa ; noting that RV 4. 58. 8 occurs in VS and KS, and RV 6. 75. 4 in VS, TS, MS and KSA, while RV 10. 168. 2 is in RV only, the Ppp form is established and explained : read for it ainam gacchanti samaneva yosah. In 2c Ppp vidvan, RV sayuk; 2d patir visvasya bhuvanasya gopah, asya ° ° raja. For 3a Ppp has atma vai devanam bhuvanasya gopah, RV atma devanam ° garbhah; note that Ppp 2d and 3a have same cadence: in 3d ekah for esah may be only a graphic error; in 3c Ppp has ghosa id asya sruyate, avoiding the difficulty of RV ghosa ° ° srnvire. For 4c Ppp (and GB 1. 2. 8) aparii yonih prathamaja rtasya, RV aparii sakha ° rtava. These variants show characteristic Atharvan modulation, accomplished however with some restraint and intelligence. The two new stanzas are anuvstubh, 5cd appearing ^ 10. 8. 14cd: in style they do not match the others. > Pdipp 4. 26 is RV 8. 91 with stt 3 and 4 in reverse order: in Id and e Ppp has sunavani, RV (and JB) sunavai: 3a karat kuvit, kuvit karat ; 6b tanvaiii pari, tanvarii mama ; 7c Ppp and RV putvy, 6 14. 1. 41c piitva. Pdipp 4. 28 shows only one variant from RV 1. 106, vajayan- tam for vajayann iha in 4b; in RV the verb with vajayann is imahe. Paipp ^5. 38 is RV 10. 136 with the addition of what may be an eighth stanza. Variants : 2d ayuksata, aviksata ; 3d pasyata, pasyatha ; 4b svar bhutavacakasat, visva rupava° ; 4d yatah, hitah; 5a indrasyasvo, vatasyasvo; 5d sadyas piirvam uti- param, yas ca purva utapara^; 6b devanaih, mrganaih; 6c munis ° sariividvan, kesi ° vidvant; 7c munir, kesi. With'4ab cf. S 6. 80. 1 where ^ has visva bhutava° : Ppp svar is confirmed by its version of g 6. 80. 1 on f. 247b where it has svar bhuta vyacacalat. ^ PaiippaMda and Bigveda 3 m Pdipp 5. 39 is RV 10. 126 with stt 4 and 6 interchanged. Variants : 2d nethatha", netha ca ; 5d adityam, agnim ; 7b voca- tives, nominatives ; 7c priyah, priye. / For st 3 Ppp has ttan no tanii yuyamf utaye varuna mitraryaman | nayistha no nesani stha parsisthas parsino ati dvisah; RV has te nunarii no 'yam iitaye varuno mitro aryama | nayistha u no nesani parsistha u nah parsany ati dvisah. It may be that in 2d Ppp has no vari- ant, but in st 3 there is a clear attempt to reshape the RV form. Pdipp 6. 17 is RV 1. 19 with one stanza, possibly two, added. The Ppp ms gives clearly enough the 9 stanzas of RV 1. 19, interchanging stt 4 and 5 and also the similar padas 7b and 8b ; then it has a yantu maruto ganai stuta dadhatu no rayirh | a tva kanvahusata grnamtu vipra te dhiyah marudbhir agna a gahi. If now we may suppose that 'marudbhi' has fallen out after rayirii we could read two gayatri stanzas at the end of this hymn each with the refrain as in the first nine, — ^the first of these a new stanza, the next RV 1. 14. 2 with devebhir replaced by "marudbhir. The hymn would thus be wholly symmetrical with 11 stanzas; it may be significant that Ppp 6. 16 (= RV 1. 187) has eleven stanzas. It seems to me then that for its 6. 17 Ppp has added two stanzas to RV 1. 19, the second of the added stanzas being itself in RV. Pdipp 8. 14 is RV 1. 95. In 2b Ppp vibhrtam, RV vibhrtram (TB vibhartram) ; 3a prati, pari; in 4b Ppp ms has matffi ja°, RV matrr; in 6cd °ayunjanti for RV °anjanti may be a real variant, an attempt to correct a supposed lack of rhythm; in 9a Ppp etu, RV eti. In 11a Ppp ms has ghrnano RV vrdhano ; if it must be emended grnano would be simplest. The only sig- nificant variation here would seem to be in 6d. Considering now the hymns so far reported there is ground for saying that Ppp has handled this material with restraint: this may be due to the nature of the hymns, which belong to the later RV groups, but the striking thing is how much the Ppp versions resemble the RV hymns, not how greatly they differ. (B.) Report must be made of some scattered stanzas and padas. PMpp 3. 56^ along with new stanzas (1 and 4) has RV 1. 102. 4, 6, 9, 10. In 2a Ppp has jayasi na parajayasai, RV jigetha na dhana rurbdhitha ; in 2cd ° sisimahe sa tvaih na indra havanesu mrda, ° sisimasy atha na ° ° codaya ; in 3a sa sam akrat^yat, amitakratuh simah; Ppp 3d ^ its 2d, RV atha jana vi hvayante sisavah; in 5a Ppp jayema tvaya yuja vrta vrdho, RV (and ^ 7. 50. 4) ° yuja vrtam ; in 5c Ppp and RV varivas, ^ variyas ; 4 LeBoy Carr Barret 6a Ppp sam arabhe, RV havamahe; 6d indra karasi, indrah krnotu. This is probably a vihava prayer, wherein the stanzas which appear also in RV have been considerably modulated to the Atharvan purpose. . Four separate hymns of Ppp contain noteworthy pickmgs from the material in RV 1. 191: Ppp 4. 16, against ghrana, handles about one third of the padas of RV stt 1-7, its st 3 bemg a close parallel to RV st 2 ; 4. 17. 5-7 are fairly close to 1. 191. 15, 14, 13 ; 4. 19. 1-3 are fairly close to 1. 191. 11, 10, 12 ; 5. 3. 1-3 have some echoes of 1. 191. 7-9. Ppp uses RV st 13 at the end of its hymns 3. 9, 4. 17, and 4. 19, giving only the pratika the second and third times. The distribution of this material in Ppp is striking ; also its associations there. Faipp 5. 9. 4cd and 6. 8. 6cd are adaptations of RV 10. 155. 2cd ; Ppp 6. 8. 7 is RV 10. 155. 3 reading in b madhye for pare, and in d yahi for gacha. Paipp 7. 3. lab is RV 6. 48. 7ab.with tigmebhir (arcibhir) for brhadbhir. Paipp 7. 3. 6cd is RV 10. 85. 31cd and ^ 14. 2. lOcd without variant. Paipp 7. 11 begins with ^ 3. 21. 10 ; stt 2-6 contain some padas. appearing also in RV 10. 162. 3, 4, and 6 (^ 20. 96) and MG 2. 18. 2 ; the last 3 stanzas are new. Certain other single RV padas appear, worked into stanzas of the Paipp, but they do not seem to offer any definite testi- mony for this study : they are Ppp 1. 54. la ; 1. 95. 4d ; 7. 6. Id, 8d ; 7. 13. 2b ; 7. 18. 4b ; 8. 20. 9d. Of the material in this sub-group that of Ppp 3. 36 seems to show the closest relation to the RV as we know it : much of the rest, belonging to lowly Atharvan ranges, might be regarded as taken into the two collections from a comjnon store and worked up independently. II. Material in Paipp, RV, and other collections, hut not in B. (A.) Paipp 1. 109 is RV 6. 74, also in MS 4. 11. 2 ; stt 1, 3, 4 are in KS 11. 12 ; stt 1 and 2 in TS 1. 8. 22. 5 and they constitute 6 7. 42. The stanzas which in Ppp are 1, 2, 3, 4 are in RV 2^4, 1, 3 and in MS 3, 4, 2, 1. Ppp Ic is nearly TS 1. 4. 45. Ic; Id agrees with TS 1. 8. 22. 5 and S, and with verb in 2d person appears in RV 1. 24. 9, TS 1. 4. 45. 1, MS 1. 3. 39, KS 4. 13. Ppp st 2 varies from the RV version only in c, duritavadyat for varunasya pasat; cd is very different in MS. Ppp 3ab is very close to ab as in RV, MS, and KS ; c is new and d is a variaat \ Pdippaldda and Bigveda 5 of d in the MS stanza corresponding to Ppp st 2, having jetvani for MS samtamani. Ppp st 4 has a number of verbal variants without difference of meaning or intent. This group of stanzas is handled freely in Ppp yet its version is perhaps a little closer to that of RY than to that of ,MS. The material was familiar in various quarters, and was evidently in a somewhat fluid state. Pdipp 2. 41 occurs RV 10. 159 and ApMB 1. 16, but Ppp has 5 stanzas, the others 6. Variants: Ic Ppp tenaham, others aharii tad; 2b visadani, vivacani; 2d upacarat, upacaret; 3d Ppp ms patyar, RV patyau, ApMB patyur ; 4ab original in Ppp but resembling the others; 4c Ppp and RV idarii tad, ApMB aharii tad; 5cd Ppp musnamy anyasarii bhagarii varco °, RV avrksam ° ° radho °, ApMB avitsi sarvasarii radho varco °. Paipp has reduced the number of stanzas to its norm for Bk 2 and introduced some original readings ; otherwise it is slightly more in agreement with RV. Pdipp '6. 16 appears RV 1. 187 and KS 40. 8 : RV and KS agree save in 7a ; Ppp has reversed the order of their stt 8 and 9. In Id Ppp has viparyamardayat, others (also VS and N) viparvam ardayat; 3a a gahi, a cara; 3d edhi nah, advayah; 6a yat te, tve; 7a adas (KS thus), ado; 7c madhupito, madho pito ; 7d gamyarii, gamyah ; 9b balirii sam, parinsam. The Ppp variants in Id, 3d, and 9b seem surely to result from attempts to avoid more difficult readings: and so may fall somewhat under suspicion. Pdipp 8. 13 is RV 4. 58, appearing also VS 17. 89-99 and KS 40. 7: all the stanzas occur in ApS but not together. In 3a Ppp ms has srngas, and GB 1. 2. 16, perhaps following Ppp,^ has §rngas ; all others correctly srnga. In 4a Ppp has hi kam, others hitam; 6b suyamanah, puyamanah. In 7b Ppp ms has bhin- danty which might stand tho all others have bhindann ; 8a pr^- vante, pravanta; 8b nasante, nasanta; 9a abhicakasiti, abhica- kasimi ; 10a Ppp and others arsata, ^ 7. 82. la areata ; lOd Ppp and others pavante, 6 pavantam:, lie Ppp anikat samithad, others anike samithe. In stt 7, 9, and 11 Ppp seems to attempt more obvious readings and in st 10 its agreement with the others against S is significant. Looking at these four hymns we note that Ppp 1. 109 is a rather original version of material which RV and MS present in a somewhat patched-up form; there is no clear evidence of interdependence. In the other three hymns Ppp shows in the ^Both, Der AV in Kaschmir, p. 23. 6 LeRoy Carr Barret ^ main only characteristically Atharvan modifications ; and par- ticularly in the last two it would seem fair to say that the agree- ment with RV is more striking than the variations from it, but it must be noted that for these two hymns RV and Kb have identical texts. (B.) Some scattered stanzas must be reported. Taivv 1' 53, 2 appears also TS 5. 7. 4. 3 : pada a occurs RV 10. 82. 2b, and in several Yajus texts. Paipp 1. 65 has 2 new stanzas followed by 2 which Kaus. quotes in the Ppp form : these are adaptations of RV 10. 97. 20 and 14,^which hymn occurs also VS 12. 77ff. and TS 4. 2. 6. Ppp 3d and 4cd are original ; in st 3 it speaks of one plant, the others of several, but Ppp shifts to the plural in st 4. Fdipp 2. 30 has for stt 1 and 2 RV 1. 89. 2 and 3 (= VS 25. 15 and 16) with only one variant; in Id Ppp ms has devanam ayus, RV and VS deva na, but MS 4. 14. 2 has deva na which probably should be read in Ppp. For st 3 Ppp has RV 10. 15. 2, reading in b ye 'parasas pary iyuh, RV ya uparasa lyuh, S 18. 1. 46 ye aparasa lyuh ; but in d Ppp and RV viksu, S diksu ; VS, TS, and MS agree with RV in this stanza, Ppp st 4 is new, st 5 occurs MS 4. 14. 17 ; TB 3. 7. 12. 2 ; TA 2. 3. 1. Pdipp 6. 3. 5cd is an adaptation of RV 6. 52. 15cd (also KS 13. 15) ; Ppp, in a hymn to the waters, has ta asmabhyarh stidayo visvam ayuh ksapa usra varivasyantu subhrah, RV and KS te asmabhyam isaye ° ° ° devah (Ppp ms has asmabhyam) . Pdipp 7. 3. 10 adapts RV 2. 33. l' (also in AB and TB) : in a Ppp reads a te pitar marutarii sumnam emi, RV etu; in b yuvathah, yuyothah; in d jayamahi ° prajaya, jayemahi ° prajabhih. Pdipp 7. 5. 9c gayasphanas pratarano vayodhah, RV 1. 91. 19c and others ° suvirah. Pdipp 7. 6 is similar in import to ^ 3. 12 : its last stanza is RV 7. 54. 1 which occurs also in TS, MS, SMB, PG, and ApMB. In c Ppp has prati nas taj jusasva, others prati tan no; for d Ppp catuspado dvipada a vesayeha {— ^ 13. 1. 2d) ;, Kaus. 43. 13 quotes the Ppp form of the stanza. In using these smaller bits of material Ppp shows some free- dom of adaptation but in no case any ineptitude ; in 2. 30. Id there seems to be an agreement of Ppp and MS against RV and VS. Pdippaldda and Bigveda 7 III. Material in Pdipp, BV, ^, and other collections. (A.) Paipp4. 1 corresponds to RV 10. 121 and ^ 4. 2; TS, MS and KS also have versions. A full report of variants is not needed here; see Whitney's Translation for details. Compari- son of stanza order : Ppp 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. RV 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 4, 7, - 8, 9, 10. g 1, 1, 2, 4, 3, 5, 6, 8. All versions save ^ have the same opening stanza; yet Ppp st 8 appears only in the two AV versions: the Yajus-texts give only 8 stanzas. In KS the order of stanzas is almost that of Ppp, reversing stt 2 and 3. Ppp st 2 appears in ^ as lab and 2cd, Ppp st 3 as 2ab and led; the other texts all give these stanzas as in Ppp. In 4ab Ppp agrees with RV, S differs greatly and is poor : Ppp 4e has the form given by MS and KS, occur- ring also RV 2. 12. 2c. Ppp stt 5 and 6 agree rather closely with MS and KS ; Ppp st 7 is really new but resembles a stanza in the Yajus-texts; for pada d it has, not the refrain, but ekasthune vimite drdha ugre. In st 8 (also lacking refrain) Ppp puts garbham in a and vatsam in b ; following st 8 Ppp has what might be a 9th stanza, thd I think not. The Ppp version of this hymn has its own peculiarities, ' and except for the presence of st 8 it is closer to RV than to ^ ; its most striking agreements are with MS and KS which have ver- sions rather worse than that of TS but not as bad as that of ^. Pdipp 4. 7 corresponds to RV 10. 163, ApMB 1. 17, and ^ 2. 33.^ A table will compare the structure of the versions : Ppp 1; 2; 3ab 3cd; 4ab 4cd; 5 ; 6; 7ab 7cd. RV 1; 2; - 3cd; Sab - ; - ; 4; 6ab -. g 1; 2; 3 ; 4ab 6cd; 6ab 4cd; 5; 7ab 7ce. RV and ApMB are practically identical, having 6 stanzas, the AV versions have 7. At the end of each stanza Ppp has vi vrhamasi, RV vi vrhami te, ^ agreeing with RV in ld-6d but with Ppp in 7e. This hymn being little more than a list of parts of the body offers abundant chance for verbal variants : in gen- eral arrangement the AV versions are not greatly divergent but in details Ppp is rather original. In lb Ppp asyad uta, RV and S chubukad adhi; Id lalatad, jihvaya; 2d urasto, bahubhyaih. In 4b Ppp and ^ have udarad, RV hrdayad; in 4 and 5 Ppp ^ Oldenberg 's Prolegomena, p. 243. 8 LeBoy Carr Barret varies considerably from the wording of ^ ; in 6c it reads with 6 but omits the superfluous bhasadam; in Tab it is nearer to HY, but for Ted has exactly g Tee. The independence of Ppp is evident, yet its version clearly belongs in the AV tradition. Pdipp 4. 29 which appears also RV 1. 9T, ^ 4. 33 and TA 6. 11. 1, seems to have only one variant; in 8a it has navaya with RV and TA, ^ nava. Paipp 4. 31 appears RV T. 41 and 6 3. 16 ; also in VS, TB, and ApMB. In Id Ppp and the others have huvema, 6 hava- mahe. In 4c Ppp ms has utodite maghat surye, edited utoditau maghavant surye; better would be utodite: § utoditau, others utodita. In 5a Ppp ms has devas with other texts against ^ devas (Ppp edition should give devas) : in 5c RV and VS have johaviti, Ppp and all others johavimi; in 6a Ppp 'namantu, others namanta ; 6c Ppp and others no, ^ me : Tc Ppp pravina, RV, VS, and ^ prapita, TB and ApMB prapina. Here Ppp tends strongly to agreement with RV and others against S ; in 3 padas it seems to have original readings. Paipp 5. 4 contains the 9 stanzas of RV 10. 128 (TS 4. T. 14) ; S 5. 3 corresponds but has 11 stanzas; to make up its 14 stanzas Ppp adds as its st 9 a stanza occurring TB 2. 4. 3. 2, as its st 11 RV 6. 4T. 11 (^ T. 86. 1), for its st 13 a new one. The order of stanzas may be compared thus: Ppp 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, T, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14. RV 1,6,2,4,3,5,8,T,- -,—,— —, 9. TS 1,6,2,4,3,5,8,T,- 10,— — ,—, 9. g 1,2,3,4,5,6,8,9,-11,—, T, — , 10. Ppp st 10 is RVKh 10. 128. 1 ; it may be significant that Ppp has as its last stanza the last stanza of the RV version. Ppp gives the 5th stanza of the RV version as in RV and TS ; but ^ expands it into two (the table does not indicate this). In 3d Ppp, RV, and TS kame asmin, 6 kamayasmai ; Tb Ppp and RV puruksuh, l§ and TS puruksu; 14d Ppp, RV, VS, TS, KS akran, 6 akrata. But in 2bc Ppp agrees closely with ^, also in 4a and d, 5d, 6b, Ta, 8b and d, and 14c. In structure Ppp shows here in general a closer contact with the versions given in RV and TS, but in verbal 'variants it is more often in accord with l§. Taking Ppp and g together Oldenberg's observation* seems still to hold: So tritt durch das ganze Sukta den Abweichungen von T der A-Text, denen von A der T-Text entgegen. ^Prolegomena, p. 326. y Pdippaldda and Bigveda 9 Pdipp 7. 4 is the apratiratha hymn ^ 19. 13, appearing RV 10. 103, also in SV, VS, TS, MS, and KS. The stanza order is identical in the two AV versions where the hymn begins with a stanza which does not appear in RV, and stt 10, 12, 13 of BV are lacking; the AV collections use these stanzas elsewhere (Ppp 1. 56, 6 3. 19).^ The agreement of Ppp and ^ as to the order of stanzas in this is important; noteworthy also is the almost complete verbal agreement of the two against KV. In 4d Ppp has iirdhvadhanva as in TS, MS, and KS ; RV and ^ ugradhanva: in 6b Ppp alone reads satvano. The evidently intimate connection between AVP and AV^ in regard to this hymn may be cited in support of Roth's suggest tion^ that much of 6 Bk 19 is culled from Ppp. (B.) Some scattered material is now reported. Pdipp 1, 12 is S 2. 28 ; for Ic the AV versions have a variant of a pada which occurs RV 6. 75. 4b, also in VS, TS, and MS. Pdipp 1. 20 corresponds to S 1. 19;^ st 4ab is a hemistich which occurs ^ 6. 15. 2ab and 6. 54. 3ab ; st 4cd is ^ 1. 19. 4cd and RV 6. 75. 19cd (SV 2. 1222) without variant. Pdipp 1. 25 is S 1. 33 ; st 2ab appears without variant as RV 7. 49. 3ab, also in TS, MS, and ApMB. Pdipp 1. 28 is S 1. 22, and the last stanza occurs also RV 1. 50. 12, TB 3. 7. 6. 22, and Apg 4. 15. 1 : in a Ppp has sukesu with RV, JTB and Ap^, 6 sukesu ; but in a and d Ppp has te with S, others me. Pdipp 1. 30 corresponds to 6 19. 52: st lab occurs RV 10. 129. 4, also in TB, TA, and NrpU. Ppp, 6 and NrpU have in a kamas tad agre sam avartata, others sam avartatadhi. But in 2b Ppp and RV 10. 91. Id have susakha sakhiyate, S sakha a sakhiyate. Pdipp 1. 53 has four stanzas which are grouped together in TS 5. 7. 4. 3 : the ms then has anyais ca followed by RV 10. 191. 3 which corresponds to ^ 6. 64. 2 (also in MS and TB) ; in Ppp the stanza agrees exactly with RV. In Bk 19 (f 242b) Ppp .has 6 6. 64 but presents only 2 stanzas omitting, perhaps by accident, S 2d and 3abc: it then has 'cany at pustake' followed by RV 10. 191. 3. It would seem that the RV form of this stanza was strongly in the mind of the^Ppp redactor. Pdipp 1. 56 contains RV 10. 10^. 13 and 10, and RV 6. 75. 16 : much of this material appears differently arranged in ^ 3. 19. ^-2>. The 3 RV stanzas appear also SV 2. 1212, 1208, 1213 ; VS " See below on this page. "Der AV in Kaschmir, p. 18. 10 LeBoy Carr Barret 17. 46, 42, 45 ; TS 4. 6. 4. 4. The stanza order and structure is compared thus: Ppp lab cd EV 13ac bd g Tab — 2a b c d 10a b c d 6a - - b 3 6cdef 4. 16. 8abce. For 2a Ppp has ud dharsantam maghavann ayudhani, RV ud dharsaya ° °, S ud dharsantam maghavan vajinani: Ppp begins 2c ud dharsantam, EV and others (^ omits) ud vrtrahan: in 2d Ppp and 6 begin ud viranam, others ud rathanaih: Ppp and S begin 4c jayamitran, others gachamitran: in 4d Ppp and others have mamlsaiii kaiii canoe chisah, S mamisaiii moei kas cana. In structure Ppp clearly runs with EV and the Yajus- texts, but it is noteworthy how its words agree now with EV now with S. Pdipp 1. 77 can be restored only in part owing to mutilation of the ms : what is given is ^ 7. 84. 2 and 3, EV 10. 180. 3 and 2, TS 1. 6. 12. 4, KS 8. 16. In Ic Ppp and others amitrayan- tam, ^ amitrayantam. It is to be noted that ^ 7. 84. 1 occurs in Ppp 3. 33^?7hich corresponds to S 2. 6 ; along with the 5 stanzas of ^ 2. 6 Ppp has S 7. 84. 1 and 7. 82. 3, and gives its stanzas exactly in the order in which they occur in VS 27, TS 4. 1. 7. 3, MS 2. 12. 15, KS 18. 16. It is probable then that Ppp 1. 77 did not contain g 7. 84. 1. Paipp 1. 83 is mutilated but it is clear that in 2c Ppp has daksayanahiranyam with EVKh 10. 128. 8, against ^ 1. 35. 2 and'VS 34. 51.' Pdipp 1. 93. 2c is a pada which should be edited to agree with EV 10. 90. 2c, ArS 4. 6c and VS 31. 2c, etc. ; it has isano, § 19. 6. 4c has isvaro. ' Pdipp 1. 110 has only the first 4 stanzas of 6 19. 58 ; the 4th stanza occurs also EV 10. 101. 8; KS 38. 13; Ap^ 16. 14. 5. In b Ppp and ^ have varma, others varma. Pdipp 2. 9. 5 (reappears with variants as 5. 11. 6 and 8. 10. 11) may be compared with EV 10. 184. 2 ; SMB 1. 4. 7 ; ApMB 1. 12. 2; § 3. 25. 3. In 2. 9. 5c (wrongly edited) ajid 8. 10. lie Ppp has ° asvinobha as in § ; in 5. 11. 6c it has ° asvinau deva, and the ms in the margin below 8. 10. 11 rewrites the stanza with ° asvinau devau : EV, SMB, and ApMB have ° devau. Pdipp 2. 22 corresponds to § 3. 17 : Ppp stt 1, 2, and 5 which are 2, 1, and 4 in ^, appear EV 10. 101. 3 and 4, and 4. 57. 7 ; MS 2. 7. 12 has all the stanzas of the Ppp version except st 5. In lb Ppp krte ksetre, others krte yonau ; Ic Ppp and ^ virajah, Pdippaldda and Rigveda 11 •X others gira ca. In 2c Ppp seems to agree with 6 sumnayau, K.V sumnaya; Ppp unlike the others adds a 4th pada. In 5b Ppp piisa mahyaih raksatu, RV ptisanu yachatu, 6 ptisabhi raksatu. In these stanzas Ppp goes its own way, yet shows some striking verbal agreements with ^. Pdipp 2. 32. 5 is ^ 19. 62 without variant: a similar stanza is RVKh 10. 128. 11, which appears with slight variants also HG 1. 10. 6 and ApMB 2. 8. 4. Pdipp 2. 7 0.^5 a is a variant of S 1. 2. 2a jyake pari no nama ; Ppp ms has vicite for jyake, and in view of RV 6. 75. 12 (also in VS, TS, MS) rjite pari vrndhi nah with its variant vrjite in KSA 6. la, the probable reading for Ppp seems to be vrjite. Pdipp 2. 74: corresponds to S 3. 3 ; st 1 is adapted, probably with corruptions, from RV 6. 11. 4 (MS 4. 14. 15) to which Ppp is nearer than is S : Ppp cd amuih naya namasa ratahavyaih yunjanti supra jasarii panca janah, RV ayuih na yam ratahavya aiijanti suprayasam °, 6 yunjanti tva maruto visvavedasa amurii naya ° °. Pdipp .9. 5 is g 3. 2: the last 2 stanzas occur RV 10. 103. 12 and RVKh 10. 103. 1, also SV 2. 1211 and 1210 and VS 17. 44 and 47. In st 5 Ppp and 6 agree against the others : in 6b Ppp asman abhy ety, RV abhyaiti na °, S asman aity abhy; in 6c Ppp and others guhata, S vidhyata ; in 6d Ppp and 6 yathaisam, RV yathanusam. * Pdipp 5. i<2 is § 3. 21 ; st 6ab occurs RV 8. 43. llab, also in TS, MS, and KS. Pdipp 3. 35 is S 19. 15 : the 1st stanza Occurs RV 8. 61. 13 (also SV, PB, TB, TA, MahanU and Ap^) without variant, tho Ppp ms has tvaih na in c for tan na of the others, and also writes maghavan as in ^, SV, PB and TB. St 4 is RV 6. 47. 8 and TB 2. 7. 13. 3 ; Ppp and 6 have in c ugra, others rsva, in d Ppp and S ksiyema, others stheyama. Here again the agree- ment of Ppp and S is noteworthy. Pdipp 4. <2 is ^ 4. 8 : st 3 occurs RV 3. 38. 4, VS 33. 28 and KS 37. 9; with them Ppp reads in b sriyas, § sriyam. In c Ppp ms has visnor, which is read by the commentator on ^ and a couple of SPP's mss. Pdipp 6. 3 J a hymn to the waters, has for its st 4 RV 10. 17. 10, i 6. 51. 2 (also in VS, TS, MS, KS). In a Ppp, 6, MS, and KS sudayantu, RV and VS sundhayantu; in c Ppp and MS °vahantu, others °vahanti; in d the Ppp ms has a putay emi which von Schroeder gives as the reading of two of his mss and the Kapisth S. 12 LeBoy Carr Barret Pdipp 6. 20 is ^ 19. 47 : st 1 occurs also RVKk 10. 127. 1 and VS 34. 32 without variant : st 3 is RVKh 10. 127. 2 and SS 9. 28. 10, both of these having yuktaso in b where Ppp and S have drastaro ; but in c Ppp reads saatv with them, ^ santy. Paipp 7. 12. 3 and 10 appear RV 10. 145. 3 and 1, and S 3. 18. 4 and 1, ApMB 1. 15. 'Ppp has for st 3 uttaraham uttara- bhya uttared adharabhyah | adhas sapatni fsamakty adhared adharabhyah: others uttaraham uttara uttared uttarabhyah | adhah sapatni ya mamadhara sadharabhyah. Ppp uses the first stanza of the other versions for its last, with a variant of their 2d for its pada d ; Ppp krnute kevalam patim, others patirii me kevalarii kuru (S krdhi). / Paipp 8. ^ is ^ 4. 9 with additions : st 11 occurs also RV 10. 97. 12 and VS 12. 86. In a Ppp and ^ have anjana prasarpasi, others osadhih prasarpatha, and consequently they have in c badhadhva (ugro °) where ^ has badhasa ° ; but Ppp ms reads badhadhvam showing probably some influence of the RV form. In c Ppp has tasmad, others tato. For its last stanza Ppp has g st 7 ; padas cd of this occur RV 10. 97. 4 and VS 12. 78, and in c Ppp with the others has vasa, 6 aham. The following padas also belong in this section: Ppp 1. 21. 3c; 1. 99. Id; 2. 5. 4b; 7. 7. 3d; 7. 10. Id, 6c. Reviewing this chapter it may reasonably be said that as regards the arrangement of the stanzas of its hymns Ppp tends to agree with RV, and more particularly with Yajus-texts, rather than with S; in wording it is rather often unique, it y^ends to agree with RV in giving readings better tjian § gives, but when it is a matter of modulation to distinctly Atharvan tone and purpose it is more likely to agree with. ^. IV. Material in Ppp, BY, and^. (A.) Pdipp 1. 11 corresponds to RV 10. 174 and § 1. 29; RV st 4 and S st 4 are omitted.'^ Stanza order compared thus : Ppp 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. RV 1, 2, 3, -, 5. 6 1, 2, 3, 5, 6. It will be sufficient to note only the following variants. In la Ppp and ^ manina, RV havisa; lb Ppp and RV abhivavrte, ^ abhivavrdhe; 2d Ppp and ^ durasyati, RV irasyati; 5c Ppp and ^ viranam, RV bhutanam. Ppp agrees throughout in giv- ^ Oldenberg Prolegomena, p. 243f. Pdippaldda and Bigveda 13 • ing forms of vrt + abhi, except possibly in '3b ; but note its manina and viranam. mipp 1. 62 is RV 10. 161. 1-4 (^ 20. 96. 6-9) and S 3. 11. 1-4. For Ic Ppp has a new pada, and begins Id tata' ° : in 3a Ppp and 6 sataviryena, RV satasaradena ; in 3c Ppp and 6 indro yathainam, RV satam yathemam; for 4c Ppp gives the better reading of RV, but gives 4d as in ^. Ppp and RV agree on tbe unity of these 4 stanzas tho RV adds a 5th to make up its 10. 161; this agreement is emphasized by the fact that Ppp 1. 61 is made up out of the material of S 3. 11. 5-8 plus ^ 7. 53. 5. Paipp 2. 88 is RV 10. 152 ; in ^ the stanzas are 1. 20. 4 and 1. 21. 1-4 : stt 1-3 of 6 1. 20 occur in Ppp Bk 19. While Ppp and RV clearly agree on the structure of the hymn (it stands in Ppp Bk 2 whose norm is 5 stt) its verbal agreements are rather with S except that in lb Ppp reads with RV amitrakhado adbhutah, 6 amitrasaho astrtah; in 5d Ppp and RV yavaya, ^ yavaya, but this might easily be a miswriting in Ppp. Paipp 3. 34 is 6 3. 20 ; st 1 is RV 3. 29. 10, the next 6 are RV 10. 141. Comparison of stanza order is thus : Ppp 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. RV 10, 1, 2, 5, 3, 4, 6, -, -, — . g 1,2,3,7,4,6,5,8,9,10. The last 2 stanzas appear only in AV, all the others occur scat- tered in Yajus-texts.® In the Ppp ms after st 1 appears what seems to be 3 pratikas, the first of which occurs TS 1. 7. 13. 4 : they do not seem to be a part of the hymn but they indicate a cleavage after st 1. Ppp and S agree against RV as follows : Ic roha, sida ; Id rayim, girah; 2c visaih, vis^s; 3d rayirii ° dadhatu, rayo ° dadatu.^ But in 3d Ppp and RV have nah, ^ me; in 7c Ppp gives the better reading of RV, devatataye, for ^ deva datave. Except in 7c the agreement of Ppp and ^ is marked. Paipp 4. 12 occurs RV 10. 84 and ^ 4. 31, with the same stanza order. In lb Ppp ms gives rsamanaso^ rsada suggesting the form of RV or TB rather than that of S ; in Ic Ppp alone has tiksnesava; in Id Ppp and TB yanti, RV and !§ yantu. In stt^ 2 and 3 Ppp variants are original, save that it agrees with ^ in 3d nayasa ekaja, RV nayasa ° ; in 4a Ppp (ms idatas) may agree with RV iditah rather than ^ idita; 4d Ppp and RV krninahe, 6 krnmasi ; 6a Ppp sahasa, others sahaja ; 6b Ppp and * Cf . Whitney ^s Translation. 14 LeRoy Carr Barret RV abhibhuta, ^- sahabhuta; 7b Ppp ms dattam vaninas ca manyo (emended varuna) varies from each of the others; of Ppp is new. The most important variants of Ppp here are original, but it has one important agreement with RV m bb. Puipp 4. 32 is RV 10. 83 and 6 4. 32; stanza order the same in all. In Ic Ppp and 6 have redundant vayam, R V omits it ; Id Ppp mahiyasa, RV and S sahasvata ; 2c Ppp ms has manyur as in ^, RV and others correctly manyum; 3b Ppp jahiha, others jahi; 4c Ppp and S sahiyan, RV sahavan; 5d Ppp and g baladava na ehi, RV baladeyaya mehi ; 6a Ppp and RV upa mehy, ^ upa na ehy ; 6b Ppp upa na a, RV abhi mam a, S abhi na a ; 7a Ppp and ^ bhava no, RV bhava me ; in 7bcd RV and ^ agree against Ppp. The agreement of Ppp and RV in 6a is striking: more striking, perhaps, are the agreements of RV and 6. Pdipp 5. 18 corresponds to RV 10. 137 and 6 4. 13, but has 2 more stanzas. Stanza order is compared thus : Ppp 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9. RV 1, 4, 2, 3, 5, - - 7, 6. g 1, 5, 2, 3, 4, -, 6, 7, -. Paipp st 7 is RV 10. 60. 12 ; for st 9 see ^ 6. 91. 3 and Ppp 3. 2. 7. It will be noted that 6 substitutes RV 10. 62. 12 for RV 10. 137. 6 ; Ppp does the same but uses RV 10. 137. 6 as its last stanza. The first 5 stanzas seem to be a basic group which the three collections have extended each in its own way. In st 1 Ppp has original readings: in a ud dharatha for un nayatha, in c uto manusyarii tarn for utagas cakrusam, in d daivas krnuta jivase (cf RV 8. 67. 17c) for deva jivayatha punah; its 2d is somewhat original; in 5d Ppp agado 'sati, others arapa asat; in 8c Ppp saihbhubhyaih, RV tva, S hasta- bhyam. Ppp and RV agree against S only in 3d paranyo for vy anyo, 4c~°bhesajo for °bhesaja. Ppp and ^ agree against RV in 5a imam for iha, 8d tvabhi mrsamasi for tvopa sprsamasi, 9c visvasya for sarvasya.^ Faipp 6. 1 occurs RV 10. 120 (g 20. 107. 4-12) and 6 5. 2. Ppp and RV have same stanza order, ^ 5. 2 reverses stt 6 and 7. In Id Ppp agrees with RV, SV, VS, AA; 2d Ppp sarii te navantah piprta madesu, all others navanta prabhrta; 3a Ppp and others vrnjanti visve, ^ prncanti bhuri; 4b Ppp ranarii- ranaih, RV made-made, ^ rane-rane; 4d Ppp dureva yatu- dhanah, RV yatudhana durevah, S durevasah kasakah; Ppp st " Tu the edition of Bk 5 9d should read tas te ° °. Pdippaldda and Bigveda 15 6 agrees with RV st 6 in contrast to the irregularities of ^ st 7; in 7e Ppp ms has a matara sthapayase jighantva, RV a matara sthapayase jigatnii, § a sthapayata mataram jigatnnm; in st 9 Ppp and RV agree, for it is very likely that mam in the Ppp ms is for mahan, and its yavasa for savasa, tho vayasa might be considered. The agreement of Ppp and RV is marked ; the original reading of Ppp in 2d might be due to a rather late emendation. ' (B.) Some scattered stanzas are now reported. Pdipp 1. 51. 4 appears RV 1. 31. 16, and the first two padas 6 3. 15. 4ab (a st of 6 padas) ; these padas do not fit well into S 3. 15. Ppp uses the stanza more appropriately, agreeing with RV in b except that it has at the end of b duram as in S (and Lg 3. 2. 7) for RV dtirat. Pdipp 1. 111. 1 appears RV 10. 60. 11 and ^ 6. 91. 2; in a Ppp and S vato vati, RV vato 'va vati; Ppp d nyag bhavatu te visam, RV and 6 ° rapah. St 2 of this same hymn is an adaptation of RV 1. 191. 4 and ^ 6. 52. 2 : pada a is the same in all, Ppp b is corrupt but clearly differs from the others which agree; for c Ppp and ^ ny urmayo nadinam, RV ni ketavo jananam; Ppp d ny ucchusma rasanam, RV and ^ ny adrsta alipsata. The stanza appears in Ppp Bk 19 (f 242b) in the Ppp version of S 6. 52 : there it agrees with RV except ayaksata for aviksata. Further note that the first hemistich as in RV and S is Ppp 4. 16. 7ab (see above p. 4). In Ppp 1. Ill the stanza has been modified to suit the import of the hymn which is against snake-poison. Pdipp ^. 5 is S 2. 12 : st 6 occurs also RV 6. 52. 2. In a Ppp and ^ ativa, RV ati va; in b Ppp and ^ nindisat kriyamanam, RV kriyamanam ninitsat; ~in d Ppp and RV abhi tarn socatu dyauh, ^ dyaur abhisaihtapati. Ppp 2. 5. 8cd (= ^ 2. 12. 7cd) are reminiscent of RV 10. 14. 13 cd. Pdipp 2. 6. led reads idaih dhenur aduhaj jayamanas svarvido abhy anuktir virat : ^ 2. 1. 1 has prsnir in c and in d abhyanu- sata vrah; RV 10. 51. 19d is idaih dhenur aduhaj jayamana, of which Ppp is at least reminiscent. For st 3 of this hymn Ppp uses a stanza which appears VS 32. 10; TA 10. 1. 4; MahanU 2. 5 ; in d it hsis samane dhamany, ^ samane yonav, others trtiye dhamany: cf RV 10. 82. 3. Pdipp 2. 33. 2cd is reminiscent of RV 10. 145. 6ce which is also S 3. 18. 6ce. Pdipp 2. 37. 2 (repetition as 3. 30. 1 is indicated by pratika) 16 LeEoy Carr Barret is given in the form which appears ^ 19. 51, 1; ^ 6. 46. 3 varies only in d, having dvisate for apriye, and RV 8. 47. 17d has aptye; EV also has saiimayamasi in b, AV "nayanti; and RV adds two padas. Pdipp 3. 1 is ^ 3. 4: with an 8th stanza whose 2d hemistich is RV 10. 173. 6cd (Ppp atra in c, RV atho) ; § 7. 94 has the entire RV stanza but reads in c yatha na ° for atho ta °, in d saih- manasas for balihrtas. Pdipp 3. 2 is ^3. 7 with g st 5 at the end: Ppp and ^ have the same pada d tas tva muiicantu ksetriyat. In Ppp 5. 18 (^ 4. 13 and RV 10. 137) this stanza occurs again, and again as the final stanza; and pada d then agrees exactly with RV and ^ 6. 91. 3d tas te krnvantu bhesajam (see above p. 14). Pdipp 3. 6 is ^ 3. 1 : st 4 occurs also RV 3. 30. 6 ; in a RV has pra su ta, S prasuta, and Ppp might be either as it has no accents; in b Ppp yahi, others etu; for d Ppp visvam vistam krnuhi satyam esam, RV visvam satyaih ° vistam astu, 6 visvak satyaih ° cittam esam. Pdipp 4. 6 is ^ 4c. 5; stt 1, 3, 5, 6, 7 of AV are RV 7. 55. 7, 8, 6, 5, and RVKh 7. 55. 1. In la Ppp has hiranyasrngo, RV and S sahasra° : 3a Ppp vahyesayas prosthesaya, RV prosthe- saya vahyesaya, ^ prosthesayas talpesaya ; 3b Ppp and RV narir yas talpasivarih, ^ ° ° vahyasivainh ; 5a Ppp ms and § yas carati, RV yas ca carati ; 5b Ppp and ^ yas ca tisthan vipasyati, RV yas ca pasyati no janah; 5c Ppp 'ksani, RV aksani, S aksini; 7a Ppp svapna svapnadhikaranena, RVKh svapnah svapnadhikarane, 6 svapna svapnabhikar^nena; 7c Ppp and ^ otsuryam, RVKh a suryam; 7d Ppp dvyusam caratad, RVKh dvyusaih jagriyad, S avyusam jagrtad ; 7e Ppp and RV 10. 166. 2b aksatah, 6 aksitah. Pdipp 5. 7 is g 4. 15; st lOcde appears RV 5. 83. 6bcd and S st lied and 12a; in c Ppp and 6 have pra pyayatam ° ° reto, RV pra pinvata ° ° dharah ; all agree in the other padas. Stt 12 and 13 of Ppp are 13 and 14 in g, and RV 7. 103. 1 and RVKh 7. 103. 1 : the only variant is that the khila has upapla^ vada for AV upapravada in pada a. Pdipp 6. 5 is ^ 5. 1 : st 6 of ^ is RV 10. 5. 6 but Ppp gives only padas ab and reads in b anekam for ekam of the others. Pdipp 6. 11 corresponds to ^ 5. 6 and like it seems to be only a group of disconnected stanzas: 6 st 3 occurs also RV 9. 73. 4 and Ppp using it as st 4 puts in as its st 3 RV 9. 73. 6. In 3a Ppp reads pari ye saiiibabhuvuh for RV adhy a ye sam- asvaran; in 3b slokavantas saumanasya for slokayantraso ra- x\ Pdippaldda and Bigveda 17 bhasya; in cd Ppp is defaced but possibly does not vary from RV. In 4a Ppp has sahasradharam abhi, RV sabasradhare 'va, S sahasradhara eva; Ppp has a clearer text, tho possibly not better; in c Ppp and S tasya, RV asya. Ppp st 5 corresponds to ^ st 4 and both have a debased form of RV 9. 110. 1, bnt Ppp reading cannot be restored with assurance; the ms reads divas tud arnavan niyase. Pdipp 7. 2 is ^ 5. 2S; Ppp st 7 uses for pada a ud asau suryo agat (= RV 10. 159. la; Si. 29. 5a) ; S has ut purastat surya eti (^ RV 1. 191. 8a) which has not appeared in Ppp thus far; but ud asau ° ° has appeared 3 times. In this section belong also Ppp 1. 7. 2b ; 5. 13. lb, 8c. Summary. To a large extent the' variations tell their own story. In regard to the entire hymns appearing only in Ppp and RV it may be said that in content they are not distinctly Atharvan — yet reasons for their inclusion in Ppp can be seen — and no strong effort was put forth to adapt them, for even the variants and the two stanzas added to RV 10. 168 do not seem to change the tone much. As RV hymns these are not among the worthi- est productions, but as AV hymns they by no means drop to the low levels of much AV material. The treatment of the material of ch. IB is freer, as would naturally be expected : espe- cially noteworthy is the handling of the stanzas of RV 1. 191, its composite structure being emphasized by the Ppp distribu- tion. Of the four entire hymns that appear in Ppp, RV and else- where except S, the first two are real Atharvan, the next two are not distinctly so and as in the hymns of ch. lA there was no strong effort made to adapt them : this may however be due to their presence in KS. The probable agreement of Ppp 2. 30. Id with MS seems to be important: indeed a study of the rela- tions of Ppp to MS and KS may yield more important results than those attained here. In ch. 3A several points stand out clearly: Ppp shows origi- nality both in structure and wording ; it shows agreements with RV, also with MS and KS, in regard to stanza order and in the combination of hemistichs into stanzas, e. g. the opening stanza of Ppp 4. 1 and the arrangement of hemistichs in 4. 1. 2 and 3 and in 5. 4. 6 ; but set off against these we note the presence of 4. 1. 8 only in Ppp and S, a closer agreement with l§ in the 18 LeEoy Carr Barret structure of Ppp 4. 1, and a stanza order in 5. 4 1-8 more like that of g than like that of RV and TS; Ppp has f^^ note- worthy agreements with RV and others, as m 4. 1. 4, 4. z\). », 4. 31. 1 and 5, and 5. 4. 3, but it has also verbal agreements with g no less striking, a^ in stt 4, 6, and 7 of 4. 7 and m several stanzas of 5. 4; and finally Ppp 7. 4 and ^ 19. 13^are m almost complete agreement. Eight hymns are reported in ch. 4A as being given as entire hymns only in Ppp, RV and ^; in two of them (1. 62 and 2. 88) the agreement of Ppp and RV as to structure is marked, m two others (1. 11 and 5. 18) Ppp agrees with RV not more than with, g; in 3. 34 Ppp and ^ agree exactly in structure, m 4. 12 and 4. 32 the three texts agree, and in 6. 1 the variation of § is probably not significant. In the matter of verbal variants Ppp offers some original readings, it shows agreements with RV some of which are better than the readings of S, e. g. in 1. 11,- 1. 62. 4c, 3. 34. 7c, 4. 12. 6b and particularly in 6. 1 ; yet it shows rather more agreements with ^ and some of these are poorer than RV, as in 4. 32. Ic and 2c. The material taken up in ch. 4B shows just the same diversity. This swing of Ppp from agreement with RV to agreement with 6 may be made clear in another way: Bloomfield in his book on the AV in Biihler's Grundriss discusses in § 43 the relation of § to RV and sets out a number of examples illustrating ' the constant removal of the Atharvan stanzas from the more archaic hieratic form and thought sphere to the plainer habits of speech and thought of the people'; Ppp Books 1-8 do not contain all his examples but when they do appear Ppp agrees. with RV in just about half of them. As summarizing the results of this study we may set down the following propositions which a fuller acquaintance with the Ppp will probably confirm: 1) the originality and independence of Ppp is rather more distinct and important than some of us may have realized hitherto; 2) the agreement of Ppp with RV (or Yajus texts) is more notable in regard to structure than in regard to words ; 3 ) Ppp does show some tendency to agree with RV against ^ in wording, having a considerable number of agreements with RV upon readings better than those of ^, but this is balanced by an almost equal number of agreements with poorer readings of §; 4) it will probably become quite clear that most of the hymns of ^ Bk 19 are drawn from Ppp. Hartford, Connecticut. ON THE LITHUANIAN WORD-STOCK AS INDO- EUROPEAN MATERIAL Harold Herman Bender Professor of Indo-Germanic Philology, Princeton University ' No ARGtJMENT IS NECESSARY to show the importance of the role that Lithuanian has played on the Indo-European stage. The coryphei from Bopp on have paralleled it with Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin. As early as 1856 August Schleicher {Litauische Grammatik, Prag, p. 2) said: 'unter alien lebenden indoger- manischen sprachen zeigt es [das litauische] in seinen lauten die bei weitem grosste altertiimlichkeit'. More than one philologist of the present generation has made the flat statement that the Lithuanian is the most archaic of all living Indo-European languages.^ The statement has always been based primarily upon the pre- servation in Lithuanian of Indo-European ablaut, accent, and inflectional forms. To be sure these are the chief contributions of Lithuanian to comparative research, but it might surprise even the eulogists of the language to learn that the recent ety- mological dictionaries and the philological journals give com- parative value to a total of Lithuanian words that is not far behind the number of Greek words discussed in Prellwitz's Etymologisches Worterhuch der griechischen 8prach&, making due allowance in each case for cross-references and simple derivatives. In some respects, however, comparative study of Lithuanian has been handicapped from the very beginning. Other lan- guages had a long written tradition that immediately became available to the comparative student, subject only to his revision according to comparative methods and the results of modern research. In some instances this tradition covered not only the literature of a race from prehistoric times, but also centuries of * Notice e. g. Whitney, Language and the Study of Language^ (New- York, 1901), p. 215; Sehrader, Beallexikon der indogermanischen Alter- tumskunde (Strassburg, 1901), p. 891; Hirt, Die Indogermanen (Strass- burg, 1905), pp. 125, 196; Feist, Eultur, Aushreitung und Herhunft der Indogermanen (Berlin, 1913), p. 440; von Sehroeder, Arische Beligion (Leipzig, 1914), p. 223. 20 Harold Herman Bender investigation of grammatical, lexicographical, and even etymo- logical matters. Lithuanian literature, on the other hand, has been largely one of oral tradition. The damos, or folk-songs, from every point of view its richest product,^ have only m rela- tively recent times, and then only in part, been reduced to writing. The speech has always been on the whole a peasant speech. Lithuanian has never had a Panini, an Apollonius, an Ulfilas. „ Even to-day there is no adequate dictionary or grammar ot Lithuanian. The fault has not lain with the lexicographers and grammarians of the language. Each in his own way has hewn a trail with the initiative and perseverance of the explorer. The difficulty lay in the terrain they had to cover. To mention names like Szyrwid, Mielcke, Nesselmann, Kurschat, Juskevic for the vocabulary; Schleicher, Kurschat, Wiedemann for the grammar ; Briickner and Prellwitz for loan-words ; Geitler and Bezzenberger for special investigations — to mention these names is merely to select the names of a few of the pioneers, and to recall our debt to them. But surely no one has tried to run down a doubtful Lithu- anian word to its source without being willing to admit with feeling that recorded Lithuanian verbal and formal tradition is a very uncertain matter and that Lithuanian orthography leaves much to be desired. In orthography one finds the same sound variously represented by sz, s, sch, z, and a G-erman digraph ; in declension one finds readily nineteen distinct writ- ten forms of the genitive singular of the first personal pronoun, depending upon period, dialect, and position in the sentence; in vocabulary one finds derived from one stem, in one system of transcription, and in one dialect at least seventeen different words for 'girl'- — and the number of dialects in Lithuanian has not yet been counted. The language has been fortunate, however, in attracting the - This is not the place for a discussion of Lithuanian literature as such, but I should like to protest here against the sweeping verdicts that have so often been recorded in regard to it. For the most part they have expressed either extravagant praise or dismissal with the wave of a hand, depending upon the literary standards employed. It seems to me that both verdicts are almost equally false and equally true. In comparison with Greece Lithuania has practically no literature, either in quantity or quality. But Donalitius' 'Seasons' more than deserves comparison with Thomson's 'Seasons'; the folk-songs are frequently genuine lyrics of naave grace and charm containing mythological coloring of intrinsic as well as compara- tive interest; and several contemporary names associated with the Lithu- anian national revival offer considerable promise for the future. Lithuanian as Indo-E-uropean Material 21 active interest of some of Germany's best philologists. But the comparative students who knew the language best realized per- fectly that their immediate task was to record as much linguistic material as possible before it should be too late. They were the collectors in the field ; the mounting and classification could be left to others — ^which is not to say that men like Leskien and Brugmann did not successfully play both roles. With the increasing Polish, Russian, and German influence in Lithuania, with the coming of the railroad, the telegraph, and the press, with the spread of Christianity, much of the old Lithuania was beginning to disappear, especially in the western part of Lithu- anian territory. Words that had been current for centuries were becoming obsolete. The grandmother crooned before the hearth a folk-song that she had learned as a girl but which her grandchildren did not know. It was often considered even sacrilegious to sing the ancient songs of the -heatheA thunder- god or the amorous moon.^ Only one scholar has made any serious and successful effort to arrange the bulk of the Lithuanian material for comparative use.* In 1884, as a part of Bd. IX of the Abhandlungen der philol.-hist. Kl. der kgl. sacks. Ges. d. Wiss., Leskien published ' Thus Leskien in Leskien-Brugmann, lAtauische VolTcslieder und Mdrchen (Strassburg, 1882), p. 3: 'Trotz dieser FiUle wird die Volkspoesie dort nicht lange mehr lebenj die bei dem heranwachsenden Geschlecht stark fortschreitende Germanisirung vertilgt natiirlich auch die Lieder. Unter den Litauern selbst besteht aber eine Abneigung gegen ihre alte Poesie. Sammtliche maldininkai, d. h. die Leute, welche Gebetsversammlungen (suriakimai) halten und sich daran betheiligen, balten das Daina-singen fiir Siinde, und mit ihnen viele andere f romme Leute, wenn sie auch nicht gerade maldininkai sind. Es mag der Einfluss von dieser Seite sein, dass, so weit meine Erf ahrung reieht, das Singen und Hersagen von Liedern, so imsehuldig sie meistens aueh siad, nirgends mehr fiir recht anstandig gilt. Die Leute lehnten die Mittheilung derselben oft aus diesem Grunde ab, und wer sich dennoeh dazu bewegen liess, hatte zuweilen eiue Straf- predigt von Bekannten und Naehbarn auszuhalten '. Likewise Kurschat, Gramviatik der Uttamschen Sprache (Halle, 1876), §1651: ^Wie sittlich rein und zart eine Daina gehalten sein mochte, in den Augen des ernsten Littauers [im preussischen Littauen] wird sie dennoeh als ein Ausdruck einer Lustigkeit angesehen, mit weleher der Trager des geistlichen Amtes nicht ia Beruhrung kommen darf, ohne dadurch entweiht zu werden'. See also Schleicher, Litcmische GrammatiTc, § 3, and the last paragraph of the introduction to Bezzenberger 's Litauische Forschungen (Gottingen, 1882). *I omit here such studies as Sommer's Die indogermanischen id- und io-Stdmme im Baltischen (Leipzig, 1914) . Sommer handles a particular problem and a particular class of words; nor is his material, painstaking and abundant as it is, handily arranged for the general investigator. 22 Harold Herman Bender at Leipzig his AUaut der Wurzelsilhen im Litauischen; in 1891, as a part of Bd. XII of the same Ahhandlungen, appeared his Bildung der Nomma im Litauischen. Leskien's work displayed so much insight into Lithuanian and so much outsight into Indo-European that it has stood to this day more or less as the finished product of Lithuanian's contribution to comparative etymology. The proponent of a new etymology goes straight to Leskien and, usually, no further. With only one or two exceptions (notably Berneker's Slavisches etymologisches Wor- terhuch) the etymological dictionaries of other languages have drawn, directly or indirectly, but in the end almost solely, upon Leskien for the Lithuanian. One distinguished and valuable etymological dictionary obtained its Lithuanian contributions from Leskien a generation and more ago ; thru edition after edition they were subjected to practically no revision or augmen- tation, despite the fact that diacritical marks and even letters were constantly dropping and changing in the reprinting, and despite the fact that Lithuanian scholarship had really made some progress in the meantime. In a number of instances Leskien (rarely, to be sure) or some later writer made an error in the transcription of a Lithuanian word, or by accident ascribed to Lithuanian a Lettish or Old Prussian form. In the Ablaut the little 'le' that distinguishes a Lettish, word from its Lithuanian predecessors and successors is easily overlooked; in the Nomina one often has to recognize a word or its literal make-up, or else make some investigation of Leskien's systematization, before one can designate the word as Lithuanian or Lettish. In these two ways, at least, forms that, so far as we know, never existed in Lithuanian have got into the journals and etymological dictionaries, and have won acceptance as genuine Lithuanian forms. ^ These, however, are chiefly questions of detail. A more important matter is the tendency to accept at face value the ^ Thus, when one finds a Lithuanian golimla- 'blau' in Brugmann, Grundriss' (II. 1. 389), it does not, unfortunately, cover the case simply to state the fact that Brugmann intended to write Old Prussian golimia- and that he overlooked the slip in preparing his corrigenda. If one may guess from experience, some one, sooner or later, will accept Brugmann as authority for a Lithuanian golimha- ^blaii'. Likewise, Walde, Lateinisches etymologisches WorterlucW (s. v. fimJ)ria), had no intention of setting up a new Lithuanian form when he unwittingly turned into Lithuanian the Lettish word lemljeris 'Tannzapfen' which Prellwitz {BB XXL 236) had correctly transmitted to him from Leskien (Nomina, 444). Lithuanian as Indo-European Material 23 ablaut groups proposed by Leskien, almost*as if they were finally and definitely all-inclusive and all-exclusive. But Leskien him- self would be the first to acknowledge the limitations of his mate- rial. For example, he says {Ablaut, 266) : 'Es enthalt das Verzeichniss also nur diejenigen litauischen und lettischen Worte, die mit anderen derselben Wurzel in einem Ablautsver- haltnisse stehen, dagegen nicht diejenigen, deren Stellung in einer bestimmten Vocalreihe sich nur etymologisch durch Ver- gleichung der anderen indogermanischen Sprachen bestimmen lasst'.^ His groupings were often frankly tentative and sug- 'gestive; his work abounds with the question-mark and the phrase "" zweif elhaf te Zusammenstellung'. And yet again and again illustrations and theories have been based upon Leskien as if there were no other evidence available as to form and no other opinion as to ablaut-grouping. To take one concrete example : gaudone ' horse-fly ' is connected by Les- kien (Ablaut, 298; Nomina, 392) with gausti 'buzz, hum'. Every etymologist that has since treated the root has included this particular stem — simply because Leskien does and because it seems natural for a fly of any kind to buzz. A little investi- gation would have disclosed the fact that the horse-fly never makes a sound, and that gaudone belongs to gaudy ti *to seize, to catch', an entirely different Indo-European root.'^ Thanks mainly to Leskien, the Lithuanian word-stock, as it is now available to comparative students, needs only a moderate ''Notice also Ablaut, p. 267: 'Der litauische Wortschatz ist wait davon entfernt, vollstandig bekannt zu sein. Schon aus diesem Grunde kann auch meine Sammlung nicht vollstandig sein. Dazu kommt, dass ich auch die vorhandenen litauischen Drucke nur in beschranktem Masse ausbeuten konnte: viele altere oder im russischen Litauen gedruckte Biicher sind nicht zu erlangen, manches eignet sich wegen seiner unvollkommenen und unsicheren Orthographie gerade fiir den vorliegenden Zweck nicht'. Also Nomina, pp. 153-4: 'Die Geduldsprobe, noch eine Anzahl Erbauungs- und Volksbiicher, noch mehr Volkslieder zu lesen, hatte ich freilich f ortsetzen konnen, allein es lohnte sich zuletzt wenig, und endlich muss man solehen Arbeiten irgendwo eine willkiirliche Grenze setzen, da sie keinen bestimmten Abschluss in sich tragen. Auch was ich gesammelt hatte, ist nicht alles verarbeitet; sehr viel Worte, die mir nicht recht sicher schienen oder nicht recht verstandlich waren, habe ich bei Seite geworfen. Darin hatte ich vielleicht noch weiter gehen sollen; man wird finden, dass ziemlich viel Worte, die ich nicht zergliedern konnte, doch vermuthungsweise unter bestimmte Suflfixe eingereiht sind; und ich kann gegen einen Tadel dariiber niehts einwenden, als dass ein besserer Etymolog als ich, dem sie sonst vielleicht entgangen waren, ih^en die richtige Stelle schon anweisen wird'. ' Cf, my article AJP 39. 314. 24 Harold Herman Bender degree of correction and revision in order to become quite reli- able Indo-European material. But a large mass of lexicograph- ical and other information is available (if not directly at hand) to the Lithuanian student that is not yet available to the general philologist. Just here, it seems to me, lies the immediate task of the comparative student of the language. Lithuania hopes to revive the old University of Vilna ; some- where sh^e will soon have a university of her own. Despite G-er- man and Russian restrictions, a number of young Lithuanians have had university training. The past quarter of a century has revealed a remarkable development of Lithuanian national and linguistic consciousness. Her language has always been Lithuania's proudest possession — ^now more than ever when she sees the dawn of national independence. It seems fair to assume that in the near future the collection of damos, the recordation of dialectic forms, the accumulation and publication of linguis- tic matter in general may safely be left in large part to the Lithuanians themselves. From then on the work of the more general student will be the verification, classification, and appli- cation of the material gathered. The illustrations that follow have been developed from casual notes selected almost at random from hundreds of similar -sug- gestions, the worth of which cannot be determined until they have been worked out one by one. But the examples given here are, I believe, fairly representative. It is hoped that the illus- trations may have some intrinsic value, but my present purpose is primarily to show the necessity of some revamping of the Lithuanian Wortschatz for comparative use, and secondarily to indicate roughly the kind of investigation that seems to be needed. 1. In Leskien's AUaut (p. 295) appears the following ablaut group (quoted literatim) : 'u. dumbu (le dubu) dubau duhti hohl werden, einsinken; le ditbli m. pi. Koth, Morast; dubus hohl; duhurys N Loch' im Boden (KLD [ ] schreibt duhurys, daneben dumburys)--^ duUnti hohl machen.— ^. dubiu dubiau dubti aushohlen; le dubs hohl, tief ; dube, le dube Hohle; le dubuls, le dubule Ver- tiefung; ? le dumis Hohlung, Abgrund~le dubet aushohlen.— au. daubd Schlucht; dauburys dss., N auch daubura,'^ « Leskien's le = lettisch; N = Nessehnann 's Worterhuch; KLD — Kur- schat's Littauisch-deutsches Wdneriuch (brackets about a word indicate that it was not entirely familiar to Kurschat and that he could not guar- antee its correctness). Lithuanian as Indo-European Material- 25 An investigation (made for another pflrpose) of every line of Uhlenbeck, Kurzgefasstes etymologisches Worterhuch der altin- dischen Sprache (Amsterdam, 1898-9) ; Klnge, Etymologisches Worterhuch der deutschen Sprache'^ (Strassburg, 1910) ; Feist, Etymologisches Worterhuch der gotischen Sprache (Halle, 1909) ; Berneker, Slavisches etymologisches Worterhuch (Heidel- berg, 1908 ff. — thru Band II, p. 80) ; Walde, Lateinisches ety- mologisches Worterhuch^ (Heidelberg, 1910) ; Boisacq, Diction- naire etymologique de la langue grecque (Heidelberg-Paris, 1916) ; Brngmann, Grundriss der vergleichenden Gramryiatih der indogermanischen Sprachen^ (Strassburg, 1897 ff. — thru II, 3, 1. Lieferung) — an investigation of these standard etymologi- cal works shows their almost complete dependence upon this little group of words in Leskien in their treatment of the Lithu- anian contributions to the Indo-European root *dheuh{p). The derivation made some years later by Leskien {Nomina, 360) of dugnas from *duhnas finally found its way into the dictionaries. Brugmann, in his treatment of Nominalstamm^e, worked thru Leskien 's Nomina and added therefrom to our root two stems that were not in Leskien 's Ahlaut. Berneker adds three words from Juskevic.® With these few exceptions not a single Lithu- ^Note, from here on, the following abbreviations: ArcMv f. slav. PM- lol. =z ArcM/o fiir sXavische Fhilologie, herausg. von V. Jagic (Berlin, 1876 ff.) ; BerneTcer =^ Slavisches etymologisches Worterhuch (Heidelberg, 1908 ff.) ; Bezsenherger BGLS. = Beitrdge zur GescMchte der Utauischen Sprache auf Grund Utamscher Texte des XVI. und des XVII. Jahrhunderts (Gottingen, 1877); Bezzeriberger LF.^^Litauische Forschimgen (Gottin- gen, 1882) J Boisacq =z Dictionnaire etymologique de la langue grecque (Heidelberg-Paris, 1916) j BriicTcner =z Die slavischen Fremdworter im Litauischen (Weimar, 1877) ; Brugmann = Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatih der indogermanischen Sprachen^ (Strassburg, 1897 ff.) ; Feist =: Etymologisches Worterhuch der gotischen Sprache (Halle, 1909) ; Geitler LS.^Litauische Studien (Prag, 1875); Ju^Jcevic =z LitovsJcij Slovari (St. Petersburg, 1897 ff.) ; Kluge = Etymologisches Worterhuch der deutschen Sprache (BtrsisshuTg: 7. Aufl., 1910; 8. Aufl., 1915) ; Kurschat DLWh.= Deutsch-littauisches Worterhuch (Halle, 1870) ; Kurschat Gram. = Gram- matiJc der litto/uischen Sprache (Halle, 1876) ; Kurschat LDWh. = Lit- tauisch-deutsches Worterhuch (Halle, 1883); Lalis z=z LietuvisJcos ir angliSkos Tcalhii Sodynas^ (Chicago, 1915); LesTcien Ahl. = Der Ahlaut der Wurzelsilhen im Litauischen (Leipzig, 1884) ; LesUen-Brugmam,n LV. = LitoAiische Volkslieder und Mdrchen (Strassburg, 1882) ; LesMen Nom. = Die Bildung der Nomina im Litauischen (Leipzig, 1891) ; MielcTce = Littauisch-deutsches und deutsch-littauisches Worterhuch (Konigsberg, 1800) ; MLLG. = Mitteilungen der litauischen litterarischen Gesellschaft 26 Harold Herman Bender anian word is added to Leskien's ablaut group by the diction- aries just mentioned. But the sum of Leskien's group plus the additions in the dictionaries by no means represents, either formally or semantically, all of importance that Lithuanian has to say about IE. *dheub{p). There is no pretense that the following group is complete ; at least, simple and obvious derivatives of included words are pur- posely omitted. It will be understood that in listing each word I express the opinion that it is probably related to the Lithu- anian root under consideration." dahurys ' Wasserwirbel, Strudel'. Nesselmann 124, Leskien Norn. 448. dauld 'Schlucht; enges, tiefes Tal; Hohle'; Juskevic also 'a level valley between two mountains'." The spread of the (Heidelberg, 1880 ff.) ; Nesselmann = Worterluch der Uttauischen Sprache (Konigsberg, 1851); Schleicher ^ Litauische Grammatih (Prag, 1856); Sommer =. Die indogermanischen id- und io-Stdrnme im Baltischen (Leip- zig, 1914) ; Szyrwid =z Dictionarium triwm linguarum in usum studiosae juventutis^ (Vilna, 1713); Trautmann ^^ Die altpreussischen SprachdenTc- mdler (Gottingen, 1910); UhlenbecTc =: ^ursgefasstes etymologisches Worterhuch der altindischen Sprache (Amsterdam, 1898-9) ; Walde ■= Lateinisches etymologisches Worterbuch- (Heidelberg, 1910). "Both vocalism and semantics exclude dambra^ ' jew's-harp'. Leslcien Norn. 438-9 oorrectlj follows Bruckner 79 in considering dambras a Slavic loan-word. dambralUpis 'a person with thick lips' seems, however, to lean upon vambras id. From Kurschat LDWb. one can form the propor- tion, vambras *ein Dicklipp': vambralupis id.^dambras * Brummeisen ' : dambralUpis *ein Dicklipp'. It would be characteristically Lithuanian to say that a man with a thick, down -hanging lower lip had jew's-harp lips, i. e. lips adapted for playing the instrument. I connect vambras with vamplys ^ der mit offenem Munde oder mit dicker, herabhangender Lippe dasteht oder umhergeht', vampsoti 'mit offenem Munde dastehen', and then with atvlpti (pres. vimpu) ' herabhangen ' (von den Lippen usw.) and the group in Leslcien Abl. 355. Notice also vambryti 'fortgesetzt in den Wind hinein beUen, belfern' {Kurschat LDWb. 487). " In ascribing English definitions to words quoted from Juskevi^ I have tried to give a composite of his Russian and Polish definitions and his Lithuanian illustrations and synonyms. It will be noticed frequently, as in the case of daubd, that Juskevic 's accent differs from that given by other authorities. Such discrepancies are common thruout the language; they are based primarily upon differ- ences of dialect. A native of one locality will often accent a dissyllabic word on the first syllable, a native of another locality wiU stress the second syllable. Neither coiisiders the other wrong. I have also observed more than once that a Lithuanian wUl write the accent on one syllable (or at Lithuanian as Indo-European Material 27 word and the variety of its meanings are indicated by its occurrence in Kurschat DLWh. s. v. Grotte, Gruft, Hohle, Schlucht, Thai, Thalschlucht, Loch, Grand. dauhas 'Tal'. Bezzenlerger BGLS. 279. dauhe 'Tal'. Nesselmann 148. dauhike 'ein kleines Tal'. Geitler LS. 81. dauhlszkis * Bergschlnchtangehoriger, Hohlenbewohner'. Nes- selmann 148, Kurschat LDWh. 79. dauhotas 'Hohlen, Schluchten enthaltend; voller Abgriinde'. Nesselmann 148, Lalis 69. dauhurd 'Schlucht'. Nesselmann 148. Cf. Brugmann II, 1, 358. dauhurele {dauhurele ?) 'eine enge Schlucht, ein kleines Tal', Nesselmann 148. On -ele, -ele cf . Kurschat Gram. § 354 ; Leslden Nom. 481 ; Sommer 167, 198. dauhurys 'eine von Bergen eingeschlossene tiefe Stelle, Schlucht'. Kurschat LDWh. 79, etc. duJ)a 'real estate, farm'. Lalis 79. The semantics are ex- plained by diihi^iti 'to hollow, excavate' and duhininkas ' farmer '.^^ duha 'Scheune'. Geitler L8. 82. The semantics are not clear. One thinks of the preceding duha, and also of Lett, duha ' auf gestellte Garbe, Garbenreihe', of which Leskien says {Nomina, 227)^ 'wohl zu dHhti hohl werden'. But it probably means 'a hollow place'' and is identical with duha, q. V. below ; notice particularly Juskevic 's definition of the latter word. duha 'the hollow of a tree'. Juskevic 356. duhelis {u oy u ?) 'eiserner Zapfen oder Bolzen, dergleichen gebraucht werden, um die Radfelgen mit einander zu ver- binden' {Nesselmann 147) ; 'nach M[ielcke] die Rads- perre, in Siidlitt. ein Nagel, der zwei Stiicke am "Wagen verbindet' {Kurschat LDWh. 96). German loan-word; not from doppelt, as Kurschat suggests, but from *duh, dohel, dohel, diihel, diehel (cf. Briickner 13), of which least accept the writing as correct), but speak it on another. These facts, it seems to me, have not been su£S,ciently recognized. Most studies in Lithuanian have been made from the point of view of one dialect or one region. They must not per se be taken as standards of Lithuanian speech, historically or otherwise. ^' dobai (Nesselmann 144) *die Beize der Eotgerber' and duiai (Nes- selmann 147), dudos (Kurschat LDWb. 96) 'Gerberlohe' are Slavic loan- words. Cf. Bruckner 81. For the Slavic stem see BerneTcer, s. v. dgtu. 28 Harold Herman Bender Kluge^ (s. v. Dobel) says, 'dazu vielleicht lit. dumbu (duhti) hohl werden'. For Old Prussian dnbelis see Traut- mann pp. 90, 324. dubyju, duhyti Ho eat much, to overeat'. Juskevic 356. The connotation is that of a large belly; see various words below. dubyn elti 'tiefer werden; (von der Krankheit) zunehmen, sich verschlimmern'. Nesselma/nn 147 after Szyrwid. On the adverbial form see Eurschat Gram. § 799. duhininkas 'farmer'. Lalis 79. The first definition in Lalis is 'tanner', which is the usual meaning of the word (e. g. Nesselmann 147, Kurschat LDWh. 96). I assume two dis- tinct stems and connect duhininkas 'farmer' with duha 'farm', dithinti 'to dig', and, consequently, with our root duhti. duhinv}ikas 'tanner' is to be connected with the Slavic loan-words mentioned in the note to duha 'farm', above. duhinUy dilhinti 'hohl machen, etwas aushohlen, vertiefen'. Kurschat LDWh. 96, Juskevic 356. Lalis 79 translates, 'to tan, to curry, to dress, to hollow, to excavate'. I assume two roots along the lines indicated under the pre- ceding word; but with the difference that here the usual and traditional meaning is 'to hollow out', and not 'to tan'. duhirania 'die Hohle des Mundes'. Nesselmann 148, on the questioned authority of Brodowski's early eighteenth cen- tury lexicon. Cf. Kurschat LDWh. 96 and Nesselmann YI. duhiu, duheti 'to become full of holes, to become hollow'. Jus- kevic 356. duhla masc. 'a big-bellied old man'. Juskevic 357. duhle 'a woman with a large abdomen'. Juskevic, s. v. duhlys, q. V. below. diihles^^ fem. plu. 'Gedarme'. MLLG. I, 225. Notice Leskien Nom. 463, 'vgl. etwa le duhl'i Koth, Schlamm, zu duht em- sinken'. Cf. also Leskien Nom. 461. " I am indebted for the accent of the word and the quantity of the first vowel to Mr. V. K. Eackauskas, editor of 'Tevyne', to whom the word is perfectly familiar. It does not appear in the dictionaries, and Leskien expresses some doubt regarding it. I should like to express here my sense of obligation to Mr. Eackauskas, Dr. John Szlupas, his son Mr. K. G. Szlupas, Mr. Eoman Karuza, Mr. B. K. Balutis, and many other Lithuanians who have so often assisted me in linguistic matters or in the work of the House Inquiry. Lithuanian as Indo-European Material 29 dubll inter j. used of the clumsy walk of a big-bellied man. Juskevic 357. Cf. Leskien, IF 13. 195. duhliai 'intestines, entrails'. Lalis 79. See dubles, above. On the development of this meaning notice Berneker's Slavic citations under the related stem duno {Berneker 245-6). Outline ju, duhUneti 'to walk with a protuberant abdomen, like a swagbelly'. Juskevic 357. Cf. Leskien, IF 13. 195. dtiblinge masc. & fem. 'an awkward, big-bellied person'. Jus- kevic 357. duhlvnge 'ein Darmsack, der auf einer Seite geschlossene Pro- cessus vermiformis, hier im Volksmunde Bottend genannt, der zum Wurststopfen verwandt wird'. Nesselmann 147. duhlvnglne 'Bottend'. Nesselmann 147 and Kurschat LDWh. 96 after Brodowski. duljlinUf dublinti 'to walk like a big-bellied man, to wobble'. Juskevic 357. See dutlineju, above. duhlys 'a big-bellied man'. Juskevic 357. Cf. Leskien, IF 13. 195. duUys 'belly'. Juskevic 357. Cf. Leskien, IF 13. 195. ' duhrdvas 'a hollow or hole in the road, rut'. Juskevic 357, I^alis 79. Despite Lith. duburas and Berneker 242 (s. v. dubrl), I consider duhrdvas a compound: duh-rdvas. rdvas 'a hollow or ditch in the road' does not appear in Nesselmann or Kurschat LDWh., but it does appear in Geitler LS. (106) and Lalis (301) ; and it is a common word in contemporary speech. For the comparative belong- ings of rdvas see Walde 664 j I share none of Waldo's hesi- tancy as to the Slavic origin of the Baltic stem (cf. Bruckner, Archiv f. slav. Philol. 20. 494; Bruckner 124; Trautmann 414). But apparently the compound was 'made in Lithuania' ; nor is it necessary to defend it against the charge of tautology. At the same time I admit that a suggestion of popular etymology would be harder to answer. duhsau, duhsoti 'to stand like a dying tree with a hollow trunk'. Juskevic 357. duburas 'Grube voll Wasser, Loch, Tiimpel'. Juskevic 357._ Cf. Berneker, s. v. dubri. - duburys 'Loch im Boden, Tiefe, Quelle'. Nesselmann 148. See dumburys and Kurschat LDWb. 96, Lalis 79, Geitler LS. 63, Leskien Nom. 448, Brugma/nn II, 1, 358. duhuriuotas 'full of depths'. Lalis 79. dubHrkis 'a hole or deep place in creek or river, swimming hole, pond'. Juskevic 357. Cf. Berneker, s. v. dubri. 30 Harold Herman Bender duhus 'hohl, ausgehohlt; locherig (vom Wege) ; tief (von Gefassen)'. Nesselmann 147, Kurschat LDWh. 96, Jiis- kevic 357, Lalis 79-BO. dngnas 'Boden, Grund'^ belongs here if it is from *dubnas. Cf. Leskien Nom. 360, Brugmann I, 521. dumhlas 'Schlamm, Morast'. Cf. Leskien Nom. 451. For the Lettish see Leskien Noin. 338 {dumhrajs), 436 (dumhrs), 439 {dumlras). For the Old Prussian see Trautmann, s. v. padaubis, p. 387. dumUija ^a very muddy place, an expanse of mud^ Juskevic 363. dumUinas 'mit Morast oder Schlamm sehr beschmutzt, bedeckt, voll Schlamm oder Morast'. Kurschat LDWh. 98, etc. Cf. Leskien Nom. 400. dumUynas 'Morast'. Cf. Leskien Nom. 409, Brugmann II, 1, 623, dnmllyne 'Morast'. Kurschat LDWh. 98. Cf. Leskien Nom. 409. dumhllngas 'muddy'. Juskevic 363. dumhlinu, dumhlinti 'to make muddy, to make cloudy'. Jus- kevic 363. dumhlus 'muddy'. Juskevic 363. dumhlujus, dumhlutis 'to become muddy' (e. g. water). Jus- kevic 363. dumhrus 'wet, misty, mouldy'. Juskevic 363. dumhil, diihti 'hohl werden, einsinken'. Cf. Leskien Ahl. 295. dumhurys 'Loch, Quelle, gegrabener Teich, vom Strudel ausge- hohlte Tiefe in e^nem Fluss'. Cf. Geitler LS. 82, Bezzen- herger LF. 109, Bezzenherger BGLS. 40, Leskien Nom. 448. duha 'Hohle'. MLLG. Ill, 106, line 7; Leskien Nom. 232. For meaning see also Juskevic 372: 'a hollow place, espe- cially a small heated room in a barn for drying grain'. duhate 'ein Griibchen (z.B. im Kinn, in der Wange) '. Nes- ■ selmann 148. duhe 'Vertiefung, Loch, Hohle, Grube, Grab'. Cf. Leskien Ahl. 295. duhekasys 'grave-digger'. Lalis 81. See duhkasys, below. dubele (duhele 1) 'ein Griibchen (z.B. im Kinn, in der Wange) '. Nesselmann 148. On -ele, -lie see references under dauhurele, above. dub'etas 'grubig, locherig' (vom Wege). Nesselmann 148. Cf. Leskien Nom. 562, Brugmann II, 1, 406. duhinu, duhinti 'aushohlen, ausschnitzen'. Nesselmann 148. See duhinu, above. Lithuanian as Indo-European Material 31 dUhiu, duhti ' aushohlen, ausschnitzen'. Cf. Leskien AM. 29^. duhkasys ' Grubengraber, Totengraber '. Nesselmann 148, etc. Notice dube-kasys, above. For -kasys cf. grah-kasys 'Gra- bengraber' {Kurschat LDWh^ ISO; Kurschat DLWh. 561, s. V. Graber) sjidCkasu, kdsti 'graben'. duhpdraszas 'Grabschrift'. Nesselmann 148. For -paraszas see Kurschat LDWh. 293. dubummas 'die bohle Gestalt des Auges in Krankheiten, das Hohlliegen des Auges'. Nesselmann 148. dubute 'Griibchen' (auf der Wange). Nesselmann 148; Kur- schat DLWh. 568, s. v. Griibchen. iszduhdviju, iszduhdvyti 'to take out', e. g. 'to extract (a child at birth) by forcible delivery'. Juskevic 571. iszduheju, iszdub'eti 'to become hollow'. Juskevic 572. For the Slavic and Indo-European relations of the Lithuanian group, see, especially, Berneker, s. v. dupa, duhri, duno. 2. glomoju, glomoti 'umarmen'. I consider the word a purely Lithuanian variant of the common verb glohoju, glohoti 'umarmen, umfassen', iterative to glohiu, glohti 'umarmen, umhtillen' (q. v. Leskien Ahl. 370; Berneker, s. v. gloh'g), Berneker (s. v. glenit), Walde (s. v. glomus), and others make glomoti a separate Lithuanian root and connect it with glemziu, glemzti 'knautschen, zusammendriicken, stop fen, fressen'. The inclusion of glomoti iter, in the ablaut group glemzti, glamzyti iter. (q. v. Leskien AM. 362; Berneker, s. v. glenu) is phoneti- cally possible, but, to my mind, highly improbable. There is no evidence of a simple verb from which an independent glomoti could have been directly derived. Whatever connection there may be in IE. between the two roots and the two ideas (cf. Walde, s. y.' glomus), it is sheer violence, semantically, to take Lithuanian ^Zomo^-i 'umarmen' from Lithuanian gZofed^* 'umar- men' and attach it to Lithuanian glemzti 'knautschen, stopfen, fressen'. Furthermore, glomoti is not a well-authenticated form. Kur- schat {LDWh. 128) gives the word, apparently from Nesselmann 264^, but does not know it personally. Neither Juskevic nor Lalis has it. Leskien evidently found little authority for it; it does not appear at all in the Ablaut, so far as I can discover. Altho the grammars do not recognize any formal interchange between h and m, there is no phonetic difficulty in the assump- tion that glomoti =:^ glohoti. Notice, e. g., raimas 'bunt' ^ ralhas and szluhas 'lahm'^Lett. slum^. To Leskien 's ablaut group (370) should be added gloha 'guar- 32 y Harold Herman Bender dianship, protection, assistance' and various words immediately following it in Juskevic and Lalis}^ 3. lekmene 'puddle, slough, quagmire'- The word appears in Mielcke, whence, apparently, it is borrowed by Nesselmann (3.55), who connects it with no root, and by Kurschat LDWh. (225), who surrounds it with brackets, thus indicating that it was not entirely familiar to him. So far as I know, the word is not current in Lithuania to-day. lekmene is discussed by Leskien {Nomina, 361, 420), who would read lekmene and connect with lekna 'a low meadow' and leknas 'marsh, swamp, grove'. Leskien is followed by, Walde, s. V. lacus. The quality of the first vowel is, of course, the chief difficulty in Leskien 's reading, but the semantics, also, are not entirely satisfactory: there is no evidence that -mene is a diminutive suffix in Lithuanian. Both of these difficulties would be ob\iated by reading lekmene as Iqkmene and connecting it with lenkmene 'joint at the elbow or knee' (cf. Bezzenherger LF. 135, Geitler LS. 94, Bezzenherger BGLS. 298, Leskien Nom. 420, Leskien Ahl. 334) and then with lenkiii, lenkti trans, 'to bend'. On the § for en, see Kurschat Gram. §§ 147 if. On the semantics, notice the familiar word lenke 'small valley, hollow' (which is indisputably related to lenkmene and to lenkti) , and English hollow in the double sense of 'hollow of the knee' and 'a low, swampy place'. With lekmene, leknas, lenkti, etc. cf. Albanian I'engor 'flexi- ble'; Old Bulgarian na-lqkg, -Iqsti 'to bend (the bow)'; Old High German chrumhe-lingun 'in a crooked direction'; etc. 4. szllvis is given as an adjective, 'schiefbeinig', by Leskien All. 286, whence it is copied by Berneker, s. v. klong. But the word does not exist as an adjective. There is a noun szllvis and an adjective szlwas (cf. Kurschat DLWh., s. v. -beinig) ; it was undoubtedly the latter that Leskien intended to write. The correct adjectival form does not appear elsewhere in the Ablaut, nor does the incorrect form appear in the Nomina, which was published later. For such pairs as szllvis noun : szllvas adj. cf. Leskien Nom. 302. For szUvas cf. Leskien Nom. 344; Brug- mann II, 1, 204, 207. 5. szlelvis 'schiefbeinig' likewise has no existence as an " After the above article was written I submitted glomoti to the Sprach- gefiihl of Lithuanians of wide linguistic experience. They did not know the word, but connection with glemzti was unthinkable to them, and con- nection with gloidti was so obvious as to need no proof. Lithuanian as Indo-European Material 33 adjective. It appears in Leskien Abl. 2^, and thence in Brug- mann 1, 490 and Berneker, s. v. klong. Leskien cites, as his authority for szleivis, Leskien-Brugmann LY. 140 ; but there, as well as Leskien-Brugmann LY. 345, the form is szleivas. szlewas does not appear in Ablaut, nor does szleivis appear in Nomina. On szlewas cL, in addition to Leskien-Brugmann LY., also Eurschat DLWh., s. v. -beinig; Leskien Nom. 344; Lalis 370 ; — and for etymology Uhlenheck grdyati; Feist Main; Brug- mann I, 490 and II, 1, 204, 207, 590, 663; Berneker klong; Walde cUno, clwus; Boisacq kXlvo). 6. *dykd. I assume a feminine noun stem *dyka with some su V^^a^a 'tOUCh'. 3. VJ^'Sg, V'&^a *be dry'. 4. ^/rhh '* he wide', y/rkq 'be distant'. 5. -\/kr\ root ol At. kurd^u^ *leg', 11. herd' aim 'legs'; and y/z^r*, root of Ar. dirdfu", H. zero^' , S. derafd 'arm': Prof. A. Ember suggests that possibly ^zr' , which has no etymology, is a modification of zeret 'span', ^/ zr -\- iemmme ending (S. zar4df E. se-zer). 6. ypti 'be open, simple', -s/pth 'open', yjpqh 'open eyes'. 7. yrgz 'be restless', ^/rgs,^ 'be stirred up', V^'*;^ 'trem- ble, shake'. 8. y/s.Jin 'dwell', y/s^kh 'lie', Vi^i& 'sit'. 9. s/r^s 'tremble', y/r'd 'tremble, quake', yJrH 'dangle, swing', ys/v^m 'rage, roar, thunder', y/nhm 'growl, roar'. 10. ^Q^P^j ^(ipdy V^P!l?2> V^P'(N) 'draw together'. II. -s/nq^ 'spill, separate from', -s/nqb 'bore, perforate', y/nqr 'bore out, cut out', ^/nqz^^ (N, S?) 'puncture', ^/hq* (N, S?) 'split'. 12. "s/ngp 'gore, shake', ^/nqp 'strike down', yjtpp or ydpp 'beat drum' (cf. H. tdpap, Ar, daffa), ^/pg' (N, S?) 'strike, meet', y/ng' (N) 'touch'. 13. y/Q2^l 'neigh', y/Q.Mli 'cry out', y/Qzq 'cry out', Vfa^'S' 'cry out', -s/z'q 'cry out', \^nhq 'cry out, bray (of an tiss)', \^nhg 'gasp, sigh', y/nhm 'growl, roar', ^/n'^ 'lament', ynh or V'^fr (cf. Ar. ^anaha, As. andlju) 'sigh', s/^nq (N) 'groan'. 14. y/dlp 'drip, leak', y/ntp 'drip, drip with', y/'rp, 'drip', •\/r^p 'drip, come forth', y/gdp 'overflow, overhang', y/sfp 'stream forth', Vi^iP (N) 'flow, overflow'. 46 Frank Rmggold Blake 15. Vqth 'cutoff', ^/qtt 'cutoff', ^/qtn 'be small', ^/qtp 'pluck off',' V^r 'cut', \^qtm (N, S?) 'cut off, bite', ^/qn (N) 'kill' (the original root qtl, so in Arabic and Ethiopic, may have been changed to qil in North Semitic thru the influence of other roots of this group ; the t is usually explained as due to partial assimilation to the q, cf . Br. p. 154) . B. 1. As. segu (H. saga', Ar. saja'a) 'rage, howl', sagdmu 'roar, howl', ragdmu 'cry out', ramamu 'cry, roar', nagdgu 'cry out' (?). 2. As. sapdku (H. sapak, Ar. safaka) 'pour out', natdku (H. Tbdtak) 'flow(?)', ramdku 'pour out', tahdku 'pour out', sar- dqu 'present to', sardqu 'pour out, offer a libation'. 3. As. ziimbu 'fly' (common Sem. ^zfih, H. zehub, etc.), zibu 'locust', zikkitu 'a kind of fly', zizdnu 'locust', zunzunu 'small locust', zirzirru 'small locust', zuqaqipu 'scorpion', zir- hdlu 'a small creature that destroys plants (?) '. 4. As. ahdru (cf. H. 'abhir) 'be strong', dabru, darru, dannu, datnu 'strong, powerful'. 5. As. gabsu (H. y ghs 'become thick, congeal') 'in great quantity', gasru 'strong, mighty', rahu (common Sem. '\/rhi > 'become great') 'great', rashu 'mighty, awe-inspiring', mssu, hussu 'splendid, fearful, awe-inspiring'. 6. As. siriam (H. sirion, si/rion, S. seridnd) 'coat of mail', huliam 'helmet'. 7. E. hadafa (Ar. kadfu"^ 'rudder') 'steer, control', qadafa 'row'. 8. E. nadha (H. nddah), nad'a 'push'. 9. E. 'ahara (common Sem. yhr) 'delay', dehra 'after'. 10. E. 'agadd 'limb', 'eger 'leg' (cf. common Sem. ^/rgl). 11. E. dafa (Ar. dafa'a) 'push', gafa 'slap'. 12. E. harasa (H. haras) 'cut, engrave, plow', qaraga (Ar. qaraga), haraga, haraga, 'cut'. 13. E. falaia (H. \^pli, ^/pV), halaga, falaga, falata (H. and ^.yplt 'escape'[?]), 'separate, divide', qatqata 'break'. 14. Ar.^dafa'a (E. dafa), dasa'a, dasara,' dafara, dafasa 'push', dara'a 'drive back'. 15. Ar. latasa (H. Uta^, S. letas) 'strike', lataha, lataha, latama, 'slap', lata' a 'kick'. 16. Ar. safaqa (H. sapaq) 'slap', gaqa'a, safa'a, gafaqa, hafaqa 'slap'. 17. Ar. rafasa (S. repas 'prance, stamp'), ramdha 'kick'. Congeneric Assimilation in Semitic 47 18. Ar. hdhata (H. habaty S. hehat) 'strike, kick with front legs (of a camel) ', lata' a, laJ)afa 'kick'.* 19. Ar, ranna (H. rdnan 'cry aloud, rejoice') 'resound', 'anna (H. *dna/n, S. 'an) 'groan, squeal (of a child)', hanna 'ring, resound', hanna 'sigh, cry', taima 'make ring', danna 'hum, buzz (of gnats)', daqqa 'ring, resound, make ring'. 20. Ar. jauzu^ 'middle', jaufu^ 'center' (cf. S. gauud 'middle'). 21. Ar.. qalhasa 'put on a hood' is certainly connected in some way with lahisa 'put on clothes' ; it may hav^e been derived from the quadriliteral root ^krhl in H. mekurhdl 'clothed', Biblical Aramaic karbeld 'cap', As. karhallatu 'cap', with which perhaps H. qoha' , fco&d^'hat, helmet' are to be grouped. 22. Ar. mag^a (H., S. ym^Q), marada, radi'a, rada'a 'suck', ragapa 'suck (of animals)', marapa 'suck fingers', sariha 'drink' (E. saraha, saraha), qadiha 'absorb', sahaha, jadaha 'draw in', lasiha. 'lick a plate \ 23. Ar. lahika (H. Idhak, S. lehak), lahisa (E. lahdsa) 'lick', laqqa (H. Idqaq) 'lap',- lasada (perhaps connected with H. Idsdd 'fat, cake prepared with oil', E. lasd 'butter') 'lick', lahafa, lahasa, lajama, laHqa 'lick', lajada 'lap', lassa, lasiha 'lick a plate', lati'a 'lick fingers' — lapama 'kiss' — latasa (H. Idtas, S. letas), lataha, lataha, latama 'slap' — lata' a, labata 'kick'. 24. H. kihhed (E. kehda 'deny, renounce') 'hide, deny', kihhes 'lie, deny, renounce'. 25. H. qere^h (S. and E. \^qrh)^ 'bald on the back of head', gihhe'^h 'bald in front' {ct. Ar. jabh-atu", jaMnu^ 'forehead'). 26. H. ndta^f rdtas 'throw down, stretch out'. 27. H. pdlat ^ {Q. pelat 'escape', E. falata 'separate'[?] ) 'escape', \(mlt in ni-mlat 'escape'. 28. H. mdhag (Ar. mahada, S. mehd, As. mdhdgu) 'smash', mdhaq 'smash'. 29. H. liskd, niskd 'chamber' {n usually explained as dis- similation from I, cf. Br. p. 228). 30. H. sdtan (Ar. satana, Aramaic setan) 'accuse, attack', sdtam 'attack, persecute'. 31. H. sdldh (S. selah) 'send', ^slk in hi-sUk 'throw'. 32. H. ddJi^d (Ar. dahd, S. dehd) 'push', ddhap (As. da'dpu 'push') 'hasten', hddd (Ar. and S- ^/hdi 'lead') 'stretch out hand', hddap 'push'. 33. H. pdga' {^. pega') 'strike upon', pagroi /meet', ndga' (also in Jewish and Egyptian Aramaic) 'touch', ndgas (As. nagdsu 'tread, go') 'approach'. 48 Frcmk Ringgold Blake 34. S. {urtdrd, turtdsd 'crepitus ventris'. 35. S. gad (Ar. jadda, H. gadad), gedam (Ar. jadama, E. ga^ama), gam 'cut off'. 36. S. teras, tartes, farmes 'soil, blot'. 37. S. 'tamtem '(Ar. tamtama) 'stammer, stutter', tartem 'murmur, grumble'. 38. S. hegd (H. Mga 'growl, think'), hedas, hemas, herag 'think'. The present' investigation indicates the importance of bearing in mind the principle of congeneric assimilation in any study of the etymology of Semitic words. There is a strong tendency among Semitic scholars to attempt to explain any given sporadic change as phonetic, all sorts of special sound changes, assimila- tions, and dissimilations being posited in order to connect words which do not come under the ordinary phonetic laws." In many of these cases a more natural explanation is found by hav- ing recourse to analogy as in a number of the examples given above.^^ • That Semitic roots of similar meaning do very frequently' influence one another, not only in their vocalism, but also in their consonantism, is proved beyond a doubt by the cases in sec- tions II and III ; moreover the evidence for the actual addition of another consonant to a root, tho meager, is enough to indicate that such additions were made. It is entirely likely that addi- tional investigations will greatly strengthen the case here made out. ■" But it is not surprising that we are unable to trace with cer- tainty the development of many triconsonantal roots from bicon- sonantal or quadriconsonantal from triconsonantal. The origin of most of the roots probably lies so far back in the past that it is impossible to reconstruct the situation that gave them birth. It may however, I think, be stated as beyond dispute that congeneric assimilation is one of the important principles gov- erning the development of new roots from more original roots in Semitic, whether the new root is one of the same number of consonants as its progenitor or progenitors,, or one having an additional consonant. Baltimore, Maryland. "Cf. for example Earth, Etymologische Studien, Leipzig, 1893, and Br. pp. 151-282, passim. * ^ This same idea was voiced by S. Fraenkel in 1898, but does not seem to have attracted much attention; ef. p. 61 of his article cited in note 6. THE RECENSION' OF CANAKYA USED BY GALANOS FOR HIS 'EK AIA^OPON nOIHTON George Melville Bolling Professor of Greek, Ohio State University Th^ ultimate goal of studies upon Canakya must be the reconstruction of the i*r-Canakya — ^the collection of verses from which descend the numerous collections that have circulated in India under the name of the famous minister of Candragupta. That goal lies far in the future, for it cannot be approached until the various recensions are themselves rendered readily accessible. This too is far from being done — more than two- thirds of these recensions being as yet known only from manu- scripts. A preliminary survey of the material has however been made by Oskar Kressler in his dissertation, Btimmen indischer Lebensklugheit, Frankfurt a.M., 1904, pp. 195, a very laborious and praiseworthy piece of work, which must for years constitute the starting point for ' all further Canakya investi- gations. This book has, however, serious defects which must be noted briefly. Apart from minor omissions and errors there are three matters of general importance. First, one soon notices that in nearly every recension not all the verses are accounted for. The chief cause seems to be that the missing verses have variants in their pratikas, and Kressler has imagined that his duty to them was done when he entered them in his Vorindex. The result is that, while one starting with the variant version can find the vulgate parallels, the reverse is not true. The references to the Indische Sprueche are also by no means complete, and in par- ticular the NacKtraege, nos. 7425-7613, have been almost entirely overlooked. Secondly, the comparisons have often been made in a very mechanical fashion. For instance LghT v. 5 and Ind. 8pr. 4781 are equated, tho they have nothing except the open- ing words md gah in common, while differences such as ksamd- dhcmuh — sdntikhadgah {Ind, Spr. 6438) or agunasya^-nirguna- sya at the beginning stop the comparison of otherwise identical verses. Last and most important is the exclusion of material which was not in such shape that it could be utilized immedi- ately. Thus no attention was paid to the material published by Eugene Monseur, Cdnakya Recension de cinq Eecueils de 50 George Melville Boiling Stances Morales, Paris, 1887. In this book the five recensions have been fused, and their verses arranged under various head- ings, so that they could not be indexed profitably until a recon^ struction of each recension had first been made. That however is merely a matter of time and care, and will have to be done by some one at some time in the future. Another recension neglected is one known to us only through the medium of a translation, and. the purpose of the present paper is to put that recension into a form in which it too can be utilized, and thus to pave the way for another survey which will include all the/^anakya material. Demetrios Galanos in his 'IvSikwv MeTa<^/oao-ea)i/ IIpoS/oo/Aos (post- humously edited by G. K. Typaldos and G. A. Kosmetes, Athens, 1845), pp. 65-106, presents a Greek translation of nominally 330, actually 319, verses under the title IIoAtTtKa, olKovofiiKo. koI riOLKo. iK Suiopiov 7roLr)To>v . Boehtlingk seems to have taken this title at its face value, for he speaks {Ind. Spr.^ I, p. xi) of Spruechey die . . von ihm . . . gesammelt sind,^ and to have regarded this collection as an anthology formed by Galanos. The single fact, however, that Galanos has left blank spaces" opposite the numbers of eleven verses suffices to show that this is not the case. For such omissions must be due either to mis- takes in the numbering of a manuscript, or to the presence in it of passages rendered untranslatable by mutilation or corrup- tion. It' is clear therefore that this collection was not formed by Galanos, but found by him in some manuscript. In the absence of a colophon^ he devised a title of his own, and the (innocently) misleading ex SuKJiopSiv Troti/rcuv is due simply to the 7idndsdstroddhrtam of the opening stanza. Under the circumstances an attempt at the reconstruction of this manuscript seems desirable, and it has succeeded to a degree that appears to warrant its publication. On internal evidence the text turns out^o be nothing more nor less than another Canakya manuscript, but representative of a recension entirely independent of all those treated by Kressler and Mon- seur. To this view Klatt approached, but the idea of an anthology formed by Galanos kept him from reaching it. Con- ^Nor is Boehtlingk 's language on p. xiii inconsistent with this view, although the words taken separately are susceptible of a different interpre- tation. ' The manuscript may have been incomplete. There is no proof that Galanos' translation has reached the end of the collection, although the presence at the end of a number of stanzas in other than the MoTca metre is an indication that it is at least drawing to a close. Cdnakya Used by Galanos 51 sequently in his dissertatian De irecSiUs Cdnakyae poetae Indici sententm, Halle 1873, he rates the ^am/c^a a-vvoil/i's (i. e. Galanos' translation of Lgh) as the more important, and speaks (p. 11) of this collection as ^sententiae e variis poetis petitae, quae avWoyrf a lihris Cdnakyae ascriptis non diffeH, nisi quod nomen Cdnakyae nusquam commemoratur/ Even this differ- ence is not real. For instance in the Bombay recension the name of Canakya is to be found only in the commentary and in the adhyuy a-diYisions, not in the text proper. The whole truth was first seen by Monseur, who (p. x) writes: 'Le recueil que Galanos a traduit sous ce titre etait d'ailleurs un veritable Canakya, ayant beaucoup d 'analogies avec mon Nitisastra, avec le Canakya de Klatt et avec le Vrddha- Canakya de Bombay.' For gauging Galanos' habits as a translator an excellent standard can be found in a comparison of his Sava/cea Keavo9 ttoAvvS/oo? ytverai 8ta TTfi crvpporj^ TToAAcov TTOTa/x-wv, ovTO) Ktti 6 ttv^ptoTTOS TToA-vtSpis ytWxat 8ia tJ)? (TvWoyTJ'S TToAAtov \^ie(Dv Kol AoycDv as a rendering of : padam paddrdham pddam vd samgrahet tu suhhdsitam \ murkho 'pi prdjnatdm ydti nadibhik sdgaro yathd | |. Of course it is not always the case that his renderings a>re so free. Many of them are quite close, and it is only by dealing with the collections as wholes that one can acquire a feeling for what is possible and what is not possible for him.® The value of such a reconstruction lies in its main outlines. As far as these can be drawn at all they can be drawn with practical certainty; and indeed many of the single items have been noted by Klatt and Boehtlingk and recorded in the Indische Sprueche.* But beyond this it is, I believe, possible to go and to determine, with varying degrees of probability, many questions of detail. ^I may call attention .to a tendency to substitute explanation for mythology. Vocatives are regularly dropped. It must be remembered that the translation of the iK Siaopii>v ironjTwv never received a final revision, but was edited by men imfamiliar with the original. * Monseur adds a few but X have succeeded in identifying something over eighty additional verses. 52 George Melville Boiling In the effort to accomplisli this I have used the following material upon the following principles. First and most impor- tant the Indische Sprueche (abbreviated hereafter as B) with its critical apparatus, the works of Klatt, Kressler (from whom I take the sigla for the various recensions), and Monseur (M) already cited, and the following editions of Canakya. For VB I have used a copy of the smaller Bombay edition with Marathi commentary as described by Weber, Boehtlingk, and Kressler, but published in 1847, about a decade earlier than theirs.^ The copy of Wh could remain in my hands for only a short period, and consequently I have depended on the Indische Sprueche largely for its readings. For EH I have used only Haeberlin's anthology and accordingly abbreviate as H merely. For LghT I have used my own transcript of the Codex Yaticanus. The Agra recensions (VAg LghA) of which there seem to be no copies upon this continent are thus the only printed ones to which I have not had access. In choosing between variants I have been guided first by the degree of correspondence with the translation. When that cri- terion fails, I tend to prefer Canakya readings over those of other texts. Between Canakya, readings the presumption is in favor of the recension which, in the particular part of the work in question, seems closest akin to Galanos' text. The symbols used in printing are as follows. In the absence of any indication the readings occur in some source or sources; words in square brackets [ ] have been left untranslated by Galanos; words in angular brackets < > are retranslations from the Greek, that is are not found in tiny Sanskrit version known to me ; words between wavy lines J j are ones for which the correspondence with Galanos seems doubtful or unsatisfac- tory. I have added the references to the texts I have been able to consult, enclosing the mynbers in parentheses when they offer any real variants from the text adopted. If the number in the Galanos collection stands alone, the pratika of the verse is to be found in Kressler; if it is enclosed in parentheses, I am sus- "It contains two verses not in Kressler 's: iv. 2 sddhuhTiyas te nivartaiite putm mitrdni Itdndhavdh | ye ca tdih saJia gantdras tad dharmdt suTcrtam Tculam | | v, 10 : anyafhd vedapdndityam sdstram dodram anyathd I anyathd yat vadan ( ! ) sdntam lokdh Jcliiyanti cdnyathd | | with resulting changes in the numbering of the verses which I disregard, following Kressler 's numeration. This copy already contains some of the errors noted in the late» edition; but in other cases it is free of such, confirming or tending to confirm the corrections suggested; cf., i. 4, xi. 7, xiii. 15, 17, xiv. 7, 14, XV. 2, 3, 7, 10, 16, 19, xvi. 7, xvii. 15, 18., s VB i. 2. Cdnakya Used hy Galanos 53 picious of his statements. If ia star is added to tliis number the verse is not in Kressler's material ; if this star is in parentheses, there are nevertheless reasons for connecting the verse with the Canakya collection. Verses which I cannot identify are printed in the Greek. The numbers missing from my text are those which Galanos left blank. Readings and references followed by F. E. in parentheses are due to suggestions kindly offered by Franklin Edgerton. 1. ^ pranamya sirasa visnuih trailokyadhipatirii prabhum | nanasastroddhrtaih vaksye rajanitisamuccayam || VB i. 1. 2. tad aharii saihpravaksyami lokanam hitakamyaya | yena vijnanamatrena j sarvajnatvaih prapadyate J | VB i. 3. 3. 5 adhityedarii yatha sastrarii naro janati sattamah dharmopadesavikhyatam karyakaryasubhasubham Probably i= Wk i. 2, cf . Kressler, Vorindex, idam sdstram. 4. tyaja durjanasaihsargaih bhaja sadhusamagamam | . kuru punyam ahoratram. smara nityam anityatam VB (xiv. 20), 5 2621. 5. no/opa)TaTa\fjidTgrahah | karyakaranam asritya kalaih ksipati panditah 1 1 Lgh iv. 14, B 7496. 9. murkhasisyopadesena dustastribharanena ca dvisata samprayogena pandito 'py avasidati VB i. 4, B 4911. 10. kah kalah kani mitrani ko desah kau vyayagamau | kasyahaiii ka ca me saktir iti cintyam muhur-muhuh 1 1 y^iv. 17, 5 (1502). 11. paravadarii parasvam ca parahasyaih parasti-iyah | paravesmani vasam ca na kurvita kada cana | M 101, B (3925). 12. uttamaih saha samgatyam panditaih saha samkatham | alubdhaih saha mitratvarii kurvano navasidati || B (1183). (13.) paro 'pi hitavan bandhur bandhur apy ahitah parah | aHito dehaio vyadhir hitarii ausadham B 3988. 14. sa bandhur yo hitesu syat sa pita yas tu posakah | , sa sakha yatra visvasah sa deso yatra jivati | / /^/->r>/» \ byajet 54 ^ George Melville Boiling (15.) sa bharya ya grHe daksa santa caiva pativrata | nityam dharmarata satatarii priyavadini || B 7003. 16. yasya bharya sucir daksa bhartaram anugamini | sa sriyo na'sriyah sriyah || M p. 61, 5 (5446). Cf. Kressler: ya tu bharya 6ucih; the group 15-17 seems to be foimd together (but in reverse order) in VAg WJc. 17. yasya bharya virtipaksi kasmali kalahapriya | j uttarottaravadi ca J sa jara na jara jarar|| B (5445). 18. dusta bharya satham mitraih bhrtyas cottaradayakah | sasarpe ca grhe vaso mrtyur eva na saihsayah 1 1 VB i. 5, B 2891, 19. apadarthaiii dhanaih raksed daran raksed dhanair api | atmanarii satatarii raksed darair api dhanair api 1 1 VB i. 6, B 958. 20. tyajed ekam knlasyarthe gramasyarthe kularii tyajet gramarii janapadasyartha atmarthe prthivuh tyajet | VB iii. 10, B (2627). 21. calaty ekena padena tisthaty ekena buddhiman nasamiksya pararii sthanarii purvam ayatanarii H 32, B 2264. 22. lubdham arthena grhniyat stabdham anjalikarmana | murkharii chandanuvrttya ca yatharthatvena panditam 1 1 VB vi. 12, B (5860). (23.) svabhavena hi tusyanti devah satpnrusa dvijah J itarah khanapanena vakpradanena panditah 1 1 B 6767 (cf. 7300). 24. uttamarii pranipatena surarii bhedena yojayet nicam alpapradanena samara, tulyaparakramaih 1 1 B (1174). (25.) yasya yasya hi yo bhavas tena tena hi tarii naram | anupravisya medhavi ksipram atmavasaih nayet 1 1 B 5393. 26. nadinarii ca nakhinarii ca srnginarii sastrapaninam ] vis vaso naiva kartavyah strisu rajakulesu ca 1 1 ^ ' ' VBi. 15, k (27), B (3214). 27. arthanasarii manastaparii grhe duscaritani ca | vancanarii cavamanarii ca inatiman na prakasayet | Pada c as in Vikramacarita (F. E.). VB (vii. 1), B (583). 28. siddhamantrausadharii dharmarii grhachidrarii ca maithunam | » kubhuktarii kusrutarii caiva matiman na prakasayet 1 1 Cf. kressler: susiddham. VB (xiv. 17), B 7046. A 29. yasyarii tasyarii prasuto hi gunavan ptijyate narah dhanur vaiiiavisuddho 'pi nirgunah kirii karisyati | ' B (5369). CdnaJcya Used 'by Galanos 55 30. EyKaToA-ctTrcTO) 6 av^pwTros ywatxa, aWou eptoaav, kol (3tov ep€- 31. aphalasyapi vrksasya chaya bhavati sitala | M 179. nirguno 'pi varaih bandhur yah parah para eva sah 1 1 32. kasya dosah kule nasti vyadhina ko na piditah | vyasanam kena na praptaiii kasya saukhyarii nirantaram 1 1 VB iii. 1, B 1606. 33. ekodarasamudbhiita ekanaksatrajatakah | na bhavanti samah sile yatha badarakantakah | ] ' * VB V. 4, B 1423. 34. At avTol avXXja^al kol at avral Xe^et? Trpo^ipovrai €k arofxariav aTravTiov' ■^ dykdia ofxais riys Trpo(f>opa || H 75^b 5 3231 ^\ 39.* nasty arogyasamaih mitraih | na capatyasamah sneho na ca duhkhaih ksudha samam | B 3690. 40.* sugandharii ketakipusparii kantakaih parivestitam | yatha puspaih tatha durjanaih parivestitah || B 7093. 41. gunah kurvanti dutatvaih dure 'pi vasatarii satam | ketakigandham aghraya svayarii gacchanti satpadah 1 1 Lgh (vii. 2), B 2128. 42.* yasya ksetrarii naditire bharya ca parasaihgata | sasarpe ca grhe vasah kathaih syat tasya nirvrtih 1 1 B 5364. (43.) naditire ca ye vrksa ya ca nari | mantrina rahito raja na cirarii tasya jivitam 1 1 B 3291. The variant from Lgh 1. 9, cf. also B 3290 = VB ii. 15. 44.* Cf. Kressler: sdntitulyam and B 2011, 6439. 45. yasmin dese na sariunano na vrttir na ca bandhavah na ca vidyagamah kas cit tarn desarii parivarjayet 1 1 Cf. also Monseur, p. 60. ' VB (i. 8), H (37), B 5352. 56 ■ George Melville Boiling 46. anayake na vastavyaih na vased bahunayake | strinayake na vastavyarii na vased balanayake 1 1 B 279. 47. ature vyasane caiva durbhikse satruvigrahe | rajadvar6 smasane ca yas tisthati sa bandhavah YB {i.l2),n (17), B (1221). (48.) stnrLam dviguna abaro lajja capi caturguna | sadguno | vyaveisayas J ca kamas castagunah smrtah * ■ ■ ' VB i. 17^w^ s 78°. Cf. also B 1082, 4091, 7204. 49. anrtaih sahasarii maya murkhatvam atilobhata | asaucatvam nirdayatvarii strinarii dosah svabhavajah VB ii. 1, B (328). 50. na svapnena jayen nidraih na kamena jayet striyah | nendhanena jayed agnim || B 3504, cf . M p. 55. 51. nadi patayate kulam nari patayate kulam | narinaih ca nadinaiii ca svachandalalita gatib 1 1 B 7561. 52. bbojyarii bhojanasaktis ca ratisaktir varangana vibhavo danasaktis ca nalpasya tapasab pbalam VBn.2,'H (52), 5 (4640). 53. sukule yojayet kanyaih putrarii vidyasn yojayet | vyasane yojayec cbatrum istaih dharmena yojayet || VB iii. 3, B 7058. 54. agnihotrapbala veda dattabhuktapbalaih dhanam | ratiputraphala darab silavrttapbalaih srutam || B (71). 55. na rajna saba mitratvam na sarpo nirvisah kva cit na kulaih nirmalarii tatra strijano yatra jay ate 1 1 M 85. 56. stbanesv eva niyoktavya bbrtyas cabbaranani ca | na bi cudamanib. pade prabhavan iti budbyate || B (7221). 57. vajivarana kastbapasanavasasam | naripurusatoyanam antaram mabad antaram [ B 6029. 58. upakaragrbltena satruna satrum uddbaret padalagnaih karastbena kantakeneva kantakam 1 1 ' H 22, B 1279. 59. apakarisu [ma papain cintayasva kada cana] | svayam eva patisyanti kulajata iva drumah 1 1 B 390. 60.* uttamam sucirarii naiva vipado 'bbibbavanty alam | rabugrasanasambbutarii ksano vicbayayed vidbum | B 1172. 61. udyamah sabasaih dbairyarii balaih buddbib parakramah sad ete yasya tistbanti tasmad devo 'pi sankitab I B 1247. 62. partbivasya ca bbrtyasya vadami gunalaksanam te niyojya yatbayogyaih trividhesv eva karmasu B 7587^b ^ Glal. 79< Cf. also Monseur, p. 68, and for the following section Klatt, p. 37. Cdnakya Used hy Galanos 57 63. ingitakaratattvajno [balavan priyadarsanah] | apramadi sada daksali pratlharah sa ucyate 1 1 H 108, B 1089, 64. medhavi vakpatuh prajnah sarvabhavapariksakaJi | dhiro yathaktavadi ca esa duto vidhiyate 1 1 H (106), B (4976), M p. 60. 65. Isakrdukta^grhitartho laghuhasto jitaksarah | sarvasastrasamaloki prakrsto nama lekhakali 1 1 if 104, 5 6654. 66. samastasastrasastrajno valianesu jitasramah | saury aviryagunopetah senadhyakso vidhiyate | H (105), B 6841. Cf . Kressler : samastamti° and sastraJdstra° ; a verse beginning samasta- Jiayasdstrajno has probably been lost by haplography. (67.) putrapautragTinopetah sastrajno mistapacakah | sucis ca vyavasayi ca supakarah prasasyate 1 1 Cf. Kressler also under: pitrpditdmaho. H (107), B (4111). 68. ayurvedakrtabhyasah. sarvajnah priyadarsanah | aryasilagunopeta esa vaidyo vidhiyate \\H (103), B (999) 69. vedavedangatattvajno japahomaparayanah | asirvadaparo nityam esa rajnah purohitah 1 1 H (101), S 6269. 70. "OcTTis ypaLeL kol avaytvwo-KCt, kol apiOfxet kol Ka\u)<: Siepixrjvevcif Kat ^vAttTTct arropprjTa to. fivaTLKOLj Kal yivwcTKet to, ovra, Kai to, )(povoVf Kal Ttt Trjca suklapakse ca candramah raj adravy aril ca bhaiksarii ca stokarii stokena vardbate | M 147. 86. kbalah sarsapamatrani parachidrani pasyati | atmano bilvamatrani pasyann api na pasyati 1 1 B 2045. 87.(*) na visvased amitrasya mitrasyapi na visvaset | visvasad bhayam utpannam miilany api nikrntati ] Cf. below, V. 90; read perhaps: . B 3429." 88. visad apy amrtarii grahyam amedhyad api kancanam ] nicad apy uttama vidya striratnarii duskulad api 1 1 YB\. 16, if 16, 5 6227. 89. sarpah krurah. khalah krurah sarpat kruratarah kbalah. | mantrausadhivasah sarpah khalah kenopasamyati || H (26), B (6899). (90.) na visvaset kumitre ca mitre capi na visvaset | kada cit kupitarii mitrarii sarvaguhyarii prakasayet 1 1 ySii. 6, JI (20), B (3430). 91. durjanah naiva visvasakarakah madhu vasati jihvagre hrdaye tu halahalam | H (24), B (2852) Cf . Kressler : durjanah priya° ; corruption due to assimilation to v. 82. Cdnakya Used ly Galanos 59 92. mukham padmadalakararii vakyarii candanasitalam | hrdayaih karttrisadrsarii trividharii dhtirtalaksanam || Possibly read: 60 George Melville Boiling 109. pathakah pathakas caiva ye canye sastracintakah | sarve vyasanino murkha yah. kriyavan sa panditah ^ Cf. Kressler also under lekTiakah. Lg^ ii- '^j B (5865). 110. ke cid ajnanato nastali ke cin nastah pramadatah | ke cij balenapi ke cin nastais tu nasitah Lgh ii. 11, M 47. 111. pustakesu ca ya vidya parahastesu yad dhanam | utpannesu ca karyesu na sa vidya na tad dhanam 1 1 VB xvi. 20, Lgh v. 3, E (83); B (4156). 112. ekam evaksararii yas tn ^ruh sisyarii prabodhayet | prthivyarii nasti tad dravyam yad dattva canrni3havet 1 1 VB XV. 2, B (1367). 113. janita copaneta ca yas tn vidyarii prayacehati annadata bhayatrata pancaite pitarah smrtah VB iv. 18, B 2328. 114. uttamasyapi varnasya nico 'pi grham agatah | balo va yadi va vrddho sarvasyabhyagato guruh M 23, B llll^K E 90^^^ 115. laksmir laksanahine ca kulahine sarasvati apatre ramate nari girau varsati vasavah K (182) ap. B 3793 app. 116. Tc6cf>e\o^ ii €K€Lvov Tov irXovTOVy OS crvveKiyr] ii dSiKtas; aTroOavovro'S yap TOV dv6p(i)Trov, 6 ovpavos ovk iirLKT-qros yCveraL, et Kai arra? So^T/creTai. 117. suci bhumigatarii toyarii supir nari pativrata | sucih |/ksemakaro J raja sucih || Cf. Kressler: iuddham bhumi°. VB (viii. 17), Lgh iv. 1, B 6481. 118. sastram sastrarii krsir vidya | " ilf ('l59),'5 (1898). sudrdhaih caiva kartavyarii krsnasarpamukharii yatha 1 1 Cf. Vikra-macarita SE 14. 2 = MR 14! '27 f . = BR 14. 1 (F. E.), and Kressler: Icrsir vidya. 119. upakarisu yah sadhuh sadhutve tasya ko gunah apakarisu yah sadhuh sa sadhuh sadbhir ucyate B (1281). 120. saile-saile na manikyaih mauktikam na gaje-gaje | sadhavo na hi sarvatra candanaih na vane- vane 1 1 VB ii. 9, H 55, B 6523. 121. jalalekheva nicanarii yat krtaih tan na drsyate atyalpam api sadhunaih silalekheva tisthati [ 122. atilaulyaprasaktanaih vipattir naiva duratah jivarii nasyati lobhena minas camisadarsane || ilf 6. With yariant: vdyasdmisalul>dhdndm matsydndm iva drsycfie, cf. B 2421, 4523. B 7524. v^ Cdnakya Used ly Galanos 61 123. alasaih mukliararii stabdharii kruram vyasaninaih satham | a$anitTListam abhaktaih ca tyajed bhrtyarii naradhipah 1 1 B (639). (124.) dhanahino na hmah sa dhanam kasya hi niscalam vidyajnanena yo hinah sa hinah sarvavastusu | Lgh viii. 2.^ 125. sinhad ekaih bakad ekaih siksec catvari kukkutat | vayasat panca siksec ca sat sunas trini gardabhat 1 1 VByi. 15, H {66), B (7041). 126. prabhutaiii karyam alpaiii va yo narah kartum icchati sarvarambhena tat karyam sinhad ekam pracaksyate | VByL 16, H (67), B (4261). 127. indriyani ca saihyamya bakavat pandito narah | kaladesopapannani sarvakaryani sadhayet | VB (vi. 17), H (68), B (6950). 128. pragutthanaih ca yuddhaih ca samvibhagaih ca bandhusu | svayam akramya bhunjita siksec catvari kukkutat 1 1 VB vi. 18, H {12)', B (5510). 129. gudhamaithunadharstyarii ca kale calayasaihgraham | apramattam avisvasah panca siksec ca vayasat 1 1 YB vi. 19, H (71), 5 (2183), M p. 51. 130. bahvasi svalpasaihtustah sunidro laghucetanah | svamibhaktas ca suras ca sad ete svanato gunah 1 1 y^ vi. 20, H'{m),B 4427. 131. susranto 'pi vahed bharaih sitosnarii na ca pasyati samtustas carate nityarii trini siksec ca gardabhat y^'vi. 21, H (70), B (694). 132. etani vinsatuh padany acarisyati yo narah | sa jesyati ripun sarvan kalyanas ca bhavisyati 1 1 ilf 34. Bead vinsati for metre; cf. Kressler: ya etan vinsati gwmn. (133.) na kas cit kasya cin mitraih na kas cit kasya cid ripuh | karanad eva jay ante mitrani ripavas tatha 1 1 B 3187, cf. 3189 app. 134. sokaratibhayatraiiaih pritivisrambhabhajanam | idaih srstarii mitram ity aksaradvayam || B 6527, cf . 1908, M 21. 135. prastavasadrsam vakyaih J svabhavasadrsaih priyam ^ | atmasaktisamaih kopaih yo janati sa panditah 1 1 VB xiv. 15, B 4287. Possibly: svdminah sadrBm Tcriydm, cf, app. to B. 136. This is perhaps CN 283, ef. Sarngadhara I^addhati 1444 (F. E.). 137. avansapatito raja murkhaputras ca panditah | , adhano hi dhanaih prapya trnavan manyate jagat 1 1 5 (81), B 653. 62 George Melville Boiling 138.* sthanaih nasti ksano nasti nasti prarthayita narah tena [narada] narinaih satltvam upajayate |1 B 7222. Of. Vikramacarita SB vi. 11 (F. E.). 139. Ola (.pya it parr ei rj p-i^Trjp Kpvji^v iv veoTrjTL, ravra S^Aa yivovrai VTTO TiOV viSiV, ol OVK CtCTt )(pr](TT07J6£L sakrasyapi sriyaih haret || B 7432, cf. 98. Possibly: hanti punyam purakrtam, cf. M 56; but Galanos inclines to the avoidance of mythology. 149. ^K.adapd i(TTLv "^ kovis, "^ ck /SacrtXco)?, ^ e/c fioos, "^ i$ eXc^avros, t] eg LTTTTOV KOL "^ €^ dvdpiOTTttiV ' OLKaOapTOV Se ytl/OKTKe TTjV KOVIV Trjv i$ ovoVf €K Kap.'^kov, €$ ttiyos, Kttt €K 7rpof3a.Tov. 150. O CK KO(TKLVOV aVCjUOS, Kttt TO vBfDp TWV fie^pCyfJieVtiiV OVV^WV, Kttt TO TrXvvofxevov IpuaxLOv, koi 17 €/c (rap(o9pov kovk, /cat ro t^s ^e^peyfievrji k6/X7]S vB visvasam kah prajnah kartum aAati || 152.* yo 'rina saha saihdhaya sukham svapiti visvasan sa vrksagre prasupto va patitah pratibudhyate 1 1 B (5646) Cdnakya Used hy Galanos 63 153. natyantasaralair bhavyaih gatva p?^ya vanasthalim chidyant^ saralas tatra kubjas tisthanti padapah 1 1 VB vii. i2, B 3564. 154. natyantam mrdu Pratika of CN 49 is so given; I should have expected: ndtyantamrduhJm hhdvyam. * • 155. namanti phalino vrksa namanti gunino janah. | B 3365. - -' suskakasthaih ca miirklias ca bhidyate na ca namyate 1 1 156; Ot fi€v ftdp^apoL iv Tpvrj et(rt kol i^SvTra^etaj iTreiBr) afxoipoL cIctl r^s yvcocrecDS kol ti}s twv iraOwv ^aXtvaywyias • ol Be OL aTrc^ovcrt t^s '' ^SuTra^etas Kai\Trjs TpvTJ^j cttciS^ )(a\Lvaya)yovvTaL ry yvoxrei. 157. dhanyas te ye na pasyanti desabhangarii kulaksayam parahastagatarii bharyarii mitraiii ca visamasthitam | B 3084. 158. Of. Kressler: Jcumitre nasti. cf. il/ p. 50, B 1800 app. 159. OvK av€ cauranam anrtarii balami i? (62), B (2866). durbalasya balarii raja balanarii rodanarii balam 1 1 Cf. Kressler: durhcUasya. The variant must be a corruption of mdunitvam. ~J 162. knbharyarii ca kudesarii ca kurajanarii kusauhrdam 1 kubandhurii ca kumitrarii ca dtiratah parivarjayet 1 1 B (1802). 163. vyadhitasyarthahinasya desantaragatasya ca | narasya sokataptasya suhrddarsanam ausadham B (7606), cf. Mp. 68. 164. parokse karyahantararii pratyakse priyavadinam | variayet tadrsarii mitrarii visakumbharii payomukham YB ii. 5, R 18, B 3979. 1Q5. varayet kulajarii prajiio virtipam api kanyakam | riipavatirii na nicasya vivahah sadrse kule 1 1 YB (i. 14), 5 5982. 166. dhanadbanyaprayogesu vidyasariigrahane tatha | ahare vyavahare ca tyaktalajjah sada bhavet || YB (vii. 2, xii. 21), R (35), B (3042). 64 George Melville Bollifig 167. nihsprho nadhikari syan nakami mandanapriyah navidagdhah priyaih bmyat spastavakta na vancakah | [ YBy.b,B (3786) 168. varam halahalam pitarii sadyah pranaharam visam na tu varam dhanadhyasya bhrubh9,ngakiitilarii mukham M 144 169. murkho hi parihartavyah pratyaksarii dvipadsih pasuh | , bhinatti vakyasalyena adrstah kantako yatha || Cf. Kressler: murlchas tu. ' VB iii. 7, B 4924. 170. putras tu vividhaih silpair niyojyah satataih budliaih | nitijna buddhisaihpanna bhavanti khalu piijitah 1 1 VB (ii. 10), B (4116 app.). 171. pustake pratyayadhitam nadhitaiii gurusaihnidhau | sabhamadhye na sobhante ^ jaragarbha | iva striyan 1 1 VB xvii. 1, B (4155). 172. yasya nasti svayarii prajna sastrarii tasya karoti kim | locanabhyaiii vihmasya darpanah kiifa karisyati 1 1 VB X. 9, H 109, B 5380. 173. OvK tcTTL TTLcrri^ CIS Of^Lv, CIS cAc^avTtt, CIS (TvyyeviKov i)(dpbvf cis dWoTpLOv ttXovtov {-xprjixaTo) , cis aXXorpuiv yvvaiKa, kol cts rrjv iBuiv yvvoLKa, ■Yj kXlv€l tt/jos aWov avSpa.. 174. "OtTTts €X*' TTta-Tiv CIS ywaiKas e^ dyvotas rj <^i\r pov. sa vrksagre yatha suptah patitah pratibudhyate ' ' B 3099 (42 175. krte pratikrtam kuryad dhinsite pratihinsitam | tatra dosaiii na pasyami yo duste dustam acaret '• VB (xvii." 2),B 1874, M p. 50. 176.- H cts ywaiKas TrtcrTts ^k LX.Tpov 17 ck padvfx.Ca.d^ js 7i2abc^ cf ^ ^ 14^ 184. O €ai/ci)s €vy€ rrjv ofxikuxv tov dvatSecrTarov dv6p7rov, tov i^OpoVf tov puj/OKLvSvvov Kal TOV l^Opov TOV /SacTtAcws. 191. [gate soko na kartavyo] bhavisyaih naiva cintayet | vartamanena kalena vartayanti vicaksanajh. 1 1 YB (xiii. 2), B 2072. Possibly a had been supplanted by a variant of c : vartamanena samtusto. 192. TavTa irdvTa b (f>p6vLfios aTTO^evycf tyjv aa-Tadeuiv, Trfv XaLfULpytav, TOV dvfjibvf TO if/evSo^, Trjv Sia^oXrjv, tyjv t^Bpav koX T-qv OLKrjo-LV iv OLKUi aWoTpLO). ^ Cf. M 209: cdpalyam Idulyatdm Tcopam. S 193. To SrjXrjTi^pLov dpfJMKOVy to e^axOev eK t^s TreptStviyo^ctos tt}^ yaXa- KTiKTJs 6a\dcra-r}Sy ovk di7]vaLV kol cTrt KaKov dvOpoiirov Kttt CTTt ayauov. Cf. B 2160: 'kslrodadhisamutpannah JcdlaJcUtah. 194.* 66 George Melville Boiling 196-7.* dharme ragah srute cinta dane vyasanam nttamam indriyarthesu vairagyaih saihpraptarii janmanah phalam || B 3132. 198.* khararii svanaih gajonmattaih randaih ca bahubhasinim | kumitrarii ca duratah parivarjayet || "^ B 2042. (199.) sakataih pancahastena dasahastena vajinam | hastinaih satahastena desatyagena durjanam 1 1 VB (vii. 1),B (6341). (200.) kirii karoti narah prajiiah suro vapy atha panditab | daivaiii yasya chalEnvesi karoti vipbalaih kriyam 1 1 Lgh iv. 7, B 1729. 201. yasya putro vasibhuto bharya ehandanugamini | vibhave yas ca saiiitustas tasya svarga ihaiva hi 1 1 VB ii.S,H (42), B 5382. 202.* adityasyodayo ganarii tambtilaih bbarati katba | ista bharya sumitram ca apurvani dine-dine 1 1 B 932. 203. natyuccasikhafo merur natinicam rasatalam vyavasayapravrttanaih nasty aparo mabodadhib Lgh Yil 6, B (7569). 204. satpadah puspamadbyastho yatba saraiii samuddbaret tatba sarvesu saram grbnati buddbiman | B (6605). 205.* karmabhutim imam prapya kartavyam kiarma yac cbubham | agnir vayus ca somas ca karmanarii pbalabbaginah 1 1 ' B 1564. 206. jivantam mrtavan manye debinam dbarmavarjitam | mrto dbarmena samyukto dirgbajivi na samsayab 1 1 VB xiii. 9', B 2430. 207. OcTTL? ovK l^et KXiatv ets to, tov vo/xov, ovtoL€TaL ^ KapSia avToO* tto)? 208. sa dbarmo yatra nadbarmas tat sukbam yatra nasukbam | jnanaih ca yatra najnanam sa gatir yatra nagatih || M 170. 209. TavTo. cio-t TO, TOV vofiov rf ets to. tfxypv^ €vcnr\a.y)(y(a.^ -^ aX-qOcui, ^ avo)(r}, 17 Ka9ap6Trjdaiiam abhayam sarvadehinam |1 VB (xvi. 14),B 2023. 213. 0(rTis eXeos e;(ct cis ra tyiAliv^a, vtto tovtov iroicn rois ^eots Xarpeta iyevcTOf koi iracra 6v(Tia, kox Xovrpov €v Tracri rots d-ytao-rtKois rSatrt. Cf. 5 6930. 214. naharaih cintayet prajno dharmam eva hi cintayet | aharo hi manusyanarii janmana saha jay ate 1 1 YB (xii. 20), B 3695. 215.* rajyaih ca saihpado bhogah kule janma | pandityam ayur arogyaih dharmasyaitat phalarii viduh | B 5772. 216. daridryanasanam danarii silaih durgatinasanam I ajnananasini prajna bhavana bhavanasini 1 1 YB (v. 10), B (2775). 217. jnanadanena nirbhayo 'bhayadanatah | annadanat sukhi nityarii nirvyadhir bhesajad bhavet || B 2455. The change in a not only coincides with Galanos ' 7vw(ris '^Iverai but jndnavijndna° is cited by Kressler from Bhj, 218. matrvat paradarans ca paradravyani lostavat atmavat sarvabhiitani yah pasyati sa pasyati | YB xil U,H{5),B 4805. 219. anityani sarirani vibhavo naiva sasvatah | nityam samnihito mrtyuh kartavyo dharmasarhgrahah 1 1 YB xii. 12, B 292. 220.* matulo yasya govindah pita yasya dhanamjayah | so 'bhimanyu rane sete niyatih kena badhyate 1 1 B 4802. 221. grhesv artha nivartante smgLsanad api bandhavah | sariraih ( tirtham adaya | punyapapaih samarii gatam | ' ■ M 55, cf. B 601. 222. na ca mata pita yati na ca bhrata sahodarah | puny am samam yati Possibly d is nothing but a variant to b. \\ B 3229. 223. Tw ovTt OvfjirjpTjs ia-rlv rj yvvrj- dvfxrjprjs koI 6 ttXovtos- rj ^on) 8'o/aL^ BaaovKTjs, Kaiirep wv irapa Tw Aat^o Tov ^t)Sa, dv€fMOdyo * cf . Lgh viii. 1. 238. yasyarthas tasya mitrani yasyarthas tasya bandhavah ] yasyarthah sa pumahl loke yasyarthah sa ca panditah | VByI 5'(vii. 15), 5 (540^). 239. vayovrddhas tapovrddha ye ca vrddha bahusnitah | te sarve dhanavrddhanarii dvari tisthanti kiihkarah 1 1 • • 1 . 1 1 _ Lgh viii. 3. Cdnakya Used hy Galanos 69 240. arthanam arjane duhkham arjitanaih ca raksane | ' aye duhkham vyaye dnhkliarii dMg artha' duhMiasaiii- srayalill B (605). 241. gatibhangah svaro dino gatrasvedo mahad bhayam | marane yani cihnani tani cihnani yacake || B (2811). 242.* mahataih prarthanenaiva vipattir api sobhate | dantabhango hi naganaih slagbyo girividarane || B (4746). 243. Ot ju,€V BpdxfJM,veoopiaL\o7rovuis, ol 8k "^ovSpai ck tyJs 6r)Teiap(i)v fw.6r)Tr] prabhrastamanadarpasya kiih dhanena kim ayusa 1 1 *5 4828c'i. 255.* pragnas tu jalpataih puhsaih srutva vacah subhasubhah | gnnavad vakyam adatte hahsah lislram ivambhasah 1 1 Galanos^ translation lacks the limitation to a conversation. B 4923. 70 George Mel/vUle Boiling 256.* vasen manadliike sthane manaliinaiii vivar jayet | manahinam suraih sardhaih vimanam api varjayet 1 1 B 6003. 257. muhiirtam api jiveta narah suklena karmana | na kalpam api kastena lokadvayavirodhina 1 1 YB xiii. 1, B 4905. Galanos' translation is free. 258. saiiisarakatuvrksasya dve phale amj:'topame kavyamrtarasasvada alapah sajjanaih saha | VB (xvi. 18), B (6636). 259. akarair ingitair gatya cestaya bhasitena ca | netravaktravikarais ca grhyate 'ntargatarii manah B 848. 260. rajni dharmini dharmisthah pape papah same samah | raianam anuvartante^yatha raja tatha prajah || VB xiii. 8, Lgh ii. 6, B 5768. 261. nasti satyam sada caure na saucarii vrsalipatau | madyape sauhrdarii nasti dyutakare trayaiii na hi B 7576. 262. sakrj jalpanti rajanah sakrj jalpanti sadhavah | sakrt kanyah pradiyante triny etani sakrt-sakrt 1 1 VB (iv. 10), 5 6650. 263. abhrachaya trnad agnih khalapntih sthale jalam vesyaragah kumitraiii ca sad ete budbudopamah 264. gunah sarvatra pujyante pitrvanso nirarthakah vasudevam namasyanti vasudevarii na te janah | Lgh vii. 4, B 2143. 265. daridranam anatbanarii balavrddhatapasvinam anyayaparibhutanam sarvesaiii partMvo gatih Cf. Kressler: anathdndm. 266. acarah kulam akhyati desam akhyati bhasanam sneham akhyati vapur akhyati bhojanam Merely a scribe's blunder for SQ,mb'hramah. VB iii. 2, B 870, 267. artharthi bhajate loko na kas cit kasya cit priyah ] vatsah ksiraksayaih drstva parityajati mataram || M 180, Cf. also B 2541, 3186, 3187, 3189. 268.* devadravyena ya vrddhir gurudravyena yat sukham J tad dhanam j[ kulanasaya mrto 'pi narakaih vrajet B (2941). 270. 'YTripdcaLV (dva/8oA.^v) SeT Trotctv cv TroXifiOLSy iv Savetbts Kai hf alTrjfXAX(nv vlov koI ywaiKos ■ Iv ■n-act Set Trotctv viripBtxriv ■ €v 8c ry Trpai^L Tiov Tov vofjiov ov Set Trotetv VTripOtuiv koX jSpaSvT^ra. Contrast B 3115. B 516. B (7443). Cdnakya Used by Galmos 71 271. raja kulavadhtir vipra niyogi mantrinas tatM | sthanabhrasta na sobhante dantah kesk nakhas tatha | B 5750. 272. (*) bhavasuddhir maniLsyanaih jnatavya sarvakarmasu anyathalingyate kanta bhavena duhitanyatha 1 1 B (4579) app. G. seems to have read dlingate. His vl6v must be a lapsus for iraripa. 273. H fiiv L,et Kara Tr)v vtrodeatv Kal diroSeiKTtKws ovtos co-rtv 6pd6 ) 280. ''A^cs TOV Ov/xoVf OS eo^Ti pt^a t^s aTOTrtas, avirjTiKos (av^T^orts) Tiys KUKtas, Kat oAe^ptos (oXe^pos, fJi.€L(x>a-L 290.* 291.* 292. dhanikah srotriyo raja nadi vaidyas tu pancamah | panca yatra na vidyante na tatra divasaih vaset | VB i. 9, H (36), B (3861). 293. I lokayatra J bhayarii lajja daksinyam tyagasilata | panca yatra na vidyante na kuryat tatra samgatim YB i. 10, B (3862). (294.) dadati pratigrhnati guhyam akhyati prcchati | bhunkte bhojayate caiva sadvidham pritilaksanam ' B 2703. 295. A7roevy€ T7)v afxiXeuiv, rrjv (juXuiv KaKOv avOpwTrov, r^v t/feuSoXoyuzv, TT/v ^ojoKTOvtav, Tr}v kv/3€ulv, t7]v OLVOTToa-Lav, Kttt Tr]V dXXoTpiav yvvaiKtt. Cf. B 2993, 2994. (296.) sarvanase samutpanne ardhaih tyajati panditah | ardhena kurute karyaih sarvanaso hi | duhsahah { 1 1 B 6929. Eead : ? 297. sariitosas trisu kartavyah svadare bhojane dhane | trisu caiva na kartavyo dane cadhyayane tape 1 1 VB (vii. 4, xiii. 19), B (6799), M p. 65. 298. Ota X°-P^ '^'^^ avcat? ecTTt Tot svammo bhusanam krpa > vakyasya bhusanam satyam ) * • • ^ 1 1 -^ (302.) vastrahlnas tv alaihkaro ghrtahinaih ca bhojanam | ( svarahmam ca gandharvam bhavahinaih ca maithunam 1 1 B 6011. 305. riktapanir na pasyeta rajanaih devataih gurum | naimittikam phalena phalam adiset || B 5786. 306. priyavakyapradanena sarve tusyanti jantavah | ' tasmat tad eva vaktavyarii vacane kim daridrata 1 1 VB xvi. 17, B 4352. 307.* 308. ayuh karma ca vittaih ca vidya nidhanam eva ca | ~ pancaitani ca sr jyante garbhasthasyaiva dehinah 1 1 VB (iv. l),xiii. 4" B (992). 309. manasa cintitarii karyarii vaca naiva prakasayet | mantyena raksayed gudhaih karyam capi niyojayet \. ■ , ' y^ii. 7, a- (38),B.(4687). 311. ajnamatraphalaih rajyaih brahmacaryaphalaih tapah jnanamatraphala vidya dattabhuktaphalam dhanam B 880. 312.* vasisthakulajato 'pi yah khalah khala eva sah candanad api sambhuto dahaty eva hutasanah 1 1 B 6001. 314. maksika vranam icchanti J dhanam | icchanti parthivah ' nicah kalaham icchanti santim icchanti sadhavah 1 1 Lgh V. 9, B 4651. 315.* adau tanvyo brhanmadhya | vistarinyah pade-pade ^ \ yayinyo na nivartante satarii maitryah saritsamah || B 940. 316. (*) jivite yasya jivanti mitrani bandhavah | •^ saphalaih jivitaih tasya atmartham ko na jivati 1 1 B 2439. Cf. Kressler: yasmin jivati (Klatt would so emend) ? 317. *0 KttKOS KaLTTtp X(av evepyerovfjievos, aTrep ov Set Aeyeiv kol iv \oyo- IMi)(iaj ravra Aeyet iv yeXwrt /cat ■^(apicvrnTixia • 6 8' dya^os, KaiTrep ipe6Lt,6fxevoi ets opyrjv, ovk iKpd^eL apprjTa koli dirpeTrrj • tt. ^. o 6/3ov KOL KLvSvvov, oAAo Sc €is dfiOL/Srjv ;(d/otTos • o Tt 8c 8L8oTai ets aWo T€A.os dXvaLTeXis Icttl. 74 ' " George Melville Boiling 320. trnal laghutaras tiilas tulad api ca yacakah | ^ vayuna kiiii na nito 'sau mam ayaih yacayed iti VB (xvi. 15), 5 (2590 app.). 323. Kocr/ATy/AttTa eiai rrjq yrj? Trevrc • 6 c^tXoKaXos /SaxriXevs, 6 aya6o<: koi ttXovo-lo^, 6 cvTratScuTos koI (Til)p After M 50. 325. kake saucarii dyutakaresu satyarii sarpe ksantih strisu kamopasantih | klibe dhairyaiii madyape tattvacinta raja mitraiii kena drstam srutam va 1 1 5 1618. 326.* sarv pradhana sarvesu panesu jalaiii pradbanam | sarvesu saukbyesu pradbana sarvesu gatresu sirah pradbanam 1 1 ■ -^ VB (ix. 4), M (173), B (6959). 327. kantaviyogah svajanapamana rnasya sesarii knjanasya seva daridrabbavad vimukbaih ca mitraiii vinagnina panca dabanti kayam || VB (ii. 14), B (1630). 328.* avinito bbrtyajano nrpatir adata sathani mitrani avinayavati ca bbarya mastakasulani catvari 1 1 B 691. 329. sarve ksayanta nicayah patanantah samuccbrayah sariiyoga viprayoganta maranantaiii ca jivitam 1 1 B 6948. 330. na sa sabha yatra na santi vrddba na te vrddba ye na vadanti dbarmam | nasau dbarmo yatra na satyam asti na tat satyam yac cbalenabbynpetam || B 3483. Columbus, Ohio. v\ , THE SOURCES OF INDIAN PHILOSOPHICAL IDEAS George William Brown Professor or Old Testament Literature^ College of the Bible, Lexington, Kentucky It is usually held that the characteristic Indian philosophy, which first presents itself in a developed form in the Upani- shads, is a direct evolution from the older faith of the Aryans, as that faith is revealed in the older hymns of the Eig Veda. To be sure, it is admitted that there is something extraordinary in the development. A highly organized ritual, such as one finds described in the Rig Veda, with its exaltation of the priest- hood and of sacrifice, would not normally lead into a system in which the priesthood is ignored and the sacrifice is regarded as useless. The abnormality is the more marked when we find that the ritual was continued alongside of the non-ritualistic system characterized by the philosophy, and in many ways was still more highly developed in the days of the Sutras. Chrono- logically, it is usually granted that the speculative hymns of the Vedas are among the latest passages in those books, that the earlier Brahmanas were nearly or quite contemporaneous with these hymns, and that the earlier Upanishads were nearly or quite contemporaneous with the later Brahmanas. In the same way the Sutras link on to the Upanishads. Sutra and Upani- shad seem to stand at opposite poles (reference is of course made here to the Sutras dealing with the ritualistic side of things). The chain of development presented is that of a ritualistic sys- tem in the older Rig Veda, developed thruout the Brahmanas and Sutras — the normal development. But there appear cer- tain hymns, manifesting different tendencies, in the later parts of the Rig Veda; traces of the same thought are found in the Brahmanas, and these ideas are the essential part of the Upan- ishads. We have, then, side by side, two fundamentally (Effer- ent systems of thought; the one strongly polytheistic, with a highly elaborated ritual; the other paying little attention to gods as such, certainly to personal gods, and taking the form of a monistic or dualistic philosophical system. A fundamental question in connection with this phenomenon is, whence came the newer and philosophical ideas? Assuming 76 George William Brown that only the Aryan element contributed toward the develop- ment of Indian thought, that the earlier inhabitants of the land were destroyed, or at least culturally reduced to zero, by the invading Aryans, it is usually taught that the almost atheistic philosophy of the Upanishads is a natural sequence of the earlier polytheistic ideas manifested in the original parts of the Rig Veda. The one argument which may be best invoked to substantiate this assumption is the chronological one, for char- acteristic Upanishadic thought certainly did follow character- istic Vedic thought. Yet this argument alone is not conclusive. It is oifset by the wide difference in the fundamental ideas of the earlier and later systems. Again, it may be just as effec- tively invoked to prove that the philosophic ideas were derived from some other source, such as the pre- Aryan civilization of the , country, which was gradually assimilated by the invading Aryans. In fact, this assumption is one that deserves far more consideration than it has usually had. Why should we assume that only Aryan elements enter into later Indian culture? On the contrary, why should we not assume that later Indian cul- ture is a composite product, as practically all later cultures are composite products, and that both the Aryan and the non- Aryan elements contributed to it? That the non- Aryan element of the population was not wholly exterminated is an unquestioned fact. The southern part of India, in fact nearly all the peninsula proper, is racially un- Aryan. And tho Aryan languages have spread more than Aryan blood in the occupation of the land, the South is still linguistically unconquered. If we accept Risley's conclusions in toto (cf. H. H. Risley, The People of India, 2nd ed., p. 33ff.) we find the prevailingly Aryan element of the northwest of India becoming continually weaker as we go east and south, so much so that the non-Aryan or Dravidian element in the Gan- getic Doab, the ancient Madhyadesa, is stronger than the Aryan element. Farther east, in ancient Magadha and Videha, the Aryan element is still smaller, and the population must always have been prevailingly Dravidian (or at least non- Aryan)./ Even if one disagrees to a large extent with Risley's conclusions, one can not escape the general conclusion that the non- Aryan part of the population is a very lai-ge one even in these parts of the country. We can not, therefore, accept the view that the Aryans exterminated the original inhabitants; the facts are against such a view. Sources of Indian Philosophy . 77 Granting, as we must gfant, that the South has from the earliest times been Dravidian — ^using that term in the loose and convenient sense of non-Aryan — and that a considerable strain of Dravidian blood is to be found even in the North, the question at once arises as to whether or no this Dravidian element of Indian population contributed to Indian culture. A priori, whenever there is a blending of two races, we expect a blending of their cultures, and the amounts contributed by the respective races should be in proportion to their numerical strength. But' this dictum can never work out with numerical exactness; the stronger and more advanced race will inevitably contribute more, in proportion to its numbers. Since the population of India certainly has a very large Dravidian element, and prob- ably is prevailingly, and in many parts overwhelmingly, Dra- vidian, a priori we should expect the culture to be very largely Dravidian. Was the superiority of the Aryans, then, so great as to make the Dravidian influence negligible ? From the polit- ical and military standpoint, it is hardly to be questioned that the Aryans were superior to the Dravidians. But were they as superior in other respects? And even if they were superior, was their superiority sufficient to. overcome the handicap of numerical inferiority? For we can hardly think that in the Doab and the Magadha-Videha region the Aryan strain was more than twenty-five per cent of the populalion; according to Risley 's conclusions, it could scarcely have been more than half that much. The task of organizing and Aryanizing so vast a mass of Dravidians along wholly Aryan lines would have been immense; it is difficult to conceive how it could have been accomplished. Again we know that the ancient Dravidians car- ried on commerce with the western world. Not to mention the investigations of Indian writers of repute, H. G. Rawlinson's Intercourse between India and the Western World (pp. 14, 30) notes the number of articles of commerce supplied to the western world by Dravidian India, and the number of Dravid^ian loan words in Greek and other languages, names of these articles. It would seem that at least the ancient sea traffic of India, which must have been considerable, was very largely in Dra- vidian hands. This is made the more probable by the relatively slight mention of sea traffic in aacient Sanskrit literature. But the commercial bent of at least parts of the Dravidian popula- tion is not merely a matter of conjecture. To the present day Dravidian merchants of the south are just as keen as the Aryan 78 George William Brown merchants of the north. There is no reason for thinking that this was not always the case. The only natural inference from these facts is that the ancient Dravidians, or at least some of them, must have been highly civilized and well-organized. It is vain to go to the epics for trustworthy historical matter; yet if any dependence is to be placed on their statements, the cities of the Dravidians, their wealth and their culture, com- pared very favorably with those of the Aryans. Owing to the rise of Buddhism in northern India, to the facts that the earliest known Indian alphabet seems to have been introduced thru the northwestern frontier, and that the Pan jab was the scene of the Persian and Macedonian invasions, we have an earlier his- tory of north India than we have of the south. But not very I: much earlier. And when the authentic history of the south does begin, we find there a highly developed civilization, which is inferior to that of the north, for the most part, only in respect to those matters which were due to the contact of the north with the Persians and Greeks. There is nothing in history, ancient or modern, which would indicate that the Dravidians were incapable of contributing a very considerable element to the final resultant of Indian culture. There is nothing in the present standing of the Dravidian to indicate such inferiority. The relative intelligence of the largely Aryanized Pan jab shows no very marked superiority to that of Dravidian Madras. On a priori grounds, there seems to be every reason for assuming that the Dravidian contributed his full share to Indian culture. In seeking for matters in which positive Dravidian influence may be traced, one turns first of all to language. It seems to be reasonable to maintain, and it has frequently been main- tained, that the whole class of cerebral sounds in Sanskrit was developed after the arrival of the Aryans in India. Either or both of two causes may account for this. The new sounds may have developed thru internal phonetic change, or they may have been introduced from an external source. Since the Dravidians had, and still have, both dental and cerebral sounds in their languages, it is certainly possible that Sanskrit derived these sounds from its contact with Dravidian. This is not the place to argue this question, but to the writer the cumulative evidence as to Dravidian influence in cerebralizing a large number of dentals is very strong. A brief treatment by Grierson of this and other possible cases of Dravidian influence on the phonology of Aryan languages in India will be found in Linguistic Survey of India, iv. 279f . Sources of Indian Philosophy 79 More impressive and less open to question is the influence of 'ravidian on Aryan inflexion. A most convenient summary of lis phase of the matter is given by Grierson, op. cit., pp. 280-1. 'r. Caldwell, in his Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or outh-Indian Family of Languages, pp. 391, 225ff., long ago ointed out the similarity in the use of postpositions in the lodern vernaculars and in Dravidian. Both groups of lan- uages make use of an oblique form of the noun to which the ostpositions are attached. The order of words in the modern ernaculars has become Dravidian, and not Sanskrit. The use f prepositions has ceased; the conjunctive participle has been eveloped. , Even in Sanskrit such forms as kartdsmi and rtavdn seem to be exact copies of Dravidian forms. There can 3arcely be a doubt that the modern vernaculars have been tre- lendously influenced by Dravidian. And Sanskrit itself shows vidence of borrowing from the same source. It is generally admitted that phases of ^iva worship, and Tobably even ^iva himself, have beeipi derived from Dravidian ources. Dr. Grierson {op. cit., p. 279) notes that the word 'iva is -Dravidian as well as Aryan, that in Dravidian it means ed, while rudra in places in the Rig Veda seems to have the ame meaning. This is a possible reason for the identification f Budra with Siva. That T antra worship is derived from the borigines is the genera;l opinion of writers on this subject. Similarly the worship of Kali and Durga is generally believed be traceable to aboriginal sources. Among others, Bhandar- :ar, in his Vaimdvism, §ai/vism, and minor religious Systems, ►p. 115, 144, recognizes strong influences exercised by the sav- age tribes. It has been very reasonably suggested that the freat pilgrimage places, such as Allahabad and Benares, were acred long before the. advent of the Aryans, and that their anctity was simply taken over, as it were, by the newcomers. There was a marked difference, apparently, between the Aryans and the aborigines in the matter of gods. The charac- eristic Aryan thought is that of a few great gods with distinct )ersonalities, as manifested in Indra and his associates. Some, udeed, are nature gods, as Jupiter Pluvius was a nature god; levertheless, the Aryan gods who are on the active list are iudowed with sufficient personality to enter into a mythology, Lnd few enough in number to be known thruout the entire ^ryan community. Char;^cteristic Dravidian thought, on the ►ther hand, recognizes gods innumerable, shadowy beings for 80 George William Brown the most part, ghostly beings, or identified with some animal, some disease, some force of nature. One may well fancy the charms of the Atharva Veda — especially when he remembers the struggles of this book to attain canonicity — to represent a por- tion of the aboriginal cultus absorbed by early Aryans. For the Aryans were in contact with the Dravidians from the first day of their arrival in India. The characteristic Dravidian idea of deity may be obtained from such books as the study of the Village Deities of Southern Indbia by Bishop Whitehead of Madras, or W. T. Elmore's similar study of the Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism (Hamilton, N._Y., 1915), also dealing with the same locality. W. Crooke's investigations in North India (see especially his Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India) show the same characteristics prevalent among the masses in that part of the country. That these differences must have been felt in the time of the Aryan conquest of the north can not be questioned; to the Vedic writers the Dasyus were 'god- less' and 'riteless.' , This type of religion is recognized in the Indian census as 'Animism.' One may easily quarrel with the term as loose, indefinite, and inaccurate. But at least it is convenient. Using this term, then, to denote the aboriginal religions of the country, the religions of the lower classes and tribes, we find at the other extreme the highly organized Hinduism with its great gods and elaborate ritual. Tho probably largely influenced by Dravidian cults, it is the best representative of the ancient Aryan faith; it is in the direct line of descent. Between the two extremes one may find every possible gradation, ranging from theism to animism. That is, there is everywhere amalga- mation of fundamentally different religious elements. And yet, even in the highest of present day Hindu cults, there are matters which seem to have come from the Dravidian side. Most important of these is the doctrine of transmigration, which appears to be based on Dravidian animistic ideas. Certainly transmigration is a corollary and a counterpart to the usual animistic faith. Then we have specific sacred things, things with which the Aryans were unacquainted before they came into India, such as the pipal and banyan t^ees, the peafowl, the ser- pent, the langur or Hanuman monkey, various species of grass, not to mention sacred places innumerable. Why did the Aryans begin to regard these as sacred? The most plausible reason is that their predecessors so regarded them. The adoption of local Dravidian deities into the higher and organized cult is a Sources of Indian Philosophy 81 most frequent phenomenon. In fact, iif looking at the modern cult from the Dravidian angle instead of from the Aryan angle, one is apt to be led to the conclusion that practically the whole cult is now Dravidian, only the organization remaining Aryan. For the great gods of the Vedas, tho formally worshipped by the higher classes at certain set festivals and on particular occasions, have no real hold on the religious life of the people. They are merely fossils of a past religion, and seem to owe their existence to the wonderful conservatism of India, which main- tains everything which has at any time been in the national consciousness. The old Vedic priestly classes no longer exist, at legist in a practical sense. Certain forms of ritual do exist, as well as Srdddha, oif ancestor worship, and these certainly parallel ancient Aryan practice. But we can not be sure that the Ancient Dravidians did not observe ancestor worship ; the present cult may owe something to them in this matter as well as to the Aryans. From all indications, it would seem that the first wave of Aryans carried with it more intolerance and exclusiveness than the later wave or waves. And the contact between the two races must therefore have had less reaction on the Aryans at first than it had later on. With the lapse of time, along with fuller acquaintance with the Dravidians, new and strange ideas begin to appear. The old settled faith in Indra and his associate deities is replaced here and there by philosophical, one might almost^ say skeptical, queries in the speculative hymns of the Vedas. At a time not very remote from that of the latest Vedic hymns, namely in the period of the earliest Upanishads, a great thought crisis seems to have taken place. The ultimate result of this was the practical overturning of the old Vedic faith, tho, to be sure, eclecticism and syncretism for centuries played their part. The crest of the Aryan wave moved forward; in the early Upanishad period the region of the thought clash is no longer the Panjab or the Gangetic Doab, but along the lower Ganges and the country to the east of the Doab — ^Magadha and Videha. Here and at this time were born the Upanishads, Jainism, and Buddhism. Born is probably not the right word ; what actually happened was the transfer into set compositions, which have been preserved to this day, of the ideas of the time, ideas which were new and startling to the Aryan kings at whose courts these doctrines were preached. But there is no -reason for thinking that these doctrines were not of considerable age when they were proclaimed by Gautama, Mahavira, and the 82 George William Brown Upanishads. There is good reason for thinking that Jainism, at least, was older than the sixth century B. C. For Mahavira is not considered to be the founder of a new religion, but a preacher of one already established. One does not have to believe all that is said about the twenty-four Tirthakaras to believe that there is some fact to support the fanciful stories told about the number of Mahavira 's predecessors. It is rea- sonable to suppose that Mahavira 's cult was in the main at least an old one in his day, having a long succession of teachers, but -that it was Mahavira who brot it into prominence in the^ Aryan world. Buddhism in its fundamental ideas is so closely related to Jainism that it is evidently a product of the. same cycle of thought and culture. When it is remembered that the localities where these two religions came into prominence are practically the same, that Mahavira and- Buddha were con- temporaries, that the early orthodox Indians often mistook one sect for the other, and failed to distinguish between them, one can hardly help feeling that in. the beginning they were sects of a single cult, and go back to a common source. Again, an examination of the earlier Upanishads shows that their doc- trines are based on many of the same fundamental ideas as those of the Buddhists and Jains. The great difference seems to be this; Buddhism and Jainism remained more purely national, that is Dravidian; they would not accept the Yedas or the Vedic gods. This and this only stamps them as unortho- dox. Apart from their rejection of the Vedas, there is scarce a thing of importance in them which is not to be found in some of the orthodox systems. This very criterion becomes an indi- cation of the non- Aryan origin of the cults. But Upanishadism, if the term be permitted, saves its skin, as it were, by a formal, yet practically meaningless, acceptance of the Vedas — that is, the Vedic hymns, for at the time of the earliest Upanishads, it is very doubtful whether much, if anything, outside of the hymns had been canonized. The Upanishads, then, appear to be a piece of early syncretism. The theory that they represent a simple reaction against the polytheism and ritual of the mantras would call for a labored and persistent polemic which we do not find. The antiritualist position is assumed, rather than argued for. The attitude in general is constructive rather than destructive. The controversy in the Upanishads, and there is plenty of it, is usually over philosophical matters, not over ritual. To the orthodox Aryans, the doctrines of the Upanishads are the New Thought of their time; the kings and Sources of Indian Philosophy 83 sages at the courts where these doctrifies are newly preached hear them with wonder and amazement. Yet the doctrines are, in spite of their newness, apparently the result of a long period of elaboration, and new only to the Aryan court. One may venture the opinion that these doctrines represent the highest phase of the ancient religion and philosophy of the Dravidians, interpreted by Aryans who strove to be faithful to their heredi- tary cult, but who at best could produce only a syncretism in which the essentially non- Aryan predominated. And all that we know of the advance of the Aryans into India fits ^in with this theory. The typical Vedic conceptions are to be found in the earlier books of the Rig Veda. They would seem to represent the Aryan thought, but little contaminated with contact with the Dravidians. In the later hymns of the Rig and in the Atharva we seem to feel something of the effects of the contact between the two races. The charms of the Atharva — a collection whose admission into the canon was very late — ^must have suggested something un- Aryan to those who opposed its admission to the canon, and who looked with such scorn upon it in every way. "When syncretism was more advanced, when Dravidian thought had become familiar, the Atharva could be received as of equal, or nearly equal, sanctity with the Rig (tho there were always those who denied this position to it). The speculative hymns show the first effects of the higher side of Indian animism. The Upanishads show it much more clearly. And the philoso- phy of India since their time, orthodox and unorthodox, is the philosophy of animism, and not of theism, such as we might expect to be derived from the Vedas. The first postulate of all the systems of philosophy, includ- ing Buddhism and Jainism, is that everything is permeated by spirit, a postulate which is the essence of a-nimism. Everything, organic or inorganic, living or inert, men, animals, birds, insects, trees, plants of every sort, seeds, clods of earth, all things are permeated by the subtle essence which is the essen- tial element of the universe. Nowhere is this set forth more clearly than in the sixth Prapathaka of the Chandogya Upani- shad, which is one of the earliest. In regard to these and similar things, Uddalaka says, ' That which is the subtle essence, in it all that exists has its self. It is the true, it is the self, And thou, ^vetaketu, art it.' Now this is simply systema- tized animism. Starting with the animistic belief that all objects are permeated by spirit, undertaking to learn the nature 84 deorge WilUam Brown of that spirit, attempting to arrange the conclusions in a sys- tem, not only is this conclusion of the Indian philosopher a natural one; it seems to be an inevitable one. This spirit is something which is not cognizable by the senses, yet it is none the less real ; in fact it is the essential and most important part of the object. It is the part which one worships or adores. The object can have no existence without it. Animism does not try to prove the existence of such a spirit, neither does Indian philosophy ; both simply assume it. The wonderful new thought which surprised the Indian thinkers at the various royal courts is the all-permeating force of this spirit. The questions which arise concern its nature. To the intellectuals of the Aryan cult the idea appeared sublime; it far transcended the old Vedic ideas of the spiritual. Here is a force, an essence, which sus- tains even the gods, in comparison with which the gods are of very little importance. One need not deny the existence of the gods, but their status is very greatly reduced; they stand to man only as man stands to the lower creation. The new idea is grasped with charmed surprise; a period of intellectual awakening results. Some syncretizers seek to harmonize the new and the old by lowering the status of the gods, as the Vedantins do. Others seek to identify this spirit with the Supreme Deity — the Gita, for instance, identifies it with Krishna. Yet the kernel is the Dravidian animistic conception; part of the external comes from the old Aryan circle. The differentiation of the philosophical systems may well have had its genesis before the Aryans became thoroly acquainted with the new ideas. From the idea that everything is per- meated by spirit, certain questions arise. There are many objects in the universe ; does each one have its own spirit, or, to put it more correctly, is each one permeated by a separate spirit? Or is there just one spirit which permeates all things, and is the appearance of plurality merely an appearance? When the animist begins to think, this is one of the first questions to arise. The answer to the question constitutes one of the main differ- entia of the systems. Sankhya and Nyaya agree that there is a plurality of spirits ; each object has a spirit which is distinct from the spirit in other objects. But the Upanishads (gener- ally speaking) and Vedanta say there is but one spirit which is all-permeating ; then Vedanta seeks to account for the apparent plurality when there is really unity. In both answers the fundamental animistic conception is untouched. Acute minds have started with the fundamental animistic conception of spirit, // Vv Sources of Indvcm Philosophy 85 and strive on this postulate to account for all the phenomena of the universe. Modern Jainism still emphasizes the belief, char- acteristically animistic, that not only every animal and plant, but every stone and clod of earth has its own peculiar spirit. Current orthodox thought is usually Vedantic, and maintains that the distinction of individual objects is illusion. There is but one spirit in all the universe, whether that spirit permeate the twice-born Brahman, the' degraded Chamar, the yet more lowly worm, or even the grain of sand. The spirit which appears in its highest form in Vishnu or one of his incarnations is the same spirit which appears in the tiger godling of the juiigle, the Smallpox Mother, or the amulet. Truly, with this conception, all worship is one. Monism is thus seen to be the ultimate evolution from animism. Another very natural question is : when a clod of earth breaks, what becomes of the spirit within it? When a new clod is formed, whence comes the spirit which permeates it? When a seed, a plant, or a body perishes, whither goes its spirit, and whence comes the spirit to similar new objects? ,To the San- khyas and all who believed in the plurality and reality of spirits, the question was inevitable ; even to the Vedantins, whose sepa- rate spirits or jwas are illusory, the same problem arises. No more natural answer can be conceived than the animistic reply which the Indian philosopher gives; the spirits migrate from body to body, from object to object. And so the doctrine of transmigration of souls is born. Much of Indian philosophy has been evolved in applying this doctrine to the phenomena of nature. This doctrine is one of the primary conceptions of all Indian thought. No Indian philosophy or religion has ever achieved a following of any importance whatever unless it has accepted the doctrine of transmigration and the animistic con- ceptions which it presupposes. S.o fixed is the belief in trans- migration that no one ever tries to prove its truth. It is an axiomatic fact, and all the phenomena of life are interpreted in terms of transmigration. So universally is this doctrine held, and so unquestioned is it from the time of its appearance in Indo- Aryan literature, that one can only feel that it was taken over as a fully developed belief, with a long history behind it. In other words, it was something inherited or borrowed from the non- Aryan people with whom the Aryans came in contact. Nearly all the other matters of Indian philosophy and modem IndiaQ religion are outgrowths of these fundamental animistic conceptions. Why does the spirit dwell in a body, and y^hy 86 George William Brown does it change from body to body? Because of works. And why the universe? That the spirit may enjoy the fruit of works. Many things seem to combine to make these answers reasonable. They seem to furnish a solution to the great prob- lem of suffering, which has been attacked unsuccessfully by so many philosophers and thinkers. To the Indian it is perfectly clear ; the sufferings of this life are caused by the bad deeds of a previous life. The delights of this life are the results of previous good deeds. Eetribution and recompense are thus fully meted out; the Indian is perfectly satisfied in regard to the questions concerning conditions in this life and the outcome of deeds. The immortal soul simply wanders on and on, from body to body, according to the actions it has performedv The relation of soul and body is thus fully explained. May the soul be released? This is another of the great ques- tions of Indian philosophy. If so, how ? All schools agree that it may be released, but different means to release arp proposed. We have the knowledge-path so frequently presented in the Upanishads. But there are also the works-path and the devo- tion-path. Then, in connection with the binding and the release of souls another question arises; is the soul really, bound? Sankhya assures us that the soul is not really bound, tho both soul and matter are real. It only appears to be bound; hence the apparent binding is released by the acquisition of knowledge. Is the universe real? Sankhya has answered yes, Vedanta says no. Hence, to the Vedantin, there can be no binding, for there is nothing to bind the soul. The spirit is the all in all, it alone has existence. When one becomes conscious of this, the soul is automatically released from its illusory binding. All these doc- trines, which have won the admiration of many western investi- gators and thinkers, are in the ultimate test simple, one might almost say — from various points of view— inevitable, conclusions from the primary animistic beliefs which the Aryans encoun- tered when they came into serious touch with the Dravidians of the lower Gangetic plain. The suddenness with which these doctrines appear in liter- ature has led to the supposition that they are Kshatriya doc- trines which the kingly class first evolved and then taught to the Brahmans. It is indeed true that there are isolated accounts of kings teaching these new ideas to Brahmans. But usually the disputes in the Upanishads are not carried on by the king himself, but by the pandits and seers by whom he is surrounded. V Sources of Indian Philosophy 87 Janaka was for the nlost part a questioner and not an instruc- tor. And so with most of the other kings mentioned. There is little to support the idea that the kings originated these doc- trines, tho they may well have known them before the Brah- mans did. What seems more probable is that the Aryan or partly Aryan kings respected the culture and religion which they found in their later advance. These, tho different from the culture and faith of the Aryans, do not seem to have been lower. When a tolerant king ruled, his court would most likely contain teachers both Aryan and Dravidian. In the region where the Upanishads, Buddhism, and Jainism are reputed to have arisen, the main element in the population is still Dra- vidian. It must have been even more strongly Dravidian in the days of Janaka of Videha. It looks as if the conquered Dra- vidians had revenged themselves by imposing their culture on the conquering Aryans ; a kind of revenge which has often taken place in history. Compared with the Upanishads, Buddhism and Jainism reflect less of the real Aryan element. But even in the Upanishads the Dravidian source seems to contribute the larger part. Since the population of India is and has from the beginning of history been prevailingly Dravidian, it is but natural that this syncretized faith should rule the minds of men thruout the land. The ultimate religion, as in many other cases, was simply that which the psychology of the people created. Its sources go back to early animism, tinged everywhere by the hue of distinctively Indian environment. The fundamental ani- mistic and Dravidian ideas were received without question in higher circles about the time of the birth of Gautama. The dis- putes were over secondary matters. A very plausible guess would be that the systems were dif- ferentiated before the Aryans became acquainted with them. Their very names, whose real meanings are so uncertain, look that way. It is a well-known fact that every nation borrowing a word from a foreign language has a tendency to' pronounce that word as a native one, and in due time the word receives a false meaning and a false etymology. Yoga and Sankhya are both in appearance Sanskrit words with rather transparent meanings. But their real meanings and applications to the sys- tems seem to be doubtful. It is very possible that they are modifications of words in some Dravidian tongue, perhaps now lost, conveying original meanings quite different from those at present indicated. Even the word Upanishad may eventu- 88 George William Brown ally be traced to such a source. And one might well question whether asceticism and caste, of which there are but slight traces in the oldest Sanskrit literature, may not also be Dra- vidian. One finds caste, for instance, among such unaryanized people as the Santals, and developed along totemistic lines. It would seem that the time has come to plead for an investi- gation of the culture of India in connection with the Dravidian and Munda element. Most probably our ideas would be con- siderably changed in regard to the importance they have played in developing the final form of Indian culture. ^ Lexington, Kentucky. ESCAPING ONE'S FATE : A HINDU PARADOX AND ITS • USE AS A PSYCHIC MOTIF IN HINDU FICTION^ William Norman Brown Johnston Scholar in Sanskrit, Johns Hopkins University Brhaspati was his counsellor; the thunderbolt, his weapon; the gods, his troops; Heaven, his fortress; Visnu, his patron; and the invincible elephant Airavata, his mount — and yet, tho thus endowed with might and power, Indra, the slayer of Vala, was worsted in battle by his foes. How /elear it is that we had best rely on Fate! Out, out upon fruitless valor! (Bhartrhari, Niti^atakam 88.) To THE Occident there is nothing more characteristic of the Orient at large and of India in particular than belief in the inevitability of fate, usually summed up in the vague phrase 'Oriental fatalism'. It is not surprising that this trait should be the most easily apprehended by the casual traveller or reader, for 'fatalism' is the most frequent 'outward and visible mani- festation' in the individual of the accumulated Hindu religious and philosophic traditions of nearly three thousand years. My •^wn boyhood residence in India preserves no stronger remem- orance than the Hindustani words 'Jo Kb, so ho (What will be, that will be)', the accepted 'remedy that destroys the poison of worry '.^ The sentiment is universally Indie. ^ This paper may be regarded as a tentative article in the encyclopedia of Hindu fiction motifs suggested by Professor Bloomfield in his paper, On Becwrring Psychic Motifs in Mindu Fiction, and the Laugh and Cry Motif, JA08 36. 54. For treatment of individual motifs, see also the following papers by Professor Bloomfield: On Talking Birds in Hindu Fiction, Festschrift fiir Ernst Windisch, p. 349; On the Art^of Entering Another's Body, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 61. 1; The Fable of the Crow and the Palm-tree: A Psychic Moiif in Ei/ndu, Fiction, American Journal of Philology 40. 1. Other papers discussing Hindu fiction motifs are as follows: Burlingame, The Act of Truth (Sac- cakiriya) : A Hindu Sp^l and its Employment as a Psychic Motif in Hindu Fiction, JBAS for 1917, p. 429; Norton, The Life-Index : A Hindu Fiction Motif, printed in this volume; and the present author, Vydghra- mari, or the Lady Tiger-Jciller : a Study of the Motif of Bluff in Hindu Fiction, to appear soon in the AJP. = Cf . Hitopade^a (ed. Peterson) IV. 9 : yad ahhdvi na tad hhdvi hhdvi cen na tad anyathd iti cintdvisaghno 'yam agadah Icim na piyate. 'What is not to be, will not' be; if it is to be, it will not be otherwise. Why not drink this remedy that destroys the poison of worry?' 90 William Norman Brown Westerners, however, do not usually recognize that 'Oriental fatalism' is no unity but rather a diversity of beliefs. It is fair to say, I think, that to their mind the whole story is contained, in the word 'kismet', which is properly a Mohammedan concept and signifies the unalterable fate arbilfcrarily prescribed for each man by Allah at the time of creation. Allah made the universe, wound it up like a clock, and set it running. Every event in the history of the cosmos was foreordained at that time, and similarly every incident in the lives of the countless' unborn millions of men. And no human endeavor can alter in the slightest degree the decisions of the Inscrutable. In the final ;J,nalysis 'free will' is but an illusion; and man will enjoy hap- piness or suffer sorrow, spend eternity in the bliss of Heaven or in the torments of Hell, only as has been ordered in the scheme of Allah. Now, the truly Hindu notion of 'fate' is basically different. The doctrines of Karma (works) and Rebirth, both character- istic of every indigenous Indian religion and philosophy, offer a sharp contrast teethe idea of Kismet. Man, or any other ani- mate object, experiences in the present life the inevitable results of the accumulated karma (deeds) of his prgvioSs existences. If his karma has totalled up with a ^ala^c^ a the'ai^e of puny a^ (merit), he has'^been born to happ^^ness; if it has totalled up with a balance on the side of papa (sin) he has been born to sorrow. Similarly, his actions in this life constitute a dditional karma which will affect him in succeeding reincarnations.® We can see, therefore, that man is not the impotent subject of an arbitrary deity, but on the contrary is the 'master of his fate/ the maker of his destiny. By his own exertions, and by nothing else, is his lot determined, and the results of all deeds are certain and inescapable. This is a consistent application of the law of caus e and ^ ect that places a high value on the human wiU. ^T3oupled with the doctrine of Karma is a popular folkloristic belief concerning fate that long ago made its way into the ortho- dox Hindu religious systems and now permeates the mind of India from Kashmir to Ceylon, from Baluchistan to Burma. A man's fate is written in brief on his forehead or in the sutures ^ So we see a pious but poor Brahman whose unhappy lot results from unrighteousness in former existences, and a wieked but rich Kayasth whose happiness is due to merit acquired in previous births. Needless to say, in the next iacarnation their positions will probably be reversed (MeCulloch, Bengali Kousehdld Tales, p. 7). \ Escaping One's Fate 91 of his skull,* and he who is clever enough may read the cryptic message. . Generally it is thot that the writing is placed there on the sixth night after a child's birth by Vidhatr, or Dhatr,^ the Disposer, a specialization of the creator Brahma, whose busi- ness it is to order the affairs, of the universe according to the results of harma, and who is therefore the ordainer of human fate. His character becomes sharply personal to the folk, who picture him as an inexorable deity, sometimes acting automati- cally, but at other times as an arbitrary power whose decrees are determined by caprice ; and it is often hard for the Western observer to see a marked difference between him and Allah as Ordainer. Fate, of course, is inevitable. Make what effort he will, man cannot alter it. The effects of karma are i ujes capable ; what is written on the forehead is unavoidable. This doctrine is uni- versal in India; every religion and philosophy teaches it; the folk accept it. It colors all Hindu thot, and finds continual expression in Hindu literature. Fiction, particularly, shows its pessimistic dominance, and there are countless stories illustra- ting the futility of opposing destiny. If it is fated that a man be poor, then he will never receive wealth; for even if God should place a jar of gold in his path, he will suddenly be tempted to play the blind man for a moment, and with eyes closed will pass it by.,® So, too, if a woman is fated to marry her son , no effort will prevent the incest."^ But the idea of 'the inevitability of fate is so familiar as to need no elaboration here. It is not so well-known, however, that even in India there are those who refuse to admit the force of this doctrine. Their number, to judge from the infrequency with which they have expressed their sentiments, is small, but they have left conclu- sive evidence of their incredulity, mostly in the form of stories ' * In Bengal, for instance, a common word for fate is Tcoyal, Skt. Tcapdla (forehead). See McCulloch, Bengali Household Tales. Cf. the Marathi proverb je Tcapdldnti te hhogdve, bear what is on your forehead (Man war- ing, Marathi Froverbs, p. 208). ''Also variously known as Vidhata, Dhata, Bidhata, Bidhata Purusa, etc, Dhatr and Vidhatr are first applied to Indra and Vi^vakarman (Eig Veda 10. 82. 2, and 10. 167. 3). ^ Manwaring, Marathi Proverts, p. 210 ; Pantalu, Folklore of the Telugus (3d ed.), p. 38. ^ Pari^istaparvan II. 224; Tawney, Fralandhaointdmani, p. 71; Southern Pancatantra amplior I. 34; Hertel, Das Fancatantra, pp. 152 and 283; DTenha in Indian Antiquary 21. 45. 92 William Norman Brown \ or proverbs. Success in worldly affairs is not to be obtained by him who makes no effort, leaving all to fate. ' ' Fortune comes to the man of exertion, the lion-like !^^ Poltroons say, "Let Fate give ! ' ' Strike down Fate ! Play the man with all thy might ! Make an effort, and if success does not follow, what fault is there ?'^ Again, we read in a fable how the fish named Fore- thot and that named Readywit escaped the fishers, but Fatalist perished miserably.^ It is only natural that courageous self- reliant men should rebel against the stifling notion of the use^ lessness of human effort ; and whatever may be the doctrines of religion or the conclusions of speculative thot, so these men feel, 'common sense' argues that intelligent effort is bound to be efficacious. 'Practical life' is governed not by fate, but by the individual's own wit and energy. There is another means of escaping one's fate open to less worldly-minded folk, those whose mental proclivities are essen- tially religious. For more than two thousand years, at least, the Hindu mind has recognized two roads to salvation. The more lo^al and austere of these, and perhaps the more original, is the f^adr-of knowledge (jndnamdrga) . He who, unattached to any of the objects of sense, by meditation penetrates the mys- teries of the universe and discerns the true nature of the soul — if he follow a system that teaches the doctrine of the soul — and understands its, relation to the abstract, impersonal ^o^preme Soul; or who, as ordered by other systems, grasps thajnietiec- tiial truth concerning the origin and cessation of being, is saved. oi jfebi Obviously, such' a road to salvation is too rough and steep for any but those whose [mental constitution is of the strongest. Pure intellectuality without em otion , entailing complete excision of the self from the world in whole or in part, is too severe a demand to make of the mass of humanity. And so we find a [concession made to the necessities of the less thotful; and the element of a personal deity appears in the various Hindu reli- gions. Nowhere is the process better illustrated than in Bud- dhism. The teaching of the Buddha, according to the canonical 'a Punningly also: 'Laksmi (Fortune) approaches (only) the Man-lion (i. e. Visnu, her consort).^ * Hitopadela, ed. Peterson, Introduction, vs. 22. Cf . Draupadi 's remarks in Mahabharata, Vanaparva 30 and 32. "Paiicatantra tstory of 'The Three Fish' ( Tantrakhyayika I. 12, and other versions). ^^^5^owledge is the key, indeed the instrument itself, by which man escaped from the samsara, the endless round of n?ebirth. Escaping One's Fate 93 :exts, denies jtbfiL^istence of a soul and of a supreme god, and 3xescribes salvati^, that is, release from rebirth and entry into !^irvana, by""^strenuous (mental application that results in mas- :ery of the doctrine of causation and annihilation of the thirst :hat causes rebirth. Once knowledge is attained, release is sure :o follow. But the common man of the Buddhist community 30uld not travel this hard abstract road to salvation. He iemanded something ^ngible, concrete, a god to worship ; and the illogical result is that in the majority of Buddhist lands a personal deity has been established, usually the Buddha himself, ^vho, if the sacred texts are to be believed, has long since passed into Nirvana and beyond hearing human or any other petitions. Nevertheless, salvation is to' be won thru his grace, which is obtained by devotion. In Hinduism the contrast between the two roads, both ortho- dox, appears strikingly in the ^hagavadgita.^° Arjuna asks Krsna, 'Which know best the way to strive, those who in con- stant exercise with loving devotion worship thee, or those who ever meditate on the (abstract) Imperishable, the UnmanifestT Krsna answers, 'Those who worship me with Consta nt devotion, their minds fixed in me, with supreme faith, those I think strive best. But those who worship the ^perishable, the Indescrib- able, the Unmanifest, all-pervading and inconceivable, set above (all worldly considerations) ,^^ unvarying, constant, they, with the group of their senses in restraint, their minds equable in all circumstances, attain to me as well, delighting as they do in the good of all creatures. But the toil of those whose minds are fastened on the Unmanifest is the greater, for the way of the Unmanifest is won with pain by the embodied. Those, however, who have cast all their works on me, with whom I am supreme, who in meditation worship me with" undivided devotion, them with their hearts fixed in me I quickly lift up from the ocean of the mortal round of rebirth, Partha. On me only set your mind, in me fix your consciousness; so Shall you be fixed in just me hereafter. This is sure.' We see that the^ad of loving devotion to the person ofj^rsna, whose name inspires in the Hindu much the same^^«^Tof feeling that the name of Jesus inspires in the jOir i^M^ leads more easily and directly to bliss than the road of k^wledge. The Subject of the two roads to salvation is large and too " Adhyaya 12. 1-8. "7. e. indifferent to good and evil, etc. 94 William Norman Brown involved for treatment here, but I have dealt with it at sufficient length to indicate the importance of hhakti, of loving devotion, in the Hindus' theology. And it is just this same hhakU, which affords so practicable a way to ultimate salvation, that also pro- vides the pious man ivith the means of escaping from an unhappy fate in this world. The psychological process is that the particular deity selected by the individual for worship, whether he be Visnu, Siva, or any other, is so magnified that he not only becomes the supreme god of the pantheon, but also ; takes over all the functions of creating, destroying, and preserv- ing, and in fact becomes the first principle itself, the substrate, the Atman, the One Real. He is both the abstract, all-peririeat- ing Soul of the universe, and the supreme personal God. In thife capacity he controls everything, even fate ; indeed he him- self is fate.^2 Consequently, he will protect and cherish those who win his favor; and if their fate is hard he will mollify or obliterate it. Further, just as in Christian lands it has fre- quently been thot that the favor of God could be obtained thru, the mediation of a saint better than by direct approach, so in India requests are often addressed to local saints who thru their influence in Heaven bring the petitions to fulfilment. There is still a third sphere of thot in which a man may prac- tically escape his fate, that is, he may so mitigate its ^decrees that altho they are literally fulfilled the sting is drawn from them. In this sphere it is neither human shrewdness nor the intervention of a deity that alters his lot, but the action of karma itself. As I said above karma is not static, but is constantly /varying according to the acts of the subject. Now, the ordinary assumption in fiction is that man 's fate in this life is determined by the karma of his previous existences, and that the karma at present being accumulated will not take effect until the next birth. This is a theory that has orthodox philosophic and reli- gious support; but there exists likewise the companion theory that karma performed in this life may come to fruit also inflEis life, and the doer may feel its effects, good or bad as the case may be, without undergoing rebirth. Therefore, if at his birth he deserved and was fated to suffer misfortune, he may mitigate it by pious living; or, conversely, if he merited and was des- tined to enjoy good-fortune, he may lose it by evil conduct. ^- This is rather different from the statement that the creation by Brahma, the avatdras (incarnations) of Visnu, and the asceticism of Siva — ^here we have the traditional triad of chief gods — are all the result -of Tcarma (Bhartrhari, Niti^atakam 95). Escaping One's Fate 95 According to the logic of this idea it should be possible for a man to escape his fate entirely, but in practise the operation is not pushed to Its extreme. The feeling seems to be that the terms of a man's fate must be fulfilled; and, consequently, he receives sorrow or happiness so slight in comparison with that originally allotted him that his fate is effected in letter only, not in spirit. In the remainder of this paper it is my purpose to illustrate from Hindu fiction these three means of obviating fate. The stories quoted will indicate precisely the mental states of those who believe in the mutability of fate, and at the same time will serve to show the extent, comparatively limited, to which this paradoxical idea operates as a psychic motif in Indian stories.^^ Fate tricked hy human shrewdness The locus classicus of our motif is a story of King Vikrama, the Hindu King Arthur, and his wise minister Bhatti.^* One day Vikrama was summoned to heaven by the god Indra. There he decided a dancing contest between the nymphs Rambha and Urvasi, and so clever was his decision that Indra made him a present of his own throne as a reward, adding the blessing, 'Sitting upon this throne, rule the world in happiness for a thousand autumns (years), King!' "When Bhatti heard of this, he said to Vikrama, 'Now to-day I shall give your majesty, merely by my wisdom, another thousand years upon earth.' 'How can this be?' asked the King. 'Spend six months sitting upon your throne, attending to your kingdom,' answered the astute Bhatti, 'and spend the other six months (of each year) in travel abroad. Thus you shall live for two thousand years. ' And so the King did, and doubled the length of his life. This was perhaps an unfair advantage to take of Indra 's generosity, but heaven later had its revenge, according to legend. Vikrama had been granted the boon that he should not perish ^^ At the same time I shall endeavor to indicate, chiefly in the footnotes, which of the folk, or oral, stories discussed are of independent folk exist- ence and which are borrowed from literature. This is in pursuit of the announcement made by me in JAOS 39. 11 of an investigation of Indian folklore along these lines. In my present paper there are treated 17 oral tales, of which 3 are derived from literary antecedents, 3 appear to be derived from literary prototypes which I have not seen, and 11 are of independent oral existence. "Vikrama Carita, Metrical Recension 32. 96 William Norman Brown except at the hands of a man born of a girl xm\y a year and a day old. Impossible as this condition seemed of fulfilment, the event ultimately transpired, andi Vikrama was slain by ^aliva- hana.^^ Cheating death, tho only temporarily, is a universal human " desire that appears in Hindu fiction elsewhere than in the story of King Vikrama. Additional instances of its successful exe- cution will be found below, where a gracious deity accomplishes it for a worshipper. ' Alleviation of misfortunes in this present life is usually the desideratum of those who would avoid their fate. In a well told story we read of a clever minister who rescued his master's children from poverty and disgrace;^® I analyze it. King Naravahana had a minister named 'Jnanagarbha (Knowledge- interior). A son was born to the Eling, and when the sixth night after birth had come the minister watched in concealment for Fate to write the child's fortune. Fate wrote, 'Only by hunting shall he support his life. A single creature shall be his \ portion (daily), never another.' Some time later a second son was born, and his fortune read, 'This son shall be a seller of grass, with but a single ox. Never shall he have a second ox." Still later a daughter was born, and on her forehead was written, * She shall be a courtesan ; thru fate she shall get only one man a day.' In the course of time King Naravahana was killed by a usurper, and his children fled, to live their lives as fated. The minister now set out to look for them. The elder son he found eking out a miserable existence on one animal, the sole fruit of each day's hunting. 'Listen to my good advice,* said the minister to hiipi. 'Kill no animal except it be a Bhadra- elephant, for on an elephant's frontal lobes are found large pearls.^^ Fate must provide you with animal after animal of this sort, for so it is written on y^ur forehead.' On seeing the second son daily selling the load of his single ox, the minister instructed him, 'Every day sell your ox. When it is sold, Fate will again give you the ox that is written on your forehead (as your means of livelihood).' In another city he found the girl, a prostitute, bitterly complaining that each day only one man "For a discussion of the motif 'How to evade seemingly impossible (trick) conditions ^ see Bloomfield, JAOS 36. 65. Dharmakalpadrmna II. 4. 109 ff. (Hertel gives text and translation in ZDMG 65. 441 ff.) "For this notion see Hertel ^s reference, ZDMG 65. 445. ( Escaping One's Fate 97 came to her, and her earnings were necessarily scanty. Then said the minister to her, 'Child, listen to my advice! From every man who comes to your house demand a hundred di^mras. By the power of Fate such a man will always come. ' The min- ister then went home. In a few nights Fate came to him in his sleep, and said, 'Ho! You have freed yourself from worry by giving me a tough problem to solve ,6i) for the tura (a kind of musical instrument) is sounded with sticks.^® Free me from my bond ! How can I furnish forever elephants, oxen, and men who will pay a hundred din^drasf The minister said, 'I have proved true the proverb, ' ' A crooked stick has a crooked hole ! ' ' That applies to you.' Fate said, '0 mighty-wit, tell me what further I must do! That I shall do as quickly as possible. Free me from this trouble ! ' The minister said, ' Give to these children of a King their father's kingdom quickly. After that do as you like!' Thereupon Fate brot the two brothers and their sister to the minister; and with the magic aid of Fate the minister drove their enemies from the city; Then the elder son of the King was placed on the throne. 20 " The Sanskrit word translated * a tough problem to solve ', jhagatdka, is not found in any Sanskrit lexicon. In Hemacandra's Prakrit Gram- mar IV. 422 jhdkataka is said to be equivalent to Prakrit ghamgala, which latter word is not otherwise explained. In Shankar Pandurang Pandit's edition of the Kumar apaXacarita, p. 269, jliagataka is said to mean moha. ^° A proverb about equivalent to ' Money makes the mare go. ' ^Variants of parts of this story, probably with this story itself all pointing to a common prototype, appear elsewhere in Hindu fiction. The elder son's adventures are elaborated in two folk-tales. In one of them (Mukharji, Indian Folklore, p. 114) the priace, at the age of fifteen, is compelled by Fate to hunt stags for a living. At the minister's sugges- tion he ceases to go to the forest to hunt, and Bidhata (Fate) is compelled to drive the stags to him first at the outskirts of the city, later in the neighborhood of his hut, and finally in the hut itself. Bidhata now cries mercy, and a compromise is effected by which the boy receives his father's kingdom. The other oral story (Wadia in the Indian Antiquary 15. 171) tells how a band of thieves encounter the goddess Vemai {who in Gujerat takes the place of Vidhatr) and learn from her that she has allotted to a new-born prince the fate of gaining a living by hunting small game. Anti- climactically, he escapes this lot, acting on the advice of the thieves, by refusing to shoot any but large animals. These two fragmentary, and in some respects jejime, folk-tales appear to represent poor oral tradition from a literary source. The adventures of the younger son and the daughter are paralleled and expanded in a South Indian tale (Natesa Sastri, Indian Folic- Tales, p. 255; also published in the Indian Antiquary 98 William Norman Brown In another story a Brahman suffered from the annoying fate of never getting enough to eat.^^ Every day something would interrupt his meaP^ and thus make it ceremonially improper for him to continue.^' Once he went to a feast given by a Raja and there too he was interrupted. The next day the Raja him- self served him, and the Brahman seemed on the point of mak- ing a 'square meal', but Bidhata, in fear of being foiled, took the form of a golden frog and tumbled in the Brahman's food. The Brahman, however, did not see him, but swallowed him whole.2* For once he was satisfied and left the Raja's court happy. Bidhata now became anxious for release, but the Brah- man turned a deaf ear to all his pleadings. Meanwhile, the uni- verse was on the point of collapse without Bidhata to direct it, and the gods set about to secure his release. First Laksmi and then Sarasvati asked the Brahman to free him, but he drove them away with a club. At last Siva came, and the Brahman, being a devote of Siva, had to grant his request. But he com- 17. 259 J and in Kingscote and Natesa Sastri, Tales of the Sun, p. 230). The children are born to an old ascetic. The wise man is a disciple of the ascetic. The boy, named Kapali (Unlucky), has only a buffalo on which to support himself and family. This he sells at the disciple's advice, and Brahma ts compelled to provide another. The girl he instructs to favor no man unless he brings her a basket of pearls. Some time later he meets Brahma leading a buffalo and carrying a basket of pearls, with which he is daily compelled to supply the two children. He begs release from the troublesome duty, and he and the disciple then come to terms. If this story is oral, it is descended from the archetype of that in the Dharmakal- padruma. The numerous Sanskrit names and the coherent structure of the long South Indian tale, however, render it possible that the story itself may be translated from a Tamil literary text, as are other of Natesa's stories (see my remarks in JAOS 39. 29 and 50). A very poor variant of the second son's experiences appears in Tawney, Kathd Sarit Sdgara II. 119. A poverty-stricken man, whose wealth consists of a single ox, performs asceticism in honor of Durga. She tells him that his wealth is always to be only one ox, but that as often as he sells it another will be provided. No mention is made in the story of the fact that the poor man thus escaped hie fate. ^^ McCulloch, Bengali Household Tales, p. 23. '^ There seems to be indicated here a feeling that an orthodox Brahman may eat only one meal a day. v -^By continuing he would be eating 'leavings'. -* For references to ' Swallowing ' in India, see Hertel in ZDMG 65. 439. For a discussion of the subject covering a wider range of territory, see Hans Schmidt, Jona (vol. 9 of Forschungen zur 'Religion und Literatur des Alien und Neuen Testament). Escaping One's j^ate 99 plained that it would be unfair to ask him to release Bidhata, who had tormented him all his life, unless he should secure a guarantee that his troubles would cease. In reply ^iva prom- ised to take him and his wife to heaven at once. Every Hindu must have a son to perform the proper rites in his behalf after death that he may be released from purgatory. Especially cursed, therefore, is he whose fate it is to be sonless. One such man, a Brahman, propitiated Narayana (Visnu) and obtained a boon.^^ He asked for a son, but twice Narayana refused him. Then he asked that all his merriments might be shared by gods and men alike. This was granted. He went home, shut his door, and with his wife began to sing and dance.. All the gods and men had to dance with him, and the business of the universe was brot to a standstill. Nor would he cease from his 'merriments' until he was promised a son. In the preceding illustrations man has fought the decree of a personal deity, not the force of impersonal karma. He has not struggled against the just consequences of acts previously per- formed; rather he has opposed the arbitrary will of a despotic god, somewhat similar to the kismet which Allah pre-determines for the Mohammedan. But now we come to a case in which even karma is outgeneralled.^^ In a previous kalpa (world-cycle) a dishonest gambler died and went to the other world. There Yama said to him, 'Gam- bler, you will have to live a kalpa in hell on account of your crimes, but owing to your charity you are to be Indra for one day, for once on a time you gave a coin to a knower of the Supreme Soul. So say, whether you will first take out your period in hell or your period as Indra.' When the gambler heard that, he said, 'I will take out first my period as Indra.' Then Yama sent the gambler to heaven, and the gods deposed Indra for a day, and made him sovereign. Then, having attained the power, he called to heaven all his gambler friends and prostitute favorites, and commanded the gods, 'Carry us all in a moment to all the holy bathing places, both in heaven and on earth, and in the seven continents: and enter this very day into all the kings on the earth,^^ and bestow without ceas- Mukharji, Indian Folklore, p. 104. Tawney,,K'atM Sarit Sdgara II. 581. 'VPor an essay on the motif on 'Entering another's body', see Pro- fessor Bloomfield^n the Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 61. 1 ff. 3fi 2T. 100 William Norman Brown ing great gifts for our benefit. ' This the gods did, and by means of these holy observances his sins were washed away and he obtained the rank of Indra permanently. The next day Citra- gupta told Yama that the gambler had obtained the rank of Indra permanently by means of his shrewdness. Then Yama was astonished and said, 'Dear me! this gambler has cheated us.'^« Fate overcome thru divine aid We now come to the class of stories in which a deity saves a worshipper from the power of his evil fate. A familiar tale^^ tells of an astrologer whose son Atirupa was to die at the age of eighteen. When he was sixteen the boy, who had cast his own horoscope and discovered his fate, set out for Benares. On his way he came to a city where a wicked minister had arranged a marriage between his epileptic son and the daughter of his master. It was the wedding day, but the minister's son was in the throes of a fit, and since his ailment was a secret to everyone but his immediate family, the minister determined to find a sub- stitute for the ceremony. He chanced on Atirupa, and the marriage was performed with him as the groom. But after the ceremony the minister failed to take away Atirupa before the women of the bride's family could lock the couple in the bridal chamber, and they spent the night together. At this time Atirupa recited an obscure Sanskrit verse to his wife and later expounded it. The next morning the minister sent him away and brot his own son, but the bride drove him off and at once entered upon a series of penances to gain the favor of 6iva and thru his grace recover her husband. Shortly afterwards she ^Very similar to this story is another in Tawney, Katlia Sarit Sagara II. 186. A thief faithfully worshipped Citragupta, Yama^s secretary, and received instructions how to prolong his life. Ultimately, however, he was caught in Death's noose and led to Yama's court. There he was asked which he would take first, his punishment or his reward. Advised by Citragupta, he chose the reward. Once in heaven, he commenced bathing in the heavenly Ganges and muttering prayers, and remained indifferent to celestial joys. Thus he obtained the right of dwelling there a year. By protracting his asceticism thru that year he won the right of living in heaven permanently. In this way the record of his sins was blotUid out, and he escaped the torments of hell. (This story, like one ^hich will be treated below, shows human shrewdness coupled with divine aid.) * ^ Natesa Sastri, Indian Folk-Tales, p. 366 (also published in the Indian Antiquary 20. 315). Escaping One's Fate 101 # had resthouses built for travellers on the road between her city and Benares, and every one who came to them was asked to interpret the verse Atirupa had recited on the wedding night. Meanwhile, Atirupa performed his religious rites in Benares, and when the fated time came died. Just then, however, the princesses prayers availed with ^iva and he granted her a boon. She asked for the return of her husband, and the god, ignorant of Atirupa 's death, promised it. When the truth came to light Siva was in an awkward position, but he settled the matter by restoring Atirupa to life after he had been dead four days.^^ Atirupa then started home, came to one of the resthouses, rec- ognized the verse, and was happily reunited with the princess.^^ Human shrewdness is combined with divine, saintly, aid in a story^^ which relates how Nanaksa (Guru Nanak, the founder of the\^ikh religion) indicated to a woman the means of saving her husband, who was doomed lo die on the following day. At his suggestion she cleaned her house, prepared sweetmeats, and proceeded along a road until she came to a tank. There she waited until four men approached. These were the angels of 30 By remaining dead four days Atirupa fulfilled the literal terms of his fate. In this sense our story "belongs under the category of 'Fate modi- fied by the karma of this life'; so also do some of the variants of the tale. ^^ There are three other versions of this story, all oral and inferior. In one of them (Kincaid, Beccan Nursery Tales, p. 18) the boy was married to a girl who was destined never to be a widow. The restoration to life came thru the aid of Parvati, Siva's consort, whom the boy saw in a di'eam driving away the messenger of Yama, lord of the underworld, who had been sent for him. In the second version (Upreti, Proverbs and Folk- lore of Kumaon and Ga/rTiwal, p. 199) the hero is liestored to life by 'the deities' in the Himalayas, who on investigation found that the wife had been allotted 120 years of life. They took sixty years from her span and added them to that of the boy. The last variant (Damant in the Indian Antiquary 1. 170) tells how the boy propitiated a number of rishis, who promised him immortality. He was fated to be billed by lightning, but when the time came they sat on his body so that the lightning could not touch him. At the intercession of the Creator, however, they exposed his little finger. The lightning struck that, and he remained unconscious for a short time. This was construed as death, and the decrees of Fate were therefore regarded as fulfilled. These three incomplete versions aU seem to point to a prototype simDar to that translated by Natesa. The folk variations in details- are the usual accompaniment of oral tradition. It is more than possible that Natesa drew his story from Tauiil literature. ^^ Stokes, Indian Fai/ry Tales, p. 116. 102 William Norman Brown death. She gave them the sweetmeats, which they ate, and then begged them to spare her husband. Having eaten her food, they could not be so ungrateful as to take him, and they returned to God and explained the situation. He recognized the hand of Nanak in the affair, and granted the man an extension of twenty years.^^ The terrible fate of childlessness is once reversed thru the help of the saint Gorakhnath.^* It is not in the fate of Rani Bachal to have a son, says Bhagwan (God). But she intercedes with Gorakhnath, and he in rather brusque words asks Bhagwan to grant her a son. Bhagwan rubs some of the dirt out of his head and gives it to the saint. The latter gives it to the Rani, who mixes it with water, and shares it with a gray mare, a Brah- mani, and a sweeper's wife. All have been barren, and all now conceive. Childlessness is once again the' curse that a pious man asks a saint to have removed.^'^ The saint goes first to Brahma, then to ^iva, and finally to Visnu, all of whom say that it is impos- sible for the man to have children. Some years later the man asks help of another saint, and the latter promises him five,, which in due time are born. The first saint learns of this and complains to Visnu. Visnu pretends to be ill and asks the saint to bring him as remedy a cupful of blood from a number of saints. These, however, are so chary of blood that the saint can collect hardly a spoonful. Visnu then sends him to the saint who had granted the man the five children, and he fills the cup 33 There is a variant of this story in Bompas, Folklore of the Santcd Parganas, p. 307. The victim himself shows hospitality to the messengers of death. They take hijp to the presence of Chando (God), but advise him to put a piece of lampwick in his nose when he arrives there, so that he may sneeze. This he does, and Chando is so pleased at the lucky omen that he sends the man back to earth to live sixty years more. On p. 309 of the same book a woman entertains the messengers of death who have come for her son, and, co'ntrary to their request, cooks their food with salt. They take her son, but carry her to heaven also. There she overhears the son telling his heavenly wife how he will be reborn and the means he will use to accomplish his death again. He is reborn to her, but she takes precau- tions to foil the schemes laid to bring about his death, and he lives to a ripe old age. These stories all seem independent among the folk. ^* Crooke in the Indian Antiquary 24. 49. The son of Eani Bachal is Guru Guga. For other accounts of him, see Temple, Legends of the Fan- jab I. 121 ff., and III. 261. Our story seems to have no literary parallels, " Upreti, Froverhs and Folklore of Kumaon and Garhwal, p. 198. Escapmg One's Fate ' 103 from his own veins. At this Visnn points out how great is this saint's devotion, and how much he deserves that his requests should be granted. Fate modified hy karma of this life The effect of karma performed in this life toward modifying and altering the fate decreed a man at birth is illustrated by the story of two men, Sat (Good) and Asat (Bad).^® Sat was pious and led a righteous life ; Asat was the opposite, drunken, lewd, and blasphemous. One night as Sat was returning from a public recitation of the Ramayana, he pierced his foot with a thorn. At that moment Asat emerging from a bawdy house found a purse full of gold. Thereupon he mocked Sat for lead- ing a righteous life that was rewarded with pain, while his own wickedness was accompanied with good fortune. Deeply puz- zled Sat asked a Brahman (Narayana, i. e. Visnu, in disguise) to explain the apparent injustice. The Brahman said that at the time of Sat's birth his previous karma had been so bad that he had been fated to receive the sula (impaling stake) on this day, but his pious conduct in this life had so counteracted the effect of his previous karma that he had received only a thorn in his foot. Asat, on the contrary, had lived so righteously in his former existences that he should have acquired a crown on that day, but his evil conduct since birth had reduced his reward to a purse full of gold. Thus the literal wording of the fate of each had jDeen fulfilled, altho neither had received the destiny originally intended. As an antithesis to the illustrations I have adduced of escap- ing fate, I wish to call attention to a case in which an unfortu- nate man was saddled with a fate that did not bejong to him, and came near suffering accordingly.^' An oilman died and was led by angels to the Almighty. 'Whom have you brot?' asked the Creator. 'This man's days on earth are not yet completed: take him back before his body is buried, and let his spirit repos- sess his body; Wt you will find a vegetable man of the same name in the same city. Bring him to me.' The oilman got back to his body barely in time to prevent it from being burnt. '^Mukharji, Indian Folklore, p. 122. A close variant appears in McOul- loeh, Bengali Houseliold Tales, p. 7. The same tale in ill-fitting Moham- medan attire is reported by Wadia in the Indian Antiquary 20. 107. I have seen no parallel to this story in literature. "Dracott, Simla Village Tales, p. 220. 104 William Norman Brown The various illustrations of escaping fate which I have pre- sented in this paper do not represent a frequent mental attitude of the Hindus. Rather, they are in the nature of exceptions that prove the rule, 'Fate is inevitable.' But they do, I believe, show that there exists in India an indigenous spirit of rebellion against the doctrine of human helplessness, a spirit that un- doubtedly finds expression in the actualities of daily life as well as in the fancies of fiction. Baltimore, Maryland. BUDDHIST-ZOROASTRIAN lSgEND OF SEVEN MARVELS Eugene 'Watson Burlestgame Lecturer in Pali, Yale University The apocryphal legend of the seven marvels attending the birth of Zoroaster appears to be derived from Buddhist sources.^ The legend appears in Zoroastrian literature for the first time about 900 a. d. in the Pahlavi Dmkard and Zdd-Sparam, and reappears about 1200 a. d. in the Persian Zartilsht-Ndmah. A brief outline of the legend is as follows : Zoroaster laughs at birth. He is suckled by a ewe. At the* instigation of his father, a wizard makes five attempts on his life. He lays him in the way of a drove of oxen, and one of the oxen protects him. He lays him in the way of a drove of horses, and one of the horses protects him. He casts him into the lair of a wolf, and the wolf is struck dumb. He attempts to bum him alive, but the fire will not touch him. He causes a beast of prey to compress his head, and the paws of the beast are para- lyzed. The child is recovered by his mother or father. There are striking similarities between this Zoroastrian legend and a well-known Buddhist legend of the seven marvelous escapes from death of a youth. The Buddhist legend appears for the first time in the Sanskrit-Chinese version of Seng-houei (died 280 a. d.), and reappears, greatly enlarged, in two Pali commentaries of the fifth century, Buddhaghosa's Commentary on the Anguttara Nikdya (about 425 a. d.), and the Commentary on the Dhammapada (about 450 a. d.). The following is an outline of the three known versions of the Buddhist legend : BUDDHIST LEGEND OF THE SEVEN MARVELOUS ESCAPES FROM DEATH OF A YOUTH Illustrating the Power of Kamma A. Translated, from Sanskrit into Chinese by Seng-houei (d. 280 A. D,)2 1. The Future Buddha is reborn as the son of a poor man. The father, not wishing to rear the child, abandons him at a ^ Professor A. V. W. Jackson of Columbia University was the first to call attention to the possibility of a connection between the Buddhist and Zoroastrian legends. See Jov/rnaZ of the American Oriental Society, 38. 328. ^ Chavannes, Cinq cents Contes et Apologues, No. 45, vol. i, pp. 165-173. 106 Eugene Watson Burlingame cross-roads on a holiday. A Brahman prophesies future great- ness for any child horn on that day. A householder who is childless orders a man to seek for some abandoned child. The man learns from a passer-by that a childless widow is caring for an abandoned child, obtains the child for a consideration, and turns him over to the householder. 2. The householder rears the child for a few months, when his wife becomes pregnant. Thereupon, having no more use for the child, he abandons him in a ditch. A ewe gives suck to the child, a shepherd rescues him, and the householder, repenting of his evil deed, recovers him. 3. 4. The householder rears the child for a few months, when his wife gives birth to a son. Thereupon the householder's evil thoughts return and he abandons the fehild on a caravan- trail. The child meditates on the Three Jewels^ and suffuses his foster-father with friendliness. In the morning a caravan approaches. On reaching the child, the oxen stumble and refuse to proceed. The caravan-leader makes an investigation, rescues the child, and turns him over to a childless widow.' Shortly afterwards the householder learns of his whereabouts, and repenting of his evil deed, recovers possession of him for a con- sideration. 5. After several years have passed, the householder, im- pressed with the intelligence of the child and- fearing that his own son will be enslaved by him, abandons him on a clump of bamboos, thinking that he will die of hunger. The child loses his balance, falls to the ground, and rolls down the mountain- side to the brink of a stream. A villager discovers him, rescues him, and carries him home. The householder, informed of his rescue, is overcome with remorse and for a consideration recovers him. 6. The householder teaches him writing and reckoning and. all of the other arts and crafts. The youth increases in wisdom and goodness, comes to be regarded by the people as a holy man, and attracts a large following. Once more the householder is overcome by thoughts of malice. He writes a letter to a smelter, directing him, so soon as his foster-son arrives, to throw him into the furnace. He then directs his foster-son to go and obtain from the smelter the money and other precious objects which are to be his inheritance. At the village-gate the youth meets the householder's own son. The latter asks him to take his ^ The Buddha, the Doctrine, and the Order. Buddhist-Z oroasirian Legend lOT place in a game of marbles and to win back for him a stake lie has lost, offering to carry the letter to the smelter himself. The householder's foster-son agrees, and the householder's own son goes to the smelter's and is thrown into the furnace. The householder, overcome with misgivings, sends a messenger to find his son. The foster-son returns and tells the householder that his own son has gone to the smelter's in his stead. The householder hurries with all speed to the smelter's, but finds his son reduced to ashes. He fiings himself on the ground and is afflicted with an internal malady. 7. The householder, resolved that his foster-son shall under no circumstances succeed him, resolves once more to kill him. He therefore sends the youth to the superintendent of one of his-. palaces on a false errand, directing him to carry to the superin- tendent a secret letter in a sealed pouch. The letter contains the following command: 'When this young man arrives, attach a rock to his girdle and throw him into a deep pool of water.' On the way the youth stops at the house of a Brahman who is a friend of his foster^fa'ther's. The Brahman entertains him handsomely. The young daughter of the Brahman notices the- sealed pouch, secretly removes it, reads the letter, destroys it, and substitutes another commanding the superintendent to make arrangements for the marriage of the Brahman's daughter to the householder's son, 'with few ceremonies but many and valuable presents.' The next morning the youth continues his journey and delivers the letter to the superintendent, who car- ries out the order to the letter and after the marriage-ceremonies are over notifies the householder of what he has done. Upon receiving the news, the householder is stricken with a grave malady. When the youth is informed of his foster-father's malady, he is overcome with sorrow, and accompanied by his wife, goes in haste and pays his respects to him. The Brah- man's daughter assures the householder of her filial devotion and expresses hopes that he may recover. At these words the householder *is suffocated with fury' and expires. The Future Buddha performs the funeral ceremonies, and there'after lives a life of righteousness, 'exhaling the perfume of his virtues in the ten directions.' * Buddhaghosa, the great Buddhist scholastic of the fifth cen- tury A. D., was acquainted with at least two versions of this remarkable legend. In his Commentary on the Dlgha Nikdya^ *I)iglia Commentary, vol. 1, p. 317 f. 108 Eugene Watson Burlingame he summarizes what appears to be the older of these two ver- sions as follows: Passing from the World of the Gods, he was reborn in Kosambi in a certain respectable family. A rich householder who was childless gave money to his mother and father and adopted him as a son. But when a son of his own was. bom, he made seven attempts on his life. By the power of the merit which he possessed, he escaped death on every one of the seven occasions. On the last occasion his life was saved by the bold- ness of a certain rich householder's daughter. B. Pali, B-addh3ighosa,^& Anguttara Commentary (c. 425 A. D.)^ 1. In time of famine a poor man casts his child away on a road. In a later state of existence, as the fruit of that evil deed, he is himself cast away seven times, but as the fruit of merit acquired, he is miraculously preserved from death. E-eborn as the son of a harlot, he is cast away on a refuse-heap. A workman, on his way to the house of a rich householder, sees the child surrounded by crows, rescues him, and sends him to his own home by the hand of another man. The householder, who is childless, but whose wife is pregnant, hears an astrologer prophesy that a boy bom on that^day will attain future great- ness. Learning that his wife has not yet given birth to a child, he sends out his men to find the boy. His men report that the boy is in the house of the workman. He summons the workman and obtains the boy for a consideration. He resolves, in case a daughter is born to him, to marry her to the boy, but if a son is bom, to kill the foundling. 3. The householder has him cast away in a burning-ground. A ewe gives suck to the child, and a goatherd rescues him and carries him home. The householder learns of his whereabouts and recovers him for a consideration. 2. The householder orders his men to lay him at the dopr of the cattle-pen. The leader of the herd, the bull, comes out first, incloses the child with his four feet, and protects him from the cattle as they pass. The herdsmen rescue him and carry.him to their own home. The householder learns of his whereabouts and recovers him for a consideration. '^Commentary on Anguttara NiMya (Colombo, 1904), JEtadagga Vagga, vii. 3-4: pp. 249-255; translated in full in my forthcoming Buddhist Parables, Yale University Press. Cf. J. Schick, Corpus Hamleticum, I. 1, pp. 45-66; E. Hardy, JBAS 1898, pp. 741-794. Buddhist-Zoroastrian Legend 10^ 4. The householder has him laid on a caravan-trail, that a cart-wheel may go over him and crush him. The oxen of the caravan-leader's first cart plant their four legs over him like pillars and stand still. The caravan-leader makes an investiga- tion, rescues the child, and carries him off. The householder recovers him as before. 5. The householder has him thrown down a precipice. The child, however, falls lightly on the hut of some reed-makers. The leader of the reed-makers rescues him and carries him home. The householder recovers him as before. 6. The householder's own son and his adopted son grow up together. One day the householder goes to his potter and tells him that he wishes to get rid of a base-born son. The potter is horrified. The householder gives him a bribe and asks him to do the deed. The potter names the day on which he expects to fire'the bake-house, and directs the householder to send the youth to him on that day. "When the day comes, the householder sends his foster-son to the potter with the message : ' Execute the commission my father gave you.' As the youth is on his way, he meets the householder's own son. The latter asks him to take his place in a game of marbles and to win back for him a stake he has lost, offering to carr;^ the message to the potter him- self. The householder's foster-son agrees, and the householder's own son goes to the potter's and is thrown into the bake-house. In the evening the householder's foster-son returns, but his own son does not. The householder hurries with all speed to the potter, who remarks: 'The job is done.' 7. The householder is stricken with a mental disease and henceforth refuses to eat with his foster-son. Determining to encompass the ruin of the enemy of his son, as he calls him, the householder writes a letter and directs his foster-son to. carry it to a workman of his who lives in a distant village, telling him to stop for a meal at the house of a rich householder who lives by the way. The youth does so. The daughter of the house, who was his wife in his fourth previous existence, falls in love with him. Noticing the letter fastened to the hem of his gar- ment, she secretly removes it, reads it, destroys it, and substi- tutes another commanding the workman to make arrangements for her marriage to the youth. The youth spends the night at the house, and in the morning goes to the village where the workman lives and delivers the letter. The worknaan carries out the order to the letter and after the wedding-ceremonies are over notifies the householder of what he has done. Upon receiv- 110 Eugene Watson Burlmgame ing the news, the householder is stricken with dysentery and sends for his foster-son, intending to disinherit him. The wife informs the youth of his foster-father's attempt to kill him, and the youth and his wife go to see the householder. The wife hastens the householder's death by pummeling him in the chest. The youth bribes the servants to say that he is the householder's own son. The king^ confirms the youth in his inheritance. C. Pali, Dhammapada Commentary (c. 450 A. D.)^ ' 1. In time of famine a poor man casts his child away under a bush. In a later state of existence, as the fruit of that evil deed, he is himself cast away seven times, but as the fruit of merit acquired, he is miraculously preserved from death. Eebom as the son of a harlot, he is cast away on a refuse-heap. Crows and dogs surround him, but none dares to attack 4iim. A passer-by rescues him and carries him home. A rich house- holder who is childless but whose wife is pregnant, hears an astrologer prophesy that a boy born on that day will attain future greatness. Learning that his wife has not yet given birth to a child, he summons 'Mother' Black, a slave-woman, gives her a sum of money, and commands her to find the boy and to bring the boy to him. Mother Black obtains the boy for a con- sideration and turns him over to the householder. The house- holder resolves, in case a daughter is born to him, to marry her to the boy, but if a son is born, to kill the foundling. 4. At the instigation of the householder, Mother Black lays him in a burning-ground, that he may be devoured by dogs or crows or demons. Neither dog nor crow nor demon dares to attack him. A ewe gives suck to the child, and a goatherd res- cues him and carries him home. Mother Black tells the house- holder what has happened, and at the command of the house- holder, recovers the child for a consideration, and restores him to the householder. 2. At the instigation of the householder. Mother Black lays him at the door of the cattle-pen, that he may be trampled to death. The leader of the herd, the bull, at other times accus- tomed to come out last, comes out first, incloses the child with his four feet, and protects hm from the cattle as they pass. '^Dhammapada Commentary, Book 2, Story 1, Part 2j translated in full in my Buddhist Legends from the Dhammapada Commentary, Harvard Oriental Series, vol. 28, pp. 252-266 (cf, pp. 79-81). Of. J. Schick, Corpus .Hamleticum, I. 1, pp. 15-45; E. Hardy, JBAS 1898, pp. 741-794. Buddhist -Z or oastrian Legend HI The herdsman makes an investigation, rescues the child, and carries him home. The child is restored to the householder as before. 3. At the instigation of the householder, Mother Black lays him on a caravan-trail, that he may be trampled to death by the oxen or crushed by the wheels of the carts. On reaching the child, the oxen throw off the yoke and refuse to proceed. The caravan-leader makes an investigation, rescues the child, and carries him home. The child is restored to the householder as before. 5. At the instigation of the householder. Mother Black throws him down a precipice, that he may be dashed to pieces. The child, however, falls lightly on a clump of bamboos. A reed-maker hears his cries, rescues him, and carries him home. The child is restored to the householder as before. 6. In spite of the householder's attempts on his life, the child lives and thrives and grows to manhood. But he is like a thorn in the eye of the householder, who cannot look him straight in the face. The householder refrains from teaching him reading and writing, for he is determined, by some means or other, to put him out of the way. One day he goes to a potter, tells him that he wishes to get rid of a base-born son, and bribes the potter to promise that so soon as the youth arrives he will hack him to pieces, throw him into a chatty, and bake him in the bake- house. He then directs his foster-son to go to the potter and to say to him : 'Finish the job my father gave you yesterday.' As the youth is on his way, he meets the householder's own son. The latter asks him to take his pla'ce in a game of marbles and to win back for him a stake he has lost, offering to carry the message to the potter himself. The householder's foster-son agrees, and the householder's own* son goes to the potter's and is thrown into the bake-house. In the evening the householder's foster-son returns, but his own son does not. The householder hurries with all speed to the potter, who remarks: 'The job is done. ' 7, The householder, unable to look the youth straight in the face, writes a letter to the superintendent of his hundred vil- lages, saying: 'This is my base-born son; kill him and throw him into the cesspool.' He then tells the youth to carry the letter to the superintendent, and fastens it to the hem of his garment. In reply to the youth's request for provisions for the journey, the householder tells him to stop f or ' breakfast at the house of a friend of his. The youth does so. The daughter of 112 Eugene Watson Burling ante the house, who was his wife in his previous existence, falls in love with him. Noticing the letter fastened to his garment, she secretly removes it, reads it, destroys it, and substitutes another commanding the superintendent to make arrangements for her marriage to the youth. After sleeping all day, the youth con- tinues his journey, and the next morning delivers the letter to the superintendent, who carries out the order to the letter and after the wedding-ceremonies are over notifies the householder of what he has done. Upon receiving the news, the householder is stricken with dysentery and sends for his foster-son, intending to disinherit him. At the third summons the youth and his wife go to see the householder. By a slip of the tongue the house- holder makes his foster-son his heir. The wife hastens the householder's death by pummeling him in the chest. The king confirms the youth in his inheritance. The wife and 'Mother' Black inform the youth of his foster-father's attempts on his life. The youth thereupon resolves to forsake the life of heed- lessness and to live the life of heedfulness.'' The following is an outline of the three versions of the Zoroastrian legend : ZOROASTRIAN LEGEND OF THE SEVEN MARVELS ATTENDING THE BIRTH OF ZOROASTER Illustrating the Power of God D. Pahlavi, Drnkard (c. 900 A. D.)« 1. On being born, he laughs outright,^ frightening the seven midwives who sit around him. 7. Sacred beings proceed .to him and bring a woolly sheep to him. His mother removes him. 4. At the instigation of his father, a wizard ensconces him in a narrow path and dispatches many oxen on that path, so that ^In a modern Cingalese folk- tale (H. Parker, Village Folk-Tales of Ceylon, vol. i, p. 191), we have the adopted son of a childless king and queen. While the queen is rearing the adopted prince, a child is born to her. The king and queen resolve to kill the adopted prince. The king's minister acts as go-between. Order of events: (1) Bamboos j (2) Cattle- fold; (3) Caravan-trail; (4) King of another city. ^Dinka/rd, vii. 3; translated by E. W. West, SBE 47, pp. 35-40. ° The Laugh is a- common motif in Hindu fiction. See M. Bloomfield, ^ JA08 36. 68-89. Buddhist-Zoroastrian Legend 113 he may he trampled on by the fee^of the oxen. One of the oxen walks forward, stands before the child, and keeps the other oxen away from him. His mother removes him. 5. At the instigation of his father, a wizard ensconces him near a drinking-pool and drives many horses to that drinking- pool, so that he may be trampled on by the hoofs of the horses. A horse with thick hoofs walks forward, stands before the child, and keeps the other horses away from him. His mother removes him. 6. At the instigation of his father, a wizard casts him into a den where a wolf's cubs are slaughtered, so that when the wolf arrives, she, may mangle the child in revenge for those cubs. By the assistance of sacred beings, the wolf, on arriving, is struck dumb. 3. At the instigation of his father, a wizard attempts to bum him alive. The fire will not touch him. His mother removes him. 2. At the instigation of his father, a wizard causes a beast of prey to compress the head of the child with his paws. The paws of the beast are paralyzed. The father, alarmed by the emana- tion of splendor from the child, hastens to make him invisible. E. Pahlavi, Z ad-Spar am (c. 900 A. D.)" 1. [omitted] 7. On the night of the fourth day sacred beings bring a woolly sheep with udder full of milk into the wolf's den, and it gives milk to the child in digestible draughts until daylight. At dawn the mother removes him. 3. The father takes the child and gives him to a wizard to woijk his will with him. The wizard seizes him and throws him out at the feet of the oxen who are going on a path to the water. The leader of that drove of oxen halts near him, and 150 oxen are kept away from him thereby. The father takes him and carries him home. 4. On the second day the wizard throws him out at the feet of the horses. The leader of the horses halts near the child, and 150 horses are kept away from him thereby. The father takes him and carries him home. 6. On the fourth day the wizard throws him into the lair of a wolf. The wolf is not in the lair; and when it wishes to go 10 Zdd-Spa/ram, xvi; translate^ by E. W. West, SBE 47, p. 145 f. 114 Eugene Watso7i Burlingame "^ back to the den, it stops when it comes in front of some radiance, in the manner of a mother, in the place where its cub is. "^ 5. On the third day the wizard attempts to burn him alive. The fire, however, will not burn him; his 'marks' protect him. 2. On the day of the child's birth, a wizard twists his head severely, that he may be killed. The child remains fearless, the wizards are terrified, and the chief wizard's hand is withered. That wizard demands the child from his father by way of com- pensation for the harm done him. F. Persian, Zcurtusht-Ndnmh (c. 1200 A. D.)^^ 1. A seer prophesies future greatness for the child. As he leaves the womb he laughs. 7. Two cows come and give suck to the child. 4. He is placed in a narrow way where the oxen are accus- tomed to pass. An ox mightier than the rest comes forward and protects the child between his forefeet. His mother removes him. 5. He is thrown into a narrow way where wild horses are accustomed to pass. A single mare advances before the rest and comes and stands at his pillow. The horses are unable to bite him. His mother removes him. 1 6. He is cast into a lair of wolves. The wolves rush upon him. The mouth of the foremost wolf is closed. The wolves hecome tame. 3. He is cast into fire. The fire becomes as water to him. His mother removes him. 2. A wizard draws his sword to kill the child. The wizard's hands are withered. "Translated by J. Wilson in the Appendix to his Parsi Beligion, pp. 483-490. Buddhist -Z or oastrian Legend 115 CONSPECTUS OF THE SIX VERSIONS BuiiDHIST Seven marvelous escapes from death of a youth Illustrating the Power of Kamma 250 A. D. A. Sanskrit-Chinese 425 A. D. B. Pali (A. cm.) 450 A. D. ^ C. Pali (Dh. cm.) 1. Exposure 1. Exposure 1. Exposure ,j 2. Exposure — suckled by 3. Exposure — suckled 4. Exposure — suckled ewe by ewe by ewe 3. 2. Cattle 2. Cattle 4. Oxen 4. Oxen 3. Oxen 5. Precipice 5. Precipice 5. Precipice 6. Smelter's 6. Potter's 6. Potter's 7. Superintendent 7. Workman 7. Superintendent ZOROASTRIAN Seven marvels attending the birth of Zoroaster Illustrating the Power of God 900 A. D. . 900 A. D. 1200 A. D. D. Pahlavi E. Pahlavi P. Persian 1. Laughs at birth 1. 1. Laughs at birth 7. Suckled b^ ewe 7. ^ Suckled by ewe 7. Suckled by cows 5. Horses 4. Horses 5. Horses 4. Oxen 3. Oxen 4. Oxen 6. Lair of wolf 6. Lair of wolf 6. Lair of wolves 3. Bon-fire 5. Bon-fire 3. Bon-fire 2. Beast of prey com- presses head 2. Wizard twists head 2. Wizard draws sw( Conclusions Of the seven marvels in the Zoroastrian legend, four are obvi- ously derived from the Buddhist legend : ewe, horses, oxen, bon- fire. The three o^her marvels bear traces of the Buddhist original. Thus, both children attract attention at birth by manifestation of merit, and a seer prophesies future greatness for each. In the Buddhist legend the child thrown down a precipice is unharmed; in the Zoroastrian legend the child thrown into the lair of a wolf is unharmed. In the Buddhist legend the persecutor's own son is killed instead of his foster- son, the latter marries an heiress, and the persecutor himself is 116 Eugene Watson Burlingame / ^ confounded ; in the Zoroastrian legend the persecutor who com- presses or twists the head of the child is paralyzed. The Zoroastrian legend as a whole is therefore derived from the Buddhist legend, most probably from the Dhammapada j Commentary version. New Haven, Connecticut. June 1, 1918. THE PHILOSOPHIC MATERIALS OF THE ATHARVA VEDA Franklin Edgerton Assistant Professor of Sanskrit, University-^f Pennsylvania I ' A QUARTER OF A CENTURY AGO Deussen^ remarked on the need for a special intensive study of the philosophic materials of the Atharva Veda. Since that time Bloomfield's references to the subject^ have in part supplied the lack. Yet the matter is so tangled and obscure that much remains to be done before the relation of these productions to the rest of the Atharva Veda and to the higher thought of early India as a whole can be settled. The following pages are intended as a further step in this direction. It is probably true that the Atharva Veda contains more matter which can be called 'philosophic' than any other Saih- hita. Certainly it contains a great deal more of such matter than the Rig Veda. Yet the milieu of the Atharva Veda appears, at first sight, very unsuited to such subjects. In order to explain the inclusion in a book of witchcraft of so much of the speculative literature of the Veda, I have been led to study the purposes of the Atharvan philosophic materials, and to try to discover what ideas in the minds of those who compiled them or included them in the Atharvan collection led to that inclu- sion. In the course of this study my attention has been called to some features of Vedic 'higher thought' as a whole which, as it seems to me, need to be emphasized more clearly than has been done in the past. A summary of my conclusions will be found at the end of this article (Part VI). The most important part of the article I consider Part V, altho the logical development of the thepae seems to make it necessary, or at least advisable, to put it near the end. II Our general experience with the Atharva Veda leads us to expect in the first instance an exorcistic purpose, a 'blessing' ^ Allgemeine GescMchte der Philosophie, i. 1, p. 209. ^Especially in The Atharvavedd, pp. 86 ff. ^118 Franklin Edgerton or a 'curse,' in any composition found in.it. This is the tra- ditional attitude of the Atharvanic school in India, as repre- sented best by the Kausika Sutra. Of its general soundness there can no longer be any doubt. The use to which the hymns are put in the Kausika is, by the internal evidence of the hymns themselves, demonstrably right in such a mass of cases, that the burden of proof now rests on him who would reject its explanation in individual instances. The Atharvan srduta sutra, the Vaitana, is of much less — indeed, of very little — value in explaining the purposes of the Atharvan hymns, because the application of most of them to the srduta sphere was entirely a secondary matter. There are how- ever a few hymns^ whose true and original purpose seems to be correctly connected by Vait. with the srduta ceremonies. Hence it is not safe to neglect Vait. entirely in studying the objects of the hymns. Nor are the later Atharvan ritual texts called the Parisistas, or Appendices, to be overlooked. Especially in the few cases where Kaus. and Vait. fail us, we can often find from the Pari- sistas the Atharvan use of the hymns. Tho the compilation of the Parisistas is late, their method of operation is genuinely Atharvanic, as is sufficiently shown by the very fact that it accords so well, in general, with the customary method employed by Kaus. Some scholars indeed hold that the Parisistas as a whole are broader in their interests, and come nearer to includ- ing the complete sphere of Atharvan topics, than Kaus., not to mention Vait., or even than both together. Whether or not we believe with Caland* that most of the Kaus. ceremonies are fitted into the framework of the New and Full Moon sacrifice, which would naturaUy imply an intrinsic limitation in the sphere of Kaus. ; at any rate the fact remains that Kaus. fails to use at all a not inconsiderable amount of the Atharvan Sam- hita. This may be due to mere inadvertence or accidental loss of the thread of Atharvan tradition on the part of Kaus • or it may be due to the fact that the scope oFKaus. is not as broad as that of the Atharva Veda. In either case it is incumbent upon us to try to complete the gap. And we find, as a matter of fact, that at least a large part of the material neglected by 'On this whole subject see especiaUy Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva Veda, Iviii fif., particularly Isx f. ^See the introduction to his Altindisches Zauberritual (Amsterdam ler^ndeiy^gen, 1900, Deel III, No. 2). Against this view Bloomfield, GGA 1902, pp. 495 ff. ' CORRECTION Page 119: the eleventh line on thia page, namely, the Viraj hymn 8. 10 seem to be absolutely ignored in all the" should be placed after the twelfth line, namely, are employed. The Skambha hymn 10. 7, the mystic 11. 8, and" i i < < The printers regret this error, which was made in their office after the final page proofs had been returned. The proofs were correct. Philosophy in Atharvg Vkda 119 Kaus. is worked up in the Parisistas. This fact is hostile to the only third alternative (which I consider improbable in itself), that the hymns in question are late intruders in the text of the Atharva Veda. That Kaus. does not include all Atharvan interests is, in fact, indicated by the existence of the specifi- cally srduta materials that belong to the sphere of Vait., to which allusion has been made. Now if we inquire what use is made of the philosophic hymns in the ritual books, we shall find, first, that one or two of them are not used at all, and that of some others only stray stanzas the Viraj hymn 8. 10 seem to be absolutely ignored in all the are employed. The Skambha hymn 10. 7, the mystic 11. 8, and ritual texts. The other Viraj hymn, 8. 9, is likewise ignored except that Vait. allows the use of vss. 6 if. optionally in a sattra rite. So of the trahmacdrin hymn, 11. 5, only one vs. (3) is used by Kaus. in the upanayana. Kaus. and Vait. also fail to use the two Kala hymns, 19. 53 and 54, the ucchinta hymn, 11. 7, the odana hymn, 11. 3, and the second Skambha hymn, 10. 8 (except that Vait. uses a single vs. of the last, which by the way contains, in vss. 43 and 44, the clearest suggestion of tlje Upanishadic dtman theory known to the AV.) ; but Kesava, the commentator on K^ui., uses 11. 3 in witchcraft practices and in the hrhaspati sava, and the others are all used in the Parisistas. Next, we may find that when hymns of this category are used, their employment often seems from our point of view secondary and without bearing on the real nature of the hymns. Thus, the Purusa hymn, 19. 6 (= RV. 10. 90), is used by Vait., along with the otherwise unknown Purusa hymn 10. 2, in the purma-medha rite. Neither of these hymns appears in Kaus. at all (tho a purma-sukta, doubtless 19. 6, is used several times in the Parisistas), and their employment in Vait. is as easy to understand as it is shallow and worthless. The sutra compilers feel it their duty to use, somehow or other, as much of their Samhita as they can; and especially Vait., which has not like Kaus. the advantage (or disadvantage) of a stable tradition to adhere to, ransacks its Bible much in the fashion of some modern clergymen, who first make up their minds to preach on a certain topic, and then wrench and screw some text out of the Scrip- tures to make it, willy-nilly, fit their subject.^ Sometimes even °As immortalized by the hoary jest about the preacher who attacked high head-dresses on the basis of the text ' Top-knot, come down ! * (Matthew 24. 17, Let him which is on the house-top not come down.) 120 Franklin Edgerton Kaus. may be, or has been, suspected of similar tendencies. For instance, Kaus. uses all the four hymns of the Rohita book (13) on the occasion of an eclipse of the sun. These hymns undoubtedly have the sun in mind ; but except to that extent their language does not prominently suggest such an applica- tion. And the use of such hrahmodyas as 9. 9 and 10"^ (= RV. 1. 164), 5. 1, and 7. 1, in magic rites for general prosperity and success is also hardly to be inferred directly from any materials found in the hymns. Fully half of the philosophic hymns belong to this category as regards their ritual employment. That is, they are employed only in ways that seem to us, from the point of view of their language (cf. Part V of this article, below), secondary and unintelligent (a few not being employed at all). And indeed, '^Ka.uL 18. 25 quotes the pratilca only of 9. 9. 1. But as 9. 9 and 10 really form one hymn (RV. 1. 164), the division in AV. being purely external (in fact they form one complete anuvdTca even in AV.) ; and as 9. 10 is not dealt with independently; it seems to me likely that the whole unit 9. 9 and 10 is intended by the sutra. The divisions of these long hymns are largely mechanical anyhow; compare the division of 10. 7 and 8. Ppp. largely adopts the practice of cutting up the longer hymns of its Book 16 (which includes nearly the whole of Books 8-11 of the vulgate) into purely mechanical 'hymns' of ten verses each. — The following pos- sible confirmation of my suggestion as to the intent of Kaus. 18. 25 was discovered with the aid of references furnished me by Boiling. Among the pratikas quoted in the same list in Kau^. 18. 25 is that of 16. 3. The Ganamala (AVPari^. 32. 22) quotes the same list, without difference except that it prefixes the pratilca of 1. 4 to the list, and adds iti dve sukie after the pratlTca of 16. 3. It would not be overbold to infer from this that Kaus. also probably meant to employ 16. 3 and 4, altho he quoted the pratlka only of 16. 3. The like may then have been intended by the pratilca of 9. 9. 1. Now, the Ganamala manuscripts, to be sure, contain no such indication in the case of 9. 9. 1. But two ganas before (gana 20), they contain a senseless nuvdTc(a) inserted before the gana number. The editors of AVPari§. could make nothing of this, and quite properly rejected it from their text; see their Critical Apparatus, page 202. Boil- ing now suggests that this nuvalc(a) may be the relic of a displaced ity anuvakah, originally a marginally inserted correction intended to go in gana 22 after the prattka of 9. 9. 1. Since AV. 9. 9 and 10 form in fact one anuvaka, and siace all the AVPari^. mss. go back to a single very corrupt archetype (see the editors' introduction), I think it highly likely that Boiling's suggestion is correct, and that the Ganamala originally indicated the use of the entire anuvaka at this place. If not, ,the coinci- dence is certainly startling. This would be a further confirmation of my suggestion as to the intention of Kaui. 18. 25. Philosophy in Atharva Veda 1^1 from the prima facie evidence of their language, we should expect nothing else. They show few signs of interest in witch- craft practices (altho I shall show later on that they are really not so far removed therefrom as appears on the surface, and as has been generally supposed). However awkwardly and impotently, they strive after higher things. They are the imme- diate forerunners of the Upanishads, and on the whole not unworthy of their successors. The gulf that separates them from the operations of the Atharvanic medicine-man is so wide that it seems at first sight unbridgeable. Yet the bridge is there. It is indicated by the traditional employment of certain other philosophic hymns, or at least hymns containing philosophic materials. The first of these, as joining on most directly to the hymns of the preceding group, is the prdna hymn, 11. 4. The subject of this hymn is the cos- mic 'breath,' that is the wind, most strikingly manifested in the storm-wind; hence the obvious naturalistic allusions to storms. This breath of the universe is, quite naturally and yet acutely, made the enlivening principle of everything. The author is thoroly at home in the phraseology and ideology of Vedic higher thought, and applies it all to his subject with a freshness and vigor that suggest an unusual amount of intel- lectual acumen. He is certainly no mere magic-monger. Yet that does not mean that he is free from natural human desires. Not only the last stanza,^ but several stanzas scattered thruout the hymn,^ give expression to the active desire that the cosmic * breath' shall vConfer boons on him who glorifies it, particularly, of course, by means of its counterpart, the individual 'breath' or 'life' in the human being. So Kaus. very appropriately uses the hymn in magic performances for long life. In so doing Kaus. does no violence to the thought of the hymn, even tho the author of the hymn may have mingled more lofty aims with this practical one. ) Still more significant are the hymns in which the practical purpose seems clearly predominant. In these cases we find no longer philosophizing tinged with self-interest, but self-interest decked out more or less in the garb of philosophy, or employing philosophic concepts. The constant refrain of 13. 3 shows that the primary purpose of the hymn is to discomfit the brahman- hater, and that it is only for this purpose that the sun. as a ^ Of. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athcurva Veda, p. 623. * Stanzas 9, 11, 18, 19. 122 Franklin Edgerton cQsmic first principle is glorified. It is therefore appropriately- used by Kaus. in hostile sorcery. Or if anyone should suspect the refrain of being -^ secondary addition, unjustly degrading the hymn as a whole, I would refer him to such hymns as 9. 2, to Kama, cosmic Desire (Passion, or Will — it is very hard to find an e:5^act English equivalent). Here thruout the body of the hymn the constant theme, expressed in ever varying lan- guage, is that Kama shall destroy our enemies ; and this is, very properly, the use to which Klus. puts it. In this hymn, except in verses 19-24, there is hardly a suggestion of a philosophic idea, beyond the mere name Kama itself — which (as is still more obviously shown by the other Kama hymn, 19. 52, in its open- ing quotation from RV. 10. 129. 4) is borrowed from the sphere of the higher thought and set to work in claptrap magic. Com- pare 4. 19. 6, where the non-existent (dsat) of RY. 10. 129 etc. is similarly pressed into the service of a purely sorcerous per- formance. To this same general group belong the sava hymns 4. 11, 4. 34 and 35, 10. 10, and 11. 3, in which the beneficent effect of the offering of the ox, cow, or gruel is enhanced by the equation of each in turn with the cosmic first principle. In common with most commentators, I find in the ucchista hymn:, 11. 7, only the reductio ad absurdum of this tendency — the apotheosis of the 'leavings' of the offering as the cosmic One.^ Kaus. uses in a manner perfectly consistent with our interpretation all of these hymns except 11. 3 and 11. 7, which are ignored in both Kaus. and Vait. (but Kesava uses 11. 3 in the hrhaspati sava; the only ritual use of 11. 7 is found in Paris. 42. 2. 11, with other ddhydt- mikdni in the sndnavidhi) . Summing up, we find that the use to which the philosophic hymns are put in the ritual accords partly with the prima facie internal evidence of the hymns themselves as to their objects and the purpose of their inclusion in the Atharva Veda; but that some are used in ways that appear at first sight to be sec- ondary, or are even not used at all. Ill . But now arises the question, what do we mean by 'secondary' employment? Do we mean that the ritualists have losK the ^ The only rival interpretation is that of Deussen, Allgemeine GescMchte der Philosophie, i. 1. 305 ff. Ingenious and even brilliant as Deussen^s idea is, I cannot feel that it is Vedie. Philosophy in Athar^a Veda l^S^ thread of true Atharvan tradition, and use these hymns in a way different from that intended by their Atharvan compilers? Or are the ritualists right as far as concerns the Atharvan inten- tion, and wrong, if at all, only in so far as that intention was- wrong or ' secondary ' ? And furthermore, just how ' secondary ' is the * secondary' application of these materials to what we may call 'Atharvanic' purposes? Even when to our minds a hymn seems to deal purely with 'higher thought,' can we he sure that lower or more practical motives were absent from the mind of its original composer, not to speak of him who included it in the Atharvan collection ? There are several knotty problems concerned here. I would formulate the two most fundamental ones thus. First, what is^ the character of the Atharvan tradition of the philosophic hymns, and what is the relation of the Atharvan philosophic materials to Vedic philosophy as a whole? And second, to what extent does Vedic philosophy as a whole naturally and from the start lend itself to such purposes as the Atharva Veda commonly has- in mind? IV First. There is ample evidence that Vedic philosophy was in \ a quite advanced state by the time of the final compilation of the Atharva Veda. There must have been in existence a large body of compositions essaying to deal with such problems as the origin of the world and of man, the internal structure of both, and their interrelation. Intellectual activities along these lines were carried on apparently in the several Vedic schools, or at , least in connexion' with some of them. The speculative litera- ture preserved to us in the Atharva Veda, and the approxi- mately synchronous speculations of the Yajur Vedas and Brahmanas, are in all externals quite similar to the other con- tents of those collections. In particular, they share with them a general appearance of instability, fluidity, and secondariness. They appear not as independent, primary, and unitary compo- sitions, having each a definite date, authorship, and purpose. On the contrary, they seem like masses of floating timbers gathered in more or less by chance from the wreck of a vast hulk, or of sever^ such, whose original structure we can only dimly discern. One is tempted to say that they do not give us the thoughts of Vedic philosophy, but only show us that there was such a thing. This is doubtless an exaggeration; and we must beware of rating too highly the qualities of even the best 124 Franklin Edgerton thought which can have been produced in the Vedic age. Yet I think it is very evident that the phUosophemata of the Atharva, in particular, are essentially rehashes, and often very blundering ones, of older materials, most of which are no^ lost to us. They are highly important, because they (and others like them in the Yajur- Vedic texts) are all we have to go by in reconstructing the thought of their tijne and sphere. But they are, like the general literature to which they belong, only the precipitate of an extensive development, only the dregs of the glass. Tho the evidence for this is largely subjective, it is not likely that any Vedist nowadays will question its general truth. But there is a certain amount of definite and objective evidence for it, which it has seemed to me worth while to collect. I refer to the way in which some Rigvedic philosophic hymns are repro- duced in the Atharva Veda. RV. 10. 121, 10. 125, 10. 90, and 1. 164 all occur in the Atharva Veda. The first three are AV. 4. 2, 4. 30, and 19. 6 respectively; the last is AV. 9. 9 and 10. All except 4. 30 = RV. 10. 125 are also found in the Paippalada. By comparing the Atharvan versions with those of the Rig we can get an idea of the way in which the Atharva handles such materials, and can draw inferences as to the way it handled materials which are not found in the Rig Veda or in any other collection. While it is not by any means certain that the Rig Veda itself furnishes us the original versions in every case, it is clear that it comes closer to it than, the Atharva Veda. The Atharva shows many signs of mere mouthing-over of matter which it did not understand, and of general 'Verballhornung' of the, text. This suggests that its versions of other philosophic hymns are probably no less secondary and poor, and that when we find unevenness or nonsense in them too, the fault may lie with the Atharvan compilers and not with the original authors of the hymns. It frequently happens that the Paippalada ver- sion is closer to the Rig Veda, and better, than the ^aunakiya. Yet on the whole the Ppp. too is poor and secondary. AV. 4. 2 = BV. 10. 121. The vulgate Atharvan version of this hymn is especially con- fused and bad. In the first place, the order of the stanzas is mixed up, as the following table of correspondences will show. The statements about the Ppp. are based on Barret, JAOS 35. 44; Roth's statements, given in Whiitney's translation, are inaccurate. Philosophy in Atharva Veda I'^S RV 1, 2ab, 2cd, Sab, 3cd, 4, 5ab, 5cd, 6ab, 6cd, Tab, 7e, Sab, AV^ 7, lab, 2cd, 2ab, led, 5, 4ab, 3cd, Sab, 4cd, 6ab, — , — , AVP 1, 2abi^ 2cd, Sab, 3cd, 6, 4ab, 4cd, 5ab, 5cd, Tab, Tc,^« — , RV 8c, — , 9, 10, — , — . AV^ 6c, — , — , — , 8, — . AVP To, Td, — , — , 8, 9. Perhaps the most interesting of the many corruptions in the Atharvan version of this hymn is vs. 6. AV. 6ab, dpo dgre visvam dvan gdrhham dddhand amftd rtajndh, represents RV. Tab, dpo ha ydd hrhatir visvam ay an gdrhham dddhand jand- yantlr agnim. No argument is needed to show that the Athar- van compiler has simply made a mess of the line. To try to make real sense out of his version is a waste of effort. Ppp. reads differently, but not less stupidly, tho somewhat closer to the original: dpo ha yasya visvam dyur dadhdnd garhham janayanta mdtarah. — To these two padas the vulgate then appends a version of RV. 8c, reading ydsu devisu for yd devesu to make it refer to the waters, and improving the meter by omitting eka{h). » Stanza 4 (^RV. 5ab, 6cd) presents other instances of a similar sort. RV. has in ab^a vigorous statement, yena dydur ugrd prthivi ca drlhd yena svdh stabhitdm yena ndkah. This in the vulgate AV. becomes the colorless and metrically poor ydsya dydur urvi [the simple-minded Atharvanist knows ugrd in a semi-offensive sense too well to let it stand here!] prthivi ca mahi ydsyddd urv dntdriksam. (Ppp. agrees with RV.) And in pada c. the strong RV. text, ydtrddhi sura udito vihhdti, becomes the dull yasydsdu sdro vitato mahitva. This has evi- dently passed thru the middle stage represented by the Ppp. version, yasminn adhi vitata eti surah, with which MS. agrees except for the transposition sura eti at the end. (The change from udito to vitato is phonetic in character^, and^ suggests inter- esting reflections.) Thus we have here concrete evidence for the way in which these materials were mouthed over again and again, passing thru various stages of corruption and degenera- tion. The corruptions of AV. Sab = RV. 6ab are likewise interest- ing and far-reaching; and again the versions of Ppp., MS., and KS. throw light on their genesis. Without attempting to dis- cuss them fully, I will point out that the Rigvedic dvasd, which "AVP. 7c is a ihixture of RV. 7c and 8c. 126 Franklin Edgerton presents difficulties of interpi-etation, becomes the simple but uninspired dvatas, tho it is preserved (in a different position) in Ppp.; and that dhvayethdm (read °tdm) at , the end of b seems to hark back to RV. 2. 12. 8a vihvdyete (RV. 10. 121. 6ab is undoubtedly based on 2. 12. Sab, ef. Deussen, Allgemeine Geschichte der Philosophie, i. 1. 128 f.), from which we may guess that even the RV. version of this hymn is partly secondary -and that the AV. is not based directly or entirely on it.— In 3c r= RV. 5c, the Rigvedic yd amtdrikse rdjaso vimdnah becomes ydsydsdu pdnthd rdjaso vimdnah, and in Ppp., with a different corruption, yo anta/riksam vimame variyah. MS. again agrees with Ppp. AV. 4. 30 = RV. 10. 125. The order of the stanzas is again altered. The number of corruptions is this time much smaller, but there is at least one very interesting one. In RV. 3cd we have tdm md devd vyddadhuh purutra hhuristhdtrdm hivary dvesdyantim: 'I am ^he whom the gods have settled variously in many places; I have many stations, and bestow (boons) on many [or, bestow many (boons, on whom I will)].' The use of d-vis, causative, in the sense of {implant, and so) bestow good things is guaran- teed by AV. 7. 79. 3b. This use is unquestionably found in the RV. passage under consideration. The AV. (vs 2d) changes to dvesdyantah, agreeing with devdh, and understands ' making me ^enter into many (places).' Aside from the tautology of this, the very rarity of the Rigvedic use of the word suggests that it is original, rather than the AV., which takes it in a commoner .sense. Vs 6cd == RV. 2cd : ahdm dadhdmji drdvinam havismate suprdvye ydjamdndya sunvate. So RV. ; AV. changes to drd- mnd . . . suprdvyd. The change makes the adjective 'help- ful' agree with 'wealth' instead of with 'the sacrificer.' It is a rationalizing, or perhaps a merely blundering, lectio facilior. AV. 19. 6 = RV. 10. 90. Again the order of the stanzas is considerably altered in AV. ; -and other texts in which the hymn occurs show still different variations (see the introduction to the hymn in Whitney-Lan- man). The Rigvedic order is none too prepossessing in places, and in general I- suspect the Rigvedic version of the hymn of being more or less secondary. But certainly the AV. does not K)ffer a single variant that appears better than the RV. I will Philosophy in Atharva Veda 1^*^ call attention to a few instances in T^^ich it is clearly inferior, or at least secondary. "^ Vs 2 = RV. 4. In ab EV. reads tripdd urdhvd ud ait puricsah pddo ^syehdhhavat punah: 'with thi^ee quarters the Pnrusa ascended aloft (on high, beyond), while a quarter of him remained here (in the empiric world).' This evidently means the same as 3cd, 'a quarter of him' is all beings, three quarters are the immortal that is in heaven. ' The AV. changes a to trihhih padhhir dydm arohat, which may intend to state the same idea in words of one syllable, but more likely indicates (by its arohat) that the, Purusa is thought of as physically ascending the sky — a much more naive and less philosophical idea. Again in pada c, RV. says 'from thence {tdto, i. e. refer- ring back to ihd, from the one quarter) he spread abroad over the whole universe,' thus deriving the universe from the single quarter of the Purusa. The AV. changes tdto to tdthd, 'thus,' i. e. by mounting to heaven with three quarters and remaining below with one ; in short, it fails to grasp the profound idea of the RV. and uses the whole of the Purusa in forming the uni- verse. Vs 4 == RV. 2. In d, RV. has ydd dnnendtirohati (referring to the world of the 'immortal,' here obviously the ritualistic gods), 'which grows (thrives, increases) by (sacrificial) food.' The AV. redactor totally failed to understand this phrase, which is indeed cryptic and requires more penetration than some modern western interpreters have shown. He reads ydd anyend- bhavat sahd, which is simply nonsense. Vs 9 = RV. 5. The RV. has in, ab tdsmdd viral a jay at a virdjo ddhi purusdh: 'from him (Purusa) Viraj was born, from out of Viraj (also) Purusa (was born).' The paradox is deliberate, and belongs to the sphere of RV. 10. 72. 4, 5 (Aditi born from Daksa and D. from A.). It was too much for the Atharvanist, who must needs change pada a to virdd dgre sdm abhavat, which makes the sense simple and shallow enough: 'Viraj was born in the beginning, and from Viraj Purusa.' Vs 11 = RV. 7. AV. substitutes prdvfsd, 'by the rainy sea- son,' for barhisi, 'upon the barhis/ in pada a, under the influ- ence of the season-names in the preceding verse. ' AV. 9. 9 and 10 — RV. 1. 164. This brahmodya hymn does not contain a great deal of matter that is, in my opinion, strictly speaking philosophical or theo- 128 Franklin Edgerton < sophieal; most of its riddles are more narrowly naturalistic or ritualistic, tho many of them have a cosmogonic tinge. It hap- pens also that there are few variants of any significance between the text of the RV. and that of the AV. I will mention only the variant in 9. 9. lOd (RV. 1. 164. lOd), because it has been said^^ that the Atharvan reading is certainly superior to that of the RV. and more original than it. In spite of the weight of authority on that side, I venture to maintain that the contrary is quite as possible a priori, and therefore — in view of the gen- eral relations of Rig versus Atharvan readings — more likely to be correct. The Rig Veda stanza has, as padas cd, the follow- ing: mantrdyante divo amusya prstthe visvavidam vacant dvis- vaminvdm. The AV. agrees except for visvavido and dvisvavin- nam. 1 should render the RV. thus: 'they proclaim upon the back of yonder heaven an utterance that is cognizant of all, but that does not extend to all.' The AV. makes it: 'those who know all proclaim ... an utterance that is not known to (dis- covered by) all.' The making a nominative out of visvavidam is just the sort of change we expect to find in the shallow Athar- vanic philosophasters ; they want a subject for the verb man- trdyante, and find it very naturally in 'the all-knowers.' And j^ince the root vid occurs already in this word, it seems to me easy to see how an original dvisvaminvdm could have been shaped over into dvisvavinndm by influence of that form con- taining vid. Such verbal attractions are as common as can be. On the other hand, it is not so easy to see how dvisvamvnvdm could have originated from dvisvavinndm. There is nothing to suggest the change from a lectio facilior to a difficilior. And yet 'not penetrating to all' makes excellent sense, and is a much less commonplace mode of expression than the Atharvan reading, which seems to me easy to the point of shallowness. This may be subjective; but at any rate the suggested origin of the Atharvan reading is strictly in accord with the canons of text-criticism. The examples just given are, I, think, enough to show that the Atharvan tradition of the philosophic hymns is very unreliable. *The Atharvanists— the compilers of the Saiiihita — apparently did not understand these materials any too well. They mouthed them over ignorantly and blindly, and we cannot feel that what "See Bloomfield, The Atharvaveda, p. 50, and references there quoted in note 12. , Philosophy in Atharva Veda 1^9 they have left us gives much help in understanding accurately the thoughts contained in the compositions. This applies not only to crucial passages, where we should suspect on the face of the evidence that something is wrong. It applies fully as much to passages which appear to be 'plain sailing'; for who can tell how many deep and intricate thoughts have been smoothed out of existence by uncomprehending redactors, as was shown to be the case repeatedly in the hymns borrowed from the Rig Yeda? We should therefore be patient with the statements of Kausika and the Parisista ritualists, even when they prescribe employ- ment which does not seem to be suggested by the language of the hymn. The lack of intelligence (if it is really such, rather than lack of correspondence with our own western notions) may pertain not to the ritualists but to the old Atharvan tradition, to the compilers of the Samhita themselves. The use of hrah- modya hymns, for instance, in commonplace spells for pros- perity betrays an intelligence no lower than might have belonged to the diaskeuasts who fixed up the Rigvedic philosophic hymns in their Atharvan garb. The 'colorlessness' in many cases of the ritual usage does not prove that it is wrong. How could the purely philosophic hymns be used in magic practices ' color- fully,' that is in a way which would seem to us appropriate to their language (compare on this point the following section) ? Yet their inclusion in the Samhita shows that they niust have had some Atharvanic use, unless we assume that they do not belong in the S'aihhita at all but are intruders. They are not used in Vait. to any extent, and so cannot belong as a whole to the srduta sphere. The failure of Kaus. to use many of them may be due to a loss of the thread of the tradition on l!he part of Kaus., which after all is not infallible, or to the fact that Kaus.'s interests are not quite as broad as those of the Atharva Veda. This seems to be confirmed by the fact that most of the hymns neglected by Kaus. are worked up in the Parisistas, and are there used in ways quite consistent with the way in which Ksius. uses other similar hymns. At any rate, all of the philo- sophic hynins are just as capable of being used Atharvanically as are many of those which Kaus. does use. We now approach the second and more fundamental of the two questions formulated above (page 123). If the ritual 130 Franklin Edgerton employment of the philosopliic hymns gives the clue to their original Atharvanic purpose, that is indicates what the Athar- van compilers meant to do with them ; to what extent was this purpose justified by the still more original purposes which ani- mated the composers of the hymns, or the authors of the general sphere of ideas contained in them? To what extent do the philosophic materials fit naturally and from the start into the sphere of the Atharva Veda ? It is commonly assumed that they do not fit at all ; that they are foreign elements, calling for an explanation, which it is hard to find. Bloomfield indeed has shown^^ clearly that they are, at least, very thoroly assimilated; that they are inter- mingled with the rest of the Atharvan materials in such a way as to form an organic whole. They cannot well be detached as later additions. Nevertheless, Bloomfield thinks that theyjw-ere incorporated at a time when the Atharvanists had already begun to call their Veda the 'Brahma Veda,' and to associate with this term something of the philosophic tinge which later per^ tains to the word hrahman. Without this assumption he would find it hard to explain their inclusion, since they mark 'in a way the extreme distance from the ordinary witchcraft- formula. ' Now it is, of course, self-evident that they are, 'in a way,* very remote from ' the ordinary witchcraft-formula. ' And per- haps the fact that Kaus. fails to use so many of them at all may be taken as an argument for their essential inappropriateness ; altho the strength of this argument is considerably lessened by the fact that the Parisistas use most of those which Kaus. neglects, and even refer to a group of them as a gana by the technical term ddhyatmikdni (AVParis. 42. 2. 9 ff., where the list is given, and 44. 4. 2). Yet I would venture to suggest that it is possible to exagger- ate this inappropriateness. And what I want to emphasize particularly is that they seem much less inappropriate, possibly not inappropriate at all, when we consider the spirit which per- vades the atmosphere of Vedic philosophizing in general. The seeming inappropriateness is due, at least in large part, to the difference between our psychology and that of the Vedic Hindus. To put the matter in a nut-shell, it seems to me that, while the Atharvanists (as we have seen) handled the philosophical " The Atharvaveda, pp. 86 ff. For a description of the contents of the philosophic hymns it is sufacient to refer to these pages. Philosophy in Atharva Veda 131 materials very unintelligently, and made a bad job of their details, tbey grasped pretty well the general purpose that inspired them,- and were quite right in finding that purpose similar to their own purposes. Aspirations towards higher thought and knowledge in India have always been associated with practical ends. The later systems of philosophy are all supposed to be practical means of attaining mukti. The same word, tho with different connota- tions, is found also in earlier times as the goal of speculation. Compare for instance the thrice-repeated formula, BrhU. 3. 1. 5-8, sd muktih, m 'timuktih. Here it is a question primarily of 'release' from death and the wasting ravages of timej and something similar is generally meant when the word is used in the early literature. Nevertheless, such passages contain a sug- gestion of the flavor of the later mukti idea. At least the cat is jumping in that direction. But this is not all. Some, at least, of the later systems hold out hopes not only of this supreme goal, but also of incidental minor benefits to be enjoyed by the adept while he is progress- ing towards nirvana. One thinks of course primarily of the magic powers promised by the Yoga system in particular, and of the whole system of ideas connected with the mahdsiddhis. The Upanishad passage just quoted, after mentioning the vari- ous means of 'release,' goes on to speak of the means of 'attain- ment' {ity atimoksah, atha saihpadah: 'so far the supreme releases; now for the attainings,' BrhU. 3. 1. 8). The 'attain- ments, ' as the following paragraphs make clear, are the winning of certain natural and supernatural 'worlds.' Such and simi- lar ends are frequently mentioned in connexion with Upani- shadic speculation. Indeed, nothing seems more natural to the Hindu than that very practical and worldly benefits, of many sorts, should ensue from superior knowledge. The connotations of the word vidyd — later to mean ' magic ' out and out — are so well known as hardly to call for comment. How many times do we meet, thruout the Upanishads, as also thruout the Brahmanas, the phrase ya evam veda! And it almost invariably follows the promise of some extremely practical reward. Not only release from death and the winning of various heavens, but wealth, success in this world, ascendancy over one's fellows, the discomfiture of one's enemies — all these and other worldly benefits are among the things to be gained by the practice of theosophic speculation, as 132 Franklin Edgerton they were to be gained from the theological and ritualistic speculations of the Brahmanas.^^ Indeed, the Brahmanas, with all their ritualism and formal- ism, are perhaps closer in spirit to the Upanishads than to the Rig Veda, for precisely this reason, that they emphasize the importance of knowledge— ot sl true understanding of the inner, esoteric meaning of the things with which they deal. That is why they are the womb of Upanishadic thought. Their hair- splitting theological disquisitions, their hrahmodyas, give birth to the cosmic and metaphysical speculations which flower in the Upanishads.^* And just as the Upanishads themselves contain many internal indications of their intimate connexion with the Brahmanas (for example, the passage BrhU. 3. 1, quoted above, contains speculations which deal solely with ritualistic entities, quite in Brahmana style) ; even so in particular they, or at ^* So numerous are the references that might be given to prove this statement that it seems hardly necessary to mention any. They occur con- stantly thruout the older Upanishads. A few examples: ChU. 1. 1. 10, 1. 2. 14, 1. 3, 12, 1. 4. 5, etc.; 3. 12. 9, 3. 13. 1-8, 3. 18. 3 fE.; 4, 5. 3, 4. 6. 4, 4. 7. 4, 4. 8. 4; 5. 1. 1, etc.; BrhU. 1. 2. 1, 3, 5, 8; 1. 3. 8 (overcoming of enemies), 9, 17, 19, etc.; 2. 1. 4, 5 (progeny and cattle), 6 (overcoming of enemies), 7 ff.; 3. 9. 34; etc. etc. An attentive read- ing of these and similar passages will reveal the fact that the allotment of particular boons to particular pieces of mystic knowledge is quite analogous to the corresponding allotment of magie ends to Atharvan philo- sophic hymns in the Atharvan ritual texts. Wben the language of the philosophic doctrine suggests, or even when by verbal distortions and puns it can be made to seem to suggest, some particular desideratum, that desideratum is the reward promised to the adept in that doctrine. At other times purely general rewards are offered, as in the case of the 'colorless' employment of Atharvan philosophic hymns in the ritual. For instance, in BrhU. 2. 1. 4-6, he who knows the 'glorious' gets 'glorious' offspring; he who knows the 'full and constant' is 'filled' with off- spring and cattle, and his offspring do not depart from (remain 'con- stantly' in) this world; he who knows the ' imconquerable one' becomes himself 'unconquerable.' Per contra, at the end of the famous third book of the BrhU., the knower of its mysteries is promised in general terms 'intelligence, bliss, the l)rdhman, (and) the highest goal of the giver of bounty.' These rewards are not one whit more 'colorful' or 'appropri- ate' than the uses of the Atharvan hymns in the ritual. Yet no one supposes that the promises of rewards in the Upanishads are secondary. ^*Cf. Bloomfield, 'Brahmanical riddles and the origin of theosophy,' Congress of Arts and Sciences, Universal Exposition, St. Louis, 1904, ii. 481 ff. Philosophy in Atharva Veda 133 • least the early ones (like the Brhad Aranyaka and the Chan- dogya), seldom lose sight for long of the practical ends which they also inherit from the Brahmanas. But in both of these two respects do they not touch upon the special sphere of the Atharva Veda ? It too deals with practical ends — ^none more practical. Its objects are of the selfsame sort as the practical objects of Upanishad speculation, strange as this may seem to westerners. And it is a commonplace of Atharvan psychology that knowledge of the end to be gained is a prime means of gaining it. *We know thy name, sabhd/ says the author of 7. 12. 2, in a charm to get control of the assembly. 'I have grasped the names of all of them,' says 6. 83. 2 of the scrofulous sores {apacit) which it is striving to overcome. And so on ; the instances are numerous. The 'name' is the essence of the person or thing; so also later, BrhU. 3. 2. 11, the name is that eternal part of man which does not perish at death. He who knows it knows all, and therefore controls aU. Are not these the connecting links between the Atharva Veda and Vedic philosophy ? Both seek to win practical ends by means of knowledge, particularly mystic (= magic) knowledge. Such hymns as those to prdna or Kama (above, page 122) are there- fore not secondary blendings between originally unrelated spheres. They appear so to us only because we find it hard to put ourselves in the place of the Vedic philosophers, and to real- ize how intensely practical were their aims, and how close to the magical were their methods. And it is precisely these hymns, which clearly show the union of philosophy and magic, that are to be regarded as tjrpical of the rest. There are other hymns which do not clearly show by their language any magical or practical purpose. This is not surprising; it seems rather a stroke of luck that there are so many that do show it. Most of the Upanishad passages referred to contain no indication, in their doctrinal parts, of such worldly intentions ; yet the prom- ise is appended none the less. In the case of the Atharvan hymns, the lack is usually supplied by the ritual texts. In a few cases these latter have, perhaps by mere accident, failed to treat of the hymjis at aU, leaving us in the dark as to just what aims were connected with them. Even so there are passages in the Upanishads which contain no explicit promise of worldly rewards. But that does not mean that none was intended. The boons to be gained by *ya evam veda* are none the less actual for being implied or understood rather than definitely stated. In no case is there any reason for doubting that the original 134 Franklin Edgerton authors of the hymns, as well as their Atharvan redactors, believed that they had gained, by their mystic or philosophic lucubrations, some desirable object. They would have been highly exceptional Vedic thinkers if they had not held this belief. In Vedic times people did not go in for knowledge for its own sake. There is, therefore, no reason for surprise at the inclusion of such hymns in the Atharva Veda, nor any reason to question the statements of the ritual texts, which make clear the practical purposes associated with nearly all of the philosophic hymns, at least in the minds of the Atharvan compilers. And there is every reason to believe that these, or at least similar, practical purposes were associated with these and the like productions from the very start. It is not a question of a secondary fusion of unrelated activities, philosophy and magic. On the contrary, all Vedic philosophy may be described as a sort of philosophic magic, or magical philosophy.^ ^ Lest I be misunderstood, let me make it clear that I am not trying to defame or degrade Vedic philosophy. I am an admirer of the achievements both of the Upanishadic thinkers and of their earlier Vedic predecessors. It is no more of a degradation to Vedic thought to show that practical aims were combined with it, than it is to Vedic poetry to show that it too was used for definite practical purposes. The old-school Vedists made the mistake of idealizing everything Vedic to too great an extent. Largely thru the work of scholars like Bloomfleld, the Veda has been brought down, bit by bit, out of the clouds; and given a resting-place on terra firma. The last remaining citadel of what I might call the 'poetic' school has been the philosophy of the Veda. "When I undertook this study, I had no precon- ceived ideas on the subject, and therefore had no intention of storming this citadel; but as the work developed, it gradually became clear to me that the citadel must fall. If I am right, the work of what I should like to caU 'humanization' is now complete. But that does not mean that nothing worth while is left. ' We can still admire and enjoy the beautiful Ushas hymns, the intimate and confidential addresses to Agni the friend of man, the spirited resonance of many hymns to Parjanya and Indra, which the Rig Veda gives us, even tho we now know that "Even in the method of applying this philosophic magic, the Upani- shads are similar to the Atharvan ritual texts. Compare once more my footnote 13, above. Philosophy in Athdri^ff, Veda 135 tlie Ri^edic poets were practical priests, not merely poetic dreamers. In the same way we can do full justice to the bold- ness and magnificence of the thought of Rig Veda 10. 129, of other Vedic efforts at philosophy, and of many Upanishad pas- sages, even tho we must recognize that the philosophers were also men and had other interests than philosophy, VI To summarize. It is of the essence of Vedic higher thought that it hopes to gain practical desiderata by acquiring knowledge of the esoteric truth about things. This is eminently charac- teristic of the early Upanishads, no less than of the older stages of thought. This fact was grasped by the redactors of the Atharva Veda, who therefore found such compositions fitted to their own special sphere. It is perhaps no accident that the Atharva contains more materials of this sort than any other Sariihita. The Atharvan redactors, however, have preserved these materials only in a very corrupt form. This is, by the way, equally true of the other materials contained in the Atharva Veda. Comparison with such of these hymns as occur elsewhere, particularly in the Rig Veda, shows the bungling way in which the Atharvanists handled them. The ritual texts, par- ticularly Kausika, deal with them in a way which in general reflects accurately the intentions of the Atharvan redactors, and does not seriously misrepresent the original authors of the hymns. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. IRRADIATION AND BLENDING Edwin Whitfield Fat* Professor of Latin, University of Texas 1. This paper takes its start from Professor Bloomfield's paper on Adaptation (i.e. Irradiation) of Suffixes (see AJF 12. 1-29, anno 1891). The same aspect of verbal interassociation or principle of synchysis was applied to verbs, and the entire sub- ject treated anew, in an ensuing paper on Assimilation and Adap- tation {il. 16.409-434: cf. IF 4.66-78). These vigorous papers waked a wide interest in suffixal irradiation and revealed how synchysis (blending) might affect the structure of roots. In spite of Persson's reluctation {Beiir'dge, p. 593 sq. : cf. CQ 9.105 fn.) , they enabled folk to realize that in rhyming roots the rhyme might be due to semantic interaction (cf. the term affinate^ ap- plied in CQ 1.16 to capit x rapit) : and that one word might be absorbed into another, so to speak. 2. As the credit is Professor Bloomfield's for the application of the principle of synchysis to roots as well as to stems, the credit is his also for the great simplification offered to classffica- tion by the introduction (see AJP 17.412) of the term haplology. Scattered instances of the phenomenon had often been noted, but Professor Bloomfield by naming created a scientific category. Blending had also been observed before, and a choice instance, the earliest known to the writer, is of record in Sea-Words and Phrases along the Suffolk Coast (1868-1869), by Edward Fitz- gerald, translator and poet, in the entry : Brustle. — A compound of Bustle and Bustle, I suppose. *Why, the old girl 'brustle along like a Hedge-sparrow ! ' — said of a round-bowed vessel spuflfling through the water. So much for generalities, so much for the history of ideas, and now to the task. I. Some Names of Parts of the Body 3. irovs : oSovs. — It was an act of daring, and in the retrospect I deem it a mistake, when Professor Bloomfield explained the diphthong of ttovs as patterned after the secondary ov of oSovs *Died February 17, 1920. See the Foreword. 138 Edwin Whitfield Fay (AJP 12.2). But that explanation was far superior to any of those now reported by Boisacq, Before proportional analogies such as (1) TTovs : ttoS-os : : Sovs : Swrp? and (2) ttovs : Tro(TiTL : : ^XOP C? x^^p) ' X^P^^ 0^16 can only gasp ; and when Sommer {Gr. Lautst. 16 sq. ; long anticipated in AJP 15.426) explained ttovs after oh he was but moving to amend, without real change, Bloomfield's original motion. Objectively speaking, -ttovs : Doric irws is not iso- lated j cf. /3oi)s : ^0)5, and the reduction of -^ovs to almost suffixal -/3o?, as in UoXv/So?, might form a phonetic contact for -ttov? and -ttos, in TToXv-TTos. But Dor. w : Attic ov is also certified in SwAos : 8ovA.os (root dou), and the w-diphthong of ttovs (see AJP 21.198) is certified by TrvSa-pL^ei (= dances < foot-stamps).^ I then wrote the stem as pd{u)d/pod, and now realize the root as {s)peud in (TTrevSet (speeds). This is an extension of the root of Lat. pavit (cf. pavimentum with beaten path).^ The derivation of 'foot' from ' hasten ' is quite comme il faut, cf . Av. dvariOra : dvar. 4. Av. asi and Goth. augo. — In a paper which was accounting for the vocalism of ttovs by the vocalism of ©Sous it seems extraor- dinary that Professor Bloomfield did not explicitly mention Joh. Schmidt's luminous interpretation (see Plhldg. 389) of the s (for xs) of asi (two eyes) by the (lingual) s of usi (two ears), and go on to correlate this exhibition of phonetic contact between words for eye and ear with the diphthong of Goth, augo, with au from auso (see Kluge's lexicon and cf. Bugge in BB 18.179). The coherence of these explanations was their proof and the present refusal of this explanation for augo I account mere stubbornness, even if I have myself {KZ 45.123 §32) thought of avyat (eycs) as another possible source of the diphthong. For asi after usi note the sequence asi usi [Jcardna] (gloss, or author's explanatory modernization, of usi) in Yt. 11.2. The evidence 1 L. Meyer, Edbch. 2.533, cites the proverb of the ass that imitated his master: iirdpavTa 5^ to. (t/c^Xt; irvdapl^eiv. See also Hesyehius, cited in Kock's Knights of Aristophanes, 697. The posterius -pl^ei (i.e. pileard; cf. neard (stuew), perhaps directly from {s)ney-rt{i). — The primate of Eng. liver was lik^{e)ros ( : ydkrt : : kott/oos : Sk. sdkrt) . I derive the primate ly-ek'^/lyok^ 3 The current phonetic rules for final cs in Sanskrit are erroneous. In- terior cs came through the stage ss (s to indicate the precursor sound to Sk. $) and yielded Sk. -Ics- (cf. ■'k8-<.s-\-8) ; final cs yielded s, euphonized as -*, sometimes -Ic (after t d r r; s n) ; cf. -Jc from s in dadhrJc (fortiter) : dadhrsd (fortis); -Jc from -t in -dhrTc. See JA08 40.81. 140 Edwm Whitfield Fay (Lat. iocusculum; cf. OPruss. lagnof) from li- (smooth) : Xctos + ek"^, ek"^ (eye, look) i.e. smooth-looking, cf. the type of al^oj/r and Lat. ferox. In the semantic aspect this is no change from the current equation of liver with XtTrapos (see Falk-Torp, lever). 8. Sk. hdll-ksna (gall-bladder, AV hapax 2.33.3, as defined by "Weber; also a sort of animal, cf. hali-ksna, lion). — (a) hdli- (yellow) is clear enough; (b) -ksna (metathetic for skna) is a reduction form of sk[9]-no (sheen), root skei/skm (with c and k, cf. Falk-Torp, skin) ; cf. ksane (in a flash), obM-ksnam (flash by flash, every moment), perhaps dyu-ksd (sky-flashing). A com- peting posterius is sk[e]n-o (skin, see Falk-Torp, skind). The root {s)ken is a legitimate variant of (s)kei (cf. JAOS 34.341; Boisacq, arrj, fida-a-oyy irpoix.-qdris) Falk-Torp, vunde). — ^By a like variation we also explain t/cv in v€o-ytA.os : veo-ycviys. 9. Excursus on Sk. -km in color terms. — The type of fern. pali-kni (grey) contains neither kn from tn nor -k^-ni as a weak grade derivative of ok"^ (eye, look), but [s]kni (sheen or skin). The onl^^ evidence adduced for kn out of tn lies in color terms, which of itself renders suspect a merely phonetic derivation. Jaina Maharastri sa-vakkio (quarreling co-wives) is derived by Charpentier in IF 29.389 from *sa-pakni<.sapatm. But inter- ference from sa-\-vac (coUoquens, convicians) is here to be ad- mitted. If Sanskrit ever had the independent terms *paU-tni (feminine to TreAtTvos) and hari-knl (of yellow sheen), synchytic pali-{t)km (unless paliknl has the k of Lith. pilkas) perhaps had a fleeting existence, though the Ms. variant patknl is no adequate proof of this. Or did 'cook-lady' swim in the stream of thought of the scribe of patknl in VS ? On a possible grammatical origin of fem. -ni see §39. 10. IE words for kidney. — Here a common semantic but not a common primate. (1) Lat. {w)r-en-es (waterers) : sept of urina. (2) ve<^pos from nep (water, see Walde, Nep tonus )-|- sros (flowing) : root {s)rei, in Sk. sari-t sari-rd; Lat. rivus. Prenestine nefrones is from nep-\-sr-(m- ; nehrundines from nep-\-srendh.'^ (3) ONorse nyra. — Pre-Germanic neuran (or 4 Eoot srendh/srei. Such blends may be recognized as systematic ■mtbout taking them for genetic or original. To take an extreme case: given the synonymous but quite independent roots ei (ire) and endh (Doric ^vdov) then srei/srendh (to flow) may be merely an analogous pair, unless one recognizes them as compound roots. Indeed, I should like to be shown why, since Sk. i is specifically used for fluere, s{e)rei s{e)rei should not be accounted a blend, rather than a dissyllabic basis. On the pair ghlendh/ghlei cf . Eeich- elt, KZ 39.76, Falk-Torp, glans. Brugmann's derivation {IF 12.153) of Celto-Grevax&mc J)Jiren1c/hh,ron1c from toes), Eng. fist. 13. b. The belly, intestines, pudenda. — Sk. ant a {s) -sty am ( :Lat. inte[s]-stina) , ava{s)-sthd (penis), fern, avasthd (pud. mul.), updstha (idem), ko-stha (beUy), kustha (lendenhohle, cf. kusthikd, dew-claw), vi[s]-stM {^=vis, faeces); Greek kv-o-Oos (AJP 34.24 ; but perhaps directly from ku'w; on ad/crr in Greek see AJP 37.68 fn. 2), Troa-Orj and ttoo-Olovj IvTouOvdj kv-otls (blad- der) ; Lith. mkstas (kidney, testiculus) ; ONorse eista (testicu- lus), Ger. leiste (groin), wanst (see §16). 14. c. Other parts of the body. — Sk. prstJid (back), 6[s]stha (upper lip), a-sthdn- (bone), sak-[s]thdn- (thigh), (?) mastaka (skull), prsti (rib),^ prthustu^^ (of broad top-knot; cf. pulasti, of slickj i.e. smooth-standing hair) ; Greek fmpo-SLTr) (foam-tossed, foam- tossing; -hl-T-q'.hivrj, eddy), epithet of an IE goddess Wenos, per- haps; cf. Lat. Yenilia, unda est quae ad litus venit! (Varro). The Norse Yanir are wind and sea gods,^^ Naiads; and Freyja ( : Sk. priyd, beloved) may again be an epithet of Wenos. But it is rather, and quite succinctly, to the functions of Venus that I turn, not so much seeking a postulate for her proethnic name. (1) As a sea goddess Venus owes her functions to the stem wen (water, §15) ; cf. Yenilia and venenum, potion, ap. Noreen, op. cit. p. 49; and note ONorse vds {won-\-wos, the latter in OHG wasal, see Walde, unda) . What rich metaplasm, wer/wen/wes/ wed (in OBulg. voda), in the stems for 'water.' (2) Venus was in Lat. vermis (worm) ; cf . Av. ^var, vertere. The form eruca is a popular etymology, quae eruit, cf . Pliny, N. H. 17.229, uruea quae erodit f rondem. 17 The root (a) we (blow) may also be the ultimate root of the words for water ($69). For a contact cf. Lith. dudra (tempest) with Sk. 6dat% (heav- ing, ? blown by the wind). Perhaps a like semantic contact is attested in Lat. flare: fluere. Semantic contacts established between roots phonolog- ically approximate may be said in a substantial sense to unite the roots and furnish analogy patterns, subsequently elevated to morphological and phonetic, i.e. speech, patterns. Irradiation and Blending 145 goddess of vegetation, pot-herbs; cf. Naevius ap. Paulus-Festus 51.10, cocus edit Neptunum Venerem Cererem (i.e. pisces holera panem). (3) For the goddess of love ef. Sk. vdnas (love, desire). (4) The epithet Frutis, interpreted as of the sea goddess, will be from sruti ( :Sk. sru, fluere) or from hhruti (seething) :defru- tum. Or, interpreted as of vegetation, Frutis will belong with f rut ex. 21. In the last paragraph there is implicit adherence to Max Miiller's Disease of Language. Used with discretion this doc- trine is of great worth, as witness the following excerpt from Boas' Handbook of American Indian Languages, p. 71 : This is a tale whicli is entirely based on the identity of the two words for dancing and catching with a net. These are cases which show that Max MiiUer^s theory of the influence of etymology ^upon religious concepts explains some of the religious phenomena. 22. *Apyei-6vTr]'s (arguta-loquens). — The tale of the Argos- slayer is a tale of Disease of Language, i.e. Popular Etymology, and not more recondite than when my five-year-old child in- vented a war of the tomato upon the tomato-bug ( ! ) , or said, apropos of the tiny railway station of Nome, that it was the place where people know things. The IE neuter plural varied between i (not 9) and a, the former generali2:ed for Indo-Iranian, the latter (synchysis of the type represented in Lat. praesentia apart) in the other tongues. To be sure a may belong strictly to stems and i to consonant flexion, but Lat. toti-dem and too-o-os from totyos: Sk. tdti reveals the IE plural in i. This is the archaic ending found in the prius apycl (: d/oy^?, brilliant). The posterius -(ftovTtjs belongs with o}v-i] (voice) : hhen, see fn. 41. — A neuter plural prius in i also in Hom. fxeXeL-ari — posterius from dd-ti (cutting, ddi). With Sk.^IE neutro-fem. l/l cf. the like variation of d/d. 23. Apollo (off-driving). — The sun-god shooting his sheaves of arrows is a phenomenon so often witnessed in Texas that, granting some slight modifications of my own, I can think no other explanation of Apollo's name deserves to stand with Usener's, op. cit. 309 ; and the trifling phonetic error that Usener wrote *A7r[o]-7reA,Xos (instead of 'A[7ro]-7r€XA.os) can easily be con- doned. The vocative ''AttcA-Xov yielded "AttoAAov, (Prellwitz). In rhythmic forms like ^AttttoA-Xwi/ (citations in Usener, p. 307) tttt is due to hypoeoristic (energetic vocative) forms with 'Atttt-. Flexionally the posterius started as pelyon. Knowers of Yedic Sanskrit are aware that the comparative (generally only an 146 Edwin Whitfield Fay elative) is formed directly on the root by a suffix {i)-ydns, blended of the suffixes yen and yes, which vary only metaplasti- cally in Greek; cf. the differently blended Lith. {y)esn-i and ( ?) Goth, izan (see AJP 31.425 ).i* In 'AttoAAwv the long deflected grade of yen carried through, as it did in the proper name Xeipiov, inferior (the declasse slave-artist and schoolmaster of the Cen- taurs) ; also in the town name (ace.) 'OA.t^ . Thence, after the pattern of Zrjv : gen. Zrfv-6s : ace. Z^v-a, ace. 'A7roAA(i> : gen. 'AttoAXwv-os : acc. 'ATroAAwv-a. Conceivably atsi on the rivalry (which means synchysis) of nt. pi. possessives in -vdnti with participial forms in -vdsi. Nothing could be less probable than the spread of the nasal from the neuter plural. The entire Vedic literature has not a single form in -vdsi, and only one comparative in -yaK.n'^si. So much for the infrequency of the forms in- duced. Of inducing forms, within the range postulated by Thurneysen's theory {KZ 33.551), the Vedas (EV) have only 6 neuter plurals in -anti. In view of this statistic Thurneysen's explanation of the nasal in -d<.n>si by a merely formal general analogy is fantastic, and not to be compared with the synchytic explanation of Johannson, properly accepted by Mae- donell, Vedic Gr. $343a n. 5. x' Irradiation and Blending 147 25. Egeria. — The change of IE {d)ye- to Lat. ge- is also attested by the name of the spring nymph E-geria (out-boiling) ; root {d)yes in Greek ^ew (see CQ I.e. §21). 26. mos (temple). — ^Without denying the possibility fhat vaos meant a god's dwelling (see Brugmann-Thumb, Gr. Gr. p. 52) it may be worth while to offer a different explanation and derive from IE nduso. Evidence for {s)ndu/(s)neu (cf. Lat. ndre, to swim : Gk. fut. veva-ofiai), meaning to scrape, dig, cut : Lat. ndvis (dug-out, see AJP 25.381, a trifle earlier, perhaps, than Meringer in IF 17.149 ; cf. for the semantic Falk-Torp, nu baad skip), Lat. novacida (razor, a 'scraper' that often cuts), OBulg. navt (mor- tuus, i.e. eaesus), Lith. novyti (slay, so Lalis: torture), dTro-mfe (caedendo-fecit, see KZ 42.86). Add Sk. nir-aks-noti^^ (detes- ticulatur'ncdln (of reeord only inipv. trnedhu in AV 8.8.11). Maodonell (Vcdio Or. §463.3) eorreetiy states the faet : 'The root trh iufixivs nc''' in tlie strong forms.' But in Irhhauli (so far as this is not •fni(J^*+ ^trhdti) the root was ^/v//'.-~What I now think of the extended root Irjh is that its determinant palatal was duo to assimilation with jh in nejh/uijh, or whatever was the original root in ./7j. meaning bore, or the like; it never wavS redneed from irfijh {AJP 26.395). On ru-dh i ru-n{a)dh see §42. 31. Against these synehytie explanations of hadhmid and 20 WMolsoningGrs iMilos {Ai, dr. i $34) for inlorinr «i;i? «»r nd Wi'oro f1 dh are incDvrcrt. They should run sis 1'oIIowh. A, (I) o^'^o in Vi^ilhum (volioro) and in so-(hu'<<'t (l(Uh) : ('2) m h/itilm (firni) oinl sddha o wuh originally long, as (' in Lnt. vomrsns; of. impv. Siiksva snul ll\o Avosttm pnrliciples t&Stn and rdiHa, the latlor with U'l (", as In Lat. rrrfiis, (,'{) The root iurr (/ (Prak- ritiic d) jilwfiys and only (lwi<'o!) means rvHrmtc (I'f. .Ihn's rondoriug of Oh. Up. 5.19.4). It is :ni oxlotision of m base nirn'i (cf. wrrfu, mrrrn, in Sk. hravlii) as found in dath. A v. mqiioH (annoiuiroinont) |»l (u protoHl MKninNl, iNoInt tntf i'opivNf>nlnlivt»N oT ii h.vhIoiu, A m>M(M'iil Mim\v<»r lo wlii<'lj in lliHl, N)NUMn« imhinInI. oT \\\oW nuMuhnrH. Tin* «mly wiiy lo Iniow //irt lloi'No itii l)y invoMli^'MliHiif »f lnnH(V Ihit I n1u>\V(mI in my HpnI. HOric^N <>r pnpnrn lluil {\\o vi»rlm In liflU tint) luUi nro i«on«MMvnhly (M)ni ponndiMt with nturo routM (linn ilio tooIm oT hui. Hr^r' nnd ()]hil^. .v/M*^KMiiul in ilir U\h\ piipiM' I Mlinvvotl lluil lli<» nn>t, (.v) >J»^//(.s)»r''u (it» hinil, wonvo) hml iin ori^lnnl nomso oT fhh'frr', whirh wmn v(t»nonil nnxilijiry, nnti pnrlionlnrly nc- oountoij \\)v Iho lnolu>Mliv«» yoiiN?' ol* \\\o luiNtil IIonIoii in IhM'uuini*'. M'V An«/ 77 JIM. 1, Av. nnulio paasivo prot,. qsta (in fr<)sf(t^ \\i\h olu tHinoil), Tilt* lm»o was f^jjf^o (Hoo Hoi.sMoq. ^l'*y^ff^'), i.o. f (lis in Ji4. ii. oiU)kii oi}hio (Mnoin(,s) j Iwino r>>frf;**' (lo ij^in^iisjO, MnuMwl llirt. AhL ^«»:Ui. to iu\H\\\\ with /'.'lf>>S* 1(1. p. ivswiii. I*n. \\ ;{5, ill, (Jnthio Av» injunojivo mhuh^ {>i\\i\U nnitoi ^Mi\ tho rt>ot of iffk^v {vwh) ; oi\ »i1no .sm* (»snio{n'^ \\\ Vt\\\i Tor]>. smok In A\, m^ti}>'ioH(^ {\\\\o intW/ f\s' of, \\{), \\\ Sk> mrrt,;rj/«> ^tlun wipo^l'i^ inipv, mn\iijiU^L (n) mn /m,mf>f. ^snnflV tmt a litfht), (h) rtj by irr,M fill) see AJP 26.190. The gloss to Virgil G. 3.328, rumpent • im- plehunt, is a hit or miss momentaneous version, but rumpere (to fill to repletion) is certain, cf. Lewis & Short's version of G. 1.49. 45. xii. vindJcti (sifts, opposite in sense to prndkti). (b) 24 Dor. Arpiop does not disprove wei as the simple root, for d- may be short; then, excep. excip., Arpiov : ifrpiov.: boriip : Sibrup. Or &t- may be from Tjit, see §54. 25 I here mention as one of the most compelling instances of blending E. Leumann's brilliant explanation of Sk. pu-mdns- as a tautological com- pound (KZ 32.304) ; Tmns is a blend of IB mas and man (in Sk. mdnu). 26 See here also for the equation of iirev-fivoQe with Sk. apinahyati, antici- pated by Speyer, Mus. anno 1893, 272. 27 The root (s)neip/sn9p (in Lat. napurae) is also to be considered. This root we have in Av. ndf-ya (familiaris, connexion) and in loc. pi. naf-su (descendants). 152 Edwin Whitfield Fay -naJcti is further to be compared with TL-vda-a-eL (shakes), in which Tt belongs to the root t{w)i-s of o-f/w (see CR 18.208^). (a) vi: w6{i) (strike, bore, split; separate, sift; semantic of OBulg. cediti), see B ois acq, oltt;. Cognates in Sk. vd-ra (sieve), vd-s-a- yati (cuts off), vd-sl (axe), ve-si (needle); Lith. vinls (nail); Av. vae-p (throw down), vae-nd (nose, holes in), vae-ma (cleft), vae-U (corpus) , vae-8a (iaculum), vae-^r (throw). Add vi-naoiti (slays; on -naoiti to root ndu see §26), vi-ndOayen^^ (they shall flay). So far as the sense of vindkti goes, it may belong to wei (twists, brandishes, shakes, throws; cf. ptVret, Ger. werfen, Lat. torquet ap. Boisacq, pdfxvos). 46. xiii. pindsti (crushes), 2d sg. impf. pindk. (a) pi-.pei (press, rub, crush; strike, cut) in Lith. peilis: Lat. pilum, see §59. In its briefer form pei survives chiefly in metaphorical senses, as in Sk. piyati (scolds; cf . Fr. piquer, and Lith. bariu: Lat. ferio) ; cf. with /c-determinant Lith. pei-k-ti, but 7nK-p6 coagulates cf. Boisacq, rdfxio-o^. Eng. cuts^ like o-xt^etj means 'curdles' 28 nae : snad : Goth, sneipan, §57. A source of tlie preverb vi, vi (apart) is glimpsed here and in vi-naoiti. On tautological Lat. vi-nle^x-it (bound) see AJP 32.413. 29 The root of vdo-aei is nalc-s (^ pd(r elephant), pan- naga (foot-binder> snake), Lat. ndtrix:nere. For rope x snake cf . AV 4.3.2, datvdU raj jus— toothed-rope, for snake ; note in pw varatra x ahi. 53. xs.. vrndkti (twists), (a) vr: hai,. vermis (§17). (b) as in §52. In AJP 26.400 I connected Lat. vergit (twists) with /rc/oyov, again (see §26) nearly coinciding with Meringer {IF 17.152). Senses like work, make (< knead) are abstractions, generalizations from the particular, and worthy of closer atten- tion than they receive in our lexica, which play for safety. 54. xxi. Posterius net {spin), §§54-55. krndtti (spins; or cuts, cf. Ludwig 5.306, on RV 10.130.2). (a) kr:ker (bind, bend) in Kopo>vr}, Lat. ciirvus}^ (b) natti: net, parallel with ned, §62; cf. nt in aa-a-ofMiL (and perhaps in Dor. ar-pLov, §41 fn.), Sk. dtka (if not=robe of nettles: aStK-r)), OJr., etim. Alban. ent is from e-net {e of i-OiXo)). On the alternation of the determinants t/d/dh see Persson, Beitr. pp. 166, 199 ; cf . on k/g/gh Prellwitz, prjywfXL. 55. xxii. grndtti in AY 10.7.43 replaces krndtti as in §54. (a) gr- belongs with jatd, §18. 56. xxiii. Av. cinaOdmaide (let us instruct, pervert). (a) ci: Sk. cinoti ( s t r u i t ) . (b) na- B:vUl ( s t r u i t=heaps, piles up, loads). But na-6 may be an extension of nei in its earlier sense of ducere (§31), cf. ducit, misleads. 57. xxiv. Posterius ned {thrust, cut), §§57-62. chindtti (cuts off), (a) *chi-ndti (cf. 1st sg. impf. achinam, but see Whitney, §555a). (b) natti: Celtic snado (I cut, see Fick-Stokes, p. 315), cf. sna'^th in Av. snaO (caedere). Because of Goth, sneipan I see here a long diphthong root {s)ne{i)t{h) (§45). Lat. scindit (see AJP 37.171) may be like chrna-tti, §§68, 71. On ned (thrust) in a transferred sense see §62. 58. XXV. tundate (they thrust), (a) tu is the root in Lat. stuprum. (b) nad as above. The senses strike (cut), thrust, pierce, are all found in Lat. ferio/foro, and to nib in frio (rub x bore as in Lat. tero), cf. Persson, Bcitr. 782 fn. 2; Walde is hopelessly ^Tong, for Lat. fr- never comes from mr-, see CQ 13.37. There is no semantic incompatibility between tu-nd-ate and Celtic snado., Passing over my previous remarks on the 34 Eng. hends is from hinds (the bow), but in primitive basketry bending precedes or accompanies or constitutes binding, twining, and the result, as with our Indians of the Northwest, is weaving. Irradiation and Blendimg 155 semantic groups^ ^ under consideration, I cite the following from Lord Avebury's Prehistoric Times^ p. 356. ~59. *It is useless to speculate upon the use made of these rude yet venerable palaeolithic weapons. Almost as well might we ask, to what use could they not be applied? Numerous and specialized as are our modern instruments, who could describe the exact use of a knife? [Considered as an act it is simply 'pressing or pushing.'] . . . With these implements ... he cut down trees, scraped them out into canoes [cf. $26], grubbed up roots, attacked his enemies, killed and cut up his food, made holes through the ice in winter, prepared firewood, etc. ' — Ih. p. 581 : 'the knife and the hammer would develop into the spear [Lith. peilis: Lat. pllum again] and the club.' 60. xxvi. tr-ndtti (bores, splits), (a) *trndti (cf. atrnam, as in §57) : Lat. terit (rubs, bores), (b) nad a^ above. Add as evidence for (s)ned (? or nedh net nes) ONorse nista (to bore through; see Falk-Torp, neste). Be it recalled that sewing is stitching (sticking, pricking) and that needles and awls are borers and piercers. 61. xxvii. hhinAtti (splits). (a) *hhineti: Olr. benim { hits (cf. Ger, treffen; and see on rvyxavei etc. AJP 26.193). (b) nastimed (thrust) in Sk. ni-nd-ati (blames) : Av. naddnto. Or (a) vi-.wei^'' (bind) + (b) ned (bind, in Goth. nati, net). For the semantic cf. Shakespeare's 'Safe bind safe find.' Cf. Sk. vindta (belly; t dialectic for d) with vrjBvsy §18. 63. xxix. Av. cinasti (proclaims,^® declares), Gathic cinas 38 ^JP 25.383 (1904), TAPA 37.9 (stone-working as the source of the metaphors of cutting), MLN 22.383 (polemic against Walde), CQ 1.17-18; 5.120, AJP 32.4052; 4072; 409. Walde 's semantic is not methodical. Occa- sionally he accepts right teaching as in his remarks under eapus (taken over by Boisaeq, KbTTta), but he denies s.vv. caedo scindo the very semantic he takes over for ferio. The correlation of caedo with chinatti is certified by the accord of Plautine caedite ligna with Sk. chettar (wood-cutter). ^°I would now analyze Sk. surblindti (concidit, I.e. p. 193) as preverb (fc)sw ( : ^iJ-r, see $66, and Boisaeq, s.v.)-j-&/i[»]-7ieti. When OBulg. su takes the accusative (Brugmann, GV. 2.2. $665), it is because some native word, in general like ^akdiv ov ^x^v ot \a^d}v (all=iwith), has influenced it. Or did Tcsu obstructing, preventing] 6f3ov o-mT-qpirj. Av. haes and Sk. *'bhisan (in ahhi^[a]n-ak, cf. Lith. hadsunas [monstrum], Sk. hhisana) have to be added to hhi hhis (instrum. hMsd) etc. ; making a rich store of stems. For -k in ahhisnak see §4, fn. E. Compounds (type of partakes) with d^ti (gives, makes) dh^ti (puts, m^kes) 68. xxxiv. chr-na-tti (spues, ejects), (a) chr-n-a ace. from sc(h)r-n- (cf. Norse skarn; for gender nouns, cognate Lat. muscerda and kott/oos) : o-Kwp, gen. o-Ka-ros, Sk. ava-skara (*excre- ment, place of same). In chrna, sch is due to contamination of sker with schid (Norse skide), though Sk, ch<.skh is perhaps found in icchdti: OBulg. iskati (Wackernagel, i. §132). (b) For the sense of -d9ti cf. Eng. gives for makes or does (gives a cry, dat gemitum). An accusative prius from skor, again governed by du (giving, making), in the OBulg. gerundial skare-du (nasty ; cf . §27 ; AJP 37.169, operandus) . 69. -KssN. und-tti (wets), impf. dunat (streamed), (a) un-a is ace. of wen (water, §§15-16, 20). (b) -d9ti. But nod (wet) in Goth, natjan justifies us in ascribing u- to blending of nod and ud/aud in odatl (flowing) : utsa (spring), uddn (water). The impulse to blending was probably first felt in nouns, as though, gender apart, Lat. unda were a blend of the primates of vSos and Sk, nadi (river) ; cf. OBulg. nevodu in §41. 70. xxxvi. Subj. rnd-dhat, ptc. rndhdt. (a) Forms of rdh mean thrive, but the sense here is vaguely promote. In RV 1.84.16 yd esdm hhrtydm (loc.) rnddhat:=siqms eorum in servitio (? ad servitium) currat (or the like), so that rn-a may be accusative of a rootnoun ren/rn (a running, see ^SS)-\-dh-et (faciat). Then ptc. rndhdt (trans. )=Eng. running (a race, horse, boat; affair, business). V. The Determinants d and t 71. In conclusion I observe that blending (synchysis) and tautological grouping (in look-see compounds) do not differ in 158 Edwin Whitfield Fay principle. By these lines of explanation wide and varying morphological vistas are opened. Let me illustrate by the alter- natives presented for 'snffixal' d. If we accept after §69 wen (water) then un-da (exempli gratia) may = water-swirl (d-a: dei in Slvt), §20). The root of tendit may be enlarged from ten (stretches, weaves; cf. Sk. tanika, cord, rope), not by the d of do (give), but by the d of dei (bind), and Lat. ten-di-cula lends itself to analysis as stretch-hand (slip-knot) > snare, noose; while Lat. impv. inde (coronam, compedes) is as likely to mean hind on as put on, or may even be from ndhe, root nedh (§41). In Lat. fin-dit scin-dit (§57) the priora may- be accusatives of lost stems hhi and sci, governed by a form of ddi (sever), and mean- ing quasi strike-severs and slice-severs. The loss of these mono- syllables out of composition need not surprise us, cf. Wacker- nagel, IF Anz. 24.114, Meillet, Mem. 14.477. The posteriora of Ger. diehstahl and Eng. kidney are no longer alive as simplices; — Nor do I see why the wide irradiation of # as a determinant forbids us profitably to guess that krt (to cut ; cf. Lat. plec-t-it, beats) is some sort of compound of A;r-f-an element from t{w)ei (§47) ; and krt (spin) a compound of kr (§54) -\-tei/ten (Sk. tdy/tan, §8). This contrasting pair constitutes an excellent source for determinant t, and we are brought to one of Professor Bloomfield's starting points, the rhyme of necto flecto plecto; cf. also wer-t (turn, twist, spin) in Lat. vertit. So far as the reduction of tei to a bare t goes, we have a perfect parallel, of much later creation ( ? ) , in Lat. cre-d-it, where d is all that is left of dhe{i). — In a given case, as of cre-d-it, we may make sure that a compound is of the type of animadvertit, par (t) takes. For plec-t-p (plaits) we must hesitate between the look-see and partake types. In the name of safety, but really upon our peril, we may decline to analyze plectit, satisfying ourselves with setting in a row the roots pel (Lat. du-plusy^-eu (d-n-Xoos) pl-ec (ttXckq)) pl-ec-t {plectit), cf. polt in Goth, falpan. Let us thank the researches of Persson for this wide vista in morphology, without thinking that we have explained anything by calling eu ec ect i determinants and without going on to say that, because eu is a determinant, plec may not profitably be considered a blend of pel and pec (in Av. pas, to bind), or that it is futile even to try to investigate the t of plectit and faipan. The 'roots' and 'stems' of the grammarian are no more ultimates than the , crystals of the mineralogist. Let the mineralogists expound their crystallography ever so minutely : still the chemists must take a hand and determine, whether after one or twenty efforts, the con- stituent elements, the material of the crystal. Austin, Texas, RAUHINEYA'S ADVENTURES: THE RAUHINEYA- « • CARITRA Helen Moore Johnson Fellow by Courtesy, Johns Hopkins University For this translation of the Rauhineyaearitra I have had access only to a native edition, without commentary, published at Jamanagara in 1908. Although the edition as a whole is a good one, there are some obvious emendations to be made and others that are highly probable. Weber, Die Hcmdschriften- Verzeichnisse der koenigl. Bihliothek zu Berlvn, Vol. 2, Part 3, p. 1098, describes a manuscript, dated 1445 A. D., of a katha collection, 'which includes the Rauhineyacaritra. It contains 469 slokas, which is the correct number for our edition, though the number appears as 471, through two errors in the numbering of the slokas. A collation of this manuscript would have been of great assistance, but was, of course, impossible at the present time. Later I hope to prepare a critical edition of the text on the basis of all available material. The present translation is therefore more or less provisional. The text is rich in new material for the lexicons and, as a result of this, presents many difficulties, some of which I have had to leave unsolved for the present. Attention is called to these problems as they occur, in so far as they affect the trans- lation. The author's style is extremely anacoluthic and I have not in all cases preserved the integrity of each sloka. Otherwise I have adhered as closely to the text as is consistent with toler- able English stjde. I am under obligation to Professor Maurice Bloomfield for the most generous criticism and assistance throughout, to Pro- fessor Franklin Edgerton for a thorough revision of my work, and to Professor G. M. Boiling for a number of valuable sug- gestions. The Parsvanatha references are to Bloomfield, Life and Stones of the Jaina Savior Pdrgvandtha (now in press, Baltimore, 1919). The words in parentheses are not in the text, but are inserted to clarify the sense. 160 Helen Moore Johnson Introduction The Rauhineyacaritra has for its raison d'etre the glorifica- tion of Jainisra by the account of the conversion of an unbe- liever. The moral of the story— as stated in the Proemium— is that one may always profit by listening to the words of the Jina. As an illustration of this truth, an account is given of two incarnations of Rauhineya, the hero of the story. In the earlier existence he failed to understand the discourse of a Jain sage and, consequently, was reborn in a thief's family. His thief -father warned him against the Jaina teaching, and it was only by accident that he overheard a fragment of a sermon by Vira, which was instrumental in converting him, ultimately. At the end of this existence he became a god — ^thus demonstrat- ing the advantages of listening to the Jina. The conversion of Rauhineya was an especially creditable one ; for he was a thief, an arch-sinner in the eyes of the Jains, whose five vows are: non-injury (ahinsd), non-lying {asaty&- tydga), non-stealing {asteya), chastity {hrahmacarya) , and poverty {aparigraha) . Rauhineya was not only a thief himself, but was the scion of a distinguished thief -family, proud of its reputation and position among fellow thieves. The profession of stealing^ seems undoubtedly to have been well organized ; the thief is a favorite subject in Sanskrit fiction, and the main interest of the Rauhineyacaritra lies in the light it sheds on the thief-motif. The story opens with a brief account of Rauhineya 's grand- father, Rupyakhura, and of his father, Lohakhura, who lived in the city Rajagrha in Magadha under King Prasenajit. Rupyakhura was a very distinguished thief and also an accom- plished magician, possessing among other accomplishments the power to make himself invisible. Because of this art he could enter houses at will and the people were helpless. Finally the king summoned him and they made an agreement, not all of whose terms are clear, under which he ceased stealing on the payment of a tribute. Rupyakhura observed this agreement, as did also his son Lohakhura, who succeeded to his position and received the tribute. After this preliminary, the story concerns the last earthly existence of Rauhineya. At his birth an astrologer predicts ^An article by Prof. Maurice Bloomfield discussing the professiX)n of thieving in all its aspects will soon appear. Rauhineya^s Adventures 161 that he will be a great saint ; and even in his childhood he shows no inclination to follow the traditions of his family — much to the disgust of his father, who reproaches him for not killing anything, for not drinking wine (which is also forbidden to Jains), and for not eating meat. Rauhineya reflects on the immorality of the course his father advised ; but respect for his father compels him to submit. His father rejoices in his sub- inission and charges him to avoid the Jina, whose teaching is deceitful. Soon after this Lohakhura dies, and Abhaya, the minister of Srenika (who had succeeded Prasenajit as king), refuses to pay tribute any longer. Rauhineya at first does nothing to avenge this injury, but finally yields to his mother's taunts. He goes to the city Rajagrha, and issues a challenge to Abhaya and conunits his first theft. On his way home from this expedition, he overhears, accidentally and notwithstanding his precautions, a verse spoken by the Jina, which describes the characteristics of the gods. At the time, Rauhineya scorns this bit of informa- tion, but later it proves to be the means of his salvation. In the course of his career as a thief he employs many magic arts. He can assume the form of any person or animal, can make himself invisible, and is immune to injury from all weapons. The technical side of thieves' methods receives little attention, though there are several allusions to the breach in the wall made for entrance, the locus classicus for which is the third act of the Mrcchakatika, 'The Hole in the Wall.' There the thief discusses at 'length the different methods of making the breach and the recognized forms that it might take; and when the hole is discovered, some one suggests that it may have been made for practice. In our text this hole in the wall is even called a nava^vdra, 'a new door,' evidently a term borrowed from the vocabulary of the profession. After committing a theft to please his mother, Rauhineya is leading a peaceful existence as an honest merchant, when he is aroused to action by the reported boasting of the chief of police, who calls himself a 'robber-grindstone.' Rauhineya makes a tunnel into the chief's house and steals everything he can lay his hands on ; then he steals the king 's choicest horse and leaves it at the house of the chief, who is accused of this and other thefts that Rauhineya commits. Abhaya defends the chief of police and is accused of 'grafting.' For a thief to shift the blame upon an innocent person and for officials to be accused of conniving with a thief are not unusual events. 162 r Helen Moore Johnson Having obeyed his parents and demonstrated his powers, Rauhineya next boldly reveals himself to the minister Abhayi, and openly dares him to a test of skill. He declares that he will abstain from food each day until he has visited Abhaya; and if Abhaya succeeds in recognizing him, he will give up thieving. Abhaya thinks this will be an easy task ; but Rauhineya proves , clever enough to escape detection for some time. One day, how- ever, he follows Abhaya into a Jain temple disguised as a Jain layman, and Abhaya recognizes him through his failure to act as a devotee should. He brings him before the king, who^ delivers himself of a eulogy on the Jain religion, thus for the first time introducing in the story religious edification. Rauhi- neya offers to prove his innocence by submitting to ordeals, but Abhaya refuses his offer, because he knows that he is immune to all injury, and wishes him to submit to a test at the hands of an image called ' Thief -catcher, ' a mechanical doll so wonder- fully constructed that she could be manipulated to seem alive. In his character of a Jain laymah, Rauhineya at first refuses to pay homage to any but the Jina, but through a trick Abhaya makes him unconscious and takes him to a palace where he is surrounded by temptations, particularly in the shape of four lovely women who pretend to be goddesses, and who call them- selves his wives. By recalling the Jina's description of the characteristics of the gods, Rauhineya detects the trick, perceiv- ing that the women cannot be goddesses. This impresses him so that he is converted and becomes a Jain in earnest, publicly professing his faith before the king, the minister, and the people. Rauhineya then relates to Abhaya a dream about their former lives. This is very interesting from its many fairytale features. Abhaya was a minister and Rauhineya was his bodyguard. A rogue in the guise of a Yogi enticed Abhaya into a forest fuU of wonderful and dangerous creatures. By the use of an oint- ment the Yogi changed Abhaya into a tiger and they proceeded to the forest. On the way thither they met two ogres (rdksasas) who demanded the tiger for food. One of them was killed by the Yogi; the other gained possession of the tiger and made him ^ human again by giving him a blossom of a banyan tree to smell. Then Abhaya saw a civet-cat which proved to be the Yogi, and they continued their journey together. Intent upon seizing a certain creeper they pursued a ghoul to the city Patala, where a witch (Yogvnl) advised Abhaya to get rid of the Yogi by performing a religious ceremony to him in the presence of the 'Human Tree,' a tree that had the secret of wealth. While Uauhineya^s Adventures 163 they looked for the Human Tree, they saw a troop of gods who were changed into monkeys by entering a tank of hot water and changed back into gods by entering a tank of cold water. This happened for several days, and then Abhaya changed him- self into a monkey and joined the troop to discover the location of the Human Tree. He got the information, performed the ceremony, and the tree-spirits devoured the Yogi. At this point he found his bodyguard (who was Rauhineya), took his bow and shot an arrow into the Human Tree, which had a man and a woman in its trunk. From the breast of the woman flowed a stream of milk from which Abhaya drank; then he saw all the treasure of the earth, after which he and his bodyguard left the forest. They came to a city where they heard a Jain sage deliver an illuminating discourse, which the minister under- stood, but the attendant did not. As a consequence of this, the minister was reborn as the great minister Abhaya, while the attendant became the thief Rauhineya. ■ After Rauhineya relates this account of their former lives, they ask Mahavira if it is true and receive an affirmative answer. Rauhineya distributes his wealth among the people, takes initia- tion, and ultimately reaches paradise. That Rupyakhura and Lohakhura had well established places in folk-lore as accomplished thieves is evident from the Sam- yaktvakaumudi.^ This work appears in two recensions. In the longer recension, King ^renika of Magadha asks Gautamp Svamin to tell him the story of kaumudisamyaktva. The story told by Gautama Svamin Gautama's story begins with the enumeration of several groups of persons: King Padmodaya and his son Uditodaya, now king; the minister Saihbhinnamati, and his son Subuddhi, now minister; the thief Rupyakhura, his wife Rupyakhura, and son Suvarnakhura, now thief ; the merchant Jinadatta and his son Arhaddasa, now merchant. Every twelve years, it was customary to hold in Magadha a great festival for women, from which all men were excluded. Arhaddasa, who had eight wives, had secured permission to keep them at home, because of a vow that he had taken. Bang IJditodaya, however, proposed to go to the forest where the women were. His minister opposed ^ Weber, Die Randschrifteii-Verzeichnisse der Icoeniglichen Bibliothek su Berlin, Vol. 2, Part 3, p. 1123 ff., and SiUungsber. der Berl. ATcad. 1889, p. 731 ff. 164 Helen Moore Johnson the plan and finally dissuaded him from his purpose. Then the king suggested that he and the minister go incognito through the city at night and look for adventures. As they wandered about, they saw a man's shadow, but not the man himself. The minister explained to the king that this was the thief Suvarna- khura, a skilled magician, who robbed all the houses at night, invisible by means of a magic salve, so that there was no way to catch him. The king and minister followed the thief, who took his seat in a tree near the house of Arhaddasa; they remained at the foot of the tree and all three listened to the story told by Arhaddasa to Kundalatika, one of his wives, who had enquired why he devoted himself to asceticism. The story of Bupyakhura as told by Arhaddasa The thief Rupyakhura had the habit of eating with King Padmodaya. He was invisible because of his magic salve and fke king was helpless. Finally his minister by using smoke made the thief shed tears, which washed away the salve. He became visible, was captured, and condemned to be impaled. On theday of his impalement Jinadatta and Arhaddasa passed, and Rupyakhura, who was suffering from thirst, asked Jina- datta to bring him a drink. Jinadatta replied that he had for the first time, after twelve years' attendance on his teacher, received a revelation, and that he would forget it if he stopped to get the water. Rupyakhura offered to recite the saying, so it would not be forgotten, and Jinadatta consented. When Rupyakhura recited the holy verse, his spirit left his body and was received into heaven. When the king learned that Jina- datta had spoken with the impaled thief, he sent his servants to confiscate his property, according to the law. In the form of an ogre, Rupyakhura protected Jinadatta against the king's agents and the king, who finally came himself and received pardon on condition that he put himself under the protection of Jinadatta. Arhaddasa 's other wives believed this story, but Kundalatika did not, which greatly enraged the three secret listeners, all of whom knew the story to be true. The king decided to punish her the next day. Then Arhaddasa 's other wives aU told the stories of their conversions, but she was still unimpressed. The next day the king and minister went to Arhaddasa 's house and questioned Kundalatika, whereupon she faced about and declared her intention of taking initiation. The king, the min- Bduhineya's Adventures 165 ister, SuvarnaMiiira, and Arhaddasa all retired in favor of their sons and took initiation. The name of Snvarnakhura's son is not mentioned. In the shorter recension of the Samyaktvakanmudi Srenika is the king who goes incognito with his minister, who is named Abhayakumara. Etipyakhnra's experiences take place in the time of Prasenajit and his son is named Lohakhura. Weber thinks this recension is the older of the two, and considers the fact that Prasenajit is introduced and that Srenika plays a more important role arguments in favor of the earlier date of this recension, as they figure prominently in early Jain fiction. The date of the Samyaktvakaumudi is unknown, but it can not be earlier than the eleventh century, as there is a reference to the poet Bilhana, nor later than 1433 A. D., the date of one of the manuscripts. The date of the Rauhineyacaritra is also unknown. If Weber's theory is correct, it probably belongs to the early Jain fiction. We have a terminus ad quern for it, as Hemacandra quotes extensively from it in his commentary to his Y(^asastra.* So it must have been well known in the twelfth century. Trcmslation of the Bduhineyacaritra Proem in m By paying attention, even in a hostHe spirit, to words of enlightenment, a man may win exalted attaioments, as Eauhi- neya did. A (medicinal) decoction, even though it is unpleas- ant, gives comfort to the sick, even as the sun, though it burns hotly (causes pain), makes for the good of the creatures of the world. The scene of the story (1-7) The story is as follows. In this country of Magadha, on the bank of the Ganges, there was situated a beautiful town, named Rajagrha, adorned with wealthy inhabitants. Nearby was the mountain Vaibhara, delightful with its plateaux, which was ever a place of repose for both thieves and ascetics. The moun- tain — ^where thousands of lions and tigers roared by day, while (by night) it was terrifying with the howls of jackals and the hootings of owls — was resplendent with vanaspati^ measured ' Weber, Handschriften-Verzeichnisse, Vol. 2, Part 3, p. 916. •Apparently, if the text is right, some sort of wood, or tree-product. — It is possible that the text should read vanaspatydhhara!', in spite of the 166 Helen Moore Johnson by eighteen hhdras (a large weight; or, a load), and with cas- cades like marvelous ropes of pearls. By virtue of magic charms, amulets, and simples the young of the thieves habitually played there with the young of the lions. Many ascetics, who lived on bulbs, roots, and fruit, dwelt in the woods around the mountain and performed manifold penance; and hundreds of families of thieves dwelt in the caves, which, shut in by bamboo network, were in the recesses of the mountain. The story of Kauhineya's grandfather (8-23) Preeminent among all the thieves^ in thieves' science was an exceedingly bold and rich thief, named Rtipyakhura ('Silver- hoof'), who was wont to put silver slippers on his feet and roam® the mountain at his own free will. In Rajagrha ruled King Prasenajit, who, though a fearless slayer of enemies, was nevertheless very much afraid of thieves. The thief Rtipya- khura made a practice of wandering at night in various houses, and whatever pleased his fancy, that he did without fail. This thief took note of all the policemen, and constantly made 'new doors' {navadvdra, thieves' slang for 'holes') by night in house after house. Flying up like a bird, he would enter (ascetics') huts, ramparts, and palaces (alike), and even steal the swords of the Rajputs, as they looked on. He would announce (his plans openly) and dig a hole (in a house-wall) ; even after he had administered a sleeping-potion {avasvapim, cf. Pdrsvandtha, p. 233), he would awaken (the people, in bravado) and escape, unperceivable and irresistible. He knew how to stop the point and blade of a sword ; a blow at him had no effect, (so) what did the king do? The king summoned the thief, and, having given him many sworn assurances (of safe- conduct?), said^ ia gentle words: 'Friend, pray do not cause pada-division after vanaspatyd (this metrical fault is frequent in my text). The word dbhara does not occur elsewhere, but it might be equal to abharana, 'ornament': 'the mountain was resplendent with as many as eighteen tree-ornaments.' "Eead °cdurdnam madhyatas. ""parvate parvati. According to Dhatup. 15. 68, the root parv means 'fill'; here it seems that it must mean something like 'wander,' perhaps by confusion with marv (Vop. 'move/ Dhatup. 'fill'). Evidently there is a verbal play on parvate. 'avlvadac; it ought to be causative in sense, 'made him speak'; but this is hard to interpret here (unless it means 'brought him to terms' [by saying . . .]f). Eduhineya's Adventures 167 destruction in this city, but rather accept permanently the choice (tribute-) food which we shaU give you.' . . .^ On these terms an agreement was made between the king and the thief ; and the people slept with open doors in perfect security. Then Rupyakhura's son said to his father privately: ^Am I then not allowed by you to wear the silver slippers, father?' (His father replied:) *We ourselves cannot commit theft in the terri- tory of the king; the silver would wear off and be wasted to no purpose. Get iron slippers.' When they heard these words, all the thief's retiuue laughed and said: 'This son of yours is covetous, robber-lord ! ' And they gave him a name : ' for to be sure he will be Iron-hoof (Lohakhura) !' (said they.) And he too, like his father, became a pleasure-house of thieves' science. The birth of Rauhineya (24-30) One day Rupyakhura died somewhere in Rajagrha, and the happy people never knew the name of a single thief. Then all the tribute-food {grdsa) continued to arrive at Lohakhura 's house, while by this means {guna, seemingly = wpa/ya, cf. BR. S.V., 1, k) all the people in the entire region were freed from fear. But in the house of Lohakhura a son was born to Rohini ; and in the horoscope of his future he appeared highly endowed with noble qualities and like the sun in majesty. The astrologer said to Lohakhura: 'According to the horoscope, in the end he will not be a thief, but very virtuous. He will receive homage from the lords of earth and heaven and from the demons as well, and under the name of Rauhineya ('son of Rohini') will be renowned throughout the three worlds. He will be a bene- factor to others, virtuous, compassionate, fearing rebirth, skilled in magic arts (or, in learning), and powerful, lord.' When he heard the astrologer's speech, Lohakhura 's heart was com- pletely filled with both delight and dismay.® * taaya grasah Tcrtah Tcidrg hhuktahatte visopdkah, vasann eko varo gramo dramakaS ca grham prati: 'Wliat sort of (tribute-) food was appointed for him? In the food-market. . .' The rest of this stanza is unintelligible. It evidently describes the tribute, which apparently included a village as a royal grant. — The word grdsa is used repeatedly in this story in the sense of Hribute,' and sometimes, it seems, of other income or property, a usage not previously recorded. In vss. 89-90 hhu seems to be nearly synonymous with grdsa in this sense. •Delight, at the prediction of his son's greatness; dismay, at that of his desertion of the family profession. 168 Helen Moore Johnson The childhood of Rauhineya (31-43) At the tiihe when Rohini's son was born, ^renika came in haste from Venatata-city to Rajagrha; Prasenajit took initia- tion (as monk)^ and the illustrious ^renika became king. Little Rauhineya/" the robber-child, grew up in the cave. He came to the age, of eight years, studied various arts, and by his intelli- gence was able to cause bewilderment even in a learned man. He controlled that (art) by which one's voice is exchanged for any (other creature's voice), and likewise that by which a dif- ferent form is assumed. He knew magic arts fascinating to all living beings, and was skillful enough to distinguish the (rhe- torical) beauties of speech also. The thief (Rauhineya) would fly up like a bird and go through the air in a moment; instan- taneously he would abandon his own form and assume the form of a wild beast. Giving a loud cry, he would mount all the trees along with the sun's rays (at daylight ?)^^ and devour the fruits, all of them. (Making himself) deer-faced, he would go and sport among the deer; he would change himself into a peacock and dance with abandon at the arrival of the cloud.^^ He learned too the crossing that leads across the river Granges ; and afterwards he was destined to cross the ocean of worldly existences. His parents knew that wheresoever the boy went, he was amusing himself thus at will by means of accomplish- ments such as these. He knew magic herbs of all sorts, and magic formulas and amulets by the crore, but, on the other hand, was entirely ignorant of injurious actions. Eauhineya not only did not kill any living thing himself, but he woxQd restrain others who coromitted injuries; he even would cut without hesitation the snares of the hunters. Or again he would halt (in his play) and disappear and go swiftly to the hermitages of the monks and listen to the religious instruction which they gave him. " Rauhineyaka, with probably endearing drmiriutive -Tea. The various phases of the diminutive -lea are quite marked in this story. " Or possibly sardham arjunaketubJvih — ' along with the peacocks, ' cf. next stanza. There is lexical authority for arjuna = ' peacock. ' ^ Peacocks are proverbially said to be in love with clouds. — The word rendered 'deer-faced,' Jcamalananah, would usually mean * lotus-faced,' that is beautiful-faced; but there is authority in Hindu lexicons for the meaning 'deer' for Icamala. Doubtless a word-play is intended. Bduhineya's Adventures 169 Rauhineya's father reproaches him for his conduct (44-64) One day Rauhineya*s father heard about his son's conduct from his retinue, and he himself summoned the boy. When Rauhineya was in his presence, Lohakhura said to him: 'Son, you are unquestionably breaking the rules (literally, thread) of the house. ' Rauhineya laughed and replied to his father, in a playful sort of way : * From my very birth, father, a thread has never been broken^'' by little me.' 'You do not follow at all the path observed by your ancestors. This (thread of which I speak) is the thread of family custom, not a thread that comes from spinning, my son. Although born in our house, you do not kill any living thing ; you do not indulge in wine-drinking j you are not willing to eat meat. What opinion can you expect these (people) of mine to have of you? Whereas you were born among us, you certainly do not follow our instructions at all. In the course of time you will surely beg people for alms (that is, turn monk). Does the prediction of an astrologer often prove false? Why waste words with you? So hear in brief what I have to say. Conduct yourself according to my wishes or prepare for death at my hands.' 'Gambling is a depository of miseries; gambling is the home of strife; gambling destroys the morality of the family; how, then, can I gamble? Weakness comes from strong drink, and impurity, too; grain does not stay in the stomach (of a drunkard) ; how then can I drink, father? How can I kiU the wild beasts with which I play in the forest daily, father, and eat their flesh? (But) if I do not engage in thieving, that has come to me (as profession) by inheritance, then you may be angry^^ with me.' When Lohakhura heard these words of Rauhineya, he rejoiced very much; and he took his son in his arms and embraced him again and again. Delighted in his heart, the robber-chief spoke again to his son: 'Son, may you always follow (this) one doctrine (art), which brings advantage to my house. The renowned ( Jina) Vira, a hypocritical rogue, famous among all on the surface of the earth, may always be making a threefold heap of gold, silver, and jewels (with ironic ^^ sutram uoodUtarh; play on grhyasUtra, 'manual of household rules.' The word uo-cal seems equivalent to cal, with causative meanings 'shake' and ' trouble. ' ^'Reading prahwydta. 170 Helen Moore Johnson reference to the 'three jewels' of the Jain faith). To the unsuspecting people of all castes, who come where he is, he may- tell some fairy-tale or other, and so deceive them, that they, deceived, may desert even their wives and children, and become indifferent to all occupations in the sphere of the senses. Do not have any eagerness to win his sort of wealth. It can be grasped by no one, even when clearly revealed. Do you there- fore ever be blind, my son, for seeing his face, and deaf for hearing his voice, if you are devoted to your father. Make an agreement (promise) with me about this matter.' 'My father's command is law to me,' said Rauhineya for his part. After some time Lohakhura died; (but) the various kinds of tribute- food continued to come in just the same way to his cavehouse. Abhaya refuses further tribute after Lohakhura 's death (65-74) Other thieves who were hostile to Rauhineya let (the king's minister) Abhaya know by a letter the news of the thief's ( Lohakhura 's) death. And within the letter it was written: 'We know your mind about giving your own food (as tribute) to his young son.' When Abhaya learned what the letter had to say, he said to the followers of Lohakhura (who had come for the tribute) : 'Your master is afflicted with disease, and is being treated by physicians. He has summoned you; go there quickly ; and return again in case he is restored to health ; but if he dies, the king will establish new tribute (regulations) for you.' With these words they were sent out from the tribute- mart. They all went in great dejection to the door of the cave; and when Eohini saw them arrived, she wailed aloud. The mother of Rauhineya stood wailing and said to them: 'Why have you come hither to the cave without the tribute-food?' 'Abhaya spoke tricky words to us and sent us away. Listen to our words, mother ; there is just one thing that is advantageous in this case. If your son will join issue with (i. e. attack) the king, then the king will maintain the supply of tribute-food, not otherwise.' When she heard the words of the people, Rohini wept again and recounted the qualities of her dead husband in a loud voice. ^ Rohini 's lamentation for her dead husband (75-81) 'Without you, your wife, unsupported, weeps, alas! There- fore show yourself once more, beloved! Now in the land of * the lion ^ntelopes wander, alas ! The rays of the sun are gone Bduhineya's Adventures 1*^1 and darkness lias spread over the land. Now pigeons liave set foot in the home of the king of beasts, since other robbers have been permitted to speak. Without you, husband, who will (dare) show himself on the top of the mountain, having thorough knowledge in his mind of the deep caves at the foot of the mountain? Without you, beloved, who will know now in the night-time from the cries of the animals the path to caves, whose paths are undiscoverable (by ordinary means) even by day ? Without you, robber-lord, say, who by his own strength of arm will make a hole underneath hut and fortress alike? With ease you made your horses leap down from the top-copings of the ramparts, made them cross over the Ganges-water, and brought them out from the Ganges-water. Rohini grieves over Rauhineya's failure to steal (82-87) Although coming from the best stock (literally, 'a piece of the best metal'), what hope have I in him, who from this very day is characterized by unprecedented cowardice? The income of the fortunate (i. e. your father and grandfather) has cer- tainly followed them (to the next world — disappeared with them) ; so, worthless Rauhineya, you must fetch the roots of (your own?) fagots. '^^ She spoke again to. her son, as they all listened: 'Hear attentively, son, the traditions of your house. Even if a crore of gold should be in the house of robbers, still new wealth does not result^ ^ without theft. What hope have I that you will obtain wealth when even your grand- father's tribute-food has disappeared while you are living? Why was not a daughter with the auspicious marks born in your place? Why was I not barren? What virtue (use) is there in a son like you ? ' Rauhineya, spurred on by his mother, engages in theft (88-113) At these words of his mother, Rauhineya, distinguished in thieves' science and devoted to pleasure, thought to himself: 'What virtue is there in a son, bom but (as good as) unborn, if men can seize his father's property (hhu) while he is living? I am the son and during my lifetime all my father's tribute- is The whole ^lolca, and especially the phrase rendered last (muliJcdm vaJia JcdstMnam), is very obscure. ^^sthiyate; this use of the passive is exceptional and seems to be an extension of the impersonal use. 172 Helen Moore Johnson food has disappeared. My mother speaks rightly ; certainly she is not to blame. ' After these reflections, he left the cave-house in sportive mood, and, very potent, by the power of a charm easily assumed the form of a camel. He went up the main street of the city, and remaining for some time in the form of a camel sat on a raised terrace and sang a loud song, in which were contained these words : ' Sirrah watchman, awake ! Observe the thief, the snatcher of wealth, who has come into the city. The thief Lohakhura, who was the son of Rupyakhura — ^his son am I, in the form of a camel, and I am right powerful in thieves ' science^-^ The people who stole my father's tribute-food (i. e. Abhaya and the king, who failed to give tribute) — ^it is they who are caus- ing the lamentations^"^ (of the people, over the property about to be stolen) ; the devotion to nothing but crime that is in my person is the result of my natural (inherited) disposition. In the city the poor people will give forth sighs (suffer, from the robberies), to be sure; (but) all the blame belongs to the king and to Abhaya the minister. Do not think me a camel ; I am a robber-chief, who dwells on Mount Vaibhara, and I can cause a great deal of distress. What (deceased ancestor) in the earth could drink water (of srdddhas) after beholding the face of such (a descendant), whose inherited food^^ is withheld while he still lives? Presently therefore all the wisdom of the minister Abhaya shall be known, and also the ability and power of the king's retinue.' All the people heard his declaration to this effect, and the favorites of the king in the palace, brilliant with lamps. And many people gradually collected around him. Then he flew up from the place and went to the paddocks of the buffalo-cows. And when the cows suddenly saw his figure in the crowded part of the city, they were all at once terrified and filled with fright by his loud bellows. He went to all the paddocks of the cows, wherever they were, and, bellowing, followed the cows as they "I assume rasakdn in the hitherto imknown sense of 'lamentations' (root ras). Possibly, however, we should read rusikdn, and render 'who are making (the people) give up their little piles (of money, through theft) . ' " Iwpyate dsanam . . . 'nuJcr were familiar with the measures of musi- cal time and skilled in dancing, was provided. Then poor Rauhineya, intoxicated from the drink of liquor, was put to sleep on that couch opened out by the minister Abhaya. As soon as the intoxication had passed away, he became conscious, and saw the wonderful palace that was equal to a palace of the gods. And he beheld the goddess-like women with beautiful forms, and godlike men of surpassing beauty. At this time the factitious goddesses, bearing wreaths of flowers, came before him and addressed him in a loud voice: 'This fifth (so! pancamah) heaven, O lord, and this very beautiful heavenly palace — the lordship thereof has fallen to you by virtue of your good deeds. All four of us here are your wives, fair sir, and all these gods likewise will fulfil your commands at all times. Tell us first your good deeds performed in a former incarnation, so that afterwards we may do for you what is customary in heaven. Did you recite some great charm, or practise penance, or give a gift to a worthy person, that you became lord of a celestial palace? Or was royal station that ended in (your) death bestowed by you on some one's house ?*^ Or did you endure some pain in this body, lord ? Or did you arrange your death at the sacred bathing-place of some stream ? Tell us truly by what good deeds you became our lord.' Now the minister Abhaya also, summoning the merchants Naga and Rathika, residents of the city, went likewise to the palace. And he said to them: 'Listen for some time to what Rauhineya does, and then come away quickly.' — Now when Bauhineya heard the words of the goddesses, he reflected: 'Surely this is some clever trick of the minister Abhaya. If a fickle-minded robber-chief like me, who caused people to suffer, can go to heaven, then who would be in hell? The character- istics of the gods as described by Vira are not apparent at all in these goddesses; their fiowers wither; their feet touch the earth; and their quivering eyes open and close {mesa = nimesa). He has provided the factitious goddesses, palace, and every- thing, and then has taken me and brought me here to test my *^ Tiiarandntom vd tvayd Jcsdtram pdtitam vd janagrhe: the text seems clearly corrupt, as shown by meter as well as sense. Apparently it sug- gests the possibility of a martial death, which might have resulted in heavenly rewards. Delete the first vd. 188 Helen Moore Johnson temper. I shall give them a pleasant answer for today.' So thinking, he said to the gods and goddesses: 'My name is Rauhineya. I always lived in the delightful city Rajagrha and was a distinguished merchant. My mind was always fixed on the Jina, the holy Yira, but I have not succeeded in going to him, because of ^ome obstacle or other. I had faith in addition to self-restraint; I endured penance hard to endure; but there was a minister Abhaya, son (so! °dtmaja) of ^renika, in that city, and he made a false charge of theft against me. I, a good lay disciple, was given poison to drink, under the pretext of drinking water in which the idol was bathed (read hosa°). The goddess struck me a blow on the head with a sword, and then my heart's desire for initiation was lost as a result of the mis- fortune. Daily I honored the Jina with flowers heavy with perfume and with the utmost faith I gave gifts to worthy per- sons. Yet I was falsely accused and worsted by the prince. By these good deeds I have become a noble god in this palace.' Again those goddesses said: 'Come now, enjoy continually along with us sensuous pleasures that surpass desire.' (Rauhi- neya replied : ) ' He who was formerly the god in this palace, his wives are you ; to me you are mothers and I am your son. ' The merchants Naga and Gobhadra (so! for Rathika above) were listening at that time; and the god (Rauhineya) again spoke thus, in a decisive manner: 'Since there is no intercourse between mother and son, I have no .use for this (place), even though it be heaven; to me it offers only sin.' The son of Rohini was not disturbed in the least by the women before whose beauty and loveliness even monks would fall. Naga went and told to King Srenika all this most astonishing story of what he did. And Srenika came and said to Rauhineya: '0 house of virtue, man of discretion, pardon my offense. You are our fel- low-believer ; the minister knows nothing at all.' Rauhineya publicly announces his conversion (350-368) At this time the birthday festival of the holy Jina occurred; and all the people in the city were filled with delight in the knowledge that Vira had descended to earth, bestowing the bless- ing of salvation. At this time Rauhineya folded his hands and said to the minister: 'Let me pay my respects to your wisdom, which surpasses (that) of the gods even. That liquor of yours, minister, saved me from a double misfortune; you did good to me, though I did evil to you. That which you gave me, minister, was a gain, that increases my hopes (of salvation) ; in Bduhineya's Adventures 189 # manufacturing a (factitious) celestial palace for me you really did bring me to the attainment of a celestial palace. You did all this to test me, great minister. Your wisdom is preeminent among men, surpassing even the words of the Teacher {guru). The power of your hand is very great, noble miuister, since I have gained a celestial palace through the drink of liquor that you gave me. The sin that I have committed is indescribable, minister; yet by means of that I have become a saint in the three worlds by your grace. There is no other benefactor in the thrbe worlds but you. By me the city was tricked ; (and yet) by you I have been given nectar to drink. Listen, minister. Men who die while still (remaining) alive on earth become free from old age and death by the grace of Mahavira. The water (read 1coso°) in which the goddess was bathed that you gave me to drink was most excellent, since through it I have become faultless by the power of your hand. ' The god continued : * The sword that was in the hand of the goddess had extraordinary noble qualities ; it made all sin pass from my head immediately. The blow on the head that this goddess gave me with a sword has proved my savior from the round of existences, by the nature of the supreme truth. Let all the people hear ! I was a thief, sprung from a thief -family, of pure thief -lineage on both father's and mother's side, uncontrollable even by the gods. My father did not allow me to go to Vira's assembly; therefore he continually led me astray for so long a time. Having dis- charged my duty to his command, and having been perfected through the minister Abhaya, I shall now take initiation (as a monk) and cross over to the end of existence. Since by one speech of Vira I escaped {chut, cf. Parsvanatha, p. 232) from a snare of wit, therefore I wish now to hear all of his words.' Abhaya said: 'The words of Vira that you heard, sir, have been fruitful in glory and renown for you. As a result of (former) good deeds I am the repository of all the fourfold forms of intelligence that exist on earth. And yet, alas! even with these powers of wit I did not lead you off {nir-m?)^; I did not get you intoxicated with the liquor, nor married to the women. ' Eauhineya's dream about a former existence (369-461) Then the thief said: '0 minister, I had a dream just now. In it I perceived that you were once minister in ^vetambi. And 1 was your bodyguard and the executor of your daily commands, and I always attended you, courageous and honest. One day V 190 /. Helen Moore Johnson a wily rogue, a deceiver of the people, disguised as a great Yogi^ came before the minister. On account of his great dignity he was respectfully welcomed by the minister, who showed him honor, rose from his seat to greet him, and gave him presents^ for such is the inner nature of the good. One day the excellent minister found opportunity to ask him the reason for his com- ing, and he said to him: 'There is a forest Kautukabhandara (Hreasure-house of marvels'), fascinating with its manifold wonders, and full of various herbs, creepers, and trees. If you will go to that forest, then I will give you the power to obtain gold, and magic arts that can work many miracles, and spells by the hundred. ' The minister was overcome by greed and fol- lowed the Yogi without saying farewell to his family. Verily greed is hard to resist. After they had gone a great distance, the Yogi said to the minister: 'This forest is truly a dangerous place ; it is like a grove of ghosts. Here are millions of Bhillas ('bheels,' savage men), like Yama in form, and terrible bears, and tigers and lions by the thousand. Consequently it jvould be better if you were invisible when you go there. That is the only possible way for humans to go into this forest.' With these words the Yogi applied ointment to the minister's eyes, and from its effects the minister became a tiger (on animal transformation see Parsvanatha, p. 150). The Yogi transfixed the tiger with an arresting-charm, mounted him, and thus easily traversed the road. As he was going along he met two ogres (rdksasas) on the way, and the elder ogre said: 'Where are you going right before my eyes, O Yogi? I know by his smell that this tiger was a human ; therefore give him to me, so that I can eat him!' As the great Yogi did not surrender him, a fight between the two ensued, and the demon was hit on the head . with a trident and killed. Then the second ogre assumed by his magic power the form of the Yogi, the lord Matsyendra (known in catalogues as a teacher of Yoga). When he saw the Yogi Matsyendra, the Yogi dismounted from the tiger and made obeisance to him ; and meanwhile the tiger disappeared. After he had made obeisance, full of devotion, when he looked about, neither Yogi nor tiger was (to be seen), and he was disturbed at heart. The second ogre had seized the tiger and run away. The Yogi saw them going and ran after them in close pursuit. They both entered some cave or other, he knew not where, while the Yogi, a depository of the art of deceit, remained right there in the forest. The ogre then said to the tiger : ' I am going to turn you back into a human. ' As the tiger could not speak, he made Rduhineya^s Adventures 191 ♦ an obeisance to the ogre, who quickly brought a flower from a banyan tree and made the tiger smell its odor, whereupon he became a human again, and went out of the cave. As he was then wandering along in the forest, he saw a civet-cat*^ making the forest fragrant. Out of curiosity and eagerness to catch it, he followed hard after and did not halt, though some unseen form held him back. The cat came up near him and stopped, and, when the minister suddenly seized it with both hands, imme- diately upon his touch became the Yogi. The Yogi made the minister leap into the air, and when he came down toward the ground, he could not reach it at all. Then the Yogi, his mind filled with anger, said : ' I made you invisible that you might do me a favor, -and you disappeared from my side with the ogre. On condition that you will always do as I tell you without any hesitation, I will let you down {ut-tr, caus. ; see Parsvanatha, p. 221 ; ava-tr might be expected here) now from the plane of the air.' 'I shall do everything you say.' After this promise, the bold minister sank to the surface of the earth before the Yogi. Then the two departed from that place and went out of the forest, and saw in a certain place a black-marked creeper. "When the Yogi and the minister started to take hold of it, a ghoul (hhuta), one of a throng of ghouls, said: 'This creeper cannot be taken without a blood-offering; or if you try to take it by force, then you are dead men.' At these words the Yogi squeezed a quantity of blood from the minister 's body and gave it to the ghoul. "When they advanced to take the creeper, the chief ghoul seized it and ran away; and with their eyes on the creeper they ran after him. In the mountain there was a cleft, that resembled the mouth of Yama, where the ghoul entered, after he had opened the door-bolt. They also followed in, and there they came across a tank. The ghoul went into the water, and they stopped near by. WTien (the Yogi) had put a very beautiful magic ring on his companion, they two entered the water also, and saw a flight of steps. After traversing this they came to the borders of the city of Patala, where they saw a very large seven-storied palace. With the creeper in his hand, the ghoul entered the palace, where was seated an enormous crowd of witches. The ogres, the doorkeepers of the palace, 41 Here gandhajahaka ; below gatrasamkoain (394) and mdrjdra (395). BR. quote gatrasamlcocin and jdhdka from Hem. as hedge-hog, also jdhaka from Trikanda^esa as cat. The evidence seems to converge on the civet- cat, which is commonly called gandhamdrjdra. X92 Helen Moore Johnson scented them and swiftly ran up, greedy and eager for a taste of flesh ; but they were transfixed by the Yogi, who then entered the palace, and told the witches what the ghoul had done. The crowd of witches said: 'If you kill a mortal endowed with the thirty-two auspicious marks and give him to yonder fearless- hearted (ghoul), then it is possible to obtain this creeper, smce its guardian is this ghoul, named Bhairava ('terrible'), who roams at will for his own amusement.' Then the minister quickly drew his sword and thrust it into his own neck, where- upon the crowd of witches was appeased and proclaimed: 'Go back by the same road by which you came ; by our power you will right easily pass over the road. Go back, sir, into the same wood from which you came. There you will surely^ obtain wealth from the Human Tree.' Then one of the goddesses told the minister confidentially: 'Do you, by some means or other, stop associating with the Yogi. When you see the Human Tree, then perform the kalpana (a magic ceremony per- formed in a fire-pit) for him (the Yogi) with this much water,^^ and he himself will die (instead of killing you as he hopes).' After that she told him all the supernatural power of the Human Tree. Then he and the Yogi departed by way of the tank. They reached that door again, getting past the door-bolt ; and then the great Yogi and the minister wandered forth hither and yon, searching for the Human Tree; but they could not find it anywhere. But between a pair*^ of tanks they saw a temple within which sat a beautiful image of Parsvanatha, marked with the seven hoods of the serpent king of Patala. After they had made obeisance to him, the Lord of the World, they sat in the balcony of an out-of-doors pavilion and looked at the shrine of the Jina. The two tanks which were there were adorne(J with flights of steps; in one of the tanks there was cold water, and in the other hot. As they looked on, a troop of gods came thither, and with great enthusiasm gave a leap into the tank of hot water. As a result of bathing in that ,water, the gods became monkeys and the goddesses female monkeys; and they made a great chattering. By order of the monkey-chief all the others brought flowers heavy with perfume, and juicy fruits; and all the monkeys bathed the noble Jina with a supply of water brought by the female monkeys, and performed a pujd to him with heaps of flowers. And they performed a play there, ^ Indicating the amount by a, gesture. *^Read °dvitaya° for °dviUya'*. EduTiineya's Adventures 193 • charming with a variety of modes of song and with musical in- struments, like a play of the gods. When all the monkeys had performed a material and spiritual pujd,^* they set forth from the grove in all directions to enjoy themselves at will. After they had played a long time, at twilight all the monkeys gave a leap into the wide tank of cold water, and by its efficacy all became gods as before and went away to some place or other, roaming at will. The minister and the Yogi remained just as they were at that shrine, and they saw the same thing again on the next day. The minister said : ' Yogi, I am going among the monkeys today in the form of a monkey, if you will give me careful directions, s6 that I in their midst may examine all the trees. Perhaps if I have good luck I shall find the Human Tree.' By the Yogi's directions the minister leaped into the tank, assumed the form of a monkey, and came out among the monkeys. And when they had made a pujd and other rites in the sanctuary and were enjoying themselves, the wife of the monkey-chief asked her loquacious husband: *Sir, is the beautiful Human Tree, by the power of whose milk people know the wealth contained in the earth, among these trees? He replied: 'Come along in my company, that I may show it to you.' So saying the pair of monkeys^ hastened away. The monkey-minister followed the pair as they jumped along with ease, and the three went and sat still on the Human Tree. The loquacious monkey declared to his wife: 'My dear, this is the Human Tree, which cannot be obtained by men unless they offer up a man having the auspi- cious marks.' The monkey-minister marked it repeatedly with signs, and, after they had gone to their place, returned to his own form. When he had told this to the Yogi, they both set out. And when that beautiful Human Tree was near by, the minister performed the kalpana ^ith earth-water for the Yogi, who was immediately devoured, howling, by the deities that pre- sided over the tree. Now when the body-guard (i. e. the future Rauhineya, cf. 370 above) did not see the minister, he thought: 'The Yogi has certainly led my master into Kautukabhandara (wood). The tricky wretch has taken him only to kill him. I too will follow 44 dravyapujdm hMvapiLjam. Mrs. Stevenson in The Heart of Jainism, p. 228, defines hhdvapuju as *a mental exercise . . . during which he meditates on undoing of karma, qualities of a Tirthankara, and similar subjects. ' 194 Helen Moore Johnson after him; his feet are my refuge (iPe. I -am his dependent)/ So reflecting he too went forth, and as he wandered he eame to the forest, and, as a result of his previous virtuous deeds, he found his master. Mutually delighted, they straightway threw their arms about each other. The minister took the guard 's bow and fixed an arrow. Though his courage was sorely tested' by shapes of tigers, scorpions, serpents, ghouls, lions, and elephants, he did not admit fear into his soul. In the trunk of the Huma^ Tree there was a lovely couple, a man and a woman, self -created (i. e. not born in the natural way), well-developed and provided with every limb. Then he discharged the arrow, and there suddenly appeared in the breast of the woman an abundantly- flowing stream of milk. The minister drank of it with great Satisfaction for several days; the stream of milk stopped of itself, and then flowed again. By the power of the milk he had drunk the excellent minister saw at once all the wealth con- tained in the earth, as if it were in plain sight before his eyes. So by good fortune the minister was provided with a magic ointment, and resolutely crossed the whole forest with ease. The bold minister went with the body-guard swiftly to the city ^ravasti, where they saw in the city. garden Kesin, the head of an assembly of (Jain) saints {'gana' [of 'rsis']), who was a learned and intelligent teacher of the religion, possessing the three Jewels (of the Jain faith). Then the minister and the body-guard sat down before him. At that time the Sage told them something in clear language (sphutam), but I understood nothing because of my stupidity, fair sir. Then the attendant (the body-guard), standing by^ the minister, eagerly asked: "What did that Sage teU you? Tell me." ''At a convenient time I will tell you everything, later on (fadhikam) ;" thus he spoke, but he never told him anything at all. > . ^ . . By virtue of the words of enlightenment spoken by the head of the assembly of saints, you became the minister of the illus- trious ^renika; because I did not understand those woMs of enlightenment, I was born on Mount Vaibhara.— I do not know ^ whether this dream was true or false, but we will put the ques- tion in the presence of the holy Vira, the Jina.' The dream confirmed by Vira; Rauhineya's pious end (462-469) When he had related all this, all went to do homage to the holy Vira; and Rauhineya, endowed with serenity, called the people together. He brought from Mount Vaibhara the treasure << Bduhineya^s Adventures 1^5 which his father and grandfather had stolen, and gave it to the people,- while ^renika looked on. The noble minister Abhaya made an obeisance to the Lord, the holy Vira, and asked : ' Was the (stQj?y of a previous) existence that Eauhineya described to me true or false ? ' And Vira said : ' It was true ; it was not false^ Whereupon Rauhineya took initiation before the Holy Vira, and all the people, praising (him), went to their own homes, while Rauhineya engaged in severest austerities. The robber-saint, devoted to the praise of the whole series of ' forms ' (representations, images) of the holy Vira and the gods (with cryptic allusion to Deva-murti, author of this work), constantly stole away the minds of the pious by his own spotless virtues. Having resorted to starvation at the end (i. e. starved himself to death), and meditating on the five forms of adoration, he entered a heavenly palace of the noble Sarvarthas*^ and became a god, a partaker of bliss. Upon hearing the words of the princely Jina, as Eauhineya did, day by day, men who are devoted to the Jain religion ought to shun thieving in threefold fashion (in thought, deed, and word). Envoi (470-471) Devacandra, the best of teachers, was like a crest- jewel in the Kasadra family; Devamurti, who had; his dwelling on a seat under a tree at the feet of the Jina (or, under the tree of the 'Jina's feet,' i. e. of the exalted Jina?), was his pupil. He composed that story, full of many flavors (rhetorical moods), a cause of wondering delight to wise folk. May it give pleasure by its beauties for as long as the moon, Mount Meru, the sun, and the ocean shall last. Baltimore, Maryland. *^ srlsarvdrthavimdne. Sarvdrthasiddhi (masc. I) is recorded as the name of a class of Jain gods. Is Sarvdrtha by itself to be understood in a similar sense here? Or is it the sarvdrtha palace — ^i. e., the palace endowed with all ^ objects^? "I AGNI VRTRAHAN AND THE AVE STAN VERETHRAGHNA Herbert William Magoun Associate Editor, Bibliotheca Sacra Verethraghna is one of the prominent Avestan gods; and yet he has always been something of a puzzle. His name is evidently derived from the adjective veretKraja/n, which is an exact equivalent for Vedic vrtrahan. The latter never rises above the level of an epithet in the Rik, though its uses are vari- ous. It is found most often with Indra, and its adjectival char- acter is made evident by an occasional superlative form. It is employed with both gods and things. No comparative form is cited, although verethrajcm has one. Moreover, a difference appears in the content of the two words; for the secondary meaning, 'victc^rious,' has been so developed in Avestan that it completely overshadows the primary one, and the latter has practically disappeared in that language. The god Verethra- ghna has accordingly come to be regarded as a deity of victory. He has been identified with Indra, because Indra happens to be so often referred to as vrtrahcm. The Vedic term, however, has not forsaken its root meaning, even if it may sometimes be rendered 'victorious^ in harmony with Avestan. 'Vrtra-killer,' ' Slayer-of -Sky-dragon, ' is its prevailing sense, and that such it must be is made clear by Vedic usage. Thus, in various hymns, almost always those in praise of Indra, Vrtra himself is referred to as an ahi, or as Ahi, a, or the, ' cloud-serpent. ' If the identi- fication is not clear in some cases, the deficiency is more than made-up in others, and there can be no question as to the ulti- mate fact.^ ^See i. 51. 4: iv. 17. 1: vi. 20. 2; 72. 3: viii. 93 (Grassmann 82). 2: X. 113. 3, 8: and also i. 32. 1-5, 8, 11-14; 52. 10; 80. 1, 13; 103. 2, 7; 187. 6: ii. 11. 2, 5; 12. 3, 11; 15. 1; 19. 2: iii. 32.^11; 33. 7: iv. 17. 7; 19. 2, 3, 9; 22. 5; 28. 1: v. 29. 2, 3, 8; 30. 6; 31. 4, 7; 32. 2: vi. 17. 9, 10; 30. 4: vii. 21. 3; 104. 9: viii. 3. 20; 96 (85). 5: ix. 86. 44: X. 48. 2; 67. 12; 96. 4; 111. 9; 133. 2; 139. 6. Cited by G-rass- mann but hardly pertinent are, — ^i. 79. 1: "Vi. 75. 14: vii. 34. 16, 17; 38. 7 : etc. 198 Herbert William Magoun When the passages in which ahi appears in this sense are com- pared with the well-known lists, covering five periods, into which the hymns of the Eig and SamaVedas have been tentatively distributed, certain curious things come to light. While prob- ably not final, they are at least interesting and suggestive. On the basis of these lists (Arnold, JAOS, xvm. 212 f., 218 ff,), it appears that about sixteen per cent, of the hymns or sections of hymns, involved and pertinent, belong in the first period, about twenty-seven in the second, about forty-six in the third, about eight in the fourth, and the remaining three in the last The identification of the two was therefore well established and persistent. That fact should be remembered. The destruction of Vrtra by Indra is referred to many times. A single hymn (i. 80) variously exploits the deed. It is put in the second period. Others barely mention the matter. In some of them Vrtra has been ignored by Grassmann, f eind ('enemy,' 'spook,' 'goblin') being used instead. As such passages, how- ever, are mostly found in first period hymns, that translation is probably somewhat free, and it might be better to retain the original sense, since Vrtra was universally recognized as the fiendish enemy of mankind and was probably in the mind of the poet. These passages^ are not Essentially different from the others, and the two translations are even found together in adja- cent stanzas in viii. 89 (78). 3, 4, another first period hymn. Passages dealing with the destruction of Vrtra,^ when sub- jected to the Arnold test, exhibit about fifty-two per cent, of first-period activity, about eleven of second, about thirty-one of third, about five of fourth, and about one of fifth or last. They do not cover all the ground, however, since others include some different or additional agency. Other gods are involved in v. -"' =^Sucli as iii. 37. 5, 6: iv. 21. 10: v. 37. 4: vii. 20. 2: viii. 2. 32, 36; 45. 3: X. 42. 5, all of the first period except the third and last, which go into the third. * While probably not exhaustive, the following list, with the other ref- erences given, will be found fairly complete.— i. 23. 9; 32. 5, 7, 8, 10, 11; 33. 13; 36. 8; 51. 4; 52. 2, 6, 8, 10, 15; 56. 5, 6; 61. 6, 10, 12; 63. 4; 80. 2-5, 10-13; 85. 9; 103. 8; 121. 11; 165. 8; 174. 2: ii. 11. 9, 18; 14. 2; 19. 4; 30. 2, 3: iii. 30. 8; 32. 4, 6; 33. 6; 36. 8; 47. 3: iv. 16. 7; 17. 1, 3, 8; 18.- 7: vi. 17. 1; 20. 2; 37. 5; 44. 15; 68.^3: vii. 19.5; 21.6: viii. 3. 10; 6. 6, 13; • 12. 22, 26; 32.26; 62 (51). 8; 76 (65). 2, 3; 93 (82). 7; 96 (85). 7; 99 (88). 6; 100 (89). 7: ix. 61. 22: X. 28. 7; 89. 7; 104. 10; 111. 6; 113. 2, 3, 6, 8 ; 116. 1; 147. 1. 2; 152. 3. Some of these have ahi and some have vrtrahan. Agni Vrtrahan and Verethraghna. 199 42. 5, assigned to the second period, human help is suggested in yii. 48. 2 and viii. 21. 12; 100 (89). 12, the first two of which, have been put in the first period, Soma becomes a partner in vi. 72. 3, placed in the second period — x. 124. 6 is not perti- nent, — and so does Agni in vi. 60. 1, another hymn of the first period. These pertain to Indra. Agni acts by himself in i. 36. 8, also of the first period, while Trita figures with Pitu (Soma) in i. 187. 1, a hymn of the second. He is grouped with Indra in viii. 7. 24, of the first period, the Maruts being given the task of crushing Vrtra in the stanza that precedes. Grassmann uses feind in all. the above first-period hymns save the last; but it is a questionable rendering to say the least. He retains Vrtra in the others, one of which (vi. 72. 3) has ahi with vrtra. "Where vrtresu is found, the meaning probably approaches that of Avestan verethra, and such passages are important as showing how early this secondary sense began to manifest itself , They are few in number and are all placed in the first period. — i. 7. 5 : vi. 26. 2; 46. 1: vii. 34. 3. Two others should be added (vi. 25- 6, first period, and x. 50. 2, second), since the meaning is similar though the form is in the singular. The Vrtra battle is still tha basic idea, with its implication of victory, though the application must be figurative in the passage itself in most instances. In dealing with vrtrahan, it may be well to take the less important uses of the word at the beginning. Indra 's impetu- ,osity {susma) is so characterized in i. 102. 2, as are his impetu- ous acts (plu.) in vi. 60. 3; his thunderbolt {vajra) is treated likewise in i. 121. 12 and vi. 20. 9; and the Soma plant (ansu) fares in the same way in vi. 17. 11, with which should probably be placed i. 175. 5, where Grassmann wavers between soma and mada. The last passage is put in the first period, the other two from the same book in the third, the ansu passage in the second, and the remaining two, which are also from the sixth book, in the first. Sarasvati receives the epithet in a first-period hymn (vi. 61. 7), and so does Trasadasyu in a second (iv. 42. 9). Manyu gets it in a fourth (x. 83. 3), where he is also called amitrahan and-' dasyuhdn. The sun god, probably viewed as a form of Agni, receives it in a third (x. 170. 2), along with amitrahan, asura- han, §,nd sapatnahan. Incidentally, it may be said that satru- han occurs in x. 159. 3, placed in the fifth period, and that 200 Herbert William Magoun raksohan is occasionally met with.* Soma and Agni fare about alike. Soma is called vrtrahan in i. 91. 5 : ix. 25. 3 ; 28. 3 ; 37. 5 ; 89. 7 ; 98. 5. The first is in the third period, and the next to the last is in the second. The others are in the first. The Agni passages show i. 74. 3 and vi. 16. 14, 19 in the first period, ii. 1. 11 and iii. 20. 4 in the second, and i. 59. 6 and x. 69. 12 (Vadh.) in the third. Finally, Indragni receive the epithet vrtrahand in i. 108. 3 : iii. 12. 4 : vi. 60. 3 : vii. 93. 1, 4 : viii. 38. 2. All are of the first period save the first. That is of the third. It appears, then, that the Vrtra myth involves, or is applied to in some fashion, not only Indra but also Agni, Indragni, the Asvins, the Maruts, Soma, Trita, Sarasvati, Trasadasyu, the sun god, and Man3ru. It also appears that Indra was a 'spook- killer' as well as Agni and some of the other gods, even if Agni was more prominent than he or any of the rest in that capacity. Furthermore, it is evident that some of the Agni, Indragni, Asvin, Soma, Trita, and Sarasvati items go back to the earliest Vedic period with Indra ones, and that Indra 's spook-killing activities are equally ancient. The myth is therefore extremely old, and Indra himself must have been present at, or near, the very beginning of the distinctly Hindu cosmogony. The hymns, or sections of hymns, in which he is caUed vrtrahan are thus distribute(f ; — sixty per cent, in the first *It is used of Indra in i. 129. 11, of Brliaspati in ii. 23. 3 (ratha) and X. 103. 4, of the ASvins in vii. 73. 4 — they appear in canneetion with Vrtra in viii. 9, 4, Soma being their helper, — of the healer (hMsaj) in x. 97. 6, of Agni in vii. 8. 6 and x. 87. 1 (vdjin) ; 162. 1, and of Soma in i. 129. 6 (Indu) and ix. 1. 2 (vrtrahantama in 3) ; 37. 3 ; 67. 20. The Soma passages are all placed in the earliest period, and so are the Indra passage, the Aivin passages, and the first Agni one. The rest are put in the latest period, except the first with Brhaspati, which is assigned to the third. Amitrahan occurs with Indra in vi. 45. 14 and x. 22. 8; 134. 3, and with Soma in ix. 11. 7; 96. 12, the last Soma reference being put in the second period, the last Indra one in the third, and the rest in the first. Indra gets asurahan in vi. 22. 4, as Agni does in vii. 13. 1, second and third periods respectively; but dasyuhan is more common, being found with Indra in i. 100. 12: vi. 45. 24: viii 76 (65). 11; 77 (66). 3 {vrtrahan also). Agni is dasyuhantama, however, in vi. 16. 15 {vrtrahan in 14 and 19) and viii. 39. 8, as is the light {jyotis) in x. 170. 2. The first and last Indra passages and the last two are of the third period, the other three are of the first. Sapatnahan, ' rlval-kiUer, ' is nat pertinent. Agl^i Vrtrahan and Verethraghna 201 # period, fifteen in the second, twenty in the third, and five in the last.^ None appear in the fourth so far as ascertained. Evi- dently the myth was most prominent in the first period, and where vrtrahan is used of other gods the implication is, not that it had a general sense but rather that it was employed either with its regular meaning or else figuratively with complimen- tary intent. English colloquial expressions like cracker jack illustrate what i« meant. Thus, Manyu, * Wrath,' was a *vrtra- killer of a god.' Where a general translation is employed, the Hindu view- point is obscured, and the figure is thus more or less completely lost sight of. This is^ particularly true of the comparative (Avest.) and superlative (Skt.) forms; for the original sig- nification must have been intensive. The English colloquial expressions kill . dead and kill . dead as a door nail illus- trate the actual content of the words as so used. Later, because such a killing indicates a complete victory, the sense 'victorious' gradually became conspicuous and in Avestan was exploited until it drove out the primary meaning altogether. The pro- cess must have accordingly begun very early or soon after the Indo-Iranian period. Sanskrit retained the normal sense of the word. On this basis, Indra should be found most often with the superlative. He is, as a matter of fact. — v. 35. 6 ; 40. 1-3 : viii. 3. 17; 6. 37; 24. 7; 46. 8; 93 (82). 30, 32; 97 (86). 5. Agni and Soma are again treated alike; for the former has i. 78. 4: vi. 16. 48: viii. 74 (63). 4, and the latter ix. 1. 3 ; 24. 6: x. 25. 9. Furthermore it is applied to the Asvins in viii. 8. 9, 22, to Indragni in vii. 94. 11, and even to things: to intoxication (mada) in viii. 46. 8 and 92 (81). 17, to counsel (vacas) in viii. 89 (78). 1, and to a troop {sardha) in viii. 93 (82). 16. One •They include:— i. 16. 8; 81.1; 84.3; 106.6; 186.6: ii. 20. 7: iii. 30. 5; 31. 11, 14, 18, 21; 40. 8; 41. .4; 47. 2; 52. 7; 54. 15: iv. 30. 1, 7, 19, 22; 32. 1, 19, 21: v. 38. 4; 40. 4; 86. 3: vi. 45. 5; 47. 6: vii. 31. 6; 32. 6: viii. 1. 14; 2. 26; 4. 11; 6. 40; 13. 15; 17. 9 (with vrtram); 24. 2, 8; 27. 8; 32. 11; 33. 1, 14; 37. 1-6; 45. 4, 25; 46. 13 (vrtrahantama in 8) ; 54 (Grassmann, Valakhil. 6). 5; 61 (50). 15; 62 (51). 11; 64 (53). 9; 66 (55). 3, 9-11; 70 (59). 1; 77 (66). 3; 78 (67). 7; 82 (71). 1; 89 (78). 3 (with vrtra) ; 90 (79). 1; 92 (81). 24; 93 (82). 2, 4, 15, 18, 20, 33 (vrtrahmtama in 30, 32); 96 (85). 19-21 (vrtrdni in 18); 97 (86). 4: ix. 98. 10; 113. 1: x. 23. 2; 49. 6 (with vrtra); 74. 6; 103. 10; 111. 6; 133. 1; 138. 5; 152. 2, 3 (with vrtra and amitra) ; 153. 3. 202 Herbert William Magoun - of these passages has been assigned ta the second- period (v. 40. 1-3), two to the third (i. 78. 4 and vi. 16. 48), and the rest to the first. They furnish further presumptive evidence of the soundness of the position already taken. For that period an intensive meaning was the natural one, as must be apparent. - Further evidence concerning the Vrtra myth is to be found in words referring to it, such as vrtrakhdda, ' destmiction-of- Vrtra, ' which is used with Indra in iii. 45. 2 (third period) and 51. 9 (second). In x. 65. 10 (third period), it is found with Brhaspati. Vrtratur, commonly rendered 'killing of spooks,' is used of Indra in iv. 42. 8::-vi. 20. 1 (rayi) : x. 48. 8;> 99. 1 (vdjra). The second is of the first period, the others are of the second. It is also used of "Indravarunau in vi. 68. 2 ^ (first period), the slaying of Vrtra by Indra being mentioned in the, next stanza. ' The spooks may be questioned. - ■-More important is vrtratiirya,- which Grassmann applies to Vrtra inviii. 7. 24 (Trita and Indra) and x.-104. 9, first and third period hymns respectively. He applies it to battles with spooks, or to their destruction, in vi.* 34. 5; 38. 5 (loc. :plu.) : viii. 37. 1 (do.), although all of these passages have been put in the first period. The last one has w#ra/i him. ^Orassmann also places in the same group vi. 18. 6 (second period) and 61. 5 (first) ; but he renders each, nevertheless, in accordance with the Vrtra myth. The rendering 'is probably correct; for, like the others, these passages seem to call for such a treatment. Spooks appear to be a modern rather than an ancient idea in this connection. He makes several similar Agni passages refer to spooks— vi. 13. 1: viii. 19. 20; 74 (63). 9, 12, all in the first period— bulr- retains Vrtra' in ^.m. 8 (Agni as priest), which is placed in the third. / The . first ' mentioned indicates that 'killing-of -Vrtra' would probably be ,a better rendering. Brhaspati again appears in ii. 26. 2, Feindes^chlacht being Grassmann 's translation. The passage is of the second period and should be compared with the one above. In i. 106. 2 (loc. plu.), the Adityas.. figure, a third-period hymn being involved. -'Spook-slaughterings' are supposed to be meant; but 'slaughterings-of- Vrtra' would be more natural, since the Adityas were gods of heavenly light. Incidentally, it may be mentioned that the mother of Vrtra, Agni 'Vrtr^Jian and Verethraghna '^03 ♦ vrtraputra, is attended to by Indra in i. 32. 9, that the Maruts figure with vrtrahan in vi. 48. 21 {savas), and that vrtrahatha is used with Agni in iii. 16. 1. The first is of the third period. The rest are of the first. Last and most important is vrirakatyay whose root meaning is unmistakable. Grassmann recognizes it, ostensibly, in just half the Indra passages— i. 52. 4: iv. 19. 1: v. 29. 7: vi. 18. 9; 25. 8; 47. 2: viii. 24. 2 (with vrtrahan); 89 (78). 5 (wfth vrtra) : x. 48. 8 ; 55. 7— but forgets himself in two places, i. 53. 6 (loc. plu. and vrtrani), third period, and vL36. 2, first, and reverts to the battle with Vrtra. The other citations are, — iv.' 24. 2: vi. 23. 2; 25. 1: vii. 19. 3 (loc. plu.), 10; 32. 15 (do.) : viii. 63 (52). 12: x. 22. 10. Of the first group, four go into the third period and three each into the first and second. Of the last group, the first goes into the third, but the others into the first. . ; Grassmann 's instinct was therefore better, probably, than his -reason; for the chances are that Vrtra ^ was referred to in all the passages. Two are cited in third-period hymns to Indragni, i. 109. 5 and x. 65. 2 (loc. plu.). rin the second Grassmann again abandons his classification and reverts to ' Vrtra-killings. ' He does so rightly. Two others, both in the first period, go to Agni, vii. 1.' 10 (loc. plu.) and viii. 19. 20. In each Vrtra is appropriate, even if men are involved in the first. No others have been noted save a modification of the word ' in iii. 37. 1, a first-period hymn to Indra. It is vdrtrahatya and * refers to Vrtra. When all the citations containing the various words thus far considered are grouped as now assigned, over half appear, in the earliest Vedic period. It is safe to infer, then, that this period marked the zenith of the myth itself. It must therefore be Indo-Iranic. As the Agni passages show almost the same ratio as all combined, it is furthermore safe to infer that Agni Vrtrahan was originally exactly what his name would indicate,. the Vrtra-killer. His well-known character, as the fire which came from heaven can only indicate fire from lightning. That points directly to a lightning god- as. the original conception concerning him, and Vrtra-killing. would .thus be entirely con- sistent with his other activities. ' When^otKer gods usurped that function, he woujd easily pass into a 'vrtra-killer-of-a-god,' i. e.,. a * victorious' one, and Verethraghna can be accounted for on that basis. A word should be said of vrtrani. Its normal application must be to malignant demons who are less conspicuous than 204 Herbert William Magoun Yrtra though like him in character. They are naturally sub- ject to the conquerors of Yrtra, Indra being the most promi- nent.^ In X. 83. 7 (fourth' period), Manyu and a man are united in this connection; and Agni is invoked in vi. 16. 34, a hymn of the first period, and in x. 69. 6 (Vadh.) and 80. 2, both of which are in the third. Brhaspati figures once more in vi. 73. 2 (first period), and it now appears that such terms when used with him are early, not late as ordinarily believed, and complimentary. Soma appears in ix. 17. 1 (second period) and (first) 88. 4; 109. 14, in the second of which he slays by Indra 's name. Of the Indra passages, twenty-six are put in the first peridd, five in the second, and eight in the third. It is accord- ingly clear that the Vrtra-spooks were likewise most prominent in the earliest period. The fact is of some significance. Passages classifying the spooks as Aryan or Barbarian are, — vi. 22. 10; 33. 3; 60. 6 : vii. 83. 1: x. 69. 6. They involve Indra (first two), Indragni, Indravarunau, and Agni Yadhri- asva, and cover three periods, the second (first citation), first, and third (two each in order). That such spooks have some association with Yrtra in Hindu mental processes is made evi- dent not merely by the term itself but also by the way in which related matters are occasionally spoken of. Thus, in viii. 96 (85). 18 the item is added that the waters have demons as lords (ddsapaUil). The vrtrani, like other demons, are conceived of as going in droves; for no clear instance of the singular {vrtra-m) appears anywhere in the Rik. Such conceptions seem to have been Indo-Iranic. Now, it is clear that the terms vrtra (Avest. verethra) and ahi (Avest. azhi) were originally mere epithets, ' obstructing- one' and 'serpent-one,' applied to the crest of an advancing thunderstorm. This is made evident by the use of ahan vrtram vrtrataram vyansam in i. 32. 5 (third period). When the Indo- Iranians were longing for rain, a stationary crest would call *> References to him of this sort include: — i. 4. 8; 8. 2; 53. 6 (ten- thousand of them, with vrtrahatyesu in the preceding half stanza) ; 84. 13 (ninety-nine of them) ; 102. 7 : iii. 30. 4, 22 (repeated ten times in succeeding hymns and once in x.) ; 49. 1: iv. 17. 19 (many mighty ones) ; 22. 9; 24. 10; 41. 2; 42. 7: vi. 19. 13; 26. 8; 29. 6 (many vrtra and dasyun); 33. 1; 44. 14; 56. 2; 57. 3: vU. 19. 4; 22. 2; 23. 3; 25. 5; 30. 2; 34. 3; 83. 9; 85. 3; 92. 4 (with Vayu and men) : viii. 15. 3, 11; 17. 8, 9 (with vrtrahm)', 29. 4; 49 (Valakh. 1). 2; 90 (79). 4, 5; 95 (84). 9; 96 (85). 18; 100 (89). 2: is. 1. 10; 23. 7: x. 49. 6 (with vrtrdhan) . Agni Vrirahan and VeretJiraghna 205 forth the first term. At other times, a black and lowering one that darkened the air would suggest the second. Both evidently developed into proper names; for verethrajan and verethra- taurvan ('subduing-the-fiendO iniply a forgotten cloud demon Verethra, like the Vedic Vrtra, and Azhi Dahaka ('Snake Fiend' or 'Fiendish Snake') is unquestionably Vedic Ahi. The Iranians ultimately forgot the first and developed the second, while the Aryans of the Pan jab did just the opposite. Lack of rain furnished the incentive. Both variations of the myth recognize the lightning in the crest of an approaching storm. In the Avesta it is a battle for the light, and Apam Napat / seizes the 'Glory' when Atar battles with Azhi Dahaka (SBE, IV. Ixii. f., and xxiii. 297 ff.). The Vedic Apam Napat has come to be regarded as the lightning form of Agni ; but, as I showed long ago (JAOS, xix. 137 ff., AJP, xxi. 274 ff., Bib. Sac, lv. 104 ff.), that is an error. He was the distant descending bolt, 'the tall and shining lord,' and is practically the same in the Avesta and the Rik. As to Atar, this much is clear. In the Avesta he is a god of lightning and of fire, precisely as Agni is in the Rik. He must have been Indo-Iranian, else there had been no Athar-va-Veda and no fire-priest called an athar-van. Agni also must have been Indo-Iranian; for, otherwise, Latin ignis cannot be ac- counted for. The disappearance of Agni in the one case and of Atar in the other plainly indicates a mixture of the functions of the two gods and a consequent confusion of terms. One was accordingly eliminated in each instance. Agni, 'Agile-one,' was the lightning that sets fire to things, while Atar (*Athar) was probably the fire kindled by man's agency. It is the fire tended by men (SBE, xxiii. 360 f.) in the Avesta as well as a lightning god. On this basis Agni's sub- sequent history becomes clear. The lightning, striking and set- ting things on fire in the sight of various observers, could not fail to suggest the destruction of all spooks within its range, which may explain the refrain of viii. 39, assigned to the third period and copied in other hymns. But — the use of agni for both fire and lightning would surely lead to the employment of agni vrtrahan for the god that killed Vrtra. That much is plain. Now, observe another thing. Verethraghna, though a god of victory, retained the mythical features of a storm god and was *206 Herbert William Magoun worshipped as a sacred fire, which was believed to be an emana- tion from the fire above ; and he was regarded as a most power- ful protector- against foes and fiends (SBE. iv. Ixiv. §14). Both he and Agni (cf. RV. x. 87) became fiend smiters par excellence in their respective spheres. : Both accordingly, had a similar origin— nay, the same origin, since lightning -was the fire above. Agni himself came from that source as is well recog- nized. The two gods are therefore to be identified as different developments of a single original. This is made more clear and certain by the ramifications of the Vrtra myth. In the Avesta, Thraetaona is often the slayer of Azhi Dahaka, and Trita figures similarly in the Rik, though with some other god. The demon has tbree heads and six eyes and is identified in the Avesta as Azhi (RV. x. 99. 6, second period; SBE. xxm. 242. §40). In connection with RV. i. 52, Grassmann says: Trita in Vers 5 erscheint wie ofter als Gehtilfe des Indra. He also appears, in first-period hymns, with Agni (v. 9. 5), Indragni (v. 86. 1), and Apam Napat (v. 41. 10), possibly regarded as the son of Agni. That, at least, may be inferred from v. 41. 10, which appears, to con- trast the two rather than unite them. Furthermore,; in v. 18. 2, a first-period hymn, Agni is referred to as Dvita, and Dvita and Trita are combined in viii. 47. 16, a fifth-period fragment. Trita is connected- witK thunder in v. 54. 2 (third period) and gets into a hole inJi. 105. 17 (third period also). He is called dptya, just as Thraetaona is called Athwya, and, finally, he appears as Traitana in i. 158. 5 (third period). It is probable that Traitana (Avest. Thraetaona) is merely a development of Trita; for the Avestan Thrita became the first healer and the father of Thraetaona. Both are associated with Haoma (Soma). The problem, therefore, is to discover an explanation for the diverse elements now present in the myth; A triad of lightning gods will satisfy all the conditions ^nd pos- sibly help explain the three seats of Agni (viii. 39. 8, third period) and the Avestan triad, tall-formed Strength, 'Vere^ thraghna, and crushing Ascendant (SBE. xxm. 10. §20, etc.). The distant descending bolt, apam napdt, would jiaturally be named first because most conspicuous. Then second and third forms would be noticed, the form that sets things afire and the forked lightning of the clouds. The first became Agni. The other became Trita, because no better name than 'Third' sug- gested itself. How,- then, did he becom,e a healer? Simply Agni Vrtrahan and Verethraghna ^07 because a thunderstorm always brings a sense of relief and phy- sical betterment, and the Indo-Iranians were utterly unscientific. We forget that. ' Cf. RV. x. 54. 3. The term dptya is found in connection with Indra — other gods seem to be implied as well — in x. 120. 6 (second period), and its general sense is unmistakable. It has reference to the waters of the firmament, the Vouru-Kasha of the Avesta, the dwelling place of all the storm gods. Trita Aptya was accordingly the lightning first seen, that of the clouds, which disappears for a time — gets into a hole — as the storm draws near. That is why he belongs with Indra,^ and it must be remembered that vajra probably referred to the cause of thunder as they understood it but not to lightning. Indo-Iranian mentality must be remem- bered in all such matters. It is not strange that Trita is not found with Agni Vrtrahan; for Indra soon usurped Agni's Vrtra-killing functions, just as Atar and Thraetaona did, with the subsequent loss of Agni from Avestan. Vrtrahan thus developed into a proper name in the Avesta, and Agni's char- acteristics were divided between Atar and Verethraghna. The process was a slow growth, and later excrescences now obscure ■^ The notion that Trita was a water deity is based on a misoonceptidn^ He was a water deity in the same sense that Indra was — a phenomenon of the thunderstorm, not anthropomorphized but simply personified and ani- mated as if a sentient being. Anthropomorphism came later in the -god of healing of the Avesta and, probably, in Tpirwv (cf. *Athar, atha/rvo/n : Atar, athravan). Aryans who became a maritime people with the mild climatic conditions of Greece could easily forget the waters of the firma- ment and substitute those of the seai; but a reversal of the process is hardly thinkable. To the Indo-Iranians, lightning was the illumination only. Its cause as we know it was to them a deity. They saw him in action. He was therefore alive and sentient. The true connection between the two tilings escaped them, because they were not capable of making a scientific analysis. They based everything' upon their own personalities, or their personal experience. What moved had life and intelligence. Therefore a lightning bolt was a god. The habit of allowing modern occidental conceptions to dominate in sucl^ investigations is all wrongi. The original conception is fundamental. To ignore it is fatal.* Thus, the Greek musical scale was a tetrachord. It was basic. Modern investigators make the octave basic. The overlapping tetrachords covered two octaves and two notes. The investigators cut off the two notes to get two octaves. The Greek symbols prove beyond a peradventure that they are wrong. Similarly, modern investigators make meter basic and are unable • to , find the compound feet of the ancients. Rhythm is basic, and Longinus was right: M^rpov Si irarijpfvdiJ^s'K. r. \. f 20.8 Herbert William Magoun the entire situation. This indicates that Indra was a distinct Hindu creation due to a change of environment. When the Aryans reached the Paiijab and encountered the destructive hurricanes which occur in those regions, when the monsoons change in October, they could hardly help wondering whether the wind god (Vayu) and the lightning god (Agni) were the deities whom they worshipped. A hurricane could hardly fail to impress them as a driver, as any one who has had experience will recognize, and it would then be the normal thing for them to call it such. The deities would accordingly become ' Wind-of -the-driver ' and ' Fire-of -the-driver. ' If they had no suitable word to express the idea, as was almost certain to be the case, they would be forced to coin one, and the suffix -ra would be available. The weak form of v^uiv would furnish a basis ; but Hn-ra-agni and Hti-ra-vdyu are not easy to pronounce, and some phonetic change would be inevitable. In such combinations the language has no specimens of an -nr- form, apparently, save *vanra and ^vdinra, although it does have a few cases of anusvara, — pumrdsi, pumratna, *kimrdja, *kimrdjan, samraksa, samranjana, samramhha, etc. That, how- ever, is hardly to be thought of in this connection. On the other hand, although svarabhakti normally follows an r, its development here would be easily possible, and a situation essentially parallel to that of Greek *6,v€p6