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 Hebrew deluge story in curie form 
 
 3 1924 026 803 001 
 
YALE ORIENTAL SEBIES • EESEABCHES • YOLUME V-3 
 
 A HEBREW DELUGE STORY 
 IN CUNEIFORM 
 
 AND OTHER EPIC FRAGMENTS IN 
 THE PIERPONT MORGAN LIBRARY 
 
 BY 
 
 ALBERT T. CLAY 
 
 NEW HAVEN 
 TALE UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 
 LONDON • HUMPHREY MILFOKD • OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 
 MDCCCCXXII 
 
Copyright 1922, by 
 Yale University Press 
 
 First published, June, 1922 
 Second printing, July, 1922 
 
To my Colleague and Feiend 
 PROFESSOR CHARLES CUTLER TORREY 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924026803001 
 
FOREWORD 
 
 The title of this little monograph tells its own story, namely, 
 that an ancient Hebrew deluge tradition written in cuneiform is 
 here presented. It is not a recent discovery, nor is it the first time 
 that it has appeared in print. It was first published a number of 
 years ago, but owing to a faulty copy of the text originally pre- 
 sented, its importance has never been understood. 
 
 This story of the deluge which had found its way into Babylonia, 
 where it was made to conform largely to the Akkadian dialect, 
 fully betrays its origin ; it came from the same source whence the 
 Hebrew traditions came, namely from the people who lived in 
 Amurru (Syria and Mesopotamia), called the Amorites. As was 
 the case in pre-Mosaic days, and to a large extent in early 
 Israel, when henotheism prevailed, "God" is the foremost deity. 
 We learn from this tradition, and also from its redaction written 
 centuries later, that a long famine preceded the deluge, which is 
 not referred to in the Old Testament, that the famine had been sent 
 because men had multiplied, and also because of their clamor, 
 reminding us of the causes given for the deluge in the Old 
 Testament. 
 
 The great importance of this inscription, which was copied 
 about the time of Abraham from an older tablet, together with 
 other facts here presented, is that it will require that the prevail- 
 ing view be abandoned that the Hebrew traditions were borrowed 
 from Babylonia. This involves many scholarly works written in 
 recent decades upon the early history of Israel. It has been 
 generally held that these stories are of Babylonian origin; that 
 Canaan was a domain of Babylonian culture in the time of Moses ; 
 and that Israel had assimilated this foreign culture as well as its 
 religion, "feathers and all." Not only is the Israelitish cult held 
 to be dependent upon the Babylonian, but also many of the chief 
 characters are said to have descended from Babylonian mythology. 
 In Germany where these views developed, some scholars have 
 gone to great extremes ; only a change of names had taken place, 
 and Marduk or Bel was transformed into Christ. In America 
 a more moderate position has generally been accepted, in which 
 
6 TALE ORIENTAL SERIES ■ RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 the extreme views were toned down, and the Pan-Babylonian 
 theory made more palatable. Nevertheless, it is generally held 
 that these traditions had been brought from Babylonia in the time 
 of Abraham, or in the Amarna Period, or at the time of the exile ; 
 and that many of the characters had their origin in myth. 
 
 Twelve years ago the writer took issue with this general posi- 
 tion, holding that the traditions of the Hebrews were indigenous 
 in the land of the Amorites ; and that contrary to the prevailing 
 view, this land was not dependent for its population upon Arabs 
 who migrated from Arabia a little before and after the time of 
 Abraham, but upon an indigenous people, the antiquity of whose 
 culture is as high as that known in Egypt or Babylonia; and also 
 that the Semites who moved into . the lower Euphrates valley 
 mainly came from this quarter, and brought with them their 
 culture. He has also consistently maintained that such familiar 
 Biblical characters as the patriarchs and others, instead of being 
 the creations of fiction writers, were historical personages. 
 
 While the new point of view was accepted by many scholars, 
 and the tremendous flow of Pan-Babylonian literature was 
 suddenly and very materially reduced in volume, only a few of 
 those who had written upon the subject acknowledged the gains 
 that had been made, and reversed their positions. Even some 
 scholars in their efforts to nullify the advances, instead of facing 
 the real issue in their reviews, dwelt upon and held up as proof 
 of the writer's thesis some extraneous suggestions which had been 
 intended for consideration in filling in the background of the two 
 or more millenniums of Amorite history prior to Abraham. 
 
 The writer's thesis in brief is, that the Arabian origin of the 
 Semites living in ancient Syria and Babylonia, including the 
 Hebrews, is baseless ; but that the antiquity of the Amorite civili- 
 zation is very great ; and also the assertion that the culture and 
 religion of Israel were borrowed from Babylonia is without any 
 foundation; for they were indigenous; and that the Semites who 
 migrated to Babylonia with their culture were mainly from 
 Amurru. In the judgment of the writer the material presented 
 in this little monograph, as well as in his recently published Empire 
 of the Amorites, will require a very extensive readjustment of 
 
FOREWORD 7 
 
 many views bearing npon the subject, as well as the abandonment 
 of many others. Moreover, it also has bearings of a far-reaching 
 character on many other Old Testament problems. 
 
 Amurru, called "the land of the Amorites," it might be added, 
 is a geographical term which was used in ancient times for the 
 great stretch of territory between Babylonia and the Mediter- 
 ranean. By reason of its products and its position this land had 
 been attractive to other peoples ever since one strove to obtain 
 what the other possessed, resulting in almost innumerable invasions 
 and conflicts taking place in this land. Within the historical period 
 we know that the Babylonians, Egyptians, Hittites, Assyrians, 
 Persians, Greeks, Romans, Arabs, Turks, and other peoples con- 
 trolled this territory. It should be added that this country in turn 
 also prevailed at times over other lands, notably Babylonia and 
 Egypt. In these pages we have evidence that one of its rulers 
 conquered Babylonia as early as 4000 B.C. 
 
 This country has always represented ethnologically a great 
 mixture. Linguistically, as far as is known, a Semitic language 
 has always prevailed in this great stretch of territory. The 
 Amorite or Hebrew language, being the oldest of which we have 
 knowledge, was followed by the Aramaic, and later by the Arabic 
 which now prevails. To what extent the Akkadian dialect was 
 used in certain parts, and what script was employed in the early 
 period, are as yet undetermined. Excavations at one or two well 
 selected sites will throw light on this and many other questions, 
 and furnish us with the material whereby we will be able to recon- 
 struct many chapters of its early history. 
 
 It gives the writer great pleasure to inscribe this little contribu- 
 tion to his colleague and friend, Professor Charles Cutler Torrey, 
 who not only has watched sympathetically these investigations 
 advance, but also in reading the manuscript has made a number of 
 suggestions as well as several identifications of roots which are 
 
 indicated in the foot notes. 
 
 Albert T. Clay. 
 New Haven, Conn., 
 
 May 19, 1922. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Page 
 
 I An Ancient Hebrew Deluge Story 11 
 
 II An Ancient Fragment of the Etana Legend 33 
 
 III A Fragment of the Adapa Legend 39 
 
 IV An Early Chapter in the History of Amurru and 
 
 Babylonia 42 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Transliterations and Translations of the Deluge Stories 
 
 A An Early Version of the Atra-hasis Epic 58 
 
 B A Late Redaction of the Atra-hasis Epic 61 
 
 C An Assyrian Fragment of the Atra-hasis Epic 68 
 
 D A Deluge Story in Sumerian 69 
 
 E The Deluge Story in the Gilgamesh Epic 72 
 
 F A Fragment of a Deluge Story in Babylonian 81 
 
 G Berossus' Version of the Atra-hasis Epic 82 
 
 Dynastic Lists of Early Babylonia 84 
 
 Autographed Texts Plates I-IV 
 
 Heliotype Reproductions " V- VII 
 
I 
 
 AN ANCIENT HEBREW DELUGE STORY 
 
 This fragment of a large tablet was published in text, translitera- 
 tion and translation nearly twenty r fiye„_years ago, before it had 
 come into the possession .of the JPierpont Morgan Library Collec- 
 tion of Babylonian Inscriptions; in the meantime many other 
 translations have appeared. 1 Moreover, owing to the form in 
 which the tablet had been presented, due somewhat to its not having 
 been thoroughly cleaned, its importance has only been slightly 
 appreciated. While it was understood that it had the same general 
 application as a legend preserved in the British Museum, known 
 as the Ea and Atra-hasis legend, and belonging to a later period, 
 the latter, owing to its fragmentary condition, could not be said 
 to refer to the deluge. Moreover, while it was apparent that the 
 present text did refer to the deluge, it was considered even by one 
 who examined the tablet that it ' ' contained little more than a few 
 phrases and words, without any coherent connection." 2 Further 
 study, however, as will be seen from what follows, reveals the fact 
 that this is a mistake ; that it is a part of an old version of what 
 should properly be called the Atra-hasis Epic, which is a very 
 ancient Hebrew or Amorite Deluge Story; and that the so-called 
 Ea and Atra-hasis Legend of the Assyrian period, which has also 
 been translated by a number of scholars, 3 is a late redaction of it. 
 The later version or redaction was put into a magical setting for 
 incantation purposes. In the Appendix will be found the trans- 
 literation and translation of all the versions of this deluge story or 
 stories, both cuneiform and Greek. The ancient dated text is 
 designated as A, and the late redaction as B. 
 
 1 Scheil Becueil de Travaux 20 (1898) 55 ff ; Jensen KB VI 1 288 ff ; Dhorme Choix 
 de Textes Religieux Assyro-Babyloniens 120 ff; Ungnad Altorientalisehe Texte und 
 Bilder I, 57 f ; Eogers Cuneiform Parallels 104 ff; etc. 
 
 2 Hilprecht BE Ser. D, V 1 p. 44. 
 
 3 CT 15, 49. Translated by Zimmern ZA 14, 277 ff ; Jensen KB VI 1 274 ff ; Dhorme 
 Ibidem 128 ff; Ungnad ATB I 61 ff; Eogers Cuneiform FaraXleU 113 ff and others. 
 
12 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES • RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 A small fragment in the British Museum, ostensibly from a ver- 
 sion of the Atra-hasis Epic, for it mentions the hero's name, which 
 was also written in the late period, furnishes us with the conversa- 
 tion between the god Ea and Atra-hasis concerning the construction 
 of the ship, and with what it should be loaded. 4 This is designated 
 in the Appendix as C. 
 
 A few years ago there was published a brief epitomized history 
 of the world, written in Sumerian, beginning with the creation, 
 followed by an account of the building of cities and the story of the 
 deluge. This tablet was found during the excavations at Nippur 
 conducted by the University of Pennsylvania. The tablet was 
 written after the Sumerian language had ceased to be spoken in its 
 purity, some time between the middle of the First Dynasty of Baby- 
 lon and the second Nisin era, that is between 2300 and 1300 B. C. 5 
 Like the other legend written in the late period, it seems to have 
 been used for incantation purposes. It is evidently based upon 
 the same story as that from which the Gilgamesh Epic story has 
 descended, as is apparent from several expressions found in it. 
 The phrase in the Sumerian version "when for seven days and 
 nights the flood overwhelms the land" (D, V: 3, 4) is paralleled 
 in the Semitic by ' ' six days and nights the wind drives ; the deluge- 
 tempest overwhelms the land, when the seventh day arrives, 
 the tempest subsides in the onslaught" (E, 128-130). The refer- 
 ence also to "the wall," when the hero was apprised of the impend- 
 ing deluge, is in both. Further, the title of the hero, Um-napishtim, 
 is replaced in the Sumerian by Zi-u-suddu, which is composed of 
 three elements, Zi (napishtim) "life," and u (um) "day," to 
 which the element suddu (requ) "to be distant" has been added. 
 It is not impossible that Um-napishtim, which contains two of the 
 three elements of the Sumerian name, is an abbreviated form of 
 the original (see below). This version is designated as D. 
 
 The hero of the other and well known deluge story, which in the 
 late period had been woven into the Gilgamesh Epic, is Atra-hasis, 
 
 "Delitzsch Assyr. Les? p. 101; KB VI 1 254 ff; etc. 
 
 5 See Poebel Historical and Grammatical Texts No. 1; and Historical Texts 14 ff; 
 and 66 ff. 
 
I AN ANCIENT HEBREW DELUGE 8T0EY 13 
 
 but his title, which is better known in connection with the story, is 
 Um-napishtim, or Uta-napishtim. 6 This is designated as E. 
 
 Besides these versions or fragments of versions there is also 
 known a little fragment of thirteen partially preserved lines, writ- 
 ten probably in the Cassite period (about 1400 B.C.), in which 
 neither the name of a god nor that of the hero is preserved. 7 This 
 is designated as F. 
 
 The deluge story handed down by Berossus, in which the hero is 
 Xisuthros (2««n>0/oo<t) , which name represents a transposition of the 
 elements of Atra-hasis, i. e., Hasis-atra, is still another version of 
 the epic. 8 This is designated as Gr. 
 
 The only dated version written in cuneiform is the one in the 
 Pierpont Morgan Collection. It was copied from a still earlier 
 inscription by a junior scribe named Azag-Aya, on the 28th day 
 of Shebet, in the 11th year of Ammi-zaduga (1966 B.C.), which 
 date is about 1300 years earlier than the time of the Library of 
 Ashurbanipal (668-626 B.C.), to which the late redaction of it, now 
 in the British Museum, belonged. The original from which the 
 scribe copied had already been injured in the 12th line, which is 
 indicated by the word hibis "broken." How much earlier the 
 previous text was written, cannot be surmised; but there are 
 reasons for believing it is a very ancient legend, probably written 
 two thousand years earlier (see below). 
 
 Unfortunately, the tablet has been injured since it was first 
 published twenty-five years ago. Several small pieces have been 
 lost from the surface of it. In the copy of the inscription, given 
 in the Appendix, these parts are based upon the original copy made 
 twenty-five years ago, and are indicated by small ink dots, easily 
 recognized. 
 
 * See Haupt Nimrod-Epos 134 ff; Delitzsch Ass. Les.' 99 ff ; KB VI 1 228 ff ; Dhorme 
 Textes Religieux Assyro-Bdbyloniens 100 ff ; TJngnad ATB I, 50 ff. Rogers Cuneiform 
 Parallels 90 ff. 
 
 7 Hilprecht BE Ser. D V 1 p. 48. This fragment, if it actually came from Nippur, 
 belongs to the Cassite period. This conclusion is based on a palaeographical and linguis- 
 tic study of texts found at Nippur belonging to the Hammurabi and the Cassite periods. 
 If the text came from Sippar, which is more likely, or from some other Semitic city, then 
 it is possible that it was written at a somewhat earlier time. 
 
 * See Zimmern KAT' 543 f. 
 
14 YALE ORIENTAL SEEIES • EESEAECHES V-3 
 
 The fragment shows that the tablet, of which it was a part, 
 had eight columns. This can be determined from the shape of the 
 fragment, the second column of which, not being complete, does not 
 reach the thickest part of the tablet, i.e., the middle. It can also 
 be determined that it had eight columns from the number of lines. 9 
 Deducting those of the last column, namely 37, from the total 
 number of the tablet, which is 439, leaves 402 ; which divided into 
 the remaining seven columns, gives 57 or 58 for each. This can be 
 verified by adding 37 to the nearly 20 preserved in the seventh 
 column, which equals 57. 
 
 This fragment of the ancient version contains the opening lines 
 of what was the second tablet of the series, which was entitled or 
 known by the words I-nu-ma i-lu a-we-lum. This is an incomplete 
 sentence meaning "When God, man," etc. 10 It recalls the well 
 known title Enuma Anu Erilil "When Anu, Enlil," the complete 
 form of which is known: "When Anu, Enlil, and Ea, the great 
 gods, entrusted the great laws of heaven," etc. Inuma ilu awelwm 
 were doubtless the initial words of the first tablet of the series. 
 
 What the content of the first tablet was cannot be surmised. 
 Like the Sumerian text found at Nippur, and the first chapter of 
 Genesis, it may have contained an account of the creation. This 
 second tablet of the ancient version opens with a reference to the 
 famine, as in the late redaction. In the latter we learn that the 
 famine lasted six, probably seven years; and that it became so 
 severe that human flesh was eaten. The Biblical story makes no 
 reference to a famine preceding the deluge ; nor does the Gilgamesh 
 Epic story ; yet in the light of the Atra-hasis Epic this would seem 
 to be implied in the Gilgamesh story in the message which Ea tells 
 Um-napishtim to give to the people, namely, "it will rain for 
 you abundance," after the ship is built. 
 
 The famine in the ancient Atra-hasis version came after men 
 began to multiply, and the land had become satiated "like a bull." 
 This fact is hinted at in the late redaction where we have the line 
 ' ' [The people] have not become less ; they are more numerous than 
 before" (B, III: 39). It was ordered that the fig tree be cut off, 
 
 ■ This was determined when the tablet was originally published; see Seheil BT 20 55 ff. 
 " This was originally incorrectly read i-nu-ma sal-lu a-we-lvm (see below). 
 
I AN ANCIENT HEBREW DELUGE STOET 15 
 
 that Adad withhold the rain ; that the rivers be restrained at their 
 source ; that the fields withhold their produce ; and that the womb 
 be closed. The lines of the seventh column refer to the inter- 
 vention of the god Ea, after Adad had opened the heavens and sent 
 a deluge. The promise to preserve the seed of life is also referred 
 to, as well as the entering into the ship. 
 
 What is preserved of the redactor's work makes no reference 
 to the flood. Whether the redactor included in his work also the 
 account of the deluge, the main theme of the epic, can be deter- 
 mined only when other parts of his incantation are found. The 
 ancient version, however, enables us to ascertain where he obtained 
 his account of the famine, which he used for incantation purposes, 
 in connection with sickness and the bearing of children. The story 
 of the famine involving the lack of fertility lent itself to such a 
 purpose. That he modified, enlarged, and glossed it, is perfectly 
 clear from the transliteration and translation of the two texts, 
 the ancient and the redaction. 
 
 Complete translations of all the cuneiform deluge stories are 
 given in the Appendix; but in order to have the related parts of 
 the two texts of the Atra-hasis Epic together for the purpose of 
 comparison, the following selections are here given : A, 1 : 1 to 19 
 of the former, and B, III : 2 to 8 and 37 to 59 of the latter. 
 
 Selection from the Early Version Lines 1-19. 
 
 1 [K] -(?)-&*-*& [ri]4g-[ma-si-i]n I will bring (?) their clamor (?) 
 
 bal-ti-a(l) 
 
 ma-tum ir-ta-bi-is ni-\su im]4i-da The land had become great; the 
 
 people had multiplied. 
 
 [m]a-tum ki-ma U4 i-sa-db-bu The land like a bull had become 
 
 satiated. 
 
 [i-na] fyu-bu-ri-si-na i-lu it-ta-ah,- [In] their assemblage God was 
 
 da-ar absent. 
 
 5 [ ] is-te-me ri-gi4m-si4n heard their clamor. 
 
 [iz] -za-kar a-na el(1)-U rcirbu- He said to the great gods (?) 
 
 tim 
 
 iq-ta-ab-ta ri-gi4m a-wi-lu4i Those observing the clamor of men. 
 
 . i-na fyu-bu-ri-si-na iz-za-kar ma-si- In their, assemblage he spoke of 
 
 it-ta desolations. 
 
16 
 
 TALE OMENTAL SERIES ■ RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 [lip-par]-sa a-na ni-si te-i-na 
 
 10 [i-na sa-da]-ti-si-na li-'-zu sa-am- 
 mu 
 
 su d Adad li-sa-aq-ti-il 
 
 hi-bi-is -a [li]-il-li-ka 
 
 [ia is-sa-a me-li na]-aq-M 
 
 [li-]-il-li-ik sa-ru 
 15 [na] -ag-bi-ra li-e-ir-ri 
 
 [ur]-bi-e-tum li-im-ta-an-ni-ma 
 [zu-un-nu i-na same] (-e) ia it-tu- 
 
 uk 
 [li-su]-ur eqlu is-bi-ki-su 
 [li-ni-'] ir-ta sa d Nisaba 
 
 Let the fig tree for the people be 
 
 [cutoff]. 
 [In] their [fields], let the plant 
 
 become a weed (?). 
 
 the sheep let Adad destroy. 
 
 [The fountains of the deep] let 
 
 not flow. 
 [That the flood rise not at the 
 
 so]urce. 
 Let the wind blow. 
 Let it drive mightily. 
 Let the clouds be held back, that 
 [Rain from the heav]ens pour 
 
 not forth. 
 Let the field withhold its fertility. 
 [Let a change come over] the 
 
 bosom of Nisaba. 
 
 Selections from the Redaction III 2-8, and 37-59. 
 
 [eli rig (ri-gi) -me-si-na it-ta- 
 
 d[ir] 
 [izzakar ina] hu-bu-ri-si-na la i- 
 
 sa-ba'ta [ni-si-tu] 
 
 [ d En-l]il il-ta-kan pu-hur-[su] 
 5 [iz-za] -ka-ra a-na ilani mei mare meS 
 
 -su 
 [iq] -t ab-ta-ma [r]i-gi-im a-me-lu- 
 
 te 
 [eli r]ig(ri-g[i)]-me-[si-n]a at- 
 
 ta-a-(di-ir)dir 
 [izzakar ina] fyu-[bu]-ri-si-na la 
 
 i-sa-ba-ta ni-si-tu 
 
 [Concerning] their clamor he be- 
 came troubled. 
 
 [He spoke in] their assemblage to 
 those untouched [by the deso- 
 lations]. 
 [Bnlil) held [his] assembly. 
 [He sa]id to the gods his children, 
 
 Those observing the clamor of 
 men: 
 
 [Concerning] their clamor I am 
 troubled. 
 
 [He said in] their assemblage to 
 those untouched by the desola- 
 tions. 
 
 [Enlil] held his assembly; he 
 speaks to the gods his children. 
 
 [En-lil] il-ta-kan pu-hur-su: 
 
 izakkara a-na ildni mei mare meS - 
 
 su 
 ra me-e-ta as-ku-na-si- I will put them to death. 
 
 na-ti 
 
I AN ANCIENT HEBREW DELUGE STORY 
 
 17 
 
 [nis$] la im-im-ta-a a-na sa pa-na 
 irta-at-ra 
 
 40 [eli] rig-me-si-na at-ta-a-dir 
 
 [izzakar ina] fyu-bu-ri-si-na la i- 
 sa-ta ni-si-tu 
 
 [lip-par] -sa-ma a-na ni-se-e ti-ta 
 
 [i-n]a kar-si-si-na li-me-su sam- 
 mu 
 
 [e]Us d Adad zu-un-na-su lu-sa- 
 qir 
 45 [li-is]-sa-kir sap-lis ia is-sa-a me- 
 lu i-na na-aq-bi 
 
 [l]i-sur eqlu is-pi-ki-e-su 
 [l]i-iii-' irtu sa d Nisaba : musa- 
 ii mei lip-su-u ugdre meS 
 
 seru pal-ku-u lu-li-id id-ra-nu 
 [li]-bal-kat ki-ri-im-sa : sam-mu 
 ia u-sa-a su-u- ia i-'-ru 
 
 50 [li]s-sa-kin-ma a-na nise meS a-sa- 
 ku 
 [remu] lu-ku-sur-ma ia u-se-sir 
 
 sir-ra 
 ip-[par-s]u a-na ni-se-e ti-ta 
 
 i-na kar-si-si-na e-me-su sam-mu 
 
 e-lis d Adad zu-un-na-su u-sa-qir 
 55 is-sa-kir sap-lis ul is-sa-a me-lu 
 ina na-aq-bi 
 
 is-sur eqlu is-pi-ki-su 
 i-ni-' irtu sa d Nisaba: musati meS 
 ip-su-u ugdrS meS 
 
 [The people] have not become 
 less; they are more numerous 
 than before. 
 
 [Concerning] their clamor I am 
 troubled. 
 
 [He said in] their assemblage to 
 those untouched by the desola- 
 tions : 
 
 Let the fig tree for the people be 
 [cut off.] 
 
 [I]n their bellies let the plant be 
 wanting. 
 
 Above, let Adad make his rain 
 scarce. 
 
 Below let (the fountain of the 
 deep) be stopped that the flood 
 rise not at the source. 
 
 Let the field withhold its fertility. 
 
 Let a change come over the bosom 
 of Nisaba ; by night let the fields 
 become white. 
 
 Let the wide field bear weeds ( 1). 
 
 Let her bosom revolt, that the 
 plant come not forth, that the 
 sheep become not pregnant. 
 
 Let calamity be placed upon the 
 people. 
 
 Let the [womb] be closed, that it 
 bring forth no infant. 
 The fig tree was cut [off] for the 
 
 people. 
 In their bellies, the plant was want- 
 ing. 
 
 Above, Adad made scarce his rain. 
 
 Below (the fountain of the deep) 
 was stopped, that the flood rose 
 not at the source. 
 
 The field withheld its fertility. 
 
 A change came over the bosom of 
 Nisaba; the fields by night be- 
 came white. 
 
18 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES ■ RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 seru pal-ku-u u-U-id id-ra-na: The wide field bore weeds ( ?) ; her 
 
 ib-bal-kat ki-ri-im-sa womb revolted. 
 
 sam-mu ul u-sa-a su-u ul i'-ru The plant came not forth; the 
 
 sheep did not become pregnant. 
 
 The critical historical study of the late redactor's work is com- 
 paratively easy in this instance, because we have an original from 
 which his work has descended. In the thirteen hundred years 
 many copyists and redactors had doubtless taken part in trans- 
 mitting the legend. How many times the text had been re-copied 
 during the two or three thousand years of its history prior to 
 the time the present early version was inscribed, cannot be sur- 
 mised. 
 
 This old version contains absolutely nothing to suggest the idea 
 that it had originally been written in Sumerian. On the contrary, 
 it is clearly evident that it is of Amorite origin. Not only are 
 the hero and the deities Amorite, but also certain words, which 
 were not in current use in Akkadian. 
 
 One of the most striking Amorite words in the text is huburu 
 (line 4), which also is found in the redaction. This has been left 
 untranslated in all the translations known to the writer except one, 
 where the meaning "totalite" is given. The word unquestionably 
 is "West Semitic, and means "assemblage, association." 11 It is 
 found also in the Creation Story, in ummu hubur "mother of the 
 assembly (or association)" 12 of gods, the title of Tiamat, "the 
 mother of them all" (muallidat gimrisun), who was of West Semi- 
 tic origin. 13 The redactor, fearing the word would not be under- 
 stood by his Assyrian readers, inserted a line which follows in his 
 transcription, reading "[En]-lil established his assembly"; in 
 which he used the regular Assyrian word for "assembly" (puhru). 
 
 The root of it-ta-ah-da-ar (A, 4) is not found in Akkadian^ but 
 it is in Hebrew, in 'adar "to be absent, to be lacking;" in which 
 
 11 See notes beneath the transliteration in the Appendix. 
 
 12 King read it as a name ummu hubur; see Seven Tablets of Creation, p. 17. Zimmern 
 translated hubur "Tiefe, Totenreich" EAT 3 642 f; Jensen translated "Die Mutter des 
 Nordens" KB VI 1, p. 7, and suggested other possibilities, as "fowl*, Getose, Stinde, 
 Gesamtheit" pp. 308 and 541; TJngnad "Mutter Hubur" ATB I 9; and Ebeling "Die 
 Mutter der Tiefe" Altorientalische Texte und Untersuchungen II 4, p. 22. 
 
 " See Clay Amurru the Home of the Northern Semites 49 f. 
 
I AN ANCIENT HEBREW DELUGE STORY 19 
 
 language the verbal forms occur also in the Niphal, see 2 Sam., 
 17 : 26, Isaiah 40 : 26, etc. Apparently the redactor did not under- 
 stand the word, for he changed the sense, and wrote in his para- 
 phrase "Concerning their clamor he was troubled" (ittadir) (B, 
 III: 2). 
 
 The word iq-ta-ab-ta (A. 7) does not occur in Akkadian; it 
 is Amorite. In Ethiopic and Aramaic, 'aqab means " to observe, 
 mark," etc. It is found in Hebrew with the meaning " to follow 
 at the heel. ' ' 
 
 The word ma-si-it-ta "desolations" (A, 8) is Hebrew; see 
 Job 30 : 3 ; Psalm 74 : 3, etc. In the redaction, the word used is 
 ni-si-tu. This also is Hebrew (see Psalm 88: 13). 
 
 A very striking and important proof that the original story was 
 Amorite or Hebrew is to be seen in the use of the word te-i-na 
 (A, 9), which is the Hebrew word for "fig tree." This the early 
 redactors had allowed to stand, but a later scribe, feeling that 
 this would not be understood in his country where the fig was 
 practically unknown, replaced the Hebrew word te-i-na with ti-ta, 
 the Babylonian word for "fig tree. ' ' In Babylonian and Assyrian 
 literature the word titu or ttttu is little more than known. In 
 Hebrew literature, as in the present text, the word "fig tree" is 
 synonymous with "prosperity." It was not in Babylonia nor in 
 Assyria that man "dwelt under" and ate "every one of his fig 
 tree," but in Syria (see Mic. 4: 4; Is. 36: 16, etc.). 
 
 Owing to the injury of the tablet it is not possible to say that su 
 (A, 11), translated "flock," is not the pronominal suffix, but the 
 word su which does occur in the redactor's paraphrase, is another 
 Hebrew word meaning "flock, sheep," which is frequently found 
 in the Old Testament. 
 
 In li-sa-aq-ti-il (A, 11) is to be seen an Amorite word which had 
 not been used in Akkadian. Whether the redactor understood its 
 meaning, we do not know; but he changed the wording; and he 
 also condensed the six lines of the original which follow (A, 12 
 to 16) into one line (see B, II: 30 and III: 45). Not only do we 
 find lisaqtil instead of lusaqtil, but note also limtanni, listarriq, 
 lisasnm, and perhaps also Herri and imassid. This probably is 
 a peculiarity of the early Amorite language in which the legend 
 had been written. 
 
20 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES • RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 In line 12 the word hibis indicates that a previous tablet had 
 been injured. The words [i]a [li]-il-li-ha " let not flow " are 
 preserved at the end of the line. Probably the words e-na-ta 
 ta-ma-ta "fountains of the deep," as in Genesis 7: 11, stood in the 
 original, and an Akkadian scribe who lived in Babylonia, a land 
 where springs are unknown, being in doubt as to the reading, wrote 
 hibis, "injured." 
 
 The root of li-e-ir-ri (A, 15) is doubtless to be found in Hebrew 
 in the common yarah " to throw, hurl." This root was not in 
 current use in Babylonia. 
 
 The root of li-im-tctr-an-ni-ma (A, 16), is evidently the familiar 
 Hebrew mana' "to withhold, to hold back," used in connection 
 with rain, Amos 4: 7; of "showers," Jer. 3: 3, etc., but the root 
 was not in current use in Babylonia. 
 
 If we had no other data to show that Nisaba (A, 19), the goddess 
 of fertility, is Amorite, this passage would be sufficient; but we 
 have. Naturally no one would question that Adad is the Amorite 
 Hadad. And there can be no doubt, but that Ea also had his origin 
 in the West. 15 
 
 These words are all found in the first nineteen lines of the text. 
 Naturally the words currently used in Babylonia, as well as in 
 Amurru, are not discussed. It is to be noted that the hero, Atra- 
 hasis, bears an Amorite name. 16 The fact that the determinative 
 
 "Scholars generally agree that Adad (dIM) and Nisaba are West Semitic On Ea as 
 an Amorite god, see Chiera Lists of Personal Names p. 39 f.; and Clay Empire of the 
 Amorites p. 175. 
 
 M This name is generally considered to be two words meaning ' ' exceedingly wise, " " the 
 very wise one. ' ' While the Babylonians used it as synonymous with these words, it was 
 nevertheless a personal name, and this does not seem to have been its original meaning. 
 Names compounded with Atar and Attar, also written Atra, Atram, with and without the 
 determination, are numerous among West Semitic names, ef. Atar-bi'di {-idri, -gdbri, 
 -sUvri, -mUri, -hammu, -qarnu, etc.), see Tallqvist APN 252 and NBN 231. The Baby- 
 lonians in making use of these West Semitic legends, having their own word atru, 
 meaning "surplus," "abundant," made an etymological play upon the name, as was 
 done so frequently in the O. T., interpreting it in their own legends as being synonymous 
 with "very wise," as is done in the Etana and Adapu Epics. It will be noticed that in 
 the Adapa fragment discussed below, the word At-ra-ha-si-sa is not written grammatically 
 as two words in the sentence, but is looked upon as a name, synonymous with the idea 
 "clever one." The same is true in the Etana Legend (KB VI 1 106: 39), where A-tar- 
 ha-si-sa is in apposition with ad-mu siAh-ru, which is in the nominative case. 
 
I AN ANCIENT HEBREW DELUGE STORY 21 
 
 for man is placed before it, especially in this early period, makes 
 it impossible to regard it here as being an epithet for a hero bear- 
 ing another name. 
 
 These facts and others which follow, especially those in con- 
 nection with the name Ilu "God" for the chief deity's name in this 
 legend, prove conclusively that this was originally a Hebrew or 
 Amorite Deluge Story. 
 
 If this is an Amorite legend we would expect to find also in the 
 work of the late redactor or glossarist, Amorite words which had 
 not been adopted by the Semitic Babylonians ; and in this we are 
 not disappointed. A comparison of the two texts shows how the 
 redactor inserted glosses or parallel phrases in connection with 
 huburisina, iqtabta, etc., and as we already have seen, how he 
 replaced the Hebrew teina with the Babylonian titu, and used the 
 Hebrew word su "flock." The following, however, will show that 
 all the Hebrew or Amorite words had not been eliminated in the 
 thirteen hundred years which intervened between the dates when 
 the two tablets were written. 
 
 The word si-ba-ni-it "treasures" (B, 1 : 33), is Amorite from the 
 root sapan "to hide, to treasure." This root is not in current use 
 in Akkadian. 
 
 The words a-na pat-te (B, I: 36) do not mean "aussitot," nor 
 is the reading a-na kurmate "for food" correct; but pat-te is the 
 Hebrew word pat in the plural, meaning "morsels;" and the 
 sentence reads "they prepare the child for morsels." This being 
 a word foreign to the Akkadians, the redactor wrote the gloss 
 which precedes, ' ' They prepare the daughter for a meal. ' ' 
 
 The ma at the beginning of B, I: 43 ma-bel mati has been left 
 wholly unaccounted for in all the translations. This is the Hebrew 
 waw conjunctive. 
 
 The word i-ri-ha-ma (B. 11:50) is not Akkadian but Amorite. 
 The word 'aruhah "meal, food," is found several times in the 
 Old Testament, see Jer. 40 : 5, etc. 
 
 The word la-su (B, II: 56) has been construed by all the 
 translators as the negative particle, three of whom, recognizing 
 the difficulty, added a question mark to their conjectural translation 
 of it; but la-su is the Amorite inseparable preposition with the 
 
22 
 
 YALE ORIENTAL SEEIES ■ RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 pronominal suffix, meaning "to him." The redactor glossed la-su 
 with the Akkadian word it-ti-su which precedes. 14 In the passage 
 which is exactly parallel (B, III: 20), it is omitted. 
 
 The word i-sa-ba-ta (B. Ill: 3), translated as if Akkadian from 
 the root sabatu "to take," makes an insurmountable difficulty; 
 but considering that it is from the Hebrew root ' asab "to grieve," 
 see Isaiah 54: 6; I Chron. 4: 10, etc., the difficulty disappears. 14 
 
 The word ni-si-tu "desolation" (B, 111:3), as referred to above 
 in connection with ma-si-it-ta of the ancient version, is Amorite. 
 
 The me which follows Atra-hasis (B, III: 29) is not an enclitic 
 or emphatic particle attached to that name, but the Hebrew waw 
 consecutive. 14 The fact that me is written instead of ma may 
 probably be due to compensative lengthening as in Hebrew. 
 
 There are other Amorite words in the late text which are dis- 
 cussed in the foot notes of the transliteration and translation. 
 
 The study of the late redaction also shows that it goes back to 
 a Hebrew or Amorite original. In no other way can the Hebrew 
 words found in its composition be explained. 
 
 The legend had been Akkadianized before the early text was 
 written, in 1966 B. C. In the long period which preceded it had 
 suffered many changes when redactors had made the original 
 Amorite text conform to the dialect in current use in Babylonia; 
 fortunately, as we have seen, all the words peculiar to the West 
 had not been eliminated. We see how this process went on in the 
 writing of personal names of those coming fresh from the West 
 in the Hammurabi period; for example, names like Ishbi-Urra, 
 Ishme-Dagan etc., had become Akkadianized, but on the arrival 
 from the West of others bearing those names, we find that they 
 were written Yashbi-Urra, Yashme-Dagan, etc. Even the position 
 of the verbs in the sentence had suffered changes ; for while they 
 are frequently found at the beginning, as in Hebrew, they are also 
 found placed at the end, or indifferently in the sentence, as is the 
 case in Akkadian. 
 
 The story of the deluge, as contained in the Gilgamesh Epic, 
 certain scholars maintain, embraces elements of more than one 
 tradition. They say Um-napishtim is the hero of the epic, yet it 
 
 " See notes 'beneath the word in the transliteration in the Appendix. 
 
I AN ANCIENT HEBREW DELUGE STORY 23 
 
 nevertheless also refers to Atra-hasis. This has prompted some 
 scholars to identify him with Um-napishtim, while others consider 
 that, as has already been noted, in this late story the name Atra- 
 hasis is used as a synonym for "a very wise man," as is the case in 
 several of the epics. However, it seems to the writer that the 
 situation is entirely misunderstood. As stated above (foot note 
 16) Atra-hasis is a personal name. The passage, "the wise one, 
 Atra-hasis ' ' (B, III : 17) , could hardly be translated ' ' the wise one, 
 the very wise ;" and it doubtless shows also where the later etymol- 
 ogists got their idea for their play upon the name. In all the 
 versions except the Sumerian the hero's name is Atra-hasis. 
 After the flood he was given a title. Although not fully under- 
 stood it is Um(ov Uta)-napishtim ruqim (rigam, also ina ruqi), 
 which in the Sumerian paraphrase is written Zi-ii-suddu. This 
 title has been variously translated: "He who lengthened the days 
 of life," "He who made life long of days," etc. Certainly this is 
 not a personal name, which fact the Gilgamesh Story fully recog- 
 nizes. "When Ea (in the Gilgamesh Story E, 196) tells the gods 
 how the hero learned that the flood would occur, he does not say, 
 ' ' I made Um-napishtim see a dream ; ' ' for at that time he had not 
 been thus designated; but Ea says "I made Atra-hasis see a 
 dream. ' ' That was his name ; he had not yet earned the title. In 
 short, this is no confusion of names, as some have inferred, but 
 an exact statement. And the use of the title instead of the name 
 in the Sumerian paraphrase is a proof that it is borrowed from the 
 Semitic legend. 
 
 The writer has previously maintained, simply on a basis of the 
 personal names found in the Gilgamesh Epic story, that it is 
 largely from a Hebrew or Amorite original. Let us inquire 
 whether a study of the language used in its composition will betray 
 its original source. 
 
 The first Hebrew word to be noted in the Gilgamesh Epic story 
 is nisirtu "secret," (E, 9). This word, as far as known to the 
 writer, was not in current use in Akkadian ; but the Hebrew word 
 meaning "hidden thing" from this root is known in the Old Testa- 
 ment (see Isaiah 48: 6, etc.). 
 
 The word for part of the boat called lctr-an (E, 60), which was 
 
24 TALE ORIENTAL SERIES ■ RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 the "hull" or "bottom," is Hebrew from the root lun "to lodge," 
 doubtless, because there is where the people lodged. 
 
 The word used for "the roof" of the boat, namely sa-a-si 
 (E, 60), is Amorite (see note in Appendix). 
 
 The word qiru, used for the outside wall of the ship (E, 66) , is not 
 Akkadian, but it is the common word for "wall" in Hebrew. 
 
 The word smsullu "basket" (E, 68) was not used in Akkadian 
 but it is found in Hebrew, see Jer. 6 : 9. 
 
 The root of u-pa-as-si-ru (E, 70) is the common Hebrew basar 
 "to gather, gather in, enclose." 
 
 The root of the word e-si-en-si "I loaded it" (E, 81) is found in 
 all the Semitic languages except the Akkadian dialect. In Isaiah 
 33: 20 we have reference to "a tent that shall not be moved," 
 i. e., "loaded." 
 
 In pi-hi-i (E, 95) is to be seen the common Hebrew word pehah 
 "governor," which was not in current use in Akkadian. 
 
 The word ha-aia-al-ti has been translated "army" (E, 131), 
 but this is Amorite ; it is not found in Akkadian. 
 
 Where one text reads u-mu (E, 133) the variant text reads 
 ta-ma-ta. The former word has been translated "day," and the 
 latter "sea." Certainly umu is the Hebrew yam "sea," as the 
 context and the variant clearly show. 
 
 The word na-a-si (E, 142) is not Akkadian ; it is from the Hebrew 
 root nus "to escape." 
 
 There are other Hebrew words discussed in the notes beneath 
 the translations, some of which are tentatively offered, while others 
 are reasonably certain. There are also glosses. Doubtless, fur- 
 ther study will reveal more which were rarely, if ever, used in 
 Akkadian. If the TJm-napishtim story was originally written 
 in Sumerian, or even in Akkadian, certainly it becomes necessary 
 to explain how these foreign Hebrew words, even in this late version 
 of the Assyrian period, came to be used in the Epic. 
 
 It is the writer's opinion that no other conclusion can be arrived 
 at but that this deluge story, which probably embraces some 
 elements indigenous to Babylonia, was mainly an Amorite legend 
 which the Semites from Amurru brought with them from the West. 
 
 Since we know that other peoples of the early period had deluge 
 
I AN ANCIENT HEBREW DELUGE STORY 25 
 
 stories, it would be precarious to say that the Sumerians and the 
 Babylonians did not have their own, especially as this land must 
 have suffered even more than others, and because this legend 
 refers to Shurippak. But with this exception there is nothing 
 in the Grilgamesh Epic story that can be said to be distinctively 
 Babylonian. Even the word translated "reed hut" is very proba- 
 bly an archaic West Semitic word. 17 And on the other hand, there 
 are, as we have seen, a number of Hebrew words used in the Epic, 
 which were not current in Babylonia ; which together with other 
 facts show that the story is mainly Amorite. Moreover, it is not 
 at all improbable that the reference to Dilmun in the Sumerian 
 version, if that name is to be identified with the region of the 
 Persian Gulf, is also a part of the local coloring the legend received 
 after it was brought into Babylonia. 
 
 Since it has been shown that the Sumerian story, whose hero 
 was named Zi-ii-suddu, is connected with the Um-napishtim story 
 and that it was probably written at a time when Sumerian as a 
 spoken language had survived in a more or less corrupt style, some 
 time between 2300 and 1300 B. C., 18 it seems, in light of the above, 
 until other evidence is forthcoming, the only conclusion at which 
 we can arrive is that it must be regarded as a short paraphrase of 
 the Amorite story, which may include some features of a Sumerian 
 tradition. It has even taken over the Akkadian word puhru; 
 which, as we have seen, had displaced the Amorite huburu. 
 
 The fact that Sumerian was used for official communications, for 
 legal documents, as well as for literature in general, in certain 
 Babylonian cities in the latter half of the third millennium B. C, 
 makes it possible to understand why such very ancient stories, 
 which had been brought into Babylonia from Amurru, should also 
 be found written in Sumerian. Nearly every inscription from Nip- 
 pur of this period is written in Sumerian. It was the legal and 
 liturgical language. In some of the neighboring cities it was not 
 so; for example, Sippara; whence probably came the ancient 
 version of the Amorite Atra-hasis Epic. This city was pre- 
 eminently Semitic. 
 
 17 See note under E, 20. 
 
 ,e Poebel Historical Texts 66 f . 
 
26 
 
 TALE ORIENTAL SEEIES • RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 It has been claimed that the little Semitic fragment, containing 
 thirteen partially preserved lines, now in the Museum of the Uni- 
 versity of Pennsylvania, was originally written in Sumerian, and 
 that it was brought to Canaan at the time Abraham "left his home 
 on the Euphrates and moved westward." But the few lines of 
 this supposed Sumerian story are full of Hebrew words which were 
 not in current use in Akkadian. 
 
 The word ub-bu-ku "overthrow" (F, 5) has not as yet been 
 found in either language ; but it is from the very common Hebrew 
 root meaning "to overthrow," which root, excepting two sub- 
 stantives, was not in current use in Akkadian. 
 
 Instead of reading lu-pu-ut-tu hu-ru-su "destruction, annihila- 
 tion" (F, 5), the present writer prefers to read lu-pu-ut-tu hu-ru-su 
 ' ' verily give attention to silence. ' ' The root of the latter in Hebrew 
 means "to be silent, to be speechless." In other words, the hero 
 is told of the proposed flood, to keep silence, and to build a ship. 
 
 The word ga-be-e "high" or "height" (F, 7) is found in 
 Hebrew, Arabic, and Aramaic ; but not in Akkadian. 
 
 Instead of ba-bil (F, 8) the reading is ma-sum-sa "and its 
 name;" this contains the Amorite waw conjunctive. 
 
 Certainly it must be admitted that it seems strange that the 
 Akkadian translator of this supposed Sumerian story should have 
 used so many Hebrew words which were not in current use in 
 Babylonia, in making the translation of these few lines into 
 Akkadian. 
 
 The writer fully appreciates the fact that at any time cuneiform 
 inscriptions may be found in Babylonia which will contain examples 
 of these Hebrew words other than those already known ; because 
 of the flow of Western Semites in nearly all periods into this land ; 
 nevertheless, it will be possible to continue to maintain that they 
 were not in current use in the Akkadian dialect. 
 
 Nearly all scholars who have published discussions of the Bibli- 
 cal deluge traditions in recent years have conceded that they are 
 of Babylonian origin. This view can be said to have been very 
 generally accepted by scholars. Some hold that these stories were 
 brought from Babylonia to Canaan by Abraham ; others say that 
 they were transmitted to the West in the Amarna period, but the 
 
I AN ANCIENT HEBREW DELUGE STOKT 27 
 
 great majority of scholars hold that knowledge of them was 
 obtained in Babylonia at the time of the exile. Two arguments 
 are generally advanced for this position ; the one is, the great age 
 of Babylonian civilization, which involved the idea that civilization 
 in the "West had only developed a little before 2000 B. C, by Arabs 
 from Arabia; and the other argument is based on the frequency 
 of inundations in Babylonia, which gave rise to these so-called 
 nature myths. 
 
 In 1909 the present writer endeavored to show that the Baby- 
 lonian origin of the Biblical deluge stories was without any founda- 
 tion ; but that they were indigenous to the West ; and that, on the 
 other hand, the Babylonian story of the deluge, as preserved in 
 the Gilgamesh Epic, contained West-Semitic elements; showing 
 that no other conclusion could be arrived at, but that extensive 
 influences had been felt from Amurru. 19 The arguments for these 
 views were based almost entirely upon such literary evidence as 
 the names of the gods, who are mentioned in the story, as being 
 Amorite, as well as the name of the pilot of the ship, Buzur- 
 Amurru. 20 In the above discussion additional proof is offered 
 from a linguistic point of view for this thesis. 
 
 These discoveries show that there is no need to find the origin 
 of the Biblical stories in Babylonia, because of the theory that 
 the West in the early period did not have an indigenous literature, 
 and did not have a civilization. The present version, and other 
 data presented in the discussion in another chapter, forever dis- 
 prove this hypothesis ; and require its abandonment. Moreover, it 
 is necessary that a general readjustment be made of views 
 advanced by Pan-Babylonists, and Pan-Egypto-Babylonists, whose 
 positions have been based upon the supposed Arabic origin of the 
 Semites in Amurru; and upon the supposedly late rise and 
 development of civilization in that land. 
 
 The discoveries made since 1909, when the present writer 
 first contested this position, clearly show that we have reasons 
 for believing that the civilization of the Western Semites syn- 
 chronizes with the earliest that has been found in Babylonia and 
 
 19 Clay Amurru the Home of the Northern Semites 71 ff. 
 
 20 On the name Buzur- Amurru see Clay Amurru 82. 
 
28 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES ■ RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 Egypt. More recently the writer has shown also that the theory 
 must be abandoned that the so-called Egypto-Babylonian culture 
 brought forth the earliest civilization in the thousand years between 
 four thousand and three thousand B. C, while all the rest of the 
 world continued to live in stone age barbarism or savagery ; 21 for 
 there is every reason to believe that in Amurru, with its natural 
 agricultural districts over wide-spread areas such as those about 
 Hit, Aleppo, Haran, etc., with its wonderfully wooded districts, as 
 in the Lebanon region, with its mines and natural products, which 
 in ancient times, as at present, have been so attractive for other 
 peoples; and also in Elam, with its valleys so well adapted for 
 agriculture, with its hills for grazing, its quarries for stone, its 
 mines for metal, and its forests for wood ; as well as in other lands 
 in Asia, man throve before the time when through intelligence 
 and labor, it was possible for him to control the annual floods in 
 alluvial Babylonia, and dwell there. And further, if the Egyptian 
 chronology of the Berlin School is correct, there is every reason 
 to believe that in Syria there was a civilization which greatly 
 antedated the Egyptian ; 22 for, as will be seen, we now have addi- 
 tional discoveries that prove beyond doubt that civilization in Syria 
 has as great an antiquity as in Babylonia. The importance of this 
 will be readily recognized, in connection with the discovery of the 
 Hebrew or Amorite Deluge Legend ; in that it furnishes us with the 
 background for the civilization to which it belonged; and it also 
 makes it appear more reasonable that the Biblical legends of the 
 deluge could be indigenous. 
 
 There is another very important fact which the old version has 
 revealed, and that is the occurrence of I-lu "God," in the title of 
 the series, as well as in the text, for the foremost deity's name. 
 This title was originally incorrectly read Inuma §allu awelum, 
 and since translated many times ' ' when a man lay down to sleep ' ' ; 
 but I-lu is perfectly clear on the tablet, in the legend's context 
 and in the colophon. Ilu ' ' God" here takes the place of AN in the 
 early Semitic and Sumerian texts, and of Ann of later texts. The 
 ideogram AN in the early period in nearly all such connections 
 has been generally read Anu or Ana. 
 
 21 Breasted Scientific Monthly 1919, p. 577. 
 
 22 Clay Journal of the American Oriental Society 41 241 fl. 
 
I AN ANCIENT HEBREW DELUGE STORY <J9 
 
 It is well known that the god whose name was written with the 
 sign AN "god," was the highest of the gods; who had created 
 mankind; and who was worshipped as the supreme ruler of the 
 universe. In the text here published, we learn that the Western 
 Semites in this early period called the Godhead I-lu, or El "God," 
 the same as in the Old Testament; and there can be little doubt 
 but that in the early period, the Akkadians did the same. 
 
 It is not impossible that the Sumerians, before they came to 
 Babylonia, called their foremost deity Ana or Anna; but there 
 is no proof for this. To the writer it seems more probable that 
 after they had conquered the land, and created or furnished the 
 people with the cuneiform syllabary, they wrote AN, which in their 
 language meant "heaven," as well as dingir "god," for the name 
 of the most high god of the Semites, namely Ilu. Certainly in the 
 early syllabaries (see below), AN represented Ilu. In time AN 
 became Semitized into Ann, in the same way that En-lil "lord of 
 the storm" became Ellil. It is also not improbable that the West 
 Semitic Anu-Ilu, whose influence was so extensively felt in the 
 West, even in Egypt, is the origin of the Erechian Anu. 23 More- 
 over, we know for a certainty that while Anu of Erech later gen- 
 erally replaced Hu, this fact was fully appreciated by later genera- 
 tions when they used Anu and Antu with the generic sense of 
 "god" and "goddess." 
 
 This explanation of the origin of Anu or Anu(m), also written 
 Annum, and in Sumerian texts An and An-na, and the fact that 
 Anu had the meaning "god," which was pointed out many years 
 ago, gives us reasons why the Erechian Anu "the creator," "the 
 father of the gods," was never displaced as the head of the 
 pantheon. And it seems that these reasons satisfactorily account 
 for the name being written without the determinative for deity, 
 even after the ideogram AN had become Babylonized into A-num, 
 as is the case in the "Old Babylonian Version of the Gilgamesh 
 Epic"; where, except A-num, all the gods, even the heroes, have 
 the determinative. This can only mean that Anu at that time 
 meant "god." And although the Babylonian word or name Anu 
 "god" had its origin in the Amorite word or name Ilu, the deity 
 
 " See Clay Empire of the Amorites, 168 f. 
 
30 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES • RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 designated by these words or names in time became quite distinct. 
 This becomes apparent especially in periods when fresh migrations 
 from the homeland take place. 
 
 The reading Anu for AN in the initial line of the Hammurabi 
 Code is being very generally adopted ; but it is a mistake. 2 * When 
 Anu of Erech is referred to in the Code, his name is written 
 Anum(-num), 25 whereas the chief deity's name, "the father of 
 the gods," who together with Ellil, as Hammurabi says, "raised 
 the towers of Babylon," is written Ilu(AN). 26 This clear-cut dis- 
 tinction must be recognized. Moreover, the present text containing 
 ilu, as well as the hundreds of personal names belonging to this 
 early period compounded with ilu, and other facts, clearly show 
 that the Western Semites, as well as the early Akkadians, used the 
 word ilu "God" to represent their creator and supreme ruler. 
 Naturally, this fully confirms the impression we get from the Old 
 Testament, that the Semites, in the land called Amurru by the 
 Babylonians, which included Aram, used the word il(u) or el{u) 
 to designate their most high god, their El Elyon. 27 
 
 Ea was not a Sumerian god, but the second in the Amorite 
 triad, Ilu, Ea and Adad. His name was written phonetically 
 d E-a, and ideographically d En-Ki "lord of the land," because he 
 was Ba'al, so well known to us in the inscriptions of the West, 
 including the Old Testament. While Hu was supreme, Ea was 
 the lord of the earth, of the rivers, of the springs, of the wells, and 
 of the waters beneath the earth. It was only after the Semites 
 had carried his worship to the southern part of the great alluvium, 
 where a temple was erected for him at Eridu on the sea, that 
 his cult took on the peculiar Babylonian aspect with which we 
 are so familiar. In this alluvium, wells are dug, but springs of the 
 
 " Seheil originally read ilu. He was followed by Peiser, Winckler, Pinches, and others; 
 but since Harper read Anu, not a few have followed this reading. Throughout the Code, 
 ilu is used for "the god." Did the codifier in the body of the laws avoid the use of 
 Marduk or Shamash, the god of laws, so that his code would be acceptable in places 
 where these deities were not worshipped; or does not the use of ilu show rather the West 
 Semitic origin of the Code? 
 
 25 See 2: 46; and 44: 51. 
 
 "Seel:!; 1:31; 40:64; 42:45. 
 
 27 Cf. the important contribution on the subject, Hehn Die Biblische und die Baby- 
 lonische Gotteside 150 ff. 
 
I AN ANCIENT HEBREW DELUGE STORY 31 
 
 earth are unknown. The rivers and the rain alone bring fertility 
 to the soil. Ea having presided over the waters of the earth 
 naturally became in Eridu the god of the deep and of the rivers. 
 But this is a local and a late conception of Ea, the great Amorite 
 Ba'al. Simply because excavations have been conducted in Baby- 
 lonia where the almost imperishable clay tablets have been 
 recovered in such masses, and in Amurru little or nothing of this 
 kind has as yet been done, where also the perishable papyrus and 
 skin was used so extensively for writing material, is responsible 
 for the faulty conception that exists at present not only of the god 
 Ea, but of the entire historical situation prior to the time of 
 Hammurabi. 
 
 Adad, the god of the elements, usually called the "storm god," 
 is Hadad of Amurru, the third of the early triad. At a very 
 early time his worship was brought into Babylonia. It is gener- 
 ally conceded that he is an Amorite god, and that he had been 
 adopted as a member of the Babylonian pantheon. The ideogram 
 d IM read Adad, as is well known, stands for other names of the 
 storm-god, as Ramman, Amurru, Mar M , Mur, Sharu, etc. 
 
 At Nippur, the foremost deity was such a god as Adad. His 
 name was written ideographically d En-Lil, "the lord of the 
 storm ; ' ' which in time was used as his name, and even pronounced 
 Ellil. It is possible that the Sumerians, who at an early time 
 took possession of this city, also had a storm god ; but this cannot 
 be proved. The writer feels that d En-Lil was originally Adad. 
 In the Gilgamesh Epic, he instead of Adad is the destructive god ; 
 in other words he had supplanted him after Mppur became the 
 supreme city in the land. En-lil also displaced Ea, when he became 
 the bel mdtati, "lord of the lands ;" and thereafter he took the place 
 of Ea as the second god in the triad ; so that instead of Hu, Ea, 
 and Adad, the triad became Hu(AN), Enlil, and Ea. Later, when 
 Babylon became the centre of the hegemony, Enlil was displaced 
 by Marduk, the god of that city, who himself became the Ba'al, 
 or Bel. 
 
 This forcibly recalls the fact that a large name syllabary found 
 at Nippur, belonging to the early period, contains several groups 
 
 28 See Chiera 's important contribution on the subject, Lists of Personal Names 39 f . 
 
32 TALE ORIENTAL SEEIES • RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 of Semitic names compounded with those of Amorite gods. One 
 of these groups, occurring several times, contains AN, E-a and d IM, 
 and the other contains d Bagan, Ishtar and Gaga; while A Enlil, in 
 whose school of scribes the tablet was written, occurs only twice 
 among its several hundred names. 28 We have knowledge of cer- 
 tain syllabaries having been repeated for millenniums; and it is 
 not impossible that this particular one was originally written 
 prior to the time when Nippur's god became "the lord of lands"; 
 in other words, prior to the time when the foremost triad became 
 AN, Enlil, and Ea. Certainly we can understand why Ea, who 
 figures in the early myths and legends in a much higher position 
 and role than the storm-god Adad (or Enlil), originally followed 
 the foremost deity. Yes, even in the West Semitic creation myth, 
 Anu and Ea are the creators, while the storm-god, who is there 
 called Marduk, fights the great Tiamat. And we can also under- 
 stand how, subsequent to the time when Nippur's Enlil became 
 " lord of the lands," that god came to take the place of Ea next to 
 the most high god. Moreover, it seems that conclusive proof of 
 this position is to be found in the "Explanatory Lists of Gods." 
 In the most ancient (II R 59), Ilu (AN) is followed by Ea (and his 
 consort), and Enlil (and his consort). In the later and fuller lists, 
 which were also written in an early period, this order is maintained, 
 but Anu, and a consort Antu who was created by the force of 
 analogy, take the place of Ilu. 
 
 In consideration of all available data, it is reasonable to con- 
 jecture that this Amorite deluge story, which preserves the names 
 of the foremost original triad, goes back to a time as early as 
 4000 B. C. 
 
II 
 
 ANCIENT FRAGMENT OF THE ETANA LEGEND 
 
 Through, the discovery of dynastic lists and other historical data 
 the great antiquity of Babylonian civilization is now fully deter- 
 mined. We now have lists of rulers which carry us back to the 
 fifth millennium B. C. Instead of the earliest period known repre- 
 senting the beginning of civilization, there is every reason to 
 believe that millenniums of history, not of savagery, but of civilized 
 man, precede what we now know as the earliest ; and when syste- 
 matic excavations are conducted in Central Asia, in Asia Minor, 
 and in Syria, we shall have data whereby the gap between pre- 
 historic man of millenniums ago and man of the earliest historic 
 period will be considerably reduced. 
 
 In the Appendix will be found the reconstructed list of ruling 
 cities and kings. Excluding the two earliest dynasties, to the 
 reigns of which fabulous numbers of years are given, we find our- 
 selves at a period about 4000 B. C. (Others make the date earlier, 
 see below.) Etana belongs to the first of the two dynasties which 
 precede this period ; which ruled in the fifth millennium B. C. 
 
 The first eight names of the earliest dynasty, namely that of 
 Kish, are fragmentary, or are wanting. The first five that are 
 fully preserved are Semitic; and several of these, at least, are 
 unquestionably West Semitic. The fourth ruler, who has been 
 heretofore regarded as mythical, is Etana; he is now restored to 
 his place as a ruler. 
 
 It is generally understood that in certain Aryan lands gods 
 became men. Many scholars maintain that the same has occurred 
 with the Semites. They have said that Nimrod, the patriarchs, 
 and many other Biblical characters were originally deities, that 
 Etana, Lugal Marda, Tammuz, Gilgamesh and many other Baby- 
 lonian rulers had also descended from the realms of mythology. 
 Fortunately clay tablets, which are not so perishable as skins or 
 papyrus, have recently furnished us with the material whereby 
 some of the so-called deities are restored to their places in dynastic 
 
34 TALE ORIENTAL SERIES ■ RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 lists, and whereby it is possible to assert that it cannot be proved 
 that gods ever became mortals in the Semitic world. The order 
 must be exactly reversed. "While anthropomorphic ideas are 
 attributed to the deities, we have no instance of a Semitic god 
 becoming a man. 
 
 This fragment of an old version of the Etana Legend was written 
 about 2000 years earlier than the fragments found in the Library 
 of Ashurbanipal (668-626 B. C). It has also been previously 
 published. 1 It contains the opening and the closing lines of a large 
 tablet, which had three columns on the obverse and three on the 
 reverse. It seems to the writer that the complete tablet must have 
 contained about 275 lines. Among the fragments of the Epic 
 written in the Assyrian period there is one which duplicates 
 partially some lines of the present text. An outline of the legend 
 as now known from the different fragments follows : 2 
 
 The deity had deserted the city; and in consequence, anarchy 
 and confusion prevailed, and productivity ceased; the sheep no 
 longer bore young. The gods desiring to bring this state to an 
 end designated Ishtar to go to the rescue ; and Etana was installed 
 as king. About this time an Eagle and a Serpent formed an 
 alliance to carry on the work of destruction. Each, accompanied 
 by a brood, went to the mountain for prey ; each killed an animal ; 
 and then shared them with their broods. Although warned not to 
 do so by one of her offspring, the Eagle pounced upon and devoured 
 the young of the Serpent. The Serpent appealed to Shamash, 
 the god of justice, and was advised to conceal herself in the carcass 
 of a bull that they had slain, and when the Eagle swooped 
 down upon it, to seize and tear her to pieces. This was done, and 
 the Eagle was left to die in a hole in the mountain. The Eagle in 
 turn appealed to Shamash, promising eternal obedience if rescued. 
 Daily Etana also pleaded with Shamash to show him the "plant of 
 
 1 Seheil Becueil de Travaux 23, 18 ff. A transliteration and translation on the basis of 
 the same text was published by Jensen KB VI 1 100 ff, and 581 ff. See also Frank 
 Studien zur Babylonischen Religion 105 ff. 
 
 2 George Smith Chaldean Genesis 138 ff published the first three known fragments. 
 E. J. Harper published seven other fragments, BA II 441 ff., and 503 ff. Jastrow BA 
 III 379 ff, and JAOS 30, 101 ff, published two others. See also Jensen KB VI 1 100 ff. 
 For a discussion of all the fragments, see Jastrow JAOS 30, 101 ff. 
 
II ANCIENT FRAGMENT OF THE ETANA LEGEND 35 
 
 birth," that fertility might be restored. The god told him to seek 
 the hole in the mountain into which the Eagle had been thrown, 
 and there the plant would be shown him. Upon his arrival at the 
 hole the Eagle appealed to Etana for help, promising in return 
 to fly with him to the dwelling of the gods, probably with the idea 
 of obtaining immortality. Etana mounted upon the back of the 
 Eagle, and together they reached the heaven of Anu. The Eagle 
 urged Etana to proceed to the dwelling of Ishtar, the planet Venus ; 
 but after a flight of six hours, either through exhaustion or the 
 intervention of the goddess, a precipitous descent to the earth was 
 made. The fragmentary character of the end of the legend leaves 
 us in doubt whether or not it proved fatal. There can be little 
 question but that many details of the legend are still wanting, 
 as seems to be indicated by the art of the seal cylinders, depicting 
 the ascent. 8 
 
 The content of the beginning of the present text points to its 
 being the opening part of probably the second tablet of the series 
 which contained the legend. The closing lines refer to the resus- 
 citation of the Eagle at the mountain hole with the assistance 
 of Etana. Unfortunately the tablet did not contain a colophon. 
 The fact that the last column is not completely filled out, would 
 indicate that it was copied from a still earlier inscription. While 
 it is not impossible that the legend was originally written in 
 Sumerian, there is nothing in this ancient version to suggest that 
 this was the case. 
 
 The early dynastic lists of Babylonia, given in the Appendix, 
 show that Etana, "the shepherd," who lived in the fifth millennium 
 B. C, was an usurper, and became. the twelfth ruler of the first 
 dynasty of Kish, who "ruled all lands." 4 In the omen text dis- 
 cussed below, he is called "king." 
 
 The name Etana is West Semitic, as are several of the first 
 five rulers of the early Kish dynasty, which have been preserved. 
 In this fragment of the early version, besides the god Anu, only 
 the Anunnaki and the Sibitu are mentioned. In the late version 
 many other Semitic gods are referred to, some of whom may have 
 
 8 See Ward The Seal Cylinders of Western Asia, 142 ff. 
 4 See Poebel Historical Texts p. 88. 
 
36 TALE ORIENTAL SERIES ■ RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 been introduced in the later period. An interesting parallel to 
 this is the adding of Ishtar's name as one of the gods of Eanna in 
 the late redaction of the Gilgamesh Epic, whereas in the early 
 version, the temple Eanna is the dwelling place of Ami alone. 5 
 
 It is not impossible that the Etana Legend has an historical 
 background, as in the case of the Lugal Marda, the Gilgamesh, 
 and other epics (see below). As in the case of the so-called "Zu 
 bird," the Eagle and the Serpent may represent two powers which 
 were ravaging the lands, probably at a time when a famine pre- 
 vailed; and upon their having difficulties between themselves, 
 Etana aided the Eagle. His aspirations in connection with ruling 
 all lands, whereby he would become immortal, having been urged 
 and abetted by the Eagle, received a set-back; which allegorically 
 is told in the story of his ascent to heaven. The power represented 
 by the Eagle is probably to be identified with the "Zu bird" (see 
 below), to whom the Serpent refers as a "worker of evil" in his 
 address to the god Shamash. 6 The fact that the Serpent is told "to 
 take the road to the mountains, ' ' and that Etana found the Eagle in 
 a hole in the mountain, would show that the scene was not laid in 
 Babylonia, but in a mountainous district, probably the West. 
 
 The symbol of an invader of the following dynasty, whose name 
 was written Nin-Gish-Zidda in Sumerian, was the Serpent. The 
 well-known goblet of Gudea with the caduceus, which in a later 
 period was dedicated to this deified king ; the bas-relief depicting 
 this demi-god, who with heads of serpents protruding from his 
 shoulders is leading Gudea, as well as the seal of this great patesi, 7 
 clearly indicate that the serpent was the emblem of Nin-Gish- 
 Zidda. It is also not improbable that the title usumgal, which can 
 be translated "the great serpent," as well as "the great one," 
 so frequently used in connection with titles of Tammuz, the son 
 of Nin-Gish-Zidda, also refers to the Serpent. 
 
 The worship of the Serpent is very general in Elam, Egypt, 
 Phoenicia, Hatti, Persia, India, China, and Greece. Whether in 
 
 5 Cf . Jastrow-Clay An Old 'Babylonian Version of the Gelgamesh Epic p. 64 : 58 with 
 KB VI 1, 128: 37 etc. 
 
 "Cf. KB VI 1, 104: 13. This being true, the reference to Zu, the invader, being an 
 anachronism, was added in some late redaction. 
 
 * See Heuzey BA 5, 137, and Meyer Sumerier und Semiten in Babylonien Taf. VII. 
 
II ANCIENT FBAGMENT OF THE ETANA LEGEND 37 
 
 the early period it was so universal, or whether for the ancient 
 period additional information will show that it was merely local, 
 cannot he surmised. It would, therefore, seem precarious to say 
 more than that Tammuz and his father seem to have been identified 
 with a state the emblem of which was probably the Serpent (siru). 
 In this connection we must not lose sight of the Dragon Legend 
 (CT 13 33). It was after "the cities sighed" for relief when 
 "Tamtu the Serpent (siru)" was the oppressor, that d 8UH was 
 asked to stir up a cloud, a storm and a tempest, and by slaying the 
 Dragon "to deliver the broad land." No one seems to hold the 
 view that the name Tamtu is Sumerian ; and the writer feels that 
 he has already shown there can be no question but that it is West 
 Semitic (see Amurru 51ff). The Eagle probably also represented 
 a power in the West. The transliteration and translation of the 
 ancient fragment of the Etana Epic follow: 
 
 Rarbu-tum d Anunnaki (A-Nun-na) sa-i-mu si4m-tim 
 
 us-bu im-li-ku mi-li-ik sa ma-a-ta-am 
 
 ba-nu ki-ib-ra-tim sa-ki-nu si-ki4t-tim 
 
 si-ru a-na ni-si i-lu I-gi-gu 
 5 i-zi-nam a-na mi-si i-si-mu 
 
 sar-ra-am la is-ku-nu ka-lu ni-si e-bi-a-tim 
 
 i-na lim-me-tim la ka-as-ra-at ku-ub-sum me-a-nu 
 
 u fya-at-tu-um uk-ni-a-am la sa-ab-ra-at 
 
 la ba-nu-u is-ti-ni4s pa-ra-ak-ku 
 10 si-bi-te ba-bu ud-du-lu e-lu da-ap-nim 
 
 fya-at-tu-um me-a-nu-um ku-ub-sum u si-bi-ir-ru 
 
 ku-ud-mi-is A-ni-im i-na sa-ma-i sa-ak-nu 
 
 u-ul i-ba-as-si mi-it-lu-ku ni-si-sa 
 
 [sar]-ru-tum i-na sa-ma-i ur-da-am 
 
 i-si4 
 
 45 }},a-as-su is-ba-ta-am si-bi-e it ... 
 
 sa-am-na-am wa-ar-l^a-am u-si-te-ga su-ut4a-as-su 
 
 e-ru-H ma-fyi-ir u-ku-ul-ta-am ki-ma ni-si-im na-e-ri 
 
 e-mu-ga-am i-su 
 
 e-ru-um pa-a-su i-pu-sa-am-ma a-na E-ta-na-ma 
 iz-za-ga-ar-su 
 50 ib-ri lu-u it-ba-ra-nu a-na[-ku] u, at-ta 
 
 qi-bi-a-am-ma sa te-e-ir-ri-sa-an-ni lu-ud-di-ik-ma 
 
38 TALE ORIENTAL SERIES • RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 E4a-na pa-a-su i-pu-sa-am-ma a-na e-ri-im-ma 
 
 iz-za-ga-ar-su 
 i mi-, ,-ti ka-ti-im-ti. 
 
 The great Anunnaki who decide fate, 
 
 Sat down, took counsel concerning the land. 
 
 Builders of the quarters, the authors of nature, 
 
 The Igigi, being against the people, 
 5 Determined upon enmity for the people. 
 
 They established not a king ; they shut up the people in the dwellings. 
 
 In that time( ?) a headgear was not bound, a crown 
 
 And a sceptre of lapislazuli had not been possessed. 
 
 They had not built together a shrine. 
 10 The Sibitu locked the gates against the mighty. 
 
 The sceptre, crown, headgear, and staff, 
 
 As in former times, before Anu in the heavens was placed. 
 
 There is no counsel for its people. 
 
 The kingship has gone down from the heavens. 
 
 had .... 
 
 45 Took care ; on the seventh 
 
 On the eighth month he proceeded to his hole. 
 
 The eagle having received food, like a roaring lion 
 
 Became strong. 
 
 The eagle opened his mouth, and to Btana spoke to him : 
 50 'My friend, truly we are friends, I and thou. 
 
 Command, and when thou hast cured me, I will kill.' 
 
 Etana opened his mouth, and to the eagle spoke to him : 
 
 covered 
 
Ill 
 
 A FRAGMENT OF THE ADAPA LEGEND. 
 
 The third fragment contains a portion of the well-known Adapa 
 Legend ; but, unfortunately, it has not been possible as yet to deter- 
 mine in what period Adapa lived. 
 
 "What is known of the legend of Adapa is based upon several 
 fragmentary tablets which at one time belonged to the Library 
 of Ashurbanipal (668-626 B. C.), 1 including the present text, which 
 also had been published about twenty-five years ago, 2 and upon one 
 that was found among the Egyptian archives of Amenophis III 
 and IV, of the fourteenth century B. C. 3 The present text is from 
 a fragment which contains the first part of the legend. A brief 
 outline of the story follows, as it has been recovered up to the 
 present. 
 
 Adapa, a semi-divine seer, who was priest of the temple of 
 Ea, in Eridu, had been granted wisdom by his father, the god Ea, 
 but not eternal life. One day, in exercising one of the functions 
 of his office, namely fishing in the Persian Gulf, a sudden squall 
 from the south upset his boat. Angered at this, he broke the 
 wings of the south wind so that for seven days it did not blow 
 the cooling breezes of the sea over the land. In consequence 
 Adapa was summoned by the god Anu to appear before him in 
 heaven. Thereupon his father Ea told him how to excite the 
 sympathy of Gish-Zidda and Tammuz, two deified kings (see last 
 chapter), who stood at the portals of heaven. Being cautioned 
 by his father not to partake of the food and the drink that would 
 be set before him, he refused; but excess of caution was responsible 
 
 1 See K.8219, published by Strong PSBA 16, 274 f ; and K.&HZ, published by Jensen 
 KB VI 1, XVII ff. 
 
 8 This text, and its translation were originally published by Seheil, BecueU de Travaux 
 20 (1898), 127 ff. Zimmern from a photograph, in Gunkel Schopfung und Chaos 420 ff, 
 offered several improved readings. These were utilized by Jensen KB VI 1, 92 ff, as 
 well as by others. For other translations see TJngnad ATB I 34 ff ; Barton Archaeology 
 and the Bible 260 ff; and Rogers Cuneiform Parallels 67 ff. 
 
 8 See Winekler and Abel Thontafelfund von El-Amama No. 240 ; and Schroeder VS, 
 12, 194. For the transliteration and translation see Knudtzon Die El-Amarna Tafeln No. 
 356, p. 964 ff. 
 
40 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES • RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 for his not receiving the food and water of life, whereby eternal life 
 would have been gained. 
 
 Scholars have pointed out certain resemblances of the story 
 to that of Adam in Genesis ; and some even have contended that 
 the Adapa Legend is the origin of the Hebrew narrative. They 
 point to the "food of life" as corresponding to the "tree of 
 life"; that Adapa, like Adam, had gained knowledge that was 
 regarded as an attribute of divinity, etc. However, it was through 
 disobedience, in order to become like God, that Adam ate of the 
 fruit ; while Adapa failed to obtain eternal life owing to his obedi- 
 ence to his father's counsel in not eating of it. Others have 
 contended that Adapa and Adam are different forms of the same 
 name ; while still others hold that the name Adapa is the same as 
 Alaparos* (which name they change to read Adaparos), the second 
 of the antediluvian kings handed down by Berossus. 
 
 The present writer is inclined to believe that Adapa was what 
 the text informs us, namely a ruler, a ' ' sage, " a " man of Eridu ' ' ; 
 and that when excavations reveal the history of that city we shall 
 become familiar with the history of his reign, when he will take 
 his place with Etana, Gilgamesh, and others in the list of kings 
 or patesis. Owing to the reference to the deified Gish-Zidda and 
 Tammuz in the legend, although it does not necessarily follow, in 
 view of additions made in the later redactions, the time Adapa 
 lived may have been subsequent to the early Erech dynasty. 
 Following is a transliteration and a translation of the fragment 
 now in the Pierpont Morgan Library Collection. 
 
 . . . is-tum 
 
 qi-Mt-su ki-ma qi-bit ilu .... lu- 
 
 uz-na rapastum(-tum) u-sak-lil-su u-su-rat mati mu-lu-mu 
 
 a-na su-a-tu ni-me-qa iddin-su napistam(-tam) darUam(-tam) ul 
 iddin-su 
 5 ina u-me-su-ma ina sa-na-a-ii si-na-a-ti ab-kal-lum mar "'Eridu 
 
 d E-a ki-ma rid-di ina a-me-lu-ti ib-ni-su 
 
 ab-kal-lum qi-bit-su ma-am-man ul u-sam-sak 
 
 'The name Adapa is frequently written A-da-pad. For Alaparos = Adapa see 
 Zimmem KAF, 522; King Schweioh Lectures 1916 144; Langdon Sumerian Epic p 64- 
 XJngnad ATB I 39 note 1. This is a West Semitic name, and is equivalent to Alap-Uru 
 perhaps "Ox of the god Uru"; cf. Im-me-w-i-U "Lamb of God," A-ga-al-Marduk 
 "Calf of Marduk" BA VI 5, 98; see Clay Empire of the Amorites p. 78 
 
Ill FRAGMENT OF THE ADAPA LEGEND 41 
 
 M-e-um At-ra-fya-si-sa sa d A-nun-na-ki su-ma 
 
 ib-bu el-lam qa-ti pa-si-su mus-te-'-u par-si 
 10 it-ti nu-^a-tim-me nu-fya-tim-mu-ta ip-pu-us 
 
 it-ti nu-T/^a-iim-me sa a 'Eridu Ki-Min. 
 
 oJta-la u me-e sa "'Eridu u-mi-sam-ma ip-pu-us 
 
 [in] a ga-ti-su el-li-ti pa-as-su-ra i-rak-kas 
 
 [in] a ba-lu-us-su pa-as-su-ra ul ip-pat-tar 
 15 [i «] elippa u-ma-frar bd'iru-tam da-ku-tam sa & 'Eridu ip-pu-us 
 
 e-nu-mi-su A-da-pa mar &l Eridu 
 
 [ma-]ru d E-a ina ma-aia-li a-ina sa-da-di 
 
 u-mi sam-ma si-ga-ar &l Eridu is-sa-ar 
 
 [ina k]a-a-ri el-U Kar-Sin(UD-SAB) ^sahlyltum ir-kdb-ma 
 20 [sa-a-ru i]-zi-qan-ni-ma is elippi-su iq-qi-Up-pu 
 
 [ina gi] -mu-si-ma ^elippi-su u-mah-lnw 
 
 [. . . .ina ta]m-ti ra-pa-as-ti 
 
 His word like the command of the god 
 
 Wide intelligence he perfected in him, the image of the land 
 
 Unto him he gave wisdom ; eternal life he did not grant him. 
 5 In those days, in those years, the sage, the man of Eridu, 
 
 Ea, made him like a riddi among men ; 
 
 A sage, whose command no one could oppose ; 
 
 The mighty one, the Atra-hasis of the Annnaki, is he ; 
 
 Blameless, clean of hands, anointer, observer of laws. 
 10 With the bakers, he does the baking ; 
 
 With the bakers of Eridu, he does the baking. 
 
 The food and water of Eridu daily he provides. 
 
 With his clean hands he sets (binds) the table; 
 
 And without him, the table is not cleared (loosened). 
 15 The ship he steers ; he does the fishing and hunting for Eridu. 
 
 Then Adapa, the Erechian, 
 
 The son of E a, in retiring (?) upon the bed, 
 
 Daily the bolting of Eridu gives attention to. 
 
 In the pure rampart of Kar-Nannar, he embarked upon the sailing ship. 
 20 The wind blew, and his ship glided along. 
 
 With the oar he steered his ship. 
 
 upon the wide sea. 
 
 Li. 3. The text contains the sign mu, as Scheil originally published, 
 and not kul. If kul is correct, it is a mistake of the scribe. 
 Li 17. For the restoration cf . A-da-pa ma-ar d Ea. KB VI 1, 94 :11. 
 
IV 
 
 AN EARLY CHAPTER IN THE HISTORY OF AMURRU 
 AND BABYLONIA. 
 
 We now have considerable data for the reconstruction of 
 a chapter in the history of Babylonia, and incidentally also that of 
 Syria, of a very early period, namely, the second earliest known 
 post-diluvian dynasty, which began to rule about or prior to 4000 
 B. C. 1 (see Dynastic List in the Appendix). There are no extant 
 inscriptions belonging to this period that have as yet been found, 
 but references to three of the rulers of this dynasty and their con- 
 temporaries are frequently made in later inscriptions. These fur- 
 nish us with material which make it possible to rewrite a fairly 
 complete outline of the history covering the reigns of these three 
 important kings, Lugal Marda, Tammuz, and Grilgamesh. 
 
 The so-called "Legend of the Zu bird," found in the Library 
 of Ashurbanipal, has been known for many years. It acquaints 
 us with the fact that an enemy designated as "Zu the storm-bird" 
 had robbed Enlil of Nippur of the " tablets of destiny. " This, of 
 course, can only mean his supremacy as "lord of lands." But 
 Zu, whose name was written d Im-Dugud& u , was not a bird, nor the 
 "personification of some solar deity," but a human being, an 
 invader, who lived in an inaccessible distant mountain. 
 
 We learn that Lugal Marda, "a shepherd," came to the rescue 
 of the land ; by some kind of strategy, succeeded in bringing back 
 the "tablets of destiny"; and in restoring Enlil to his position. 
 For this act he is in time credited with the title : ' ' The Enlil of 
 Kullab, Lugal Marda," which was adopted as the name of a star. la 
 Kullab was a part of Erech, and is doubtless where he erected his 
 palace. It was to the "distant mountain Sabu" that Lugal 
 
 1 TJngnad makes the date of the beginning of the third known dynasty, that of I Ur, 
 at 3927 B.C. (ZDMG 1917, 166). Meissner put it at about 3900 B.C. (Babylonien und 
 Assyrien p. 23) ; Weidner 4148 B.C. (MVAG 1921 61) ; Legrain, 4340 B.C. (Historical 
 Fragments 11). 
 
 J " Kawlinson, 46, 1:27. 
 
IV EARLY CHAPTEE IN THE HISTORY OF AMUREU 43 
 
 Marda went, in pursuit of Zu. Sabu was in the Lebanon range. 2 
 In other words, the enemy Zu represented an Amorite or West 
 Semitic power, which doubtless had invaded Babylonia. 3 There 
 can be little doubt but that the so-called "Legend of the Zu bird" 
 was intended to commemorate the overthrow of this power by 
 Lugal Marda. The writer has no desire to identify Zu with the 
 power whose emblem was the eagle, but this identification is not 
 improbable ; in which case we would naturally think of the state 
 represented by that bird in the Etana Legend (see above), and 
 probably also in the fable concerning Gilgamesh (see below). 
 
 Years ago it was conjectured that the name Nimrod was from 
 Nu-Marad, "man of Mar ad." 4 More recently another has sug- 
 gested that the original form of that name was En-Marad, standing 
 for Lugal-Marad "King of Marad." 5 It seems that he may have 
 become En Marad "High-priest of Marad," since we know that 
 Gilgamesh was En Kullab as well as king. We must, however, 
 keep in mind that he was not a native of Babylonia for he was a 
 gurum kurra "offspring of the mountains." If this "shepherd" 
 king, who apparently was the most powerful ruler of this period, 
 should prove to be Nimrod, his Old Testament title, "the mighty 
 hunter," or "ensnarer," may have reference to the strategy he 
 employed in overthrowing the so-called "Zu bird." 
 
 Lugal Marda is credited with having ruled longer than any other 
 of his dynasty. The fragment of an historical text recently pub- 
 lished shows that he conquered Halma (Aleppo) and Tidnum in 
 the West; and it can be assumed that he ruled the West land. 
 This would give sufficient reason why his name should have been 
 preserved in the traditions of the West. Nimrod is the only name 
 of a Babylonian ruler of the early period, prior to Amraphel, that 
 is preserved in the Old Testament. Moreover, his own habitat, 
 or that of his ancestors, may originally have been in that land, 
 for his wife's name, although written in Sumerian Nin-Sun, was 
 
 •Jensen KB VI 1, p. 578; Zimmern KAT' p. 574, note 3. 
 
 "A eity Su was identified with Mari, CT 25, 35r 24-27. On Su as an element in 
 geographical names, cf. Delitzseh Wo lag das Parodies p. 234 ff., and Empire of the 
 Amorites p. 177. 
 
 1 Delitzseh Wo lag das Parodies, p. 220. 
 
 "Kraeling, in Prince's artiele, JAOS 41, 201. 
 
44 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES ■ RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 Semitic, namely, Bimat-Belit; and her father bore the Amorite 
 name Semak-Ur (Semachoros), a name like the Old Testament 
 Semak-Jahu (Semachiah). 6 d Nin-Sun, who became the mother of 
 Gilgamesh (see below), bears the title rimtu sa supuri in the Gril- 
 gamesh Epic. 7 This title of the queen of the great Lugal Marda 
 has been translated by some scholars "the wild cow of the stall." 
 Since the ideogram Sun in her Sumerian name means rimtu 
 "beloved," would not rimtu sa supuri "Beloved of the fortified 
 city," and Rimat-Belit "Beloved of Belit," be somewhat more 
 appropriate as translations for the title and name of the queen 
 mother who dwelt in her magnificent palace, which had probably 
 been built by her former husband, the powerful king Lugal Marda. 
 
 Tammuz followed Lugal Marda as king of Erech. It would 
 seem that Babylonia had suffered another upheaval when Nin- 
 Grish-Zidda, his father, had "ravaged the land"; which we learn 
 from an omen (see below). Besides this fact the latter is known 
 only as a deity, with his habitat at Lagash. Doubtless he had 
 been king of that city. 
 
 Tammuz was not originally "the personification of the son of 
 the springtime," or even "the personification of some kind of 
 wood," as has been said, but, as the new dynastic list shows, he 
 was a human being, and the fourth king of this early Erech 
 dynasty. 8 
 
 In Babylonia the legends and hymns concerning Tammuz and 
 Ishtar are exceedingly numerous. Here they are identified 
 especially with the city of Erech, where he ruled. From the many 
 inscriptions relating to the cult we learn that in the fourth month, 
 which was named Tammuz, at the time vegetation began to decay, 
 the women mourned his death. From the cult tablets also certain 
 facts are ascertained which enable us to know something about 
 his family connections. 
 
 The cuneiform inscriptions inform us that the mother of Tam- 
 muz was named Zertu (which name is also written Sirdu). 9 
 
 'Empire of the Amorites p. 84. The name is written Sevnxopos, 2aKx°/>°s, Semachoros, 
 Sacchoros, etc. 
 
 7 Jastrow-Clay YOB IV 3, 68 : 236. 
 
 8 Poebel Historical Texts p. 88. 
 
 Cf. Zimmern Der Bdbylonische Tammuz 712. 
 
IV EAELY CHAPTER IN THE HISTOEY OP AMUEETJ 45 
 
 Certainly Zertu seems to be Semitic. The name Tammuz was 
 reproduced by two Sumerian words or ideograms, which repre- 
 sented the pronunciation, namely, Dumu-Zi, meaning 1 "faithful 
 son" ; but this is no proof that Tammuz was a Sumerian. In fact 
 the meaning of the ideograms speaks against the possibility of his 
 being a Sumerian; "faithful son" would not be appropriate for 
 a personal name, but rather as an epithet. His father's name, 
 Nin-Gish-Zidda, is also in a Sumerian dress ; but this very prob- 
 ably also represents a Semitic name. This suggestion is based 
 on the connection of his son Tammuz with the West, and on the 
 name of his wife Zertu. His having ruled at Lagash would fully 
 account for his name being written in Sumerian. He was an 
 invader, a fact, as already mentioned, which we learn from the omen 
 texts. 
 
 As is well known, there are many myths and legends that have 
 been handed down concerning Tammuz (who is also called Adonis, 
 etc.) and Ashirta (also called Astarte, Ashtaroth, Ashtar, Ishtar, 
 Venus, Aphrodite, etc.). The cult bearing especially upon the 
 death and resurrection of Tammuz typified the decay of vegetation 
 which was followed by the long dry summer, and also the revivi- 
 fying of the earth in the spring. "While the legends are exceed- 
 ingly widespread, they are especially identified with Syria. Even 
 in the Book of Ezekiel we learn that women sat in the temple 
 weeping for Tammuz (8 :14). Traces of the cult are handed down 
 by the Classical writers; it is also referred to by Mandaic and 
 Syriac writers of the post Biblical period. In Syria they cluster 
 especially about a vale near Aphaca, at present represented by 
 the modern 'Afqa, at the head of the wild romantic wooded gorge 
 of the Adonis river, in the Lebanon region, midway between Byblos 
 and Ba'albek. Here tradition says the mangled body of the hunter 
 Tammuz was buried. Here are to be found many ruined monu- 
 ments of his worship, one of which is a great temple of Astarte 
 which Constantine destroyed. Another of the memorials that 
 have kept the legends alive is now to be seen at Ghineh, where 
 reliefs of Tammuz and Ashirta are carved upon the rocks. Tam- 
 muz is there portrayed with a spear awaiting the wild boar by which 
 he was slain, while Ashirta, who mourned for him, and who, the 
 
46 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES • RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 myth, tells us, descended to the underworld to deliver him from 
 death, is seated near by in a sorrowful attitude. 
 
 The city, Ha-A, whence Tammuz came, and probably also his 
 father, has not been located; 10 but connections of Tammuz with 
 Syria, and especially the passage concerning him in a lamentation 
 hymn, which reads : "at the sacred cedar, a distant place where he 
 was born" (or "where his mother bore him"), point to the West as 
 his birthplace. 11 Extant tradition identifies him especially with the 
 modern G-ebail, the ancient Byblos. Not a few passages, however, 
 in the cuneiform inscriptions, show that he was especially worship- 
 ped at Hallab (Aleppo). 12 Certainly it would seem that his con- 
 nection with Ashirta and the West would imply that he was a 
 Semite, rather than a Sumerian. Moreover, it can be gathered 
 from several passages that he very probably met a premature 
 death by drowning, while associating, in the Lebanon region, with 
 his contemporary Ashirta, who was called Ishtar in Babylonia. 
 She seems to have been a "Queen of Sheba" or a "Cleopatra" of 
 this early era, with her seat of government at Hallab. 
 
 As already mentioned, the chief seat of the cult of Ashirta, the 
 Ashtoreth of the Old Testament, or Ishtar, in Babylonia was at 
 Erech; but Hallab seems to have been her home. In one of these 
 Babylonian lamentation hymns we have this passage : ' ' The queen 
 of Erech for her husband; the queen of Hallab for her husband 
 (wails)." This and many other couplets referring to Ishtar or to 
 Tammuz and Ishtar show that these two cities were intimately 
 identified with each other. One of the earliest religious texts at 
 present known tells us that this goddess had a shrine at Nippur 
 and that she was from the land of Hallab. 13 In the G-ilgamesh 
 Epic when she proposes to Gilgamesh, king of Erech, she says: 
 "Come, Grilgamesh, be thou my spouse. Present me with thy off- 
 spring ; be thou my husband, let me be thy wife ; and I will set thee 
 in a chariot, etc. . . Into our house, under the fragrance of the 
 cedar tree, enter. And when thou enterest our house [they shall 
 
 10 Empire of the Amorites p. 83. 
 
 " CT 15, 26:5. Tradition in the West makes him the son of Cinyras of Cyprus. 
 
 M Seheil BA 8, 162, 4-5; CT 15, 19: 4-7; etc. 
 
 "Barton Babylonian Inscriptions I, col. 13:6. See also Poebel HGT 26: 19-20. 
 
IV EARLY CHAPTER IN THE HISTORY OF AMURRU 47 
 
 place thee upon] a throne; they shall kiss thy feet." Gilgamesh, 
 in refusing her advances, asked her what she had done with her 
 husband Tammuz, and her other husbands; whereupon she told 
 the god Anu that Gilgamesh had upbraided her on account of her 
 evil deeds ; and she asked for vengeance. 
 
 While a temple at Adab was dedicated to Ishtar, as the brick 
 stamp of Naram-Sin shows, and she was worshipped in many cities 
 in Babylonia and Assyria, Erech and Hallab stand out as the two 
 cities with which she was peculiarly associated. It seems to the 
 writer that Hallab is prominently mentioned in these cult tablets 
 because that city is the home of her worship. And it is probable 
 that it is she to whom Hammurabi refers in one of the titles he 
 gives himself, namely, migir telitum musaklil teritum sa Hallab 
 "the beloved of the exalted one, who put into execution the laws 
 of Aleppo. ' ' Since Hammurabi was an Amorite, it is not improb- 
 able that the body of his Code mainly came from that city. 
 
 Certainly, there is sufficient evidence to show that the Baby- 
 lonians not only looked upon her as having been a mortal, but 
 also upon the West as having been her habitat. Moreover, since 
 Lugal Marda and his queen Nin-Sun, Nin-Gish-Zidda and his queen 
 Zertu, Tammuz, Gilgamesh, and Humbaba (see below), in other 
 words, all the kings and queens of this period, were worshipped 
 as deities, some of whom became very important gods, the sug- 
 gestion that Ashirta, called Ishtar in Babylonia, the wife of 
 Tammuz, had also been a mortal, seems to the writer to be perfectly 
 reasonable. Certainly there is no available evidence to disprove 
 this ; her name does not appear in the nomenclature prior to this 
 period. That the worship of this deified woman and her consort 
 should have become so widespread was doubtless due not only 
 to the nature of the cult, which has its parallels now in harvest 
 festivals, but also to the peculiarity of it which involved disgrace- 
 ful rites that appealed to the sensuality of man. Throughout 
 Syria, including Phoenicia and Canaan, the unspeakable abomina- 
 tions of her licentious cult took deep root. As far as we know at 
 present, its influence was not so general in Babylonia and Assyria, 
 especially in the early period; the one city which seems to stand 
 out with peculiar prominence in having temple prostitutes is 
 
48 TALE ORIENTAL SEEIES ■ RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 Erech. It is doubtless this fact which prompted an Assyriologist 
 long ago to say that "Erech was essentially a Semitic city." 14 
 In short, in consideration of all that we know of Erech 's contact 
 with the "West, where doubtless Western Semites settled at a much 
 earlier period than in Babylonia, it is not difficult to understand 
 how her cult migrated to the great alluvium from that region, 
 and especially as this "Queen of Hallab" had become the consort 
 of Tammuz. _ 
 
 Gilgamesh was connected, not with the family of Tammuz, but 
 with that of the latter 's predecessor. He was the son of Rimat- 
 Belit, the wife of Lugal Marda, and of the high priest of Kullab, 
 a part of Erech, perhaps the Semitic quarter of that city. 
 
 There is a fable that has been handed down by Aelian that ought 
 not to be lost sight of in this connection. 16 From it we gather that 
 Gilgamos (Gilgamesh) was born in secret, and was thrown from 
 the acropolis where his mother was imprisoned, and that in his 
 fall an eagle caught him and carried him to a garden whose keeper 
 reared him. We are led in this connection to inquire what is the 
 significance of the legend; why is the eagle here introduced? Has 
 it anything to do with the power represented by the eagle in the 
 Etana legend, and perhaps also with the Zu bird in the Lugal 
 Marda epic? 
 
 As we have seen, Tammuz and his father were identified 
 
 " Gifford Lectures 1903, p. 342. 
 
 16 The fable of Aelian (de Natura Anvmalvwm 12, 21) reads as follows : -It is charac- 
 teristic of animals also to love human beings. For example, an eagle brought up a baby. 
 I wish to tell the whole story, that it may bear witness to my statement. When Semaeh- 
 oros (Seueehoros) reigned over the Babylonians, the Chaldaeans said that the son of his 
 daughter would take the kingdom away from the grandfather. He was alarmed at this, 
 and if I may speak somewhat jocularly, he became an Acrisius to the girl, for he guarded 
 her very strenuously. But, without his knowledge — for fate was stronger than the Baby- 
 lonian — the girl was made a mother by » man of low degree, and bore a child. Her 
 guards, in fear of the king, threw it from the acropolis; for it was there that the afore- 
 said girl was imprisoned. Well, an eagle very quickly saw the child's fall, and before 
 it was dashed upon the earth got underneath it and received it upon his back. Taking 
 it to a garden, he set it down very cautiously. The caretaker of the place, seeing the 
 pretty child, was fond of it and reared it; it was called Gilgamos, and reigned over the 
 Babylonians. If anybody thinks this a fable, I admit that on testing it I thought lightly 
 of its validity myself. But I am told that Achaemenes, the Persian, from whom the 
 Persian nobility descends, was an eagle's nursling. (Translated from the Greek by Prof. 
 A. M. Harmon.) 
 
IV EAELY CHAPTER IN THE HISTOBY OF AMUEEU 49 
 
 with the emblem of the serpent. Are we to understand that 
 perhaps Gilgamesh, the son of the former queen, Rimat-Belit, 
 when born, perhaps during the reign of Tammuz, was secretly 
 carried away and reared in the land which the eagle represents? 
 When Rimat-Belit said to her son concerning Engidu, "Some one, 
 
 Gilgamesh, who like thee in the field was born, and the moun- 
 tain has reared, thou wilt see", 16 — does this imply such an order 
 of events? What was the affinity that was responsible for Gil- 
 gamesh and Engidu being drawn together? We read in the Nin- 
 evite version these words: "Ere thou earnest down from the 
 mountain, Gilgamesh beheld thee in a dream." When the 
 expedition to the West was being planned, Engidu said: "Know, 
 my friend, when I moved about with the cattle in the mountains, 
 
 1 penetrated to the distance of a double measure into the heart 
 of the cedar forest where Humbaba lived." He knew "the paths 
 through the cedar forest" ; and it seems reasonable to ask whether 
 the nation, whence he came, is not to be identified with the power 
 whose emblem was the eagle. 
 
 We are led to believe from the Epic of Gilgamesh that in the 
 early part of his career, Erech was subservient to another throne, 
 and we inquire whether it can be ascertained what power had 
 humiliated Babylonia at this time. 
 
 The character Humbaba in the Epic has not been regarded as 
 historical. He has been looked upon as a mythical personage 
 who played a part in a nature myth which had been woven into 
 the exploits of Gilgamesh. Engidu is another mythical character 
 who has been regarded as "a type of primaeval man." The 
 stronghold of Humbaba, with whom Gilgamesh fought, as related 
 in the epic, has in the past generally been located in Elam; and 
 it has also been generally held that his name is Elamitic. These 
 conclusions have not rested upon the fact that cedar forests were 
 known to have existed in Elam; for all the numerous references 
 to cedars in the inscriptions have been understood to refer to the 
 Lebanon and Amanus ranges. 
 
 The conclusions that Humbaba was Elamitic, and that the scenes 
 took place in Elam rested solely upon the slight resemblance of 
 
 » See Jastrow-Clay YOB IV 3, 62: 17. 
 
50 YALE ORIENTAL SEEIES • RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 the name Humbaba to that of the well known Elamite god Humba, 
 whose name was variously written Humman, Humba, Humban, 
 Umman, Umba, etc. The identification of Humbaba with this 
 deity was also one of the reasons why emphasis was placed upon 
 the Grilgamesh Epic being based upon a foundation of myth, being 
 in part astral, and in part a nature myth. A comparison of the 
 name was made with Kombabos of the Legend of Lucian, concern- 
 ing the building of the temple at Hierapolis ; but the name contin- 
 ued to be identified with the Elamite god. 17 Others realized that 
 the description of the cedars seemed to suggest the districts in 
 the West; nevertheless the forests were considered to be in 
 Elam. 18 In the light of what follows, however, this must be 
 abandoned. 
 
 In the omen literature there is a word which has been read 
 hu-pi-pi. It occurs several times, and has been generally regarded 
 to be the name of an animal ; it has even been translated "hyena. " 19 
 The same word occurs as a personal name in the temple adminis- 
 trative archives of the early period. This word, strange to say, 
 has also been regarded as an Elamitic loan-word, but on the basis 
 of the reduplication of the final consonant. 20 
 
 A few years ago an Amorite Name- Syllabary was published 
 which had been excavated by Haynes at Nippur, and which con- 
 tained the personal name Hu-pi-pi. 21 More recently there was 
 discovered in the Yale tablet of the old Babylonian version of the 
 Gilgamesh Epic, that the familiar name Humbaba, or Hubaba, 
 is written exactly the same, namely Hu-PI-PI. Since the sign 
 PI has also the value wa, and wa and ba in this period inter- 
 change, the correct reading of the word in the omen texts, and of 
 the personal name, was not Hu-pi-pi, but it was Hu-wa-wa; and 
 this reproduced the pronunciation of Hu-ba-ba. 
 
 It followed from this discovery that the name was the same as 
 that of Hobab, the father-in-law of Moses (Num. 10:29); and 
 
 17 Ungnad-Gressmann Das CHlgamesch-Epos p. 77. 
 
 M Ungnad-Gressmann ibidem p. 111. 
 
 M Holma Namen der Korperteile p. 151, note 2. 
 
 20 Weidner OLZ 17, p. 502. 
 
 21 Chiera Lists of Personal Names p. 122. 
 
IV EARLY CHAPTER IN THE HISTORY OF AMURRU 51 
 
 since it unquestionably was Amorite or West Semitic, there could 
 be little doubt but that it was the same as Kombabos of Lucian. 22 
 Furthermore, it naturally followed that the reference to the 
 conflict between Gilgamesh of Erech and Hubaba or Humbaba of 
 the West was an allusion to an important historical event of the 
 early period. 23 Additional light is now thrown upon the situation 
 from a passage in an omen text in the Pierpont Morgan Collection 
 (see below), which fully substantiates the inferences which the 
 writer made. 
 
 It is a well established idea that the definite historical allusions 
 to which omens refer, were originally supplied by actual events 
 that followed the appearance of the prognosticating signs which 
 the priests had observed. Following are a few of the omens 
 referring to historical events : 
 
 "If the foetus is male and female (a monstrosity), it is the omen 
 of Bau-ellit, who ruled the land; the king's country will be 
 seized." 24 It is now definitely known that this woman, Bau-ellit, 
 overthrew the rule of Akshak, and established the fourth dynasty 
 of Kish. 
 
 No less than eleven historical omens are known which bear upon 
 Sargon's reign. In one of them the expression "he possessed 
 no foe nor rival," meaning that he had subdued the neighboring 
 lands, is fully borne out by many discoveries. 
 
 There are two well known omens relating to Naram-Sin, one 
 referring to his overthrow of Apirak, and the other to his conquest 
 of Magan. The former is summarized in the eighteenth line in the 
 Morgan text, which reads: "If the tiram is like a woolen rope, 
 it is the omen of Naram-Sin, who overthrew Apirak in arms." 
 This is fully confirmed by the chronicles of Babylonian kings. 26 
 
 Another omen referring to the founder of a dynasty reads: 
 "If a sheep gives birth to an ox, etc., it is the omen of Ishbi-Urra, 
 who did not have a rival. ' ' 26 We now have historical data to show 
 
 22 It is not improbable that Lucian 's tradition contains a reflection of the ancient 
 Humbaba, who may have built or rebuilt the temple. 
 83 Empire of the Amorites p. 88. 
 M CT 28, 6: 1 f. 
 26 King Chronicles I, 32 ff. 
 "CT 27, 22:21. 
 
52 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES ■ RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 that this Amorite, from the city of Mari, overthrew the third 
 dynasty of TJr, and became the founder of the Nisin dynasty. 27 
 These examples suffice to show that omens of this character 
 unquestionably refer to historical events, and notably to great 
 conquerors who overthrew dynasties, as well as to subjugating 
 enemies. 
 
 The two omens referring to Huwawa have been known for some 
 time; one reads: "If a woman give birth to the lace of Huwawa; 
 the king and his sons will leave the city." 28 The other is: "If a 
 sheep bear a lion, and it has the face of Huwawa, the prince will 
 not have a rival; he will destroy the land of the enemy." 29 In 
 an omen text of the Pierpont Morgan Collection (BRM IV, 13), 
 the following is found in line 65: "If the tirani is like the face 
 of d Hum-Hum, a usurper of the land will rule the world." A 
 fragment in the British Museum duplicates the first part of six 
 consecutive lines of this text (i. e., 63 to 68), the third of which 
 reads: "If the tirani is like the face of Hum-ba-ba," etc., 30 show- 
 ing that the ideogram ^Hum-Hum is to be read Humbaba or 
 Huwawa. These omens can only be interpreted as meaning that 
 Humbaba was a usurper, who like Bau-ellit, Sargon, and Ishbi- 
 Urra, overthrew a dynasty, conquered the lands, and was without 
 a rival. The third interprets the other two ; together they clearly 
 indicate that Humbaba or Huwawa had been a mighty conqueror, 
 and that he had doubtless subjugated Babylonia. 
 
 What the characteristic feature was which enabled the priests 
 to associate the omen-sign with Huwawa is not clear. Jastrow 
 has shown that Huwawa in omens is contrasted with tigru 
 "dwarf." 31 The character of Huwawa or Humbaba is described 
 in the Gilgamesh Epic as dapini "terrible one," "whose roar is 
 a deluge, whose mouth is fire, whose breath is death. " The elders 
 in their effort to dissuade Gilgamesh from attempting to over- 
 throw him, asked : who has ever penetrated to his dwelling place 
 
 27 Empire of the Amorites p. 107. 
 
 28 CT 27,3:17; 4:9; and 6:4. 
 
 " CT 27, 21: 8. See also CT 28, 14: 12. Cf. also Eu-wm-ba-bi-tu CT 27, 4: 8. 
 
 '" Boissier Divination p. 91. 
 
 81 'Religion Babyloniens II, 913 f. 
 
IV EARLY CHAPTER IN THE HISTORY OF AMURRU 53 
 
 or capital in the heart of the cedar forest? Who has ever opposed 
 his weapon? In Bhort, the references to the despot seem to convey 
 the idea that he was a powerful personage. 
 
 Gilgamesh figures also in the divination texts; among which 
 the following has been found: "If a woman give birth, and the 
 (child) has the head of a snake; (it is) the omen of Nin-Gish- 
 Zidda who ravaged the land; (and it is) the omen of Gilgamesh 
 who ruled the land, and who became 'the king of hosts' in the 
 land." 32 It is clear from the Gilgamesh Epic that Gilgamesh in 
 the early part of his reign was subservient to another, and that he 
 was able to overthrow the enemy. 
 
 We learn therefore from the omen texts that one named 
 Humbaba, who had usurped the throne of the West, had conquered 
 the land; and we learn from the Gilgamesh Epic that about this 
 time a personage named Engidu, which Sumerian name was very 
 probably originally Semitic, Ea-tabu or Ba'al-tob, appeared on 
 the scene and became the ally of Gilgamesh. Possibly we may 
 later ascertain that the power which Humbaba represented was 
 designated by the eagle. At present, however, this can only be 
 regarded as conjectural. Moreover, the epic bearing the name 
 of Gilgamesh was originally written to commemorate the over- 
 throw of Humbaba, which when accomplished doubtless enabled 
 Gilgamesh to become the 'king of hosts.' 
 
 The fact that Humbaba, who bears an Amorite name, is a histori- 
 cal personage, that he lived in a cedar district of the West, and that 
 he humiliated Babylonia at the time of Gilgamesh, about 4000 
 B. C, prove conclusively the writer's contentions concerning the 
 antiquity of the Amorite civilization. 
 
 Among the historical documents found at Nippur, there has come 
 to light more than one effort on the part of ancient scribes, who 
 lived prior to the time of Abraham, to give a history of the world, 
 beginning with a creation story, the building of cities, a deluge 
 story, and dynastic lists extending to the time the tablets were 
 written. Unfortunately nearly all tablets of this period have come 
 down to us in a fragmentary condition. They, however, forcibly 
 remind us of the efforts of the Biblical writer ; and give us the know- 
 
 33 CT 27, 1: 8-9. 
 
54 TALE ORIENTAL SERIES • RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 ledge that the Babylonians also had outline histories of man from 
 the beginning. Moreover, the knowledge that the Babylonians had 
 several creation myths, and more than one version of the deluge, 
 parallels what the literary analysis of the Pentateuch had long 
 ago determined, namely that in the Old Testament there are two 
 creation stories and two of the flood, as well as other duplicate 
 traditions, such as are found in Babylonian libraries. And 
 further, the discovery that the Atra-hasis Epic is of Amorite 
 origin gives us another West Semitic or Hebrew tradition of the 
 deluge. 
 
 There would seem to be little doubt that the names of the patri- 
 archs, which are given in the Old Testament, belong to the Hebrew 
 or the Aramaean branch of the Semitic race ; and that other lists 
 of contemporaneous rulers among the Semites were also in exist- 
 ence. The antediluvian list of kings handed down by Berossus 
 is one of these. All kinds of efforts have been made to show that 
 the Hebrew list is taken from this one ; but they have utterly failed. 
 They have in common only one thing, that is the tenth antediluvian 
 in each list is a hero of the flood, in one case Noah, and in the other 
 Atra-hasis. If it should be found that the Amorites of Mesopo- 
 tamia used clay for their writing material in the early period, it 
 is highly probable that in time similar lists will be found. Cer- 
 tainly the discoveries made in Babylonia would indicate that lists of 
 rulers and similar traditions existed in the library of every great 
 temple. 
 
 The second important result of these discoveries is the reali- 
 zation of the fact that underlying the Old Testament outline of 
 history, as well as these chronicles of the Babylonians, there is 
 real history. The claim that the Biblical patriarchs and the early 
 kings of Babylonia are the creation of a fiction writer, or belong 
 to mythology, has no support from the discoveries made in the 
 past decade. In every instance in which archaeology has thrown 
 light upon the subject, we find that we have historical characters 
 to deal with. There may be only a few names given, and they 
 may be made to represent a period which actually covered many 
 millenniums of history, nevertheless, there are reasons for believ- 
 ing that the names represent actual persons who lived. Man 
 
IV EARLY CHAPTER IN THE HISTORY OF AMTJRRTJ 55 
 
 may be depicted as riding to heaven on the back of an eagle, turn- 
 ing into a pillar of salt, fighting with an angel, or living in a 
 whale's belly for three days, but nevertheless we have reasons to 
 believe that their names represent historical characters. Again 
 and again have we had the experience of transferring names from 
 what has been regarded as the realm of mythology, or what has 
 been regarded as the creation of an ancient fiction writer, to the 
 pages of history. The discoveries of the past decades have played 
 such an important role in this connection that it is now possible 
 to assert that it is impossible for those scholars who relegate to 
 the region of myth certain Biblical or Babylonian characters to 
 substantiate their position. In short, as already stated, it cannot 
 be shown from the literature of the ancients that in the Semitic 
 world a single god ever became a mortal. We find a process 
 analogous to what took place in Greece and elsewhere ; epics and 
 traditions were directly based upon historical personages ; more- 
 over, many deities have already turned out to be deified persons, 
 especially kings. 
 
 Prior to 1909, when the present writer first contested this 
 general position, it had been demonstrated that the Hammurabi 
 dynasty was Amorite, with the understanding, however, that Amor- 
 ites were Arabs. Those who held the view that the periodic Arab 
 migrations accounted for the peoples in Syria, Mesopotamia, and 
 Babylonia, maintained that an early wave furnished Babylonia 
 with Semites late in the fourth millennium B. C, that a second 
 wave between 2400 and 2100 B. C. furnished Syria and Mesopo- 
 tamia with Amorites ; that between 1500 and 1300 a third wave 
 furnished Palestine and adjacent lands with Aramaeans and 
 Hebrews; and that in the seventh century of the Christian era, 
 Western Asia and Europe received Arabs, namely Mohammedans. 
 Another who accepted and promulgated the theory completed the 
 thousand year "spilling over" process by inserting another wave 
 from the fifth century B. C, when Nabataeans moved upon Petra; 
 in short, these periodical outbursts or "sporadic waves of hungry 
 tribesmen," occurring about every thousand years when Arabia 
 became so full that this spitting out process was necessary, 
 furnished Syria, Mesopotamia, and Babylonia with its inhabitants. 
 
56 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES • RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 In Amurru the Home of the Northern Semites (1909), and 
 more recently in The Empire of the Amorites (1919), the writer 
 contested this theory, as accepted by many adherents, largely on 
 the basis of a study of the nomenclature found in the Babylonian 
 inscriptions. Hundreds of data were offered in proof of the new 
 position, some of which were facts, others were based upon differ- 
 ent interpretations, or upon what seemed to be implied, and, as 
 would be expected, upon suggestions which had no direct bear- 
 ing upon the thesis, but which seemed to throw light upon the 
 historical background of these peoples. "While admitting that 
 Arabs have in all periods filtered into these lands, the writer 
 contends that this wave theory is baseless ; and he has presented 
 many discoveries to show that the civilization of Syria and 
 Mesopotamia, that is, the land Of the Amorites, synchronized with 
 the earliest known in Babylonia and Egypt. Some additional 
 discoveries were presented in an article on the Antiquity of Baby- 
 lonian Civilization published in 1921, which are augmented in 
 the present treatise. In short, while an abundance of material 
 has been discovered during the past decade which permits of the 
 gradual reconstruction of the history of Amurru, and which tends 
 to confirm the writer's position, he knows of nothing that has come 
 to light which supports the contested theories. 
 
 In conclusion, the writer's position is summarized in the follow- 
 ing two points, both of which imply the negation of prevailing 
 theories. 
 
 First, while Arabs have always filtered into adjacent lands there 
 is no basis for the theory that within the period covered by the 
 written history of man, the inhabitants of Syria, Mesopotamia, and 
 Babylonia were dependent upon Arabia for their Semites and their 
 culture ; on the contrary, the Semites in Syria and Mesopotamia 
 had an indigenous existence and civilization which synchronizes 
 with the earliest known in Babylonia and Egypt. 
 
 Second, that the position of the Pan-Babylonists, namely that 
 Israel's culture and religion was of Babylonian origin, is without 
 foundation, for the culture is indigenous, excepting the interchange 
 of cultural elements which ordinarily takes place between neighbor- 
 ing peoples ; on the contrary, the Semites of Babylonia came into 
 
IV EARLY CHAPTER IN THE HISTORY OF AMURRTI 57 
 
 the great alluvium pre-eminently from Syria and Mesopotamia, 
 as is echoed in the tradition "and it came to pass as they jour- 
 neyed eastward that they found a plain in the land of Shinar;" 
 and they brought with them their religion and culture which, 
 under the influence of the Sumerians, resulted in what we call 
 Akkadian or Semitic-Babylonian. These two points summarize 
 the writer's position. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 A. AN EARLY VERSION OF THE ATRA-HASIS EPIC. 1 
 
 Transliteration. Translation. 
 
 Column I. 
 
 1 [li]-'(?)-bi-il [ri]-ig-[ma-si-i]n bal-ti- I will bring (?) their clamor (?) 
 
 a(?) 
 
 ma-tum ir-ta-bi-is ni-[su im]-ti-da The land had become great; the people 
 
 had multiplied. 
 
 [m]a-tum ki-ma li-i i-sa-ab-bu The land like a bull had become satiated. 
 
 [i-na] hu-bu-ri-si-na i-lu it-ta-ah-da-ar [In] their assemblage God was absent. 
 
 5 [ ] is-te-me ri-gi-im-si-in heard their clamor. 
 
 [iz]-za-kar a-na el(1)-li ra-bu-tim He said to the great gods( ?), 
 
 iq-ta-ab-ta ri-gi-im a-wi-lu-ti Those observing the clamor of men, 
 
 "Scheil Beeueil de Travaux 20 55ff; Jensen Keilinschriftliche BibliotheTc VI 1 288 ff; 
 Dhorme Choiec de Textes Beligieux Assyro-Babyloniens 120ff; Ungnad Altorientalische lexte 
 und Bilder I 57f ; and Eogers Cuneiform Parallels 104ff. 
 
 A, 4. The word fyvrbu-ri-si-na, which occurs several times in the redaction, was left untrans- 
 lated by all except Dhorme, who rendered it "totalite. " The root of this word in Hebrew 
 and Aramaic means "to join, to associate; " cf. *"Q |~J "company, association; " "l^Fl "asso- 
 
 V V "" T 
 
 ciate, companion." The corresponding word in Babylonian was pufyru, which the redactor 
 employed in his paraphrases. 
 
 A, 4. The only root in Hebrew or Aramaic to which it-ta-ab-da-ar could belong is ")*|W 
 "to be absent, lacking." I am indebted to Professor Torrey for this identification. It is 
 probable that a redactor did not understand the word, for he changed the thought in his para- 
 phrase, and used a word similar in appearance, eli rigmesina ittadir "concerning their clamor 
 he was troubled." 
 
 A, 5. dEn-lil is probably to be restored (see note under B, 111:4). It is to be regretted 
 that one of the three passages (see also B, 111:37) does not preserve the name intact. 
 
 A, 6. The words el(?)-li ra-bvrtm are replaced in the late redaction by ana Hani mdre-Su 
 "to the gods, his children" (see B, 111:5). 
 
 A, 7. Iq-ta-ab-ta, written [iq]-tab-ta-ma in the redaction (B, 111:6), seems to be from 
 the root V)V "to trace, investigate, search out." It is found in all the Semitic languages 
 
 except Akkadian. In Hebrew it especially means "to follow at the heel." Cf. the form 
 i-sa-ba-ta (B, 111:3), which was used in the redactor's paraphrase. 
 
APPENDIX— EAELY VEBSION OP ATEA-HASIS EPIC 59 
 
 i-na fyu-bu-ri-si-na iz-za-kar ma-si-it-ta In their assemblage he spoke of desola- 
 tions. 
 
 [lip-par]-sa a-na ni-si te-i-na Let the fig tree for the people be [cut 
 
 off]. 
 10 [i-na-sa-da]-ti-si-na li-'-zu sa-am-mu [In] their [fields], let the plant become 
 
 a weed(?) 
 
 su d Adad li-sa-aq-ti-il the sheep let Adad destroy. 
 
 Jii-bi-is -a [li]-il-li-ka Injured. [The fountains of the deep] 
 
 let not flow. 
 
 [ia is-sa-a me-li na] -aq-bi [That the flood rise not at the so] urce. 
 
 [li]-il-li-ik sa-ru Let the wind blow. 
 
 15 [na]-ag-bi-ra li-e-ir-ri Let it drive mightily. 
 
 A, 8. The root of ma-Si-it-ta is the Hebrew {^{J> "to devastate, to be desolate," a root 
 which is parallel in meaning to JlNtJ' 5 cf - ]TIN1t2>p Psalm 74.3, and also the noun fiNB'. 
 as well as rPNJJ' ' ' desolation, ' ' Is.24 : 12. Compare nA-U-tu in the redactor 's paraphrase 
 
 (B, 111:3), which is somewhat similar in meaning. In V E 31:30 mas-U-M is parallel to 
 nirB-tum. These have been construed as meaning "to forget" from the Akkadian masti, see 
 Delitzsch HWB 486a. However, it must be said that there is a possibility of ma&ittu being 
 identified with mosada ' ' to press, oppress, strike. ' ' 
 
 A, 9. This is the Amorite word J1JND meaning "fig tree;" in the redaction the 
 
 t •• : 
 
 Akkadian titu is used (see also Chap. I). 
 
 A, 10. The root of li-'-zu is not known to the writer. In B, 111:43 the same expression 
 is found where U-me-su is used; see also e-me-su B, 111:53. It would appear that the root is 
 not amdsu " to be little, wanting, ' ' but masH or wasu. The context suggests that perhaps the 
 verb was a denominative, meaning something like ' ' to become weeds, thorns ; " ef . seru palJcu 
 lulid idranu (B, 111:4) "let the wide field bear weeds(?) ; " which the gloss probably indicates 
 was not understood by the scribe of the late text (see below). The writer tentatively restores 
 [i-na &a-da\-ti-si-na (niiJ')' instead of Tcarsiiina as in the redaction, beeause he feels the 
 
 redactor in writing the paraphrase did not understand the passage. 
 
 A, 11. Seheil originally regarded the root of li-sa-aq-ti-U as meaning "to kill;" this is 
 Hebrew. The form Itiaqtil should be noted. As already stated, similar forms are found in 
 the text, like lisaznin, etc. 
 
 A, 12. The words which appeared in the line before the text was injured were perhaps the 
 Hebrew Qinf) /"iJM'O' writta 1 e-na-at ta-ma-ti "fountains of the deep." Since the 
 
 parallel passage B, 111:45 has li-is-sa-kvr, probably this word stood also in the original text 
 
 instead of [li]-il-li-Tca, which would give us a line parallel to Gen. 8:2, where the same verb 
 
 is used. 
 
 A, 13. This passage is restored with the help of the late text, B, 111:45 and 55. 
 
 A, 15. [na]-ag-birra seems also to be Amorite from the root "QJ ; cf. "VGJ "mighty." 
 
 A, 15. The root of li-e-ir-ri is to be found in the Hebrew J"|"l* "to throw, hurl." It has 
 
 been suggested by Professor Torrey that this may be the root of ur-ru-u sa sari, see Delitzsch 
 
 HWB p. 130b. 
 
60 
 
 YALE OEIENTAL SERIES ■ RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 [ur] -bi-e-tum li-im-ta-an-ni-ma 
 [zu-un-nu i-na same] (-e) ia it-tu-uk 
 [li-su]-ur eqlu is-bi-ki-su 
 [U-ni-'] ir-ta sa d Nisaba 
 
 Let the clouds be held back, that 
 [Rain from the heav] ens pour not forth. 
 Let the field withhold its fertility. 
 [Let a change come over] the bosom of 
 Nisaba. 
 
 Column II. 
 
 li- Let 
 
 li-ba-as Let 
 
 li-sa-aq-ii-il ga-az Let him destroy 
 
 70 i-na se-ri-im ib-ba-ra U-sa-az-[ni4n] On the morrow let him cause it to rain 
 
 mightily 
 
 U4s-ta-ar-ri-iq i-na mu-si. . . . Let him give in the night 
 
 li-sa-az-ni-in na-as-[ba Let him cause it to rain a tempest 
 
 eqla ki-ma sa-ar-ra-qi li-ba-a li Let it come upon the field like a thief. 
 
 Let 
 
 sa d Adad i-na a-li ib-nu-u bi 
 
 75 iq-bu ma-iz-zu-u na-gi 
 
 ri-ig-ma u-se-lu 
 
 u-ul ip-la-hu 
 
 Which Adad had created in the city . . 
 They cried out and became furious . . 
 
 They sent up a clamor 
 
 They feared not 
 
 Column VII. 
 
 385 
 
 d En-ki 
 
 d En-ki bi-a-su [i-pu-sa-ma] 
 
 iz-za-kar a-na i 
 
 a-na mi-nim tu-ta-am-ma- . 
 390 u-ub-ba-al ga-ti a-na n[i-si 
 
 a-bu-bu sa ta-ga-ab-bu .... 
 
 Ea 
 
 Ea his mouth [opened and] 
 
 Spake to 
 
 Why hast thou commanded 
 
 I will stretch out my hand to the 
 
 pe[ople] 
 
 The flood, which thou hast ordered 
 
 A, 16. The root of U-vm-ta-an-nA-ma is evidently the familiar Hebrew VJQ "to withhold 
 hold back;" used of rain, Amos 4:7; of showers, Jer. 3:3; etc. I owe this identification to 
 Professor Torrey. 
 
 A, 17. This and the following two lines are restored from the late redaction; see B, 111:46, 
 47, 56 and 57. 
 
 A, 18. The meaning "Ertrag, produce," etc., have been offered for iSb%ku (see Jensen KB 
 VI 1 278 note 8). In Hebrew, the root besides the general meaning "to pour out" means 
 also "to shed blood," "to pour out one's soul, one's personality." 
 
 A, 70. The word ib-ba-ra apparently is Amorite; cf. the Hebrew "V3{< "mighty." 
 
 A, 75. It seems as if ma is waw consecutive. 
 
APPENDIX— EARLY VERSION OP ATRA-HASIS EPIC 
 
 61 
 
 ma-an-nu su-u a-na-ku 
 a-na-ku-ma u-ul-la-da . 
 si-bi-ir-su i-ma-as-si-id 
 
 395 li-ib-te-ru su-u 
 
 ilu-su ul-la-ad u iltu . . 
 
 Who is he ? I 
 
 I truly will bear 
 
 His work he shall suppress 
 
 Let be restrained ; 
 
 His god will bear; and his goddess (?) 
 
 U4l-li-ku i-na [ il elippi 
 ta-ar-ku-ul-li pi-ir . . . 
 
 U-il-li-ku 
 
 400 li-ir- 
 
 mu 
 
 Let them go into the [ship] 
 
 The ship-mast 
 
 Let them go 
 
 Column VIII. 
 
 435 na u 
 
 ga-me-ir 
 
 .... ra .... a-na ni-si i-pu-us 
 
 m Ai-ra-am-l^a-si-is bi-a-su i-pu-sa- m[a] 
 
 iz-za-kar a-na be-li-su 
 440 37 
 
 duppu II to"*-" 10 i-nu-ma i-lu a-wi-lum 
 
 su-nigin-bi 439 
 
 qdt Azag- d Aya dup-sar sifyru 
 
 "^"Sabatu umu 28 kam 
 445 mu Am-mi-za-du-ga lugal-e 
 bad Am-mi-za-du-ga ki 
 ka id Buranuna ki -ra-ta 
 in-ga-an-dim-ma-a 
 
 for the people he made 
 
 Atram-hasis opened his mouth, and 
 Spoke to his lord. 
 
 37 (lines) 
 The second tablet (of the series) "When 
 
 God, man." 
 Its total is 439 (lines) 
 By the hand of Azag- d Aya, the junior 
 
 scribe. 
 Month Shebet, day 28th 
 of the year when Ammi T zaduga, the king, 
 built the city Dur-Ammi-zaduga 
 at the mouth 
 of the Euphrates (11th year). 
 
 B. A LATE REDACTION OP THE ATRA-HASIS EPIC. 2 
 
 Transliteration. Translation. 
 
 Column I. 
 
 25 [77] sa[ttu] [i-na ka-sa-di-su] . 
 [Ill] sattu [i-na ka-sa-di) 
 
 [When] the second year [arriyes] 
 [When] the third year [arrives] 
 
 A, 398. The root of tarkullu ^JH or *J3") was not in current use in Akkadian. 
 
 ' The text is published in CT 15, 49 ; it was translated by Zimmern ZA 14 27713: ; Jensen 
 KB VI 1 274ff; Dhorme Choix 128ff; Ungnad ATB I 61ff; and Rogers Cuneiform Parallels 
 104ff. 
 
62 
 
 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES • RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 ni-su i-na .... si-na it-tak-ru 
 
 IV sattu i-na ka- [sa-di] -su ma-za-zi-su- 
 nu ik-ru-ni 
 
 rap-sa-tu .... si-na is-si-qa 
 30 qa-da-qad .... [it-tal] -la-ka ni-su i-na 
 su-qi 
 
 V sattu i-na ka-sa-[di] e-rib ummi 
 martu i-da-gal 
 
 ummu a-na marti ul i-pa-te bdbi-[sa] 
 
 zi-ba-ni-it ummi martu i-[na-tal] 
 
 zi-ba-ni-it marti i-na-tal [ummu] 
 
 35 VI sattu i-na ka-sa-di il-tak-nu ana 
 
 nap-t[a-ni mart a] 
 a-na pat-te bu-na il-tak-nu : im-la-ni 
 
 ma- 
 
 bitu il-ta-nu sanu(-u) i-[ri-h,a-ma] 
 
 The people in their . . . become changed. 
 
 When the fourth year arrives, their posi- 
 tion was miserable. 
 
 The wide . . . their . . . became oppressed. 
 
 The people [wan] der in the streets with 
 the head [bowed] . 
 
 When the fifth year arrives, the daugh- 
 ter looks for the entering of the 
 mother. 
 
 The mother opens not [her] door to the 
 daughter. 
 
 The daughter [looks] upon the treas- 
 ures of the mother. 
 
 [The mother] looks upon the treasures 
 of the daughter. 
 
 When the sixth year arrives, they pre- 
 pare the [daughter] for a meal. 
 
 For morsels they prepare the child .... 
 were full( ?).... 
 
 One house [devours] another. 
 
 B, 1:28. Dhorme reads ma-&a(or za)-si-su-nu, and translates "leurs villes(?)," and is 
 followed by Rogers; Jensen and Ungnad leave untranslated. 
 
 B, 1:30. The first part of the line is read qa-t(d)a is(s,z)-? by Jensen; qa-da-isu by 
 Dhorme, and qa-da-nU by Sogers. It is not improbable that the third sign is qad, in which case 
 the first word would be qa-da-qad = Hebrew "in"7p ' ' crown of the head. ' ' 
 
 B, 1:33. It seems to the writer that the root of the word zi-ba-niAt "scales" is the ffi^ 
 
 ' ' to hide, treasure up, ' ' which was not in current use in Akkadian. ' ' Treasured things, stores ' ' 
 would make better sense than "scales", as usually translated, in the above passage. The 
 word sapaniSu occurs in the Amarna Letters. Knudtzon translates u i-za-fyar i-na sa-pa-m-Su 
 "und wiederkehrt bei seinem Verschwinden " (147:10). This, the writer suggests, should 
 be translated ' ' who is mindful of his treasure. ' ' 
 
 B, 1:36. The words a-na pat-te have been translated by Dhorme "aussitot," by Ungnad 
 "zur Zehrung(?)," perhaps reading Tcurmate(-te), who is followed by Rogers reading a-napat-te 
 "for food(?)." The word seems to be the Hebrew J^£ "morsel." Not being current in 
 Babylonia and Assyria the redactor wrote the gloss which precedes: "they prepare the 
 daughter for a meal." 
 
 B, 1:37. The word i-ri-fia-ma restored from 11:50, is Amorite, although the only occurrence 
 of the root in the O. T. is in JfrnN "meal, food" (Gesenius Heb. Die. 17 p. 65). The root 
 
 t \ -: 
 
 artifyu occurs in IV R 49, 29b, and is explained as meaning ahalu "to eat," cf. Delitzsch EWB 
 p. 132. 
 
APPENDIX— LATE REDACTION 63 
 
 ki-i se-dim-me-te pa-nu-si-na [kat-mu] Like ghosts their faces [they cover]. 
 
 ni-su i-na su-par-ki-e [napisti bal-ta- The people [live] in violence. 
 
 at] 
 
 40 sipra il-qu-[u] They took a messenger 
 
 e-tar-bu-ma They entered, and 
 
 te-ir-ti An oracle 
 
 ma-bel mati. . . 44 .-. .ta-ia-a-[ru] And the lord of the land the return 
 
 45 ... . ma 46 ... . ma 
 
 Column II. 
 
 si 28 is-sur bird 
 
 e-lis [ d Adad zu-un-na-su u-sa-qir] Above [Adad made scarce his rain]. 
 
 30 is-sa-kir sap-[lis ul is-sa-a me-lu i-na Be [low] (the fountain of the deep) was 
 na-aq-bi] stopped, [that the flood rose not at 
 
 the source]. 
 is-sur eqlu [is-pi-ki-e-su] The field diminished [its fertility]. 
 
 [i-ni-' irtu sa] d Nisaba [; musati mei ip- [A change came over the bosom of] 
 su-u ugar$ meS ] Nisaba. [By night the fields became 
 
 white]. 
 [seru pal-ku-u u]-U-id id-[ra-nu] [The wide plain] bore weeds (?). 
 
 [sam-mu ul u-sa]-a su-[u ul i'-ru] [The plant came not] forth; the sheep 
 
 [did not become pregnant]. 
 35 [is-sa-kin-ma a-na nise mei a-sa-ku] [Calamity was put upon the people]. 
 
 [remu ku-sur-ma ul u-se-sir sir-ra] [The womb was closed, and the child 
 
 came not forth]. 
 [ 1 
 
 B, 1:38. Jensen reads Tci-i svmti: simati "gemass dem, was gehorig ist," Dhorme Tci-i 
 svmati "au lieu . . . . ? d 'ornaments. " TJngnad and Rogers leave untranslated. For sedimmu 
 and idimmu "ghost" see Muss-Arnolt Die. 1016a. 
 
 B, 1:39. Jensen reads svrut(-)k(q)e-e-gi bal-ta-at without translating. Dhorme reads 
 su-par-ki-e napisti bal-ta-at "Les gens vivaient d'une vie fiteinte. " ITngnad did not translate, 
 and Rogers followed Dhorme, translating "the people lived with bated breath." The root 
 paraku "to display violence" is used in Akkadian. 
 
 B, 1:43. This ma is left wholly unaccounted for in the translations. The writer proposes 
 that it is the waw conjunctive. 
 
 B, 11:33. Different meanings have been offered for the word idranu, as "ashes, alkali, 
 saltpeter, salt, weeds, thorns. ' ' For the latter see Hinke A New Boundary Stone of Nebuchad- 
 nezzar p. 248. I am indebted to Dr. W. Muss-Arnolt for this reference. It was doubtless an 
 Amorite word, and probably was not understood by the scribe, who living in Babylonia, where 
 the surface of neglected fields turns white with salt, wrote the gloss "by night the fields became 
 white. ' ' 
 
64 
 
 TALE OEIENTAL SERIES • RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 40 
 
 45 
 
 50 
 
 55 
 
 [77 sattu i-na ka-sa-di-su] .... na-kan- 
 t[um] 
 
 III sattu i-na] ka-sa-di 
 
 ni-su i-na .... -si-na] it-tak-ru 
 
 IV sattu i-na ka-sa-di-su ma-za-zi]- 
 su-nu ik-ru-ni 
 
 rap-sa-tu .... -si-na] is-si-qa 
 
 qa-da-qad .... it-tal-la-ka ni-su] i-na 
 su-qi 
 
 V sattu i-na ka-sa-di e-rib] ummi 
 mdrtu i-da-gal 
 
 ummu a-na mdrti ul i-p]a-te bdbi-sa 
 
 zi-ba-ni-it ummi martu] i-na-tdl 
 
 zi-ba-ni-it mdrti i]-na-tal ummu 
 
 VI sattu i-na ka-sa-di il-tak-nu] a-na 
 nap-ta-ni mdrta 
 
 a-na pat-te bu-na] il-tak-nu 
 
 im-la-ni ma-su .... bitu i] l-ta-nu sa- 
 
 nu-u i-ri-ha-ma 
 ki-i se-dim-me-te pa-nu-si]-na kat-mu 
 nisu i-na su-par-ki] -e napisti bal-ta-at 
 
 bel ta-si-im-t]i A-tar-hasis amelu 
 
 ana beli-su d E]-a uzni-su pi-ta-at 
 
 i-ta-m]u it-ti ili-su 
 
 beli-su d E-a] it-ti-su la-su i-ta-mu 
 
 bob ili-su 
 
 [i-n] a pu-ut ndri il-ta-kan ma-a-a-al-su 
 . . me-it-ra-tu-su paq-rat 
 
 [When the second year arrives] .... 
 
 [When the third year] arrives, 
 
 [The people in their] . . .became changed. 
 
 [When the fourth year arrives their 
 position] is miserable. 
 
 [The wide .... their . . . .] became op- 
 pressed. 
 
 [The people wander] in the street [with 
 head bowed down] . 
 
 [When the fifth year arrives] , the daugh- 
 ter looks for [the entering] of the 
 mother. 
 
 [The mother op] ens not her door [to the 
 daughter] . 
 
 [The daughter] looks upon [the treas- 
 ures of the mother.] 
 
 The mother looks upon [the treasures of 
 the daughter.] 
 
 [When the sixth year arrives, they pre- 
 pare] the daughter for a meal. 
 
 [For morsels] they prepare [the child]. 
 
 [Pull was ] one house devours 
 
 another. 
 
 [Like ghosts their faces] they cover. 
 
 [The people] live [in violence] . 
 
 [The wise] Atra-hasis, the man, 
 To E [a his lord] , his thought turns. 
 [He speaks] with his god. 
 [His lord Ea] speaks with him. 
 
 the door of his god. 
 
 By the river he places his bed. 
 seek his rains. 
 
 B, 11:56. Instead of la-$u Jensen read la-a, and considers it to be the negative particle. 
 Dhorme also read it as the partiele. Ungnad, and Rogers while regarding it as the negative, 
 appreciated the difficulty added a question mark. It appears to be the Hebrew inseparable 
 preposition with the pronominal suffix, which the scribe glossed with it-ti-su. 
 
 B, 11:59. Me-it-ra-tu-su has been translated "rains," see Dhorme. Jensen, Ungnad and 
 Rogers do not translate. This is the Hebrew "1E0Q * n tne plural, as recognized by Dhorme. 
 
APPENDIX— LATE BEDACTION 
 
 65 
 
 Column III. 
 
 .... ir-ta 
 
 [eli] rig(ri-gi)-me-si-na it-ta-d[ir] 
 
 [izzakar ina] fyu-bu-ri-si-na la i-sa-ba- 
 
 ta [ni-si-tu] 
 [ d En-l]il il-ta-kan pu-hur- [su] 
 5 [iz-za]-ka-ra a-na ilwni mei mare mei -su 
 [iq]-tab-ta-ma [r]i-gi-im a-me-lu-te 
 [eli r]ig(ri-g[i)]-me-[si-n]a at-ta-a- 
 
 (di-ir)dir 
 [izzakar ina] fru-[bu]-ri-si-na la i-sa- 
 
 ba-ta ni-si-tu 
 .... ma su-ru-bu-u lib-si 
 10 [sur-r]is li-si ri-gim-si-na nam-tar 
 
 [ki-m]a me-fyi-e li-zi-qa-si-na-ti-ma 
 [mur-s]u ti-'u su-ru-bu-u a-sa-ku 
 
 .... ma su-ru-bu-u ib-si 
 [sur]-ris(ri-is) i-si ri-gim-si-na nam- 
 tar 
 15 [ki-ma] me-hi-e i-zi-qa-si-na-ti-ma 
 [mur]-su ti—'u su-ru-bu-u a-sa-ku 
 
 [bel ta]-si-im-ti A-tar-fyasis amelu 
 [ana beli]-su d E-a uzni-su pi-ta-at 
 [i-t] a-mu it-ti ili-su 
 20 [beli]-su d E-a it-ti-su i-ta-mu 
 
 [Concerning] their cry he became trou- 
 bled. 
 
 [He spoke in] their assemblage to those 
 untouched [by the desolations] . 
 
 [Enl]il held [his] assembly. 
 
 [He sa]id to the gods his children, 
 
 Those observing the clamor of men : 
 
 [Concerning] their clamor I am trou- 
 bled. 
 
 [He said in] their assemblage to those 
 untouched by the desolations. 
 
 let there be malaria. 
 
 [Hast]ily let fate make an end to their 
 clamor. 
 
 [Li]ke a storm, let it overwhelm them. 
 
 [Sic]kness, headache, malaria, calamity. 
 
 and they had malaria. 
 
 [Hast]ily fate made an end to their cry. 
 
 [Like] a storm it overwhelmed them, 
 [Sickjness, headache, malaria, calamity. 
 
 The wi[se lord] Atra-hasis, the man, 
 To Ea, his [lord] , his thought turns. 
 [He sp]eaks with his god. 
 His [lord] Ea speaks with him. 
 
 B, 111:3. The words here to be restored are probably MV (= izzakar) a-na (or ina), 
 as in lines 111:37, etc. 
 
 B, 111:3. La i-sa-ba-ta ni-si-tu was translated by Jensen "sollen nieht erfassen; " 
 
 by Dhorme "l'oubli ne 1'atteindra pas; " by Ungnad "ergreift ihn nieht; " by Kogers "gives 
 me no heed." The root of i-sa-borta does not seem to be sab&tu "to take," but the well 
 known Hebrew root ^VJ? "to grieve, to be pained;" ef. |f!)"l flDIVP I s - 54; 6, etc. This 
 
 root was not current in Akkadian. The word ni-si-tu which also occasioned difficulty, Dhorme 
 has correctly compared with j"p{jlj Ps. 88 : 13. This also is a Hebrew word. 
 
 t • : 
 
 B, 111:4. Jensen has proposed that [dEn]-lil be restored. Mr. Sidney Smith of the 
 British Museum kindly informed the writer that the sign as reproduced in the text is correctly 
 copied. 
 
 B, 111:5. In the old version instead of a-na Hani mdre-iu we have e-na el(?)-M ra-bvAvm. 
 
66 
 
 YALE ORIENTAL SEEIES • RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 A-tar-hasis pa-su epusa (-sa) i-qab-bi Atra-hasis opened his mouth, and speaks 
 
 a-na d E-a beli-su To Ea, his lord. 
 
 belu ut-ta-za-ma ta-ni-se-ti O lord, mankind is in misery. 
 
 lu-ku-nu-ma e-kal ma-tu Your power consumes the land. 
 
 25 [ d E]-a belu ut-ta-za-ma ta-ni-se-ti [E]a, lord, mankind is in misery. 
 
 sa ildni meS -ma e-kal ma-tu [The anger] of the gods consumes the 
 
 land. 
 
 .... ma te-ib-nu-na-si-ma thou who hast created us 
 
 [li-ip-par]-sa mur-sa ti-'u su-bu-ru-u Let sickness, headache, malaria, calamity 
 
 a-sa-ku ce[ase]. 
 
 [ d E-a pa-su epusa(-sa) i]-qab-bi a-na [Ea opened his mouth], he speaks to 
 A-tar-hasis me-izkur-su Atar-hasis, and tells him : 
 
 30 ka-lu-sa-pu-u i-na ma-ti in the land. 
 
 -a tu-sa-pa-a d Istar-ku-un pray to your goddess. 
 
 . . . . -ka i-la par-si-su 33 . . . . tu niqu god, his command. 
 
 34 .... ana qud-me-sa 35 .... -qat 
 ra-ba-ma 36 .... nu-ka-at . . . [il- 
 ta]-kan(ka-an) qat-su 
 
 [En-Ul.]il-ta-kan pu-hur-su : izakkara [Enlil] held his assembly; he speaks to 
 a-na ilani mei mare mei -su the gods his children. 
 
 .... ra me-e-ta as-ku-na-si-na-ti I will put them to death. 
 
 [nise] la im-ta-a a-na sa pa-na i-ta-at- [The people] have not become less; they 
 ra are more numerous than before. 
 
 40 [eli] rig-me-si-na at-ta-a-dir [Concerning] their cry I am troubled. 
 
 [izzakar ina] hu-bu-ri-si-na la i-sa-ba- [He said in] their assemblage to those 
 
 ta ni-si-tu untouched by the desolations. 
 
 [lip-par] -sa-ma a-na ni-se-e ti-ta Let the fig tree for the people be [cut 
 
 off]. 
 [I]n their bellies let the plant be want- 
 ing. 
 Above, let Adad make his rain scarce. 
 
 [i-n]a kar-si-si-na li-me-su sam-mu 
 [e]-lis d Adad zu-un-na-su lu-sa-qir 
 
 B, 111:29. All the translations construe me as an emphatic particle. The writer regards 
 it as the waw consecutive. 
 
 B, 111:38. This has been read .... ra-me e ta-as-Tcu-na^si-na-ti "do nothing for them." 
 Me-e-ta seems to be the Hebrew fT)Q- However, as the passage is incomplete, this can only 
 
 V T 
 
 be regarded as conjectural. 
 
 B, 111:42. In the four transliterations the reading is given ni-se e-ti-ta, and is left untrans- 
 lated except by Dhorme, "aux gens la plante epineuse. " See note under A, 9. 
 
 B, 111:44. In the old version we have su dAdad K-Sa-aq-ti-il, see A, 11. Probably a 
 
 Babylonian seribe did not know the Hebrew word, and changed the sense. 
 
APPENDIX— LATE REDACTION 
 
 67 
 
 45 [li-is] -sa-kir sap-lis ia is-sa-a me-lu i-na 
 na-aq-bi 
 
 [l]i-sur eqlu is-pi-ki-e-su 
 [l]i-ni-' irtu sa d Nisaba : musati mel Up- 
 su-u ugdre meS 
 
 seru pal-ku-u lu-li-id id-ra-nu 
 [l]i-bal-kat ki-ri4m-sa : sam-mu ia 
 u-sa-a su-u ia i-'-ru 
 
 50 [li]s-sa-kin-ma a-na nise meS a-sa-ku 
 [remit] lu-ku-sur-ma ia u-se-sir sir-ra 
 
 ip-[par-s]u a-na ni-sS-e ti-ta 
 i-na kar-si-si-na e-me-su sam-mu 
 e-lis d Adad zu-un-na-su u-sa-qir 
 55 is-sa-kir sap-lis ul is-sa-a me-lu ina na- 
 aq-bi 
 
 is-siir eqlu is-pi-ki-su 
 
 i-ni-' irtu sa d Nisaba : musdti meS ip-su-u 
 
 ugare meS 
 seru pal-ku-u u-li-id id^ra-na : ib-bal- 
 
 kat ki-ri-im-sa 
 sam-mu ul u-sa-a su-u ul i'-ru 
 
 60 is-sa-kin-ma a-na nise mei a-sa-ku 
 r£mu ku-sur-ma ul u-se-sir sir-ra 
 
 Below let (the fountain of the deep) be 
 
 stopped, that the flood rise not at the 
 
 source. 
 Let the field withhold its fertility. 
 Let a change come over the bosom of 
 
 Nisaba; by night let the fields become 
 
 white. 
 Let the wide field bear weeds ( ?). 
 Let her bosom revolt, that the plant come 
 
 not forth, that the sheep become not 
 
 pregnant. 
 Let calamity be placed upon the people. 
 Let the [womb] be closed, that it bring 
 
 forth no infant. 
 The fig tree was cut [off] for the people. 
 In their bellies, the plant was wanting. 
 Above, Adad made scarce his rain. 
 Below (the fountains of the deep) was 
 
 stopped, that the flood rose not at the 
 
 source. 
 The field withheld its fertility. 
 A change came over the bosom of Nisaba; 
 
 the fields by night became white, 
 The wide field bore weeds ( ?) ; her womb 
 
 revolted. 
 The plant came not forth ; the sheep did 
 
 not become pregnant. 
 Calamity was placed upon the people. 
 The womb was closed, and brought forth 
 
 no baby. 
 
 B, 111:45. As already observed, A, 12 had been injured when the early text was written, 
 and the subject of the verb was lost. It is also wanting in this text. We find the subject in 
 Gen. 8:2, in the words "fountains of the deep." In Genesis the same form from the same 
 verb is used, except that it is in the plural, namely 1"DD* 
 
 : t ■ 
 
 B, 111:49. Jensen translated Suru ia i-'-ru "Korn nicht ... .ess! " Dhorme read su-u ia 
 i- '-ru ' ' qu 'elle ne germe pas ! ' '. Ungnad ' ' Getride nicht kommen (?)!". Bogers, reading su-u 
 i-im-ru, translated "lambs shall not fatten." There are two occurrences of M in the Annals 
 of Sargon, see Delitzsch MWB 632. This also is the Hebrew word J~jjjf "one of a flock" (a 
 
 sheep or a goat), here used collectively as in the O. T. The verb must be i-'-ru following 
 B, III : 59. This is the root ,"7111 ' ' to conceive. ' ' 
 
68 
 
 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES • RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 Column 
 
 .... [ d ]E-a iz-za-kar 
 
 . u-sam(sa-am)-na-si 
 
 .... [t am] -nu si-ip-ta : is-tu-ma tam- 
 
 nu-u si-pa-sa 
 [. . . . i]-ta-di eli ti-it-ti-sa 
 5 [XIV gi-ir]-si taq-ri-is : VII gi4r-si 
 
 ana imni tas-ku-un 
 [VII gi]-ir-si ana sumeli tas-ku-un : 
 
 i-na be-ru-su-nu i-ta-di libitta 
 .... a ap-pa-ri pa-ri-iq a-bu-un-na-te 
 
 tip-te-si 
 [. . . . is] -si-ma ir-se-te mu-te-ti 
 [VII] u VII sa-su-ra-ti : VII u-ba-na-a 
 
 zikare meS 
 10 [VII] u-ba-na-a sinnusati meS 
 [s]a-su-ru ba-na-at si4m-tu 
 si-na-san (sa-na) u-ka-la-la-si-na 
 si-na-san(sa-na) u-ka-la-la mafi-ru^sa 
 u-su-ra-te sa nise meS -ma u-sa-ar d Ma-mi 
 
 IV. 
 
 Ea said. 
 
 .... lie shall cause her to recite. 
 
 . . . . [reci]ted an incantation. After 
 she recited the incantation ; 
 
 [She sp] at upon her clay. 
 
 [Fourteen pieces] she pinched off; seven 
 pieces she laid on the right. 
 
 [Seven] pieces she laid on the left; be- 
 tween them she placed a brick. 
 
 Offspring is delivered, the birth-stool ( ?). 
 
 She then called the wise .... 
 
 Seven and seven mothers, seven formed 
 
 boys. 
 Seven formed girls 
 The mother, the creator of destiny. 
 Them(?), they finished them. 
 Them( ?), they finished before her. 
 The figures of people, Mami formed. 
 
 15 i-na bit a-li-te fya-ris-ti : VII ume me * In the house of the bearing one the mid- 
 li-na-di libittu wife, shall let the brick for seven days 
 
 lie. 
 i-lut istu bit d Mah e-ris-ta d Ma-mi Divinity (?) from the temple of Mah, the 
 
 wise Mami, 
 sab-su-tu-um-ma ina bit ha-ris-ti li-ih- , They that are angry in the house of the 
 
 du midwife, let be happy. 
 
 ak-ki a-li-it-tu u-la-du-ma When the bearing one is about to give 
 
 birth, 
 ummi sir-ri lu-har-ri-sa ra-ma-an-[ni- Let the mother of the child conceive it 
 sa] like into herself. 
 20 [zi]-ka-ru 22 el-li Male 
 
 C. ASSYRIAN FRAGMENT. 3 
 
 .lu-u. . . .) 
 
 . ki-ma kip-pa-ti 
 
 . . like the ends of heaven, 
 
 * The text was published by Pinches IV R 3 Additions p. 9 ; and Delitzseh Assyrische 
 Lesestiidk^ p. 101. It was translated by Haupt KAT* 61; Jensen Kosmologie 371f; KB 
 VI 1 254f; Winckler Textiuch 94f; Jeremias ATAO 233; Dhorme Choice 126f; ITngnad 
 ATB I 57; Rogers Cuneiform Parallels 104; and Jastrow Eeb. and Bab. Trad. 344. 
 
APPENDIX— ASSYBIAN FRAGMENT 69 
 
 . . . .lu-da-an e-lis u sa[p-lis] ... .let it be strong above and below, 
 
 e-pi-fyi ) close 
 
 5 . . . . a-dan-na sa a-sap-pa-rak-[kum- ... .the time I will send thee. 
 ma] 
 
 [ana elippi] e-ru-um-ma tab elippi tir- . . . .enter and close the door of the ship. 
 [ra] 
 
 Mb-bi-sa seat-lea busu-ka u .... in it thy grain, thy possessions, and 
 
 makkuru-[ka] thy property, 
 
 [assat]-ka ki-mat-ka sa-lat-ka u Thy [wife] , thy family, thy relatives and 
 
 mdre meS um-ma-wi the craftsmen, 
 
 bu-ul seri u-ma-am seri ma-la urqtoi The cattle of the field, the beasts of the 
 
 ir- field, as many as dev[our] grass, 
 
 10 [a-sap-p]a-rak-kum-ma i-na-as-as-sa-ru I will send thee, and they will guard thy 
 
 babi-[ka] door. 
 
 [At-ra]-Jt,a-sis pa-a-su epus-ma iqdbi Atra-hasis opened his mouth, and spoke. 
 
 [iz-zak] -kar ana d E-a be-li- [su] He said to Ba, his lord : 
 
 ma-ti-ma-a elippi ul e-pu-us .... How long ! I have not built a ship. 
 
 [ina qaq]-qa-ri e-sir u-[sur-tu] Upon the earth draw a plan! 
 
 15 [u-sur] -tu lu-mur-ma elippu [lu-pu- The plan let me see, and I will build the 
 
 us] ship. 
 
 . . . .ina qaq-qa-ri e-sir ... .upon the ground he drew. 
 
 . . . .sa taq-ba-a which thou hast commanded. 
 
 D. A DELUGE STOEY IN SUMERIAN. 4 
 
 Column III. 
 
 The beginning of the column is wanting. 
 
 10 ki- an-na ? 11 uk [ The place 11 The people 
 
 12 a-ma-ru .... 13 14 ... . 12 The flood .... 13 .... 14 .... the 
 
 -ne-ne in made, .... 
 
 15 fi-bi-a d Nin-t[u ] dim a- At that time Nintu [cried aloud] like [a 
 
 woman in travail] . 
 azag d Innanna-ge uku-bi-su a-nir mu- The holy Ishtar lamented for her people. 
 
 d En-ki sa-ni-te-na-ge a-i-ni- .... -gi-gi Ea in his own heart held counsel. 
 
 4 The text, transliteration and translation were published by Poebel Historical and Crram- 
 matical Texts No. 1, and Historical Texts 14flE and 66fE. Translations are also found in 
 Barton Archaeology and the Bible 280f ; Jastrow Heb. and Bab. Trad. 335ff ; and King 
 Legends of Babylon and Egypt 62ff. 
 
70 TALE OEIENTAL SERIES • RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 An d En-lil d En-ki d Nin-har-sag-ga- Anu, Enlil, Ea and Nin-Harsag .... 
 
 g[e] 
 
 dingir-an-ki-ge mu An d En-lil mu- The gods of heaven and earth invfoked] 
 n[i]-. . . . the name of Anu (and) Enlil. 
 
 20 u-ba Zi-u-sud-du lugal-am pasis At that time Zi-u-sudda the king, the 
 
 priest of ... . 
 
 AN-SAG-gur-gur mu-un-dim-dim en A great he made 
 
 nam-BtJK-na KA-si-si-gi ni-te-ga, In humility he prostrates himself, in rev- 
 erence .... 
 
 ii-su-us-e sag-us-gub-ba Daily he stands in attendance 
 
 ma-mu-nu-me-a e-de" KA-bal A dream, as had not been before, comes 
 
 forth 
 
 25 mu«an-ki-bi-ta pa-pa-de By the name of heaven and earth he con- 
 jures 
 
 Column IV. 
 [..]-. .-sii dingir-ri-e-ne GI§ . . . For the gods 
 
 Zi-u-sud-du da. bi( ¥).gub-ba gis-mu. . Zi-ii-suddu standing at its side heard . 
 
 iz-zi-da a-gub-bu-mu gub-ba At the wall on my left side stand 
 
 iz-zi-da i(nim)-ga-ra-ab-du-dii At the wall I will speak a word to thee. 
 
 5 na-ri-ga-mu gis-TTJ-P [I] My holy one, give attention ! 
 
 su-me-a a-ma-ru u-dii kab-d[ii-ga] ba- By our hand( ?) a flood will be sent; 
 
 numun-nam-lu-qa.1 ha-lam-e-d[e] .... To destroy the seed of mankind .... 
 
 di-til-la i(nim)-pu-uh-ru-[um dingir- Is the decision, the word of the assembly 
 ri-e-ne-ka. .] [of the gods] 
 
 dii-dii-ga An d En-[lil] The commands of Anu (and) En[lil . . . 
 
 10 [n]am-lugal-bibal-bi Its (their) kingdom, its (their) reign . . 
 
 e( ?)-[n]e-su To him (them) 
 
 [ ] -na mu- 
 
 The rest of the column, or about three-fourths of the text, is missing. 
 
 Column V. 
 
 im-hul-im-hul-ni-gur-gur-gal du-a-bi All the mighty windstorms together 
 
 ur-bi ni-lah-gi-es blew, 
 
 a-ma-ru u-dii kab-dii-ga ba-an-da-ab- The flood raged. 
 
 ur-ur 
 
 D, IV: 8. As Poebel has pointed out pvriil}-ru-[um'] is Akkadian. 
 
APPENDIX— SUMERIAN DELUGE STOEY 
 
 71 
 
 u-7-4m gg-7-am 
 
 a-ma-ru kalam-ma ba-iir-ra-ta 
 
 When for seven days, for seven nights 
 The flood overwhelmed the land. 
 
 ta 
 d Utu i-im-ma-ra-e an-ki-a u-ma-ma 
 
 5 s^ma-gur-giir a-gal-la im-hul-bul-bul-a- When the storm drove out the great boat 
 
 over the mighty waters. 
 
 Shamash (the sun-god) came forth shed- 
 ding light over the heaven and earth. 
 
 Zi-u-suddu opened the [hatch] of the 
 great boat. 
 
 The light of the hero Shamash enters into 
 the interior (?) of the great boat. 
 
 Zi-ii-suddu, the king, 
 
 Prostrates himself before Shamash. 
 
 The king sacrifies an ox; a sheep he 
 slaughters (?). 
 
 Zi-u-sud-du swma-gur-gur KA(?)- 
 
 BtJR mu-un-da-B£rR 
 sul- d Utu gis-sir-ni(?).sa(?) s» s ma-gur- 
 
 gur-sii ba-an-tu-ri-en 
 Zi-u-siid-du lugal-am 
 10 igi- d Utu-su KA-ki-su-ub-ba 
 lugal-e gu. im-ma-ab-gaz-e 
 
 ma-ab-sar-ri 
 .... si-gal .... -la-da . . . 
 
 mu-un-[n]a 14 
 
 bi-in-si 16 ... . tab-ba 17 
 
 turn 
 u[d]u im- 
 
 . 13 .... 
 .15 
 
 The 
 
 a-[b]a 
 
 rest of the column is missing. 
 
 Column VI. 
 
 zi-an-na zi-ki-a ni-pa-de-en-zi-en 
 za-zu-da he-im-da-la 
 
 An d Bn-lil zi-an-na zi-ki-a ni-pa-def- 
 en]-ze-en 
 
 za-da-ne-ne im-da-la 
 5 nig-gil-(ma) ki-ta 4-de im-ma-ra-e-de 
 
 Zi-u-sud-du lugal-am 
 
 igi An d En-lil-la-su KA-ki-su-ub-ba- 
 
 tum 
 ti dingir-dim mu-un-na-si-mu 
 zi-da-ri dingir-dim mu-un-na-ab-e-de 
 
 10 ii-ba Zi-u-sud-du lugal-am 
 
 mu nig-gil-ma numun-nam-lu-qal- 
 URU(?)-ag 
 
 By the soul of heaven, by the soul of 
 earth ye shall conjure him, 
 
 That he may be .... with you. 
 Anu (and) Bnlil by the soul of heaven, 
 
 by the soul of earth shall ye conjure ; 
 
 He will be .... with you. 
 The niggilma of the ground rises in 
 
 abundance. 
 Zi-u-suddu, the king, 
 Before Anu (and) Enlil prostrates him- 
 self 
 Life like (that of) a god he gives to him ; 
 An eternal soul like (that of) a god he 
 
 creates for him. 
 At that time Zi-ii-suddu, the king, 
 The name of the niggilma (he named) 
 
 "Presence of the seed of mankind" 
 
72 TALE ORIENTAL SERIES ■ RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 kur-bal kur-dilmun(?)-na ki -su In a .... land, that of Dilmun, they 
 
 mu-un-ti-es caused him to dwell. 
 
 za- gal-bi(?)-ti(?)-es-a 
 
 The rest of the column, about three-fourths of the text, is missing. 
 
 -ra( ?) Zi-u-sM-du SAL . . . 
 
 E. THE DELUGE STORY IN THE GILGAMESH EPIC. 5 
 
 d Gilgames_a^na sa^su-ma izakkara(-ra) . Gilgamesh said to him, to Um-napishtim, 
 
 a-na tlm-napis-tintf ru-u-qi the distant one : 
 
 a-na-pt-ta-lW-Tcum-ma Um-napis-tim I look upon thee, 0, Um-napishtim ; 
 
 mi-na-iu-ka ul sa-na-aki-i ia-a-ti-ma at- Thy appearance is not changed, for I am 
 
 , ta—^ ~^-~~ like thou art. 
 
 V u [at-tajul sa-na-ta ki-i ia-ti-ma{at-taj And thou art not different, for I am like 
 
 thou art. 
 
 5 gu-um-mur-ka lib-li a-na e-pis tu-qu- There is perfection of heart unto thee to 
 
 un-ti make combat. 
 
 [ina n\a-a-l$i na-da-at-ta e-li(lu) si-ri- And in resting thou liest upon thy back. 
 
 ka 
 
 . . . .ki-i ta-az-ziz-ma ina puliur ilani mei [Tell me], how hast thou stood up, and 
 
 ba-la-ta tas-'-u found life in the assembly of the gods? 
 
 tfm-napis-Um ana sa-su-ma izakkara Um-napishtim spoke to him, even to Gil- 
 
 (-ra) a-na d Gilgames gamesh ; 
 
 ~n,u-up-te-ka d Gilgames a-mat ni-sir-ti I will reveal, Gilgamesh, the secret 
 
 story ; 
 
 4;0 u pi-ris-ta sa ilani mei ka-a-sa lu-uq-M- And the decision of the gods to thee I 
 
 ka will relate. 
 
 m $u-ri-ip-pak alu sa ti-du-su at-ta Shurippak, a city which thou knowest, 
 
 [ina a-fyi] nar Pu-rat-ti sak-nu Is situated (on the bank) of the Eu- 
 phrates, 
 
 George Smith published the first translation in The Chaldean Account of Genesis 263f£ 
 (1876). The text is published in Delitzsch AL* lOlff ; Haupt Nvmrod-Epos 133ff ; and Pinches 
 IV E? 43f. Translations have been published also by Fox Talbot, Oppert, Lenormant, Haupt, 
 Jensen, Jeremias, Winckler, Zimmern, King, Ball, Jastrow, Muss-Arnolt, Clay, Rogers, Barton 
 and others. For comparative purposes the following four are freely quoted in the discussions 
 in the notes: Jensen KB VI 1 228ff; Dhorme Choix lOOff; Ungnad ATB I 50ff ; and Rogers 
 Cuneiform Parallels 90ff . 
 
 E, 6. Instead of the usual reading [« i-n\a a-hi norHa-at e-li si-rirka "thou liest down 
 upon thy side, upon thy back" the writer proposes the above. 
 
 E, 9. The word nisirtu meaning "hidden thing," as already noted, is Amorite. 
 
APPENDIX— DELUGE STORY IN GILGAMESH EPIC 
 
 73 
 
 dlu su-u la-bir-ma ildni meS kir-bu-su 
 
 [a-n]a sa-kan a-bu-bi ub-la lib-ba-su- 
 nu ildm mel rabute mei 
 15 [kir]-ba-su abu-su-nu d A-nu-um 
 ma-lik-su-nu qu-ra-du d En-lil 
 guzalu-su-nu d En-TJrta 
 gu-gal-la-su-nu d En-nu-gi 
 d Nin-igi-azag d E-a it-ti-su-nu ta-me-ma 
 
 _20 a-mat-su-nu u^&grwwa-a\fihnqjqi-ik-ki- 
 su 
 qi-ik-kis qi4k-kis i-ga/r i-gar 
 qi-ik-ki-su si-me-ma i-ga-ru fyi-is-sa-as 
 amel Su-ru-up-pa-ku-u mar Vbara- 
 
 d Tu-Tu 
 u-qur bita bi-ni elippa ,,/' ]J 
 mus-sir mesre(-e) ie-'-i napsdte meS 
 na{?)-ak-ku-ra'(zi-ir-ma na-pis-ta b ul- 
 
 " T m ~™ ^ ¥ 
 
 [sJuJi^mji^ernap-sa-a-ti ka-la-ma a-na 
 
 Uhd>i ^elippi. ' Z) cf ' 
 
 "elippu sata-ba-an-nu-si at-ta 
 I [u] -u man -du r da mi-nartu-sa 
 30 [I] u-u mit-hur fu-bu-us-sa u fmu-rak-sa 
 
 [ki]-ma ap-si-i sa-a-sbsu-ul-lil-si \ 
 
 That city was old when the gods within 
 
 it, 
 The great gods, brought their hearts to 
 
 send a deluge. 
 [These drew near] their father, Arm; 
 Their counselor, the warrior Bnlil; 
 Their herald, Bn-Urta ; 
 Their hero, Bnnugi. 
 The lord of wisdom, Ba counseled with 
 
 them; and 
 He repeated their words to the qikkis : 
 
 Qikkis, qikkis! Wall, wall! 
 
 0, qikkis, hear ! wall, give attention ! 
 
 Man of Shurippak, son of Ubara-Tutu, 
 
 Tear down t-he house, build a ship ! -t — - 
 
 Leave possessions, take thought for life ! [\[zl 
 
 Abandon property ; save life ! 
 
 N 
 
 Bring into the ship the seed of life of 
 everything ! 
 
 The ship which thou shalt build, 
 
 Let its dimensions be measured! 
 
 'Let its breadth and its length be propor- 
 tioned ! 
 
 [Li]ke the apsu, protect it with a roof 
 (sdsi) ! 
 
 E, 20. The writer feels that qikkis or qiqqii is an archaic Amorite word which is glossed 
 by igaru "wail." A wooden wall would alone furnish material for the construction of the 
 boat. Si-me-ma is also apparently a gloss for fti-issa-as. 
 
 E, 26. If instead of na-ak-kw-ra the injured line should prove to read ina ma-ak-ku-ra, 
 then ei-ir-ma would probably be from *y|Q or ~\*ft "to turn aside", and the preceding line 
 would be a gloss; the Akkadian word i-zi-ir-an-ni "hates me" occurs a few lines below. 
 
 E, 31. The word •sa-a-si also occurs in line 61, in sa-a-si e-si/r-si. Jensen translates 31 
 " [B]eim Weltmeer leg es (, es) hin", Dhorme "Sur 1 'ocean plaee-le! ". Ungnad " [An] den 
 Ozean lege es vor Anker(?)," Rogers " . . . . the heaven cover it with a roof," and Hilprecht 
 ' ' Cover it like the subterranean waters. ' ' Jensen translated line 60, " Ich warf hin die Vorder- 
 gestalt zeichnete es; " Dhorme, "Je traeai ses contours, je les dessinai;" Ungnad, "Ich 
 entwarf (?) den Vorderbau(?) und zeichnete es (das Sehiff) ; " and Rogers, "I enclosed it." 
 The word Sa-a-B is perhaps to be identified with the Amorite form of Shamash, namely JJ'lJj/ 
 see Clay BE X:116. Nabopolassar in a late building inscription from Sippar calls himself 
 
74 
 
 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES ■ RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 I understood, and said to Ea, my lord, 
 
 [a]-na-ku i-di-ma a-zak-ka-ra a-na 
 
 d E-a be-li-ia 
 . . . .-[u]r(?)be-li sa taq-ba-a at-ta 
 
 ki-a-am 
 [at]-ta-'4d a-na-ku ep-pu-vS 
 35 .... [m]i(f) lu-pu-ul dlu um-ma-nu 
 
 u si-bu-tum 
 [ d ]E-a pa-a-su i-pu-us-ma i-qab-bi 
 T^zWc^Orraana ardi-su ia-a-tu 
 .... lu at-ta ki-a-am ta-qab-ba-as-su- 
 
 nu-ti 
 [a]-di-ma ia-a-si d Enlil i-zi-ir-an-m- 
 
 [The word] of the lord, as thou hast 
 
 commanded, thus 
 I will observe, I will execute. 
 [But what] shall I answer the city, the 
 
 people, and the elders ? 
 Ea opened his mouth and spoke. 
 He said unto me, his servant : 
 Verily thou shalt say to them, 
 
 [I kn] ow that Enlil hates me, and 
 I may not dwell in your city ; 
 
 ma . 
 
 40 ul us-sab mci a[Mzku]-nu-ma j 
 
 - x [in]a qaq-qar d En-lil uVio-sak-kchlna^' Nor on the soil of Enlil set my face, 
 pani-ia-a-ma 
 \ur\-rad-maana apsl it-ti d [E-a be]- 
 
 li-ia as-ba-ku ' 
 
 [eli k]a-a-su-nu u-sa-az-na-an-ku-nu-si 
 
 nu-uh-sam-ma 
 [bu-'-ur] issure mei b u-[']-ur nune mei 
 ma 
 45 .... [ra-b]a-a e-bu-ra-am-ma 
 
 .... [mu-ir] ku-uk-ki (ilia li-la-a-ti) 
 
 I will go down to the ocean; with [Ea] 
 
 my lord, I will dwell. 
 [Upon] you will he (Enlil) then rain 
 
 abundance. 
 [A catch of] birds ; a catch of fish, 
 
 [u-sa-az-na-nu-ku] -nu-si sa-mu-tum 
 
 ki-ba-a-ti 
 [mim-mu-u se-e-ri] ina na-ma-a-ri 
 .... [a]s-ma-a ... 50 
 
 u ... 51 [k]a(f) . 
 
 . . . . ta 
 
 About fifty lines missing. 
 
 .... a harvest, and 
 
 .... When the muir kukki, in the eve- 
 ning, 
 Will send you a heavy rain. 
 
 glows 
 
 . pa-as{z, s) heard 
 
 54 u ... pi 
 
 53 sir-ru [is]-si kup-ra 
 
 v dan-nuina .... [fyi]-sih-tu ub-la 
 
 bore the asphalt. 
 
 Strong .... I brought the neces [sities] . 
 
 mi-gi-vr dga-aS-Su KB III 2, 8:10. It is written without the determinative KB III 64:11, 13. 
 The word seems to mean Shamash, as hitherto noted. In the deluge text above, does it not 
 refer to the course through which Shamash travels, namely the firmament, the covering, the 
 vault above the earth? The word apsti, was a synonym. The passage it would seem should be 
 translated, "like the ap&0,, enclose it with a roof". In the case of the deluge ship, it was 
 absolutely necessary that it have a roof. 
 
APPENDIX— DELUGE STOET IN GILGAMESH EPIC 
 
 75 
 
 ina fya-an-si u-mi [a] t-ta-di bu-na-sa 
 as-kan fyi-sa 10 GAR ta - a - an saq-qa-a 
 
 igdrdti mel -sa 
 10 GAR ta - aan im-ta-fyir ki-bir muJj,- 
 
 fyi-sa 
 60 ad-di la-an-si sa-a-si e-sir-si 
 
 ur-tag-gi-ib-si a-na YI-su 
 ap-ta-ra-as [pa-ri-s]u a-na VII-su 
 qir-bi-is-zu ap-ta-ra-as a-na IX-su 
 ^sikkdti me ina qabli-sa lu-[u] am-Tias- 
 
 On the fifth day, I raised its form. 
 
 I placed its walls about its perimeter 120 
 
 cubits high. 
 120 cubits was proportioned the length 
 
 of its upper part. 
 I laid its hull; I enclosed it with a roof 
 
 (sdsi). 
 I covered it (i. e. made decks) six times. 
 I divided (into divisions) seven times. 
 I divided its interior nine times. 
 Water-tanks in its midst I constructed. 
 
 65 a-mur pa-ri-su u fyi-sih-tum ad-di I inspected the compartments, and I in- 
 
 stalled the necessities. _ 
 
 VI sar ku-up-ri at-ta-bak a-na qi-i-ri Three sars of bitumen I smeared over the Q t> 
 
 (outside) wall. 
 Ill sar iddi [at-ta-bak] a-na lib-bi Three sars of bitumen I smeared over the 
 
 inside. 
 Ill sar sab6 meS na-as *^su-us-su-ul-sa Three sars of oil the basket bearers C ' 
 
 i-zab-bi-lu samna brought in. 
 
 e-zi-ib (e-zu-ub) sar samni sa i-ku-lu I saved a sar of oil which sacrifices con- 
 ni-iq-qu sumed. 
 
 70 II sar sam- [ni] u-pa-az-zi-ru amll maldhu Two sars of oil the shipman stowed away. 
 a-na n[ise meS ] ut-tib-bi-ih alpe meS For [the people] oxen were slaughtered. 
 
 E, 58. Jensen read ina KAN-HI-SA "nach dem plan; " Dhorme, ina KAN bi-sa "Quant a 
 son enceinte;" Ungnad, "Nach dem Entwur£(?)"; Rogers ina KAN-sa sa "in its plan." 
 The sentence preceding and the eight that follow all contain a verbal form, which, with the 
 exception of line 59, are in the first person singular. The writer proposes the above reading. 
 If it is correct, as-kan may be a dialectical form of as-Tcun. 
 
 E, 60. Jensen translated la-om "Vordergestadt", Dhorme "contours;" Ungnad, 
 " Vorderbau; " and Eogers, "hull." It seems to the writer that the word does refer to the 
 hull or bottom, and that the root is very probably the Hebrew V(j "to lodge, pass the night; " 
 because that is the part of the boat in which the people lodged. 
 
 E, 66. The word Tci-irri is translated by Jensen "Innenraum; " Dhorme "V interieur;" 
 Ungnad "den Schmelzofen(?) " and Eogers " outside (?)." As already noted, qiru is the 
 Hebrew yp "wall." 
 
 E, 68. Su-us-su-ul-lu is (Jensen KB VI 1 p 490) Amorite; ef. fil^D^D Jer. 6:9.. 
 
 E, 70. The root of ,<Urpa/-az-zi-ru^is the common Hebrew ■'^Jf 3, "to gather, gather in, 
 enclose." While the word puzru "concealment," and pazru, "concealed" in Akkadian may 
 be from the same root, the verb with the above meaning was not in current use. 
 
76 
 
 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES • RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 as-gi-is immere me * u-mi-sam-ma 
 
 si-ri- [su ku-ru] -un-nu samnu u karanu 
 
 um-ma- [na as-qi] ki-ma me nan-ma 
 
 75 i-sin-[na as-ku-na] ki-ma u-mi a-ki- 
 tim-ma 
 ap-t[e] . . . pis-sa-ti qa-ti ad-di 
 
 l[a-a]m d Bamas ra-bi-e elippu gam-rat 
 
 .... sup-su-qu-ma 
 
 gi-sa(f) elippa epusu meS us-tab-bi-lu 
 e-lis u sap-lis 
 80 .... li-ku-si-ni pat-su 
 [mimma i-su-u e]-si-en-si 
 mimma i-su-u e-si-en-si kaspu 
 mimma i-\su-u e] -si-en-si-en-si hurasu 
 mimma i-su-[u e-si-en]-si zer 
 *-■ -. napsate mei ka-la-ma 
 • ^5ju,s - te-li a-[na] libbi elippi ka-la kim-ti- 
 ia u sa-lat-ia 
 bu-ul seri u-ma-am seri mare meS um- 
 ma-a-ni ka-li-su-nu u-se-U 
 
 a-dan-na d Samas is-^ku-nam-ma 
 
 mu-ir ku-uk-ki ina li-la-a-ti u-sa-az-na- 
 
 an-nu sa-mu-tu ki-ba-a-ti 
 e-ru-ub ana [lib]-bi elippi-ma pi-fyi 
 
 bob {elippa) -ka 
 90 a-dan-nu su-u ik-tal-da 
 
 mu-ir ku-[uk-ki] ina li-la-a-ti i-za-an- 
 
 na-nu sa-mu-tu ki-ba-a-ti 
 sa u-mi at-ta-tal bu-na-su 
 u-mu a-na i-tap-lu-si pu-luh-ta i-si 
 e-ru-ub a-na lib-bi elippi-ma ap-te-hi 
 
 ba-a-bi 
 
 I slew sheep daily. 
 
 Must, sesame wine, oil and wine. 
 
 I gave the workmen to drink like water 
 
 from the river. 
 [I made a fe]ast like the Akitu festival, 
 
 and 
 I open[ed a box] of ointment. I com- 
 pleted my task (lit. laid down my 
 
 hand). 
 Before ( 1 ) Shamash, the great ship was 
 
 finished. 
 
 was opened wide, and 
 
 The ship ropes ( ?) which they made, they 
 
 installed above and below. 
 
 their were 
 
 With all that I had, I loaded it. 
 With all that I had of silver, I loaded it. 
 With all that I had of gold, I loaded it. 
 With all the seed of life that there was, I 
 
 loaded it. 
 I caused to go up into the ship all my 
 
 family and relatives. 
 The cattle of the field, the beast of the 
 
 plain, the craftsmen, all of them, I 
 
 caused to go up. 
 Shamash fixed a time (saying), 
 The muir kukki at even will send a heavy 
 
 rain. 
 Enter the ship and close the door. 
 
 That time arrived. 
 
 The muir kukki at even sent a heavy rain. 
 
 Of the storm, I observed its appearance. 
 
 To behold the storm, I dreaded. 
 
 I entered the ship, and closed the door. 
 
 E, 76. In all the translations qarti ad-di is made to refer to the "ointment, 
 to the writer that it is an expression meaning, he finished the task. 
 E, 81. On e-si-en-U from the Amorite root »VV ; see Chap. I. 
 
 It seems 
 
APPENDIX— DELUGE STORY IN GILGAMESH EPIC 
 
 77 
 
 95 a-na pi-lii-i sa elippi a-na Bu-zu-ur- 
 d Amurru amll malai,i 
 ekallu at-ta-[di4]n a-di bu-se-e-su 
 
 mim-mu-u se-e-ri ina na-ma-ri 
 i-lam-ma is-tu-i-sid same meS ur-pa-tum 
 
 sa-lim-tum 
 d Adad ina lib-bi-sa ir-tam-ma-am-ma 
 100 d Nabu u d Sarru il-la-ku ina mah-ri 
 il-la-ku guzale meS sadu-u u ma-a-tum 
 
 tar-kul-li d Ura-gal i(u)-na-as-safi, 
 il-lak d En-Urta mi-ih-ra u-sar-di 
 
 d A-nun-na-ki is-su-u di-pa-ra-a-ti 
 105 ina nam-ri-ir-ri-su-nu u-fya-am-ma-tu 
 ma-a-tum 
 sa d Adad su-mur-ra-as-[su] i-ba-'-u 
 
 same(-e) 
 [mim]-ma nam-ru ana e-[tu-ti] ut-tir- 
 _ ru 
 . . . . main kima e .... ih-se(b [u] )- 
 
 isten(-en) u-ma me- .... 
 110 }j,a-an-tis i-zi-qam-ma .... mat-a 
 
 ki-ma qdb-li eli [nise meS u-ba]-'-u 
 
 ul im-mar a-fyu a-fya-su 
 
 ul u-ta-ad-da-a nise mel ina same(-e) 
 
 ildni meS ip-la(tal)-hu a-bu-ba-am-ma 
 115 it-te-ih-su i-te-lu-u ana same(-e) sa 
 
 d A-nim 
 ilani mei kima kalbi kun-nu-nu ina ka- 
 
 ma-a-ti rdb-su 
 i-ses-si d Is-tar ki-ma a-lit-ti 
 
 To the master of the ship, to Buzur- 
 
 Amurru, the sailor, 
 I entrusted the great house, including its 
 
 possessions. 
 On the appearance of the break of dawn, 
 There rises from the foundation of the 
 
 heavens a black cloud. 
 Adad thunders in the midst of it. 
 Nebo and Sharru go before. 
 They go as messengers over mountain 
 
 and land; — r — 
 
 Urragal tears out the mast( ?),_ 
 Bn-Urta proceeds ; he advances the 
 
 onset. 
 The Anunnaki raise the torches. 
 With their flashes they illuminate the 
 
 land. 
 The fury of Adad reaches the heavens. 
 
 Everything that was bright turns [to 
 
 darkness] . 
 the land ; like 
 
 One day, the deluge. 
 
 Quickly it overwhelms, and [covers] the 
 mountains. 
 
 Like a war engine it comes upon the peo- 
 ple. 
 
 Brother could not see brother. 
 
 The people in heaven did not recognize 
 each other. 
 
 The gods fear the deluge. 
 
 They withdraw, they ascend to the 
 heaven of Anu. 
 
 The gods cower like a dog ; they lie down 
 in the enclosure. 
 
 Ishtar cries like a woman in travail. 
 
 E, 95. The word pvtyi-i is not Akkadian, but it is the Hebrew ni"7fl ; and it seems that to 
 
 T V 
 
 regard the latter as borrowed from the Babylonian pifydtu "district," as is generally done, 
 is a mistake. 
 
78 TALE ORIENTAL SEEIES ■ RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 u-nam-ba d be-lit i[ldni] ta-bat rig-ma The lady of the gods wails with her beau- 
 tiful voice. 
 u-mu ul-lu-u a-na ti-it-ti lu-u i-tur-ma The former day is verily turned to clay. 
 120 as-su a-na-ku ina pu-hur (ma-bar) When I spoke evil in the assembly of the 
 
 ildni meS aq-bu-u Umutta gods — 
 
 \ki-i aq-bi ina pu-hur(ma-har) ildni me! 0, that I spoke evil in the assembly of 
 Umutta the gods, — 
 
 ana hul-lu-uq nise meS -ia qab-la aq-bi-ma For the destruction of my people, I or- 
 dered the cataclysm. 
 a-na-ku-um-ma ul-la-da ni-su-u-a-a-ma I verily will bear (again) my people, 
 
 (which) 
 ki-i mdre me nune meS u-ma-al-la-a tarn- Like a spawn of fish fill the sea. 
 ta-am-ma 
 125 ildni meS su-ut d A-nun-na-ki ba-ku-u it- The gods of Anunnaki weep with her. 
 ti-sa 
 ilani meS as-ru as-bi i-na bi-ki-ti The gods are depressed ; they sit weep- 
 
 ing; 
 kat-ma(sab-ba) sap-ta-su-nu [pa-ah- Their lips are silent; [they huddle] 
 
 ra] -a pu-uh-ri-e-ti together. 
 
 VI ur-ri u mu-sa-d-ti Six days and six nights, 
 
 il-lak sa-a-ru a-bu-[bu me]-J},u-u i-sap- The wind tears, and the deluge-tempest 
 
 pan mdtu overwhelms the land. 
 
 130 si-bu-u y,-muy,-na ka-sa-a-di it-ta-rak When the seventh day arrives, the del- 
 
 ~~(vTrTk) me-hu-u a-bu-bu qab- la uge-tempest subsides in the onslaught, 
 
 sa im-dafy-su ki-ma h,a-ai-al-ti Which had fought like an army. 
 
 i-nu-uh tdmtu us-ha-ri-ir-ma im-fyul-lu The sea rested; the hurricane had spent 
 
 a-bu-bu ik-lu itself, the flood was at an end. 
 
 ap-pa-al-sa-am-ma u-ma(ta-ma-ta) so- I lookecLupon the seal; the _yoice^ was 
 
 kin qu-lu silent,. 
 
 ( ,fU kul-lat te-ni-se-e-ti i-tu-ra a-na ti-it-ti And all mankind was turned to clay. 
 
 135 ki-ma u-ri mit-hu-rat u-sal-lu Like a log they floated about. 
 
 \ap-ti nap-pa-sa-am-ma urru im-ta-qut I opened the hatch, and the light fell 
 
 eli dur ap-pi-ia upon my countenance. 
 
 t uq-tam-mi-is-ma at-ta-sab a-bak-ki I was horrified, and I sat down and wept. 
 
 E, 131. As already mentioned, fya-aja-al-ti is Hebrew; see Jensen KB VI 1 p. 498. 
 E, 133. In the duplicate text ta-ma-ta takes the place of &-mu, showing that the latter 
 should not be translated "day," as is done by all translators, but "sea" (= Q*). 
 
APPENDIX— DELUGE STORY IN GILGAMESH EPIC 
 
 79 
 
 ^p eU dur ap-pi-ia il-la-ka di-ma-a-a 
 ap-pa-li-is kib-ra-a-ti fyat-tu tdmti 
 
 140 a-na XII ta - aan i-te-la-a na-gu-u 
 a-na Sad Ni-sir i-te-mid { *elippu 
 ' ' sadu{-u)j^Ni-svr elippa is-bat-ma a-na 
 ( na^a- si ul id^dl/ii) 
 isten(-en) u-ma sana-a u-ma sadu(-u) 
 
 Ni-sir Ki-Min ^ 
 sal-sa famajri-ba-a u-ma sadu(-u) Ni- 
 sir Ki-Min) 
 145 fyan-su sis-sa sadu(-u) Ni-sir Ki-Min 
 
 siba-a u-ma i-na ka-sa-apdir' 
 r— u-se-si-ma summata^^^jgnas^ir 
 ' — il-lik summatu ittur i-tu-ra-amjma^^ 
 man-za-zu ul i-pa-as-sum(sim)-ma is- 
 safy-ra 
 150 u-se-si-ma sinundu* M " r u-mas-sir 
 il-lik sinundu™™ ' iAujjhmn^ma— 
 man-za-zu ul i-pa-as-sum-ma is-safy-ra 
 
 u-se-si-ma a-ri-ba u-mas-sir i 
 
 il-lik a-ri-bi-ma qa-ru-ra sa me i-mur— 
 ma 
 155 ik-kal i-sa-ah-hi i-ta/r-ri ul is-safy-ra 
 
 u-se-si-ma a-na IV sare at-ta-qi ni-qa-a 
 
 as-kun sur-qi-nu ina eli ziq-qur-rat 
 
 sadi(-i) 
 VII u VII kar P<"a-da-guru uk-tin 
 
 Over my countenance ran my tears. 
 
 I looked in all directions; the sea was 
 terrible. 
 
 On the twelfth day, an island arose. 
 
 Upon Mount Nisir, the ship grounded. 
 
 Mount Nisir held the ship that it moved 
 not. 
 
 One day, a second day, Mount Nisir held 
 it, that it moved not. 
 
 A third day, a fourth day Mount Nisir 
 held it, that it moved not. 
 
 A fifth day, a sixth day Mount Nisir held 
 it, that it moved not. 
 
 When the seventh day arrived, 
 
 I brought out and released a dove. 
 
 The dove went forth; it turned; 
 
 It did not have a resting place; it re- 
 turned. 
 
 I brought out and released a swallow. 
 
 The swallow went forth ; it turned ; 
 
 It did not have a resting place; it re- 
 turned. 
 
 I brought out and released a raven. 
 
 The raven went forth ; it saw the drying 
 up of the water ; 
 
 It approached; it waded; it croaked(?) ; 
 it did not return. 
 
 I sent (everything) to the four winds. I 
 offered a sacrifice. 
 
 I made a libation upon the summit of the 
 mountain. 
 
 Seven and seven adagur pots I set out. 
 
 E, 137. Jensen translates "kniete neider;" Dhorme, "Je m'affalai;" Ungnad, "Ieh 
 kniete hin; " Eogers "I bowed." > It seems to the writer that the root of uq.-ta-am-mi4s may 
 possibly be the Hebrew V")j^ £o feel a loathing,_abhorrence; " cf. line 126. 
 
 E, 142. PoebelC(i&MJJ, p. 55) has already pointed out that .thejcoat of M&<kM.iBS6t_ndsu "to 
 sway, quake, tremlSIeT" As it is a synonym of aldku 2 R 35:50 e f, it seems to the writer that 
 the root is the Hebrew Q^J "to escape," ef. Is. 59:19. Professor Torrey has kindly called my 
 attention to the haf'el of this verb meaning "remove" in the two old Aramaic inscriptions, 
 namely the Zakir 11:20, and the Nerab Inscription 1:6, and 11:8, 9; see JAOS 35, 363; and 
 AJSL 33, 54 f. 
 
80 
 
 YALE ORIENTAL, SERIES • RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 
 
 i-na sap-li-su-nu at-ta-bak qana i( erina 
 
 u dsa 
 160 ildni me§ i-si-nu i-ri-sa 
 
 ildni meS i-si-nu e {i) -ri-sa fa- [a-ba] 
 ildni meS ki-ma zu-um-be-e eli bel niqe 
 
 ip-tah-ru 
 ul-tu ul-la-nu-um-ma d bUit Hani ina 
 
 ka-sa-di-su 
 is-si NIM meS Crabute meS sa d A-nu-um 
 
 i-pu-su ki-i siPM^u 
 165 ildni mel an-nu-ti lu-u abm sibri-ia ai 
 
 am-si ____^ 
 
 ume meS an-nu-ti lu-u ^^sg^am- maj) 
 
 ana da-ris ai am-si 
 ildni meS lil-li-ku-ni a-najur-qi-ni 
 d En-lil ai il-li-ka a-na sur-qym^ 
 as-su la im-tal-ku-ma is-ku-nu a-bu-bu 
 
 170 u nise mei 4a im-nu-u a-na ka-ra-si 
 
 ul-tu ul-la-nu-um-ma d En-lil ina ka-sa- 
 di-su 
 i-mur elippa-ma i-te-ziz d En-lil 
 lib-ba-ti im-ta-li sa ildni mei d Igigi 
 
 ai-um-ma u-si na-pis-ti 
 175 ai ib-lut amelu ina ka-ra-si 
 
 d Enurta pa-a-su epus-ma iqabbi 
 izakkar(-ar) ana qu-ra-di d En-lil 
 
 '■ inan-nu-um-ma sa la d E-a a-ma-ti i- 
 
 i 
 
 ban- [nu] 
 
 d E-a i-di-e-ma ka-la sip-ri 
 180 d E-a pa-a-su epus-ma iqabbi 
 
 izakkar(-ar) ana qu-ra-di d En-lil 
 at-ta abkal ildni meS qu-ra-du 
 
 ki-i ki-i la tam-ta-lik-ma a-bu-ba tas- 
 
 kun 
 be-el hi-ti (ar-ni) e-mid fyi-ta-a-su 
 185 be-el hdb-la-ti e-mid hab-lat-su 
 
 Beneath them I piled reeds, cedar wood 
 and myrtle. 
 
 The gods smelled the savor. 
 
 The gods smelled the sweet savor. 
 
 The gods like flies gathered about the 
 sacrificer. 
 
 When finally the lady of the gods ar- 
 rived. 
 
 She raised the great jewel(?), which 
 Ann had made according to her wish. 
 
 Ye gods here, I shall not forget my neck- 
 lace. 
 
 Upon these days I shall think, so that 
 forever I will not forget. 
 
 Let the gods come to the offering. 
 
 Enlil shall not come to the offering ; 
 
 Because he took not counsel ; and sent the 
 deluge ; 
 
 And my people he numbered for destruc- 
 tion. 
 
 When at last Enlil arrived, 
 
 He saw the ship ; then Enlil was wroth ; 
 
 He was filled with anger against the 
 Igigi gods. 
 
 Has anyone come out alive? 
 
 No<man shall survive the cataclysm. 
 
 En-Urta opened his mouth, and spake, 
 
 He said to the warrior Enlil ; 
 
 Who without Ea shall devise the com- 
 mand? 
 
 And Ea knows every matter. 
 
 Ea opened his mouth and spoke, 
 
 He_said Jtt the war rior Enlil : 
 
 Thou wise one(?) of the gods, war- 
 rior, 
 
 Why, why hast thou not taken counsel ; 
 and hast sent a flood? 
 
 On the sinner place his sin ; 
 
 On the evil doer place his crimes ; 
 
 / 
 
APPENDIX— BABYLONIAN FRAGMENT 
 
 81 
 
 ru-um-me ai ib-ba-ti4q su-du-ud ai ... 
 
 am-ma-ki tas-ku-nu a-bu-ba 
 
 nesu lit-ba-am-ma nise mei li-so-ofy-fai- 
 
 [ir] 
 am-ma-ki tas-ku-nu a-bu-ba 
 190 barbaru lit-ba-am-ma mse meS li-sa- 
 a[fy-hi-ir] 
 am-ma-ki tas-ku-nu a-bu-ba 
 fyu-sah,-hu lis-sa-kin-ma mdtu lis- [gis] 
 am-ma-ki tas-ku-nu a-bu-ba 
 d Ur-ra lit-ba-am-ma mdtu(nise meS ) lis- 
 gis 
 195 a-na-ku ul ap-ta-a pi-ris-ti ilani mei 
 rabute meS 
 At-ra-fya-sis su-na-ta u-sab-ri-sum-ma 
 
 pi-ris-ti ilani mei is-me 
 e-nin-na-ma mi-lik-su mil-ku 
 i-lam-ma d Ea a-na lib-bi elippi 
 is-bat qa-ti-ia-ma ul-te-la-an-ni-ia-a-si 
 200 us-te-li us-ta-ak-mi-is sin-nis-ti ina 
 i-di-ia 
 il-pu-ut pu-ut-ni-ma iz-za-az ina bi-ri- 
 
 in-ni i-kar-ra-ban-na-si 
 i-na pa-ni Om-napistim a-me-lu-tum-ma 
 e-nin-na-ma 'Om-napistim u sinnisti-su 
 lu-u e-mu-u ki-i(ma) ildni meS na- 
 si-ma 
 lu-u a-sib-ma Om-napistim ina ru-u-qi 
 ., -" \ ina pi-i ndrdti meS 
 205 jbl-qu-in-ni-ma ina ru-qi ina pi-i 
 ndrdti mei us-ie-si-bu-in-ni 
 
 That charity ( ?) be not cut off; that pun- 
 ishment be not .... 
 Instead of thy sending a deluge, 
 Let a lion come and diminish the people. 
 
 Instead of thy sending a deluge, 
 Let a wolf come and diminish the peo- 
 ple. 
 Instead of thy sending a deluge, 
 Let there be a famine and ruin the land 
 Instead of thy sending a deluge, 
 Let Urra come and destroy the people. 
 
 v/ 
 
 I have not revealed the decision of the 
 great gods. 
 
 I caused Atra-hasis to see a dream, and 
 he heard the decision of the gods. 
 
 Now take counsel concerning him. 
 
 Ea went up into the ship. 
 
 He took my hand, and brought me up. 
 
 My wife he brought up, (and) caused to 
 kneel beside me. 
 
 He turned our faces and he stood be- 
 tween us ; he blessed us. 
 
 Formerly Um-napishtim was a man, and \ 
 
 now Um-napishtim and his wife are \ 
 associates ; they are elevated like godsM 
 
 Verily Um-napishtim shall dwell afar off 
 
 at the mouth of the rivers. 
 He took me, and caused me to dwell afar 
 
 off at the mouth of the rivers. 
 
 F. A FRAGMENT OF DELUGE STORY IN BABYLONIAN. 6 
 
 sa(f) sa(t) -ha 
 
 .... a-pa-as-sar- [ma] 
 
 . . ka-la ni-si is-te-nis i-za-bat 
 
 .... I will loosen ; 
 
 will take all the people together. 
 
 * Published by Hilpreeht BE Ser. D V 1 33f . It was also translated by Rogers Cuneiform 
 Parallels 108f ; and by Jastrow Eeb. and Bab. Trad. 343f. 
 
82 TALE OEIENTAL SERIES ■ RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 -ti la-am a-bu-bu wa-si-e before the deluge comes ; 
 
 5 . . . . -a-ni ma-la i-ba-as-su-u lu-Ttin as many as there are I will bring 
 
 ub-bu-ku lu pu-ut-tu hu-ru-su destruction. Verily observe silence. 
 
 l9 elippa ra-be-tam bi-ni-ma build a great ship ; and 
 
 ga-be-e gab-bi lu bi-nu-uz-za the total height, shall be its struc- 
 ture. 
 
 si-i lu ^magurgurrum ma-sum- It (she) shall be a magurgurrum 
 
 sa lu-na-si-rat na-pis-tim (giant boat) ; and her name shall be 
 
 'the reserver of life.' 
 
 > . . . n(?) zu-lu-la dan-na zu-ul-lil protect with a great cover. 
 
 10 te-ip-pu-su which thou shalt make. 
 
 .... u-ma-am si-rim is-sur sa-me-e beast of the field, fowl of the 
 
 heaven. 
 
 ku-um mi-ni for a number (or of a kind). 
 
 u qi[n]-ta and family 
 
 G. BEROSSUS' VERSION OP THE ATRA-HASIS EPIC. 7 
 
 After the death of Ardatos, his son Xisouthros reigned for eighteen sars ; in 
 his reign a great deluge took place, and the story has been recorded as follows. 
 
 Kronos appeared to him in his sleep and said that on the fifteenth of the month 
 Daisios men would be destroyed by a deluge. He bade him therefore, setting 
 down in writing the beginning, middle, and end of all things, to bury them in 
 Sippara, the city of the Sun ; to build a boat, and go aboard it with his family 
 and close friends ; to stow in it food and drink, to put in it also living creatures, 
 winged and four-footed, and when all his preparations were complete, to set sail ; 
 when asked where he was sailing, to say, "To the gods, in order to pray that men 
 may have blessings." 8 He did not disobey, but built the 9 boat, five 10 furlongs 
 
 F, 5. The root of fyurru-su aeems to be the Hebrew tj/"l|"f " to be silent, speechless. ' ' 
 
 F, 7. It has been shown that j"|3J * s ^ e r00 * °' 9®-be-e (see Hilpreeht, BE Ser. D V 
 p. 51). 
 
 F, 8. Poebel anticipated the writer in the rejection of the reading bcu-bil (see Historical 
 Texts p. 61) ; however, the ma which follows is not an emphatic particle, but the Hebrew 
 waw conjunctive. 
 
 F, 9. Rogers correctly translated; "with a strong roof cover it." 
 
 7 The text followed is that of A. Sehoene Eusebi Chronicorv/m Libri Duo Vol. I pp. 
 20-24, except where differences are noted. The translation and notes here presented are by 
 my colleague, Prof. A. M. Harmon of Tale University. 
 
 8 Through ambiguity caused by indirect discourse, the Greek might almost equally well mean : 
 "When asked (by Xisouthros) where he was to sail, he (Kronos) said" etc. It was so taken 
 by the author of the Armenian version. 
 
 * pavirrryijaai tA A. M. H., va.vwtfyiiaa.vTO, Ms, vaviriiy/iaaa$ai Gutschmid. 
 10 Gutschmid and Sehoene follow the Armenian version, ' ' fifteen. ' ' 
 
APPENDIX— BEBOSSUS' VERSION 83 
 
 in length and two furlongs in width, assembled and stowed everything in accord- 
 ance with the directions, and embarked his wife and children and his close 
 friends. 
 
 After the deluge had begun and had quickly ceased, Xisouthros let some of 
 the birds go ; but as they found no food nor place to alight, they came back into 
 the boat. Again after some days Xisouthros let the birds go, and they came back 
 to the boat with their feet muddy. But when they were let go for the third 
 time, they did not come back to the boat again. Xisouthros concluded that land 
 had appeared; unstopping some part of the boat's seams and perceiving that 
 the boat had grounded upon a mountain, he disembarked with his wife, his 
 daughter, and the helmsman ; and after he had done homage to the earth, built 
 an altar, and sacrificed to the gods, disappeared with all those who had dis- 
 embarked from the boat. Those who had remained in the boat disembarked 
 when Xisouthros and his companions failed to come in, and looked for him, 
 calling him by name. Xisouthros himself they never saw again, but a voice came 
 from the air, telling them that they must be pious, for because of his piety he 
 was gone to live with the gods ; and that his wife, his daughter, and the helms- 
 man had received a share in the same honor. He told them, too, that they would 
 go back to Babylonia, and that it was fated for them to recover the writings at 
 Sippara and publish them to men; also that the country where they were 
 belonged to Armenia. On hearing this, they sacrificed to the gods and went by 
 a roundabout way 11 to Babylonia. But of this boat that grounded in Armenia 
 some part still remains there, in the mountains of the Kordyaioi in Armenia, 
 and people get pitch from the boat by scraping it off, and use it for amulets. 
 
 They went, then, to Babylonia, dug up the writings at Sippara, founded many 
 cities, built temples, and so repopulated Babylonia. 
 
 11 wipii Ms, 7refjj Schoene. 
 
84 
 
 YALE OEIENTAL SERIES • RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 DYNASTIC LISTS OF EAKLY BABYLONIA. 12 
 
 I Kish Kingdom 
 
 
 
 I Ur Kingdom 
 
 
 4 
 
 .... -um-e 
 
 
 
 1 Mesh-anni-pada 
 
 80 yrs. 
 
 5 
 
 .... -an- .... 
 
 
 
 2 Mesh-kiag-nunna, s. 
 
 30 " 
 
 6 
 
 .... -vu-um 
 
 
 
 3 Elulu 
 
 25 " 
 
 7 
 
 [Uph-] ba(t) 
 
 
 
 4 Balulu 
 
 36 " 
 
 8 
 
 .... tabba 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 Kalumum 
 
 900 
 
 yrs. 
 
 4 kings 
 
 171 '* 
 
 10 
 
 Zugagib 
 
 840 
 
 1 1 
 
 Awan Kingdom 
 
 
 11 
 
 Arwfi, s. of a mushkenu 720 
 
 it 
 
 3 kings 
 
 356 yrs. 
 
 12 
 
 Etana, the Shepherd 
 
 625 
 
 1 1 
 
 II Kish Kingdom 
 
 
 13 
 
 Baliqam, s. 
 
 410 
 
 a 
 
 Mesilim 
 
 
 14 
 
 En-men-nun-na 
 
 611 
 
 a 
 
 Al-zu(f) 
 
 
 15 
 
 Melam-Kish 
 
 900 
 
 a 
 
 Ur-sag-e 
 
 
 16 
 
 Bar-sal-nun-na, s. 
 
 1,200 
 
 a 
 
 4(?) kings 
 
 3,792 yrs. 
 
 17 
 
 Mes-za-mug(?), s. 
 
 
 
 Hamazi Kingdom 
 
 
 18 
 
 En-gis(?)-gu(?), s. of 
 No. 16 
 
 
 
 1 ... -ni-ish 
 I Adab Kingdom 
 
 7 years 
 
 19 
 
 En-me-dur-mes-e ( ?) 
 
 
 
 Lugal-dalu 
 
 
 20 
 
 .... -za 
 
 
 
 Me-igi- . . . 
 
 
 21 
 
 En-me-bara-gi-su( ?) 
 
 
 
 2(?) kings 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 900 
 
 1 1 
 
 II Ur Kingdom 
 
 
 23 
 
 Ag(?), s. of En(?) 
 
 625 
 
 i t 
 
 Annani 
 Tjii-Nairnai* s 
 
 
 
 23 kings 
 
 18,000 + x 
 
 -Li \.l ±. 1 CJ..1.1. J..1.C( 1. m O* 
 
 4(?) kings 
 
 108 yrs. 
 
 Eanna or I Uruk Kingdom 
 
 
 
 II Adab Kingdom 
 
 
 1 
 
 Mesh-kin-gasher, s. of 
 
 
 
 Lugal-anni-mundu 
 
 
 
 Shamash 
 
 325 
 
 yrs. 
 
 1 king 
 
 90 yrs. 
 
 2 
 
 En-mer-kar, s. 
 
 420 
 
 it 
 
 Mari Kingdom 
 
 
 3 
 
 Lugal Marda, the 
 
 
 
 Ansir 
 
 30 " 
 
 
 Shepherd 
 
 1,200 
 
 t t 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Tammuz, the Hunter 
 
 100 
 
 tt 
 
 . . .-gi 
 
 
 5 
 
 Gilgamesh, s. of High- 
 priest of Kullab 
 
 126 
 
 it 
 
 I- [sh] ar-Shamash 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 . . . -lugal, s. 
 
 
 
 3(?) kings 
 I(?) Akshak Kingdom 
 
 30+ yrs. 
 
 
 11(?) kings (about 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 missing) 
 
 2,171 - 
 
 f x 
 
 1 Zuzu 
 
 
 13 The dynastic lists published by the writer in JA08 41 244ff. are here reproduced 'with 
 some modifications and additions based on a few additional finds published by Legrain Histori- 
 cal Fragments lOff. 
 
APPENDIX— DTNASTIC LISTS 
 
 85 
 
 III Kish Kingdom 
 
 
 
 Akkac 
 
 1 Kingdom 
 
 
 
 
 1 Bannatum 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Sharru-kin 
 
 55 years 
 
 2847? 
 
 Lugal-tarsi 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Uru-mush, s. 
 
 15 
 
 it 
 
 2792? 
 
 3 Enbi-Ashtar 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Manishtusu, s. 
 
 7 
 
 ii 
 
 2777? 
 
 3(?) kings 
 II Uruk Kingdom 
 
 
 4 
 5 
 6 
 
 Naram-Sin, s. 
 Shargali-sharri, s. 
 Manum sarru muri- 
 
 56 
 
 25 
 
 tt 
 I t 
 
 2770? 
 2714? 
 
 Enshagkushanna 
 
 
 
 um la sarru 
 
 
 
 
 Lugal-kigub-nidudu 
 
 
 7 
 
 Igigi 
 Imi 
 
 
 
 
 Lugal-kisalsi 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 3(f) kings 
 
 
 9 
 
 Nanum 
 
 3 
 
 tt 
 
 2689? 
 
 11(f) Akshak Kingdom 13 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 Ilulu 
 
 
 
 
 1 Un-zi 
 
 30 years 3077? 
 
 11 
 
 Dudu 
 
 21 
 
 tt 
 
 2686? 
 
 2 Un-da-lu-lu 
 
 12 ' 
 
 ( 3047? 
 
 12 
 
 Su-qar-kib, s. 
 
 15 
 
 i I 
 
 2665? 
 
 3 Ur-sag 
 
 6 ' 
 
 ' 3035? 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 BA-gA-Sahan 
 
 20 ' 
 
 ' 3029? 
 
 
 12 kings 
 
 197 years 
 
 5 Ishu-il 
 
 34 ' 
 
 ' 3009? 
 
 IV Uruk Kingdom 
 
 
 
 
 6 Gimil-Sin, s. 
 
 7 ' 
 
 ' 2985? 
 
 1 
 
 Ur-nigin 
 
 3 years 2650? 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Ur-gigir, s. 
 
 6 
 
 a 
 
 2647? 
 
 6 kings 
 
 99 yes 
 
 irs 
 
 3 
 
 Kudda 
 
 6 
 
 (( 
 
 2641? 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 BA-SA-ili 
 
 5 
 
 a 
 
 2635? 
 
 IV Kish Kingdom 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Ur-Shamash 
 
 6 
 
 a 
 
 2630? 
 
 1 Azag-Bau or Bau- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ellit 
 
 14yef 
 
 irs2978? 
 
 
 5 kings 
 
 26 years 
 
 2 BA-gA-Sin, s. 
 
 25 ' 
 
 ' 2964? 
 
 Gutium Kingdom 
 
 
 
 
 3 Ur- d Zababa 
 
 6 ' 
 
 ' 2939? 
 
 1 
 
 Imbia 
 
 5 years 2624? 
 
 4 Zimutar 
 
 30 ' 
 
 ' 2933? 
 
 2 
 
 Ingishu 
 
 7 
 
 a 
 
 2619? 
 
 5 Uzi-watar, s. 
 
 6 ' 
 
 ' 2903 ? 
 
 3 
 
 Warlagaba 
 
 6 
 
 tt 
 
 2612? 
 
 6 El-muti 
 
 11 ' 
 
 ' 2897? 
 
 4 
 
 Iarlagarum 
 
 3? 
 
 tt 
 
 2606? 
 
 7 Inm-Shamash 
 
 11 ' 
 
 ' 2886? 
 
 8 
 
 [ ]-gub 
 
 
 
 
 8 Nania, the Jeweler 
 
 3 ' 
 
 ' 2875? 
 
 9 
 10 
 
 [ ]-ti 
 
 [ ]-an-gub 
 
 
 
 
 8 kings 
 
 106 yei 
 
 irs 
 
 11 
 
 [ ]-bi 
 
 
 
 
 III Uruk Kingdom 
 
 
 
 
 Arlagan 
 
 
 
 
 1 Lugal-zaggisi, 
 
 
 
 
 E-ir-ri-du-pi-zi-ir 
 
 
 
 
 s. of Ukush 
 
 25 ye. 
 
 irs 2872? 
 
 
 Sarlak 
 
 
 
 
 13 The dates from Utu-hegal backward are uncertain, because the 25 years assigned that 
 ruler are conjectural and also because it is not known whether any other kings intervened 
 between his time and the reign of TJr-Engur of Ur. The date 2193 B. C, usually accepted for 
 the beginning of Hammurabi's reign, is used as a starting point. 
 
86 
 
 TALE ORIENTAL SERIES • RESEARCHES V-3 
 
 Las-si-ra-ab 
 Si-u-um 
 21 Tirigan 
 
 21 kings 
 V Uruk Kingdom 
 1 Utu-hegal 
 
 Nisin Kingdom 
 B.C. 
 
 2357 Ishbi-Urra 
 2325 Gimil-ilishu, s. 
 2315 Idin-Dagan, s. 
 2294 Ishme-Dagan, s. 
 2274 Libit-Ishtar 
 2263 Ur-Enurta 
 2235 Bur-Sin, s. 
 2214 Iter-pisha, s. 
 2209 Urra-imitti 
 2202 Sin(?)- 
 2201 Ellil-bani 
 2177 Zambia 
 2174 .... 
 2169 Ea. . . . 
 2165 Sin-magir 
 2154 Damiq-ilishu, s. 
 
 125 years 
 
 25? years 2499? 
 
 Ill Ur Kingdom 
 
 Ur-Engur 
 Dungi, s. 
 Amar-Sin, s. 
 Gimil-Sin, s. 
 Ibi-Sin, s. 
 
 18 years 2474 
 
 58 " 2456 
 
 9 " 2398 
 
 7 " 2389 
 
 25 " 2382 
 
 years 
 32 
 10 
 21 
 20 
 11 
 28 
 21 
 5 
 7 
 
 % 
 
 24 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 11 
 
 23 
 
 Years 225i/ 2 
 
 Larsa Kingdom 
 
 Naplanum 
 
 Emisu 
 
 Samum 
 
 Zabaia 
 
 Gungunu 
 
 Abi-sare 
 
 Sumu-ilu 
 
 Nur-Immer 
 
 Sin-idinnam 
 
 Sin-iribam 
 
 Sin-iqisham 
 
 Sili-Immer 
 
 Warad-Sin 
 
 Rim-Sin 
 
 Hammurabi 
 
 years 
 
 25 
 
 28 
 
 35 
 
 9 
 
 27 
 
 11 
 
 29 
 
 16 
 
 7? 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 12 
 
 61 
 
 12 
 
 5 kings 117 years 
 
 Babylon Kingdom 
 
 years B.C. 
 
 Sumu-abum 
 Sumu-la-ilum 
 
 14 2225 
 36 2211 
 
 Zabium 
 
 14 
 
 2175 
 
 Abil-Sin 
 
 18 
 
 2161 
 
 Sin-muballit 
 
 20 
 
 2143 
 
 Hammurabi 
 
 43 
 
 2123 
 
 THE SITE OP NISIN 
 
 The site of Nisin, wbich has previously been sought for in vain, is very proba- 
 bly at last located. A little over two years ago cones of Libit-Ishtar were 
 brought to Baghdad and offered to the writer for purchase. It seemed that the 
 provenance of these cones would determine the site of the city. Recently Captain 
 Bertram S. Thomas kindly informed the writer, in a letter dated March 22d, 
 that Col. Kenlys L. Stevenson had found a cone at Bahriyat, about seventeen 
 miles south of Nippur. The mounds are simply a series of the usual "mud pie 
 variety," as the English officers describe them. Bahriyat, it would seem, is 
 the sought-for site. 
 
Plate i 
 
 EARLY VERSION OF THE ATRA-HASIS EPIC 
 A HEBREW DELUGE STORY IN CUNEIFORM (OBVERSE) 
 
Plate ii 
 
 390 
 
 A HEBREW DELUGE STORY IN CUNEIFORM (REVERSE) 
 
COL. I 
 
 ANCIENT VERSION OF THE ETANA LEGEND 
 
Plate iv 
 
 
 "I 
 
 ff^^^M> — YH3TA M 
 
 » ft^p^TW^f 
 
 
 w 
 
 is ;;2f 
 
 -■^2^i_ 
 
 
 THE ADAPA LEGEND (OBVERSE) 
 
Plate V 
 
 A HEBREW DELUGE STORY IN CUNEIFORM (Obverse) 
 
 (SIZE OF ORIGINAL) 
 
Plate VI 
 
 A HEBREW DELUGE STORY IN CUNEIFORM (REVERSE) 
 THE ADAPA LEGEND (Reverse is Destroyed) 
 (SIZE OF ORIGINALS) 
 
Plate VII 
 
 ANCIENT VERSION OF THE ETANA LEGEND 
 
 (SIZE OF ORIGINAL) 
 
wmm 
 
 1:11! 
 
 ' 
 
 M