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 Cornell University Library 
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 Anabasis 
 
 3 1924 026 613 327 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tiiis book is in 
 tile Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924026613327 
 
HARPER'S CLASSICAL LIBRARY. 
 
 ^ 
 
 XENOPHON'S ANABASIS, 
 
 AND TUB 
 
 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES, 
 
 TRANSLATED LITERALLY. 
 
5;i5s;c*:irHit^H 
 
THE ANABASIS, 
 
 J 
 EXPEDITIOli OF CYRUS, 
 
 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. 
 
 LITERALLY TRANSLATED FROM THE GREEK 
 
 XENOPHON". 
 
 REV. J. S. WATSON, M.A. M.R.S.L. 
 
 A GEOGRAPHICAL COMMENTARY, 
 BY -W. F. AINSWOBTH, ESQ. 
 
 F.S.A., F.R.G.S., F.Q.a. 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 HARPER & BROTHERS, 
 
 829 & 831 PEAEL BTEEET. 
 1855. 
 U 
 

 ^6,%cif\tr, Mac Ccucaki^ 
 
 i 
 
 9A 
 
P E E F A C E . 
 
 r" " 
 .J 
 Op the two Vorks of Xenoplion, contained in the 
 
 present volume, English translations have already- 
 appeared. 
 
 The only version of the Anabasis, on which the 
 public could look with any favor, was Spelman's, which 
 certainly has spirit, and is in general not unfaithful, 
 but is not sufficiently close for the scholar or student. 
 Spelman has some knowledge of Greek, but was de- 
 ficient, as is proved by his notes, in that intimate ac- 
 . quaintance with the language which is necessary to 
 the production of an exact version. 
 
 The best previous translation of the Memorabilia 
 was that by Sarah Fielding, the sister of the novelist ; 
 a performance, however, extremely verbose and licen- 
 tious. Its authoress had not sufficient knowledge of 
 Greek to justify her in undertaking it. Harris of 
 Salisbury gave her some help, as she says in a note 
 near the commencement, but assuredly not much. 
 She had been preceded by Bysshe, the author of the 
 
vi"! PREFACE. 
 
 Art ^ Poetry, a free translator, many of whose 
 phrases she adopted. 
 
 The present translator has endeavored to preserve 
 the sense and sprit of the original, in language which 
 may satisfy both the English reader and the scholar. 
 
 In the Anabasis, the text of Dindorf has been fol- 
 lowed ; in the Memorabiha, that of Kiihner. 
 
 The Geographical Commentary, by Mr. Ainsworth, 
 author of " Travels in the Track of the Ten Thousand 
 Greeks," has been added at the wish of the publisher, 
 and will, without doubt, be regarded as an acceptable 
 illustration of the Anabasis. 
 
 J. S. "W. 
 
REMARKS 
 
 THE AUTHORSHIT OF THE ANABASIS. 
 
 A BioGEAPHioAL Notice of Xenophon will be prefixed to another 
 Tolume. Some remarks are here offered on the authorship of the 
 " Anabasis." 
 
 A passage of the " Hellenica," in which it is said that a narra- 
 tive of the Expedition of Cyrns was written by Themistogenes of 
 Syracuse, has given rise to the question' whether the account of 
 that expedition which we now have is that of Xenophon or that 
 of Themistogenes. 
 
 When Xenophon, in the course of his narrative of events relat- 
 ing to Greece, comes to the time at which the expedition of 
 Cyrus took place, he says,^ " How Cyrus collected an army, how 
 he marched up the country with it against his brother, how tlie 
 battle was fought, how Cyrus was killed, and how the Greeks 
 afterward effected a safe retreat to the sea, has been written by 
 Themistogenes the Syracusan." 
 
 Suidas' also says that " Themistogenes, a Syracusan historian, 
 wrote the Anabasis of Cyrus, ^"f h rotg Sevofavro^ 'E/l/lj/vj/toif 
 (peperai, and some other things concerning his own country." 
 "What sense is to be given to the word tpeperai in this passage, has 
 
 ' Morus in Dissert. Hellenicis praemiss. c. 6. Kiihner Prolegom. in 
 Anab. p. xviii. , 
 
 2 Hellen. iii. 1, 2. ^ v. Oe/uaToyevr;t. 
 
.^ 
 
 ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ANABASIS. 
 
 been a subject of mnola doubt. If the phrase containing it be 
 translated,' with Moru3, guee nominatur aut laudatur in EistoHd, 
 Orceea,, a sense is given to the verb for which there is no author- 
 ity; and if it be. rendered, with most interpreters, qum imerta, 
 legiUir liUtoriis Oracis, that is said which is not true. Kuster' 
 and Dindorf,' therefore, suggest that the word 'E^^vviKolg, which 
 is not found in the Paris manuscripts, should be struck out. The 
 sense will then be, " which Js inserted among the writings of 
 Xenophon." '*** 
 
 Suidas being thus interpreted, the two passages wiE concur 
 in showing that a narrative pf the"* Anabasis" was written by 
 Themistogenes. The next point to be considered jj, whether 
 that narrative which we now have is,- or is not, the work of 
 Themistogenes. 
 
 Plutarch, in his Considerations whether the Atlienians were more 
 renowned in Arms or in Letters' observes, in alluding to the his- 
 torians, that " Xenophon was a subject of history for himself, for 
 he wrote an account of the military matters which he successfully 
 conducted, but represents that the account was written by The- 
 mistogenes the Syracusan, in order that he might have more 
 credit if he spoke of himself as another person, giving to another 
 the reputation of the work." The passage is somewhat obscure, 
 for there is a word, such as Myei, wanting; I translate it in the 
 sense iu which it is taken by Leunclavius and "Wyttenhaoh. 
 
 In agreement with this passage of Plutarch, Tzetzes, in his 
 Chiliads,* after observing that Phidias made two statues for a 
 young man of whom he was fond, and for whose workmanship, 
 it appears, they were to pass, says that " Xenophon did the same 
 with regard to the Anabasis of Cyrus ; for he set a certain name 
 to the work to please one whom he loyed; * * * it is the 
 book of Themistogenes the Syracusan, and afterward came to be 
 commonly called the work of Xenophon ; so Plato the philosopher 
 wrote his Dialogues under the names of his friends ; and other 
 writers have composed innumerable things in a similar way." 
 When he says that " it is the hook of Themistogenes," rb pipUot 
 
 ' Ad Suidam, v. Qefuaroyevris. 2 Prsef. in Anab. p. vii. ed. 1826. 
 3 c. L * vii. 930. 
 
ON THE AXJTHOBSHIP OF THE ANABASIS. 
 
 QE/iwTojhovg loTi, lie can Lave no other meaning but thitClx wag 
 given to the world by Xenophon under the name of Themisto- 
 genes. A Soholiuin, which is appended to the passage^ by an un- 
 known author, states the matter more briefly and clearly : " Xeno- 
 phon inscribed the Anabasis of Cyrus with the name of Themis- 
 togenes, yet it came to be commonly called afterward the work 
 of Xenophon." 
 
 From these writers, then, Plutarch, Tzetzes, and his Scholiast, 
 it would appear that the " Anal^tefs," or account of the expedi- 
 tion of Cyrus, was written by Xenophon, and published as the 
 work of Themistogene?. &S, from the passage of Xenophon, to 
 which we ought to attribute more authority than to any other, 
 as also frgm that of Suidas, we may rather conceive, as Dindorf 
 suggests, tliat there were two Anabases, the one written by The- 
 mistogenes, before Xenophon wrote the third book of the Helle- 
 nica, and to which Xenophon was then content to refer, and the 
 other written by Xenophon himself subsequently to that time. 
 Under this supposition, indeed, we must believe that Xenophon 
 published the Anabasis at a very advanced period of life, while 
 the composition seems to be that of a man in the full vigor of his 
 faculties ; but Sophocles, as Kiihner' observes, wrote with great 
 spirit after he was eighty years of age ; and the Anabasis might 
 have been written some years before Xenophon sent it out of his 
 hands. If there were two, that of Themistogenes, from what 
 Xenophon says of it, may have brought the Greeks only to the 
 sea, or to Trebisond; that of Xenophon is continued to their 
 junction with Thibron. If there were but one, Xenophon may 
 have published the first four books, at an earlier period, under the 
 niame of Themistogenes, and have afterward added the three 
 other books, and signified that the whole was his own. 
 
 One object of the author of the work which we have, ob- 
 serves Mitford,' was to apologize for the conduct of Xenophon ; 
 in the latter part the narrative is constantly accompanied with a 
 studied defense of his proceedings ; the circumstances tliat pro- 
 duced his banishment from Athens, and whatever might excite 
 jealousy against him at Lacedisraon, have been carefully con- 
 
 • Prolegom. in Anab. p. six. » Hist, of Grreeoe, vol. v. p. 333. 
 
A 
 
 ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ANABASIS. 
 
 sidered ; if, therefore, Themistogenes wrote it, he may have 
 written lyicler the direction of Xenophon ; if Xenophon wrote it, 
 there may have been good reasons why, at the time of its piib- 
 licatioD, he should have wished it to pass under another person's 
 name. 
 
 If there were two Anabases, we may suppose that Xenophon's 
 superseded that of Ti^mistogenes, and caused it to be lost. 
 The name of Themistogenes, as an author, is mentioned by no 
 writer besides those whom we have noticed ; while that of 
 Xenophon, as the author of the Anabasis, is specified, as Mitford 
 and Kriiger' observe, by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Strabo, 
 Cicero, Diogenes Laertius, Lucian, ^lian, and Athen88ns, besides 
 the grammarians and lexicographers, Hesychius, Pollux, Harpo- 
 oration, and Ammonius. 
 
 But no decisive opinion can be pronounced. The statement 
 of Plutarch, which he gives, not as a conjecture of his own, but 
 as a matter of general belief in his day, and which is supported 
 by Tzetzes and his Scholiast, may induce many readers, if not 
 the majority, to suppose, with W^ske" and Kiihner, that there 
 was probably but one Anabasis,^hat which we now have, and 
 which, though the work of Xenophon, was, for whatever reasons 
 on the part of the author, sent into the world as the composition 
 of Themistogenes. The attractions of the subject, as Dr. Smith' 
 observes, might have induced more than one or two persons to 
 write upon it. 
 
 Of the other work translated in this volume, no doubt has been 
 expressed that Xenophon was the author. It shows what were 
 the habits and conversation of him who taught that 
 
 To know 
 That which before us lies in daily life 
 la the prime wisdom : 
 ♦ 
 
 who brought philosophy down from heaven to dwell with men ; 
 and who was pronounced the wisest of men by the Delphic 
 
 ' De Authent. Anab. p. 1 8. 
 
 2 Traotat. de sestimauda Cyri Exped. p. xvii. seqq. 
 
 3 Note on Xen. Hellen. iii. 1. 
 
/ 
 
 ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ANABASIS. 
 
 Oracle, " because he judiciously made choice of human nature for 
 the object of his thoughts, an inquiry into which as much ex- 
 ceeds all other learning as it is of more consequenoa, to adjust 
 the true nature and measures of right and wrong than to settle 
 the distances of the planets, and compute the, time of their cir- 
 cumvolutions." ' His doctrine was, ' 
 
 TauT* cMuf, ao(j)ds IcrSi /idTtjv 6' 'EviKovpov laaov 
 Ilov rd Kevbv t,riTeiv, Kal rivec al /iovdSec' 
 
 On life, on moral^^be thy thoughts employed ; 
 Leave to the schools their Atoms and their Void. 
 
 He gave, indeed, it may be thought, too little encouragement 
 to investigations in physical science. How far he recommended 
 that mathematical studies should be pursued, may be seen in B. 
 iv. c. 7. The best specimen of Sooratio reasoning in the Memo- 
 rabilia is the philosopher's conversation with Euthydemns in B. 
 iv. 0. 2. 
 
 ■ Spectator, Na 408. 
 
 ' Automedon. AnthoL Gr. Rambler, No. 180. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 ^^^^xmf 
 
 __^^ PAGE 
 
 Ebmarks . . HjT vii 
 
 Anabasis, Book L 1 
 
 Anabasis, Book II 45 
 
 Anabasis, Book III 76 
 
 Anabasis, Book rv 106 
 
 Anabasis, Book V , . .143 
 
 Anabasis, Book VI 1T9 
 
 Anabasis, Book VII 208 
 
 Tabular View op the Marches, etc., in the Aitabasis . . 259 
 Gbographioal Commentary, by Mb. Ainswobth . . .263 
 
 geoaraphioal index 339 
 
 Memorabilia, Book 1 349 
 
 Memorabilia, Book II 38S 
 
 Memorabilia, Book ni 423 
 
 Memorabilia, Book IV 468 
 
 Index 508 
 
 NOTANDA 619 
 
XENOPHON'S 
 
 ANAB^SI'S, 
 
 OR 
 
 EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 BOOK L^GHAPTEE I. 
 
 ^Mrentago of Cyrus the Younger. Afker the death of his fether he is ae- 
 oused of plotting against IJs brother Artaxerxes, who iipprisons him, but 
 releases him on the intercession of his mother, and sends him back to his 
 province, where he secretly collects mrces, of which a large proportion 
 arc fVom Greece, to make war on his brother. 
 
 1. Of Darius' and Parysatis were born two sons,° the elder 
 Artaxerxes," and the younger Cyrus. After Darius had fallen 
 sick, and suspected that the ead of his hfe was approaching, 
 he was desinous that both of his song should attend him. 
 2. The elder then happened to be present ; Cyrus he sent for 
 from the province of which he had made him satrap. He had 
 also appointed him commander of all the forces that muster in 
 the plain of Castolus.' 
 
 ■ Darius 11., sumamed Nothus, who feigned from B.C. 4,23 to b.o. 
 404, the year in which Cyrus went up to Babylon. 
 
 2 Several children of his are mentioned by Plutarch, Life of Artax. 
 c. i. 27. 
 
 3 Afterward Artaxerxes II., sumamed. Mnemon ; he began his reign 
 B.C. 405. 
 
 4 E/f KairpciTkov ireSiov.'] In each of the provinces of the Persian 
 'empire, certain, open places, plains or commons, were appointed for the 
 ' assembly and review of troops. See i. 2. 11; 9. i ; Hellen. i. 43. 
 
 Jfeeren, Ideen, vol. ii. p. 486. Castolus is mentioned as a city of Lydia 
 by Stephanus of Byzantium. Kiihner. : : J 
 
 VOL I." 1 : ' 
 
2 ' THE KSPEDITIOHr OF CTEUS. book i. 
 
 Cyras accordingly went up, taking with him Tissaphernes as 
 a friend, amd having also with him three hundred heavy-armed ^ 
 Greeks," and Xenias of Parrhasia," their captain. 
 
 3. But when Darius was dead, and Artaxerxes was placed 
 upon the throne, TRssaphemes brought an accusation against 
 Cyrus before his brwjier, saying that he was plotting against 
 iiim. Artaxerxes was induced to give credit to it, and had 
 Cyras arrested with the intention of putting him to death ; but 
 his mother, Jiaying begged his life, sent him back to his'prov- 
 
 4. When Cyrus had departed, after being thus in danger | 
 and disgrace, he began to consider by v^t means he might I 
 cease to be subject to his brother, and make himself Mug, if he 
 could, in his stead. Parysatis, their mother, was well fflsposeti^ 
 toward Cyrus,' as she loved him better than Artaxerxes, who 
 was on the throne. 5. "Whatever messengers from the king' 
 came to visit him, he let none of them go till he had inclined 
 them to be friends to himself, rather than the monarch." He 
 also paid such attention to the barbarians" that were with him, 
 that they were in a condition to take ihe field, and well inclined 
 toward himseE 6, His Greek force he collected as secretly as 
 he could, that he might surprise the king as little prepared as 
 
 He collected troops in the following manner. Whatever 
 garrisons he had in his towns, he sent orders to the com- 
 manders of them to procure respectively as many Peloponne- 
 sians as they could, of the best class of soldiers, on pretense 
 that Tissaphernes was forming designs upon those towns. 
 
 1 Tuv 'E^^^vuv — iw^j'raf — rptB/co(T4o»f.] Three hundred of tha 
 Greeks that were in his pay, or of such as he could then procure. 
 
 2 A city and district in the south-western part of Arcadia. 
 ^.'TnljpxE tC> Kupij).] "Partibus et cbnsiliis ejus [Cyri] favebat." 
 
 Schneider. " Cyro addiota et adjumento erat." Kuhner. Compare v, 
 6. 23 ; Hellen. viL 5. 5. 
 
 ■» 'Offnf — ruv Kaptl PaaiMac.] 'We must understand those who are 
 called l^oSot, Gyrop. viiL 6. 16 : compare CEcon. iv. 6. Zeime. They 
 were officers appointed to visit the satrapies annually, and make a report 
 respecting the state of them to the king. 
 
 6 Oi!™ itan&eic dTmrl/imTo, k. t. V] "He sent them all away. 
 (aflerj so disposing them, that they were friends rather to himself than 
 the king." 
 
 « By this term are meant chiefly the Asiatics that were about Oyrusl. 
 The Greeks called all people Barbarians that were not of their own 
 nation. 
 
OHAP. I. CTEUS COLLECTS POECES. w 8 
 
 For the cities of Ionia had fonnerly been under the : goyern- 
 ment of Tissaphernes, having *been assigned to him by the 
 king, but had at this time all revolted to Oyru^ €£oept Miletus. 
 1. Tissaphernes, discoveritig that the people* of Miletus were 
 forming a similar design, [to go over to Cyrus,'] put some of 
 them to death, and sent others into banislSnent. C3rruB, receiv- 
 ing the exiles under his protection^ and assembling an army, 
 laid siege to Miletus by land and sea, and used everj' exertion 
 to restore these exiles; and JS^Hiad thus another pretext for 
 auffmentingr the number of Ms forces. 8. He then sent to the 
 king, and requested -.fnav^s he was his brother, these cities 
 should be given toAim rather than that TisSapheJ-nes should 
 govemthefri ^anoin this application his mother supported him. 
 ^wOm king had no suspicion of the plot against him, but 
 STiJ)posed that Cyrus from "being at war with Tissaphernes was 
 spending the ,inoney upon troops ; so that he was not at all con- 
 cerned at the strife between them, especially as Cyrus remitted 
 to him the tribute arising from the cities which Tissaphernes 
 had had. 
 
 9. Another army was collected for him in the Chersonesus 
 opposite Abydosj in the following method. Clearchus, a Lace- 
 dfs&monian, happened to be in exile. Cyrus, having met with 
 himj was struck *ith admiration for him, and made him a 
 present of ten thousand darics," Clearchus, on receiving the 
 gold, raised by means of it a body of troops, and maMng excur- 
 sions out of the Chersonesus, made war upon the Thracians 
 that are situated above the Hellespont, and. was of aesistainoe to 
 the Greeks ; so that the towns on the Hellespont willingly con- 
 tributed money for the support of his men. This too was a force 
 thus secretly maintained for Cyrus. 
 
 10. Aristippus, also, a Thessalian, happened to be a gnest- 
 friend' of Cyrus, and, being pressed by an adverse faction at 
 
 1 'XiroaTijvat npdc KiJpoj;.] These words are regarded as spuricras 
 ■by Schneider, on the suggestion of Wolf and "Wyttenbaoh. Kruger and 
 Eiihner retain them, as added eoi^licationis eaaid. 
 
 2 the daric was a Persian gold coin, generally supposed to have 
 derived its name from paring I. ; but others tliink this doubtful From 
 0. vii. 18, it appears that three hundred darios were equal to a talent. 
 If the talent be estimated therefore, as in Mr. Husaey's Essay on 
 Anc. WeighU and Money, ch. iii. sect. 12, at £243 15s., the value of 
 
 ' the daric will be 16s. Scl. The sum given to Clearchus wUl then be 
 £8125. / J 
 
 3 Seuo^.] I have translated this word by giiest-fnena, a oonveu- 
 
4 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. book r. 
 
 Lome, came to tim, and asked liim for two thousand mercen- 
 ary troops,>nd three months' pay for them, representing that 
 he would thus be enabled to overpower his enemies. Cyrus 
 granted him fouli^ousand, and six months' pay, desiring him 
 not to terminate the'strife until he should consult him. Thus 
 another body of troops was clandestinely supported for him in 
 Thessaly. v^ 
 
 11. He then requested? Eroxenus a Boeotia,n, who was also 
 his guest-friend, to join' him 'with as many men as he could 
 procure, stating that he intended|ito make war on the Pisi- 
 dians, as they molested his territories. He also desired 
 Sophsenetus m Stymphalus,' and Socrates^j^ Achaean, both of 
 them his guest-friends, to come to him, and OTing'sS' i^Mny men 
 as possible, pretending that he was going to war wrar ISaear 
 phemes on behalf of the Milesian exiles ; and they acted as ho 
 wished. 
 
 CHAPTER H. 
 
 Oyrns lidgins hia miircai, proceeding from Sardis tliroiigh Lydia into Pliry- 
 gia; where he is joinedlw new foroee. The (aty of, CelEeiue ; the plain of 
 Qayatpos, where the splmers demand their arrears of jpay, which Cyrus ' 
 disehargfes with money received from the qiieen of Cihcia. The town of 
 Thymhriuin ; thefBimtiin of Midas. Cyrus enters Cilioia, and is metMJ 
 -Toraus hy Syennesis, the long of the country. ';■; 
 
 ^ 1. When it seemed to him time to march up into the coun- 
 -try, he made it his pretext for doing so that he wished to 
 expel the Pisidians entirely from the territory, and muStered§| 
 as if for the purpose of attacking them, the whole of thetroops, : 
 as well barbarian as Greek, that were on the spot." He also 
 
 ient term, which made its ap>pear^nce in our language some time ' 
 ago. The fevoj were bound by a league of friendship and hospitdii 
 ity, by which each emgaged to entertain the other, when he visiteM 
 Mm. ' . ' . ■ '1 
 
 \ A town of Arcadia, on the borders of Achaisi. 
 
 2 To re jiapl3apiKdvjcai rd 'EXTiTjviKdv rd ivTai&a CTpdrev/ia.'] There 
 
 has been jmuph dispute about the exact signification of hiravS-d in this j 
 
 place. Zeune would have it mean "illuo, in ilium locum uWauntj 
 
 ('Pisida3;" and Kriiger thinks that "toward Sardis" is intended. Bum 
 
 ^ythis is to do violence to the word; I have followed Weiske and Ziihner,] 
 
 whu give it its ordinary signification. "Barbaroram et Grsccoruml 
 
IcHAP. n. THE TROOPS MEET AT SAEDIS. 6 
 
 |sent word to Clearchus to join him, bringing whatever force was 
 iat his command ; and to Aristippus, as soon as he had come to 
 fterms with the party at home, to send him back the troops that 
 he had. He also desired Xenias the Arcadian, Vho commanded 
 for him the mercenaries in the several towns, to bring him all 
 his men except such as would be required to garrison the cit- 
 adels. 2. He summoned, too, the army that was besieging 
 Miletus, and invited the exiles to accompany him on bis expedi- 
 ti6n; promising them that if he successfully accomplished the 
 objects for which he undeg;ook it, he would never rest till he 
 had re-established thent in aheir country. They cheerfully con- 
 sented, as they had confidence in him, and,, taking their arms, 
 joined hjm at Sai-dis. 
 
 3. To Sardis also oiame Xenias, bringing with him the 
 troops from the several tQwns, to the number of four thousand 
 heavy-armed men. Thither came also Proxenus, with heavy- 
 armed men to the number of fifteen hundred, a:nd ftve hun- 
 dred light-armed ; Sophsenetus the Stymphalian with a thou- 
 sand heavy-armed; Socrates the Achaean with five hundred; 
 and Pasion of Megara with three hundred heavy-armed, and 
 the same number of peltastS.' Both Pasion and Socrates were 
 among those serving in the army at Miletus. 
 
 4. These joined him at Sardis. Tissaphemes, observing these 
 proceedings, and considering the force to be greater than was 
 necessary to attack the Pisidians, set out, with all possiMe 
 speed, to give notice of the matter to. the king, taking with hun 
 about five hundred cavalry ; S. and the tong, as soon as he 
 heard from Tissaphemes of the preparation of Cyrus, made ar- 
 rangements to oppose him. 
 
 Cyrus, at the head of the force which I have stated, com- 
 menced his jotiiney from Sardis," and proceeded through 
 
 [exerditumT, says Kiihner, " quem Cyrus ibi, ubi versabatur, collecstum 
 habebat." The rd before hrav&a is an addition of Dindorf s, wbieh 
 Kftbner proaounees unnecessary. 
 
 1 The nsXToardl were troops armed with a light shield, called ireTi.Tti, 
 Aolding a middle place between the 67r2.XTat and ifitTuii. They were first 
 made an efficient part of the Greek forces by Iphiorates : see bia IJfe 
 in Corn. Nep. ; and Xen. Hellen. iv. 4. 16 ; 3. 12. , . 
 
 e Xenophon begins hia account of the expedition from Sardis, 
 because he there joined the, army, but afterward constantly computes 
 from Epheaua, the sea-port, from whence he began his journey. Stm- 
 ford, . -* 
 
6 THE EXPEDITION OF CTEXJS. booki. 
 
 Lydia, thrfee days' march,' a distance of twenty-two parasangSf' 
 as far as the river M«ander. The breadth of this river is two 
 plethra,' and a bridge was thrown over it, constructed of seven 
 boats. 6. Having crossed the stream, he went forward through 
 Phrygia, one dayV.march, eight parasangs, till he reached 
 *Golossse, a populous city, wealthy, and of considerable mag- 
 nitude. Here he halted seven days ; when Menon the Thes- 
 salian joined him with a thousand heavy-armed troops and five, 
 hundred peltasts, consisting^'Dolopians, jEnianes, and Olynr^ j 
 thians. 
 
 7. Hence he proceeded in three days' march, a distance of 
 twenty parasangs, to Celsense, a populous* large, and rich city 
 of Phry^a. Here Cyrus had a pmace, and aa. extensive park 
 
 IfliU of wild beasts, which he was accustomed to hunt, on 
 horseback whenever he wished to give himself and his horses 
 exercise. Through the middle of this park flows, the river , 
 Mseander; its springs issue from the palace itself | and < it 
 runs also through the city of Celaenae. 8. There is also at 
 Celsense a palace of the Great King,* situated near the source 
 of the river Marsyas, under the citadel. This river too 
 runs through the city, and falls .into the Mseander. The 
 breadth of the Marsyas is twenty-five feet Here Apollo is 
 said to have flayed Marsyas, after conquering him in a trial 
 of musical skill, and to have hung- up his sMn in the cave, 
 where the solirce of the stream rises : and on this account 
 the river is called the Marsyas.: 9. Xerxes is said to have 
 
 1 ^Tad/^od;.'] The word aradfios means properly a station, or Jmlting- 
 place at the end of a day's march, of whieh the length varied, but was 
 generally about five parasangs. 
 
 2 The parasang in Xenophon is equ&l to thu-ty stadia ; see it 2. 6. 
 go jHerodotus, il 6 ; v. 53. Mr. Aiusworth, following Mi". Hamiltose % 
 and Colonel Leake, makes the parasang equal to 3 English miles, 180 
 yards, or 3 geographifial miles of 1822 yards each. Travels m ihe 
 Track, pref p. xii. Thus fixre parasangs would be a Ipng day's march j 
 these marches were more than seven ; and the next day's was eight ; 
 But EwineU thinks the parasang not more than 2.'78 Ebglish , miles. ' 
 Mr. BMBsey, Am;.' Weights, etc. Append, sect. 12,. makes it -Si'mUes, 
 
 ^-!182^ yards. • .' 
 
 8 The pleth/rmn was 100 Greek or 101.125 English feet. See Husaej, 
 Append, sect. 10, p. 232. 
 
 * The king of Persia was called the Gireat King by the Greek writers,, 
 on account of the great extent of his dominions, or of the number of 
 kings subject to him ; a title similar to' that of the successors of Mo- 
 lia;nmed, (3rand Sighior. 
 
CHAP. II. CYRUS IS JOINED BY OLEARCHUS. >J 
 
 built both this palace and the citadel of Celsense, when he was 
 returning from Greece after his discomfiture in battle. 
 
 Cyrus remained here thirty days; during which time Cle- 
 archus, the Lacedaemonian exile, joined him with a thousand 
 heavy-armed men, eight hundred Thracian peltasts, and two 
 hundred Cretan archers. At the same .time Sosis', of Syrar 
 cuse arrived with three hundred heavy-armed men, and So- 
 phsenetus, an Arcadian, with a thousand. Here Cyrus held I, 
 a review of the Greeks in th^ part, and took thejr number; I' 
 and they were in all eleven ^J&usand heavy-armed troops, and 
 about two thousand peltasts." 10. Hence he proceeded two 
 days' march, a distance of ten parasangs, to Peltse, a well- 
 peopled city, where he halted three days, during which Xenias 
 the Arcadian celebrated the sacred rites of Lycaean Jove,' and 
 beld public games on the occasion; in which iJie prizes were 
 golden Btrigiles.* Cyrus was present at the games as a spectator. 
 Thence he proceeded, two days' march, twelve parasangs, to 
 Oeramon Agora, a populous city, the last on the side of Mysia. 
 
 11. Hence he proceeded, in three days' march, the distance 
 of thirty parasangs, to the Plain of Caystrus, a populous 
 city. Here he halted five days ; and at this time more than i 
 three months' pay was due to the troops, which they frequently; 
 ■went to his tent to demand. Cyrus put them ofi^, giving them 
 
 ' This is the reading of the name adopted hy Bindorf and KiJhner; 
 most other editors have Socrates, which occurs in four manuscripts ; two 
 liave Sosiaa, and one Sostes. 
 
 " The word is here used, aa Spehnan observes, in a more general sense 
 than ordinary, to signify all that were not heavy-anned- 
 
 ' TH AvKaia.] The festival of LycSean Jove is mentioned by Pansanias, 
 viii. 2, 1, and the gymnastic contests held in it by Pindar, 01. ix. 145 ; 
 xiii. 153 ; Nem. x. 89l Scteeitfer.— Mount lyeeeum wasaacred to both 
 Jupiter and Pan. Kilhner. 
 
 < Sr^*yyt(5ef.] Generally supposed to be the saine as the Latin sirigi- 
 lis, a flesh-scraper; an instrument used iu the bath for cleansing the 
 akin. To this interpretation the preference seems to be given by Kiihner 
 and Bomemann, to. whom I adhere. Schneider, whom Eriiger follows, 
 would have it a head-band or fillet, such as was worn by women, and 
 by persons that went to consult oracles. Poppo observes that the 
 latter Borl; of prizes would be less acceptable to soldiers than the 
 former. There were, however, women in the Greoian camp, as will 
 afterward be seen, to whom the soldiers that gained the prizes might 
 have presented them. The sense of the word must, therefore, be left 
 doubfiRiL The senao of al/rigiUa is supported by Suidaa; see Sturz's 
 Xex. a. v. 
 
8 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. book I. 
 
 hopes, but was evidently distressed; for it was no part of 
 his character not to pay when he had the means. 12. 
 rBut while he was there, Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis king 
 1 of the Cilicians, .paid him a visit, and was said to have pre- 
 sented him with a' large sum of money. He in_ consequence 
 gaye the troops pa^ for four months. The CiUcian queen 
 had with her a body-gUard of Cilicians and Aspendians ; and 
 it was reported that Cyrus had connection with her. 
 
 13. Hence he proceeded t^4»ys' march, ten parasangs, to 
 Thymbrium, a populous city. Hfere, by the road-side, was a 
 fountain, called the fountain of Mida^ king of Phrygia ; at 
 which Midas is said to have captured tte Satyr,' by mixing 
 wine with flie water. ■ -.^ 
 
 14. Henee he proceeded, two days' march, ten pai'aSangSj^^. 
 to Tyriffium, a well-peopled city, where he staid three days. ' 
 The Cilician queen is said to have requested Cyrus to show her 
 his army. "With the desire therefore of exhibiting it to her, 
 he reviewed his troops; as well Greek' as Barbarian, in the plain. 
 
 15. He ordered the Greeks to be marshaled, and to take thiSir 
 places, as they were accustomed to do for battle, each captain 
 arran^ng his own men. They were accordingly drawn up four 
 deep; Menon and his troops took the right wing ; Clearohiisand 
 his men the left ; and the other captains, occupied the center. 
 
 16. First of all, then, Cyrus reviewed the Barbarians, who 
 marched past him, drawn up in troops and companies ;■* and 
 afterward the Greets, riding by them in his chariot, with the 
 
 « Cilician queen in her car." They had all brazen helmets, scarlet 
 tunics, greaves, and polished shields. 17. When he had ridden 
 past them all, he stopped his chariot in front of their phalanx, 
 f and sent Kgres the interpreter to the Greek oflScers, with 
 \ orders for them to present arms,* and to advance with their 
 ( whole phalanx. The officers communicated these orders to 
 
 ^"Tbv SoTupon.] Silenus. See ServJus ad Tirg. Eel. vi. 13. ' 
 
 " Kari i%ag Kal Kara Tu^etg.] ^lljj signifies properly a troop of horSB, 
 
 consisting of 64 men ; and ru|if, a company of foot, whioh Xeuophon, in 
 
 the Oyropaedia, makes to consist of 100 men. 
 
 3 »E^' iipfiaiiairi^.'] The Mrmamaxa was a Persian carrisige, probably 
 covered, for women and children. See Q. Curt. iii. 3, 23 ; WesseJing ad 
 Herod, vii. 41. 
 
 4 JIpoBuTieadai Tii:Sw2.a.] " To hold out the shield and the spear, tho 
 one to defend the person, and the other to repel or attack an adversary." 
 Kiihner. 
 
CHAP. n. OTRUS ADVANCES INTO CILIOIA 9 
 
 their soldiers ; and, when the trumpeter gave the signal, they 
 presented arms and advanced. Then, as thej proceeded with : 
 a quicker pace and loud shouts, the soldiers of their own ac- 
 cord took to running, bearing down upon the tents of the Per- ) 
 sians. 18. Upon this, there arose great terror among the rest i 
 of the Barbarians ; the Cilician queen fled from her car ; and 
 the people in the market deserted their goods and took to tlieirj 
 heels; while the Greeks marched^mp to the tents with laugh-' 
 ter. The Cilician queen, on beholding the splendor and dis- 
 cipline of the army, was struck with admiration ; and Cyrus 
 was deUghted when Jie-i-saw the terror with which the Greeks 
 inspired the Barbarians. 
 
 19. Hence he advanced, three days' march, a distance of 
 twenty |)arasangs, to Iconium, the last town of Phrygia ; where 
 he halted threes days. He then went forward through Lyeao- 
 md., five days' march, a distance of thirty parasangs ; and this 
 country, as being that of an enemy, he permitted the Greeks to 
 ravage. 
 
 . 20. From hence Cyrus dispatched the Cilician queen, by the 
 shortest road, into Cilicia; and sent with her the troops which 
 Menon had, and Menon himself Cyrus, with the rest of the 
 army, proceeded through Cappadocia, four days' march, a dis- 
 tance of twenty-five parasangs, to Dana, a populous^^Iarge, and 
 wealthy city. Here he staid three days ; in the course of which 
 he put to dealih a Persian, named Megaphernes, a wearer of the 
 royal purple,' and a certain other person in power, one of the 
 provincial governors having accused them of conspiring against 
 him. 
 
 .21. They then made an attempt to enter Cilicia; but th^ 
 sole entrance was a road broad enough only for a single car- 
 riage, very steep, and impracticable for an army to pass, if 
 any one opposed them. Syennesis, besides, was said to be 
 stationed on the heights, guarding the defile ; on which ac- 
 count Cyrus halted for a day in fiie plain. The next day, a 
 
 ' ^oiviKiarffti l3aati,etov.'\ ^miUus Pdrtua, on the authority oFZonaras, 
 Lex. p. 1818, interprets this "dyer of the king's purple;" an interpreta- 
 tion repugnant to what foUowa. Moms makes it purpwratus ; Larcher, 
 vexillaritis, because in Diod. Sic. xiv. 26, a standard is called ^oivixif:- 
 Brodfflus gives ' unus 6 regiis falniliaribus, puniceS, veste indutus, nou 
 purpvirel' Without doubt he was one of the highest Persian nobles, aa 
 he is joined with the ■Snapxoi ivvaarat," Kuhner. 
 
 1* 
 
10 THE EXPEDITION 01" CTRTTS. book I. 
 
 messenger Qame to inform him that Syemiesis had quitted the 
 heights, on receiving infoi-mation fliat Menon's army was 
 already in Cilicia within the mountains, and hearing that 
 Tamos had a number of gallep, belonging to the Lacedae- 
 monians and Cyru's<lmnself, sailing round from Ionia to CSlicia. 
 22. Cyrus acoor<yn^ ascended lihe mountains without any 
 opposition, and saw' T;he tents in which the Cilicians kept 
 guard. Sence he descended into a laxge and beautiful plain, 
 well watered, and abounding yfiih all kinds of trees, as well 
 as vines. It also produced g?6^ quantities of sesamum, 
 pamc, millet,' wheats .and barley. S4- chain of hills, strong 
 and high, encompasses it on all sides from sea to sea. 23. De- 
 scending through this plain, he proceeded, in four days' march, 
 a distance of twenty-five parasangs, to Tarsus, a large and 
 opulent city ofCilicia. Here was the palace ^of Syennesis, 
 the king of the Cilicians ; and ihrough the midst of the city 
 runs a river, called the Cydnus, the breadth of which is two 
 plethra. 24. This city the inhabitants, with Syennesis, had 
 deserted for a stronghold upon the mountains, except those 
 who kept shops.' Those aUo remained behind, who lived 
 near the sea at Soli and at Issi. 
 
 26. Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis, had arrived at Tarsus five 
 days before Cyrus. But in passing , over the mountains which 
 sldrt the plain, two companies of Menon's troops had perished ; 
 some said that they had beeii cut to pieces by the Cilicians, 
 while committing some depredations; other9, that beipg left 
 
 1 ElSe.l This seems to be the reading of all the manusorijpts, and is 
 retained by Poppo, Bornemann, Dindor^ and Kiihner. But Sohneidw/'^ 
 and "Vfeiske read eZ/le, "took possession ofj" pn the suggestion of Mure-' ' 
 tus, Yar. Lect. xv. 10, who thought it superfluoua for Xenophon to say 
 that Cyrus merely saw the tents. Hon, however, not unreasonably sup- 
 poses this verb to be Intended to mark the distance at which Cyrofl 
 passed from the tents, that is, that he passed within sight of them, the 
 Cilicians having retired only a short space to the rear. 
 
 2 ^jjrraftov Kal fiEUvriv koI Keyxpov-^ Sesamvm is a leguminous plantf 
 well kno-vicn in the East; the seeds of it resemble hemp-seed, and are 
 boiled and eaten like rice. MeMvri, pcmicwm, is a plant resembling 
 millet. Keyxpog, miliwm, millet, is fer the best known of the three to 
 Europeans. Panic bears its grmn in ears ; millet, in bunches. 
 
 3 KaTTijf.eta.] KjtTni^lov is often used in the sense of a tavern; some- 
 times in a more general sense, as any kind of shop. We may suppose 
 that all those remained behind who had any thing to sell, with the hope 
 of getting profit. 
 
CHAP. UL THE GEEBKS REFUSE TO PROCEED. H 
 
 behind, and unable to find the rest of the army or 'their road, 
 they had been destroyed while wandering about. They 
 amounted to a hundred heavy-armed men. 26. When the rest 
 of Menon's troops came up, full of resentment at the fate of their 
 comrades, they plundered both the city of _ Tarsus and the pa- 
 lace in it. Cyrus, on entering the city^'^sent for Syennesis to 
 come to him ; but Syennesis answered, that he had never yet 
 put himself in the power of one' stronger than himself; 
 nor would he then consent to go to Cyrus, until his wife pre- 
 vailed upon him, and he received solemn assurances of safety. 
 27. Afterward, when th^ had met, Syennesis gave Cyrus a 
 large sum of money for the support of his army, and Cyrus in 
 return presented him with such gifts as are held in estimaldon 
 by a Mng, a horse with a golden bit, a golden chain and brace- 
 lets, and a golden cimiter and Persian robe. He also engaged 
 that his country should no more be plundered, and that he 
 should receive back the captured slaves, if they any where 
 met with them. 
 
 CHAPTER m. 
 
 Cyrus is forced to stay twenty daya'at Tarsus by a mutiny of the Greek 
 soldiers, -who, sufipeoting' that they were led against the King, refuse to 
 go ftirthe*, and offer violenoe to Cleofohus, who endeavors to force them 
 to prooeeo. But heing told by Cyiiis that the expedition is directed 
 Against Abroeomas, and promised an increase of pay, they agree to con- 
 tinue theii: march. 
 
 1. Heek Cyrus and the army remained twenty days ; for 
 the soldiers refused to proceed, further, as they now began to 
 suspect that they were marching against the king, and said 
 that they had not been hired for this purpose. Clearphus, 
 first of all, endeavored to compel his soldiers to proceed ; but, 
 as soon as he began to advance, they pelted him and his 
 baggage-cattle wi& stones. 2. Clearchus, indeed, on this 
 occasion, had a narrow escape of being stoned to death. At 
 length, when he saw that he should not be able to proceed by 
 force, h^ called a meeting of his soldiers ; and at first, stand- 
 ing before them, he continued for some time to shed tears, 
 while they, looking on, were struck with wonder, and re- 
 mained silent. He then addressed them to this efieot : 
 
12 THE EXPEDITION OF OTRUS. bookl 
 
 3. " Wonder not, soldiers, that I feel distressed at the 
 present occurrences ; for Cyrus engaged himself to me by ties 
 of hospitality, and honored me, when I was an exile from my 
 country, both with other marks of esteem, and by presenting 
 me with ten thousand darics. On receiving this money, 1 
 did not treasure it up for my own use, or squander it in 
 luxury, but spent it upon you. 4. First of all, I made war 
 upon the Thracians, and, in . the cause of Greece, and with 
 your assistance, took vengeanfee.jipon them by expelling them 
 from the Ch«rsonesus, when they would have taken the coun- 
 try from its Grecian colonists. When Cyrus summoned me, 
 I set out to join him, taking you with me, that if he had need 
 of my aid, I might do him' service in return for the benefits 
 that I had received from him. 5. But since you are unwill- 
 ing to accompany him on this expedition, I am under the ob- 
 ligation, ether, by deserting you, to preserve the friendship of 
 Cyrus, or, by proving false to him, to adhere to you. Whether 
 I shall do right, I do not know ; but I shall, give you the pref- 
 erence, and will undergo with you whatever may be neces- 
 sary. Nor shall any one ever say that, after leading Greeks 
 into a country of Barbarians, I deserted the Greefe, and 
 adopted, in preference, the fiietid^ip of the Barbarians. 
 , 6. " Since, however, you Recline to obey me, or to follow 
 me, I will go mth. you, and submit to. wbatever may,be des- 
 tined for us. For I look upon you to be at once my country, 
 my friends, and my fellow-sddiers, and consider that with you 
 I shall be respected, wherever I may be : but that, if separated 
 from you, I shall be unable either to afford assistance to a 
 friend, or to avenge myself upon an eneriiy. Feel assured, 
 therefore, that I am resolved to accompany you wherever 
 you go." 
 
 1. Thus he spoke ; and the soldiers, as well those under 
 his own command as the others,' on hearing these assur- j 
 ances, applauded him for saying that he would not march ' 
 fagainst the king; and more than two thousand of the troop? of 
 Xemas and Pasion, taking with them their arms and baggager 
 went and encanaped under Clearchus. 
 
 8. Cyrus, perplexed and grieved at these occurrences, sent' 
 tor Olearehus; who, however, would not go, but sending a 
 messenger to Cyrus without the knowledge of the soMeiF, 
 bade him be of good courage, as these matters would be ar- 
 
CHAP. ni. SPEECH OF CLEARCHTTS. 13 
 
 ranged to his satisfaction. He also desired Cyrus to send for 
 him again, but, when Cyrus had done. so, he again decltned to 
 go.' 9. Afterward, having assembled his own soldiers, and 
 those who had recently gone over to him, aiid any of the rest 
 that wished to be present, he spoke to theToUowing effect : 
 
 " It is evident, soldiers, that the situation of Cyrus with 
 regard to us is the same as ours with regard to him ; for we 
 are no longer his soldiers, since we refuse to follow him, nor is 
 he any longer our paymaster. ^10. That he considers himself 
 wronged by us, however, I am well aware; so that, even 
 when he sends for ras; I am unwilling to go to him, jirinci- 
 pally from feeling shame, because I am* conscious of having 
 been in all respects false to him ; and in addition, from being 
 afraid that, when he has me in his power, he may take venge- 
 ance on me for the matters in v\?hich he conceives that he 
 has been injured. 11. This therefore, seems to me to be no 
 time for us to sleep, or to neglect our own safety ; but, on the 
 contrary, to consider what we must do under these circum- 
 stances." As long as we remain here, it seems necessary to 
 consider how we may best remain witii safety; or, if we de- 
 termine upon going at once, how we may depart with the 
 greatest security, and how we may obtain provisions; for] 
 wilHout these, the general an^ the private soldier are alike] 
 inefficient.' 12. Cyrus is indeed a most valuable friend to 
 those to whom he is a friend, but a most violent enemy to 
 those to whom he is an enemy. He has forces, too, both in- 
 fantry and cavalry, as v^ell as a naval power, as we all alike 
 see and know ; for we seem to me to be encamped at no great 
 distance from him. It is therfore full time to say whatever 
 any one thinks to be4)est." Having spoken thus, he made a 
 pause. 
 
 13. Upon this, several rose to speak; some, of their own 
 accord, to express what they thought ; others, previously in- 
 structed by Clearchus, to point out what difficulty there would 
 be either in remaining or departing, without the consent of 
 
 ' He himself, the tery person who had desired Cyrus to send for him, 
 refiisedtogo; this refusal being given &r the sake of keeping up ap- 
 pearances. 
 
 « 'Ek TovTav.] "Ex his, secundum hseo, h. e. in hao rerum conditione." 
 Kiihner. Bornemann interprets simply ^osi Tioec. 
 
 3 Ovre arpaTTiyav aire Idcarov 30E*lof oitfei'.] " No profit (or use) either 
 of a general or private soldier." 
 
14 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRTTS. book I 
 
 Cyrus. 14. One of these, pretending to be eager to proceed 
 with .all possible haste to Greece, proposed that they should 
 choose other commanders without delay, if Clearohus were un- 
 willing to conduct them back ; that they should purchase pro- 
 visions, as there was a market in the Barbarian camp, and pack 
 up their baggage ; that they should go to Cyrus, and ask him 
 to fiirnish them with ships, in which they might sail home ; 
 and, if he should not grant them, that they should beg of him 
 a guide, to conduct them back through such parts of the 
 counby as were friendly toward them.' But if he would not 
 even, allow theni a guide, that they should, without delay, form 
 themseves in warlike order, and send a detachment to take 
 possession of the heights, in order that neither Cyrus nor the 
 Cilioians (" of whom," said he, " we have many prisoheffly and 
 much money that we have taken") may be the first to occupy 
 them. Such were the suggestions that he ofiered ; but after 
 him Clearehus spoke as follows : 
 
 15. " Let no oije of you mention me, as likely to imdertake 
 ihis command ; for I see many reasons why I ought not to do 
 so ; but be assured, that whatever person you may elect,. I shall 
 pay the greatest possible deference to hiin, that you may gee 
 that I know how to obey as well as any other man." 
 
 16. After him another arose, who pointed out the folly of; 
 him who advised them to ask for ships, just as if Cyrus were 
 not about to sail baok,^ and who ^owed, too, how focdish it 
 would be to request a, guide of the very person " whose plans," 
 said he, " we are frustrating. And," he added, " if we 
 should trust the guide that Cyrus might assign us, what will 
 hinder Cyrus from giving orders to occupy the heights before 
 w^ reach them ? 17. For my own part I should be reluotaa^^ 
 
 ' Atti ^i/ljof Tijc X'^pal.'] The earlier editions have (if before iii, of 
 which, as being useless, Schneider fiist suggested the omission; and 
 which has accordingly been rejected by subsequent editors. The guide 
 was to conduct them only through regions that were ftiendly to Cyrus, 
 or where he could procvnre them a friendly reception. 
 
 i 'SlaTTcp naXLv tUv gto^mv Kvpmi fiij iroiovfiepov.'] About the mean- 
 ing of these words there has been much dispute. The transiition whiah 
 I have given is that of Bomemann, " quasi retro Cyrus navigaturus non 
 esset," which is adopted by Kiihner. "The speaker assumes," says 
 Bomemann, "that Cyrus is directing his march against the Fisidians or 
 some other rebellious people, and that, when he has reduced themi he 
 will return to liis jprovince." 
 
CHAP. in. OYEXj;S STILL DISSEMBLES. 15 
 
 to embark ift any vessel that he might grant us, lest he 
 should send us and the galleys to the bottom together ; I 
 should also be" afraid to follow any guide that he may ap- 
 point, lest he should conduct us into places from 'whence 
 there would be no means of escape ; and I had rather, if I 
 depart without the consent of Cyrus, ■ depart without his 
 knowledge ; but this is impossible. 18. I say then that such 
 proposals are absurdities ; and my advice is, that certain per- 
 sons, such as are fit for the task, should accompany ClearchUs 
 to Cyrus, and ask him in what service he wishes to employ 
 Us ; and if the undertal^mg be similar to that in which he be- 
 fore employed foreign- troops,' that we too should foUow him, 
 and not ap)ear more cowardly than those who previously 
 went up Wixh him. 19. But if the present design seem greater 
 and more difficult and moi^e perilous than the former, that 
 that they should ask, in that case, either to induce us to accom- 
 pany him by persuasion, or, yielding himself to our persuasions, 
 to give us a passage to a friendly country ; for thus, if we 
 accompany him, we shall accompany him as friends and zeal- 
 ous supporters, and if we leave him, we sHall depart in 
 safety ; that they then report to us what answer he makes to 
 this application ; and that we, having heard his reply, take 
 measures in accordance with it." 
 
 - 20. These suggestions were approved ; and, having chosen 
 ■ certain persons, they sent them with Clearchus to ask Cyrus 
 the questions agreed upon by the army. Cyrus answered 
 that he had heard that'Abrocomas, an enenly of his, was on the 
 banks of the Euphrates, twelve days' march distant ; and it was 
 against him, he said, that he wished to march ; and if Abroco- 
 mas should be there, he said that he longed to take due venge- 
 ance on him ; but if he should retreat, " we will consider 
 there," he added, " how to proceed." 
 
 21. The delegates, having heard this answer, reported it to 
 the soldiers, who had still a suspicion that he was leading them 
 against the Mng, but nevertheless resolved to accompany him. 
 'uuBj then asked for an increase of pay, and Cyrus promised to 
 give them all half as much again as they received before, that 
 is to say, instead of a d£|,ric, three half-darics a month for every 
 
 ' The reference is to the three hundred Greeks that went np with 
 Gyrus to Babylon under the command of Xeniaa the Pairhaslan, i. 
 1, 2. 
 
16 THE EXPEDITION OF GYRUS. BOOKi 
 
 soldier. But no one heard there, at least publicly, that ho was 
 leading them against the king. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The army rcadhea Issi, the last (SXy in Cilioia, at wMoh the fleet then ar- 
 . Tives. Cyrus proceeds into SyraKf/where two of the Greek oaptmiB, 
 • Xeniaa ntid Pasion, desert the expeditign; the good feeling of Cyrns, in 
 '■ 'fittbearing to pursile them, renders the "other Greeks more willing to ao- 
 . .' CDinpany^m. He arrives at Thapsaons, on the 'Euphrates, where ne dis- 
 closes the reial object of his expemtion to the Greel? traops, who oxpras 
 discontent, but areonduced by fresh promises, and the exampl&of Mcnoi, 
 to cross the river. 
 
 1. Hence he proceeded, two days' march, a distance of ten 
 parasangs, to the river Psarus, the breadth of which was three 
 plethra. He then went forward, one days' march, five para- 
 sangs, to the river Pyramus, the breadth of which is a stadium. 
 Hence , he advanced in two days' march, a distance of fifteen 
 parasangs, to Issi, the last city in Cilicia, situate upon the sea- 
 coast, a po_pulpu8, large, and rich place. 
 
 2. Here Cyrus remained three days, in which time the ships 
 from Peloponnesus, thiry-five in numbet, arrived, P^hJgoras 
 the Lacedaemonian being their commander. But Taiiifs, an 
 Egyptian, had conducted the fleet from Ephesus, who had also 
 
 " wito him five-and-twenty other ships, belonging to Cyrus, watli 
 which he had blockaded Miletus when it was in the interest of 
 Tissaphemes, ahdh^d fought against him on behalf of Gym 
 3. In these vessels came also Cheirisophus the Lacedaemopjan, 
 who had been sent for by Cyrus, and who had with him seven 
 hundred heavy-armed troops, which he commanded as part of 
 
 ^ the army of Cyrus. The ships were moored opposite Cyrus's 
 tent. Here, too, the Greek mercenaries, who were in the pay 
 of Abrooomas, four hundred heavy-armed men, deserted him 
 and came over to Cyrus, and joined in the . expedition against 
 the king. 
 
 ,4. Hence he proceeded, one day's march, five parasangs, to 
 the Gates of Cilicia and Syria. These were two fortresses;' 
 
 1 'Hffaw 6i Tavra Svo relxn-'] As the fem. mlai precedes, and RS tl» 
 gates were not properly the reixri, but the space between them, Weisil 
 
CHAP. IV. CYKUS ENTERS STRIA. i^ 
 
 of the part within them, toward Cilicia, Syennesis and a 
 guard of Cilicians had the charge ; the part without, toward 
 Syria, a garrison of the king's soldiers was Reported to oc- 
 cupy. Between the two runs a river, called Carsus, a pleth- 
 nun in breadth. The whole space between the- fortresses was 
 three stadia ; and it was impossible to pass it by force ; for the 
 passage was very narrow, the walls reached down to the sea, 
 and above were inaccessible rocks. At each of the fortresses 
 were gates. 5. It was on account of this passage that Cyrus 
 had sent for the fleet, that he might disembark heavy-armed 
 troops within and without the gates,' who might force a pass- 
 age through the en'giny, if they still kept guard at Uie Syrian 
 gates ; a jwjst -which he expected Abrocomas would hold, as 
 he had under his command a numerous army. Abrocomas 
 however did not attempt this ; but, when he heard that Cyrus 
 was in Cilicia, retreated out of Phoenicia, and proceeded to 
 join the king, having with him, as was said, three hundred || 
 thousand men. i ' 
 
 6. Hence he proceeded through Syria, one day's • march, 
 five parasangs, to Myriandrus, a city near the sea, inhabited 
 by Phoenicians: this place was a public mart, and many 
 merchant-vessels lay at anchor there. 1. Here they remained 
 seven days ; and here Xenias the Arcadian captain, and 
 Pasion the Megarean, embarking in a vessel, and putting on 
 board their most valuable effects, sailed away; being actu- 
 ated, as most thought, by motives of jealousy, because Cyrus 
 had allowed Cleslrehus to retain under his command their sol- 
 diers, who had seceded to Clearchus in the expectation of 
 returning to Greece, and not of marching against the king. 
 Upon their disappearance, a nmior pervaded the army that 
 
 conjectures voav (SS hray^a, k. t. X, whioh Kiihner and others approve, 
 but have not admitted into the text. Kiihner interprets reixv "cas- 
 tella," and I have followed him. "When Xenophon speis, a little below, 
 of TciOT ^h T^" iJaXorrou Kod^KOvra, he seems to mean walla attached 
 to the fortress nearest to the sea. So when be says that at each of the 
 fortresses, M Toif reixeaiv d/i(j)OTepoi;, were gates, he appears to signify- 
 that there were gates iu the walls attached to each of the fortresses. 
 " At a distance of about six hundred yards, corresponding with the three 
 stadia of Xenophou, are the ruins pf a wall, whioh can be traced amid a 
 dense shrubbery, from the mountains down to the sea-shore, where it 
 terminates in a round tower." AinswOrih, p. 59. 
 
 ' " That fa, within the two fortresses and beyond them, viz., in Syria." 
 Kiihner. 
 
Ig THE EXPEDITIOSr OF CYBUa BOOKl 
 
 Cyrus would pursue them with ships of war; and some 
 wished that they might be taken, as having acted per- 
 fidiously; while others pitied their fate, if they should b« 
 oftught. * 
 
 ,8. But Cyrus, calling together the captains, said to them, 
 "Xenias and Pasion\have left us: hut let them be well a* 
 ^ured that they have-not fled clandestinely; for I know 
 ■which way they are gone ; nor have they escaped beyond my 
 re*jh ; for t have triremes that would overtake their vessel 
 But, by the gods, I shall certainly'not pursue them ; nor shall 
 any one say that as long as a man remains with me, I make 
 \ise of his services, but that, when he desires to leave me, I 
 seize and ill-treat his person, and despoil him of his property. 
 But let them go, with the consciousness that they havfe-acted 
 a worse part toward us than we toward them^ - I have, in- 
 deed, their children and wives under guard at Tralles; but 
 not even of them shall they be deprived, but shall receive them 
 back in consideration of their former service to me." 9. Thiia 
 Cyrus spoke ; and the Greeks, even such as had been previously 
 disinclined to the expedition, when they heard of the nobn 
 conduct of Cyrus, accompanied him with greater pleasure and 
 alacrity. 
 
 After these occurrences, Cyms proceeded four days' march, 
 a distance of twenty parasangs, to the river Chains, which is 
 ""a plethrum in breadth, and full of large tame fish, which the 
 ! Sjrians looked upon as gods, allowed no one to hurt either 
 L them or the pigeons. Tlie villages, in which they fixed theit 
 ' quarters, belonged to Parysatis, having been given her for bet 
 girdle.' 
 
 10. Thence he advanced, five days' march, a distance of 
 
 thirty parasangs, to the source of the river Dardes, which is a j 
 
 ]plethrum in breadth. Here was the palace of Belesys, the i 
 
 / governor of Syria, and a very large and beautiful _garden, con- 
 
 I tajning all that the seasons produce. But Cyrus mid it waste, 
 
 and burned the palace^ j 
 
 1 Ejf ^uvT/v.l Nominally to furnish her with girdles, or to supply W- 
 naments for her girdle, it being the custom with the Persian kings Ho— 
 bestow places on their queens and other favorites, ostensibly for the pur- 
 pose of furnishing them with articles of dress, food, or other conven- 
 ' ienoes. , See Herod, ii. 98 ; Plato, Alcib. I. e. 40 ; Cic. in Verr, iii, 23 ; 
 Corit NepoB, life of Themistocles, c. 10. 
 
CHAP. IV. OYEUS DBCLABES HIS OBJECT. 19 
 
 11. Hence he proceeded, three days' march, a distance of 
 fifteen parasangs, to the river Euphrates, which, is there four 
 stadia in breadth, and on which is situated a large and rich 
 dty, named Thapsacus. The army remained there five days; 
 and Cyrus sent for the Greek captains, -and told them, that 
 his march was directed to Babylon, against the Great King ; 
 and he desired them to make this announcement to the soldiers, 
 and to persuade them to accompany him. 
 
 12. The leaders, assembUng. their troops, communicated this 
 information to them ; and the soldiers expressed themselves 
 much displeased with their officers, and said that they had 
 long known this, but concealed it; and they refused to go, un- 
 less such a.donative was granted them as had. been given to 
 those who had before gone up with Cyrus to his father, and 
 that, too, when they did not go to fight, but merely attended 
 Oyfus when his father summoned him. 13. This state of 
 things the generals reported to Cyrus ; who in consequence 
 promised to give every man five minae of silver,' when they 
 should arrive at Babylon, and their full pay besides, until he 
 should bring back the Greeks to Ionia again. The greatest 
 part of the Grecian force was thus prevailed upon to accom- 
 pany him. But before it was certain what the other soldiers 
 would do, whether they would accompany Cyrus or not, Menon 
 assembled his own troops apart &om the rest, and spoke as 
 follows : 
 
 14. " If you will foUow my advice, soldiers, you will, with- 
 out incurring either danger or toil, make yourselves honored 
 by Cyrus beyond the rest of the army. What, then, would 
 I have you do ? Cyrus is at this moment urgent with the 
 Greeks to accompany him against the king ; I therefore sug- 
 gest that, before it is known how the other Greeks will an- 
 swer Cyrus, you should cross over the river Euphrates. 15. 
 For if they should determine upon accompanying him, you will 
 appear to have been the cause of it, by being the first to pass 
 the river;, and to you, as being most forward with your 
 services, Cyrus will fed and repay the obligation, as no one 
 knows how to do better than himself. But if the others should 
 determine not to go with him, we shall all of us return back 
 again ; but you, as having alone complied with his wishes, 
 
 ' ' Reckoning the talent at £243 15*., the iflina (60 = a talent), will 
 be £4 Is. 3d., and five minae £20 Ss.Sd.- 
 
20 
 
 THE EXPEDITION OF CYEUS. BOOK i. 
 
 / 
 
 and as being most worthy of his confidence, he will employ in 
 garrison duty and posts of authority ; and whatever else yon 
 may ask of him, I feel assured that, as the friends of Cyrus, 
 you will obtain it^ .' 
 
 16. On hearing these proposals, they at once comphed with 
 them, and crossed the river before the others had given their 
 answer. And when Cyrus perceived that they had crossea, 
 he was much pleased, arid dispatched Glus to Menon's troopB 
 with this message: "I applaud your conduct, my iriendi!; 
 arid it shall be my care that you may applaud me; or thiui 
 me no longer Cyrus." 11. The soldiers, in consec[uence, being 
 filled with- great expectations, prayed that he might succeed; 
 and to Menon Cyrus was said to have sent most magnifi- 
 cent presents. After these , transactions, ie passed the -rivet, 
 and all the rest of the army followed him; and, in crossing 
 the stream, no one was wetted by its waters above the breast 
 18. The people of Thapsaous said, that this river had never, ex- 
 cept on that occasion, been passable on foot, but only by means 
 of boats; which Abrooomas, going before, had burned,- that 
 Cyrus might not be able to cross. It seemed, therefore, that 
 this had happened by divine interposition, and that the river 
 had plainly made way for Cyrus as the future king. 
 
 19. Hehoe he advanced through Syria, nine days', marcli,.s 
 distance of fifty parasangs, and arrived at the river Aiam, i 
 where were a number of villages, stored with com and- wine. 
 Here the army remained three days, and collected provisions. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The armyjproceeds throngli Arabia, having the Euphrates on the rigti. 
 They simer &om -want of provisions, and many of the beasts of 'bmiw ] 
 perish ; bnt enpplies are procured from the opposite bank of the EapKi^- 
 tes. A dispute occurs between Glearohus and Menon, which is qi^illlf j 
 by Cyrus. , ] 
 
 ■ 1. Cratrs now advanced through Arabia, having the Eu- 
 phrates on his right, five days' march through the desert, a 
 distance of thirty-five parasangs. In this legion the groi 
 was entirely a plain, level as ihe sea. It was covered wit 
 
CHAP. V. MARCH THROUGH ARABIA. 21 
 
 wormwood, and whatever other kinds of shrub or reed grew ) 
 on it, were all odoriferous as perfumes. But there were no 
 trees. 2. There were wild animals, however, pf various kinds • 
 the most numerous were wild asses ; therp were also many 
 ostriches, as well as bustards and antelopes; and. these ani- 
 mals the horsemen of the army sometimes hunted. The wild 
 asses, when any one pursued them, wQtild start forward a con- 
 siderable distance, and then staad still ; (for they ran much 
 more swiftly than the horse ;) 'and again, when the horse ap- 
 proached, they did the same ; and it .was impossible to catch 
 them, unless the horsemen, stationing themselves at intervals, 
 kept up the pursuit with a succession of horses. The flesh of 
 those that Vere taken resembled venison, but was more ten- 
 der. 3. An ostrich no one succeeded in catching ; and those 
 horsemen who hunted that bird, soon desisted from the pur- 
 suit; for it far outstripped' them in its flight, using its 
 feet for running, and its wings, raising them like a sail." The 
 bustards might be taken, if a person started them suddenly ; 
 for they fly but a short distance, like partridges, and soon 
 tire. Their flesh is ve)y delicious. 
 
 4. Marcliing through this region, they came to the river 
 Mascas, the breadth of which is a plethrum. Here was a 
 large deserted city, of which the name was Corsote, and 
 which was entirely surrounded by ithe Mascas. Here they 
 staid three days, and furnished themselves with provisions. 
 
 5. Thence he proceeded, thirteen days' march through 
 the desert, a distance of ninety parasangs, stiU keeping the 
 Euphrates on the right, and arrived at a place called the 
 Gates.' .In this marc^ many of the beasts of burden perished 
 of hunger ; for there was neither grass, nor any sort of tree, 
 
 ' 'AffeffjrdTo.] " Drew itself away from" its pursuers. There aro 
 various readings of this word. Kiihner adopts dirsijiTa, in the sense of 
 " drew off his pursuers from the rest of the huntsmen." BomemsJin reads 
 (iTrcTrraro. 
 
 " It would be needless to repeat aO that has been said as to the 
 oonatruction of tliia. passage ; I have adopted the explication of 
 Kiihner. 
 
 3 Effj n«/lac.] A strait or defile through which the road lay from Me- 
 sopotamia into Babylonia ; hence called the Pyl<B BabyUmice. It is men- 
 tioned by Stephanus Byzautinus szj6 wee Xap/iavSri. Ainsworthj p. 80, 
 places it fourteen miles north of Felrijah, and a hundred and eight miles 
 north of Babylon. 
 
22 THE EXPEDITIOIT OF CYRUS. book t 
 
 but the whole country was completely bare. The inhabitants, 
 5 who quarried and fashioned millstones near the river, took 
 them to- Babylon, and sold them, and lived upon corn vMt^ 
 they bought with the money. 6. Com, too, failed the annfc 
 and it was not pos^ble to buy any, except in the Lydian 
 market among Cyrus's Barbarian troops, where they p^^ 
 chased a capithe' of wheat-flour or barley-meal for four sigli. 
 The siglus is equivalent to' seven Attic oboli and a half,' and 
 the capithe contains two Attic chcenioes. The soldim 
 therefore lived entirely upon flesh.' 
 
 7. There were some of these marches which he made ex- 
 tremely long, whenever he wished to get to water or forage. 
 On one occasion, when a narrow and muddy road presented 
 itself, almost -impassable for the wagons, 030113 halted 'on 
 the spot with the most distinguished and wealthy of his train, 
 and ordered Glus and Pigres, with a detachmeint of the Bar- 
 barian forces, to assist in extricating the wagons.^ 8. But 
 as they appeared to him to do this too tardily, he ordered, as 
 if in anger, the noblest Persians of his suite to assist in ex- 
 pediting the carriages. Then might be seen a spedmen of 
 their ready obedience; for, throwing off their purple cloalcs, 
 in the place where each happened to be standing, they rushed 
 forward, as one would run in a race for victory, down an ex- 
 tremely steep declivity, having on those .rich vests which 
 they wear, and embroidered trowsers, some too with chains 
 about their nects and bracelets on their wrists, and,- leaping 
 with these equipments straight into the mud, brought the 
 I wagons Up quicker than any one would have imagined. 
 
 9. On the whole, Cyrus evidently used the greatest speed 
 throughout the march, and made no delay, except wheWP 
 he halted in order to obtain a supply of provisions, or for 
 some other necessary purpose; thinking that the quicker 
 he went, the more unprepared he should find the king when 
 he engaged him, and that the more slowly he proceeded' 
 
 1 KawlSj).'] A meaaure, as is said below, equal to two Aiiia chcmices. 
 The Attic ohoenix is valued by Mr. Huaaey, Essay on Ancient Weights, 
 etc., oh. 13, sec. 4, at 1.846T pint. 
 
 " The' sighs is legarded by some aa the same with the Hebrew 
 shekel, but erroneously, aa the siglus was of leBS value than the shekeb 
 The obolua is valued by Mr. Hussey at something more than three : 
 half-pence; seven oboli and a half would therefore be about a shilJ' 
 ling. 
 
OUAP. V. DISPUTK BETTVEBK CLBARCHTJS AND MBNON. 23 
 
 the more numerous -would be the force collected by the kin'^. 
 And an attentive observer might see that the empire of the 
 Mng was strong indee'd in extent of territorf*- and number of 
 inhabitants, but weak through the length -of the roads, and 
 the dispersion of its forces, if an enemy invaded it with rapid 
 movements. 
 
 10. On the other side of the Euphrates, over against their 
 course through the desert, was an opulent and extensive city, 
 called Charmande ; from this place the soldiers purchased 
 provisions, crossing the river on rafts in the following manner. 
 They filled the skins, ^^ich they had for the coverings of^ 
 their tents,' with dry hay, and then clbsed and stitched them 
 together, so that the water cotdd not touch the hay. Upon 
 these they went across, and procured necessaries, such as wine 
 ittMe of the fruit of the pSin-tree, and panic' corn ; for this 
 was most plentiful in those parts. 11. Here the soldiers o^' 
 Menon tod those of Clearchus falling into a dispute about 
 something, Clearchus, judging a soldier of Menon's to be in 
 the wrong, inflicted stripes upon him, and the man, coming to 
 the quarters of his own troops, told his comrades what had 
 occurred, who, when they heard it, showed great displeasure 
 and resentment toward Clearchus. 12. On the same day, 
 Clearchus, after going to the place where the river was crossed, 
 and inspecting uie market there, was returning on horseback 
 to his tent through Menon's camp, with a few attendants. 
 Cyrus had not yet arrived, but was still on his way thither. 
 One of Menon's soldiers, who was employed in cleaving- wood, 
 when he saw Clearchus riding through the camp, threw his 
 ax at him, but missed his aim ; another then threw a stone 
 at him, and another, and afterward several, a great uproar 
 ensuing. 13. Clearchus sought refuge in his own camp, and 
 immecSately called his men to arms, ordering his heavy-armed 
 troops to remain on the spot, resting their shields against their 
 knees, while he himself, with the Thracians, and the horse- 
 
 ' ^(teTruOjMOTa is the reading of Dindor^ but it ought rather to be 
 oreyuafiaTa, if the distinction of Krtiger and KUhner, who adopt the 
 latter, be right; viz. that cKeiraa/ia signifies a covering to -wrap round 
 the body, and ariyaaim a shelter against sun or rain. See Arrian, iii. 
 29, This mode of orossiag rivers, we learn from Dr. Layard, is stiU 
 practiced in Armenia both by men and women. 
 
 2 See note on i. 2, 22. 
 
2-1 THE EXPEDITION OF OYBUS. BOOK I. 
 
 men that were in his camp, to the number of more than forty, 
 (and most of these were Thracians), bore down toward the 
 troops of Menon, so that they and Menon himself were struck 
 with terror, and' made a general rush to their arms ; while 
 some stood still, not knowing how to act imder the circum- 
 stances. 14. Proxenus happened then to be coming up be- 
 hind the rest, with a body of heavy-armed men following 
 him, and immediately led bis troops into the middle space be- 
 tween th«m both, and drew them up under arms, begging 
 Clearchus to desist from what he was doing. But Clearchus 
 was indignant, because, when he had narrowly escaped stoning, 
 Proxenus spoke mildly of the treatment that Jie had received ; 
 he accordingly desired him to stand out f^om betwegn.them. 
 
 15. At this juncture Cyrus came up, and inquifei^nto the 
 affair. He . then instantly took his javelins in his hand, and 
 rode, with such, of his confidential oflBpers as were with him, into 
 the midst of the Greeks, and addressed them thus : 16, 
 "Clearchus and Proxenus, and you other Greeks who are 
 h^re present, you know not what you are doing. For if yon 
 engage in any contention with one another, be assured, fli»t 
 this very day I shall be cut off, and you also not long after me; 
 since, if our affairs go iU, all these Barbarians, whom you see 
 before you, will prove more dangerous enemies to us than 
 even those who are with the king.!' 17. Clearchus, on hear- 
 ing these remonstrances, recovered his self-possesaioit; and 
 both parties, desisting from the strife, deposited their, arms in 
 their respective encampments. 
 
 CHAPTEE VI 
 
 Traces of the king's troops arc perceived. Orontes, a Persian nobleman, • 
 , relation of Cyrus, offers to go forward with a body of cavalry, and lay on 
 ambush for the king's army. Before he sets out, however, he is founitft , 
 be in correspondence with the king, and is put to death. ; 
 
 1. As they advanced from this place, the footsteps and dung 
 of horses were observed, and the track was conjectured to-be , 
 that of about two thousand cavalry. These, as they went bet ^ 
 fore, had burned all the fodder, and whatever else might have | 
 been of use to Cyrus. And here Orontes, a Persian, by birth ' 
 
CHAP. VI. TEEICHBEY of OEONTEa 25 
 
 connected with the king, and reckoned one of the Ablest of the 
 Persians in the field, turned traitor to Cyrus ; 'with whbm, indeed, 
 he had previously been, at strife but had been reconciled to 
 him. 2. He now told Cyrus, that if he would give him a 
 thousand horse, he would ■either cut off, by lying in ambush, the 
 body of cavalry that were burning all brfore them, or would take 
 the greater number of them prisoners, and hinder them from 
 consuming every thing in their way, and prevent them from 
 ever informing tne king that they had seen the army of Cyrus. 
 Cyrus, when he heard hjs*^roposal, thought it advantageous ; 
 and desired him to take a certain number of men from each 
 of the different commanders. 
 
 3. Orontes, thinking that he had secured the cavalry, 
 wrote a letter to the king, saying that he would come to 
 him ■ with as many horse as he could obtain ; and he de- 
 sired him to give directions to his own cavalry to reoeivSk 
 him as a friend. There were also in the letter expressions 
 reihinding the king of his former friendship' and fidelity 
 to him. This letter he gave to a' man, upon whom, as he 
 believed, he could depend, but who, when he reoeiwsd 
 it, carried it to Cyrus.' 4. Cyma, after reading the letter, 
 caused Orontes to be arrested, and summoned to his own tent 
 seven of the most distinguished Persians of his staff, and de- 
 sired the Greek generals to bring up a body of heavy-armed 
 men, who should arrange themselves under arms around his 
 ■ tent. They did as he desired, and brought with them about 
 three thojisand heavy-armed soldiers. 5. Clearchus he called 
 in to assist at the council, as that oflScer appeared, both to him- 
 self and to the rest, to be held most in honor among the 
 Greeks. Afterward, when Clearchus left the council, he re- 
 lated to his friends how the trial of Orontes was conducted ; 
 for there was no injunction of secrecy. He said, that 
 Cyrus just opened the proceedings : 
 
 6. " I have solicited your attendance, my friends, in order 
 that, On' consulting with you, I may do, with regard to Orontes 
 here before you, whatever may be 'thought just before _ gods 
 and men. In the first place, then, my father appointed him to 
 be subject to me. And when afterward, by the command, 
 as he himself states, of my brother, he engaged in war against 
 me, having possession of tte citadel of Sardis, I, tooj took up 
 arms against him, and made him resolve to desist from 
 
 VOL. I. 2 
 
26 THE EXPEDITION OF CTEtFS. book i. 
 
 •war witii me ; and then I received from him, and gave him 
 in return, the right-hand of friendship. 7. And since that 
 occurrence," he continued, " is there anything in which I have ^ 
 wronged you ?" Orpntes replied that there was not. CyruB i 
 agfti'n asked him," And did you not then, subsequently, when^ 
 as you own yourself, you had received no injury from jne, go 
 over to the Mysians, andTdo all the mischief in your power to 
 my territories?" Orontes answered in the affirmative. "And 
 did you not then, " continued Cyrus, "when you had thus 
 again proved your strength, come to^ the altar of Diana, and 
 say that you repented, and, prevailing upon me by entreaties, 
 ^ve me, and receive from me in return, pledges of mutual 
 faith?" This, too, Orontes acknowledged. 8. "What in- 
 jury, then," continued Cyrus, " have you received from me, 
 that you are now, for the third time, discovered in traitorous 
 designs against me ?" Orontes saying that he had received 
 no injury from him, Cyrus asked him, " You confess, then, 
 that you have acted unjustly toward me ?" " 1 am necessi- 
 tated to confess it," repUed Orontes, Cyrus then again in- 
 quired, " And would you yet become an enemy to my brotiber, 
 and a faithful friend to me ?" Orontes answered,^" Though 
 I should become so, O Cyrus, I should no longer appear so to 
 you." 9. On this Cyrus said to those present, " Such are this 
 man's deeds, and such his confessions. And now, do you first, 
 O Clearchus, declare your opinion, whatever seems right to 
 you." Clearchus spoke thus : " I advise, that this man be put 
 out of the way with all dispatch; that so it may be. no longer 
 necessary to be on our guard against him, but that" we may 
 have leisure as far as he is concerned, to benefit those who are 
 willing to be our friends." 10. In this opinion, Clearchus 
 said, the rest concurred. Afterward, by the direction of 
 Cyrus, all of them, even those related to the prisoner, rising 
 from their seats, took Orontes by the girdle,' in token that he 
 was to suffer death ; when those to whom directions had been 
 ^ven, led him away. And when these saw him pass, who 
 had previously been used to bow before him, they bowed be-, 
 fore him as usual, though they knew that he was being led tO' 
 execution. 
 
 ' Thi3 was a custom among the Persians on BUch oocasions, as is ex- 
 pressly signified hj Diodorus Siculus, ivii. 30, in his account of the con- 
 demnation of Charidemus, at tlie command of Darius. 
 
CHAP. VII. RETIEW IN BABYLONIA. 27 
 
 11. After he had been conducted into the tent of Artapatas, 
 the most confidential of Cyrus's scepter-bearers,' no one from 
 that time ever beheld Orontes either living or dead, nor could 
 any one say, from certain knowledge, in what manner he died. 
 Various conjectures were made ; but no laurial-plaee of him was 
 ever seen. 
 
 CHAPTER Vn. 
 
 Cyrus enters Babylonia, and reviews his troops ; he addresses the Greeks, 
 and promises them great rewards in case of victory. He advances in order 
 of battle, bat ailierward, supposing that his brother had no immediate 
 intention to engage, proceeds with less caution. 
 
 1. Hence Cyrus proceeded through Babylonia, three days' 
 march, a distance of twelve parasangs : and at the end of the 
 third day's march, he reviewed his army, both Greeks and Bar- 
 barians, in the plain, about midnight ; for he expected that with 
 the ensuing dawn the king would come up with his army-to of- 
 fer him battle. He desired Clearchus to take command of the 
 right wing, and Menon the Thessalian that of the left, while he 
 himself drew up his own troops. 
 
 2. After the review, at the dawn of day, some deserters from the 
 Great King came and gave Cyrus information respecting the 
 royal array. Cyrus, assembling the generals and captains of 
 the Greeks, consulted with them how he should conduct the 
 engagement, and then encouraged them with the following ex- 
 hortations ; 3. " It is not, O Greelis, from any want of Barbarian 
 forces, that I take you with me as auxiliaries ; but it is because 
 I think you more efficient and valuable than a multitude of Bar- 
 barians, that I have engaged you in my service. See, then, that 
 you prove yourselves worthy of the liberty of which you are 
 possessed, and for which I esteem you fortunate ; for be well as- 
 sured, that I should prefer that freedom to all that I possess, and 
 to other possessions many times as great. 
 
 4. But that you may know to what sort of encounter you are 
 advancing, I, from my own experience, will inform you. The 
 
 I 'S.KTiTTToixuv.'] "Eunuchs, who, by the institution of Cyrus the elder, 
 formed the king's body-guard. See Cyrop. vii. 5, 58." Zeme. 
 
28 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. bookl 
 
 enemy's numbers are immense, and they make their onset -wiA 
 a loud shout ; but if you are firm against this, I feel ashamed 
 to think what sort of men, in other respects, you will find 
 those in the country to be. But if you are true men, and prove 
 yourselves stoutrhearted, I will enable those of you who may 
 wish to go home, to return thither the envy of their fellow-coun- 
 trymen; but I think that! shall induce most of you to prefer 
 tile advantages of remaining 'with me to those in your own 
 country." 
 
 5. Upon this, Gaulites, an exile from Samos, a man in the 
 confidence of Cyrus, being present, said, "Yet some say, 
 Cyrus, that you make many promises now because you are in 
 suOh a situation of approaching danger; but that if things 
 should tviin out well, you will not remember them ;' and soine, ■ 
 too, say, that even if you have both the memory and the will, 
 you will not have the power of bestowing all that you promise." 
 6. Hearing this, Cyrus said, "We have before us, my friendsj 
 the empire that was my father's, extending, on the south to the 
 parts where men can not live for heat ; and on the north, to the 
 parts where they can not live for cold ; and over all that lies 
 between these extremes, the friends of my brother are now satraps. 
 '7. But if we conquer, it will be proper for us to make our own 
 friends masters of these regions. So that it is not this that I 
 fear, that I shall not have enough, to give to each of my fiiends, 
 if things turn out successfully, but that I shall npt iave friends 
 enough to whom I may give it. And to each of yott Greeks, I 
 will also give a golden crown. 
 
 8. The Greeks who were present, when they heard these assur- 
 ances, were much encouraged, and reported what he had said to 
 the rest. The captains, too, and some others of llie Greeks, went 
 into his tent, desiring to know for certain what would be their 
 reward if they should be victorious ; and he did not let them go 
 without satisfying the minds of all. 
 
 9. But all who conversed with him, urged him not to en- 
 gage in the battle personally, but take his station behind their 
 line. About this time, algo, Clearchus put a question to Cyrus 
 to this effect: "And do you think, C^us, that your brother 
 
 1 Oi fie/iv^aSat.'] This is the reading in all the hooks and manuscripla':. 
 But a future seems to be wanted rather than a perfect. Hutchinson*, 
 and others render it " to non fore memorem." Should we read" 
 
CHAP. VII. NUMBER OF TROOPS ON EACH SIDE. -29 
 
 will come to battle with you?" " By Jupiter," replied Cyrus, 
 "if he be indeed the son of Darius and Parysatis, and my 
 brother, I shall not gain possession of these ^minions without a 
 struggle." 
 
 10. In mustering the Greelts under arms, their numbers were 
 found to be ten thousand four hundred heavy-armed men, and 
 two thousand four hundred peltasts-;' of Barbarian troops under 
 Cyrus, there were one hundred thousand, with about twenty 1 
 chariots aiyned with scythes. » 
 
 11. Of the enemy the number was said to be one million two 
 hundred thousand, with two hundred scythed chariots. There 
 were, besides, six thousand cavalry, of whom Artagerses had 
 the command ; these were drawn up in front of the ting him- 
 self. 12. Of the royal army there were four commanders, or 
 generals, or leaders,' ovot each three hundred thousand men ; 
 that is to say, Abrocomas, Tissaphernes, Gobryas, and Arbacea. 
 But of this nimiber only nine hundred thousand were present at 
 the battle, and one hundred and fifty scythed chariots ; for Abro- 
 com^, who was marching from Phoenicia, did not arrive till 
 five days after the battle. 
 
 13. This information was brought to Cyrus by some of the 
 enemy who deserted from the Great King before the battle ; and 
 such of the enemy as were taken prisoners after the battle gave 
 the same account. 
 
 14. Hence Cyrus proceeded one day's march, a distance of 
 three parasangs, with all his forces, as well Greek as Barbarian, 
 drawn up in order of battle : for he expected that on this day 
 the king would give him battle ; as about the middle of the 
 day's march, there was a deep trench dug ; the breadth of it 
 was five fathoms,' and the depth three. 15. This ditch extend- 
 ed up through the plain, to the distance of twelve parasangs, as 
 far as the wall of Media.' Here are the canals which are sup- 
 
 ' Tlffov apxovTef Kai arpaTriyoi Kat ^e/i6ve; r^rrapef.] 'Weiske 
 considers the words koI arpaTriyoi. Kot ^ye/iove^ spurious ; and Schneider 
 and some others are of his opinion. Kiihner thinks that they are genu- 
 ine, and expUcative of the more general term apxiyrec. 
 
 2 'Ofyyviai.] The ipyvid was equal to 6.06'Z5 English feet. See Hussey 
 on Ancient Weights, etc., AppeiSd. sect. 10. 
 
 3 T<yO -Mf?i5iOf reixovf.] As many of the best manusoripts have 
 Uridelclc, in this passage as well as in ii. 4, 12; ii. 4, 21, and vii. 8, 25, 
 Kiihner adopts that reading, under the notion that the wall was named 
 
80 THE EXPEDITIOIT OF OYRtTS. BOOEt 
 
 plied from* the river Tigris ;' there are four of them, each -it'- 
 plethrum in beadth, and very deep ; boats employed in convey- 
 ing corn sail along them. They discharge themselves into the 
 Euphrates, are distant from each other one parasang, and there ' 
 are bridges over them.» Near the Euphrates was a narrow pas- 
 sage between the river and the trench, about twenty feet in 
 breadth. 16. This trench the Great King had made to serve as 
 a defense, when he heard that C3rrus was marching against him. 
 By this passage Cyrus and his army made their wgy, and got 
 within the trench. 
 
 .11. On this day the Mng did not come to an engagement, 
 but there were to be seen many traces of men and horses in re- 
 treat. 
 
 18. Cyrus sent for Silanus, the Ambracian soothsayer, and 
 gave him three thousand darics," because on the eleventh day 
 previous, while eaorifioing, he had told Cyrus that the king 
 would not fight for ten days ; when Cyrus exclaimed, " He will 
 not then fight at all, if he does not fight within that time ; bat 
 if you shall prove to have spoken truly, I promise to give you 
 ten talents." This money, therefore, he now paid him, the ten 
 days having elapsed. 
 
 19. As the lang made no attempt at the trench, to prevent 
 the passage of Cyrus's army, it was thought both by Cyrus 
 and the rest that he had given up the intention of fighfeg; 
 so that on the day following Cyrus proceeded on his march 
 with less caution^ 20. On the day succeeding that, he pIl^ 
 
 from Medea, the wife of the last king of the Medea, whom the Persiaas 
 conquered, and despoiled of his dominions. "Those Who defend the 
 reading MjiHa^," continues Kiihner, " suppose the name to be derived 
 from the country of Media, and believe, with Mannert (Geog. i. p. 330), 
 that it is the same wall which Semiramis built to defend her kingdom on 
 the side of Media; hut this opinion rests on very weak arguments." 
 Ainaworth, p. 180, thinks that it extended from the Tigris to the Eu- 
 phrates, and that the site of it is indicated by the ruins now called Sidd 
 iB»tn«i, or "the Wall of Nimrod." 
 
 ■■ "These canals, however, flowed, not from the Tigris Into the Eu- 
 phrates, but from the Euphrates into the Tigris, as is shown.not only by 
 Herodotus, Diodorus, Arrian, Pliny, Ammianus, but by later writers." 
 Xuhner. But "the diflference in the level of the rivers is so slight that 
 —it is probable that by merely altering the diagonal direction of a canal, 
 the waters could be made to flow either way ; certainly so at certain 
 seasons." Ainsworth, p. 89. 
 
 2 See note on i. 1. 9. 
 
CHiP. vra. THE KING ADVANCES TO BATTLE. 31 
 
 sued his journey seated in Ms ciariot, and taving Imt a small 
 body of troops in line before him; while the far greater part 
 of the anny observed no order on their march, and many of the 
 Boldiers' arms were carried on the wagons ' and beasts of bur- 
 den 
 
 CHAPTER Vm. 
 
 The enemy are seen jidTmoing in order of battle, and the axmy of Cyms 
 hastiJy prepare foriMstion. The, Greeks, in the right wing, put to mght 
 the troopR £W)poaed to them, -and pursue them some distance. Cyrus, in 
 the center, directs Ms attack agunst the king, and is Idlled. 
 
 1. It was now about Jthe time of full market,' and the 
 station, where he intended to halt, was not far oflf, when 
 P&tegyas, a Persian, one of Cyrus's confidential adherents, 
 made his appearance, riding at his utmost speed, with his 
 horse in a sweat, and straightway ealled out to all whom he 
 met, both in Persian and Greak, " that the king was approach- 
 ing with a vast army, prepared as for battle." 2. Immediately 
 great confusion ensued ; for the Greeks and all the rest imag- 
 ined that he would fall Tlpon them suddenly, before they could 
 form their ranks ; 3. and Cyrus; leaping from his chariot, put 
 on his breast-plate, and, mounting his horse, took his javelin 
 in his hand, and gave orders for all the rest to arm themselves, 
 and to take their stations each in his own place. 4. They 
 accordingly formed with all expedition ; Clearchus occupying 
 the extremity of the right wing close to the Euphrates, Proxe- 
 nus being next to him, apd after him the other captains in suc- 
 cession. Menon and his troops occupied the left wjpg of the 
 Greeks, 
 
 5. Of the Barbarian forces, about one thousand Paphlago- 
 nian cavalry were stationed near Clearchus, and the Grecian 
 pSltasts on the right; and on the left was Ariseus, Cyrus's 
 Heut^nant, with the rest of the Barbarian troops. 6. In the 
 center' was Cyrus, and with him about six hundred cavalry, the 
 
 ' ''A./xifl tiyoptiv TrTijjfovaav.'] The time from the tenth hour till noon. 
 The whole day -was divided by the Greeks into four parts, irpui, djiii 
 dyopdv TrX^Bovaav, /isajj/iBpla, dei?.r;. Kiihner. 
 
 ' The words Korfi rb fieaov, which were introduced into the text by 
 Leunelavius, as if absolutely necessary, and from a comparison of 
 
32 THE EXPEDITION OF CTETJS- BOOK h 
 
 men all sirmed with breast-plates, defenses for the thighs, and 
 helmets, except Cyms alone ; for Cyrns presented himself for 
 battle with his hesMi miprotected. [It is said, too, that the other 
 Persians exipose themselves in battle with their heads uncov- 
 ered.] * 
 
 7. All the horses of the cavalry, that were with Cyms, had 
 defensive armor on the forehead and breast ; and the horsemen 
 had also Grecian pwords 
 
 8. It was now mid-day, and the enemy was not yet in sight. 
 But when it was afternoon;" there appeared a dust, like a 
 white xiloud, and not long after, a sort of .blackness, extending 
 to a great distance over the plain. Presently, as they ap- 
 proached nearer, brazen armor began to flash, and the spears 
 and ranks became visible. 9. There was a body of cavalry,"'* 
 in white armor, on the left of the enemy's line ; (Tissa- 
 phernes was said to have the command of them;) close by 
 these were troops with wicker shields; and next to them, 
 heavy-^rmed solders with long wooden shields reaching^ljk) 
 their feet ; (these were said to be Egyptians ;•) then other 
 cavalry and bowmen. These all marched according to thdr 
 nations, each nation separately in a solid oblong.' 10. In front 
 of their line, at considerable intervals from each other, were 
 stationed the chariots called scythed chariots; they had 
 scythes projecting obliquely from the axletree, and others nu- 
 
 Dioi Siculus, xiv. 2, Bomemann and others have omitted. I have 
 thought it well to express them in the translation. Compare sect 
 22, 23. , 
 
 1 The words in hracketa, as hejng, at variance with what is sail 
 immediately before, that the Persians had helmets on their heads, 
 Wyttenbaeh, Wei^e, and most other .csritics have condemned as an 
 interpolation of sotae copyist. Kuhner deTends them on the ground that 
 they do not interfere with what precedes, but merely express a general 
 cnatom of the Persians. Jacobs for u/lAowf conjectures naTiaiovi, which 
 Lion has received into his text ; but -rraXatnv; does not suit well with 
 the present SiaKivdvveveiv. For my own part, I would rather see the 
 words out of the text than in it, if for no other reason than that ttey 
 break the current of the narrative. Dindorf veiy judiciously leaves them 
 in brackets. 
 
 « AriAiy.] See note on sect. 1. of this chap. " This division of the day 
 was also di^inguished into two parts, Sti?.ri irputa, and deVKi) oTpia, the 
 early part of the afternoon {which is here meant), and the evening." 
 Kuhner. 
 
 * 'Eu TzT^aia'Kf 'n-74pn dv&puirav.'l "In an oblong full of men," »". e. the 
 men being close together. 
 
CHAP. Tin. PEEPARATIONS ffOR ENGAGHTG. 33 
 
 der the driver's seat, pointing to the earth, for the purpose 
 of cutting through -whatever came in their way ; and the 
 design of them was to penetrate and divide the ranks of the 
 Greeks. 
 
 11. As to what Cyrus had said, however, when, on calling 
 together the Greeks, he exhorted them to sustain unmoved the 
 shout of the Barbarians, he was in. this respect deceived; for 
 they now approached, not with a shout, but with all possible 
 silence, and, quietly, with an even and slow step. 12. Cyrus in 
 the mean time, riding by. with Pigres the interpreter, and three 
 or four others, called -©ut to Clearchus to lead his troops against 
 the enemy's centffl-, for that there was the king ; " and if," said 
 he, " we are victorious in that quarter, our object is fully ac- 
 complished." 13. But though Clearchus saw that close collec- 
 tion of troops in the center <tf the enemy's line, and heard from 
 Cyrus that the king was beyond the left of the Greeks (for so 
 much the superior was the king in numbers, that, whOe occupy- 
 ing the middle of his own line, he was still beyond Cyrus's left), 
 nevertheless he was unwilling to draw off his right wing from 
 the river, fearing lest he should be hemmed in on both sides ; 
 and in answer to Cyrus he said, " that he would take care that 
 all should go well." 
 
 14. During this time the Barbarian army advanced with a 
 uniform pace : and the Grecian line, still remaining in the 
 same • place, was gradually forming from those who came up 
 from time to time. Cyrus, riding by at a moderate distance 
 from his army,' surveyed from thence both the hues, looking 
 as well toward the enemy as to his own men. 15. Xenophon, 
 an Athenian, perceiving him from the Grecian line, rode up j 
 to meet him, and inquired whether he had any commands ; 
 when Cyrus stopped his horse, and told him, and desired him 
 to tell every body, that the sacrifices and the appearances of ' 
 the victims were favorable." 16. As he was saying this, he 
 heard a murmur passing through the ranks, and- asked' what 
 
 ' 04 irdvv vpoc airy tu eTpaTev/iaTt.'\ " Satis longiuquo ^ suis inter- 
 vaUo." Weiske. 
 
 2 T(J lepi — Kal ri atpdyia ko/Io.] The lepd are omens from the ontraUa 
 of the victims ; the a^uyia were omens taken from the appearance and 
 motions of the animals when led to sacrifioe. This is the explanation 
 given by Sturz in the Lexicon Xenophouteum, and adopted by Kiihner. 
 Compare ii. 1. 9. 
 
 2* 
 
34 THE EXPEDITION OP CTRTIS. book L 
 
 noise that Tv-as. He answered," " that it was the watchword, 
 passing now for the second time." " At which Cyrus won- 
 dered who had given it^d asked what the word was. He 
 replied that it was, " Jtoiteb the Preserver and VicTOKft"' - 
 17. When Cyrus heard it, "I accept it as a good omen," said 
 he, " and let it be so." Saying this, he rode away to his own 
 station ; and the two armies were now not more than three or 
 Cfour stadia di^ant from each other, when the Greeks sang the 
 1 r fffl . ^^^ began to march forward to meet the enemy. 18. 
 And as, while thiey proceeded, some part of their body fluctu- 
 ated out of line,' those who were thus left behind began to run : 
 and at the same time, they all raised just such a shout as they 
 usually raise toMars, and the whole of them too"k' to a run- 
 ning pace. Some say, that they made a noise with their 
 spears against their shields, to strike terror into the horses. 
 19. But the Barbarians, before an arrow could reach them, gave 
 way, and took to flight. The Greeks then pursued them 
 with all their force, calling out to each other, not to run, hut 
 to follow in order. 20. The chariots, abandoned by theii 
 drivers, were hurried, some throiigh the midst of the enemies 
 themselves, and others thr&ugh ihe midst of the Greeks". The 
 
 1 Dindorf has o Si KXiapxo; ehev, whioli is tho reading of some man- 
 uscripts; others have Sevoipuv instead of KXeapxo;. Dindorf prefers 
 the former, assuming that Clearohus had probaWy ridden up to Cyrus 
 on that oecaaion ; but this is an assumption which he had no right to 
 make, as nothing can be gathered fronj the text in favor of it. Borne- 
 ma,nn and Kiihner think it better to consider both names equally 
 interpolations, and to read simply 6 Si elnev, Xenophon of course being 
 understood. 
 
 2 Aewrapov.] The watchword seems to have been passed from tho ex- 
 tremity of one wing (the right I should suppose), to the extremity of the 
 other, and then back again, that the soldiers, by repeating it twice, might 
 be leas likely to fofget it. But as it would thus be passed only twice, 
 not oftener, it would appear that we should read rb Sevrepov. Kriiger 
 de Authen. Anab. p. 33-. Kiihner observes that the article is not abso- 
 lutely necessary. I have translated "fte second time," as the sense 
 seems to require. Some have imagined that the word Sevrepov implies 
 that a siamd watchword, another given out for the occasion, was passing 
 round ; but for this supposition there seems no ground As there is no 
 answer to the inquiry, n'f napayyeX^ei, Kriiger thinks that some words 
 have dropped out of the text. 
 
 3 'E^eKV/mive.] This metaphor, from the swelling and heaving of » 
 wave, is imitated by Arrian, Anab. ii. 10. 4, and praised in the treatise 
 de Eloc. 84, attributed to Demetrius Phalereus. 
 
CHAP. vin. CTRtrS ATTACKS THE KING. S5 
 
 Greeks, wben tliey saw them coming, opened their ranis to let 
 them pass ; some few, however, were startled and caught by 
 them, as might happen in' a race-course ; but these, they 
 said, suffered no material injury; nor did any other of the 
 Greeks receive any hurt in this battle, except that on the 
 left of their army, a man was said to have been shot with aa 
 arrow. 
 
 21. Cyrus, though he saw the Greeks victorious, and pur- 
 suing those of the enemies who were opposed to them, and 
 though he felt great pleasure at the sight, and vas already 
 saluted as king by those about him, was not, however, led 
 away to join in the pursuit ; but keeping the band of six hun- 
 dred cavalry, that were with him, drew up in a close order around 
 him, he attentively Tvatched how the king would proceed ; for 
 he well kiiew that he occupied the center of the Persian army. 
 22. All the cofnmanders of the Barbarians, indeed, lead' their 
 troops to battle obcupj^ng the center of their own men; 
 thinking that they will thus be most secure, if they have the 
 strength of their force on either side of them, and that if they 
 have occasion to issue orders, their army will receive them in 
 half the time. 23. On the present occasion, the king, though 
 he occupied th6 center of his own army, was nevertheless be- 
 yond Cyrus's left wing. But as no enemy attacked him in 
 front, or the troops that were drawn up before him, he began 
 to wheel round, as if to inclose his adversaries. 24. Cyrus, in 
 consequence, fearing that he might take the Greeks in the 
 rear, and cut them in pieces, moved directly upon him, and 
 charging with his six hundred horse, routed the troops that 
 were statipned in front of the king, and put the guard of six 
 thousand to flight, and is said to have killed with his own hand 
 Artagerses, their commander. 
 
 25. When this flight of the enemy took place, Cyrus's six 
 hundred became dispersed in the eagerness of pursuit ; only a 
 very few remaining with him, chiefly those who were called 
 " partakers of his table." 
 
 26. While accompanied by these, he perceived the king and 
 the close guard around him ; when he imtaediately lost his 
 self-command, and exclaiming, "I see the man," rushed upon 
 
 > "Uyovvrai.] Schneider, Kutner, and some other editors have iiyoivTo, 
 but Poppo and Dindorf seem to be right in adopting the present, not- 
 withstanding the following optative. 
 
36 THE EXPEDITION OF CYKU& bookl 
 
 liiin, stiuok him on the breast, and ■wounded him through the 
 breast-plate, as Ctesias, the physician, relates, stating that he 
 himself dressed the wound. 27. As Cyrus was in the act of 
 striking, some one hit him violently with a javelin under 
 the eye ; and how maiqr of those about the king were killed, 
 (while they thus fought^ the king, and Cyrus, and their re- 
 spective followers in defense of each), Ctesias relates ; for he 
 was with him ; on the other ,side, Cyrus himself was tiUed 
 and eight of his principal officers lay dead upon his body. 28. 
 Artapates, the most faithful servant to him of all his scepter 
 bearers,' when he saw Cyras fall, is said to have leaped from 
 his horse, and thrown himself upon the body of his master ; 
 29.' and some say, that the king ordered some oneto kill him 
 on the body of Cyrus ; but others relate, that he drew' his 
 cimeter, and killed, himself upon the bpdy ; for . he had a 
 golden cimeter by his side, and also wore a chain, and brace- 
 lets, and other ornaments, like the. noblest of the Persi^BJ 
 since he was honored by Cyrus foi- his attachment and fidelity 
 to him. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The character of Cyrus. All his personal friends are killed, except Arisena, 
 who takes to jtight. 
 
 1. Tniis then died Cyrus ; a man who, of all the Persicans 
 since Cyrus the elder, was the most princely and most worthy 
 of empire, as is agreed by all who appear to have had pereonal 
 knowledge of him. 2. In the first place, while he was yet ^• 
 boy, and when he was receiving his education with his brother 
 and the other youths, he was thought to surpass them all in 
 every thing. 3. For all the sons of the Persian nobles are 
 educated at the gates of the king;' where they may learn 
 
 ' See 0. 6, sec. 11. 
 
 2 •■Evl fforr ^aaiMas ■&vpaLi.] For "at the king's palace. "The 
 king's palace was styled among the ancient Persians, as in the modem 
 Constanfinpple, the Porte. Agreeably to the customs of other despots 
 of the East, the kings of Persia resided in the interior of their palaces- 
 seldom appearmg m pnWio, and guarding all-ineans of access to their 
 persons. The number of courtiers, masters of ceremonies guards and 
 
CHAP. IX. CHARACTER OF OYRTTS. 37 
 
 many a lesson of virtuous conduct, but can see or hear nothing 
 disgraceful. 4. Here the boys see some honored by the king, 
 and others disgraced, and hear of them ; so that in their very 
 childhood they learn to govern and to obey. 
 
 5. Here Cyrus, first of all, showed hiihself most remarkable 
 for modesty among those of his own^e, and for paying more 
 ready obedience to his elders than even those who were inferior 
 to him in station ; and next, be' was noticed for his fondness 
 for horses, and for managing them in a superior manner. 
 They found him, too, very desirous of learning, and most 
 assiduous in practicing the warlike, exercises of archery, and 
 hurling the javelin. 6. When it suited his age, he grew ex- 
 tremely fond of the chase, and of braving dangers in encounters 
 with wild beasts. On one occasion, he did not shrink from a 
 she-bear that attacked him, but, in grappling with her, was 
 dragged from off his horse, and received some wounds, the scars 
 of which were visible on his body, but at last killed her. The per- 
 son who first came to his assistance he made a happy man in 
 the eyes of many. 
 
 7. When he was sent down by his father, as satrap of 
 Lydia .and Great Phrygia and Cappadocia, and was also ap- 
 pointed commander of all the troops whose duty it is to 
 muster in the plain of Castolus, he soon showed that if he 
 made a league or compact with any one, or gave a promise, 
 he deemed it of the utmost importance not to break his word. 
 8. Aecprdingly the states that were committed to his charge, as 
 well as individuals, had the greatest confidence in him ; and 
 if any one had been his enemy, he felt secure that if Cyrus 
 entered into a treaty with him, he should suffer no infraction 
 of the stipulations. 9. When, therefore, he waged war against 
 Tissapbernes, all the cities, of their own accord, chose to ad- 
 here to Cyrus in preference to Tissaphemes, except the Mile- 
 sians ; but they feared him, because he would not aba,ndon the 
 cause of the exiles ; 10. for he both showed by his deeds, and 
 declared in words, that he would never desert them, since he 
 had once become a friend to them, not even though they should 
 grow still fewer in number; and be in a worse condition than 
 Qiey were. 
 
 others, was endless. It was through them alone that access could be 
 obtained to the monarch." 'Seeren, Researches, etc., vol. i p. 403. See 
 Cyrop. i. 3. 2 ; 2. 3, seqq. Com. Nep. Life of Conon, c. 3- 
 
38 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. book r. 
 
 11. Whenever any one did him a kindness or an injury, ho 
 showed himself anxious to go beyond him in those respects ; 
 and some used to mention a wish of his, that " he desired to 
 live long enough to outdo both those who had done him 
 good, and those who had done him ill, in the requital that he 
 should make." 12. Accordingly to him alone of the men of our 
 days were so great a number of people desirous of cpmmitting 
 the disposal of their property, their cities, and their own per- 
 sons. ' ' 
 
 18. Yet no one could with truth say this of him, that he 
 suffered the criminal or unjust to deride, his authority; for 
 he of all men inflicted punishment most unsparingly; and 
 there were often to be seen, along the most frequented roads, 
 men deprived of their feet, or hands, or eyes ; so that in 
 Cyrus's dominions, it was possible for any one, Greek or Bar- 
 barian, who did no wrong, to travel without fear whitherso- 
 ever he pleased, and having with him whatever might suit bis 
 convenience. 
 
 14. To those who showed ability for war, it is acknowl- 
 edged that he paid distinguished honor. His first war was 
 with the Pisidians and Mysians ; and, marching in person 
 into these countries, he made those, whom he saw voluntarily 
 hazarding their lives in his service, governors over the terri- 
 tory that he subdued, and distinguished them with rewaids 
 in other ways. ,15. So that the brave appeared to be the 
 most fortunate of men, while the cowardly were deemed fit' 
 only to be their slaves. There were, therefore, great numbers 
 of persons who voluntarily exposed themselves to danger, wher- 
 ever they thought that Cyrus would become aware of their ex« 
 ertions. 
 
 16. With regard to justice, if any appeared to him inclined 
 to display that virtue, he made a point of making such men 
 richer than those who sought to profit by injustice. 17. Ac- 
 cordingly, while in many other respects his affairs were ad- 
 ministered judiciously, he likewise possessed an army worthf '^ 
 of the name. For it was not for money that generals and 
 captains came from foreign lands to enter into his service, 
 but because they were persuaded that to serve Cyrus well, 
 would be more profitable than any amount of monthly pay. 
 
 ' A^iova$m.'] Lion, Poppo, Kiihner, and some other editors, read 
 dfiow, bnt the passive suits better with the preceding (paivenHai. 
 
CHAP. IX. CHARACTBE OF CTETJS. 39 
 
 18. Besides, if any one executed bis orders in a superior man- 
 ner, he never suffered his diligence to go unrewarded ; conse- 
 quently, in every undertaking, the best qualified ofiBoers were 
 said to be ready to assist him. ^ 
 
 19. If he noticed any one that was a'' skillful manager, with 
 strict regard to justice, stocking the land of which he had the 
 direction, and securing income from it,the would never take 
 any thing from such a person, but was ever ready to give him 
 something in addition ; so that men labored with cheerful- 
 ness, acquired property with confidence, and made no conceal- 
 ment from Cyrus of what each possessed ; for he did not 
 appear to envy those who amassed riches openly, but to en- 
 deavor to bring into use the wealth of those who con- 
 cealed it. 
 
 20. Whatever friends he made, and felt to be well-disposed 
 to him, and considered to be capable of assisting him in any 
 thing that he might wish to accompUsh, he is acknowledged 
 by all to have been most successful in attaching them to him. 
 21. For, on the very same account on which he thought that 
 he himself had need of friends, namely, that he might have 
 co-oparators in his tmdertakings, did he endeavor to prove an 
 efficient assistant to his friends in whatever he perceived any of 
 them desirous of effecting. 
 
 22.. He received, for many reasons, more presents than 
 perhaps any other / single individual ; and these he outdid 
 every one else in distributing among his friends, having a 
 view to the character of each, and to what he perceived each 
 most needed. 23. Whatever presents any one sent him of 
 articles of personal , ornament, whether for warlike accoiiter- 
 ment, or merely for dress, concerning these, they said, he used 
 to remark, that he could not decorate his own person with 
 them all, but that he thought friends well equipped were the 
 greatest ornament a man could have. 24. That he should 
 outdo his friends, indeed, in conferring great benefits, is not 
 at all wonderful, since he was so much more able ; but, that 
 he should surpass his friends in kind attentions, and anxious 
 desire to oblige, appears to me far more worthy of admiration. 
 26. Frequently, when he had wine served him of a peculiarly 
 fine flavor, he would send half-emptied flagons of it to some 
 of his friends, with a message to this effect: "Cyras has 
 not for some time met with pleasanter wine than this ; and he 
 
40 THE EXPEDITION OF CTRTJS. BOOK r. 
 
 has therefore sent some of it to you, and hegs you will drink 
 it to-day, with those whom you love hest." 26. He' would often, 
 too, send geese partly eaten, and the halves of loaves, and 
 other such things, desiring the bearer to say, in presenting them, 
 " Cyrus has been dehghted with these, and therefore wishes you 
 also to taste of them." 
 
 27. Wherever proT*nder was scarce, but he himself, from 
 having many attendants, and from the care which he toot, 
 was able to procure some, he. would send it about, and de- 
 sire, his friends to give that provender to the horses that 
 carried them, so that hungry steeds might not carry his 
 friends. 28. Whenever he rode out, and many were likely to 
 see him, he would call to him his friends, and hold earnest 
 conversation with them, that he might show whom he held in 
 honor ; so that, from what I have heard, I should think that 
 no one was ever beloved by a greater number of persons,- 
 either Greeks or Barbarians. 29. Of this feet the following- 
 is a proof; that no one deserted to the king from Cyrus, 
 though only a subject (except that Orontes attempted to do 
 so ; but he soon found the person whom he beUeved faithful 
 to him, more a friend to Cyrus than to himself), while many 
 came over to Cyrus from the king, after they became enemies 
 to each other ; and these, too, men who were greatly belovel' 
 by the king; for they felt persuaded that if they proved 
 theinselves brave soldiers under Cyrus, they would obtaJB.' 
 from him more adequate rewards for their services than from 
 the king, 
 
 30. What occurred also at the time of his death, is a great 
 proo^ as well that he himself was a man of merit, as that he 
 could accurately distinguish such as were trust-worthy, well 
 disposed, and constant in their attachment. 31. For wheftho 
 was Mlled, all his friends, and the partakers of his table, who 
 were with him, fell fighting in his defense, except Aiixus, 
 who had been posted .in command of the cavalry, on the 
 left ; and, when he learned that Cyrus had fallen in the battlej" 
 he took to flight, with all the troops which he had under his 
 command. 
 
CHAP. X. PLUNDER OF THE CAMP OF CYRtJS. 41 • 
 
 CHAPTEK X. 
 
 The head and right-hand of. Cynis ont off. Artaxerxes pureues Ariaens, 
 plunders the camp of Cyrus, and then returna to attaek the victorious 
 Greeks, who put him to flight, recover what he had seized,, and returned 
 to their camp. 
 
 1. The tead and right-hand of Cyrus were then cut off. 
 The king, and the troops thjit were with him, engaging in pur- 
 suit, fell upon the oamp of Cyrus ; when the soldiers of Ariaeus 
 no longer stood their ground, but fled through their camp to 
 the station whence they had last started ; which was said to be 
 four paiasahgs distant. 2. The king and his followers seized 
 upon many other things, and also captured the Phocsean 
 woman, the mistress of Gyms, who was said to be both accom- 
 plished and beautiful. 3. His younger mistress, a native of 
 Miletus, being taken by some of the king's soldiers, fled for ref- 
 uge, without her outer garment, to the party of Greeks,' who 
 were stationed under arms to guard the baggage, and who, 
 drawing themselves up for defense, killed several of the pillagers; 
 and some of their own number also fell ; yet they did not flee, 
 but saved not only the woman, but all the rest of the property 
 and people that were in their quarters. 
 
 4. The king and the main body of Greeks were now 
 distant from each other about thirty stadia, the Greeks pur- 
 suing those that had been opposed to them, as if they- had 
 conquered all ; the Persians engaged in plundering, as if they 
 were wholly victorious. 5. But when the Greeks found that 
 the kiilg with his troops was among their baggage ; and the 
 king, on the other hand, heard from Tissaphernes, that the 
 Greeks had routed that part of his line wMch had been op- 
 posed to them, and were gone forward in pursuit, the king, 
 
 ' Upbc Tuv 'EXl^vav.'] "These words," says Kiihner, "have wonder- 
 fully exercised the aibiUtiea of commentators." The simplest mode of 
 interpretation, he then observes, is to take ■n-pdg in the sense of versus, 
 "toward," comparing iv. 3, 26; ii. 2, 4; but he inclines, oh the whole, 
 to make the genitive E^^ijiwau depend on tovtov^ understood : iin^evyci 
 Tuv '&?,jvuv jrpdf (TovTovg) oZ Itvxov, k. t. X, though he aeknowledgee 
 that this construction., is extremely forced, and that he can nowhere find 
 any thing similar to it. Brodaeua suggested irpdf rd rav 'E^lA^ui', soil. 
 arpaToneiov, and Weiske and Schneider would read vrpftf rd ruft 
 E^Xiy'vuv oTparcmeSov. Other ctmjectures it is unnecessary to notice. 
 
42 THE EXPEDITION OF CTRtTS. BOOKi. 
 
 on his part, collected his forces, and formed them in line 
 again ; while Clearchus, on the other side, calling to him 
 Proxenus, who happened to be nearest to him, consulted wift 
 him whether they should send a detachment to the camp, or 
 proceed, all of them together to relieve it. 6. In the mean 
 time, the Tring was observed again approaching them, as it 
 seemed, in their rear. The Greeks, wheeling round, prepared, 
 to receive him, in the belief that he would attack them on 
 that quarter; the king, however, 'did not lead his troops that 
 way, but led them off by the same route by which he had be- 
 fore passed on the outside of their left wing; taking with him 
 both those who had deserted to the Greeks during the en- 
 gagement, and Tissaphemes with the troops undef his com- 
 mand. 
 
 7. Tissaphemes had' not fled at the commencement of the 
 .engagement, but had charged through the Greek peltasta, 
 close to the banks of the river. In breaking through, how- 
 ever, he killed not a single man, for the Greeks, opening their 
 ranks struck his men with their swords, and hurled their 
 javelins at them. Episthenes of Amphipolis- had the com- 
 mand of the peltasts, and. was said to have proved' himself an 
 able captain.. 8. Tissaphemes, therefore, when he thus came 
 off with disadvantage, did not turn back again, but, proceed- 
 ing onward to the Grecian camp, met the Mug' there; and 
 thence they now returned together with their forces united in 
 battle-array. 9. When they ■were opposite the left wing of 
 the Greeks, the Greeks feared lest they should attack them on 
 that wing,_and, inclosing them on both sides, should cut them 
 off; they therefore thought it advisable to draw back thii 
 wing,' and to put the river in their rear. 10. While they 
 were planning this maneuver, the king, having passed bfr 
 yond them, presented his force opposite to them, in the same 
 form in which he had at first come to battle; and when 
 
 1 ^Avanruaaeiv.'] Literally "to fold 'baok." Whether we are to tin- 
 derstahd that one part of the -wing was drawn behind the other, is not 
 very clear. The commentators aro not at all agreed as to the e*aci 
 sense that the Word ought to bear. Some would interpret it by expUcare, 
 "to Open out," or "extend," and this indeed seems more applicable 
 to irspiKTv^avre; which precedes; for the Greeks- might lengthen out ' 
 their line that the king's troops might Jiot surround them. But Sn 
 the whole, the other Interpretation seems to have most voices in favor 
 of it. 
 
CHAP. X. THE GREEKS REPULSE THE BARBARIANS. 43 
 
 the Greeks saw their enemies close at hand, and drawn up for 
 fight, they again sang the paean, and advanced upon them 
 with much greater spirit than hefore. 11. The Barharians; 
 on the other hand, did ilot await their onset, but fled sooner' 
 than at first ; and the Greets pursued them as far as a certain 
 village," where they halted; 12. for above the village was a 
 hill, upon which the king's troops had checked their flight, 
 and though there were no longer any infantry' there, the 
 height was filled with cavalry ; so that the Greeks could not 
 tell what was doing. ,• They said that they saw the royal 
 standard, a golden eagle upon a spear,* with expanded 
 wings.' 
 f •I'S.'But as the Greeks were on the point of proceeding 
 thither, the cavalry too left the hill ; not indeed in a body, 
 but some in one direction and some in another ; and thus the 
 hill was gradually thinned of . cavalry; till at last they were all 
 gone. 14. Clearchus, however,. did not march up the hill, buty 
 stationing his force at its foot, sent Lycius the Syracusan and 
 another up the hill, and. ordered them, after taking a view 
 
 ' 'E/c TT^eovof.] Be. diaoTTj/iaroc: tliey began to flee when the Greeks 
 were at a still greater distance than before. 
 
 2 tliexpt KQfiTi; Tiv6i.'\ This is generally supposed to have been Cu- 
 naxa, where, according to Plutarch, the battle was fought. Ainsworth, 
 p. 244, identifies Cunaxa with Imsey'ab, a place 36 miles north of 
 Babylon. _ ■ 
 
 3 The infantry seem to have fled ; the cavalry only were left. 
 
 * 'Etts treXT)?f iiri ^v'Aov.'] So stands the passage in Dindorf 's text ; 
 but most editors, from Schneider downward, consider im fuAou to be a 
 mere interpretation of im 'Ke'KTrK, that has crept by some accident into 
 the text, and ejtlier inclose it in brackets or wholly omit it. ncAriy is 
 said by Hesyohius and Suidaa to be the same as 6npu or T^iyxn '■ and 
 Kruger refers to Philostratus, Icon. ii. 32, iirl ttiq TriTiri;^ derb;. In 
 Cyrop. viL 1. 4, the insigne of Cyrus the elder is said to have been a 
 golden eagle, iirl ioparog fiaKpov dvaTera/isvoc:. ile?i.Tti accordingly 
 being taken in this sense, all is clear, and int ^vXav is superfluous. 
 KUhner gives great praise to the conjecture of Hutchinson, iiri miTTjs 
 inl ivarov, who, taking we'Ktv in the sense of a shield, supposed that 
 the eagle was mounted on a shield, and the shield on a spear. But the 
 shield would surely have been a mere encumbrance, and we had better 
 be rid of it. Tet to take ireAn? in the same sense of a spear, unusual in 
 Xenophon, is not altogether satisfactory ; and it would be well if we 
 could fairly admit into the text leunclavius's conjecture, cttI TrnAroii. 
 
 5 'Avars-a/icvov.] This word is generally understood to signify that 
 the eagle's wings were expanded. See Liddell and Scott's Lexicon; and 
 Dr. Smith's Diet, of G. and R. Ant. sub Signa Militaria. 
 
44 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. book i. 
 
 from the summit, to report to him what was passing on the 
 other side. 15. Lycius accordingly rode thither, and having 
 made his observations, brought word that the enemy were flee- 
 ing with precipitatioq, Just as these things took place, the sun 
 set.. 
 
 16. Here the Greeks halted, and piling their arms, took some 
 rest ; and at the same time they wondered that Cyrus himself 
 nowhere made his appeatance, and that no one else came to 
 them from him ; for they did not know that he was killed, but 
 conjectured that he was either gone in pursuit of the enemy, or 
 had pushed forward to secure some post. 17. They then de- 
 liberated whether they should remain in that spot and fetch 
 their baggage thither, or return to the camp ; and it was re- 
 solved to return, and they arrived at the tents about supper-time. 
 18. Such was the conclusion of this day. 
 
 They found almost all their baggage, and whatever food and 
 drink was with it, plundered and wasted ; the wggons, too^ full 
 of barley-meal and wine, which Cyrus had provided, in order ih^ 
 if ever a great scarcity of provisions shoidd fall upon the army, 
 he might distribute them among the Grecian troops (and the 
 wagons, as was said, were four hundred in number), these also 
 the king's soldier's had plundered. 19. Most of the Greeks 
 consequently remained supperless ; and they had also been, 
 without dinner ; for before the army had halted for dinner, /the 
 king made his appearance. In this state they passed the ensu- 
 ing night. 
 
BOOK n. 
 
 CHASTER I. 
 
 The Greeks are surprised to bear of the. death of Cyrus. Arieens resolves 
 to return to Ionia, contrary to the advice of Ciearchus, who incites him 
 to make an attempt on the throne of Persia. Artaxerxes sends a message 
 to the Greeks ; their reply. 
 
 1. How the Grecian force was collected for Cyrus, when 
 he Undertook his expedition against his brother Artaxerxes, 
 what occurred in his march up the country, how the battle 
 took place, how C/rus was killed, and how the Greeks re- 
 turned to their camp and went to rest, in the belief that they 
 were completely victorious, aud that Cyrus was still aliye, has 
 been related in the preceding book. 
 
 2. When it was day, the generals met together, and ex- 
 pressed their surprise tliat Cyrus had neither sent any person 
 to give directions how they should act, nor had made his ap- 
 pearance himself. It seemed best to them, therefore, to pack 
 up what baggage they had, and, arming themselves, to march 
 forward till they could effect a junction with Cyrus. 
 
 3. But when they were on the point of starting, just as the sun 
 was rising, there came to them Procles, the governor of Teuthrania 
 (who was descended from Damaratus, the Lacedaemphian), 
 and with him Glus, the son of Tamos, who told them that 
 Cyrus was dead, and that Ariaeus, having fled, was, with the 
 rest of the Barbarians, at the station whence they started the 
 day before ; and that he said he would wait for the Greeks 
 that day, if they would come to him ; but on the morrow, he 
 said, he should set off for Ionia, from whence he had come. 
 
 4. The generals, on hearing this intelligence, and the other 
 Greeks, on learning it from them,' were grievously afflicted; 
 and Clearohus spoke thus : " Would that Cyrus were still 
 alive ;■ but since he is no more, carry back word to Ariseus, 
 
 ' 'Uvvdavbfievoi. Schneider and others would omit this word, as an 
 apparent interpolation. I have followed Kiihner'a interpretationi 
 
46 THE EXPEDITION OF OTETJS. book n. 
 
 that we at least' aro victorious over the Idng, and that, as you 
 see, no enemy any longer offers us battle ; and, if you had not 
 come, we should have marched against the king ; and we promise 
 Arieeus, that, if he will come hither, we will seat him on the 
 royal throne ; for to those who conquer, it belongs also to rule." 
 
 5. Saying this, he disOiissed the messengers, and sent with 
 them Cheirisophus the Lacedaemonian, and Menon the Thes- 
 salian ; for Menon himself desired to go, as he was connected 
 with Ariseus by ties of friendship and ^ospitality. 
 
 6. While they departed on their mission Clearchus waited 
 wbere he was ; and the troops supplied themselves with food, 
 as well as they could, from the carcases of their baggagfr-cattle, 
 slaughtering their oxen and asses ; and, going a litfle way in 
 front 'of the line, to the place where the battle was fought, 
 they collected and used as fuel, not only the arrows, which lay 
 in great quantities, and which the Greeks had compelled the , 
 deserters from the king to throw down, but also the wiclcer 
 shields of the Persians, and the wooden ones of the Egyptians} 
 and there were also many other light shields, and wagons'' 
 emptied of their contents,' to be taken away ; using all which 
 materials to cook the meat, they appeased thfeir hunger for 
 that day. 
 
 '7. It was now about the middle of the forenoon," when 
 some heralds arrived from the king and Tissaphemes, all of 
 them 'Biarbariansj except one, a Greek named Phalinus, who 
 chanced to be with Tissaphernes, and was highly esteemed hy 
 him, for he had pretensions to skill in the arrangement of 
 troops, and in the exercise of heavy arms. 8. These persons' 
 having approached, and asked to speak with the command'sC, 
 of the Greeks, told them, " that the king, since he had gain^ 
 the victory and slain Cyrus, required the Greeks to deliwfe. 
 up their arms, and go to the gates of the king,' and try to 
 obtain, if they could, some favor from him." 9. Thus spoke' 
 the king's heralds ; and the Greeks heard them with no small 
 
 1 <iipsafai IpTifioi..] Before ^epea^ai is to be understood dSsTc, *,f 
 Zeune and Weiske observe. Kiihner remarks that epTifioi should profe 
 erly be referred to both m?i,Tai and d/la^ai : the shields were withonf 
 owners, and the wagons without their contents, aa having been plunda^ 
 ed by the enemy. ' i** 
 
 2 Hepl v7i,^ovaav dyopdv.'] See i. 8. 1. 
 ' See i. 9. 3. 
 
CHAP. 1. THE KING'S MESSAGE TO THE GREEKS. 41 
 
 concern ; but Clearclius only said, " that it was not tlie part 
 of conquerors to deliver up their arms: but," he continued, 
 " do you, fellow-captains, give these men .atich an answer as 
 you think most honorable and proper ; and I ■will return im- 
 mediately ;" for one of the attendants just then called him 
 away to inspect the entrails which had been taken out of the 
 victim, as he happened to be engaged in sacrifice., 10. Cleanor 
 the Arcadian, the oldest of thaii, then answered, that " they 
 would die before they would deliver up their arms." " For my 
 part," said Proxenus the Theban, " I wonder, Phalinus, 
 whether it is as conqueror that the king asks for pur arms, or 
 as gifts in friendship ; for if as conqueror, why should he ask 
 for.them at all, and. not rather come and take them ? But if 
 he wishes to get them from us by means of persuasion, let 
 him say what will be left to, the soldiers, if they gratify him 
 in this particular." 11. To this Phalinus replied, "The king 
 considers himself the conqueror, since he has slain Cyrus. 
 For who is there now that disputes the sovereignty with him ? 
 And he also looks upon yourselves as his captives, having you 
 here in the middle of his dominions, and inclosed within im- 
 passable rivers; and being able to lead sucli multitudes against 
 you, as, though he gave them into your power, it would be 
 impossible for you to destroy." 
 
 12. After him, Theopompus,' an Athenian, spoke thus: "O 
 Phalinus, we have now, as you see, nothing to avail us, ex- 
 cept our arms and our valor. While we retain our arms, 
 
 * QeoJro/iTrof,] This is the reading of six manuscripts ; others have 
 SevoijiQv. The passage has greatly exercised the ingenuity of the learn- 
 ed, some endeavoring to support one reading, some the other. If we 
 follow manuscript authority, it can not be doubted that eeoTro/iiroc is 
 genuine. "Weiske thinks " Xenophon" inadmissible, becausfe the officers 
 only of the Greeks were called to a conference, and Xenophon, as ap- 
 pears from iiL 1. 4, was not then in the service : as for the other argu- 
 ments that he has offered, they are of no weight. Kriiger (Qutest. de 
 Xen. Tit. p. 12), attempts to refute 'Weiske, and to defend the name of 
 Xenophon, conjecturing that some scholiast may have written in the 
 margin BeoTro/nro; Si Jlpd^evov tovto elrcEiv ftiai, whence the name of 
 Theopompus may have crept into the text, as Diod. Sic, xiv. 26, attrib- 
 ' utes those words to Proxenus. But as this notion rests on conjecture 
 ' alone, I have thought if safest, with "Weiske, Schneider, Poppo, and 
 ' Dindorf, to adhere to the reading of the best manuscripts. * * * Who 
 this Theopompus was, however, is unknown ; for he is nowhere else 
 mentioned in the Anabasis. Kiihner. 
 
48 THE EXPEDITION OF OTB0S. booeii. 
 
 we may hope to profit by our valor ; but if we were to give 
 them up, we should expect to be deprived also of our lives. 
 "Do not suppose, thergfore, that we shall give up to you the only 
 things of value that we possess ; but, with these in our hands, 
 T*e wiU even %ht for "whatever of value you possess." 13. On 
 hearing him speak thus, , Phalinus smiled, and said, "You 
 seem hke a philosopher, ybupg man, and express yourself not 
 without grace ; but be assured'that you are out of your senses 
 if you imagine that your valor will prove victorious ovar the 
 might of the king." 14, But it Was reported that certain 
 others of the generals, giving way to their fears, said that they 
 had been faithful to Cyrus, and might -likewise prove of great 
 service to the king, if he were -willing to become thdr frienij . 
 and that whether he might wish to employ them in any other 
 service, or in an expedition against Egypt, they would assist 
 him in reducing it." 
 
 15. In the mean time Clearchus returned, and asked whether 
 they had yet given their answer. !Phalinus, in reply, said, 
 " Your companions, O Clearchiis, give each a different an- 
 swer ; and now tell ns what you have to say." 16. Clearchus 
 then said, " I was glad to see you, O Phalines, and so, I dare 
 say, were all the rest of us ; for you are a Greek, as we also 
 are ; and, being so many in number as you see, and placed 
 in such circumstances, we would advise with you how we 
 should act with regard to the mesSage that you bring. 17. 
 Give us then, I entreat you by the gods, such advice as seems 
 to you most honorable and advantageous, and such as will 
 bring you honor in time to come, when it is related, that 
 Phalinus, being once sent from the king to require the Gr^ 
 to deliver up their arms, gave them, when they Consulted him, 
 such and swoh counsel ; for you know that whatever counsel 
 you do give, will necessarily be reported in Greece." 
 
 18. Clearchus craftily threw out this suggestion,* with the 
 desire that the very person who came as an envoy from the 
 king, should advise them not to deUver up their arms, in order 
 that the Greeks might be led to conceive better hopes. But 
 Phalinus, adroitly evading the appeal, spoke, contraary to hk 
 expectation, as follows: 19. "If, out of ten thousand bope^ 
 chances, you have any single one, of saving yourselves by con- 
 
 ' Tavra {/■nijyeTO.] Bac dolos^ aiiadeiat. Compare ii. 4. 3. Kuhner. 
 
CHAP. n. CLEARCHUS'S EEPLY TO PHALINUS. 49 
 
 tinuing in arms against the king, I advise you not to deliver 
 up your arms ; but if you have not ;i single hope of safety in 
 opposing the king's pleasure, I advise you to save yourselves 
 in the only way in which it is possible." 20. Clearchus re- 
 joined, " Such, then, is your advice ; but on our part return this 
 answer, that we are of opinion, that, if we are to be fiiends 
 with the king, we shall be more valuable friends if we rctviin 
 our arms, than if we surrender them to another; but that if 
 we must make war against him, we should make war. better it' 
 we retain our arms, than if we give them up to another." 21. ' 
 Phalinus said, " Jhis answer, then, we will report : biit the 
 king desired us also to inform youi that while you remain in '< 
 this place, a truce is to be considered as existing between him 
 and you ; but, if you advance or retreat, there is to be war. 
 Give us, therefore, your answer on this point also ; whether you 
 will remain here, and a truce is to exist, or whether I shall 
 announce from you, that there is war." 22. Clearchus re- 
 plied, *'Eeport, therefore, on this point also, that our resolution 
 19 the same as that of the king." " And what is that ?" said 
 Phalinus. Clearchus replied, " If we stay here, a truce ; but 
 if we retreat or advance, war." 23. Phajinus again asked hjm, 
 "Is it a truce or war that I shall report 'i" Clearchus again 
 made the same ^.n^wer : " A truce, if we stay ; aiid if we re- 
 treat or advance, war." But of what he intended to do, he 
 gave no intimation. 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 The Greeks, joining Ariseus, form an alliance with him_, and take counsel 
 ■with him in reference to their return. During the night following the 
 first day's march they are seized with a panic, which Clearohus allays. 
 
 1. Phalintjs and his companions departed ; and there now 
 returned, from their interview with Ariaaus, Procles and 
 Cheirisophus ; Menon had remained there with Ariaeus. 
 They reported, " that Ariaeus said that there were many Per- 
 sians, of superior rank to himself, who would not endure that 
 he should be king; but," he adds, "if y.ou wish to return 
 with him, be desires you to come to him this very night ; if 
 you do not, he says that he will set out by himself early in the 
 
 VOL. I 3 
 
50 THE EXPEDITION OF OTETTS. book n. 
 
 morning." 2. Clearchus rejoined, "And we must certainly 
 do as you say, if we determine to go to him ; but if not, adopt 
 for yourselves such measures as you may think most for your 
 advantage ;" for not even to them did he disclose what he in- 
 tended to do, 
 
 3. But afterward, when the sun was setting, having! as- 
 sembled the generals and captains, he spoke as follows : " My 
 friends, when I oflfered a sacrifice with reference to marching 
 against the king, the signs of the victim were not favorable, 
 and indeed it was with good cause that they were not so ; for^ 
 as I now leam," there ip between us and the king the river 
 Tigris, a navigable river which we could not cross without 
 vessels ; and vessels we have none. Yet it is not possible to 
 remain here ; for we have no means of procuring provisionB. 
 But for going to the fidends of C^rus, the sacrifices were ex- 
 tremely favorable. 4. We must accordingly proceed thus: 
 when we separate, we must sup, each of us on what he has^ 
 when the signal is given •with the horn as if for going to rest, 
 proceed to pack up your baggage ; when it sounds the seco^ft 
 time, place it on your baggage-cattle ; and, at the third signm) 
 follow him who leads the way, keeping your baggage-cattle 
 next the river, and th? heavy-armed troojps on the outsid^ 
 
 5. The generals and captains, after listening to this addr^ 
 went away, and did as he directed; and thenceforth' he com- 
 
 . manded, and the others obeyed, not indeed having elected him 
 commander, but perceiving that he alone possessed such qual- 
 ifications as a leader ought to have, and inat the rest of them 
 were comparatively inexperienced. 
 
 6. The computation of the route which they had come from 
 Ephesus in Ionia to the field of battle, was ninety-three days' 
 march, and five hundred and thirty-five parasangs, or sixteen 
 thousand and fifty stadia;' and the distance from the field 
 of battle to Babylon was said to be three hundred and sixty 
 stadia. 
 
 7. Here, as soon as it was dark, Miltooythes the Thracian 
 deserted to the king, with about forty horse that he com- 
 
 ' As Xenophon, in the first book, has enumerated only 84 days' 
 march, 517 parasangs, which make but 15,510 stadia, Zeune thinks that 
 the 9 4ays' march, and 18 parasangs, here added, are to be understood 
 as forming the route from Ephesna to Sardia. Kriiger is inclined 19 1 
 think the passage an interpolaaoii. ' 
 
OHAP. II. LEAGUE BETWEEN ARI^TO ANB THE GREEKS. 51 
 
 manded, and nearly three hundred of the Thraeian infentnr. 
 8. Clearchus led the way for the rest, in the prescribed 
 order ; and they followed, and arrived at the first halting- 
 place,' to join Ariaeus and his troops about midnight ; and 
 the generals and captains of the Greets, having drawn up 
 their men under arms, went in a body to Ariseus ; when the 
 Greeks on the one hand, and Ariseus and his principal officers 
 on the other, took an oath, not to betray each other, and to 
 be true allies ; and the Barbarians took another oath, that 
 they would lead the way without treachery. 9. These oaths 
 they took after sacrificing a bull, a wolf,' a boar, and a ram, 
 over a shield, the Greeks dipping a sword, and the Barbarians 
 a lance, into the blood. 
 
 10. When these pledges of mutual fidelity were given, 
 Clearchus said : " Since then, Ariseus, our route and yours is 
 now the same; tell us, what is your opinion with respect to 
 our course ; whether we shall return the way we came, or 
 whether you consider that you have thought of a better way." 
 ir. Ariieus replied: "If we were to return the way we came, 
 we should all perish of hunger ; for we have now no supply of 
 provisions; and for the last seventeen day^' march, even when 
 we were coming hither, we could procure nothing fi'om the 
 country through which we passed; or, if any thing was to be 
 found there, we consumed it ourselves in our'passage. But 
 now we propose to take a longer road, but one in which we 
 shall not want for provisions. 12. We must make the first 
 days' marches as long as we can, that we may remove our- 
 selves to the greatest possible distance from the king's army ; 
 for if we once escape two or three days' journey from him, the 
 king will no longer be able to overtake us ; since he will not 
 dare to pursue us with a small force ; and, with a numerous 
 army, he wiU not be able to march fest enough, and will prob- 
 
 1 Elf T&v vpaTov arad/iovj]. This ia the araB/ioc mentioned in i. 10. 
 1, being that from which, the aimy of Cyrus started on the day when 
 the tattle took place. 
 
 2 Bornemanu observes that the sacrifice of the wolf seems to have, 
 been the act of the Persians, referring to Plutarch de Is. et Os., where 
 it is said that it was a custom ^th them to sacrifice that animal. " They 
 thought the wolf," he adds, "the son and image of Ahrimanes, as ap- 
 pears from Kleuker in Append, ad Zendavestam, T. II. P. iii. pp. 18, 84; 
 see also Brisson, p. 388." 
 
52 
 
 THE EXritolTION OP CYBtTS. book It 
 
 ably experience a scarcity of provisions. " Such," ho con- 
 cluded, " is my opinion." 
 
 13. This scheme for conducting the army was calculated for 
 ijothing else than to effect an escape, clandestinely or openly, 
 by flight." But fortune proved a better leader ; for as soon as 
 it was day they began thrar march, -with the sun on their 
 right, expecting to arrive about sunset at some villages in the 
 Babylonian territory; and in this expectation they were not 
 disappointed. 14. But, in the afternoon, they thought that 
 they perceived some of the enemy's cavalry ; and those of the 
 Grreeks who happened not to be in their ranks, ran to their 
 places in the ranks ; and Ariaeus (for he was riding in a 
 wagon because he had been wounded) came down and pBF on 
 his armor, as did those who were with him. 15. But while 
 they were arming themselves, the scouts that had been sei^ 
 forward returned, and reported that they were not cavalry,' 
 but baggage-cattle grazing ; and every one immediately coa- 
 eluded that the king was encamped somewhere near. Smoke 
 also was seen rising from some viBages not far distant. 16. 
 Clearohus however did not lead his troops against the enemy; ' 
 (for he was aware that his soldiers were tired and in want of 
 food ; and besides it was now late ;) yet he did not turn out 
 of his way, taking care not to appear to flee, but continued his 
 march in a direct hne, and took up his quarters^vith his van- 
 guard, just at sunset, in the nearest villages, from which even 
 the wood-work of the houses had been carried off by the king's 
 troops. 17. These, therefore, who were in advance, encamped 
 with some degree of regularity ; but those who followed, com- 
 ing up in the dark, took up with such, quarters as they chanced 
 to find, and made so much noise in calling to each other, tliSiit 
 even the enemy heard them ; and those of the enemy who 
 were stationed the nearest, fled from their encampments. 18. 
 That this had been the case, became apparent on the following 
 day ; for there was no longer a single beast of burden to be 
 seen, nor any camp, nor smoke any where near. The king had 
 been alarmed, as it seemed, by the sudden approach of the 
 
 ' 'Axoip&vai Kai dirQ^vyetv.] The first means to flee, so that it can 
 not he discovered whither the fiigitive is gone ; the second, so that he 
 can not be overtaken. Kuhmer ad i. 4. 8. "I^givel clandpstini vel 
 aperta." Weiake. 
 
CHAP. in. HERALDS ARE SENT PROM THE KHSTG. 53 
 
 Grecian army ; and of this he gave proof l?y what he did on 
 the following day. 
 
 19. However, in the course of this night, a panic fell upon 
 the Greeks themselves, and there arose such noise and com- 
 motion in their camp as usually ensues on the occurrence of 
 sudden terror. 20. Upon this, Clearchus ordered Tolmides, 
 an Eleian, whom he hkppened t« have with him, the best' 
 herald of his time, to command silence ; and proclaim, that 
 " the generals give notice, that whoever will give information 
 of the person who tum6d the ass among the arms," shall re- 
 ceive a reward of a talent of silver." 21. On this p^oolama^ 
 tion being made, the soldiers were convinced that their alarm 
 was grouti^less, and their generals were safe. At break of day, 
 Clearchus issued orders for the Greeks to form themselves under 
 arms, in the same order in which they had been when the battle 
 took place. 
 
 CHAPTER m. 
 
 The king proposes a truce, and stroplies the Greeks with provisions dining 
 the negotiatioii. Three days after he Beads TiBsaphemea to them, to ask 
 why they bad engaged in hostilities against him ; he is answered by 
 Olearobus. A treaty is then concluded, the king engaging to send home 
 the Greeks tinder the conduct of Tissapherties, and the Greeks promising 
 to do no injury to the countries through which they should pass. 
 
 1. What I just now stated, that the king was alarmed at 
 the approach of the Greeks, became evident by what followed; 
 for though, when he sent to them on the preceding day, he 
 desired &eiu to deliver up their arms, he now, at sunrise, sent 
 heralds to negotiate a truce. 2, These heralds, upon arriving 
 at the outposts, requested to speak with the commanders. 
 Their request being reported by the guards, Clearchus, who 
 happened then to be inspfeeting the several divisions, told the 
 
 ■ 'ApiOTov.'] Best, apparently, on aceonnt of the loudness or clearness 
 of bis voice. 
 
 2 The arms, as Kiihner observes, were piled in front of the men's 
 quarters. The affair of the ass was an invention of C16archus to draw 
 off the thoughts of the soldiers fi-om the subject of their apprehension. 
 PolyaenuS( lii. 9. 4, speaks of a similar stratagem having been adopted 
 by Iphicratea. 
 
54 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. eookh. 
 
 guards to desire the heralds to wait till he should be at leisure. 
 3. When he had arranged the army in such a manner as to 
 present on every side the fair appearance of a compact phar 
 lanx, and so that none of the unarmed were to be seen, he 
 called for the heralds, and came forward himself, having about 
 him the best-armed and Tjest-looking of his soldiers, and told 
 the other leaders to do the same. 4. When he drew near the 
 messengers, he asked them wh^ they wanted. They replied, 
 " that they came to negotiate a truce, with full powers to com- 
 municate with the Greeks on behalf of the king, and with 
 the king on behalf of the Greeks." 5. Glearchus answered, 
 f. " Tell the king, then, that we must come to battle first ; for we 
 V have no brealrfast ;' and there is no one who will dare to talk 
 / to the Greeks ef a truce, without first supplying them with 
 I breakfast." ..^^ 
 
 6. On hearing this answer, the messengers departed but 
 soon returned ; from whence it was apparent that the kii^,.or 
 some other person to whom a commission had been given 
 to conduct the negotiation, was somewhere near. Thw 
 brought word, " that the king thought what they said was , 
 reasonable, and that they now came with guides, who in case 
 the truce should be setded, would conduct the Greeks- to .a 
 place were they might procure provisions." 7. Glearchus then 
 inquired, whether the king would grant the benefit of th^ truce 
 to those only who went with him, on their way thither and back, 
 or whether the truce would be with the rest as well." The 
 messengers replied, " With all ; until what you have to say is 
 communicated to the king." 8. Wlen they had said' this 
 Glearchus, 'directing them to withdraw, deliberated with the 
 other oflBlcets ; and they proposed to conclude the truce at 
 once, and to go after the provisions at their ease, and supply 
 themselves. 9. And Glearchus said, " I too am of that opinion. 
 
 ' 'Apunov.] This word answers to the Ii&tm prandium, a meal taken 
 in the early part of the day. We can not here render it " dinner." 
 
 " I have translated this passage as I think that the drift of the narra- 
 tive requires. Kriiger refers amvdotro to Glearchus, and thinks' that by 
 avToig TDJf dvdpdai are meant the Persian deputies. Some critics sup- 
 pose that by those words the men who were to get provisions are in- 
 tended. To me nothing seems consistent with the context but to refer 
 crrevSoiTo to the king, and to understand by airols rote dvipaai-^ 
 messengers from the Greeks. , •'--; , 
 
CHAP. m. THE GREEKS CONTINUE THEIB RETREAT. 55 
 
 I will not, however, announce our determination immediatdy, 
 but will wait till the messengers begin to be uneasy lest we 
 should determine not to conclude the truce. And yet," said 
 he, " I suspect that a similar apprehension will arise among our 
 own soldiers." When be thought therefore that the proper 
 time had arrived, he announced, to the messengers that he 
 agreed to the truce, and desired them to;, conduct mm forthwith 
 to the place where the provisions were. 
 
 10. They accordingly led the way ; and Clearehus proceeded 
 to conclude the-truce, keeping his army however in battle-array ; 
 the rear he brought up himsel£ The met with ditches and 
 canals so full of water that they could not cross without 
 bridges ; but they made crossings of the palm-trees wMch had 
 fallen, and others which they cut down. 11. Here it might be 
 seen how Clearehus perfsfined the duties of a commander, 
 holding his spear in his left hand, and a staff in his right ; and 
 if any of those ordered to the work seemed to him to loiter at 
 it, he would select a fit object for punishment,' and ^ve him a 
 beating, and would lend his assistance himself,' leaping into the 
 midst, so that all were ashamed not to share his industry. 12. 
 The men of thirty and under only bad been appointed by him 
 to the work ; but the older men, when they saw Clearehus thus 
 busily employed, gave their assistance likewise. 13. Clearehus 
 made so much the more haste, as he suspected that the 
 ditches were not always so fuU of water ; (for it was not the 
 season for irrigating the ground ;) but thought that the king 
 had let out the water upon the plain, in order that even now 
 ihsTe might appear to the Greeks to be many difficulties in the 
 march. 
 
 14. Proceeding on their way, they arrived at some villages, 
 from which the guides signified that they might procure pro- 
 visions. In these villages there was great plenty of com, and 
 wine made from dates, and an acidulous drink obtained from ! 
 them by boiling. 15. As to thp dates themselves, such as those | 
 we see in Greece were here put aside for the use of the serv- ) 
 ants ; but those which were laid by for their masters, were 
 choice fruit, remarkable for beauty and size ; their color was ; 
 not imlike that of amber; and some of these they dried and! 
 
 ' Tbv Imr^ictov.'l SdL waieo&ai, pxnce idonewm, poend dignum. 
 Kiihner. 
 
 ' npoae^u/iCave.^ Manum operi admovebcU Kuhner. 
 
56 THE EXPEDITION OF OTEUS. book n. 
 
 preserved as sweetmeats. These were a pleasant accompani- 
 ment to drink, but apt to cause headache. 16. Here too the 
 (■soldiers for the first lime tasted the^cabbage' fiom the top of 
 \.he palm-tree, and most of them were agieeably struck both 
 ^-ith its external appearance and the peculiarity of its sweet- 
 
 >*ess. But this also was ex,eeediDgly apt to give headache. 
 
 ^'The palm-tree, out of which the cabbage had been taken, soon 
 
 J withered throughout. 
 
 17. In this place they remained three days, when Tissa^ 
 phernes arrived from the Gr«at King, and with him the 
 brother of the king's wife, and three other Persians ; and a 
 numerous retinue attended them. The generals &f jthe Greeks 
 haying met them on their arrival, Tissaphernes first spoBSy 
 an interpreter, to the following effect : 18. "I myself dwell,'^ 
 Greeks, in the neighborhood of your country; and when I 
 perceived you fallen into many troubles and diffioulties, } 
 thought it a piece of good fortune if I could in any way press 
 a request upon the king to allow me to conduct you in safety 
 Isack to Greece. For I think that such a service would T)e 
 attended with no want of gratitude either from yourselves or 
 from Greece in general. 19. With these considerations, I made 
 my request to the king, representing to him that he mighf 
 reasonably grant me this favor, because I had been the first 
 to give him intelligence that Cyrus was marching against 
 him, and at the same time that I brought him the intelligence, 
 
 1 TOv iyKcipaXov.'] Literally "the brain." . Dulcis medulla earum 
 [palmaram] in oacumine, quod cerebrum appellant. Plin. H. N. xiiL 
 4. See also Theophr. ii. 8; Galen, de Fac. simpl. Medic, iv. 15. "It 
 is generally interpreted medulla, "marrow" or "pith," but it is 5n reality 
 a sort of bud at the top of the palm-tree, containing the last tender 
 leaves, with flowers, and continuing in that state two years beforeHt 
 unfolds the flower ; as appears from Boryd. St. Vincent Itiner. t. i. p. 
 223, vera. Germ., who gives his information on the authority of Da 
 Petit Thouars. The French call it choux; the Germans, Kohl. Schnei- 
 der. " By modern travelers it is called the cabbage of the palm ; it ' is- 
 composed' (says Sir Joseph Binks) ' of the rudiments of the futuw 
 leaves of the pahn-tree, enveloped in ftie bases or footstalks of the aetiial 
 leayes ; which inclose them as a tight box or trunk would do.' It forms 
 a mass of convolutions, exquisitely beautiful and delicate ; and wonder- 
 ful to appearance, when unfolded. It is also exceedingly delicate to 
 the taste. Xenophon has justly remarked that the trees from whence 
 it was taken Withered." BenneWa HkistraUong of the ExD. of Cirrm, 
 p. 118. J I' J J ■^ 
 
CHAP. m. CLBAECH0S AND TISSAPHERNES. 57 
 
 had come to him with an auxiliary force; because I alone, 
 of all those opposed to the Greeks, did not flee, but, on the 
 contrary, charged through the midst of them, and joined the 
 king in your camp, whither he came after he had slain Cyrus ; 
 and because, together with these who are now present with 
 me, and who are his most faithful servants, I engaged in pur- 
 suit of the Barbarian part of Cyrus's army. 20. The king 
 promised to consider of my request ; and in the mean time de- 
 sire,d me to come and ask you, on what account it was that 
 you took the field against him ; and I advise you to answer 
 with moderation, in order that it jnay be easier for me to secure 
 you whatever advantage I can frord the king." 
 
 ♦l. The Greeks then withdrew, and, after some deliberation, 
 gave their answer, Clearchus speaking for them : " We neither 
 formed ourselves into a body, with the view of making war 
 upon the king, nor, when we set out, was our march directed 
 against him ; but Cyrus, as you yourself are well aware, de- 
 vised many pretenses for his proceedings, that he might both 
 take you by surprise, and lead- us up hither. 22. But when 
 we afterward saw him in danger, we were ashamed in the face 
 of gods and men, to desert him, as we had before allowed him 
 to 'bestow favors upon us. 23. As Cyrus, however, is now 
 dead, we neither dispute the sovereignty with the king, nor is 
 there any reason why we should desire to do harm to the 
 king's territory; nor would we wish to kill him, but would 
 proceed homeward, if no one molest us ; but we will endeavor, 
 with the aid of the gods, to avenge ourselves on any one that 
 may do us an injiiry; while, if any one does us good we 
 shall not be behindhand in requiting him to the utmost of 
 our power." Thus spoke Clearchus. 24. Tissaphernes, hav- 
 ing heard him, said, " I will report your answer to the king, 
 and bring back to you his reply; and till I return, let the 
 truce remain in force ; and we will provide a market for 
 you." 
 
 25. On the following day he did not return ; so that the 
 Greeks began to be anxious ;■ but on the third day he came, 
 and said that he returned after having obtained the king's 
 permission to be allowed to save the Greeks ; although many 
 spoke against it, saying that it did not become the_ king_ to 
 suffer men to escape who had engaged in war against him. 
 26. In conclusion he said, "You may now receive from us 
 
 3* 
 
68 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. bookh. 
 
 solemn promises ttat we will render the country, through 
 which you will pass, friendly to you ; and will, without treach- 
 ery, conduct you back to Greece, affording you opportunities 
 of purchasing provisions; and wheresoever we do not afford 
 you an opportunity of purchasing, we will allow you to take 
 for yourselves necessaries from the adjacent country. 27. On 
 the other hand, it will be incumbent upon you to swear to us, 
 that you will march as through a friendly territory, without 
 doing harm, only taking a supply of jaeat and drink, whenever 
 we do not give you an opportunity of purchasing, but if that we 
 give you such opportunity, you wiU procure your supplies by 
 purchase." 28. These conditions were assented to ; and they 
 took the oaths, and Tissaphernes and the brother of the l%g's 
 wife gave their right hands to the generals and captains of the 
 Greeks, and received fronx the Greeks theirs in return. 29. Af- 
 ter this, Tissaphernes said, " And now I shall go back to the 
 king ; and as soon as I have accomplished what I wish, I will 
 come again, after making the necessary preparations, for the 
 purpose of conducting you back to Greece, and returning my- 
 self to njy province." 
 
 CHAPTER 17. 
 
 The Greeks conceive distrust totli of Tissaphernes and Ariseus, and resolve 
 to march apart from the Persians. They commence their march under 
 the guidance of TisBaphernas, pass the wall of Media, and cross the 
 Tigris. 
 
 1. After these occurrences, the Greeks and Ariseas,- en- 
 camping near each other, waited for Tissaphernes more than 
 ■••tyreaty days ;' in the course of which there came to visit 
 ■'Ariseus both his brothers and other relations, and certain other 
 Persians, to see his companions, and gave them encouraging 
 hopes ; some too were the bearers of assurances' from, the 
 Mng, that he would liot remember to their disadvantage their 
 
 ' During this time TisSaphemea went to Babylon to the king, and 
 was rewarded with the hand of his daughter, and the province of which 
 Cypua had been satrap. Diod. Sic. xiv. 26. See sect. 8. 
 
 ' Aeliof.] That is,/ifem regis nomine dabmt. Seethe commenta- 
 tors on Oyrop. iv. 2. 1 :- ie^i6v io(, Iva ^(puntv koI rotf aXAoij- Tavra. 
 
CHAP. IV. StrSPIOIONS OF THE GREEKS. 59 
 
 expedition against him under Cyrus, or any thing else that 
 ■was past. 2. On these things taking -plsube, the followers of 
 Ariaeus evidently began to pay the Greeks less attention ; so 
 that, on this account, they rendered most of the Greeks dissat- 
 isfied with them ; and many of them, going to Clearchus 
 and' the other generals, said, 3. "Why do we remain here? 
 are we not aware that the Jdng would wish above all 
 things to destroy us, in order' that a dread of going to war 
 with the Great Monarch may fall upon the rest of the 
 Greeks ? For the present, he craftily protracts our stay, be- 
 cause his forces are .dispersed ; but, when his army is re-as- 
 sembled, it is not possible but that he will attack us. 4. 
 Perhaps, too, he is digging some trench or building some wall, 
 that the way may be rendered ijapassable ; for he will never 
 consent, at least willii^ly, that we should go back to Greece, 
 and relate how so small a number as we are have defeated 
 the king at his own gates, and returned after setting him at 
 naught." 
 
 5. To those who thus addressed ■ him, Clearchus answered, 
 " I have been considering all these things as well ; but I 
 think that, if we now go away, we shall be thought to go with 
 a view to war, and to act contrary to the terms of the truce. 
 Moreover, in the first place, there will be no one to provide us 
 a market, or any means of procuring provisions ; and, in the 
 next place, there will be np one to guide us ; besides, the mo- 
 ment that we do this, Ariseus will separate himself from us ; 
 so that not a friend will be left us ; and, what is more, our form- 
 er friends will then become our enemies. 6. Whether there is 
 any other river for us to cross, I do not know ; but as for the 
 Euphrates, we know that it is impossible to cross that, if the 
 enemy try to prevent us. Nor yet, if it should be necessary to 
 fight, have we any horse to support us ; while the enemy's cav- 
 alry is most numerous and eflBcient ; so that, though we were 
 victorious, how many of our enemies should we be able to kill ? 
 And, if we were defeated, it would not be possible for a man of 
 us to escape. '7. With regard to the king, therefore, who is 
 aided by so many advantages, I know not, if he wishes to efiect 
 our destruction, why he snQuId swear, and give his right hand, 
 and perjure himself before the gods, and render his pledge faith- 
 
 Poppo. So it ia said in Latin dexiram firre. See Breitenbaoh on Xen, 
 Agesil. iii. 4. 
 
60 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. book ii. 
 
 less both to Greeks and Barbarians." He said much besides to 
 the same effect. 
 
 8. In the mean time Tissaphernes arrived, with his army, as 
 if with the view of returning home ; and Orontes came with 
 his army. Oiontes also "brought' with him the king's daughter, 
 whom he had received in maifriage." 9. From hence they now- 
 proceeded on their march, Tissajphernes being their guide, and 
 securing them opportunities of biiying provisions ; Ariaeus also, 
 with the Barbarian troops of Cyrus, marched in company with 
 Tissaphernes and Orontes, and encamped in common with them. 
 10. But the Greeks, conceiving a suspici6n of l^ese men, began 
 to march by themselves, taking guides of thejrown ; and they 
 always encamped at the distance of a parasang, or UttloHess, 
 from each other ; and both parties kept on their guard against 
 one another, as if they had been enemies, and this consequent- 
 ly increased their iliistrustful feelings. 11. More than once, 
 too, as they were gathering fuel, or collecting grass and other 
 such things, in the same quarter, they came to blows with each 
 other ;' and this was an additional source of animosity between 
 them. 
 
 12. After marching three days, they arrived at the wall of 
 Media,* as it is called, and passed to the other side of it. This 
 wall was built of burnt bricks, laid in bitumen ; it was twenty 
 feet in thickness, and a hundred in l^eight, and the length of 
 it was said to be twenty parasangs ; and it was not far distant 
 from Babylon. 13. Hence they proceeded in two days' march, 
 
 ' ^Hye.] Prom iii. 4. 13, it appears that we must refer this verb 
 to Orontes. See note on sect. 1. "Whether Tissaphernes and Orontes 
 both married daughters of the king, is uncertain. If only one of 
 them, Xenophon is more likely to be in the right than Diodoius 
 Sioulus. Orontes was satrap of Armenia, iii. 5. 11. Ehodogune, a 
 daughter of Artaxerxes, is said by Plutarch (Vit. Art. g. 27) to have 
 been married to Oraetes, who may be the same as Xenophon's Oron- 
 tes. 
 
 ' 'Ea-j ydmi.] These words signify literally for or vpon marriage. 
 The true interpretation, says Kriiger, is, doubtless, "in order that he 
 migljt have her, or live with her, in wedlock," the marriage ceremony 
 having been, it would seem, previously performed at Babylon. 
 
 ' n?inya( heTeivmi uX?.)?Aotf.] -Wljether this signifies that they 
 aotiiaUy inflicted blows on one another, or only threatened them, 
 may admit of some doubt. The former notion is adopted by the 
 Latin translators, by Sturz in his Lexicon, and by the commentators 
 generally. 
 
 ' See i. 1. 15. 
 
CHAP. IV. SOME ALARM EXCITED. 61 
 
 the distance of eight parasangs ; crossing two canals, the one 
 by a permanent bridge, the other by a t^porary one formed of 
 seven boats. These canals were supplied from the rives Tigris ; 
 and from one to the other of them were cut ditches across the 
 country, the first of considerable si2e, and the next smaller; 
 and at last diminutive drains, such as are cut in Greece through 
 the panic' fields. They then arrived at the Tigris ; near which 
 there was a large and populous city, called Sitace, distant from 
 the banks of the river only fifteen stadia. 14. In the neighbor- 
 hood of this city the Greeks encamped, close to an extensive 
 and beautiful park, thickly planted with all kinds of trees. The 
 Barbarians, though they had but just crossed the Tigris, were 
 no longer in sight. 
 
 15. After supper Proxenus and Xenophon happened to be 
 walking in front of the place where the arms were piled, when 
 a man approached, and inquired of the sentinels where he could 
 see Proxenus or Clearchus. But he did not ask for Menon, 
 though he came from Ariseus, Menon's intimate friend. 1 6. Prox- 
 enus replying, " I am the person whom you seek," the man said, 
 "Ariseus and Artaozus, the faithful friends of Cyrus, who are in- 
 terested for your welfare, have sent me to you, and exhort you 
 to beware lest the Barbarians should fall upon you in the nighty 
 for their is a considerable body of troops in the adjoining park. 
 17. They also advise you to send a guard to the bridge over the 
 Tigris, as Tissaphemes designs to break it down in the night, 
 if he can, in order that you may not be able to cross the river, 
 but may be hemmed in between the river and the canal." 18. 
 On hearing the man's message, they conducted him to Clear- 
 chus, and told him what he had said. "When Clearchus heard it 
 he was greatly agitated and alarmed. 
 
 19. But a young man," one of those who were present, after 
 reflecting a little on the matter, observed, " that the imputed 
 designs of making an attack, and of breaking down the 
 bridge, were not consistent; for," said he, "if they attack 
 us, they must certainly either conquer or be conquered ; if 
 then they are to conquer us, why should they break down the 
 bridge ? for even though there were many bridges, we have 
 no place where we could save ourselves by flight ; 20. but if, on 
 
 ' '• 2- 22. , , ... 
 
 ' Zeune thinks that Xenophoa may possibly mean himself; but this 
 is mere conjecture. 
 
62 THE EXPEDITION OF OTEUS. bookil 
 
 the other hand, we should conquer them, then, if the hridge 
 is broken down, they will have no place of retreat ; nor will 
 any of their friends on the other side of the river, however 
 numerous, be able to come to their assistance when the bridge 
 is destroyed." 21. After listening to these observations, Clear- 
 chus asked the messenger Vhat was the extent of the country 
 that lay between the Tigris and the canal. He replied, "that 
 it was of considerable extent, an3 .that there were several villages 
 and large towns in it." 22. It was then immediately concluded, 
 that the Barbarians had sent this man with an underhand ob- 
 ject, being afraid lest the Greeks, having taken to pieces' the 
 bridge, should remain in the island, where they would have, as 
 dfefenses, the river Tigris on the one side, and the canal on die 
 other ; and mi^ht procure a sufficient supply of provisions from 
 the country which lay between, and which was extensive. and 
 fertile, with people in it to cidtiyate it ; and which would also 
 serve as a place of refuge to any that might be inclined to an- 
 noy the king. , :i» . 
 
 23. They then prepared for rest, but did not neglect, howe^' 
 to send a guard to the bridge ; but neither did any one attempt 
 to attack them on any quarter, nor did any of the enemies come 
 near the bridge, as those who were stationed on guard there 
 Reported. 
 
 24. As soon as it was day they crossed the bridge, which was 
 constructed of thirty-seven boats, with every precaution in their 
 power ; for some of the Greeks, who came from Tissaphemes, 
 stated that the enemy meant to attack them as they were cross- 
 ing ; but this report was also false. However, as they were 
 going over, Glus made his appearance, with some others, watch- 
 ing to see if they were crossing the river ; and when he saw 
 they were, he immediately rode away- 
 
 25. From the Tigris they proceeded, in four days' march, a 
 distance of twenty parasangs, to the river Physcus, which was 
 aplethrum in breadth, and over which was a bridge..- Here 
 was situated a large town, called Opis ; near which an ille- 
 gitimate brother of Cyrus and Artaxerxes, who was leading 
 a numerous army from Susa and Eobatana, with the intention 
 
 " AieWfTEf.] An exeellent oonjeotural emendation of Holtzmann 
 for the.old reading dceWovrec. Kiihn^.—The stratagem of TissapheBMjl' 
 was similar to that by which Themistocles expedited the departure of 
 Xettces from Gri»PTO. .,.; 
 
CHAP. V. THE GREEKS REACH THE ZABATTTS. 63 
 
 of assisting tlie Mng, met the Greeks, and, ordering his troops 
 to halt, took a view of the Greeks as they passed by. 16. 
 Clearchus marched his men two abreast, and halted occasion- 
 ally on the way ; and as long as the van of the army halted, 
 so long there was necessarily a haltfthroughout the whole of 
 the line ; so that even to the Greeks theinselvea their aamy 
 seemed very large, and the Persian was amazed at the sight 
 of it. 
 
 17. Hence they proceeded through Media,' six days' march 
 through a desert country, a distance of thirty parasangs, when 
 they arrived at the village ofParysatis, the mother of Cyrus 
 and the king ; which Tissaphernes, in mockery of Cyrus, gave 
 permission to the Greeks to plunder of every thing except the 
 slaves. There was found in the^i a great quantity of corn, and 
 sheep, and other property. 18. Hence they advanced in a march 
 of five days more through the desert, a distance of twenty par- 
 asangs, having the Tigris on their left. At the end of the first 
 day's march tiiere was situate on the opposite bank of the river 
 a large and opulent city, called Caense, whence the Barbarians 
 brought over, on rafts made of hide, a supply of bread, cheese, 
 and wine. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 After a three daya' halt on the river Zabatus, Clearchus endeavors to put 
 An end to the distmst between the Persians and the Greeks b^ an inter- 
 view with Tissaphernes. He is received so plausibly that he is induced 
 to return on the following day, accompanied by five other generals and 
 
 ' twenty captaius, in expectation of being informed of the persons who had 
 excited, by false reports, ill feelings between the two armies. The gener- 
 als are conducted mto the tent and put to death ; the captains and those 
 with them are massacred on the outside, one only escaping to tell the tale. 
 ArieeuB calls on the rest of the Greeks to surrender their arms, but is an- 
 swered with defiance. 
 
 1. Soon after, they arrived at the river Zabatus, the breadth 
 of which was four plethra. Here they remained three days, 
 during which the same suspicions continued, but no open in- 
 dications of treachery appeared; 2. Clearchus therefore re- 
 solved to have a meeting with Tissaphernes, and, if it> was at 
 
 • i. 1. 16. 
 
64 THE EXPEDITION OF CTEtTS. BOOK n. 
 
 all possible, to put a stop to these suspicions, before open hos- 
 tilities should arise from them. He accordingly sent a person 
 to say, that he wished to have a meeting with Tissaphemes; 
 who at once requested him to come. 3. When they met, 
 ■Clearohus spoke as follows : " I am aware, O Tissaphemes, 
 that oaths have been taken, and right hands pledged between 
 tis, that we will do no injury to each other : nevertheless, I 
 observe you on your guard agSSnst us, as though we were 
 enemies ; and we, perceiving this, stand on our guard against 
 you. 4. But since, upon attentive observation, I can neither 
 detect you in any attempt to injure us, and since, as I am 
 certain, we have no such intentions toward you, it - seemed 
 proper for me to come to a conference with you, that we may- 
 put an end, if we can, to our, distrust of one another. 5. For 
 I hare, before now, known instances of men, who, being in 
 feair of another, some througii direct accusations, and others 
 through mere suspicion, have, in their eagerness to act befofe 
 they suffered, inflicted irremediable evils upon those who Hei^ 
 ther intended nor wished any thing of the kind. 6. Think- 
 ing, therefore, that . such misunderstandings may be best 
 cleared up by personal communications, I have come here, 
 and am desirous to convince you that you have no just grouid 
 for mistrusting us. 1. In the first and principal place, the 
 oalihs, which we have sworn by the gods, forbid us to be ene- 
 mies to each other ; and I should never consider him to be 
 envied who is conscious of having disregarded such obliga- 
 tions ; for from the vengeance of the gods I know not mth 
 what speed any one could flee so as to esca,pe,' or into what 
 darkness he could steal away, or how he could retreat into any 
 stroi^hold, since all things, in all places, are subject to the 
 gods ; and they have power over all every where alike. . 8. Such 
 are my sentiments respecting the gods, and the oaths- which 
 we swore by them, in whose keeping we deposited the friend- 
 ship that we cemented ; but among human advantages,'^^, for 
 my own part, consider vou to be the greatest that we at pres- 
 
 ' Oir' <27rd miov dv rdzovs <j,Evyov Tt; dno^ot.'X This is DindorPs 
 reading. ^Bopiemanu and Kiihner have ovf dub woiov dv Tuyov; 
 ovTc Sttoi av n^ tjievyuv diTofvyoc, on the authority, 'as they say, of the 
 best copies. Pindorf thought with Sohaefer, ad Greg. Oor p 492 that 
 the words o6tc ottoi dv were superfluous, and oousequently omitted 
 
 t™' ^^°™™^'^° ^^^ K"l"ier see no reason why they sliould not b^ 
 
CHAP. V. CLEARCHUS ADDRESSES TISSAPHERNES. 65 
 
 ent possess; 9. for with your assistance, every road is easy, 
 every river is passable, and there will be no want of provi- 
 sions ; but without you all our way would lie through dark- 
 ness (for we know nothing of it), every river would be diffi- 
 cult to pass, and every multitude of men would be terrible ; 
 but solitude most terrible of all, as it is full of extreme per- 
 plexity. 10. And even if we should be so mad as to kill you, 
 what else would be the consequence, than that, having slain 
 our benefactor, we should have to contend with the king as 
 your most powerful avenger V For my own part, of how many 
 and how great expectations I would deprive myself, if I at- 
 tempted to do "you any injury, I will make you acquainted. 
 11. 1 wasSesirous that Cyrus' should be my friend, as I thought 
 him, of all the men of his time, the most able to benefit those 
 whom he wished to favor. But I now see 'that you are in the 
 possession both of the power and the territory of Cyrus, while 
 you still retain your own province, and that the power of the 
 king, which was opposed to Cyrus, is ready to support you. 
 
 12. Such being the case, who is so mad as not to wish to be 
 your friend ? 
 
 " But I will mention also the circumstances from which I 
 derive hopes that you will yourself desire to be our friend. 
 
 13. I am aware' that the Mysians give you much anijoyance, 
 and these, I have no doubt, I should be able, with my present 
 force, to render subservient to you ; I am aware also that the 
 Pisidians molest you ; and I hear that there are many such 
 nations besides, which I think I could prevent from ever dis- 
 turbing your tranquillity. As for the Egyptians, against 
 whom I perceive you are most of all incensed, I do not see 
 ■what auxiliary force you would use to chastise them better 
 than that which I now have with me. 14. If, again, among 
 the states that lie around you, you were desirous to become a 
 friend to any one, you might prove the most powerful of 
 friends ; and if any of them give you any annoyance, you 
 might, by our instrumentality, deal with them" as a master, as 
 
 1 Tdv fieyiarov Ifi^pov.] 'E^eipog properly .meant a gladiator or 
 wrestler, who, when two combatants were engaged, stood ready to at- 
 tack the one that should prove viotorious. See Sturz, Lex. Xen. ; SchoL 
 in Soph. Aj. 610; Hesychius; D'Orvill. ad Charit. p. 338. 
 
 2 'Avaarpiipoio.] "Ut dominua versere, vivas, domini partes sus- 
 tineas :" 'Av must be repeated from the preceding clause ; unless that 
 
68 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. book n. 
 
 we should serve you not, for the sake of pay merely, but from 
 gratitude, which we should justly feel toward you if we are 
 saved by your means. 15. "When I consider all these things, it 
 appears to me so surprising that you should distrust us, that I 
 would most gladly hear the name' of him who is so persuasive 
 a speaker as to make you- believe that we are forming designs 
 against you." 
 
 Thus spoke Clearchus. Tissaphernes replied as follows: 
 16. "I am delighted, O Clearchus,; to hear your judiciom'sife 
 servations ; for, with these sentiments, if you were to meditate 
 any thing to my injury, you would appear to be at the same 
 time your own enemy. But that you may be convinced that 
 you have no just cause for distrusting either the Iringor me, 
 listen to me ii;i your turn. 17. If we wished to destroy jfja 
 do we appear to you to be deficient in numbers either, ij 
 cavalry or infantry, or in warlike equipments, with the aid of 
 which we might be able to. do you injury, without danger of 
 suffering any in return? 18, Or do we seem to you like|y to 
 be in want of suitable places to. make an attack uponyori 
 Are there not so many plains, which, as the inhabitants of 
 them are friendly to us," you traverse iwith exceeding toil! 
 See you not so many mountains before you to be crossed, 
 ■which we mig^t, by pre-ocoupying them, render impassable 
 to you 1 Or are there, not so many rivers, at which we, might 
 parcel you out,' as many at a time as we might be willing to 
 engage ? Some of these rivers, indeed, you could not cross at 
 all, unless we secured you a passage. 19. But even supposr 
 ing that we were baffled in all these points, yet fire at least 
 would prove its power over the produce of the soil ; by burn- 
 ing which, we could set famine in array against you, whicji, 
 though you were the bravest of the brave, you would find it 
 difficult to withstand. 20. How then, having so many means 
 
 particle, as Dindorf thinks, has dropped out from before dvaarpe^ait, 
 K&hner. 
 
 ' Tliere is in the text, as Kriiger observes, a confusion of the two con- 
 structions, (iKovaai/u TO bvojia tovtov, bang, and dicomatfu, tI(. 
 ' 2 'A li/i'v (jiiTua ovTa.] I have here departed from Dindorf'a text, 
 which has a. .iifietg ^'Acq. ovra, k.,t. a.; a reading much lesS satisfap 
 tory than the other, to which Schneider, Bomemaun, and Kiihner ad- 
 here, 
 
 3 TaiueveaOai.'] This word is used in the same sense, Oyrop. iiL 3. 
 47 ; iv. 1. 18 ; Thuoyd. vi. 18 ; Plutarch, Timol. c. 27. 
 
CHAP. T. REPLY OF TISSAPHERNES. 67 
 
 of waging war with you, and none of them attended with 
 danger to ourselves, should we select from among them ail 
 this mode, the only one that is impious in the sight of the 
 gods, the only one that is disgraceful in the sight of men ? 
 21. It belongs, altogether, to men who are destitute of means, 
 deprived of every resource, and under the coercion, of neces- 
 sity, and at the same time devoid of principle, to seek to eflFect 
 their purposes by perjury toward the gods, and breach of 
 faith toward men. We, ,0 Clearchus, are not so foolish or so 
 inconsiderate ; 22. or- why, when we have the opportunity of 
 effecting your destruction, have we made no such attempt? 
 Be well assured, that the cause of this was my desire to prove 
 myself faithful to the Greeks, and, in consequence of doing 
 them service, to return supported by that very body of foreign 
 troops, to whom Cyrus, when he went up, trusted only on ac- 
 count of the pfiy that he gave them. 23. As to the particulars 
 in which you will be of service to me,, some of them you have 
 enumerated, but of the greatest of all I am myself fully 
 conscious; foT though it is permitted to the king alone to 
 wear the turban upright on the head, yet perhaps another 
 than he may, with your assistance, wear that upright which is 
 on the heart.'"- 
 
 24. Tissaphernes, in speaking thus, seemed to Clearchus to 
 speak with sincerity, and he replied, "Do not those, then, 
 who endeavor by calumny to make us enemies, when there 
 are such strong inducements to friendship between us, deserve 
 the severest of punishment ?" 25. " Well, then," said Tissa^ 
 phernes, " if you will come to me, as well generals as captains, 
 in a public manner, I will inform you who they are that teU 
 
 1 Ti)v cP M ty KapSi(f^—lxot.] Sc. op^riv. The sense is, " but to 
 wear a tiara erect on the heart, that is, to have a kingly spirit and to 
 aspire to dominion, is what another, by your aid, might be able to do." 
 Tissaphernes, by this expression, wished to make it understood that he 
 might possibly, with the support of the Greeks, aspire to the throne of 
 Persia himael£ A siifiilar metaphor is noticed by Schasfer (ad Greg. 
 Corinth, p. 491), in Philostratua v. a. iii. p. 131 : Aoitel poi koI rdv 
 TTpoyvGiaofieuov- &v6pa vytug kavrov ^x^^^ — ' Ka&apjcj^ 6$ airdv Trpoip7j~ 
 TEvuv, iavTov Kctt ToU Trepi Tif arepvu rpiirodoc cvvuvro^. Kuhner. See 
 Cyrop. viii. 3. 13. Hutchison refers to Dion Chrysost. xiv. extr. Lucian 
 Pisoat p. 213. See also Strabo, xv. p. 231, where the Persian tiara is 
 «aid to be irlXTi/^a nupyarav, in the shape of a tower ; and Joseph. Ant. 
 XX. 3. " The tiaras of the king's subjects were soft and flexible : SohoL 
 ad Plat, de Repub." Kxiigef. 
 
68 THE EXPEDITION OP CTRtrS. BOOK ii, 
 
 me that you are forming plots against me and my army." 26. 
 " I will bring theffl all," said Clearchus, " and, on my part, 
 ■will let you know the quarter whence I hear reports respect- 
 ing you." 27. After this conversation, Tissaphernes, behaving 
 to Clearchus with much eourtesy, desired him to stay with him, 
 and made him Ms guest at supper. 
 
 On the following da.y, when Clearchus returned to the 
 camp, he plainly showed that he considered himself to be on 
 the most friendly footing with Tissaphernes, and stated what 
 he had proposed ; and he said that those must go to Tissa- 
 phernes, whose presence he required, and that whoever of to 
 Greeks should be proved guilty of uttering the alleged' igalujp-^ , 
 nies, must be punished as traitors, and persons ill-affected' 'w 
 the Greeks. 28. It was Menon that he suspected of maMiJg 
 the charges, as he knew that he had had an interview with 
 Tissaphernes in company with Ariaeus, and was forming a 
 party and intriguing against himself, in order, that, haviog 
 gained the whole army over to his own interests, he might 
 secure the ftiendship of Tissaphernes. 29. Clearchus likewise 
 wished the whole army to have their affections fixed on hini- 
 self, and troublesome rivals to be removed out of his way. 
 
 Some of the soldiers urged, in opposition to liis advice, that 
 all the captains and generals should not go, and that they 
 ought to place no confidence in Tissaphernes. 30. But Clear- 
 chus pressed his proposal with great vehemence, till he 'at 
 length succeeded in getting five generals and twenty captans 
 to go ; and some of the other soldiers followed them, to the 
 number of about two hundred, as if for the purpose of 
 marketing." 
 
 31. When they had arrived at the entrance of Tissaphernes' 
 tent, the generals, who were Proxenus the Bceotian, Menon 
 the Thessalian, Agias the Arcadian, Clearchus the LailBae- 
 monian, and Socrates the Achaean, were invited to enter f but 
 the captains waited at the door. 32. Not long after, at one 
 and the same signal, those within were seized, and those with- 
 out massacred ; and immediately afterward a body of Bar- 
 barian cavalry, riding through the plain, killed every Greek, 
 slave or freeman, that they met. 
 
 33. The Greeks, observing the motions of these cavafef' 
 
 • 'Of cif dyDp^v.] " Consequently unarmed." Eriiger. 
 
OHAP. V. SEIZURE OP THE GENERALS. 69 
 
 from the camp, were filled with astonishment, and wondered 
 what they could be doing, till NicarcBus an Arcadian came 
 fleeing thither, wounded in the belly and holding his intestines 
 in his hands, and related all that had occuiTed. 34. The 
 Greeks, in consequence, ran to their arms in a state of general 
 consternation, expecting that the enemy would immediately 
 march upon the camp. 35. They however did not all come, 
 but only Ariseus and Artaozus and Mithridates, who had been 
 Cyrus's most confidential friends ; and the interpreter of the 
 Greeks said that he saw with them, and recognized, the 
 brother of Tissaphernes. Other Persians, eqmpped with 
 corslets, to the number of three hundred, were in attendance 
 on them. 36. As they ?ipproached the camp, they called for 
 whatever general or captain of the Greeks might be there, to 
 come out to them, that they might deliver a message from the 
 king. 37. There accordingly went forth to them, with much 
 caution, Cleanor the Orchomenian, and Sophaenetus the Stym- 
 pbalian, generals of the Greeks, and with them Xenophon 
 the Athenian, that he might learn news of Proxenus. As for 
 Gheiriaophus, he happened to be absent at some village look- 
 ing for provisions. 
 
 38. When they had stopped just within hearing, Ariseus 
 said to them : " Clearchus, O Greeks, having been found 
 guilty of perjury, and of violating the truce, has received his 
 just panishmeni, and is dead ; Proxenus, and Menon, as hav- 
 ing Qeno^nced his treachery, are in great honor ; but the 
 king demands^ of you your arms ; for he says that they are 
 his, as they belonged to Cjttis his subject" 39. To this the 
 Greeks answered (Cleanor the Orchomenian spoke for them), 
 " O Ariseus, most wicked of men, and the rest of you, as many 
 as were the friends of Cjrrus, have you no regard either for 
 gods or men, that, after having sworn that you would oonsider 
 our friends and- enemies to be likewise yours, you have thus,' 
 
 • 'Of dn6Xa2,eKaT£.J Jacobs interprets (if by qudm, as equivalent to 
 gudm iurpiier t qvAmimpUl But such exclamations belong rather to 
 modern writera tfian to the ancients. * * * Others have conjec- 
 tured d&ea;, uvoCTJUf, (l/j(jf, (ffuf, SAwf, otjTof. In one manuscript <if 
 is omitted ; an omission approved by Lareher, Porson, and some others. 
 Soma, too, think that the sentence is dvaK6?iov9o(, and that the author, 
 forgetful how he commenced it, goes on with (ic for on. Diudorf sup- 
 poses that Cleanor must be regarded as too much provoked and agi- 
 tated to mind the exact arrangement of his words. For my own part, 
 
To THE EXPEDITION OF OTRTJS. book a 
 
 after treacheEously deserting us in concert witt Tissa- 
 phemes, the most godless and most unprincipled of human 
 beings, murdered the very men to whom you swore alli- 
 ance, and, abandoning us who are left, have come against us 
 in conjunction with our enemies?" 40. Ariseus replied, 
 " Clearchus had been previously detected in treacherous designs 
 against Tisaaphemes and Orontes, and all of us who accom- 
 pany them." 41. To this Xenophon rejoined, "ClearchiM, 
 then, if he infii^ged the truce in violation of his oath, is de- 
 se]?vedly punished ; . for it is just that those who violate 
 their oaths should suffer death ; but as for Proxenus and 
 Menon, as they are your benefactors and our generals, send 
 them hither ; for it is clear that, being friends to both parties, 
 they will endeavor to advise what is best both for you and 
 for us." 42. The Barbarians, after conversing among thea* 
 selves for some time, departed without making any answer to 
 this proposal. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. ,« 
 
 '-'1 
 The charaotera of the five generals that were put to deathi 
 
 1. The generals, who were thus made prisoners, were' taken, 
 up to the fing, and put to death by being beheaded. 
 
 One of them, Clearchus, by the generm consent of all who 
 were acquainted with him, appears to have been a man well 
 qualified for war, and extremely fond of military enterprise. 
 2.. For as long as the Lacedaemonians were at war with the 
 Aflienians, he remained in the service of his country; but 
 ■when the peace took place, having induced his government to 
 believe that the Thracians were committing ravages ' on tie 
 Greeks, and haying gained his point, as well as he co^d, 
 with the Ephori, he sailed from home to make war upon 
 the Thracians that lie above the Chersonesus and Perin- 
 thus. 3. But when the Ephori, after he was gone, h&v- 
 
 I oonaider ttiat those have the mo?t reason on their side who thiiifc.that 
 we should read oiirur, interpreting it, with Bomemann, so rashly; 'so m- 
 justifUMy. Prom oiruf, written compendiously, (if might easily have 
 sprung. Kuhner. 
 
CHAP. Tl. OHAEACTER OF CLBARCHUS. 71 
 
 xng for some reason changed their mind, took' measures to 
 oblige him to turn back from the Isthmus, he then no longer 
 paid obedience to their commands, but sailed away to the 
 Hellespont, 4. and was in consequence condemned to death, 
 for disobedience, by the chief magistrates at Sparta. Being 
 then an exile, he went to Cyrus ; scad by what methods he con- 
 ciliated the favor of Cyrus, has been told in another place. 
 Cyrus presented him with tfen thousand darics; 6. and he, on 
 receiving that sum, did hot ^ve himself up to idleness, but 
 having collected an drtny^ith the money, made war upon the 
 ThraCians, and conquered them in battle, and from that time 
 plundered and laid waste their country, and continued this 
 warfare till Cyrus had need of his airmy, when he went to 
 hioi, for the purpose of again making war in concert with 
 him. 
 
 6. These seem to me to have been the proceedings of one 
 fond of war, who, when he might have lived in peace without 
 disgrace or loss, chose war in preference ; when he might have 
 spent his time in idleness, voluntarily underwent toil for the 
 sake of military adventure; and when he might have enjoyed 
 riches in security, chose rather, by engaging'in warfare, to dim- 
 inish their amount. He was indeed led by inclination to spend 
 his money in war, as he might have spent it in pursuits of gal- 
 lantry, or any other pleasure ; to such a degree was he fond of 
 war. 7. He appears also to have been qualified for military 
 undertakings, as he liked perilous adventure, was ready to 
 march day and night against the enemy, and was possessed of 
 great presence of mind in circumstances of difficulty, as those 
 who were with him on all sUch occasions were universally ready 
 to ackho*ledge. 
 
 8. For commanding troops he was said to be qualified in as 
 great a degi'ee as was consistent with his temper ; for he was 
 excelled by no one in ability to contrive how an army rnight 
 haVe provisions, and to procure them ; and he was equally 
 fitted to impress on all around him the necessity of obeying 
 Clearchus. 9. This he efiected by severity ; for he was of a 
 stem countenance and harsh voice ; and he always punished 
 violently, and sometimes in anger, so that he occasionally re- 
 pented of what he had done. He punished too on principle, 
 for he thought that there could be no eflSciency in an army 
 undisciplined by chastisement. 10. He is also reported to have 
 
72 THE EXPEDITION OF CTEUS. book a 
 
 said that a soldier ought to fear his commander more than the 
 enemy, if he would either keep guard well, or abstain from 
 doiHg injury to friends, or march without hesitation against foes. 
 • 11. In circumstances of danger, accordingly, the soldiers were 
 willing to obey him impUcitly, and wished for no other leader; 
 for they said that the sternness in his countenance then assumed 
 an appearance of cheerfulness, and that what was severe in it 
 seemed undauntedness against the enemy ; so that it appeared 
 indicative of safety, and not of austerity. 12. But when they 
 were out of danger, and were at liberty to betake themselves to 
 other chiefe, they deserted him in great numbers ; for he had 
 nothing attractive in him, but was always forbidding .and^|fe;, 
 pulave, so that the soldiers felt toward him as boys toward 
 their master. 13. Hence it was, that he never had any one 
 who followed him out of friendship and attachment to his per- 
 son ; though such as followed him ^om being appointed to the 
 service by their country, or from being compelled by waut or 
 other necessity, he found extremesly .submissive to him. •, U. 
 And when they began under his command to gain victojjes 
 over the enemy, there were many important circumstances that 
 concurred to render his troops excellent soldiers; for theiii^r- 
 fect confidence against the enemy had its effect, and their dread 
 of punishment from him rendered them strictly observant of 
 discipline. 15. Such was his character as a commander. But 
 he was said to have been by no means willing to be commanded 
 by others. When he was put to death, he was about fi% 
 years of age. •, 
 
 y- 16. Proxenus -the Boeotian, from his earliest youth, felt a 
 ( desire to become a man capable of great undertakings; and 
 \ through this desire paid Gorgias of Lfeontium for instruction. 
 17. When he had passed some time with him, and thought him- 
 self capable of command, and, if honored with the friendship of 
 the great, of making no inadequate return for their favors, he 
 proceeded to take a part in this enterprise with Cyrus ; and 
 expected to acquire in it a great name, extensive influence, and 
 abundant wealth. 18. But though he earnestly wished for 
 these things, he at the same time plainly showed, that, he tos 
 unwilling to acquire any of them by injustice, but that he 
 thought he ought to obtain them by just and honorable meani, 
 or otherwise aot at all. 
 
 19. He was indeed able to command orderly and well-dis- 
 
CHAP. VI. CHAEACTBa OF MBNON". 73 
 
 posed men, but incapable of inspiring ordinary soldiers witb 
 either respect or fear for him ; he stood even more in awe of 
 those under his command, than they of him; and evidently 
 showed that he was more afraid of being disliked by his sol-' 
 diers, than bis soldiers of being disobedient to him. 20. He 
 thought it suflBcicnt both for being, and appearing, capable of 
 command, to praise him who did well, and withhold his praise 
 from the offender. Such, therefore, of his followers, as were of 
 honorable and virtuous character, were much attached to him, 
 but the unprincipled formed designs upon him, as a man easy 
 to manage. He was about thirty years old when he was put 
 to death. 
 
 21. As for Menon the Thessalian, he ever manifested an 
 excessive desire for riches, being, desirous of command that 
 he might receive greater pay, and desirous of honors that 
 he might obtain greater perquisites ; and he wished to be well 
 •with those in power, in order that when he did wrong he 
 might not suffer punishment. 22. To accomplisli what he 
 desired, he thought that the shortest road Jay through perjury, 
 falsehood, and deceit; while sincerity and truth he regarded 
 as no better than folly. 23. He evidently bad no affection for 
 any man; and as for those to whom he professed to be a 
 friend, he was untnist^kably plotting misenief against them. 
 He never ridiculed an enemy, but always used to talk witb 
 his associates as if ridiculing all of them.' 24. He formed no 
 designs on the p'-operty of his enemies (for he thought it 
 difficult to take what belonged to such as were on their guard 
 against him), but looked upon himself as the only person sensi- 
 ble how very easy it was to invade the unguarded property of 
 fi'iends. 
 
 25. Those whom he saw given to peijury and injustice, he 
 feared as men well armed; but sought to practice on those 
 who were pious and observant of truth, as imbeciles. 26. As 
 another might take a pride in religion, and truth, and justice, 
 60 Menon took a pride in being able to deceive, in devising 
 falsehoods, in sneering at friends ; and thought the man who 
 was guileless was to be regarded as deficient in knowledge of 
 the world. He believed that he must conciliate those, in whose 
 friendship he wished to stand first, by calumniating such as 
 
 ■ Tuv <5S avvovrav, K. t. A,] By a species of attraction for rojf Si 
 avvovai vruaiv, i>Q Karaye^ov airuv, del iie?i.lyer6. Kiihner, 
 VOL. I. 4 
 
74 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. eookii, 
 
 already held the chief jdace in their favor. 21. The soldiers 
 he tried to render obedient to him by being an accomplice in 
 ■^their dishonesty. He expected to be honored and_ com'ted, 
 by showing that he had ihe power and the will to inflict the 
 greatest injuries. When any one deserted him, he spoke of it 
 as a favor on his own part that, while he made use of his serv- 
 ioes, he did not work his destruction. 
 
 ' 28. As to such parts erf his history as are little known, I 
 might, if I were to speak of them, say something untrue of 
 him ; but those which every one knows, are these. While yet 
 in the prime of youth be obtained, at the hands of Aristippus, 
 the command of his corps of mercenaries. He was alsOiin. 
 his prime, most intimate with Ariaeus, though a Barbarian, as 
 Ariseus delighted in beautiful youths. He himself, too, while yet 
 a beardless youth, made a favorite of ITiarypas, who had arrived 
 at manhood. 
 
 29. When his fellow-officers were put to death because they 
 had served with Cyrus against the king, he,&ough he had. done 
 the same, was not put to death with them ; but after the de^i 
 of the other generals, he died under a punishment inflicted- by 
 the Mng, not like Clearchus and the other commanders, who 
 were beheaded (which appears to be the speediest kind of 
 death) ; but after living a year in torture, like a malefactcff, he 
 is said at length to have met his end. 
 
 30. Agias the Arcadian, and Socrates the Achaean were also 
 put to death. These no one ever derided as wanting courage 
 m battle, or blamed for their conduct toward their friends. 
 They were both about five and thirty years of age. 
 
BOOK ni. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Dejaotion of the Greeks. How Xonophon Was led to join in Cyrus's exjpe- 
 dition. His dream, and reflections. He rouses the captains of the divi- 
 
 ■ sion'that FroiienaB had commanded, and exhorts them to take measures 
 fbr their safety. Apollonides deprived of his eaptaiuoy . A general meet- 
 ing of the surviving generals and captains, at which Xenophon persuades 
 them to choose new commanders in the room of those that they had lost. 
 Xenophon is one of those elected. 
 
 1. What tte Greeks did in their march up the country 
 with Cyrus, until the time of the battle, and what occurred 
 after Cyrus was dead, when the Greeks set out to return 
 with, Tissaphernes in reliance on a truce, has been related in 
 the precedmg part of the work. 
 
 2. After the generals were made prisoners, and such of th& 
 captains and soldiers as had accompanied them were put to 
 death, the Greeks were in great perplexity, reflecting that 
 they were not far from the king's residence ;' that there were 
 around them, on all sides, many hostile nations and cities; 
 that no one would any longer secure them opportunities of 
 purchasing provisions ; that they were distant fi'om Greece 
 not less than ten thousand stadia ; that there was no one to 
 guide them on the way ; that impassable rivers would inter- 
 cept them in the midst of their course ; that the Barbarians 
 who had gone up with Cyrus had deserted them ; and that 
 they were left utterly alone, having no cavalry to support 
 them, so that it was certain, even if they defeated their ene- 
 mies, that they would not Mil a man of them, and that, if 
 they were defeated, none of themselves would be left alive ; 
 3. reflecting, I say, on these circumstances, and being dis- 
 heartened at them, few of them tasted food for that evening," 
 few kindled fires, and many did not come to the place of 
 
 1 'EttZ rale /SausAraf ■9vpai;.'\ See ii. 4. 4. 
 
 s El( Tijv iairepav.} Vespertino tempore. Kiihnor. 
 
76 THE EXPEDITION OP CYEUS. booeiii. 
 
 arms' during the night, but lay down to rest where they 
 severally happened to be, unable to sleep for sorrow and long- 
 ing for their country, their parents, their wives and children, 
 whom they never expected to see again. In this state of 
 mind they all went to their resting-places. 
 
 4. There was in the army a certain Xenophon, an Athe- 
 nian, who accompanied it neither in the character of general, 
 nor captain, nor common soldier, but it had happened that Prox- 
 enus, an old guest-friend of his, had sent for him from home, 
 giving him a promise that, if he came, he would recommend 
 him to the friendship of C3TUS, whom he considered, he said, 
 as 0, greater object of regard than his own countiy. 5. 
 Xenophon, on reading the letter, consulted Socrates the 
 Athenian; as to the propriety of making the journey; and 
 Socrates, fearing that if he attached himself to Cyrus it might 
 prove a ground for accusation against him with his counjay, 
 because Cyrus was thought to have zealously assisted me 
 Lacedaemonians in their war with Athens, advised Xenophon 
 to go to Delphi, and consult the god respecting the expe(^- , 
 tion. 6. Xenophon, having gone thither accordingly, inquired; 
 of Apollo to which of the gods he should saorifloe and pray, 
 in order most honorably and sucoessftilly to perform the 
 joiirney which he contemplated, and, after prosperously ac- 
 complishing it, to return in safety. Apollo answered him that 
 "he should sacrifice to the gods to whom it was proper-for 
 him to sacrifice."" 7. "When he returned, he repeated the 
 oracle to Socrates, who, on hearing it, blamed him for not 
 asking Apollo in the first place, whether it were better for 
 him to' go or stay at home ; whereas, having settled with him- 
 self that he would go, he only asked how he might best go ; 
 "but since you have," said he, "put the question thus, you 
 must do what the god has directed." 8. Xenophon, there- 
 fore, having sacrificed to the gods that Apollo commanded, 
 
 1 'EttI 6^ Ttl fiirAo.] See note on ii. 2. 20. 
 
 2 Beoif, ok Met, eieiy.l Ut diis eis, quibus oporteret, sacra fac^ 
 Those gpds are to be understood, to whom it was established, by law 
 or by oustom, that whoever was entering on an eznedition, Such as 
 that" which Xenophon meditated, should offer sacrifice. They were, 
 therefere, certain or appointed gods : cotnp. sect. 8 ; and vL ■ i. 22. 
 Tet the absence of the article ought not to surprise us, even when 
 special gods are meant. £«Aner.— What gods they were, does not 
 appear. 
 
CHAP. I. XEITOPHON'S DREAM. 7Y 
 
 set sail, and found Proxenus and Cyrus at Sardis, just setting 
 out on their march up the country, and was presented to 
 Gyrus. 9. Proxenus desiring that he should remain with 
 them, Cyrus joined in the same desire, and said that as soon 
 as the expedition was ended, he would send him home again. 
 The expedition was said to be intended against the Pisidians. 
 '10. Xenophon accordingly joined in the enterprise, being thus 
 deceived, but not by Proxenus ; for he did not know that the 
 movement was against the king, nor did any other of the 
 Greeks, except Clearchus. When they arrived in Cilicia, 
 however, it appeared manifest to every one that it was against 
 ±he king that their force was directed ; but, though they were 
 afraid of the length of the journey, and unwilling to proceed, 
 yet the greater part of them, out of respect' both for one 
 another and for Cyrus, continued to follow him; of which 
 number was Xenophon. 
 
 11. When this perplexity occurred, Xenophon was distressed 
 as well as the other Greeks, and unable to rest, but having 
 at length got a little sleep, he had a dream, in which, in the 
 midst of a thunder-storm, a bolt seemed to him to fall upon 
 his father's house, and the house in consequence became 
 all in a blaze. 12. Being greatly frightened, he immediately 
 awoke, and considered his dream as in one respect favorable 
 (inasmuch as, being in troubles and dangers, he seemed to be- 
 h6ld a great light from Jupiter), but in another respect he was 
 alarmed (because the dream appeared to him to be from Ju- 
 piter who was a king, and the fire to blaze all aa'ound him), lest 
 hei should be unable to escape from the king's territories, but 
 should be hemmed in on all sides by inextricable jiiflSculties. 
 
 13. What it betokens, however, to see such a dream, we may 
 conjecture from the occurrences that happened after the' dream. 
 
 • At' aiaxvvj^v.] They had regard for their character in the eyes of 
 one another, fearing that they might seem faint-hearted ; and regard for 
 it in those of Cyrus, fearing that they might seem ungrateful Kiihner. 
 —Klaxivfj is self-respect, apprehension of what others may think of us j 
 and may be illustrated by Horn. IL v. 
 
 'Ai^^Aou? i5' aideia^E Kara Kparepii ia/iivac • 
 AidofiEvuv uvSpuv TrTieoveg aooi ^5 Tretjiavrat ' 
 
 " Have self-respect before one another in the violence of battle ; of men 
 who respect themselves, more aro saved than killed." Hutchinson 
 cites A. Gellius, xix. 7 ; ahxivri iarl (p66oc ^tKaiov foyov, i. e. a fear of 
 just itame. 
 
1^8 THE EXPEDITION OP CTRUS. BooKirr. 
 
 What immediately followed was this. As soon as he awofe, 
 the thought that first occurred to him was, " Whjr do I lie 
 here ?- The night is passing away. With daylight it is prob- 
 able that the enemy will come upon us; and if we once fall 
 into the hands of the king, what is there to prevent us from 
 being put to death with ignominy, after witnessing the mo^ 
 grievous suflferinga among our comrades, and enduring every 
 severity of torture ourselves ? 14. Yet no one concerts meas- 
 ures, or tates thought, for our defense, but we lie still, as 
 if we were at liberty to enjoy reposed From what city, then, 
 ■do I expect a leader to underta&e our defense ? What age 
 am I waiting for to come to myself? Assuredly I shall never 
 be older, if I give myself up to the enemy to-day." 15. After 
 these reflections he arose, and called together, in the first 
 place, the captains that were under Proxenus. 
 
 When they were assembled, he said, " For my part, captains, 
 I can not sleep, nor, I should think, can you, nor can I lie 
 still any longer, when I consider in what cireumstances''\6 
 are placed ; 16. for it is plain that the enemy did not openly 
 manifest hostility toward us, until they thought that they 
 had judiciously arranged their plans ; "but on our side no one 
 takes any thought how we may best maintain a contest ■will 
 them. 17. Yet if we prove remiss, and fall into the power 
 of the king, what may we not expect to suffer from a man 
 who cut off the head and hand of his own brother by the 
 same mother and father, even after he was dead, and fixed 
 them upon a stake ? What may not we, I say, expect to 
 suffer, who have no relative' to take our part, and who have 
 marched ag^nst him to make him a subject instead of a mon- 
 arch, and to put him to death if it should lie in our power! 
 18. Will he not proceed -to every extremity, that by reducing 
 us to the last degree of ignominious suffering, he may inspire 
 all men with a dread of ever taking the field against him ! 
 W'e must, however, try every expedient not to fall into his 
 hands. 19. For myself, I never ceased, while the truce lasted, 
 to consider ourselves as objects of pity, and to regard the 
 king and his people as objects of envy,|a3 I contemplated how 
 extensive and valuable a country they, possessed, how great 
 an abundance of provisions, how many slaves and cattle, aid 
 
 I KvSefiuv!] OyruB, says Weieke, had his mother to take his part; 
 the Greeks had no one to take theirs. 
 
CHAP. L XENOPHOlirS SPEECH TO THE OFFICERS. 'jg 
 
 how vast a quantity of gold and raiment; 20. whUe, on the 
 other hand, when I reflected on the condition of onr own 
 soldiers, that we had no share in any of all these blessings, 
 unless we bought it, and knew that few of us had any longer 
 money to buy, and that our oaths restrained us from getting 
 provisions otherwise than by buying, I sometimes, on taking 
 all these circumstances into .consideration, feared the continu- 
 ance of peace more than I now fear war. | 21. But since they 
 have put an end to peace, their own haughtiness, and our 
 mistrust, seem likewise to be brought to an end; for the 
 advantages which I have mentioned lie now as prizes between 
 us, for whichsoever of us shall prove the better men ; and 
 the gods are the judges of the contest, who, as is just^ will 
 be on our side ; 22. since the enemy have offended them by 
 perjury, while we, though seeing many good things to tempt 
 as, Have resolutely abstained from all of them through regard 
 to our oaths ; so that, as it seems to me, we may advance to the 
 combat with much greater confidence than they can feel. 23. Wa 
 have bodies, moreover, better able than theirs to endure .cold, 
 and heat, and toil ; and we have, with the help of the gods, 
 more resolute minds; while the enemy, if the gods, as before, 
 grant us success, will be found more obnoxious to wounds 
 and death' than we are. 24jCl3ut possibly others of you en- 
 tertain the same thoughts ; let us not, then, in the name of 
 heaven, wait for others to come and exhort us to noble deeds, 
 but let us be ourselves the first to excite others to exert their 
 valor. Prove yourselves the bravest of the captains, and 
 more worthy to lead than those who are now leaders 25. As 
 for me, if you wish to take the start in the course, I am 
 willing to follow you, or, if you appoint me to be a leader, 
 I shall not maJte my youth an excuse, but shall think myself 
 sufficiently mature to defend myself against harm." 
 
 26. Thus spoke Xenophon; and the captains, on hearing 
 his observations, all desired him to be their leader, except a 
 certain ApoUonides, who resembled a Boeotian in his manner 
 of speaking ; this man said that " whoever asserted they could 
 gain safety by any other rpeans than by obtaining, if he could, 
 the king's consent, to it, talked absurdly;" and at the same 
 
 ' Ivai Tporol Kol ■dvTjTol ,adXXov.] " More vulnerable and mortaL" 
 JUluding to tho suporiority of the Grecian armor over that of the Per- 
 smns. 
 
80 THE EXPEDITION OF CTETJS. BOOK m, 
 
 time tegan to enumerate tte difiBcnlties surrounding them. 
 27. But Xenophon, interrupting him, said, " O most wonder- 
 ful of men ! you neither understand what you see, nor remem- 
 ber what you hear. Yet you were on the same spot with 
 those here present, when the king, after Cyrus was dead, being 
 in high spirits at the circumstance, sent to demand that we 
 should deliver up our arms ; 28. and when we, refusing to de- 
 liver them up, and appearing in full armor, went and en- 
 camped over against him, what means did he not try, sending 
 deputies, asking for a truce, and supplying us with provisions 
 until he obtained a truce ? 29. But when, on the other hand, 
 our generals and captains went to confer wiih the BarbariaiiB, 
 as you now advise us to do, without their arms, and relying 
 on the truce, were they not beaten, goaded, insulted, and are 
 they not unable, wretched men, to die, though, I should think, 
 greatly longing for death ? And do you, knowing all these 
 ocf urrences, say to those who exhort us to defend ourselves 
 tajk absurdly, and advise us to go again to try persuasion^ 
 30. To me, O captains, it seems that we should no long6r;flS^ 
 mit this man into the same service with ourselves, but take 
 from him his captaincy, an'l laying baggage on his back, make 
 use of him in that capacity ; for he disgraces both his own 
 country and all Greece, inasmuch as, being a Greek, he is of 
 such a character." 31. Here 'Agasias of Stymphalus, pro- 
 ceeding tf) speak, said, "But this man, assuredly, has nothing 
 to do either with BcEOtia or with Greece at all, for I have ob- 
 served that he has both his ears bored, like a Lydian." Such 
 indeed was the case ; and they accordingly expelled him^ 
 
 32. The rest, proceeding to the different divisions of the 
 troops, called up the general wherever there was a general 
 surviving, and the lieutenant-general' where the general was 
 dead, and the captain wherever there was a captain surviving. 
 33. "When they were all come together, they sat down before the 
 place where the arms were piled ;' and the generals and cap- 
 tains assembled were about a hundred in all. The time when 
 the meeting took place was about midnight. 
 
 ' Tbv iirnarpiirriyov^ Krijger, from v. 9. 36, and vi. 2. 11, con- 
 cludes that the vvoaTpuTJiyog was he who was appointed to discharge 
 the duties of the arpuTTiyos in his absence, or to take his place if he 
 should be killed. 
 
 " See ii 2. 20. 
 
CHAP. I. NEW COMMANDERS TO BE CHOSEN. gi 
 
 34. Hieronymus, a native of Elis, the oldest of all the cap- 
 tians that had served under Proxenus, was the first to speak, 
 as follows : " It has seemed proper to us, O generals and cap- 
 tians, on contemplating the present state of our affairs, to meet 
 together ourselves, and to call upon you to join us, that we 
 may determine, if we can, on some plan for our henefit. But 
 do you, Xenophbn, first represent to the assembly what you 
 have already observed to us. " 35. Xenophon accordingly said, 
 " We are all aware that the king and Tissaphemes have made 
 prisoners of as many of us as they could ; and it is evident that 
 they are forming designs against the rest of us, that they may 
 put us to death if they can. But on our parts I think that 
 every means should be adopted in order that we may not fall 
 into the Barbarians' hands, but rather that they, if we can 
 accomplish it, may fall into ours. 36. Be well assured then, 
 that you, who have now met together in such numbers, have 
 upon you a most important responsibility ;^ for all the soldiers 
 look to you, and, if they see you dispirited, they will them- 
 selves lose courage, but if both you yourselves appear well 
 prepared to meet the enemy, and exhort others to be equally 
 prepared, be certain that they wjU follow you, and strive to 
 imitate you. 37. Perhaps, too, it is right that you should 
 show some superiority over them ; for you are their generals, 
 their officers, and their captains, and, when there was peace^ 
 you enjoyed advantages over them in fortune and honor ; 
 and now, in consequence, when war arises, you ought to prove 
 yourselves pre-eminent over the multitude, and to take the 
 lead in forming plans for them, and, should it ever be neces- 
 sary, in toiling for them. 38. And, in the first place; I think 
 that you will greatly benefit the anny, if you take care that 
 generals and captains be chosen, as soon as possible,, in the 
 room of those whom we have lost ; for without commanders 
 nothing honorable or advanatgeous can be achieved, I may 
 say in one word, any where, but least of all in the field of battle. 
 Good order conduces to safety, but want of order has al- 
 ready proved fatal to many. 39. Again, when you have ap- 
 pointed as many commanders as are requisite, I consider that 
 
 ' Katpov.'] Leunclaviua makes thi? equivalent to " in vobia plurimum 
 est situm." Sturz, in his Lexicon Xenoph., says, " rerum status is est, 
 ut vos in primis debeatis rebus consulere." Toup, is bis MImmd. ad 
 Suid., gives maximum momentum habetis. 
 
 4* 
 
82 THE EXPEDITION OF CTEUS. bookih. 
 
 if you were to assemble and encourage the rest of the soldiers, 
 you would act very suitably to the occasion; 40. for you 
 perhaps observe, as well as myself, how dejectedly they have 
 now come to the place of arms," and how dejectedly they go 
 upon guard, so that, while they are in such a condition, I 
 tnow not for what service any- one could employ them, whether 
 required by night or by day. 41. But if any one could change 
 the direction of their thoughts, so that they may not merely 
 contemplate what they are likely to suffer, but what they may 
 be able to do, they will become much more eager for action ; 
 42. for you are certain that it is neither numbers nor stoength 
 which gives the victory in war, but that whichsoeveri side 
 advances on the enemy with the more resolute courage, their 
 opponents, in general, can not withstand their onset. 43. I 
 have also remarked, fellow-soldiers, that such as are eager in 
 the field to preserve their lives at any rate, for the most part 
 perish wretchedly and ignominioiisly, while I see that such 
 as reflect that death is to all men common and inevitable, 'and 
 seek in battle only to fall with honor, more frequently,*om 
 whatever cause, arrive at old age, and hve, while they^ live, 
 with greater happiness. 44. Being aware, then, of these facts, 
 it behooves us, such are the circumstances in which we are 
 placed, both to prove ourselves to be brave soldiers, and to 
 exhort others to be so likewise." 45. Having spoken thus, he 
 stopped. 
 
 After him Cheirisophus said, " Till the present moment, 
 Xenophon, I knew nothing of you, except having heard that 
 you were an Athenian, but now I have to praise you both 
 for what you say and what you do, and could wish that there 
 were very many like you ; for it would be a general good. 
 46. And now," he added, " let us not delay, my fellow-soldiers, 
 but proceed at once, you who want them, to choose commandera, 
 and when you have elected them, come to the center- of the 
 camp, and bring those that are chosen ; and we will then call 
 the rest of the soldiers together there. And let Tolmides 
 the herald," said he, " come with us." 4V. As he said this, he 
 rose up,_that the necessary measuses might not be delayed, 
 but carried at once into execution. There were accordingly 
 chosen commanders, Timasion, a Dardanian in the room of 
 Clearchus, Xanthicles an Achaean in that of Socrates, Cleanor 
 ' See il. 2. 20. 
 
CHAP. n. SPEECHES OP THE NEW GENERALS. 83 
 
 an Arcadian in that of Agias, Philesius an Achaean in that 
 of Menon, and Xenophon of Athene in that of Proxenus. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The new generals hold a oonudl of war. The speeches of CheirisophuB, 
 Cleanor, and Xenophon. Tho order of jnaroh is settled, and the duties 
 of each commander appointed. 
 
 1. When theoflBcers -yvere chosen, and day was just dawning, 
 they met in the center of the camp, and it was resolved to sta- 
 tion sentinels at the outposts, and to call together the soldiers. 
 When tha rest of the troops came up, Cheirosophus the 
 Lacedaemonian rose first, and spoke as follows : 2. " Om- pres- 
 ent circumstances, fellow-soldiers, are fraught with difficulty 
 since we are deprived of such able generals, and captains, and 
 soldiers, and since, also, the party of Ariseus, who were form- 
 erly our supporters, have deserted us ; 3. yet it behooves us 
 to extricate ourselves from these difficulties as brave men, 
 and not to lose courage, but to endeavor to save ourselves, 
 if we can, by sir honorable victory ; but if we can not do so, 
 let us at least die with honor, and never, while we live, put 
 ourselves into the power of the enemy; for I think that, in 
 that case, we should endure such sufferings as I wish that the 
 gods may inflict on our adversaries." 
 
 4. After • him Cleanor the Orchomenian arose and spoke 
 thus : " You see, soldiers, the peiiury and impiety of the 
 king ; and you see also the faithlessness of Tissaphernes, 
 who, after telling us that he was a neighbor of the Greeks, and 
 would esteem it the highest privilege to save us, and after 
 Laving given us his right hand as a pledge, has himself de- 
 ceived and made prisoners our generals, and has not respected 
 even Jupiter, the protector of the rights of hospitality, but, 
 entertaining Clearchus at his own table, has, by this very means, 
 feveigled and destroyed our officers. 5. Ariseus, too, whom 
 we' offered to make king, to whom we gave and from whom 
 we received pledges, that we would not betray one another, 
 even he, neither fearing the gods, nor respecting the memory 
 of Cyrus, though honored by him in the highest degree while 
 
84 THE EXPEDITION OF CTKUS. book in. 
 
 he was alive, has now gone over to his bitterest enemies, and 
 endeavors to distress;^ us who were his friends. 6. But on 
 these men may the gods take vengeance ; for ourselves, it is 
 incumbent upon us, having this conduct before our eyes, not 
 to be deceived again by them, but, after fighting as bravely 
 as we can, to bear with patience ^uch fortune as the gods may 
 appoint us." 
 
 1. Next stood up Xenophon, who had accoutered himself 
 for war as splendidly as he could, thinting that if the 
 gods should grant them victory, the finest equipment would 
 be suitable to success, or that, if it were appointed for him 
 to die, it would be well for him to adorn himself with his 
 best armor,' and in that dress to meet his end. He pro- 
 ceeded to speak thus : 8. " Of the perjury and perfidy of the 
 Barbarians Cleanor has just spoken, and you, I am sure, are 
 well aware of it. If, then, we thjnk pf coming again to terms 
 of friendship with them, we must of necessity feel much dis- 
 trust on that head, when we see what our generals have suf- 
 fered, who, in reliance on their faith, put themselves into thm 
 hands ; but if we propose to inflict on them vengeance with 
 our swords for what they have done,- and, for the future, to be 
 at war -yirith them at all points, we have, with the help of the 
 gods, many fair hopes of safety." 9. As he was uttering these 
 words, somebody sneezed, and the soldiers, "hearing it, , with 
 I one impulse paid their adoration to the god ;" and Xenophon 
 continued, " Since, soldiers, while we were speaking of safety, 
 an omen from Jupiter the Preserver has appeared, it seems to 
 me that we should vow to that god to ofier sacrifices for 
 our preservation on the spot where we first reach a friendly 
 country ; and that we should vow, at the same time, to sacri- 
 fice to the other gods according to our ability. And to whom- 
 soever this seems reasonable, let him hold up his hand." All 
 held up their hands ; and they then made their vows, and sang 
 the paean. "When the ceremonies to the gods were duly per- 
 focmed, he recommenced thus: 10. "I was saying that we 
 had many fair hopes of safety. , In the first place, we have 
 observed our oaths made to the gods ; but the enemy have 
 perjured themselves, and broken the truce and their oaths. 
 
 > T6v KaXXiaruv iavrbv d^iuaavTo.'] " Thinking himself worthy of 
 the most beautiful (equipments)." 
 ' Tdv deov.] Jupiter the Preserver. KuJmer. 
 
CHAP. n. SPEECH OF XENOPHOIT. 
 
 83 
 
 Such being the case, it is natural that the gods should be un- 
 favorable to our enemies, and should fight on our side ; the 
 gods, -who are able, whenever they will, to make the mighty 
 soon weak, and to save the weak with ease, although they be 
 in grievous perils. 11. In the next place, I will remind you 
 of the dangers in which our ancestors were, that you may feel 
 conscious how much it becomes you to be hr&ve, and how the 
 brave are preserved, even from the greatest troubles, by the aid 
 of the gods. For when the Persians, and those united with 
 them, came with a numerous host, as if to sweep Athens from 
 the face of the earth,' the Athenians, by daring to oppose 
 them, gave them a defeat; 12. and having made a vow to 
 Diana^ that whatever number they should kill of the enemy, 
 they would sacrifice to her divinity the same number of goate, 
 and not being able to find enough, they resolved to sacrifice 
 five hundred every year ; and to this day they still continue 
 to sacrifice them. 13. Again, when Xerxes, having collected 
 that innumerable army of his,' came down upon Greece a 
 second time, our ancestors on that occasion, too, defeated the 
 ancestors of these Barbarians, both by land and sea ; of which 
 exploits the trophies 'are still to be seen as memorials ; the 
 greatest of all memorials, however, is the liberty of the states 
 in which you were born and bred, for you worship no man 
 as master, but the gods alone. Of such ancestors are you 
 spnmg. 
 
 14. "Nor am I going to say that you dishonor them. 
 It is not yet many days since you arrayed yourselves in the 
 field against the descendants of those Barbarians, and defeated, 
 with the help of the gods, a force many times more numerous 
 than yourselves. 15. On that occasion you showed yourselves 
 brave men to procure a throne for Cjrrus ; and now, when 
 the struggle is for your own hves, it becomes you to be more 
 Taliant and resolute. 16. At present, too, you may justly feel 
 greater confidence against your adversaries ; for even then, 
 when you had made no trial of them, and saw them in count- 
 
 • A.i6ic d^jiaviovvTav.'] "Weiske, Schneider, and others emit the aiBic. 
 Bomemaun, Dindorii and Kiihner preserve it, aa it is found in six manu- 
 scripts, giving it, with Spohn, Leot. Theocr. i. p. 33, the sense of back 
 again, as if the Persians had intended to make Athens disappear again 
 aa if it had never been. I think the word better left out. An Ameri- 
 can editor has conjectured airAc. 
 
86 THE EXPEDITION OF OTHUS. book la 
 
 less numbers before you, you yet dared, with the spirit of 
 your fathers, to advance upon them, and now, when you have 
 learned from experience of them, that, though many times 
 your number, they shrink from receiving your charge, what 
 reason have you any longer to fear them? 17. And do not 
 consider it any disadvantage, that the troops of Cyrtis, who 
 were formerly arrayed on our side,'" have now left us; for they 
 are far more cowardly than those who were defeated by you ; 
 at least' they deserted us to flee to theBfl, and those who are 
 so ready to commence flight it is better to see posted on the 
 side of the. enemy than in our own ranks. 
 
 18. "If, ao-ain, any of you are disheartened because we 
 have no cavalry, and the enemy have a great number, con- 
 sider that ten thousand cavalry are nothing more than ten 
 thousand men ; for no one ever perished in battle of being 
 bitten or kicked by a horse ; it is the men that do whatevi^ 
 is done in the encounter. 19. Doubtless we, too, rest upon a 
 surer support than cavalry have, for they are raised upon horses, 
 and are afraid, not only of us, but also of falling, while we, 
 taking our steps upon the ground, shall strike such as ap- 
 proach us with far greater force, and hit much more surely 
 the mark at which we may aim. In one point alone, indeed, 
 have the cavalry the advantage, that it is safer for them to flee 
 than for us. 
 
 20. " But if, though you have courage for battle, you are 
 disquieted at the thought that Tissaphemes will no longer 
 guide you, and that the king will ho longer supply you with 
 provisions, consider whether it is better to have 'Kssaphernes 
 for our guide, who is manifestly plotting our destruction;/ or 
 such persons as we ourselves may seize and compel to be our 
 guides, who vnll be conscious that if they go wrong with re- 
 gard to us, they go wrong with regard to their own lives and 
 persons. 21. And as to provisions, whether is it better for us 
 to purdEiase, in the markets which they provide, small measures 
 of food for large sums of money (n6 longer, indeed, having the 
 money), or, if we are successful m the field, to take supplies 
 for ourselves, adopting whatever measure each of us may 
 wish to use ? 
 
 22. " Again, if you think, that this state of things will be 
 
 I Toot.] Some copies have oiw. " The sense of yoCv is this ; ceteris 
 rebus prcetermiasi), hoc qwidem eeriissimum est, eoafagisse. Kiilmer. 
 
CHAT. 11. SPEECH OF XENOPHON. 87 
 
 better, but imagine that the rivers will be impassable, and 
 that you were greatly misled when you came across them 
 reflect whether the Barbarians have not acted most unwisely 
 also in this respect.' For all rivers, though they may be 
 impassable at a distance from their sources, are easy to be 
 forded by those who go ,to their springs, wetting them not 
 even to the knees. 23. But even if the rivers-shall not afford 
 us a passage,' and no guide shall appear to conduct us, we 
 still need not be in despair ; for we know that the Mysians, 
 whom we should not call more valiant than ourselves, have 
 settled themselves, against the king's will, in many rich and 
 large cities in the kmg's territory; we know that the Pisi- 
 diaus have acted similarly ; and we have ourselves seen' that 
 the Lycaonians, haying seized on the stongholds in the 
 plains, enjoy the produce of the land of these Barbarians ; 
 24. and I should recommend that we, for the present, should 
 not let it be seen that we are eager to start homeward, but 
 should apparently make arrangements as if we thought of 
 settling somewhere in these parts ; for I am sure that the king 
 would grant the Mysians many guides, and give them many 
 hostages to send them out of the country safely, and even make 
 roads for them, though they should desire to depart in four- 
 horse chariots.; and for ourselves, too, I am convinced that 
 he would with thrice as much pleasure do the same, if he saw 
 us making dispositions to remain here. 25. But I am afraid 
 that if we would once learn to live in idleness, to revel in 
 abundance, and to associate with the fair and stately wives 
 and daughters of the Medes and Persians, we should, like the 
 lotus-eaters,' think no more of the road homeward. 26. It 
 
 ' Ei &pn, K. T. X.] Kxiiger admonishes the reader that these words 
 must be taken negatively : whether — not. 
 
 ' Asiyootioti'.] Eight manuscripts have iwiammv, which Bornemann 
 has preferred. Dindprf also gave the preference to it in his first edition, 
 but has subsequently adopted the other reading. Mijre Swiaovaiv is 
 interpreted by Bornemann, " if the rivers shall present no difference in 
 any part of their course ; if -they be as broad at their sources as at their 
 mouths." 
 
 ' AvTol eUo/icv.] The Greeks had passed through a part of Lycaonia 
 in their march up the country, i. 2. 19 ; when, however, it is not indi- 
 cated that they saw much. 
 
 * The allusion is to Odyss. is. 83, wliere the lotus-eaters are men- 
 tioned : 
 
 The trees around -them all their food produce, 
 Lotus tho name, divine nectareoua juice 
 
88 THE EXPEDITION OF CTEUS. bo6k ui. 
 
 seems to me, therefore, both reasonable and just, that we 
 should first of all make an attempt to return to Greece, and 
 to the members of our families, and let our countrymen see 
 that thej live in voluntary poverty, since they might se^ those, 
 who are now living at home without due means of subsistence, 
 enriched on betaking themselves hither.' But I need say no 
 more on this head, for it is plain, my fellow-soldiers, that pR 
 these advantages fall to the conquerors. 
 
 27. "I must also suggest tp you, however, in what manner 
 we may proceed on our 'way with the greatest safety, and 
 how we may fight, if it should be necessary to fight, to the 
 greatest possible advantage. First of all, then," he continued, 
 "it seems to me that we ought to burn whatever carriages we 
 have, that our cattle may not influence our movements, but 
 that we may march whithersoever it may, be convenient for 
 the army ; and then that we should burn our tents with them, 
 for tents are troublesome to carry, and of no service either for 
 fighting or in getting provisions. 28. I thint also that we 
 ought to rid ourselves of whatever is superfluous in the rest 
 of our baggage, reserving only what we have for war, or for 
 meat and wank, that as many of us as possible may be under 
 arms, and as few as possible baggage-bearers; for you are 
 aware that whatever belongs to the conquered becomes the 
 property of others ; and, if we are victorious, we ought to 
 look upon the enemy as our baggage-carriers. 
 
 29. " It only remains for me to mention a particular which 
 I consider to be of the greatest importance. You see that 
 the enemy did not venture openly to commence war against 
 us, until they had seized our generals, thinking that as long 
 as we had commanders, and were obedient to them, ,we should 
 be in a condition to gain the advantage over them in the fieldr 
 but, on making prisoners of our generals, they expected that 
 we should perish from want of direction and order. SO. It is 
 incumbent, therefore, on our present commanders to be far 
 more vigilant than our former ones, and. on tbose under com- 
 
 (Thence called Lotophagi), whicli whoso tastes, 
 
 Insatiate riots in their sweet repasts, ' 
 
 Nor other home, nor other care intends, 
 
 But quits his house, his country, and Ms friends. Pope. • 
 
CHAP. II. ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE MARCH. 89 
 
 mand to be far more orderly, and more obedient to their 
 officers, at present, than they were before. 81. And if you 
 were also to pass a resolution, that, should any one be dis- 
 obedient, whoever of you chances to light upon him, is to join 
 with his officers in punishing him, the enemy would by that 
 means be most effectually disappointed in their expectations, 
 for, on the very day that such resolution is passed, they will 
 see before them ten thousand Olearchuses instead of one, who 
 will not allow a single soldier to play the coward. 32. But it 
 is now time for me to conclude, my speech ;' for in an instant, 
 perhaps, the enemy will be upon us. Whosoever, therefore, 
 thinks these suggestions reasonable, let him give his sanction 
 to them at once, that they may be carried into execution. 
 But if any other course, in any one's opinion, be better than 
 this," let him, even though he be a private soldier, boldly give 
 us his sentiments; for ttie safety, which we all seek, is a gen- 
 eral concern. 
 
 33. Cheirisophus then said, " Should there, be need of any 
 other measure in addition to what Xenophon proposes, it will 
 be in our power to bring it forward by and by ; what he has 
 now suggested we ought, I think, to vote at once to be the 
 best course that we can adopt ; and to whomsoever this seems 
 proper, let him hold up his hand ;" and they all held them up. 
 34. Xenophon then, rismg again, said, "Hear, soldiers, what 
 appears to me to be necessary in addition to what I have laid 
 before you. It is plain that we must march to some place 
 from which we may get provisions ; and I hear that there are 
 some good-looking villages not more than twenty stadia dis- 
 tant ; 35. but I should not wonder if the enemy (like cow- 
 ardl)? dogs that run after such as pass by them, and bite them 
 if they can, but flee from those who pursue them), I should not 
 wonder, I say, if the enemy were to follow close upon us when 
 we begin to march. 36. It will, perhaps, be the safer way for 
 us to march, therefore, forming a hollow square of the heavy- 
 armed troops, in order that the baggage and the large number 
 of camp-followers may be' in greater security within it; 
 
 ' Uipaivetv.'] Sc. rdv "kisyov. This is the sense in which this word 
 has heen taken, I believe, by moat readers ; as in .ffisoh. Pers. 699, and 
 elsewhere. Sturz, in his lexicon, seems to take it in the sense of to 
 execute, to proceed to action, 
 
 2 E; Si n uKka ^tXriov ij ravTy.] Understand ioKei ix^iv. Kiihner. 
 " But if any thing elao (seems) better (to any one) than in this way." 
 
90 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. book m. 
 
 and if it be now settled who is lead on the square, and regu- 
 late the movements in front, who are to be on each flank, and 
 who to have Charge of the rear, we shall not havs to consider 
 of these things wiien the enemy approach, but may at once 
 act according to what has been arranged. 37. If, then, any one 
 €lse sees any thing better to recommend, let it be settled other- 
 "wise ; if not, let Cheirisophus lead, since he is also a Lacedae- 
 •monian ;' let two of the oldest generals take the command on 
 «ach of the flanks ; and let "Kmasion and myself, the youngest 
 •of the officers, take charge, at least for the present, of the rear. 
 38. After a time, when we have tried this arrangement, we will 
 consider, as occasion may require, what may seem best to be 
 done. If any one thinks of any better plan than this, let him 
 I speak." • As nobody made any objection; he said,'" Whosoever 
 U likes these proposals, let him hold up his hand." The pro- 
 posals were approved. 39. "And now," he added, "it be- 
 longs to you to go and carry into execution what has been 
 decided upon ^ and whssoever of you wishes to see his friends 
 and relations^ let him prove himself a man of valor, fot by 
 no other means can he succeed in attaining that object ; who- 
 ever of you desires to preserve his life. Jet him strive to con- 
 quer, for it is the part of conquerors to kill, but of the con- 
 quered to die ; and if any one of you covets spoil, let shim 
 endeavor to secure victory for us, for it is the privilege of victore 
 at once to save their own property and to seize on tliatof the 
 vanquished." 
 
 CHAPTER ni. 
 
 The Greeks are visited by Mitliridates aa a friend, but he soon shows Jftit 
 he is an enemy, and they resolve to enter into no further negotj»tJim9 
 ■with the Persian king. They pass the Zabatus, are harassed by Mithri- 
 dates, and suffer from the want of sliHgers and cavalry. Volunteers are 
 enrolled for these services. 
 
 1. Whkn this speech was concluded, they rose up, and 
 went off to burn their carriages and tents ; of their superflu- 
 
 1 ^E~etS^ Kal AaKeSai/iovtu; iart.] The Kal, also, refers to something 
 understood : " since he ia not only a brave man, but also a Laoed^nio- 
 nian." Kuhher. — The Lacedaemonians were then at the head of Greece: 
 comp. V. 9. 26; vi. 6. 12. Zmne, 
 
CHAP. m. THE Greeks ceoss the zabatus. 91 
 
 ous baggage they divided among themselves such portions as 
 any needed, and threw the rest into the fire. Having done 
 this, they went to breakfast. While they were at their meal, 
 Mithridates rode up to them with about thirty horsemen, and 
 requesting the generals to come within hearing, spoke as fol- 
 lows : 2. " I was faithful to Cyrus, O men of Greece, as you 
 yourselves know ; I am now well disposed toward you ; and 
 I am living here under'great apprehensions ; if, therefore, I 
 should find that you are concerting any safe scheme for your 
 deliverance, I would come and join you, bringing with me all 
 my followers. Let me know, therefore, what you have in con- 
 templation, as one who is your friend and well-wisher, and 
 who is willing to march along with you." 3. The generals, 
 after consulting together, resolved on returning the following 
 answer ; and Cheirisophus delivered it : " It is our deter- 
 mination, if no one hinders us from returning home, to pro- 
 ceed through the country with as little injury to it as possible ; 
 but if any one opposes us on our march, to fight our way 
 against him as vigorously as we can." 4. Mithridates then 
 endeavored to convince them how impracticable it was to 
 escape without the king's consent. But it was now concluded 
 that he was insidiously sent ; for one of the followers of Tis- 
 saphernes was in attendance on him to ensure his fidelity.' 
 5. In consequence, it was thought right by the generals to 
 pass a resolution that the war should be such as to admit of 
 no intercourse by heralds ;" for those that came tried to corrupt 
 the soldiers, and succeeded in seducing one of the captains, 
 Nicarchus an Arcadian, and he deserted in the night with about 
 twenty men. 
 
 6. Having then dined, and crossed the river Zabatus, they 
 marched en in regular order, keeping the baggage-cattle and 
 camp-followers in the center. But biafore they had gone far, 
 Mithridates made his appearance again with about two hun- 
 dred cavalry and about four hundred archers and slingers, 
 
 ' TliaTeag lveKa.'\ To watch him, lest he should act treacherously. 
 Kiihner. 
 
 " XloXEfiov dK^pvKTBv.'] Propcrly war in which there is no use for 
 Tieralds, but in wliioh all is violent and desperate ; so that dxtjpvKTOf 
 will be equivalent, according to Hesychius, to udidMaKroc, implaca- 
 tie, irreconcilable. See Erasm. Adag. iii. 3. 84. Stwz Lex. Others 
 rather think it a deadly war, not commenced by sending heralds, and 
 not to be terminated by sending them. Kiihner. See Eeiod. v, 
 SI. 
 
92 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. boo) 
 
 very light and active troops. 6. He advanced toward 
 Greeks as a friend, but; when he came near, some of his i 
 both horse and foot, suddenly discharged their arrows, 
 others used their slings, and wounded some of our men. 
 rear of the Greets, indeed, was much harassed, and could 
 soihing in return ; for the Cretan bowmen .shot to a less 
 tatice than the Persians, and had also, as being lightly an 
 sheltered themselves within the heavy troops ; and the jav 
 men did not hurl far enough to reach the slingers. 8. t 
 this it seemed to Xv'nophon that it would be well to pu 
 them ; and such of the heavy-armed and peltasts as happi 
 to be with him in the rear, bfigan to pursue, but could c 
 take in the pursuit not a single man of the enemy ; 9. for 
 Greeks had no cavalry,' nor could their infantry, in a short 
 tanoe overtake the infanty of the enemy, who took to fl 
 when they were a long way off since it was impossible for 
 Greeks to follbw them to a great distance from the rest of 
 army. 10. The Barbarian cavalry, too, inflicted wounds in 
 retreat, shooting backward as they rode, and however fai 
 , Greeks advanced in pursuit, so fer were they obliged to ret 
 fighting. 11. Thus during the whole day they did not adv 
 more than five-and-twenty stadia ; however they arrived a1 
 villages in the evening. 
 
 33ere again there was much dejection ; and Cheirisa| 
 and the oldest of the generals blamed Xenophon for purs 
 the enemy apart, from the main body, endangering hin 
 and yet being unable to hurt the assailants. 12. Xenop 
 hearing this charge, acknowledged that they blamed him ju 
 and thai the result bore testimony in their favor. " I 
 said he, " I was under the necessity of pursuing, as I 
 that we suffered great damage while remaining at our p 
 and were unable to retaliate. 13. But when we begai 
 pursue," continued he, " the truth was as you say ; foi 
 wese none the better able to injure the enemy, and we o 
 not retreat without great difficulty. 14. Thanks are due tc 
 gods, therefore, that the Barbarians did not come upon u 
 great force, but only with a few troops, so that, while 
 
 1 OjTus's G-reek auxaiaries for the expedition had consisted onl 
 infantry; all his cavalry was either Asiatic or Thi'acian. The Thri 
 horse had deserted, and the Asiatic cavalry hod gone over to 1 
 phernes soon after the battle. 
 
CHAP. nr. WANT OF CAVALRY AND SLINGERS. 93 
 
 did us no great harm, they showed us of what we stand in 
 need : 15. for at present the enemy shoot their arrows and 
 sling their stones such a distance, that neither can the Cretans 
 return their shots, nor can those who throw with the hand 
 reach them, and when we pursue them, we can not go after 
 them any great distance from the main body, and in a short 
 space, a foot-soldier, even if ever so swift, can not overtake 
 another foot-soldier, starting at bow-shot distance. 16. If, 
 therefore, we would keep off the enemy, so that they may be 
 unable to hurt us on our march, we must at once provide our- 
 selves with slingers and cavalry. There are, I hear, some 
 Rhodians in our army, the greater number of whom, they say, 
 understand the use of the sling, while their weapon carries 
 even double the distance of the Persian sling, 17. which, as 
 they sling with layge stones, reach only a short distance, 
 while ih.6 Rhodians know hoW to use leaden bullet ^. 18. If, 
 then, we ascertain which of them have slmgs, and give money 
 to each of them' for them ; and pay money also to any one 
 who is willing to plait more, and find some other privilege' 
 for him who consents to serve in the troop of slingers,' possi- 
 bly some will offer themselves who may be able to be of serv- 
 ice to us. 19. I see also that there are horses in the army, 
 some in my posesssion, and some left by Clearchus, besides 
 many others taken from the enemy which are employed in 
 carrying^ the baggage. If, then, we collect all these, and put 
 ordinary baggage-cattle in their place, and equip the horses for 
 riders, they will perhaps annoy the enemy in their flight." 
 20. These suggestions were approved ; and that very night 
 there came forward slingers to the number of two hundred. 
 The next day, as many as fifty horemen and horses were 
 pronounced fit for service ; leathern jackets* and breastplates 
 
 > TovTi^ fiiv.] As rivcg miravraL immediately precedes, the singular 
 TovTi^ rather startles the reader ; but there are not wanting examples 
 of similar irregularity. 
 
 2 'AreAeiai/, j Exemption, for instance, from keeping guard and keep- 
 ing watch, kriiger. 
 
 3 Tip a<ptviovuV ivTeray/iivtfi iiJeXovri.] "To him willing to be a 
 slinger, being enrolled in the company (of slingers)." This is the read- 
 ing of Schneider, and Dindorf; and Bomemann. Kiihner and some 
 others prefer h tu Terayfiivv. " in the place appointed him." 
 
 ■1 StroXddec.] This form of the word is preferred by Dindorf; Schnei- 
 der, Bomemann, and Kiihner prefra: erro^uder, both in this passage and- 
 in iv. 1. 18. Both forms seem to have been in use, and to have had the 
 
94 THE EXPEDITION OF CTRITS. BOOKin. 
 
 •were flirnished to them ; and Lycius the son of Polystratus, an 
 Athenian, was appointed their captain. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Mithridates again pursues tie Greeks, but is repulsed. They reach the 
 Tigris, encamp atMespilfl, and are attacked hy Tissaphemes with a nu- 
 merous force. They repel him, and alter their order of march. Travers- 
 ing a mountainous part of the country, they are harassed hy the enemy, 
 iSl, on getting possession of a height, they are enabled to reach the plain 
 beyond it in safety. ' 
 
 1. Having halted for that day, they went forward on the 
 next, jrising earlier in the morning thaii usual ; for they had 
 a ravine formed by a torrent to pass, at which they were 
 afraid that the enemy would attack them while they were 
 crossing. 2. It was not till they had got over, however, that 
 Mithridates again made his appearance, having now with him 
 a thpusand horse, and archers and slingers to the numbejr ^ef, 
 four thousand ; for he had solicited and obtained that number 
 from Tissaphemes, promising that, if he received them, he 
 would deliver the Greeks into his hands ; for he had con- 
 ceived a contempt for them, because, in his previoua, attack 
 on them, though he had but a small force with him, he had 
 suffered no loss, and thought that he had caused them great 
 annoyance. 3. .When the Greeks, having crossed,, were dis- 
 tant ' about eight stadia from the ravine, Mithridates also 
 passed over it with his force. Instructions had been issued 
 to such of the peltasts and heavy-armed troops as were to 
 pursue, and a charge had been given to the horsemen to pur- 
 sue with bcfldness, as a sufficient force would follow to support 
 thetn. 4. When, therefore, Mithridates overtook them, and 
 the slings and arrows began to take effect, a signal was given 
 to the Greeks^ with the trumpet, and those who had been or- 
 dered immediately hastened to charge the enemy, the cavalry 
 riding forward at the same time. The enemy, however,, did 
 not wait to receive their charge, but fled back to the ravine. 
 
 same signification ; but oTroXdc to have been the more common. See 
 Pollux, 1. 135. Hesychins has- ottoMc, x'-'ri^viaicoc /3ai?i)f, aKirtvos, 6 
 Pipaivoc Biipal See PoUux, 1. 10 ; 10. 143. Suidas, Phavorinus, and 
 Photius give similar interpretations. 
 
LAEISSA. 
 
 95 
 
 5. In the pursuit several of the Barbarian foot were killed, and 
 about eighteen of the horse were made ■prisoners in the defile. 
 The Greeks, of their own impulse, mutilated the dead bodies, 
 in order that the sight of them might be as horrible as possible 
 to the enemy. ^ 
 
 6. The enemy, after faring flbus, went off, and the Greeks, 
 advancing the rest of the day without molestation, arrived' at 
 the river Tigris. 1. Here was a large deserted city, the name 
 of which was Larissa, and which the Medes had formerly in- 
 habited. The breadth of its wall was five and twenty feet, 
 and the hft'ght of it a hundred ; its circuit was two parasangs. 
 It was built of bricks made of clay, but there was under it a 
 stone foundation,' the height of twenty feet. 8. This city the 
 king of the Persians," at the time when the Persians wrested' 
 the empire from the Medes, was unable by any means to take ; 
 a sloud, however, having covered the Sun, hid it from view,* 
 
 ' KpjjTrZf d' vTVT/v \'.6lvJi, K. T, ^.] The foundation appears to have 
 
 E'sen twenty feet above the ground ; bo that the whole height of the 
 ail would he a h undred an^ v^ent^ feet. Mr. Ainsworth says that he 
 found the ruins o£ the brick wall atTJesen, which he considers to be 
 the same with larissa, " based on a rude and hard conglomerate rock, 
 giving to them all the solidity and characteristics of being built of stone." 
 Travels in the Track, p. 139. 
 
 » Cyrus the Great. 
 
 3 'E/lu/ifiavoK.] That the Medea did not willingly submit, but were 
 overcome by force, is testified by Herodotus, and is apparent from what 
 is said here; whence it follows that Aq/iSiikeiw ttiv upxr)v Trapu nvo( 
 may be applied even when those who lose the government are forcibly 
 deprived of it. Xenophon, however, is at variance with himself in the 
 Cyropsedia, where Cyrus is said to have succeeded to the throne by a 
 marriage with the daughter of CySxares. Kiihner. 
 
 * 'H?.iov Si vc^F.Xri irpoKnTiviliasa ri^iLviae.'] This reading has been 
 adopted by Dindorf and others, from a conjecture of Brodseua or Mure- 
 tus ; the manuscripts have all §/ltOf Si vi-^e^.j)i> irpoKuf^uTpa;, except two, 
 one of which has the v erased in ve^iT^riv, and the other ve^iJij. Those 
 who read with Dindorf refer to Plutarch de Placit. PhiloSoph. ii. 24, 
 where the cause of an eclipse -of the sun is said by some philosophers 
 to be a condensation of chads impercepiiUy advancing over the disc. 
 Bornemann and Kiihner restore the reading of the manuscripts, which 
 Langius thus interprets : sol nviem sibi prcetendena se obscuravit , than 
 which no better explanation has been offered. That we are not to sup- 
 pose an eclipse of the sun tft be signified in the text, is well observed 
 by Bornemann ; as Tbales had previously ascertained the causes of 
 such eclipses-and had foretold one, according to Herodotus i. 74 ; hence, 
 it is imposaicle to believe that Xenophon would have spoken of a 
 
96 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. boo 
 
 till the people deserted it,' and so it -was taken. 9. Neai 
 city was a stone pyramid, of the breadth' of one plethrum, 
 the height of two plethra. U^on it' were many of the Bj 
 rians who had fled from the neighboring villages. 
 
 10. Hence they proceeded one day's journey, six parasj 
 to a large unoccupied fortress,' situated near a city, the nan 
 which was Mespila ; the Medes had formerly inhabited it 
 foundation of thevWall was of polished stone, full oi shells,' 
 , breadth fifty feet, and the height fifty ; 11, and on it was 
 structed a wall of bricks, fifty feet broad, and a hundred h 
 the circumference of it was six parasangs. Here Medea 
 king's wife, is said to have taken refuge, when the Medes 
 deprived of their empire by the Persians. 12. The kii^ o 
 Persians, on besieging the city, was unable to reduce it e 
 by length of time or by assault, but Jupiter, as with a thui 
 stroke," deprived the inhabitants of their senses, and thus ii 
 taken. 
 
 13. Hence they proceeded one day's journey, a distam 
 four parasangs. In the course of this day's march Tissaph^ 
 made his appearance, having with him the cavalry whic 
 himself commanded, the force of Orontes, who had ma 
 the king's daughter,' the Barbarian troops with which C 
 
 solar eclipse himself, or have made the inhabitants speak of oi 
 irrationally. . Hutchinson and Zeune absurdly understand tj)v 
 with ij0aw(iTE. 
 
 ' 'E^eTi.nrov.'] Hutchinson and Weiske Interpret this word a»iwn 
 feoerunt. Abreaohiua (Diluoid. Thuoyd. p. 274) makes it reliqv^p 
 urbem; an interpretation adopted by Person, Schneider, Kiihne) 
 all the modern editors. 
 
 2 E^pof.] We must understand the length of each side. 
 
 3 'Enl Taiinyf.] There might be steps on the outside on which 
 might climb. 
 
 4 Teixof.l Now called Yarwmjah, according to Ainsw. Trave 
 139. ■ 
 
 s Koyxo^tdrov.'] "It is' a curious fact, that the common bui 
 stone of Mosul (near Mespila) is highly fossiliferous, and inde( 
 plete with shells, characteristic of a tertiary or supra-oretaoeot] 
 posit ; aud the same limestone does not occur far to the north or 
 of Mosul, bemg succeeded by wastes of gypsum." Ainsw, Trai 
 UO. 
 
 6 'Euipdv-rprovc n-otei.] "Jupiter makes the inhabitants th\ 
 struck." "He rendered them," says Sturz, "either stup 
 mad." ^ 
 
 1 ii. 4. 8. 
 
ciiAP. IV. THE GREEKS REPULSE TISSAPHERNES. 97 
 
 went up, the troops with which the king's brother came to 
 assist him, and, besides these, all that the Idng himself had 
 given him ; so that his army appeared extreinely numerous, 
 14. When he came near, he stationed some of his companies in 
 the rear, and brought others round upon our fl.inks, but did not 
 venture to make a charge, or show any disposition to endanger 
 himself,'but ordered his men to use their slings and bows, 15. 
 But when the Rhodians who were dispersed among the yanks, 
 began to use their slings, and th? ■ Scythian, archers' dis- 
 charged their arrows, no one failing to hit a man (for it 
 would not have been easy to do so, even if they had been ever 
 so desirous), Tissaphernes hastily retreated beyond reach of 
 the missiles, and the other divisions drew off at the same time. 
 16. During the rest of the day the. Greeks continued. their 
 tnarch, and the enemy followed ; but the Barbarians no longer 
 harassed them with their usual skirmishing ; for the Rhodians 
 sent th^ir missiles to a greater distance than the Persians, 
 and than most of the bowmen. 17. The bows of the Persians, i 
 too, were large, so that such of their aiTows as were taken up, I 
 were of service to the Cretans, who continued to use the enemy's/ 
 arrows, and practiced shooting by sending them far up into the 
 air." A great number of bowstrings were also found , in the 
 villages, and some lead, so that they could use it for their 
 slings. 
 
 18. For that day, thi^rfifore^ as soon as the Greeks reached 
 the villages and encamped, the Barbarians went off, having 
 had the worst in. the skirmish ; and during the next the 
 Greeks remained where they were, and collected provisions, 
 for there was plenty of corn in the villages. The day after, 
 they proceeded through the open country, and Tissaphernes 
 followed, hurhng missiles at them from a distance. 19. Here 
 the Greeks found that a square was a bad disposition for an 
 
 • 2/ciJi9at To^orai.'] As there is po mention of Scythians in the whole 
 Anabasis, Kruger, in his larger edition, suggested that the word Z/ciiSat 
 might have been written in the margin by some schohast, who was think- 
 ing of the Athenian to^otm ; but in his smaller edition he has shown 
 that he had learned something better from Arrian, Tact. ii. 13 : " Those 
 of the oavfvlry who use bows are called innoTo^nrai, and by some 
 'ZKu'&ai." Kiihner. 
 
 "' 2 In order that they might fall with greater weight. Bornemann. Ot 
 perhaps, as Bishop Thu^lwaJl thinks, that they might reach a greater 
 distance. ■ ^ ' 
 
 vot. I. 5 
 
98 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. book m 
 
 army when an enemy was behind them ; for it must neces- 
 sarily happen, that if the flanks of the square close together, 
 from the road being narrow, or from hills or a bridge maiing 
 it necessary, that the heavy-armed men must be pushed out of 
 their places, and march with diflBoulty,' being at the same 
 time crowded together and thrown into confusion; so that 
 when in such disorder they must be nearly useless. 20. And 
 when, again, the flanks divide, those who were previously 
 forced out of their places, must now of necessity separate, and 
 the space between liie flanks be left empty ; and men who are 
 thrown into such a condition must doubtless lose heart, if the 
 enemy are behind them. Whenever, too, -they had to pass a 
 bridge, or any other erossing-place, each hastened on to get 
 first, and the enemy had then a fine opportunity of attacking 
 them." 21. The generals, seeing that such was the case, fbnaed 
 six companies of a hundred men each, and appointed captains 
 of these companies, as well as captains of fifty and captains 
 of twenty-five.* These captains and their companies, on the 
 march, whenever the flanks of the square closed together, fell 
 behind, so as to cause no disorder in the flanks, and then led 
 on outside the flanks ; 22. and whenever the sides of the square 
 opened, they filled up the center, if the opening was narrow, 
 by companies ; if rather wide, by fifties ; if- very wide, by 
 twenty-fives;* so that the center was always full. 23. If, 
 then, it was necessary to pass any defile or bridge, they were 
 not thrown into confusion, but the captains and companies went 
 over in succession ;^ and if any thing was needed in any part 
 
 ' novjjpuf.] From novfjpoc, difficult, not from novripog, iad. See 
 Thucyd. -viiL 24, ed. Popp. part iii. voL iv. p. 6^8, aeqq: Kuimer. 
 
 2 Ko2 eiieni&eTov tjv ivravSa toI; iroXefiloi^. I have rendered this 
 phrase agreeably to the notion of Kriiger, who thinks £iem'#«raii used 
 absolutely, or aa a substantive. Some, however, understand rd jr?.aiaiov, 
 or rd dTpdrev/ia, which is perhaps better. 
 
 3 'EvufioTdpxa;.'] The hia/wria being the fourth part of a TMxec, or 
 twenty-flve men. See Xen. De Eep: Lao, iL 4; Arnold's Thucyd. v. 
 68. « 
 
 < As there were six companies of a hundred men each, they moved 
 into the vacant space, if it was but narrow, by centuries, that is, six 
 men m front, and a hundred deep; if it was somewhat broader, by 
 fitties, that is, twelve men in front, and fifty deep ; if very broad, by 
 twenty-fives, that is, twenty-four men in front, and twenty-flva deep. 
 Kuhner. -• . 
 
 ' 'Ew Tup.epei.'] Each in his place ; one after another in the order 
 which had been previously appointed. 
 
OHAP. IV. THE GEEBtS STILL HAEAflSED. 99 
 
 of the main body, these vpere at hand. In this order they ad- 
 vanced four days' journey. 
 
 24. As they were pursuing the fifth day's march, they ob- 
 served a kind of palace with several villages round it. The 
 way to this place, they perceived, lay among high hills, which 
 reached down from a mountain, at the foot of which the vil- 
 lage was.' These hills the Greeks were glad to see, as was 
 natural, when the enemy's force consisted of cavalry. 25. 
 But when, after leaving the plain, they had ascended the first 
 hill, and were descending in order to mount the second, the 
 Barbarians came upon mem, and from the eminence began, 
 under the ■ lash," to hurl darts, use their slings, and shoot 
 arrows, on the ground below ; 26. they wounded many, and 
 had the advantage over the light-armed Greets, and shut 
 them up within the heavy-armed ; so that both the slingers 
 and archers viere that day entirely useless, being mixed with 
 the crowd that had charge of the. baggage. 27. When the 
 Greeks, on being hard pressed, attempted pursuit, they 
 mounted the height but slowly, as being heavily armed, while 
 the enemy sprang up speedily. 28. When, again, they re- 
 treated back to the rest of the force, thay fared equally ill. 
 The same occurrences took place on the second hill ; so that 
 they thought it proper not to move the soldiers from the third 
 hill, until they led up a body of peltasts to the mountain from 
 the right wing of the square. 29. When these had got above 
 the pursuing enemy, they no longer attacked them in their 
 descent, fearing that they might be cut off from their own 
 body, and that enemies might assail them on both sides. 30. 
 Marching in this manner for the rest of the day, some by the 
 route among the hills, and others advancing abreast of them 
 
 ' 'Hw i/ Ku/j)/.] Schneider, Bornemann, and most editors before 
 Dindorf, read KUf^ri, a villaffe^ without the article. Dindorf has added 
 the article from two mauuaeripts, and Kiihner haa followed him, sup- 
 posing that the pa/rticula/r. vilHige of which the Greeks had now caught 
 sight is meant. Bornemann, if the article be added, thinks that 
 the mUage in which the palace stood is intended. The- passage seems 
 to me decidedly better without the article ; for, if it be inserted, 
 the reader is puzzled to know why Xenophon changes the number, 
 when he had just before said that the palace stood in the midst of 
 villages. 
 
 s According to the discipline of the Persians ; see Herod, vii. 21, 56, 
 223. 
 
100 THE EXPEDITION OF CTEUS. bom 
 
 along the. mountain, they arrived at the villages, and appoii 
 \ eight surgeons .' for there were many wounded. 
 
 31. .Here ttey remained three days, both for the sake of 
 wounded, and because they found, at the same time, abi: 
 ance of provisions, wheat-flour, wine, and a great quantitj 
 barley laid up for horses ; supplies which had been colle( 
 for the satrap of the country. On the fourth day they v 
 down iuto the plain. 32. But as Tissaphernes overtook tl 
 with his forces, necessity taught them to encamp where t 
 first saw avillage, and not to march on still fighting ; for tl 
 were many unfitted for action, some wounded, some carrying 
 wounded, and some bearing the arms of those that car 
 them. 33. When however they were encamped, and the Ba 
 rians, coming up to the village, attempted to skirmish ^ 
 them, the Greeks had greatly the advantage ; for they foui 
 great diflference" between sallyisig from tileir Q:wn ground 
 repulse the enemy, and fighting with a pursuing enemj 
 their march. ^ < , 
 
 34. When evening approached, it became time for 
 enemy to retire ; for the Barbarians never encamped at a 
 distance from the Greeks than sixty stadia, fearing lest 
 Greeks should attack them in the night. 35. For in the n 
 a Persian army is difficult to manage ; as their horses 
 tiedj and for the most part fastened by. the feet, that they ] 
 not run away if they should be imtied ; and if any sudden 
 • tack takes place, the Persian has' to put the housings' on 
 
 > This is the first mention of surgeons in the Greek army, as 
 Stanford observes, since the time of Homer. But whether the per 
 here mentioned were professed surgeons, or merely some of the sole 
 who, in long service, had gained experience in the treatment of wot 
 is uncertain. The latter supposition is more in consonance with 
 word appointed, 
 
 ' XloW ySp iie(j>epov — -dp/iuvTeg — noptuofievot.'] The manuscripts 
 sent some variations here. Bomemann's text is the same as Dindi 
 Kiihner prefers ^SU^epev^-Sp/iuvrac — nopevo/iivovi, expressing a d 
 whether the other method be really Oreek. 
 
 ' Aej — IlfpiTj? dvdpl.Ji Most commentators concur in taking th 
 an example of the rarer construction of Sei with the dative ; thou 
 has been suggested whetber Uepa^ dvdpl may be the dative 
 ijriaa^ai, as if a Persian horse-soldier had an attendant to equij 
 horse for him.' ' . ' 
 
 * 'EKiaa^tti.'] Spelman quaiTels with D'Ablancourt for translating 
 
CHAP, IT. THE BARBARIANS PRE-OOCUPY THE PASSES. 101 
 
 horse, and to bridle him, and then, when he has put on his 
 armor, to mount ; but all these things are troublesome by night 
 and in the midst of an alarm. On fliis account they encamped 
 at a distance from the Greeks. 
 
 36. As soon as the Greeks saw that they intended to retire, 
 and were passing the order for doing so, proclamation was 
 made among the Greeks, in the hearing of the enemy, that 
 they were to collect their baggage ; when the Barbarians, for 
 some time, delayed their march; but, when it grew late, they 
 went off, for, they did not think it expedient to march and ar- 
 rive at their camp' in the night, 3Y. When the Greeks ob- 
 served them evidently moving away, _ they themselves also 
 decamped" and began to march, and accomplished as much as 
 sixty stadia. There was thus so great a distance between the 
 armies, that the enemy did not appear on the following day or 
 on the third ; but on the fourth, the Barbarians, having gone 
 forward in the night, occupied an elevated position on the 
 right, on the route by which the Greeks were to pass ; the 
 brow of a mountain, beneath which was the descent into the 
 plain. 38. As soon as Cheirisophus saw that this eminence 
 was pre-occupied, he sent for Xenophon from the rear, and 
 ordered him to bring his peltasts and come to the front. 39. 
 Xenophon however did not bring the peltasts, (for he saw 
 Tissaphemes, and all his force, in full view), hut, riding up 
 alone, sisked, " Why do you call me?" Cheirisophus replied, 
 " You may see ; for the eminence above the descent has been 
 pre-occupied against us, and it is impossible to pass, unless we 
 cut off those who are on it. ■ But why did you not bring the 
 peltasts?" 40. Xenophon replied that he did not think it 
 right to leave the rear unguarded when the enemy were in 
 sight. " But it is high time," he continued, " to consider how 
 some of us may dislodge those men from the hUl." 41. Xeno- 
 phon now noticed that the summit of the mountain" was 
 
 word by "saddle," and adopts in his own version "housings," which I 
 have borrowed from him, from inability to find a better word. 
 
 1 Td orpoTon-edov.] Apparently for the place where they intended to 
 encamp. It seems needless to understand, with Kriiger, " eastra interea 
 a lixis et calonibus posita." ■ 
 
 ' 'AvaftifoiTEf.] 'Ava^Ev^ai, eastra momre. Zeune. 
 
 3 The enemy had not occupied the highest part of the mountain, but 
 a lower position upon it. Comp. sect. 37. Kiihner. 
 
102 THE EXPEDITIOlir OP OTRUS. book 
 
 above their own army, and that there was a way from il 
 the hill where the enemy, were, and exclaimed, " It is best 
 us, Gheirisophus, to hasten as quickly as possible to 
 summit, for if we gain this, those who are above our n 
 will be unable to maintain their ground. But do you, if 3 
 pleiase, remain t^fith the army ; I have a desire to go forwa: 
 or, if you prefer it, proceed on to the mountain, and I i 
 stay here." 42. "I leave you," replied Gheirisophus, ' 
 choose which of the two you please." Xenophon, observ 
 that he was the younger, decided on advancing, "but reqUes) 
 Gheirisophus to send with him a detachment from the frc 
 as it was too great a distance to bring one from the rear. 
 Gheirisophiis then sent with him the peltasts from the free 
 and he ' took those that were in the middle of the squi 
 Cheirisoghus also ordered the three hundred that he held V 
 him at the head of the square, coiiristing of picked men, 
 follow Xenophon. 
 
 44. The party then marched forward with all possi 
 speed. But the enemy on the heights, when they perceii 
 that the Greeks were directing their course toward the su 
 mit, hurried forward also themselves to contend for the p 
 session of the summit. 45. There was then great shouti 
 from the Grecian army, cheering their men, and great sho 
 iug also from the troops of Tissaphemes, cheering on the 
 46. Xenophon, riding along on horseback, encouraged 
 party,' saying, " Gonsider, soldiers, that you are now contei 
 ing for Greece : that after a brief struggle now, we si 
 march the rest of the way without fighting, to join our cl 
 dren and our wives." 47. Soterides, a Sicyonian, cried 
 "We are not upon an equality, Xenophon ; for you are c 
 ried on a -horse, while I have hard work to carry my shiel 
 48. Xenophon, on hearing this remark, leaped from his hoi 
 pushed Soterides from the ranks, took from him the shie 
 and marched on with it as fast as he was able. He happei 
 however to have on his horseman's corslet, so that he v 
 distressed. Yet he continued to exhort the men in front 
 lead on gently, and those behind, who followed with difficul 
 to come up. 49. But the rest of the soldiers beat and.thr 
 stones at Soterides, and reviled him till they obliged him to 
 sume his shield and march in his place. Xenophon, remou 
 ing, led the way, as long as it was passable for his hoicse. 
 
CHAP. V. THE GREEKS FORCE A PASSA&E. 103 
 
 horseback, but when it became impassable, he left his horse 
 behind, and hastened forward on foot. Thus they got tie 
 start of the enemy, and arrived first at the sununit. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Greelis arrive at a point where the Cardnchian movmtiuns overhang 
 the river, and, as'they are still harassed by' the enemy, the generals hold 
 a consultation, and determine to march across the mountains. 
 
 i. The Barbarians in consequence, turned their backs and 
 fled every one as he could, and the Greeks took possession of 
 the top of the hill. Tissaphemes and Ariseus turned aside, and 
 went oflF in another direction. Cheirisophus and his forces, 
 going down into the plain, encamped in a village abounding 
 with acceptable supplies ; and there were also in this plain 
 many other villages stored with excellent provisions, lying along 
 the river Tigris. 2. "When it was evening, the enemy sud- 
 denly showed themselves in the plain, and cut off some of the 
 Greeks who were dispersed over the ground foraging; for 
 several herds of cattle had been intercepted as they were 
 being transported to the other side of the river. 3. Hero 
 Tissaphemes and his party attempted to set fire to the vil- 
 lages, and some of the Greeks were much dishea^rtened, being 
 apprehensive that, if they should bum them, they would have 
 no place whence to procure supplies. 
 
 4. CheiTispphus and his inen now returned from giving 
 succor ;' and Xenophon, when he came down, , riding past 
 the ranics, as the Greeks, coming in from affording aid, met 
 him, and said, 5. " You see, Greeks, that the enemy admit that 
 the country is now ours, for whereas they stipulated, when 
 they made the trace, that we shouli not bum the king's coun- 
 try, they now bum it themselves, as being no longer theirs. 
 
 1 'Ek T^f (iorideiac.'] Xenophon is here somewhat ohsouro ; for ho 
 made no mention of this Poijdeia before. Cheirisophus and his men 
 seem to have gone to aid the party of Greeks that were dispersed foi- 
 plunder, when some of them were out off by the Persians, and when 
 Tissaphemes attempted to bum the villages. * * * Afterward he is 
 
 rather tautdlogioal ; for the words T/vika ol "E/l/lT/vef express no more 
 
 than is said in ol /liv dfupl Xeipiao(jiov ^oridelag, except that they 
 
 serve to mark the exact time when Xenophon addressed the men. 
 Kiihner. 
 
104 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. book ui. 
 
 But wherever ttey leave supplies for themselves, thither, also 
 they shall see us direct our march. 6. I think, however, 
 Oheirisophus," ccmtimied he, "that we ought to resist these 
 burners, as if in defense of our own territory." " I," replied 
 Gheirisophus, " am of a different opinion ; rather let us bum 
 also," said, he " and thus they will the sooner cease." 
 
 1. When they returned "to their quarters,' the soldiers 
 busied themselves about their provisions, but the generals 
 and , captains held a council There was now much perplex- 
 ity ; for on one side of them were exceeding high mountains, 
 and on the other a river of such depth, that,, when they 
 sounded it, their spears did not rise above the water. 8. 
 While they were in doubt, how to act, a Rhodian came to 
 them, and said, "I am willing to convey you across, O Greeks, 
 by four thousand .heavy-armed men at a time, if you will 
 furnish me with what I require for the purpose, and give me 
 a talent as a remuneration." 9. Being asked what he should 
 require, he replied, "I shall want two thousand hides made 
 into bags; and I see here many sheep, goats, oxen, and asses, 
 the hides of which, being- blown out,' would easily furnish the 
 means of crossing. 10. I shall want also the ropes which you 
 use for the baggage-cattle ; joining, with these, the bags to 
 one another,, steadying each bag by attaching stones to it, let- 
 ting the stones down like anchors into the water, extending the 
 bags across the stream, and securing them to both banks, I 
 will then lay wood upon them, and strew earth over the wood. 
 11. That you will not sink, you will at once see ; for' each 
 skin will prevent two men from sinking, and the wood and 
 earth will keep them from slipping ©ff." 12. The generals, 
 on hearing this proposal, thought the invention ingenious, but 
 the execution of it impossible, for there were numerous cavahy 
 on the other side to hinder their passage, who, at the commence- 
 ment, would not have allowed the first that made the attempt 
 to effect their purposes. 
 
 1 'Effi tH; aicrivd;.'] The tents were burned, iiL'3, 1; and Krliger 
 therefore observes that we must consider ruf OKijvdg as equivalent to rd 
 OTpciToiTedov, or the place of encampment. This explanation is better 
 than that of "Weiske and Zeune, who think that ihe skelter of the viUaget 
 is meant. 
 
 2 "A d-iToSaphra Kot fvaii8ivTa.'] " Which being skinned and blown 
 out." Prdin brevity, Xeiiophon has said that of the animala which he 
 ought to have said-of their skins. Kriiger. 
 
CHAP. V. GUIDES CONSULTED. 106 
 
 13. The day next they retreated back toward Babylon, to 
 some unburnt villages, having first set fire to those which they 
 abandoned ; so that the enemy did not come up to them, but 
 watched them, and seemed to be wondering which way the 
 Greeks would turn themselvs, and what they had in their 
 mind. 14. The rest of the soldiers then turned their thoughts 
 to getting supplies ; but the generals and captains held an- 
 other council, and, bringing together the prisoners, questioned 
 them as *6 the whole country around, what each part was. 
 15. They said that the parts toward the south were on the 
 road toward Babylon and Media, through which the Greeks 
 had come ; that the road toward the east led to Susa and 
 Ecbatana, where the king was said to pass the summer and 
 spring ; that the one across' the river, toward the west, led 
 to Lydia and Ionia ; and that the other over the mountains, 
 toward the north, led to the Carduchi. 16. This people, 
 they said, Uved among the mountains, were very warhke, and 
 did not obey the king ; that on one occasion, a royal army of 
 a hundred and twenty thousand men had penetrated into their 
 country, whence, from the impracticability of the ground, not 
 one of them returned; but that, whenever they made a treaty 
 with the satrap of the plain, some of them had intercourse 
 with the Carduchi, and some of the Carduchi with them. 
 17. The generals, having heard these statements, kept apart 
 by themselves those who said that they knew the road in each 
 direction, not letting it be known which way they intended to 
 go. It appeared necessary to the generals, however, to make 
 their way over the mountains into the country of the Cardu- 
 chi ; for the prisoners said that after passing through this they 
 would come to Armenia, a large and rich country, of which 
 Orontea was governor, whence it would be easy for them to go 
 whichever way they pleased. 
 
 18. With reference to this proceeding, they made a sacri- 
 fice, in order that, when it should seem time, they might com- 
 mence their march; for they were afraid that the passage 
 over the mountains might be pre-occupied by the enemy ; and 
 they gave orders, that when the soldiers had supped, they 
 should all pack up their baggage and go to rest, and follow 
 their leaders whenever the signal should be given. 
 
 I Atafiavrt.l The road "for one crossing" the river.- 
 5* 
 
BOOK IV. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Sreeks enter the territory of the Carduohi, where they suffer greatly 
 from the wind and cold, as well as from the Barbarians, who harass them 
 with frequent attacks on their march. " 
 
 1. What occurred in the expedition up the country to the 
 time of the battle, and what took place after the battle (luring 
 the truce which the king and the Greeks that went up with 
 Cyrus concluded, and what hostilities were committed against 
 the Greeks after the king and Tissaphemes had violated the 
 truce, and while the Persian army was pursuing them,, have 
 been related in the preceding part of the narrativeT 
 
 2. When they, had arrived at a spot where the Tigris was 
 quite impassable from its depth and width, and where there 
 was no passage along its banks, as the Carduchian mountains 
 hung steep over the stream, it appeared to the generals that 
 they must march over those mountains, 3. for they had heard 
 from the prisoners that " if they could but cross the Carduchian 
 mountains, they would be able to -ford, if they wished, the 
 sources of the Tigris in Armenia, or, if they declined doing 
 so, to make a circuit round them." The sources of the Eu- 
 phrates, too, they said were not fer from those of the Tigris ; 
 and such is the truth.' 
 
 4. Their entrance upon the territory of the Carduohi they 
 made in the following manner, endeavoring at once to escape 
 observation, and to anticipate the enemy in getting pos- 
 session of the heights. 5. When it was about the last" watch, 
 and enough of the night was left to allow them to cross the 
 plain under cover of the darkness, they arose at a given sig- 
 nal, and, marching onward, reached the hills by break of 
 day. 6. Here Cheirisophus took the lead of the army, having 
 with him both his own men and all the Iigh1^armed4 while 
 Xenophon brought up the rear with the heavy-armed troops, 
 having not a single hght-armed soldier ; for there seems to 
 
 ' Kal lariv oiiruc ixov-l A most happy emendation of Abreschiua, 
 Dilueld. Thuoyd. p. 640, for Kal iariv trSra arevov. 
 
CHAP. I. THE GREEKS BEACH KURDISTAN. 107 
 
 be no danger that any of the enemy would attack them in the 
 rear as they were marching up the moimtains. Oheirisophus 
 indeed mounted the summit before any of the enemy perceived 
 him ; he then led slowly forward ; 7. and each portion of the 
 army, as it passed the summit in succession, followed him to the 
 villages which lay in the windings' and recesses of the mount- 
 ains.' 8. The Carduchi, in consequence, quitting their dwell- 
 ings, and taking with them their wives and children, fled to 
 the hills. There was plenty of provisions left for the Greeks 
 to take ; and the houses were furnished with great numbers 
 of brazen utensils, none of which the Greeks took away. Nor 
 did they pursue the people, being inclined to spare them, if 
 perchance the Carduchi, since they were enemies to the king, 
 might consent to allow them to pass through their country as 
 that of friendg; 9. the, provisions, however, as many as fell in 
 their way, they carried off; for- it was a matter of necessity 
 to do so. But as for the Carduchi themselves, they would 
 neither listen when, they called, nor did they give any other . 
 sign of friendly feeling. 
 
 10. But when the rear of the Greeks was descending from 
 the hills into the villages, being now overtaken by darkness 
 (for, as the way was narrow, their ascent of the heights, and 
 descent to the villages, had lasted the entire day),- some of 
 the Carduchi, collecting togethei:, attacked the hindmost, and 
 killed and wounded some of them with stones and arrows. 
 They were but few ; for the Greek troops had come on them 
 unawares ; 11. but had they assembled in -greater numbers, a 
 great part of the army woiJd have been in danger of being 
 destroyed. For this night, accordingly, they took up their 
 aljpde in the villages ; and the Carduchi lighted a number of 
 fires abound them on the hills, and observed- the positions of 
 one another.' 12. As soon as it was day, the generals and 
 
 ' "Thus they accomplished their entrance intq Kurdistan without 
 opposition, and crossed one of the most defensible passes that they were 
 almost destined to meet. * • * The recesses — ^left between the hills are 
 ia the present day the seat of villages, as they were in the time of 
 Xenophon, and the crags in front, and in the rear, bristle with the small 
 and rude rook-forts of the Kurds." Ainsworth, T^ravels in the Track, p. 
 163, 154. 
 
 2 Zvve&puv d^A^^oiif.] The lighted fires served as signals, by means 
 of which the Carduchi could keep an eye on one another. Kuhner. 
 
108 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. book it. 
 
 captams of the Grfeefca, meeting together, resolved, when they 
 should march, to reserve only such of the baggage-cattle as 
 were most necessary and most able, abandoning the rest, and 
 to dismiss all the slaves in the army that had been recently 
 captured; 13. for the cattle and the slaves, being numerous, 
 rendered their progress slow* and the number of men in charge 
 of them were unable to take part in any encounter ; and be- 
 sides, when the men were so numerous, it was necessary to 
 procure and carry with them a double qtiantity of provisions. 
 This resolution being passed, they made proclamation that the 
 troops -should act accordingly. 
 
 14. When they had breakfasted, and were on the march, 
 the generals, taking their stand in a narrow part of the way, 
 took from the soldiers whatever of the things mentioned they 
 found had not been left behind;- and the men submitted to this, 
 unless any of them, smitten with desire of a handsome boy or 
 woman, conveyed them past secretly.' Thus they proceeded 
 . during this day, sometimes having to fight a little, and some- 
 times resting themselves. 15. On the next day a great storm 
 arose ; but they were obliged to pursue their march, for they 
 had .not a sufficient supply of provisions. Cheirisophus con- 
 tinued to lead, and Xenophon had charge of the rear. 16. 
 The enemy pressed steadily upon them, and, where the passes 
 were nairow, came close up, and used their bows and their 
 slings; so that the Greeka, sometimes pursuing and some- 
 times retreating, were compelled to march but slowly;, .and 
 Xenophon, when the enemy attacked them violently, had' fre- 
 quently to pass the word for a halt. IV. Cheirisophus, at 
 other times, when the order was passed, halted, but on one 
 occasion he did not halt, but hurried on rapidly, and passed 
 the word.to follow ; so that it was manifest that there was some- 
 thing extraordinary ; but there was no time to go forward 
 and ascertain the cause of the haste ; and the march of the 
 rear-guard became like a flight. 18. On this occasion- a braste 
 soldier, Oleonymus a Lacedaemonian, met his death, being shot 
 with an arrow in the side through his shield and corslet ;° and 
 also Basias, an Aieadian, shot right through the head. 
 
 19. When they arrived at the place of encampment, Xeno- 
 
 ' n^l^j' ei rig TL IjiXtipev, k. t. /..] " Except if any one concealed any 
 thing, either beveting a youth or woman of the handsome ones." ' 
 2 T^f oTroTUidof,'] See note on iii. 3. 20. 
 
CHAP. I. THEIR PROGRESS STILL OBSTRUCTED. 109 
 
 phon immediately proceeded, just as he was, to Cteirisophus, 
 and blamed him for not having halted, as the men had been 
 compelled to flee and fight at the same time. " Two honor- 
 able and brave soldiers," said he, " have now been killed, and 
 ■fre have been unable either to carry oiF their bodies or bury 
 them." 20. To this remark Cheirisophus answered, " Cast 
 your eyes upon those mountains, and observe how impassable 
 they all are. The only road which you see is steep ; and 
 close upon it you may perceive a great multitude of men, who, 
 having occupied the pass, keep guard at it. 21. For these 
 reasons I hastened on, and therefore did not wait for you, to 
 try if I could get the start of the enemy before the pass was 
 seized ; and the guides whom we have say that there is no other 
 road." 22. Xenophon rejoined, " I have two prisoners ; for 
 when the enemy molested us, we placed an ambush, which 
 enabled us to recover breath, and killed some of them ; and 
 
 i we were also anxious to take some alive for this very purpose, 
 that we might use them, as being well acquainted with the 
 country, for guides." 
 
 23.' Immediately after, bringing forward the two men, they 
 inquired of them separately whether ihey knew of any other 
 road than that which was open to their niew. The one denied 
 that he knew of any other, though many^ threats were held out 
 to him ; and as he would give no useful information, he was put 
 to death in sight of the other. 24. The survivor said that the 
 other had denied any knowledge of a road, because he had a 
 daughter there married to soraebody, but stated that he him- 
 self would Jead them by a road that might be passed even by 
 beasts of burden. 25. Being then asked if there was any spot 
 in it diflScult to be passed, he replied that there was one height, 
 and that unless a party secured it beforehand, it would be im- 
 possible for them to pass. 26. Upon this it was thought proper 
 to call together the captains, bofli of the peltasts and^ of the^ 
 heavy-armed men,' and to acquaint them with the prospect of 
 affairs, and ask whether any of them was willing to prove 
 himself a man of valor, and engage to go on this service as a 
 volunteer. 27. Of the heavy-armed, Aristonymus of Methy- 
 drium, and Agasias of Stymphalus, both Arcadians, offered 
 
 • Aojfflyotff Kol jreXratrraf Kal tuv dTtXiTov.] H. e. Geniuriones et ex 
 peUastis et ex militibus gra/ais armatwrce. Kiihner. JleXraaTiis is to be 
 taken as an epithet; compare yv/ivriTuv ra^iapx^v, sect 28. 
 
no THE EXPEDITION OF CTETTS. book it. 
 
 themselves; and Callimachus of Parrhasia, also an Arcadian, 
 disputed the honor wi^ them, and said that he himself was 
 eager to go, taking with him volunteers from the whole army; 
 " for I am sure," said he, " that many of the young men will 
 follow if I take the lead." 28. They then asked if any of the 
 oflScers of the light-armed troops were willing to join in the 
 attempt; and Aristeas of Chios presented himself, a man 
 who had often proved himself of great value to the army for 
 similar services. 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 One of the prisaners ia forced to guide them to on emmenoe, from ■which 
 they dislodge the Cardnchi. - But they are still harassed, and the tern 
 suffers severely. 
 
 1. It was now afternoon, and' the generals' desired 'the 
 party to take some refreshment and set forward. Hav- 
 ing bound the guide, they put him into their handsj'iand 
 arranged with them that, if they should gain the summit, 
 they should keep guard at that post- during the night, and 'give 
 a signal by trumpet at break of day, and that thosei on the 
 height should then charge the enemy in possession of the 
 apparent egress," and those below should issue forth and come 
 in a body to their assistance as soon as they were able. 
 
 2. When they had made this arrangement, the party set 
 out, being in number about two thousand; and there was 
 heavy rain at the time. Xenophon, taking the rear-guard, 
 led them toward the apparent egress, in order that the enemy 
 might turn their attention in that direction, and that those 
 who were going round might as much as possible escape no- 
 tice. 3. But when the rear-guard came to a ravine, which 
 they had to pass to gain the ascent, the Barbarians then rolled 
 down masses of- rock," each big enough to load a wagon, with 
 
 ' Xenophon and Cheiriaoplms. KiiTmer. 
 
 2 T^v (pavepHv iKBaaiv.} Xenophon calls the passage to the top of the 
 mountain an iniaait, or egress, with reference to the Greeks, to whom 
 it was a way of escape from a disagreeable position. Kiilmer ad c. 8. 20. 
 The same words are repeated by I^nophon in the next sect. 
 
 3 'OAoirpo;i;ouf.] A word borrowed from Homer, signifying properly 
 
CHAP. u. THE CAEDtrOHI PUT TO FLIGHT. Ill 
 
 other stones greater and smaller, •wliicli,! striking in their de- 
 scent against the rocks, were hurled abroad in all directions ;' 
 and it was utterly impossible even to approach the pass. 4. 
 Some of the captains, when they could not succeed in this 
 part, made attempts in another, and continued their efforts 
 till darkness came on. When they thought that they might 
 retire unobserved, they went to get their supper ; for the 
 rear-guard had been dinnerless that day. The enemy, how- 
 ever, being evidently in fear, continued to roll down stones 
 through the whole of the night, as it was easy to conjecture 
 from the noise. 5. Those, meanwhile, who had the guide, 
 taMng a circuitous route, surprised a guard of the enemy 
 sitting round a fire, and, having killed some of them, and put 
 the rest to flight, remained on the spot, with the notion that 
 they were in possession of the summit. 6. But in possession 
 of it they were not ; for there was a small hill above them, 
 round which lay the narrow pass, at which the guard had 
 been posted. However, there was a way from thence to that 
 party of the enemy who were stationed at the open egress. T. 
 Here they remained during the night. 
 
 As soon as day began to dawn, they advanced in regular 
 order, and with silence, against the enemy ; and as there was 
 a mist, they came close upon them before they were per- 
 ceived. But when they caught sight of one another, the 
 trumpet sounded on the side of the Greeks, who, raising the 
 shout of battle, rushed upon the enemy. The Barbarians did 
 not stand their charge, but quitted the pass and fled;_ only a 
 few of them were killed, for they were active iiii. moving off. 
 8. At the same time the party of Cheifisophus, hearing the 
 sound of the trumpet, marched immediately up the plain 
 track ; while others of the officers proceeded by. untrodden 
 paths, where each happened to be, and, climbing up as well 
 as they could, drew up one another with their spears ; 9. and 
 these were the first to join those who had secured the position. 
 Xenophon, with the half of the rear-guard, went up by the 
 
 a round stone Jit for rolUng, or a stone thai has been made round ly rolling, 
 as a pebble In the sea. It was originally an adjective, with irerpog 
 understood. Most critics suppose it to be from 8/lof and rpexu, totits 
 teres atque rotimdus. Liddell and Scott derive it from eiXu, voloo. See 
 Theocr. xxii. 49. 
 
 ■ ALea(pevdovuvTo.'] " Shivered in -pieces, and flew about as if hurled 
 My a sling." 
 
112 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. book iv. 
 
 same way 3s those who had the guide ; for it was the most 
 practicable for the baggage-cattle ; the other half he ordered to 
 come up behind the cattle. 10. In their way they came to a hill 
 overhanging the road, which was occupied by the enemy, 
 whom tney must either dislodge or be separated from the rest 
 of the Greeks. The men thefliselves, indeed, might have gone 
 the same way as the rest of the army, but the baggage-eattle 
 could ascend by no other route than this. 11. Encpuraging 
 one another, therefore, they made an attack upon the hiU in 
 files,' not on every side, but leaving a way of • escape for the 
 enemy, if they should be inclined to flee. 12. For a while, 
 as they were making their way as each best could, the Bar- 
 barians shot arrows and threw stones at them, but did not 
 receive them in close encounter, and at last abandoned the 
 place entirely. _ 
 
 The Greeks had no sooner passed the hill, than they caught 
 sight of another before them occupied also by the enemy. 
 Upon this hill it was Tesolved Ukewise to make an assault. 
 13. But Xenophon, apprehending that, if he left the hill 
 which they had taken unguarded, the enemy, recovering it, 
 might attack the baggage-cattle as they were passing (for the 
 train of baggage-oattte reached a great distance, as they were 
 marching al6ng a narrow path), 1^ upon the hiU the captains 
 Cephisodorus the son of Cephisophon, an Athenian, Amphi- 
 crates the son of Amphidemus, an Athenian, and Archagoras, 
 an exile from Argos, while he himself, with the others, directed 
 his march upon the second hill, which they also captured in a 
 similar manner. 14. However, there was still a third hill left 
 for them to take, which was by far the steepest of the whole; 
 this was an eminence that overhung the post where the guard 
 was surprised in the night by the volunteers. 15. But as the 
 Greeks came up, the Barbarians deserted the hill without 
 attempting any defense, so that all were surprised, and sus- 
 JiBoted that they had left their position from fear of being "sur- 
 rbunded and besieged in it. But the truth was, that havingob- 
 
 1 •Ofrdioic roli ^oxotg.] Bach Tmxoc or company marching in file or 
 oolnmn, so that the depth of the T^oxo; was equal to the number of 
 soldiers of which it consisted. Stwrz. This is the interpretation adopted 
 by Kiihner. Tet it would be hard to prove that opiJiof Xoxos always 
 meant smgkfile; the term seems to have included any form erf a com- 
 pany in which the number x)f men in depth exceeded the number in 
 front. 
 
OHAP. n. THE aEEEKS STILL HARASSED. 113 
 
 served from the eminence what had passed behind, they all 
 went off with the intentioa of attacking the rear. 
 
 16. Xenophon, with the youngest of his men, ascended to 
 the top, and ordered the rest to march on slowly, so that the 
 companies in the rear might join them ; and he directed them, 
 after proceeding some distance, to halt imder arms, on a level 
 piece of ground. 17. At this juncture Aristagoras the Argive 
 came neeing from the enemy, and said that the Greeks were 
 driven from the first hill, and that Cephisodorus, and Amphi- 
 crates, and all the rest, who had not leaped from the rock, and 
 joined the rear-guard, had been killed. 18.. The Barbarians, 
 after this success, appeared upon an eminence opposite the 
 third hill, and Xenophon began to treat with them, through 
 an interpreter, about making a truce, and called upon them 
 to give up the dead. 19. They replied, that they would give 
 them up on condition that he would not bum their villages. 
 To this Xenophon agreed. But while the rest of the army 
 was passing on, and these were discussing the terms of a 
 truce, all the Barbarians from that part of the country had 
 flocked together. Here the enemy made a stand; 20. and 
 when Xenophon's party began to descend the hill, to join the 
 others where the heavy-armed troops were drawn up,' they 
 came forward in great numbers and with loud shouts. When 
 they had reached the top of the hill from which Xenophon 
 was descending, they roUed down stones, and broke the leg 
 of one man ; and Xenophon's shield-bearer deserted him, 
 carrying off his shield, 21. but Eurylochus, and Arcadian from 
 Lusia," a heavy-armed soldier, ran to his support, and went 
 on holding his shield before them both ; and the rest went to 
 join those who were already drawn up. 
 
 22. The entire Grecian force was now together, and took 
 up their quarters in a number of good houses, and in the 
 midst of abundance of privisions. Wine was so abundant, 
 that - they kept it in excavations under ground, which were 
 plastered over.' 23. Xenophon and Cheirisophus now made 
 
 • T(J SvrAo SicetvTO.] See Bsot. 16. The heavy-armed men had halted 
 on the level piece of ground, and their arms were lying by them. See 
 Kuhner ad. i. 5. 14. 
 
 ' A small, town of Arcadia, to the north-west of Olitor. 
 
 ' 'Ev ^uKKoic icm'tarolg.] The Athenians and other Greeks used to 
 make large eioavationa under ground, some round, some square, and, 
 
114 THE EXPEDITION OB" CTRTJS. BOOK it. 
 
 an agreement -with the enemy, that on receiving the -dead 
 bodies they should give up the guide ; and they performed all 
 filiieral rites for the deceased, as far as they could, according 
 to what is usually done at the interment of brave men. 
 24. The next day they proceeded without a guide ; and the 
 enemy, sometimes by skirmishing, and sometimes, where there 
 was a narrow pass, by , pre-oocupying it, endeavored to 
 obstruct their progress. 25. "Wbeneveir therefore th*ey im- 
 peded the front, Xenopbon, ascending the hills from the rear, 
 endeavored to break through the opposition made in that 
 quarter, trying always to reach higher ground than the ob- 
 structing enemy ; 26. and when they assailed the rear, Chei- 
 risophus, quitting. his place, and striving also to get above 
 the enemy, removed the obstruction that was offered to the 
 passage of that part of the army. Thus they relieved and 
 supported each other with effect. 27. Sometimes, too, when 
 the Greeks had ascended eminences, the Barbarians gave 
 them great annoyance in their descent; and, as they were 
 nimble, they could escape, though they had but a very, short 
 start of us ;' for they were encumbered with no other weapons 
 than bows and slings. 28. As archers they were very expert, 
 and had bows nearly three cubits long, and arrows above two 
 cubits; and they drew the string, whenever they disoh^ged 
 their arrows, advancing the left foot^ against the lower ex- 
 tremity of the bow. Their arrows penetrated through shields 
 
 coTering them over with plaster, laid up their wi&e and oil in them ; 
 they called them Xukkoi. SohoL ad Aristoph. Eod., cited by Hutchia- 
 Bon. Spelman translates Tmkkoi Koviaroi, "plastered cistemB," a term 
 which Aiusworth adopts. "The plastered cisterns noticed by Xeno- 
 pioB," says he, "are also met with throughout Kurdistan, Armenia, 
 and Syria. They are especially numerous around some of the ancient 
 villages of the early Christians of those countries, as more eapeeiaiUy b^ 
 tween Semeis^t and Bireh-jik, and have frequemtly been a subjeet of 
 diecusaiou as tiieir former uses. This notice of Xenopbon -serves to clear 
 up many doubts upon the subject, although, since the Kurds have be- 
 come Mohammedans, and rejected the use of wine, there is no doubt they 
 are sometimes used for depots for com or hay, and even sometimes for 
 water. They were generally closed by a single large stone." Trmda in 
 the Track, etc., p. 164. 
 
 1 'Eyyi^tv ^rfyowrcf.] " Fleeing from near," i. e. when they were at 
 no great distance before us. 
 
 ^ Tip ApiaTcptj). TtoSl npoaiaivovTE^.I AH the manuscripts- have 
 arpoBrnvovTBC : iTpoaBaivJ>VTec is a conjecture of Wesseling ad Diod. Sic 
 
OHAP. in. ARRIVAL AT THE RIVEE CENTRITES. ng 
 
 and corslets ; and the Greeks, taking them up, made use of 
 them as javelins, fixing thongs to them.' In these parts the 
 Cretans were of the greatest service. Stratocles, a Cretan, had 
 the command of them. 
 
 CHAPTER m. 
 
 Tlio Qroeks arrive at the river Centrites, wWoli divides. the Carduohi from 
 Armenia. TKey see the Persians drawn up on the opposite bank, whilft 
 the Carduohi threaten their rear, They are encouraged hy a dream of 
 XcDophon's to try a ford^ and eifect a ame passage across the stream, 
 
 1. This day the Greeks abode, in the villages above the 
 plain near the river Centrites, the breadth of which is about 
 two hundred feet, and which forms the boundary between 
 Armenia and the territory of the Carduchi. Here tbey took 
 some rest, being glad to see a piece of level country. The 
 river is distant from the mountains of the Carduchi about six 
 or seven stadia. 2. It was with great satisfaction that they 
 stayed here, as they had a sufficiency of provisions, aud were 
 frequently reflecting on the difficulties that were past, for, 
 durmg seven days that they had been marching, among the 
 Carduchi, they had been constantly fighting, and had suffered 
 more evils than all those which they had endured from the 
 
 iii. 8, which all the recent editors have adopted, but by which it does 
 not appear that any thing is gained, as vpdc rd kutu tov to^ov precedes. 
 Spelman, who was himself an archer, has illustrated the passage very 
 clearly by a quotation from Arrian, Indie. 16 : " Resting one end of the 
 bow upon the ground, and stepping forward with the left foot.(T^ irodl 
 T^ dptoTepif) dvTiSuvTEf), they thus discharge the arrow, drawing the 
 string a long way back, the arrow being nearly three cubits long." See 
 also Diod. Sic. 1. c, where he speaks o£ the archery of the .Ethiopians ; 
 Strabo, xvi. p. 1111; Suidas in 'Apa&c, cited by 'Weiske. Schnei- 
 der and Halbkart, strangely enough, think that Xenophon is speaking 
 of crosa-bows, which few besides themselves have supposed to have been 
 known in Xenophon's time. 
 
 ' 'Evay/cTO/luvT-Ef.] "Pitting them with dyKv^ai.'' The dyKv^v is 
 generally supposed to be the same with the Latin amenhmi, a strap or 
 loop &stened to the middle of a javelin, or the shaft of a spear, that it 
 -night be hurled with the greater force. The writer of the article Ansa 
 in Smith's Diet, of G. and R. Ant., thinks, however, that the two were 
 not the same. 
 
lie THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. bookit. 
 
 king and Tissaphemes.' Having escaped from suoli hard- 
 ships, they gladly took repose. 
 
 3. At day-break, however, they perceived on the other side 
 of the river a body of cavalry, in complete armor, ready 
 to prevent them from crossing, and on the high banks above 
 the cavalry, another of foot prepared to hinder them from en- 
 tering Armenia. 4. These were Armenians, Mardians, and 
 Chaldseans, mercenary troops of Orontes and Artuchas." 
 The Chaldaeans were said to be a free people, and warlike ; 
 for arms they had long shields and spears. 5. The high 
 banks on which these forces were drawn up, were three ""or 
 four hundred feet from the river; and the only road that was 
 visible was one that led upwatd, apparently a work of art. 
 Here the Greeks endeavored to cross, 6. but as, on making 
 trial, the water rose above their breasts, and the bed of the 
 river was rough with large and slippery stones, and as it was 
 impossible for them to carry their arms into the water, or, if 
 they attempted to do so, the river swept them away (while, 
 if any of them took their arms on their heads, they became 
 exposed to the asrows and Dlier missiles of the enemy), they 
 in consequence retreated, and encamped at the side of the 
 river. 
 
 7. They now perceived the Carduchi assembled in great 
 numbers under arms on the spot where they themselves had 
 been on the previous night. Hence great despondency was 
 
 ' Tet " the Carduohian mountains," observes Eennell, "in effect pre- 
 sented an asylum to the Greeks, who could no other way have escaped, 
 at least, the reiterated attacks of such a host of enemies, whose number? 
 aiso were augmenting instead of diaaimahing. But as a Persian army 
 could not subsist, or their cavalry act, within the wide range of these 
 mountains, the Greeks, by ascending them, got rid of their dreaded 
 enemy. And although, in the mean time, thsy had to contend with an 
 enemy much more brave and persevering, their numbers wera fewer 
 and ttley might reasonably expect an earlier escape from them than from 
 the. Persians. Had they known that the Tigris was fordable under the 
 Zaoo hills, and passed into Mesopotamia, they would still have had the 
 Euphrates to cross, a yet more diffloult river, in the line which they 
 must have pursued. Therefore, according to our limited view of things, 
 it appears that nothing less ' than such a barrier as these mountains 
 presented, could have saved the Greeks from eventual destruction, 
 from, the attacks of the Persians." ICkMrations of (he Exro. of Gvms. 
 p. 173. , ■> 1- J a ^ 
 
 2 Orontes was satrap of Anneniaj jii. 5. 11; Axtuchas is nowhere else 
 mentioned. 
 
OUAP. m. ' A FORD DISCOVERED. 117 
 
 felt by the Greeks, as they knew the difficulty- of passing 
 the river, and saw the Carduchi ready to attack them if they 
 •attempted to cross. 8. This day, therefore, and the following 
 night, they remained where they were in great perplexity. 
 Xenophon however had a dream ; he thought that he was 
 bound in fetters, but that they fell off him of their own 
 accord, so that he was set' at liberty, and walked securely' 
 whithersoever he pleased. ■ 9. When the morning approached, 
 he went to Cheirisophus, told him that he had hopes that all 
 would be well, and related to him his dream. Cheirisophus 
 was much pleased, and, as soon as it was day, all the generals 
 who were present offered sacrifice, and the victims were 
 favorable, at the very first. As soon as they left the place of 
 sacrifice, the gemerals and captains gave directions to the 
 troops to take their breakfast • 
 
 10. While Xenophon was at breakfast, two young men, 
 came running up to him, for every one knew that it was 
 allowable to approach bim whether breakfasting or supping 
 and to wake him and speak to him even when asleep, if they 
 had any thing to tell of affairs relating to the war. 11. The 
 youths informed him that they had been gathering sticks for 
 their fire, and had chanced to see, on the opposite side of the 
 river, among the rocks that reached down to the stream itself, 
 an old man, a wonjan, and some girls, depositing in a cavern- 
 ous rock what appeared to be bags of clothes ; 12. that when 
 they saw this, they thought it would be safe to cross, as the 
 ground at that point was inaccessible to the enemy's horse ; 
 that having taken off their clothes, and taken; their daggers in 
 their hands, they went over undressed, in expectation of hav- 
 ing to swim, but that, as they went on, they reached the other 
 side before they were wet to the middle, and, having thus 
 forded the stream, and taken the clothes, they came back 
 again. 13. Xenophon immediately therefore made a Hbation, 
 and ordered the young men to join in it," and to pray to the 
 
 ' AtaBatvew.l " Ingredi, pedem proferre." Kuhner. His fetters being 
 removed, he was able to put hia legs apart, and walli vnih siaMlity ; aa 
 is indicated, saya "Weiske, by the preposition 6id. 
 
 2 ^Kyxslv.'] This passage is commonly taken thus : ixiTieve rolg 
 vecaiidKoi^ kyxiiv, " he ordered the young men to pour (wine) into (the 
 cup for £hemselves)," for the purpose of making a libation. Kiihner, 
 however, makes it iKcleve {roi^ trepl airifii) iyxchi Tolg veaviaKoi;, 
 he ordered those about him (the attendants), to pour, into the oup 
 
118 THE EXPEDITION OF OTRTIS. book it. 
 
 gods who had sent tlie dream and pointed out the ford, to 
 complete what was wanting to their success. After the li- 
 bation, he at once conducted the youths to Oheirisophus, and* 
 to him they gartre the same account. Oheirisophus, on hear- 
 ing it, made a lihation also. 
 
 14. When the libation was over, they gave orders to the 
 soldiers to get their baggage ready; while they themselves, 
 calling the rest of the generals together, consulted with them 
 how they might cross the river to die best advantage, and how 
 tbey might defeat the enemy in front, and suffer no damage 
 from those in the rear. 15. It was then resolved that Oheiri- 
 sophus sboitld take the lead, a^d cross over with half of the 
 army, that the other half should stay behind with Xenophon, 
 and that the baggage-cattle and camp-followers should go 
 over between the two. 16. "When these matters were fairly 
 arranged, they began to move, the young men acting as 
 guides, and keeping the river on the left, the distance to the 
 ford being about four stadia. 17. As they proceeded, the 
 lines of the enemy's cavalry advanced abreast of them on the 
 opposite bank ; and when diey came to the ford, and the mar- 
 gin of the river, they halted, layteg down their arms ; and 
 men Oheirisophus himself, placing a chaptet upon his head",' 
 and laying aside his outer garments, took up his arms and 
 commanded the rest to follow his example, directing the' cap- 
 tains to lead their troops in files," some on his left hand and 
 some on his right. 18. The augurs at the same time, sacri- 
 ficed victims over the river ;' while the enemy plied their 
 bows and slings, but did not reach the Greeks. 19. As the 
 sacrifices appeared favorable, all the soldiers sung the psean 
 and raised a shout, and all the women (for there were a number 
 of the men's mistresses in the army) joined in the cry. 
 
 for tte yontig men. The former mode is the more simple, Ke2.€va 
 being BomBtimes found with the dative, and agrees better with what 
 
 follows. . ■ r - . 
 
 i 2Te(j>avo(!u/iEvoc.] According to the custom of the Lacedffimoniafls, 
 of which, Xenophon speaks de Eepub. Lacedsem. 13. 8 ; Hellen. iv. 2. 
 12 ; see also Plutarch, Lyourg. c. 22. Schneider. 
 
 2 ToOf "lioxwi ipiJi'owf.] See iv. 2. IJ. 
 
 8 'Eafayia^ovTo cjf rov ttotojuov.] Offering a sacrifice to the gods 
 inhabiting the river, as Alexander in the middle of the Hellespont sacri- 
 ficed a bun to Ueptune and the Nereids: gee Arrian, i. 11. 10, cited by 
 Hutchinson. " They Blew the animals so as to allow the blood to flow 
 into the river." Poppo. 
 
CHAP. ni. PASS ACE OP THE OENTEITES. Hg 
 
 20. Cheirisophus and his men then entered, the stream ; and 
 Xenophon, taking the most active of the rear-guard, marched 
 at full speed back to the ford' opposite the outlet into the 
 mountains of Armenia, making a feint that he meant to cross 
 the river there, and thus cut off the cavalry that were on the 
 bank ; 21. when the enemy, seeing Cheirisophus and his men 
 crossing over with ease, and Xenophon and his party hurry- 
 ing back, were afraid of being intercepted, and fled with pre- 
 cipitation to gain the outlet that led up from the river, and as 
 soon as they came to that passage, they directed their course 
 up into the mountains. 22. Lyoius, who had the command of 
 the troop of horse, and ^Eschines, who commanded the band of 
 peltasts attending on Cheirisophus, seeing the enemy retreating 
 with so much haste, set off in pursuit of them ; and the 
 rest of the soldiers called to each other not to stay behind,' 
 but to go along with them up the mountains. 23. But Cheiri- 
 sophus, when he had crossed the river, did not follow the 
 cavalry, but made his way up the high banks that reached 
 down to the river, to attack that portion of the enemy that 
 were on the more elevated ground.' This party on- the 
 heights, however, seeing their cavalry take to flight, aban- 
 doned their commanding position above the stream. 
 
 24. Xenophon, when he saw that all was going well on the 
 other side, returned with all possible speed to join that part of 
 the army which was crossing over; for the Carduchi were 
 evidently descending into the plain, with the view of falling 
 upon the rear. 25. Cheirisophus was now in possession of 
 the heights, and Lycius, who, with his small party, had pro- 
 ceeded in pursuit of the enemy, had captured some of their 
 baggage that they had left behind, and among it some rich 
 garments and drinking-cups. 26. The baggage and camp- 
 followers of the Greeks were still in the act of crossi^g ; and 
 Xenophon, turning toward the Carduchi, halted under arms 
 over against them, and ordered the captains to form each his 
 own company into divisions of five and twenty men, bringing 
 round each division in line* toward the left ; and he directed 
 
 1 Tdv ir6pov.'\ The ford mentioned in sect. 5, 6. 
 
 2 Behind the enemy. Kuhner. Or behind the oavaky that were pur- 
 suing the enemy. 
 
 • Those mentioned in sect. 3. 
 
 3 'Eiri ^d'kayyoi.'] This disposition of a company was in opposition to 
 
120 THE EXPEDITION OF CTEUS. BOOK it. 
 
 both the captains, and the officers of the divisions of five and 
 twemty, to advance facing the Carduchi, and the rearmost to 
 halt facing th^ river. 
 
 27. The, Carduchi, when they observed that the rear-guard 
 of the oamp-foUowers was diminished in nimiber, and that 
 they seemed now indeed to be but few, advanced at a quicker 
 pace, singing at the same time certain songs. Cheirisophus, 
 when he saw that all was safe on his own side, sent the pel- 
 tasts, and the slingers and archers, to Xenophon, desiring 
 them to do whatsoever he should direct. 28. Xeiiophon, see^ 
 ing them beginning to cross, sent a messenger to desire^hat 
 they should remain by the river where they were, witiiout 
 crossing, and that, when his own party should begin to cross, 
 they should come forward in the water on each side opposite! to 
 him, the javelin-men holding their weapons by the thong,' 
 and the archers with their arrows on the string, as if with 
 the intentioti of crossing over, but not to advance far intcTthe 
 river. 29. His own men he ordered, as soon as a sling should 
 reach them and a shield should ring," to raise the peean and 
 rush toward the enemy; and he directed that when* the 
 enemy should take to flight, and the trumpeter should sound 
 the signal of attack' from the river, the rear should wheel to 
 the right and take the lead, and that they should then all run . 
 forward as fast as possible, and cross over at the part where 
 each happened to be stationed, so as not to impede one 
 another; telling them that he would be, the best man who 
 should first reach the opposite side. 30. The Carduchi, see- 
 ing that those who were left were but few (for many even of 
 those who had been ordered to stay had gone away^ some to 
 take care of the cattle, some of their baggage, and • others of 
 
 2.6x01 op;&i6i, (iv. 2. H): seeo. 8, sect. 10. The expression M <jid?iayyos, 
 says Kiihner, proiJerly means for a phalanx, or so that a phakmd (or acies) 
 might be formed. ' - 
 
 1. AtiyyiroAtj/jevouf.] The verb 6niyKvXova^ai is rightly interpreted 
 by HpSychiqa rb tuetpai ToOf ianTv^ovQ t^ uyKvXij (h. e. amento) Toii 
 dfcovriov. Stwz, The following &in6e6?i7jfisvovg must be similarly ex- 
 plained. 
 
 ' 'Affffif ^005.] From the enemy's missiles striking upon it. Kuhner. 
 Hutchinson, Weiske, and Zeune think that a clashing of ^elds on the 
 part of the Greeks is meant', preparatory to an onset ; but, without doubt, 
 erroneously. 
 
 ' Or, somd a chwye. The design of it was to precipitate the enemy's 
 flight. Compare sect. 32. 
 
CHAP. IV. AEMEXIA: SOURCES OF THE TIGRIS. 121 
 
 their mistresses), began, in consequence, to press forward 
 boldly, and to use tbeir slings and bows. 31. The Greeks 
 then sang the ptean, and rushed upon them at full speed ; and 
 the Barbarians did not stand their charge ; for though they 
 were well enough equipped for a sudden onset and retreat 
 upon the mountains, they were by no means suflSciently armed 
 to receive an enemy hand to hand. At this juncture the 
 trumpeter sounded, 32. when the enemy fled still faster, and 
 the Greeks, turning in . the opposite direction, made their way 
 over the river with all possible speed. 33. Some of the 
 enemy, perceiving this movement, ran back to the river, and 
 wounded a few of our men with their arrows ; but the greater 
 number of them, even when the Greeks were on the other 
 side, were observed to continue their flight. 34. The troops, 
 meanwhile, that came to meet Xenophon, being carried away 
 by their courage, and advancing too far, repassed the river in 
 the rear of Xenophon's men; and some of these also were 
 wounded. 
 
 CHAPTER rV. 
 
 The Greeks enter Armenia, pasa the sources of the Tigris, and arriTe at the 
 Teleboas. They make a treatj; with Tiribazus, the governor of the prov- 
 ince, and discover his insincerity. 
 
 1. When they had crossed, and had ranged themselves in 
 order about noon, they proceeded through the country of Ar- 
 menia, consisting wholly of plains and gently sloping hills, a 
 distance of not less than five parasangs ; for there were no 
 villages near the river, in consequence of the hostilities with 
 the Carduchi. 2. The village, however, at which they at length 
 arrived, was of considerable size, and contained a palace for the 
 satrap ;' upon most of the houses there were towers, and provi- 
 sions were in great plenty. 
 
 3. Hence they proceeded, two day's journey, a distance of 
 ten parasangs, until they passed round the sources of ihe river 
 Tigris. From hence they advanced, three ('ays' journey, fif- 
 
 1 Orontea: iii. 5. 17; 4 3. 4. He was the satrap, as Kriiger thinks, 
 of Eastern Armenia; Tiribazus being called satrap of 'Westem Armenia, 
 sect. 4 
 
 VOL. I. 6 
 
122 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRXTS, book it. 
 
 teen parasangs, to the river Teleboas^ a stream not large, in- 
 deed, but of much beauty ; and there were many villages on 
 its banks, 4. This part of the country was called Western 
 Armenia. The deputy-governor of it was Tiribazus, who was 
 an intimate friend of the Mng; and no one else, when he was 
 present, assisted the ting to mount his horse. 5. He now 
 rode up with a body of cavalry, and sending forward an inter- 
 preter, said that he wished to speat with the commanders. 
 The generals thought proper to hear what he had to say, and 
 advancing within tearing, asked what he Wanted. 6. He re- 
 plied, that he wished to make a treaty with them, on the, condi- 
 tions that he himself should not hurt the Greeks, and that the 
 Greeks should not burn the houses, but should be at liberty to 
 take such provisions as they required. This proposal was 
 agreeable to the generals, and they concluded a treaty upon 
 these terms. 
 
 7. Hence they proceeded, three days' march, a distance of 
 fiftefen parasangs, through a plain; and Tiribazus followed 
 them with his troops, keeping at a distance of about ten 
 stadia. They then came to a palace,' with several villages 
 around it stored with abundance of provisions. 8. While 
 they were encamped, there fell a great quantity of snow* in 
 
 1 Ttipffcff .] Apparently intended for a sort of defenses, should the peo- 
 pie be attacked bjr-any of their neighbors. Compare v. 2. 5. 
 
 ' Ko/ldf /iJ*, fieyag d' ov.] I have, with Bomemann and P&ppo, re- 
 stored this reading, in which all the manuscripts concur. Mureftis, 
 from Demetrius Phalereus, sect. 6 and 121, has given /j.eyag iiiv ov, KoKb; 
 Se, and Hutchinson and all other editors down to Bornetnann have 
 followed him. It can not be denied that this is the usual order in such 
 phrases : as in iv. 8. 2 ; vi. 4. 20 ; but passages are not wanting in which 
 the contrary order is observed; see iv. 6. 2. Kulmer. As the piece 
 attributed to Demetrius Phalereus is not genume, little attention need be 
 paid to it. 
 
 " It would seem to have been the palace of Tiribazus, as the one men- 
 tioned in sect. 2 was that of Orontes. Schneider. 
 
 4 See Diod. Sic. xiv. 28.] Ainsworth speaks of the cold in the nights 
 on these Armenian uplands, p. IT3. " When Lucullua, in his expe- 
 . ditjon against Mithridates, marched through Armenia, his army suffered 
 as much by the frost and snow as the Greeks under Xenc^hon ; and, 
 when Alexander Severus returned through this country many of 
 his men lost their hands and feet through excessive cold. 'TouTnefOtt. 
 also complains that at Erzeroum, though situated in a plain, his fingers 
 were so benumbed with cold, that he could not write tiU, an hour 
 after sunrise. (See Plutarch in LuculL, and Zonaras's Annaki" 
 Spdman. 
 
CHAP. IV. GREAT FALL OP SNOW. 123 
 
 the night ; and in the morning it was thought advisable that 
 the companies and officers should take up their quarters in 
 the neighboring villages ; for they perceived no enemy, and 
 it appeared to be safe on account of the quantity of the snow.' 
 9. Here they found all kinds of excellent provisions, cattle, corn, 
 old wines of great fragrance, dried grapes, and vegetables of all 
 kinds. 
 
 Some of the soldiers, however, who had strolled away from 
 the camp, brought word that they had caught sight of an army, 
 and that many fires had been visible during the night. 10. 
 The generals thought it unsafe, therefore, for the troops to 
 quarter apart, and resolved to bring the whole army together 
 again. ' They accordingly assembled, for it seemed to be clear- 
 ing up." 11. But as they were passing the night here, there 
 fell a vast quantity of snow, so that it covered both the arms 
 and the men as they lay on the ground. The snow cramped / 
 the baggage-cattle, and they were very reluctant to rise ; for, 
 as they lay, the snow that had fallen upon them served to 
 keep them warm, when it had not dropped off. 12. But when 
 Xenophon was hardy enough to rise without his outer gar- 
 ment, and to cleave wood, some one else then rose, and, taMng 
 the wood from him, cleft it himself. Soon after, the rest got 
 up, and lighted fires and anointed themselves ; 13. for abund- 
 ance of ointment was found there, made of hog's-lard, sesamum,' 
 bitter almonds, and turpentine, which they used instead of 
 oO. Of the same materials also an odoriferous ungent was 
 found. 
 
 14. After this it was resolved to quarter again throughout 
 
 ' There being no cause to apprehend the approach of an enemy during 
 such deep snow. 
 
 2 Aiaidptu^etv.l The commentators rightly interpret this word dissere- 
 nascere, "to dear up." KUhner ; who, however, prefers avvaidpid^eiv, 
 for which there is good ■ manuscript authority. He translates it, with 
 Bomemann, simid disserenascere, " to clear up at the same time ;" so that 
 the one word has Uttle advantage over the other. Sturz disapproves of 
 the interpretation disserenascere, and would have both verbs to signify 
 sub dio agere, " to bivouac in the open air ;" but the other sense appears 
 preferable. 
 
 8 See note on i. 2. 22. Oil made of sesamum, or sesama, is mention/- 
 ed, says Kiihner, by Plin. H. N, xiii. 1, xviil 10 ; Q. Curt. vii. 4. 23 ; 
 Dioscorid. 2. 119—121: Theophrast. de Odoribus, p. 131, ed. Sohneid.; 
 Salmas. Ezercit. Plin. p. T27; luterp. ad Aristoph. Pao. 865. 
 
124 THE EXPEDITION OP OTRUS. book iv. 
 
 the villages, under shelter ; and the soldiers went off with 
 great shouting and delight to the cottages and provisions. 
 Those who had set fire to the houses, when they quitted them 
 before, paid the penalty of having to encamp uncomfortably in 
 the open air. 15. Hence they dispatched in the night De- 
 mocrates of Temenos, giving him a detachment of men, to the 
 hills where the stragglers said that they had seen the fires ; they 
 selected him because he was thought on several former occasions 
 to have brought exact information concerning such matters, 
 reporting what was, just as it appeared, and what was not, as 
 not existing. 16. Having gone, he said that he saw no foes, 
 but he brought with him a captive that he had taken, haying 
 a Persian bow and quiver, and a short battle-ax, such as the 
 Amazons have. 17. Being asked of what country he was, he 
 said that he was a Persian, and that he was going from the 
 army of Tiribazus to get provisions. They then asked him 
 how large the army was, and for what purpose it was assem- 
 bled. 18. He said that Tiribazus had his own troops,,' and 
 some mercenaries from the Chalybes and Taochians ; and; that 
 he was prepared to attack the Greeks in their passage over the 
 mountains, at a narrow defile through which lay their only 
 road. 
 
 19. The generals, on hearing this, resolved to collect the 
 army, and, leaving a guard, with So^isenetus the Stymphalian 
 as commander over those who'CsliI3) behind, proceeded to 
 march without delay, taking the man who had been captured 
 for their guide. 20. After they had passed the mountains, 
 the peltasts, who went before the rest, and were the first to 
 discover the enemy's camp, did not wait for the heavy-armed 
 men, but ran forward with a shout to attack it. 21. The 
 Barbarians, hearing the noise, did not stand their grormd, but 
 fled; some of them however were killed, and about twenty 
 horses taken, as was also the tent of Tiribazus, and in it some 
 couches with silver feet, and drinking-cups, and some prison- 
 ers, who said that they were bakers and cup-bearers. 22. 
 When the officers of the heavy-armed troops heard what had 
 taken place, they resolved upon marching back as fast as possi- 
 ble to their own camp, lest any attempt should be made on those 
 who had been left there. Calling in the men immediately, 
 therefore, by sound of trumpet, they returned to the camp the 
 same day. 
 
OHAP. V. MARCH THROITGH A DESERT COTTNTRT. 125 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Greeks maroli throngh an uninliabited tract of country, suffering great- 
 ly from cold windS; snow, and want of provisions. At length, they react 
 some ■well-stored villages, where they rest seven days. 
 
 1. The next day it was thouglit , necessary to march away 
 as fast as possible, before the enemy's force should be re- 
 assembled, and get possession of the pass. Collecting their 
 baggage at once, therefore, they set forward through a deep 
 snow, taking with them several guides ; and, having the same 
 day passed the height on which Tiribazus had intended to at- 
 tack them, they encamped. 2. Hence they proceeded three 
 days' journey through a desert tract of country, a distance of 
 fifteen parasangs,' to the river Euphrates, and passed it with- 
 out being wet higher than the middle. The sources of the 
 river were said not to be far off. 3. From hence they ad- 
 vanced three days' march, through much snow and a level 
 plain, a distance of fifteen parasangs ; the third day's march 
 was extremely troublesome, as the north wind blew full in 
 their faces, completely parching up every thing and benumb- 
 ing the men. 4. One of the augurs, in consequence, advised 
 that they should sacrifice to the wind ; and a sacrifice was 
 accordingly offered ; when the vehemence of the wind ap- 
 peared to every one manifestly to abate. The depth of the 
 snow was a. fathom ;'' so that many of the baggage cattle and 
 slaves perished with about thirty of the soldiers. 5. They 
 continued to burn fires through the whole night, for there 
 was plenty of wood at the place of encampment. But those 
 who came up late could get no wood ; those therefore who 
 had arrived before, .and hsul kindled fires, would not admit 
 the late comers to the fire unless they gave them a share of 
 the corn or other provisions that they had brought. , 6. Thus 
 they shared with each other what they respectively had. In 
 the places where the fires were made, as the snow melted, there 
 
 ' Rennell, p. 214, and Kinneir, p. 485, think this distance too great for 
 troops marching through deep snow. Xlevre occurs in one manuscript, 
 and Kiihner has admitted it into his text. 
 
 " 'Opyvul] A great depth. We can not suppose the snow to have 
 been of that depth every where. None of the commentators make any 
 remark. 
 
126 THE EXPEDITION OF CTRTTS. book iv. 
 
 were formed large pits that readied down to the ground ; and 
 \ here there was accordingly opportunity to measure the depth 
 ^ of the snow. 
 
 1. From hence they marched through snow the whole of 
 the following day, and many of the men contracted the buli- 
 mia} Xenophon, who commanded in the rear, finding in his 
 way such of the men as had fallen down with it, knew not 
 what disease it was. 8. But as one of those acquainted with 
 it, told him that they were evidently affected with bulimia, 
 and that they would get up if they had something to eat, he 
 went round among the baggage, and, wherever he saw any 
 thing eatable, he gave it out, and sent such as were able to 
 run to distribute it among those diseased, who, as soon as they 
 had eaten, rose up and continued their march. 9. As they 
 proceeded, Cheirisophus came, just as it grew dark, to a vil- 
 lage, and found, at a spring in front of the rampart, some 
 women and girls belonging to the place fetching water. 10. 
 The women asked them who they were ; and the interpreter 
 answered, in the Persian language, that they were people 
 going from the king to the satrap. They replied that he was 
 not there, but about a parasang off. However, as it was late, 
 they went with the water-carriers within the rampart, to the 
 hesid man of the village; 11. and here Cheirisophus, and as 
 many of the troops as could come up, encamped ; hut of the 
 rest, such as were unable to get to the end of the joume^, 
 spent the night on the way without food or fire ; and some of 
 the soldiers lost their lives on that occasion. 12. Some of the 
 enemy too, who had collected themselves into a body, pjirsued 
 our rear, and seized any of the baggage-cattle that were un- 
 able to proceed, fighting with one another for the possession 
 of them. Such of the soldiers, also, as had lost their sight 
 from the effects of the snow, or had had their toes mortified by 
 I the cold, were left behind. 13. It was found to be a relief to 
 \the eyes against the snow, if the soldiers kept something black 
 before them on the march, and to the feet, if they kept con- 
 stantly in motion, and allowed themselves no rest, and if they 
 
 ■ 'E^ov^A/uaaav.'] Spelman quotes a description of tlie fiovTiiftla or 
 PovTiL/ioi from Galen Med. Def., in which it is said to be " a disease in 
 ■which the patient frequently craves for food, loses the use of his limbs, 
 falls down, tvirns pale, feels his extremities become cold, his stomach 
 oppressed, and his pulse feeble." Here, however^ it seems to mean little 
 more than a faintness from long fasting. 
 
CHAP. T. SUFFERINGS FROM THE SNOW. 127 
 
 toot off their shoes in the night; 14. but as to such as slept 
 with their shoes on, the straps worked into their feet, and the \ 
 soles were frozen about them ; for when their old shoes had 
 feiiled them, shoes of raw hides had been made by the men 
 themselves from the newly-skinned oxen. 15. From such 
 unavoidable sufferings, some of the soldiers were left behind, 
 who, seeing a piece of ground of a black appearance, from the 
 snow having disappeared there, conjectured that it must have 
 melted ; and it had in feet melted in the spot from the cfifect 
 of a' fountain, which was sending up vapor in a woody hol- 
 low close at hand. Turning aside thither, they sat down and 
 refused to proceed further. 16. Xenophon, yho was with the 
 rear-guard, as soon as he heard this, tried to preivail on them 
 by every art and means not to be left behind, telling them, 
 at the same time, that the enemy were collected, and pursuing 
 them in great numbers. At last he grew angry ; and they 
 told him to kill them, as they were quite unable to go forward. 
 lY. He then thought it the best course to strike a terror, if 
 possible, into the enemy that were behind, lest they should 
 fall upon the exhausted soldiers. It was now dark, and the 
 enemy were advancing with a great noise, quarreling about 
 the booty that they had taken; 18. when such of the rear- 
 guard as were not disabled, started up, and rushed toward 
 them, while the tired men, shouting as loud as they could, 
 clashed their spears against their shields; The enemy, struck 
 with alarm, threw themselves among the snow into the 
 hollow, and no one of them afterward made themselves heard 
 from any quarter. 
 
 19. Xenophon, and those with him, telling the sick men that 
 a party should come to their relief next day, proceeded on 
 their march, but before they had gope four stadia, they found 
 other soldiers -resting by the way in the snow, and covered 
 up with it, no guard being stationed over them. They roused 
 them up, but they said that the head of the army was not 
 moving forward. 20. Xenophon, going past them, and send- 
 ing on some of the ablest of the peltasts, ordered them to ascer- 
 tain what it was that hindered their progress. They brought 
 word that the whole army was in that manner taking rest. 
 21. Xenophon and his men, therefore, stationing such a guard 
 as they could, took up their quarters there •ndthoiit fire or 
 supper. "WTien it was near day, he sent the youngpst tA Ws 
 
128 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. book rv. 
 
 men to the sick, telling them to rouse them and oblige them 
 to proceed. 22. At this juncture Cheirisophus sent some of 
 his people from the village to see how the rear were faring. 
 The young men were rejoiced to see them, and gave them the 
 Mck to conduct to the camp, while they themselves went for- 
 ward, and, before they had gone twenty stadia, found them- 
 selves at the village in which Cheirisophus was quartered. 
 23. When they came together, it was thought safe enough to 
 lodge the troops up and down in the villages. Cheirisophus 
 accordinofly remained where he was, and the other officers, 
 appropriating by lot the several villages that they had in sight, 
 went to their res^^ctive quarters with their men. 
 
 24. Here Polycrates, an Athenian captain, requested leave 
 of absence, and, taking with him the most active of his men, 
 and hastening to the village which Xenophon had been allot- 
 ted, surprised all- the villagers, and their head man, in their 
 houses, together -with seventeen' colts that were bred as a 
 tribute for the king, and the head man's daughter, who had 
 been but nine days married; her husband was gone out to 
 hunt hares, and was not found in any of the villages. 25. 
 Their houses were under ground, the entrance like the mouth 
 of a well, but spacious- below ; there were passages dug into 
 them for the cattle, but the people descended by ladders. , In 
 the houses were goats, sheep, cows, and fowls, with their 
 young; all the cattle were kept on fbdder within the walls.' 
 26. There was also wheat, barley, leguminous vegetables, and 
 
 ' That this number is corrupt is justly suspected by "Weiske, and 
 shown at some length by Krliger de Authent. p. 47. Bornemaan, in 
 his preface, p. xxiv., proposes iirj-ti Kal kKarov, a hundred and seven. 
 Strabo, xi. 14, says that the satrap of Armenia used to send annually to 
 the Jsing of Persia twenty thousand horses. Kiihner. Kriiger, 1. c , sug- 
 gests that Xenophon may have written S' two hundred, mstead of IZ' 
 seventeen. In sect. 35, we find Xenophoa taking some of these horses 
 himself and ^vi% one to each of the other generals and captains ; so 
 that the number must have been considerable. 
 
 " " This (Jeacription of a village on the Armenian uplands applies 
 itself to many that I visited in the present day. The descent by wells 
 is now rare, but is still to be met with; but in exposed'and elevated 
 situations, the houses are uniformly serai-subterraneous, and entered by 
 as s-nall an aperture as possible, to preveiit the cold getting in. Wliat- 
 ever is tha kind of cottage used, cows, sheep, goats, and fowls! partici- 
 pate with the famUy in the warmth and protection thereoC" Ainsvo. 
 Traxels, p. 178. 
 
CHAP. V. THE GREEKS ENTERTAINED. 129 
 
 barley-wiae,' in large bowls ; the grains of barley floated in it 
 even with the brims of the vessels, and reeds also lay in it, 
 some larger and some smaller, without joints ; 27. and these, 
 when any one was thirsty, he was to take in his mouth, and 
 suck.'' The liquor was very strong, unless one mixed water 
 with it, and a very pleasant drink to those accustomed to it. 
 
 28. Xenophon made the chief man of his village sup with 
 him, and told him to be of good courage, assuring him that 
 he should not be deprived of his children, and that they would 
 not go away without filling his house with provisions in re- 
 turn for what they took, if he would but prove himself the 
 author of some service to the army till they should reach 
 another tribe. 29. This he promised, and, to show his good- 
 will, pointed out where some wine' was buried. This 
 night, therefore, the soldiers rested in their several quarters 
 in the midst of great abundance, setting a guard over the 
 chief, and teeping his children at the same time under their 
 eye. 30. The following , day Xenophon took the head man 
 and went with him to Cheirisophus, and wherever he passed 
 by a village, he turned aside to visit those who were quarter- 
 ed in it, and found them in all parts feasting and enjoying 
 themselves ; nor would they any where let them go till they 
 had set refreshments before them; 31. and they placed every- 
 where npon the same table, lamb, kid pork, veal, and fowl, 
 with plenty of bread both of wheat and barley. 32. Whenever 
 any person, to pay a compliment, wished to drink to another, 
 he took him to the large bowl, where he had to stoop down 
 and drink, sucking like an ox. The chief they allowed to take 
 whatever he pleased, but he accepted nothing from them ; 
 where he found any of his relatives, however, he took them 
 with him. 
 
 ' Olvoc Kpi^tvo;.] Something like our beer. See Diod. Sio. i. 20, 34 ; 
 iv. 2 ; Athenseua, i. 14 ; Herod, il 11 ; Taoit. Germ. o. 23. " The Par- 
 ley- wine I never met with." Ainsw. p. 118. 
 
 ' The reeds were uaedf says Kriiger, that none of the grains of barley 
 might be taken into the mouth. 
 
 s Xenophon seems to mean grape-wme, rather than to refer to the 
 barley-wine just before mentioned, of-whioh the taste does not appear to 
 have been much liked by the Greeks. Wine from grapes was not made,' 
 it is probable, in these parts, on account of the cold, but Strabo speaks 
 of the oho; MompiTVi: of Armenia Minor as not inferior to any of the 
 Greek wines. Schneider. 
 
 «» 
 
130 THE EXPEDITION OF OTRUS. book iv. 
 
 83. When they came to Cheirisophus, they found his men 
 also feasting in meir quarters,' crowned with wreaths made of 
 hay, and Armenian boys, in their Barbarian dresses, waiting 
 upon them, to whom they made signs what they were to do as 
 if they had been deaf and dumb. 34. When Cheirisophus and 
 Xenophon had saluted one another, they both asked the chief 
 man, through the interpreter who spoke the Persian language, 
 what country it was. He replied that it was Armenia. They 
 then asked him for whom the horses were bred f and he said 
 that .they were a tribute for the king, and added that the neigte 
 boring country was that of Chalybes, and told them in what 
 direction the road lay. 35. Xenophon then went away, con- 
 ducting the chief back to his family, giving him th« horse that 
 he had taken, which was rather old, to fatten and offer in sac- 
 rifice (for he had heard that it had been consecrated to the sun), 
 being afraidj indeed, that it might die, as it had been injured by 
 the journey. He then took some of the young horses, and gave 
 one of them to each of the other generals and captains. 36. 
 The horses in this country were smaller than those of Persia, 
 but far more -spirited. The chief instructed the men to tie little 
 bags round the feet of the horses, and otlier cattle, when they 
 drove them through the snow, for without such bags they 
 sunk up to their bellies. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The Greeks leave the villages under conduct of a guide, who, on bejng 
 struck by Cheirisophus, deserts them. After wandering through the 
 country for seven days, they arrive at the Phasis, and in two days more 
 at some moTintains oooupied by the Phasianii Taotmi, and Chalybes, whom, 
 by skjllfol maneuvering, they dislodge. 
 
 1. When the eighth day was come, Xenophon committed 
 the guide to Cheirisophus. He left the chief all the members 
 
 • SKTivoCvrac.] Convivamies, epvlantes. Comp, v. 2. 9 ; vii. 3. 15. 
 Kikmer. Having no flowers or green herbs to make chaplets, which the 
 Greeks wore at feasts, they used hay. 
 
 2 This is rather oddly escpressed ; for the guide and the chief were 
 the same person. 
 
CHAP, vi ARRIVE AT THE PHASIS. 131 
 
 of his family, except his son, a youth just coming to mature 
 age ; him he gave in charge to Episthenes of Amphipolis, in 
 order that if the father should conduct them properly, ho 
 might return home with him. At the same time they carried 
 to his house as many provisions as they could, and then brote 
 np their camp, and resumed their march. 2. The chief con- 
 ducted them through the snow, walking at liberty. When ho 
 came to the end, of the third day's march, Cheirisophus was 
 angry at him for not guiding them to some villages He said 
 tJiat there were none in that part of the country. Cheiriso- 
 phus then struck him, but did not confine him ; 3. and in con- 
 sequence he ran off in the night, leaving his son behind him. 
 This affair^ the ill-treatment and neglect of the guide, 
 was the only cause of dissension between Cheirisophus and 
 Xenophon during the march. Episthenes conceived an affec- 
 tion for the youth, and, taking him home, found him extremely 
 attached to him. ; 
 
 4. After this occurrence they proceeded seven days' journey, 
 five parasangs each d&y, till they came to the river Phasis,' the 
 breadth of which is a plethnun. 5. Hence they advanced two 
 days' journey, ten parasangs ; when, on the pass that' led over 
 the mountains into the plain, the Chalybes, Taochi, afid Phasi- 
 ans were drawn up to oppose their pr-c^6ss. 6. Cheirisophus, 
 seeing these enemies in possession of the height, came to a halt, 
 at the distance of about thirty stadia, that he might not ap^ 
 proach them while leading the army in a column. He accord- 
 ingly ordered the other oflScers to bring up their companies, 
 that the whole force might be formed in line." 
 
 'I. When the rear-guard was come up, he called together 
 the generals and captains, and spoke to them as follows: 
 "The enemy, as you see, are in possession of the pass over 
 the mountains ; and it is proper for us to consider how we 
 may encounter them to the best advantage. 8. It is my 
 opinion, therefore, that we should direct the troops to get 
 their dinner and that we ourselves should hold a council, in 
 
 • ' Not the Colehian Phasis, which flows into the Euxine, but a river 
 of Armenia ('Aptifi/f, now Aras), which runs into the Caspian. See 
 Ainsworth, Travels, p. HO, 24'7. However Xenophon himself seems to 
 have confounded this Phasia with that of Colchis. See Eennell, p, 230. 
 Kiihner. 
 
 ' Ejt? ^dXayyof.] See on iv. 3. 26, 
 
132 THE KXrEDITION OF CTETTS. book 17. 
 
 the moan time, whether it is advisable to cross the mountain 
 to-day, or to-morrow." 9. "It seems best to me," exclaimed 
 Cleanor, "to march at once, as soon as we have dined and 
 resumed our arms, against the enemy; for if we waste the 
 present day in inaction, the enemy, who are now looking 
 down upon us will grow bolder, and . it is litely that, as 
 their confidence- is increased, others will join them in greater 
 mjimbers." J 
 
 ■10. After him Xenophon said, "I am*^pinion that if 
 it is necessary to fight, we ought to make our arrangements 
 so as to fight with the greatest advantage; but that if we 
 propose to pass the mountains as easily as possible, we ough||i 
 to consider how we may incur the fewest wounds and lose the 
 fewest men. 11. The range of hills, as far as we see, extend^, 
 more than sixty stadia in length ; but the people nowhere 
 seem to be watching us except along the line of road ; and it i| 
 therefore better, I think, to endeavor to try to seize unobserved 
 some part of the unguarded range, and to get possession of 
 it, if we can, beforehand, than to attack a strong post, and 
 men prepared to. resist us. 12. For it is far leas diiBcult to 
 march up a steep ascent without fighting then along a level 
 road with enemies on each side; and, in the night,. if men 
 are not obliged to fight, they can see better what is before 
 them than by day if engaged with enemies ; while a rough . 
 road is easier to the feet to those who are marching without, 
 molestation, than a smooth one to those who are pelted on the 
 head with missiles. 13» Nor do I think it at all impracticable 
 for us to steal a way for ourselves, as we can march, by .night, 
 so as not to be seen, and can keep at such a distance from 
 the enemy as to allow no possibility of being heard. We 
 seem likely, too, in my opinipn, if we make a pretended 
 attack on this point, to find the rest of the range still less 
 guarded ; for the enemy will so much the more probably 
 stay where they are. 14. But why should I speak doubtfully 
 about stealing? For I hear that you Lacedaemonians, 0. 
 Cheirisophus, such of you at least as are of the better 
 class,' practice stealing from your boyhood, and it is not a 
 
 ■ Tuv ifioiiMh.] The 6/ioiot at Sparta were all those who had an equal 
 right to participate in the honors of offices of the state ; qui pari inter sa 
 jwe gaudebmt, quilms hanores omnes aqualiter patebant. Cragius de Eep. 
 
CHAP. I. ENEMIES TO BE DISLODGED. igg 
 
 disgrace, but an honor, to steal ■whatever the law does not 
 forbid ; 16. while, in order that you, may steal with the utmost 
 dexterity, and strive to escape discovery, it is appointed by 
 law that, if you are caught stealing, you are scourged. It is 
 now high time for you, therefore, to give proof of your 
 education, and to take care that we may not receive many 
 stripes." 16. "But I hear that you Athenians also," rejoined 
 Cheirisophus, " are very clever at steaUng the public money, 
 though great danger threatens him that steals it; and that 
 your best men steal it most, if indeed your best men are 
 thought worthy to be your magistrates; so that it is time for 
 you likewise to give proof of your education." 17. "I am then 
 ready," exclaimed Xenophon, " to march with the rear-guard) 
 as soon as we have supped, to take possession of the hills. I 
 have guides too ; for our light-armed men captured some of 
 the marauders following us by lying in ambush ; and from 
 them I learn that the mountains are not impassable, but are 
 grazed over by goats and oxen, so that if we once gain 
 possession of any part of the range, there will be tracks also 
 Ibr our baggage-cattle. 18. 1 expect also that the enemy will 
 no longer keep their ground, when they see us upon a level 
 with them on the heights, for they will not now come down 
 to be upon a level with us." 19. Cheirisophus then said, 
 " But why should you go, and leave the charge of the rear ? 
 Eather send others, unless some volunteers present themselves." 
 20. Upon this Aiistonymus of Methydria came forward with 
 his heavy-armed men, and Aristeas of Chios and Mchomachus 
 of CEta' with their hght-armed; and they made an arrange- 
 ment, that as soon as they should reach the top, they should 
 light a number of fires. 21. Having settled these points, they 
 went to dinner; and after dinner Cheirisophus led forward 
 the whole army ten stadia toward the enemy, that he might 
 appear to be. fully resolved to march against them on tliat 
 quarter. 
 
 22. When they had taken their supper, and night came on, 
 
 Lac. L 10, cited by Sturz in his Lex. Xenoph. See Xenophon De Eep. 
 Lao. 13, 1 and 1 ; Aristot. Polit. 5. 7. 3. " A similar designation to that 
 of 6/i6n/iOC In the Cyropaedia." Schneider. Se6 Hellen. iii. 3. 5. 
 
 • A native of the country about Mount (Eta in Th'easaly. There was 
 alao, however, a town of that name in the south of Thessaly : Thucyd. 
 iii. 92. 
 
134 THE EXPEDITION OP CYR0S. book iv.' 
 
 those appointed for the service went forward and got posses- 
 sion -of the hills ;' the other troops rested where they were. 
 The ■ enemy, when they saw the heights occupied, kept watch 
 and burned a number of fires all night. 23. As soon as it 
 was day, Gheirisophus, after having offered sacrifice, marched 
 forward along the road; while those who had gained the 
 heights advanced by the ridge. 24. Most of the enemy, 
 meanwhile, stayed at the pass, but a part went to meet the 
 troops coming along the heights. But before the main bodies 
 came together, those on the ridge closed with one another, 
 and the Greeks had the advantage, and put the enemy to 
 flight. 25. At the same time the Grecian peltasts ran up 
 from the plain to attack the enemy drawn up to receive them, 
 and Gheirisophus followed at a quick pace with the heavy- 
 armed men. 26. The enemy at the pass, however, when they 
 saw those above defeated, took to flight. Not many of them 
 were killed, but a great number of shields were taken, which 
 the Greeks, by hacking them with their swords, rendered 
 useless. 27. As soon as they had gained the ascent, and had 
 sacrificed and erected a trophy, they went down into the plain 
 before them, and arrived at a number of villages stored with 
 abundance of excellent provisions. 
 
 CHAPTER Vn. 
 
 The Greeks, entering the eountiy of the Taoohi, storm a fort, eaptnring a 
 great number of cattle, on which they subsist while traversing 0ie remoa 
 of the Chalybes. They cross the Harpasus, and, marohingthiough the 
 territory of the Soythini, arrive at a town called Gymnias, whence tbey 
 are conducted to Mount Theches, from the top of which they see the 
 Euxine. 
 
 1. From hence they marched five days' journey, thirty 
 parasangs, to the country of the Taoohi, where provisions 
 began to fail them ; for the Taochi inhabited strong fastnesses, 
 in which they had laid up all their supplies. 2. Having at 
 length, however, arrived at one place which had no city or 
 houses attached to it, but in which men and women and a 
 great number of cattle were assembled, Gheirisophus, as 
 soon as he came before it, made it the object of an attack ; 
 and when the first division that assailed it began to be tired. 
 
CHAP. VII. FORT OP THE TAOCHI STORMED. 135 
 
 another succeeded, and then another, for it was not possible 
 for them to surround it in a body, as there was a river about 
 it. 3. When Xenophon came up with his rear-guard, peltasts, 
 and heavy-armed men, Cheirisophus exclaimed, " You come 
 seasonably, for we must take this place, as there are no pro- 
 visions for the army, unless we take it;" 
 
 4. They then deliberated together, and Xenophon asking 
 what hindered them from taking the place, Cheirisophus 
 replied^ " The only approach to it is the one which you see ; 
 but when any of our men attempt to pass along it, the enemy 
 roll down stones over yonder impending rockj and whoever 
 is struck, is treated as you behold ;" and he pointed, at the 
 same moment, to some of the men who had had their legs and 
 ribs broken. 6. "But if they expend all their stones," re- 
 joined Xenophon, " is there any thing else to prevent us frorii 
 advancing ? For we see, in front of us, only a few men, and 
 but two or three of them armed. 6. The space, too, through 
 which we have to pass under exposure to the stones, is, as you 
 see, only about a hundred and fifty feet in length ; and of 
 this about a hundred feet is covered with large pinie trees in 
 groups, against which if the men place themselves, what 
 would they suffer either from the flying stones or the rolling 
 ones 1 The remaining part of the space is not above fifty 
 feet, over which, when the stones cease, we must pass at a 
 running pace." 1. " But," said Cheirisophus, " the instant 
 we offer to go to the part covered with trees, the stones fly in 
 great numbers." " That," cried Xenophon, " would be the 
 very thing we want, for thus they will exhaust their stones 
 the sooner. Let us then advance, if we can, to the point 
 whence we shall have but a short way to run, and from which 
 we may, if we please, easily retreat." 
 
 8. Cheirisophus and Xenophon, with Callimachus of Par- 
 rhasia, one of the captains, who had that day the lead of all 
 the other captains of the rear-guard, then went forward, all 
 the rest of the captains remaining out of danger. Next, about 
 seventy of the men advanced under the trees, not in a body, 
 but one by one, each sheltering himself as he could. 9. Aga- 
 sias of Stymphalus, and Aristonymus of Methydria, who 
 were also captains of the rear-guard, with some others, were 
 at the same time standing behind, without the trees, for it was 
 not safe for more than one company to stand under them. 
 
136 THE EXPEDITION OF OTRUS. bookitt. 
 
 10. Callimaclius then adopted the following stratagem : he ran 
 forward two or three paces from the tree under which he was 
 sheltered, and when the stones began to be hurled, hastily 
 drew back ; and at each of his sallies more than ten cart- 
 loads of stones were spent. 11. Agasias, observing what Cal- 
 imachus was doing, and that the eyes: of the whole army 
 were upon him, and fearing that he himself might not be the 
 first to enter the. place, began to advance alone (neither call- 
 ing to Aristonymus who was next him, nor to Eurylochus of 
 Lusia, both of whom were his intimate friends, nor to any other 
 person), and passed by all the rest. 12. CaUimachus, seeing him 
 rushing by, caught bold of the rim of. his shield, and at that 
 moment Aristonymus of Methydria ran past them both, and 
 after him Eurylochus of Lusia, for all these sought distinction 
 for valor, and were rivals to one another ; and thtis, in 
 mutual emulation, they got possession of the place, for when 
 they had once rushed in, not a stone was hurled from above. 
 13. But a dreadful spectacle was then to be seen ; for the 
 women, flinging their children over the precipice, threw them- 
 selves after them ; and the men followed their example. 
 ..^Eneas of Stymphahis, a captain, seeing one of them, who had 
 on a rich garment, running to throw himself over, caught hold 
 of it with intent to stop him. 14. But the man dragged him 
 forward, and they both went rolling down the rocks together, 
 and were killed. Thus very few prisoners were taken, but 
 a great number of oxen, asses, and sheep. 
 
 1 5. Hence they advanced, seven days' journey, a distance 
 of fifty parasangs, .ihrough the country of ihe Chalybes. 
 These were • the most warhke people of all that they passed 
 through, and came to close combat with them. They had 
 linen cuirasses, reaching down to the groin, and, instead of 
 skirts,' thick cords twisted. 16. They had also greaves and 
 telmets, and at their girdles a short falchion, as large- as a 
 Spartan crooked dagger, with which they cut the tbroats of 
 all whom they could master, and then, cutting off Jiieir heads, 
 carried them away with them. They sang and danced when 
 the enemy were likely to see them. They carried also a spear 
 of 4bout fifteen cubits in length, having one spike.' / 11. They 
 
 1 'AvTi Tuv wTepvyav.'] That this is the true sense of this word ap- 
 pears from Xen. de Ee Bquest. 12. 4. 
 
 2 Having one iron point at the upper end, as in v. 4. 12, and no point 
 at the lower for fixing the spear in the ground., Schneider. 
 
OHAP. VII. THE GKEEES IK SIGHT OB" THE SEA. 13? 
 
 staid in their villages till the Greeks had passed by, when 
 they pursued and perpetually harassed them. They had 
 their dwellings in strong places, in which they had also laid 
 up their provisions, so that the Greeks could get nothing 
 from that country, but lived upon the cattle which they had 
 taken from the Taoghi. 
 
 18. The Greeks next arrived at the river Harpasus, the 
 breadth of which was four plethra. Hence they proceeded 
 through the territory of the Scythini, four days' journey, 
 making twenty parasangs, over a level tract, until they came 
 to some villages, in which they halted three days, and collect- 
 ed provisions. 19. From this place they advanced four days' 
 journey, twenty parasangs, to a large, rich and populous city, 
 called Gymnias, from which the governor of the country sent 
 the Greeks a guide, to conduct them through a region at war 
 with his own people. 20. The guide, when he came, said that 
 he would take them in five days to a place whence they should 
 see the sea ; if not, he would consent to be put to death. When, 
 as he proceeded, he entered the country of their enemies, he 
 exhorted them to burn and lay waste the lands ; wl\pnce it was 
 ■ evident that he had come for this very purpose, and not from 
 any good will to the'Gre^Br/ 21. On the fifth day they came 
 to the mountain ;' and ffiename of it was Theches. When 
 the men who were in the front had mounted the height, and 
 looked down upon the sea, a great shouted proceeded from them; 
 22. and Xenophon and the rear-guard, on hearing it, thought 
 that some new enemies were assailing the front, for in the 
 rear, too, the people from the country that they had burned 
 were following them, and the rear-guard, by placing an am- 
 buscade, had filled some, and taken others prisoners, and had 
 captured about twenty shields made of raw ox-hides with the 
 hair on. 23. But as the noise still increased, and drew nearer, 
 and as those who came up from time to time kept running at 
 full speed to join those who were continually shouting, the 
 cries becoming louder as the men became more numerous, it 
 
 ' The word iepov, which precedfea opo; in the older editions, ia inclosed 
 in brackets, as being probably spurious, by most of the modern editors, 
 and actually ejected by Dindorf, Yet something seems to be wanting 
 in connection with opo;, for the guide (sect. 20) says merely that he will 
 bring them to a x^pi-"'", and on the fifth day after it ia said that they 
 come to the mowniain. 
 
138 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRtTS. BOOK it. 
 
 appeared to Xenophon that it must be something of very great 
 moment. 24. Mounting his horse, therefore, and taking with 
 him Lycius and the cavalry, he hastened forward to give aid, 
 when presently they heard the soldiers shouting, " The sea, 
 the sea !" and cheering on one another. They then all began 
 to run, the rear-guard as well as the rest, and the baggage- 
 cattle and horses were^ut to their speed ; 25. and when they 
 had all arrived at the lop, the men embraced one another, and 
 their generals and captains, with tears in their eyes.*" Sud- 
 denly, whoever it was that suggested it, the soldiers brought 
 stones, and' raised a large mound, 26. on which they laid a' 
 number of raw ox-hides,' staves, and shields taken from, the 
 enemy. The shields the guide himself hacked in pieces,' 
 and exhorted the rest to do the same. 27. Soon after, the 
 Greeks sent away the guide, ^ving him presents from the 
 common stock, a horse, a silver cup, a Persian robe, and ten 
 darics ;^ but he showed most desire for the rings on their 
 fingers, and obtained many of them from the soldiers. Having 
 then pointed out to them a village where they might take up 
 their ^uartgrs, and the road by which they were to proceed 
 to the Macrones, when the evening came on he departed^ pur- 
 suing his way during the night. 
 
 CMAPTER Vm. 
 
 The Greeks proceed Tmmolested tlirougli the country of -the Maoronea, and 
 enter Colchis. Putting to flight the Colohians who obstructed their puBSi 
 age, they arrive at TrebisOnd, a Greek city, where they perform whatever 
 vows they hM made, and celehrate games. 
 
 1. Heitcb the Greeks advanced three days' journey, a dis- 
 tance of ten parasangs, through the country of the Macrones. 
 On the first day they came to a river which divides the terri- 
 tories of the Macrones from those of th« Scythini. 2. On 
 
 , ' They appear to be the hides of oxen offered np as a sort of sacrifice 
 to the gods. Bcdfimr, 
 
 • ' In order, says Kruger, to render them useless, so that they might 
 not be earried off by any ot the'neighboring people, 
 " i. 1. 9. 
 
CHAP. vm. TRtJCE "WITH THE MACRONES. 189 
 
 their right they had an eminence extremely difficult of access, 
 and on their left another river,' into which the houndary river, 
 which they had to cross, empties itself. This stream was 
 thickly edged with trees, not indeed large, but growing closely 
 together. These the Greeks, as soon as they came to the spot, 
 cut down," being in haste to get out of the country as soon as 
 possible. 3. The Macrones, however, equipped with wicker 
 shields, and spears, and hair timics, were drawn up on the op- 
 posite side of the crossing-place ; they were animating one 
 another, and throwing stones into the river.' They did not 
 hit our men, or cause them any inconvenience. 
 
 4. At this juncture one of the peltasts came up to Xeno- 
 phon, saying that he had been a slave at Athens, and adding 
 that he knew the language of these men. " I think, indeed," 
 said he, " that this is my country, and, if there is nothing to 
 prevent, I should wish to speak to the people." 5. " There is 
 nothing to prevent," replied Xenophon ; " so speak to them, 
 and first ascertain what people they are." When he asked 
 them, they said that they were the Maerones. " Inquire, 
 then," said Xenophon, " why they are drawn up to oppose us, 
 and wish to be our enemies." 6. They replied, "Because 
 you come against our coimtry." The generals then told him 
 to acquaint them that we wete not come with any wish to do 
 them injury, but that we were returning to Greece after hav- 
 ing been engaged in war with the king, and that we were 
 desirous to reach the sea. 7. They asked if the Greeks would 
 give pledges to this effect ; and the Greeks replied that they 
 were willing both to give and receive them. The Macrones 
 accordingly presented the Greeks with a Barbarian lance, 
 and the Greeks gave them a Grecian one ; for they said that 
 such were their usual pledges. Both parties called the gods to 
 witness. 
 
 8. After these mutual assurances, the Macrones immediately 
 assisted them in cutting away the trees, and made a passage 
 
 ■ A stream runiiiDg into the Tohoruk-su, aoeording to -Ainsworth, 
 Travels, p. 189. 
 
 2 The Greeks cut down the trees in order to throw them into the 
 stream, and form a kind of bridge on which they might cross. Schnei- 
 da-. 
 
 3 They threw stones into the river that they might stand on them, 
 and approach nearer to the Greeks, so as to use their weapons with 
 more effeot. Bornemann. 
 
140 THE EXPEDITION OF CTEtTS. book it. 
 
 for item, as if to bring them over, mingling freely among the 
 Gre«iks5 they also gave such facilities as they could for buying 
 provisions, and conducted them through their country for three 
 days, until they brought them to the confines of the Colchians. 
 9. Here was a range of hills,' high, but accessible, and upon 
 them die Colchians were drawn up in array. The Greets, at 
 first, drew up against them in a line,'', with the intention of 
 marching up the hill in this disposition; but afterward the 
 generals thotight proper to assemble and deliberate how thay 
 might engage with the best effect. 10. Xenophon then said 
 it appeared to him that they ought to relinquish the arrange- 
 ment in line, and to dispose the troops in columns ;' " for^a 
 line," pursued he, " will be broken at once, as we shall- find 
 the hills in some parts impassable, though in- others easy of 
 access : and this disruption will immediately produce despond- 
 ency. in the men, when, after being ranged in a regular line, 
 they find it dispersed. 11 ■ Again, if we advance drawn up 
 very many deep, the enemy will stretch beyond us on both sides, 
 and will employ the parts that outreach us in any way they 
 may think proper ; and if we advance only a few deep, it would 
 not be at all surprising if our line be broken through by showers 
 of missiles and men talhng upoa us in large bodies. If this 
 happen in any part, it will be ill for the whole extent of the 
 line. 12. I think, then, that having formed our companies in 
 columns, we should keep them so far apart from each other as 
 that the last companies on each side may be beyond the 
 enemy's wings. Thus our extreme companies will both outflank 
 the line of the enemy, and, as we march in file, the bravest of 
 our men will close with the enemy first, and wherever the ascent 
 is easiest, there each division will direct its course. 13. Nor 
 will it be easy for the enemy to penetrate into the intervening 
 spaces, when there are companies on each side, nor will it be 
 easy to break through a column' as it advances ; while, if any 
 one of the companies be hard pressed, the neighboring one will 
 support it ; and if but one of the companies can by any path 
 attain the summit, the enemy will no longer stand their ground." 
 14. This plan was approved, and they threw the companies 
 into columns. Xenophon, riding along from the right wing to 
 
 ' K4r4 Kap^n, or Koh^t T^h, according to Ainsw. p, 190, 
 2 Kara ^dXayya.~\ See on iv. 3. 26. 
 ^ AoxovQ 6p8iouc.] See on iv. 2. 11. 
 
CHAP. vm. THE COLOHIANS: INTOXICATING HONEY. 14^ 
 
 the left, said, " Soldiers, the enemy -whom you see before you 
 are now the only obstacle to hinder us from being where wo 
 have long b«Hg eager to be. These, if we can, we must eat up 
 aKve." ' tt* 
 
 16. When the men were all in their places, and they had 
 formed the companies into columns, there were about eighty 
 companies of heavy-armed men, and each company consisted of 
 about eighty men. The peltasts and archers they diyided into 
 three bodies, each about, six hundred men, one of which they 
 placed beyond the left wing, another beyond the right, and 
 the third in the center. 16. The generals then desired the 
 soldiers to make their vows" to the gods ; and having made 
 them, and sang the paean, they moved forward. Cheirisophus 
 and Xenophon, and the peltasts that they had with them, who 
 were beyond the enemy's flanks, pushed on ; 11. and the ene- 
 my, observing their motions, and hurrying forward to receive 
 them, were drawn off, some to the right and others to the left, 
 and left a great void in the center of their line ; 18. when the 
 peltasts in the Arcadian division, whom .^Eschines the Acar- 
 nanian commanded, seeing them separate, ran forward in all 
 haste, thinking that they were taking to flight ; and these were 
 the first that reached the summit. The Arcadian heavy-armed 
 troop, of which Clearnor the Orchomenian was captain, followed 
 them. 19. But the enemy, when once the Greeks began to 
 run, no longer stood their ground, but went off in flight, some 
 one way and some another. 
 
 Having passed the summit, the Greeks encamped in a num- 
 ber of villages containing abundance of provisions. 20. As 
 to other things here, there was nothing at which they were 
 surprised ; but the number of bee-hives was extraordinary, and 
 all the soldiers that ate of the combs, lost their senses, vomited, 
 and were affected with purging, and none of them were able to 
 stand upright ; such as had eaten a little were like men greatly 
 intoxicated, and such as had eaten much were like mad-men, 
 and some like persons a,t the point of death. 21. They lay 
 upon the ground, in consequence, in great numbers, as if there | 
 had been a defeat ; and there was general dejection. The next 
 
 1 'iifioic KardijiayElv.] "Eat up raw,'' without waiting to cook 
 
 them ; a metaphorical expression for to extirpaie utterly and at once, 
 taken from Homer, IL v. 35 : 'Q^dv PeBpaOoi^ Hpiajiov npia/WM re 
 
 2 See the payment of these vows in sect. 25. 
 
142 THE EXPEDITION OP CTRTJS. book ir. 
 
 day no one of them was found dead ; and they recovered their 
 senses about the same hour that they had lost them on the 
 '■preceding day; and on the third and fourth day^s they got up 
 as if after having taken physic' 
 
 22. From hence they proceeded two days' march, seven 
 parasangs, and arrived at Trebisond, a Greek city, of large 
 population, on the Euxine Sea ; a colony of Sinope, but lying 
 in the territory of the Colchians. Here they staid about thirty 
 days, encamping in the villages of the Colchians, 23. whence 
 they made excursions and plundered the country of Colchis. 
 The people of Trebsiond provided a market for the Greeks' in 
 the camp, and entertained them in the city ; and made thefh 
 presents of oxen, barley-meal, and wine. 24. They negotiated 
 with them also on behalf of the neighbouring Colchians, those 
 especially who dwelt in the plain, and from them too were 
 brought presents of oxen. 
 
 25. Soon after, they prepared to perform the sacrifice, which 
 they had vowed. Oxen enough had been brought them to 
 offer to Jupiter the Preserver, and to Hercules, for their safe 
 conduct, and whatever they had vowed to the other gods. 
 They also celebrated gymnastic games upon the hill where 
 they were encamped, and chose Dracontius a Spartan (-^ho 
 had become an exile from his countiy when quite a boy, for 
 having involuntarily killed a child by striking him .with a 
 dagger); to prepare the course and preside at ' the contests. 
 26. When the sacrifice was ended, they gave the hides' to 
 
 ■ That there was honey in these parts, with intoxicating qualities, 
 was well known to antiquity. Pliny, H. N. xxl 44, mentions two 
 sorts of it, one produced at Heraclea in Pontus, and the other among 
 the Sanni or Maorones. The peculiarities of the honey arose from 
 the herbs to which the bees resorted ; the first came from the flower 
 of a plant called aegolethron, or goat'-bane; the other firom a Bpeoies 
 of rhododendron. Toume&rt, when he was in that country, saw honey 
 / of this description. See Ainsworfh, Travels in the Track, p. 190, 
 who found that the intoxioating honey had a bitter taste. See also 
 Rennell, p. 253. "This honey is also mentioned by Dioscorides, it 
 103 ; Strabo, xii. p. 826 ; ^lian, H. A. v. 42 ; ProoopiuS, B. G6\h. iv. 
 2." Schneider. 
 
 " Lion and Kilhner have a notion that these skins were to be given 
 aa prizes to the victors, referring to Herod, ii. 91, where it is said that 
 the Egyptians, in certainr games which they celebrate in honor of 
 Perseus, offer as prizes cattle, cloaks, and dipfiara, hides. Kriiger 
 doubts whether they were intended for prizes, or were given aa a present 
 to Dracontius. 
 
CUAP.L VOWS PAID: GAMES. 143 
 
 Dracontius, and desired Mm to conduct them to the place 
 where he "bad made the course. Dracontius, -pointing to the 
 place where they were standing, said, " This hill is an excellent 
 place for running, in whatever direction the men may wish." 
 " But how will they be able," said they, " to wrestle on ground 
 so rough and bushy ?" '* He that falls," said he, " will suffer 
 the more." 27. Boys, most of them from among the prisoners, 
 contended in the short course,' and in the long course' above 
 sixty Cretans ran ; while others were matched in wrestling, 
 boxing, and the pancratium. It was a fine sight ; for many 
 entered the lists, and as their friends were spectators, there 
 was great emulation. 28. Horses also ran ; and they bad to 
 gallop down the steep, and, turning round in the sea, to come 
 up again to the altar.' In the descent, many rolled down ; 
 but in the ascent, against the exceedingly steep ground, the 
 horses could scarcely .get up at a walking pace. There was 
 consequently great shouting, and laughter, and cheering from 
 the people. 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Cheii-isophus goes to Anaxibius, the Spartan admiral, to cttain ships fbr 
 the Greeks. Zenophon, meanwhile, attends to other matters, and de- 
 vises another plan for procuring vessels, if Cheirisophns shonld fail in 
 his mission, and causing the roa£ to he repaired, in case the army should 
 he obliged to proceed by land. Treachery of Dexippus, and efficient 
 exertions of Polycrates. 
 
 1. What the Greets did in their march up the country 
 with Cyrus, and what they underwent in their journey to the 
 Euxine Sea ; how they arrived at the Greek city of Trebi- 
 sond, and how they offered the sacrifices which they had vowed 
 to offer for their safety as soon as they should reach a friendly 
 country, has been related in the preceding part of this narrative. 
 
 ' ^raStov SoMxov.'] The stadion, or short course, was six plethra, 
 
 or 6Q0 Greek feet, equal to 606* feet English; the So^ixoc, or long 
 course, was six or more stadia, even up to twenty-four, ffussey, Ap- 
 pend, ix. sect. 11. 
 
 2 The altar, apparently, at which they had been sacrificing. 
 
144 THE EXPEDITION OF OTRTTS. bookt. 
 
 2. ITiey now assembled to hold a council concerning the 
 remainder of their journey ; and Antileon, a native'of Thurii, 
 stood up first, and spoke thus : " For my part, my friends, I 
 am now quite exhausted with packing up my baggage, walking, 
 running, carrying my arms, marching in order, mounting 
 /guard, and fighting, and should wish, since we have come to 
 ' flie sea, to rest from such toils, and to sail- the remainder of the 
 way ; and to arrive at Greece, like Ulysses, stretched out 
 asleep." ' 3. The soldiers, on hearing these remarks, cried out 
 that he spoke well ; and then another, and afterward all the 
 rest, expressed the same feelings. Cheirisophus then rose and 
 spoke as follows : 4. " Anaxibius" is a friend of mine, and. is 
 now admiral. If, therefore, you will commission me to go to 
 him, I have no doubt that I shall return with galleys and 
 transport-vessels to carry you. And as you wish to sail, stay 
 here till I come back ; for I shall come very soon." When 
 the soldiers, heard this offer, they were delighted, and voted 
 that he should set sail with all speed. 
 
 6. After him Xeiiophon stood up, and spoke to the follow- 
 ing effect : " Cheirisophus is going to fetch ships, and we 
 shall remain here ; and I will now mention what I think it 
 proper for us to do during our stay. 6. In the first place, 
 we must get provisions from the enemy's country ; for the 
 market here is not abimdant enough to supply us, nor have 
 we, except some few, a sufficiency of means with which to 
 purchase. But the country around us is inhabited by ene- 
 mies ; and there is danger, therefore, that many of you may 
 be killed, if you go out in' quest of provisions heedlessly and 
 unguardedly. 1. It seems to me, then, that we ought to seek 
 
 -The winged gaHey flies ; 
 
 Less swift an eagle outs the liquid skiea ; 
 
 Divine Ulysses was her sacred load, 
 
 A man in wisdom equal to a god 1 
 
 Much danger, long and mighty toils he bore, 
 
 In storms by sea, and combats on the shore : 
 
 AH which soft sleep now banish'd from his breast, 
 
 Wrapt in a pleasing, soft, and death-like rest. 
 
 * * * ** * * 
 Ulyases Sleeping on his couch they bore, 
 And gently placed him on the rodcy shore. 
 
 He was then at Byzantium : see vii. 1. 3, 
 
CHAP. I. SUGGESTIONS OP XENOPHON. I45 
 
 provisions in foraging-parties,' and not to wander about at 
 random ; bo that you may preserve your lives ; and that we, 
 the oflBcers, should have the regulation of these proceedings." 
 These suggestions were approved/ 8. "Attend also," he 
 said, " to me foUovring hints. Some of you will go out 
 for plunder. I think it will be better, then, for any one that 
 intends to go out, to give us notice, and say in what direc- 
 tion, that we ttiay know the number of thbse who go,, and of 
 those who stay at home, and may take part in their prtjects if 
 it should be necessary; and that, if it should be requisite to 
 send succor to any party, we may know whither to send it; 
 while if any of the less experienced make an attempt in any 
 quarter, we may aid his views by trying to learn the strength 
 of the enemy against whom he is going." To this proposal 
 assent was likewise given. 9. " Consider this, too," added 
 he ; " the enemy have leisure to rob us ; they meditate attacks 
 upon us, and with justice, for we are in possession of their 
 property. They are also posted above us ; and it appears to 
 me, therefore, that sentinels should be placed round the camp, 
 so that, if, being divided into parties, we keep guard and 
 watch by turns, the enemy will be less in a condition to catch 
 us by surprise. 10. Take this also into consideration. If we 
 knew for certain that Cheirisophus would come with a suffi- 
 cient number of ships to transport us, there would be no occa- 
 sion for what I am going to say ; but, since this is uncertain, 
 I think that we ought, in the mean time, to endeavor to pro- 
 vide ourselves with ships from ■ hence ; for, if he comes with 
 ships, and vessels are ready here,^e shall sail in a greater 
 number of ships ; and, if he brings none, we shall make use of 
 what we have procured here. 11. I observe vessels frequently 
 sailing past; and if therefore we should ask the people of 
 Trebisond for ships of war, and bring them in to the' shore and 
 keep them und^er guard, unshipping their rudders till a suffi- 
 cient number be collected to carry us, we shall possibly not 
 fail of securing such conveyance as y^ require." This sugges- 
 tion was also approved. 12. " Reflect also," said he, " whether 
 it will not be proper to support the mariners whom we bring 
 into harbor from the common stock, as long as they may stay 
 
 ' IHt ■n-povopaic-] A military mode of expression, as it appears, dg- 
 nifying fnaimcio agmine pabulaium sen frwnerttatum aire. Kiihner. 
 Compare Cyrop. vi. 1. 24 ; Hellen. iv. 1. 16. Kriiger. 
 
 VOL. I. 7 
 
146 THE EXPEDITION OF CYEUS. book t. 
 
 on our account, and to make an agreement with, them about 
 the passage-money, that by benefiting us they may also be 
 benefited themselves." To this they also agreed. 13. "It 
 appears to me further," he continued, " that if our efibrts are 
 not successful to procure vessels in sufficient number," we 
 should enjoin the towns lying on the sea to repair the roads, 
 which, we hear, ai-e scarcely, passable ; for they wiU obey 
 such an injunction both from fear and from a wish tp be rid of 
 us." 14. At this point of his speech they cried out that there 
 must be no traveling by land. 
 
 Xenophon, seeing their want of consideration, did not put 
 that particular to the vote. But he afterward prevailed on 
 the towns to mend the roads of their own accord, telling them 
 that if the roads were made passable, they would so much the 
 sooner be delivered from the Greeks. 15. They received also 
 a fifty-oared galley from the people of Trebisond, over which 
 they placed Dexippus, a Spartan, one of the perioeci ;" who, 
 neglecting tp get vessels together,, went ofi" with the galley 
 clear out ,of the Euxine. He however met with a just retribu- 
 tion some time after ; for being in Thrace, at the court of 
 Seuthes, and engaging in some intrigue, he was killed by 
 Nicander a Lacedaemonian. 16. They received too a thirty- 
 oared galley, over which Polycrates an Athenian was ap- 
 pointed, who brought all the vessels that he could get to the 
 shore before the camp ; and the Greeks, taking out their car- 
 goes, if they had any, set guards over them, that they might 
 be secure, and reserved. the vessels for their passage. 
 
 17. While these affairs^were going on, the soldiers were 
 making excursions for plunder ; and some succeeded and others 
 not ; but Cleienetus, as he was leading out his own troop and 
 another against some strong place, was killed, as well as several 
 of those that were vfith him. 
 
 ' "hare dpKclv irlota.] " So that vessels may be sufficient (for us)." 
 ' TlepioiKov.] The peHoeci were the free inhabitants of the towns 
 around Sparta ; they were e Jlluded from civil offlces, and held a middle 
 plae6 between the native Spartans (the bftoioL of iv. 6. 14) and the Neo- 
 damods and Helots. See Thucyd. viii. 22 ; Arnold's Thuoyd. i, 101 ; 
 Valokenser. ad Herod, is. 11. 
 
THE GREEKS ATTACK THE DRIL^. 147 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 To augment their stock of provJBions, Xenophon uudertakes a foraging ex- 
 pedition against the Drilse, who l^-waste their fields, and shut themselves 
 up in their chief fort, which the Greeks take and hurn to the ground. 
 
 1. Whkh it was no longer possible for the foragers to get 
 provisions, so as to return the same day to the camp, Xeno- 
 phon, taking some of the people of Trebisond as guides, led 
 out half the army against the Drilse, leaving the other half to 
 guard the camp ; for the Colehians, having been driven from 
 their homes, were collected in large numbers, and had posted 
 themselves on the heights. 2. The guides from Trebisond, 
 however, did not conduct them to places whence it was easy 
 to get provisions, for the inhabitants of those parts were their 
 friends, but led them with great eagerness into the territories 
 of the Drilse, from whom they had receievd , injuries, into 
 mountainous and difficult tracts, and against the most warlike 
 of all the people on the shores of the Pontus Euxinus. 
 
 3. ^hen the Greeks had got up into, their country, the 
 Drilse retreated, having first set fire to such of their places as 
 seemed easy to be taken ; and there was nothing for the 
 Greeks to capture but swine, or oxen, or any other cattle that 
 had escaped the fire. But there was one place that consti- 
 tuted their metropolis ; and to this they had all flocked. 
 Around it there was an extremely deep ravine, and the ways 
 of access to the place were difficult. 4. However the peltasts, 
 having outstripped the heavy-anned men by five or six stadia, 
 crossed the ravine, and getting sight of a great deal of cattle 
 and other booty, made an attack uppn the place ; and many 
 spear-men,' who had gone out for plunder, followed close upoii 
 them ; so that the number of those who crossed the ravine 
 amounted to more than two thousand. 6. As they found 
 themselves unable to take the place by assault (for there was 
 a broad trench round it, tile earth frgpn which had been thrown 
 up as a rampart, and upon the rampart were palisades, and a 
 number of wooden towers erected), they attempted to retire, 
 but the enemy pressed hard upon them ; 6. and as they could 
 
 ' Aopa^^poi.] No particular glass of troops is incmt, but merely such 
 of the foragers as had armed themselves witli ppeaifs. oith;r for defense, 
 or to assist thom in bringing home what they tt ok. 
 
148 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. book v. 
 
 not^efFect a retreat, (for the descent from the place to the ravine 
 ■would allow only one to pass at a time), they sent for aid to 
 Xenophon, who was at the head of the heavy-armed men. 1. 
 The fliessenger said that the place was stored with ahundance 
 of things ; " but," said he, " we are unable to take it, for it is 
 strong; nor is it easy for us to retreat, for the enemy 
 safly forth and assail our rear, and the way from it is dif- 
 ficult." _ < 
 
 8. XenopTlon, on hearing this account, brought up the 
 heavy-armed to the ravine, and ordered them to halt there 
 under arms, while he himself, crossing over with the captains, 
 deliberated whether it would be better to bring off those that 
 had already gone over, or to lead over the heavy-armed also, 
 in the hope that the place might be taken ; 9; for it seemed 
 impossible to bring off the first party without the loss of many 
 lives, and the captains were of opinion that they might take 
 the place. Xenophon accordingly yielded to their judgment, 
 placing "some rehance at the same time, on the sacnfices; for 
 the augur^ had signified that there would be an action, and 
 that the result of the excursion would be favorable. 10. He 
 therefore dispatched the captains to bring over the heavy- 
 armed riien, while he himself remained where he was, keeping 
 back the peltasts, and allowing none of them to skirmish with 
 the enemy. 11. When the neavy^armed troops came up,ie 
 ordered each of the captains to form his company in such a 
 manner as he might think most advantageous for fighting ; 
 for those captains, who were perpetually contending with one 
 another in gallantry, were now standing close to each other. 
 12. They excuted his orders; and he then directed all the 
 peltasts to advance holding their javelins by the thong',' as it 
 would be necessary to hurl whenever he should give the 
 signal, and the archers having their arrows resting on the 
 String,' as, whenever he- gave the signal, they would have to 
 shoot ; he ordered the skirmishers' also to have their bags faH, 
 of stones, and Commissioned proper persons to see these orders 
 executed. 13. When every iJiing was ready, and the captains 
 
 ' See on iv. 3. 28. 
 
 ' The yo/iv^Tm are here distinguished from the archers, although 
 yviivnTdi is a general name for both archers, javelin-men, and sling- 
 ers. Compare iii. 4. 26. Kuhn^. The slingers are evidently meant 
 here. 
 
OHAP. n. ATTACK ON A FORT OF THE. DRIL-S!. 14a 
 
 and lieutenants, and all those' wto thought themselTes not 
 inferior to these, were in their places, and had a full view of 
 each other (for the disposition of the troops, from the nature 
 of the ground, was in the form of a crescent), the heavy-armed 
 men, 14. after they had sung the paBan and the trumpet had 
 sounded,_raised the war-cry to Mars, and ran forward, while 
 the missiles, consisting of lances, arrows, halls from slings, and 
 numbers of stones flung from the hand, were hurled among 
 the enemy ; and some of the men, too, threw fire-brands at 
 the place. 15. By reason, therefore, of the multitude of these 
 missives, the enemy abandoned both the palisades and the 
 towers; so that Agasias of Stymphalus and PMloxenus of 
 Pellene, laying aside their armor,^ mounted the ramparts in 
 their tunics only ; and then one drew up another, and others 
 mounted by themselves, and the place, as it appeared, was 
 taken. 16. The peltasts and light-armed men, accordingly, 
 rushed in and laid hands on whatever they could find ; while 
 Xenophon, taking his stand at the gates, detained as many of 
 the heavy-armed as he could outside of them, for other bodies 
 of the enemy were showing themselves upon some strong posi- 
 tions among the hills. 17. After tha lapse of a short interval 
 of time, a cry arose within, and the men came fleeing out, 
 some carrying what they had seized, and one or two perhaps' 
 wounded; and there was a great crowd about the gates-. 
 Those who rushed out, being questioned as to the cause, said 
 that there was a citadel within, and a great number of the 
 enemy, who sallied forth and fell upon pur men who were in 
 the place. 18. Xenophon then told Tolmides the crier to pro- 
 claim that whoever wished to get any plimder might go in ; 
 when many hastened to the entrance, and those who tried to 
 push theii- way in got the better of those that were hurrying 
 out, and shut up the enemy again within the citadel. 19. All 
 the parte without the citadel were then ravaged, and the 
 . Greeks brought out the spoil ; while the heavy-armed men 
 ranged themselves under arms, some round the palisading, and 
 some along the way leading to the citadel. 20. Xenophon 
 and the captains then deliberated whether it would be possible 
 to take the citadel, for, in that case, a safe retreat would be 
 
 ' Halbkart supposes, with mucli reason, that we must understand the 
 captains of fifty and twenty-five. See iii. 4. 21. 
 s In order to climb with more agflity. 
 
150 THE- EXPEDITION OF CYRTTS. book v. 
 
 secured ; otherwise it seemed a diiBcult matter to retire ; and 
 it appeared to them, upon consideration, that the citadel was 
 altogether impregnalsle. 21. They accordingly began to pre- 
 pare for a retreat ; each of the men pulled up the palisades 
 that were nearest to him ; and the captains sent out of the 
 place the useless hands,' and those who were loaded with 
 pllinder, but retained those in whom they severally confided." 
 
 22. When they commenced their retreat, numbers of the 
 enemy sallied forth upon them from within, armed with light 
 shields, spears, greaves, and Paphlagoriian helmets,' while 
 others climbed upon the houses that were on each side of the 
 road leading to the citadel, 23. so that it was not safe to 
 piirsue them toward the gate leading thither, for they hurled 
 down large pieces of timber from above ; and it was in con- 
 sequence dangerous either to remain or retreat ; and the 
 night, wiiich was coming on, increased their alarm. 24. But 
 while they were thus engaged and in perplexity, some god 
 gave them the means of saving thenaselves ; for one of the 
 houses on the right suddenly burst out in flames, whoever it 
 was that set fife to it, and when it fell in, the enemy fled 
 from all the houses on the right; 25. when Xenophon, having 
 learned this expedient from fortune, gave orders to set fire to 
 all the houses on the left, which were of wood, and soon ia a 
 blaze ; ttnd the enemy accordingly fled from these houses also. 
 26. Those who were directly over against them/ however, 
 and those only, still continued to annoy them, and gave evident 
 signs of an intention to fall upon them in their egress and 
 descent. Xenophon in consequence ordered all "who were out 
 of reach of the missiles to bring wood into the space between 
 them and the enemy; and when a considerable quantity was 
 collected, they set &e to it, setting fire at the same time to 
 the houses close to the palisading, in order that the enemy's at- 
 
 ' Todf dxpeiovc.] Whatever camp-followers there were, with the , 
 wounded, and those that were laden with spoil. 
 
 ° They retained a trusty b^d, Jo cover the rear of the retreating 
 Greeks.. 
 
 ' In ch. iv. sect. 13, these are said to be made of leather ; by Herodo- 
 tus, vii. V2, they are called newTiey/neva : whence Halbfcart, who refers 
 to Homer, IL x' 258, concludes that these helmets were formed of 
 pieces of leather interwoven. Kiihner. 
 
 * Kard to aTo/ia.] Those in front of the assailants. Sro/io rb 
 ifijrpocr&ev /lepos tov fjrpaTov. Suidas 
 
CHAP. II. RETtTRN FROM THE COUNTRY OF THE DBIL.E. ifil 
 
 tention might be engaged about these proceedings. 27. Thus, 
 by interposing fire between themselves and the enemy, they ef- 
 fected, though with diflBculty, a retreat from the place. The 
 whole of the town, houses, towers, palisading, and every thing 
 else except the citadel, was reduced to ashes., 
 
 28. The next day the Greeks marched away, carrying with 
 them the provisions that they had taken ; but as they had some 
 fears with regard to the descent to Trebisond (for it was steep 
 and narrow), they placed a pretended ambuscade. 29. A cer- 
 tain man, a Mysian by birth, and bearing that name,' took ten" 
 Cretans with him and waited in a woody place, making it ap- 
 pear that he was endeavoring to conceal himself from the 
 enemy ; while their shields, which were of brass, glittered from 
 time to time through the bushes. 30. The enemy accordingly, 
 observing these indications, were afraid as of a real ambuscade ; 
 and in the mean time the army effected its descent. When it 
 appeared to the Mysian that they were advanced far enough,' 
 he ^ave a signal for them to flee with all speed, and he him- 
 self; and those that were with him, started up and hurried off. 
 
 31. The others, the Cretans, quitting the road (for they said' 
 that they were gained upon in the race), threw themselves 
 down among the wood into the bushy hollows, and got off safe ; 
 
 32. but the Mysian himself, pursuing his flight along the road,' 
 was heard to call out for aid, when some ran to his relief, and 
 brought him off -yvounded. The party who had rescued him 
 then retreated step by step with their face toward the enemy, 
 being exposed to their missiles, while some of the Cretans dis- 
 charged their arrows in return. Thus they all returned in safety 
 to the camp. 
 
 ' He was a Mysus or Mysian by birth, and was called Mysus. ICriiger 
 aptly refers to Lncian Tox. 28: olncrrig avrov Siipof Kal roivofia Kal 
 Ti)v Tzarplda. 
 
 ' Schneider has "four or five," which is found in some manuscripts. 
 Even ten seems to be but a small number. 
 
 ' I have here deserted Dindorf 's punctuation, who puts a comma be- 
 fore Tip Mva^. Kriiger and Kiihner agree in putting the comma after 
 Mi/ffiJ). 
 
 ' 'E^ntrnv.] Commentators have made needless difficulties about this 
 word. It is to be translated simply "they said;" i e. they told their 
 fellow-soldiers wlien they returned. 
 
152 THE EXPEDITION OE OYEUS. book v. 
 
 CHAPTER m. 
 
 Being unable, from want of provisions, to wait longer for CheirisophnB, the 
 Greeks dispatoli th6 camp-followers and baggage bj; sea, and proceed 
 themselves by land to Cerasus, where the whole army isreviewed. They 
 divide among themselveB the nioney arising from the sale of the prison- 
 ers, the generals taking charge of the tenth part, which had been vowed 
 to Apollo and Diana. Description of Xenophon'S resiaenoej and of the 
 temple of Diana, at SciUtis, 
 
 1. As Cheirisophus djd not return, and a suflBcient number 
 of vessels were not collected, and as there was no longer a pos- 
 sibility of getting siq)plies, it appeared that they must take their 
 departure. , They accordingly put on board the sick persons, and 
 those who were above forty years of age, with the women and 
 children, and whatever baggage it was not necessary to retain, 
 and appointed Philesius and Spphaenetus, the eldest of the 
 generals to go in the vessels and take charge of them. The rest 
 of the army proceeded by land ; for the road was now prepared. 
 2. Pursuing their march, they arrived on the third day at 
 Cerasus, a Greek city upon the coast in the country of Colchis, 
 and a colony from Sinope. 3. Here they staid ten. days, and 
 a review of the troops under anas was held, ai^. their number 
 •taken ; they were in all eight thousand six hundred. These 
 were saved out of ^boutten thousand; the rest had been cut 
 off by the enemy and the snow, and perhaps two or three by 
 
 4. Here also they- distributed the money arising from the sale 
 of the prisoners. The tenth part, which they set aside for 
 Apollo and Diana of Ephesus, the generals took among them, 
 each a portion to keep for those duties. Neon of Asina received 
 that which was intended for Cheirisophus. 
 
 5. Xenophon, affer causing an offering to be made for 
 Apollo, deposited it in the treasury of the Athenians at 
 Delphi, inscribing on it his own name, and that of Proxenus, 
 who was kiEed with Clearchus ; for he had been his guests 
 friend. 6. ■ The portion designed for Diana of Ephesus he 
 left with Megabyzus, the warden of the goddess's temple, 
 when he returned' with Agesilaus out of Asia on an expedi- 
 
 1 'Ore dir^ei, n. i. /I.] Verte: quum redibat cum Agesilao ex Asii 
 expeditionem cum eo in Boeotos faciens. Xen. Ages, i 36, iL 9 ; Hellen. 
 iv. 3 ; Plutarch. Ages, c 18. Kuhner. 
 
CHAP. Ill, XENOPHON'S EE3IDEN0M AT SOILLUS. 153 
 
 tion to Boeotia, because he seemed likely to incur some peril, 
 and enjoined tiin, if he escaped, to return the money to him, 
 but, if he met with an ill fate, to make such an offerring as he 
 thought would please the goddess, and dedicate it to her. 
 t. Afterward, when Xenophon was banished' from his coim- 
 try, and was living at Scillus,, a colony settled by the Lace- 
 dcemonians near Olympia, Megabyzus came to Olympia to 
 see the games, and restored him the deposit. Xenophon, on 
 receiving it, purchased some land as an offering to the goddess 
 where the god had directed him. The river Selinus happens 
 to run through the midst of it ; 8. and another river named 
 Selinus runs close by the temple of Diana at EphesUs ; and 
 in botlf there are different kinds of fish, and shell-fish. On 
 the land near Scplus, too, there is hunting, of all such beasts 
 as are taken in the chase. 9. He built also an altar and a 
 temple with the consecrated money, and continued afterward 
 to make a sacrifice every year, always receiving a tenth of the 
 produce of the seasons from the land ; and all the people of 
 the town, as well as the men and women of the neighbor- 
 hood, took part in the festival; while the goddess supplied 
 those in tents there with barley-meal, bread, wine, sweetmeats, 
 and a share of the victims offered from the sacred pastures, 
 and of those caught in hunting ; 10. for the sons of Xenophon, • 
 and those of the other inhabitants, always made a general 
 hunt against the festival, and such of the men as were willing 
 hunted -with them ; and there were caught, partly on the 
 saored lands, and partly on Mount Pholoe, boars, and antelopes, 
 and deer. 11. This piece of ground lies on the road from 
 Laoedaeinon to Olympia, about twenty stadia from the temple 
 of Jupiter at Olympia. There are within the place groves 
 and hills covered with trees, adapted for the breeding of swine, 
 goats, oxen, and horses, so that the beasts of the persons 
 coming to the festival are amply supplied with food. 12. Eound 
 the temple itself is planted a grove of cultivated trees, bearing 
 whatever fruits are eatable in the different seasons. The 
 edifice is similar, as far as a small can be to a great one, to 
 that at Ephesus ; and the statue is as like to that at Ephesus 
 
 1 He was banished by tbe Athenians for having joined Cyrus in 
 this expedition against the king of Persia, whom they then considered 
 as a friend. Pausan. v. 6. 4; Diog. laert. ii. 61. See iii. 1. 5; yiL t. 
 
 m. 
 
154 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. book v. 
 
 as a statue of cypress can be to that of gold. 13. A pillar 
 stands near the temple, bearing this inscription : this ground 
 
 IS SACRED TO DIANA.' HE THAT POSSESSES AND REAPS THE 
 FRUIT or IT IS TO OFPBR EVERy YEAR THE TENTH OF ITS PRO- 
 DUCE, AND TO KEEP THE TEMPLE IN REPAIR FROM THE RESIDUE. 
 IF ANY ONE FAIL TO PERFORM THESE CONDITIONS, THE GODDESS 
 WILL TAKE NOTICE OF HIS NEGLECT. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The Greeks arrive at tlie country of the Mossynoeoi, who, relying on their 
 strongholds, eiideavor to stop their progress. But- as they were divided 
 into two parties, the Greek? defeat the one with the aid of the other,-, 
 burn two fortresses, and plunder the chief city. Account of the tarbar- 
 ous manners of the Mossynoeoi. 
 
 1. From Cerasus those who had previously gone on board 
 pursued their voyag« by sea; the rest proceeded by land. 
 2. When they came to the confines of the Mossynceci, they 
 sent to them Timesitheus, a native of Trapezus, and a guesfr 
 friend of the Mossjmoeci, to inquire whether they were to 
 •march through their country as one of friends or of enemies. 
 The Mossynceci replied that " they would allow them no passage 
 at all ;" for they trusted to their strongholds. 3.' Timesitheus 
 then acquainted the Greeks that the Mossynceci in the country 
 beyond were at enmity with these ; and -it *as resolved ac- 
 cordingly to ask them whether they were willing to form an 
 alliance with the -Greeks. Timesitheus, being dispatched for 
 that purpose, returned vrith their chiefs. 
 
 4. On their arrival, the chiefs of the Mossynoeoi. and the 
 generals of the Greeks held a conference, when Xenophon 
 spoke, and Timesitheus interpreted, 6. "We are desirous," 
 said he, " O Mossynceci, to eflFeot a safe passage to Greece by 
 land, as we have no ships ; but these people, who, as we hear, 
 are .your enemies, oppose our way. 6. ft is in your power, 
 therefore, if you liiink proper, to take us for your allies, and 
 to avenge yourselves for whatever injury they have done you, 
 and make them subject to you for the future.' V. But if you 
 
 ' Kal rb h)mdv i/iuv iwriKoovc elvai rovrov^.'] Supply i^cavtv i/ilv, 
 after which it would have been more straightforward to say Ix'^" in- 
 
CHAP. 17. THE MOSSTNCECI. 165 
 
 reject our application, consider whence you will again procure 
 so efficient a power to support you." 8. To tliis the head chief 
 of the Mossynoeoi answered that they were pleased with the 
 proposal, and would consent to the alliance. 9. " Well, then," 
 said Xenophon, " for what purpose will you want to make use 
 of us, if we become your alliesj and how far will you be able to 
 assist us with regard to our passage through the country?" 10. 
 They replied, " We shall be able to make an irruption, from the 
 further side, into the country of those who are enemies to both 
 you and us, and to send mther for you, both ships and men, 
 who will be your auxiliaries, and guide you on your way." 11. 
 Having given and received pledges on these terms, they de- 
 parted. 
 
 The next day they returned with three hundred canoes,' 
 and three men in each, of whom two disembarked, and formed 
 inline under arms, while the third remained on board. 12. 
 The latter sailed off with the canoes, and those who were left 
 behind, ranged themselves in the following manner. They 
 drew up in lines, of about a hundred men in each, like rows 
 of dancers fronting one another, all bearing shields made of 
 the hides of white oxen, with the hair on, shaped like an ivy- 
 leaf, and in their right hand a spear six cubits long, with a 
 point at the upper end, and at the lower a round knob formed 
 from the wood of the shaft. 13. They were clad in short 
 tunics, that did not reach to their knees, of the thickness of a 
 linen bag for bed-clothes," and had on their heads helmets 
 made of leather like those of the Paphlagonians, with a plait 
 of hair roun^ the middle, nearly resembling a tiara ; they had 
 also battle-axes of iron. 14. One of them next went forward, 
 and all the rest following him, singing to a tune ; and then, 
 passing through the lines and heavy-armed troops of the 
 Greeks, they proceeded straight toward the enemy, to attack 
 a fortress, which appeared easy to be assailed, 15. and which 
 was situated in front of the city which they call their metrop- 
 olis, occupying tbe highest point in the country of the Mos- 
 
 Btead of elvat : but ^eartv ijiZv easily leads us to the conception of the 
 verb &ia7tpaieiT&e. Kuhner. 
 
 1 n^oju fimio^'Ka.'] Boats made of the trunk of a single tree hollowed 
 
 out. 
 
 » Aivov aTpufiaToSea/iov.'] A bag or sack in which slaves had to pack 
 up bed-clothes, e. g. for their master, when he was going to traveL 
 Afistoph. Pr. 249 ; Plato Theaet. § 84, ubi vide HeindorE 
 
155 THE EXPEDITION OF OYBUS. book v. 
 
 synoeci. It was about this stronghold that the present war 
 had arisen ; for those who for the time being held this posi- 
 tion, were regarded as chief of all the Mossynceci ; and they 
 said, that the other party had seized it unjustly, and, by appro- 
 piiating to themselves a common possession, had gained the 
 ascendency over them, 16. Some of the Greeks followed these 
 men, not by orders from their officers, but for the sake of plun- 
 der. While they were advancing, the enemy were quiet for a 
 time, but, as they drew near the fort, they sallied but and put 
 them to flight, killing several of the Barbarians, and some few 
 of the Greeks that went up with them, and continued the ptur- 
 suit up.til they saw ^the main body of the Greeks coming to the 
 rescue. 17. They then turned and fled, and, cutting off the 
 heads of the slain, exhibited them to the Greeks and Sieir own 
 enemies, dancing and singing, at the same time, to some kind 
 of tune. 
 
 18. The Greeks were much vexed on this occasion, because 
 they had rendered the enemy bolder, and because their own 
 men, who had |*one out with ihe party in considerable numbers, 
 had run away ; a circumstance which had never before hap- 
 pened during the expedition! 19. Xenophon, however, calling 
 the Greeks together, said, " Do not be cast down, soldiers, at 
 what has happened, for be assured that the good which has oc- 
 curred is not less than the evil. 20. In the first place, you are 
 now convinced that those who are to guide us, are in reality 
 enemies to those to whom it is necessary for us also to be 
 enemies. In the next, those of the Greeks who were regardless 
 of our discipline, and thought themselvas able to do as niuoh in 
 conjunction with the Barbarians as with us, have paid the 
 penalty of their rashness ; so that on any other occasion they 
 will be less inclined to desert our body. 21. And it is now in- 
 cumbent on you so to prepare yourselves, that you may appear 
 to such of the Barbarians as are your friends to be supenor to 
 them in courage, and to prove to your enemies that they 'vijH 
 not fight with the same kind of men now, as when they fought ' 
 with those who were in disorder." 
 
 22. Thus they rested for that day. On the next, when 
 they had sacrificed, and found favorable omens, and had 
 taken their breakfast, they formed themselves into columns, 
 ranging the Barbarians on the left in the same way, and 
 marched forward with the archers between the columns, keep- 
 
chap.it. a POETRBSS . stormed. 16Y 
 
 ing a little within the front ranks of the heavy-armed troops, 
 for some of the enemy's light-armed men ran down and hurled 
 stones at them. 23. These the archers and peltasts tried to keep 
 in check ; the rest of the Greeks proceeded at a slow pace, in 
 the first place, toward the' fortress, from which the Barbarians, 
 and the Greeks who were with them, had been repulsed the day 
 before ; for here the enemy' were drawn up to oppose them. 24. 
 The Barbarians awaited the charge of the peltasts, and engaged 
 with^hem ; but when the heavy-armed came up, they took to 
 flight, when the peltasts immediately pursued them up the hill 
 to the metropoUs, and the heavy-armed followed in order. 25. 
 As soon as they had reached the top, and were close to the 
 houses in the metropolis, the enemy, being now collected in a 
 bo(Jy, encountered and hurled lances at them ; and, using other 
 spears of great thickness and length, such as a mau could 
 hardly carry, they endeavored to defend themselves with them 
 hand to hand. 
 
 26. As the Greeks however did not give way, but epgaged 
 them in close combat, they fled also from this^part, abandon- 
 ing the place entirely. But their king who resided in a 
 wooden tower,' built upon an eminenoe, and whom, while he 
 lives there, they all maintain and guard" in common, would 
 not consent to come out, nor would those who were in the 
 fortress that was first taken,' but were burned there togCr 
 ther with the towers. 27. The Greeks, in railsacking the 
 place, found in the houses stores* of bread, laid up, as the 
 Mossynoeci themselves said, according to their hereditary prac- 
 tice, and the new com put by in the straw ; the most of it 
 was spelt. 28. Sliced flesh of dolphins,' too, was found pic- 
 kled in jars, and fat of dolphins also in other vessels, which 
 
 1 Moaavvi.'] Moititw, ^aivoc, irvpyoc, as appears from Diod. Sie. xiv. 
 30. Apoll. Ehodiua lengthens the v, it 1018, 1019, as well as Dionysiua 
 Periegetea, v. 766. The foi;in /idaavvot; from fioaiwvoc occurs below ; 
 but Soimeider, on the suggestion of Buttmann, reads /loaavvoiv, that 
 Xenophon may be consistent with himself 
 
 2 *uA«rTov(r(.] This reading is adopted by Dindorf from a conjecture 
 of Brunok, ad ApoU. Ehod. ii. 1030, which was approved by Porson, 
 and is supported by Pomponius Mela, i. 19: "The Mossyni maintain 
 their -king shut up in a tower." 
 
 3 That which is mentioned in sect. 15. Kiihner. 
 
 * Gi^ffotipotif.] Apoihecas, receptaciUa, ceUas. Zeune. 
 5 The Chalybes also are said to pioHe dolphins, and use their fet, by 
 Strabo, xii. 3, p. 27. • ' 
 
158 THE EXPEDITION OP CTETTS. book v. 
 
 tlie Mossynoeci used as the Greeks use oil. 29. In the upper 
 part of the houses were vast stores of chestnuts,' of the broad 
 kind, without any iSssure ; these they use in great quantities 
 for food, boiling them and baking loaves of them. Wine was 
 likewise found, which, when unmixed, seemed sour to the 
 taste by reason of its roughness, but mixed with water, was 
 both fragrant and sweet. 
 
 SO. The Greeks, after dining here, proceeded on their march, 
 delivering up the place to the tribe of Mossynoeci that had 
 become their allies. As for the other towns at which ' they 
 arrived, belonging to the people on that side of the enemy, 
 the Barbarians deserted such as were most accessible, while 
 the inhabitants of others willingly came over to them. 31. 
 Most of these places were situated thus : they were distant 
 from one another about eighty stadia, some more, some less ; 
 yet the inhabitants could hear each other calling out frofli 
 one town to another ; so mountainous and hollow is the 
 country. ' ^ 
 
 32. When the Greeks, advancing onward, arrived in the 
 country of their friends they showed them some boys, sons of 
 the richer sort of people, extremely fat (having been fed on 
 boiled chestnuts), very soft and fair-skinned, and not far from 
 being equal in height and breadth, painted also on their backs 
 with various colors, and tattooed all over their fore-parts 
 with flowers." 33. They wanted to have intercourse in pubhc 
 with the mistresses that the Greeks had with them ; for such 
 is their custom. Both the men and women were very fair. 
 34. Those engaged ' in this expedition said that these were the 
 most barbarous of all the people they passed through, and 
 furthest removed from the manners of the Greeks; for they 
 do those things in a crowd which other men would do in pri- 
 vate, or would not venture to do at all ; and they acted, when 
 alone, just as they would have acted in company with others ; 
 
 • Kdpva] The commentators rightly understand casianecs nuces, chest- 
 nuts, of which the name was taken from Castana, a city of Theasaly, 
 where they were first cultivated hy the Greeks: see PoUux, i. 232; 
 Salmas. Ezeroit Plin. p. 425. Kuhner. 
 
 ' 'AvSi/itov.'] So leunelavius, Schneider, Ziihner, and most of the 
 commentators interpret. Zeune, from Hesychius's definition of dv&e/uov, 
 " ypafi/iTJ. r(f i\m'onSrig iv Tolf Kioei," is disposed to think that the 
 people were tattooed in front with spired Kries^ but this notion, says 
 Kiihner, minim ' placet. 
 
CHAP. T. AERIVAL AT COTTORA. I59 
 
 thcj talked to themselves, laughed to themselves, and stopped 
 and danced wherever they happened to be, as if they were ex- 
 hibiting themselves to others. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Th« Greeks pass through the territories of the Ohalyhes, and arrive at 
 Co^ora, a eolony-from Sinope, in, those of the Tibartoi. Not Jieing hos- 
 pitably received, they subsist by plundering the neighboring <!0untry, 
 and that of the raphlogonians. The people of Sinope complain of these 
 depredations, but are appeased by the reply of Xeuophon. 
 
 1. Through this country, partly hostile and partly friend- 
 ly, the Greeks proceeded eight days' journey, and arrived 
 among the Chalybes. This people are few in number, and 
 subject to the Mossynoeci ; and the subsistence of most of 
 tbem is procured by working in iron. 2. They next came to 
 the Tibareni, whose country was much more level, and con- 
 tained some towns on the sea-coast, not very strongly fortified. 
 Upon these places the generals were inclined to make an at- 
 tack, and thus in some degree to benefit the army ; and accord- 
 ingly they did not receive the offerings of hospitality that were 
 sent them from the Tibareni, but ordered those who brought 
 them to wait till they had considered how to act, and then pro- 
 ceeded to sacrifice. 3. After ofiering several victims, all the 
 augurs at last gave their opinion that the gods by no means ap- 
 proved of war. They then accepted the presents, and, march- 
 ing on, as through a country belonging to friends, they arrived 
 in two days at Cotyora, a Greek city, a colony from Sinope, 
 situated in the territory of the Tibareni. 
 
 4. Thus far the army had proceeded by land. The length 
 of their joiimey down the country, from the field of battle near 
 Babylon to Cotyora, was a hundred and t\\renty-two days' 
 march, six hundred and twenty parasangs, or eighteen thou- 
 sand six hundred stadia ; and the lengfti of time spent in it was 
 eight months. 
 
 5. Here they staid forty-five days ; during which they 
 first sacrificed to the gods, and then each of the Greeks, ac- 
 cording to their tribes, celebrated processions and gymnastic 
 
160 THE EXPEDITION OF CYETTS. book t 
 
 games. 6. Their provisions, meanwhile, they took partly from 
 Paphlagonia, and partly from the lands of the Cotyorites ; for 
 they refused to permit them to purchase, or to receive their sick 
 within the walls. 
 
 7. During this state of things embassadors came from the 
 people of Sinope,;who were in fear about the city of Cotyora 
 (for it belonged to them, and the inhabitants paid them 
 tribute), and about the land, as they had heard llat it was 
 being ravaged. Having arrived at the camp, they said 
 (Hieronymus, who was thought a man of eloquence, speaHng 
 for the rest), 8. "The people of Sinope, soldiers, have sent us 
 hither, first of aH, to offer you commendation, Isecause, beiDg 
 Greeks, you have overcome the Barbarians, and next to con- 
 gratulate you on having arrived here safe, as we hear, through 
 many and great etrv^gles. 9. But we think it right that,' as 
 we ourselves are Greets, we should receive favor, and not 
 injury at the hands of you who are Greeks; for we have 
 certainly never been aggressors in doing you any ill. 10. The 
 people of Cotyora are colonists of ours, and we gave them this 
 land after having taking it from the Barbarians ; on which ac- 
 count they pay us as an appointed tribute, in the same manner 
 as the people of Cerasus and Trebisond ; so that whatever 
 evil you do to them, the city of Sinope will consider itself 
 aggrieved by it. 11. We are now informed that, having en- 
 tered the town by force, you are quartered, some of you, in the 
 hoiises, and are taking whatever you want from the neighbor- 
 hood without haying obtained the people's consent. 12. These 
 proceedings we can not approve, and, if you continue to act 
 thus, it wiU be necessary for us to make friends of Corylaa and 
 the Paphlagonians, and whomsoever else we may be able to at- 
 tach to us." 
 
 13. In reply to these complaints Xenophon rose up and 
 spoke in behalf of the army as follows : " We, O men of 
 Sinope, have come hither, content with having preserved bur 
 persons and our arms ; for to bring away spoil , with uiS, and 
 at the same time to fight with our enemies, was imposdble ; 
 14. and now, since we ^arrived among the Greek cities (at 
 Trebisond for erample, for there they allowed lis to buy), we 
 have got our .provisions by purchase; and in return for the 
 honors which they did us, and the presents which they gave 
 to the army, we paid them every respect, and ahstainod from 
 
CHAP.T. XENOPHON JUSTIFIES THEIR PROCEEDINGS. 161 
 
 injuring any of the Barbarians that were their friends, while 
 to their enemies, against whom they led us, we did as much 
 harm as we could. 15. Inquire of them (for the men, whom, 
 through friendship, the city sent along with us as guides, are 
 present here), what sort of persons they found us; 16. But 
 whithersoever we come and find no opportunity of purchas- 
 ing, whether to a country of Barbarians or of Greeks, we 
 take provisions for ourselves, not tyrannically, but from neces- 
 sity. 17. Thus we made the Carduchi, the Taochi, and the 
 Ohaldfflans ^not subjects of the king indeed, but very formid- 
 able people), our enemies, by being under the necessity of 
 taking provisions from them, as they gave us no opportunity 
 to buy; 18. but the Macrones, since they afforded us every 
 faoiUty for purchasing that they could, we regarded, though 
 Barbarians, as friends, and took nothing from them by force. 
 19. But as for the people of Cotyora (who, you say, are your 
 subjects), for whatever we have taken from them they them- 
 selves are to be blamed ; for they did not make advances to us 
 as friends, but, shutting their gates, would neither admit us 
 within their walls, nor offer us provisions for sale without; 
 and they alleged that the governor appointed by you was the 
 cause of these proceedings. 20. With regard to your remark 
 that we have entered the city and lodged ourselves in it by 
 force, we requested them to receive our sick under their roofs ; 
 but, when they would, not open their gates, we, effecting an 
 entrance where the place itself would admit us,' committed no 
 further act of violence ; and the sick now lodge in the houses, 
 living upon their own means ; while we place a guard at the 
 ■ gates, only that our disabled soldiers may not be in the hands 
 of your governor, but that it may be in our power to remove 
 them when we wish. 21. The rest of us, as you see, are en- 
 camped in order in the open air, prepared, if any one does us 
 a service, to do him a service in return ; if aii injury, to defend 
 ourselves against him. 22. And as to your threat that, if you 
 think proper, you will make GorylSs and the Paphlagonians 
 your allies against us, be assured that we, if it be necessary, 
 will fight with you both (for we have already fought with 
 
 ' 'ESex^TO aiirb rb xupiov.] Qud nos ipse locus rempiebat : h. e. 4M(i 
 nobis per ipsms led natwcm, licebai v/i-bem inVraire. Kiihner. Schnei- 
 der's text has o4k iSexoi/ro, but all the modern editors ooacur with Din- 
 dorf. 
 
162 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK v. 
 
 enemies .much more numerous than you), or, if we thint fit, we 
 will make the Paphlagonian leader our friend, 23. for we have 
 heard that he covets both your city and all the other places on 
 the sea. We shall try to become his friends by assisting him 
 in the attainment of what he desires." ' 
 
 24. After this speech the colleagues of Hecatonymus testi- 
 fied manifest displeasure at what he had said, and another of them, 
 coming forward, said that they were not come to make war, but 
 to declare that they were friends. " Aiid if you come," he con- 
 tinued, " to the city of Sinope, we wiU receive you there, with 
 tokens of friendship, and, for the present, we will desire the 
 people here to supply you with what they can ; for we see that 
 all you state is true." 25. The people of Cotyora then sent 
 presents to the army, and the generals of the Greeks entertained 
 the embassadors from Sinope ; and they conversed with, one 
 another about many other things that concerned them, and in- 
 quired about such particulars as each paity wanted to know 
 respecting the remainder of the route. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The Greeks, hy the advice of Hecatonymus, resolved to prooeed hj se% if 
 the people of Sinope will send them ships enoagh for their convfyaoea. 
 A prqjeot of Xenophon's to build a city m Pontus is frostratsd by the 
 treachery of SilanM. Several of the Greeks are indiued to settle in 
 Pontas. 
 
 1. Such was the end of that day. On the next, the generals 
 assembled the soldiers, and it was resolved to call in the em- 
 bassadors from Sinope and consult them about the rest of 
 their journey ; for, if it should be necessary to proceed by 
 land, the Sinopeans seemed likely to prove useful as guides, 
 as they were well acquainted with Paphlagonia ; or if by sea, 
 it appeared that they would want the aid of the Sinopeans, for 
 they were the only people that seemed able to furnish a sufB- 
 cient number of ships for transporting the army. 2. Having 
 requested the attendance of the embassadors, therefore, they 
 asked their opinion, and desired that, being Greeks, they 
 would in the first place receive them well' both by being 
 
 ' The student will find the original, in this passage, somewhat ob- 
 
CHAP. VI. ADVICE OF HECATONTMtr^. 163 
 
 kind to tbem as Greeks, and by advising them for the 
 best. 
 
 3. Hecatonymus, rising up, first stated in apology for his 
 observation " that they would make the Paphlagopian their 
 friend," that he had said this, not to imply that they were 
 going to make war upon the Greeks, but that they would 
 prefer the friendship of the Greeks though they had the option 
 of becoming friends to the Barbarians. When they called 
 upon him to give them his advice, he spoke, with an appeal 
 to the gods, to the following efiect ; 4. " If I advise you what 
 seems to me to be best, may many good things befall me ; if 
 not, things of a contrary nature; for that sort of counsel, 
 which is said to be sacred,^ appears now to be required ; and, 
 if I shall be thought to have advised you well, there will be 
 many of you to applaud me, and if ill, many of you to execrate 
 me. 5. I am aware, then, that we ourselves shall have much 
 more trouble if you proceed by sea, for it will be necessary for 
 us to furnish the vessels ; while, if you go by land, it will- fall 
 upon you to fight your way. 6. However, I must tell you 
 what I know ; for I am well acquainted both with the country 
 of the Paphlagonians and with their strength. As for the 
 country, it presents many beautiful plains, and mountains of a 
 very great height ; 'I. and I know, in the first place, the part 
 where you must certainly make your entrance into it, for it is 
 iippossible to enter it at any other point than where the peaks 
 of a mountain rise t6 a vast height on each side of the road, 
 which a handful of men in possession of them would be able 
 to defend ; " and, if they are pre-occupied, not even all the 
 
 scure, as the accusative that Sex^a'&ai should govern is wanting, and 
 "EU^ai is given in anticipation of eivovc on which it undoubtedly 
 depends. To make it depend on ivrag, with Henry Stephens, is mani- 
 festly erroneous. 
 
 ' An allusion, without doubt, to the proverb lepdv XPVI'-''' ^ cvtiCiovTJi, 
 or Upd, fi avii6ovXri, concerning which see Hesyehius, Suidas, and Pha- 
 vorinua; also Zenobii Proverbb. 4, 20, ibique Sohottus; also Erasmi 
 Chiliadi 2. 1. 47. Erasmus cites Plato, Epist. 5, and observes that 
 lepd is also applied to the anchor which the sailors cast out as their 
 last resort in danger. Zeune remarks that lepbv is applied to what- 
 ever is great and distingjiished in its k>nd, so that Xonophon may 
 mean the best and most important counsel. Stuns. Lex. Xenoph. s. v. ' 
 <njfi6ovX7J. 
 
 s KpaTfic.] Kriiger makes this verb equivalent to defendere. Kiihner 
 understands with iiruv no^ejiluv, "to prove superior to their enemies." 
 
164 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. book v. 
 
 men in tbe world would be able to force a passage. These I 
 could show you, if you would send any body witb me. 8. Be- 
 yond, I know that tbere are plains, and a body of cavalry 
 *hich. tbe Barbarians themselves think superior to all 
 the king's cavalry ; and, on a recent occasion, they did not 
 join him when he summoned them, as their leader' has too 
 high a spirit to' do so. 9. But if you could even pass the 
 mountains unobserved, or anticipate the enemy in taking pos- 
 session of them, and could defeat their cavalry, as well as more 
 than a hundred and twenty thousand infanty, in battle on the 
 plain, you would .in the next place come to rivers, first to -.Mie 
 Thevmodon, three hundred feet in breadth, which I consider 
 difficult to pass, especially with a large number of enemies 
 before you, and' an equal number following you behind ; next 
 to the Iris, three hundred feet broad also ; andj thirdly, to the 
 Halys, not less tban two furlongs in breadth, which you would 
 be unable to cross without boats ; and with boats who would 
 supply you ? The Parthenius, too, at which you would . arrive 
 if you were to pass the Halys, is equally impassable. 10, I 
 consider this way, therefore, not merely as difficult, but as ab- 
 solutely impracticable. But if you go by sea, you may sail 
 along the coast from hence to Sinope, and from Sinope to 
 Heraclea ; and from Heraclea there will be no difficulty in 
 proceeding either by land or sea, as there are plenty of vessels 
 at Heraclea." 
 
 H". When he had given this advice, some suspected that he 
 had given it through friendship for Cprylas, as he was a 
 public guest-friend of his ; others thought that he was to 
 receive a reward for his counsel ; and others, again, imagined 
 that he had thus advised thejn, in order that they might not, 
 by marching through tbe territory of the Sinopeans, do any 
 damage to it. The Greeks, however, gave their votes for going 
 by sea. 
 
 12. Xenophon then said,."0 men of Sinope, the soldiers 
 have chosen the mode of traveling' which you advise ; and 
 the matter now stands thus : if the vessels are to be furnished 
 
 Kriiger's, method is the more simple. "This pass appears to be situ- 
 ated, in the range of mountains which extends northward into, the 
 sea, to form the cape Jasonium, now Tasun Bvemu." Ainswortli, p. 
 205. 
 ' Oorylas. 
 
CHAP. VI. XENOPHON "WOtfLD FOUND A CITY. 165 
 
 in sufficient numbers, so that not a man of us be left here, 
 we will sail ; but if some of us are to be left here, and others to 
 sail, we shall not go on board the vessels at all ; 13. for we are 
 sure that wherever we are the stronger, we shall be able both 
 to save ourselves and to get provisions, but that if we are 
 any where found weaker than our enemies, it is quite clear we 
 shall be in the condition of slaves." 14. The embaissadors, 
 on hearing this statement, desired the Greets to send an 
 embassy to Sinope. They accordingly sent Callimachus an 
 Arcadian, Ariston an Athenian, and Samolas an Achaen ; all of 
 whom immediately set out. 
 
 15. In the mean time, when Xenoptoa contemplated the 
 numerous body of heavy-armed Greeks, as well as the great 
 number of peltasts, archers, slingers, dnd cavalry, rendered 
 extremely efficient by exercise, that were now in Pontus, 
 wliere so large a force could not be collected without great 
 expense, it appeared to him that it would be an honorable 
 undertaking to acquire territory and power for Greece by 
 founding a city there. 16. He thought that such a city might 
 become great, when he considered hath the number of the 
 Greeks fliemselves, and that of the surrounding inhabitants 
 of Pontus. With reference to this project he offered a sacri- 
 fice, summoning to it Silanus of Ambracia, who had been 
 augur to Cyrus, before he spoke on the subject to any one of 
 the soldiers. 17. Silanus, fearing that the scheme might take 
 effect, and that the army might form a settlement somewhere, 
 spread a report through the army that Xenophon wanted 
 them all to remain there, and form a city, and thus give him 
 fame and power. 18. But what Silanus himself wished, was 
 to set off for Greece as soon as possible, as he had saved the 
 three thousand darics that he had received from Cyrus, when, 
 sacrificing for him, he gave a true prediction concerning the 
 ten days.' 19. As to the soldiers, when they heard of the 
 matter, some thought it best to stay there, but the imajority 
 were of a different opinion ; and Timasion the Dardanian and 
 Thorax the BcEotian told some merchants of Heraclea and 
 Sinope who happened to be there, that if they did not 
 procure pay for the troops so that they might have -provisions 
 on the voyage, there would be danger of, so great an army 
 
 ' i. 1. 18. 
 
160 THE EXPBDITIOK OP CYEUS. BOOK v. 
 
 repiaining in Pontus ; for Xenophon, said they, is forming 
 this'^ project, and desires us, when the vessels have arrived, 
 suddenly to say to the army, 20. " Soldiers, we observe that 
 we are now at a loss both how to get provisions fbr our 
 voyage, and how to benefit our families on returning home. 
 .But if you are inclined to select some spot, wherever you 
 please, in the inhabited country around the Euxine, and to 
 take possession of it, allowing thqse to go home who are 
 desirous to go, and diose who are willing, to settle here, you 
 have ships at command, so that you may make a sudden de- 
 scent upon any part you may think proper." 21. The mer- 
 chants, on hearing this account, communicated it to their citife; 
 and Timasion the Dardanian sent with them Etirymachns, also 
 a Dardanian, and Thorax the Boeotian, to make the same state- 
 ment. The people of Sinope and Heraclea, as soon as they 
 learned this, sent to Timasion, and engaged him, on receipt of 
 a certain sum of money, to use his influence in bringing it to 
 pass that the army might sail out of the Euxine. 22. He 
 willingly hstened to this proposal, and made a speech, in an 
 assembly of the soldiers to tlie following purport : " We ought 
 not to give our thoughts, soldiers, to remaining here ; or to 
 esteem any other country as preferable to Greece. I hear, 
 however, that certain persons are sacrificing with a view to 
 this object, without informing you of it. 23. But, if you 
 will sail out of the Euxine, I engage to give each of you 
 monthly a stater of Cyzicus' as pay, computing from the first 
 day of the month ; and I will then conduct yoii, to Troas, 
 from whence I am an exile, and my city shall aid you, for my 
 countrymen will gladly receive me. 24. I will also guide you 
 to places from which you may get wealth, for I am well 
 acquainted with .Jblia, Phrygia, Troas, and ^11 the satrapy of 
 Phamabazus, partly from being a native of that quarter, and 
 partly from having served there with Clearohns and Dercyl- 
 lidas. 
 
 25. Thorax the Boeotian, who was always contending with 
 Xenophon for ithe chief command, immediately" stood up, and 
 said, tljat if they sailed out of the Euxine, there would be, 
 
 ' "Worth afcout 22s.'9d. according to Husaey, ch. vL sect 4. 
 
 2 Dindorf, with most other editors, has aMtg. I have thougit 
 proper to follow Schneider in reading rfWf, which occurs in two 
 manuaoripts. 
 
CHAP. VI. XENOPHON JUSTIFIES HIMSELF. JQ'! 
 
 before them the Chersonese,' a fine and rich country ; so that 
 such as wished might settle there, and such as were unwilling 
 to do so might return home ; adding that it was ridiculou?, 
 when* there was abundance of rich* land in Greece, to seek 
 settlements in a country of Barbarians. 26. " And until you 
 arrive there," said he, " I, as well as Timasion, engage that 
 you shall have pay." This he said from having learned what 
 the people of Heraclea and Sinope had promised on condition 
 that they sailed away. Xenophon, in the mean time, was 
 silent. 27. Philesius and LycOn, "however, both Achfeans, 
 rose up and observed that it was intolerable that Xenophon 
 should privately persuade the soldiers to remain, and sacrifice 
 with a view to their stay, not allo-^ing the array to participate 
 in the sacrifice, and saying nothing on -the subject to the 
 general council. Xenophon was in consequence obliged to rise 
 and speak as follows : 
 
 28. "I sacrifice, as you see, soldiers, to the best of my 
 ability, both for you and for myself in order that I may say, 
 and think, and do such things as may be most honorable and 
 advantageous both for yourselves and me ; and I was just now 
 sacrificing about this very consideration, whether it would be 
 better to proceed to speajs; and treat with you on this subject, 
 or not to touch on the point at all. 29. Silanus the augur in- 
 formed me, what was the most important particular, that the 
 victims were favorable, but added (for he knew that I was 
 not unskilled in such matters, from being constantly present 
 at the sacrifices), that some fraud and treachery was indicated 
 against me by the sacrifices, as being conscious, forsooth, that 
 he himself was treacherously purposing to calumniate me to 
 you ; for he it was that spread the report that I intended to 
 carry this scheme into execution without gaining your con- 
 sent. 30. If indeed I had seen you in want, I should have 
 meditated some scheme, of which the result might have been 
 that you, after possessing yourselves of some town,' might 
 sail home, such of you as were inclined, immedia,tely, and such 
 as were not so, after they had acquired sufficient to be of some 
 benefit to their families. 31. But since I see the people of 
 Heraclea and Sinope sending you Vessels to sail in, and 
 
 ' The Thraeian Chersonese. 
 
 ' IloAiv.] Haken thinks that Xenophon meditated taking possession 
 of the'oity of Cotyora^ Comp. sect. 15. 
 
168 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK v. 
 
 indiviiiuals here promising you pay from the beginning of the 
 month, it appears to me an excellent thing for us, after getting 
 safe where we wish to be, to receive pay for allowing ourselves 
 t,o be preserved ;' and I myself, accordingly, give up this 
 project, and tiink that all who have come to me saying that 
 we ought to act in this manner, should give it up likewise. 
 32. For what I think is this ; that while you continue together, 
 as at present, in large numbers, you are Uiely to be held in 
 honor, and to find provisions (since in superior strength lies 
 the privilege of taMng what belongs to the weater) ; but if you 
 are divided, and your-force broken into small bodies, you, will 
 neither^ be able to procure subsistence, nor effect a departure 
 to your satisfaction. 33. My opinion, consequently, is the 
 same with your own, that we ought to set out ior Greece, and 
 that if any one remain here, or be found leaving any one be- 
 hind, before the whole army is in a place of safety, he be 
 brought to trial as a criminal. And by whomsoever," he add- 
 ed, " these sentiments are approved, let him hold up his hand." 
 They all held them up. 
 
 ,34. But Silanus cried out in opposition, and attempted to 
 show that such as wished to leave the army ought tp be 
 allowed to do so. This proposition, however, the soldiers would 
 not endure, Isut threatened that, if they caught him running, 
 away, they would inflict punishment on him. 35. S6o4 after, 
 when the Heracleans learned that it was resolved to sail out 
 of the JEuxine, and that it was Xenophon who had put the 
 matter to the vote they sent the ships ; but about the money 
 for pay, which they had promised to Timasion and Thorax, 
 they broke their word. 36. In consequence, those who had 
 engaged for its payment were confounded, and in dread of 
 the army. Talnng with them, therefore, the rest of the 
 
 1 MiuMv r^f eaTrjpiaq- TMfjSavuv.'] An elegant, expression, with a, 
 certain irony, for if ohe person is saved by another, he does not receive, 
 but give, a reward for his preservation. Compare viL 6. 30: /ua^ov 
 npoaereXei Tijf daia^eiac, "he gave you in addition a reward for the 
 safety wfeioh he secured you.'* "With like humor Xenophon says in hia 
 MemorabiL ii. 6. 4, ei 6i Trdaxav dvex^rat : and so v. 8. 13, bcoig au^e<T&ai 
 jiiv r/paei iC i/iai:. That this very nicety of language has led to corrup- 
 tion of the passage, is jipt at all surprising. Kukner. Hutchinson and 
 leunclavius read iropuoi, which occurs in some manuscsripta, and which 
 Bomematn is inclined to prefer. 
 
cnAP, Tii. DASSATISFACTION OF THE TBOOPa 169 
 
 generals, those at least to wbom they had communicated what 
 thoy were previously attempting (and these were all except 
 Neon of Asina,' who commanded under Cheirisophus, and 
 Cbeinsophus had not yet rettirned), they went to Xenophon, 
 and told him that they were sorry for what had been done, 
 and that it seemed the best course to them, since they had 
 vessels, to sail to the liver Phasis, and lake possession of the 
 country of the Phaaans, of whom a grandson of .^tes' 
 happened then to be king. 37. X^bophon replied that he 
 would propose nothing of the sort to the troops, " but assemble 
 them yourselves," said he, " and lay the matter before them 
 if you please." i Timasion the Daxdanian then gave his 
 opinion that they should not call a general assembly, but that 
 each of the leaders should endeavor, in the first place, to 
 persuade his own men. They accordingly went oflf and put 
 this plan in execution. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Xenophon, 'being aoouaed of encouraging the army to sail to the Phasis, de- 
 fends himself in a formal speech, and is the means of bringing certain of 
 the soldiers, who had some time before insulted the embassadors from 
 Oorasus, to punishment. 
 
 1. The soldiers now learned that these matters were in 
 agitation; and Neon of Asina told them that Xenophon, 
 having brought the other generals over to his side, was re- 
 solved to deceive the army and take them back again to the 
 Phasis. 2. The soldiers, on hearing this account, were greatly 
 displeased, meetings began to be held, and knots collected 
 among them;* and they gave great reason to* fear that they 
 would act as they had done to the heralds of the Colchians 
 and the commissaries of the market ; for as many of. them as 
 had not escaped to the sea had teen stoned.' 3. As soon as 
 
 1 A town of Laoonia ; he is accordingly called AoKui'fKof, vii. 2. 
 
 29. ■ ' 
 
 ' Metea was a common name of the kings of Colchis. Strabo, i. 2, 
 
 3 Of this afSir no account has been given ; but it is told below, sect 
 VOL. I. 8 
 
170 THE ESPEDITIOIf OF CYRTTS. book r, 
 
 Xenophon observed this state of tBings, he thought proper to 
 call the army immediately together, and not to leave them to 
 collect of their own accord. He therefore ordered the herald 
 to summon a general assembly, 4. and the troops, when they 
 heard 'the herald's voice, hastened to, the meeting with the 
 greatest alacrity. Xenophon did not accuse the other generals 
 of having come to him,' but addressed the troops thus : 
 
 5. " I hear, soldiers, that some one accuses me of intending 
 to deceive you, and to^ take you to the Phasis. Hear me 
 therefore, in the name of the gods, and if I appear to have 
 done wrong, I ought not to depart hence till I have sufi'ered 
 due punishment; bat if, on the contrary, my accusers are, 
 proved to be in the wrong, treat them, I beseech you, as they 
 deserve. 6. You doubtless know," he continued, " where the 
 Bun rises and where it sets, and that whoever intends to go 
 to Greece must proceed toward the west; and whoever would 
 go. to the Barbarians, in the contrary direction, toward the east ; 
 and is there any one, then, who would be able deceitfully to 
 persujide you that the sun rises in this quarter and sets in th^t, 
 sets here, and rises there f 7. You also know that the north 
 wind carries you out of the Euxine Sea toward Greece, and 
 the south wind inward toward the Phasis ; and you exclaim, 
 when the north, wind blows, that it is fair sailing for Greece. 
 Is it po^iblfi, then, that any one could deceive yon with regard 
 to this, to induce you to embark when the south wind is 
 blowing? But you will say, perhaps, I shall put you on 
 board when it is calm. 8. I however shall sail but in one 
 ship, and you in a hundred at least; and how then could I 
 force ypu to sail with me against your will, or lead you away 
 by deceit ? 9. But I wdll suppose that you are deceived and 
 bewitched by me, and arrive at the Phasis ; we then land in. 
 the country ; you will know very well that you are not in 
 Greece, apd I, who have deceived you, shall be But one, while 
 
 13-25. Weiske blames Xenophon for this omission, if it be not rather, 
 he says, the fault of transcribers. Kriiger defends Xenophon on the 
 ground that he wished to avoid repetition. 
 
 1 Of having come to him to propose an invasion of the country of the 
 Phasians, c. 6, sect. 36. 
 
 ' We must suppose the speaker to point to the different quarters aa 
 he alluded to them. Schsefer (Meletem. Grit. p. 3), and Weiske have 
 proposed other readings of the passage, but there seems to be no jurt 
 cause for disturbing it. 
 
CHAP. vtl. ADDRESS OF XENOPHON. 171 
 
 you who- have been deceived, will be nearly ten thousand, 
 with arms in your hands ; and how could one individual more 
 effectually bring vengeance on himself than by planning thus 
 concerning himself and you? 10. But these charges prpceed 
 from foolish men, and men who are jealous of me because I 
 am honored by you ; though indeed they are jealous without 
 reason ; for which of them do I hinder from speaking before 
 you, if ho has any thing to propose for your advantage, or 
 from fighting, if he wishes, for you and himself, or from 
 watching, if he cares to do so, for your safety ? When you 
 choose oiBcers, do I stand in the way of any one ? I am 
 ready to resign ; let another' take the command ; only let 
 him show that he would do something for your advantage, 
 H. What I have said, however, upon this point, is sufficient. 
 But if any one of you thinks that he could of himself have 
 been deceived in this matter, or that any other person could 
 have deceived him in it," let him speak and make known his 
 thoughts to us. 
 
 12. " When you are satisfied on this head, do not^ dis- 
 perse until you have heard something of a sort of conduct, 
 which, I perceive, is beginning to show itself among the 
 troops ; for if it goes on, and becomes what it threatens to be, 
 it is time for us to consider about ourselves, that we may not 
 appear in the sight of gods pnd men, of enemies and Mends, 
 to be the basest and most infamous of all men, and bring our- 
 selves utterly into contempt." 13. The soldiers, on hearing 
 these words, wondered what the matter could be, and desired 
 him to proceed. He accordingly resumed his speech : " You 
 are aware that there were some places upon the mountains 
 belonging to the Barbarians, and in alhance with the people 
 of Cerasus, from which some of the inhabitants came d6ym. 
 to us, and offered to sell us cattle for sacrifice, and such other 
 things as they had. Some of you seem to have gone to the 
 nearest of these places, and to have made some purchases and 
 returned. 14. Clearchus, one of the captains, understanding 
 that this place was small and unguarded, because the people 
 supposed that' they were in friendship with us, went against 
 
 ' He seems to allude to Thorax, the Boeotian, mention c. 6, sect. 19, 
 Mutchinson. 
 
 ' E/ <Se Tif i/tav, K. T. X.] <Si» gu/i3 verd vestrum putet vel fieri posse aiit 
 ui ipse se iia dec^erit, aui aii/us ipsum ita deceperit Bornemanu. 
 
172 THE EXPEDITION OF CTRTTS. book v." 
 
 it in iJie night to plunder it, without telling any of us of his 
 intention. 15. He had purposed, if he shbuld take the place, 
 not to return again to the army, but, embarking in a vessel, 
 in -wbich his comrades were sailing along the coast, and put- 
 ting on board whatever he got, to sail clear away out of the 
 Euxine. His companions in the vessel had concerted all this 
 with him, as I now learn, 16. Assembling therefore as many 
 as he could induce to follow him, he led them toward the 
 place. But daylight overtook him on his way, and the in- 
 habitants collecting together, and hurling tnissiles, and using 
 other weapons, from their places of defense, killed Clearchus 
 and several of the rest ; some few of them retreated to Cera- 
 sus. 17. These occurrences happened on the day on which 
 we set out hither from Cerasus by land, and -while some of 
 those who were to sail' along, the coast were still at Cerasus, 
 not having as yet weighed anchor. After this, as the people 
 of Oerasus state, three of the older men came from the place, 
 desiring to have an interview with our common assembly. 
 18. As they did not find us, they told the people of Cerasus 
 that they wondered wliy we had- thought of attacking them. 
 The people of Cerasus, ho'v^ever, said that when they told 
 them that the outrage had not been committed by public au- 
 thority, they were delighted, and were going to sail hither to 
 ^ve us an account of what had happened, and to invite those 
 who wished it to tak« their dead and bury them. 19. But 
 some of the Greeks that had fled happened to' be still at 
 Cerasus, tad discovering whither the Barbarians were going, 
 had the daring to throw stones at them themselves, and 
 encouraged others to do the same. Thus these men, the three 
 deputies^ were sttoed to death. 
 
 20. ■" When this crime was committed, some of the people 
 of Cerasus came to- us, and gave us an account of the affair. 
 We, the generals, on listening to it, were greatly concerned at 
 what had happened, and consulted with the men from Cerasus 
 how the dead Greeks might be buried. 21. As we were sit- 
 ting in council, outside the quarters of the heavy-armed' men, 
 we . suddeiily heard a great outcry of voices, ' Strike, strike, 
 throw, throw ! ' and immediately saw a great number of men 
 riumiiig tog^her with stones in their hands, and others pick- 
 
 1 T(3v jrXeowTuj'.] See c. i, sect. 1; c. 3, sect. 1. 
 
CHAP. VII. ACCOUNT OF AN ODTRAGB. I73 
 
 ing them up. 22. The people of Cerasus, as having witnessed 
 ■what had happened among themselves, retreated in fear to their 
 vessels.; and there were some of us, by Jove, who were also 
 in fear. 23. I, for my part, went up to them, and asked them 
 what the matter was. Some of them knew nothing about it ; 
 and yet had stones in their hands. When at length I met 
 with one who did know', he told me that the commissaries of 
 the market were treating the army in a mapner not to be en- 
 dured. 24. At this moment one of the soldiers perceived the 
 commissary Zelarohus retreating toward the sea, and called 
 out ; the rest, hearing the cry, rushed toward him as if a wild 
 boar or a stag had appeared. 25. The men of Cerasus, seeing 
 the soldiers hurrying in their direction, and thinking that they 
 were coming to attack them, fled in all haste, and threw them- 
 selves into the sea ; when some of our men threw themselves 
 in likevrisCj and such as did not know how to swim were 
 drowned, 26. Why do you think that these men fled ? They 
 had done no wrong ; but they were afraid that some madness, 
 like that of dogs, must have seized our men. If things are to 
 goon thus, consider what will be the state of our army. 21. 
 You, as a body, will not have the privilege either of commencing 
 war with whom you please, or of breaking it off, but every 
 man that chooses may lead off troops of his own will, on 
 whatever enterprise he thinks proper. And if any deputies 
 come to you, to ask for peace or any thing else, whoever 
 pleases may, by putting them to death, prevent you from hear- 
 ing the requests of those who apply to you. 28. Besides, those 
 whom you have all elected generals, will then be of to au- 
 thority, but whoever ijiay elect himself general, and be inclined 
 to cry ' Throw, throw,' will be able to put to death either 
 officer or private among you, whomsoever he pleases, without 
 a trial, at least if men be found, as in this recent instance, to 
 obey him. 
 
 29. " Consider, too, what these self-elected leaders have 
 done for you. If Zelarchus the commissary has done you 
 any wrong, he has sailed off without making any atonement 
 to you ; if he has done you none, he has fled from the camp 
 for fear of being put to death unjustly and without trial. 30. 
 Those who stoned the deputies jxave made it unsafe for you 
 alone, of all the Greeks, to go to Cerasus, unless with a power- 
 ful force; and with regard to the dead, whom, previously, 
 
174 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. book r. 
 
 those that killed them invited you to bury, they have rendered 
 it no linger safe for you to carry them off, even though attended 
 with a herald's stafl'. Who, indeed, that has killed heralds, 
 will be willing to go as a herald 1 However, we have requested 
 the people of Oerasus to bury them. - 
 
 31. "If these proceedings be right, let them be sanctioned 
 by you, in order that, as such conduct is to be pursued, every 
 man may procure a guard for himself, and endeavor to.pitcla 
 his tent in a strong and advantageous position.' 32. But if 
 such acts appear to you rather those of wild beasts than of 
 men, /contrive some mode of putting a stop to them ; or, if 
 you do not, how, in the name of Jupiter, shall we sacrifice, to 
 the, gods with any satisfection, while we are guilty of impious 
 deeds ? Or how shall we fight with our enemies, if we kill 
 one another f 33. Or what city will receive us with friend- 
 ship, that sees such lawlessness among us ? Or who, with 
 any confidence, will ofier us provisions for salej if we are 
 found to offend in things of such moment ?' Or, in the coun- 
 try where we expected to obtain the praise of all, who will 
 praise us if we bear such -a character ? For I am very certain 
 that we should pronounce others, who should be guilty of such 
 acts, to be bad men." 
 
 34. In ^consequence they all stood up and said that the 
 leaders in these proceedings should suffer punishment ; that 
 for the future it should be forbidden to enter upon any law- 
 lessness of the kind, and that whoever attempted any, should 
 be put to death ; that the generals should bring all such per- 
 sons to trial ; and that there should be trials also in case any 
 person had been wronged in any way since Cyrus was killed. 
 The captains they, appointed to be judges. On the motion of 
 
 'TaipvfivH virepdE^ia — Ixav oKiivovv.'] Munita et edita loca. Bome- 
 mann. Iktwmprcesidium qticerat. Kiihnef. ''iirepde^w^ is properly high 
 en, the right, hence taken to signify cammanding, advantageous. Kriiger, 
 however, thinks that either ifw/ivd or iwepSe^ia should be struck out of 
 the text. But it is not likely that tJvreptSEffa was interpolated. Perhaps 
 Xenophon, as he pronounced the word, poiiited tp some strong position 
 on hia right ^ 
 
 2 Beferriug to the treatment of the Greeks of Cerasus, sect. 
 15-23. 
 
 " Tlepl tH jieyiaTa Toiaira.'] This appears principally to allude to the 
 murder of the heralds, which was tfie most grievous violation of the rights 
 of nations, and of the ordinances of religion ; but in some measure also 
 to the ill-treatment of the dyopavofio;. Bt&fow. 
 
CHAP. vin. THE OFFICERS CALLED TO ACCOTTNT. 175 
 
 Xenophou, too, and with the concurrence of the augma, it 
 was resolved to purify the aiiny. The puiification accordingly 
 toot place. 
 
 CHAPTER VIIL 
 
 A rasolutiou is passed that the generals shall ^ve an account of their con- 
 dtact. Xenophon is accused by some of the soldiers of having inflicted 
 stripes upon them. Xenophon aoliuowledges the facts, but tfffiply iusti- 
 flesnis conduct. 
 
 1. It was resolved also that the generals should give an 
 account of their conduct during the time past ; and when 
 they gave it, Philesius and Xanthicles were condemned, for 
 their negligent custody of the cargoes of the merchant ships,' 
 to pay the sum that was deficient, namely, each twenty mins^ •' 
 and Sophsenetus was fined ten minse, beeauae, "being chosen a 
 general, he had neglected his duty. 
 
 Some also brought accusations against XeBophon, aHeging 
 that they had been beaten by him ; and made their charges 
 on the ground that his conduct had been tyrannical. 2. 
 Xenophon, standing up, called upon him who had spoken fiiist,' 
 to say where he had been beaten. He replied, " Where we 
 were perishing with the cold, and where the greatest fall of 
 snow was." 3. Xenophon rejoined, " If, during such severe 
 weather as you mention, \vhen provisions were failing us, 
 when we had not wine even to smell to,* when many of ns 
 were exhausted with fatigue, and the enemy were close be- 
 hind ns, if, I say, I acted tyrannically at such a time, I ac- 
 knowledge that I must have been more spiteful even than 
 asses,° in which they say that from spite fatigue is not pro- 
 
 i See V. 1.' 16. 
 
 s About £81 5s., the mina being valued at £4 Is. 3d. Hussey, ch. 
 iii. sect. 12. , 
 
 3 The word irpurov occurs twice in Dindorf 's and most other texts. 
 Bornemann and Kiihner judiciouely omit tbeseoond. 
 
 * Olvov dl jiTiii' da^paivca&ai. irapoi:] " And it not being in our power 
 even to smell to wine." Kruger, would read Tiapovmc, which would be 
 an improvement, though certafnly no change is necessary. 
 
 ' Tuv muv iSpiOTorep^^ A proverbial expression. The commenta- 
 tors adduce Lufiian, Ffleudologist. 3 ; eldevai uvav uitui'tuv vtiptarorfiTov 
 
176 THE EXPBDITION OF OTEtrS. Boour, 
 
 ducedi' 4, Tell us, however, for what cause you were beaten. 
 Did^J ask you for any thing, and beat yau when you would 
 not give it me ? Or did I demand any thing back fiom you, 
 or was I fighting about any object of affection, or did I abuse 
 you in a fit of intoxication ?" 5. As he said that there was 
 nothing of this kind, Xenophon asked him whether he was 
 one of the heavy-armed men ? He answered, "No." Whether 
 he was one of the peltasts l He said that he was not, but 
 was a free-man, set to diive a mule by his comrades. 6. 
 Xenophon now recognized, him, and asked him, "Are. you the 
 man that was carrying the sick person ?" "I certainly am," 
 replied he, " for you compelled me to do so, and scatterM 
 about the baggage of my comrades." 'J. "The scattering," 
 rejoined Xenophon, " was something in. this way ; I distrib- 
 uted it to others to carry, and directed them to bring it to 
 me again ; and, on receiving it, I restored it all safe to you, 
 after you had produced the man that I gave you in charge. 
 But hear," he continued, " how the affair happened ; for it is 
 worth your while. 8. A man was left behind because he was 
 no longer able to continue his march ; I knew nothing of the 
 man but that he was one of us ; and I obliged you to carry 
 him, t liat -he might not perish ; for, as I believe, the enemy 
 were in pursuit of us." This the man acknowledged. 9. 
 " Then," said Xenophon, " after I had ordered you to go be- 
 fore, I soon overtook you, and found you, as I came up with 
 the rear-guard, digging a pit for the pm-pose of burying the 
 man ; when I stopped and commended you. 10. But as the 
 man, while we stood by, drew in his leg, all who were present 
 cried out that he was ahve ; and you said, ' He may be as 
 much alive as he likes, fori shall not carry him.' Upon this 
 I struck you ; you say but the truth ; for you seemed to me 
 to have been aware' that the man was alive." 11. " AVhat 
 ce 6vTa. Pisoat. 34; daeXyeuTipovg irfiv ovav. Kilhner. The latter 
 qaotation, however, is to be understood de libidine,, with which, as 
 Schneider observes, we have nothing to do here, the allusion being only 
 to the malice of the animal, which it will exhibit even under the greatest 
 sufferings. " Every body knows," says Spelman, "that asses, and mules 
 their offspring, have such an inbred viciousness, that no fatigue -can 
 subdue it." Spelman may be rather too positive in saying that every body 
 knows ; but the proverb shows that such notion must have -prevailed 
 among the Greeks. 
 
 ' 'KSoiao—eldon lotKhat.^ " Tou seemed to me to be like one know- 
 ing." 
 
eiiAP. nil. XBNOPHOSr REPLIES TO AOOtTSATIONS. I'j'J 
 
 then," exclaimed the accuser, " did he the less die,, after I had 
 shown him to you ?" " We shall all die," rejoined Xenophon, 
 " but must we for that reason be buried alive ?" 12. At this 
 all the assembly cried out that Xenophon had not beaten him 
 enough. 
 
 He then called upon the rest to state on what account each 
 of them had been struck. 13. But as none of them stood for- 
 ward, he said, " I acknowledge, fellow-soldiers, that I have 
 beaten men for leaving their ranks ; such men as were con- 
 tent to be saved by our exertions, and, while we marched in 
 order and fought where it was necessary, tried, by quitting 
 their places, and hurrying on before us, to get plunder, and 
 gain in that respect an advantage over us. Had we all acted 
 in this way, we should all have perished. 14. 1 also struck 
 some, and forced them to march, who were giving way to in» 
 action, unwilling to rise, and abandoning themselves to the 
 enemy ; for I myself, when I was once waiting, during the 
 excessive cold, for some of the men to pack up their baggage^ 
 and had sat for a considerable time, found that I could hardly 
 get up and stretch myJegs. 15. Having therefore had ex- 
 perience in my own person, whenever afterward I saw any 
 other sitting down and indulging in sloth, I drove him on ; 
 for motion and manful exertion created a certain warmth and 
 suppleness, but sitting and inaction, I. observed, contributed 
 to the congealing of the blood, and the mortification of the 
 toes, which you know that many have suffered. 16. Others, 
 perhaps, who had loitered behind from indolence, and who 
 hindered both you who were in front, and us who were in the 
 rear, from advancing, I may have struck with my fist, that 
 they might not be struck with the spear of the enemy. 11. 
 Those, therefore, wio have thus been preserved, may now, if 
 they have suffered any thing from me contrary to justice, ob- 
 tain redress ; but if they had fallen into the hands of the 
 enemy, what injury could they have suffered of such magni- 
 tude, as that they would ever have claimed to get satisfaction 
 for it!' 18. My case," he proceeded, "is plain; for if I have 
 
 ' Tt /ieya uv ovtuc tira^ov Stov iUijv &v ii^tovv Xajiiuveiv ;] The 
 sense of this passage ia excellently given by Amasasua'^ Quid tarn grave 
 passi eisent, ut eo nomine ewm, ci quo molaii essent, jvdicio persequi pos- 
 senti i. e. they would not have been able to get satisfaction even for the 
 severest injury. Kiihner. If they had fallen into the hands of the eaa*, 
 
 8* 
 
178 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK T. 
 
 punished any one for his good, I am willing to make such 
 atonement as parents make to their children and masters to 
 their scholars. Surgeons, too, cut and cauterize for the good 
 of their patients. 19, But if you imagine that I acted thus 
 from a love of tyranny, consider that I have now, through the 
 favor of the gods, more spirit than I had then, and am 
 bolder now than I then was, and drink a greater quantity of 
 wine, and yet strike no one ; for I see you now in a calm; 
 20. but when a storm rises,'-and a great sea sets in, do you not 
 observe that the commander in the prow,' even for a mere 
 nod, is angry with those in the fore-part of the vessel, and 
 the steersman angry with those in the stem, because, in such 
 circumstances, even small mistakes are sufficient to ruin every 
 thing? 21. Even you yourselves, however, Lave pronounced 
 that I struck these men, on those occasions, with justice, for 
 
 \^ you stood by with swords, not voting-pebbles, in your hands; 
 
 * and might have taken their part if you had thought proper. 
 But, by Jupiter, you neither took their part, nor joined with 
 me in punishing the disorderly ; 22. and you have in conse- 
 quence, by letting them alone, given encouragement to the 
 bad men among them to grow audacious ; for you will find, I 
 think, if you will but examine, that those who were then the 
 worst, are now the most audacious characters. 23. Boiscus, 
 for instance, the Thessalian boxer, strove earnestly, on pre- 
 tense of sickness, not to carry his shield ; and now, as I hear, 
 he has robbed many of the people of Cotyora. 24. If there- 
 fore you are wise, you will treat this man in a way, the re- 
 verse of that in which they treat dogs ; for dogs, when they 
 are spiteful, men tie up in the day, and let loose in the night ; 
 but him, if you exercise your judgment, you will tie up in 
 tibe night, and let loose only by day. 26. But I wonder," 
 he added, " why, if I gave offense to any of you, you bear it 
 in mind, and do not fail to speak of it, while, if I relieved any 
 
 my,' they would have been unable to get redress for any injury, however 
 
 1 tlpapev^.] Thfe proreia, he who had the command of the rowers in 
 the fore-part of the vessel, and who was next in rank to the guber- 
 nator. Kiihner. An ofBcer whose business it was to keep a look-out, 
 as the sailors call' it, at the head of the ship. I am informed that we 
 have no term, in our naval institution, that properly explains it ; that 
 ot pilot, the gentlemen of the navy tell me, comes the nearest to it. 
 
OHAP. I. THE GEEEKS IN PAPHXAGONIA. 179 
 
 of you during the cold, or kept off any enemy from you, or 
 supplied any of you, in any way, when sick and iu want, no 
 one makes mention of these eervioe^ ; nor, if I have commend- 
 ed any one for good conduct ia any case, or have honored any 
 man, as far as I could, for valiant exertion, does any of you re- 
 member these occurrences. 26. Yet is it more honorable, and 
 just, and upright, and pleasing, to treasure in the memory good 
 acts than bad." 
 
 They accordingly rose up, and called to mind his services ;' 
 and the result was'' that things were settled satisfactorily. 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Greeks receive an embaas'f from the satrap of PapUagonia, with whom 
 they make peace. They sail from Cotyora to Sinope, where they deter- 
 mine to elect a commander-in-chief, and fix upon Xenophon, who declines 
 the office; and they then choose CheirJEophus, who nad just returned 
 with vessels from Anaxiblus. 
 
 1. From this time the Greeks, during their stay here, sub- 
 sisted partly by purchasing provisions, and partly by plunder- 
 ing the country of Paphlagonia; while the Paphlagonians, 
 on their part, secretly intercepted, and with great adroitness, 
 the straggling, soldiers, and made attempts, during the night, 
 to annoy those who were encamped at the outposts. In con- 
 
 ' 'Avefiifivtiaxov.] As this verb has no substantive dependent on it, 
 the oritica have been in doubt what turn to give it. Schneider's method 
 has obtained most favor: " Commemorabant benefioia Xenophontis." 
 Amasseus gives " se memores esse testificati sunt," which is much to the 
 same purpose. There is no other suggestion worth notice. 
 
 s nefiieyh'eTo.'] Ees ista hunc emtwn Jiabuit Qmc evasi() ui pukhri se 
 haberent omnia. Stephanus. So Brodaeus, Schneider, Poppo, and tho 
 majority of the commentators. Schneider happily refers to Thucyd. vi. 
 24f i. 32 ; iv. 12 ; to which Kiihner adds Demosth. 01. i. 10. 4. Some 
 have given to Tvepuyevero the sense of vicit, and referred it to Xeno- 
 phon ; as Muretus : Et vicit JSsmphon eos, qui sibi caiumniam iniendebcmi; 
 But the judgment of recent editors has completely set aside this view of 
 the passage. 
 
180 THE EXPEDITIOK OF CYRUS. book n. 
 
 sequence of these proceedings they conceived the most hostile 
 feelings toward each other. 2. Corylas, however, who was then 
 governor of Paphlagonia, sent deputies to the Greeks with 
 horses and beautifal robes, to say that " Corylas was desirous 
 neither to injure the Greeks nor to receive injury from them." 
 3. The generals replied, that "they would consider- of the 
 matter with the army ;" but received them at the same time 
 with hospitality, and invited such of the oflBcers as they thought 
 most eligible" to meet them ; 4. when, having killed some of 
 the oxen that they had captured, and other cattle, they set be- 
 fore them a plentiful entertainment, of which they partook re- 
 clining on mats made of grass,'' and drank out of horn cups 
 which they had found in the country. 
 
 5. As soon as the libatioqs were over, and they had sung 
 the psean, two Thracians rose up, and danced in full armor, 
 to the sound of a pipe ; they leaped very high, and with great 
 agility, and wielded their swords ; and at last one struck the 
 other, in such a manner that every -one thought he had killed, 
 him, 6. (he fell, however, artfully) and the Paphlagonians 
 cried out ; the oiker, having despoiled him of his arms, went 
 out singing the Sitalces •' while other Thracians carried 
 off the man as if he had beeij dead ; though indeed he had 
 suffered no hurt. Y. Afterward some jEnians and Magnesi- 
 ans stood up, and danced what they call the Carpasan' dance, 
 in heavy arms. 8. The "nature of the dance was as follows: 
 one man, having laid aside his arms, sows, and- drives a yoke 
 of oxen, frequently turning to look back as if he were afraid. 
 
 ' ACKaioTaTov;.'] Such as had the best claim or title to be invited, S'lKatoQ 
 being here Used in the sense of dignus, " deserving," as in the phrase 
 SUato; d/u, on which see Kilhner ad h. I., and Bomemann ad Conviv. 
 iv. 15. 
 
 2 SriSuoM'.] Kiihner reads aKi/uromv, "low conches," which occurs 
 in five manuscripts, and of which, being a rarer word, he considers 
 ertSuaiv to be a mere interpretation. I follow the definition of Hesy- 
 chiua 
 
 3 A song in which they seem to have celebrated the praises of one of 
 their kings named Sitalces. There were many Thracian kings of that 
 name ; see Herod, iv. 80 ; Thucyd. ii. 29. 
 
 ■• T;> Kapvaiav.] Perhaps from KapwoQ, fruit, one of the parties being 
 a sower j or from KapTrog, the wrist, the -nTists of one being bound.. The: 
 former derivation appears the more plausible. This dance is also des- 
 cribed by Maximus -ifyriiis, Diss, xii. p. 128, ed. Dayies, though not so 
 fully as by Xenophon. 
 
MAP. I. A TEAST AND DANCES. jgl 
 
 A robber then approacbes, and the other man, when he per- 
 ceives him, snatches up his arms and runs to meet him, and 
 fights with him in defense of his . yoke of oxen (and the men 
 acted all this keeping time to the pipe) ; but at last the robber, 
 binding the other man, leads him off with his oxen. Some- 
 times, however, the plowman binds the robber, and then, 
 having fastened him to his oxen, drives him oflf with his hands 
 tied behind him. 
 
 9. S'ext came forward a Mysian, with a light shield in each 
 hand, and danced, sometiines acting as if two adversaries 
 were attacking him ; sometimes he used his shields as if en- 
 gaged with only one ; sometimes he whirled about, and threw 
 a summerset, still keeping the shields in his hands, presenting 
 an interesting spectacle. 10. At last he danced the Persian 
 dance,' clashing his shields together, sinking on his knees, and 
 rising again ; and all this he performed in time to the pipe. 
 
 11. After him some Mantineans, and others of the Arcadi- 
 ans, coming forward and taking their stand, armed as hand- 
 somely as they could equip themselves, moved along in time, 
 accompanied by a pipe tuned for the war-movement,° and 
 sung the paean, and danced in the same manner as in the pro- 
 cessions to the gods. The Paphlagonians, looking on, testified 
 their astonishment that all the dances were performed in 
 armor. 12. The Mysian, observing that they were surprised 
 at the exhibition, and prevailing on one of the Arcadians, who 
 had a female dancer, to let her come in, brought her forward, 
 equipping her as handsomely as he could, and giving her a 
 light buckler. She danced the Pyrrhic dance ° with great 
 agiUty, and a general clapping followed; 13. and the Paphla- 
 
 > Td UepaiKor.l This Persian dance, from the frequent bendinga of 
 the knee in it, they called SKXacr/ia, according to Pollux, iv. 100. Zeune. 
 Branok ad AriStoph. Thesmoph. HIS, refers to Meursii Orchestra in 
 bnXaafia and llepmKif. ' 
 
 ' Ilpdf rdv ivoTrfiuov ^■di/iov.] To a tune adapted for a dance in 
 armor. The commentators adduce SchoL Aristoph. Nub. .651 ; 
 Sturz, Lex. Xenoph. ; and Phavorinug in kfi/ii^eta and Karevoit'Ki.ov. 
 Kuhner. 
 
 3 A kind of dance in arms which was sometimes performed to the 
 sound of trumpets and timbrels, and accompanied with every gesture 
 of the body used in giving and avoiding blows. See Sturz, Lex. 
 Xen. ; Beck ad Aristoph.- Av. 1169; Gronov. Thesaur. i. p. 1280 and 
 1525; Ast ad Plat. Legg. p. 352; Miiller's Dorians, vol. -ii. p. SST. 
 Kuhner. 
 
182 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. BOOK VL 
 
 gonians asked whether the women fought along with the men ; 
 when they replied that it was the women who had driven the 
 king from his camp.' This was the conclusion of the enter- 
 tainments for that nigh*. 
 
 14. Next day the generals .brought the deputies before the 
 army; and it wsts resolved by the soldiers that " they would 
 neither injure the Paphlagonians nor suffer amy injury from 
 them." The deputies then took their departure ; and the 
 Greeks, as a sufficient number of ships seemed to be ready, 
 went on board, and sailed all that day and the following night, 
 with a feir wind, keeping Paphlagonia on the left; 15. and 
 the day after, they arrived at Sinope, and cast anchor in Har- 
 mene, the harbor of that city; The Sinopeans are situate in 
 the Paphlagonian territory, but are colonists of the Milesians. 
 They sent the Greeks, as a mark of hospitality, three thousand 
 medimni * of flour, and fifteen himdred ceramia ' of wine. 16. 
 Here Cheirisophus now arrived with some galleys : the, soldiers 
 expected that he was bringing them something ; but he 
 brought them nothing. He announced, however,, that Aaaxi» 
 bius the admiral, and the rest of the Lacedasmonians, gave 
 them gi-eat praise ; and that Anaxibius * engaged, if they would 
 come away from the Euxine, that they should have pay. 
 
 17. The troops staid five days at Harmene ; and as they 
 considered that they were now near Greece, it became an 
 object with them, even more than before, to return home with 
 some booty in- their possession. 18. And they thought that; 
 if they made choice of one general, that single person would 
 be better able to manage the army, whether by night' or day, 
 than it was managed under the existing government of several ; 
 so that if it should be necessary for them, in any case, to 
 conceal their desi^is, they would be concealed more effectually, 
 and if to anticipate the movements of the enemy, they would 
 be less Hkely to be behind-hand ; as there would then be no 
 need of conferences, but whatever was determined by the one 
 commander would be put in execution ; whereas the generals 
 
 1 An extravagant allusion, says Kriiger, to what is said in i. 
 10. 3» 
 
 2 Tbe medimnus is estimated as equal to H gallons, '7.1456 pints, 
 English, in Smith's Diet, of Gr. and Bom. Ant. art. Medimnus. 
 
 3 The Kepd/iiav is considered by Husaey, xiii. 4, as equal to the Roman 
 amphora, or 5 gallons, 1.511 pints, English. 
 
 4 See V. 1. 4. 
 
CHAP. I. OFFER TO MAKE XENOPHON SOLE GENERAL. 183 
 
 had hitherto done every thing by the vote of the majority.' 
 19. While they were contemplating this scheme, they turned 
 their thoughts to Xenophon ; and the captains came to him 
 and said that the army was of this opinion, and each, express- 
 ing his good-will toward him, endeavored to induce him to 
 undertake the command. 20. Xenophon was in some degree 
 inclined to listen to the proposal, when he reflected that, by 
 this means, greater honor would fall to him, that his name 
 would reach his friends and his country with greater glory, 
 and that possibly he might also: be the cause of some advan- 
 tage to the army. 21. Such considerations influenced him to 
 desire to become commander-in-chief. But when, on the 
 other hand, he remembered how uncertain it is to all men 
 what the future will produce, and that, consequently, he would 
 be in danger of losing the reputation which he had already 
 acquired, he felt uncertain how to act. 
 
 22. While he was perplexed as to his decision, it appeared 
 to him that the best thing that he could do was to lay the 
 matter before the gods ; and having placed by the altar two 
 victims," he sacrifaced to Jupiter the King, who had been 
 jJointed out to him as the god that he should consult, by the 
 oracle at Delphi ; and he thought that he had received from 
 that god the dream which he saw, when he was first appointed 
 to take charge of the army. 23. He called to mind also, that 
 when he was going fi'om Ephesus to join Cyrus, an eagle 
 cried on his right, in a sitting posture however, which, as the 
 augur, who accompanied him, said, was an omen portending 
 something great, above the fortunes of a private individual ; 
 foretelling what was honorable, but toilsome; since other 
 birds attack the eagle chiefly when sitting; and he added 
 that the omen was not at all indicative of gain, as the eagle 
 mostly secured prey when flying. 24. While he was sacri- 
 ficing on the present occasion, the god clearly directed him 
 not to seek any additional command, and not to accept it if 
 they should elect him ; and this was the issue of the matter. 
 25. The army however came together, and all suggested that 
 one commander should be chosen ; and, as it was resolved to 
 
 ' 'E/c r^f viKuOT??.] Sc. yvu/ijjr, from the prevailing opinion or 
 vote. 
 
 2 Two victims were brought, that if favorable omens were not olptain- 
 ed from the first, the second might be used. Zeune. 
 
184 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. book vi. 
 
 do so, they proposed Xenophon. As at seemed evident too 
 that they would elect him, if any one should put it to the 
 vote, he rose up and spoke as follows : 26. " My fellow-soldiers, 
 I am delighted, as I have the feelings of a man, at receiving 
 honor from you, and am grateful for it, and pray that the 
 gods may grant me to be the author of some advantage to 
 you ; but that I should be preferred to be your leader, when a 
 LacedsBmonian is present, appears likely to be of no advan- 
 tage either to you or me ; on the contrary, it seems probable 
 that if you should require assistance from them, you would 
 on this very account be less likely to obtain it. I moreover 
 think such a dignity by no means safe for me ; 21. for I see 
 that the Lacedaemoiuans never ceased making war on my 
 country until they made the whole people acknowledge that 
 the Lacedaemonians were masters of theili as well as of others ; ' 
 
 28. though, when they made this confession, they' at once 
 desisted from hostilities, and no longer besieged the city. If 
 therefore, seeing this state of things, I should seem, where I 
 have the power, to render their supremacy uninfluential, I am 
 apprehensive lest I should very soon be Reminded of my duty. 
 
 29. As to your opinion, that there will be less faction amo^ 
 you under one commander than under many, be assured tha^ 
 if you choose another, you will not find me factious ; for ,1 
 consider that he who in war quarrels with his command^ 
 quarrels with his own safety; whereas, if you should elect 
 me, I should not wonder if you should find people show 
 resentment against both you and myself." 
 
 30. After he had thus spoken, far more persons than before 
 rose up, and said that he ought to take upon him the com- 
 mand. Agasias of Stymphalus said that it would be ridiculous 
 if things should be in such a state, since the Lacedsemonians 
 might then be eliraged even if a party met to sup together 
 did not choose a Lacedaemonian as president of their ban- 
 quet. " If such be the case," added he, " it is not proper even 
 for us, it would seem, to be captains, because we are Arcadians." 
 Upon this the assembly showed by a murmur their opinion 
 that Agasias had spoken well. 
 
 31. Xenophon, seeing that there was need of something 
 
 ' Alluding to the oonaequencea of the Peloponnesian war, by which 
 the supreme power over Greece fell into the hands of the Lacedjemraji- 
 
CHAP. IL CHBIRISOPHTJS CHOSEN. 185 
 
 additional on bis part, came forward and said, "But, my 
 fellow-soldiers, that you may be fuUy informed on this subject, 
 I swear to you by all the gods and goddesses, that after I 
 learned your inclination, I sought to ascertain by sacrifice 
 whether it would be better for you to confer this command 
 upon me, and for me to undertake it, or not ; and they gave 
 me such manifest signs, by the victims, that even an untaught 
 person ' would have understood that I ought to decline the 
 command." 32. They in consequence chose Cheirisophus, 
 who, when he was elected, stood forward and said, " Be as- 
 sured of this, my fellowsoldiers^ that I should have made no 
 factious opposition, if you had chosen another. However," 
 added he, "you have done a service to Xenophon by not 
 electing him, as Dexif^ns' has recently been accusing him 
 to Anaxibius, as far as he could, although I tried as much as 
 possible to silence him. Dexippus ° also said that he thought 
 Xenophon ' wotdd rather be joined in command with Timasion', 
 a Dardanian, over the army of Clearchus, than with himself, 
 a Lacedsemonian. 33. But," he continued, "since you have 
 chosen me, I will endeavor, on my part, to do you all the 
 service that I can. Prepare yourselves, accordingly, to sail 
 to-morrow, if it be weather for sailing. Our course will be 
 for Heraolea, and it is incumbent on you all to do your 
 utmost to reach it. Of other matters we wUl consider when 
 we have anived there." 
 
 CHAPTER H. 
 
 The Greeks sail to Heraclea, where disagreements arise among them, and 
 they separate into three barties ; one, the most numerous, formed of 
 Arcadians and Acheeans, who create for themselves ten captains ; a second 
 attached to Cheirisophus ; and a third to Xenophon. 
 
 1. Weighing anchor from hence the next day, they sailed 
 with a fair wind- along the coast for two days. In their 
 
 ' "liiurriv,'] A private person ; » person who was not a professional 
 saorifloer or augur. 
 
 s V. i. 15. 
 
 > 'O cU ' aJTov.'] I take these pronouns, with Bornemann and Kiih- 
 ner, to mean Dexippus and Xenophon. Timasion had been eleoted in 
 the place of Clearchus, iiL 1. il. Xenophon appears to show his willing- 
 ness to act with Clearchus in what is related, iii. 2. 37. 
 
186 THE EXPEDITION OF CYEUS. book vi 
 
 course they saw the Beach of Jason, where the Argo is said 
 to have been moored; and the mouths of certain rivers, first 
 that of the Thermodon, then that of the Iris, next that of the 
 Halys, and finally that of the Parthenius. After saihng by 
 the last, they arrived at Heraclea, a Greek city, a colony of 
 Megara, situate in the territory of the Marjrandyni. 2. They 
 came to anchor near the Aeh«Eusian Peninsula, where Hei> 
 cules is said to have gone down to bring up the dog Cerberus, 
 and where they now show marks of his descent to the depth 
 of more than two stadia. 3. The people of Heraolea sent 
 the Greeks, as tokens of hospitality, three thousand medimni ' 
 of bariey-imeal, and two thousand ceramia' of wine, with 
 twenty oxen and a hundred sheep.- Here a river named 
 Lycus runs through the plain, in breadth about two hundred 
 feet. 
 
 4. The soldiers, assembling together, began to deliberate, 
 with regard to the rest of the way, whether it were proper 
 to proceed by land or sea, until they were beyond the Euxine. 
 Lycon, an Achaean, rising up, said, " I wonder at the generals, 
 my fellOw-soldiers, foi* not endeavoring to procure us money 
 to buy provisions ; for the presents received will not furniaii 
 subsistence to the army for three days ; nor is there any 
 place from whence we can get provisions as we prooeedi on 
 our journey. It appears to me, therefore, that we ought- to 
 ask of the people of Heraclea not less than three throusand, 
 Cyzicene staters." " S. Another exclaimed, " Not less than 
 ten thousand," and proposed that, having chosen deputies, we 
 should send them at once to the city, while we were sitting 
 there, and hear what report they brought, and take measures 
 accordingly. 6. They then proposed, as deputies, first. Chei- 
 risophus, because he was general-in-chie^ and others then 
 named Xenophon ; ' but both resolutely refused ; for they 
 concurred in opinion that they ought not to compel a Greek 
 city, and one in fKendship with them, to supply them with 
 any thing that the inhabitants did not ofier of their own 
 accord. 7. As they showed themselves resolved, therefore, 
 not to go, the army sent Lycon the Achaean, Callimachus a 
 Parrhasian, and Agasias of Stymphalus ; who, going to the 
 town, informed the people of the resolutions just passed. It 
 was said, too, that Lycon even threatened them with violence, 
 J vi 1, 16. « vi. 1. 15. 8 V, 6. 23, 
 
CHAP. u. DISSENSION AND SEPABATION. 187 
 
 if they did not comply with these demands. 8. The Heracleans 
 listened to them, and said that they would consider of the mat- 
 ter, and then immediately collected their property out of the 
 fields, and conveyed the provisions exposed for sale into the city. 
 At the same time the gates were shut, and armed men appeared 
 upon the walls. 
 
 9. In consequence the authors of these dissensions accused 
 the generals of having defeated their plan ; and the Arcadians 
 and Achaeans began to hold meetings together, Callimachus 
 the Parrhasian and Lycon the Achaean being mostly at their 
 head. 10. The remarks among them were, that it was dis- 
 graceful that one Athenian, who had brought no force to the 
 army, should have the command of Peloponnesians and Lace- 
 daemonians ; that they had the labor, and others the profit, 
 although they themselves had secured the general safety ; for 
 that those who had accomplished this object were Arcadians 
 and Achaeans, and that the rest of the army was compara- 
 tively nothing (and in reality more than half the army were 
 Arcadians and Aohseans) ; 11. and therefore these, they said, if 
 they were wise, should unite together, and, choosing leaders 
 fer themselves, should proceed on their way separately, and 
 endeavor to secure themselves something to their profit. 12. 
 To this proposal assent was given; and whatever Arcadians 
 and Achaeans were with Cheirisophus, leaving him and 
 Xenophon, united with the rest, and all chose ten captains of 
 their own ; and they appointed that these should carry into 
 execution whatever should- be decided by the vote, of the ma- 
 jority. The command of Cheirisophus over the whole army 
 was thus ended on the sixth or seventh day after he had been 
 elected. 
 
 13. Xenophon was inclined to piu'sue his way in company 
 with them, thinking that this method would be safer than for 
 each to proceed separately. But Neon persuaded him to go by 
 himself, as having heard from Cheirisophus that Cleander the 
 governor of Byzantium had said that he would come with some 
 galleys to the harbor of Calpe ; 14. and he gave Xenophon 
 this advice, therefore, in order that no one else might take 
 advantage of this opportunity, but that they themselves only, 
 and their own soldiers, might sail on board these galleys. As 
 for Cheirisophus, who was both disheartened at what had oc- 
 curred, and who from that time conceived a disgust at the 
 
188 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRTTS. book vi. 
 
 army, he allowed Xenophon to act as he thought proper. 15. 
 Xenophon was also inclined to detach himself from -the army- 
 altogether, and to sail away ; but as he was sacrificing to 
 Herouleg the Conductor, and consulting him whether it would 
 be better or more advisable to march in company with such 
 of the soldiers as remained, or to take leave of them, the god sig- 
 nified by the victims that he should march with them. 16. The 
 army was thus divided into three bodies ; the Arcadians and 
 Achaeans, to the number of more than four thousand fivet hun- 
 dred men, all heavy-armed ; the heavy-armed with Cheirisophus, 
 in njjmber fourteen hundred, with seven hundred peltasts, the 
 Thraoians of Clearchus ; and seventeen hundred heavy-armed 
 men, with , three hundred peltasts, under Xenophon, who 
 was the only one that had any cavalry, a body of about forty 
 horsemen. 
 
 17. The Arcadians, having procured ships from the people 
 of Heraclea, were the first to set sail with the view of getting 
 as much booty as they could by making a sudden descent upon 
 the Bithynians, and accordingly disembarked at the harbor 
 of Calpe, somewhere about th« middle of Thrace. 18. Cheiriso- 
 phus, proceeding straight from the city of Heraolea, marched 
 through the territory belohging to it ; but when he entered 
 Thrace, he kept along near the sea, for he was then in ill-health. 
 19. Xenophon, having obtained vessels, landed on the confines 
 of Thrace and the region of Heraolea, and pursued his way 
 through the inland parts. 
 
 CHAPTER HL 
 
 The Arcadiana land at Calpe, and make an Inonrsion into the territory of 
 the Bithyniane, where they are defeated by the enemy, and in danger of 
 teing cut to pieces ; Xenophon proceeds to rescue them. All the Greeks 
 join Cheirisophus at Calpe. 
 
 M. Each of these three parties fared as follows. The Ar- 
 cadians, disembarking by night at the port of Calpe, marched 
 
 ' Two or three lines, which occur in some copies at the beginning of 
 this chapter, are not translated. They are not found in, the beet manu- 
 scripts, and are rejected by Bomemann, Dihdot^ and EUhner. 
 
OHAP. III. THE AEOADIAUrS ATTACKED. 189 
 
 off to attack the nearest villages, lying about thirty Btadia 
 from the sea. As soon as it was Ught, eagh of the offioers led 
 his own division against a village ; but against any village 
 that appeared larger than the rest, they led two divisions 
 together. 2. They fixed also upon a hill on which they were 
 all to re-assemble. As they fell upon the people unexpectedly, 
 they seized a great number of slaves and surrounded several 
 flocks of cattle. 
 
 4. But the Thraoians,' as fast as they escaped, collected 
 themselves into a body ; and, as they were light armed, the 
 number that escaped, even from the very hands of the heavy- 
 armed men, was great. As soon as they were collected, they 
 proceeded, in the first place, to fall upon the division of Smi- 
 cres, one of the Arcadian captains, who was marching away 
 to the place agreed upon, and carrying with him considerable 
 booty. 5. For a while the Greeks defended themselves as 
 they pursued their march, but, as they were crossing a ravine, 
 the Thraoians put them to the rout, and killed Smicres and 
 all his party. Of another division of the ten captains, too, 
 that of Hegesander, they left only eight men alive, Hegesander 
 himself beiag one of those that escaped. 6. The other cap- 
 tains joined tjim at the appointed spot, some with difficulty, 
 and others without afity."- The Thracians, however, in conse- 
 quence of' having met with this success, cheered on one 
 another, and assembled in great spirits during the night. At 
 day-break, numbers of horsemen and peltasts ranged them- 
 selves in a circle round the hill upon which the Greeks had 
 encamped ; 7. and as more came flocking to them, they at- 
 tacked the heavy-armed men without danger, for the Greeks 
 had. neither archers, nor javelin-men, nor a single horseman, 
 while the Thracians, running and riding up, hurled their 
 darts among them, and when the Greeks offered to attack 
 them, retreated with ease. 8. Some attempted one part, and 
 some another ; and many of the assailed were wounded, "but 
 jione of the assailants. The Greeks were in consequence un- 
 able to move from the spot, and at last the Thracians cut 
 
 ' The Asiatic or Bithyuian Thracians, who inhabited the villages 
 which the Arcadians had attacked. See c. 2, sect. IT. 
 
 ' Stiv npdyiJ.aai.v — uvea 7rpay/ia.Tuv,'\ Difficidter sine negoiio. 
 
 KUhner. So Leunolavius and Bornemann. I mention this, because 
 Schneider, following Amasseus, makes Trpayftara equivalent to xRV/^ara, 
 prceda. 
 
190 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRTJS. book vi. 
 
 them off even from water. 9. As their distress was great, 
 they began to "speak of terms of surrender; and other points 
 were -agreed upon between them, but when the Greeks de- 
 manded hostages, the Thraojans refused to give them ; and upon 
 this ■ the treaty was stopped. Such were the fortunes of the 
 Arcadians. 
 
 10. Cheirisophus, meanwhile, advancing unmolested' along 
 the coast, arrived at the harbor of Galpe. As for Xenophorr, 
 while he was marching through the- middle of the country, 
 his horsemen riding on before him, fell in with some em-' 
 bassadors who were on their journey to some place. As they 
 were conducted to Xenpphon, he inquired of them whethe"r 
 they had any where heard of another Greek army. 11. They 
 gave him, in reply, an account of all that had occurred, saying 
 that the Greeks were then besieged upon a hill, and that the 
 whole force of the Thracians was collected round them. He 
 therefore had these men strictly guarded, that they might act 
 as guides wherever it might be necessary, and then, after 
 stationing scouts, he called together his soldiers and addressed 
 them thus : 
 
 12. "Soldiers, some of the Arcadians are killed, and others 
 are besieged upon a hill ; and I think that,' i£ they are de- 
 stroyed, there will be no hope of safety for lis, the enemy 
 being so numerous and so daring. 13. It seems best for us, 
 therefore, to march to their relief with all possible speed, 'that, 
 if they still survive, we may join with them in their struggle, 
 and not, being left alone, meet danger alone. 14. Let us for 
 the present, then, pitch our camp, marching on, however," un- 
 til it seems time to sup,' and while we are on the march,- let 
 Timasion, with the horse, ride on before, but keeping us still 
 in sight, and let him reconnoiter the country in frolit, 'that 
 Bothing may take us by surprise." 15. He dispatched, at the 
 same time, some (jf the most active of the light-armed men to 
 the parts on either flank, and to the hills, that if they saw any 
 thing threatening in any quarter, they might give notice of it. 
 
 -' 'Offov dv SoK^ Kaipdg elvai elf rb tletiri/OTrotetoiJaj.] Only so far, 
 that they would not be Migued or exhausted before they went to sup- 
 per. This is Weiske's interpretation, and better than Kriiger'a, who 
 supposes that Xenophon was thinking of a place for pitching the camp, 
 not too near to the enemy, lest the troops should be obliged to fight be- 
 fore they could take their supper. 
 
CHAP. in. XEKOPHON GOES TO THEIE RESCUE. 191 
 
 He ordered tliem also to bum whatever combustible matter tbey 
 met -witli; 19. "for," said be, "we could not flee from hence 
 to any place of refuge ; since it is a long way to go back to 
 Heraclea, and a long way to go over to Chrysopolis ; and the 
 enemy are close at hand. To the harbor of Calpe, indeed, 
 where we suppose Oheirisophus to be, if he is safe, the dis- 
 tance is but short ; but even there, there are neither vessels 
 in which we can sail from the place, nor subsistence, if we 
 remain, even for a single day. 17. Should those who are be- 
 sieged, however, be left to perish, it will be less advantageous 
 for us to face danger in conjunction with the troops of Ohei- 
 risophus only, than if the besieged are preserved, to unite all 
 our forces, and struggle for our safety together. But we must 
 go resolved in mind that we have now either to die gloriously, 
 or achieve a most honorable exploit in the preservation of 
 so many Greeks. 18. Perhaps sortie divinity orders it thus, 
 who wishes to humble those who spoke boafitfuUy, as if they 
 were superior to us in wisdom, and to render us, who com- 
 mence all our proceedings by consulting the gods, more hon- 
 ored than they are. You must follow, then, your leaders, and 
 pay attention to them, that you- may be ready to execute what 
 they order." 
 
 19. Having spoken thus, he led them forward. The 
 cavalry, scattering themselves about as far as was safe, spread 
 fire wherever they went, while the peltasts, marching abreast 
 of them along the heights, burned whatever they found that 
 was combustible, as did the main body also, if they met with 
 any thing left unbumed by the others ; so that the whole 
 country seemed to be on fire, and the Greek force to be very 
 numerous. 20. As soon as it was time, they, mounted a hill 
 and encamped, when they caught sight of the enemy's 
 fires, which were distant about forty staxiia ; and they them- 
 selves then made as many fires as they could. 21. But as 
 soon as they had supped, orders were given to put out all the 
 fires ; and, having appointed sentinels, they went to. sleep for 
 the night. At dawn of day, after praying to the gods, and 
 arranging themselves for battle, they continued their march 
 with as much haste as they could. 22. Timasion and the 
 cavalry, taking the guides with them, and riding on before the 
 rest, found themselves, before they were aware, upon the hill 
 where the Greeks had been besiegedj,l)utsaw no troops, either 
 
192 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. BOOK Ti. 
 
 of frieads or enemies, but only some old men and women, and a 
 few sheep and oxen that had been left behind ; and this state 
 of things they reported to Xenophon and the army. 23. At 
 first they wondered what could hare happened ; but at length 
 they learned from the people who were left that the Thracians 
 had gone off at the close of the evening and the Greeks in the 
 morning, but whither they did not know. 
 . 24. Xenophon and hia party, on hearing this account, packed 
 up their baggage, after they had breakfasted, and pursued 
 their jolirney, wishing, as soon as possible, to join the rest of 
 the Greeks at the harbor of Calpe-. As they proceeded, 
 they perceived the track of the Arcadians and Achaeans on 
 the way to Calpe ; and when they met, they were pleased' to 
 see one another, and embraced like brothers. 25. The Arca- 
 dians then asked Xenophon's men why they had put out their 
 fires,' " for we," said they, " thought at first, when we saw no 
 more fires, that you were coming to attack the enemy in the 
 night ; (and the enemy themselves, as they appeared to us, went 
 oflF under this apprehension, for they disappeared about that 
 time) ; 26. but as you did not conje, and the time passedby, we 
 concluded th&t you, hearing of our situation, had been seized 
 with alarm, and had retreated to the sea-coast ; and we deter- 
 mined not to be hi behind you. Accordingly we also marched 
 in this direction. 
 
 CHAPTER rV. 
 
 Desoripttom of Calpg, The army resolve that it shall tea capital offense to 
 propose another separation. Neon leads ont a party of two thoasand men 
 to get provisions, contraiy to the omens ; he is attacked by PhamabazuB, 
 and obliged to retire with the loss of five hundred men. Xenophon 
 covers his retreat. 
 
 1. This day they remained encamped upon the shore near 
 the port. The spot which is called the harbor of Calpe, is 
 situate in Asiatic Thrace ; and this division of Thrace, begin- 
 ning from the mouth of the Euxine Sea, extends on the right 
 of a person sailing into the Euxine, as far as Heracleat 2. 
 From Byzantium to Heraclea it ig a long day's passage for a 
 
 ' This question is not answered. See sect. 21. 
 
CHAP. IT. DESCRIPTION OF CALPE. , 193 
 
 galley with oars ; and in the space between these cities there 
 is no. other town belonging to the Greeks or their allies; but 
 the ; Bithynian Thracians occupy it ; and whatever Greeks 
 they capture, cast ashore by shipwreck or any other accident, 
 they are said to treat with great cruelty. 3. The harbor of 
 Caipe itself lies half-way between Heraclea and Byzantium, 
 as people sail from either side.' On the sea there is a prom- 
 ontory jutting out ; that part of it which reaches down into 
 the water is a steep rock,' in height, where it is lowest, not 
 less than twenty fathoms ; the neck of the promontory, which 
 reaches up to the mainland, is in breadth about four hundred 
 feet; and the space within the neck is large enough to afford 
 accommodation for ten thousand men. 4. The harbor lies 
 close under the rook, with its coast toward the west. A 
 spring of fresh water, flowing copiously, is close by the sea, 
 and under cover, of the promontory. Abundance of wood, of 
 various Other sorts, but especially of such as is good for 
 ship-building,' grows along the coast. 6. The mountain* at 
 the harbor" extends inland about twenty stadia, and this 
 part of it has a soil of mold, free from stones ; the other 
 part along the sea, to the distance of more than twenty stadia, 
 is covered with plenty of large trees of every kind. 6. The 
 surrounding country is beautiful and of great extent, and 
 there are in it many populous villages ; for the soil produces 
 barley, wheat, all kinds of leguminous vegetables, millet, 
 sesame, figs in abundance, plenty of vines yielding a sweet 
 wine, and every thing else but olive-trees. 7. Such is the na- 
 ture of the country. 
 
 The Greeks took up their quarters on the shore by the sea. 
 In the part which might have been groun^ for a city" they 
 
 ' 'Ew jikaa iJ,iv Kelrai huarepaBev v^-eovruv, li. r. X.] "Lies in the 
 middle of tiiose sailing from either side, from Heraole^ and Byzan- 
 tium." 
 
 s IXcTpa tfiroppif.] Now called Kirpe, or Kefken Adasi, aceordiug to 
 Alnsworth, p. 218. 
 
 3 "This is so much the case now, that it is designated by the Tarks 
 as the Agh(y\ Deniz\ or 'sea of trees.' " Ainswortb, p. 218. 
 
 * Now Kefken Tagh, according to Ainaworth. 
 
 ' Td iv T(fi Tii/ievL.] Bomemann and Eiihner regard these words as- a 
 mere gloss, and have included them in brackets. 
 
 " Elc St TO nnXia/ia uv ysvoaevov, K. T. X.J In locum qui- facil) op- 
 picbim fiitums fuisset, sen vbi fadli (^ipidmn condi poiuisset, noluaimt 
 easira transferrer Zeune. A gsneral suspicion seems to haVe pr»- 
 
 yoL I. 9 
 
194 THE EXPEDITION OF CTEXTS. book vi. 
 
 were unwilling to encamp ; for even their approach to it appear- 
 ed to have been the effect of some insidious design, from the 
 belief that certain persons were desirous to found a city there. 
 8. For most of the soldiers had sailed from home upon this 
 service, not from want of subsistence, but irom having heard of 
 the merit of Cyrus, some even brining men with -them, others 
 having spent money on the enterprise, others having left their 
 fathers and mothers, others their children, in hope of letuming 
 when they had collected money for them, for they heard that 
 other Greets who were with Cyrus were acquiring considerable 
 wealth.' Being men of such character, they longed to return 
 in safety to Greece. 
 
 9. When the day after their meeting together began to 
 dawn, Xenophon offered sacrifice with regard to an expedition, 
 for it was necessary to lead out the troops, to get proviKons: 
 and he was also thinking of burying the dead. As the victims 
 were favorable, the iUrcadians also accompanied him, and 
 buried the greatest part of the dead where tiiey had severally 
 fallen ; for they had now lain five days, and it was no longer 
 possible to bring them away; some of them however they 
 gathered together out of the roads, and buried as becomingly 
 as they could with the means at their command ; while for those, 
 whom they eould not find, they erected a large cenotaph, [with 
 a great funeral pile,]' and put garlands upon it. 10. Having per- 
 forftied these rites, they returned to their camp, and, after they 
 Jiad supped, went to rest. 
 
 Next day all the soldieK held a meeting; (Agasias of 
 Stymphalus, one of the captains, and Hieronymus of Eljs, also 
 a captain, and others, the oldest of the Arcadian oflBcers, were 
 the most active in bringing them together;) 11. and they 
 passed a resolution, that if any one for the future should pro- 
 vailed among the troops that Xenophon was desirous to detain them 
 there, for the purpose of founding a city. Compare sect. 14, and 23, 
 inii. ; ateo a 6, sect. 4. See Thirlwall's History of Greece, vol. iv. p. 
 352. 
 
 ' UoTAd. Kat dya&& irpurreiv.'] " Were doing (for themselves) many 
 and good things ;" were fering abundantly and well. 
 
 2 Kaj irvpav fieydXriv.'] These words are preserved as genuine by 
 Dindorf (who observes, however, that they are wanting in three manu- 
 scripts), but are thought spurious by Zeune-and Schneider, and utterly 
 ejected froto the text by Poppo and Kiihner. Zeune remarks that he 
 hall never read of a fUnersj pile being erected in conjunction with a 
 cenotaph.- 
 
CUAP. IT. SACRIFICES UNFAVOEABLE. I95 
 
 pose to divide the army, lie should be punished -with death ; 
 and that the army should return homeward in the same order 
 in which it was before,' and that the former leaders should re- 
 sume the command. Cheirisophus was now dead, from having 
 taken some drug' during a fever ; -and Neon of Asina took his 
 place. 
 
 12. After this Xenophon stood up and said, "It seems evi- 
 dent, fellow-soldiers, that we must pursue our journey by land, 
 for we have no ships ; and it is necessary for us to set out at 
 once, for there are no provisions for us if we remain. We 
 will therefore," he continued, " offer sacrifice ; and you must 
 prepare yourselves, if ever you did so, to fight; for the 
 enemy have recovered their spirit." 13. The generals then 
 offered sacrifice ; and Arexion the Arcadian assisted as augur ; 
 for Silanus of Ambracia had abeady fled, having hired a 
 vessel from Heraclea. They sacrificed with a view to their 
 departure, but the victims were not favorable. 14. This 
 day therefore they rested. Some had the boldness to say that 
 Xenophon, from a desire to settle a colony in the place, had 
 prevailed on the augur to say that the victims were nn&vor- 
 able to their departure. IS. Xenophon, in consequence, having 
 made proclamation that whoever wished might be present at a 
 sacrifice on the morrow, and having given notice also, that if 
 there was any augur among the soldiers, he should attend^ to 
 inspect the victims with them, made another sacrifice, and a 
 great number of persons were present at it; 16. but though 
 they sacrificed again three times with reference to their de- 
 parture, the victims were still unfavorable to it. The soldiers 
 were on this account extremely uneasy, for the provisions 
 which they had brought with them were exhausted, and there 
 was no place near for them to purchase any. 
 
 11. They therefore held another meeting, and Xenophon 
 said, " The victims, as you see, fellow-soldiers, are not yet 
 favorable for our departure; and I see that you are in want 
 of provisions. It seems to me necessary, therefore, to offer 
 sacrifice with regard to this matter." 18. Here some one rose 
 
 1 That is, that the soldiers should severally return to the companies 
 in which they were serving before the seoession of the Arcadians and 
 Aoh^ans took place, and that thus each officer should have hia own men 
 again. m — 
 
 » iap/iaKov.} Some interpret tpap/iaxov " poison." Killmer. 
 
196 THE EXPEDlTI01«r OP CYRUS. book ti. 
 
 up and said, " It ia with good reason, indeed, that the victims 
 are unfavorable ; for, as I heasd from a person belonging to a 
 vessel that came in yesterday by accident, Oleander, the gov- 
 ernor of Byzantium, is on me point of coming Tiither with 
 transport vessels and ' galleys." 19. In consequence they all 
 resolved to stay. But it was necessary to go out for prori- 
 fflons ; and to this end sacrifice was again offered three times, 
 but the victims were still unfavorable. 
 
 TOhe soldiers now came to Xenophon's tent, and told him 
 that they had no provisions. He, however replied, that ho 
 would not lead them out while the victims were adverfe 
 20."rhe next day sacrifice was offered again, and, as all 
 were concerned, 'almost the whole army crowded around 
 the sacrifice; and the victims fell short. Still the generals 
 did not lead out the troops, but called them, however, together ; 
 21. and Xenophon said, "Perhaps the enemy may be assem- 
 bled in a body, and it may be necessary for us to fight : i^. 
 therefore, leaving our baggage in the strong part of the ground, 
 we, march out prepared for battle, the victims may possibly 
 prove more favorable to us." 22. But the soldiers, on hear- 
 mg this observation, cried out that it was of no use to lead 
 them to, the part that he mentioned, but that they ought to 
 sacrifice without delay. Sheep were no longer to be had, iint 
 thgj^ bought an ox that was yoked to a wagon, and sacrifioeii 
 it ; and Xenophon begged Cleanor the Arcadian to be on the 
 alert if any thing in the sacrifice should appear propitious." 
 But not even on this occasion were the signs favorable. 
 
 2^. Neon was now general in the place of Cheirisophua, and 
 when he saw how the men were suffering from want of food^was 
 desirous to get them relief, and having found a man of Heraclea, 
 who said that he knew of some villages in the neighborhood^ 
 from which it might be possible to procure provisions, he made 
 proclamation that whoever was willing might go out to get a 
 SHjPply, as there would be a guide to conduct them. A party 
 accordingly proceeded from the camp, to the number of two 
 
 ' UpoBv/iemSai. A ti iv tovti^ eJ?;.] " Studios^ rem urgere, si exta 
 nunc ^oni) aliquid portendetent." Zeune. This seems to be the beat 
 of the vafiouB explanations that have been attempted of this passage. 
 Bornemann and Krflger conjecture npoBveadai, which Kiihner highly 
 approves. No alteration, however, is necessary. Zeune supposes that 
 Xenophon withdrew from the sacrifice to prevent any suspicion of un- 
 feir pky on his part. I 
 
OHAP. V. BITHTNIA : THE GREEKS ATTACKED. 197 
 
 tliousand, equipped ■with spears, leather bags, sacks, and othor 
 things for holding what they might find. 24. But when they 
 had reached the villages, and had dispersed themselves to plun- 
 der, the cavalry of Pharnabazus first' fell upon them, for they 
 had come to aid, the Bithyuians, designing, if they could, in 
 conjunction yriih. them, to prevent the Greeks from penetrating 
 into Phrygia. These horsemen cut off not less than five hun- 
 dred of the Greeks ; the rest fled to the mountain. 
 
 25. One of those ■who escaped immediately carried the news 
 of the occurrence to the camp ; and Xenophon, as the -victims 
 had not been propitious that day, took an ox from a wagon 
 (for there were ' no other cattle), and, after sacrificing it, went 
 forth to give aid, ■with all the other soldiersi not above thirty 
 years of age. 26. They brought off the rest of the party and 
 returned to the camp. 
 
 It was now about simset, and the Greeks were taking their 
 Supper in great despondency, when some of the Bithynians, 
 coming suddenly upon the advanced guard through the thick- 
 ets, kiSed part of them, and pursued lie rest to the camp. 27. 
 A great outcry arising, all the Greeks ran to their arms ; but 
 it did not seem safe to pursue the enemy, or break up their 
 camp, in the night, for the country was full of wood ; and they 
 therefore passed the night under arms, covered by sufficient 
 outrposts. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Greeks, moved by their previous dangers, at length consent to encamp 
 in the strong part of the ground. Xenophon, having saorifloed, and 
 placed a guard in the camp, led out the troops, who, after burying the 
 deadthat they found on the way, and possessing themselves of some 
 booty from the -villaseB, perceive the Bai-barians posted upon a hiU. They 
 proceed to attack them, and though obstructed by a valley difficult to 
 cross,, are animated by the valor and eloquence of Xenophon to achieve 
 a successful issue. 
 
 1. In this manner they passed the night. At daybreak 
 the generals proceeded to the strong part pf the ground ;" 
 
 1 II/KJTOJ.] Afterward some of the Bitl^'nians, aS is related in sect. 
 26. 
 s Td ipv/jvov xiJplov-i See 0. 4, sect 3, 1, 21. 
 
198 THE EXPEDITION OF OTRUS. book Tl. 
 
 and the men followed, bringing witli them their arms and bag- 
 gage. Before it was time for dinner, they completed a trench 
 on the side where the entrance to the place was, and fenced 
 the whole length with palisades, leaving three gates. A vessel 
 meanwhile had arrived from Heraclea, bringing barley-meal, 
 catlle,^and wine. 
 
 . .j2. Xenophon, rising early, had sacidficed with reference to an 
 excursion, and in the first victim the omens were fevorable. 
 Just as the sacrifice came to a conclusion, Arexion of Parrhasia, 
 the augur, saw a lucky eagle, and encouraged Xenophon to 
 lead ^orth. 3. The men, therefore, crossing the trench, ranged 
 themselves under arms ; and the heralds made proclamation 
 that the soldiers, after taking their dinner,- should march out 
 equipped for battle, and leave the camp-followers and slaves 
 where they were. 4. All the rest accordingly went out, except 
 Neon ; for it waa thought best to leave him in guard of the 
 people in the camp. But when the captains and soldiers had 
 left them, they were ashamed not to follow where the others 
 went, and in consequence left only those who were above forty- 
 five years of age ; tliese therefore remained, and the rest went 
 forth. 5. But before they had proceeded fifteen stadia,, they 
 began to meet vdth dead bodies, and bringing up the rear of 
 their line opposite the corpses that were first seen, they buried 
 all to which the line extended. 6. When they had interred 
 this first set, they marched on, and again bringing up their 
 rear against the first of those that they next found unburiet^ 
 they buried in like manner as many as the line took in. When 
 they came to the road that led to the villages, where the dead 
 bodies lay in great numbers, they brought them all together 
 and buried them. 
 
 7. It was now past mid-day, and having marched quite 
 through' the villages, the men were engaged in taking what- 
 ever provisions they foimd within reach of the line, when, on 
 a sudden, they caught sght of "the enemy marching over 
 some hills that were facing them, disposed in a line, consisting 
 of a large number of both cavalry and infantiy ; for Spithri- 
 
 ' 'A.£Tttv alaiov.'] An eagle on the right. ./&ch Prom. 498. 
 
 2 'Efu.] The troops in front seem to have marched quite through the 
 villages, and out beyond them ; those in the rear appear to have col- 
 lected the provisions, keeping themselves, at the same time, under cover 
 of those in front. 
 
CHAP. T. EXCtTESION AGAINST THE BITHTB'IANS. 199 
 
 dates and Eathines had now arrived with a considerable force 
 from Pharnabazus. 8. As soon as the enemy perceived the 
 Greeks, they halted at the distance of about fifteen stadia. 
 Upon this Arexion, the augur of the Greeks, immediately 
 offered sacrifice, and in the very first victim the omens were 
 favorable. 9, Xenophon then said, "It appears to me, fellow- 
 captains, that we ought to station some divisions on the watch 
 behind the main body, in order that, if it should any where be 
 necessary, there may be troops to Support that body, and that 
 the enemy, when thrown into disorder, may be received by 
 men in array and full vigor." This proposal was approved 
 by all. 10. "Advance, then," he continued, "on the road to- 
 ward the enemy, that, since we have been seen by them, and 
 have seen them, we may not stand still ; and I, after having 
 arranged the divisions in the rear, as you have sanctioned, will 
 join you." 
 
 11. The others then advanced quietly forward, and Xeno- 
 phon, detaching from the main body the three hindmost com- 
 panies, consisting of about two hundred men each, ordered one 
 of them to, follow on the right, at the distance of about a hun- 
 dred feet behind ; this company Samolas the Achaean com- 
 manded. The second he directed to follow in the center ; this 
 company Pyrrhias the Arcadian headed. The other he sta- 
 tioned on the left; this Phrasias the Athenian led. 12. As 
 the front line, in marching on, came to a woody ravine, of great 
 extent and. difficult to pass, they halted, not knowing whether 
 it were possible to cross it, and passed the word for the gen- 
 erals and captains to come to the front. 13. Xenophon, won- 
 dering what it was that stopped their progress, but soon hearing 
 the word passed, rode up as fast as he could. When the offi- 
 cers came together, Sophaenetus, the oldest of the generals, 
 said that it was not worth consideration whether a ravine of 
 such a nature were passable or not. 14. But Xenophon, eager- 
 ly seizing an opportunity to speak, said, 
 
 " You are certain, my fellow-soldiers, that I have never vol- 
 untarily brought danger iipon you, for I see that you do not 
 want reputation for valor, but safety. 15. But now the matter 
 stands thus with us : it is not possible for us to move from 
 hence without fighting ; for if we do not advance upon the en- 
 
 ' That ia, that no deliberation was necessary ; that they ought cer- 
 tainly to cross the ravine. 
 
200 THE EXPEDITION OF OYEtTS. book vi. 
 
 emy, the enemy ■will pursue and attack us when vre retreat. 
 16. Consider, then, whether it is better for us to proceed against 
 the foe holding out our arms in front of us, or, when we have 
 turned them back, to find the enemy following behind us. 17. 
 You know, assuredly, that to flee from an enemy has no sem- 
 blance of honor, but that pursuit puts courage even into cow- 
 ards. For my own part, I had rather pursue with half the 
 number of men than retreat with twice as many. ' As for 
 these enemies, I know that you yourselves do not expect them 
 to make a stand against us, if we charge them ; but we are all 
 aware that if we draw back they will have cpnrage enough to 
 follow us. 
 
 18. " But that we, bycrossing, should place a difficult ravine 
 in our rear, when we are going to engage, is not this an ad- 
 vantage worth securing? As for the enemy, I should wish 
 every spot of ground to appear passable to them, so that they 
 may retreat ; but it is for us to be instructed by the nature of 
 our position that there is no safety for us unless we conquer. 
 19. 1 wonder, too, whether any of us thinks" this ravine more 
 formidable than many other places that we have passed. 
 
 " How, indeed, will the plain be passable unless we defeat 
 the cavalry ? How will the hills that we have traversed be 
 passable, if so many peltasts pursue us ? 20. Even if we ar- 
 rive safe at the sea, how large a ravine will the Euxine prove 
 to us, where there are neither vessels to convey us away, nor 
 provisions to support us if we remain ; and the more haste we 
 should make thither, the more haste must we make to ge out 
 again to find suhsistence. 21. It is better therefore for us to 
 fight now, when we have dined, than to-morrow, when we may 
 be without a dinner. The sacrifices,' soldiers, are favorable, 
 the omens ■ encouraging, the victims most auspicious. Let us 
 march against the foe. Since they have certainly seen us, they 
 ought not now to sup at -their ease, or to encamp where they 
 hke." 
 
 22. The captains then bade him lead on, and no one made 
 any_ objection. He accordingly put himself at their head, or- 
 dering each to cross at that part of the ravine where he hap- 
 pened to be; for he thought that the army would thus sooner 
 get over the ravine in a body than if they defiled over the 
 
 -TO T£ a^dyia.'] i. 8. 15. 
 
OHAP. V. THR GREEKS VICTOEIOtTS. 201 
 
 bridge' that lay across it. 23. When they had passed over, he 
 said, as he passei.1 along the line, " Remember, soldiers, how 
 many battles, with the assistance of the gods, you have gained 
 by coming to close quarters vrith the enemy, and how those 
 fare who turn their backs upon their adversaries. Eeflect also 
 that you are at the very gates of Greece.' 24. Follow, th^n, 
 Hercules your Conductor,' and exhort one another by name.'' 
 It is ■ pleasing to reflect, that he who now says and does any 
 thing brave and honorable, will preserve a remembrance 
 of himself among those with whom he would wish to pre- 
 serve it." 
 
 25. These exhortations he uttered as he rode along, and at 
 the same time proceeded to lead forward the troops in column ; 
 and with the peltasts on each flank, they marched upon the 
 enemy. He gave orders that they should carry their spears 
 upon the right shoulder until a signal should be given with 
 the trumpet, and that then, lowering them for a charge, they 
 should follow their leaders at a steady pace, and that none 
 should advance running. The word was immediately after 
 given, JupiTKB the Preserver and Heeoules the Conductor. 
 The enemy, meanwhile, kept their position, thinking -that they 
 had the ground in their favor. 26. As the Greeks approached 
 them, the peltasts shouted, and ran forward to charge them 
 before any one gave orders ; and the enemy rushed to meet 
 them, both the horse and the mass of the Bithynians, and put 
 them to flight. 27. But when the body of heavy-armed men 
 came up, advancing at a quick pace, and when the trumpet 
 sounded, and the men sang the paean and shouted, and low- 
 ered their spears, the enemy then no longer awaited their 
 charge, but took to flight. 28. Timasion and the cavalry pur- 
 sued them, and killed as many as they could, being but few. 
 The enemy's left wing, to which the Greek cavalry were op- 
 posed, was at once dispersed, but the right, not being closely 
 pursued, rallied upon a hill. 29. As soon as the Greeks, how- 
 
 ' Kruger supposes that the ravine (ydnog) was the bed of a mount- 
 ain torrent, and that the bridge was constructed to afford a passage 
 over it when it was inundated by rains in winter. From what Xeno- 
 phon says above, it would hardly have been conceived that there was a 
 bridge. 
 
 3 That ia, close upon Greece. Compare ii. 4. 4. 
 
 ' See oh. 2. sect. 15. See also below, sect. 25. 
 
 < As in II. X. 68. 
 
 9* 
 
202 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS., book tl 
 
 ever, saw them making a stand, it appeared to them the easiest 
 and safest tiling they could do, to charge them without delay. 
 Singing the psean, therefore, they immediately advanced upon 
 them ; and the enemy withdrew. The peltasts then pursued 
 them till the right wing was also dispersed ; but only a small 
 number were killed ; for the enemy's cavalry, being numerous, 
 kept the Greeks in awe. 30. But when they observed the 
 cavalry of Phamabazus still standing in a body, and the 
 Bithynian cavalry flocking to join themj and looking down 
 from an eminence on what was going on, they determined, 
 tired as they were, to make an assault upon them as vigorously 
 as possible, that they might not take breath a,nd recover their 
 courage. 31. Drawing up in close order, therefore, they ad- 
 vanced ; when the enemy's horse fled down the hill as if they 
 had been pursued by cavalry ; for there was a valley to re- 
 ceive them, of which the Greeks were not aware, as diey had 
 desisted from the pursuit before they reached it, it being now 
 late. 32, Eeturning then to the place where the first en- 
 counter occurred, they erected a trophy, and went off toward 
 the sea about sunset. The distance to their camp was about 
 sixty stadia. 
 
 CHAPTER VL 
 
 Tie Greeks plunder Bitliyiiia. Oleander, the Spartan governor of Byzan- 
 Mnm^ arriveB, and is prejadieed against the Greeia by Dexippns, but re^ 
 conciled to them by the- efibrts of Xenophon. Oleander declines the chief 
 command, wWch is offered him, and the army march under their; former 
 generals through Bithynia to ChryBopolis. 
 
 1. The enemy now employed themselves about their own 
 affairs, and removed their famihes and effects as far off as they 
 could. The Greeks, in the mean time, waited for Oleander 
 and the galleys and transport vessels that were to come, and, 
 going out every day with their baggage-cattle and slaves, 
 brought in, without fear of danger, wheat, barley, wine, legu- 
 minous vegetables, millet, and Sgs ; for the country affordei 
 every useful production except olives, 
 
 2. While the army lay at rest in the camp, the men had 
 liberty, individually, to go out for spoil, and those only who 
 
CHAP. TL DEXIPPUS: AGASIAS. 203 
 
 went out had a sliare of it ; but when the whole army went 
 out, and any one, straggling from the rest, togk any booty, it 
 was adjudged to be public property. 
 
 ^3. They had now abundance of every thing ; for provisions 
 for sale were brought from the Greek cities in every direction, 
 and people who were sailing along the coast, hearing that a 
 city was going to be built, and a harbor formed, wiUingly 
 put in there. 4. Such of the enemy, too, as lived in the 
 neighborhood, sent to Xeriophon, hearing that he had the 
 management of the intended settlement, to ask what they 
 should do in order to become his friends ; and he introduced 
 them among the soldiers.' 
 
 6. Oleander now arrived with two galleys, but no transport 
 vessel. At the time of his coming, it happened , that the body 
 of the army was gone out ; while some stragglers, going over 
 the mountain for plunder, some one way, some another, had 
 taken a great number of sheep, and being afraid that they 
 would be taken from them,'' informed Dexippus of the matter 
 (the same that had run away with the fifty-oared galley from 
 Trebisond), and requested him to keep the sheep for them, tak- 
 ing part for himseltj and giving them back the rest. 6. Dexip- 
 pus immediately drove off the soldiers' that stood round, and 
 who said that the sheep were pubUc property, and, going to 
 Oleander, told him that tiiey were endeavoring to seize them as 
 plunder for themselves. Oleander desired him to bring who- 
 ever should seize them before him. 7. Dexippus accordingly 
 laid hold on one of the men, and was taking him oflf, when 
 Agasias, meeting him, rescued the man ; the prisoner being 
 a private of his own troop. The rest of the soldiers that were 
 there begjin to throw stones at Dexippus, calling him again 
 and again, " the traitor." Not only he, in consequence, but 
 also many of the men belonging to his galleys, were struck 
 with terror, and fled toward tbe sea ; and Oleander fled like- 
 wise. 8. But Xenophon, and the other generals, endeavored to 
 stop their flight, and told Oleander that there was no reason 
 for alarm,' but that the resolution passed by the army was 
 
 ' Xenophon, therefore, had not yet given up hopes of being able to 
 persuade the troops to stay there and found a city. iSchneider. 
 
 ' As being public property. See sect. 2 and 6. 
 
 3 Not the soldiers that had taken the sheep, but others that had 
 gathered round. 
 
 * 'Otu ovSiv ehf npay/ia.'] IIpuy,ua is often used to signify some- 
 
204 THE EXPEDITION OP OTRUS. book ti. 
 
 the cause of tbe occurrence. 9. Oleander, however, being 
 instigated by Dexippus, and vexed with himself for having 
 shown so much fear, said that he would sail off and make proc- 
 lamation that none of the cities should receive them, as being 
 public enemies. The Lacedaemonians were at that time mas- 
 ters of all Greece. 
 
 10. This affair appeared to the Greeks to threaten evil, and 
 they entreated Oleander not to do so ; but he said that it could 
 not be otherwise, unless somebody should give' up to him the 
 man that began to throw stones, and the person that rescued 
 him. 11. The person that he wanted was Agasias, the con- 
 stant friend of Xenophon, for which reason Dexippus had ac- 
 cused him. As there was much perplexity, therefore, the gen- 
 erals called together the soldiers ; and some of them made 
 light of Clearidet's menaces, but to Xenophon the affair ap- 
 peared of no smallimportance. Rising up, he said, 
 
 12. " It seems to me, soldiers, a matter of no trifling mo- 
 ment, if Oleander goes away, as he threatens, cherishing these 
 feelings toward us ; for the Greek cities are close at hand, 
 the -Lacedaemonians are the chief people of Greece, and each 
 individual Lacedaemonian is able to do what he pleases- in 
 these cities. 13. If, therfeore, he first shuts us out of Byzan- 
 tium, and then gives notice to the other governors not to ad- 
 mit us into their cities, as persons refusing obedience to the 
 Lacedaemonians and submitting to no law, and this character 
 of us reaches ' the ear of Anaxibius the Admiral, it will be 
 diiBoult for us either to remain or to sail away, for at this 
 moment the Lacedaemonians are masters both by land and sea. 
 14. We ought not, therefore,. for the sake of one or two men, 
 to exclude ourselves from Greece, but to do whatever they 
 direct ; for the cities, from which we come yield them obedi- 
 ence. 15. I,- for my own part (for I hear that Dexippus 
 assures Oleander that Agasias would have done nothing in 
 the matter, if I had not instigated him), for my part, I say, 
 I am ready to clear you and Agasias from blame, if Aga- 
 sias himself shall say that I was at all the cause of these 
 p; oceedings, and I am prepared to condemn myself, if I en- 
 couraged" stone-throwing or any other act of violence, as de- 
 serving of the severest punishment, and that punishment I will 
 
 thing dangerous, or, at any rate, something of great moment. K'uh- 
 tier. 
 
CHAP. VL AGASIA8 : ' CLEANDEE. 205 
 
 submit to suffer. 16. I say, too, that if Dexippus accuses 
 any other person, lie ought to suwender himself to Oleander to 
 be tried ; for by this means you may be exonerated from all 
 censure. Under the present Complexion of the case, it will be 
 hard, if, when we expect applause and honor in Greece, we 
 shall, instead of obtaining tMm, be not even on an- equality 
 with the rest of our countrymen, but be excluded from the 
 Greek cities." 
 
 IV. Agasias then stood up and said, "I swear, my fellow- 
 soldiers, ■^y all the gods and goddesses, that neither Xenopbon, 
 nor any other person among fon, desired me to rescue the 
 man ; but, when I saw a brave fellow, one of my own troop, 
 led off by Dexippus (who, you are aware, has played the 
 traitor toward you), it seemed to me, I own, intolerable, and 
 I set him free. 18. You need not, then, deliver me up, for I 
 will surrender myself, as Xenophon recommends, to Oleander, 
 to do to me, after having tried me, whatever he pleases. As 
 far as this matter is concerned enter into no contention with 
 the Lacedsemonians. May each of you return in safety to 
 whatever place he would reach ! Make choice, however, of 
 some of you* own number, and send them with me to Oleander, 
 that, if I omit any, thing, they may speak and act for me." 19. 
 Upon this the army aUowed him to choose whomsover he 
 would, and to go. He chose the generals. 
 
 Agasias, and the generals, and the man that had been re- 
 leased by Agasias, accordingly proceeded to Oleander ; and the 
 generals said, 20. " The army has sent us to you, O Oleander, 
 and requests that if you accuse them all, you will yourself be 
 the judge of them all, and treat them as you may think fit ; or, 
 if you accuse one or two more, they think it right that they 
 should surrender themselves to you for judgment. If, therefore, 
 you accuse any one of us, we are here before you ; if any other, 
 let us know ; for no man, who is willing to obey us, shall refuse 
 to submit to you." 
 
 - 21. Agasias next stood forward, and said, "I am the per- 
 son, O Oleander, that rescued this man when Dexippus was 
 carrying him off, and that incited the men to stone Dexippus ; 
 22. for I knew that the soldier was a deserving man, and I 
 knew also that Dexippus, after having been chosen by the 
 army to command the galley which we begged of the people 
 of Tfebisond, for the purpose of collecting transport vessels to 
 
206 THE EXPEDITION OF CTRUS. book VL 
 
 save ourselves, had run away and betrayed the soldiers in 
 common with whom he bad preserved, his life. 23. Through 
 his misconduct, therefiore, we have both deprived the people 
 of Trebisond of their galley, and seem to have acted dishon- 
 estly ; and, as far as depended upon him, we were utterly un- 
 done ; for he had heard, as well as we, that it would be im- 
 practicable for us, going by land, to cross the rivers and get 
 safe to Greece. 24. It was from such a character as this that 
 I rescued the man. If you had been leading him away, or 
 any one of those belonging to you, and not one of -our own 
 deserters, be assured that I should have done nothing of the 
 kind. Consider, then, that if you put 'me to death, you will 
 put to death a man of honor for the sake of a coward and a 
 villain." 
 
 25. Qeander, on hearing this statement, said that he could 
 not approve of the conduct of Dexippus, if he had acted in 
 such a way, but observed, at the same time, that even if Dex- 
 ippus were the worst of villains, he ought not to suffer any 
 violence, but to be tried ("a? you yourselves," said he, "now 
 propose"), and to have his deserts. 26. "For the present, 
 then," he continued, " retire, leaving Agasias with me, and, 
 when I give you notice, come to witness his trial, I neither 
 accuse the army, nor any one else, siace Agasias himself con- 
 fesses that it was he who released the man." 27. The man 
 who had been released then said, " If you suppose, O Olean- 
 der that I was apprehended for doing something wrong, be 
 assured that I neither struck nor threw stones at any one, but 
 merely said that the sheep were public property ; for it was a 
 resolution passed by the soldiers, that if, when the whole army 
 went out, any particular person made any capture by himself, 
 that capture should go to the public store. 28. This was what 
 I said ; and Dexippus, in consequence, seized, me and was lead- 
 ing me off, so that no one might utter a syllable,' but that he 
 himself, securing a share of the booty, might keep the rest for 
 the plunderers, contrary to the resolution of the army." To 
 this Oleander replied, " Since you are that sort of person, 
 stay here, that we may consider respecting you likewise." 
 
 29. Oleander amd his party then went to dinner ; and Xen- 
 
 ' 'Iva /n) ^■deyyoiTO /ivieis.'] That no one might report any thing 
 about him (Dexippus). Kuhner. Dexippus (as the man intimates) sup- 
 poi3ed that the apprehenaion of one would he a terror to the rest. 
 
CHAP. VI. AG-ASIAS EXCULPATED. 20*7 
 
 ophon assembled the troops, and advised them to send some 
 persons to Oleander to mate intercession for the men. 30. 
 They accordingly resolved to depute the generals and captains, 
 with Dracontius' the Spartan, and such of the rest as seemed 
 eligible, to entreat Oleander by all means to set the two men 
 free. 31. Xenophon, going to him, said "You have the men 
 in your hands, O Oleander, and the army has allowed you to 
 do what you please with regard both to them and to their whole 
 force. They now, however, request and entreat of you to 
 give up the two men to them, and not to put them to death ; 
 for they exerted themselves greatly, in time past, to be of 
 service to the army. 32. Should they obtain this fevor from 
 you, they promise you, in return for it, that if you are willing 
 to be their leader, and the gods are propitious, they will let you 
 see both how well-disciplined they are, and how incapable, when 
 obedient to their general, and aided by superior powers, of fear- 
 ing an enemy. 33. They also beg of you, that when you have 
 come and taken the command of them, you will make trial of 
 Dexippus and the rest of them, ascertain what sort of person 
 each is, and give every one his desert." 
 
 34. Oleander on hearing this appUcation replied, " By the 
 twin gods," I will give you an answer at once. I give up the 
 men to you, and will come to you myself; and, if the gods 
 permit, I will lead you into Greece. Your words are very- 
 di£Ferent from the accounts that I heard of some of you, 
 namely, that you were alienating the army from the Lacedae- 
 monians." 35. The deputies then took their leave, applauding 
 Oleander, and taking with them the two men. 
 
 Oleander offered a sacrifice with reference to the journey, 
 and associated in a friendly way with Xenophon; and they 
 contracted a bond of hospitality betweSn them. When he 
 saw the Greek soldiers, too, execute their orders with regu- 
 larity, he grew still more desirous to become their commander. 
 36. But as the omens were not favorable to his wishes, though 
 he offered sacrifices three days, he called the generals together, 
 and said, " The victims have not been favorable for me" to 
 
 1 iv. 8. 25. 
 
 2 Nat rii aiu."] Castor and Pollux, by whom the Laoedaemoniaiis were • 
 accustomed te swear. See Sohol. ou Aristoph. Lys, 81, Pac. 214; Xen. 
 Heliea. iv. 4, 10. 
 
 3 'E/io! fih ovK ireXea&ri tU lepci i^uyetv.'] " The sacrifices ha/ve not 
 
208 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. book vn. 
 
 lead yoti out ; but be not discouraged on that account ; for it 
 is given to you, as it appears, to conduct the ai-my home. Pro- 
 ceed then, and we will receive you at Byzantium, when you ar- 
 rive there,' in the best manner that we can." 31. It was then 
 resolved by the soldiers to make him a present of the sheep 
 that were public propierty ; and he, having accepted them, gave 
 them "back to the soldiers again, and then sailed oiF. 
 
 The army, having disposed of the corn which they had col- 
 lected, and the other booty that they had captured, advanced 
 ^through the territory of the Bithynians. 38. But as, while they 
 jpursued the straight road, they met with nothing to enable 
 them to enter the country of their friends with a portion of 
 spoil, they resolved upon marching back for a day and a night; 
 and, having done so, they took great numbers both of slaves 
 and cattle, and arrived,- afler six days' march, at Chrysopdis 
 in Chalcedonia, where they staid seven days to sell their 
 booty 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 AnaxiMtiSj at the iastigation of PharnabaziiB, -who -wishes to get the Greeks 
 out of hig territory, allures them, with hopes of employment and VBiy, to 
 Byzantium. They accordingly appear in arms before the city, bat flnding 
 the gates shut against them, force an entrance, and are with great difll- 
 eultjrjiaoified by Xenophon. Ooeratades, a Theban, offers to lead them 
 into Thrace, and his proposal is accepted ; but he soon shows his incapac- 
 ity, and lays down the command. 
 
 1. What the Greeks did in their march up the country 
 with Cyrus, until the battle was fought, what they ex- 
 perienced in their retreat, after Cyrus was dead, till they 
 reached the Euxine sea, and how they fared, in their pro- 
 gress by sea and land, from the time that they arrived at the 
 Euxine until they got beyond the mouth of it to Chrysopolis 
 
 been concluded (so as to be favorable) for me," etc. Oix ireTica^v is a 
 conjecture of Bbmemann'a, adopted by Dindor^ for the common reading 
 oiic iSeAei, which Kiihner prefers and retains. 
 
 ' I follow KUhner in the interpretation of iKelae in this passage. The 
 speaker probably pointed toward Byzantium. 
 
CHAP. I. OFFERS FROM SEUTHES. 209 
 
 in Asia, has been related in the preceding part of the nar- 
 rative. 
 
 2. Pharnabazus, fearing that the army of the Greets might 
 make an irruption into his province, sent to Anaxibius the 
 Spartan admiral, who was at Byzantium, and begged him to 
 transport the army out of Asia, promising to do for him in re- 
 turn whatever he might require of him. 3. Anaxibius, accord- 
 ingly, sent for the generals and captains of the troops to Byzan- 
 tium, engaging that if they came over to him, pay should be 
 given to the men. 4. The rest of the officers said that they 
 would .'give him an answer after they had considered of the mat- 
 ter ; but Xenophon told him that he was going to leave the 
 army, and wanted to sail away. Anaxibius, however, requested 
 him to come across with the rest, and then to take his departure. 
 Xenophon therefore said that he would do so. 
 
 5. In the mean time Seuthes' the Thracian sent Medosades 
 to Xenophon, requesting that general to join with him in using 
 his eflforts that the army might cross over, and saying that he 
 should have no cause to repent of assisting him in that object. 
 6. Xenophon replied, " The army will doubtless cross over ; 
 let him give nothing to me therefore, or to any one else, on that 
 account. When it has crossed, I shall quit it ; so let him ad- 
 dress himself to those who stay, and who may seem able to 
 serve him in such a manner as may appear likely to be suc- 
 cessful." 
 
 7. Soon after the whole army of the Greeks crossed over to 
 Byzantium. Anaxibius however gave them no pay, but made 
 proclamation that the soldiers should take their arms and bag- 
 gage, and go out of the city, signifying that he intended at once 
 to "send them away home, and to take their number. The 
 soldiers were in consequence greatly troubled, because they had 
 no money to get provisions for their journey, and packed up 
 their baggage with reluctance. 
 
 8. Xenophon, who had become a guest-friend to Oleander 
 the governor, went to take leave of him, with the intention of 
 
 1 For some account of him, see c. 2, sect. 32. " He is not to be eon- 
 founded with Seuthes the son of Sparadocua, who succeeded Sitalces as 
 king of the OdryssB, nor is to be altogether regarded sis a king, though 
 he 13 di3tin.?uished by this name in c. 7, sect 22. He is with more pro- 
 priety called u.fix'^'' ijav) inl iJaAuraij, o. 3, sect. 16. See Xen. Hellen. 
 iv. 8. 26. Aristot. Polit.' v. 8. 15." Poppo. He was at this tune merely 
 a commander in subjection to Medoous. 
 
210 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOKyn. 
 
 sailing away immediately. But Oleander said to hjm, "By no 
 means do so, for, if you do, you will incur blame, since some 
 people, indeed, already accuse you as the cause that the army 
 proceeds out* so slowly." 9. Xenophon replied, " I am not the 
 cause of this, but the soldiers, being in want of provisions, are 
 for that reason, of themselves, reluctant to go out." 10. " How- 
 ever I advise you," rejoinded Oleander, "to go out with them, as 
 if you intended to accompany them, and w-hen the army is clear 
 of the city, then to quit it." " We will then go to Anaxibius," 
 said Xenophon, " and further the proceedings." They accord- 
 ingly went, and told him, that such was their intention. 11. He 
 recommended that they should act in conformity with what they' 
 said, and that the troops should go out as soon as possible with 
 their baggage packed up ; desiring them to give notice, at the 
 same time, that whoever should not be present at the review 
 and mmibering of the army, would have himself to blame. 12. 
 The generals then went out first, and the rest of the army fol- 
 lowed them. 
 
 They were now all out except a few, and Eteonicus' was 
 standing by the gates, ready to shut them, and thrust in the' 
 bar, as soon as they were aE outside, 13. when AnaxibiuSj 
 summoning the generals and captains, said, "You may take' 
 provisions from the Thracian villages ; for there is pleniy of 
 barley and wheat, and other necessaries, in them; and when 
 you have supplied yourselves, proceed to the Chersonesus, and 
 there Cyniscus' will give you pay." 14. Some of the sol^ 
 diers that overheard this, or some one of the captains, com- 
 municated it to the army. The generals, meanwhile, in- 
 quired about Seuthes, whether he would prove hostile or 
 friendly, , and whether they must march over the Sacred 
 Mountain,' or round about through the middle of Thrace. 
 
 1 'E^epTret.'] Non celeriter, sed quasi rependo exit "(es: urbe). ffuichin- 
 son. 'this notion of the word is condemned by Heiland, Dial. Xeu. p. 
 7, wlio shows, with much learning, that Spireiv in the Doric dialect sig- 
 nifies incedere; ire, so that i^epirciv in this passage is merely the same as 
 inTropstieirSai, Buhner. 
 
 2 A Lacedaemonian of some rank. See Thuoyd. viii. 23. Kruger. 
 
 3 A Spartan commander, doubtlessj who was then engaged in a war 
 with the Thracians in the Chersonesus. Zeune. 
 
 * hcd. TOv'Upov opovg.] To be distinguished from the mountain of 
 the same name mentioned iv. 1. 21. Schneider. Its situation is un- 
 certain, but there was a road by it into the Chersonesus, as ia ap- 
 
OHAP. L A TUMULT QUELLED BY XENOPHON. 211 
 
 15. But while they were talking of these matters, the soldiers, 
 snatching up their arms, ran in haste to the gates, with a de- 
 sign to make their way back within the waUs. Eteonicus, how- 
 ever, and those about him, when they, saw the heavy-armed 
 men running toward them, shut the gates, and thrust in the 
 bar. 16. The spldiers then knocked at the gates, and said that 
 they were treated most unjustly, in being shut out as a prey to 
 the enemy, and declared that they would spht the gates asun- 
 der, if the people did not open them of their own accord. 
 17. Some ran off to the sea, and got over into the city by the 
 pier of the waU ; while others of them, who happened to be 
 still in the town, when they perceived what was passing at the 
 gates, ciit the bai-s in twain with their axes, and set tiie gates 
 wide open. They then all rushed in. 
 
 18. Xenophon, observing what was going on, and fearing 
 lest the army should fall to plundering, and irreparable mis- 
 chief be done not only to the city, but to himself and the 
 men, ran and got within the gates along with the crowd. 19. 
 The people of Byzantium, at the same time, when they saw 
 the army entering by force, fled from the market-place, some 
 to the ships, and some to their houses, while others, who hap- 
 pened to be within doors, ran out; some hauled down the 
 galleys into the water, that they might save themselves in 
 them; and all believed themselves ruined,;regai?ding the city as 
 captured. 20. Ete^jinicus fled to the citadel. Anaxibius, run- 
 ning down to the sea^ sailed round to the same place in a fish- 
 ing-boat, and immediately sent for men from the garrison at 
 Chalcedon; for those in the citadel did not appear sufficient to 
 repel the Greeis. 
 
 21. The soldiers, as soon as they saw Xenophon, ran up to 
 him in great numbers, and cried, " YoU have now an oppor- 
 tunity, O Xenophon, to become a great man. You are in 
 possession of a city, you have galleys, you have money, you 
 have this large number of men. Now, therefore, if you are 
 inclined, you may benefit us, and we may make you a distin- 
 guished man." 22. Xenophbn replied, "You say well, and I 
 will act accordingly ; but if you aim at this object, range your- 
 selves under arms as quickly as possible," for he wished to quiet 
 
 parent from o. 3, sect. 3. " The fort Upbv ipog is mentioned by De- 
 mostli. de Hal. p. 85, extr. ; Phil. iii. p. 114, and De Fals. Leg. p. 390." 
 Kriiger. 
 
212 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. book vn. 
 
 them, and not only gave these orders himself, but desired the 
 other oflBcers also to command the men to range themselves 
 under arms. 23. As the men, too, began to march themselves, 
 the "heaVy-armed troops soon formed eight deep, and the peltasts 
 ran to take their station on each wing. 24. The ground, which 
 was called the Thracian Area,* was excellent for the arrange- 
 ment of troops, being clear of houses, and level. When the 
 arms were in their places," and the men somewhat tranquilized, 
 Xenophon called the soldiers round him, and spoke as 
 follows : 
 
 V 25. "That you are angry, soldiers, and think you have 
 been treated strangely in being deceived, I am not at all sur- 
 prised ; but if we gratify our resentment, and not only taka' 
 revenge on the Lacedaemonians, who are here, for their impb^ 
 sition, but plunder the city which is not at all to blame, consider 
 what will be the consequences ; 26. we shall be the declared 
 enemies both of the Laeedeemonians and their allies. What 
 will be the nature of a war with them, we may conjecture, as 
 we have seen and remember what has recently.occurred. 27. 
 We the Athenians entered upon the contest with the Lacedae- 
 monians and their allies, with not less than three hundred' gal- 
 leys, some at sea and some in the docks, with a great sum of 
 money in the Acropolis,* and with a yearly revenue from our 
 customs at home and our territoiy abroad, of not less than a 
 thousand talents; but though we were masters of all the islands, 
 were possessed of many cities in Asia, and many others in 
 Europe, and of this very Byzantium where we now are, yet we 
 were reduced in the war to such a condition as you all know. 
 28. And what may we now expect to be our fate, when the 
 
 ' Td Qp^Kiov.'] Iiarcher has not inaptly supposed that this place was 
 near the gates called the Thraoian Gates, referring to Xen. Hellen i. 3, 
 extr., raf irtiXaf rdf iirl rb Qpg.Ki.ov KdJiov/iivag. Zewne. The Thraoian 
 Gates of Byzantium, before which there were seven towers, are men- 
 tioned by Dio Oassius, Ixxiv. 14. Schneider. -^'With. Qpifuov understana 
 XUpmv : it was an open space, an area or square. 
 
 ° 'ExeiTo Td. faAa.] Arma ordine disposita erant. Hutchinson. , Leun- 
 clavius renders ii postquam in armis' ordine conetiiercmi, but this is less 
 suitable to the passage. The soldiers had laid down their arms, that 
 they might listen to Xenophon more at ease. See iv. 2. 20 
 
 = Thucyd. ii. 13. 
 
 * 'Ev ,ty iroXei.} The Athenians used to call their ' &.Kpono\ig by the 
 simple name n-o^ljf : see Thuoyd. ii. 15. The sum of money in the 
 Acropolis was not less than sis thousand talents, Thucyd. iL 24. 
 
CHAP. I. CCEEATADES. 213 
 
 Lacedsemonians and Acliseans are in alliance ; when tte Athe- 
 nians, and those who were then allied with them, have become 
 an accession to the Spartan power; when Tissaphernes, and 
 all the other Barbarians on the sea-coast, are our enemies, 
 and the king of Persia himself our greatest enemy, whom we 
 went to despoil of his throne, ajid, if we could, to deprive of 
 hfe ? When all these opponents are united against us, is there 
 any body so senseless as to think that we could get the superi- 
 ority ? 29. Let us not, in the name of the gods, act like mad- 
 men, and perish with disgrace, by becoming enemies to our 
 country, and to our friends and relations ! For our connections 
 are all in the cities that will make war upon us, and that will 
 make war justly indeed, if, when we declined to possess ourselves 
 of any Barbarian city, though we were superior in force, 
 we should plunder the first Greek city at which we have ar- 
 rived. 30. For my own part, I pray diat before I see such an 
 atrocity committed by you, I may be buried ten thousand 
 fathoms under ground. I advise you, as you are Greeks, to 
 endeavor to obtain justice by submitting to those who are mas- 
 ters of the Greeks. Should you be unable to obtain it, how- 
 ever, we ought not, though wronged, to deprive ourselves of 
 all hope of returning to Greece. 31. It appears to me, there- 
 fore, that we should now send deputies to Anaxibius, with this 
 message : ' We came into the city with no design to commit 
 violence, but, if we could, to obtain some services from you ; but, 
 if we obtain none, we intend to show that we shall go out of it, 
 not because we have been deceived, but because we are willing 
 to obey you.' " 
 
 32. This proposal met with approbation; and they dispatched 
 Hieronymus the Elean, Eurylochus the Arcadian, and Philesius 
 the Achaean, to carry the message. They accordingly proceeded 
 to deliver it. 
 
 33. But while the soldiers were still seated, Coeratades,' a 
 Theban, came up to them ; a man who was going about the 
 country, not banished from Greece, but wanting to be a 
 general, and oflfering his services wherever any city or people 
 required a leader ; and, as he came forward, he said that he 
 
 > He had been a commander of the Boeotians toward the end of the 
 Peloponnesian war, and, at the surrender of Byzantium, fell into the 
 hands of the Athenians, by whom he was carried prisoner to Athens, 
 but contrived to escape. See Hellen. i. 3. 15. Zeune. 
 
214 THE EXPEDITION OF OTBUS. book vii. 
 
 ■was prepared to conduct them to that part of Thrace called the 
 Delta, where they would And plenty of good things, and that, 
 till they should arrive there, he would supply them with meat 
 and drini in abundance. 34. The soldiers listened to this oflFer, 
 and heard, at the same time, the reply brought from Anaxibius, 
 for he had sent an answer that "if they complied with his 
 wishes, they should bare no cause to repent ; and that he would 
 report their conduct to the authorities at Sparta, and would 
 contrive to do for them whatever service he could." 35. The 
 soldiers, in consequence, took Coeratades as their leader, and 
 went out of the city, Coeratades engaging to come to the army 
 next day with victims for sacrifice, an augur, and meat and 
 drink for Ibe troops. '36. As soon as they were gone out, 
 Anaxibius caused the gates to be shut, and proclamation made, 
 that whoever of the soldiers should be foimd within, should be 
 sold as a slave. 
 
 37. Next day Coeratades came with the victims and the 
 augur ; and twenty men followed him carrying barley-meal, 
 and other twenty carrying wine ; three also with as large a 
 load as they could bear of olives ; one with as itiuoh as he could 
 carry of garlic, and another of onions. Having ordered these 
 things to be laid down, as if for distribution, he proceeded to 
 offer sacrifice. 
 
 38. Xenophon, meanwhile, having sent for Oleander, urged 
 him to obtain permission for him to enter the walls, and to 
 sail away from Byzantium. 39. When Oleander arrived, he 
 said, " I am come, after having obtained the permission with 
 extreme diflSculty ; for Anaxibius says that it is not proper for 
 the soldiers to be close to the walls, and Xenophon within j 
 and that the Byzantines are split into factions, and at enmity 
 one vith another ; yet he has desired you," he added, " to 
 enter, if you intend' to sail with him." 40. Xenophon ac- 
 cordingly took leave of the soldiers, and went into the city 
 with Oleander. 
 
 CceratadeSj the first day, had no favorable omens from the 
 sacrifice, and distributed nothing among the troops. The 
 next day the victims were placed at the altar, and ''Coeratades 
 
 • I read el iiEUoig,.-mih Kriiger, instead of el /j.e^Xoi, the common 
 reading, wMob gives, "he has desired you to enter, if he (Xenophon) 
 intends to sail with him (Anaxibius)," a confusion of persons at which 
 Bomemann expresses his Wonder. 
 
OHAP. II. DISAGREEMENT AMONG THE GENERALS. 215 
 
 took his station -with a chaplet on his head, as if intending to 
 offer sacrifice ; when Timasion the Dardanian, Neon the 
 Asinaean, and Cleanor the Orchomenian, came forward and 
 told Coeratades not to sacrifice, as he should not lead the 
 army, unless he supplied it with provisions. 41. He then 
 ordered a distribution to be made. But as his supply fell far 
 short of one day's subsistence for each of the soldiers, he went 
 off, taking with him the yictims, and renouncing the general- 
 ship. 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 The generals dis^eeing about the route, many of the soldiers desert. 
 Anaxibius and Xenophon, on their voyage, are met at Cymous by Atia- 
 tarohns, Oleander's successor ; he sells rour hundred of the Greeks for 
 , slares. Xenophon returns to the army, and the Greeks, on his advice, 
 Agree to sail back to Asia, but are hindered by Aristarchua. Tlieir serv- 
 ioei are solicited by Seuthes, and Xenophon goes to learn his terms. 
 
 1. But Neon the Asinsean, Phryniscus,' Philesius, Xanthi- 
 cles, all Achaeans, and Timasion the Dardanian, remained in 
 command of the army, and marching forward ,to some villages 
 of the Thracians, over against Byzantium, encajcnped there. 
 2. The generals had now some disagreement, Cleanor and 
 Phryniscus wishing to lead the army to Seuthes (for he had 
 gained them over to his interest, haying presented a horse to 
 the one, and a mistress to the other), and Neon desiring to 
 take it to the Chersonesus, as he thought tjiat if they came 
 into the dominions of the Lacedaemonians, he himself would 
 get the command of the whole army. Timasion, however, 
 wanted to cross over again into Asia, expecting by this means 
 to effect his return home. 3. The army were of the same 
 mind ; but, while time was wasted in the discussion, many of 
 the soldiers deserted ; some, selling their arms up and down 
 the country, sailed away as they could ; others joined" the 
 
 ' Hb was one of the generals, as appears from. Sect. 29, and o. 5, 
 sect. 10. " But at what time he was chosen, Xenophon has neglected 
 to state." Kriiger. 
 
 ' The words 6i66vTeg Ttt otrXa xard Tot)( ;f6Jpouf, which Dindorf and 
 others inclose in braiokets, are not translated. They appear to have 
 arisen from the error of some copyist, whose eye was caught by nearly 
 the same words above. Kiihner preserves them, adopting the notipn 
 
216 THE EXPEDITION OF CTRUS. book va. 
 
 people in the neigboring towns. 4. Anaxibius was pleased 
 to hear these accounts of the dispersion of the army ; for he 
 thought that by such a state of things he should most gratify 
 Phamabazus. 
 
 5. As Anaxibius was on his voyage from Byzantiuni, Aris- 
 tarchus, the successor of Oleander as governor of Byzantium, 
 met him at Gyzicus, and said that Polus, the successor of Anax- 
 ibius as admiral, was on the point of entering the Hellespont. 
 6. Anaxibius desired Axistarchus to sell all the soldiers of CyruB, 
 whom he should find remaining in Byzantium, as slaves. As 
 for Oleander, he had sold none, but had even attended, from 
 compassion, to such as were sick, and obliged the inhabitanil 
 to receive them into their houses ; but Aristarchus, as soon as 
 he arrived, sold not less than four hundred. 
 
 7. Anaxibius, when he had sailed along the coast as far as 
 Parium, sent to Pharnabazus according to an agreement between 
 them. But Phamabazus, when he found that Aristarchus was 
 going as goveftior to Byzantium, and that Anaxibius was no 
 longer admiral, neglected Anaxibius, and entered into a nego- 
 tiation with Aristarchus about the army of Cyrus, similar to 
 that which he had previously made with Anaxibius. 
 
 8. Soon after, Anaxibius called Xenophon to him, and urged 
 him, by every means and contrivance, to sail back to the army 
 as soon as possible, to keep it together, to collect as many of 
 the dispersed Soldiers as he could, and then, leading them along 
 the coast to Perinthus, to transport them without delay into 
 Asia. He gave him, at the same time, a thirty-oared galley 
 and a letter, and sent a man with him to tell the people of Pe- 
 rinthus to dispatch Xenophon on horseback to the army as soon 
 as possible. 9. Xenophon then sailed across,' and arrived at 
 the army. The soldiers gladly welcomed him, and followed 
 him at once "with cheerfulness, in expeotaition of passing over 
 from Thrace into Asia. 
 
 10. Seuthes, when he heard of his return, sent Medosades 
 to him by sea, and begged him to bring the army to him, 
 promising him whatever he thought likely to prevail on him. 
 Xenophon told him in reply that nothing of the kind was pos- 
 
 of Sturz and Lion, that the soldiers gave away their arms among the 
 country people, that they might enter the towns imarmed, so aa not to 
 alarm the inhabitants. 
 ' Across the Fropontis. 
 
CHAP. II. ILL CONDUCT OF ARISTAROHUS. 21'? 
 
 sible ; 1 1. and Medosades, on receiving this answer, went 
 away. 
 
 When the Greeks came to Perinthus, Neon, drawing off 
 from the rest, encamped apart with about eight himdxed men. 
 AU the other troops remained together under the walls of 
 Perinthus. 
 
 12. Xenophon was next engaged in getting vessels, in order 
 that they might cross over to Asia as soon as possible. But 
 just at this time Aristarchus the govenor, instigated by 
 Pharnabazus, came with two galleys from Byzantium, and 
 forbade the masters of the ships to carry over the Greeks, and 
 then, going to the army, desired the soldiers not to go across 
 into Asia. 13. Xenophon told him that Anaxibius had or- 
 dererd him to go, " and sent me thither," added he, " with that 
 view." " Anaxibius," retorted Aristarchus, " is no longer 
 admiral, and I am governor here ; and if I find one of you on 
 the sea, I will drown him." Having said this, he went off into 
 the town, ' 
 
 14. Next day he sent for the generals aad captains of the 
 army ; but, as they came up to the wall, somebody gave notice 
 to Xenophon, that if he went in, he would be apprehenr'ed, 
 and either suffer some injury there, or be delivered to Phar- 
 nabazus. Hearing this, he sent the others' on before, and said 
 that he himself had a mind to offer sacrifice. 15. Returning, 
 accordingly, he saciificed to know whether the gods would per- 
 mit him to attempt to lead the army to Seuthes, for he saw that 
 it was not safe to cross over into Asia, as he who would, hinder 
 him had galleys at his command, nor was he willing to go to 
 the Chersonesus and be shut up. there, or that the army should 
 be in great want of every thing in a place where it would be 
 necessary to obey the governor, and where the troops would be 
 able to procure no supplies. 
 
 16. He was engaged about this matter, when the generals 
 and captains returned from Aristarchus, and brought word 
 that he had told them to go away for the present, and to come 
 back to him in the evening. Hence his treacherous intentions 
 became still more manifest. 17. Xenophon, therefore, as the 
 sacrifices seemed favorable for himself and the army to go 
 in security to Seuthes, took with him Polycrates the Athenian, 
 one of the captains, and from each of the generals, except 
 Neon, a person in whom they confided, and went in the night 
 VOL. I. 10 
 
218 THE EXPEDITION OF CTRtTS, BOOKvn. 
 
 to the camp of Seuthes, a distance of gixtj stadia. 18. As he 
 drew near it, he met with several watch-fires without guards, 
 and thought that Seuthes had decamped ; but, hearing a 
 noise, and the men about Seuthes mating signals to one 
 another, he underatood that these fires had been kindled by 
 Seuthes in front of the night-posts, in order that the sentinels, 
 being in the dark, might not be seen, or show how many or 
 where they were, while those who approached might not be 
 ccmcealed, but be conspicuous in the light. 19. When he 
 found that such was the case, he sent the interpreter whom he 
 had with him, and told him to let Seuthes know that Xeno- 
 phon was there, and desired a conference with him. They 
 inquired if it was Xenophon the Athenian, from the Grecian 
 army. 20. As he answered that it was he, they leaped, upon 
 their horses, and hastened off. A little after, about two hun- 
 dred peltasts appeared, and conducted Xenophon and his party 
 to Seuthes. 
 
 21. Seuthes was in a tower, strictly guarded, and round it 
 stood horses ready bridled ; for, through fear, he fed his 
 hmses during, the day, and kept on guard with them bridled 
 during the night. 22. For Teres, one of his ancestors, when 
 he had once a large army in this country, was said to have 
 lost great numbers of his men, and to have been stripped of 
 his baggage by the natives, who are called Thynians, and are 
 said to be the most formidable of all enemies, especially in the 
 night. 
 
 23. When they approached, Seuthes gave notice that Xeno- 
 phon, with any two of lis attendants that he chose, might 
 enter. As soon as they went in, they first saluted one 
 another, and, according to the Thracian custom, drank to 
 each other in horns full of wine ; Medosades, who acted as the 
 embassador of Seuthes on all occasions, being present with 
 him. 24. Xenophon then began to speak as follows. "You 
 sent Medosades, who is present here, to me, O Seuthes, for 
 the first time at Chalcedon, requesting me to join my efforts 
 to yours that the army might cross over out of Asia, and, 
 promising, as Medosades here said, that if I succeeded, you 
 would do me some service in return." 25. When be had said 
 thi"s, he asked Medosades if it was true ; and he said that it 
 was. " When I had gone over again to the army from Pari- 
 um, Medosades tame to me a second time, assuring me, that if 
 
OHAP.lL XEUOPHONT COiTFEES WITH SETITHES. 219 
 
 I would bring the arriiy to you, you would not only treat me 
 as a friend and a brother in other respects but that the towns 
 also along the sea, of which you are master, would be assigned 
 to me from you." 26. He then again asked Medosades 
 whether he said this, and Medosades acknowledged it. " Well 
 then," said Xenophon, " tell Seuthes what answer I gave yon, 
 on the first occasion, at Chalcedon." 2l. "You answered 
 that the army was going to cross over to Byzantium, and that 
 there ■would therefore be no occasion on that account to give 
 any thing either to you or to any other person ; you added that, 
 as soon as you had crossed, you would quit the army ; and all 
 took place as you said." 28. " And what did I say," con- 
 tinued Xenophon, " when you came to Selybria ?" ' " You 
 said that what I proposed was impracticable, but that the 
 army was to go to Perinthus, and pass over into Asia." 29. 
 "Well then," said Xenophon, " I am now present before you,' 
 with Phryniscus here, one of the generals, and Polycrates, one 
 of the captains ; and, without, are deputies from the other 
 generals, the most confidential friends of each, except from 
 Neon the Lacedsemonian. 30. If you wish the business to 
 have greater sanction, call them in also ; and do you, Poly- 
 crates, go and tell them that I desire them to leave theit arms 
 outside ; and do you leave your sword there, and come in 
 again." 
 
 31. Seuthes, on hearing this, said that he woiuld distrust no 
 one of the Athenians, for he knew that they were connected 
 vidth him by lineage," and regarded them as kind friends. 
 
 ' I have adopted this mode of spellmg the name with all the 
 modem editors, though not without reluctance, for Selymbria is much 
 more pleasing to tlie ear than Selybria. If Strabo's derivation is 
 riglit, however (lib. vii. o. 6, p. Ill, ^ tov SiJ'/luoj' To/lif, the city of 
 Selys, (Bpia being the Thracian word for a city); it would appear that 
 the letter m is an intruder. Tet, as Kuhner observes, Stephanus of 
 Byzantium haa I^riTiV/iSpia, and Selymbria is the invariable mode of 
 spelling among the- Latins. I like Thimbron, too, much better than 
 Thibron. 
 
 " Xvyyevclc-]. Valokenaer (ad Herod, iv. 80) deduces this avyyivua 
 from the cireumstance of Sadocus, the son of Sitalces, having received 
 the rights Of citizenship from the Athenians. (Thucyd. ii. 29 ; SchoL 
 ad Aristoph. Acharn. 145). Kriiger (de Authent. p. 33) rejects this no- 
 tion, observing that evyyhna would not follow from wpXjre/a. But as 
 Procme, the daughter of Pandion, king of Athens, is said to have been 
 married to Tereus, king of Thraoe (see Apollod. iii. 14. 8, ibique Heyne), 
 
220 THE EXPEDITION OF CTEUS. book vii. 
 
 Afterward, when those who were wanted had come in, Xen- 
 ophon first asked Seuthes what use he proposed to make of 
 the army. 32. Seuthes then proceeded to speak thus : " Mae- 
 sades was my father ; and under his government were the 
 Melanditse, the Thynians, and the Tranipsae. But when the 
 power of the Odrysae declined, my father, being driven from 
 this country, died of a disease, and I, being left an orphan was 
 bred up with Medocus, the present king. 33. As soon as I 
 became a young man, however, I could not bear to subsist in 
 dependence upon another person's table ; and I sat on my seat' 
 before him as a suppliant that he would give me as many troops 
 as he could, in order that, if I found it at all in my power, I 
 might inflict some evil on those who had expelled us, and might 
 cease to live by looMng, like a dog, to his table. 34. In com- 
 pliance witl^ my request he gave me the infantry and cavalry 
 which you will see as soon as it is day. I now subsist with the 
 aid of these troops, making depredations on my own hereditary 
 dominions; and if you join me, T should expect, with the as- 
 sistance of the gods, to recover my authority with ease. This 
 is what I desire of you." 
 
 35. " If we should come, then," said Xenophon, " what would 
 you be able to give to the soldiers, captains, and generals ? Let 
 me know, that these who are with me may carry word to them." 
 36. Seuthes then promised to give every soldier a Cyzicene 
 stater,'' twice as much to a captain, and four times as much 
 to a general, with as much land as they should desire, yokes 
 of oxen, and a walled town near the sea. 37. "But if, said 
 Xenophon, " when we attempt this service, we should not 
 succeed, but something to deter us should arise on the part of 
 the Lacedaemonians, will you, if any of us should wish to take 
 refuge with you, receive them into your country ?" 38. " Nay, 
 more," replied he, " I will even treat them as brothers, make 
 them quests at my own table, and sharers of all that we may 
 be able to acquire. To you, Xenophon, I will give my 
 
 is it not more probable that this is the avyyeveia to be here understood 8 
 See 0. 3, sec. 39. Kuhner. 
 
 ' 'Evii^piof.] In selld, the same as h ii^p()>, o. 3, sect. 29. Kuhner. 
 The Th'racians did not recline on couches at meals, but sat on seats. 
 Zmne. But the exact meaning of ev6i<ppioc in this passage is uncertain. 
 Sturz settles nothing. In sect. 38, the word is used in the sense of 
 o/ioTpuTte^oi, table-companions. 
 
 2 See V. 6. 23. ' Monthly' is to be understood: see on c. 3, sect. 10. 
 
CHAP. III. XENOPHON ADDRESSES THE ARMY. 221 
 
 daughter ; and, if you have a daughter, I will buy' her accord- 
 ing to the Thracian custom, and will give you Bisanthe, which 
 is the finest of my towns upon the sea, as a residence." 
 
 CHAPTER in. 
 
 All the Greeks, except Neon and his party, accept the proposals of Southes, 
 and join him. They march with Beuthes against his enemies, whom they 
 surprise unawares, and take a great number of slaves, and much spoil. 
 
 1. The party having heard these offers, and having ex- 
 changed right hands, rode off. They got back to the camp 
 before day-break, and made each his report to those who seut 
 him. 2. As soon as it was light, Aristarchus sent again for 
 the generals and captains, but they determined to decline 
 going to him, and to call together the army. All the troops 
 came,, except those of Neon, who were about ten stadia dis- 
 tant. 3. When they were met, Xenophon stood up and spoke 
 as follows : 
 
 " Soldiers I Aristarchus, having galleys at command, seeks 
 to prevent us sailing whither we desire ; and in consequence 
 it is not safe for us to embark. He would have us make our 
 way by force over the Sacred Mountain into the Chersone§us ; 
 and, if we should succeed in crossing that mountain, and ar- 
 rive there, he says that he will not again sell any of you, as 
 he did at Byzantium, or deceive you again, but that you shall 
 receive pay, and that he will no longqr suffer you, as at pres- 
 ent to be in want of provisions. 4. Thus speaks Aristarchus. 
 Seuthes, on the other hand, says that if you go to him, he 
 will be of service to you. Consider, therefore, whether you 
 will decide on this point while remaining here now, or after 
 having gone back to get provisions. 6. My own opinion is, 
 that since we have no money here to purchase, and since they 
 will not allow us to take provisions without money, we should 
 
 1 'Qvjjao/zai.l So Herodotus, v. 6 : The Thraoians huy their wives from 
 their parents with large sums of money. Ruhner. The people of the 
 Bast, as is well known, had the same eustom, as also the ancient Greeks : 
 see Ariston. Polit. ii. 8. Weiske. See also Tacit. Germ. c. 13. Zaon. 
 Consult Mannert, viL p. 24. Bomemann. 
 
222 THE EXPEDITIOIT OP CYRUS. book vir. 
 
 return to the villages where the inhabitant*:, being weater 
 than we are, permit us to take them, and that there when we 
 have got supplies, and heard what each of them desires of you,' 
 you may choose whatever may seem best. 6. To whomsoever 
 this proposal is agreeable, let him hold up his hand." They 
 all held up their hands. " Go then," continued he, " and pre- 
 pare your baggage, and when any one gives the signal, follow 
 your leader." 
 
 7. Soon after, Xenophon put himself at their head, and 
 they followed him. Neon, however, and some other persons 
 sent by Aristarchus, tried to persuade them to turn back ; but 
 they paid no regard to their words. Wheti they had advanced 
 about thirty stadia, Seuthes met them ; and Xenophon, when 
 he saw him, invited him to ride up that he might state to him, 
 in the hearing of as many as possible what he thought for 
 their advantage. 8. As he came forward, Xenophon said, 
 " We are going to some place where the army will be likely 
 to get provisions, and where, after hearing your proposals, and 
 those of the Lacedsemonian, we shall determine upon that 
 course which may seem best to us. If, therefore, you will con- 
 duct us to a place where provisions are in the greatest abund- 
 ance, we shall consider ourselves as being your guests." 9. 
 Seuthes replied, " I know of several villages Tying close together, 
 containing all sorts of provisions, and distant ' from us only so 
 far that 'you may go over to them and dine in comfort." " Con- 
 duct us, then," said Xenophon. 
 
 ; 10. When they had reached the villages, in the afternoon, 
 the soldiers assembled, and Seuthes spoke thus : " I wish you, 
 soldiers, to take service with me, and propose to give each of 
 you a Cy2dcene stater' 'monthly, and the captains and generals 
 what is customary. In addition to this, I will do honor to 
 every man that proves himself worthy of it. Meat and drink 
 you shall have, as at present, by taking it from the country ; 
 but whatever spoil shall be taken, I shall think proper to keqp 
 myself, that, by 'disposing of it, I may provide pay for you. 
 
 > *0 Ti TIC ifi'^1' Selrai.'] Ad quam rem ■uierque (Seuthes et Aristarchus) 
 oper<^,vestrd'utivetit. Zeune. 
 
 2 See v. 6. 23. The words tov /iVoCt which occur in Hutchinson's and 
 other old editions after kv(ikjiv6v, are omitted by Dindorf and Kuhner. 
 It appears better to preserve them. They are wanting in c 2, sect. 
 36. 
 
CHAP. HI. PROPOSALS OF SEUTHES ACCEPTED. 223 
 
 11. Such enemies as flee from us, and conceal themselves, we 
 shall be able to pursue and discover ;' and such as resist us, we 
 shall endeavor, with your assistance, to overcome." 12. Xeno- 
 phon then inquired, " How far from the . sea shall you require 
 the army to fellow you ?" He replied, " Never more than seven 
 days' march, and often less." 
 
 13. Liberty was then given to anyone that wished, to speak; 
 and many concurred in saying that Seuthes made ^proposals 
 of the greatest advantage, as it was winter, and no k)nger 
 practicable, even for such as desired, to sail home ; and as it 
 was impossible for them to live, though in a country of friends, 
 if they were to subsist by purchasing, while it would be safer 
 for them to remain and fiud subsistence in an enemy's country 
 jointly with Seuthes than by themselves, so many advantages 
 oflFering themselves, and if, in addition to these, they also re- 
 ceived pay, it appeared to them, an unexpected piece of good 
 fo^'tune. 14. Xenophon then said, " If any one has aught to 
 say against this opinion, let him speak at once ; if not let him 
 vote for it" As no one said any thing against it, he put it to 
 "the vote, and the decision was in favor of it. Xenophon 
 immediately told Seuthes that tfiey would take the field with 
 him. 
 
 16, The soldiers thien pitched their tents according to their 
 divisions ; the generals and captains, Seuthes, who, occupied a 
 neighboring village, invited to supper. 16. When they were 
 at the entrance, going in to supper, a man named Heraclides, 
 a , native of Maronea,'' presented, himself before them. This 
 man, addressing himself to every one whom he thought pos- 
 sessed of any thing to present to Seuthes, and first to certain 
 people from Parium,' who were come to establish a friendship 
 with Medocus, king of the Odrysje, and had brought presents 
 for Seuthes and his wife, said that Medocus resided up the 
 • country, twelve -days' journey from the sea, and that Seuthes, 
 since he had taken this force into his service, .would be master 
 on the coast; 17. "being your neighbor, therefore," he added 
 
 ■ AiuKsiv Kol iiaaTcvnv.'\ AtuKetv, to pursue, with the aid of the cav- 
 alry ; /idareveiv, to search out, through being well acquainted with the 
 country. .Zeane. 
 
 2 A town of Thrace between Abdera and Doriscus, now caUe4 
 Maronia. 
 
 3 A town of Mysia, mentioned c. 2, sect. 1. 
 
224 THE BXPEDITIOIT OF CyRXJS. book vn. 
 
 " he will be greatly in a coDclition to do you both good and 
 harm ; and, if you are wise, you will accordingly give him 
 what you have brought, and it will be bestowed to better 
 account than if you were to ^ve it to Medocus, who lives at a 
 distance." 18. By these arguments he prevailed ■ upon them. 
 Accosting, in the next place, Timasion the Dardanian, as- he 
 had heard that he had cups and Persian carpets, he observed 
 that it was customary, whenever Seuthes invited people to 
 supper, for those who were invited to make him presents; 
 "and," said he, "if he becomes powerful in this country, he 
 will be able either to restore you to yours, or to make you 
 rich here." In this manner he sued for Seuthes, addressing 
 himself to each of the guests, 19. Advancing also toward 
 Xenophon, he said, " You are of a most honorable city, and 
 your name stands very high with Seuthes ; and perhaps you 
 will desire to have some place of strength, and a portion of 
 land, in this country, as others' of your countrymen have. 
 It will be proper for you, therefore, to honor Seuthes most 
 magnificently ; 20. and I give you this advice as your well- 
 wisher ; for I know that the- greater presents you make him,' 
 the greater benefits you will receive from him." Xenophon, 
 on hearing this, was in some perplexity ; for he had come over 
 from Parium with only one servant, and just enough money for 
 the journey. 
 
 21. When the company went in to supper, consisting of the 
 chief Thracians who were there, the generals and captains of 
 the Greeks, and such embassadors as had come from any city, 
 the supper was prepared for them as they took their seats in 
 a circle, and tables with three feet were then brought in for 
 each. These tables -were full of pieces of meat piled up, and 
 large leavened loaves were attached to the meat. 22. The 
 tables' were always placed near the strangers in preferenc&to 
 others ; for such was their custom. Seuthes then first pro-* 
 ceeded to act as follows : taking up the loaves that were set 
 by him, he broke them into smaSl portions, and distributed to 
 
 • He seems chiefly to allude to Aloibiades. See Com. Nep. Arc. c. T. 
 Zevme. Consult HeUen, iL 1. 25, where the reixn of Alcibiades on tho 
 coastof Thrace are mentioned. Schneider. 
 
 ^ Tpvry.] Kiihner, and moat other editors, read rovruv, " than these," 
 t. e. those of your countrymen to whom I have alluded. 
 
 3 A/ rpajTEfai.] These are the same that are before called rptn-odef. 
 KiXhner. 
 
CHAP. III. PRESENTS MADE TO 8BTJTHES. 225 
 
 those whom he pleased, and the flesh in a similar way, leaving 
 for himself only just sufficient to taste. 23. The rest of those 
 before whom tables were placed, followed his example. But 
 a certain Arcadian, whose name was Arystas, an extraor- 
 dinary eater, took no care about distributing, but taking in his 
 hand a loaf of about three chcenices,' and placing some meat 
 upon his knees, went on with his supper. 24. In the mean 
 time they carried round horns of wine, and every body took 
 some ; but Arystas, when the cup-bearer came to him with the 
 horn, and he observed that Xenophon had finished his supper, 
 said, " Give it to him, for he is now at leisure ; I am not so 
 yet." 25. Seuthes, hearing the voice, asked the cup-bearer 
 what he said ; and the cup-bearer (for he knew the Greek lan- 
 guage) told him. A laugh in consequence followed. 
 
 26. As the cup made its way, a Tnracian entered leading a 
 white horsCj and, taking up a horn full of wine, said, " I drink 
 to you, O Seuthes, and present you with this horse, mounted 
 on which, and pursuing whomsoever you please, you will over- 
 take him, and when retreating, you will have no cause to fear 
 an enemy." 21. Another, bringing in a boy, presented him, 
 drinking to Seuthes, in like manner, and another vestments 
 for his wife. Timasion, drinking to him, made him a present 
 of a silver cup, and a carpet worth ten minse. 28. But one 
 Gnesippus, an Athenian, rose up and said, that it was an ex- 
 cellent custom in old times, lliat those who had any thing 
 should give presents to the king to do him Honor, and that 
 the" king should give to those who have nothing ; I, therefore, 
 beg something of you,^ that I may have something to present 
 you, and to do you honor." 
 
 29. As for Xenophon, he was in doubt how to act, for he 
 was seated, as a person held in honor, in the place next to 
 Seuthes ; and Heraohdes now desired the cup-bearer to pre- 
 sent him the horn. However, he stood up boldly (for he had 
 by this time drunk rather copiously), and taking the horn, 
 said, 30. "I present you, Seuthes, myself, and these my 
 comrades, to be your faithful friends, no one of them being 
 reluctant, but all desiring, even more than myself, to be your 
 adherents. 31. They are now here before you, asking nothing 
 
 I See i. 5. Y. 
 
 ■ 'Iva Kal iyd, K. t. A.] Sententia aliqua mente supplenda est, ut dico 
 iibi hoc, aut peto abs ie hoc. KUhner. 
 
 10* 
 
226 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. book vn. 
 
 else of you, but desiring to labor for you, expressing their 
 wilKn^ess to incur dangers for your sake ; with whose as- 
 sistance, if the gods are favorable, you will recover, on the 
 one hand, a large portion of country which was your father's, 
 and, on the other, acquire some in addition ; and you will also 
 become master of many men and women, whom it will not be 
 necessairy to take by force, but they themselves will come to 
 you with presents in their hands." 32. Seuthes then stood up 
 and drank with him,' and then joined with him in sprinkling 
 what remained in the horn upon himself." 
 
 Soon after some people came in that played on horns, such 
 as they make signals with, and trumpets made of raw ox-hides, 
 blowing regular tunes, and as if they were playing on the 
 magadis.' 33. SeutheS himself rose up and uttered the war- 
 
 1 SuuefEirf?.] The prepositiou aiv, says Kiihner, shows that Seuthes 
 received the address of Xenophon with pleasure. Porson (ed. Hutoh.) 
 reads amems, which is given by Suidas suh voce KaraaKcdd^eiv. The use 
 of the preposition if, indeed, is not very apparent, unless it be to signify 
 that Seuthes drained the cup to the bottom. 
 
 = Kat KaTcaictSiiaaTO /itrH toCto rd (cepof.] "It was a custom of the 
 Thracians at their banquets, when the guests had drunk as much wine 
 as they could, to pour the rest of the wine upon the garments of the 
 guests, which they called kaTaaiieSd^etv." Suidas. " The Scythians and 
 Thracians, iudulging in wine, both their wives and themselves, to ex- 
 cess, and pouring it over their garments, think that they observe an 
 honorable and excellent custom." Plato de Legg. i. 9. The middle 
 voice, in this passage of Xenophon, signifies that the Thracians .poured 
 whatever remained in the cup, after they had drunk, not on the gar- 
 ments of their guests, but on their own. Kiihner. This critic accord- 
 ingly rejects the emendation of Pierson and Moerin, p. 217, though 
 approved by Toup and Person : cvyKareaKedaae rCm fief airov t(> Kepa^, 
 quod reUqvamb erat. vini, in conviiias effudit. But as Athenasus, iv. 35, 
 Eustathius ad Hom. p. TOT, Suidas sub voce KaraaKeSd^eiv and Pha- 
 vorinus, all read /zer' airov instead of /iercl tovto, he has admitted that 
 reading into his text, thus making the sense of the passage, " Seuthes 
 joined with Xenopheii in sprinkling the wine on himself," i. e. Seuthes 
 sprinkled wine from his own goblet on his own garments, and Xeno^ 
 phon, imitating him, sprinkled wine from his own goblet on his own 
 garments. This is, perhaps, the best way in which the passage can be 
 read and interpreted, if the verb be kept in the middle voice, which is 
 in accordance with- the passage just cited from Plato, though some- 
 what, at variance with what is said by Suidas. , But whether they 
 sprinkled the wine over their own clothes or those of others, or both, we 
 may dismiss the passage with Spelman's observation, that it was a 
 " ridiculous custom." 
 
 a AthensBus, iv. e. ult., says, 'O ii /idyaiig m^ovfievoc ai^dt — ifOv 
 
CHAP. in. PREPARATIONS FOR AN EXPEDITION. 227 
 
 cry, and sprang out of his place with the utmost agility, like a 
 man guarding against a missile. Buffoons also entered. 
 
 34. When the sun was near setting, the Greeks rose, and 
 said that it was time to place the guards for the night, and to 
 give out the watch-word. They requested Seuthes, at the 
 same time, to give orders that none of the Thracians should 
 enter the Greek camp by night ; " for," said they,- " both your 
 enemies are Thracians, and. so are you, our friends." " 35. As 
 they were going out, Seuthes stood up, not at all like a man 
 intoxicated, and, walking forth, and calling back the generals 
 by themselves, said to them, " The enemy, my friends, know 
 nothing as yet of our alliance ; if, then, we should march upon 
 them before they are on their guard against a surprise, or are 
 prepared to make any defense, we should be very likely to 
 take both prisoners and booty." 36. The generals expressed 
 their assent to what he said, and desired him to lead them. 
 " Prepare yourselves then," he replied, " and wait for me, and, 
 when the proper time comes, I will come to you, and, taking 
 the peltasts and yourselves, will, with the aid of the gods, 
 conduct you." 37. " Consider, however, rejoined Xenophon, 
 " whether, since we are to march in the night, the Greek 
 practice is not preferable ; for on the march, during the day, 
 whatever part of the army be suitable for the ground, takes 
 the lead, whether it be the heavy-armed men, or the peltasts, 
 or the cavalry ; but in the night it is the custom among the 
 Greeks for the slowest part of the force to lead the way. 38. 
 Thus the troops are least likely to be dispersed, and least in 
 danger of straggling unobserved from one another ; for bodies 
 that have been separated often fall foul of each other, and both 
 do and suffer injury unawares." 39. " You say well," replied 
 Seuthes, " and I will conform to your custom ; I will also pro- 
 vide you guides, some of the oldest men, best acquainted with 
 the country ; I wiU bring up the rear myself with the cavalry, 
 
 Kot papiv ip&nyyoy k'KiSeUvvTai : "The magadis, a pipe so called, gives 
 fortK a shrill and strong sound." This seems to te the instrument here 
 meant, though the same author (ibid.) observes that there was another 
 kind o{/idya6ic, resembling a harp. Poppo refers to Boeck. Comment 
 Metr. in Find. p. 261. 
 
 ' Tour enemies are Thraoiaua, and you our friends are also Thra- 
 cians, so that in the dark we might mistake you for our enemies, 
 Weitkt. 
 
228 THE EXPEDITION OF CYBUS. BOOK vn. 
 
 and, if there be occasion, will soon come up to the front." For 
 the watch-word they fixed upon Minerva, on account of their 
 relationship.' After this conversation they went to rest. 
 
 40. When it was about midnight, Seuthes came to them 
 with his cavalry clad in their corslets, and his peltasts 
 equipped with their arms. After he had appointed the guides, 
 the heavy-armed men took the lead, the peltasts followed, and 
 the cavalry formed the rear-guard. 41. As soon as it was 
 day, Seuthes rode up to the front, and extolled the Greek 
 custom, for he said that he himself, when marching in the 
 night, though but with a small force, had often been separated, 
 along with the cavalry, from the infantry ; " but now," he 
 added, " we all appear in a body at break of day, as we ought 
 to be. But halt here, and take some rest, and I, after having 
 taken a survey of the country, will return to you." 42. When 
 he said this, he rode off- over a hill, taking a particular road.- 
 Having come to some deep snow, he examined whether there 
 were any footsteps of men on it, pointing either forward or 
 the contrary way. But as he found the way untrodden, ha 
 soon came back, and said, 43. "All will be well, my friends, 
 if the gods be but favorable ; for we shall fall upon the in- 
 habitante unawares. For my own part, I will lead the way 
 with the cavalry, in order that, if we come in sight of any per- 
 son, he may not run off and give notice to the enemy. Follow 
 me ; and, if you are left behind, keep in the track of the 
 cavalry. When we have crossed these hills, we shall come to 
 a number of well-stored villages." 
 
 44. When it was mid-day, he had already reached the sum- 
 mit, and, after taking a view of the villages, came riding back 
 to the heavy-armed men, and said, " I will now send off the 
 horse to gallop down into the plain, and the peltasts to attack 
 the villages. Follow therefore as fast as you can, that if any 
 of the enemy offer resistance, you may give your support." 
 45. Xenophon, on hearing this, alighted from his horse. " Why 
 do you alight," inquired Seuthes, "when it is necessary to 
 make haste ?". " I am sure," replied Xenophpn, " that you do 
 not want me only ; and the heavy-armed men will -hasten on 
 with greater speed and alacrity, if I lead them on foot." 46. 
 Seuthes then rode off, and Timasion, with about forty of the 
 
 • C. 2, sect. 31. 
 
CHAP.rv. BOOTY TAKEN: VILLAGES BtTRNED. 229 
 
 Greek cavaliy, went *kh Wm. Xenophon called on the most 
 active men of each company, such as -were under thirty years 
 of age, to come forward, and, taking these, he hurried on, 
 while Cleanor led up the rest of the Greeks. 47. When they 
 came to the villages, Seuthes, riding up to Xenophon, with 
 about fifty horse, said, " What you said,' Xenophon, has hap- 
 pened ; the inhabitants are captured ; but my cavalry are 
 gone off without a leader, pursuing the people some one way, 
 some another ; and I am afraid that the enemy, collecting in a 
 body somewhere, may do us some mischief. It is necessary, 
 too, that some of us should remain in the villages, for they are 
 full of people." 48. "I then," said Xenophon, "with the 
 force that I have, will possess myself of the heights ; and do 
 you, meanwhile, order Cleandr to extend his line along through 
 the plain by the villages." When they had made this arrange- 
 ment, about a thousand slaves, two thousand oxen, and ten 
 thousand head of other cattle, were captured. They then took 
 up their quarters there for the night. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Senthea bums the viBages, and takes more spoil. The Greeks suffer from 
 cold. The Barbarians, who had fled, come down from the mountains on 
 pretense of wishing to make a truce ; they thus reconnoitre the camp, and 
 then attack the Greeks in the night, by whom they are repulsed; they 
 make submission to Seuthes, and their lives are spared. 
 
 1. The next day, Seuthes, having entirely burned the vil- 
 lages, and left not a single house standing (in order to strike 
 terror into the rest of the people, when they saw what they 
 would suffer if they did not submit), made a retreat. 2. The 
 booty he sent Heraclides to sell at Perinthus, that pay might 
 be raised for the soldiers. He himself and the Greeks en- 
 
 • To what this alludes, the critics are not agreed. Zeune refers it to 
 sect. 38 ; Schneider to sect 31 ; Bomemann, perhaps with more proba- 
 bility, to sect. 31, where Xenophon says, "You will become master 
 of many men and women," to which he considers that the words of 
 Seuthes, "the inhabitants are Captured," refer. Halbkart, however, 
 considers that it alludes to something which Xenophon has omitted to 
 mention. 
 
230 THE EXPEDITION OF OYRTJS. book vii. 
 
 camped on the plain of the Thynians, who left their dwellings, 
 and fled to the, mountains. 
 
 3. There was now a great fall of snow, and such severe 
 ''j&'ost, that the water whict the attendants brought in for 
 dinner, and the wine in the vessels, were frozen, and the noses 
 and ears of many of the Greeks were bitten off. 4. !^ence it 
 became evident why the Thracians wear the skins of foxes 
 over their heads and ears, and coats that extend not only 
 over their breasts, but rpiaid their thighs ; and why, when on 
 horseback, they wear wide garments,' not cloaks, reaching 
 down to their feet. 
 
 5. Seuthes, sending some of the prisoners to the moimtains, 
 made it known that if the inhabitants did not come down and 
 submit to him, be would burn both their villages and their 
 corn, and that they would then perish with hunger. In con- 
 sequence the women, children, and old men came down, but 
 the younger sort encamped in the villages, at the foot of the 
 hills. 6. Seuthes, on receiving notice of their proceedings, 
 desired Xenophon to take the youngest of the heavy-armed 
 men, and to follow him. Starting, accordingly, in the night, 
 they arrived at the villages by break of day. Most of the 
 occupants fled, for the mountains were close at hand. All that 
 Seuthes took, he put to the spear without mercy. 
 
 'I. There was with him on this occasion one EpistheneS,' an 
 Olynthian, a great lover of boys, who, seeing a handsome youth, 
 just in his bloom, with a shield in his hand, about to be put 
 to death, ran up to Xenophon, and begged him to intercede 
 for so beautiful a young man. 8. Xenophon, going up to 
 Seuthes, begged him not to kill the youth, and made him ac- 
 quainted, at the same time, with the character of Episthehes, 
 telKng him that he once raised a company in which he made 
 it his sole object that the men should be handsome ; and that 
 at the head of' these he proved himself a man of valor. 9. 
 
 1 Zeipof.] Prom what is said by Harpocration, that the ietpai were 
 put on /ieriL roig ;i;iT(jvaf, danep itpairndai, Zeune concludes that the 
 fetpa was a pamtda or outer garment, reaching to the feet, and fastened 
 with a belt ; referring also to what Herodotus (vii. 69) says of the Arabs, 
 fejpdf incCaa/ievoi Traav. ..Zuh/ner. The lower part seems to have been 
 something of the nature of a petticoat. Spelman renders tha word 
 "oassockB." 
 
 2 Not he that is mentioned L 10, 7 ; iv, 6. 1. 
 
CHAP. IV. AN ATTACK FROM THE THBACIANS. 231 
 
 Seuthes then put this question to Episttenes : " Would you 
 be willing, Episthenes, to die for tfiis youth?" Episthenes, 
 stretching out his neck, replied, " Strike, if the youth desires 
 it, and will feel grateful to me." 10. Seuthes next asked the 
 youth whether he should kill Episthenes instead of him. The 
 youth would not consent, but besought him to kill neither. 
 Episthenes then embraced the youth, and said, " Now, Seuthes, 
 you must fight with me for him ; for I will not give up the 
 youth." 11, Seuthes laughed, and did nothing further in the 
 matter. 
 
 It was resolved by Seuthes that they should encamp where 
 they were, in order that the people upon the mountains might 
 not get subsistence from the villages. He himself^ going down 
 a little lower into the plain, pitched his camp, there. Xeno- 
 phon, with the select body of men,' fixed himself in the village 
 highest up under the hiUs. The rest of the Greeks took up 
 their quarters close by, among the people called the moimtain 
 Thracians. 
 
 12. Not many days had elapsed, when the Thracians, coming 
 down from the hills to Seuthes, made a treaty with him about 
 a peace, and the giving of hostages. Xenophon, at the same 
 time, went and told $euthes that they were encamped in a 
 dangerous place, and that the enemy were near at hand, and 
 said that he would rather encamp in some secure post abroad, 
 than in a sheltered position with the danger of being cut qS. 
 Seuthes bade him fear nothing, and pointed to the hostage^ 
 then in his hands. 13. Some of the people from the mount- 
 ains, too, came down and begged Xenophon to assist them in 
 effecting a treaty. Xenophon assented, told them to keep up 
 their spirits, and engaged that they should suffer no harm if 
 they submitted to Seuthes, But they had come with this re- 
 quest only for the purpose of acting as spies. 
 
 14, These things took place during the day. In the course 
 of the following night the Thracians came down from the hills 
 and attacked them. Each master of a house acted as a leader, 
 for it would have been difficult for them, under any other ar- 
 rangement, to find the houses in the villages in the dark, as 
 they were surrounded with high palisades to secure the cattle. 
 15. When they came up to the door of each house, some hurled 
 
 ' Cb. 3, sect. 46. 
 
232 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. book vn. 
 
 their spears in at them, others struck them with their cluhs, 
 which they carried, they said, to knock off the heads of the 
 spears, while others set fire to the buildings, ahd calling few Xe- 
 nophon by name, bade him come forth and be put to death ; or 
 else they declared that he should be burned to ashes upon the 
 spot. 16. The fire soon began to show itself through the roof, 
 and Xenophon and his men were within, with their corslets 
 on, and their shields, swords, and helmets' in their hands, 
 when Silanus, a native of Macestus,° about eighteen years of 
 age,' blew a signal with a trumpet, and they immediately 
 rushed out, with their swords drawn, as well as those from 
 the neighboring houses. 17. The Thraoians at once took to 
 flight, slinging their slields, as was their custom, oyer their 
 shoulders ; and some of them, as they were trying to leap over 
 the palisades, were caught and suspended, their shields stick- 
 ing fast among the stakes; some were killed through missing 
 the outlets ; and the Greelis drove the rest out of the village. 
 18. A party of the Thynians, however, came back under cover 
 of the darkness, and hurled their javelins at some of the Greeks 
 that were running past a burning house, taking aim out of the 
 darkness at those who were in the light ; they wounded Hiero- 
 nymus a Euodean,' and Theogenes a Locrian, both captains ; 
 but nobody was killed ; though the clothes and baggage of 
 some of them were burned. 1-9. Seuthes came to their relief 
 with seven horsemen, the first that he met, bringing with 
 him the Thracian trumpeter ; and, when he saw how matters 
 stood, the trumpet, by his orders, continued to sound as long 
 as he was on the march to give aid ; so that this noise also 
 
 ' Perhaps they had heen prevented by the lowneas of the roofs from 
 putting on IJieir helmets. 
 
 2 A town in the Triphyhan district of Elis. jStepA. Byz.^ 
 
 ' Schneider supposes that the age of the youth is mentioned because 
 it properly required a grown-up person to inflate a trumpet effectually ; 
 Halbkart, because he showed such presence Of mind as would have been 
 remarkable in one of maturer years. 
 
 4 lepuvvfiov re EvocSeo.] The last word is generally regarded as 
 corrupt. Kiihner supposes that this is the same Hieronymus who is 
 mentioned as a native of Elis, iii 1. 34 ; vi. 4. 10 ; vii. 1. 32 ; and thinks 
 that Xenophon here gives him an epithet from the particular town of 
 Ehs in which he was born. Some copies have 'lepiim/iov re Kai Evodm, 
 as if Buodeus were the name of another man ; but the Kal is justly 
 rejected by Bomemann; and Kiihner, though he retains, does not de- 
 fend it. 
 
CHAP. V. SEtTTHES BECOMES POWERFUL. 233 
 
 contributed to strike terror into the enemy. Wiien lie came 
 up, he congratulated the Greeks, and said that he had ex- 
 pected to find many of them killed. 
 
 20. Xenophon then requested Seuthes to give up the host- 
 ages to him,' and to march with him, if he was willing, to the 
 mountains; if not, to permit him to go himself. 21. The next 
 day, accordingly, Seuthes gave him the hostages (who were 
 men of advanced age, the most considerable persons, as they 
 said, among the mountaineers), and joined him with his army. 
 Seuthes had ijow a force three times as large as before ;' for 
 many of the Odrysae, on hearing what he was doing, had come 
 down to take the field with him. 22. The Thynians, when 
 they beheld from the mountains so fast a force of heavy- 
 armed men, peltasts, and cavalry, came down and besought 
 him to make peace with them, engaging to serve him in every 
 way, and requesting him to accept pledges from them. 23. 
 Seuthes, calling in Xenophon, communicated to him what 
 they said, and observed, at the same time, that he Would not 
 make peace, if Xenophon wished to take revenge on them 
 for their attack. 24. Xenophon replied, "I consider my- 
 self sufficiently revenged, if these people, instead of remain- 
 ing free, are to become slaves;" adding, however, that he 
 advised him to lake as hostages in future those who had'most 
 power to harm him, and to let the old men stay at home. All 
 the people in this part of the country accordingly submitted 
 to Seuthes. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Greeks are not paid in fiill, yet continne to serve Seuthes ; the soldiers 
 are dissatisfied, on this account, with Xenophon. ITniaimesB of Seuthes ; 
 the esEpedition to Salinydessns. 
 
 1. They now crossed over' to the Thracians above By- 
 zantium, into what is called the Delta. This had not formed 
 
 * The reason for this request is not very clear. 
 
 ' A foroe three times as great as he had before the Greeks joined him. 
 
 ' In the translation of the commencement of this chapter, I have 
 adhered to the pointing of Dindor^ which makes iirep6d}i,?,ovai the third 
 
234 THE EXPEDITIOK OF CTRTJS. book va 
 
 any part of the dominion of Mjesades,' though it had belonged 
 to Teres, a,son of Odryses," some ancient king. 2. Here He- 
 raclides met them with the price of the spoil. 
 
 Seuthes, selecting three pairs of mules (for there were no 
 more), and others of oxen, sent for Xenophon and requested 
 him to accept the first for himself, and to distribute the others 
 among the generals and captains. 3. X*noph8n replied, " For 
 myself it ■will be sufficient to receive something another time ; 
 giye these to the generals and captains that have followed you 
 in CQjnpany with me." 4. Timasion the Dardanian then re- 
 ceived one of the pairs, Cleanor, the Orchomenian another, 
 and Phryniscus the Achsean the third ; the pairs of oxen were 
 divided among the captains. But Seuthes gave the army 
 only twenty days' pay, though the month was expired ; for 
 Heraclides said that he_ had been unable to sell any more.' 
 5. Xenophon, being concerned at this deficiency, exclaimed, 
 with an imprecation, "You seem to me, Heraclides, not to 
 have such care for the interests of Seuthes as you ought to 
 have; for, if you had such care, you would have brought the 
 full pay, even though you had l)orrowed money to make it up, 
 or s&ld your own clothes, if you could not jaise the sum by 
 any o^her means." 
 
 6. At this reproach Heraclides was extremely vexed, and 
 feared that he should be deprived of the fiiendship of Seuthes; 
 and, from that day, in whatever way he could, he labored to 
 bring Xenophon into disgrace with Seuthes. 1. The soldiers, 
 too, threw blame upon Xenophon because they did not receive 
 their pay ; and Seuthes was displeased with him because he 
 was earnest in demanding it for them. 8. Until that time he 
 had been constantly telling him that, when he arrived at the 
 sea, he would put him in possession of Bisanthe, and Ganos, 
 
 person plural. Kriiger and Kiihner point the passage in suoh a way as 
 to make i7fep6d?i?iOv<!i the dative plural of the paFticiple, dependent on 
 napfiv. 
 
 'The father of Seuthes, c. 2, sect. 32. 
 
 2 The article tov after T^pou shows us that we should understand 
 Xenophoa as meaning Jkres Vie son of Od/ryaes, the old king from whom 
 the Odryase were named. Bornemann. The sense of the passage seems 
 to be that the Delta had formerly been part of the kingdom of the OdrysiB 
 iuthe time of Teres, but had ceased to belong to it before or during "the 
 reign of Maegades, the father of Seuthes. 
 
 ' Oil TtXelov kiiTzoA.Tiaai.'\ Not to be rendered with Jieunclaviua JWn 
 pluris, hut non mojOrem jprasdce partem. Kiihner 
 
CHAP. T. DECBITPULNESS OF HERACLIDES. 035 
 
 and Neontichos, but, after tkat period, he alluded to none of 
 those places; for Heraclides had maliciously insinuated that 
 it was not safe to intrust fortresses to a man at the head of an 
 army. 
 
 9. Xenophon, in consequenee, began to consider with him- 
 self what he ought to do about the expedition further up the 
 country. Heraclides, meantime, was thrusting the other gen- 
 erals upon Seuthes, and urging them to say that they could 
 lead the army not less efiectively than Xenophon ; he assured 
 them also that, in a few days, their full pay for two months 
 should be given them, and recommended them to continue in 
 the service of Seuthes. 10. To this Timasion replied, "For 
 my part, even if flve months' pay were to be given- me, I 
 would not serve without Xenophon." Phryniscus and Cleanor 
 expressed the same sentiments as Timasion. 
 
 11. Seuthes then blamed Heraclides for not calling in Xen- 
 ophon with them ; and they accordingly sent for him alone, 
 fiut Xenophon, seeing that this was a trick of Heraclides, to 
 render him unpopular with the rest of the generals, took with 
 him, when he wont, not only all the generals^ but all the cap- 
 . tains. 12. As they were all moved by the argtiments of 
 Seuthes, they joined him in an expedition, and proceeded 
 through the country of the Thracjans called Melinophagi, 
 keeping the Euxine Sea on the right, to Salmydessus. Here 
 many of the ships sailing into the Euxine are grounded and 
 driven ashore ; for a shoal there stretches far out into the sea. 
 13. The Thracians who live in those parts, set up pillars as 
 boundaries, and each party plunder the wrecks stranded on 
 their own portion of the coast ; but for some time before they 
 erected the- pillars, it was said that they fell in great numbers 
 by the hands of each other while engaged in plundering. 14. In 
 this place were found couches, boj^es, written books,' and 
 
 ' TloXlal Si Bl^'X.oi ■ysypa/z/ievai..1 If yeypa/n/ievat is genuine, as can 
 not indeed be doubted, we must neoessarily suppose that written booka 
 are meant. But some commentators have expressed great surprise at 
 the mention of written books in this passage, because they were ex- 
 tremely scarce in those days, and because it was not at all likely that 
 they would have been brought by merchants, into those parts. This 
 consideration induced Laroher to set aside the word yeyfiap/ihai, 
 and suggest that we should read TvoXhi Si /3»6X('a, that is, many 
 funiculi, reates, rudentes, "ropes or cables." * * * On the traffic in 
 books, see Becker's Charicles, torn. i. p. 207. Kuhner. Some have 
 
236 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. book vn. 
 
 many other things, such as seamen carry in their wooden 
 store-chests." Having subdued this people, they went back 
 again. 15. Seuthes had now an army superior in number to 
 that of the Greeks ; for many more of the Odrysse had come 
 down to him, and others, as fest as they submitted, joined his 
 force. They encamped in a plain above Selybria, at the dis- 
 tance of about thirty stadia from the sea. 16. No pay as yet 
 appeared ; the soldiers were greatly dissatisfied with Xeno- 
 phon ; and Seuthes no longer treated him with familiarity, 
 but, whenever he went to desire to speak with him, many 
 engagements were pretended. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The Greeks are solioited by the Laoedeemonians to join them in a war with 
 Tissaphemes, when a certain Arcadian hrings a formal accusation against 
 Xenophon : ne defends himself, and is justined by others. He is request- 
 ed by Seuthes to remain in his service with a thousand men, but resolvea 
 to depart. 
 
 1. At this time, when two months bad nearly expired, 
 Charminus, a Lacedaemonian, and Polynicus, came from Thi- 
 bron, and stated that the Lacedaemonians had resolved to take 
 the field against Tissaphemes, and that Thibron' had set sail 
 
 thought that /Sj'S^lof here means merely roUs of hark, as Theophrastus (H. 
 P. Iv. 8. 4) says that the pWTjig was used for sails, ropes, mats, and 
 other articles ; but this notion, as well as that of Zeune and Weiake, 
 who think that nothing but paper is meant, is irreconcilable with the 
 word yeypa/i/iEvai, which, as Kiibner observes, we have the strongest 
 reason to thiiak genuine. " And as so many books were written and 
 read in Greece," says Kriiger, " it is not at all surprising that some of 
 them should have been transported to the Greek colonies." Hutchinson 
 refers to a passage of Theopompus, similar to that of Xenophon, preserv- 
 ed by Longinus, sect. 43. 
 
 ■ 'Ev ^v\lvoLQ Tevxcai.'] These, in case of shipwreck, would not sink, 
 but float to the shore. Kriiger. 
 
 ' QiBpuv.'] See c. 2, sect. 28. Tissaphemes, unsuccessfol in his 
 attempts on the Ton Thousand Greeks, had returned to Asia Minor 
 to assume Cyrus's authority, and take vengeance on such as had 
 supported him. The cities of Ionia, fearing his resentment, had applied 
 for protection to the Lacedaemonians, who had sent out Thibron 
 thither as harmost, with an army of 4500 men. See Xen. Hellen. 
 iii. 1. S. 
 
OUAP. Tl. SOLICITATIONS FROM THE LACBD^MqNIANS. 237 
 
 for tlie purpose of carrying on the war with him ; adding that 
 he was in want of this auxiliary force, and promised that a 
 daric a month . should be the pay for each common soldier, 
 twice as much for the captains, and four times as much for the 
 generals. 2. When these Lacedaemonians arrived, Heraclides, 
 hearing that they were come for the army, remarked to Seu- 
 thes that it was a fortunate occurrence, ," for the Lacedaemoni- 
 ans," said he, " are in w^nt of the army, and you no longer 
 require it; by resigning it, therefore, you will gratify them, 
 and the soldiers will cease to ask you for pay, and will leave 
 the country." 
 
 3. Seuthes, listening to these representations-, desired him to 
 bring the Lacedaemonians to him ; and as they told him that 
 they were come for the army, he said that he would give it up, 
 and was willing to be their friend and ally, and invited them 
 to a banquet, at which he entertained them magnificently, but 
 did not invite Xenophon, or any of the other generals. 4. 
 The Lacedaemonians inquiring what sort of a person Xeno- 
 phon was, he replied, that in other respects he was not a bad 
 man, but that he was a great friend to the soldiers, " and on that 
 account," added he, " it is the worse for him." ' " Does the 
 man then," said they, " try to make himself popular with the 
 soldiers 1" " Certainly," replied Heraclides. 5. " Will he not 
 then oppose us," said they, " respecting the removal of the 
 army ?" " But if you call the soldiers together," rejoined He- 
 raclides, " and promise them pay, they will show little regard 
 to him, and will hasteij away with you." 6. "How, then," 
 said they, " can they be assembled to hear us ?" " To-morrow 
 morning," answered Heraclides, " we will bring you to them, 
 and I feel assured that, as soon as they see you, they will 
 readily flock together." Thus ended that day. 
 
 1. Next morning Seuthes and Heraclides conducted the 
 Lacedaemonians to the army, and the soldiers were called to- 
 gether. The Lacedaemonians then stated that it was resolved 
 by their countrymen to go to war with Tissaphemes, " who," 
 said they, " has injured you. If therefore you join with us, 
 you will both revenge yourselves on an enemy, and will re- 
 ceive, each of you, a daric a month, a captain double, and a 
 general fourfold." 8. The soldiers listened to this oflfer with 
 
 ' He is in a worse condition than he would be, if he paid less regard 
 to the soldiers. Kukner. 
 
238 • THE EXPEDITION OF CTBTTS. book to. 
 
 pleasure ; and one of the Arcadians immediately rose up to 
 make an accusation against Xenophon. Seuthes was also pres- 
 ent, being desirous to know how the matter would end, and 
 was standing where he could easily' hear, attended by an in- 
 terpreter, though he himself understood most of what was 
 spoken in Greek. 9. The Arcadadian proceeded to say, " We 
 should certainly, O Lacedsemonians, have been with you long 
 ago, if Xenophon had not wrought upon us and led us hither, 
 tmere, serving through a severe winter, we have had no rest' 
 night or day ; while he has the fruit of our labors, and Seu- 
 thes enriches him personally, and deprives us of our pay; 10. 
 so that if I, who" am the first to speak on this occasion, could 
 see him stoned to dea,th, and pajring the penalty for what he 
 has made us suffer in dragging us about, I should think that I 
 had received my pay, and should cease to be concernedat 
 what I have undergone." After him another stood up, and 
 then another ; when Xenophon proceeded to fepeak as follows : 
 11. "A man may well, indeed, expect any land of fate, 
 since I now meet with accusations from you, at a time wheiil 
 am conscious of having displayed the utmost zeal to serve yori. 
 After I had set out hdmeward, I turned back, not certainly 
 from learning that you were in a satisfactory condition, but 
 rather from hearing that you were in difficulties, and with the 
 intention of aiding you if I could.' 12. When I gbt back to 
 the army, though Seuthes here sent many messengers to me, 
 and promised me many advantages, if I would induce you to 
 go to him, I made no attempt, as you> yourselves Icnow, to do 
 so, but led you to a place' from which I thought you would 
 have the quickest passage into Asia; for I considered that 
 this course would be best for you, and knew that you desired 
 it. 13. But when Aristarchus came with his galleys, and 
 prevented you from sailing across, I then (as was doubtless 
 proper) called you together, that we might consider what 
 measures we ought to take. 14. After hearing then Aristar- 
 chus, on the one hand, desiring you to go to the Chersonesus, 
 
 1 Xleirav/it&a.'l Xlend/iEd-a has crept into many editibns, Henry Steph- 
 ens having said that it was found in some manuscripts. But Dindorf 
 and Kiihner declare that every manuscript that has yet been examined 
 presents irarai/ie&a. 
 
 ' See c. 1, sect. 40, and c. 2, sect. 8. 
 
 ' Perinthus: e. 2, sect. 10. Kiihner. 
 
CHAP. VI. XENOPHON OBLIGED TO JUSTIFY HIMSELF. 239 
 
 and listening to Seuthes, on the other, urging you to taie the 
 field with hiin, fou. all said that you would go with Seuthes, 
 and all gave your votes for that course. In what respect then 
 did I wrong you on that occasion, by leading you whither you 
 all resolved to go? 
 
 15. " Since Seuthes, however, has begun to break his word 
 concerning your pay, you, if I were to express applrobation of 
 his conduct, would justly accuse and detest me ; but if I, who 
 was previously his greatest friend, and now most of all men at 
 variance with him, with what reason can I, who have prefer- 
 red your interest to that of Seuthes, incur censure from you 
 for that very conduct through, whicji I have brought upon me 
 his enmity ? 16. But perhaps you may say that I have re- 
 ceived your pay from Seuthes, and am merely deluding you. 
 This hpwever is certain, that if Seuthes has paid me any thing, 
 he did not pay it with a view of losing what he paid me, and 
 of paying, at the same time, an additional sum to you ; but, I 
 should think, if he had givei( me any thing, he would have 
 given it with this intention, that by bestowing on "mfe a less 
 sum, he might not have to pay you a greater. It. If there- 
 fore you suppose that such is the case, it is in your power to 
 render the compact profitless to both of us, by requiring from 
 him your pay ; for it is evident that Seuthes, if I have re- ' 
 ceived any thing from him, will in that case demand it back 
 from me, and will demand it justly, if I fail to fulfill the con- 
 tract for which I was bribed? 18. But I am conscious of 
 being far from possessing any thing that belongs to you ; for I 
 swear to ydu by all the gods and goddesses, that I have not 
 even received what Seuthes promised me for myself ; and he 
 is himself present, and as he hears me, knows whether I com- 
 mit perjury or not; 19. and, that you may be still more sur- 
 prised, I swear that I haVe not even received as much as the 
 other generals have received, no, nor even as much as some of 
 the captains. 20. From what motive, then, did I act thus ? 
 I thought, my fellow-soldiers, that the more I participated in 
 his poverty for the time, the more effectually should I render 
 him my friend when he should be able to serve me. But 
 I now see him at once in a state of prosperity, and understand 
 his real disposition. 21. Possibly some one may say, 'Are 
 you not ashamed, then, of having been thus foolishly deceived ?' 
 I should indeed be ashamed, if I had been thus deceived by an 
 
240 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. bookvii. 
 
 enemy, but in a Mend it appears fer more disgraceful to de- 
 ceive than to be deceived. 22. If however we are to be on our 
 guard against friends, I know that we have been on the strictest 
 guard not to give Seuthes any just pretense for refusing to pay 
 us what he promised ; for we have neither done him any harm, 
 nor neglected his interests, nor shrunk from any undertaking to 
 which he called us. 
 
 23. " But, you may say, I ought to have taken pledges at 
 the fime, that even if he had had the will, he might not have 
 had the power to deceive. With regard to this point, hear 
 what I should never have mentioned before him,' if you had 
 not shown yourself either extremely inconsiderate or ex- 
 tremely ungrateful toward me.* 24. For recollect in what 
 circumstances you were placed, when I extricated you from 
 them by conducting you to Seuthes. Did not' Aristarchus 
 the Lacedsemonian prevent you from entering Perinthus, shut- 
 ting the gates if you offered to approach the city ? Did you 
 not encamp without the wall in the open air ? Was it not the 
 middle of winter ? Had you not to buy provisions, when you 
 found but few commodities for sale, and had but little with 
 which -to buy? 25. -Were you not obliged to remain in 
 Thrace, because galleys at anchor prevented you from sailing 
 • across, while, whoever staid, had to stay in an enemy's 
 country, where there were numbers of cavalry and numbers of 
 peltasts to oppose you? 26. And though we had a heavy- 
 armed force, with which, going to the villages tn a body, we 
 might perhaps have procured a moderate supply of food, we 
 had no troops with which we could pursue or capture slaves 
 or cattle ; for I found neither cavalry not peltasts any longer 
 existing in a body among you. 27. If, then, when you were 
 in such straits, I had, without demanding any pay for you, 
 procured you Seuthes for an ally, who had cavalry and pel- 
 tasts, of which you ■ were in want, should I have appeared to 
 have consulted ill for you ? 28. For, through haviug the aid 
 
 ' He would not have said this in the presence and hearing of Seuthes, 
 last Seuthes might say, in justification of his conduct, -that he had dona 
 the Greeks benefit, and that they had not been led to join him from any 
 liking for his service, but trom being compelled by the difficulties of their 
 circumstances. WeisJce. 
 
 2 Most editors, I might perhaps say all, give this passage interroga- 
 tively, except Dindorl^ who puts no note of interrogation. I have not 
 thought proper to adhere to him on this occasion. 
 
CHAP. VI. SPEECH OF XBNOPHON. 241 
 
 of these troops, you not only found a greater abundance of 
 provisions in the villages, from the Thracians being obliged to 
 flee with greater precipitation, but had a greater share of both 
 cattle and slaves. 29. As for enemies, we no Ipnger saw any 
 after the cavalry was attached to us, though, before that time, 
 they pursued us both with horse and peltasts, hindering us 
 from dispersing any where in, small parties, so as to get provi- 
 sions in greater quantities. 30. And if he who offered you this 
 security, did not give you, in addition, very high pay for the 
 security,' is this the dreadful calamity of which you complain, 
 and do you think that, on this account, you ought by no means 
 to allow me to live ? 
 
 31. "But under what circumstance is it that you are now 
 leaving the country ? Is it not after having passed the winter 
 in the midst of abundance, and while you have in your pos- 
 session, besides, whatever you have received from Seuthea? 
 What you have consumed belonged to the enemy ; , and while 
 faring thus, you have neither seen any of your number tilled, 
 nor lost any alive. 32. If any reputation had been gained by 
 you against the Barbarians in Asia, have you not that still un- 
 diminished, and have you not added to it a new glory by subdu- 
 ing the Thracians, against whom you took the field, in Europe ? 
 I think, indeed, that you may justly return thanks to the gods, 
 as for so many blessings, for those very things for which you 
 are incensed against me. 
 
 33. " Such is the state of your affairs ; and now, in the 
 name of the gods, consider what is the condition of mine. 
 When I first set sail for home, I went off with great praise 
 from you,*and with honor, through your means, from the rest 
 of the Greeks. I was also trusted by the Lacedsemonians, or 
 they would not have sent me back to you." 34. But now I 
 go away calumniated in the eyes of the Lacedaemonians by 
 your statements, and at enmity with Seuthes upon your ac- 
 count, whom I toped, by serving him in conjunction with you, 
 to secure as an honorable protector both for myself and my 
 children, if I should have any. 35. Yet you, for whose sake 
 chiefly I have incurred hatred, and incurred it from people 
 far more powerful than myself, and while I do not yet cease 
 attempting whatever good I can for you, entertain such an 
 
 ' Consult what is said on v. 6. 31. " 0. 2, sect. 8. 
 
 VOL. L 11 
 
242 THE EXPEDITION OF OTRtlS. BOOKvn. 
 
 opinion of me as you now express. 36. But you have me in 
 your power, having neither found me fleeing nor attempting 
 to flee ; and, if you do what you. say, you will put to death a 
 man who has often watche(^ for your safety ; who has gone 
 through many toils and dangers in company with you, accord- 
 ing to his share and beyond his share ; who, by the favor of 
 the gods, has raised with you many trophies over the Barba- 
 rians ; and who has exerted himself most strenuously for you,' 
 in every way that he could, in order that you might not make 
 yourselves enemies to any of the Greeks. 37. As it is, you are 
 at liberty to go whither you please, by sea or land, without 
 censure ; and now, when abundance of every thing presents it- 
 self before you, when you are going to sail whiiber you have 
 long desired to go, when those who are at the height of power* 
 solicit your Services, when pay is offered, and when LacediE- 
 monians, who are thought to be the best of leaders, are come 
 to take the command of you, does it seem to you to be a fit 
 time for plitting me at once to death ? 38. You had no such 
 inclination when we were in the midst of hardships, O men of 
 admirable memories ! ' You then called me father, g.nd promis- 
 ed always to remember me as your benefactor. However, those, 
 who are now come to request your services, are not void of 
 judgment, so that, as I think, you will not, by being such as 
 ■you are toward me, appear better in their estimation." Having 
 spoken thus, he ceased. 
 
 39. Charminus, the Lacedaemonian, then stood up and said, 
 " By the twin gods," soldiers, you do not appear to be dis- 
 pleased with this' man on any reasonable grounds ; for I my- 
 self can bear testimiony in his favor : since, when -TPolynicua 
 and myself asked , Seuthes about Xenophon, inquiring what 
 sort of man he was, he had nothing else to lay to his charge, 
 
 ' XipdQ i/iof.] Conira iios or apud vos. The former is perhaps pre- 
 ferable. He alludes, v. gr. to vii. 1, 25, sgqq. Wmske. Also to vi. 
 6. 11, seqg. KuTmer. "WeiBke is right in interpreting "contra vos." 
 SchiuMer. I follow those who are in favor of vestrd causa, "for 
 your sake." Bornemann. I think Bomemann in the right. ' Tet 
 conira vos might perhaps be Englished, "against your follies or capri- 
 oes.^' 
 
 2 'B TravTuf /la^/Bov^ic^TaTot.] Must be understood ironically, Henry 
 Stephens thinks that we should read d/ivri/ioviicaTaToi, which Jacobs 
 approves, considering that irony is Tinsuitable to the passage. 
 
 ' See on vi 6, 34 
 
OEAP. TL XENOPHON DEFENDED. 243 
 
 but, as he said, that he was a great friend to the soldiers, on 
 which account, he observed, it was worse for him' both with 
 us Laoedaemoniana and with himself." 40. Eurylochus an 
 Arcadian, a native of Lusia," rising up after him, exclaimed, 
 " It seems to me, Lacedaemonians, that your first act of gener- 
 alship for us should be this, to exact our pay from Seuthes, 
 either with his consent or against it, and that, tiU you do so, 
 you ought not to lead us from hence. 41. Polycrates, the 
 Athenian, next rose and spoke in favor of Xenophon:' "I 
 see," said he, " soldiers, Heradides also present here, who, after 
 receiving the spoil which we obtained by our exertions, and 
 having sold it, gave the proceeds neither to Seuthes nor to us, 
 but having appropriated it to himself still keeps possession of it. 
 If therefore we are wise, we shall lay hold of him, for he is not 
 a Thracian, but, being himself a Greek, acts dishonestly to 
 
 42. Heraclides, on hearing this remark, was still more* 
 alarmed, and, moving toward Seuthes, said, " If we are wise,' 
 we shall withdraw from hence, out of the power of these men." 
 Mounting their horses, accordingly, they rode off to their own 
 
 1 See sect. 4. 2 iv. 2. 21. 
 
 ° EJttct herds iird Sevofovro;.'] This is the reading which Dindorf' s 
 text exhibits, but to which most critics must surely prefer the common 
 reading, ehev dvatrrcic ivip Sevo^uvrof, "arose andT spoke on behalf of 
 Xenophon," i. s, in favor and justification of Xenophou. "Eurylochus 
 did not indeed speak undiaguiaedly," observes Kiihner, " in behalf of 
 Xenophon, but rather with a covert attempt to transfer the blame from 
 Xenophou to Heradides. ' It is, however, greatly to be doubted," he 
 adds, " whelijier the received reading be genuine ; for instead of cJi/airraf 
 three manuscripts exhibit aiveruQ, ' in a praiseworthy manner,' and two 
 have iverdg, which Dindorf haa admitted into hia text, changing at the 
 same time itrip into iird, so that iverdc in& Sevo^uvTog wUl be ' suborn- 
 ed by Xenophon.' But a strong objection to this reading is, that herog 
 is a word of the later age of the Greek language ;' it occurs in jj-ppian ; 
 but Xenophon would rather have used inottefinToc, as in iii 3. 4. Kor 
 is this word altogether suitable to the narrative. Some have objected to 
 the order of the words elirav avaaras,. instead of uvaaTtlg eltrev, which is 
 more usual in Xenophou*; 'feut this is a matter of very small moment, 
 and is completely nullified by the examples adduced in Bomemann's 
 note and in Sturz's Lex. Xen. tom. i. p. 209, as well as by Cyrop. ii. 3. 
 4; De Eep. Ath. i. 6; and Hellen. i. '7. 7." 
 
 4 Five manuscripts have /Hd^/loi', instead of /laXa, which Dindorf has 
 injudiciously adopted. Kiijmer. 
 
 ' 'Hv cTa(^pova/iev.'] This seems to be an intentional repetition of these 
 words, which occur just above, in the speech of Polycrates. ■ 
 
244 THE EXPEDITION OP GYRUS. book to. 
 
 camp ; 43. from whence Seuthes sent Abrozelmes, his inter- 
 preter, to Xenophon, and begged him to remain in his service 
 •with a thousand heavy-armed men, engaging at the same time, 
 to give him the fortresses on the sea, and the other things which 
 he had promised him. He also told him, causing it to be com- 
 municated as a secret, that he had heard from Polynicus, that 
 if he fell into the hands of the Lacedaemonians, he would cer- 
 tainly be put to 'death by Thibron. 44. Many other persons, 
 too, sent notice to Xenophon that he had been made an object 
 of calumny, and ought to be upon his guard. Xenophon, on 
 receiving these communications, took two victims and sacrificed 
 to Jupiter, consulting him whelifir it would be better for him 
 to stay with Seuthes on the conditions that he proposed, or to 
 go away with the army. Jupiter signified to hun that he had 
 better depart. 
 
 CHAPTER VH 
 
 The Greeks go tb'get provisions from the villages. Medosades tries to send 
 them away, and prevails on Xenophon to go and consnlt the Lacedemo- 
 nians. The Lacedssmonians refuse to take away the army till Seuthes has 
 pud them. Xenophon's speech to Seuthes. Seuthesat last produces the 
 money, which Xenophon gives to the Lacedaemonians to be distributed 
 among the soldiers. 
 
 1. Seot-hes then encamped at a great distance ; and the 
 (Jreeks quartered in villages from which they intended to get 
 plenty of provisions, and then to march to the sea. These 
 villages had been given by Seuthes to Medosadjgs ; 2. who, 
 seeing his property in them consumed by the Greeks, was much 
 displeased ; and, taking with him one of the OdryssB, the most 
 influential of all those that had come down from the upper 
 country, and about fifty horse, went and called Xenophon out 
 of the Grecian camp. Xenophon, taking some of the captains, 
 and other proper persons, came out to meet him. 3. Medosades 
 then sSid, " You act unjustly, O Xenophon, in laying waste our 
 villages. We give you notice lierefore, I on th« part of Seuthes, 
 and this man on the part of Medocus the king of the upper 
 country, to quit this district ; i1^ however, you do not quit it, 
 we shall not allow you to continue your depredations, but, if you 
 do harm to our territories, we shall defend ourselves against you 
 as enemies.' 
 
CHAP. VII. XENOPHON REPLIES TO MEDOSADES. 245 
 
 4. Xenophon, on hearing this warning, said, " To give you 
 an answer, when you speak in such terms, is painful, yet for 
 the information of this young man, I will -reply to you, that he 
 may. know what sort of people you are, and what sort we are. 
 5. We," he continued^ " before we became your allies, march- 
 ed through this country whithersoever we thought fit, laying 
 waste what we pleased, and burning what we pleased ; 6. and 
 you yourself when you came to us as an embassador, pitched 
 your tent with us, without' fear of any enemy ; but your people 
 never entered this region at all, or, if ever you did venture 
 into it, used to encamp with your horses still bridled, as in the 
 territory of those more powerful than yourselves. 'I. But 
 now, since you have become allied with ua, and have bjT our 
 means, and with the assistance of the gods, got possession of 
 the country, you would drive us from that very land which 
 you received from us, when we held it as our own by force of 
 arms, for, as you are aware, the enemy were not strong enough 
 to dispossess us. 8. And you. would send us away, not only 
 without ofiering us a present, or doing us any service in re- 
 turn for the benefits that you have received from us, but even 
 without allowing us to encamp^ as far as you are able to pre- 
 vent us, when we are just taking our departure. 9. In ad- 
 dressing us thus, you show no respect either for the gods or 
 for the man that accompanies you, who beholds you now 
 abounding in wealth, but who saw you, before you were our 
 ally, supporting your existence by plunder, as you yourself 
 have aofaaowledged.' 10. But why do you address yourself 
 thus to me»" added Xenophon, " for I no longer hold the com- 
 mand, but the Lacedaemonians, to whom you gave the army 
 that they migM lead it away, and gave it, most admirable 
 of men, without calling on me to take part in the resignation 
 of it, so that, as I incurred their disapprobation when I 
 brought it to you, I might now do them a pleasure by restor- 
 ing it, to them." 
 
 11. When the Odrysian heard this accoimt, he said, "I, O 
 Medosades, am ready to sink into the earth with shame, as I 
 listen to such a statement. Had I known this before, I should 
 certainly not have accompanied you, and shall now take my de- 
 parture ; for Medocus, my king, would by no means approve 
 my conduct, if I should assist in expelling his benefactors 
 0. 2, sect 34. Kuhner. 
 
246 THE EXPEDITION OP OTRTJS. book to. 
 
 from the countiy." 12. As he uttered these words, he mounted 
 his iorse and rode off, and all the other horsemea went with 
 him, except four or five. But Medosades (for the devastation 
 of the country made him uneasy) requested XenophoB to call 
 to him the two Lacedsemonians. 13. Xenophon, taking the 
 most eligible persons to attend him, went to Charminus and 
 t'olynicus, and told them that Medosades wished to speak 
 with them, intending to warn them, as they had warned him, 
 to quit the coimtry. 14. "I thipk, therefore," continued 
 Xenophon, "that you might secure the pay owing to the 
 army, if you were to say that the troops have entreated you to 
 support them in obtaining their dues from Seuthes, whether 
 with his consent or without it ; -that they engage to follow you 
 cheerfully if they gain their object ; that they appear to you 
 to say what is just ; and that you have promised them not to 
 depart until they have received their just demands." 15. The 
 Lacedaemonians replied that they would say this, and what- 
 ever else they might be able to urge with the greatest effect ; 
 and immediately set out, with all proper persons accompany- 
 ing them. 
 • When they arrived, Charminus said, " If you have any thing 
 to say tp us, Medosades, speak ; if not we have something to 
 say to you." 16. Medosades replied, very submissively, " I 
 have to say, and Seuthes says the same, that we desire that 
 those who have become our friends may suffer no evil at your 
 hands ; for whatever harm you do to them, you do at the same 
 time to us, as they, are our allies." 17. "We,' then," said the 
 Lacedsemonians, " shall be ready to depart, when those who 
 have effected such services for you, have received their pay ; 
 if they do not Jeceiv© it, we are here even now to take their 
 part, and to take vengeance on such as have wronged them in 
 violation of their oaths. K you are of that number, it is from 
 you. that we shall begin to require justice for them." 18. 
 " Would you be willing, Medosades," rejoined Xenophon, " to 
 leave it to the people in whose country we are (as you say 
 that th,ey are your friends), to decide whether it is. fit that you 
 should quit. the country, or we?" 19. To this proposal he 
 would not consent, but urged the two Lacedaemonians by all 
 means to go to Seuthes about the pay, and said that he thought 
 they would succeed with Seuthes ; if they did not, he re- 
 quested them to send Xenophon with him, and promised to 
 
Chap. vii. XENOPHOIST'S SPEECH TO SEUTHEa 24*7 
 
 support their application. In the meaa time he begged them 
 not to bum their villages. 
 
 20. They then deputed Xenophon, and those- who appeared 
 most eligible along with him. Whea he came to Seuthes, he 
 sai3, "I am not come, O Seuthes, to ask any thing of you, 
 but to convince you, if I am able, 21. that you had no just 
 cause to be displeased with me for demanding, on behalf of the 
 soldiers, the pay which you so readily promised them ; since 
 I thought it would be not less advantageous for you to pay it 
 than for tJiem to receive it ; 22. fenr I knew that, next to the 
 gods, they have been instrumental in placing you in a con- 
 spicuous position, by making you king over a large extent of 
 country and great numbers of people, so that it is not possible 
 for you to escape the notice of mankind, whether you do what 
 is good or what is evil. 23. .To a man in such a con- 
 dition it seems to me to be of no small importance that he 
 should not be thought to send away his benefactors without 
 gratitude ; of importance also to have the approbation of 
 six thousand men ; and most important of all to show that you 
 are never to be distrusted in what you say. 24. For I observe 
 the words of the faithless wander about without power, influ- 
 ence, or regard ; while the words of those who are known to 
 observe truth, are not less effectual, if they desire any thing, 
 in accomplishing their desire, than the strength of other men ; 
 if they wish to recall any one to his duty, I know that the 
 threats of such men are not less influential in producing re- 
 form than the actual punishments of others ; and if men of 
 such a character promise any thing, they produce no less ef- 
 fect by. their promises than others by giving at the moment. 
 25. Consider with yourself ; -vdiat did you pay us before you 
 obtained our alliance 3 You know that you. paid us nothing; 
 but from confidence being placed in you that you would truly 
 perform what you ssrid, you iaduced such a number of men to 
 join you in the field, and to conquer for you a kingdom not 
 worth fifty talents merely, the sum which they now think they 
 ought to receive from you, but many times that sum. 26. 
 First of all, then, this confidence which was placed in you, 
 and which secured you the kingdom, is bartered away by you 
 for this sum of money. 
 
 27. " Consider, too, how great a matter you then thought it 
 to obtain those dominions which you have now subjugated 
 
248 THE EXPEDITION OF OTRUS. book vii. 
 
 and possess. I am well aware that you would have prayed 
 for the accomplishment of what has now been done for you 
 rather than for many times such a sum of money. 28. To 
 me, then, it seems a greater disadvantage, as well as a greater 
 disgrace, not to retain this power than not to have acquired 
 it ; just as it is more grievous to a man to become poor after 
 being rich than never to have been rich at all, and as it is 
 more aflflicting to appear as a private man after having been 
 a ting, than never to have been on a throne. 29. You are 
 sensible, moreover^ that those who have now become your 
 subjects, have not submitted to be governed by you from any 
 affection for you personally, but from necessity, and that they 
 would endeavor to make- themselves free again, if there were 
 no fear to restrain them. 30. Whether therefore do you think 
 that they will be more under the restraint of fear, and act 
 more sensibly. for your interests, if they should see these troops 
 80 disposed toward you, as to be willing to stay now if you 
 request them, or soon to return again if it should be necessary, 
 and find that.others, hearing many good accounts of you from 
 these, are ready to join you at once whenever you wish ; or if 
 they should form an unfavorable opinion of you, and believe 
 that no others will engage in your service thtough distrust 
 arising from what has now happened, and that the Greeks are 
 better affe.cted toward your new subjects than yourself? 81. 
 These people, besides, did not submit to you because they 
 were inferior in number to us, but because they wanted lead- 
 ers. It is now a matter of apprehension, then, that they may 
 choose some of our men, who think themselves wronged by 
 you, or the Lacedaemonians, who are still more powerfm than 
 they, as leaders, especially if, on the one hand, our- soldiers 
 promise to serve the Lacedaemonians with greater alacrity, on 
 condition that they* exact what is diie to them from you, and 
 the Lacedaemonians on the other, assent to this condition 
 from the need which they have of our army. 32. That the 
 Thracians who have just become subject to you, would march 
 against you much more willingly than with you, is indispuV 
 able ; for, while you hold the mastery, servitude is their lot, 
 but, if you are conquered, freedom. 
 
 33. " If, again, it be your business to take forethought for 
 
 ' That is, the Laoedaeijionians. 
 
CHAP. vn. XBNOPHON'S SPEECH TO SEUTHES. 249 
 
 the country, as being your own property, -wbetlier you do 
 think that it would be less exposed to harm, if these soldiers, 
 after having received from you what they claim, should go 
 away leaving peace behind them, or if they stTy in the coun- 
 try as in that of an enemy, and you, with other soldiers more 
 numerous than they, who will be constantly in want of pro- 
 visions, proceed to take the field against them ? 34. Or wheth- 
 er will more money be expended by you, if what is due to the 
 Greeks be paid, or if this be left due, and you have at the same 
 time to take other troops, able to overcome them, into your 
 service ? 
 
 35. " But this sum, in the opinion of Heraclides (as he ex- 
 pressed himself to me), appeairs excessively large. It is 
 doubtless, however, a much lighter matter for you either to 
 receive or pay such a sum, than it was before we joined you, to 
 receive or pay the tenth part of it. 36. For it is not the ac- 
 tual amount that defines the much or the little, but the ability 
 of him who has to pay or to receive. But' your annual income 
 is now greater than the whole of the property which you form- 
 erly possessed. 
 
 37. " In these observations, O Seuthes, I have had regard 
 to your interest as to that of a friend, in order that you may 
 appear worthy of the advantages which the gods have be- 
 stowed upon you, and that I, at the same time, may not lose 
 all reputation with the army. 38. For be assiired, that if I 
 now wished to do harm to an enemy, I should not be able to 
 effect it with these troops, and that, if I desired again to give 
 assistance to you, I should not be in a condition to do so ; such 
 is the feeling of the army toward me. 39. Yet I call both you 
 yourself, and the gods who know the truth, to witness, that I 
 have neither received any thing from you on account of the sol- 
 diers, nor have I ever asked of you, for my own private use, 
 what was due to them nor have I claimed what you promised 
 me. 40. I also swear to yon, that, even though you had 
 offered to pay me, I would not have receit^ed any thing from 
 you, unless the soldiers had been at the same time to receive 
 what was due to them ; for it would have been disgraceful in 
 me to have settled my own business, and to Jiave allowed theirs 
 to continue in an unsatisfactory conditioii, especially when I had 
 received the honor from them. 
 
 41. " To Heraclides, how.ever, every thing seems a trifle, in 
 11* 
 
250 THE EXPEDITION OF OTEUS. book ti 
 
 comparison with, the acquirement of money by whatever 
 means. But I, O Seuthes, think no possession more honor- 
 able or more glorious to a man than that of virtue, and justice, 
 and generosity. 42. He that has these qualities, is rich in the 
 numerous Mends that he has, and rich in the good-will of 
 numbers that wish to become his friends ; if be is prosperous, 
 he has associates ready to rejoice with him ; if he meets with 
 a reverse of fortune, lie is not in want of people to lend him 
 aid. 
 
 43. " If you have neither understood from my actions that 
 I am a friend to you at heart, nor are able to discover it from 
 my words, yet consider, by all means, the expressions of the 
 soldiers concerning me ; for you were present and heard what 
 those said who thougbt to asperse me. 44. They accused me 
 to the Lacedsemonians of regarding you more than them ; 
 they also charged me with taMng more care that your affairs 
 might prosper than tEeir own ; and they added, that I had 
 received presents from you. 45. Whether, then, do you 
 think that they accused me of having received those presents 
 from you, because they saw in me sortie ill-will toward you, 
 or because they observed in me a great zeal for your good ? 
 46. I consider, indeed, that all men are of opinion tliat grati- 
 tude ought to be cherished' toward him from whom they 
 have received favors. You, before I did you any service, 
 entertained me favorably with looks, and words, and demon- 
 strations of hospitality, and were never satisfied with promis- 
 ing how great rewards should be mine ; and now, when you 
 have accomplished what you desired, and have become as 
 great as I could assist you to become, have you the heart to 
 allow me to be thus dishonored among the soldiers ? 47. I 
 have, nevertheless, confidence that time will yet teach you to 
 resolve to .pay, and that you, of yourself will not endure to 
 
 ' ' A.iroKeZa&ai.'] Two manuscripts have diroKela&ai, which Dindorf, 
 Poppo, and Kruger4iaye admitted into their texts (instead of the com- 
 mon diroSeUvwr^ai). It can not be denied that there is much elegance 
 in this reading, for ejro/cejoiJai, like Karari^ca^ai and other similar 
 verbs, are very frequently used in regard to favors and benefits, as is 
 shown by Poj>po, referring to Jacobs ad AehiD. Tat. p. 678 ; yet this 
 circumstance does not appear to me of sufficient weight to justify us in 
 deserting that reading which is supported by the authority of almost all 
 the manuscripts, and mak^s very good sense. See my note on the Mem. 
 Soe. ii. 1. 21. EuJmer. 
 
CHAP. VII. SEUTHES PROMISES TO PAT. 251 
 
 see those -who freely did you service,' loading you with re- 
 proaches. I entreat you, then, when you make tiie payment 
 to study to leave me in as much credit with the army as you 
 found me." 
 
 48. Seuthes, on hearing this address, uttered imprecations 
 on the man who had been the cause that the debt was not dis- 
 charged long before (and every one surmised that Heracli- 
 des was meant), " for," said he, " 1 never meant to deprive 
 the men of their pay, and will now -give it to them." 49. 
 Xenophon then said again, " Since, therefore, you are resolved 
 to pay, I now beg you to luake the payment through me, and 
 not to suffer me, on your account, to bear a different character 
 with the army from that which I bore when we came to you." 
 60. Seuthes replied, " You shall not lose more credit with the 
 army by my means ; and if you will stay with me with only a 
 thousand heavy-armed men, I will give you the fortresses, and 
 every thing else that I promised." 61. "It can not be so," re- 
 joined Xenophon ; " let us, therefore, depart." " Yet I know," 
 replied Seuthes, " that it will be safer for you to remain wiili 
 me than to go away." 62. " I commend' your care of me," 
 rejoined Xenophon, " but it is impossible for me to stay ; yet 
 be assured that wherever I receive greater honor, there will 
 be good attendant on it for you." 53. Seuthes then said, " I 
 have but very little money, and that I give you, one talent f 
 but I have six hundred oxen, four thousand sheep, and a hun- 
 dred and twenty slaves ; take these, and the hostages'* from 
 those who were treacherous to you, and depart." 64. " And 
 if these," said Xenophon, laughing, " are not sufficient to 
 
 ' Touf aot npoe/ihovc evepyealav.'] Selmeider observes that the phrase 
 Trpoea'S-ai tlvI tiepyeaiav was used when a person conferred a benefit 
 on another withoilt being certain whether he should receive any return ; 
 and refers to Plato, Gorg. p. 520. "The Greeks," says Kuhner, "had 
 indeed bargained for a remuneration (o. 2, sect. 36), but, though it was 
 not paid, they still continued to give their services to Seuthes." Kriiger, 
 however, observes that Xenophon certainly indulges in a little rhetorical 
 exaggeration. 
 
 2 'E?ro(vw.] A similar mode of expression to that of people dechning 
 an invitation, "I thank you," " I am obliged to you," as in Latin lavdo, 
 henigni. See Bos. Ellips. p. 785, ed. Schsefer. Kuhner. 
 
 ' i. 7. 18. 
 
 ' Weiske observes that these were Thynians, who had broken their 
 word, by attacking Xenophon in the night, c. 4, sect. 14, See also sect. 
 13, 20, 21. Pqppo. 
 
252 , THE EXPEDITION OF CYBITS. book vn. 
 
 make up the pay, for "trhom shall I say that I have the 
 talent?' Will it not be better for me, since danger threatens 
 me, to secure myself against stoning by taking my departure ?' 
 You heard the threats." The remainder of that day they con- 
 . tinued there. 
 
 55. The next day Seuthes delivered to them the cattle he 
 had promised, and sent men with them to drive them. The 
 soldiers, in the mean time, began to say that Xenophon was 
 gone to Seuthes to live with him, and to receive what Seuthes 
 had promised him ; but when they saw him returning, they 
 were rejoiced, and ran to meet him. 56. As soon as Xeno- 
 phon saw Charminus and Polynicus, he said, " This property 
 has been saved for the army through your inflijence ; I deliver 
 it to you; dispose of it, and divide the proceeds among the 
 soldiers." The Lacedaemonians accordingly received the 
 cattle, and, appointing salesnien, sold it, and incurred much 
 blame.' 57. As for Xenophon, he took no part in the pro^ 
 ceeding, but openly prepared to return home ; for a vote of 
 banishment had not yet been passed against him at Athens.* 
 But his friends in the camp came to him, and begged him 
 not to desert them until he had led oflF the army and delivered 
 it to Thibron. 
 
 ' Tffvof TuXavTov ^rfiii ix'iv ;] " whose talent shall I say that I have ?" 
 Among wljioh ctf the Greeks shall I divide this talent, when their num- 
 ber is so great ? Kuhner. 
 
 ' Xenophon is to be considered as speaking with a sort of irony or 
 sarcasm. If I return to the camp of the Greeks with this small sum 
 of money, great danger will thj-eaten me ; it will, therefore, be better 
 for me to go away than to return to the camp. Kuhner. — The passage 
 may be understood thus : Since danger threatens me, Seuthes, as you 
 yourself observed (sect. 51), will it not be better for me to go away into 
 my own country, and so escape stoning i Bomemann. Comp. o. vL 
 sect. 10. 
 
 " It being supposed that they had been guilty of fraud in the distri- 
 bution. KilTmer. 
 
 ' See the biography of Xenophon prefixed to this voltune. 
 
OHAP. vui. THE GHBEKS PROCEED TO LAMPgACUS. 263 
 
 CHAPTER vnr. 
 
 The Greeks pass over to Lampsaous. Xenophon, having received no pay, 
 is obliged to sell his horse. He saorifioes to Jupiter Meiliohius. The 
 Greeks arrive at Pergamus. Xenqphou is prevaiied upon to attack Asi- 
 dates, a Persian nobleman, and at length takes him prisoner, with a great 
 quantity of booty, of which he jeoeives a considerable share. He deliv- 
 ers the army into the hands of Thi^ron, to be incorporated with the 
 forces assembled against Tissaphernes. 
 
 1. From hence ttey sailed across to Lampsacus, when Eu- 
 clides the augur, a native of Phlius,' the son of Cleagoras, who 
 wrote Thk Dreams in the Ltobum," came to meet Xeno- 
 phon. He congratulated Xenophon on having returned safe, 
 and asked him how much gold he had. 2. Xenophon assured 
 him, with an oath, that he should not have enough for his ex- 
 penses in traveling home, unless he sold his horse, and what 
 he 'had about him. Euclides did not believe him. 3. But 
 after the people of Lampsacus had sent presents to Xenophon, 
 and Xenophon was proceeding to sacrifice to Apollo, he made 
 Euclides stand beside him at the time, who, on inspecting the 
 victims, said that he was now convinced he had no money. 
 " But I observe," added he, " |hat even if money should ever 
 
 ' A city of Aohaia in the Peloponnesus, between Sioyon and Argos. 
 
 ° Tov rd, kviiwia h> Avxetii) yeypaipoToc.^ I iriterpret with Brodasus 
 and Kriiger, " he who wrote the Dreams in the Lyceum," i. e., the book 
 entitled " Dreams in the Lyceum." Whether the received reading be 
 genuine, is uncertain; for three manuscripts read tov rd ivoixia iv 
 oluij). Several conjectures have been proposed by scholars, as hmixia, 
 dmvia, tvuirla, but these, as nothing is known of Cleagoras, can be 
 of no service in leading us to a decision. The cSBjecture ivonia (a 
 Homeric word) was thrown out by Toup, Ep. Critic, p. 48, Lips., in the 
 sense of " he who painted the front or fajade of the Lyceum." Weiske 
 defends hivmiia, on the supposition that Cleagoras might have been a 
 painter of such genius as to have given a striking representation of 
 the dreams mentioned in the Odyssey, r', 562, as going out of the horn 
 and ivory gates ; or of such as went on foot, H. /?', 8, 16 ; or of such as 
 flew about, Eur. Hec. 71. Schneider remarks that there was a slatue of 
 a d/rea/m, in the temple of jEsOulapius, as is told by Pausanias, Corinth. 
 10. 2. Bornemanu thinks the word hivTrvia suspicious, and incloses it 
 in brackets. As to the omission of the article after him/ia, it can of- 
 fend no oiie, if we consider, with Kriiger, that 'Kvvirvia hi AvKeiip, was 
 the title of the book. — ^I read yeypatjnii^Tos, instead of ycypa^oTOf, with 
 four of the best manuscripts. See' Lobeck. in Addend, ad Phryn. p. 164. 
 Kuhner. 
 
 The Lyceum was a sacred incloaure at Athens, dedicated to Apollo, 
 
254 THE EXPEDITION OP OTBTJS. book vii. 
 
 be likely to come to you, there will be some obstacle, and, if 
 no other, that you will be an obstacle to yourself." ' Xeno- 
 phon assented to the justice of the observation. 4. " Ji^piter 
 Meiliohius," however," said EucUdes, " is an obstacle in your 
 way ;" and then asked whether he had ever sacrificed to that 
 god, " as I was accustomed," continued he, " to sacrifice and 
 ofier holocausts for you at home." ' Xenophon repUed, that 
 since he had left home he had not sacrificed to uiat deity. 
 Euclides then advised him to sacrifice as he had been used to 
 do, and said that it would be for his advantage. 5. Next 
 day, Xenophon, going on to Ophrynium, ofiered a sacrifice, 
 burning whole hogs* after the custom of his country, and found 
 the omens favorable. 
 
 6. The same day Biton and Euclides' came to bring pay 
 for the army. These men were hospitably entertained' by 
 
 where the polemaroh originally kept his court. It was decorated with 
 fountains, plantations, and buildings, and became the usual place of 
 exercise for the Athenian youth who devoted themselves to military 
 pursuits. Nor was it less frequented by philosophers, and it was espe- 
 cially the favorite resort of Aristotle aad his followers. Cramer's An- 
 cient Greece, voL ii. p. 340. 
 
 ' By your disinterestedness and liberality. Weiske. 
 
 ' That is, Jupiter placabilis, Jupiter that might be propitiated by 
 sacrifices. This appellation is often given to Jupiter, as in Thuoyd. 
 i 126, where see Duker. See the SchoL ad Aristoph. Nub. 407; 
 and Meurs. in Thes. c. 1. But it appears from Pausanias, . x. 38, 
 that there were several gods to whom this title was given. Mvidhin- 
 son. 
 
 ' KlMeiv eyii i/ilv ■&vtir&aL koI dTi.oK.avTelv.'] As I was accustomed 
 at home (i. e. at Athens) to sacrifice and burn for you whole victims, 
 the K.al being eipUoative, and equivalent to tixumely. * * * This 
 mode of aactifloing is to be distinguished from the common method, 
 in which only the best parts of the victims were burned in sacrifice to 
 the gods. Kuhner. Hence it appears that Euclides lived at Athens 
 with Xenophon, and was accustomed to assist at his sacrifices as an 
 augur or priest ; and thus a friendship and familiarity had arisen between 
 them. Schneider. 
 
 * Xoipovg.1 Laroher, referring, to Thucyd. i. 126, and the scholiast 
 on that passage, conjectures that these were not real swine, but loaves 
 baked iu the shape of swine; a conjecture, which Schneider justly 
 repudiates; for as there is nothing in the text to indicate that the word 
 is used in that signification, it is our business to take it in its ordinary 
 sense. - ' 
 
 ' Not the Euclides meiitioned in sect. 1. Kiihner thinks the name 
 corrupt. 
 
 " SexpivTOi.] The phrase itvoSa^ai tlvl , usually means "to enter 
 
CHAP. vm. ATTACK ON ASIDATES. 255 
 
 Xenophon, and having repurchased his horse, which he had 
 sold at Lam|)sacus for fifty darics (as they suspected that he 
 had parted with it from necessity, for they had heard that he 
 was fond of the horse), they restored it to him, and would not 
 receive from him the price of it. 
 
 1. Hence they advanced through Troas, and, passing over 
 Ida, came first to Antandrus j then, proceeding along by the 
 sea, they arrived at the plain of Thebe in Lydia.' 8. March- 
 ing from hence tibrough Atramyttium and Certorium, by 
 Atarneus, to the plain of the Caicus, they reached Pergamus in 
 Mysia. 
 
 Here Xenophon was hospitably received by Hellas the 
 wife of Gongylus of Eretria,' and mother of Gorgion and Gon- 
 gylus. 9. She told him that Asidates, a Persian, resided in 
 me plain, and said that if he would attack him in the night 
 with three hundred men, he plight take him, with his wife and 
 children, and his wealth, which was considerable. 10. To 
 guide him in the enterprise she sent her own cousin, and a 
 man named Daphnagoras, whom she greatly esteemed ; and 
 Xenophon, having these with him, ofiered sacrifice. Basias, 
 an augur from Elis, who was present, said that tbe omens were 
 extremely favorable, and that the man might easily be cap- 
 tured. 11. After supper, accordingly, he set out, taking with 
 him such of the captains as were most attached to him, and 
 had • constantly been his friends, in order that he might do 
 them a service.' Others also came to join the party, forcing 
 
 into a bond of itospibality with any ono," "to become a person's guest- 
 friend," but as this relation already existed between the parties, we 
 must take the verb here in a more general signification. Sriiger. So 
 with ^evovrai, in sect. 8. 
 
 ' Kriiger thinks that we should read Mysia, in which it appears that 
 Thebe or Hypoplacia (sq called from being built at the foot of Mount 
 Places) was mtuate. See Schneider ad h. 1., and Cramer's Asia Minor, 
 voL i. p. 129. 
 
 ' GrongyluB of Eretria had been an accomplice of Pausanias in his 
 treachery to Grreece; see Thucyd. i. 128; Died. Sic. 3d. 44 j C. Nep. 
 Paus. ii. 2. Xerxes in consequence, according to the practice of the 
 Persian kings (see ii. 1, 3 ; Herod, viii. 86, 136), had put him in pos- 
 session of certain towns, of which it may be inferred from this passage 
 that Pergamus was one. See Hellen. iii. L 6, from whence it appears 
 that he was an exile in the time of the Persian wars. Hellas we must 
 suppose to have been the wife, not of this Gongylus, but of his son. 
 Kriiger. 
 
 3 By giving them a share of whatever plunder he might get. 
 
256 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. BOOK vn. 
 
 themselves upon him, to the number of six ' hundred ; but the 
 captains sent them back, that they might not have to give them 
 any portion of the booty, -which they regarded as ready to their 
 
 12. When they came to the plaCe, about midnight, the slaves 
 that were about the castle, and the greater part of the cattle, 
 escaped them, as they neglected these in order that they might 
 capture Asidates himself and his riches. 13. But as they -were 
 unable to take the building by assault (for it was high and large, 
 and had battlements, and many brave men to defend it), they 
 proceeded to dig a passage into it. 14. The wall was eight 
 bricks of earth thick ; but a breach was made into it by day- 
 break ; and the moment an opening appeared, some one from 
 within pierced the thigh of the man that was nearest him 
 through with an ox-spit ;' and afterward, by shooting showers 
 of arrows, they rendered it unsafe even to approach. 15. As 
 they uttered loud cries, too, and made signals with torches, Ita- 
 belius," with his force, came to their assistance, as well as some 
 Assyrian heavy-armed men, and about eighty Hyrcanian cav- 
 alry, who were in the king's pay, from Comania ; and other 
 troops, Ughtly armed, to the number of eight hundred, with 
 "da^alry, some from Partheniurn, and others from ApoUonia and 
 the' neighboring parts. 
 
 16. It was now time for the Greeks to consider how they 
 should retreat ; and, taiking what oxen and sheep were at hand, 
 they drove them off, placing them with the slaves, within a 
 hollow square, not so much because they were anxious about 
 the booty, but lest, if they went off and left it, their retreat 
 might appear like a flight, and the enemy might thus be ren- 
 dered holder^ and their own men more dispirited ; whereas they 
 now retired as if resolved to defend their capture. 11. But 
 when Gongylus observed that the Greeks were but few, and 
 those who hung upon their rear were numerous, he sallied forth 
 himself, against the vnll of his mother, at the head of his own 
 force, wisfing to take a share in the action ; Prooles also, and 
 Teuthranias, a descendant of Damaratus," came to his support 
 
 • A large spit; such as might be supposed large enough for roasting 
 a whole ox. 
 
 « Who he was, is uncertain. Bomemann conjectures that we should 
 read ItabeUsis, 
 
 3 See ii. 1. 3. Teuthrania was a city of MyMa, on the river Oaicug. 
 
CHAP. Yin. CONCIITSION. 257 
 
 from Halisarne, 18. Xeaophon and hia party, as they were 
 sorely hai'assed by the enemy's arrows and slings, and as they 
 marched in a circle to hold their shields as a defense against 
 the missiles, got with great difficulty across the river Caieus, 
 nearly half of them being wounded. 19. On, this occasion 
 Agasias the StymphaUan, one of the captains, was womided 
 after making head the whole time against the enemy. But 
 they at last came off safe, with about two hundred slaves, and 
 cattle enough for sacrifice. 
 
 20, On the following day Xenophon offered sacrifice, and led 
 out his whole force in the night, with a design to go as far as 
 possible into Lydia, in order that the Persian might not be in 
 fear from his proximity, but be thrown off his guard. 21. But 
 Asidates, hearing that Xenophon had again sacrificed with a 
 view to an attack upon him, and that he would return with all 
 his strength, went out to encamp in some villages lying close 
 under the little town of Parthenium. 22. Here Xenophon and 
 his troop came round upon him, and captured himself, his wife 
 and children, his horses, and all his property ; and thus the 
 omens of the first sacrifice were verified. 
 
 23. They then marched back to Pergamus ; and here Xeno- 
 phon had no cause to complain of the god ;' for the Lacedaemo- 
 nians, the captains, the rest of tjie generals, and the soldiers, 
 all . agreed that he should receive select portions of the spoil, 
 consisting of horses, oxen, and other things ; so that he was 
 now able even to serve a friend. 
 
 24 Soon after, Thibron arrived and took charge of the army, 
 and, uniting it with the rest of the Greek force, proceeded to 
 make war upon Tissaphemes and Pharnabazus. 
 
 25.' The governors of the Mng's country, as much of it as 
 
 See Strabo, xiii. p. 615. Damaratus had been king of Sparta, but, hav- 
 ing been expelled from his throne by his colleague Cleomenes, had 
 taken refuge with Darius Hystaspes, by whom he was courteously re- 
 ceived, and presented with the cities Teuthrania and Hahsama. See 
 Herod, vi. 67 ; Xen. Hellen. iii. 1, 6. Kuhner. 
 
 > Jupiter Meilichiua. See sect. 4, 5. Kuhner. 
 
 2 This paragraph is pronounced by Kruger, de Authent. p. 1, segq., to 
 be a mere interpolation. His reasons for forming this opinion aie chiefly 
 these : 1. That Xenophon is made to use the first person in it ; a cir- 
 cumstance, however, which Kiihner thinks of little weight, referring to 
 i. 9. 28, and v. 1. 23, in both which passages Xenophon uses the first 
 person. 2. That Cyrus was satrap of Lydia and Phrygia before he 
 marched against his brother, and that Tissaphemes succeeded him in the 
 
258 THE EXPEDITION OF CTEUS. book vn. 
 
 we went tlirough, were these : of Lydia, Artemas ; of Phrygia, 
 Artacamas ; of Lycaonia and Cappadocia, Mithridates ; of Cilicia, 
 Syennesis ; of Phoenicia and Arabia, Dernes ; of Syria and As- 
 syria, Belesys ; of Babylon, Bhpparas ; of Media, Arbacas ; of 
 the Phasiani and Hesperitae, Tiribazus (the Cardtichi, the Cha- 
 lybes, the Chaldseans, the Maorones, the Colchians, the Mossy- 
 noeoi, the Gcetss, and the Tibareni, were independent natdona) ; 
 of Paphlagonia, Cory las ; of the Kthynians, PhamabazuB', and 
 of the Thracians in Europe, Seuthes. 
 
 26. The computation of the whole journey, the ascent and 
 descent,' was two hundred and fifteen-days' march, one thous- 
 and one hundred and fifty-five parasangs, thirty-four thousand 
 six hundred and fifty stadia. The length of time occupied in 
 the ascent and descent was one year and three months. 
 
 government of them. 3. That it is utterly incredible that Phoenicia 
 and Arabia, comitriea lying at such a distance from one another, could 
 have formed one satrapy. 4. That Syria and Assyria were never under . 
 the same satrap. 5. That if we suppose Sesperitce to mean the 'Westeni 
 Armenians, how is it that Xenophon makes no mention of Eastern- 
 Armenia, the satrap of which he had named, iii. 5. 17 ? 6. Why also 
 does he not mention the Taochi and DrilEB ? 7. What is to be made of 
 the OoetsB, who are mentioned neither in the Anabasis nor in any other 
 ancient author f 8. That it is ridiculous . to rank Seuthes among the 
 king of Persia's satraps. These reasons appear sufficient to convince 
 most readers of the spuriousness of the paragraph. Dindor^ however, 
 allows it to stand without any mark of disapprobation. Kiihner incloses 
 it in brackets. 
 
 ' As far as Cotyora; forlorn Ephesos to Cunacsa are numbered (ii. 
 2. 6) 535 parasangs, and 16,050 stadia; and from Cunaxa to Cotyora (v. 
 5. 4), 620 parasangs, and 18,600 stadia. Thus from Ephesus to Cotyora 
 the distance was 1155 parasangs, and 34,650 stadia. Zeu/m. But the 
 manusoripjs do not all agree with regard to the numbers. Kulmer. See 
 the " Tabular View" subjoined. 
 
TABULAR VIEW 
 
 THE MARCHES A^STD STOPPAGES IN THE EXPEDITION OE 
 THE TEN THOUSAND GREEKS. 
 
TABULAR VIEW OF THE MARCHES AND STOPPAGES 
 
 EXTRACTED FROM THE EDITION OF 
 
 THE ANABASIS, OR MARCH 
 
 UP THE COUNTRY TO CUNAXA. 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 Reference to 
 
 From Sardis to the Maeander 
 
 1 
 
 
 Stoppage!. 
 
 Dmo. B.C. 407. 
 
 Xenophon. 
 
 22 
 
 3 
 
 
 Mar. 9 
 
 i. 2. 5. 
 
 To Colossas 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 7 days. 
 
 10—17. 
 
 i. 2. 6. 
 
 To Celaense 
 
 20 
 
 3 
 
 30 
 
 20— Apr. 19. 
 
 i. 2. 7. 
 
 To Peltae 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 Apr. 21— 24. 
 
 i. 2. 10. 
 
 To Ceramorum Forum 
 
 12 
 
 2 
 
 
 24—26. 
 
 i. 2. 10. 
 
 To the Plain of Caystrus 
 
 30 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 29 -May 4. 
 
 i. 2. 11. 
 
 To Thymbrium 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 
 May 6. 
 
 i. 2. 13. 
 
 To Tyriaeum 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 8—11. 
 
 i. 2. 14. 
 
 To Iconium 
 
 20 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 14—17. 
 
 i. 2. 19. 
 
 Through Lycaonia 
 
 30 
 
 5 
 
 
 22. 
 
 i. 2. 19. 
 
 To Dana 
 
 25 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 26—29. 
 
 i. 2. 20. 
 
 In the Plain 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 30. 
 
 i. 2. 21. 
 
 Through the Defiles into Cilicia 
 
 25 
 
 4 
 
 
 June 3. 
 
 i. 2. 21. 
 
 Stay at Tarsus 
 
 
 
 SO 
 
 23. 
 
 i. 2. 23. 
 
 From Tarsus to R. Psarus 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 
 25. 
 
 i. 4. 1. 
 
 To Pyramus 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 
 '26. 
 
 i*. 
 
 To Issus 
 
 15 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 28— July 1. 
 
 ill. 
 
 To the Gates of Syria 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 
 July 2. 
 
 i. 4. 4. 
 
 To Myriandrus 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 7 
 
 3—10. 
 
 i. 4. a. 
 
 To the river Chalus 
 
 20 
 
 4 
 
 
 14. 
 
 1.4.9. 
 i. r. 10. 
 
 To the River Daradax 
 
 30 
 
 5 
 
 
 19. 
 
 To Thapsaous 
 
 15 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 22—27. 
 
 i. 4. 11. 
 
 To the river Araxes 
 
 50 
 
 9 
 
 3 
 
 Aug. 5—8. 
 
 i. 4. 19. 
 
 To Corsote 
 
 35 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 13—16. 
 
 i. 5. 4. 
 
 To Pyte 
 
 90 
 
 13 
 
 
 29. 
 
 i. 5. 5. 
 
 Through Babylonia 
 
 Day of the battle at Cunaxa 
 
 15 
 
 4 
 
 
 Sept. 2. 
 
 i. 7. 1. 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 3. 
 
 i. 8. 0. 
 
 Sum 
 
 614 
 
 84 
 
 97 
 
 
 
 
 To this sum is to be added the march from Ephesus, which is said to have 
 occupied three days: seeKruger, ed. maj.p.S51. But Xenophon himself (Arab, 
 ii. 2. 6) states that " the length of the journey from Ephesus m Ionia to the place. 
 where the battle was fought, was ninety-three days' march, five hundred and 
 thirty-five parasangs, and sixteen thousand and fifty stadia ; while from the field 
 of battle to Babylon the distance was said to be three hundred and sixty stadia.". 
 Hence it follows, either that Xenophon has made a mistake in reckoning up the 
 numbers, or that the numbers themselves have been corrupted by transcribers. 
 
 As to the dates in this table, the reader may consult KrUger, ed. ma}, p. 556! 
 Ainsworth, Travels in the Track of the Ten Thousand Greeks, p. 240, teqg.; 
 Karl Koch, Der Zug der Zehntausend nach Xenophons Anabasis, Leipz. 1890, p. 
 140, seqq. Kiihner. 
 
 260 
 
IN THE EXPEDITION OF THE TEN THOUSAND GREEKS. 
 
 DR. RAPHAEL KtJtINEB. 
 
 THE CATABASIS, OR RETURN FROM 
 
 3UNAXA TO COTYORA. 
 
 Day after the battle of Cunaxa 
 
 i 
 fit 
 
 'i 
 
 Stoppage!. 
 
 Date. B.C. 401, 400. 
 
 R.efct«nce to 
 Xenophoii, 
 
 
 
 
 Sept. 4. 
 
 ii. 2. 1, seqq. 
 
 Junction with Ariaeus 
 
 
 2 
 
 23 days. 
 
 6-29. 
 
 ii. 2. 8. 
 
 To the Wall of Media 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 Oct. 2. 
 
 ii. 4. 9—12. 
 
 To Sitaoe 
 
 s 
 
 2 
 
 2- 
 
 4. 
 
 ii. 4. 13. 
 
 To the river Physcus 
 
 so 
 
 4 
 
 
 8. 
 
 ii 4. 29. 
 
 Through Media 
 
 30 
 
 6 
 
 
 % H. 
 
 ii. 4. 27. 
 
 To Caenae 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 
 15. 
 
 ii. 4. 28. 
 
 To the river Zabatus 
 
 16 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 19—22. 
 
 Ii. 5. 1. 
 
 To some villages not named 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 23, 24. 
 
 iii.3. 11. 
 iii 4 1 
 
 ToLarissa ■ 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 25. 
 
 iii.4.7. 
 
 To Mespila 
 
 To some villages not named 
 
 Through the Plain 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 
 26. 
 
 iii. 4. 10. 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 27,28. 
 
 iii.4. 13— 18. 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 29. 
 
 iii. 4. 18. 
 
 To a palace ■ 
 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 Nov. 3—6. 
 
 iii. 4. 24. 
 
 To certain villages 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 7. 
 
 ib. 
 
 Into the Plain 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 10. 
 
 iii. 4. 31. ; 
 
 March back 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 11. 
 
 iii. 5. 13. 
 
 Through the Cardachi 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 18. 
 
 1V.1.&2. 
 
 At the river Centrites 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 19. 
 
 iv.3.2. 
 
 To the sources of the Tigris 
 
 15 
 
 3 
 
 
 22. 
 
 IV. 4. 3. 
 
 To the river Teleboas 
 
 15 
 
 3 
 
 
 25. 
 
 lb. 
 
 Through the Plain 
 
 15 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 28—30. 
 
 iv. 5.2. 
 
 To the Euphrates 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 Deo. 4. 
 
 ib. 
 
 To the Armeiiian villages 
 
 
 4 
 
 7 
 
 8^15. 
 
 iv.5.22,23. 
 
 When the guide escaped . 
 Advance beyond the Fhasis 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 18. 
 
 iv. 6. 3. 
 
 35 
 
 7 
 
 
 25. 
 
 iv. 6. 4. 
 
 To the mountains of the Taochi 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 27, 28. 
 
 iv. 6. 5. 
 
 Crossing the mountains 
 Through the Taochi 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 29. 
 
 iv.6.5-27. 
 
 30 
 
 5 
 
 
 Jan. 13. B.C. 400. 
 
 iv.7.1. 
 
 Through the Chalybes 
 Through the Scythini 
 
 50 
 
 7 
 
 
 10. 
 
 iv. 7. 15. 
 
 20 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 15—18. 
 
 IV. 7. 18. 
 
 To Gymnias 
 
 To Mount Theohes 
 
 20 
 
 4 
 
 
 22. 
 
 iv. 7. 19. 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 27. 
 
 iv. 7. 21. 
 
 Thtougb the Macrones 
 Through the Colchians 
 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 
 30. 
 
 iv. 8. 1—8. 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 Feb. 2. 
 
 iv. 8. 8. 
 
 Battle with the Colchians 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 3. 
 
 iv.8.9— 19. 
 
 Delay, on account of the honey 
 To Trebisond 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 6. 
 
 iv. 8. 20. 
 
 7 
 
 2 
 
 31 
 
 8-Mar. 10. 
 
 iv. 8. 22. 
 
 To Cerasus 
 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 Mar. 13-^23. 
 
 V. 3. 2. 
 
 To the b<jrders of the Mossynoeci 
 
 
 - 1 
 
 
 24. 
 
 V. 4. 2. 
 
 Through tie Mossynoeci 
 
 
 8 
 
 ^ 
 
 Apr. 1. 
 
 V. 4. 2—29. 
 
 Through the Chalybes 
 
 
 1. 
 
 
 
 V. 5. 1. 
 
 To CotyoMi 
 
 Sum 
 
 
 2 
 
 45 
 
 3— MaylO. 
 
 V.5. 3. 
 
 
 122 
 
 143 
 
 
 
 So Xenophon (Anab. v. 5. 4) says that " the length of the journey down the 
 country, from the field of battle near Babylon to Cotyora, was a himdred and 
 wenty-two days' march, six hundred and twenty parasangs, and eighteen thou- 
 and 6iix hilndred stadia, occupying eight months," i. e. from September 4th, 401, 
 to May 18th, 400. The voyage from Cotyora to Sinope took two days, May igtn 
 and 20th i the army staid. arSintoe five days, that is, tiU May 25th; anil two 
 days after, May 27tli, they arrivWat Heraclea. From thence they proceeded to 
 
 2,61 
 
 ^ar 
 
262 
 
 THE EXPEDITION OF 0TRU8. 
 
 the Harbor of Caipe, situated in Bythnia, or Asiatic Thrace ; at the beginnjnjof 
 October they crossed over to Byzaatium; and during December, 400, and 
 January, 399, they were engaged in the service of the Thracian prince, Seuthes. 
 Kukner. 
 
 Xenophon (v. 5. 4) terminates the Catahans at Cotydra. A summary of the 
 events that took place after the Greeks arrived at Cotyora, is subjoined. 
 
 Oc currcnc bi 
 
 Rererence to 
 
 Dale. 
 
 Xenophon. 
 
 B,C,400,80G. 
 
 Cotyora. 
 
 Xenophon thinks of forming a settle- 
 
 
 
 
 ment here, but is disappomled. 
 
 v. 6. 15, 17. 
 
 
 
 Xenophon is impeached, and defends 
 
 
 
 
 himself. 
 
 V. 7. 1, seqg. 
 
 
 
 The army purified. 
 Trial of tihe generals. 
 
 V. 7. 35. 
 V. 8. 1— 26. 
 
 
 
 Trace made with Corylas of Paphla- 
 
 
 
 
 gonla. 
 
 vi. 1. 1. 
 
 
 
 Bimbarkation of the army. 
 
 vi. 1. 14. 
 
 
 Sinope, 
 
 Amval at. 
 
 vi. 1. 15. 
 
 
 
 Cheirieophus returns. 
 Xenophon offered the sole command, 
 but declines it in favor of Cheiriso- 
 
 Hi. 
 
 
 
 phus. 
 
 vi. 1. 18. 
 
 
 Heraclea, 
 
 Voyage to. 
 
 The army separates into three divi- 
 
 vi. 2. 16. 
 
 
 
 sions 
 
 vi. 2. 16. 
 
 July 1. 
 
 
 Arcadian division in danger; relieved 
 
 
 
 
 by Xenophon. 
 
 vi. 3. 5, seijg. 
 
 
 Port of Calpe 
 
 Cheirisophus dies. 
 
 Phamabazus cuts off five hundred of 
 the Greeks through the rashness of 
 
 vi. 4. 11. 
 
 
 
 Neon. 
 
 vi. 4. 2. 
 
 
 
 Phamabazus and his party defeated. 
 Oleander, harmost of Byzantium, 
 
 vl. 5. 7—32. 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 comes to the Greeks. 
 
 vi. 6. 6. 
 
 Aug. 7. 
 
 Chrysopolis, 
 
 The Greeks proceed to. 
 
 Anaxibius, the Spartan admiral, lurks 
 the Greeks out of Asia by promis- 
 ing them employment and pay. 
 
 vi. 6. 38. 
 
 
 
 vii. 1. 1. 
 
 
 Byzantium. 
 
 They accordingly cross over to By- 
 
 
 
 
 zantium. 
 
 vii. 1.7. 
 
 
 
 They find themselves deceived, and 
 
 
 
 
 threaten to pillage Byzantium. 
 Four hundred of the Greeks sold as 
 
 vii. 1. 16. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 slaves by Aristarchus the successor 
 
 
 
 
 of Oleander. 
 
 vii. 2. 6. 
 
 
 Perinthus, 
 
 Arrival at. 
 
 vii. 2. 11. 
 
 
 
 Xenophon confers with Seuthes. 
 The Greeks enter the service of Seu- 
 
 vii. 2. 23. 
 
 Mid-winter, 
 
 "■' 
 
 
 vii. 6. 84; 
 
 
 thes (in which they rpmain two 
 
 
 
 
 two months, vii. 6. 1). 
 
 viii. 3. 14. 
 
 Dec. 5. 
 
 
 Acts of Seuthes and the Greeks in 
 
 
 
 
 Thrace (pay withheld, vii. 5. a & 9 ; 
 
 
 
 
 paid, vii. 7. 55). 
 Thibron the Spartan invites them to 
 join him in the war in Asia. 
 
 vii. 3. 34. 
 
 
 Selybria. 
 
 vii. 5. 15. 
 
 
 
 vii. 6. 1. 
 
 
 Lampsacus, 
 
 Arrival at. 
 
 vii. 8. 1. 
 
 
 
 March through Troas to Pergamus. 
 
 vii. 7. 8. 
 
 
 
 Attack upon Asidates. 
 
 vii. 8. 9. 
 
 399, B.C. 
 
 
 ©jseat spoil taken. 
 
 vii. 8. 22. 
 
 
 
 The Greeks join Thibron. 
 
 vii. 8. 24. 
 
 Mar. 5. 
 
A COMMENTARY 
 
 THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON, 
 
 WILLIAM FRANCIS AINSWOETH, 
 
 t.i.A,, r,B.a.3., T.a.B., eto> 
 
A OOMMENTAKY 
 
 THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 
 
 The zeal and critical acumen of scholars and travelers in- 
 numerable, Ijavebeen devoted to the elucidation of the very re- 
 markable journey of the Greeks under Cyrus, from Sardes, the 
 capital of Lydia in Asia Minor, to Babylonia; and the still more 
 extraordinary and interesting^ retreat along the river Tigris by 
 Kurdistan and Armenia to the shores of the Black Sea. 
 
 The survey of the rivers Euphrates and Tigris by the expedition 
 under Colonel Chesney, gave, however, opportunities for investi- 
 gating this very interesting subject, such as had never previously 
 presented themselves ; and these opportunities may be said to have 
 received their complement, by the advantages which were derived 
 from a journey in Kurdistan and Armenia, performed in 184:0, 
 under the auspices of the Royal Geographical Society and the 
 Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, by the writer, who, 
 upon that occasion, followed the track of the gallant little corps, 
 through the most intricate and difficult portiods of their wander- 
 ings. The result of these researches were first given to the public 
 in a little book, published in 1844, entitled " Travels in the Track 
 of the Ten Thousand Greeks." 
 
 Since that time, however, further elucidations have rapidly suc- 
 ceeded one another, by far the most important of which are con- 
 tained in the great work by Colonel Chesney, " The Expedition 
 for the Survey of the Elvers Euphrates and Tigris," of whiuh the 
 two first volumes only are yet published. These volumes, how- 
 ever, comprise all that refers to the expedition of Cyrus, and con- 
 tain an immense mass of matter corroborative or corrective of 
 what has been before published. 
 
 The brilliant discoveries of Layard in Assyria, and the not 
 less valuable and important philological researches of Colonel 
 Rawlinson, have also, during the lapse of the last ten years, 
 brought a flood of light to bear upon the past history and oon- 
 
 VOL. I. 12 
 
266 COMMENTARY ON" 
 
 dition of the population that dwelt upon the hanks of the Eu- 
 phrates and the Tigris, which are not without their intimate hear- 
 ings upon the narrative left to us by the Athenian histoiian and 
 commander. 
 
 Several classical scholars have also contributed their share of 
 new and valuable critical inquiries ; among the most important of 
 which is a correction made by Professor Maiden, and published in 
 the Classical Museum (No. vii. p.. 36, et »eg.), of the generally ac- 
 cepted version of the passage which occurs in the Anabasis (iv. 6. 
 4), and which has been hitlierto read as, "After this they marched 
 seven days' marches, at the rate of five parasanga a day, to the 
 river Phasis," but wlnCh according to Professor Maiden, must be 
 read as ahng the river Phasis. There is no real ambiguity, Pro- 
 fessor Maiden avers, in the meaning of jrapa in such a context. 
 
 ,The effect which such a correction of seven marches has upon 
 that portion of the Oatabasis which refers to Armenia is consider- 
 able. The number of marches between tlie Euphrates and the 
 Phasis or Araxes, is reduced to seven, or by one-half "what was 
 previously supposed, and this important correction proportion- 
 ately affects the subsequent portion of the route. 
 
 The commentary or exposition now offered to the public is 
 therefore just as much a commentary on the "Travels in the 
 Track of the Ten Thousand Greeks," as it is on those works 
 which preceded it, and on those inquiries and speculations which 
 have been entertained since. It is by no means, however, sup- 
 posed to carry the subject out of the domain of further inquiry : 
 much remains to be done before all the questions connected with 
 this most perplexing subject can receive a complete and satisfactory 
 solution. 
 
 Saedes. — Leaving his relatives and friends in charge^ of the 
 governments of Lydia, Phrygia, and Ionia, Cyrus is described as 
 commencing his march 'from Sardes or Sardis, in April, displaying 
 as Colonel Ohesney remarks, admirable judgment in taking the 
 more circuitous route along the great plains and through the prin- 
 cipal cities of Asia Minor, in preference to that by which Xerxes 
 advanced tlirough Cappadocia; since it gave him the support of 
 his fleet, by which he could receive supplies and reinforcements 
 from time to time, besides having a fair chance of concealing for 
 a longer period his bold design. 
 
 The capital of the ancient kingdom of Lydia was situated at 
 the foot of Mount Tmolus, in a fine plain watered by the riyer 
 Paetolns, of gold-bearing celebrity. It was once a great and flour- 
 ishing city, and from its wealth and*importance was the object of 
 much cupidity and of many sieges. When taken by Cyrus the 
 Great, under Croesus, its last king, who has become proverbial for 
 his riolies, Sardes was one of the most splendid and opulent cities 
 of the East. After their victory over Antiochus it passed to the 
 
THE ANABASIS OP SENOPHON. 267 
 
 Romans, mifler whom it rapidly declined in rank and importance. 
 In the time of Tiberius it was destroyed by an earthquake, but 
 was rebuilt by order of the emperor. 
 
 The inhabitants of Sardes bore an ill repute among the anoienti* 
 for their voluptuous habits of life. Hence, perhaps, the point of 
 the phrase in the Apocalyptic message to the city — " Thou hast a 
 few names, even in SaPdis, which have not defiled their garments." 
 (Rev. iii. 4.) The place that Sardes holds in this message, as one 
 of the "seven churches of Asia," is the source of the paoulisr ia- 
 terest v^ith which the Christian reader regards it. 
 
 Successive sieges and earthquakes, and the ravages of Saracens 
 and Turks, have reduced this once flourishing city to a heap of 
 ruins, presenting, however, many remains of its former splendor. 
 When visited by W. .T. Hamilton in 1836, with the exception of a 
 few black Yuruk tents, the only habitation was that of a Greek 
 miller. Who had taken advantage of one of the streams which flow 
 past the Acropolis, to turn the wheel of his mill. 
 
 The principal ruin is that of the Acropolis, situated on the top. 
 of a crumbling hill. The ruin is, however, itself made up of an- 
 cient fragments, the walla and gateway of the fortress being, ac- 
 cording to Hamilton, probably Byzantine, and there being no traces 
 of walls of Hellenic construction. Two gigantic lonie columns, 
 with other huge fragments, mark the site of the temple of Cybele. 
 There a^e also remains of a Roman theater, but, the marble seats, 
 the proscenium, and scena, are all gone : also of a stadium, the, 
 northern side of which has been artificially formed by a wall sup- 
 ported on arches running along the side of the hill. There are 
 also remains of the two early Christian churches, one of which has 
 been too hastily concluded, by travelers, to have been the church 
 of Sardia to which allusion is made in the Apocalypse ; but besides 
 tl;at the expression can only have referred to the community of 
 Christians then established, the nature of the structure shows that 
 its date must have been at least posterior to the overthrow of the 
 Pagan religion and the destruction of the temples toward the end 
 of the fourth century. Many other remains are scattered over the 
 area of the ancient town; among which the most remarkable is 
 the so-called Gernsia, situated near the western limits of the city, 
 partly built of brick and partly of stone, but of a late period ; while 
 to the west of these two walls are the massive marble fragments of 
 another building, apparently of much older date. 
 
 A countless number'of sepulchral hillocks beyond the Hermus, 
 heighten the desolateness of a spot which the multiudes lying 
 there once made busy by their living presence and pursuits.' 
 
 » The late Captain Newbold called the attention of the Eoyal Asiatio 
 Society (see Journal, vol. xiii. p. 88) to the opening of some of the siugalar 
 tumuli, which compose the Necropolis of the Lydian kings, more especially 
 that of Alyattos. It la probable, he remarked, that their interior will be 
 
268 COMMENTAET ON 
 
 MiEANDEB.-^The direction of Cyrus' maroh appears to hare 
 been parallel to the Cogaraus, and having made in three days 
 twenty-two parasangs, lie arrived at the river Msaander, wliioh he 
 passed on a bridge of seven boats, probably above the junction of 
 the Lycus. The Meander was celebrated in plassio poetry for its 
 tortuousness, whence o-nr term — meandering. Ovid, in describing 
 the Minotaur's labyrinth, compares it with the Mffiander, 
 
 As soft Mseauder's wanton current plays, 
 When through the Phry^au fields it loogely strays; 
 Backward and forward rolls the dimpled tide, 
 Beeming, at once two diffeTent ways to glide : 
 While circling streams their former hanks survey. 
 And waters past succeeding waters see ; 
 , Now floating to the sea witk downward course, 
 Now pointing upward to its ancient source. 
 
 It may be remarked here, that considering the stadium and para- 
 sang as fragments of the earth's true meridional circumference, as 
 more particularly developed by Colonel Jervis, the amount admit- 
 ted in the Travels in the Track -of the Ten Thousand GreeksJ wag 
 607.62977 English feet for the first, 5468.668 English feet for the 
 second. 
 
 The principle upon which this estimate is founded is this : that 
 the Jewish itinerary measure was the Parsah of 3 Bereh ; eaoli 
 Bereh of 7i Khebel, or 3000 measures. The Parsah, correspond- 
 ing to the Greek napaaayya, or the Persian Farsalch, the Bereh to 
 the Turkish Bere, and the Khebel, or rope, to the stadium. The 
 Jewish Bereh Was the 24:,O00th of the earth's true meridional cir- 
 cumference ; the fundamental measure, therefore, the 72,000,000th 
 of the meridional circumfference, whicli Colonel Jervis, having com- 
 puted to the ellipticity ^Jt- fVom a comparative summary of the 
 results of the Lapland, British, Trench, and Indian measurements, 
 ia J3.!24|o^si,o76484L or 21.8724876 inches English. Now the 
 element is to the common element, of all those itinerary measures 
 alluded to by Eratosthenes, Oleoraedes, Posidonins, and other, 
 historians and other writers, whether Egyptian, Jewish, Greek, 
 Roman, or the earlier Arabian, as 5 to 9, — ^that is, they were, one 
 and all, the 40,000,0aoth, the Jewish the 72,000,000th, of the 
 earth's meridional circumference ; and hence the true.lengtb of the 
 Roman and Greek foot, and cubit, and stadium may be immedi- 
 ately inferred. 
 
 For the Jewish Parsah being the eigbt-thousandth part of the 
 qironmference, or 24,000 such measures above stated, was 5468.668 
 feet English. The Bereh, l-24,000th of the meridional circjimfer- 
 enCe, or 8000 such measures, was 6468.668 feet English. The 
 Khebel, or stadium = 729.15584 feet Englisb (the side, — i. e. the 
 
 found to correspond with those singular tombs (supposed those of the Pelo- 
 pides) in the hula near Bumabat, overlooking we wlf of Smyrna. 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XBNOPHON. 269 
 
 llngtli and breadth, of the greatest pyramid, or that. of Oheops). 
 One-ninth of this was the Greek and Roman stadium, 607.6297Y 
 feet Enghah; the 600th part, the true Greek foot, 12.156 English 
 inches ; the 625th part, the true Roman foot, 11. 6T English inches. 
 The Greek and Roman cubits respectively 18.2289 and 17.4997 
 - Engliph inches. 
 
 Colonel Jeryis felt satisfied that these data would serve to clear 
 up many difficulties in the vpritings of Herodotus, Xenophon, 
 Strabo, Pliny, Diodorns, Curtius, and others, whos© apparent 
 discrepancies he believed to be due rather to our misapprehen- 
 sion, than to any obscurity or inaccuracy in those authors. For 
 either we must suppose tne- earth fy) have altered in difnension, the 
 situation of remarkable places to h^ve changed, or the ancients to 
 have been wholly devoid of intelligence ; or we must resort to the 
 conclusion that the misapprehension of these difficulties is rather 
 to be sought for in onr own want of patient consideration. 
 
 Oolonel Chesney has proceeded upon a much more latitudina- 
 rian system. " The modem farsang or barsakh of Persia," he says 
 in his great work; " The Expedition for the Survey of the Rivers 
 Euphrates and Tigris,*' vol. ii. p. 207, "varies according to the 
 nature of the ground, from three and a half to four English miles 
 per hour ; and being always calculated for mulea, or good horses, 
 under favorable circumstances, it freqnently exceeds four miles. 
 The ancient parasang appeaws to have been fixed at thirty stadia, 
 which at 202.84 yards would give three geographical miles. But 
 this being also a rpad measure, it no doubt varied as at pi-esent, 
 and was regulated according to the nature of the country; and for- 
 tunately we have the means of ascertaining this difference with 
 considerable precision. A line drawn along the map so as to touch 
 the river, at short distances, from Thapsacus to tlie river Araxes, 
 is about one hundred and five miles, which for the fifty pai-asangs 
 of Xenophon, give 2.10 geographical miles each. By the route 
 followed from Sardis to Thapsacus, it is eight hundred and fifty- 
 three geographical miles, which will give 2.608 geographical miles 
 for each of the three hundred and twenty seven parasangs. Again, 
 from Thapsacus to the mounds of Muhammad, thirty-six miles 
 from Babylon, where, for the sake of water, the route constantly 
 follows and almost touches the river Euphrates, it is four hundred 
 and twelve geographical miles, thus giving 1.98 geographical miles 
 for each of the two hundred and eight parasangs, or 2.294 geograph- 
 ical miles for the mean of both." 
 
 " This scarcely differs from the result obtaiued by the laborious 
 and diaoriminating geographer. Major Rennel, who, without our 
 present advantages, estimated the parasang at 2.25 miles ; which, 
 in fact, approaches an average of the whole march of Cyrus. We 
 find that the distance from Sardis to Cunaxa, or the mounds of 
 Muhammad, can not be much under or over 1265 geographical 
 
270 COMMENTABY ON 
 
 « 
 miles, making 2.864 geographical miles for' each of the five hnn- 
 di'ed and tbirty-fiTe parasangs given by Xenophon between those 
 pkces." 
 
 "Prom the preceding calculations," continues Colonel Oliesney, 
 "it appears that we are warranted in taking the average value of 
 the parasang at 2.608 geographical miles throughout the march to 
 Thapsacus, and at 1.98, or almost two miles, from thence to Ou- 
 naxa; but subsequently it is less than two geographical miles. 
 The greater speed in the first part of the march, was the natural 
 consequence of moving during the most favorable season of the 
 year (April and May), with the additicnal advantage of roads. 
 The vfant of the latter must have been a serious impediment to 
 the carriages during the next fortnight'; for, although the marches 
 were pressing, the heavy-armed men, with their weapons, would 
 have been greatly retarded by the almost insupportable heat of the 
 summer months; in the subsequent retreat, the mountains, the 
 rivers, an^ unknown tracts, as well as the snow on the ground, 
 must have caused still greater retardations." This is a view of the 
 subject which I have also been obliged to adopt in the present 
 commentary. ' 
 
 CoLossjE. — Advancing from the Mssander through Phiygia, 
 the army made in one day's march eight parasangs; to Colo.isse, 
 described as being at that time a large city, rich and well inhabit- 
 ed. This city had indeed been previously noticed by Herodotus 
 (vil. 30), as a large city of Phrygia on the Lyons, a tributary to 
 the Mseander. Xerxes, 6n his march to Sardis, b. c. 481, reached 
 Colossse after leaving Anaua. Oolossse had become a place of 
 comparatively little importance in Strabo's time. 
 
 A Christian cliuroh was formed here very early, probably by 
 Epaphras, consisting of Jews and Gentiles, to whom Paul, who 
 does not appear to have ever visited Colossse in person, addressed 
 an Epistle from Home. Not long after, the town was, together with 
 Laodicea and Hierapolis, destroyed by an earthquake.' This, ac- 
 cording to Eusebins, was in the ninth year of Nero; but the 
 town must have been immediately rebuilt, for in his twelfth year 
 it continued to be named aa a flourishing place. In the middle 
 ages there arose near it a town called Chonse, and Colossae dis- 
 appeared. Chonse was the birth-place of Nioetas Choniates, one 
 of the Byzantine histoi'ians. 
 
 Arundel (Asia Minor, vol. ii. p. 159, etc.) supposed that the ruins 
 at the modern Khonos, which corresponds to Ohonse, were also 
 the ruins of Colossse, but Hamilton (Res. etc. i. 508) found exten- 
 sive ruins of an ancient city about tliree miles north of Khonos, 
 which appear from certain hydrographical peculiarities alluded to 
 by Herodotus and Pliny, and verified by Hamilton, to be undouht- 
 edly the sit© of Oolossse. 
 
 OsLxsjB. — From Oolossse Oyrns made in three days' march 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XBNOPHON. 271 
 
 twenty parasangs, to OelsBnsB, a city of Phrygia, large, rich, and 
 "well inhabited, and where was the fortified palace of Xei-xes, the 
 palace of Ojtus, the hnnting park, and the cave of Marsyas. He- 
 rodotus speaks of Oetenffi in deacrihing the march of' Xerxes to 
 Sardes. He says (vii.'26) that the sources of the Meeander are 
 here, and those of a stream not Jess than the Meeander: it is 
 named Oattarriiaotes, and rising in the Agora of Oel'ssnas, flows into 
 the Mseander. The Oattarrhactes of Herodotus is clearly the 
 Marsyas of Xenophon. Hamilton, who visited the source at a 
 place called Deenair or Dinair, describes it as a considerable 
 stream of water gashing out with great rapidity at the base of a 
 rocky cliff. It appeared as if it had fonnerly risen in the center 
 of a great cavern, and that the surrounding rocks had fallen in 
 from the cliffs above. In Livy's description (xxxviii. 13) the 
 Mieander rises In the acropolis of OelaenjB, and runs through the 
 middle of the city ; and the Marsyas, which rises not far from the 
 sources of the Mosander, joins the same river. Leake thinks that 
 it clearly appears from .Strabo that both the rivers (Marsyas and 
 Maeander) ran through Celsensa, and that they united in the 
 suburb which afterward became the new city Apameia. It did 
 not appear to Hamilton that the cliff ah.ove the source of the 
 Marsyas could be the acropolis of CelseniB, which Alexander con- 
 sidered to be impregnable, and came to terms with the inhabitants. 
 He supposes that the acropolis may have been farther to the 
 N. E., a lofty hill about a mile from the ravine of the Marsyas. 
 
 The town of Apameia Oibotus, which was built by Antioohus 
 Soter out of the ruins of Oelsense, was positively stated by Strabo 
 to lie at the source of the Marsyas. Arundel was the first who 
 clearly saw that Apameia must be at Dinair ; and his conclusions 
 \^ere confirmed by a Latin inscription which he found record- 
 ing the erection of a monument by the merchants residing there. 
 Leake has also collected the ancient testimonies as to Apa- 
 meia. Hamilton investigated the hydrographio and other fea- 
 tures of the place most carefully, and obtained several Greek 
 Insci-iptions from the same neighborhood. 
 
 PELTiE. — From Celsenffl Cyrus made in two days' march ten 
 parasangg, and arrived at Peltoe, a city well inhabited. Peltsa, or 
 rather the Peltenus Campus, has been identified with the plain 
 now called Baklan uvah, which is watered by the Mseander. 
 Hamilton (ii. 163) describes himself aa much struck with its level 
 extent, and capabilities for maneuvering cavalry. It may be, he 
 says, the plain on which Cyrus reviewed his troops, and celebrated 
 martial ganaes after leaving Apameia : ' for although he _ was 
 marching to the east, it appears that he did not proceed thither 
 
 > At page 203, vol. ii, of his Eesearclies, etc., Mr. Hamilton says ho is in- 
 clined to place Peltse either in the great plain to the south of Ishaldi, or 
 at the foot of the njountains two miles on the road from Ishaklj to Dinair. 
 
2Y2 COMMENTART ON 
 
 direct; asXenophon says that he passed through Oeramor^m 
 Agora, a town on the frontiers of Mysia, twenty-two parasangs 
 from Apameia, which must have been to the N. N. W. 
 
 Golonel Oheaney (ii. 206) attributes these two retrograde marches 
 to the necessity of rounding a diffloult portion of the Taurus. 
 
 Hamilton met on this plain burial-grounds with lai^e blocks of 
 stone, and broken columns, on one of which he found a mutilated 
 inscription ; but a whole month, he says, dedicated to the examina- 
 tion of the numeroiis villages and burial-grounds which fill this 
 extensive plain and which increase in number as you advance 
 eastward^ would not be too much to, determine the name and sites 
 of the ancient towns whicli once flourished here. 
 
 Ceeamon ob Oebamobtim AeoKA. — After halting three days to 
 celebrate the Xuperoalian sacrifice. Gyrus advanced twelve para- 
 sangs to Oeraraon Agora (the market of the Oramians), the site of 
 which, according to the back distances from KoniyaJi, would be 
 a little east of the actual town of TTshak, but allowing for variation 
 in the value of the parasang, at Ushak itself. , 
 
 Pliny having noticed a town called Caranae in Phrygia, Orattier 
 conjectured that this might be the, Oeramon Agora. It has also 
 been supposed to be the same as the Qaris or Carides of Stephanus, 
 but that name corresponds to the Carina of Pliny, or Oaria, as it 
 perhaps should be read. 
 
 Hamilton (ii. 304) describes TTshak as a place of considerable 
 commerce and traffic in the present day ; many of the high roads 
 of Asia Minor passing through it. He also adds, that to a person 
 going to Mysia from Apameia (Oelsensa), and supposing, as Strabo 
 says, that Mysia extended to Ghiadiz (Kadi), Ushak would be the 
 last town through whicfa he would pass before entering Mysia, 
 from which it is separated by a mountainous and uninhabited 
 dbtriot. 
 
 Plain ot Ga,tstetjs. — Prom the mayket of the Oramians, Gy- 
 rus made iii three days' march 30 parasangs, and arrived at a 
 well-peopled city, called the Plain of Oaystrus. (Caystri Campus.) 
 
 It has been previously observed, that the site of the market of 
 the Gramians has been determined by back distances, owing to the 
 difficulty entailed by Cyrus haying deviated from his (jourse at 
 Qelfflnse. Thus the march from Oelaen» to Pelta9 is 10 para- 
 sangs; from PeltEB to Oeramon A^ora 12 parasangs; and from 
 , Oeramon Agora to the Plain of Oaysti-us, was 30 parasangs. From 
 the Plain of Oaystrus, Cyrus marched 10 parasangs to Thymbrinra, 
 then lO to Tyrseum, and then 20 to Iconinra, the last city in 
 Phrygia in the direction of his march; for after leaving Iconium, 
 he entered Oappadooia. Iconium is Koniyah, a position well 
 known. GetonBB may also be considered as a well-determined 
 position. Now the march of Cyrus from Getense to Iconium was 
 92 parasangs. The angle thus obtained driveb the site of the mar- 
 
THE ASTABASIS OF XENOPHON.. 2^3 
 
 ket of the Cramians more or less to tbe N. "W. of Ushak, according 
 to the estimate taken of the parasang, 2.6 geog. miles according to 
 Chesney, 3.455 geog. miles according to Hamilton, or 3 according 
 to Oolonel,Jervis, bv^t I have with others adopted the site of Ushak, 
 as the most likely. 
 
 This question has been made the subject of some critical re- 
 marks by Mr. Long in the Dictionary of Greek and Eoman Geog- 
 raphy, which I willingly give insertion to here. 
 
 "Two recent. attempts," Mr. Long writes, "have been made to 
 fix the places between^ Cetenro and Iconinm, one by Mr. Hamil- 
 ton (Besear'ches, etc., vol. ii. p. 198), and another by Mr. Ainsworth 
 (Traveh in the Track of the Ten Thousand, eto,, p. 24). The ex- 
 amination of these two explanations can not be made here for want 
 of space. But it is impossible to identify with certainty positions 
 on a line of road where distances only are given, and we find no 
 corresponding names to guide us. Mr. Hamilton supposes that 
 the Caystri Campus may be near the village of Chai Kiui, ' and 
 near the banks of the Eber Ohieul in the extensive plain between 
 Xhat village and Polybotum.' GhaiKieuiis in about 38o40'N.lat. 
 
 ■ "Mr. Ainsworth places the Caystri Campus further west, at a 
 place called Surmeneh, ' a high and arid upland, as its ancient name 
 designates,' which is traversed by an insigaifioant tributary to the 
 Eher O'dl,^ Mr. Hamilton's Eher Q-hieul. The neighborhood of 
 Surmeneh abounds in ancient remains ; but Chai Kie/ui is an in- 
 significant place, without ruins. 
 
 "Both Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Ainsworth, however,, agree in 
 fixing the Caystri Campus in the basin of this river, the Eber Ohieul, 
 and so far the conclusion may be accepted as probable. But the 
 exact site of the place can not be determined without further evi- 
 dence. Cyrus staid at Caystri Campus five days, and he certainly 
 would not stay with his troops five days in a high and arid upland. 
 As the plain was called the Plain of Cayster, we may assume that 
 there was a river Cayster, where Cyrus halted. ■ One of Mr. Ains- 
 Wprth's objections to Mr. Hamilton's conclusion is altogether'un- 
 founded. He says that the plain which Mr. Hamilton chooses as 
 the site of the Caystri Campus is 'an extensive plain, but very 
 marshy, being in one part occupied by a perpetual and large lake, 
 called Eber Qtil, and most unlikely at any season of the year to 
 present the arid and burnt appearance which could have led the 
 Greeks to call it Oaustron or Caystrus, the burnt or barren plain.' 
 But tbe word Caystrus could not mean burnt, and Stepfeanus is 
 guilty of originating this mistake. It means no more a burnt plain 
 here than it does when applied to the plain above Epliesus, Both 
 were watery places; one we know to be so, and the other we may 
 with great probability conclude to be." 
 
 As it appears that I was misled in the reading of Cayster, I do 
 not wish to insist upon this special identification in the " Track of 
 
 12* 
 
274 OOMMBNTART ON 
 
 the Ten Tliousand Greeks." I may however he permitted to ob- 
 serve, that the itlentiflcation was not polely founded npon the cir- 
 cumstance of Siirmanah being a dry upland. It was also founded 
 on back distances from Iconinm 20 par.isangs to Tyriseuin, ] to 
 Thymbrinm, and 10 to the plain of Caystrus, or 120 geogi-aphical 
 miles. Eher O'ul, or Jjbar Ml, being at a less distance. There is 
 a stream of water at Surmanah as well as at Ohai Kini, and 
 Xenophon tells us there was also in Oyrns's time a well-peopled 
 city. So that it was not because it was an arid plain that it can 
 'be also shown not to have been a fit place for a delay of five days. 
 I may also add that so marshy is the plain of Bulavadin, that the 
 road from N. "W. to that town has to be carried in great part 
 over a raised causeway. Hamilton (ii. 177), describes Surmanah 
 as^"a rich, mine of antiquarian treasures," as is also the case with 
 Afyum Kara Hissar in the same neighborhood, which he looks 
 upon as the site of ancient Synnada. The same observing traveler 
 however makes mention of no ruins at or near Chai Kiui,, which 
 he also identifies with the Holmi of Strabo. 
 
 Thymbkium. — During a halt of five days on the plain of days-'' 
 trus, Gyrus received Epyaxa, the queen of Oilicia; whose mysteri- 
 ous visit and opportune supply of treasure enabled him to appease 
 the Greeks by giving them three months' arrears of pay. Ac- 
 companied by Epyaxa, he advanced thence, ten parasangs, to 
 Thymbrinm, on the borders of Lyoaonia. 
 
 (.Estimating the parasang at three geographical miles, I have iden- 
 tified Thymbrinm with the modern IshaklL reckoning back from 
 loonium. Even at the reduced estimate of Hamilton, ten parasangs, 
 equal upon his scale to 24 or 25 geographic miles, measured from 
 the site of Ilghun, or from the hot baths, brings us beyond Philo- 
 melium at Ak-Shahir, and nearly half way between that town and 
 the fountain of Ulu Bunar Darbund. Hamilton describes that 
 fountain as only four or five miles from Ak-Shahir, whereas I was 
 upward of two hours travehng from the one to the other. Colo- 
 nel Ohesney (ii. 208) places Thymbrinm'. "at or a little south-east- 
 Ward of the present town of Ak-Shahir." 
 
 The expression used by Xenophon, kvravda r)v irapH ripi 6dbv, 
 ■would certainly appear to denote that he passed the fountain of 
 Midas on the road to Thymbrinm, although Spelman translates it 
 " Here was a fountain near the road, called the fountain of Midas." 
 "There seems, therefore," says Hamilton, (ii. 202,) "every reason 
 for placing Thymbrinm at the foot of Sultan Tagh, between the 
 fountain* of Midas and Ak Shehr (Shahir), if indeed it be not an 
 older, name for Philomelium itself." Thei*e certainly seems, 
 however, taking the reduced iestimate of the value of the parasang 
 adopted by Hamilton and Colonel Chesney, still to remain more 
 reasons for approximating the site of Thymbrium to the fountain 
 of Midas than to Ak-Shahir, only that towns have mostly sue- 
 
THE ANABASIS OP XENOPHON. 275 
 
 ceeded to one another at tlie same site. The road, it is to be re- 
 marked upon this assumption of the value of the parasang, pre- 
 sents few difficulties, and it improves still more on approaching 
 Iconium. I can understand the parasang covering little plane 
 Surfaces in the passes of Kurdistan or the snows of Armenia, but I 
 can not help feeling; with Colonel Jervis, that ta suppose a varying 
 estimate of that value on the plains of Asia Minor, argues a great 
 want of intelligence on the part of the ancients, and reduces them 
 to the semi-barbarous position of the modern Turk and Persian, 
 who, reckoning by time and not by distance, leave it impossible, 
 without actnal investigation, to determine from such data the 
 geographical position of places. It is obvious, therefore, in the 
 instances of Peltw, Oeramon Agora, Gaystii Campus, Thymbriimi, 
 and Tyriseum, where we have only distances to go upon, we must 
 remain more or less in a state of uncertainty as to their true posi- 
 tions. The fountain of Midas Helps to throw some additional 
 light upon the positioning of Thymbrium, that of Tyriseum is 
 confirmed by Strabo, and Ushak, as reprissenting the market of 
 the Oramians, remains to the present day a place of considerable 
 traffic and commerce, and a place of meeting of high roads. These 
 circumstances must be taken into consideration in determining the 
 position of the sites noticed by Xenophon between Celsenae and 
 Iconium, two known positions. 
 
 TtELEUM. — Cyrus made in two days' march ten parasangs, 
 and arrived at Tyriseum, a populous town. Hamilton and Colonel 
 Chesney, upon the evaluation of distances before alluded to, think 
 that Tyri»um is probably repreStented by Ilghun. I sought for 
 the site at Arkut Khan, but without wishing to put much stress " 
 upon so indefinite a point. Neither Hamilton nor myself saw 
 any remaihs of ancient times at either Arkut Khan or Ilghun. 
 There is this to be said of Ilghun, that there is beyond that town 
 a plain much better adapted for the review of the Greek and Bar- 
 barian forces described by Xenophon, than at Arkut Khan, where 
 the surface of the soil is broken up by slabs of horizontal lime- 
 stone. Hamilton also remarks that their identification is confirm- 
 ed by Strabo's account of the great road from Ephesus to Mazaoa; 
 for he clearly places TyrioBum between Philomelium and Laodicea, 
 and near the borders of Lyoaonia. Another argument in favor 
 of this site is, that Strabo states that Holmi was at the commence- 
 ment of Phrygia Paroreius, which would therefore be at the west- 
 ern extremity of Sultan Tagh, and he gives the distance from 
 Holmi to Tyriseum as rather more than 500 stadia. Now the 
 distance from the commencement of the Sultan Tagh to Ilghun is 
 55 miles, and from Chai Kiui, which Hamilton identifies with 
 llolmi, just about 50 miles, or 500 stadia. 
 
 Iconium. — From Tyriseum Cyrus made in three days' march 
 twenty parasangs, and came to Iconium, the last city of Phrygia. 
 
276 COMMENTARY ON 
 
 This, as one of the most ancient and remarkable cities of Asia 
 Minor, requires little notice at onr hands. Pliny calls it uris ceU- 
 berrirna Iconium. Straho speaks of it as small but well built. 
 
 When visited by the apostle Paul in a.d. 45, it is described as 
 inhabited by a great multitude of Jews and Greeks. (Acts xiv. 1.) 
 The most remarkable era in the history of Iconium is that of the 
 Seljukian Turks or Tartars, a branch of whom founded a dynasty 
 at Koniyah in Karaman, before the rise of the Osmanli Turks. 
 
 Modern Koniyah is still a large town, the seat of a pasha, and 
 of a Greek metropolitan, and it contains many interesting relics 
 of olden times. Among the most remarkable of which is the 
 mosque built by Sultan Aladin, the mausoleum of Hazrit Mavlana^ 
 the foxmder of the Mavlani darvishes or dervishes, the old Turkish 
 prison, and the Injami Minareh Jami, "the niosqne with the 
 minarets towering to the stars." 
 
 Lyoaonia.. — From Iconium, Cyrus made in five days' march 
 thirty paraaangs through Lycaonia, which, being an enemy's 
 country, he gave the^reeks leave to plunder it. From hence he 
 sent the Oilician queen into Oilicia the shortest way. Now as the 
 next place reached by Gyrus — Dana — ^is a well-known site, we 
 have only to mark off thjrty parasangs from Iconium and twenty- 
 five to Dana on the map, and the point of intersection will bo the 
 spot where Gyrus parted with the queen of Cilicia. 
 
 This spot may therefore, if Gyrus kept a northern road, have 
 been at or near the now small town of kara Bunar, " the Black 
 Spring;" or if gallantry led him to take a southerly route, the 
 parting may have taken place at or near Tchurla or Churla, north 
 of Karaman, near which Hamilton found many ruins of ancient 
 sites, notoriously those of Lystra and Derbe, whither Paul and 
 Barnabas fled after their expulsion from Iconium. I am most 
 inclined to the latter view of the case. 
 
 From this point Epyaxa returned to her husband Syennesis, 
 the king of Cilicia, across the Taurus by Kizil Ohasmah, Alan 
 Buzuk, Mazatli, Soli or Pompeiopolis, and onward to Tarsus. 
 
 Colonel Chesney remarks upon this incident in the march of 
 Cyrus, that it may be inferred from what subsequently passed in 
 Cilicia, that the object of this remarkable mission and the timely 
 supply of treasure, was to indnoe Cyrus to take another route, that 
 Syennesis might not be embroiled with Artaxerxes, by permitting 
 the march through his territory ; and it is not improbable that, 
 from her peculiar intimacy with the prince, the queen believed 
 she had been successful. Gyrus, however, availed himself of her re- 
 turn, to send a body of Greeks nnder Menon, nominally as a guard 
 of honor, but in reality to turn the Cilician Gates, the only pass 
 which was practicable for an army through this part of Tanrus. 
 Two companies, amounting to one hundred heavy-armed men, 
 were lost in this undertaking, and the rest, arriving before the 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHOIT. 27? 
 
 main body of the array, and resenting the leas of their companiona', 
 plundered both the city of Tarsns and the palace that stood there. 
 
 Dana. — Cyrus, with the rest of his army, moved on through 
 Oappadoeia, and, in four days' inarch, made five and twenty para- 
 Bangs to Dana, a large and rieh city, well inhabited. 
 
 Tyana was well known to all antiquity, not only as^;he residence 
 of Apollonius and the site of a temple of the Asbamffian Jupiter, 
 but also as the town nearest to the Oilician Gates, Strabo says 
 it was also called Unsebia ad Taurum, and that it was built on a 
 mound raised by Semiramis, or called Semiramis, probably a heap 
 of Assyrian ruins. OeUarius argued that Lava was a contraction 
 made by the copyists for "Cvava., and the correction thus made has 
 been strengthened by subsequent inquiry. 
 
 Thus Hamilton was enabled to identify the ruins at the site now 
 called Kiz Hissar, "Girls Oastle," or Kills Hissar, "Oastle of the 
 Church," with Tyana, by the existence thei-e of a small lake or 
 pool which presents the" peculiar phenomenon ascribed to the 
 fountain of Asmabteus sacred to Jupiter by Ammianus Marcelli- 
 nus, of never overflowing its banks, and of bubbling up like a 
 boiling caldron as described by Philostratus. (JRes. ii. 803.) An 
 identification which is further confirmed by the mound on which 
 the ruins stand. 
 
 The site of Tyana being then determined, the distance from 
 Iconiuro, the situation of the town at the entrance of the pass of 
 Taurus, and Its olden celebrity, ^point it out as the Dana of Xeno- 
 phon, or as Cellarius more probably opines, that Dana was a mis- 
 cript for Tyana. 
 
 Oilician Gates. — Cyrus is described as preparing at Dana to 
 penetrate into Oilicia ; the entrance was broad enough for a cha- 
 riot to pass, very steep, and inaccessible to an army if there had 
 been any opposition ; and Syennesis was said to have possessed 
 himself of tljie eminences, in order to guard the pass ; for which 
 reason, Cyrus staid one day in the plain. The day after, news 
 was brought by a messenger that Syennesis had quitted_ the emi- 
 nences, upon information that both Menon's army were in Oilicia, 
 within the mountains, and also that Tamos was sailing round from 
 Ionia to Oilicia witi the galleys that belonged to the Laceda3mon- 
 ians and to Cyrus, who immediately marched up to the mountains 
 without opposition, and made himself master of the tents, in which 
 the Cilicians lay to oppose his passage. 
 
 The Oilician Gates, called by the, Turks in the present day, 
 Eulak Bughaz, constitute perhaps one of the most remarkable 
 and picturesque mountain-passes in the world. Colonel Ohesney 
 adds to this (ii. 210), that it is one of the longest and most diffi- 
 cult passes in the world. 
 
 The road through the pass ascends more or less across a wild 
 country from Harakli to Kulu Kustla, a distance of about 28 
 
218 COMMENTARY ON 
 
 miles, and up to which point the rivulets are tributary to the Ak 
 Griili, or white lalies, the outlet of which may he justly suspected 
 to be a subterranean channel, having a cavernous exit toward the 
 plain of Adana. 
 
 Beyond Kulu Kushla, or " place of winds," the road descends 
 by a narrow glen into the valley of a tributary to the Sihun or 
 Sarus. This valley is wooded, and bordered by precipitous cliflfe. 
 At a place called Shiftla Khan, some nine or ten miles beyond 
 Kulu Kushla, two valleys meet to form a third, which is an open, 
 wooded, pleasant vale, that leads through the very heart of the 
 Bulghar Tagh. 
 
 The Toad leaves this picturesque valley at a distance of eight Or 
 nine miles, to ascend in a south-westerly direction, an open valley 
 bearing a small tributary to the Sihun, which is left behind flow- 
 ing to'the south-east, till an upland is reached, where the celebrated 
 defenses of the Egyptians were situated. Immediately beyond 
 this, a rivulet, flowing in a southerly direction, leads to a pass in 
 the mountains so narrow as to be just broad enough, asXenophon 
 describes it, for a chariottopass— ifdisencurahered of fallen rocks. 
 This pass is the true Kulak Bughaz; high precipitous clifis tower 
 up on both sides; on the summit of one of which are the remains 
 of a castle with round towers, and a tablet, which once bore an in- 
 scription, is still to he seen on the face of a large mass of detached 
 rock that lies in the rivulet. Beyond this, two roads lead, one 
 over hills by Mizarluk, "the place of graves," chiefly sepulchral 
 grottos, to Tarsus ; the other along open winding wooden vales, 
 and at first rooky, then low rounded undulating hills, to the gi-eat 
 plain of Adana, which is but slightly elevated above the level of 
 the waters of the Mediterranean. 
 
 Plains of Oiligia,. — Cyrus is described by his historian as de- 
 scending from the mountains into a large and beautiful plain, well 
 watered, and full of all sorts of trees and vines; abounding in 
 ^same, panic, millet, wheat, and barley. 
 
 The plain of Adana, as it is now called, is still remarkable for 
 its beauty and fbrtility. Portions, especially in the upper, parts 
 and around Anazarha, are merely meadow land, or covered with 
 greensward, with, in the least watered portions, a good deal of 
 mimosa, and here and there a lonely dark-leaved carob-tree, a 
 great feature in the scenery. But a considerable portion of th6 
 plain is cultivated, furnishing sesame, panic, millet, wheat, and 
 barley, as in olden time, as also rioe^ cotton, and sugar-cane, since 
 iatroduced. Near Tarsus, or the valley of the Cydnns, there is a 
 good deal of wood, and at Adana a few date-trees speak volumes 
 of a change of climate. The flocks of small bustards and the 
 numerous gazelles impart another peculiar feature to the plain, as 
 do also ifa rocky castle-bearing knolls in another direction. 
 
 This plain is described by Xenophon as surrounded by a strong 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 279 
 
 and high ridge of hills. It is, indeed, as well as the Bay of Issus, 
 or Gulf of Alexandretta, perfectly inclosed by Tanrua to the west 
 and nortli, Amanus to the east, and Ehosus to the south. 
 
 Taestjs. — Oyrug having left the mountains, he advanced through 
 the plain, and having made five and twenty parasangs in four days' 
 march, arrived at Tarsus, a large and rich city of Oilicia, where 
 stood the palace of Syennesis, king of Oilicia ; having the river 
 Oydmis running through the middle of it, which river is two hun- 
 dred feet in breadth. 
 
 Tarsus is a city of such great antiquity that its origin is involved 
 in fable. While Scripture historians aflSrm that the sons of Tar- 
 shisli, the great-grandson of Noah, settled on this coast, classic 
 mythology insists that Tarsus was built by PerseOs, son of Jupiter 
 by Danffl. Hypacheans, according to Herodotus ; a colony of Ar- 
 givea, according to others ; it is certain that it was a city favored 
 by the Assyrians. 
 
 Grotefend states that after Shalmtoeser, king of Assyria, had 
 reigned twenty-tive years, he extended his conquests over Asia 
 Minor, and took up his abode in the city of Tanakan, a strong 
 place in Etlak, by which, perhaps, Tarsus in Oilicia is meant, 
 of the building of which by Sennacherib a fabnions account is 
 given by Alexander Polyhistor and Abydenus in the Armenian 
 version of Eusebius. After he had introduced ijito that place the 
 warship of Astarte or Nisroch, and received tribute, he reduced the 
 neighboring provinces to sntgectibn, and appointed Akharrizadon, 
 or Assarhaddon, as king over them. This is one of the triumphs 
 supposed to be alluded to in the celebrated obelisk of Nimriid or 
 Athur. No traces exist of the statue described by Arrian as com- 
 memorating the building of this city and Anchiale by Sardanapa- 
 lus in one day. 
 
 No contribution to the history of Tarsus has been so rich in re- 
 sults as the publication of the " Lares and, Penates" of Oilicia from 
 terracottas discovered on the spot by Mr. William Burckhardt 
 Barker. We have among these, evidences of Assyrian mythology, 
 in the presence of the Assyrian Perseus, Sandon or' Hercules 
 (Dayyad the Hunter, and the same as Nimrod), the Assyrian 
 Bellerophon and Pegasus, and horses of the Sun. We have evi- 
 dences of Egyptian mythology in representations of Isis, Osiris, 
 Horns, Anubis, and Phre the Hawk— the Egyptian sun. With 
 these we have, as might be anticipated, a whole host of illustrations 
 of the mythology of -Syria and Phoenicia, of Lesser Asia, Greece, 
 and Eome. Tarsus was a well-known and distinguished seat of' 
 Greek philosophy and literature, and from the number of its schools' 
 and learned men, was ranked by the side of Athens and Alexan- 
 dria. iStrdbo xiy. pp. 673, 674.) 
 
 To the Oliristian, Tarsus derives its greatest interest from being 
 the birth-place of the Apostle Paul. Augustus made Tarsus' free. 
 
280 COMMENTAET ON 
 
 This seems to have implied the privilege of being governed by its 
 ovra laws and magistrates,, with freedom from tribute, but did not 
 confer the juscohtwwrum, nor the j«« civitaiis; and it was not, 
 therefore, as usually supposed, on this account that Paul enjoyed 
 the privilege of Roman citizenship. Tarsus, indeed, eventuallyv 
 did become a Roman colony, which gave to tlie inhabitants this 
 privilege ; but this was not till long after the time of Paul. We 
 thus find that the Roman tribune at Jerusalem ordered Paul to be 
 scourged, though he knew he was a native of Tarsus, but desisted 
 on learning that he was a Roman cjtizen. (Acts ix. 11 ; xxi. 39 ; 
 xxii. 24, 27.) 
 
 In the tin^e of Abulfeda, that is, toward the end of the thir- 
 teenth and beginning of the fourteenth century, Tarsus was still 
 large and surrounded by a double wall, and it was chiefly inhabited 
 by Annenian Ohristig,ns. ^, 
 
 Tarsus has always been a city of considerable commercial im- 
 portance. Albertus Aquensis speaks of three thousand ships sail- 
 ing from the port of Tarsus, and even in the present day a much 
 greater extent might be givea to the commerce and the mercantile 
 and agricultural resources of the place. 
 
 Ottdnus. — The river Cydnus which flows through Tarsus, de- 
 riving its waters from the snows of Taurus at no yery great distance 
 from the city itself, are extremely cold, and bear an evil repute 
 since the days of Alexander the Great. Malaria prevails however 
 to a great extent in the city, quite independent of any more ina- 
 mediate contact with its waters. 
 
 Oastlb op Nimeud. — Tarsus is described by Xenophon as 
 abandoned, by its inhabitants, who, with Syennesis, fled |o a fast- 
 ness upon the mountains, those only excepted who kept the public 
 houses. The fastness here alluded to has been identified with the 
 Oastle of Nimrud in the adjacent mountains, partly on account of 
 its antiquity, partly because no other Ukely place is ]|nown. The 
 Oastle of Uimrud has not however been visited by any competent 
 traveler. 
 
 Soli. — The inhabitants of Soli and Issus, who lived near the sea, 
 did not quit their habitations. Issus will be noticed in due course. 
 Soli was a colony, according to Pomponius Mela and others, found- 
 ed by the Argives and Rhodians ; but accortUhg to Diogenes Laer- 
 tius, by Solon, who founded there a colony of Athenians, whp, 
 gradually corrupting their own language, gave origin to the term 
 Sol(BOJsm. ' 
 
 This city was afterward put under contribution by Ale:^andor, 
 and devastated by Tygranes, and Pompey confined to the same 
 locality the pirates whp troubled the neighboring seas, and gave 
 the place his own hanie — Pompeiopolis. 
 
 The ruins of theiincient city atill exist near a place now called 
 Aski Shahir, "the old city," near Mazatli on the coast They 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XBNOPHON. 281 
 
 have been minutely described by Admiral Sir Francis Beaufort in 
 his Karamania (pp. 246 — 259, et eeq.). Many additions have 
 been made to these deijoriptions in Mr. W. B. Bai-ker's work be- 
 fore alluded.to, "iar«« <md Penates ; or, Gilieia and its Governors," 
 (p. 130, et seq.). Apian and description of the ruins by Captain 
 Prissick are also to be found, in Dr, Holt Yates' " Modern Sis- 
 tory and Condition of Egypt." 
 
 RivEB PsAEUs. — Gyrus is described as making from Tarsjis, 
 in two days' march, ten parasangs to the river -Psams, which 
 therefore corresponds to the river of Adatia, now called Sihun, or 
 Saihan, to distinguish it from its neighbor the Pyramns, caHed 
 Jihun, or Jaihun, Just as the Oxus or Amu of the Turks and 
 Tartars is called Jihun to distinguish, it from the Jaxartesj Sir 
 Darah, or head valley, of the Turks, the Sihun of the Arabs. Jihun 
 is the Arabic corruption for the Hebrew Gihon, the name of one 
 of the rivers of Paradise. 
 
 This river is, by my own admeasurements, three hundred and 
 twenty-flve feet wide at Adana. My idea of the distance by road 
 from Tarsus to Adana corresponds more closely to the evaluation 
 of 3 geographical miles to the parasang than of Si miles. Colonel 
 Ohesney (ii. 210) himself says it is rather more uian twenty-nine 
 miles between the two places. 
 
 KiTEE Pyeamus. — From the Psarus, Cyrus made, in one day's 
 march, five parasangs to the river Pyramus, which was a stadium 
 in width. The distance here between two well-established points 
 is also at the rate of 3 geographical miles to the parasang. From 
 whatever point the Greeks crossed the Sihun there would be 15 
 geographical miles of nearly level plain to reach the Jihun or 
 Jaihun, as the Pyramus is now called. 
 
 " The width given by Xtsnophon," says Colonel Ohesney, " indi- 
 cates that the passage of the Psarus was effected eoinewher© about 
 the place n^ occupied by the city of Adana, and that of the Pyra- 
 mus in the vicinity of the present town of Mallua or Misis ; and 
 neither of the rivers being fordable, it may be presumed that they 
 were, as in the case of the Mssander, crossed on some kind of tem- 
 porary bridge." 
 
 lasi, or Ibsub. — From the river Pyramus Cyrus advanced in 
 two days' march, a distance of fifteen parasangs, to Issi, the last 
 city in Cilioia, situate upon the sea-coast, a populous, large, and 
 rich place* 
 
 We are here placed in the dilemma of diminishing the value of 
 the parasang over a country presenting no particular difficulties, 
 or of supposing, as I have done in the "Travels in the Track," etc., 
 that C^rus forded the river in its lower parts, and at a time when 
 its embouchure was at Kara Tash. This would have taken them 
 across the plain of Ayas, ancient Oiampus AUens, by which Philotas, 
 
282 COMMENTARY ON 
 
 as recorded by Arrian, led the horse, on the occasion of the ad- 
 vance of the Macedonians, under Alexander the Great, and which 
 would give forty-five miles between the Pyramus and Issus, while 
 from Misis there is only thirty-three or thirty-four miles. I do 
 not wish however to lay particular stress upon this view of the 
 case, especially since all other eommontators n6w agree in varying 
 the value of the parasang according to the nature of the ground, 
 and there are on file road from Misis to Issus two ranges of hills 
 to cross. The first the Jihal-an-Nur, or Mountain of Light, presents 
 a little pass that would present obstacles to chariots ; the second 
 alsB presents a narrow pass, where is the ancient Cyclopean arch, 
 called the Iron Gate, or the Black Gate, and which corresponds to 
 the Amanian gates with a station (the latter represented by the ruins 
 at Matakh), and a further detour is occasioned by the marches at the 
 end of the plain,- on which are situated the ruins of Epiphanea, 
 originally called Oeniandos and Oastabala. These two sites are 
 determined from the distances given in the Antonine Itinerary, 
 and the Theodosian Tables. The latter place, Epiphanea, 30 M. P. 
 from Anazarbas, and the same distance from Alexandria and Issum, 
 now Iskandarun or Alexandretta. 
 
 The positioning of Issus gave much more trouble, and involved 
 the careful discussion of the historians of Alexander as compared 
 with Cicero and other accessible authorities. All the circum- 
 stances of the case pointed, however, tolerably satisfactorily to a 
 great extent of ruins scattered over the plain, north of the Dali- 
 chai, or Mad River, as the Pinarus is now called. The only 
 point not satisfactorily cleared up was the position of the altars of 
 Alexander. It has been suggested that these may be the ruin 
 called Jonas' Pillars, a point which Alexander had reached before 
 he heard that Darius had crossed the Amanns in his rear, and . 
 from whence he returned to engage in the battle of Issus, so fatal 
 to the Persian hosts. Quintus Ourtius said that thes#altars were 
 erected on the banks of the Pinanis, but Pliny describes the 
 BomitsB or altars as between AmanuS and Ehosns, which would 
 point to the locality here suggested. Another difficulty remains 
 with regard to Nioopolls, which Stephanus says was a name given 
 to Issus after the great battle fought there by the Macedonians, 
 but Strabo and Ptolemy both agree in making it a different place. 
 
 Gates op CiLioii and Stria. — ^From Issus Cyrus proceeded 
 one day's march,. five parasangs, to the Gates of Cilicia and Syria. 
 "These were two fortresses; of the part within them, toward 
 OiMa, Syenoesis and a guard of Oilicians had the charge ; the 
 part without, toward Syria, a garrison of the king's soldiers was 
 reported to occupy. Between the two runs a river called Carsns, 
 a plethrum in breadth. The whole space between the fortresses 
 was three stadia ; and it was impossible to pass it by force ; for the 
 
THE AlTABASIS OF XENOPHON. 283 
 
 passage was very narrow, the walls reached down to the sea, and 
 above were InaoeesBible rooks. At each of the fortresses were 
 gates." 
 
 Dr. Anthon sots the common, text has Kepirof, but the reading 
 of the best MSS. is Kapao;. The Rev. J. T. Macmichael has 
 adopted the correction of Psarus for Pharos, but not that of Kar- 
 sus for Eei'sus. Tliere is every reason to believe that this river, 
 now called Markaz-su, corresponds to the Kepaiag of Ptolemy, and 
 the Orocodiloti flumen of Pliny. It was at the foot of that part 
 of Amanus called Mons Crocodilus. The French annotators of 
 Pliny have suggested an identity between a Syriac word analogous 
 to Kersns, and the Egyptian Kamses, a crocodile, hence Eersus or 
 Karsus -wrould be the same as the Crocodilon flumen. 
 
 The Gates of Cilicia and Syria occur at a point where the Ama- 
 nus approaches most closely to the sea-shore. Ooraing from the 
 north, we havft the Markaz-sn, or Karsus, which- flows from a gap 
 in the rooks, between high, perpendicular precipices, past the mod- 
 em village of Markaz, and then divides into two branches, one of 
 which goes nearly directly to the sea ; the other, after losing itself 
 in a marshy lagune, flntls its exit into the sea at a distance of about 
 a mile and a half north of the direct branch. This first or northerly 
 stream is passed by a bridge, and a little distance further south 
 are ruins on the shore of the termination of a wall with a gate. 
 At a distance of about six hundred yards, corresponding to the 
 three stadia of Xenophon, are the more perfect I'uins of a wall, 
 which can be traced amid a dense shrubbery, from the mountains 
 down to the sea-shore, where it terminates in a round tower. 
 
 A little beyond to the right, and on the slope of the hills, is a 
 Saracenic castle, noticed under the same name of Markaz in the 
 Mecca Itinerary, published by the Geographical Society of Paris. 
 From this castle the rooks advance directly to the shore, leaving a 
 narrow pass %ver which a paved road is now carried, and upon 
 which stands the ruined gateway called Jonas' Pillars, or Sakal 
 Tutan, " Beftrd-catcher," an Oriental expression for a difficult pass. 
 
 Colonel Ghesney remarks that " the Markaz or Merkez-su, an- 
 cient Karsus, determines the sites of the so-called gates or fortresses, 
 which were erected to defend the ground ; the one being in Cilicia, 
 and the other in Syria, the river flowing between them." 
 
 When we consider the important events of which these gates 
 were the scene, in the time of Cyrus the younger, as also in that 
 of Alexander the Great, the- tnystioal name of the river, which 
 associates it with ancient crocodile WOTship, and the Axio-Ksrsian 
 or Samo-Thracian mysteries, and the ruined edifice correspond- 
 ing to the BomitsB of Pliny, all domineered over by the castle of 
 Saracenic times, it would be difficult to imagine a more interesting 
 inass of ruins, both in a classical and arobseological point of view, 
 
284 OOMMENTART ON 5 
 
 gVoTiped togethfir in so small a compass. Nor is the scene so re- 
 plete with historical associations wanting in picturesque acces- 
 sories. 
 
 Mtbiandeitsi; — Cyrus is described as proceeding from the Gates 
 of Ciliciaand Syria, through Syria, one day's march, five paraaangs, 
 to Myriandrus, a city near the Sea, inhabited by Phoenioians: this 
 place was a public mart, and many merchant-vessels lay at anchor 
 there. 
 
 The site of Myriandrus has not yet been satisfactorily deter- 
 mined. According to the distances given by Xenophon of five 
 parasangs from the Gates of Oilicia and Syria, it would be, if -on 
 the sea-shore, either some way beyond Alexandretta on the way to 
 Arsus, or if the sea, as was probably the case, extended further in- 
 land at that time, and occupied the now pestilent marshes of 
 Alexandretta, beyond Godefroy de Bouillon's Castle; at the foot 
 of the.hills near Jacob or Joseph's well, where Bennel sought for 
 the site in question, or a little beyond that, and nearer to the foot 
 of the pass of Baylan. It is evident that Myriandrus and the 
 town subsequently named after the Macedonian hero, were not the 
 same, for Strabo mentions both, and in the following succession : 
 Ehosus (Arsua), Myriandrus, and Alexandria. The ruins may per- 
 chance yet be found in the wooded country that lies between Alex- 
 andretta and Ehosus, at or near the coast, about opposite the 
 entrance of the pass of Baylan. This is a region which has not 
 yet been satisfactorily explored. ■ , _ 
 
 RivEE OiaAxrrs. — Cyrus proceeded four days' march, a distance 
 of twenty parasangs, to the river Chalua, which was a plethriinj in 
 breadth, and full of large tame fish, which the Syrians looked upon 
 as gods, and allowed no one to hurt either them or the pigeons. 
 
 This is a long journey, of from 50 to 60 miles, in which several 
 objects of interest are passed over without an observation. Among 
 the first of these is the pass between Amanus and Rhosus, the true 
 Syrian Gates, in which are situated vestiges of the strong town 
 called Pinara by Pliny and Ptolemy, and by corruption Erana by 
 Cicero, who describes it as being in the mountain above the region 
 in which the altars of Alexander were situated — another proof that 
 the "Bomitse" were at the foot of Amanus and Rhosus, and not, 
 as Quintus Curtius relates, on the banks of the Pinarus. 
 
 Pinara was the Pictanus of the Jerusalem Itinerary, and it is 
 now represented by the town of Baylan, whose mosque was boilt, 
 according to the Mecca Itinerary, by Sultan Selim, an^ the Khan 
 by Sultan Sulaiman the Magnificent. There are also remains of 
 a causeway, of an aqueduct, and of a bridge. 
 
 Beyond .the Syrian Gates was Pagras or Pangrios, represented 
 apparently by the castle of Ibn Aba Baud; and at the foot of the 
 mountains, the great plain watered b^ three different rivers, the 
 Kara-su, the Aswad, and the Afrin, corresponding to the Labotas, 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 285 
 
 the Aenoporas, and Aroeuthns of the Eotnana, anil inthe center of 
 which is the great expanse of tlie lake of Antiocli. 
 
 The silence of Xenophoa with regaril to this mountain-pass, 
 the rivers apd lake of the plain of Antiooh, and the rooky region 
 beyond, now called St. Simon or Shaikh Barakat, has given origin 
 to various surmises on the part, of commentators on the Anab?ais. 
 Rennell has supposed, in consequence of this silence and that of 
 Strabo, that tlie lake did not exist at that time; and Foster, in 
 his Geographical Dissertation, has made this one of the grounds 
 for supposing that Xenophon kept no journal, or at least no regu- 
 lar one,, of the expedition, but that he drew it np a great many 
 years afterward. I think it more likely, from the general charac- 
 ter of the work, that something occurred, sickness or despondency, 
 and the latter might naturally have been brought about by, the 
 clandestine departure of Xenias and Pasion, to distract the atten- 
 tion of our historian or to. make him disinclined to write. Con- 
 trast, for example, the indifference of the present moment, with 
 the energy displayed and the minuteness of description indulged 
 in when Xenophon became a leader in the passes of Kurdistan. 
 
 A tributary to the river Sajur having been found during the 
 survey of northern Syria by the Euphi-ates Expedition, to still 
 preserve the name of Baluk or Baluklu-su, " Fish River," Colonel 
 Ghesney makes Gyrus march in a north-easterly direction, over 
 a very difficult country, to that insignifloant rivulet, to turn almost 
 back again in a direction south, a little west, to the Chalib or Ku- 
 wait — the river of Aleppo, at the point where a large group of 
 tells,' or mounds of ruin, give evidence of the existence of a once 
 prosperous and flourishing community. 
 
 I do not, however, see any reason for changing the opinion I 
 had adopted in common with other geographers, that the Chalib 
 or Kuwait represents the Chains of Xenophon. The direct dis- 
 tance is perhaps not suiBcient, but the difficulties of the road pre- 
 sented by the pass of Baylan, the marshy plain of Antiooh, and 
 the necessity of turning northward up the valley of the Afrin, to 
 avoid the rooky deserts of Shaikh Barakat, give in detail a distance 
 between the Mediterranean and the river Chalib of at least sixty 
 geographical miles, or of three miles to a. parasang. 
 
 Notwithstanding a statement of Kauwolf s that fish were scarce 
 in the market of Aleppo, I stated as the results of my own observ- 
 ation in the Travels in the Track, etc., that the. Chalib abounded 
 in fish, and I have since found in Dr. Russell's Natural History of 
 Aleppo, 1794, vol. ii. p. 207, that not only do fish abound in the 
 Ghalib, but that there is a fountain called Hailan, a Syriao word 
 signifying " the powerful" (see my Travels and Researches in 
 
 1 Tel or Tell of the AraMans, Tappah, vulgo Teppeh, of the Turks, 
 Thupo in Pali, Stupa in, Sanaorit, vulgoTCopes iu India. 
 
286 OOMMENTART ON 
 
 Asia -Minor, Mesopotamia, etc. vol. ii. p. 101), where, as in the 
 fountain of Birkat-al-Ibrahim or Abraham, the beloved, at TJrfah, 
 of Mambij ancient Jlierapnlia, at the' tomb of Daniyali Akbar, 
 ",the greater Daniel" (see Rawlinson in Journal Koy. 'Geo. Soo. 
 vol, ix. p. 83), andelsewhere, fish are still, or were till lately, pre- 
 served unmolested, and therefore more or less reverenced or sacred 
 in the eyes of the true believers. 
 
 Dr. Eussell says, " From what I had cursorily remarked in the 
 markets, or at the tables of the inhabitants, and from the appear- 
 ance of the Kowiok (Kuwait), I hardly expected to find so great a 
 variety of flsh in that river; but, upon examination, it was found 
 to produce seventeen species, and among those, some hitherto 
 undescribed." 
 
 To the assiduity of the fishermen, which is restrained' to no 
 particular season, and' exercised with little discretion, may be 
 partly ascribed the small size of the fish in general j for at Heylan 
 (Hailan), and the fountain of fishes, where they are suffered to re- 
 main unmolested, they grow considerably larger." 
 
 It is almost needless to I'eitiark, that this superstitious reverence 
 for fish is a remnant of the Assyrian and Syro- Arabian Worship of 
 flsh gods. Berosus (see Oory's Ancient Fragments, p. 22 and 31) 
 makes Cannes the first and Odakon the last of these. Selden {De 
 Diit Syria, p. 265) is persuaded that this Odakon is the Philistine 
 god Dagon. The further resemblance between Dagon and Ater- 
 gatis or'Derketo is so gi-eat in other respects, that the same au- 
 thority accounts for the only important difference between them — • 
 that of sex — by referring to the androgynous nature of many hea- 
 then gods. The Greela embodied their worship, as usual, into 
 their mythology, by a poetic story of the loves of the goddess 
 Derketa or Derceta. 
 
 EiVEB DakaCax, or Daedes. — ^From the villages of Parysatis,'-' 
 on the Ohalus, Gyrus advanced, five days' march, a distance of ' 
 thirtjr parasangs, to the sources of the river Dardes, which is a 
 plethrum in breadth. Here was the palace of Belesys, the governor 
 of Syria, and a very large and beautiful garden, containing all 
 that the seasons produce. 
 
 The common text has AapaSwoc, but AnthOn' gives Aapdyroj- 
 witbDindorf, on good MS. authority. Colonel Ohesney's view of this 
 portion of the progress is, " in advancing first in an easterly-di- 
 rection along the Balnk-sn, then southward by the banks of the 
 
 'Thonrfi Dindorf 18 an authority, Anthon is none. It would be better to 
 quote Ikiuuipr, who gives AopiSarof, from five MSS. 
 
 Noj can-Maoiasohael (p. 283) ba called much of anauthority. Bnt.it 
 might be said that Dindorf and Kilhner concur in reading ■fdpos : "Weisie, 
 Schneider, and Bomemann have the form Siipof. 
 
 Kepaoc is adopted by Dindorf and Killmer ; Weiske, Schneider, ani 
 Bomemann, have the old KEpffOf. Ihmtlaior. ' 
 
THE ASTABASIS OP XEISTOPHOIT. 287 
 
 same stream, and again eastward, quitting the latter ■when opposite 
 to the fountain of Bab, near the source of the stream called Dhahab 
 or Dabb, it is about sixty-one miles to the lastj the presumed Dara- 
 dax: and if the windings of the Koweik (Kuwait) be followed in 
 the earlier part of the march, it would be seventy or eighty miles 
 from the higher part of the Chalib or Chalus, which, as in the time 
 of Xenophon, still abounds in fish. The distance (thirty para- 
 sangs) given by Xenophon between the rivers Ohalus and Dara- 
 dax, which was accomplished in five marches, agrees with the 
 nature of the intervening country ; for whether the windings of 
 the upper part of the Koweik were followed, or the stream forded 
 two or three times in preference, a fifth march would be requisite, 
 as already mentioned." (ii. p. 218.) 
 
 Some difficulties present themselvea in accepting this determina- 
 tion. In the first place, the distance given would accord better 
 with the idea of Cyrus haying crossed the Syrian plains from the 
 Ohalus to the Euphrates, notwithstanding Xenophon's silence 
 upon the sxibject. The same silence, or rather passing over all 
 notice of the river Euphrates until the army came to Thapsacus, 
 is observed throughout, and may have been an inadvertence, for 
 the nature of the country would oblige an army to keep along the 
 banks of the river ; and Colonel Ohesney, who identifies the fonn-i 
 tain of Dhahab with that of Dardes, still makes Cyrus, notwith- 
 standing the silence of Xenophon upon the subject, join the Eu- 
 phrates at Balis. 
 
 The name of the site — Balis — corresponding to the Barbalissus 
 or Barharissus of the Romans, and the ruins existing there, would 
 point to that place as the site of the palace of the Persian satrap. 
 Then again, at that point there is a great alluvial plain, wiiich to tlie 
 present day abounds in boars and other game, while all beyond, or 
 westward, is a dry arid upland, a perfect wilderness, which, how- 
 ever, may be modified somewhat by the watersof the Dhahab. 
 
 Lastly, there was a canal, taken from the Euphrates at Balis, 
 which might be a hundred feet wide at its origin, as described by 
 Xenophon, and which it is difiBcult to imagine the fountain at Eay, 
 as Rennell calls it — al Bab, or Taidifi' — could present at its origin. 
 
 There is to be added to all this, that the back distance from 
 Thapsacus (Al Hammam) to Balis corresponds precisely with the 
 distance given by Xenophon between the palace of Belesis and 
 Thapsacus, that is, fifteen parasangs or forty-five miles by the bends 
 of tlie river. Nothwithstanding the points in favor of one and the 
 other view of the subject, common sense would point to a probable 
 visit to the fountain of Dhahab, or Dardes, on the way to the pa- 
 lace of Belesis at Balis. But so common sense would also point 
 to the identity of Bayas, or Baiaa, with Issns, where is a river to 
 represent the Pinarus, a plain large enough to fight a battle, with- 
 out being cut up by deep ruts like the plain of Dali-ohaij and 
 
288 COMMBNTAEY ON 
 
 ■where the ships oonld be moored opposite Gyrus' tent, a proceed- 
 ing scarcely possible at the mouths of the Dali-ohai, only that 
 other circumstances do not uphoI4 this hypothesis. 
 
 THAPSAOtrs'.^'Havjng wantonly destroyed the palace and park 
 of Belesis, Gyrus is described by Xenophon as proceeding, in three 
 days' march, a distance of fifteen parasangs, to theriver Euphrates, 
 which is there four stadia in breadth, and on which was situ- 
 ated a large and rich city, named Thapsaous. Golonel Chesney 
 (ii. 213) describes these as "pressing marches, .following and 
 constantly touching the Euphrates from Balis," which accords with 
 the view previously taken of this portion of the march. 
 
 The distance here given of forty-five miles, corresponds with the 
 overland distance from Balis to the ford celebrated among the 
 Arabs, as that of the Anazah or Badawin. This ford, as snch or 
 as a bridge, was used for the passage ahke of Persian, Greek, and 
 Roman armies, and more lately of Arabs, Tartars, and Turks. 
 Xerxes, who, according to Herodotus, crossed the Hellespont by 
 a bridge of boats, in which one was tied to the other, had con- 
 structed a similar one at Thapsacus, but this was destroyed by 
 Abrocomaa on the approach of Cyrus. Alexander dragged over 
 the boats necessary for the passage of the river from the Medi- 
 terranean. 
 
 The remains of a paved causeway are still to be observed on 
 both banks of the river, which is here eight hundred yards, or four 
 stadia, in width. This causeway is marked in the Augustan and 
 Theodosian Tables as part of a road, carried by Palmyra to Ba- 
 bylonia, as also northward to Oarrhse, Edessa, and to more re- 
 mote countries. • , 
 
 A congregation of mounds, well worthy of archaaological explop* 
 ation, are all that remain of the ancient Tiphsah, which was takto. 
 possession, of by Solomon, probably in connection with the series- 
 of operations (of which the building or fortification of Tadraor 
 was one) adopted by him for the purpose of drawing the Eastern 
 trade into his own dominions. Tiphsah became afterward Thap- 
 sacus, both signifying the^ same thing, "the ford," The same 
 place is called Sura by Pliny and by P^;oleray, and this was its 
 name in medissval times, for it is called in the Ecclesiastical notices 
 of the Lo w«r Empire, Flama firma Sura. It Was also, according to 
 Stephanus, called Turmeda by the Syrians, and Amphipplis under 
 the successors of Alexander. The ruins are now called Snriyah. 
 
 .Eennelland D'Anville were induced from the supposed exist- 
 ence of a ford or pass of the Euphrates at Dair, the " monastery," 
 and in ignorance of the existence of this ford, to identify Thapsa- 
 cus with that little Aria,bic town, which is built upon a vast mound 
 of ruin— the remains of some site of antiquity. But it is two hun- 
 dred and eleven miles by the river from Balis to Dair, and to get 
 over this diflicnlty, theSe two distinguished geographers were 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XENDPHON. 289 
 
 obliged to suppose that Xenoplion had, by an oversight, misplaced 
 the distances of Belesis to Thapsacus, (fifteen parasangs), and from 
 Thapsacas to the Araxes — Xenophou's name for the Khabur 
 (fifteen pai'iiSan'gs) — and that it should have been fifty parasangs 
 from Balis to Thapsacus^ and fifteen from Thapsacus to the 
 Araxes. It is satisfactory to find by the true determination of the 
 position of Thapsacus at fifteen parasangs from Balis, that there 
 is no necessity 'whatsoever for this violation of the accuracy of the 
 liistorian. 
 
 RivBB Aeaxbs. — Oyrus having ■with' his army forded the Eu- 
 phrates at Thapsacus, the waters rising no higher than the breast ; 
 he is described by Xenophon as advancing through Syria, nine 
 days' march, a distance of fifty parasangs, to the river Araxes, 
 where were a number of villages, stored with corn and wine. 
 
 Having crossed the Euphrates, it is manifest that the country 
 the army was marching in was in reality Mesopotamia, but it Was 
 by no means an uncommon thing for the Romans to describe the 
 districts in question sometimes as in Syria, at others in Mesopota- 
 mia. Pliny and Strabo both speak of the country lying between 
 Thapsacus and the Scenite or nomad Arabs, as Syria. 
 
 w herefore Xenoplion called the river Kliabur, Araxes, it is diffi- 
 cult to determine. The name was by no means an uncommon one, 
 and Strabo, in accordance with the national custom of referring 
 foreign names to a Greek origin, connects the word v/ith.dpdaau, 
 and adds that the Peneus was once called Araxes, on account of its 
 having separated Ossa from Olympus at the gorge of Tempe.' 
 
 This river was, however, known to antiquity generally by other 
 names, approaching more or less to its present appellation. Thus, 
 it is described in the Old Testament (2 Kings xxiv. 15 ; Ezek. i. 1, 
 3 ; iii. 15, 23 ; x. 15, 20) under the name of Ohebar, as a river 
 of Mesopotamia, upon the banks of which Nebuchadnezzar plant- 
 ed a colony of Jews, among whom was the prophet Ezekiel. 
 
 1 Eawlinson lias shown- the prefix Ar, Ara, and Arta, to be of transcend- 
 ental use in every single branch of Arian Palseography, with the exception of 
 the Zend. (Joum. of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, vol. x. p. 55, and vol. xi. p. 
 83, et ae^.) Ar, or Har, he says, signifies mountain, as in Arburz (El Burz), 
 Arakadrish ( Araoadres), Ar Parsm, the mountains of Persia. Boehart long 
 ago showed (Phaleg i. 1) that the nrat syllable in Armenia (Armina in the 
 cuneiform) signified in Semitic " a mountain." Burnouf and Lassen have 
 traced Arias ( Ariya of the cuneiform) to the root signifying " man." We 
 have another form in Arabia, the cuneiform Arabaya. Arta, so much used 
 as a prefix to names, as in Artakhshatra (Artaxerxes), signifies, according to 
 EawUnaon, a king. There can. be little doubt, then, of the native origin of 
 the name Aras, the Araxes of the Greeks, although there might be some 
 doubt if it meant mountain river, or a head or chief riverj assuming the 
 prefix Ar to have somewhat the same power as Syr, Sir, or Sar, used by the 
 Turks in Syr Darah (Jaxartes), as head valley or river ; and by the Kurds, 
 as head mountain or stream indififerently. Araxes has been generally sup- 
 posed to be a Greek modification of the Armenian Araaoh or Erasohs. 
 VOL. I. 13 
 
290 COMMENTARY ON" 
 
 Layard says that in the Hehrew tpxt the name is spelt in two dif- 
 ferent ways. In Kings we have Kliabour. In Ezekiel it is written 
 Kebar. So also in the Septiiagint it is written Xo0dp. It is called 
 AbOras and Abboras by Strabo, Zosimus, Ammianus, Prooopius, 
 and others. Ptolemy writes it Khaboras. 
 
 Layard, while carrying pit his archseological explorations in 
 Assyria, having been informed by the Arabs that two colossal idols, 
 similar to those at JTimrud, had been laid bare by the waters of 
 the Khabur, ho repaired to- the spot, and was rewarded by the 
 discovery of a considerable number of monuments of Assyrian 
 times, of which he says, " the Archaic character of the treatment 
 and design, the peculiar form of the features, the rude though forci- 
 ble delineation of the muscles, and the simplicity of tlie details, 
 certainly convey the impression of greater antic[uity than any 
 monuments hitherto discovered in Assyria Proper." 
 
 The Khabur is a large river having its sources in the Karajah 
 Tsigh in' northern Mesopotamia, and receiving^ in its course down- 
 ward tributaries from Kuhrasar (Sinna) and .Bas-al-Ain (Resaina) 
 from the west ; from Masku, Mardin, Dara, Nisibin (ancient Myg- 
 donius), Asnawur, and Chil Agha from the east, besides a rivulet 
 called Al Hauli or Holi from the marshes of.Khatuniyah in the 
 Sinjar. The main branch of the river is by accident omitted 
 in trie map accompanying Layard's account of hia discoveries in 
 Nineveh and Babylon. (1853.) 
 
 At the junction of the Khabur and the Euphrates, we have on 
 the north the ruins of Carohemish of Scripture, called by the Greeks 
 Kirkesion, and by the Romans, ■With whom it was long a frontier 
 town, Cerousinm. The place is called by the Arabs in the present 
 day Kirkisiyah, and also from the abundance of ruins, Abu Sarai, 
 " the father of palaces." Layard, who did not visit it, says " Abou 
 Psera." Al "Wakidi, in his History of the Conquest of Mesopotamia 
 by the Arabs, calls it Karkisha. 
 
 To the south are the mounds of Kalneh, supposed by Colonel 
 Chesney (i. 52 ; 117, 118) to be the site of Oameh, or Chalneh, 
 the fourth of Nimrod's cities. (Gen. x. 10.) 
 
 According to the Chaldee version, with which Eusebius and 
 Jerome agree, this is the same place that was subsequently called 
 Otesiphon. 
 
 ..Colonel Rawlinson lias, however, by the aid of those important 
 paleographio researches which promise to throw an entirely new 
 light on Assyro-Babylonian and Chaldean history and geography, 
 discovered the ideograph for Calneh among the inscribed bricks 
 of a place called Niflter. (Ann. Report of the Royal Asiatic Society, 
 vol. XV. p. 19.) He had previously (Jour, of Roy. Asiat. Soc. vol. 
 X. p. 22) identified, as he also said from the evidence of the bricks, 
 the same primeval site with the Chaldean ruins of Kal\fadhanear 
 Baghdad. 
 
THE ANABASIS 01" XENOPHON. 291 
 
 Arabia. — Oyrua advanced from the Khabur throagh Arabia, 
 having the Euphrates on his right, five days' march through the 
 desert, a distance of five parasangs. 
 
 Eawlinson remarks th^trin the cuneiform inscriptions the name 
 of Arabia (Arabaya) is sometimes introduced between those of 
 Babylon and Assyria, sometimes between Assyria and Egypt ; and 
 he adds, " I think, therefore, we may suppose the titje to apply to 
 the Mesopotamian Desert, and the basin of the Euphrates, which 
 have always been inhabited by Arab tribes, rather than to the vast 
 Southern Peninsula. The Jews, in the same way, whose geogra- 
 phical notions were very limited, designated as Arabia, or the 
 country of the Arabs, the region immediately joining Palestine, 
 and stretching southward to the Red Sea.'' (Journ. of Koy. 
 Asiatic Society, vol. xi. p. 88.) 
 
 Thus it was that, in accordance with the views entertained at 
 that epoch, we find Xenophon desqrting. those regions of Mesopo- 
 tamia wiioh lie north-westward of the Khabur, as Syria; and 
 those to the south, as Arabia. The Athenian historian's descrip- 
 tion of the desert is so concise, and so graphic, as to be familiar 
 to every one, and, as a consequent penalty, has been often quoted 
 as descriptive of regions which have little in common with the 
 particular territory in question. 
 
 EiVEE Masoas and Oitt of Corsote. — ^Marching through this 
 region, Xenophon relates, they came to the i^ver Mascas, the 
 breadth of which is a plethmm. Here was a large deserted city, 
 of which the name was Oorsote, and which was entirely surround- 
 ed by the Masoas. 
 
 At a distance of sixty-three miles touching the river curves, or 
 of one hundred miles and upward by the river's winding, a con- 
 siderable tract of alluvium is cut off from the main-land, by a 
 canal, which drawn from the river at a northerly point, empties 
 itself by three diffei-ent embouchures to the south. Beyond are 
 cliffs of marls and gypsum, upon which traces of ruins of older 
 time are still to be met. The place is called in the present day 
 Irzah or Izrah, and also by corruption Werdi. 
 
 It is not at all improbable from this site being nearly opposite 
 to Al Kayim, the Agamana of Ptolemy, where the gi-eat desert 
 route from Palestine to Babylon first touches the Euphrates, that 
 this was one of the cities of bondage, where the captive Israelites 
 awaited the coming of Ezra, with the glad message that was to 
 enable-them to return to their own country. In this case the 
 Masca would correspond to the Ahava of Scripture. 
 
 The ruins of Corsote of Xenophon would appear to have been 
 on the plain, being described as entirely surrounded by the Mas- 
 oas, unless we are to understand, as is more probable, that this 
 description alludes to the great bend of the river at this point, 
 and which is described by Balbi, who descended the Euphrates in 
 
292 COMMENTARY OH 
 
 1579, as keeping them from morning to noou in sight of the rnins. 
 When Balbi, however, speaks of these rnins as of greater extent 
 than the city of Cairo, and presenting nothing to view but portions 
 of massy walls and lofty towers, we must conolnde that he mis- 
 took the cliffs and gi-eat broken masses of gypsUm for fragments 
 of ruin. Rauwolf, who traveled in 1574:, also described the penin- 
 sula as occupying more than half a day to encompass It. 
 
 Gates of Babylonia. — ^From Oorsote Cyrus proceeded, thir- 
 teen days' march, through the desert, a distance of ninety para- 
 eangs, still keeping the Euphrates on the right, and arrived at a 
 place called the Gates. 
 
 Colonel Chesney is inclined to think, that as it appears by the 
 subsequent movements, that the " Gates " were about twenty-four 
 miles short of the Median "Wall, the pass in question may safely 
 be placed about twenty-seven miles below Hit, or nearly opposite 
 to the village of Jarrah, from which, by the map, there are about 
 one hundred and seventy-five or one hundred and seventy-seven 
 geographical miles to represent the ninety parasangs from Oorsote 
 to the PylsB, which at 1.98 each, giv« 178.2 geographical miles, 
 (ii. 314) 
 
 The banks Of the Euphrates in this part of the route, and more 
 particularly in the lower portion, are exceedingly i-ocky and irreg- 
 ular, till we arrive at the level alluvial plains of Babylonia. It 
 is difficult among these irregular hills to distinguish one place as 
 more worthy of being designated as a pass than the other, and 1 
 had hence been induced by that'circnmstance, and by a considera- 
 tion of the distance traveled (and which, by supposing the troops 
 to have been compelled to keep to the banks of the river, I had 
 given a touch greater length to than Colonel Chesney), to identify 
 the Pylas with the pass or descent from the hills upon the plain 
 of Babylonia itself. 
 
 Eennell, it is to be observed, coincides in this view of the subject, 
 as he conjectures that the term pylffl refers to the shutting up of 
 the river itself between the mountains, which terminate at the 
 same place on both sides of the river. This termination of the 
 hilly country at the level alluvial plain of Babylonia constitutes 
 indeed a very remarkable feature in the physical aspect of these 
 regions. 
 
 ' The Eev. J. F. Macmichael, in his edition of Xenophon (Appen- 
 dix, p. S36), suggests the conclusion that Pylse was neither city 
 (as Larcher surmised) nor mountain defile, but the ancient pass 
 into BahyloHia fhrongh the Median Wall, at a time when it ex- 
 tended — a*' wheh entire it must have done — to the Euphrates. 
 There is a gi-eat deal of plausibility in this STiggestion. 
 
 CHAEMAisrDB.-^On this long march through the desert, the 
 troops are described as passing over on rafts of skins to an opulent 
 aud exteusive city, called Oharmande. As no distances are given. 
 
THE ANABASIS OP ZBNOPHON. 293 
 
 I was inclined to Identify this site -ydtli the most important posi- 
 tion on tlie right bank of the Euplirates, that occurs within the inter- 
 val between Oorsote and the " Gates," viz. the eity of Izor Izanes- 
 copolis, whose bitumen fountains were visited by Alexander, by 
 Trajan, by Severue, and by Julian ; but Colonel Ohesney (ii. 214) is 
 more inclined to seek for the site at some ruins, which occur on 
 the right bank opposite to the island of Jibbah or Jubbah. This 
 is evidently, at the present moment, a position that is not satisfac- 
 torily determined. 
 
 Field of, Eevibw in Babylonia. — Cyrus is described as pro- 
 ceeding through Babylonia, three days' march, a distance of twelve 
 parasangs ; and at the end of the third day's march, he reviewed 
 his army, both Greeks and Barbarians in the plain, about mid- 
 night ; for he expected that with the ensuing dawn the king would 
 come up with his army to offer him battle. 
 
 The spot at which this review took place would, allowing 3 
 geo. miles to the parasang, be 36 miles beyond the Pylse, 32 miles 
 south of the Wall of Media, 36 miles north of Cunaxa, and 72 
 miles north of Babylon. If we allow only 2.5 geo. miles, or place 
 the Pylaa north of the plain of Babylonia, the distances will be 
 proportionately diminished. "We have, however, a means of de- 
 termining the positioning of the army of Cyrus on the plain of 
 Babylonia a little more - accurately, from the events recorded in 
 the next day's march. 
 
 Teenoh of Autaxebxes. — Cyrus proceeded from the field of re- 
 view on the plain of Babylonia, one da^r'a march,. a distance of 
 three parasangs, with all his forces, as well Greek as Barbarian, 
 drawn up in order of battle ; for he expected that on this day the 
 king would give him battle ; as about the middle of the day's 
 march, thei'e was a deep trench dug ; the breadth of it was five 
 fathoms, and the width three. This ditch extended up through the 
 plain, to the distance of twelve parasangs, as far as the Wall of 
 Media. Here are the canals which are supplied from the river 
 Tigris ; there are four of them, each a plethrum in breadth, and 
 very deep ; boats employed in conveying corn sail along them. 
 They discharge themselves into the Euphrates, are distant from 
 each other one parasang, and there are bridges over them. Near 
 the Euphrates was a narrow passage between the river and the 
 trench, about twenty feet in breadth. This trench the Great King 
 had made to serve as a defense, when he heard that Oyrfis was 
 marching against him. By this passage Cyrus and his army made 
 their way and got within the trench. 
 
 If the trench or ditch, here spoken of, had been a canal drawn 
 diagonally from the river Tigris, such a canal 36 geo. miles in 
 length, starting fi-om the N, E. or Tigris end of the Median Wall, 
 would just touch on the maps attached to the Expedition for the 
 Survey of the Euphrates and Tigris, the Fahr Isa or Saklawiya 
 
294 COMMENTARY ON 
 
 canal at or about the ruins of Sifaii-ah, ancient Sippara. But 
 there seems no reason to suppose that it was a canal. Xenophon 
 appears to clistingnish this trench or ditch from the four canals 
 derived frorti the river Tigris which he describfes in the same para- 
 gi-aph. This, however, may be open to doubt. In such a situation 
 a trench or ditch might "naturally be supposed to be full of water. 
 But -yvhiehsver may be the base', it is- not said that it was drawn 
 from the Tigris, but merly that it extended upward to the Me- 
 dian Wall. Now a distance of 86 geo. miles laid down on tlie 
 l^pedition map from a central portfon of th6 Median "Wall, would 
 carry the trench to the Abu Gharib country, somewhere about 
 where the Nahr Malta or Malilj has its origin. This would place 
 the field of review in the same region, some seven or eight miles to 
 the northward, and would lead us to suppose, as would be most 
 naturally the case, that the four canals were drawn from the great 
 overflow of the Tigris near Accad, called Al Hur, and from the 
 Tigris itself between that and Al Ghirarah, in the very line in fact 
 of Colonel Ohesney's proposed line of communication. All the com' 
 mentators on Xenophon have found great difficulty in admitting 
 the historian's accuracy in this point, because he differs from other 
 authorities, as Herodotus, Diodorfls, Arrian, Pliny, and AmManus, 
 in nlaking the canals flow from the Tigris ; all others describing 
 them as flowing from the Euphrates. But this difficfllty loses its 
 force, when we consider that the alluvial plain between the two 
 rivers is so level that it merely requires to alter the diagonal direc- 
 tion of a canal to determine which way its waters shAll flow, and 
 thus the marsh of Al Hur is flooded at one season by the Tigris, 
 at another by the Euphrates through the Isa canal. Thus also 
 the Isa, Nahr Malik, and other canals, flow from the Enphrates to 
 the Tigris, While the Shat-al-Hai flows from the Tigris to the 
 Euphrates. It is probable that, at the time of Artaxerxes, the 
 usual canals may have also flowed from Euphrates to Tigris, and 
 thatthe four canals of Xenophon described as only 2 1-S or 3 miles 
 from one another, were exceptions to the Nile, and drawn from the 
 marsh of Aqca,d and the Ti^s, above the canals of Babylon itself^ 
 which may have flowed fromthe Euphrates to the Tigris. 
 
 Battlb-fibld of Ounaxa.— As the king made no attempt at 
 the trench to prevent the passage of Oyrns's army, it was thought 
 both by Cyrus and the rest that he had given up the intention of 
 fighting ; so that on the day following Cyrus proceeded On his 
 march with less tsaution. This was still more the case on the next 
 day's march ; when news came that the Great Eing^was approach- 
 ing, and the battle so fetal to Cyrus took place. 
 
 We have here an account of short, desultory, and irregular 
 marches, which would have brought the allies, according to Colo- 
 nel Chesney^ to, at, or near the mounds of Muhammad, 34- or 36 
 miles alongthe riverfrom the Median Wall ; but, according to my 
 
THE ABTABASIS OF XEN-OPHON. 295 
 
 former estimate of thfe value of the parasang, nearer to the site 
 of Imsayab or Mu8say5b, about IS miles direct, but upward of 
 20 by the bends of the river, north of Babylon. It is evident 
 tliat Gyrus deemed himself vei;y near to Babylon, since be had 
 almost given «p any thoughts of resistance on the part o£ Arta^ 
 xerxes. 
 
 Xetiophon describes the battle fully, but does not mention the 
 name of the place where it was fought. Plutarch, in his Life of 
 Artaxerxes, has alone preserved it, and states t&at it was 500 sta- 
 dia from Babylon. This would malce it fifty miles north of Baby. 
 Ion. Xenophon, however, sjiys that the distance from the field 
 of battle to Babylon was onlySGO stadia, or 36 miles, a distance 
 which would tally best with that of the before-mentioned mounds 
 of Muhammad. 
 
 Mound, on Plmn ■oi' Babylonia. — The night of the battle, the 
 Greeks pursued tlie Persians as far as a. certain village, where they 
 lialted; for above the village was a hill, npon which tbe king's 
 troops had checked their flight. The hill here alluded to appears 
 to have been one of the numerous artificial mounds, tope.=, or tells, 
 sometimes sepulchral, sometimes heaps of ruin, which abound on 
 the plain of Babylonia. The word used to designate the hill is 
 snflBoiently descriptive, yij^o^of, a compound of yv, earth, and lo^oi, 
 hill, mound, or tumulus, " a heap of earth." 
 
 It is the more important to establish this fact, as there are no 
 natural hills on the plain of Babylonia; and, therefore, the mention 
 made by Xenophon of a hill at this place has led the distinguished 
 traveler, Baillie Fraser, to consider it as furnishing evidence of 
 the battle having been fought to the north of the Median Wall. 
 
 Babylonian Villages. — As soon as a retreat had been decided 
 -upon between the Greeks and the Barbairians, and the line of route 
 to be followed determined by Ariseus, they started on a long day's 
 journey to certain villages, the position of which would be in a 
 great measure determined by a, more satisfactory conclusion as to 
 the site of Ounaxa. Colonel Ohesney places these villages on J;he 
 Abu Gharib or Nahr Sarsar of Abulfeda, near the extensive 
 mounds and ruins of Kush or "Siudiyah. 
 
 The direction of the next march is not given, but it is stated 
 that the army met with ditches and canals, so full of water, that 
 they could not cross without bridges; but they made crossings of 
 the palm-trees which had fallen, and others which they out down. 
 There is every reason to believe from this statement that the 
 Greeks were led into the interior of Babylonia, and Clearohns ap- 
 pears justly to have suspected, that the ditch«s had been filled with 
 water purposely, as it was not the season for irrigating the land. 
 At last they arrived at some villages, where was plenty of corn, 
 and wine made from dates, and where it would appear they re- 
 mained twenty-three or twenty-four days. 
 
296 COMMENTARY ON 
 
 "Wall of MEDiA.--At length, after marching three days, they 
 arrived at the "Wall of Media, as it is called, and passed to the 
 other side of it. This wall was built of burned brides, laid in bitu- 
 men ; it was twenty feet in thickness, and a hnndred in height, 
 and the length of it was said to be twenty parasangs ; and it was 
 not far distant from Bjibylon. 
 
 " Not the least remarkable of the disoOverieSf" says the Rev. J. 
 r, Maomiohael in the Appendix to his Xenophon, " which of late 
 years have marked the progress of geographical inquiry in this 
 inost interesting, but, till of late, unexplored region, is the actual 
 existence at the present time of an ancient wfll stretching across 
 Mesopotamia at the head of the Babylonian plain. Mr. Boss, 
 who first examined it at its eastern terminus, in 1836, describes it 
 under the name of Khaln or Sidd Nimrud (wall or embankment of 
 Nimrod), and as a straight wall 25 long paces thick, and from 35 
 to 40 feet high, running S. W. 1-4 N. as far as the eye could reach, 
 to two mounds called Ramelah. (Sifairah, Ainsw. p. 81-3), on the 
 Euphrates, some hours above Felujah. The, eastern extremity 
 was built of the small pebbles of the country, cemented with lime 
 of great tenacity ; and further inland, his Bedouin guides told him 
 it was built of brick, and in some places worn down level with 
 the desert, and was built by Nimrod to keep off the people of 
 IsTineveh, with whom he had an implacable feud. .(Journal of E. 
 Geog. S. ix. p. 446). It was further examined by Captain Lynch, 
 and its eastern extremity determined to be in lat. 34° 3' 30", and 
 long. 21' 50" "W. of Baghdad. (Ibid. p. 472). 
 
 "The identity of this w^l With Xenophon's "Wall of Media was 
 assumed by the explorers tacitly, but with strong ground of prob- 
 ability. Of the great antiquity of the §idd Nimrnd there can be 
 no question ; record of its origin there is none, except local tra^ 
 , dition assigning it to Nimrod. On the other hand, the continued 
 existence of a wall (corresponding to the Median) from Xeno- 
 phon's age down to comparatively recent times, is attested by a 
 chain of scattered notices in later writers. Such a wall is men- 
 tioned by Eratosthenes (in' the third century b.o., quoted by 
 Strabo ii. ], and xi. 14), as rd ttj? 'Ztftip&fudoi diareLxt-ofita, having its 
 eastern terminus at or near Opis. Again,, its western terminus 
 was noticed (in a state of ruin) by Amm. Maroellinus (863 A..D.) 
 at Macepracta on the Euphrates, near the head of a canal, which 
 he distinguishes from the Naha Malcha (Nahr Malflj), doubtless 
 ikik Saldawiyeh, a few miles north of which is theS.W. extremity 
 ofthe:SiddMmi«d." 
 
 "Their identity is further attested by their occupying the same 
 general position as a partition-line between the rocky desert of 
 Arabia, and the fertile alluvial plain of Babylonia : the Sidd Nim- 
 rud, for all pfactioal purposes, distinguishes the Babylonian plain 
 from the hilly and rocky country, (Ainsw. p. 82, note 2). And 
 
THE ANABASIS OP XENOPHON. 29T 
 
 that a like position must be assigned to the Median Wall is strongly 
 indicated by the name it bears, to Mr/Siai; relxo^. For the Medes 
 under Cyaxarea had conquered all Assyria up to Babylonia, a 
 tract which, in Herodotus, includes the entire canal district (i. 
 193), and in Xenophon commences ■where the desert of Arabia 
 terminates — at or near a place called Pylaa (i. 5. 5), where, accord- 
 ingly we should look for the western terminus of the Median 
 Wall." 
 
 From a consideration of the different circumstances detailed by 
 Xenophon. of the first retrograde steps taken after the battle of 
 Cunaxa, I was induced to believe that Tissaphernes, having arrived 
 with his army and the guides, marched, as Xenophon expresses it, 
 as if he designed to return home; that he led the Greeks three 
 days' march, or about thirty-six miles, toward Sifairah, at which 
 point he turned round, and conducted them through the Wall into 
 Sitacene, thus leaving them in perplexity with regard to the rela- 
 tions of that rich and fertile province to the city of Babylon. 
 (Trav. in the Track, etc., p. 108-9). 
 
 The following is the account given by Colonel Ohesney of this 
 the first portion of the OatabasiSiand which is so difficult to uut 
 derstand. " In taking a northerly direction from the presumed 
 position of the camp, it would be necessary to croes the Nahr 
 Malka ; and on account of this obstruction, as well as the pres- 
 ence of an enemy, the distance made would scarcely exceed ten 
 miles. Fatigued by the march, and without, sustenance, a slight 
 circumstance was sufficient to cause a tumult, and almost a panic, 
 among the Greeks. The panic was, however, speedily calmed by 
 the ingenuity of Clearchus, and at day-break he marched with the 
 intention of becoming the assailant. This, bold maneuver led to 
 a negotiation witli the king on equal terms, and guides were in 
 consequence appointed to conduct the Greeks across the Nahr 
 Sersar, and its affluents, which intersect this part of the country. 
 These cuts appear to have been filled with water, but the difficnltiea 
 were overcome by cutting down the palm-trees to make bridges, 
 in which operation Clearchus set the example ; and the army 
 reached the intended halting-place in some villages probably npt 
 more than ten miles from the pi-eoeding station. These were 
 abundantly provided with corn, vinegar, and wine made from dates. 
 After spending about twenty-three days in negotiations, having 
 made engagements to be faithfully conducted homeward, and ob- 
 tained supplies, the Greeks, the troops of Ariseus, and those of 
 the king under Tissaphernes, commenced what seemed a peace- 
 able march, although certain circumstances attending it gave 
 rise to suspicion, and some precautions were adopted in conse- 
 quence by the Greeks. In three days, probably, taking, as in the 
 preceding march, a westerly direction, in order to round the marshes 
 and inundations near Akar Kuf, the armies came up to and de- 
 
298 COMMENTABT ON 
 
 parted from the Median Wall into the interior. This -wall, whose 
 remains are described in'Xenophbn, was of bricks, and once 100 
 feet high and 20 feet thiclc: it is still to be traced, With its towers 
 and ditch, running south-westwar4 froni the Tigris, nearly opposite 
 Kadisiyeh, to the Euphrates, near Felujah, a distance of forty- 
 two or forty-three miles." 
 
 This Yiew of the subject is illustrated by the following note : 
 
 " The translation of this passage of Xenophon, dfiKovro irpdg t& 
 Mtidia; retxos, K'at napjjWov avTov eiav (Anabasis, lib. ii. cap. iv.), has 
 been much discussed and variously rendered. In Allpress's Xeno- 
 ])hon, p. 80, the army is made to arrive at, and pass along within,' 
 the Median Wa,Il ; which translation is also given in the Anabasis 
 of Xenophon, by Charles Anthon, L.L.D- William Tegg and Co. 
 Oheapside (By passing within this wall. Dr. Anthon does not 
 appear to understand keeping to the south side of it, hnt passing 
 through it, for be says in a note (p. IST of the 1st edition), Aiiis» 
 worth thinks that this goinff through the Median "Wall, etc. W.F.A^ ; 
 by the Kev. Dr. Butcher, -Fellow of Trihity College, Dublin ; as 
 well, as by Schneider, who, in a note on this passage, condemns 
 Halbkardt for translating it, ' Kamen sie znr Medischen Mauer, 
 nnd setzen nxm. jenaeit derselben ihfen Marsch fort."' 
 
 Viger, in his Greek Idioms, also quotes an instance from Xeno- 
 phon, where the verb occurring in the passage in question joined 
 with a substantive in the genitive case, signifies " departure from " 
 or deflection ; and Donnegan's Greek Lexicon gives elaa as an ad- 
 verb, yith the signification of " in the interior," " inside," or with- 
 in, which renderings of the passage are in conformity with the 
 relative geographical positions of the Median Wall and Sitace. 
 On the other hand, Hutchinson, in his edition of Xenophon, p. 139 
 (Hutchinson's translation is "-intrdque eumingressi sunt," p. 145, 
 Oxford edition, 1T46, ^W.F.A.), and Mitford, History of Greece, 
 vol. iv. p. 189, state that the Greeks came up to and'passed through 
 the Median Wall; and this interpretation has been followed by 
 Bishop Thirlwall, in his History of Greece, vol. iv. p. 835, ed. Lon- 
 don, 1847, since he conceives, in accordance with Passow, in his 
 Greek Lexicon, that when joined wjth a verb of motion, clao must 
 bear the signification of to theinside, not on, the inside. The bishop 
 'y St. David's considers that Schneider's condemnation of Halb- 
 £arit arises solely from the great difBoulty of reconciling his trans- 
 lation with the geographical position of Sitace, but that the philo- 
 lo^cal difficulty thus raised by Schneidter, is quite as great as the 
 geographical difficulty of the other. The same opinion appears to 
 be held by other Grecian scholars ; the Eight Eev. Dr. Wilson, 
 Lord Bishop of Cork and Oloyne, and the Bev. Dr.Mao-Donnell, 
 Senior Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin, among the number." 
 (Vol. ii. p. 219 et sefl.) 
 
 To this array of authorities I may add that of the'Rev. J. f; Mac- 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XEKOPHON. 299 
 
 mioliael, Head-mastev of the Grammar School, Burton on Trent, 
 who says, "We gather from the narrative, that they commenced 
 the retreat (after joining A.ria3ii8) in a JioriW^ direction (ii..2. 8), 
 and continued it with Tissajihernes — who was journeying home- 
 wards ((if eif ot/coD i.m6v, iv. 8) — far enough in this direction to 
 pass out of Babylonia ; for on the sixth day of the retreat, they 
 passed within the Median Wall (kapffiXdov elaa avroU, iv. 12) — an 
 expression which can only signify an entry tkrough it into Baby- 
 lonia. (Of. 1. iv. 4, 5 — vii. 16.) The line Of route suggested by 
 Mr. Ainsworth, viz. back by Pylse, and then for some distance on 
 the N. side of the Wall, is apparently the only one consistent with 
 the data, geographical and historical, of the problem." P. 339. 
 
 Apart, however, from the respect due to Colonel Ohesney's 
 views of the matter — it remains quite an open qusstioli, whether 
 a north-westerly route, to avoid the Hur or marshes of Akka Knf, 
 would not have taken the Greeks to a position so near to the 
 Median Wall as to be described by tliem as within that wall, 
 before they turned to the eastward toward Sitace. 
 
 SiTAOE. — From the Wall of Media they proceeded, ift two days' 
 Inaroh, the distance of eight parasangs ; crossing two canals, the 
 one by a permanent bridge, the other by a temporary one, formed 
 of seven boats. These canals were supplied from the river Tigris ; 
 and from one to the other of them were cut ditches across the 
 country, the first of considerable size, and the next smaller ; and 
 at last diminutive drains, such as are cut. in Greece through the 
 panic fields. They then arrived at the Tigris ; near which there 
 was a large and populous city, called Sitace, distant from the 
 banks of the river only fifteen stadia. 
 
 Xenophon, by repeating the circumstance here, that the canals 
 were derived froin the Tigris, lends additional weight to his prior 
 statement, that at that time the northerly part of the plain of 
 Babylopia was watered from the Tigris. The Arabs of Balad in- 
 formed Captain Lynch, that there were anciently two canals, 
 which ran across from the Tigris to the Euphrates — one from 
 Istabalat, called Jalilu-i-Darb, near where the Dujail, "Little 
 Tigris," leaves the. Tigris, and one that ran from the Dujail itself, 
 called Bu Khaimah. (Journal of R. G. S., vol. ix, p. 474,) 
 
 There are also in the same district the remains of several canals 
 which were drawn in olden time from the river Tigris to flow back 
 into the same river. Among the most remarkable are the Dujail, 
 or Dijail, or Little Tigris; the Shat Aidha and the Ishakli. Ak- 
 bara, a favorite residence of the Khalifs, was on the Shat Aidha. 
 
 Mr. Boss spnght for Sitace at Shiriat-al-Baidha, or the White 
 Kiver, where there are extensive ruins, consisting of mounds and 
 embankments, and the dry ditch of a canal extending northward 
 some miles, and westward almost to the colossal ruin of Akka Kuf 
 or Aocad — the only remaining ex^ample of an Assyrian or Babv- 
 
300 COMMENTARY ON 
 
 Ionian ruin not converted by the lapse of time and disintegration 
 of materials into a tel or mound. 
 
 Having been led to reject the identification of the river Physcns 
 ■with the modern Athaim, as surmised by Mr. Rosa and Captain 
 Lynch, upon the grounds advanced by Colonel Rawlinson, that if 
 the Katur or Nahrawan canals existed in the time of Xenophon, 
 they would represent the Physcns and not the Athaim, I was 
 furtlier induced, by considering the incompatibility of the distance 
 between Shirlat-al-Baidha and Opis at the confluence of the 
 Athaim, with that reported by Xenojphon, to seek for tlie ruins of 
 Sitace at or near the site of Akbara. Colonel Chesney has, by 
 placing Opis at or a little above Kayira or Kaira, and close to the 
 head of a second or lower branch of the Nahr-wan, called the 
 Nahr-al-Bisas, and which he identifies with the Physoua, got over 
 this diflicnlty. 
 
 "In taking the distance backward," says Colonel Chesney, vol. 
 ii. p. 221, " at the average rate of the march through Asia Minor, 
 or 2.608 geographical miles per parasang along the Upper Tigris 
 (at the favorable season of the year), from the known point of the 
 river Zab, there would be 130 geographical miles for the fifty, 
 parasangs to Opis, which places th^t city a little above Kaim, and 
 close to the head of the Nahrawan, instead of being, as before sup- 
 posed, some miles lower down near the river Athaim. Twenty 
 parasangs, or fifty-two geographical miles, from the latter, the an- 
 cient, bed of the. Tigris, would place Sitace about ten miles north- 
 west oT Baghdad, near Sheriat-el-Beidha, the presumed site of the 
 Sitace of Xenophon." 
 
 This identification, it will be observed, establishes the correspond- 
 ence of the old bed of the river Tigris — ^the Shat Aidha^ — with the 
 Tigris of Xenophon. - 
 
 Opis. — From the Tigris, the Greeks are described as proceeding 
 in four days' march, a distance- of twenty parasangs, to the river 
 Physcus, which was a plethrum in breadth, and over which was a 
 bridge. Here was situate a large town, called Opis. 
 
 The discussion of the true positioning of Sitace involved, it has 
 been seen, a knowledge of the site of Opis, which was situated at 
 the issue of the Katur, or Nahrawan, from the Tigris." The Rev. 
 Mr. Macmichael remarks upon this identification of a river with a 
 canal, that it is not improbably the third instance in the work of 
 Xenophon. " Ainsworth," he says in the Appendix (p. 339), " fol- 
 lowing Oolpnd Rawlinson, who is inclined to identify the Physcus 
 with the ancient canal, Katur or Nahrawan (compare the case of 
 the Daradax, and Masca, called Trora/ioi, 1. iv. 10, n., and v. 4 ; the 
 
 1 Colonel Chesney's Al Kayim is situated, it lias been observed, on the 
 Nahr-al-Eisas, a tributary to the JJatur or Nahrawan; the ruins of Dura, and 
 those called now Old Baghdad, are upon the Katur or Nahrawan proper. 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 30I 
 
 breadth also (a pletlirum), which is, uniformly that of canals (v, 1; 
 vii. 16), somewhat favor the supposition." 
 
 Opis was a city of considerable commercial importance at one 
 time, having, according to the learned Dr. Vincent, risen into emi- 
 nence upon tte decline of the Assyrian cities on the Tigris,- and 
 then again decayed in its turn, as Seleucia, and Apamea, the crea- 
 tion of the Seleucidse, became conspicuous; hence its positioning 
 is of great interest to comparative geography generally. 
 
 Villages of Pabtsatis.— From Opis the Greeks proceeded 
 through Media, six days' inarch through a desert country, a dis- 
 tance of thirty parasangp, when they arrived at the villages of 
 Parysatis, the mother of Gyrus and the king. 
 
 At 2.608 geographical miles for each of the thirty parasangs, or 
 78.24 geographical miles, the villages in question would have been 
 situated, according to Colonel Chesney (ii. 222), about three miles 
 beyond the Lesser Zab — a river oonoerniDg the existence of 
 which Xenophon is as silent as he was regarding the Lake of 
 Antioch and its tributaries. 
 
 The position of these villages, according to the distance stated 
 in the text, would, says Dr. Anthon (note to Xenophon, p. 163), 
 both in Lynch's and in Rich's maps, fall pretty nearly at the posi- 
 tion marked Tel Kunus in the first, and Tel Geloos in the second. 
 This is the same identification as in the "Travels in the Track." 
 It is however over-estimated, being laid down in the maps, in- 
 stead of as in other oases corrected for the diflaqulties of road, 
 which in most cases render my estimate of 3 geo. miles equal to 
 not more than 2.5 on the map, making them really of the same 
 value as accorded by Kennell, Colonel Chesney, Hamilton, and 
 Layard. 
 
 OiB;ji.4B:. — ^From the villages of Parysatis tbe Greeks advanced 
 in a march of five days more through the desert, a distance of 
 twenty parasangs, having the Tigris on their left. At the end of 
 the first day's march, there was situate on the opposite bank of 
 the river, a large and opulent city, called Offlnae, whence the Barba- 
 rians brought over, on rafts made of hide, a supply of bread, cheese, 
 and wine. 
 
 Captain Lynch liaving found some ruins with a canal called 
 Senn, not far from the embouchure of the Great Zab on the oppo- 
 site side of the Tigris, I was induced to identify the CEenae of the 
 Greeks with that spot, puzzled however at the same time to iden- 
 tify this site with the Scena of Strabo, and which according to the 
 Ainasian geographer was a remarkable city — the capital of the 
 Scenite Arabs — eighteen sohseni or one hundred and eight miles 
 from Seleucia, and with a canal which was carried thence to the 
 confines of Babylonia. 
 
 Notwithstanding the difficulty of getting a canal through the 
 hilly ranges south of Kalah Shirgat, still, considering the oorrec- 
 
302 COMMBNTABT ON 
 
 tion given to the distances by Colonel Ohesney, I am inclined to 
 suppose tliat the site must be the same as the ruins at the last- 
 mentioned place, and not exactly, as Colonel Chesney has it, at the 
 ruina of the TJr of the Persians, which he says are three or four 
 miles below Shirkat-^or Toprak Ealahsi. (ii. p. 222.) 
 
 Kalah Shifgat, since the time when I first visited it in company 
 with Layard, in 1840, has been the scene of many most remark- 
 able and interesting discoveries in Assyrian Archaeology, made by 
 the most successful explorer. 
 
 Among other monuments of olden time, a cylinder, a splendid 
 relic, containing 800 lines of beautiful writing, at least 100 years 
 older than the oldest monument hitherto discovered in Assyria, 
 was found here. It was, when found, "broken into a hundred frag- 
 ments, and in some parts even reduced to powder ; but the whole 
 has been carefully joined together, and barely a dozen lines lost. 
 
 Colonel Eawlinson states journal of Boyal Asiatic Society, vol. 
 XV. p. xvi. et seq.) that it contains the bulletins of Tiglath Pile- 
 ser I;, a king who is mentioned in the annals of Assur-akh-psfl, 
 as a remote ancestor; and as Divanuras, the builder of CaJah, 
 must, Colonel Eawlinson thinks, intervene between the connected 
 series and this king, and as there is no mention on the cylinder 
 either of Oalah or Ningveh ; the Colonel is led to believe that the 
 capital of the empire at that early period, that is before the build- 
 ing of Nineveh, was Kileh Shirgat, as he spells it, itself, and which 
 is every where on the cylinder named Assur, as it is also in the 
 well-known sitting figure obtained from the same place by Layard, 
 and now in the British Museum. 
 
 This ancient and pre-Ninevite capital of the Asssyrian empire 
 being then named Assur, was also, according to Colonel Eawlin- 
 son, the Allasar of Genesis, of which Arioch was the king. It is 
 also the Tel Assur of the Targums, which is used for the Mosaic 
 Besen ; and instead, therefore, of Eesen being between Nineveh 
 and Oalah, it should be OaJab, which was between Nineveh and 
 Resen. "I consider," adds the Colonel, " these three sites to be 
 now determipately fixed — Nineveh at Nebbi Yunns, Calah at 
 Nimrud, and Eesen at Shirgat." 
 
 Notwithstanding such high authority, I can not help feeling 
 that there will yet be found no reason for thus forcing the reading 
 of the Mosaic record. The term Assur has been found at Nimrud 
 as well as at Shirgat.' And it is very likely to apply to the coun- 
 
 ' EoBs (Jour. B. G. 8. vol. ix. p. 451) calls it Kalah Sherkat Eich (vol. 
 ii. p. 138), Toprak Kalaa and Katoat-ul-Shirgatb. L^ard (Nineveh and its 
 Eemains, i. 4 ; ii. 4S and 51 ; and Discoveries in the Euins of Nineveh and 
 Bahylon, p. 581), Kalah Sherghat. Chesnev (vol. ii. 222), Sherkat or Toprak 
 Kalahsi. Myself, Kaleh Sherkat and Kalah shirgat. We have all looked 
 upon it as a modern name, signifymg the same, in Turkish, Toprak Kalah, 
 and in Arabic, Kalah Shirgat, " castle of earth." 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 303 
 
 try rather than to the city. If, as I suspect it Will still tnrn out 
 to be the case, Nimrud is ever identified by satisfactory paleogra- 
 phio research with Eesen, and Ealah Shkgat with Oalah, the 
 Biblical expression will be found to be correct. Oolonel Eawlinson 
 has himself been induced to change his opinions with progressive 
 inquiry, he having in 1839 identified Calah with Holwan near Sar 
 Pull Zohab (Journ. of Roy. Geo. Soo. ix. p. 35 et seq.) ; and in 
 1849 or 60, Identified the same place with Nimrud. (Journ. of Eoy. 
 Asiat. 80c. xii. p. 4lT). 
 
 In the "Memoir on Cuneiform Inscriptions," published in the 
 eleventh volume of the Jour. Eoy, Asiat. Soc, Colonel Eawlinson 
 speaks of Athur-a and Athur-aya as the cuneiform expression for 
 our Assyria.. He then adds in a note, the Arabic geographers 
 always give the title of Athur to the great ruined capital hear the 
 mouth of the Upper Zab. If so, that place is just as likely to he 
 the Tel Assur of the Targvfms as Kftlah Shirgat, and consequently, 
 as far as any identification founded on such data will go, the 
 same as Eesen. 
 
 EiVEK Zabattjs. — Soon after, they arrived at the river Zabatns, 
 the breadth of which was four plethra. The river Zab is too well 
 known to detain us long. It is in the present day called Zab Ala. 
 Thevenot and Tavernier called it Zarb and Zarbe. It is the Lycus 
 of tlie older geographers, with the exception of Pliny, who calls it 
 Zerbis, and Marcellinus, who misspells it Diaba. The Zab is one of 
 the principal confluents of the Tigris, and at certain seasons of 
 the year brings down a larger body of water than the main 
 stream. 
 
 There are many tela or mounds of ruin on the south side of the 
 Zab near its confluence with the Tigris, in the plain of Shumannk, 
 or Shomanok, now tenanted by the Tai Arabs, some of which the 
 indefatigable Layard caused to be excavated by the Jehesh Arabs 
 under his pay. Among the most remarkable of these is the lofty 
 mound of Kashaf or Keshaf, an artificial platform of earth and 
 unbaked bricks resting upon limestone rock, and crowned by the 
 remains of a deserted fort, the mounds and ruins called Muk- 
 bamur or Mokhamour, in the pastoral plains between the Karajuk 
 hills and the Tigris, the mound of Abu Jerdah, that of Abu Shitha 
 or Abou Sheetha, and eight others enumerated by Layard, all in- 
 dicative of a large and prosperous population in olden times. 
 
 Speaking more partipulatly of the mound called Abu-Shithst, 
 Layard says (p. 225), " Near this ruin, perhaps at its very foot, 
 must have taken place an event which led to one of the most cele- 
 brated episodes of ancient history. Here were treacherously 
 seized Olearchus, Proxenus, Menon, Agias, and Socrates ; and 
 Xenophon, elected to the command of the Greek Auxiliaries, com- 
 menced the ever-memorable-retreat of the Ten Thousand. The camp 
 
304 COMMENTAUT ON 
 
 of Tissaphernes, dappled with its taany-colored tents, ana glitter, 
 ing with golden arms and silken standards, the gorgeous display of 
 Persian pomp, probably stood on the Kordereh (Kur Darah, valley 
 of Gyrus?) between Abon Sheatha and the Kasr. The Greeks 
 having taken the lower road to the west of the Karacliok range, 
 through a plain even then as now a desert, turned to the east, and 
 crossed the spur of the mountain, where we had recently seen the 
 tents of the Howar, in order to reach the fords of the Zab." 
 
 Pass of the Zabatus. — Misfortunes awaited the Greeks at 
 this point, and active hostilities ensuing upon the passage of the 
 Zab, that passage was deferred for a short time. The Persians hav- 
 ing been described by Xenophon as taking up a position at the 
 ford over the Zab, I was induced to identify the place of passage, 
 notwitstanding its distance from the confluence of the Zab and 
 Tigris, with the ford at Kulak Zupar, which, is beyond the ferry 
 called Kuliik Izidi, or the pass of the Tezidees. 
 
 " The fact of their leaving the Tigris," says the Eev. Mr. Mao- 
 michael in the Appendix to the Xenophon (p. 340), " and march- 
 ing up the Zab before crossing it, though not expressly stated, is 
 sufficiently indicated by the remark that they arrived at the Tigris 
 near larissa (iii. 4. 6), after two marches fi-om the ford. It is 
 also to he added to this, that it seems probable that they crossed 
 above the junction of the Khazir-sn or Bumadus, as they are de- 
 oribed as passing on their way to Larissa, a valley formed by a 
 torrent." 
 
 Colonel Ohesney makes the Greeks cross the Zab near its con- 
 fluence, " probably in boats," (ii. 222). Layard, who has examined 
 the country about the confluence of the two rivers with great care, 
 says, " The ford by which the Greeks crossed the great Zab 
 (Zabates) may, I think, be accurately determined. It is still the 
 principal ford in this part of the river, and must, from the nature 
 of the bed of the stream, have been so from the earliest periods. 
 It is about twenty-five miles from the confluence of the Zab and 
 Tigris. A march of twenty-five stadia, or nearly three miles, in 
 the direction of Larissa, would have brought them to the Ghazer 
 or Burmadus; a,nd this stream was, I have little doubt, the deep 
 valley formed by the torrent where Mithridates, venturing to 
 attack the retreating army was signally defeated." (Disobv. ia the 
 Eoins of Nineveh and, Babylon, p. 60). 
 
 , Layard is wrpng in saying that " Mi-. Ainsworth would take 
 the Greeks up to the modern ferry, where there could never have 
 been a ford." I said distinctly (Trav. in the Track, etc.,'p. 119) 
 the actual ferry is at Kelek Izedi (or Kulak Izidi), but beyond 
 this, at Kelek Gopar (Kulak Kupar), the river js said to be ford- 
 able at favorable seasons. This Mr. Eassam and myself ascer- 
 tained on the spot. As it appears, however, there is a ford 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 305 
 
 lower down the river, and yet above the confluence of the Khazir- 
 su, it is evidently useless to go higher up the river in search of a 
 spot for the passage of the Greeks. 
 
 Labissa. — Having crossed the Zabatus, the Greeks were only 
 enabled, owing to the hostile front presented by Mithridates, the 
 satrap of the new district they had entered upon, to advance some 
 five and twenty stadia to some villages on the plain. The next 
 morning they started earlier than usual on account of the ravine, 
 but the Persians did not attack them till they had crossed the 
 torrent, and being driven back, the Greeks traveled the rest of the 
 day without molestation, arriving at the river Tigris, where was a 
 largo deserted city, the name of whichi was Larissa, and which 
 the Medes had formerly inhabited. 
 
 The identity of the Larissa of Xenophon with the ruins of Nim- 
 rud, the scene of Layard's most remarkable discoveries, appearing 
 to be undisputed by those who have written since the publication 
 of the " Travels in the Track," it only remains to notice some facts 
 that have sprung out of more recent researches. 
 
 The learned Bochart first advanced the supposition that this 
 Assyrian city was the same as the primeval qity, called Kesen in the 
 Bible and that the Greeks having asked its name were answered, 
 Al Resen, the article being prefixed, and from whence they made 
 Larissa, in an easy transposition. I adopted this presumed identity 
 as extremely probable, and Colonel Chesney (ii. 223) has done the 
 same, not as an established fafct, but as a presumed identity. 
 
 Layard was satisfied with looking upon Nimrud as a quarter of 
 Nineveh. "That the ruins at Nimrud were within the precincts 
 of Nineveh," he says in Nineveh and its Eenjains ^vol. ii. p. 245), 
 " If they do not alone mark its site, appears to be proved by Strabo, 
 and by Ptolemy's statement, that the city was on the Lyons, cor- 
 roborated by the tradition preserved by the earliest Arab geogra- 
 phers. Yakut and others, mention the ruins of Athur, near Sela- 
 miyah, which gave the name of Assyria to the province ; and Ibn 
 Said expressly states, that they were those of the city of the As- 
 syrian kings who destroyed Jernsalem. They are still called, as 
 it has been shown, both Athur and Nimroud." 
 
 Certain cuneiform characters represented in Layard's Nineveh 
 and its Remains (vol. ii. p. 228, 229), were, from their frequent 
 recurrence both in the sculptures and the bricks, supposed to rep- 
 resent the name of Asshur. Dr. Hincks deemed them to repre- 
 sent either the name, or an abbreviation of the name of Athur, 
 the country of Assyria. " It is possible," Layard remarks nppn 
 this, " that Nineveh, or Athur, may be indiscriminately used in 
 speaking of the country." 
 
 Athor, or Athyr, has also been read by Dr. Hincks as the name 
 of the presiding divinity on the monuments of Assyria, somewhat^ 
 
306 COMMENTAET ON 
 
 ■we suppose, in the same way, only with more religions feeling 
 mixed up with it, that BritJtnnia represents Great Britain. 
 
 In 1846, Colonel Eawlinson, speaking of Nimrud, noticed it as 
 probably the Rehoboth of Scripture, but he added in a note, " I 
 have no reason for identifying it witli Rehoboth, beyond its evident 
 antiquity, and the attribution of Resen and Calah to other sites. 
 (Journal pf Eoy. AsiaL Soo. vol. x. p. 26.) At tliis time Colonel 
 Rawlinson identified Calah with Holwan or Sir Pnl-i-Zohab, and 
 Resen, or Dasen, with Yasin Teppeh in the plain of SharizOr in 
 Kurdistan. (See note to p. 23 op. cit.) 
 
 In 1849 (Journ. of Roy. Asiat. Soo. vol. xi. p. 10), Colonel 
 Rawlinson said, " The Arabic geographers always give the title of 
 Athur to the great ruined capital near the mouth of the. Upper 
 Zab. The rnins are now usually known by the name of Nimrud. 
 It would seem highly probable that they represent the Calaji of 
 Oenesis, for the Samaritan Pentateuch names this city Lachisa, 
 which is evidently the same title as the Aapiaaa of Xenophon, the 
 Persian r being very usually replaced both in Median and Baby- 
 lonian by a guttural." 
 
 In 1850 (JoUrn. of Roy. Asiat. Soo. vol. xii.). Colonel Rawlin- 
 son added the discovery of a cuneiform inscription bearing the 
 title Levekh, which he reads Halukh. " Nimrud," says the distin- 
 guished palEeographist, "the great tl-easure-house which has 
 famished us with all the most remai-kable specimens of Assyrian 
 sculpture, although very probably forming one of that group of 
 cities, which in the time of the prophet Jonas, were known by the 
 common name of Nineveh, .has no claim, itself, I think, to that 
 Tiarticular appellation. The title by which it is designated on the 
 bricks and slabs that form its buildings, I rea,d doubtfully as Le, 
 vekh, and I suspect this lio be the original form of the name which 
 appears as Calah in Genesis, and Halah in Kings and Chronicles, 
 ajid which indeed, as the capital of Calaohene, must needs have 
 occupied some site in the Immediate vicinity." 1 
 
 Lastly, in 1853 (Journ. of Boy. Asiat. Soc. vol. xv. p. vi. etseq.), 
 Colonel RawHnsoa describes the remarkable cylinder before al- 
 luded to as found at Kilah Shirgat, which establishes that site to 
 bave been the most ancient capital of the Assyrian empire, and to 
 have been called Assnr as well as Nimrud and Nineveh Proper. 
 This Assur, we have seen, he identifies with the Tel Assur of the 
 Targuma, which is used for the Mosaic Resen ; and instead, there- 
 fore, of Eesen being between Nineveh and Calah, It should be Ciu 
 lah, which was between Nineveh and Eesen. 
 
 But, notwithstanding such very high authority, the conclusion 
 thus arrived at does not appear to be perfectly satis^ctory. The 
 discovery of the expression Levekh, and its analogy in the Samari- 
 tan Laohisa and the Greek Larissa, is very curious and very 
 
THE AISTABASIS OF XENOPHON. 307 
 
 remarkable, btlt not eonolnsive. The name Assnr, or Athur 
 occurs just as frequently in connection 'with Niinrud as Vitli Shir- 
 gat, and, therefore, the same argument of its hMng the Tel Assur of 
 the Targums, which is used for the Mosaic Eesen, would apply to 
 the one as well as to the other. It is possible toimagine two cities 
 like Nineveh and Resen to have been within some twenty miles of 
 one another, but it is not so easy to imagine that in after times 
 one was in the province of'Adiabene, the other in that of Oalsi- 
 chene. This pai't of the subject willbe found discussed at length 
 in the "Papers of the Syro-Egyptian Society," (voh i. part ii.) 
 
 The whole question, indeed, regarding Nineveh and Assur ap- 
 pears to- be involved in a great deal of philological confusion. It 
 is evident that the name of the country came from Assur or Athur, 
 and we can not, tberefdre, feel surprised at finding the name at 
 Kilah. Shirgat, afterward transposed to Nimrud and to Nineveh, 
 just as we And the Ohaldejin priests using it in the present day in 
 their bibles at Musul or Mausil. It does not appear, therefore, that 
 any correct data will be derived from nsiming any of the Assyrian 
 cities from the presence of this epithet. ^ 
 
 Then again, with regard to Nineveh, it may at one time have 
 designated one place, at another time another place, according to 
 where the king took up his abode : and again, it may, in the time 
 of Jonah, have embraced tPe whole group of cities, as Colonel 
 Rawlinson remarks, in Assyria Proper. Layard does not dispute 
 that the different pcfrtions of Nineveh, thus comprehensively 
 viewed, may have had different names. Much light has already 
 been thrown upon'the history of the different Assyrian cities and 
 edifices, as Well as upon the dwellers therein, arid that is quite suf- 
 ficient to show that we are as yet only upon the threshold of what 
 will be eliminated by the labors of our truly zealous and laborious 
 , paleographers and archceologists. 
 
 Since the above was written, a letter from Colonel Eawlirison 
 appears in the Athenseum, No. 1381, making mention of the dis- 
 covery in the S. E. Palace at Nimrud, of a perfect statue of the 
 god Nebo, with an inscription on the breast, stating that the figure 
 in question was executed by a certain sculptor of LakiSa or Oalah, 
 and dedicated by him tp the Lord Phal-lnkha, king of Assyria, and 
 to his Lady, Sammuramit, Queen of the Palace. In the same in- 
 scription the territorial name of Sutgan is mentioned in conjunc- 
 tion with that of the city of Calah, being. Colonel Rawlinson says, 
 the, title given by the Samaritan interpreter for the Hebrew of Re- 
 hob'oth Ir. The Colonel identifies the king and queen here no- 
 ticed together with the Belochus and Semiramis of the Greek As- 
 syrian'lists. He believes Semiramis to have been the daughter 
 of the Idng of Medo- Armenia, tohave married PhaUukha, the king 
 of Armenia, when she changed her name from Atossa to Semi- 
 
308 COMMENTARY ON 
 
 rarais, and to have reigned with her lijisband as joint monarch, of 
 Nineveh in the eighth oontuiy before Christ. 
 
 Mbspila.. — From Larigsa the Greeks are desorihed as proceed- 
 ing, in one day's journey, six parasangs^to a large unoccupied for- 
 tress, situated near a city, the name of which was Mespila. Upoa 
 the data here given, I identified the fortress with the ruins at 
 Tarumjah, and Mespila with Nineveh. Colonel Chesney appears 
 to coincide in this view of the subject. "That Larissa and Mes- 
 pila are represented by the ruins of Nirarud and Kouynnjik," 
 Layard says (Nineveh and Babylon, p. 61), " no one can reason- 
 ably doubt." 
 
 Colonel Kawlinson, however, says (Jonrn, Eoy. Asiat. Soo. vol. 
 xii. p. 419), "It seems to me very possible that Xenophon's name, 
 of Mespila may denote Mosul, and not Nineveh," The term Mes^ 
 pila or Meso-pulai, " middle pass or gates," would certainly appear 
 to apply to the pass of the river between Musul and Eouyunjilc or 
 Nabbi Yunus, and there may have been ruins on both banks, for 
 a great mound still exists in Musul, not far from the river, but 
 there is no evidence of such extensive ruins, as are described by 
 !^iiophon as being at Mespila, havipg existed on the right bank 
 of the river, while we know they do occur on the left. Eennell 
 has, however, also conjectured Musul to be derived.from Mesulas, 
 a corruption of Meso-pulai. It does not matter much. Xenophon's 
 name, no doubt, applied to the pass of the Tigris, and therefore to 
 Musul and Nineveh, and his descriptions of ruins to the latter. 
 
 TiLLAQBS BEYOND Mespila.— The Greeks proceeded fropi the 
 pass of the Tigris, one day's journey, a distance of four parasangs, 
 to some villages wh^re there was plenty of corn. Fertihty is tJie 
 characteristic of the plain of Nineveh to the present day, and there 
 are no want of villages. From the data here given, I identified 
 the particular villages at which the Greeks encamped with Tel 
 Kaif, an Assyrian mound with a village or small town at its foot." 
 Colonel Chesney joins me in this identification, layard, however,, 
 says, "they OTobably halted near the modern village. of Batnai, 
 between Tel Eef and, Tel Eskof, an ancient site, exactly four hours, 
 by the usual caravan road, from Konyunjik." There is no doubt 
 that Tel Kaif is not above nine geog. miles from Kouyunjik, and 
 Batnai is twelve. But this is allowing the full three geog. miles to 
 the^parasang, and that when the Greeks were harassed throughout 
 the jouraey by^Tissapherijes. Tel Kaif is evidently also an old 
 Assyrian site, which is not so certain with respect to Batnai, and 
 I, therefore, considering all the circumstances of the site, prefer 
 the first identification. 
 
 Palaobs and Vhxages. — ^The Greeks remained at the villages 
 on the Assyrian plain the ensuing day, after which they proceeded 
 through the open country, five days' march, till they came to hills, 
 beyond which was a kind of palace and several villages round it. 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 309 
 
 The first hills that are met with in proceeding northward from 
 Assyria, to Karduchia, are those whiolj. constitute the triple range, 
 designated as the Jibal Abyad by the Arabs, and Oha Spi by the 
 Kurds, both signifying "white hills," and immediately beyond 
 them is the Castle of Zakliu, with villages around it, like a feudal 
 castle of olden times. " In no part of the journey do the circum- 
 stances of the case more closely correspond with Xenophon's de- 
 scriptions, especially of the difficulties met with in passing the 
 hilly range, and the unforeseen opposition they met with in the 
 now wooded valleys between the ranges. 
 
 Colonel Chesney (ii. 224) and Layard (Nineveh and Babylon, 
 p. 61) both agree with me in this identification. It is remarkable 
 that Xenophon does not raentioa the Kliabur, which Dr. Grant 
 confounded with the Ohebar of Scripture — the Khabur of Meso- 
 potamia—although he must have crossed that liver either by a 
 fprd or bridge. 
 
 Village in the plain. — There being plenty of provisions at 
 Zakhu, the Greeks remained there three days^ and on the fourth 
 they went down into the plain. Xenophon neglects here to noticp 
 either the Khabur or its tributary the Hazil, both of which tfte 
 artny must apparently have crossed. They are reported as having 
 encamped at the first village theycaijie to, which I have supposed 
 might correspond with Tel Ku,bbin, where a mound of ruin marks 
 an ancient site, but Layard does not think they got beyond the 
 Hazil su. The first village in the plain in the present day is Bidari, 
 inhabited by Chaldeans. 
 
 Foot of thb mountains. — ^The Greeks evidently continued 
 their march across the plain of Zakhu — the Eomaion Ager of 
 Procopius — till they reached the foot of the hills south of Jizirah. 
 A superior knowledge of the country had, however, been turned 
 to account by the Persians in the mean Wbe, and the Greeks, to 
 their Astonishment, found the .enemy in possession of the heights 
 over which they necessarily must pass, while the troops of Arisens 
 and Tissaphernes pressed upon the rear. 
 
 The scene of this second conflict in the outlying mouiitains of 
 Kurdistan I have identified with the low hills which constitute 
 that spur of the Jibal Judi which advance* immediately beyond 
 the plain of Zakhu down to the banks of the Tigris, and where is 
 the now ruinous castle of Rabahi — the Eabdium of the Low 
 Empire, Tur Abdin of Al "Wakidis' History of the Conquest of 
 Mesopotamia by the Saracens, and Tur Rabdin of the Jihan 
 Numa. Colonel Chesney agrees with me in this explanation of 
 matters, but Layard takes the Greeks (p. 62) all the way to Fynyk or 
 Finik, a view of the subject that will meet with very little support 
 from those who will be at the pains to consider the details carefully, 
 
 Kurdish, PLAIN with villages. — ^The Greeks having driven 
 the enemy from the commanding position which they held, they 
 
310 COMMENT ART ON 
 
 descended into a plain, in whicli wore many villages, stored with 
 excellent provisions, lying along the river Tigris. This plain ex- 
 ists precisely in the position indicated, between the Babahi spur 
 of the Jibal Jndi and the low eminences which again block up the 
 plain opposite to Jizii-ah ihn Umar, the Zozarta of the Chaldeans, 
 and Bezabde of the Eomans, and at the further or northern end 
 of which is the Chaldean village of Mansuriyah. There was 
 formerly a bridge over the Tigris in this plain, the ruins of which 
 still exist. 
 
 The Greeks are described as being much perplexed, for on one 
 side of them were exceeding high mountains, and on the other a 
 river of such depth, ithat when they sounded it, their spears did 
 not rise above the water. 
 
 They were also obliged to retrace their steps to a certain extent 
 The Persians having set fire to some of the villages before them, 
 they had to return in search of provisions to some that were un- 
 burned. These villages may have been at the westerly end of the 
 plain of Zakhu, where are, in the present day, Kalah Salahsani or 
 &,yid Bay's castle, Nahrwan, Girgi Pedros or Mar Yiorgio (Church 
 of St. George), Zibarra, Wasit, Perishabur, and other villages 
 mostly Chaldean. I prefer this view of the case to the one I first 
 ■ entertained, that they went up the valley of Mar Yuhannah. The 
 whole disti'idt, however, as 'Colonel Chesney (ii. 225) justly re- 
 marks, included the tract round Jizirah ibn Umar. 
 
 Layard (Nineveh and Babylon, p. 62) identifies the villages in 
 question with those still found around Funduk, but if appears 
 evident from what follows in chapter i. of the 10th boqk of thfe 
 Anabasis, that the Greeks had not yet fought their way through 
 the chief pass of the Tigris, and which is met with immediately 
 beyond Jizirah ibn Umar and the valley of Mar Yuhannah, or 
 the Dargilah of Layarj^Fynyk, ancient Phoenicia, commanding 
 the pass in question, from above. I can not but attribute the great' 
 discrepancy that occurs here between my identifications and 
 those admitted by Layard, to the cii'cumstances of his having 
 traveled from the north, I. from the south. Coming in the first 
 direction, Layard first saw the plains of Assyria through the 
 gap made by the river stretching before him, as it were at liik 
 feet, from the heights of Funduk, and all qther passes were from 
 that moment looked at as insignificant; coming, on the contrary, 
 from the so^th, the great range of the Jibal Judi seems to hem 
 in the Tigris, immediately beyond Jizirah, like a mighty wall of 
 rook. There is no mistaking this great physical feature in the 
 configuration of the country. The pass of the Tigris, where the 
 Greeks stopped awe-struck at the formidable aspect of the country 
 >'*ore them, was at or neai- the Bezabde of the Romans. That 
 t ^as.been from time immemorial the fortress^ which has com- 
 manded the great pass of ^e Tigi-is. 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHOK 311 
 
 Pass of the Tieuis. — The Greeks are described in the next book 
 as haying arrived at a spot where tlie Tigris was quite impassable 
 from its depth and width, and where there was no passage along 
 its banks, as the Karduchian monntains hung steep over the 
 stream, and hence their further progress became a matter of seri- 
 ous and anxious discussions. 
 
 This is the great pass of the Tigris I have justaUuded to imme- 
 diately beyond Jizirah ibn Umar. There can not be a moment's 
 question upon the subject. It -Was a point of such great import- 
 ance in the retreat, that it is made the scene of discussion of all 
 the principal routes that presented themselves to get out of the 
 country, and Xenophon begins another book with the account of 
 the passage of this remarkable pass, which the Greeks effected 
 with their characteristic gallantry and expedition, arriving beyond 
 the summit in certain villages of Karduchians that lay dispersed 
 in the valleys and recesses of the mountains. It is perhaps 
 scarcely necessary to say that Colonel Chesney quite coincides 
 with this view of the matter. 
 
 Villages of Kabduohians. — The pass of the Tigris will he 
 found minntely described in the Travels in the Track, p. 154. After 
 the summit of the pass is gained, the line of hills and cliffi gradua,lly 
 recede from the river, till suddenly, from having a nearly horizontal 
 stratification, additional beds of rock make their appearance in front 
 of the cliffs, dipping nearly vertically to the west, and rising in 
 rude irregular conical 6umn\its, in front of what had been hitherto 
 one continuous, wall .of rock. The recesses thus left between the 
 hills are in the present day the seat of villages, as they were in the 
 time of Xenophon, and the crags in front and in the rear bristle 
 with the small .and rude rook-forts of the Kurds This place cor- 
 responds to the Phoeniea of Amm. MaroelHnus, of the existence 
 of which Ml-. ,Bioh obtained some intelligence ; but as I was, I be- 
 lieve, the first traveler to visit it in modern times, I can not refrain 
 from quoting the description given of this remarkable spot in the 
 Trav. in the Track, etc. p. 154 et seq. 
 
 " My surprise, and pleasure may .be weU imagined (after crossing 
 the before^iQentioned wild rooky pass) at finding extending before 
 ma a considerable expanse of wejl-wooded gardens, which stretch- 
 ecl from the hills down to the water-side, and for about two miles 
 up the river-course. Nothing could exceed the rich luxuriance of 
 these groves and orchards; there were open spaces here and 
 there for maize, melon, gourd, and cucumber, but otherwise the 
 groves of plum, apricot, and peach appeared almost inaccessible, 
 from, the dense lower growth of fig-trees and pomegranates, them- 
 selves again half hid beneath clnstei'ing vines. Overlooking this 
 scene of vegetative splendor, and upon the side of the hill, were . 
 the ruins of a castellated building, the battlemeftted -yfall and irre- 
 gularly dispersed towers of which ■ still remain. This buUding 
 
312 COMMENTARY ON 
 
 covered a considerable space, being six hundred yards in depth, by 
 eleven hundred in length, Traces of out-works, and of buildings 
 connected with it, were also quite evident, stretching downward 
 to the gardens. 
 
 " On two mounds, not far distant from each other, and close to 
 the river, are the ruins of two smaller castles of Similar character to 
 the large one, only With double battlements, and consequently 
 rising more loftily from the deep green groves, in the midst of 
 which they are situated. 
 
 " In a deep and rocky glen at the head of these gardens is situated 
 the village of Giili or Kuli Shirafl (so called from its being in a 
 narrow strait or pass), many of the house.s of which are hewn out 
 of rock, and some of them out of fallen masses, which often stand 
 erect at the foot of the cliffs, like great obelisks with a door-way in" 
 front : on the cliffs around are also numerous sepulchral grots, and 
 the remains of aqueducts. 
 
 " To the nortkof this glen is another of greater dimensions, in 
 which is the modern village of Fynyk, containing about one hun- 
 dred houses, many of them excavated. The village is defended by 
 several Kurd forte, two of which were on the opposite liill-tops, 
 while other small ones Succeeded to one another along the crest 
 and acclivities down to the village. This pass of the Tigris was 
 rendered quite impracticable to strangers by the Kurds of these 
 villages till the time of Rashid Pasha." 
 
 It is manifest that it is these villages to which Xenophon alludes 
 when he speaks of such being in rocky recesses. Layard however 
 looks for these villages at Funduk (p. 62). 
 
 While resting during the heat of day in the gardens down by 
 the river Tigris, Layard was lucky enough to have had iraforma- 
 tion brought to him of the existence of sculptures in one of these 
 ravines — the description appears to apply rather to that of Kuli 
 Shirafl than to that of Finik or Fynyk proper. " We rode," he says 
 (p. 54), " up a narrow and shady ravine, through which leapt a 
 brawling torrent, watering fruit-tfees and melon beds. The rocks 
 on both sides were honey-combed with tombs. The bas-relief is 
 somewhat above the line of cultivation, and is surrounded by ex- 
 cavated chambers. It consists of two figures, dressed in loose 
 vests and trowsers, one apparently resting his hand on the 
 shoulder of the other. There are the remains of an inscription, 
 but too much weather-worn to be copied with any accuracy. The 
 costume of the figures, and the forms of the characters as far as 
 they can be distinguished, prove that the tablet belongs to the 
 Parthian period. It closely resembles monuments of the same 
 epoch existing'in the mountains of Persia." 
 
 What further satisfies me that the glen or ravine which my 
 informants told mS was called Kuli Shirafl is the same as that in 
 which Layard found the bas-reliefs, is thatLiyard adds, " Beneath 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHOU. 313 
 
 tlietn (the figures) U a long cutting, and tunnel in the rook, prob- 
 ably an ancient watercourse for irrigation, to record the cod^ 
 struction of which the tablets may have been sculptured." 
 
 Layard also discovered some sculptures of a similar character in 
 the valley which leads from Jizirah to Darghilah, the former 
 stronghold of Badir Khan Bey, or as I have called it from a Chal- 
 dean church, and the seat of a Chaldean episcopacy, the valley of 
 Mar Yuliannah. These sculptures were about two miles from the 
 high road, near a small fort built by Mir Saif-ad-din, the hereditary 
 chief of Buhtan, in whose name Badir Khan Bey exercised his 
 authority. There were two tablets, one above the other ; the upper 
 contained a warrior on horseback, the lower a simple figure.' 
 Although no traces of inscription remain, the bas-relief may con- 
 fidently be asaigped to the same period, Layard says, as that of 
 Fynyk. 
 
 Pa.88 of SoETJTrsT. — Beyond Finik, or Tynyl^ the hills and the 
 river recede from one another, the latter bein^ closed np amid 
 precipitous cliffs, aiid to avoid this long precipitous bend, the road 
 is carried over the hills by the village of Finduk or Funduk. As 
 the Greeks did not start from Finik till after breakfast, more than 
 seven or eight geographical miles can not be allowed to the first 
 day's march thence, which would carry them to the slope of those 
 heights where are now the remains of Kunakti and other castles, 
 which defended the approach to Finduk. There is only one pass 
 in the lino of road thus traversed, adapted for the purposes men- 
 tioned by Xenophon, of examining the men in a file, and scru- 
 tinizing their baggage or impedtmentiz, and that is the ravine of 
 the rivulet of Zawiyah, whioh is deep and narrow, and to which 
 there is only one descent on either side, the remainder being 
 vertical cliffs in which are here and-there a sepulchral grotto. 
 
 Pass of Findttu.-^Ou the next day a great storm arose in the 
 very place to expect such, on the ascent of the highlands of Fin- 
 duk ; but they were obliged to go on, for their provisions failed 
 them. Beyond the castle of Kunakti, the road enters a narrow 
 glen, and winds round along similar passes, till turning the face of 
 a lofty precipice, it advances upon more open and cultivated high- 
 lands by the village or town of Finduk, down again into the vafiey 
 of the Tigris, where are the villages of Kuwarru, Baravan, and 
 others, inhabited in the pr^ent day by Syrian Christians. 
 
 Layard gives an amusing account of his passage through Fin- 
 duk, whose inhabitants, he says, during the rule of Badir Kban Bey 
 were notorious among evea the savage tribes of Buhtan, for 
 their hatred and insolence to Christians. At the time of my visit 
 Badir Khan had not been subdued, and the dangers of the road 
 were proportionably greater, but the only annoyance the savage 
 old chieftain Easnl gave me (if it can be even so termed), was to 
 ask ine contemptuously if I was a Christian. 
 
 14 
 
314 COMMBN'a?AKT OJT 
 
 The Gi'eeks were subjected to inuoli annoyance by the Kurds 
 on this passage, and Xenophon was irritated at Oheirisophus 
 hastening, as he deemed, too rashly forward ; but the rival leader 
 pointed to the river pass and mountains before him, and urged the 
 necessity of having hurried forward to secure the position they 
 were in. ■ That this was on the banks of the Tigris is evidenced 
 by a prisoner they had taken, promising, under fear of death, to 
 lead them over the hills, instead of by the riv^r-banks, which are 
 indeed at this point impassable, except when the waters are low, 
 besides being commanded by the neighboring hills. 
 
 Pass of Kulak. — At the point where they had now arrived 
 then, that is, where the Tigris is hemmed in by the mountains, and 
 yet there is no short cut over the latter, as at Findnk ; the Greeks 
 were obliged to detach a partyto take possessioa of the heights 
 before they could attempt to force the passage below. Notwith- 
 standing these precautions, the Kurds rolled down great stones 
 upon the Greeks 3nd entailed considerable delay. 
 
 The scene of this event appears to have been at the entrance of 
 the pass, where is u, ferry and villages on each side of the river 
 known as Kulak, as is also the ferry on the Zab — pronounced by 
 the .Kurds, Kelek or Chelek. At this point a rivulet of clear 
 water flows into the Tigris, by a narrow ravine, which is hemmed 
 in, as the Tigris is also from this point northward, by perpendicu- 
 lar rocks. A. road, carried up in part by steps cut in the rock, 
 leads up the cliff to the ruins of a castle that once commanded 
 this important position. 
 
 To gain this pass, the Greeks had to fight three separate con- 
 flicts, on as many distinct eminences ; after which they arrived at 
 a number of good houses, and in the midst of abundance of pro- ■ 
 visions. "Wine was so abundant, that they kept it in excavations 
 under ground, which were plastered over. 
 
 On emerging from the hills that hem in the river below Kulak, 
 thejre are at the present day no villages close to the river, but there 
 are several in the interior, and a little further on the ruins of a 
 large village, and of a JKhan built of stone. Kulah, with its tall 
 Kurdish castle, stands on the right bank of the river, a little' 
 further on. The plastered cisterns noticed by Xenophon are still 
 to be met with in Kurdistan, Armenia, and Syria. 
 
 The Oentbites. — The next day the Greeks pursued their way, 
 one party as usual ascending the mountains from behind to drive 
 the enemy away, and leave the passage below free to their com- 
 rades. By these means they were enabled to force another 
 wooded and .picturesque pass, that is met with north of Kulak, 
 and to reach the more open country where the Buhtan-ohai or 
 Oentrites joins the Tigris. 
 
 The army did not encamp on the banks of the Oentrites, but, as 
 is described by Xenophon, above the plain, where are some villages 
 
THE ANABASIS OP XENOPHON, gig 
 
 of Ohaldeang in the present day. At the point of junction of tlie 
 Tigris and Oentrites is the ancient Aiinenian site of Til, or Till 
 (written by Layard, Tilleh), -vvhioli was celebrated in history as 
 favored by Tigranes, and as the burial-place of several of the early 
 Armenian pontiflfa. 
 
 Layard having got the Greelca on their first day's march over 
 the Karduchian hills, as far as Pindnk, he says, " There now re- 
 mained about ten parasangs to the plain through which flows the 
 eastern branch of the Tigris ; but the country was difficult, and at 
 this time of the year (nearly mid-winter) the lower road along the 
 river was impassable. The Greeks had, therefore, to force their 
 way over a series of difficult passes, all stoutly defended by warlike 
 tribes. They were consequently four days in reaching the Oen- 
 trites or eastern Tigris, the united waters of the rivers of Bitlis, 
 Sert, and Bohtan." 
 
 FoED OF THE Centeitbs. — The passage of the river was op- 
 posed by an united army of Armenians, Mardians, or, as it was 
 previously read, Mygdonians, and Chaldeans. These mercenaries 
 were drawn up on high banks, three or four hundred feet from the 
 river ; and the only road that was visible, was one that led up- 
 ward, apparently a work of art, and the Greeks attempted to cross 
 the river at this point, but without success. They, in consequence, 
 retreated, and when they had encamped on the banks of the river, 
 they found their previous station occupied by the Kurds. 
 
 That day, therefore, and the following night, they remained 
 where they were in great perplexity. But the next morning, two 
 young men came to Xenophon, when he was at breakfast, and 
 told him they had found a ford. This ford was at a distance of 
 about four stadia, and the Greeks effiacted a passage by a series of 
 ingenious maneuvers which are described in the text. 
 
 Layard, who forded the Buhtan-chai in the month of September 
 I believe (he disembarked at Trebizond on the 31st of August), 
 says, " We crossed the lower or eastern ford, which we found wide 
 and exceedingly rapid, the water, however, not reaching above the 
 saddle-girths. The villagers raised the luggage and supported the 
 horses against the current, which, rushing over loose and slippery 
 stones, affiarding an uncertain footing, threatened to sweep the 
 animals down the stream. * * The spot at which we crossed was 
 one of peculiar interest. Itwas here that the Ten TTtousandin their 
 meniorable retreatfordeA this rimer ^ called Jy Xenophcm,^ the Oentrites 
 (p. 49). The next paragraph but one, he says, " The ford was 
 deep, and its passage disputed by a formidable force of Armenians, 
 Mygdonians (Mardians ?) and Chaldeans, drawn up on an eminence 
 800 or 400 feet from the river. In this strait Xenophon dreamed 
 that he was in chains, and that suddenly his fetters burst assunder 
 of their own accord. His dream was fulfilled when two youths 
 casually found a more praetiealle/ord, by which the army, after a 
 
316 COMMENTARY ON 
 
 skUlfnl stratagem, on the pai-t of their commander, safely reached 
 the opposite bank. 
 
 These two psiragraphs contradict one another. Layard also 
 says at page 63, " The stream was rapid, the water reaching 
 to the breast, and the ford, owing to the unevenness of the 
 bottom and the loose slippery stones, exceeding diflScnlt ; such, it 
 will be remembered, we found to be the case near Tilleh. The op- 
 posite banks were, moreover, defended by the combined forces of 
 the Armenians, Mygdoni^ns, and Chaldeans. It was imposable to 
 cross the river at this spot in the face of the enemy. At length a 
 ford was discovered higher up, and Xenophon, by skillful strategy, 
 effected the passage. This must have been at a short distance 
 from Tilleh, as the river, narrowed between rooky banks, is no 
 longer fordable higher up." , ' 
 
 This latter statement is founded in error, for Mr. Eassam and 
 myself forded it a few miles higher up, in the month of September, 
 when the water was in its deepest part, not above three feet, but 
 generally two. 
 
 Supposing the Greeks to have first attempted the ford at Til, it 
 is evident, according to Layard's own showing, that they crossed 
 ultimately higher up the river. But the fact is that the point at 
 which the Greeks passed must be determined by where they first 
 reached the river-banks. On reaching the plain of the Oentrites, 
 the Tigris makes a great bend to the westward before receiving 
 the Oentrites, and as the course of the Greeks lay northward, I 
 conceive it very unlikely that they would have turned unneces- 
 sarily out of their way toward the junction of the two rivers. 
 Again, at the point where they approached, the river, the enemy is 
 described as occupying high banks from 300 to 400 feet from the 
 river. This description would correspond with that part of the valley 
 where the Buhtan-chai is first hemmed in by low hills, now called 
 Janiminiyah. About four miles beyond this there are in the pres- 
 ent day the ruins of a bridge, over which lay formerly the road 
 to Radwan. Beyond this again is an artificial causeway carried 
 up the face of a limestone rock, partly by steps cut out of tha rook 
 itself, and partly by a causeway paved with .large blocks of stone. 
 This is the highway to Sa'art, and appears to be of remote au- 
 ticLuity. Here is also a ford, but as the river is fordable at its em- 
 bouchure, it is evident there may be many fords between the two. 
 It is not necessary to presume then that the higher ford was 
 crossed, although the reference to the artificial causeway carried 
 np the face of the cliffs, and which remains to the present day, is 
 very curious j but as it appears almost certain that they did not 
 approaoh.the river till where it is hemmed'' in by low hills, and 
 which is precisely what they would be expected ti> do from the 
 route taken and the configuration of the valley, and as they 
 crossed about four stadia above , that point, Wio place where 
 
THE ANABASIS OP XENOPHON. 31"? 
 
 the Greeks forded the river was manifestly beyond the said low 
 hills. 
 
 PiXAOB OF Aemenian Sateap. — Having forced the passage of 
 the Oentrites, Jlie Greeks are described as proceeding through 
 Armenia, over plains and gently sloping hills, a distance of not 
 less than five parasangs, arriving ultimately at a village of consid- 
 erable size, which contained a palace for the satrap; upon most 
 of the houses there were towers, and provisions in great plenty. 
 This spot, by the distance given, would appear to correspond with 
 the town now called Sa'art or Se'ert. 
 
 Thb Telbboas. — The Greeks are described as advancing from 
 the palace of the Armenian satrap, two'days* journey, a distance of 
 ten parasangs, until they passed beyond the sources of the river 
 Tigris, ^rora hence they advanced, three days' journey, fifteen 
 'parasangs, to the river Teleboas, a stream not large, indeed, but 
 of much beauty ; and there were many viBages on its banks. This 
 part of the country was called Western Armenia. 
 
 There is a difiSculty about the ideutiflcation of the Teleboas, 
 which has been revived by Mr. Layard's going back to the old 
 view of the case. My ideas, as propounded from an unbiassed 
 consideration of the facts of the case, are given in the " Travels in 
 the Track," etc., in the following words : 
 
 "Had the Greeks marched by the great road fl-om Sa'art to 
 Bitlis, the distance here given at the onset would take them to 
 the diffloult pass called the Darah-irTasul, when they would leave 
 behind them the minor tributaries to the Kharzan-su (ano. Arsa- 
 nius), but only to arrive, after another ascent and descent, at the 
 river Bakiyah or of Bitlis, the greatest of the easterly tributaries 
 to the Tigris. So that Xenophon could hardly be expected to 
 have made the mistake regarding the ^passing the sources of the 
 Tigris, besides that the distance given from his passing the head- 
 waters of the Tigris, to the river Teleboas, much exceeds the 
 distance of the. Darah-i-Tasul from the Bakiyah river. Lastly, 
 the Teleboas was a small river with many villages on its banks, 
 the Bakiyah is not large, but is so goodly a stream, that the his- 
 torian would not have gone out of his way to describe it as small, 
 nor is it a district in whioh (except at Bitlis) many villages prob- 
 ably ever existed. All these circumstances taken into considera- 
 tion leave no doubt that the Greeks ascended directly toward the 
 great chain of the Ali Tagh, the ancient Niphates, in a direction 
 nearly north; by which prooee^iig, a journey of thirty miles 
 would have carried them beyond the head-waters of the tributaries 
 to the Tigris, in those districts, and another forty-five mUes would 
 have brought them into the valley of the Kara-su, recognized by 
 many as the Teleboas of our author, aiid situate in the district of 
 Moxoene, the present Mush — apparently from the most remote 
 times the seat of numerous towns and villages, and having a large 
 population. That this is the only version that can be given to this 
 
318 COMMENTARY ON 
 
 portion of the narrative is further corroborated by the fact that 
 from the Teleboas they proceeded through cfjpfcm which ■would 
 not apply itself to the river Bakiyeh (nor to the river of Bitlis), 
 both of which are inclosed in depp and wooded mountain valleys." 
 
 Colonel Ohesney's view of the subject is as follows: "It is con- 
 sidered to be a journey of thirty-eight hours from Se'ert to Mush 
 by the shortest route (see Colonel Shell's Journey from Tabriz 
 through Kurdistan, Jour, of Roy. Geo. 800. vol. viii. p. 77), but 
 as the Greeks approached the source of i^he Tigris, theirs must 
 have been rather longer. About twenty hotirs wbuld be consumed 
 on their march to the high ground in question ; and about twenty 
 hours more in reaching tBe supposed Teleboas or Kara-su at the 
 village of Arisban near Mush." 
 
 This is the most satisfactory explanation of all, because by 
 crossing the Niphates to Mush instead of to the valley of the Kara- 
 su at the foot of the Nimrud Tagh, the Greeks would have had the 
 advantage of the highway from Hazu to Mush. It may also be 
 observed here, that had the Greeks intended keeping to the country 
 of theKarduchians, and passing the mountains by Bitlis,they need 
 not have fought their way over the Centrites ; and Xenophon, 
 wben he speaks of passing above Tigris, was, there is every reason 
 to believe, well enough aware that he was crossing the great water- 
 shed. The historian also distinguishes the country they had ad- 
 vanced into as a different region of Armenia, under its own satrap. 
 
 In the face of all these facts, Layard says, " Six marches, of five 
 parasangs each, brought them to the small river Teleboas. I am 
 convinced that this' river can not be identified with the Kara-su, 
 which would be at least between forty and fifty parasangs, or from 
 eight to ten days' march from Tilleh, supposing Xenophon to have 
 made the smallest possible deviation to the westr" (This is sup- 
 posing the Greeks ^to have started from Tilleh, which is not prob- 
 able, and then to have traveled to the Kara'SU by way of Bitlis, 
 which is left out of tbe consideration.) " I believe," continues 
 Layard, " the Teleboas to have been the river of Bitlis. After cross- 
 ing the low country of Kharzan, well described by Xenophon as 
 'a plain varied by hiUs of an easy ascent,' the Greeks must neces- 
 sarily have turned slightly to the eastward to reach the Bitlis val- 
 ley, as inaccessible mountains stopped all further progress." This 
 is not the case ; Colonel Sheil, as before quoted, describes a road 
 from Se'ert of thirty-eight hours to Mush direct, which does not 
 pass through Bitlis : and the Colonel adds, " This must be the road 
 which Maodoaiald Kinneir supposes the Ten Thonsand to have 
 taken after they crossed the river, which he calls the Khabur, at 
 Se'ert." (Op. cit. p. 77.) Viscount PoUington passed through the 
 Niphates on his journey from Erzrura to Aleppo in 1888 ; and Mr. 
 Consul Brant did the same on his journey from Kharput by Mush 
 to Bitlis. This was by the valley of the Kolb-su (Handle water), 
 but Mr. Brant says there was another road crossing the mountains 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XBNOPHON. 319 
 
 immediately south of Mush. (See Journ. of Roy. Geog. Soc. vol. 
 ii. p. 445 et seq. and p. 352 et seq.) Either of those roads would 
 have been preferable to the mountaia route through Kurdistan by 
 Bitlis, to the Greeks. 
 
 Mr. Layard remarks, that the text of Xenophbn describes the 
 Greeks as coming to, not crossing, the Teleboas. This would ap- 
 ply itself alike to the origin of the Kara-su at the foot of the Nim- 
 rud Tagh — to the rivulet of Mush or Ak-su — the White Water — a 
 tributary to the Kara-su, or to the rivulet at Kizil Aghaz on the 
 north side of the Kolb Tagh. It would scarcely apply to the river 
 of Brtlis, with which they would have had to keep company some 
 time. Beyond either of the above rivers there are plains, not so at 
 the head of the Bitlis river, and all these rivers are beyond the water- 
 shed of the Tigris, which is not the case with the river of Bitlis. 
 
 Palaok of TiEiBAZTjs. — The Greeks proceeded from the Tele- 
 boas three days' march, a distance of five paras.angs, through a 
 plain, till they came to a palace, with several villages around it, 
 stored with abundance of provisions. The direction followed by 
 the Greeks, after reaching the plains of Armenia, must be chiefly 
 judged of by the time spent before they crossed the Euphrates. 
 Had they pursued a direct northerly course, they could have 
 reached the river in a day's march, but at a point where it is 
 scarcely fordable. Probably they were informed of this fact, and 
 hence led to pursue a north-easterly course to wh«re the river was 
 sufficiently fordable, and which was not attained till the sources 
 of the river are described as being not far off. 
 
 The palace of Tiribazus and surrounding villages may, from the 
 distance given, be at or near the sites of Perak or Lis, north of 
 Lake Nazuk, but this, in the absence of corroborative information, 
 ia naturally a merely speculative suggestion. 
 
 The plain of Mush attains an average elevation, frojn my own 
 observations, of 4200 feet above the sea, which is some 1800 
 feet below that of Arzrum, vulgo Erzrum, Erzerum, and Erzeroom.' 
 But between the two, or the valleys of the western Euphrates and 
 that of the Murad-su, the generality of the valleys and uplands 
 which attain their culminating point in the Bin giil Tagh^-the 
 mountain of a thousand lakes — the Abus of the Romans — and on 
 which are patches of perpetual snow, are much higher. 
 
 The knowledge which we now possess of the great, elevation of 
 these Armenian uplands explains the extreme severity of the win- 
 ters, which has been the subject of much controversy ; so much so, 
 that Tournefort, the traveler and botanist, suggested that it might 
 be owing to so unnatural a cause as the impregnation of tlie soil 
 
 1 Orisntal manusoripts leave no doubt as to the name of the present 
 capital of Armenia beii^ Arzrum, vulgarly pronounced Erzerum. The im» 
 portance of the prefix justify us iu writing the word as it is spelled, not as 
 it is pronounced. 
 
320 COMMENTARY ON 
 
 with Bal-ammoniao. Positive elevation, in which the immediate re* 
 Bultsof alower temperature are increased by a continental climate, 
 and a long continuity of open woodless tracts, appears to be the 
 main causes of the phenomena in question. 
 
 The Hon. Mr. Ourzon, who spent the winter .of 1 84-2^3 .at Arz- 
 rura, speaking of the intense cold experienced at that city, the 
 present capital of Armenia, says, " During great part of the year, 
 and naturally in the winter, the cold was so severe that any one 
 standing still for even a very short time, was frozen to death. 
 Dead frozen bodies were frequently brought into the city ; and it is 
 common in the summer, on the melting of the snow, to find nu- 
 merous corpses of men and bodies of horses, who had perished in 
 the preceding winter. So nsnal an event is this, that there is a 
 custom, or law, in the mountains of Armenia, that every summer 
 the villagei-s go out to the more dangerous passes and bury the 
 dead whom they are sure to find." (Armenia, etc. p. 162.) This 
 will give some idea of what the Greeks had to suffer during a win- 
 ter journey across the uplands of Armenia. 
 
 FoEP or THE EuPHHATES. — ^From these villages an attack was 
 made upon Tiribazus, who held a pass that lay on their way, after 
 which the whole body set forward through deep snow, and trav- 
 eled three days' journey, through a desert tract of country, a dis- 
 tance of fifteen parasangs, to the river Euphrates, which they 
 passed without being wet higher than the middle. " The sources 
 of the river were said to be not far off." 
 
 Eennell and Kinneir had both remarked that this distance is 
 too great for troops marching through deep snow. All the proba- 
 bilities of the case are, however, that the Greeks crossed the Mnrad- 
 Bu above its confluence with the Char Buhar-sn, and the river of 
 Khanus or Kalah-su, as beyond these points there would be so 
 much the less water. 
 
 Layard having taken the Greeks through Earduchia to Bitli^ 
 says, "The high road from Bitlis to Northern Annenia would lead 
 in exactly thirty hours, or six marches, to the Euphrates, which it 
 crosses near iKairaghal. I believe, therefore, that, after issuing 
 from the valley of Bitlis, Xenophon turned to the westward, leav- 
 ing the lake of Wan a little to the right, though completely con- 
 cealed from him by a range of low hills. Skii'ting the western 
 foot of Nimroud Dagh range, he passed through a plain thickly 
 inhabited, abounding in well-provisioned villages, and crossed here 
 by ranges of hills. The country still tallies precisely with Xeno- 
 phon's description." The upper valley of the Kara-sn here alluded 
 to, certainly abounds in Villages, but I saw no ranges of hills actu- 
 ally crossing it. ^t is, however, commanded by low hills where it 
 takes a westerly turn. 
 
 • Colonel Chesney (ii. 329), says, " Agreeably to tke intention of 
 fording the great rivers toward their sources (previously expressed, 
 Anab. iv. 1), the Greeks would necessarily proceed from the Tele- 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. S21 
 
 boas in a north-easteru direetion, through a very mountainous 
 tract, till they oonld cross the Murad Chai '. this oonld not have 
 been the case before they reached 39° 10' north latitude, or some- 
 where about seventy miles from the Kara-sif, which, under ex- 
 isting oircnmstances, would require the seven marches given by 
 Xenophon. 
 
 This would identify the place where the Greeks forded the 
 Murad-su with'a position not far beyond the junction of the river 
 of Khanus or the Kalah-su ; as would indeed be deduced from the 
 general facts of the case. ' 
 
 Tributaeies to the EttphbatbS. — From the Euphrates they 
 advanced three days' march, through much snow and a level plain, 
 a distance of fifteen parasangs : the third day's march was ex- 
 tremely troublesome, as the north wind blew full in their faces. 
 The depth of the snow was a fathom ; so that miany of the bag- 
 gage-cattle and slaves perished, with about thirty of the soldiers. 
 There was. plenty of wood at the encampment, which would indi- 
 cate that they had reached the banks of a river, as it is almost 
 only in such situations that wood is found in this part of Armenia. 
 The valley most probably of one of the tributaries to the river of 
 Khanus, or, if further east, a tributary to the Murad^su, on the 
 plain of Arkhkart. If in a westerly direction, the distances would 
 lead them to the upper valley bf the Ealah-su or river of Khanus. 
 In all these instances a northerly wind would still have blown 
 more or less in their faces. 
 
 Villages jn Khaitos distemt.^ — ^From thence they made one 
 day's irregular march through the snow, the men affected with 
 bulimia, snow-blindness, and mortification of the toes. Five or 
 six geographic miles are as much as can be allowed for such a 
 march : and at dark they arrived at a village with a rampart. 
 The satrap residing a parasang off. very possibly at Khanus Ka- 
 Iffihsi, which "is apart from the villages. A thermal spring, it is 
 to be noted, was met with on this day's march. Xenophon with 
 the rear did not get up to the villages till the next day. The de- 
 scription of the houses of the Armenians corresponds with what is 
 observed in the present day, they are in part subterranean, and 
 the Uve stock herd with the people during these severe winters. 
 As these Armenians had laid in their stores for the winter, the 
 Greeks found plenty of proviaons, including barley-wine, and even 
 grape-wine, in these villages. 
 
 Professor Maiden rather sharply criticises this identification of 
 Khanus with the villages in question, adopted by Eennell also long 
 previous^, but on different grounds. " There is absolutely nothing," 
 he says, " according to Mr; Ainsworth's faotion of the route, but 
 the existence of vUlagea round the modern castle of Khanus, to 
 identify that district with the group of villages where the Greeks 
 rested a week; for Mr. Ains worth goes beyond his author, when 
 
 14* 
 
322 OOMMENTAET ON 
 
 he speaks Of ' the palace of the satrap,' and would fain siippose the 
 modern castle to be on the same sitei" — ^The impression I received 
 and still retain, however, is that the women and girls at the fount- 
 ain, when the Greeks told them that they were going to the satrap, 
 answered by informing them, that he was about a parasang off, 
 meaning thereby, not that he and his army were hovering at that 
 distance, but that his residence was there ; and having read of the 
 palace of the satrap Orontes and of that of Tiribaaus a few pages 
 before, I, pictured to myself a palace or castle for the satrap of the 
 Khanus district, more especially since the chief of that district 
 dwells in a feudal castle to the present day. 
 
 In identifications like these, the traveler often differs from the 
 cabinet geographeir or scholar, inasmuch as his identifications are 
 not only founded upon what exists, but that he has also in his 
 mind at the same time what he does not enter into at length, a 
 mass of negative matter . as to what does not exist. The mere 
 bare results thus presented often do not satisfy the critic upon the 
 grounds given. When he doubts or condemns an identification, 
 however, upon such grounds he does not take sufficiently into 
 consideration, that the territory perhaps presents no other re- 
 sources. Thus, for example, in the present instance, it is quite 
 possible that the Greeks held on a due northerly course. I by no 
 means wish to insist upon the point that they did not do so, as 
 the north wind blew in their faces, and they would, in such a case, 
 reach the upper and watered valleys of the Tag Tagh. 
 
 But what has been omitted to be explained in the " Travels in 
 the Track," is that these upper valleys of the Bin Giil Tagh, and 
 Tag Tagh, are utterly unproductive, except of a little short grass, 
 and a narrow fringe or belt of low wood on the banks of the rivu- 
 lets. They are neither cultivated nor inhabited. 
 
 It seems much more likely,' therefore, that the Greeks found 
 Villages and cultivation, and heard of a satrap's residence, where 
 there are in the present day villages and a chieftain's residence, 
 than that they found such higher up the country, where there are 
 none such nor traces of such to be met with, nor a possible culti- 
 vation to induce the natives to settle at such a point. 
 
 The Akas. — ^After stopping eight days at these villages, the 
 Greeks started under guidance of a native, who, leading them three 
 days' marches without coming to any villages, so irritated Oheiri- 
 sophus that he struck him, which was the occasion of his running 
 away in the night. - From what follows in the account of their 
 journey, it appears that during these three days the Greeks turned 
 the Tag Tagh, an easterly spur of the Bin Giil Tagh, and reached 
 the tributaries of the Aras. This they would do traveling from 
 fifteen to twenty geographic miles in the three days. The Bin 
 Giil Tagh, one of the remar^kable mountains of Central Armenia, 
 gives birth to the south, to tributaries to the Murad-su, to the west 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 323 
 
 and north-weat, to the tributaries to the Western Euphrates, and 
 to the north and north-east, to tributaries to the Aras. 
 
 JSiver Phaain or Aeaxes. — After losing, the guide, the Greeks 
 are described as proceeding seven days' journey, five parasangs 
 each day, alorig the river Phaais. I am indebted for this important 
 correction of all previous versions to Professor Maiden, who has 
 published it in the 7th number of the Classical Museum, April, 
 1845, p. "86 et seq. There is, the Professor states, no real ambiguity 
 in the meaning of the word irapd in such a context. The meaning 
 is the same as in v. 10. 1, iTrXeov^ij/xgpas Sio vapa tt/v yJiv, "they 
 sailed two days along the coast." 
 
 This being admitted, then, it will be observed that Xenophon, 
 who mistook the Aras for the Oolohian Phasis, describes it as only 
 a plethrum, or a hundred feet, broad, where they joined it. This 
 would show that it was not far from its sources. With such an 
 indeflnite point to start from, and a very uncertain value of the 
 parasang in a journey through snow, it is difficult to measure off 
 85 parasangs on the map. Allowing, however, two geog. miles to 
 the parasang, the utmost that can be done under the circum- 
 stances, 70 miles laid down on the map to illustrate the routes by 
 Mr. Ainsworth, Mr. Suter, Mr. Brant, and Lord PoUington, pub- 
 lished in the 10th volume of the Journ. of the Roy., Geog. Soc, 
 would carry the Greeks to the junction of the Karu-su, or river 
 of Oran, with the Aras. 
 
 Professor Maiden has conjectured, that having mistaken the 
 Araxes for the Phasis, they followed the course of the stream, in 
 the hope that it would lead them toward the Euxine, till, seeing 
 that it continued to flow eastward, they resolved to try a somewhat 
 more direct line. Now, nothing would have so aroused the Greeks 
 to a sense of the-mistake they were laboring under so much as 
 coming to a large river flowing into the Aras from the north, at 
 the very same time that the supposed Phasis took a bend rather 
 to the south of east. Nothing would be left for them in their de- 
 spair but (having crossed the Aras at its head) to turn away from 
 it and follow the course of the new river they had come to north- 
 ward toward its sources. The distances granted are, however, 
 very great, and the very same reflections may have forced them- 
 selves upon them at the very first stream they came to which 
 flowed from the north — the river of Hassan Kalah. This would 
 give a distance of fifty miles direct, and upward of seventy miles 
 by river from the point at which Mr. Brant and myself crossed the 
 Ajfas. That river is already at that point fifty to sixty yards in 
 width, tlje current rapid, the water reaching above the horse's 
 girths. See Brant's Journal (Journ. pf Roy. Geog. Soc. vol. x. p. 
 844). If the Greeks passed it to the westward of this, then (which 
 is not likely, as the Bin Giil Tagh presented an impediment to so 
 
324 COMMENTARY ON 
 
 doing) the ehances of their not having got beyond the junotioBof 
 the Hassan Kalah tributary, is still further increased. 
 
 Colonel Ohesney's'view of this portion of the retreat is as foU 
 lows (ii. 229) : , 
 
 i"From hence (the Mnrad-sn), in a north.-western direction, to 
 a point where the river Aras, or Phasis of Xenophon, is generally 
 fordable, namely, at the junction of the Hassan Kalah-sii and the 
 Bin Gul-sa, near Enpri' Kiui (Bridge village), it can not be less 
 than from seventy to eighty miles ; since the shorter distance from 
 the latter point to the upper part of the Mnrad-su, near Kara 
 Kilisa (Black or ruined Church), is sixty-six miles." 
 
 "It has just been seen, that the distance in question occupied 
 thirteen marches, or, including four days not particularly men- 
 tioned, about sJxty-rdne parasangs. But, as it is to be observed 
 that these were intended to be road distances answering to one 
 hour, it may fairly be presumed that an army could not accom- 
 plish much more than about one mile in each, especially through 
 snow so deep that the whole of the specified time must have been 
 consumed between the rivers Euphrates and Araxes ; even the 
 pressing marches through Mesopotamia were less than two miles 
 per horn". We are told that it even became necessary to tie bags 
 stufifed with hay to the horses' feet to prevent their sialdng." It 
 is obvious, that if we admit such a judicious estimate of the value 
 of the parasang, under the described circumstances, that the diffl- 
 cnlties of explaining the marches between the Euphrates and the 
 Black Sea will be considerably diminished, and that the Greeks, 
 notwithstanding their seven days' journey along the Aras, as estab- 
 lished by Professor Maiden, may in reality have only traveled 
 some thu-ty-flve miles along that rivei-, and not beyond the first 
 westerly — not northerly — aflSnent, the river of Hassan Kalahsi. 
 The point at which that river joins the Aras is thirty miles by map 
 from where Mr. Brant and myself crossed the Aras, but it would 
 be a good thirty-five or more by the riven 
 
 Pass of the Taoohi. — Quittiiig, it is to be supposed, the Aras, 
 the Greeks advanced two days' journey, ten parasangs ; when on 
 the pass that led over the monntains into the plain, the Ohalybes, 
 Taochi, and Phasians were drawn up to oppose their progress.' 
 As soon as they had gained this pass, and had Bacrlficed and erect- 
 ed a trophy, they went down into the plain before them, and 
 ■arrived at a number of villages stored with abundance of excellent 
 provisions. These villages would apparently be situated in the 
 valley of Kara Gran or Kara Osman, which is watered by the 
 
 ' It is to be supposed that these ten miles were performed over the rocky 
 diBtriots between Kupri Kiui and Khoraaan. Hamilton describes the road 
 as, after leaving Kupri Kiui, being soon confined to a narrow pass between 
 high hills on the left and the river on the right (i. p. 186). 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 825 
 
 Eara-BU. Kara Oran ought possibly to be read Kara Wiran, 
 " Black Buin." 
 
 Mountain stkonghold of the Taoohians. — From hence they 
 marched fire days' journey, thirty parasatigs, to the country of 
 the Taoohi, where provisiona beginning to fail them, they attacked 
 one of the fastnesses, which is described as containing no houses, 
 but defended by high rocks, down Which the Taochians rolled 
 great stones. 
 
 Supposing the country of the Taochians to correspond to that 
 which is in part occupied by the Suwanli or Sughanli Tagh, if the 
 parsiaang did not amount ta more than a mile, in a diffloulfi and 
 hostile country, this journey would have only conducted 'the 
 Greeks to the. head waters of the river of Bardes. The forest 
 range of the SuWanli Tagh is described by Hamilton as constitut- 
 ing an important and interesting feature in the geography of that 
 part of the country, being the only district in. which forests of any 
 extent are to be found tor many miles round, and its passage by 
 Bardes and Gushlah is full of natural obstacles. 
 
 It is to be observed that traces of the name of Taochi are 
 supposed to be found in the Tank or Taok of the Turks, and Tnohi 
 or Taoutohie of the Georgian districts. These people and those 
 of the little Kabarda are said by Captain Stoltzman, as quoted by 
 Colonel Ohesney, to still retire occasionally into wattled inolo- 
 sures. 
 
 CoTJNTET o¥ THE Ohaltbes. — Hence they advanced, seven 
 days' journey, a distance of fifty parasangs, through the country 
 of the Ohalybes, who had their dwellings in strong places, in 
 which they had also laid up their provisionSj so that the Greeks 
 could get nothing from that country, but hved upon the cattle 
 which they had taken from the Taochi. 
 
 The distance from the head waters of the river of Bardes to the 
 main tributary to the'Arpa-ohai, is as the crow flies some forty 
 miles, but by fbllowing the road to Kars, as the great road does 
 in the present day, and crossing the mountains from Kars to the 
 Arpa ohai at Kizil Chak Ohak, it would be upward of fifty miles — 
 a fair allowance for the fifty parasangs under the circumstances 
 described in the text. 
 
 ErvEE Haepastts. — The Greeks next arrived at the river Har- 
 pasus, the breadth of which was four plethra. Supposing the 
 modern Ai-pa chai to represent the Harpasus, we have shown, that 
 the point where the Greeks would be expected to touch that river, 
 by the distances given, would be at or where the present high road 
 from Arzrnm and Kars to Ardahan and Ahkiskah crosses it at 
 Kizil Chak Ohak. It must be already a goodly river at such a 
 place, but there are no data for giving it a width of four hundred 
 feet. So much obscurity indeed pervades this part of the route, 
 tuat I am much inclined to doubt the correctness of the identifloa- 
 
326 COMMBKrTARY ON 
 
 tioa of the Harpasus of Xenophoti with the modern A.rpa-chai, 
 and ■with Colonel Ohesney and Layard to consider that the histo- 
 rian, appliedthat name to the river now called the Jnruk-su or 
 Tehoruk-su, and whioh was called in later times the Apsarus and 
 Acarapsis; The Juruk in the lower part of its course would pre- 
 sent a width fully of four huudred feet. 
 
 OouNTET OF THE SoTTHim.^-Henoe they proceeded through 
 the territory of the Scythini, tonv days' journey, making twenty 
 parasangs, over a level tract, until they came to some villages, in 
 which they halted three days, and collected provisions. 
 
 The distance here given, aJlowing about 1 1-2 mile for the para- 
 sang, would carry the Greeks up the valley of the Arpa-chai across 
 the watershed of that river, and down the valley of the river of 
 Olti, a tributary to the Jaruk-su, to about the site of Olti itself. 
 Or it is possible that they may have crossed the country that in- 
 tervenes between the river of Olti and the Araxes in a more direct 
 line to the Juruk-su, nearly touching Hamilton's route, at the liead 
 waters of the rivers of Narman, Liesgaff, Turtum, and Yani Kiui, 
 a line of country which Hamilton's, and still more lately Mr. 
 Ourzon's descriptions show to be wooded, rocky, precipitous, and 
 most difficult. 
 
 Out op Gymotab. — ^From this place they advanced four days' 
 journey, twenty parasangs, to a large, rich, and populous city, called 
 Gymnias, from which the governor of the country sent the Greeks 
 a guide, to conduct them through a region at war with the people. 
 
 The distance given of twenty parasangs, allowing 1 1-2 mile per 
 parasang, would carry the Greeks along the valley of the ,01ti 
 river and up that of the Juruk-su to Ispir or Ispira, a town of 
 great antiquity, described at lengthby Hamilton in his Researches 
 (vol. i. p. 319 et seq.). 
 
 It is to be observed also, that supposing Mount Theohes to cor- 
 respond to Tekiya Tagh, jt is about sixty' miles thence to Ispir, 
 following the yalley of the Juruk'^u ; this in five days would give 
 ah average of twelve miles a day, which the Greeks may well be 
 supposed to have got over in a route that did not present so many 
 difficulties as usual. 
 
 It is evid«ilt, however, that it wiH require further corroborative 
 testimony before Gymnias can be admitted to be the same as the 
 modern Ispir. 
 
 , MouMT Theohes. — On the fifth day from . Gymnias, distances 
 not given, they came to a mountain, the name of which was The- 
 ohes, and whence, to tlieir great delight, the Greeks saw the sea. 
 
 The distance allowed between Mount Theohes and the country 
 of the Maorones, which in such a country did not much exceed 
 twenty miles, places Mount Theohes between the Juruk-su, the 
 river of Baiburt, and the.Kurash Tagh. It is in the present day 
 called Takiya Tagh, which maybe a corruption of Theohef,.or 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 327 
 
 Theches of it, or it may simply mean the mountain of the monas- 
 tery. This is the name also given to it hy Hamilton, who adds a 
 sketch of a remarkable mountain castle near Takiya. Mr. "Vivien 
 de St.'Martin calls the mountain in his map Hak Mesdjidy Tagh. 
 This name, like that of Takiya, refers to some holy edifice ex- 
 isting at the spot, and indicates that tradition has preserved the 
 character imputed to the mountain by Xenophon down to existing 
 times. 
 
 OoTTNTRT OE THE Maoeohes. — From Mount Theohes the Greeks 
 advanced three days' journey, a distance of ten parasangs, through 
 the country of the Macrones. On the first day they came to a 
 river which divided the territory of the Macrones from that of the 
 Soy thini. On their right they had an eminence extremely difficult 
 of access, and on their left another river, into which the boundary 
 river which they had to cross emptied itself. 
 
 Allowing 11-2 geo. miles to the parasang in this difficult coun- 
 try, the country of the Macrones would correspond to the mount- 
 ain land that lies between Gumush Khana or the silver mines, 
 and the Kara Darah-su, the Hyssus of Arrian's Periplus. This 
 mountain is called Korash Tagh in Brant's map of 1836. The 
 river to which they came would appear to correspond with the 
 ri^'er beyond Kalah Eiui, or castle village, one of the head tribu- 
 taries of the Kharshut river, or river of Gumush Khana, into which 
 the river of Kalah Kiui itself flows from the left. As the Greeks 
 crossed the boundary river above its junction with the river to the 
 left, this very fact of its being in such a direction shows that it 
 must have been a stream flowing westward, and not eastward. 
 Had it had an easterly flow, and yet been to the left hand, it must 
 have joined the boundary river before the Greeks crossed it. 
 
 OouNTET OF THE OoLOHiANS. — The Maorones conducted the 
 Greeks through their country for three days, until they brought 
 them to the confines of the Colcliians. Atthis point there was a 
 range of hills high, but accessible, and upon them the Oolchians 
 were drawn up in array. Having passed the summit, the Greeks 
 encamped in a number of villages containing abundance of pro- 
 visions. 
 
 These villages, from the distance traveled the next day to Trebi- 
 zond, manifestly correspond with the Greek villages which occupy 
 at the present day the head of the valley, whence a very precipitous 
 road leads down from the Kohat or Kolat Tagh (qucere Kulak 
 Tagh, mountain of the pass), of Brant's map (Journ. of Roy. Geo. 
 Soc. vol. vi.), and the Kara Kaban of Hamilton, and which appears 
 to have been the range on which the Oolchians had posted them- 
 selves. 
 
 The rivulet in question is called Surmel in Hamilton's map, 
 where one of the villages is marked as Jivislik. (Kara Kapan and 
 Djevisak of St. Martin's map). It is recorded in my own notes 
 
828 COMMENTARY ON 
 
 as Mnhurji — wooded valley -with Greek villages, and a bridge over 
 the rivulet, at the foot of the Kara Kapan. 
 
 Tbebizond. — From the villages of the Oolchians, the Greeks 
 proceeded two days' march, seven paraSanga, and arrived at Trebi- 
 zond, a Greek city of large population, on the Euxine Sea; a 
 colony of Sinope, but lying in the territory of the Oolchians. 
 Here they staid thirty days, encamping in the villages of the 
 Oolchians. 
 
 It is obvious that, in Sketching out a possible line of travel 
 through the ooBntries of the Taochians, Ohalybes, Scythians, Ma- 
 cronians, and Oolchians, a region as yet little investigated, that 
 other explanations might be admitted! One of these is, that the 
 Greeks took a more central line, between the Aras and the Juruk- 
 su. This is not at all improbable. Hamilton explored this countiy 
 from Bardes to Ispira, and found it so mountainous and difficult, 
 as to fully account for a very great lapse of time in traversing it 
 ia almost a direct line. The difficulty that would remain to ac- 
 count for here; would be the account given of the Greeks having 
 arrived at the Harpasus where it ■ft'as four plethra in breadth. 
 But may not this have been the Bardes-su or the river of Narraan,' 
 or some other river, not yet correctly delineated on the maps in 
 the interval between the Juruk-su, the Aras, the Olti' river, arfd 
 the river of Ears ? Colonel Ohesney is with a still greater degree 
 of probability inclined to identify Jhe Harpasus with the Juruk- 
 su or Tchoruk-su — variously designated as the Apsarus and 
 Aoampsis by the Eomans. 
 
 Upon the subject of the prolonged marches made by the Greeks 
 between the Aras and the Euxine, Oolonel Ohesney offers the fol- 
 lowing general explanations. 
 
 " On the second day after crossing the latter river (the Araxes), 
 which Oolonel Ohestaiey supposes to have been crossed, as previ- 
 ously observed, near Kupri Kini, the Greeks discovered th* in- 
 habitants of the surrounding countries, namely, the Ohalybeans, 
 the Taochians, and the Phasians, assembled to dispute their pass- 
 age,- and occupying strong ground, probably between the territory 
 of the two last. 
 
 Here, as when difficulties of the same kind previously occurred, 
 the eminences were gained by an attack made in the flank by 
 volunteers ; and the disheai'tened defenders having fled with loss, 
 the Greeks got possession of some well-stored villages in advande. 
 
 During the snoeeeding five marches of thirty parasangs, made 
 through the territory of the Taochians, provisions were scarce, it 
 being, the custom of the country people to place their supplies in 
 secret fastnesses, probably wattled inolosures, such as those still in 
 use in the Little Kabarda, and district of Tuehi. One of these in- 
 trenohments, containing a number of oxen, asses, and sheep, was, 
 however, taken after a prolonged resistance ; during which the 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 829 
 
 women chose to perish rather than fall into the power of the 
 Greeks. 
 
 The latter now proceeded a distance of fifty parasangs through 
 the territory of the Ohalybeans to the river Harpasns, which they 
 accomplished in seven marches ; notwithstanding the difficulties 
 caused by the most warlike and the most troublesome people 
 hitherto encountered. The system of hostiBties pursued chiefly 
 consisted in constantly harassing the rear; but when pressed in 
 turn, they retreated to fastnesses in which their provisions were 
 secured : so that the Grreeks would have been starved by theu* 
 systematie and persevering opposition, had it not been for the 
 supply of cattle taken from the Taoohians. 
 
 The difficulties experienced by Bennell, Ainsworth, and other 
 commentators in following this part of the retreat of the Ten Thou- 
 sand, will be greatly lessened if it be borne in mind, that the daily 
 marches, through deep snow in January, the army being also 
 harassed by the Ohalybeans, must have been very short. From 
 the supposed crossing-place on the Aras, keeping a little way 
 northward of the direct line, it is about 110 miles to the Tchoruk- 
 su (Jui'uk-su) or Acampsis, near Kara Aghatch, which would 
 coincide with the fourteen marches given by Xenophon, as does 
 also the position of the river in question with the Harpasus ; the 
 last seven marches being, as we are informed, through the country 
 of the Ohalybeans, the Chaldeans of Strabo (xii. 549),- 
 
 This probably was the southern part of the district of Tchildir; 
 for the Chaldeans, as a separate people, occupied a tract next to 
 the Oolchians, which was, however, afterwai'd extended to Eontus, 
 and formed a considerable kingdom under Mithridates. 
 
 Quitting the river Harpasus, twenty parasangs, made in four 
 marches, brought the Greeks to a halting-place at some villages, 
 possibly near the present town of Baiburt, in whicff they remained 
 three days to obtain provisions. From hence, apparently proceed- 
 ing toward the western pass through the great northern chain, 
 they made twenty parasangs in three additional marches, to the 
 rich and well-inhabited city of Gymnias. Possibly this place may 
 now be represented by the small town of Getaeri on the Kara-su, 
 an affluent of the river Frat ; in which case the distance thither, 
 being about 60 miles, would occupy seven or eight marches along 
 the slope of the Paryadres, a branch of the Taurus» or, as it is 
 stated, through the country of the Scythinians. This appears to 
 be the only trace of that ephemeral power, which commenced 
 with the Sacsa or Scythians, on the banks of the Araxes ; from 
 whence the people* extended their name and authority over 
 Imiretia, Oolchis, Georgia, the Caucasus, Media, Persia, and even 
 Palestine ; according to Herodotus, the same people ruled Asia 
 during twenty-eight years. 
 
 On leaving Gynmias, the guide furnished by the satrap of the 
 
330 COMMENTARY ON 
 
 district delighted the Greeks by saying that he -would forfeit his 
 head if he did not show them the sea in five marches ; and ac- 
 cordingly on the fifth day, in ascending the holy mountain of The- 
 ches, the Greeks gave a tremendous shout of surprise and delight, 
 on finding his promise realized. The mountain alluded to may be 
 the present Gaur Tagh (from th« summit of which Colonel Ghes- 
 ney saw the sea in 1831); and from hence to Tarabnzun, although 
 the direct distance is not great, the journey occupied five days with 
 good horses. This was owiag to the necessity of passing along 
 what in reality is more a winding chasm than a mountain valley 
 in the ordinary acceptation of the word ; and it is scarcely neces- 
 sary to observe that the marches through the mountains of 
 Kurdistan and Armenia often must have presented difficulties and 
 caused delays susceptible of the same kind of explanation. 
 . Gaur Tagh is not, however, the only mountain in this part of the 
 country from which the Euxine may be seen, for the guide inform- 
 ed the author that it was visible from threeother peaks, namely, 
 the Zigani mountain, two hours N. W. of Godol ; again, with a 
 more extensive view, frem Fililein, two hours on the other side 
 of Godol toward Gumish Khanah; and lastly, at the higher peak 
 of Karagul, three hours southward of the latter. 
 
 The name of the first, " Infidel mountain," and its position with 
 respect to Tarabazun, claim for it the honor of representing the 
 holy Theohes ; the localities also appear to correspond to the de- 
 scription. Xenophon tells ns that in tlie first day they came to a 
 rivei' separating the Maoronians from the Soythinians ; and on 
 4his, wliioh disembogued into another river, the Macronians were 
 drawn up to dispute the passage. A negotiation, followed by a 
 treaty, produced, however, fiiendship with that people. 
 
 Eleven or ^eive miles N. N. W. of Gaur Tagh (visible from 
 thence) is the village of Damajula, which is situated near the 
 meeting of four valleys and two rivers. One of the latter coming 
 from the N. "W. has remarkably steep banks, rising fifteen or 
 twenty feet, with hills above, of difficult ascent on the eastern 
 side, and a chain of more accessible shoulders on the opposite; 
 both are coverbd with firs, and silver poplars of small size. This 
 valley would have been met during the first day's march from 
 Gaur Tagh, and troops posted on the opposita sides would be 
 within speaking distance, although they must have beea com- 
 pletely separated by the difficult nature of the ravine. Peace 
 being uoncluded, the Greeks were conducted by this people during 
 the succeeding three marches through the remainder of their 
 territory; no doubt following the valleys of Damoaleeand Godol, 
 till at the termination of the latter, and about thirty-one miles 
 from Damajula, they entered that of Gumush Khanah, a little 
 northward of the town of this name. 
 
 The great and deep valley ia question runs northward from 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XESTOPHOIT. 33I 
 
 thence along the foot of the Oolohian monntains for abont twelve 
 miles, where an abutment of the latter, called Karakaban, croases 
 it near Zigani, af an elevation of 6300 feet, and. the pass thus 
 formed was occupied in force by the Colchians. 
 
 Being in a state of hostility with the latter, the Macronians re- 
 turned to their own country, a distance of about forty-three 
 miles, which would correspond with the three marches made in a 
 more favorable season (February) than the preceding part of the 
 march. It is difficult to imagine a stronger barrier or a more 
 formidable position than that whioh here presented itself, to ex- 
 ercise the talent and display the unshaken intrepidity of the 
 Grecian chief. Owing to the nature of the ground, as well as the 
 numbers by which it was occupied, the Greeks, even could they 
 havepassed the latter unbroken, would have been out-flanked had 
 they attacked in line. 'But Xenophon, without hesitation, turned 
 this circumstance to his own advantage, by a master-piece of 
 tactics liitherto uneqnaled. 
 
 The Greeks were formed in eleven columns, three of which, 
 each consisting of 600 targeteers and archers, occSupied the flnnks 
 ' and center ; these ascended the hill at such distances from one 
 another that Xenophon not only outsti-etched the flanks of the 
 Colchians, but was also prepared to attack them in rear, if, con- 
 trary to expectation, they had stood the shock and maintained 
 their ground. At first the Colchians advanced, but before they 
 closed with the Greek columns, they opened right and left, and 
 eventually fled in disorder, abandoning the well-stored villages in 
 their rear. 
 
 After three days' halt, suffering from the quantity and nature 
 of the honey, which, from the abundance of the Azalea pontica, 
 the Ehododendron pontioum, and the hellebore, in this fine conn- 
 try, affects the brain for a time, the Greeks, in two marches of 
 seven parasangs, reached the villages, near Tarabuzun (Trebizohd). 
 (Vol. ii. p. 230 et seq.) 
 
 Colonel Chesney's explanation gains a manifest advantage in 
 simplicity of detail over mine, by bis not taking the Greeks out 
 of the way to reach the Arpa-chai, Hamilton's Harpasus, but it 
 loses it again by going out of the way to the westward to the 
 Gaur Tagh, because the Colonel saw the sea from that point. It 
 is evidfent that there must be many heights of the mountains east 
 as well as west of the river of Gumush Khanah, from whence the 
 sea can be discerned. In this part of the retreat, where probably 
 the points will never he all definitively settled, that explanation 
 whioh presents the greatest degree of simplicity, and at the same 
 time meets most closely all the exigences of the case, will be the 
 one whioh will ultimately meet with the most general acceptance. 
 
 M. Vivien de Saint Martin, in his admirable Eistoire des Dicou- 
 vertes G^ographigues- (tome ii. p. 324), after identifying Gymnias 
 
382 COMMENTARY ON 
 
 with a village called Djinnia, situated near the left bank of the 
 Euphrates, about six leagues from Arzrum to the westward, says: 
 
 " The body of the Greeks having left Gymnias or Djinnis, on 
 the Upper Euphrates, must have ascended theKop Tagh, de- 
 scended the Massa Deressi (Marsah Darahsi) or river of Baiburt, 
 then re-asoended up the course of tlie river of Balakhor (Balak 
 Hur, "Eish stream?") to the Takiya Tagh, where the name of 
 Theohes is still preserved. From thence they descended to the 
 upper valley of the Balak Hur, which led them to the precipitous 
 chain of the Kolat Tagh, evidently the same as the mountain of 
 the Colohians of Xenophon ; this chain separates the two water- 
 ^sheds, which pour their waters to the south in the Upper Tchoruk 
 or river of Ispir, to the north directly to the Black Sea, toward 
 the coast of Trebizond. The divers circumstances of the narrative 
 do not appear to us to leave the least doubt upon this itinerary, 
 qf which nature has marked the features in an ineffaceable man- 
 ner in this country of deeply contrasted configurations." 
 
 It is scarcely necessary, but for fear of misconomition it may be 
 as well to remark that this identification of the. Kolat Tagh with 
 the mountain of the Colchians, upon the strength of the name,' 
 will not be received by scholars in this country.- . 
 
 Professor Maiden, after recurring to the mistake made by Major 
 Rennell, Kinneir, and myself, in supposing that the Greeks 
 marched seven days after the guide ran away from them before 
 they reached the Phasis ; adds, 
 
 " Bennell, however, has probably fallen into a further mistake 
 in thinking that the Greeks did not cross the Harpasus ; for this 
 seems to be his opinion. He supposes that they came to the river 
 between its conflux with the Araxes and the conflux of the river 
 of Ears with the other streams that form it, and then turned back 
 from it toward the west ; so that their subsequent marches for 
 four days were still between the Harpasus and the Phasis or 
 Araxes ; and he is inclined to identify the city of Gymnias with a 
 modern town on the latter river. Xenophon certainly does not 
 say distinctly that they aroaaed the Harpasus, but his language 
 implies it. He says, 'After this the Greeks arrived at the river 
 Harpasus, which was four ' hundred feet broad. Thence they 
 marched through' the country of the Soythini,'etc. (iv. 7. IS). He 
 does not say that they did not cross it, and the notice 'of the 
 breadth of the river is not much to -the purpose unless they did 
 cross it; and besides, he uses the very same language with respect 
 to rivers which were certainly crossed. (See i. 4, |§ 9 and 19 ; 
 and iv. 4, §§ 3 and 7.) 
 
 " But, if they crossed it, it was probably the branch called the 
 river of Ears which they crossed, not the stream below the junc- 
 tion of this branch with those to the east of it ; otherwise, we 
 should have them still persevering in their mistaken easterly course ; 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 333 
 
 .and they would have had to cross the eastern branch on their way 
 back toward the west. In crossing the river of Kars they would 
 be going northward ; and if they then turned westward, they would 
 fall in >vith no considerable river till they came to the Apsarns or 
 Shoruk (Juruk), which accords with Xenophon's narrative ; the 
 Shoruk being identified with the riyer of the Macrones. 
 
 " After examining all the circumstances of the story, if we sup- 
 pose the Greeks to have crossed the Phasis at the point which 
 Eennell indicates, near the modern bridge of Koban Kupri (same 
 as Kupri Kiui), or perhaps even nearer to its source ; and then, 
 in consequence of their- confusion between the two rivers Phasis, 
 to have turned eastward, and marched seven days along its north- 
 ern bank, and even when they left the river to have inclined but 
 little toward the north, and to have reached the Harpasus about 
 the junction of the river of Kars with the other branches, thus 
 traversing the diagonal pi the space between the Araxes and 
 the Arpa-su, we assign them a march, which in winter, through 
 an unknown country, and in the presence of an active enemy, 
 might well occupy the time given for it. The time is twenty-one 
 daj^; and the distance from point to point in a straight line, if the 
 Greeks had not kept to the river-side for the first seven days, would 
 be about 120 miles. If we admit, therefore, a very reasonable ac- 
 count of deviation from the direct course, and allow that the length 
 of the days' marches has either been overrated by Xenophon, or 
 exaggerated by errors of the transcribers, the difficulties seem to 
 be removed, 
 
 " The problem which remains is to fix the position of the city of 
 Gyipnias north of the river of Kars." (The Classical Museum, 
 No. vii. p. 41 et seq.) 
 
 The most superficial glance at the map published by the Eey. 
 Geog. Soc. to illustrate routes of Mr. Ainsworth, Mr. Brant, Mr. 
 Snter, and Lord Pollington, in the tenth volume of their Journal, 
 would satisfy Professor Maiden that it was along the Bin Giil su, 
 or Upper Aras, that the Greeks would have performed their seven 
 days' journey, and not on the Kalah-su, which they joined at Ku- 
 pri Kiui, where I suppose them to have terminated their seven 
 days' march, having Professor Maiden's correction in mind. I 
 quite agree, however, with the Professor, that the correct determin- 
 ation of the position of Gymnias ^ill do much toward elucidating 
 this most abstruse part of the narrative, and the determination 
 may yet be expected, from the constant progress that geographical 
 and archiBological research are making in the East. 
 
 The question has, indeed, been much narrowed in its compass 
 already, from the day when KenneU conceived that the Greeks, 
 having lost their way, wandered up and down after crossing the 
 Araxes. A more intimate acquaintance with the physical charao- 
 
334 COMMENTAKT OiT 
 
 tera of northern Armenia has shown it to be a country peculiarly • 
 difficult to travel in — a constant snccession of hills and valleys- 
 precipices and ravines — rocky ledges and foaming torrents, 
 
 Mr. Curzon, who has given a very picturesque account of some 
 Of the difficulties to he met with in traveling from 'Arzrura to 
 Trehizond, in his little work on Armenia, mentions having met 
 a rich Persian merchant on the 2nd of January, at a hotel called 
 Khaderaoh Khan, who had been eighteen days on the road froa. 
 Trehizond, which was thirty-two hours of Tartar posting. At the 
 pass of Husha^Bunar he also came upon a party of Persians, seated 
 on the ledge of a precipice, looking despairingly at a number of 
 their baggage-horses which had tumbled over, and were wallowing 
 in the snow many hundred feet below. At the Zigana Tagh,' a' 
 whole caravan had been overwlielmed in an avalanche. When 
 these difficulties come to be better appreciated, it will be easy to 
 understand how the Greeks should, in the depth of winter and the 
 natives in open hostilities to them, have spent so much time -in this 
 part of the country. 
 
 " We have not," says Layard, " I conceive, sufficient data in 
 Xenophon's narrative to identify with any- degree of certainty his 
 route after crossing the Euphrates. We know that about twenty 
 parasangs from that river, the Greeks encamped near a hot spring, 
 and this spring might he reiiOguized in one of the many which 
 abound in the country. It is most probable that the Greeks took 
 the road still used by caravans through the plains of Hinnis (Kha- 
 nus) and Hassan-Kalah, as offering the fewest difficulties. But 
 what rivers are we to identify with the Phasis and Harpasus, the 
 distance between the Euphrates and Phasis being seventy para- 
 sangs, and between the Phasis and Harpasus ninety-five, and the 
 Harpasus being the larger of the two rivers? I can not admit that 
 the Greeks turned to the west and passed near the site of the mo- 
 dern Erzeroom. There are no rivers in that direction to answer 
 the description of Xenophon. Moreover, the Greeks came to the 
 high mountain, and beheld the sea for the first time, at the dis- 
 tance of thirty-two -parasangs from Trehizond. Bad they taken 
 either of the three modern roads from Erzeroom to the coast, and 
 there are no others, they must have seen the Euxine in the im- 
 mediate vicinity of Trehizond, certainly not more than six or eight 
 parasangs from that city. I am, on the whole, inclined to believe, 
 that either the Greeks took a very tortuous course after leaving the 
 Euphrates, making dalily but little actual progress toward the 
 great end of their arduous journey, the sea-coast, or that there is 
 a considerable error in the amount of parasangs given by Xeno- 
 phon ; that the Harpasus must be the Tcherouk (Juruk), and the 
 Phasis, either the Araxe's or the Kur ; and that Mount Theches, 
 the holy mountain, from which the Greeks beheld the sea, was be- 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XBITOPHON 335 
 
 tween Batnn aad Treblzond, the array having followed the Valley 
 of the Tcherouk, but leaving it before reaching the site of the 
 modern port on the Black Sea." (Nineveh aild Babylon, -p. 65.) 
 
 This is, at all events, an uncompromising statement of the ob- 
 Bourities that envelop this part of the retreat, if it is not a lucid 
 record of the details. Colonel Ohesney having seen the sea with his 
 own eyes from the Gaur or Jawur Tagh, is an answer to one objec- 
 tion — ^that it could certainly not be seen at a greater distance than 
 six or seven parasangs from Trebizond. With regard to other diffi- 
 culties, Layard would throw the whole subject back again to the 
 dark period that preceded the investigations of Eennell and Kin- 
 neir. I have endeavored to show what has been added to those 
 able and conscientious researches, and the patience and zeal of 
 future inquirers will, most assuredly, sift what is good from all 
 these statements, will expunge that which will not stand the test 
 of time, and will arrive ultimately at some clear and satisfactory 
 conclusions regarding these very remarkable A.rmeniaa wanderings. 
 
 Cebasus.— The Greeks recruited themselves at Trebizond, till 
 the supplies furnished by the surrounding country were nearly ex- 
 hausted, and then, only a portion of the necessary shipping having 
 been obtained, they embarked their women and children, with the 
 sick and the .aged, under the two oldest generals, Philesius and 
 Sophsanetus, while the remainder proceeded by land ; and in three ' 
 marches they reached the Greek city Oerasus, or, more correctly, 
 Kerasus. Hamilton has shown that the ancient Kerasus does not 
 correspond with the modern Kirasunt, but that the site must be 
 sought for at the rivulet of Kirasnn Darah-su, about eight miles 
 from Oape Yuriis, and not quite forty from Trebizond. Consider- 
 ing the difflonlties of the country, it is not likely, Colonel Ches- 
 ney remarks, that a greater distance could have been accomplished 
 in three days. 
 
 The Mosstnceoi — ^The territory of the Mossynoeci or Moschi, 
 in which the Greeks became engaged in astruggfe that had nearly 
 been disastrous to them, appeal's to have stretched from a little 
 distance westward of Trebizond, to the district of Pharnacia, or 
 upward of seventy miles along the coast. The fort or citadel of 
 these fierce people appears to have been in the neighborhood of 
 Oerasus. These Mossynoeci — the Mossyni of Pliny and of Pom- 
 ponins Mela — and who are said to derive their name from the 
 wooden turrets or the trees they dwelt in, are described as being 
 the most barbarous people the Greeks met with during the whole 
 of their journey. 
 
 The Chaltbes. — The Greeks were eight days travelfng through 
 the territory of the Mossynoeci, after which they came to that of 
 the Ohalybes. These were subject to the Mossynoecians, and far 
 from being numerousj they lived by the manufacture of iron, and 
 were mixed with the Tibarenians. Hamilton found the poor na- 
 
336 OOMMENTART ON 
 
 tives of the coast occupied in the present clay in extracting iron 
 from the aupei-ficial soil, not exactly at tliis spot, but to the west 
 of Cotyora, and between the ruins of Poletnonimn and the Ther- 
 modon, directly south of TJniyah Kalah, ancient CEnoe. 
 
 OoTTOEA. — Marching through the country of the Tibareni, 
 which is described as being more campaign, and the towns ne^r 
 the sea not so sti-ongj the Greeks came to Ootyora, a Greek city, 
 and a colony of Sinopians, situated in the temtory of the Tibare- 
 nians. Gotyora was replaced by Pharnaeia, which was built, ac- 
 cording to Strabo, out of its spoils, and h«noe, in the time of Ar- 
 rian, was already a mere village. 
 
 Hamilton has identified the site with a pkce called Ordu or 
 TJrdu, where are some remains of an ancient port, and Colonel 
 Ohesney has accepted the identification. There are some diffi- 
 culties in the way of this identification with the distances given 
 by Arrian in the Periplus of the Euxine Sea, which led me to 
 prefer the site of Parshambah. It is, however, by no means a 
 point to be insisted upon. 
 
 SiNOPE. — After discussing the question of forming a Greek set- 
 tlement on the Euxine, as well as the relative advantages of a 
 homeward voyage by sea, and a' march thither by land, the Greeks 
 adopted the former course ; and the Ootyorians having provided 
 the necessary shipping to get rid of their uninvited guests, a fair 
 wind carried the Greeks rapidly along the coast of Paphlagonia, 
 when passing in succession the rivers Thermodon (Thirmah-sn), . 
 Iris (Yashil Irmak), and Halys (Kiiil Irmak), they landed at 
 Harmene or Armene, a port five miles from the flourishing city of 
 Sinope, once a Milesian colony. The site of this port and city is 
 too- well known to require further illustration. 
 
 Hekaolba. — rAfter electing Cheirisophus commander-in-chief, 
 the Greeks sailed from Sinope along the coast of Paphlagonia and 
 Bithynia, to Heraclea, where the army disembarked at the close . 
 of the second day's sail. Xenophon makes the Greeks pass the 
 rivers Thermodon and Halys on this journey, by mistake ; instead 
 of on that from Cotyora to Sinope. 
 
 The Greeks came to an anchor near to the peninsula of the 
 Aoherusians — the site of one of Hercules' fabled exploits. The 
 modern town of Harakli occupies only the south-west corner of 
 the space covered by the ancient city. The Lycus noticed by 
 Xenophon is called the Kil^-su or Sword nver, significative of the 
 same thing — its sudden wolf-like or destructive rilihgs. 
 
 CALPB.^The Greeks, iu their apparent great anxiety for booty 
 — an anxiety which attained its acme as they were getting near 
 home, divided into three bodies. The Arcadians and the Achaa- 
 ans, mustering about 4500 heavy-armed men, proceeded by sea to 
 Oalpe, while the other beavy-arilied men and the Thracian target- 
 eers, who amounted to about 3100 men under Cheirisophus, 
 
THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 337 
 
 marched along the coast to Tlirace ; Xenophon himself, at the head 
 of 1700 heavyrarmed men, 800 targeteers, and 40 horsemen, 
 marcliitig, according to Colonel Chesney, toward Oalpein a direct 
 line. I read it, howeVer, through the middle of the country, a 
 phrase which is twice repeated in the account of the journey, and 
 as the district that lies between the shore and the plains of Tiiz-clia 
 and Sabancha, is occupied by the Yailah Tagh, a densely-wooded 
 range of hills, totally itnpassable to a body of troops, there remained 
 no alternative but to keep to the shore or to take to the middle of 
 the country. My idea, as expressed in the " Trfl,vel3 in the Track," 
 and which I am still inclined to hold by, is, that Xenophon, in the 
 pursuit 6f booty, crossed the Yailah Tag — ancient Mons Hypins,and 
 descended upon the fertile plain of Prusa ad Hypium, but on hearing 
 of the straits in whioli his comrades were placed at Oalpe, he le- 
 tnrned thither thr6ugh the westerly prolongation of the same hills. 
 The promontory of Oalpe enjoyed in those times the same name 
 as that of Gibraltar. It is now called Eirpah or Kafkan Adasi. 
 
 Chetsopolib. — After a loOg stay and no small disasters entailed 
 by the restlessness of the Greeks at Oalpe, they started from tliat 
 place, marching tlirough Bithynia, or Asiatic Thrace, as it'was also 
 called, six days' march, to Ohrysopolis — ^the Goldea city, the 
 modern Uskudar or Scutari, opposite to Constantinople. The dis- 
 tance traveled upon this occasion by road of some eighty miles in 
 six days, gives an average of thirteen miles a day, showing that 
 eight, ten, and twelve were as often assumed ordinary day's jour- 
 neys, under circumstances of greater difficulties, according to the 
 exigences of the case, and may indeed have been still less. The 
 retreat of the Ten Thousand may in realjty be said to end at this 
 point, for the kind of business which they became engaged in after 
 crossing the Bosphorus, has nothing to do with that in which they 
 were originally taken from their homes by the ambition of Cyrus. 
 
 The Ten Thousomd in European Thkaoe. — From Ohrysopolis 
 the Greeks crossed over to Byzantium, where they were but scur- 
 vily treated by the Lacedeemonian admiral, Anaxibius, and hence 
 obliged to quarter in some Thracian villages. Xenophon sailed in 
 the mean time to Oyzious (now Baal Kiz), from whence he re- 
 turned to his comrades, and led them all, except such as remained 
 with Neon and such as had disbanded on finding themselves in 
 Europe, to Perinthus, now Harakli. From this point they were 
 induced by large promises to assist Seuthes, son of Massades, to 
 recover his patrimony as one of the independent kings of Thrace. 
 In execution of this compact they marched into the country called 
 the Delta of the Thracians, above Byzantium, that of the Melino- 
 phagi, who dwelt in the eastern part of the Kutohuk Balkhan 
 (Little Balkhan), and they arrived at Salraydissus or Kalmydissiis, 
 now Midiyah, on the Euxine. After they had subdued the in- 
 
 15 
 
338 COMMENTARY ON THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 
 
 habitants, who lived chiefly by tlie plunder of wrecks, tiiey re- 
 turned and encamped on a plain above Selymbria. 
 
 The^Oreehs anwg at PEEGAM0s.-:-At this point the Greeks 
 parted from Seuthes, who had failed to fulfill his promises made to 
 them, and crossing the Propontis, they repaired to Larapsacus, a 
 well-known port on the Hellespont, now called Lamsaki. From 
 hence they marched through Troas, andpassing over the celebrated 
 Mount Ida, they came first to Antandrus, now Antandros, near 
 Adrainiti. Hence they continued their march along the coast of 
 the Lydian sea, to the plain of Thebes. It is known, from Herod- 
 otus and Livy, that the plain of Adramyttium was so called. 
 Thence they passed through Adramyttium or Atramyttium Cer- 
 toninm, which is believed to be the Karene of Herodotus, and 
 Atarne, an jEolian city— -the Atarneus of Strabo, from whence 
 they reached Pergamus, where the narrative of the historian 
 finally ceases. 
 
 The whole of the way, both of the Expedition and of the Re- 
 treat, is said to have , comprised, two hundred and fifteen days' 
 march, of eleven iundred and fifty-five parasangs, and of thirty 
 thousand six hundred and fifty stadia ;' and the time employed in 
 both, was a year and three months. 
 
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX 
 
 TO THE AJSTABASIS. 
 
 AbtduS, i. 1. 9. A city of Mysia on the Hellespont, nearly opposite 
 Sestus on the European shore. Aidos or Avido, a modem village on the 
 Hellespont, may be the site of Abydus, though the condlusion irom a 
 name alone is not admitted by some critica. 
 
 Acherusian Chersonese, vi. 2. 2 : the scene, as it is said, of Hercules's 
 twelfth labor, to bring up the dog Cerberus from Acheron. It ran out 
 into the Black sea, near Heraolea, now Sa/rakli, Ainsw. p. 215. 
 
 .^olia, V. 6. 24. A district on the west coast of Asia Minor, which 
 is included by Strabo in the larger division of Mysia. 
 
 Antandrua, vii. 8. 7. A city on the coast of Troas, now Antandros. 
 
 Apollonia, vii. 8. 15. A town of Mysia, on an eminence east of Per- 
 gamua, on the way to Sardis. Strabo, xiii. p. 625. It seems to have 
 been near the borders of Lydia. The exact site does not appear to be 
 determined. 
 
 Arabia, i. 6. 1 ; vii. 8. 25. The term Arabia is used by Xenophon to 
 designate those parts of Mesopotamia which lie south of the river Khor 
 Jmr, the same as are described by Strabo (i. 2, p. 65 ; xvi. 1, p. 351), as 
 inhabited by the Arabes Scenitse or Nomad Arabs, and which are in 
 the present day chiefly occupied by the Shomuw Aralas. 
 
 Araxes, i. 4. 19. There is every reason to believe that what Xen- 
 ophon cails the Araxes (a river of Mesopotamia running into the 
 Euphrates), is the same river that is called Chaboras by Ptolemy and 
 Pliny, Aborras by Strabo, Zosimus, Ammianus MarceUlnua, and other 
 writers : and by the Arabs, the Khabw. The contributor to the Dic- 
 tionary of G-reek and Roman Geography, art. Ohabpras, has, however, 
 thought fit to question this identiflcation; 
 
 Armenia, Orontea the satrap of, iii. 5. 17 ; contains the sources of the 
 Tigris and Euphrates, iv. 1. 3 ; divided by the river Centrites from the 
 country of the Carduohi, iv. 3. 1 ; its mountains, iv. 3. 20 ; traversed 
 by the Greeks, iv. 4 1;, "Western Armenia, Tiribazus satrap of; iv. 4. 4; 
 their boys act as cup-bearers, iv, 5. 33; their horses desoi'ibed, iv. 5. 36. 
 
340 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX 
 
 • 
 
 Atarneus, a city of Mysia, opposite to Lesboa, and a strong place. The 
 site is generally fixed at Dikheli or Dikhali Kiui. Cramer's Asia Minor, 
 vol 1. p. 133. 
 
 Atramyttium or Adramyttium, a town situated at the head of the 
 bay, called from it Sinus Adramytteiius, on the river Caicus, in Mysla, 
 on tbe road from the Hellespont to Pergamus. Now AdroumyUi. AJnsw. 
 p. 230, 248. 
 
 Babylon, its distance from Cunaxa^ where the battle was fought, it 2. 
 6 ; its distance from Cotyora in Pontus, v. 8. 4. 
 
 Babylonia, i. 7. 1 ; iL 2. 13. 
 
 Bisanthe, vii. 2. 38 ; 5. 8 ; a city on the fropoutis, north-west of 
 Ferinthus. At a later period its name was changed into Bhsedestum 
 or Bhsedestus, whence its present name, Rodosto. KJUger ad vii. 2. 
 38. 
 
 Bithynia, Pharnabazus satrap of it, vii. 8. 25. 
 
 Byzantium, on the Bospdrus, now Oonslantmople ; the Greeks force an 
 entrance iDto it, vii. 1. 16; belonged to the Athenians before the Pelpp- 
 onuesian war, viL 1. 27. 
 
 CsensB, ii. 4. 28. A large city of Mesopotamia on the Tigris. Sup- 
 posed by Mannert, Bennell, and others to be represented by the ruins 
 at Senn, but determined by Colonel Chesney and Colonel Rawlin- 
 Eon to be represented b^ the min& at or near Kalah, Shwgat or KiUih 
 
 Caicus, Plain of, vii. 8. 8, 18. The Caicus is a river of Mysia and 
 Lydia, ;flowing past Pergamus into the sea opposite Lesbos; it is now 
 called the XrinMiMJ. Ainsw. p. 230. 
 
 Calpe, Harbor of, in Bithynia, described, vi. 4. 1, 2. See also ' vi. 2. , 
 13, 17 ; vi. 3. 2. It is now called KirpcA, tA/mam, and the mountain 
 Kaifkan Tagk, the chief headland or promontory Xm/fcaji Adasi, and 
 a lesser promontory Taiwnji Kaifkam, or the lying or deceitful Kaifkan. 
 
 Cappadoeia, L 2. 20 ; vii 8. 25. 
 
 Carduchi or Karduohi, now the Kurds. A people inhabiting the 
 mountains of Kurdistan, the ancient Gordene or Gordiaeus Mons, the 
 banks of the Tigris, and more particularly the country bordering on 
 Armenia and Assyria : independent, hardy, and warlike mountaineers, 
 iii 5. 16; v. 5. 17 ; vii. 8. 25 ^ the Greeks ascend their hUls, iii. 5. 17; 
 iv. 1. 3; attempt in vain to be friendly with them, iv. 1. 8, 9 ; are ha- 
 rassed by them, iv. i 16 ; 3. 7. 
 
 Carsus or Elarsus, Cersus or 'Kersus, & river of Cilicia, i. 4. 4, The 
 Andricus of Pliny, now, MmfkaM-su, at the gates of Cilicia and Syria, i. 
 4. 4. Ainsw. p. 8. 58. - 
 
 -Castolus, Plain of, i. 1. 2; 9. 7. Stephdnus says' that Castolus was a 
 city of Lydia. See note on L 1. 2. 
 
 Caystrus,'Plain ofj i. 2. 11. Supposed to be the' plain of Biitoadjn, 
 in the lower part of which is the lake called Ibar Gill. Hamilton thinks 
 at or near the village called Gha4 Kiui or " river village." It has been 
 placed higher up, near Surmwnah. Koch and Long have dissented 
 from the latter identification. See Kiihner ad i. 2. 11. 
 
TO THE ANABASIS. 841 
 
 Celsenae, a lafge city of Phrygian i 2T. Xerxes built its citadel, i. 
 2. 9. Gyrus had a palace there. The site is now called Dinair or Dee- 
 nair: Leake's Tour, p. 158. Cramer, vol. ii. p. 50. Hamilton, vol. i. 
 p. 499, 506. 
 
 Centrites, a river dividing the country of the Carduchi from Ar- 
 menia, iv. 3. 1 ; the Greeks cross it, iv. 3. 15. Now the Buhtan Ghai. 
 Ainsw. Travels, vol. ii p. 356. Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, p. 
 49, 63. , 
 
 Oeramon Agora, or Ceramorum Forum, i. 2. 10. This, place appears 
 to he represented by the modem Uahah, still a place of cqnsiderable 
 traffic and commerce. Hamilton, iL 204. Hutchinson supposes it to be 
 the same with Gerame, mentioned by Plin. H. N. v. 41. 
 
 Cerasus, a Greek city on the coast of Colchis, founded by the . people 
 of Sinope, v. 3. 2 ; 5. 10 f 1. 13. The site of this place was not at the 
 modern Kwaswnt, but in a valley bearing the same name of Kwasum, 
 Darah-sv,, or river of the valley of KeraSus. Hamilton, i. 250. Bus- 
 tathius, ad DiOnys. Perieg. v. 431, says that the place was so named 
 from the abundance of Kepuaoc, cherry-trees, that grew there. Hence it 
 is supposed Lucullus first introduced the cherry-tree into Europe. Plin. 
 H.N. XV. 5. 3; 5.10; 1.13. 
 'Cersus, see Carsus. 
 
 Oertonium, a city of Mysia, vii. 8. 8. It is not mentioned in any 
 other author : see Cramer, Asia Minor, vol. 1. p. 133, who favors the 
 suggestion of Hutchinson, that we should perhaps read Kapivris, the 
 name of a town mentioned by Herodotus. It has been conjecimied that 
 it may be the Cytoniom of Theopompus (Stephi s. v. KvnSvwv) : there 
 being now a place named Kidonia, near the supposed situation of Cer- 
 tonium. But Cytonium was between Mysia and Lydia ; and Xenophon's 
 Oertonium is in Mysia. Garine or Carene may have stood on the river 
 Garesos, mentioned by Homer, H. xii. 20. 
 
 Chaloedon, on the Bosporus, opposite Byzantium, vii. 1. 20 ; 2. 24, 26. 
 Now Kadi Kmi. Ainsw. i 14. 
 
 Ohalcedonia, vi. 6. 38. 
 
 Chaldaeans, iv. 3.4; v. 5. 17; vii. 8. 25. Now .E'ftfflWjs and Nestorian 
 mountaineers. 
 
 Chains, a river of Syria, i. 4. 9. Identified by Colonel Chesney with 
 the BahiMm-sv,, or Fish river, a tributary to the iSa/ur, but more prob- 
 ably the ChaUb or Kmoait, the river of Aleppo. Ainsw. p. 63. 
 
 Chalybes, a people on the shore of the Euxine, bordering on Armenia^ 
 iv. 5. 34 ; vii. 8. 25 ; serve under Tiribazus, iv. 4. 18 ; meet the Greeks, 
 iv. 6. 5 ; their bravery, and armor, vi. 1. 15 ; subject to the Mossynoeci, 
 T. 5. I. Strabo makes the Chalybes the same as the ChaldseL Ainsw. 
 p. 184. ^ 
 
 Charmanda, a large city on the Euphrates, I 5. 10. Formerly identi- 
 fied with Sit, but Colonel Chesney thinks that the site is represented by 
 ruins opposite to the island of Jibiah or Jabbah. (Exped. to survey the 
 rivers Euph. and Tigris, vol. ij. 214.) ■ 
 
 Chersonesus opposite Abydus, or the Thraoian Chersonesus, i. 1. 9: 
 iu 6. 2, 24; its beauty and fertility, v. 6. 26 ; vii. 1. 13. 
 
 Chersonesus, Acherusian. See Aeherusian Chersonesus. 
 
342 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX 
 
 Chrysopolis, a ciiy ttsar Chaloedon, vi. 1. 1 ; 6. 38. Now Uslmdar or 
 Scutari. Ainsw. p. 222. 
 
 Cilicia, difficulty of entering it, i. 2. 21 ; situation and nature of the 
 country, i. 2. 22 ; its Gates, i. 4. 4. 
 
 Coetse, vii. 8. 25. Perhaps a corruption of Tapohi : see Dindorf ad 
 loo. 
 
 Colohians, ir. 8. 23 ; viL 8. 25 ; oppose the Greeks, but are defeated, 
 iy. 8. 9, 18; Greeks suffer from the Oolchian honey, iv. 8. 20; their 
 deputies stoned, v. '7.2. 
 
 Oolossae, a large city of Phrygia Major, i. 2. 6. Supposed by Arundel 
 (ii. 159) to be represented by ruins at the modeftn Ghcmos or Khonoa, but 
 identified by Hamilton with ruins about three miles north of that site 
 (i. 508). 
 
 Comania, viii 8. 15. It seems to have been a fortress not for from 
 Pergatous. Zeune ad toe.' 
 
 Corsote, a deserted city on the river, or canal, Mascas, i. 6. 4. Sup- 
 posed to be represented by ruins at a site now called jreoft or WerdA. 
 Ainsw. p. 79. 
 
 Cotyora, a Greek city, and colony of the Sinopians, situated on the 
 Euxine in the territory of the Tibaieni, v. 6. 3, 4. Cramer (i. 2T8) plaaea 
 it at Buyuk Kcdak, " Great Castle," near Cape Vona or Bona. Kinneir 
 and Hainiltou think it lay nearer to Urdu or Ordm. 
 
 Cydnua, flows through the midst of Tarsus, i 2. 23. Now called 
 Ta/rsus dhai. 
 
 Cyzious, a city of Mysia on the Propoatis, vii. 2. 5. This celebrated 
 city is now represented by the ruins oi Bed Kiz, of which a description 
 is given by Hamilton (it 103), and Leake, p. 271. 
 
 Dana, a city of Cappadacia, i. 2. 20. The same as the Tyana of 
 Strabo, xiiL p. 371. Now represented by the ruins of .2«! Bissar. 
 
 Dardes, a river described as a plethrum in breadth at its sources, i. 
 4. 10. In most of the old editions it is called the Daradax. Identified • 
 formerly with the canal at Balis, but supposed by Colonel Chesney to be 
 the same as the fountain of Al Bab, near the source of the stream called 
 DhaAab or Babb (ii. 213). 
 
 Delta of Thrace, was between Byzantium and Salmydessus, vii. 1. 33 ; 
 5. 1. Gryllus de Boaporo Thracio (see Schneider ad vii. 5. 1.) places it 
 the angular point Berkon, in which opinion D'AuviUe agrees with him. 
 BenneU, p. 268, thinks it the angiHar space running out into the Euzine 
 near Byzantium. 
 
 Dolopes, of EpiruB, i 2. 6. 
 
 Drilae, v. 2. 1. Arrian, Peripl. p. 123, ed. Blanc, suggests that this 
 people may have been a tribe of "the Sanni or Macrones. See Ainsw. 
 p. 189, and Cramer, Asia Min, i. p. 287, who refers to Steph. Byz. v. 
 Apv^ai. 
 
 Ecbatana, the capital of Media, u. 4. 25 ; ill, 6. 15. The Ecbatana or 
 Agbatana, " Treasure city," of Media, is supposed to be represented by 
 Hamadan, the Ecbatana of Aasyria by Amad/iyah, the ^Ecbatana of 
 Babylonia by Kirkuk, and the Ecbatana of Atropatena by TalMi 
 
TO THE ANABASIS. 343 
 
 Sidaiman. There were also Eobatamas at Persepolia and on Mount 
 Carmel. 
 
 EphesuB, il. 2. 6. The ruins of Ephesua have been described by 
 Spon and WTleler, Ohiahull. and- Chandler, Amn^del, Hamilton, PeHowa, 
 and others. The site of these ruins is now called Ayasdkik, 
 . Euphrates, its breadth, i. 4. 11. Cyrus crosses it, i. 4. 11, 18. The 
 Greeks re-cross it, not far from its source, iv. 5. 2. 
 
 ■ G-anua, a city of Thrace, on the Propontis, to the south of Bisauthe, 
 viL 5. 8. 
 
 Gates of SUioia and Syria, i. 4. 4. See note ad he. 
 
 Gates, Babylonian, L 5. 5 ; placed by Colonel Chesney 24 miles short 
 of the Median "Well, nearly opposite the village of Jarrah (ii 214) ; by 
 others at the termination of the hilly country on the plains of Babylonia. 
 See note ad loc. 
 
 Gymnias, a large city of the Scythini, iv. 1. 19. Identified formerly 
 (ionjeeturally ■ with. Arzrum, now with Ispir or Ispira. Identified by 
 Colonel Chesney with the little town of Gemeri on the Kara-su (ii. p. 
 2S0) ; by M. Vivien do Saint Martin, Mist, des Decouvertes Geographiques 
 (tome ii. j). 324), with Djimnis, a village on the left bank of the Upper 
 Euphrates, about six leagues from Ansrwra. 
 
 Halisame, a town near Pergamus, viL 8. Vj. It is mentioned by 
 Xen. Hell. iii. 1, 4; Phn. H. N". v. 32 ; and Steph. Byz. 
 
 Halys, river of Paphlagonia, v. 6. 9 ; vi. 2. 1. Now called the Kizil 
 Irmak, or Red Biver. See- Jasonian Shore. 
 
 Harmene, a port near Sinope, vi. 1. X5. Strabo, xiL p. 546; Arrian, 
 Poripl. p. 127. 
 
 Harpasus, river so called, iv. 7. 18. ReuneU (p. 225) and Hamilton 
 (i. 197) have identified this river with the Arpa chai, a branch or tribut- 
 ary to the Araa or Araxes, but Colonel Chesney (ii. 230) and Layard 
 (Nin. and Baby. p. 65) have identified it with the Jvrak or Tc?loruk-s^, 
 the Asparus of the Bomans. 
 
 , Heraolea, a Greek city of Pontua, ori^ally a colony from Megara, in 
 the territory of the Mariandyni, vi 2. 1 ; its distance from Byzantium, 
 vi. 4. 2 ; much frequented by ships, v. 6. 10. It is now called SaroMi, 
 (Ains. Trav. i. 38). For its history, see Justin, B. xvi. 
 
 Heradeotis, the territory of Heraplea, vi. 2. IP, 
 
 Hesperitae, vii. 8. 25. 
 
 Hyrcanians, vii. 8. 15. 
 
 leonium, an ancient city of Phrygia, i. 2. 19. Now Koniyoih, the 
 capital of Kwramum, seat of a pasha and of a Greek metropolitan. 
 
 Ida, mountain of Troas, viL 8. 7. Now Karajah fagh. 
 
 Iris, a river of Paphlagonia, v. 6. 9 ; vl 2. 1. Now the Tashil Irmak, 
 or Green Biver. 
 
 Issi, or Issus, a large city on the coast of Cilieia, i 2. 24 ; 4.- 1. Has 
 been identified with ruina on the DaM chai, "mad or swift river," sup- 
 posed to be the Pinarua. It was in later times called Nieopolia. See 
 Steph, Byz., and Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. ii. p. 359. 
 
SU GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX 
 
 Isthmus of Corinth, ji 6. 3. 
 
 Jaaonian Shore, vi. 2. 1. Kriiger supposes the passage in which this 
 is mentioned, from wopaTr^EovTef to toOtov dj, to be an interpolation, be- 
 cause the rivers named in connection with it, the Thermodon, Iris, and 
 Halys, do not run into the Buxine on that side of Sinope, but on the 
 other, to the east of it. Koch thinks it is a mistake of Xenophon him- 
 self: see Kiihner ad loc. See Ainsw. p. 213; Rennell, p. 261. 
 
 lampsacus, viL 8. 1, 6. A city of Mysia, on the Hellespont, now 
 LamsaM. Cramer's Asia Minor, yoL i. p. 65. 
 
 Larissa, a large city on the Tigris, iii. 4. 1. Identified by most recent 
 inquirers, as in the TraT. in the Traojc, by Colonel Chesney, Colonel 
 Eawlinson, and Layard, with the great Assyrian ruin now called Nimrvd 
 or Athur. Koch, it appears, differs from this view of );he subject ; see 
 Kiihner ad loc. Sochart thought it the same as the Resen of Gen. x. 12. 
 
 Lotophagi, iii. 2. 25. 
 
 lycaonia, a country of Asia Minor, laid waste by Cyrus, i. 2. 19. 
 Not subject to the kmg of Persia, iii. 2. 23. Mithridates satrap of it, 
 vii. 8. 25. 
 
 Lyceum, at Athens, vii. 8. 1. See note adhc. 
 
 Lycus, a river running into the Black Sea near Heraclea, vi. 2. 3. It 
 is now called Kil^-su, or Sword Eiver. See Cramer's Asia "Min. vol i. 
 p. 203. 
 
 Lydi% vii. 8. 20. 
 
 Macrones, a people at the extremity of Cappadocia, on the confines 
 of Colchis and Armenia, iv. 8. 1 ; v. 5. 18 ; vii. 8. 25. In later times 
 they were called Sanni or Tsani, according to the Eustath. ad Dionys, v. 
 766. See also Strabo. xii. p. 8. 25. Tet Pliny, H. N. vi. 4, keeps the 
 Macrones and Sanni distinct. Ainsw. p. 189. 
 
 Mseander, in Lydia^ i. 2. 5, 6. Now Mamdmr'ah or Menderehrsu. 
 
 Mardi, a people on the borders of Media, iv. 4. 3. Some read Mai^ 
 donii. 
 
 Mari^ndyni, 3 people of Blthyuia or PapMagonia,, in whose territory 
 Heraolea stood, vi. 2. 1. 
 
 Marsyas, a river of Lydia, running into the Mseander, i 2. 8. 
 
 Mascas, a river or canal of Mesopotamia, joining the Euphrates, 1 
 5. 4. 
 
 Media, Greeks return through it, ii. 4. 2'7 ,- iii. S. 15. Beauty of the 
 women of Media, iii. 2. 25. Sovereignty over the country obtained by 
 the Persians, iii. 4. 8, 11. 
 
 M«'dia, Wall of, i. 7. 15 ; ii. i. 12. It appears to have stretched across 
 the narrow space between the Tigris and Euphrates, from the site of the 
 ancient Opis to the Sipphara of Ptolemy, the ruins of which are now 
 called (Sf^aJroA. Ainsw. p. lOT, «e}j. 
 
 Melandit£e, a people of Thrace, vii. 2. 32. 
 
 Melinophagi, a people of Thrace near Salmydessus, vii. 5. 12. 
 
 Mespila, or Meso-pulai, middle gates or pass, a city of Media taken by 
 the Persians, iii. 4. 10-1 2. Identified by Eennell with Nineveh, by 
 Colonel Rawlmson with Mmul or Mcmail. It may have comprised bothj 
 
TO THE ANABASIS. 345 
 
 or portions of bptl^, that is to say, so muoli of each city as lay near the 
 river pass, and which at all times have been parts of the same city, as 
 Southwaris to iondon or London to Southwark. The fortress or castle, 
 which Xenophon mentions as being near it, is now called Tarum-jah. 
 
 Miletus, in Ionia, near the mouth of the Meander ; besieged, i. L Y ; 
 4. 2. Why it did not revolt to Cyrus, i. 9. 9. , 
 
 Mountain, Sacred, iv. '7. 21. 
 
 ", " another, vii, 1. 14; 3. 3. 
 
 Mossynoeci, a people on the shores of the Euxine, near Cerasus, be- 
 tween the Tibareni and Drito, v. iv. 2 ; v. 5 1. "Were not subject to the 
 Persians, vii. 8, 25. 
 
 Myriandrua, a city near the sea, inhabited by Phoenicians, i. 4. 6. It 
 was a plsice of trade and a harbor, not far from the present port of Is- 
 Tcwadaran or Alexandretta, nearer to and more in front of tlie pass of 
 Ba/ilcm between Amanus and Bhosus, but the actual site has not been 
 determined. 
 
 Mysia, vii. 8. 8. The Mysiana ravage the province of Cyrus, i. 6. 7 ; 
 Cyrus makes war upon them, i. 9. 14; not subject to the King of Persia, 
 iii, 23. 23, Dance of a Mysian, vi. 1. 9; stratagem of a Mysian, v. 2. 29. 
 
 Neontiohos, a town and harbor of Thrace, between Ganus and Sely- 
 bria. Scylax, Peripl p. 28, ed. Huds. 
 
 Odrysae, a people of European Thrace, vii. 2. 32; 3. 16; 4. 21; 5. 
 1, 16. 
 
 Olympia, v. 3. t; v. 3. 11. 
 
 Olynthians, i. 2. 6. 
 
 Ophrynium, a town of Troas, near Dardanus, vii. 8. 5. 
 
 Opis, a large city on the river Physcus, ii. 4. 25. Formerly supposed 
 to be represented by ruins at the embouchure of the river Athaim, or 
 Adhem into the Tigris, now with the ruins otAsM Baghdad or Old Bagh- 
 dad, where the ancient canal called Kaivir or Nahrwcm takes its depart- 
 ure from the Tigris, or, according to Colonel Chesney, with ruins at 
 Kayim or Kamm, on the Nahr-al-Bisas, a, southerly cross-cut to the 
 Nakrwan. 
 
 Paphlagonia described, v. 6. 6; Corylas satrap of it, vii. 8. 25; Paph- 
 lagouian helmets, v. 2. 22 ; 4. 13. 
 
 Parium, a town on the Propontis, between Cyzicus and the Helles- 
 pont, vii. 2. '7 ; 2. 25 ; 3. 20 ; 3. 16. 
 
 Parthenium, a town of Mysia near Pergamus, viL 8. 16, 21. Plin. H. 
 N. V. 30. 
 
 Pelts, a town of Phrygia, i. 3. 10. The plain near Peltse on which 
 Cyrus reviewed his troops may either be represented by the Baklan 
 Viiah on the great plain to the south of JihaMi, or at the foot of the 
 mountains two miles on the road from lihaidi to Dinair. (Hamilton, iL 
 163 and 203.) 
 
 Pergamus, a celebrated city of Mysia, near the Caicus, vii. 8. 8, 23. 
 Now called Bergma, or Bergamo. Cramer's Asia Minor, i. p. 136. 
 
 Perinthus, a city of Thrace on the Propontis, west of Byzantium, ii, 6. 
 15* 
 
346 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX 
 
 2; vu. 2. 8, 11, 28; 4. 2. In later times it was called Heraclea, and ia 
 now HwraMi. 
 
 Persians, the beauty of their women, iii. 2, 25 j their bows large, iii. 
 4. IT ; their cavalry of little use in the night, iii. 4. 35 ; Persian dance, 
 vi. 1. 10. 
 
 Phasis, iv. 6. 4. Not the Phasis of Colchis, which runs into the 
 Euxine, but a river of Armenia, flowing into the Caspian, caUed by 
 other writers the Araxea. Rennell, p. 230, " Xenophon seems to have 
 confounded this river with the Phasis of Colchis." Kiihner, ad he. The 
 plain through which the upper portion of the Aras or Araxes flows, is 
 still called Pasin. (See map to illustrate routes of Mr. Ainsworth, Mr. 
 Brant, Mr. Suter, and lord Pollington, in the tenth volume of the 
 Journal of the Royal Geographical Society.) 
 
 Phoenioia> vii. 8. 25. 
 
 Pholoe, V. 3. 10, a woody mountain range between Arcadia and Ellis, 
 now Mam-o Botmi. Cramer's Ancient Greece, iiL p. 92. 
 
 Phiygia, v. 6. 24 ; vii. 8. 26. 
 
 Physcusj a river or canal connected with the Tigris, ii. 4 25. Iden- 
 tified by Captain Lynch and Mr. Ross with the river Athmm or Adhem. 
 (Joum. R. G. S. vol. ix 472, 448.) By Colonel Rawlinson, with the 
 £:aki,r or Nahrwan. (Joum. R. G. S. voL x. 93 — 97.) By Colonel 
 Chesney (ii. 221), with the Nah/r-<d-Risas, a tributary to the Nahraan. 
 
 Pisidians, the inhabitants of a mountainous district to the north of 
 Pamphylia, perpetual enemies to the Persians, ii. 6. 13 ; iii. 2. 23. Cyrus 
 pretends that he is going to attack them, i. 2. 1 ; had formerly been at 
 war with them, i. 9. 14. 
 
 Pontua, the country on the shores of the Euxine, v. 6. 15, 16. 
 
 Pontus Euxinus, iv. 8. 22. 
 
 Psarus, or Sarus, a considerable river of Cilicia, runnmg into the 
 Mediterranean, i. 4. 1. It is now called the Sihun or Scdhun. Ainsw. 
 p. 51. 
 
 Pyramus, a large river of Cilicia, flowing into the Siniia Issious, i. 4. 1. 
 ifow the Jihan or Jaihun. Ains. p. 52. 
 
 Sacred Mountain. See Mountain. 
 
 Salmydessus, a city of Thrace on the Euxine, vii. 5. 12. It is now 
 called Mid/i/yah,. Rennell, p. 2@T. 
 
 Sardis, or Sardes, the chief city of Lydia, and of Cjmia's government, 
 L 2. 2 ; iii. 1. 8. 
 
 Scillus, a town of Elia, not far from Olympia^ asaigned by the 
 Lacedaemoniana to Xenophon for a residence during his exile, v. 3. 7. 
 See Kruger de Xen. Tita, p. 20 ; Schneider, Epimetrum de Scilluntio Agro. 
 
 Soythmi, a people near the Euxine, bordering on the Maorones, iv. 1. 
 18. Rennell, p. 243; Ainaw. p. 228. 
 
 Selinus. Xenophon speaks of two rivers of this name, one flowing by 
 the temple of Diana at Ephesus, another near Olympia, on which he 
 erected a temple to Diana, v. 3. 8. 
 
 Selybria, or Selymbria, a city of Thrace on the Propontia, between 
 Byzantium and Peruithus, viL 2. 8 ; 5. 15. Now called Silivri. Ainsw. 
 p. 227. 
 
TO THE ANABASIS. 347 
 
 Sinope, a G-reek city in Paphlagonia, on the Euxine, originally a 
 colony from MUetus, vi. 1. 15 ; a deputy from it to the Greeks, v. 6. 12. 
 Now caUed Sinub. Ainaw. p. 211. 
 
 Sittaoe, a large city of Babylonia on the Tigris, iii. 4. 13. Formerly 
 identified with the ruins of Akbara, a city of the Khalifs ; but since 
 with those at Shirial-al-Baida. 
 
 Soli, a city on the coast of Cilicia, i 2. 24. Afterward Pompeibpolis. 
 Pompon. L xiii.; Ptol.v. viii.; Dio Oassius, xxxvi. 18. 'So-w AaU Shahir, 
 " old city," near Mazatlu. 
 
 Susa, the winter residence of the Persian kings, on the river Choaspes, 
 ii. 4. 25 ; iiL 6. 15. Now Sus on the Eirkhah or Ohoaspes. The Shu- 
 shan of Scripture is now Suscm on the Karun or Bulaeus. Rawlinson, 
 Journ. R. G. 8. (vol. ii. p. 85) ; Long, ditto (iii. 257) ; Layard, ditto 
 (3di. 102.) 
 
 Syria, i. 4. 6 ; Syrians regard certain fish, and doves, as gods, i. 4. 9. 
 
 Syrian Gates. See Gates. 
 
 Taoflhi, a people between Armenia and the Busdne ; some of them 
 serve under Tiribazus, iv. 4. 18 ; they oppose the passage of the Greeks, 
 iv. 6. 5 ; the Greeks take one of their fortresses, iv. 7. 2 ; they are not 
 subject to the king of Persia, v. 5. 17. 
 
 Tarsus, a large and rich city of Cilicia on the river Cydnus, i. 2. 23 ; 
 plundered by the soldiers of Menon, i 2. 26. It stUl retains its ancient 
 name. 
 
 ' Teleboas, a small river in "Western Armenia, iv. 4. 3. Identified by 
 Layard (Nin. and Baby. p. 64) with the river of Biliis; by most other 
 recent commentators, with the head-waters of the Kaira-su, in Mush or 
 Moxoene. 
 
 Teuthrania, a town and district in Mysia, iL 1. 3 ; vii. 8. 17. 
 
 Thapsacus, a city of Cyria on the Euphrates, at which Cyrus crosses 
 that river, i. 4. 11. Afterward Amphipolia (Pliny, H. N. T. 21); also 
 Turmeda (Steph. Byz.) ; Tiphsah (1 Kings iv. 24). Now designated as 
 the ford of the Badawin at Al Hawmwm near Suriyah ancient Sura or 
 Sure of Ptolemy. Sura in Pliny, and Ura (ib.) 
 
 Thebe, plain o^ in Lydia, according to the common reading in vii. 
 8. 7. But some copies have 'Act'of: KrQger. Kiihner would read 
 Mvffj'nf. The Thebe meant is probably that at the foot of Mount Places 
 in Mysia, and hence called Hypoplacia. See Cramer's Asia Minor, i. 
 p. 129. 
 
 Theohes, the mountain from which the Greeks had their first view of 
 the Euxine, iv. 7. 21. Colonel Chesney (ii. 230) identifies Theohes with 
 the Gaur or Jawur Tagh, " Infidel Mountain." It has been more gen- 
 erally identified with the Ihkiyah . Tagh or " Monastery Mountain," the 
 Edk Ma^'idi Tagh of Vivien de St. Martin. 
 
 Thermodon, a river of Paphlagonia, running into the Euxine, v. 6. 9 ; 
 vi. 2. 1. See Jasoniau Shore. 
 
 Thrace, Asiatic, vi. 4. 1. The people of it attack the Arcadians, vi. 3. 4. 
 
 Thrace, European, vii. 1. 5 ; a Thraoian dance, vi. 1. 5 ; banquet, vii. 
 3. 16; dress, vii. 4. 4; Thracian mountaineers, vii. 4. IX; their mode of 
 flight, vii. 4. 17. 
 
348 GEO&EAPHICAL INDBZ. 
 
 Thracian Area or Square, a place in Byzantium, vii. 1. 24. Probably 
 the Al Maidan. 
 
 Tbymbrium, a town of Phrygia, i. 2. 13. Probably represented in the 
 present day by Ak Sfiahir, " the white city," if not situated between 
 that town and Ulu Buruw, the supposed fountain of Midas ; but this is 
 unlikely. 
 
 ThynianSj or Bithynians, a people of European Thrace, vii. 2. 22 ; vii. 
 4. 1, 14, 18. 
 
 Tibareni, a people of Asia, bordering on the Ohalybes, v. 6. 2 ; vii. 
 8. 25. , - 
 
 Tigris, canals from it communicating with the Euphrates, i. '7. 15 ; ii. 
 4. 13 ; the Greeks cross it by a bridge, ii. 4. 24 ; they recroas it near its 
 source, iv. 4. 3. 
 
 Tralles, a fortified town of Lydia on the MEeander, L 4. 8. Some ruins 
 of it stiU remain. Ainsw. p. 61. ' 
 
 Tranipsae, a people of Thrace, viL 2. 32. 
 
 Trapezus, Xrebisond, on the Pontus, a Greek city in the Territory of 
 the Golchians, iv. 8. 22. It paid tribute to Sinope, of which it was a 
 colony, V. B. 10, 
 
 Troas, v. 6. 24; vii. 8. 1. 
 
 Tyriaeum, a town oiF Phrygia, i. 2. 14. Formerly identified with Arhai 
 Khan, but most probably represented by Ilghim. Hamilton (ii. 200). 
 Colonel Chesney (ii. 208). 
 
 Zabatus, or Zapatas, a river of Assyria, running into the Tigris, ii. 6. 
 1 ; iii. 3. 6. Zerab of the Chaldeans and Hebrews, corrupted into Zarb 
 and Zab. The Lycus of Herodotus, Polybius, Strabo, and Ptolemy. 
 Siaba of Amm. MarceUinus. Now Zaba aia. 
 
XENOPHON'S 
 
 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. 
 
 BOOK I.— CHAPTER I. 
 
 Tho two charges on which Socrates was condemned to death by the Athe- 
 nians, sect. 1. The first charge reftited hy several arenments : for Soc- 
 rates used to sacrifice to the gods, 2 ; he practiced dlTination, and his 
 dcenum was no new god, 2-6 ; he reoommenaed that the gods should he 
 consulted by man in perplexing circumstances, 6-9 ; he was guilty of no 
 impiety, he avoided vain speculations respecting the gods, and said that 
 the business of philosophy was the study of virtue, 10-17 ; his life was 
 in accordance with the precepts of morality, 18-20. 
 
 1. 1 HAVE often wondered by what arguments the accusers' 
 of Socrates persuaded the Athenians that he deserved death 
 from the state ; for the indictment against him was to this ef- 
 fect : socratbs offends aoainst the laws in not paying 
 respect" to those gods whom the city respects, and intro- 
 ducing OTHER NEW DEITIES ; HE ALSO OFFENDS AGAINST THE 
 LAWS IN CORRUPTING THE YOUTH. 
 
 2. In the first place, that he did not respect the gods whom 
 
 1 Plato, in his Apology of Socrates, mentions his accusers by name : 
 Meleius, a bad author of tragedies and songs (see Aristoph. Ban. 1302, 
 and the Scholiast) ; An/ytus, who was a tarmer or currier, aa appears 
 from Xen. ApoL sect. 29, illustrated by the industry of Bornemann, p. 
 12, ed. 1824, and p. 350, ed. 1829; and X4/a), an orator, to whom allu- 
 sion seems to be made in Aristoph. Tesp. 1301. Kiihner. 
 
 s 04 vo/ic(av.'] No/it^eiv iJeoOf is deos more publico {riji v6/i(^) receptos 
 colere. * * * Hence ol vevo/iiafievoi &eol are the goda publicly ac- 
 knowledged and worshiped. Kiihner. 
 
350 MEMORABILIA OF SOOBATES. bookl 
 
 the city respects, what proof did they bring ? For he was seen 
 frequently sacrificing at home, and frequently on the pub- 
 lic altars of the city ; nor was it unknown that he used di- 
 vination ; as it was a common subject of talk that " Socrates 
 used to say that the divinity instructed him ;" and it was 
 from this circumstance, indeed, that they seem chiefly to have 
 derived the charge of introducing new deities. 3. He how- 
 ever introduced nothing , newer than those who, practicing 
 divination, consult auguries, voices,' omens, and sacrifices ; for 
 they do not imagine that_Jiirds, or people who meet them, 
 know what is advantageoMior those seeking presages, but 
 that the gods, by their mpans, signify what willy be so; and 
 such was the opinion that Socrates entertained. 4i Most 
 people say that they are diverted from an object, or prompted 
 to it, by Wrd^ or by the people who meet them ; but Socrates 
 spoke as "Eeuiought, for he said it was the divinity that was 
 his monitor. He also told many of his friends to do certain 
 things, and not to do others, intimating that the divinity had 
 forewarned him ; and advantage attended those who obey- 
 ed his suggestions, but repentance, those who disregarded 
 them. 
 
 . 5. Yet who would not acknowledge that Socrates wished to 
 appear to his friends neither a fool nor a boaster? But he 
 would have seemed to be both, if, after saying that intimations 
 were given him by a god, he had then been proved guilty of 
 falsehood. It is manifest, therefore, that he would have ut- 
 tered no predictions, if he had not trusted that they would prove 
 true. But who, in such matters, would trust to any one but a 
 god ? And how could he, who trusted the gods, think that 
 there were no gods ?" 
 
 ' *i7/ta(f.] li^nim, an omen taken firoiu the voices of men. See Cicero 
 de Div. i. 45. 102 ; where it is said that the Pythagoreans observed not 
 only the voices of the gods, but also those of men, and called the signs 
 from them omina. See Eustath. ad IL ic', p. MS; Xen. ApoL 12; 
 Bornemann ad Apol. 18, p. 51, ed. 1824; Herbst on Sympos. iv. 48, and 
 on this passage. Kuhner. 
 
 2 Iluf oi/c elvai iS-eoif tvojiiZtv ;] Xenophon here goes out of his 
 line of argument, and introduces a new point, which is not given in the 
 charge against Socrates as it stands in sect. 1. He there says that Soc- 
 rates was accused of introducing new gods, not of denying that there 
 were gods. Plato, in his Apology, p. 36, C, has made a far more accu- 
 rate distinction betw;een these two points of accusation. Kuhner. It 
 ia observable, that if elvm were omitted, the question would be in ae- 
 
CHAP. I. ON CONSULTINa THE GODS. 851 
 
 6. He aJso acted toward his friends according to his con- 
 victions, for he recommended them to perform affairs of ne- 
 cessary consequence ' in such a manner as he thought that 
 they would be best managed ; but ooncerning those of which 
 it was doubtful how they would terminate, he sent them to 
 take auguries whether they should be done or not. 7. Those 
 who would govern families or cities well, he said, had need of 
 divination ; for to become skillful in architecture, or working in 
 brass, or agriculture, or in commanding men, or to become a 
 critic in any such arts," or a good reasoner, or a skillful regu- 
 lator of a household, or a well-qualified general, he considered 
 as wholly matters of learnings and left to the choice of the 
 human understanding ; 8. but he said that tiie gods reserved 
 to themselves the most important particulars attending such 
 matters, of which nothing was apparent to men ; for neither 
 was it certain to him who had sown his field well, who should 
 reap the fruit of it ; nor certain to him who had built a house 
 well, who should inhabit it ; nor certain to him who was skilled 
 in generalship, whether it would be for his advantage to act 
 as a general ; nor certain to him who was versed in political 
 affairs, whether it would be for his profit to be at the head of 
 the state ; nor certain to him who had married a beautiful wife 
 in hopes of happiness, whether he should not incur misery by 
 her means ; nor certain to him who had acquired powerful 
 connections in the state, whether he might not be banished by i 
 them: 9. and those who thought that none of these things// 
 depended on the gods, but that all were dependent on theii 
 human understanding, he pronounced to be insane ; as he also\\ 
 pronounced those to be insane who had recourse to omens re- 
 specting matters which the gods iad granted to men to dis- 
 cover by the exercise of their faculties ; as if, for instance, a 
 man should inquire whether it would be better to take for the 
 driver of his chariot one who knows how to drive, or one 
 who does not know ; or whether it would be better to place 
 
 cordanoe with the accusation : " How ooiild he, who trusted in the gods, 
 not pay respect to the gods ?" 
 
 • T^ dvoyxala.'] Things of which the event is certain, because neces- 
 sary, aa Emesti interprets. Schneider. 
 
 2 Twv ToiovTuv kpyuv ^^eraffriKov.] 'E^eracri/cdf appears to signify 
 one who can point out the merits and defects in works, though he him- 
 self could not execute any thing better than what he criticises ; » man 
 of theory, not of practice. TTeis/ce. 
 
852 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. booki. 
 
 over his ship one who knows how to steer it, or one who does 
 not know; or if men should ask respecting matters which 
 they may learn by counting, or measuring, or weighing ; for 
 those who inquired of the gods concerning such matters he 
 thought guilty of impiety, and said that it was the duty of 
 men to learn whatever the gods had enabled them to do by 
 learning, and to try to ascertain from the gods by augury 
 whatever was obscure to men ; as the gods always afford in- 
 formation to those to whom they are rendered propitious. 
 1 10. He was constantly in public, for he went in the morning 
 I to the places for walking and the gymnasia ; at the time whea 
 I the market was full ' he was to be seen there ; and the rest of 
 ithe day he was where he was likely to meet the greatest 
 '-Hnmber of people; he was generally engaged in discourse, 
 and all who pleased were at liberty to hear nim; 11. yet no 
 one ever either saw Socrates doing, or heard him saying, any 
 thing impious or profane ; for he did not dispute about the 
 nature of things as most other philosophers disputed,' specu- 
 lating how that which is called by sophists the world was 
 produced, and by what necessary laws every thing in the heav- 
 ens is effected, but endeavored to show that those who chose 
 such subjects of contemplation were foolish; 12. and used in 
 the first place to inquire of them whether they thought that 
 they already knew sufficient of human affairs, and merefore 
 profceeded to such subjects of meditation, or whether, when 
 they neglected human affairs entirely, and speculated on celes- 
 tial matters, they thought that they were doing what became 
 them. 13. He wondered, too, that it was not apparent to 
 them that it is impossible for man to satisfy himself on such 
 points, since even thbae who pride themselves most on dis- 
 cussing them, do not hold the same opinions one with another, 
 
 ' 'n.Xrj'9ovariQ iyopdi;^ See note on Anab. L 8. 1. 
 
 " That Socrates used at times to discuss physical subjects, appears 
 from Xenophon himself (see o. 4, and Symp. vj. 6), as well as from 
 Plato's Apology and Phaedo, c. 46, and Diog. Laert. ii. 45 ; but ho 
 pursued a different method from that of other philosophem in such 
 discussions; for, abstaining from subtle and useless inquiries as to 
 the origin of things, the courses of the heavenly bodies, and other ob- 
 scure topics, he directed his inquiries to the consideration of the divine 
 power, the nature of man, the connection of the human with the 
 divine nature, and the government of the world by divme influence. 
 Ki'thner. 
 
CHAP. I. ON THE PHILOSOPHERS. 353 
 
 but are, compared with eaoh other, like madmen ; 14. for of mady 
 men some have no fear of what is to be feared, and others fear 
 what is not to be feared ; some think it no shame to say or do 
 any thing whatever before men, and others think that they 
 ought not to go among men at all ; some pay no respect to 
 temple, or altar, or any thing dedicated to the gods, and others 
 worship stones, and common stocks, and beasts : so of those 
 who speculate on the nature of the universe, some imagine 
 that all that exists is one, others that there are worlds infinite 
 in number; some that all things are in perpetual motion, 
 others that nothing is ever moved; some that all things are 
 generated and decay, and others that nothing is either gener- 
 ated or decays. 
 
 .15. He would ask, also, concerning such philosophers, 
 whether, as those who have learned arts practiced by men, 
 expect that they will be able to carry into eflfeet what they 
 have learned, either for themselves, or for any one else whom 
 they may wish, so those who inquire int6 celestial things, 
 imagine that, when they have discovered by what laws every 
 thing is effected, they wiU be able to produce, whenever they 
 please, wind, rain, changes of the seasons, and whatever else 
 of that sort they may desire, or whether they have no such 
 expectation, but are content merely to know how every thing 
 of that nature is generated. 16. Such were the observations 
 which he made about those who busied themselves in such 
 speculations ; but for himself, he would hold discourse, from 
 time to time, on what concerned mankind, cousidering what 
 was pious, what impious ; what was becoming, what unbe- 
 coming ; what was just, what unjust ; what was sanity, 
 what insanity ; what was fortitude, what cowardice ; what a 
 state was, and what the character of a statesman ; what was 
 the nature of government over men, and the qualities of one 
 skilled in governing them ; and touching on other subjects, 
 with which he thought that those who were acquainted were 
 men of worth and estimation, but that those who were ignor- 
 ant of them might justly be deemed no better than slaves. 
 
 17. As to those matters, then, on which Socrates gave no 
 intimation what his sentiments were, it is not at all wonderful 
 that his judges should have decided erroneously concerning 
 him ; but is it not wonderful that they should have taken no 
 account of such things as all men knewl 18. For when ha 
 
354 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. booki. 
 
 was a member of the senate, and had taken the senator's oath, 
 in which it was expressed that he would vote in accordance 
 with the laws, he, being president in the assembly of the 
 people when they were eager to put to death Thrasyllns, 
 Erasinides, and ail the nine generals, by a single vote con- 
 trary to the law, refused,' though the multitude were en- 
 raged at him, and many of those in power uttered threats 
 against him, to put the question to the vote, but considered it 
 of more importance to observe his oath than to gratify the 
 people contrary to what was right, or to seek safety against 
 those who menaced him; 19. for he thought that the gods 
 paid regard to men, not in the way in which some people 
 suppose, who imagine that the gods Imow some things and do 
 r not know others, but he considered that the gods know all 
 things, both what is said, what is done, and what is medi- 
 tated in silence, and are present every where, and give ad- 
 monitions to men concemii^ every thing human. 
 
 20. I wonder, therefore, how the Athenians were ever per- 
 suaded that Socrates had not right sentiments concerning the 
 gods ; a man who never said or did any thing impious toward 
 the gods, but spoke and acted in such a manner with respect 
 to them, that any other who had spoken and acted in the same 
 manner, would have been, and have been considered, emi- 
 nently pious. 1 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 Eeply to th.6 othjer charge ag^nst Socrates. He did not corrupt the youth, 
 for his whole teaching dissuaded them tiom vice, and encouraged them to 
 temperance and virtue of every liind, sect. 1-8. He exhorted them to 
 obey the laws, 9-11. If Critjas and Aloibiades, who listened to his dis- 
 courses, became corrupt, the fault was not his, ia:-28 ; he endeavored to 
 reclaim them, till they deserted him ; and others, who resigned themselves 
 wholly to his instructions, became virtuous and honorable men, 28-48. 
 Other frivolous assertions refuted, 49-60. His benevolence, disinterest- 
 edness, and general merits, 61-64. 
 
 1. It also seems wonderful to me, that any should have 
 been persuaded that Socrates corrupted the youth ; Socrates, 
 who, in addition to what has been said of him, was not only 
 I See Xen. Hell. i. 1, especially sect. IB. 
 
CHAP. 11. PRINCIPLES AND HABITS OP SOCRATES. 355 
 
 the most rigid of all men in the government of his passions 
 and appetites, but also most able to withstand cold, heat, and 
 every Mad of labor; and, besides, so inured to frugality, that, 
 though he possessed very little, he very easily made it a suffi- 
 ciency. 2. How, then, being of such a character himself, 
 could he have rendered others impious, or lawless, or luxuri- 
 ous, or incontinent, or too efieminate to endure labor? On 
 the contrary, he restrained many of them from such vices, 
 leading thom to love virtue, and giving them hopes, that it' 
 they would take care of themselves, they would become hon- 
 orable and worthy characters. 3. Not indeed that he ever 
 professed to be an instructor in that way, but, by showing 
 that he was himself such a character, he made those in his 
 society hope that, by imitating him, they would become such 
 as he was. 
 
 4. Of the body he was not neglectful, nor did he commend 
 those who were. He did not approve that a person should 
 eat to excess, and then use immoderate exercise, but recom- 
 mended that he should work off, by a proper degree of exer- 
 cise, as much as the appetite received with pleasure ; for such a 
 habit, he said, was peculiarly conducive to health, and did not 
 prevent attention to the mind. 6. He was not, however, fine 
 or ostentatious in his clothes or sandals, or in any of his 
 habits of life ; yet he did not make those about him lovers of 
 money,' for he checked them in this as well as other passions, 
 and asked no remuneration from those who desired his com- 
 pany. 6. By refraining from such demand, he thought that 
 he consulted his liberty, and called those who took money for 
 their discourses their own enslavers, since they must of neces- 
 sity hold discussions with those from whom they received 
 pay. 7. He expressed wonder, too, that any one who pro- 
 fessed to teach virtue, should demand money, and not think 
 that he gained the greatest profit in securing a good friend, 
 but feat that he whom he had made an honorable and 
 worthy character would not retain the greatest gratitude 
 toward his greatest benefactor. 8. Socrates, indeed, never 
 expressed so much to any one ; yet he believed that those of 
 his associates who imbibed what he approved, would be always 
 good friends both to himself and to each other. How then 
 
 ,' Though he was not extravagant, he was not avaricious ; nor had 
 hi'a conversation a tendency to make others avaricious. 
 
356 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. book:. 
 
 could a man of such a character corrupt the young, unless, 
 indeed, the study of virtue be corniption ? 
 
 9. " But assuredly," said the accuser, " he caused those who 
 conversed with him to despise the established laws, by saying 
 how fooUsh it was to elect the magisteates of a state by beans,' 
 when nobody would be willing to take a pilot elected by 
 beans, or an architect, or a flute-player," or a person in any 
 other pTofession, which, if erroneously exercised, would cause 
 far less harm than errors in the administration of a state ;" 
 and declared that " such remarks excited the young to con- 
 temn the established form of government, and disposed them 
 to acts of violence." 10. But I think that young men who 
 exercise their understanding, and expect to beocane capable 
 of teaching their fellow-citizens what is for their interest, 
 
 f'ow by no means addicted to violence, knowing that on 
 olence attend enmity and danger, but that, by persuasion, 
 :e same results are attained without peril, and with good- 
 jwSl ; for those who are compelled by us, hate us as if despoiled 
 of something, while those who are persuaded by us, love us 
 as if they had received a favor. It is not the part, there- 
 fore, of those who cultivate the intellect to use violence ; for 
 to adopt such a course belongs to those who possess brute 
 force without intellect. 11. Besides, he who would venture 
 to use force, had need of no small number of allies, but he 
 who can succeed with persuasion, has need of none, for, 
 though left alone, he would think himself still able to persuade ; 
 and it by no means belongs to such men to shed blood, for 
 who would wish to put another man to death rather than to 
 have him as a hving subject persuaded to obey 2 
 
 12. "iBut," said the accuser, " Critias and Alcibiade s. after 
 having been associates of SooratesTlnBicteSr a great number 
 of evils on the state; for Critias was the most avaricious and 
 violent of all that composed the oligarchy, and Alcibiades 
 was the most intemperate, insolent, and turbulent of all those 
 in the democracy." 13. For whatever evil they did the state, 
 I shall make no apology ; but as to their intimacy with 
 
 ' 'AjrS KBa/iov.l -Black and white beans were used in voting for the 
 magistrattes at A^^is. ' 
 
 ^ M^ij' ai^i^T^.] These words, which occur in the texts of 'Weiske, 
 Schneider, and all others that I have seen, are omitted by Kiihner; 
 perhaps inadvertently. 
 
CHAP. n. 0RITIA8 AND AIOIBIADES. 357 
 
 Socrates, I will state how it took place. 14. These two men 
 were by nature the most ambitious of all the Athenians, and 
 wished that every thing should be done by their means, and that 
 they themselves should become the most celebrated of all men. 
 But they knew that Socrates lived with the utmost contentment 
 on very small means, that he was most abstinent from every 
 kind of pleasure, and that he swayed those with whom -he con- 
 versed just as he pleased by his arguments ; 15. and, seeing 
 such to be the case, and being such characters as they have 
 just been stated to be, whether will any one say that they 
 sought his society from a desire to lead such a life as Socrates 
 led, and to practice such temperance as he practiced, or from 
 an expectation, that if they associated with him, they would be- 
 come eminently able to speak and act ? 16.1 myself, indeed, am 
 of opinion, that if a god had given them their choice, whether 
 they would live their whole lives as they saw Socrates living, or 
 die, they would have chosen rather to die ; and they showed 
 this disposition by what they did ; for as soon as they con- 
 sidered themselves, superior to their associates, they at once 
 started away from Socrates, and engaged in political life, to 
 qualify themselves for which they had sought the society of 
 Socrates. 
 
 lY. Perhaps some on^ may observe on this point, that 
 Socrates should not have taught his followers politics before 
 he taught them self-control. To this remark I make no reply 
 at present;' but I see that all teachers make themselves 
 examples to their pupils how far they practice what they 
 teach, and stimulate them by precepts; 18. and I know that 
 Socrates made himself an example to those who associated 
 with him as a man of honorable and excellent character, 
 and that he discoursed admirably concerning virtue and other 
 things that concern mankind. I know, too, that those men 
 exercised self-control as long as they conversed with Socrates, 
 not from fear lest they should be fined or beaten by him, but 
 from a persuasion at lie time that it was best to observe such 
 conduct. 
 
 19. Perhaps, however, many of those who profess to be 
 philosophers, may say that a man once" just, can never become 
 unjust, or once modest, immodest ; and that, with regard to 
 
 ' Xenophon leaves this point for the present, intending to reply to it 
 In iv. 3. Kuhner. 
 
358 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. book a 
 
 9 
 
 any other qualification (among such as can be taught), he who 
 has once learned it can never become ignorant of it. But ]?e- 
 garding such points I am not of that opinion ; for I see that as 
 those who do not exercise the body can not perform what is 
 proper to the body, so those who can not exercise the mind, 
 can not perform what is proper to the mind ; for they can 
 neither do that which they ought to do, nor refrain from that 
 from which they ought to refrain. 20. For which reason fathers 
 keep their sons, though they be of a virtuous disposition, from 
 the society of bad men, in the belief that association with the 
 good is an exercise of virtue, but that association with the bad 
 is the destruction of it. One of the poets also bears testimony 
 to this truth, who says, 
 
 ''EaBXuv fih/ ydp &it' iaBld. SM^caf ^ Si Kanolai 
 ^Vfi/iicryyi, diroXsls Kol rbv iovra voov. 
 
 Prom good men you will learn what ia good; but if you associate with 
 the bad, you wiU lose the understanding which is in you.' 
 
 And another, who observes, 
 
 Airiip ivfjp AyaSbg Tore fiiv Kcucdg, u^Tiore £' iaBXoc. 
 
 A good man is at one time good, and at another bad. 
 
 21. I also concur with them; for \ see that as people forget 
 metrical compositions when they do not practice me repetition 
 of them, so forgetfulness of precepts of instruction is produced 
 in those who neglect them. But where a person forgets 
 moral admonitions, he forgets also what the mind felt when it 
 Jiad a desire for self-government ; and, when he forgets this, 
 jt is not at aU wonderful that he forgets self-government also. 
 
 22. I see, too, that those who are given up to a fondness for 
 drinking, and those who have fallen in love, are less able to 
 attend to what they ought to do, and to refrain from what 
 they ought not to do ; for many who can be frugal in their 
 expenses before they fall in love, are, after falling in love, unable 
 to continue so ; and, when they have exhausted their resources, 
 they no longer abstain from means of gain from which they 
 previously shrunk as thinking them dishonorable. 23. How is 
 it impossible, then, that he who has once had a control over 
 
 1 This distich is taken from Theognis, v. 35, 36. That Socrates was 
 fond of quoting it, appears also from Xeu. Symp. ii. 4, and Plato, 
 1 anon, p. 95, D. Whence the following verse is taken is unknown. 
 Kuhner. 
 
CHAP. II. BLAMELBSSNESS OF SOCRATES, 359 
 
 himself, may afterward cease to maintain it, and that he who 
 was once able to observe justice, may subsequently become un- 
 able ? To mo every thing honorable and good seems to be 
 maintained by exercise, and self-control not the least ; for sen- 
 sual desires, generated in the same body with the soul, are con- 
 stantly exciting it to abandon self-control, and to gratify them- 
 selves and the body as soon as possible. 
 
 24. Critias and Alcibiades, then^ as long as they associated 
 with 8oorates, were able, With the assistance of his example, to 
 maintain a mastery over then- immoral inclinations ; but, 
 when they were separated from him, Critias, fleeing to Thes- 
 saly, formed connections there with men who practiced dis- 
 honesty rather than justice ; and Alcibiades also, being sought 
 by many women, even of high rank, for his beauty, and being 
 corrupted by many men, who were well able to seduce hitn by 
 their flattery, on account of his influence in the city and 
 among the allies, and being also honored by the people, and 
 easily obtaining the pre-eminence among them^ became like 
 the wrestlers in the gymnastic games, who, when they are 
 fairly superior to others, neglect their exercise ; so he grew 
 neglectful of self-control. 25. When such was their for- 
 tune, and when they were proud of their birth, elated with 
 their wealth, puffed up with their power, corrupted by many 
 associates, demoralized by all these means, and loi^ absent 
 from Socrates, what wonder is it if they became headstrong ? 
 26. And then, if they did any thing wrong, does the accuser 
 blame Socrates for it ? and does Socrates seem to the accuser 
 deserving of no praise, for having, when they were young, and 
 when it is likely that they were most ineonaderate and in- 
 tractable, rendered them discreet? 27. Yet other affairs are 
 not judged of in such a way ; for what flute-player, or what 
 teacher of the harp, or what other instructor, if he produces 
 competent pupils, and i-f they, attaching themselves to. other 
 masters, become less skillful, is blamed for their deterioration ? 
 Or what father, if his son, while he associated with one man, 
 should be virtuous, but afterward, on uniting himself to 
 some other person, should become vicious, would blame the 
 former of the two? would he not rather, the iriore corrupt 
 his son became with the second, bestow the greater praise on 
 the first ? Not even parents themselves, when they have their 
 sons in their society, are blamed if their sons do any thing 
 
360 MEMORABILIA OP SOOEATES. BOOK t. 
 
 wrong, provided they themselves are correct in their conduct. ' 
 28. In the same manner it would be right to judge of Socrates ; 
 if he had done any thing immoral, he would justly be thought 
 to be a bad man ; but if he constantly observed morality, how 
 can he reasonably bear the blame of vice which was not in 
 him? 
 
 29. Or even if he himself did nothing wrong, but com- 
 mended others when he saw them doing wrong, he would 
 justly be censured. When he perceived, however, that Critias 
 was enamored of Euthydemus, and was seeking to have the 
 enjoyment of his society, like those who abuse the persons of 
 others for licentious purposes, he dissuaded him from his fn- 
 tention, by saying that it was illiberal, and unbecoming a man 
 of honor and proper feeling, to offer supplications to the ob^ 
 ject of his affections, with whom he -wished to be held in high 
 esteem, beseeching and entreating him, like a beggar, to grant 
 a favor, especially when such favor was for no good end. 
 30. But as Critias paid no regard to such remonstrances, and 
 was not diverted from his pursuit, it is said that Socrates, in 
 the presence of many others as well as of Euthydemusj ob- 
 served that " Critias seemed to him to have some feeling like 
 that of a pig, as he wished to rub against Euthydemus as swine 
 against stones." 31. Critias, in consequence, conceived such 
 a hatred to Socrates, that when he was one of the Thirty 
 Tyrants, and was appointed a law-maker' with Charicles, he 
 retaembered the circumstance to his disadvantage, and in- 
 serted in his laws that " none should teach the art of disputar 
 tion," intending an insult to Socrates, yet not knowing how 
 to affect him in particular, but laying to his charge what was 
 imputed to the philosophers by the multitude,' and calumni- 
 ating him to the people; at least such was my opinion; for 
 I myself never heard this from Socrates, nor do I remember 
 having known any one say that heard it from him. 32. 
 
 1 See Hellen. ii. 3. 2. Of the Thirty, Oharides alone is hero named, 
 besides Critias the chief of them, because, by conspiring with Critias 
 and a few of the others, he afterward acquired great authority and power 
 in the state. Eulmer. The law here mentioned was abrogated after the 
 expulsion of the Thirty Tyrants. See J'otter's Antiquities of Greece, 
 vol i. c 25. 
 
 2 The common charge brought by the multitude against the philoso- 
 phers and sophists, was, that they endeavored to "make the worse ap- 
 pear the better reason:" t&v ^tto Afiyon Kpeirra noielv. 
 
CHAP. II. KNMITT TOWARD SOCRATES. 361 
 
 But Critias showed' that such was the case ; for when the 
 Thirty had put to death many of the citizens, and those not 
 of the inferior class, and had encoiu'aged many to acts of injus- \ 
 tice,' Socrates happened to observe that "it seemed surprising \ 
 lo him if a man, becoming herdsman of a number of cattle, and 
 teadering the cattle fewer and in worse condition, should not 
 confess that he was a bad herdsman, and still more surprising 
 if a, man, becoming governor of a city, and rendering the 
 people fewer and in worse condition, should not feel ashamed, 
 and be conscious of being a bad governor of the city." 33. This 
 remark being repeated to the Thirty, Critias and Charicles 
 sucimoned Socrates before them, showed him the law, and 
 forbade him to hold discourse with the youth. Socrates in- 
 quired of them if he might be permitted to ask a question as 
 to any point in the prohibitions that might not be understood 
 by him. They gave him permission. 34. " Then," said he, " I 
 am prepared to obey the laws ; but that I may not unconscious- 
 ly transgress through ignorance, I wish to ascertain exactly 
 from you, ' whether it is because you think that the art of 
 reasoning is an auxiliary to what is rightly spoken,' or to 
 what is not rightly spoken, that you give command to abstain 
 from it; for if it be an adjunct to. what is rightly spoken, it 
 is plain that we have to abstain from speaking rightly ; but if 
 to what is not rightly spoken, it is plain that we ought to en- 
 deavor to speak rightly.' " 35. Charicles, falling into a 
 passion with him, said, " Since, Socrates, you are ignorant of 
 this particular, we give you an order more easily to be under- 
 stoodi fiot to discourse at all with the yowng^ " That it may 
 not be doubtful, then," said Socrates, " whether I do any thing 
 contrary to what is enjoined, define for me till what age I 
 must consider men to be young." " As long," replied Chari- 
 cles, " as they are not allowed to fill the office of senator, as 
 not being yet come to maturity of understanding ; and do 
 
 1 See Plato's Apology of Socrates, o. 20 : Ola &fi naX iXKoi^ kKiivoi 
 TTO/lXoIf TToAXi ffpofferarroi', ffovU/isvoi, (If TrXeiarov; dvav^^aai alrtav. 
 
 2 2tiv TOig <5p*uf IsyojievoL^ elvai.'\ That is, " that the art of speak- 
 ing supports what is rightly- said;" for aiv rtvt eivai signifies alicui 
 auxilio esse. See my Gr. Gr. vol. ii. § 601. Kuhner. Schneider took 
 aiv for iv, giving the passage the meaning of inter iUa qnce recti di- 
 cuntur, which is, as Weiske says, a forced sense of oiv, but which, it 
 must be confessed, suits very well with the sequel of the question put 
 by Socrates. 
 
 VOL. I. 16 
 
362 HEMOBABILIA OF SOCSRATE& BOOK I. 
 
 not discourse with sucli as are under thirty years of age," 36. 
 " And if I wish to buy any thing," said Socrates, " and a person 
 under thirty years of age has it for sale, may I not ask him at 
 what price he sells it ?" " Yes, such question* as these," replied 
 Charicles, " but you are accustomed to ask most of your ques- 
 tions about things, when you know very well how they stand ; 
 such questions^ thereforey d» not ask." " If then any young 
 man," said he, " should ask me such a questicm as ' where does 
 Charicles live V or ' where is Critias V may I not answer 
 him, if I know?" "Yes, you may answer such questions," 
 said Charicles. 37. "But," added Critias, " it will be necessary 
 for you to abstain from speaking of those shoemakers,* and 
 carpenters, and smiths ; indeed I think that they must now be 
 worn out from being so often in your mouth." " I must 
 therefore," said Socrates, " abstain from the illustrations that 
 I attach to the mention of those people, illustrations on justice, 
 piety, and other such subjects." " Yes, by Jupiter," retorted 
 Charicles, " and yon must abstain from illustrations taken from 
 herdsmen ; for, if you do not, take care lest yoii yourself make 
 cattle fewer."^ 38. Hence it was evident that they were angry 
 with Socrates on account of his remark about the cattle having 
 been reported to them. 
 
 What sort of intercourse Critias had -ycith Socrates, and 
 haw they stood toward each other, has now been stated. 39. 
 But I would say that no regular training is derived by any 
 one from a teacher who does not please him ; and Critias and 
 Alcibiades did nest associate with Socrates, while their associa- 
 tion with him lasted, as being an instructor that pleased them, 
 but they were, from the very first, eager to be at the head of 
 the state, for, while they still attended Socrates, they sought 
 to converse with none more than with those who were most 
 
 • 'Airixead-ai — Tuv a/cvTEUV, k. t. X.] A brief mode of expression for 
 "to abstain from drawing illustrations from those shoemakers," etc. 
 Socrates, in his conversation, was accustomed to illustrate or support 
 his precepts and opinions by examples taken from fullers, leather-cutters, 
 potters, and other artlzans ; a mode of lecturing quite the reverse of 
 ihat of the sophists, who sought to dazzle or delight the minds of their 
 hearers, by the splendor and magnificence of their iUnstrations, and the 
 grandiloquence of their speeches, and derided the method of Socrates as 
 common, trite, and mean. See b. iv* 4. 5 ; Plato, Symp. p. 221, E ; 
 Gorg. 491, A. Kuhner. 
 
 s By losing your own life. 
 
CHAP. IL WHAT A LAW IS. ^ 363 
 
 engaged in affairs of government. 40. Alcibiades, it is said, 
 before he was twenty years of age, held the following dis- 
 course with Pericles, who was his guardian, and chief ruler of 
 the state about laws. 41. "Tell me," said he, "Pericles, can 
 you teach me what a law is." " Certainly," replied Pericles. 
 "Teach me then, in the name of the gods," said Alcibiades, 
 " for I, hearing some persons praised as being obedient to the 
 laws, consider that no one can fairly obtain such praise who 
 does not know what a law is." 42. "You desire no very 
 diflBcult matter, Alcibiades," said Pericles, "when you wish 
 to know what a law is ; for all those ^regulations are laws, 
 which the people, on meeting together and approving them, 
 have enacted, directing what we should do and what we should 
 not do." " And whether do they direct that we should do good 
 things, or that we should do bad things?" " Good, by Jupiter, 
 my child," said he, " but bad by no means." 43. " And if it 
 should not be the whole people, but a few, as where there is 
 an oligarchy, that should meet together, and enact what we 
 are to do, what are such enactments ?" " Every thing," replied 
 Pericles, " which the' supreme power in the state, on determin- 
 ing what the people ought to do, has enacted, is called a law." 
 "And if a tyrant, holding rule over the state, prescribes to 
 the citizens what they must do, is such prescription called a 
 law." " Whatever a tyrant in authority prescribes," returned 
 Pericles, " is also called a law." 44. " What then, Pericles," 
 asked Alcibiades, "is force and lawlessness? la it not when 
 the stronger obliges the weaker, not by persuasion, but by 
 compulsion, to do what he pleases ?" " So it appears to me," 
 repUed Pericles. " Whatever then a tyrant cWnpels the 
 people to do, by enacting it without gaining their consent, is 
 that an act of lawlessness ?" " Yes," said Pericles, " it appears 
 to me that it is, for I retract my admission ' that what a tyrant 
 prescribes to the people without persuading them, is a law." 
 45. " But what the few enact, not from gaining the consent of 
 the many, but from having superior power, should we say that 
 that is force or that it is not ?" " Every tidng," said Pericles, 
 " which one man obliges another to do without gaining 
 
 1 'kvariSe/iai.'] A metaphorical expression from the giame of irerTol 
 or ccUculi, in which dva&eivai jrerrcn)^ is to replace or re-arrange the 
 ccUculi, after discovering that one or more of them are misplaced. 
 KiiJmer. See Suidas sub voce dva^ecrSai. 
 
864 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. book i. 
 
 his consent, -whether he enact it in writing or not, seems to 
 me to be force rather than law." " Whatever, then, the whole 
 people, when they are stronger than the wealthier class, enact 
 without their consent, would be an act of force rather than a 
 law ■?" 46- " Certainly, Alcibiades," said Pericles ; " and I, 
 when I was of your age, was very acute at such disquisitions ; 
 for we used to meditate and argue about such subjects as 
 you now appear to meditate." " Would, therefore," said Alci- 
 biades, " that I had conversed with you, Pericles, at the time 
 when you were most acute in discussing such topics !" 47. 
 Wlien Alcibiades and Critias, therefore, began to think them- 
 selves superior to those who were then governing the state, 
 they no longer attended Socrates (for he was not agreeable 
 to them in other respects, and they were offended, if they 
 went to him at all, at being reproved for any error that they 
 had committed), but devoted themselves to political employ- 
 ments, with a view to which they had at first associated with 
 Socrates. 48. But Crito was also an attendant on Socrates, 
 as well as Chaerephon, Chserecrates, Hermocrates, Simmias, 
 Cebes, and Phaedondes, who, with others' that attended him, 
 did not seek his society that they might be fitted for popular 
 orators or forensic pleaders, but that, becoming honorable 
 and good men, they might conduct theinselves irreproachably 
 toward their families, connections, dependents, and friends, 
 as well as toward their country and their fellow-citizens ; 
 and no one of all these, whether in youth or at a more 
 advanced age, either was guilty, or was accused, of any 
 crime. 
 
 49. " But Socrates," said the accuser, " taught children to 
 show contempt for ' their parents, persuading his followers that 
 he rendered them wiser than their fathers, and observing that a 
 son was allowed by the law to confine his father on convicting 
 him of being deranged, using that circumstance as an argu- 
 ment that it was lawful for the more ignorant to be confined 
 by the wiser." 60. But what Socrates said was, that he 
 
 ' npomjXaKt^etv.'] See Apolog. sect. 20, and Atistoph. Nub. 140T, 
 where Phidippides is introduced, as a disciple of Socrates, beating his 
 father with a stick, and proving that he was right in doing so. Xlpow^- 
 ^cwctfciv is properly stercore aWguem mqwrnmre; treatment to which 
 they were subjected who were punished with uTi/ila ; but it was at 
 length applied to every kind of insult. See Bremi ad Demosth. de Cor. 
 p. 229. Kuhner. 
 
CHAP. II. HIS CONDUCT TOWAED THE TOUT 367 
 
 thought he who confined another for ignorance, mS'^^ power- 
 be himself confined by those who knew what he did 
 and, with a view to such cases, he used to conside' 
 respect ignorance differed from madness, and ex]e poet reo- 
 opinion that madmen might be confined with ai^oJs^ten. 
 themselves and their friends, but that those who did nSt, thus 
 what they ought to know, might reasonably learn fronf\ten), 
 who did know. ^el•s . 
 
 51. "But Socrates," proceeded the accuser, "not dug 
 caused parents, but other relations, to be held in contempt bd 
 his followers, saying that relatives, as relatives, were of pn. 
 profit to people who were sick, or to people going to law, bin 
 that physicians aided the one, and lawyers the other." S^. 
 The accuser asserted, too, that Socrates said conc^in^ 
 friends that " it was of no profit that they were well-disposed, 
 unless they were able also to assist ; and that he insisted that 
 those only were deserving of honor who knew what was for 
 the advantage of others, and could make it intelligible to 
 them ; and that by thus persuading the young that he himself 
 was the wisest of mankind, and most capable of making others 
 wise, he so disposed his pupils toward him, that other people 
 were of no account with them in comparison with himself.'* 
 53. I am aware, indeed, that he did express himself concern- 
 ing parents and other relatives, and concerning friends, in 
 such a manner as this : and used to say, besides, that when 
 the soul has departed, in which alone intelligence exists, men 
 take away the body of their dearest friend, and put it out of 
 sight as soon as possible. 54. He was accustomed to say, also, 
 that every man while he is alive, removes of himself from 
 his own body, which he loves most of all things, and allows 
 others to remove from it, every thing that is useless and un- 
 profitable ; since men themselves take off portions of their nails, 
 and hair, and callous parts, and resign themselves to surgeons 
 to cut and burn them with labor and pain, and think it their 
 duty even to pay them money for their operations ; and the 
 saliva from the mouth, he said, men spit away as far as pos- 
 sible, because, while it is in the mouth, it profits them nothing, 
 but is far more likely to harm them. 65. But such observa- 
 tions Socrates uttered, not to teach any one of his followers 
 to bury his father alive, or to cut himself to pieces, but, by 
 showing that what is senseless is worthless, he exhorted eaoh to 
 
864 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. book I. 
 
 his consewficome as intelligent and useful as possible, so that, 
 me to be he wished to be honored by his father, by his 
 people, W)r by any one else, he might not be neglectful of him- 
 without thgh trusting to his relationship, but might en- 
 law 1'V^!^be serviceable to lihose by whom he desired to be 
 ■whencted. 
 
 for -vf The accuser also said that Socrates, selecting the worst 
 yoifeages of the most celebrated poets, and using them as 
 biguments, taught those who kept him company to be un- 
 virincipled and tyrannical. The verse of Hesiod, for example, 
 
 VEfrymi S' o{fdh> iveiSoi, depyiri di ovsiSo;, 
 
 St ■' 
 
 tV 'Work is no disgrace, but idleness is a disgrace,' 
 
 they say that he used to explain as intimating that the poet 
 bids us abstain from no kind of work, dishonest or dishonor- 
 able, but to do such work for the sake of profit. 57. But 
 when Socrates maintained that to be busy was useful and 
 J beneficial for a man, and that to be unemployed was noxious 
 , and ill for him, that to work was a good, and' to be idle an 
 } evil, he at the same time observed that those only ■ftrho do 
 something good really work, and are useful workmen,' but 
 ~^ose who gamble or do any thing bad and pernicious, he 
 called idle ; and in this view the sentiment of the poet will 
 be imobjectionable. 
 
 "Work is no disgrace, but idleness is a disgrace. 
 
 58. That passage of Homer, too, the accuser stated that he 
 often used to quote, in which it is said that Ulysses, 
 
 Whatever king or eminent hero he found. 
 
 Stood beside Mm, and detained him with ge^tle words : 
 
 "Illustrious chief; it is not fit that you shduld shrink back as a coward; 
 Sit down yourself, and mdke the rest of the people sit down." 
 But whatever man of the people he noticed, and found clamoring, 
 He struck him with his staff, and rebuked him with words : 
 
 "Worthless fellow, sit down in peace, and hear the exhortations of 
 others, 
 
 ' Kot toil, but sloth, shall ignominious be. — EltoTi, 
 
 The enemies of Socrates insinuated that he joined oidhi, not with its 
 proper substantive oveido;, but with Ipyov, making the sense to be " no 
 work is disgraceful" 
 ' Compare iii 9. 9. 
 
CHAP.iL HIS PHILANTHEOPT. 367 
 
 "Who are much better thait you; for you are unwailike and power- 
 less, 
 Neither to te numbered in the field nor in the counpil.^' ' 
 
 59. And he said that lie used to explain it as if the poet rec- 
 ommended that plebeians and poor people should be beaten. 
 Socrates, however, said no such thing (for he would thus 
 have' given an opinion that he himself ought to be bsaten), 
 but what he did say -was, that those who benefited others . 
 neither by word nor deed, and who were incapable of serving 
 the aa:my, or the state, or the common people, if they should 
 ever be called upon to serve, should, especially if, in addition . 
 to their incapacity, they were Of an insolent spirit, be curbed in 
 every way, even though they might be ever so rich. 60. 
 But, contoary to the charge of the accuser, Socrates was 
 evidently a friend to the common people, and -of a liberal dis- 
 position ; for though he received numbers of persons desirous 
 to hear him discourse, as well citizens as foreigners, he never 
 required payment for his communications from any one, but 
 imparted to every one in abundance from his stores, of which 
 some' receiving fragments from him for nothing, sold them 
 at a great price to others, and were not, Uke him, friends to 
 the common people, for they declined to converse with such as 
 had not money to give them. 61. But Socrates, in the eyes of 
 other men, conferred glory on the city, far more than Lichas, 
 who was celebrated in this respect, on that of the Lacedse- 
 monians ; for Lichas indeed entertained the strangers that 
 visited Lacedsemon at the Gymnopsedise,' but Socrates, through 
 
 1 IL it 188, seqq. 
 
 Each prince of name, or chief in arms approv'd, 
 
 He fir'd with praise, or with persuasion mov'd ; 
 
 "Warriors like you, with strength and wisdom blest, 
 
 By brave examples should confirm the rest. « 
 
 But if a clamorous, vile plebeian rose. 
 
 Him with reproof he chedt'd, or tam'd with blows : 
 
 Be still, thou slave, and to thy betters yield, 
 
 Unknown alike in council and in field. — Pope. 
 
 ' Xenophon alludes to other hearers of Socrates, but especially to 
 Aristippus, who was the first of the Socratio philosophers that taught 
 for hire. Ruhnken. See Diog. Laert. ii. 65. 
 
 ' A festival at Sparta, Which lasted for several days during the 
 month of HeeatombEeon, and in which dances were performed by 
 youths in honor of Apollo, Diana, and Latona. It was partly in- 
 tended to celebrate the victory of the Spartans over the Argives at 
 
368 MEMOEABILIA OF SOCRATES. book r, 
 
 tlie whole course of his life freely imparted whatever he had 
 to bestow, and thus benefited in the highest degree all who 
 
 ■ were willing to receive from him, making those who asso- 
 ciated' with him better before he let them go. 
 
 62. To me, therefore, Socrates, being a man of such a 
 character, appeared to be worthy of honor rather than ol 
 death; and any one, considering his case according to the 
 laws, would find such to be the fact ; for, by the laws, death 
 is the punishment for a man if he be found stealing, or strip- 
 ping people of their clothes, or cutting purses, or house- 
 
 . breaking, or kidnapping, or sacrilege, of which crimes Soc- 
 rates was the most innocent of all men. 63. Nor was he ever 
 the cause of any war ending unfortunately for the state, or 
 of any sedition or treachery ; nor did he ever, in his private 
 transactions, either deprive any man of what was for his good, 
 or involve him in evil ; nor did he ever lie under suspicion 
 of any of the crimes which I have mentioned. 
 
 64. How then could he have been guilty <3f the charges 
 brought against him ? a man who, instead of not acknowledg- 
 ing the gods, as was stated in the indictment, evidently paid 
 respect to the gods more than other men ; and instead of cor- 
 rupting the youth, as the accuser laid to his charge, plainly 
 led such of his associates as had vicious inclinations, to cease 
 from indulging them, and exhorted them to cherish a love of 
 that most honorable and excellent virtue, by which men 
 successfully govern states and families. How tUlen, pursuing 
 such a course of conduct, was he not deserving of great 
 honor from the city ? 
 
 CHAPTER m. 
 
 Confirmation of the character of Socrates given in the preceding chapters. 
 He worsliiped the gods, and exhorted others to worship them, sect. 1. 
 His notions how the gods were to be supplicated, 2. His judgment as to 
 what was acceptable to them in a saorinoe, 3. His regard for omens, 4. 
 His observance of temperance, and recommendation of it to others, 5-15. 
 
 1. But to show how he appeared to improve those who 
 associated with him, partly by showing them what his 
 
 Thyrea. See Smith's Dictionary of Gr. and Eom. Ant. art. r«/i«o- 
 itaidia. 
 
CHAP. in. HIS EESPECT FOR THE GODS. 869 
 
 character was, and partly by his conversation, I shall record 
 whatever I can remember of him relating to these points. 
 
 As to what had reference to the gods, then he qyidently 
 acted and spoke in conformity with the answer which the 
 priestess of Apollo gives to those who inquire how they ought 
 to proceed with regard to a sacrifice, to the worship of their 
 ancestors, 'or to any such matter ; for the priestess replies that 
 they will act piously, if they act in agreement toith the law of 
 their country ; and Socrates both acted in this manner him- 
 self, and exhorted others to act similarly ; and such as acted in 
 any other way he regarded as doing what was not to the pur- 
 pose,' and guilty of folly. 
 
 2. To the gods he simply prayed that they would give him 
 good things, as believing that the gods knew best what things 
 are good ; and those who prayed for gold, or silver, or dominion, 
 or any thing of that kind, he considered to utter no other sort 
 of requests than if they were to pray that they might play at 
 dice, or fight, or do any thing else of which it is quite imcertain 
 what the result will be. 
 
 3. When he ofiered small sacrifices from his small means, 
 he thought that he was not at all inferior in merit to those 
 who offered numerous and great sacrifices from ample and 
 abundant means ; for he said that it would not become the 
 gods to delight in large rather than in small sacrifices ; since, 
 if such were the case, the offerings of the bad would often- 
 times be more acceptable to them than those of the good ; nor 
 would life be of any account in the eyes of men, if oblations 
 from the bad were better received by the gods than oblations 
 from the good ; but he thought that the gods had most pleas- 
 
 ■ ure in the offerings of the most pious. He also used to quote, 
 with approbation, the verse, 
 
 Kd(5' Sivafuv d' ipSsiv Up' d-9avaT0iai ^eolai, 
 
 Perform saoriflces to the gods according to your ability, 
 
 and used to say that it was a good exhortation to men, with 
 regard to friends, and guests, and all other relations of life, to 
 perform according to their ability. 
 
 4. If any thing appeared to be intimated to him from the 
 gods, he could no more have been persuaded to act contrary 
 
 ' Ilepjepyowf.] Doing wliat was superfluona; not adhering, aa they 
 ouett, to what was prescribed by law. 
 
 16* 
 
3Y0 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. book i. 
 
 to such intimation, than any one could have persuaded him 
 to take for his guide on a journey a blind man, or one who 
 did not know the way, instead of one who could see, and did 
 know it ; and he condemned the folly of others, who act con- 
 traiy to what is signified by the gods, through anxiety to 
 avoid the ill opinion of men. As for himself, he undervalued 
 every thing human, in comparison with counsel from the 
 gods.' 
 
 6. He disciplined his mind and body by such a course of 
 life, that he who should adopt a similar one, would, if no 
 supernatural influence prevented, live in good spirits and un- 
 interrupted health ; nor would he ever be. in want of the 
 necessary expenses for it. So frugal was he, that I do not 
 know whether any one could earn so little by the labor of 
 his hands, as not to procure sufficient to have satisfied Soc- 
 rates. He took only so much food as he could eat with a 
 keen relish ; and, to this end, he came to his meals" so dis- 
 posed that the appetite for his meat was the sauce to it. 
 Every kind of drink was agreeable to him, because he never 
 drank unless he was thirsty. 6. If he ever complied with an 
 invitation to go to a feas^ he very easily guarded, what is 
 extremely di^oult to most men, against loading his stomach 
 to excess. Those who were unable to do so, he advised to be 
 cautious of taking any thing that would stimulate them to eat 
 ^ when they were not hun^y, and to drink when they were 
 j not thirsty ; for he said that those were the things that dis- 
 I ordered the stomach, the head and the mind; 7. and he used 
 to say, in jest, that he thought Circe transformed men into 
 swine, by entertaining them with abundance of such luxuries, 
 but that Ulysses, through the admonition of Mercury, and 
 ( tbrough being himself tepiperate, and forbearing to partake of 
 such delicacies to excess, was in consequence not changed into 
 ■ a swine. 
 
 • Schneider thinks that some clause is wanting here, to connect this 
 paragraph with what follows. Kiihner supposes that Xenophon, in 
 passing from the duties of men toward the gods to their duties toward 
 themselves and their fellow-creatures, hardly thought any connecting 
 ohservation necesssffy. 
 
 2 'Eirt rovT(i> cSra vapeaKtvaa/ievoc ^ei. ] Kuhner prefers M rovri^, 
 " on this account, with this view," understanding i^rl airov with ^ei. 
 Schneider has ivl tovtov, fronj » conjeeture 6f Neiske. 'Eni Toirt,) ia 
 supported by almost all the manuscripts. 
 
CHAP. Ill, EXHORTATIONS TO SELF-OONTaOL. 371 
 
 8. Such jests he would utter on these subjects, but with an 
 earnest mcauing. As to love, his counsel was to abstain 
 rigidly from familiarity with beautiful persons ; for he ob- 
 served that it was not easy to be in communication with such 
 persons, and observe continence. Hearing, on one occasion, 
 that Critobulus, the son of Criton, had kissed the son of Alci- 
 biades,' a handsome youth, he asked Xenophon, in the pres- 
 ence of Critobulus, saying, " Tell me, Xenophon, did you not 
 think that Critobulus was one of the modest rather than the 
 forward, one of the thoughtful rather than of the thoughtless 
 andinconsiderate V 9. " Certaiiily," replied Xenophon. " Yon 
 must now, then, think him extremely headstrong and daring ; 
 one who would even spring upon drawn swords, and leap into 
 the fire." 10. "And what," said Xenophon, "have you seen 
 him doing, that you form so unfavorable an opinion of him ?" 
 " Why, has he not dared," rejoined Socrates, " to kiss the son 
 of Alcibiades, a youth extremely handsome, and in the flower 
 of his age i" " If such a deed," returned Xenophon, " is one 
 of daring and peril, I think that even I could undergo such 
 peril." H. " Unhappy man ! " exclaimed Socrates, " and what 
 do you think that you incur by kissing a handsome person ? 
 Do you not expect to become at once a slave instead of a free- 
 man 3 To spend much money upon hurtful pleasures ? To 
 have too much occupation to attend to any iiing honorable 
 and profitable ? And to be compelled to pursue what not 
 even a madman would pursue V 12. " By Hercules," said 
 Xenophou, " what extraordinary power you represent to be 
 in a kiss 1" " Do you wonder at this ?" rejoined Socrates ; 
 " are you not aware that the Tarantula,' an insect not as large 
 
 ' The various opinions of critics on this passage have been con- 
 sidered by Cobet, Prosop. p. 69-69, who conjectures that we should 
 read t&v tou 'A-Siaxov vlov, "the son of Aiiochua," named Cliniaa. 
 Kiihner. 
 
 2 ia^.uyyia.'] Insects similar in form to scorpions or spiders, of which 
 the most venomous and destructive are found in Italy, and are called 
 Tarantiilce, from Tarentum. Concerning the madness said to be caused 
 by their bite, sensible men entertain doubts in the present pay. Weiske. 
 The comparison of It to the half obolus shows at once the shape and 
 smallness of the insect. Schneider. ' Kircher, in his Mumrgia, Sir Thomas 
 Brown, Vulg. Err. b. ill. c 28, and Boyle, in his treatise On Languid and 
 Unheeded Motions, express belief in the effects ascribed to the bite of the 
 Tarantula. Opinions unfevorable to the truth of the accounts respecting 
 it, maybe found in the Philosophical TransacHons for 16T2 and 1110, and 
 
372 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. book i. 
 
 as half au obelus, by just touching a part of the body with his 
 mouth, wears men down with pain, and deprives them of 
 their senses ?" " Yes, indeed," said Xenophon, " but the 
 Tarantula infuses something at the bitten part 3" 13. "And 
 do you not think, foolish man," rejoined Socrates, " that beauti- 
 ful persons infuse something when they kiss, something which 
 you do not see ? Do you not know that the animal, which 
 they call a handsome and a beautiful ob/ect, is so much more 
 formidable than the Tarantula, as those insects instill something 
 when they touch the body, but this creature, without even 
 touching, but if a person only looks at it, though from a very 
 great distance, instills something of such potency, as to drive 
 people mad ? Perhaps indeed Cupids are called archers for no 
 other reason but because the beautiful wound from a distance. 
 But I advise you, Xenophon, whenever you see any handsome 
 person, to flee without looking behind you ; and I recommend 
 to you, Critobulus, to absent yourself from hence for a year, for 
 perhaps you may in that time, though hardly indeed, be cured 
 of your wound." 
 
 14. Thus he thought that those should act with regard to 
 objects of love who were not secure against the attractions of 
 such objects ; objects of such a nature, that if the body did not 
 at all desire them, the mind would not contemplate them, and 
 which, if the body did desire them, should cause us no trouble. 
 For himself, he was evidently so disciplined with respect to such 
 matters, that he could more easily keep aloof from the fiiirest 
 and most blooming objects than others from the most deformed 
 and unattractive. 
 
 15. Such was the state of his feehngs in regard to eating, 
 drinking, and amorous gratification ; and he beheved that he 
 himself with self-restraint, would have no less pleasure from 
 them, than those who took great trouble to pursue such grati- 
 fications, and that he would suffer far less anxiety. 
 
 in Swintume's 2i-avels in ihe Two Sicilies. The popular opinion regard- 
 ing it is now generally supposed to have arisen from impostures of the 
 lower class of people; no instance of any respectable person having 
 died of the bite of the insect, or having been made to dance by it, being 
 known. 
 
CHAP. IV. DIALOGUE WITH AEISTODEMUS. 373 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Socrates not only exhorted men to practice virtue, tut Jfidllism to the prac* 
 tice of it ; his dialogufi with AristodSmuB, sect. 1, 2. Things formed for 
 a purpose, must be the production, not of chance, hut of reason, 3, i. 
 The Human frame is a structure of great excellence, and admirably fitted 
 for its purposes ; and we must therefore suppose that man is the object 
 of divine fi)rethought,i^5-7. \ The order of things throughout the uniyerse 
 shows that it is under the providence of a superior nature, 8, 9. The su- 
 periority of man over the inferior animals proves that he is more immedi- 
 ately under the care of the higher powers, 10-14. The gods also give 
 instruction to man as to his conduct, 15. That they care for man both 
 individually and collectively is evident from various considerations, 15, 16. 
 As the mind Bovems the body, so the providence of the gods governs the 
 world, 17. If men therefore worship the gods rightly, they may feel per- 
 suaded that the gods will be ready to aid them, 18, 19. 
 
 1. But if any suppose tliat Socrates, as some write and 
 speak of him on conjecture,' was excellently qualified to ex- 
 tort men to virtue, but incapable of leading them forward in 
 it, let them consider not only what he said in refutation, bjr 
 questioning, of those who thought that they knew every thing 
 (refutations intended to check the progress of those disput- 
 ants)," but what he used to say in his daily intercourse with 
 his associates, and then form an opinion whether he was capa- 
 ble of making those who conversed with him better. 2. I 
 will first mention what I myself once heard him advance in a 
 dialogue with Aristodemus, sumamed The Little,' concerning 
 the gods; for having heard that Aristodemus neither sacri- 
 ficed to the gods, nor prayed to them, nor attended to augu- 
 ries, but ridiculed those who regarded such matters, he said 
 to him, "Tell me, Aristodemus, do you admire any men 
 for their genius?" "I do," repUed he. "Tell us their 
 names, then," said Socrates. 3. "In epic poetry I most admire 
 
 ■ TeKfiaipo/iEvoi.] Forming conjectures from those men, who, after 
 being under the instruction of Socrates, fell into vice. Weiske. 
 
 2 KoXaaTTipiov Ivckc'] I have been obliged to paraphrase this expres- 
 sion. KoXd^u was often used in the signifloatiou of " to restrain, check, 
 or keep within bounds," like the Latm casligare, aa Liddell and Scott 
 observe. " Xenophon seems to allude to the SiuXoyoi ipiariKol of Plato 
 and the other disciples of Socrates, in which Socrates refutes the subtle- 
 ties of the sophists." Schneider. 
 
 s An Athenian whom Plato names in his Symposium, a constant audi- 
 tor of Socrates, and a man of much austerity." Schneider. 
 
3^4. MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. booki. 
 
 Homer, in dithyrambio Melanippides,' in tragedy Sephocles, 
 in statuary Polycletus, in painting Zeuxis." 4. " And whetlier 
 do those who form images without sense and motion, or those 
 who form animals endowed with sense and vital energy, ap- 
 pear to you the more worthy of admiration ?" " Those who 
 form animals, by Jupiter, Jbt-they are not produced by chance, 
 but by understanding." \ '[And regarding things of which it 
 is uncertain for what purpose they exist, and those evidently 
 existing for some useful purpose, which of the two would you 
 say were the productions of chance, and which of intelli- 
 gence ?" " Doubtless those which exist for some iiseful pur- 
 pose must be the productions of intelligence." 5. _" Does not 
 he, then," proceeded Socrates, "who made men at first, ap- 
 pear to you to have given them, for some useful purpose, those 
 parts by which they perceive dafierent objects, the eyes to see 
 what is to be seen, the ears to hear what is to be heard 3 
 What would be the use of smells, if no nostrils had been as- 
 signed us ? What perception would there have been of sweet 
 and sour, and of all that is pleasant to the mouth, if a tongue 
 had not been formed in it to have a sense of them ? V^. In ad- 
 dition to these things, does it not seem to you like uie work 
 of forethought, to guard the eye, since it is tender, ynth. eye- 
 lids, like doors, which, when it is necessary to use the sight, 
 are set open, but in deep are closed ? To make the eyelashes 
 grow as a screen, that winds may not injure it 1 To make a cop- 
 ing on the parts above the eyes with the eye-bjaws, that"me 
 perspiration from the head may not annoy them? ( To provide 
 that the ears may receive all kinds of^ounds, yeTnever be ob- 
 structed? and that the front teeth in all animals may be 
 adapted to cut, and the back teeth to receive food from theip 
 and grind it ? To place the mouth, through which animals 
 take in what they desire, near the eyes and the nose ? and 
 since what passes ofi' from the stomach is offensive, to turn the 
 channels of it away, and remove them as far as possible from 
 the senses ? — can you doubt whether sucTi a disposition of 
 things, made thus apparently with attention, is the result of 
 chance or of intelligence ?" '7. " No, indeed," replied Aris- 
 todemus, " but to one who looks at those matters in this light, 
 
 ' He flourished about b. o. 620. Another Melanippides, his grand- 
 son, lived about sixty years later, at the court of Ferdiccaa IL of Mace- 
 donia. 
 
CHAP. IT. A'BTJLING INTBLLIGENCB,- 375 
 
 tiiey appear like the work of some wise maker who studied the 
 welfare of animals ?" "And to have engendered in them a love 
 of having ofispring, and in mothers a desire to rear their pro- 
 geny, and to have implanted in the young that are reared a de- 
 sire of life, and the greatest dread of death?" "Assuredly 
 these appear to be the contrivances of some one who designed 
 that animals should continue to exist." 
 
 8. " And do you think that you yourself have any portion 
 of intelligence ?" " Question me, at leasts and I will answer." ' 
 " And can you suppose that nothing intelligent exists any 
 where else ? When you know that you have in your body 
 but a small portion of the earth, which is vast, and a small 
 portion of the water, which is vast, and that your frame is 
 constituted for you to receive only a small portion of each of 
 other things, that are vast, do you thirik that you have 
 seized for yourself, by some extraordinary good fortune^ in- 
 telligence alone which exists nowhere else, and that this 
 assemblage of vast bodies, oountiess in number, is maintained 
 in order by some thing void of reason ?" 9. " By Jupiter, / can 
 hMrdly suppose that there is any ruling intelligence arnojig 
 that assemblage of bodies,' for I do not see the directors, as I 
 see the agent of things which are done here." " Nor do you 
 
 ' 'Epura yovv Kot dKoicpivov/iM.'] These words are wanting in many 
 editions, though found, as Kiihner says, who has replaced them, in all 
 the manuaoripts. " As modesty prevented Aristodemus from expressly 
 affirming, and a regard for truth kept him from exactly denjaug, that he 
 had any intelhgonce, he answers guardedly and ingeniously, ' Question 
 me and I will answer ;' Eind, When I answer, you wSl understand that I 
 have in me some portion of intelligence." Lamge. "Lange, therefore, 
 thiulis that AristodemusMid not wish his possession of intelligence to be 
 concluded from the matter of his answer or answers, but from the mere 
 fact of his answering ; intimating that he who could give an answer to 
 a question must necessarily be possessed of intellect." Kuhner. Zeune 
 gives this sense to the passage : " Question me as to other things which 
 necessarily follow from hence, and which you are accustomed to infer 
 from premises of this kind, and you will find me prepared to answer 
 you." The true sense, however, seems to be, " Question me, and judge 
 from my answers whether I ought to be considered as possessed of 
 intellect or not." 
 
 " The words ' in italics are supplied according to the sense given 
 to the passage by Kuhner, who observes that the expression " By 
 Jupiter," Md Aia, has reference to the first part of the question of 
 Socrates, " can you suppose that nothing intelligent exists any where 
 else?" 
 
8T6 MBMOEABILIA OF SOCRATES. book i. 
 
 see your own soul, whicli is the director of your body ; so that, 
 by Cke reasoning, you may say that you yourself do nothing 
 with undestanding, but every thing by chance." 
 
 10. "However, Socrates," said Aristodemus, "I do not 
 despise the gods, but consider them as too exalted to need my 
 attention." " But," said Socrates, " the more exalted they 
 are, while they deign to attend to you, the more ought you to 
 honor them." ll.[H5Be assured," replied Aristodemus, " that if 
 I believed the gods took any thought for men, I would not 
 neglect them." "Do you not, then, believe that the gods 
 take thought for men ? the gods who, in the first place, nave 
 made man alone, of all animals, upright (which uprightness 
 enables him to look forward to a greater distance, and to con- 
 template better what is above, and renders those parts less 
 liable to injury in which' the gods have placed the eyes, and 
 ears, and mouth^jj[and, in the next place, have given to other 
 animals only feet, which merely give them the capacity of 
 ■walking, while to men they have added hands, which execute 
 most _of those things through which we are better off than 
 they.J[12. And though all animals have tongues, they have 
 made that of man alone of such a nature, as by ■ touching 
 sometimes one part of the mouth, and sometimes another, to 
 express articulate sounds, and to signify every thing that we 
 ■wish to communicate one to anotherT^ Do you not see too, that 
 to other animals they have so given the pleasures of sexual in- 
 tercourse as to limit them to a certain season of the year, but 
 that they allow them to us uninterruptedly tiU extreme old 
 age ? 13. Nor did it satisfy the goda to take care of the body 
 merely, but, what is most important of all, they implanted 
 in him the soul, his most excellent part. For what other 
 animal has a soul to understand, first of all, that the gods, 
 ■who have arranged such a vast and noble order of things, 
 exist? What other species of animal, besides man, offers 
 worship to the gods ? What other animal has a mind better 
 fiited than . that of man, to guard against hunger or tEirst, or 
 coM or heat, or to relieve disease, or to acquire strength by 
 exercise, or to labor to obtain knowledge; or_ inore.._capable 
 of remembering whatever it has heard, or seen,., or . learned ? 
 / 14. Is it not clearly evident to you, that in comparison with 
 
 ' This passage admitted of no satis&ctoiy interpretation till K'iihner 
 substituted olc for koL 
 
OHAP. IV. A SUPEEINTENDINa PEOVIDEITCB. 377 
 
 other animals, men live like gods, excelling them hy nature, 
 both in body and mind ? For an animal, having the body of 
 an ox, and the understanding of a man, would be imable to 
 execute what it might meditate; and animals which have 
 hands,' but are without reason, have no advantage over others ; 
 and do you, who share both these excellent endowments, think 
 that the gods take no thought for you ? What then must they:., 
 do, before you will think that they take thought for you ?'" ' 
 15. "I will think so," observed Aristodemus, "when they 
 send me, as you say that they send to you, monitors, to show 
 what I ought, and what I ought not, to do." "But when 
 they send admonitions to the Athenians, on .consulting them 
 by divination, do you not thing that they admonish you also ? 
 Or when they give warnings to the Greeks by sending por- 
 tents, or when they give fliem to the whole human race, 
 do they except you alone from the whole, and utterly neglect 
 you? 16. Do you suppose, too, that the gods would have en- 
 gendered a persuasion in men that they are able to benefit or 
 injure them, unless they were really able to do so, and that 
 men, if they had been thus perpetually deluded, would not 
 have become sensible of the delusion ? Do you not see that 
 the oldest and wisest of human communities, the oldest and 
 wisest cities and nations, are the most respectful to the gods, 
 and that the wisest age of man is the most observant of their 
 worship? lY. Consider also, my good youth," continued 
 Socrates, " that your mind, existing within your body, directs 
 your body as it pleases ; and it becomes you therefore to 
 believe that the intelligence pervading all things directs all 
 things as may be agreeable to it, and not to think that while 
 your eyft, can extend its sight over many furlongs, that of 
 the divinity' is unable to see all things at once, or that while 
 your mind, can think of things here, or things in Egypt or 
 Sicily, the mind of the deity js incapable of regarding every 
 
 ' Apea have hands resembling those of men, hut are not on that ac- 
 count equal to men in ability. Schneider. 
 
 " 'A^A', brav Tt noiricaai, vofuelc aitToig aov <ppovTi^Eiv ;] " But when 
 they have done what, will you think that they care for you 1" 
 
 3 Tou ■deoi.'] Xenophon sometimes makes Socrates use the singular, 
 6 iJedf , in speaking of the gods. But it is not hence to be inferred that 
 he insinuated that there was only one god ; for the Greeks frequently 
 used the singular when they might have been expected to use the plural 
 Compare iv, 3. 14. 
 
378 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATi;S. booki, 
 
 thing at the same time. 18. If, however, aa you discover, 
 by paying court to men, those who are willing to pay court 
 to you in return, and, by dcdng favors to' men, those who are 
 willing to return your fevors, and as, by asldng counsel of 
 men, you discover who are wise, you should, in like manner, 
 maie trial of the gods by offering worship to them, whether 
 they will advise you concerning matters hidden from man, you 
 will then find that the divinity is of such power, and of such a 
 nature, as to see all things and hear all things at once, to bo 
 present every where, and to have a care for all things at the 
 same time. 
 
 19. By deliveijng such sentiments, Socrates seems to me to 
 have led liis associates to refrain from what was impious, or 
 unjust, or dishonorable, not merely when they were seen by 
 men, but when they were in solitude, since they would conceive 
 that nothing that they did would escape the knowledge of the 
 gods, - • 
 
 CHAPTEK V. 
 
 Temperance and Belf-control recommended : he that is destitnte of tempe- 
 rance can be profitable or agreeable neither to himself nor others, sect. l-A. 
 Without temperance nothing can be learned or- done with due effect, 5. 
 Socrates not only encouraged to temperance by precept, but by his ex- 
 ample, 6. 
 
 1. If temperance, moreover, be an honorable and valuable 
 quality in a man, let ns consider whether he at all promoted 
 its observance by reflections of the following kind concern- 
 ing it. "If, my friends, when a war was coming upon us, 
 we should wish to choose a man by whose exertions we might 
 ourselves be preserved, and might gain the mastery over our 
 enemies, should we select one whom we knew to be unable 
 to i-esist gluttony, or wine, or sensuality, or fatigue, or sleep ? 
 How could we think that such a man would either serve us, 
 or conquer our adversaries? 2. Or if, being at the "close of 
 life, we should wish to commit to any one the guardianship 
 of our sons, or the care of our unmarried daughters, or th0 
 preservation of our property, should we think an intemperate 
 man worthy of confidence for such purposes ? Should we in- 
 
OHAP.V. TALTTE OF TEMPERAKOE. 379 
 
 trust to an intemperate slave our herds, our granaries, or the 
 superintendence of our agriculture ? Should we be wilUng to 
 accept such a slave as an agent, or purveyor, even for nothing ? 
 3. But if we would not even accept an intemperate slave, how 
 can it be otherwise than important for every man to take care 
 that Jie himself does not become such a character? For the 
 intemperate man is not injurious to his neighbor and pro- 
 fitable to himself (like the avaricious, who, by despoiling 
 others of their , property, seem to enrich themselves), but, 
 while he is mischievous to others, is still more mischievous to 
 himself, for it is, indeed, mischievous in the highest degree, 
 to ruin not only his family, but his body and mind. 4. In 
 society, too, who could find pleasure in the company of such a 
 man, who, he. would be aware, felt more delight in eating and 
 drinking than in intercourse with his friends, and preferred 
 the company of harlots to that of his fellows ? Is it not the 
 duty of every man to consider that temperance is the founda^ 
 tion of every virtue, and to establish the observance of it in 
 his mind before all things ? 6. For who, without it, can either 
 learn any thing good, or sufficiently practice it ? Who, that is 
 a slave to pleasure, is not in afi ill condition both as to his 
 body and his mind ? It appears to me, by Juno," that a free- 
 man ought to pray that he may never meet with a slave of 
 such a character, and that he who is a slave to pleasure should 
 pray to the gods that he may find well-disJ)osed masters; for 
 by such means only can a man of that sort be saved." 
 
 6. While such were the remarks that he made, he proved 
 himself more a friend to temperance by his life than by his 
 words ; for he was not only superior to all corporeal pleasures, 
 but also to . those attendant on the acquisition of money ; 
 thinking that he who received money from any one,'' set up a 
 master over himself, and submitted to a slavery as disgraceful 
 as any that could be. 
 
 ' N^ T^v 'Hpav.l This mode of swearing, wWeh was commonly used 
 by women, was very frequently adopted by Socrates. See below, iii. 
 10. 9; 11. 5; iv. 2. 9; 4. 8; (Econ. x. 1 ; Plato, Phsedr. p. 230, B. 
 Kiihner. 
 
 " jropd Tov Tvx6vroQ.'\ Prom any one that happened to present him- 
 self; from any one indiscriminately. 
 
380 MKMOEABILIA OF SOOBATES. booki. 
 
 CHAFFER VI. 
 
 7hree dialogues of Socrates ■with ABtipho. X. Autipho ridisnles the poTcrty 
 and fruguity of Socrates, and his n)rhearance to receive pay for li£ in- 
 structions, sect. 1-8 ; Socrates replies that, by not receiving remuneration, 
 he is more at liberty to choose his audience, 4, 5 ; that there are various 
 advantages attenoant on plainness of diet and dress, 6,7; that the &ngal 
 man has the advantage over the man of pleasure in facilities for self-im- 
 provement, for doing his duty to his country, and for securing general 
 happiness, 8-10. II. Antipho asserts that Socrates might be a jnst man, 
 but was by no means wise, in accepting no payment, 11, 12; Socrates 
 replies that to sell wisdom is to degrade it, and that more good is 'gained 
 by the acquisition of friends than of money, 13, 14. III. Antipho asks 
 Socrates why, when he trained oth^ to manage public affairs, he took 
 no part in public affairs himself; Socrates replies that he was of more 
 service to his country by training many to govern it, than he could have 
 been by giving his gmgle aid in the government of it, 15. 
 
 1. It is due to Socrates, also, not to omit the dialogues 
 which he held with Antipho the sophist. Antipho, on one 
 occasion, wishing to draw away his associates from him, came 
 up to Socrates when they were present, and said, 2. "I 
 thought, Socrates, that those who studied philosophy were to 
 become happier than other men ; but you seem to have reaped 
 from philosophy fruits of an opposite kind ; at least you live 
 in,, a way in which no slave would continue to live with his 
 master; you eat food, and drink drink, of the worst kind; 
 you wear a dress, not only bad, but the same both summer 
 and winter, and you continue shoeless and coatless.' 3. Money, 
 which cheers men when they receive it, and enables those 
 who possess it to live more generously and pleasantly, you do 
 not take; and i^ therefore, as teachers in other professions 
 make their pupils imitate themselves, you also shall produce a 
 similar effect on your followers, you must consider yourself 
 but a teacher of wretchedness." 4. Socrates, in reply to these 
 
 ' 'Avuffodf/Tof re Kot dxiruv.'] On the dyvTrodjiaif of Socrates, see 
 Forster on Plato Phaedon. p. 64, D. ; and the commentators on Aristoph. 
 Nub. 103, 362, and on Plato Phaedr. p. 229, A. Kiihner. By dxirav 
 is not to be understood that Socrates had covered his bare body only 
 with his cloak, but that he wore only the inner tuniq, vTrevSirric, not 
 having the upper, iwevdvTrn, which they called the tunic kut' ekoxv", 
 termiilg those who were without it dxiTava^, as Salmasius has filly 
 shown, and TertuUian, de PalHo, p. 70, seq. and 400, seq. Erneeti. 
 
CHAP. VI. HIS ABSTINENCE AND INDEPENDENCE. 381 
 
 remarks, said, " You seem to me, Antipho, to have conceived 
 a notion that I live so wretchedly, that I feel persuaded you 
 yourself would rather choose to die than pass your life as I 
 pass mine. Let us then consider what it is that you find dis- 
 agreeable in my mode of life. 6. Is it that wlule others, who 
 receive money, must perform the service for .which they re- 
 ceive it, while I, who receive none, am under no necessity to 
 discourse with any one that I do not like ? Or do you despise 
 my way of living, on the supposition that I eat less whole- 
 some or less strengthening food than yourself? Or is it that 
 my diet is more difficult to procure than yours, as being more 
 rare and expensive? Or is it that what you procure for 
 yourself is more agreeable to you than what I provide for / 
 myself is to me ? Do you not know that he who eats with / 
 the most pleasure is he who less requires sauce, and that he ,' 
 who drin& with the greatest pleasure is he who least desires i 
 other drink than that which he has ? 6. You know that thosel 
 who change their clothes, change tbem because of cold and' 
 heat, and that men put on sandals that they may not be pre- 
 vented from walking through annoyances to the feet ; but 
 have you ever observed me remaining at home, on account of 
 cold, more than any other man, or fighting with any one for 
 shade because of heat, or not walking wherever I please be- 
 cause my feet sufier ? 7. Do you not know that those who 
 are by nature the weakest, become, by exercising their bodies, 
 stronger in those things in which they exercise them, than 
 those who neglect them, and bear the fatigue of exercise with 
 greater ease ? And do you not think that I, who am con- 
 stantly preparing my body by exercise to endure whatever 
 may happen to it, bear every thing more easily than you who 
 take no exercise ? 8. And to prevent me from being a slave 
 to gluttony^ or sleep, or other animal gratifications, can you 
 imagine any cause more efficient than having other objects of 
 attention more attractive than they, which not only afibrd 
 pleasure in the moment of enjoying them, but give hopes that 
 they will benefit me perpetually ? You are aware of this also, 
 that those who think themselves successful in nothing, are far 
 from being cheerful, but that those who regard their agricul- 
 ture, their seamanship, or whatever other occupation they 
 pursue, as going on favorably for them, are delighted as .with 
 present success ? 9. But do you think that from all these 
 
392 MBMOEABILIA Off SOCRATES. BOOK i. 
 
 gratifications so much pleasure can arise as from the con- 
 sciousness that you are Rowing better yourself, and are acquir- 
 ing more valuable friends 3 Such is the consciousness, then, 
 ■which I continue to enjoy. 
 
 " But if there should be occasion to assist our friends or our 
 country, which of the two would h^re most leisure to attend 
 to such objects, he who lives as I live now, or he who lives, 
 as you think, in happiness 3 Which of the two would most 
 readily seek the field of battle, he who can not exist without 
 expensive dishes, or he who is content with whatever comes 
 before him ? Which of the two would sooner be reduced by 
 a siege, he who requires what is most difficult to be found, or 
 he who is fully content with what is easiest to be met with ? 
 10. You, Antipho, seem to think that happiness consists in 
 luxury and extravagance ; but I think that to want nothing 
 is to resemble thg gods, and that to want as little as possible 
 is to make the nearest approach to the gods ; that the Divine 
 nature is perfection, and fijat to be nearest to ihe Divine nature 
 is to be nearest to perfection." 
 
 11. Gn another occasion, Antipho, in a conversation with 
 Socrates, said," I consider you indeed to be a just man, Soo 
 rates, but by no means a wise one ; and you appear to me 
 yourself to be conscious of this- ; for you ask money from no 
 one for the privilege of associating with you ; although, if you 
 considered a, garment of yours, or a house, or any other thing 
 that you possess, to be worth money, you would not only not 
 give it to any body for nothing, but you would not take less 
 than its full value for it. 12. It is evident, therefore, that if 
 you thought your conversation to be worth any thing, you 
 would demand for it no less remuneration than it is worth. 
 You may, accordingly, be a just man, because you deceive 
 nobody from covetousness, but wise you can not be, as you 
 have no knowledge that is of any value." 13. Socrates, in 
 reply, said, "It is believed among us, Antipho, that it is 
 possible to dispose of beauty, or of wisdom, alike honorably 
 or dishonorably ;' for if a person sella his beauty for money 
 
 ^ No/jjferat t^k dipav koI rijv ao^iav bfioiQq fiiv KoXbv, biiaiiii ii 
 alaxpim Siarl^ea^ai elvai.'] The sense seems to be, that it is alike hono- 
 rable, or dishonoraiile to dispose of beauty (in a certain way) and to dis- 
 pose of wisdom (in a certain way): i. e., that there is a certain way of 
 disposing of beauty honorably, and a certain way of disposing of it dis- 
 
CHAP. Vl PREFERS FRIENDSHIP TO MOBTET. 383 
 
 to any one that wishes to purchase, men call him a male pros- 
 titute ; but if any one makes a friend of a person whom he 
 knows to be an honorable and wartliy admirer, we regard 
 him as prudent: and, in like manner, those who sell their 
 wisdom for money, to any that will buy, men call sophists, 
 or, as it were, prostitutets of wisdom ; but whoever makes a 
 friend of a person whom he knows to be deserving^ by teach- 
 ing him all the good that he knows, we consider him to act the 
 part which becomes an honorable and good citizen. 14. 
 As any other man, therefore, Antipho, takes delight in a good 
 horse, or dog, or bird, so I, to a still greater degree, take de- 
 light in valuable friends-; and, if I know any thing good, I 
 communicate it to them, and recommend them, also, to any 
 other teachers by whom I conceive that they will be at all 
 advanced in virtue. The treasures, too, of the wise men of 
 old, which they have left written in books, I turn over and 
 peruse in company with my friends, and- if we find any thing 
 good in them, we remark it, and think it a great gain, if we 
 tnua become more attached' to one another." To me, who 
 heard him utter these sentiments, Socrates appeared to be both 
 happy himself, arid to lead those that listened to him to honor 
 and virtue. 
 
 15. Again, when Antipho asked him how he imagined that 
 he could make men skillful statesmen, when he himself took 
 no part in state affairs, if indeed he knew any thing of them, 
 "In which of the two ways," said he, "Antipho, should I 
 better promote the management of aflFairs ; if I myself engage 
 in them alone, or if I make it my care that as many as possi- 
 ble may be qualified to engage in them ?" 
 
 honorably, and that the same is the ease witii regard to wisdom, or talent. 
 My translation is much the same as the Latin of Schneider. Apwi nos 
 tsdslmwiwr eodem modo posse aOqiiem, et formd et sapievMd vet honestb vel 
 turpiier uti. 
 
 1 *(Xoi yiyv6fit&a.'] For ^i^o£ Emestl substituted from one manu- 
 script ufe^iiJ-ot, which Eiihner stigmatizes as "apertum glossema," and 
 restores the old tpiXot, with the comment, " Si hos jam antea amioitiae 
 vinoulis constricfci, etiam horum studionim eOmmunionS oari ac dilecti 
 fiamus." I have rendered (j>Lh>i by the comparative degree, but think 
 Ernesti's correction far more eligible. 
 
884 MEMORABILIA. OF SOCRATES. book i. 
 
 CHAPTER Vn. 
 
 BiBBnasions from ostentation. He that desires to he distinguished, should 
 endeavor to he what he would wish to seem. He thAt pretends to be 
 what he is not, exposes himself to great inconvenience and ridicule, and 
 may bring disgrace and detriment on his country, 
 
 1. Let us consider also, whether, by dissuading his followers 
 from ostentation he excited them to pursue vitrtue. He always 
 used to say that there was no better road to honorable distinc- 
 tion, than that by which a person should become excellent in 
 that in which he wished to appear excellent. 
 
 2. That he said what was just, he used to prove by the fol- 
 lowing arguments. " Let us consider," he would say, " what a 
 person must do, if, not being a good' flute-player, he should 
 wish to appear so? Must he not imitate good flute-players 
 in the adjuncts of their art ? Li the first place, as flute-players 
 procure fine dresses, and go about with a great number of 
 attendants, he must act in a similar manner; and as many 
 people applaud them, he must get many to applaud him ; yet 
 he must never attempt to play, or he will at once be shown to 
 be ridiculous, and not only a bad flute-player, but a vain 
 boaster. Thus, after having been at great expense without 
 the least benefit, and having, in addition, incurred evil repute, 
 h(3w will he live otherwise than in uneasiness, unprofitableness, 
 and derision ? 
 
 3. "In like manner, if any one should wish to be thought a 
 good general, or a good steersman of a ship, without being so, 
 let us reflect what would be his success. If, when he longed 
 to seem capable of performing the duties of those characters, 
 he should be unable to persuade others of his capability, 
 would not this be a trouble to him ? and, if he should per- 
 suade them of it, would it not be still more unfortunate for 
 him? For it is evident that he who is appointed to steer a 
 vessel, or to lead an army, without having the necessary 
 knowledge, would be likely to destroy those' whom he would 
 not wish to destroy, and would come ofi' himself vnth disgrace 
 and sufiering." 
 
 4. By similar examples he showed that it was of no profit 
 
 ' His friends, and such aa he would wish to applaud him 
 
CHAP. L CONVERSATION WITH ARISTIPPUS. 385 
 
 for a man to appear ricb, or valiant, or strong, witiioht being 
 so ; for he said that demands were made upon such persons 
 too great for their ability^ and that, not being able to comply 
 with them, when they seemed to be able, they met with no in- 
 dulgence. 
 
 6. He called him, also, no small impostor, who, obtaining, 
 money or furniture from- his neighbor by persuasion, should, 
 defraud him; but pronounced him , the greatest of all impos- 
 ters, who, possessed of no valuable qualifications, should deceive 
 men by representing himself capable of governing his country. 
 To me he appeared, by discoursing in this manner, to deter 
 his associates from vain boastilig. 
 
 BOOK n. 
 
 CHAPIEE L 
 
 Socrates, suspecting that Aristippus, a man of pleasure, was aspiriog to a 
 place m the goTemment, admonishes him that temperance is an essential 
 qnaliflcatipu iti a statesman, sect. 1-T. _ But as Anstippus says that he 
 looked only to a life of leisure and tranquil enjoyment, Socrates introduces 
 the question, whether tiiose who govern, or those who are governed, live 
 the happier life, 8-10. Aiistippus signifies that he wished neither to 
 govern nor to be governed, but to enjoy Uberty ; and Socrates shows that 
 such liberty as he desired is inconsistent with the nature of homah sooi- 
 ^W, 11-13. Aristippus still adhering to his own views, and declaring his 
 •mtetttion not to remain in any one country, but to visit and sojoxim in 
 piany, Socrates shows him the dangers of such a mode of life, 14-16. But 
 ' as' Ariatipptis proceeds to accuse those of foUy who prefer a life of toil in 
 the affairs of governmeMt to a life of ease, Socrates shows the difference- 
 between thote who labor voluntarily, and those who labor from compul- 
 sion, and observes that nothing good is given to mortals without labor, 
 17-20: in illustration of which remark he relates the fable of Prodious, 
 Ths Choioe or Hebctjiobs, 21-84 
 
 1. He appeared also to me, by such discourses as the fol- 
 lowing, to exhort his hearers to practice temperance in their 
 desires for food, drink, sensual gratification, and sleep, and 
 endurance of c6ld, heat, and labor. But finding that one of 
 his associates was too intemperately disposed with regard to 
 such matters, he said to him, " Tell me, Aristippus,' if it were 
 
 ' Aristippus of Gyrene, the founder of the Oyrenaio sect of philosophers, 
 VOL, : 17 
 
386 MEMaRABILIA OP SOCRATES. book IL 
 
 required of you to take two of our youths and educate them, 
 the one in such a manner that he would be qualified to 
 govern, and the other in such a manner that he would never 
 seek to govern, how would you train them respectively? 
 Will you allow us to consider the matter by commencing with 
 their food, as with the first principles S" " Food, indeed," re- 
 phed Aristippus, " appears to me one of the first principles ; 
 for a person could not even five if he were not to take food." 
 2. "It will be natural for them both, then," said Socrates, 
 " to desire to partake of food when a certain hour comes." 
 " It will be natural," said Aristippus, " And which of the 
 two, then," said Socrates, " should we accustom to prefer the 
 discharge of any urgent business to the gratification of his 
 appetite?" "The one, undoubtedly," rejoined Aristippus, 
 "who is trained to rule, that the business of the state may 
 not be neglected during his administration." " And on the 
 same person," continued Socrates, "we must, when they 
 desire to drink, impose the duty of being able to endure 
 thirst?" "Assuredly," replied Aristippus. 3. "And on 
 which of the two should we lay the necessity of being tem- 
 perate in sleep, so as to be able to go to rest late, to rise early, 
 or to remain awake if it should be necessary ?" " Upon the 
 same, doubtless. " And on which of the two should we im- 
 pose the obligation to control his sensual appetites, that he 
 may not be hindered by their influence from discharging 
 whatever duty may be required of him ?" " Upon the same." 
 " And on which of the two should we enjoin the duty of not 
 shrinking from labor, but ■willingly submitting to it ?" " This 
 also, is to be enjoined on him who is trained to rule." " And 
 to which of the two would it more properly belong to acquire 
 whatever knowledge would assist him to secure the mastery 
 over his rivals?" "Far more, doubtless, to him who is 
 trained to govern, for without such sort of acquirements there 
 would be no profit in any of his other qualifications." 4. " A 
 man, then, who is thus instructed, would appear to you less 
 liable to be surprised by his enemies, than other animals, of 
 which some, we know, are caught by their greediness ; and 
 others, though very shy, are yet attracted to the bait by their 
 desire to swallow it, and consequently taken ^ while others 
 
 who thought pleasure the greatest good, and pain the greatest evil. See 
 b. iii. ch. 8. 
 
CHAP. II. CONVERSATION "WITH ARISTIPPUS. 387 
 
 also are entrapped by driafc." " ladisputaUy," replied Aris- 
 tippus. "Are not otiiers, too, caught through , their salacious- 
 ness, as quails and partridges, which, being attracted to the 
 call of th« female by desire and hope of enjoyment, and losing 
 all consideration of danger, fall into traps?" To this Aris- 
 tippus expressed his assent. 5. " Does it not then," proceeded 
 Socrates, " appear to you shameftil for a man to yield to the 
 same influence as the most senseless of animals ; as adulterers, 
 for instance, knowing that the adulterer is in danger of sufier- 
 ing what the law threatens, and of being watched, and dis- 
 graced if caught, yet enter into closets; and, though there 
 are such dangers and dishonors hanging over the intriguer, 
 and so many occupations that will free him from the desire of 
 sensual gratification, does it not seem to you the part of one 
 tormented with an evil genius, to run, nevertheless, into im- 
 minent peril ?" " It does not seem so to me," said Aristippus. 
 6. "And since the greater part of the most necessary employ- 
 ments of life, such as those of war and agriculture, and not- a 
 few others, are to be carried on in the open air, does it not 
 appear to you to show great negligence, that the majority of 
 mankind should be wholy unexercised to bear cold and heat ]" 
 Aristippus replied in the affirmative. "Does it not then 
 appear to you that we ought to train him who is intended to 
 rule, to bear these inconveniences also without difficulty?" 
 "Doubtless," answered Aristippus. V. "ff, therefore, Tve ojaas 
 those capable' of enduring these things among those who are 
 qualified to govern, shall we not class such as are incapable 
 of enduring them among those who will not even aspire to 
 govern ?" Aristippus expressed hjs assent. " In conclusion, 
 &en, since you know the position of each of these classes of 
 men, have you ever considered in which of them you can 
 reasonably place yourself?" 8. "I have indeed," said Aris- 
 tippus, " and I by no means place myself in the class of 
 those desiring to rule ; for it appears to me that, when it is a 
 task of great difficulty to procure necessaries for one's self, it 
 is the mark of a very foolish man not to be satisfied with that 
 occupation," but to add to it the labor of procuring for his 
 feUow-countrymen whatever they need. And is it not the 
 
 ' M^ dpKUv TOiro.] That is, ToOro /li) dpKeiv airCi, "that that 
 occupation should not he sufficient for him ;" should not content 
 him. 
 
ggg MEMORABILIA OF SOCBATES. book ii. 
 
 greatest folly in him, that while many things which he desires 
 are out of his reach, he should, by setting himself at the head 
 of the state, subject himself, if he does not accomplish all that 
 the people desire, to be punished for his failure ? 9. For the 
 people think it right to use tiieir governors as I use my 
 slaves; for I require my slaves to supply me with the neces- 
 series of life in abundance, but to take no part of them them- 
 selves; and the people think it the duty of their governors 
 to supply them with as many enjoyments as possible, • but 
 themselves to abstain from all of them. Those, therefore, who 
 wish to have much trouble themselves, and to g^ve trouble 
 to others,' I would train in this manner, and rank among those 
 qualified to govern ; but myself I would number with those 
 who wish to pass their lives in the greatest possible ease and 
 .pleasure." 
 
 10. Socrates then said, "Will you allow us to consider this 
 point also, whether lie governors or the governed live with 
 the greater pleasure ?" " By all means," said Aristippus. 
 "In the first place, then, of the nations of which we have any 
 knowledge, the Persians bear rule in Asia, and the Syrians, 
 Phrygians, and Lydians are under subjection ; the Scythians 
 govern in Europe, and the Maeotians' are held in subjection ; 
 5ie Carthaginians rvde in Africa, and the Libyans are under 
 subjection. Which of these do you regard as living with the 
 greater pleasure 3 Or among the Greeks, of whom you your- 
 self are, wMeh of the two appear to you to live more happily, 
 those who rule, or those who are in subjection?" 11. "Yet, 
 on the other hand/" said Aristippus, "I do not consign 
 myself to slavery ; but there appears to me to be a certain 
 middle path between the two, in which I endeavor to pro- 
 
 1 He that holds the reins of government, must not only undergo much 
 toil and trouble himself, but must also enjoin many tasks and duties on 
 others, and incite them to exertion and industry. * * * With this 
 passage of Xenophon may aptly be compared what the Corinthians say 
 of the Athenians in Thucydides, i. 10: "If any one should say, in a 
 word, that they, are formed by nature neither to enjoy quiet them- 
 selves, nor to suffer others to enjoy it, he would speak of them rightly." 
 Kuhner. 
 
 2 The people bordering on the lake Maeotis, which was in Sarmatia 
 Europaea, and is now called the Sea of Azov. Kuhner. 
 
 3 Ai.'] Compare sect. 8, where Aristippus says that he does not rank 
 himself among those who wish to rule; here he states that, on the other 
 hand, he does not wish to be a slave. 
 
CHAP. I. INCLINATIONS OF ARISTIPPUS. 389 
 
 ceed, and which leads, not through slavery, but througli 
 liberty, a path that most surely comducts to happiness." 12. 
 "If this path of yours, indeed," said Socrates, "as it lies 
 neither through sovereignty nor servitude, did not also lie 
 through human society, what you say would perhaps be worth 
 consideration ; but if, while living among mankind, you shall 
 neither think proper to rule nor to be ruled, and shall not will- 
 ingly pay respect to those in power, I think that you will see 
 that the stronger know how to treat the weaker as slaves, mak- 
 ing them to lament both pubUcly and privately. 13. Do those 
 escape your knowledge who fell and destroy the com and trees 
 of others that have sown and planted them, and who assail in 
 every way such as are inferior to them, and are unwilling to flat- 
 ter them, until they prevail on them to prefer slavery to • 
 carrying on war against their superiors I In private life, too, 
 do you not see that the spirited and strong enslave the timor- 
 ous and weak, and enjoy the fruits of their labors?" "But 
 for ray part," answered Arigtippus, " in order that I may not 
 suffer such treatment, I shall not shut myself up in any one 
 state, but shall be a traveler every where." 14. "Doubtless," 
 rejoined Socrates, " this is an admirable plan that you pro- 
 pose; for since Sinnis, and Sciron, and Procrustes', were 
 killed, nobody injures travelers. Yet those who manage 
 the government in their several countries, even now make 
 laws, in order that they may not be injured, and attach to 
 themselves, in addition to such as are called their necessary 
 connections, other supporters ; they also surround their cities 
 with- ramparts, and procure weapons with which they may 
 repel aggressors, securing, besides all these means of defense, 
 other allies from abroad ; and yet those who have provided 
 themselves with all these bulwarks, nevertheless sufler injury; 
 15. and do you, having no protection of the sort, spending a 
 long time on roads on which a very- great number are out- 
 rao-ed, weaker than a}l the inhabitants of whatever city you 
 may arrive at, and being such a character' as those who are 
 
 ' Celebrated robbers, put to death by Theseus. This is a pleasant 
 irony, says Weiske, in the remark of Sooratea : though Sinnis, Soiron, 
 and Procrustes no longer rob on the highways, yet there is no lack of 
 successors to them. 
 
 2 A person without any settled abode, without friends or supporters ; 
 not under the protection of any partioular state, but wandering from 
 one state to another. Kiihner. 
 
390 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. book n. 
 
 eager to commit Tiolence most readily attack, think, never- 
 theless, that you will not be wronged because you are a 
 stranger ? Or are you without fear, because these cities pro- 
 claim pafety to any one arriving or departing ? Or because 
 you think that you would prove a slave of such a character as 
 would profit no master, for who, you perhaps ask yourself, 
 would wish to keep in his house a man not. at all disposed to 
 l9,bor, and delighting in the most expensive fare? 16. But 
 let us consider how masters treat slaves of such a sort. Do 
 they not tame down their fondness for dainties by hunger ? 
 Do they not hinder them fkim stealing by excluding them 
 from every place from whence they may take any thing ? Do 
 they not prevent them from running away by putting fetters 
 on them ? Do they not overcome their laziness with stripes ? 
 Or how do you yourself act, when you find any one of your 
 slaves to be of such a disposition?" 17. "I chastise him," 
 said Aristippus, "with every kind of punishment, until I 
 compel him to serve me. But how do those, Socrates, who 
 are trained to the art of ruling, which you seem to me to con- 
 sider as happiness, diflfer from those who undergo hardships 
 from necessity, since they will have (though it be with 
 their own consent) to endure hunger, and thirst, and cold, and 
 want of sleep, and suffer all other inconveniences of the same 
 kind? 18. For I, for my own part, do not know what differ- 
 ence it makes to a man who is scourged on the same skin, 
 whether it be voluntaijly or involuntajily, or, in short, to one 
 who sufiers with the same body in all such points, whether he 
 sufier with his consent or against ' it, except that folly is to be 
 attributed to him who endures troubles voluntarily." "What 
 then, Aristippus," said Socrates, "do not voluntary endur- 
 ances o£ this kind seem to you to difier from the invohmtaiy, 
 inasmuch as he who is hungry from choice may eat when 
 he pleages, and he who is thirsty from choice may drink when 
 he pleases, the same being the case with regard to other 
 voluntary sufferings, while he who endures such hardships 
 from necessity has no liberty to relieve himself from them 
 when he wishes ? Besides, he who undergoes trouble will- 
 ingly, is cheered in undergoing it with some expectation of 
 good, as the hunters of wild animals bear fatigue with pleas- 
 ure in the hope of capturing them. 19. And such rewards 
 of toil arc indeed but of small worth ; but as for those who 
 
CHAP. I. SEDUCTIONS OF PLBASUEE. 391 
 
 toil that tlioy may acquiro yaluable friends, or that they may 
 subdue their ouemies, or they may, by becoming vigorous in 
 body and mind, manage their own household judiciously, and 
 be of service to their friends and of advantage to their coun- 
 try, how can you think that they labor for such objects 
 otherwise than cheerfully, or that they do not live in happi- 
 ness, esteeming themselves, and being praised and envied by 
 others? 20. But indolence, moreover, aad pleasures enjoyed 
 at the moment of desire,' are neither capable of producing a 
 good constitution of body, as the teachers of gymnastic exer- 
 cises say, nor do they bring to the mind any knowledge wor- 
 thy of consideration •' but exercises pursued with persevering 
 labor lead men to the attainment of honorable and valuable 
 objects, as worthy men inform us ; and Hesiod somewhere 
 says, 
 
 Tioo it is possible to find in abundance and with ease ; for the way 
 to it is smooth, and lies very near. But before the temple of Virtue 
 the immortal gods have placed labor, and the way to it is long and 
 steep, and at the commencement rough ; but when the traveler 
 has arrived at the summit, it then becomes easy, however difficult 
 it was at firsts 
 
 A sentiment to which Epioharmus gives his testimony in this 
 Ferse, 
 
 The gods for labor sell us all good things ; 
 
 ' 'E« Tov jrapaxp'lfia iiorcU.J The interpretation of this phrase given 
 in the text is that vjjiidi Is adopted by Kiihner : Voluptaies ^'usmodi, 
 quas, ubi concupivens, sicUim, uipote sine uUo Idbore parabiUs, percipere 
 Ikeai ; an interpretation taken from ErnestL But the expression often 
 seems to signUy nothing more than what we mean by "present pleas- 
 ures;" as in Cyrop. i. 5. 9 ; ii. 2. 24; so Schneider Tinderstands ea« 
 whptates quce ataUm percipi'imtur, el quarum usus breve iempm cfewoi, with 
 Heindorf. ad Plat. Protag. p. 353. 
 
 2 'Ewianj/iriv u^w'koyov oide/imv.] 'X^ioXoyov is very properly added; 
 for it can not be said that al napavrUa ridovat convey no knowkdge to 
 the mind ; for who can deny that fS'om listening to music, contemplating 
 pictures," and other pleasures of that kind, some knowledge may be gain- 
 ed? Kuhner. 
 
 3 Choose Sin, by troops she shall beside thee stand ; 
 Smooth is the track, her mansion is at hand : 
 Where Virtue dwells the gods have placed before 
 The dropping sweat that springs from every pore ; 
 And ere the foot can reach her high abode. 
 Long, rugged, steep th' ascent, aiid rough the road : 
 The ridge once galn'd, the path so hard of late 
 Euna easy on, and level to the gate. Ellon. 
 
392 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. book h. 
 
 and in another place he says, 
 
 wretched mortal, desire not what is soft, lest you find what is 
 hard. 
 
 21. Prodicus the sophist,' also, in his narrative concerning Her- 
 cules," which indeed he declaims to most people as a specimen 
 of his ability, expresses a similar notion respecting virtue, 
 speaMng, as far as I remember, to the following efi'ect : For 
 he says that Hercules, when he was advancing from boyhood 
 to manhood, a period at which the young, becoming their own 
 /masters, begin to give intimations whether they will enter on 
 life by the path of virtue or that of vice, went forth into a 
 solitary place, and sat down, perplexed as to which of these 
 two paths he should pursue ; 22. and that two female figures, 
 of lofty stature, seemed to advance toward him, the one of 
 an engaging and graceful mien, gifted by -nature with elegance 
 of form, modesty of look, and sobriety of demeanor,' and 
 clad in a white robe ; the other fed to plumpness and softness, 
 but assisted by art both in her complexion, so as to seem 
 fairer and rosier than she really was, and in her gesture, so 
 as to seem taller than her natural height ; she had her eyes 
 wide open,* and a robe through which her beauty would 
 readily show itself; she frequently contemplated her figure, 
 and looked about to see if any one else was observing her ; 
 and she frequently glanced back at her own shadow. 23. As 
 
 1 'O aoipoi.'] Sturz and others consider ao^oQ, in this passage, to be Vas) 
 same as aoifiusTfi; ; but there seems no particular reason why It should 
 not be rendered the wise. " On'Prodious, the famous sophist of Ceos, 
 there is an excellent note of Beierus ad Cic. Off. i. 33^ See Cobet, Pro- 
 sop. Xen. p. 35. C, Fr. Hermann, in his Disp. de Socr. Magistris, Marbl 
 1837, p. 49, seq., judiciously shows thai those are mistaken who think 
 that Prodicus was a teacher of Socrates." Kuhner. 
 
 ' There is an allusion to this fable in Cic. da Off. i. 32. It has been 
 versified in English, with much elegance, though rather verbosely, by 
 Bishop LoTffth. 
 
 3 Kexoa/iri/iEv^i) rd fiiv aa/ia ica-dapioTTjTi, n. t. X] " Adorned as to 
 her person *-ith elegance, as to her eyes with, modesty, and as to her 
 gesture with sobriety." The reading Ka^SapwrriTi. is properly preferred 
 by Kiihner to Ka^aporrin, the first meaning elegance ot gracefulness, the 
 ssoond, purity. 
 
 4 'AvaTre-Td/ihn.'] -".Wide open," says Kiihner, is equivalent to 
 " looking or staring boldly," in opposition to " modestly cast down." 
 
OHAP.L CHOICE OF HERCULES. 393 
 
 they approached nearer to Hercules, she, vvhom I first de- 
 scribed, came forward at the same pace, but the other, eager 
 to get before her, ran up to Hercules, and exclaimed, " I see 
 that you are hesitating, Hercules, by what path you shall 
 enter upon life ; if, then, you make a friend of me, I will 
 conduct you by the most delightfal and easy road, and you 
 shall taste of every species of pleasure, and lead a life free 
 from every sort of trouble. 24. In the first place, you shall 
 take no thought of wars or state aflfeirs, but shall pass your 
 time considering what meat or drink you may find to gratify 
 your appetite, what you may delight yOurself by seeing or 
 hearing, what you may be pleased with smelling or touching, 
 with what objects of affection you may have most pleasure in 
 associating, how you may sleep most softly, and how you may 
 secure all these enjoyments with the. least degree of trouble. 
 25. If an apprehension of want of means, by which such de- 
 lights may be obtained, should ever arise in you, there is no 
 fear that fshaU -urge you to procure them by toil or suffering 
 either of body or mind ; but you shall enjoy what others ac- 
 quire by labor, abstaining from nothing by which it may be 
 possible to profit, for I give my followers liberty to benefit 
 themselves from any source whatever." 
 
 26. Hercules, on hearing this address, said, " And what, O, 
 woman, is your name ?" " My friends," she replied, " call me 
 Happiness, but those who hate me, give me, to my disparage- 
 ment, the name of Vice." 
 
 27. In the mean time the other female approached, and 
 said, " I also am come to address you, Hercules, because I 
 know your parents, and have observed your disposition in the 
 training of yotir childhood, from which I entertain hopes, that 
 if you direct your steps along the path that leads to my 
 dwelling, you will become an excellent performer of whatever 
 is honorable and noble, and that I shall appear more honor- 
 able and attractive through your illustrious deeds. I will not 
 deceive you, however, with promises of pleasure, but will set 
 before you things as they really are, and as the gods have ap- 
 pointed them ; 28. for of what is valuable and excellent, the 
 gods grant nothing to mankind without labor and care ; and 
 if you wish the gods, therefore, to be propitious to you, you 
 must worship the gods ; if you seek to be beloved by your 
 friends, you must serve your friends ; if you desire to be 
 
 17* 
 
894 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. book n. 
 
 honored by any city, you must benefit that city ; if you long 
 to be admired hy all Greece for your merit, you must endeav- 
 or to be of advantage to all Greece ; if you are anxious 
 that the earth should yield you abundance of fruit, you must 
 cultivate the earth ; if you ihmk that yon should enrich your- 
 self from herds of cattle, you must bestow care upon herds of 
 cattle ; if you are eager to increase your means by war, and 
 to secure freedom to your friends and subdue your enemies, 
 you must learn the arts of war, and learn them from such 
 as understand them, and practice how to use them with ad- 
 vantage ; or if you wish to be vigorous in body, you must 
 accustom your body to obey your mind, and exercise it with 
 toil and exertion." . 
 
 29. Here Vice, interruptiug her speech said, (as Prodicus 
 relates), " Do you gee, Hercules, by how difficult and tedious 
 a road this woman conducts you to gratification, while I shall 
 lead you, by an easy and short path, to perfect happiness ?" 
 
 30. "Wretched being," rejoined Virtue, "of what good are 
 yon in possession 1 Or what real pleasure do you experience, 
 when you are unwilling to do amy thing for the attainment of 
 it ? You, who do not even wait for Uie natural desire of 
 gratification, but fill yourself with all manner of dainties be- 
 fore you have an appetite for them, eating before you are 
 hungry, drinking before you are thirsty, procuring cooks that 
 you may eat wiQi pleasure, buying costly wines that you may 
 drink with pleasure, and running about seeking for snow' in 
 summer ; while; in order to sleep with pleasure, you prepare 
 not only soft beds,^ "but couches, and rockers under your 
 
 ' " To cool wins ; for tli67 deposited snow and ice in pita for such 
 purposes. See notes on Athen. iii. p. 124; Plin. H. N. ix 4; Aul Gell, 
 xi?. 5 ; Maorob. Sat. vii. 12." Schmideir. See 'Wyttenbaeli ad Plutarch. 
 Praecept. Sanit. p. 809. Borrmtumn. 
 
 2 STpuiBvac-] Properly, couches or beds spread on the ground. With 
 these the Inxurions were not content, but prepared for themselves Kkivai, 
 or couches with legs, to which they afterward added imbda&pa, rockers 
 or rollers. " Commentators used to interpret iw66a&pa, carpets spread 
 under the feet of couches, referring to Cyrop. viiL 8. 16 ; but the true 
 Signification of the word has been very, learnedly made clear by Schnei- 
 der from three passages of Antyllus in Fragm. Medioorum. ed. Oribaa. 
 ed. Matthsei, p. 114, 110, 172; from which it appears that the iiriia-dpa 
 were fikira diagonoMa, diagonal props, pnt under the feet of couches, in 
 order that a treio/idf or rocking might be produced. The effect, as he 
 observes, would be the same as that of suspended cradles." Kiihner. 
 
HAP. I. CHOICE OP HBEOTJLES. 395 
 
 couctes, for you do not desire sleep in consequence of labor, 
 but in consequence of having nothing to do ; you force the 
 sensual inclinations before they require gratification, using 
 every species of contrivance for the purpose, and abusing 
 male and female ; for thus it is that you treat your friends, 
 insulting their modesty at night, and making them sleep away 
 the most usefiil part of their day. 31. Though you are one of 
 the immortal, you are cast out from the society of the gods, 
 and despised by the good among manMnd ; the sweetest of fill 
 sounds, the praises of yourself,' you have never heard, nor 
 have you ever seen the most pleasing of all sights, for you 
 have never beheld one meritorious work of your own hand. 
 Who would believe you when you give your word for any 
 thing ? Or who would assist you when in need of any thing ? 
 Or who, that has pioper feeling, would venture to join your 
 company of revelers? for while they are young they grow 
 impotent in body, and when they are older they are impo- 
 tent in mind; they live without labor, and in fatness, 
 through their youth, and pass laboriously, and in wretched- 
 ness, through old age ; ashamed of what they have done, op- 
 pressed with what they have to do, having run through their 
 pleasures in early years, and laid up afflictions for the close of 
 life. 32.. But I am the companion of th* gods; I associate 
 with virtuous men; no honorable deed, divine or human, is 
 done without me ; I am honored, most of all, by the deities, 
 and by those among men to whom it belongs to honor me, 
 being a welcome co-operator with artisans, a faithful house- 
 hold guardian to masters, a benevolent assistant to servants, a 
 benign promoter of the labors of peace, a constant auxiliary 
 to the efibrts of war, an excellent sharer in friendship. S3. 
 My friends have a sweet and untroubled enjoyment of meat 
 'and drink, for they refrain from them till they feel an appe- 
 tite. They have also sweeter sleep than the idle ; and are 
 , neither annoyed if they lose a portion of it, nor neglect to do 
 Itheir duties for the sake of it. The young are pleased with 
 jpraises from the old ; the old are delighted with honors from 
 /the young. They remember their former acts with pleasure, 
 
 ' " It is said that Themistoolea, when he was aaked what aoroama, or 
 whose voice, he would hear with moat pleasure, replied, ' The voice of 
 him by whom his merits would be best set forth.' " Cicero Pro ArchiS, 
 c. 9. 
 
396 MEM0R.43ILIA OF SOCRATES. book IL 
 
 and rejoice to perform their present oocupatious with success ; 
 being, through my influence, dear to the gods, beloved by their 
 friends, and honored by their country. And when the 
 destined end of life comes, they do not lie in oblivion and dis- 
 honor, but, celebrated with songs of. praise, flourish forever 
 in the memory of mankind. By such a course of conduct, O 
 Hercules, son of noble parents, you may secure the most ex- 
 alted happiness." 
 
 34. Nearly thus it was that Prodicus related the instruction 
 of Hercules by. Virtue ; adorning the sentiments, however, 
 with far more magnificent language than that in which I now 
 give them. It becomes you, therefore, Aristippus, reflecting 
 on these admonitions, to endeavor to think of what concerns 
 the fiiture period of your life. 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 A dialogue 'between Soordtes and his son Lamprooles, who tad expressed 
 resentment against his mother, on the duty of children to their parents. 
 The nugrateful are to be deemed nnjnst, sect. 1, 2. The greater benefits 
 a person has reoeivc^d, the more nnjust is he if he is ivngratefal ; and 
 there are, no greater benefits than those which children experience from 
 their parents, 8-6. Hence it follows that a ' son ought to reverence his 
 mother^ though she be severe, when he knows that her severity proceeds 
 from kmd Motives, 7-12. How^eat t\, crime the neglect of filial duty is, 
 appears from the met that it is punished by the laws and execrated by 
 mankind, 13, 14. 
 
 1. Having learned, one day, that Lamprooles, the eldest' of 
 his sons, had exhibited anger against his molier, "Tell me, 
 my son," said he, "do you know that certain persons are 
 called ungrateful ?" " Certainly," repUed the youth. " And 
 do you understand how it is they act that men give them this 
 ajypellation ?" " I do," said Lamprocles, " for it is those that 
 have received a kindness, and that do not make a return when 
 they are able to make one, whom they call ungrateful." " They 
 then appear to you to class the ungrateful with the unjust ?" 
 "I think so." 2. "And have you ever considered whether, as 
 it is, thought unjust to make slaves of our friends, but just to 
 
 ' Socrates had three sons, Lamprooles, Sophronisous, and Menexenus. 
 See Cobet, Prosopogr. Xen. p. 57. Kiihner. 
 
CHAP. IL DUTY TOWARD PARENTS. 397 
 
 make slaves of our enemies, so it is unjust to be ungrateful to- 
 ward our friends, but just to be so toward our enemies?" 
 "I certainly have," answered Lamprocles, "and from whom- 
 soever a man receives a favor, whether friend or enemy, and 
 does not endeavor to make a return for it, he is in my opinion 
 unjust." 
 
 3. "If such, then, be the case," pursued Soerates, " ingrat- 
 itude must be manifest injustice!" Lamprocles expressed 
 his assent. "The greater benefits, therefore, a person has 
 received, and makes no return, the more unjust he must be." 
 He assented to this position also. " Whom, then," asked 
 Socrates, "can we find receiving greater benefits from any 
 persons than children receive from their parents? children 
 whom their parents have brought from non-existence into ex- 
 istence, to view so many beautiful objects, and to share in so 
 many blessings, as the gods grant to men; blessings which 
 appear to us so inestimable, that we shrink, in the highest 
 degree, from relinquishing them; and governments have 
 made death the penalty for the most heinous crimes, in the sup- 
 position that they could not suppress injustice by the terror 
 of any greater evil. 4. You do not, surely, suppose that men 
 beget children merely to gratify their passions, since the streets 
 are full, as well as the brothels, of means to allay desire ; but 
 
 Iwhat we evidently consider, is, from what sort of women the 
 finest' children may be bom to us, and, tmiting with them, 
 we beget children. 5. The man maintains her who joins with 
 him to produce offspring, and provides, for the children that 
 are likely to be bom to him, whatever he thinks will conduce 
 to their support, in as grea,t abundance" as he can ; while the 
 woman receives and bears the burden, oppressed and endan- 
 gering her life, and imparting a portion of the nutriment with 
 which she herself is supported; and, at length, after bearing 
 it the full time, and bringing it forth with great pain, she 
 suckles and cherishes it, though rfie has received no previous 
 benefit from it, nor does the infant know by whom it is tended, 
 nor is it able to signify what it wants, but she, conjecturing what 
 will nourish and please it, tries to satisfy his calls, and feeds it 
 for a long time, both night and day, submitting to the trouble 
 
 ' BeTiTiaTa.] Kiihner interprets this word rabuaiissima ; but it is better 
 to ■understand it aa meaning good it eveiy way ; excellent in sBape, 
 vigor, health, and understanding. 
 
398 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. bookh. 
 
 and not knowing what return she will receive for it. 6. Nor 
 does it satisfy the parents merely to feed their offspring, but 
 as soon as the children appear capable of learning any thing, 
 they teach them whatever they know that may be of use for 
 their conduct in life ; and whatever they consider another 
 more capable of communicating than themselves, they send 
 their sons to him at their own expense, and take care to adopt 
 every course that their children may be as much improved as 
 possible." 
 
 1. Upon this the young man said, " Butj even if she has 
 done all this, and many times more than this, no one, assuredly, 
 could endure her illnhumor." "And which do you think," 
 asked Socrates, " more difficult to be endured, the ill-humor 
 of a wild beast, or that of a mother ?" " I think," replied 
 Lamprooles, " that of a mother, at least of such a mother as 
 mine is." "Has she ever then inflicted any hurt upon you, 
 by biting or kicking you, as many have often suffered from 
 wild beasts?" 8., "No; but, by Jupiter, she says such things 
 as no one would endure to hear for the value of all that he 
 possesses." *' And do you reflect," returned Socrates, " how 
 much grievous trouble you have given her by your peevish- 
 ness, by voice and by action, in the day and in the night, 
 and how much anxiety you have caused her when you were 
 ill S"- " But I have never said or done any thing to her," re- 
 plied Lamprooles, " at which she could feel ashamed." 9. " Do 
 you think it, then," inquired Socrates, " a more difficult thing 
 for you to to listen to what she says, than for actors to listeii 
 when they utter the bitterest reproaches against • one another 
 in tragedies 3" "But actors, I imagine, endure such re- 
 proaches leasily, because they do not think that, of the speakers, 
 die one who utters reproaches, utters them with intent to do 
 harm, or that the one who utters threats, utters them with 
 any evil purpose." " Yet you are displeased at your mother, 
 although you will know that whatever she says, she not only 
 says nothing with intent to do you harm, but that she wishes 
 you more good than any other human being. Or do you sup- 
 pose that your mother meditates evil toward yonf "No, 
 indeed," said Lamprooles, " that I do not imagine." 10. "Do 
 you then say that this mother," rejoined Socrates, " who is so 
 benevolent to you, who, when you are ill, takes care of you, 
 to the utmost of her power, that you may recover your health. 
 
CHAP. n. DTJTT OF A SON TO HIS "MOTHEH. 899 
 
 and that you may want nothing that is necessary for you, and 
 who, besides, entreats the gods for many blessings on your 
 head, and pays vows for you, is a harsh mother? For my 
 part, I think that if you can not endure such a mother, you 
 cannot endure anything that is good? 11. But tell me," 
 continued he, " whether you think that you ought to pay re- 
 spect to any other human being, or whether you are resolved 
 to try to please nobody, and to follow or obey neither a general 
 nor any other commander?" No, indeed," replied Lamprocles, 
 " I have formed no such resolutions." 12. "Are you then 
 willing," inquired Socrates, "to cultivate the good-will of 
 your neighbor, that he may kindle a fire for you when you 
 want it, or aid you in obtaining some good, or, if you happen 
 to meet with any misfortune, may assist you with willing and 
 ready help ?" " I am,!' 'replied he. " Or would it make no 
 difference," rejoined Socrates, whether a fellow-traveler, or 
 a fellow-voyager, or any other person that you met with, should 
 be your friend or enemy ? Or do you think that you ought 
 to cultivate their good-will ?" " I think that I ought," re- 
 plied Lamprocles. 13. " You are then prepared," returned So- 
 crates, " to pay attention to such persons ; and do you think 
 that you ought to pay no respect to your mother, who loves 
 you more than any one else ? Do you not know that the state 
 takes no account of any other species of ingratitude, nor allows 
 any action at law for it, overlooking such as receive a favor 
 and make no return for it, but that if a person does not pay 
 due regard to his parents, it imposes a punishment on him,' 
 rejects his services, and does not allow him to hold the arch- 
 onship, considering that such a person can not piously perform 
 the sacrifices offered for the country, or discharge any other 
 duty with propriety and justice. Indeed, if any one does not 
 keep up the sepulchers of his dead parents, the state inquires 
 into it in the examinations of candidates for oflSce. 14. You 
 therefore, my son, if you are wise, will entreat the gods to 
 pardon you if you have been wanting in respect toward your 
 mother, lest, regarding you as an ungrateful person, they should 
 be disinclined to do you good ; and you will have regard, also, 
 
 I Concerning the law against disrespect to parents, or ill treatment of 
 them, see Meier and Schoemann, Att Proe. iii. 1, p. 288 ; and C. F. Her- 
 mann, G-r. Staats-alterthiimer, sect. 133, 11, p. 2S4. Kulmer. 
 
400 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES book ii, 
 
 to the opmion of men, lest, observing you to be negleotfal of 
 your parents, ttey should all condemn you, and you should 
 then be found destitute of friends ; for if men surmise that 
 you are ungrateful toward your parents, no one Avill believe 
 that if he does you a kindness he will meet with gratitude in 
 return. 
 
 CHAPTEE m. 
 
 Socrates, hearing that two brothers, Chssrephou and Chserecrates, had quar- 
 reled, recommends brotherly love to Chserecrates by the following argu- 
 ments. A brother ought to be regarded as a friend, and esteemed more 
 than wealth,.sect. 1 ; for wealth is an uncertain possession, if the possessor 
 of it is destitute of friends, 2, 3. Fraternal love, an appointment of 
 Nature ; and men who have brothers are more respected than those who 
 have nonej 4. Even though a brother should conceive ill feelings toward 
 us, we should still endeavor to conciliate him, 5-9. How such concilin/- 
 tion may be effected, 10-14. The endeavor to conciliate' is still more the 
 duty of a younger than of an elder brother, and the more nflble the dispo- 
 sition of a brother is, the more easy will it be to conciliate him, lS-^17. 
 Brothers should act in unison with one another, like different members 
 of the same body, 18, 19. 
 
 r 1, SocBATEs, having observed that Chserephon and Chaere- 
 orates, two brothers well known to him, were at variance with 
 each other, and having met with Chserecrates, said, "Tell me, 
 Chaerecrates, you surely are not one of those men, are you, 
 who think wealth more valuable than brothers, when wealth 
 is but a senseless thing, and a brother endowed with reason, 
 when wealth needs protection, while a brother can afford pro- 
 tection, and when wealth, besides, is plentiful, and a brother 
 but one! "2. It is wonderful, too, that a man should con- 
 sider brothers to be a detriment to him, because he does not 
 possess his brothers' fortxmes, while he does not consider his 
 fellow-citizens to be a detriment, because he does not possess 
 their fortunes; but, in the latter case, he can reason with 
 himself, that it is better for him, living in society with many, 
 to enjoy a competency in security, than, Hving alone, to possess 
 all the property of his fellow-citizens in fear of danger, while, 
 with regard to brothers, he knows not how to apply .such rea- 
 
 1 "After all, there is more, money than brothers." Si/sshe'e Transla- 
 tion. , 
 
CHAP. HI. ON BROTHERLY CONCORD. 401 
 
 soning. 3. Those who are. able, too, purchase slaves, that they 
 may have helpers in their work, and procure friends, as being 
 in need of supporters, while they neglect their brothers, as if 
 friends could be made of fellow-citizens, but could not be 
 made of brotib.ers. 4. Yet it surely conduces greatly to friend- 
 ship to have been bom of the same parents, and to have been 
 brought up together, since, even atmong brutes, a certain aflfec- 
 tion springs up between those that are reared together. In 
 addition to these considerations, men pay more respect to those 
 who have brothers than to those who have none, and are less 
 forward to commit aggression on them." 
 
 5. To this Chsereorates made answer, " If, indeed, Socrates, 
 the dissension between us were not great, it might perhaps be 
 my duty to bear with my brother, and not shun his society 
 for slight causes; fojp a brother, as you say, is a valuable 
 possession, if he be such as he ought to be ; but when he 
 is nothing of the sort, and is indeed quite the reverse of 
 what he should be, why should I attempt impossibilities?" 
 6. " Whether, then, Chserecrates," rejoined Socrates, " is 
 Chgsrephon unable to please any body, as he is unable to 
 please you, or are there some whom he certainly can please ?" 
 " Yes," replied Chserecrates, " for it is for this very reason 
 that I justly hate him, that he can please others, while to me ' 
 he is on all occasions, whenever he comes in contact with me, 
 a harm rather than a good, both in word and deed." 7. " Is 
 the case then thus," said Socrates, " tha^ as a horse is a harm 
 to him who knows not how to manage him, and yet tries to 
 do BO, BO a brother is a harm, when a person tries to manage 
 him without knowing how to doit?" 8. "But how can I 
 be . ignorant," replied Chaerecrates, " how to manage mj 
 brother, when I know how to speak well of him who speaks 
 well of me, and to do well to him who does well to me ? As 
 to one, however, who seeks to vex me both by word and deed, 
 I should not be able either to speak well of him, or to act 
 well toward him, nor will I try." 9. " You speak strangely, 
 Chserecrates," rejoined Socrates, " for if a dog of yours were 
 of service to watch your sheep, and fawned upon your shep- 
 herds, but snarled when you approached him, you would for- 
 bear to show any ill feeling toward him, but would enileavor 
 to tame him by kindness ; but as for your brother, though 
 you admit that he would be a great good to you if he were 
 
402 MEMOEABILIA OF SOCRATES. book il 
 
 sucli as he ought to be, and though you confess that you know 
 how to act and speak well with respect to him, you do not 
 even attempt to make him of such service to you as he might 
 be.'" 10. "I fear, Socrates," replied Chserecrates, "that I 
 have not wisdom enough' to render Charephon such as he 
 ought to be toward me." "Yet there is no need to contrive 
 any thing artful or novel to act upfln him," said Socrates, " as 
 it appears to me ; for I think that he may be gained over by 
 means wTiich you already know, and may conceive a high "es- 
 teem fqr you." 1 L " Tell me first," said the other, " whether 
 you have observed that I possess any love-charm, which I 
 was not aware that I knew ?" " Answer me this question," 
 said Socrates : " If you wished to induce any one of your ac- 
 quaintance, when he offered sacrifice, to invite you to his 
 feast, what would you do ?" " I should doubtless begin by 
 inviting him when I offered sacrifice." 12. " And if you wished 
 to prevail on any of your Mends to take care of your property, 
 when you went from home, what would you do ?" " I should 
 oertaiply first offer to take care of his property, when he went 
 ftom home." 13. " And if you wished to induce an acquaintance 
 in a foreign land to receive you hospitably when you visited his 
 country, what, would you do ?" " I should unquestionably be 
 the first to receive him hospitably when he came to Athens ; 
 and if I -wished him to be desirous to effect for me the objects 
 for which I went thither, it is clear that I must first confer a 
 similar service on him." 14. " Have you not long been un- 
 awares acquainted, then, with all the love-charms that exist 
 among mankind? Or are you afraid," continued Socrates, 
 " to make the first advances, lest you should seem to degrade 
 yourself, if you should be the first to propitiate your brother? 
 Yet he is thought to he a man deserving of great praise, who 
 is the first to do harm to the enemy, and to do good to his 
 friends. If, then, Chaerephon had appeared to me more 
 likely to bring you to this frame of mind, I would have 
 endeavored to persuade him first to try to make you 
 his friend; but, as things stand, you seem more likely, if 
 you take the lead, to effect the desired object." 15. "You 
 speak unreasonably, Socrates," rejoined Chserecrates. ," and 
 
 " Kiilmer, differing from other editors, puts a note of interrogation 
 at the end of this sentence. It seems better not to take it interroga- 
 tiyelj. 
 
CHAP. IIL BROTHER SHOULD BEAR WITH BROTHER. 403 
 
 not as might be expected from you, when you desire me, who 
 am the younger, to take the lead ; for the established practice 
 among all men is quite the reverse, being that the elder should 
 always be first, both to act and speai." 16. "How," said Soc- 
 rates ; " is it not the custom, every where . that the younger 
 should yield the path to the elder when he meets him, rise 
 from his seat before him, honor him with the softest couch, 
 and give place to him in conversation? Do not therefore 
 hesitate, my good young friend, but endeavor to conciliate 
 your hrother, and he will very soon listen to you. Do you 
 not see how fond of honor, and how liberal-minded, he is ? 
 Mean-minded persons you can not attract more effectually 
 than by giviUg them something ; but honorable and good 
 men you may best gain by treating them in a friendly spirit." 
 17. " But what if he should become no Mnder," said Chserecra- 
 tes, " after I have done what you advise ?" " It will be of no 
 consequence," replied Socrates, " for what other risk will you 
 run but that of showing that you are kind and fiiU of brother- 
 ly affection, and that he is mean-spirited and unworthy of 
 any kindness? But I apprehend no such result; for I con- 
 ceive that when he finds you challenging him to such a con- 
 test, he will be extremely emulous to excel you in doing 
 kindnesses both by word and deed. 18. At present, you are 
 in the same case as if the two hands, which the gods have 
 - made to assist each other, should neglect this duty, and begin 
 to impede each other ; or as if the two feet, formed by divine 
 proviaenoe to oO-operate with one another, should give up this 
 office, and obstruct one another. 19. Would it not be a great 
 folly and misfortune to use for our hurt what was formed for 
 our benefit ? And indeed, as it appears to me, the gods have 
 designed brothers to be of greater mutual service than the 
 hands, or feet, or eyes,, or other members which they have 
 made in pairs for men ; for the hands, if required to do things, 
 at the same time, at greater distance than a fathom, would be 
 linable to do them ; the feet can not reach two objects, at the 
 same time, that are distant even a fathom ; and the eyes, 
 which seem to reach to the greatest distance, can not, of objects 
 that are much nearer, see at the same time those that are be- 
 fore and behind them ; but brothers, if they are in friendship, 
 can, even at the ^eatest distance, act in cpncert and for mu- 
 tual benefit." 
 
404 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. book a 
 
 CHAPTER ry. 
 
 ^On the value of friendship . Many ate more desixous to aoqnire property 
 
 ' ' ' tlkan InendS, seel. i-4. But no speeiea of property is more vnlnatle, 
 
 lasting, and useful than a good iHend : his qualities enumerated, 6-7. 
 
 1. I HEARD him, also, on one occasion, holding a discourse 
 concerning friends,? by which, as it seems to me, a person 
 might be greatly benefited, both as to the acquisition and use 
 of friends | fpr he said that he had heard many people observe 
 {hat a true and honest friend was the most valuable of all 
 possessions, but that he saw the greater part of mankind at- 
 tending to any thing rather than securing friends. 2. He ob- 
 served them, ho added, industriously endeavoring to procure 
 houses and lands, slaves, cattle, and furniture ; bxit as for a 
 friend, whom -they called the greatest of blessings, he saw 
 the majority considering neither how to procure one, nor 
 how those whom they had might be retained. 3. Even when ■ 
 friends and slaves were sict, he said that he noticed people 
 calling in physicians to their slaves, and carefully providing 
 other means for their recovery, but paying no attention to 
 their friends ; and that, if bodi died, they grieved for their 
 slaves, and thought that they had suffered a loss, but con- 
 sidered that they lost nothing in losing friends. Of their . 
 other possessions they left nothing untended or unheeded, 
 but when thfeir friends required attention, they utterly neg- 
 lected them. 
 
 4. In addition to these remarks he observed that he saw 
 the greater part of mankind acquainted with the number of 
 their other possessions, although they might be very numer- 
 ous, but of theit friends, though but few, they were not only 
 ignorant of the number, but even when they attempted to 
 reckon it to such as asked thenj, they set aside'agaiu' some 
 that they had previously counted among their friends; so 
 little did they allow their friends to occupy their thoughts. 5. 
 Yet in comparison with what possession, of all others, would not 
 
 ' The sentiments of Plato's Socrates concerning friendship are given 
 in his Lysis ; but StaJlbaum, in a note on it, p. 89, has justly observed 
 that that subject is much more acutely and copiously discussed in the 
 Sympofflum and Phsedrus. Kiihner. 
 
 ' See note on i. 2. 44. 
 
OHAP. V. . VALUE OP FErEUDS. 40S 
 
 a good friend appear far more valuable ? What sort of horsej 
 or yoke of oxetiy is so useful as a truly good friend? What 
 slave is so "well-disposed or so attached,- or what other acqui- 
 sition so beneficial? 6. For a good friend is ready to 
 supply whatever is wanting on the part of his friend, whether 
 in his private afiairs, or for the public interests; if be is re- 
 quired to do a service to any one, he assists him with the 
 means ; if any apprehension alarms him, he lends him his aid, 
 sometimes sharing expenditure with him, sometimes co-oper- 
 ating tyith him, 'sometimes joining with him to persuade 
 others, sometimes using force toward others ; frequently 
 cheering him when he is successful, and frequently support- 
 ing him when he is in danger of falling. 7. What the hands 
 do, what the eyes foresee, what the ears hear, what the feet 
 accomplish, for each individual, his friend,- of all such serv- 
 ices, fails to ■ perform no one ; and oftentimes, what a person 
 has not effected for himself, or has not seen, or has not 
 heard, or has not accomplijshed, a friend has succeeded in ex- 
 ecuting for his friend ; and yet, while people try to foster trees 
 for the sake of their fruit, the greater portion of mankind are 
 heedless and neglectful' of that most productive possession 
 which is called a friend. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 On the different ea&nation in which different friends are to he held. We 
 ^nfffat to exQktnine ourselves, and ascertain at what value we may expect 
 our firiends to hold us. 
 
 1. I HEAED one day another dissertation of his, which 
 seemed to me to exhort the hearer to examine himself and 
 {jscertain of how niuch value he was to his friends. Finding 
 that one of his followers was neglectfiil of a friend who was 
 oppressed with poverty, he asked Antisthenes, in the presence 
 (rfthe man fliat neglected his friend, and of several others, 
 saying, " Are tfei? certain settled values for friends, Antis- 
 thenes, as there are for slaves ! 2. For, of slaves, one, per- 
 haps, is wortii two minse, another not even half a mina, an- 
 other five minse, another ten. Kicias, the son of Niceratus, is 
 
 ' 'Apyu; . Kni avti/ihiug ijrt^Aojiraj.] " Idly and negligefutly attend 
 to—." 
 
406 MEMORABILIA OF SOOHATBS. book ll, 
 
 said to have bought an overseer for his silver mines' at the 
 price of a whole talent. I am therefore considering whether, 
 as there are certain values for slaves, there are also certain 
 values for friends." 3. "There are, undoubtedly," replied 
 Antisthenes ; " at least I, for my part, should wish one man to 
 be my friend rather than have two minse ; another I should 
 not value even at half a mina ; another I should prefer to ten 
 minse ; and another I would buy for my friend at the sacri- 
 fice of all the money and revenues in the world." " 4. " If 
 such be the case, therefore," said Soprates, " it would be well 
 for each of us to examine himself, to consider of what value 
 he is in the estimation of his friends ; and to try to be of as 
 much value to them as possible, in order that his friends may 
 be less likely to desert him ; for I often hear one man saying 
 that his friend has abandoned him, aad another, that a person 
 whom he thought to be his friend has preferred a mina to 
 him. 5. I am considering, accordingly, whether, as one sells 
 a bad slave, and parts with him for whatever he will fetch, so 
 it may be advisable to give up a worthless friend, when there 
 is an opportunity of receiving more than he is worth. Good 
 slaves I do not often see sold at all, or good friends aban- 
 doned." 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 What sort of -persons we should choose for our friends, sect. 1-5. How wo 
 may aseertam the characters of men, before we form a friendship with 
 them, 6, 7. How we may attach men to us as friends, 8-18. Ittendship 
 can exist only between the good and honorable, 14-19 ; between whom ft 
 will continue to subsist in spite of differences of opijuon, 19-28. Deduc- 
 tions from the preceding remariffl, 29-39. 
 
 1. He appeared to me, also, to make his followers wise in 
 examining what sort of persons it was right to attach to 
 
 ' TupyvpsTa.'] Kiihner reads rdpyvpia, "money," but without giving 
 any reason for his preference of that reading. I have thought it better 
 to follow the generality of editors 
 
 2 Il/Jd nuvTuv xPVI^"-T'->'" Kai nopuv."] Uopav is the conjecture of 
 Portus or Leunclavius, which many editors have adopted instead 
 of the old TrScuf, which Kiihner retains, supposing that it means 
 v'"r,i is gamed by labor, agreeshly to the saying in ii. 1. 20, "the 
 gcds sell us all good things for labor ;" and that npd navrov xfivjiavav 
 Kal irovuv may be a proverbial expression. But this sense of ffdvov 
 
OHAF. VI. QUALITIES OF A GOOD FRIEND. 40I 
 
 themselves as friends, by such, conversations as the following ; 
 '•Tell me, Critobulus," said he, "if we were- in need of a 
 good friend, how should we proceed to look for one ? Should 
 we not, in the first place, seek for a parson who can govern 
 hisfappetite, his inclination, to wine or sensuality, and abstain 
 from immoderate sleep and idleness? for one who is overcome 
 by such propensities would be unable to do his duty either to 
 himself or his friend." "Assuredly he would not," said 
 Critobulus. " It appears then to you that we must avoid one 
 who is at the mercy of such inclinations ?" " Undoubtedly," 
 replied Critobulus. 2. " Besidfes^" continued Socrates, " does 
 not a man who is extravagant and; yet unable to support him- 
 self, but is always in want of assistance from his neighbor, a 
 man who, when he borrows, can not pay, and when he can not 
 borrow, hates him who will not lend, appear to you to be a 
 . dangerous friend f " Assuredly," replied Critobulus, " W© 
 must therefore avoid such a character V " We must indeed." 
 3. " Again : what sort of friend would he be who has the- means 
 of getting money, and covets great wealth, and who, on this 
 account, is a driver of hard bargains, and delights to receive, 
 but ia unwilling to pay i" " Such a person appears to me," 
 said Critobulus, "to be a still worse character than the 
 former." 4. " What then do you think of him, who, from love 
 of getting money, allows himself no time for thinking of any 
 thing else but whence he may obtain it ?" " We must avoid 
 him, as it seems to me ; for he would be useless to any one 
 that should make an associate of him." " And what do you 
 think of him who is quarrelsome, and likely to raise up many 
 enemies against his friends ?" " We must avoid him also, by 
 Jupiter." " But if a man have none of these bad qualities, 
 but is content to receive obhgations, taking no thought of re- 
 turning them?" "He also would be useless as a friend. 
 But what sort of person, tben, Socrates, should we endeavor 
 to make our friend!" 5. "A person, I think, who, being 
 the reverse of all this, is proof against the seductions of bodily 
 pleasures, is upright and fair in his dealings, and emulous not 
 to be outdone in serving those who serve him, so that he is 
 of advantage to those who associate with him." 6. "How 
 
 is so forced, and so destitute of support, that I have preferred 
 the emendation, eapeoiaUy as it is effected with the change of one 
 letter. 
 
406 MKMOEABILIA OF SOCRATES. book ii. 
 
 said to have bought an overseer for his silver mines' at the 
 price of a -whole talent. I am therefore considering whether, 
 as there are certain values for slaves, there are also certain 
 values for friends." 3. "Thfere are, undoubtedly," replied 
 Antisthenes ; " at least I, for my part, should wish one man to 
 be my friend rather than have two minas ; another I should 
 not value even at half a mina ; another I should prefer to ten 
 minse ; and another I would buy for my friend at the sacri- 
 fice of all the money and revenues in the world." ' 4. " If 
 such be the case, therefore," said Soprates, " it would be well 
 for each of us to examine himself, to consider of what value 
 he is in the estimation of his friends ; and to try to be of as 
 much value to them as possible, in order that his friends may 
 be less likely to desert Mm ; for I often hear one man saying 
 that his friend has abandoned him, and another, that a person 
 whom he thought to be his friend has preferred a mina to 
 him. S. I am considering, accordingly, whether, as one sells 
 a bad-slave, and parts with him for whatever he will fetch, so 
 it may be advisable to give up a worthless friend, when there 
 is an opportunity of receiving more than he is worth. Good 
 slaves I do not often see sold at all, or good friends aban- 
 doned." 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 What sort of -persons we should choose for our friends, sect. 1-6. How wo 
 may ascertain the characters of men, before we form a ftiendshjp with 
 them, 6, 7. How we may attach men to ub as friends, 8-18. Friendslup 
 can exist only between the good and honorable, 14-19 ; between whom ft 
 will continue to Bubsist in spite of differences of opinion, 19-28. Deduc- 
 tions from the preceding renuprks, 29-39. 
 
 1. He appeared to me, also, to mate his followers wise in 
 examining what sort of persons it was right to attach to 
 
 ' 'VuliyvpeZa.J Kiihner reads Tapyvpia, " money," but without giving 
 any reason for his preference of that reading. I have thought it better 
 to follow the generality of editors 
 
 2 Xlpb lidvTav xPVf'uTuv Kat nopav.'] Tiopav is the conjecture of 
 Portua or Leunclavius, which many editors have adopted instead 
 of the old Tvovav, which Kiihner retains, supposing that it means 
 i''"»< is gained iy labor, agreeably to the saying in ii. 1. 20, "the 
 gffdssellusall good things for labor;" and that vrpd ttovtuv xPV/^avav 
 Kal novuv may be a proverbial expression. Bat this sense of ffdvav 
 
CHAP. vr. HOW FRIENDS AEB TO BE GAINED. 409 
 
 ceived suoli a suspicion, he would ratter be rendered an 
 enemy, and would repel men fiom him ; as, for instance, if a 
 person were to praise as beautiful, and tall, and strong, one 
 who is conscious that he is short, and deformed, and weak. 
 
 But," added Critobulus, "do you know any other charms?" 
 13. "No," said Socrates, " but I have heard that Peiicles 
 knew many, which he used to chant to the city, and make it 
 love him." "And how did Themistocles make the city love 
 him ?" " Not, by Jupiter, by uttering charms to it, but by 
 conferring' on it some advantage," 14. "You appear to me 
 to mean, Socrates, that if we would attach to us any good 
 person as a friend, we ourselves should be good both in speak- 
 ing and acting."* " And did you think it possible," said Soc- 
 rates, " for a bad person to attach to himself good men as his 
 friends?" 15. "I have seen," rejoined Critobulus, "bad 
 orators become friends to good orators and men bad at com- 
 manding an army becoming fiiends to men eminently good in 
 the military art." 16. "Do you then," said Socrates, "re- 
 garding the subject of which we are speaking," know any 
 persons, who, being themselves useless, can make useM per- 
 sons their fiends V' "No, by Jupiter," rephed Critobulus; 
 " but if it is impossible for a worthless person to attach to him- 
 self good and honorable friends, it becomes now an object of 
 consideration with me, whether it is possible for one who is 
 himself honorable and good, to become, with ease, a friend 
 to the honorable and good." 17. "What perplexes you, Cri- 
 tobulus, is, that you often see men who are honorable in 
 their conduct, and who refrain from every thing disgraceful, 
 involved, instead of being friends, in dissensions with one 
 another, and showing more severity toward each other than- 
 the worthless part of mankind." 18. "Nor is it only private - 
 persons," rejoined Critobulus, " that act in this manner, but 
 even whole communities, which have the greatest regard for 
 
 ' nepjo^of.] An expression borrowed from witchcraft or sorcery, 
 when an amulet, or any thing supposed to have a fascinating power, is 
 applied or attached to ihe person, and termed, In conseguence, -KepiarcTov 
 and irepia/i/io, as is justly observed by Ernesti. Schneider. 
 
 " 'AyoiSoOf ?i4yuv tb Kai wpuTTEM',] Eeferring, as Ooray and Hefbst 
 think, to the eloquence of Pericles, and the exploits pf Themis- 
 tocles. 
 
 ' Jlepl oi Sia^tyofi^c-] Socrates wishes to recall the attention of 
 Critobulus to the subject immediately under discussion. Kiihner. 
 
 VOL. 1. 18 
 
410 MEMOEABtLlA OP SOORATKS. bookh, 
 
 what is honorable, and are least inclined to any thing disgrace- 
 ful, are often hostilel j disposed toward one another. 
 
 19. When I reflect on these diiferences," continued Crito- 
 bulus, " I am quite in despair about the acquisition of friends, 
 for I see that the bad can not be friends with one another; 
 for how can the ungrateful, or careless, or avaricious, or 
 faithless, or intemperate, be friends to each other? indeed the 
 bad apipear to me to be altogether disposed by nature to be 
 mutual enemies rather than fidends. SO. Again, the bad, as 
 you observe, can never harmonize in friendship with the good ; 
 for bow can those who commit bad actions be friends with 
 those who abhor such actions ? And yet, if those also who 
 practice virtue fall into dissensions with one another about 
 pre-eminence in their re^ective communities, and even hat« 
 each other through envy, who will ever be friends, or among 
 what class of mankind shall affection and attachment be 
 found?" 21. "But these affections act in various ways," re- 
 joined Socrates, " for men have by nature inclinations to 
 attachment, since they stand in need of each other, and feel 
 compassion for each other, alid co-operate for mutual benefit, 
 and, being conscious that such is the case, have a sense of 
 gratitude toward one another; but they have also propen- 
 sities to enmity, for such as think the same objects honor- 
 able and desirable, engage in contention for them, and, divided 
 in feelings, become enemies. Disputations and anger lead to 
 war ; the desire of aggrandizement excites ill-will ; and envy 
 is followed' by hatred. 22. But, nevertheless, fiiendship, in- 
 sinuating itself through all these hinderances, unites together 
 the honorable and good ; fbr such characters, through affec- 
 tion for virtue, prefer the enjoyment of a moderate competency 
 without strife, to the attainment of unlimited power by means 
 of war ; they can endure hunger and thirst without discon- 
 tent, and take only a fair share of meat and drink, and, 
 though delighted with the attractions of youthful beauty, 
 they can control themselves, so as to forbear from offending 
 those whom they ought not to offend. 23. By laying aside 
 all avaricious feelings too, they can not' only be satisfied with 
 their lawful share of the common property, but can even 
 assist one another." They can settle their differences, not 
 only without mutual offense, but even to their mutual benefit. 
 They can prevent their anger from going so far as to cause 
 
CHAP. VI. GOOD M15N DISPOSED TO PEIENDSSIP. 411 
 
 them repentance ; and envy they entirely bahish, by sharing 
 their own property with their friends, and considering that of 
 their friends as their own. 
 
 24. " How, then, can it be otherwise than natural, that 
 the honorable and good should be sharers in political dis- 
 tinctions, not only without detriment, but even with advan- 
 tage to each other? Those indeed who covet honor and 
 power in states, merely that they may be able to embezzle 
 money, to do violence to others, and to live a life of luxury, 
 must be regarded as unprincipled and abandoned characters, 
 and incapable of harmonious union with other men. 25. But 
 when a person wishes to attain' honors in a community, in 
 c?Eder, not merely that he may not suffer wrong himself, but 
 that he may assist his friends as far as is lawful, and may 
 endeavor, in his term of office, to do some service to his 
 country, why should he not, being of such a character, form 
 a close union with another of similar character 1 Will he be 
 less able to benefit his friends if he unite himself with the 
 honorable and good, or will he be less able to serve his coun- 
 try if he have the honorable and good ' for his colleagues ? 
 26. In the public games, indeed, it is plain, that if the strong- 
 est were allowed to imite and attack the weaker, they would 
 conquer in aU the contests, and carry off all the prizes; and 
 accordingly people do not permit them, in those competitions, 
 to act in such a manner ; but since, in pohtical affairs,' in 
 which honorable and good men rule, no one hinders another 
 from serving his country in concert with whomsoever he 
 pleases, how can it be otherwise than profitable for him to 
 conduct affairs with the best men as his friends, having these 
 as colleagues and co-operators, rather than antagonists, in his 
 proceedings ? 27. It is evident, too, that if one man com- 
 mences hostilities against another, he will need allies, and will 
 need a great number of them, if he oppose the honorable and 
 good ; and those who consent to be his allies must be well 
 treated by him, that they may be zealous in his interests ; 
 and it is much better for him to serve the best characters, 
 who are the fewer, than the inferior, who are more numerous ; 
 for the bad require far more favours than the good. 28. 
 
 ^ 'EtteI ovv 1-keI fi^v oitK iuai. tovto Tvocelv, t'V cJ^ toTq TToAtriKotf, k, t, 
 X.] " Since, accordingly, they do not permit to act so there {i. e , in the 
 public games), but iu political affairs," etc. 
 
412 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. book ii. 
 
 But strive with good courage, Critobulus," he continued, 
 " to be good yourself, and, having become so, endeavor to 
 gain the friendship of men of honor and virtue. Perhaps I 
 myself also may be able to assist you in this pursuit of the 
 honorable and virtuous, from being naturajly disposed to 
 love, for, for whatever persons I conceive a liking, I devote 
 myself with ardor, and withj my whole mind, to love them, 
 and be loved in return by them, regretting their absence to 
 have mine regretted by them, and longing for their society 
 while they on the other hand long for mine. 29. I know- that 
 you also must cultivate such feelings, whenever you desire to 
 form a friendship with any person. Do not conceal from my 
 knowledge, therefore, the persons to whom you may wish to 
 become a friend ; for, from my carefulness to please those 
 who please me, I do not thipk that I am unskilled in the art of 
 gaining men's affections." 
 
 30. "Indeed, Socrates,'' replied Critobulus, "I have long 
 desired to receive such instructions as yours, especially if the 
 same knowledge will have effect at once on those who are 
 amiable in mind, and handsome in person." 31. "But, Crito- 
 bulus," replied Socrates, " there is nothing in the knowledge 
 that I communicate to make those who are handsome in per- 
 son endure him who lays hands upon them ; for I am per- 
 suaded that men shrunk from Scylla because she offered to 
 put her hands on them ; while every one, they say, was ready 
 to listen to the Sirens, and were enchanted as they listened, 
 because they laid hands on no one, but sang to all men from a 
 distance." 32, " On the Understanding, theii, that I shall lay 
 myhands on no one," said Critobulus, " tell me if you know any 
 effectual means for securing friends." "But will you never,'' 
 asked Socrates, " apply your Ups to theirs ?" " Be of good 
 courage, Socrates," said Critobulus, " for I will never apply 
 my lips to those of any person, unless that person be beauti- 
 ful." "You -have now said," rejoined Socrates, the exact 
 contrary to what vrill promote your object ; for the beautiful' 
 ■will not allow such liberties, though the deformed receive 
 them with pleasure, thinking that they are accounted beau- 
 tiful for their mental qualities." 33. " As I shall caress the 
 beautiful, then," said Critobulus, " and caress the good with 
 
 1 KaAo/.] Socrates plays on the word fe^ot, whioh referred, as Borne- 
 mann observes, both to beauty of person and beauty of mind. 
 
CHAP. VI. ^FPECTS OF JUDICIOUS PRAISE. 413 
 
 tlie utmost ardor, teach me, -with confidence, the art of at- 
 taching my friends to me." "When, therefore, Oritobulus," 
 said Socrates, " you wish to become a friend to any one, will 
 you permit me to say to him concerning you, that you admire 
 him, and desire to be his friend ?" " You may say so," an- 
 swered Critobi^lus, "for I have never known any one dislike 
 those who praised him." 34. " But if I say of you, in addition, 
 that, because you admire him, you feel kindly disposed to- 
 ward him, will you not think that felse information is given 
 of you by me ?" " No : for a kind feeling springs up in my- 
 self also toward those -whom I regard as kindly disposed 
 toward me." 35. "Such information, th6n," contimied So- 
 crates, " I may communicate regarding you to such as you 
 may wish to make your. friends ; but if you enable me also to 
 say concerning you, that you are attentive to your friends ; 
 that you delight in nothing so much as in the possession of 
 good friends ; that you pride yourself on the honorable con- 
 duct of your friends not less than on your own ; that you 
 rejoice at the good fortune of your Mends not less than at 
 your own ; that you are never weary of contriving means by 
 which good fortune may come to your friends ; and that you 
 think it the great virtue of a man to surpass his friends in do- 
 ing them good and his enemies in doing them harm, I think 
 that I shall be a very useftd assistant to you in gaining the 
 affections of worthy friends." 36. "But why,!' said Orito- 
 bulus, "do you say this to me, as if you were not at liberty to 
 say of me any thing you please 3" " No, by Jupiter," replied 
 Socrates ; " I have no such liberty, according to a remark that 
 I once heard from Aspasiaj for she said that skillful match- 
 makers, by reporting with truth good points of character, had 
 great influence in leading people to form unions, but that those 
 who said what was feilse, did no good by their praises, for that 
 such as were deceived hated each other and the match-maker 
 alike ; and as I am persuaded that this opinion is correct, I 
 think that I ought not to say, when I praise you, any thing 
 that I can not utter with truth." 37. "You are, therefore," 
 returned Oritobulus, " a friend of such a kind to me, Socrates, 
 as to assist me, if I have myself any qualities adapted to gain 
 friends ; but if not, you would not be willing to invent any 
 thing to serve me." "And whether, Oritobulus," said Soc- 
 rates, "should I appear TO serve you more by extolling you 
 
414 MEMORASILU OP SOOftATES. BOOK n. 
 
 with false praises, or by persuaditig' you to endeavor to be- 
 come a truly deserving man? 38. If this point is Hot clear to 
 you, consider it with the following illustrations : If, wishing 
 to make the owner of a ship your friend, I should praise 
 you falsely to him, proliouncing you a skillful pilot,- and he, 
 believing me, should intrust his ship to. you to steer when you 
 are incapable of steering it, would you have any expectation 
 that you would not destroy both yourself and the ship ? Or if, 
 by false representations, I should persuade the state, publicly, 
 to intrust itself to you as a man skilled in mihtary tactics, in 
 judicial proceedings, or in political affairs, what do you think 
 that yourself and Qie state would suffer at your hands ? Or if, 
 in private intercourse, I should induce any of the citizens, by 
 unfounded statements, to commit their property to your care, 
 as being a good and dihgent manager, would you not, when 
 you came to give proof of your abilities, be convicted of dis- 
 honesty, and make yourself appear ridiculous! 39. But the 
 shortest, and safest, and best way, Critobulus, is to strive to 
 be r eally good in that in which you wish to be thought good., 
 "yVTiatever are called virtues among mankind, you will find, oni 
 consideration, capable of being increased by study and exer-| 
 else. I am of opinion, that it is in accordance with these 
 sentiments, that we ought to endeavor to acquire friends ; if 
 you know any other way, make me acquainted with it." " I 
 should be indeed ashamed," replied Critobulus, "to say any 
 thing in opposition to such an opinion ; for I shoidd say what 
 was neither honorable nor true." 
 
 CHAPTER Vn. 
 
 Socrates endeavored to alleviate the neceasities of his friends hy his instmc- 
 tions, and by exhorting them to assist each other. In tliis chapter it is 
 partjoularly shown that any person of liberal education may, when op- 
 pressed by poverty, honorably lise his talents and accomplishments ior 
 Mb support. 
 
 1. Such difficulties of his friends as arose from ignorance, 
 he endeavored to remedy by his counsel; such as sprung 
 from poverty, by admonishing them to assist each other ac- 
 cording to their means. With reference to this point, I will 
 
CHAP. VII. NECESSITY OF LABOR. 415 
 
 relate -what I know of him from having been an eai-witness of 
 ■what he said. 
 
 Observing Aristarchus,' on one occasion looking gloomily^ 
 " You seem," said he, " Aristarchus, to be taking something to 
 heart; but you ought to impart the cause of your uneasiness 
 to your friends ; for perhaps we may by some means lighten 
 it." 2. ■"! am indeed, Socrates," replied Aristarchus, "in 
 great perplexity ; for since the city has been disturbed,' and 
 many of our people have fled to the Piraeeus, my surviving 
 sisters, and nieces, and cousins have gathered about me in 
 such numbers, that there are now in my house fourteen free- 
 born persons.^ At the same time, we receive no profit from 
 our lands, for the enemy are in possession of them ; nor any 
 rent from our houses, for but few inhabitants are left in the 
 city ; no one will buy our furniture, nor is it possible to bor- 
 row money from any quarter ; a person, indeed, as it seems to 
 me, would sooner find money by seeking it on the road, than 
 get it by borrowing it. It is a grievous Aing to me, therefore, 
 to leave my relations to perish; and it is impossible for me to 
 support such a number under such circumstances." 3. Soc- 
 rates, on hearing this, repUed, "And how is it that Cerar 
 mon,' yonder, though m^ntaining a great number of people, 
 is not only able to procure what is necessary for himself and 
 them, but gains so much more, also, as to be positively rich, 
 while you, having many to support, are afraid lest you should 
 all perish for want of necessaries?" "Because, assuredly," 
 rephed Aristarchus, " he mantains slaves, while I have to 
 support free-born persons." 4. " And which of lie two," in- 
 quired Socrates, " do you consider to be the better, the free- 
 born persons that are with you, or the slaves that are with 
 Ceramon ?" " I consider the free persons with me as the 
 
 'Nothing more ia known of him than is here mentioned. Kuhner. 
 
 "• When Lysander had taken the city, and established the Thirty- 
 Tyrants, those who sought to restore the democracy and regain their 
 ancient liberty, occupied the Piraeeus under the leadership of Thrasy- 
 bulus, and began to make war on the supporters of the oligarchy. See 
 Xen. Hellen. ii. 4. Sehneideir. 
 
 ' Toic i^ev^epovc.] Observe the force of the. article: " Fourteen, and 
 those free persons, to say nothing of slaves." Ernesti. 
 
 * 'O Kepu/iuv.] He is nowhere else mentioned. The article ia here 
 ngod Semnitaf, Geraman Hie, *Xiihner 
 
416 MEMORABILIA OE SOCRATES. book n. 
 
 better." " Is it not then a disgrace that he should gain abund- 
 ance by means of the inferior sort, and that you should be 
 in difficulties while having with you those of the better 
 class ?" " Such certainly is the case ; but it is not at all 
 ■wonderful ; for' he supports artisans ; but I, persons of liberal 
 education." 6. " Artisans, then," asked Socrates, " are per- 
 sons that know how to make something useful 2" " Unques- 
 tionably," replied Aristarchus. "Is barley-meal, then, use- 
 ful?" "Very." "Is bread'" "Not less so." "And are 
 men's and women's garments, coats, cloaks, and mantles, use- 
 ful?" "They are all extremely useful." "And do those 
 who are residing with you then, not know how to make any 
 of these things V " They know how to make them all, as I 
 believe." 6. " And are you not aware that from the manu- 
 facture of one of these articles, that of barley-meal, Nau- 
 sicydes' supports not only himself and his household but a 
 great number of swine and oxen besides, and gains, i;ideed, so 
 much more than he wants, that he often even assists the govern- 
 ment with his money ? Are you not aware that Cyrebus, by 
 making bread, maintains his whole household, and lives luxu- 
 riously; that Demea, of Collytus,^ supports himself by mak- 
 ing cloaks, Menon by making woolen cloaks, and that most 
 of the Megarians live by making mantles?" "Certainly 
 they do," said Aristarchus ; " for they purchase barbarian 
 slaves and- keep them, in order to force them to do what they 
 please ; but I have with me free-born persons and relatives." 
 7. "Then," added Socrates, "because they are free and re- 
 lated to you, do you think that they ought to do nothing else 
 but eat and sleep ? Among other free persons, do you see that 
 tiiose who live thus' spend their time more pleasantly, and do 
 you consider them happier, than those who practice the arts 
 which they know, and which are useful to support life ? Do 
 
 ' N^ AP, Ifri, K. T. ^.] I have been obliged to supply some viprds 
 here, which it is absolutely necessary to understand, if we adhere, with 
 Kuhner, to the reading N^ Ai'. " Profecto iEe in abundautiA vivit, ego 
 in egest&te ; neque id mirum «st, nam," etc. Finck apyid Ku?mer. Zeune 
 and Schneider would read negatively /li Ai'. " No, indeed, it is jiot 
 at all disgraceful, for," etc. ; a change which I can not but think would 
 much improve the passage. 
 
 2 By the Scholiast on Aristoph. Eocl. 426, he is called d^<piTa/ioi66i. 
 Stan, Lex. Zen. 
 
 ' One of the boroughs or diatriots into* which Attica was divided. 
 
CHAP. Til. ADVANTAGES OP INDUSTRY. 417 
 
 you find that . idleness and carelessness are serviceable to man- 
 kind, either for learning what it becomes them to know, 
 or for remembering what they have learned, or for maintain- 
 ing the health and strength of their bodies, or for acquiring 
 and preserving what is useful for the support of life, and that 
 industry and diligence are of no service at all ? 8. And as to 
 the arts which you say they know, whether did they learn 
 them as being useless to maintain life, and with the in- 
 tention of never practicing any of them, or, on the contrary, 
 with a view to occupy themselves about them, and to reap 
 profit from them ? In which condition will men be more 
 temperate, living in idleness, or attending to useful employ- 
 ments ? In which condition vrill they be more honest, if they 
 work, or if they sit in idleness meditating how to procure 
 necessaries 3 9. Under present circumstances, as I should sup- 
 pose, you neither feel attached to youi- relatives, nor they to 
 you, for you find them burdensome to you, and they see that 
 you are anooyed with their company. For such feeUngs there 
 is danger that dislike may" grow stronger and stronger, and 
 that previous friendly inolinatLon may be diminished. But if 
 you take them under your direction, so that they may be em- 
 ployed, you will love them, when you see that they are serv- 
 iceable to you, and they will grow attached to you, when they 
 find that you feel satisfaction in their society ; and remember- 
 ing past services with greater pleasure, you will increase the 
 friendly feeUng resulting from them, and consequently grow 
 more attached and better disposed toward each other. 10. If, 
 indeed, they were going to employ themselves in any thing 
 dishonorable, death would be preferable to it; but the ac- 
 complishments which they know, are, as it appears, such as 
 are most honorable and becoming to women ; and all people 
 execute what they know with the greatest ease and expedition, 
 and with the utmost credit and pleasure. Do not hesitate, 
 therefore," concluded Socrates, " to recommend to them this 
 line of conduct, which will benefit both you and them ; and 
 they, as it is probable, will cheerfully comply with your 
 wishes." 11. "By the gods," exclaimed Aristarchus, "you 
 seem to me to give such excellent advice, Socrates, that 
 though hitherto I did not like to borrow money, knowing that, 
 when I had spent what I got, I should have no means of repay- 
 
 18* 
 
418 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. book ii. 
 
 ing It, I now think that I can endure to do so, in order to gain 
 the necessary means of conunenciilg work." 
 
 12, The necessary means were accordingly provided ; wool 
 ■was bought; and the women took their dinners as they con- 
 tinued at work, and supped when they had finished their 
 tasks ; they became cheerful instead of gloomy in countenance, 
 
 ' and, instead of regarding each other with disUke, met the looks 
 of one another with pleasure; they loved Aristarchus as their 
 protector, and he loved them as being of use to him. At last 
 he came to Socrates, and told him with delight of the state of 
 things in his house ; adding that "the women complained of 
 him as being the only person in the house that ate the bread 
 of idleness." 13. " And do you not tell them," said Socrates, 
 "the fable of the dog ? For they say that when beasts had 
 
 "tbe ikeuiiy ot speech, the sheep said to her master, 'you act 
 strangely, in granting nothing to us who supply you with wool, 
 and lambs, and cheese, except what we get from the ground; 
 while to the dog, who brings you no such profits, you give a 
 share of the food which you take yourself.' 14. The dog, hear- 
 ing these remarks, said, 'And not indeed without reason ; for I 
 am he that protects even yourselves, so that you are neither 
 stolen by men, or carried off by wolves ; while, if I were not 
 to guard you, you would be unable even to feed, for fear lest 
 you should be destroyed.' In consequence it is said that the 
 sheep agreed that the dog should have the superior honor. 
 You, accordingly, tell your relations that you are, in the place 
 of the dog, their guardian and protector, and that, by your 
 means, they work and live in security and pleasure, without 
 suffering injury from' any one." 
 
CHAP, VIIL CONVERSATIOH WITH EUTHEEUS. 419 
 
 CHAPTER Vm. 
 
 Sootates peTsnades Satherns, who was working for hire, to seek Boiiie morB 
 . eligible employment, as his present oocnpalion was not suitedfor old age, 
 and recommends to him the post of steward to some rich man. An 5)- 
 jeetion on the part of Entheras, that he should dislike to have to render 
 an account to a master, Socrates opposes with the remark that there is no 
 offloe in tho world free from responsibility. 
 
 1. Seeing an old friend one day, after a considerable inters 
 val of time, he said, " Whence do y.ou come, Eutherus ?" " I 
 am returned, Socrates," replied Eutherus, "ft'om my retire- 
 ment abroad at the conclusion of the war ;' and I come now 
 from the immediate neighborhood; for since we were robbed 
 of all our possessions beyond the borders,' and my father left 
 me nothilig in Attica, I am obliged to live in the city and 
 work w'ith my own hands to procure the necessaries of life ; 
 but this seems to me better than to ask aid of any body, espe- 
 cially as I have nothing on which I could borrow." 2. " Aid 
 how long," said Socrates, "do you think that your bodily 
 labor will serve to earn what you require ?" " Not very 
 long, by Jupiter," replied Eutherus. " Then," said Socrates, 
 "when you grow older, you will doubtless be in want of 
 money, and no one will be willing to give you wages for your 
 bodily labor." "What you say is true," rejoined Eutherus. 
 3. "It will be better for you, therefore," continued Socrates, 
 " to apply yourself immediately to some employment which 
 will maintain you when you are old, and, attaching yourself 
 to some one of those that have larger fortunes (who requires 
 a person to assist, him), and, superintending his works, help- 
 ing to gather in his fruits, and preserve his property, to benefit 
 him, and to be benefited by him in return." 4. "I should 
 with great reluctance, Socrates," said he, " submit to slavery." 
 " Yet those who have the superintendence in states, and who 
 take care of the public interests, are not the more like slaves 
 on that account, but are thought to have more of the free- 
 
 ' There is no doubt that th& allusion here is to the peace of Therar 
 menes, by which every thing that the Athenians possessed beyond the 
 limits of Attioa was taken iVom them. See Plutarch. Lya. 14. Andoo; 
 ds Pace, 12. Kriiger. 
 
420 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. book ii. 
 
 man." 5. "In a word, however," rejoined Eutherus, "I am 
 not at all willing to make myself liable to any one's censure." 
 " But assuredly, Eutherus," said Socrates, "it is not very easy 
 to find an employment in which a person would not be ex- 
 posed to censure ; for it is difficult to do any thing so as to 
 commit no error ; and it is difficult, even if you have done it 
 without error, to meet with a considerate judge ; for even in 
 the occupation in which you are now engaged I should wonder 
 if it be easy for you to go through it without blame. 6. But 
 you must endeavor to avoid such employers as are given to 
 censure, and seek such as are candid ; to undertake such duties 
 as you are able to do, and to decline such as you can not fulfill ; 
 and to execute whatever you take upon you in the best manner 
 and with the utmost zeal ; for I think that, by such conduct, 
 you will be least exposed to censure, you will most readily find 
 assistance in time of need, and you will live with the greatest 
 ease and freedom from danger, and with the best provision for 
 old age. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Crito; a rich man, complaining that ho is harassed by infonners, Socrates 
 reoommends him to secnre the services of Archedemns, a poor man well 
 sMled in the law, to defend him against them ; a plan by which both are 
 benefited. Archedemus also .assists others, and gains both reputation and 
 emolument. 
 
 1. I KNOW that he also heard Orito once observe, how 
 difficult it was for a man who wished to mind his own busi- 
 ness to live at Athens.' " For at this very time," added he, 
 " there are people bringing actions against me, not because 
 they have suflfered an)' wrong from me, but because they 
 think that I would rather pay them a sum of money than 
 have the trouble of law proceedings." 2. "Tell me, Crito," 
 said Socrates, "do you not keep dogs, that they may driye 
 away the wolves from your sheep?" "Certainly," answered 
 
 ' To live at Athens is said to have been troublesome on account of 
 the sycopJumta, or informers, whom the populace allowed to harass and 
 annoy the richer class, in the belief that such liberty helped to support 
 the democracy. Schneider. 
 
CHAP. IX. AROHEDEMtTS SERVES CRITO. 421 
 
 Crito, " for it is more profitable to me to keep them than not." 
 " Would f ou_ not then be inclined to keep a man also, who 
 would be willing and able to drive away from you those that 
 try to molest you ?" " I would with pleasure," returned Crito, 
 "if I were not afraid that he would turn against me." 3. 
 "But do you not see," said Socrates, "that it would be much 
 more pleasant for him to serve himself by gratifying such a 
 man as you than by incurring your enmity. And be assured 
 that there are such characters here, who would be extremely 
 ambitious -to have you for a friend." 
 
 4. In consequence of this conversation, they fixed upon i 
 Archedemus, a man of great ability both in speaking* and! 
 acting, but poor; for he was not of a character to make 1 
 money by every means, but was a lover of honesty, and a 
 person of superior mind, so that he could draw money from 
 the informers." Crito, therefore, whenever he gathered in ' 
 his corn, or oil, or wine, or wool, or any thing else that grew 
 on his land, used to select a portion of it, and give it to Ar- 
 chedemus ; and used to invite him whenever he sacrificed," 
 and paid him attention in every similar way. 5. Archedemus, 
 accordingly, thinking that Crito's house would be a place of 
 refuge for him, showed him mUch respect, and quickly dis- 
 covered, on the part of Crito's accusers, many illegal acts, 
 and many persons who were enemies to those accusers, one of 
 whom lie summoned to a public trial, in which it would be 
 settled what he should suffer or pay.' 6. This person, being 
 conscious of many crimes, tried every means to get out of the 
 hands of Archedemus ; but Archedemus would not let him 
 off, until he ceased to molest Crito, and gave himself a sum 
 of money besides. 
 
 7. When Archedemus had succeeded in this and some 
 
 ' ^iMxpV'^oC '"« 1^^ einjniEqTepos <3v, eJjrd Tuv ovKoipavTuv ^a/i^dvetv.^ 
 Understand iare, " so that he could get the better of the sycophants, 
 and draw money from them, instead of allowing them to practice on 
 Crito." This is the reading of Kiihner; most editions have lipv 
 fi^BTOv ehiai, " he said that it wag very easy to get money from the syco- 
 phants." 
 
 2 When the sacrifloe was ended, an entertainment followed, to which 
 it was usual to invite kinsmen and friends, as a mark of respect. See 
 Bachius ad Hieron. viii. 3. Kuhner. 
 
 ' '0 n iel ■na&elv ij ditoTlaaii\ A legal expression, ■na^elv referring 
 to corporal punishment, uTrorlaai to a pecuniary fine. 
 
422 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. book ir. 
 
 other similar proceedings, then, as when any shepherd has a 
 good dog, other shepherds wish to station their flocks near 
 him, in order to have the benefit of his dog, so likewise many 
 of the friends of Crito begged him to lend them the services 
 of Archedemus as a protector. 8. Archedemus willingly 
 gratified Crito in this respect, and thus not only Crito himself 
 was left at peace, but his friends. And if any of those with 
 whom he was at variance taunted him with receiving favors 
 from Crito, and paying court to him, Archedemus would ask, 
 " whether is it disgraceful to be benefited by honest men, 
 and to make them your fidends by serving them in return, 
 and to be at variance with the unprincipledj or to make the 
 honorable and good your enemies by trying to wrong them, 
 and to make the bad your friends by co-operating with them, 
 and associate with the vicious instead of the virtuous?" From 
 this time Archedemus was one of Crito's friends, and was 
 honored by the other friends of Crito. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 SSorates exhorts Diodorus, a ricli man, to aid his friend Hermogenes, who 
 is in extreme poverty. A man endeavors to preserve the life of a slave, 
 and ought surely to nse greater exertions to save a friend, who will well 
 repay our kindness, 
 
 1. I AM aware that he also held a conversation with Dio- 
 dorus, one of his followers, to the following effect. "Tell 
 me, Diodorus," said he, " if one of your slaves runs away, do 
 you use any care to recover him ?" 2. " Yes, indeed," an- 
 swered he, " and I call others to my aid, by ofiering rewards 
 for capturing him." "And if any of your slaves falls ill," 
 continued Socrates, " do you pay any attention to him, and 
 call in medical men, that he may not die 3" " Certainly," 
 replied the other. "And if any one of your friends, wha is 
 far more valuable to you than all your slaves, is in danger of 
 perishing of want, do you not think that it becomes you to 
 take care of him, that his life may be saved ? 3. But you are 
 not ignorant that Hermogenes is not ungrateful, and would 
 be ashamed,- if, after being, assisted by you, he were not to 
 serve you in return ; and indeed to secure such a supporter as 
 
CHAP. I. ON CHARITY. ON DOING OtJR DtTTY. 423 
 
 he, willing, well-disposed, steady, and not only able to do what 
 he is direeted, but capable of being useful of himself, and of 
 taking forethought, and forming plans for you, I consider 
 equivalent to the value of many slaves. 4. Good economists 
 say that you ought to buy, when you can purchase for a little 
 what is worth much ; but now, in consequence of the troubled 
 state of affairs, it is possible to obtain good friends at a very 
 easy rate." 5. "You say well, Socrates," rejoined Diodorus; 
 " and therefore tell Hermogenes to come to me." " No, by 
 Jupiter," said Socrates, " I shall not ; for I think it not so 
 honorable for you to send for him as to go yourself to 
 him ; nor do I consider it a greater benefit to him than to 
 you that this intercourse should take place." 6. Diodorus 
 accordingly went to IJermogenes, and secured, at no great 
 expense, a friend who made it his business to consider by 
 what words or deeds he could profit or please Diodorus. 
 
 BOOK in. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Socrates used to exhort those who aspired to publio offices to learn the duties 
 that would he required in them. The duties of a military commander, 
 and his responsibilities, sect. 1-5. He must know many things besides 
 HuJitary tactics, 6-11. 
 
 1. I WILL now show that Socrates was of great service to 
 those who aspired to posts of honor,' by rendering them 
 attentive to the duties of the offices which they sought. 
 
 Having heard that Dionysodorus' had arrived at the city, 
 oflfering to teach the art of a general, he said to one of those 
 who were with him, whom he observed to be desirous of 
 obtaining that honor in the state, 2. " It is indeed unbe- 
 coming, young man, that he who wishes to be commander of 
 
 1 Tuv Ka^uv.'] TtL Kaid are here munera pablica, honores. See Weiske 
 ad h. L, and Haas, ad lib. de Rep. Lao. p,95, seq. Kuhner. 
 
 s A native of Chios, and brother of Euthydemus. He first taught 
 the maitary art at Athens, and then devoted himself to the profession: 
 of the Sophists. Seft Cobet, Prosopogr. Xen, p. 38. Kvhnm: 
 
424 MEMORABILIA OF SO0RATE3. book m. 
 
 an army in his country should neglect to learn the duties of 
 that office when he has an opportunity of learning them ; and 
 such a person -would be far more justly punished by his coun- 
 iry than one who should contract to make statues for it, 
 when he had not learned to make them ; 3. for as the whole 
 state, in the perils of wai, is intrusted to the care of the 
 general, it is likely that great ■ advantages will occur if he act 
 well, and great evils if he fall into . error. How, then, would 
 not he, who neglects to learn the duties of the office, while he 
 is eager to be elected to it, be deservedly punished?" By 
 making such observations, he induced the young man to go 
 and learn. * 
 
 4. When, after having learned, he returned to Socrates again, 
 he began to joke upon him, sayiag, " Since Homer, my 
 friends, has represented Agamemnon as dignified,' does not 
 this yoimg man, after learning to be a general, seem to you to 
 look more dignified than before ? For as he who has learned 
 to play the Jyre is a lyrist, though he msiy not use the instru- 
 ment, and he who has learned the art of healing is a physician, 
 though he may not practice his art, so this youth will from 
 henceforth be a general, though no one may elect him to com- 
 mand ; but he who wants the proper knowledge is neither 
 general nor physician, even though he be chosen to act as 
 such by all the people in the world. 5, But," he continued, 
 " in order that we may have a better knowledge of the mili- 
 tary art, in case any one of us should have to command a 
 troop or com|)any under you, tell us how he began to teach 
 you generalship t" "He began," replied the youth, "with 
 the same thing -with which he ended ; for he taught me 
 tactics, and nathing else." 6. "But," said Socrates, "how 
 small a pa^t of the qualifications of a general is this 1 For a 
 general must be sMllful in preparing what is necessary for 
 war, able' in seciuing provisions for his troops, a man of great 
 contrivance and ^tivity, careful, persevering, and sagacious; 
 Bnd, and yet severe ; open, yet crafty ; careful of his own, 
 yet ready to steal from others ; profuse, yet rapacious ; lavish 
 of presents, yet eager to acquire money ; cautious, yet enter- 
 prising; and many other qualities there are, both natural and 
 - acquired, which he, who would fill the office of general with 
 abihty, must possess. 1. It is good, indeed, to be skilled in 
 
 ' Tepapiv. lU iii 111. ^ Compare Oyrop. i. 6, 12, aeqq. 
 
CHAP. I. THE DUTIES OF A GENERAL. 425 
 
 tactics; for a •well-arranged army is very different from a 
 disorderly one ; as stones and bricks, -wood and tiles, if thrown 
 together in confusion, are of no use whatever ; but when the 
 stones and tiles, materials not likely to rot or decay, are 
 placed at the bottom and the top, and the bricks and wood 
 are arranged in the middle (as in building), a house, which is 
 a valuable piece of property, is formed." ' 8. " What you have 
 said, Socrates," rejoined the youth, " is an exact illustration 
 of our practice; for in the field of battle we must place the 
 bravest troops in the front and rear, and the cowardly in the 
 middle, that they may be led on by those before them, and 
 pushed forward by those behind." " 9. " If indeed he has 
 taught you to distinguish the brave and cowardly," rejoined 
 Socrates, " that rule may be of use ; but if not, what profit is 
 there in what ypu have learned ? for if he ordered you, in 
 . arranging a number of coins, to lay the best first and last, 
 and the worst in the middle, and gave you no instructions 
 how to distinguish the good and bad, his orders to you would 
 be to no purpose." " But indeed," he replied, " he did not 
 teach me this ; so that we must distinguish the brave from 
 the cowardly ourselves."' 10. " Why should we not consider 
 then," said Socrates, " how we may avoid mistakes as to that 
 matter ?" " I am willing," returned" the young man. " E 
 then we had to capture a sum of money, and were to place 
 the most covetous men in front, should we not arrange them 
 properly?" "It appears so to me." "And what must 
 generals do when entering on a periloxis enterprise ? Must 
 they nof place the most ambitious in front?" "They at 
 least " said the young man, " are those who are ready to 
 brave danger for the sake of praise; and they are by no 
 means difficult to discover, but will be every where con- 
 spicuous and easy to be selected." * 11. "But did your in- 
 
 • Compare Oyrop. vi. 3, 25. 
 
 s See Cvrop. vii. 5. 5. Aa Homer, XL iv. 291, Bays of Nestor, 
 The horse and ohariota to the front assign'd, 
 The foot (the strength of war) he rang'd behind; 
 The middle space suspected troops supply, 
 ■ Inolos'd by both, nor left the power to fly. Pope. 
 3 So that if we have to decide which are good, and which bad, we 
 must make the decision for ourselves. Kuhner. 
 
 * These remarks on the easiness of discovering the ambitious, are 
 given to the young man by Schneider, Kuhner, and, I believe, all other 
 
426 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. book ra. 
 
 structor," inqidred Socrates, " teach you. to arrange an army, 
 merely, or did he tell you for what purpose, and in what 
 manner, you must employ each division of your forces?" 
 " Not at all," replied he. " Yet there are maijy occasions, 
 on which it is not proper to draw up an annyj or to conduct 
 it, in the same way." " But, by Jupiter, he gave me no ex- 
 planation as to such occasions." " Go, again, then, by all 
 means," said Socrates, "and question him; for if- he knows, 
 and is not quite shameless, he will blush, after taking your 
 money, to send you away in ignorance." 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 A good general onght to take measures, for the safety, maintenance, and 
 saccesB of his troops ; and not to study his own honor alone, but that 
 of his whole army. 
 
 1. Ha VINO met, on some occasion, a person who had been 
 elected general, Socrates said to him, "Why is it, do you 
 think, that Homer has styled Agamemnon ' Shepherd of the 
 people?' Is it not for this reason, that as a shepherd must 
 be careful that his sheep be safe, and have food, and the ob- 
 ject may be effected . for which they are kept, so a general 
 must take care that his soldiers be safe, and have provisions, 
 and that the object be effected for which they serve ? and 
 they serve, no doubt, that they may increase their gratifloa- 
 tiona by conquering the enemy. 2. Or why has he praised 
 Agamemnon in the following manner, saying that he was 
 
 Both characters, a good king, and an efficient warrior! ' 
 
 Does he not mean that he would not have been " an efficient 
 warrior " if he had fought courageously alone against the 
 enemy, and if he had not been the cause of courage to his 
 whole army ; and that he would not have been " a good king," 
 if he had attended to his own subsistence only, and had not 
 been the cause of comfort to those over whom he ruled ? 3. 
 
 editors ; but it might be inquired whether they are not more suitable to 
 the character of Socrates, to whom Sarah Fielding has taken the liberty 
 of giving them. 
 ' IL iii. ITS. 
 
OHAP. m. DUTIES OF A OAVALRT OFFICER. 421 
 
 For a man is chosen Mng, not that he may take good care of 
 himself, but that those -who have chosen him may prosper by 
 his means ; and all men, when they take the field, take it that 
 their lives may be rendered as happy as possible, and choose 
 generals that they may conduct them to the accomplishment 
 of that object. 4. It is incumbent on the leader of an army, 
 therefore, to carry into execution the views of those who have 
 chosen him their leader. Nor is it easy to find any thing more 
 honorable than such exertion, or more disgraceful than an op- 
 posite course of conduct." 
 
 Thus considering what was the merit of a good leader, he 
 omitted other points in his character, and left only this, that he 
 should render those whom he eommemded happy. 
 
 CHAPTER m. 
 
 The duty of a obtiimandci' of cavalry is twofold, to iuiprove the condition 
 
 Tjoth of his men and his horses ; and not to leave the care of the horses to 
 
 . the troops, sect. 1-i. How he should train his men, and how he should 
 
 ■ te himself qualified to do so, 5-lb. He should acquire oratorial power, 
 
 that he may incite his men to exertion, and flro theni with the desire of 
 
 glory, 11-15. 
 
 1. I REMEMBKR that he held a dialogue with a person who 
 had been chosen Hipparch,' to the following purport : " Could 
 you tell in6, young man," said he, "with what object you de- 
 sired to be a Hipparch ? It certainly was not for the sake of rid- 
 ipg first among me cavalry ; for the horse-archers are honored 
 with that dignity, as they ride even before the Hipparchs." 
 "You say the truth," said the youth. "Nor was it, 
 surely, for the sake of being noticed, for even madmen are 
 n&ticed by every iDody." " You say the truth in that respect 
 also." 2. " But was it, then, that you expect to' render the 
 cavalry better, and present them in that condition to your 
 country, and that, if there shpuld be need for the services of 
 
 1 There were at Athena two Innapxoi, or commanders of the horse,, 
 who had supreme authority over the cavalry, hut were subject to the 
 orders of the ten aTpdrtiyoi, or commanders of the infantry. The duties of 
 a Hipparch, Xenophon has described in his treatise entitled 'iTzitapxtKoq. 
 Kiihner. 
 
428 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. book ih, 
 
 cavaby, you hope, as their leader, to be the author of some 
 advantage to the state ?" " I do hope so, certainly." " And 
 it will be truly honorable to you," continued Socrates, " if 
 you are able to effect that object. But the office, to whieh 
 you have been chosen, takes charge of both the horses and 
 riders?" " It does so,". said the young man. 3. " Gome then, 
 tell me this first of all, how you propose to render the horses 
 better?" "That," replied tiia other, "I do not consider to 
 be my business ; for I think that each man, individually, must 
 take care or his own horse." 4. " If, then," said Socrates, 
 " some of the men should present their horses brfore you so 
 diseased in the feetj so weak in the legs, or so feeble in body, 
 and' others, theirs so ill-fed, that they could not follow you ; 
 others, theirs so unmanageable, that they would not remain 
 where you posted them ; others, theirs so vicious that it 
 would not ,be possible to post them at all ; what would be 
 the use of such cavalry to you ? Or how would you be able, 
 at the head of them, to be of any service to your country ?". 
 " You admonish me well," said the youth, " and I will try 
 to look to the horses as far as may be in my power." 5. 
 "And will you not also endeavor," asked Socrates, "to make 
 the riders better ?" " I will," said he. " You will first of 
 all, then, make them more expert in mounting their horses." 
 " I ought to do so ; for if any of them should fall off, they 
 would thus be better prepared to recover themselves." 6. 
 " If, then," said Socrates, " you should be obliged to hazard 
 an engagement, whether will you order your men to bring 
 the enemy down to the level sand' on which you have been 
 accustomed to ride, or will you try to exercise them on such, 
 ground as that on which the enemy may show themselves ?" 
 " The latter method will be the "better," said the young man. 
 7. " Will you also take any care that the greatest possible 
 number of your men may be able to hurl the dart on horse- 
 back ?" " That wiU be better, too," replied he. " And have 
 you considered how to whet the courage of your cavalry, 
 since you intend to make them more courageous, and animate 
 them against the enemy !" " If I have not yet considered," 
 
 ' The cavalry were exercised on level ground strewed with sand ; 
 hence such places were called dfi/idSpo/wu See Lexio. apud Ruhnk. ad 
 TimsBum, p. 23, ed. ii. Sc}mei(jler. See also Eipparch. t 6, and Schneider 
 ad Hipporoh. iii. 10, 
 
CHAP. lu. DUTIES OF A CA VALET OFPICEE.. 429 
 
 said he, " I -will now try to do so." 8. " And liave you at all 
 considered how your cavalry may be induced to obey you ? 
 For without obedience you will hare no profit either from 
 horses or horsemen, spirited and valiant as they may be." 
 " You say the truth, Socrates," said he ; " but by what means 
 can a leader most efiectually induce them to obedience ?" 
 9. "You are doubtless aware that in all circumstances men 
 most willingly obey those whom they consider most able to 
 direct ; for in sickness patients obey him whom they think 
 the best physician ; on shipboard, the passengers obey him 
 whom they think the best pilot, and in agriculture, people 
 pbey him whom they deem the best husbandman." "Unques- 
 tionably," said the young man. "Is it not then likely," said 
 ^cerates, " that in horsemanship also, others will be most will- 
 ing to obey him who appears to know best what be ought 
 to do ?" 10. "If, therefore, Socrates, I should myself appear 
 the best horseman among them, will that circumstance be 
 sufficient to induce them to obey me?" "If you convince 
 them in addition," said Socrates, " that it is better and safer 
 for them to obey you." " How, then, shall I convince them 
 of that ?" " With much more ease," replied Socrates, " than 
 if you had to convince them that bad things are better and 
 more profitable than good." 11. " You mean," said the young 
 man, " that a commander of cavalry, in addition to his other 
 qualifications, should study to acquire some ability in speak- 
 ing." " And did you think," asked Socrates, " that you would 
 command cavalry by silence ? Have you not reflected,' that 
 whatever excellent principles we have learned according to 
 law,' principles by which we know how to hve, we learned all 
 through the medium of speech ; and that whatever other 
 valuable instruction any person acquires, he acquires it by 
 means of speech likewise ? Do not those who teach best, use 
 speech most ; and those who know the most important truths, 
 discuss them with the greatest eloquence 1 12. Or have you 
 not observed,' that when a band of dancers and musicians is 
 
 1 Nou^.] That is, more et insHiuMa dvitMs. EmestL 
 
 ' The idea is, that though the Athenians excel other people in many 
 
 respects, they excel them in nothing more than in their love of praise. 
 
 If, therefore, you wish to improve the cavalry, you must bestow 
 
 praise and honors upon them as often as they do their duty well. 
 
 Lamge. 
 
430 MEMORABILIA' OP SOCRATES. book m. 
 
 formed from this city, as that, for instance, whicli is sent to 
 Delos,' no one from any other quarter can compete with it ; 
 and that in no other city is manly grace" shown hy num- 
 bers of people like that which is seen here ?" " What you 
 say is true," said he. 13. "But it is Tiot so much in sweet- 
 ness of voice, or in size and Istreftgth of body, that the Athen- 
 ians excel other people, as in ambition, which is the greatest 
 incitement to whatever is honorable and noble." " This also 
 is true," said he. 14. " Do you not think, then," said Soc- 
 rates, " that if any one should study to improve the cavalry 
 here, the Athenians would excel other people in that depart- 
 ment also (as well in the decoration of thisir -arms and horses as 
 in the good order of the men, and in boldly defying danger to 
 encounter the enemy), if they thought that by such means they 
 would acquire praise and honor ?" " It is probable," said the 
 young man. " Do not delay, therefore," added Socrates, " but 
 try to excite your men to those exertions by which you will 
 both be benefited yourself, and your countrymen through your 
 means." " I will assuredly tiy," replied he. 
 
 CHAPTER rV. 
 
 Kicomaohides complaimng that the Athenians had not chosen him general, 
 though he -vras experienced in war, but Antisthenes, who had seen no 
 military servifee, Socrates proceeds to ehOw that Antisthenes, althoogh he 
 had never .filled the office of commander, might have qualities to indicate 
 that he would, fill it T^th success. 
 
 1. Seeing Mcomachides,' one day, coming from the as- 
 sembly for the election of magistrates, he asked him, " Who 
 
 ' The Athenians sent a choms to Delos every year, and a sacred de- 
 putation, in which there was also a chorus, eveiry fifth year, to celebrate 
 games in honor of ApoUo. It is of this deputation that the passage in 
 iv. 8. 2 is to be understood. Weiske. 
 
 2 He refers to the custom of selecting the best-lookihgrnep. both young 
 and old, to walk as ThaUophoH at the Panathensa, or feast of Minerva. 
 See Harpocration sub h. v. ibique Talesius, p. 34. Old men are men- 
 tioned as ThaMophori by Xen. SyiOpoa iv. 17. See Athenseus, lib. •^ii' 
 p. 565. Schneider. 
 
 3 Nothing is said of him elsewhere. Kuhner. 
 
OHAP. IV. GOOD QUALITIES FOR COMMAKD. 43 1 
 
 have been chosen generals, NicomacMdes ?" " Are not the 
 Athenians the same as ever, Socrates?" he replied; "for 
 they have not chosen me, who am worn out with serving on 
 the list,' both as captain and centurion," and with having re- 
 ceived so many wounds from the enemy (he then drew aside 
 his robe, and showed the scars of the wounds), but have 
 elected Antisthenes, who has never served in the heavy-armed 
 infentry, nor done any thing remarkable in the cavalry, and 
 who indeed knows nothing, but how to get money." 2. 
 " Is it not good, however, to know this," said Socrates, " since 
 he will then be able to get necessaries for the troops f " But 
 merchants," replied Nicomachides, " are able to collect money ; 
 and yet would not on that account, be capable of leading an 
 army." 3. "'Antisthenes, however," continued Socrates, "is 
 given to emulation, a quality necessary in a general.. Do you 
 not know that whenever he has been chorus-manager' he has 
 gained the superiority in all his choj:uses ?" " But, by Jupi- 
 ter," rejoined Nicomachides, " there is nothing similar in 
 managing a chorus and an army." 4. " Yet Antisthenes," 
 said Socrates, " though neither skilled in music nor in teach- 
 ing a chorus,* was able to find out the best masters in these 
 departments." " In the army, accordingly," exclaimed Nico- 
 machides, " he will find others to range his troops for him, 
 and others to fight for him !" 5. " Well, then," rejoined Soc- 
 rates, " if he find out and select the best men in military 
 afikirs, as he has done in the conduct of his choruses, he will 
 probably attain superiority in this respect also ; and it is 
 Ukely that he will be more willing to spend money for a vic- 
 tory in war on behalf of the whole state, than for a victory 
 with a chorus in behalf of his single tribe." ° 6. " Do you 
 
 1 'E/c KOTaAoyoi;.] E delectu, milUans. * * * Signiflcatur ratio qud ad 
 militates expeditiones venii. Kiilmer: who also refers to Thueyd. viii. 
 24; Aristot. Polit. v. 2; and Suidas, v. KaTaloyof;. 
 
 2 Aaxaydv Kal Ta^iapxuv.] Serving as Aoxaydc, captain of twenty-five, 
 and Ta^tapxiie, captain of a hundred. 
 
 ' The xopiy^^' °^ chorus-manager, among the Attic writers, is properly 
 he who raised the chorus, and provided it with instruction and every 
 thing necessary, at his own expense. ScTmeider. See Bookh, Suh. (Econ. 
 of Athens, vol. i. p. 48Y. 
 
 * Xopuv SLdaiTKa%ia(.'\ Ho that taught and disciplined the x°P^t, was 
 called x^P^^ dtddtTKa^o^. 
 
 6 The victory belonged, not to the xopVY^C, but to his tribe, in the 
 
432 . MB^OBjVBILIA OP SOCRATES. book m. 
 
 say, then, Socrates," said he, " that it is. in the power of the 
 same man to manage a chorus well, and to manage an army 
 well ?" " i say," said Socrates, " that oyer whatever a man 
 may preside, he will, if he knows what he needs, and is able 
 to provide it, be a good president, whether he have the direc- 
 tion of a chorus, a family, a city, jor an army." 1. " By 
 Jupiter, Socrates," cried Nicomachides, " I should never have 
 expected to hear from you that good managers of a family 
 would also be good generals." " Come, then," proceeded Soc- 
 rates, " let us consider what are the duties of each of them, 
 that we may understand whether they are the same, or are in 
 any respect different." " By all means," said he, 8. " Is it 
 npt, then, the duty of both," asked Socrates, " to render those 
 under their command obedient and submissive to them ?" 
 " XJnq^estionably." " Is it not also the duty of both to in- 
 trust various employments to such as are fitted to execute 
 them ?" " That is also miquestionable." " To punish the 
 bad, and to honor the good, too, belongs, I think, to each of 
 them." " Undoubtedly." 9. " And is it not honorable in both 
 to render those under them weU-disposed toward them?" 
 " That also is certain." " And do you think it for the interest 
 of both to gain for themselves allies and auxiliaries or not ?" 
 " It assuredly is for their interest." " Is it not proper for 
 both also to be careful of their resources ?" " Assuredly." 
 " And is it not proper for both,. therefore, to be attentive and 
 industrious in their respective duties!" 10. "AH these par- 
 ticulars," said Nicomaehides, " are common alike to both ; 
 but it is not common to both to fight." ,'Yet both have 
 doubtless enemies," rejoined Socrates. " That is probably the 
 case," said the other. " Is it not for the interest of both to 
 gain the superiority over those enemies?" H. "Certainly; 
 but to say nothing on that point, what, I ask, will skill in 
 managing a household avail, if it be necessary to fight ?" " It 
 will doubtless in that case, be of the greatest avail," said Soc- 
 rates ; " for a good manager of a house, knowing that nothing 
 is so advantageous or profitable as to get the better of your 
 enemies when you contend with them, nothing so unprofitable 
 and prejudicial as to be defeated, will zealously seek and pro- 
 vide every thing that may conduce to victory, will carefiJIy 
 
 name of which the money was expended. Sdhmsider. Attioa was divid- 
 ed into tea tribes. 
 
CHAP. V. OONVEESATION WITH PBBIOLES. 433 
 
 watch aad guard against ■wliatever tends to defeat, will vigor- 
 ously engage if he sees that his force is likely to conquer, and, 
 what is not the least important point, will cautiously avoid en- 
 gaging if ho finds himself insuflSciently prepared. 12. Do not, 
 therefore, Nicomachides," he added, " despise men skillful in 
 managing a household ; for the conduct of private afiiairs dif- 
 fers from that of public concerns only in magnitude ; in other 
 respects they are similar ; but what is most to be observed, is, 
 that neither of them are managed without men, and that pri- 
 vate matters are not managed by one species of men, and pub- 
 lic matters by another ; for those who conduct public business 
 make use of men not at all differing in nature from those 
 whom the toanagers of private affairs employ ; and those who 
 know how to employ them conduct either public or private 
 affairs judiciously, while^ those who do not know will err in the 
 management of both." 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Oonversation of Sooratea with. Periojea the younger on the manner in which 
 the Athenians might he made to recover their ancient spirit and ambition. 
 They ought to he remitided of. the deeds of their ancestors, sect. 1-12; 
 . and to he taught that indolence has been the cause of their degeneracy, 
 13. They ought to revive the institutions of their forefathers, or imitate 
 those of the Lacedsenionians, li; and to pay great attention to mihtary 
 affairs, 1&-25. How the territory of Attica nught ho best secured against 
 invasion, 26-28. 
 
 1. Conversing, on one occasion, with Pericles,' the son of 
 the great Pericles, Socrates said, " I have hopes, Pericles, that 
 under your leadership the city will become more eminent and 
 famous in military affairs, and will get the better of her ene- 
 mies." " I wish, Socrates," said Pericles, " that what you say 
 may happen ; but how such effects are to be produced, I can 
 not understand." " Are you willing, then," asked Socrates, 
 
 ' This is the Pericles, the illegitimate son of the great Pericles, whom 
 the Athenians, when the legitimate sons of the elder Pericles were dead, 
 naturalized, in order to gratify his fether. See Plutarch in Periol. extr. 
 Being made general with Thrasylus and Erasinides, and being involved 
 in the ill-success at Arginusse, he was condemned to death, Olymp. xoiii. 
 2. Emesii. 
 
 VOL, I. 19 
 
434 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. book iir. 
 
 " that we should have some conversation on these points, 
 anei consider how far there is a possibiUty of effecting' what 
 we desire." " I am quite -willing," replied Pericles. 2. " Are 
 you aware, then," said Socrates, "that the Athenians are 
 not at all inferior in number to the Boeotians?" "I am," 
 said Pericles. " And ■whether do yon think that a greater 
 number of efficient and well-formed men could be selected 
 from the Boeotians, or from the Athenians ?" " The Atheni- 
 ans do not appear to me to be inferior in this respect." 
 " And which of the two jeoples do you consider to be more 
 united among themselves?" "I think that the Athenians 
 are ; for many of the Boeotians, being oppressed- by the The- 
 bans, entertain hostile feelings toward them. But at Athens 
 I see nothing of the kind." 3. " But the Athenians are, more- 
 over, of all people most eager for honor and most friendly in 
 disposition ; qualities which most effectually impel men to face 
 danger in the cause of glory and of their country." " The 
 Athenians are certainly not to be found fault with in these 
 respects." " And assuredly there is no people that can boast 
 of greater or more numerous exploits of their ancestors than 
 the Athenians ; a circumstance by which many are prompted 
 and stimulated to cultivate manly courage and to become 
 brave." 4. "AH that you say is true, Socrates, but you see 
 that since the slaughter of the thousand occurred at Lebadeia, 
 ur(der Tolmides,' and that at Delium under Hippocrates," 
 the reputation of the Athenians has suffered as far as regards 
 the Boeotians, and the spirit of the Boeotians has been raised 
 
 ' Lebadeia was a town of central Bceotia, between Haliartus and 
 Chseronea ; the whole province is now comprehended under the name 
 of Livadia/ From the proximity of these places, it has happened that 
 the battle is sometimes called the battle pf Lebadeia, sometimes at 
 Chseronea, sometimes at Coronea. See Thuoyd. i. 113 ; Plutarch, 
 Pericl. c. 18 ; Agesil. c. 19 ; Died. Sic. iiL 6 ; Plat. Aloib. I. p. 112, B. 
 The battle was fought B. o. 447. The " slaughter" was of a thousand 
 Athenians by the Bceotians. Tolmides was the Athenian general 
 KuhTifrr. 
 
 2 Hippocrates was a general 6f the Athenians killed by the Boeotians. 
 See Kriiger, de Xen. Vit. Questt. Critt. p. 6. Cobet, Prosopogr. Xen. 
 p. 49. The battle at Delium was fought B.C. 424 ; Socrates, as Schnei- 
 der observes, was present at it, according to Strabo, ix. p. 618, B., and 
 Diogenes Laertius, Vit. Soe. See Thueyd. iv. 93, aeqq. * * * Delium 
 was a temple of ApoUo In Boeotia, near which a little town seems 
 gradually to have arisen; for Strabo and others speak of a To'Ki,x"i'"'. 
 Kiihner. 
 
CHAP. T. CONDITION OF THE ATHENIANS. 436 
 
 as far as regards the Athenians, so that the BcEotians, indeed, 
 who formerly did not dare, even on their own soil, to meet 
 the Athenians in the field -without the aid of the Spartans 
 and other Peloponnesians, now threaten to invade Attica 
 single-handed ; while the Athenians, who formerly, when the 
 Boeotians were unsuppoi^ed, ravaged Boeotia, are afraid lest 
 the Boeotians should , lay waste Attica." 5. " I perceive, in- 
 deed," said Socrates, " that such is thfe case ; but the city 
 seems to me now to be more favorably disposed for any good 
 general ; for confidence produces in men carelessness, indo- 
 lence, and disobedience, but fear renders them more attentive, 
 obedient, and orderly. 6. You may form a notion of this 
 from people in a ship ; for as long as they fear nothing, they 
 are all in disorder, but as soon as they begin to dread a storm, 
 or the approach of an enemy, they not only do every thitig 
 that they are told to do, but are hushed in silence, waiting 
 for the directions to be given, like a band of dancers." ' 7. 
 " Well, then," said Pericles, " if they would now, assuredly, 
 obey, it would be time for us to discuss how we might incilB 
 ftem to struggle tQ. regain their ancient spirit, glory, and 
 happiness." 8. " H then," said Socrates, " we wished them 
 to claim property of which . others were in possession, we 
 should moat efiectively urge them to lay claim to it, if we 
 proved that it belonged- to their fathers, and was their rightful 
 inheritance ; and since we wish that they should strive for 
 pre-eminence in valor, we must show them that such pre- 
 eminence was indisputably theirs of old, and that if they now 
 exert themselves to recover it, they will be the most power- 
 ful of all people." 9. " How, then, can we convince them of 
 this ?" " I think that we may do so, if we remind them that 
 they have heard that their most ancient forefathers, of whom 
 we have any knowledge, were the bravest of men." JO. " Do 
 you allude to the dispute between the gods, of which Cecrops" 
 and his assessors had the decision on account of their valor ?" 
 " I do allude to that, and to the education and birth of Erech- 
 
 1 'Qair-sp xop^'''"'-] ^^° always look to the ooryphseus, or chorus- 
 leader. Schneider. 
 
 2 Cecrops is said to have set as judge between Neptune and Minerva 
 when they were contending for the dominion over Attica. The fahle is 
 related both by other writers and by Apollodorua, iii. 14. See Heyne, 
 Observat p. 321, segj., and the commentators on Ovid. Met. vi. fO. 
 Schneider. 
 
436 MEMORABILIA OF SOCEATES. book m. 
 
 theus,' and the war -which occurred in his time with the people 
 of the whole adjoining continent," as well as that which was 
 waged under the Heraeleidse a;gainst the Peloponnesians,' and 
 all the wars that were carried on under Theseus,* in all of 
 which they showed themselves the bravest people of their 
 time ; 11. and also, if you please, to what their descendants 
 have since done, who lived not long before our day, not only 
 contending, with their own unassisted strength, against the 
 lords of all Asia and of Europe, as £a,r as Macedonia (who in- 
 herited vast power and wealth from their ancestors, and who 
 had themselves perfonned great achievements), but also dis- 
 tinguished themselves, in conjunction with the Peloponnesians, 
 both by land and sea. They, doubtless, are celebrated as 
 having far surpassed other men of their time." " They are so," 
 said Pericles. 12, " In consequence, though many migrations 
 occurred in Greece, they remained' in their own country ; and 
 many, when contending for their rights^ submitted their claims 
 to their arbitration^ while many others, also, when persecuted 
 by more powerful pec^le, sought refuge with them." 13. "I 
 wonder, indeed, Sdorates," said Pericles, " how our city ever 
 degenerated." " I imagine," said Socrates, " that as some other 
 nations" have grown indolent through excessive exaltation and 
 
 • Breetheug was the, fourth king of Atheiis. H. ii. 54,1 : 
 
 Athens the fair, where great Erectheus sway'd, 
 That owed his nurture to the Wue-ey'd maid, 
 But from the teeming furrow took his bii;th, , 
 The mighty offepring of the fqodful earth. Pope. 
 ' The continent meant is the country of Thrabe, which, in the earliest 
 
 times, reached to the boundaries of Attica. Bee Isootite^ Panegjn'. c. 
 
 19. The war intended is that which was waged by the Athenians against 
 
 the Thracians and Eleusiniana. - See GoeEer ad Thueyd. ii. 16, and Stall- 
 
 baum ad Plat. Menex. p. 239, B. .Kiikner. 
 
 3 The war carried on by the descendants of Hercules 'against Eurysth- 
 
 eus and-the Peloponniesiatis. Kiihner. 
 
 * He alludes to the wars carried on against the Amazons and Thra^ 
 eians. Herodot. ix. 2*7 5 Isoor. Panegyr. c. 19 ; Plutarch, Thee. c. 21 ; 
 Aristid. Panath. p. 201, seqq. ; Lysiae Epitaph, sect. 4, seqq. ; Justin ii. 4. 
 JSerbst. 
 
 5 Benoe the Athenians wished to be thought airix'^<"'^C and yqyevelQ : 
 all their praises, to which Zenophon here aJludeS, are briefly given by 
 Isocrates, in his Paaegyrio. SSneider. 
 
 6 'A/l/lot Tjvec-] 'Sohnfeidel', from a oonjeoture of Weiske or Heinz, 
 reads iiiJ^)?TOJ Ttv£f ; for, says he, " ineptfi dvitati Aflieniensium aXKoi 
 raiif opponuntur." 'AX/los TivisUt however the reading of all the old 
 copies, and is followed by Kuhner. 
 
CHAP. T. HOW THE ATHENIANS MAY BE IMPROVED. 43Y 
 
 power, so likewise the Athenians, after attaining great pre-em- 
 inence, grew neglectful of themselves, and consequently became 
 degenerate." 
 
 14. " By what means, then," said Pericles, '.' could they 
 how recover their pristine dignity?" "It appears to me," 
 replied Socrates, " not at all difficult to discover ; for I think 
 that if they learn what were the practices of their ancestors, 
 aud observe them not less, diligently than they, they will 
 become riot at all inferiot to them ; but if they do not take 
 that course, yet, if they imitate- those' who are now &t the 
 head of Greece, adhere to their institutions, and attend to 
 the same duties with- diligence equal to theirs, they will stand 
 not at all below them, arid, if they use greater exertion, even 
 above them." 15. " You intimate," returned Pericles, " that 
 honor and virtue are far away from our city ; for when wiU 
 the Athenians reverence their elders as tne Spartans do, 
 when they begin, even by their own fathers, to show disrespect 
 for older men ? Or when will they exercise themselves hke 
 ikein, when they not only are regardless of bodily vigor, but 
 deride thbse who cultivate it. 16. Or when wiU they obey 
 the ma^strates like them, when they make it their pride to set 
 them at naught? Or when will they be of one mind like 
 them, when, instead of acting^ in concert for their mutual in- 
 terests, they inflict injuries on one another, and envy one 
 another more than they envy the rest of mankind ? More 
 than any other people, too, do they dispute in their private 
 and public meetings ; they institute more law-suits against 
 one another, and prefer thus to prey upon one another than 
 to unite for their mutual benefit. They conduct their public 
 afiairs as if they were those of a foreign state ;' they contend 
 about the management of them, and rejoice, above all things, 
 in having power to engage in such contests. IV. From such ' 
 conduct much ignorance and baseness prevail in the republic, 
 arid much envy and mutual hatred are engendered in the 
 breasts of the citizens ; on which accounts I am constantly in 
 
 1 That the Laoedsemonians are meant is plain from what follows. 
 Schneider. It is justly observed by Herbat, that Xenophon takes every 
 ocoaaioti to praise the constitution of Sparta, and to prefer it to that of 
 Athens, referring to iv. 4. 15 ; Cyrop. i. 6. 19 ; Symp. viii. 39 ; Do E^, 
 Ath. and De Veotigal. Kuhner. 
 
 s "Qenrep uXXoTpiot^.'] Negligently; as if they had no concern in 
 them. 
 
438 MEMORABIMA OP SOCEATES. book in. 
 
 tte greatest -fear lest some evil should happen to the state too 
 great for it to bear." 18. " Do not by any means suppose, 
 Pericles," rejoined Socrates, "that the Athenians are thus 
 disordered with an incurable depravity. Do you not see how 
 orderly they are in their naval proceedings, how precisely 
 they obey the presidents in the gymnastic games, and how, in 
 the arrangement of the choruses, they submit to the directions 
 of their teachers in a way inferior to none ?" 19. " This is 
 indeed surprising," said^ Pericles, "that men of that class' 
 should obey those Tyho are set over them, and that the in- 
 fantry and cavalry, who are thought to excel the ordinary 
 citizens in worth and valor, should be the least obedient of 
 all the people." 20. " The council of the Areopagus, too," 
 said Socrates, " is it not composed of men of approved char- 
 acter ?" ' "Undoubtedly,"- replied Pericles. "And do you 
 know ef any judges who decide causes, and conduct all their 
 business vrith more exact conformity to the laws, or with 
 more honor and justice ?" " I find no fault with them," said 
 Pericles. " We must not, therefore, despair," said Socrates, 
 " as if we thought that the Adienians are not inclined to be 
 lovers of order," 21. " Yet in military affairs," observed Perir 
 cles, " in which it is most requisite to act witit prudence, and 
 order, and obedience, they pay no regard to such duties." 
 " It may be so," returned Socrates, " for perhaps in mihtary 
 affairs men who are greatly deficient in knowledge have the 
 command of them. Do you not observe that of harp-players, 
 choristers, dancers, wrestlers, or pancratiasts, no one ventures 
 to assume the direction who has not the requisite knowledge 
 for it, but that aU who take the lead in such matters are able 
 to show from whom they learned the arts in which they are 
 masters;, whereas the most of our generals undertake to com- 
 mand-without previous study.' 22. 1 do not, however, imagine 
 you to be one of that sort ; for I am sensible that you can tell 
 when you began to learn generalship not less certainly than 
 
 ' ToOf ToLovTovg,'] Such men as the sailors, rowers, and indarai, who 
 were either slaves, or of the lower order of the citizens. Kuhner. 
 
 2 AESoKi/iaafievay.'] Those who had discharged their duties as magis- 
 trates with integrity and honor, and, on giving in their accounts at tho 
 end of their term of office, had been approved by the judgment of the 
 people. Schneider. 
 
 5 A similar complaint is made by Marina of the Roman generals in 
 Sail. Jug. 85. 
 
OHAP. V. HOW ATTICA MAY BE DEFENDED. 439 
 
 ■when you began to learn wrestling. I am sure, too, that you 
 have learned, and keep in mind, many of your father's prin- 
 ciples of warfere, and that you have collected many others 
 from every quarter whence it was possible to acquire any 
 thing that would add to your skill as a commander. 23. I 
 have no doubt that you take great care that you may not un- 
 awares be ignorant of any thing conducive to generalship, 
 and that, if you have ever found yourself deficient in any 
 such matters, you have applied to persons experienced in them, 
 sparing neither presents nor civilities, that you might leam 
 from tnem what you did not know, and might render them 
 eflScient helpers to you." 24. " You make me well aware, 
 Socrates," said Pericles, " that you do not say this from a 
 belief that I have diligently attended to these matters, but from 
 a wish to convince me that' he who would be a general must 
 attend to all such studies ; and I indeed agree with you in that 
 opinion." 
 
 25. " Have you considered this also, Pericles,'' asked So- 
 crates, " that on the frontier of our territories lie great moun- 
 tains,' extending down to Boeotia, through which there lead 
 into our country narrow and precipitous defiles ; and that our 
 country is girded by strong mountains,' as it lies in the midst 
 of them 2" " Certainly," said he. 26. " Have you heard, 
 too, that the Mysians and Pisidians, who occupy extremely 
 strong jpositions in the country of the Great King,' and who 
 are lightly armed, are able to make descents on the king's 
 territory, and do it great, damage, while they themselves pre- 
 serve their liberty 1" " This, too, I have heard," said Pericles. 
 27. " And do you not think that the Atheniaiis," said Socrates, 
 "if equipped with light arms while they are of an age for 
 activity, and occupying the mountains that fence our country, 
 might do great niischief to our enemies, and form a strong bul- 
 wark for the inhabitants of our country ?" " I think, Socrates," 
 said he, " that all these arrangements would be useful." 28. 
 " If these plans, then," concluded Socratei, " appear satisfactory 
 to you, endeavor, my excellent friend, to act upon them ; for 
 
 ' The frontier of Attioa was defended by the mountains Cithseron, 
 Cerastes, and others. Schneider. 
 
 2 Parnes, Brilessus; Hymettus, Laurium. Schneider. Also Lycabettua, 
 Pentelioum, Corydalus. Berlst. 
 
 3 The king of Persia. See, respecting the Pisidians, Anab. iii. 2. 23 j 
 i. V 11. 
 
440 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. book in. 
 
 whatsoever of them you cany into execution, it will be an 
 honor to yourself and an advantage to the state ; and if you 
 fail in the attempt for want of power, you will neither injure 
 the state nor disgrace yourself." 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Socrates, by his nsual process of inteirogalionj leads Glanoon, a young man 
 ■wToD was exia-avaganily desirous of a post in the government, to confess 
 that he was entirely destitute of the knowledge necessary for the office to 
 which he as{iiTed. He then shows that, nntesa a ruler has acquired an 
 exact knowledge of state aSurs, he can do no good to his country or cred- 
 it to himself. 
 
 1. When Glapcon,' the son of Ariston, attempted to ha^ 
 rangue the people, from a desire, though he was not yet 
 twenty years of, age," to have a share in the government of the 
 state, no one of his relatives, or other friends, could prevent 
 him from getting himself dragged down from the tribunal, 
 and making himself ridiculous; but Socrates, who had a 
 friendly feeling toward him on account of Charmides' the 
 son of Glaucon, as well aa on account of Plato,' succeeded in 
 prevailing on him, hy his sole dissuasion, to rdinquish his 
 purpose. 2. Meeting him by .chance, he first stopped him by 
 addressing him as follows, that he might be willing to listen 
 to him :" Glaucon," said he, "have you formed an intention 
 
 ' This Glaucon was the brother of Plato the philosopher. See 
 Pobet, Prosogogr. Xen. p. 66. On the other Glaucon, see iii. T. 1. 
 Kuhner. . 
 
 _2 Toung men at Athens jvere allowed to assume the right ef citizen^ 
 and take part in the government, on attaining their tweuly-seobnd year. 
 ^awppe. See Sohoemaun de Comit. Athen. p. 16, 105. 
 
 3 He is mentioned iii. 7. 1. 
 
 * The philosopher, of whom GelliuB (xiv.j 13) denies that any mention 
 is made in the writings of Xenophon. But Muretus has referred to this 
 passage for a refutation- of GeUius, Tar. Lect. v. 14. Sch/neider. This 
 question about the supposed enmity between Plato and Xenophon is 
 learnedly and acutely considered by Boeokh in his treatise on the sub- 
 ject. Cobet, too, in his Proaopogr. Xen. p. 28, thinks that the belief of 
 their rivalry rests on no good fovmdation, and ought to be rejected. 
 KXilmer. 
 
OHAP. VI. DISCOURSE WITH GLAUCON. 441 
 
 to govern the state for us ?" '' I have, Socrates," replied 
 Glaucon. " By Jupiter," rejoined Socrates, " it is an hon- 
 orable office, if .any other among men be so ; for it is certain 
 that, if you attain your object, you will be able yourself to 
 secure whatever you may desire, and will be in»a condition to 
 benefit your friends; you will raise ydur father's house, and 
 increase the power of your country ; you will be celebrated, 
 first of all in your own ciiy, and afterward throughout 
 Greece, and perhaps also, hke Themistocles, among the Bar- 
 barians and, wherever you may be, you will be an object of 
 general admiration." 3. Glaucon, hearing this, was highly 
 elated, and cheerfully staid to listen. Socrates next pro- 
 ceeded to say, " But it is plain, Glaucon, that if you wish to be 
 honored, you must beneiflt the state." " Certainly," answered 
 Glaucon. " Then, in the name of the gods," said Socrates, 
 " do not hide from us how you intend to act, but inform us 
 with what proceeding you will begin to benefit the state?" 
 4. But as Glaucon was silent, as if just considering how he 
 should begin, Socrates said, "As, if you wished to aggran- 
 dize the family of a friend, you would endeavor to malce it 
 richer, teU me whether you will in like manner also endeav- 
 or to make the state richer?" "Assuredly," said he. 6. 
 "Would it then be richer, if its revenues were increased?" 
 " That is at least probable," said Glaucon. " Tell me then," 
 proceed Socrates, "from what the revenues of .the state 
 arise, and what is their amount ; for you have doubtless 
 considered, in order that if any of them fall short,, you may 
 make up the deficiency, and that if any of them fail, you may 
 procure fresh supplies." "These matters, by Jupiter," re- 
 plied Glaucon, "I have not considered." 6. "Well then," 
 said Socrates, "if you have omitted to consider this point, 
 tell me at least the annual expen,diture of the state ; for 
 you undoubtedly mean to retrench whatever is superfluous in 
 it." " Indeed," replied Glaucon, " I have, not yet had. time to 
 turn my attention to that subject." "We will therefore," 
 said Socrates, " put off making our state richer for the pres- 
 ent ; for how is it possible for him who is ignorant of its 
 expenditure and its income to manage those matters ?" 7. 
 " But, Socrates," observed Glaucon, " it is possible to enrich 
 the state at the expense of our enemies." "Extremely possi- 
 ble indeed;" replied Socrates, "if we be stronger than they; 
 
 19* 
 
442 MEMOEABILIA OF SOCRATES. bookiii. 
 
 but if we be ■weaker, we may lose all that we have." " What 
 you say is true," said Glaucon. 8. " Accordingly," said Soc- 
 rates, " he who deliberates with whom he shall go to war, 
 ought to know the force both of his own country and of the 
 enemy, so that, if that of his own country be superior to that 
 of the enemy, he may advise it to enter upon the war, but, if 
 inferior, may persuade it to be cautious of' doing so." " You 
 say rightly," said Glaucon. 9. " In the first place, then," 
 proceeded Socrates, "tell us the strength of the country by 
 land and sea, and next that of the enemy." " But, by 
 Jupiter," exclaimed . Glaucon, " I should not be able to tell 
 you on the moment, and at a word." " Well, then, if you 
 have it written down," said Socrates, " bring it, for I should 
 be extremely glad to hear what it is." " But to say the truth," 
 replied Glaucon, " I have not yet written it down." 10. "We 
 will therefore put off considering about war for the present," 
 said Socrates, " for it is very likely that, on account of the 
 magnitude of those subjects, and as you are just Commencing 
 your administration, you have not yet examined into them. But 
 to the defense of the country, I am quite sure that you have 
 directed your attention, and that you know how many gar- 
 risons are in advantageous positions, and how many not so, 
 what number of men would be sufficient to maintain them, and 
 what number would be insufficient, and that you will advise 
 your countrymen to make the garrisons in advantageous posi- 
 tions stronger, and to remove th« useless ones." 11. "By 
 Jove," replied Glaucon, " I shall recommend them to remove 
 them all, as they keep guard so negligently, that the property 
 is -secretly carried off- out of the country," " Yet, if we re- 
 move the garrisons," said Socrate^ "do you not think that 
 liberty will be given to any body that pleases to pillage? 
 But," added he, "have you gone personally, and examined 
 as "to this feet, or how do you know that the garrisons conduct 
 themselves with such negligence ?" " I forni my conjec- 
 tures," said he. " Well then," inquired Socrates, " shall we 
 settle about these matters also, when we no longer rest upon 
 conjecture, but have obtained certain knowledge,?" " Perhaps 
 that," said Glaucon, " will be the better course " 12. "To the 
 silver mines, however," continued Socrates, " I know that you 
 have not gone, so as to have the means of telling us why a 
 smaller revenue is derived from them than came in some time 
 
cteAP,.vi. GLAUOON CONVICTED OF IGNOEANCE. 443 
 
 ago." " I have not gone tbitWr," said he. " Indeed tlie place," 
 said Socrates, -" is said to be unhealthy, so that, when it is neces- 
 sary to bring it under consideration, this will be a sufficient 
 excuse for you." " You jest with me,"' said Glaucon. 13. "I 
 am sure, however," proceeded Socrates, " that you have not 
 neglected to consider, but have calculated, how long the corn, 
 which is produced in the country, wilLsuffice to maintaiii the 
 city, and how much it requires for the year, in order that the 
 city may not suffer from ftcarcity" unknown to you, but that, 
 from your own knowledge, you may be able, by giving your 
 advice concerning the necessaries of life, to support the city, 
 and preserve it." " You propose a vast field for me," observed 
 Glaucon, " if it will be necessary for me to attend to such 
 subjects." 14. " Nevertheless," proceeded Socrates, " a man 
 can not order his house properly, unless he ascertains all that 
 it requires, and takes care to supply it with every thing ne- 
 cessary ; but since the city consists of more than ten thousand 
 houses, and since it is difficult to provide for so many at once, 
 how is it that you have not tried to aid one first of all, sup- 
 pose that of your uncle,' for it stands in need of help ? If 
 you be able to assist that one, you may proceed to assist more ; 
 but if you be unable to benefit one, how will you be able to 
 benefit many ? Just as it is plain that, if a man can not carry 
 the weight of a talent, he need not attempt to carry a greater 
 weight." 15. "But I would improve my imcle's house," said 
 Glaucon, " if he would but be persuaded by me." " And 
 then," resumed Socrates, " when you can not persuade your 
 uncle, do you expect to make all me Athenians, together wifh 
 your uncle, yield to your arguments? 16. Take care, Glaucon, 
 lest, while you are eager to acquire glory, you meet with the 
 reverse of it. Do you not see how dangerous it is for a person 
 to. speak of, or undertake, what he does not understand? 
 Contemplate, among o1|ier men, such as you know to be char- 
 acters ijiat plainly talk of, and attempt to do, what they do 
 
 ' 'SKuvTOfiai.'] " I am jested with.'' This is the reading of five manu- 
 acripts ; one gives axEipofiai, which has been adopted by Ernestii Schnei- 
 der, and several other editors. 
 
 2 "Iva fiT} TOvTo ye ^u^ri ae nore ij ^oXtg Ivieij^ yEvo/iivij.'] That is 
 Kard TOVTO. One manuscript exhibits tovtov, which lias beeii adopted 
 by most editors. But Zejine refers to Cyrop. ii. 2. 1, and vi. 3. 1, for the 
 examples of similar accusatives with ivdeijc. 
 
 3 Charmides. See iii. 1. 1. Kuhner. 
 
444 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. book III. 
 
 not know^ and consider whether they appeal- to you, by such 
 conduct, to obtain more applause or censure, whether they seem 
 to be more admired or despised? 11. Contemplate, again, 
 those who have some understanding of what they say and do, 
 and you will find, I think, in aU transactions, that such as are 
 praised and admired are of the number of those who have most 
 knowledge, and that those who incur censure and neglect are 
 among those that have least. 18. If therefore you desire to 
 gain esteem and reputation in your country, endeavor to suc- 
 ceed in gaining a knowledge of what you wish to do ; for if, 
 when you excel others in this qualification, you proceed to 
 manage the affairs of the state, I shall not wonder if you very 
 easily obtain what you desire." 
 
 CHAPTER Vn. 
 
 Socrates ezhorts CharmMes, a man of ability, and acquainted with publio 
 affiairs, to take paT,t in the goveruraent, that he may not be charged with 
 insdplence, saot. 1-^. As Charmides distrusts his abilities for pubUo 
 speaking, Socrates encourages him by various observations, 5-9. 
 
 1. Observing that Ohamlides,' the son of Glaucon,' a man 
 of worth, and of far- more ability than those who then ruled 
 the state, hesitated to address the people, or to take part in 
 the government of the city, ho said to him, "Tell me, Oiar- 
 mMes, if any man, who was able to win' the crown in the 
 public games,^ and, by that means, to gain honor for himself, 
 and make his birth-place more celebrated in Greece, should 
 nevertheless refuse to become a comb&tant, what sort of pei> . 
 son would you consider him to be?" "I should certainlf 
 
 ' ' On ■ dharmidea, the son of Glauoon, a young man of great beauty 
 and modesty, see StaUbaum's. Prolegomena to Plato's Dialogue named 
 frorn hiin; and Cobet in Prosop. p. 46. Kulmiir. The reader may find 
 more about him in Xenophon's Symposium. " By Plato, in his Theages, 
 t. i. p. 128, D., he is, called 6 KaXog. He was one of the ten leaders at 
 the Pirseeus in the war with Thrasybulua against the Thirty Tyrants, 
 in which he was kiUed. See Perizon. ad .ifilian. T. H. viiL 1." 
 
 ' ToOf aTe^aviraf: ayCmoQ vixiiv,'] " To conquer in the crowned games," 
 the games in which a crown was given as a prize. 
 
CHAP. vn. ON SPEAKING IN PUBLIC. 445 
 
 think him indolent and wanting in spirit," replied Oharmides. 
 2. " And if any one were able," continued Socrates, " by tak- 
 ing part in public afifeirs, to improve the condition '6f his 
 country, and thus to attain honor for himself, but should yet 
 shrink from doing so, might not he be justly regarded as 
 wanting in spirit?" "Perhaps so," said Oharmides; "but 
 why do you ask me that question ?" " Because," replied Soc- 
 rates, " I think that you yourself, though possessed of suffi- 
 cient ability, yet shrink froni engaging even in those affairs 
 in which it is your duty as a citiaen to tiake a share." 3. 
 "But in what transaction have you discovered my ability," 
 said Channides, " that you bring this charge against me ?" 
 "In those conferences," answered Socrates, "in which you 
 meet those who are engaged in the government of the state ; 
 for when they consult you on any point, I observe that you 
 give them excellent advice, and that, when they are in any 
 way in the wrong, you offer judicious objections." 4. " But 
 it is not the same thing, Socrates," said he, " to converse with 
 people in private, and to try one's powers at a public assem- 
 bly." " Yet," said Socrates, " he that is able^to count, can 
 count with no less exactness before a multitude than alone, 
 and those who can play the harp best in solitude" are also the 
 best performers on it in company." B. "But do you not 
 see," said Oharmides, "that bashftdness and timidity are 
 naturally inherent in mankind, and affect us far more before 
 a multitude than in private conversations ?" " But I am 
 prompted to remind you," answered Socrates, "that while 
 you neither feel bashfulness before the most intelligent, nor 
 timid before the most powerful, it is in the presence of the 
 most foolish and weak that you are ashamed to speak. 6. And 
 is it the fullers among them, or the cobblers, or the carpenters, 
 or the copper-smiths, or the ship-miercbauts," or those who 
 barter in the market, and meditate what they may buy for 
 little and sell for more, that you are'as&amed to address? 
 For it is of all such characters that the assembly is composed. 
 7. How then do you think that your conduct differs from that 
 of a wrestler, who, being superior to well-practiced opponents, 
 should yet fear the unpracticed ? For is not this the case with 
 
 ' •'E^TTopouf.] The l/iiropot were merchants who traded by sea, and are 
 opposed to "those who barter in the forum," mentioned immediately 
 afterward. See Schneider ad Cyrop. Iv. 6. 42. Kuhner. 
 
446 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. book in. 
 
 you, that tbojigh you converse at your ease with those who 
 have attained eminence in state affairs, and of whom some un- 
 dervalue you, and though you are far superior to many who 
 mate it their business to address the people, you yet shrink 
 from uttering your sentiments before inen who have never 
 thought of politieal affairs, and who have shown no disrespect 
 for your talents, from an apprehension that you may be laughed 
 at ?" 8. " And do not the people in the assembly," asked Char- 
 mides, " appear to you often to laugh at those who speak with 
 great judgment ?" " Yes," said Socrates, " and so do the other 
 sort of people ;' and therefore I wonder at you, that you so 
 easily silence one class of persons when they do so, and yet 
 think that you shall not be able to deal with another ? 9. Be 
 not ignorant of yourself'' my friend, and do not commit the 
 error which the majority of men commit ; for most persons, 
 though they are eager to look into the affairs of others, give no 
 thought to the examination of their own. Do not you, then, 
 neglect this duty, but strive more and more to cultivate your 
 
 ; own powers ; and do not be regardless of the affairs of your 
 
 i country, if any department of them can be improved by your 
 means ; for, if they are in a good condition, not only the rest 
 
 ^ of your countrymen, but your own friends and yourself will 
 
 (reap the greatest benefit." 
 
 CHAPTER Vm. 
 
 Socrates meets the captious question of Aristippus about goodness and 
 beauty in such a manner as to show that nothing is good or bad in itselii 
 but only With reference to some oWeot, sect. 1-3 ; and that nothing is 
 beautiml or otherwise in itself, but that the beautiml must be considered 
 with regard to the useful, 4-7. His remarks on buildings, to the same 
 effect, 8-10. 
 
 1. When Aristippus attempted to confute Socrates, as be 
 himself had previously' "been confuted by him, Socrates, 
 
 1 01 Irepoi.] Meaning those, says Kiihuer, with whom he is mention- 
 ed as discoursing in sect. 3. 
 
 8 Bmesti refers to a passage in Cicero ad Quintum !Pratrem, iii. 6, in 
 which he seems to have had Xenophon iu his mind : Gessatar esse noli ; 
 et iH/ud yvMii aeavrdv noli putare ad arrogantiam mirmendam aol/itm esse 
 dicium, vefUm etiam vi bona Twsira ndrmms, 
 
 ' Book ii. c. 1. 
 
CHAP. vm. ON THE GOOD AND BEAUTrPtTL. 447 
 
 Wishing to benefit those who were with him, gave his an- 
 swers, not like those who are on, their guard lest their words 
 be perverted,' but like those who are persuaded that they 
 ought" above all things to do what is right. 2. What Aristip- 
 pus had asked him, was, ' whether he knew any thing gobd,' 
 in order that if he should say any such thing as food, or drink, 
 or money, or health, or strength, or courage, he might prove 
 that it was sometimes an evjl. But Socrates, reflecting that 
 if any thing troubles us, we want something to reheve us 
 from it, replied, as it seemed best to do,' " Do you ask me 
 whether I know any thing good for a fever ?" 3. " I do not." 
 " Any thing good for soreness of the eyes ?" " No." " For 
 hunger ?" " No, nor for hunger either." "Well then," con- 
 cluded Socrates, " if you ask me whether I know any thing good 
 that is good for nothing, I neither know any thing, nor wish to 
 know." 
 
 4. Aristippus again asking him if he knew any thing beau- 
 tiful, he replied, " Many things." " Are they then," inquired 
 Aristippus, " all like each other ?" " Some of them," an- 
 swered Socrates '' are as unlike one another as it is possible 
 for them to be. " How then," said he, " can what is beau- 
 tiful be unlike what is beautiful ,?" " Because, assuredly," 
 replied Socrates, " one man^ who is beautifully formed for 
 wrestling, is unlike another who is beautifully formed for 
 running ; and a shield, which is beautifully formed for de- 
 fense, is as unlike as possible to a dart, which is beautifully 
 formed for being forcibly and swiftly hurled " 5. "You an- 
 swer me," said Aristippus, "in the same manner as when I 
 asked you whether you knew any thing good." " And do you 
 imaging," said Socrates, " that the good is one thing, and the 
 beautiful another ? Do you not know that with reference to 
 
 1 Hot being at all a&ald. lest he should give any answer which might, 
 from some ambiguity in it, be wrested to mean, apparently, what he did 
 not intend, or of which his adversary might take advantage to entrap 
 him. See Aristot. Pol. i. 2. IT. Schneider and Kiihner acquiesce in 
 this sense of the word iiraTMrTccv. 
 
 2 'W'ith the word Kpdrreiv in the text the word Selv seems to be 
 wanting. 
 
 3 'ATTEKpivaTo utTwep Koi iroiccv KpaTiarov.'j It is well known that the 
 word iroulv, like the Latin facere, and the Grerman thim, is often made to 
 do duty for another verb. See Paaaow's Gr. Lex. v. Troietv, and my note 
 on Cic. Tuso. Qusest. iv. 14. 31, Kuhner. 
 
448 MEMORABILIA OF SOCEATES. book m. 
 
 the same objects all things are both beautiful and good ?• Vir- 
 tue, for instance, is not good with fegaocd to some things and 
 beautiful with regard to others ; and persons, in the" same 
 Way, are called beautifiil and good with reference to the same 
 objects ; and human bodies, too, with reference to the same 
 objects, appear beautiful and good ; and in like inanner all 
 other things, whatever men use, are considered beautiful and 
 good with reference to the objects for which they are service- 
 able." 6. "Can a dung-basket, then," saad Aristippus, "be 
 a beautiful thing?" "Yes, by Jupiter," returned Socrates, 
 " and a golden shield may be an ugly thing, if the one be 
 beautifully formed for its particular uses, and the other ill 
 formed ?" '1. " Do you say then, that the same things may 
 be both beautiful and ugly?" "Yes, undoubtedly, and also 
 that they may be good and bad ; for oftentimes what is good 
 for hunger is bad for fever, and what is good for a fever is 
 bad for hunger ; oftentimes what is beauti^I in regard to run- 
 ning is the reverse iu regard to wresthng, and what is beauti- 
 tul in regard to wrestling is the reverse in regard to running ; 
 for whatever is good is also beautifljl, in regard to purposes 
 for which it is well adapted, and whatever is bad is the re- 
 verse of beautiful, in regard to purposes for which it is ill 
 adapted." 
 
 8. When Socrates said, too, that the same houses that were 
 beautiful were also useful, he appeared to me to instruct us 
 what sort of houses we ought to build. He reasoned on the 
 subject thus, " Should not he, who purposes to have a house 
 such as it ought to be, contrive that it may be most pleasant, 
 and at the same time most useful, to live in V 9. This being 
 admitted, he said "Is it not then pleasant to have it cool in 
 summer, and warm in winter 1" When his hearers had as- 
 sented to this, he said, " In houses, then, that look to the 
 south, does not the sun, in the winter, shine into the porticoes, 
 while, in the summer, it passes over our heads, and above the 
 roof, and casts a shade ? If it is well, therefore, that houses 
 should thus be made,' ought we not to build the pairts toward ■ 
 the south higher, that the sun in winter may not be shut out, 
 and the parte toward the north lower, that the cold winds may 
 not fall violently oil them?' 10. To sum up the matter 
 
 1 That is, so as to be cool in summer and warm in winter. 
 
 2 Of this passage no satisfactory explanation has yet been given. 
 
CHAP. VMi. ON BUILDINGS. 44 
 
 briefly, that would be the most pleasant and the most beautiful 
 residence, in which the owner, at all seasons, would find the 
 most satisfactory retreat, and deposit what belongs to him with 
 the greatest safety." 
 
 Paintings, and colored decorations of the walls,' deprive us, 
 he thought, of more pleasure than they give. 
 
 The most suitable ground for temples and altars," he said, 
 
 Kuhner contents himself with adducing, without any remark, the com- 
 ment of Lange : "As far as the summer is concerned, the position of a 
 house (in Greece) need hot be considered, whether it looks to the south 
 or any other quarter pf the heaven ; for it must be shady in the hottest 
 season of the year, when, indeed, the sun sends down its rays almost 
 perpendicularly, and makes a shade in whatever position the house may 
 be. (0mbrosa tamen sit fervidissimo anni tempore, sole nimirum radios 
 suos rectis liueis deorsum mittente, et in quovis domtia situ umbram 
 efBoiente). In building a house (in Greece), therefore, it is necessary to 
 take thought only for the winter, that at that season of tlie year the 
 house may be as warm as possible. To effect this object, let One row 
 of buildings (una domorum series) face the south, and the other the 
 north, in such a way, that those lobkiilg toward the south may be higher 
 than those looking in the opposite (Erection ; for thus the higher wfll 
 enjoy the sun in winter, and ttie lower, facing the north, wiU be" defend- 
 ed from the winds blowing from that quarter." (The part near uTnbrosa 
 tamen ait seems to be defective, or incorrect in some way). But to me 
 the text seems capable of explanation only on the supposition that 
 Socrates is speaking with reference to the porticoes or colonnades 
 merely, as we can easily conceive why he should recommend porticoes 
 toward the south to be made high, in order to admit the sun in winter 
 (the summer sun, as Lange remarks, being not at all regarded), and 
 those toward the north to be made lOWj in order to exclude, in some 
 degree, the keen north winds. Thus Columella, R. E. i. 6. 2, says, 
 A/mbulatlofies meridiamo cequmoctiaU siibjecta smt, id Meme plwrmmm soUs 
 ^cestate minvmmn recipimt; a passage which Schneider says is not to 
 be compared with this of Xenophon; but it might not be very difficult 
 to prove the contrary. 
 
 1 TloiKtXiai.] Ealph Rochet, cited by G. Hermann in Opusc. vol. v. 
 p. 221, thinks that by noiKi.i.iai are to be understood those, colored 
 ornaments on walls which are called iroiiciSi./iaTO by Xenophon, (Econ. 
 ix. 2, and by Plato, Hipp. Maj. p. 298, A. ■ Kuhner: who gives the 
 following reason for the disapprobation which Socrates expresses 
 of them : " That those ornaments might not be injured by the rays 
 of the surr, the parts of the house in which they were, were so 
 constructed as not to face the sun ; and thus the inmates, in winter, 
 were deprived of the heat of the sun (tali modo homines hiberno tem- 
 pore solis calore privabantur), and exposed to the cold winds from the 
 north." 
 
 a Altars and temples, and especially temples, were surrounded with a 
 wall, within which was an area, the view across which was intercepted 
 
450 MEMORABILIA OF SOORATES. BOOK m. 
 
 was such as was most open to view, and least trodden by the 
 public^ for that it was pleasant for people to pray as they 
 looked on them, and pleasant to approach them in purity.' 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Variona definitions offortUmde,pntcUnce and temperance, madneis, envy, 
 idleness, command, mapiness, given hy Socrates. tbrUtude is not equal 
 in all men; itniay be increased by exercise, sect. 1-3. Prudence and 
 iemperaTuse not distinct &om eacli otner, i. Justice, as well as other vir- 
 tues, is wisdom, 5. The oppositeto prudence is madness : ignorance dis- 
 tinct ttam madness, 6, 7. Mmy is uneasiness of mind at the contempla- 
 tion of the happiness of others, 8. IdUnem is forbearance from useful 
 occnpadpn, 9, Commmid is exercised, not by those who bear the name, 
 merely, of tings and rulers, but by those who know how to command, 
 10-13. The best object of numan life is to act well ; the difference be- 
 tween acting well a.nK aeti/rtg fmiwnatd/y, 14, 15. 
 
 1. Being asted, again, whether Fortitude was a quality 
 acquired by education, or bestowed by nature, "I think," said 
 he, " that sis one body is by nature stronger for enduring toil 
 than another body, so one mind may, be by nature more 
 courageous in meeting dangers than another mind ; for I see 
 that men who are brought up under the same laws and insti- 
 tutions differ greatly from each other in courage. 2. I am of 
 opinion, however, that every natural disposition may be im- 
 proved, as to fortitude, by training and exercise ; for it is 
 evident that the 'Scythians and Thfacians would not dare to 
 take bucklers and spears and fight with the Lacedaemonians ; 
 and it is certain that the Lacedaemonians would not like to 
 fight the Thracians with small shields and javelins, or the 
 Scythiatis with bows. 3. In other things, also, I see that 
 
 by a thick grove or some considerable number of trees. Of these ob- 
 structions to the view, Socrates disapproves, wishing the site of the 
 temple to be ifupaveardT^, fiilly open to the sight, as if the worshipers 
 would then fancy that they saw as it were the deity before them, and 
 would suppose that their prayers would thus be better received by him. 
 Weiske. Others suppose that Socrates merely wished that temples and 
 altars should be bvult on high grounds ; an opinion which is equally 
 defensible. Kuhner. 
 
 ' That is, aa Schutz suggests, that they might not have to go through 
 a crowd, in which they might encounter poEuted persons, and be defOed 
 by them. ' ' 
 
CHAP. n. ON VIRTUES AISD TICKS. 461 
 
 men differ equally from one another by nature, and make great 
 improvements by practice ; from which it is evident that it 
 concerns allj as well the naturally ingenious as the naturally 
 dull, to learn and study those arts in which they desire to be- 
 come worthy of commendation." 
 
 4. Prudence and Temperance^ he did not distinguish ; for he 
 deemed that he who knew what was honorable and good, and 
 how to practice it, and who knew what was dishonorable, and 
 how to avoid it, was both prudent and temperate. Being also 
 asked whether he thought that those who knew what they 
 ought to do, but did the contrary, were prudent and temperate, 
 he replied, "No more than I think the [openly] imprudent 
 and intemperate to be so ;' for I consider that all [prudent and 
 temperate] persons choose from what is possible what they 
 judge for their interest, and do it ; and I therefore deem those 
 who do not act [thus] judiciously to be neither prudent nor 
 temperate." 
 
 5. He said, too, that justice, and every other virtue, was [a 
 part of] prudence, for that every thing just, and every thing done 
 agreeably to virtue, was honorable and good ; that those who 
 could discern those things, would never prefer any thing else 
 to them ; that those who could not discern them, would never 
 be able to do them, but would even go wrong if they at- 
 tempted to do them ; and that ' the prudent, accordingly, did 
 what was honorable and good, but that the imprudent could 
 not do it, but went wrong even if they attempted to do it ; and 
 that since, therefore, all just actions, and all actions that are 
 honorable and good, are done in agreement with virtue, it is 
 manifest that justice, and every other virtue, is [comprehended 
 in] prudence. 
 
 6. The opposite to prudence, he said, was Madness ;' he did 
 
 •" Sofiav xat aofpomv^v oi diupi^ev.'\ Soil)ia, wisdom or prudence, is, 
 as Kiihner remarks, right judgment about what ought to be done ; 
 ao^poavvTi ja temperance, self-control, or self-regulation, in acting. The 
 word ffoi^t'o is used in another sense in iv. 6. 1. " This subject, in con- 
 formity with the opinion of Socrates, is discussed in Plato's Oharmides, 
 ubi pariter tempercmUa, sciemtia coutineri demonstratur. " See Stallbaum 
 on that Dialogue, p. 81, seqq. Kukrm: 
 
 2 li, qui sraunt quidem bona, sed oontraria faoiunt, nihilo magis sapi- 
 cnteg et temperantes sunt quelm ii qui sunt insipientes et intemperantes. 
 Kuhner. The words in brafcketa are supplied as being necessary to the 
 translation. 
 
 3 M.avia, madness or insanity, is, according to the definition of Soc- 
 
452 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. book iir. 
 
 not, however, regard ignorance as madness ; tkough for a man 
 to be ignorant of himself, and to &ncy and befieve that he 
 knew -what he did . not know, he considered to be something 
 closely bordering on madness. The multitude, he observed, 
 do not say that those are mad who make mistakes in matters 
 of which most people are ignorant, but call those only mad 
 who make mistakes in affairs with which most people are ac- 
 quainted ; 7. for if a man should think himself so tall as to 
 stoop when going through the gates in the city wall, or so 
 strong as to try to lift up houses, or attfempt any thing else 
 that is plainly impossible to all men, they say that he is mad; 
 but those who make mistakes in small matters are not thought 
 by the multitude to be mad ; but just as they call " strong 
 desire" "love," so they call " great disorder of intellect" "mad- 
 
 8. Considering what ^iiy was, he decided it to be a cer- 
 tain uneasiness, not such as arises, however, at the ill success 
 of friends, nor such as is felt at the good success of enemies, 
 but those only, he said, were envious who were annoyed at the 
 good success of their friends. When some expressed sur- 
 prise that any one who had a fiiepdiy feeling for another 
 should feel uneasy at his good fortune, he reminded them that 
 many are so disposed toward others as to be incapable of 
 neglecting them if they are unfortunate, but would relieve 
 them in ill fortune, though they are uneasy at their good for- 
 tune. This feeling, he said, could never arise in the breast of 
 a sensible man, but that the fooUsh were constantly affected 
 with it. 
 
 9. Considering what Idleness was, he said that he found 
 
 rates, the contrary to wisdom or prudence, ao^ia. Madness is, there- 
 fore, ignorance of the virtues of justice, temperance, arid fortitude; for 
 prudence iS' manifested in the knowledge of these virtues. But the 
 source and foundation, as it were, of prudeneej is the knowledge of 
 one's ael£ He, therefore, that is destitute of this knowledge of him- 
 self is bordering on madness. The multitude, howevsor, do not, like 
 Socjtates, consider ignorance of virtue to he madness, but apply that 
 term only to gross ignorance or misconduct with regard to other matters. 
 Eiikner. 
 
 "Aristotle is praised for naming Fortitude first of the cardinal virtues, 
 as that without which no other virtue can steadily be practiced ; but ho 
 might, with equal propriety, have placed Prudence and Justice before it, 
 since, wifhout Prudence Fortitude is mad; without Justice, it is mis- 
 chievous." Johmon, Life of Pope. 
 
CHAP. IX. ON COMMAND AND OBEDIENCE. 453 
 
 most men did something ; for that dice-players and buffoons did 
 something ; but he said that all such persons were idle, for it 
 was in their power to go and do something better ; he observed 
 that a man was not idle, however, in, passing from a better em- 
 ployment to a worse, but that, if he did so, he, as h« [pre- 
 viously] had occupation, acted in that respect viciously. 
 
 10. Kirigs and Gomtmmders, he said, were not those who 
 Jleld scepters merely, or those elected by the multitude, or 
 those who gained authority by lot, or those who attained it 
 by violence or deceit, but those who knew how to command. 
 11. For when some admitted that it was the part of a com- 
 mander to enjoin what another should do, and the part of him 
 who was commanded, to obey, he showed that in a ship the 
 skillful man is the commander, and that the owner and all the 
 other people in the ship were obedient to the man of knowl- 
 edge ; that, in agriculture, those who had farms, in sickness, 
 those who were ill, in bodily exercises, those who practiced 
 them, and indeed all other people, who had any business re- 
 quiring care, personally took the management of it if they 
 thought that they understood it, but if not, that they were not 
 only ready to obey men of knowledge who were present, but 
 even sent for such as were absent, in order that, by yielding to 
 their directions, they liiight do what was proper. In spinning, 
 too, he pointed out that women, commanded men, as 1iie one 
 knew how-to spin, and the other did not know. 12. But if 
 any one remarked in reply to these observations, that a tyrant 
 is at liberty not to obey judicious advisers, he would say, " And 
 how is he at liberty not to obey, when a penalty hangs over 
 him that does^ not obey a wise monitor ? for in whatever afiair 
 a person does not obey a prudent adviser, he will doubtless err, 
 and, by erring, will incur a penalty." 13. If any one also 
 observed that a tyrant might put to death a wise counselor, 
 " And do you think," he would say, " that he who puts to 
 death the best of his allies will go "unpunished, or that he will 
 be exposed only to casual punishment ? Whether do you sup- 
 pose that a man who acts thus would live in safety, or would 
 be likely, i-ather, by such conduct, to bring immediate de- 
 struction on himself ?" 
 
 14. When some one asked him what object of study he 
 thought best for a man, he replied, " good conduct." Wheii 
 he asked him again whether he thought " good fortune" an 
 
4fi4 MEMORABILIA OF SOORATER book nr. 
 
 object of study, he answered, " ' Fortune' and ' Conduct' I think 
 entirely opposed ; for, for a person to light on any thing that he 
 wants without seeking it, I consider to be ' good fortune,' but 
 to achieve any thing successfully by learning and study, I regard 
 as ' good conduct ;' and those who make this their object of 
 study appear to me to do well." 
 
 15. The best men, and those most beloved by the gods, he 
 observed, were those "who, in agriculture, performed their agri- 
 cultural duties well, those who, in medicine, performed their 
 medical duties well, those who, in political offices, performed 
 their public duties well; but he who did nothing well, he 
 said, was neither useful for any purpose, nor acceptable to the 
 gods. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Socrates ■was desirons to benefit artisans hj discontsing ■mth them on' the 
 principles of their several arts. Of pauitjn|g, sect. 1. Of representine 
 perfect beanty, 2. Of expressing the affections of the mind, 3-S. Of 
 Btatnaiy, 6-8. In what the excellence of a corselet consists, 9-15. 
 
 1. Whenever he conversed with any of those who were 
 engaged in arts or trades, and who wrought at them for gain, 
 he proved of service to them. Visiting Parrbasius" the painter 
 one day, and entering into ebnversation with him, he said, 
 " Pray, Parrhasius, is not painting the representation of visi- 
 ble objects? At least you represent substances, imitating 
 them by means of color, whether they be concave, or convex, 
 dark or light, hard or soft, rough or smooth, fresh or old." 
 "What you say is true,'' said Parrhasius. 2. "And when 
 you would represent beautiful ^gures, do you, since it is not 
 easy to find one person with every part perfect, select, out of 
 many, the most beautiful parts of each, and thus represent 
 figures beautiful in every part?" "We do so," said he. 3. 
 "And do you also, said Socrates, "give imitations of the 
 
 ' It is to be remembered that this celebrated painter, when Socrates 
 Md this conversation with him, was then young, and that it was not 
 till after the death gX Socrates, Olymp. xcv. 1, that he acquired a great 
 name in his art. Kuhner. 
 
CHAP. X OSr PAINTING AND STATUART. 455 
 
 disposition of the mind, as it may be most persuasive, most 
 agreeable, most friendly, most full of regret, or most amiable ? 
 Or is this inimitable ?" " How can that be imitated, Socrates," 
 said he, "which has neither proportion; nor color, nor any 
 of the qualities which you just now mentioned, and is not 
 even a visible object ?" ' 4. " Is it not often observible in a 
 man that he regards others with a friendly or unfriendly 
 look ?" " I think so," said he. " Is this then possible to be 
 copied in the eyes ?" " Assuredly." And at the good or 
 ill fortune of people's friends, do thoso who are affected at it, 
 and those who are not, appear to you to have the same sort of 
 look 3" "No, indeed ; for they look cheerful at their good, 
 and sad at their evil, fortune." " Is it possible, then, to 
 imitate these looks ?" " Unquestionably." 5. " Surely, also, 
 nobleness and generosity of disposition, meanness and illiber- 
 ahty, modesty and intelligence, insolence and stupidity, show 
 themselves both in the looks, and gesture of men, whether 
 they stand or move." " What you say is just." " Can these 
 peculiarities be imitated 1" " Certainly." " Whether, then," 
 said Socrates, "do you think that people look tnth more pleas- 
 ure on paintings in which beautiful, and good, and lovely 
 characters are exhibited, or those in which the deformed, and 
 evil, and detestable are represented ?" " There is a very great 
 difference indeed, Socrates," replied Parrhasius." 
 
 6. Going once, too, into the workshop of Cleito,' the statu- 
 ary, and beginning to converse with him, he said, " I see and 
 understand, Cleito, that you make figures of various kinds, 
 runners and wrestlers, pu^liats and pancratiasts, but how do 
 you put into your statues that which most wins the minds of 
 the beholders through the eye, the life-like appearance ?" 1. 
 As Cleito hesitated, and did not immediately answer, Soc- 
 rates proceeded to ask, " Do you make your statues - appear 
 more life-like by assimilating your work to the figures of the 
 living?" "Certainly," said he. "Do you not then make 
 your figures appear more like reality, and more striking, by 
 
 ' OpoTov.] Not an object which you can represent by its shape, as a 
 tree, or a house. 
 
 ' The admonition which Socrates wished to convey to Parrhasius, 
 was as Schneider thinks, that he should exercise his pencil in represeAt- 
 iog rather what was fair and lovely than what was deformed and re- 
 pulsive. 
 
 ' He is nowhere else mentioned. Kii/mer. 
 
466 MEMOEABILIA OF SOOBATES. book ui. 
 
 imitating the parts of the body, that are drawn up or drawn 
 down, compressed or spread out, stretched or relaxed, by the 
 gesture ?" " Undoubtedly," said Cleito. " And the repre- 
 sentation of the passions of men engaged in any act, does it 
 not excite a certain pleaaui!6 in the spectators?" "It is nat- 
 ural, at least, that it stould be so," said be. "Must you not, 
 then, copy the menacing looks of combatants ? And must you 
 not imitate the countenance of conquerors, as they look joyful ? " 
 "Assuredly," said he. "A statuary, therefore," concluded 
 Socrates, "must express the workings of the mind by the 
 form." 
 
 9. Entering the shop of Pistiaa,' a corselet-maker, and Pis- 
 tias having shown him some well-made corselets, Socrates ob- 
 served, " By Juno, Pisiias, this is an excellent invention, that 
 the corselets should cover" those parts of a man's body that need 
 protection, and yet should not hinder him from using, his 
 hands. 10. But tell . me, Pistias," he added, "why do you 
 sell you!r corselets at a higher price than other makers, though 
 you neither make them ptronger nor of more costly materials 2" 
 " Because, Socrates, " said he, " I make them better propor- 
 tioned." " And do you make this proportion appear in the 
 measure or weight of your corselets, that you set a higher price 
 on them? For I suppose that you do not make them all 
 equal or similar, if you make them to fit, different persons." 
 "Indeed," replied he, " I do make them to fit, for there would 
 be no use in" a corselet without that quality." 11. "Are not 
 then," said Socrates,- "the bodies of some men wellrpropor- 
 tioned, and those , of others ill proportioned ?" " Certainly," 
 said Pistias. "How, then," asked Socrates, " do you make 
 a well proportioned corselet fit an ill proportioned body 1" 
 "As I make it fit," answered Pistias; "for one that fits is 
 well proportioned." 12. "You seem to me," said Socrates, 
 "to speak of proportion considered not independently, but 
 with respect to the wearer, as if you should say of a 
 shield, or a cloak^ that it/is well proportioned to him whom it 
 suits ; and such appears to be the case with regard to other 
 
 ' He seema to be the same that is called iLlaruv in Athenaeus,'iv. 20. 
 
 ° Tip^ — aneirdZeiv rbv 86paitcu\ " In that the corselet should cover," 
 etc. Many editions have tS^ with which must be understopd Ai5. , 
 
CHAP. XI. VISIT TO THEODOTA. 451 
 
 things, according to what you say. 13, But, perhaps, there 
 
 may be some other considerable advantage attendant on being 
 
 made to fit." " Tell me, Socrates," said he, " if you know 
 
 any." "Those corselets which fit," answered Socrates, "are 
 
 less oppressive by their weight, than those which do not fit, 
 
 though they be both of equal weight ; while those which do not 
 
 fit, are, either from hanging wholly on the shoulders, or fi^om 
 
 pressing heavily on some other part of the body, inconvenient 
 
 and uneasy ; but those which fit, as they distribute their 
 
 weight partly over the collar-bone' and shoulder, partly over 
 
 the upper part of the arm, and partly over the breast, back, 
 
 and stomach, appear almost hke, not a burden to be borne, 
 
 but a natural appendage." 14. " You have hit upon the very 
 
 quality," said Pistias, " for which I consider my manufacture 
 
 deserving of the very highest price; some, however, prefer 
 
 Burchasiiijg ornamented and gilded corselets." "Yet if on 
 
 this account," said Socrates, "they purchase such as do 
 
 not fit, they appear to me to purchase an ornamented and 
 
 gilded annoyance. But," added he^ " since the body does not 
 
 continue always in the same position, but is at one time bent, 
 
 and at another straight, how can a corselet, which is exactly 
 
 fitted to it, suit it ?" " It can not by any means/' said Pistias. 
 
 " You mean, therefore," said Socrates, " that it is not those 
 
 which are exactly fitted to the body that suit, but thoge that 
 
 do not gall in the wearing." " You say what is clearly the 
 
 case, Socrates," replied he, "and exactly comprehend, the 
 
 matter." 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 The visit of Socrates to Theodota, and his discourse Trith her, sect. 1-9. 
 He tells her that true friends are not acquired without the manifestation 
 of kind and good feelings, 9-12. He reminds her that in gratifying the 
 appetites we must guard i^ainst satiety, 13, 14. His jests on taking leave 
 of her, lS-18. , ^ 
 
 1. There being at one time a beautiful woman in the city, 
 whose name was Theodota," a woman ready to form a con- 
 
 ' 'Ttto tuv kMiSuv, k. t. X] The preposition vtrd is need because the 
 idea of lemg borne must he kept in the mind. Kuhner. 
 " This passage is cited by Athenseus, v. p. 200, F. Theodota was 
 VOL. I. 20 
 
458 MEMOBABTLIA 0¥ SOCRATES. book in. 
 
 ' " nection with any one that made advances to her, and somebody 
 in company -witn Socrates making mention of her, and saying 
 that her beauty was beyond description, and that painters went 
 to her to take her portrait, to whom she showed as much of her 
 person as she could with prc^riety, " We ought then to go and 
 see her," remarked Socrates, *' for it is not possible to compre- 
 hend by hearing that which surpasses description." " You can 
 not be too quick in fdlowing me, then,'*- said he who had men- 
 tioned her. 
 
 2. Going, accordingly, to the house of Theodota, and find- 
 ing her standing to a painter, they contemplated her figure ; 
 and when the painter had left off, Socrates said, " My friends, 
 whether ought we to feel obliged to Theodota for having 
 shown us her beauty, or she to us for having viewed it with 
 admiration ? If the exhibition be rather of advantage to her 
 ought not she to feel grateful to us, or if the sight has given 
 rather more pleasure to us, ought not we to feel grateful to her?" 
 3. Somebody saying that he spoke reasonably, he added, " She, 
 then, for the present, gams praise fifom us, and, when we have 
 spoken of her to others, will gain profit in addition ; but as 
 for us, we now desire to embrace what we have seefl, and shall 
 go away excited, and longfor her after we are away from her ; 
 tibe natural consequence of which is that we shall be her adorers, 
 and that she will be worshiped as our mistress." " If this be 
 the case, indeed," said Thewiota, " I must feel gratitude to you 
 for coming to see me.'* 
 
 4. Soon after, Socrates, seeing her most expensively attired, 
 and her mother with her in a dress and adomrfent above 
 the common, with several handsome female attendants, not 
 unbecomingly appareled, and her house richly furnished in 
 other respects, said to her, " Tell mo,. Theodota, have you an 
 estate?" "Not I, indeed," replied, she. "But perhaps you 
 have a house that brings you ah income ?" "Nor a house 
 either," said she. . " Have you then any slaves that practice 
 handicrafts?'" "No, nor any slaves." "How then," said 
 
 afterward the mistress' of Aloibiades, and covered his b»dy with her 
 garment when lie was killed, and burned it, Athen. xiil p. 514, P. ; 
 Com. Nep. Vit. Alcib; Libanius mentions her among the most remark- 
 ' ' able courtesans of Greece, torn. i. p. 582. In .ffilian, V. H. xiiL 32, 
 mention is made of Callisto, a courtesan, with whom Socrates con- 
 versed. Schneider. 
 
 ' XeipoTeXvacJ These were slaves trained to mechanical oeoupa- 
 
OHAP. XI. MEANS OF ACQITIErNG FRIENDS. 459 
 
 Boorates, " do you procure subsistence ?" " If any one be- 
 comes my iriend," she replied, " and is willing to benefit me, 
 he is my means of subsistence." 5. "By Juno, Theodota," 
 rejoined Socrates, '' and he is an excellent acquisition to you ; 
 and it is much better to have a flock of friends than of sheep, 
 oxen, and goats. But," added he, " do you leave it to chance 
 whether a friend, like a fly, shall wing his way to you, or do 
 you use any contrivance to attract them ?" 6. "And how," 
 said she, "can I find a contrivance for such a purpose?" 
 " Much more readily," said he, " than spiders can ; for you 
 know how they try to get subsistence ; they weave fine nets, 
 and feed upon whatever falls into them." 1. "And do you ad- 
 vise me, too," said she, " to weave a net ?" " Yes," said he, 
 "for you ought not to think that you will catch friends, 
 the most valuable prey that can be taken, without art. Do 
 you not see how many arts hunters use to catch hares,' an 
 animal Of but little worth 3 8. As the hares feed in the night, 
 they procure dogs for bunting by night, with which they 
 chase them ; as they conceal themselves in the day, they pro- 
 vide other dogs, which, perceiving by the smell the way that 
 they have gone from their feeding place to their forms, trace 
 them out; and as they are swift of foot, so as soon to 
 escape from view by running, they procwre also Other dogs, of 
 great speed, that they may be caught by pursuit ; and because 
 some of them escape even from these dogs, they stretch nets 
 across the paths by which they flee, that they may fell into 
 them and be entangled." 9. "By what art of thi& Mnd, then," 
 said she^ " can I catch friends V " If," said he, " instead of 
 a dog, you got somebody to track and discover the lovers of 
 beauty, and the wealthy, and who, when he has fotmd them, 
 will contrive to drive them into your nets." "And what nets 
 Eave I ?" said she. 10. " You have one at least," he replied, 
 " and one that closely embraces its prey, your parson ; and in 
 it you have a mind, by which you understand how you may 
 gratify ■& person by looking at him, and what you may say to 
 cheer him, and leam that you ought to receive with transport 
 him who shows concern for you, and to shut out him who is 
 insolent, to attend carefully on a friend when he is ill, to re- 
 
 tions, the owners of whom derived considerable income from their 
 labors. 
 
 I Oyrop. i. G. 40. 
 
460 MKMOBABILIA. OF SOCRATES. book ra. 
 
 joice greatly with him when, he has succeeded in any thing hon- 
 orable, and to cherish affection in your whok soul for the man 
 ■who sincerely cares for you. To love I am sure that you know, 
 not only tenderly, but with true kindness of heart; and your 
 friends try to please you, I know, because you conciliate them, 
 not with words merely, but by your behavior toward them." 
 " Indeed," replied Theodota, " I use none of these schemes." 11. 
 " Yet," said Socrates, " it is x)f gr^at importance to deal with a 
 man according to his disposition, and with judgment; for by 
 force you can neither gain nor keep a friend, but by serving 
 and pleasing him the animal' is easily taken and attached to 
 you." " What you say is true," said she. 
 
 12. "It becomes you, therefore," proceeded Socrates, "in 
 the first place, to request of your lovers only such favors as 
 they will perform with least cost to themselves ; and you must 
 then make a return by obliging them in a similar way ;'' for 
 thus they will become most sincerely attached to you, and will 
 love you longest, and , benefit you most. 13. But you will 
 please them most if you grant them favors only when they 
 solicit them ; for you see that even the most savory meats, 
 if a person offer them to another before he has an appetite for 
 them, appear to him distasteful ; and in the satisfied they ex- 
 cite even loathing ; but if one offers food to another after 
 having raised an appetite in him, it seems, though it be of a 
 very ordinary kind, extremely agreeable." 14. " How then 
 can I," said she, " excite such an appetite in any one of those 
 that visit me ?" " If, when they are sa,tiated," said he, " you, 
 in the first place, neither offer yourself to them, nor remind 
 them of you, until, coming to an end- of their satiety, they 
 again feel a desire for, you; and, when they do feel such de- 
 sire, reiniiid them of your fondness by the most modest ad- 
 dress, and by showing yourself willing to gratify them, hold- 
 ing back at the same time, imtil they are filled with impatient 
 longing ; for it is far better to grant the same favors at such 
 a time, than :before they had an appetite for them." 15. 
 "Why do not you, then, Socrates," said she, "become my 
 helper in securing friends ?" " I will indeed," said he, " if 
 you can persuade me." "And how then," said she, " can I 
 
 ' To 07ipiov.'] A word- suitable to the illustrations which Socrates had 
 previously given. 
 
 ' That is, as freely as they oblige you ; not at the least possible cosi 
 
CHAP. XI. SOCHATES ATTACHED MEN TO HIM. 461 
 
 persuade you ?" " You yourself will seek and find means to 
 do so, if you should at all need me." "Come often to see me, 
 then," said she. 16. Then Socrates, joking upon his own easy 
 life, SMd, "But, Theodota, it is not easy for me to find leisure; 
 for my own numerous occupations, private and public,' allow 
 me no rest ; and I have friends" also, who will not suffer me 
 to leave them day or night, learning from me love-charms and 
 incantations;" 17. "Do you then know such arts, too, Soc- 
 rates?" said Theodota. "Through what other influence do 
 you suppose that ApoUodorus' here, and Antiathenes,* never 
 leave me ? and through what other influence do you suppose 
 that Cebes' and Simmias* came to me from Thebes ? Be 
 assured, that such effects were not produced without many 
 love-charms, incantations, and magic wheels."' 18. "Lend 
 me, then, your magic wheel," said she, " that I may set it a 
 going,' first of all, against yourself." " But, by Jupiter," ex- 
 claimed Socrates, " I do not wish that I should be drawn to 
 you, but that you should come to me." " I will come then," 
 said she, " only take care to let me in." " I will let you in," 
 replied he, "if another more acceptable than you be not 
 within."' 
 
 'This mention of public employments is to betaken aa a joke, as 
 Weiske observes ; for Socrates took no part in public employments, as is 
 stated in i. 6. IS. -# 
 
 " <t>i^at.] He uses the feminine gender in jest, as if he had hia flXai 
 as Theodota had her 0i/lai. 
 
 ' He was a great admirer of Socrates, and constant attendant on him. 
 Apol. Soc. 0. 28. Cobet, Prosopogr. Xen. p. 63. 
 
 * Founder of the Cynics ; he passed much of hia time with Socrates : 
 Sympos. iv. 44 ; Mem. ii 5. 1. Both these inen appear to have attended 
 him in his visit to Theodota. 
 
 " Mentioned i. 2. 48. 
 
 ° 'Ivyyav.] The iiif is a small bird that builds in hollow trees, and 
 feeds on msects; it is called in Latin iorquiUa, in French toram, in Ger- 
 man wendehals, and in English wr^-Mec4, from the incessant motion of 
 its head. From this pecuharity the ancients believed that it had some 
 magic power, and used it in incantations. They used to tie the bird to 
 a wlieel with four, spokes, which they whirled round rapidly, chanting, 
 at the same time, certain charms. Hence the wheel itself came to be 
 called tuyS. See Pind. Pyth. iv. 380; .ffisoh. Pers. 993; Theoor. ii. 17. 
 Schneider. 
 
 ' "E^K(j.] The expression IMtiv liSyya M riva was a common one, 
 says Schneider. " 'E^kccv is used for torquere, in speaking of the magic 
 wheel. So tortus rTwmlma, Oy. Amor. i. 8. 7 ; and retro solvere turbinem, 
 Hor. Ep. xvii. 7." Stun. 
 
 " Aptly and wittily said ; for the excuse of the iralpai in shutting 
 
462 MEMOEABIUA OF SOCRATES. book m. 
 
 CHAPTER Xn. 
 
 Socrates shows the benefit of gymnastic exercises, as well on the, health of 
 the mind as bn that of the, body, sect. 1-4. The advantages of health and 
 vigor, 5-8. 
 
 1. NoTiciiTG that Epigenes, one of his followers, was both 
 very young and weaik in body, he said to him, " How very 
 Tinllke an athlete' you are in frame,, Epigenes!" " I am hot an 
 athlete, Socrates," replied he. "You are not less of an ath- 
 lete," rejoined Socrates, " than those who are going to con- 
 tend at the Olympic games. Does the struggle for life with 
 the enemy, which the Athenians will demand of you when 
 circumstances require, seem to you to be a trifling contest? 
 2. Yet, in the dangers of war, not a few, through weakness of 
 body, either lose their lives, or save them with dishonor ; 
 many, from the same cause, are taken alive, and, as prisoners 
 of war, endure for the rest of their lives, if such should be 
 their fate, the bitterest slavery ; or, falling into the most 
 grievous hardships, and paying for their ransom sometimes 
 more than they possess, pass the remainder of their existence 
 in want of necessaries, and in the endimmce of affliction ; and 
 many, too, incur infamy, being thought to be cowards merely 
 from the imbecility of their bodily frame. 3. Bo you think 
 lightly of such penalties attached to weakness of body, or do 
 you expect that you will endure such calamities with ease 2 1 
 believe that what he must bear who attends to the health of 
 his body, is far lightpr and more pleasant than such afflic- 
 tions. Or do you suppose that an ill condition of body is 
 more salutary and advantageous than a good condition ? Or 
 do you despise the benefit? secured by a good state of the 
 body ? 4. Yet the lot which falls to those who have their 
 bodies in good condition is exactly the reverse of that which 
 falls to those who ham them in ill condition ; for those who 
 have their bodies in a good state are healthy and strong ; and 
 
 out their gallants was IvSov (Tepo(. Lucian, Dialog. Meretr.xIL p. 310; 
 viii. p. 300: BuhnJcen. 
 
 ' 'flf Wi(i>T4Ki5f — rb aCifip. Ix^i^-^ QuAmnonathleHoi corpore constiiuius 
 est 'Uiur?ii, one untrained in gymnastic exercises, was opposed to 
 ai7Ki?T7)f, one trained in them. See jii. '?. 7. 
 
OHAP. xti. ADVANTAGES OF EXEECISB. 463 
 
 many, from being possessed of this advantage, save themselves 
 with honor amid the struggles of war, and escape every 
 peril ; many, also, asisst their friends and benefit their coun- 
 try, and, for such services, are thought worthy of favor, ac- 
 •quire grd&,t glory, and attain the iSghest dknities ; and, on 
 these accounts, pass the rest of their fives with greater pleas- 
 ure and honor, and bequeath finer fortunes' to their chil- 
 dren. 5. Nor, because the city does not require warlike 
 exercises publicly,' ought we, on that account, to neglect 
 them privately, but rather to practice them the more ;° for be 
 well assured that neither fn any other contest, nor iti any 
 affair whatever, will you at all come off the worse because 
 your body is better trained than that of other men ; since the 
 body must bear its part in whatever men do ; and in all the 
 services required from the body, it is of the utmost import- 
 ance to have it in the best possible condition ; 6. for even in 
 that in which you think that there is least exercise for the 
 body, namely, thinking, who does not know that many fell 
 greatly from ill-health? and loss of memory, despoDtdeilcy, 
 irritability, and madness, often, from ill-health of body, at- 
 tack the mind with such force as to drive out all previous 
 knowledge. 7. But to those who have their bodies in good 
 condition, there is the utmost freedom from anxiety, and 6o 
 danger of suffering any such calamity from weakness of con- 
 stitution ; while it is likely, rather, that a healthy state of 
 body will avail to produce consequences the reverse of those 
 which result from an unhealthy state of it ; and, indeed, to 
 «ecure consequences the reverse of what we have stated, what 
 would a man in his senses not undergo ? 8, It is disgraceful 
 too, for a person to grow old in self-neglect, before he knows 
 what he would become by rendering himself well-formed and 
 vigorous in body ; but this a man who neglects himself can 
 not know ; for such advantages are not wont to come spon- 
 taneously. 
 
 1 'Af op/id; elc rdv /3jow.] Supplies or incomes for living; means of 
 life. 
 
 3 Xenophon, in recording this censure on the Athenians, intends 
 tacitly to praise the'Lacedffimonians. See iii 5. 16. Weiske. There were 
 at Athena, says Schneider, as in other states of Greece, m^ofidxoi, men 
 who trained others in the exercise of arms ; but no such exercise was 
 publicly required by law as at Lacedaemon. 
 
 3 MriSiv ^TTov.] "Not leas." 
 
464 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATEa 
 
 CHAPTER Xni. 
 
 Several trief sayings of Socrates. We should not te offended at mdeneas of 
 manner more tban at personal defects, sect. 1. Fasting the best remedy 
 for loathing of food, 2. We should not be too nice (is to food or drink, 3. 
 He that punishes his slave, should consider whether he himself deserves 
 lik« punishment, 4 Admonitions to travelers, 5. It ia disgraceful to him 
 who has been trained in the gymnasium to be outdone by d slave in endur- 
 ing toil, S, 
 
 1. A PERSON being angry-, becausfe, on saluting another, he was 
 not saluted in return, " It is an odd thing," said Socrates to him, 
 " that if you had met a man ill-conditioned in body yon would 
 not have been angry, but to have met a man rudely disposed in 
 mind provokes yon." 
 
 2. Another person saying that he ate without pleasure, 
 " Acumenus," ' s^d Socrates, " prescribes an excellent remedy 
 for that disease." The other asking, " What sort of remedy ?" 
 " To abstain from eating," said Socrates ; " for he says that, 
 after abstaining, you will live with more pleasure, less expense, 
 and better health." 
 
 3. Another saying that the water which he had to drink at 
 his house was warm, " When you wish to bathe in warm 
 water, then," said Socrates, " it will be ready for you." " But 
 it is too cold to bathe in," said the other; "Are your 
 slaves, then," asked Socrates, "inconvenienced by drinking 
 or bathing in it ?" " No, by Jupiter," replied he ; "for I have 
 often wondered how cheerfully they use it for both those 
 purposes." " And is the water in your house," said Socrates, 
 " or that in the temple of ,^culapius,' the warmer for drink- 
 ing ?" " That at the templfe of jS^culapius," replied he. 
 " And which is the colder for bathing in, that at your house, 
 or that in the temple of Amphiaraus ?" ' " That in the temple 
 of Amphiaraus," said he. "Consider, then,^' said Socrates, 
 
 ' A physician of the time of Socrates, and one of hia friends. See 
 Plato, Phaedr. p. 227, A., p. 268, A. B.; Symp. p. 176; Cobet, Proso- 
 pogr. Xen. p. 50. 
 
 ' At Athens, Falisaili&s, Attia c. 21, mentions that it was situate in 
 the way from the theater to the Acropolis, and that there was a fonnt> 
 mn belonging to it; but says nothing of the nature of the water. 
 Schneider. 
 
 ' Between Potnise and Thebea. 
 
OHAP. xm. SAYINGS OF SOCRATES. 465 
 
 " that you seem to be harder to please than your slaves or the 
 flick." 
 
 4. Another person beating his attendant severely, Socrates- 
 asked him why he was so angry at the slave. " Because," said 
 he, " he is very gluttonous and very stupid, very covetous and 
 very idle." " And. have you ever reflected," rejoined Socrates, 
 "which of the two deserves the greater number of stripes, you 
 or your slave ?" 
 
 5. A person being afraid of the journey to Olympia, " Why," 
 said Socrates to him, " do you fear the journey ? Do you not 
 walk about at home almost all day? And, if you set out thither, 
 you will walk and dine, walk and sup, and go to rest. Do y(>u 
 not know that if you were to extend m a straight line the walks 
 which you take in five or six days, you would easily go from 
 Athens to Olympia ? , But it will be better for you to start a 
 day too soon than a day too late ; for to be obliged to extend 
 your days' journeys beyond a moderate length is disagreeable ; 
 but to spend on^ day more on the road gives great ease ; 
 and it is better, therefore, to hasten to start than to hurry on 
 the way." 
 
 6. Another saying that he was utterly wearied with a long 
 journey, Socrates asked him whether he carried any burden. 
 "No, by Jupiter," said he, "I did not, except my cloak." 
 "And did you travel alone," said Socrates, "or did an attendant 
 accompany you ?" " An attendant was with me." " Was he 
 emptyJianded, or did he carry any thing ?" " He carried, cer- 
 tainly, the bedding' and other utensils." " And how did 'he get 
 over the journey 1' " He appeared to me to come ofif better 
 than myself?" " If you, then, had been obhged to carry his 
 burden, how do you imagine that you would have fared?" 
 " Very ill, by Jupiter ;, or rather, I should not have been able 
 to carry it at all." " And how can you think that it becomes 
 a man trained to exercise to be so much less able to bear fatigue 
 than a slave ?" 
 
 ' 'WTuoh slaves used to oany in a bag. See note on Anab. v. 4. 13. 
 20* 
 
466 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. book in. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Table-talk of Socrates in praise of frugality. In contiibntioDB to feasts, one 
 guest should not strive to surpass another in the quality or quantity of 
 what he contributes, sect. 1. He may be called mofdyos, jlesh-eaier, 
 who eats flesh alone, ormth very little bread, 3-4. He that eats of miny 
 dishes at once acts foolishly in various ways, 6, 6. He may be truly said 
 rfu;i!«(76aj, to bongtiet, who lives on plain and wholesome food, 7. 
 
 1. When, among a number of persons who had met together 
 to sup, some brought little meat, and others a great quantity, 
 Socrates desired the attendant either to setTihe smallest dish on 
 the table for common participation, or to distribute a portion 
 of it to each. They, accordingly, who had brought a great 
 deal, were ashamed not to partake of what was pi^f on table 
 for the company in general, and not, at the same time, to put 
 their own on table in return. They therefore offered their own 
 dishes for the participation of the company ; and when they 
 had no greater share than those who brought but little, they 
 ceased to buy meat at great cost. 
 
 2. Observing one of those at table with him taking no 
 bread, but eating meat by itself, and a discussion having 
 arisen at the same time about names, for what cause any par- 
 ticular name was given, "Can we tell," said Socrates, "for 
 what cause a man should be called dipogtAyos ?' For every body 
 eats flesh with his bread when he has it ; but I do not sup- 
 pose that people are called fi^oqsdyot on that account." " I 
 should thirii not," said one of the company. 3. " But," said 
 Socrates, " if a person should eat meat by itself without 
 bread, not for the purpose' of traiiung," but of gratifying his 
 appetite, whether would he seem to be an b^pocf&yos or not ?" 
 " Scarcely any other would more justly seem so," said he. 
 "And be that eats a great deal of meat with very little 
 bread," said another, of the company, "what should lie be 
 called?" "To me," replied Sqciates,, " it appears that he 
 would justly be called b^oqi&fos, and when other men pray to 
 
 ' Fleah-eaier^ From o^jiov, whatever was eaten with bread, and (^ayelv, 
 to eat. 
 
 " 'Aff«)?ff2ur.] A word used to denote the traimng of the athletae. 
 who ate a great deal of flesh to strengthen them. See i. 2. 4 ; iii 1 7. 
 KUhner. 
 
CHAP. 2IT. TABLE-TALK. 467 
 
 the gods for abundance of com, he may pray for abundance of 
 flesh." 4. When Socrates said this, the young man, thinking 
 that the words were directed at him, did not indeed leave off 
 eating meat, but took some bread with it. Socrates, observ- 
 ing hitn do BO, said, " Notice this young man, you that sit 
 near him, whether he takes bread to his meat, or meat to his 
 bread." 
 
 5. Seeing another of the obmpany taste of several- dishes 
 with the same piece of bread, " Can any cookery be more ex- 
 travagant," said he, " or more adapted to spoil, dis'hes, than that 
 which he practices who eats of several at the same time, putting 
 all manner of sauces into his mouth at once ? For as he mixes 
 together more ingredients than the cooks, he makes what he 
 eats more expensive ; and as he mixes what they forbear to mix 
 as being iucoiigrttous. he, if they do right, is in the wrong, and 
 renders their art ineffectual. 6. And how can it be otherwise 
 than ridiculous," he added, " for a man to provide himself with 
 cooks of the greatest skill, and then, thou^ he pretends to no 
 knowledge of their art, to undo what has been done by titiem ? 
 But there is another evil attendant on him who is accustomed 
 to eat of several dishes at once ; for, if he has not several sorts 
 of meat before him, he thinks himself stinted, missing the vari- 
 ety to which he has been used. But he who is accustomed to 
 make one piece of bread, and one piece of meat, go together, 
 will be able to partake contentedly of one dish when several are 
 just at hand." 
 
 1. He observed also that eiatxeXa&ai,, "to fare well,"' was in 
 the I^Qguage of the Athenians called ^CT^/eH", "to eat;" and 
 that the si, " well," was added to denote that we should eat 
 auch food as would- disorder neither mind nor body, and such 
 as would not be difficult to be procure! ; so that he applied 
 ' eiwxBXa9ai, " to fare well," to those who fared temperatedy. 
 
 ' E4u;i;s<a, quasi cvoxeo, from eS and 6x>!, support^ nourishment, from 
 Ixa : a derivation &r which Kiihner refers to Eustath. ad IL ii p. 2X2. 
 at : 'Axai'o} rijv Tpoip^v 6x')v TJyovai. 
 
BOOK rv. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Socrates liked the Booisty of yonng men ; how he judged of them ; his de- 
 sire that liey should be well educated, sect. 1,2. The more powerful the 
 mind in youth, the more likely it is, if ill trained, to run into vice, 8, i. 
 Happiness does not depend on riches, but on kpowled^e, and on bemg 
 useful to OUT fellow-creatures, and gaining their esteemj 5. 
 
 1. So serviceable was Socrates to others, in every kind of 
 transaction, and by every possible means, that to any one who 
 reflects on his usemlness (even though he possess but moderate 
 discernment)^ it is manifest that nothing was of greater bene- 
 fit than to associate with Socrates, and to converse with him, 
 on any occasion, or on any subject whatever; since even 
 the remembrance of him, when he is no longer with us, bene- 
 fits in no small degree those who are accustomed to enjoy 
 his society, and heard him with approbation ; for he sought 
 to improve his associates not less in his humorous than in his 
 serious conversation. 2. He would often say that he loved 
 some particular person ; but he was evidently enamored, not 
 of those formed by nature to be beautiful, but of those 
 naturally inclined to virtue. He judged of the goodness 
 of people's abilities from their qniotnesa in learning the 
 things to which they gave their attention, from their re- 
 membrance of what they learned, and from their desire for 
 all those branches of knowledge by means of which it is possi- 
 ble to' manage a family or an estate well, and to govern men 
 and their affairs with success ; for he thought that such charac- 
 ters, when instructed, would not only be happy themselves, and 
 regulate their own families judiciously, but would be able to 
 render other men, and other communities beside their own, 
 happy. 8. Hd did not however make advances to all in the 
 same manner. Those who thought that they had good natural 
 abilities, but despised instruction, he endeavored to con- 
 vince that minds which show most natural power have most 
 need of education, pointing out to them that horses of the best 
 
CHAP. I. MORAL OBSEKVATIONS. 469 
 
 breed, which are high-spirited and obstinate, become, if they 
 are broken in when young, most useful and valuable, but if 
 they are left unbroken, remain quite unmanageable and 
 worthless ; and that hounds of the best blood, able to endure 
 toil, and' eager to attack beasts, prove, if they are well trained, 
 most serviceable for the chase, and every way excellent, but, 
 if untrained, are useless, rabid, and disobedient. 4. In like 
 manner, he showed that men of the best natural endowments, 
 possessed of the greatest strength of mind, and most energetic 
 in executing what they undertake, became, if well disoiphned 
 and instructed in what they ought to do, most estimable char- 
 acters, and most beneficent to society (as they then per- 
 formed most numerous and important services), but that, if 
 uninstructed, and left in ignorance, they proved utterly worth- 
 less and mischievous; for that, not knowing what hne of 
 conduct they 6ught to pursue, they often entered upon evil 
 courses, and, being haughty and impetuous, were difiicult to be 
 restrained or turned from their purpose, and thus occasioned 
 very many and great evils. 
 
 6. But those who prided themselves on their wealth, and 
 thought that they required no education, but imagined that 
 their riches would suffice to effect whatever they desired, and 
 to gain them honor from mankind, he tried to reduce to 
 reason by saying that the man was a fool who thought that 
 he could distinguish the good and the evil in life without in- 
 struction ; and that he 5so was a fool who, though he could 
 not distinguish them, thought that he would procure whatever 
 he wished, and elTect whatever was for his interest, by means 
 of his wealth. He also said that the man was void of sense 
 who, not being qualified to pursue what was for his good, 
 fancied that he would be prosperous in the world, and that 
 every thing necessary for his comfort was fully, or at least 
 sufficiently, provided for him; and that he was equally void 
 of sense who, though he knew nothing, thought that he would 
 seem good for something because of his riches, and, though 
 evidently despicable, would gain esteem through their m- 
 fluence. 
 
470 MEMOEABILIA OF SOOKATES. book IT. 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 Wo dependenoB to te plsiied on natural abilities witlioiiteduoation. Sooratea 
 proceeds to show jSitkydemus, a aelf-oonoeited young man, that in every 
 art it is proper to have recpuiSe to inatruetors, sect. 1, 2. He shows the 
 folly of a man whb should pretend to have learned everything of himself, 
 8-5. The necessity of instruction in the art of government, 6, 1. By a 
 long aeries of interrogations Socrates reduces Euthydemus Jo aoknowlodge 
 his ignorance and inoonlpetenoe, 8-23. The value of self-knowledge, 
 24r-30. Further instructions given to Euthydemus, 80-40. 
 
 1. ' I will now show tow Socrates addressed himself to 
 such as thought that they had attained the highest degree of 
 knowledge, and prided themselves on their ability.' Hearing 
 that Euthydemus,' surnamed the Handsome, had : collected 
 many writings' of the most celebrated poets and sophists, and 
 imagined that by that means he was outstripping his co- 
 temporaries in accomplishments, and had great hopes that he 
 would excel them all in talent for speaking and acting, and 
 finding, by his first inquiries about him, that he had not yet 
 engaged in public afiairs on account of his youth,* but that, 
 when he wished to do any business,' he usually sftt in a bridle' 
 maker's shop near the Forum, he went himself to it, accom- 
 panied by some of his hearers; 2. and as somebody asked, 
 first of all whether it was from his intercourse with some 
 of the wise men, or from his own natural talents, that The- 
 mistocles attained such a pre-eminence above his fellow- 
 citizens, that the republic looked to Mm whenever It wanted 
 the service of a man of ability," Socrates, wishing to excite 
 the attention of Euthydemus, said tiat "it was absurd to 
 believe that men could not become skilled in the lowest 
 
 1 Schneider obaeives that this second chapter is but a oontihuation of 
 the first, and ought not to be separated from it. 
 
 2 The same that is mentioned L 2. 29. 
 
 3 Tpd/ifiara.] They seem to be the same as avy-ypufi/zara, or avyys- 
 ypafi/iha, moral precepts, reflections, and examples, extracted from dif- 
 ferent writers. See Bekker, Aneed. i. p. 31 ; and Bomemann ad Cyrop. 
 viii. 4. 16. Kuhmer. ' 
 
 4 Being under twenty years of age. See iii 6. 1. 
 
 5 Ti — i5ia7rpafa(riJa(.] He seems to have appointed the bridle-maker's 
 shop as a place for meeting his friends, and for waiting for them, if they 
 went away to do any business for him. 
 
CHAP. II. EtJTHTDEMTTS. 417 1 
 
 mecliaiiioal axis -witlioiit oompetent inatructors, and to imagine 
 that ability to govern a state, the most important of all arts, 
 might spring up in men by the unassisted efforts of nature." 
 
 3. On another occasion, when Euthydemus was one of the 
 company, and Socrates saw him leaving it, from apprehension 
 lest he should seem to admire him for his wisdom, he observed, 
 " It is evident, my friends, from th6 studies that he pursues, 
 that Euthydemus here, when he comes of age, and the govern- 
 ment give liberty of discussion' on any point, will not refrain 
 from offering his counsel ; and I imagine that he has already 
 framed an exordium for his public oration, taking precau- 
 tion that he may not be thought to have learned any thing 
 from any body ; and it is pretty certain, therefore, that wh6n 
 he begins to speak, Ije will make his opening thus : 4, '1,0 
 men of Athens, have never learned any thing from any per- 
 son, nor, though I heard of some that were skilled in speaking 
 and acting, have I sought to converse with them ; nor have I 
 been amdous that any one of the learned should become my mas- 
 ter ; but I have done the exact contrary ; for I have constantly 
 avoided not only learning any thing from any one, but even 
 the appearance of learning any thing ; nevertheless I will offer 
 you such advice as may occur to me without premeditation.' 
 6. So it might be proper for a person to commence a speech 
 who desired to obtain a medical appointment" from the gov- 
 ernment : ' I, men of Athens, have never learned the 
 medical art from any one, nor have been desirous that any 
 physician should be my instructor ; for I have constantly been 
 on my guard, not only against learning anything of the ait 
 from any one, but even against appearing to have learned any 
 thing ; nevertheless confer on me this medical appointment ; 
 for I will endeavor to learn by making experiments" upon 
 
 ' When the public crier called the people^ to an assembly, he gave 
 notice that liberty would be granted to those who wished to speak, on 
 the subject of discussion : as in Demosth. de Cor. c. 53 : Tig iyopevecv 
 PovXerai ; and Aristoph. Acharn. 45. Schneidar. Sohoemann de 
 Oomitiis, ii p. 104. 
 
 " ^larpucbv ^pyov.] "Weiake supposes that there were two classes of 
 medical men; some freemen, and others slaves; and that the better 
 sort were appointed by the people at their assemblies, receiving a salary 
 torn the public treasury. 
 
 ° To learn by making experiments on their patients medical men do 
 not profess, yet it is what they secretly practice. Discmt periaulis 
 
4172 MEMOEABILTA OF SOCBATES. book it. 
 
 you.' " At this mode of opening a speech all who were pres- . 
 ent burst out into laughter. 
 
 6. As Euthydemus had now evidently' beguij to attend to 
 what Socrates was saying, but was cautious of speaking him- 
 self, as thinking by his silence to clothe himself with reputa- 
 tion for modesty, Socrates, wislung to cure him of that fancy, 
 said, " It is indeed strange that fliose who desire to play on 
 the lyre, or on the flute, or to ride, or to become expert in any 
 such accomplishment, should eadeavor to practice, as constantly 
 as possible, that in which they desire to excel, and not by 
 themselves merely, but with the aid of such as are considered 
 eminent in those attainments, attempting and undergoing every 
 thing, so as to do nothing without their sanction, as supposing 
 tiiat tibey can by no other means attain reputation ; but that of 
 those who wish to become able to speak and act in affairs of 
 government, some think that they will be suddenly qualified to 
 achieve their object without preparation or study, and by 
 their own unassisted efforts. 7. Yet these pursuits are mani- 
 festiy more diflBcult of attainment than thosoj inasmuch as of 
 tiie very many who attempt them a much smaller number 
 succeed in them ; and it is evident, therefore, that those who 
 pursue the one are required to submit to longer and more dili- 
 gent study than those who pursue the other." 
 
 8. SocMtes used at first to make such remarks, while Eu- 
 thydemus merely listened; but when he Observed that he 
 staid, while he converged, with more willingness, and 
 hearkened to him with ifiore attention, he at last came to the 
 bridle-maker's shop unattended. As Euthydemus sat down 
 beside him, he said, "Tell me, Euthydemus, have you really, 
 as I hear, collected many of the writings' of men wh6 are said 
 to have been wise." "I have indeed, Socrates," replied he, 
 " and I am still collecting, intencUng to persevere till I get as 
 many as I possibly can." 9. " By Juno," rejoined Socrates, 
 "I feel admiration for you, because you have not preferred ac- 
 quiring treasures of sUvief and gold rather than of wisdom ; for 
 it is plain you consider that silver and gold are unable to, make 
 men better, but that the thoughts of wise men enrich their 
 possessors with virtue." Euthydemus was delighted to hear 
 
 nostris, et empervmenta jper mortes agimt, as Pliny says, H. N. xsix. 1. 
 ScJtneider. • 
 
 ' Tpafifiara.'] See note on sect. 1. 
 
CHAP. n. CONTSRSATION' with BUTHTDBMUS. 473 
 
 this commendation; believing that he was thought by Socrates 
 to have sought wisdom in the right course. 10. Socrates, ob- 
 serving that he was gratified with the praise, said, " And in 
 what particular art- do you wish to become skillful, that you 
 collect these writings?" As Euthydemus continued silent, 
 considering what reply he should mate, Socrates again asked, 
 " Do you wish to become a physician ? for there, are many 
 writings of physicians." "Not I, by Jupiter," replied Eu- 
 thydemus. "Do you wish to become an architect, then ? for 
 a man of knowledge is needed for that art also." ' " No, in- 
 deed," answered he. " Do you wish to become a good geome- 
 trician, like . Theodoras ?" " " Nor a geometrician either," 
 said he. "Do you wish then to become an astronomer?" 
 said Socrates. As Euthydemus said, " No," to this, " Do you 
 wish then," added Socrates " to become- a rhapsodist,' for they 
 say that you are in possession of all the poems of Homer ?" 
 "No, indeed," said he, "for I know that the rhapsodists, 
 though eminently' knowing in the poems of Homer, are, as 
 men, extremely foolish." H. " You are perhaps desirous, then," 
 proceeded Socrates, " of attaining that talent by which men 
 become skilled in governing states, in managing househblds, 
 able to command, and qualified to benefit other men as well 
 as themselves." " I indeed greatly desire," said he, " Socra- 
 tes, to acquire that talent." " By Jupiter," returned Socrates, 
 "you aspire to a most honorable ,accomplishihent, and a most 
 exalted art, for it is the art of Mngs, and is called the royal 
 ^rt. But," added-, he, " have you ever considered whether it 
 is possible for a man who is not just to be eminent in that 
 
 • VvufioviKov ycip dvdpdc i^ol tovto dei.] " There is need of a man of 
 Rhowledge also for this art." Tovto for Kard. tovto, for it can_iiot, as 
 ' Kiihner observes, be a nominative. ' 
 
 2 Theodorus of Cjreue, the preceptor of Socrates in geometry, men- 
 tioned in the Thesetetus of Plato. Oomp. iv. 7. 3. Sctimeider. See 
 Oobet, Prosopogr. Xen. p. 32. 
 
 3 The rhapsodists, fiaT}i(^6ol, were men who publicly recited epic verses, 
 especially those of Homer. " The judgment here passed on the rhapso- 
 dists has reference to the period of Socrates only, not to preceding 
 times, in which they were held in great_ honor. See Bomemann ad 
 Bymp. iii. 6. There is an elegant diaouasion on the rhapsodists by G-. H. 
 Bodius, in a worls of much learning, entitled Gesch. der Hellen. Picht- 
 kunst vol. i. p. 351, seqq. See St^baum ad Plato, Ion, p. 285, F. A ; 
 Wolf, Prolegom. in Horn. p. 99, seqq. ; and Gr, Guil. Nitzsoh m Quaest. 
 Hom. P. iv, p. 13." KUhmr. 
 
474 MEMORABILIA OF SOOEATES. bookiv. 
 
 art?" " I have certainly," replied he ; "and it is not possible 
 for a man to be even a good citizen without justice." 12. 
 " Have you yourself, Tihen, made yourself master of that 
 virtue?" "I thini," said he,- "Socrates, that I shall be 
 found not less just liian any other man." "Are there then 
 works of just men, as there are worts of artisans V "There 
 are, doubtless," replied he. " Then," said Socrates, " as arti- 
 sans are able to show their works, would not just men be able 
 also to tell their woAs ?" " And why should not I," asked 
 Euthydemus, " be able to tell the works of justice ; as also 
 indeed those of injustice ; for we may see and hear of no small 
 number, of them every day V 
 
 13. "Are you willing then," said Socrates, "that we should 
 make a delta on this side, and an alpTuX^ on that, and then that 
 we should put whatever seems to us to be a work of justice 
 under, the delta, and whatever seems to be a work of injustice 
 imder the alpha?" "K you think that we need those 
 letters," said Euthydemus, "make them." 14. Socrates, 
 having made the letters as he proposed, asked, " Does false- 
 hood then exist among mankind I" " It does, assuredly," 
 replied he. " Under which head shall we place it ?" " Under 
 injustice, certainly." "Does deceit also exist?" "Unques- 
 tionably." " Under which head shall we place that ?" "Ev> 
 dently under injustice." " Does mischievouaness exist ?" 
 "Undoubtedly."- "And the -enslaving of men?" "That, 
 too, prevails." "And shall nieither, of these things be placed 
 by us, under justice^ Euthydemus ?" " It would be strange if 
 they should be," said he. 15. " But," said Socrates, " if a 
 man, being chosen to lead an army, should reduce to slavery 
 an unjust and hostile people, should we say that he committed 
 iajustice?" "No, certamly," replied he. "Should we not 
 rather say that he acted justly ?" " Indisputably." " And 
 i^ in the course of the war with them, he should practice de- 
 ceit?" "That also would be just," said he. "And if he 
 should steal and carry off their property, would he not do 
 what was just 2" "Certainly," said Euthydemus ; " but I 
 thought ' at first that you aaked these questions only with 
 reference to our friends." "Then," said Socrates, "all that 
 we have placed under the head of injustice, we must also place 
 
 ' Delta for dUaioc, "just ;" alfpha for diixbg, " unjust" ' 
 
OHAP. u. ON JUSTICE AND INJUSTICE. 475 
 
 under tliafc of justice 2" " It seems so," replied Euthydemus. 
 16. "Do you agree^ then," continued Soorites, " that, having 
 60 placed them, we should make a new distinction, that it is 
 just to do such things with regard to enemies, but ilnjust to do 
 them with regard to friends, and that toward his fnends our 
 general should be as guileless as possible ?" " By all means," 
 replied Euthydemus. ■ 1 7. "Well, then," said Socrates, "if a 
 general, seeing his army dispirited, shotdd tell them, invent- 
 ing a falsehood, that auxiliaries were coming, and should, by 
 that invention, check the despondency of his troops, under 
 which head should we place such an act of deceit ?" " It ap- 
 pears to me," said Euthydemus, " that we must place it under 
 justice." " And if a father, when his son requires medicine, 
 and refuses to take it, should deceive him, and give him the 
 medicine as ordinary food, and, by adojiting such deception, 
 should restore him to health, under which head must we place 
 such an act of deceit?" "It appears to me that we must put 
 it under the same head." "And if a person^ when his friend 
 was in despondency, should,; through fear that he might Mil 
 himself, steal or take away his sword, or any other weapon, 
 under "which head must we place that act V " That, as- 
 suredly, we must place tinder justice." 18. "You say, then," 
 said Socrates, " that not even toward our friends must we 
 act on all occasions without deceit ?" " We must not indeed," 
 said he, " for I retract what I said before, ifl may be per- 
 mitted to do so." " It is indeed much better that you should 
 ' be permitted," said Socrates, "than that you should not place 
 ' actions on the right side." 19. But of those who deceive their 
 friends in ordet to injure them (that we may not leave even 
 this point unconsidered), which of the two is the more unjust, he 
 who does so intentionally or he who does so involuntarily 3" 
 "Indeed, Socrates," said Euthydemus, "I no longer put con- 
 fidence in the answers which I give; for all that I said be- 
 fore appears to me now to be quite different from what I then 
 thought ; however, let me venture to say' that he who de- 
 ceives intentionally is more unjust than he who deceives in- 
 voluntarily ?" , . ■ . 
 20. " Does it appear to you, then, that there is a way ot 
 learrdng and knowing what is just, as there is of learning and 
 
 mfyna&i^ /ioi.'] " Let it have beea said by me," or " Let me say." 
 
476 * MEMORABILIA OF SOCBATES. book nr. 
 
 knowing how to read and write ?" " I think there is." ' " And 
 ■which should you consider the better scholar, him who should 
 purposely write or read incorrectly, or him who should do so 
 unawares?" "Him who should do so purposely, for, when- 
 ever he pleased, he would be able 'to do both correctly." 
 " He, thereforej^ that purposely writes incorrectly may be a 
 good scholar, but he who does so involuntarily is destitute of 
 scholarship ?" " How can it be otherwise V " And whether 
 does he who lies and deceives intentionally know what is 
 just, or he who does so unawares ?" " DoubtileBS he who does 
 so intentionally." "You therefore say that he who knows 
 how to write and read is a better scholar than he who does 
 not know?" "Yes." "And that he who knows what is 
 just is more just than he who does not know 1" " I seem to 
 say so ; but I appear to myself to say this I know not how." 
 21. " But what would you think of the man, who, wishing to 
 tell the truth, should never give the same account of the same 
 thing, but, in speaking of the same road, should say at one 
 time that it led toward the east, and at another toward the 
 west, and, in stating the result of the same calculation, should 
 sometimes assert it to be greater and sometimes less, what, I 
 say, -would you think of such a man ?" " It would be qidte 
 clear that he knew nothing of vdiat he thought he knew." ' 
 
 22. " Do you know any persons called slave-like V ' "I do." 
 "Whether for'^heir "knowledge or their ignorance ?" "For 
 their ignorance, certainly." " is it then for their ignorance of 
 working in brass that they receive this appellation ?" " Nof 
 at all." " Is it for their ignorance of the art of building ?" 
 "Nor for that." "Or for their ignorance of shoemaking ?" 
 " Not on any one of these accounts ; for the contrary is the 
 case, as most of those who know such trades are servile." 
 "Is this, then, an appellation of those who are ignorant of 
 what is honorable, and good, and just ?" " It appears so to 
 me." 23. "It therefore becomes us to exert ourselves in 
 every way to avoid being like slaves." " But, by the gods, 
 
 ' This is the tjonclusion to which Socrates wished to bring Euthyde- 
 mus with regard to his own knowledge of justice ; and to exhort him, 
 at the same time, to gain a knowledge of it, " as he who knows what is 
 just is more just than he who does not know," sect. 20. - 
 
 ° 'Ai'<5paTO(5u(5etf.] Slaverlike, ignorant, )ow-minded, not possessed of 
 any qualities to raise them above the level of slaves. Compare i. 1. 16 ; 
 and sect. 39 of this chapter, ■ . 
 
OHAP. n. ' ON SELF-KNOWLEDGE. , 4)77 
 
 Socrates," rejoined Euthydemus, "I firmly believed that I 
 was pursuing that course of study, by .which I should, as I 
 expected, be made fully acquainted with all that was proper 
 to be known by a man striving after honor and virtue; but 
 now, how dispirited must you think I feel, when I see that, with 
 all my previous labor, I am not even able to answer a question 
 about what I ought- most of all to know, and am acquainted 
 with no other course which I may pursue to become better !" 
 ,;.24. Socrates then said, "Tell me, Euthydemus, have you 
 ever gone to Delphi 3" "Yes, twice," replied he. " And did 
 you observe what is written somewhere on the temple wall, 
 Know thyself 3" " I did." " And did you take no 
 thought of that inscription^ or did you attend to it,. and try 
 to examine yourself, to ascertain .what sort of character you 
 are ?" " I did not indeed try, for . I thought that I knew 
 very well already, since I should hardly know any thing else 
 if I did not know myself." 25. " But whether i does he seem 
 to yoi; to know himself, who knows his own name merely, or 
 he who (like people buying horses, who do not think that they 
 know the horse that they want to know, until they • have 
 ascertained whether he is tractable or unruly, whether he is 
 ^teong or weak, swift or slow, and how he is as to other points 
 which are serviceable or disadvantageous in the use of a 
 horse, so he,) having ascertained with regard to himself how 
 he is adapted for the seirvice of mankind, knows his own 
 abilities ?" " It appears to me, I must confess, that he who 
 does not know his own abilities, does not know himself." 26. 
 " But is it not evident," said Socrates, " .that men enjoy a great 
 number of blessings in consequence of knowing themselves, and 
 incur a great number of evils, through being deceived in them- 
 selves t For they who know themselves kpow what is suitable 
 for them, and distinguish between what they can do and what 
 they can not; and, by doing what they know how to do, pro- 
 cure for themselves what they need, and are prosperous, and 
 by abstaining from what they do not know, live blamelessly, 
 and avoid being unfortunate. By this knowledge of them- 
 selves, too, they can form an opinion of other men, and, by 
 their experience of the rest of mankind,' obtain for them- 
 
 ' A(d Tijc Tdv uX>Mv ;ifp«af.] Xpet'a is here " dealing with," " inter- 
 course," by which knowledge and experience may be obtained. Com- 
 pare »?£• xpivvrai in the following section. 
 
478 • MBMOEABILIA OP SOCRATES. book it. 
 
 selves what is good, and guard against what is evil. 27. But 
 they who do not know themselves, but are deceived in their 
 own .powers, are in similar case with regard to other men,' 
 and other human affairs, and neither understand what they 
 require, nor what they are doing, nor the characters of those 
 with whom they connect themselves, but, being in error as to 
 aU these particulars, they fail to obtain what is good, and fall 
 into evil. 28. They, on the other hand, who understand 
 what they take in hand, succeed in what they attempt, and 
 become esteemed' and honored; those who resemble them in 
 character willingly form connections with them ; those who 
 are unsuccessful in life dedre to be assisted with their ad- 
 vice,° and to prefer them to themselves ; they place in them 
 their hopes of good, and love them, on all these accounts, be- 
 yond aU other men. 29. But those, again, who dp not know 
 what they are doing, who make an unhappy choice in life, 
 and are unsuccessful in what they attempt, not only incur 
 losses and sufiferings in their own affairs, but become, in con- 
 sequence, disreputable and ridiculous, and drag^ out their lives 
 in contempt and dishonor. Among states, too, you see that 
 such as, from ignorance of their own strength, go to war with 
 others that are more powerful, are, some of them, utterly 
 overthrown, and others reduced from freedom to slavery." 
 
 30. " Be assured, therefore," replied Eiithydemus, " that I 
 feel convinced we must consider self-knowledge of the highest 
 value ; but as to the way in which we 'must begin' to seek 
 self-knowledge, I look to you for information, if "you will 
 Hndly impart it to me." 31. "Well, then," said Socrates, 
 " you doubtless fully understand what sort of things are good, 
 and what sort are evil." "Yes, by "Jupiter," replied Euthy- 
 demus, " for if I <iid, not understand such things, I should be 
 in a worse condition than slaves are." " Come then," said 
 Socrates, " tell me what they are." '* That is not difficult," 
 said he, " for, in the first place, health I consider to be a good, 
 and sickness an evil, and, in the next, looking to the causes of 
 
 ' As they have no right knowledge of themselves, they have no right 
 knowledge'of other men, or of human afikirs. 
 
 s 'ETTi-Sv/iovat TovTovg iwip avTuv fiovXsiea'Sai.'] " Desire that 
 these persons should deliberate (or consider about matters) for 
 them." 
 
 3 'OttoiSct xP^ ap^atr&ai.'} " "Whence (from what point) we must 
 begin." 
 
CHAP. IL ON GOOD AND EVIL. . 4Yg 
 
 eaoh of them, as drink, food, and emplojcments, I esteem suet 
 as conduce to health to be good, and such as lead to sick- 
 ness to be evil." 32. " Consequently," said Socrates, " health 
 and sickness themselves, when they are the causes of any 
 good, will be good, and when they are the causes of any 
 evil, will be evil." "But when," exclaimed Euthydemus, 
 "can health be the cause of evil, and sickness of good?" 
 "When, for example," said Socrates, " some portion of a com- 
 munity, from being in good health, take :part in a disgraceful 
 expedition by land, or a ruinous voyage by sea, or in any 
 other such matters, which are sufSciently common, and lose 
 their Uves, while others, who are left behind from ill-health, 
 are saved." " What you say is true," said Euthydemus, " but 
 you see that some men share in successful enterprises from 
 being in health, while others from being in sickness, are left 
 out of them." " Whether then," said Socrates, " are tliose 
 things which aro sometimes beneficial, and sometimes injuri- 
 ous, goods, rather, or enls?" "Nothing, by Jupiter, is to be 
 settled with regard to them ' by considering thus. S3. But as 
 to wisdom, Socrates, it is indisputably a good thing ; for what 
 business will iaot one who is wise conduct better than one who 
 is untaught 2" " Have you not heard, then, of Daedalus," said 
 Socrates, " how he was made prisoner by Minos and compelled 
 to serve him as a slave ; how he was cut off, at once, from 
 his country and from liberty, and how, when he endeavored 
 to escape with his son, he- lost the child, and was imable to 
 save himself, but was carried away among barbarians, and 
 made a second time a slave ?" " Such a story is told, in- 
 deed," said Euthydemus. " Have you not heard, too, of the 
 sufferino-s of Palamedes ? for every body says that it was for 
 his wisdom he was envied and put to death by Ulysses." 
 " That, too, is said," repUed Euthydemus. " And how many 
 other men do you think have been carried off to the king'' on 
 account of their wisdom, and made slaves there V 
 
 34. "But as to happiness, Socrates," said Euthydemus, 
 "that at least appears to be an indisputable good." "Yes, 
 Euthydemus," replied Socrates, "if we make it consist in 
 
 1 oidiv ipaiverai.'] "Nothing apj)ears" or is shown; notMng 
 
 can be settled with regard to them ; they can not be called positively- 
 good things, or positive evils, as they seem sometimes one and some- 
 times the other : but as to -wisdom, that is indisputably a good, etc 
 
 2 The king of Persia ; iii. G. 26. 
 
480 MEMOEABILIA OB" SOCRATES. book iv. 
 
 things that are themselves indi^utabtygood.'" "But what," 
 said he, "among thii^s constituting happiness can be a 
 doubtful good !" " Nofliing," answered Socrates, " unless we 
 join with it beauty, or strength, or wealth, or glory, or any 
 other such thing." 35. " But we must aasureffly join them 
 with it," said Euthydemus ; " for how can a .person be happy 
 without them?" "We shall then join with it, by Jupiter," 
 said Socrates, "things from which many grievous calamities 
 happen to mankind ; for many, on account of their beauty, 
 are ruined by those who are maddened with passion" for their 
 youthful attractions ; many, through confidence in their 
 strength, have entered upon undertakings too great for it, and 
 involved themselves in no small disasters ; many, in consequence 
 of their wealth, have become enervated, been plotted against, 
 and destroyed ; and many, from the glory and power that they 
 have acquired in their country, have sufiered the greatest 
 calamities." 36. " Well, then," said Euthydemus, " if I do not 
 say what is right when I praise happiness,, I confess that I do 
 not know what we ought to pray for to the gods." 
 
 "These points, however," proceeded Socrates, "you have 
 perhaps not suflBciently considered, from too confident a belief 
 Ijhat you were already well acquainted with them ; but since 
 you intend to be at the head of a democratic government, you 
 doubtless know what a democracy is." "Assuredly," ssad he. 
 37. " Do you think it possible for a person to know what a 
 democracy is, without knowing what the Demos is ?" " No, 
 indeed." "And what do you conceive the J)emos to be?" 
 " I conceive it to be the poorer class of citizens." " Do you 
 know, then, which are the poor?" "How can I help know- 
 ing ?" " You know then which are the rich ?" " Just as 
 well as I know which are the poor." " Which sort of persons 
 then do you call poor, and which sort rich ?" " Those who 
 have not sufficient means to pay for the necessaries of life," I 
 regard as poor ; those who have more than sufficient, I con- 
 
 1 Ej ye /i^ Tie ("yfi — i^ dfKJiMyuv dya&uv avvTiSetTi.'], " If one does 
 not make it up of things doubtfully (of disputably) good." 
 
 2 UapQKCKivijKOTioy.'] Tlapanivelv put intransitively signifies merate 
 eixuti, to be disturbed m mind, to be distracted or mad. See Plato Eep. 
 vii. p. 517, D., Phaedr. p. 249, and StaUbaum's note. Kuhner. 
 
 3 M^ Uavi ixovTot eig a <5et reXelv.] I take relelv in the sense of 
 paymg,, as in ii. 9. 1 , it 10. 6 , and «'; a Seliaad vitm necemtatibua sat- 
 isfaciendwm. Kuhner. 
 
CHAE. II. DOCILITY OF EUTHYDEMUa 481 
 
 sider rich." " Have you ever observed, then, that to some 
 who have very small means, those means are not only suffi- 
 cient, but that they even save from them, while, to many, very 
 large fortunes are not sufficient?" "I have indeed," said 
 EHthydemus, " (for you very properly put me in mind of it), 
 &ice I have known some princes, who, from poverty, have 
 been driven to commit injustice like the very poorest people." 
 39. " Then," said Socrates, "if such be the case, we must lank 
 such princes among the Demos, and those that have but little, 
 we must rank, if they be good managers, among the rich ?" 
 "My own want of knowledge,' indeed," said Euthydemus, 
 " obliges me to admit even this; and I am considering whether 
 it would not be best for me to be silent ; for I seem to know 
 absolutely nothing." 
 
 He went away, accordingly, in great dejection, holding him- 
 self in contempt, and thinMng that he was in reality no better 
 than a slave. 
 
 40. Of those who were thus addressed by Socrates, many 
 came to him no more ; and these he regarded as too dull to 
 be improved. But Euthydemus, on the contrary, conceived 
 that he could by no other means become an estimable charac- 
 ter than by associating with Socrates as much as possible ; 
 and he in consequence never quitted him, unless some neces- 
 sary business obhged him to do so. He also imitated many 
 of his habits. 
 
 When Socrates saw that he was thus disposed, he no longer 
 puzzled him with questions, but explained to him, in the ' sim- 
 plest and clearest manner, what he thought that he ought to 
 know, and what it would be best for him to study. 
 
 1 *o«Jl(Jn?f.] Insciiia. Sturz. 
 VOL. I. 21 
 
482 MEMORABILIA OF SOCEATBS. book it. 
 
 CHAPTER m. 
 
 rpue necesBitf of temperance or self-coutxol, and of riglit notioi^poncerniiig 
 the gods, sect. 1, 2. The gods have a providential care ^ mankind, 
 S-9. Other animals arc formed by the gods for the use of man, 10. In 
 addition to the senses common to man with the inferior animals, the gods 
 have given him reason and speech, 11, 12. Though we do not see the 
 gods, we are convinced of their existence from their works, 13, 14. We 
 ought, therefore, to pay them honor according to our means, 15-18. 
 
 1. Socrates was never in haste that hia followers should 
 become skillful in speaking, in action, or in invention,' but, 
 previous to such accomphshments, he thought it proper that a 
 love of self-control should be instiled into them ; for he con- 
 sidered that those who had acquired those quahfications were, 
 if devoid of self-control, only better fitted to commit injustice 
 and to do mischief. 2. In the first place, therefore, he endeav- 
 ored to impress his associates with right feelings toward 
 the gods. Some, who were present with him when he con- 
 versed with others on this subject, have given an account of 
 bis discourses ; but I myself was with him when he held a 
 conversatioa with Euthydemus to the following effect. 
 
 3. " Tell me," said he, " Euthydemus, has it ever occurred 
 to you to consider how carefully the gods have provided for 
 men every thing that they require ?" " It has indeed never 
 occurred to me," replied he. " You know at least," proceeded 
 Socrates, " that we stand in need, first of- all, of light, with 
 which the gods supply us." " Yes, by Jupiter," answered Eu- 
 thydemus, " for if we had no light, we should be, as to the use 
 of our eyes, Hke the blind." " But, as we require rest, they 
 afford us night, the most suitable season for repose." " That is 
 assuredly," said Euthydemus, "a subject for thankfulness." 4. 
 ," Then because the sun, being luminous, shows us the hours of 
 the day, and every thing else, while the night, being dark, 
 prevents us from making such distinctions in it,^ have they 
 
 1 A.eKTiK.pi)q kol TrpaKTiiiovg Kat /i)/;fa]/(KoOr.] How Socrates rendered 
 his hearers ^£«Tt/£ot)f, is ahown in c. 5; how diraAfKTj/toOf, in c. 6; 
 ho* /zrixavmoi);, in c. 1. Mrixa-viKol ma,y be Englished " fertile in ex- 
 pedients," 
 
 2 ' Kaa^zaTeiin iariv.] Schneider interprets, "nihil patitur oeulis dis- 
 tinguere;" Siikiier observes that the a4ieotive will not bear this active 
 
CHAP. III. BENEVOLENCE OF THE GODS. 483 
 
 not caused the stars to shine in the night, which show us the 
 night-watches, and under the direction of which we perform 
 many things that we require ?" " So it is," said he. " The 
 moon, too, makes plain to us not only the divisions of the 
 night, but also of the month." " Assuredly," said he. 5. 
 " But that, since we require food, they should raise it for us 
 from the earth, and appoint suitable seasons for the, purpose, 
 which prepare for tis, in abundance and every variety, not 
 only things which we need, but also things from which we 
 derive pleasure, what do you thint of such gifts ?" " They 
 certainly indicate love for man." 6. " And that they should 
 supply us with water, an element of such value to us, that it 
 causes to spring up, and unites with the earth and the seasons 
 in bringing to maturity, every thing useful for us, and assists 
 also to nourish ourselves, and, being mixed with all our food, 
 renders it easier of digestion, more serviceable, and more pleas- 
 ant ; and that, as we require water in great quantities, they 
 should supply us with it in such profusion, what do you think 
 of such a gift ?" " That also," said he, " shows thought for 
 us." '7. " That they should also give us fire^ a protection 
 against cold and darkness, an auxiliary in every art and 
 in every thing that men prepare for their use (for, in a 
 word, men produce nothing, among the various things neces- 
 sary to life, without the aid of fire), what do you think of 
 such a gift 1" " That likewise," said he, " gives eminent 
 proof of regard for man." 8. "["That they should dlfiuse 
 the air also around us every where in such abundance, as not 
 only to preserve and support life, but to enable ns to cross the 
 seas by means of it, and to get provisions by sailing hither 
 and thither among foreign lands, is not this a boon inexpressi- 
 bly valuable ?" "It is indeed inexpressibly so," replied he.] 
 " That the sun, too, when it turns toward us in the winter, 
 should approach to mature some things, and to dry up others" 
 whose season for ripening has passed away ; and that, having 
 effected these objects, he should not come nearer to us, but 
 
 sense, and interprets, " Nox propter tenebras obsourior est, quim ut ejus 
 singulsB partes disoernt possint" . .^ . ■ . 
 
 ' The passage in brackets is found only in one manuscript. Weiske 
 and Schneider admitted it into their texts. Kiihner condemns it as 
 spurious, justly observing that the language of it " glossatoris manum 
 apertii prodit." 
 
 2 Aa hay, and standing corn. 
 
484 MEMORABILIA OF SOCBATES. book ly. 
 
 turn back, as if taking care lest he should hurt us by giving 
 us more heat than is necessary ; and th%t when again, in his de- 
 parture, he arrivtes at the point at which it becomes evident 
 that, if he were to go beyond , it, we should be fiozen by the 
 cold, he should again turn toward us, and approach us, and 
 revolve in that precise part of the heaven in which he may be 
 of most advantage to us, what- do you think of things so regu- 
 lated?" '"By Jupiter," replied Euthydemus, "they appear 
 to be appointed solely for the sake of man." 9. " Again, that 
 the sun, because it is certain that we could not endure such 
 heat or cold if it should come upon us suddenly, should ap- 
 proach us so gradually, and retire from us so gradually, that 
 we are brought imperceptibly to the greatest extremes of both, 
 what do you think of that appointment V " I am reflecting, 
 indeed," said Euthydemus, " whether the gods can have any 
 other business than to take care of man ; only this thought 
 embarasses me, that other animals partake in these benefits." 
 
 10. "But is not this also evident," said Socrates, "that 
 these animals are produced and nourished for the sake of 
 man ?" For what other animal derives, so many benefits from 
 goats, sheep, horses, oxen, asses, and other such creatures, as 
 man ? To me it appears that he gains more advaiitages from 
 them than from the fruits of the earth ; at least he is fed and 
 enriched not less from the one than from the other; and a 
 great portion of mankind do not use the productions of the 
 earth for food, but live by herds of cattle, supported by their 
 milk, and cheese, and flesh ; and all men tame and train the 
 useful sort of animals, and use their services for war, and other 
 purposes."- " I agree with what you say on that point," said 
 Euthydemus, "for I see some animals, much stronger than 
 we, rendered so subservjeat to men that they use m^m for 
 whatever they please." LJl. "But that, since there are num- 
 berless beautiful and useml objects in the world, greatly dif- 
 fering from one another, the gods should have bestowed on 
 men senses adapted to each of them, by means of which we 
 enjoy every advantage from them ; that they should have im- 
 planted understanding in us, by means of which we reason 
 about what we perceive by the senses, and, assisted by the 
 memory, learn how far every thing is beneficial^ and contrive 
 many plans by which we enjoy good and avoid evil ; 12. and 
 that they should have given us tibe faculty of speech, -by means 
 
OHAP. m. CARE OF THE GODS FOR MAN. 485 
 
 of whioli we convey information to one another, and mutually 
 impart whatever is good, and participate in it, enact lawsj and 
 enjoy constitutional government, what think you of such 
 blessings?" "The gods certainly appear, Socrates, to exer- 
 cise the greatest care for man in every way." \ " And that, 
 since we are unable to foresee what is for our 'advantage with 
 regard to the future, they should assist us in that respect, 
 communicating what will happen to those who inquire of them 
 by divination, and instructing them how their actions may be 
 most for their benefit, what thoughts does that produce in 
 you 3" " The gods seem to show you, Socrates," rejoined he, 
 "more favor than other men, since they indicate to you, 
 without being asked, what you ought to do, and what not 
 to do." 
 
 13. " And that I speak the truth," you yourself also well 
 know, if you do not expect to see the bodily forms of the 
 gods, but will be content, as you behold their worksy to wor- 
 ship and honor them. Eeflect, too, that the gods themselves 
 ■give us this intimation ;° for the other deities' that give us 
 blessings, do not bestow any of them by coming manifestly 
 before our sight ; and he that orders and holds together the 
 whole universe, in which are all things beautiful aind good, 
 and who preserves it always unimpaired, undisordered, and 
 undecaying, obeying his will swifter than thought and with- 
 out irregularity, is himself manifested only in the perform- 
 ance of his mighty works, but is invisible to us while he 
 regulates them. 14. Consider also that the sun, which ap- 
 pears manifest to all, does not allow men to contemplate him 
 too curiously, but, if any one tries to gaze on him steadfastly, 
 deprives him of Ms sight. The instruments of the deities you 
 ■will likewise find imperceptible ; for the thunder-bolt, for in- 
 stance, though it is plain that it is sent from above, and works 
 
 » In saying that the gods asaist and admonish us. • 
 
 2 That we must not expect, when we consult the gods, .to see their 
 
 shapes. Kuhner. , „ . i n- 
 
 3 Socrates, and those who followed him, Plato, the Stoics, and Oicero, 
 were advocates of the opinion that, besides the one supreme God, there 
 were others, far inferior to him, but immortal, and of great power and 
 endowments, whom the supreme God employed, as his ministers, in 
 the government of the world ; a subject which I have discussed at some 
 length in a treatise de M. T. Ciceronis in pUlosophimn mentis, Hamb. 
 1825. Kuhner. 
 
486 MEMOBABILIA OP SOCRATES. book it. 
 
 its will 'witKeveiy tking with which it comes in contact, is yet 
 never seen either approaching, or striking, or retreating; the 
 , winds, too, are themselves invisible, though their effects are 
 evident to us, and we perceive their course. The soul of 1^ 
 man, moreover, which partakes of the divine nature if any] 
 thing else in man does, rules, it is evident, within us, but isl 
 itself unseen. Meditating on these facts, therefore, it be-/ 
 hooves you not to despise the unseen gods, but, estimating 
 their power from what is done by them, to reverence what is 
 divine." 
 
 15. "I feel clearly persuaded, Socrates, said Euthydemus, 
 " that I shall never fail, -in the slightest degree, in respect for 
 the divine power, but I am dejected, at the thought tnat no 
 one among mankind, as it seems to me, can ever requite the 
 favors of the gods with due gratitude." 16. "But be not 
 dejected at that reflection, Euthydemus," said Socrates, "for 
 you know that the deity at Delphi, whenever any one con- 
 sults him how he may propitiate the gods, answers, Acoohd- 
 iNG- TO THE LAW 01' TotjB cotJNTBV ;' and it is the law, 
 indeed, every where, that every man should propitiate the 
 gods with offerings according to his ability ; and how, there- 
 fore, can any man honor the gods better or more piously, 
 than by acting as they themselves direct? 17. It behooves us, 
 however, not to do less than we are able, f^r, when any one 
 acts "thus, he plainly shows that he does not honor the gods. 
 But it becomes him who fails, in no respect, to honor the 
 gods according to his means, to be of good courage, and to 
 hope for the greatest blessings ; for no one can reasonably 
 hope for greater blessings from others than from those who are 
 able to benefit him most; nor on any other grounds than by 
 propitiating them ; and how can he propitiate them better 
 -than by obeying them to the utmost of his power ?" 
 
 18, By uttering such sentiments, and by acting according 
 to them himself, he rendered those who conversed with him 
 more pious and prudent. 
 
 ' See i 3. 2. 
 
SOQElTES OBSERVED JUSTICE. 487 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Sooratea inculcated a love of justice into his followers. He gave them an 
 example of adherence to justice in his own life, sect. 1-4. He commences 
 a conversation with Hippiae, a sophist, 4-9. It is better to be just than 
 merely to talk of justice, 10, 11 ; it is a part of justice to obey the laws ; 
 what a law is, 12^14; who are the best magistrates in states, 15 ; a gene- 
 
 , ral observance of the laws m^ntains concord, 16-18 ; there are certain 
 unwritten laws, which it is not possible to transgress without incurring 
 punishment, 19-24 ; to observe the divine laws is to be just, 25. 
 
 1. Concerning justice, too, lie did not conceal what senti- 
 ments lie entertained, but made them manifest even by his 
 actions, for he conducted, himself, in his private capacity, 
 justly and beneficently toward all men, and, as a citizen, he 
 obeyed the magistrates in all that the laws enjoined, both in 
 the city and on militfiry expeditions, so that he was distin- 
 {luished above other men for his observance of order. 2. 
 When he was president in the public assembly, he would not 
 permit the people to give a, vote contrary to law, but opposed 
 himself, in defense of the laws, to such a storm of rage on 
 the part of the populace as I think that no other man could 
 have withstood.' 3. "When the Thirty Tyrants commanded 
 him to do any thing contrary to the laws, he refused to obey 
 them ; for both when they forbade him to converse with the 
 young, and when they ordered him, and some others of the 
 citizens, to lead a certain person'' away to death, he alone did 
 not obey, because the order was given contrary to the laws. 
 4. When he was accused by Meletus," and others were ac- 
 customed, before the tribunal, to speak so as to gain the 
 favor of the judges, and to flatter them, and supplicate them, 
 in \dolation of the laws,* and many persons, by such practices, 
 had often been acquitted by the judges, he refused, on his 
 trial, to comply with any practices opposed to tlie laws, and 
 
 ' See L 1. 18. 
 
 ° Leon, a native of Salamis, but an enrolled citizen of Athens, who 
 had gone of his own accord into exile at Salamis, that he might not be 
 put to death by the Tyrants, in their greediness for wealth. Stallbaum 
 ad Plat. Apol. p. 32, C. S?e Xen. Hell. iL 3. 39 ; Andocid. de Myster. 
 p. 46 ; Diop. Laert ii. 24. Kiihner. 
 
 ' See note on i. 1. 1. He is generally called Melltus. 
 
 ' It was forbidden at Athens to attempt to move the feelings of the 
 judges. QuintiL vi. 1. Pollux de Areopagit viii. 117. 
 
488 memorabilia: OF SOCRATES. book iv. 
 
 theugh he migbt easily have been acquitted by his judges, if he 
 had but in a sUght degree adopted any of those customs, he 
 chose rather to die abiding by the laws than to save his life by 
 tranSgre^ng them. 
 
 6. He held conversations to this effect with others on 
 several occasions, and I know that he once had a dialogue of 
 the following kind, concerning justice, with Hippias of Elis ;' 
 for Hippias, on his return to Athens ajfter an absence of some 
 time, happened to come in the way of Socrates as he was ob- 
 serving to some people how surprising it was that, if a man 
 wished to have another taught to be a shoemaker, or a car- 
 penter, or a worker in brass, or a rider, he was at no loss 
 whither he should send him to effect his object f [nay, that 
 every place, as some say, was full of persons who would make 
 a horse or an ox observant of right for any one that desired ;] 
 while as to justice, if any one wished either to learn it him- 
 self, or to have his son or his slave taught it, he did not know 
 whither he should go to obtain his desire. 6. Hippias, hear- 
 I ing this remark, said, as if jesting with him, " What ! are 
 you still saying the same things, Socrates, that I heard from 
 you so long ago?" "Yes," said Socrates, "and what is more 
 ^wonderful, I am not oiJy Still saying the same things, but am 
 [saying them on the same subjects ; but you, perhaps, from 
 [being possessed of such variety of knowledge, never say' the 
 ' same things on the same subjects." " Certainly," replied 
 Hippias, " I do always try to say something new." 7. " About 
 matters of which yoii have certain knowledge, then," said 
 Socrates, " as, for instance, about the letters of the alphabet, 
 if any one were to ask you how many and what letters are in 
 the word ' Socrates,' would you try to say sometimes one thing, 
 and sometimes another ? or to people who might ask you 
 about numbers, as whether twice five ■ are ten, would you not 
 
 1 A femous sophist of that time, well known from the Dialogues of 
 Plato; see Cobet, Prpaoppgr. Xen. p. 36; QulntiL xii. 11. 21; Borne- 
 mann ad Sympos. iv. 62. Of the vanity and arrogance of the man, see 
 Stallbaum ad Plat. Hipp. Maj. p. 148. 
 
 2 The works in brackets are condemned by Ruhnken and Talckeriaer 
 as spurious. Bomemanti and Kiihner attempt to defend them. They 
 certainly disturb the course of the argument so much and are so useless, 
 that I can not think them Xenophon's. "Observant of right," in the 
 translation answers to Sinalov^, "just," a word on which the writer 
 plays. 
 
OHAP. IT. CONTEESATION WITH HIPPIAS. 489 
 
 give the same answer at one time as at another ?" " About 
 such matters, Socrates," replied Hippias, " I, like you, always 
 say the same thing ; but concerning justice I think that I 
 have Certainly something to say now which neither you nor 
 any other person can refijte." 8. " By Juno," returned Soc- 
 rates, " it is a great good that you say you have disqovered, 
 since the judges will now cease from giving contradictory sen- 
 tences, the citizens will cease from disputing about what is 
 just, from going to law, and from quarreling, and communi- 
 ties will cease from contending about their rights and going 
 to war ; and I know not how I can part with you till I have 
 learned so important a benefit from its discoverer." 9. " You 
 shall not hear it, by Jupiter," rejoined Hippias, " until you 
 yourself declare what you think justice to be ; for it is enough 
 that you laugh at others,' questioning and confuting every 
 body, while you yourself are unwilling to give a reason to 
 any body, or to declare your opinion on any subject." 10. 
 " What then, Hippias," said Socrates, " have you not per- 
 ceived that I never cease declaring my opinion as to what I 
 conceive to be just V " And what is this opinion of yours ?" 
 said Hippias. " If I make it known to you, not by words 
 merely, but by actions, do not deeds seem to you to be a 
 stronger evidence than words V " Much stronger, by Jupi- 
 ter," said Hippias, "for many who say what is just do what 
 is unjust, but a man who does what is just can not be himself 
 unjust." H. "Have you ever then found me bearing false 
 witness, or giving malicious information, or plunging my 
 friends or the state into quarrels, or doing any thing else that 
 is unjust ?" " I have not." " And do you not think it just- 
 ice to refrain from injustice?" "You are plainly, now," 
 said Hippias, " endeavoring to avoid expressing an opinion 
 as to what you think just; for what you say is, not what the 
 justdo, but what they do not do." 12. "But I thought," 
 rejoined Socrates, '^ that to be unwilling to do injustice was a 
 sufficient proof of justice. If this, however, does hot satisfy 
 ' youj consider whether what I next say will please you_ better ; 
 ■ for I assert that what is in conformity with the laws is just." 
 " Do you say, Socrates, that to be conformable to the laws, 
 and to be just, is the same thing?" " I do, indeed." 13. "I 
 
 ' "Satis est quOd ceteros omnes rides;— me vero non ridebis." 
 Kuhner. 
 
 21* 
 
490 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. book it. 
 
 am puzzled ; for I do not understand what you call conforma- 
 ble to law, or what you call just." " Do you know the laws of' 
 the state 2" said Socrates. " I do," said the other. " And what 
 do you consider them to be ?" " What the citizens in concert 
 have enacted as to what we aught to do, andwhat we ought 
 to avoid doing." " Would not he, therefore," asked Socrates, 
 " be an observer of the laws who should conduct himself in the 
 community agreeably to those enactments, and he be a yiolater 
 of the laws who transgresses them ?" " Undoubtedly," said 
 Hippias. " Would not he, then, do what is just who obeys the 
 laws, and he do what is unjust who disobeys them?" "Cer- 
 tainly." "Is not he, then, just who does what is just, and he 
 unjust who does what is unjust ?" " How can it be otherwise ?" 
 " He, therefore, that conforms to the laws is just," added Soc- 
 rates, " apd he who violates the laws, unjust." 
 
 14. " But," objected Hippias, " how can any one imagine 
 the laws, or obedience to them, to be a matter of absolute im- 
 portance, when the very persons who make them often reject 
 and alter them?" "That objection is of no consequence," 
 said Socrates, " for states, which have commenced war, often 
 ipake peace again." " Undoubtedly they do," said Hippias. 
 "What difference will there be in your conduct, then, think 
 you,' if you throw contempt on those who obey the laws, be- 
 cause ihe laws may be changed, and if you blame those who 
 act properly in war, because peace may be made ? Do you 
 condemn those who vigorously support their country in war ?" 
 "I do not, indeed," replied Hippias. 15. "Have you ever 
 heard -it said of Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian, then," said Soc- 
 rates, " that he would not have made Sparta at all different 
 froni other states, if he had not establiphed in it, beyond 
 others, a spirit of obedience to the laws ? Do you not know, 
 too, that of ma^strates in states, those are thought the best 
 who are most efficient in producing obedience to the laws, and 
 that that state in which the citizens pay most respect to the 
 laws, is in the best condition in peace, and invincible in war? 
 16. The greatest blessing to states, moreover, is concord ; and 
 th,e senates and principal men in them often exhort the citizens 
 to unanimity; and every where throughout Greece it is a law 
 that the citizens shall take an oath to observe concord, an oath 
 
 'i Aidfopov oiv Ti olti jToielv — ^ — .] "Do you think, therefore, that 
 you do any thiag different — than — ." 
 
CHAP. lY. THE JUST MAN IS ESTEEMED. 491 
 
 which they every where do take ; but I conceive that this is 
 done, not that the citizens may approve of the same choruses, 
 or that they may praise the same flute-players, or that they 
 may prefer the same poets,' or that they may take delight 
 in the same spectacles, but that they may obey" the laws ; for 
 while the citizens adhere to these, states will be eminently pow- 
 erful and happy ; but without such unanimity, no state can be 
 well govemecl^ nor any family well regulated. 17. As an indi- 
 vidual citizen, too, how could any person render himself less 
 liable to penalties from the government, or more likely to have 
 honors bestowed upon him, than by being- obedient to the laws ? 
 How else would he incur fewer defeats in the courts of justice, 
 or how more certainly obtain sentence in his favor? To whom 
 would any one believe that he could more safely confide his 
 money, or his sons or daughters ? Whom would the whole 
 community deem more trustworthy than him who respects the 
 laws ? From whom would parents, or relatives, or domestics, 
 or friends, or citizens, or strangers, more certainly obtain their 
 rights? To whom would the enemy sooner trust in cessations 
 of arms, or in making a truce, or articles of peace ? To whom 
 would people more willingly become allies than to the observer 
 of the laws, and to whom wonld the allies more willingly trust 
 the leadership, or command of a fortress, or of a city ? From 
 wbom would any one expect to meet with gratitude, on doing 
 him a kindness, sooner than from the observer of the laws ? 
 Or whom would any one rather serve than him from whom 
 he expects to receive a return ? To whom would any one 
 more desire to be a friend, or less desire to be an enemy, than 
 such a mau? With whom would any one be less inclined 
 to go to war, than with him to whom he would most wish to 
 be a friend, and least of all an enemy, and to whom the great- 
 est part of mankind would wish to be friends and allies, and 
 but a small number to be antagonists and enemies? 18. I, 
 therefore, Hippias, pronounce that to obey the laws and to be 
 just is the same ; if you hold an opinion to the contrary, tell 
 me." " Indeed, Socrates," rejoined Hippias, "I do not know 
 that I entertain any sentiments opposed to what you have said 
 of justice." 
 
 19. "But are you aware, Hippias,'' continued Socrates, 
 " that there are unwritten laws ?" " You mean those," said 
 ' The same scenic poets. 
 
492 MEMORABILIA 01* SOCRATES. book ir. 
 
 Hippias, "that are in force about the same points, every- 
 where." " Can you affirm, then, that men made thbse laws ?" 
 " How could they^" said Hjppias, " when they could not all 
 meet together, and do not all speak the same language?" 
 "Whom, then, do you suppose to have Inade these laws ?'' . " I 
 believe," said he, " that it was the gods who made these laws 
 for men, for among aU men the first law is to venerate the 
 gods." 20. "Is it not also' a law every where to honor 
 parents?" "It is so?" "Is it not a law, too, that parents 
 shall not intermarry with their children, nor children with 
 their parents ?" " This does not, as yet, Socrates, appeal* to 
 me to bfe a law of the gods?" "Why?" "Because I find 
 that some nations transgress it." 21. " Many others, too, they 
 transgress,*' said Socrates ; " but those who violate the laws 
 made by the gods incur punishment which it is by no means 
 possible for man to espape, as many transgressbrs of the laws 
 made by men escape punishment, some by concealment, others 
 by open violence." 22. " And what sort of punishment, 
 Socrates," said he, " can not parents escape who intermarry 
 with their children, and children who intermarry with their 
 parents ?" " The greatest of all punishments, by Jupiter," 
 replied Socrates, " for wbat greater penalty can those who 
 beget children incur, than to have bM^ children ?" 23. "How 
 then," said Hippias, " do they necessarily have bad children 
 when nothing hinders but that they may be good themselves, 
 and have children by good partners?" "Because," returned 
 Socrates, " it is not only iieoessary that those who have chil- 
 dren by each other should be good, "but that they should be in 
 fiill bodily vigor.' Or do you suppose that the "seed of those 
 who are at the height of maturity is similar to that of those 
 who have not yet reached maturity, or to that of those who 
 are far past it ?" " By Jupiter," replied Hippias, " it is not 
 at all -likely that it should be similar." " Which of the two 
 
 ' Mirari libet Sooratia eoomienttiin, qui in oonjugiia taKbus nihil cul- 
 pandum invenit prseter astatia disparitatem. Ulud potius disquirenduin, 
 annon in hominibus nulli prav4 edueatione comjptis sit in ipsis affecti- 
 bus insita fuga quaedaip oommixtionis cum parentibua et ex se natis, 
 quippe cum ab ei etiam qusedam anlmantia naturaliter abhorreant. 
 Hugo Groiius de J. B. et P. ii. 5, 12, 4 — 5, 6t 2, 3, cum annott. Puffen- 
 dorf. et Osiand. Berbst. Parentum et liberorum offida mutna plus ait 
 Weiskius valere ad roprobanda connubia talia quAin annorum inaequaji- 
 tatem. KiJhner. 
 
CHAP. IV. VICE ITS OWN PUmSHMENT. 493 
 
 then is the better «" « Doubtless that of those at full maturity." 
 "That of those who are not at full maturity, thei, is not su£S- 
 ciently energetic." "Probably not." " Accordingly they ought 
 not to have children?" "No." "Do not those, therefore, 
 who have children under such circumstances, have them as 
 they ought not?" "So it appears to me." ""\Yhat other 
 persons, therefore, will have bad children, if not these?" 
 " Well," said Hippias, " I agree with you on this point also." 
 
 24. " fe it not every where a law, also," said Socrates, " that 
 men should do good to those who do good to them ?" " It is a 
 law," answered Hippias, "but it is transgressed." "Do not 
 those therefore who transgress it incur pimishment," continued 
 Socrates, by being deprived of good friends, and being com- 
 pelled to have recourse to those who hate them ? Are not 
 such as do service to those who seek it of them good friends to 
 themselves, and are not those who make no return to such as 
 serve them hated by them for their ingratitude ; and yet, be- 
 cause it is for their advantage to have their support, do they 
 not pay the greatest court to them?" "Indeed, Socrates;" 
 rfeplied Hippias, " all these things seem to suit the charaicter of 
 the gods ; for that the laws themselves should carry with 
 them punishments for those who transgress them, appears to 
 me to be the appointment of a lawgiver superior to man." 
 
 25. " "Whether, therefore, Hip'pias," added Socrates, " do 
 you consider that the gods appoint as' laws, what is agreeable 
 to justice, or what is at variance with justice ?" " Not what is 
 at variance with justice, certainly," said Hippias, " for scarcely 
 would any other make laws in conformity with justice, if a god , 
 were not to do so." " It is the pleasure of the gods, therefore, 
 Hippias," concluded Socrates, " that what is in conformity with 
 'justice should also be in conformity with the laws." ' 
 
 By uttering such sentiments, and acting in agreement with 
 them, he rendered those who conversed with him more ob- 
 servant of justice. 
 
 ' Lange has giveu a judicious summary of theae arguments. The 
 gods give just laws ; what is in conformity with these laws, is v6/ii./iov : 
 therefore every thing vojii/iov in the divine laws is just. Thus the gpds 
 in this definition (rd vo/iifiov dUaiov elvai, sect. 12), agree with men, or 
 with me, says Socrates. A- sound argument, if human laws be what 
 they ought to be, that ip, in oonfonaity with the divine laws, or the laws 
 of nature. 
 
494 MEMOBABIilA OF SOCRATES. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 fiooratea'rendered his followers better qualified for public life. The neces- 
 . Bity of temperance, sect. 1, 2 ; the evils of intemperance, 3-7 ; the benefits 
 arising &om temperance, 8-10 ; the conduct of the temperance man, 
 11, 12. 
 
 1. I WILL now relate how he rendered his followers better 
 qualified for the management of public business. Thinking it 
 expedient that temperance ^ould be observed by him who 
 would succeed in any thing honorable, he first made it evi- 
 dent to those who conversed with him, that he practiced this 
 virtue beyond all other men, and then, by his discourse, he 
 exhorted his followers, above every thing, to the observance of 
 temperance. He continued always, therefore, to make allu- 
 sions to whatever was conducive to virtue ; agd I know that 
 he once held a conversation on temperance with Euthydemus 
 to the following effect: 2. "Tell me," said he, " Euthydemus, 
 do you regard liberty as an excellent and honorable posses- 
 sion for an individual or a community ?" " The most excel- 
 lent and honorable that can be^" replied he. 3, "Do you 
 consider. him, then, who is held under control by the pleasures 
 of the bpdy, and- is rendered unable, by their influence, to do 
 what is best for him, to be free ?" " By no means," replied 
 Euthydemus. " Perhaps, then, to have the power of doing 
 what is best seems to you to be freedom, tut to be under in- 
 fiuencgs which will hinder you from doing it, you consider to 
 be want of freedom ?" " Assuredly," said he. 4. " Do not 
 the intemperate appear to you, then, to be absolutely without 
 freedom?" "Yes, by Jupiter, and naturally so." "And 
 whether do the intemperate appear to you to be merely pre- 
 vented from doing what is best, or to be forced, also, to do what 
 is most dishonorable ?" " They appear to me," repUed Eii- 
 thydemus, " to be not less forced to do the one than they are 
 hindered from doing the other." 6. " And what sort of mas- 
 ters do you consider those to be, who hinder men from doing 
 what is best, and force them to do what is worst ?" " The 
 very worst possible, by Jupiter," repUed he. " And what 
 sort of slavery do yon consider to be the worst ?" " That,' ' 
 said he, " under the worst masters ?" " Do not then the in- 
 
OHAP. V. ADTANTAaES OF TEMPEKANOB. 495 
 
 temperate," sai(J Socrates, " endure the very worst of slaveTy?" 
 "It appears so to me," answered Euthydemus. 6. "And 
 does not intemperance seem to you, by banishing from men 
 prudence, the greatest good, to drive them into the very oppo- 
 site evil? Does it not appear to you to hinder them from 
 attending to useful things, and learning them, by drawing 
 them away to pleasure, and frequently, by captivating those 
 who have a perception of good and e\i], to make them choose 
 the worse instead of the better ?" " Such is the case," said h«. 
 . . T. " And whom can we suppose, Euthydemus, to have less 
 participation in self-control than the intemperate man ? for 
 assuredly the acts of self-control and of intemperance are the 
 very opposite to each other." " I assent to this also," said he. 
 " And do you think that any thing is a greater hinderance to 
 attention to what is becoming, than intemperance 3" " I do 
 not." " And do you imagine that there is any greater evil to 
 man, than that which makes him prefer the noxious to the 
 beneficial, which prompts him to pursue the one and to neg- 
 lect the other, and which forces, him to pursue a contrary 
 course of conduct to that of the wise?" "There is none," 
 said Euthydemus. 
 
 8. "Is it not natural, then," said Socrates, "that temperance 
 should be the cause of producing in men effects contrary to 
 J those which intemperance produces ?" " Undoubtedly," said 
 Euthydemus. " Is it not natural, therefore, also, that what 
 produces those contrary effects should be best for man 2" " It 
 is natural," said he. "Is it not consequently natural, then, 
 Euthydemus, that temperance should be best for man f " It 
 is so, Socrates," said he. 9. " And have you ever reflected 
 upon this, Euthydemus?" "What?" "That even to those 
 pleasures, to which alone intemperance seems to lead men, it 
 can not lead them, but that temperance produces greater pleas- 
 ure than any thing else?" "How?" said he. "Because 
 intemperance, by not allowing men to withstand hunger, thirst, 
 or the desire of sensual gratification, or want of sleep (through 
 which privations alone is it possible for them to eat, an,d 
 drink, and gratify other natural appetites, and go to rest and 
 sleep with pleasure, waiting and restraining themselves until 
 the inclinations may be most happily indulged), hinders them 
 from having any due enjoyment in acts most necessary and 
 jnost habitual ; but temperance, which alone enables men to 
 
496 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. book it. 
 
 endure the privations which I have mentioned, alone enables 
 them to find delight in the gratifications to which I have 
 alluded." " What you say," observed Eathydemus, " is indis- 
 putably true." 10. "From learning what is honorable and 
 good, moreover, and from the study of those accomplishments 
 by which a man may ably goverti himself, judiciously regulate 
 his household, become useful to his friends and the state, and 
 gain the mastery over his enemies (from which studies arise 
 not only the greatest advantages, but also the greatest pleas- 
 ures), the temperate have etijoymenf while they practice 
 -tfcem, but the intemperate have no share in any of them ; for 
 to whom can we say that it less belongs to participate in such 
 advantages, than to him who has the least power to pursue 
 them, being wholly occupied in attention to present pleasures 1" 
 11. "You seem tome, Socrates," said Euthydelnus, " to say 
 that the man who is under the influence of bodily pleasures, 
 has no participation in any one virtue." " For what dififer- 
 ence is there, Euthydemus," said he, " between an intemperate 
 man and the most ignorant brute ? How will hCj who has 
 no regard to what is best, but seeks only to enjoy what is most 
 seductive by any means in his power, difier from the most 
 senseless cattle ? To the temperate alone it belongs to con- 
 sider what is best in human pursuits, to distinguish those pur- 
 sidts, according to experience and reason, into their several 
 classes, and then to ctoose the good and refrain from the 
 evil." 
 
 12. Thus it was, he said, that men became most virtuoas 
 and happy, and most skillful in reasoning ; and he observed 
 that the expression dtalsYsa&ai, "to reason," had its origin in 
 people's practice of meeting together to reason on matters, and 
 distinguishing them, ^toi^yoJ'Tos, according to their several 
 iiuds. It was the duty of every one, therefore, he thought, 
 to make himself ready in this art, and to study it with the 
 greatest -diligence ; for that men, by the' aid of it, became 
 most accomplished, most able to guide others, and most acute 
 in discussion. 
 
OHAP.Ti. DEFINITIONS GIVEN BY SOCEATEa 497 
 
 CHAPTER VL 
 
 The value of skill in argument and definition, sect. 1. Definition of pieti^ 
 2-4 ; of msnoE, 6, 6 ; of Tf isnoit 7 ; of gootoi^ and beautt, 8, 9 ; of 
 oouBAos, 10, 11. Some other deniiitionB, 12. Bemarks on the Socratio 
 method of argument, 18-16. 
 
 1. I WILL now endeavor to siow tiat Socrates rendered 
 those who assoeiated with him more skillful in argument. For 
 he thought that those who knew the nature of things sever- 
 ally, would be able to explain them to others ; but as to 
 those who did not know, he said that it was not surprising 
 that they fell into error themselves, and led others into it. 
 He therefore never ceased to reason with his associates about 
 the nature of things.' To go through all the terms that he 
 defined, and to show how he definited them, would be a long 
 task ; but I will give as many instances as I think will suffice 
 to show the nature of his reasoning. 
 
 2. In the first place, then, he reasoned of ■pieiy, in some 
 such way as this. " Tell me," said he, " Euthydemus, what 
 sort of feeling do you consider , piety to be 3" " The most 
 noble of all feelings," rephed he. " Can you tell ine, then, 
 who is a pious man V " The man, I think, who honors the 
 gods." "Is it allowable to , pay honor to the gods in any 
 way that one pleases?" "No;fliere are certain laws in con- 
 formity with which we must pay our honors to them." 3. 
 •'He, then, who knows these laws, will know how he must 
 honor the gods ?" " I think so." " He therefore who knows 
 how to pay honor to the gods, will not think that he ought to 
 pay it otherwise than as he knows ?" " Doubtless not." " But 
 does a»y one pay honors to the gods otherwise than as he 
 thinks that he ought to pay them V " I think not." 4. " He 
 therefore who knows what is agreeable to the laws with re- 
 gard to the gods, will- honor the gods in agreement with the 
 laws?" "Certainly." "Does not he, then, who honors the 
 gods agreeably to the laws honor them as he ought ?" " How 
 can he do otherwise ?" "And he who honors them as he 
 ought, is pious 1" "Certainly." "Se therefore who knows 
 what is agreeable to the laws with regard to the gods, may 
 
 1 11 Ikootov elri tuv ovtuv.] Qmd res qaceUbet essei; "what each 
 thing was ;" what was the nature of each thing. 
 
498 MEMOEABILIA OF SOCRATES. book it. 
 
 be justly defined by us as a pious man V " So it appears to 
 me," said Euthydemus. 
 
 5. " But is it allowable for a person to conduct himself 
 toward, other men in whatever way he pleases?" "No; but 
 with respect to men also, he who knows what is in conformity 
 with the laws, and how men ought, according to them, to 
 conduct themselves toward each other, will be an observer of 
 the laws." "Do not those, then, who conduct themselves 
 toward each other according to what is in conformity with 
 the laws, conduct themselves toward each other as they 
 ought ?" " How can it be otherwise ?" " Do not those, there- 
 fore, who conduct themselves toward each other as they 
 opght, conduct themselves well ?" " Certainly." " Do not those, 
 then, that conduct themselves well toward each other, act prop- 
 erly in transactions between man and man ?" " Surely." " Do 
 not those, then, who obey the laws, do what is just?" "Un- 
 doubtedly." 6. " And do you know what sort of actions are 
 called just ?" " Those which the laws sanction." " Those, 
 therefore, who do what the laws sanction, do what is just, and 
 what they ought ?" " How can it be otherwise ?" " Those who 
 do just things, therefore, are just ?" " I think so." " Do you 
 think that any persons yield obedience to the laws who do not 
 Imow what the laws sanction ?" " I dq not." " And do you 
 think that any who know what they ought to do, think that 
 they ought not i» do it ?" " I do not think so." "And do you 
 know any persons that do other things than those which they 
 think they ought to do ?" " I do not." " Those, therefore, who 
 know what is agreeable to the laws in regard to men, do what 
 is just ?" " Certainly." " And are not those who do what is 
 just, just men V " Who else can be so ?" " Shall we not 
 define rightly, therefore," concluded Socrates, " if we define 
 those to be jiist who know what is agreeable to the ^aws in 
 regard to men ?" " It appears so to me," said Euthydemus. 
 ♦ 7. " And what shall we say that wisdom is ? Tell me, 
 whether do men seem to you to be wise, in things which they 
 know, or in things which they do not know 3" " In what 
 they know, certainly ; for how can a man be wise in things of 
 which he knows tiothing ?" " Those, then, who are wise, are 
 wise by their knowledge?" "By what else can a man be 
 wise, if not by his knowledge ?" " Do you think vrisdom, 
 then, to be any thing else than that by which men are wise 1" 
 
CHAP. TL GOODNESS: BEAUTT: COURAGE. 499 
 
 "I do not." "Is knowledge, then, wisdom?"- "It ap- 
 pears so to me." " Does it appear to you, however, that it is 
 possible for a man to know all things that are ?" " No,, by- 
 Jupiter ; not even as I think, a comparatively small portion 
 of them." " It is not therefore possible for a man to be wise 
 in all things ?" " No, indeed." " Every man is wise, therefore, 
 in that only of which he has a knowledge ?" " So it seems 
 to me." 
 
 8. "Shall we thus, too, Euthydemus," said he, "inquire what 
 is GOOD ?" " How ?", said Euthydemus. " Does the same thing 
 appear to you to be beneficial to every body ?" " No." " And 
 does not- that which is beneficial to one person appear to you 
 to be sometimes hurtful to another ?" "Assuredly." "Would 
 you say, then, that any thing is good that is not bene- 
 ficial f " I would not." " What is beneficial, therefore, is 
 good, to whomsoever it is beneficial ?" " It appears so to me," 
 said Euthydemus. 
 
 9. " Aid can we define the BEAUTreuL in any other way 
 than if you term whatever is beautiful, whether a person, or 
 a vase, or any thing else whatsoever, beautiful for whatever 
 purpose you know that it is beautiful ?" ' " No, indeed," said 
 Euthydemus. " For whatever purpose, then, any thing may 
 be useful, for that purpose it is beautiful to us6 it ?" " Cer- 
 tainly." " And is any thing beautiful for any other purpose 
 than that for which it is beautiful to use it ?" " For no other 
 purpose," replied he. " What is useful is beautiful, therefore, 
 for that purpose for which it is beautiful?" "So I think," 
 said he. 
 
 10. " As to COURAGE, Euthydemus," said Socrates, " do 
 you think it is to be numbered among excellent things ?" 
 "I think it one of the most excellent," replied Euthydemus. 
 " But you do not think courage a thing of use for small occa- 
 sions." " No, by Jupiter, but for the very greatest." " Does 
 it appear to you to be useful, with regard to formidable and 
 dangeroiis things, to be ignorant of their character?" "By 
 
 1 I have translated this apparently corrupt passage according to the 
 interpretation of it proposed by Lange, a friend of Kuhner's : Num pos- 
 sumus pulchrum alitor [intellige ac tpnum, iii. 8, ubi demonstratum est 
 KaXdv, aya-&dv, et xP^'^'-H-"'" i^^™ esse,] definire, an pulchrum vocas, si 
 quid pujehnim est \el iariv] vel corpus, vel vas, vel nliud quid, quod a4 
 quameunque rem (irpdf iravTo) pulchrum est ! 
 
600 MEMORABILIA OF SOOEATES. bookiv. 
 
 no means." "They, therefore, who do not fear such things, 
 heoause they do not know what they are, are not courage- 
 ous ?" " Certainly not ; for, in that case, many madmen and 
 even cowards would be courageous." " And what do you say 
 of those who fear things that are not formidable?" "Still 
 less, by Jupiter, should tJiey be called courageous." " Those, 
 then, that are ffood, with reference to formidable and danger- 
 ous things, you consider to be courageous, and those that are 
 bad, cowardly VJ "Certainly." 11. "But do you think that 
 aiiy other persons are ffood, with reference to terrible and 
 dangerous circumstances, except those who are able to conduct 
 themselves well imder them ?" " No, those only," said he. 
 "And you think those bad with regard to them, who are of 
 such a character to conduct themselves badly under them ?" 
 " Whom else can I think so ?" " Do not eaeh, then, conduct 
 themselves under them as they think they' ought ?" " How 
 can it be otherwise ?" " Do those, therefore, who do not 
 conduct themselves properly under them, know how they 
 ought to conduct themselves under them ?" " Doubtless not." 
 " Those then who know how they ought to conduct them- 
 selves under them, can do so?" "And they alone." "Do 
 those, liierefore, who do not fail under such circumstances, 
 conduct themselves badly under them?" "I think not." 
 " Those then who d.o conduct themselves badly under them, do 
 fell ?" " It seems so." " Those, therefore, who know how to 
 conduct themselves well in terrible and dangerous circum- 
 stances are courageous, and those who fail to do so are cow- 
 ards ?" " They at least appear so to me," said Euthydemus. 
 
 12. Monarchy and tyranny he considered to be both forms 
 of government, but conceived that they differed greatly from 
 one another ; for a government over men with their own con- 
 sent, and in conformity with the laws of free states, he regarded 
 as a monarchy ; but a government over men against their will, 
 and not according to the law of free states, but just as the ruler 
 pleased, a tyranny ; and wherever magistrates were appointed 
 from among those who complied wifli the injunctions of the laws, 
 he considered the govejnment to be an aristocracy ; wherever 
 they were appointed according to their wealth, a plutocracy ; 
 and wherever they were appointed from among the whole 
 people, a democracy. 
 
 13. Whenever any person contradicted him on an/ point, 
 
CHAP. vii. JUST EEASOlinNG OF SOCEATES. 501 
 
 who had nothing definite to say, and who perhaps asserted, 
 without proof, that some person, whom he mentioned, was 
 wiser, or better skilled in political affairs, or possessed of 
 greater courage, or worthier in some such respect, [than some 
 other whom Socrates had mentioned], he would recall the 
 whole argument, in some such way as tiie following, to the pri- 
 mary proposition : 14. " Do you say that he whom you com- 
 mend, is a better citizen than he whom I commend?" "I do 
 say so." " Why should we then not consider, in the first place, 
 what is the duty: of a good citizen ?" . " Let us do so." " Would 
 not he then be superior in the management of the public money 
 who should make the state richer ?" " Undoubtedly." " And 
 he in war who should make it victorious over its enemies ?" 
 " Assuredly." " And in an embassy he who should make friends 
 of foes?" "Doubtless." "And he in addressing the people 
 who should check dissensipn and inspire them with unanimity ?" 
 "I think so." When the discussion was thus brought back to 
 fundamental princijples, the truth was made evident to those 
 who had opposad him. 
 
 16. When lie himself went through any subject in argu- 
 ment, he proceeded upon prppositions of which the truth was 
 generally acknowledged, thinking that a sure foundation was 
 Sius formed for his reasoning. Accordingly, whenever he spoke, 
 he, of all men that I have known, most readily prevailed on his 
 hearers to assent to his arguments ; and he used to say that 
 Homer' had attributed to Ulysses the character of a sure orator, 
 as being able to form his reasoning on points acknowledged by 
 all mankind. 
 
 CHAPTER Vn. 
 
 How Soorates rendered his followers firixaviKoic, mgemous and adapted for 
 buflmess ; his frankness and sinoerity, 1. How far he thonght that Geom- 
 etry should be studied, 2, 3. How far "he recommended that ABtronomy 
 should be pursued, 4r-7. Vain investigations to be avoifled, 8. Eegard 
 to be paid to health, 9. Counsel to be asked of the gods, 10. 
 
 1. That Socrates expressed his sentiments with sincerity to 
 those who conversed with him, is, I think, manifest from what 
 I have said. I will now proceed to show how much it was his 
 
 J Odyas. viii. VJ\: 'O Si drr(j)a7iia; dyopevn: a passage noticed by 
 Dionya. Hal. de Arte Ehet. ri 8. 
 
502 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. BOOK ir. 
 
 care tliat his, followers should be competently qualified for em- 
 ployments suited to their powers. Of all men that I have 
 known, he was the most anxious to discover in what occupa- 
 tion each of those who attended him was likely to prove skill- 
 ful ; and of all that it becomes a man of honor and virtue to 
 know, he taught them himself, whatever he knew, with the 
 utmost cheerfuluess ; and what he had not suflScient knowledge 
 to teach, te took them to those who knew, to learn. 
 
 2. He taught them also how far it was proper that a well- 
 educated man should be versed in any department of knowl- 
 edge.' Geometry, for instance, he said that a man should 
 study until he should be capable, if occasion required, to take 
 or give land correctly by meausurement ; or to divide it or por- 
 tion it out for cultivation •' and this, he observed, it was so easy 
 to learn, ithat he who gave any attention at all to mensuration, 
 might find how large the whole earth was, and perfectly undei^ 
 stand how it was measured. 3. But of pursuing the study of 
 geometry to diagrams hai:d to understand, he disapproved ; for 
 he said that he could not see of what profit they were,' though 
 he himself was by no means unskilled in them ; but he re- 
 marked that they were enough to consume a man's whole life, 
 and hinder him from attaining many other valuable branches 
 of knowledge. 
 
 4. He recomniended his followers to learn astronomy also, 
 but only so far as to be able to know the hour of the night, 
 the month, and the season of the year, with a view to travel- 
 ing by land or sea, or distinguishing the night-watches; and 
 
 1 UpdyfiaToe.'] " Negotii ex doctrina et soientia pendentis.'' Schneider. 
 
 .° 'Epyov uTToBesfacnJai.] " Ad opus faciendum agri portioneni assig- 
 nare." Emesii. 
 
 " Socrates did not altogether condemn the study of geometry and 
 astronomy, but disapproved of the general practice of the philosophers 
 of his own age, who devoted, themselves wholly to difficult questions 
 concerning the figure of the earth, etc., to the entire neglect of moral 
 philosophy. Plato, Phasd. c. 46, agrees with Xenophpn ; and, indeed, 
 an immoderate pursuit of such studies was altogether alien from the 
 afifaira of common life and morality, to which alone Socfates gave his 
 serious attention. 2e^me. In the infancy of the mechanic arts, and 
 amid the foolish practices of the philosophers, who endeavored to apply 
 geometry and astronomy to subjects too high for the human intellect, 
 we can not wonder at the determination of Socrates, who preferred im- 
 P'pving the morals of men. Those who are ignorant of those sciences 
 ill the present day repeat the olijeetions of Socrates as to then- inutility. 
 Schneider. 
 
CHAP. vn. eONOERNING STUDIES. 503 
 
 to be competent, by knowing the divisions of the above-men- 
 tioned times, to profit by the signs for whatever other things 
 are done at a certain period of the Eight, or month, or year. 
 These particulars, he said, were easily learned from men who 
 hunted by night, from pilots, and from many others whose 
 business it was to know them. 5. But to continue the study of 
 astronomy so far as to distinguish the bodies which do not move 
 in the same circle with the heavens"^ the planets, and the irreg- 
 ular stars,° and to weary ourselves in inquiring into their 
 distances from the earth, the periods of their revolutions, and 
 the causes of all these things, was what he greatly discount- 
 enanced ; for he saw, he said, no profit in these studies 
 either,' though he had himself given attention to them ; since 
 they also, he remarked, were enough to wear out the life of a 
 man, and prevent iim 'from attending to many profitable 
 pursuits. 
 
 6. Concerning celestial matters in general, he dissuaded 
 every man from becoming a speculator how the divine power 
 contrives to manage them ; for he did not think that such 
 points were discoverable by man, nor did he believe that those 
 acted dutifully toward the gods who inquired into things 
 which they did not wish to make known. He observed, too, 
 that a man who was anxious about such investigations, was 
 in danger of losing his senses, not less than Anaxagoras, who 
 prided hiinself highly on explaining the plans of the gods, lost 
 his. 7. For Anaxagoras, when he said that fire and the sun 
 were of the same nature, did not reflect that people can easily 
 look upon fire, but can not turn their gaze to the sun, and that 
 men, if exposed to the rays of the sun, have complexions of a 
 darker shade, but not if exposed to fire ; he omitted to con- 
 sider too that of the productions of the earth, none can como 
 faMy to maturity -without the rays of the sun, while,_if warmed 
 by the heat of fire, they all perish.; and when he said that the 
 sun was a heated stone, he forgot that a stone placed in the 
 
 ■I T(J uf) Iv T§ airij n-epj0op? ovraA Edwards refers to Diog. Laert. 
 vii 144 where it is said that some of the heavenly bodies are carried 
 round with the heaven,- without changing their place, while others have 
 motions peculiar to themselves, 
 
 2 ' kaTad/if/Tovc uoTEpaf.] Schneider, Bomemann, and Kiihner, agree 
 iu understanding comeis. 
 
 3 Any more than in difficult geometrical investigations. 
 
504 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK nr. 
 
 fire does not shine, or last long, but that the sun continues 
 perpetually the most luminous of all bodies. 
 
 8. He advised his followers also to learn computations,' but 
 in these, as in other things, he exhorted them to avoid useless 
 labor ; as far as it was of any profit, he investigated every thing 
 himself, and went through it with his associates. 
 
 9. He earnestly recommended those who conversed with 
 him to take care of their health, both by leamiqg whatever 
 they could respecting it from men of experience, and by at- 
 tending to it, each for himself, throughout his whole life, 
 studying what food or drink, or what exercise, was most 
 suitable for him, and how he might act in regard to them so 
 as to enjoy the best health ; for he said it would be difficult 
 for a person who thus attended to himself to find a physician 
 that would tell better than himself what was conducive to his 
 health. 
 
 10. But if any one desired to attain to what was beyond hu- 
 man wisdom, he advised him to study divination ; for he said 
 that he who knew by what signs the gods give indications to 
 men respecting human affairs, would never fail of obtaining 
 counsel from me gods. 
 
 CHAPTER Vm. 
 
 SocrateB, thougli condemned to d$a1ii, was not oonvioted of falsehood with 
 regard to his Djeuon. His resolntion to die. His innocence inspires him 
 tnth courage. He thinks it good to die, and escape the evils of old a^e. 
 Summaiy of the arguments of the Memorabilia. 
 
 1. BnT if anyone thinks that he was corlvicted of falsehood 
 with regard to his Daemon, because sentence of death was 
 pronounced on him by the judges although he said that the 
 dsemon admonished him what he ought apd what he ought 
 not to do, let him consider, in the first place, that he was 
 already so advanced in years,' that he must have ended his 
 life, if not then, at least not long after ; and, in the next, 
 
 ' Aoyiojuquf,] Computations or calculations, " Artem oaleulatoriam." 
 Sclmeider. How ^M-yiaTiiif) differed from dpiBfiriTiK.^ is shown by PJato, 
 Gorg. c. 13. 
 
 2 He was seventy years old, according to Diog. Laert. ii. 44, and 
 Maxim. Tyr. is. 8. , 
 
t-HAP. viu. DEATH 01" SOCRATES. 505 
 
 that he relinquished only the most burdensome part of. life, in 
 wl^ich all feel their powers of intellect diminished, while, instead 
 of enduring this, he acquired great glory by prorii^ the firm- 
 ness of his mind, pleading his cause above all men, with the 
 greatest regard to truth, ingenuousness, and justice, and bearing 
 his sentence at once with the utmost resignation and the utmost 
 fortitude. 
 
 2. It is indeed acknowledged that no man, of all that are 
 remembered, ever endured death with greater glory ; for he 
 was obliged to live thirty days after his sentence, because the 
 Delian festival' h^pened in that month, and the law allowed 
 no one to be publicly put to death until the sacred deputation 
 should return from DeloB ; and during that time he was seen 
 by all his friends living in no other way than at any preceding 
 period ; and, let it be observed, throughout all the former part of 
 his life he had been admired beyond all men for the cheerful- 
 ness and tranquillity with which he lived. 3.' How could any 
 one have died more nobly than thus ? Or what death could be 
 more honorable than that which any man might most honor- 
 ably undergo ? Or what death could be happier than the most 
 honorable ? Or what death more acceptable to the gods than 
 the most happy ? 
 
 4. I will also relate what I heard' respecting him from 
 Hertnogenes,'' the son of Hipponicus, who said that after 
 Meletus had laid the accusation against him, he heard him 
 speaking on any subject rather than that of his trial, and re- 
 marked to him that he ought to consider what defense he 
 should make, but that he said at first, " Do I not appear to 
 you to have passed my whole life meditating on that subject ?"' 
 and then, when he asked him " How so ?" he said that " he 
 
 ' AiJAtff.] A procession, instituted by Theseus, which the Arthenians 
 made annually to Delos, and which is to be distinguished from the 
 greater DeUa, or panegyris, in that island. See Smith's Diet, of G. and 
 R. Ant , art. Delia. 
 
 ' Bornemann thinks that portion of this chapter between the begin- 
 ning of sect. 3, and i/iol iiiv 6?) in sect. 11, spurious, and made up from 
 the Apology. Weiske is of a contrary opinion. 
 
 3 Xenophon himself was then with Cyrus in Asia. Sclmeider. 
 
 « The same that is mentioned in ii. 10. See Oobet, Prosopogr. Xen. 
 
 p. 64. 
 
 ' ToxJTo lie'X.eTuD iLaiediuKivai.'] " In hae re (defensione mei) meditandS 
 totam vitam transegisse." Kuhnet. 
 VOL. I. 22 
 
506 MEMOaABILIA OF SOCRATES. book ir. 
 
 had gone through life doing nothing but considering what was 
 just and what unjustj doing what was just and abstaining 
 from what was unjust, -whieh he conceived to be the beat 
 meditation for his defense." 5. Hermogenes said again, 
 " Do you not see, Socrates, that the judges at Athens have 
 already put to death many innocent persons, from being 
 offended at their language, and have allowed many that were 
 guilty to escape ?" " But, by Jupiter, Hermogenes," replied 
 he, " when I was proceeding, a while ago, to study my address 
 to the judges, the daemon testified disapprobation." " You 
 say what is strange," rejoined Hermogenes. " And do you 
 think it strange," inquired Socrates, " that it should seem bet- 
 ter to the divinity that I should now close my life ? Do you 
 not know, that, down to the present time, I would not admit to 
 any man that he has lived either better or with more pleasure 
 than inyself? for I consider that those live best who study 
 best to become as good as possible ; and that those live vfim 
 most pleasure who feel the most assurance that they are daily 
 growing better and better. 7, This assurance I have felt, to 
 the present day, to be the case with respect to myself; and 
 associating "with other men, and comparing- myself with others, 
 I have always retained this opinion respecting myself; and, 
 not only I, but my friends also; maintain a similar feeling 
 with regard to me, not because they love me (for those who 
 love others may be thus affected toward the objects of 
 their love), but because they think that while they associated 
 with me they became greatly advanced in virtue. 8. If I shall 
 live a Ipnger period, perhaps I shall be destined to sustain the 
 evils of old age, to find my sight and hearing weakened, to 
 feel my intellect impaired, to become less apt to le^rn, and 
 more forgetful, and, in fine, to grow inferior to others in all 
 those qualities in which I was once superior to them. If I 
 should be insensible to this deterioration, Hfe would not be 
 worth retaining; and, if I should feel it, how could I live 
 otherwise than with less profit, and with less comfort ? 9. If 
 I am to die unjustly, my death will be a disgrace to those who 
 .unjustly kill me; for if injustice is a disgrace, must it not be 
 a disgrace to do any thing unjustly ?■ But what disgrace will 
 it be to me, that others could not decide or act justly with re- 
 gard to me 1 10. Of the men who have lived before me, I 
 see that the estimation left among posterity with regard to 
 
CHAP. vm. CONCLUSION. 507 
 
 such as tave done wrong, and such aa have suffered wrong, is 
 by no means similar ; and I know that I also, if I now die, shall 
 obtain from mankind far different consideration from that which 
 they -will pay to those who take my life ; for I know that they 
 will always bear witness to me that I have never wronged any 
 man, or rendered any man less virtuous, but that I have 
 always endeavored to make those better who conversed with 
 me." Such discourse he held with Hermogenes, and with 
 others. 
 
 11. Of those who knew what sort of man Socrates was, such 
 as were lovers, of virtue, continue to regret him above all 
 other men, even to the present day, as having contributed in 
 the highest degree to their advancement in goodness. To 
 me, being snch as I have describad him, so pious that he 
 did nothing without the sanction of the gods ; so just, that he 
 wronged no man even in the most trifliiig affair, but was of 
 service, in the most important matters, to those who enjoyed 
 his society ; so temperate, that he never preferred pleasure to 
 virtue ; so wise, that he never erred in distinguishing better 
 from worse, needing no council from others, but being sufficient 
 in himself to discriminate between them ; so able to explain 
 and settle such questions by argument ; and so capable of dis- 
 cemingthe character of others, of oonftiting those who were in 
 error, and of exhorting them to virtue and honor, he seemed to 
 be such as the best and happiest of men -would be. But 
 if any one disapproves of my opinion, let him compare the 
 conduct of others with that of Socrates, an* determine ac- 
 cordingly. 
 
INDEX 
 
 TO THE ANABASIS AND MEMORABILIA. 
 
 The flgures to which no letter is prefixed refer to the Anabasis; those to which 
 M.i a pr efixed, to the Memorabilia. 
 
 He~ The names inserted in the " Geographical Index" to the Anabasis, are here 
 omitted. 
 
 Abrooomas, an enemy of Cyrus on 
 the Buphrates, i. 3. 20; some 
 Greek mercenaries revolt from 
 him to Cyrus, i. 4. 3 ; makes no 
 defense, i. 4. 5 ; burns ships, to 
 prevent Cyrus crossing the Eu- 
 . phrates, L 4. 18 ; aij'ives at Ou- 
 ' naxa after the battle, i. 7. 12. 
 
 Abrozelmes, a Thracian, vii. 6. 43. 
 
 Aohaaans, numerous in the army, 
 ,vi. 2. 10. 
 
 Acumenus, a physician, M. iii. 
 13. 2. 
 
 .^otes, his grandson, v. 6. Z1. 
 
 jBgypt, "M. i. 4 if. 
 
 .SJgyptians, enemies to the Per- 
 sians, ii. 6. 13. 
 
 .Slneaa of Stymphalus killed, iv. T. 
 13. 
 
 .<Eniane3 among the troops of Me- 
 non, i. 2. 6. Their dancing, vL 
 1. T. 
 
 ..Sloliaj V. 6. 24. 
 
 .(Esohwes, an Aroamanian, iv. 3. 
 22 ; 8. 18. 
 
 ..Esculapius, temple of, warm spring 
 in M. iii. 13. 3. 
 
 Agasias, one of the captains, iv. 1. 
 27 ; iiL 1. 31 ; his bravery, iv. 1. 
 11 ; V. 2. 15 ; ridicules the eager- 
 ness of the Lacedaemonians for 
 power, vL 1. 30 ; goes as em- 
 bassador to Heraclea, vi. 2. 1 ; 
 
 disapproves of a division of the 
 army, vi. 4. 10 ; rescues a sol- 
 dier from Dexippus, vi 6. 7, 
 17 ; is wounded, vii. 8. 19. 
 
 Agesilaus returns froin Asia to op- 
 pose the Boeotians, v. 3. 6. 
 
 Agias, an Arcadian, one of the 
 generals made prisoner by Tis- 
 saphemes, ii. S. 31 ; is put to 
 death, ii. 6. 1 ; is praised, ii. 6. 
 30. 
 
 ALcibiades, his conduct, M. i. 2. 
 12; why he sought instruction 
 from Socrates, 16 how corrupt- 
 ed, 24; his diseussion with Pe- 
 ricles on laws," 40, eeqq, 
 
 Amazonian hatchet, iv. 4.'16. 
 
 Amphicrates, an Athenian, iv. 2. 
 13. 17. 
 
 Anaxagoras, his erroneous opin- 
 ions, M. iv. 7. 6. 
 
 Anaxibius, admiral of the Lacedae- 
 monian fleet at Byzantium, is 
 bribed by Phamabazus to allure 
 the Greeks out of Asia to By- 
 zantium, V. 1. 4; vi. 1. 16; vii. 
 1. 3 ; breaks faith with him, and 
 sends the Greeks from Byzan- 
 tium, vii. 1. 11 ; flees in terror 
 
 ' to the citadel, vii. 1. 20 ; leaves 
 Byzantium, vii. 2. 6 ; sends Xen- 
 ophon to the army, vii. 2. 8. 
 
 Antileou, v. 1. 2. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 609 
 
 Antipho, the sophist, M. i. 6. 1. 
 
 Antisthenea, his. discussion -with 
 Socrates on friendship, M. iii. 5. 
 1 ; his fondness for Socrates, M. 
 iu. 11. 1*7. 
 
 Apollo flays Marsyas, i. 2. 8 ; the 
 tenth of the spoil dedicated to 
 him, V. 3. 4 ; Xenophon sacrifloes 
 to him, vii. 8. 3. His response 
 on the worship of the gods, M. 
 iv. 3. 16. 
 
 Apollodorus, follower of Socrates, 
 M. iii. 11. IT. 
 
 ApoUonides expelled from the army, 
 iii. 1. 26, 31. 
 
 Arbaces, an ofBcer under Artar 
 zerzes, i. 1. 12 ; satrap of Media, 
 Tiii. 8. 25, 
 
 Arcadians, numerous in the Greek 
 army, vi. 2. 10; their dancing, 
 vi. 1. 11 ; separate with the 
 Aohaeans, from the rest of the 
 Greeks, vi. 2. 12 ; suffer for their 
 folly, vi. 3. 1-9 ; an Arcadian 
 accuses Xenophon, viL 6. 8. 
 
 Archagoras, iv. 2. 13, 17. 
 
 Arohedemus, his services to Orito, 
 
 , M. ii. 9. 3. 
 
 Areopagus, praise of the, M. iii. 5. 
 20. 
 
 Arexio, an augur, vi. 4. 13 ; 5. 
 2. 8. 
 
 Argo, vi. 2. 1. 
 
 Ariseus, the friend of Cyrus, com- 
 mands hia left wing, i. 8. 5 ; 9. 
 31, flees when Cyrus is killed, 
 1. 9. 31 ; declines the command, 
 ii. 2. 1 ; proposes a route to the 
 Greeks, iL 2. 11 ; is pardoned 
 'by the king, and neglects the 
 Greeks, ii. 4. 2. 
 
 Aristarohus, the Spartan harmost 
 at Byzantium, sells four hun- 
 dred of the Greeks as slaves, 
 vii. 2. 5, 6; bribed by Phamar 
 bazu^to prevent the Greeks from 
 crossing into Asia, vii. 2. 12; 6. 
 13, 24 ; plots against Xenophon, 
 vii. 2. 14. 
 
 Aristarchus assisted by the advice 
 of Socrates, M. ii. 1. 
 
 Aristeas of Chios, iv. 1. 28 ; 6. 20. 
 
 Aristippus the Thessalian receives 
 money and troops from Gyrus, i. 
 1. 10 ; he appoints Menon over 
 his troops, ii. 6. 28. 
 
 Aristippus the philosopher, his dis- 
 cussions with Socrates, M. ii. 1 ; 
 iii. 8. 
 
 Aristo deputed to Sinope, v. 6. 14. 
 
 Aristodemus admonished by Soc- 
 rates, M. i. 4. 
 
 Aristonymus, a captain of the 
 heavy-armed, iv. 1. 21 ; 6. 20 ; 
 his activity, iv. T. 9 ; his namo 
 occurs in some copies instead of 
 that of Cheirisophus, iv._6. 21. 
 
 Artacamas, satrap of Phrygia, vii. 
 8. 25. 
 
 Artagerses, a captain in the army 
 of Artaxerxes, i. 1. 11; is killed 
 by Cyrus, i. 8. 24. 
 
 Artaozus, a friend of Cyrus, ii; 4. 
 16; V. 35. 
 
 Artapates, a eunuch, i. 6. 11 ; dies 
 on the body of Cyrus, i. 8. 28. 
 
 Artaxerxes, the elder brother of 
 Cyrus, L 1. 1 ; succeeds his fether 
 Darius, i. 1. 8 ; spares Cyrus, ib. ; 
 his illegitimate brother, ii. 4. 25 ; 
 wounded in the battle by Cyrus, 
 L 8. 26 ; plunders the camp of 
 Cyrus, i. 10. 1 ; fears the Greeks, 
 i. 10. 6 ; ii. 2. 18 ; 3. 1 ; de- 
 mands their arms, ii. 1. 18 ; 
 makes a truce with them, ii 3. 
 25 ; puts to death the Grecian 
 generals, ii. 6. 1. 
 
 Artimas, satrap of Lydia, viL 8. 25. 
 
 Artuchas, his mercenaries, iv. 3. 4. 
 
 Arystas, his voracity, vii. 3. 23. 
 
 Asidates, attacked by Xenophon 
 unsuccessfully, vii. 8. 9, 15: is 
 made prisoner, vii. 8. 22. 
 
 Aspasia, a Phocaean woman, mis- 
 tress of Cyrus, i. 10. 2. 
 
 Aspasia, the mistress of Pericles, 
 M. ii. 6. 36. 
 
 Aspendians, i. 2. 12. 
 
 Assyrians, vii. 8. 15. 
 
 Athenians embezzle -public money, 
 iv. 6. 16; humbled, by the la- 
 
510 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 oedsatnonians, vii. LI. 27 ; their 
 honor oommeitded by Seuthes, 
 who calls them his kinsmen, vii. 
 2. 31. Athenians, praised ^nd 
 bla,med, M. iii. 5 ; defeated by 
 the Boetians, M. iii. 5. 4 ; never 
 changed their abode, 12; pay 
 too little respect to old age, and 
 to the magistrates, 16. 
 Attica, defended by mountains, M. 
 iii. 5. 25. 
 
 B 
 
 BasiaS killed by the Oarduehians, 
 iv. \ 18. 
 
 Basias, an augur of Eiis, viii. 8. 
 10. 
 
 Belesys, satrap of Syria and As- 
 syria, i. 4. 10 1 vii. 8. 25. 
 
 Bito brings money to the army, vii. 
 8.6. 
 
 Boeotia ravaged by the Athenians, 
 M. iii. 5. 4. • ' 
 
 Bceotians compared with the Athe- 
 nians, M. ill. S. 2, 4. 
 
 Boisous, V. 8. 23. 
 
 
 
 Calllmachus, an Arcadian, captain 
 of the heavy-armed, iv. 1. 27 ; 7. 
 8; his bravery, 7. 10 ; deputed 
 to Siuope, V. 6. 14 ; to Heraelea, 
 vi. 2. 7 ; claims authority over 
 the Arcadians and Achseans, vi. 
 2. 9, ,10. 
 
 Carthaginians, masters of Africa, 
 M. il. 1. 10. 
 
 Cebes, M. iii. 11. 17 ; i.'2. 48. 
 
 Ceorops settles a dispute between 
 the gads, M. iii. 5. 10. 
 
 Cephisodorus, an officer, iv. 2. IS : 
 killed, 17. 
 
 Ceramon, M. ii. 7. 3. 
 
 Cerberus, vi. 2. 22. 
 
 Idisdples of Socra- 
 tes, M. i. 2. 48 ; 
 their disagreetiient, 
 M. ii. 3. 1. ' 
 Oharicles, -M. i. 2. 31. 
 
 Chaimides, M. iii. 6. 1 ; iii. 7. 1. 
 
 Cheirisophus the Lacedsemonian, 
 joins Cyrus with seven hundred 
 men, i 4. 8 ; is sent to Ariaeus, 
 ii. 1. 5 ; praises Xeiiophon,.iii. 1. 
 45 ; exhorts the Greek generals, 
 iii. 2. 2; disagreement, on one 
 occasion, between him and Xen- 
 ophon, iv. 6. 3; satirical on the 
 Athenians, 16 f goes from Trebi- 
 sond to get vessels, v. 1. 4 ; un- 
 
 '" successful,' vi. 1. 26; has the com- 
 mand of the whole army, vi 1. 
 32 ; is deprived of it, vi. 2. 12 ; 
 dies of a medidime, that he takes, 
 vi. 4. 11. 
 
 Circe transforms the companions of 
 Ulysses, M. i. 3. 1. 
 
 Cleffinetus, v. 1. 17. 
 
 Cleagoras, vii. 8. 1. 
 
 Oleander, harmost at Byzantium, 
 vi. 4. 18 ; comes to OaJpe, vi. 6. 
 ; forms a friendship with Xen- 
 ophqn, vi. 6. 35 ; vii. 1. 8 ; de- 
 clines the command of the Greeks, 
 and why, vi. 6. 36. 
 
 Cleanor, the Areadicm, the oldest 
 general next to Gleaichus, ii. 1. 
 10; appointed in the place of 
 Agias, iiL 1. 47 ; request made 
 to him by Xenophon, vi. 4. 22. 
 Cleanor, Sie Orchomenian, in- 
 veighs against Ariseus, ii. 5. 39; 
 exhorts the ^nerals to take ven- 
 geance on the Persians for their 
 perfidy, iii. 2. 4; commands the 
 
 _ ArcaiKans, iv. 8. 18. Cleanor, 
 without any epithet, wishes to 
 serve under Seuthes, vii. 2. 2; 
 has a good opinion of Xenophon, 
 vii. 5. 10; 
 
 Clearchus, an exile . from Sparta, 
 supplied with money to raise 
 troops by Cyrus, i. 1. 9; 3.3; 
 ii 6. 4 ; joins Cyrus with a large 
 force, i 2. 9'; commands the left 
 wing, i. 2. 15; his temporary 
 unpopularity, i 3, 1, seqq.; as- 
 sailed by the troops of Menon, i 
 6. 12; commands the right wing 
 in the battle, i 8. 4 ; his reply to 
 
INDEX. 
 
 511 
 
 Cyma, i. 8. 13; Cyrua liad great 
 esteem for him, L 1. 9 ; 6. 5 ■ 
 and told him of hia intention to 
 go against the king, m. 1. 10 ; is 
 praised, ii. 3. 11; 6. 8; his con- 
 ference with Tissaphernea, ii. 5. 
 3-15 ; is treacherously made 
 ■prisoner, ii. 5. 31; is killed, it 
 6. 1 ; hia character, ib. 
 
 Cleareatus, v. 1. 14-16. 
 
 Oleonymus, iv. 1. 18. 
 
 Clinias, brother of Aloibiades, M. 
 i. 3. 8. 
 
 Clito, a stataaiyf discourse of So- 
 crates With, M. iii. 10. 6. 
 
 Coeratades, a vain boaster, vii. 1. 33. 
 
 Oorylaa, a satrap ofPaphlagonia,.vii. 
 8. ,25; V. 5. 12, 22; 6, 11 ; makes 
 a treaty with the Greeks, vi. 1. 2. 
 
 Cretan bows, iii. 3. 1, 15 ; of great 
 
 ■ service, iv. 2. 29. 
 
 Oritias, his conduct, M. i. 2. 12 ; 
 Why he sought instmetion from 
 Socrates, 16; corrupted, 24; a 
 lover of Euthydemus, 29; hia 
 law, 31. 
 
 Crito, a follower of Socrates, M. t 
 2. 48 ; i. 3. 8 ; secured against 
 informers, ii. 9. 1. 
 
 Critobulus, M. i. 3. 8; hia discourse 
 with Socrates on friendship, M. 
 ' ii. 6. 
 
 Ctesias, the physician, attends Ar- 
 taxerxes when he was wounded, 
 L 8. 26, 27. 
 
 Cyniscus, viL 1. 13. 
 
 Cyrebua, M. ii. Y. 6. 
 
 Cyrus the younger, brother of Ar- 
 taxerxes, made- a satrap by his 
 father Darius, i. 1. 2; thrown 
 into prison on the accusation of 
 Tissaphernea, i. 1. 3 ; how liber- 
 ated, ib. ; secretly prepares war 
 against hia brother, L 1. 6 ; his 
 clemency to Xeniaa and Pasion, 
 i. 4. 8 ; his Uberality to Klanus, 
 i. 7. 18; comes to battle with 
 hia brother, i. 8. 6 ; killa Artag- 
 erses, 24; wounds Artaxerxes, 
 
 ■ 26 ; is killed, 27 ; hia eulogy, i. 9. 
 Cyrus the «lder, i. 9. 1. 
 
 Daedalus enslaved by Minoa, M. iv. 
 
 2. 33. 
 Damaratus the Lacedaemonian, iL 
 
 1. 3 ; vii. 8. 17. '■ 
 Daphnagoras, vii. 8. 9. 
 Darius, i. 1. L 
 
 Delian festival, M. iv. 8. 2. 
 DeKum, M. iii. 5. 4. 
 Delos, M. iii. 3. 12 ; iv. 8, 2. 
 Delphi, treasury of, the Atieniana 
 at, V. 3. 5 ; inscription at, M. iv. 
 
 2. 24 
 Demeas, M. iL 7. 6. 
 Democrates, his trustworthineaa, 
 
 iv. 4. 15. 
 
 DOTcyllidas, Opposed in the field 
 to Pharnabazus, v. 6. 24. 
 
 Demes, satrap of Phoenicia and 
 Arabia, ,vii. 8. 25. 
 
 Dexippua deaerta with a ship from 
 Trebiaond, v. 1. 15 ; vi. 6. 5 ; 
 gives a false character of Zeno- 
 phon to Anaxibius, vi. 1.. 32 ; his 
 &lse representations to Oleander, 
 vi. 6. 9 ; he ia accuaed by Aga- 
 siaa, 22 ; killed by Nicandery v. 
 1. 15. 
 
 Diana, tenth of the spoil consecrat- 
 ed to her, V. 3, 4 ; temple built 
 to her by Xeuophon, v. 3. 9. 
 
 Diodorua persuaded to relieve Her- 
 mogeues, M. iL 10. 1. 
 
 Dionysodorus, M. iii. 1. 1. 
 
 Draoontiua directa the games, iv. 
 8. 25 ; deputed to Cleandei; vL 
 6. 30. 
 
 E 
 
 Epioharmus cited, M. iL 1. 20. 
 
 Epigones, M. iii. 12. 1. 
 
 Bpiathenes of Amphipolia com- 
 manda the peltasta, L 10. 7 ; a 
 boy given in charge to him by 
 Xenophon, iv. 6. 1, 3. 
 
 Bpistheuea of Blynthua, vi. 4. J. 
 
 Epyaxa, wife of Syennesis, L 2. 12. 
 
 Erasmides, an Athenian com- 
 
512 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 mander, put to death, M. i. 1. 
 18. 
 
 Ereotheus, king of Athens, M. iii. 
 5. 10. 
 
 Etepnious, vii. 1. 12 ; 20. 
 
 Euolidea, an augur, son of Clea- 
 goras, vii. 8 1. 
 
 ■ — > another, vii 8. 6. 
 
 Eurylochua protects Xenophon 
 with his shield, iv. 2. 21 ; hia 
 valour, iv. 14, 12; deputed to 
 Anaxibiu^ vii. 1. 32; agrees 
 with Xenophon aa to getting 
 pay from Seuthea, vii. 6. 40. 
 
 Eurymaohus, a Dardanian, v. 6. 21. 
 
 Eutherua, M. ii. 8. 1. 
 
 Eutlq^demna, improved by Socrates, 
 M. iy. 2. 1-40 ; exhorted to 
 worship the goda, iv. 3. 2, aeqq. ; 
 Socrates discourses with hiril on 
 intemperance, iv. 5. , 2 ; beloved 
 by Critias, i. 2. 29. ^ 
 
 G 
 
 Gaulites, i. t. 6. 
 
 Glaucon, too eager to engage in 
 political affairs, M. iiL 6 1, 
 
 Glauoon, father of Charniides, ih. 
 
 Glus, the sou of Tamus, ii. 1. 3 ; 
 promises^ rewards to the Greeks 
 from Cyrus, i. 4. 16 ; extricates 
 the wagons at the direction of 
 Cyrus, i. 5. '7 : reports the death 
 of Cyrus to the Greeks, ii. 1. 3 ; 
 watches the Greeks, ii. 4. 24. 
 
 Gnesippus, his humorous request 
 to Seuthes, vii. 28. 
 
 Gobryas, a general of Artaxerxes, 
 i. 7. 12. 
 
 Gongylus of Bretria, viL 8. 8, IT. 
 
 Gorgias the Leontine, ii. 6. 16. 
 
 Gorgio, brother of Gongylus, vii 
 8. 8. 
 
 Greeks that went up with Cyrus, 
 
 . their number, i 2. 9 ; 7. 10 ; are 
 unwilling to go against Arta- 
 xerxes, i 3. 1 ; 4. 12 ; victorious 
 at Ounaxa, L 8. 21 ; 10. 11 ; return 
 to their camp, i. 10. 17 ; concern- 
 ed at the death of Cyrus, iu 1.4; 
 
 return to Ariasus, ii 2. 8 ; will not 
 encamp with Ariasus, ii 4. 1 ; 
 arrive at the Zabatna, where their 
 leaders are treacheroualy seized 
 by Tissaphernas, and put to 
 death, ii. 5. 31 ; are encouraged 
 by Xenophon, iii 1. .15 ; pursue 
 their march fighting, iii. 3. 7 ; 
 repulse the Persians, iii. 4. 16, 
 25, 44 ; their troublesome march 
 through the mountains of the 
 Carduohlana, iv. 3, 2 ; proceed 
 through Armenia, iv. 4. 1; ha- 
 rassed with snow and frost, iv. 
 5. 3 ; overcome the Chalybes, 
 Taoebians, and Phasiana, iv. 6. 
 24 ; advance through the Soythi- 
 ni, iv. 7. 18 ; make a treaty with 
 the Macrones, iv. 8. 7 ; overcome 
 the Colchiana, iv. 8. 19 ; arrive 
 at Trebisond, iv. 8. 22; attack 
 the Drite, v. 2. 1 ; attack the 
 Mossynoeci, v. 4. 26 ; sail from 
 Cotyora to Sinope, vi 1. 14 
 thence to Heraclea, vi 2. 2 
 division of their army, vi 2. 16 
 re-union, vi. 4. 1 ; defeat the 
 Bithynians, vi. 5. 31 ; arrive at 
 Chrysopolis, vi. 6. 38 ; cross over 
 to Byzantium, vii. 1. 7 ; serve 
 with Seuthes, and defeat the 
 Thracians, vii 3. 14; join the 
 army of Thibron, vii 8. 24. 
 
 Hecatonymus, deputy frotn Shiope, 
 vi. 5. 7, 24; 6.3. 
 
 Hegesander, vi. 3. 5. 
 
 Hellas, wife of Gongylus, vii. 8. 8. 
 
 Heradeidae assisted by the Aliieni- 
 ans, M. iii 6. 10. 
 
 Heraclides recommends the guests 
 of Seuthes to make him presents, 
 vii 3. 15; is sent to sell spoil, 
 vii. 4. 2 ; 6. 5 ; speaks 111 of Xen- 
 ophon, vii 6. 6 ; 6. 6. 
 
 Hercules, sacrifioea to, iv. 8. 24; 
 vi 2. 15; where he went down 
 to fetch up Cerberus, vi. 2. 2. 
 The choice of, M.ii 1. 21. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 513 
 
 Hermoorates, a follo-wer of Socra- 
 tes, M. i. 2. 48. 
 
 Hermogenes, M. ii. 10. 3 ; iv. 8. 4. 
 
 Hesiod, cited, M. i. 2. 56 : i. 3. 3 ■ 
 ii. 1. 20. 
 
 HwroBymus of Blis, a captain un- 
 der Proxenus, iiL 1. 34; vi. 4. 
 10 ; deputed to Anaiibius, vii. 
 1.32. 
 
 Hieronymua, another, wounded, vii. 
 4. 18. 
 
 Hippias disputes with Socrates on 
 justice, M. iv. 4. 5, 
 
 Hippocrates defeated at Belium, 
 
 , M. iii. 5. 4. 
 
 Homer, the greatest of epic poets, 
 M. i. 4. 3 ; cited, M. i. 2. B8 ; ii 
 6. 11. 
 
 Ionia, cities of, revolt from Tissa- 
 . phernes to Ojtus, i. 1. 6. 
 Itabelius assists Asidates, vii. 8. 15. 
 
 Jupiteif HospitaliS, iii. 2. 24; the 
 Preserver, iii. 2. 9; iv. 8. 44; 
 Xenophon sacrifices to him, vi. 
 1. 22 ; MUichiua, vii. 8. 4. 
 
 Lacedsemonians taught to steal, iv. 
 6. 15 ; contend with the Atheni- 
 ans, vi. 1. 21 ; are successful, vi. 
 6. 12; places subject to them, 
 vii. 1. 28. Their respect for old 
 age, and for their ma^trates, 
 M. iii. 5. 15 ; their exercises, i6. ; 
 their concord, M. iii. 5. 16 ; their 
 aims, M. iii. 9. 2. See also M. 
 iv. 4. 15. 
 
 Lamprocles, son of Socrates, ad- 
 monished, M. ii. 2. 1. 
 
 liBbadea, M. iii- 5. 4. 
 
 ■Libyans subject to Carthage, M. u. 
 1. 10. 
 
 Lichas of Sparta, M. i. 2. 61. 
 
 lyo»an games, i. 2. 10. 
 
 22* 
 
 LyduS) an Athenian, captain of 
 cavalry, iiL 3. 20 ; iv. 3. 22, 25 ; 
 V. 24. 
 
 Lycius, a Syracusan, i. 10. 14. 
 
 lycon, an Achaean, opposes Xeno- 
 phon, V. 6. 21 ; brings an answer 
 from Heraclea, vi. 2. 4 ; deputed 
 to Heraclea, T ; is the author of 
 a disturbance, 9. 
 
 Lycurgus inculcated obedience to 
 the laws, M. iv. 4. 15. 
 
 Lydians subject to the Persians, 
 M. ii. 1. 10. 
 
 M 
 
 MsBOtians subject to the Scythians, 
 M. ii. 1. 10. 
 
 MsBSades, father of Southes, vii. 2, 
 32; 5. 1. 
 
 Magnesians, their dance, vi. 1. 1. 
 
 Mantineans, their dance, vi. 1. 11. 
 
 Medea, wife of the king of th^ 
 "Medes, iii. 4. 11. 
 
 Medocus, Mng of the Odrysse, vii. 
 2. 32; 3. 16; 'l. 3, 11. 
 
 Medosades sent by Seuthes to Xen- 
 ophon, vii. 1. 5; 2. 10, 24; f. 
 
 Hegabyzus, v. 3. G. 
 
 liegaphemes, a Persian nobleman, 
 put to death by Cyrug, i. 2. 20. 
 
 MegarianB, their manufacturer^ M, 
 ii. I.e. 
 
 Mdanippides, dithyrambio poet, M. 
 i. 4. 3. 
 
 Meletus, accuser of Socrates, M. 
 iv. 4. 4; 8. 4. 
 
 Menon, the forces with which he 
 joins Cyrus, i. 2. 6; dispatched 
 by Cyrus into CiUcIa, 20; first 
 to cross the Euphrates, i. 4. 13 ; 
 quarrel between his men and 
 those of Olearchus, i. 5. 11 ; com- 
 mands on the left wing of the 
 Greeks, i. 1. 1; 8.4; friend of 
 Ariseus, u. 1. 5 ; with whom he 
 remains, ii. 2. 1 ; suspected of 
 treaohery, ii. 6. 28; made pris- 
 oner by Tisaaphemes, 31; his 
 miserable end, ii. 6. 29 ; his UI- 
 
514 
 
 nSTDBX. 
 
 character, ii. 6. 21. A maker of 
 cloaks, M. ii. 1. 6. 
 
 Midas takes the Satyr, i, 2. 13. 
 
 Milesian woman, mistress of Cyrus, 
 flees to the Greeks, i. 10. 3. 
 
 MUtOoythes, a Thraeian, deserts to 
 Artaxerxes, ii. 2.1. 
 
 Minervaj vow of the Athenians to 
 her, before the battle of Mara- 
 thon, iii. 2. 12. 
 
 Mithridates, a friend of Cyrus, ii. 
 5. 35 ; iii. 3. 2, i; attacks the 
 Greeks as they are marching 
 homeward, iii. 3. 6 ; 4. 2 ; called 
 satrap of Lyoaonia and Cappa- 
 docia, vii 8. 25. 
 
 Mysian dance, vi. 1. 9 ; another, v. 
 2.29. 
 
 Kausicydes, M. ii. 1. 6. 
 
 ItTeon of Asina. takes the place of 
 
 Cheirisophus in his absence, v. 6. 
 
 36 ; speaks iU of Xenophon, t. 1. 
 
 1 ; gives him bad advice, vi, 2. 
 
 13 ; succeeds Cheirisophus at his 
 
 death, vi. 4- 11 ; his rashness in 
 
 going out to plunder, vi. 4. 23 ; 
 
 aspires to the command of the 
 
 whole army, vii. 2. 2 ; dissents 
 
 from the other leaders, vii. 2. IT, 
 
 29 ; 3. 2, t. . 
 Nioander kiHa Dexippus, v. 1. 15. 
 Nicarohus wounded, ii. 8. ,33 ; 
 
 deserts to the Persians, iii. 3. 5. 
 Niciaa, son of H^iceratus, what price 
 
 he paid for a slave, U. ii 5. 2. 
 Mcomachides, M. iii. 4. 1. 
 Nicomaohus, a captain of the pel- 
 
 tasts, iv. 6. 20. 
 
 Olympia, M. iii. 13. ?. 
 
 Orontes, a Parisian nobleman, plots 
 
 against Cyrus, i. 6. 1 ; ptnidenm- 
 
 ed to death, 10; 
 Orontes, son-in-law to the k&ig, ii 
 
 4. 8; iii. 4. 13; attends, the 
 
 Greeks when returning, ii 4.'9 ; 
 
 V. 40; satrap of Armenia, iii. 6. 
 
 lY ; iv. 3. 4. 
 
 Palamedea, his death caused by 
 
 Ulysses, M. iv. 2. 33. 
 Farrhasius the painter, discourse 
 
 of Socrates with, M. iii 10. 1. 
 Parthenius,. v. 6. 9. ; vi. 2. 1. 
 Parysatis, wife of Darius, mother 
 
 of Artaxerxes and Cyrus, i 1. 1 ; 
 
 her preference for Gyruft. i 1. 
 
 4 1 her lands in Syria, i 4. 9 ; in 
 
 Media, ii 4. 27. 
 Passion of Megaxa commands seven 
 
 hundred men, i 2. 3 ; is deserted 
 
 by his troops, and flees, i 4. 1. 
 Pategyas, a friend of Cyrus, i 
 
 8. 1. 
 Peloponnesians, their war with the 
 
 Athenians, M, iii. 6. 4, 10, 11. 
 Pericles, M. i 2. 40 ; ii. 6. 13 ; iii 5. 1. 
 the younger, his con- 
 
 versation with Socrates, M. iii 
 5.1. 
 
 Persians, their power, M. ii. 1. 10 ; 
 iii 5. 11. 
 
 Phsedondes, M. I. 2. 48. 
 
 Phalinus, a friend of Tiseaphernes, 
 ii. 1. 1 ; professes military tactics, 
 ib. ; says that the Greeks would 
 be imable . to return vrithout 
 the consent of the king, ii. 1. IS. 
 
 Phamahazus, satrap of Bithynia, 
 vii 8. 25 ; of Phrygia, vi 4. 24 ; 
 his cavalry attack the Grecian 
 stragglers, ib.; bribes Anaxi- 
 bius to draw the Greeks out of 
 Asia, vii 1. 2 ; also Aristarchus, 
 vii 2. 7. . 
 
 Phasiani, iv. 6. S ; v. 6. 36 ; under 
 the satrapy of Tiribazus, vii. 8. 
 25. 
 
 Philesius, an Achaean, succeeds 
 Menon, iii 1. 4T; he and So- 
 phsenetns the eldest of the genr 
 erals, v. 3. 1 ; opposes Xeno- 
 phon, V. 6. 21 ; is condemned for 
 extortion, v. 8. 1; deputed to 
 Anaiibius, vii 1. 32. jSfee Phry- 
 nisoua 
 
 Philoxenus, v. 2. 16. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 615 
 
 Phocsean mistress ofOyrus. See 
 
 Phrasias, vi. 5. 11. 
 
 .Phrygians subject to Persia, M. ii. 
 1. 10. 
 
 Phrynisous, an Aeh»an, one of the 
 Greek generals, vlL 2. 1, 29 ; 5. 
 4 (where some copies read PWle- 
 sius) ; says that h^ vrill not serve 
 witliout Xenophon, vii. 5. 10. 
 
 Pigres, interpreter of Cyrus, i. 2. 
 IT; &.1; 8, 12. 
 
 Pietias, a maker of coats of mail 
 M. iii. 10. 9. 
 
 Plato beloved by Socrates; M. iii. 
 6. 1. 
 
 Polns succeeds AnasSbius as ad- 
 miral, vii. 2. 5. 
 
 Polybotes, an Athenian, iv. 5. 24. 
 
 Polycletus the statuary, M. i. 4. 3. 
 
 Polycrates, an Athenian, takes a 
 village, iv. 5. 24; is sent to get 
 ships, v. 1. 16; goes to Senthes 
 
 "J^Tinth Xenophon, vii. 2 IT, 29; is 
 'induced by Xenophon to oppose 
 Heraolides, vii, 6. 41. 
 
 PslynicuS, lieutenant-general to 
 Thibron, vii. 6. 1, 89, 43 ; vii 7. 
 
 ■'- 13, 56. 
 
 Procles, governor of Teuthrania, iL 
 1. 3 ; 2. 1 ; vii. 8. IT. 
 
 Prodtistea, M. ii. 1. 14. 
 
 Prodicus, his Choice of Hercules^ 
 M. ii. 1. 21. 
 
 Proxenus, a Theban, raises troops 
 for Cyrus, 1. 1. 11; joins him 
 ■with his force, i 2. 3 ; tries to 
 reconcile Clearehus and Menon, 
 i. 6. 14 ; invites Zenophon to 
 join him, and recommends him 
 to Cyrus, iii. 1. 4, 8 ; gives an 
 answer to the deputies from the 
 king, ii. 1. 10 ; "made prisoner by 
 Tissaphernes, ii. 5. 31 ; is put to 
 
 . death, ii. 6. 1 ; his character, ii. 
 6. 16; V. 3. 6. 
 
 Pynhias, vi. 5. 11. 
 
 Pythagoras, a Lacedaemonian, com- 
 mands the vessels sent to aid 
 Cyrus, i. 4. 2. 
 ■Pythian priestess, M. i. 3. 1. 
 
 B 
 
 Bhathines sent against the Greeks 
 
 by Phamabazus, vi. ,5. 1. 
 Rhodians, good sliiigers, iii. 3. 16 ; 
 
 4. 15 ; a Bbodian offers to make 
 
 a bridge, iii. 5. 8. 
 Bhoparas, satrap of Babylonia, vii. 
 
 8.25. 
 
 S 
 
 Samolaa deputed to the Sinopiana 
 about ships, v. 6. 14 ; his force, 
 vi. 6. 11. 
 
 Satyr taken by Midas, i. 2, 13. 
 
 Soiro, robber, M. ii. 1. 14. 
 
 ScyUa, M. ii. 6. 31. 
 
 SoythiaiBS excel in the use of the 
 bow, M. iii. 9, 2. 
 
 Seuthes of Thrace, invites the 
 Greeks to take service under 
 him, vii 1. 6; 2. 10; relates 
 the fortunes of his father, vii. 2. 
 32 ; calls the Athenians bis kins- 
 men, 31 ; invites the Greeks to a 
 banquet, Vii 3. 15 ; burns the 
 villages of his enemies, vii 4. 1 ; 
 kills his prisoners, 6 ; makes pres- 
 ents to the Greek generals, vii. 
 6. 2. 9 ; alienated from Xeno- 
 phon, vii 5. T, 16 ; treats with 
 deputies from the LacedEemoni- 
 ana about sending back the 
 Greeks; vii 6. 3 ; can accuse 
 Xenophon of nothing but ex- 
 treme care for the soldiers, vii 6. 
 4, 39 ; induced by Xenophon to 
 pay the Greeks, iii. T. 65 ; does 
 not perform hia promises to 
 Xenophon, vii 5. 8; 6. 18; T. 
 39; endeavors to retain Xeno- 
 phon, vii. 6. 43 ; T. 60. 
 Silanus, an angur, receives ten 
 talents from Cyrus, i. T. 18 ; v. 6. 
 18; reveals a secret of Xeno- 
 phon, V. 6. IT, 29 ; the soldiers 
 forbid him, with threats, to go 
 home alone, 34 ; but he escapes 
 from them at Heraclea, vi> 4. 13. 
 
516 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Silanus gives a signal, viL 4. 16. 
 
 Sinnis, robber, M. ii. 1. 14. 
 
 Sirens, M. ii. 6. 11, 31. 
 
 Sitalces, vi. 1. 6. 
 
 Smicres, vi. 3. 4, 5. 
 
 Socrates, an Achaean, raises ixoops 
 for Cyrus, i. 1. 11; joins Cyrus 
 with his force, i. 2. 3 ; made pris- 
 oner by TisaaphemeBj ii. 5. 31 ; 
 is put to death, ii. 5. 1; com- 
 mended, ii. 6. 30. 
 
 Socrates, the Athenian philosc{)her, 
 coiisulted by Xenophon about 
 his wish to join Cyrus, iii. 1. 5. 
 - Was a senator, M. j. 1. 18 ; some 
 of his followers named, M. i. 2. 
 48 ; his conversation before his 
 death, M. iv. 8; his other dis- 
 courses, M. passim. 
 
 SophaenetuS, an Arcadian, joins 
 Cyrus, i. 2. 9. 
 
 ■ of Stymphalus, a friend 
 of Cyrus, ri. X. 11; joins Cyrus 
 with a thousand foot, L 2. 3 ; 
 goes to Ariseus, ii. 5. 31 ; left to 
 defend the camp, iv.4. 19 ; oldest 
 of the generals, v. 3. 1 ; vi. 5. 
 13 ; found guilty of having ne- 
 ^ glected his duty, t. 8. 1. 
 
 Sbsis of Syrdouae joins Cyrus with 
 troops, i. 2. 9. ' 
 
 Soterides, his foolish behavior to 
 Xenophon, iii. 4. 47. 
 
 Splthridates, sent by Pbarnabazus 
 to attack the Greeks, vL 5. 1. 
 
 Stratooles commands the Cretan 
 archers, iv. 2. 29. 
 
 Syeim6sis,'ting^of CUicia, i 2. 13 ; 
 he guards the entrance into his 
 country, i. 4.4; 2. 21; submits 
 to Cyrus at the solicitation of his 
 wife, i. 2. 26 j assists Cyrus with 
 money, i. 2. 27. 
 
 T 
 
 Tamoa, admiral of the Lacedaemo- 
 nian fleet, i. 2. 21 ; besieges .Mi- 
 letus with the aid of Cyjrus's 
 ' ,i. 4. 2. 
 
 Teres, eon of Odiyses, an ancestor 
 of Seuthes, vii. 2. 22 ; 5. 1. 
 
 Thaiypafl, ii. 6. 28. 
 
 Thebans,,unjuBt to the other Bceor 
 tians, M. iii. 6. 2. 
 
 Themistocles, his merits, M. ii. 6. 
 13; iv. 2. 2; celebrated among 
 the barbarians, M. iv. 2. 2. 
 
 Theodoras, geometrician, M. iv. 2. 
 10. 
 
 Theodoto, conversation of Socrates 
 with, M. iii. 11. 1. 
 
 Theogenes, vii. 4. 18. 
 
 Theognis, cited, M. i. 2. 20. 
 
 Theopompus, IL 1. 12. 
 
 Thibron, engages the Greeks to 
 assist him against Tissaphemes, 
 vii. 6. 1, Y ; viii. 8. 24. 
 
 Thoraz, speaks against Xenophon, 
 v. 6. 19, 21, 25. 
 
 Thracians, their arms, M. iii. 9. 2. 
 
 Thrasyllus, Athenian general, put 
 to death, .M. i. 1. 18. 
 
 Timasio, a Dardanian, succeeds 
 Clearchus, iii. 1. 41 ; v. 1. 32 ; 
 an exile from Troas, v. 6. 23; 
 had served with Clearchus and 
 Dereyllidas in Asia, 24 ; be and 
 Xenophon are the youngest of 
 thegenerajis, iii. 2. 37 ; is adverse 
 to Xeuophon's notion of found- 
 ing a city in Pontus, v. 6. 19 ; 
 has the command of the cavalry, 
 vi. 3. 12; 5. 28; vii. 3. 46; his 
 vases and Persian carpets, ii. 3. 
 18 ; says- that he will, not servo 
 apart from Xenophon, vii 5. 
 10. 
 
 Timesitheus, v. 4. 2, 4. 
 
 Tiidbazus, satrap of western Ar- 
 menia, iv. 4. 4; of the Phasians 
 and Hesperitae, vii. 8. 25 ; hked 
 by Artazerxes, iv. 4. 4; makes 
 a truce with the Greeks, ib. ; 
 wishes to attack them, iv. 4. 18 ; 
 his tent taken, iv. 4. 21. 
 
 Tissaphernes, goes up with Cyrus 
 to Darius, i. 1. 2 ; speaks ill of 
 Cyrus to his brother, 3 ; puts to 
 death some of the Milesians, and 
 banishes others, 1 ; gives notice 
 
tNDBX. 
 
 517 
 
 to the king of the intentions of 
 Cyrus, i. 2. 4 ; ii. 3. 19 ; one of 
 the four generals of Artaxerxes, L 
 1. 12 ; the cities revolt from him 
 to Cyrus, L 9. 9 ; an impious and 
 crafty character, ii, 5. 39 ; boasts 
 of his good-will to the Greeks, ii. 
 3. 18 ; makes a treaty with them, 
 
 "' ii. 3. 26; desires to free himself 
 from the suspicion of treachery, 
 ii 5. 16 ; makes prisoners of the 
 
 , Greek generals, ii. 5. 32 ; attacks 
 the Greeks, iii. 4. 13 ; the Lace- 
 daemonians declare war against 
 him, vii. 6. 1, 7 ; 8. 24. 
 
 Tolmidas, an Athenian general, de- 
 feated at Lebadea, M. iii. 5. 4. 
 
 Tolmides, of Elis, a crier, ii. 3. 20. 
 
 U 
 
 Ulysses returns to his country 
 asleep, v. 1. 2. Proof against 
 the charms of Circe, M. i. 3.7; 
 his merits as an orator, M. iv. 
 6. 15. 
 
 Xanthicles, an Aohsean, elected in 
 the room of Socrates, iii. 1. 47 ; 
 foundguilty of dishonesty, v. 8. 1. 
 
 Xenias the Parrhasian, went up 
 with Cyrus to his father, i. 1. 2 ; 
 joins Cyrus with four thousand 
 men, i. 2. 3 ; celebrates games, 
 10 ; is deserted by his men, and 
 secretly returns home, i. 4. 7. 
 
 Xenophon, the Athenian, invited by 
 Proxenus to join Cyrus ; is di- 
 rected by Socrates to consult 
 Apollo, iii. 1. 4 ; meets Cyrus at 
 Sardes, 8; makes a reply to 
 Ariseus, ii. 5. 21 ; has a dream, 
 iii. 1. 11 ; assembles the officers, 
 16 ; is made general in place of 
 Proxenus, 26, 47 ; causes the 
 expulsion of ApoUonides, 30; ad- 
 vises the generals how to act, iii. 
 1. 35 ; exhorts the soldiers, iii. 2. 
 ij • proposes a line of march, 34; 
 
 commands the rear, 37 ; pursues 
 the enemy unsuccessfully, iii 3. 
 8 ; forms a body of slingers, and 
 another of cavalry, 20 ; takes pos- 
 session of a mountain, iii. 4. 44 ; 
 merciful to an offending soldier, 
 47 ; deceives the enemy by a 
 stratagem, Iv. 2. 2 ; conducts the 
 army through . the Oarduohian 
 hills, iv. 2. 9, seg. ; is deserted 
 by bis armor-bearer, 21 ; is en- 
 couraged by another dream, iv. 
 3. 8 ; his stratagem, iv. 3. 20 ; 
 passes the night in the open air, 
 without food or fire, iv. 5. 21 ; 
 treats the chief of an Armenian 
 village with kindness, 28; his 
 only dissension with Cheiriso- 
 phus, iv. 6. 3 ; his plan for at- 
 tacking the enemy, 70; and for 
 attackmg a fort of the Taochians, 
 iv. 7. 4 ; his judicious change in 
 the order of the army, iv. 8. 10; 
 his plan for employing the army 
 at Trebisoud, v. 1. 5; attacks 
 a fort of the Drilse, v. 2. 8 ; re- 
 turns from Asia with Agesilaus, 
 V. 3. 6 ; lives in exile at Scillus, 
 7 ; builds a, temple to Diana 
 there, 9; is inclined to found a 
 city in Pontus, v. 6. 15 ; de- 
 fends himself against a charge of 
 misconduct, v. 7. 5 ; purifies the 
 army, 35 ; his defense when ac- 
 cused of cruelty, v. 8. 2; re- 
 fuses the sole command, vi. 1. 
 19 ; consults Hercules, vi. 2. 15 ; 
 aids the Arcadians, vi. 3. 19 ; ex- 
 horts the soldiers, vi. 5. 14 ; quells 
 a tumult, vi. 6. 8 ; exhorts the 
 soldiers to please Oleander, 12 ; 
 soothes the rage of the soldiers 
 against the Byzantines, vii. 1. 
 22; bids farewell to the army, 
 and goes off with Oleander, 40 ; 
 returns at the solicitation of 
 Anaxibius, vii. 2. 8 ; Aristarchua 
 seeks to make him prisoner, 14, 
 16; goes to Seuthes, 17; from 
 whom he brings proposals to the 
 army, viL 3. 3 ; offers himself 
 
518 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 and his followers as a gift to Seu- 
 thea at a banquet, 30; shows that 
 he is not to blame because Seuthea 
 withheld the soldiers' pay, vii. 6.j 
 11 ; his bold replj to Medosadea, 
 viL 7. 4 ; prevails on Senthes to 
 pay the soldiers, 21; sells his 
 horse tO'get money for Ids journey, 
 vil 8. 2; captures Asidates, and 
 enriches himself 23. — ^An obser- 
 
 vation of Socrates to him, M. i, 
 3. 11. 
 Xerxes defeated Ity the Greeks, iiL 
 2. 13; afterward. built the cita- 
 del and palace of Celeena:, i. 2. 9. 
 
 Zelarchus, a commissary, v. 1. 24. 
 Zeuzia the painter, K. i. 4. 3. 
 
NOTANDA. 
 
 On the sense of the phrase uvanrvaaeiv rd Kepa(, Anab. i. 10. 9, I 
 might have expressed myself in the note with more decision. The 
 meaning of the words is evidently similar to that of dvanrvaaovTac t^v 
 ^o/layyo, and dvanrux^eiarii ttiq (^alayyo^, Cyrop, vii. 5. 3 and 6, where 
 those expressions are fully explained by the context. A portion of the 
 men were withdrawn from one or both wings of the ^aXay^, or main 
 body, and sent to the rear, making the line at once shorter and deeper. 
 Thus the Greeks acted with regard to their wing; they either drew 
 back the wing altogether, and formed it behind the main body, or drew 
 back a portion of the men from the extremity of the wing, and formed 
 them behind the front ranks of the wing, in order to make the wing it- 
 self deeper and more eonjpaot. I think the latter supposition, which 
 confines dvai^Tvaasiv to rd fccpa?; the more probable. The Greeks " put 
 the river in their rear" by wheeling round. 
 
 Of Professor Maiden's translation of napti tov ^daiv nora/iov, " along 
 the river Phasis," I was not aware, until I saw it mentioned by Mr. 
 Ainsworth in hia Commentary, p. 226, or I should have adopted it. 
 
 If the student should observe that the negative oixovv, in Kiihner's 
 text of the MemoraMlia, is, in some few passages, not translated nega- 
 tively, he must suppose that, in such cases, I thought a positive sense 
 would be better. Editors vary, in many places, in their accentuation of 
 this word. 
 
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