^ii, Pf| 1 [••A^irnrpsnTifi HFi ^ WQ President Whjte Library, CORNELL University. COBNEU UNIVERSITY .UBRARV 3 1924 092 346 240 The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924092346240 A TEXT-BOOK OF CHUECH HISTORY BY DE. JOHN C. L. GIESELER. EtanslateS from tjie i^ourtS 3£lcbfsctr •CKetman JEUftfon, BY SAMUEL DAVIDSON, LL.D., PROFESSOn OF BIBLICAL LTTEHATDRE AND ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN THE LANCASHIRE INDEPENDENT COLLEGE. A NEW AMERICAN EDITION, REVISED AND EDITED BY HENRY B. SMITH, PEOFESSOa IN THE UNION THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, NEW YOKK. VOL. I. A.D. 1-726. NEW YORK : HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS, PEAEL STREET, FRAKKLIS SQUARE. ' 187 6. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year one thousand eight iundred and fifty-five, by IIakper & Beotheks, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of ■ffew York. INTRODUCTORY NOTE. In this new edition of Gieseler's Churcli History a .thorougli revision of the translation has Ibeen made, with additional refer- ences to the English and later German works. The alterations are numerous, giving more exactly the sense of the original, and correcting frequent mistranslations. The entire history to the epoch of the Reformation will be com- prised in three volumes, following the divisions of the original German. The subsequent history, to 1848, can probably be embraced in two additional volumes. At the time of Gieseler's decease, his work was completed to the year 1648, in three vol- umes, subdivided into six parts, each of which was separately issued. The history is to be continued under the editorial su- pervision of his colleague, Dr. E. E. Eedepenning. The volume for the period from 1814 to 1848 is just published ; we have ta- ken from it, with slight abridgments, an account of Gieseler's life and writings. The narrative of the ecclesiastical events of tliis period was written out by Gieseler himself; unlike the previous volumes, it is an extended history, with comparatively few notes. The intervening volume, for the period from the Peace of West- phalia, 1648 to 1814, is promised for the next year. Thus the work will form a complete and authentic history of the Christian Church, to A.D. 1848, composed with abundant and careful learn- ing, especially adapted to the wants of students, and indispens- able as a guide to any who would examine the original sources. The aid it gives in the critical investigation of the original au- thorities is its chief merit, apart from its use as a text-book for classes in Theological Seminaries. It is cold, but cautious ; it is more rational than sympathetic ; it has not the warmth of Nean- der's incomparable work, but it is more complete ; it has not the iv INTRODUCTORY NOTE. vividness of Hase's delineations, but it is more full, and gives copious extracts from the sources, such as- can nowhere else bo found. The first three volumes of the present edition correspond witli volumes one and two of the original. The first extends to the year 726. The second will be from 726 to 1305 ; the third from 1305 to 1517. The whole period, 726 to 1517, was published by Gieseler as his second volume, in four subdivisions. The third volume of the German, in two parts, will be the fourth in this translation ; and a fifth volume will probably embrace the fourth and fifth of the original. In the German edition, both parts of the first volume, and also the first two divisions of the second volume (to 1305), are in their fourth edition ; the third division of the second volume has reached a second edition; its fourth division, and the whole of the third volume (1517 to 1648), are still in their first edition ; and the publisher states that a new one is not to be expected, as a suffi- ciently large number of copies was struck off to meet the demand. The first English translation of Gieseler's work was well ex- ecuted from the third edition of the earlier volumes by Francis Cunningham, and published in Philadelphia, in 1836, in three volumes, extending to the Reformation. The version published in Clark's Library, from which this edition is in pajrt reprinted, is by difierent translators : the first and second volumes are by Dr. Davidson ; the third and foui-th by Eev. J. W. Hull. The Edin- burgh edition is inconveniently aii-anged ; the first volume breaks oif in the middle of the second period ; the second, in the midst of the third period ; and the fourth, about two hundred pages short of the Eeformation. This defect is remedied in the present edi- tion, and a translation added of the portion needed to complete the history, to the Eeformation. This will be followed, as soon as practicable, by a translation of the additional volumes. The least satisfactory portion of Dr. Gieseler's work is un- doubtedly that of the first century. It is disproportionately con- cise; and the bias of the author is more marked. But here, too, the sources for coiTecting Ms opinions are near at hand to all our students. New Yobk, Sept. 1, 1853. THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF GIESELER. Both the father and grandfather of Dr. Gieseler were clergy- men. His grandfather, John Arend Gieseler, horn at Minden in 1726, was a pastor at Lahde, and afterward at Hartum, in the principality of Minden. He received his theological education at Halle. The family records describe him as wholly in sympathy with the practical Christian tendencies reintroduced by Frankc and Spener, though not devoted to the peculiarities of " pietism ;" as a true adherent of the symbols of Lutheranism ; as a very earnest, active, and orderly man, yet cheerful, and of great hilar- ity with the right sort of people. These characteristics reappear in the grandson. The grandmother, of the family of Haccius, shared her husband's piety and love of order. These qualities also distinguished their son, George Christopher Frederick Gieseler, bom in 1770, who was a preacher in Petersha- gen, neat Minden, and afterward in Werther, not far from Biele- feld. He was a man of a marked intellectual character. Though deaf frotn his fourteenth year, so that in the University he was often obliged to transcribe from his neighbor's manuscript, and though thus almost deprived in later life of social intercourse, he yet attained the most thorough culture and self-discipline. His infirmity seemed to forbid his entering the clerical profession ; but, as if bom for a minister, he would be that, and nothing else. In his eleventh and twelfth years he held meetings on Sunday af- ternoons, in a garden-house of his father, which were attended in large numbers from the village, and not without good results. When only thirteen, he took for a time the place of a sick teacher in the chapel at Holtzhausen, conducting the sjnging and cate- chetical exercise. He, too, was educated at the University of Halle, and taught in several private families, until he became a VI THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF GIESELER. pastor at Petershagen in 1790. He was devoted to liis congrega- tion, yet ever earnest in Ms studies. He published several works, but more remain in manuscript, upon Theology, or rather Theoso- phy, the Revelation of John, and Education. With much that is original, these writings contain also one-sided and erratic views. John Charles Louis Gieseler was horn at Petershagen the third of March, 1793, the oldest of ten children. When four years old, death deprived him of the faithful and loving care of his mother, whose maiden name was Berger, a woman of great practical sagacity. His earliest instruction was firom his grand- father, who taught him in an easy, sportive way, to he a good reader in his fourth year. His father's peculiarities contributed to the formation of that independence of character which in early life distinguished him, and in later years came to his aid in so many difficult circumstances. In his tenth year he was sent to the Latin school of the Orphan-house at Halle. Here he soon enjoyed the counsels and care of Niemeyer, whose friendship in after years never deserted him. He aided him in his studies, and after their completion promoted him to the post of teacher in the Orphan School. He had hardly been a year in tliis "position, when, in October, 1813, he followed the call of his father-land, be- came a volunteer in the war for Germany's freedom, and was pres- ent at the raising of the siege of Magdeburg. After the peace in 1815, he resumed his office as teacher ; two years later he received the degree of Doctor of Philosophy: he became eo-rector of the gymnasium at Minden in the same year, and in 1818 director of the gymnasium at Cleve. At Michaelmas, in 1819, he was appointed "professor ordinarus" of Theology in the newly-established Fred- erick-William's University of Bonn, having already received from that University, on the third of April of the same year, the doc- torate of divinity through Augusti's influence. This rapid promotion he owed to his " Critical Essay upon the Origin and earliest History of the written Gospels," published in 1818. This exposition set aside the hypothesis of one written original Gospel as the common source of the synoptical Gospels, and confirmed the positions laid down by Herder, Lessing, and oth-- ers, which are at the basis of the whole recent criticism of the Gos- pels. This important work of Gieseler was soon out of print ; yet THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF GIESELER. yii lie could never decide upon issuing a second edition. He shunned that confusion of hypotheses, many of them wholly groundless, which afterward sprung up on this subject, and also thought that the time had not come for new and definitive results. His thorough philological culture is proved ty his treatises published in the second volume of E-osemiiller's '■'■ Jiepertorium,'''' which helped to enrich the science of the grammar of the New Testament, then in its infancy. His Essay upon the " Nazarenes and the Ebionites," in Staudlin and Tzschirner's " Archiv" (Bd. iv. St. 2), showed his peculiar talent in disentangling confused problems. From this time forth he dedicated his powers almost exclusively to his loved studies in church history. Neander's " Genetic Development of the Gnostic Systems''' was the occasion of his penetrating review (in the " Hallische Lit. Zeitung, 1823), which cast much new light upon this chaos. The next year he commenced the publication of his " Text-book of Church His- tory." WithLucke, he also edited the '■'■ Zeitschrift fur gebildete Christen" four numbers being issued in the years 1823, 4. At that time the yet youthful University of the Rhine enjoyed a fresh and free life ; Protestants and Catholics were not rent asun- der ; Gratz and Seber still taught without hinderance their inde- pendent exegesis and theology, assailed only by Hermes ; they, with Ritter, the Roman Catholic church historian, were in con- stant intercourse with Gieseler ; all were of one heart and one soul ; robust powers were working peaceably together ; the Uni- versity was in the perfect blossom of its spring-time. In his fam- ily Gieseler was blessed in a high degree, attached with incompar- able truth and devotion to his early loved and early lost wife, Henrietta, of the Feist family in Halle. The blessing of many children was theirs, and with these came many a care. But trust- ing in God, relying upon his own power of labor, untiringly active, most conscientious in all his work, not troubled by little things, in the midst of his cares he kept his heart open to every joy. For twelve and a half years he stood in this post of special in- fluence as a teacher of church history, and enjoying the confidence of his colleagues, who had just committed to him the rectorship of the University, when the Georgia Augusta called him to her service ; and certainly, in no other University could he have ^^ii THE LIFK AND WRITINGS OF GIESKLER. teen so wliolly in his place as at Gottingen. In its fundament- al character, as the nurse of the empirical and historical sciences, and in the manifold practical services to which it called him, it corresponded entirely with his own tias. Mere learned investiga- tion would not have filled up the measure of his activity. It is dif- ficult to say which in liim was predominant, his capacity for learn- ing, or his practical sagacity and inward fitness to organize and gov- ern ; both, without doubt, went hand in hand. As he was in life, so was he in science, clear, definite, foreseeing, conscientious ; in expression concise, at times laconic, in all things a man of one piece — a man in every sense of the word. This was felt as soon as you came in contact with him and put confidence in him. The Uni- versity firequently committed to him, and in times of trial almost always to him alone, the dignity of pro-rector ; with hardly an in- terruption, he was a member of one or several academical courts. His counsel must be sought upon propositions for the revisal of the University statutes, or in making new regulations. He was a constant member of the Library" Commission. The city corpora- tion chose him for its speaker, an office, however, which he after- ward declined. He was curator of the Gottingen Orphan-house, and had the administration of many other charitable foundations, especially the scholarships. The Gottingen Academy of Sciences, of which he was a member, committed to him the direction of the Wedemeyer prizes. In tmion with Liicke, he directed the Theo- logical Ephora. But the Orphan-house was the special joy of his heart. With few exceptions, he was there every day, and hence knew exactly the disposition, conduct, and faults of each chUd, had for every one fiiendly words and counsel, and kept the pupils in his eye long after they had left the institution. They, in return, were attached to him, and manifestly eager to give him pleasure ; only in a very few cases did he fail of success in his noble efibrts for the rescue of the abandoned, undertaken with so bold a faith. He gave much time to the lodge of the Order of Free-masons, and undoubtedly knew why he did this. In his last days he was violently assailed on this account, in a way which detracts as lit- tle fi-om his good name as from the prosperity of the order. The interests of his country were ever dear to his heart. The last volume of his church history, embracing the period fi-om THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF GIESELER. ix 1814 to 1848, shows in many passages what his wishes were. His judgment upon the revolutionary movements of 1848 runs through the whole narrative, in which is also seen the calm hope with which he looked to the future in the midst of the storms that robbed so many o'f their self-possession. • In the affairs of the Church, as well as of the State, he loved to see a constant and ever judicious advance ; he would not have any of the. threads severed which bind together the new and th6 old. Hence he declared against the so-called " Constituent Syn- ods," projected in 1848 ; and these, in fact, would only have done injury, had they been, as he conceiVbd them to be, courts sitting in judgment upon what was henceforth to be received as the doc- trines of the Church. But such a tendency might have been easily avoided ; and when we think how much has been lost by nearly forty years of neglect, and the difficulty of its restoration, we can only desire that efforts for the buUding up of our Protest- ant Church should not again be undervalued ; there may at least be progress in the ecclesiastical order and arrangement of the individual churches, so that, when there is greater clearness in doctrine, we may find the foundations ready for the future struc- ture. The question whether Gieseler was a rationalist, was answered in the negative, immediately after his death, by a Theologian of high standing, his colleague, Dr. Dorner;* and he certainly was never what we now most commonly understand by that word. From the beginning to the end of his literary career, he held immovably to the truth of justification through faith alone, the fundamental idea of the Protestant system, understanding by this, the free personal reception of the divine truth and grace that come through the mediation of Christ, and are manifested in Him. He did not put the knowledge given by human reason above the divine truth given us in Christ ; he acknowledged him only to bo a Christian who saw in Christ the sum of all the highest truth, never to be surpassed by any one here below. But when, on the other hand, any one detracted from the right and obligation of hu- man reason to appropriate, examine, and grasp this truth, to free ♦ Dorner, "Abweht der hengslenbergscher Angrifft; auf Gieseler und Lucke." Got- tingen, 1854. X THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF GIESELEE. it from the letter and receive it as spirit and truth, he became a bold and strong champion for this right, which no one ever under- valued -without punishment ; for reason is that light in us which can not become darkness, without plunging the whole man into darkness (ilatth. vi. 22. 23 ; Luke, xi. 34. 35). In this sense Gieseler was a ra,tionalist, and had in full measure the claim to be honored with that appellation by those who so readily give it to all who hold to clear and logical thinking, and to a wise separa- tion between what is scientiiically certain and all arbitrary fan- cies. He was ever averse to what some love to call profundity of doctrine, to that empty speculation which is either ignorant of or overthrows the empirical basis on which it should rest, and which runs a tilt against all logic without respect ; he laughed in a quiet way at one and another who, without the capacity, consid- ered themselves to be speculative theologians. Every philosoph- ical position had for him value only in the degree of its real cer- tainty ; it was one of his prime convictions, that in theology no- thing is now more important than the difficult, yet not impossible sundering of the spheres of faith and knowledge [-iorig and yvoiffif), of that which is the object of faith, and that which is but a human elaboration of the materials, necessarily changing with the progress of time, and always developing itself with many a fluctuation. His whole treatment of church history rests upon this distinc- tion. His sole aim was to exhibit the historical developments as they were : he combined in one view whatever was internally con- nected ; he made the agencies and counter-agencies apparent, and pointed out the aim and tendencies of events ; but he held him- self aloof from the construction of arbitrary schemes and divi- sions, and fi'om all merely subjective judgments. Starting from the position to which the investigations had already advanced, he penetrated to the problems under the guidance of previous leaders, and had a singular gift of quickly finding the way that led to the goal, without taking any fruitless step. It might be said that the intellectual traits of his Westphalian father-land — where is ever found so much unperverted practical sense, quickly seizing upon the right point — were his own in the highest perfection, in Ms scientific explorations. To the outward form he assigned a subordinate value, as well in his own writings as in his critical THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF GIESELER. xi investigations. He was sagacious in conjecturing the right words of original documents ; many such emendations of high value are due to him. Perhaps, however, in the question of the genuineness of this or that work, he allowed too little influence to its external form — its diction. The plan and arrangement of his church history are not one symmetrical whole, or, rather, a change in the original plan was made with the second volume. At first intended to be in three volumes of about the same size, the work in the second was so extended, that it lost in some measure its original destination as a guide in the University lectures. The disproportion was to be made up by a more concise history of the period from the Peace of "Westphalia, 1648, to the year 1814. But who laments this enlargement of the work ? In the very form which the author gave it, it has become the mine from which is drawn so much learning in church history ; without it a mass of our later outlines of church history would, doubtless, not have appeared, or at least would not have offered so rich materials. In another place will be found a designation of the more sa- lient parts of this church history.* In the history of the ancient church Gieseler's assiduity and preference were specially devoted to the Greek Theology. Our acquaintance with it has been ma- terially enlarged by his Programmes upon the opinions of the " Alexandrian Clement and of Origen as to the Body of the Lord," upon the pseudepigraphic " Vision of Isaiah," upon the doctrines of the " Monophysites," as weU as by his edition of the " His- tory of the Manichees" by Petrus Siculus, and of the " Panoply" of Euthymius Zygadenus (Tit. 23). In the medieval times he en- tered into the most thorough and successful examination of the sources of the history of the Cathari, of the Waldenses, of the re- forming parties and tendencies before the Eeformation, of the cultus, and even of many portions of political history, so far as involved in that of the Papacy. But the crown of his labors in church his- tory is the second division of the third volume (in the German), which exhibits the doctrinal development in the period of the Ref- ormation to the Peace of Westphalia. We there find in the most * In the " Protestant. Kirchenzeiting fur das evangelische Deutschland," Jahrg. i. 1854, No. 30. xii THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF GIESELER. compressed expression, in many points exiiausting all the sources, rich instruction upon the mutual relations of the two great branch- es of the Keformation, the Swiss and the German, upon the growth of Luther's views, upon the clerical office and the shaping of the Protestant chui-ch government. ' Gieseler also wrote upon ecclesiastical matters of immediate interest. During the controversy of the Prussian State with the Archbishop of Cologne, he published a work, enumerating the con- cessions which each party must make to re-establish permanent peace. He gave these counsels under the name of Irenaeus. He retained the same name in another pamphlet, in which he ex- posed the wondrous perverseness of the times, as seen in those who, in their zeal for so-called " confessional truth," insisted upon it that even their ecclesiastical opponents should be equally zeal- ous for their own confessions ; as when, for example, a Luther- an maintained that Calvinists or Catholics must hold stiffly to the distinguishing doctrines of their own communions, while he at the same time rejected them himself as soul-destroyirig poison. Under his own name he published his acute investigations upon the "Lehnin Prophecy," whose warning words seem still to an- nounce to Prussia impending misfortunes in the perilous position in which that great state is now entangled. Gieseler also took the liveliest interest in the neighboring Dutch and French Churches. In 1840 he introduced to the German public a work on the "Disturbances in the Dutch Reformed Chui-ch," whose author did not wish to be named ; and in 1848, a stUl larger work, the "History of the Protestant Church in France, from 1787 to 1846." His last literary labor was a dis- criminating review of the Essays of Chastel and Schmidt, to which the French Academy of Moral Sciences awarded prizes, upon the " Influence of Christianity on the Social State of the Roman Empire," a subject which also involves the question of the restorative means offered by Christianity for the social oppres- sions and perils of our own times. This question was one which he examined in the most various aspects. He was a man with a clear eye and an open heart for all who are straitened and in distress : science did not take him away from life, it was rather a means of his better preparation for the THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF GlESELER. xiii most various and useful practical service. From manifold expe- rience Grieselcr had become acquainted with the life and the rela- tions of the laboring classes, the diiSculties and deprivations with which so many are now contending, and not through their own fault ; his strong and manly sense of right made him sympathize with all human needs, even those of the guilty. He first called into life in Gottingen- a society for the aid of dismissed convicts ; lie wrote the statutes for the large funds of the " Von Hugo Sti- pends," which were under his direction as long as he lived; and so wisely did he administer them, that they can now be com- pletely and permanently appHed to many a beneficent object. There have probably never lived many men who have rendered more efficient aid than he, or in a more unassuming, sympathiz- ing, and obliging way. lie possessed in a high degree the faculty of order and practi- cal organization, and was wise in the direction of entangled affairs. He seemed born to take the lead. In the critical state of the Uni- versity fifteen years ago, he showed his discretion and firmness to the full satisfaction of aU who were able to understand without prejudice the actual state of the case. Gieseler was also willing to rule, but, we must add, he was without any trace of lordU- ness ; he gave his reasons, he convinced, and if at any time out- voted, he seemed to question again for a mornent his own opinion, which, however, he seldom changed, even when he did not refer to it anew. He gave his counsel only when asked ; he lielped and cared for many a one before they came to him. He was a very faithful friend. He did not lightly withdraw his confidence from any one to whom he ever gave it. He never seemed proud of the numerous honors which were be- stowed upon him during his life. Far from all vanity, he had a no- ble, manly self-respect ; he felt his own worth without being dis- tinctly conscious of it. He stood firm for the right good cause, not troubled by the sacrifices it might cost. He took the most lively part in the struggle for the maintenance of the Union (between the Reformed and Lutheran Churches), and rejoiced with all his heart in the new light that seemed to break in upon the darkness before h's departure. He felt assured that in the kingdom of the Lord new and fair days of prosperity would come, though they be delayed. xiv THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF GIESELER Faithful to the welfare of the Church and of his country, and ministering with love to the necessities of others, he was also visited with many a care in his own house. After the death of his first wife in the year 1831, which soon followed his transfer- ence to Gottingen, he found compensation for a loss he ever de- plored, in his second marriage with a relative of the deceased, Amelia Villaret, whom he chose as his companion and the guard- ian of his children. This marriage, too, was unusually fruitful in children. Care for their education was added to the necessity of providing for his other sons and daughters, already grown up. But to the last day of his life he had constant experience of the truth of Him who has said to his house, My eyes shall be open upon it hoth night and day. On his dying bed he saw all his sons and daughters gathered around him, with the exception of two, who could not come for the distance, and took his last farewell of them, comforted by that firm trust in God which was the leading trait of his character. Until that time sound in soul and body as are few, retaining a vigorous manly form of youthful freshness even to his sixty-third year, he sank only by slow degrees under the violence of the ab- dominal disease by which he was suddenly attacked. His vigor- ous body resisted long the pangs of the assault, till its powers were exhausted, and a stOl and peaceful decease brought to its close his active life on the eighth of July, 1854, in the earliest dawn of morning. Three days later he was interred. Both the city and the University equally felt his loss. The long funeral retinue showed that a place was vacant which another would not soon fill with equal power and honor. The name of Gieseler wiU not be forgotten in the history of Gottingen, in science, or in the Church. Whoever knew him as he was, preserves his memory thankfully and faithfully, as a cost- ly treasure among his dearest memories. He, however, separated from us, and regretted with deep sorrow in the ranks of his fel- low-champions for the dear and noble freedom and unity of our Evangelical Church, stiU acts among us by his works and by his hfe, and thus, like the oldest of all the witnesses for God (Heb. xi. 4), although he is dead, he yet speaketh. CONTENTS OF VOL. I. INTRODUCTION. FilOE § 1. Definition of the Clmrcli 13 2. Definition of Ecclesiastical History— its Departments— General History of the Christian Church ' li 3. Eelation of Church History to other Historical Studies 19 4. Of the Sources of Ecclesiastical History 21 5. The Inquiries peculiar to Ecclesiastical History 23 6. Arrangement of the Materials of Ecclesiastical History — Historical Represent- ation 2*i 7. Value of the History of the Christian Church 25 FIRST PERIOD. TO THE SOLE REIGN OF CONSTANTINE, BY AVHICH THE ACKNOWLEDG- MENT OF THE CHURCH IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE WAS SECURED, I. E. TILL 324. Sources i 27 Works 28 FIRST DIVISION. TO THE TIME OF HADRIAN, 117. INTRODUCTION. ON THE CONDITION OF THE NATIONS, ESPECIALLY THEIR RELIGIOUS AND MORAL CONDITION AT THE TIME OF CHRIST'^ BIRTH, AND DURING THE FIRST CENTURY. I. CosDiTioN or THE Heathes Natioxs, § 8 30 § 9. Of the Religious and Moral Character of the ancient Nations generally 31 10. Religion and Morals of the Greeks 33 xvi CONTENTS. PAGE § 11. Religion and Morals of the Komans to the Time of Augustus 3-t ■ 12. Religious Tolerance of the Romans 35 13. Relation of Philosophy to the popular Religion 3G 14. Revolution in the Mode of religious thinking under the Emperors 40 II. COXDITIOS OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE. § 15. In Palestine 4-1 16. Sentiments of the Heathen Nations toward Judaism 47 17. Condition of the Jews out of Palestine 49 15. Samaritans 53 19. Relation of the Times to Christianity in its Growth 57 FIRST CHAPTER. THE LIFE OF JESUS. 20. Chronological Data relative to the Life of Jesus 59 21. Early History of Jesus •. 62 22. John the Baptist 63 23. Public Ministry and Doctrines of Jesus 64 24. Alleged contemporary Notices of Jesus not in the New Testament 68 SECOND CHAPTER.- APOSTOLIC AGE TO THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. 25. Early History of the Community of Christians till the Time of Paul's Con- ■ version ■ 72 26. Paul 76 27. History of the other Apostles and their immediate Disciples 80' 28. Reception of Christianity among Jews and Heathen , 83 29. Internal Development of Christianity .' &5 30. Constitution of Churches 90 31. Time of the Jewish Troubles 95 THIRD CHAPTER. AGE OF JOHN. FROM 70-117. § S2. Fate of the Jewish Christians in Palestine 98 33. External Fortunes of the Christians iti tlie other Provinces of the Roman Empire 101 34. Arrangements of the Churches , 104 35. Apostolic Fathers 108 30. Development of Doctrines during this Period Ill CONTENTS, xvii SECOND DIVISION. FROM HADRIAN TO SEPTIMUS SEVERUS. FROM 117-193. INTRODUCTION. PAGE § 37. Condition of Heatlienism H4 38. Fate of tlie Jews 115 FIRST CHAPTER, EXTERNAL FORTUNES OF CHRISTIANITY. § 39. Its Diffusion '. 117 40. Opposition to Christianity by Writers ,. 118 41. Popular Disposition in tlie Roman Empire toward Christianity 119 42i Persecutions of Christianity 125 SECOND CHAPTER. HERETICS. § 43. Jewish Christians '. 128 44. Gnostics 129 45. (Continuation.) 1. Alexandrian Gnostics — Basilides — Talentinus — Ophites — Carpocrates 133 46. (Continuation.) 2. Syrian Gnostics — Sateminus — Bardesanes — Tatian . . . . . 137 4Z. (Continuation.) 3. Marcion and liis School 138 48. Montanists and Alogi 140 t ■ THIRD CHAPTER. Internal Histoky op the Cathowc Church, § 49 144 § 50. Apologies for Christianity against Heathens and Jews 145 51. Controversy with Heretics — Catholic Church — Canon of the Ne-vj' Testa- ment 148 52. Development of Doctrines — Supposititious "Writings 153 53. Ecclesiastical l.ife , . , 159 xviii CONTENTS. THIRD DIVISION. FROM SEPTIMUS SEVERTJS TO THE SOLE DOMINION OF CONSTANTINE. FROM 193-324. INTRODUCTION. PAGE § 54. Condition of Heathenism ' 171 FIRST CHAPTER. EXTERNAL FORTUNES OF CHRISTIANITY. ' 55. Disposition of the Heathen toward it 174 56. Conduct of the Emperors toward the Christians 176 57. Spread of the Church 187 SECOND CHAPTER, HERETICS. . 58. Elcesaitism of the Clementines, .' 188 59. Struggle in Rome against Montauism, and the Asiatic Mode of celebrating Easter. 19S CO. Monarchians 197 61. Manichaeans 203 THIRD CHAPTER. THEOLOGY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. I. Is THE East. 62. Alexandrian School 208 63. (Continuation.) View of the Alexandrian Theologj-, particularly that of Origen 211 64. (Continuation.) Adherents and Opponents of Origen 220 65. Other distinguished Teachers of the Oriental Church 223 II. Is THE West. 5 66 • 225 CONTENTS. FOURTH CHAPTER. TliGK Ecclesiastical Life, § 67 231 i 68. History of the Hierarchy 234 69. (Continuation.) Hierarchy in the separate Churches 240 70. Public Worship .244 71. Ecclesiastical Discipline 248 72. (Coutinuation.) Controversies respecting the Objects of Ecclesiastical Disci- pline. Felicissimus — Novatian — Baptism of Heretics — Meletius — Do- natus 253 73. Asceticism '. 258 74. Moral Character of Christianity in this Period 263 SECOND PERIOD. FROM CONSTANTINE TO THE BEGINNING OF THE IMAGE-CONTRO- VERSY. FROM A.D. 324^726. FIRST DIVISION. TO THE COUNCIL OF CHALCEDON. A.D. 324-461. Sources 268 FIRST CHAPTER. STRUGGLE OF CHRISTIANITY WITH PAGANISM. § 75. The Advantages conferred on Christianity by Constantine and his Sons 271 76. Julian the Apostate 278 77. General Toleration till the Year 381 281 78. Suppression of Paganism by Theodosius 282 79. Complete Suppression of Paganism in the East — ^its Struggles in the West, after Theodosius 285 • SECOND CHAPTER. HISTORY OF THEOLOGY. § 80. Introduction ,. 292 I. Pebiod of the AniAN Controversy. § 81. Becinnine of the Arian Controversv to the Svnod of Nice Ca.d. 3251 294 XX CONTENTS. PAOJ § 82. Eesistance of the Easebians to the Nicene Council till the second SjTiod at Sinnium (a.d. 357) 298 83. Divisions among the Easebians till the Suppression of Arianism (a.d. 381) . 302 84. History of the Theological Sciences during the Arian Controversy 314 II. Period of the Origekistic asd Pelagian Costeoversies. § 85. Origenistic Controversy 323 86. Controversies -with Heretics in the West 326 87. Pelagian Controversy 330 III. COSTEOVEKSIES KESPECTCiG THE PeESOS OF ChRIST. § 88. Nestorian Controversy 343 89. Eutychian Controversy 355 90. On the Theological Authority of Oecumenical Councils 359 THIRD CHAPTER. HISTORY OF THE HIEEAECHY. § 91. Growing Importance of the Clergy 361 92. Dependence of the Hierarchy on the State 368 93. Origin of Patriarclis, especially in the East 371 94. History of the Boman Patriarchs and of the higher Hierarchy in the West. 377 FOURTH CHAPTER. HISTOEY OF MONACHISir. § 95. Origin and History of Monachism in the East 397 96. Monachism in the West 408 97. Eelation of the Monts to the Clergy 412 FIFTH CHAPTER. HiSTOET OF Pdelio Worship, § 98 415 § 99. New Objects of Worship : 416 100. Places and Times of Public Worship , 429 101. Eites and Ceremonies of Worsliip , , 432 SIXTH CHAPTER. HISTOEY OF MOEALS. 102. History of Christian Ethics 439 103. Morals of the Clergy 441 104. Moral Influence of the Church on the People 445 105. Influence of the Church on Legislation 453 CONTENTS. xsi SEVENTH CHAPTER. PACE Attempts at It e to rm at ion, § lOG i ....;.. 400 EIGHTH CHAPTER. SPREAD OF CHKISTIANITY. § 107. In the East 458 108. In the West ...,.:...-... .460 SECOND DIVISION. FROM THE COUNCIL OF CHALCEDON TO THE BEGINNING OF THE MOX- OTHELITIC CONTROVERSIES, AND THE TIME OF MUHAMMED, A.D. 451-G22 Sources 403 FIRST CHAPTER. EsTiEE SurriiEssiox of P.vcaxis.ii in the Eo:\i.ix E.mpiee, § 109 .. 4Cl • • SECOND CHAPTER. HISTORY OF THEOLOGY. i 110. Monophysite Controversies ; , 4CC 111. Controversies under Justinian I , 475 112. Development of Monophysite Clmrches 481 113. Controversy between Augustinism and Semipelagianism 483 114. History of the Theological Sciences 486 THIRD CHAPTER. HISTORY OF THE HIERARCHY. 115. Privileges of the Clergy , 492 116. Dependence of the Hierarchy on the State 494 117. History of the Patriarchs 495 FOURTH CHAPTER. HisTonv OF MoNACHisM, § 118 506 119. Benedictines 507 120. Relation of the Monks to the Clorgv 510 CONTENTS. .FIFTH CHAPTER. PASS History of Public 'Worship, § 121 j 512 SIXTH CHAPTER. SPRE.\D OF CHRISTIAXITT, XSJ) ITS COXDITIOX -WITnOUT THE EO- MAX EMPIRE. I. Is Asia axd Afeica, §122 517 II. Amoxg the Geejiajj Natioxs, § 123 519 § 124. Hierarchy in the German Empire 521 125. Moral Inflaences of Christianity among the German Nations 525 III. Old British Chcrc»i, § 126 '.. 529 THIRD DIVISION. FROM THE BEGIX^sIXG OF THE MOSOTHELITIC COXTROTEEST, AXD FROM THE TIME OFMUHAMMED TO THE BEGIXSIXG OF THE CON- TEOVEESY COXCERXING THE WORSHIP OF IMAGES. FROM 6J2-726. FIRST CHAPTER. Restraining of the Church in the E-vst, § 127 534 SECOND CHAPTER. HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. § 128. Monothelitic Controversy 537 129. Concilium Quinisextum 541 130. Fortunes of Monothelitism 543 THIRD CHAPTER. HISTOEY OF THE WESTEEX CHCECH. § 131. Ecclesiastical SUte of Italy 545 132. Ecclesiastical State of France and Spain 548 133. Ecclesiastical Condition of the British Islands 552 134. Spread of Christianity in Germany 557 Additions to the Literatore and Notes, by the Editor 559 PREFATORY NOTICE. Dr. Gieseler's Compendium of Eoclesiastical History is marked by peculiar excellencies. It occupies an important position of its own. The text is very brief and condensed, marking the results at which the learned author has arrived ; while the accumulated materials in the notes enable the reader to seo at once the basis on which the statements of the text rest. If the student be not convinced of the correct- ness of the assertions made by the historian, he can easily draw his own conclusion by the help of what is presented to him. The work is characterized by immense research, and by striking impartiality. In the latter respect, indeed, the author has been blamed by some, his spirit of impartiality preventing him from expressing a decided opinion, where it would be desirable to throw the weight of his authority into the side of truth. There is also -an air of dryness diffused over the work, inseparable perhaps from its exceeding brevity, but also indicating a deficiency in vivid sketching. The ex- cellencies, however, far outweigh any minor faults that may be supposed to belong to it. Its rigid impartiality is its chief recommendation ; and the abundant references and quotations in the notes supply the want of a library such as very few have within their reach. '.V PREFACE. The work in the original consists of several volumes pub- lished at different times. The first division of the last vol- ume, containing a portion of the history of the Reformation in. different lands, appeared in 1840. In 1844 ■■i\'.' I'ii^ i fourth edition of the first volume was published, one part in each year, greatly improved and enlarged. The author states, in the preface, that this volume first appeared twenty years ago, and that during the interval he has not been inattentive to the subject, but has endeavored to conform his book to the latest investigations. On comparing this edition with the third, we have observed a great improvement, and a large number of new notes. . • It may be proper to apprize the reader, that an American translation of the history, down to the time of the Reformation, appeared at Philadelphia in 1836, professed! i/ taken from the third edition of the original, the fourth, however, is eo diflferent from the third (if, indeed, Cunninghame's version was made from the latter), that it was deemed desirable to make a new version. The Translator has adhered closely to the original text. His simple aim has been to give the sense of his author. He has not endeavored to make the narrative smooth or elegant, for in that case he should have been compelled to resort to paraphrase. Professor Gieseler being by no means an elegant writer. On the contrary, his style is loose, and his sentences evidently constructed without any view to effect. It must be always remembered, that the book is a text-book, not an ex- tended history, like Neander's. As such, the Translator reckons it invaluable. In truth, there are only two ecclesias- PREFACE. V tical histories at the present time that deserve to be read and studied, viz. those of Neander and Gieseler, both ex fontibus hausti, as Bretsohneider once remarked to the vsriter. Gue- rJke's is one-sided ; and Hase's, alas is too short. The Trans- lator, on looking about for a text-book which he could put into the hands of his students as the substratum of lectures on ec- clesiastical history, could find none so suitable to his purpose as the present ; and he accordingly recommended the enterpris- ing publishers to bring out a new version of the new edition, that students might not be obliged to apply to the American translation, the cost of which is very considerable. It is almost superfluous to state, that the Translator does not coincide with all the sentiments of Dr. Gieseler. He has occasioiially inserted in brackets a reference to books with which the German professor bi probably unacquainted. INTRODUCTION. ( 1. THE CHURCH. Btandlin ubei" den Begriffder Kirche nnd Kirchengeschicbte {in the Gottingen Bibllotheh d. Neaesten Theolog. Literatur i. 600). C. G. Bretachneider's systemat. Entwickelung aller in dcr Dogmatik vorkommenden Begriffe (4te Auflage, Leipzig, 1841), S. 749. Dr. H. F. Jacobson, fiber die Individaalitat des Wortes u. Begriifea Kirche (in his Kirchen- rechtliclien Versuclien, i. 58). The Christian Church^ (?J hK^Tjaia tov XpioTov, Matt. xvi. 18, 7j eKK?.T](jca TOV eeov, 1 Cor. x. 32, Gal. i. 13) is a religious- moral society, connected together by a common faith in Christ, and which seeks to represent in its united life the kingdom, of God announced by Christ (t^v fiaaiXdav -ov Beov, rov Xpioroii, TOV ovpavov). This kingdom it hopes to see at one time realized, and strives to prepare itself for becoming M'orthy of having a part in it.^ The church bears the same relation to the kingdom ' The German word Kirche, which waa originally applied to the building alone, is most probably derived from the Greek, to KvpiaKoV' Walafrid Strabo (about 840), De rebus ecclesiaaticis, c. 7. Qaomodo theotisce domus Dei dicatur (in Melch. Hittorp. de Divinia Cathol. Eccles. ofHciis varii vetust. Patrum libri. Colon. 1568, fol. p. 395) : Ah ipsis autem Graecis Kyrch a Kyrios — et alia multa accepimus. — Sicut domus Dei Basilica, i. e. Regia a Rege, sic etiam Kyrica, i. e. Dominica a Domino nuncupatur.^Si autem quaeritur, qua occasione ad noa vestigia haec graecitatia advenerint, dicendum, — praecipue a Gothis, qui et Getae, cum eo tempore, quo ad fidem Christi, licet non recto itinere, perducti sunt, in Graecomm provinciis commorantes, nostrum, i. e. theotiscum sermonem habuerint. It ap- pears from Ulphilas, that Greek appellations of Christian things were generally adopted by the Goths (see Zahn's Ulphilas( Th. 2, S. 69, S. ; also aikkleajon, hKKXriaia, Phil. iii. 6. in the fragments published by'Maius). -The Greek origin of the word is favored not only by its occurrence in all German dialects (Swedish Kyrka, Danish Kyrke, &c.), but also in the dialects of the Slavonian nations converted by the Greeks (Bohemian cj'rkew, Polish cer- kiew, Russian zerkow). Other derivations of the word are Kieren (Kiesen), from the Gothic, Kelikn, a tower, &.c. Compare Jacobson's work, p. 68, ff. ' The idea of the church is an individual idea, given historically, for which we can not substitute the general notion (viz. that of a religious society) under which it falls. See 14 INTROD. (2. DE J INITION OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTOEY. of God a? the T.sraelitish church {p-^\ Snp, Numb. xx. 4) had to fie ideal theocracy expected by it. And as the divine kingdom of Christ is the purified and spiritualantitype of the theocracy, sc is +be Christian church the antitype of the Jewish. Differences relating to the objects of Christian faith and ecclesias*,ical life early separated the church into various distinct societies, each of which commonly assumed to itself exclusively the name of the " true church of Christ," and branded the others with the titles heresy and schism (haeresis, schisma). While the old unreformed church associations are continually prejudiced by this particularism, Protestants, on the contrary, acknowledge every ecclesiastical society which holds Christian truth in greater or less purity and clearness, to be a preparatory institution for the kingdom of God, and as such belonging to the universal Christian church, whose true essence is the invisible church, the entire number of all true believers throughout the world. DEFINITION OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY— ITS PARTS— GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. Casp. Royko Einleit. in die christl. Religions- und Kirchengescliicbte. Aufl. 2. Prag. ^791. 8. — Ch. "W". riiigge Einleit. in das Stadium u. in die Literatur der Religions- a. Kircben- gescbiehte, besonders der cliristlicben. Gottingen. 1801. 8. The object of ecelsslestlca-l history is to gi^p- a pta^riatif view of all t'le uangf-'S and developrocuts through -wL'Ji the Christian church has passed, and the influences wMcIi it bas exerted on other human relations, and thus to lay the foundation for an eth- ical and teleological estimate of it. As time consists of moments, so is history made up of circumstances connected together as cause and effect. Every condition of the church rests on a two- fola relation. To its internal relations belongs, first of all, 'that religious faith, which forms its bond of union, both in its scientific development and in its life in the members ; next the character of the public religious exercises ; and thirdly, the forin of gov- erninent. To the external relations of the church belong its diffusion and its relation to other associations, particularly to the state. Though these several relations are not independent iNTROD. $ 2. DEVARTMEL ' - OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 15 of one another, but are developed by constant mutual action, they admit of separate historical developments. We have, therefore, , I. A history of the church's external relations (external church history) ^^ viz. : — 1. History of its spread and limitation.^ 2. History of its relation to the state. ^ n. A history of its internal relations {internal history of the church)^ viz. : — . i 1. History of the teaching of the church. [a.) As an object of science. History of doctrines (Dogmengeschichte).^ History of ethics."* 1 Jo. Al. Fabricii salutaris lux EvaDgelii toti orbi exoriens, s. natitia propagatorum Christ. Baciorum. Hamburgi. 1731. 4to. P. Oh. Gratianua Versuch einer Geschichte iiber (Jen Ursprang und die Fortpflanzung dea Christenthums in Europa. Tubingen. 1766, 73. e Th. 8vo. The Bame author's Geschichte der Pflanzung des Christenthums in den aus tLan Triiramemdes rbm. Kaiserthums entstandenen Staaten Europens. Tubingen. 1778, 9. •2 Th. 8vo. Ch. G- Blumhardt Versuch einer allgemeinen Missionsgescbichte. Basel. 1828, tr. 3 Th. 8vo. a Petri de Marca Dissertationum de concordia socerdotii et imperii s. de libertatibus ec- rlesiae gallicanae, libb. viii. ed. Steph. Baluzius. Paris. 1663. fol. cum observationibus ec- clesiasticis J. H. Boehraeri. Lips. 1706. fol. G. J. Planck's Geschichte der christlich-kirch- lichen Gesellscbaftsverfassung. Hannover. 1803-1809. .') Bde. 8vo. The following work is written from a Catholic standpoint : Geschichtlich. Darstellaug des Verhaltnisses zwischen Ku'che und Staat von Casp. Riffel. Theil. 1 (tp Justinian 1st). Mainz. 1836. 6vo. 3 Dion Petavii Dogmata Theologica. Paris. 1644-50, 4 Theile. 4to. cum praefat. et notie rheophili Alethini (Jo. Clerici). Amst. 1700. 6 Thefle. fol. W. Miinscher's Handbuch der ChrLstlichen Dogmengescliichte. Marburg. 1797-1809. 4 Thle. 8vo, incomplete. The same authoi*'s Lebrbuch d. cbristl. Dogmengeschichte, 3te Auflage, mit Belegen aus den tiuellenschriften, Erganzungen d. Literatur, hist. Noten u. Fortsetzungen versehen von Dr. D. V. Colin und Dr. Cji. G. Neudecker, 3 Bde. Casscl. 1832-38. Dogmengeschichte von Dr. J. G. V. Engelhardt. 2 Theile. Neustadt a. d. Aisch. 1839. Lebrbuch d. Dog- mengeschichte von Dr. K. K. Hagenbacli. 2 Thle. in 3 Bden. Leipzig. 1840, 1841. Other text books by Chr. D. Beck (Commentarii historici decretorum rel. cbrist. Lips. 1801). J. Ohr. W. Augusti (3te Ausg. Leipzig, 1820). L. F. O. Baumgarten-Crusius. 2 Abth. Jena. 1S32. (The same author's Compendium d. Dogmengesch. Leipz. 1840.) F. K. Meier. Giessen. 1840. * Staudlin's Geschichte der SIttenlehre Jesu. 4 Bde. Gbttingen 1799-1833 (reichtbis 1299). The same author's Gesch. d. christh Moral seit dem Wiederaufleben d. Wissen- schaften, Gottingen. 1808. W. M. L. de Wette christliche Sittenlebre, 2terTheil : Allgc- r.ieine Geschiehto der christlichen Sittenlebre, in 2 Hiilften. Berlin 1819-21. 8. Stand- Hu's Monographieen : Gesch. d. Vorstellungen v. der Sittlichkeit des Scbauspiels. Gott. 1823. Gesch. d. Vorstell. u. Lehren vom Selbstmorde. Ebend. 1824. v. Eide. Ebend. 1824. V. Gebete. Ebend. 1824. v. Gewissen. Halle. 1824. v. d.Ehe. Gott. 182G. v. d. Freuudschaft. Hannover. 1826. 8. 16 INTRODUCTION. $ 2. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CUUllCa. History of the theological sciences.' (6.) As living and working in men. History of religious and moral life.^ 2: History of ecclesiastical worship.' 3. History of the internal constitution of the church.^ A description of the luorship, ecclesiastical usages, and consti- tution of the ancient church, is included in the somewhat vague appellation, ecclesiastical antiquities, or archaeology,^ although these departments do not embrace merely one point of time, but a longer or shorter period, and ought, therefore, to belong to history. \ The materials of ecclesiastical history are also divided by a reference to particular countries, and to separate ecclesiastical societies,^" whose special developments are presented in special » Ch. W. Flugge's Gescliichte dertlieol.Wissenscliaften. Halle. ITgS-gs. 3 Tlile. 8 (as far as the Refoiinatiou). K. F. Staudlia'a Gesch. der theol. Wissenschaften seit der Ver breitung der alten Literatur. Gottingen. 1810-H. 2 Thle. 8. 6 The histoiy of religious and moral life among Christians is difGcnlt, and has been neg- lected down to the latest times. Formerly there appeared only one-sided represeutalioiis of the life of the first Christians, for example, by W". Cave, Gottfr. Arnold, Peter Zoni. The history of morals is interwoven with it in Staudlin's history of the moral teaching of Christ. (Geschichte der Sittenlehre Jesu ; see note 4.) For the history of Christian life see Neauder's Denkwurdigkeiteu aus der Geschichte des Christcnthums und des christ- licheu Lebens. Berlia. 1823, if. 3 vols. [A third edition of the first volume has been lately published.] 7 Edm. MarteneDe antiquis EccleaiaeRitibus. 3te sehrverm. Aufl. Antverp. 1736-38. 4 Thle. fol. C. Shone Geschichtsforscbungen iiber die kirchl. Gebraucbe u. Einrichtungen der Christen. Berlin. 1819, if. [Only three volumes are yet published.] ' L. Thomassini Vetus et Nova Ecclesiae Bisciplina circa beneficia et beneliciarios. Lucae. 1728. 3 Thle. fol. Planck's Gesch. der Cliristl. kirchl. Gesellschaflsverfassung (see above, note 2). ' Origines Ecclesiasticae, or the Antiquities of the Christian Church, 6y Joseph Bingham. A new edition, 8 vols. 8vo. London. 1839, ft'. Jos. Bingham! Origines sive Autiquitates Ecclesiasticae ex. angl. lat. redditae a J. H. Grischovio. Halae. 1724-38. 11 vol. 4. J. C. W. Augusti's Denkwurdigkeiteu aus d. Christl. Archiologiei Leipz. 1817, ff. la Bde. The same author's Handbucb d., Christl. Archuologie. Ebend. 1836, if. 3 Bde. F. H. Bheinwald's Kirchl., Arcbaologie. Berlin. 1830. Bobmer's Christl. Kirchl. Alterthums- wissenschaft. Breslau. 1836. 2 Bde. From Catholic authors we have F. Th. Mamachi. Originum et Antiquitatum Christianorum, libb. xx. There have only appeared libb. iv. Komae. 1749-55. 4. J. L. Selvaggii Antiquitatum Christianamm Institutioues libb. iii. in 6 partibus. Neapoli. 1772-74. 8. ■ Alex. Aur. Pelliccia dn Christ. Ecclesiae primae, me- diae et novissimae aetatis politia libb, vi. Neapoli. 1777. 3 Bde. 8. ed. nova, cura J. J. Ritterii et Braunii. 2 T. Colon. 1829. 38. 8. A German translation by A. J .Cinterim: Die Vorziiglichsten Denkwurdigkeiten der Christ-Kathol. Kirche, mV. •-«■« Ji ^ " sici-ijj v .n auf d. Disciplin d. Katb. K. in Deutschland. Mainz. 1825, ff 7 Thie i. 17 P leu. i, c <■ erer Leh.-Ii. d. Clunstl. Archfiologie. Frankf. 1832. '» T'ne bist.:ry cf parties separated from the catholic C-orcb has been confined with too much cnc-sidediicss merely to their controversies with the catholic Church. C. 'W. F. Waloh's VoUstandige Historic der Ketzereien, Spaltangen tr. Religion'ajti-eitigkeitea bis INTRODUCTION. ^ 2. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH 17 histories. But yet in the progress of development, the separate ecclesiastical relations, and also the national and separate eccle- siastical societies of particular lands, are constantly acting upon each other in a greater or less degree ; so that no special history, or description of individual ecclesiastical relations, can he wholly separated from the rest of the history. It is the object of the general history of the Christian church}'^ to exhibit the general steps in its pfogress, so that its relation to the ideal of the church, auf die Reformation. Leipzig. 1762. 11 Thle. 8 (reachingas far as tlieiinage-eoiitr6-\ci.i^j [Lardners History of the Heretics. Burton's Inquiry into the Heresies of tlie A))j;V.r Age, bein^ tlie Bampton Lecture for 1829.] • 1 Worlts on the general history of the Christian Church. I.— BY PROTESTANT WRITERS. Ecclesiastica liistoria — congesta per aliquot studiosos et pios viros in urbe Magdeburga. Basil. 1559-74. 13 Bde. fol. (embraces thirteen centuries), usually called Centuriae Magde- burgenses. The new edition by Semler (Norimb. '1757, ff. 6 voll. 4) is incomplete. J. H. Hottingeri Hist. Ecclesiastica Novi Testamenti. Hanov. et Tiguri. 1655-67. 9 Thle. 8, to the end of the sixteenth century. J. L. Mosheim Institutionura Historiae Ecclesiasticae Antiquae et Recentioris libb. iv Helmst. 1755. 4 (Mosheim's VoUstandige Kirchengeschichte, frei ubersetzt u. mit. Zusatzen von J. A. Cp. V. Einem. Leipzig. 1769-78. 9 Thle. 8. Von J. R. Schlegel. Heilbr. u ' Rothenb. 1770-96. 7 Bde. 8). [Translated into English by Maclaine, with notes, and fre quently reprinted. Also by James Murdock, D.D., 3 vols. 8vo, fifth edition, 1834.] J. S. Semler Historiae Eccles. selecta capita cum epitome canonum, excerptis dogmaticis et tabulis chronologicis. Halae. 1773-78. 3 Bde. 8, to the end of the fifteenth century. H. Venema Institutiones Hist. Ecclesiae Vet. et Novi Testam. Lugd. Batav. 1777-83. 7 Thle., to the end of the sixteenth century. J. Matth. Schrockh's Christl. Kirchengeschichte bis zur Reformation. Leipzig. 17ob- 1803. 35 Thle. 8. The same author's Kirchengesch. seit der Reformat. Ebend. 1804-10 10 Thle. 8 (ninth and tenth parts by H. G. Tzschimer). H. P. C. Henke's AUgemeine (lesch.'der Christl. Kirche, fortgesetzt von J. S. Vatei Braunschweig. 1788-1820. 8 Thle. 8, of the first and second parts, the fifth edition, 1818 20; of the third and fourth, the fourth edition, jpOC. The history since the Reformation (parts 3-8) is comprised in a third volume by Vater, 1823, J. E. Ch. Schmidt's Handbuch der Christlii^heu Kirchengeschichte. Giessen. 1801-20. 6 Thle. (Th. 1-4, 2te Aufl. 1825-27), coDtii-.ued by F. W. Hettberg. Th. 7, ]8.''4. reaches to 1305. A. Neander's AUgem. Geschiohte der Christl. Religion u. Kirche. Hamb. 1825, fl'. E, bis Bd. 5. Abth. 1, in 9 Thlen. geht bis 1300 (nev/- edinon, of Bd. 1, Abth. 1, in 2 Bden 1842 a. 43). [Two volumes, embracing the iirst thcee centuries, have been translated from the first edition, by Henry John Rose.] H. E. F. Guerike's Handb. der Allgem. Kirchengesch. 2 Bde. Halle. 1833 (8te Aufl. 1854). J. G V. Engelhardt's Handbuch der Kirchengesch. 4 Bde. Erlangen. 1833, 34. A. F. Gfrorer's Allgem. Kirchengesch. lur die Deutsche Nation. 4 Bde. (Stuttgart 1841— 5.) Manuals by J. M. Schrockh (Hist. Relig. et Eccles. Christ. 1777. ed. 7, cura Ph. Marhei- necke. Berol. 1828). L. T. Spittler (Giitt. 1782. 5te Aufl. bes. v. G. J. Planck. 1812). J. E.Chr. Schmidt (Giessen. 1800. 3te Aijfl. 1826). W. MiJnscher (Marburg. 1804. 2teAnfl V. L. Wachler. 1815. 3te Aufl. v. M. J. H. Beckhaus. 1326). K. F. Staudlin (Hann. 180B 18 INTRODUCTION. ^ 2. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. the kingdom of God, may be perceived. Accordingly, such his- torical data alone as refer to this general progress, are important in its view ; while those data which have only a more limited significance, are left to special histories. 5te Au'fl. V. Holzlmnsen. 1833). J.T. L. Danz (2Thle. Jena. 1818-26). K. Hase (Leipz. ' 1834. 7te Anfl. 1854). P. Hofttede de Groot. Groningae. 1835. H. J. Royaarda fasc. 2. Traj. ad K,h. 1840. J. S. Vater's Syuehronlst. Tafelii der Kirchengesch. Halle. 1803. '4te Aufl. 1325. fol. [English works are, Priestley's General History of the Christian Church to the present tiinoj 6 vols. 8vo. London. 1780-1803. Milner's Church History, continued by J. Scott. Jones's History of the Christian Church. Waddmgton's History, originally published in the Library of (Jsefal Kuowledge ; to which was afterward added, a History of the Refor- mation, ii, .! vols. See also Campbell's Lectures on Ecclesiastical History.] 11 BY CATHOLIC « KITEKS. Caes. Earoaii Auuales Erclesiastici. RomiB. 1588-1607. 12 Bde. fol. reaches to 11981 the edition of Muganl. K.Ui, was improved by the author himself, and has, consequently, been made the basis of succeeding editioha. Among the continuators of Baronius, has been most valued Odoricus Raynaldus Ann. Eccles. Tom. xiii.-xxi. Rom. 1646-77. {Tom. xxi. was suppressed by Romish censorship till 1689. Of Tom. xiii.-xx. anew and improved edition was published by the author at Colon. 1693, ss.), reaches to 1565. This was con- tinued by Jac. de Laderchio. Ann. Eccl. T. xxii.-xxiv. Rom. 1728-37, embracing the ■ years 1566-71. Other continuations of Baronius are tboseof Abr. Bzovii. Rom. 1616. Tomiviii. to 1564 /improved edition. Colon. 1621, ss.), and that of Henr. Spondani. Paris. 1640-41. Tomi ii. to]6'40. Critiques: Is. Casauboni Exercitationes XVI. ad Card. Baronii prolegom. Lon- dini. 1614. fol. continued by Sam. Basnagius : Exercitationes — in quibas Card. Baronii Annales ab anno Christi XXXV., in quo Casaubonus desiit, expenduntur. Ultraj. 1692, also 1717. 4. Anton. Pagi critica historico-chronologica in annales Baronii ed. Franc. Pagi. Autverp, properly Geneva, 1705, also 1727. T. iv. fol. A great edition of Baronii Annales, Raynaldi continuatio, Pagi critica, and of other smaller writings, by Dom. Ge. and Dom. Jo. Mansi. Luceb. 1738-59. 38 Bde. fol. NataUs Alexandri Hist. Eccles. Vet. et Novi Testament!. Paris. 1699. 8 Bde. fol. (reaches to the end of the Ipth century). Claude Fleury Histoire Ecclesiastique. Paris. 1691-1720. 20 Bde. 4 (reaches to 1414), continued by Jean Claude Eabre. Paris. 1726-40. 16 Bde. 4. Casp. Sacharelli Historia Ecclesiastica. Rom. 1772-95. 25 voU. 4. Fr. L. Graf V. Stolberg : Geschichte der Religion Jesu. Hamburg. 1806-19. 15 Bde. 8, con- tinued by F. v. Kerz. Mainz. 1825, ff. Th. 16-38, down to the 12th century. Th. Ka'ter- kamp's Ku'chengeschichte. Munster. 1819-34. 5 Bde. to 1153. J. N. Locherer's Gesch. d. Christi. Rel. n. Kirche. 9. Thle. Ravensburg. 1824, ff. to 1073. J. N. Hortig's Hand- buch d. ChristL Kirchengesch. beendigt von J. J. J. DoUingfer. S Bde. Landshut. 1826- 28. A new working up of the materials : Dollinger's Gesch. d. Christi. Kirche. Bde. 1 in £ Abtheil. Landshut. 1833, 35, partly to 680. J. J. Ritter's Handb. der Kirchengescli. Elberfield. 1826, ff. 3 Bde. to 1792 (Bd. 1 u. 2, 5te Aufl. Bonn. 1854). J. O. Ritter v. Rauscher Gesch. der Christlichen Kirche. Salzburg. 1829. 2 Bde. to 313. Jac. Rutten- stock Instit. Hist. Eccl. N. T. 3 T. Vienna;. 1832, ss. to 1517. J. Annegam Gesch. d. Christi. Kirche. Munster: 1842, f. 3 Thle. to 1841. Manuals by Matthias Dannenmayr (Institutt. h. e. N. T. Viennce. 1783, ed. 2, 1806. 2 voU.). Fr. Xav. Gmeiner (Epitome h. e. N. T. 2 voU. ed. 2. Gratz. 1803). Ant. Miclil. (Christi. K. G. 2 Bde. Miinchen. 1807, 11. 2te Aufl. 1811, 19.) DolUnger. Landshut. 1836. ff. (Bd. 1 u. Bd. 2 Abthl. 1, partly to 1517). Job. Alzog (5te Aufl. Mainz. 1854). INTEODUCTION. { 3. KELATION, ETC. ]9 § 3. . RELATION OF CHURCH HISTORY TO OTHER HISTORICAL STUDIES. Ecclesiastical history forms a part of the general history of culture^ and of religion,'^ and requires attention to other de- partments of study, that we may judge rightly of the import- ance of Christianity in relation to general culture, and of its contests with other religions. It is scientifically co-ordinate with political history,^ the history of philosophy,'^ and the history of literature,^ with which it stands in so close relationship, that, to be fully understood, it can as little dispense with their aid as they can dispense with it. Besides, it requires, as other histor- ^ ^. G. Herder's Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte d. Mensohheit. Riga u. Leip- zig. 1784-91. 4Thle. 8. J. G. Grater's Gesch. des Menschl. Gesclileclits a. d. Gesichts- punkte-der Haraanitat. Leipzig. 1806, 7. 2 Bde. 8. ^ Bemh. Picard Ceremonies et Coutames Religieuses de tous les peuples du monde. Amsterd. 1723-53. 9 vols. fol. F. H. St. Delaunaye Histoire generale et particaliere des Religions et du Culte do toas les peuples da monde. Paris. 1791. 2 T. 4. Cli. Meiners AUg. Krit. Geschichte der Religionen. Hannover. 1806, 7. 2 Bde, 8. F. Mayer Gescb. aller Religionen, als Mythologisches Taschenbuch. Weimar. 1811. 8. ■' Universal History, 60 vols. 8vo. Loudon. 1747-63. Translated into German by Baum- garten and Semler, and continued by a society of learned men in Germany and England (A. L. Schloezer, L. A. Gebhardi, E. Tozen, J. G. Meusel, J. F. Le Bret, F. Rubs, and others). 1771-1810. A collection of explanatory writings and additions to the Universal History was published at Halle, 1747-65, in 6 Theile 4to. History of the European States, published by A. H. L. Heeren and F. A. Ukert. Ham- bui-g. 1829, fF. Up to the present time have appeared — History of the Germans, by J. C. Ptister, 5 vols.; of the Austrian empire, by J. Count Mailath, 5 vols.; of the Prassian empire, by G. A. H. Stenzel, 5 vols. ; Saxony, by C. W. Boettiger, 2 vols. ; Portugal, by H. Schaefer, 5 vols.; Spain, by F. W. Lembke, 1 vol.; France, by E. Al. Schmidt, 4 vols. ; France in the time of the Revolution, by W. Wachsmuth. i vols. ; Italy, by H. Leo, 5 vols. ; England, by J. M. Lappenberg, 2 vols. ; the Netherlands, by Van Kampen, 2 vols. ; Denmark, by F. C. Dahlmann, 3 vols. ; .Sweden, by B. G. Geijer, 3 vols. ; Poland, by R. Ropell, 2 vol.; Russia, by Ph. Strahl, 2 vols. ; the'Osmans, by Zinkeisen, 1 vol. O. F. Schlosser's Weltgeschichte in zusaramenbangender Erzahlung, 4 volumes are already published in seven parts {down to the year 1409). Fraukf. on the Maine, 1815- 41. 8vo. <■ Jac. Brackeri Historia Critica Philosophiae. Lips. 1741-<)7. 6 Bde. 4. D. Tiede- manns's Geist der Speculativen Philosophie. Marb. 1791-97, 6 Bde. 8. J. G. Buhle's Lehrbuch der Gesch. Skr Philosophie. Gott. 1796-1804. 8 Thle. 8. The same author's Gesch. der neuem Philosophie seit der Epoche d. Wiederherstellung d. Wissensch. Ebeud. 1800-5. 6 Bde. 8. W. G. Tennemann's Gesch. d. Philosophie. Leipzig. 1798- 1820. 11 Bde. 8. H. Ritter's Gesch. der Philosophie. (Th. 5u. 12. Gesch. der Christl. Philosophie.) Hamburg. 2te Aufl. 1837—1854. 5 L. Wacliler's AUgem. Gesch. der Literatur.- 3te Umarbeituug. Fraukf. a. M. 1833 20. INTRODUCTION. $ 3. UELATXON, ETC. ical studies do, historical geography,^ chronology,'^ philology,^ diplomatics,^ numismatics, heraldry, and derives special assist- ance from ecclesiastical gcQgraphy and statistics}^ ^ For this the following are nsefnl : — Cbr. Krase's Atlas zur Gescli. aller'Europ. Lander u. Staaten von ihrerersten.Bevolkening: an bis auf die neuestenZeiten. 6teAasg. Halle. 1841. Hfte. fol. K. v. Sproner'a Historisch-G-eographischer Handatlas. Gotha. 1837, ft' bis jetzt G Lieferangen in 47 Cbarten. ' The general works on chronology : J. Ch. Gatterer'a Abrisz der Cbronologie. Gott- ingen. 1777. 8. L'Art de verifier les Dates des Faits Historiques, &c., par un religieux Benedictin. Paris. 1750. 3 Thle. 4. In the latest edition it appeared par M. Viton de Saint- Alais in two parts ; L'Art, &c. avant I'ere Chretienne, 5 Tomes ; L'Art, &c. depuis la Naissance de notre Seigneur, 18 Tomes. Paris. 1818 a. 19. 8. Dr. L. Ideler's Hand- bucb der mathemat. u. techniscben Cbronologie. 2 Bde. Berlin. 1825, 26. The same author's Lehrbucb der Cbronologie. Ebend. 1831. Dr. Ed. Brinckmeier's prakt. Hand-_ buch der Histor. Cbronologie. Leipzig. 1843. In addition to the well-known chronological distinctions ab urbe condita, according to the consuls, emperors, &c., the following eras are important in cbarch history. Aera con- tractionnm or Seleucidarum, beginning B.C. 312, 1st October, formerly the most, common in the east, and to this day the ecclesiastical era of the Syrian Christians. AeraHIspanica begins 716 A.U.C., 38 B.C., abolished in Spain in the fourteenth century, in Portugal not until 1415. Aera Diocletiana or aera Martyrmn, begins 29th August, a.d. 284, used in the Chris- tian Koman empire, and still current among the Copts. Cyclus indictionum, a fifteen years' cycle constantly recurring, which first began on the 1st September, 312, but in the middle ages assumed the usual commencement of the year. Aera Coustantinopolitana reckons after the creation of the world, the 1st September, 5508 B.C., since the council of Tralla (692), in civil use among the Greeks, among the Russians abolished in 1700. Be sides the different commencements of the year must be noticed in the reckoning of time. Comp. Ideler's Handbnch ii. 325, ff. 8 For the later Greek and Latin generally : C. du Fresne Glossarium ad Scriptores mediae et iufimae Graecitatis. Lugd. 1688. 2 Tom. fol. C. da Fresne Glossar. ad Scriptores mediae et infimae Latinitatis. Edit, nova operd et stud. Monachorum ord. S. Bened. Paris. 1733-36. 6 voll. fol. P. Carpentier Glossar. novum ad Scriptores med. aeVi cum Latinos turn Gallicos. Paris. 1766. 4 voU. fol. Glossar. manuale ad Scriptores mediae et infimae Latinitatis, (by J. C. Adelung.) Hal. 1772-84. 6 voll. 8. Here also belong all glossaries for the dialects of the middle ages. As every department of life and science has its peculiar ideas and expressions, so in like manne« the Christian church. For this ecclesiastical and theological terminology, which can not, indeed, fitly lay the foundation of an ecclesiastical philology as a peculiar study, comp. J. C. Suiceri Thesaurus Ecclesias- ticus e patribus Graecis. Second edition. Amsterd. 1728. 2 vols. fol. C. L. Baueri Glos- sarium Theodoreteum, appended to Schul^'s edition of Theodgret (Halle. 1774), and Indes latmitatis Tertullianeae, by Schutz and Windorf, annexed to Semler's edition of Tertullian (Halle. 1776). ' General works on Diplomatics : J. Mabillon De He Diplomatica, ed. 2. Paris. 1709. Supplem. 1704. Nouveau Traite de Diplomatique par deux relig. B^nedictins de la Congr. de St. Maur. (Toustain et Tassin.) Paris. 1750-65. 6 voll. 4." Gatterer's, Abriss der Diplomatik. Gott. 1798. 8. K. T. G. Schonemann's Vollstandiges System der Allgemeinen Diplomatik. Hamb. 1801. 2 Bde. 8. i" Caroli a S. Paulo Geographia Sacra s. notitia antiqua dioeeeseon omnium veteria ecclesiae, cur. J. Clerico, Am8tel."1703. fol. Fr. Spanhemii Geograph. Sacra et Eccles. (0pp. T. i. Lugd. Bat. 1701.) Bingham Origg. Eccl. lib. ix. For later times: K. F Staudlin's Kirchl. Geograpbie u. Statistik. Tubingen. 1804. 2 Thle. 8. Kircbl. Statistik von Dr. Jul. Wiggers. 2 Bde. Hambai% n. Gotha. 1842. Atlas Antiquus Sacer, ecclesiasticus et profanus, collectns ex tabulis geographicis Nir . INTKODUCTION. } 4. SOURCES OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 21 §4. OF THE SOURCES OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. The sources of ecclesiastical history, like those of every other history, may be traced back to private testimony.^ original doc- umentSj and monuments. To the first belong not only ilte rec- ords of ecclesiastical events which are Original to us,^ and biographies of remarkable persons in the history of Christianity, particularly of hierarchs? and saints,^ but also other works of Christian writers^ especially the theological^^ and even many Sansonis. Tabalas emendavit J. Clericus. Amstel. 1705. fol. Atlas Sacer s. Ecclesias- licns desci-iptas a J. E. Th. Wiltach. Gotha. 1843. fol. 1 Literary History of Ecclesiastical History, see C. Sagittarii Introductio in Historiam Ecclesiasticara. Jenae. 1718. Tom. i. 4, with the supplements in Tom. ii. (curante J. A. Schmidio, 1718, p. 1-706.) Ch. W. P. Walch's Grundsiitze der ^ur Kirchenhistorie des N. T. nothigen Vorbereitungslehren u. Biicherketintniss. Gott. 1773. 8. Schrockh's Kirch- engesch. Bd. 1. S. 141, ff. 0. F. Staudlin's Geschichte u. Literatur der Kirchengesch. herausgeg. v. J. T. Hemsen. Hannover. 1827. 8. Comp. the works about to be quoted in Note 4 below. 2 Especially of the popes. The oldest collection of the biographies of them is Anastasii l^ibliothecarii (abbot in Rome about 870) Liber Pontificalis. This, together with the fol- Wiwing collections, has been inserted in Muratorii Reram Ital. Scriptores, T. iii. ^ Existing in great numbers, but only to be used with great caution. Acta Sanctorum, quotquot toto orbe coluntur. Antverp. 1643-1794. 53 vols. fol. A work of the Antwei-p Jesuits — Jo. Holland (he began it ; hence the publishers are called Bollandists), God. Heuschenius, Dan. Papebrochius, &c., arranged according to the days of the month. The .*)3d volume contains the €th of October. The apparatus collected for the work, which w^as long unknown, to which alone about 700 MSS. belong, came to Brussels from the abbey Tongerlno, in the Bibliothfeque de Bourgogne. Since 1839 the Jesuits have been working ■j|joa tb . continuation in Tongevloo at the expense of the Belgian government. De ProsecuRorie Operis BoUandiani, quod Acta Sanctorum inscribitur. Namar. 1838. 8. Aremoire so.' les BoUandistes par M. Gachard, in the Messager des Sciences et des arts de la Belgique. T, iii. (Gand. 1835), p. 200. On the history of the Bollandists. see vv at IS written in the Bonn. Zeitschrift fiirPhilos.u. kath. Theol. Heft. 17. S. 245, ff. Heft. 20. S. 235, ff. ■ ' * Literary collections relating to the fathers : Nouvelle Bibliothdque des Auteurs Eccle- siastiques, par L. Ellies du Pin- Paris. 1686-1714. gr. 8, with the continuations : Biblio- thdque des Auteurs separes de la Communion de I'Eglise Romaiue, da 16 et 17 si^cle par '¥A\. du Pin. Paris, 1718-19. 2 vols., and the Bibliothdque des Aut. Eccles. du 18 siMe, par (Maude Pierre Goujet. Paris. 1736-37. 3 vols. gr. 8. Comp. Remarques sur la Biblioth. de M. du Pin par Matthieu Petitdidier. Paris. 1691, ss. 3 Tom. 8, and Critique de la Biblioth. de M. du Pin, par Rich. Simon. Paris. 1730. 4 Tom. 8. Histoire des Auteurs Sacr^s et Ecclesiastiques, par R. Ceillier. Paris. 1729, ff. 24-Thle 4 (reaching to the thirteenth century). W. Cave, Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Historia Literaria.. Oxon. 1740. Basil. 1741. 2 voU. fol. (to the Refonnetion). Casp. Oiidini Commentarius de Scriptoribus Ecclesiast. Antiquis. Lips. 1722. " voll. fol. {to the year '4601. J. A. Mohlers Pati'olosie, berausgegeben v. Reithmayer. Bd. 1. Reffensburc. ^2 INTRODUCTION. § 4. SOURCES OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. icritings proceeding from persons not Christians^ who came iu contact with, Christians. Among the original documents the following must be partic- ularly examined : the laws of different states^ as far as they have exerted an influence on the Christian church, or have themselves arisen under the influences of the church itself ; the acts and ordinances of ecclesiastical councils ;^ the official vn'itings of the heads of churches^ especially of the popes ;^ the rules of monastic orders -^ confessions of faith ^ liturgies^ Sfc} Monuments are eccUsiastical buildings^ monuments of the dead. 1840. J. Chr. F. Bahr die cliristl. romische Tlieologie. Carlsruhe. 1837, and his Gesch. de romisclien Literatnr im karolingischen Zeitalter, 1840 (a second and third supplementary volume, to his History of Roman Literature). J. A. Fahricii Bibliotheca Ecclesiastic a. Eamb. 1716. fol. Ejusd. Biblioth. Latina mediae et infimae Aetatis. Hamb. 1734-46. 6 vols. 8 (enlarged by Mansi. Patav. 1754. 3 vols. 4), also Fahricii Biblioth. Graeca (Hamb. 1705, ss. voll. xiv. 4, ed. nova variomm coris emendatior curante G. Ch. Harless. Hamb. 1790-1809. vol. xii. 4, incomplete), and Biblioth. Latina (ed. 4. Hamb. 1722. 3 Tomi. 8. anct. ed. J. A. Emesti. Lips. 1773, 74. 3 Tom. 8), contain accounts of ecclesiastical authors. A Supplement to the last work is presented in C. T. G. Schoenemanni Biblioth. Hist. Literaria Patrum Latin, a TertulUanc usque ad Gregor. M. Tomi ii. Lips. 1792, 94. 8. Patres ecclesiae are, in the opinion of Catholics, the orthodox ecclesiastical writers as far as the thirteenth century (these, howevei, are 'not. of normal authority, like the Doctores Ecclesiae, Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome, Gregory the Great, Thomas Aquinas, and Bonaventura). Protestants usually restrict the appellation to the first six centuries, as the purer period of tbe church. The works of the fathers not included in separate collections are found in the large collections, such as : Magna Bibliotheca vett. Patmm. Paris. 1654. 17 Tomi. fol. Maxima Bibliotheca vett. Patrum. Lugdun. 1677. 27 Tomi. fol. Andr. Gallandii Biblioth. vett. Patrum. Venetiis. 1765, ss. 14 Tomi. fol. 3 Chr. W. F. "VValch Entwurf einer Vollstandigen, Geschichte der Kirchenversamm- lungen. Leipzig. 1759. 8. Sagittarianae Introductionis in Histor. Eccl. Tom. ii. curante J. A. Schmidio (Jenae. 1718), p. 707. Collections of the proceedings of general councils : Conciliorum omnium collectio Regia. Paris. 1644. 37 vols. fol. Sacrosancta Concilia — stud. Ph. Labbei et Gab. Cossarti. Paris. 1672. 18 vols. fol. (with a supplementary volume by Baluzius. Paris. 1683). Conciliorum collectio Regia maxima stud. J. Harduini. Paris. 1715. 12 vols. fol. Sacrosancta Conoilia — curante Nicol. Coleti. Venet. 1728, ss. 23 vols. fol. (with the supplementum, by J. Dom. Mansi. Lucae. 1748. 6 vols, fol.) Sacrorum Conciliorum nova fet amplissima collectio. Cur. J. D. Mansi. Florent. et Venet. 1759, ss. 31 vols, fol., extending to 1509. 6 Bullarium Romanum. Luxemh. 1727. 19 vols. fol. Bullarium amplissima collectio op. Cai". Coquelines, from the seventh volume onward, with the title, Bullarium Romanum s. novissima collectio ApostoUcarum Constitutionum. Romae. 1739, ss. 14 Tomi in 28 Paitt. fol., with the continuation, Bullarium Magnum Romaiinm Summorum Pontificum dementis XIIL et XIV., Pii VI. et VII., Leonis XII., et Pii VIII. Rjjmae. 1833, ss. 69 fasc. fol. ^ Lucae Holstenii Codex Regularum Monasticamm. (Kom. 1661. 3 voll. 4), auctu3 a Mai-. Brockie. Aug. Vmd. 1759. 6 voll. fol. s J. A.Assemani Codex Liturgicus Ecclesiae Universae. Rom. 1749. 13 voll. 4. L. A. Muratorii Liturgia Romana vetus. Venet. 1748. 2 voll. fol. Eus. Renaudot Liturgiarum Orientalium Collectio. Paris. 1716. 2 voll. 4. INTRODUCTION. J 5. USE OF THE SOURCES. 2'J stone inscriptions, and other works which art has produced in ihe service of the church. §5. USE OF THE SOURCES. The object of investigations in church history is to reproduce, directly from the original sources, the facts belonging to the sphere of the church, in its external and internal life, in their manifesta- tions as well as their grounds, and also in their causal connec- tions. For this purpose the historian requires not only a pene- trating and unbiased inteij/retation of the sources which present themselves, but also historical criticism, to enable hyn to judge of the genuineness, integrity, and credibility of the sources, not only in general, but in each particular case.^ This criticism must be the more watchful, since distortions of historical truth frequently appear in the province of ecclesiastical history, pro- duced by credulity and ignorance, by prejudice and partisan sliip, by the desire to adapt it to certain ends, and even by de- ceit. In those cases in which the sources afford nothing at all, or what is false, relative either to single facts or their causal connection, the inquirer must have recourse to historical con- jectures, whose probability may border very nearly on truth, but often, perhaps, may rise very little above other possibilities. In forming such historical conjectures, he must be guided by a careful consideration of existing relations, of the character of the period and persons, by analogy, and even by the false data of the sources. The ecclesiastical historian must renounce party interest, as well as prejudices arising from the peculiarities of his time. On the other hand, he can not penetrate into tlie in ternal character of the phenomena of church history without a Christian religious spirit, because one can not generally com- prehend aright any strange spiritual phenomenon without re producing it in himself. It is only investigation of this nature that can discover where the Christian spirit is entirely wanting, * Erncsti de fide historica recte aestimanda (in his Opusculis Philologico-Crilicis, ed. 2. 24 INTRODUCTION. } 6. ARUANGEMENT OF MATERIALS. where it is used merely as a mask, and what other spirit has taken its place. Wherever it exists it will not be ini.'staken, al- though it should manifest itself in such ways as are foreign to the spirit of our own times. §6. ARRANGEMENT OE THE MATERIALS OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORV.- HISTORIC REPRESENTATION. The old methods of arranging the materials of ecclesiastical history according to years, or of dividing them into centuries, have been rightly abandoned. 'The division into periods, by means of epochs, has been generally adopted, although great diiference prevails in fixing these periods. We assume four periods : the first. To the time of Constantino, the first develop- ment of the church under external oppression ; the second. Till the beginning of the image controversies, the development of Christianity as the prevailing religion of the state ; the third, Till the Reformation, the development of the Papacy prevailing over the state ; the fourth, The development of Protestantism.' The contents of each period may be arranged either chronologi- cally or according to a general scheme taken from the different relations of the church. (§ 2.) Both methods used exclusively have their advantages and disadvantages. In the chronological arrangement things similar are often too widely separated, and the lines of development are torn asunder. In the otho." arrange- ment, when the periods are large, the mutual influence which the development of separate ecclesiastical relations has on each o^teT at different times is obscured, and the survey of the entire CjUtlilion of one particular time is rendered difficult. We must thheir spiritual culture was concerned.' The love of boys, v/hich was so general, and inspired so many poets, shows how art min- istered even to unnatural vices. The mysteries were far from presenting a better esoteric religion than that of the people.'' They offered nothing but a secret mythology which attached itself to the popular religion — a secret ritual to be practiced in worshiping the gods — directions for the purification of the ini- tiated, accompanied, it is true, by several moral precepts, but all for the purpose of making the deities peculiarly propitious to the initiated. §11. RELIGION AND MORALS OF -THE ROMANS TO THE TIME OF AUGUSTUS. Ch. D. Beck iJber den E'mfluss der rom. Religion anf die Charakter des Volks and des Staats {prefixed to his translation of Ferguson's History of the Roman Republic, Bd. 3, Abth. 2, S. 5, ff.). Dapolytheisme remain. Ouvrage posthume par Benj. Constant. Paris. 1833. Die Religion der Homer aus den Uuellen dargestellt von J. A. Hartong. STheile, Erlangen. 1836. 8vo. The religion of the Romans was of a more grave and moral character, although in it the Grecian element was mixed up with the Etrurian. We find the ancient Romans distinguished not only for their political but their domestic virtues, and for a chastity rarely found in the bosom of heathenism. As long as Grecian art was unknown at Rome, so long, too, did the Gre- cian mythology with its poisoning influence remain unknown ;' but after the destruction of Carthage and Corinth, the national character generally, and the Roman religion along with it, un- derwent by degrees a great alteration for the worse.^ The riches which flowed into the city, the knowledge of Asiatic lux- 3 Compare the restricting discussions of Fr. Jacobs (Beitrage zur Gesch. d. weibl. Geschlechts in Griechenland : 1. allgem. Ansicht der Ehe ; 2. die hellen. Franen ; 3. von. den Hetaren), Vermischte Schriften. TIJ. 3. S. 157. 4 As Warbarton (the Divine Legation of Moses. Lond. 1742. Translated into German by J. Chr. Ciliaiidt. Frankf. u. Leipz. 1751. 3 Bde.), Thl. 1. Bd. 2, and many after him assame. Ou the other side see especially Chr. Aug. Lobeck, Aglaophamas s. de theo- giae mystico Graeconim cansis, libb. iii. t. i. Regiomontii Pniss. 1829. 8. ' Polyb. hist. vi. c. 54. Dionys. Halicam. Antiquitt. Roman, ii. c. 67, 69. Hartong, i. 244. J. A. Ambrosch, Studien u. Andeutungen imGebiete des altromischen Bodens und Caltus. Heft 1. (Breslau. 1839). S. 63. ' Hartnng, i. 249. Ambrosch, S. 69. INTRODUCTION I.— HEATHEN NATIONS, J 13. ROMANS. 35 aries, and the mode of instruction followed by Greek masters, led to licentiousness and excesses ; while the Grecian mythol- ogy, incorporated with Grecian art, was diffused by the poets, and entirely extinguished the old Roman character with its rigid virtue.' § 12. RELIGIOUS TOLERATION OF THE ROMANS. It was an universal principle among the ancients, that the gods themselves had arranged the peculiar form of their worship in every country. Hence all polytheistic religions were tolerant toward each other, as long as every worship confined itself to its own people or country. This toleration was also observed by the Romans.' On the other hand, to introduce strange gods and modes of worship without the sanction of the state was tan- tamount to the introduction of a superstition prejudicial to the interests of the community.^ When, therefore, after the ex- tended conquests of the Romans, foreign modes of worship were more and more introduced into the city, partly lessening, by that means, attachment to the national religion, and partly pro- moting even immoral practices, the laws against the sacra pere- grina were frequently renewed.' Religious societies of foreign 3 Compare Terentii Eunuch. Act iii. Seen. 5, v. 35. Ovid. Tristium u. v. 287, ss. Mar- tialis, lib. xi. Epigr. 44. Seaeca de brevit. vitae, c. 16 ; Cluid aliud est vitia nostra incen- dere, quam auctores illis inscribere decs, et dare morbo, esempio divinitatzs, excusatam licentiam 1 Compare de vita beata, c. 26. C. Meiner's Gesch. des Verfalls der Sitten xmd der Staatsverfassung der Romer. Leipz. 1782. 8. 1 Hartung, i. 231. Dr. K. Hoeck's rom. Geschichte vom Verfalle d. Republik bis zur VoUenduDg der Monarchic unter Constantin. (Braunschwieg. 1842, ff.) Bd. 1. Abth. 2. S. 216 u. 371. 2 Cicero de leg. ii. c. 8: Separatim nemo habessit decs,; neve novos, sed ne advenas, nisi publice adscitos, privatim colunto. 3 Compare, in particular, the extirpation of tlie Bacchanalian rites in the year 185 b.c Liviusxxxix. c. 8, ss., and the Senatusconsultum de toUeudis B acchanalibus, in the treat- ise about to be quoted of,Bynkershoek. Valerius Maximus i. 3, de peregrina religione rejecta. Cf. Com. van Bynkershoek de cultu religionis peregrinae apud veteres Romanos (in ejusd. qpp. omn. ed. Ph. Vicat. Colon. Allohr. 1761. fol. Tom. i. p. 343, ss.) Clir. G. F. "VValch de Romanorum in tolerandis diversis religionibus disciplina publica ('n aovis com- mentariis Soc. Reg. Soient. Goettingensis. Tom. iii. 1773). De Burigny mer.cire sur le respect, que les Remains avoient pour la rehgion, dans lequel on examine, jusqu'a quel degre de licence la tolerance etoit portee a Rome. (Memoires de I'Acad. des Isiscript. T, 36 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-U7. origin could not easily hold out against such prohibitions, since, coming under the Eoman idea of collegia^^ they were also op- posed by the laws against collegia ilUcita^^ and since all noctur- nal associations were forbidden under pain of death. *^ On the other hand, the private worship of strange gods was not so easily eradicated. § 13. RELATION OF PHILOSOPHY TO THE POPULAR RELIGIONS. As soon as philosophy was cultivated in Greece, the unity of ♦ Collegia, sodalitia, sodalitates, iraipelat. The Greeks and Romans were fond of such connections, which had their hasis partly in relationship (comp. the Roman gentes and curiae, the Athenian tpparpiaL), partly in similarity of profession (so the collegia tibicinum, aurificum, architectorum, &c., at Rome). They had both their own sacred rites, a common fund, and secret meetings and feasts [ipavoi]' Thus the priests of the same deities not only foimed collegia of this nature (comp. sodales Augustales, Aureliani, Sec), tut unions for the worship of certain deities were also reckoned collegia (for example, for the solem- nization of the rites of Bacchus, see note 3). So Cato says, in Cicero de senectut., c. 13 : Sodalitates me quaestore constitutae sunt sacris Idaeis Magnae Matris acceptis. So speaks Philo, in Flaccum, of the traiptiatQ koI cvvodot^ in Alexandria, al ael rcpo^daeL Ovaiuj tlcTiC>vTo Tolg TTpdyfiaatv kfinapoivovaai. Cf. Salmassii observatt. ad jus Rom. et Att?- cum, c. 3 u. 4. J. G. Stuckii antiquitatum convivialium, lib. i. c. 31. (0pp. torn. i. Lugd. Bat. et Amstel. 1695. fol. p. 173, ss.) H. E. Dirksen, bistor. Bemerkungen uber den Zu- stand der juristischen Personen nach rom. Recht, in his civilist. Abhandlungen (Berlin. 1820).Bd. 1. S.l, ff. * Besides the prohibitions in the time of the Republic, compare that of Julius Caesar (Sueton. Caesar, c. 42), Augustus (Sueton. Octavian. c. 32), &;c. Compare the later jurists in the Pandects : Gajus (about 160), lib. iii. (Digest, lib. iii. tit. 4. 1. 1) : Neque societas, neque coUegiam, neque hujusmodi corpus passim omnibus habere conceditur : nam et leg- ibus et Senatusconsultis, et Principalibus constitutionibus ea res coercetur, &c. Particular- ly Dig. lib. xlvii. tit. 22, de coUegiis et corporibus illicitis, Lex 1 (Marcianus, about 222) : Mandatis Principalibus praecipitur Praesidihus Provinciarum, ne patiantur esse collegia sodalitia. $ 1. Sed religionis causa coire non prohibentar: dum tamen per hoc non fiat contra Senatusconsultum, q^o illicita collegia arcentur. Lex 2 (Ulpianus t228) : Q-uisquia illicitum collegium usurpaverit, ea poena tenetur, qua tenentur, qui hominibus armatis loca publica vel templa occupasse judicati sunt (consequently according to Dig. xlviii. tit. 4, 1. 1, like those convicted of high treason). Lex 3 (Marcianus), $ 1 : In summa autem, nisi ex Senatusconsulti auctoritate, vel Caesaris, collegium, vel quodcunque tale corpus coierit, contra Senatusconsultum, et Mandata, et Constitutiones collegium celebrator. Cf. Jac. Cujacii Observationum, lib. vii. Observ. 30. Bam. Brissonii antiquitatum ex jure civili aelectarum, lib. i. c. 14. ^ Tab. ix. Lex 6 : Sei quel endo urbe coitus nocturnes agitasit, capital estod. This de termination was renewed by the lex Gabinia (Leges xii. Tabularum restitutae et illua- INTRODUCTION I.— HEATHEN NATIONS. } 13. PHILOSOPHY. 37 God was expressed in most of the schools,' and morality was placed on a more becoming and a religious foundation.^ But while philosophy could not fail of producing a high religious feeling in the narrow circle of the initiated, it occasioned a crude skepticism among the more numerous class of the half instructed. Although Plato and Aristotle directly expressed their sentiments regarding the popular religion in a reserved and cautious man- ner, and even conformed externally to its requirements,' yet their theology afforded a standard by which, when many parts of the popular faith were judged, they must necessarily vanish into nothing. The Stoic pantheism endeavored to preserve the current mythology by considering the deities as the fundamental powers of the universe, and explaining the myths allegorically ; but it destroyed, at the same time, all religious feeling by its spirit of pride.* The Epicurean philosophy, as far as it removed all connection between the gods and the world, making the lat- ter originate in chance, destroyed all religion and morality ; and though this was not its tendency in the eyes of the founder, it was certainly the aim of his later disciples. The skepticism of the middle and new academy exerted no better influence, at least in the larger circles. Soon after Greek literature had been introduced at Rome af- ter the time of Livius Andronicus (about 240 b.c), skeptical doi'.' cs manifested themselves there also.* Subsequently, the * Cf. Cicero de Nat. Deorum, i. c. 10, ss. Rad. Cudworthi systema intellectuale, vertit et illastr. J. L. Moshemias. (Jenae. 1733. fol.) p. 730, ss. [Ralph Cudworth's Intellectual System of the Universe. London, folio, 1678.] Chr. Meiner's hist, doctrinae de vero Deo. Leragov. 1780. p. ii. 2 Staudlin's.Gesch. der Moralphilosophie, Hannover, 1822, in many passages. Limburg B rower's work already quoted in $ 10. ^ r. A. Cams hist, aatiquior sententiaram Ecclesiae graecae de accommodatione Christo imprimis et ApostoHs tributa, diss. Lips. 1793. 4. p. 13, ss. For the manner in which the Grecian states judged respecting every departure from the public religion, see F. W. Tittmann's Darstellung der griechisch. Staatsverfassungen. Leipzig. 1822. S. 27, if. * For example, Seneca, epist. 73 : Jupiter quo antecedit virum bonum ? diutins bonus est. Sapiens nihilo se minoris aestimat, quod virtutes ejus Ispatio breviori clauduntur. Sapiens tarn aequo animo omnia apud alios videt, contemnitque quam Jupiter : et hoc se magis suspicit, quod Jupiter: uti illis non potest, sapiens non vult. Schwabe iiber das Verhaltniss der stoischen Moral zura Christenthum, in the ZeitschriH: fur Moral, by C. F. Bohme and G. Ch. MiJller, Bd. 1. St. 3. S. 38, ff. G. H. Klippel comm. exbibens doc- trinae Stoicorum etbicae atque christianae expositionem et comparationem. Goetting. 1823. 8. » Thpv Bnneared first nf r.ll in ■p'n-.ins /ar:q-1f.fl r r\ r,f_ Tirprn dp N'ol:, Vtt^nr \ i^ . 38 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-117. academy, the porch, and epicureanism, finding a more general recept'ion, from the time of the famous Athenian embassy, (Carneades, Diogenes, Critolaus, 155 b.c), the flourishing phi- losophy tended not only to weaken the popular religion,* but to destroy the religious faith of many.'' But although skepticism spread more .-ii.nd more, yet the unbelieving politicians and phi- losophers themselves agreed, that the native religion must be upheld with all their powers, as the support of the state, and of all the relations of life.^ With the multitude, no philosophy could take the place of the religious motives which lay in the popular religion ;^ and of foreign religious rites the opinion was, that they destroyed national feeling, and produced an inclination to for- eign bustoms and laws.'" Hence, even Scaevola (about 100 B.C.) wished to confirm anew the religion of the state by sepa- rating it from philosophy and mythology, whence proceeded its Euhememia noster et interpretatus et secutus est praeter caeteros Ennias. Ab Eahemero autem mortes et sepulturae demonstrantur deorum. Besides Ennius translated Epichar- mua'ff representation of tbe Pythagorean doctrine respecting God, nature, and the soul ; comp. Dr. L. Krahner's Gmndlinien zur Gesch. des Verfalls d. rom. Staatsreligion bis aaf die Zeit des August (a scbool-programine). Halle. 1837. 4, S. 20, ff. Ennius's 0"wn relig- ious views are given in Cic. de Divin. ii. c. 50 : E^o Deum genus esse semper (3i;ci, et dicam caeljtum ; Sed eos non curare opinor, quid agat humanum genus. ^ Oic. de invent, i. 29 : In eo autem, quod in opinione positum est, hnjusmodi sant pro babilia : — eos, qui philosophiae deht operam, non arbitrari Decs esse. Idem pro Cluentio, c. 61. De Nat. Deor. ii. c. 2. Tuscul. Qnaest. i. c. 5, 6. '' In Sallustiua in Catilina, c. 51, Caesar says: In luctu atque miseriis mortem aerumna rum requiem, noa cruciatum esse : eam cuncta mortalium mala dissolvere : ultra neque curae neque gaudio locum esse. And Cato says, in reference to Caesar*s speech, c. 52 : Bene et composite C. Caesar paulo ante in hoc ordine de vita et morte disseruit; falsa, credo, existimans, quae de inferis memorantur : diverso itinere maloa a bonis loca tetra, inculta, foeda atque formidolosa habere. ' Cicero de leg. ii. 7. See above § 9, note 4, de Divin. ii. 33 : Non sumus ii nos augures, qui avium reliquorumve signorum observatione futura dicamus. Erravit enim multis in rebus antiquitas, quas vel usu jam, vel doctrina, vel vetustate immutatas videmus. Retinetur autem et ad opinlonem vulgi, et ad magnas utilitates reipublicae mos, religio, disciplina, jus augurum, collegii auctoritas. ' Strabo, in geograph. i. c. 2, pag. 19 : Ov yap 6x>^ov tf. yvvaiKuv, Kal navroc xv3aio« ir'ATjdov^ iwayayclv 16yipovTeg, jroX^oiif uvajreiBovrnv dX?,oTpiovo/ielv kuk tovtov koi avvufiocriai. Kal cvardaeic haipsiai ts ylyvovrai, unsp f/Ktara /lovapxif av/iijilpef uvt' ovv udia nvl, uvTC yonri crvyyuonanc dvai. INTRODUCTION I.— HEATHEN NATIONS. $ 13. PHILOSOPHY. 39 corruption ;^^ and M. Terentius Varro, abiding by that separa- tion (about 50 B.C.), endeavored to prepare for it a new basis out of the doctrine of the Stoics. ^^ *' Aaf^stin. de civit. Dei, iv. 27 : Belatum est in Uteris, doctissimum poDtificen Scac- volam uisputasse tria genera tradita deorum ; unum a poetis, alteram a philosophis, ^errium a principibus civitatis. Primum genua nugatorium dicit esse, quod multa de diis iingantur indigna : secundum non congruere civitatibus, quod habeat aliqua supervacua, aliqua etiam quae obsit populis nosse (namely, non esse deos Herculem, Aesculapium, &,c. — eorum, qui sint dii, non habere civitates vera simulacra — verum Deum nee sexum habere, nee aetatem, nee definita corporis membra). Haee pontifex nosse populos nou vult, nam falsa esse non putat. Comp. Krahner, S. 45. '^ According to Augustinus de civ. Dei vi. 2, Varro said in his Rerum Divinarum, lib. xvi., the second part of his Antiquitates : se timere, ne (dii) pereant, non incursu hostili, Bed eivium negligentia : de qua illos velut ruina liberari a se dicit, et in memoria bonorum per hujusmodi libros recondi atque servari. He also distinguishes (1. c. vi. 5) tria genera theologiae, namely, mythicon, quo maxime utuntur poetae, physicon, quo philosophi, civile, quo populi. Primum, quod dixi, in eo sunt multa contra dignitatem et naturam immor- talium ficta. Secundum genus est, quod demonstravi, de quo multos libros philosophi reliquerunt. In quibus est : dii qui sint, ubi, quod genus caet. (Augustine adds : Nihil in hoc geuere culpavit. Kemovit tamen hoc genus a foro i. e. a populis : scholis vero et parietibus clausit. Illud autem primum mendacissimum atque turpissimum a civitatibus non removit). Tertium genus est, quod in urbibus cives, maxime sacerdotes, nosse atque administrare debent. In quo est, quos deos publice colere, quae sacra et sacrificia facere quemquam par sit. Prima theologia maxime accommodata est ad theatrum, secunda ad mundum, tertia ad urbem. (Plutarch also, Amator, c. 18, and de placitis philosojjh. i. 6, distinguishes this threefold theology, to ftvdcKOV, to (ftvaiKov and to 'koXltlkov). Respect- ing the religion of the Roman state, Varro, as reported by Augustine, 1. c. iv. 31, said : non se ilia judicio buo sequi, quae civitatem Romanum instituisse commemorat ; ut, si earn civitatem novam constitueret, ex naturae potius formula deos nominaque deorum se fuisse dedicaturum non dubitet confiteri. Sed jam quoniam in vetere populo essent accepta, ab antiquis nominum et cognominum historiam tenere nt tradita est debere se dicit, et ad earn finem illam scribere ac perscrutari, ut potius eos magis colere, quam despicere valgus velit. L. c. vii. 6 : Dicit ergo idem Varro adhuc de naturali theologia praeloquens, Deum se arbitrari esse animam muudi, quem Graeci vocant k6c7/iov, et hunc ipsum mundum esse Deum. Hie videtur quoquo modo confiteri unum Deum, aed ut plures etiam intro- ducat, adjungit, mundum dividi in duas partes, caelum et terram j et caelum bifariani in aethera et aera, terram vero in aquam et humum. Q.uas omnes quatuor partes animarum esse plenas, in aethere et aere immortalium, in aqua et terra mortalium : a summo autem circuitu caeli usque ad circulum lanae aethereas animas esse astra ac stcllas, eosque caelestes deos non modo intelligi esse, sed etiam videri. Inter lunae vero gyrum et iiimbonam ac ventorum cacumina aereas esse animas, sed eas animo, non oculis videri, et vocari heroas, et lares, et genios. Haec est videlicet breviter in ista praelocutione pro- posita theologia naturalis, quae non Imic tantum, sed et multis philosophis placuit. Tertul- lian's second book, ad Nationes, Is directed against this theology of Varro. Comp. HartuDg, i. 274. Krahner, S. 49. 40 riRST PERIOD.— DIV. I— A.D. 1-117. § 14. KEVOLUTION OF RELIGIOUS MODES OF THINKING UNDKR THS EMPERORS. C. Meiners Gesch. des Verfalls der Sitten, derWissenchaften und Sprache der Ramer in den ersten Jahrhunderten nach Christi Geburt. Wien a. Leipzig 1791. 8. S. 268, fi'. P. E. Miiller de hierarchia et studio vitae asceticae ia sacris et myateriis Graecorum Romauorumqae latentibus. Hafu. 1803. 8. (translated in the Neuen Biblioth. der Bchonen Wissench. Bd. 69 u. 70). To thig topic belongs the first section, viz., Origin of the — saperstition — till the time of Domitian. In the reign of the emperors the national deities, who were obliged to divide their honors with the most miserable of men/ sank by degrees still lower in the faith of the people.^ The at- tachment to traditional customs and institutions, decaying along with liberty, could no longer afford these gods a protection. Politics and habit secured them nothing more than a lukewarmj, external worship.^ The relations of the times did not lead men away from the error that had been abandoned, toward a some- what purer religion, but to a still grosser superstition. The cow- ardly weaklings,^ who were the offspring of a luxury surpass- 1 AccordiDg to Polybitis, 5, the custom of honoring benefactors with sacrifices and altars appeared first among the Asiatics, the Greeks, and Syrians. Similar honors were fre- quently paid to proconsuls in their provinces. (Cicero acTAtticum v. 21. Sueton. Oct. c. 53. Mongaalt, in the Memoires de I'Acad. des Inscr. t. i. p. 353, ss.) Caesar caused these honors to be decreed to him by the senate in Rome also. (Suet. Caes. 76). Augustus accepted in the provinces temples and colleges oi priests (Tacit. Annal. i. 10, Suet. Oct. c. 52) ; and so did all his successors, with the single exception of Vespasian. Domitian even began his letters with : Dominus et Deua noster hoc fieri jubet (Suet. Domit. 13). J. D. Schoepflini comm. de apotheosi s. consecratione Impp. Romanomm (in ejusd. com- mentt. hist. et. crit. Basil. 1741. 4. p. 1, ss.). 2 Senecae Ep. 24. Juvenal. Satyr, ii. v. 149 : Esse aliquos manes, et subterranea regna Et contum, et stygio ranas ia gurgite uigras, Atque una transiro vadum tot miltia cymba, Nee pueri credunt, nisi qui nondum aere lavantur. 3 Seneca de superstitionibus, apud Augustin. de civit. Dei, vi. c. 10 : Quae omnia sapiens servabit tanquam legibus jussa, non tanquam Diis grata. Omnem istam igno- bilem Deorum turbam, quam longo aevo longa superstitio congessit, sic adorabimtiSt nt meminerimus, cultum ejus magis ad morem quam ad rem pertinere. * Juveu. Sat. vi. 292-300 (comp. Meiners, 1. c. S. 85) : ' Nunc patimur longae pacis mala. Saevior armii Luxuria incubuit, victumque ulciscitur orbem. Nullum crimen abest, facinusque libidinia, ex quo Paupertas Romana pent : hinc fluxit ad istot Et Sybaris colJes, hinc et Rhodos et Miletos, Atque coronatum et petulans madidumque Torentum, Prima peregrines obscoana pecunia mores Intulit, et turpi frogerunt secula luxu Divitiae molles. TNTROD. I.-HEATHEN NATIONS. § 14. UNDER THE EMPERORS. 41 ing all bounds, must have stood open to every superstition, especially as dangers daily threatened them from those in power. Curiosity, and an inordinate longing for the secret and the aw- ful, contributed to increase the superstition. To this must be added the decline of the earnest study of the sciences (law and juridical eloquence being almost the only studies of the time) ; but, above all, the excessive corruption of the age.^ Cowardly vice sought partly to make magical rites subservient to its will,^ while it was, in part, driven to more powerful purifications by the stings of conscience. Already had the religions of the east, by their mysterious, fantastic worship, and the asceticism of their priests, made an impression on the superstitious disposition of the Romans, so that they had been restricted and opposed by the laws. But the current of the time that set in now broke through all laws. Foreign modes of worship and priests found their way into the state with a power that could not be re- pressed. In addition to them, a great number of astrologers (mathematici), who pretended to be initiated into the secret sciences of the east, interpreters of dreams, and magicians, spread themselves through the empire.'' The object of such per- 3 Compare especially the satires of Persius and Juvenal. Seneca de Ira, ii. 8 : Omni? Bceleribus ac vitiis plena snnt : ploB committitar, qaam qnod possit cocrcitione sanarl. Certatur ingenti quodam neqaitiae certamine : major quotidie peccandi cupiditas, re raif Trpof tqv debv aueQelacgt Kai Tctf ell "IT Tr'/itjaiov uSiKiaii i^iyiOveiKTiaav. 46 PIEST PEKIOD.— DIV. I.— A.J). 1-U7. transmitted privileges, and in the peculiar favor of Jehovah, increased equally with the hope that God would soon free his favorite people from the yoke of the heathen, and under the do- minion of Messiah elevate them to be the rulers of the earth. These earthly expectations and views, which the people painted to themselves in a highly sensuous degree, must have been very prejudicial to the inward religious feelings.* At the same time, the opinion was not rare, that it was unworthy of the people of God to obey a foreign power.'' On the other hand, the preju- dices and national pride of a people despised by the Romans, infused hatred into the minds of the procurators and other Ro- man ofKcials, which was often exhibited in provocations and oppressions. Hence arose frequent rebellions against the Ro- man power, till at last the general insurrection under Gessius Florus (65) led to the devastation of the whole land, and the destruction of Jerusalem, (79). By this means the strength of the people was broken for a time, but their disposition and aims were not changed. It remains for us to notice three sects of the Jews :' the Pharisees,'' in whom the Ji'.daism of that time, with the new doctrinal sentiments acqiiired in exile, and its own continued culture of the Levitical law, presented itself in a completed form. All the traits of the national character were presented by this sect in a still more cultivated degree, and hence it was the greatest favorite among the people. The Sadducees^ en- * Kespeoting the Jadaism of this time, see De Wette's biblische Dogmatik (2te Aufl. Berlin. 1818), § 76, ff. B aamgarten-Grusins, Grundzuge der bibl. Theologie. Jena. 1828, S. 117, ff. C. H. L. Poelitz dissert, de gravissimis theologiae seriomm Judaeorum decretis. Lips. 1794. 4. The same author's pragmatische Ueberslcht der Theologie der spatem Jaden. Leipz. 1795. Th. 1. 8. A. F. Gfrorer's das Jahrhnndert des Heils. 2 Abth. Stuttgart. 1838. On the ideas entertained of the Messiah : Bertholdt christologia Judae- orum Jesu Apostoloramque aetate. £rlang. 1611. 8. 0. A. Th. Keil historia dogmatis de regno Messiae Christi et Apostolorum aetate. Lips. 1781 (in Keilii opusculis, ed. J. D. Goldhom. Lips. 1821. Sect. i. p. 22, ss.) Bertholdt and Gfrorer have ventured to throw too much of the later Rabbinism backward into this period. ' Judas Galilaeus and his adherents, /lovov T/ye/iova Kal deairdTijv rbv Beov imeL%r]^6re( (Jos. Ant. xviii. 1, 6). 'loiiSof e/f imoaraaiv ivrjye Tovg iTTtX'Jpto^Ct kokI^ov, el 6pov te 'VufialoL^ Tc%elv vnofiivovai, Kal /ierii tov 6e6v olaovai dvtiTovi; dzairorai (de B. J. ii. 8, 1) cf. Dent. xvii. 15. ' Trium scriptoram illustrinm (Drusii, Jos. Scaligeri, et Serarii) de trihus Judaeorum spctis syntagma, ed Jac. Triglandius. Delphis. 1703. 2 voll. 4. 13e Wette's hebraisch- jiidische Arcbaologie, } 274, 275. Peter Beer's Geschichte, Lehren und Meinnngen aller hestandcDen vm\ vop^ beitehenden religiosen Sccten der Juden, und der Geheimlehre Oder Cahbal»b. BrCiDO. 1822, 23. 2. Bde. 8. ' Winer's bibl. Realworterbuch, ii. iA'j,. • Chr. G. L G'ossmann, do philosophia Sadducaeorum, Part iv Lips. 1836-38. 4, istif INTROD. II.— JEWS. J 16. HEATHEN'S SENTIMENTS TOWARD. 47 (leavored to give prominence to the old Hebraism, as it appears in the written law of Moses. The Essenes led an ascetic life in retirement,' and exerted but little influence over the people. § 16. SENTIMENTS OF THE HEATHEN NATIONS TOWARD JUDAISM. Judaism was respected by the heathen as an old, popular re- ligion ; and Jehovah, as the God of the Jews, received, particu- larly from the different rulers of this country, the honors due to the deity of the land.' But the Jews did not respect the religions of other people in the same manner, inasmuch as they treated their deities as nonentities, avoided all intercourse with foreigners as unclean, and expected that their own only true God would one day triumph over all other nations.^ Hence opinion that, though Philo does not mention the Sadducees, there are many references to them in his works, whereas the parties whom Philo combats are to be looked for in Alexandria (comp. Schreiter in Keil's n. Tzschimer's Analecten i. 1, a. ii. 1). Comp. Winer ii. 415. ' Respecting them see Philo quod omnis probus sit liber, Josephns in several places, Plinias Nat. Hist. v. 15. J. J. B ellerman's geschichtl. Nachrichten aus dem Alterthuma iiber Essaer u. Therapeaten. Berl. 1821. 8. Jos. Saner de Essenis et Therapeutis disqa. Vratislav. 1829. 8. A. Gfrorer's Philo nnd die alexandrinische Theosophie, ii. 299. A. F. Dahne's geschichtl. Darstellung der judisch-alesandr. Religionspbilosophie i. 469. Nean- der'a K. G. 2te Aufl. i. i. 73. According to Gfrorer, they were Therapeutae who had come into Palestine, and whose opinions were there modified. According to Baur (Apollonius of Tyana, p. 125), they were Jewish Pythagoreans. Dabne is of opinion that the Essenes had at least an Alexandrian basis for their sentiments. Neander, on the contrary, thinks that the peculiar tendency which characterized them had been formed independently of external circumstances oat of the deeper religious meaning of the Old Testament, but that subsequently it received foreign, old-oriental, Parsic, and Chaldean but not Alexandrian elements. ^ Even Alexander is said to have offered sacrifice in the temple at Jerusalem according to the direction of the high priest (Joseph. Ant. xi. 8, 5). So also Ptolemy Euergertes (c. Apion. ii. 5). Seleucus Philopator (2 Mace. iii. 1-3) and Augustus (Philo de Legat. ad Cajum. p. 1036) appointed a revenue for the daily sacrifices. Vitellius sacrificed in Jerusalem (Jos. Ant. xviii. 5, 3). TertuUian. Apolog. c. 26 : cujus (Judaeae) et deum victimis, et templum donis, et gentem foederibus aliquando, o Romani, honorastis. 2 Certainly the Jewish idea of the Messiah was known to the heathens in general, but we must not derive the measure of this knowledge from the passages : Sueton. Vespas. c. 4 : Percrebuerat Oriente toto vetua et constans opinio, esse in fatis, ut eo tem- fOTQ Judaea profecti rerum potirentur. Tacit. Hist. 5, 13 : Pluribus persuasio inerat, aatiquts sacerdotam Uteris contineri, eo ipso tempore fore, ntvalesceret oriens, profectiqne Jtidaea rerum potirentur. Both these historians have here manifestly copied Josephns ;de B. J. vi. 5, 4 : i/v XPVI^OC ili(ti''l3o}i,o; 6/ioiu; iv role Upoic evprifiivos ypu/i/iaaiv, lij 48 FIKST PEEIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-117. they were despised and hated, especially since antiquity was accustomed to estimate the power of the gods by the condition of the people that served them.^ They were most hated by the neighboring nations, particularly the Egyptians. In the eyes of the proud Romans, they were rather an object of contempt.'' We find, therefore, no attempt, under the dominion of the Ro- mans, to extinguish this hostile religion, such as that made; ly Antiochus Epiphanes, although, once and again, there seems to have been a design to make Roman customs universal in oppo- sition to the national prejudices. This hatred and contempt produced singular stories respecting the origin and history of the Jews,' as well as absurd notions of their religion f and only by the similarity of the words and the common reference to Vespasian, bat also the express mention of Josephas and his prophecy in Saeton. Vesp. c. 5. But Josephns, in this case, gave a Grecian expression to the Jewish notion of the Messiah, and the flatter- ing application to Vespasian was made for the purpose of giving importance to the writer's nation and himself, and to remove suspicion from them, for the present at least. Tacitus makes frequent use of Josephas in his history of the Jews, though he always takes a Homan point of view. 3 Cicero pro Flacco, c. 28. Sua cuique civitati religio, Laeli, est, nostra nobis. Stanti- bus Hierosolymis, pacatisque Judaeis, tamen istorum religio sacrorum a splendore hujus imperii, gravitate nominis nostri, majorum institutis abhorrebat ; nunc vero hoc magis, quod ilia gens, quid de imperio nostro sentiret, ostendit armis : quam cara diis immortali- bus esset, docuit, quod est victa, quod clocata, quod aervata. Apion ap. Joseph, contra Apionem, ii. 11. Minucii Felicis Octavius, c. 10; The heathen Caecilius says, Judaeorum sola et miscra gentilitaa unura — Beam — coluerunt ; cujus adeo nulla vis nee potestas est, ut sit Romauis numinibus cum sua sibi natione captivus. * Of ApolloniuB Melon, a rhetorician of Rhodes, B.C. 70, Josephus says (c. Apion. ii. 14), Tror^ jiiv wf udeotc 'nal /ntffavdpuTTOvg ?iocdopEi, irori (T av deiTiLav iifiiv 6vEi6l^et Kai Toiiina7.iv ianv virov ToTi/iav KaTJiyoptl Kal uiTOVoiav • liyct 6S Kai u^veotutov^ dvai Tuv l3ap(3upo}v. Tacit. Hist. v. 5, apud ipsos fides obstinata, misericordia in promptu, sed adversus oranes alios hostile odium ; c. 8, despectissima pars servientium — teterrima gens. Diodor. Sic. xxxiv. p. 524. Fhilostratus in vita ApoUonii, v. c. 33. Juven. Sat. xiv. 103. According to Philo (in Flacc. p. 969), there remained among the Egyptians naXacu Kal rpo-Kov Ttvd. yeyevv^fiiv-rj izpb^ 'lovdaiovQ air^x^^^^- ^°^' ^' Apion. i. 25, rCiv di cif i/iid; pXaaijiriiiLCiv Tjp^avTo k'lyvKTWL — ahiac Si woA/laf ITiajiov tov luaelv Kal ipdovEtv, caet. 5 The oldest sources of these fables are the fragment of Hecataeus Milesius (doubtless Abderita), in Photius's bibl. cod. 154, and the more malignant representation of the Egyptian Manetho (about 280 B.C., ap. Joseph, c. Apion. i. 26, comp. 14). The saying afterwards repeated with manifold remodelings by the Egyptian Chaeremon (at the time of Augustus, ap. Jos. 1. c. c. 32), by Lysimachus (about 100 B.C., ibid. c. 34), Justin (Hist. 36, 2), and Tacitus (Hist. v. c. 2). Comp. J. G. MQller in the theol. Studien u. Kritiken. 1843, iv. 893. Josephus wrote his two books agamst Apion in refutation of these calumnies against his countrymen. 6 Particularly concerning the object of their worship. Many, indeed, saw in Jehovah their Zeus or Jupiter : Varro ap. Augustin. de consensu evangel, i. 22. Aristeas de legis divinae interpr. historia, p. 3, tov y&p nuvTov iKdKTijv Kal KTiaTTjv Beov ovTOi aijiovTai, bv Kal TrdvTEC, Vfiel^ 6i ^dXiOTa, TTpooovofid^ovre^ iripoi^ Zrjva. According to another opinion the Jews worshiped the heaven (Juvenal. Sat. xiv. 97, nil praeter nubes et coeli INTRODUCTION II.— JEWS. } 17. OUT OF PALESTINE. 49 these in their turn contributed to increase the contempt of which they were the offspring. §17. CONDITION OF THE JEWS OUT OF PALESTINE. J. Remond Geschichte der Ausbreitang des Judenthams von Cyras bis anf den ganzlichen Untergangdes jM. Staats. Leipz. 1789. 8. Jost's Gesch. d. Israeliten. Th. 2. S.262. The Jewish people were by no means confined to Palestine. Only the smaller part of them had availed themselves of the permission of Cyrus to return to their native land, and there- fore numbers had remained behind in Babylonia, who, doubt- less, spread themselves farther toward the east, so that in the first century they were Tery considerable {ovk dXiyai fivpidSe^, Jos. Ant. XV. 3, 1). In Arabia, the kings of the Homerites (about 100 B.C.) had even adopted the Jewish religion, and sub- sequently it had reached the throne of Adiabene,hy the conver- sion of King Izates, (about 45 a.d., comp. Jos. Ant. xx. 2). At the building of Alexandria, Alexander the Great brought a colony of Jews to settle there, (Jos. de B. J. ii. 36) ; more were brought by Ptolemy Lagus to Egypt, Cyrene, and Lybia, (Jos. Ant. xii. 2, 4) ; and the Jews were very numerous in these places, (1,000,000, Philo in Flacc. p. 971. In Alexandria two-fifths of the population, ibid. p. 973). By trade they soon became rich and powerful.' Many Jewish colonists had also been carried into Syria by Seleucus Nicanor (Jos. Ant. xii. 3, 1), especially to Antioch, where, in after times, a great part of the population consisted of Jews (Jos. de B. J. vii. 3, 3). An- tiochus the Great was the first who sent a Jewish colony to Phrygia and Lydia (Jos. 1. c), and from these two countries they had spread themselves not only over the whole of Asia nnmen adorant). Others thooght that they worshiped Bacchus (Platarch Sympos. iv. Qu. 5, Tacit. Hist. 5. 5). According to others, the object of adoration was an ass's head (Apion ap. Jos. c. Ap ii. 7. Tacit Hist. 5. 4. Plut. 1. c.) According to others, a swine (Plutarch 1, o. Petronius in fragm. ; Jndaeaa, licet et Porcinum numen adoret, &:c.) Comp. the fable of the Jews sacrificing every year a Greek, and eating of his flesh {Joseph, c. Apion. ii. 8). Jo. Jac. Huldrici gentilis obtrcctator s. de calumnils gentilium in Judaeos et in primaevos Christianos. Tiguri. 1744. 8. ' C. E. Varges de stata Aegypti provinciae Romanae I. et II. p. Chr. n. saecnlis. Gott ineae. 1842. 4. o. 18. 39. 46. 50 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-117. Minor, hut also over Greece. The first Jews in Rome had been brought as prisoners of war by Pompey. They afterward obtained their freedom (therefore they were styled libertini, Philo de legat. ad Caj. p. 1014, Tacit. Ann. ii. 85), received permission from Julius Caesar to erect synagogues (Jos, Ant xiv. 10, 8), and soon occupied the greatest part of the city be- yond the Tiber (Philo 1. c). Thus, at the time of Christ it was not easy to find a country in the whole Roman empire in which the Jews did not dwell (Strabo, xiv. c. 2, Philo legat. ad Caj. p. 1031). All these widely dispersed Jews (tJ Siaairopd) considered Jeru- salem as their common capital, the sanhedrim of that place as their ecclesiastical supreme court ; and sent not only yearly contributions ,m money ((Jt'dpa^juo), and offerings to the temple (Philo de Monarch, lib. ii. p. 822, in Flacc. 971, legat. ad. Caj. 1014, 1023, 1031, Cicero pro Flacc. 12, Tacit. Hist. 5, 5), but also frequently repaired thither to the great festivals (Philo de Monarch, lib. ii. p^ 821), without detriment being done to tills common sanctuary by the temple built in Leontopolis (152 B.C.) by Onias.^ They obtaiued peculiar privileges, not only in the places where they settled as colonists at the desire of the princes of the country, but Caesar had allowed them the free exercise of their religion,' in a series of regulations enacted for the purpose, while he granted them several favors in relation to their law.* But these very distinctions merely served to make them still more hated by their fellow-citizens, with whom, therefore, they had frequent quarrels. 2 The temple of Onias was as far from causing a schism among the Jews as the dispate between the Pharisees and Saddacees, although the building of it was disapproved by the Palestinian Jews. ^ By tliis, therefore, their synagogues were put into the class of collegia licita (see above, J 12). Comp. the decree of the Praetors C. Julius ap. Joseph. Ant. xiv. 10, 8 : Tulo; Kal- (sap, b }jiieTt(soi ffrparijyof Kal viraro^, iv Tij SiaruyiiaTt KoTiiav didaov; awayeadai. Karti ■KoXiv, fi&vovg TovTovg oiK iKuT^vaev oire xPVI^aTa cvveia^ipeiv, ovte cvvSmrva woulv. ofioiuc 6i Kuyi> Tovg uXTmvs Buiaov; KcjAiov roirovf /idvov; ivirpino Karit ra iruTpia IOtj Kal vdjufia avvayEcBai tc xal laraadai. So also Augurs (Philo de legat. ad Cajum, p. 1035, 1036). * Comp. Jos. Ant. xiv. 10, 2, ff. Claudius, in his edict, gives briefly what was granted them, and what was required of them, (Jos. Ant. xix. 5, 3) : 'lovSaiovi Tov^ Iv TravTt r<^ i(f fiiiu; Koaiij) ri irdrpia Idtj i-VETriKaMTo; ^v?,daactv,^Kal iiri rftf tuv u^Xuv idvuv deiaiSaiftoviac i^ovdetl^nv. Decreta Bomana et Asiatica pro Judaeis ad cultum div. — secure obeundum — restituta a Jac. Gionovio. Lagd. But. 1713. 8. Decreta Romanorum pro Judiieis e Josepho coUecta a J. Tob. Krebs. Lips. 1768. 8. Day. Henr. Levyssohn disc, de Jud. sub Caesaribus conditione et de leeibns eoa SDectonlibas. Lu?d. Bat. 1828. 4 INTRODUCTION II.— JEWS. $17, OUT OF PALESTINE. 6i In the mean time, Judaism had been introduced in many ways among the heathen. It is true that only a few became complete converts to it by submitting to circumcision (proselytes of righteousness) f but several, particularly women,® attached themselves to it for the purpose of worshiping Jehovah as the one true God, without observing the Mosaic law (proselytes of the gate),^ which was sufficient for those who were not Jews, according to the opinion of the more liberal Jewish expositors.^ Others, on the contrary, especially in Rome, which longed after foreign rites, felt themselves attracted, not so much by the reli- gion, as by the religious ceremonial of the Jews. These indi- viduals observed Jewish ceremonies without separating them- selves on that account from heathen forms of worship, kept Jewish festivals, and trusted in Jewish conjurations. There 5 I. e., right, complete proselytes. Of such speaks Tacitus, Hist. v. 5 : Circumcidere genitalia instituere, ut dlversitate noscantur. Transgress! in morem eoram idem usurpant, nee quidquam prius imbuuntur, quam contemnere deos, exuere patriam ; parentes, liberos, fratres vilia habere. Juvenal. Sat. xiv. 96, ff. ? Quidam sortiti metuentem sabbata patrem. Nil praeter nnbes, et coeli numen adorant : Nee distare putant humana carne Buillam, Qua pater abstinuit, mox et praeputia poniint. Romanas autem soliti coDtemDere leges, Judaicum ediscuDt, et servant, ac meluunt jus, Tradidit arcano quodcunque Tolumine Moses. A list of existing proselytes is given by Causse in the Mnseuin Haganuin X. 549- 6 So almost all the women in Damascus, Joseph, de B. J. ii. 20, 2; so was Fulvia in the time of Tiberius, at Kome, vofilfiotg TvpoaeTiT^Xvdvta toX^ 'lovdaiKol^y Ant. xviii. 3, 5. So were many Judaizers in Syria, de B. J, ii. 18, 2, comp. the inscriptions in Hug, Einl. in d. N. T. 3te Aufl. Ii. 339. Act. xiii: 50,xvii. A. Comp. Strabo above, $ 14, note 7. ■f Such was the name originally given to those who were not Jews, but to whom per- mission was granted to dwell as aojoumers in Palestine, under the condition of observing certain laws {Levit. xvii. 8, ff., T'^^Jl^S "IB^X ?|"1 J , Exod. xx. 10 ; Deut. v. 14). But now, under altered circumstances all heathens who attached themselves to Judaism by the voluntary observance of those precepts, received the same appellation* These precepts, which, in the opinion of the Jews, were delivered even to Noah (comp. Genesis, ix. 4, ff.), and in him to the whole human race, are said to be seven. 1. A prohibition of idolatry; 2. Blasphemy ; 3. The shedding of human blood; 4. Incest; 5. Theft; 6. The command to practice righteousness ; 7. To eat no blood, ^nd no animal in which the blood still remains. See Seldenus de jure nat. et gent. lib. 1, c. 10. In the New Testament these proselytes ire cedled 0o,5ot;/i£vot Tov Qeov, ce(36fiEVot r. 6. e The school of Hillel, to which Gamaliel, Paul's preceptor, belonged, allowed these proselytes a part in the kingdom of the Messiah ; the school of Shammai excluded them from it — both with reference to Ps. ix. 18. See E. M. Roeth epiatolam vulgo ad Hebraeos inscriptam non ad Hebraeos sed ad Ephesios datam esse. Francof. ad M. 1836. 8*, p. 117. 126, ss. At the conversion of King Izates, Ananias was of the milder, Eleazer of the stricter views, Joseph. Ant. xx. c. 2. The later rabbins follow the opini(Hi of Hillel, as they do in all disputes bet-y een these two schools. Othonis lexicon rabbin, p. 943. Roeth, 52 FIRST PERIOD— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-117. soon appeared, also, Jew-ish jugglers, who ministered to this hea- then superstition as conjurors and soothsayers.^ At the same time, intercourse with the pagans could not exist without exerting some influence on the Jews. It must have partly smoothed away many rough points of their na- tional character, and have partly communicated to them a great portion of the cultivation of the nations among whom they lived. A philosophical mode of treating their religion was de- veloped especially at Alexandria, under the Ptolemies, in con- sequence of the study of Grecian philosophy, and thence a pe- culiar philosophy of religion, which may he traced from Aristo- hulus (about 160 B.C.), through the Booh of Wisdom,^" and the Therapeuiae,^^ to its most distinguished representative Philo 9 On acconnt of many impostors of this kind, Tiberias expelled tbc .TeTvs t'rora Rome, Jos. Ant. XV ill. 3, 5. The Jewish festivals were kept by the heathen, Horat. Sat. i. 9, 69 : hodietricesima sabbatii: vin' ta Curtis Judaeis oppedere ? Nulla mihi, inquam, Reli^io est. At ml: sum paulo inlirmior, unus Multorum. The women in particular frequented them. Cultaque Judaeo septima sacra Syro (Ovid. Art. Amat. i. 75), cf. Selden de jure nat. et gent. lib. ill. c. 15, ss. Gottl. Wemsdorf de gentilium sabbato. Viteb. 1722. 4. Tor ex- amples of Jewish conjurors see Acts xix. 13. Joseph. Antiq. viii. 2, 5 (Eleazer, who before Vespasian gave proofs of exorcism). Plinii Natur. Hist. xxx. o. 2 : Est et alia magices fac- tio a Mose et Janne et Jotape Judaeis pendens. Celsus accased the Jews (Orig. c. Cels. i. p. 21), airoiif ai^nv iyyiT^ov^, koI yo^relf ■apoaKcladai, tic b MaiJaijc avrol; yiyovt\ kiiiyriTfic- In regard to Jewish soothsayers see Juven. Sat. vi. 543 : Arcanam Judaea tremens mendicat in aurem, Interpres legum Solymaruni, et magna sacerdos Arboris, ac summi fida internuntia coeli : ' Implet et ilia manum, sed parcius. Aere minuto Qualiacunque voles Judaei sumnia vendunt. In this way the Jewish names for deity came into the formulae of heathen impostors, thongh nt a later period ; and were supposed to possess a peculiar magical power in union with the heathen appellations of God (Origines c. Cels. iv. p. 183, v. p. 262), and were found on gems; see my remarks in the Theol. Stud. u. Kritiken. 1830, Heft 2, p. 403. To this in- fluence of Judaism Seneca refers, de superstitionibus (ap. Augustin. de civit. Dei, vi. 11) : Cum interim usque eo sceleratissimao gentis con^nietudo convaluit, ut per omnes jam ter- ras, recepta sit, victi victoribus leges dederant. Illi tamen causas ritus sui noverunt, sed major pars populi facit, quod cur faciat ignorat. It might be expected that with this hea- then tendency many should make a mere external profession of Judaism. Henco we can explain why the Talmudists passed so severe a judgment on the Pharisees, although the latter were Still very zealous in making proselytes at the time of Christ (Matth. xxiii. 15) s Pfoselyti impediunt adventum Messiae, sunt sicut scabies Israeli, &c. Othonis- lexicon rabbin, p. 491. Wagenseilii Sota, p. 754. •10 In regard to those tiaces, see generally, Gfrorer's Philo, ii. and Dfthne's judisch-alex. Religionsphilosophie, ii. ;i Philo de vita contemplativa. The writings of Bellermannand Sauer mentioned in } 15, note!). Gfrorer ii. 280. Dahne, i. 443. Laterwriters, by drawing unhistorical conclusions, INTRODUCTION IT.— JEWS. $ 18. SAMARITANS. 53 (t 41 A.D.)^^ Though Philo's Platonic Judaism in this com- plete form was only the property of a few, yet the general ideas contained in it were widely diffused among the Hellenic Jews at that time, and afterward gained an important influence over the philosophy of religion which formed itself within the bosom of Christianity. This is especially the case with regard to the doctrine of Philo concerning the Logos, the God revealing him- self in the finite, in whom the Mosaic creative word, and the Platonic ideal world, were united. ^^ § 18. THE SAMARITANS. The mixed people^ who had grown up into a society after the and all succeeding authors except Photius, cod. 104. The same opinion was held after the Reformation by most of the older historians of the Catholic and Episcopal English church (see the writings on both sides in Triglandii syntagma, see above, $ 15, note 6), even Bern, de Montfaucon (not. ad Philon. de vit. contempl.), and L. A. Muratori (anecdot. graec. p. 330). The dispute of the former respecting thiB point, with Jo. Bouhier ; Lettres pour et contre sur la fameuse question, si les solitaires appellez Therapeutes etoient Chretiens. Paris. 1712. 8. Even Philo is said to have been on friendly terms with Peter at Rome, under Claudius (cif bfiLktav kldtlv IleTp^j Euseb. 1. c. Hieron. catal. 11), from which afterward arose the fable that he had embraced Christianity and afterward forsook It (Photius cod. 105). Of. Mangey praef in Phil. 0pp. 12 0pp. ed. A. Turnebus, Paris. 1552, in an improved edition by Dan. Hoescheliug Col. Allobrog. 1C13. Paris. 1640. Francof. 1691. fol. (citations are usually made accord ing to the pages of the last two editions, which coincide in this respect). Thorn. Mangey Xond. 1742. 2 voll. fol. A manual edition by A. F. PfeifFer. Erlang. 1785. 5 voll. 8, in- complete. In late times Angelo Mai found in the Greek language the writings of Philo de festo cophiiii and de parentibus colendis (Philo et Virgilii interpretes. Mediol. 1818, 8vo) ; and J. B. Aucher published in Latin several treatises preserved in an Armenian version {de providentia and de animalibus. Venet. 1822. fol. Philonis Jud. paralipomena Armena. ibid. 1826. fol.) All this has been taken into the latest manual edition by E. Richter. Lips. 1828-30. 8. tom. 8. Comp. P. Creuzer zup Kritik der Schriften des Juden Philo, in the theol. Studien u. Krit. 1832. i. 1. Dahne's Bemerkungen iiber die Schriften des Philo. das. 1833, iv. 984. Philo's Lehrbegriff von B. H. Stahl (in Eichhom's Bibl. d. bibl. Lit. iv. 5, 770). C. G. L. Grossmann quaeationes Philoneae. Lips. 1829. 4. A. Gfrorer's Philo a. die alexandrin. Theosophie. 2 Thle, Stuttgart. 1831. 8. A. F. Dahne's geschichtl. Darstelluug der jiidisch-alexandrin. Ueligionsphilosophie. 2 Abthl. Halle. 1834. 8. '3 I can not agree with the prevailing view, that the strictly monotheistic Philo thought of the Logos as hypostatic ally different from God. Since the infinite can not be revealed in the finite, God was under the necessity, so to speak, of making himself finite for this purpose, i. e., of separating from his own infinite perfections a finite measure of ideas and powers. God, in this aspect, is the Logos. Accordingly, the Logos is less than God, the revealed God less than deity in himself, but not, on that account, a hypostasis different from God. I In onnosition to Hena-atenberc-. who fBeitr. zur Einleit. ins. A. T. ii. 1. 31 affirms, that 04 FIEST PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-117. destruction of the kingdom of Israel, in the tract belonging to it (2 Kings xvii. 24, flF., D'i?i3, laiiapiirai), had constantly been an object of detestation to the Jews, because of their relig- ion, which had been at first compounded of Judaism and hea- thenism. The Samaritans, indeed, under the direction of the Jewish priest Manasseh, supported by the Persian viceroy San ballot,, had retained the Pentateuch, (409 b.c), erected a tem- ple on Gerizim, established a levitical priesthood — ^in short, the whole of Judaism as it then was f but all served merely to in- crease the hatred of the Jews against them, although they were united from this time onward, not only by neighborhood, but also by a similar religion, and a series of like fortunes. This hatred entertained by the Jews, which the Samaritans seemed not to have returned with like virulence, was not abated in their native land by the destruction of the temple on Gerizim by John Hyrcanus (109 b.c.) ; it was transferred to Egypt where Jewish and Samaritan colonies had been planted by Alex- ander and Ptolemy Lagus,' and has continued to the latest times. The Samaritans held fast by Judaism, as it had come to them by Manasseh, with rigid strictness ; and therefore the later de- velopments of it among the Jews remained unknown to them, as they did also to the Sadducees.'' Besides, in the history of the Samaritans were originally a heathen people, who accommodated themselves by degrees to the Mosaic institution, see Dr. Kalltar's treatise, die Samaritaner ein Mischvolk, in Pelt's theolog. Mitarbeit. Jahrg. 3, Heft 3. (Kiel. 1840) p. 24.— [Kitto's Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature, art. Samaritans^ 2 Nehem. xiii. 28. Comp, Joseph. Ant. xi. 7, -2. 8,' 2. 4. 6, who places incorreqtly the defection of Manasseh under Darius Codomannus, instead of Darius Nothus. Prideaux hist, des Jaifs. ii. 397. Jahn bibl. Archaologie, ii. 1, 278. G. Cresenius de pentatenchi Samaritan! origine, indole et aootoritate. Halae. 1815. 4. 2 Samaritan warriors were transplanted into Thebais by Alexander (Joseph. Ant. xi. 8, 6), into Lower Egypt and Alexandria by Ptolemy Lagns {Jo3. 1. c. xii. 1). A controversy between the Jews and Samaritans at Alexandria is related by Josephus, 1. c. xiii. 3, 4. * Concerning their doctinds see Philastrius de haer. cap. 7. Epiphanius de haer. 9. Leontius de sectis, c. 8: Their pentateuch was printed along with the Samaritan transla- tion in the Paris Polyglott, 1629. A more accurate knowledge of thdir condition and doc- trioes in modem times has been obtained from the letters of the Samaritans to Jos. Scaliger, 1.589 ; to men at Oxford, through the medium of Robert Huntingdon, 1671 ; to Job Ludolf, 1684 (see these letters in Eiohhom's Repertorium ix. and xiii.) ; and to De Sacy (f^iuce 1 808), comp. Sylv. de Sscy memohre sur l'i5tat aotuel des Samaritains. Paris. 1818 (trans- lated into German in St&udlin's and Tzschimer's Arohiv. for Kg. I. iii. 40). These were revised, and along with the recent letters containing two of 1820, republished by De Sacy iu the Notices et Extraits des mannscrits de la Bibl. roy. T. xii. Paris. 1829. In addition, a letter of 1700 was made known by Hamaker in the Archief voor kerkelijke Geflchiedenif iJoor Kist en Boyaards, v. 1 (Leiden. 1834). Besides this, Samaritan poems exist, wbicb INTRODUCTION II.— JEWS. $ 18. THE SAMARITANS. 6^ this people there was no ground for the same degree of national arrogance and hatred of every thing foreign as existed among the Jews.^ And while among the Jews the extravagant na- tional feeling fostered a more sensuous apprehension of the doc- trine of a special Divine providence in favor of their nation, and of the Messiah, and by this means favored a worldly view of the doctrines of religion ; that smaller measure of national pride existing among the Samaritans was the cause of their looking at Judaism more in its spiritual aspect.® This tendency was certainly promoted by the connection of the Samaritans with those of the same faith who had settled in Alexandria, and who were then partakers of Grecian culture. Still, however, the spiritual tendency which characterized the constantly oppressed people received no scientific improvement. But yet in Samaria there appeared in the first century in succession three founders belong to the times of the Arabs, and were first used in Gesenias de Samaritanoram theologia ex fontibus ineditis comm. {Weibnachtsprogramm, Halle. 1822. 4), and subse- quently published : Cannina Samaritana e codd. Londinensibus et Gotbanis ed. et illustr. Gail. Gesenius. Lips. 1824. 8. 6 Hence Josephug blames them {Ant. xi. 8, 6) : elolv ol ^a/xapecg rotovroi ttjv ^vciVy kv f£EV TaiQ avf£V7jg iTTtTtTjduaLV avTuv Ty KOtvcivlg.^ TrpoaTJKeiv aiiTotg ?ieyovT€g, Kol kK tuv 'IcjCTjTrov yevEaXoyovvreg airovg k^yovuv ''E(l>patfiov Kal Mavauaov. So, too, they are said to have professed them- selves to Alexander, 'E^paioi fiiv elvai, xP'nf^o.ri^ELV d* ol kv ^iKi/ioic l,i66viot {Joseph. 1. c). On the contrary, to Antiochus Epiphanes as ovtec to civiKadev Xi6iJviot {Joseph. Ant. xii. 5, 5). In like manner, they are said to have escaped threatening danger under this king by calling their temple lepov Aiof 'E>)i7.7}vtov, but without making other change in their worship, Joseph. 1. c. cf. 2 Mace. vi. 2. 6 In the later Samaritan writings a progressive development of several doctrines by the influence of the Alexandrian peculiarities can not be mistaken. The characteristics of Samaritan theology are strict Monotheism, aversion to all Anthropomorphism {Gesenius de theol. Sam, p. 12, ss.), both which were manifested even in their Pentateuch (Gesenias de pentat. Sara. p. 58, ss.). According to Leontius de sectis, they denied the doctrine of angels, i. e., the improved Jewish doctiine regarding them. In the later poetical writings angels appear as uncreated influences proceedmg from God ^7^?! (D'^VH 6vvdp.ELg\ comp. Gesenius de theol. Sam. p. 21, which belongs to a gnostic development, of which the first trace appears to be in Acts viii. 10. They magnified Moses and the law, rejecting all the later prophetic writings. The Sabbath and circumcision were regarded as the most important pledges of the covenant with Jehovah. The temple on Gerizim was the only true one {Deuteron. xxvii. 4, /3''^_ altered into D'pJ. Gesen. de Pent. Sam. p. 61). According to the fathers, they denied immortality and the resurrection, i. e., they maintained the insensible state of the soul in Sheol. We find among them afterward a ressurection to a hfe entirely different from the present {Gesenius de theol. Sam. p. 38j. The Messiah (^Ht^n or 3npn Ges. I.e. p. 44 : reductor, conversor), probably a ^DT ]!l' will lead the people to repentance, and then to happiness, the nations will believe Li him, and by him will be won over to the law, and to the temple on Gerizim. (Compare John iv. 25.) {,b. FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-117. of sects, of whom Dositheus' departed from the prevalent Sa- maritan Judaism in a very few particulars. Simon Magus'^ drew the germ of his syncretic magical system from the philo- sophical opinions then current, probably at Alexandria, and un- folded them farther, instigated, perhaps, by Christianity, which had lately appeared. In the third place, Menander,^ the disci- ple of Simon Magus, departed little from the footsteps of his master. All three left behind them sects which continued for several centuries. The followers of Simon and Menander were often confounded with Christians by the heathen," and actually- endeavored to insinuate themselves into the Christian church after Christianity had become the prevailing religion." ' Moshemii institt. hist. Christ, majores, Saeo. i. 376, ss. 'Nnpn gave himself oat to be the prophet promised in Deut. xviii. 18. The church fathers falsely ascribe to him many peculiar doctrines which were held by all the Samaritans. {According^ to Jewisl; tradition, the priest sent by Sennacherib, 1 Kings xvii. 27, 28, was one R. Bosthai. Dru» sius de tribus sectis Jud^iii. 4. It is probable, therefore, that the two persons were con foanded. (A strict, ascetic life, and an overscrupulous observance of the Sabbath wera peculiar to him. Origen. de princ. iv. c. 17, quo quisque corporis situ in principio sabbathl inventus luerit, in eo ad vesperum usque ipsi permanendum esse, manifestly a literal in- terpretation of Exod. xvi. 29. As late as the year 588, the t)ositheans and Samaritans had a controversy in Egypt about Deut. xviii. 18. (Eulogius ap. Phot. hihl. cod. 230.) » Mosheim, 1. o. p. 289-432. Waloh's Historie der Ketzereien, i. 135, if. Neander's gnoBtische Systeme. Berlin. 1818. S. 338, if. Leben u. Lehre Simons d. Magiers, by Dr. A. Simson (in lUgen's Zeitschr. iur histor. Theol. 1841, iii. 15). Act. viii. 9, 10, Xi/iuv — fiayevuv Kal k^icTwv to Idvo^ Tij^ Xafiapeld^t ^iyuv elval Tiva iavTov fiiyav. By the people he was looked upon as i; ivva/ui toO 8eov ij /leyd}.!] ( /'H cf not. 6). Probably the Xl/iav 'lovdaiof, Kvirpto^ 6i yivoCt fiayog elvai oktitzto^evo^ apud Joseph. Ant. xs. 7, 2. Fabulous accounts of his death at Rome (first found in the Apostol. Constitut. vi. 9, and in Arnobius, ii. c. 12) were perhaps occasioned by the occurrence related in Sueton. in Ne- rone, c. 12. Juvenal. Sat. iii. 79, 80. The statue on the island in the Tiber, as Justin re- lates, Apol. maj. c. 26 and 56, with the inscription Simoni sancto Deo, was found in 1574, and has on it, Semoni Sanco Deo Fidio Sacrum^ &c. (See Baronius ad ann. 44 no. 55.) On Semo Sancus or Sangus, comp. Ovid. Fast. vi. 213. Justin's mistake is apparent, al- though Baronius, Thirlby, Marauus, especially Fogginius de Romano Divi Petro itinere et episcopatu, Florent. 1741. 4to, p. 247, ss., wish to justify his account ; and Braun (S. Justin! M. Apologiae. Bonnae. 1830. p. 97) has promised anew defense of it. The followers of Simon must be regarded as Samaritan Gnostics (Justin M. Apol. maj. c. 26 : koL bx^Sov TTuvTEC /li^v Ta/iapdCi h'XlyQt 6i Kal hv aXAoif idveoLV, u^ rov TrpCtTov debv sKelvov buoXo- yovvTs^t kKzlvov Kal "KpocKwovaL), whose system may have been developed parallel with the Christian Gnosis. Among Christians Simon has always been looked upon as the mas- ter and progenitor of all heretics (Irenaeus adv. haer. i. 27, ii. praef.), and although he never was a Christian, yet, in later times, he was thought to be the iirst heresiarch. In the Clementines he is the representative of Gnosis generally, and the system there attributed to him is a compound of the most striking Gnostic positions, and must not be considered genuine (see Baur's christl. Gnosis, p. 302). ! Mosheim. 1. c. 433-438. '" Justin. Apol. ii. p. 70. " Regarding the Simonians see Euseb. Hist. eccl. ii. 1, 4. For th6 Menandrians, iii. M, 2. INTEOD. n. } 19. RELATION OF THE TIMES TO CHEISTIANITY. 57 § 19. RELATION OF THE TIMES TO CHRISTIANITY IN ITS INFANCY. From the view that has been given it may be seen, that the popular religions of the heathen had become superannuated at the time of Christ, and that unbelief and superstition were on the point of putting an end to all true religion. It is further apparent, that Judaism, losing more and more its spiritual char- acter, threatened to sink down in externalities. Under these circumstances many heathens must have longed for a religion which put an end to their doubts and agitations, satisfied the demands of their moral nature, and afforded them consolation and inward peace. The circumstance of Christianity coming from the East, whose mystical religions had at that time at- tracted general attention to itself, must have facilitated at least the introduction of it. Not could it be otherwise than that many Jews felt the emptiness of their ceremonial service, espe- cially as they had been already guided to a more spiritual wor- ship of God by many passages in their own prophets. On the other hand, expectations of the Messiah prepared the way for Christianity among the Jews. But however much there was in the circumstances of these times which must have promoted Christianity, there was not less to obstruct it. Among the Jews, national pride, earthly hopes of Messiah, and habituation to an almost external relig- ion ; among the heathen, unbelief as well as superstition, which prevailed at this time, the stain attaching to Jewish origin, and the political grounds which, in the universal opinion, rendered it necessary to abide by the national religion. Christianity could reckon on toleration on the part of the state, agreeably to the principles of the Romans, only as long as it was confined to the Jewish people. But a religion which, like the Jewish, did not only declare all other national religions false, but was likewise gathering adherents among all nations in a more sus- picious degree than the Jewish, and was threatening to extin- guish all others, could not bo endured by the Roman govern- ment without an abandonment of the old state religion. Tlie 58 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-117. toleration which all philosophical systems and foreign supersti- tions found at Rome could not, therefore, be expected by Chris- tianity ;' for an external observance of the state religion was at least consistent with the nature of such systems and super- stitions.^ FIRST CHAPTER. THE LIFE OF JESUS. J. J. Hess Lebensgeschichte Jesu, 3 Bde. 8te Aufl. Zurich. 1822 u. 23. 8. The same : Lehre, Thaten, und Schioksalc unseres Herrn, v. verschiedenen Seiten beleuchtet. 2 Halft- en. 3te Aufl. Ziirioh. 1817. 8. J. G. Herder vom Er- loser der Menschen naoh unsern 3 ersten Evangelien. Riga. 1796. 8. The same : von Gottes Sohn der Welt Hciland, nach Johannis Evangel. Riga. 1797. 8. J. Ch. Greiling das Leben Jesu von Nazareth. Halle. 1815. 8. H. E. G. Paulus das Leben Jesu, als Grundlage einer reinen Gesch. d. Urchristenthums. Heidelb. 1828. 2 Bde. 8. Dr. A. Hase das Leben Jesu. Ein Lehrbuch zunachst fiir akadem. Vor- lesungen. Leipz. 1829. SteAufl. 1840. 8. — Dr. Strauss's Leben Jesu has given a new impulse to a scientific treatment of the subject. Tubingen. 1835, 36. 4te Aufl. 1840. 2 Bde. 8. The fruits of it are especially A. Neander's Leben Jesu Christi. Hamburg. 1837 (4te Aufl. 1845). 8. Chr. F. V. Ammon Gesch. d. Lebens Jesu mit steter Riicksicht auf die vorhandenen Quellen. Bd. 2. Leipzig 1842 — 4. 8. F. V. Reinhard Versuch ijber den Plan, den der Stifter der christi. Religion zum Besten der Menschen entwarf. 5te Ausg. with additions by Heubner. Wittenb. 1830. 8. G. ' AUhongh the Christian apologists often appeal to it, Jastini M. Apol. maj. c. 18, 24, 26. TertaUiani Apologetious, c. 24, 46. ' In opposition to the wrong views talcen by Voltaire Traite sur la tolerance, 1763, c. 8-10, '^Oeuvres ed. Deux-Ponts. Tom. 40, p. 271, ss.), relative to the toleration of the Romans, and the exclusive fault of the Christians in bringing persecutions on themselves, Hegewisch made very just remarks in his treatise on the epoch in Roman histoiy most favorable to numanity. Hamburg. 1800. p. 173. CHAP. I.— LIFE OF JESUS. { 20. CHEONOLOGY. 59 J. Planck Gcsoh. d. Christenth. in der Periode seiner ersten Einfijhrung in die "Welt durch Jesum und die Apostel. Gottingen. 1818. 2 Bde. 8. J. A. G. Meyer, Versuch einer Vertheidigung und Erlaiiterung der Gesohichte Jesu und der Apostel allein aus grieoh. und rom. Profanscribenten. Hannover. 1805. 8. § 20. CHRONOLOGICAL DATA BESPECTING THE LIFE OF JESUS. J. F. Warm's astron. Beitrage zur genaherten Bestimmung des Geburts u. Todesjahres Jesn, in Bengel's Archiv. fur d. Theol. II. 1, 261. H. Anger de temporum in Actis Apost. ratione diss. c. 1, de anno quo Jesns in coelum ascenderit. Lips. 1830. 8. F. Piper de externa vitae J. Chr. chronologia recte constituenda. Gottingae. 1835. 4. K. Wieseler's clironolbg. Synopse der vier Evangelien. Hamburg. 1843. 8J The only definite date in the evangelical history ^ is in Luke iii. 1, relating to the appearance of John the Baptist.' On the supposition that Jesus appeared in public half a year after John, as he was born half a year after him, the designation of his age in Luke iii. 23 gives nearly the time of his birth, which, per- haps, may be still more closely determined by the circumstance that it must have happened before the death of Herod (f shortly 1 According to Wieseler, Clirist was bom in February 750 A.u. (4 B.C.), baptized in spi-ing or summer 780, (27 A.D.), crucified on tbe 7th April 783 (30 A.D.). A worlt so acute and learned as that of Wieseler can not be suiEciently characterized in a few words. The exact coincidence, however, of diiferent investigations produces more doubt tlian convic- tion, since the separate data may be bent, on account of their vacillating nature, in subser- vience to one object, without completely removing scruples in regard to them. In particu- lar, diOEi, in Lulse iii. 23, p. 126, appears to be taken too strictly ; it is incredible that the chronological designation of Luke iii. 1, should reach to the captivity of the Baptist, p. 197 ; and the computation of the Jewish calendar, taken from Wurm for the purpose of ascer- taining the year of Jesus' death, appears to be wholly uncertain, according to Wurm's eX' planations. " Doubtful chronological dates are : Luc. i. 5, i^ri/iepia 'kpia, (cf 1 Chron. xxiv. 10. Jos. Scaliger de emendat. temporum. App. p. 54. Wieseler, S. 140. Comp. Paulus Coram, iiber die drei ersten Evang. i. 36, ff. Luc. ii. 2, the Census of Quirinus (cf. Jos. Ant. xviii. i. 1. Paulas i. 141, ff. On the contrary, P. A. E. Huschke iiber den zur Zeit d. Ge- burt J. Chr. gehaltenen Census. Breslau 1840. 8. Wieseler, S. 49. Comp. Hoeck's rom. Gesch. vom Verfall d. Republik b. Constantin. i. ii. 412). — Job. ii. 20. The building of the temple (cf Jos. Ant. xv. 11, 1, xx. 9, 7. Lampe, Paulus, and Lucke on John. Wieseler, S. 165). ' Angustus died 19th August, the year 14 of our era. and thus the 15th year of Tiberius's reign fell between the 19th August, 28, and the 19th August, 29 (781-2, A.H.C.), Wnrm in Bengel's Archiv. ii. 5. 60 FIEST PERIOD— DIV, I— A.D. 1-11/. before the passover, 750 a.u.), Matth. ii. 1, 19.'' Even in the first centuries accounts of the year of Jesus' birth are given ; * but the Romish abbot Dionysius Exiguus (525) reckoned, in- dependently of them, the period of the incarnation for the pur- pose of fixing by it the years in his table for Easter, making th'e first year from the incarnation coincide with the year 754 A.u. of the Varronian computation.^ This Dionysian era, applied first of all under the Anglo-Saxons,' then by the Prankish kings Pepin and Charlemagne, begins at least four years after the true date of Christ's birth.' The day of birth can not be determined.' The ministry of Jesus was supposed by many of the older church fathers, after the example of the Alexandrians, to have * On the year of Herod's death see Klaiber's Studien d. evangel. Geistlichkeit Wir- temberjj's, i. 1, 50. Wurm in the same, i. ii. 208. A list of the various opinions concerning the year of Christ's birth may be seen in Fabrieii bibliograpbia autiquaria, ed. 2, Hamb. 1716, 4to, p. 187, ss., continued in F. MiJnter's der Stem der Weisen u. s. w. Kopenh. 1827, p. 109. The latest important investigations unite in the year 747 a.u. So Henr, Sanclementii de vulgaris aerae emendatione libb. iv. Romae. 1793. fol., solely on historical grounds. Miinter, or. the same grounds, and, also, because he regards with Keppler the star of the wise men as the gi'eat conjunction of the plauets Jupiter and Saturn in Pisces, which happened on that year. Ideler Chronol. ii. 394, ff.. Piper 1. c, Schubert Lehrb. d. Stenienkunde, s. 226, Winer bibl. Realworterbuch, ii. 614, assent to these results. Com- pai-e, however, on the other side, Wurm in Klaiber's Studien, i. ii. 211, ff. ^ Ivenaeus, iii. 25, and TertuU. adv. Jud. 8, give the 41st year of Augustus, 751 A.u. On the other hand, Clemens. Alex. Strom, i. p. 339, the 28th year (namely, after the conquest of Egypt), with whom agrees Euseb. hist. eccl. i. 5, Epiphan. haer. Ii. 22, and Orosius histor. i. 1, the 42d year, 752 A.u. — Sulpicius Severus hist. sacr. ii. 27, gives the 33d year of Herod, Coss. Sabinus and Rulinus {which does not suit, as Sab, and Ruf. were consuls 751 A.u. Herod died after a reign of 37 years, 750 A.u. An Egyptian monk, Panodorus (after 400), placed the birth of Christ in the year 5493 of his aera, i. e., 754 A.u. (Ge. Syncelli chronographia, ed. Paris, p. 25, 326). * The Incarnatio, capKuai^, always means in the fathers the annunciation. Dionysius, therefore placed the birth of Christ in the conclusion of the first year of his era. When first about the time of Charlemagne, the beginning of the year was made to coincide with the 25th of December, the incarnation appears to have been taken as synonymous with the nativity. See Sanclementius, iv. c. 8. Ideler's Chronologic, ii. 381, ii'. ' Ethelbert, king of Kent, dated first of all an original document anno ah incarnatione Christi DCV. cf. Codex diplomaticus aevi Saxonici, opera J. M. Kemble. T. i. (Loud. 1839. 8.) p. 2. Afterward the venerable Bede used this era in his historical works. « G. A. Hamberger de epochae christianae ortu et auctore. Jenae. 1688. 4 (in Martini thesaur. dissertatt. T. iii. P. i. p. 241). Jo. G. Jani. historia aerae Dionysianae. Viteb. 1715. 4 (also in his opuscula ad hist, et chronolog. spectantia ed. Klotz. Halae. 1769). Ide- ler's Chronologic, ii. 366, fF. » Clem. Alex. Strom, i. p. 340, relates that some regarded the 25th of Pachon, (20th May), others the 24th or 25th Pharmuthi, (the 19th or 20th April), as the birth-day. After the 6th of January, solemnized as a day of baptism by the followers of Basilides, was kept by the Oriental Christians since the third century as the day of baptism and birth, people began to keep this day as the true day of birth, (Epiphan. haer. Ii. 21). After the 25th December was solemnized in the fourth century in the west, as the birth-festival, this day came soon to be looked upon as the day of birth, (Sulpic. Sever hist. sacr. ii. £7). CHAP. I.— UFt; oF JESUS. ^ 20. CHRONOLOGY. 61 coniinued one year, agi-eeably to Isaiah Ixi. 1, 2, comp. Luke iv. 19 (iviavTov Kvpiov dsKrov)}^ On this was founded the hy- pothesis, which became almost traditional in the ancient church, that Jesus was crucified in his thirtieth year, in the consulship of Rubellius Geminus and Fufius Geminus^^ (in the fifteenth year of Tiberius, 29th of the Dionysian era). But, according to the gos- pel of John ii. 13 (v. 1), vi. 4, xi. b6^ three, or perhaps four pass- overs occun'ed during the public ministry of Christ. It must, therefore, have continued more than two years, and may, per- haps, have extended over three. Thus, the year of his death falls between 31 and 33 aer. Dionys., making his age from thirty-four to thirty-eight years. Even if we could agree on the preliminary question whether the Friday on which Jesus died was the day before the passover, or the first day of the passover,^^ yet, amid the uncertainty of the Jewish calendar of that time, an astronomical reckoning of the year of his death can scarcely be established." ^^ So the Valentinians, (Irenaeus, ii. 38, 39j, in opposition to whom Irenaeus puts forth the singular assertion that Jesus was baptized in his thirtiath year, but did not appear as a teacher till between his fortieth and fiftieth (John viii. 57), and then taught three years. One year, however, was adopted by Clem. Alex. Sti'om, i. 340. Origenes, horn. 32 in Lucam, and de princip. iv. On the other hand, c. Gels. ii. p. 397, and Comment, in Matttj. xxiv. 15, he says, that Jadas was not three entire years with Jesus. Auct. Clementiii hom. 17 in fine. Julius Africanus (ap. Hieronym. in Dan. ix.). Fhilastrius haer. 106. Cyril^, Alex, in Esaiam, c. 32. Some modems have attained to a simular result in another way. Priestley's Harmony of the Evangelists in Greek, 1777. Haenleiu progr. de temporis quo Jesus cum apostolis versatus est duratione. Erlang. 1796. 4to. ^'^ TeiluU. adv. Jud. 8 (tut comp. adv. Marcion. i. 15). Lactant. institutt. iv. 10. Augus- tin. de civ. Dei. xviii. 54, de triiiit. iv. 5 (according to Tertull. and August. 11. cc. and accor- ding to the old Acta Filati in Epiphan. haer. 1. 1, he was crucified the 8th of the Kalends of April, on the 25th of March the day of the vernal equinox, comp. Thilo cod. apocr. N. T. i. 496. Wieseler, S. 390). That Christ was thirty years old: Hippolytus Portuensis in canone paschali. Chronicon anonymi (in Canis. lept. antiq. T. ii.) c. 17 u. 18. Hieronym. epist. 22. ad Eustochium. Augustin. epist. 80 and 99. Comp. Petavii rationarium temporum (ed. Ludg. 1745). P. ii. p. 266, ss. ^2 The first three evangelists designate th^ lait supper as the passover (Matth. xxvi. 17, ss., Mark xiv. 12, Luke xxii. 7), and hence it has been usually assumed iu the West- ern Church that Christ was crucified on the first day of the passover. On the contrary, the day of Christ's death was according to John xiii. 1, 29, xviii. 28, xix. 14, 31, the day before the passover. The latter is followed by Tertullian, adv. Jud. c. 8, the Greeks, Scaliger, Casaubon, Capellus, Lampe, Kuinoel, &c. It is strongly in favor of the latter hypothesis that the first day of the passover can never fall on a Friday, at least according to the pres^ ent calendar of the Jews. See Ideler's Chronologie, Bd. i. p. 519. Probably the account of the first tliree evangelists is to be explained by the circumstance, that they took the last supper of Jesus to be the Christian passover; see Theile iu Winer's Krit Journal der Theol. Literat. ii. 153, fF., v. 129, ff. Comp. Hase's Leben Jesn, p. 167. [Bibliotheca Sacra, new series, 1845, an article by Robinson.] 02 rmST PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-117. § 21. HISTORY OF THE YOUTH OF JESUS. The history of Jesus' life before his public appearance is very obscure,' and affords no disclosures in relation to the important question of the mode and progress of his spiritual development. Modern scholars have endeavored to supply this deficiency by conjectures, and have attributed a decided influence on his char- acter, sometimes to the doctrines of the Essenes,^ sometimes to those of the Sadducees,' sometimes to a combination of Phari- saism and Sadduceism,^ sometimes to the Alexandrian-Jewish education.'' But such a spirit could not have received its direc- tion from any school, and least of all from the schools of those times, which w^ere better adapted to fetter the spirit, partly by their literal externality, partly by their fanatical idealism, than to prepare it for a clear and great self-development.' On the contrary, the reading of the prophets of the Old Testament must have quickened in his kindred spirit a religious feeling as spir- itual as that of the time was literal and carnal, a,nd must have keit Jesa Todesjahr zu beBtimmen, in his Comment, ubet i^a N- T. iii. 784. Wui-m in Bengel's Archiv. ii. 961. ' Chr. Fr. Ammon's bibl. Tlieologie. Bd. 2, (2te. Ausg. Erlangen 1801) a. 244, ff. Paulus Commentar Ciber das neue Testament, Th. 1. Scbleiermacher on the writings of Luke, Th. 1. Berlin. 1817. S. 93, ff. [Translated by Thirlwall, Lpnd. 8vo, 1825.] ' So first the English Deists (see against them Frideanx's Conneption). From them Vol- taire borrowed this idea, as well as many others, (Philosophical Dictionary, under Essen- iene). Frederic the Great, Oeuvres ed. de Berlin, T. xi. p. 94. Staudlin Geschichte der Sittenlehre Jesu, Th. 1, S. 570, ff. The same hypothesis has been enlarged in J. A. C. Bichterdas Christenthum und die altesteh Religionen des Orients. Leipzig. 1819. Chris- tianity is supposed to be the public revelation of the Essene doctrines, and. that these were connected with the ancient schools of the prophets, with Parsism, the Egyptian and Grecian mysteries, and through them with Brahzuaism^! According to Gfrorer, (das Heil- igthum u. die Wahrheit. Stuttgart. 1838, S. 382), Jesus was educated among the Essenes, and afterward followed his own course, but continued to hold what was sound in their doctrines and customs. On the other side see Bengeliiberd.Versuch Christenth. a.d.Essen- israus ahzuleiten, in Flatt's Magazine, vii. 148, ff. Heubner in the 5th appendix to his edi- tion of Reinhard's Versuch fiber d. Plan Jesn. V. Wegnem fiber das Verholtniss des Christ- enthums zum EssenismnS, in lUgeu's Zeitschrift fur die histor. Theol. 1841, ii. 1. ' Des-Cotes Schutzschrift fur Jesum v. Nazereth. Frankf. 1797. * Versuch den Ursprung der Sittenlehre Jesn historiscb zu erldoren (in Henke's Mag&.. zin. Bd. 5'. S. 426.) " Bahrdt's Briefe fiber die BibelimVolkstone. Berlin. 1784, ff. * Sn in _Trtlin vii 1?? oil Viifrlinr pnlf.Ivntinn in onir af.1i/in1 ia ,l0nic>i4 fn laana CHAP. I.— LIFE OF JESUS. § 22. JOHN THE BAPTIST. 63 given it a standard for estimating the condition of the Jewish nation at that period, and for judging of the means by which alone it could be elevated, very different from the usual view. § 22. JOHN THE BAPTIST. William Bell's Inqniry into the divine mission of John the Baptist and Jesas Christ. Loni! , 1761. 8to. Translated into German by Hente, Braunschweig. 1779, 8vo. J. G. E. Leopold Johannes d. T., eine biblische Vntersuchung. Hannover. 1825. 8.' Job. d. T. io s. Leben u. Wirken dargestellt nach den Zeugnissen d. h. Schrift von L. v. Rohden. Lubeck. 1838. 8. Before Jesus, appeared one of his relatives John, in the wil- derness of Judea, with the solemn call, " Repent, for the king- dom of heaven is at hand," and dedicating his followers to this altered state of mind by a symbolical washing of the body.' It is certain that John and Jesus had been earlier acquainted with one another ; but it is improbable that there existed a close con- nection between them, or the concerting of a common plan. The peculiarities of John point to an earlier connection with the Es- senes.'' The same character was possessed by his disciples, who, after Jesus' appearance, continued apart from the disciples of the latter (John iii. 26 ; Luke v. 83 ; Matth. ix. 14 ; xi. 2, ff.),' and of whom we meet with remains in Asia Minor, long 1 Was the baj^sm of John an imitation of Jewish proselyte baptism? The question is answered in the affirmative by Buxtovf Lexic. talmud. p. 408. Lightfoot, Schoettgen, Wetstein ad Mattb. iii. G. J. A, Danz baptismus proselytorum Judaicus ad illustrandum baptismum Joannis, and his autiquitas baptismi initiationis Israelitarum vindicata (both contained in Menschen N. T. ex talmnde illuatratnm. Lips. 1736. 4, p. 233 u. 287, ss.). W. C. L. Ziegler iiber die Johannistaufe als unveranderte Anwendung der jiidischeu Pioselytentaufe (in his tbeol. Abhandlungen. Bd. 2. Qottingen. 1804, S. 132, ff). E. G. Bengel iiber das Alter der jiid. Proselytentaufe. Tiibingen. 1814. 8. On the other hand, others deny that Jewish proselyte baptism existed so early. Among the modems, Paulua Comment. Th. 1, S. 278. DeWette comment, de morte J. C.expiatoria. Berol. 1813. p.42, ss. J. G. Reiche de baptismatis origine et necessitate necnon de formula baptismali. Goeting. 1816. 8. D. M. Schneckenburger iiber das Alter det judisohen Proselytentaufe. Berlin. 1828. 8. Washing, as a symbol of moral cleansing, is mentioned as early as in the writings of the prophets, Ezek. xxxvi. 25, Zech. xiii. 1. * Even the place of his appearance kv Ty Ip^fU/} r^f 'lovSalac (Matth. iii. 1), where, according to Plin. Nat. Hist. v. c. 17, the Essenes also dwelt. ' There is a remarkable testimony concerning John in Jos. Ant. xviii. 5, 2 (first men- tioned by Orig. c. Gels. i. p. 35). Kreivci tovtov ('ludvvriv) 'HpiiSr/;, uyadbv miipa, Kal Toi'f 'lovdaiav; KeXevovra, iper^v ivaaKovvTad Kal ry npoc uMtjXov; dcicaioaivg Kai ^pog Tov Oebv evffePei^ xpt^P-^vovg, (iaTTTicfiCi avvuvaf ovTu yhp Kal T^v (Sairrirti 64 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-H7. after John himself had fallen a sacrifice to his intrepidity (Acts xviii. 25, xix. 1, ff.).^ § 23. THE PUBLIC LIFE AND MINISTRY OF JESUS. Jesus also came out of Galilee to Jordan to be baptized by John, and was recognized in such a way by the latter that he considered it more befitting to receive baptism from Jesus than the contrary. The import of this is, that the Baptist looked upon the rite as a call to higher purity. This baptism was to Jesus the consecration to his Messianic activity. It is true that he began with the same call to his nation as John the Baptist (Matth. iv. 17) ; but he soon unfolded a far more comprehensive system in the discharge of his ministry, which, though it di- rectly afFeoted the Jewish people only, yet in its very nature belonged to all humanity. The Jewish people at that time airodEKTTfv avvL) avEtGdat, fi^ ^ttI tivuv ufiapruduv Trapair^ffei xp<^f^£vuv, akV k' iiyvELg. Tov aufiaro^t ute 6^ Kal rye ''pvxvc diKatoavvy irpoEKKEKadapfiivrj^' kol tuv uTiXdv GVv Xoyuv, dsiffa^ 'HpuSTjg TO km Toaovde ntdavov avrov role uvdpuTroc^ fxr} knl UTrooTdaEt Tivl Epot, Trdvra yap it^KCCaV CVfll3ov2,y ry kKEtVOV Trpd^OVTEg^ TToXv KpEtTTOV TfyElTatt TTpLV Tl VE0>TEpOV i^ avTov yEviadat, irpoXa^iiv dvaipElv, i) jLiErafSo}.?}^ yEVOfiEVTjg c/f rd irpdyfiara i/nrEauv fiETavoetv. Kal b fiiv, viro-ipi'^ ry 'Hpwdov, dia^iog sl^ tov Maxaipovvra Trefi^delg — TavTy KTivvvTar Tolc 6^ 'loudatoif do^a, km TLfiopia r^ ekelvov tov oXsdpov km tu OTpaTEVfiaTi. yeveudac, tov Oeov KaKu^ 'Hpudr} OsTi^ovTog. * Of. Recog'. Clem, i. 54 and 60. In the middle of the 17th century, the existence of a sect was made known by Carmelite missionaries, whose head-quarters were Basrah and Suster, calling themselves Nazoreans (not to be confounded with the Mubammedan sect Nasaireans), or Mendeans, but by the Mahammedans they were named Sabiaus (Sabaei, probably the name was borrowed from th^star-worsbipera of the Koran). They got the name Christians of St. John from the missionaries. Of. Ignatii a Jesu narratio originis. rituum et errorum ChriBtianonim S. Johannis. Rom. 1652. 8vo. After one of their holy books was published entire (Codex Nasireaeus, liber Adami appellatas, Syriace tran- scriptas latineque redditus a Matth. Norberg. 3 Thle. Lond. 1815, 1816. 4to) fragments of two others (the Divan and the book of John) communicated to the world, and many ac- counts furnished by travelers, Geaenius gave a critical survey of their system in the Universal Encyclopaedia of Ersch and Gruber (Leipzig. 1817), article Zabier, from which it appears that the system is Gnostic-ascetic, nearly related to that of the Valentinians and Ophites, John appearing as an incarnate aeon. The language of their sacred books is an Aramaean dialect, which occupies a middle position between the Syriac and Cbaldee. They allege that they came from Jordan, from whence they were driven by the Muham- medans. Most scholars assume the descent of this sect from the disciples of John the Baptist. Les Nazoreeua, these de Theologie historique par L. K. Burckhardt. Stras bourg. 1840. 8vo. On the other side, see 0. G. Tychsen in the Deutsches Museum, 1784, Th. 2. S. 414 (who, however, confounds the Nazoreans with another sect, Burckhardt, p. 11. 107). BaamgarteuCrusius bibl. Theol. S. 143. CHAP. I.— LIFE OF JESUS. ^ 23. PUBLIC MINISTRY. 65 presented an aspect the most deserving of compassion. In the deepest external degradation, always cherishing the most ex- travagant hopes in regard to the immediate future, they were led by their very religious views in the road to their destruc- tion. And yet this very religion, when judged, not by the par- tial, priestly form which it had then received, but as drawn fronoL its original documents, and pervaded by the living pro- phetic spirit which animated it as there described, must have marvelously revealed itself to every human breast as directly certain, as the only true source of human happiness. It was the aim and object of Jesus to awaken, by his life and doctrine, this prophetic element of the Mosaic religion, but in a purer form and in greater development, among his countrymen ; and to bring it into the hearts of men as a spontaneous principle of action. By such spiritual regeneration alone could the Jewish people be delivered even from external corruption ; and we can not doubt that Jesus would gladly have effected this out- ward deliverance also. But his plan extended far wider, al- though the germs which lay in the compass of his ministry proceeded forth and became visible, for the most part, only after he had left our world. Jesus appeared first in Galilee, and re- sided not at Nazareth (Luke iv. 24), but usually at Caper- naum. From this place, however, he not only traversed Gali- lee, but often abode for a long time in Judea in his journeys to the festivals in Jerusalem. He was only in Samaria occasion- ally as he went through it ; and we find him but once beyond the confines of Judea (Mark vii. 24, ff".). By degrees he drew around him twelve young men, illiterate (Matth. xi. 25), and from the lower orders of society, for the purpose of initiating them into his spirit and plan, by their living with him and con- tinually receiving his instructions. They accompanied him in his smaller journeys on which he appeared, sometimes among small domestic circles, sometimes in synagogues, sometimes among great multitudes under the canopy of heaven ; and much as he attracted to himself universal attention by the ex- traordinary works he wrought, he excited no less astonishment and wonder by his doctrine, which directly convinced and car- ried captive the hearer (Matth. vii. 28, 29 ; Luke iv. 32). At first he avoided observation (Matth. ix. 30) ; he even forbade }ll« fliaoinlp.S fn mnlrA Him L-nnturn qq +Vio IVTaooiQli /IVTo+f -vtri 65 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-117. 20); but afterward he declared himself to be the promised Messiah, with a firmness that forbids the idea of mere accom- modation (Matth. xxvi. 64). But the religious ideas of the Old Testament had obtained within him a new and higher life, reaching far beyond the local and temporal form handed down among the Jews by tradition.' The Old Testament con- ception of a Theocracy was transformed in him into the high idea of the kingdom of God, in which men, animated by the Spirit of God, should be united with Deity and one another in moral unity. This kingdom of God he wished, as the Mes- siah, to establish on earth ; on which account he required of his cotemporaries, sunk as they were in the external and the literal, first of all, change of heart, that they might be susceptible of the Spirit of God ; next, faith in himself as the Christ, that by yielding itself up to the higher spirit, even the weaker mind might be elevated to free communion with God. It follows, of course, that nothing stood more in his way than that Pharisaic righteousness which rested on works. Hence he leveled his attacks chiefly against it. He did not indeed abolish the cere- monial law of Moses, constantly observing it himself; but he could not look upon it in any other light than as an expression of inward religious feeling ; and all value attached to religious external observances, independently of true devotional feelings, was worthless in his eyes (Matth. xii. 1, fF. ; xv. 1, fF. ; v. 24 ; xii. 9). So far as he designated the free development of this internal religious feeling as the only genuine religious culture, it necessarily followed from his doctrine, and must have been sooner or later expressed publicly by. his disciples, that no relig- ious law for men can be in the form of a rule that requires something rrierely external. Thus the abolition of the cere- monial law necessarily followed his teachings. In like manner Jesus confined his immediate efforts to the Jews alone, and avoided coming in contact with those who were not Jews, out of regard to the very prejudices of his nation (Matth. x. 5 ; xv. 21—28). But still there lay always in his doctrine, which re- jected all reliance on externalities, an adaptation for all man- kind, as he himself often intimated with sufficient distinctness (Matth. viii. 11, 21, 43). 1 Chr. IT. Bubme die Aeligion Jesu Cbristi aus ihren Urkonden dargestoUt. Hallo CHAP. 1— LIFE OF JESUS. $ 23. PUBLIC MINISTEY. 67 While Jesus endeavored to guide his disciples to this purer religion and moral communion in the kingdom of God, he also drew them gradually away from the common notion of retribu- tion which prevailed among the Jews (Luke xiii. 2, fF. ; John ix. 2, 3), announced to them the forgiveness of sins in the way of repentance and faith, and then taught them, in this inward communion with God, to meet all external fortunes with sub- mission and confidence, and the firmest trust in God (Matth. vi. 83 ; X. 28). The kingdom of God, as it was then begun, was only an inward thing (Lulce xvii. 21), in continual conflict with the world and with evil ; but Jesus promised that he should appear again, to judge the evil, and to place piety and happiness in their natural relation, in the kingdom of God (Matth. xxiv. 30 ; xxv. 31). The notion of such a triumphant kingdom of God had been already sot forth, though in a sen- suous form, in the description given of Messiah's reign; and since it could be spoken of generally only in figures, Jesus bor- rowed his figures from it, giving at the same time sufficient intimation of a more spiritual, universal, and purer view (Matth. xxii. 30). It could not be otherwise than that these figures should be more or less spiritually understood, according to the different degrees of religious culture : but the leading idea on which all depended, the idea of a future adjustment of the relation of happiness to piety in the kingdom of God tri- umphant, must have always been maintained. . The disciples, accustomed to entertain the conception of an earthly Messianic kingdom, not only took all those images in a sensuous accepta- tion, but also introduced into them many more definite points. Thus, although Jesus had declared the point of time when he should come again to be a secret with God the Father (Matth. xxiv. 36), yet they annexed to the admonition to be always ready (Matth. xxiv. 43, 44), the expectation' of the near ap- proach of his coming (Matth. xvi. 27). These sensuous expec- tations could not at once be eradicated from their minds, with- out at the same time endangering their faith in Jesus ; but they were gradually purified and spiritualized by a series of events. Probably the closing fortunes of Jesus' life, though even they did not destroy those sensuous hopes, were required to convince the disciples that God's ways are very different from man's ex- nA/»"f:fl+inTl«- flnrl fn n.nnfirm fVioir -fai+Vi in ihf. "nivlriA mia^jinn nf 68 FIEST PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-117. Jesus ; while at the same time they furnished the highest ex- ample of a mind renouncing the earthly, entirely devoted to God, and of a self-sacrificing love.^ The Pharisees cotemporary with Jesus, affected and exasper- ated by the truth of his doctrine, did not rest till they had brought him to the death he had long foreseen (Matth. ix. 15 ; xvi. 21, et seq.). Delivered up to them by a disciple, after he instituted, shortly before, a covenant-supper, as a symbol of in- ternal union with him, and of unity among his disciples them- selves, he was accused by them of insurrection before Pontius Pilate, and condemned by him through unworthy views. The courage of the disciples, which had almost vanished away, re- turned after his resurrection with so much strength and purity, that an unshaken attachment to Jesus was now to be expected from them, even amid outward renunciations and self-denial. It was still reserved, however, for later occurrences to correct many remaining prejudices. Thus it was some time before they fully understood the last commission of Jesus to carry the glad news of the beginning of God's kingdom on earth to all nations, to invite all into it, and to initiate them into it by baptism. § 24. ALLEGED OOTEMPOEARY NOTICES OF JESUS, NOT IN THE NEW- TESTAMENT. The testimony concerning Christ in Josephus, Ant. xviii. 3, 3, is regarded with the greatest probability as genuine, but in- terpolated.' On the contrary, the correspondence of Christ 2 Chr. F. Boehme de spe Messiana apostolica. Halae. 1826. 8. 1 Piveraf Si Kara tovtov tov xpovov 'Itiaov;, aofbc hviip \_eiyt uvSpa airbv Xiynv XPV ' V'^ y^P\ '^(tpO'So^uv epyuv TrotTjry^ IdLddffKaXog uvdpdnruv rtjv (jvv Tjdovy Ta2.7j6i} dexofi^vuv^t Kal Tro/lXoiif fitv rijv 'lovdaiuv izoXXovg 6i Kal ajro tov 'Ei?^XijvtKOv kirTjydyero. ['O XptcTog ovTO^ Tjv.'] . Kal aijTov kvdet^Ei rCtv Trpuruv dvdpC)v Tcap^ 7]p.lv aravpO imTeTtfiTiKdTOC TIiUtov ovk. i^evavuavTo ol to npuTov airbv uyamjaavTE;. ['E^uvi? yap airoLC rpcTTjv ^x^^ ijfiEpav 7TdXiv'^u>v, tuv 6elo)v irpo^TiTuv raOra re Kal uXXa fivpia iTEpl avTov QavpAata elpr/KoTQv-'] E/ffen re vvv tCiv XptarLavuv utto tovSe t^vo/zaafiivuv OVK in^2-L7re to tjtvXov. This passage was first mentioDcd and cited by Eusebius (Hist, eccles. i. 11, demonstr. Evangel, iii. 5), and for a lon^ time repeated by succeeding writers without any hesitation. The first who entertained doubts of its authenticity were Hubert Gifanius, ICtus (the letter in refutation of Sebastianns Lepuscnlus dd. Basileae the 24. ^_T 1 rcn e ;_ 1T.^1«1. ^r^lA^^t-; .. !_ :.,4-,.i . _i,:i„i : tvt /.,\ i CHAP. I.— LIFE OF JESUS. $ 24. COTEMPOUARY NOTICES. 69 with Ahgarus^ toparch of Edessa,^ and the apocryphal nar- ratives of the birth, youth, and last days of Jesus, ^ are un- Lucas Osiander (in Epitome hist, eccles. Centar. i. lib. 2, cap. 7. Tubing. 1592). More searching- investigations of various scholars, respecting the matter from 1646-1661, first occasioned by the Altdorf Professor Sebastian Snellius, who denied the authenticity, ore collected in: Epistolae xxx. philol. et. hist, de Fl. Jos. testim., quod. J. C. tribuit, rec. Christoph. Arnold. Noriberg. 1661. 12 (also in Havercamp's edition of Josephus, torn, ii; Append, p. 233). Here the reasons against it are developed with superior skill, especially by Dav. Blondel and Tanaquil Faber. Later defenders are : Carol. Daubuz pro testimonio Flavii Josephi de Jesu Christo, libb. ii. Londini. 1706. 8 {also in Havercamp's Josephus, torn. ii. Append, p. 187). Hoateville erwieseue Wahrheit der ciiristl. Religion durch ihre Geschichte. Frankf. 1745. 4. S. 275, £F. Oberthiir in der Vorrede zum 2ten Theile der Uebersetzang des Josephus v. Friese. Altona. 1805. C. G. Bretschneider ndpEpyov super Jos. de J. C. testimonio (hinter s. capit. theolog. Jud. dogm. e Fl. Josephi scriptis collect. Lips. 1812. 8. pag. 59). G. F. Bohmert uber des Flav. Joseph. Zeugniss von Christo. Leipz. 1823. 8 (comp, on the other side, the review in Winer's and Engelhardt's theolog. Joum. Bd. 2, S. 95, ft'.). F. H. Schoedel Flav. Josephus de J. Chr. testatus. Vindiciae Flavianae. Lips. 1840. 8. Opponents of the genuineness are: (Abbe de Longuerue) sor le passage de Joseph en faveur de J6sus-Christ (against Daubuz) in Cler- icus biblioth. ancieune et moderne, t. vii. p. 237. God. Lessxi disertt. ii. super Josephi de Christo testimonio. Goettiug. 1781, 82. Eichstaedt Flaviani de J. C. testimonii avdeVTia quo jure nuper defensa sit, quaestt. vi, Jenae. 1813-41. Argunients for the genuineness: 1. The a^eement of all MSS. from the time of Eusebius. 2. The number of Christians was too great to allow Josephus to pass over their origin without mention 3. Josephus mentions John the Baptist. Against the genuineness : 1. The silence of the fathers before Eusebius, while- Josephus, iu Orig. c. Gels. i. p. 35, is said to be uKLtTTuv rcj 'Ifjaov wf XpiaTU. 2. The passage interrupts the connection. 3. The contents betray a Christian. 4. The other Jewish historian, Justus Tiberiensis, has not mentioned Christ. , Photii bibl. cod. 33. The assumption of interpolations which found their way into all the MSS. of Josephus out of the far more extensively circulated church history of Eusebius, is the most probable, since Josephus was read and copied only by Christians. Chrysostom appears, however, not to have been acquainted with these interpolations, since he men- tions Josephus several times, and in horn, iu Joann. 12, quotes his testim. de Joanne, but is silent in regard to this passage. Remarkable is the silence of Photius in his accounts regarding Jos., Archaeol. (bibl. cod. 76 and 238)/ especially as he remarks respecting Justus, cod. 33, that he being a Jew, and encumbered with Jewish prejudices, does not mention Jesus and his miracles. The following writers have decided in favor of an interpolation formed by altering single expressions: Knittel (nova biblioth. phil. et crit. vol. i. i. 118. Goetting. 1782. 8), and Paulus (Heidelb. Jahrb., August 1820, S. 734). In favor of an inter- polation foi-med by inserted glosses are : Steph. le Moyen varia sacra, ii. 931, I'Abbe de Fontaines in the Joum. des Savans, ann. 1723, Juill., p. 10, Paulus Comm. iiber die 3 ersten Evang. iii. 740, H. Olshauaen hist. eccl. vet. monumenta pVaecipua, vol. 1. Berol. 1820. 8. p. 3, Heinichen Excursus in his edition of Eusebius, tom. iii. p. 331. I have indicated above, by parenthetic marks, in what Hght I look upon the interpolation. " Euseb. Hist. eccl. i. 13, and Moses Chorenensis (about 440) Hist. Armen. ii. 29-31, found these letters in the Archives of Edessa, and gave them to the public in a Greek and Armenian translation. At the time of Christ, Abgarus XJchomo : about 170, there was a Christian Abgarus. These letters, therefore, may have been forged long before Eusebius. Cf. Assemani bibl Orient, t. i. p. 554. t. iii. p. 2. p. 8. Bayer historia Osrhoona et Edessena. Petrop. 1734. 4. p. 104. Semlerde Christi ad Abgarum epistul». Hal. 1768.4 The genuineness of the letters is defended by W. F. Rinck, in Illgen's Zeitschrift f. d histor. Theol. 1843. ii. 3. 3 Two classes of apocryphal gospels may be distinguished: I. The older, which con tained much the same cycle of narrations as the canonical; for example, the gospels of th« 70 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. I.—A.D. 1-117. questionably spurious. Still more modern are the pretend- ed authentic likenesses of Jesus ; '^ and the epistle of Lentu- Hebrewa and the Egyptians, &c. II. The later, which refer to the yoath, the parents, and the last fortunes of Christ. A. Respecting the history of Christ's youth, we find fabulous writings first of all arooug ifie Marcosians in the second century. (Irenaeus, i. c. 17. ) The orthodox, at the sama time, received a doctrinal interest in maintaining" the miraculous stories of Jesus' youCh in opposition to those Gnostics who asserted that the aeon was iirst united with the man at the baptism of the latter. (Ephiphan. haer. li. c. 20.) Several of these traditions are found in the Koran (comp. August! christologiae Coranicae llneamenta. ' Jen. 1799). Gospels of the infancy still extant are the gosp'el of Thomas, an Arabic gospel of the infancy, and a Latin history of the nativity of Mary and the infancy of the Saviour. At a later period the virgin Mary also began to invite men to similar fabrications. Compounds of the two are exemplified in the Protevangelion of James, the Arabic history of Joseph the carpenter, and the Latin gospel of the nativity of Mary. B. Respecting the last days of Jesus, Justin Martyr, Apol. i. c. 35 and 48, refers to the TU inl IIovtcov fl c^-drov yppofieva uKTa ; in the same way he himself alludes, c. 34, and also Chrysostom, hom.rn.denatali Christi, to the acts regarding the census of duirinus, not that he bad Been them iiimsclf, but because he pre-supposes their existence in the Roman archives. Hence arose Christian traditions in relation to the contents of these acts, out of which Tertalliaa, Apolog. c. 5, 21, draws the fabulous. During the persecution of Maximin, the neatnen, taking occasion from these traditions, produced wicked Acta Pilati (Eujseb. H. E. ix.c. 5), to which the Christians of that day had none others to oppose. The latter, however, soon made their appearance afterward (Epiphan. haer. 1. c. 1), and were fashioned and molded in various ways. One of these fabrication has received in later times the name, gospel of Nicodemus. Cf. Henke de Pilati actis prohabilia. Helmst. 1784 {opusc. academ. Lips. 1802. p. ]99). W. L. Brunn de indole, aetate, et usu libri apocr. vulgo inscripti Evangel. Nicoderai. Berol. 1794. 8. Editions are : J. A. Fabricii codex apocryphus N.T. partes iii. ed. 2. Hamb. 1719. 8. J. C. Thilo codex apocryphus N. T. t. i. Lips. 1832 (containing the apocryphal gospels). [Jones on the canon of the. New Testament. Lend. 3 vols. 8vo.] Die apokiyph. Evangelien u. Apostelgescbichten, libers, mit Einleit. und Anmerk. v. Dr. K. P. Borberg. Stuttgart. 1841. Cf. C. J. Nitzsch ie apocrypborum Evangeliorum in explicandis canonicis usu et abusu. Viteb. 1808. 4. F. ,1. Arens de Evangell. apocr. in canonicis usu historico, critico, exegetico. Goetting. 1835. 4. * The first traces of likenesses of Christ are to be found among the Carpocratians {Tren. i. 25), and in the lararium of Severus Alexander (Lamprid. c. 29). The persecuted church of the first centuries needed in Christ the pattern of a suff'erer. Hence arose the general opinion that he was of unsightly form, according to Isaiah liii. 2, 3. (So Tertu":*an de came Christi 9, adv. Jud. c. 14, and often. Clem. Alex. Paedeg. iii. 1, Strom, ii. p. 308. Origenes contra Cels. vi. p. 327, SvuEid^g to ^Ijjctov cu^a.) At the same time all repre sentations were forbidden, according to Exodus xx. 4. As soon as art began to represent Jesus, it must also have sought to express his excellence even in external form. Hence, from the fourth century onward, Jesus was supposed to have had a body of external beauty, something divinely majestic in his exterior, according to Psalm xlv. 3. (Hieron. comm. in Matt. ix. 9). Yet they confessed still that there was no authentic likeness of JesQs to be seen. (Augustin de trinitate, viii. 4. Nam et ipsius dominicae facies camis innumer.abilium cogitationum diversitate variatur et fingitur, quae tamen una erat, quae- cunque erat, and c. 5, qua fuerit ille facie, nos penitus ignoramus). Eusebius (H. E. vii. c. 18. Comp. the excursus in Heinichen's edition, tom. iii. p. 396, ss.) relates concerning a statue at Paneas that it was there supposed to point to Jesus and the occurrence in Matt. ix. 20. All later writers repeat the story after him, and John Malala (600 a.d.), ih his Chronog. p. 305, gave the name of the woman Berenice. This monument was de- stroyed by Julian (Sdzom. v. 21. Philostorg. vii. 3), or according to Asterius, bishop of Amasia (about 400, in Photii bibl. cod. 271 in fine), by Maximin at. a time when copies of it CHAP I.— LIFE OP JESUS. ^ 24. COTEMPORAEY NOTICES. 71; ius to the Roman senate,* containing a description of his person. were hardly taken. Judging by the analogy of many coiiis, the memorial had been erected in honor of an emperor (probably Hadrian), and falsely interpreted by the Christians, perhaps on account of a aoT^pi or 6eu) appearing in the inscription (cf. Th. Hassaei diss. ii. de monumento Paneadeusi. Bremae. 1726. 4, and in ejasd. sylloge dis- eertt. ii. 314. Beausobre uber die Bildsaule zu. Paneas in Cramer's Sammlungen zur Kirchengesch. und theolog. Gelehrsamk. Th. 1. Leipzig. 1748). Later imagines Christi nou manu factae (cf. J. Gretser syntagma de imagg. non manu factis, Ingolst, 1622, and appended to Georg. Codinus ed. J. Goar. p. 289. Is. Beansobre des images de main divine^ in the Biblioth. Germaniqne, xviii. 10. Comp. also the controversial writings in the succeeding volumes of that "work). 1. The dEOTEVKTog eiKOV, ijv uvdpfjTrov X^^P^C ovK elpydaavTO (Evagrius Hist. ecci. iv. 27), sent to King Abgarus, and often mentioned in the image controversy, came from Edessa to Constantinople. Rome and Genoa now contend for the honor of its possession. A new miraculous copy of it on a brick was brought by order of the Emperor Nicephorus from Edessa to Constantinople, 968 a.d. Bayer hist. Osrhoena et Edess. p. 112. Cf. Leo Diaconus (prim. ed. Hase, Paris. 1819),, lib. iv. c. 10. 2. Sadarium St, Veronicae, stiU in the middle ages rightly named Veronica, i. e., vera icon. Cf Gervassi Tilberiensis (about 1210) otia imperialia, c. 25 (L eibnit. scriptt. Brunsv. t. i. p. 968) : De iigura Domini, quae Veronica dicitur. Est ergo Veronica pictura Domini vera. Matth. Paris, ad ann. 1216: effigies vultus Domini, quae Veronica dicitur. Now in Jaen, Milan, and Home. (Cf. Act. SS. ad d. 4. Febr. Lambertini de servomm Dei beatification e, lib. iv. p. 2, c. 31). Joluj VII. (705 a.d.) is said to have erected a house of St. Maria in Beronica. 3. Sudarium Christi (first mentioned by Bede in lib. de locis Sanctis) in Besanijon, and the Sindon Christi in Turin. Pretended pictures of Christ made by his coteraporaries : 1. A picture of Christ, painted by Luke. Perhaps the first men- tion of it is by Theodorus Lector (abont 518) apud Nicephorum Callistum (about 1333) Hist, eccles. ii. 43, who also mentions pictures of >Iary and the principal Apostles, painted by Lake, Gregorius III., in epist. ad Leonem Imp., Simeon Metaphrastes (about 900) in vita S. Lucae. There is a picture of Christ, as a boy of thirteen years of age, by Lnke, in the Sancta Sanctorum in the church of St. John Lateran at Rome. 2. An image of Christ, cut out of cedar-wood by Nicodemus, which was before at Berytus, as is pretended fcf. (Pseudo-) Athanasius de paasione imaginis D. n. J. Chr. qualiter crucifixa est in Syria in urbe Beryto), appears first in the Acta Synod. Nicaenae, ii. (7B7) sess. iv., was brought to Constantinople by the emperor Nicephorus (LeoDiac. x. c. 5), and is now at Lucca (valtus Locanus in Gervasius, c. 24, in Leibuitii script. Brunsv. t. i. p. 967), Cf. Job. Reiskii exercitatt. hist, de imaginibas J. Clir. Janae. 1685. 4. Jablonski de origine imaginum Christi, in Opuscul. ed. te "Water, t. iii. p. 377. (Lugd. Bat. 1809). F. Munter Sinnbilder und Kunstvorstellungen der alten Christen (2 Hfte. Altona. 1825, 4) ii. 3. Junker lib. Christuskopfe, in Mensel's Miscellaneen artist. Inhalts. xxv. 28, Ammon liber Christus- kopfe in his Magazin fiir christi. Prediger, i. ii. 315. * (J- B, Carpzov) de oris et corporis Jesu Christi forma Psendolentuli, Joh. Damascem et Nicephori prosopographiae, Helmstad. 1777. 4. In avdevriav epistolae P. Lentnli ad Sen, Rom. de Jesu Chr, scriptae denuo inquirit J. Ph. Gabler. Jen. 1819. (Pfingstprogr.) [American BibL Repository, 1832.] 78 riEST PERIOD.— DrV. I— A.D. 1-llT. SECOND CHAPTER. APOSTOLIC AGE TO THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. Sources : Acts of the Apostles,' and Epistles of the New Testament. Scattered notices • in the fathers of the first period, collected by Eusebius.^ Works : Lad. CapelU historia apostolica illastrata. Genev. 1634. 4. ed. Jo. A. Pabricius, Lips. 1691. 8. (William Cave's History of the Apostles. London. 1677). Ph. Jac. Hartmann comm. de rebus gestis Christianorum snb Apostolis. Berol. 1699. 4. J. Fr. Baddei ecclesia apostolica s. de statu ecclesiae christ. sub Apostolis. Jenae. 1729. 8. (G. Benson's Planting of the Christian rehgion. London. 1756. 4to.) J. J. Hess Ge- Bohichte u. Schriften d. Apostel Jesu. 3 Bde. 4te Aufl. Zurich. 1820-S2. 8. F. Lucke comm. de eccl. Christ, apostolica. Goetring. 1813. 4. Planck's Gesch. d. Christ, n.s.w. See § 20. A. Neander's Gesch. d. Pflanzung n. Leitung der christl. Kirche durch die Apostel. 2 Bde. 3te Anfl. Hamburg. 1841. G. Ch. R. Matthai der Religionsglanbe der Apostel nach s. Inhalte, Ursprunge n. Werthe. Bd. 1. Gott. 1826. Chr. Fr. Bohme die Religion der Apostel Jesu Christl aus ihren Urkunden dargestellt. Halle. 1829. § 25. EARLY HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN COMMUNITY TILL THE CONVERSION OF PAUL. The adherents of JesuS, more than 500 in number (1 Cor. XV. 6), and among them the twelve disciples, Simon (Cephas, Peter), and Andrew, sons of Jonas, James and John, sons of Zebedee (Boanerges, sons of thunder, Mark iii. 17),' Philip ^ 1 For an account of the numerous Acta of the Apostles which are found in antiquity especially among single heretical parties, see the list in Fabricii cod. apocr. Nov. Test, tom. ii.p. 743, BS. Thus the Ebionites had the TTcptoSoL TXerpav dib, Kl^fievTOS ypaijielaai (Epiphan. haer. xxx. c. 15, comp. below, § 59), and Trpu^ecg (iKkai ^KizocrbXi^v (1. c. c. 16). The Manichaeans, the Actus Apostolorum or rwv 'ATrotrrdAuv TZEpiodoit composed by one Leucius Charinus (Augustin. de fide contra Manich. c. 38, and often. Photii bibl. cod. 114], &c. One of the most modem and copious productions of this kind is the Abdiae (this Abdias, it is pretended, was a disciple of the Apostles, and first bishop of Babylon) historia certaminis apostolici (belonging to the eighth or ninth century), published in Latin in Fabricii cod. apocryph. New Test. t. ii. p. 388, ss. Respecting the apocryphal produc- tions of this kind, printed and unprinted, see Thilo acta Thomae in theNotitia, p. Iii. ss. 2 Later records are : Synopsis de vita et morte Prophetarum, Apostolorum, et Ixx. discipulorum Christi, spuriously ascribed to Dorotheas Tyrius, who lived about 303 (Latin in Bibl. PP. max. torn, iii., Greek fragments in Cave histor. literar. t. i. p. 164, ss., and in the Chronicon paschale ed. du Fresne, p. 426, ss.). Hippolytus (not Portuensis, about 230, perhaps Tbebanus, about 930) de xii. Apostolis, nbinam quiaqae coram praedicaverit, et consammatus sit (in Combefisii auctario, t. ii. Paris. 1648). 1 According to Wieseler (theol. Studien u. Krit. 1840, iii. 648), the sons of Zebedee were nousins of the Lord, their mother Salome the sister of Mary. CH-AP. II.— APOST. AGE TO A.D. 70. § 25. TO PAUL'S CONVERSION. 73 Thomas (called Didymus, John xx. 24), Bartholomew (Natha- r-ael? John i. 46), Matthew (Matthew ix. 9 ; Levi, the son of Alphaeus, Mark ii. 14), James (the son of Alphaeus, Matthew x. 3, and of Mary, Matthew xxvii. 56, the wife of Cleopas, John xix. 25),^ Thaddeus (Lebbaeus surnamed Thaddeus, Matth. X. 3, Jude the brother of James, Luke vi. 16 ; Acts i. 13), Simon Zelotes (the Canaanite, Matth. x. 4), and Matthias, who was chosen in place of Judas Iscariot, to whom were now added the brethren of Jesus who had become believers,^ spent the first days after Christ's ascension in retirement in Jerusa- lem, till the Divine Spirit, who had been in the prophets and in Jesus, began to manifest his living power in them in an extraor- dinary manner on the day of Pentecost. Furnished with power and courage, the apostles now appeared more publicly, and the number of Christ's confessors increased every day. The commu- nity, however, did not renounce Judaism and the Jewish law, but rather considered themselves to be the society of genuine Israel- ites (jiadrjTai, adeXo^ tov Kvpiov, Gal. i. 19. Comp. especially Pott prol'egg. in epist. Jacobi (ed. iii. 1816), p. 53, ss. Schneckenburg;er annotatio ad. epist. Jac. (Stuttg. 1832), p. 144. On the other side see Dr. 0. F. W. Clemen die Bruder Jesu, in Winer's Zeitschr. fiir wissenschaftl. Theol. iii. 329. Credner's Einl. in d. N. T. i. ii. 571. N«ander's apost. Kirohe, ii. 422. E. Th. Mayerhoff's Einleit. in d. petrin. Schriften (Hamb. 1835), S. 43. A. H. Blom de rolf uCeXijiolg et Tali u.6£l<^al( tov Kvpiov. Lngd. Bat. 1839. 8. Neudecker'a Einl. in d. N. T. S. 656. Wieseler in the theol. Stndien u. Krit. 1842, i. 71. Comp. Winer's bibl. Realworterbnch, i. 620. 3 Act. i. 14, comp. John vii. 5. * Chr. Fr. Boehme de spe Messiana apostolica. Halae. 1826. 8. 74 riaST PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-117. the entire Mosaic law. With this opinion they could not be ift haste to invite the heathen also to embrace Christianity. But although the community did not separate itself from the religion of the Jews, yet they were more closely connected to- gether by the peculiar direction which their religious feelings naturally took, and by their peculiar hopes. Thus there arose by degrees a regularly constituted society among the brethren. For this the Jewish synagogue presented itself as the most nat- ural model.^ At first, the apostles themselves performed the duties of the society, but by degrees special officers were appoint- ed. The apostles caused seven distributors of alms to be chosen (Acts vi. 1—6),^ inasmuch as the brethren showed very great liberality toward their poor,' and because the administration of these gifts threatened to be detrimental to the proper calling and ministry of the twelve. Soon after this, we find -npeajSvTepoi, elders (Acts xi. 30 = °'^p.O) chosen not so much for the purpose of teaching, as for the management of common concerns, and for maintaining the ordinances of the church. In all these appoint- ments of the society, the apostles did not act despotically, but .allowed the church to determine them (Acts vi. 2 ; xv. 22, 23). The bold appearance of the apostles, and the enlargement of their party, soon excited attention. The Sadducees were now * The chief work is : Campeg. Vitringa de synagoga vet ire, lib. iii., quibus turn de synagogis agitur, turn praecipue formara regiminis et ministerii earum in ecclesiam Christ, translatam esse demonstratur. Franequerae. 1696, and Leucopetr. 1726. 4. ^ LuJie calls them simply the seven {ol ^tztu), Acts xxi. 8. In later times they have for the most part been regarded as the first deacons. So Cyprian, as early as his time ; Kpist. 65, ad Rogatianum. They are, however, distinguished from the deacons by Cbry- sostom, Horn. 14 in Acta $ 3 (ed. Montfaucon. ix. 115), and the council of Trulla, canon 16 Vitringa de syn. vet. lib. iii. p. ii. cap. 5, compares them with the D'NSJ of the sj-nagogne ; and on the other hand, the diaKovoi of Paul with the D'l'n . Boehmer, diss. jur. eccl. ant. diss. vii. p. 377, actually looked upon them as the first presbyters. See on the other side Mosheim de rebus Christ, ante Const, p. 122. Without doubt the deacons arose from the seven, by an enlargement of the circle of duties required. See Mosheim, 1. c. p. 120. Neander's apost. Kirche, i. 142. R. Rothe's Anfange d. christl. Kirche, i. 162. Another opinion of Vitringa (1. c), supported by Mosheim (1. c. p. 118), is, that those seven were appointed for the Hellenist poor. But the Grecian names do not necessarily indicate Hellenists ; comp. the names of the apostles Andrew and Philip Perhaps three were Hebrew, three Hellenistic Jews, and one a proselyte. ' The opinion that the kingdom of Messiah would soon appear contributed, doubtless, very much to promote this liberality (comp. Matth. xxv. 34, if.). It is not a community oi goods that is taught in Acts ii. 44, 45 ; iv. 33-35 ; but a voluntary equalizing of property, according to the precept laid down in Luke xii. 33. Cf. Mosheim de vera natura com- munionis bonorum in eccl. Hierosol. in his dissertatt. ad hist, eccles. pertinentium, ii. i.' Ananias's crime was a meanly calculating selfishness, assuming withal the appearance of enthusiastic brotherly love. CHAP, n.— APOST.AGE TO A.D. 70. } 25. TO PAUL'S CONVERSION. 75 the bitterest enemies of those who confessed the name of one risen from the dead (Acts iv. 2 ; v. 17 ; xxiii. 6). On the other hand, priests (Acts vi. 7) and Pharisees (xv. 5) joined the Christians. After threatenings had been used with the apostles in vain (Acts iv.), the Sadducean party in the Sanhedrim wished to apply violent measures (v. 17, ff.), but were restrained by the prudent counsel of the Pharisee Gamaliel (v. 34, fF., comp. xxiii. 6). Some Hellenists, however, provoked by the zeal of Stephen, stirred up the popular fury, to which the Sanhedrim soon gave way. Stephen fell as the first martyr (vi. 8— vii. 60) ; but the very persecution that now set in was the first means of spread- ing Christianity still farther. The Christians, driven from Jerusalem, preached the gospel in Judea, Samaria (viii. 1—4), even as far as Damascus (ix. 10, 19), Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Antioch, but yet only to the Jews (xi. 19). In the mean time they had cast off the Pharisaic prejudice against the Samaritans ; and in Samaria itself Philip gained many converts to Christian- ity. The same individual preached the gospel in the towns on the sea-coast of Palestine, and finally took up his abode in Cae- sarea, probably as the founder of a church there (viii. 40, comp^ xxi. 8). The apostles, who had hitherto remained always in Jerusalem, now sent Peter and John to Samaria, in order to carry on the work there begun (viii. 14, if.). Peter then went to the towns on the sea-coast, where he was commanded by Heaven to baptize a pious proselyte of the gate, the centu.ioi Cornelius, in Caesarea (Acts x.). He quieted, indeed, the be- lievers in Jerusalem who were not pleased with this transaction (xi. 1—18) ; but the greatest part of them did not proceed far- ther than to allow that the heathen should be baptized before being circumcised. In this sense alone the church at Jerusalem approved of the conduct of some Hellenistic Jews in Antioch who had converted Gentiles also to Christianity (xi. 20, comp. ver. 22). They still maintained the view, that the Mosaic law was absolutely binding on all nations,' which was held particu- larly by some believing Pharisees (xv. 5), regarding the uni- versal and strict observance of that law as an essential charac- teristic of the times of Messiah (according to Isaiah lii. 1, Ixvi. 17, 20; Zech. viii. 21-23, xiv. 16, &c.). " Above, } 17, note 8. My treatise respecting the Nazarenes and Ebionites in Staudlin'8 o. Tzachimer's Archiv. f. K. G. iv. 2, 308. 76 FIRST PEEIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-117. § 26. PAUL. W. Paley's Hoiae Paaliuae. Translated into Gennan, from the English, by Henke. Helmstadt. 1797. 8vo. J. T. Hemseh der Apostel Paulas, herausgeg. v. Liicke. Got- tingen. 1830. 8. E. Schrader der Apostel Paulna. 3 Thle. Leipzig. 1830. f. 8. (Chronology, history, creed.) Winer's hibl. Realworterbuch, ii. 245. On the chronology see J. Pearson annales Paulini {prefixed to his 0pp. posthumis chronol. Lond. 1688. 4). Keil de definieudo tempore itineris Pauli Hierosolymitani Gal. ii. 1, 2, commemorati. 1798 (also in Keilii opuscul. academ. ed. J. D. Goldhorn. i. 160). Vogel Versuch chronolog. Standpunkte in der Lebensgesch. Pauli (in Gabler's theol. Joum. i. ii. 243), Siiskind Versuch chronol. Standpunkte lur die Apostelgesch. u. f. d. Leben Jesn (in Bengal's Archiv. fiir d. Theol. i. 15«, ff. 297 ff.). J. E. C. Schmidt Chronologie d. Apostelgeschichte (in Keil and Tzschimer's Analecten, iii. i. 128). On the other side, Keil uber die Zeit, in welcher der Brief an die Galater geschrieben ist (Analecten, iii. ii. 55, and in Latin in Keilii opusculis, i. 351). C. G. Kuchler de anno quo Paulus Apost. ad sacra christ. conversus est. Lips. 1828. 8. H. A. Schott's Erortemng einiger wichtiger chronolog. Punkte in d. Lebensgesch. d. Ap. Paulas. Jena. 1832. 8. R. Anger de temporum in actis App. ratione. Lips. 1833. 8. J. F. Wurm iiber die Zeitbestimmungen im Leben d. Ap. Paulus, in the Tiibingen Zeitschrift f. Theol. 1833, i. 3. In the mean time, however, that man had been previously converted to Christianity, to whom the mystery was to be an- nounced that the Gentiles should be fellow-heirs of the prom- ises (Ephes. iii. 3—6). Saul, born at Tarsus in Cilicia, and a Roman citizen,' but educated in Jerusalem under Gamaliel, a Pharisee, from being a dangerous enemy of Christianity sud- denly became a zealous adherent to it (37—40 a.d.). After a three years' abode in Damascus and Arabia he came to Jerusa- lem, where Barnabas ^ introduced him to the apostles Peter and James (Gal. i. 17—19 ; Acts ix. 19—27). The very same per- son conducted him also to the great scene of his apostolic labors ; for, having been sent by the apostles to Antioch in order to es- tablish the infant church there, he recalled Paul from Tarsus, and took him as his assistant (Acts xi. 22—26). After this, when Herod Agrippa (41-44), for the purpose of ingratiating himself with the people, persecuted the church at Jerusalem, when James the elder was put to death, and Peter was saved from a like fate only by a miracle (Acts xii.), Jerusalem ceased to be the secure seat of the apostles ; ' and James, the brother 1 On the rights of Roman citizenship, see Winer's bibl. Realwurterbuch, i. 235. s Gu. H. HaverkorD van Rysewyk diss, de Barnaba. Amhemiae. 1835. 8. • With this agrees ApoUouius (about 190), who (Eujeb. H. E. v. ?f-) tifi/c napaSuccu CHAP. II.— APOSTOLIC AGE TO A.D. 7a. $ 26. PAUL. 77 of the Lord, and a Nazarite, appeared at the head of the church with a reputation equal to that of an apostle/ In the mean time, Barnabas and Saul at Antioch gathered from among Jews and Gentiles a church so numerous, even in wealthy members (Xpiortavoi, Acts ii. 26),* that they were able to bring contribu- tions thence to the brethren at Jerusalem when a famine oc- curred (44 A.D., Actsxi. 27—30 ; xii. 25). After this, the two entered on the first large missionary journey through Cyprus^ Pamphylia^ Pisidia, Lycaoma, during which the gospel was preached to Jews and Gentiles. After they had again abode for a long time in Antioch, Hebrew Christians came thither who excited divisions in the church, by the assertion, that the Tov (Twr^pu (pTjcTL TzpoaTETaxivat rolg avrov urcooToAoig IttI 666EKa kreai iiri Xi^piaQfivai T^C 'UpQvaa'kTjfi. So also the Kijpvyfia Uerpov in Clem. Alex. Strom, vi. 762. Corap. Credner's Beitnige zur Einl. in die bibl. Schriften, i. 353, 363. * Heg-esippas in Euseb. H. E. ii. 23 : Atadexerat tt^v l:KKl7iuiav fierii. rdv uTToaroXayv 6 adE?.(j>b^ TOV Kvplov 'la/c^Qof, b bvofiaadel^ vrrb ttuvtcjv diKaioc- — OvTog di iK KotXia^ fiETpog avTov dyiog tjv. Olvov xal ciKepa ovk Itciev, ovSi Efi-ipvxov l^ays' ^vpbv kTzl tt)v KE(l>a7^7)v avTov ovk uvi^j]' ITiaiov ovk T^Xeliparo, nal (3a?iavEt(f) ovk kxpv^'^'^'^' T^ovrcj /j.6v(fi k^rjv Etg ra dyia Elcnivaf ovd^ yap hpeovv i^opei, uXXd. atvdovaC' Kai fiovoc elcTJpxsTO eIq tov vabv, TjvplaKETo ts keliievoq hirl Tolg yovaoi, kol alTov/zsvoc inip tov Xaov u(})EaiVj oif uTVEffKXTjKivaL tcL yovara avTov dlKijv KafirjXov, 6i(i. to ueI Kafi-KTeiv irrl yovv 7rpo(7KvvovvTa r^ 6eu, Kal alTElaBai u^ecflv rtj Xau. Aid ys toc ttjv v7:Ep(io7Jr]V T^f diKaLoavvrjg avrov kKaXelro dUaLO^, Kal ^^^Xiac, o iariv iXXTfVLarl TTEptoxv rov ?Laov Kal dLKaioGVVTj, ug ol TrpofpijTai djjTiOvtji ttepI avrov. {^ilfSTilag /Sj' D^ according- to Reines. Var. lect. lib. iii. On the other hand, Fuller, Misc. sacr. lib. iii., *Q^7ila/x D^lj^ after Pa. xxix. 11. Comp. Routh Reliq. sacr. i. 214. Heinichen ad h. 1. Kimmel de Rufino, p. 278.) Here the principles of the Essenes are mixed with the Nazarite, doubtless in the traditional account of the later Ebionites, who fathered their asceticism upon James. Clement of Alexandria related, in the sixth book of his Hypoty- poses (Euseb. ii. 1), Hirpov Kal ^luKufSov Kal 'ludvvrjv fierd ttjv dvaX7}>pLV rov acdTTJpo^^ ug dv Kal vtto tov Kvpiov TrpoTETifi7]fj.ivovg, fiy knidcKd^EcQat 66^1]^, (iW ^luKulSov rov dUaLov k'KLGKO'KOv 'lEpoGoXvfiuv Hiudat. The three apostles selecting are also those named in Matth. xvii. 1, 26, 37 : consequently the James specified is the son of Zebedee. It has been disputed whether the person chosen, the same who appears at the head of the church in Jerusalem (Acts xii. 17 ; xv. 13 ; xxi. 18 ; Gal. i. 19 ; ii. 9), was the son of Alphaeus, or the brother of our Lord, or both (comp. $ 25, note 2). Hegesippus manifestly points out the brother of the Lord, different from the apostle. So also the Apost. Constit. ii. 55 ; vi. 12. In vi. 14, they give a list of the twelve apostles, and then put in equal rank with them : 'Id/cfi)/?of re 6 rov Kvplov d6tXf^og Kal 'lepocoXvfxuv kirtaKOTZog, Kal JiavXog 6 rCiv kOvuv 6i6d(7Ka7iOC ; a testimony which deserves consideration as belonging to the third century and to Syria. It need not appear remarkable that James the son of Alphaeus, as well as most of the apostles, should disappear from the record of the New Testament, and that Luke and Paul did not consider it necessary to separate from him and to charac- terize particularly the James who is conspicuous in all Christendom. * This was probably at first a name of derision in the mouth nf the inhabitants of Antioch, who were famous for their wit (Lucian. de Saltat. c. 76 : ol ydp 'AvrioxEc^ ei^vEGrdrr) noXig. Julianus Misopog. p. 314. Ammian. Marcell. xxii. 14. Zosimoai iv. p. 258. Procop Pers. ii. 8). 78 FiaST PEEIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-117. newly converted Gentile Christians must also necessarily become Jewish proselytes of righteousness. Hence Paul and Barnabas were sent to Jerusalem, where they received from the collective apostles, and the assembled church, a decision to the effect that the Gentiles should only be required to accede to proselytism of the gate (Acts xv.).° They were also, at the same time, recog- nized as apostles of the Gentiles by Peter, James, and John, who resolved to continue their labors among the Jews (Gal. ii. 9, A.D. 52). Soon after, Barnabas and Mark made a second journey to Cyprus, while Paul and Silas repaired to the churches of Asia Minor. In Lystra, Paul took Timothy with him, traveled through Phrygia and Galatia, passed over into Macedonia, where churches were founded at Philippi, Thes- salonica, and Beroea, and came by Athens to Corinth {Epistles to the Thessalonians).'' After remaining there a year and a half, he returned by Ephesus, Caesarea, and Jerusalem, to An- « The injunctions in Acts xv. 29 are the so-called precepts of Noah. See above $ 17, note 7. So Origen in comment, ad epist. ad Rom. lib. ii. (ad Rom. ii. 26, ed Lommatzsch, p. 128) : Vides ergo (out of Levit. xvii. 10-12), banc de observatione sanguinis legem, quae coramuniter et filiis Israel et advenis data est, observari etiam a nobis, qui ex genti- bus per Jesum Christum credimus Deo. Nos enim proselytos et advenas Scriptura nominare consuevit : cum dicit (Deut. xxviii. 43) : Advena qui est in te, ascendet super te sursum ; tu autem descendes deorsum. Ipse erit tibi caput, tu autem eris ejus Cauda. Ideo ergo legem de observatione sanguinis communem cum filiis Israel etiam gentium suscepit ecclesia. Haec namquc ita intelligens in lege scripta, tunc beatum illud Aposto- lorum Concilium decemebat, dogmata et decreta gentibus scribens, ut abstiuerent se non solum ab bis, quae idolis immolantur, et a fomicatione, sed et a sanguine et a sufFocato. TertuU. de Monogam. c. 5 : In Christo omnia revocantur ad initium — et libertas ciborum et sanguinis solius abstinentia, sicut ab initio fuit. Initium tibi et in Adam censetur, et in Noe recensetur. Constitt. apost. vi. 12, says of those prohibitions: airtp kol rol^ vaXai vevoiioBerriTo Tojf Ttpb tov vojiov vaiKol( 'Evwf, 'Evux, Nuc K. t. Ti.. My treatise respecting the Nazarenes and Ebionites in Staudlin's u. Tzschirner's Arcbiv. f. K. G. iv. ii. 309. This explanation is also given by W. Schickard de jure regie Ebraeorum (Argentor. 1625), cap. 5, p. 129. Hammond and Alex. Moras ad Act. xv. 20. Sandins in nucleo hist. eccl. p. 54. It is otherwise explained by Spencer de legibus Hebr. ritualibua ed. PfaiF. p. 595, ss. Nitzsch de sensu decreti apostolici Act. xv. 29, Viteb. 1795 (also in Commentatt. theol. ed. a Velthusen, Ruperti et Kuinoel, vi. 403). Nosselt diss, de vera vi et ratione decreti Hierosolymitahi Act. xv. (in ejusd. exercitt. ad. sacr. script, interpret, p. 95.) When many writers assume that the abstaining from flesh oiFered in sacrifice to idols, from blood, and things strangled, was enjoined on the Gentile Christians, because the Jews held those things in greatest abhorrence, it should be remarked that 'this greater abhorrence of them had its foundation in the circumstance of those things being forbidden of God, according to the Jewish opinion, not merely to the Jews, but to all men. ' The conduct of Gallic, the brother of Seneca, toward Paul, Acts xviii. 12, and Phil, iv. 22, gave rise to the subsequent fabrication of a correspondence between Seneca and Paul. Ilieron. Catal. c. 12. Fabric, cod. apocr. N. T. t. ii. p. 880, as. Of. Gelpke tract, de fainiUaritate, quae Paulo Apost. cum Seneca philosophc intercessisse traditur, veriii- millima. Lipa. 1613. CHAP. II.— APOSTOLIC AGE TO A.D. 70. § 26. PAUL. 7<) tioch (Acts XV. 86— xviii. 22). But he soon entered on the thira great journey to Asia Minor, where he passed at Ephesus the first two years and three months. Here, and in the vicinity, he established Christianity more firmly (^Epistle to the Galatians ? First Epistle to the Corinthians), and then traveled through Macedonia (^Second Epistle to the Corinthians) to Corinth (Epistle to the Romans). After a three months' abode in this city, he returned to Jerusalem by Miletus (Acts xviii. 23, xxi. 17). Here, having been taken in the temple (58 a.d.), he was brought to Caesarea, and thence to Rome (60—61 a.d.. Epistles to the Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, and to Philemun) The Acts of the Apostles closes with the second year of the Roman captivity (63 a.d.) ; but according to later, though an- cient testimonies, he was again liberated from this bondage, made several other journeys (^First Epistle to Timothy," Epistle to Titus), and then fell into a second captivity at Rome (^Second Epistle to Timothy), which terminated in his death (67 a.d.).' Among Paul's disciples the most distinguished were Silas, or Silvanus (Acts xv. 40, ss., as far as xviii. 5; 2 Cor. i. 19), who was afterward with Peter (1 Peter v. 12) ; Timothy, who, commissioned by Paul, abode for a long time at Ephesus, in * So Hcan-dinjr to Ussher, Mill, Pearson, Le Clerc, and Paley : Heydenrelch die Pastoral- briaie Panli. Ud. 1. (Hadamar. 1826). S. 36, £F. G. Bohl iiber die Zeit der Abfassung u. (I. Faulin. Charaliter der Briefe an Timotb. u. Titus. Berlin. 1829. S. 204, fF. If the pastoral letters bad been a forgery of tbe second century, as Baur tbinks (die Sogen. Pastoralbriefe d. A p. Paulns. Stutt. and Tiib. 1835), it would be an inexplicable tbing tbat tbe writer sbould lay at the basis of tbe bistory certain situations in wbicb tbe apostle was placed, which can not be pointed out in tbe New Testament. 8 So Eusebius, H. E. ii. c. 2-J, supported by Clemens Rom. Ep. i. $ 5 : Aid i^TjXov / T[av7Mg vTTOfiov^^ (ipajhlov fmeax^v. — Krjpv^ jEvoixevo^ hf re r^ avaToX^ Koi iv 7y Svasi, TO yevvalov rjjf Triareu^ aiiTov K^eof eXaPev. AcfcaLocvvijv dtdd^ag oXov rbv KOfTfiov, Kai i'} TO Tipfia t7/^ Cvaeuc k\6Civ, Kol fiapTvprjaag km Tuv yyov^ievuv, ovtu^ dTT7iX?M.yrj Tov nda^on, Hal el; tov aytov Tonov kTzopevQ-q- Even tbe fragmentum de canone in Muratorii antiqaitt. iial. medit aevi, iii. 854, wbich belongs to tbe third century, mentions tbe departure of Paul setting out from the city for Spain. A single captivity o! Paul in Home, ending with his dealh, :s assumed by Petavius, Lardner, J. E. C. Schmidt, Eicbborii, B. F. II. Wolf (da oUera Pauli Ap. captivitate, diss. ii. Lips. 1819. 20. 8.), Suhrader (Paalus, i. 227), Ilemi'eu. Banr, Benss (Gescli. d. Schriften d. N. T. J 54), Mat- lliii (PastorHibr. S. 185, 693), de Wette (Einl. in d. N. T. § 122), Schenkel (tbeol. Studien Ui Krit. 1S41, i. 53). On tbe contrary, the older view is defended by P. E. Jablonski diss. . do ultimis Pauli Ap. laboribus a Luca praetermissis (Opusc. ed. J. G. te Water, iii. 289), J. P. Mynster de ultimis annis muneris apostolici a Paulo gesti (kleine tbeol. Schriften. Kopenbagen. 1825. S. 189), Heydenrelch (Pastoralbriefe, ii. 6), Bobl (a. a. O. S. 81), Wurm (Tiibing. Zeitschr. f. Tbeol. 1833, i. 81), Schott (Erorterung einiger chronol. Punkte in d. Lebensgesch. d. Ap. Paulus. S. 116), Neander (apost. Kirche, i. 389), Credner (Einl. in d. *r. T. i. i. 3:7), Neudecker (Eiul. in d N. T. S. 397). so FIRST PBKIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-117. order to arrange the affar r 'f. the church at that place ; Titus, who had been left for thr- 3 .//.e purpose in Crete (both considered in later times as the first bishops of these churches, Eiiseb iii. 4) ; and Luke. § 27. HISTORY OP THE OTHER APOSTLES AND THEIR DISCIPLES. J. A. Fatiricii salutaris lux evangelii toti orbi exorieus (Hambarg. 1731, 4to), page 95, ss. The history of the other apostles, and their early pupils, is involved in great obscurity, and has frequently been much dis- figured by mistakes and fabrications. Among these distortions may be reckoned principally, the traditions respecting the apos- tles determining by lots to what countries they should go from Jerusalem,' the joint composition of the apostles' creed^ and their unmarried state,' as well as the tradition that they all suffered martyrdom except John.'' And when the apostles, who 1 Eirst advanced by Rufinus in Hist. Eccl. i. 9. Cf. Act. SS. ad d. 15, Jul. Tliilo acta Tbomae, p. 87, S3. 2 First advanced by Rufinus in Exposit. symboli apostolici. A homily de symbolo. Falsely ascribed to Augastine, gives a still more particular account. Cf. Fabricii cod. apocr. N. T. vol. iii. p. 339, ss. The story is defended by Natalis Alex. Hist. Eccl. saeo. i. diss. xiL. ; Acta SS. ad. d. 15, Jul. n. J. Chrys. Trombellius tract, de sacramentis. Bonon. 1770. t. ii. diss. 4, qu. 3. On the contrary, Du Pin and Tillemont, with all Protestant theologians, acknowledge the fiction. ^ Comp. against this 1 Cor. ix. 5. Hence also Ignatius ad Philadelph. c. 4. mentions IleT/oot) KaX JlavXciv — koL tuv uXkav livoCToKuv toI; ydftoic ■KpoBOjiAriau.vTuv. Clem. Alex. Strom, iii. p. 448: XieTpog Kal ^ttiffTrof ixaidoTvoLijaavTo' Kal HaOTio; oin bKvel Iv Tivt, hTTicTO%y TT]v ai)70v TzpoaayoptvEiV avt^vyovt Tjv ov TTepieKO/it^sv 6ca to r^f iiTrep- Eolag eva~a2.EC- See J. A. Theiner and A. Theiner die Einfiihrung der erzwungenen Ehelosigkeit bei den christl. Geistlichen und ihre Folgen (Altenburg. 1828. 2 Bde. 8). Bd. 1. S. 26. On the other hand, the Montanist TertuUianus de Monogam. c. 8 : Petrum solum invenio maritum ; caeteros cum maritos non invenio, aut spadones intelligam ue"esse est aut continentes. Nee enim — Paulum sic interpretabimur, quasi demonstret uxores apostolos habuisse. In later times, 1 Cor. ix. 5, was explained of female friends who served : Ambrosiaster ad h. 1. Hieronymus ad Matth. xxvii. 55. Theodoret. ad 1 Cor. ix. 5, who adds, however, nvi; ovTa; 7ip/ii]vcvaav. (Cf. Saiceri thesaur. ecclesias- ticus, ed. ii. Amstel. 1728. T. i. p. 810, s. v. yvvi].) Even when it was conceded, as by Ambrosiaster ad 2 Cor.xi. 2 : Omnes apostoli, exceptis Johanne et Paulo, uxores habue- runt : the view was usually held, Hieron. Epist. 30 (al. 50) ad Pammachium (ed. Martianay. t. iv. p. ii. p. 242) : Apostoli vel virgines, vel post nuptias continentes. On the whole sub- ject, see Q. Calixtus de conjugio Clericorum (ed. ii. ed. H. Ph. C. Henke. Helmst. 1783). P. ii. p. 147, ss. * Heracleon (ap. Clem. Alex. Strom, iv. p. 502) says that Matthew, Philip, Thomas, and Levi (Thaddeus 7), did not suffer martyrdom. CHAP. II.— APOST. AGE TO A.D. 70. $ 27. THE APOSTLES, 81 continued a long time in single churches, were considered as the first bishops of them, this is also liable to be misunder- stood. Peter was still found in Jerusalem in the year 52 (Acts XV.), then in Antiocli (Gal. ii. 11), also in Babylon (1 Peter v. 13), and, according to other ancient testimonies, he suffe^d martyrdom in Rome (67 a.d.)^ Since the end of the 4th cen- tury, the fabrication of the Clementines, that Peter was first bishop of Antioch, and then of Rome, obtained more general ^ Clemens, llom.Epiat, i.e. 5, testifies merely to his martyrdom ; Ignatius, Ep. ad Rom. cap. 4, alludes to it. The Praedicatio Petri {which was known even to Heracleon, and consequently belongs to the beginning of the second century; see the Clementines by A. Schliemann. Hamb. 1844, P. 253), corap. Lib. de non iterando bapt. appended to Cypriani opp. ed. Rigalt. p. 139 : Liber, qui inscribitur PauU praedicatio, in quo libro — invenies, post tanta tempora Petrum et Paulum, post conlationem evangelii in Hierusaleni et mutuam altercationem et rerara agendarum dispositionem, postremo in urbe, quasi tunc prim am, invicem sibi esse cognitoa. (The Praedicatio Pauli seems to have formed the last part of the Praed. Petri. Credner's Beitrage zur Einleit. in die bibl. Schriften, i. 360.) Dionysius Corinth, (about 170) Ep. ad Romanes (in Euseb. ii. 25) : "AfKpD {UeTpo^ Knl UavXo^) koc c/f t^*' Vf^eripav KopLvOov (fivTevfjanreg vf^dc, d/ioiuc Idlda^av • bfioiu^ 6e Kol elt; t^v 'IraXiav bjioae dtdd^avTEC, ifiaprvpT^aav Kara rov avrov Kaipov- Ire- naeus adv. Ilaer. (written 176 or 177) iii. 1 : 'O fikv dij Mardacog h role 'EiSpaiotc ry Idea (Sia2.eKT(f} avTuv aal ypaqtTjv h^TjveyKev EvayyeTiiov, rov Hirpov kol tov HavT-.ov lif 'Pufiy EvayyE?i.L(ofiiv(jv, Kal dsfieT^iovvTuv ttjv iKK?-7jaiav. Metu d^ t7/v tovtuv E^o6ov MilpKOC K. T. A. TertuUianus de Praescr. haereticorum, c. 36: Felix ecclesia (Romana), cui totara docti'inam apostoU cum sanguine suo profaderunt ; ubi Petrus pas sioni dominicae adaequatur, ubi Paulus Johannis (baptistae) exitu coronatur. Cajus iioraanus (about 200) in Euseb. ii.25: 'Eyw 6i tu rpoTvaia rdv ' A.Ttoaro'X.QV Ix^ SEt^at' tiiv yap dE?.7fayg utteWeIv &m tov BariKavov, y eitl ryv bdov tt/v 'OoTi'av, Evp'^CEig Tti Tponaia rtjv TavrrfV ISpvaafiivuv rrjv kKuXriaiav. In the middle ages the Waldenses denied I'Moneta adv. Catharos et Waldenses. Romae. 1743, fol. p. 411) Marsilius Pata- vinus, Michael Caesenas, &c. (cf. Spanbeim de ficta profectione Petri Ap. in urbem Romam, Opp. ii. 337) that Peter had ever been at Rome. In this they were followed by Matth. Placius, Claud. Salmasius, and Ered. Spanheira (1. c), all obviously entangled by party feeling. Several modems, resting on a scientific basis, have made the same asser- tion, particularly Eichhorn (EinL in d. N. T. i. 554), Baur (Tiibinger theol. Zeitschr. 183L. iv. 136. 1836. iii. 163) and MayerhofF (Einl. in die Petrin. Schriften, Hamburg. 1835. S. 73). Neander (apost. Kirche, ii. 458) and Winer (bibl. Realworterbuch, ii. 281) waver. On the contrary, the old tradition is defended by Credner (Einleit. in d. N. T. i. ii. 638. Hall. A. L.Z. 1836, July, S. 370), Bleek (theol. Studien und Krit. 1836 iv. 1061) and OIs- hausen (Einleit. zura Romerbriefe, and theol. Stud, und Kritik. 1838, iv. 916). There is a new rejoinder by Baur (iiber den Ursprung des Episcopates, s. 43). A violent catholic defense is presented in Frid. Windischmanni vindiciae Petrinae. Ratisb. 1836. If, according to Baur, this tradition proceeded from Judaizing Christians at Rome for the purpose of exalting Peter above Paul, we can not understand how the fabrication did not forthwith meet with a decided contradiction from the adherents of Paul at Rome, nor how Caius, a disciple of Paul, is a leading witness lor its truth. Comp. Drey, Herbst, and Hirscher theol. Q,uartalschrift. Tubingen 1820, iv. 567. Mynstei's Kleine theol. Schriften. Kopenhag. 1825, s. 141. On the manner of Peter's death Tertallian speaks (I.e.); Petrus. passioni dominicae adaequatur. On the other hand, Origen (in Euseb. H. E. iii. c. 1) : Ilerpof — uvecrKoTiomady KarSX KE(j>a2.7jg, ovrug a^iuaag iraQelv, according to Rufinus' version: crucifixus est deorsam capite demerso, qnud ipse ita fieri deprecatas est, ne exaequari domino videretur. 82 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-117. currency.^ Fhilip spent the last years of his life in Hierapol»2 in Phrygia [Polycrates^ about 190, ap. Euseb. H. E. iii. 31, and V. 24). John also went to Asia Minor, and a great part of his life belongs to the following period. The traditions are ancient respecting Thomas preaching the gospel in Parthia,^ Ai- drp'i'* ^x\ Scythia {^Origines ap. Euseb. iii. 1), Bartkola//>cw in Ind;5' i^Euseb. V. 10), and it is reported that Jchfi Marky first the companion of Paul and Barnabas, then of Pcl^-r, was the founder of the church in Alexandria I^Euseb. ii. 16;. He later tradi- tions respecting the apostles, and apostolic men, which lia»rc been partly indebted for their origin to the wish of many nations to trace their Christianity up to the apostolic age, arc, to say the least, uncertain, and in part so marvelously forged, +har tliev sufEciently betray their own falseness.^ 6 Die Clementinen von A. Schiiemann, Hambarg. 1844. S. 115. Easebias, iiL 2, says : Meru TTjv TlavT^v kol Tlirpov fiaprvpiav -KpiDTO^ K?^rjpovTaL T7]v kTrcffKoir^v Alvo^, and according to him, iii- 4, Clement is TTJg 'Pofialuv kKKTiTjffia^ rplroc kniaKOnog KaraaTu^ (Linas, Anacletas, Clemens). Rufini praef. in recognitiones dementis : Linus et Cletas fnerunt qnidem ante Clementem episcopi in arbe Roma, aed superatite Petro, videlicet nt illi episcopatuB cxtram gererent, ipse vero apostolatus impleret officinm. Epiphanins also has the correct opinion respecting the episcopate of the apostles, Haer. xxvii. 6 : *Ev Tw/zt? yap yeyovaGt irpuroL Il^rpof koL IlaiAof ol 6/K6aTo7<.oL airol koX k-rziGKonoi. — Peter is named the first bishop of Antioch, first of all by Chrysostom. Horn. xlii. in Ignat. Mart. Hteronymos Catal. c. 1, and Comm. in ep. ad Gal. c. 1, the first bishop of Rome by Optatas MUev. de schism. Donatist. ii. 2. Hieron. Catal. c. 1. Angnstin. Ep. liii. ad Generosam and contra lit. Fetilian. iii. Jerome was the first that knew thai he had been twenty-five years bishop of Rome. The tradition of the modem Roman chnrch is most folly developed in Gregor. Cortesii de Romano itinere gestisqne principis Apostolomm librj ii. Vine. Al. Confltantins recensuit, notis illustravit, annales SS. Petri et Pauli et appendicem monamentorum adjecit. Rom. 1770, 8, ' Later accounts make Thomas go to India. So first Gregor. Nazianz. Orat. xxv. ad Arian. p. 438, ed. Paris. Ambrosias in Psalm xlv. 10. Hieronym. Epist. 148, and so the Syrian Christiana in India (Thomas- Cbristians) consider him to be the founder of their church (Assemani bibl. orient, iii. iL 435), comp. Acta Tbomae apostoU ed. J. C. Thilo. Lips, 1823, p, 97, 121. These Manicbaean Acta Thomae render it probable that the tradi- tion is of Manicbaean origin. On tbia account Theodoret Haer. fab. i. c. 26, declares that the Thomas sent to the Indians was a disciple of Manes. 8 Probably Yemen- Rufinua H. E. x. 9 : Tbomae Parthia, et Matthaeo Aethiopia, eique adhaerens exterior India Bartholomaeo dicitur aorte decreta. Inter qoam Parthiamque Media, aed longo interior tracta India ulterior jacet. So also Pbiloatorgioa H. E.ii. 6, calls the Sabaeana, or Homerites, tovq hydaTum '\v6ovg. 5 Thus the Spaniards pretend that Jamea the elder was seen in their country (his body is said to be in Compostella since a-d. 816) ; the French claim Bionysios the Areopagite, Lazarus, Mary Magdalene, and others ; the English, Simon Zelotea, and especially Joseph of Arimatbea; the Germans, Matemna, Encberius, and Valerias, f^ legates of Peter; the Russians, Andrew, &c. The real but later founders of churches have been frequently transferred to the times of the apostles by tradition. CHAP. II.— APOST. AGE TO AD. 70. § '-E, JEW'3 AND GENTILES. 83 § 28. RECEPTION OF CHKISTIANITY AMONG JEWS AND GENTILES. (COMP. 5 19.) Neander'a Kirchengesch. 2te. Auiiage i. i. 117, ff. With the Jews, their earthly expectations of the Messiah al- ways presented a special obstacle to Christianity. When the Christians not only took into their society the Samaritans, but when Paul admitted the very heathen into it, without requiring uf them circumcision, the fact appeared to the Jews to afford sufficient proof that the confessors of Christ could not be follow- ers of a true Messiah ; and Christianity now appeared to them only a form of Judaism profaned by a mutilated impartation of it to the heathen, as is expressed even in the appellation of the Christians, D'no, which originated, perhaps, somewhat later. On this account Paul and his disciples were most violently hated by the Palestinian Jews (Gal. v. 11, Rom. xv. 31), who could even spread the report concerning him, that he had introduced heathen into the temple, the uproar arising from which caused his imprisonment (Acts xxi. 27, ff.). Among the Hellenistic Jews Paul found once and again much susceptibility of mind in relation to Christianity, as in Berea (Acts xvii. 11,. 12), Ephe- sus (xviii. 19, 20), and Rome (xxviii. 17). In other places these very Jews were his most dangerous enemies, as in Thes- salonica (xvii. 5, ff.), and Corinth (xviii. 12, fF.), partly from the usual national prejudice, and partly, also, perhaps, from fear lest the publication of their Messianic hopes might injure them in the eyes of the Romans (Acts xvii. 6—8). In addition to the inward power of Christian truth on the human spirit, tho miraculous origin of Christianity and the pre- vailing inclination to foreign superstitions, influenced the heathen in its favor. On the contrary, with the higher classes, and es- pecially the philosophers (1 Cor. i. 18, ff.), its Jewish origin, , the simple form in which it appeared (Acts xvii. 18, ff.), and the doctrine of the resurrection of the body (1. c. 32) hindered its reception. Christianity was looked upon at this time by the 64 FIBST PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-117. heathen only as a Jewish sect/ an opinion which from many indeed may have drawn upon it contempt, but which secured for it, notwithstanding, the protection of the civil government (Acts xviii. 12, if.) ; for now, the Christian societies, like the Jewish, passed for Sodalitia licita (comp. § 12). The circum- stance that even some heathens were drawn away from their own religion by means of these communities, served, indeed, to raise complaints against them (Acts xvi. 20, ff. ; xvii. 18); these, however, were generally overlooked by the Roman mag- istrates, just as the circumstance of many heathens becoming vroselytes of the gate had been formerly passed over, since, amid the general inclination to foreign superstitions,^ the old religious laws were not strictly enforced. When Claudius, on account of a dispute between the believing and unbelieving Jews at Rome, expelled both parties from the city, this act can not nat- urally be reckoned a persecution of the Christians.' As little were the Christians persecuted on account of their religion by Nero, when, to turn from himself the suspicion of setting fire to the city, he gave up the despised sectaries to all kinds of tor- ture (64).^ Probably the Neronian persecution was confined to Rome,^ though it appears to have continued with some inter- ^ J. G. Kraft prolass. ii, de nascenti Christi eccleaia sectae jadaicae nomine tuta. Er- lang. 1771-72. — J. H. Ph. Seidenstucker diss, de Christianis ad Trajannm asque a Caesar- ibus et Senatu Homano pro cnltoribus religionis Mosaicae semper habitis. Helmst. 1790. 2 Wlien Tertnllian relates that Tiberius wished Christ to de admitted among the Roman deities (Apologeticns, c. 5 : Detulit ad Senatam cum pracrogativa sui&agii sui. Senp.taSfqaia non ipse probaverat, respuit. Caesar in sententia mansit comminatus peri- culun? accusatoiibus Christianorum), this is in contradiction to the Roman spirit, the char- acter of Tiberius (Saeton. Tiber, c. 36 : Extemas ceremonias, Aegyptios Judaicosqne ritus compescuit. 0. 69 : Circa deos ac religiones negligentior : qaippe addictus mathematicae, plenUsque persuaaionis, cuncta fato agi), and the historical relations ; while the silence of the Reman historians in regard to it would be inexplicable. The less credit is to be given to TertuUian's single testimony, inasmnch as he falsely ascribes to his cotemporary Marcus Aurelius, partiality for the Christians, in a passage subsequent to the one in which he speaks of Tiberius. Yet the account is defended by J. W. T. Braun de Tiberii Christum in Deoram numerum referendi consilio comm. Bonnae. 1834. 8. , 3 Sueton. in Claudio, c. 25 : Judaeos impulsore Chresto assidue tumnltnantes Roma expulit, cf. Act. xviii. 2. A play on the word, Xpitrrof, XpijaTo^, sometimes used by the Christians (Justin. Apol. maj. p. 45. Athenag. Leg. 281, 282), sometimes declined (Tertull. Apoldg. 3 : perperam Chrestianus pronuntiatnr a vobis). Comp. the programm. of Ammon, 1803 : lUustratnr locus Suetonii de Judaeis imp. Chr. ass. tnm. Credner's Einl. in d. N. T. i. ii. 380. * Tacit. Ann. xv. 44. Sueton. Nero, c. 16. ' First extended to the provinces also by Orosius, vii. 7, whose opinion gained the assent of many till H. Dodwell in dissertt. Cyprianicarum (Oxon. 1684. 8.), dissert, xi. de pancitate martyrum, } 13, proved the opposite. Yet Theod. Ruinart in prif.fat. ad acti CHAP. II.— APOST. AGE TO A.D. 70. § 29. INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT. S5 ruptions till the death of the tyrant (Peter and Paul suffereJ under him).^ § 29. INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT 0^ CHRJfiXIANITY. The assembly of the apostles ar.d cliavcli at Jerusalem had allowed the Gentile Christians to ncglixt Ihe Mosaic law, but in So doing they had tacitly recognize t its binding force on the posterity of Abraham. Since, therefore, on this account the Jewish Christians must have avoided intimate intercourse with the Gentile Christians, for the sake of Levitical purity ; and since the one party looked upon James, the Lord's brother, and on Peter, as their leaders, while the other took Paul for their head (Gal. ii. 9), a certain wall of partition necessarily stood between them, and perfect incorporation into one brotherhood was impossible. This must have been first felt in many churches gathered from among Jews and Gentiles by Paul out of Pales- tine (Gal. ii. 11, ff.). The very circumstance, however, contrib- Martyr. sincera, ^ 3, still defended the opinion of Orosius. The inscription pretending to have been found in Spain or Portugal : Neroni ob provinciam latronibus et his qui novam generi huinano superstitionem inculcabant, purgatam (Jan. Gniteri iuscriptt. t. i. p. 238, n. 9), is spurious, and was forged perhaps by Cyriacus of Ancona. See Perreras histoire d'Espagne, i. 192. Defended by J. E. J. Walch persccationis Christianorum Neronianae in Hispapia ex ant. monumentis probandae uberior explanatio. Jenae. 1753. 4. But compare especially the epistola Hagenbuchii, p. 31-60, there given. ' Since the Christians constantly expected Antichrist, as the torerunner of Christ, to be near at hand, it is not to be wondered at that Nero, during his persecution, should appear to them as Antichrist, and that they entertained the opinion after his death that he had not actually died, but should soon return again to undertake a final persecution. Hence the Apocalypse (written about 69) xiii. 3; xvii. 10, 11, and the Sybilline oracles, iv. 116 (which verses, according to Bleek in Schleiermacher's, De Wette's, and Liicke's theol. Zeitschrift, i. 244, were composed about the year SO a.d.) That the like report among the heathen originated in that sentiment of the Christians, is at once apparent from the form of it, comp. Sueton. Nero, c. 40 : Praedictum a mathematicis Neroni olim erat, fore, ut quandoque destitueretur. Spoponderant tamen quidam destituto Orientis domina tionem, nonnuUi nomiuatim regnum Hierosolymorum. Hence the Pseudoneronen. Sueton. I.e. c. 57. Tacit. Hist. ii. 8. Dio Cassius, Ixiv. 10. Among the Christians that expecta- tion survived for several centuries. Lactant. de Morte persecut. c. 2. Sulpic. Sever. Hist. sacr. ii. 28, } 1, 29, } 6, dial. ii. c. 14. Hieronym. in Daniel xi. 28, in Esaiam xvii. 13, ad Algasiam, qu. xi., and it was believed that Paul referred to Nero in 2 Thess. ii. 7. Chrysostom., Theodoret, Theophyl., and Oecuraen. on this passage. Augustin. de civ. Dei, XX. c. 19. Compare Corodi's krit. Gesch. d. Chiliasmus, ii. 309. Liicke's Einl. in d. Offenb. Johannis, S. 243. Crediier's Einl. in d. N. T. i. ii. 704. 86 riBST PEEIOD.— DrV. I.— A.D. 1-117. uted in no small degree, to lead that apostle to a more spiritual development of Christianity and one freer from the national prejudices of the Jews.^ He attained, accordingly, to the in- ward perception of the truth, -that spiritual communion with God by faith in Christ alone constitutes the essence of Chris- tianity. In this conviction, he was not afraid to overstep those rules of the council at Jerusalem in a twofold manner, both by declaring the obligation of the Jews to observe the Mosaic law invalid (Romans vii. 1, fF. ; 1 Cor. ix. 20, 21 ; Gal. ii. 15, ff.), since he regarded that law merely as preparatory to Christ (Gal. iii. 24) ; and also by denying the absolute binding force of the laws regarding food given to the Gentile Christians (1 Cor. viii. 10, 23, flf.), while with reference to all such ex- ternal institutes he merely required some regard for the con- sciences of weaker brethren, and practiced himself such forbear- ance (1 Cor. viii. 9, ff. ; x. 32 ; Acts xxi. 26). The other national prejudice of the Jewish Christians, viz. carnal millen- narianism, likevdse disappeared fiom his mind along with an overweening estimate of the Mosaic law. He thought, indeed, of the return of Jesus as near at hand (Phil. iv. 5), but he ex- pected the triumph of God's kingdom in a state above the earthly (1 Thess. iv. 16, 17 ; 2 Cor. v. 1, 2). Christ himself was conceived of by Paul, who had seen him in the clouds of heaven, more in his spiritual and divine aspect ; while the Jew- ish apostles, in consequence of the personal intercourse with him which they had enjoyed, dwelt more on his human appearance. The Palestinian Christians might have overlooked the new development of doctrine, inasmuch as they had been accustomed to much more important doctriaal differences springing up in Judaism, without forfeiting the privileges of ecclesiastical fellow- ship. On the other hand, they attributed to Paul's loose view of the law, by which he drew away so many Jews from the ob- servance of its precepts, in the GentUe-Christian churches, so much the greater mischief, because the other apostles conformed to the stricter view (Acts xxi. 20, ff.). Nor, on the other side, could the Palestinian appear to the Pauline Christians in any ■ G. W. l/eyer Entwickelnng des Panlin. Lehrbegriffs. Altona. 1801. (J.G.F.Lenn; reine Auffaas:3ng des Urcbristenthums in den Paulin. Briefen. Leipzig. 1303. L. Usten Sntwickelong des Panl. LehrbegrifiB. Ziirich. 1832. 4te Anfl. Neander apost. K. ii. 503 A F. JD^.hj<) Entwickelang des Panlin. Lebrbegriifs. Halle. 1335. C. CHAP. II.— APOST. AGE TO A.D. VC. f) 29. INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT. ST other light than as obtuse yf.nma, who had not at all penetrated into the essence of Christiaii'.f/ (Heb. v. 11, 12). The difference betveen ILof.e two parties is still more strongly raanifested in the aberrationa into which individuals fell from the respective poiiticn'3 of the parties. Among the Jewish Chris- tians,^ a pai-ty always continued, who asserted the absolute- ly-binding n?.ciire of the Mosaic law in relation to the Gen- tiles. By this means many belonging to Gentile-Christian churches were led astray, so that Paul felt the necessity of combating the error (Ep. to the Galatians ; Phil. iii. 2). And when persecutions befell the Christians in Palestine, shortly be- fore the destruction of Jerusalem, many of them were on the point of falling away entirely from Christianity (Hebrews vi. 4, tf. ; X. 25, if.),' having been rendered impatient, partly by the long-continued disappointment of their millenarian expectationSj partly because they could not decide upon a complete separation from Judaism, sf.ch as now appeared necessary. Among the Gentile Christians, on the contrary, philosophy early began to mingle itself with Christianity. As far as we know, A.pollos, a cultivated Alexandrian Jew, was the first who looked at Christianity from a more speculative point of view, and first preached it in this form with great eloquence at Corinth.'' Little as he desired to appear in an antagonist posi- tion to Paul, the latter declined in reputation, notwithstanding, among many of the Corinthians, and divisions arose in the church (1 Cor. i.— iv.).^ Paul wishes to leave it to tirne to dis- close the value of such a philosophical system erected on the foundation of Christian faith (1 Cor. iii. 11, ff.) ; but he blames the divisions occasioned by it, agreeably to his manner of incul- cating toleration even in regard to errors, provided they be not practically scandalous or claim for themselves exclusive adoption (Rom. xiv. 1, ff.). Afterward, however, there appeared among ' Dav. van Heyst diss, de Judaeo-Christianismo ejnsque vi et efRcacitate, quam exserait in rem christian ri saec. primo. Lugd. Bat. 18S8. 8. C. E. Scliarling de Paulo Apostolc ejusque advers'li-'s. Havniae. 1836. 8. = 3rl-j' V •!. K-jhraer erlautert v. F. Bleak, i. 60, S. * Bleek. 1. c. p. 423, ff. ° Comp , ^z. j'-Ifi,it'on to the commentators, Bnur on the Christ-party, in the Tiibingen Zeitschr. fu.-'"h.ol, 1S31, iv. 83. Comp. 1836, iv. Neander's apost. Kirche, i. 232. Dan. Schenkel de ic-i^esiK Corinthiaca prirnaeva factionibus tnrbata. Basil. 1838. 8. A. F Dahne die Christuspartei in d. apost. Kirche zn Korinth. Halle. 1841. 8. Die Partei nngen in d. Gem. zti Korinth, v. F. Becker. Altona. 1842. 8. Th. F. Kniewel ecclesiae Corinthiomm vetnstissimae dissensiones. Qedani. 18-12. 4. [EclectioReview, May, 1846]. 88 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. L— A.D. 1-117. the Gentile Christians actual errors, and those, too, ot an ini- portant moral bearing, which Paul was obliged to combat with aU his might. The Christians considered themselves, in opposition to the rest of the world (6 Koofio^, b aluv ovTog, under the KoafioKpaTup, Eph. vi. 12, the dedg rov aiuvog tovtov, 2 Cor. iv. 4) hastening in their perversity to destruction, a chosen people dedicated to Go.d, dywi," EKAfKTot, kXtitol. In these appellations there was no claim to moral perfection, but a remembrance of their high call- ing in Christ. Though it is certain that Christianity in its first beginning imparted spiritual enlightenment to many of its ad- herents, and transformed them in a moral view, yet it could so much the less purify them all from the imperfections of the ed- ucation belonging to their nation and time, because it is certain that many of them had been led to embrace it by superstitious or other interested motives.' This explains the reason why Paul found that he had continually to contend with even gross vices among the Gentile Christians, particularly at Corinth {1 Cor. V. 6), and in Crete (Titus i. 10, ff.) ; why James saw himself obliged to condemn the moral abuse of the Pauline doc- trine relative to the power of faith, as that alone which brings salvation (jB;?. o/ James) ; and why the Apocalypse (written 69 A.D.) denounces seducers in Pergamus (the Nicolaitanes),' who ' As the later Jews Wp^D'D^ Dan. viii. 24, cf. vii. 18, ea. ' One-sided laudatory descriptions are given in William Cave's Primitive Christirvj'y, or the religion of the ancient Christians in the first ages of the gospel, ed. 5. Lond. loji» (translated into German by Franendorf, Leipz. 1694 and 1723. 8), and Gottfr. A/ '''id'', erste Liebe, d. i. wahre Abbildnng der ersten Christen. Frankf. 1696. fol. Leipi. 173'.^ 4. Sometimes nnjust to the Christians, but otherwise worth reading, is L. A Pz.e'.-'- comm. de vi, qaam religio christ. per iii. priora saecnla ad hominum animos, mi.rc?, lc vitam habuit Gotting. 1799. 4. Comp. A. Neander das christl. Leben der drrl e-iit'n Jahrhunderte, in his Denkwiirdigkeiten aus d. Gesch. des Christenth. Bd. 1. BerTia. I'j2 .. J. G. Stickel et C. F. Bogenhard biga commentarionum de morali primaevorum Caristiaa- orum conditione. Neostad. ad Orlam. 1826. 8. » Apoc. ii. 6, 14, 15. Those who KpaTovvrec tt/v didaxT/v BoAau/i (cf. Numb. ixxi. IS, and those who KpaTovvTS^ ttjv diSaxi^v rCtv NlkoXcItuv are the same. DJ?73 is de- rived from C^ ^2? , even among the Babbif-. Buxtorf. Lex. talmnd. p. 314, to which corresponds vlk^v tov Xaov. So first Chr. A. Heumann in Actis erudit. an. 1712, p. 179. Ejnsd. Poecile, iL 392. Miinscher in Gabler's Journal fiir theol. Liter, v. 17. Eichhom and Ewald in their commentaries on Apoc. ii. 6. Hence the appellation Nicolaitanes was not the common name for a sect, but one invented by the Apocalyptic writer. As the names of sects were usually formed after the name of the founder, the fathers thoaght of Nicolaus, Acts vi 5, who, according to Irenaeus, i. 26, iii. 11, and Tertullian de Praescr. haer. c. 46, is said to have been the founder of the party ; but according to Clemerj Alex, ^trom. ii. p. 490, iii. p. 522, he was merely the unconsrious cause of the appellation or CHAP. II.— AP03T. AGE TO A.D. 70. J 29. INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT. 80 paid no' regard to the regulations respecting food enjoined on the Gentile Christians, nor even to the prohibition of levs^dness ^Acts XV. 29V But after a philosophical treatment of Christianity had procured friends in many churches of the Gentile Christians, the superstitious philosophy of the times also speedily crept in among the Christians, first of all, as it would appear, in Asia Minor, and threatened morality with still greater danger by recommending chimerical, mysterious doctrines, and an arbitrary asceticism, as the true mode of purifying the soul. Against such errorists as united a Jewish-heathen asceticism with a pe- culiar philosophy, Paul had first to warn the Colossians (Col. ii. 8, 16, ff.).' The same tendency spread itself as far as Ephesus, where it manifested itself in high-flying speculations, in prohi bitions of marriage and meats (1 Tim. i. 5—7 ; iv. 3, 7 ; vi. 20), and manifestly contributed to the immorality of that place (2 Tim. iii. 6). The attempt, also, of Hymeneus and Phileius to explain spiritually (2 Tim. ii. 18) the doctrine of the resur- rection of the body, so offensive to the heathen (1 Thessal. iv. 13, ff. ; 1 Cor. xv. 12, 35, ff.), an attempt that proceeded from the same tendency, was not destitute of a moral influence at this time, when the doctrine was most intimately connected with that of retribution.'" That Paul did not reject philosophy a.s such, he has proved in his conduct toward ApoUos ; the philos ■ ophy against which he warns his readers (Col. ii. 8) is that sci- ence, falsely so called (1 Tim. vi. 20) which, as Paul had be- acconnt of his words which were misunderstood by others, ore TrapaxprjcaffOac ry trapKi Sei. {napaxpuadai is, 1, to abuse, used particularly, according to Suidas de concubitu immodico; 2. equiv. to dtaxpuodac, to put to death, as Justin. Apol. maj. c. 49.) 3 Matth. Schneckenburger uber die Irrlehrer zu Colossa, annexed to bis ti'eatise Ueber das Alter der jiid. Proselytentaufe. Berlin. 1828. 8. S. 187, IF. The same author's Beitrage zur Einl. ins N.T. Stuttgart. 1832. S. 146. The same author's Bemerkungen fiber die Irrlehrer zu Colossa, theol. Studien. n. Krit. 1832, iv. 841. Neander apost. K. i. 474. F. H. Khcinwald de pseudodoctoribus. Bonnae. 1834. 4. Osiander iiber die colossiscben Irr- lehrer, in the Tubingen Zeitschrift f. Theol. 1834, iii. 96. [Eclectic iieview, March ISl.'i.J ^o That consciousness and feehng could not be conceived of apart from bodies,.was a very common notion of antiquity. Comp. the Epicurean Vellejus in Cic. de Nat. deor. ii. c. 12 : Q.uod (Plato) sine corpore uUo Deum vult esse — id quale esse possit, intelligi non potest. Careat euim sensu necesse est, careat etiam prudentia, careat voluptate. The heatheu Caecilius in Minucius Felix, c. 11, says : Vellem tamen sciscitari, utrumne sine corpore an cum coi*poribus, et corporibus quibus, ipsisne an innovatis, resurgatur? Sine coi-porei hoc, quod Bciam, neque mens, nequeanixa, nee vita est. Ipso corpore ? sed jam ante dilap- sum est. Alio corpore? ergo homo novus nascitur, non prior ille reparatur. Justini dial. c. Tryph. c. 1 : UTzadii^ yap Toaai^^aTov- Tertulliani Apologeticua, c. 48: Ideo repraesen- tabunter et corpora, quia ueque pati quicquam potest anima sola sine stabili materia, i. e.. came caet. 00 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.U. 1-117. fore anticipated, was only the first beginning of still greater er- rors, of the later gnostic reveries (2 Tim. iii. 1, ff.).^^ In strong relief to these defects of the time, the brotherly love, the benevolence (2 Cor. viii. 1, ff. ; Heb. vi. 10 ; xiii. 1, ff.), the patient endurance of the hostility of the unbelieving (Phil. i. 29 ; 1 Thess. i. 6 ; ii. 14; 2 Thess. i. 4, ff. ; Heb. x. 32, ff.), and the holy zeal for Christianity, form the bright part of the picture presented by the first Christians. The church at Philippi, in its tender attachment to the apostle Paul, appears to us par- ticularly attractive. (Comp. the Ep, to the PhiHppians,) § 30. CONSTITUTION OF THE CHURCH. Die Anf. d. cbristl. Kirche u. Uirer Verfassung: von R. Rothe. Bd. i. Wittenb.1837. 8. 141 The new churches out of Palestine formed themselves after the pattern of the mother church in Jerusalem. Their presi- dents were the elders (npeopvTepoi, knloKonoiY^ ofiicially of equal 1^ The traces of Gnosis in the N. T. are exagg^erated, particularly by Henr. Hammond dids. do Anticbristo (in his diss. iv. qnibus episcopatas jara adstratintar. Lond. 165]), and in his Annot. adN. T. (lat. per J. Clericum. Anast. 1698, fol.) But, on the other side, C. Chr. Tittmann {tract, de vestigiia Gnosticomm in N. T. fhistra quaesitis. Lips. 1773. 8), goes too far. Comp. Job. Horn uber die bibliscbe Gnosis. Hannover. 1805, 8. 1 That both appellations are the same follows from Acts xs. 17, 28; Tit. i. 5, 7; Phil.i. 1; 1 Tim. iii. 1, 8. Acknowledged by Hieronymns Epist 82, (al. 83) ad Oceannm : Apud vet- eres iidem episcopi et presbyteri, quia illad nomen dignitatis est, hoc aetatis. Epist. 101, ad Evangelum see below, $ 34, note 2. — Idem ad Tit. i. 7 : Idem est ergo presbyter, qni episcopus : et antequam diaboU instinctu stadia in religione fierent, et diceretnr in popn- lis : ego sum Panli, ego Apollo, ego autem Cepbae, commnni presbyteromm consilio ec- clesiae gnbemabantur. Postquam vero nnnsqnisque eos, qtios baptizaverat, snos pntabat esse, non Christi; in toto orbe decretam est, nt unns de presbyteris electas snperponere- tur caeteris, ad quern omnis ecclesiae cura pertineret, et scbismatmn semina tollerentnr. Putat aliquis non scripturamm, sed nostram esse sententiam, epiacopam et presbyterum unum esse, et aliud aetatis, aliud esse nomen officii : relegat apostoli ad Philippenses verba, dicentis. Here follow the above cited passages ; then : Haec propterea, ut ostenderemas apad veteres eosdem fuisse preabyteros, quos et episcopos : paulatim vero ut dissensionum plantaria evellerentor, ad unam omnem sollicitudinem esse delatam. Sicut ergo presbyteri Bcixmt, se ex ecclesiae consaetadine ei qui sibi praepositus fiierit, esse sabjectos : ita episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine, quam dispositionis dominicae veritate, presbyteris esse majores, et in commune debere ecclesiam regere. Augastini Epist. 82, ad Hieron. c. 33 : Q.uamqnam secundum honorum vocabula, quae jam ecclesiae usus obtinuit, episcopa- tas presbyterio major sit : tamen in multis rebus Augustinus Hieronymo minor est. Cf. Chrysostomi Hom. i. in Ep. ad Philipp. Theodoret. comm. in Philipp. i. 1, It is remark- able how long afterward persons maintained this view of the original identity of bishop,i and presbyters. Isidorus Hispal. Etymol. vii. c. 12, transcribes that passage from Hieron. Epiat. ad Oceanum. Bemaldas Conataatiensi? (about 1083) the most zealous defender of CHAP. II.— APOSTOLIC AGE TO A.D. 70. § 30. CONSTITUTION 91 ranlv, although, in many churches, individuals among them had a personal authority over the others.^ Under the superintend- Gregoiy VII. appeals on this subject, in his de presbyterorum officio tract, (in monumento- rum res Allemamioram illustrantt. S. Bias. 1792. 4. t. ii. p. 384, ss.), to the New Testa- ment and Jerome, and then continues : duum igitur presbyteri et episcopi antiquitua idem faisse legantur, etiam eandem ligandi atque solvendi potestatem et alia nunc episco- pis specialiahabuisse non dubitantur. Postquam autem presbyteri ab episcopali excellentia cohibiti sunt, coepifc eis non licere, quod licuit, videlicet quod ecclesiastica auctoritas soils pontificibus exequendum delegavit. Even a pope, Urbanus II., in Couc. Benevent. ann. 1091, can. I : Sacros autem ordines dicimus diaconatnm et presbyteratam. Hoa siquidem solos piimitiva legitur ecclesia habuisse : super his solum praeceptum habemus apostoli (pretty nearly the same words are found in Petri Lomb. Sentent. lib. iv- dist. 24, c. 8), Hence even Gratian receives the above passages of Jerome ad Tit. i. (dist. xcv. c. 5), epist. ad Evangel, (dist. xciii. c. 24) u. Isidori Hisp. (dist. xxi. c. 1) w^ithout scruple. The same view is maintained by the Glossa ad Gratiani decret. dist. xciii. c. 24, Cardinalis S. Marci at the Costnit. Concilium 1414 (v. d. Hardt. Concil. Const, ii. 228), Nicolaua Tudeschas, arcbiepiscop. Panonnitanus (about 1426) super prima parte Primi cap. 5 (edit. Lugdun. 1547. fol. 112, b. : Olim Presbyteri iu commune regebant ecclesiam et ordinabant sacerdotea), Nicolaus Cusanus (about 1435) de Concordantia cath. lib. iii. c. 2, {in Schardii syntagma tractataum, p. 358), where he remarks, in opposition to the genuine- ness of the Pseudo-Isidore letters of Clement : Invenitur insuper in ipsis epistolis de episcopomm a sacerdotibus differentia, quae longo tempore post hoc, ut Hieronymo placet et Damaso, in ecclesia orta est. Even the papal canonist Jo. Paul Laucelottus, in his Insti- tutt. juris canon lib. i. tit, 21, $ 3, unfolds the same view (1563) witii a sunt, qui affirment, without adding any thing in refutation of it. Since no value was set, during the middle agea, on the distinction between the institutio divina and ecclesiastica, a distinction on which modem Catholics insist, that view could not disturb ecclesiastical practice. But after the Council of Trent, sess. xxiii. (July, 1563) cap. 4, had declared, episcopos, qui in apostolorum locum successerunt, — positos — a spiritu sancto, regere ecclesiam Dei, eosque presbyteris superiores esse etc., the old view became suspicious, although the council did not expressly or definitely maintain the institutio divina. Michael de Medina (about 1570) de Orig. sacr. homin. did not hesitate to declare, illos patres materiales fuisse haereticos, aed in his pati-ibus ob eorura reverentiam hoc dogma non esse damnatum. But Bellarmin de Clericis, lib. i. c. 15, calls this sententiam valde ijiconsideratam, and would rather resort to the expedient of an interpretation. Although, afterward, among Catholic theologians, Edmundus Richeriua (Defensio libellide eccles. et polit. potest, t, ii. p. 52, ss.) defended the view of Jerome, and John Morin (de sacris ecclesiae ordinationibus, p. iii. Exerc. iii. c. 3) at least asserted, that the opinion was not heretical, episcopos non jure divino esse pres- byteris superiores ; yet, since the Tridentine council, the institutio divina of episcopacy, and its original distinction from presbyteratus became the general doctrine of the Catholic church, which the English Episcopalians also followed in this particular, while the other Protestant churches returned to the most ancient doctrine and regulation on the subject. The first leading works in favor of the modem Catholic view are Petavii de Ecclesiastica hierarchia^ libb. v. and dissertatt. theologic. lib. i. in his Theolog. dogmat. torn. iv. p. 164. On the other side, Walonia Messalini (Claud. Salmasii) diss, de epiacopis et presbyteris. Lugd. Bat. 1641. 8. Dav. Blondelli apologia pro sententia Hieronymi de episcopis et presbyteris. Amstelod. 1646. 4. Against these H. Hammond wrote dissert, iv. quibus episcopatus jura ex sacra scriptura et prima antiquitate adstruunter. Lond. 1651. The controversy was still continued ; on the side of the Episcopalians by Jo. Pearson, William Beveridge, Henr. Dodwell, Jos. Bingham, Jac. Ussorius. The view of the Presbyterians was defended by Jo. Dallaeus, Camp. Vitringa; also the Lutherans, Joach. Hildebrand, Just. Henn. Boehmer, Jo. Franc. Buddens, Christ. Matth. PfafF, &:c. Jo. Phil. Gablerde epis- copis primae ecclesiae Christ, eorumque origine diss. Jenae. 1805, 4. Rothe's Anf. d christl. Kirche, i. 171. * So Epaphras appears to have had a certain superiority for a length of time in Colosae, 92 riKST PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-11» , ence of these elders were the deacons and deaconesses (Rom. xvi. 1 ; 1 Tim. v. 9, 10).' All these officers received their support, in so far as they needed, as well as the poor, from the free-will contributions of the church (1 Tim. v. 17 ; 1 Cor. ix. 13). The duty of teaching as an office was by no means in- cumbent on the e}drrp/ ^though the apostle wishes that they should be 6i6aKTiitot, cpt lo Uach {1 Tim. iii. 2 ; 2 Tim. ii. 24). The capacity for inirtPioHiig and edifying in the assemblies was rather considered as a f; ?« prift ■■■i the Spirit {ydpiaiia TrvevfiariKovV which manifested itself i'l inary Christians, although in different modes Itrprxp-qTrji; — diSdaKcPc; — yAuoari XaXiJv, 1 Cor. xii. 28—31, c. xiv.). Still less was a distinct priestly order known at this time ; for the whole society of Christians formed a royal priesthood {liaaiXeiov lepdrevfia, 1 Peter ii. 9), God's peculiar people (/cA^pof, n^nj, 1 Peter v. 3 ; cf. Deut. iv. 20 ; ix. 29).* The Christians met in private houses ; in many cities the churches were- divided into several smaller communities meeting in different places.* (Col. i. 7, iv, 12) ; then Archippus, supported by the reputation of bis father Philemon (CoL iv. 17 ; Philemon i. 2). Comp. the av^vyo<; yvriGLog, Phil. iv. 3. ^ Respecting Deaconesses see Rothe, i. 243. * Against the division into presbyteros docentes and regentes (first made by Calvin. In- stitntt. Christ, relig. lib. iv. c. 3, $ 8 : verbi ministros s. episcopos and gubematores s. sen- iores ex plebe delectos — afterward made a part of the constitution of the Presbyterian church) see Vitringa de SjTiag. vetere, lib. ii. c. 2. Neander apost. Kirche, i. 186. Bothe, i. 221. ^ TertuUianus dc Exhort, castit. c. 7 : DifFerentiam inter ordinem et plebem constituit ecclesiae auctoritas. Amhrosiaster (Hilarius Diaconus), about 380, ia comment, ad Ephes. iv. 11 : Primum omnes docehant et omnes baptizabant, quibnscnnqae diebus vel tempori- bus fuisset occasio ; nee enim Philippus tempus quaesivit ant diem, quo ennuchum baptiz- aret neque jejnnium interposuit. — Ut ergo cresceret plebs et moltiplicaretur, omnibus inter initia concessum est et evangelizare et baptizare et scripturas in ecclesia explanare. At ubi omnia loca complexa est ecclesia, conventicala constitnta sunt, et caetera o£Bcia in eccle- fiiis sunt ordinate, ut nullus de clericis [perhaps ceteris] auderet, qui ordinatus non esset, praesumereofficiumquodsciret non sibi creditum vel concessum. Et coepit alio ordine et providentia gubemori ecclesia, quia si omnes eadem possent, irrationabile esset, et vulgaris res et vilissima videretur. Hinc ergo est, nnde nunc neque diaconi in populo praedicant, neque clerici vel laici baptizant, neque qnocunque die credentes tinguntur, nisi aegri, Ideo non per omnia conveniunt scripta apostoU ordinationi, quae nunc in ecclesia est, quia haec inter primordia sunt scripta. ' kKKKriaiai Kar' oIkov, Rom. xvi 5; 1 Cor. xvi. 19; PhOem. vcr. 2 ; Col. iv. 15. N. Chr. Kist iiber den Urspmng der bischofl. Gewalt, (aus d. Arehief voor Kerkerlijke Geschiedenis, DeeL 2, translated into German in Illgen's Zeitschrift fiir die hist. Theol. ii. 2, 54), thinks that these churches in houses, belonging to one town, Were established by different teach- ers, and without a common government. Banc (Pastoralhriefe, S. 78, ff.) infers from Titus i. 5, that every church had but one elder, and that where several elders are represented as being in one city each governed independently a particular church. The analogy of the synagogue, however is in favor of the plurality of elders in a church ; for the connection of the elders of one city into a college, and, consequently, of the churches in houses into tne CHAP. 11.— APOSTOLIC AGE TO A.D. 70. } 30. CONSTITUTION. 95 In iheir assemblies, there was an interchange of reading out of the Old Testament, explanation of what was read, free discourse, singing,' and prayer (Col. iii. 16 ; 1 Tim. iv. 13). The letters of Paul also were read, and sent from one church to another (Col. iv. 16; 1 Thess. v. 27). The covenant-supper of Jesus was solemnized in an actual evening meal (aydnrj, 1 Cor. xvi. 20).' The kiss of charity was customary — the token of broth- erly love in the assemblies (^'ronri»'(.t,i -i^- cinior esset quam canenti). ^ J. Th. Fr. Drescher de veterura Christian, agapis. Giessae. 1824. S. 3 These passages furnish valid proof, when taken in connection with the fact, that the observance of Sunday is presupposed as an established custom, in Epist. Bamab. c. 15 : 'Ayofiev t^v i^fiipav t^v hy66i}v elg ev^poavv7}v, iv y Kac 6 'iTjaovc uveaTTj Ik vtKpdv Kal ^avepuOelg 6.vi(37] elg rove ovpavov^. Cf. C. Chr. L. Franke de diei dominici apud veterea Christianos celebratione comra. Halae.lS26. 8. Neander apost. K. i. 198. 94 tlJiST PEUIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-117. The idea set forth by Christ of the union of his people with himself, and witit. one another in one joint body (John x. 16 ; XV. 1, tf.), v;7s kept alive by the apostles (awjita rov XptiToD, Romans y.v.. ; 1 Cor. x. 17 ; xii. 13 ; Ephes. ii. 16 ; iv. 4; xii. ; xvi. ; Col. iii. 15 : eKicXrjaia, Acts ix. 31 ; xx. 28 ; 1 Cor. X. 32 ; xii. 28 ; Ephes. iii. 10)."" This unity did not, indeed, obtain, for a long time, the corresponding external form ; but it had an external opposition in the unbelieving, and an external center-point in the apostles,'' who exercised a general survey over all the churches (2 Cor. xi. 28), and were co-overseers in every single church (^aviinpeaPvTepoi, 1 Peter v. 1). As they had themselves divided the large sphere of their activity by the separation into apostles of the Jews and of the Gentiles (Gal. ii. 7—9) ; so, again, did each one find in the churches he had himself founded, his narrower field of labor (Romans xv. 20), without, however, being prevented by this circumstance from being zealous for Christianity in other churches also. The first arrangement in the newly planted churches, even the appoint- ment of elders in them, was made by the apostles themselves (Acts xiv. 23). Afterward, the officers belonging to societies of Cliristians were appointed by elders with the consent of the churches.'^ In the newly established churches, Paul was ac- customed to transfer the first arrangement and superintendence to one of his assistants (Acts xvii. 14 ; 1 Tim. i. 3, if . ; Titus i. 5, if.), who then had a routine of duties similar to those of the later bishops, though not bound to any particular church.'' They belonged rather to the class of teachers who, without being confined in one place, preached the gospel as opportunity offered (evayyeXia-ai, 2 Tim. iv. 5). James, the Lord's brother, occu- pied a peculiar position. He stood in Jerusalem, where he con- tinued to reside, at the head of the church, in equal esteem with the apostles, and with extensive influence and reputation, quite in the relation of a later bishop, but without the appellation.'* '» Rothe, i. 282. •' Bothe, i. 303. ■* Clement of Rome, Epist. i, 44, says, that the presbyters were at first appointed {•iaraaTaOivTE;) by the apostles, afterward iiji' Irepav iXfiOyljiuv uvipuv, avvevdoKTiau- nric Trii kKK^-jjaia; Trda?/;, as according to Cyprian, Epist. 52, the bishop was chosen da clericomm testimonio, de plebis sufiragio. " Kothe, i. 305. " Gal. i. 19, ii. 12 ; Acts xii. 17, xv. 13, xxi. 18. (Comp. } 25, note 2. J 26, 6, note 4.) R-. ilvl, S.264 CHAP. 11.— APOST. AGE TO A.D. 70. ^ 31. JEWISH DISTURBANCES, 95 § 31. TIME OF THE JEWISH DISTURBANCES. The Jewish expectations of the Messiah had constantly been most lively under the oppression of foreign rulers, and had express- ed themselves among the Palestinian Jews in an Apocalyptic liter- ature, shaped after the old Hebrew prophecies, but far surpassing these in definiteness and richness in imagery, viz. : the hook of Dan- ieV- (under Antiochus Epiphanes) ; the hook of Enoch^ (under Herod the Great). The times of oppression, in like manner, before and after the destruc'!'icn of Jerusalem, furnished- new nourishment to such expectations (4/A book of Ezra\} Alexandrian Jews, 1 Bleek uber Verf. a. Zweck des B . Daniel, a review of the inquiries made into these points in the tbeol. Zeitachrift v. Schleiermacher, De Wette und Liicke, iii. 171. Against Hengstenberg (die Authentic des Daniel u. die Integritat des Sacharjah. BerHn. 1631) and Havemick (Comm. iiber d. B. Daniel. Hamburg. 1832} comp, C. v. Lengerke d. B. Daniel. Konigsberg. 1835, Redepenning in the theol. Studien u. Krit. 1833, iii. 831, 1835, i. 163. 3 Preserved in an Ethiopia version first translated into English by R. Laurence. Oxford, 3d edition, 1838. A. G. Hoft'mann'a 3uch Henoch in vollstindiger {translated from the English as far as the 55th chapter, the remainder from the Ethiopic) Uebersetzung, mit Commentar, Einleitung und Excursen. 2 Abth. Jena. 1833, 38. 8vo. According to f^aurence, Hoffmann, i. 23, Gfrorer (Jahrhundert des Heils, i. 96) and Wieseler (die 70 Wocben und die 63 Jahrvrochen des Proph. Daniel. Gottingen. 1839, S. 163), it belongs to the first year of the reign of Herod the Great; according to Hoffmann's later opinion (ii. Vorr. S. 11), to the conclusion of the Maccabean period. Liicke (Einl. in die Ofienbar. Johannis, S. 60) places it in the time of the Jewish war, probably after the destruction of Jerusalem. So, in like manner, Credner (Einl. in d. N. T. i. ii. 712), in the time about which the Apocalypse was written. Unquestionably, Christian elements have been pointed out by Lucke (S. 75) in the book, which, however, came into it by means of a later revision. [Kitto's Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature, book of Enoch.] 3 The Greek original is lost. There are preserved an old Latin translation (in J. A. Fabricii codex pseudepigrapbas V. T. iii. 173), an Ethiopic (Priml Ezrae libri, qui apud Vulgatum appellatur quartus, versio aethiopica, nunc prime in medium prolata, et latine angliceque reddlfca a B. Laurence. Oxon. 1820. 8), and a paraphrasing Arabic one (translated into English in Whiston'a Primitive Christianity, iv.; its variations are also found in Fabricus, 1. c. On the book comp. Corodi's Krit. Gesch. des Chiliasmus, i. 179; Liicke a. a. O. S. 78 ; Gfrofer a. a. O. i. 69 ; Wieseler a. a. O. S. 206. Ch. J. van der Vlis disp. crit. de Ezrae libro apocrypho, vulgo quarto dicto. Arastelod. 1839. 8. Lau- rence fixes the time of its writing between 28 and 25 b.c. Mick. Merkel (Vermischte Anmerkungen aus d. Philologie, Kritik, und Theologie, Erste Samm. Leipz. 1772, S. 75, ff,) places it in the time of Vespasian. On the other hand, Corodi, Liicke, Gfrofer, and Wieseler, in the end of the first century. It was written by a Jew, but interpolated by a Christian hand. Fronr the latter proceed cap. i. ii. xv. and xvi. entirely. 90 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. 1.— A.D. 1-117. on the other hand, made use of the widely spread form of the sybilline oracles/ in order to oppose idolatry, and to procure re- spect among the heathen for their people and their destiny. The more the Christians were inclined to see the beginning of the end in the oppressions of that time, the easier access to them did such writings obtain, and the more readily were they imi- tated (first Christian sybillines.y When Jewish fanaticism pressed severely on the Christians of Jerusalem immediately before its destruction, and even James, the Lord's brother (69 a.d.), fell a sacrifice to it ;*^ the most of ♦ After the genuine sybillines bad been burnt along with the capitol, 74 B.C., and persons began to collect new sybilUnes, they sprang np in so great nnmbers that the loss in the capitol w^as not only replaced very soon, but Augustus could even cause such writings to be deposited in the temple of Apollo on the Palatine (Saeton. Aug, c- 31). Although at that time the possession of aU soothsaying books was forbidden, yet numerous sybilline predictions were constantly circulated among the people (Tacit. Ann. vi. 12). The first certain trace of Jewish sybilUnes is to be found in .Joseph, Ant, i. 4, 3 {cf. orac. SybilL iii. 35). The sybilUnes now extant (SybiUinorum oraculorum lib, viii, ed. Jo. Opsopoeus. Paris, 1589, ed, 3, 1607, gr. 8vo. Servatius Gallaeua. Amst. 1669, 4 Q-a*tlandius in his Bibl. pp. i. 133 : to these have been lately added, lib. xi.-xiv, in Ang Maji scriptoram vett. nova coUectio, t. iii. p. 3. Komae. 1828. 4) were usually before this time assigned to the second century, and to the Montanists; by many (Casanbon* Scaliger, Blondel) to Montanus himself, Haet conjectured their authors to be the Gnos- tics ; Cave, Alexandrian Christians; Semler, TertuUian. Grotius regarded them as Jewish productions, afterward interpolated by Christians, G. J. Vosaiua, however^ perceived that they proceeded from several authors at different times. Birger Thorlacius (libri SybilUstaram veteris ecclesiae crisi, quatenus monumcnta Christiana sunt, subjecti, Hann. 1815. 8, and Conspectus doctr. cbrist. qualis in SibylUstarum libris continentnr, 1816, also in F. Munter Miscellanea Hafniensia 1, i. 113) assumed that they had been for the greater part composed between 100 and 170 a.d., in Phrj'gia — some of them, too, by Alexandrians, According to Bleek (iiber die Entstebung a. Zusammensetzung d, sib. Or. in Schleiermacher's, De Wette's u. Liicke's theoL Zeitscbrift, i. 120, and ii. 172) the oldest of them are Jewish oracles belonging to the second century before Christ; the youngest, Christian oracles of the fifth century after Christ, The greatest part of the third book, and several sections in the fifth (1. c. L 198, ii. 182, 194), proceed from Alexan- drian Jews. Gfrurer (Philo. ii, 121j agrees with him in this opinion, and points out Jewish-Alexandrian dogmas in these sections. * According to Bleek (1, c. i. 240, ii. 232), the fourth book was composed by a Christian, about 80 A,D., probably in Asia Minor, * Josephus Antiq. xx. 9, 1 {also in Eusebius, ii. 23), relates : "The bigh-jniest Ananus, a Sadducee, a severe and cruel man, made use of the time in which, after the death ot Festus, the procurator, his successor Albinus beid not yet entered on office (63 a.d.) : Kadi^et avvidpLov KpcTuv' Kal izapayayuv etc avrb [toi^ ad£?.<*>bv ^Irjaov rov /-eyofievov "X^LCTOv, 'laKto^og bvofia ahru, kgI] Tcvag [erfpoDf], ug TrapavofiTjcuvruv Karjjyopiav TTOiTjaafievog, napedtJKe Xevadrjaofievovg. Many pious "and zealous Jews were much dis- pleased with this proceeding, and accused Ananus before King Agrippa and Albinus. Agrippa, therefore, deposed him fi-om the office of high-priest." Le Clerc, however, Art. crit. iL 223, Lardner Suppl. vol. iii. cap. 16, sect. 5, and Credner (Einl. n. d N. T. i. ii. 581) regard, on important grounds, the bracketed words as spurious. On the other hand, Hep-esippus, in Euseb. u 23, according to the passage given in a preceding note (4, § QZ,, narrates the death of J-*'i-:;r in this manner : "By his preaching he had gained over manj CHAP. IT.— APOST. AGE TO A.B. 70. §31. JEWISH DISTURBANCE^. 97 the members of the church fled to Pella.'' About this time also John repaired to Asia Minor, and there, full of the impressions which he had taken along with him from Palestine, and per- ceiving in these oppressions the beginning of the last events, wrote the Apocalypse (69 a.d.).^ This was the commencing point of a rich apocalyptic literature among the Christians. of the people to Christ, and stood generally in the highest repute as the righteons one. Hence the scribes and Pharisees demanded of him a solemn denial of Christ : "KoTTiaav cvv 70V 'IdK(j}j3ov i:iTl to TTTepvyiov tov vaov, Koi §Kpa^av avrCi koX cIttov dUacej u 'TTu.vTeg ireideadat 6<}>el?i,o/iEVi enet 6 ?<.adg irXavdrac oiriacj iT/ffou tov (jTavpudEVTor, undyy€L?i.av Tjfilv, tl^ tj Ovpa 'Ijjcov tov OTavpuOevTO^. [Ovpa as in Uabbinic 'I^K' estimate, value. See Credner iq, the new Jena A. L. Z. August, 1843, S. 795. "What is the disclosure, the truth of Christ ?") Kal iiTTEKpivaTO (puvy fieydXy * Ti /is knepuTaTe irepi '\rjGov tov viov tov uvdpuTTov ; k(U avToc KadTjTat kv tu ovpavu kK de^tuv T^g fZEyu- X?7C (iuvu/j,e(jgt .eti}v TO ii'iJ^ov^ kv ^ a-nvTrtE^e tu IfidTta; yveytce Kard rjjc KEiact;s the death of James in the year 63, there agree with the designa- tic'-i o^f time by He^e^ippus, agreeably to which the siege of Jerusalem took place imme- dittely after Jaoi^ss death, Eusebius, iii. 11 (Symeon was chosen successor to James, fiEro. '!T,v '\anO'^( V fiapTVplav Kal TTjV avTlKa yEvofiEVTjv dTiUaLV t^c 'lEpovcalij/i), altliougb in his chromcie he places the death of James and the inauguration of Symeon, after Josephus, in the seventh of Nero; the Clementines {so far the Ep. Clemen, Rom. ad Ja^ob. o-Jl, in Cotelerii Patres ap. i. 611, and Clementina Epitome de gestis S. Petri, c. 147, 1. f.. p. 7^8, announce that Peter died before James), and the Paschal Chronicle, which (ed. Sann. i. 400) places the death of James in the first year of Vespasian's reign. Comp. Credcer Einleit. in d. N. T. i. ii. 580. Kothe Anfange d. christL Kirche, i. 275. 1 Euseb. H. E. iiJ. 5. Epiphanius Haer. xxix. 7, de mensuris et ponderibus, c. 15. '^ This time is specified by Ewald Comm. in Apoc. p. 48, and Liicke Einleit in d. Offen- bar Job. S. 244. 1 can not, however, bring myself to refuse to the apostle John the authorship of the book. The author designates himself as the apostle ; the oldest wit- nesses declai'e him to be so. Had the book been forged in his name thirty years before his death, he would certainly have contradicted it, and this contradiction would have reached us through Irenaeus from the school of John's disciples. On the contrary, the later contradictions of the apostolic origin proceed from doctrinal prepossession alone. The internal difference in language and. mode of thought between the Apocalypse, which Joim. wliose education was essentially Hebrew, and his Christianity Jewish-Christian of the Palestinian character, wrote, and the gospel and epistles which he had composed after an abode of fi"om twenty to thirty years among the Greeks, is a necessary consequence of the different relations in which the writer was placed, so that the opposite would excite suspicion. There is much at the same time that is cognate, proving continuous- ness of cultivation in the same author. Comp. F. Lucke Versuch einer vollstandigen Einleitung in die OiTenbarung Johannis, und in die gesammte apokalyptische Literatar. Bonn. 1832. 8vo. VOL. I. 7 98 _ FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-lir. THIRD CHAPTER. AGE OF JOHN: FROM 70-117. § 32. FATE OF THE JEWISH CHRISTIANS IN PALESTINE. Although a Jewish Christian church soon formed itself among the ruins of Jerusalem,' and again selec'ted a relative of Jesus, Symeon,^ to be its head, yet, after the judgment which had be- fallen Judaism,' this church could no longer continue to be a model mother-church, and the center of Christendom. We have a proof that these Christians were continually hated by the Jews, in the composition of the work called D'V?!] ^I"?? ,^ and in the crucifixion of Symeon at the age of 120 ^ (107). After the ^ Epiphanius de mensnria et ponderibus, c. 15. According to c. 14, the small Christian church on Mount Zion was among the few buildings that were spared. ' Euseb. iii. 11. See § 31, note 6. Hegesippns apud Enseb. iv. 22: Kul /xerii. to fiapTvp^aat ^1uku(3ov tov diKatoy — ndTitv b hK 6ecov avTov 2v/iewv b tov KXuTvd Kadltr- rarai tmano'Kog- bv irpo^OevTO izuvre^y bvra dve^l/tov rov Kvpiov, devTEpov. Clopas, the father of Symeon, was, according to Hegesippns in Enseb. iii. 11, a brother of Joseph. (Sophron. in app. ad Hieronymi Catal. J 6, represents this Symeon as Judas, the brother of James, and moreover the apostle Simon Zelotes. In opposition to this, see Sam. Bas- nage Annales politico-ecclesiaatici ad ann. 31, no. 72.) These Jewish Christians generally preferred to choose relatives of our Lord as presidents of their churches. So Hegesippus relates (in Euseb. iii, 20) that the grandchildren of Judas, a brother of Christ, after they had been set free by Domitian, rj-yijaaadai tCiv inKTiijaiuv, (jf &v d^ /lupTvpa; b/xov Kal d-TTo yevov^ ovrag rov Kvp/ov. ^ The feeling of this is plainly expressed in the writings of this period. Bamabae Epist. c. 9: 17 TTepiTopir/, t(ji' y nsvoWaai, KarripyqTai even for the Jews. The law 01 Moses had only a typical meaning, particularly the laws regarding meats (c. 10) ; the Jews are not heirs of the promises, but the Christians (c. 13, 14) ; the Jewish Sabbaths are not agreeable to the Lord, but Sundays are (c. 15) ; in place of the destroyed Jewish temple appears a spiritual temple {c. 16) , * Samuel, the Little, is said to have composed it at the instigation of R. Gamaliel ic Jafnei where the Sanhedrim met after the destruction of Jerusalem (Talmud. Hierosol. et Babylon, in tract. Berachoth). Hence this Gamaliel can not be the elder Gamaliel, but his grandson. Cf. Vitringa de Synagog. vet. p. 1047. Respecting the name O'J'Di see FuUeri Miscellan. th'eologic. lib. ii. c. 3. G. E. Edzardus in not. ad Avoda Sara, p. 253, ss. Hieronym.Ep. 89, ad Augustin. : Usque hodie per totas Orientis synagogas inter Judaeos haeresis est, quae dicitur Minaeorum et a Pharisaeis nunc usque daranatur, quos vulgo Nazaraeos nuncupant, qui credunt in Christum, iilium Dei, natum de virgine Maria, et sum diouut esse, qui sub Pontic Pilato passus est et resurrexit : in quern et nos credimus, oed dum volunt et Judaei esse et Christian), nee Judaei sunt nee Christiani. ' Hegeaippos in Eusebii H. B. iii. 32 : 'Atto tovtuv tuv alptTLKUv KaTj]yopovai nvei CHAP. III.— AGE OF JOHN. § 32. JEWISH CHRrST[4NS. JO death of this man, there also arose an internal division among them. An opposition in the church, which Jjad existed since the apostolic council at Jerusalem (Acts xv.), bat had been hith- erto restrained, now broke out openly (Tkcl/ul/iis) ;^ aad from the Nazaraeans,'' who remained steadfast in the apostolic faith, a party separated which held the Mosaic law to be binding in a.i.1 cases, and Jesus to be the son of Joseph and Mary. To them the name Ebionites was afterward for the most part applied — an appellation originally given by the Jews, in derision, to the Christians generally." A new party also arose among the Jew- 2v/iCGJrof Tov K^UTra, wf ovto^ utto ^afSl6 Kal Xptartavov. These heretics can only have been the adherents of the seven Jewish alpioELg, of which Hegesippus in Easeb. ii. 23, and iv. 22, speaks. In the Chronographia of Jo. Malala {about 600 — ed. Oxon. 169], 8vo, p. 356) is the following Relatio Tiberiani, or Relation of Tiberianus, a president of Palestine, communicated to Trajan, which, if it be genuine, must belong to this time : 'AniKafiov Ti/iupovfievog Kal (jxjvevuv tov^ Fa/lt/la/owf, Tovg tov doyfiajo^ tuv Aeyo- {tivuv XptsTLavuVt Kara ra v^repa 6e(7TTl<7fiaTa- Kal ov TravovTai eavTov^ /lyvvovTst; ctf TO uvatpeladac. odsv kKomaua tovtol^ Tzapatvuv Kal a-KEi^Civ, iitj To1fxg,v avTovg fi7]vv€tv fioi vTzdpxovTa^ kK TOV 7rpoecpTifj.£vov doy^aroQ- Kal inrodii^KOfievoi ov -navov- Tat. QEamaai fiot ovv KaTa^iuaaTE tH -TrapcaTO/ieva ru vfi£Tip(f} KpuTEi TpOTzaiovx^- Bat Dodwell Dissertt. Cypr. diss. xi. § 23, and Tillemont, note 2, sur la persecut. de Trajan {in the Memoires, ed. Bruxelles. 8, torn. ii. p. ii. p. 433, s.) have sufficiently proved the spuriousness of this relation. ^ Hegesippus, in Eusebius, iii. 32, says that the church enjoyed a profound peace from the death of Symeon, till the time of Trajan, and continued to be irapdivo^ Kadapu Kal u6id(j)dopoC' When he designates Thebuthis as the person who corrupted it {Euseb. iv. ,22), the connection does not render it necessary to understand the death of James as the point of time at which Thebuthis appeared; and we must therefore refer to the point of time which was before announced in obvious terms. Least of all can the opinion of Schliematm (Clementinen, S. 460) be justified, according to which, iv. 22 should be under- stood of the first beginnings of heretical views immediately after the death of James ; iii. 32 of the open breaking oat of these heresies in the second century. The influence of a Thebuthis, because he was not a bishop, can only have been an open opposition. The first beginnings of heretical views among the Jewish Christians are to be fonnd long before the death of James in the opponents of Paul. It is stil: more remarkable that Schleimann, p. 488, f. did not farther consider this point of time given by Hegesippus as that in which the sects arose, but places the separation of the Ebionites from the Naza- raeans in the year 136. Comp. my treatise on the Nazaraeans and Ebionites in Staudlin's and TzBchirner's Archiv. iv. ii. 320. eifSovdi;, according to Credner (Einl. in d. N. T. i. ii. 619), is not a person, but a collective idea, Chald. SnilTI N^ITI' opposition, relustance, especially abhorrence of the stomach, nausea, hence vomitus, and then gene- rally filth, ilirt, much the same as (rmAadef, Jude 12 ; am\oi Kal iiuy-Oi, 2 Peter ii. 13. ■> Comp. Epiphanii Haer. 29. According to c. 7, they lived at the time of Epiphanius. toward the end of the fourth century, in Beroea, in Syria, in Coele-Syria, in Decapolis about Pella, and in Cocabe in Basanitis ;now a village, Cocab, between Damascus and Nablus, nearer the latter. See Burckh£.rdt's Travels, German edition, edited by Gesenius, p. 591). 8 Origenes c. Cels. ii. init. : 'Ejliuvaloi. XPWTtCiovaiv ol dnb 'lovSaiav tov 'IrjGow (if XpiaTov napade^d/ievoi. V. 61: 0/ 61.TT0I 'EfSiuvalot, ^Toi Ik wapOivov o/xoXoyovvTe^ d/ioiu; tifilv TOV 'iTjaovv, ij ovx ovtu yeyevvijadat, IMC (if roiif /lojTroif livSpinrov^. C. 65: ^YiBii^valoi ufKpoTEpoc- These two classes can not, as Schhemann supposes, be the 100 FIE ST PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-117. ish Christians about the time of Trajan, in the countries lying eastward of the Dead Sea, by means of the diffusion of Es- senism, which united with the asceticism of the Essenes the pe- culiar opinion that the Spirit of God associated himself differ ently with man, that, as the true prophet (Adam, Enoch, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Moses, Jesus), he might announce the same truth, and restore it when obscured.^ This party became GxMBtLC Riid the coDiTnon Ebionites. He has himself shown, p. 207, that the former conld not thiuli of a birch of Christ by a virgin ; Origen also calls them Elcesaites ; see below, note 10. They are the Nazaraeans and Ebionites whom even Busebius, H. E.iii. 27, groups together under the common appellation Ebionites, and at the samp time obviously draws a distinctiou between them. The Ebionites, in a stricter sense, arose, according to Bpiphanius Haer.xxx. 2, at Cpcabe, and lived in his day (1. c. c. 18), in Nabathea, Faneas, Moabitis, and Cocabe. Respecting their adherents in Asia Minor, Rome, and Cyprus, of which he also speaks, see below, note 10. The derivation of the name from one Ebion, occurs iirst in Tertullian de Praescript. haeret. c. 33. In the Talmud. Hierosolymit. tract. Joma, fol. 4, col. 3, appears no p'3S , as Lightfoot Parergon de excid. nrhis, 0pp. t. ii. p. 14S, asserts, but a jOS T . Comp. my treatise, p. 297, ff. 306, ff. ^ Comp. Credaer " Oa the Essenes and Ebionites, and a partial connection between vhsm," in Winer's Zeitsjbift f. wissensch. Theol. i. 211, 277. A. Schliemann's die Clementinen nebst d>:n Verwandten Schriften, und der Ebionitismus. Hamburg. 1844. According to Epiphanius, the 'Eotrijvoi (Haer. x.) lived in Samaria; on the other hand, the 'OaaTjvoi (Haer. xix.) in Nabathea, Iturei, Moabitis, and Areilitis. Hence he takes the former as a Samaritan, the latter as a Jewish sect. Doubtless the names were dif- ferent merely by provincial pronunciation. The Essenes had withdrawn into these dis- tricts during the Jewish wars, in order to avoid tlie importunity of the Jews insisting on their carrying arms along with them. To the Ossenes, i. e. the Essenes living to the east of the Dead Sea, 'HAfat, 'HAfafof attached himself in the reign of Trajan (Epiphan. Jlaer. xix. 1) ; and remains of the party which he modiiied were still existing in the time of Epiphanius as a Christian sect, under the name of 'Sa/iipaioi, living in Nabathea and jj^roabitis (1. c. c. 2), also in Iturea. They were also called 'EA/ceffatot, (Haer. liii. 1) ; and tiy Origen (in Euseb. H. E. vi. 38) 'Fj^Keaatrai.. That Elxai also attached himself to the Ebionites, and a part of them followed him (Epiphan. Haer. xxx. 3). Epiphanius pro- fesses even to have read the prophetic book left by Elxai (Haer. xix. 1, 3) ; and he had heard besides of another writing, belonging to a brother of Elxai (Haer. liii. 3) colled 'lef&f (Haer. xix. 1^. The name 'HAfot signified, according to his followers, iSvvafii^ KEKa?^v/ij^evjj, from /""n and HOS (Haer. xix. 2). Modem writers have conjectured that this name iirst originated from the name of the party, and have declared the name Elcesaite equivalent to ['K'nO/N (from tyPlD , to deny), apostate. Baumgarten's G-eschichte der Religionsparteien, pag. 271 ; from '^t^ 7X , Nitzsch de Testamentis xii. patriarcharam, p. 5. But according to Scaliger, 'EAfat 'NOn '7X 6 Eaaato; (Pe- tavii comm. ad Epiphan. Haer. xix.) According to Delitzsch (in Rudelbach's and Gue- x-ike's Zeitschrifl:, 1841, 1. 43), the Elcesaites derived their name from the town Elcesi, in Galilee. I believe that ,'D3 tT) is an appellation of the Spirit of God which made the true prophet, and which is also called in the Clementines, Hom. xvji. 16, GvvafiiQ aaaKpog. The Elcesaites praised this secret power as their teacher ; hence arose the error of Epiphanius. If the title of the work which he possessed was 'D3 T'P , and he heard of another '03 71' , the latter treating of the concealed deity as the former did of his concealed power, he may have made out of this two brothers. That this development proceeded from a confounding of the Essenes with Jewish Christians is shown by Credner, 1, c. p. 312. When Schliemann denies this, because the similarity of CHAP. III.— AGE OP JOH:r §33. EXTERNAL FORTUNES. 101 known beyond their own country by means of the Clementines^ t'^ward the end of the second century ; ^^ and they were called rometimes Elcesaites or Savipsaeans, sometimes Ebionites ; which latter was the general appellation of heretical Jewish Christians. § 33. EXTERNAL FORTUNES OF THE CHRISTIANS IN THE OTHER PROVINCES OP THE ROMAN EMPIRE. (CoMP. i) 16.) After the destruction of Jerusalem, the heathen Christians were every where so numerous that it was no longer possible tc mistake the distinction between Christianity and Judaism. Still, however, the Christians were looked upon as a Jewish sect.^ All the prejudices entertained against the Jews, and the hatred of the heathen, which had been strengthened agamst them since their rebellion, were transferred in like manner to the the Essene creed to the Elcesaite can not be demonstrated, he forgets that the former is completely unknown to ns, since it wag guarded as a mysterious doctrine under the sanc- tion of an oath, a thing which the Elcesaites had also to do (Credner's Beitrage zur Einl. in d.bibl. Schriften, i- 369). When Schliemann, on the other hand, designates this ten- dency as Gnostic Ebionitism, no objection can be made to the assertion, if Gnosis be talcen as synonymous with theosophy generally. In this sense the Essenes, too, were Gnostics. But that theosophy which is in historical possession of the name Gnosis was opposed by the Elcesaites, as Schliemann, p. 539, himself shows. When, moreover, this same writer refers to the incorporation of the old oriental elements into Judaism, in order to explain Gnostic Ebionitism, and quotes Neander, he lays claim to the same source for it as that from which Neander derives Essenism (see above § 15, note 9). Regarding the name of the party, I do not believe with Credner (Beitrage, S. 367) that Ossenes, Sampsaeans, and Elcesaites were the camfis of the three highest classes of the Essenes. The Ossenes were the Essenes east of the Dead Sea, who by degrees becan;ie Christians. These Essene Christians were styled Elcesaites from the ''D3 rV} , which they con- fessed ; Sampsaeans (Epiphan. Haer. liii. 2 : 'Za/i-ipaloL ipfXT^vevovraL 'HXiaKol from tif'DV/jj probably because they turned while praying toward the rising sun, as did the Essenes. The name Ebionites which was given to them, if we may rely on the authority of Epiphanius, is with him the general appellation for all heretical Jewish Christians, and is therefore least of all adapted for a strict description. 10 See below § 58. From this time onward the party appears to have obtained adherents in Asia Minor, Rome, and Cyprus. Hence Origen, in Euseb. H. E. vi. 38, dip tinguishes the acpeatv tuv 'E^fCecairwi' as veoxjTC knaviurafiivTiv. On the other hand, it is very doubtful whether the docti'inc of thia ptirty be represented in its pure unadulterated form in the Clementines. 1 Hence in Tacitus (Hist. v. 5), while describing the Jews, traits appear which are man- ifestly borrowed froca the Christians : Animas proelio aut suppUciis peremptorum aetemas putant. Kinc generandi amor et moriendl coi)i"emptrj. 102 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-117. Christians. At the same time Christianity appeared far more dangerous than Judaism, inasmuch as it was not confined, like it, to one ))eople, but propagated itself every where with im- mense ra])idity.^ Yet the persecutions which the Christians had to sutler from individual emperors were only partial. Ves- pasian (70— 7S) did not at all persecute the Christians as such, although they may have been harassed under his reign and that of Tiliis his cuccessor (79—81) by the demand of the tax im- posed on every Jew. This was still more the case under Do- mitian (81— 9b),' who caused some Christians to be put to death even in -Rome,^ and search to be made in Palestine for the pos- terity of David.' Under Nerva (96—98), all these provocations ceased.* At the time of Trajan (98—117), appear the first traces of that popular rage against them to which, in succeeding times, so many must frequently have fallen sacrifices (Eusebius iii. 32). Pliny the younger, governor of Bithynia, where the ' Notj*ons(.f;his time concerning the Christians : Tacit. Annal. xv. 44 : Quos per flag:itia jnvisos, vu'gtis Christianos appellabat. Auctor nominis ejus Chiistus, Tiberio imperitante, per procuratorem Pontiura Pilatum snpplicio alFectus erat. Repressaque in praesens exitiabilis snpersci:';o rursus erampebat non mode per Judaeam originem ejus malj, sed per Tjrbem etiam, ^no cuncta undique atrocia aut pudenda confluunt celebranturque. Odio bnmani generis convicti sunt. Sueton. in Nerone, c. 16 : Christiani, genus hominum superstitionis novae ac maleficae. ^ The 6i6oaxiiOQ nc"^' to be paid to Jupiter Capitolinus. Joseph, de B. J. vii. 6, 6. Sueton. in Domitiario, c.19,: Praeter caeteros Judaicus fiscus acerbissime actus est: ad quern deferebantor, qui vel improfessi Judaicam viverent vitam, vel dissimulata origine iraposita gcnti trib'.ita non pependissent. Interfuisse me adolescentulum memini, quunj a procuratorefrequentissimoque consilio inspiceretur nonagenarius seuex, ancircumsectus esset. Petri Zo.iiii historia fisci Judaici sub imperio vett. Roman. Alton. 1734. * Xiphilini epitome Dionis Cass. Ixvii. 14 : Tbv ^dfiiov KX^/j.€VTa VTraTEVovra, KainEfj uveil)ibv ovra, Kol yvvalKa teal avrjjv avyyevTj iavTov ^XajHav Ao/^tri^ylav ^;j;oi'7a KUTsu^a^ev 6 AofUTLavoc ■ kmivexBi; dj u/i(po2v eyKTifiiia adcoTijTog ■ inj)' ^f Kal uUot i; TO. rCjv 'lovf^aiuv t/Otj I^okDJIovte^ noX^iol KaTedLKaadrjaav ' Kol ol fikv uizEQavoVy ol 6t Tuv yoii' ovaiuv laTEpTiOTjaav. ri Sk hoiuriXXa vKEpupiadri fiovov eI( JlavSaTipEiav. (uOeo^, i. e., 6 fiT] CEpo/ievo^ rov^ dsovg). Euseb. Chron. lib. ii. ad Olymp. 218 : IIoA/loi de Xpiartavuv ifiapTvpijaav Kara Ao/UTiavbv, uq 6 Bpernof {Hieron. Bnitius. Chron. pasch. b BpovTTt-og) IffTOpEC, tv oc^ Kal ^Xavia Ao/zerZ/lAa ^faJeX^sy KX^//evrof ^Xavtov VTrariKOV, (if xpwTiavii £l( vfjaov Tiovriav tjtvjaievETai. • avro; te KTi^firig iirtp XpiaTov avaipEirai. Cf. Ejusd. Hist. Eccl. iii. c. 18, § 2. According to Hieronymi Epist. 86 (al. 27) ad Ensto- chium Virg. epitaphium Paulae matris, Paula had seen on the Island Pontia the little cells iu quibus ilia (Flavia Domitilla) longum martyrium duxerat. ^ As Vespasian had already done (Hegesipp. ap. Euseb. iii. 12), Hegesippus, in Euseb. iii. 20, relates how the grandchildren of Judas, the brother of Christ, were brought before Domitian. ' Xiphilini epit. Dionis, Ixviii. 1 : '0 NcpoiJaf rove te Kpivopiivov( iv' ucEPtlg. iu^tjue, Kal Toiif (pEvyovTa; Kar^yaye • role dS d^ aUoi; ovt' ioE^Elac, ovt' 'lovda'iKov jiiov karai- TLuadaL Tiva( ovvex^PV"^- ^ •'"i" °f 'l'^ senate : Fisci Judaici calumnia sublata. S Eckhel Doctrina nummor. veter. vi. p. 405. CHAP. III.— AGE OF JOHN.- $ 33. EXTERNAL FORTUNES. 103 uumber of Christians had unusually increased, applied against them the general laws, which had been lately revived by Trajan, against forbidden societies {lietaeriae) which were really dan- gerous {cf. Plin. Epist. x. 42, 43; 110 or 111 a,d.). He adopted that course because no special laws had been enacted w ith regard to them. His account of the Christians, addressed to Trajan, which is of the highest importance toward under- standing their condition at that period, led to the first legal enactment relative to the course which should be adopted,"^ to ■^ Plinii lib. x. Epist. 96 {al. 97) : C. Plinius Trajano. Solemrie est mihi, Domiiie, omnia, de qaibus dubito, ad Te referre. Quis enim potest melius vel cunctationem meam regete, vel ignorantiam instruere ? Cognitionibus de Cbristianis interfui nunquam: ideo nescio, quid at quatenus aut puniri soleat, aut quaeri. Nee mediocriter haesitavi, sitne aliquod discrimen aetatum, an qaamlibet teneri nihil a robnstioribus difFerant: deturne poeni- tentiae venia, an ei, qui omnino Christianns fiiit, desisse non prosit: nomen ipsum, si flagitiis careat, an flagitia cohaerentia nomini pnniantur. Interim in iis, qui ad me tan- quam Christiani deferebantur, hunc sum secutus modum. Interrogavi ipsos, an essent Christiani : confitentes iterum ac tertio interrogavi, supplicium minatus : perseverantes duci jussi. Neque enim dubitabam, qualecunque esset quod faterentur, pertinaciam certe et inflexibilem obstinationem debere puniri. Euerunt alii similis amentiae ; quos, quia cives Romani erant, annotavi in urbem remittendos. Mox ipso tractatu, ut fieri solet» difEundente se crimine, plures species inciderant. Propositus est libellus sine auctore, multorum nomina continens, qui negarent, esse se Christianos aut fuisse. Cum praeeunte me Deos appellarent, et imagini Tuae, quam propter hoc jusseram cum simulacris numinum alFerri, thure ac vino supplicarent, praeterea maledicerent Christo, quorum nihil cogi posse dicuntur, qui sunt revera Christiani, dimittendos esse putavi. Alii ab indice nominati, esse se Christianos dixerunt, et mox negaverunt : fuisse quidem, sed desisse, quidam ante triennium, quidam ante plures annos, non nemo etiam ante viginti quoque. Omnes et imaginem Tuam, Deorumque simulacra venerati sunt: ii et Christo maledixerunt. Af- firmabant autem, banc fuisse summam vel culpae suae, vel erroris, quod essent soliti stato die ante lucem convenire, carmenque Christo, quasi Deo, dicere secum invicem : seque Sacramento, non in scelus aliquod obstringere, sed ne furta, ne latrociuia, ne adulteria committerent, ne fidem faUerent, ne depositum appellati abnegarent; quibus peractis morem sibi discedendi fuisse, rursusque coeundi ad capiendum cibum, promiscuum tamen et innoxium {non singularem maleficae supers titionis) ; quod ipsum facere desisse post cdictum meum, quo secundum mandata Tua hetaerias esse vetaeram. Q.uo mag^s necessarium credidi, ex duabus ancillis, quae ministrae dicebantur, quid esset veri, et per tormenta quaerere. Sed nihU aliud inveni, quam superstitionem pravam et immodicam: ideoque dilata cognitione ad consulendum Te decurri. Visa est enim mihi res digna consultatione, maxime propter perichtantium numerum. Mulri enim omnis aetatis, omnis ordinis, utriusque sexus etiam, vocantur in pericnlum, et vocabuntur. Neque enim civitates tantum, sed vicps etiam atque agros supers titionis istius contagio pervagata est. Q.uae videtur sisti et corrigi posse. Certe satis constat, prope jam desolata templa coepisse celebrari, et sacra solemnia diu intermissa repeti, pastumque venire victimarum, cujuB adhuc rarissimus emtor inveniebatur. Ex quo facile est opinari, quae tm'ba hominunj cniendari possit, si sit poenitentiae locus. Ibid. Ep. 97 (al. 98) : Trajanus PUnio. Actum, quem debuisti, mi Secunde, in executi- endia causis eorum, qui Christiani ad te delati fuerant, secutus es. Neque enim in univer- "liiin aliquid, quod quasi certam formam hab=».at constitui potest. Conqnii*endi non sunt: &\ deferautur et arguautur, puniendi sunt, ita tamen, ut qui negaverit se Christianum esse, idque re ipsa manifestum fecerit, i. e., supphcando Diis nostris, quamvis suspectus in 104 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. I— A.D. 1-U7. which, among others, Ignatius also, bishop of Antioch (116), fell a sacrifice.^ § 34. REGULATIONS 0¥ THE CHURCH. Of the apostles we find at this time only Philip in Hierapolis (Folycrates ap. Euseh. H. E. iii. 31 and v. 24) and John^ in praeteritum, veniam ex poenitentia impetret. Sine auctore vero propositi libeHi in millo crimine locum habere debent; nam et pessimi exempli, nee nostri seculi est. (This text is after the edition of J. C. Orelli, prefixed to the Zurich Lectionscataloge. Mich. 1838.) Even Tertullian (Apologet. c. 2) and Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. iii. 33) mentiou these letters. Ag-ainst the doubts of Gibbon, Semler, and Corodi, concerning their genuineness, see H. C. Haversaat's Vertheidigung der Plinischen Briefe iiber die Christen. Gottingen. 1788. 8, and Gierig, in his edition of Plinii Epist. torn. ii. (Lips. 1802), p. 498, ss. Against Dr. J, Held prolegomena ad librum epistt. quas mutuo sibi scripsisse Plinium jun. et Trajauum Caes. viri docti credunt (Schweidnitz. 1835, 4), who looks upon the entire tenth book as a forgery, see the Munich gel. Anz. Sept. 1836. No. 186. Commentaries on these epistles are in : Eranc. Balduini oomm. ad edicta veterum principum Rom. de Christianis. Basil, s. a. (and appended to his Constantinus Magnus, Lips. 1727), p. 26-69. Just. Henn. Boehmeri xii. dissertatt. juris eccles. ant. ad Plin. sec. et TertuUiauura. ed. 2, Halae. 3729. Gierig, 1. c. a Euseb. H. E. iii. 36. Trajan's conduct toward Ignatius is not inexplicable, as Baur (Ursprung des Episcopats, S. 149) supposes, but was well considered. He sent him to be executed at Ex)me, partly for the sake of not provoking the fanaticism of the Christians at Antioch, by looking upon his martyrdom ; partly because he thought that the tedious hardships endured on the way to the place of execution might effect a change of mind, for the apostasy of this head of the Christians must have been of the greatest consequence; ■partly for the purpose of terrifying the Christians on the way when they saw the sufferer. Among the various texts of the Acta martyrii Igu., that of the old Latin version is the most ancient (Cotelerii Patr. apost. ii. 171); the' Greek is (1. c. p. 161) a revision, which first proceeded, perhaps, fi*om Simeon Metaphrastes. Both may also be found in Ruinart Acta mart, selecta. ^ John's exile to Patmos, an inference from Apoc. i. 9. Clemens Alex, quis divea salvetur, c. 42. Cf. TertuU. de Praescr. haer. 36 : Apostolus Johannes posteaquam in oleum igneum demersus nihil passus est, in insulam relegatur. That he drank oflf a poison-cup without injury (as Justus Barsabas after Papias ap. Euseb. iii. 39, comp. Mark xvi. 18) in first related by Augustin in Soliloquiig. Cf. Fabricii Cod. apocr. N. T. ii. 576. Thilo acta Thomae, in the notitia uber. p. 73. Tradition gave rise to the fabrication of the story con- cerning the cup and the baptism, that Matth. xx. 23 might be fulfilled. His death was under Trajan (Iren. ii. 29, iii. 3), according to Euseb- Chron. and Hieron. Catal. c. 9, in the third year of Trajan, 100 a.d. Traditions growing out of John xxi. 22 : the one that John placed himself alive in the grave, and is only sleeping in it, Fabric. 1. c. p. 588, Thilo, I. c. ixxiv. ; the other, that he was translated like Enoch and Elias, Pseudo-Hippolytus de con- summat. mundi (in Hippol. opp. ed. Fabricius, append, p. 14) and Ephraemius Antioch. about 526 (in Photii bibl. cod. 229, ed. Rothomag. p. 798, ss.) — Saraamea : virgo, irapd^vo^ (so ran at first the subscription to the first and second epistles of John : ^ttigt. 'luavv. rov napdivov. The Latins, afterward misunderstanding it, made out of it Epistolam ad Parthos), after the council of Nice especially ficoAdyof. — Credner's Einl. in d.N. T.i. i. 217. CHAP. Ur.— AGE OF JOHN. §34. REGULATIONS OF THE CHUKCH. 105 Ephesus. While the latter sup'^rintended the churches of Asia Minor, and laid the foundation of a peculiar development of doc- trine, by instructing able disciples and by his writings, the churches of other countries lost that superintendence which they had hitherto enjoyed, by the death of the apostles and their im- mediate disciples. The need of unity required something to compensate for this loss;^at was presented in the episcopaie^^ 2 Comp. § 30, not. 1. HUarias Diaconus (usually called Ambrosiaster), about 380, in comment, ad 1 Tim. iii. 10 : Episcopi et presbyteri una ordinatio est. Uterque enini sacerdos est; sed episcopus primus est; ut omnis episcopus presbyter sit, non tamen omnis presbyter episcopus : hie enim episcopus est, qui inter presbyteros primus est. Tbe traces of this relation were longest preserved in Alexandria. Hieronym. Epist. 101 (al. 85) ad Evangelum (in the old editions falsely styled ad Evagrium, also in Gratianus dist. sciii. c. 24} : Apostolus perspicue docet eosdem esse presbyteros, quos episcopos. — Cluaeris auctoritatem ? Audi testimonium. Then Phil. i. 1, Apts xx. 28, &c., are cited. Quod autem postea unua electus est, qui caeteris praeponeretur, in schismatis remedium factum est, ne unusquisque ad se trahens Christi ecclesiam rumperet. Nam et Alexandriae a Marco evangelista usque ad Heraclam et Dionysium episcopos (about 240 a.d.) presbyteri semper unum ex se seleCtum, in excelsiori gradu coUocatum, episcopum nominabant. Cluomodo si exercitus imperatorem faciat, aut diaconi eligant de se, quem industrium noverint, et archidiaconum vocent (comp. on this letter Chr. Waechtler, acta eruditorum ann. 1717, p. 484, ss. 524, ss. With a Catholic bias P. Molkenbuhr, and after him Binterim Deukwiirdigk. d. christkath. Kirche, ii. i. 78, ff., have pronounced the letter spurious). Hilarius Diac. comm. ad Ephes. iv. 11 : Primum presbyteri episcopi appellabautur, ut uno recedente sequens ei succederet. Denique apud Aegyptum presbyteri consignant, si praesens non sit episcopus. Sed quia coeperunt sequentes presbyteri indigni inveniri ad primatus tenendos, immutata est ratio, prospiciente concUio, ut non ordo, sed merituni crearet episcopum, multorum sacerdotum judicio constitutum, ne indignus temere usurp- aret, et esset multis scandalum. — Pseudo-Augnstini (probably also Hilarii Diaconi) Uuaes- tiones vet. et nov. testamenti (in the appendix torn. iii. p. ii. of the Benedictine edition), quaest. 101 : Presbyterum autem intelligi episcopum probat Paulus apostolus, quando Timotheum, quem ordinavit presbyterum, instrait, qualem debeat creare episcopum (1 Tim. iii. 1). Q,uid est enim episcopus, nisi primus presbyter, hoc est summus sacerdos 1 Nam in Alexandria et per totam Aegyptum, si desit episcopus, consecrat [Ms, Colb. con- signat] presbyter. In like manner, Eutychius (Said Ibn Batrik about 930J patri-archa Alex, in Ecclesiae suae origg. (ed. Job. Selden p. 29) : Constituit Marcus evangelista xii. presbyteros, qui nempe manerent cum patriarcha, adeo ut cum vacaret patriarchatus, eligereut unum e xii. presbyteris, cujus capiti reliqui xi. manus imponerent, eique bene- dicerent, et patriai-cham eum crearent (comp. 1 Tim. iv. 14). — Neque desiit Alexandriae institutum hoc de presbyteris, at scilicet patriarchas crearent ex presbyteiis duodecim, usque ad tempora Alexandri patriarchae Alexandrini, qui fuit ex numero illo cccxviii. Is autem vetuit, ne deincepa patriarcham presbyteri crearent. Et decrevit, ut mortuo patri archa convenirent episcopi, qui patriarcham ordinarent. In this account the part, at least, which contradicts the later discipline has certainly not been interpolated in later times (but still Gulielmus Autissiodorensis, about 1206, Comm. ad sent. 1. iv. qu. 1, de sacram. oi'd, sub finem, says : duod si non esaent in mundo nisi tres simplicis sacerdotes, oporteret quod aliquis illorum consecraret alium in episcopum et alium in archiepiscopum), and so fai* it has a historical value. Attempts to remove from the passage what is offensive to preconceived opinions have been made by Morin, Pearson, Le Q,uien, Renaudot, Petavius, especially by Abrah. EcheUensis Eutychius patriarcha Alex, vindicatus et suis restitutus orientalibu:s, s. responslo ad Jo. Seldeni origiues, &c. Romae. 1661. 4. Mamachii Origg. et antiquitt. Christian, torn. iv. p. 503, ss. See on the contrary sides, J. F. R^hkopf Vitae 10(5 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-117. which had been adumbrated for a considerable time in the mother-church of Jerusalem, by the position of James and his successors.' This example was imitated especially in the neigh- boring churches, at Antioch in particular.* It is true, that in the more remote churches the chief presbyters, as presidents of the college of presbyters, occupied a similar position ; but tliey had not been as yet elevated above the other presbyters by inde- pendent privileges peculiar to themselves.^ Ignat.'t);^, tlirougb patriarcharum Alexandrinorum saec. i. et ii. Specim, iii. Lips. 1759. 4 p . ZiV, s. — 0:i the accounts of Jerome and Hilary rests the usual Protestant view of the origia of episcopacy, wliich is developed among the modems {for the older literature see § oO, i^ite 1), witn different modifications by Zeigler Gesch. d. Kirchl. Verfassungsformen, p. 7. Gabler de Episcopis primae eccl. Christ, eorumque origine diss. Jenae. 1805. 4to- Neiinder K. G. i. i. 324. Episcopacy is said to have been established as a point of union between the iKKT^jjatat. KaT^ oIkov, which may have stood independently of each other in towns {see 5 30, note 6), by J.!F. Graner de Origine episcoporum exerc. Halae. 1764. 4tn. Miinsche' Dogmengeschichte, ii. 376, and especially by N. Chr. Kist. iiber den Ursprung der hiscD. Gewalt (in lUgen's Zeitschrift fiir d. hist. Theol. ii. ii. 47). See on the other side Rothe die Aniange d. christl. Kirche and ihrer Verfassung, i. 194. According to Rothe (p 392, episcopacy was introduced as an instrument of Christian unity by the still remaining apostles at the council of Jerusalem, at which they chose Symeon bishop of Jerusalem (Euseb. iii. 11). But when the memory of this synod is preserved how can its most important transaction be forgotten? According to Baur (iiber d. Ursprung des Episku- pats. Tiibuigen. 1838. 8), the heresies which fii-st appeared in full power under the Antonines, which brought the idea of the Cathohc church into a clear point of view, gave rise to the outward manifestation of this idea by establishing the episcopate, which was looked upon as a matter of pressing necessity. The Petrine and Pauline parties WtiiT3 united on this point ; and in the endeavor to reahze the measure, the influence of tte Clementines, which proceeded from the Petrine party, as well as the Acts of the Apos^lee, the pastoral epistles, and the later Ignatian letters, which now proceeded from tl e PacJi-. e party, were working in the one direction. ^ See above, § 26, note 4. $ 32, note 2. * Comp. the epistles of Ignatius, Rothe Anfange d. christl. Kirche, i. 467. It is worthy of notice, that the bishop is always here represented as Christ's representative ; the presbyters as the representatives of the apostles (ad TraUiauos c. 2 ; T^ imaKdiri^ VKO- TaffaeaOe otg 'Irjaov JLptffTui, — vnoruaaEade Koi r^ irpetrfivTfplCf}, ug role anoaToXot^ 'Itjgov jipiffTOv, cf. c. 3, ad Magnes. c. 6, ad Smym. c. 8) ; whereas, according to the view which soon after prevailed in the church, the bishops are the successors and repre- sentatives of the apostles. The Ignatian apprehension of this relation appears to have had its origin, in Jerusalem, where James, the brother of Jesus, might be reckoned the representative of the latter ; and in like manner, the other relatives of Jesus who were subsequently chosen presidents by the churches in Palestine, see § 52, note 2. ' Clemens Rom. in Epist. i. ad Corinth, c. 42, names only kTzlaKOiroL Kal SiuKOVOt, and finds these two classes of the clergy prophetically announced as early as Isaiah Ix. 17. Hermae Pastor, i. vis. ii. 4 : Seniores, qui praesnnt ecclesiae. Vis. iii. 5 ; Apostoli, et episcopi, et doctores, et ministri. Here the bishops are the seniores, the doctores, the te".ching presbyters and evangelists, and not as Rothe, p. 408, supposes, the presbyters merely. Polycarp. ad Philipp. c. 5, admonishes, inoTuaatadai role TrpeafivTipotg Kal (Jm/coroif, (if T^j Oeij) Kal Xpiari^- Polycarp designates liimself as president among the presbyters in the beginning of the epistle ; IXoAi/copTrof Kal ol avv airCi ■KpsafivTspoi Tj tKKTiTialg. ToS deov t§ TrapoiKovay ^MnKoic k. t. X. CHAP, in.— AGE OF JOHN. $34. REGULATIONS OF THE CHUKCH. 107 the instrumentality of his epistles, recommended episcopacy uni- versally, as a condition of unity, and that, too, in the most urgent terms ; ^ and thus the first presbyters soon generally moved up to the higher step as imaKonocJ although they retained tesides, for a long time, the title TTpeajSvrepot.^ When the at- ""^ompt was made, at a later period, to carry up the series of bishops, as the successors of the apostles, to the apostles them- selves, the most distinguished presbyters of the earlier times were reckoned as the first bishops.^ In this way we explain the different accounts of the order of the first Romish bishops.^" The universal right to teach in the public assemblies having occasioned improprieties very early (James iii. 1), it seems to have been already in this period so limited by custom, that usually ^ Ignatius recommends submission to the episcopal authority, as something; new, or at least not yet sufficiently settled, see Kist in Illgen's Zeitscbrift, ii. ii. 68. In bis Epist. ad Polycarpum he addresses the latter as kiriaKonov different from the TrpeufSvTejjotq {c. 6), and exhorts him to the exercise of his episcopal rights and duties ; although Polycarp himself, in his epistle written not long afterward, designates himself merely as the prin- cipal presbyter (see note 5). Thus Ignatius represents the first presbyters of the churches as bishops, and wishes to induce them to appropriate the idea of the episcopate. Thus he addresses Onesiraus as bishop of Ephesus (Ep. ad Ephes. c. 1), Polybius as bishop of Tralles (ad Trail, c. 12), Dumas as bishop of Magnesia (ad Magnes. c. 2), and an unknown person as bishop of Philadelphia (ad. Philadelph. c. 1). ' The TrpoEGTug, who, in Justini Apol. maj. c. 65, is supposed to be in all churches, is doubtless the bishop. s Because they always possessed as yet the character of the presiding presbyter. Thus the bishops are included among the irpEafSvrepotc in Irenaeus, ili. 2, 2 (successiones presbyterorum ; on the other hand, iii. 3, 1 and 2, successiones episcoporum), iv. 26, 2, 3, 5. V. 20, 2. In Irenaei Epist. ad Victorem ap. Euseb. v. 24, the earlier bishops are called ol TTpealSvTspot, ol TrpoaravTEC T^f kuKXriGta^. TertuUianus in Apologet. c. 39, calls bishops and presbyters together, seniores. 3 In Alexandria: (Marcus) Annianus, Abilius, Kerdon (Euseb. ii. 24, iii. 14, 21). In Antioch : Evodius, Ignatius, Heros (Euseb. iii. 22, 36). ^0 Comp. § 27, note 6. First of all, Irenaeus adv. Haer. iii. 3, followed by Eusebius, iii. 2, 13, 14, 31, gives it thus : Linus (2 Tim. iv. 21 ?) t 80, Anencletus, Anacletua or Cletus 1 92, Clemens (Philipp. iv. 3 ?) 1 102, Evarestus t HO. According to the Clementines, on the contrary, Clement, the constant attendant of Peter, was consecrated by that apostle bishop of Rome. This opinion is followed by Tertullian de Praescr. c. 32. Accordingly, the Apostol. constitutt. vii. 46, give the following order : Linus nominated by Paul, Clement by Peter, &c. In like manner, Optatus Milev. de schism. Donatist. ii. 2. Augustini Ep. 53, ad Generosum. On the other hand, Epiphanius, xxvii. 6, represents Clement as ordained bishop by Peter, but not as having entered on his office till after the death of Linus and Anacletus. Rufinus praef. in R-ecognit. says that Linns and Cletus were bishops in the lifetime of Peter; and that after the death of the latter, Peter appointed Clement, shortly before his own death. According to Jerome (Catal. c. 15), most of the Latins looked upon Clement as the immediate successor of Peter. The modem Romish church assumes the following order: Peter, Linus, Clemens, Cletus, Anacletus, Evarestus. Comp. Jo. Pear- sonii and Henr. Dodwelli Diss, de successione primorum Romae episcoporum, in Pearsonii opp. posthura. Lend. 1688 4. J. Ph. Baraterii Disquisitio chronol. de successione anti- quissima episcoporum Rom. TJltraj. 1740. 4. 1U<3 FIRST PERIOD.— DrV. I.— A.D. 1-111. only the officers of the congregation spoke in pubUc, although it was not formally abolished. '^ § 35. APOSTOLIC FATHERS. SS. Patram, qui temporibus apostolicis flonierant, opera ed. J. B. Cotelerius. Paris. 1672 recud. curavit J. Clericus, ed. 2. Amst. 1724. 2 voll. fol. SS. Patram apostolic, opers genuina ed. Rich. Russel. Lond. 1746. 2 voU. 8. S. Clementis Bom., S. Ignatii, S. Polycarpi, patnim apostt., quae supersunt. Accedunt S. Ignatii et S. Polycarpi martyria. Ad fidem codd. rec, adnotationibas illustravit, indicibus instruxit Guil. Jacobson. 2 tomi. Oxon. 1838. ed. 2. 1840. 8. Patrum apostt. opera (genuina). Textum reoognovit, brevi adnotatione instraxit, et in usum praell. acadd. ed. C. J. Hefele. Tabingae. 1839. ed. 2. 1843. ■ ' Apostolic fathers is a title given to those who were the im- mediate and genuine disciples of the apostles, and in ■ a stricter sense, to such of them as have left works behind. To the school of Paul belong Barnabas (comp. § 26) ' Clement of Rome (comp. " Dr. K. P.W. Paniel's pragm. Gesch. d. christl. Beredsamkeit u. d. Homiletik. Bd. 1. Abth. 1. Leipzig. 1839. p. 75. . ' The epistle of Barnabas, wliicli was regarded even by Clement of Alexandria, Origen, and Jerome, as genuine, remained entirely unknown till, after Ussber's edition had been burned in the printing-office at Oxford, 1643, it was first published by Hugo Menardus, Paris, 1645, 4to, and with a con-ected text by Iss. Vossius appended to the epistles of Ignatius. Amstel. 1646. 4to. For a long time the. predominant opinion was against its authenticity, see especially Tentzel ad Hieron. Catal. cap. 6, in Fabricii Bibl. eccles. p. 38, SS. Yet Isaac Vossius, Cave, Grynaeus, Gallandius, declared it genuine. Since J. E. Chr. Schmidt K. G. 437, Miinscher Dogmengesch. i. Ill, Rosenmiiller Hist, interpret, libb. sacr. i. 42, decided in its favor, this became almost the prevailing opinion, and has been defended with ingenuity, particularly by D. E. Henke de epistolae quae Barnabae trib- uitur authentia, Jenae. 1827. 8vo; Bleek Brief a. d. Hebraer, i. 416 ; and J. Chr. Rordam Comm. de authentia epist. Barnabae. Partic. I. Hafn. 1828. 8vo. Gu. H. Haverkom von Rysewyk Diss, de Bamaba, Amhemiae. 1835. 8vo, has also declared in favor of the genu- ineness. Recently, however, certain important voices hive been raised again in opposi- tion to the epistle, as Neander {K. G. i. ii. 1133), Twesten {Dogmatik, i. 104), Ullmann (theol. Studien u. Kritiken, i. ii. 382), and Hug (Zeitschrift fur d. Geistlichkeit d. Erzbistb. Frieburg. ii. 132, ff. ; iii. 208, fif.). Dan. Schenkel (uber d. Brief d. Bam. in d. theol. Stud. a. Kritik. 1837, iii. 652) believes that § 1-6, 13, 14, 17, constitute the genuine original letter, and that $ 7-13, 15, 16, were afterward inserted by a therapeutic Jewish Christian. On the other hand, C. J. Hefele, in the Tubing, theol. CLuartalschi'. 1839, i. 50, affirms the integrity of the epistle, but denies the authenticity of it in the work entitled, " das Send- schreiben des Apostels BaiTiabas aufs neue untersncht, iibersetzt und erklart, Tubingen. 1840. 8." — The chief ground urged against the genuineness, that the absurd mystical mode of interpretation could not have proceeded from a companion of the apostle Paul, seems to me untenable. That Barnabas was not a man of spiritual consequenc-s, i!> clea< even from the Acts of the Apostles. There he is at first the more prominent by virtne of his apostolic commission, in company with Paul (Acts xi. 22; xii. 2, Barnabas ana Saul), but he soon falls entirely into the background behind Paul, after a freer iphere c? CHAP. Ill— AGE OF JOHN. $ 35. APOSTOLIC FATHERS. 109 § 34, note 10),^ to whom, in later times, many writings were falsely ascribed,^ and HermaSj whose work (6 notfiijvY inculcates moral precepts in visions and parables, in order to promote the activity has commenced (xiii. 13, 43, Paul and Barnabas). The epistle was written soon after the destruction of Jerusalem, according to chapters iv. and xvi. ; and the ancient testimony of Clement, that Barnabas was the author, can not be derived from a partiality of the Alexandrian in favor of a production of kindred spirit, because the millennarianism of the letter (c. 15) could not have pleased the Alexandrian, and besides, all the inter- pretations do not agree with Clement, who in his Paedag. ii. p. 221 refutes one of them, and in his Stromata, ii. p. 464 prefers another view of Psalm i. 1 to that given in the epistle before us. a His epistle to the Corinthians, which was usually read in the religious assemblies at Corinth, as early as the second century (Dionys. Corinth, in Euseb. H. E. iv. 23, 6. Iren. iii. 3), is called in question without reason by Seraler (bistor. Einleit. zu Baumgarten's Unters. theol. Streitigteiten. Bd. 2. S. 16) and Ammon (Leben Jesu, i. 33), but it has been looked upon as interpolated, by H. Bignon, Ed. Bernard, H. Burton, Jo. Clericus (see Patrum apost. Cotelcrii ed. Clerici, ii. p. 133, 478, 482, and in"the notes to the letter), Ittig, Mosheim, and Neander. It seems to belong to the end of the first century. In opposition to Schenkel (theol. Studieu und Krit. 1841, i. 65), whoplaces it between 64 and 70, see Schliemann's Clementinen, p. 409. The so-called second epistle, a mere frag- ment, is spurious (Euseb. iii. 38). These two letters, preserved only in the Cod. Alexand., were first published by Patricius Junius, Oxon. 1633. 4to, and his incorrect text has been repeated in most editions. " After a careful comparison of the MS., a more correct text was given first of all by Henr. Wottou, Cantabr. 1718. 3 Namely, 1. Two letters in the Syriac language, see below $ 73, note 5. 2. Constitu- tiones and Canones apostolorum, see $ 67, note 3. 3. Kecognitiones Clementis and Clementina, see $ 58. * Partly an imitation of the 4th book of Ezra (see § 31, note 3, comp. Jachmann, p. 63), it professes to be a writing of the Hennas mentioned in Bomans xvi. 14 (lib. i. vis. ii. c 4), and is quoted as scripture even by Irenaeus, iv. 3. When the opposition to Montanism began in the west toward the close of the second century (see below $ 59), it lost its repu- tation there with those who were inclined to Montanisfc views, because it allowed a re- pentance once after baptism, and with the opponents of Montanism it fell into disrepute, on account of its apocalyptic form (TertuU. de Pudic. c. 10 : Cederem tibi, si scriptura pastoris, quae sola moechos amat, divino instrumento meruisset incidi, si non ab omni concilio ecclesiarum, etiam vesti-arum, inter apocrypha at falsa judicaretur. C. 2 : Hie apocryphus pastor moechorum), and now it is declared by the Fragmentum de canone in Muratorii Antiquitt. Ital. iii. 853 : Pastorem vero nuperrime temporibus nostris in urbe Roma Hermas conscripsit, sedente cathedra urbis Bomae ecclesiae Pio episcopo, fratre ejus. This assumption, which Irenaeus can not have known, became afterward the usual one in the west. On the contrary, the work remained in repute among the Alexandrians, and is cited by Clement of Alex, and Origen frequently, by Athanasius several times as an authority (see Jachmann, p. 37). Origenes in Ep. ad Kom. comm. lib. x. c. 31 : Puto tamen, quod Hermas, iste (Rom. xvi. 15) sit scriptor libelli istius, qui Pastor appellatur, quae scriptura valde mibi utilis videtur, et, ut puto, divinitus inspirata. But when in later times the Arians appfealed to it (Athanasii Epist. ad Afros in Opp. i. ii. 895) its reputation Bank in the Greek church also. Hieronymus in Catal.c. 10: Herman, cujus apostolus Paulus ad Romanes scribena meminit — asaerunt auctorum esse libri, qui appellatur Pas- tor, et apud quaadam Graeciae ecclesias etiam pnblice legitur. Bevera ntilis liber, mul- tique de eo acriptorum veterum usurpavere testimonia, sed apud Latinos paene ignotns est. Lucke Einl. in die Oflfenbarnng Job. p. 141, places it in the middle of the aecond century, Jachmann der Hirte des Hermas, Konigsb. 1835, in the beginning of it, and regards the Hermas of Paul as the author. 110 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1-U7. completeness of the church. The disciples of John arc Ignatiu:. bishop of Antioch (see § 33, note 8),' Polycarp, bishop of Smyrn'! (f 167)/ and Papias, bishop of Hierapolis/ of whose ■writiags ' Seven epistles ad Smymaeos, ad Polycarpum, ad Ephesios, ad Magnesios, ad Phila- delpbienses, ad Trallianos, ad Bomanos (Polycarp Ep. c. 13, mentions the epistles of Ignatius in general, Iren. v. 28 cites that to the Romans, Origenes prol. in Cant. Cant, and Hom. vi. in Lncam those to the Romans and Ephesians ; Ensebias, iii. 36 mentions all the Beven) are extant in a longer and in a shorter recension. {The latter was first published by Is. Vossius, at Amstel. 1649. 4to.) The controversy concerning their genuineness was interwoven with that respecting the origin of Episcopacy. In the older literature, which is rich in notices of the epistles, the chief work in favor of the anthenticity is : Jo. Pearson. Vindiciae epistol. S. Ignatii. Cantabr. 1672. 4. The leading work against the authenticity is : Jo. Dallaeus de scriptis, quae sub Dionysii Areop. et Ignatii Antioch. nominibus cir- cumferuntur. Genev. 1666. 4. Recently Rothe (Anfange p. 715) defended the authen- ticity. But in opposition to him, Baur (iiber die Ursprung des Episkopats, S. 148, ff.) asserted that those letters were composed at Rome in the second half of the second cen- tury, on the side of the pure Pauline Christianity against the Petrine Judaizing tendency which had foond expression in the Clementines. Dr. J. E. Huther again defended the authenticity with reference to these doubts (lUgen's Zeitschrift fiir die histor. Theol. 1841, iv. 1), As regards the two recensions, W. Whiston (Primitive Christianity revived. Lond. 1711) is the only person who has declared the longer to be the original one; while Dr. F. K. Maier (theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1836. ii. 340) is of opinion that it comes much nearer the original text. Against the latter see Rothe, 1. c. p. 739, and Amdt (theol. Stud, n. Krit. 1839. i. 136). J. E. Chr. Schmidt (in Henke's Magazin. iii. 91) thought that both recensions arose firom a thorough revision of the genuine text, but yet he admitted (in his Biblioth. fiir Kritik. u. Exegese d. N. T. ii. 29) that the shorter comes nearest to the genuine text. Netz (theol. Stud. u. Kritik. 1835. iv. 881) has repeated the same opinion. Against him see Amdt (theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1839. i. 742). The latest investigations have all turned out in favor of the shorter recension (see Rothe, Amdt, Huther, U. cc. E. A. Chr. Diisterdieck, quae de Ignatianamm epistolarum authentia, duorumque textuum ra- tione et dignitate hucusque prolatae simt sententiae enarrautur et dijudicantur. Got- tingae. 1843. 4. Worthy of attention are the remarks of Amdt, S. 139, respecting the necessity of revising the text of the shorter recension after the best MSS. and other existing critical helps. Eight other pretended letters of Ignatius are certainly spurious. [Soo particularly " The ancient Syriac version of the epistles of St. Ignatius to St. Polycarp, the Ephesians, and the Romans ; together with extracts from his epistles collected from the writings of Severus of Antioch, Timotheus of Alexandria, and others. Edited with an English translation and notes. Also the Greek text of these three epistles, corrected according to the authority of the Syriac version. By William Cureton, M.A., London. 1845. 8vo. ' Epist. ad Philippenses, mentioned so early as by Irenaens, iii. 3 (ap. Euseb. iv. 14, 3), frequently, however, controverted by the opponents of the Ignatian epistles, doubted of by Semler and Rossler, and recently declared to be spurious by Schwegler (der, Montanismus und d. Christl. Kirche. Tubingen. 1841. S. 260). On the other siSe, Schliemaim's Clem- entinen, S. 418. ' ' ■ , i ' 'laavvov fiiv. uKOvarf/f;, Jlo^.VKapTTOV Si iralpos yeyovi;, Iren. v. 33, is said to have suffered martyrdom in 163, in Pergamus (Chronic, pasch. ed. Bonn. i. 481), wrote Xoylav KvpiaK&v i^iiyriaig; fragments in Grabe, ii. p. 26. Routh, i. p. 1. In Euseb. H. E.iii. 36, he is called: iivjjp rd, jrdvra Sn /idTiiara /loyiwrarof, Kal t^c ypaijiij^ elS^/iuv (respecting the omission of these words in some MSS. after Rufin's example, see Kimmel de Rufino, p. 236). But because he expressed very gross millennarianism in his writings (although that doctrine was older), Eusebius passes a very severe judgment upon him, H. E. iii. 39 ; XiAidiJa Tivd ij>riaiv iTOV laeaBai petH ttiv Ik veKpav dvacraaiv, au/iaTiKug T^f rot) X;: I ZTOV ffaaildag im TavTijal njf ySf iitoaTi;aofievvs—a6dpa ydp toi a/iiKpoc (3v rbv CHAP, ni— AGE OF JOHN. } 36. DOCTUINAL DEVELOPMENT. 11] fn thing but fragments are extant. The compositions attributed .0 Dionysius the Areopagite (Acts xvii. 34) are spurious.' § 36. DEVELOPMENT OP DOCTRINE IN THIS PERIOD. While the stricter party of Jewish Christians maintained the Jewish particularism, and therefore constantly indeavored to impose on the Gentile Christians the observance of the Mosaic law/ that speculation which strove to comprehend Christianity in its peculiar nature was always becoming more powerful in other quarters. Inasmuch as a speculative basis was not yet firmly established, great freedom was allowed for it ; but as soon as it trenched upon the moral and religious interests of Christianity, it was resisted, and not till then.^ It was principally with the wonderful person of Christ, which it endeavored to understand, that speculation occupied itself Even here the most different tendencies were indulged in, as long as they left unimpaired the divine and human in Christ, by the union of which the atoning and model character of the life of Jesus was necessarily consti- tuted. Hence, the Shepherd of Hermas, with its peculiar Christology, gave no offense.' On the contrary, the doctrine of vovv. — TT/l^v KoX roi£ fitT^ avTov TrXeiGToc^ uGoi^ Tuv kKK^TiataaTLKUv rfj^ bixota^ avru dofvf TrapatTio^ yiyovi — utJKep ovv Klp7]val(fj k. t. X. With what right Eusebius, who in his Clironicou (Olymp. 220) allows Papias without hesitation to have been a disciple of the apostle John, declares in this work that he was only the pupil of a certain presbyter John, is examined by Olshausen, die Echtheit der vier kanon. Evangelien. Konigsb. 1823. S. 224, ff. e Respecting them see below $ 110, note 4. 1 Against this party is directed Epist. Barnabae, c. 1-16. s Thus an en'or which threatened to turn Christian liberty into licence is combated in the Epistle of Jude, which was written after the destruction of Jerusalem (Credner's Einl. in d. N. T. i. ii. 611), and in the 2d Epistle of Peter, which is an imitation of that of Jade (Credner, i. ii. 650). The false teachers mentioned in the latter epistle denied the return of Christ and the judgment (2 Peter iii. 3, IE). 3 Hermae Pastor, iii. 5, 5 : Filias Spiritas sanctus est. iii. 9, 1 : Spiritus filius Dei est. iii. 9, 12 : Filius Dei omni creatnra antiquior est, ita ut in consilio patri suo adfuerit ad condendam creatoram. C. 14 : Nomen filii Dei magnum et immensum est, et totus ab ec Bustentatnr orbis. This spirit dwells in men, i. 5, 1 : Tj nvev/ia to uytov KarotKovv iv Got. iii. 5, 6 : Accipiet mercedem omne corpus purum ac sine macula repertum, in quo . habitandi gratia constitutus fuerit Spiritus sanctos. The Holy Spirit is the essence of ali virtues, which, iii. 9, 13, are designated under the title of virgins, and even called Splrihis aancti: non alitor homo potest in regnum Dei intrarc, nisi hae (virgines) inducriut cinm 112 FIRST PERIOD— DrV. I.— A.D. 1-117. the Docetae was rejected, which represented Christ's humanity as a mere appearance, in the way that the Jews conceived of the manifestations of angels (SoKrjTaL)} In the mean time, however, speculation relative to the higher nature of Christ and the essence of Christianity, attached itself to the more general questions respecting the creation of the world and the origin of evil. Here the Alexandrine Jewish philosophy presented itself as a pattern. The idea of the Adyof in particular was borrowed from it for the purpose of explaining the higher nature of Christ.^ John followed this speculation in his gospel, in order to divert it from the region of a fruitless hyperruaturalism into a considera- tion of the moral efficacy of the Logos.^ It went astray, how- veste sua. Cluicunqne nomen filii Dei portat, harnm quoque ncmina portare debet : nam at Filius nomina portat earum. Respecting tlie person of Ciirist, iii. 5, 2 : A master in- trusts a faithful servant with the care of a vineyard, praecipiens, ut vitibus jungeret palos. The servant does for him still more than he had been ordered. The master consults about rewarding him adhibito filio, quern camm et haeredem habebat, et amicis, quos in consilio advocahat, and concludes : volo eum filio meo facere cohaeredem. The explanation, c. 5 : The master is God, Filius autem Spiritus sanctus est : servus vero, iUe Filius Dei est. . Viuea autem populus est, quem servat ipse. PaU vero Nuncii (angels) sunt, qui a Domino praepositi sunt ad continendum populum ejus. C. 6 ; Cluare autem Dominus in consilio adbihuerit Filium de haereditate et bonos Angelos ? Cluia Nuncius (Christ) audit ilium Spiritum sanctum, qui infusus est omnium primus, in corpore, in quo habitarct Deus. Cum igitur corpus illud paruisset omni tempore Spiritui sancto ; placuit Deo — ut ct huic corpori — locus aliquis consistendi daretur, ne videretur mercedem servitutis suae perdi- disse. A useful application, c. 7 : Corpus hoc tuum custodi mundum atque purum ; ut Spiritus ille qui inhabitabat in eo, testimonium referat illi, et tecum fuisae judicetur. The eternal Son of Grod is here the Holy Spirit, and there is no account of a personal union of him with the man Jesus. Against Jachmann Hirte des Hermas, S. 70, and Schliemann Clementinen, S. 423, who wish to defend the orthodoxy of Hermas, see Baur Lehre von der Dreieinigkeit, i. 134. * Later names : Phantasiastae, Phautasiodocetae, Opinarii. Perhaps even 1 Job. iv. 2 , 2 Job. 7 (see Liicke's Comm. zu Johannes, 2te Aufl. iii. 66). Distinctly and often in Ignatius ad Ephes. vii. 18, ad Trallianos ix. 10, ad Smym. 1-8 : 'Jf/ffoCv to doKelv (SoKTiati, ijiavTaaig) nsnovdivaL, and in the Evang. Petri (Serapion apud Euseb. vi. 12) Cf Hieronymus adv. Luciferianos (ed. Martian, tom. iv. p. ii. p. 304) : ApostoUs adhuc iu saeculo superstitibus, adhuc apud Judaeam Christi sanguine recenti, phantasma Domini corpus asserebatur. So thought the Jews about the appearances of angels, Tob. xii. 19. Philo de Abrah. p. 366 : Tepdanov dl Kal to foi ireivuvTCC TreivuvTOV, Kol iirj iaOiovrac iadtovTuv ■Kapsx^iv (pavraaiav. (Comp. Neander's gnostische Systeme, S. 23.) Josephus Antt. i. 11, 2 , v. 6, 2 : iiavrdrr/iaTOc 6' avr^ (Gideoni) irapaaTaVTos vcavlaKov liopi/iy. The church fathers had the very same idea of the appearances of angels, comp. Keilii opusc. ed. Goldhm-n ii. 548. H. A. Niemeyer comm. de Docetis. Halae, 1823. 4. ' So also in the K^pvy/ia UeTpov. Clem. Alex. Strom, i. p. 427, Credner's Beitrage zur Einl. in die bibl. Sohriften, i. 354. ' Liicke's Comm. iiber d. Evangel, d. Johannes. 3te Aofl. i. 203. C. L. W. Grimm de Joanueae christologiae indole Paulinae comparata. laps. 1833. 8. K. Frommann's der Johanneische Lehrbegriff in bis Verhaltnisse zur gesammten biblisoh-cbristl. Lehre. Leipzig, 1839. 8. K. R. Kostlin's Lehrbegfriff des Evang u. der Briefe Johannis. Berlin, 1843. 8. CHAP. III.— AGE OF JOHN. ^ 36. DOCTRINAL DEVEI/JPMENT. II3 ever, even at that time, falling into that false Gnosis which de- nies the fundamental principles of Christianity, and which the apostle Paul had already predicted in its germs. The first Chris- tian-Gnostic system was that of Cerinthus, in which, however, the Gnosis did not yet attain a consistent development, tut was obliged to accommodate itself to many Jewish opinions.' ■' According to him, the God of the Jews (diifuovpydc) is separated from the highest God by a series of Aeons, and the highest God was first revealed hy the Aeon Christ. The Mosaic law, however, must be observed, a resurrection and thousand years' reign be expected. J. E. Oh. Schmidt Cerinth ein judaisirender Christ, in his Bibliothek fur Kritik u. Exegese dea N. T. i. 181. H. B. G. Paulus historia Cerinthi in his Introduc- tionis in N. T. capita selectiora. Jenae. 1799. 8. Neander's Kirchengesch. 2te Anfl. i. ii. 683. VOL. I. 8 . 14 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. II.— A.D. in-lfls SECOND DIVISION. FROM HADRIAN TO SEPTIMUS SEVERL'S. FROM i:t-193 INTB.ODUCTION. § 37. STATE OF PAGANISM. P. E. Miller da hierarchia et Btudio vitae asceticae in sacris et mvsteriis Graecoi-am Romanorumqae latentibus. Hafn. 1803. 8, in the second section (translated in the Neue Biblioth. der schonen Wissenschaften. Bd. 69. S. 207, if,). Tzschii-ner's der Fall dea Heidenthums. Bd. 1. S. 124-164. Although the emperors of this time preserved to the Roman empire external security, maintained internal order and justice, and favored the sciences,' yet the old Roman morality and re- ligious sobriety could not be restored among the degenerate peo- ple. The propensity to theosophic mysteries, consecrations, and jiurifications (§ 14), produced new institutions which ministered to superstition. They were no longer satisfied with the wan- dering priests of Isis and Cybele, the Chaldeans and Magic. In the second century, many secret rites or mysteries were spread abroad over the Roman empire in addition to the former (those of the Dea Syr a, of Isis, of Mithras). Besides these, the old Eleusinian and Dionysian mysteries also came again into greater repute, though it would appear that they were variously accom- modated to the spirit of the time. Abstinence from sensual pleasures was a universal condition of initiation, by which it was supposed that the people obtained a nearer communion with the deities as they passed through the different gradations of the mysteries. This period was conscious of its godless condi- tion, but mistaking the religious moral way, it sought to obtain 1 Schlosser's tmiversalhist. Uebersicht d. Geschichte d. alten Welt, iii. ii. 167. Bern- hardy's Grundriss d. rom. Literatur. 8. 126. The same author's Grundriss d. griecn titeratur. i. 406. INTRODUCTION. } 38. FATE OP THE JEWS. 115 purity by magic, with the aid of all kinds of external observ- ances. We have a proof, in the horrible Taurobolium and Kriobolium which now appeared, of the extreme ingenuity of superstition. The prevailing philosophy continued to be that Platonic eclecticism which adopted and defended all supersti- tions,^ although by it a certain monotheism was elevated above • polytheism, even in the view of the people generally.^ Among the Platonics of this time, the most distinguished are Plutarch of Chaeronea [f 12Q], Apuleius of Madaura [about 170] and Maxiinus of Tyre [about 190]. In opposition to this dogmatic philosophy, skepticism, too, was always rising to a higher degree of strength. Sextus Empiricus. § 38. FATE OF THE JEWS. Dio Cassiua, Ixviii. c. 32, Ixis. c. 12-14. Euseb. Hist. eccl. iv. c. 2 u. 6. — F. Munter der jiid. Krieg nnter den KaisPni Trajan u. Hadrian. Altona u. Leipz. 1821. 8. Jost's Creech, d. Israeliten, Th. 3, S. 181, ff The hatred of the Jews against the Romans was still more ■ncreased by the destruction of Jerusalem, and the great oppres- sion that followed, and soon began to manifest itself in new acts of rebellion. An insurrection first broke out in Cyrenaica (115), which spread over Egypt also, and raged longest in Cy- prus. Another was kindled simultaneously in Mesopotamia. Even Hadrian found relapses of these rebellions, which required 2 Namenius (about 130) irepl Tuyadov lib. i. (apud Eusebii Praep. evang. ix. 7) : E/f &l TovTO 6E7Jaec elizovTOt Kai G7]/i7]vdfi€vov raig fiaprvplatc rov HAaruvof, uvuxupii- aaadai Kai ^vvdijaacrdai. roif ?Myoi; roii Ilvdayopov kwiKaUaaaBaL 6i ril lOvr/ ra evdcKL/iovvra-, Trpoaipepofievov avruiv tu^ TeTiSruc, Kai rh doyfiara, ra^ re l&pvoeii; cvv- reXou/ieVaf UTidruvL bfioXoyoviihug^ dnooa^ Bpaxfidve^, Kai 'lovdalot, Kai Muyoi, K-Si AlyvTTTtot 6UdevT0. 3 Maximus Tyrius Diss. xvii. (al. i.) ex rec. J. Davisii. Lond. 1740. 4. p. 193, witii reference to the different opinions of men respecting divine things ; 'Ev roaovrij 67} 7rQ?Jfi{j, Kai OTuaetf Kai 6ia(puvca, Ha Idoi^ dv kv ttuot? yy b/i6(pQvov v6/xov Kai ?.6yov, on Qeoc fif TravTuv ^aaL?.EV^, Kai Traryp, Kai 6eol 7roX/lo£, Qeov rratdec, GvvupxovTir^ Qeu. TavTa (5i d 'EXXtjv fiiyci, Kai PdpffapoQ Xtyci, Kai 6 ijKetpuTrK, Kai 6 8a?M7- TLc;, Kol 6 aofbg, Kai b uaouv oUovvTUVf kv olg fiTj did. Tov bvofiaToc Tov CTavpudivTog 'Irjaov evx^^ >^^^ Evxaptoriac ril} Tzarpl koI TrotTjr^ tuv oTluv yivovrat. Irenaeus, i. 3 : Kal ovte at kv VEpfiaviaiQ Idpvfiivat kKKTiTjacat a/LAof iZE'maTEvK.aoLv., 7/ uTJiug TrapadtdoaoiVj ovte kv ratg 'lj37jpiaig, ovte kv Ke/lroxf, ovte KaTO, rag uvaroTiag, OVTE kv Alyv7rT(i), ovte kv Ai[3v7^, ovte at Kara fiiaa tov Koofiov Idpvfiivat. Tertullianus adv. Judaeos c. 7 : In quern enim aliutn universae gentes crediderunt nisi in Christum, qui jam venit? Cui enim at aliae gentes crediderunt: Parthi, Medi, Elamitae, et qui inhabitant Mesopotamiam, Armeniam, Phrygiam, Cappadociam, et incolentes Pontum et Asiam, Pamphyliam, immorantes Aegyptum et regionem Africae, quae est trans CjTenen, inhabitantes Romam, et incolae tunc et in Hierusalem Judaei et caeterae gentes (ac- cording to Acts ii. 9, 10) : etiam Getulorum varietates, et Mauronim multi fines, Hispani- arum omnes termini, et Galliarum diversae nationes, et Britannorum inaccessa Ronaanis loca, Christo vero subdita, et Sarmatarum et Dacorum et Gerraanomm et Scytbarum et abditanim multarum gentium, et provinciarum et insulamm raultarum, nobis ignotarum, etquae enumerare minus possumus. In the Roman empire : TertuUiani Apol. c. 37 : Si enim hostes exertos, non tantum vindicea occultos agere vellemus, deesset nobis vis numerorum et copiarum ? Plures nimirum Mauri et Marcomanni ipsique Partlii, vel quant aecunque, unius tamen loci et suorum finium. gentes, quam totius orbia ? Hestemi sumus, et vestra omnia implevimus, urbes, insulas, castella, municipia, conciliabula, castra ipsa, tribus, decurias, palatium, senatum, forum. Iren. iv. 49, mentions fideles, qui in regali aula sunt et ex iia, quae Caesaria sunt, habent utensilia. ^ Fr. Miinteri Primordia eccl. Africanae. Hafn. 1829. 4. p. 6, ss. The numbers of the Christians here, even so early as the end of the second century, may be inferred from Tertullian Apologet. c, 37 : Hesterni sumus et vestra omnia implevimus, urbes, insulas, castella, municipia etc., and adv. Scapul. c. 5, when it is said that, in case of a persecution «f the Christians, Carthage would have to he decimated. About 200 a.d. a synod was iield under Agrippinus, bishop of Carthage (Cyprian. Epist. 71 and 73), which, according tc Augustin. de Baptism, ii. c. 13, consisted of seventy African and Numidian bishops. 118 yjllST PERIOD.— DIV. II.— A.D. 117-193. many (Cisrhenana) ^ and Britaiti, but only by the efforts of indi- viduals. In the east, we find it firmly established in Edessa, so early as the middle of the second century ; * and from this city it had also extended itself, as it seems, into the countries lying eastward.^ In northern Arabia,^ there must likewise have been Christians so early as this period. About 180, Pantaenus went from Alexandria to India,' to preach the gospel in that re- gion (Euseb. H. E. v. 10). § 40 OPPOSITION TO CHRISTIANITY BY WRITERS. TzcHrners der Fall des Heidenthnms. Bd. 1. S. 313, ff. The principal opponent of Christianity at this period was the Epicurean Celsus (about 150), who, in a work styled "dXTjdfjg /.o-y-of," and perhaps in others now lost, collected all that could be said against it with any appearance of probability.' The ^ C. J. Hefele's Gescli. d. Einfuhrung des Christenthums in siidwestl. Deutschland. Tiibingen. 1S37. S. 42. * 'the Christian scholar Bardesanes, about 160-170, was highly esteemed by the prince of Edessa, Abgar Bar Mann. According to the Chronicon of Edessa in Assemani Bibl. orient, i. 391, the church of the Christians in Edessa was destroyed by an inundation as early as 202 A.D. Comp. Bayer Historia Osrhoena et Edessena. Petrop. 1734. 4. p. 170. 5 Bardesanes do Fato (in Eusebii Praep. evang. vi. c. 10) : Ovre ol tv Tlapdia Xpiartavol iroXvya/iovai, TLupdoi vizdpxovTe^t ovd' ol ht Mt/J;^ kvoI irapa^aXkovoi TOVi; VEKpovg ■ ovx ol tv JlEpcldt yafiovat Td.^ Bvyaripag avrCtv, Jlipcrat dvre^ • ov trapll BiiKTpoLC Kal rdXAotf (jideipovai rovg yu/iovg • oi^x ol hi Alyv'irTt2.o(70ipovaiv. (vi. p. 275) : Kal Xf^P^g avaTdffEag koI iTzayyekiag r^f d:ro 6eov, y vlov deov. So he remarks (vii. p. 370) regarding the Christian prohibition of revenge, Matth. v. 39 : ^Apxalov Kal tovto ev fiaka irpoGQev elpy/xivov, uypoiKOTepov 6' avro aTZEfivT^fiovEVTai ' ItteI koI TVkdTuvt TTETzotriTai "ZoiKpdTTjg KpLTC}VC dtaTlEyofiEvog Tads k. t. A. He assumes, in plain terms, that the Christiana had borrowed these doctrines from the Greek philosophers, particularly from Plato (vi. p. 283-288). TertuU. Apolog. c. 46. ^0 The heathen said, apud Amobius, i. c. 36 : Sed non iccirco dii vobis infesti sunt, quod oranipotentem colatis Deum : sed quod hominem natum, et, quod perspnis infame est vili- bus, crucia suppUcio interemptum, et Deum fuisse contenditis, et superesse adhuc creditis, et quotidianis supplicationibus adoratis. The doctrines of the resurrection of the body, and the judgment, were particularly offensive, comp. Celsus (Teller Eides dogmatis de resuirect. camis per iv. priora secula. Halae. 1776. 8. p. 270). TertuU. Apologet. c. 18: Haec et nos risimus aliquando. De vestris fuimus : fiunt, non nascuntur Christiani. 122 FmST PERIOD.— DIV. 11— A.D. 117-193. shiped ; ^^ the superstitious inferred from their oppressed condi tion the impotence of their God ; ^^ and, finally, the foreign ori- gin of Christianity/^ as well as the humble lot of most of its votaries/^ were as offensive to all as the idea of an universal religion was absurd. ^^ The external morality of the Christians could not fail to be perceived by the heathen ; ^® and the broth- erly love prevailing among them had unquestionably attracted many a feeling heart to Christianity, although it sometimes also allured low selfishness ; ^^ but the secret meetings of both sexes ^^ gave occasion to hatred, and furnished a ground for mis- 11 TertTulUani Apologet. c. 16 : Somniastis, caput asininum esse Deum nostnim, — crucis DOS religioeos. — Alii plane Immanius et verisimilius solem credunt deum nostrum. — Sed nova jam Dei nostri in ista civitate proximo editio publicata est, namely, pictura cum ejusmodi inscnptione: Deus Christianorum Ononychites (according to E. A. Schulaii Exercitt. philolog. fasc. i. p. 30: Ononychotus ; according to Havercamp and Munter Primord. eccl. Afr. p. 167 : Onokoitis). Is erat aaribus asininis, alfcero pede ungulatus, librum gestans, et togatus (see Hunter's Christinn im heidu. Hause, S. 18), Minucius Felix, c. 9, below note 19. Comp. above $ 16, note 6.— Other fictions respecting the person of Jesus are referred to by Celsus, Oiig. c. Cels. i. p. 92, ss ^^ The heathen Caecilius says, apud Minuc. Felix, c. 12: Ecce pars vestrum et major et melior, ut dicitus, egetis, algetis, ope, re, fame laboratis : et Deus patitur, dissimulat, non vult aut non potest opitulari suis, ita aut invalidus, aut iniquua est. Nonni Roraani sine vestro Deo imperant, regnant, fruuntur orbe toto, vestrique dominantur? 1^ Celsus, therefore^ calls it (3up{3apov 66y/j.a, Orig. c. Cels. i. p. 5. ^* Caecilius apud Minuc. Felix, c. 5 : Indignandum omnibus, indolescendumque est, nudere quosdam, et hoc studiorum rudes, literarum profanos, expertes artiani etiam nisi sordidarum, certum aliquid de summa rerura ac majestate decernere, do qua tot omnibus saeculis sectarum plurimarum usque adhuc ipsa philosophia deliberat. Cap. 12 : Proinde si quid sapientiae vobis aut verecundiae est, desinite coeli plagas, et mundi fata et secreta rimari: satis est pro pedibus adspicere, maxime indoctis, impolitis, rudibus, agrestibus : quibus non est datum intelligere civilia, multo magis denegatum est disserere divina. How the Christians drew over to themselves ignorant, humble, and immoral men, is described by Celsus with hostile exaggeration, apud Origihes adv. Cels. iii. p. 144, ss. ^^ Celsus (Orig. c. Cels. viii, p. 425) : 'El yap 6ti olovre Etc eva av/mppov^aat vofiov rov^ TTjV 'Ac'.av, Kal 'Evp6n7}Vy Kal AifSv-qv, "E^.Ti.ijvdg re Kal jSapjSdpovc, uxpc ttEpdroiv VEVEfj.7}{iivovq ! — 6 tovto olofiEvog o16ev ovdiv. 16 The famous physician Claudius Galen (about 160) said in one of his last works (the passage is cited, in a Syriac translation in Bar-Hebraei Chron. Syr. ed. Bruns et Kirscb^ p. 55, from Gal. comm. in Phaedonem Platonis ; more copiously in Arabic in Abulfedae Historia anteislamica, ed Fleischer, p. 109, from Gal. de Sententiis politiae Platonicae) : Hominum plerique orationem demonstrativam continuam mente assequi hequeunt, quare indigent, ut instituantur parabolis. Veluti nostro tempore videmus, homines illos, qui Cbristiani vocantur, fidem suam e parabolis petiisse. Hi tamen interdum talia faciunt, qualia qui vere philosopliantur. Kara quod mortem contemnunt, id quidem omnes ante oculos habemus; item quod verecundia quadam ducti ab usu rerum venerearum abhorrent. Sunt enim inter eps et foeminae et viri, qui per totara vitam a concubitu abstinuerint; sunt etiam, qui in animis regendis coerceudisquo et in acerrimo honestatis studio ec progressi sint, ut nihil cedant vere philosophantibus. 1' Luciauus de morte Peregrini, c. 11-16. 18 Particularly nightly meetings, ■which were strictly forbidden by the law (see § 12, note 6), and constantly awakened suspicion. CHAP. I.— EXTERNAL HISTORY. $ 41. POPULAR DISPOSITION. 123 interpreting that love, by representing it as being of an impure character, and several Christian practices as crimes, ''^ just as they had appeared in their own mysteries, and other secret so- cieties."*^ The steadfastness of the martyrs must, indeed, have invited every unbiased mind to a nearer acquaintance with the source of this lofty spirit ; ^^ but yet an unfavorable opinion was 19 Tertull. Apoioget. c. 39 : Sed ejusmodi vel maxime dilectionis operatic notani nobis murit penes quosdam. Vide, inquiunt, ut invicem se diligant ; ipsi enim invicem ode- runt : et ut pro alterutro mori sint parati ; ipsi enim ad occidendum alterutrum paratiores. Sed et quod iratrum appellatione censemur — infamant. The heathen Octavius ap. Minucius Felix, c. 9 : Occultis se notis et insignibus (according to c. 31, $ 9, notacnJo corporis : the Carpocratiana actually marked themselves on the ear, Iren. i. 24. Epiphan. Haer. xxvii. 5) noscunt, et amant mutuo paene ante quam noverint : passim etiam inter eos velut quaedam libidinum religio miscetur : ac se promiscue appellant fratres et sorores, ut etiam non insolena stuprum, intercessione sacri nominis, iiat incestum. Ita eorum vana et demens superstitio eceleribus gloriatur. Nee de ipsis, nisi subsiateret Veritas, mgixime nefaria et honore praefanda sagax fama loqueretur. Audio, eos turpissi- mae pecudis, caput asini consecratum inepta nescio qua persuasione venerari : digiaa et nata religio talibus moribus. Alii eos ferunt ipsius antistitis ac sacerdotis colere genitalia, et quasi parentis sui adorare naturam : nescio an falsa, certe occultis ac noctumis sacris apposita suspicio : et qui hominem, summo supplicio pro facinore punitum, et crucis ligna feralia, eorum caerimonias fabulatur congruentia perditia sceleratisque tribuit altaria, ut id colant, quod merentur. Jam de initiandis tirunculis fabula tarn detestanda, quam nota est. Infans farre contectus, ut decipiat incautos, apponitur ei, qui sacris irabuitur. la iufans a tiranculo, fanis superficie quasi ad innoxios ictus provocata, caecis occultisquc vulneribus occiditur : hujus (proh nefas!) sitieuter sanguinem lambunt : hujua certatim membra discerpunt : hac foederantur hostia. — Et de convivio notum est (passim omnes loquuntur), id etiam Cirtensis nostri testatur oratio; ad epulas solemni die coeunt, cum omnibus liberis, sororibus, matribus, sexus omnis homines et omnis actatis. lUic post multas epulas, ubi convivium caluit, et incestae libidinis fervor ebrietate exarsit, eauis, qui candelabro nexus est, jactu offulae ultra spatium lineae, qua vinctus est, ad impetum et saltumprovocatur : sic everso et extincto conscio lumine impudentibus tenebris nexus infandae cupiditatis involvuntperincertum sortia, &c. (Of. Tertull. Apolog. c. 8, adNationes, i. 16 : also Apulejus Metam. ix. p. 223, ed. Elmenhorst, alludes to the same subject. Clemens Alex. Strom, iii. c. 2, i-elates the same thing of the Carpocratians, from whom it was falsely transferred to all Christians, cf. Euseb. H. E. iv. 7, 5). According to Athan- agoras Apol. c. 4, the heathen brought three charges in particular against the Christians : adeoTijTa, QviaTEta delTTva and ■OldinodELOV^ fii^tic. 2° So among the Bacchanals in Rome, a.d. 185. Comp. the expressions of Livy xxxix. .13 : Ex quo in promiscuo sacra sint, et permixti viri feminis, et noctis Ucentia accesserit. nihil ibi facinoris, nihil flagitii praetermissum, plura virorum inter sese, quam feminarum esse stupra. Si qui minus patientes dedecoris sint, et pigi-iores ad facinus, pro victimis immolari, &c. Catiline employed hximan blood as pignus conjurationis (Sallust. Catil. S2), quo inter se fidi magis forent, alius ahi tanti facinoria conscii. Dio Cassius, xxxvii. 30, relates of the same person : Ilaidd rtva Karadvaac-, kol kirl tuv OTrTiuyxviJv avTov rd opKia 'Kovqaa^, eneLTa kanAdyxvEvaev avrd, fieru rdv uXTiijv. 21 Justinus M. Apol. ii. e. 12, speaks of the impression v.-hich they had made upon him, Tertull. Apologeticug, c. 50 : Nee quicquam tamen proficit exquisitior quaeque crudelitas vestra, illecebra est magis sectae ; plures efficimur, quoties metimur a vobis ; somen est sanguis Chris tianorum. — Hla ipsa obstinatio, quam exprobratis, magistra est. Quis enim non contemplation e ejus concutitur ad requirendum, q^iid intua in re sit 1 Cluis non, nbi requisivit, accedit? ubi accessit, pati exhortat? 12'1 FIRST PERIOD— DIV. II.— A.D. 117-193. entertained regarding that, too, even by the cultivated, agreea- bly to preconceived notions."^ The Jews were still prota^ted by their peculiar national character.^' But the Christians were looked upon merely as ignorant and wild fanatics, who wished to destroy all established order. The cultivated laughed con- temptuously at them on account of the confidence and obstinacy of their religious faith ; ^* the goetae (impostors) were inimical to them as opponents of their interest ; ^^ the people hated them as despisers of their gods (adioi, dae/Jstf), and in the public mis- fortunes saw nothing but admonitions from heaven to extermi- nate them.'^* 22 TertuU. Apolog. c. 27 : Quidam demeutiam existimant, quod cum possimus et sacri- iicare in praesenti, et illaesi abire, manente apud animum proposito, obstinationem saluti praeferamus. C. 50 ; Propterea desperati et perditi existimamur. Arrianus Comm. de Epicteti disputationibus, iv. c. 7 : EZra .iiiro fiavla^ fitv dvvaTat Tig oiiTU dcarEdijvaL TTfjbg Tavra iddvarov k. t. X.) Kal iinb kdovg ug ol FaXiXaZof, vTro "koyov 6^ Kat u-irodel^Eug ovdetg dyvarac ; Schweighauser in his edition, Th. 2, S, 915, looks upon the words wf oi VaX as a gloss. Marc. Aurel. «f iavTov, xi. c. 3 : Ola iariv i] ijwx^ V Iroi/io;, iiiv rjd-ri uTTO^vdTJvat de?/ Tov cu/iarogt nal titoi (j^iEadTjvai CKedaadifvat, ?) GVfifielvat ; to 6^ Irot/xov TovTO, iva uizo limfj^ Kpiaeog IpxiTai, /ai xard. ipOi^v irapdra^iv, (if ol Xpiari- avol, aXXa ?.s2x)-ynjfiiv(jg, Kal aE^vdg, Kal uoTt Kal oKkov TreiffOi, itTpayudug. Eichstadt {Exevcit. Antoniniana, iii.) conjectures that the words dif ol Xp. were a later interpolation in this place. "^ Celsus ap. Origen. contra Celsum lib. v. p. 247, 259 ; E/ /i^v Si; Kara ravra TTcpiarO.- ' Aoicv ' lovdaloi tov idiov vo/iov, ov fisfiinra avTuVj kKstvav di ftdXXov, tC>v KaTa/UTTovTuv Tu G^^TEpa, Kal Tu, *lovSaluv TTpOffTrotov/ievav. " How the Jews and Christians had become a proverb on this account, see Galenus de Pulsuum differentiis, lib. ii. (ed. Kiihn, viii. 579) : KdX7i.tov 6' &v rjv ■KoTiXCi npoa6uvai Ttva — KTTOtSeifiv, — iva iirj Tig eiiOvg KaT' ipxac, wf els MutiffoO Kal XpiaTov diaTpiBf/v uipiy- fiEVOS, vo/iuv iivavoSeiKTav ukovij. Lib. iii. {p. 657) : QHttov yip uv Tif Totif liiTrd MutiffoO Kol XpidTov lieTaiidd^eiev, ij tovq Talg alpinEoi, TrpoaTETriKdrac; larpovc te koI ovS' 2= Thus spoke the false prophet Alexander of Abonoteichos (Luciani Alex. c. 25) to the inhabitants of Pontus, ddiov kfiTTEir'kTjadai Kal XpiUTiavuv tov Ilovrov, — oOf iKiXEVe ?u6oiS k^avvEiv, Etye kdeTiOvaLV TKeu ex^iv tov Beov. And he began his consecrations with the formula (c. 37) : Ei Tig iWEOg rj XpiOTiavog tj 'EiriKoipEiog t/kei KaTdoKOnog tuv opyluVf (pEvyiTO). 26 TertuU. Apologet. c. 37, to the Romani imperii antitistes': Cluoties in Christianos desaevitis, partim animis propriis, partim legibus obsequentes? duotiens etiam praeter- itis vobis suo jure nos inimicum vnlgus invadit lapidibus et incendiis 7 Ipsis B acchanalium furiis nee mortuis parcunt Christianis, quin jHos de reqaie sepulturae, de asylo quodam mortis, jam alios, jam nee totos, avellant, dissecent, distrahant. C. 40 ; Existimant omnis pablicae cladis, omnis popolaris incommodi Christianos esse causam. Si Tiberis ascendit in moenia, si Nilus non ascendit in arvo, si caelum stetit, el terra movit, si fames, si lues, etatim : Christianos ad leonem. CHAP. I.— EXTERNAL HISTORY. $ 42. PERSECUTIONS. 12£ § 42. PERSECUTIONS OF CHRISTIANITY. The laws against religiones peregrinae and collegia illicita stilL remained in force, even in reference to the Christians ; ^ but they were by no means universally and uniformly enforced. The persecutions of this period were rather the effects of the people's hatred, to which the magistrates gave way, and also of personal malevolence in those possessing official power. Hence all the persecutions of the period were confined merely to single cities or provinces. Under Hadrian (117—138) the people first began to clamor for the execution of some Christians at the pub- lic festivals. But at the representation of Serenius Granianus, proconsul of Asia Minor, Hadrian issued a rescript to the suc- cessor of the proconsul, interdicting such tumultuous proceed- ings.'* The tradition regarding this emperor, that he caused temples to be dedicated to Christ, is the more improbable, be- cause he entertained very erroneous and unfavorable notions of the Christians.^ Under Antoninus Pius, the Christians were 1 Hence Caecilias apud Minuc. Fel. c. 8, calla them homines deploratae, inlicitae ac desperatae factionis. TertuUiaui Apologetic, c. 38 : Inter licitas factiones sectam istam deputari oportebat, a qua nihil tale committitur, quale de illicitis factionibus timeri Bolet, etc. 2 Originally preserved in Latin by Justin Martyr. Apol. i. c. 69 : then translated into Greek by Eusebius (H. E. iv. 9). Rufinus (Hist. eccl. iv. 9) has probably preserved the Latin original (cf. Alexii Symmachi Mazochii disquisitio in Gallandii biblioth. vett. Patr. T. i. p. 728) ; Exemplam epistolae imperatoris Adriani ad Minacium Pundanum Procon- sulem Asiae : Accepi literaa ad me scriptaa a decesaore tuo Serenio Graniano clarissimo viro ; et non placet mihi relationem silentio praeterire, ne et innoxii perturbentur, et calumniatoribus latrocinandi tribaatnr occasio. Itaque si evidenter provinciales huic petitioni suae adesse valent adversum Christianos, ut pro tribunali eos in aliqoo arguant, hoc eia exaequi non prohibeo : precibus autem in hoc solis et acclamationibus uti, eis nou permitto. Etenim multo aequiua est, si quia volet accusare, te cognoscere de objectia. Si quis igitor accusat, et probat adversum leges quidquam agere memoratos homines, pro merito peccatorum etiam aupplicia statues. lUud mehercle magnopere curabis, ut, si quis calumniae gratia quemquam horum postulaverit reum, in hunc pro sui nequitia auppliciis severioribua vindices. Cf. F. Balduinus ad edicta vett. Princip. Rom. de Christianis, p. 72. 3 Lampridiua in vita Sev. Alexandri, c. 43. Christo templum facere voluit, eumque inter deos recipere. duod et Adrianus cogitasse fertur, qui templa in omnibus civitatibua aine siraulacris jusserat fieri, quae ille ad hoc paraase dicebatur. On the other hand, Spartianus in vita Hadriaui, c. 22 : Sacra Romana diligentissime curavit, peregrina contempsit. Flav. Vopiscus in vita Satumini, c. 8, from a work of Phlegon, & freedman of Hadrian : Hadrianua Augustus Serviano Cs. S. Aeg>'ptum, quam mihi laudabas, Servi ■ 126 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. XL— A.D. 117-133. disturbed afresh once and again (138-161)/ But the I3igr. of Marcus Aurelius (161—180) was still more unfavorable to them, for in it the frequent misfortunes that befell the empire caused many outbursts of the popular fury against them ; v/hile the emperor himself endeavored right earnestly to maintain the anciant reputation of the state religion.* Hence the Christians in Asia Minor ^ suffered persecutions, to which even Polycarp aue carissime, totam didici levem, penclulara et ad omnia i'amae momenta volitantem. nii, qui Serapia colunt, Christiani Bunt» et devoti su'jt Serapi, qui ee Christi episcopos dicunt. Nemo illic archisynagogus Judaeorum, nemo Samarites, nemo Christianorum presbyter, non mathematicus, non hamspex, non aliptes. Ipse ille patriarcha cum Aeg:yptum venerit, ab aliis Serapidem adorare, ab aliis cogitur Christum. Unus illis Deus nuUus est. Hunc Christiani, hunc Judaei, hunc omnes venerantar et gentes, etc. * Dionysias Corinth, ap. Easeb. iv. p. 23, concerning a persecution in Athens, in wliich Bishop Publius, the predecessor of Q.uadratus, sufl'ered. Melito in Apolog. ad Marc. Aurel. ap. Euseb. iv. c. 26, $ 5 : 'O 6k iraTrjp oov — raif 7i67<.taL irepl tov fiTjdiv veurepl^eiv Trepl y/i(jv ^Ypatl)EV kv olg koX izphg Xaptacralovg, kol Troof QeaaaXovLKeig koI 'AOijvaLOvr, naL Trpof TrdvTag "E-XTiyvag. This writing may have given liae to the opinion that the Edictum ad commune Asiae proceeded from Antoninus, although it is manifestly spurious. This edict has been appended by a later liand to Justini Apol. i. c. 70, and has been com- municated in a diifereut text by Eusebius, iv. c. 13, vrith a reference to MeHto (probably to the above passage, which he misunderstood). All that can be said with plausibility in defense of that edict may be seen in T. G. Hegelraaier Comm. in edictum Imp. Ant. P. pro Christianis. Tubing. 1767. 4. The spuriousness of it, before asserted by J. J. Scaliger, Moyle, Thirlby, has been convincingly proved by Is. Haffuer de edicto Antouini Pii pro Christianis ad commune Asiae, Argentor. 1781. 4. Cf. Eichstadt exercitatlo Antpniniaua v. in the Annales acad. Jen. i. 286. The edict contains that explanation of the edict issued by Hadrian, which had aiisen among the Christians. They believed that the expression adversus leges quidquam agei'e should not be refeired to the exercises of Christian wor- ship, and accordingly this edict explains it as an km ryv T^ycf^ovlav ^"Puftaluv kyx^i- pelv. From this, therefore, it followed that whoever accused a Christian as such, with- out being able to prove against him such a crime, was liable to punishment as a false accuser. ^ Modestiuus (Dig. lib. xlviii. Tit. 19, 1. 30) : Si quis aliquid feccrit, quo leves huminum animi superstitione numinis terrerentur, Divus Marcus hujusmodi homines in insulam relegari rescripsit. Julii Pauli Se.ntentt. receptt. lib. v. Tit. 21, $ 2 : Q.ui novas, et usu vel ratione incognitas religioues inducuut, ex quibus animi hominum moveautiir, honestiores deportantur, hamiliores capite puniuntur. On the religious views of Ivlarcus Aurelias and his sentiments toward the Christians, see Neander's K. G. i. i. 177. fi Melito in Apolog. ad Marc. Aurel. ap. Euseb. iv. 26 : To yup ov6l TOJTrorf ytvoiisvov, vvv SiuicETaL TO Tuv dtoce^Ctv yevog, Kacvoic k'kavvofitvov 66y/xa(n kutiI rr,v ^Aalav ol yap avatdeig cvKO<}>uvTai Koi rCiv aTiTiorpluv kpaaral, ttjv iK tuv diaray/iuTuv f;^ovr£f a^op/i^v, alvELv. So also Philo (de mundi opif. p. 16, de ling. conf. p. 346, de profug. p. 4GU), in speaking of the creation of man, makes the ro akoyoVy ro dvr}Tov i^fiCtv t^q ijvxffi' fiif^og be created by an- gels. But Lucretius (70 B.C.) de rerum natura v. 196 ss. : — Quod si jam rerum ignorem pTiunordia quae s:ui, Hoc tamen ex ipsis cueli ratiunibuei ausiiu t'onfirmare, alieisque ex reljus reddere multeis, Neqiiuquam nobis divinitus esse paratam Naturam rerum : tanta stat pracdita culpa. 4 ATjfiiovpyog is the former of the world even in Xenoph. Memorab. i. 4, 7, and iu Plato Tiaaaeus, p. 41, more frequently in the younger Plato^ists. CHAP, II.— HERETICS, i) 44. GNOSTICS. , 13i the evil from an evil principle/ Among the speculating Chris- tians, these ideas obtained some hold from the Christian vie-vv taken of Christianity, Judaism, aud heathenism, as the complete, the incomplete, and the evil. These three religions appeared as revelations of three corresponding principles, which were first per- ceived in their true light from the position of Christianity. Mat- ter (vA?/) was the evil principle, which had revealed itself in hea- thenism, and was there conceived as having sometimes an unde- veloped, sometimes a developed consciousness.^ The creation of the world belonged, according to Gen. L, to the God of the Jews, who, commonly regarded as the first of the seven planet-princes,'^ proceeded from the highest God only at an infinite distance, and was as incapable of willing the perfect as of restraining the oppo- sition of matter,^ On the other hand, Christ revealed the higli- 6 P\2ZL'-c', US de Isid et Osiride, c. 45 : Ovte yap ^v uipvxoc^ cCijxaut rag tov Tzavro^ anx^i-V ViiTLKH: wf ATjtx^KpcTrtg /lal 'ETrUovpoc " ovte airoiov 67}ixiovpyov vTii^g eva "Xoyov koI uiav 7rprjj;'o^7^, oc ol irut'co?, TripLyivofiivrjv uttuvtuv kol KpaTovoav udvvarov yap v o7i.avpcv Ct.ovv, ottov ituvrov, ^ xPV^'^^v, ottov fX7]6zvog 6 Beoc ahiog, iyyevsaOaL- Heuce the Micient opinion ol'tlio wise men is tliis : 'Atto 6v£lv kvavriuv apx^Jv, aal dvtlv avTiTraAuv dvvtlfiEOV — o, re iJiog fiLKTogt o, re Kocfiog — uvufiaTiog Kal 7roiKi?\.of: yiyovt Kal fieTa{3o7Mg Ttdaar dExof^Evog. C. 4(J : Kal 6okeI tovto rolg nTiElarocc Kal ao(piJTdTocg. 'Nofj.l- (ovcc yap ol (liv dtovg elvai 6vo, KaddizEp dvTLrex^ovg, tov fiEV yap uyaddv, tov 6i ^avAuv 6r}fiiovpy6v ' ol 6^- tov fikv ufzelvova Bebv, tov ds ^TEpov Aai/iova KaTiovuiv. Zoroaster calls the former t ' ninizd, the latter Ahriman, {liaov 61 dfi^lv tov Mjl6pj]v elvai ' 6ib Kal Mldpi^v Xlipaai 7 ■•u uc^irjjv ovupLd^ovaw ' ididais /liv ru evKTala Ovecv koI xopt-OTypia, tCj 6^ cttu- Tpoirata nci niivtipond. 0. 48 : Xaldalot 6d tuv TT%avr}Tibv tovq Osovg yeviadai, ovg kq- Wovai, ii'j ULV dyaOovoyovg, 6vo Ce KaKonotovg, fxeaovg 6^ rovg Tpelg d7T0(^aLV0VCL Kal KOivQvg. This jQalisrji is found also among the philosophers, even iu Plato, who speak.> ■n the clearest manner concerning it, kv Tolg vofxoig (Leg. x. p. 663, and Tim. p. 528) ov uia Tpvxy KtvelaOat tov Koafzov, uXkd ttT^eloglv icruf , dvolv 6i iruvTug ovk kXaTTOucv ' odev TTjVfiEV dyadovpyov Elvat, Tyv 6^ hvavTlav TavTti, koI tuv kvavTiuv drjfitovpyov ' dTzoTiELTTEi, ^c Kal TptTTjv Tivd fZETa^v (jivaiv, OVK dtpvxov, ovdi d?'.oyov, oi}6i ukivtjtov k^ avTfjg, — tiA^' dvaKELfXEV7}v d/i(l>OLV iKcivatg, kiEfj.iv7jv 6e TTJg ufiELvovog delf KalnodovaaViKaldLUKOVuav. Similar to it is the Egyptian doctrine, iu which Osiris is the good, Typhon the evil prmci- pie, and Isis that third nature. Xamenius TVEpl Tuyadov {in Euseh. Praep. evang, xi. 18) shows that the Demiurgus must be distinguished from the highest God, who, as he thinks, resemhles the Logos of Philo: Tov fiev npuTov debv dpyov Elvat, Epyuv ^vfiKuvTQv Kal Qacilea, tov dTjfiLovpytKov dsdEov iiyEiiovelv, 6C ovpavov lovTa. 6td 6^ tovtov Kal b CT6?.og Tjfiiv koTif ft'dru tov vov 7:ejj.7to{j.evov kv 6iE^6S(p ttugc tol£ Koivuvyaat ^vvTETayji^vocg- And in a proceeding passage : Kal yap ovte dTjfuovpyElv hcTi ;fp££jv tov irpurov, Kal tov dTjfitovpyovvTog 6i Oeov XPV Elvai, kol vopii^EadaL iraTipa Tbv irpuTOv 6e6v. 6 Analogous to the Jewish-Christian view, according to whiAthe heathen gods were evil angels. Keilii Opusc. ii. 584, 601. ' The Jewish-Christian opinion of the division of the world among angels corresponded to this. Keil. 1. c. p. 480. 8 Origen de Prioc. I. iv. {Philocalia, ed. Spencer, p. 6) : 01 re dirb ruv alpEoeuv uvayivuaKOVTEC r • irvp kKKEKavTat Ik tov Bvfiov fiov (Jer. xv. 14, then: Exod. xx. S, 1 Reg. XV. 1], Ks. xlv. 8, Ara. iii. 6, Mich. i. 12, 1 Ueg. xvi. 15), Kal fivpLa baa TovToig vaoaTrTi^aia, uTntjT^crat fiev 3t Gnostics to be one of the highest spirits of light. As the means of doing so, he left behind to his genuine disciples, the ■yvwatf. These general ideas were carried out in special ways in the separate schools, on which account they received different forms and modifications. Among the Alexandrian Gnostics, traces of the Platonic phi- losophy are roost obvious ; ' among the Syrian, the influence of Parsism was superadded. Among the former, the emanation doctrine was pre-eminent ; among the latter, dualism}" In all the schools, however, there remained a wide field for the play of fancy in making vivid to the perception the internal relations of the world of light, the origin of the Demiurgus from it, and the creation of the world. For this purpose the Alexandrian Gnostics employed, but only as an insecure guide, a representa- tion which was borrowed from the Platonic doctrine of ideas, that the visible world, with its germs of life, is only an image and impression of the world of light.'' With this view the allegorical avTi'.r clvat rov S?j^iovpyovj w ^lovdaJoi ^.arpEvovfftv, uydTjaav (5f arelov^ -Kal ova dyadov TvyxdvovTO^ Tov drjfiwvpyovy Tov ffurypa lindedTjfiTjic^vac Tt7.si6Tepov KaTayyi'k- T^ovTa Oeov, dv ^aui fi^ tov drjfiLovpybv rvyxo-vetv, 6iaf\t6puz -Kepi tovtov mvovjiEvoit Koi MTraf diroaravTe^ tov Si}p-iovpyov, og hcrtv dyivvTjTo^ fiovo^ deb^t uva-nT^acfxol^ iavToxx eiri^eduKacTi, fivdoTVoiovvTEg iavTolg vTrodsuEi^, Kad* ug olovTat ysyovsvat rH ^TisnofXEvat fial ^Tcpu Tiva fXTj f3XETr6fi£vay uizEp ij ^vxv avTuv uvEt6(>)'XonolriCEV . New Testament pRssages also may have been cited by the Gnostics in favor of the distinction, ex. gr. Joh. xii. 31, xiv. 30 ; 2 Cor. iv. 4 ; Gal. iii. 19 ; 1 Cor. ii. 6, 7 ; Eph. Iji. 9, ff. 9 Plotin. cont. Gnost. c. 6: "O/luf yiip airolc TiL fiiv Tzaph tov IJAdTuvcf Ci/.jj7rrar ru Mf baa KaivoTo^ovaiv, Iva idtav iav dibvTai, TavTa ^^w T^f uAijHElag eitpjjTai. '» Neander divides the Gnostics into such as adhered to Judaism, and anti-Jewish : see t^ie Hall. A. L. Z. April, 1823, S. 831, and Baurs Gnosis, S. 97, ff. The latter assumes three classes ; 1. Those who brought Christianity into closer connection with Judaism and heathenism; 2. Those who made a strict separation of Christianity and Judaism from heathenism ; 3. Those who identified Christianity and Judaism, and opposed both f> hea- thenism in the form of Gnosis (the pseudo-Clement, system). " Philo do Somniis, p. 593 : Tov ix tuv ISeuv avcTa6irTa — Kba/iov vorjTbv ovk hzaTLv itUag KaTaXa/islv, 6ti foi Ik Tijg tov alnOriTov Kal bpojiivov tovtov ficTavaPdaeug. So, according to Hebr. ix. 23, the earthly sanctuary contains VKodeiy/iaTa ruv iv Tolc ovpavol(. Clem. Alex. Strom, iv. p. 593 : Ekuv T^f oipavlov inK'Kriatag ^ e;r.i«Of Bo, particularly in the system of the Valentinians, Iren. ii. 7. It is the Sophia, quae emittit similitudines et imagines eorura, quae sursum sunt. C. 8: In honorem eonun, quae sursum aunt, facta sunt baec secundum illorum imaginem. CHAV. U.— HERETICS. 5 45. ALEXANDRIAN GNOSTICS. 133 interpretation of holy scripture already current could be readily united, and employed in an arbitrary manner. Moreover, ail the Gnostics appealed particularly to a secret doctrine handed down to them from the apostles. The principle of the gnostic morality, freedom from the fetters of the Demiurgus, and of matter, led to rigid abstinence, and a contemplative life. But when the pride of dogmatism among the later Gnostics had sti- fled the moral sense, a part of them fell upon the expedient of giving out the moral law to be only a work of the Demiurgus, for the sake of indulgence in sensual excasses.^^ § 45. (CONTINUATION.) 1. ALEXANDRIAN GNOSTICS. I. BasJlides of Alexandria (about 125) represented seven 6v- vdiieig in particular, as emanating from the great original (0£6? dppfiTOc), viz., vovg, Adydf , (ppovrjotg, aoipta, dvvafiig, Slimloovvi], slprjtr]. These composed the first kingdom of spirits (^ovpavog). From this emanated a second, and so on until there were 365 king- doms of spirits, each of which was successively an imperfect im- preisloa of the preceding. The total idea of these spiritual kingdoms, i. c, God so far as he has revealed himself, in con- tradisiinction from God in himself he called ^Kfipaad^} The seven angels of the lowest heaven, and especially the first among them, 6 a.px'^'v, the God of the Jews, are the creators of the world. To efi'ect the return of human spirits to the world of '2 Clement Alex. Strom, iii. p. 529 : Atpecrcif — ^ — u.6ia<^opui; ^"yi* 6i5dcKovaiv, fj to VTTEprovov uyovuot. eyxi ureiai^ Sta dvcas^elag /cat irpovoiav fi€fiipd/iEVO(;j Kal TzdvTag vofiov^ rovg ivravda uTifid(7ac, iiai Trjv dperr/u — rr. rt cucppovstv TOVTO kv ycTMTC d^fievQ^, ha fijjSiv KaT^bv evravda, dij dipdetTj {iKupx^v, dvel'U TO, T£ au(f>pov£iv Kal TTjv kv Tol^ tjOegl cvfi^vTov 6tKaioavvr}v, ttjv TtXovuivJiv kii "koyov Kal aTffT^ffcdjf ■ — wtrre avrolg KaTaXunecdai ttjv tj&ovt^v, Kal to irspl avTovg, Kal to ui) KOivbv Trpof dXKovr avdpuirovt:, Kal to T7}g XP^^^C fibvov. . 1 J. J. Bellermann Versuch uber die Gemmen der Alten mit dem Abraxaa-Bilde. Berlin 1817-19. 3 Stiicke. U. F. Kopp Paleographia critica, P. iii. et iv. Manhemii. 1,829. 4. Good impressions of many Abraxas-gems are appended to Matter's Hist, du Gnosticisme ; but many of them are not of Gnostic origin. See theol. Studien u. Kritiken, 1830. Heft. 2. S. 403, if. 'A/Spauiif appears as a powerful incantation-name of God, as well as the Jewish Jao, Sabaoth, Adonai, even in magical formulae whose origin is obviously heathen- Egyptian, see C. J. C. Reuvens lettres a M. Letronne sur les Papyrus bilingues et grecs du Miisee de Leide (a Leide. 1830. 4). Prem. lettre, p. 2-2, 64. 134 FIRST PEEIOD.— DIV. II.— A.D. 117-193. light (^aTTOKaTdoTaacg), the vovg united itself with the man Jesus at his baptism. Hence the followers of Basilides celebrated the festival of the baptism as the epiphany (rd eirtfavia, on the 11th Tybi, the 6th of January).^ The man alone endured the suf- ferings, which, like all human sufferings, were expiations of guilt contracted, though in a former period of existence. The apxo>v of Basilides is not evil, but only circumscribed; and therefore he subjects himself to the higher arrangement of the world, as soon as it is made known to him. The later followers of Basilides,' on the contrary, conceived him to be an open ad- versary of the world of light, and thus rejected Judaism entirely ; m which, however, Basilides could perceive types and prepara- tions for something higher. In like manner, they received into their system the views of the Docetae, and contrived by sophisms to make their moral doctrine more loose. They rendered them- selves particularly odious, by supposing that they could deny the crucified One ; thus they escaped persecution. The party was still in existence about 400.'' II. Still more ingenious is the system of Valentinus, who came from Alexandria to Rome about 140, and died in Cyprus about 160.^ From the great original (according to him [iv66g, npo- TTdrup, rrpoapxTj), with whom is the consciousness of himself (Iv. voia, oiyrj) emanate in succession male and female aeons " (vovf 2 According to Jablonski de origine festi nativitatis Christi diss. ii. § 8, ss. (Opuscul. ed. te Water, iii. 358), they borrowed this day from the Egyptians, who celebrated on it tha inventio Osiridis. This application of the Egyptian festival, however, rests on an unfor- tunate alteration of the text in Plat, de Isis et Osir. c. 39. The festival of the inventio Osiridis occurred in November. See Wyttenbach. animadverss. in Plut. Moralia, ii. i. 225. Wieseler's Chronolog. Synopse der Evaiig. S. 136. In like manner Jablonski incorrectly infers from Clem. Alex. Sti'om. iii. p. 340, that the followers of Basilides celebrated not only the baptism, but also the birth of Jesus, on the Epiphany. ^ The genuine system of Basilides is given in Clemens Alexandriuus ; that of his later adherents in Irenaeus, see Neander gnost. Systeme, S. 31. * The sources of information concerning Basilides are; the tradition of Glaukias, an interpreter (ipfirivcvt:) of the apostle Peter, and a tradition of the apostle Matthias. — Prophets Bap/tu/Jaf, 'BapK(i(p, Xlapxiip- — He wrote twenty-four books k^yriTiKu, which may have also been called his gospel. ' J. F. Buddeus de Haeresi Valentiuiana appended to Introductio ad historiom philos. Ebraeorum. ed. 2. Halae. 1720. 8, p. 573-736. It is remarkable that Valentinus not only received the New Testament, but made constant allegorical nse of it in his system. Thus he formed his system of Aeons for tho most part after John i. Irenaeus i. 8, 5. — His secret doctrine is from Theodades, a disciple of Paul ; his hymns, discourses, and letters are for the most part lost. From the work preserved in Coptic, entitled Fidelis Sophia, has been published D. Fr. Miinter Odae gnosticae, thcbaice et latine. Havniae. 1812. * On aloyv see Numenius ap. Euseb. Praep. evang. xi. 10 : Td bv ovtc TTOri r/v, ovre ■Kori yivTjTai, ' aXX lanv del h XP°'^V P) . tovtov uiv CHAP. II.— HERETICS. 5 45. ALEXANDEIAN GNOSTICS. 135 or iiovoyevfig and aXrjdeia, X6yo<; and aXrjdeia, Xojoq and fu?;, av- douTTog and eKitXTjala, &o.), so that 30 aeons together (distin- guished into the oydod^, dsKag and dwdsKaf) form the nXrjpu^a.'' From the passionate striving of the last aeon, the ao(l)ia, to unite with Bythos, itself, arises an untimely being (?} /carw aoia, 'Axafiud, TTpovveiKog. The creator of the world (^laXSafiaud, probably K^'?2 nina , son of chaos), the first of the seven planet princes, is am- bitious and malevolent, and is therefore involved in continual strife with his mother Sophia, who endeavors to deprive him of the pneumatic natures. The 'O^wfiopi^of, the ruler of Hyle, and the cause of all evil, is an image of him. The christology of the Ophites is altogether like that of Valentinus, with this difference, that Jesus is the psychical, Christ the pneumatic Messiah.'^ The Ophites were divided into various sects (ex. gr. Sethians, Cainites). One of them looked for the Sophia in the serpent of Genesis, and hence the name of the whole party. This continued the longest of all the Gnostic sects. (So late as 530 A.D. Justinian enacted laws against them, Cod. lib. i tit. V. 1, 18, 19, 21). IV. Carpocrates struck out an entirely different way.'' In his view, Jesus was a mere man, like Pythagoras, Plato, and Aristotle, who had set an example of the mode in which the Gnostic must free himself from the Demiurgi (ayyeAot Koofio- TTotot), and unite with the highest divinity (|Uovdf). As the Carpocratians had portraits of those Grecian philosophers and of Jesus in their sanctuaries, so they built in Cephalenia a tem- ple to Epiphanes,^^ a youth seventeen years old, the son of Elvai XpiaTtavoi, uoTe ovk cXaTTOv K^/lcov KaTijyopelv avrovg tov ^l-rjfjov. koX /xt/ TrpoTEpov TTpoaUadal Tiva im to avvedpLov iavTCyv, kav fiij apag d^rai Kara tov 'l^aov Moaheim (1. o. S. 19 and S. 127) infers from this that the Ophites formed a more undent Jewish sect, wliich afterward adopted Cliristianity only in part. On the other side seo A. L. Z. April, 1823. S. 846 '2 On the didypaiifia of the Ophites apud Origines c. Celsum, vi. ed. Spencer, p. 291, ss. see Mosheim, I. c. S. 79, 1. 178, ff. " G. H. F. Fuldner de Carpocratianis, in Illgen'a historischtheolog. Abhandlungen dritte Denlischrift der hist, theol. Gessellschaft zu Leipzig. 1824. S. 180, ff. G. Gesenius de inscriptione Phoenicio-Graeca in Cyrenaica nuper reperta ad Carpocratianorum haeresin pertinente. Halae. 1825. 4. I* Fragments of this work Trept diKaiOGvvTjc preserved by Clemens Alex. Strom, iii. p. 512, s. His moral principles : 01 v6/iot, iivdpuiTov u/jiadiav icoUCeiv jiji Svvu/ievot, Trapa vofisiv iSLSa^av ' ii yap IdioTJjc tuv vo/iuv ri/v Koivavtav tov deiov vojxov KaTCTcjiev nal napsrpayet, — Koivy d 6ebg diravra uvdpu'Ktp ■KoiT/aa^, KoX to 6^Au t^ apfievi kowi) avvayayuv, xal mvd' 6/ioiag ri fuffi KoMijcra;, rijv 6iKaLoaivr)v iiv£(j)i}vev KOivaviav lief ladrriTOQ. Hence, according to page 514, at the conclusion of their agapae, concubitus nromiscui. CHAP. IT.— HERKTICS. J 46. SYRIAN GNOSTICS. 131 their founder, after his death. The sects of the Antitactes and the Prodiciani,^^ allied to the Carpocratians, were branded like it by immoral principles. '° § 4-6. (CONTINUATION.) 2.' SYRIAN GNOSTICS. The Syrian Gnostics developed the doctrine of dualism more decidedly than the Egyptian, to which the neighborhood of Persia may have largely contributed. With this was connected their fanatical asceticism, in which they exceeded the Egyptians, and their Docetic views.' Saturninus in Antioch, a cotempo- rary of Basilides, taught that by the original cause (iraTfip ay- vuoTo^) the world of spirits was created by successive steps, and placed in the lowest gradation the spirits of the seven planets (ayysAot KoaiioKpa-opeg). In opposition to them stood the evil principle (6 laravag), who set in antagonism to the race of men of light animated by the highest divinity, a race of evil men, so that both kinds of men are continued beside one another. In order to avoid all contact with the evil principle, the follow- ers of Saturninus abstained from marriage and the eating of flesh. The wide diffusion of the Gnostic opinions in Syria and the countries lying eastward of it may be seen in the case of Bardesanes in Edessa (about 172),^ who, although he believed I* On the 'AvTiTuKTat cf. Clemens Strom, iii. p. 526. Theodoret. Haer. fab. comp. i. c. 16 : Respecting IIpodiKOf Clemens, 1. c. p. 525. Theodoret, 1. c. i. c. 6. ^^ The inscriptions which, as pretended, were found in Cyreiie, and brought to Malta, were regarded at first as Carpocratian (cf. G. Gesenius, 1. c), butwere afterward shown to be recent fabrications, like many other spurious productions, particularly Eumali Cyrenai- oi Hist. Libycae, lib. vi., all of which were made known by the Marquis Fortia d'Urban in Avignon. They were meant to confirm the hypotheses which this person had formerly put forth respecting an island, Atlantis, in the Mediterranean Sea, which was sunk at the flood, in which island a St. Simonian community of goods and wives is said to have prevailed. See Boeclth preface to the Berlin Lectionskataloge, Easter, 1S32. Gesenius in tiie Hallische A. L. Z. 1835, August, S. 462. When M. J. R. Pacho, Relation d'un voyage dans la Marmarique, la Cyrenaique, &c. Paris. 1827. 4. p. 128, believed that he had found in a pit at Lameloudefa, in Cyrenaica, traces referring to a place where the Carpo- cratians assembled, he was led astray by the opinions at first pronounced on those in- scriptions. A cross with a serpent is a common Christian symbol, according to John iii. 14 ; and CathC'lii Christians may as well have used that pit as a place of meeting, like those at Massakhit, p. 114. » A. I. Z. April, 1823. S. 833, ff. 2 Bar daizon (Bayer hist. Osrh. et Kdess. p. 13) lived under the prince Abgar ' ar Maanu, and gave up his book, Tvep^ d^mpfiivri^. to Antoninus Verus, of which Euseb. 138 rmST PERIOD.— DIV. II.— A.E. 117-193. in two eternal principles, derived evil from the Hyle, and held many other Gnostic tenets, was still looked upon as orthodox in that place. Cotemporary with him was the Assyrian Tor tian^ who had been a disciple of Justin Martyr, but after his death had returned to his native land, and founded there a Gnostic sect, which was chiefly distinguished by abstinence ('Ey/fjoaTiTai, 'Tdponapaordrat, Aquarii),^ and continued till after the fourth century. ^ 47. (CONTINUATION.) 3. MARCJON AND HIS SCHOOl..' The Gnosis of Marcion, the son of a bishop of Sinope, v/l.'u attached himself to the Syrian Cerdo at Rome (between 140 and 150), and developed there a system of his own, has a char- acter quite peculiar. He assumed three moral principles [apxai:, viz., the 6eb<; ajaOoq, the drjfMCOvpybg dinaiog, and the vXt] (6 tcovtj- pog, 6 6id(3oXog). To free men — who had only to expect from praep. Evang. vi. 10, has preserved a fragment (republished in Alexandri Aphrodisiensis, Ammonii, Plotini, Bardeaauis et G-emisti Plethonis de fato quae supersunt graece, rec. et notas adjecit J. C. Orellius. Turici. 1824. 8. p. 202, ss.). He gained over many adherents by Ms hymns. The fifty-six hymns of Ephraem Syrus against heretics are important for the knowledge of his system. Cf. Bardesaues Gnosticus Syrorum primus hymuologns, comm. historico-theol. quam scripsit Aug. Hahn. Lips. 1819. 8. C. Kuehner Astronomiae et astrologiae in doctrina Gnosticorum vestigia, p. i. Bardesania Gnostici numina astralia. Hildburghusae. 1833. 8. = Tatianus d. Apologet v. Dr. H. A. Daniel. Halle. 1837. S. 253. Respecting his svayyi'XLOv Jia rtfftrupwv, see Credner's Beitrage zur Einl. in d. biblisch. Schriften, i. 437. * These names, as well as the appellation Docetae, certainly designate a heresy, which was common to many parties ; but they appear to have been specially given to the fol- lowers of Tatian, because a particular sect-name for them does not appear. ^ Particular sources : Tertull. adv. Marcionem libri v. — (Pseudo-) Origeuis iiaXoyo^ ■Kept TTJi; c/f Bcbv bpBfi^ mareuz s. dial, contra Marcionitns (ed. J. R. Westein. Basil. 1674. 4). The credibility of the fathers respecting Marcion is too much doubted by H. Rhode Prolegomenorum ad quaestionem de Evangelic Apostoloque Marcionis denuo instituendam, cap. i.-iii. Vratislav. 1834. 4. See on the other side Ch. E. Becker Examen crit. de I'evangile de Marcion. Premiere partie. Strasbourg. 1837. 4. 'Works on the subject : Neander gnost. Syst. S. 276, if. Aug. Hahn Diss, de gnoai Marcionis antinomi. Regiomonti. 4. (Two Christmas programmes of 1820 and 1821.) Ejusd. Anti- theses Marcionis Gnostici liber deperditus, nunc quoad ejus fieri potuit restitutus. Re- giom. 1823. 8. The same author's das Evangelium Marcion's in seiner urspriinglicher Gestalt, nebst dem voUstandigsten Beweise dargestellt, dass es nicht selhststondig, son dem eiu verstiimmeltes uni verfalschtes Lucas-Evangelium war. Konigsb. 1623. 8 Compare my review in th» Hall. A. L. Z. Oct. 1823, S. 225, ff. CHAP. II.— HERETICS. } 47. MAKCION. 139 the DemiurgQS, according to the principles of strict justice, citlier condemnation or at most a limited happiness — to free them, I say, from such a yoke, Christ suddenly descended into Capernaum with the appearance of a body, and proclaimed to men the good deity hitherto unknown. Those who believe in Christ, and lead a new, holy life, from love to the good deity, will bs blessed with happiness in his heavenly kingdom, while others are left to the strict justice of the Demiurgus. Marcion required of the perfect Christians a strictly ascetic life, absti- nence from marriage, avoidance of all earthly pleasures, and restriction to a few simple articles of diet. But all the disci- ples of this school were not ^'■faithfuV^ (fideles) ; many continued catechumens for a long time. Marcion's gospel (svayyeXiw) was that of Luke, mutilated according to his system ; in addi- tion to which, he used ten of the Pauline epistles (o aTrdaroAoc), not, however, without corruption.^ In a work entitled "An- titheses," ho endeavored to prove the different characters of Judaism and Christianity, by means of po.sitions from both set over against one another. Respecting metaphysical relations, as far as they do not affect the moral interests of men, no declarations are found in Maro'.on. His disciples, therefore, borrowed such principles partly from the Syrian Gnostics, partly, like Apelles, from the Valentinians, so that the school of Marcion was afterward divided into many branches.' 2 The adulteration was first doubted by J. S. Semler in his paraplirasis epist. ad Galatas. Hal. 1779. 8. Prolegom. § 2, 3. Then by Chr. P. J. LoeiHer Diss., qua Maitionem Pauli epistolas et Lucae evangel, adulterasse dubitatur Traj. ad. Viadr. 1788. 4 (reprinted in the Commentatt. theol. coll. a Kainoel et Ruperti, vol. 1. p. 180, ss.). On this the hypothesis was built. upon by H. Corodi, J. G-. Eichhom, and J. E. Ch. Schmidt. Of another opinion is Dr. Gratz krit. Untersuchung iiber Marcion's Evangel. Tiibing. 1818. 3. Comp. especially Hahn's Evang. Marcion's, &g. Ejusd. Diss, de canone Marcionis. P. i. Regiom. 1824. 4. Ejusd. Erang. Marcionis ex auctoritate vett. monumentorum descriptum, in J. C. Thilo Cod. apociyph. N. T. i. 401. Becker, 1. c. * Even Rbodon {ap. Euseb. v. 13) says : Afa rovro aal Trap' iavToir; uavfi vavTijc ^apKcuv, 6vo apxuc el(7T]yovvTat' — aT^Xot di irdXtv air' avTuv kirl to XEtpov t^0K€i'Aavr€^t ov /ic-vGV dvo, aAA'i ical rptl(^ vTOTidEVTai (^vaei^- Comp. A. L. Z. I. c. S. 226, ff. The thoroughly practi-^al tendenf^y of the true Marcionites is expressed pai"- ticularly iii what Apelles Siid tj Ubcdi)-. (i. c.) : M^ Suv blug i^era^etv rbv Uyov, iiW ^KauTov G'f r^enlarEVKs StafiivECV. (Tudijaeadac yap rov^ ^ttI tov kuTavpt^jiivov TjTinLKoTat; u.iTs(paive7 0, /iovov iav kv ipyoiQ uyaBolc cipidKuvrai. to 6e mvToiv uoa(j)(ctTaTiav, kol uTTEKuTiVipi uot, TovTovl rbv tottov (ttjv ILEirov^Tjv) Etvai dytov, ical u6e ttjv '[Epovua7i7]fi kn rov ovpavov KUTLEvai. A collection of Montaaist predictions in Wemsdorf de Montanistis, $ 4, others besides in Didymus Alex, de trinit. lib. iii. cap. penult. Of. Tertulliau. de resurrect, caniis, c. G3 : At enim Deus omnipotens — effundens in novissimis diehus de suo spiritu in omnem comem, in servos suos et ancillas, et fidem laborantem resurrection is carnalis animavit, ct pristina instrumenta manifestis verborum et sensuum luminibus ab omui ambiguitatea ob- scuritate purgavit. — (Spiritus sanctus) jam omnes retro ambiguitntes et quas volunt parabo- las, aperta atque perspicua totius sacraraenti praedicatione discussit, per novam prophetiani de paracleto inundantem. The same, in a fragment in the Praedestinatus haer. 26 : Hoc solum discropamus (a Psychicis), quod secundas nuptias non recipimus, et prophetiam Mon- tani de future judicio non recusamus. How fanatical they were in their expectations may bo seen in Tertulhan. de spectaculis, c. 30 : duale autem spectaculum in proximo est, ad- ventus Domini jam indubitati, jam superb!, jam triumphantis ! — duid admirer, quid videam, ubi gaudeam, ubi exultem, tot spectans reges, qui m coelum recepti nuiitiabantur, cum ipso Jove et ipsis suis tostibua in imis tenebris congemiscentes ! item praesides, persecutores do- minici nomiuis, saevioribus quam ipsi contra Christianps sacvieinint Aammis insultantibus li- quescentes ! praeterea sapientes illos jjliilosophos coram discipulia suis una conflagrantibus erubescentes, &c. Tertulliau'a lostvrork, de speiidelium, mentioned by him, adv. Marcion iii. c. 2^4, was exclusively devoted to this object. '2 Easebius, iv. 27, and v. 16-19, mentions the polemic writings of Claudius Apollinaris,' Miltiades, an anonymous person (who, according to Jerome, Cat. c. 37 and 39, was lUiodon; by several modern authors incoirectly supposed to be Asterius Urbanus, of. Wemsdoi-f de Montanistis, p. 4), Apollonius, and Serapion, and gives extracts from the last three. — The ^KCTaotg of the Montanist prophets gave special offense. It was asserted in opposi- tion that all EKCTaaig is an inspiration proceeding from demons, cf. Anonymus apud Euscb. V. IG, 3, and Miltiadis uvyypafifia -Trepl rov fiy SeIv 7rpO(})yTT/v kv Ikotucel XaTielv (Euseb. v, 17, ]). Tertull. adv. Marcion. iv.c. 22: Defendimus, in causa novae prophetiae, gratiae ocsta- sin, id est amentiam, convenire. In spiritu enim homo constitutus, praesertim cum gloriam Dei conspicit, ve! cum iier ipsum Deus loquitur, necesse est excidat sensu, obumbratus scilicet virtute divina: de quo inter nos et Pfiychicos quaestio est. According to Jerome, Cat. c. 53, Tertullian wrote de ecstasi libros vi. '^ Anonymus ap. Euseb. v. 16, 5. '* To this number appear to belong the rejectersof Chiliasm.of whomlrenaeus, v. c. 3], says : Ciuidom ex his, qui putantur recto credidisse, supergrediuntur ordinem promotionis justoinim, — haereticos sensus inse liabentes ; and 32 : Tronsfeninter quorundam sententiae ab haereticis sermonibus, &c. Farther, the rejecters of the Apocalypse, of whom Dionysius Alex. Ttepl iTTayyE?iUJV apud Euseb. vii. c. 25, says : Tiv^^fiiv ovv tC>v npo i^fiCtv i/dinjaav KOL avECKEvaaav -KavTi) to 13lI3?uov k. t. ^., who went so far as to hold Cerinthus to be the author. CHAP, ir.— HERETICS. ^ 48. MONTANISTS. 143 farthest, who not only denied the continuance of charismata in the church, and millennarianisra, but rejected the Apocalypse, and even the gospel of John.'^ This very mode of oppotiition, against which, even in Asia Minor, Melilo, bisliop of Sardis, presented himself as an antag- onist,^^ contributed largely, perhaps, to procure Montanism many friends in the west.^^ The western churches never declared themselves exclusively in favor of any of the conflicting parties in Asia;'^ and thus the principles of the Montanists, which were, after all, only the carrying out of orthodox doctrines, could be diffused there, '^ without the necessity of a Montanist party separating itself from the rest of the church. The Montanists in Asia, who had their peculiar ecclesiastical >^ Compare especially the above cited work of Merlcel, wliom also Olshausen {Aeclitheit der vier canon. Evang- S. 254, if.) follows. Irenaeus, iii. c. 11 : Alii vero, ut donum Spiritua frustrentur, quod in novissimis temporibtis secundum placitum patris effusum est in humanura genus illam speciem non adiuitttint, quae est secundum Joamiis evangelium, in qua Para- cletum se missurura Dominus promisit ; sed siraul et evangelium et propheticum repellunt Spiritum. Infelices vere, qui pseudoproplietae [leg. pseudoprophetas] quidem esse volunt. prophetiae vero gratiam ab ecclesia repellunt ; similia patientes his, qui propter eos, qui in hypocrisi veniuut, etiam a fratrum communicatione se abstinent. Datur autem intelligi, quod hujusmodi neque apostolum Paulum recipiant. In ea enini epistx)la, quae est ad Co- rinthios, de propheticis charismatibus diligenter locutus est, et scit viros et mulieres prophe- tantes. Per haec igitm* omnia peccautes in Spiritum Dei, in irremissibile incidunt pecca- tum. The name "A/loj'Ot appears first in Epiphanius Haer. li. adv. Alogos, comp. espe- cially the passage cap. 33, according to the following correction of the text (so Merkel, S. 35, if.} : 'EvotKTjauvTuv yap tovtuv ^KEiae (elg Qvurtipa) Kal rdv Kara ^pvya^, [pi /ier] dcKTiv Av/cwv apTza^dvTuv TLig diavoiag tC>v uKepaluv 7rt7]T£iag, Trepl TTjg unoKaXvipEUC 'luuvvov (comp. Liicke's "R^inl. in d. OfFeub. Johan. S. 289). They were naturaUy very welcome to the Montanists, and hence Melito was praised by TertuUianevenintheMontaaist period of the latter's life (Hieronymus, io Catal. c. 24 : Hujus elegaus et declamatoriam ingenium laudans Tertulliauus in septem libris, quos scripsit adversus ecclesiam pro Montane, dicit, eum a plerisque nostrorum prophetam putari). But it does not follow from this, as Danz, Heinichen, and Schwegler (S. 223) would have it, that Melito was a Montanist. See Piper's Melito, in the theol. Stud n, Krit. 1838, i. 86. ^' Cf. Irenaeus above, not. 14 and 15. The account of Praedestinatus, Haer. 26 : Scrip- sit contra eos (Montanistas) librum s. Soter Papa urbis is highly improbable, and is perhaps nothing more than a conclusion from TertuUiau adv. Pras. c. 1, praecessorum ejus auctori- tates defendendo. 18 The Christians of Lyons and Vienna had added to their account of the persecution they endured, a judgment on the controversy with the Montanists, which Eusebius unfor- tunately omitted, (Euseb. v. 3, 2) : 'EK6i/iEvoc Kal rdv nap' avTolg teTieluQevtuv fiaprv- ocjv dia({>6povc iTTtarola^, ug kv dEOfiolg etc iTzdpxovTEg Tolg ^Tr' 'AaiCf Kat ^pvyiag tlJeX- 0Oif StExdpa^av ov fiijv dXld Kal 'EXevdipGyjTi^TOTE'Pufiaiuv kiriaKontf), T^g tuv IkkIjj- aiuv elpyvTig EVEKa TrpEGpEvovTEg. Comp. the Praefatio of Maranus to the 0pp. of the Apologists, P iii. c. 11, ^ 2, ss. is Ar instance below, $ 53, note 3R. 144 FIBST PERIOD.— DIV. II.— A.D. 117-193. constH ution,^° continued down to the tenth century." Besides their usual names, Montanistae, Cataphryges (ol Kara v VEKpuv ed. L. A. Beohenberg. Lips. 1685. 8. Th. Adr. Clarisse Comm. de Athenogorae vita et scriptis et ejus doctrina de relig. chriat. Lugd. Bat. 1819. 8 Guerike de schola Alexandrina, i. 21, ii. 6, 50, 97, 403. ' Melito, by licentiate F. Piper in the theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1838, i. 54. ^ The fragments in the Catenae, especially in the 2e(pa f /f rijv 'Oktutevxov — kiTLjiEAEiq. Ninilitopov Tov QeoroKOV, Lips. 1772, 2 voll. fol., attributed to one Apollinaris, deserve a closer examination. The most of them belong to Apollinaris, bishop of Laodicea in the fourth century ; but many might be refeired even to the bishop of Hierapolis. See Schv.'egler's Montanismus, S. 203. ' ad. J. C. Wolf Hamb. 1724. 8, (a'anslated by M. W- F. Thienemami. Leipzig. 1834. -' 2d. Worth. Oxon. 1 700. 8. Tatianus d. Apologet, von Dr. H. Daniel. Halle. 1837. 8. -- '.'^crmerly attributed falsely to Justin. On the other side, see Tillemont, M^moirea ii. 371 ; C. D. a Gvossheim de epist. ad Diognetum comm. Lips. 1828. 4to, who fixes the CHAP. III.— CATHOLIC CHUHCH. ^50. APOLOGIES. 14V hapa also M. Minucius Felix^ a lawyer in Rome, who defended Christianity in a dialogue called Octavius,^^ belongs to the age of Marcus Aurelius, and is in' this view the oldest Latin apolo- gist. On the contrary, the dtaovpiibq rcov e^d) (j)tXoa6(po)v of Her- mias must be placed in a later period. ^^ All these defenders aim principally to show the groundless- ness of the accusations adduced against Christianity,^^ the rea- sonableness cf it contrasted with the absurdity and immorality of heathenism, and the nothingness of the heathen deities. ^^ While they refer to the fact that Christianity agrees with the wisest philosophers, they represent the latter again as having dravv'n their wisdom from the Old Testament. In proving the divine origin of Christianity, they attach special value to the predicuons of the Old Testament, the miracles of Jesus and the ?..Xi3tleS; the miraculous powers continuing among Christians, ^'^ epistle about the year 132 ; Jloehler (Schriften u. AufSatze, i. 19. Patrologie, i. 154), who ilaces it in the time of Trajan ; Semisch {Justin d. M. i. 172), who puts it in the time of Justin. It has been pablished with an introduction and remarks by Lie. G. Bohl in Opus- imla Fatram s'electa. Berol. 1826. p. i. p. 109, ss. -3 jn the three only known MSS., and in the older editions, it appears as the eighth ^/ook of Amobius {lib. octavus, a misunderstanding of the title Octavius). It has been very frequently published, among other forms cum integris Woweri, Elmenhorstii, Peraldi, et Bigaltii notis, aliorumque hinc inde collectifi, ex rec. Jac. Grouovii. Acceduut Cyprianus de Idol. van. et Jul. Firm. Matemus. Lugd. Bat. 1709. 8. J. Gr. Lindrier. Longosalissae. 1760, ed. ii. emend. 1773. 8, translated with an introduction and remarks b; J G. Rusawurm, Hamburg. 1824. 4, newly published, explained and translated by Dr. J. i . B. Lubkert. Leipzig. 1836. 8, ad fidem codd. regii et Bruxell. rec. ed. D. Mirralto. Turic'. 1336. 8. Ihe earlier more prevailing opinion that Minuoius belongs to the interval between T^rtullian and Cyprian, 220-230, rested particularly on the testimony of Jerome, who Catal. cap. 53, says : TertuUianus presbyter nunc demum primus post Victorem et Apolloniuni Latinoram ponitur; and first mentions Minucius in cap. 58. On the other band, Blondell (de I'Euchariste, p. 119), Dallaeus (against whom, see Bayle's Dictionn. s. v. Fronton), J. D- ab Hoven (in Lindner's second edition, p. 261), Oelrichs (de scriptt. eccl. lat., p. 24) place him, from interaial grounds, and because, cap. 9, Froiato (see $ 40, note '2) is mentioned as still living, in the age of Marcus Aurelius. This view has been lately adopted by Kestner (Agape, S. 356), H.*Meirer (comm. de Minucio Felice, Turici. 1824. 8), Russwurm, and v. Muralt 1. «., and even Tzschimer (Fall des Heidenthums, i. 219), who had formerly defended the old opinion in the Geschichte der Apologetik, i. 279. " Ed. Worth {annexed to his Tatian), J. Ch. Dommerich, Hal. 1764. 8. Gu.F. Menzel. Lugd. Batt. 1840. 8. According to Menzel, the work belongs to the fifth century. ^* Ch. F. Eisenlohr, Argumenta ab apologetia saec. ii. ad confii-mandam rel. christ veritatem usurpata. Tubing. 1797. 4. (recus. in Pottii Sylloge comm. theologg. vol. ii, p. 114, ss.) Tzschimer's Pall des Heidenth. i. 237, ff. F. Wurra, in Klaibers Studien der evangel. Geiatlichkeit Wutemberg's, i. ii. 1. Semisch, Justin d. M. ii. 56. 1* Here an important preparation had been already made for them by the heathen pbilos'pherfl, especially by the view that had originated with Euhemerus, that the deities T7e/3 dead men. See above $ 13, note 5. Cf. Athenagoras, Leg. p. 35. Theoph. nil A-.^;I. p. 75, 70. Minucius Felix, Oct. c. 21, appeals expressly to Euhemerus. -' C?toIack on the miracles of the Catholic Church in his verm. Sclirifteu, i. 28. 148 riBST PERIOD.— DIV. II.— A.D. 117-193 the rapid spread of Christianity, and the steadfastness of its lol- lowcrs in times of persecution. They demand, in fine, the same protection for Christians, which other philosophical se&3 en- joyed. In defense of Christianity against Judaism, there appeared at this period two dialogues ; under Hadrian the avTiXoyiallamaKov Kal 'Jdoovo^, which was afterward, but certainly without reason, ascribed to Aristo of Pella; " and SidXoyog npbgTpvtpuva 'lovdaiov, of Justin Martyr}''' § 51. COMBATING OF HERETICS— CATHOLIC CHURCH— CANON OP THE NEW TESTAMENT. The writings of the earlier opponents of heretics, the work of Justin Martyr against aU heresies ; ' the books of Agrippa Cas- tor (about 135), who wrote against BasiUdes ; of Justin Mar- tyr, Theophilus of Antioch, Rhodon, Philip bishop of Gortyna, and of Modestus, who all wrote against Marcion ; of Miltiades, ' Claudius Apollinaris, Serapion bishop of Antioch, and Apollo- nius, who all wrote against the Montanists, have been lost, ex- cept a few fragments. On the other hand, we still possess the work of Irenaeus (bishop of Lyons, 177—202), eXeyxog Kal ava 1' This avTiXoyia or iidXe^i;, cited so early as by Celsns (Orig. c. Cels. iv. p. 199), is lost, and even of the Latin translation of one Celsns the Praef. ad Vigilinm (in opp. Oypriani) is ,alone extant. Maximns (t 662) comm. ad. Dionyg. Areop. de myst. tbeoL c. 1, is the first who names Ariston as the anthor, bnt adds that Clement of Alex., Hypotyposeon, lib. vi., ascribes this dialogue to Luke. On the other hand, Hieron,, in quaest. in Genes., says : In principio fecit Dens coelom et terram. Pleriqne existimant. sicut in altercatione qnoque lasonis et Papisci scriptum est — in Hebraeo haberi : in filio fecit Dens ooelum et terram. Q.nod falsnm esse ipsins rei Veritas comprobatr. A Hebrew Jewish-Christian like Aristo conld never have written that. The Chron. paschale ad Olymp. 228, ann. 2, says that 'AjreXX^c ^^^ 'Aplarav (probably 4 JleMMo; 'ApicTov) handed over an apology to Hadrian. Since this is not found, it seems that some con- jectured they discovered it in the dialogue in question. '9 Ed. Sam. Jehb. Lond. 1719. 8. The doubts of its authenticity raised by C. G. Koch (Justini M. cum Tryph. Jud. dial. — suppositionig convictus. Kilon. 1700. 8. The contro-, versial writings on the subject, see in Walchii Bibl. patrist. p. 21G), Wetstein, Semler (TVetst. prolegg. in N. T. ed. Semler, p. 174), and S. G. Lange (Gesch. d. Dogmen d. christl. Kirche, i. 137), have been answered by G. Mflnscher, an dialogus cam Tryphone Jnstino M. recte adscribatar. Marb. 1799. 4 (also in Commentatt. theoll. edd. Bosen- muller, Fuldner et Manrer, i. ii. 184), and Semiscb, Justin d. M. i. 75. ' ^vvray/ia KarH'TraaCiv tuv yeytvijiihuv aipcaeuv cited by himself, Apol. i. c. 26. CHAP, in.— CArnOLIC CHURCH. $ 51. COMBATING OF HERETICS. 149_ TpoTTTj T7jg i}}ev6(i)vvfj,ov yvojGEOjg in five books, but for the most part merely in an old Latin transkj^tion.^ * The discordant opinions of the philosophical schools (^alpsoeig), which were to Iiave been removed by the one, certain. Christian truth, had again appeared within the province of Christianity at this period, in the different parties. The ecclesiastical idea of aipeotg was formed from thence chiefly by the characteris- tics of separation from the unity implied in the true church, and of insecure subjective presumption ;3 but since Christian truth appeared not likely to be mistaken without blame at- taching to the individuals, it was generally believed that the sources of the heresies must be looked for in nothing else than self-will, pride, ambition, desixe of rule, and want of love.* To tlie opposition presented to unbelievers, in which alone the church had been engaged till the present time,^ there was now added the other opposition directed against heretics. By this means the idea of the church being farther developed, there arose the expression eKtcXTjata KadoXttc-f},^ i. e., the onli) 2 Ed. J. E. Grabe. Oxon. 1703. fol. Renatus Massuet. Paris. 1710. fol. Lib. iii, capita 1-4, lu graecum sermonem restituta, criticisque annotationibus illustrata per H, Gu. J. Thiersch in the tlieol. Stud. u. Krit. 1S42. ii. 512. A. Stieren de Irenaei adv. haer. operis fontibus, indole, doctrina, et digiiitate. Gottiagae. 1836. 4. In favor of the authen- ticity, in regard to which doubts were raised by Semler (especially in the dissert, in TertulL, in his edition of Tertalllan, vol. v. p. 261, 300, ss.), see Chr. G. F. Walch de avdevTca librorum Iren. adv. haer. m nov. comilientariis soc. scient. Getting, t. v. p. 1. Respecting the fragments of Trenaeus found by Pfaff in the Turin Library (S. Irenaei fragmenta anecdota ed. Chr. M. Pfaff, Hagae Com. 1715. 8, reprinted in his Syntagma . 8 IrenaeuB, iv. 26, 2. Haeretici alienum ignem afferentea ad altare Dei, i.e., alienas doctrinaa, a coelesti igne comburentur, quemadraodum Nadab et Abiud. iv, 33, 7. Tertull- de Baptismo, c. 8. Ecclesia est area figurata (cf. 1 Petr. iii. 20, 21). ^ Irenaeus, i. 10, 1. 'H iKK?<.7j(Jca Kad' o'atjc olKov/^ivTjg Iwf izepdruv rfj^ yi/r die- (jTrapfiivT}. Cf. i. 10, 2, iii. 11, 8, iv. 36, 2, v. 20, 1. ^° TertuUian. de Praescr. haer. c. 21. ftuid autem (apostoli) praedicaverint, id eat, qnid illis Christas revelaverit : et hie praescribam, non alitor probari debere, nisi per eas dem ecclesiaa, quas ipsi ^portoU condiderunt, ipai eia praedicando, tarn viva (quod aiant) voce, quam per eFisco'fa.*: yostea. Si haec ita sunt, constat proinde omnem doctrinam, quae cum illis ecc'.eeiis Lpcetclici:;, matricibus et originalibus lidei conspiret, veritati depu- tandam. C. ?f. Psrcurro occlesias apoatolicas, apud quas ipsae adhuc cathedrae apoa- tolorum Buis locU praesident, apud quas authenticae literae eorum recitantur, sonantea vocem et reprc,e8entantes faciem uniuscujasque. Proxima est tibi Achaia? habes Co rmthum. £i non longe es a Macedonia, habes Philippos, habes Thessalonicenses. S potes in Aaiam tendere/ habes Ephcsum. Si autem Italiae adjaces, habes Romam, uudj nobis qnoque anctoritas praesto est. Ista quam felix ecclesia, cui totam doctrinam apos- toli com sanguine suo profudenmt, ubi Petrus passioni dominicae adcquatar, ubi Paulas .Johaonis exitu coronatur, ubi apostolus Johannes, posteaquam in oleum igneum demercus nihil passus est, in insulam relegatur. Videamus quid dixerit, quid cum Africanis quoqne ecclesiis contesserarit, &c. (Comp. Neander's Antigriosticus, S. 313, ff.) In the west ihe Roman was the only apostolic church. Hence they naturally appealed to it there f i'vefly, Tren. iii. 3. Traditionem itaque apostolorum in toto mnndo manifestatem, in .-fir.! ecclcaia adest perspicere oranibos, qui vera velint videre, et habemua annumerarc OC'S, qni ab apostolis instituti suntEpiscopi in ecclesiis et auccessores eorum usque ad nos, ■y-n nihil tale docuerunt. — Sed quoniara valde longum eat, in hoc tali volamine omnitmi r^.x^lcsiaram cnumerare aaccessiones ; maxiraae et antiquissimae et omnibus cognitae a gi.u.'oaiEsiraia dnobns apostolis, Petro et Paulo, Roraae fundatae et constitutae ecclesiaa cam, quam habet ab apostolis, traditionem et annunciatam hominibus fidem, per aucces siimes episcoporom pervenicntem usque ad nos, indicantea confnndimus omuus eos, qui qnjqno TTodo — praeterquam oportet colllgunt. Ad banc enim ecclesiam propter potei.- tiorem (so all M33., Massuet was the tir-it that altered it into potiorem) principalitatem CHAP. in.-CATHOLIC CHUR.CH. $ 51. COMBATING OF HERETICS 1:1 was felt against heretics, and the feeling of oneness, strengthened by the idea of a catholic churchy led to a closer union, of which the apostolic churches were regarded as a center, though with- out the existence of an external subordination among them. As the heretics appealed to apostolic traditions, and even used pretended aposto ic writings in justification of their sentiments, the attention of catholic Christians was by this means more direct- ed to the genuine writings of the apostles, scattered among them. The apostolic epistles had always been read in the places to which they were addressed, and in the neighboring congrega- tions ; but there was no universally received collection of the neoesse est omueiu convenire ecdesiam, hoc est, eos qui sunt undi'que fideles, in qua semper ab his, "qui sunt undique, conservata est ea, quae est ab apostolis, traditio. Irenaeus wishes to prove that the doctrine of tlie catholic Cliurch is apostolic, preserved fcy the successors of the bishops ordained by the apostles. Since it is too prolix to point out this connection of the apostles with all churches, he wishes to limit Jiis proof to the Church of Rome alon«, and finally to represent the doctrine of the Roman Church as necessarily agreeing with that of the whole remaining church. Neoesse est {avdyKrf\ must not be confounded with oportet [del) : the former expresses a natural necessity, the latter an obligation, duty. Potentior is iKavurepog (cf. iii. 3, 3 : potentissim as literas. LKavuTUTTjv ypatpTjv), princip alitas probably irpurHa (iv. 33, 3 : izpurevei fiiv .kv ttuglv b deog, principalitatem quidem habebit in omnibus Dens). Accordingly the Greek test may have been : Trpof ravTrjv yap ttjv kKnTirjaicLV Sut tijv iKavuripav TrpuTEiav uvdyKi] nuaav GV[i(iaheLv ttjv EKKArjcrlav, tovt' kart rovg iravraxodev ttlctovc, kv y del roij iravTaxoO^v ovvrerT^pTjTC.t y utto tlJv u.'kcgtoXwv 'Kapddoaiq- "For with this church must the whole church, i. e., the believers' of every place, agree, of course, on account of its more important pre-eminence." A pre-eminence belonged to all apostolic churches ; to the Romr.n Church a more important pre-eminence, on account of its greatness, and its havir g been founded by the two most distinguished apostles. In the rest of the se? <.*.-\'^e, I conjecture that the Latin translator was misiaken. Supposing the Greek text to have stood as abqve, the translator took the words rolq travTaxodev for virb rOv navr. which was certainly grammatically correct ; " in which the apostolic tradition was always pre- served by believers from all places," referring to the many foreigners who constantly belonged to the Roman community, and who afforded a warrant for the uninterirupted aereeraent of the Roman tradition with that of the rest of the church. But Iren^us meant to say: " in which the apostolic tradition has been always preserved in fellow- ship with the believers of all places." Hence he adduces, in what follows, Clement's epistle to the Corinthians, and Folycarp's abode at Rome, as proofs of this uninterrupted fellowship. Many other explanations may be seen in Grabe and Massuet on the pas- sHire. Paulus, in Sophronizon, Heft 3. 1819. S. 141, ff. On the other side, Th, Kate- Kamp iiDer den Pnniat. d. Apost. Petras u. s. Nacbfolger. Miinster. 1S20. S. 30, IL Grieshach de potentiore Eccl. Rom. principalitate comm. Jen. 177S (reprinted in his Opuscula Academ. ed. Gabler, vol. ii. p. 136, ss.) H. W. J. Thiersch in "he Theol. Stud, a. Krit. 1842, ii. 52-5. J. Wolff in Rudelbach's and Guerike's Zeitschnft fiir. d. luther. Kirche, 1845, iv. 7. Thiersch reads Tidaav kKK7^r}uiav, and refers to it the kv ■>} iu the sense: unaquaeque alia ecnlesia idem testabitur de traditione apostolorum, dummodo in tft. a fidelibus, cujusvis sint loci, pure conservata sit tradita ab apostoiis Veritas. On the cojitrary, Neander, K. G. i. i. 349, says that the expression, qui undique sunt fideles, is not synonymous with omnis ecclesia, if the latter mean " every single church," bat only if it mean *' cveiy church," i.e., all churcliea ; and in the single churches the tradition was not preserved ab iis qui sunt undique. 152 FIRST PE^-IOD.—DrV. II.— A.B. 117-113. evangelical narratives, and the existing ones (comprehending, besides our canonical go,«pels, also the gospel of the Hebrews, that of the Egyptians, &c.) served in their spheres only for private use. After the churches had now come into closer con- nection, they communicated to one another, in their common interest against heretics, the genuine apostolic writings ; and thus the canon began to be formed, in the first half of the sec- ond century, in two parts (to 'EvayyeX.ov or to EvayyeAiK'ir, and 6 'An6(jTo?Mg or ro ^AttootoXikov), although in ■*.he different con- gregations there continued to be other writings, v/hich were valued almost, if not altogether, as much as those which were universally received (6juoAoyor;//tva, evdiddTjKa).'^ Instigated by the bold speculation of the Gnostics, which sought to lay an entirely foreign basis under Christianity, the catholic Christians began to establish as the unalterable regula fidei,^'^ that summary of doctrine which could be shown, as well in the consciousness of all Christian communities, as also in the apostolic writings, to be the essential basis of Christianity, and which must remain untouclicd by, and be necessarily laid at the foundation of, every speculation. Accordingly, even the originally simple statements of the baptismal confession (jriarLg, avjxdoXovy^ were secured by additions against misunderstandings and perver- sions ; but as the different wants of tlie church required tliis or the other doctrine to be made more clear, or to be emphatically exhibited, so the form of the baptismal confession became longer or shorter in diflferent places..''* ^' Compare my essay uber die Entstehxmg nnd die fruhesten Scbicksale der sclinftl. Evangeliiiii. Leipz. 1818. S. 142, ff. 179, ff. 190, ff. '^ 6 KavCiv inK7i,r]CiaaTLK6c Clemens Alex. Strom, vi. p. 803. ■ b aavuv rye it/.tjdiia^, Iren. i. 1, in fine. This rule of faith, therefore, as it is found, for example, in Ii'enaeus, i. 10, 1, was not a formula handed down to the apostles {cf. TertuU. de Praescr. c. 13 : Haeo re^la a Christo, nt probabitnr, instituta ; particularly c. 21 ; Omnis doctrina, quam ecclesiae ab apostolis, apostoli a Christo, Christus a Deo accepit; c. 37 : Regula, quam ecclesia ab apostolis, apostoli a Cbristo, Christus a Deo traditit), and was not plaped abov-" the interpretation of Scripture (for according to TertuUian de Corona militis, c. 3, it vac a Catholic fundamental principle, etiam in traditionis obtentu exigenda est auctontr^e Bcripta), as was asserted, after Lessing's example, by Delbruck, Philip Melancthor. -ie. Glaubenslehrer. Bonn. 1826. S. 17, ff. 14.j, if. Comp. on the authority of Holy Scripture, and its relation to the rule of faith, tbree theological epistles to Herr Prof Delbruck by Sack, Nitzsch, and Liicke. Bonn. 1827. " Maximus Turinensis (about 430) homil. in Symb. p. 239 : Symbolum tessera 3fft et signactilum, quo inter fideles perfidosque secemitnr. These additions are referred to by Tertull. de Corona mil. c. 3 : Ter mergitamnr, amplins aliqnid respondentes, quam Dominns in Evangelio determinavit. " Cf. Ch. G. F. Walchii bibliotb. sj-mbolica yitas. Lemgov. 1770. 8 Ir. .^ug. Eahn, CHAP. III.— CATHOLIC CHURCH. ^ 52. DOCTRINAL DEVELOPMENT, 153 § 62. DEVELOPMENT OF DOCTRINES — SPURIOUS WRITINGS. A speculative treatment of Christian doctrine was generall;^ indispensable, if Christianity was to be accessible to the philo- sophical culture of the times, and it was rendered unavoidable, by the progress of the Gnostics. It could only proceed from Pla- tonism, which of all philosophical systems stood the nearest to Christianity.' While many Platonic philosophers were brought over to Christianity by this internal relation, they received the latter as the most perfect philosophy,^ and retained, with their philosophical mantle,' their philosophical turn of mind also. They set out with these positions, both that the Logos has con- stantly communicated to men the seeds of truth,'' and that the. truth taught by Plato was derived from Moses and the proph- ets.^ The arbitrary mode of interpretation then current fur- Bibliothek d. Symbole u. Glaubensregeln d. apostolischkatholischen Kircbe. Breslau. 1842. 8. P. Kingii Hist, symboli apostolici ex angl. serm. in latinum translata (by Olear- ius). Basil. 1750. 8. J. R.. Kiesling Hist, de usu symbolorura. Lips. 1753. 8. ^ (Staudlin) de pbilosopbiae Platonicae cum doctrina religionis judaica et cbristnana cognatione (a GOttingen Whitsuntide programm. 1819. 4.) D. G. Ackermann, das Clirist- liche im Plato u. in d. platon. Philosophie. Hamburg. 1835. D. F. Chr. Baur, das Cbrist- licbe des Platonismus, od. Sokrates u. Cfaristus, in the Tiibinger Zeitschr. f. Theologie, 1837. Heft 3. * Comp. the remarkable history of Justin Martyr's conversion in his Dial. c. Tryph. c. 3, Bs. : which he, c. 8, concludes with the words, ravrjjv fiovTjv evptoKov 4>t}ioao(pLav dtT^a?.^ TE Kol GVfj-^opov. OvTU^ 6ij Kol diu TavTa ^iXoao^o^ iyu. Thus Christianity is desig- nated by Melito, ap. Euseb. iv. 26, 4, as fj Kad' li/iug o;. CI. H. N. Claasea Apologetae Eccl. chriat. an^etheo- dosrani Platonis ejusque philosopliiae arbitri. Havn. 1817. 8. p. 187, bs. Clansen himself at'i-ibates to Plato (p. 19G) some knowledge of the law and of the doctrine of the Hebrews. fi Comp, Justini Coh. ad Graecos, c. 20, as. According to c. 29, Plato is said to have borrowed his doctrine of ideas from the passages Exod, xxv. 9, 40 ; xxvi. .30, incorrectly onderstuod ; and according to c. 31, to have imitated Ezek. x. 18 in the winged chariot of Zens, &c. See Clausen, 1. c. p. 191. ' Justin finds in him the doctrine of the Son and Spirit ; Clemens Alex. Strom, v. p. 710, the whole Christian Trinity. Clausen, 1. c. p. 84. 8 The Platonism of the fathers was perceived even by Petavius, Dogm. Theol. t. ii. lib. i. c. 3. The dogma of the -Trinity was derived from it by (Sonverain) le Platonisme devoile, on Essa: iouchant le verbe Platonicien. Cologne (Amsterdam). 1700 (translated by Lolfler : Versuch uber d: Platonismus d. KV. ZuUichau. 1732. 2t6 Anfl. 1792. 8), and Jo. ClericQS epist. crit. et ecclea. (Artis criticae, vol. iii. Amst. 1712), especially ep. vii. and piii. On the other side, the matter was exaggerated by the Jesuit Baltua, Defense des saints ^leres, accuses de Platonisme. Paris. 1711. 4. Keil, de doctoribua veteris ecclesiae, culpa corruptae per platonicas sententias theologiae liberandis, comm. xxii. in ej. opusc. t. ii. Lips. 1821, has copiously given the literatiu'e of the subject. 3 Fragments of bis work Trept rf/^ {iatj^ are preserved in Eusb. Praep. Ev. vii. 22. i** Ch. D. A. Martini Vers, einer pragm. Gesch. des Dogma v. d. Gottheit Chriati in den vier ersten Jabrh.' Th. 1. Rostock. 1800. 8. Dr. F. Chr. Banr's die christl. Lehre v. d. Dreieinigk. u. Menschwerdung Gottes (3 Th. Tiibmgen. 1841-43. 8). i. 163. G. A. Meier's Lehre v. d. Trinitat in ihrer hist. Entwickelnng (Hamburg u. Gotha. 1844), i. .03, " So particularly Proverbs viii. 22, ss., but also Psalm xxxiii. 6 ; xlv. 1 ; civ. 24. The doctrine that God created the world by the Logos was also naturally sought for in the Mosaic account of creation, where it was found : Gen. i. 1, iv iipxi i» equivalent to iiu TJj; upx^d and ^PXV i^' according to Proverbs viii. 22, tj co(pia or i Xojo^. Theophil. ad AutoL ii. 10, 13. Tatian. ApoL c. 7. Tertull. adv. Hermog. c. 20. This explanation was repeated in later times by Origenes, Horn. 1, in Gen., Basilius, Hom. 1, in Hexaeraeron, Augustinus de Genesi lib. i. Others believed that they might venture to presuppose the existence of that doctrine as still more obviously contained in the Hebrew original, which *hey did not know. According to the AUercatio laaonia et Papisci, the original expressed CHAP. III.— CATHOLIC CHURCH. § 52. DOCTRINAL DEVELOPMENT. 15^ questions respecting the essence of the Logos in relation to the Father, and his agency in relation to that of the Holy Spirit. With regard to the former point, there were several who did not assume a personal distinction of the Logos from the Father. ^^ But the view was more generally adopted, that he was a divine person, less than the Father, and produced out of his essence according to the will of the latter.^' Agreeably to both views, the Logos was the God working all in the finite, so that nn room appeared to be left for the agency of the Holy Spirit. Accordingly, the doctrine of the Holy Spirit still remained en t.irely undeyeloped.^* These speculations, whose object was to this idea, In filio fecit Deua coelain et terram (see above § 50, note 17) ; or as others be- lieved (TertuU. adv. Praxeam c. 5), in principio Deus fecit sibi filium. ^2 Jiistini Dial. c. Tryph. c. 128 : TivuuKo-Tivag — Tiiyeiv, — ut/hjjtov koI uxtopiorcv rnv Trarpdc' ravTTjV rijv 6vvafxiv [rov 7i.6yov] inupx^tv, dvTCEp rpoizov to tov tjXlov ^aal x<^'v ovv 6 deog tov iavrov Xoyov kvdtdderov kv Tolg Idloig cnrXdyxvoic, iyivvTjaev a-brbv fieril ryg iavrov Go8 See above $ 31. ^3 Tc the question of Trypho, whether Justin really believes in a millenial reign, Justin replies. Dial cum Trj'ph. c, f-O : 'Qfio?,.6y^ad cot Kal npoTepov, ore tyio fitv xa? uA.7^i CHAP. in.-(JATHOLIC CHURCH. $ 52. SPURIOUS WETTINGS. 157 and subsequently by the antagonists of the Montanists.^" The thousand years' reign was represented as the great Sabbath which should begin very soon ; or, as many supposed, after the lapse of the six thousand years of the world's age,^^ with the first resurrection, and should afford great joys to the righteous.^^ Till then the souls of the departed were to be kept in the under >vorld,^^ and the opinion that they should be taken up to heaven imiLediately after death, was considered a gnostic heresy.^'* In reference to the advancement of the various Christian inter- ests, and in like manner also to the confirmation of those develop- ments of doctrine already mentioned, the spurious literature which had arisen and continually increased among Jews and Christians, was of great importance. The Christians made use of such expressions and writings as had already been falsely attrib- uted by Jews, from partiality to their religion, to honored per- sons of antiquity, ^^ and altered them in part to suit their own T^oXkol Tavra ^^ovovfXEV, wf koI nuvrug eTrKXraadE (you Jewa), rovro yEVTjGOfiEvov 'KoX Xovf tS' av Koi rdv \_iir} ?] r^^ KaBapdg Kai Evae^ovq ovtcjv XpiaTtavuv yvufiTjC tovto (it} yvupi^eiv kcTjiiavd col. Tovf yUp Tieyoptevovg fiev 'Xptanavov^, ovra^ 6^ adiov^ koX aCE^Elg alpEGLQTag, on Kara Trdvra ^%ao(P7}fia kol adca koi avoTjra diduaKOVGLVi idrjTiOca 001. — F.I yd.p KoX avvEl3u?.ETE v}ieI<; tlul TiEyofievoig 'XpiUTtavot^y koI tovto fir) bfxoTioyov- aiv, uTiTta Kal l3?iaa(}>i]fiEiv ToXfiuffi tov 6eov 'Aj3paufi, kol tov 6eov 'loauK, Koi tov 6eov ^laKuPt 01 Kal Tiiyovct fiT) elvat veicpcJv uvuaTaaiv, aTikii u(xa rC) uiroOvTjaKetv tuc "ipvxu-^ avTuv uvaXa/i(3uvEa6aL c/f tov ovpavov, {itj vTTO?.df37}TE avrovg Xpicrriavovf.— *Eyw 6i, KOL EL TLvig eIclv 6pQoyv6y.ovEg /caru navra XpLOTiavol, Kal capKog avduTaotv yEvfjOeudai iTTiarufiEdaj Kal x'l^'-^ ^"^V ^^ ' lEpovca?i7/fi olKodofiTjOetcy Kal KoaiirjBelcy Kal 7z?uaTvv6ElaTi, 6g ol TrpotpyraL 'Ie^f/c(^yl (xxxvii. 12, sa.) /cat 'Kuatag (Ixv. 17, ss.) nai ol uaTlOL dfioTiO' yovatv. Dallaeos, Munscher, Muuter, Schwegler, and others, have regarded the insertion of fir/ as necessary in the first sentence. On the other side see Semisch, Justin d. M. ii. 468, and Otto ad h. 1. 20 See above § 48, note 14. =1^ Apoc. XX. 4-6. This calculation was based on Ps. xc. 4. Of. Barnabas, c. 15. Justin. Dial. c. Ti-yph. c. 81. Iren. v. 23 ; and is also found in the Habbins of this period, see Corodi's Gesch. d. Chiliasmus, i. 328. 22 See the descriptions in Justin. Dial. c. Tryph. c. 80, after Is. Ixv. 17, ss. Iren. v. 25-36. Tertull. adv. Marc. iii. 24. 23 In the Greek fathers 'Aidr/g (the /IXKf of the Hebrews), cf. TertuU. de Anima, c. 7 : Si quid tormenti sivo solatii anima praecerpit in carcefe seu diversorio inferam; in igni v-*! in sinu Abrahae : probata erit corporalitas animae. Adv. Marcion, iv. c. 34: Earn ita^i e regionem sinum dico Abrahae, etsi non coelestem, sablimioi*em tamen inferis, interim refrigerium praebituram animabus justorum, donee consummatio rerum resurrec- tionem on-.n^um plenitudine mercedis expimgat. A copious descri'ptionofAi67]g,x<^ptovv7r6-' yEiov, EV } ^wf Koofiov ovK iTTiXafirtEL, see in Hippolytus adv. Platon. (0pp. ed. Fabriciug, i. 220). Of. J. A.Dietelmaieri Hist. dogm. de desc. Christi ad inf. ed. 2. Altorf 1762. 8, c. i. ii. =** Justinus above, note 19, Tertull. below J 53, note 40. ^* See above $ 31. Thus, verses were falsely attributed to Orpheus, respecting the unity of God, in whi:n even Abraham and Moses appeared (L. C. Valckenaeri diatr. de Aristobulo Jadaeo, ed. J. Luzac. Lugd. Bat. 1806. 4, p. 13; Lobeck, Aglaophamus, i. 438, ss.), to Linus, Homer, and Hesiod, in favor of the Sabbath (Valckenaer, p. 8, 116. Valckenaer 158 FIE8T PERIOD.— DIV. II.— A,D. ;i7-193. wantSj such as the bo:k of Enoch and the fourth book of Ezra}^ But writings of this kind were also fabricated anew by Christ- ians, who quieted their conscience respecting the forgery, with the idea of their good intention,^^ for the purpose of giving greater impressiveness to their doctrines and admonitions by the reputation of respectable names, of animating their suffering brethren to steadfastness, and of gaining over their opponents to Christianity.^^ Hence there now appeared, in particular the Tes- tavients of the twelve Patriarchs^'^'^ and the 'kvaParutov 'lloaiov,^^ the latter so peculiar in its contents, that in later times heretic, only could still use it. To make an impression on the heathen supposititious predictions, relating especially to Christ and the last things, were constantly ascribed to the SijUl}^ To tlien^ were ad(?cd those of Hystasj)^^-^^ regards Aristobulaa as the deceiver, though without sufficient reaspn), to So^jhocies ^schylus, and Euripides, respecting the unity, power, and righteousneas of God (^raecae tragoediae principum, Aeschyli, Sophoclis. Euripidis, num. ea, quae aupersuut, et genain? omnia sint. Scrips. Aug, Boeckhius. Heidelb. 1808, 8, p, 146). Justin Martyr, Athena- goras, and Clement of Alexandria, make use of these productions. 26 See above $ 31, notes 2 and 3. 27 The anecdote respecting the Acta Pauli et Theclae is charficterifitlc, apod. Tertnll. de Baptismo c. 17: duod si quae Paulo perperara adscripta sunt ad licentiam raulierum docendi tinguendique, defendnnt, sciant in Asia presbyternmj qui earn scripturam cod- struxit, quasi titulo Pauli de suo cumulans, convictum atqne coufessum id se araore Pauli fecisse, loco decessisse. 2* A one-sided view is given by Mosheim de causis suppositorum libroram inter Christianos saec, i, et ii. (Dissertt. ad hast. eccl. pertin. vol. i. p. 217, ss.) Conip. C. J Nitzsch de Testamentis xii. Patriarcharum, p, 1, ss. _ ^ In Fabricii Cod. pseudepigraphus v. t. i. 496, Comp, Veesenmeyer's Beiti-'ice zur Gesch. d. Literatur u. Reformation. Ulm. 1792. 8, 8, 1, ff. In their apocalyjjtic part, they are modeled after the Apocalypse of John, Daniel, and especially the Book of Enoch. See Lucke's Einl. in die Oifenb. Job, S. 123. Wieseler's die 70 Wochen u. die 63 Jahrwochen d. Proph. DanieL S. 226. C J. NitzschdeTest. xii. Pariarcharum comm. Viteber^'. 1810. 4. 2" Extant in an Ethiopic version, Ascensio Isaiae vatis aethiop, cum versioue lat. anglicanaque, ed. Ricb. Laurence. Oxon. 1819, 8 ; the old Latin fragments which Angelo Mains, Nova collectio scriptorum veterum, iiL ii. 238, has published, are corrected and criticised by Nitzch in the TheoL Stud. u. Krit. 1830, ii. 209. Another Latin translation preserved entire (ed. Venetiis. 1522. &j, has been recently published by me, together with the Greek fragment in Epiphanius, and the Latin in Mai : Vetus translatio latina Visionis Jesaiae, ed. atque praefatione et notis illustra (a Gottingen Easter Programm). That the work was not necessarily written before 68, as Laurence sapposes, is shown by Gfrurer Jabrhundert des Heils, i. C6. Comp. Gesenius Commentar ijber den Jesaias, i, A'l, fF Lilcke. 1. c. 8. 125. "' See above $ 31, note 4. According u> > „cK in Schleiermacber's, Be Wette's, an-l Liicke's theol. Zeitschrift, ii. 231, old Jewish and Christian oracles were composed under Hadrian by an ETi,'ptian Christian, and, after several enlargements, put together so aa to rrpiiKtitate hooka iii -v. The eighth book belongs to the time of Marcus Aurelins, boolis vii. and vi, to the third century, i. and ii. to the middle of the fifth. mmianufi Marcellirius, xxiii. 6: Magic is diviuoram incorruptissiraus cultus, raja? CHAP. 111.— CATHOLIC CHURCH. $53. ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. 15? § 53. ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. As the prevailing desire was now to compare the Mosaic in- stitute with the Christian, of which it was regarded as the type, and to trace out an analogy even in their individual features, the idea soon occurred to the mind, of comparing the Christian officers in the church with the Mosaic priesthood,^ and of giving them the very same titles (summus sacerdos, sacerdotes, Levi- tae). As a body, they were called, by way of eminence, /cA^^o^, viz., Tov deov, K?i7]ptKo[;^ among the Latins, ordo;^ in opposition scientiae Baecialis priscis multa ex Chaldaeorum arcanis Bactrianua addidit Zoroastres : deinde Hystaspes rex pradentisaimus Darii pater. The latter traveled into India to the Brahmins, eorumque monita rationes mundani motus et siderum, purosque sacrorara ritus quantum colUgere potuit eruditua, ex his quae didicit, aliqua sensibus magorum infiidit : quae illi cum disciplinis praesentiendi futura, per suam quisque progeniem, posteris aetatibus tradunt. Ch. Gr. F. Walch de Hystaspe ejusque vaticiniis apud Patres i. d. Commentationes Soc. Reg. Getting, i. 3. — So early as in the Praedicatio Petri (which belongs to the beginning of the second century, see $ 27, note 5) the Sybil and -Hystaspes . are recommended (cf. Clemens Alex. Strom, vi. p. 761), and by Justin Martyr several times quoted. According to Celsus ap. Orig. c. Cels. vii. p. 368, they were adulterated and used by a Christian party, whom he thence calls 2i/3f AAiorat, lib. v. p. 272. ^ The whole Christian world is called, in 1 Pet. ii. 5, lepdrev/Ma ayiov : v. 9, (iaatXeiov lepdrev^a. The passage in Clem. Rom. Ep. 1, c. 40, speaks of the Old Testament economy, and does not belong here. On the contrary, traces of a peculiar Christian priesthood appear in the Test. xii. Patr., cf. Nitzsch de Test. sii. Patr. p. 19. Also in Polycratis Ep. adVictorem apud Euseb. v. 24, § 1: 'louvvTig, bg iyev^drj lepevg to Trirakov Tre^opijKuCy although Tteralov (cf. Exod. xxix. 6; Lev, viii. 9) stands here only ti-opi-' cally ; cf. J. F. Cotta de lamina pontificali App. Joannis, Jacobi et Marci. Tubing. 1775. 4. The idea is first found in a distinct form in TertuUian, 3 1 Pet. V, 3, Christians are called KTi^poi-, a band belonging to God. In like manner, Ignatius, Ep. ad Eph. c. 11 : 6 K^Jjpog 'Ei>eui(jv ruv xpi^v. In a narrower sense K/l^pof TG>v /lapTvpuv in Epist. Eccl. Vienn. et Lugd. ap. Euseb. v. 1, § 4. The clergy are called so early as in TertuUian, clerus, and tliey afterward cited in their own favor, Numb, xviii. 2(>, Deut. x. 9, xviii. 1, 2 : Kvpiog avTog K%^pbg Tolg A^lratg ; though here God is K^i^pog, not the Levites. In like manner, they appropriated to themselves in the fourth century, the names christian! and christianitas as their peculiar right (cf. Cod . Theod . v. 5, 2 ; xii. 1, 50 and 123 ; xii. 1, 123, da Presne glossar. ad h. v.) cf. J. H. Boelimer ds differentia inter Clericos et Ijaicos diss. (xii. dissertt. juris eccl. ant', ad Plinium, &.c., ;> 340, ss.). A different view is given by Neander, K. G. i. i. 333. 3 Borrowed from the town councillors in the manicipal boroughs, who, according fcc the aualogy of the Roman senate, were styled ordo Decurionum, or ordo, in oppositiori tc plebs and plebeii ; cf. Digest, lib. 1. Tit. 2. de Decurionibus. Boehmer, 1. c. p. 342. HoecVs.r6m. Gesch. vom. Verfall der Republ. i. ii. 159. Even the verb or(}Inare, i. e., ordinem dare (Sueton. Vespas. c. 23), had already received in Cyprian an ecclesiasnoa] use. K'Q FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. II.— A.D. 117-193. to the kaog, plebs, XalKoi} The idea, however, jf a uni'irsal Christian priesthood was still maintained.* The influence of the bishop necessarily increased when synods began to be com- mon,^ at which the bishop chiefly represented his congregation (Trapoi/f/a),' although the presbyters also had a voice along with him." All congregations were independent of one another, al- though some had a peculiar reputation more than others, on ac- count of many circumstances, ex. gr. their apostolic origin, the importance of the city to which they belonged, or because they were mother churches. Many such circumstances united in procuring for Rome, particularly in the west, an especial repu- tation,even so early as the period of which we are speaking.' * So 7^a6g stands also in opposition to the Jewish priests, 2 Chron. xxxvi. 14 ; Lnlte i. 10, 2, ' Iren. iv. 20. Omnes enim juatisacerdotalem habcntordinem. Tertnllian.de Exhortat. Castitatis c. 7 : Nonne et laici sacerdotes sumus ? DifFerentiam inter ordinem et plebem constituit ecclesiae auctoritas, et honor per ordinis concessam sanctificatua. Adeo nbi ecclesiastici ordinis uon est conse&sus, et oiTers et tiny^ais, et sacerdos es tibi solas. Sed abi tres, ecclesia est, licet laici. Igitar si habes jas sacerdotis in temet ipso, abi necease est, habeas oportet etiam disciplinam sacerdotis, ubi necesse est, habere jus Sdcerdotis. (Cf. de Baptismo c. 17, de Monog. c. 7, 12, de Corona mil. c. 3. See Neander'a Antignosticus, 8. 154.) Against the impartial explanation of this language given by Nic. Rigaltius : Gabr. Aubespine (Albaspinaeus) de I'eachariatie. Controveray concerning offerre in this place (aee on it below note 15), and de jure laicorum sacerdotali. For Rigaltiua {Hugo Grotiua) de administratione coenae, ubi pastores non sunt. 1638. Claudius Salmasius and others. On the other side are D. Petavius, H. Dodwell, and others. The history of the controveray may be found in Chr. M. PfaiBi disa. de consecratione veterum euchariatica $ 23 (in his Syntagma dissertt. theologg. p. 533). Cotta and Gerhardi loo. theol. X. 21. Cf. Boehmer, 1. c. p. 272, 485. Neander'a Denkw. i. 179. ' The first synods held against the Montanists (160-170), Euseb. v. 16, regularly returned, and are first mentioned in TertuUian de Jcjun : Aguntur praeterea per Graecias ilia certis in locis concilia ex universia ecclesiia, per quae et altiora quaeque in commune 'tractantur, et ipsa repraesentatio totius nominis Christiani magna veneratione celebratur. Perhaps an imitation of the Amphictyonic Conncil, which still continued (Pansan. x. 8). Comp. Ueber den Ursprung der Kirchenversammltmgen in (J. M. Abele) Magazin fut Kirchenrecht u. K. G. Leipzig. 1778. St. 2. S. 479, ff ; W. L. C. Ziegler in Henke's neuem Magazin fur ReligionsphUosopbie, &c. i. 125, flF. ' Irenaeua apud Euaeb. v. 24, $ 5. ^The Chriatians conaidered themaelves on this earth as ndpoiKOi, according to 1 Peter, i. 17 ; ii. 11. Comp. Epist. ad Diognet. c. 5 : HaTpida^ olnovaiv Idiac, iiXK noXntvovrai.. Hence the churches designated themselves companies of strangers, Clemens Rom. init. Epist. L 'H tnKltiaia tov 6eov tj tapoiKovaa 'Vuhtjv ry iKKkriaig. tov Bern ry napoiKOvai) Kdpivdov. In like manner Epist. Eccl. Smym-'apud Euseb. iv. 15, } 1. 8 The ancient fordli is apparent from the introduction of the Cone. Eliberitani, ann. 305 • Cum concedisaent sancti et religiosi Episcopi — item Preabyteri — reaidentibus carotid adstantibus diaconibas el omni plebe, Epiacopi universi dixerunt. ' To these belonged also the support of other churches. Dionya. Corinth, ad Rom. Epist. (ap. Euseb. iv. 23) ; 'Sf iipxvc f^'P */"'" ^^Of ■ iarl tovto, ttuvtoc fitv uieXijiov; rcixiAuf eifpyertiv, iKfclpaiaic ve iroXXalc ral; kutH iruaav ■Kfikiv l<^oiia viyLmiv ■ Lie iiiv Trp> nlv fE-c/iivuv 'fcv'.av uvatlwxovra;, iv fizTuXKoi; Si liSe7.pili vKapxovaiv f-^'XopTiyovv-a;. CHAP. III.— CATHOLIC CHURCH. $ 53. ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. 161 Public worship was extremely simple. Without temples, altars, or images, the Christians assembled in houses appointed* for the purpose, and, in times of porsccation, in solitary places,^** sometimes even m the night, particularly on the night before Easter.^^ The members of the church brought with them vol- untary offerings, from which was taken what was necessary for the solemnization of the Lord's supper (svxapi-orla), and the ag-ape,^^ which was still usually connected with it. The re- mainder belonged to the clergy and the poor, for whom also they provided by monthly contributions.^^ After the clergy had be- 1** Celsus ap. Orig. c. Gels. viii. p. 389 : Bufiovc Kal ayakiiara koX veu^ ISpvadat ^tvyovai. Minucii Felicis Octavius, c. 10 : CurnuUas arashabent, tcmpla nulla, nulla nota simulacra? Toward tlie end of the second century, buildings appear to have been devoted here and there exclusively to the worship of God. Tertull. de Jdolol. c. 7 : Ab idolis in ecclcsiam venire, de adversarii officina in domum Dei venire. Comp. Cbron. Edessen. above, $ 39, note 4. The expression, iKKXijaia, is frequently used* even so early of the places of assembling, ex. gr., Tertull. de Cor. mil. c. 3, below, note 25. Clem. Alex. Strom, vii. p. 846. ^^ Tertull. ad Uxor. ii. c. 4 : Quis (infidelis maritus uxorem christianam) nocturnia convocationibus, si ita oportnerit, a latere suo adimi libenter feret? Q.uis deuique solemnibus paschae abnoctantem securus sustinebit? Lactant. Institt. vii. 19 : Haec est ■ nox, quae a nobis propter adventum regis ac dei nostri pervigilio celebratur. Cujus noctie duplex ratio est, quod in ea et vitam turn recepit, quura passus est, et postea orbis terrae regnum recepturua est. Hieronymus coram, in Matth. lib. iv. ad Matth. xxv. 6 : Traditio Judaeorum est, Christum media nocte venturum in similitudineni Aegyptii temporis, quando.pascha celebratam est, et exterminator vcnit, et Dominus super taber- nacula tranaiit, et sanguine agni postes nostrarum frontium censecrati sunt. Unde reor et traditionem apostolicam permansisse, ut in die vigiliarum Paschae ante noctis dimidium populos dimittere non liceat, exspectantes adventum Chcisti. Et postquam illud tempus transient, secoritate praesumta, festum cuncti agunt diem. '2 Not always, indeed, on account of the persecutions. According to Tertull. de Coi'oua militis, 0. 3, the eucharist was celebrated even in antelucanis coetibus. Also in Justin's description, Apol, i. c. 85. the agape is not mentioned : "E-Tretra (after the common prayers) TTpocipepETat 76J vrpoeOTurt tQv ade/l^v upTog, Kal TOTj^pwv vdaroc Koi Kpufzarog. Kai ovTog Xal3uv alvov Kal do^av r^ irarpl tQv 6Kuv dtcf, tov dvofiarog tov vlov Kal tov i^vEVfiaTOQ TOV iiyiov dvaTTe/nrec, Kal tvxapiCTiav virbp tov KaTTj^iuudac tovtuv Trap' avTov lirl TTO/liJ TTOteiTai. Ov ood. offerre. oblatio : both were compared with tlie Old Testament sacrifices and first fruits.^* As, accordingly, mensumae, 'sportalae presbyteroram, Ep. 66 : sportulantes fratrea. Ziegler uber die Einkiinfte des KleraS u. d. Kirche in den ersten drei Jafar., in Henke's neaem Mag:a:ziii liir ReligionsphiloBophie. Bd. 4, S. 1, ff. Muster primord. EccL A&ic. p. 63, ss. -* 1 Peter ii. 5, Justin. M. Dial. c. Tryph. c. 116: 'H/Mtf — lipxtepaTiKov to u\Tjdivou yivoc kafi^v Tov deov. — oit dex^Tai 6i izap^ ohdevo^ Ovaia^ b Qebg, el imtj 6ia tuv lepetttt^ aiiTov. C, 117 : ITaffaf ovv dia tov ovofiaTO^ tovtov Bvaia^i ug napeduKev 'iT^aovg b XpiGTo^ ylveadatt TmjreaTiv lire Ty evx(ipLOTig, tov upTOV Kal tov TTOT^plov tuq kv naviL Towcj TTig yf/s yevo/ieva; iizb tQv XpLUTiavuv, ■Kpo^MJimi b Btb;, iiapnipel eiapeoTovr ivdpxeiv airij). — 'Ori fiiv ovv Kal eixvaai Toi( Kap^ov{ tovtovq f/f Tpofijii ijpeTepav, koI ivTaifa tjjv npoa^opiiv Te'/.ecavTe( lKKakovp.ev to irvevpa to uytov, b-ur uTrot^^vri tt/v dvaiav Tavrriv Kal tov uprov aupa tov XpicTov Kal to voTripiov to aipa tov XpicTov, iva oi peT^/.aP6vTe( tovtuv tuv uvtitvttuv t^{ iujieaea; tuv upapriuv Kal Tf/c fur/f aiuvioi TvxuCLV. Cf. Chr. M. Pfai&i Diss, de oblatione Veterum eucbaristica, in bis Syntagma dissertt. theologg. 8tutt. 1720, p. 2J 9, sb. Staudlin's History of the dogma of the sacrifice of the Lord's Supper, in ScUeusner's u. Staudlin's Gutting, liiblioth. d. neuesten tlieol. Literatur, ii. ii. 163. This idea of oblations is expressed not only in the sacrificial prayers of the old liturgies (see Constitt. Apost. viii. c. 12, comp. Pfaffii Syntagma, p. 378, ss.), but also even now in the commencing words of the canon missae of the Romish churcli ; Te igitur, clementisslme pater — supplices rogamua ac petimus, uti accepta habeas ac bene- dicas baec dona, baec munera, haec saucta sacrificia illibata (i. e., tlic still oncousecrated bread and wine). CHAP, in.— CATHOLIC CHURCH. ^ 53. EJCCLESIASTICAh LIFE. 163 the Mosaic law of first fruits, and soon, in consequence, the law of tithes also, appeared to be still valid/® the Christians ob- tained in them a rule for their olDlations, without, however, any kind of external compulsion being used for enjoining the ob- servance of them. The eucharist being considered the symbol of the intimate communion of the church with itself and with Christ, it was also sent to the absent as a token of this conimunion,^^ and taken by those who were present to their homes. ^* Baptism was preceded by instruction,^^ fasting, and' prayer. The baptism of children was not universal, and was even occa- sionally disapproved.^" While Christians were supposed to be engaged in constant warfare with the world and the devil under , the banner of Christ,^^ they g^enerally used the sign of the cross, ^^ " Irenaeus, iv. 18, 1 : OfFerre igitm* opportet Deo primitias ejus creatura, sicut et Moyses ait: Non apparebis vacuus ante conspectum, Domini Dei tui {Deut. xvi. 16). — 2 : Et non genus oblationum reprobatum est: oblationes enim et illic, oblationes autem et hie: sacrificia iu populo, sacrificia in Ecclesia: sed species immutata est tantum. quippe cum jam non a servis, sed a libeiis oflferatur. Origenes in Num. Hom. xi. 1 : Primitias omnium fimgum, omniumque pecudum sacerdotibus lex mandat offerri. — Hanc ergo legem observari etiam secundum literam, sicut et alia nonnuUa, necesearium puto. 2 : Q.uomodo abundat justitia nostra pins quam scribarum et Pharisaeorum, si illi de fruc- tibus terrae suae gustare non audent, priusquam primitias sacerdotibus offerant, et Levitis decimas separent : et ego nihil horum faciens, fructibus terrae ita abutar, ut sacerdos nesciat, Levites ignoret, divinum altare non sentiat? Constitutt. Apost. ii. c. 25 : A^ tote dvclat, vvv evx<^i-i k-oX ^£V<^^f-€f ^<2^ zvxf^-pLOTiai,' at tots dirapx^^t ''"^ de/cura;, Kal aatpi- fiaTa Kal ddpa^ vvv 7rpoa(j>opat, at dtd, tuv buiuv kTztoicoTrov irpoacpepofj.evat Kvplc) tu) deCt 6ia 'Itjgov "X-piUTOv tov -birtp avTcJv dnodavovTO^. ^' Of. Justin above, note 12. Irenaeus ap. Euseb, v. 24, $ 5 : The presbyters of one church iTTE/jLTTOv €vx(ipi-a, oy ^y rw ufj,<}>i6edTpGi yvvaev, uTrefcaXv^drj, otl firj /ca/lwf ttocoIi] 6 'A?<.Kt(Scd6T]C, fJf) jfptJuri'Oc Tolg Kricfiact tov 6eov teal uTiXoig TviTov (JKavddXov v7ro?„e(,Tr6fiEvog. 'kelijOeIq <*£ 'A/./cf /Jtarfr/j- ttuvtuv dvi6r}v fieTE?i.a/i- [iavE Kai TivxapioTCi T(p Ot:^, 33 Respecting the stationes, watches of milites Christi, which were usually continued till three o'clock in the afternoon, see Hermae Pastor iii. Sim. 5, and Fabricius ad h. 1. Go. Beveregii Cod. canonum eccl. primitivae vindlcatus, lib. iii. c. 10. — TertuU. de Jejun. c. 2 : Certe in evangelio illos dies jejuniis determinates putant (Psycbici), in quibus ablatas est Bponsus (Matth. ix. 15): et hos esse jam. sclofl legitimes jejuniorum christianoram (De Orat. 14 : Die Paschae comnannis et quasi poblica jejunii religio est), — sicet apostolos observasse, nullum aliud imponentes jugum certorum et in commune omnibus obeundoram jejuniorum : proinde nee stationum, quae et ipsae suos quidem dies habeant, quartae feria et sextae, passim tamen currant, nequS sub lege praecepti, neque ultra sapremam dici; quando et orationes fere bora nona concludat, de Petri exemplo, quod actis Tefertur. (De Orat. 14: Static de milHari exemplo nonem accipit : nam et militia Dei sumus). C 13 • 16G FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. U.—A.D. 117-193. were observed as festivals ; the latter, however, without Jcv. ish superstition. In the celebration of the passover, there was a difference between the churches of Asia Minor and those of the west?^ The former adhered to the Jewish passover feast, giving it a reference to Christ ; ^^ the latter, on the other hand, kept Bene antem, quod et Episcopi univeraae plebi mandare jejunia assolent — ex aliqua solli- citadmis ecclesiasticae causa. — Irenaens ad Victorem ap. Easeb. v. 24. 4 : Ovdi yap {lovov ■Knpl r^f T^fiepag iarlv y ufuptap-JTyaig, d2,?M koI irepl rov eldovg airov r^f vtjgteIci^ • oi f^iv yup olovTac filav 7jfJ.epav delv avrovc V7}GTevetv, ol 6^ 6vOj oi dt koI Tc7Movag, ol di reaaapaKOvra upag Tjfieptvdg re koL vvKTepLvuc avfifierpovGL ttjv ^fiepav airuv. On the last words see the Excnraas iaHeinichen. Euseb. t. iii. p. 377, ss. I am inclined to read Ty -^fiipa avTiJV' " Others measure off forty hours along with their dajr" {fierpovGi ovv t^ T^fiipg), i. e., they fast the day which they celebrate as the passover, or the day of Christ's death {for in this there was a difference), and begin with the hour of the death (three o'clock, afternoon), a new forty hours' fast till the resurection, — Of. Jo. Dallaeas de Jejnniis et qua- dragesima. Daventr. 1654. 8. 3* The older historians in taking the passover as the festival of the resurrection, misun- derstood the celebration practiced in Asia Minor. Different opinions of the modems : Gabr. Daniel de la discipline dea duartodecimaus pour la celebration de la Pacque (in hia Recueil de divers ouvrages philos., theolog,, histor. Paris. 1724. 4. iii. 473). Chr. A. Heu- mann Vera descriptio priscae contentionis inter Roman et Asiam de vero Paschate (in ejus(L N"ova sylloge dissertat. i. 156, ss). J. L. Mosbeim de reb. Christ, ante Const. M. p. 435, ss. Neander im kirchenhist. Archiv. 1823, Heft 2, S. 90, ff. Kircbengesch. i. i. 511, ff. J. W. Kettberg's Pascbastreit der alten Kirche, in Illgen's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. TL ii, 91. (Comp. my remsu-ks in the theol. Studienu. Krit. 1833, iv. 1149). 35 The most important in this festival was the passover day, the 14th of Nisan, which, after it had been probably spent in fasting, closed with a Christian paschal meal (love- feast and Eucharist). (Epiphan. Haer. 1. 1, d;raf tqv Irovg filav i/fiepav tov izdcxa 0iAo- vscKug uycrvGL- Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus, who defended, in the year 196, this solem- nity against the Komish bishop Victor, designates it in Euseb. v. 24, as a rypelv TTp> ijpUpav Tf/g T£G(TapeGKatdeKunjg rov Truoxa Kartl to eiayyi/.cov. The whole day, therefore, was kept, but it might be observed merely by fasting. Comp. Tertull. de Orat. c. 14, see above, note 33). In favor of this they appealed to a passage of the law, {Epiphan, Haer.l. 1) ; on i-LKaruparog, bg ov Ttni^asi to 7id0\a Ty recoapecKaKhKuTy y/iipa tov fijjvug. They said (apud Hippolytus in cbroo Pasch. p. 6) ; kirolijae to ■Kucxa 6 XpLOTog Tore Ty 7//iipa Kol ETzaQev • dtb KUfii del ov Tponov 6 KvpLog eTrolTjcrev, ovtd Tzoielv. In it they ate an- Jeavened bread, probably like the Jews, eight days through ; they said (Chrysostomns con- tra Jud. Orat. iii. ed. Montfaucon, i. 610) : otl fiETa tov u^vfiov Tb irdaxO' ^otlv. On the contrary, there is no trace of a yearly festival of the resurrection among them, for this waA k^pt every Sunday. Since the Christiana of Asia Minor appealed in iavor of their pass- over solemnity on the 14th Nisan to John, (Polycrates, 1. c), and yet, according to his gospel Christ partook of the last supper with his disciples so early as the 13tb Jsisan ; an argu- ment has been lately deduced from this fact against the authenticity of John's gospel, (Bret Schneider Probabilia, p. 109, after him Strauss and Schwegler). To judge correctly of this matter we must set out with that which is remarked very truly respecting it by Socrates, Hist. eccl. V. 22 : Oidafiov Toiwv 6 anoaToT^gt oidi ra evayyO.ia Qvyhv dovXelag Tolg ru KJjpvyfMaTi irpoae^ovffcv knidijKav' ak'/ATijv iopTijv t&v 'jrucxct Kai rdf uXXag topTog ':^6i. t§ ehyvufWGvvy tuv evepyeTTjOhiTuv KaTiXtirov. — OKonog fj^v ovv ytyove roig u-^ooTo/^Lgt ov nepl r^fiepuv iopracTiKuv vofiodeTeiVf d2.?ui (3iov 6p6dv Kal ttjv Geoaepeiav tLn-tjyyaaaduL ' ifioi di ipalverai, otc uarrep d?.?.a ttoa/aI Karii x^P^ GW^deiav iXaj^ev, uvtg) /cal 1} TOV nuaxa iopTTj irap' iKooT'^Ag Ik cw^deiag Ttvog Idia^ovcav iaxs ttjv irapa- T^pTjmv, Siii. TO iiriOf.va tuv ukoctoXuv, ug e^7?v, fiTjdevlvevofiodenjKevat Tzepl a^T^g. In the Christian assem.oUes the Jewish passover was at first kept up, but observed witl^ CHAP. III.— CATHOLIC CHURCH. $ 53. ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. 167 up the recollection of the death and resurrection of Christ, as in every week, so with greater solemnity every year, at the pass- over festival, on the corresponding days of the week, so that the passover Friday was always regarded by them as dies paschae, "When Poly carp visited Eome, about 160, he had a conference on this point with the Romish bishop Anicetus (Epist. Iren. ap. Euseb., V. 24). Both remained of the same opinion as before, but separated in perfect friendship. Among the Christians of Asia Minor themselves, there was a controversy in Laodicea re- specting the passover, about 170 ; but the proper point debated is not certainly known.^^ Public sinners were excluded from the church, and the way for restoration could only be prepared by public repentance.^^ reference to Christ, the true passover, {1 Cor. v. 7, 8). Thus John, too, found itinEphesus and allowed it to remain unaltered. He corrected it in his gospel only so far as it?proceed- ed on the supposition that Christ had eaten with the Jews the passover on the day before his death, by making it apparent that Christ was crucified on the 14th Nisan. But that solemnity needed not to have been changed on this account ; on the contrary, if the 14th Nisan was the true Christian passoT*er day, the fulfillment of the typical pasch took place on the same day with it. 2s Melito Trepl rov Hdaxd ap. Eusebius iv. 2fi, 2 : 'Ettj SepoviAt'ov TiavTiOv, avdvTrdrov TTJg 'Afftaf, o> ^uyapig Kaipu) efiapTvpijaev, kyivero (TJTTjdtg tto/IA^ ev AaodiKeia Trepl too TTU.GXO'y k^-KtaovTog Kard. Kaipbv iv kKelvaic rale ijfMepatg- nal kypu.(p7i ravra. Eusebius adds, that Clement of Alexandria was induced to write his book on the passover by this work of Melito. Since now Melito is quoted by Polycrates (Euseb. v. 24, 2) as an authority for the custom as observed in Asia Minor, but since the Paschal Chronicle, p. 6, s., quotes the writings of the contemporaneous ApoUinaris, bishop of Hierapolis, and Clement of Alex andria, on the passover, together in favor of the view that Christ had not eaten the Jew- ish passover on the day before his death, it has beAi inferred that ApoUinaris had attacked the Asiatic practice, and that Melito defended it. But no trace of this is found in Eusebius , on the contrary, both writers are named by him beside one another as working together harmoniously, (iv. 26.) In the fragments of ApoUinaris' s work which remain, those persons are combated who said: 6tl ry id' to irpofiaTov fierii tC>v fiaOjjTiJv i(f>ayev 6 Kvpwgt Ty <5i fieydXy T^jispg. TcJv d^vfiuv avTOQ ETraOev, and appealed to Matthew in their favor. This view, says ApoUinaris, contradicts the law (bo far as the passover, and consequently also Christ as the passover, must be offered the I4th) and the gospels, and he asserts in opposi- to it : ij id' TO d2.7j6ivov Tov Kvplov 'Kapxo,', 7) 6vcla v Uf:yd2.v 6 avrl tov ufivov iralg Oeov, k. T. A. Hence he does not combat the keeping of the 14th as the paschal day, but merely in- tends to vindicate the right significance of it af;:amst erroneous conceptions. This day was to be celebrated as the Christian passover, not because Christ had eaten on it the typical passover witli the Jews, but because he himself, as the true passover, had offered him- self to God. ^' i§o/j.oX6y7](nQ. Iren. i. c. 9 of a female penitent: avTT/ tov OTavTa xpovov h^ofioXoy ovfiivtj duTtAEise TTEvdovaa koc dpTjvovaa. TertuU. de Poenit. c. 9: Exomologesis — , qua delictum Domino nostrum confitemur : non quidem ut ignaro, sed quatenus satisfactio con- fessione disponitur, confessione poenitentia nascitor, poenitentia Dens mitigatur. Itaqae exomologesis prostemendi et humilificandi hominis diaciplina est, conversationem injun gens misericordiae iUicera. De ipso quoque habita atque victu mandat, sacco et cineri incubare, corpus sordibus obscurare, anijnum moeroribus dejicere ; ilia, quae p.xcavit. ICS FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. II.— A.D. 117-193. After baptism only a public repentance was generally allowed.^ In the African church they proceeded so far as frequently to ex- clude forever those who had been guilty of incontinence, mur- der, and idolatry. This was done in pursuance of Montanist principles.^' Those persons were highly honored who endured persecutions for the sake of the Christian faith. The death of a martyr (jidpTvp, Acts xxii. 20 ; Heb. xii. 1 ; Apoc. xvii. 6) was sup- posed, like baptism, to have the efficacy of destroying sin (lava^ erum sanguinis, to PaTTTiafj-a 6i.a irvpog, Luke xii. 50 ; Mark x." 39), supplied thc' place even of baptism (according to Matthew x. 39), and alone introduced the person immediately to the presence of the Lord in paradise (Matt. v. 10-12 ; Apoc. vi. 9 : hence ■fjfiepa yevedXiog, yevedXia rcov [laprvpuv, natales, natalitia marty- rum.'"'^ But the surviving confessors also {bfioXoyfiTai, confes- sores, Matt. x. 32 ; 1 Tim. vi. 12, 13) were held to be chosen members of Christ. People were zealous in visiting them in ti'teti trnctatione matare. Caeterum pastum et potum pura nosse ; non ventiis scilicet, sed animae causa. Pleruraque vero jejuniis preces alere, iugemiscere, lachiymari, et mugire dies noctesque ad dominuni Deum tuuni, presbyteris advolvi, et cai-is Dei adgeniculax'i, omnibus fratribus legationes depi'ccationis suae iiijungere. — In quantum non peperceris tibi, in tantam tibi Deus, crede, parcet. ^^ Hennae Pastor ii. Mand. 4, ^ 1. Servis enim Dei poenitentia una est. (Cf. Cotelerius ad h. 1.) Then be softens, $3, the principle afterward asserted by the Moutanists, quod alia poenitentia non est nisi ilia, cum in aquam descendimus, et accipimus, remissionem peccatorum, so far : quod post vocationem illam magnam et sanctam, si quis tentatus fuerit a Diabolo, et peccaverit, unam poenitcntiam babct. So too Clemens Alex. Strom, ii. c. 13, p. 459, s. Cf. Bingham, lib. xviii. c. 4, vol. viii. p. 156, ss. 35 Tertull. de Pudic. c. 12, appeals in favor of this to Acts xv. 29. Cyprian. Epist. 52 : Apud ajatecessores nostros quidam de Episcopis istic in provincia nosti-a dandam pacem moechis non putaverunt, et in totum poenitentiae locum contra adulteria clauserunt. Non tainen a Coepiscoporum suorum coUegio recesserunt, aut catholicae Ecclesiae unitatem vol duritiae vel censurae suae obstinatione rupenant ; ut, quia apud alios adulteris pax dabati^r, qui non dabat, de ecclesia separaretur. Manente concordiae vinculo et pcrseverante Cath- olicae Ecclesiae iudividuo Sacramento, actum suum disponit et dirigit uuusquisque Episcor pus, rationem propositi sui Domino redditurus. Tliough this severity was afterward re- laxed in reference to the Moechi (see below, ^ 59, note 4), yet they still remained at first united with the Montanists in asserting this principle, Tertull. de Pudic. c. 12 : Quod neque idololatriae neque sanguini pax ab Ecclesiis redditur. *» Hermas (Pastor, iii. Bimil. ix. 28) says to the martyrs ; Vitam vobis donat Dominus, neo intelligitis. Delicta enim vestra vos gravabant : et nisi passi essetis hujus nomiols causa, propter peccata certe vestra mortui eratis Deo. Tertull. de Resurr. carnis, 43 : Nemo er.im pcregrinatus a corpore statim immoratur penes Dominum, nisi ex martyrii praeroga- liva scilicet paradiao, non inferia diversui-us. (In like manner, according to the ancient Greeks, only heroes attained to the 'H/liiaiov or the /iOKupaiiv^aoi, of whose sitaatiou sim- ilar ideas were entertained as of Paradise, see Dissen de Fortunatorum insulis disp. Getting. 1637. On Paradise see Uhlemann in Illgen's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. i. i. 146.) Clemens Alox. Strom, iv. p. 596: loixev ovv to jxapTvpiov UTTOKaBapai; elvai ItfiapTiCiv /leru do^ri; CHAP. ni.-CATHOLXC CHURCH. § 53. ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. 169 the prisons, and taking care of them;^^ and this was enjoined on the deacons as a peculiar duty/^ If the lapsed (lapsi)*^ had been admitted by them to communion, there was a general aversion any longer to refuse them restoration to the privileges of the church.'** As it was an important point in the esti- mation of Christians generally to keep up the consciousness of enduring communion with their departed, this communion, ac- cordingly, with the blessed martyrs, was especially valuable and dear to them. In this sense, families celebrated the re- membrance of their departed members,'*^ churches that of their martyrs yearly on the day of their death, *^ by prayers at the *^ Tertull. ad Martyves, c. 1, init. : Inter camis alimeuta, benedicti martjres desigiiati, quae vobis et domina mater ecclesia de uberibus suis, et singuli fratres de opibus suis pro- priis in carcerem subministrant, capite aliquid et a nobis, quod faciat ad spiritum <^oque edacandum. Camem euim saginari et spiritum esurire non prodest. The excess of care which he here only refers to {cf. Lucian. de morte Peregrini, c. 12), he afterward censured with bitterness in the Psycliics, de Jejunio c. 12 : Plane vestinim est in carceribus popinas exhibere martyribus incertis, ne consuetudiuem quaerant, ne taedeat vitae, ne iiovi absti ■ nentiae discipliua scandalizenter. He even accuses them of endeavoring to put courage intc the prisoners before their judges, condito mero tanquam antidote. *^ Cypriani Ep. 11 : Semper sub antecessoribus nostris factum est, ut Diaconi ad car cerem commeantes Martyrum desideria consiliis suis et scripturarem praeceptis guberca- rent. So Perpetua relates in the Passio Perpetuae Felicitatis c. 3: Ibi tunc Tertius et Pomponius, benedicti Diaconi, qui nobis ministrabant, constitueruut praeinio, ut paucie horis emissi in meliorem locum carceris refrigeraremus. *3 In opposition to the stantes, as Romans xiv. 4, 1 Cor. x. 12. ** Epist. Eccl. Vienn. et Ludg. ap. Euseb. v. 2, $ 3. Tertull. ad Mart. c. 1 : Q.uam pa cem quidam in ecclesia non habentes a martyribus in coi-cere exorare corsueverujit. Idem de Pudicitia, c. 22: Ut quisque ex congensione vincula induit adhuc moUia, in novo custodiae nomine statim ambiunt moechi, statim adeunt fornicatores, jam preces circum- eonant, jam lacrymae circum stagnant maculati cujusque, nee ulli magis aditum rarceris redimunt, quam qui Ecclesiam perdiderunt. *-5 Tertull. de Exhort. Cast. c. 11, to the man who had manned a second time: Neque enim pristinam poteris odisse, cui etiam religiosiorem reservas aflfectionem, ut jam recep- tae apud Deum, pro cujus spiritu postulas, pro qua oblationes annuas reddis. Stabis ergc ad Deum cum tot uxoribus, quot in orations commemoras, et offeres pro duabus, et com mendabis illaa duas. De Mouogamia c. 10 : Enimvero et pro anima ejus (mariti mortui) orat {uxor), et refrigerium interim adpostulat ei, et in prima resurrectione consortium, et olfert annuls diebus dormitionis ejus. *fi Epifit, Eccl. Smym. de martyr. Polyc. ap. Euseb. iv. 15, 15 : Xpiarbv fXEV yap vlov ovra 70V Oeov izpoGicvvoviitv ' rov^ 6^ fzuprvpa^ dtf fzadr/Tu^ tov Kvpiov nnl ixtfirjra^ iiya TTUfiev a^iog, tvEKa evvoiag avVKep^liiTov ttjc dg tov Idiov l3aGi?Ja kol diddcKaXov, uv yevoLTQ Kol Tiilug cvyKoivuvovQ re koI cn^/ifza6i]Tac yeviadai. — ovrug re iifxelg varepov uvelofievoi rd. Tifiturepa ViBav iroTiVTsluv koI doKtfiuTEpa vntp ;;;puffiOV ogtu aiTov (JloTiVKapirov), dnedifieda oirov Kal uKoTiovdov yv. ivda uf dwarbv j^filv cvvayoiikvoiQ kv kyaWidazi Kal x^p^^ izap^^ei b Kvpiog l7nTE?>.£iv ttjV tov fiapTvpiov avrov qp-ipav yzv- edXtov, etc re ruv Trpoijd^iTjKOTuv fiv^p-T^v, Kal rC>v fieXXovTQv daKyatv re Kal EToifiaciav. Tert. de Corona mil. 3 : Oblationes pro defunctis, pro natalitiis annua die facimus, Cyprian. Epist. 34 : Sacrificia pro eis {martyribus semper, ut meministis, ofterimus, quotifts ■ raartyrnm passiones et dies anniversaria commemoratione celebramus. Comp. Cyprian's t70 FJRST PEIUOD.— DIV. IX.— A.D. U7-iJo. graves,'"' and by agapae. So high an estimation of loartyr- doin induced many Christians to give themselves up to the authorities, thus furnishing cause for the charge of fanatical enthusiasm brought against them by the heathen/" This mode of proceeding, however, was for the most part discountenanced, in consequence of the express command of Christ (Matt. x. 23).'** instnxctions to his clerg:y how they should take care of the confessors. Epist. 37 : Ofliciani meuiu vestra diligentia repraesentet, faciat omnia quae fieri oportet circa eos, quos in ta- libus mentis fidei ac virtutis illustravit divina dignatio. Denique et dies eoram quibus ex- , cedunt annotate, ut commemorationes eorum inter memorias Martyrom celebrare possimus — et celebrentur hi6 a nobis oblationes et sacrificia ob commemorationes eorum quae cito vobiscum Domino protegente celebrabimus. Further notices of the martyrs were the af- fairs of private individuals ; and the representation of Anastasius (liber Pontificalis in vita dementis) originated in the respect paid to saints, in later times. Hie fecit vii. regiones dividi Notariis fidelibus Ecclesiae, qui gesta Martyrum sollicite et curiose, unusquisque per regionem suam, perquirerent (c£ vitae Anteri and Fabiaui), which was afterward copied into martyrologies. How few genuine histories of the martyrs may be expected from this age is evident from Augustini sermo xciii. de diversis : Hoc primum primi Mar- tyria (Stephani) meritum comniendatum est charitati vestrae : quia," cum aliorum Marty- rum vix gesta inveniamus, quae in solemnitatibus eorum recitore possimus, hujiis passio in canonico libro est. Gregorius M. lib. viii. ep. 29, ad Eulogiam Episc. Alex. : Praeter ilia quae in Eusebii libris de gestis SS. Martyrum continentur, nulla in archive hujus nostrae Ecclesiae, vel in Romanae urbis bibliothecis esse cognovi, nisi pauca quaedam in unius codicis voluraine coUecta. Nos autem paene omnium martyi-um, distinctis per dies singu- los passionibus, coUecta in uno codice nomina habemus, atque quotidianis diebus in eorum veneratione missarum solemnia agimus. Nontaraen in eodera volumine, quis qualiter sit passus indicatur, sed tantummodo noraen, locus, et dies passionis ponitur. The cause of this may not indeed have been that assigned by Prudentius ivepl are^avuv, i. v. 75 : Chartulas blasphemusolimnam satelles abstulitf Ne tenacibus hbellis erudita saecula Ordiaen), tompus, modumque passionis prodituni, Dulcibus linguis per aures posterorum spargerent. Of. Gasp. Sagittarius de natalitiis martyrum in primitiva ecclesia. Jen. 1678, auctius ed. J. A. Schmid. 1696. 4. *' Hence the cry of the heathen : Areae non sint. s. TertuU. ad Scapul. c.'3. 48 TertuU. ad Scapulam, c. 5. Amus Antoninus (at the time of Hadrian) in Asia cum persequeretur instanter, omnes illius civitatis Christiani ante tribunalia ejus se manu facta obtulerunt, cum ille, paucis duci jussis, reliquis ait: l) detXoli el 6i%tTe itirodvycKeLV, KpTifivolg 7] ppoxoig ^x^re- In like manner, Justin makes the heathen say to the Christians, Apol. ii. 4 : TrdvTeg ovv kavTovg ^uvEvcavTeg nopevEadE ydij irapH rbv 6ebv, Ka.i7ifj.LV irpuy- uara {itj irapexETE. Afterward the Montanists especially, see TertuU. 1. c. de fuga in per- sec. &c. Of. S. F. Rivini diss, de professoribus veteris Ecclesiae martyribus. Lips. 1739. 4. *" Epist. Eccl. Smym. c. 4 : Ovk iTraivovfiEV rovg izpouLOvrag iavrotc, iTveid^ ovx ovTiog SiddaKEi TO evayyi'kiov. (Eusebius, an admirer of such transactions, has omitted this sen- tence). Clemens Alex. Strom, iv. p. 597, vii. p. BTX, ed. Potter. INTRODUCTION. J 54. CONDITION OF HEATHENISM. l^l THIRD DIVISION. FROM SEPTIMUS SEVERUS TO THE SOLE DOMINION OF CONSTANTINE. A.D. 193-324. INTRODUCTION. § 54. CONDITION OP HEATHENISM. While the Roman empire appeared hastening to its fall, the- throne being occupied by soldiers, the provinces devastated by barbarians, and the government changed into the most arbitrary despotism, the Idngdom of superstition, in which alone the men of that time sought for peace and security from the dangers that surrounded them, had established itself firmly. Not only were the emperors themselves addicted to this superstition, but they also openly confessed it, and in part introduced even foreign rites into E,ome.^ The Platonic philosophy, which had confined it- self till now to a defense of the popular religions, and . to se- curing for the wise a more elevated worship of deity, endeav- ored, since the beginning of the third century, to give to the people's religion a higher and more spiritual form, under the pretense of bringing it back to its original, purer state. This philosophy had been unquestionably forced to this by the spirit- ual preponderance of Christianity. With this view, Philostratus ^ P. E. Miiller de hierarchia et studio vitae asceticae in sacris et mysteriis Graec et Rom. latentibus, Hafh. 1803. Abschn. 3 (translated in the N. Bibl. d. schon. Wissensch. Bd, 70. S. 3, fl'.) The Jewish reUg^on also was continually incorporated into this religious mix- ture (comp. above, $ 17, note 9), see Commodiani (about 270) instructiones adv. gentium decs pro Christiana disciplina (in Gallandii Biblioth. vett Patr. T. iii.) : Inter utrumque putans dobie vivendo cavere, Nudatus a lege decrepitus luxu procedis 1 Quid in synagoga decurris ad Pharisaeos, Ut tibi misericors Aat, quern denegas ultro ^ Exis inde foris, jterum Cu fana requiris. 172 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 193-334. the elder composed tha lite of Afollonius of Tyana (220), in ■which the latter was represented as the reformer of heathenism." But all the preceding tendencies of philosophy, and this also, were perfected in the so-called new-platonic school.' The founder of it, Amnionius Saccas, Sa/cKaf (i. e., aaKKolai ijijiaro, eiSvg Trpbg TTjV Kara vdfiovg iroXtTelav fxerelSuXeTO. On the other hand, Eusebius : rcj 'kptfidivii^ rH TTJc iv6{ov t^nXoco^iag uKipaia Kal (idLuirTUTa Kal fiixP^C toxuTtig tov piov Sti/itvs TeXeVTyg. Here Eusebius evidently refers to another Ammonius, probably to the author of the Gospel Harmony. ' Vita Plotini by Porphyrius in Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. iv. Ennapii (about 395; vitae Bi> phjstarum, re?, et illustr. J. P. Boissonade. Amst. 1822. 8. INTRODUCTION. } 54. CONDITION OF HEATHENISM. 173 have derived their peculiar character. Lower than the gods stand the demons, some good, and others bad. While the peo- ple worship the highest god only in their national deities, and that with propriety, the wise man must, on the contrary, en- deavor to attain to immediate union with the highest deity. While Neo-platonism endeavored in this way both to prop up heathenism, and to give it a higher and more spiritual charac- ter, it adapted itself, on the one hand, to the grossest popular superstitions, and, on the other, adopted the purest ideas re- specting the supreme deity. Accordingly, it communicated, at the same time, the most excellent precepts regarding the moral worship of God, and recommended asceticism and theurgy,'^ in order to elevate its votaries to communion with the deity, and to obtain dominion over the demons. It can not well be doubt- ed, that Christianity influenced the development of the purer aspect of the neo-platonic doctrines, when we look at the striking .agreement of many of these doctrines with those of Christianity.' This source, however, was not acknowledged by the new Plato- nists, who wished that the root of their doctrine should be con- sidered as existing only in the national philosophy, and, along with it, in the oldest Chaldean and Egyptian wisdom. In con- sequence of this view, neo-platonic productions appeared some- times in the form of Chaldean oracles,^ and in the name of Hermes Trismegistus.^ 6 Lobeck Aglaophamns, i. p. 104, S3. ' Mosheim, Diss, de studio ethnicorum Cliristianos imitandi, in his Diss, ad hist. eccl. pertinentes, i. 351. Ullmann uber den Einfluss des Christenth. auf Porphyrins, in the theol. Stud. u. Krit., 1832, ii.376. * Respecting the XaXSaiKii 'kbyia among the New Platonists, see J. C. Tliilo, Comm. de coelo empyreo, pp. ili. Halae. 1889, 40. 4. * . ^ Hermes Trismegistus was the- concentration of the old Egyptian wisdom, in whose name works of very different kinds were composed. The philosophic portion of them belongs to the New Flatonism : Ascl&pius and Poemander are the most important (0pp. gr. lat. ed. Adr. Tumebus. Paris. 1554. 4. Colon. 1630. fol. Hermes Trismegists Poemander, von D. Tiedemann. Berlin. 1781). E.ven in them we find many ideas borrowed from Christianity, so that they are erroneously, in part, attributed to Christian authors. Comp. CasaT^boni exercitatt. adBaronium,.p. 69. Chr. Meiner'sReligionsgeschich.d. aeltesten Voelker, bes , d. Aegyptier. Gottingen. 1775. S. 202. Tennemann's Gesch. d. Philos. vi. 464. Banmgar- ten-Cnisius de librorum Hermeticorum origine atque indole (a Jena Easter-programm), 1827. 4to. 174 FIEST PEEIOD.— DIV. HI.— A.D. 193-324. FIRST CHAPTER. EXTERNAL FORTUNES OF CHRISTIANITY. § 55. DISPOSITION OF THE HEATHEN TOWARD IT. Though the reports of secret abominations said to be practiced by the Christians in their assemblies vanished by degrees among the heathen peophy yet other prejudices against them remained unchanged. Every public calamity was continually regarded as a token of the wrath of the gods against the Christians, and excited fresh hatred and persecution.^ The cultivated heathen held fast by the old view, that whatever truth they could not avoid perceiv- , ing in the Christian religion, was disfigured by a barbarous form, and the admixture of rude enthusiasm, and was found in a purer form in their national traditions. From this point of view be- gan, from the commencement of the third century, the efforts which were made to reform the popular religion, that it might be elevated to the same height as Christianity. In this way either both religions might be blended together, or greater power would he giveii to heathenism to- withstand Christianity. JPhilostratus, in his life of ApoUonius of Tyana, might have had in view this syncretislic object,' but Neo-platonism, on the contrary, appear-d in an attitude decidedly hostile to Christianity.'' The new Plato- ' Origenes c. Gels. vi. p. 294 : 'Hrif 6v(3(j)ri/iia TtapaXoyu^ ■ku.Jmi )iiv irlduTuv &auv inpdTEi, — Kal vvv it in hTrarg, Tiva;. Eusebius, iv. 7, 5 : Oin eIq /iaKpdv ye iiijv air^ [Saifiovi) Tavra irpoixupec. 2 Comp. above, $ 41, note 26. The constant reproach of the heathen may be found in Cyprianus lib. ad Demetrianum : Dixisti, per nos fieri, et quod nobis debeant imputai'i omnia ista, qaibus nunc mundua quatitur eturgetur, quod dii vestri a nobis non colantur. Origenes in Matth. commentariorum series, c. 39 (on Matth. xxiv. 9), Amobius adv. gentes c. 1 : Postquam esse in mundo Christiana gens coepit, terrarum orbom periisse, multi- Ibrmibus malis affectum esse genus bnmanum : ipsos etiam Coelites derelictis cnris solen- nibus,! quibus quondam solebant invisere res nostras, terrarum ab regionibus extermina- tes, c. 3, iii. 36, iv. 47. Cf. Maximini Epist. ap. Eus6b. ix. 7, 4. '■' Comp. $ 14, note 10. Baur's ApoUonius u. Christua, in the Tiibingeu Zeitsclir. f. Theol. 1632, iv. 123, if. * Mosheim de turbata per recentiores Platonicos ccclesia, in liis Dissert, ad hist. eocl. pert. i. 120, 173. Keil de Causis alieni Platonic, recent, a rel. Christ, animi Opusc. acad. ii. 393. 88.1 Tzschimer's Fall d. Heidenth. i. 560. CHAP. I.-EXTERNAL FOETUNES. } 55. THE HEATHEN. 175 nists, for the most part, regarded Christ as the most distin- guished sage and theurgist. On the other hand, however, they asserted that the doctrine of Christ perfectly agreed with theirs at first, but that it had been in many ways corrupted by his disciples, especially by the doctrine of Christ's deity, and forbid- ding the worship of the gods.^ In this manner the Christians appeared to be a crowd of misguided enthusiasts who had strayed from their leader, in contrast with whom, the heathen in their philosophy, and in their purified popular worship, possessed the purer truth, "nd occupied a higher position. The contest of these philosophers with Christianity, which continued till the sixth century, had thus a more earnest character than the ear- lier attajoks. In the works of Plotinus many passages are aimed at the Christians, without their name being introduced.^ = Porphyrins irfpi T?/f U 7.oyiuv (bO^oaotjiiai (a Ijook whicli Ficinus liad read even in the fifteenth century. See his Comment, in Plotini Ennead. ii. lib. iii. c. 7, p. 121, and fret)ucntly, and which is probably still preserved in some Florentine library) apud Au- gustin. de civ. Dei, xix. 23 : Praeter opinionem profecto quiljusdam videatur esse quod dicturi samus. Christum enim Dii piissimum pronunciavenint et immortalem factum, et cum bona praedicatione ejus meniinernnt (namely by oracles). Cbristianos autem pollatos et contominatos et errore implicatfjs esse dicunt, et maltis talibas adversus eos blasphemiis utuntur. — De Cbristo autem interrogantibus si est Deus, ait Hecate : " Quoniam qoidem immortalis aniraa post corpus ut incedit, nosti ; a sapientia autera abscissa semper errat : viri pietate praestantissimi est ilia anima, banc colunt aliena a se veritate." The same hi Kuseb. Demonstr. evang. iii.c. 8 ; — 'Otti liiv adavd-Tj iivxri /UT(l aij/ia irpo/Suixti, YtyvuGKU ao(piy TETifirifitvo^- a)J.u.ye-4ivxv 'h.vt[}OQ tvoEiUri •nfio^EiitoTar-Q iarlv iKtivov. Sunt spiritus terreni minimi loco terrene quodam malorum Daemonum potestati subject! Ab bis EB^t"cnt.::s Hebraeorum, quorum unus iste ctiam Jesus fuit, sicutaudistidivina Apol- liuis oracuta. quae cupcrius dicta sunt : ab bis ergo Hebraei Daemonibus passimis et mi- noribus apiiitibus vetabant rcligiosos, ct ipaia vacare proliibebant : venerari autcin magis coelestes I.>cos, amplius autem venerari Deum patrem. Hoc autera et Dii praecipiunt, et in Buperioribirt ostcndimus, queniadmodum atimadvertere ad Deum monent, et ilium rolere ubiqueimpera»t. V'^M'um inducti et impiae naturae, quibus verefatum non concessit a Diis dona obtinere, neqi.L- Imbere Javis immortalis notionem, non audientes et Deos et divinus virus Deos quidem o:^ni'« reccsavcruut, prohibitos autem Daeraones non solum nuUis odiis in seque, sed etiam revereri delegerunt. A ug. de Cons. Ev. lib. i. c. 7, $ 11. Honorandum Huini tamquam sapientissimum virum putant, colendum autem tamquam Deum negant. Ibid. c. H, $ H: Ita vero isti desipiuut, ut illis libris, 4uus eum (Christum) scripsissc existimnnt, dicant contineri eas artes, quibus eum putant ilia fecTiso niiracula, quorum fama ubique pre- crcbuit : quod existimando se ipsis produnt, quid diligant, et quid aifectent. Ibid. c. 15 : Vani Cbrisli laudatores et christianae religionis obliqui obtrectatorea — continent blasphe niias a Christo, et eas in discipulos ejus ellundunt. Ibid. c. 34 : Ita enim volunt et ipsum credi, nescio quid aliud scripsisse, quod diligunt, nihilque sensisse, contra Deos suos, sed eos potius magico ritu coluisse, et discipulos ejus non solum de illo fuisse mentitos, dicendu ilium Deum, per quern facta siut omnia, cum aliud nihil quam homo fuerit, quamvis excel lentissimac sapentiae : verura etiam de Diis eorum non hoc docuisse, quod ab illo didicissent • Vogt's Neoplatouismus u. Christenthum, 9. 137, fl'. I7b FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 19a-324. Direct attacks against them were the Kara Xpia-iaviliv Xoyol, fif teen books of Porphyry ; ' and the Xoyoi (pt^aXi^Oeig rrpof Xpiana vovg, in two books of Hierocles, governor of Bithynia under Diocletian.' The lives also of Pythagoras by Jamblichus and Porphyry, had a hostile reference to Christianity." § 56. CONDUCT OF THE EMPERORS TOWARD THE CHRISTIANS. After Christianity had been favorably regarded by several emperors in the first half of this period, and had been introduced into the general religious syncretism, there arose in the second half, not only new persecutions, but such as partook of a far more hazardous character than any of the earlier, since they were generally commanded by the emperors, and aimed at noth- ing less than the complete annihilation of Christianity. Septi- mus Severus (193 till 211) was, indeed, not unfriendly to the Christians at first ( Tertull. ad Scapu/am, c. 4) ; but they had much to suffer in the provinces from the popular rage' and the avarice of the governors.* These persecutions increased consid- erably after the emperor (20!3), clianged, perhaps, by the ex- cesses of the Montanists, had forbidden the adoption of Christ- ' Whether he wns an apostate from Christianity, as Socrates, iii. 23, AugUBtin. de civit. Dei, X. 28, say, is questionable. See the correspondence between Siberus and Thomas in Miscellan. Lips. torn. i. p. 33], ss. UUmann in the theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1832, ii. 380. — Fragments of his writings have been collected by Lnc. Holstcnius Diss, de vita et scriptia Porphyrii. Rom. 1630. 8 (repiinted in Fabrici Bibl. Gr. t. iv. p. 207, ss.). Theworlis writ ten against him by Methodius, bishop of Tyre, Eusebius, bisliop ofCaesarca, and (the best) by Apollinaris, bishop of Laodicea, have also been lost. ■> Of. Lactaut. Institutt. div. v. c. 2 and 3. Agaist his comparison of Christ with Apol lonius of Tyana see Eusebius contra Hierocl. lib. appended to his Deraonstratio Evaugelica ed. Paris 1628, and Colon. ItidS. Baur's ApoUonius von Tyana und Christus, S. 1. Even in Chrysostom's time, the writings of the heathen philosophers aj^ainst Christianity were for the most part lost (Chrys. du S. Babyl. 0pp. ed. Montf. ii. 639). According to a law of Valentinian HI. and Theodosius 11., A. n. 419, they wore enjoined to be burnt (Cod. Jus- tin, i. 1,3). • Jamblichus de vita Pythagorae gr. et lat. cd.Theojjb. Kiessliiy. Ace. Porphyrins de vita Pytb. 2 Partes. Lips. 1815, 16 & l.'orop. Mcf.ueim, Dissertt. ad Mst. ecol. pert. ;. -E; Tzsohimer's Fall d. Heideuth. i. 465 Baur'c ApoUonius, S. 208. Tertullian. de Fuga in persecut. c. 12 : Persecutionem — ^non esse — redomptio nummaria fuga est. ' Tertullian. de Fuga in persecut. e. 12 : Persecutionem — non esse — redimendam — le- deinptio nummaria fuga est. " Tertull. Apologet. (written 198) c. 7, 12, 30, 37, 49. Cf Mosheim de aetate apologei. CHAP. I.— EXTERNAL FORTUNES. ^ 56. THE EMPERORS. 177 ■lanity.^ Under Caracalla, however (211-217), they gradually ceased.* Elagabalus (218-222) went so far as to think of blending the Christian religion with the worship of his god.^ Severus Alexander (222-235), and his mother, Julia Mam- maea, were addicted to a similar tut more rational syncretism, and gave the Christians many proofs of their good- will. ^ But Maximin the Thracian (235—238), persecuted the Christian clergy, and overlooked the persecutions in which the people of some provinces, excited against the Christians by an earthquake, ' Cf. Tertull. de Corona militis. — Spartian. in Severe c. 17 : In itinere Palaeatinia pluri ma jura fundavit. Judaeos fieri sub gravi poena vetnit Idem etiam de Christianis sansit. Ulpiamns in lib. sing, de officio Praefecti Urbi {Dig. lib. i. tit. 12, $ 14) : Divns Severus re Bcripsit, eos etiam, qui illicitum collegium coisse dicantur, apud Praefectum Urbis accasan- dos. Euseb. vi. 7: {^\ov6ag Gvyypa<^iiDV Htpor;) r7}V 6pv7i.^ovfiiv7]v tov uvTixpt(yTov nap- ovaiav ^^7} tots irXjjGtd^eiv ^ero " ovtu cr^o^pcDf y tov Ka6* Tj/iav tots diuy/xov klvtigi^j Taf Tcjv TToTiTiUV uverdpaTTe diavoiag. Martyrs in Alexandria : Leonides (Euseb. vi. I), Potamiaena (Ibid. c. 5), in Africa : Martyres ScilUtani, Perpetua et Felicitas {Acta apud Ruinart and in Miinter primord. Eccl. Afr. p. 219, ss. On Severus generally see Miinter, I.e. p. 172, ss.). * Not in Africa at first, Tertull. ad Scapulam liber. — In this book, c. 4, Caracalla is said to be lacte christiano educatus. — Under this emperor, as appears from Dig. lib.i. tit. 16, 1. 4, Domitius Ulpianus wrote his Libb. x. de officio Proconsulis. Cf. Lactant. Institutt. v c. 11 : Domitius de officio Proconsulis libro septimo rescripta principum nefaria collegit, ut doceret, quibus poenis affici oporteret eos, qui se cultores Dei confiterentur. * Lampridius in Heliogabal, c. 3 : Heliogabalum in Palatino monte juxta aedes impera- torias consecravit, eique templum fecit, studens et Matris typum et Vestae ignem et Pal- ladium et ancilia et omnia Romanis venerandain illud trans ferre templum, et idagens, ne quis Roniae Deus, nisi Heliogabalus coleretur. Dicebat praeterea, Judaeorum et Samari- tanorum religiones, et christianam devotionem illuc transferendam, ut omnium culturarum secretum Heliogabali sacerdotium teneret. Baur'a Apollonius v. Tyana u. Christus, in the Tubingen Zeitschrift f. Theol. 1832, iv. 127. * Origen was called by Julia Mammaea to Antioch, Euseb. vi. 21. On this account, later writers (first Orosius, vii. 18) make her a Christian. — Lampridius in Sev. Alex. c. 22 : Judaeis privilegia reservavit, Christianos esse passus est. C. 28: Quodam tempore festo ut Solent, Antiochenses, Aegyptii, Alexandrini lacessiverant eum conviciolis, Syrum Archi- BjTiagogum eum vocantes, et Archierea. C. 29 : Matutinis horis in larario suo, in quo et divoB Principes, sed optimos electos, et animas sanctiores, in qneis et Apollonium, et, quantum scriptor auorum temporum dicit, Christum, Abraham et Orpheum, et hu- jusraodi caeteros habebat, ac majorum effigies, rem divinara faciebat. C. 43 : Christo templum facere voluit, eumque inter Deos recipere, quod et Hadriajius cogitasse fertur : — sed prohibitus est ab iis, qui consulentea sacra repererant omnes Christianos futures, si id optato evenisset, et templa reliqua deserenda. (On the religious syncretism of the emperor see two dissertations in Heyne Opusc. acad. vol. vi. p. 169.) C. 45: Ubi aliquos voluiaset vel rectores provinciis dare, vel praepositos facere, vel procuratores, id est rationales ordinare, nomina eorum proponebat, hortans populum, ut si quis quid naberet crminig, probaret manifestus rebus ; si non probasset, subiret poenam capitis : dicebatque grave esse, cum id Christiani et Judaei facerent in praedicandis sacerdoti- bua, qui ordinandi sunt, non fieri in provinciarum rectoribua, quibus, et fortunae hominum committerentur et capita. C. 49 : Cum Christiani qnendam locum qui publicus fuerat, oc cupassent, contra popinarii decerent, sibi eum deberi, rejcripsit, melius esse, ut quomodo cunque illic Deos colatar, quam popinariis dedatur. VOL. I. 12 178 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 193-324. indulged.' After the reign of Gordian (238—244), and Philip the Arabian (244-249),' during which they were unmolested, Decius (249—251), immediately after he had ascended the throne, gave the signal by an edict for a fearful (the first really general) persecution,' in which many Christians sufTered mar- tyrdom," while many others, enervated by long quietude, aposta- tized (^sacrificati, thurificati, libellatici)}^ Gallus also (251- 253), after a short interruption, continued this persecution.^^ ' Eusebins, vi. 28, Eirmilianus ad Cyprian, (in Epp. Cypr. 75) Origenes Commentar. in Matth. xxiv. 9 (torn. 28). 8 Easeb. Hist. eccl. vi. 34 : Tovrov Karix^i Tioyo; Xpiariavbv ivra iv ijiiipa, T^f vara- TTjc Tov Xlacx6jia te Kal ry t&v aUia/iHv livdyKij 75 7TaTp6(^ tqv datfiovuv ?MTp£lt^. Descriptions by contemporaries Dionys. Alex, (apud Euseb. vi. 40-42) and Cyprian in his letters and de Lapsis lib. — Martyrs ; Fabian, bishop of Rome, Babylas of Antioch, Alexander of Jerusalem, Pionius, presbyter at Smj-ma (Cyprian. Epist. 52 : Tyrannus infestus sacerdotibus Dei). ^^ Cypriani lib. de Lapsis : Ad prima statim verba minantis inimici maximus fratrura numerus fidem suam prodidit, nee prostratus est persecutionis impetu, sad voluntario lapsu se ipse prostravit. — Non exspectaverunt saltem, ut interrogati negarent, ut accen- derent, apprehensi. Ante aciem multi victi, sine congressione prostrati, nee hoc sibi reU- querunt, ut sacrificare idolis viderentor inviti. A later pretext of the libellatici see Cypriani Epist. 52 : Ego prius legeram et Episcopo tractante cognoveram, non sacrifi- candum idolis : — et idcirco ne hoc facerem, quod non licebat, cum occasio libelli fuisset, oblata, quern nee ipsum acciperem, nisi ostensa fuisset occasio, ad magistratum vel veni, vel alio eunte mandavi, Christianum me esse, sacrificare mihi non licere, ad aras diaboli me venire non posse; dare me ob hoc praemium, ne quod non licet faciam. Different kinds of them, Cypr. Ep. 31 : Sententiam nostram — protalimus adversus eos, qui se ipsos infideleg illicita nefariorum , libellorum professione prodiderant, — quo non minus, quam si ad nafarias aras accessissent, hoc ipso quod ipsum contestati fuerant tenerentur ; sed etiam adversus illos qui acta fecissent, licet praesentes, cum fierent, non affuisseat, cum praeseutiam suam utique, ut sic scriberentur mandando, fecissent. Id. lib. de Lapsis : Nee sibi quominus agant poenitentiam blandiantur, qui et^ nefandis sacriiiciis manus non con- taminaverunt, libellis tamen conscientiam polluerunt. Et ilia professio denegantis con- testatio et Cliristiani : [est Christiani], quod fuerat abnuentis. Fecisse se dixit quidquid alius faciendo commisit. Cf M^sheim de reb. Chr. ante Const. M. p. 483. " Dionys Alex. ap. Euseb. vii. 1. — Cypriani Epist. 57, 58, et lib. ad Demetrianum- CHAP. 1.— EXTERNAL FORTUNES. J 50. THE KMPERORS. 179 Valerian (253—260), gave the Christians rest for some time, but was induced by his favorite Macrianus (257) to renew the persecution.'' Gallienus (260-268), first put a stop to it;" and in the stormy times that now succeeded, the em- perors had too much to do with antagonist emperors, rebellions, and barbarians, to think of persecuting the Christians. Only Aurelian (270—275) issued an edict against them, the execu- tion of which was prevented by his murder that immediately followed. When the empire of Diocletian had received (284- 305) four rulers (285, Maximian, Aa^ixBtas of the west; — 292, tlie Caesars, Galerius and Constantius Chlorus), the church W9s at first undisturbed, notwithstanding the enmity of Ga leriiis. The Christians attained to the most important offices, and the church was raised to a condition externally prosper- ous {Efiseb. viii. 1). The alleged persecution of Maximian in OJaiil and Rome is very improbable.'^ But in February 303, '■' DioDys. Alex. ap. Euseb. vii. 10, 11. — Cypriani Epist. 82, according to the report of his messengers sent to Rome : Cluae sunt in vero it-a se habent. Rescripsisse Valerianum ' ad Senatum, ut Episcopi et Presbyter! et Diacones in continenti animadvertantur, Sena- tores vero et egregii viri et equites Romani, dignitate amissa, etiam bonis spolientur, et si adeniptis facaltatibas Christiani esse perseverarerint, capite quoque multentnr; matronae vero ademptis bonis in exsilium relegentur, Caesariani autem, quicunque vel prius confessi fuerant, vel nunc confessi fuerint, confiscentur, et vincti in Caesarianas possessiones de- scripti mittantur. Martyrs : .Cyprian (Vita et Passio Cypr. scripta per Pqotiura diaconum ejus, and Acta proconsularia ejusd. apud Ruinart), Sixtus II. bishop of Rome, and Lauren, tius l:is deacon (Prodentius Trfpt arsi^avuv Hymn 2). 1* The iirst laws of toleration. Two rescripts addressed on this subiect to Christian bishops are quoted by Eusebius, vji. 13. The first is that by which Gallienus, after he had conquered Egypt (261), makes known to the bishops in that country the toleration which had been already announced to the rest of the empire : T^v Evepyealav TJj^ ^/ijj^ dupedc 6i.a iravTog rov Kofffiov hKfii^aadfivaL TcpotjiTa^a. d-jruf; airb tuv tottuv tuv 6p^(jtcev clfiuv ^Troxo)pfi(7u(TU nai 6ia tovto Kal v/nel^ TJjc iiVTiypa(^fiQ r^f kfXTJ^ r^ 7vtzu xp^cdac Mi>an6e, Ciari firiSsva i/ilv ivox^eZv. The other he issued to. tOv KoKoviihuv kolutitt/- piuv '\7Tohifi(jdvetv k-KLTpenur ^(^pla. " Legio Thebaea,leg. felix Agaunensis, Thebaei with their leader (primicerius) Mau- ricius (286 T) massacred in Acaunensibus angustiis (Agaunum, St. Maurice in WaJlis). Eusebius, Lactantius, Pradentius, Sulpicius Severos, are silent on the subject. The first mentioft of it is about 520, in vita S. Romani (Acta SS. Pebraar. t. iii. p. 740). Then by Avitas, archbishop of Viemie (t523), dicta in Basilica SS. Agaunensium in innovatione raonasterii ipsius vel passione martyrum. By Eucherius, bishop of Lyons (about 530), Passio SS. Mauricii ac sociorum ejus (apud Ruinart). These Latin acta appear to have been transferred, with arbitrary alterations, by Simeon Metaphrasta (Acta SS. Februar. t. iii. p. 237) to a Greek martyr, Mauricius (Theodoret.Graeo. affect, curat, disput. viii. in fine), who, as tiflbunus milit. is eaid to have been executed along with seventy soldiers in Aparaea, in Syria, by the command of Maximianus. Against this narrative : Jean Dubor- diea Diss. hist, et crit. sur le martyre dp la Legion Thebeene. Amst. 1705. 12. For it : Jos. de L'Isle Defense de la verity de la Legion Th6beene. Nancy. 1737. 12. Later additions respecting Thebans, who are s^d to have suffered in other places, ex. gr. Gregor. Toron. 180 FraST PEEIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 193-324. Diocletian, moved by superstition '° and the persuasions of Ga- le'rius and Hierocles, caused the splendid church in Nicomedia to be destroyed, and then issued in succession three edicts against the Christians," which were finally succeeded by a fourth in 304, by virtue of which all Christians without ex- ception were compelled to woiship the gods.'° Thus there arose in the entire Roman empire, with the exception of C!aul, where Constantius Chlorus was even now well-lisposid toward the Christians," the most violent persecutioii aeainst them, abun- dailt both in martyrs and in apostates (a i.ew class called tradi- tores). After the two Augusti had laid down their dignity (305), the persecution continued to rage in the east under the new Augustus, Galerius and his Caesar. Maximin '" In Gaul de gloria martyr, i. 62. Est apud Agrippinenaem urbem basilica, in qua dicuntar X.. viri ex ilia legione sacra Thebaeorum pro Christi nomine martynum consammaase. Ado (about 860) has, on the other hand, even : G-ereon et alii cccxviii. Pavia has had the whole scene transferred to Its neighborhood in later times (Act. SS. September, t. vi. p. 37", 908, ss.j. Perhaps the misunderstood expression, milites Christi, gave rise to most of these legends. " Coustaiitine, ap. Euseb. de Vita Constant, ii. 50, 51, speaks of this from report. 1^ Concerning all these persecutions comp. the contemporaries, Lactantius de Mortibus persecutoram, c. 7, ss., and Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. libb. viii.-x. First e,dict, Euseb. viii. 2 : Taf iihi iKKlTjaiac t/f Idcujio; (jiipeiv, Taf df ypa(j)ac i^avcl; irvpl yeviaOac • koX Toii; iiH Ti/i^g iTreiXjiii/ievovg, url/iovs ■ rove ii iv oUeriaii, el im;ievoiev tv Ty Tov Xpiariavia- liov TipoBiau, iXcvdepioi arspclaBai. (Eufin. Ne, se quia servomm permansisset Chris- tianus, libertatem consequi posset.) Lactant. de Mort. persec. c. 13. Postridie propositnm est edictum, quo cavebatur, ut religionis illius homines carerent omni honore ac dignitate, tomientis subjecti essent, ex quocunque ordine ac gradu venirant, adversus eos omnis actio caleret; ipsi non de injuria, non de adolterio, non de rebus ablatis agere possent; libertatem deniqne ac vocem non haberent. For explanation of this edict, see Mosheim de rebus Clirist. ante Const. M. p. 925, a. — Second edict, Euseb. viii. 6, 8 (cf. viii. 2, 3) : Toif •KavTaxoae rCni IkkXijocuv npoeaTtjTog elpKTalg koI deejiolg iveipai. Third edict, Euseb. viii. 6, 10 : Toif KaTaKTieiaTov;, Bvaavra; /iiv, irlv jBaii^eiv hf IXcvBtplof, iviara- lihiovg ii /ivpiai; Karafaiveiv fiaauvoif. (Cf Euseb. viii. 2, 3: Tlday /iiixavy Bvut c^avayKuieiv-) " Fourth edict, Eusebius de martyribus Palaestinae, c. 3 : KaboXiKU TrpoeTuyiJau irdvToc TTavdy/iel roiig Karil tto'/.iv diieiv rz koX OTTtfittv rdlg ElduXotg kxeXeveTO, k. t. '/.- i> Lactant.de Mort. persec. c. 13 : ConstaoCtos, n4 dissentire a majorum (i. c., Augns- tonim) praeceptis vidcretur, convecticoia, id est p^rietes, qui restitai poterant, dirui passus est, vemm autem Dei templam, quod est in homini.ias, incolume servavit. C. 16 : Vexebatur ergo universa terra, et preeter Gallias ab onente usque ad occasnm tres acet- bissimae bestiae saeviebant. Henc« tbe Donatiit bishops, A.D. 313, wrote to Constantine (Optat. liaevit. i. c. S2) : Pater ii.tftr caelcros imperatorcs persecutionem non exercuit, et ab hoc facinore immnnis est 6ai!ia . " Martyrs in Palestine : Eusebius de mart. Palaest. liber (Pamphilas, presbyter in Caesarea); in other countries, Euseb. H. E. viii. 7-13. (Peter, bishop, of Alexandria; Lucian, presbyter in Antioch), Ruinart Acta primorum martymm. Respecting the martyrs in Egypt comp. the Coptic acts, which, at least in later times, have been greatly over- stated, in De miraculis S. Colulhi et reliqnis actonim 8. Panesniv martyrum thebaica frag- menta duo opera A. A. Georgii. Eomae. 1793, 4. In the paef.p.cx). ss. there is a chrono- logical survey of the persecution, and of the Egyptian mortj-rs. CHAP. T— EXTERNAL FORTUNES. $ otf. THE EMPERORS. 181 and Spain, however, it ceased entirely under the Augustus Constantius Chlorus ; and in Italy d^ndi Africa under the Cae- sar Severus, it at least abated. After the death of Constantius Chlorus (306), his son Constantine not only granted full liberty of worship to the Christians in Gaul and Spain ; but the two Augusti also, Slaxentius and Maximian, caused persecution to ■ cease in Italy and Africa.^^ In the east, the persecution had been terminated by the edict which Galerius issued shortly be- fore his death (311) ; " but in the Asiatic east, six months after, Maximin cauj^ed it to be renewed.^^ When Constantine^ after conquering Maxentius (312), had become sole lord of the west, he issued, in conjunction with Licinitis, ruler of the European east, an edict of universal toleration for all religions. This was soon followed by a particular edict in favor of the Christ- ians, issued from Milan (313).^* This edict became valid 21 Lactaat. de Mort. persecufc. c. 24: Suscepto imperio Constantinus Augustas nihil egit prius, quam Christianos cultui ae Deo suo reddere. Haec fait prima ejus sanctio saactae religionis restitutae (i.e. restitutionis). Euseb. viii. 14 : Ma^ivriog^—u.p;i(6fievo^ fi^v TTjV Ka6' Tjfiag niariv kir' apeaneig. koI no'kaiiEig. rov dijfiov 'Pufialov KadvizEKplvaTO TavTTi TE Tolg VKTjKOOLQ Tov XpiGTiavuv uvEivat TrpoaTUTTEt diuyfiov. 22 Lactant. de Mort. persecut. c. 34. Euseb. viii. 17 : Imp. Caesar Galerius Valerius Maximianus, caet., et Imp. Caesar Flavius Valerius Constantinus, caet., et Imp. Caesar Valerius Licinius, caet. Provincialibus S. — Inter caetera, quae pro reipublicae semper commodis atque utilitate disponimus, nos quidem volueramus antehac juxta leges veteres et publicam discipliuam Romanorum cuncta corrigere, atque id providere, ut etiam Christiani, qui parentuiu suorum reliquerant sectam, adbonas mentes redirent. Siquideni quanam ratione tanta eosdem Christianos voluntas invasisset, et tanta stultitia occapasset, at non ilia veterum instituta sequerentur, quae forsitaa primum parentes eonmdem con- stituerant (cf. $ 55) : sed pro arbiti-io bug, atque ut hisdem erat libitum, ita sibimet leges faeerent, quas observarent, et per diversa varios populos congregarent ? Denique cum ejusmodi nostra jussio extitisset, ut ad veterum se instituta conferrent, multi periculo sub- jugati, multi, etiam deturbati sunt. Atque cum plurimi in proposito perseverarent, ac videremus, nee Diis eosdem cultum ac religioaem debitam exhibere, nee Christianorum Deum observare; contemplatione mitissimae nostrae clementiae intiientes et consuetudi- nem sempiternam, qua solemus cunctis hominibus veniam indulgere, promtissimam in his quoque indulgentiam nostram credidimus porrigendara, ut denao sint Christiani, et con- venticula sua componant, ita ut ne qaid contra disciplinam agant. Alia autem epistda judicibus significaturi sumus, quid debeant observare. Unde juxta banc indulgentiam nostram debebunt Deum suum orare pro salute nostra, et reipublicae, ac sua, ut undique- versum respublica perstet incolumis, et aecuri vivere in sedibus suis possiut. 23 See the description in Euseb. xi. 1-S. 2* Ap. Lactant. de Mort. persec. c. 48. The beginning has been preserved only in the Greek version apud Euseb. x. 5: 'HJ?; fiiv rzd/t.ai o-KOTTOvvreg ttjv k.7\,Ev6Epiav rijc dprja- KEtag ovK apvTjTEav elvac, d/lV ivbg ItcdcTov ry 6tavotg. Kal BovX^oec k^ovaLav 6oteov TOV Tcl deta -TTpdyfiaTa ttjiieXeXv kutu. tjjv airov irpoacpEaiv, inaarov KEKeTiEVKtifLcVi rovg TE XpiffTiavovgt T^g alpEGEug Kal TTJg dpTjc/CElagryg iavruv tt/v ■klotlv (^v'KdTTEiv. 'AA?/ iTTEtdj] TToTi/kal Kal did(popot alpiasig {i. e., conditiones, as below) ev kxEtvy ty uvTtypa(Py, iv ry rolg avTolg (jvvEx<^p7}6'q i) TotavTTj k^ovaia, idoKovv TzpoarEBEladai aa^ug, tvxov lcv?A^£ug uvekpovovto. (Q,uamol>. 182 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 193-324. through the whole Roman empire after the overthrow of Max- imin, which soon followed. With regard to the history of Constantine^s religious devel- opment,^^ till the time when he fully embraced Christianity, we rem) cum feliciter tam ego Constantinua Aug., qnam etiam ego Licinius Aug. apud ' Mediolanum convenisseraus, atque universa, quae ad commoda et securitatem publicam pertinerent, in tractatu haberemas ; haec inter cetera, quae videbamus pluribus hominibus profutura, vel imprimis ordinauda esse credidimus, quibus divinitatis reverentia contine- batur : ut daremus et Christiauis et omnibus liberam potestatem sequendi religionem, quam quisque voluisset, quo quicquid est divinitatis in sede coelesti, nobis atque omnibas, qui sub potestate nostra sunt constituti, placatum ac propitium possit existere. Itaque hoc consilio salubri ac rectissima ratione ineundum esse credidimus, ut nulli omnino facul- tatem abnegandam putaremus, qui vel observationi Cbristiauoram, vel ei religioni mentem Buam dederet, quam ipsi sibi aptissimam esse sentiret, ut possit nobis summa divinitas, cujus religioni liberis mentibus obsequimur, in omnibus solitum favorem suom benevolen- tiamque praestare. Quare scire dignatiouem tuam convenit, placuisse nobis, ut amotis omnibus omnino conditionibus (Euseb. rdv alpiaeuv), quae prius scriptis ad ofBcium tuura datis super Christianoram nomine videbantur, nunc caveres, ut simpliciter unusqaisque coram, qui eandem observandae religionis Christianorum gerunt voluntatem, citra ullam inquietudinem ac molestiam sui id ipsum observare contendant. Q,uae solicitudini tuae plenissime siguificanda esse credidimus, quo scires, nos liberam atque absolutam colendae religionis suae facultatem bisdem Cbristianis dedisse. Cluod cum hisdem a nobis indnltum esse pervideas, intelligit dignatio tua, etiam aliis religionis suae vel observantiae potesta- tem similiter apertam et liberam pro quiete temporis nosti'i esse concessam, ut in colendo, quod quisque delegerit, babeat liberam facultatem, quia [nolumus detrahi] honori neque cuiquam religioni aliquid a nobis. Atque hoc insuper in persona Christianorum statuen- dum esse censuimus; quod si eadem loca, ad quae antea convenire consueverant, de qui- bus etiam datis ad ofBoium tuam Uteris certa antehac forma fuerat comprehensa, priore tempore aliqui vel a fisco nostro vel ab alio quocunque videntur esse mercati, eadem Cbristianis sine pecunia et sine uUa pretii petitione, postposita omni frustratione atque ambiguitate, restituantur. dul etiam dono fuerunt consecuti, eadem similiter hisdem Christiauis quantocius reddant. Et vel hi, qui emerunt, vel qui dono fuerunt consecuti, si putaverint, de nostra benevolentia aliquid vicarium postulent, quo et ipsis per nostram clementiam consulatur. Cluae omnia corpori Christianorum protinus per intercessionem tuam ac sine mora tradi oportebit. Et quoniam iidem Christian! non ea loca tantum, ad quae convenire consueverunt, sed alia etiam habuisse noscuntur, ad jus corporis eorum, id est ecclesiaram, non hominum siugulorum, pertinentia: ea omnia lege, qua superius, comprebendimus, citra ullam prorsus ambiguitatem vel controversiam hisdem Chi-istianis, id est corpori et conventiculis eorum, reddi jubebis ; supra dicta scilicet ratione servata, ut ii, qui eadem sine pretio, sicut diximus, restituerint, indemnitatem de nostra benevolentia sperent. In quibus omnibus supra dicto corpori Christianorum intercessionem tuam effi- cacissimam exhibere debebis, ut praeceptum nostrum quantocius compleatur ; quo etiam in hoc per clementiam nostram quieti publicae consulatur. Hactenus fiet, ut sicut supe- rius comprehensum est, diviuus juxta noa favor, quern in tantis sumus rebus experti, per omne tempus prospere successibus nostria pum beatitudine publica perseveret. Ut autem hujus sanctionis benevolentiae nostrae forma ad omnium possit pervenire notitiam, prolata programmate tuo haec scripta et ubique proponere, et ad omnium scientiam te perferre conveniet, ut hujus benevolentiae nostrae sanctio latere non possit. 25 Concerning him Franc. Balduini Constantinus M. s. de Const. Imp. legibus eccl. et civ. libri ii. Basil. 1556. Hal. 1727. 8. C. D. A. Martini Ueber die Einfuhrang der chxistl. Kel. als Staatsrelig. durch den Kaiser Const. Miinohen. 1813. 4. J. C. F. Manso Leben Constantins d. G. Breslau. 1817. 8. (Hug's Denkscln-ift zur Ehrenrettung Con- stantin's, in the Zeitscbrift f. d. Geistlichl^. d. Erzbisth. Freiburg. 1829, Heft 3, S. 1, ff Ileinichen Excurs. i. appended to his edition of Euseb. de vita Constant, p. 507, bs. CHAP. 1.— EXTERNAL FOUTUNES- $ 56. THE EMPERORS. 183 have only isolated intimations and hints. His first religious sentiments, like those of his father, were essentially the new- platonic. He acknowleged one supreme God who had revealed himself in many ways among men,^® and honored Apollo in par- ticular, as the revealer of this Being.^^ As this idea of Apollo and the Christian idea of Christ were obviously similar,^^ so Constantine may have thought that he found in it very soon a point of union between Christianity and heathenism. That the phenomenon which appeared to him in the war against Maxen- tius, respecting which the accounts of his contemporaries are so difFerent,^^ did not yet bring him over exclusively to Christian- 26 According to Euseb. de vita Const, i. c. 27, when lie first began the expedition against Maxentias : Ev 6' kvvoTiaag, o)g KpeiTTOvog y Karh. aTpaTLuri.K7]V deoc avrC) (3o7j- delac, dia T(i(; KaKorixvovc Kal yorjTiKd.g fiayyavclag rtif 'irapd. rCi Tvp6.vv({> (nrovSa^ofZEvac, Oeov aveCvTEi (SoTjdov. — ''Evvoec drjTa otcoIov Seoc debv ^Trtypuipaffdac (3o7]66v. ^^tovvtc 6' avTU) kvvotd nf viretaJiXdev (5f irXetovcjv rrpdrepov T^g ^PXVC iail)afj.EvuVy ol fxiv nTiEtouL deolg Tag a(puv avrdv hvaprTjaavTEg kTiniSag — TiXog oi}K alacov, evpavro' — fidvov 6t rov iavTov TTaripa — rbv iTceKetva rdv oXuv Qeov Sea Tzdarjg TLiiijuavTa ^w^f, cuTTJpa Kal ^v?^aKa T^c (3a(7L2.eiac, uyadov te Travrbg X^PVy^v evpEffOat. Tavra Tvap^ iavrC) diaKplvag — TO fj.lv TTEpl Tovc f£Tj6iu ovTag 6eovg fiaraid^eLV — aapiag ipyov ■bizETidfi^avE' rbv Si TTarpuov TtiJ.g,v fiovov Liero dslv Oeov. The Panegyricus incerti, c. 26 (ed. Jaeger, i. 548), addressed to the emperor in 313, corresponds with tolerable accuracy to his religious views at the time : Te, summe rerura sator, cujus tot nomina sunt, quot gentium linguas esse voluisti, quern enini te ipse dici velis, scire nou possumus : sive in te quaedam vis mensque divina est, qua toto infusus mnndo omnibus miscearis elementis, et sine ullo estiinsecus accedente vigoris impulsu per te ipse movearis : sivQ aliqua supra omne caelum potestas es, quae hoc opus tuum ex altiore naturae avce despicias ; te, inquam, oramua, caet. 27 Uraenius in the Panegyric received by Constantine, 310, at Treves, c. 21 : Vidisti enim, credo, Constantine, Apollinem tuum, comitante Victoria, coronas tibi laureas offer- entem : — vidisti, teque in illiua specie recognovisti, cui totius mundi regna deberi vatura carmina divina cecinerunt. Q,aod ego nunc demum arbitror contigisse, quum tu sis, ut ille, juvenis, et laetus, et salatifer, et pulcherrimus imperator. Merito igitur augustissima ilia delubra tantis donariia honestasti, ut jam Vetera nou quaerant. Jam omnia te vocare ad se templavideantur, praecipuequo Apollo noster, caet. On several coins of Constantine is found the inscription, Soli iuvicto, Soli invicto comiti. See Ez. Spanheim's remarks on the Cesars de I'empereur Julieu, p. 285, and Remarques, p. 973. 29 On the idea of Apollo, see Baur's ApoUouins v. Tyana u. Christas, S. 168. So Julian accuses the Alexandrians (Epist. 51, ed. Spanheim, p. 434} of believing 'Itjgovv xPV'^^^ ^^ov Xbyov VTrdpxeiV, and exhorts them, on the contrary, to worship rbv fiiyav "HAioi', rb ^uv dyaXfia koX e/i^vxov, Kal kvvovv, Kac ayadoepybv tov votjtov TraTpug. That Christ was frequently compared with Apollo, may be seen from Poetae latini minores, ed. J. Chr Wemsdorf, iv. 767. 23 Lactant. de Mort. persec. c. 44: Commonitus est in quiete Constantinus, ut coeleste signum Dei notaret in scutis, atque ita proelium committaret. Fecit, nt jussus est, et traversa x. littera, summo capite circumflexo, Christum in scutis notat. On the contrary, the heathen Nazarius in Panegyr. ad Constantinum, c. 14 : In ore denique est omnium Galliaram, exercitus visos, qui se divinitus missos prae se ferebant. Haec ipsorum ser- mo.iinatio, hoc inter audientes ferebant, Constautmum petimus, Coustantmo imua auxilio. Coustantiue, immediately after his entry into Rome, caused a cross to be put into the 184 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 193-324. ity, is proved by the edict of Milan, which breathes entirely the former syncretistic spu'it. But he acted only in the spirit of this decree when he bestowed favors on the Christian church, such as the old religion had always enjoyed. Thus he released their clergy from the burdensome municipal offices (312;^° made valid the manumission of slaves in the churches (prior to 316) ;^^ hand of the statue erected to him, with the insoriptlon, Tc'Jru r^ ffconjpMdet CT^/ieicj, toj d?[.ydLvo) k?i.iyx(o T^f hvdpia^y ttjv iz67.i,v huCtv cto l^'jyz'j rov rviidvvov SiaGuQelaav 7i?i€v6^pu(ja {Euseb. H. E. ix. 9). It wrb v'>i till he was an old man that he related to Eusebius the story of a cross, which app ^K:bl to him at clear mid-day, with the inscription, hac vince, rovT(}) viKa. Euseb. de vit. Const, i. 26-32. Sozomen, however, i. 3, and Rufin. ix. 9,,suppose it to have been a mere dream. The heathen, of course, derided all these stories. See Gelasius Cyzic Hist. Cone. Nicaeni, i. 4. Cf. Mosheim de rebus Christ, ante •Const. M. p. 978, ss. Concerning the cipher of Christ's name, see Miinter's Sinnbilder der alten Christen, Heft i. S. 33, ff. The imperial standard, bearing this cipher, was after- ward called Labarum. See Da Cange Diss, de nammis infer, aevi, § 20. It is certain that Constantine, even before the battle, supposed that he was directed to the cross as to a propitious sign, and that this could not have happened in a way to attract general notice. If the later narrative of the emperor be not an invention, a light cross of clouds may have appeared to him while in a musing and hesitating mood, and have led him to decide; a phenomenon which was of importance, for this very reason, only to himself, and which remained nnobserved by all others. Thus a purple cross, Christmas, 1517, was looked upon as a divine sign at Weimar, under the important circumstances of the time (Oratio de Joanne Duce Sax. in Melanthonis 0pp. ed. Bretschneider, xi. 958). In like manner a white cross, which appeared at the entrance of John Frederick, the elector, into Weiinar, when he returned from captivity (Hortleder vom teutschen Kriege, Th. 2, S. 966). Several like traditions owed their origin at this time to the feeling that the decisive struggle between heathenism- and Christianity, between Christ and demons, was come. Thus it is related that a victory-bringing prayer was taught by an angel to Licinius before the battle with Maximin (Lactant. de Mort. persecut. c. AG). Thus, according to Gregory of Nazianzum, an army of demons accompanied Julian on his Persian expedition; but according to Libanius, it was an army of gods. See Ullmann's Gregor. v. Nazianz. S. 100. 3" The first law ad Anulinum Procons- Africae apud Euseb. H. E. x. c. 7, confirmed by a second. Cod. Theod. xvi. tit, ii. 1. 1, a.d. 313, and repeated in the third, 1. c. 1. 2, a.d, 319. The last : Q,ui divino cultui ministeria impendunt, i. e., hi qui Clerici appellantui-, ab omnibus omnino muneribus excusentur, ne sacrilego livore quorundam a divinis obsequiis avocentur. Here Constantine merely transferred to the Christian clergy a privilege* enjoyed by heathen priests. Cf. Symmachus, lib. x. Ep. 54 : Insigne ducitur Sacerdotii vacare muneribus. Cod. Theod. xii. tit. 1, 1. 75, and Gothofred, ad h. 1. The presidents of the Jews also enjoyed this immunity. Cf. Cod. Theod. xvi. tit. viii. 1. 3, a.d. 321. Decu- rionibua Agrippinensibus : Cunctis Ordinibus generali lege concedimus, Judaeos vocare ad Curiam. Verum, ut aliquid ipsis ad solatium pristinae ohservationis relinquatur, binos vel ternos privilegio perpeti (i. e., perpetuo) patimur nullis nominationibus occupari. Lex. 2, A.D. 330 : Q,ui devotione tota Synagogis Judaeorum Patriarchiis vel Presbyteriis se dederuut, et in memorata secta degentes legi ipsi praesident, immunes ab omnibus tarn Dersoualibus quam civilibus muneribus perseverent. Lex. 4, a.d. 331 : Hiereos, et Archi- synagogos, et Patres Synagogarum, et caeteros, qui Synagogis deserviunt, ab omui cor- porali munere liberos esse praecipimus. 3^ According to Sozomen, i. 9, he issued three laws on this subject. The first is lost. The second may be seen in Cod. Justin, i. tit. 13, 1. 1, a.d, 316. The third, ibid. 1. 2, and Cod. Theod. iv, tit, 7, 1. unic. a.d. 321. That this manumission was transferred from the heathen temple to the churches, is shown by Gothofredus on the last law. CHJ p. I.— EXTERNAL FORTUNES. ^ 56. THE EMPEKOKa. 185 allowed legacies to be left to the catholic churches,^^ and con- tributed a considerable sum himself to the support of the Af- rican clergy.^^ Other regulations in favor of the Christians owed their immediate origin to that syncretistic tendency of the em- peror. Thus he set bounds to the enmity of the Jews against the Christians, their rigid inflexibility not at all agreeing with his feelings.^"^ He abolished several regulations offensive to the Christians (315) ;^^ and decreed the general observance of Sunday (321),^° It can not appear strange that, although he ■> Cod. Theod. xvi. tit. 2, 1. 4, and Cod. Just. i. tit. 2, 1. 1 : Habeat unusquisque licentiam, eanctissimo catholico venerabilique concilio decedens bonorum quod optaverit reliiiquere. 33 Namely, 3000 folles (upwards of 70,000 thalcrs). Cf. Const. Epiat. ad Caecilianum Episc. Carthag. in Euseb. H. E. x. c. 6. 3* Cod. Theod. xvi. tit. 8, 1. 1, a.d. 315: Judaeis, et Majoribus eorum, et Patriarchis volunius intimari, quod si qui, post banc legem, aliquem, qui eorum feralem fugerit sectam, et ad Dei cultum respexerit, saxia aut alio furoris genere (quod nunc fieri cognoscimus) ' ausus fuerit adtemptare, mox flammis dedendus et cum omnibus suis particibus eoncre- mandus. Si quia vero eX populo ad eorum nefariam sectam accesserit, et concUiabulis e(trura se adplicaveret, cum ipsis poenas meritas sustinebit. '* Cod. Theod. ix. tit. 40, 1. 2, a.d. 315 : Si quis in ludum faerit, vel in metallum damna tuB, mmime Jn ejus facie scribatur : — quo facies, quae ad similitudinem pulchritudinis coelestis est figurata, rainime maculetur. Probably in the same year vetus veterrimumque flupplioium patibulurum et cruribus sufFringendis primus removit (Aur. Victor de Caes c. 41 ; Sozom. i. P. Ood. Theod. viii. tit. 15, 1. 1, a.d, 320 : Q,ui jure veteri caelibes habe bantur: imminentibus legum (namely L. Julia and Papia Poppaea) terroribus liberentur, ace. {Cf. Euseb. de v^t. Const, iv. 26.) 3* The first law of March, 321, is in Cod. Justin, iii. tit. 12, 1. 3 : Omnes judices, urban- aeqna plebes, et cuuctarum artium officia venerabili die Solis quiescant. Ruri tamen positi agrorum culturae libere licenterque inserviant; quoniara firequenter evenit, ut non aptius alio die frumenta sulcis, aut vmae scrobibus mandentur (as agricultural labors of this kind had been permitted on festivals, according to a Roman custom, Virgil. Georg. i. V. 268, ss. Cato de Re rust. c. 2 ; cf. Erycius Puteanus de Nundinis Romanis, c. 10 in ■ Graevii Thes. Antiquitt. Rom. t. viii. p. 658). The second of June, in the ssjue year, in the Cod. Theod. ii. tit. 8, 1. 1, with the addition: Emancipandi et manumittendi die festo cuncti licentiam habeant, et super his rebus actus non prohibeantur. The Egyptian wefek, the seven days of which were dedicated to the planets, had been made known to the Romans by the astrologers even since the first century. In the second^ the days were frequently named after»the planets (Dio Cassius, xxxvii. c. 18. S. Mursinna de hebdomado gentilium et dierum a planetis denominatione in Jo. Oehichs Germaniae Uteratae opuscula historico-phUologica-theologica. Bremae. 1772. i. 113). As Christ was often compared with Sol, or Apollo (see above, note 28), so Constantine believed, perhaps, that in the festival of the dies sohs, as a festival of Christ and the sun at the same time, he found a point of friendly union between both religions, directly opposed though they were to each other. He transferred the Nundines to Sunday : comp. the stone inscription apud Erycius Puteanus de Nundinis Romanis, c. 26 : Constantinus— provisione etiam pietatis suae Nundinas die solis perpeti aimo constituit. Still the Nundines and weeks were both iu use, and both are found in a calendar composed about 354 (in Graevii Thes. t. viii. p. 97) beside each other, until Theodosius I. made the law respecting the observance of Sunday strict, Cod. Theod. viii. tit. 8, 1. 3. Eusebius de vit. Constant, iv. 18, and Bozomen, i. 8, relate that Friday was also observed, as well as Sunday, by order of Cou- a tax tine 186 ilKST PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 193-324. allowed exactly the same freedom to heathenism, and not only so, but even, in his capacity of emperor, observed the heathen practices at the same time that he gave so many privileges to Christianity,'' he should notwithstanding prejudice the minds of the heathen people by those very measures, inasmuch as he gained over the affections of the Christians toward himself. In the mean time, the successful issue of his undertakings must have strengthened him in the direction he took, in accordance with his peculiar mode of thinking; and it could not escape his political sagacity, that it would be most advantageous for him to have on his side even the smaller party, since it was the more closely united, and more animated by a living soul. In this manner the Christians formed the nucleus of Constantine's party when the relation between him and Licinius became 'looser. Hence, for this very reason, Licinius sought to obtain a more decided party by renewed attention to the religion of the pagans, and by persecution of the Christians. '° Accordingly, the struggle that arose between Licinius and Constantino, a.d. 323, was at the same time a struggle between Christianity and heathenism. Licinius was defeated, and Constantino openly professed the Christian faith, ^' though he still put off baptism.'"' " Cod. Theod. ix. 16, 1, 2 (a.d. 319), xvi 10, 1 (a.d. 321), Zosimus, ii. 29, 'ExPVTO Si in Kol Tolg irarptotg lepol^. 38 Eueeb. H. E. x. 8, de vita Constant ii. 3, ss. 39 Euseb, de vita Const, iii. 2 : Tov XpiGTOv tov deov oiiv 7ra/)l>7]ai^ ry ■rruay Tvpta^zvuv elg Trdvrag SiET&TiSi, fiij eyKaXvirTOUEVog rffv (juTTjpLov ^nyyoptav. After tlie year 323, • lieathen symbols disappear from Constantine's coins. J. Eckhel Docti-ina Numonim veterum, p. ii. vol. viii. {Vineb. 1798. 4,) p. 79. *" Modem Catholic Church historians no longer maintain vi^hat was 'asserted as late as Baronius, Schelstraten, and others, that Constantine was baptized in Rome, by Sylvester, A.D. 324. Comp, Euseb. de vita Constant, iv. 61, €2. That Constantine made donations to Sylvester on this occasion is related first in the Acta Sylvestri, then by Hadrian I. a.d. 780 (see below, in volume second. Div. 1, § 5). In the ninth century an original document respecting a great gift of land came to light. The supposititious character of both authorises was perceived so early as 999, by Otto III., and in 1152 by the Romans (vol.ii.i. The spirited attack of Laurentius Valla (about 1440, vol. ii. Div. 5, § 154) did not produce much effect till after the Reformation. Since then the investiture has been defended merely by some of the older Catholic scholars, especially the Jesuits J. Gretser and Nic. Schaten ; but the deed of investiture has been generally given up as spurious. The number of persecutions has been fixed at ten since the fourth century, agreeably to Exod. vii. 10, and Apoc. xvii. 1-14. Different calculations : Sulpicius Severus Hist. sacr. ii. 33 : Sacris vocibus decern plagis mundum afBciendum pronunciatum est : ita quum jam novem fuerint, quae superest, ultima erit. On the other side, Augustin. de civ. Dei, xviii 52 : NonnuUis visum est, vel videtur, non amplius eoclesiam passuvam persecutiones usque ad tempus Antichrist!, quam quot jam passa est, id est decern, nt undecima novis- sima sit ab Antichristo. The enumeration in Augustine I. c. is the foUowinir 'the devia CHAP. 1.— iSXTEUNAL FORTUNES. $57., SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY. 187 § 57. SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY In this division of time also, the progress of Christianity was considerable,^ especially in Gaul} In the end of it we find the first traces of bishops on the Rhine} About the same time tions in Sulpicius Severus, ii. 29-32, are inclosed in parentheses) : I. Neronis, II. Domitant, III. Trajani, (IV. Hadriani) : IV. {V.) Marci Aarelii, V. (VI.) Sept. Seven, VI. Maximini, Vn. (Vn.) Decii, VIII. (VIH.) Valeriani, IX. Anreliani, X. (IX.) Diocletani. AugTistinas I. c. adds: Sed ego ilia re gesta in Aegypto istas persecutiones prophetice significatas esse non arbiU'or, quamvis ab eis, qui hoc putant, exquisite et ingeniose ilia singula his singulis comparata videantar : non prophetico spiritu, sed conjectura mentis humanae, qui aliquando ad veram pervenit, aliquando fallitur. 1 Origines c. Cels. iii. p. 116, points to this : 'Xpianavovg fiT) u/ieXelv tov Travraxov t^q oiKovfikvTjg iTnaTreipeiv tov "kbyov. Tii^^f yovv ipyov itenoiTjvrac kic7r£pupx^<^^^^ ov fiovov TToTiECQ, d?\.A(i Kal KUjiag, koI t-nvXeig. Respecting the extension of Christianity about 300, see Amobius, i. c. 16. Si Alamannos, Persas, Scythas (Dii) iccirco voluerunt devinci, quod habitarent et degerent in coram gentibus Christiani ; quemadmodum Romanis tri- buere victoriam, cum habitarent et degerent in eorum quoque gentibus Christiani 1 Si in Asia, Syria iccirco mures et locustas effervescere prodigialiter voluerunt, quod ratione consimili habitarent in eorum gentibus Christiani : in Hispania, Gallia cur eodem tempore horum nihil natum est, cum innmneri viverent in his quoque provinciis Christani ? Si apud Gretulos, Tinguitanos hujas rei causa siccitatem satis ariditatemque miserant, eo anno cur messes amplissimas Mauris Nomadibusque tribueruut cum religio similis his quoque in regionibua verteretur ? 2 Passio Satumini Episc. Tolosani, c. 2, apud Ruinart : Postquam sensim et gradatim in omnem terrara Evangeliomm sonus exivit, parique progressu in regionibus nostris Apos- tolorum praedicatio coruscavit: cum rarae in aliquibus civitatibus ecclesiae paucormn Christianorum devotione consurgerent ; — ante annos L. sictit actis publicis (Codd. alii: ante annoa satis plurimos), i. e., Decio et Grato Consulihus (i. e., 250, a.d.) sicut fideli recordatione retinetur, primum et summum Christi Toloaa civitas s. Satuminum habere coeperat sacerdotem. From this Gregorius Turonensis (about 590) Hist. Franc, i. c. 28 : Decii tempore septem viri Episcopi ad praedicandum in Gallias missi sunt, sicut historia passionia s. martyria Satumini denarrat. Ait enim : Sub Decio et Grato Consulibus, &c., as above. Hi ergo missi sunt: Turonicis Gratianus Episcopus, Arelatensibua Trophiraus Episc, Narbonae Paulus Episc, Tolosae Satuminus Episc, Parisiacis Dionysius Episc, Arvemis Stremonius Episc, Lemoviciuis Martialis est destinatus Episcopus. This is evidently an arbitrary combination of several traditions. Trophimus must have been first bishop of Aries even before Decius, for in 254 Marcian had been for a long time bishop ol the place. See Cypriani, Ep. 67, Pearson Annales Cypriciani ad anu. 254, § 7, ss. With this also agrees Zosimi P. Epist. i. ad Episeopoa Galliae, a.d. .417 (apud Constant) : Metro- politanae Arelateusium urbi vetus privilegium minime derogandum est, ad quam primum ex hac sede Trophimus summus Antistes, ex cujus fonte totae Galliae fidei rivulos acce- perunt, directus est. 2 First, in the commission appointed by Constantine to decide upon the Douatist contro- versy in Rome, in the year 313, Optat. Milev. de schism. Donatist. i. c. 23 : Dati sunt jndicea Maternus ex Agrippina civitate : then among the names subscribed to the acts of the Concil. Arelatense, In the year 314 : Maternus episcopus, Macrinus diaconua de [88 FIRST PEEIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 193-334. they also appear in Britain} The first traces of Christianity are now Seen in Vindelicia? Even among the Goths.it had become known liy means of captives. ° SECOND CHAPTER. HERETICS. § 58. ELCESAITISM OP THE CLEMENTINES. Clementina, primura edita in Cotelerii Patribus apostolicis, i. 597. D. v. Colin in Ersch u. Gnibers Encyclopadie, xviii. 3G. (Art. Cleraentinen.) Die Clementinen nebst den verwandten Schriften u. der Ebionitismus von Adolph Schliemann. Hamburgh. 1844. 8. As Christianity had come to the west from the east, so the occidental church continued in the second century to be entirely dependent on the oriental. Without a peculiar development of doctrine and literature of its own, it merely received the product of the east; but in this way it also drew within itself the different parties, of the east. Rome in particular, the capital of the empire and seat of a great church, presented an alluring field to all parties to call forth their activity. The different Gnostic sects,' like the Montanists, labored with emulation to gain over this important church to themselves ; and all found in it more or less sympathy and adherence. Accordingly, Rom- ish Christendom in the second century was internally divided in many ways ; a condition which was calculated not only to lead many Christians astray, and to induce them to waver, but to civitate Agrippjnensium. — Agroecias episcopus, Felix exorciata de civitate Treverorum. Nio. ab Honteim Hist, diplom. Trevirana in prodromo, t. i. p. 64, ss. WalcU de Matenio uno, in tbe Commentationes Soc. Getting, vol. i. (1779) p. 1, ss. ' Names subscribed to the Concil. Arelat. : Eborius episcopus, de civitate Eboracensi, provincia Britannia. — Restitutus episcopus, de civitate Londinensi, proviucia sufcascripta. Adeliias episcopus, de civitate colonia Loudinensium (perhaps Colonia Lindi, i. e., L'.n- coin); comp. Jao. Usserii Britannicarum ecclesiar. antlquitt. Lend. 1687 Bingham Origg. eccl. tom. iii. p. 557, ss. ' Afra burnt in Augsburg A.D. 304. See the Acta in Ruinart. « Sozomen. H. E. ii. 6. Philostorg. H. E. ii. 5. ' Valentinus (J 45) and Marcion (} 47) came in person to Rome. CHAP. II.— HEKETICS. Ij 58. ELCESAITES. 189 la/ open a dangerous unprotected side to tLe attacks of heathen- ism. There, a philosophically eduoated Christian of E-ome,^ toward the end of the second century, took up the idea that Christianity in its original state must be preserved among the Jewish Christians as the descendants of the oldest church. Probably he sought out this church in its isolation, and found it divided into several parties, but he also discovered among the Elcesaites^ a speculative doctrinal creed already formed, which seemed to him perfectly adapted both to vanquish hea- thenism and to remove the multiplicity of Christian sects. He received it, therefore as the original Christian doctrine Nvhioh had obtained its central point in James, ^ and in Peter its most important defender, and appropriated all the more readily the Elcesaite rejection of Paul, who, insomuch as he was not an immediate disciple of Christ, could not have been a genuine apostle,* because the Pauline development of Christianity had run out into so great a state of disunion, and appeared to have attained its height in the Marcionite errors. Hence he com- posed the Clementines {ra KXtjuivria) consisting of three pro- logues and twenty (but now only 19) homilies, that he might be able to proclaim to Christendom at large the apostolic truth which had long been concealed, by apostolic lips also. The his- torical form in which he clothed the whole work, he took in part from the events of his own life. But he reckoned upon it also for the purpose of procuring apostolic authority to his doc- trine, and obtaining an introduction for it into Rome in partic- ular. As he himself prosecuted the search, so he represents the apostolic Clement (who was highly esteemed in the recol- lection of the Roman church, and who appears here in the char- ^ For evidence to show that the author of the Clementines was a Roman, see Baar's Christuspartei in aer konnth. Gemeinde, in the Tubingen Zeitschr. f. Theol. 1831, iv. 199. Schliemann,' p. 549. ' See above, ^ 32. * In the Clementines, James appears as the chief bishop of all Christendom, to whom Peter must constantly give an account of his doings, Schliemann, S. 86, 213. In the let- ters prefixed to the Clementines, Peter writes to him as tu Kvpii^, koX ivioKOTVu T?j; uyiag luKhjaia^. Clement writes . 'Iaxd6(i>, Tu Kvpit^, aal iwiaKOTruv iiriaKoKt^, SUttovtl ii Tjyv 'ItpovaaTiTin liylav 'Y,Bpalav tiiii2,Tiaiav, xal tu; navraxij 6eov npovoia ISpuSelaai * What Peter, Horn. xvii. 19, says against Simon Magus, is said to refer t» Paul : Ei Tif Si A' oirraalav izpo; diSaaicakiav aoug, ug hyvolq. yvdaig-, wf vdffu \aaig. Ourwf (5^, (Iif akudriq ijiiiv 'irpo(p7jT7]g dprjKeVy TrpuTov ipevdeg dci e^delv evayyiXtov virb Tzkdvov Ttvoc, Kal elO' ovTug /lera KadaipEGtv rov uylov Toitov Evayyi'kLOV u.?.Tj8^g Kpixpa dLaiTEfiip&jjvac elg kizaudpduacv Tijv Icofiivuv alpeaeav. * In the letter prefixed to the Clementines, of Clement to James, Peter is designated, 6 Tijc Svatac ^ axoreivoTepov rov Koa/iov ficpo;, (Jf Trdvruv iKavuTcpOQ, (pariaai KsXev •;6ui, Kal Karopdusai SvvriBdc, — l^cxpic ivravda T5 'Pw/ij; yEVO/ievof;, BeojiovX-qri^ SiSaa KaMg. au^uv uvOp^Tvovg. It is then related how he transferred his KadeSpa to Clement, shortly before his own martyrdom. . '" Schliemann, S. 101. " Schhemann, S. 90. In particular, the doctrine of Marcion, see Baur's christliche Gnosis, S. 313. ''2 Horn. iii. 12, ss. ; xvii. 13, ss. Schwegler's Montanismas, S. 142. Schliemann, S. 547. " Hom. xvi. 12 : EZf iariv, i ry avTov ao^lg, elxuv ' noiriaa/itv avBpajTov • 5 6i aoi^ia, uanep lSi wvei/iaTt, airo; i.el cwvexaipev • i/vurai /itv (Sf ipvxTI I'V Be£>, iKTeiverai 6i im' airov, ag xf'P Srijiiovpyovaa to irdv ■ — Kard, yap iKraaiv Kal avaroliiv ij /lov&g iSvaf dvai vo/ii^eTac. (In explanation of the iKTclvew, cf. Philo de somniis, p. 577 : i avdpuiii,- vog vovg, — xadairep ijXiog, rUg avTOv Swdfieig uairsp uKUvag clg oXov reivei. De nomi- nnm mutat. p. 1048, to dv—Svud/ieig Iteivev dg yevcaiv Itt' evepyeai irXov Horn. iii. 19 ; Christ designated as Td utt' aluvoc h itpvKT^ d^ioig irapaiSi66/ieva Kijpvaouv, ptixpcc airuv kdvuv tov IXeov Ikteivuv, Kai tl)vxdg irdvruv kXEuv, 192 FIRST PERIOD— DIV. Ill— A.D. 193-324. spiritual continuation of life, with rewards and punishments. Tlie conditions of happiness are love to God and man, and strug- gling against the demons which draw away to evil, through sens- uality. For this last purpose these sectaries prescribed ahsti- nence from animal food, frequent fastings and washings, ri con;- mended early marriage^' and voluntary poverty, but rejected ftll sacrifices. While the author of the Clementines, from the position of the Elcesaite doctrine, combats parties with which the Elcesaites had never come into contact, he must necessarily go into many new developments of doctrine. How free his movements were in these may be seen from the fact that he frequently used for his purpose our four gospels, unknown to the Elcesaites, with great critical and exegetical arbitrariness.^^ On this very ac- count we might indeed doubt whether he left the Elcesaite doc- trine itself entirely untouched. Although the doctrine here presented i:ould not calculate on any general dissemination, and found several adherents only in Hume and Cyprus," yet many felt themselves attracted by the historical contents of the production, and its refutation of the heathens and the Gnostics ; and since the author knew how to account for the late appearance of his work, which pretended to proceed forth from the apostolic age,^'' they rather thought of it as the corruption of a genuine writing by heretics than a for- gery. Hence, another person was soon found,- probably an Al- ^' Hom.liJ.25: {'Od?i,6^^r'po(lt^Tij^)yd/iovvofit(TTevec,iyKpdTecav(rvyxotpelt€lcityv€lai^ ■niPTox ayn. C. 6 j : (O' -roicllvTepoi) viuv iiij pidvov KaTevnyhuaav tovq yii/j-ov;, uX/li xct rijyj neopi8r!i(6ruv, uf) Trcjf ^(ovaa j) dpe^i; npo(jidaci nopvdag ij /loixeicc ^oi/ibv npoaev(yKoi lij tKKATjaiif. 23 A complete collection of the pas.sages from the gospels in the Clementines may be fonnd »i Crejluer's Beitriige znr KiUeit. in d. bibl. Schriften, i. 284. According to hrm the Gospel of Peter lies at the foundation of it. Bat the passages characteris''c of John that appear in the work, can hardly be referred to another gospel ; and, if we take these a.1 the standard, we can not expect that the gospel citations generally should be made ver batim. " Epiphanius, Haer. xxx. 18, says, that Ebionites were in Cyprus (by this general appellation for all heretical Jewish Christians he here means this party). Origen (ap. Euseb. vi. 38) calls the heresy of the Elcesaites, veuarl inaviaTa/iEvtiv. Since no trace is found of it in the second century beyond Palestine, we may assume that it was first established in those places by the Clementines. ■• "* Peter entreats James, in his letter prefixed to the Clementines, to communicate his sermons (rif fii^Xov^ fiov Tuv K^pvyfidTuv) only to faithful persons under the seal ot secrecy ; and Ja'^ies guarantees the secrecy by a SmjiapTvpLa added, according to which those books should be made known only to tried brethren, after they had agreed by an oath to keep the secret. Comp. Horn. ii. 17, above, note 8 CHAP. II.— HERETICS. ^ 59. MONTANISTS IN THE WEST. 193 exandrian, wlio conceived tlie idea of piuifying it from heret- ical depravations, by altering it entirely according to the stand- ard of orthodoxy in his day. In this way arose the production which appears under different names among the ancients," and which still exists, but only in the Latin translation of Rufinus, under the title Recognitiones Clemends, libb. x.^° The re- quirements of a much later orthodoxy gave rise to the fTnToarj." § 59. OPPOSITION AT ROME TO MONTANISM, AND THE ASIATIC T' ' (IF CELEBRATING EASTER. About the time when the Clementines appeared, there wa.s generally apparent at Rome a lively striving after unity by re- moving all elements whose tendf-noy was to disturb il. Montanism had not only obtained many friends in thu west- ern church, without giving ri-se to an external division,' but had even gained besides an important inHnenco ov(;r the pre- vailing ecclesiastical principles.^ The bishop of Rome was al- ready on the point of entering int« ecclesiastical cnniniunion with the Asiatic Mo.nfatiists, who had been excluded frum tlie churche.? of their native country, wlien IVaxeas, a, confessor, came from Asia to itime (about 192), and so altered the disposi- tion toward them, that all communion with tlieiii wa-i rEv.ouiiced.^ " IlEpiodoi XllTpov or K?^^/iev:»rt)eiten. Jahrg. "I, llelt 4|. Kiel. 1843. Tlie same author's Clementinen, S. 2fi5, if. Ao iiini the composition of them tools place in the period between 212 and 230. Bat t' e rea.iona addiieed in favor of Rome, as the place of writinjf, can not be regarded as decisive. 7 he CJ'r.stuIogy of tlie Recognitions (Schlie- mann, S. 331) obviously points to Alexandria. 2' Schliemann, S. 334. ^ See above, $ 48, note 17-19, below, note 4. ' See above, $ 53, note 39. '•' Tertull. adv. Praxeam, c. 1. Nam idem (Praxeaa) tunc episcopiim Rom.anum, agnoa- centeni jam prophetias Montani, Priscae, Maximillae, et ex ea agnitione pacem ecclesiis Asiae et Phrj-giae inferentem, falsa de ipsis prophetis et ecclesiis eorum adsevevando, et praecessorum ejus auctoritates defendendo, coegit et literas pacis revocare jam emissas, et a proposito recipiendoram charismatum concessare. Victor is usually regarded as that Romish bishop (1S5-197) ; but Neander (Antignosticus, S. 485) and Schvregler (Montanismus, VOL. I. 13 194 riEST PEEIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 193-324. Thus, then, there began in the west also a controversy concern- ing the distinguishing doctrines of Montanism, which was con- ducted with violence, especially in A.fvica.'' At the head of the Montanist party stood Quintus Septimius Florins Tertullidnus, presbyter in Carthage, and the earliest Latin ecclesiastical writer of note — a man whose modes of thought were strict and severe, of a violent character, and of a rich though somewhat too sensuous imagination. In his writings it may be see.n that he developed his Montanist tendency in a way increasingly rug- S. 250) declare themselves in favor of Eleutherus (170-185), because an incipient yinldiug to the Montanists does not appear like the stiff hierarchical character of Victor. That character has been infeiTed merely from his conduct toward the Quartodecimani. But since exi>e- rience shovrs that those who renounce certain views, become the most violent opponents of them, Victor's violent measures against every thing which appears to coincide with Montanism, may be best explained on the supposition that he was at first favorably dis- posed toward them. Chronology is in favor of Victor; for, by the supposition that Eleu- therus was the person, there is too long an interval between the first appearance of Praxeas in Rome, and of TertuUian's, lib. adv. Praxeam (cpmposed according to Noesselt 204 or 205). * An important particular of it is given by Tertullian de Pudicit. c. 1 : Audio etiam edictuni esse propositum, at quidem peremptorium: Pontifex scilicet Maximus, Episcopu^ Kpiscoporum, edicit : ego et moechiae et fomicationis ^elicta poenitentia functis dimitto (Jap!. 5 : Uuid agis mollissima et humanissima disciplina ? Idololatram quidem et homi cirtam semel damnas, moechum vero de medio excipis? Comp. above, § 53, note 39 According to Petavius (not. ad Epiph. Haer. S9. p. 228), it is usually assumed that thii Pontifex Maximus is the Romish bishop Zephyrinus (197-217). But the appellation in question does not refer to a real, but to an usurped dignity- It points ironically to tho circumstance, that tlie bishop who had made the regulation arrogated to himself, by so doing, the prerogatives of the only high-priest, Christ. Most probably the allusion is to the bishop of Carlliage. Particularly important for the history of the controversy is Ter- tullian. lili. de Velandis virgiuibus. In support of his demand, virgines nostras velari ri[i ■i-t.ere, ex quo transitam aetatis suae feceriut, in order to set aside the argument brought iigxinst iiini from custom, cap. 2, Tertullian appeals to the consuetudo of the apostolic churches in Greece, and some barbarous countries : Non possumus respuere consuetudinem, q'ijim damnare non possumus, utpote non extraneam, quia non extraneorum : com quibus s<-"!i(:et coinmunicamus jus pacis et nomen fraternitatis. Una nobis et illis fides, . unus J_>iMi8, idem Christus, eadam spes, eadem lavacri sacramenta. Semel dixeriiu, una ecclesia sunms. Hence tliis book was written before the division in the church* when both con- tending parties still belonged to the same church. Cap. 3 describes how the contr-ovensy sprung up from a peaceful living together, and how the. parties gradually became more and more embittered. Tamen tolerabilius apud nos ad usque proximo : utrique con- suctudini communicabatur. Arbitrio permissa res erat, ut quaeque voluisset aut legi aut proBtituti, sicut et nubere : quod et ipsum neque cogitur, neque prohibetur. Contenta erat Veritas pacisci cum consuetudine, ut tacite sub consuetudinis nomine frueretur se vol ex parte. Sed qaoniam coeperat agnitio proficere, ut per lieentiam utriusque raoris jniiiciuni melioris partis emergeret : statim ille adversarius bonorum multoque iustitutoi-um iipus Buum fecit. Ambiunt virgines hominum, adversus virgines Dei, nuda plane frouto, in temerariam audaciam excitatae, et virgines videntur. — Scandalizamur, iuquiunt, quia alias aliter iucedunt: et malunt scaodalizari quam provocari, etc. Soon after, a complete separation took place, adv. Praxeam, c. 1 : Et nos quidem pustea agnitio pu'acleti, atqoe defensiu disjunxit a Psychicis. CHAP. II.— HERETICS. ^ 59. MONTANISTS IN THE WEST. I95 ged, being heated more and more by controversy {Spiritalium contra PsycJiicos).^ Others also followed him in the same spirit, till at length in the west also separate Montanist church- es were formed.* In the mean time, Montanism had become too deeply rooted in the western church ; and now also the cir- cumstance operated in its favor (comp. p. 143) that its most zealous opponents, as Praxeas' and the Roman presbyter Caius,'^ fell into other serious errors. Thus, though from this time onward, Montanism was rejected in name even in the west- ern church, yet all Montanist elements were by no means ex- pelled from that church." Not only do we find remaining that * Accordingly he admits of a repentance after baptism, de Poenitentia, c. 7, ss. On the contrary, in his treatise de Padicitia, c. 16, he writes : Nemo sedacat seipsnm, i. e., nemo praesumat vitiatim Deo redintegrari denuo posse : — delicta ista — post lavacrum irremissi- bilia, although, in c. 1, he confesses that he had formerly been of another opinion. In lilie manner, he allows of flight under persecution, ad Usorem, i. cap. 3, bat rejects the senti- ment in his lib. de Fuga in per^ecutione. Comp. Hieronymus in Catal. c. 53, de Tertull. Hie cum usque ad mediam aetatem presbyter Ecclesiae permansisset, invidia postea et contumeliis clericorum Homanae Kcclesiae ad Montani dogma delapsus. From the his- torical connection already noticed, it may be seen how this change took place. Comp. J. (t. Hoffmann Tertulliani, quae supersunt, omnia in Montanismo scripta videri. Vitemb. IT.'iS. 4. Moshemii Dissertt. ad. hist. eccl. pertinent, vol. i. p. 54, note. J. A. Noesseltde vera aetate ac doctrina scriptorum quae supersunt d. Sept Tertulliani dissertt. iii. Hal. 175V, 6S. 4 (reprinted in Ejusd. Tres commentationes ad hist. eccl. pertinentes. Halae. 1817, 8, p. 1, ss.). Neander's Antignosticus, Geist des Tertallianus, und Einleitung zu dessen Schriften. Berlin. 1825., 8. * Augustinus, de Haer. c. 86, relates, that in his time the remnant of the Teitullianists in Carthage had returned to the catholic church. Hence the Montanists in Carthafic were named after their leader. But they neither gave themselves this appellation, nor can it be infen-ed from the difference of names, as the Praedestinatus, Haer. 86, does, that the followers of Tertulliau had formed a peculiar sect separated from the other Montanists. ■ See below, 5 60. * A cotemporary of Zephyrinus aecoi'dimr to Eusebins H. E. ii. 25. Fragments of his Jiti/loyof TTpof Hpo/c/lov {lijr «"— i »t>/)^»yG< atpiaeuig vTrcpfiaxouvra, Euseb. vi. 20), are found in Eusebius, fi. 25. i i 2S 3' Cnlup. Photii Bibl. cod. 48. Routh Reliqu. Sacr. vol. ii. p. 1, ss. He attribu;:ed the doctrine of the millennium and the Apocalypse to Cerinthus. ICoseb. iii. 28, comf, lucfce's Eiuleit. in d. Ofi'enb. Job. S. 307. ' It is a. remarkable phenomenon that the Montanists, Perpetua and Felicitas, who were martyred in Carthago in 202, and their Acta composed by a Montanist (see apud Iluinart, and in Miinteri Primordia eccl. Afric. p. 227, ss.), were always highly valued iu the African church. Cf. Augustini Sermo i. in natali Perpetuae et Felicitafis. The Montanist character of the acts is satisfactorily shown by Valesius (Acta SS. Perpet. et Felicit! Paris. 1664. 8, in the preface), Sam Basnage (Annales polit. Eccl. t. ii. p. 224, ss.), and by Th. Ittig (Diss, de haeresiarchis aevi apostol. et apostolico proximi. Lips. 1690. 4to, sect, ii. c. 13, § 28). Even Jos. Aug. Orsi Diss, apolog. pro SS. Perpetuae et Felicitatis ortho- doxia adv. S. Basnagiam. Florent. 1728. 4,'admits the Montanist principles of the author of the Acta. Comp. particularly Act. cap. 1 : Viderint, qui unam virtutem Spiritus uniuB Saucti pro aetatibus judicent temporam: cum majora reputanda sint novitiora quaeque, ut novissimiora secundum exuberationera gratiae in tdtima saeculi spatia decreta. In uovissimis euim diebus, dicit Dominus, eflundam de Spirita meo super omnem carnem, &.C (.loel ii. 28, aud Acts-ii. 17). Itaque et nos, qui sicut prophetias, ita et visiones novas 196 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 193-324. strictness and tendency to lay stress on external rules of piety/' but what is still more striking, even the writings of the Mon- tanist Tertullian (about 220) were always valued very highly, and became the model of succeeding Latin ecclesiastical writers.^' With the rejection of Montanism in Rome was probably con- nected Victor'' s opposition to the Asiatic mode of celebrating easter (seep. 166). ^^ He called upon the bishops of Asia Minor pariter repromissas et agnoscimus et honoramus, &c. Cap. 4. Pastor (Christus) — de casen quod mulgebat dedit mihi quasi buccellam, et ego accepi jnnctis manibus, et manducavi, et aniversi circumstantes dixerunt Amen (cf. § 48, not. 22). The enigma, that those Montan- izing martyrs should have been constantly considered as members of the catholic church, la accounted for by supposing, that although at the time of their death the controversy between the two parties had begun, yet the separation had not taken place. But, undoubtedly, the Montanist spii-it must have been fostered in the church by the high estimation in which such writings were held. ^* For instance, the principle which was maintained in the African church tiU the time of Cyprian (Tertull. de Pudic. c. 12), quod neque idololatriae neque sanguini pax ab Ec- clesiis redditur. See above, note 4, below, § 71. Neander's Antignosticus, S. 262. The Spanish church, which seems to have adopted the African as its model, expressed the same view in its greatest strictness as late as the Concil. lUiberitanum (about the year of our Lord 305). This council ordains, with regard to those who have defiled themselves with such crimes as idolatry, naagic, adultery, incest, placuit nee in fine communionem accipere ^an. 1, 2, C, 7, 8, 10, &c. — The error against which Cyprian, Ep. 63 ad Caecilium, inveighs, quod aliquis existimet, sequendam esse quorundam consuetudinem, si qui in praeteritum in calice Dominico aquam aolam offerendam pataverint, may also have sprung from Montanist asceticism. ^^ Hieron. CataL c. 53 : Numquam Cyprianum absque TertuUiani lectione unum diem praeterisse : ac sibi (notario) crebro dicere, Da magistrum, TertalUanum videlicet sig- nificans. His works, written from 197-211, are, 1. Against unbelievers, Apologeticus adv. gentes {written about 198, Moshemii de aetate apologatici Tert, comm. in his Dissertt. ad hist. eccl. pert. i. 1. Hefele. Tertullian als Apologet. in the Tubingen theol. Cluartalschr. 1838, i. 30), libri ii. ad nationes, de testimonio ariiniae, ad S;.'apulam, adv. Jadaeos. 2. Against heretics, adv, Praxeam, adv. Marcionem Ml b v., adv. Valcntinianos, de Praescrip- tione haereticorum, adv. Hermogenem. 3. Ascetic wrili'.igs. the 'ater of them expressly against the Psychics : ad Martyres, de Spectaculis, de Idololatria, de Oratione, de Baptismo, libb. ii. ad Uxorem — de Corona militis, libb. ii. de Cultu feminarum, de Fuga in persecu- tione, de Patentia, de Virginibus velandis, de Jejuniis, de Pudicitia, caet. Compare the works quoted in note 5. Bahr's christl. romische Theologie, S. 15. Mohler^s Patrologie, S. 701.— Ed. Nic. Rigaltius. Paris. 1641. Rep. Ph. Priorias. Par. 1695. fol. J. S. Semler. Hal. 1770-76, 6 Bde. 8. E. F. Leopold, pp. iv. Lips. 1839-41. 8. 12 Some details relating to this matter are given, perhaps, in the Appendix ad Tertull. de Praescript. haeret. c. 53 : Est praeterea his omnibus etiam Btastus accedens, qui latenter Judaismum vult introducere. Pascha enim dicit non aliter custodiendxmi esse, nisi secundum legem Moysi quartadecima mensis. But this Blastus appeared in Rome (Euseb. v. 15), and Irenaeus wrote to him an k-KiaroTJr} tzEpi Gxlt^fJ-arog (Euseb. v. 20). From Eusebias, it is clear that he did not entirely coincide in sentiment with the Gnos- ticizing Florinus ; he appears to have been an Ultra Montanist. Comp. Pacianus (bishop of Barcelona about 370) Epist. i. ad Sympron. in Gallandii Biblioth. yii. 257 : Phryges plu- rimia nituntur auctoritatibus, nam puto et Graecus Blastus ipsorum est. The Asiatic Montanists have always retained the mode of celebrating easter which he advocates. See Anonymi Orat. vii, in Pascha in Chrysostomi opp. ed. Montfaacou. t. viii. App. p. 276. Schwegler's Montanismus, S. 251. CHAP. II.— HERETICS. $ 60. MONARCHIANS. 197 (about 196) to adopt the custom of the west on this point, and after their refusal, when he had beeYi assured of the assent of the bishops in Palestine, Pontus, Gaul, and Corinth, broke off church communion with them.^^ Several bishops, however, and Irenaeus himself among them, admonished him on account of his too great haste ; ** peace was again restored, and bvtii parties continued undisturbed in the observance of their (Avn custorr..-; till the council of Nice/^ 6 60. MONARCHIANS. Walch's Ketzerhist. i. 537, ii. 3. Martini's Gesch. des Dogma v. d. Gottheit Cliristi in den vier ersten Jahrh. Rostock. Tli. i. 1800. 8. S'. 128, fF. F. Schleiermacher iiber den Geg^ensatz zwischen der SabeUianischen und der Atbanasianischen Vorstellung von der Trinitat {in Scbleiermacher's, De "Wette's, und Liicke's theol. Zeitschrift. Heft 3, Berlin. 1822. S. 295, ff.) [translated into English with notes by Professor Stuart, in the American Biblical Repository for April, 1835.] Neander's K. G. i. ii. 991. L. Lange's Gesch. u. Lehrbegriff d. Unitarier vor der nic. Synode {Beitrage zur altesten Kii'chen- gesch. Bd. 2). Leipzig. 1831. 8. The same author's Lebre d. Unitarier, v. heil. Geiste, in lUgen's Zeitschr, f. bist. Theol. iii. i. 65. Baur's die christl. Lehre v. d. Dreieinigkeit u, Menscbwerdung Gottes, i. 243. G. A. Meier's die Lebre v. d. Trinitat (Hamb. u. Gotha. 1844) i. 74. The doctrine which regarded the divine in Christ as a per- sonality not distinct from the Father, had subsisted without opposition in the second century alongside of the emanation- doctrine,^ since it was capable of being united with it in the confession which alone was important in relation to the faith, i^ Easeb. H. E. v. 23-25. ^* Easeb. v. 24 : 'AAA' ov ■rraat ye roig ^TrtaKOTroig ravr' r^piaKero. uvTiTrapuK'^AH-r-^-r^ ■ d^ra avrC), ril ttjc elpTJvrjg koI ryg Tzpo^ rovg 7r?i7]' ni-foir vihv TTfyofrayopEvofievov, ?/ Ufti-ooueiwr t 7 / ^EOTTjTa tov vlov, riOev- rni; (^i nvTov rfji^ h'^toTifra, Ktii ttjw ovaiav Karil Trefn}(in(pt)i' tv, 1 ■. . ivcav sripav tov rrarpof. .* TertalMaiius adv. Praxean, c. 1: Nam iste primus f»x '.? d lioc genag perversitatis intnlit homo— Duo negotla diaboli Praxeas Romae pro uihvit: propbetiaio expnlit, et liaeresin intulit Paracietum fugavit et patrem crucilixit - -C. 20 : Nam si ut in veteribus niliil aliud tene 't quam : Egodeua et alius praeterme n in-est (Es. xlv. 5) : itain Evangelic responsionem nt,iiii((i fld Pliilippum tuentur : Ego ot pater unom sumus, et : Q.ui me viderit videt et patrem, et: Kgo in patre et pater in me fJoIi. x. 30, xiv. i), 10). His tnbas capi- tulis totum instrunrntum utrlusquc testamcnti volunt ccdere. — C. 3 : Itaque duos et tres jam jaotitant a nobis praedicari, so vero uniun Dei t^iltores praosuraunt. — Monarchiara, inquiuiit, tenemus (c. lOi, vanissimi isti Monarchiani),— C. r>: Duos unum volunt esse, ttt idem pater et iilius habeatur.— C. 2: Itaquo post toftipus pater natus, et pater passus: ipse DeuB, dominas omnipotens, Jesus Christus praedicalar. On the other band, c. 27, aeque in una persona utnimque distinguunt, patrem et tillum, diceutcs filium camem esse, id est bominem, i. e., Jesum : patrem autem spritum, i. e., Deum, i. e., Christum, and c. 29 : Ergo, inquifl, et noa eadem ratione diceutes patrem, qua vos lilium, non blasphema- mus in Dominum Deum : noa enira ex divina sed ex humana substantia mortuum dicimns. Baur {Lehre v. d. Dreieinigkeit, i. 246) and Meier {Lehre v. d. Trinitat, i. 77) are of opinion that Praxeas held the view that God connected himself immediately with tlie flesh, with- out the medium of a rational human soul. But Tertullian, in express terras, explains camem byhominem; and when Praxeas said, filiura caruem esse, he could not possibly declare a l>ody animated by a mere ipvxv to be iilius Dei. — Comp. Neaader's AntignosU' cus, S. 481. CHAP. II.-HEKETICS. $60. MONARCHIANS. 199 notwithstanding the opposition of Tertullian, appears to have been unmolested in Rome on account of his doctrine.^ Bat Theodotus (6 okvtev^) who had come to Rome from Byzantium about the same time, was excluded from church-communion by Victor, when he declared Christ to be a mere man; and his disciples (Theodotus 6 rpanE^cTTjgj Asclepiades, Natalius Confes- sor) continued to exist in Rome for some time separated from the church.^ By means of these Theodotians, however, the Monarchian doctrine generally became so notorious, that Arte- man (Arievias) under bishop Zephyrinus, although he did not agree with the Theodotians, was included in the same class witii them, and attacked in various writings."^ Hence this the- ory was rendered suspicious every where, even in Asia where it took its rise ; and Noetus was excommunicated in Smyrna (about 230) on account of his doctrine, which harmonized with that of Praxeas.^ On the other hand, Origen succeeded in ^ Tei'tuU. adv. Prax. 1. Denique caverat pristinam doctor de emendatione sua: et Tianefc cliirograplmm apud I'sychicos, apud quos tunc gesta res est: exinde silentiura. App. 1. de Pi'aatrar. 53 : Post hos omnea etiam Praxeas quidam haeresia introduxit, quam Victoruius (Victor?) corroborare curavit. Cf. note 7. ^ Comp. tlie extracts from, the anonymous work against Artemon apud Euseb. v. 2fi, wliich designates Theodotus as the TrpCtTov EiTtovra ■^tZoi' avdpuKOV tov XfitaTov. Append. 1. de Praescr. 53: Ex Spiritu quidem Sancto natum, ex virgine, sed hominera solitarium atque nudum, nullo alio prae ceteris nisi sola justitiae auctoritate. Alter post hunc Theodotus (Trapezita) haereticua erupit, qui et ipso introduxit alteram sectam, et ipsum liominem Christum — inferiorem esse quam Melchisedecb, eo quod dictum sit de Christo : Tu es sacerdos in aeternum secundum ordinem Melchisedecb {Hebr. vii. 21). Nam ilium Melchisedech praecipuae gratiae coelestem -esse virtutem : eo, quod agat Cbristus pro hominibus, deprecator et advocatus ipsorum factus, Melchisedech facere pro coelestibns angelis atque virtutibus. {Melcbisedeciani.) According to Theodoret (Haer. fab. cnjnp, 3, 5), even 6 ojiiKpog A.af3vpLv0oc accused them of corrupting the Holy Scriptures. "^ Erom the cTTOvdaufia Kara TTJg ' Apre/iuvog alpiffeog extracts are given in Enseb. v. 2fl, in which Artemon, without a clearer explanation of his doctrine, is compared with Theodotus, But the Artemonites. asserted, 1. c, Tovg fikv TCpOTipovg unavrag Kal avTovg Tovg a7TOTEg, «?,A' biroLov tJXVM'^ ovXkoywiLov eIq t^v rfjg adEorrjTog EvptOy uvarautVy (piXoTTorug uaKovvTEg), and with their preference for Aristotle and Theophrastus. Theodoret (Haer. fab. comp. 2, 5) gives extracts frem the cfiiKpog AajSpvpivdogy wTitten against Theodotus and. Artemon, which some falsely ascribe to Origen. When Nicepliorus (Hist, eccles. iv. 21) looks upon that anoviiadfia of Eusebius as identical with the Kafivpivdog of Theodoret, and when Photius (Cod. 48) makes Caius to be the author of both works they advance nothing bat conjectures. * Theodoret Haer. fab comp. iii. .% names Epigonus and Cleomenes as Noetas's prede- 200 FIRST PERIOD.— BIV. III.— A.D. 193-324. drawing off Beryllus^ bishop of Bostra, from that view, at a council held in that place, in 2-14- a.d.^ Sabellius, presbyter in Ptolcmais (250-260) renewed it in a form still farther de- veloped.'" DionysiuSj bishop of Alexandria, endeavored in vain cessors. His doctriae : 'Eva 'ffiaf kKTZtT^rCmdct irAuvyv, oiofievoc iha jiev ?^£i7roTa^iav uvBpiJTrivTjv ■Tpo£Ai]A.vdEvaL 1 ov vlov t7c Tov narpog irpoaKaipug • avdig 6^ fiETa tt/v 6i6pdcjaLV tuv uvdpuTzLvuv nAyfifi£7i.T]/iuTuv ava/vEAVKOTa kv6vvat te kol ufa/ie/ilxOai tu TraTpL ' •^ He was. a J.)ucenarius, Euseb. vii. 30. We must not here think of the Duceiiarii ■whom Augustus created as the fourth decuria of knights, so called because they must have property to the amount of ducena sestertia (Sueton. Octav. c. 32), but the duceuarii procuratores, olKcers of a higher rank, who had so much yearly revenue, to whom Claudius granted the ornaraenta consularia {Suetcn. Claud, c. 24), and w^ho still continued under Constantine (Cod. Justin, x. 19, 1). ^2 His Iiistory is given in Euseb. vii. 27-30. Here also, cap. 30, is found the historical part of tlie circular letter of the last council of Antioch vrhich w^as held against him. Doctrinal fragments of the same are given in Leontii Byz. contra Nestor, et Eutych, lib. iii. in the Greek crigi'Lal from a Bodleian MS. apud J. G. Ehrlich diss, de eiToribus Pauli Ramos. Lips. 1745. 4, p. 23. Among other original documents put together in the collec- tion of councils (apud Mansi, i. 1033), the Epist. Episcoporura ad Paulum is still the most trustworthy. The others are partly suspicious, partly spurious beyond a doubt; such as the epistle of Dionysius Alex, ad Paulum. — Fragments of Paul himself are found in the Contestatio ad Clerum Constantinop. in the Acts of the council of Ephesns apud Mansi v. 393, ap. Leontius, 1. c. In Gi'eek from a Paris MS. in J. G. Feuerlini diss, de haeresi Pauli Sam. Getting. 1741. 4, p. 10, and in Justiniani Imp. lib. contra Monophysitas in Ang. Maji Nova collect, vii. i. 299 : The texts contain much that agrees word for word, and may be supplemented and improved by each other. Besides fragments of P.aul ^k Tdv Tipbg 'ZajSiavbv (or 'Za^lvov) /loywv from a Clermont MS. in Feuerlini diss. o. 5, more correctly from a Vatican MS. in Ang. Maji Nova coll, vii. i, 68. — The doctrine of -'^aul was, according to Epiphanius Haer. Ixvi. 1 : 'Ev dEu uel ovra tov avrov Aoyov, Kal to Tlvcv^a avTOv, utnrep kv avOpuTvov Kap6i [kTnoTTjfirjv awrrbcTaTov, Epist. Episc. ad Paul) — kXObvTa 6^ rbv Aoyov Kal h'0LK7ilav, ug ijfiElg 7Ti ?.nyog ov xP^^to.^' — 1^<^^ 7^9 ^ "koyog f£El^vgcv, davfiarovpyibv kutu x^P^"^' ''"^ >'"P aTpiTTTC) TTJg yvufiTjg dp-otuOeig t€) ^eip, Kal fieivag KaOapbg afiapriag ^vuOt] avr^, Kal kvjjpyijdTj TTOieladai tt^v tuv BavfiaTDV dvvacTEiav, ef uv filav avrib Kal r^v avr^v Ttpbg Ty 6E2.ijaEL kvipyEiav ix"'^ deixOdg, XvTpuT^g tov ykvovg Kal our^p kxpVf^<^T'-<^^- — "Ayiog nal dtKatog y^yovEV 7jfj.<^v 6 auryp, dyuvi Kal irovc} r^g tov TrpoTcaTopog ijfiuv Kpar^aag uiiaprLag- olg Karopduoag ryv dpET^v, ovv^^dTj Ti^i Jew, filav Kal tjjv ovttjv -rrpbg avTbv (Sov?i7jGt.v Kal EvkpyEtav Taig tuv dyaduv -irpoKOKalg ^(T^7?/c(jf ' yv udtaiperov (pvXd^agt ro uvofia KTiTjpovrat to vttep -ndv ovofia, CTopyTjg iiraOTiov avrC) ^apio^ev. — My davfiuaygt on u.iav fiErd rov 6eqv t^v 6k?i.7iavepovfiEV7}g EvapEOTyctug. — lid KpaTovfXEva rCt Tioyu TTJg tpvoEcog ovk exovglv iTraivov tu 6^ ax^o£i- L?i.iag Kparov- fiEva VTTEpaivETa, fiia Kal ry avry yvufty KpaTOVfieva, did fitdg Kal Tfjg avryg kvepyEiag (3E(3aiovfieva, Kal TTJg kot* kirav^Tjctv ovdkTrore navofikvyg Kiv^oEug. Kad' yv tu deifi cvvatpdElg 6 curyp ov^ettote SixETat fiEptfffibv elg rovg aluvag, fiiav avri^ Kal ryv avri/v cj^fuv QeTiT^aiv Kal kvipyEiav del KLVovfiEVfjv Ty (pavepuaec tuv dya6uv. — J. B. Schwab diss, de Pauli Samos. vita atque doctrina. Herbipoli. 1839. 8. J3aur, i. 293. Neander, i. ii. 1C35. Meier's Lehre v. d. Tiinitat, i. 115. 13 It was established by the council : /zf/ Elvai ofioovaiov Tbv vlov tov Oeov tg) TraTpi, first mentioned in a letter of the Semiariana about 358, allowed by Athanasius de Synod. 43. Hilarius de Synod. 86. Basilius Epist. 52. On the other side, Prudentius Maranus diss. BUT les "Semiariens (in Voigtii bibl. bist. baeresiologicae, t. ii. p. 159), Peuerlini diss. Dei filium patri esse bfioovatov, antiqui ecclesiae doctores in Cone. Ant. utrum negarint. Goetting. 1755. 4. Bollinger's K. G. i. i. 209.— Schleiermacher, 1. c. 387, note, thinks that Sabellius first used that expression. That it certainly occurs in the Sabellian conti'oversy is shown below, § 64, note 8. 1* A remarkable command of Aurelian, Euseb. vii. 30, 9 : Tovrotg VEi^ai tov oikoVj olg av ol Kard ttjv 'IraXiav Kal ttjv 'Pufialuv ttoXcv kmaKOTzot tov Soyfiarog ETxiGreTO-OLev, '5 The most usual names for all those who asserted tov avrbv Elvai Tcaripa Kal vlbv ^ at CHAP. II.— HERETICS. J 61. MANICHAEANS. 203 § 61. MANICHAEANS. Specur. Sdiijices— Ar;;belai (bishop of Cascar about 278). Acta disputationis cam Manete {Hrat in L. A. Zaccagiiii collectaneis monumentor. vet. eccl. Graecae et Lat. Hnmao. ;fi'58. 4 ; tlien in J. A. Fabricii ed. opp. Hippolyti vol. ii. Gallandii bibl. Patr. vol. iii. Hoiith Reliqa. Sacr. vol. iv. p. 119, ss.). — Titi Bostrensis (about 360) libb. iv. contra Manichaeoa (in Hen. Canisii lection, antiquis, ed. Basnage, t. i.). — Angustini Hipponensis conti-a Fortunatura, contra Adamantum, contra Faustum libb. 33, de actis cum Felice Man. libb. 2, and other writings collected in the 8th vol. of the Benedictine edition. Works— Is. de Beausobre Hist. crit. de Manichee et da Manicheisme. Arast. 1734, 3') 2 Bd. 4. J. L. Moshemii comm. de rebus Christian, ante Constantin. M. p. 728, ss. Walcli's Ketzerhist. Th. 1. S. 685, if. J. S. Semler's Einleitung zu Banmgarten's Unter- such. Theologischer Streitigkeiten, Bd. 1. Halle. 176S. 4. 6. 266, ff. K. A. Freih. v. Iteichlin Meldegg die Theologie d. Magiers Manes und ihr Ursprung. Frankf. a. M 182.'>. 8. Manichaeomm indulgentias cum brevi totius Manichaeismi adumbratione c fontibas descripsit A. F. V. de Wegnem. Lips. 1827. 8. Neander's Kirchengesch. i ii. 824 (Corap. my review of the last three works in the theol. Studien u. Kritiken, Bd i. Heft 3. S. 599, IT.). Das manicb. Religionssystem nach den Q,uellen neu untersuclit u. entwickelt von Dr. F. Clir. Baur, Tubingen. 1831. 8. (Comp. Scheckenburger's review in the Theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1833. iii. 875). Since the Syrian Gnosis, which had spread even to Persia,^ presented so many points of union with the doctrine of Zoroas- ter,' it is not surprising that the Persian Gnostics should have been led to connect their Christianity still more closely with the Zend doctrine.'' After the spiritual aspect of the religion of Zo- roaster had declined under the Arsacidae, and become a rude dualism and mere ceremonial worship, the Sassanides (from 227) did every thing in their power to restore its ancient splen- dor. In the assemblies of the Magi a supreme principle was acknowledged (Zeruane akerene) ; and, on the other hand, un- qualified dualism with its adherents [Magusaeans, al thanavia) condemned. These commotions in the bosom of Parsism prob- hytov TTvevfia were, according to Athanas. de Synodis, c. 7, JlarpoTTaauiavol /itv Ttupti 'Pti/iOioif, 2a/3eA/l(avoi di Trap' iiiuv. ^ Fragments of the Greek original are given by Epiphanius (Haer. 65). Kespecting ilieir spuriousness, see Beausobre, i. p. 129, ff. Yet even by Jerome they were regarded as authentic (Catal. c. 72). Of. Fabricii bibl. Graeca ed. Harles, vol. vii. p. 275, ss. ' Comp. $ 39, note 5, $ 46, Sim. de Vries de orig. et progressu Relig. Christ, in vet. Per- sarnm regno, in Barkey Museum Haganum, t. iii. p. 288, ss. 3 Die Theologie Zoroaster's nach dem Zend-Avesta v. A. Holty, in Hlgen's Zeitschv. f Hist. Theol. viii. i. 1. * In opposition to Baur, who in the work already quoted, p. 433, assumes Buddhism as a third element, and with whom even Neander, 1. c. second edition, p. 827, agrees, see the apposite objections of Sclieckenburger in the theolog. Studien u. Kritiken. IS^'?, iii. B90 204 irmsT period.— div. hi.— a.d. 193-324. ably gave rise to the attempt of Manes to unite Christianity with the system of these Magusaeans.^ Eastern and western writers differ from one another not only in the name of this sect-founder (^Mani — Cubricus, Manes, Manichaeus), but also in their accounts of him.^ They agree only in this, that he was hated by the Magi, persecuted by the Persian kings, com- pelled to flee, and lastly, at the command of a king (according to the orientals, Baharam or Bararanes I., from 272—275) bar- barously put to death, as a corrupter of religion, in a fort or cas- tle (according to the oriental writers, Dascarrah, according to the occidental, Arabian). His system of religion rests on the assumption of two ever- lasting kingdoms coexisting and bordering on each other, the kingdom of light and the kingdom of darkness, the former under the dominion of God, the latter under the* demon or Hyle. After the borders had been broken through by a war between the two kingdoms, and the material of light had been mixed with the material of darkness, God caused the world to be form- ed by the living spirit {CUv nvevfia, spiritus vivens) out of this mixed material, in order that by degrees the material of light here captured (anima and Jesus patibilis) might be again sepa- rated and the old boundaries restored. Two exalted natures of light, Christ (whom Mani calls in preference dextra luminis, Tov aidiov (pcorbg viog, &c.) and the Holy Spirit, the former dwelling in the sun and moon (naves), the latter in the air, con- duct this process of bringing back the material of light ; while the demon and the evil spirits, fettered to the stars, endeavor to hinder them. In every man there dwells an evil soul besides the soul of light ;'' and it is his commission to secure to the latter the sway over the former, to unite with it as many as 5 Tliom. Hyde Historia relijionis vett. Persarum et Parthornm et Medorum. Oxon. 170O (new ed. Lond. 1760), 4. p. 280, if. Abbe Foucher on the system of Manes, in J. F. Kleulier's appendix to the Zend-Avesta, Bd. i. Th. 2, S. 186, ff. Silv. de Sacy Memoires ear diverges antiqnites de la Perse. Paris. 1793. 4. p. 52. ' The orientals are given in Herbelot Bibliotheque orientale. Paris. 1697. fol. (new edition, Haag. 1777, 78. 3. T. in 4.) Art. Mani. The western have all bon-owed firom Archelai Act. dispnt. cum Manete. ' An old Persian notion : so says the Persian Araspas in Xenoph. Cyrop. vi. c. 1, $ 21 : Auo yilp 'e ovaa ufia iryadii te iari kol KaKrj, oid' upta KaXuv TC Kai aluxpuv ipyav kpf, Kat Taii-d. ujia PovTitral re Kal ov PovKsrai irpuTTeiv aUa (5)? Aovon Sio tarbv iivxi^t foi orav iiiv ri uyaBri Kpar^, tH KoTiil TtpaTTsrai • orav (Je i] TTOVTjpa, TtX ahxt^^ kizixttpuTau On the later Persians, see Kleuker's Appendix to the Zend-Avesta, Bd. 1, Th. 1, S. 261. CHAP. II.— HERETICS. $ 61. MANICHAEANS. 205 possible of the elements of light, which are scattered in nature, especially in certain plants, and thus to free it from the fetters of the evil principle, and prepare the way for its return to the kingdom of light.^ After men had long been led astray by the demon, by means of false religions (Judaism and Heathenism); Christ descended from the sun to earth in the appearance of a body, to lead them to the worship of the true God, and by his doctrine to help the souls of light in their struggles for liberty. But his instructions were not fully understood even by the apos- tles, and after his death were still more falsified by the Chris- tians.^ Hence he promised a still greater apostle, the irapaKXr}- TOf, who should separate all that was false, and announce the truth in perfection and purity.^* This person appeared in Mani. The Manichaeans accordingly rejected entirely the Old Testa- ment.^^ All that they thought they could make use of in favor s Manes in Epiet. ad fillani Menoch (in Aagastini Op- imperf. lib. iii. c. 172): Sicut animae gignuntur animabus, itaque figraentani corporis a corporis natara digeritur. Q.uod ergo nascitur de came, caro est, et quod de spirita, spiritus est: spiritum autem animam intellige. — (C. 177.) Sive enim bonum geramus, non est camis-^— sive malum geramua, non est animae. Hence the Manichaeans had other definitions of freedom and sin, Fortunatus Disp. ii. cum Augustino, c. 21 : Id est peccatum animae, si post commonitionem Salvatoris nostri et sanam doctrinam ejus a contraria natura et inimica sui stirpe se non segregaverit anima. Secmidinns Epist. ad Augustin, $ 2 : (Anima) camia commixtione ducitur, non propria volantate. At si, cum se ipsum cognoverit, congentiat male, et non se armet contra inimicuin, voluntate sua peccavit. dxiam se iterum pudeat errasse, paratum inveniet mis ericordi arum auctorem. Non enim punitur, quia peccavit, sed quia de peccato non doluit. 8 Contemptuously called TaTiiXalot by Manes in Epist. ad Oddam {in Fabricii Bibl Graeca, vol. v. p. 285). 10 Mani begins his Epistola fundament! {ap. Aagustinum contra epist. Manichaei, c. 5) thus : Manicbaeus Apostolus Jesu Christi providentia Dei patris. Haec sunt salubria verba de perenni et vivo fonte, quae qui audierit et eiadem primum credideritj deinde quae insinuant custodierit, numquam erit morti obnoxius, verum aeterna et gloriosa vita fruetur, caet. — The Manichaean Felix (Augustin. de Act. cum FeUce, i. 9): Paulus in altera epistola dicit: "Ex parte scimus et ex parte propbetamus : cum venerit autem quod perfectum est, abolebuntur ea, quae ex parte dicta sunt." {1 Cor. xiii. 9, 10.) Nos audientes Paulum hoc dicere, venit Manicbaeus cum praedicatione sua et suscepimus eum secundum quod Christns dixit : " Mitto vobia spiritum sanctum." — Et quia venit Manicbaeus, et per suam praedicationem docuit nos initium, medium et finem : docuit nos de fabrica mundi, quare facta est, et unde facta eat, et qui fecerunt : docuit nos, quare dies et quare nox : docuit nos de cursu solis et lunae : quia hoc in Paulo non audivimus, nee in caeterorum Apostolorum scripturis : hoc credimus, quia ipse est Paracletus. Itaque illud iterum dico, quod superius dixi : si audiero in altera scriptura, ubi Paracletus loquitur, de quo voluero interrogare, et docueria me, credo et renuntio. — Without doubt, Manea made a distinction between the Holy Spu*it and the Paraclete, but was misunderstood bv the Catholics (for example Euseb. H. E. 7, 31 : Tor^ fiiv rov IiapdKXT)Tov ml avrb tc ayiov avTog kavTov uvaKijpvTTQv). 11 Baar's Manich. Religionssyatem, S. 358. F. Trechsel iiber den Kanon, die Kritik a Exegose d. Manichaer, Bern. 1832. 8. S. 11. 206 FIRST PEaiOD.— DIV. Ul.— A.D. 193-324. of their doctrine belonging to the canonical and apocryphal writ- ings of the New Testament, was regarded by them as a remnant of the original truth. Whatever was opposed to their views was supposed to be error which had been subsequently mixed up with the truth.'^ Thus, they appealed, where it served their purpose, to the canonical gospels" and the epistles of St. Paul as well as to apocryphal gospels without entirely adopting these writings," but at the same time, without attempting to purge them from error, as Marcion did. Since they found least truth in the history of the apostles written by Luke, they con- •fronted this canonical production with another, under the name of Lucius or Leucius.'* All these writings could not be canon- ical in their estimation, meaning by that term, absolutely authoritative. The works of Mani alone were canonical.'^ Their morality had for its object to procure for the good the '2 Baur, S. 378. Trechsel, S. 27. Fanstus Manich. (ap. Augnstin c Faust, xxxii. 6): Nobis Paracletas, ex novo Testamento promissus, perinde docet, quid accipere ex eodem debeamus, et quid repudiare. " Faustus (ap. Augustin. c. Faust, xxxiii. 3): Nee ab ipso (Christo), haeo (Evangelia) sunt, nee ab ejus apostolis scripta : sed multo post eorum assnmptionem a nescio quibus, et ipsis inter se non concordantibus Semijudaeis per famas opinionesque comperta sunt : qui tamen omuia eadem in apostolorum Domini conferentes nomina, vel eorum, qui secuti apostolos viderentur errores ao mendacia sua secundum eos se scripsisse mentiti sunt. ^* Cyrillas Hieros. Catech. iv. and vi. pronounces the gospel of Thomas to be a Mani- chaean production, and many have followed him ; but the Manicheans may have quoted it for particular sentiments, without entirely adopting it (see Thilo Cod. apocr. N. T. Pro- leg. p. Ixxx.). The gospel of Philip was of Gnostic origin, which document is said to have been used also by the Manichaeans, Trechsel, S. 59. — A catalogue of such writings, which in part at least may have been first used by the later Manichaeans, may be found in Tim- otheus (presb. Coustantinop. about 511) 1. de iis qui ad ecclesiam accednnt, in J. Meursii Vai-ia divina. lugd. Bat. 1619. 4. p. 117. '' Leucii Acta Apostolorum (Augustin. de A-tis c. Felice, ii. 6) : k.1 rCiv ' k.'Koari'Kav iTCiiio&OL (Photius Bibl. cod. 114), written by Leucius Charinns, containing the npafeif Ile-pou, 'luavvoVf 'Avdpeou, Gw/ia, ITavXou. Several of them exist in MS. There have been published ActaS. Thomae Apostoli ed. J. C. Thilo. Lips. 1823. 8. Comp. the Pro- iegoniena to tliis work, p. Ix. Respecting the person of Leucius, the most contradictory accounts are given (Trechsel, S. 61). It is highly probable that he is a mythic collective fur all heretical histories of the apostles, and that the name was modeled after that of Luke. '" Vi^'ko^ Tuv iwoTTipiuv (Syriac in 32 divisions. Fragments apud Titus Bostrensis and Epicbait. Haer. Ixvi. 14), B. tuv Ke^aTialav, to fwv ^ayyeTiWV (Oriental.'Erteng?), 6 dij- aavpbc trj( fu^f (Fragments in Augustin. de Natura honi, 44, de Act. cum Felice, i. 14, and in Evodius de Fide). These four works Manes is said to have appropriated from the remains of Scythianus. Besides these there are several letters of his : Epist. fundamenti (Augustini lib. contra epist. Manichaei, quam vocant fundamenti), Ep. ad filiam Menircb (Fiagments in August. Opus imperfect, lib. iii.). Fragments of the letters ad Zeben ra, ad Scythianum, ad Odan, ad Cndarum in Fabricii Bibl. Graeca, vol. v. p. 284, if. ed. nov. vol. vLli. p. 315, also scattered here and there in Aug. Maji Scriptt. vett. nova coll. vii. i. 17, 69, TO, -27', 304. CHAP, n.— HEH-ETIOS. 5 61. MANICHAEANS. 207 doniinioii over the bad souJ, by a rigid self-denial. It was di- vided into the signaculum oris, sign, manus, and sign, sinus. It imposed on the baptized members (electi, perfect!, TsXswt) sc great privations, that most adherents of the sect remained cate- chumeus (auditores) as long as possible, for the sake of being released froii^ the observanocj of the most stringent laws. The worship of the Manicliaeans wa very simple. They celebrated Sunday by fasting ; the day of Mani's death by a yearly festival Uififia). Baptism, wliicli was administered with oil," and the Lord's Supper bel(ing(jd to the secu-et worship of the electi. Mani himself sent out twelv apostles to propagate his doc- trine, in like manner afterward elec1,i were constantly dispatch- ed for this purpose. Hence the party remained in very clo^e union. At the head of them was one person, to whom 12 ma- gistri immediately, and next the 72 bishops of the churches, were subordinate. Many followers were attracted by the historical form in which Mani endeavored 1o explain so much that is in- comprehensible, '° and by the asceticism of liis adherents. Ac- cordingly, the Manicliaeans spread, soon after the death of their founder, into proconsular Africa, and even further in the Roman dominions, although they were opposed with vehemence, not only by the catholic church, but were also persecuted by heathen em- perors, ^"^ who enacted bloody laws against them as a sect derived from the hostile Persians. -1 Theol. Stadieun. Kritiken, i. iii. 620. Baar, S. 277. '« Augustiiius de Utilitate credendi, c. 1. (0pp. ed. Bened. viii. 34) : Nosti enim, Hon- orate, non aliam ob causam nos in tales homines incidisse, nisi quod se dicebant, tembili auctoritate separata, mira et simplici ratione eos, qui se audire vellent, introducturos ad I>eum, et en'ore omni liberaturos, etc. ^9 Biocletian's edict to Julian, proconsul of Afi-ica, against the Manichaeans, dat. prid. Kal. April. (287 1) Alexandriae, mentioned also by Ambrosiaster ad. iJ Tim. iii. 7, and pre- served in the Lex Dei s. Mosaicamra et Roraauaram Icgum coUatio (best edition by F Blume. Bonnae. 1833. 8) tit. xv. c. 3, and in the Codicis Gregoriani fragmentis (ed. G Haenel. Bonnae. 1837. 4. p. 44) : — De quibus Solertiatua Sereuitati nostrae retulit Mani- chaeis, audivimus eos nuperrime, veluti nova inopinata prodigia, in hnnc mundum de Per- sica, adversaria nobis gente, progressa vel orta esse, et multa facinora ibi committere : populos namque quietos turbare, nee non et civitatibus maxima detrimenta inserere : et verendum est, ne forte, at fieri adsolet, accedenti tempore conentur (per) excecrandas con- snetudines et scaevas leges Persamm innocentioris naturae homines, Romanam gentem modestam atqae tranquillam, et universum orbem nostrum veluti venenis suis malevolis inficere. — Jubemus nanique, auctores quidem at principes una cum abominandis scripturis eorum severiori poenae subjici, ita ut flammeis ignibus exurantur; consentaneos vero et usque adeo conteutiosos capite jtuniri praecipimus, et eonim bona fisco nosb'o vindicari sancimus. Si qui sane etiam honorati, aut cujuslibet dignitatis, vel majoris,*personae ad han: 'nauditam et turpeni atque per omnia infamem sectam, vel ad doctrinam Persarum 208 FIRST PEEIOD.— DrV. m.— A.D. 193-3S* THIRD CHAPTER. THEOLOGY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. I. IN THE EAST. § 62. ALEXANDRIAN SCHOOL. J. G. Michaelis de Scholae Alexandrinae sic dictae catecheticae origine, pro^essa ac praecipuis doctoribus (Symbolae literariae. i. iii. 195. Bremae. 1745). J. F. Hilscher de Schola Alexaiidrina. Lips. 1776. 4. H. E. F. Guerike de Schola, quae Alexandriae floruit, comm. hist, et theol. {Pp. ii. Halis Sax. 1824, 25. 8.) Pars prior: de .externa Scholae Historia. C. F. G. Hasselbach de Schola, quae Alexandriae floruit, catechetica. Part. i. A Stettin School-programm of the year 1826. Neauder's Kirchengesch. i. ii. 909, fF. Redepenning's Origenes, i. 57. In the present period, Christian theology was cultivated espe- ciilly at Alexandria, at that time the seat of aU the sciences, where the catholic teachers, even by their external relations to thfe heathen and Gnostics, were compelled to enter philosophic- ally into the doctrines of Christianity.' Here began to be very soon felt the necessity of an instruction beyond the usual one given to catechumens, as well for the philosophical proselytes as for those who were to become teachers. After many persons thirstuig for knowledge had been in this way collected about some distinguished man, the institution of the Alexandrian cate- chetical school? attached itself to those prior individual efforts se transtalerunt, eorum patrimonia fisco nostro adsociari facies : ipsos quoque foenensibas vel proconeusibus metallis dari. Ut igitur stirpitus amputari malahaec nequitia de saecu- lo beatissimo nostro possit, Devotio tna jussis ac statutis Tranquilhtatis Nostrae maturias, obsecundare (festinet). Explanations of this passage may be found in Bynkeraboek de Relig. peregrina, diss. ii. (Opusc. ii. 207.) Cannegieter ad Fragm. vet. jurisprud. c. 24. ' Origenes ap. Easebiom, vi. 19, 5. ' Euseb. V. 10 (speakingof the timeof Commodus) : 'Hyciro (i^ r^vi/cavra rsyf ruv Trtirruv avToOL (,KaT' 'A^£fdv(Jpetav) iiarpLfiij^ uvyp Kartl Traidelav kv6o^6Tarog, ovo/xa avTu Hdv- Taivos ii upxaiov Idovg didacKa^elov tC>v Upuv Xoyuv Trap* avToLg avveaTUTO^, 6 real e/{ ijfidg TrapaTElvETai, Kal irpoQ tuv iv "koyu koX ry Tvept ril deia c-jrovdy dwaruv avynpo- TuaOai napELkijijiaiitv. This account is given more fully by Jerome, in Catal. 36 ; Pantae- nus, stoicae sectae philosophus, juxta quandam veterem in Alexandria consuetadinem, ubi a Marco Evangelista semper ecclesiastici fuere doctores, tantae pmdentiae et emditionis tam in Scripturis divinis, quam in saeculari literatora fuit, ut in Indiam quoque — ^mittere- o CHAP. III.— CATHOLIC THEOLOGY. I. ^ 62 ALEXANDRIAN SCHOOL 209 shortly before the present period. The height of its prosperity falls under this very time, and its distinguished teachers (^Karri- X7}0E(^v magistri, Hieron. Cat. c. 38), Pantaenus, Clemens AlexandrinuSj Origenes, Heraclas^ Dionysius^^ (^Pierius and Theognostus ?) are the only persons by whom Christian theology was noAV advanced. The Alexandrian school took its peculiar direction from its very first teachers. Pantaenus, a Stoic philosopher, is otherwise unknown; and we can only judge of him by his pupil Tiius Flavins Clemens, The peculiarity of the Alexandrian school is already stamped on the writings of the latter, who was president of the catechetical institution from about 191 till 202, then fled in the persecution raised by Sev- crus, and probably returned to Alexandria (f about 220).** But the characteristics of the school were completely developed and matured by the great Origen (o xaXnivrEpo^, 6 ddaftdvrio^^ the son of the martyr Leonides^ who died in 202. When a youth of eighteen he was a catechist at Alexandria,^ and procured for tur. Names : to ttj^ KariJXVf^^f^C ^tdacKaTiEiov {Euseb. H. E. vi. 3, 1, vi. 26) to Ie()ov i)i6a(jKa?i£tov tuv iepuv fiaOTjf^druv {Sozom. H. E. iii. 15), ecclesiastica scbola (Hieron. '-at. c. 38), schola/far??;^;7?(7£6Jv (ibid. c. 69). ^ This is the order accordiDg to Eusebius and others. On the other hand, Philippi Sid- etae (about 420) frag^n. in Henr. Dodwelli dissertatt. in Irenaeum. Oxon. 1689. 8. p. 490^ BS. : Athenagoras, Pantaenus, Origenes, Heraclas, Dionysins, Clemens, Pierius, Theognos- tus, Serapion, Petrus Martyr, Macarius iroXcTLKdc, Didymas, Rhodon. Even Socrates Hist. eccl. vi. c. 27, finds fault with the Christian history of Philip Sri roiJf ;t;p6vot;f r^f /ctto- pia^ cvyxi^i- * Writings : 7y.6yog TrpoTpeirTtKog irpog '"EXkr^va^ — naLdajDyog 3 books — uTp^fiara or arpufiaTEic libb. viii. (cf. Photii. Cod. ex. 2.6yog, rig 6 au^dfievog fc^ovaiog (c. comment. C. Segaar. Traj, ad Kh. 1816. 8). With others of his writings have been also unfortunately lost the vKorvnoueig in 8 books, in which later orthodoxy found many uuEi3£cg Kai fiv6o)decg Tioyovg (See Photius Cod. 109). The fragments of it have been collected by Potter inhis edition of Clement, vol. ii. p. 1006, ss. A small portion of it, E-emarks on the Catholic epis- tles, has been preserved in a Latin translation under the title of Adumbration es Clem. Alex, (best ed. Potter, 1. c.) ; probably the same of which Cassiodorus de Institut. div. lit. c. 8, says, that he had prepared it ut exclusis quibusdam offendiculis purificata doctiTiia ejus securior possit hauriri. Comp. LiJcke's Comm. iiber die Schriflten Johannis, 2te Auf- lage, iii. 77. Perhaps also the e/c rwv Trpo^jiTiKiJv (prophetic interpretations) £K?ioyaL apud Potter, p. 989, are remains of the Hypotyposes. — Opp. omnia ed. J. Potter. Oxon. 1715, 2 voll. fol. K. Klotz. Lips. 1831-34. 4 veil. 8.— P. Hofstede De Groot Disp. de Clemente Alex. Groningae. 1826. 8. v. Golln's article on Clemens in Ersch and Gruber's Encyclop. Th. 18. S. 4, ff. A. F. Daehne de yvuaei Clementis Alex. Lips. 1831. 8. Bedeutnng des Alex. Clemens f. d. Entstehungd. christl. Theologie, by D. Kling, in the theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1841. iv. 857. Ritter'a Gesch. d. christl.Philos. i. 421, Redepenning's . Origenes, i. 70. [See the article on Clement in Smith's Diet, of Biography and Mythology.] ^ His self mutilation, related by Eusebius, vi, 2, is questioned by Schuitzer (Origenes iiber die Grundlehren, Einleit. S. xxxiii.). On the other side see Engelhardt in the theol. Stud. u". Kritik. for 1838, i. 157, andRedepenning's Origines, i. 202. — According to Porphyry Origen was also a hearer of Ammonius Saccas (Euseb. vi, 19), which appears to be con VOL. I. 14 210 FIRST PERiOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 193-324. himself a great reputation even in other places. But he dis- pleased his bishop, Demetrius^ by being consecrated presbyter at Caesarea (228), went thither in 231, and was then excluded from communion with the church by Demetrius on account of his pe- culiar opinions. The churches in Palestine, Arabia, and Achaia, paid no regard, however, to this excommunication ; and Origen not only continued to fill the office of presbyter in Caesarea, but like- wise gave instruction in the sciences. Besides this, the revision of the corrupted Septuagint Ira e^aTrXd) occupied him for twenty- eight years. During this time he was twice invited to synods which were held in Arabia against heretics ; and both times he succeeded in convincing them of their errors (Beryllus of Bostra, 244 — Arabici, 248). So distinguished a teacher of Christianity could not be overlooked in persecutions. He escaped from Maximin the Thracian by fleeing to his friend Firmilian^ bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, But in the Decian persecu- tion he suffered so much ill usage in Tyre, that he died there some years after (f 254).^ finned by himself in a fragment there given. In opposition to Ritter (Gesch. d. Philos, iv. 576, Gesch. d. christl. PhiJ. i. 467), who denies it, see E,edepenning, i. 230. and L. Kruger- uber das Verhaltniss d. Orig. zu Amm. Sakkas, in Illgen's Zeitscbr. f. hist. Theol. 1843, i. 46. — That in addition to the famous Origen, there was a cotemporary heathen philosopher of the same name is proved, in opposition to many writers, by Redepenning, i. 421, and Kruger, S. 51. ^ On Origen's life, theology, Eind writings, see Pet. Dan. Huetii Origeniana libb. iii., prefixed to his edition of the commentaries, and in de la Rue, vol. iv. App. p. 79, ss. Ceil- lier Histoire des anteurs sacres et eccles. t. ii. p. 584, ss." Origenes, eine Darstellung b. Lebens u. s. Lehre v. C- R. Redepenning. Abth. 1. Bonn. 1841. A development of his doctrine alone in: Origenes, ein Beitrag zur Dogmengeschichte der dritten Jahrbtmdert von G. Thomasius Niimberg. 1837. Writings: 1, exegetical, the model and source foi all succeeding Greek commentators : uijfieLudeig, scholia — rdftoc, commentarii — dfii7uai (On these three kinds of explanatory writings, see Rufinns Invectiv. in Hieronyni. lib. i' in Hieronym. Opp. ed. Martianay, t. iv. P. ii. p. 426. On the homilies, Tzschimeri Opusc academ. p. 206, ss.) Origenes in Sacr. script, commentaria, quaecunqne graece reperiri potuemnt, ed. P. D. Huetius, 2 voU. Kothomagi. 1668, also Paris, 1679, and Coloniu'i (Frankfurt). 1665. fol. Most uftbe expository writings are extant only in the latin tranj- lations of Rufinus and Jerome. 2, narji Kilaov TOfiOi rf (ed. G. Spencer, Cantabrig. 1653. 4). 3, TTfpi u.pxC)v lib. iv. only fragments of the Greek are extant, bat Rafinus's Latin ver- sion is entire (Orig. de Principiis, ed. et annotatione instroxit E. R. Redepenning. Lips. 1836. 8). Origenes uberdie Gruudlehrender Glaubenswissenschaft Wiederherstellangsver such von Dr. K. F. Scbnitzer. Stuttgart. 1835. 8. Cf. Rufini praef. : Interpretando sequor regnlam praedecessorum, et ^jus praecipui viri, cujus snperius fecimus mentionem (Hier onymi), qui cum ultra Ixx. libellos Origenis — transtulisset in Latinum, in quibns- cum ali- quKi'ta offendiculainveniantur in Graeco, itaeliraavit omnia interpretando, atque purgavit, ut nihil in illis, quod a tide nostra discrepit, latinus lector inveniat. Hieron. adv. Rufin. lib- I. ed. Martian, t. iv. P. ii. p. 355. Concerning this translation of Rufinns : Q.num — contu- lissr.m cum (Tracco, illico animadvert], quae Origenes de Patre et Filio et Spiritu Sancto i'Tpie dixerat, et quae romanae aares ferre non poterant, in meliorem partem ab interprcte CHAP. III.— CATHOLIC THEOLOGY. L § 63. ALEXANDBIAN SCHOOL. 211 § 63. (CONTINUATION).— REPRESENTATION OF THE ALEXANDRIAN THEOLOGY, PARTICULARLY THAT OF ORIGEN. Guerike deSchola Alex, catech. (s. notice prefixed to § 62). Pars posterior: de Scholae Alex, catecheticae theologia. Halis. 1825, and the worlis relating to the doctrine of Clement and Origen which have been already quoted, § 62 notes 5 and 6. [Davidson's $acred Hermeueutics. Edinburgh. 1843.] The Alexandrians set a very high value on philosophy, both because it was formerly among the heathen what the law was among the Jews, a preparation for Christianity, and because by it alone a deeper knowledge of Christian doctrine is opened up, (yvioaig^ hence yvGioriKoL, in Origen oof avdpuzov, dta T^f rtJv 6ei(ov ^ntaryfiTj^ (rv/nzXTjpovf^evij, Kard, re tov tpottov Kat rbv Qiov Kol TOV Tidyov (jv(j.<}>uvoc Kat b(j.6Xoyo^ iavry te koI rut deiu ?^6yc}. Ata ravTijg yiip re2,£tovTai y ttlgti^, of teTleIov tov tzkjtov tqvt'Q ftovug yiyvofiivov. P. 865 : *H fiev ovv iTLffTig avvTOftoc kcTiv, Of eItzeXv, tu>v KaTETTEtyovTov jvLiGLQ ' 7j yvdoi^ 6^ uTTodec^ig TUV 6c(i 'Ktareog •Kapei?.Tjftfiivav laxvpa kol (Si/Satog, dia Tijg KvpiaKfjQ didacKaXlac knoiKodo- UOVflEVTJ Ty ■KiOTEi. \\. p. 445 : "LTOlX^LidV yOVV TTJ^ yvC>aEUg TUV TrpOElpTJflEVOV UpETUV (hope, repentance, abstinence, patience, love), (jToixEiudeaTEpav Eivat ov^(ii^7}KE tt/v ma Tiv, ovTCjg uvayKalav tO yvacPTiKij ij'Kapxovtyav, (if ru) KaTu. tov Kofffiov tjov6e (Slovvtl Trpof TO C,yv TO uva-JTVELv. 'Qf 6' uvev tQv TEoadpov gtoixeIuv ovk egtl f^v, oi/S' uvev iriaTEu^ yvuaiv knaKoTiOvQ^aai ■ avvr) roivvv Kprjirlc u?.7}6eiac- Origines c. Celsum lib. vi. (ed. Spencer, p. 284) : 'H dsla Totwv cotjila, iripa ovaa Trjg 7ri(TTE0}g,7rpQT6v egtl tC>v Kokovfiivav XO-picfiaTuv tov 6eov ' koI ^iet' i^KElvrjv devTEpov^ toIc iiKpt^ovv Til TotavTa hTnuTafiEvoig, 7] KaTiovfiirDT] yvuffig ' Kal TpcTov {k-iTEc au^Eadat XPV aai Tovg uirTiovaTEpov^^ irpooLovTa^ KaTu 6vvafj.LV Ty OEoaE^Ela) i) TTiorff, with reference to 1 Cor. xii. 8, 9. De Principiis, i. praef. § 3 : Elad autem scire oportet, quoniam sancti Apostoli fidem Christi praedicantes de quibusdam quidem, quaecunque necessaria crediderant, omnibus — manifestissime tradiderunt, rationem scihcet assertionis eorum relinquentes ab his inqviirendain, qui Spirit- as dona excellentia mererentur : de aliis vero dixenmt quidem, quia sint ; quomodo autem, aut unde sint, silaerunt, profecto ut studiosiores quique ex posteris suis, qui amatores essent sapientiae, exercitium habere possent, in quo ingenii sui fructum osten- derent, hi videlicet qui dignos se et capaces ad recipiendam sapientiam praepararent. Neander's K. G. i. ii. 912, ff. A. F. Daehne de yvoxTEL Clem. Al. Lips. 1831, 8. Rede- penning's Origenes, i. 335. ^ And still earlier, Philo. See Grrossmann de Judaeorum disciplina arcani, p. i. (a Leipzig programme at the Reformation-anniversary, 1833. 4). * Clemens Strom, vi. p. 771 : Tvugtlkt; Trapudotng. — tj yvdatg d^ avTy, tj /carci dtadoxug slg oXlyovg i/c Tibv 'ATrocro/iwv uypu(i)g TrapadodEcua KaTE?i.7f2.v6ev. Idem Hypotyp,. vii. (ap. Euseb. H. E. ii. 1, 2) : 'laKG)l3u rw 6tKaL(j kol 'liodvvy Kal HiTpa fiETa ttjv avaoTaaiv irapiduKE T7]v yvdatv b Kvptog ■ ovToi Tocg Tiotnoig uTroffro^off irapEdoKav, ol 6i Xoiirol andcToXot Toig iPdotiriKOVTa. Origines, c. Gels. vi. p. 279 : 'Ij/ffovf, oTi fiEV kXdXsi tov TOV 6eov Tioyov Tolg fiad7]Talc Kar' Idlav, Kai (lakiGTa kv TaXg dvaxapijaEaiv, EtpijTat ' nva (3' T^v, a iXeyEV, ovk uvayiypaiTTai • ov yiip k(paivETo avTotg ypanTea Uav^g Elvat TavTa TrpoQ Tovg iro2.2.ovg, ov6^ f)?}Tu. * Clem. Strom, i. p. 324 : Td. fiEv iKuv TrapaKiptTrofiat, kKTisyuv kmoTTjfiovac, ^o^ovfiEVoq ypd^ELv, a KoX %iyELv k^vXa^diiTjv. ov tL ttov tpdovuv, ov ydp di/xtg, deJiWf 6t dpa irepl Tuv evTvyxavovTCJv, fi^q ttt} kTEpog aq>aXEiev, Kal iraidl fidxatpavt y ^actv ol irapoip-La- ^o/iEvotf bpiyovTEQ EvpsdufiEv. Origen. c. Cels. i. p. 7 : Li Christianity let there be Ttvh olov fLETa TU i^uTEptKa, iMT) eI^ Tovg Tzollovg (pddvovTa. ^ Thus the doctrine of the termination of future punishment. Respecting his views da CHAP. III.— CATHOLIC THEOLOGY. L § 63. ALEXANDRIAN THEOL. 213 a certain accommodation as necessary, which might venture even to make use of falsehood for the attainment of a good end, yea, which was obliged to do so ;^ and hence they did not scru- ple to acknowledge in many ecclesiastical doctrines such an accommodation.® The Alexandrian theology set out with the most elevated idea of God, and strove to keep far away from it all anthropopathic limitations. In like manner it declared the freedom of the ra- tional being to be inalienable ; and asserted for the purpose of removing from the Deity every idea of groundless caprice, that the external circumstances of all morally free beings can be conditioned only by their moral state. Since, at the same time, this theology assumed that the world was created only on account of rational beings, and conformably to their moral fine vel consummatione, be says, de Princ. i. 6, $ 1 : Quae quideni a nobis etiam cum magno metu et cautela dicuntur^ discutientibus magis et pertractantibus quarn pro certo ac definito statuentibns, etc. < 7 Plato de KepubL iii. bad long before allowed untrutb in certain cases ev ipapfiuKOV elSet as useful. So also Pbilo, who speaks just as the Christian Alexandrians, of a two- fold mode of religions instruction, Q,uod Deus sit immutabilis, p, 302 : 0/ fiEv ovv evfiolpov avTd^7}Tac, Kal kyKa7iy &g duTidat/iovag ttoiovvtl tu 7\.6y(^ iifiuv ■ i}njt7]p avTaafiivo>v, ovaav Kvpiug ovaiav, k. t. 2.. De Princ. i. 2, 6, iv. 28. The Logos is indeed a'K6{>^ota TTJg So^vs "^ov dEOVy.hat not ano^/yota rov 6eov, Coium. in Joh. torn. xiii. 25, see above, note 14. 1^ Origines in Jerem. Horn. ix. 4 : he is airavyaafia do^jjg. To uTravyaafia rijg 66^tjg ovxl dna^ yEyhfVijrai Kal ovxl yEvvdrat ' d^Xa oaov karl to 0cDf tzoltjtik.qv tov aizavyac- ^arof, k-irl roaovTOv yEvvdrat to dnavyaGfia rijc do^ijg tov 6eov. De Princ. i. 2, 4 : Est ita aetema ac sempltema g^eneratio, sicut splendor generator ex lace. ^"^ Orig. de Princ. i. 2, 6 : Filios utique natus ex patre est, vclut qaaedam voluntas eJQs ex mente procedena. Et ideo ego arbitror, quod snfficere debeat voluntas patris ad sub- sistendum hoc qnod vult pater. Yolens enim non alia via ntitar, nisi quae consUio, volun- tatis profertur. Ita ergo et fiUi subsistentia generatur nb eo. Idem in Justiani Epist. ad Mennam (Mansi Collect, concill. ix. p. 525) : Ovrog 6i 6 vlbg Ik 6t?i^fj.aTog tov Trarpof yevvTjdEig. "* So sdready Clement, Redepenning's Origines, i. 109, Origines in Geaesin (ap. Euse- bius conti'a Marcellum, i. c. 4, ap. de la Rue ii. p. 1) : Ov yd,p 6 SEog rrarrjp elvat Tjp^arOj KuAvofiEvog^ 6f ol yEvofiEvot TTaripEC uvdpuTTOt, vTzb TOV fiTj dvvaadai no TrarfpEf elvai. Et yup uei re/lctof 6 Osbg, Kal 'irdpEariv ahru 6vvafii.g tov Traripa avrbv Elvat, Kal Ka2.bv, ai'Tov Eivai irarepa rov tolovtov vlov' ri avaf^aXkETaij Kal kavrbv rov koXov crTjpicKEiy Kal, wf lariv EiTrelVy l^ ov dvvarai naryp Elvat vlov. To avrb fiEVToiyt Kal Trepl rov dyiov TTVEvaarog Xekteov. But according to Methodius ap. Photium Cod. 235, Origen also assprted on like grounds Gvvatdtov elvat r^ — 0C(J to Trai*. Comp. de Princ. i. 2, 2, iv. 28. The fragment of Origen ap. Athanasius de Becretis syn. Nic. c. 27, is very like the last passage : 'OfzoioTTic Tvyx^vuv rov izarpbg (6 vibg) ovk kcriv 6rE ovk tjv. TIote yap 6 dsbc — unavyaa^a ovk eIxe t^q Idiag 66^i]q, iva roXfiTJoag Tig upxvv <5v f^^of vlov npoTEpov OVK bvTog ; KaravoEtTG) yap b roXfiuv Kal Xiyuv "^v ttote ote ovk t)v b vlog," brt kpEl kol TO' coipLa TTOTE OVK 7}v, Koi Xoyog OVK 7]v, Kol ^u^ OVK ^. Orig. Comm. in Joh. p. 33 : To- vlog fiov Et av, eyC) oij^Epov yeyEvvTjKa ue, XiyErat npog avrbv vtzo tov 6eov u uei kan rb OTjfiEpov. — 6 GV/mapEKTEivciv rj dyEvviJT(f} Kal didiG) avrov ^uy — XPOi'Of Wtpa karlv avri^ OTjfiEpov, kv y yEykvvTjrat b vlog. In Jeremiam Horn, ix. (t. iii. p. 181) : Ovxl kyEWT}GEV 6 ■TTa-^o rbv vlbv, koI dnETiVCFEV avrbv 6 Traryp dizb rijg yEvioEug avrov, dAZ' ueI yEvv^ ni'TOV^ So, according to Plotinus, the vovg also hai originated eternally from the One, and tlie expression generation denotes merely alriav Kal rd^tv, Tennemann's Gesch. d. Philos vi. 89. ^3 Every human term to express this production could not be a fit representative, but only an incomplete siinbol. Thus, as far as the Logos was a being like to God, his origination waS a yEVvg,v, so far as he was produced by the will of God, a izqieIv, Kri^Etv. Respecting Clement, see Photius Cod. 109 : rbv vlbv elg KTtfffia Kardyet (namely, in the Hypotyposes). Even Rufinus de Adulterat. libb. Origenis confesses : Interdum invenimus aliqua in libris ejus (Clementis) capituVa, in quibus filium Dei creaturam dicit ; although CHAP.lIl.— CATHOLIC THEOLOGY. 1. ^63. ALEXANDRIAN THEOL. 217 the Holy Ghost was a creature created by the Son, as all other things.^** 4. The human body assumed by the Logos was a real body, but could not have been a common one. According to Clement, it was united immediately with the Logos, and therefore, as is re- quired by the Divine dndOeia of the latter, without ixdOi}?'^ Ori- gen taught expressly a human soul in the person of Christ, with which the Logos united itself directly. ^^ Thus those rrd^?/ were he would fain regard these passages as spurious. Clemens Strom, v. p. 699 : 'H coipia t) npuTonTLarog tu 6eC>. So also Origines Comm. in Joh. tom. i. 22 : Kr/ccf — tfiipvxov co^lav 6 deog. Contra Celsum, v. p. 357, the Son is TzpeaQvTarov ttuvtuv tuv SrifiiovpyTi- udTQv. So also Justinian, 1. c. accuses Origen of calling the Son KTiGfia-, de Pnncip. lib. iv. These expressions were now generally used by others since in Prov. viii. 22 : Ki'jpiOf enTLui fie apxV'^ 66uv avrov was a cardinal passage relating to the Logos. See MQnter's Dogmengesch. i. 445. — The question whether the Son w^as of the divine essence was capable of receiving a twofold answer from the standing-point of Origen. De Princip. iv. 36, according to the translation of Jerome {Epist. ad Avitum) : Intellectualem rationabil- emque naturara sentit Deua et uaigenitas Filius ejus et Spiritus sanctus ; sentiunt angeli et potestates, caeteraeque virtates; sentit interior homo qui ad imaginera et similitudinem Dei conditus est. Ex quo concluditur, Deum et haec quodammodo unius esse substantiae. Fragm. ex libris in Epist. ad Hebr. in the apology of Pamphilus : Christus — secundum similitudinem ejus vaporxs, qui de substantia aliqua corporea procedit, sic etiam ipse ut quidam vapor exoritur de virtute ipsius Dei. — Sic nihilominus et secundam similitudinem corporalis apoirhoeae esse dicitur aporrhoea gloriae Omnipotentis pura qaaedam et sin- cera. Q.uae uti-aeque similitudines manifestissime ostendunt, communionem substantiae esse Filio cum Patre. AjpoiThoea enim 6/ioovatog videtur, i. e., unius substantiae cum illo corpore, ex quo est vel aporrhoea, vel vapor. Selecta in Psalm 135: '0 cuttjp ov Kara UETOVaiaVt uX^ii kgt' oixjiav koTi Oeog. On the other hand de Oratione c. 50 : 'Krepog Kar* ovaiav kol vTroKecfiEVOv kcTLV 6 vlbg tov naTpdg. Comp. Comm. in Joh. tom. ii. x8 The Son was of the divine essence, but did not partake of the divine essence of the li'ather 20 Origines in Johann. i. 3. (de la Rue iv. p. 60) : Ol/iai -yap, on rC) fiev (paoKuvi c jev TOV TO TiVEvfia TO uyiov elvatj koX irpoiepievu to *^ ndvTa 6l' avTov ^yev€ic,'' dfay-iatov irapaSe^aadat, 6tc to ayiov irvevfia Std. tov 2.6yov iyeveTO, liOtuiiv. epov nap' avTo tov Tibyov TvyxdvovTog. — 'Hfielc Tpelg vKOCTTaaetg neidofiEvoi TV}Xo-V£iV, zov rca-tipa, ko.1 tov VIOV, KOl TO UytOV TTVEVfza, Kol dyivVTjTOV /J.7]6iv ETEpOV TOV Tra.OOf ELVat TTCGTtVOVTtCt U' EVGE^ECTepov KOL ak7}dlQ, TTpoGtEfieda TO, TTuvTuv 6ia To\ ''loyov ytvofiEvuv, TO icyiov TZVEVfia TTuvTuv elvai Ti/iLUTspov, KOL Ta^Et itdvrcdv [pernaps Trpwroi^] tui/ wtto tov ivaTpog 6td XpcuTov yeyEVTjfiEVtiv. Kal Tuxa avTTj koTtv * ahta tov {it} hni avTO viov X()Ti(i(tTil^Eiv TOV deov, fiovov TOV (lovoyevQvg <^vgei vlov dpxv^ev ivyx^ivovToc, ov xt-vCf^'i-^ loLKE TO dyiov TTvevfia, 6iaKovovvToc avTOv Ty vKoaTuOEt, ov tiovov Eig to e/j-at, uA/..d Kolao^bv slvai, Kal Xoyiicdv kol SiKatov, k. t. A. De Prin:. :. 3^ 5: Mfii^uv ij dvvafiig rov TcaTpog Trapd tov vlbv Kal to irvEVfia to dytov. ttXeiuv dc 7 tov vlov Trapu to irvEviia r-j aycov, Kal T^dXiv di.a(})Epovaa fidX7<.ov tov dyiov irvEv/iaTog ?y dvvafitg -Jzapu tu d?.7.a dyta. *i Strom, vi. p. 775 : 'Ett; fiiv tov GDT^pog to adf^a ittt'ca' ug au/ia rue dvayKaiag virtjpeffiac eIc dta/iov^v, ycAwf dv eIt}. 'E^ayev ydp ov J,i to r^^a. dvvdfiEt avifexofitvtw uyig.' d%V dg fi^ Tovg cvvovTag aAXwf TTEpl avrov <}>cjvnif vTZEtui/.doi, ucttei, uuOu:i vcTTEpov 6qk7];ciLur 218 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 193-324. 110 stumbling-block to him, since the soul was affected only through them. On the contraiy, in his opinion, the body of Christ, as an appropriate instrument of revelation, was so consti- tuted as, according to the degree of their merit, either to conceal the majesty of the Logos from men, or to allow it to shine through with more or less radiance. ^^ Clement, as well as Origen, deci- dedly opposed the docetic views. ^* 5. The Christian sage (6 yvcooriKog)^ in the way the Alexan- ilrians represent him as a pattern, is said to be elevated above the simple believer, not merely by higher perception, but aho by a higher virtue which is entirely dispassionate.^^ The aim of this virtue is likeness to God,^^ its basis, freedom from aU the restraints of sensuality, ^^ its character the highest disinterested- less.^^ Oeus homo, ilia substantia media esistente, cai utique contra naturam non erat corpus as sum ere. ^^ In Mattli. Comment, series, $ 100: Venit traditio talis ad nos de Jesa, qaoniam noa solum duae formae in eo fuerunt, mia quidem secundam qaam omnes eum videbant, altera autem secundam qnam transiiguratua est coram discipulis sais in moate : — sed etiam tinicuique appai'ebat secundum quod fuerat dignus. Et non milii videtur incredibilis esse traditio haec, sive corporaliter propter ipsum Jesum, ut, alio et alio modo videretor bomini- bus, sive propter ipsam Verbi naturam, quod non similiter cunctis appai'et. Contra Celsum, iv. 16 : Elac yap didipopoi olovel rov Aoyov ^op(pai, Kaddg kKaaru rdv elg ^TTKjrijfiTjv ayo/xivuv (^aivErat 6 Aoyof, avaXoyov ry i^Et rov elffayofiivov, ^ ^tt' oTiLyov irpOKOiTTov- rof, y km tt'Xeiov, k. t. X. My Comm. p. 15. =^* Both have often been accused of holding docetic views even in ancient times. Thus according to Photius Cod. 109, Clement in his Hypotj-poses is said to have taught directly, UTf aapKudf/vat rov Xoyov, uXXd. do^ai. Modem writers, too, have discovered doceticism in the words of Clement, Coh. ad Graec. p. 86 : To avdpuTrov irpoacinelov avdXa^uv kol Gapal avaTzXaudfiEvo^ ro carjjpLov dpaixa rrjc dvOpunoTTjroc ■bneKplvETO. See on the other side my Comm. quoted in note 21. 2* Clem. Strom, vi. p. 775: Kuv yap /leru Xoyov ytvbfieva rd 7rpoEip7}fj.£va {rti doKOVvra dyadd ruv ■jTadTjTLKUv KLVTjftaTuv, olov Odpcrog, ^^Xov, ;{fapai*, hTnBvjiiav) dyaOu ric kKde- XVTai^ d%V ovv ye irrl rov reXEtov ov TzapadEKriov. P. 825 ; *H iTTcraatg r^g Kard rov vofiov 6iKaiu(Jvv7}Q roy yvcjarcKov dEiKvvdLV. — Tic — ^^^ "^V^ uKpdrTjra rye TTforfuf X^P^' (Tuf, ryv yvuuLV avryv — UKpordrjjc hj^oiuc rEv^srac rye KTiypovofilac- 26 Clem. Sti'om. iv. p. 632: Avvarbv, rov yvidariKov fj6y yevEadat 6e6v 'Eyo CiTto, deoi tare kol viol VTpiarov (Psalm cii. 6). vi. p. 816 : Tohg kiTLyvovrag avrov vlovQ dvayopEVEi koX GtovQ. Hence he calls the gnostic QeOEidyg., deoEiKeTiOg^ dEovfievoe, 6eo- TTOiOVfiEVog, kv aaKpl TTEpLTToXtJv dEog (Strom, vii. p. 894), see Potter ad Cohort, ad gentes p. 88, ad Strom, iv. p. 633. Hofstede de Groot de Clem. Alex. p. 78, 86. Hedepenning'a Origenes, i. 171. ^"^ The body is called by Clem. Sti'om. iv. p. 626, rdcpoc, vii. p. 854, SeGfioe aapKLK6g, by Origen, according to Methodius ap. Photium Cod. 234, deff^oe ryg V^x^f, Orig. de Princ. i. 7, 5, see Hofstede de Groot, p. 59, ss. Clem. Strom, iv. p. 5G9 : 'O roivvv rov aufiarog UTTO rye Tpvxyc X^P^^f^^^' ^ '^^P' ^^o^ '^ov (3iov fiEXErufiEVog ru ^iHoc^^^, "KpoOvfiiav Kara- GKEvd^EL yvoitjriKyv. Hence Clement requires of the Gnostic kyKparslav, i. e., striving after UTrddELa, Keilii Opusc. acad. ii. p. 761, ss. Daehne de yvutret Clementis, p. 105. 2** Clem. Sti-om. iv. p. 576 : Aeiv 6' oluai fi^re 6cd v Trap' "EZ-XTjat /ivoTypluv yvovg Tpd-Kov, Taig 'lovdaiKal^ KpofJTjilfE ypa^alg. Cf. Mosheim Comm. de rebus Christ, ante Const. M. p. 629. J. A. Ernesti de Grig, interp. librorum SS. grammaticae auctore (Opusc. philol. et crit. Lugd. Bat. 1764. p. 288, ss.). Kedepenning's Origines, i. 290. [Davidson's Henneneutics, p. 97, ft".] 220 FIRST PERIOD— DIV III.— A.D. ^J? 324. § 6J. CCCNPIXUAT; ON.)— ADHERENTS AND OPPOSERS OF ORIGEN. Origen's peculiar opinions met, even in his lifetime, with as many opponents as friends,' and excited suspicion in many bish- ops.^ He and his disciples, however, succeeded in combating and refuting many sensuous views and expectations which were then current among Christians. Thus some overvalued the importance of the body in the personality of man, so much as to suppose that the soul dies, and is again raised along with it.^ Origen over- threw this error, when it appeared in Arabia} To his most distinguished disciple Dionysius (president of the catechetical school from 233, from 248 bishop in Alexandria, f 265)* be- longs the merit of having victoriously continued in the east the opposition to chiliasm begun by his master. An opportunity for this was furnished to him by an Egyptian bishop, Nepos, who, in the eXeyx°^ 'AXXrjyopiaTiiv, insisted particularly on the literal acceptation of the Apocalypse, and the description of the millennium contained in it. Doubtless the Decian persecution, which soon followed, contributed to procure many advocates to a view which furnished so strong motives to Christian stead- fastness, especially in the province of Arsinoe. But after the persecution, Dionysius succeeded by oral representations and 1 Origines Horn. xxv. in Lucam : Plei-ique dum plus uos dilignnt qaam meremur, haec jactant et loquuntur, sermones nostros doctrmaraque laadantes, quae conscieutia nostra non recipit. Alii vero tractatus nostros calamniantes, ea sentire nos criminantur, quae numquani sensisse nos novimus. Sed neque lii qui plus diligunt, neque illi qui odenint, veritatis regulam tenent, et alii per dilectionem, alii per odium mentiuntur. 2 Euseb. H. E. vi. 36 : Tpu^ei Je /cat ^a(3iavu ru) Kara 'Pufijjv i-TTLGKOTro, i-epocg re 7r2,eiaToc^ upxovatv ekk^tjgluv Trept TTJg nar' avTov dpdodo^la^. Hieron. Ep. 41, ad Pam- mach. et Oceanum : Ipse Origenes in epistola, quam scribit ad Fabiamim Romanae arbis epis'copum, poenitentiam agit cur talia scripserit, et causas temeritatis in Ambrosium refert, quod seci'eto edita in publicum protulerit. 3 So also Tatian (Orat. ad Gr. c. 21). Comp. Daniel's Tatianus, p. 226. * Eusebius, vi. 37 : 'ETieyov, tt/v uvdponruav tpvx'/v t(o; fiiv Ka-h tuv iveaTuTa Kaipbv u/ia ry reTievry ovva^odv^aKsiv Toif ad/iaai KoX crvv6ia, ovk ael 7}V 6 vloq' — akX 7]v ttote OTe ovk tjv. Comp. Martini Gesch. d. Dogma v. d. Gottheit Christi, S. 193. Schleiermacher in his 2eitschrift, iii. 402. Baur's Dreieinigkeit, i. 309. ^ Fragments of his eXeyxog kol aTzo'Aoyia, libb. iv., addressed to the Roman Dionysius, preaei-ved in Athanasius and Basil, are collected by Gallandius, iii. 495, Ronth Reliq. Sacr. iii. 194 {iu the second fragment of the first book, the variation in the text from Eutbym. Zygab. Panoplia apud Gallandius, t. xiv. App. p, 118, is to be compared). Dionysius declares here, lib. i.: Ov yupijv OTe 6 Beog ovk r^v traTTJp. Then he asserts it is a fabrica -ion of his opponents that he ever denied, rbv Hpiarbv bfioovaiov elvat tu deu' ei yap .".al Tb ovofia tovto ^rjfzt fzy EvpijKevai, f/Tjd' aveyvuKevat irov tC>u uyiuv ypa^dv, a\%a ye - it tnx^Lp^p-iTd fioo tol i^^g, a OECiOTZ^Kaoi, rfjg diavolag TavTTjg ovk uizf^dEi. Comp. '} ;3j note 19. Martini, S. 203, ff. ^ Photii Bibl. cod. 106 : in bis Hypotyposes vlbv 6i Xiyuv, KTia/ia avTov dTro(f>alvei, Kac Tc^v 7.oytKCiV uovov tTnoTaTElv. Respecting the origin of the Logos a fragment apud Athanasius de Decretia Syn. Nicaenae, c. 2S : Ovk i^udiv Tig ioTtv ^(pevpEdEtaa i] tov vlov oiiaLa, ov6i Ik fi^ ovruv iireLo^x^V ' dXT^ii ek rfjg tov Trarpbg ovaiag ist, habens legem et salatem de observatione legis ; exercitatio autem in curiositate jonsistit, habens gloriam solam de peritiae studio. Cedat curiositas Udei, cedat gloria saluti. Certe aut non obstrepant, aut quiescant. Adversus rcgulam nihil scii'e omnia scire est. A decided rejection of all secret tradition, ibid. c. 22 : Solent dicere (haeretici), non omnia Apostolos scisec: eadam agitati dimentia, qua rursus convertunt, omnia quidem Apostolos scisse, sed non omnia omnibus tradidisse. In utr que Christum repreliensioni injicientes, qui aat minus instructos, aut parum simplices Apostolos mi^erit, Cf. cap. 2'j ar 1 ae. 225 riRST PERIOD.— DrV. III.— A.D. 193-32». letters which refer for the most part to matters of church gov- ernment and discipline.^ There i« stiU preserved a perfectly orthodox work de Trinitate,^ by his cotemporary Novatian, a lloman presbyter and founder of a sect. Eighty moral precepts in verse by the African Commodianus (about 270) a^e not un- important in the history of morals.' Arnobius, a rhetorician in Sicca, formerly an enemy to Christianity, v^ote (about 303) his Disputationes adv. Gentes libb. vii.' His pupil in rhetoric, L. Caelius Lactantius Firmianus (Cicero Christianus) an Ital- ian by birth, wrote in Nicomedia, during the Diocletian perse- cution, his Institutionum Divinarum libb. vii.° He was after- v.'ard preceptor of Crispus, eldest son of Constantine the Great (t about 330). The tendency of the western church to a stable unity could effect so little in the province of dogmatic theology, that even gnostic doctrines were stiU in many instances tolerated as * Vita et passio Cypriaui per Pontium ejus diaconum scripta, in Ruinart, and prefixed to the editions of Cyprian. Jo. Pearsonii Annales Cj-prianici, prefixed to Fell's edition, Pnidentii Marani vita S. Cj^ir. prefixed to Baluzius's edition. La vie de St. Cyprien (par Jacq. Gei-vaise). Paris. 1717. 4. Th. C. Cyprianus, dai-gestellt von D. F. W. Rettberg. Gottingen. 1831. 8. Babr's christl. romiscbe Tbeologie, S. 50. Mohler's Patrologie, i. 809. — His works : In the year 246 : Lib. ad Donatnm. — 247 : de Idolorum vanitate. — 248 : Tes- timoniorum ad Q.uirinum adv. Judaeos, libb. 3; de Habitu virginum. — 251: de Unitate ecclesiae; de Lapsis. — 252; de Oratione dominica; de Mortalitate; Exbort. ad Martyriura. — 253 : Lib. ad Demetrianum. — 254 : de Opere et Eleemosynis. — 255 : de Bono Patientiae. — 25G : de Zelo et Livore. Besides these 83 letters, 0pp. ed. Nio. Rigaltius. Paris. 1648. fol. Joannes Fell. Oxon. 1682. (Bremae. 1690. Amstel. 1700.) fol. Steph. Balnzius. Paris. 1726. (Venet. 1728.) fol. 0pp. gennina cur. D. J. H. Goldhom. P. ii. Lips. 1838. 39, 8. ' Ed. Ed. Welchmann. Oxon. 1724. (iter. 1723.) 8. Also appended to Rigalt's edition ,if TertuUian. Bahr, S. 47. s Instnictiones, ed. Nic. Rigaltius. Tulli Leuc. 1650, 4. Bibl. PP. Lugd. t. xxvii. p. 12, C. S. SchurEfleisch. Viteberg. 1705. ' Hieron. Cat. 79, in Chronico ad ann. xx. imperii Constantini. His work ed. onm recensione viri celeberrimi (01. Salmasii) et integris omniuin commentariis. Lugd. Bat. 1651. 4 — recogn. Jo. Conr. Orellius, P. ii. Lips. 1816. Additamentum. Lips. 1817. 8. Des Africaners Amob. 7 Biicher wider die Heiden, iibers u. erlautert v. E. A. v. Besnard. Laudshut. 1842. 8. P. K. Meyer de ratione et argnmento apologetici Amobiani. Havniae. 1315. 3. Bahr, S. 66. s Besides this: Epitome div. institt., de opificio Dei, de ira Dei. In a MS. Colbert. Baluzins found Lucii Cecilii hber de Mortibus persecutorum, and first published it iu Jliscellan. torn. ii. p. 1 (1679). He correctly pronounced it the book of Lactantius, which Jerome mentions. Cat. c. 80, as de Persccotione lib., and therefore it has been taken into all the later editions of Lactantius. Against le Nourry (Lucii Cecilii lib. de Mortibus persec. ad MS. denno cmendatus, ace. dissert, de libri auctore. Paris. 1710. 8), who wishes to distinguish this Lucius Cecihas from Lactantius, see particularly N. de Lestocq disqaia. ic the edition of le Bi-un prefixed to tom. ii. p. 48, ss. Opp. ed. J. L. Biinemann. Lips. 1739.8. Jo. Bapt. le Bran et Nic. Lenglet Dufresnoy. Paris. 1748. Tom. ii. 4. 0. F. FritzBche. P. ii. Lips. 1842, 44. 8. Bahr, S. 72. CHAP. IIT.— CATHOLIC THKOLOGY. JI. IN THE WEST. $ fifi, 229 liarmless. Jt is true that Hermog-enes, when he asserted the eternity f»f matter tor; strenuously, found an opponoiH rn 1'er- tnllian f but Arnobiua gave uttevaaoe >r? Platonic and giKistlc opinions rospsctrog tbo auul and evil, without being molested. ;^'' and his dipciple Laciarititis taught a suspicious dualism," with- out being attacked cu account of it. As this indicates a certain theological rudeness in the wesfern theology, so is the same pecullfurlty also exhibited in the sensuous mode of treat- ing the traditional doctrines. Even in definitions of the es- sence of God, the western writers of this period are not able to disen*^an;?;h: th.'.'niselves from the forms of a sensuous concep- tion. They tUtiW^ht of the Deity himself as corporeal, and of the soul as liUtralJ}' Ids breath. ^^ They also firmly maintained ^ Tertnllianus adv Hermogenem. Ritter's Gesch. d. christl. Philos. i. 178. ^° For example, Arnobitis, ii. c. 15 : Niliil est. qnod nos fallat, — quod a novis quibusdatu dicitur vii-is, — animas immortales esse, Deo rerum ac principi gradu proximas dignitatis genitore illo ac patre prolatas, etc. Cap. 62 : Servare animas alius oisi Deus omuipoteDs non potest : nee praeterea quisquam est, qui longaevas facere, perpetuitatis possit et spirit- nm Eubrogare. (Comp. Platonis Timaeus, ed. Bip. p. 325. Jus-tinus, Tatianus, Theophilus, see Miinscher's Dogmengesch. Bd. 2, S. 101, fF.) — Cap. 46, it is called immanis et scelerata persuasio, ut — Deus — aliquid fecerit claudum : and hence it is inferred, ut in sacrilegae crimen impietatis incurrat, quisquis ab eo conceperet hominem esse prognafcam. Cap. 36 : Discite ab eo, qui novit et profeulit in medium, Christo, non esse animas regis maximi filias, HOC ab eo, quemadmodum dicitur, generatas coepisae se nosse ; — sed alterum quempiam fjenitorum his esse, dignitatis et potentiae gradibas satis plurimis ab Iraperatore disjunc- tam, ejus tam,en ex aula et eminentium nobilem sublimitate natalium (doubtless the Logos). Cap. 47 : Non enim, si negemus, muscas, scarabeos, et cimices, nitedulas, cur- culiones, et tineas omnipotentis esse opus regis, sequaciter postolandum a nobis est, ut quis ea fecerit, institueritque dicamus. Possimus enim nulla cum repreheusione nescire, quis et illis originem dederit, et obtinere, non esse Deo a superiore prolata tam supervacua, tarn vana, tam ad nuUas pertinentia rationes, quijiimo aliquando et noxia, et necess arias importantia laesiones. Cf cap. 48, 58, 61, 62. Comp. above, $ 44, notes 4, 5. On the the- ology of Araobius see Meyer de ratione Apol. Amob. p. 278. 1^ Lactaut. Institutt. div. ii. 8 : Deus — antequam ordiretur hoc opus mundi, produxit similem sui spiritum, qai esse virtutibus Dei Patris praeditus. Deinde fecit alterum, in quo indoles divinae atii-pis non permansit. Itaque suapte invidia tanquam veneno infectus est, et ex bono ad malum transcendit, suoque arbitrio, quod illi a Deo liberam datum fuerat, contrarium sibi nomen ascivit. Unde apparet, cunctorum malorum fontem esse livorem. Invidit enim illi antecessori suo, qui Deo Patri perseverando cum probatus, turn etiam earns est. Hunc ergo ex bono per se malum effectum Graeci dtu^oXov appellant, nos criminatorem vocamus, quod crimina, in quae ipse illicit, ad Deum deferat. God divided the dominion of the world with him, so that there fell to his share oocidens, septentrio, tenebrae, frigus, etc., c. 9. H. J.Alt de Dualismo Lactantiano diss. Vratislav 1839. 8. , 1= Tertull. adv. Prax. 7 : Quis enim negavit, deum corpus esse, etsi deus spiritus est? Spiritua enim corpus sui generis in sua effigie. Sed et si invisibilia ilia, quaecunque sunt, habent apud deum et suum corpus et eudm formam, per quae soli deo visibilia sunt: quanto magis quod ex ipsius substantia missum est (namely the ?i6yog), sine substantia non erit? C. 5: Es animal rationale, a rational! scilicet artifice non tantum factus, sed t'tiam ex substantia ipsius animatus. Lactant. de ira Dei, c. 2: Aliter de unica iila 230 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV, III.— A.D. 193-324. the resuiTection of the same bodj, the millenniuni, -which appears here almost in its most sensual form,^^ the condemnation of ail who are not Christians, and the eternity of hell punishments. With regard to tlie Logos, they retained the old emanifetic no- tions, both as to its origin, which was conceived for the most part in a very coarse form, -^^ and also as to its relation to the Father.^-'' rLSJestate sentiunt, quam Veritas habet, qui aut fignram negant habere ullara Demn, aut I uUo affectu commoveri patant (be holds the doctrine of G-od's wrath to be a fundamental imth of religion). In this the Stoics had set the example, who regarded every thing which ^ad efficiency as body. Comp. Tennemann's Gesch. d. Philol. iv. 39, 283. Seneca Epist. 06, 117, quod facit, corpus est. The soul was universally looked upon as corporeal, with ihe exception of Origen. ^^ Commodiani Instruct. 43, 44, 80, ex. gr. Instr. 44 : — De coelo descendet civitas in anastasi prima, — Venturi sunt illi quoque sub Antichristo qui vincunt Robusia martyria, et ipsi toto tempore vivunt, — £t goiierant ipsi per annos mille nubentes. Insti-. 80 :— Digniores, slemmate et general! praeclaro, Nobilesque viri sub Antichristo devicto, Ex praeceplo Dei rursum viventes in aevo Mille quidem jnnis ut serviant Sanctis et Alto, Sub jugo servili, ut portent victualia coUo, Ut iieruiD autein judiceutur regno finito. Comp. Lactant. Institutt. div. vii. c. 14-25. Among other things he says, c. 14 : Tom qui erunt in corporibus vivi, nou morientur, sed per eosdem mille annos infiuitam multitudinem generabunt, et erit soboles eorum sancta et Deo cara. Q.ui autem ab inferis suscitabnntur, ii praeeruQt viventibus velut judices. Gentes vero non estioguentur omnino : sed quaedam relinquentur in victoriam Dei, ut triumpbentur a justis, ac subjugentur perpetuae servituti. ■'* Cf. Lactant. Instit.' divin. iv. 8: Quomodo igitur procreavit? Primum nee sciri a quoquam possunt, nee narrari opera diviua, sed tamen sanctae literae decent, in quibus nautum est, ilium Dei filium esse Dei sermonem, itemque ceteros angelos Dei spiritus esse. Nam seimo est spiritus cum voce aliquid significante prolatus. Sed tamen quoniam spiritus et semio diversis partibus proferontur, siquidem spiritus naribus, ore sermo pro- '.odit; magna inter hunc Dei filium ceterosqae angelos differentia est. Illi enim ex Deo taciti spiritus esierunt, qui non ad doctrinam Dei ti'adendam, sed ad ministerium crea- bantur. llle vero quum sit et ipse spiritus, tamen cum voce ac sono ex Dei ore processit. sJcut verbum, &c. — Merito igitur sermo et verbum Dei dicitur, quia Deus procedentem de ore suo vocalem spiritum, quem non utero sed mente conceperat, inexcogitabili quadam ninjcstatis sua virtute ac potentia, in effigiem, quae proprio sensu ac sapientia vigeat, comprehendit, et alios item spiritus suos in angelos figuravit. 1^ TertuU. adv. Hermogenem, c. 3 : Et pater deus est, et judex deus est: non tamen ideo pater et judex semper, quia deus semper. Nam nee pater potuit esse ante filium, nee judex ante delictum. Fuit autem tempus, cum ei delictum et filius non fuit, quod judicem et qui patrem dominum faceret. Cap. 18 : Ut {Deus sophiam) necessariam sensit ad opera niundi, statim eam condit et generat in semetipso. Adv. Praxean, c. 26 : Nulla res alicujus ipsa est, cijus est. — Et ideo spiritus Deus, et semio Deus. quia ex Deo, non tamen ipse ex quo est. Cluodsi deus, Dei tanquam substantiva res, nou erit ipse Deus lavTodeoc) '• sed hactenus deus, quia ex ipsius Dei substantia, qua et substantiva res est, t^t ut portio aliqua totius. — Patrem et ipse adorat — ignorans et ipse diem et horam idtimam, soli patri notam : disponeus regnum discipulis, quo modo et sibi dispositum dicit a patre, etc. Adv. Marcionem, ii. c. 27: duaecunqae exigitis Deo digna, habebuntur in patre invisibili, incongi-essibili, et placido, et, ut ita dixerim, philosophorum Deo. Q,uaecunque CHAP. IV.— ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. $ 67. 231 A remarkable stage of development as concerns this dogma, is exhibited by Dionysius^ bishop of Rome (259-270) whose education was Grecian, and who unites the Origenist idea of an eternal generation of the Logos with those emanistic notions.*^ FOURTH CHAPTER. ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. ^ 67. Tlie (changes in ecclesiastical life originated especially from certahi ideas, the germs of which appeared in the second cen- tury, though not completely developed till the third. The idea of one catholic church out of which there is no salvation, re- ceived its full development from Cyprian^^ and strove to give autem ut indigna reprehcnditis, deputabuntur in filio, et viso, et audito, et cong^esso, arbitro patris et ministro, etc. Comp. Martini Gescb. d. Dogma v. d. Gottbeit Cbristi in d. vier ersten Jahr. S. 100, ff. Witb Tertullian agree Cyprian {see Martini, S. 248, ff'.), Novatian (1. c. S- 257, if.), Lactantius (I. c. S- 263, ff.}. ^^ Dionysii Rom. Adv. Sabellianos fragmentum {apud Athanasius de Decretia Nicaen. fiyn. c. 26 : also in Constant. Epist. !Rom. Pont. ed. Scboenemann, p. 194, ss. Houtb. Keliqu. Sacr. iii. p. 175, ss.). First of all be rejects roiJj" 6tacpovvTag koI Kararefivovra^ — T7JV [lovafixio-v Etg rpelg dwufiec^ rtvu^ nal fiefiepcafiivac vnoardaetg kol BEoTjjrag rpEiCi and asserts in opposition : 'HvijaOai. yap uvdyKTj rC) 6el) ruv bluv tqv OeIov ?t.6-yov " EfKlnTiOXo^pEiv 6i rtj dtu Kal ivdiatTacOaL 6el to llytov irvEv/ia • '^drj Kal tt^v Beiav rpidSa elg Eva, ugttep eIq Kopvip-^v riva {tqv debv tuv uXuv tov TravTOKpaTopa 2.iycj) avyKE(pa2.aL- ovcdai Ts Kai (JwdyEoOai irdaa dvdyKTj. Tben .be censures rovg TTOiTjfia tov vtov Elvai do^u^ovTac, Koi yeyovevat tov Kvpiov, uairep Iv tl ovtu^ yevonivuv, vo/ic^ovTag. — BXdo-- 7lflOV OVV OV TO TVXOV, fXEytUTOV flEV OVV, X^iPOT^OLTjTOV TpOTTQV TLVCL ?.iy€lV TOV KvpiOV. El yup yiyovEv vlbg, tjv ote ovk tjv " ueI 6^ rjv, el ye ev tl) naTpl eutlv, dg avTog ^Ptjol, Kal el ?i.6yoc aal ao(pia ical dvvafiig 6 XpicToc- — Tavra 6i dwdfieig ovaat tqv Oeov rvyxdv- ovatv ' EL Totvvv yiyovev 6 vtbg, 7]v ote ovk tjv ravTa' tjv dpa Kaipog, OTe x^P'-Q tovtuv 7)V 6 deSg' uTonuTaTOV 6i tovto. Tbe eKpression Kvpiog ektlge fXE upx^v odcJv avTov, Prov, viii. 22, means : kTricTTjue Tolg vtt' cvtov jEyovoaiv Ipyoig, yEyovoat 6e di' avTOv TOV viov. — 'G ^ttljoKtv^vvoi dvdpuTTOtf TTOLTjfia 6 TTpuTOTOKOc TTuffT/f KTiUEug, 6 Ik yacTpog '^po eioo^opov yevv7}Belg {Ps. cix. 3), 6 elttcjv tjg ao T^if d7'.uv TOV Tioyov iyu ydp, ^T/if, Kal 6 rcaTTjp hv kafiev (Job. x. 30)- Kal iyu) kv TO, Tzarpl, Kul b TTaTTip kv kfioL. OvTCj yap dv Kal y deia Tptdg, Kal to uycov Krjpvyiia TTJg fiovapxlag dtaGu^oLTO. Comp. Martini, 1. o. S. 227, ff. Baur's Lebre v. d. Dreieinigkeit, i. 311. ' Tbere are certainly found, even in tbe older fatbers, strong passages to tbe effect tbat 232 FIRST PERIOD.— DrV. III.— A.D. 193-3H. itself an outward expression in the unity of every tiling belong, ing to the church. Since religious faith was made interohang- able with the intelligent expression of it in doctrine, men began also to consider the unity of the latter as necessary to the unity of the church, and to limit freedom of inquiry more and more. How an endeavor was made to carry out an agreement in regard to ecclesiastical usages, with this very view, may be seen from Victor's conduct respecting the celebration of Easter in Asia (§ 59) ; and after his example, the constant effort to bring about uniformity, even in external usages, is obvious, particularly in the western church. The idea of this unity naturally led still farther, to a closer external union among the separate churches ; and since the bishops, as successors of the i^Dostles, were looked upon as the center of ecclesiastical unity, +hat connection was effected by their more intimate attachment to one another ; and the episcopal dignity obtained not a little rlevation in consequence. Another idea which exerted much influence on ecclesiastical life was this, that the constitution of the Christian church was a nobler copy of the Jewish temple- worship, and therefore, that the Mosaic laws relative to public worship, particularly the priesthood, were still valid in the church (§ 53). No less fruitful in alterations in the worship of God was finally the idea of a disdplina arcani"^ which began to be current toward the conclusion of the second century. After the Ciiristiars had always been compelled to keep their worsliip salrutidn is to bo round only in the catholic church. Even Origen Horn, iii.in Josunm, ^ 5, savs : Nemo scmetipsum decipiat : extra banc domum, i. e., cxti'a ecclesiam nemo ."^alva tur. Nam si qais foras exierit, mortis suae ipse iit rtus. 9«e Rothe die Anfange der qliristl. Kirdie, i. 578. He expresses himself elsewhere, ho-wever, more mildly, .just as Clement of Alexandria. See Rothe, i. 624. Thus, while he does not allow to the virtuous heathen and the Jews vitam aeternam or regnum coelorum, which can be obtained only through faith in Christ, he yet asserts, Comm. in Ep. ad Rom. ii. 7 : Tanieu gloria operum ejus et pax ct honor poterit nou perire. On the other hand Cyprianus de Unitate ecclesiae : Quisquis ab ecclesia segregatus adulterae jungitur, a promissis ecclesiae separatur. Nee perveniet ad Christ! praemia, qui relinquit ecclesiam Christi. Alienus est, profanus est, l^.ostis est. Habere jam non potest Deum patrera, qui ecclesiam non babet matrem. Si potuit evailere quisquam, qui extra arcam Noc fuit, ct qni extra ecclesiam foris, fuerit, evadet. — Tales etiamsi occisi in confessione nominis fuerint, macula ista nee sanguine abluitur. — Ksse martyr non potest, qui in ecclesia non est. Occidi talis potest, coronan non potest, etc. H. E. Bchmieder on Cyprian's treatise respecting the unity of the church in Staudlin's and Tzschirners Arcliiv. f. Kircbengesch. v. ii. 417. Rettberg's Cyprianus, S. 297, |J48, 355. Rothe, i. 635. Cyprian's Lehre, v. d. Kircho von J. G. Huther. Hamb. u. Gotha. 1839. 8. ' This appellation of the Christian mysteries is new, and appears to have been first IS d by G. Th. Meier de Recondita veteris ecclesiae theologia. Helmst. 1679. 4. CHAP. IV.— ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. $ 68. ;e33 private, through fear of persecution and profanation ; they now began to find a reason for this secrecy in the nature of their holy transactions, by virtue of v^hich they must be kept secret as mysteries from all unbaptized persons (TeAerat, Orig. c. Cels. iii. p. 147),^ an idea which arose out of, and was fostered by the preference for mysteries exhibited at this period, and the example of the heathen mysteries (see § 37). The so-called apostolic constitutions'^ may be considered, after deducting later 5 TertulL de Praescr. haeret c. 41 : Non omittam ipsias etiam conversationis haereticae de scrip tionem, quam futilis, quam terrena, quam humana sit, sine gravitate, sine auctori- tate, sine discipUna, at fidei suae congruens. In primis, quis catechumenas quis fidelis, in- certum est: pariter adeunt, pariterorant, etiam ethnici, si supervenerint: sanctum canibus, et porcis marsari,ta3, licet non verae jactabont. Cf. Apologet. c. 7. But this secrecy was still limited to the non-admission of the unbaptized to holy ordinances. The fathers of the third century speak without reserve as yet of these transactions, as of all the doctrines of Christianity, and TertuUian even reproaches the Valentihians in the following- language, adv. Val. 1 : Nihil magis curant quam occultare, quod praedicant. It was not till the fourth century when this mysterious tendency became general, that even the positive doc- trines of Christianity berau to be treated as mysteries. Catholic writers have been inclined to explain the non-appearance of their pecaliar institutions and dogmas in antiquity hy tba aid of this disciplina arcari. This is done particularly by Em. a Schelstrate (le Biflciplina arcaiii. Rom. 1685. 4. Of late worlis see Th. Lienbart de Antiquis liturgiis et de Diacipl. arcani. Argentor. 1829. J. A. TokJot de Arcani disciplina, quae antiqua in eccJesia fait in nsn. Colon. 1836. 8. Comp. on the other side, G. E. Tentzel Diss, de iHsciplina arcani in his Exercitt. select Lips. 1692. 4. G. C. L. Th. Frommann de Disciplina arcani, quae in vetere Ecclesia christ. obtinuisse fertur. Jenae. 1833. 8. R. Rothe do Disciplinae arcani, quae dicitnr, in Eccl. christ. engine. Heidelberg. 1841. 4. Beaides this disciplina arcani excluded only the unbaptized, and is, therefore, of a different natare from that disciplina agreeably to which, Clement of Alexandria and Origen wished to withhold their gnosis even from Christians. ($ 63, note 4, ft") * The Apostolic Constitutions and Canons (the best edition of them is in Cotelerii Pati-. apostolicis, vol. i.) are records of the ecclesiastical customs regarded as apostolic, in the form of apostolic prescriptions (cf. Hieron. Epist. 52 ad Luciuium ; Unaquaeque provincia abundet in sensa luo, et praecepta majorum leges apostolicas arbitretur. Augustin. conti'a Donatist. iv. 24 : duod univcrsa tenet ecclesia, necconciliis institutum, sed semper retentum est, id nonnisi apostolica auctoritate traditum certissime credatur). The apostolic coDstitutions, diaTu^etc ruv 'ATroordAwv, consist of eight books, and probably belong to Syria. The first six hooka presentinginstructions embracing the entire range of Christian iife, were written toward the end of the third centoy, and ore probably the books which KuscbiuB, H. E. iii. c. 25, quoted as 6t6ax(il rijv 'ATTOcrroAwv, Athanasius in Ep. festali; and in Synopsi sacrae Script, as diSaxv tuv 'ATroaroAwv. The seventh book is an inde pendent shorter manual of tlio samo kind. Hence it generally treats of the same subjects as the first six books, and probably belongs to the beginning of the fourth century. The eighth book refers solely to the holy transactions {tcl fivanKd), contains agenda in addition to tho appropriate canonical prescriptions, and was put together in the middle of the fourth century as a pontifical book for the use of the clergy. This book had the title diarafetf, which, after the work had been soon after put along with the other books, was transferred to the whole. Epiphanius often quotes it as (Jtarafetf or diuTa^tc rutv 'Atto OTo'kuv. After Epiphanius there must, however, have been some interpolations, the Tiost important of which are those by which the prescriptions respecting the festival of Christ's birth (v. 13), and the easter festival (v. 17, cf. Epiphan. Haer. xxx. 10), have been altered agreeably to the later form of observance. Krabbe assumes that after Epiphanius 254 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. ni.— A.D. 193-324. interpolations, as an evidence of the constitution of the church at the present time. The apostolic canons belong to the fifth and sixth centuries.^ § 68. HISTORY OF THE HIER'ARCHY. After the number of the Christians had greatly increased in the country, separate churches in the country were now fre- quently formed which attached themselves either to the district (jTapotKta) of the nearest town-bishop, and received irom him a presbyter or deacon;^ or chose their own bishops (ji^wpeTTiaKOTroi) who, however, soon came, in part, to be in a certain state of dependence on the nearest town-bishop.^ The power of the many interpolations were made, even doctrinal ones, favorable to tbe Ariana and the Mace- donians, and that the eighth book was first appended after the time of that father; but in opposition to his opinion see Drey, p. 154, 177. Comp. Dr. O. Krabbe uber den Ursprong u. den Inhalt d. apost. Constitution en des Clemens Romanus. Hamburg. 1829 ; especially Dr. J. S. V. Drey's neue Untersuchungen uber die Constitutionen und Kanones d. Apost. Tubingen. 1832. 8. According to Baur (viber den XJrsprung des Episcopats, S. 125, if. 131, fF.), the constitutions are of Ebionitish origin and anti-Pauline tendency, and originated in Rome (p. 134.) ^ Canones Apostolorum, Kavoveg kKKXriGiaanKol ruv uyiuv 'AtcogtoXuv among the Greeks 85, among the Latins 50. Eveiy ecclesiastical fundamental law, whether recorded or not, was at first called Kavuv ilTzocTToXLKog {Alexander Ep. Alex., about 318, in Theo- doret. H. E . i. 3), Kavuv {Cone. Nicaeni Can. 5, 9), Kavuv kKKTiTjaiaartKO^ {ibid. Can. 2, 10) : in this sense the expression ol LizoaroXiKol Kavoveg was also used at the Council of Con- stantinople, ann. 394, 'vyithout, however, supposing that our present collection is meant. (Drey, p. 396.) The first fifty canons were gathered soon after the middle of the fifth century, under the name of Clement (who, known as tbe organ of tbe apostles, by means of the Clementines and Recognitions (§ 58), appeared the most suitable person for this purpose), from the apostolic constitutions, and from the canons of several synods of the fourth century {in particular the Synod of Antioch, 341). Dionysius Exiguus translated them, and the Latin church holds fast by them alone. But after the commencement of the sixth century, 35 were added among the Greeks, the canons were appended to the consti' tutions, and the name of Clement transferred to these also. Drey, p. 203, ff*. M. E. Regen- brecht de Canonibus Apostolorum et oodioe Ecclesiae Hispanae diss. Vratislav, 1828. 5. O. Krabbe Diss, de codice Canonum qui Apostolorum nomine circumfemntur. Getting. 182-. 4. - Ti.u mention is made by Dionys. Alex. ap. Euseb. H. E. vii. 24, 4, of Tzpea^vTc^'iV^ kjX dtdoPK -Aovc tuv kv ralg Kufiatg u(SeX0(jv." by tbe Cone. Illiberitanum, ann. 305, can. 77, of lrtftcon:m regentem plebem sine Episcopo et Presbytero : Cone. Neocaesax ann. 315, can. 13. oi kiTLxoplov^ irpEo^vripovg. 2 Thus they are called in the Epist. Syn. Anlioch. ann. 270, apud. Euseb. H. E vi. 30, 6, ^TTiCTK^TTOuf Tuv ofiopov dypcjv. In the Cone. Ancyranum, ann. 315, can. 13 ■ Xaoe^i- cftcQ-KiLc fiT) ^^Etvai, irpec^VTEpovg ij diaKovQv^ _;t;efporoveiv. Cf. Bingham, - p i:-2, ss. CHAP. IV.— ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. I) 68. HIERARCHY. 235 bishops was enlarged, not only by tliis enlargement of tlieii districts, but also by an institution which now arose, in conse- quence of which the bishops came into a closer and more reg- ular union among themselves. We allude to Frovincial Syn- ods, which were always becoming more frequent since the end of the second century, and were held in several provinces once or twice in the year.' As they were for the most part con- vened in the principal city of the province, under the pres idency of the bishop of that city ; and since the latter was, as it were, the medium in relation to the other smaller bishops, by which alone they stood in connection with the rest of the church, the bishops of the principal cities (^iiij-ponoXirTj^, Metro- politanus)' came gradually to obtain a kind of superintendence over, the Other bishops of their province (^sirapxia) . As yet, how- ever, this metropolitan constitution was general only in the east. In the west, it is true, Rome was elevated to be the ecclesiastical Plar.ck i GesellscUaftsverf. i. S. 73, ff. In Africa, where the country bishops were par- ticularly numerous, they were not at all distinguished from others, not even by a peculiar name. Cf St. A. Morcelli Africa Christiana {Partes iii. Brixiae. 1816. 4). P. I. p. 43. ' Firmiliani Epist. ad Cyprian, (in Epist. Cyprian. 75) : Qua ex causa necessario apud nos fit, ut per singulos annos seniores et praepositi in unum conveniamus ad disponenda ea, quae curae nostrae commissa sunt, ut si qua graviora sunt communi consilio dirigantur. What had hitbeito been usual only in some provinces, was made a universal regulation by the Council of Nice, Can. 5 : KaAwf ix^^^ Idofev, iKaarov ^vcavTOv Kad' kKuGTTjv i-jrapxlav dig Tov irovg trvvodovg ylvEodac. On the origin of Synods see above, § 53, note 6. The regular provincial Synods had, in most of the provinces, their natural type in the KOivvv, Commune, i. e., the union of the civitates of the provinces which met from time to time, by deputies, in the metropolis, and gave advice in common matters. So we find frequently on coins Koivov 'Aaiag, K. 'BEi6wiag, etc., see Eckhel Doctrina numorum vett. t. iv. p. 428, Bs. Such assembltos weTe also called concilium, provinciale conciliunl, see Cod. Theodos. lib. sii. tit. 12, aad Gothofrodi paratitlon prefixed to this title. Dirksen's civilistische Abhandl. BiJ. 2, S. IB. Anil vice versa the ecclesiastical provincial synod is called. Can. Nic. 5, rd KOIVOV ruv 'EjriaKoiruv. * The principio wWcb gradually arose by custom was afterward expressed in the Cone. Antioohcal (341) cog. 9 : Toif Kad' {KaaTT/v inapxi-av i-Kimo^ovi tidivai xpVj tov iv Ty ii7iTporrd?,eC rrpoicTura cVicKOTZov koI ttjv ibpovrUa uvadixca6m nitrrii; r^f iTrapxia;, f!tu TO iv Tp /tiirpoTr6?.(i ■^avrax^lhi/ mvTnix^^v Travrag rorc vpityuara txovrac. "Odcv ido^E Kol ry Ti^L^ TzpoifyElaOat avrov, ^j/icv re -xpaTretv ruftiTTov rove ^otmjit^ iniaJiOTrovf; avEV avTOv, KaTii Tov &px(iLov KpaTTjaavTa Tarf rzariptjv it/iCiv Kavova y TavTU fibva daa Ty EKuGTov iini^6X\€i 'KapoiK.i^i, Kal Talc viz' avrfiv ;^'wpotf • eKatjrov y&p incaKoirov i^ovaiav Ixfiv t^; iavroi naooiKlacoioiKEiv re Kara rr/v iadcTu ijnfliTiXovaav eiXuficiai , Kal ■Kpovoiav vouXaBai tr&atis r^f x'^P'^i tt/c iirb Trjv havrov tt62.iv, (jf Kal xEiporoveiv TrpeafivTipovg Kal diaKSvovc, Kal usTd. KotGSug eKaoTa diaXap.3dvEtv • TTEpanipu di fijji)lv irpuTTEtv iizLXEipElv Cixa roC rijg /jttjTpOTr6}kto^ iTrtOKOTrxw, fi^^& avTov avsv r^g tuv AoiTTWv yvu/iTjg. Bacchinii libb. iii. de Origine hierarchiae eccleslasticae. Mjitinac. 1704. 4. A history of the metropolitan constitution in W. C. S. Zieglei's pragmat. GescJiichte der kirchl. Verfassungsformen in den ersten 6 Jahrb. der Kirche. Leipzig. 1798, S. 61-164. 236 FIRST PEllIOa.— rrV. Iir.— A.D. 193-324. metropolis of a great part of Italy ; and livi'.n in Africa a some, what similar, tiiough peculiar, provincial constitution had been adopted ; ' but in the remaining parts of the west, i!in Christians nad not yet reached such hierarchical association?, on account of the small number of Christian churches. ° By Ihis establishment of large ecclesiastical bodies, the entire organization of the church became more compact and united. Through the medium of the metropolitans the testimonials and papers of the separate churches ^ were better attested and more safely forwarded ; accounts of all ijuportant ecclesiastical events and resolutions were more expeditiotwiy and generally circulated; and thus each community was always acquainted with the state of the whole church. The bishops of the three great cities of the Roman empire, Rome, Alexandria, and Anlioch, had, at the same time, the .argest provlncee. flence they wore regarded as the principal bishops of Clirisiondom ; and their assent in all general affairs was looked upon as of special importance. Still, however, at this time, great stress was laid on tic fact that all bishops were perfectly aliko in digcity and power ; and that each in his own diocese was answerable only to Czod for his conduct. ° They 5 Every African proviuce had a primate at tbe head of it, who, in Mauritania and Numidia was usually the oldest bishop (not always the oldest, see Hiillmaim's Ursprunge d. Kirchenverfassung des Mittelalters, Bonn. 1831, p. 101), (hence senes see Binfham, vol. i. p. 214, HiiUmaun, p. 106), and in proconsular Africa was the bishop of Carthage. This last was at the same time the head of all the provinces, and could summon general councils. Cf. Cypriani Epist. 45 : Latins fusa est nostra provincial habet enim Nnmidiam et Mauritaniam sibi cohaerentes. Ziegler in Henke's Neuem Magazin, i. 172, fF. Miinteri Primordia Eccl. Afr. p. 43, ss. This regulation was copied from the political one, because all these provinces were under the proconsul in Carthage, under whom the two Mauritanias were managed by procuratoi's. See Mannert's Geogi'aphie d. Griechen u. E,omer, s. ii. 233, 391. 6 Comp. the Ballerini Observatt. ad Ciuesnelli diss. v. p. ii. in their edition of tbe 0pp. Leonis, torn. ii. p. 1030, ss. Ziegler's Gesch. der kirchl. Verfassungsformen, S. 79, ff. ' Literae communicatoriae appear first in the Concil. Illiberit. can. 58, but their use is certainly much older. The KavoviKU jpufi/iaTci (uf Kara aavova yivd^Eva^ Zonaras ad Can. Laodic. 22), literae formatae (cf. formalis epistola, Sueton. in Domit. c. 13, cf. Beveregius ad Can. Apost. 12), which served as testimonials for individuals, were partly t'jziaTo'^aL cvaraTtKai, partly elprjvcKai (literae pacis), partly uiroTiVTLfiai (literae dimis- soriae) . There were besides iTnGToT^ai KOivuvinai (literae communicatoriae), (afterward ivBpoviariKai), imaToTtal avvodiKal, iyKVK^ioi (literae circulares), etc. F . B . Ferrarii de Antiqno epistolarum ecclesiasticarum genere libb. iii. Mediol. 1613, (ed. G. Th. Meier. Hehnst. 1678. 4.) Ph. Priorii de Literis canonicis diss. Paris. 1675. 8. J. E-. Kiesling de Stabili primitivae ecclesiae ope literarum communicatoriarum connubio. Lips. 1745. 4, ^ Cyprian, de Unitate ecclesiae : Guam unitatem firmiter tenere.et vindicare debemus, maxinie episcopi, qui in ecclesiae praesidemus, ut Episcopatnm quoque ipsum unum atque CHAP. IV.— ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. 568. HIERARCHY. 237 could the less believe in the superior authority of the Romish bishop, because the idea of his being Peter's successor just be- gan to be developed;^ and besides, no higher power "was attrib- uted to Peter than to the other apostles. "* In the west, indeed, iudivisura probemus. — Episcopatus unus est, cujus asiu^uUs in aolidam para tenetur. Ej. Epist. 52: Episcopatus unus episcoporum multonira concordi numerositate difFusus. Ej. Allocutio in Cone. Cartbag. (in tbe year 256 : Superest, ut de hac ipsa re quid siugulJ sentiamus, proferamus, neminem judicantes, aut a jure communionia aliquem, si diversuni senserit, amoventes. Neque enim quisqnam nostrum episcopum se esse episcopoi*uni constituit, aut tyrannico terrore ad obsequendi necessitatem. collegas suos adigit, quajido habeat omnia Episcopua pro licentia libertatis et potcstatis suae arbitrium proprium, tanquam judicari ab alio non possit, cura nee ipse possit alteram judicare. Sed expectemas aniversi judicium domini nostri Jeau Christi, qui anus et solus babet potestatem et prae- ponendi to3 in ecclesiae suae gubematione, et de acta nostro judicandi. Com p. his letters to two Roman bisbops, ad Cornelium (Ep. 55, see below, note 11), ad Stephanum (Kp. 72) ; Caeterum scimas, quosdam qnod semel imbiberint nolle deponere, nee propoaitnm Buum faeile mutare, aed salvo inter collegas pacis et concordiae vinculo qaaedam propria, quae apud se semel sint usurpata, retinere. Qua in re nee nos vim cuiquam facimns aut legem damns, quando habeat in eeclesiae adminlsferatione voluntatis auae arbitrium Jiberum onuaquisque praepositus, rationem actus sxi'i Domino redditaraa. * The fiction of Peter being first biahop of Rome proceeded from the CJementines 1^ ">^, note 9), and was propagated in the Catholic Church by the Recognitions. Cyprian is the first who designates the IloB»if»h '^air the locum Petri (Ep. 52 ad Antonianum) and Petri cathedram ; but at tlio ssuiie time ho Mkrj fill bishops to l^r) snccoBBorfl cf Peter fsee note 10). Thus he was of tfie aaino opinion as Ensobius, RaHnua. and Kpipbeurhis (§ 27, note 6), that Peter during his stay at Rome, had thu aupveme direction of tlie church there, without having beea connected with it as biahop. In Rome Itsoh" however, many went farther, as may be flOi*n I'rora Firmiliani Ep. ad Cypriannm (TCp. Cypr. 7;>( : Ste[>liafnis qu" sic de Episcopatus art! loco gifuiatur. et se saccessionem Petri teiicro coiitomlit. 1" Comp. Clemens. Aicx. Rbove. ^ 26, note 4. Origciii.'3 adMattb.xvi. 18 (Comment, in Matth. t. xii. $ 10) : [f&Tptt ydf) Truf 6 XfHcrov fiu$Tjr^^ — Kal ekI Trnanu ryv rniavTTin TTtrpav oUoth^fLLTaL 6 tKh'/.titnaartKor -nuq Aoyo^, Kal tj Kar' avruv TTo/.neia. ^ l\ : Kl M £7rl Tov eva EKtlvov Wtrpov vo/ii^ei^ vtto tou 6eou olKodofiElodai rijv i^umiv EKK^.tjtJiav uovov, TL av (p7/(Taig TTtpi 'loxivvov TOU rfiq (ipovTtj^ vlov, 7/ ^KUGTQv ~Civ 'A7ro{7rfi/*.wi' ; 'A^/lwf re apa To7i/J7/CTuu£v Aiystv, on Utrpov fiiv 16luc TtvAac a(hv ou KarLuxi'tyovat, TcJv 6i TiOinui/ 'Attoot^Auv, Kal rCtv teaeiuv KartaxvaovoLV ; dpa dd ~uj Ilerpfj fiovij didfivraL vtto tou nvpiov at Kkelde^ r^f Tdv ovpavCiv /inft/Ar/cf, Kdi iji'Mf: ^rEpoc tuv fiaxapluv abrag TiTjiptTai ; Uapotvvfioc yap nirpaQ TzdvTec 0/ /Ji^Tjral j^ptarcv. Xpiarov ui?i,7j ovTEC trapuvvfiot i:xpr}fiuTt(jav J^ptaTiavoi, Trerpuf di lUTpoi. Knl jt/joj- ir^jTaf rov^ TOCOVTOVC uv XiyoiTO uTTo TOV cuTT/poc TO 7iiyov ■ (TV eI rif'rp'>f Kal r« i^f/^. })eAae $ H : Ai?\,£KTai. tC) IUtpl) kcll TtavH IltTpu. Cyprian. Ep. 27: iJominua noster- episcopi honorem ct ecclosiae suae rationem disponens in evangeiio loquitur et diclt Petro : Ego tibi dico, quia tfi es Petnis, etc. (Matth. xvi. 18, 19). Inde per tcruporum et suncesaionam vices epiEcop(«T2iTi ordinatio et ecclesiae ratio decurrit, ut eccleaia supor opiscopos consti- taatur, etomsis actus ecclesiae per eosdera praepositoa gubernetur: — Cyprian, de Unitate ecclesiae: Loquitur Dominua ad Petrum: "Ego tibi. dico," inquit, *'quia tu na Petrus," etc. (Matth. xvi. IB, 19). [Ii3t iterum eidem post resurrectionem saam dicit : " i*asce ovea meaa"' (Joan. xsJ. 15). Super illom unum aedificat ecclesiam suam, et iili pasoendas mandat oves saas] : et qu&ravi^ Apostolis omnibus post resurrectionem ruam parem potestatem tribuat et dicat: "aicut misit me pater," etc. (Job. kk. yi, "ZS) : tamen ut anitatera raanifestaret [unam cathedram constJi'tit, ctj unitatis ejusdem originem ab nuo incipientem sua auctoritate disposuit. IToo erant titique et caeteri Apostoli, quod fuit Petrus, pan consortio praediti et honoria er p<.'lesLa:i3 : sed oxordiam ab unitate proticisci 238 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 193-324. a certain superior honor was paid to the Church of Rome as the largCiSt and only apostolic church ; but actual rights over the other churches were by no means conceded to it.^^ Still less, of course, was this the case in the east.^^ tur [et primatus Petro datur, at una Christi ecclesiae et cathedra una monstretnr. Et pastores sunt omnes, et grex unus ostenditor, qai ab Apostolis omnibas unanimi consen- sione pascator], nt ecclesia Christi una monstretur. — Hanc ecclesiae unitatem qui non tenet, tenere se fidem. credit? Q.ai ecclesiae renititur et resistit [qui cathedram Petri, super quem fiindata est ecclesia, deserit], in ecclesia se esse confidit? The passages in brackets are wanting in the oldest MSS., and are Romish interpolations. See especiaJly Rigaltii GVservatt. ad Cyp. p. 162, ss., and Baluzii notae 11-15 to the libb. de unit. eccl. (which last, however, have been very much abridged by the Benedictine editors). Even the words still admitted by Rigaltius : super ilium unum aedificat ecclesiam, are wanting in the oldest MSS. Of. Edm. Richerii Defensio lib. de eccles. et polit. potestate, i. p. 115. These additions have quite another sense in the mouth of Cyprian than the interpolators meant. For example, what is denoted by the expression in Cyprian, primatus Petro datur, is clear from his Epist. 71 : Nam nee Petrus, quem primum Dominus elegit, et super quem aedificavit ecclesiam suam, cum secum Paulus de circumcisione postmodum disceptaret, vindicavit sihi aliquid insolenter aut arroganter assumsit, ut diceret, se'primatum tenere, et obtemperari a novellis et posteris sibi potius oportere. ^^ Cypriani Epist. 55, ad Comelium Episc. Romanum, who had received the excommu- nicated Felicissimus as embassador of the Carthaginian archbishop Fortunatus : — Satis miratus sum, cum animadvertissem, te minis atque terroribus eorum, qui venerant, aliquan- tam esse commotum, cum te, secundum quod scripsisti, agressi essent, cum summa desperatione comminantes, quod si litteras quas attulerant non accepisses, publico eas recitarent, et multa turpia ac probrosa et ore suo digna proferrent. Q.uod si ita res est, frater carissime, ut nequissimomm timeatur audacia— actum est de episcopatus vigore, etc. CLuibus etiam satis non fuit ab evangelic recessisse — foris sibi extra ecclesiam et contra ecclesiam constituisse conventiculum perditae factionis. — Post ista adhuc 'insuper pseudoepiscopo sibi ab haereticis constituto navigare audent et ad Petri cathedram, atque ad ecclesiam principalem, unde unitas sacerdotalis exorta est, a schismaticis et profauis litteras ferre, nee cogitare, eos esse Romanes, quorum fides apostolo praedicante laudata est (Rom. i. 8), ad quos perfidia habere non possit accessum. CLuae antem causa veniendi et pseudoepiscopnm contra episcopos factum nuntiandi ? Aut enim placet illis quod feceruiit : et in suo scelere perseverant : aut si displicet et recedimt, sciunt quo revertan- tur. Nam cum statutum sit ab omnibas nobis, et aequum sit paritei- ac justum, ut uniuscujusque causa illic audiatur, ubi est crimen admissum ; et singulis pastoribus portio gregis -sit adscripta, quam regat unusquisque et gubemet, rationem sui actus Domino redditurus : oportet utique eos quibus praesumus non circumcursai'e, nee episcoporuni concordiam cohaerentem sua subdola et fallaci temeritate coUidere, sed agere illic causam suam, ubi et accuaatores habere et testes sui criminis possint ; nisi si paucis desperatis et perditis minor videtur esse auctoritas episcoporum in Africa constitutorum, qui jam de illis judicaverunt. Jam causa eorum coguitia est, jam de eis dicta sententia est : nee ccnsuran congruit sacerdotum mobilis atque inconstantis animi levitate reprehendi, cum I^ominus doceat et dicat : Sit sermo vester, est est, non non (Matth. v. 37). Cyprian, in his letters, constantly calls the Roman bishops frater atid coUega. What gave the latter a predomi- nance in the west is evident from Synodi Arelatensis (in the year 314) Epist. ii. ad Sylves tram Papam : Placuit etiam ante scribi ad te, qui majores dioceses tenes, et per te potissimum omnibus insinuari. dnid autem sit, qa6d senserimus, scrrpto nu.ttrae medi ocritatis subjunximus. ^^ Firmiliani Ep. ad Cypr. (1. c.) : Eos autem, qui Romae sunt, non ea in oranibus observare, quae sint ab origine tradita, et frustra Apostolorum auctoritatem praetcndere, scire quis etiam inde potest, quod cu'ca celebrandos dies Paschae et circa multa aiia CHAP. IV.— ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. $68. HIERARCHY. 239 As all bishops were supposed to be perfectly alike in dignity and power, so also they believed that they had the same gen- oral duties toward the whole church in addition to those pe- culiar duties they owed to their respective diurches/* Accord- ingly they all asserted equally the right of interfering, in cases where other bishops had departed from the fundamental rules of the church, by admonitions, reprimands, and even eccle- biastical punishment.^^ This common right was of course principally exercised by the most distinguished and powerful bishops. divinae rei aacramenta videat esse apud lUos alLfjuas diversitates, nee observari ilUc omnia aequaliter, quae Hierosolymis observantar. " See especially Cypriani Epist. 67, below, note 14. ^* L. E. da Pin de Antiqua Ecclesiae disciplina dissertt. hist. Paris. 1686. p. 141, bs- For example the condemnation of Paul of Samosata ($ 60, cf. du Pin, p. 154). ReprimaL.l of Dionysias of Alexandria ($ 64, note 8, da Pin, p. 152.) With reference to Marcian, bishop of Aries, who had gone over to the Novatians, Cyprian. Ep. 67, ad Stephan. Ep. Rom. writes : Cui rei nostram est consulere et sobvenire, frater carissime. Q.uapropter facere te oportet plenisaimas litteras ad coepiscopos nostros in Galliis constitatos, ne altra Marcianam pervicacem — coUegio nostro insnltare patiantur, quod necdum videatar a nobis abstentas. — Dirigantur in provinciam et ad plebem Arelate consistentem a Ite litterae, qaibus abstento Marciano alius in locum ejus substituatur, et grex Christi, qui in bodiemum ab illo dissipatus et vulneratus coutemnitur, colligatur. Sufficiat multos illic ex fratribus nustris annis istis superioribaa excessisse sine pace. Vel ceteris sabveniatur qni super- sunt. Iccirco enim, frater carissime, copiosum corpus est sacerdotum concordiae mutuae glutino atque unitatis vinculo copulatum, ut si quis ex coUegio nostro haeresim facere et gregem Christi lacerare et vastare tentaverit, subveniant caeteri, et quasi pastores utiles et misericordes oves dominicas in gregem coUigant. Q,md enim si in mari portus aliquis munitionibuB suia raptis iufeatas et periculosas esse navibus coeperit, nonne navigantes ad alios proximos portus naves suas dirigunt, ubi sit tutus accessus et salutaris inti'oitua et statio secara ? duod nunc esse apud nos debet, frater carissime, at iratres nostros, qui jactati Marciani scopuUs petant ecclesiae portus salatares, suBcipiamus ad nos prompta et benigna humanitate. Nam etsi pastores multi samus, unum tamen gregem pascimus, et oves universas, quas Christus sanguine suo et passione quaesivit, colligere et fovere debemus, etc. In the matter of the Spanish bishops Basilides and Martial (in the year 256), Cyprian, called upon to interfere, declares the interposition of Stephanas, bishop of liome, in favor of those deposed bishops to be exceptionable, Epist. 68, ad clerum et plebes in Hispania consisteutes : Nee rescindere ordinationem (Sabiui) jure perfectam potest, quod Basilides post crimiua sua detecta et conscientiam etiam propria confessione nudatam, 3S.omam pergens, Stephanum coUegam nostrum longe positum et gestae rei ac veritatis ignarum fefellit, at exambiret reponi se injuste in episcopatum, de quo fuerat jure depoaitas. Etsi aliqui de collegia nostris exstiterint {namely, Stephanas), fratres dilectissimi, qui deificam disciplinam negligendam putant, et cum Basilide et Martialc temere communicant, contarbare fidem nostram res ista non debet, etc. Cf. du Pii^ p. 150. S40 Fia&r PERIOD.— DIV. m— A.D. 193-394. § 69. (CONTINUATION.) HIERARCHY IN THE SEPARATE CHURCHES. After the idea of the Mosaic priesthood had been adopted in the Christian church, the clergy, as "was natural, elevated them- selves far above the laity. A peculiar mystic influence was as- cribed to the old rite of consecration, -when considered as an or- dhiatio / and they now appeared in the character of persons ap- pointed by God himself to be the medium of communication be tween Him and the Christian Avorld.^ For the inferior services of the church particular ofiices were appointed, different, however, in the Greek and Latin churches. In the former, vTTrjperat (or vrrodtdKovoi), ipaXru/dol (or ipdXrai), dvayv(l)o-at and Txvlt^poi :^ in the latter, Subdiaconi, Acoluthi, * Cypriani Epist. 55 : Nam cnm scriptmn sit : Q.ui diserit fratri, sao, fatae, etc. (Matth. V. 22), qaomodo possunt ceosuram Domini ultoris evadere, qui talia ingerunt, non solum fratribus, sed et sacerdotibus, quibus honor tantus de Dei dignatione conceditor, ut qaisquis sacerdoti ejus et ad tempus hie judicanti non obtemperaret, statim necaretur. Neque enim ahunde haereses obortae snnt, aut nata aunt schismata, quam inde quod sacerdoti Dei non obtemperatnr, nee uims in ecclesia ad tempus sacerdos et ad tempus judex vice Christi cogitatur. Epist. 69, ad !Florent. Pupianum: Animadverto te — in mores nostros diligenter inquirere, et post Deura judicem, qui sacerdotes facit, te velle, non dicam de me (quantus enim ego sum?) sed de Dei et Christi judicio judicare. Hoc est in Deum non credere, hoc est rebellem adversus Christum et adversus evangehum ejus existere, ul — tu existimes, sacerdotes Dei sine conscientia ejus in ecclesia ordinari. — Cluamobrem, fvater, si majestatem Dei, qui sacerdotes ordinat, cogitaveris, si Christum, qui arbitrio et nutu ac praesentia sua et praepositos ipsos et ecclesiam cum praepositis gubemat, aliquan- do respexeris, si temeritatis — tuae agere vel sero poenitentiam coeperis, si Deo et Christc ejus — plenissime satisfeceris ; communicationis tuae poterimus habere rationem : manente tamen apud nos divinae censurae respectu et metu, ut prius Dominum meum consulam, an tibi pacem dari, et te ad communicatiouera ecclesiae suae admitti sua ostensione et admonitione permittat. Memini enim, quid jam mihi sit ostensum, immo quid sit servo obsequenti et timenti de dominica et divina auctoritate praeceptum : qui inter caetera quae ostendere et revelare dignatus est, et hoc addidit : Itaque qui Christo non credit sacerdotem facienti, et postea credere incipiet sacerdotem vindicanti. Cf. Epistt. 45, 52, 65. On the dignity of the priests, aud particularly of the bishops, see Const. Ap. ii. 26, ss. As spiritual fathers, they are to be regarded as higher than earthly parents, c. 33, higher than kings and princes, c. 34 : Tovtovc upxovrag vfiuv koX j3aoi7ieig TfyEitydai vofil^nTe, Kai datjfiovc wf (^aGiktvai Trpoffip^peTe. 'Offu Toiwv ipv^v oufiarog Kpt'iT- rcjv, ToaovTi^ lepuavvT} (iaabTieia^ * deafievEi yap avrr) koX "kvEi rov^ rifiapia^ fj (i^^ffewf a^tODf • 6lq tov kmoKOTTOv aripytiv bipeiXere L)g Traripa, ^o^eladai (5f ^aaiT^ia, rifiav ug Kvptov. = So Constitutt. Apost. iii. 11, vi. 17. Those who are called in the first six b-»cks VTTTjpiTai are denominated vKodiaKovoc in viii. 2S {vKJjpeTat yap eht SiaKovov) ■ & v-KodLuKcvog is also named by Athanasius in Epist. ad solitariam vitam agentes. Many CHAP. IV.— ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. $69. HIERARCHY. 241 Exorcistae, Lectores, and Ostiarii^ (afterward called ordines minores). All oppressed and helpless persons, especiallywidows, orphans, and virgins,* were referred to the clergy for assistance. The bishop {^Papa^ Tert. de Pudic. 13. Hdira kptoTaro^, Gregor. Thaum. Epist. can. i., Praepositus, Cyprian, note 1) exercised this support, as well as the administration of the entire wealth of the churoh, by the deacons,^ In like manner, supported by his clergy, he was umpire in all disputes between the members of his church.^ The bishops greatly increased in reputation and revenues, both by the enlargement of their dioceses and the clergy subject to them, and by the operation of synods. But in this very way many were now led astray unto pride, ambi- tion, and avarice : ^ sometimes even into an immoderate ostenta- communitiea, however, had different regulatioDS. In the enumeration contained in Const. ApoBt. ii. 28, the ■OirTjpirai are wanting, in the eighth book the TrvTiupot. On the other hand, in viii. 11, the deacons have to watch the doors of the men, the subdeacons those of the women (of. Cone. Laodic. in the fourth century, can. 22 : "On ov del VKTfpiTTjv raf dvfjag h/naTaXifiirdveiv). Thus the vTrodtaKovot and the TrvXupol were sometimes the eame, sometimes different individuals. Respecting the readers and singers, see Socrates Hist. eccl. V. 22: 'Ev ^ A7\.£^av6peig. avayvuarat Kal vtto^oXeIq udLu^opov^ tire KaTTjxov- uevoL elalv, elte ttlcttoL The Greek church never adopted Acoluthi and Exorcists, comp. Constitute Apost. viii. 26 : 'ETTop/ciffT^f oy ;j;efporoy£trae. His gift is a free favor bestowed by God; and should he wish to assume the clerical office, he is ordained a bishop, presbyter, or deacon. ^ First the Lectores mentioned in TertuUian de Praescr. 41. The others are found first in Cyprian and in Epist. Comelii (bishop of Rome, 252) ap. Euseb. vi. 43, according to whose account there were in Rome, 46 presbyters, 7 deacons, 7 subdeai'ons, 42 acoluthi, and 42 exorcists, lectores, and ostiarii. * Const. Ap. ii. 26 : Ai re ;j;^pat Kal 6p(}>avol elg tvkov tov dvcriacrTTjptov ?u'Acyi^ii:rjav Vfilv ■ at T£ Trapdivot eI^ tvitov tov dv(iiaTT)piov TETt/X'^aOuaav Kal rov Ovfiidfiaro^- * Constitt. Apost. ii. 44 : 'Eoru 6 6iukovoc tov eTztaKonov axo^, Kal d({>6aXf£bc Kal OTOfia, Kapdia te Kal i>vx^t tva fxi] y tu tto/I/Iu (lEpifivihv b k-KiuKO-Ko^, dXy'.u fiova to. Kvpi LiTEpa. * As the Jews were accustomed to decide their disputes by umpires chosen from among the people, agreeably to the Mosaic law {Jos. Antt. xiv. 10, 17, xvi. 6), so from the begin- ning the Christians also, according to 1 Cor. vi. 1, ff., in order to establish the relations subsisting among them by the gospel, not by a heathen tribunal. The lioman juris- prudence favored generally procedure by arbitration, as Digest, lib. iv. tit. 8 : De reccptis, qui arbitrium receperunt, ut aententiam dicant, and in order to make the arbitration sen- tence secure, prescribed a penal clause to be inserted in the compromise. The Christians were accustomed to choose their bishops as umpires. Their decisions required no such safeguard, but were sufficiently protected by religious awe. Respecting this point, see Const. App. ii. 45-53. According to chapter 47, Monday is said to be the episcopal judicial day on which the bishop, surrounded by his presbyters and deacons, hears the contending parties, and also complaints regarding unchristian conduct. First of all, the other clergy attempt to reconcile the parties, and if this proves ineflPectual, the episcopal sentence succeeds. But the bishop tv tC> diKacTT^pla) avff\l}7} u^LQvvTag, (if ov6t ol Tvpavvot, Kal ^iioTEpot rutv dpxovTuv irpog rovf iKsrar, JLal Eart ye Ideiv kv iroXXal^ vofit^ofiivatg ^KKXrjGiacc, Kal fidXiaTa ^ralg rC)V fisL^ovuv ttoXeuv, Tovg T^yovfiEVQVQ TOV "Kaov tov 6eov fj.f{6Efiiav laoXoyiav hmrpinovrag, ead' ore Kal role KaXMaroic ruv 'Itjgov fia67}T(jv, dvai wpbc avTOvr. Kal ravra 'Kvvra fiOL ?\,i?.EKTai l3ov7i.ofj.ivu Kara tov Tioyov TrapaaTyuat, oti ov fiifi-^Tiov riJ upxovTi rij^ kKK2.T]oiac rbv dpxovra juv idvuv, k. t. X. Of. ejusd. in Mattli, Commentariorum series, § 9 1 Sicat autem super cathedram Moysi — sic et super cathedram ecclesiasticam sedent quidam dicentes, quae facere oporteat unumquemque, non autem facientes, et alligantes onera gravia et imponunt super humeros hominum, ipsi nee 3igito volentes ea movere (Matth. xxiii. 2, 3). Ibid. $ 10, 12, 14, 61, in Num. Horn. ii. 1, in Esaiam Hom. vii. 3. Cyprian, de L apsis : Episcopi plurimi, quos et hortamento esse oportet caeteris et exemplo, divina procoratione contemta, procuratores rerum saeculariam fieri ; derelicta cathedra, plebe deserta, per alienas provincias oberrantes, negotiationis quaestuosae nondiaas aucupari; esurientibus in ecclesia fi-atribus, habere argentum largiter veUe, fundos insidiosis fraudibus rapere, nsuris multiplicantibus fenus augere. 6 Compare the objections which were made to Paul of Sambsata, in the writing ol the synod at Antioch, whi(31i had been assembled against him, ap. Euseb. vii. 30. Be drew from his episcopal jurisdiction -unlawful gain, in the exercise of" it imitated civil rulers, by causing to be erected for himself a P^fza Kal 6p6vov inpijAovt by having a G7]Kp7iTov, like worldly judges, and frequently giving- himself up to the greatest violence In the church he caused applause to be dealt out to him by the waving of handkerchiefs and clapping of hands. This was jastly condemned; but since the clapping of hands, by way of applause, was universal in the fourth century, it may be assumed that Paul was not the only bishop of his time who willingly put up with it. s Comp. § 30, note 12, Cyprian. Epist. 68 : Plebs ipse maxims habet potestatem vel eligendi dignos sacerdotes, vel indignos recusandi. Q,uod et ipsum videmus de divina auctitorate descendere, ut sacerdos plebe praesente sub omnium oculis deligatur, et dignus atque idoneus publico judicto ac testimonio comprobetur, sicat in Numeris Dom- inus Moysi praecepit dicens : Apprehende Aaron fratrem et Eleazarum filium ejus, et impoue eos in montem coram omni synagoga, etc. (Num. xx. 25.) Coram omni synagoga jubel Beus constitai sacerdotem, id est, instruit et ostendit, ordinationes sacerdotaies non nisi sab populi assistentis conscientia fiere oportere, ut plebe praesente vel detegantor maJomm crimina vel bonorum meritp, praedicentur, et ait ordinatio justa et legitima, quae omnium suffi-agio et judicio fuerit examinata. Propter quod diligenter de traditione divina et apostolica observatione seryandum est et tenendum, quod apud nos quoque et fere per proviucias universas teuetur; ut ad ordinationes rite celebrandas ad earn plebem, cui praepositus ordinatur, episcopi ejusdem provinciae proximi quique conveniant, et epis- copal; deligatur plebe praesente, quae singulorum vitam plenissime novit, et uniuscujusque actum de ejus conversatione perspexit. Origenes in Levit Hom. vi. c. 3. Hence in CyprixLu : Episcopus factus de Dei et Christi ejus judicio, de clericorum testimonio, de plebis suffi-agio (Epist. 52, cf. Ep. 41), cf. Lamprid. in Sev. Alex. c. 45 (§ 56, note 6) F- A. Staudenmaier's Gescb. der Bischofswahlen. Tubingen. 1830. S. 20. CHAP. IV.— ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. § 69. HIERARCHY. 243 first to be approved by tlie churdi.^^ In the discharge of his duties the bishop had not only to consult his presbyters, ^^ but even in certain cases to ask the opinion of the whole church.^'^ There were even yet cases in which laymen learned in the Scrip- tures publicly taught in the church with permission of the bishops. ^^ 10 Cyprian. Ep. 6j. Diaconi ab episcopis fiont. Ep. 33, ad Cleram et plebeni Carthag. In ordinationibus clericis, fratres caiissimi, solemus vos ante consulere, et mores ac merita smgalorum commnni consilio ponderare. Comelii Ep. ad Fabium {ap. Euseb. vi. 43, 7): At the ordination of Novatian, aa presbyter 6 knlaKOTrog dtaKijXvofievo^ vnb navr^g rov /c/l^pow, u7i,lu KOi "kaitiCiv ttoAAwv, y^luce cvyxi^pvGTi'i'ai. avrCi rovTov ^ovov x^i-poTOvyoai. Cf. Vales, ad li. 1. 11 In Cyprian often, consulere presbyterium, consilio communi res tractare, etc. Conip. Cone. Carthagin. gener. iv. v. J. 398,.can. 23 (Mansii, iii. p. 953): Episcopus nullus caosam aadiat absque praesentia clericorum suomm: alioqoin irrita erit sententia Episcopi, nisi clericorum sententia coufirmetur. Concerning tlie right of voting at synods, see Ziegler in Henke's Nenem Magazin, Bd. 1, S. 165, ff. 12 Cyprian. Ep. 5, ad Presbyt. et Diac: duando a primordio epLscopatus mei statuerim, nihil sine consilio vestro et sine consensu, plebis mea privatim seotentia gerere. So par- ticularly at the readmittance of the lapsed. Cypriani Ep. 11, ad Plebem: Exspectent (lapsi) regressionem nostram, ut — convocati episcopi plurcs secundum Domini disciplinam, et Confessorum praesentiam, et vestram quoque sententiam beatoram martyrum litteras et desideria examinare ppssimus. Ep. 13, ad Clemm: Hoc enim et verecundiae et disciplinae et vitae ipsi omnium nostrum convenit, ut praepositi cum clero convenientes, praesente etiam stantium plebe, quibus et ipsia pro fide et timore suo honor habendus est, disponere omnia consilii communis religione possimus. Ep. 17, ad Presbyt. et Diac. : duae res cam omnium nostrum consilium et sententiam exspectet, praejudicare ego et soli mihi rem communem vindicare non audeo. Ep. 28, ad Eosdem : Cui rei non potui me solum judicem dare, cum — ^haec singulomm tractanda sit et limanda plenius ratio, non tantum cum collegis meis, sed et cum plebe ipsa universa. That the same principles were acted on at Rome is clear from Ep. Cleri Bx)m. ad Cypr. (Ep. Cypr. 31). — Cypriani Ep. 9, ad Clerum: Presbyters who have admitted the lapsed to church communijOn must agere et apud nos, et apud confessores ipsos, et apud plebem univeraam causam suan:.. Cf. du Pin de Ant. Eccl. disc. p. 246, ss. J. H. Boehmeri xii. Dissert, juris eccl. ant. ed. U. p. 149, ss. 13 Epist. Alexandri Episc. Hierosol. et Theoctisti Caesariensis ad Demetrium Alesandr. (ap. Euseb. vi. 19, 7J. In the case of Origen : JIpooedTjKag 6^ tocc ypdfi/iaaiv, on tovto ov6i TTOTE T^KOvadij, ovdi vvv ysyivTjTaL, to, irapdvruv ^TTttr/coTrwv ?^alKovc dfHAf.lit, ovk old' oTTOJf TrpocpavCyr; ovk aTiTjd^ Tiiyav. "Onov yovv EvpiaKOVTai ol kTZLrfjdetoc irfid^ tc oi<}iE'XEiv Tovg iJi/l^oiif, Kal irapaicaXovvTai r^ /la^ irpocjOfiiTiEiv inb ruv aytov kina KOTzuv ■ (OGTTEp tv AupuvdoL^ EtHcATTif vno Niuvog, Kal iv ^iKOviCi) 'n.av?uvog {iTTo KiXoov Kal iv Xvvvd6oi.c Osodupog iTzo 'Attlkov tuv fiaKapicov uSeXduv ' EUbg 6i /cat iv uXXoi^ TOTTotg TOVTO yivEcrdai, yfidg 6i fiy Eldivai. So also Constitt. Apost. viii. c. 32 : "0 dtdaa KtoVf el Kal XaiKog.y, ifiTTEcpog 6i tov Tioyovt Kal tov irpdizov (JEfivbCt dtdaGKETO' icovra yap TcdvTsg StdaKTol 0eov (Jo. vi. 45): and Cone. Carthag. gener. iv. c. ^S (Rlansi, iii. p 959) : Lfficus praesentibus clericis nisi ipsis jubentibus docere non audeat. 244 FIEST PERIOD.— T)TV. III.— A.D. 193-324. < 70. DIVINE SERVICE. In the third century the traces of buildings devoted exclu- sively to Christian worship become more frequent and obvious ; ' and as early as the peaceful times between the Valerian anil Diocletian persecutions, splendid edifices had been erected for this purpose.^ These were called npoasvKTTjpiov, Kvpianov, domin- icum, ot/cof sKKXTjoiag and simply iKKXrjaia. From the time of Constantine they were also styled vaog, templum, but never fanum and delubrum. In imitation of the temple of Jerusalem, a part of the interior was inaccessible to the people (ayiaoiia, (irifia, chorus), where the wooden table for the Lord's Suppe-. Tpdne^a, mensa sacra) stood beside the seats of the clergy (Kade- 6pa, dpovoi).' Though the Christians were fond of certain re- ligious symbols on many of their household utensils,^ yet noth- ing of this kind was allowed in the churches.' At the time of Origen, the Christians had no other general festivals besides Sunday, than the parasceve (preparation) the passover, and the feast of pentecost.^ Soon, after, however, there appears to have been added to them the feast of the as- cension (n topTfj rfif avaXrjxjjeug tov Kvpiov)J So also in Egypt, ^ Under Severus Alexander ($ 56, note 6) then in Cyprian, Dionysins of Alexandria, etc. Comp. above, J 53, note 10. ' Euseb. H. E. viii. 1, 2: MnSa/iiJ; In Tol( nakawl^ oUoSo/iy/iaaiv dpKOV/ievoh evpelag e/f TrXdroc dvd itdaag raf •jv62.etg kK defie7i.luv dvicTTuv kKKXriaia^. ^ A preBcriptioa respecting the planning of cburcbes is foand in Constitt. Apost. ii. 57. A description of the church at Tyre apud Euseb. x. 4, 15, ss. * So on the seal-rings, a dove, a ship, a lyre, an anchor, a fish, etc. Clem, Alex. Pae- dag. iii. p. 289. Tertullianus de Pudic. c. 7, mentions the picturae calicum representing the ovis perdita a Domino requisita, et humeris ejus revecta, but does not seem {cap. 10), to approve of it. Hunter's Sinnbilder der alten Christen. Heft 1, S. 7, f. * Can. niiberit. 36 : Placuit, picturas in ecclesia esse non debere, ne quod cohtur et adoratur, in parietibus depingatur. The older Catholic theologians, for example Baronius, Bellarmiue, Perronius, etc., tried many ways of evading the force of this canon; on the contrary, the true meaning of it, vpith its historical consequences, has been acknowledged by Petavius Dogm. theol. lib. xv. c. 13, no. 3. Pagius Crit. ad ann. 55, no. 4. 18, especially Natalia Alexander ad Hist. eccl. saec. iii. Diss. 21, Art. 2. « Origen. contra Cels. viii. p. 392. ' iFirst mentioned in the Constitt. Apostol. v. 19, and considered by Augustine (Ep. 118 ad Januai'.) as an ancient festival. See Krabbe iiber die apost. Constitutionen, 8. 176, ff. CHAP. IV.— ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE } 70. DIVINE SERVICE. 245 toward the end of the tliird century, they began to observe, after the example of Basilides' followers/ the epiphany \Ta imcpdvia) on the sixth of January, but accoi-ding to the orthodox view of the appearance of the Logos on earth i?} et i4>dvua\ not simply as the festival of his baptism, but also as that of his birth. The arrangement of Divine worship at this time is found in the Constitt. Apost. ii. 57. At the agapae, the clergy and poor were particularly remembered (1. c. ii. 28). The respect paid to martyrs still maintains the same chai acter as in the second century, differing only in degree, not in kind, from the honor shown to other esteemed dead. As the churches held the yearly festivals of their martyrs at the graves of the latter,' so they willingly assembled frequently in the burial places of their deceased friends,^" for which they used in many places even caves (cryptae, catacumbaeV" At the cele- •^ Comp. 5 45, note 2. So also Jablonski de Orig. festi nativ. Christi diss. i. $ 7. (Opasc. ed. te Water, iii. p. 328, ss.) Differently Neander gnost. Systeme, S. 49, 81, and Kirchen- gesch. i. i. S. 519. On the other side see HalUsche A. L. Z. April, 1823, S. 836. 9 Comp. $ 53, note 46. A remarkable accommodation of Gregory Thanmaturgns,. see Vita S. Gregorii Thaumat. per Gregor. Nyssenum (ed. G. Vosii, p. 312) : 'Zvvt6i)v on Talg CiJiia'riK.aLQ dvfZTjdlag ry Tzepc Til udoTia izTicLvy Tzapafievei to vriKcude^ tuv 7To2.?mv Kal tLTatdsvTov ■ ug av to TrpoTiyov/iEvov Tecjg kv avTolg fiuTiCffra KaTopduddTj to itpog tov Oebv avTC tC>v ftaTaluv ce^aafiuTuv 0?i,e7r€LV, ktpJjKev avTolg ToiQ tCiv uyluv fiapTvpuv efitpaLdpvveadat fiv7j/j.aig Kal evwa6eiv Kal ayd'K7^Eadai. '" Constitt. Apost. V. c. 8: ^vvadpol^Eode kv Tolg K0tfi7]T7ipLot<:, ttjv avdjvQciv rutv hpUV fii(3?UuV "KOLOVpEVOi, KOl TpuXT^OVTE^ VKCp Tdv KeKOLfnJfievUV fiapTVpuV Kal TTilvTUV tCiv di7* alHivog ayiuv, Kal tuv udeXcjiijiJ vfiuv tuv kv Kvpl(f) KEicoifiTjfj^vuv Kal riiv uvtItvitov tov (SaatTt-elov aupaTOC 'X.ptorov 6ekt7]V evxapiOTlav 7rpoa(pEpETE kv te Tal<; EKK?,ijuiatg vpQV, Kal kv Tolq KoiprjTTjpLOig. Hence Aemilianus, governor of Egypt, said to the Christians brought before him in the Decian persecution (Dionys. Alex. ap. Euseb. vii. 11, 4) : Oifdapug 6e k^icTat {iplv — ^ ovv66ovg TroLEiadatt ij slg to. KaTjOviMEva KotfiTjT^pia elaiivaL. So also the proconsul of Africa (Acta proconsularia S. Cypriani, o. 1). Gallienus removed this prohibitory rule (see above, (J 56, note 14) ; but Maximinus afterward renewed it (Euseb. ix. c. 2), These burial-places were Cdi'^ei ^oiinjTrjpLcyv, dormitorium. ^' christian catacombs are found in Rome, Naples, Syracuse, and Malta. In the year 1C44 they were also discovered on the island Melos. Respecting the Roman catacombs, Hieronymus in Ezechiel. c. 40: Dum essem Romae puer, et liberalibus studiis erudirer, Bolebam cum caeteris ejusdem aetatis et propositi diebus dominicis sepulchra Apostolorum et Martyrum circuire : crebroque cryptas ingredi, quae in terrarum profunda defossae, ex utraque parte ingredientium per parietes habent corpora sepulturarum, et ita obscura sunt omnia, ut propemodum illad propheticum compleatur: descendant ad infemum viventes, etc. Cf. Prudentius tteoi cte^. hymn. xi. Passio Hippolyti, v. 153, ss.— Modem descriptions of the catacombs in Rome, Pauli Aringhi Roma subterranea novissima. Paris. 1659. 2 voll. fol. M. A. Boldetti Osservazioni sopra i Cimiteri de SS. Martiri, ed antichi Cristiani di Roma. 1720. 2 t. fol. See farther the works of Bottari, Ciampini, etc. (see Miiuter's Sinnbilder d. alten Christen. Heft. 1, S. 24). Volkmann's histor. krit. Nachrichten v. Italien. (Leipz. 3 Bde. 1777), iii. 67. A description of the city of Rome by Platner, Bunsen, Gerhard, and Rostell (Stuttgart and Tubingen. 1830. i. 355); Respecting those 246 FIRST PEKIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 193-324. bration of the Lord's Supper, both the living who brought obla- tiojis, as well as the dead, and the martyrs for whom 'offerings were presented, especially on the anniversary of their death, were included by name in the prayer of the church.'^ Inas- nuch as the re-admission of a sinner into the church was thought to stand in close connection with the forgiveness of sin, an opinion was associated with the older custom of restoring to nhurch communion the lapsed who had been again received by the martyrs, that the martyrs could also be serviceable in ob- taining the forgiveness of sins.'^ In doing so they set out in part with the idea, which is very natural, that the dead prayed for the living, as the living prayed for the dead,'* but that the intercession of martyrs abiding in the society of the Lord, would be of peculiar efficacy on behalf of their brethren ; '* while they partly thought that the martyrs, as assessors in the last decisive judgment, were particularly active (1 Cor. vi. 2, 3).'° in Naples: Pellicia de Christ, ccoi. pnlitia. torn. iii. P. ii. Diss. 5. Chr. J?. Bellermami iiber die altesten christl. Begi'iibnisstdtten, u. bes. die Katakomben zu Neapel mit ihren Wandgemalden. Hamburg. 1839. 4 : Bespecting those in Sicily, see Bartel's Briefe iiber Calabrien n. Sicilien. (Getting. '3 Th. 178--91), iii. 203. Miinter's Nachrichten v. Neapel iirul Sioilien, S. 344. — By the " Congregation of Relics and Indulgences," the symbol of iKo palm and the pretended blood-vessels (which were more probably used in the celebra- tion of the eucharist) have been established as marks of the graves of martyrs ; but that they are not sufficient marks is shown by Eusebius Romanus (Mabillon) de cuitu Sanc- lorum ignotorum. Paris. 1088. 4. In the second edition, however, he was obliged to yield. 1705. (The church in the Catacombs, by Dr. C. Maitland. London, 1846. 8vo). 12 These registers of names, since they were not always the same, were inscribed for each occasion on the writing-tables then used (diptycha, diwrvxa), and afterward erased. Hence the appedation diptycha was used of the lists of names of persons to be mentioned at the communion service, though these lists afterward assumed a more permanent character after all the olferentes were no longer called by name. This, and the peculiar names diptycha episcoporum, dipt, vivorum, dipt, mortuoi-um, first occur in the iifth cen- tury. Chr. A. Salig. de Diptycliis veterum tarn profanis quam sacris. Halae. 1731. 4. '■* Against this notion great zeal is shown by TertuU. de Pudicitia, c. 22 ;. In ipsa securitate et possessione martyrii quis permittit homini donare quae Deo reservanda sunt 1 — SuiSciat martyri propria delicta purgasse. Ingrati vel superbi est in alios quoque spargere, quod pro magno fuerit consecutus. On the other hand, even Cyprian, Ep. 12 and 13, admits, Christianos auxilio Martyram adjuvari apnd Dominum in delictis suls posse. '* Cypriani Epist. 57 ad Comelium : Memores nostri invicem simus, — utrobique pro nobis semper oremus, — et si quis istino nostrum prior divinae dignationis celeritate praecesserit, perseveret apud Dominum nostra dilectio, profratribus et Bororibua nostris apud misericor- diam patris non cess'et oratio. '* Cyprian writes to confessors, Ep. 15 : Vox ilia purificatione confessionis illustris — im- petrat de domini bonitate quod postulat; and Ep. 77 : Nunc vobis in precibus efficacior sermo est, et ad impetrundnm qujd in pressuris petitur facilior oratio est. '« Cyprianus de Lapsis: Credjmus quidem posse apud judicem plnrimum iMailyrmn merita et opera justorum : sed cam judicii dies venerit, cum post occasum saeculi buji-S et mundi ante tribunal Christi populos ejus adsteterit. Martyrs are, according to Dionyaiua CHAP. IV.— ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. $ 70. DIVINE SERVICE. 247 Origen attributed very great value to that intercession, in expect- ing from it great help toward sanctification;" but he went beyond the ideas hitherto entertained in attributing to martyrdom an im- portance and efficacy similar to the death of Christ.-^^ Hence he feared the cessation of persecution as a misfortune. ^^ The more tlie opinion that value belonged to the intercession of martyrs was established,^*' the oftener it may have happened that persons recom- mended themselves to the martyrs yet Kving for intercession, i. e. after their death.^^ On the other hand, no trace is found of in- Alex. ab. Euseb. H. E. vi. 42, 3 : Ot vvv rov Xpiarov TTupedpot kol T^g (3av, bri orav TcAevrcj, (SaTTTc^Ofiat, tva u) d/xapTTiau Kal ^viravu to /?d7rrtO"//a, ovrog uyvoiav e^f£ deovt Kal r^f iavrov (piioEU^ i-KMiafiuv Tvyxavei. * Cf Cypriani Ep. 76., ad Magnum, that the baptism of them ought not to be regarded as invalid, eo quod aqua salutari non loti sunt, sed perfusi. ' Comp. 5 53, note 20. Origen found the baptism of children already existing in his cir- cle, and defended it. Walli Hist. Baptism. Infant. P. i. p. 72, ss. — Fidus, an African bishop, believed, considerandam esse legem circumcisionis antiquae, ut intra octavum diem earn, qui natus est, baptizandam et sanctificandum non pntaret. On the other baud, Cyprian, CHAP. IV.— ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE- $71. CHURCH DISCIPLINE. 249 now distinctly mentioned ; ^ and all baptized persons, even chil- dren, received the eucharist. When the congregations became larger presbyters and deacons baptized in addition to the bishop. In the west, however, the baptized had to* receive from the bishop the imposition of hands.''' In the east the baptizing presbyters peiformed this ceremony.^ A« those who were excommunicated were universally sup- posed to be under the dominion of the devil,^ as much as the unbaptized, they had to undergo, as poenitentes, a similar though more severe probation-period than the catechumens, before they could be again received (pacem dare, reconciliare).^" The No- with his provincial synod (Epist. 64 ad Fidum), a baptismo atque a gratia Dei, qui omni bus et raisericors, etbenig^nus, et pius est, neminem pernos debere prohiberi. Wall. 1. n p. 94, ss. ^ Comp. § 53, note 24. Vincentius a Thibari (in Cone. Carth. in the year 256): Ergo primo per manos impositionem in exorcismo, secundo per baptismi regenerationem, tunc possunt ad Cliristi pollicitationem venire. ' Cyprianus Ep. 73. ad Jubajannm : Nunc quoque apud nos geritur, ut qui in Ecclesia bap- tizantur praepositis Ecclesiae offerantur, et per nostram orationeia ac manus impositionem Spiritum Sanctum consequantur etsignaculodominicoconsummentur. Cone. lUib. can. 38, 67. 8 Constit. Apost. vii. 43, 44. ^ The expression irapadovvai rtj "Larav^, 1 Cor. v. 5, 1 Tim. i. 20, referred to excom- munication. Originesinlib.Judic.Hom. ii. $5, in Jer. Horn, xviii. $14, Selectain Jer.xxix, 4. ^° In vrhat relation this admission vras supposed to stand to the forgiveness of sins may be seen from Firmiliani Ep. ad Cypr. {Ep. Cypr. 75) : Per singulos annos seniores et prae- positi in unum convenimus, — ut si qua graviora sunt, communi consilio dirigantur, lapsis quoque fratribus et post lavacnim salutare a diabolo vulneratis per poenitentiam medela quaeratur : non quasi a nobis remissionem peccatonam consequantur, sed ut per nos ad in- telligentiam delictorum suorum convertantur, et Domino plenius satisfaeere cogautor. Cy- prian, de Lapsis: Nemo sefallat, nemo sedecipiat. Solus Dominusmisereri potest: veniam peccatis, quae in ipsum commissa sunt, solus potest ille largiri, qui peccata nostra porta- vit. — Homo Deo esse non potest major; nee remittere aut donare indulgentia sua servus potest quod in Dominum delicto graviore commissum est, Dominns orandus est, Dominus nostra satisfactione placandus est, qui negantem negare se dixit, qui omne judicium de patre solus accepit. — Confiteantur singuli, quaeso vos, fratres dilectissimi, delictum suum, dum adhuG qui dehquit in saeculo est, dum admitti confessio ejus potest, dum satisfactio et remissio facta per sacerdotes apud Dominum grata est. — Rogamus vos, ut pro vobis Deum rogare possimus. Preces ipsas ad vos prius vertimus, quibus Denra pro vobis ut miserea- tir, oramus. (Later, Leo I. about 450, Ep. 89 : Sic divmae bonitatis praesidia ordinata, ut 'jidulgentia Dei nisi supplicationibus sacerdotum nequeat obtineri). Farther Cypriani Ep. 52 : Pignos vitae in data pace percipiunt : — accepta pace commeatus a Deo datur. Comp. above, § 67, note 1. The reconciliation vras no actus ordinis, but jurisdictionis, and could therefore be transferred from the bishop himself to a deacon. Cypr. Ep. 12, directs, ut qui libellos amartyribus accepenint, et praerogativa eorum apud Deum adjuvari possunt (Ep. 13, et auxilio eorum adjuvari apud Dominum in delictis suis possunt), si incomraodo aliquo et infirmitatis periculo occupati fuerint, non expectata praesentia nostra, apud presbyterum quemcunqne praesentem, vel si presbyter repertus non faerit, et urgere exitus coeperit, apud diaconum quoque cxomologesin facere delicti sui possint : ut nianu eia in poenitentiam imposita veniant ad dominum cum pace, quam dari martyres litteris ad nos factis desideraverunt. 250 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. m.— A-B. 193-324. vatian disputes occasioned the orientals to appoint a npeoPvTEpog i-nl Tfi<; fiETavotag in the separate churches ; ^ ^ and this seems to have had an influence in bringing it about that public penance, even at the end of the third century, had a succession of grades similar tc» the probation-period of the catechuraens.^^ The four gradus or stationes poenitentiae were npooKkavaic, aKpoaoiq, vrro. TTroyoig, ovoraatg (TTpooKXaiovreg, xEiiidi^ovreg, flentes, hiemantes, obKpoGJiiEvoij audientes, jovvkXivovte^^ vTrontnTovTEg, genuflectentes, substrati, ovviord[ievot, consistentes). Excommunication fell only on public, gross offenses. Other sinners were referred to the admonition of the more experienced brethren. ^^ ^^ Socrates, v. c. 19 : 'A0' ov NavaTiavotTyg kKiOvrjalag dieKptdyaav, — ol emaKoirot rC) ^KKTiTjGtacTLKL) navovi Tov TTpEolSvTEpov Tov iirl T^g fieravotag "Kpooidecav, ottuc uv ol uetH. to ^aTTTLafia ■KrataavTeg km tov 7rpol32,7j6ivTog tovtov Tzpta^vTipov k^ofio7\,oyC)VTai Tu afiapT^fiaTa. Cf. Sozomenus, viii. c. 16. 12 Cyprian knows nothing of these gjades. He Sets forth the arrangement to be pursued with the penitent, Epist. 11 : Nam cum in minoribus delictis, quae non in Beum commiE- tuntur, poenitentia agatur justo tempore, et exomologesis fiat inspecta vita ejus qui agit poenitentiam, nee ad communicationem venire quis possit, nisi priu s iUi ah episcopo et clero manus fuerit imposita : quanto magis in his gravissimis et extremes deUctis caute omnia— observari oporteb: In like manner they are not found in the course prescribed for penitents in Const. Apost. ii. 16. The grades are first mentioned in {since Gregor, Thaumat. Epiat. canonica, can. ii., as Morinus de Poen. lib. vi. c. 1, ^ 9, has shown, is spurious, and arose from Basilii Epist. 217, or Canonica, iii. c. 75, see Routh Reliqu. Sacr. ii. p. 458. ft« ) Cone. Ancyr. c. 4. Cone. Nicaen. c. 11. J. Morinus de Disciplina in administiatioiin sacramenti poenitentiae. Paris 1651. fol. J. Dallaeus de Sacramentali s. auricular! Lati- norum confessione. Genev. 1661. 8. Sam. Basnagii Annales politico-eccles. I. ii. p. 475. Bingham, lib. xviii. in vol viii. 13 Origenes in Psalm, xxxvii. Hom. ii. § 6 : Oportet peccatum non colare intrinsecus Fortassis enim sicut ii, qui habent intus inclusam escara indigestam, aut bamoris vel phleg- matis stomacho graviter et moleste immanentis abundantiam, si vomuerint, relevantur : ita etiam hi qui peccaverunt, si quidem occultant, et retinent intra se peccatum, bitriusecus urgentur et propemodum sufFocantur a phlegmate vel humore peccati : si autem ipse sui accusator fiat, d^m accusat semetipsum et confitetur, simul evomit et deUctum, atque omnern morbi di^^^it causam. Tantummodo circuraspice diligentius, cui debeas confiten peccatum tuum. Proba prius medicum cui debeas causam languoris exponere, qui sciat infirmari cum infiiTaante, flere cum flente, qui condolendi et compatiendi noverit discipli- nam : utita demum, si quid ille dixerit, qui se prius et eruditum medicum ostenderit et misericordem, si quid consilii dederit, facias, et sequaris, si intellexerit et praeviderit, taleni esse langum-^m tuum, qui in conventu totius Ecclesia exponi debeat et curari, ex quo tbr- tassis et ce^^ffi aedificari potenint, et tu ipse facile sanari : multa hoc deliberatione, et satis perito medici illius consilio procurandum est. Of course application was especially made to the clergy : hence Origenes in Levit. Hom. ii. $ 4: Est — per poenitentiam remissio peccatorum, cumlavatpeccatorinlacrymis stratum suum, — et cum non erabescit sacerdoti Domini indicare peccatum suum, et quaerere medicinam. In Levit. Hom. v. $ 4 : Discant sacerdotes Domini, qui Ecclesiis praesunt, quii pars eis data est cum his, "quorum delicta repropitiaverint. Q,uid autem est repropitiare delictum ? Si assumseria peccatorem, et aaf^ndo, hortando, docendo, instruendo adduxeris eum ad poenitentiam ab errore correx- eri R, vitiis emeadaveris, et effeceris eum talem, ut ei converse propitius fiai Deus pro delicto, repropitiasse diceris. CHAP. rV.— ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. $ 71. CHURCH DISCIPLINE. 251 The time of penance usually continued several years — some- times even to the hour of death.^^ In Africa and Spain, re-ad- mission was forever forbidden in case of certain offenses. ^^ This strictness was relaxed only when confessors interceded on behalf of the lapsed. ^^ But during the Decian persecationj the mar- tyrs in Africa abused this privilege granted them by custom, so much that Cyprian was obliged to oppose them.^^ Yet this ^* The determinations Constitt. Apost. ii. 16, 21-24, are distinguished by great mildness, Comp. Drey uber die Constit. S. 51. 13 Comp. $ 53, note 39, § 59, note 10. So also Cypriau before the Decian persecution, Testim. adv. Judaeos, iii. c. 28 : Non posse in ecclesia remitti ei, qui in Beam deliqaent. On the contrary in Rome the penitent lapsi were admitted on the sick bed. Ep. Cleri Rom. ad Cler. Carthag. Among Cyprian's letters, Ep. 2. IS Comp. above, § 53, note 44. Dionysius Alpx. ap. Euseb. H. E. vi. 42, 3 : 0/ SF7oi fidpTvpeg^—ol vvv rov Xpcarov TTupeSpot kqI TJjg (SaGLTieiag avrov kocvuvol, Kai fjh')-\OL T^g KpLGELiQ avTov, Kat cvvdiKa^ovreq avriJ, tuv TrapaTrEirTUKoruv u6E?i(j)Qv — ryu Ittlotpo- 7}oi koI bfioyvufiovE^ avrolg KaraarufZEv, Kal ttjv KpiaiP aOi-o)v Kal r^v ;t:aptf ^v/iafw/zcr, kqI rotg kTiETidelaLV -biz' avruv ;(^p7?£Trevo'w/ie^a ; ri ttjv Kp-.Otv avrdv u6ektov TTotTjai^fiEda, Kal doKifiaard.^ airoifc i^f kKetvuv yvC}[n}g iiriG-i joofiii^, Kal TTJV xPV'^'^OTTira ?i.v7r^ ffx^fffiari (Euseb. vi. 44), and at a Synod in Antioch rov Noovutov KparvvEW Twi^ iizex^ipovv to axiapta (I. c. 4Gj. Cf. Socrat. iv. 28. Respectmg Marcian, bishop of Aries, see $ 68, note 14. ^ So Novatian, in a circular-letter, required all the churches (Socrates, iv. 28), /it/ dix^adac tovq kTzidvKOTa^ eIq tu ^vGTTjpta ' iiKTiii TrpoTpiiteiv fiev avToiig eIq /ierdvotav, TT/v (5^ avyxupv"-'" iiriTpiirciv 6e f^^a uiroTiovEadai. Kal uvaKadatpeadai tov TTJg iraTiatdg Kai aKaddprov (vptijg (yvTrov. Kal irepl tovtcjv avTOv ttuvtup deofievog, kniaT£L7\,a. Hieronymus Catal. c. 69 : Dionysius— in Cypriani et Africanae ayuodi dogma consentiens de haereticis rebaptizandis. CHAP. IV.— KCCLESIASTICAL LIFE. $ 73. DONATIST SCHISM. 2o7 church,^' although difference of opinion on the disputed jioii.t. continued for a long time.^^ In the mean time, even new, an interiiiCviiate opinion had arisen in the western church," wliiuii afterword became the prevailing one. 4. I^ltf.iHibn schism. During the Diocletian persecution, Melettus, fj^.Jwp of Lycoimlis in Thebais, maintained that the lapsed should not be admitted to penance before peace should have been restored. On this ground he withdrew from his me- tropolitan Feter of Alexandria (306), and began to assume the duties of the metropolitan's office among the churches of his party. ^* This schism continued more than a century. 5. Donatist schism}^ As early as the Diocletian persecu- tion there arose at Carthage a fanatical party in opposition to the bishop Mensurius and his archdeacon Caecilianus^ because they had contended against the perver.^encss with v/hich many Christians sought for martyrdom partly from fanaticism, and partly from still more impure motives. ^^ When, therefore, after =' Pontius in Vita Cypriani, where lie speaks of his martyrdom: Jam de Xisto (suc- cessor of Stephen), bono et pacifico Sacerdote, ac propterea beatissimo Martyre, ab fjrbe nuncius venerafc. ^2 Accordingly, the Greek fathers, even of the fourth century, reject the baptism of heretics. See below, § 101, note 10. 23 Can. Arelat. 8 : De Afiis, quod propria lege sua utuntur ut rebaptizent, placuit, ut si ad ecclesiam aliquis de haeresi venerit, interrogent enm symbnlum ; et si pcrviderint, eum inPatro, etFilio, etSpirituSancto esse baptizatQm,ni anus eitantum imponatur, ut accjpiat Spiritum Sanctum. Q.uod si interrogatus non reaponderit banc trinitatem, baptizetiir. 2* Some original documents relating to this controversy, especially a letter irora. four Egyptian bishops to Meletius, have been communicated to the public by Scipio Maffei Osservazioniletterarie, t.iii, p. 11, ss. (Verona. 1738). The account of EpiphaniusHaer. 68, which is favorable to Meletius, agrees best with this letter. Different, but partial against Meletius, is the representation of Athanasius Apologia contra Arianos, § 59, which Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret for the most part follow. Walch, iv. 355. Neander, ii. i. 46-1. " Sources: Optatus {bishop of Mileve about 368) de schisraate Donatistarum Hbb. vli. (vi. ?) ed. L. E. du Pin. Paris. 1700 (in which edition also: Monumenta Vetera ad Donatist. hist, pertinentia and bistoria Donatistarum). Augustinns in several works (all contained in the 9th part of the Benedictine edition, in its ap^)endix are also Kxcerpta et scripta Vetera ad Donatistarum historiaiij pertinentia), for example contra Epistolam Par- meniani libb. 3, de Baptismo libb. 7, contra literas Pctiliani libb. 3, coutra Cresconium libb. 4, breviculas collationum contra Donatistas libb. 3, etc. — Cfi Valesius de schismate Donatist. diss, (appended to bis edition oi Eusebius). Melchior Leydecker Historia Eccles. Africanae. Ultraj. 1690. 4. p. 467. Historia Donatistarum ex Norisianis schedis excepta in H. Norisii 0pp. om. ed. a Petro et Hieron. fratribus Balleriniis. (Veron. 1729. 1732. 4 t. fol.) Tom. iv. Walcb, iv. 3. Neander, ii. i. 387. 3^ Comp. the contents of a letter addressed by Mensurius to Secundus, bishop of Tigisis, in Augustin. brevicul. collat. diei iii. c. 23, note 25 ; Eos, qui se offerrent persecationibus non comprehensi, et ultro dicerent, se habere scripturas, quas non traderent, a ouibus hoc nemo quaesierat, displicuisse Mensurio, et ab eis honorandis eum prohibuisse Chris- tianos. Quidam etiam in eadem epistola facinorosi arguebantur et fisci debitwres, qui VOL. I. 17 258 FIRST PERIOD— DIV. III.— A.D. 193-324. Meiisurius's death (311), Caecilianus was chosen his successor, this party set up in opposition to him Majorinus, who was soon succeeded by Donatus the great (313). In this proceeding they were supported by the Numidian bishops, particularly Se- cundus, bishop of Tigisis, and Donatus, bishop of Casae Nigrac. The pretext was, that Caecilianus had been consecrated by a *'traditor," Felix, bishop of Aptunga. This pars Majorini, afterward called pars Donati, Donatistae, who gained many adherents in Africa, on account of their attaching great value to purity in the church, brought their complaint against Caecil- ian before Constantine : the first example of spiritual affairs being laid before a civil ruler for his decision. Constantine at first intrusted. Miltiades, bishop of Rome, along with three Gallic bishops (313) with an inquiry into the affair; and aft- erward a council was assembled at Aries for the purpose of in- vestigating it (314). Both decisions, as well as the judgment of the emperor himself (316) occasioned by a new appeal, proved unfavorable to the Donatists. But though severe laws also had been passed against them, yet they persisted in their opposition, and continued full of enmity toward the catholic church, for more than a century in Africa. § 73. ASCETICISM. In this division of time, we still find in the church a living consciousness of Christian freedom, which was manifested, espe- occasione persecutiones vel carere vellent onerosa multis debitis vita, vel purgn-e s3 patarent, et quasi abluere-facinora sua vel certe adquirere pecnniam, et in cuatodia deliciis perfrui de obseqaio Christianorum. With this coincides what had been ob.'e.-teii to Caecilian immediately after his election (1. c. cap. 14, no. 26); Cum esset diacoiiuK, victum afferri martyribus in cuatodia constitutis prohibuisse dicebatur. There is manifestly great exaggeration in the Donatist Actis Saturnini presbyteri, Felicis, Dativi, Ampelii ot aliorum, c. 17 (in Baluzii Miscellan. t. ii. p. 72, du Pin Monumenta, p. 156: On the other liand, this appendix is left oat in the Actis SS. and apud ILuinart vphere he is called): (Mensurius) tyranno saevior, carniiice crudelior, idoneum sceleris sui minlstrura diaconum suura elegit Caecilianum : idemque lora et flagra cum armatis ante fores careens ponit, ut ab ingressu atque aditu cunctos, qui victum potumque in carcerem martyribus aB'ere- bant, gravi affectos injuria propulsaret. Et caedebantur a Caeciliano passim qui ad alendos martyres veniebant, sitientibus intus in viuculis confesaoribus, pocula frangeban- tur ante cai'ceris limina, cibi passim lacerandi canibus spargebantur, etc. CHAP. IV.— ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. $73. ASCETICISM. 259 cially at the beginning of the period, in opposition tg the ascetic precepts of the Montanists/ Fasting continued to be left to the free choice of each ; except that ecclesiastical custom had determined certain days as especially appropriate for that pur- pose, which were very different in- diiferent churches.^ Besides, on particular occasions the churches were summoned by their bishops to a general fast;^ and in like manner certain fasts were imposed on the penitents.* External asceticism generally 1 TertuU. de Jejuniis, c. 2: Certe in evangelic illos dies jejaniis deterrainatos potant (Psychici), in qnibus alilatus est sponsus, et hos esse jam boIos legitimes jejunioruiii Christianorum, abolitis legalibus et propheticis vetustatibus. Itaque de caetero indif ferenter jejujijindum., ex arbitrio, nou ex imperio novae disciplinae, pro temporibus et causis luiiuscujusque. Sic et Apostolos observasse, nijllum aliud imponentes jugunt certorura et in commune omnibus obeundorum jejunioruni: proinde nee stationum, quae et ipsae suos quidem dies habeant, quartae feriae et sextae, passive tamen cuiTant, neque sub lege praeeepti — cum fides libera in Christc ne Judaicae quidem legi abstlnentiam quonindam cibornm debeat, semel in totum macellum ab Apostolo admissa, detestatore eorum, qui sioul. nubere prohibeant, ita jubeant cibis abstinere a Deo conditis : et ideo nos (the Montanists) esse jam tunc praenotatos in novissimis temporibus abscedentes a fide, intendentes spiritibus mnndi eeductoribus, doctrinis mendaciloquorum inustam habentes conscientiam (1 Tim. iv. 1, 2). Sit et cum Galatis nos quoque percuti ajunt observatores dierum et raensiam et annorura (Gal. iv. 10, cf. c. 14: Galaticamur plane). Jaculantui interea et Esaiam pronunciasse : non tale jejunium Dominus elegit, id est, non abstinen- tiam cibi, sed opera justitiae, quae subtexit (Ts- Iviii. 5, 6). Et ipsum Dominum in Evangelio ad omnem circa victum scnipulositatem compendio respondisse, noa his coin- quinari hominem, quae in os iaferantur, sed quae ex ore proferantur, cum et ipse mandu- caret et biberet usque in nationem : Ecce homo vorator et potafcor (Matth. xi. 19). Sic ct Apostolura docere, quod esca nos Deo non commendet: neque abundantes, si edanius, neque deficientes, si non edamus (1 Cor. viii. 8). Comp, Neander's Antignosticus, S. 279, H'. * Origenes Horn. x. in Levitic, § 2 : Habemus enim quadragesimae dies jejuniis cou- secratos. Habemus quartam et sextam septimanae dies, quibus solemniter jejunanius. Is this translation of Rufinus correct? Cf. Dionys. Epist can. ad Baailid. can. 1 : Mijdi rag i^ ruv vijgteluv yfiipag Icrug, fiijd^ 6fiolQ(; Travreg dta/iivovaiv a)OC ol fitv Kai Trdaac vTZEpTLdiactv (i. e., fasting all days successively. Kespecting these vKEpOiceig, superpositiones see Bingham, vol. ix. p. 229. Routh Reliqu. Sacr. ii. p. 419), uaiTOi ihaTE?i,ovvTeg, ol 6^ 6vo, ol 6^ rpeig, ol di Tiuuapag^ ol de ovSejilav. — el 6k Ttveg ohx oTTug ovx vTcepriOiptEvoc, uA?i.u fiTjdk vijarevaavTEg tj kol rpvip^cravTEg rag irpoayovoag Ttacapag, elra DMovreg km Tag reTiEVTOiag 6vo Kal fiovag i^fiipag, avrag vTrepTidivTEg, TTJv re TzapaOKEVTjv koI to Gdji^aTOVj jiiya n kol 7i.afnTpbv ttoceiv vofii^ovGLv, av /J-ixP^ rrjg itu diaiiELvuGiv, Tovrovg ovK olfiai rr)V Ictjv d62.7j(jLV izETroL^cdat, rolg rag 7r?\,Eiovag TifiF.pag TTpoTjcKTiKooi. Coust. Apost. V. 18 : 'Ev Tolg 7ip.Epaig ovv tov Tldax(^ vTjureveTE upxoiiEvoi (iTTo dsvTipag fiixpi TTJg napaGntv^g kqX aa^^arov i^ i^/iipag, k. r. A. ^ Tertull. de Jejun. c. 13, comp. ^ 53, note 33. The bishops sometimes showed them- selves ambitious even here. Origenes in Matth. Commentariorum series, $ 10 : Q.ui decent etiam abstinere a cibis, et alia hujusmodi, ad quae non omnino oportet cogere lioraines fideles, alligant per verbum expositionis suae onera gi-avia, citra voluntatciu Christi dicencis: Jugum meum suave est, et onus meum leve est: et imponmit ea, q^-a.* turn ad verbum suum, super humeros hominum, curvantes eos et cadere facieutes s^-'j pondere gravium mandatorum eos, qui bajulare ea non sufFerunt. Et frequenter vidt^re est, eos qui talia decent, contraria agere sermonibus suis, etc. * Even it vi'ould seem, of forty days, in imitation of Jesus. Petri Alex. can. 1. 2G0 PIEST PERIOD.— D IV. III.— A.D. 193-324. v,-».-M progressively and increasingly valued ;' and tiiere were vf.Ty )iiany ascetics of both sexes, although they were bound by n.' Lrrevcca'^la vow.° The Alexandrian distinction of a higher d.n 1 lower virtue had a special influence in recommending this " -'joticism.'' It is true that the renouncing of sensual enjoy- .:ients (^eyKparelaj, according to Clement of Alexandria, was only the means for attaining to that higher virtue, i. e., to that passionless state (^avrdOeia) whereby man is made like to God and united to Him f so that whoever has reached this point has no more need of that renunciation of sensual gratification ;° but afterward, the opinion that the higher virtue must mani- fest itself especially in external asceticism'" obtained currency, after the example of Origen, in the Christian school at Alex- andria, as well as among the new Platonists." To the high * Cf. Cyprianus de Habitu virginum; Methodii convivium decern virginam fin Combefisii Auctarium novissimum bibliotb. Graecorum Patrum. P. i. p. 64, ss.), and the two suppo- sitici.vs letters to virgins that pass under the name of Clement of Rome, which probably appeared about this time, and were first communicated to the public in the Syriac language by Wetstein N. T. torn. ii. (Moehler, Patrologie, i. 67, declares them genuine.) ^ Cypriani Epist. 62 : Q,uod si (virgines) ex fide se Christo dicaverunt, pudicae et castae sine uUa fabula perseverent, et ita fortes et stabiles praemium virginitatis exspec- tant. Si autem perseverare nolnnt, vel non possunt melius est lit nubant, quara in igneni dolictis suis cadant. Certe nullum fratribus aut sororibus scandalum faciant, etc. Concil. Iltiberit. can. 13, is directed against the lustful excesses of the virgins, quae se Deo dicaverint, and consequently does not belong to our present purpose. On the other hand, Cone. Ancyran. can. 19 : "Oaot Trapdsvlav ^7rayyeX2.6j^evoi, adsrovat rtjv ^KayyeXtav, rov rC)V 6tyiLfi(jiV dpov EKirTiiipovTuaav. Bigamists according to Basilii. Ep. can. iv. were subjected to the penance of a year. ^ See above, $ 63, note 25. » See 5 63, note 27. Daehne de yvuaei Clementis, p. 107. ' Clem. Alex. Strom, iv. p. 626 of the yvaanKo^: Oi/c iynpaTTj^ ovTOi In, uXK h efei yeyovev diradela^. vii. p. 874 : Acb Kal kodUt koX Trivet not yafisi fj> yvuuTLKo^), ov 7:po7]- yovfiho^ uX.'Ku uvayicaiac;. to ya/iclv 6i, ItXv 6 Uyog ipij, Tieyo, Kal (if xaB^Kei. Tevo/ievoi: yap TiTieioc (maritus) elaovag Ixei rotif 'ATTOffroXovf, ical tCi ovtl uvjjp ova hi tCi i^ovripr] kiraveXiadai deUvvrac jiiov, aT^V iKslvog uvdpag vlk^, & ya^ Kal TratSoiroit^, Kal ry Tov OLKov Tzpovolg. uv7]36v(i}g re Kal ukviri^Tog iyyv/ivaaufievog, //eru r^g rov oIkov Kjjdefiovlag u(5iU(Trarof rij; tov feoi yevo/ievog uyunt;;, Kal vaari; KaTE^aviaTa/icvoc; irelpa;, T^f Siu, TEKVuv Kal ywaiKog, oIkctuv tc kuI KTTiiiaTuv irpoa^tpo/ihrig. Tu Si aoiKiji ri iroA^u Etvai GVfi[3E(3-^Kev aTzetpdaTtj. Cf lib. iii. p. 546, etc. De Wette Geschicht. d. christl. Sittenlehre, i. 224. "> Tzschirner's Pall des Heidenthums, i. 435, ff. " Origenes in Ep. ad. Rom. lib. iii. (ed. de la Rue, iv. p. 507 : Donee quis hoc facit tantum quod debet, i. e., ea quae praecepta sunt, inutilis servus est {according to Luc. xvii. 10). Si autem addas aliquid praeceptis, tunc non jam inutilis servus eris, sed dicetur ad te: Euge serve bone et fidelis (Matth. xxv. 21). Quid autem sit quod addatur praeceptis, et supra debitum fiat, Paulus Apostolus dicit : De virginibus autem praeceptum Duir-Ini non habeo: consilium autem do, tamquam misericordiam consecutus a Dominr II C.jr. vii. 25). Hoc opus super praeceptum est. Qui ergo completis praeceptis a dLdei '; »-U&m hoc, ut virginitatem custodiat, non jam inutilis servus, sed servus bonus e- h .p -^ KOcabitur. Et itenim praeceptum est, ut hi qui Evangelium annunciant, e I vilify '.^ vivant. Paulus tamen dicit, quia nuUo horum usus sum; et ideo non inutilis erat servus, CHAP. IV.— ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. $73. ASCETICISM. 263 estimation of celibacy, increased by the cause just mentioned, which sometimes bordered almost upon contempt of the married state, ^^ was attached very naturally the notion of its being es- pecially becoming in priests to renounce the marriage inter- course/^ And though no general ecclesiastical law was yet enacted on the subject,^"^ yet as the priests had already been f(.r hidden to marry a second time (§53, note 28), a regulation was now made in addition, that they should only keep the wo- man whom they had married before ordination ; while in office itself, they should not marry ;^^ and that the person whom they sed fidelis et pnidens. Euseb. Demonstrat. evang^. i. c. 8 : 0/ (laBrjral (jov Xpiarov) — oua fiiv are ffjv ^tv dia^ef^TiKoci irpog rov teXeIov 6(,6auKaKov ■KapTjyyeXTQ, ravra Tolg oloig TE x^P^^^ TzapeSidovv ■ dca 6i rulg etc tuc fpyxcic EfiTzadiai, kol Oepaneia^ dEOfievoig kpov7ifj.art 6i rrjv TpvxT^v elg ovpavbv fterEvrjvEyfiEvoc^ old rivEg deol, rbv ruv avdpunuv k<^opC}at 8lov, vTTsp rov navrog yivovg Upcofi^vot ru etzI navruv Oel}, ov (3ov6v(jlaig Kai aljiaatv, — ^oyiMaci 6^ dpdocg a?iTj6ovg EVCE^eiag, ipvxvg t^ diaOiaEL KEKa6appiiv7]gj Kal irpocErL rolg Kaf apErrjv tpyoig re Kal "kbyoig. oig rb Oelov k^ikEOVfiEvou rijv vizEp <7(puv avruv Kal ruv C(l)t(nv 6/zoyEvuv UTTorEXovuiv Upovpylav. Totojde fi^v ovv KaOiarrjKEV h kvrEXTjg TTjg Kara rbv ;t;p£0"nay(iTjUov ■Ko7urElag rpoizog. '0 6' VTTOjSePTjKcjg uvOpoTvcvurEpog, clog Kal ydfioig cvyKariivat aL}(j>po Comp. Dionys. Alex. ap. Euseb. H. E. vi. 42. '* He lived on a rock in the mountain desert at the Red Sea; a day's journey from it. See vita S. Hilarionis by Jerome, Et. Quatremire Memoires geographiques et historiques sur I'Egypte. (Paris, 2 tomes, 1811) i. 152. CHAl'. IV.— ECCLESIASTICAL LIFE. § 74. MORALITY. ^63 cution, which so readily engenders fanaticism, in addition to enthusiasm, was peculiarly adapted to procure approbation even for such oddities. Hence, Antony found imitators ; and, since the following time favored such undertakings, in another point of view, he was in the sequel regarded as the father of Mo- nachiam}^ § 74. MOilAL CHARACTER OF ChjJ^SIlAXIT'i' IK TfllS i-Ji^lGD. Though Christian freed.-m at this time had been futtcrod cUy by a few ecclesiastical laws, a-.id tha teaoiiers, fur the n^ort part, were still able rightly to distinguish Iho essence of Cliris'- ian virtue from its forms, yet it can not but be percei\ed, th?t germs were already developed in the church, from which its moral corruption afterward arose. The notion of the church's external unity, with its consequences, led men to set too high a value on orthodoxy of the letter,' and on external connection with the church. Heretics were universally hated as men wholly corrupt and lost.^ On the contrary, even an Origen was of opinion that, in the communion and at the intercession of the church, even gross sinners might be accepted of God.^ To ==* Sozomeuus H. E. i. 12, 13. Vita Antonii by Atliauasius (either spurious or greatly interpolated, see Oudini Comm. de scriptor. eccles. ant. vol. i. p. 358). ^ Origenes in Matth. Commentar. series $ 33 : Et malum quidem est, invenire aliquem secundam mores vitae errantem, multo autem pejus arbitror esse in dogmatibus aberrare et non secundum verissimam regulam scripturanim sentire. Claoniam sicut in peccatis mortalibus, puniendi sumua ampliua propter dogmata falsa peccantes. ^ Grig. Selecta in Job. ed. de la Rue, p. 501 : KaX b alpsTiKO^ oTav ev^rj-ai — urav 6ok^ KaTEnT)i:>'.xfiai, tots eif re/lof uiro2.elTai. ■ 7/ yap eix^ avTov 'koyii^sTai avrCi c/f upapriav. Cyprian, de Unit, eccles. : Tales etiamsi occisi in confessione uominis fuerint, macula ista nee sanguine abluitur. Esse martyr non potest, qui in ecclesia non est. Comp. tlie vota at the council of Carthage in the year 256 (in Cypriani Opp. ed Baluz. p. 334, ss.) : Lucius a Thebeste : Haereticos blasphemes atque iniquos — execrandos censeo: Vinceutius a Thibari : Haereticos scimus esse pejores quara ethnicos. Lucianus a Rucuma : Si potest luci et tenebris convenire, potest nobis et haereticis aliquid esse commune. Heretics are called, Const. Apost. vi. 13 : ievdoxpiaroi nal TpcvSolrponrai, aai ipcv6a7r67ZLav, koI xpVf^'^oryra, koI r^fiepoTtjTa kv toI^ fijj 6ia TO. (SiuTtKa 7/ rtvcf XP^^^^ avOpuTCiKag vnoKpivafiivoic, d/l/lu napade^afievocc yvTjaiug TOV Tzepl Qeov Kal XpioTov Kal TTJg baofiivTig Kplaeug Xoyov- 13 On the time before the Decian persecation Cyprianna de Lapsis writes : Dominus probari familiam suam volait, et quia traditam nobis divinitus disciplinam pax longa cor- ruperat, jacentem fidem et paeue dixerim dormientem censura coeiestis erexit.- — Stude- baat augendo patrimonio singuli, et — insatiabili cupiditatis ardore ampliandis faculfeatibus incubabant. Non in sacerdotibus religio devota, non in ministria fides Integra, non in operjbus misericordia, non in moribus disciplina. — Jnngere cum infidelibus vinculum matri- monii, prostituere gentilibus membra Christi: non jurare tantum temere, sed adhuc etiam pejerare, caet. Origenes in Jerem. Hom. iv. 3 : Kal u?i,i]6ug lav Kplvufiev Til TzpuyfiaTa likTiQug.^ Kal ^7} bx^otg^ — o-ipofieda vvv, ug ovk kofiiv irtaTol' uTlTiaI totc 7]aav ttigtoI, fire ra (lapTvpta Ty yeveg. byivovTO, k. t. A. — Tore ^aav TTiffrot oTilyoL /j,ev, iriffTol 6e aTi-qd&Q. — NOy 6i, otc yeydvafiev TroA/lot, — Ik tov nTi^dovQ tuv kTzayyeTiXofiivcdV Beoce- (3eiav G^odpa elclv oMyoi, ol KaTavTiJVTcg krrl ttjv kK^oy^v tov deov Kal ttjv fiaKa- piOTTiTa. On the peaceful times before the Diocletian persecution, Eusebii H. E. viii. 1 : 'AA/lcf ^tt' «A/l(Ztf TrpoaeTcdifiev KaKlag. 1* Origenes in Gen. Hom. x. 1 : Ubi vel.quando vestrum tempus inveniam (ad distribu- eudam in tempore tritici mensuram Luc. xii. 42) ? Plurimum ex hoc, imo paeue totum tempus mundanis occupationibus teritis in foro, aliud in negotiatione consumitis : alius agro, alius litibus vaoat, et ad audiendum Dei verbum nemo, aut pauci admodum vacant. Sed quid vos do occupationibus culpo ? Q.uid de absentibus conqueror ? Praesentes etiam et in Ecclesia positi non estis intenti, sed communes ex usu fabulas teritis, verbo Dei vel lectiunibus divinis terga convertitis. — Sine intermissione orandum Apostolus praecipit. Vos, qui ad orationes non convenitis, quomodo impletis sine intermissione, quod semper omittitis ? — quid faciunt hi, qui diebus tantum solemnibus ad Ecclesiam conveniunt ? In Num. Hom. xii. 2 : Aliqui vestrum ut recitari audierint, quae leguntur, statim discedunt. — Alii ne hoc ipsum quidem patienter expectant, usque quo lectiones in Ecclesia recitentur. A'li vero nee si recitantur, sciunt, sed in remotioribus dominicae domus locis saecularibus faoulis occupantur. Hom. xiii. 3 : Q,uanti mode hie praesentes sumus, et sermo Dei trac- tatur ? Sunt, qui concipiunt corde, quae lecta sunt, sunt, qui omnino non concipiunt, quao dicantur, sed est mens eorum et cor aut in negotiis, aut in actibus saeculi, aut supputa- tionlbus lucri: et praecipue mulieres quomodo, putas, corde concipiunt, quae tantum gar- riant, quae tantum fabulis obstrepunt, ut non sinant esse silentium? Jam quid de mente earum, qtiid de corde discutiam, si de infantibus suis, aut de laua cogitent, aut de ueces- sariid domus ? 266 FIRST PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 193-:i'.>4. ill the church a living Christianity prevailing, and in conse- quence thereof, fine moral phenomena which are sought for in vain out of its pale at this period. ^^ In particular, tiiat philan- thropy which Chri':tianity awakened in its professors,'^ deserves so much the more honorable mention,'^ as it was not confined 15 Orig^nes c. Celsum, i. p. 21 : EZ <3' o evyvufioviog ravra Karavouv avyKaraO^ff^rui Tip, fXTjdiv KpeiTTOv iv av6pC)iT0ig yeyovevat adEeL- ttoctoj TrXiov to toguvtov TEpl tov 'Irjaov da^^dv uiroovTer ev XpiOToi, avva7T7]?^7idTTOVTO hKuvotg iLGfisvearaTa rov "nap* iripGiV avaTTLftirXd/xevoi TTudovg, Kal r7]v voaov ^0' iavTovg 'iTiKOvreg unb ri^v nXTjalov, Kal kKovTeg avauao- ouficvot Tug u?^yj]66vag. — Ta tSe ye idvrj rcuv rovvavrlov Kal voue'v upxoutvovQ aTrtj- dovvTO, Kal uTTe^Evyov Tovg 0E/lruTOVf, Kav rale; bSoit; i^j^lTzrovv TjfiiQvfjTag- Kal vmpovi iLTd^QVQ aireCKvlSaTi^i^ovTO, ryv rov Bavdrov 6cd6o'. 29, Sozomen, i. 5) that a conscieiice, troubled on account of the murder of his sco Cris -.us, and his wife Fausta, impelled the emperor to Christianity, which was l!-,o o!;ly re^g'on that promised full forgiveness of sin, even chronology is against the assertion. Comp. Manso's Leben Constaut'iis d. G. Breslau. 1817. 8. S. 119. Hug's Denkschrift zur Ehrenrettung Constantins d. G. in d. Zeitschrift f. d. Geistlichkeit des Erzbisth. Freiburg. Heft 3, S. 75, ff. * See liis rescripts to the oriental provinces in Euseb. de vita Const, ii. 24-42, 48-60. Respectinf^ his speeches in recommendation of Christianity, cf. iv. 29, 32, 55. The one wl'.ich he wrote, oif lypuTfje rut tuv uyluv tjvXXoyci, is appended to Euiebias's life of liinj. In it he lays peculiar stress on the prophecies of the Sybil, and the fourth ociojne of V irgil, which he also refers to Christ 272 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. by favors;^ engaging with zeal in the erection of many, and in part, splendid churches,^ and in furnishing them with revenue.-? out of the common fund of the cities.^ Since paganism contin- ued to prevail in Rome/" he transferred the seat of his govern- ment to Byzantium, and changed this city into a chiefly Chris- tian New-Rome (afterward Constantmople).^^ But yet the ' Euseb. de vita Const, iv. 28 : Tatf d' iKK7.7](7laLg tov Oeov Kad* VTepopcvv k^aipETov ■K^eLcd* oaa napelxev L)(Se fihf aypovct uXkaxoQi 6i aiTodoaiag^ cTrt x^PV'Y}'?' T^nn'jruiv uvdpQv, ira'cduv -f bp^avuv, k. t. 2. Comp. the emperor's direction to the bishops, how they should use the neV means put into their hands for the conversion of the heathen, 1. c, iii. c. 21 : O/ ^iv yap 6g irpoc Tpo<^v x^^^povatv k-irtKaipovfievoi' ol 6^ t^^ TrpoaTaalac VTTOTpixEtv eluQao'LV ' uXKoi rovg dz^itjctci ^iXo^povovp-Evov^ auna^ovrai. • Kat ^evioi^ TifiufiEvot ayaTTuaiv 2rfpoi * ^po-x^lQ S* ol 2,6yiov ukrjdEi^ ipacralj koX gtzuvio^ av 6 T^g u.?i,7}6elag ^12,0^. Atb -Kpo^ iravra^ apfioTTeadai 6eI, larpov diKTjv kudaru ra avulte7J} TTpbc GOTTjptav TTOpt^Ofiivovc ' wffT* k^ anavTog rijv auTi^piov rrapii Tolg irdat do^d^Eudac didacKaTiiav. In this way he himself converted the pagan inhabitants of Heliopolis in Phoenicia, 1. c. iii. 58 : Ilpoi'owv — oirug dv TrAeiOUf irpoalotEV rC) Xoyu, rd npog k-KiKovpiav tQv ttevtjtuv EKTrTiEa Ttapecx^y Kat ravry irpoTpEiTur knl T7]v auTTjptov OTTEvdetv 6i6a<7- KaMcv ' fiQvovovxl Tu) uvTt TrapaTrTiTjalug eIttuv dv Kai avToc ' *' elte ^rpoipuOEL, eIt' dXTjdEig XpiGTog Ka-ayyE'/O^Ecdu {Phil. i. 18!)." Rewards bestowed on the places which declared in favor of Christianity, 1. c. iv. 38 and 39. * See his letter to all bishops, Enseb. de vit. Const, ii, 46, in which he directs tliem, aitovddf^tiv "Kept ru epya tuv iKKTiTjuiuv Kal y k-izavopdovGdai rd ovra, ^ c/f fiEi^ova av^ECVy 7} Evda dv ;^;pffc UTrairy, Katvd ttoieIv. AlnjtjEic ^^ — tu uvayKola irapd te tuv T}yeii6vu>Vy Kal ttjq knapxf-Krjg Ta^Eug- rovToig ydp k-KEGTaXdrj^ nucrg -Kpodvfiia k^vTTTjpe T7]aaus boum, ed. F. Piper (Got- tingae. 1835. 8). p. 85. ^^ Eusebius de vita Const, iii. 57 : Jlavreg 6' ol nplv Seci^alfiovec, rov D'.eyxov rfjc avTuv TrAtivT/f avralg oTpeatv bpCivreg, rdv 6^ inravTaxov veuv te kol IdpvfidTuv ipyu Veo)fJ.EVoL T7jv eprjfilav, ol fiEV rij auTJjplu Tzpouecpevyov Aoyi^ ol d\ el teal tovto fir] iirpar- Tov, TTJg yovv TTar/Kpfif KareytvijaKOiJ fiaTatoTTjTOg, kyiXuv re Kal Karey^/MV rCJv TcdXai i-ofiL^ofi£Vuv avTolg Oedv. 27 Augustinus Kp. 34 mentions libros beatissimi Papae Ambrosi'i, — quos adversus non- nullos imperitissimos et superbissimos, qui de Platonis libris Domiuumprofecisseconton- dunt, (de Doctr. christ. ii. 43 : qui dicere ausi sunt, omnes Domini nostri J. Chr. sentcntias, qnas miuari et praedicare coguntur, de Platonis libris eum didicissel diligentissimc et copi nsissime scripsit. 276 SECOND PEEIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-41)1. ridicule.^' On the other hand, paganism gained in this respect, that the ancient classic culture and literature, containing a re- ligious doctrine at once pure and national, seemed chiefly to be- long to it and to be intrusted to its keeping.^' The most cele- brated schools of rhetoric and philosophy in Alexandria, Athens,'" etc., had heathen preceptors. The new platonic philosophy was silently working in favor of paganism,'' Jamblichus (f 333), the great orators Libanius (f 395), Himerius (f 390), and Themistius (f 390), were heathen;'^ while there were few Christian scholars who could rival them, like the two Apolli- naris in Laodicea in Syria ; and these had to struggle with the prejudices against all heathen learning, which were increased by monachism." Thus the most distinguished spiritual orators among the Christians were obliged to receive their education in heathen schools. Under these circumstances it can not appear strange that we should find most attachment to paganism in the higher ranks ; ^* 88 Euseb. de vita Constant, ii. c. 61. E/f Toaovrov dri^Xavvev uTOTTiac ^ tuv yivofiivuv Oea Lxrr' ydTj h/ avToi^ /itiaocg tuv dnlarav dsdrpoiQ ru Geptvd. tt}^ ivdiov di6aaKa?^iag ttjv alaxtoTTjv virofiEvecv x^^V^' Gregor. Naz. Orat. i. p. 34 ; Micovfieda iv Tolg tdvEOi ' — d (tar' d/l/l^/lui' tmvooviiev, Karil navTuv Ixovai,' Kal yeyovaftcv 6iaTpov Kaivbv — jruai /xcKpov Tolg novTjpoi^t Kal itrl Travrof Kacpov koI roTroVt kv ayopalg, kv ttotoi^. — ^djy i5s7 jrpoT/WoiiEV Kal iiixP'' ""IS cKTiviji, — Kal /icri tuv uaeXycardTuv yeTiu/ieSa, Kai oiSiv ovTQ TEpizvbv TUV uKovcfiaTOiv Kal ^ea/zdrwv, ^^ Xpitrnavof KufKfidov^evoSt TavTa ijiuv d Trpof dX/l^Aovf -KoXEpLo^, K. r. A. ^^ Libanius in his Apologeticus, ed. Reiske, vol. iii. p. 437, dates from the persecution of heathenism by Constantine t^v utto To)/ Upuv im TOtif Tioyovg uTiiilav. — o'lKcia yiip, olfiat,, Kal avyyEVTj Tavra afitftoTepa, ieph Kal Xoyoi. ^^ B-especting them see Schlosser in his Archive fiir Geschichte und Literatur, Bd. 1. (Frankf. a. M. 1830,) S. 217. On the school at Athens see TJllmann's Gregorios von Kazianz. (Cttrmstadt 1325) S. 27, S. Gregorii Nazianz. Orat. xx. p. 321, (ed. Bened. Orat. xliii. p. 787) ; 'BXaf^epal ^if — *A6^vat, ril elg -^vxyv ■ Kal yap TrXovroOfft tov KaKov jrXoi)- Tov^ TO. fidu/lo, iiaK7v ^Lov ' dpuvelav r' uTlektov tuv ryv ^KK?,7j(TLav vnodvofievuv Kal 70 Xpiariavuv kTzi7i:2,d(JTUc CT;t'^/iOTi^0jU£vwv bvofia. To S' avrov {KovuravTlvov) tpcTiuv- dpuTTOv Kal ^ikdyaBov — ^v^ytv avrov ■KiGTtvELV tu (7_Y^//a7£ tuv ^piaTcavuv elvatvofiiCo- {itvuv. Such apparent Christians are described by Libanius Orat. pro templis (ed. Reiske vol. ii. p. 177), in the church : KaTauTavTEg 6e. tig CFxvfia to tuv Evxofxivov, ij ovdeva Ka- 7<.ovuLv, 7) Tovg dsovg, ov KaXiJg jmev kK tov toiovtov ;^;wptot;, KaT^ovat 6' ovv. "Qarrep ovv kv race TpaycddLaig 6 tov Tvpavvov eIuiuv ovk karl rvpavvog, uA/l' oVep yv irpb tov Trpoc- UTTEIOV. OVTG) Kal kKELVUV EKaGTOg TTJpU {itv aVTOV UKlVTjTOV, SoKEl 6^ TOVTOCg KEKlvfjodai. 3^ Epiphaniua Haer. Ixxx. Massalianorum, $ 1. MaaaaTnavol, 'Kv(P'r}(UTat — k^ 'EXXtjvuv upficJvTO, ovTE 'lovSaiafiu iTpqaavixovTEg, ovte XptaTcavoi VTrdpxovTEg, ovte dnb "Za^ap- ELTQV, uXka fiovov '■^TJkijvEg bvTEg d^dev ' kuX dEOvg fiiv XiyovTsg, (ii^SevI fXTjdiv TrpoaKV- vovvTEg, ivl difiovov 6y6EV to aifiag ve/iovte^ Kal KalovvTEg navTOKpuTopa' Tivdg 6^ otKOvg iavTolg KaTaGKEvdaavTeg, rj TOKovg nTiaTEigt (popcjv 6lki]v, irpoaEvxdg TavTag kKd7<.ovv~ $ 2 : 'Ev uTJiotg 6i Tonoig 6opu Kal nXdvijffcg, SiTJKet 6i Kal Elg dcvpo Kal TraparElvETac (ppovovai yap cjde TTapaTiTipovvreg etc tuv kv Ty ^ocviKy Kal Tla7i.aLaTtvg TLvkg, ol a^dg fikv avrovg dEoaEpEtg ovofid^ovacvj olfiov 6e Ttva dprjaKEtag StaGTELxovci fi^aijv, ovte rotg 'lovSacuv kdEoi Kada- pug, OVTE Tolg 'ETlI^vuv TrpoaKEtfiEvoi, slg d/Kfuo 6i ucTzep dia^fnirTovfisvoi Kal fiE/iEptafii- VQL. To these, too, Libaniaa perhaps refers, Lib. Ep. adPriscianum Praesidem Palaest. {ed. Vales, in note ad Socr. 1, 22. Lib. Ep. ed. Wolf, p. 624) : 0/ tov ^?.tov ovroi dEpanevov- TEg dvev alptarog, Kal rifiuvTEg Oeov TrpoGTjyopici dEvripa, Kal ttjv yaaripa Ko?i.d^ovTEg, koI kv Kkp^Ei TTotovfiEVOt TT/v Tijg Te7\.EVT^g ijfiipav, noTCkaxov fz^v elal TTjg yrjg, Tcavraxov 6i 62Jyot, teal ddiKovci fikv ovdiva, Ti-VKovvTat 6k viz' kviuv 'BovT.o/iac 6k Tovg kv HaXatC' TLvi^ TovTuv 6iaTpL^ovTag T^v a7)V dperyv exelv KaTavy^v, Kal Eivat atpiaiv u6ELav, Kal (iTi k^ELvat rolg l3ov?iOfiivoig elg avTovg vppi^ELv. Valesius supposes the Manichaeaus to be meant here. 3'' Concerning this sect, see especially Gregory of Nazianzum in the funeral oratiou on his father Gregory, who had at first belonged to them, Orat. xviii. (al. xix.) $ 3. He designates the party as kK dvolv kvavTiuTaToiv avyKEKpafiEVfj, kX'ki]vtK7Jg re irXdvijg kcl vofiLKijg TEpaTE'ag uv ufn]>0TEpuv Ta fiipTj <}tvyo)v, kK fikpuv avvETidij' Tfjg fikv yap rCi fl6u?ia Kal Tag Ovalag dTroTTE/iTofiEvoc, TtfiucL rb nvp Kal rd Tivxva. rfjg 6k rb (TaQparor 27S SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. • of nearly the same sentiments, appeared in the first half of the fourth century. Toward the end of the same century, the Cae- licolae in Africa arose.'* None of these parties, however, attain- ed to much' importance or continued long. § 76. JULIAN THE APOSTATE. A. Neander iiber den Kaiser Jalianns und sein Zeitalter. Leipzig. 1812. 8. (Compare Schlosser's review in the Jen. A. L. Z. Jan. 1813. S. 121, fl'.) Neander's Kirchengesch. ii. i. 7.5. C. Ullmann's Gregorias v. Naziauz, der Theologe. Darmst. 1825. 8. S. 72, ff. C. H. van Herwerden de Jaliano Imp. relig. Christ, hoste, eodemque vindice. Ludg. Bat. 1827. 8. Julian d. Abtrunnige, v. D. Gr. Fr, Wiggera, in Illgen's Zeitschr. f. hist. Theol. vii. 1, 115. Gfrorer's Kirchengesch. ii. 1, 155. The injustice which Julian had to endure from the firsl, Chris- tian ernperors, the strict education by which Christianity wan attempted to be forced upon him, and his early private acquaint- ance with new-platonic philosophers, especially Maximus^ had early disposed him toward heathenism, whose dead forms he saw animated with so much life by the new-platonists.^ When He attained to the imperial dignity (361), he declared himself uiSoi/icvoi, nal rr/v nepl to. npofSara (leg. to nepl Til ^puiiara) l; Tiva /iiKpoXoyiav, ttjv TrepiTo/iijV urtfid^ovai- ^ytpcoTdpcoc TOi^ TaTretvoig ovoiia, Kol b TravroKpuTup ^ fiovo^ aiiTol; aefiiiaiuo^. Gregorius Nyss. contra Eauom. (Opp. i. 12) ; "Tipiartavuv avrr/ iariv 7/ TTpof Toi}^ XpiUTiavov^ 6ca(j}opilt to 6e6v (liv avTovg btioXoytlv elvat Tiva, ov ovofid^ov- atv inluffTov, sy iravroKpaTopa' 'Traripa d^ avrbv elvai fxij -Trapadexsodat.. Information respecting the Hypsistariana, Massalians, SeoffE/Seif, etc. : C. UUmann de Hypsistariis comm. Heidelb. 1823. 4. Guil. Boehmer de Hypsistariis, opinionibusque quae super eis propositae sunt. Berol. 1824. 8. Ullmann in the Heidelb. Jahrb. 1824, no. 17. A re- viewer in the Jen. A- L. Z. Dec. 1824. S. 455. Ullmann Gregorius v. Nazianz. Darmst. 1825. S. 558. Bohmer einige Bemerkungen zu den v. d. H. Prof. Ullmann nnd mir aufge- stellten Ansichten iiber den Ursprung und den Charakter der Hypsistarier. Hamburg. 1626. 8. Ullmann explains the origin of the Hypsistarii from a blending together of Juda- ism and Parsism; Bohmer, following Cyril (see above, note. 36), regards them as the same party as the Massalians and feoae/Jeif, and perceives hi them the -remnant of a monotheism derived from primitive revelation, but aflaiward disfigured by Sabaeisra. Geaenius Monum. Phoeniciae, i. 135, ii. 384, puts alor.g wiih them the Abellonii, ap. Augustin. de Haer. o. 87. D'J'bj^JX from tV^i' 2N '• but the Abellonii are manifestly a Cbriatian sect. ** There are two laws of Honorias against them, Cod. Theod. lib. xvi. tit. ii, I. 43, A.n 408 (Caelicolae, qui nescio cujus doginatis novi conventus habent), and lib. xvi. tit. 8, 1 l!i, A.D. 409. Comp. Gothofredus on the last law, and J. A. Schmid Hist. Caelicolaruni Helmst. 170t. ' Henke de tbeologia Julian! diss. 1777 (reprinted in his Opusc. academ. Lips, 1802, p. CHAP. L— STRUGGLE WITH PAGANISM. $ 76. JULIAN. 279 openly in favor of the ancient national religion, to which he en- deavored to impart a more nxoral and religious form, even by introducing many practices borrowed from Christianity,^ wiiiJe he himself thought that he was only restoring the worship of the gods to its original purity, and practiced it with greater zeal.^ He took away their privileges from the Christians,^ and forbade them to appear as public teachers of the national litera- ture ; ^ but he promised them full toleration in other respects. He was guilty, however, of many acts of injustice toward them, often, it is true, provoked by their intemperate zeal.^ But they ^ Juliani Epist. 41', ad Arsacium Pontif. Galatiae, on the morals and conduct of priests (comp. especially Fragmentum iu Juliani 0pp. ed. Spanh. p. 298. UUmann's Gregor. v. Nazianz, S. 527, ff.), support of the poor, and erection of houses for the reception of strangers. Ep. 52, concerning penitents. Julian estabhshed hierarchical gradations among the priests (Ep. 62), and wished them to receive higher honor than civil ofScers (Fragraentum, p. 296, Ep. 49). Sozomenus v. 16 says of him: 'YiroXajSuv, tov XpiCTiav- Luiiov TT^v avaracLv t:x^tv kti rov (Slov kol r^g ■KoXirelag tCjv avrov tiercovruv, dievoelro Tvavraxy rovg kXkriviKovg vaovg ry napaffKcvy nal ry rd^et TTJg Xpiariavuv dpTjCKEiag diaKoa/XELV ' ^jjfiaai rf, koI TrpoEdpLaic, Kai i'A7,yvLKC)V doyfiaTuv kol Trapaiviaeuv 6t6aGKu?.oi(: TE Kol uvayvuaratg, dpuv te ^ijtuv Kai i^fiepuv TErayfiivai^ Evxctig, (ppovrta- TTjploLg TE uvdpuv Kol yvvaiKuv ^t%oao(PEiV kyvidHQTUV (Julian led even an ascetic life, cf. Misopogon, in 0pp. p. 345, 350. Ammianus Marcellin. xxv. 4), koI Karaycjyiotg ^evuv KOL TTTux^^f ^°-'' "^V ^iaAj? 7^ TTEpl Tov^ 6EOfiivovg povLa(i6v. Ovx TjniaTa 6i (rj^iuaat "kkyeTat ra avvdjj/iiaTa tuv ETTLGKOTTiKUiv ypafifiuTiov, K. T. ?„. Cf. Gregorii Naziauz. adv. Julian. Orat. iii. p. 101, ss. ^ In a manner too zealous even for cultivated heathens, Aramianas Marcell. xxv. 4 : Praesagionim sciscitationi nlmiae deditus — superstitiosus magis, quam sacrorumlegitimus observator, innumeras sine parsimonia pecudes mactans, ut aestiraaretur, si revertisset de Parthis, boves jam defuturos. * The law concerning the restoration of possessions held by them in the cities has strangely enough found its way into the Cod, Theod. lib. x. tit. 3, 1. 1. Cf. Sozom. v. 25. ^ Juliani Epist. 42; "Arorrov Elvai fzot (jtaivETai 6i6d(jKeiv knEtva Tovg avdpunov^, oira /J./} vofj,l^o/j.aiv Ev EX^'-'^' ^^^^ fi' f^^v oiovTai (700(1, uv eIolv k^TjyTjTat, Kai uv cja-jTsp TrpocpyTai Kd87]VTai, ^7j?iOVTuaav avTuv irpuTov ttjv tig Tovg dsovQ Eixjil^ELav. el 6^ [del. elq] Tovg TtfituTUTOvg vTro?Lafi(3dvovai TrETrTiav^cdai, padtCovTuv etc Tag tuv Ta?u?iaiuv kKKATjctag, k^TjyqabfiEVOL yiaTdalov kol Aovkuv^ k. t. A. Socrates, iii. 12, 16. Sozomenus, v. 18. Amniian. Marcellin. xxii. 10 : lUud autem erat inclemens, ohruendum perenui silentio, quod arcebat docere magistros rhetoricos et grammaticos, ritus christiani cultores (cf. xxv. 4). The sacred national literature appeared to him to be profaned by the contra- dictory and scoffing Christian interpretation. But there is no ground in this to attribute to him the design of degrading the Christians into a state of ignorance, as has been fre- quently done by writers. For there were so few Christian grammarians, on account of the prejudices with which they had to contend among their brethren of the same faith (see $ 75, note 27), that Christianshadalmost their only opportunity of studying the ancient literature under heathen preceptors, a thing which they might yet do without prohibition. In the mean time, however, some Christian authors, especially the two ApoUinaris, and Gregory of Nazianzum, were led by that prohibition to attempt imitations of heathen works in poetry and eloquence with biblical materials. Socrat, iii. 16. Sozora. v. 18. ^ Juliani Ep. 5C!, ad Bostrenos, concerning the Christian bishops : 'Ori fi^ TvpavvEiv 280 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. had still more to suffer from the heathen governors and people. Hence it was natural that many who had hitherto been Christ- ian professors for the sake of external advantages, should now go back to heathenism from the same motives. ^ The Jewish religion was respected by Julian as an ancient national faith ; and on his march against the Persians, he even gave permission for the temple at Jerusalem to be rebuilt, though it was soon after destroj^'ed.^ On this same expedition he composed in Antiocli, where he bore the scoffs of the Cliristian populace with philosoph- ical indifference, his work against Christianity,^ Soon after this he was killed in a battle with the Persians (363).^" E^EOTLv avTol^f — "Kapo^vvo^tvoi TTuvTa Ktvovai IWov, Kal avvrapuTTetv toA/zwo"£ tu TzXjjdi], Kal OTaatu^Ecv. — Ovdiva yovv avTuv uKOvra irpbg (Sufiov^ lufiev Jf^KeaBai' diufj- ^;^67jv 6i avToIg Trpoaayopevo^ev, el tl^ Ikuv x^pvll3o)v Kal aTvovduv rjfiiv l-6i:Xet Koivot' velv, KaOdpcna irpoacpEpEadai irpiJTOv, Kal rovg dnorpoiraiavi' Iketeveiv OEOvg. — Tu yovv ttXtjOt} to, napu tuv Tieyofiivuv KXrjpcKwv k^TjiraTT^fxiva irpodTjXov on ravTTjc dv udiuv koI uaej3uVy t) ^oj^c dpxovriKTJg, ij iTEpiovaiag ryg kK PaaiTi^iKuv to^ieluv, lxtttep l/xdnov rax^i^g T7]V 6p7j(7Ketav fj.ET7}fic}>tiaavTo. — 5tl yap 6 (SaaiTiCvg hKElvog—avTog re uvaidug Idvtv daifiomvj kqI rolg tovto ^ovXafiivotg iroulv noXkd TTpoETidTj tu yipa, TToaot T7]v iKKTiTjalav d^ivTEg IttI Tovg ftupiovg Edpafiov ; ttoooi 6i, to tijv d^ndfidrav dsXEap ehdE^dfievot, fief eke'lvov Ka-ETZiov to Tijg 7Tapaf3d(jEug dyKiaTpov ; Of. Tliemiatii Oratio consularis ad Jovianum, ed. Petav. p. 278 : 'KXtyxofitBa irdvv yeXo/uf uXovpyldag, oi) Qeov dEpaTreifovTEg, Kal {iaov Evpl-rrov fiETafiaXXofXEvoL Tag dyiaTeiag. Kal irdXai fiEv elg Qripafj.EV7}g, vvv 6e uTravTeg Kodopvot, fiiKpov dslv x&^g ^v Totg 6iKa^ cqfiEpov 6h kv Tolg •KEVTTjKOVTa, ol avTol TTpog (Su/iolg, TTpbg UpELOLg, irpbg uydXfiaac, trpbg Tpani^aig. * Juliani Epist. 25. — An earthquake and flames of fire prevented the workmen. Gregor. Nazianz. Orat. iv. Chrysostomus Homil. iii. adv. Judaeos. Aramianus Marcellinus, xxiii. 1. Socrates, iii. 20. Sozom. v. 22. Theodoret, iii. 15. In like manner, fire burst forth when Herod wished to penetrate farther into the sepulcher of David (Joseph. Antiq. xvi. 7. 1.) These phenomena are explained by the bituminous soil. Comp. Michaelis on the vaults under the temple-mountain in Lichtenberg's and Forster's Gotting. Magazin, Stem Jahrg. (1783) S. 772. ^ According to Hieron. Ep. 84, ad Magnum 7, and Cyrillus adv. Jul. prooem. 3 books. Fragments in Cyrilli Alexandr. adv. Julianum libb. x. published separately : Defense du Paganisme par I'empereur Julien par M. le Marquis d'Argens. Berlin. 1764. ed. 3. 1761*. 8. (Comp. the review in Ernesti's n. theol. Bibl. Th. 8. S. 551, ff.) ^" Comp. Ammianus Marcellinus, xxv. 3. Eutropii Breviar. x. 8, both of whom accom- panied the expedition. — Libanius kncTdxiog kir' ^lovXiavCi (ed. Reiske, vol. i. p. 614) hints tliat he was killed by a Christian, cf. Sozomenus, vi. 1, 2. Juliani Imp. Opera (Orationes viii. Caesares, MtffOTruyuv, Epistolae 65) et Cyrilli contra impiam Julianum lib. z. ed. Ezechiel Spanhemias. Lips. 1696. fol. eOAT. 1.— S«WDT!VXji- rmirs PAGAITI5M. J 11. TOLEilATION. 28' § 77. . GENERAL TOLEEATION TILL 381. The reign of Jovian (f 364) was in so critical times that he found it advisable to allow full freedom to all religions/ although he himself was a zealous Christian.^ But this very disposition of the emperor encouraged the Christians in many places not only to demand restitution for injuries actually suffered under the preceding reign, but also to exhibit their hatred against the pagans, which had been increased by Julian's measures.' The legal toleration of all religions also continued under the follow- ing emperors, Valentinian I. (in the west f 375),* and Valens (in the east f 378 ^), although they forbade bloody sacrifices ; ° in like manner, in the first years of the emperors Gratian and Valentinian II. in the west, and Theodosius in the east, till the year 381 ; while the continued irruptions of barbarous na- tions and internal commotions compelled them to avoid every thing by which disturbances might have been increased still more. 1 ThemistU Oratio consularis ad Jovianum, ed. Petav. p. 278 : Ta re uXXa avTOKpuTup uv re Kal ei^ Tckog eaofievo^y to r^f uytCTelac fiipo^ airavTOC elvat. vo/ioderel^ ' Kat tovto ^Tl^uv Tov Qeov Of rb fitv ixt:i-v Trpof eiiaePeiav lircTTjdcto^t TTJg ^vaeuc KOivbv tiroiijat Tf/g avdpui-Kivtj^ ■ TOV TpoTTOv 6e TTJz depaTreiag k^fji^e Tfj^ kv iKacTC) ^ovTiijCEu^. 2 He restored all rights to the churches and clergy, Sozom. vi. 3, also the avvTa^tg tov atTov (comp. } 53, note 9, } 76, note 4), but by way of preliminary only the third part, on account of a famine. Theodoret. iv. 4. 3 To this refers Libanius Epitaph, in Juliannm ed. Reiske, vol. i. p. 619. The shutting up of the temples, and the withdrawment of the priests and philosophers, of which Socrates, iii. 24, speaks, was the consequence of fear. * Cod. Theodos. lib. ix. tit. 16, 1. 9. (a.d. 371): Haiuspicinam ego nullum cum male- ficiorum causis habere consortium judico, neque ipsam, aut aliquam praeterea concessam a majoribus religionem genus esse ai'bitror criminis. Testes sunt leges a me in exordio imperil mei datae, quibus unicuique, quod animo imbibisset, colendi libera facultas tributa est. Nee baruspicuiam reprehendimus, sed nocenter exerceri vetamus. Cf. Ammian. Marcell. xxx. 9. Rudiger de statu Pagan, p. 42, ss. Evidences of heathen worship at this time may be derived from inscriptions. Beugnot, i. 270. * Themistii Oratio ad Valentem de religionibus, known only in the Latin translation of Andreas Duditias (ed. Petav. p. 499), with the similar contents of the Orat. ad Jovin. (note 1). ' According to Libanii Orat. de templis, ed. Reiske, vol. ii. p. 163 : To 6ietv lepiia — iKu^itdij TTupu Toiv adeT^olVy aKX ov to ?i.cf3avoiT6v. 282 SECOND PEEIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. § 78. SUrPRESSION OF PAGANISM BY THEODOSIUS. Rudiger de statu Paganorum sub Irapp. christ. p. 47. Jan. Heui'. Stufl'ken Diss, da Theodosii M. in rem. chnstianam mentis. Lugd. Bat. 1828. 8. p. 16. A. Beugnot Hist de la destruction du Paganisme en Occident, i. 345. After Theodosius had secured the east against the Goths, he directed his greatest energies to the suppression of paganism. In the same year in which he summoned the second oecumenical synod at Constantinople (381), he forbade apostasy to pagan- ism,^ but still allowed the other rites of heathen worship to be practiced except sacrifice. The two emperors of the west fol- lowed his example. Gratian laid aside the dignity of pohtifex maxirnus,^ commanded the altar of Victoria to be removed from the senate-house, and took away all privileges from the pagan worship,^ although he was obliged to allow in Rome the sacri- fices elsewhere forbidden, as Theodosius had to do at Alexan- 1 Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. 7. 1. 1 : His, qui ex Christianis Pagani facti sunt, eripiatur facultas jusque testandi, Omne defuncti, si quod est, testamentum, submota conditione, rescindatur. Gratian and Valentinian made the same regulation in the west. L. 3 (382). — Lib. xvi. tit. 10. 1. 7 (381) : Si qui vetitis sacrificiis, diurnis noctamisque, velut vesanus ac sacrilegus incertorum consultor (animum) immerserit, fanumque sibi aut templum ad hujuscemodi sceleris excusationem assumendum crediderit, vel putaverit adeundum, proscriptioni se noverit subjugandum, cum nos justa institutione moneamus, castis Deum precibus excolendum, non diris carminibus profanandura. \ According to Zosiraus, iv. c. 36, who alone speaks of the circumstance, he might have refused it as soon as it fell to him, that is, after the death of Valens (for only the first Augustus was pontifex maximus). This supposition, however, is contradicted by the fact tiiat Gratian bore the same title for some time. See Ausonii Gratianim actio pro consulatu, and the inscriptions in Orelli Inscriptidnum l9.tinarum amplissima collectio, vol. i. p. 245. The usual assumption that Gratian merely declined the priestly dress offered to him, but yet bore the title, is arbitrary ; for Zosimus speaks in express terms of the refusal of the dress and of the title. Hence, it must be maintained that Gratian wore that dignity for some years, and then laid it aside. J. A. Bosius de pontificatu maximo Impp. praecipue christianorum, in Graevii Thesaur, antiquitt. B-om. t. v. p. 271, ss. De la Bastie du Bouverain pontificat des empereurs Romains in the Memoires de I'Acad. des Inscr. t. xv. p. 75, ss. Jos. Eckhel Doctr. numor. vett. P. ii. vol. 8. p. 386, ss. Birger Thorlacius de Imp. Bom., qui religioni Christi nomen dederunt, pontificatu maximo. Havn. 1811. ^ He took away Vestalium virginum praerogativam, Sacerdotii immuiiitatem (which Valentinian I. had confinned even in 371, Cod. Theod. xii. i. 75) caused the real estates belonging to the temples (agros virginibus et ministris deficientium voluntate legates) to be drawn into the exchequer (cf, Theod. xvi. 10, 20), and deprived the vestal virgins and priests of victum modicum justaque privilegia. Symmachus, lib. x. Ep. CI. Ambros. Ep. 17 CHAP. L— STRUGGLE WITH PAGANISM. ^ 73. TItEODOSIUS. 283 dria."^ In Rome, paganism continued to be predominant,^ par- ticularly among families of distinction f but yet the attempts made by the prefect of the city, Q, Aurelius Symmac/ms, to have these imperial decrees abolished, and in particular the altar of Victoria re-erected, had no influence upon Gratian (f 333), Valentinian II. j and TheodosiusJ In the east, the Christians proceeded far beyond the imperial ordinances. Enterprising bishops led mobs of hirelings or fanatics against the temples ; ^ and the monks especially often combined for the destruction of allheatheij sanctuaries.^ The appeal vTrkp rcjv lepcov (388— * Libanius vn^p ruv lepdv (ed. Reislie, vol. ii. p. 181) : Ov Toivvv Ty Tw//?? jjlovov HvAaxSi] TO dvetv, aA/lti kqI Ty rov "Zapdirt^og, ry noXly re koI (leyuky koI Trljjdog KeKTTJflEVy vecJV, Ji' 0)V KOLVTJV aTTCLVTUV avdpUTZUV -KOIEI T7}V TTJg AlyVTTTOV eivat rov TTOTafiov EvtJX^'iodaL rolg TTO/laiOif vofiifiotg, km fiiaOcj tu el(jid6Tt- 5 According^ to Hieronymus in Epist. ad Gal. iv. 3, the Romans were omnium super- stitionum sentina. 6 Respecting the heads of Paganism at Rome, Praetextatus, Symniachus, Flavianus, Caecina Albinus, etc., who are introduced speaking in the Saturnalia of Macrobius, see Alph. Mahul sur la vie et les ourvages de Macrobe in the Classical Journal, xxxi. 81. Beugnot, i. 438. ' Two embassies, with Symmachus at the head, the first in 382 to Gratian, the second in 384 to Valentinian II. See Symmachi Epist. lib. x. Ep. 61. On the other side, Ambrosii Epist. 17 and 18, ad Valentinianum. Respecting the two later equally fruitless embassies, the one to Thepdosius, when he was staying at Milan, the other to Valentinian, see Ambros. Ep. 57, ad Eugenium. Beugnot, i. 410. ^ So Eulogius, bishop of Edeasa {see Libanius pro templis, ed. Reiske, vol. ii. p. 192, ss Gothofredus ad Cod. Theod. xvi. 10, 8); Marcellus, bishop of Apamea (Sozom. vii. lo, Theodoret. v. 21) ; but particularly Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria. See below, note 12. Rudiger, 1. c. p. 58, ss.. e Libanius vizEp ruv lepuv (ed. Reiske, vol. ii. p. 164) : 2v fisv ovv ov6' Upd KEKkElcOai {EKE?ievaag)t ovte fiTjdiva 'npocLEvai' ovte -nip, ovte TitfSavuTov, ovte rdg aTTO rdv dXkt^v OvfiiafidTuv TLfidg k^rjT^aaag tuv vsibvt ov6e tuv (3v 'KaTpibuv tarEpTjvTai 6l' bvbua/Tog ovk u?.7]dovc- ol 6i ek tuv ETipuv Tpvo)aL KaKuv, ol rO TTEtvyv, Cjg aut, TOV aVTdv OsoaTTEVOVTEg 6e6v. fjV di ol TTETTOpOlJflEVOt TTOpU Tbv kv duTEt 'KOtflEVa {Ka2.ov(Jt yap ovTug dvdpa ov ndw xPV<^~bv), 7]V ovv k'/MovTEg odvot^vTai, AeyovTsg d TjfUKTjvTaiy b notfj.7}v ovToc Tovg fiEV inyvEGE, Tovg 6i uTT'^XaaEV, ug kv Ttj ui] firiCcj 284 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D 321-451. 390)'° of the eloquent Libanius, addressed to Theodosius, had no effect ; the heathen were immediately afterward forbidden by imperial laws even to repair to the temples ; ^^ and the destruction of the splendid temple of Serapis 391) ^^ by the violent Theophi- luSj bishop of Alexandria, after a bloody contest, announced the total overthrow of paganism in the east. When Theodosius had become sole master of the entire Ro- man empire after the death of Valentinian II. (f 392), he for- bade all kinds of idolatry by the most severe punishments (392) ; ^^ and during his abode at Rome (394) he, brought pub- Tzenovdevai KeKEndahdrag ' KaiToi Tf/g y.^v ayg ^PXVC^ ^ jSaatXeVt Kal ovTOit ToaovTu d^ XP'Ti^tfiC}TEpoi iC>v adtKOvvTuv avTovg, 6a(f) tuv apyovvTuv ol kpya^ofievoL. ol (itv yap Tulg fie2.iTTati, ol 6e rolg KT]y(7iv koLKaci. k&v aKovuuatv aypbv ix^i'V ri tuv apiraad^vai dvvafiivuv, evOvg ovrog kv Ovalatg ri kart, kol detva noiet, koX del CTpaTEtag kif avTov, Kal TTupnaiv ol ccxftitovtaTal, k. t. 7.. Cf. Theodoretus, v. 21. 10 Still incomplete in Reiske, but complete for the first time in Novas SS. Patrum Graecorum saeculi quarti delectus, rec. et adnotatione instrnxit Lud. de Sinner. Paris. 1842. 8. -1 Valentinian s law for the west, of the 27tli February, 391. Cod.Theodos. xvi. 10, 10 : Isemo se hostiis poUuat, nemo insontem victimam caedat, nemo delubra adeat, templa perlustret, et mortali opere formata simulacra sMscipiat. Judices quoque banc formam contineant, ut si quis — templum uspiam — adoraturus intraverit, quindecira pondo auri ipse protinus inferre cogatur. The same was decreed for the east by Theodosius, L. 11, 17th June, 391. 12 Socrates, v. 16. Sozom. vii. 15. Theodoret. v. 22. Eunapius in vita Aedesii, ed. Schotti, p. 63, fis. Zosimus, v. 23, especially Bufinus, who was at that time in Palestine, Hist. eccl. xi. 22-30. Many impositions of the priests were hereby detected, Theodor. 1. c, Rafinus, 1. c. 23-25. The heathens were particularly and deeply impressed by the circumstance that the expectation, quod si bumana manu? siraulacrum illud (Serapis) cozitigisset, terra dehiscens ilHco solveretur in chaos, caelumque repente rueret in praecepa (Rufin. 1. c. 23), had not been fulfilled at the destruction of the statue, and the fear which still remained, Serapin injuriae memorem aquas ultra et affluentiam solitam non largitorum {Rufiu. 1. c. 30, cf. Libanius, above, note 4), was contradicted by an ample inundation of the Nile. " Cod. Theodos, xvi. 10, 12. Impp.. Theodosius, Arcadius et Honorius AA. ad Rufimun, Pf. P. : NuUus omnino, ex quolibet genere, ordine bominam, d7gn'.t&tam, vel in potestate positus, vel honore perfunctus, sive potens sorte nascendi, sen humilis genere, conditloae, fortuna, in nuUo penitus loco, in nulla urbe, sensu carentibus simulacis vel incoatem vlo- timam caedat, vel secretiore piaculo larem igne, mero genium, penates nidore vnnora- tus, accendat lumina, imponat thura serta suspendat. $ 1. duodsi quispiam immolare hostiam sacrificaturus audebit, aut spirautia exta consulere, ad exemplum majestatis reus licita canctis accusatione delatus, excipiat sententiam competentem, etiamsl nihil contra salutem principum, aut de salute quaesierit. SufBcit enim ad criminis molem, naturae ipsius leges velle rescindere, illicita perscrutari, occulta recludere, interdicta tentare, finem quaerere salutis alienae, epem alieni interitus polliceri. § 2. Si quia vero mortali opere facta et aevum passura simulacra imposito tbure venerabitur, ac, ridicule example metucns subito, quae ipse simulaverit, vel redimita vittis arbore, vel erecta eifossis ara cespitibus vanas imagines, humiliore licet muneris praemio, tamen plena religionis iiyuri^ bonorare rentaverit, is, ntpote violatae religionis reus, ea domo seu possessione multabitur, in qua eum gentilitia consterit superstitione famulatum. Namque omnia loca, quae thuria ciiustitcrit vapore fumasse (si tamen ea in jure fuisse thurificantium probabnntar), fisco CHAP. I.— STRUGGLE WITH PAGANISM, i) 79. 285 lie sacrifices to an end by interdicting the defraying of them out of the imperial treasury. At that time, he even called upon the senate to declare themselves in favor of Christianity; but the slavish tokens of subjection with which they responded to him had so little serious consequence/* that even heathen honors were cffercd to this zealous Christian emperor after his death. ^^ § 79. TOTAL SUPPRESSION OF PAGANISM IN THE EAST.— ITS STRUGGLE IN THE WEST AFTER THEODOSIUS. Riidiger, 1. c. p. 70, ss. Beagnot, L c. ii. 1, ss. Paganism was at present only an external ceremonial, which retained its hold upon a few noble spirits with a feeling of pa- noBtro associanda censemus. § 3. Sin vero in templis fanisve publicis, ant in aedibua agrisve alienis tale quispiam sacrificandi genus exercere tentaverit, si ignorante domino osurpata constiterit, xxv. librai'um auri mulctae nomine cogetur infeiTe, conniventem vero huic sceleri par ac sacrificantem poena retinebit. $ 4. Cluod quidem ita per judices ac defensores at curiales singularum nrbinm volumus custodiri, ut illico per bos comperta in Judicium deferantar, per illos delata plectantur. Si quid autem ii tegendum gratia, aut incnria praetermittendum esse crediderint, commotioni jadiciariae subjacebunt. lUi vero moniti si vindictam dis simulation e distulerint, xxx. librarum auri dispendio mulctabuntur : officlis quoque eorum damno parili subjugandis. Dat. vi. Id. Nov, Constantinopoli, Arcadio. A. II. et Ruiino Coss. 1* Comp. the narrative Prudent, in Symmachum, i. 409, ss. Especially from 699, ss. : Adspice, quam pleno subsellia nostra senatu Decemaiit, infame Jovis pulvinar et omne Idolium longe purgata ex urbe fugandum : Qua vocat egregii sententia priucipis, illuc Libera turn pedibus, turn corde frequentia transit. A different account, and one more accordant with later phenomena, is given by Zosimus, iv. 59, in his representation of the effect of Theodosias's discourse in the senate : Mj^Jevof 6^ T^ 'KapaK7.i}azi ireiadivTO^, fi7}dt kXofxevov tuv u^' ovnep if iroXt^ LklgQt] irapaSedofiivuv aiiToig iraTplov uvaxtJpf}Gat, koX TrpoTifiTJaai tovtuv aXoyov GvyKaTdBnavj (kKelva fiev yup (fcuXafavraf 7]67} StaKoaiot^ nal x'-'^totg ax^^^v ireaiv ^Trop^Tyrov r,)*^ ^roAtv oIkelv erspa 6i uvtI tovtuv aXXa^afxevovg to kKJ^Tjao^evov ayvoelv) • tore dij 6 Qeodotrto^ (Sapvvfcdai to 6ijfj.6aiOV ^Ticye Ty irepl Til lepa Koi rug Ovular dandvy, povXecdal Te TavTa TTEpieXdVt k. t. X. {That is to say, the usurper Eugenius had given back again the legacies of the heathen sanctuaries (see note 3) which had been coniiscated by Giatian. See Ambros. Ep. 57, ad Eugenium). The consequence, Zosim. v. 38 : "Ore Qeodoaio^ o 'TTpEajivTTig, T7]v ^vyeviov KaQeHtv rvpavvlda, tvv 'Pu^tjv KareAajiE, koI tt,^ I'cpaf ayLarelag kvc'Kotqae Tzaatv 6?t.tyupLav, T7}v drifioutav dandv^v toZ^ lepolc x^f*vy^^^ dpvTjad- UEVOC dizTiXavvovTO n^v LEpEig Koi UpEtaif KaTE?ufiirdyET'> di TTcrTTjc hpovpyta^ -a Tc/ievij. 1* Beugnot, i. 487. Hence the heathen poet, Claudiauns de tdrtio Consulatu Honorii, v. ^62, as., who lived e.t ihis time, represents the death of tl-n on: peror as an ascent to the gods. 286 SECOND PEEIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. triotism ; but with the mass it was kept up merely from unre- flecting custom or superstitious fear. "With almost all, how- ever, its ancient doctrine was obliged to sink under the pressure of new ideas.^ Hence the victory of Christianity over paganism internally dead, could not be matter of doubt ; ^ although the former often carried on the contest more by external mean:< than by its inward power. ^ Many heathen could not resist 1 Orosius Hist. vi. 1 : Deum quilibet hominum contemnere ad terapus potest, ncscire in totum non potest. Unde quidam, dum in multis Deum credunt, maltos Decs indiscretu timore finxerunt. Sed hinc jam vol maxime, cum auctoritate veritatis operante, turn ipsa etiam ratione discutiente, discessura est. duippe cum et philosophi eorum— unura Dcam auctorem omnium repererunt, ad quem unum omnia referrentur ; unde etiam nunc pngaai, quoa jam declarataveritas.de contumacia magis quam de ignorantia convincit, cum a nobis discutiuntur, non se plares Deos sequi, sed sub uno Deo magno plures miuJs- ti'os venerari fatentur. Kestat igitur de intelligentia veri Dei per multas intelligendi sus- picioucs confusa dissensio, quia de uno Deo omnium paene una opinio est. The heathen said (Augustini Enarr. in Psalm scvi. $ 12) : Non colimus mala daemonia : Angelos quos dicitis, ipso3 et nos colimus, virtutes Dei magni et ministeria Dei magni. The heathen grammarian, Maximus of Madaura, writes tp Augustine (August. Ep. 43) : Olympum montem Deoraih esse habitaculura, sub incerta fide Graecia fabulatur. At vero nostrae urbis forum salutarium numinum frequentia possessum nos cernimus et probamus. Equi- dem unum esse Deum summum sine initio, sine prole, naturae ceu patrem magnum atque magnificum, quis tam demens, tam mente captus neget esse certissimum ? Hujus nog \"irtates per mundanura opus diffusas multis vocabulis invocamus, quoniam nomen ejus cuncti, propvium videlicet, ignoramus. Nam Deus omnibus religionibus commune nomen est. Ita fit, ut, dum ejus quasi quaedam membra carptim variis supplicationibus prose- quimur, totum colere profecto videamur. No one could endure that the Christian martyrs should be preferred to these deities, qui conscientia nefandorum facinorum, specie glori- osae mortis, — dignum moribus factisque suis exitum maculati reperiunt. — Sed mihi hac tempestate propemodum videtur bellum Actiacum rursus exortum, quo Aegyptia monstro in Romanorum Decs audeant tela vibrare, minime duratura. In Macrobii (about 410) Saturnalium, i. 17. A Praetextatus (comp. $ 78, note 6) declares the sun to be the one supreme God. Si enim sol, ut veteribus placuit, dux et moderator est luminum reliquo- i-um, et solus stellis errantibus praestat ; ipsarum vero stellarnm cursus ordinem rerara humananim — pro potestate disponunt : — ^necesse est, ut solem, qui moderatar uosti-a mode- rantes, omnium, quae circa nos geruntur, fateamur auctorem. Et sicut Maro, cum de una Junone diceret, Qwo nuTnine laeso, ostendit, unius Dei effectus varies pro variis ceusendos esse numinibus ; ita diversae virtutes solis nomina Diis dederunt ; unde iv to ttuv sapien- tum principes prodiderunt. 2 Chrysostomus de S. Babyla contra Julianum et gentiles $ 3. (0pp. ed. Montf. ii. 540), 'Ttt' QvdevoQ evox?-v^Elca irore TTJg *EX?,7jvLK7Jg deictdacfioviag 7 tz^Avt} d0' kavT^^ ku^icdr}, Kol Tzepl havrriv diinsGe, KaQdnep rdv ocj/zurov ri ti]kij66vi, Trapadodevra fiaKpdf KOL fii^devug avru. (37MKTOV~og avrdfiaTa ^deipeTatf Kal diaXvQivra /card (iLKpov u(pavi^eTaC' 3 Augustinus in Evang. Joannis tract. 25. $ 10 : duam multi non quaerunt Jesum nisi ut illis faciat bene secundum tempus ! Alius negotium habet, quaerit intercessionem clericonim : alius premitur a potentiore, fugit ad ecclesiam : alius pro se vult interveniri apud eum, apud quem pamra valet : ille sic, ille sic : impletur quotidie talibns ecclesia. Vix quaeritur Jesus propter Jesum. Cf. Id. de Catechizandis rudibus c. 17. Hieronymus Comm. in Esaiam, lib. xvii. : Q,uod sequitur : Et veuient ad te curvi, — qui deti-axerant tibi (Es. Ix. 14), de bis debemus intelligere, qui non voluntate, sed necessitate sunt Christiani, et meta oH'ensae regnantium timentibus auimis inclinantur. CHAP. 1.— STRUGGLE WITH PAGANISM. $ 79. 287 the external advantages presented by it. Few were ready to suffer for their religion.** But it is true, that in this manner also the number of merely external Christians was increased — men who still entertained heathen modes of thought and dispo- sition ; and the value of Christianity was by no means so gen- erally manifested in the practices of its confessors as before.^ In the empire of the east (^Arcadins, 395— 408j Theodosius II. till 450), which was less disturbed from without, the ordinances of Theodosius against paganism could be strictly enforced.^ Crowds of monks were sent about througii the provinces with full power from the emperors, for the purpose of destroying all traces of idolatry.^ Even misdeeds and murders were allowed to pass unheeded by the emperors ; such as the horrible murder of the female philosopher Hypatia in Alexandria (416).^ The new-platonic philosophers at Athens, and among them even the celebrated Proclus (f 485),^ were forced to conceal themselves most carefully, because they rejected Christianity. As early as * AugTistini Enarr. in Psalm, cxli. § 20 : Q,uia eorum comprebensaa est in sacrificio, cum hia legibas ista prohiberentar, et non negavit ? dais eorum comprebensus est adorare idolum, et non clamavit, non feci, et timuit ne couvinceretur ? Tales ministros Diabolus babebat. He tben contrasts with them tbe steadfastness of tbe Christian martyrs. Chrys- ostom de S. Babyla, $ 7, says of the heathen priests, fiuXKov detTTZOTUv Kal rijv el6u?iuv di avTuv Tovg paaiXelc deparcEvovai, and describes the neglected state in which tlie temples, altars, and images of tbe gods were, in consequence, under Christian emperors. ^ Thus Augustinus Enarr. in Psalm, xxv. $ 14, makes a heathen reply; Q,uid mibi per- suades ut Christianus sim? Ego fraudem a Christiano passus sum, et nunquam feci . falsum mibi juravit Christianus, et ego nunquam. Chrysoatom. in 1 Epist. ad Tim. Horn. s. § 3. (0pp. xi. 602) : Ovdelg dv 7)v "EXat^v, eI T^fiElg ufiev XpiGTtavol, wf del. — Ovdeli- 'upoGEiOLV. oi yap dtdaoKoucvot TTpoc rijv tuv StdacrKuTiUV apErrjv bpuat. Kal orav Idutji Kal Tjfzag tuv avrCtv e-uiOvfiovvrag, — tov upXEtv, tov Tifiucdat, Tzug dvvr/aovrat dav/zdcai tov XpiaTLavtcfiov ; 'OpcJtJi (3iovg iTrLTnjipcfiov^, -tpyxug yqtva^, k. t. A. 6 Cod. Theod. svi. 10, 13, as. By L. 14 their privileges were taken from the priests. ' So Chrysoatom (Theodoret. v. 20) : Ma^wv t^v ^oivlktjv Itc nspl Tug tuv datfzovuv teXetu^ fiEfirivivai, uaKTfTag fiiv ^r//.u Qe'lu Trvpno'Xov^evovg avviXE^E, vofxatg Si avTnvg OTrTiiaag ^afft/iCKolg, Kard. tuv el(^jU?uKuv i^EirEfiips te/xevuv. These vofioc are without doubt Cod. Theod. xvi. 10, 16, a.d. 399 : Si qui in agris templa sunt, sine turba ac turaultu diruantnr. Cf. Chrysostom. Epistt. 28, 51, 53, 54, 55, 59, 69, 123, 126, 221. Chrysostom worked in tbe same way in other countries also. See ProcU (Episc. Constantiuop. 434- 445) laudatio S. Jo. Chrys. (Orat. xk. in Combefisii Nov. auctarium, i. 468) : In Epheso artem Midae nudavit, in Phrygia Matrem quae dicebatur deonim sine filiis fecit, in Caes- area publicaua meretricta honoris vacua despoliavit, in Syria Deum impagnantes syna- gogas evacuavit, in Perside verbum pietatis seminavit. " Socrates, ^-ii. 15. Damascius ap. Suidam, s. v. Hypatia. The article Hypatia o'f Alex- andria in E. Miincb'a vermischte hist. Sclmfte. Bd. 1. Ludwigsburg. 1828. 8. 3 Vita Prodi scriptore Marino ed. J. A. Fabricius. Hamb. 1700. 8. His eighteen ^ttl- X€Lpi]iia.Ta KaTii HpiGTiavuv are contained and refuted in Johannis Philoponi libb. 18, de Aetomitate mundi (graece ex Trincavelli ofticina. Venet. 1535. fob lat. vert. Job Maha- tias. Lugd. 15.'w. fol ). 288 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 3^4-451. 423, all visible traces of paganism had disappeared in the east.'» It was otherwise in the west, notwithstanding the want of all living attachment to paganism in this quarter of the world also. So little hold had it on the minds of the people, that even in Rome, its continued center, where many families of note were still heathen, and many of the highest places were still occupied by heathen, '' sacrifices were totally discontinued, after the cost of public oblations had ceased to be defrayed by the state. Un- der the feeble reign of Honorius (395—423), the earlier laws against paganism still remained in force, and were even in- creased by the addition of several new enactments ; but the emperor was obliged at times to limit their operation,'^ to ac- knowledge heathen priesthood as putlic offices," and to put a check to the destruction of temples,^'* for the sake of preserving some degree of tranquillity. The struggle, however, between Christianity and paganism often proceeded here and there to acts of violence, in which the one party prevailed at one time, the oth- er at another." As the heathen had always been accustomed to "• Theodosias 11. in Cod. Theodos. xvi. 10, 22. (a.d. 423) : Paganos, qui- sapersnnt, qnanqaam jam nallos esse credamns, promulgatarum legnm jamdudum praescripta coznpescant. " Thns Florentinus, A.D. 397, and Flavianus, 399, were Praef. nrbis, Valerius Messala, '396, Praef. praet. Italiae, Atticas Consul, 397 (Beugnot, ii. 6). Praefecti urbis were Rati- lias Numatianns, A.D. 413, Albinus, 414, Symmacbas, 418 ; Praef. praet. Ital. 429 Volusia- rius (1. c. p. 127). '" Honorius had issued, in the year 408, the law Cod. Theod. xvi. 5, 42 : Eos qui Cathol- icae sectae sunt inimici, intra palatium militare probibemus. Nullas nobis sit aliqua ratione conjunctus, qui a nobis fide et religione discordat. But when he afterward wished to nominate the heathen G-eneridus commander in Rhoetia, the latter did not undertake the office luf b Paailcvc, alSol te ufia nal XP^^? awuffov/icvoc, (iravaev iirl ■Kaat tov v6/iov, iiToiovf inuBTa, rf/; airov ovTi 66^;, apxetv re Kal CTparcvcadal. Zosimas, V. 46. 13 Cod. Theod. sii. i. 166 ad Pompejanum Procons. Africae, A.D. 400. 1* The African bishops resolved at the Concil. Afrioanum, A.D. 399, to make the follow ing propositions to the emperors. Can. 23 (Cod. Eccl. Afric. c. 58. Mansi, iii. p. 766) : Ut reliquias idolorum per totnm Africam jubeant penitus amputare — et templa eomm, quae in agris vel in locis abditis constituta nuUo omamento sunt, jubeantor omnimodo de- strui. Can. 27 (Cod. Afric. c. 60) : Ut quoniam contra praecepta divina convivia mnltis in locis exercentur, quae ab errore gentili attracta sunt — ^vetari talia jubeant, etc. Butthere- iponHqnoriuSiA.D 399, enacted two laws of an opposite character. Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. 10, 1. 17 : Ut profanos ritns jam salubri lege submovimus, ita fcstos conventus civium et commnnem omnium laetitiam non patimur snbmoveri. 1. 18 : Aedes, inlicitis rebus vacuas, nostrarum beneiicio sanotionum, ne quis conetnr evertere. " Regarding the destrnction of temples which Martin, bishop of Tours, A.D. 375-400( undertook, with violent opposition on the part of the heathen, see Sulpic. Severus de vita b. Martini, c. 13-15. In Anaunia, a valley of the Rhoetian Alps, the missionaries Siein CHAP, r.— STRUGGLE WITH PAGANISM. § 79. 289 lay the blame of all misfortune on the Christians, so since the west of Europe had been inundated by barbarous people, and even Italy had been several times devastated by such hordes, they were especially loud in declaring all these disasters to be punishments sent by the gods,^^ and in predicting the speedy downfall of Christianity.^^ Against these accusations the writings of Augustine^^ and the Spanish presbyter Oro- niaa, Martyrius, and Alexander, were horribly murdered, a,d. 397, by the heathen during the Pagan festival of the Ambarvalia, and the church built by them destroyed. See Acta SS. (ad d. 29 Maj.) Maji, t. vii. p. 38. In SulFecte, in Africa, the Christians had demol- ished a statue of Hercules, and the heathen killed sixty of them for it (August. Ep. 268 ad Sufieetanos). How at Calama, in Numidia, the heathen, during one of their festivals in the year 408, attacked the church there, and persecuted the Christians, may be seen in Augustin. Ep. 202 ad Nectarium. ^^ When the Gothic king Rhadegaisus, 405, broke into Italy, the heathen said {Augus- tin. de civ. Dei, v. 23), quod ille diis amicis protegentibus et opitulantibus, quibus immo- lare quotidie ferebatur, vinci omnino non posset ah eis, qui talia dlis Romanis sacra non facerent, nee fieri a quoquam permitterent. When Rome was subsequently besieged by Alaric, 409 (Sozom. ix. 6), avayKoiov Idoicet rol^ iTiXTivt^ovat r^f avyK'kijTov^ dveiv ev TLi KaTTLTuTiCL} Kal Tol^ a/l/loif vaol^. And Zosimus, v. 41, asserts : 'O di ^IvvoKEVTiog T^v rfj^ TTO/lEWf GuTijplav IfiTTpocOev r^f olKuag Trotrjadfievoc 66^-rj^, Xadpa i(l>^K€v avToi^ Tzotelv uTrep laamv. Comp. Beugnot, ii. 55. Zosimus, iv. 59: Tov dvijTToXcKOv deufiov ?i^^avTo^^ Kal ruv u.2.X(jv, baa ttjc Trarpiov 7iapad6 '^^'■ Trig ^"^p' O.VTOV djjfztovpyia^j ttolel kgI ktI^u irp^Tug fiovoc fxbvov ^va Kal KaTiel tovtov vlbv Kal %6yov, Iva tovtov fiiaov yevo/ievov ourug XoLirbv koL tu Ttuvra 6t' avrov yevia- 6ai 6vv7}6y. Arius's own explanations,^ Epist. ad Easeb, : "Otl 6 vlbg ovk Igtlv aylvvij- Tog, ov6i fiipog ayevvT^Tov Kaf ovSiva Tpoirov, 6v6^ k^ ■uKOKELfzevov TLVog' iiW vtl OEXTJfiaTi Kal j3ovAy vniaTTj npb XP^'^^'^ "^oi irpb aluvuv Trl/jpTjg Oeoc, /^ovoyev/jg, uvaTi- TioiuTogt Kal rrplv yEvvijOy, tjtol KTiady, ^ bpiady, y dEjiE'ktoQy, ovk tjv ' ayEvvi]Tog yup OVK T^v. 6njK6fj.E6a, 5ti elTrafj-ev, apxTjv ^;^et 6 vlbg, 6 di 6ebg uvapxbg kaTt. did tovto diuKOfieda. kul dTi EtTraptev, dTt ef ovk ovtuv karlv. ovto Si ELnafiev, KaOort oifd^ fiipog 6eoVi ov6^ k^ vTTOKEifitvov TLvog. Epist. ad Alex. : Ol6a/j.EV kva Bebv, fiovov uyivvTji ov, — tovtov Oeov yEvvrjaavra vlbv fiovoyEvfj Trpb xpo^^v uluviuv, 6i' ov Kal Tovg aluvag, Kal tH AotncL TTETVOLTjKe " yEvvi^aavTa 6i ov doKT/aet, bXK aA7?(?eip!, vTroarijaavTa 6^ Idlo] 6e7Jj- UCTt, UTpeTTTOV Kol avaXkoiQTOV, KTlGfia TOV Oeov TE?^ELOV, akV OVX Ojg £V TUV KTtGud' Tuv, yivvT}{J.a, aXV ovx <^g €p tuv yEVV7)(iuTuv, ov6' cjg OvaTi^evTlvog Tzpo^oTiijv tj yevvTjfia tov iraTpdg kSoyfidriaEv, ov6^ ug 6 Mavtxalog jxipog bfioovaiov tov irarpog to ykvvTifia EhTjyfiGaTOf ovd' dg I!,a(3E?i7uog ttjv p.ovd6a diatpuv, vlonuTopa eIttev, ov<^' ug 'lepuKag Tivx^ov ditb 7,vxvov, ?} ug ?ia/x7ru6a elg 6vo, ov6i Tbv 5vTa irpoTEpov, vCTEpov yevvTjdivTa, t) k-KLKTiudEVTa elg vlov ■ — akV 0)g ^afxkv, OeXii/xaTL tov Oeov npb xpbvuv Kal •jrpb al6vuv KTiuBivTa, kul to (^yv Kal to elvat irapd tov 'iraTpbg El?i7jv dyevv-qTug kx^'- ^^ iavTu. TTJiyy yap kcTt iravTuv. "Hgte TpEig eIglv -ijTrocJTdaEig, Kal b fikv dEbg acTLog tuv irdvTUV rvyxdvuv, egtlv uvapxog (lovuTaTog. b 6k vlbg dxpbvug yEvvjjdelg virb tov TzaTpbg, kol trpb al6vuv KTtadEcg Kal 6£p.e%ccj)6eIc, ovk Tjv TTpb TOV yEvv7j6?/vat ' ov6e ydp egtlv dtdiog, ^ Gvvatdtog, ^ Gvvaysv- VT}Tog TO) naTpi. — eI 61 to k^ avrov, Kal to kK yaGTpbg, Kal Tb kK tov naTpbg k^^Wov Kal yKtj, cjg fiipog avTOv bfioovaiov, Kal ug TrpoBo'kif vno tivuv votcTat, GvvdETog EGTat b ira- T7IP Kal 6iaipETog, Kal TpETCTog, Kal GUfia kot' avTovg, Kal to 6gov kn' avTolg rd uKoXovOa cufiari TTfiff^wv, 6 uaufiaTog Bebg. Erom the Thaleia (ap. Athanas. contra Arianos, Orat. ii. c. 9} : QvK del 6 Osbg iroTT/p fjv, dXk' vGTepov yiyovEV. ovk IceI tjv 6 vlbg, ov ydp ^y, TTplv yevvTjdy. OVK kaTiv kK tov izarpbg, hW k^ ovk ovtuv inriGTT] koI avrog. ovk egtlv L6iog TTJg TOV narpbg ovGtag, KTcafia ydp kart Kal TTOLjjfia. Kal oiK egtlv d7\,ridLvbg 6Ebg 6 'XpLGTog, d?-?M fiETOxy KOL ovTbg kdeoTTOLTjdTf' OVK ol6e Tbv TvaTipa uKpL(3C)g 6 vlbg, ovts bp<^ ?i,6yog tov Traripa TsTiEtug, koI ovts gvvleI, ovte ytvucKet dKpi(3(jg b ?-6yog tov Tzaripa' ovk egtlv b uXifdivbg Kal fibvog av'bg tov iraTpbg 2.6yogf liW ovoftaTt fiovov I'.kyETai Tibyog kol GO(pta, Kal x^P'-'^'- TisyeTai. vlbg Kal 6vvafitg' ovk egtlv drpETTTog, dg b TraTTfpf d/i?La; TpEKTog ko^Tt (pvGEL, ug ru KTLGfiaTa, Kal TieirrEt avTu elg KaTd?^T]TpLv TOV yvCtvaL TE?i£LCjg Tbv iraripa. When the Son is sometimes called TpEmog, sometimes uTpETTTog, that is explaiued by a preceding fragment (Orat. ii. c. 5) : T^ fikv (pvGEi, ugtte:) 'jrdvTEg, ovto Kal avTbg b Ibyog kaTi TpercTbg, rw 6i ISU) avTE^0VGL(f), iog SovXrraL, fiivEt KaTiog. ote fikvTOL OeIel, dvvaTai TpEKEodac Kal avTog, uGirsp Kal rtfiElg TpETTTTJg wf 6vGE(^g. \Ld TovTO ydo, orjGL. Kal npoyivuGKUv b Osbg iGEG&at 296 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-1^1. with his bishop Alexander on the point (318), who excluded him and his followers from church-fellowship, many bishops in Syria and Asia Minor declared themselves in favor of Arius ; some, especially Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia ClvXXovKiaviord^ Arius ad Euseb. ap. Theodoret. i. 4, see above, § 65, note 5), because they adopted his views ; others, as Eusebius^ bishop of Caesarea^^ because they held that the faith of the church was at least not violated by the doctrine of Arius. The most im- portant writer who endeavored to defend the Arian principles was the sophist Asierius of Cappadocia, also a disciple of Lu- cian (f about 330).* Thus the controversy communicated itself to the whole east. After Constantine had in vain en- deavored to induce the contending parties to give up the dispute, oy rational representations,* he called the first oecumenical council at Nice (325).® As the number of Arian bishops was jnuch smaller than that of their opponents, the party of Alex- Jiudcr prevailed, their cause being pleaded by Athanasius, deacon in Alexandria, and Marcellus, bishop of Ancyra, The Arian doctrine was rejected ; but the ancient emanistic notion was confirmed, and was merely developed farther by the decision koXqv avTov, Tcpoka^uiv ravTijv avrui ttjv 66^av didcjKev, tjv av Kai ek r^g uper^g 1(7%^ uera ravra. 3 Comp. the fragment of liis letter to Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, in the Acts ot the Cone. Nicaeni ii. ann. 787. Actio vi. ap. Mansi, xiii. p. 316. * Fragments of his (TiJvrayua in Athanasios. 5 Epist. ConBtantini ad Alexandrum et Arium in Eusebii vit. Const, ii. 64-72. Among other things we find, c. 69 : Ovte kparav vnkp tcjv tolovtuv e$ upxrjc irpoaijKov yv, ovte ipuTcJfiEvov aTTOKpivecdai. rug yap rotavrag ^7)ttjcel<;-, oTrooag fii} vo/iov rcvbr avdyKr} TrpoGTUTTei, u7^V uvoxpeXovg dpyiag epeax£7i.ia •KpoaTidriatVy el koL (bvatKyg tlvoq yvfiva- ctag ivEKa ylyvotTO, o/iag b^EiKofiEV elou r^f diavoiag iyKT^ELELV, kol iiij -^poxEipuc «f dri^ioaiag avvodovc Ik^epelv^ fi7)6t ralg rihv diifiov uKoalc inrpovoijTcog ttioteveiv. — C. 70 : AioTTcp Kal cpuTTjGtg aTrpo(}>vXaKTog, /cat airoKpiaig anpovoTjTog Ictjv a}-.A7)haig avTi&oru- aav k^ iKCTipL) avyyvufiijv. — C. 71 : Kal Xeyt.} ravra^ ovx wf uvayKu^uv vfiug i^uTrav- ro^ ry Xlav EvyOec, Kai ola drj ttote kanv kKEivij tj (^^TTjat^t avvrWEGdat. dvvarac yap Kal TO T^g Gvvodov rlfitov vfitv uKepalug cu^Eadai, Kal (ila koI y avrij Karil KavTuv KOtvuvia TTjpelfrdat, kuv tu fiuTiiard Tig tv fiipet irpog dXA^P-ouf i/ftlv i/Trep k'kaxlaTOv i^tavia yivTj-aL. 6 According to Eusebius de vita Constantini, this council numbered more than 250 l)ishops. In later times 318 were usually reckoned to it, and it was called the council ol TLT)'. The hrst persons who have the latter number expressly refer to the 318 servants ot Abraham, in whom Barnabas, so early as his day, had found a prediction relating to Glirist, c. 9, Hilary de Synodis, c. 86 : Et mihi quidem ipse ille numerus hie sanctus est, in quo Abraham victor rsgum impiorum ab eo, qui aetemi sacerdotii est forma, benedici- tur. Liberius ap. Socrat. iv. 2. Ambrosias de Fide, lib. L prolog. $ 5. Doubtless this sacred number was arbitrarily assumed for the purpose of conferring honor on the councU of the Nicenes. Gelasius, however, Hist. Cone. Nic. and an anonymous author in the Spicilegium Koraannm, t. vi. (Romae. 1841. 8.) p. 608, give the number 300. CHAP. 11.— THEOLOGY. I. ARIAN PERIOD. J 8L TILL 323. 297 that the Son is of the same essence with the Father (ofjioovaLo^ T(o irarpi).'' This expression, which had been till now regarded as SabelHan, was very suspicious in the eyes of the oriental bishops.^ The most of them, however, yielded to the imperial authority, and subscribed the new creed.^ None but the two Egyptian bishops Theonas and Secundus refused, who were therefore banished with Arius to lUyria. The Nicene decrees were universally proclaimed as imperial law ; and when the bishops Eusebius of Nicomedia, and Theognis of Nice, de- parted from them, they were sent into exile to Gaul (325). ' The history of the Nicene Synod, written by Maruthas, bishop of Tagrit in Mesopota- mia, at the end of the fourth century (see Assemani Bibl. Orient, t. i. p. 195), is no lon^jcr extant. Gelasii Cyziceni (bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, about 476) tyvvrayfia tl>v kutH TTjv tv NiKaia aylav avvoSov TrpaxShirav, libb; 3 (the third lost), prim. ed. Rob. Balforeus Scotus. Paris. 1600. 8, also in the collection of the decrees of Councils ap. Mansi, iL p. 759, (translated in Fnchs, i. 416). — Th. Ittigii Historia Concilii Nicaeni (ed. Christianus Ludovici). Lips. 1712.4. Fuchs Bibliothek der Kirchenversammlangen des vierten n. funften Jahrh. i. 350. — Symbolum Nicaenum (cf. Chr. G. F. Walchii BibUotheca symbolica vetus . Lemgov. 1770. 8, p. 75, ss.) : lliaTcvoftev eig ha 6edv, narcpa vav- TOKpaTopa, TruvTQV bparuv re Kol ^opdruv •KOiTjTTjv. Kai c/f ha Kvpiov 'l-rjaovv Xpta Tov, Tov vlov Tov deov, jEvvridEVTa kn Tov Trarpb^ uovoyevfj, tovtectlv, ka r^f ovalac Tov TzarpoCi debv Ik deov, ^wf kK ^uto^, deov dlTidtvbv kK Oeov uXridwov^ yevviidivTa, oil TTOiydevTa, b^oovaiov tu iraTpL. dt' ov tu Truvra kytvETO, ra re kv ri^ ovpavu Kal ra kv r-Q yy. tov di' ijfiag rov^ av6p6nov^ KXil 6ia ttjv rj/xeTEpav auTjjpiav KaTEWbvra Kal aapKudivTa, Kal kvavdpu-KTjaavTa, iradovra Kal avaaTuvra ry rplry J/piEp^, iivtX' dbvra eIs tov; oipavovg, Kal ipxo/iEvov Kplvat (uvrag Kal VEKpovg. THal eIc; to liyLov TTvevfia. Toi»f 6^ Tiiyovrag, bn ijv tzote ots oi)K jyv, /cat irplv yEVvrjdrivai ovk ^v,'kuI oTt h^ OVK bvTuv kyivETo, ^ k^ irkpag VTrocrdaEug ij ovoiag tpdaKovrag ELvai, ^ Kna- TOV, TpETTTov, 7j aXKoiUTOv TOV vlov TOV Beov, dvoBEfiaTi^EL 7/ Ka6o?UK^ £KK\7]CLa. Con- cerning the composition of this creed ; Athanasius Epist. de decretis synodi Nicaenae, and Eusebii Caesar. Epist. ad Caesarienses, most complete as appended to Athanasii Epist. cit. and in Theodoreti H. E. i. 11. The ctf Seof is here the Father alone, consequently the sameness of essence between Him and the Son is not a numerical unity of essence. See Munscher liber den Sinn der Nic. Glanbensformel, in Henke's nenem Magazin, vi. 334. Even here the sentiment, that the Son exists by the will of the Father, and is less than he, is not spoken against. » See.Divis. L } 60, note 13. " How actively Constantino employed his influence in accomplishing it may be seen in Eusebius vita Const, iii. 13. Since his view had previously been different (see note 5), and his great object was simply the restoration of peace, Gfrorer's (K. G. ii. i. 210) con jecture is not improbable that he had been gained over by Hosius, and the latter during his abode at Alexandria; consequently the epithet 6/xoovatO(; was of Alexandrian origin, where it had been already set forth in opposition to Dionysius (Div. I. ^ 64, note 8), and \.nd been again rejected expressly by Arius. (See above, note 2.) 298 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.^A.D. 324-451, § 82. OPPOSITION OF THE EUSEBIANS TO THE NICENE COUNCIL TILL THE SECOND SYNOD AT SIRMIUM (357). H. J. Wetzer, Restitutio verae cbronologiae remm ex controversiis Arianis inde ab annu 325 usque ad annum 350 exortarum. Erancof. ad M. 1827. 8. The opponents of Arianism declared it to be polytheism. On the contrary, the Arians charged the ofioovaiog with S'abelljanisrn,' and succeeded in spreading this view in the east so generally that Constantine thought he could effect a general union on the disputed dogma only by giving up the expression. Accordingly, the banished were recalled, not only Eusebius and Theognn, but Arius too (328—29) his orthodoxy being acknowledged by the emperor, as expressed in general terms, in a confession of faith which he gave in. Eusebius of Nicomedia obtained a decided influence over Constantine. Several bishops who obstinately adhered to the Nicene decrees, and refused to hold church com- munion with the recalled, were banished, particularly Eusla- thius, bishop of Antioch (330).^ Athanasius himself, now bishop of Alexandria, was deposed by a council held at Tyf'' (335), and banished into Gaul by Constantine ; and Arius, im- mediately after, was solemnly received again into church com- munion at Jerusalem. He died not long after at Constantino- ple (336).^ Thus the east was separated from the western church ; the latter adopting the bfioovoio^, and espousing the cause of Athanasius, which the former rejected. This division continued after the death of Constantine (f 337), when Con-. 1 Socrates, i. 24 : 0^ //^v tov dfioovalov Trpf Xi^cv iKKXlvovreg r^v 2a/?eA/,iov Kac MovTavov do^av ELGTjynadaL avvqv Tovg '!rpo(76sxofievov^ hvofiv^ov, Kal 6cu. rovro pXaa- oijfiovg ^/cuAovv, a»f uvatpovvra^ ttjv virap^cv tov vlov tov deov. ol 6^ ttuXlv Ttj dfioov- aiif) TTpouKSLfievot, TtoTivdelav eladyELV tov^ iripov^ vofiL^ovT€(;, 6Jf 'EAX7/v£(T/iov tlao-yov- Tac k^zTpiTZQvro. Aug^istin. Opus imperf. v. 25 : Ariani Catholicos SabelUanos vocant On the other hand, Athanasius Expos, fidei (ed. Ben. i. 100) : Oire yip vloiruTopa f u.?\,7jdcv6vj bdovt uTiTJdetav, avuaraatv, Tzoifieva, Bvpavt uTpeizTov te koX d.vaXko'njTov T^g dEOTTjTog, ovaiag te Kal /SovA^f, Kal dvvdfiEDg Kal 66^7jc tov naTpbc o-TzapaTiKaKrov ELKOVa' TOV "KpCiTOTOKOV TTUCJT^f T^f KTl(JEQCf TOV OVTa kv ilpXy TTpOC TOV OeoV, OeOV 7^6yOV-, Kard. TO elpy/iivov ivTu EvayyEHfj' "Kal Oeo^ 7}v & loyog." dC ov rcl Trdvra tyivETO, Kal hv tj TiL wuvra cvviarTj^e ' top kir' kaxaTav rcJv TjfiepCJv KarEXdovra uvu6ev. el Ttg Tvapd. T^v vyijj TLiV ypa^dv bpdriv ttlutlv 6i6daKEt, XiyuVt 7j XP^'^^'^^ V Katpbv, 7 aluvai] elvat, fj yEyovEvat irpb tov yevvqdfjvai. rbv vlbv, dvadefia eotu' Kal el tlc 2,eyeL tov vlbv Krlofia iav, rbv Kvptov ijixdv ^Irioovv HLpiuTov, 6l' ov tu TTuvTa, TOV yewTjOivTa i/c tov Tzarpbg npb ribv aluvuv, deov Te?Letov Ik deov Teleiov, koI ovTa Trpof tov debv kv VTroffTuCEt, kn' kaxdTuv 6^ tuv ^fiepdv KaTe/Sbvra. Ei 6e Tig Tcapd ravTTjv ttjv maTtv diddcKEt, ^ exel kv ^avTC}^ uvddefia turo. Kal Map/ceA- ?."v TOV 'AyKvpag, y ^ajSeTiMov, 7j HavXov tov J.af£oaaTEO)g, uvdde/ia laru Kal avrbg, Kal -.I'LVTE': ol KOivuvovvTEC avTt^. In the formula iv. (sent to Constans in Gaul some months filer the council) : E/f rbv fiovoyEvfj avTov vloVf tov Kvpiov rjfi€iv 'Itjoovv Xpicrbv, rbv TOO TTuvruv TUV aluvuv kK TOv irarpbr yevvj]6ivTa, debv Ik deov, tpug kK (puTbg, 6i' ov kyivETO TU TavTa kv Tolg ovpavoig Kal km T^g y^g, rd bpard Kal tu dopaTa, Xoyov ovra Kat (70(!>lav, Kal dvvafiLv, Kal ^utjv, Kal ({>ug dTt^ydivov. Tovg 6k TiiyovTag k^ ovk uvtuv Tbv vibv ^ k^ irepag v-KOurdaeug, Kal fii) Ik deov, Kal f/v nore XP^vog ore ovk tjv, dXXoTpiovg rb'^tv y Kado^LKT} kKK%T}aia. According to Sozomen, iii. 5 {where only two Antiochian for^iuiae are mentioned), the second was given out as the Symb. Luciaui Martyris (Div. I. § ri5, note 6) ; and from Theodoret it is clear that this is the still so-called formula Antiocli. ii. Athanasius, Hilary, and Socrates, who give the formulae, say nothing of it. The anathema at the end is therefore a later addition. ^ Conjp. Eusebius de Fide ativ. Sabellium (in Sirraondi 0pp. 1. u. Bibl. PP. Ludg. iv.) 'vritten according to Philo uber die Schriften des Euseb. v. Alex. u. Euseb. v. Emisa. Hal'e. 1832. S. ei, 76, by Eusebius of Emisa (a.d. 341), ap. Sirmond. i. 11 : Confitere ea, •qaae de Patre et Filio scripta sunt, et noli curiosius ea, quae non sunt scripta, requirere. Utinam autem solum legeremus ! ntinam soils scripturis contenti essemus ! et lis nulla iietat. Cf. p. IS, 20, 2V. Comp. Cyxillas Hierosolym. in his catacheses held about the year 3i?, ex Gr. Catech ad Competentes, xv. $ 9 : '^vv 6^ ectiv i] d-rroa -aula. dirEaTJiiav 300 SECOND PEEIOD.^DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. were certainly many, must have concealed their peculiar senti- ments behind emanistio formulae." Thus the Orientals were unjustly styled Arians by the Nicenes. More appropriate was the title Eusebians,'' from their head Eusebius, bishop of. Nico- media. In order to remove the schism between the east and west, Constantius and Constans united in summoning a new general council at Sardica (347).'. But here the matter went so far as to issue in an entire separation. The westerns re- mained alone in Sardica ; the orientals assembled in the neigh- boring town Philippopolis. Both parties confirmed their former acts ; and in the east Eusebianisra continued as prevalent under Constantius as the Nicene. faith in the west under Constans. The prejudice of -the Eusebians, that Homousianism led to SabelHanism," was not a little favored by the case of Marcellus, bishop of Ancyra, one of the principal.defenders of the Nicene council. By representing the Logos as the eternal wisdom of God, and contending that the incarnate Logos alone could be called Son of God, this bishop manifestly came near Sabellian- ism ; and when deposed from his office (336), was nevertheless declared orthodox by the westerns, and taken under their pro- tection. ■" A pupil of Marcellus, Photinus, bishop of Sirmium, yap oh uvdpunoi r^f bpdrj^ nLcTeu^ ' aai ol tiev vloiraTopiav KarayyiTiXovGiVt ol 6^ Tov KpcGTov ef ovK ovTQv £tf TO clvac 'Kap^ex^svTa ^eyeov ToXuuai. Kal Trpdrepov ftiv tjoav (jiavspol oi alneriKol. vvv 6i ^enAr/paTai ii inKAnaia KEKOvuiiivutv aipcTiKuv. Compare Touttee on this passage, and his Diss. i. cap. 4, $ 17, ss., prefixed to his edition of Cyril. ' Respecting the 8cbv CK 6tov in the Antiochian formulae they said (Socrat. ii. 45) : Oiiruf elpTiTai to Ik 6eov, (if elpijTai. Tzaptl Tip 'Attoctto/Iv t<1 6i Travra Ik tov 6eov (1 Cor. xi. 12). Only the Nicene hK TT/g ovclag tov 6eov was not susceptible of an Arian import. ' So Athanasius frequently ol 'Kept 'EvOE^tov. ' That it was held in 347, not 344, is proved by Wetzer Restit. verae chron. p. 47, against Mansi Coll. cone. iii. 87. 9 Even Hilarius de Synodis $ 67, confesses : Multi ex nobis ita unara substanfciam Patris et Filii praedicant, ut videri possiut non magis id pie quam impie praedicare : habet enim hoe verbum in se et fidei conscientiam, et fraudem paratam. — Unum, in quo par significatur, non ad unicum vendicetur. 1* MarceUns's chief work was de Subjectione doniini Christ!.. (Fragments of it in Ma.-=elliana ed. et animadvers. instmxit Chr. H. G. Kettberg. Goett. 1794. 8). He was answered by Asterius, Eusebius of Caesarea, Acacius (fragments in Epiphanius Haer 7!^ $ 5-9), ApoUinarius and Basil of Ancyra. Of these are Extant only Eusebii contra Mar- cellum libb. ii. and de Ecclesiast. theologia libb. iii. (both appended to Eusebii DenxoQstr. evang. Paris. 18S8. fol.) His orthodoxy was acknowledged by Julius, bishop of .Rome (epist. ad Episoop. Eusebianos Antiochiae congregatos, in Athanasii Apol. contra Arianos, n. 21-35), Athanasius in several passages, and the Syiiod of Sardica. On the contrary! the later catholic fathers, Basil the Great, Chrysostom, Sulpicius Severus, and others judged of him unfavorably. The majority cf the moderns, Baronins, Petavins, Schelstrate, CHAP. II.— THEOLOGY. I. ARIAN PERIOD. J 82. 301 taught Sabellianism in a fully developed form." His doctrine was rejected not only by the Eusebians at the second council of Antioch (345)/^ but also by the westerns at a council at Milan (347) ; and at the first council of Sirmium (351)," he was deposed by the Eusebians. The party of the Photinians continued, however, till the reign of Theodosins the younger. In the mean time, Constans had died (350). Constantius be- came master of the whole Roman empire, after his victory over Magnentius (353), and now endeavored to introduce Eusebianism by force into the west also. At the synods of Aries (353) and Milan (355), the bishops were forced to subscribe the condemna- tion of Athanasius ; all who refused being deposed and banished. Among these were Lucifer, bishop of Galaris ; Hilary, bishop of Poictiers; and Liberius, bishop of Rome." &c., hold him also to be a heretic. His most important defender is Montfaucon Diatr. de causa Marcelli Ancyrani (in ej. Collect, nova Patram, t. ii. p. 51, ss. Paris. 1706. fol. ; re- printed in J. Vogt Biblioth. hist, haeresiologiae, t. i. fasc. ii. p. 293, bs. Hamb. 1724. 8). Oomp. Walch's Ketzerhist. iii. 229. Klose's Gesch. n. Lehre dea Marcellas u. Photinus. Hamburg:. 1837. 8. Baur's Lehre v. d. Dreieinigkeit, i. 525. " Walch, iii. 3. Klose and Baur, 1. c. ^2 In 'the formula Antioch, fiaKpoarixog (ap. Athanasins de Synodis $ 26, and Socrates ii. 19, cf. Walchii Bibl. symb. p. 1 15) : JideXvatjofiEda d^ Trpof tovtoc^ koX avadefiaTl^ofieir Kal Tovg "koyov fiiv fiovov ai}Tbv tfjiXov rov deov KoX uvvTrapKTOv ^TrtTrAaffrwf KC/loiJvraf , iv HipGi TO elvac ixovTa, wv /zev uf rbv irpo^opiKov ^eyo/HEVov iizo Tivuv, vvv 6^ (b^ rov ev(hu6eTov ' XptuTov d^ aiiTov Kal vlov Tov dtov Kal fietjlTTiv Kal eUova rov deov fiij slvai Tzpo aiuvov diXovrag, okTJ Iktote XpiOTOv avTov ysyovivai Kal vlov rov 6eov, i^ oli Tqv ijliEripav kK Tijg irapdivov odpKa (lveiXtj^e, -Kpb TETpaKoolov ovx oXuv hrdv. ektote yap TOV XpiBTov upxnv ^aaiKEiag iaxiKEvai WeXovoi. Kal TE?Mg l^Eiv avTT/v fiETu Tyv (; Kal TU vlC} eSoKE (u7}v EXEtv kv iavTC) (Job. v. 26)- tt/v 6i KaT' kvipysiav, 6l' uv iracSEVEf d yap dv 6 TraTijp troLy, TavTa Kal 6 vlbg bpcolug tvoleI {Joh. v. 19), fiovTjv ttjv Kaf kvipyetav vfioLOTTjTa dtSovg, ttj^ KaT' ovciav, y kcTC to KEcpaTiaiudidTaTov ijfiuv rF/g TricTEug, uiro- UTepolr} Tbv vlbv — a. t. (so according to a correction). E/ Tcg — avo/zotov /ikyot KaT' ovalav TOV vlbv tCi naTpl, a. €. Ei Tig Tbv iraTepa upEG^vTEpov Xpovu Xeyot tov k^ iavTov fiovoyEvovg vlovy vEUTEpov 6^ XP^^^ ~^^ '^^^ '^^^ TcaTpbg^ h. e. But also finally: Ei Tt k^ovclg Kal ovolg Tikyov tov TraTkpa iraTipa tov vlov, bfioovaiov 6^ ij TavToovaiov "kkyoL TOV vlbv TL) TiaTpt, iL. t- ^ Concerning Liberius, bisbop of Rome, who in the year 358 subscribed two Eusebian formulas in succession, for the purpose of regaining his episcopal dignity, see Larroquani, j 82, Diss, cited, note 13, and Jo. la Placette Observationes hist, eccles., quibus eruitur veteris ecclesiae sensns circa Pont. Eom. potestatem in definiendis fidei rebas. Amatel. 1695. p. 137-1 50. 304 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. 1.— A.D. 324-451. the purpose of uniting in appearance with tlie Semiarians. anil yet establishing their own doctrine, now adopted the formula, Tov vlbv bfioiov TU} TTOTpi Kara tto,. it, (Lf a' dyiai ■Ypa(j)al XsyovaC re Kai diddoKovai,^ and succeeded in uLnvincJng the emperor that all parties might be most easily uni cl in it. .For this purpose all bishops were now prepared, and ir ,ip ibe westerns were summoned to a council at Ariminum, the easterns to another at Seleucia, simultaneously (359j. After many efforts, the emperor at last succeeded in getting most of the bishops to adopt that formula. But along with this external union, not only did the internal ilootrinal schism continue, but there were besides differences among such as had been like-minded, according as they had gone in with that union or not. Thus Constantius at his death left all in the greatest confusion.^ The interference of emperors, so foreign to the object in discussion, now ceased, at least for some time. Julian (361- 363) was of course equally ini'iFerent to all Christian sects, and restored all banished bishops to their sees.' Jovian also (f 364) and his successors in the west, Valentinian I. (f 375), then Gratian and Valentinian II. maintained general toleration. On the contrary, Valens, emperor of the east (364—378), was a zealous Arian, and persecuted the Homousiasts and Semiarians. Since the last years of Constantius, various causes had been always tending to increase in the east the number of adherents to the Nicene council. "When, in its greatest strictness, Arian- ism wished to regain the ascendency, the majority of the ori- ^ The same is found in the formula Sirmiensis tertia, which wag composed by some Avians at Sii*mium, and was submitted at Ariminum (in Athanasii de Synodis Arimini et Seleuciae celebratis epist. c. 8), in the formula Nices condita which was received at the end at Ariminum (in Theodoreti Hist. eccl. ii. 21) in the formula Seleuciensis (ap. Athanas. de Syn. c. 29) and the Constantinopolitana (ap. Athanas. 1. c. c. 30), all belonging to the year 359. Corap. Fnchs, ii. 201, 259, 271, 273. ^ There is a con-ect estimate of his character in Ammian. Marcellin. sxi. 16 : Christianam religionem absolntam et simplicem anili superstitione confudens ; in qua scrut'anda per- plexius, quam compouenda gravius, excitavit discidia plurima, quae progressa fusius aluit concertatione verborum : ut catervis Antistitum jumentis publicis nltro citroque discur- rentibus per Synodos, quas appellant, dum ritum omnem ad suum trahere couatur arbitrium rei vehiculariae.succideret nervos. * Ammian. Mai'c. xxii. 5 : Utque dispositorum roboraret effectnm, dissidentcs Chris tianonim Antistites cum plebe discissa in palatium intromissos monebat civilius, ut diso^rdiis consopitis quisqne nuUovetante religion! suae serviret intrepidns. Quod agebat ideo obstinate, ut dissenaiones augente licentia, non timeret unanimantem postea plebem; nullas infestas hominibus bestias, nt sunt sibi ferales plerique Christianorom, expertus. SaCj^eque dictitabat : Audite me quern Alemanni audieront et Franci. CHAP. II.— THEOLOGY. I. ARIAN PEUIOD. J 63- 305 eiital.s, who held fast by the emanation of the Son from the Father, must have felt a most decided aversion to it ; while the Nicene decrees were naturally allied to those older notions, as fuller developments of them. Besides, the unity of the Nioenes, as contra.sted with the constant wavering of the Eusebians, could do nothing less than make a most favorable impression. To this was added, finally, the influence of monachism, which, having now- arisen in Egypt, and speedily excited universal ad- miration, was closely connected with Athanasius ; and in all countries where it was diffused, was busy in favor of the Nicene council.'" First of all, Meletius declared himself in favor of the Nicene confession, immediately after he had been nominated bishop of Antioch, a.d. 361." But the old Nicene community Which had still existed in Antioch from the time of Eustathius (§ 82, note 2), and was now headed by a presbyter Paulinus, refused to acknowledge the former Eusebian as bishop ; and this Mele- tian schism '^ soon found a ground for itself also in the doctrinal distinction that the Meletians believed they must abide by three Hypostases in the Trinity, while the old Nicenes would only acknowledge in it three Prosopa." The council of Alexandria, " Hence the frequent persecutions of the monks in -Egypt Dy tne Arians. Cf. Atbanasii, Encyclica, c. 3, Hist. Arianorum, c. 70, 72, and often. In like manner under Valens, Socrat. iv. 22 and 24. Thus the the monlis of Cappadocia, in the year 363, brolte off church communion witli Gregory, bishop of Nazianzum, father of the theologian, because he had subscribed an ambiguous formula. See Ullmann's Gregor. v. Nazianz. S. 61 Gregory of Nazianzum, Orat. xxi. p. 388, says of the monks in reference to that occur- rence : OT Kav TuX^ ZiuLV eliJTjvcKoi te Kal fiirpwCt tovto ye ov fipovciv ^ttleiksIc eIyui, €eov irpoStSovaL 6ca ttjc tjovxI-o^- iiXka Kal Viav eIcIv ivraida ■noT^EjXLKoi te Kal dva^nxot — Kal BuTTUv av tc jxt] 6eov TvapaKivijaaLEv, tj Seov T^apaXi-noiEV. " Epiphan. Haer. Ixxiii. c. 28, 34. Socrat. ii. 44. Sozom. iv. S6. Theodoret. ii. 27. Soon after (363) many other Semiarian bishops joined him in a Synod at Antioch (Socrat. iii. 25). '2 Respecting this schism, see Walch's Ketzerhistorie, Th. 4, S. 410, if. ^3 The Nicene Synod considered ovaia and vnoaraai^ as synonymous when it anathe- matized the formula ^f irepa^ iiroaTdaeu^ rj overlap slvaL. The old Nicenes, the Egyp- tians, and Westerns, held fast by this. So Athanasius Ep. ad Afros, c. 4 : 'H VTrocraaig ovala kGTi, Kal ovoiv oKko (Si\}iaiv6fiEV0v sx^t-t ij avro to 6v' ij yap viroaTaaic Kal tj ovaia vTrap^ig eaivETat, to ttjv MapjceA^ou alpeaw av-ov; (Occiden- tales) — k^optaai. k-Ktl t^EXpt tov vvv iv TrdtTLV olg kTZKjTiyiXovat ypdixfiaai tov fihf dvauvv/iov 'kpeiov uva Kal kuto dvadsfiaTi^ovTec — ov SiaTitinovai. Mapici?.X(^ Si, Tu KaTil didjicTpov Ikuvu tt/v dcePeiav iiriSeL^afihxj, Kal e/f avT^v tt/v virap^tv T^f Toii IMOvoyevov; Bcottito^ aaEp-qaavTL — oiSE/iiav fil/itpi-v i-iTEVEyKovTE^ tpaivovTai. A milder judgment is given by Gregor. Naz. Or. xxi. : T^f fiiu^ ovaiag Kal Tuv Tpidv vttogtuceuv ?iEyofiEVG>v pLEV v(j>' Tifiuv £V(7EJ3u^ voovfiEvuv 6^ Kal TTapu Totg 'Ira>lotf d^iolug, (iXA' ov dvva/i(vJic 6m OTEVOTriTa ttiq Trap' airoif y^urrj/f Kal dvo/iuTov iTEviav SieIeIv utto T»f ovoLa^ T7JV VTTOCTaaLVi Kal did. tovto uvTEcaayovffj]^ rd Trpoau-Tza, Iva fiTj Tpeig ovaict TTapadExOi^oi' tI yivETat Ci£ ?uav yEXoZov 7j h'KEEivbv; ttIgteu^ ^do^s 6ia(popd y izEpl tov iixov GficKpoXoyla. ^* Epistola synodica Cone. Alex. (ap. Mansi, iii. p. 345, ss.) : XldvTag Toiwv tov^ Bov7'.oixEvov£ ElpTjvEVEiv TTpof ^//uf, fiuXcoTa Tov£ tv Ty TzaTiac^ Gvvayotih'ovg (the Mele- tians) Kal tov; utto tQv 'kpEiavdv, ■KpoaKaMaaaBc nap' iavTol;, Kal (if iicv TraTt'pCf vi'oiif TrpoaXdjSEade, VTTupxovra ysyevf/adai. In this sense Athanasius, de Synodis § 41, passes judgment also on the Semiarians : Jlpof dt? Tovc u'nodexopivovg tu fikv d/lAC TtdvTa TCtv ev N//cat^ ypacftkvTuv, i:epl 6i fiovyv TO buoovaioi' a./x(ptPd?i,?MVTa^t XPV ^V Ci^ Trph^ ixdpoiic duiKelaOai' Kal yap Kai 308 ^ SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. abided by the three hypostases of their Semiarianism, and at- tached themselves to the Meletians ; but on this very account they could not keep church communion with the old Nicenes, notwithstanding all the efforts made by Basil to effect that ob- ject. ^° Since they supposed that they had •unchangeably re- mained steadfast to their faith, they also continued to consider their Eusebian and Semiarian forefathers as orthodox, although condemned by the old Nicenes. ^^ Thus the canons of the ori- ental councils held during the schism, constantly remained in force, particularly those of the council of Antioch, a.d. 341,-^ TjuEts ov'x wf Trpof 'ApecofiaviTa^j ovd'' (jf fiaxofievov^ Trpof tov^ "KaripaQ kvKjTaueda, oT.^* (jf odcA^ot TTpog a6eX tj/uv diavotav l;fo».'-af, Trepl 6^ TO ovofia Itovov ditTTa^ovra^. In like manner Hilarius de Synodis, § 76, sa. 20 Comp. B asilii Ep. 69, ad Atbanasium, Ep- 70, ad Damasam, both a.d. 371 (see Gamier vita Basilii, p. 94, prefixed to torn. iii. 0pp. Bas.]. Then a.d. 372, Ep. ad Occidentales ; Ep. 91, ad Valerianum Ulyric. Episc., Ep. 92, ad Italos et Gallos {Gamier, p. 110). — ^a.d. 376: Ep. 242, Orientalium ad Occidentales, Ep. 243, Basilii ad Episc. Itaios et Gallos (Gamier, p. 159). — a.d. 377: Ep. 263, Orientalium ad Occidentales {Gamier, p. 165). Con- cerning these negotiations with the AvriKolg Basil affirms, Ep. 239. ad Easeb. Episc. Samosatorum, a.d. 376 : 'E^ot fihf yd.p to tov AtOfi^Sovc {Hiad, ix. 6S8, 699) lizepxETCti Tiiyciv fly o^eXef Xtaceadat' dioTi, (pTjalv, uyyvup koTiv d uvijp. Tu ovti. yhp depairevo- H£va Tu v7rEp7j<^ava yBr) kavTdv v7r£p07TTiK0)Tepa yiveadat 7r^0vyc^- Ko' y«P ^"^ P-^ Dvacdy yp.iv 6 Kvptoc, 'iroiag ^Tipag trpoadyKyq deopeda ; kav 6i kinpEivQ y op^ij tov 6eov, ■jzoia f3oydeta ypXv Ty^ dvTiKyg 6ev6iui 6^ VTTOvoiaLC •KpoeiXypp.Evoi.j EKEiva •KOLOvat vvv, d irpoTepou kid Map/ciXXu. Trpof fi^v Tovg Tyv uXydetav avTOtg aTrayyi2.XovTac (fnXovEtKyaavTeg. Tyv 6k alpeaiv 6t iavTuv l3£(3atL}(7avTEg. 'Eyw pev yap avTo^j uvev tov kocvov gxV^^^^^i k(3ov2,6fiyv avTuv ETTLCFTEiXai Tw Kopv7]/j.iav, i^povovvruv 6i Kara tov aylov TZVEVjiaTog Kai 7^€y6vTQV avTO fiij fiovov KTiufia, u/l/la Kal tuv TiEiTovpyi- Kuv TiVEVfiaTuv iv avTo elvat, Kal (Sadfiip fzovov avTo 6iaq>ipEiv rwv uyykT^Dv. Epist. Synod. Cone. Alex. A. D. 362.— BasiliiM.de Spiritu*S.Iib.ad Amphilochium, A.D. 374.— Gregorii Nazianz. Orat. 37 et 44 (comp. Ullmana's Gregorius v. Naz. S. 378, ff.) Epi- phanius adv. Haer. (about 374) Haer. Ixxiii. tqv 'HfiLapEiav. $ 1 : Ot ^^ avToi Kal nepl TOV iiyiov TTVEVfiaTog lauc '^Oif HvEV/iaTOfiuxoic tlalv ^;^;ovrff. Haer. Ixxiv. tuvUvev p.aTOfidx<^v. $ 1. 'Atto tovtuv tuv 'HfiiapEiuv, Kal utto bpdodo^uv Tiv^^y ug eItteIv, Tipa^ Tiffl [leg. TepuGTioi] yEVVTiOevTeg uvdpoTTOi — ^7ia(T(j)ijfiov<7L to irvevfca to dyiov. Philastrius (about 380) de Haeresibus, c. 67 : Semiariani sant quoque. Hi de Patre et Filio bene sentiunt— Spiritum autem non de divina substantia, nee Deum verum, sed fftotum atque creg.tam Spiritum praedicantes, ut eum conjungant et comparent creaturae. Iq all these writers Pneumatomachi is still the exclusive appellation of these errorists. On the contrary the Semiarians were at that time called Macedonians. At the time of tbe first council of Constantinople (381), Constantinople was the chief seat of the Semiari- ans (cf. Gregorii Xaz. vita a Gregor. Presb. conscripta. Socrat. ii. 45: Oi -KEpl '^hiKEdovLOv 310 SECONB PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. not yet all prepared to style the Holy Spirit Goil.^^ Finally, the number of sects was increased by a zealous adherent of the Nlcene council, jLpollinaris, bishop of Laodicea, who, misled, perhaps, by his aversion to Origen,^* believed that he was neces- sarily obliged to concede to the Arians the position,^^ that the Logos in Christ supplied the place of the rational souj vovg or i>vx7] XoyiK'fi,^^ and from about 371 gathered round him the ad- elc Tov 'K?ihji7Ti0VT0v TrTiEOvd^ovcri). Hence the appellations Semiariani, Pneumatomaclu aud MEOftdoniani {can, 1 and 7) were used as synonymous by this council. Inasmuch as the peculiarity of this party regarding the doctrine of the Son was unimportant, nothing but their views of the Holy Spirit remained to make them heretical. Hence, by an easy transition, Macedonius came to be considered the author of this heresy, as is the case so early as Sozom. iv. 27 : 'EnecS^ Ma/ceddrtof a^T/p^^T? r^v "S-wvoTavTivovizoXeiiQ ^KKlijaiav, elayyetTo rov vlbv 6eqv elvai, Kara ttuvtct te Kal Kar* ovatav ofioiov ru izarpi • ro 6h aytov irvEVfia afioipov ruv avrC>v 'Kpea^eicdV uTr£<{iatv€TO, diaKovov Kal VKijpETrjv KaXciv, Kal baa TVEpi ruv Oeluv uyyiTiUV Xeyuv rig ovk uv u^uproL. Hence, from this time on- ward the usual name for those who were heretical in their views of the Holy Ghost was Macedoniani, instead of Pneumatomachi ; although it is unquestionable that Macedonius, though he entertained those sentiments, like all the Semiarians, was not the author of them. 2' Eustathius, bishop of Sebaste, who had been at the head of that Semiarian embassy to Rome (see note 18), and had since became a Nicenian, declared : 'Eyu ovte Oeov ovofid^Etv TO jTvevfLa TO aytov alpov/iat, ovte KTiafia KaXelv To%fi^Gatfzi (Socrat. ii. 25). It is true that subsequently the orientals accused him before the Occidentals of having gone over to the Arians, and having become TrpwroorarT^f Tyg tuv nvevfiaTOfidx^v alpiaeug (BasUii, Ep. 263, § 3). In conformity with that earlier declaration of Eustathius was the conduct also of his friend at that time, Basil the Great. He would have all admitted to church-fellowship, Ep. 113, tovq (it) XiyovTag KTiafia to nvEv^a to ayiov. But he himself abstained fropi calling the Holy Ghost God, on which Gregory of Nazian- zum was obliged to hear reproaches (Gregor. Ep. 26, ad Basil.), and exculpated Basil iu this way : IIoAiff Trept avTov b iroTiEfioc, ^tjtovvtov 2.a(3iadai rwv alpeTiKuv -^-vfiv^g r^f (jxjVTJg (namely Trepi tov TTVEVfiaTog, og eItj Osog) — tv' 6 fi^v k^uady T^g iKKXijaiag, f>t^u6y 6i TO KaKov kv Ty 7r6?\.EC. So also iu his laudatory address to Basil, Orat. xx. p. 364. The monks iu Caesarea were particularly indignant against Basil, but in opposition to them he was justified by Athanasius Ep. ad Palladium: AvTog .u^v yap, uf Te6d6hi]Ka, TOig acdevovGLv uadev^g yivETat, Iva Tovg dadevEtg KEpd'^ay. Of. Gamier vita Basihi. p. 95, ss. That Basil made up his view of the Holy Spirit from Plotinian ideas of the ideal world, and the world of soul, is shown by A. J^hn, Basilius Magnus plotlnizans. Bemae. 1838. 4. When GregoiT" of Nazianzum preached the deity of the Holy Spirit openly, it was objected to him (Orat. theol. v. de Spir. S. § 1): JLoOev 57/ztv iTTEitrdyeii ^Evov debv Kal uypa(}>ov ; and he admitted, $ 26 : 'E/c^pvfffff ^avepuf ^ TraXafd rov HaTEpa^ TOV yibv ufivdpdTEpov * k^avipQUEV 57 Kam] tov Tlbv, VTridEL^e tov Jlvevuarog TTjV dsOTTjTa' iflTZoXlTEVETai VVV TO HvEV^a, Ga. .J62, in which even delegates of ApoUinaris took part, we find, but without the name of CHAP. II.— THEOLOGY. I. ARIAN PKRIOD $83 31J vocates of this sentiment (Apollin aristae, Ivvovataaral, ^ifioipi- Thu3 Theodoshcs, who as a Spaniard was a zealous atiherent df rlic Nicene council, found at his accession to the throne, in the latter, the polemic declaration: 'Q/j.o7i6yovv yap kol tovto, on ov acjfta aTpvxov, oijJ' avaiodTjTOv, ovd' uvoijtov eIxev b coTyp. This opinion is also contradicted by Atha- nasius, especially in Epist. ad Epictetum (371), contra ApoUinarium libb. ii. (372), yet without naming ApoUinaria (see Mohler's Athanasius, Th. 2, S. 263, ff.), although Epl- plianius Haer. 77, considers those works as refutations of it. Basil the Great heard of the heresy of Apollinaris in 373 (Ep. 129 ad Meletium), and wrote abotlt it 374 (Ep. 264 ad Oc- cidentales, and Ep. 265 ad Aegyptios). Fragments of the writings of Apollinaris belong- ing to the present subject {nepl kvaapKuaeug, Trepc TrlaTEOc) ^^^ preserved chiefly in Gregory of Nyssa and Theodoret. Fragments of several epistles of Apollinaris are found in Leontius Byzant. (about 590) adv. fraudes Apolliuaristarum libb. S. (ex. lat. vers. Tur riani in Canisii Lectt. ant. ed. Basnage, i. 608, S9. Gallandii Bibl. PP. xii. 706). Scat- tered fragments of every kind are in Majii Scriptt. vett. nova coll. torn. vii. P. i. Answers to Apollinaris were written by Diodorus Tarsensis, Theodotus Antiochenus, and the two bishops of Alexandria, Theophilus and Cyril. Still extant are Gregorii Naz. Ep. ad Nee- tarium, or Orat, 46, and Ep. ii ad Cledonium, or Orat. 51 and 52 (Ullmann's Greg, von Naz. S. 401, ff.) : and the far more important Gregorii Nysseni uvTi^l)7jTiKdc Trpbg tu * KiToXkLvapiov (prim. e3. Zacagnius Monim. veter. eccl. Gr. and in Gallandii Bibl. PP. vi. 517). Neraesius de Natura hominis, c. 1. Ttveg (lev, uv ktjTL Kal ILXoirlvo^, uXkriv elvat TTjV ipvxTjv, Kal aXkov rov vovv doyfiartaavrtg, tic rpcuv rbv uvdpuTVOv cvveardvai PovTiOvrai, aufiarog, Kal "ipyxv^, Kal vov- Olg i^KoXovdrjae Kal 'kTTo7i,7uvdpiog, b Trjg Aao- diKEcag yEVOfievog tTrtaKoirog' tovtov yap WTj^dfiEvog rbv dsfziXiov Tyg Idlag do^rjg, Kal ra ?.0L7Ta 7rpof7C}Ko66/iij(je Kara to oIkcIov 66y(ia. ApoUinarius ap. Greg. Nyss. c. 35 : '0 uvdpcjKog elg kariv ek irvEV/iaTog Kal ifvxvc a:*^^ aufiarog.^O. 9 : To d^ -jrvev^a, rovricTt Tov vovv, 6ebv ix^^v 6 Xptarbg fisra ipvxv^ '<-<^l tJuftaroc eIk6to)C dvQpu-Kog k^ ovpavov TiiyETat (1 Cor. xv. 47, ss.) — C. 7 : Geof fih {toTt) rC) -Kvevftari. rtj aapKajdhTi, dv6po}7rog 6i Ty VTzb TOV deuv irpoaTi-Tj^Bda-^ aapKl. — C. 23 : Ovk uvOpoTzog, uZ/l' Wf dydpunog (Phil, ii. 7), Sloti ovx bfioovGLog tu av^pwTrtj KaTu, to KvptuTarov. — C. 39 : E/ dvOpuTro) reXELL} GVV^tpdTj Oebg TeXELog, 6vo dv rjaav. — C. 42 : Yilg fiiv 4>VGeL vlbg Oeov, Ecg 6e dsTog. — 0. 48 : Ei kK TvavTuv Tuv lauv iifxlv egtl Tolg ;t!oi/coif b knovpavLog dvOpioirog {uute Kal Tb TTVEv/ia laov ix^tv Toig xocKolg), ovk knovpdviog, dTOC k-izovpaviov 6eov (^oxeIov. — C. 44 : 'H CTUpf TOV KvpCOV TTpOOKWElTat, KaOo iv koTl, irpOGUTTOV Kal EV ^LIOV flET' aVTOV^ MtjS^v TzotTifia 'KpoGKVvrjTbv fiETu. TOV Kvptov, ug 7} cupf avTov. From this resulted the principle of one nature in Christ, ApoU. fragra. ap. Majum, vii. i. 16 : M^^ d^ ovyKpuTci Ty (pvGEC dvdpanov tov icvptov TlsyofiEVj fiig. 6^ crvyKpaTL) r^ ^vcrei aapKLKy te Kal deiKy. In another fragment Apollinaris designates the entire spiritual principle in man as ilJVXVf and makes the place of it in Christ be supplied by the Logos. Ap. Majum, vii. i. 203 : '0 'luuvvTig — ELTTUV, oTC 6 ?i6yog adp^ kyivETO, ov 7rpoai67}Ke, Kal tpvxv' d6vvaTov ydp 6vo voEpa Kal dE7\.7}TiKd kv TU) ufia KaToiKslv, tva fiij to ivEpov KaTU tov ^Tipov uvTiuTparev- tjTai did Trig oUeiag deXijaEug Kal ivEpyEtag. OijKovv ov ipvxvg dvdpwTTtvqg kTzeXdl^tTo b "Xoyog, dXkd fiovov airipfiaTog 'A(3padp.' to yap tov aufiaTog 'Irjtrov vabv irpoSieypaijEv 6 dtl/vxog Kal dvovg Kal dde2,^g tov "ZoXo/iuvTog vaog. Some of his disciples, especially Polemius (Polemiani) taught kK tCiv ovpavuv KaTe}.7f?.v6Evai tov Kvptov Tb au/za, o/ioov- GLQV TO adfia r. Xp. Ty deoTTjTt. Epiph. Haer. 77, § *J, 20. Theodoret. Haer. fab. iv. 9. Chr. A. Salig. de Eutychianismo ante Eotychen. Oaelpherb. 1723. 4. — From this time forward the threefold divlsioo of man began to be considered heterodox. Keilii Opusc. acad. t. ii. p. 641, ss. ^^ ZwovGiaaTal, because ihey taught, avvovciuatv yEyEVTjffOat Kal Kpuatv Tjjg 6e6t7} Tog Kal TOV aufiaTog (Theodoret. Haer. fab. comp. iv, 9). Hence Theodotus of Antioch, and Diodorus of Tarsus, wrote /cara liVvovGiaaruv. Dimoeritae apud Epiphan. Haer. 77 ^ 312 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. the west (379) universal toleration ; in the east Arianism prev- alent, the Homousiasts, persecuted, and besides them the parties of the Photinians, Macedonians, and ApoUinarists, with innu- merable older sects. After conquering the Goths, he began forthwith to declare Homousianism to be the catholic faith, and to persecute other parties. ^^ The more effectually to remove existing evils, he summoned a general council at Constaniino- pie (381), ^^ by which the schism between the Nicenes was peaceably removed,^* and the Nicene creed enlarged with addi- tions directed against heretics who had risen up since its origin.^* 22 A law of the year 380, Cod. Theod. xvi. 1, 2 : Cunctos popalos, quoa cleilientiae nos- trae regit temperamentum, in tali volumus religione versari, quam divinum Petrum Apos- tolum tradidisse Romanis religio usque nunc ab ipso insinuata declarat, quamque pontifi- cem Damasum sequi claret, et Petrum Alexandriae episcopum, virum apostolicae sanc- titatis : hoc est ut secuudam apostolicam disciplinam evangelicamque doctrinam Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti unam deitatem sub parili majestate et sub pia trinitate credamas. Hanc legem sequentes Christianomm catholicorum nomen jubemas amplecti, reliquos vero dementes vesaiiosque judicautes, haeretici dogmatis infamiam sustinere, nee conci- liabulo eorum ecclesianim nomen accipere, divina primum vindicta, post etiam motus nostri, quem ex caelesti arbitrio sumserimus, ultione plectendos. Ullmann's Gregor. v. Naz. S. 220, ff. Stuffken Diss, de Theodos. M. in rem Christ, meritis. Lugd. Bat. 1828. 8, p. 135, ss. " ol pv'. Respecting it see Puchs Bibl. d. Kircbenverf. ii. 390. UUmann, S. 238. Stuffken, p. 142. 3* To this Synod Meletius, as bishop of Antioch, was summoned, not Paulinus, with whom the westerns communicated, and was even a TTfyoedpog of the council (Gregorii Naz. Carmen de vita sua, v. 1514). When he died daring the council, Flavianus was appointed to succeed him, without reference to Paulinus (Ullmaun, S. 245). The schism did not entirely disappear till a.d. 413 (Theodoret. v. 35). ^5 Symb. Nicaeno- Con Stan tinopolitanum : JlLffTEVofiev eif Sva 6ebv, naripa iravroKpd- ropa^ rroi7]T7/v ovpavov Kai yy^, bpardv re Ttdvrcjv koL aopdro)v, koc ei^ Iva Kvpiov 'Itjgovv Xptcrhv, rbv vlbv tov 6eov tov ^ovoyzvTJ^ rhv ek tov Trarpbg yEvvi^divra wpb ttuvtuv TLiV ato)vo)V, 6uig kK 0w76f, debv d?i.7jdivbv ^k 6eou dXTjdivov, yevvrjOivTa ov irocijdivTa, d/ioovatov TL) TTarpl 6t' ov rd Travra kykvero. Tov 6C TjfjLug rovg uvdpwTTovg Kal 6til ttjv . iifiETtpav GQTTjpiav KareXdovra hK tuv ovpaviJVt Kal aapKodevra ^k TrvevfiaTog tiyiov Kal Mapla^ rrj^ TzapOivov, Kal ivavOpQ-Kyaavra ' aravpodivra re vir^p y/itov kirl Uovrlov Ui- 7>.dTiw, Kal TTaOovra Kal rai^Evra Kal dvacravra kv ry rplvr) iifiEpg. Kara ru^ ypa^dg ' Kal dvEWui'Ta ttV Tovg ovpavov^, Kai Kade^ofievov kK de^iHv tov Trarpof, Kal ttuXiv kpx6fiE- vov PE7U. 66^7}c Kplvai QC>vTa^ Kal vEKpovg' ov T^g (Saailetag ovk Earat r^Aof. Kal etf ro dyiov TTVEVfia, to Kvptov (according to 2 Cor. iii. 17. See Theodoret. ad h. 1.), to (uo- •Kotbv (according to Job. vi. 63), to kK tov izaTpbg kKiropEVOfiEVOv (according to Job. xv. 26), TO avv TTaTpl Kal viu cvfiirpoaKwovfiEvov kol avvdo^a^/iEvov, to Xa^oav Slu tuv 7rpoi]- TLiv ' eIc fJ-lav dyiav KadoXtKTjv Kal dnorfTo'KiKTiv kKK^rjciav. 'O/ioTioyovfiev if ^unTiGfia eif doftnv dpapTiuv irpoadoKufiEv dvd^z-naiv vtanuv kuI Oj^v tov fii?L.%ovTog alcjvog' 'AfiT/v. J. C. Suicer Symbolum Nicaeno CoiiBtuntinopoI. expoBitum et ex ontiquitate ecclesiastica illustratum. Traj. ad Rhen. 1718. 4. Alwady^ about 375, a Knman synod under Damasas had declared Sp. S. cum Fatre et Filio aiiiag poteil&tis cRse at<^<'ic substantiae (Mansi, iii. 4d.3}. and an lllyrian synod, dfioovatov clvat ttjv TptdtSa Ilarpof, V/ou Kal dyiov Uvev/iarof ('I'heodoret. iv. 8) : But in Constantinople they did not yet venture to give utterance to any unbililical formulas respecting the Holy Spirit, in order not to atir up new controversies in the cast, where tliere were still so many opponents of bis deity. — Immediately after the CHAP. II.— THEOLCGY. I. ARIAN PERIOD. $ 83. 313 Valentinian II, allowed the Arians in the west to enjoy freedom of religion some years longer ; ^^ but the case was quite altered by The-'dosiuSj" and a universal suppression of the sect ensued. The last traces of its existence in the Byzantine empire appear under the emperor Anastasius at Constantinople, 491—518.^" The subject of the controversy was merely the point of same- ness in essence between the three persons. The unity and equality of the persons, which necessarily resulted from holding sameness of essence, was not fully acknowledged at once even Dy the Nicenians,^^ but continued to be more clearly perceived,*" until at last it was expressed by Augustine for the first time with decided logical consequence/^ close of the council, Theodosius passed the law of the 30th July, 381. (Cod. Theodoa. xvi. 1, 3) : Episcopis tradi omnes Ecclesias mox. jubemus, qui unius majestatis atque virtutis Patrem et Filium et Spiritum Sauctum confitentur, ejusdem gloriae, claritatis unius ; nihil dissonuiQ profana divisione facientes, sed Trinitatia ordinem, personarura adsertionem, et divinitatis unitatem : quos constabit commnnione Nectarii Episc. Cons tan tinopolitanae Ecclesiae, Timothel necnon intra Aegyptum Alexaudrinae urbis Episcopi esse sociatos : quos etiam in Orientis partibus Pelagic Ep. Laodicensi, et Diodoro Ep. Tarsensi ; in Asia necnon proconsulari atque Asiana dioecesi Amphilochio Ep. Iconiensi, et Optimo Ep. Antiocheno (of Antioch in Pisidia) ; in Pontica dioecesi Helladio Ep. Caesariensi, et Otrejo Meliteno, et Gregorio Ep. Nysseno; Terennio Ep. Scytbiac, Marmario Ep. Mat- cianop. communicare constiterit : hos ad obtinendas catholicas Ecclesias es commnnione et consortio probabilium sacerdotum oportebit admitti, etc. In like manner there followed laws against heretics, which were often repeated. See Cod. Theodos. xvi. .5, de Haeret- icis L. 6-14, 16, 17, 19, 21-23. ^* At the instance of his Arian mother Jnstina, Cod. Th. xvi. 1, 4 (a.d. 386). cf. Ambros. Epist, 20, 21, 22. Rufini Hist. Eccl. ii. 15. In the mean time, however, but a small num- ber of Arians had gathered around the empress at Milan. Cf. Epist. ii. Cone. Aquilej. ann. 381, ad Impp. ap. Mansii, iii. p. 623 : Per occidentales partes duobus in angulis antum, hoc est in latere Daciae K-ipensis ac Moesiae fidei obstrepi videbatur. ^' When driven away by Maximus, he .found refuge with Theodosius. His law against the heretics, a.d. 388, see Cod. Theod, xvi. 5, 15. Cf Gothofred. ad h. legem. Soon after eve the Luciferian Hilary, dea- con in Eome (about 380), ^^ ^nd Ambrose, bishop of Milan from 374 (t 397)/^ honored and employed him as a teacher. So also the two distinguished western monks living in Palestine, Tyrannius Rafimts of Aquileia,^* who had been six years a pupil of Didymus in Egypt, but, since the year 378, had led an ascetic life on the Mount of Olives (f 410), and Sophronius Jimebius Hieronymus of Stridon, the first scriptural expositor ^ Regarding his orations (among which must be particularly distinguished de Theologia oratt. v.), see Paniel. i. 493. Letters, poems. Opp.^d. F. Morellius. Paris. 1630 (Colon. 1690) 2 voll. fol. ed. Clemencet, torn. i. Paris. 1778. Tom. ii. ed. D. A. B. CaiUau. Paris- 1 840. fol. Of. Fabricius-Harles, viii. 383, Gregorhis v. Nazianz, der Theologe, von D. C. TJllmann. Darmstadt. 1825. 8. ^ Respecting him see Guerike de Schola Alex. P. i. p. 92, ss. His biblical comment- aries, and bis Comm. in libros Origenis Trept apx^v, are, with many other writings, no longer extant. Still extant : Lib. de Spirita S., according to the Latin version of Jerome (in Hieron. 0pp. ed. Martian, t. iv. P. i. p. 494, ss.) ; lib. adv. Manichaeus (gr. et. lat. in Combefisii auctarium graec. PP. P. ii. p. 21, and in Canisii Lectt. ant. ed. Basnage. vol. i. p. 204, ss.) ; de Trinitate libb. iii. (prim. ed. J. A. Mingarelli. Bonon. 1769. fol.) ; brevis enarratio in epistt. canonicas, preserved, in the Latin translation composed at the request of Cassiodoms, by Epiphanius Scholasticus (see Cassiod. de Listit. div. scr. c. 8), among others in the Bibl. max. PP. t. iv. p. 319, ss., best of all in Lucke Cluaestiones ac vindiciae Didymianae. Getting. 1829-32. 4 particulae. 4, where it is accompanied by the Greek text, partially restored from the Scholia of Matthaei. ^^ PanieVs Gesch. d. christl. B eredsamkeit, i. 663. ^^ De Trinitate libb. xii. Ad Constantium lib. De Sjiiodis adv. Arianos. De Synodis Ariminensi et Seleaciensi (fragments). Various commentaries. Of the comm. in Psalmos plurimos, Hieron. Cat. c. 100 : In quo opere imitatus Origenem, nonnuUa etiam de suo addidit : respecting the treatises no longer extant called tractatas in Job : quos de Graeco Origenis ad sensam transtulit, cf. Rosenmiiller Hist, interpret, libr. sacr. in eccl. cln-ist. P. iii. p. 301, ss. Paniel, i. 697. Bahr's christl. romische Theologie, S. 113. 0pp. edd. Monachi Congreg, S. Mauri (P. Constant). Paris. 1693. So. Maffeus. Veron. 1730. 2 voll. fol. ^- The author of the Comm. in xiii. epistt. b. Paali in the works of Ambrose (lience Ambrosiaster), and probably, too, of the Q,uaestiones vet. et novi test, in the works of Augustine (in the Appendix of torn. iii. P. ii. Benedictine edition). Comp. R. Simon Hist. crit. des principaux commentateura du N. T. p. 133. ^^ De Officiis ministrorum libb. 3 (ed. Dr. R. 0. Gilbert. Lips. 18^9. 8). Hexaemeron (ed. Gilbert. Lips. 1840. 8). De Fide libb. 5. De Spirita Sancto libb. 3. A useless commentary on some of the Psalms, in Lucam libb. 10 (cf. Rosenmuller 1. c. p. 3].*.» es.) IGpistolae 92, etc. Opp. edd. Mon. Congreg. S. Mauri. Paris. 16S6, 90. 2 voU. h\. Comp. Bahr, S. 142. ** Respecting his writings, see below, § 85, note 4. * CHAP. II.-THEOL. I. ARIAN PERIOD. ^ 84. THEOL. SCIENCE. 317 of his -day, who Hved at the liead of a society of monk.'* in Beth- lehem from A.D. 386 (f 420)J^ In addition to the Origenist school, the Syrian historico^exe' g-etical school in the east had many friends.^^ To it belonged, among the Eusebians, Theodore^ bishop of Heraclea (f about 358)/^ Eusebius, bishop of Emesa (f 360)/^ and Cyril, bishop of Jerusalem, who afterward adopted the decrees of the Nicene council, and was present at the council of Constantinople (381) (f 386).^^ Among the oriental Niceniaris, ApoUinaris, bishop ■5 At that tittle Jerome wrote to Piiiila respecting Origeu (Rufin. Invectiv. in Hieron. lib. ii. see Hieron. 0pp. cd. Maiiintiay, vol. iv. t. ii. p. 68 and 480) : ftuia enim unqnniu tanta legere potuit, quanta ipse conscripsit : Pro hoc sudore, quid accepit pretii ? Dam- natur a Demetrio episcopo : exceptis Palaestinae et Arabiae et Phoenices atque AcLajao sacerdotibns in damnationeni ejus consentit (add. orbis) : urbs Roma ipsa contra hunc coglt senatum, nou propter dogmatum novitatem, non propter haeresin, ut nunc adversum eum rabidi canes simulant, sed quia gloriam eloquentiae ejus et scientiae feiTe non poterant, et illo dicente omues muti putabantnr. See a notice of his writings in $ 85, note 0. ^^ Cf. J. A. Emeati Nairatio crit, de interpretatione prophetiarum messian. in 0pp. theol. p. 493, S3. F. Munter iiber die antiochen. Schule in Staudlin's and Tzschimer's Arcliiv. f. Kirchengesch. i. i. 13. Caes. a Lengerke de Epliraemi Syri Arte hermeueutica liber. Regimontii Pruss. 1831. 8. p. ()0. ^' Hieronymi Catal. c. 91): Theodoras Heracliae Thraciarum Episcopus, elegantis apertique sermonis, et magis historicae intelligentiae, edldit sab Constantio Principe commentaries in Matthaeum, et in Joannem, et in Apostolura, et in Psalterium. The commentary on the Psalms in Corderis Catena in Psalmos. Antv. 1643 : other exegetical fragments in the Catenae. The most are to be found in Corderii Catena in Matthaeum Antverp. 1642. H. F. Massmann (Skeireins, Ausleguug, d. Ev. Job, in goth. Sprache Miinchen. 1834. 4) considers the fragments published by him to be the remains of a Gothic version of Theodore's commentary on John. Of a contrary opinion Dr. Julius Loebe Beitrage zur Textberichtigung u. Erklarung der Skeireins. Altenburg. 1839. 8. S. 4. ^« Respecting him see Socrates, ii. 9, and Sozomenus, iii. 6. Both sayofhim ; 'TKe^eLvs 6^ Kat avToc fiiftipiv, (Of to. 'La(3e?[,7uov (ppovuv. On the contrary, he is called in Jerome in Chron. ad ann. x. Constantii : Arianae signifer factionis. Cf. Hieron. Gat. c. 91: Eusebius Emesenus Episcopus, elegantis et rhetorici ingenii, innumerabiles, et qui ad plausum populi pertinent, confecit libros, magisque historiara secutus, ab his qui decla- mare volunt, studiosissirae legitur : e quibus vel praecipui sunt adv. Judaeos, et Gentes, et Novatianos, et ad Galatas libb. x., et in Evangelia homiliae breves sed plurimae. His exegetical character is more distinctly drawn, c. 119 {see below, note 22). Thilo {iiber die Schriften des Eusebius v. Alexandrien u. d. Eusebius v, Emesa. Halle. 1832. 8) shows that the three discourses published by Augusti (Euseb. Emes. quae superaunt Opascula. Elberfeldi. 1829. 8) do not belong to Eusebius of Emesa, but, along with many others, to one Eusebius of Alexandria, belonging to the fifth or sixth century {an old life of this Alexandrian and several discourses are extant in the Spicilegium Romanum, t. is. Romae. 1843. 8). Among the extant writings of Eusebius of Emesa (on them see Thilo, p. 56), the most important would be the two books de fide adv. Sabellium in the Opuscula, xiv. Eusebii Pamph. ed. J. Sirmond, Paris. 1643 (also in Bibl. PP. Lugd. iv. 1), if it could be proved that they really belong to him. Thilo makes it probable, p. 64. ^' Catechesea xviii. ad Competentes, Catecheses mystagogicae v., probably delivered in the year 347 (their authenticity has been denied especially by Oudinas de Scriptt. eccl. ant. vol. i. p. 459, ss.), but proved by Touttee (in the Dissert. Cyrill. p. xciii. prefixed to his edition), ed. Th. Milles. Oxon. 1703. fol. A. A. Touttee. Paris. 1720. fol. Comp. J. J. van 313 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. of Laodicea (between 370 and 390),^° known by his heresy re- specting the person of Christ ; Ephraem, deacon in Edessa, the prophet of the Syrians (f 378);" and Diodore, presbyter in Antioch, bishop of Tarsus from 378 (f before 894)," were at- tached to it. From the school of the latter proceeded Johii Chrys- ostom, deacon from 381, 386 presbyter in Antioch, fi-om 398 bishop of Constantinople (t 407),23 and Theodore, presbyter in Antioch, VoUenhoven Spec, theol. de Cyrilli Hier. catechesibns. Amstelod. 1837. 8. Paniel'a Gescli. der christl. Beredsamkeit, i. 419. Against the Semiarianism of the saint, which is acknowledged by Touttee Dissertt. Cynll. p. si. ss. (which Epiphanius Haer. Ixxiii. c. 28, also expressly attests) appeared the Jesuit Memoires de Trevoux (mois de Dec. 1721), hut they were refuted by (Prudentius Maranns) Diss, sur les Semiariens. Paris. 1722. 8, reprinted in Vogt Bibl. hist, haeresiolog. ii. 115. Respecting his exposition of Scripture in the 'Catecheses, see Catech. xiii. c. 9 : ^vve?.jj^i8aiiev yap, ov ypo^uv i^-ytjctv' OeupT}jiK7jv -TzoiT/GatjOai vvv, uXXa irturoTTOiTjd^vat. /iuAAov Trepl o)v TreTTLdTevKafiev. Cf. Fabiicius-Harles, viii. 437. Tzschimer Opusc. acad. p. 253, ss. v. Colin in Ersch u. Gruber s Encyclopadie, xxii. 143. ^■^ His writings (adv. Porphyrium, libb. xxx., conti-a Ennomium, etc.) are all lost. Many of his interpretations of Scripture are preserved in the Catenae. Philostorgius ap. Snidam, s. V. ApoUinaris prefers him to Basil and Gregory of Nazianzam : Ovrof yap 671 Kai r^f 'EjSpaMof 6ia^£KT0v iiratav old; te r/v. Cf. Fabricius-Harles. vol. viii. p. 588, ss. *^ Homilies (cf Tzschimer Opusc. acad. p. 262, ss.). Ascetic writings, Hymns. Par- ticularly important are his Syriac commentaries on the Old Testament. Cf. Caesar a Lengerke Comm. crit. de Ephraemo Syro S. S. interprete. Halis. 1828. 4. Ejusd. de Ephr. Syri Arte hermeneutica lib. Regimontii Pniss. 1831. 8. Puuiel's Gesch. d. christl. Beredsamkeit, i. 438. Opp. graeca et syr. ed. St. Evod. Assemanus. Romae. 1732-45. 6 voll. fol. Cf. IFabricius-Harles. vol. viii. p. 217, ss. ^^ Hieron. Cat. c. 119 : Diodoms Tarsensis Episcopus, dum Antiochiae esset presbyter, magis claruit. Extant ejus in Apostolum commentarii, et multa alia, ad Ensebii magis Emeseni characterem pertinentia : cujus cum sensum secutus sit eloquentiam imitari non potuit propter ignorantiam saecnlarium litterarum. Socrat. vi. 3 : IIoAXcl pL^Tila cvvi- ypaipe, i/;tAiji tu ypu/i/iaTi t&v Beiav npoaix(->v ypaijidv, t&q Bsapla; avTuv iKTpeK6ft£vo(. For his orthodoxy, which was afterward called in question, see Facundi Ep. Hermianensis (about 548) pro defensione trium Capitulorum lib. Iv. c. 2. His writings, which have been all lost, and among them commentaries on most of the biblical books, whose loss must be chiefly regretted, are enumerated by Theodore Victor ap. Suidas, s. v. Aiodupof, and by Ebedjesu in Assemani Bibl. orient, iii. i. 28. Cf. Fabricius-Harles, ix. 278, ss. Fragments are found in Marius Mercator, Photius (Cod. 122) and others. Among the Chaldean Cliristians, wlio held hira in great repute (see Assemani, iii. ii. 224), many of his writings may have been preserved in translation. ^^ Although he had been previonsly distingnished by similar honorable surnames (thus he is called in Proclus, bishop of Constantinople after 437, Trept TrapaJotrewf TTJg dda; '/.ELTQvpyLaq, in Gallaodii Bibl. PP. ix. 681 : 6 tt^v yTiCiTrav xpv(yovg 'lQuvvijc)t yet the surname Chrj'sostom first occurs in Johanpes Moschus (about 630) pratum spirit, c. 131, and is generally employed after Concil. vi. In the year 680. His works are ; Orations, among which the homilies on the New Testament writmgs are also of exegetical import- ance. Comp. Des Joli. Chrys. anserwahlte Homilien (v. d. Unbegreiflichkeit Gottes, 5 Hom. wider die Anomoer (vibers. n. mit einer Einleit. iiber Job. Chrys. den Homileten von Dr. Ph. Mayer. Niirnberg. 1830. Paniel's Gesch. d. christl. Beredsamlteit, i. 590. Ascetic writings, letters. Ilfpt UpaavVTi; libb. vi. (ed. J. A. Bengel. Stuttg. 1725. 8. fibers, v. K. F. Hasselbach.' Stralsund. 1820. 8. von. J. Ritter. Berlin. 1821. 8). Opp. ed. B. de Montfaucon, Paris. 1718-38. 13 voll. foL ed. 2. emendata et aucta. Paris. 1831-39. CHAP, n.— THEOL. I. A.RIAN PERIOD. $ 84. THEOL, SCIENCE. 319 from 393 bishop of Mopsuestia (f 429),^^ the most eminent ex- egetical writer of the Syrian school. The difference of the exegetical principles of the two schools gave expression to itself even in controversial writings.^^ This dispute however had an entirely scientific character, and did not prevent them recognizing each other's merit. As the Origenist Jerome made diligent use of the interpreters of the Syrian school, so also Origen far the most part stood in high estimation with the Syrians.^^ But small traces of doctrinal controversies are 13 Tomi. 8. Cf. Fabricius-Harles, viii. 454. A. Neander d£r h. Job. Chrysostomus u. d. Kirche bes. des. Orients in dessen Zeitalter. Berlin. 1821, 22. 2 Bde. 8. ^* His noted biblical commentaries have been unfortunately lost with the rest of his writings, except some fragments. Recently, complete works of his have been published in the original. See Comm. in Prophetas, xii. mtnores taken from a Vienna M_S. in: Tbeod. Antiocheni Mopsv. Episc. quae supersunt omnia, ed. A. F. V. a Wegnera, vol. i. Berol. 1834. 8. from a Vatican MS. in A. Maji Scriptt. vett. nova coll. t. vi. p. i. Romae. 1632; and Comm. in epist. ad Romanos, edited by Angelo Mai in the Spicilegium Romanum, torn. iv. (Romae. 1840. 8) p. 499. The Chaldean Christians who call him, by way of eminence, the interpreter {Assemani, 1. c. t. iii. P. i. p. 36), and have declared in the decrees of councils his expositions to be a standard (Assem. 1. c. t. iii. P. ii. p. 227), have still much of his in translations. A catalogue of his works byEbet^esuap. Assemani, iii. i. 30, cf. Fabricius-Harles, x. 34S. R. E. Klener Symbolae literariae ad Theodorum Antiocbenum Mopsvestiae Episc. pertinentes. Getting. 1836. 8. Q. F. Fritzsche de Theod. Mopsvesteni vita et scriptis comm. Halae. 1836. 8. Respecting Theodore as an interpreter, see Ernesti Opusc. theol. p. 502, ss. Rosenmiiller Hist, interpret, iii. 250. Munler in Staudlin's und Tzschimer's Archive f. K. G. i. i. 17. F. L. Sieffert Theodorus Mopsv. veteris Test, sobrie interpretandi vindex comm. Regiomonti. 1827. 8. Comp. among the accusations of Leontius against Theodore (in Gallandii Bibl. PP. xii. 686, s.) : xii. aggreditur — gloriam Spiritus Sancti, cum omnes quidem scripturas altas, quas sancti afflatu ejus tradiderunt, humiliter et demisse interpretans, tum vero a numero eacracum scripturanim — eas separans. xiv. Epistolam Jacobi et alias deinceps aliorum catholicaa abrogat et antiquat. xv. Inscriptiones Hymnorum, et Psalmornm, et Canticorum penitus ejecit, et omnes Psalmos judiace ad Zorobabelem et Ezecbiam retulit, tribus tantum ad Dominum rejectis. xvi, Immo et sanctorum sanctissimum Canticum Canticorum — libidinose pro sua et mente et lingua meretricia interpretans, sua supra modum incredibili audacta ex libris sacps abscidit. xvii. Duos libros Paralipomenon — et insuper Esdram repudiavit. 25 The OrigenistB endeavored, after the example of Origen to prove the insufficiency of the grammatical interpretation, and the necessity of the allegorical. For example G-regorius Nyssenus Prooem. in Cant. Cant., Jerome in many places. On the other side wrote Theodore according to Suidas s. v. Aiodupog ' rig diaipopa Oeuplag nal aTJirjyopLa^. Comp, on this treatise Ernesti Opusc. theol. p. 499. Still more energetically did Theodore of Mopsuestia attack the Origeuists (Facundas, iii. c. 6) : in libro de allegoria et historia, quem contra Origenem scripsit, unde et odium Origenianorum incurrit. Ebedjesu cites among Theodore's works quinque tomos adv. Allegoricos (Assemani, iii. i. 34, cf. p. 19). 2^ So with the author of the 'AiroKpiffetg irpbc Tovg hpdodo^ov^ in Justin Martyr's works, who belongs to Syria, about the year 400 (D. W. Gass Abhandlang iiber diese Schrift, in Xllgen's Zeitschr^f. d. hist. Theol. 1842. iv. 34. Comp. S. 143, 103), and with Chrysostom (see Ernesti Opusc. theol. p. 512, and the programra by J. W. Meyer de Chrysostomc literaram sacr. interprete, p. i. Altorf. 1806. 8. De Ch. 1. s. i. ejusque interpretandi mode in V. T. libria bist. obvio. Norimb. 1806. 8. Nova comm. de Chr. I. s. i. p. ii. Erlang. 181 i, 15. 4, respecting his exposition of the poetical books of the Old Testament). 320 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.-A.D. 324-451. now to be found between the two schools. ^^ Those orthodox Origenists did not adopt all the peculiar doctrinal sentiments of their master ; nor were these doctrines all reckoned damnable. A pretty wide field for free investigation was still left to reason," and the passion with which the question of the relation of the Son to the Father was discussed, made this doctrine so much the test of orthodoxy, almost indeed exclusively so, that thev never thought during the Arian controversy of limiting freedom of inquiry on other subjects. Gregory of Nyssa ^^ and Didymus " were known as Origenists. Many others held to single points of Origen's creed" without being attacked on tiiat account. Chalcidius'^^ and Synesius came to adopt still more remarkable opinions by joining new-Platonism with Christianity ; yet the latter was consecrated bishop of Ptolemais by Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, although he gave public expression to his con- victions (410). '^ The belief in the inalienable capability of ^^ Theophili Alex. lib. paschalis, i. Hieronymo interprete (Hier. 0pp. ed. Martian, t. iv. P. ii. p. 694} : Licet {Apollinaris) adversus Ariauos, et Eunomianos scripserit, et Origeneni, aliosque haeretico.s sua disputatione subverterit, tamen, etc. So Apollinaris also defended milleDnarianism in a work vrepi uvaoTuceu^. Basil. Ep. 263. (al. 74) $ 4, Hieron. Prooem in libr. xviii. Jesaiae. Epiph. Haer. Ixxvii. $ 36. *^ Greyer. Naz. Orat. 33 (de Theol. i.) in fine : ^iKoc6^Et, fioi Trepl Koafiov ^ Koauuv, nept vTiTj^, Tzepl itvxv^t irepl XoytKuv ^vaeuv /Je^riovuv re koI x^tpovuv, Tiept' uva OTtiaeac, KpLaeug, uvTaTTodoaeo^, Xpiarov ■jradT/fidTov. .'Ei' tovtoic yitp Kai to iwiTvy- XUVELV ovic tlxfiVGTOPy Kol TO 6iau.apTu,VELV uKLv6vvov. Even in the west the doctrine of the pre-existence of souls was not yet regarded as heretical. Augustine de Libera arbitrio, iii. 21 ; Harum autem quatuor de anima sententiarum, utrum de propagine veniant, an in singulis quibusque nascentibus novae fiant, an in corpora nascentiom jam alicubi existentes vel mittantur divinitas, vel inde sua sponte labantur, nullam temere affirmare oportebit. Cf. Hieron. Epist. 126 (al. 82), ad Marcellinam et Anapsycbiam. '' See Jo. Dallaeus de Poenis et Satisfactionibus humania {libb. vii. Amst. 1649. 4), lib. iv. c. 7, p. 368, ss. Miinsclr^T's Dogmengesch. iv. 439, 465. Wundemann's Gesrh. d. christl. Glaubenslebren, ii. 46:i Li.upp's Gregor v. Nyssa, S. 243. =» On this theology sc^e Guerike de scbola Alex. P. ii. p. 332, ss., especially on the pre- existence of souls, p. 361, and the possible conversion of the devil, p. 359, 368, especially Liicke duaestiones ao vindiciae Didymianae P. i. p. 9, ss. Against the former, Gregory of Nazianzum declares himself very decidedly (see UUmann, p. 414, fi'). 3^ The doctrine of Hilary regarding the humanity of Christ, de trin. x., was made up from the opinions of Clement of Alexandria and Origen. See my Comm., qua dementis Alex, et Origenis doctrinae de corpore Christi exponuntur. Gotting. 1837. 4 j that of C. Mariua Victorinus philos. {about 368) in Comm. in ep. ad Ephes. i. 4 (Maji Scriptt. vett. nova col- lect, iii. ii. 90, 03, s.\, animas nostras et ante muudi constitutionem fuisse, quippe cum sua substantia in aeternis semper extiterint, is Origeuistic. ^' Cf Chalc. Comm. in Timaeum Platonis in Hippolyti 0pp. ed. Eabricius, ii. 223 Mosbeim ad Cudworth Syst. iutell. p. 733, regards him as a heathen syncretist. See on the other side Fabricii bibl. lat. i. 556, Brucker Hist, philos. iii. 477. 33 Synesius Ep. 105, ad fratrem Euoptium announces why he felt it a hazardous thing to assume the office of a bishop, which had been offered him. Among other things, it is CHAP. II.— THEOL. I. ARIAN PERIOD. § 84. THEOL. SCIENCE. 321 improvement in all rational beings, and the limited duration of fu- ture punishment^* was so general even in the ivest^^ and among the opponents of Origen,^^ that, even if it may not be said to have arisen without the influence of Origen's school, it had become en- tirely independent of his system. On the other hand, millenna- rianism, although it had been abandoned by most theologians, had HtJU many friends among the people, without their being consid- ered as heretics on account of it.^*^ aaid : XaAfTTov laTLV, eI fi^ koX XCav advvarcv, eif 'unjyj/v Ttl 6l* etncr^fiijc cl^ ^TrdSet^iv i:7i66vTa doyfiara Ga7>.Ev6^vai' olada 6* on tto/J.c. (pi?^oao6la rolg dpvXkovfjLkvotc tovtoi^ avTidiaTaTTETaL doy/iaaiv. afieAet t^v ^pvxT!v oiiK dffwffw "KOt^ aufiaro^ i/jrepoysv?/ vout^Etv rbv Kocfiov ov <^7}go Kai ru.7<.7.a ^ipri avv6La(}}dEip£(jdar ttjv KadcjpitATffii t'^^ avdurauiv Upov ri kul a7rd/5/5??rov TjyTjfiac, Kal izoXkov dio Talc tov n^-^dovc v7ro?ijJTpcoLV dfio?.oy^aac. — y TOic bdd\fiiCiaL to gkoto^ u^eXipLuTepov, TavT-g kol to ilievSoc otpeT^o;: elvat TiOEfiat 6f}/j(j, Kal (^Aaf^epov ttjv aXi^deLav roig ovk hxvovaiv kvaTEvlGat Trpof tt^v TLiv bvTi^v kvapyecav. el TauTa Kai ol Tyg KaO' ri/iug leptdCvvTjg avyxcopovatv kjioL vofioi, 6vvaipL7)v av Updcdaij to. fiiv oIkol ^iXoffo^uv, ru 6' i^u <^i?iOfiv6LiV. — ov (3ovXofiat di KaTaXeXtLv- XayixhJuv doy/idruv nal KTjpvyfidruv rd fikv kn Trig iyypdtpov 6c6aGKaXlac kxofinVf Tit fie £K T7jQ Tutv 'AtzoctoXuv TTapadaueu^ dcaSodevra y/ilv iv fivGT7jpl(^ •jrapsdt^Uf/eda, unep dfKpOTEpa Tjjv avTTjv laxvv ix^^ Trpog tjjv svai^Etav. Thus also Gregory of Nazianzum Orat. theol. v. § 1 (see § 83, note. 27) could assume that, the doctrine of the Holy Spirit had now come over from the obscurity of gnostic tradition into faith (Trttrrif). . ** As it is expressed in the dream of Jerome, viz., that Jie was punished with stripes before the most high judge, because he had read Cicero too often (Hier. Epist. 22, ad Eus- tochium). Comp. Miinscher's Dogmengesch. iii. 47. *^ Hi^ writings ; 'Ay/cupa>r6f s. de fide sermo. Ilavdptov s. adv. haereses. — 0pp. ed. D. Petavius. Palis. 1622. (Colon. 1682.) 2 voll. foL CHAP. II.— THEOLOGY. II. $ 85. OEIGENISTIC CONTROVERSY. 323 a. PERIOD OF THE ORIGENISTIC AND PELAGIAN CONTROVERSIEaS- § 85. ORIGENISTIC CONTROVERSIES. Walch's Hist. d. Ketzereien. Th. 7. S. 427, ff. Shortly after the termination of the Arian controversies, Pales- tine was the chief -seat of Origen's followers. Among them the most distinguished were John, bishop of Jerusalem (386—417), and the two monks, Rufinus and Jtrome, Here.Epiphaniuf? made his appearance in the year 394, and demanded with zeal the condemnation of Origen. John and Rufinus resisted him ; while Jerome, who was anxiously alive to his orthodoxy, yielded, and broke off communion with the church of Jerusalem.^ By the efforts of Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, he was indeed induced to renew it, 397. In the mean time, in the same year, Rufinus went back to Rome, and endeavored, by a revised trans- lation of the writings of Origen,^ which were as yet little known, to procure a more favorable opinion of him in the west. By this means a violent controversy was created between him and 1 Cf. Kimmel de Rufino Eusebii interprete (Gerae. 1838). ^. 57. Hieronymi iib. ad Pammachium contra Joann. Hieros. {ap. Martianay Epist. 38). Here the following; en'o- neous doctrines are attributed to Origen (comp. Div. I. § 64, note 15) : 1. In libro irepl dpx<^v (i. 1- $ 8) loquitur: Sicut enim incongruura est dicere, quod possit filiua videre patrem, ita inconveniens est opinaii, quod spiritus s. possit videre filium, 2. quod in hoc corpore quasi in carcere sunt animae religatae, et, antequara homo fieret in paradlso, inter rationales creaturas in coelestibua commoratae sunt, 3. quod dicat, et dia'bolam et dae- monea acturos poenitentiam aliquando, et cum Sanctis ultimo tempore regnaturos, 4. quod tunicas pelliceas humana corpora interpretetur, quibus post ofFensam et ejcctionera do paradiso Adam et Eva induti sunt, 5. quod camis resurrectionem, membrorumque com- pagem, et sexura, quo viii dividimur a foeminis, apertissime ueget, 6. quod sic Paradisum, allegorizet; ut historiae auferat veritatem, pro ai'boribus angelos, pro iluminibue virtatcs coelestes intelligens, totamque paradisi continentiam tropologica interpretations subvertat, 7. quod aquas, quae super caelos in scripturis esse dicuntur, sanctus supemasque virtutes ; quae super terram et infra terram, contrarias et daemoniacas esse arbitretur, 8. quod imaginem et similitudinara.dei, ad quam homo conditus fuerat, dicit ab eo perditam, et in liomine post paradisum nonfuisse. 2 Anastasii I. Epist. ad Job. Hi^rosol. a.b. 401 (ap. Constant, p. 719) : Origines autem, cujus in nostram linguam [Rufinus] composita derivavit, antea et quis fnerit, et in quae processerit verba, nostrum propositum [studium?] nescit. Augustini Ep. ad Hieron. 40 : Iliad de prudentia doctrinaque tua desiderabam, et adhuc desldero, ut nota nobis facias ea ipsa ejus [Origenis] errata, quibus a fide veritatis ille virtantus recessisse oon- vincitur. 324 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. Jerome.' Origen,. however, having been condemned in Egypt. Anastasiue, bishop of Rome, condemned him also. Rnfinus retreated to Aquileia, and continued his meritorious services in the translation of Greek works (f 410).* Jerome, on the ether hand, gained for himself great merit by his continued labors on the translation of the Bible into Latin, and his commentaries (t420).' ■ Soon after these controversies in Palestine, the ambitious and violent TheojpJiilus, bishop of Alexandria (385-412), came forth as the enemy of Origen.* The Nitrian monks were divided into two parties, the Oi^genisis and the Atifkropomorp/iists. Moved by personal hatred to some individuals of the first, and afraid of the fanaticism of- the latter, Theophilus caused Origen to be condemned (399, 400),' then demanded the most noted bish- ops to do the same, and persecuted,' with the greatest cruel- 3 Rafini Praefatio ad Grig. Tzrpl ^p.^wr.— ^(Pammacbii et Oceani Ep. ad Hieron. ap Martianay Ep. 40, ap. Vallarsi Ep. 83). Hieronymus ad Pamraacbmia et Ocearmin de erroribus Origenis (Martian. Ep. 41, Vallarsi Ep. 84.) — Rniini Apologia s. invectivaram in Hieronym. liBb. ii. — Hieroiij'mi Apologia adv. Rnfinum libb. ii. — (Rnfini Ep. ad Hieron. lost). — Hieronymi Responsio s. Apologiae I. iii., cf. Kimmel de Rnfino, p. 64. * Origenes libb. irepl {ipx^iv et homiliae, Eamphili apol. pro Origene, Josepbi 0pp. — 'Eusebii Hist. Eccl. — dementis Recognitiones. — Basilii M. et Gregor. Naz. 0pp. non- nuUa. — Vitae Patrum. Besides Expositio symboli apostolici. Hist. Eccl. libb. ii., Comm. in Hoseam, Joel, caet. — Comp. Jo. Franc. B. Mar. de Rubeis Monumenta eccl. AquiFe- jensis. Argentinae. 1740. fol. p. 80, ss. Idem de Turannio s. Tyrannio Ruiino. Venetiis. 1754. . * Revision of tbe Lat^l translation of the New Testament (cf. Epistola ad Damasam s. Hieron. in Evangelistas ad Damasum praef.). — Psalterium Romanum (382). — Psalteriom Gallicanum : — New Translation of the Old Testament (385-405). — Comm. in-Ecclesiasten, Prophetas, in Evang. Mattbaei, in ep. ad Galatas, Ephesios, ad Titum, ad Philemonem. — . Catalogus script, eccles. A.D. 392 (in J. A. Fabricii Biblioth. eccles. Hamb. 1718. fol.). In- terpretatio nominum Hebraicorum (388). — Polemic works : adv. Helvidinm, Jovinianum, Vigilantium, Luciferianos, Pelagianos, caet. — Letters, translations : Euseb. de Situ et ■Nominibus locorum Hebr. (gr. et lat. ed. J. Clericus. Amst. 1707. fol.), Chronicon. Origenis Homil. ii. in Cant. Cant. — Letters of Theophilus and Epiphanius. Opp. ed. Jo. Martianay. Paris. 1693-1706, t. 5. fol. Dom. Vallarsi. Veron. 1734-42, voU. xi. fol. with single im- provements. Venetiis. 1762-72, t. xi. 4. — Jerome's Life by John Stilting. (Act. SS. Sept. t. viii. p. 413, ss.), best of all by Vallarsi, in tom. xi. of his edition. -Comp. v. Colin in Ersch and Gruher's Encyclop. Sect. ii. Th. 8. S. 72. 6 Sources for the following history : Palladii Episc. Helenopolit. Dial, de vita S. Joh. . Chrysostomi (prim, graece ed. Emer. Bigot. Paris. 1680. 4, in Cbrysost. Opp, ed. Mont- fancon, t. 13). Socrates, vi. 3-18. Sozomenns, viii. 7-20. — ^Joh. Stilting de S. Chrysostorao Comm. historicns, in Act. SS. Sept. t. iv. p. 401, ss. Neander's Chrysostomus, ii. 163. ^ Theophilus, according to Palladius ap. Montfaucion, xiii. 30, had the distinguishing sur name 'AutpaXTiu^. ** Theophili Epist. synodalis (rather encyclica) ex vers. Hieronymi, first edited from an Ambrose MS. by Vallarsi (Hier. Opp. vol. i. Epist. 92. Mansi Cone. coll. t. iii. p. 979;. The judgment of Postnmianus ap. Sulpic. Sever. Dial. i. c. 6, 7, is more moderate.— The disgUHtrul triumphing of Jerome Ep. ad Theophilum (Martianay, Ep. .57. Vnllars' K|> CHAP, ir.— THEOLOGY. II. J 83. ORIGENISTIC CONTEOVEESY. 325 ties, the monks who had adopted the peculiar views of Origen. These unfortuna'te persons repaired at last to Constantinople, where John Chrysostom of Antioch had been bishop, contrary to the wishes of Theophilus,' since 398, as much beloved by the better part of his clergy as he was hated by the more corrupt, by the luxurious court, and the empress Eudoxia. Theophilus directed his deadly hatred against Chrysostom, because the latter received the banished, and made representations to Theophilus on their behalf, and because by their complaints they procured from the emperor a summons commandmgthe bishop of Alex- andria to appear in person at Constantinople before Chrysostom. After some delay, Theophilus appeared in Constantinople (403), and there succeeded in uniting the foes of Chrysostom, in pro- curing false accusers, and causing sentence of deposition and exile to be pronounced upon him at a synod (Syn. ad. Quercum).'" It is true Chrysostom had to be recalled in a few days, on account of an uproar among the people, but he was as quickly displaced, chiefly through the influence of Eudoxia,^' and died in exile at Pontus (f 407).'^ Though the Romish bishop Innocent greatly condemned, these acts of violence, he could not succeed in bring- ing Theophilus to account.'^ In consequence of such conduct, 86) : Breviter scribimus, quod totus mandus exultet, et in tuis victoriis glorietur, erectum- que Alexandriae vexUlum cnicis, et adversus baeresin trophaea fulgentia gaudens popn- lorum tui'ba perspectet. Macte vii-tute, macte zelo fidei ! Ostendisti, quod hucusque tacitumitas dispensatio fuit, non consensus. Libere enim Reverentiae tuae loquor. Dolebamus te nimium ease patientem, et ignorantes magistri gubemacula, gestiebamus in interitam perditorum: sed, ut video, exaltasti manum diu, et suspendiati plagam, nt ferirea fortius. Jerome translated into Latin all tbe writings that appeared against the Origeniats {in particular Tbeophili Libri paschalea, iii., with a new catalogue of Origeii's heresiea). Theae translations, with the correspondence between Jerome and Theophilus, are most fully given in Vallarai, vol. i. Ep. 36, ss. How little Theophilus acted oa this occasion according to his conviction is proved even by his subsequent conduct to Syneaius. See § 84, note 33. ' Socrates, vi. 2. Palladius, p. 18. 1" An extract from the Acta of this Synod is given in fhotii Bibl. cod. 59. 1^ Beginning of a sermon of Chrysostom (according to Socrat. vi. 18. Sozom. viii. 20) : HuXcv 'HpwJiuf fialvsrat, 'KoKlv rapdaasTac, 7rd?uv opxeirac, 'Kofav kixl Trtvaicc t7}v ^2 Chryaostom's own account of the events in Constantinople, Ep. ad Innoccntium I. A.D, 404 ap. Palladius Ep. ad eundem, from exile A.o. 407 (both in Constant. Innoc. P. Epist. 4 et 11). Isidore, abbot in Pelusium, paaaed a judgment on these prooeedings goon after Chryaostom's death (lib. i. Epist. 152) ; *H ydTidv AXyvKTog avvTjdi.}^ 7jv6/i7iaEt Mu- Gia irapaiTovfLevij, tov ^apaii olnaovji^vr]. — Tov Xidofiav^ Kat xP'^GoTiUTpTjv izpoliaXXo- lUvtj 0e60i/ioi', riaffapai avvepyol^, jj iiOXkov avvaToaTdTai^ 6;i;vp(j0evra, tov 6fOipL\^ aal 6co?Myov naTC-KoTifiuqaev uvBpwRov- — 'kXK oIko; Aaj3i6 KparatovTac, uaSevtl iff b roil SaoiJA. " His cjjistles and those of Honorins are in Mansi Cone. coll. iii. 1095 326 SECpND PEKIOD.—DIV. I^A.D. 324-451. Eome br&ke off all church communion witlj Constantinople ; and in the latter city itself^ a great part of the church remained faithful to Chrysostom (Johannites), and kept themselves apart from his successors, whom they looked upon as intruders, until the MTong that had been done to him was atoned by the solemn bringing back of his bones (438). 86. CONTUOYKESIES WITH HERETICS IN THE WEST. During the Arian disturbances, the Manichaeans had. been silently spreading in the west, because for the most part they conformed externally to the catholic church. In Spain, they coincided with the Gnostics,' and from contact with them arose the doctrine with which Priscillian (about 379) came forth in Spain.^ His most violent opponents, the bishops Idacius and IthaciuS; first obtained the condemnation of his doctrines at the synod of Caesaraugusta {^o80) ; and next they prevailed on the usurper Maximus to put him to death at Treoes (385.) The 1 Jerome often allades to the spreading: of Basilides'a followers into Spain (Coram- in Esaiam lib. xvii. ad Ea. Ixiv. 4, Ep. 120, ad Hedibiam : Basilidis Haeresin et Iberas nae- ?iias. Prolog, in G-enesin : Iberae naeniae. Comm. in Amos. c. 3 : Iberae ineptiae), and in Ep. 53 ad Theodoram derives the doctrine of Priscillian from him. With him agrees Sulpic. Severus, ii. 46, representing Priscillian'a doctrine as derived from Egypt (infamis ilia Gnosticorum haeresis), as first brought to Spain by one Marcus, a native of Meiupliis, communicated by him to Agape 'and Helpidius, and as having come through them to Priscillian^. It is not denied hereby that a new development of doctrine originated with Priscillian,. ami it is expressly acknowledged by others that Manichaeism had an influence upon it. The en>peror Maximus, in Ep. ad Siricium ap. Baronius 387, no. 66, calls the Priscillianists; nothing niore nor less than Manichaeans ; Hieronymus Ep. 43, ad.Ctesiphon- tem, calls Priscillian partem Manachaei ; Augnstinus Ep. 36 ad Casulan, says that the Priscillianists were very like' the Manichaeans, and do Haeres. c. 70 : Maxime Gnosticorum et Manichaeorum dc^m-ata pemaixta sectantur. There were many, however, who were inclined to perceive orthodox doctrine under a strange garb. Hieronymus Catal. c. 121 : Priscillianus a nojanullis gnosticae, i.e.,. Basilidis et Marcionis haereseos accusator, defeu- deutibus aliis, non ita eum sensisse ut arguitur. 2 His history Sulpic. Sever. Hist. sacr. ii. 46-51, who calls the Priscillianists Gnosticorara haei'esis. Something of their doctrine, but unsatisfactory, is found in P. Orosii Consultatio s. Commonitorium ad Augustinum de errore Priscillianistarum et Origenistarum, and in Leonis M. Epist. 93 ad Turibium Episc. Asturic. Priscilliani canones {doctrinal conse- quences) ad S. Pauli Epistt. cum prologo, published in the Spicilegium Komanum, t. ix- (Roraae- 1843) P. ii. p. 1, have been altered by a bishop called Peregi'inus juxta sensuni fidei catholicae, and accordingly are no bnger a source whence we may derive a knowl edge of Priscillian's doctrine. Walch's Ketzerhist. iii- 378- Neander, ii- iii. 1 177. I'; I fi. H Liibkeit dehaeresi Priscillianistarum. Havniae. 1840. 8. CHAP. II.— THEOLOGY. II. § 86. MANICHAEANS. 'S27 PnscillianistSj however, continued to exist in spite of all perse- cutions till the sixth century. At the same time, the persecution of the Mamchaeans, v;\\o were especially hated for various reasons, was also renewed. Valentinian /., who tolerated . all other sects, forbade them to assemble in public for their worship, in 372 ; and succeeding emperors enacted new and still more rigorous laws against them.^ But their most zealous adversary was Aurelius Augustinus^ born at Tagaste, in Numidia, who had himself belonged to the Mani- chaeans for a considerable time, but had been converted at Milan by Ambrose (387). Afterward, as bishop oi Hippo Regius in Numidia (from 395 to 430), he became as formidable an oppo- nent of heretics, as he exercised an incalculable influence on his own and subsequent times, by his doctrinal and polemical writings.* His energies were directed in a high degree against ^ Lex Valentiniani I. a.d. 372 (Cod. Theod. xvi. C, 3) : Ubicunque Manichaeoram cod- ventus, vel turba bujusmodi reperitur, Doctoribus gravi censione multatis, domus et habi- tacula, in quibus profana institutioue docetur, fisci viribus indubifcantur adsciscantur. Tlieodosii M. a.d. 381 (eod. tit. 1. 7) : Manichaeis, sub perpetaa justae infamiae nota, tes- tandi ac vivendi jure Roraauo omueni protinus eripimus facultatem, neqtie eos aut relin- quendae autcapiendae alicujus baereditatis habere siuimus potestatem, etc. L. 9, a.d. 382 : Caeterum quos Eucratitas prodigiali appellatione cog-iiominant, cum Saccoforis sive Hydroparastatis (namely the electi of the Manicbeans) — summo supplicio et inexpiabili poena jubemus affligi. L. 18, a.d. 389 : Exomni quidemorbe teiTamm, sed quam maxime debacurbepellantur 6ub interminatione judicii. Honorii. L. 35 a.d. 399. L. 40, A. d. 407 : Volumus esse publicam crimen, quia, quod in religioueni divinam committitur, in omnium fertur injuriam. GLuos honorum etiam publioatione persequimur, quaetamencedere jubemus proximia quibusque personis, etc. L. 43, a.d. 408, Theodosii II. L. 59 and xvi. x. 24, both a.d. 423. xvi. v. 62, 64, 65. • * Besides the numerous writings against heretics, biblical commentaries (cf. Clausen Aural. Augustinus sacrae scripturae interpres. Hafn. 1827. 8. ), [Davidson's Hermeneutics p, 133], sermons (Pauiel's Gesch. d. christl. Beredsamkeit, i. 781), Ascetic writings, letters, the following are to be especially noted : de Civitate Dei libb. xxii. (comp. § 79, note 18). De Doctrina Christiana libb. iv. (ed. J. Chr. B.'Teegius. Lips. 1769. 8. C. H. Bruder, ed. stereot. Lips. 1839. Paniel, i. 684). Confessiones libb. xiii, (c. praef. A. Neander, Berol. 1823.8.) Retractationes libb. ii. Opp.ed. MonachiBenedictini e Congreg. St. Mauri. Paris 1679-1700. xi. veil, recas. cum appendice cura Jo. Clerici. Antwerp. 1700-1703. xii. voll. Venetiis. 1729-35. xi. vol. fol. Opemm supplora, i. cura D. A. B. Caillau et D. B. Saint- Yves. Paris. 1836. f(j|. 0pp. emend, et aucta. Paris 1836, ss. xi. voll. 8. The more all* parties had occasion to appeal to the writings of Augustine, in consequence of the high author- ity in which they stood, the greater was the danger of their undergoing intentional and unin- tentional corruptions. Even so early as the ninth century Hincmar (about 860), de non trino deitate (0pp. i. 450), unjustly accuses others of what he is disposed tq do himself, i. e., of cor- rupting them. The doctrinal position of the editor bad its influence also on the earlier edi- • tious, If is even proclaimed in the title of the Opj^. Venet. 1584 : In quo curavimus re- moveri ea omnia, quae fidelium meutes baeretica pravitate possent inficere. The Bene- dictines were the first whoproceededcntically in their edition, but by this they gave offense to the Jesuits, who asserted they hadfalsified the Codd.Corbejenses. On the other sidfe-wrote MiLbillon Supplementum libri de re diplomatica c. 13. On this came forth the Jesuit S2b SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. L— A.D. 324-451. the Maniohaeans.^ Several were converted by him, but many still remained in Africa. Even in Rome, there were secret Manichaeans at that time ; but their numbers were very much increased there after the conquest of Africa by the Vandah (429). Hence Leo the Great, bishop of Rome (440-461), exerted himself to the utmost to detect and convert them.^ His zeal, supported by imperial ordinances, was not ineffectual;' but yet single Manichaean opinions continued to exist tillfar into the middle ages. There were still more furious controversies in Africa in the fourth century against the Donatists,^ among whom the fanati- Barth. Germon de vetenim regum Frauc. diplomat, discept. ii. p. 314. (App.) Now, too, the Benedictine Pet. Coustant Viudlciae Codd. MSS. Paris. l7Qj[. On the contrary side B. Germon de vett. haeretieis ecclesiasti coram Codd. comiptoribus. Paris. 1713. 8. And again P. Coustant Vindiciae vett, Codd. coiifirmatae. Paris. 1715. 8. The life of Augustine Dy his disciple Possidius, completed in Caillau et Saint-Yves, SoppL i. On his life and character see Wiggers Darstellung des Augastinismas u. Pelagianismus (Berlin. 1821) S. 7 [translated by Kmerson. Andover, 1840. 8]. Ritter's Gesch. d.christl. Philosophie, ii.l53. E. Bindemann's der h. Augustinus, Bd. 1. Berlin. 1^644. s His writings against the Manichaeans, see Div. I. before § 61. ^ Leonis Opp. omnia (sermones et epistolae) ed. Paschas. Cluesnpll. Paris, 1675. 2 voU. 4. Petr. et Hier. fratres Ballerini. Venetiis. 1755-57. 3 t. ibl. Against the Manichaeans sermo iv. de duadragesima : Among other things he writes : Nemo ambigat esse Maui- chaeos, qui in honorem solis ac lunae die Domiriico et secunda fevia deprehensi fuerint jejunare — Cumque ad tegendum infidelitatem suam nostris audeant interesse mysteriis, ita in sacramentorum commanione se temperant, ut interdum tutius lateant : ore iudigne Christi corpus accipiunt, sanguinem autem rederationes nostrae haurire omnino declinant. Q.uod ideo Vestram volumus scire Sanctitatem, nt vobis hajuscemodi homines et his manifest en tur indiciis, et quorum deprehensa fuerit sacrilega simulatio, notati et proditi alsanctorum socibtate sacerdotali auctoritate pellantur. Sermo iv.de Epiphania, after enu- merating the most striking of the Manichcean doctrines : Nihil ergo cum hujusraodi bomiu' ibus commune sit cuiquam Christiano, neminem fallant discretionibus ciborum, sordibus vestium, vultumque palloribus (cf. Hieron. Epist. 22, ad Eustochium: quam viderint pal- lentem atque tristem,miserametManichaeam vocant). Sermov.de Jejanio d*K;imi mensis ; Residentibus itaque mecumEpiscopis ac Presbyteris ac in eundem consessum Christianis viris acjiobilibus congregatis, Electos et Eleotas eorum jussimus praesentari- Clui cum de perversitate dogmatis sul, et de festivitatum suarum consuetudine multa re^^rarent, illud qaoque scelus, quod eloqui verecundum est, prodiderunt. Q.uod tanta diligentia investiga- tum est, ut nihil minus credulis, nihil obtrectoribus relinqueretur jCmbiguum. At multum decennis, et duae mulieres, quae ipsam nutrierant et huic sceleri praepararant. Pr»flsto erat etiam adoles centulus vitiator puellae, et Episcopus ipsorum detestandi criminis oMinator. Omnium par fuit horum et una confessio, et patefactum est execratum, quod aures »»ostrae vix feiTe potuerunt. De quo ne apertius loquentes castos offendamus auditus gestoruw docu- menta suflBciunt, quibus plenissime docetur, nuUam in hoc secta pudicitiam, nuUam hon«sta- tem, nuUam penitus reperiri castitat^m, in qua lex est mendacium, diabolus religio, saoKil- cium turpitudo. Cf. Leonis Epist. viii. ad Episcopus per Italiam, Epist. xv. ad Turi- bium. Papst Leo's Leben u. Lehren v. Ed. Perthel. Jena. 1843, S. 15. ' VEdentiniani IIL Novell, tit. xvii. ed. Haenel, v. t. 445. * Sources and works see Div. I. $ 72, note 25. CHAP. II.— THEOLOGY. II. $ 86. DONATISTS. 329 cal Agomstici, called by the catholic Christians Circu77icelli'jnes, appeared, for the purpose of rendering their cause victorious by external force. ^ The most formidable opponent of the Dcnati^ts was Augustine,^^ who at last effected, by the emperor's inter- ference, a conference with them in Carthage (411)/^ at which they were completely vanquished, in the judgment of the 9 Concemiog the time of the origin of the Agonistici or Circnmcelliones, see Optatns, iii. c. 4 : Veniebant Paulus ef Macarius (sent by the emperor about 348), qui pauperes ubique dispungerent, et ad nnitatem siuguloa hortarentur: et cum ad Bagajensem civitatem proximarent, tunc alter Donatns — ejusdem civitatis Episcopua, impedimen- ^im nnitati et obicem venientibus supra memoratis opponere cnpiens, praeconis per vicina loca et per omnes nundinas misit, Circamcelliones AgoniBticos nuncupans, ad praedictum locum ut concurrerent, invitavit : et eoram illo tempore concursus est flagitatus, quorum dementia pauUo ante ab ipsia Episcopis impie videbatur esse succensa. Described by Augustini de Haeres. lib. c._ 69 : Ad banc (Donatistarum) haeresim in Africa et illi perti- nent, qui appellantur Circuracelliones, genus hominum agreste et famosissimae audaciae, no I solum in alios immania facinora perpetrando, sed nee sibi eadem insana feritate parcendo. Nam permortes varias, maximeque praecipitiorem et aquarum et ignium, se ipsos necare consueruut, etin istum ftirorem alios quOs potuerint sexus utriusque seducere aliquando, ut occidantur ab aliis, mortem nisi fecerint comminantes. Veramtamen pleris- que Donatistarum (non) displicent tales, nee eorum communione eontaminari se putant. Idem contra Crescon, iii. $ 4G : Quotidie vestrorum incredibiliapatiraur facta Clericox-um et Gircumcellionum, multo pejora quam quorumlibetlatronum atque praedonum. Namquehor- lendis armati cujusque generis telis, terribiliter vagando, non dico ecclesiasticam, sed ipsam huraanam quietem pacemque perturbant, nocturnis agressionibus clericorum catholicorum invasas domos nudas atqae inanes derelinquunfc : ipsos etiam raptos et fustibus tunsos, ferro- queconcisos, semivivos abjiciunt. Insuper — oculis eommcalcem acetopermixtoinfundentea . — excruciave amplius etigunt quara citius excaecare. § 47: Circumcelliorum vestrorum. nobilis furor hoVrendum praebens vestris clericis satellitium usquequaque odiosissime inno- tuit. Idem contra Gaudentium, i. § 32 : Cum idololatiiae licentia usquequaque ferveret — isti Paganorum armis festa sua frequentantibus irraebant (cf. Epist. 185, § 12 ; quando adhuc cultus faerat idolorum, ad Paganorum celeberrimas sollemnitates ingentia turbarum agmina veniebant, non ut idola frangerent, sed ut interficerentur a cultoribus idolorum : doubtless in the time from Julian to Gratian). — Praeter haec sunt saxa immania et mou- tium honida praerupta, voluntariorum creberrimis mortibus nobilitata vestrorum ; aquis et iguibus rarius id agebant, praecipitiis greges consumebantur ingentes. Quis enim nescit hoc genus hominum in horrendis facinoribus inquietum, ab utllibus operibus otiosum, crudel- issimum in mortibus alienis, vilissimum in suis, maxlme iu agris territans, ab agris vacans et victus sui causa cellas circumiens rusticanas, unde et Gircumcellionum nomen accepit ? Ejusd. Enarratio in Psalm, cxxxii. $ 3 : Q.uando vos recte haereticis de Circumcellionibus in- . sultare coeperitis — illi vobis insultant de Monachis. Prime sicomparaudi sunt, vos videte. Comparentur ebriosi cam sobriis, praecipites cum consideratis, furentes cum simpJici- bus, vagantes cum congregatis. § 6 : Eortasse dicturi suntnostri non vocantur Circumcel- liones : vos illos ita appellatis contumelioso nomine. Agonisticos eos vocant. Sic eos, in- quiunt appellamus propter agouem. Certant enim, et dicit Apostolus : certamen bonum certavi (2 Tim. iv. 7). duia sunt qui certant adversus diabolum et praevalent milites Christi, Agonistici appellantur. Utinam ergo milites Christi essent, et non milites dia- boli, a quibus plus timetur Deo laudes quam fremitus leonis. Hi etiam insultare nobis audenti quia fratres, cam vident homines, Deo gratias dicunt. Vos Deo gratias nostrum ridetis : Deo laudes vestrum plorant homines {cf. contra literas Petiliani, ii. § 146 : conside- rate paululum, quam multis, et quantujn luctum dederint Deo laudes ai-matorum vestrorum) . ^f> Adr. RouxDiss. de Aur. Augustino adversario Donatistarum. Lugd. Bat. 1838. 8. i» Geata collationis Carthagine habitae prim, ed! Papirius Masson, Paris 1589. 8, accord- oSO SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. T.— A.D. 324-451. imperial commissioner. • This victory, and the imperial ordi- nances'^ that followed, very much weakened the party, though remnants of it are found as late as the seventh century. § 87. PELAGIAN CONTROVEaSY. G. J. Vossii Hist, de controversiis, quas Pelagius ejusque reliquiae moverant libb. vl\. Lugd. Bat. 1618. 4. auct. ed. G. Voss. Amst. 1635. 4 (in Vossii Opp. t. vi.). Henr. Norisii Hist. Pelagiana et Dissert, de Synodo v. oecumenica. Patavii. 1673. fol. (in Norisii Opp. t. 1. Veron. 1729). Joh. Gamier diss, vii., quibus integra coatinetuj Pelagianorum Hist, (in liis edition of Marii Mercatoris Opp. 1, 113, Praefatio in torn. x. Opp. Augustini edit. Monach. Benedict. Waleh's Ketzerliistorie, iv. 519. Wunde- mann's Gescli. d. christl. Glanbenslehren, ii. 44. Munscber's Dogmengescb. iv. 170. G. y. Wiggers Pragmat. Darstell. des Augustinismus n. Pelagianismus. 2 Th. Berlin. 1821, 33. 8. Neander's Kircbengesch, ii. iii. 1194. Eitter's Gescb. d. cbristl. Philos. ii.337, Augustine exerted the greatest influence on the theology es- pecially of the occidental church, by his system of the relation of Divine grace to the human will, which he developed in the Pelagian controversy. The freedom of the will, the evil conse- quences of the fall, and the necessity of Divine grace, had always been admitted in the church, without any attempt having been made to define, by ecclesiastical formulas, the undefinable in these doctrines.' Since TertuUian, an opinion had been peculiar to the Latin fathers which was wholly unknown to the Greek church, that the sin of Adam had been transferred as a peccable principle to his posterity, by generation (tradux animae, tradux peccati). This must necessarily have had some influence on the doctrines of free will and Divine grace. ^ Pelagius and Caeles- ing to the corrected edition of B aluzias in da Pin Monira . ad hist. Donatist. p. 225, and Mansi Concil. coll. t. iv. p. 1. Augnstini breviculns collationis cum Donatistis (Opp. t. ix. p. 371). 12 After several other laws against tbem, Cod. Tb^od. xvi. 5, 52, Honorins ordered a gen- eral fine to be exacted of tbem. Also : Servos etiam dominorum admonitio, vol colonos. verberum crebrior ictus a prava religione revocabit. — Clerici tero ministrique eomm ac perniciosissimi sacerdotales ablati de Africano solo quod ritu sacrilege poUuerunt, in exilium viritim ad singulas quasque regiones sub idonea prosecutione mittautur, ecclesiis eomm vel conventiculis praediisque, si qua in eorum ecclesias baereticorum largitas prava contulit, proprietati potestatique Catholicae (sicut jam dudura statuimus) viudicatis. In addition to all this, 414 L. 54 : Evidenti praeceptione se agnoscant et intastabiles, ct nullam potestatem alicujus ineundi habere contractus, sed perpetua inustos infamia, a coetibus honestis et a conventu publico segregendos. 1 Horn. Coram, de sententiis eorum Patrum, quorum auctoritas ante Augustinum pluri- mum valuit, de peccato originali. Goetting. 1801. 4. Wiggers, i. 403, ff. How ground- lessly Augustine appealed in support of his theory .to Gregory of Nazianzum is shown by Ullmann in his work Giegor. v. Naz. S. 438, ff. 446, ff. • Hilarius Pictav. in Matth. c. 18, $ 6: In unius Adae errore omne hominum genus CHAP. II.— THEOLOGY. II. $ 87. PELAGIAN CONTROVERSY. 331 iius^ two monks universally cstocmnti for their morals, had dis- tinguished themselves even during their abode at Rome (till 409), by giving peculiar promin<;in'e to the doctiine of free will for the promotion of personal virtue/ Afterward they repaired to Africa (411), whence Fela^ius '^non passed over into Palestine. But Caelcstius, when he became a candidate for the office of prcsby^ter in Carthage, was accused of various errors which had proceeded from the tendency to exalt free will,^ and was excluded* from church communion by a synod at Carthage (412) ; on v/hich he went to Ephestcs. The doctrines of Caelestius, however, had gained many friends, and therefore Augustine was induced to oppose them, although personally he had no share in the transactions of the synod by which Caelestius was condemned. His attention was soon drawn to the writings of Pelagius, as the teacher of Caelestius, which he refuted, but always as yet with respect and forbearance.^ But after Jerome^ in Palestine, had begun to raise suspicions aberravifc. Ambrosius Expos. Evang. Lucae, 1. vii. p. 434 : Fuit Adam, et in illo faimus omues. Periit Adam, et in illo omnes perierunt. L. vii. § 27 : Dens quos dignat vocat, quos vult religiosos facit. Comp. Neander, ii. iii. 1188. ^ Particularly did Pelagius disapprove the address to God, in Augiistim Confess, x. 29: Da quod'jubes, et jubes quod vis, see August, de Done perse verantiae, c. 20. * Marius Mercator has preserved from the Gestis Concilii the seven points of accusation {Commonitorium i. ed. Baluz. p. 3, Comm. ii. p. 133) : I. Adam mortaleni factum, qui sive peccaret, sive non peccaret, fuisset moriturus. II. ftnoniam peccatum Adae ipsum solum laesit, et non genus humanum. III. duoniam infantes, qui nascnntur, in eo statu sunt, in quo Adam fliit ante prevaricationem. IV. Quouiam neque per mortem vel praevarica- tionem Adae omne genns hominum moriatur, neque per resurrectionem Christi omne hominum genus resurgat. V. Q,uoniam infantes, etiamsi non baptizentur, habeant vitam aeternam. VI. Q.uoniam lex sic mittit ad regnum coelorum, quomodo et evangelium. VII. duoniam et ante adventum Domini fuerunt homines impeccabiles, id est sin€ peccato {p. 3 : Posse esse hominem sine peccato et facile Dei mandata servare, quia et ante Christi adventum fuerunt homines sine peccato). Cf. Augustin. de Gestis Pelagii 11. Caelestius'a defense of the second and third points in Augustin. de Pecc. orig. c.3, 4 (from the Synodical acts): Dixi, de traduce peccati dubium me esse, ita tamen, ut cui donavit Deus gratiam peritiae, consentiam ; quia diversa ab eis audivi, qui ntique in ecclesia catholica constituti sunt presbyteri. Sanctus presbyter Rufinus (perhaps the celebrated, see Norisius Hist. Pelag. i. 2, and de Syn. quint, c. 13) Romae qui mansit cum sancto Pammachio : ego audiyi ilium dicentem, quia tradux peccati non sit. — Licet qnaestionis res sit ista, non haeresis Infantes semper dixi egere baptizari : quid quaerit aliad? * Augustine's controversial writings till 415: Sermones, 170, 174, 175, 293, 294; Episl. 140 ad Honoratum; 157 ad Hilarium (in reply to his information of Pelagians m Sicily ip Epist. 156); especially de peccatorum meritis et remissione (s. de baptismo parvulonam-, libb. iii. ad Marcellinum (in the third book against Pelagii expositiones in Pauli Epist.); and de spiritu et littera ad enndem. These writings from 412-414. De natura et gratia against Pelagii lib. de natura (Ep. 169, § 13, adversns Pelagii haeresira) and de perfectione jastitiae hominis Epist. b. liber ad Eutropium et Paullum, against Caelestii definiiionea, both in the year 415. 332 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. L— A.D. 324-451. against Pelagius of being an Origenist,^ for he hated him from some trifling causes; and after Orosius,"^ a presbyter sent by Augustine, had failed in his attempt to procure the condemna- tion of the Pelagian doctrine, with John, bishop of Jerusalem, and also with the synod at Diospolis (Lydda^ 415),^ Augustine laid aside all forbearance, and opposed Pelagianism severely and bitterly in many works.^ The African bishops solemnly con- .demned the heresy^" at the synods of Mileve and Carthage (416), and Innocent /., bishop of Rome, fully agreed with them." After Innocent's death (f 417), Pelagius and Caelestius applied to his successor Zosimus, by whom they were declared orthodox ;^^ * Hieron. praef. libri i. in Jerem. : Naper iudoctua calumniator erupit, qui commentarios meos in epistolam Pauli ad Ephesios reprehendendOa putat (cf. Auguatin. contra Julianum, ii. 36 : De illo sancto presbytero (Hieronymo) — non solet Pelagius jactitare, nisi quod ei tamquam aemulo inviderit). Praef. lib. iv. in Jerem.: Subito haeresis Pytbagorae et Zenouis uTraQelag koc avafiaprrjaiag id est impassibilitatis et impeccantiae, quae olim in Origene, et dudum in discipulis ejus, Grunnio, Evagrioque Pontico, et Joviniano jugulata est, coepit reviviscere, et non solum in Occidentis, sed in Orientis partibus sibilare. Jerome wrote against Pelagius the Epist. ad Ctcsiphontem (ap. Martianay Ep. 43, ap. Vallarsi Ep. 133) and the dialogi contra Pelagianos, libb. iii. in the years 414 and 41.5. Against the dialogues, although the doctrinal system in them is. much nearer the Pelagian than the Augustinian, wrote Theodonis Mopsvestenus npog rovg XkyovraQy ovcei, Kai ov yv quo per occasionem quairmdam nimis difEcilium quaestionum aedificationi monim atque ecclesiasticae disciplinae satis insolenter obstrepitur. Quid pressius ille commendat, quam ingenitae nobis a Deo libertatis decus cujus confessio praecipuum inter nos gen- tUesque discrimen est, qui hominem, ad imaginem Dei conditum, tam infeliciter fati violentia et peccandi putant necessitate devinctum, ut is etiam pecoribus invidere cogatur ? duid ille adversus eosdem magistros potius insinuat, quara Dei esse possibilia maudata, et hominem totius vel quae jubetur vel suadetur a Deo capaoem esse virtutis? duo quidem solo et iniquitas ab imperante propellitur, et praevarioanti reatus affigitm-. Jam vero iste eruditorum decus cum de gratiae Dei disserit, quanta illam abertate, quanta etiam cautione concelebrat ? Non enim est in alteratro aut incantns, ant nimius, sed in ntroque moderatus. Sic liberas ostendit hominum voluntates, ut ad Dei tamen mandata facienda divinae gratiae necessarium nbique fateatur auxilium ; sic continuum divinae gratiae auxilium commendat, ut nee stadia voluntatis interimat. Chrysost. in Epist. ad- Rom. Hom. X. expressly rejects, as an absurdity, the opinion that by Adam's disobedience another person becomes a sinner. On the relation of grace to freedom he speaks in Epist. ad Hebr. Hom. xii. =» Opera ed. Jo. Garnerius, Paris. 1673. fol., better Steph. Baluzius, Par. 1684. 8 (re- printed in Gallandii Bibl. vett. Patr. viii. 613). In the Commonitorium adv. haeresia Pelagii et Caelestii vel etiam scripta Juliani, ed. Baluz. p. 1. Commonitorium super Eomine Caelestii (429, presented to the emperor Theodosius U.) p. 132. =' Marios Mercator always gives special prominence to the tenets of Caelestius (see note 4), though Pelagius had rejected most of them at the synod of Diospolis. *° Nestorii Sermones iv. contra Pelagium (Latin, partly in nothing but an extract in Marius Mercator, p. 120. The four discourses in the original among Chrysostom's orationa ed. Montfaucon, x. p. 733) are not aimed directly against Pelagius. *'• Marius Merc. p. U9: Contra haeresin Pelagii seu Caelestii — quamvis recte sentiret r.HAP. n.- THEOLOGY. II. J 87. PELAGIAN CONTROVERSY. 341 lagians to Nestorius was ruinous to them in the west ; an inter- nal necessary connection between Pelagianism and Nestorianisni was hunted out/^ and at the third general council at Ephesus (431) Pelagianism was condemned along with Nesi/'rianism." Yet the Augustinian doctrine of grace and predes*' siation was never adopted in the east.** But even in the west, where this doctrine had been ecclesias- tically ratified, there were never more than a few who held ti? it in its fearful consequences. Its injurious practical effects could not be overlooked, and appeared occasionally in outward manifestation.''' The monks in particular were naturally op- posed to a view which annihilated all the meritoriousness of their monastic exercises. '"' Hence Augustine soon found his doctrine disputed even by opponents of the Pelagians." The monks of Massilia especially, adopted a view of free grace be- tween that of Augustine and that of Pelagius, which seems to have originated chiefly with John Cassian (f soon after 432)," et doceret, Jalianam tamen ex Episcopo Eclanensi cum participLbus suia hajus haeresis signifenim et antesignauum, olim ab apostolica sententia exauctoratum atque depositum, in amicitiam iuterim censait suscipiendutn. Spem enim absolutionis promittens, ipsum qTioque Caelestium litteris suis — consolatuB est. This writing follows, p. 131. On this account Nestorius applied, in the year 429, to the Romish bishop Caelestine, in two letters (ap. Baronins ad ann. 430, no. 3, ap. Coustaut among the Epistt. Caelest. Ep. vi. and vii.j. In the first : Julianas, caet. — saepe — Imperatorem adierunt, ac suas causas defleveninlj tanquam ortbodoxi temporibus orthodoxis persecutionem passi saepe eadem et ap'id nc;fi lamentantes. — ^Sed quoniam apertiore nobis de caasis eorum notitia opus est, — dig7;.^e nobis notitiam de his largiri, caet. « See below, § 88, note 18. " See below, J 88, note 27. ** Miinscher's Dogmengeschichte, iv. 238. *' Comp. the memorable controversy among the monks of Adrametam, 426- and 427. Angast. Epistt. 214-216. Retractt. ii. 66, 67. Some (Ep. 214) sic gratiam praedicant, at negent hominis esse liberum arbitrium, et, quod est gravius, dicant, quod in die judicii non sit reddituras Deus unicuique secundum opera ejus. They said accordingly (Retr. ii. 67), neminem corripiendum, si Dei praecepta non facit, sed pro iUo ut faciat, tantummodo orandum (different after all only in the form, not essentially, from the doctrines of Augustine !) Others (Ep. 215} asserted, like the Semipelagians, secundum aliqua merits humana dari gratiam Dei. A strictly Augustinian party stood between. Against the first Augustine wrote de Correptione et Gratia; against the second de Gratia et libero Arbitrio. Comp. Walch's Ketzerhist. 245, ff. *^ Comp. for example Cassiani Coll. xix. 8 : Finis quidem Coenobitae est, omnes suas mortificare et crucifigere voluntates, ac secundum evangelicae perfectionis salutare mun- datum nihil de crastino cogitare. duam perfectionem prorsus a nemine, nisi a Coenobita impleri posse certissimum .est. ♦' Job. GefFcken Hist. Semipelagianismi antiquissima. Getting. 1826. 4. Wiggera Darstellung des Augustinismus u. Pelagianismus, 2ter Th. — On the difierences betWeeuhim and Vitalis see August. Epist. 217. Walch, v. 9. Geifcken, p. 40, ss. Wiggers, ii. 198. *8 His works : De institutia Coenobiorum libb. xii. CoUationes Fatrum xxiv, De 342 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. L— A.D.. 324-451. a disciple of Chrysostom.**^ Augustine received the first account of these Massilians, or, as they were first named by the Scho- lastics, Semipelagians^ from' his zealous adherents Prosper of Aquitania, and Hilary (429),^'' and attempted to bring them over to his views in his last two works (429, 430).*^ After Augustine's death. Prosper (f 460)" continued the controversy Incavuatione Christi adv. Nestoritim libb. vii. — 0pp. ed. Alardtis Gazaeus. Duaci. 1616 " 3 t. 8, auct. Atrebati. 1628. fol. (Beprinted Francof. 1722, and Lips. 1733. fol.)— Cf. G. F. Wiggers de Joanne Cassiano Massiliensi, qui Semipelagianismi auctor vulgo perhibetur, Comm. iii. ILostocbii, 1824 and 25. 4. The same author's Angastinismus u. Pelag. ii. 7. Jean Cassien, sa vie et ses ecrits, these par L. F. Meyer. Sti-asbourg. 1840. 4. *^ Comp. especially CoUat. xiii. {according to Wiggers, ii. 37, written between 428 and 431, according to GefFcken, p. 6, somewhat before 426). Among other things we find, in c. 9 : Propositmn namque Dei, quo non ob hoc hominem fecerat ut periret, sed ut in pei-petuum viverit, manet immobile. Cujus benignitas cum bonae voluntatis in nobis quantulamcunque scintillam emicuisse perspexerit, vel quam ipse tamquam de dura silice nostri cordis excusserit, confovet eam et essuscitat, suaque inspiratione confortat, volens omnes homines salvos fieri, et ad agnitionem veritatia venire (1 Tim. ii. 4). — Q.ui euim ut pereat unus ex pusilUs non habet voluntatem, quomodo sine iugenti sacrilegio putandus est, non universaliter omnes, sed quosdam salvos fieri velle pro omnibus ? — C. 8 : Adest inseparabiliter nobis semper diviua prosectio, tantaque est erga creaturam suani pietas creatoris, ut non solum comitetur earn, sed etiam praecedat jugi providentia. — Q,ui cum in nobis ortum quendam bonae voluntatis inspexerit, illuminat earn confestim, atque confortat, et incitat ad salutem, incrementum tribuens ei, quam vel ipse plantavit, vel nostro conatu viderit emersisse. — Et non solum sancta desideria benignus inspirat, sed etiam occasiones praestruit vitae, et opportunitatem boni effectus ac salutaris viae directionem demonstrat errantibus. — C. 9 : Ut autem evidentius clareat, etiam pernaturae bonum, quod beneficio creatoris indultum est. nonuunquam bonarum voluntatam prodire principia, quae tamen nisi a Domino dirigantur, ad consummationem virtntum pervenire non possunt, Apostolus testis est dicens : Velle adjacet mihi, perficere autem bonum non invenio {Rom. vii. 18). — C. 11 : Haec duo, i. e., vel gratia Dei, vel liberam arbitrium, sibi quidem invicem videntur adversa, sed utraque concordant, et utraque nos pariter debere suscipere, pietatis ratione colligimus, ne unum horum homini subtrahentes, ecclesiasticae fidei regulam excessisse videamur. C. 12 : Unde cavendum est nobis, no ita ad Dominnm omnia sanctorum merita referamus, ut nihil nisi id quod malum atque perversum est humanae adscribamus naturae. — Dubitaii ergo non potest, inesse quidem omni animae naturaliter virtutum semina beneficio creatoris inserta, sed nisi haec opitulatione Dei fuerint excitata, ad incrementum perfectionis non poterunt pervenire. Collat. iii. c. 12. NuUus JQstorum sibi sufficit ad obtinendam justitiam, nisi per momenta singula titutanti ei et corruenti falcimenta m anus suae supposuerit divina dementia. Wiggers, ii. 47. ^0 Ep. Prosper! ad August, among Augustine's epistles, Ep. 225, Ep. Hilarii, 226. Wiggers, ii. 153. * 5^ De Praedestinatione Sanctorum liber ad Prosperum. De Done perseverantiafe liber ad Prosperum et Hilarium {s. liber secundus de Praedest. Sanct.) S3 Worts : Epistola ad Rufinum de gratia et libero arbitrio. Carmen de ingratia. Epigrammata ii. in Obtrectatorem S. Augustini, all belonging to 429 and 430. — Epitaph- ium Nestorianae et Pelagianae baereseos, 431. Comp. Wiggors, ii. 169. Against new opponents (comp. Walch, v. 67. GefFcken, p. 32. Wiggers, ii. 184): Pro Augustino responsiones ad capitula objectionum Gallorum calumniantium . Pro- Augustini doctrina resp. ad capitula objectionum Vine euti an arum (doubtless Vine. Lirin.). Pro Augustino respons. ad excepta, quae de Genuensi civitate sunt missa. De gratia Dei et libero Arbitrio lib. s. contra Collatorem (about 432, Wiggers, ii. 138), Besides see Chroniccn CHAP. II.— THEOLOGY. III. § 68. N'ESTORJAN CONTBOVERSY. 343 with greater violence, but could not prevent the Semipela- gian doctrines from spreading farther, especially in Gaul. To these Semipelagians also belonged Vincentius Lirinensis (f 450) whose Commonitorium, composed in the- year 434, was one of the works most read in the west as a standard book of genuine Catholicism.^^ ni. CONTROVERSIES CONCERNING THE PERSON OF CHRIST. § 88. NESTORIAN CONTROVERSY. Sources : Nestor's own account (Evagrins Hist. eccl. i. 7) was made use of by Irenaeus (Comes, then from 444 to 448, bishop of Tyre) in his Tragoedia s. comm. de rebus in synodo Ephesina, ac in Oriente toto Gestis. This last work of Irenaeus is lost ; but the original documents appended to it were transfeiTed in the sixth century, in a Latin translation, to the Synodicou (Variomm Epist. ad Cone. Eph. pertinentes ex MS. Casin. ed. Chr. Lupus. Lovau. 1682. 4, in an improved form ap. Mansi, v. 731, and in Theodoreti Opp. ed. Schuize, v. 608). Marius Mercator also has many fragments of Acts, Opp. P. ii. {see above, § 87, note 38). A complete collection of all the Acts is given in Mansi, iv. p. 567, fis. and t. v. — Account of this controversy by Ibas, bishop of Edessa, in the Epist. ad Marin Persam {mostly contained in the Actis Cone. Chalced. Act. x. ap. Mansi, vii. p. 241, ss.). — Liberatus's (archdeacon in Carthage about 553) Breviarum causae Nestorianomm et Eutychianorum (ed. Jo. Gamerius. Paris. 1675. 8, ap. Mansi, ix. p. 659, and in Gallandii Bibl. PP. xii. p. 119). — Besides Socrates, vii. c. 29, ss. Eva- grius, i. 0. 7, ss. Walch's Ketzerhistorie, v. 289. Wundemann's Gesch. d. Glaubenslehre, ii. 265. Miin- scher's Dogmengeschichte, iv. 53. Neander's Kirchengesob. ii. iii. 927. Baur's Lehre v. d. Dreieiuigkeit u. Menschwerdung Gottes in ihrer geschichtl. Entwickelung, i. 693. In the Arian controversy the doctrine concerning Christ's person had been touched upon, but without being fully devel- oped. When the Aiians inferred from the Catholic doctrine of a human soul in Christ that there were two persons,' the (till 454).— Opp. ed. Jo. le Brun de Marette et D. Mangeaut. Paris. 1711. fol. cum var. lectt. ex Cod. Vatic. Romae. 1758. 8. =.' Commonitorium pro cathohcae fidei antiquitate et universitate adv. profanas omnium haereticor. novitates. Often published among others, cum August de Doctr. christ. ed. G. Calixtus. Helmst. 1629. 8 (ed. ii. 1655. 4) cum Salviani Opp. ed. St. Baluzius. (Paris. 1633, ed. ii. 1669. ed. iii. 1684. 8) ed. Engelb. Klupfel. Viennae. 1809. Herzog. Vratisl. 1839. 8, comp. Wiggers, ii. 208. That this Vincentius is the one who was attacked by Prosper, and that even in the Commonitorium Semipelagian traces are found, has been proved, by Vossius, Norisius, Natalis, Alexander, Oudinus de Scriptt. eccl. i. 1231. Geft'cken, p. 53. Wiggers, ii. 195. On the contrary side. Act. SS. Maji, vol. v. p. 284, S5. Hist, litteraire de la France, t. ii. p. 309. ' See 5 83, note 28. 344 SECOND PEUIOD.— DIV. I.— jS.D. 324-451. Orientals indeed could not be led astray by this means from holding fast the human in Christ, as long as they remained true to their historico-exegetical principles ; ^ but the Nicenians in Egypt and the west began to give strong prominence to the unity of his Divine person, for the purpose of obviating that Arian objection,^ and to consider Christ accordingly in all rela- 2 So Easebius of Emesa {§ 84, note 18) in the fragments in Theodoreti Eranistes Dial, iii. (0pp. ed. Schulze, iv. 258}, and in the work de Fide adv. Sabellium, in so far as we can venture to ascribe this work to him. See Thilo uber die Schriften des Euseb. v. Ales, u. des Enseb. v. Eraisa, S. 75. ^ Athanas. de Incamat. verbi (0pp. ed. Montfaucon, ii. 1, ap. Mansi, iv. 689) : 'Ouo/lo- yovfiev Kai elvat avrbv vlbv tov 6eov Kal deov Kara Trvevfia, vlov uvOpuirov Kara adpKa' ov 6vo 4>vuEi£ TOV h>a vlbv, fiiav irpocTKvvijTTiv Kal fiiav aTrpoGKvvTjTov • dX?,u /liav tpvaiv TOV 6eov Xoyov aeaapKUfiEVTjv, Kal TrpotJKVVOVfiivjjv fisToL rijc oapKog avTov (il§. .jrpoff- KVV7}G£i. Since Cyril, a follower of Athanasius, appeals to this passage (lib. de recta fide ad Imperatrices, § 9), it has by this means the most important external testimony in its favor. Several writings were assigned to the Romish bishop Julias I., in which the unity existing in Christ was strongly expressed. There are still extant the Epist. ad Dionysinm (ap. Mansii, ii. 1191. A. Maji Scriptt. vett. nova coll. vii. i. 144), cited as genuine by Gennadius (about 490), in which the fiia iaracterize him {lib. i. Ep. 370): Xlavaov ri»^ iptdag' fii} [add cif] oUeiag v(3peug u/ivvav jjv irapa 6vjjtC>v K^XPEotarijaai, fwffav EKK'^.Tjaiav uEdodeve, kol aldviov avry Sixovoiav £v CHAP. 11.— THEOLOGY. IH. $ 88. NESTOEIAN CONTROVERSY. 347 bishop of Alexandria (f 444), considered derogatory to the honor of his see.^* He soon gave an opportunity to the malevolent watcher of his proceedings by denying the propriety of calling Mary Os^otoko^}^ A bitter but fruitless correspondence took place between them.^^ Cyril resolved to make a bishop of Con- 'jTpoaxvfidTC Evce^Etag KaraaKeva^e. It may refer to that allair of Chrysostora, or to the commencement of the controversy with Nestorius. 1+ The bishop of Constantinople, Atticus, about 420, had been obliged to introduce Chrysostom's name into the Diptychs, after the example of Antioch and at the pressing request of the people, and invited Cyril to do the same (Attici Ep. ad Cyrillum, in. CjTilli Op. V. iii. 201). The latter, however, refused to comply -w-ith the suggestion, desiring that the sentence pronounced on Chrysostom should be righteously maintained (1. c. p. 204). However, immediately after Nestors elevation, new demonstrations of honor were added, Marcellinus Comes (about 534) in Chronico ad ann. 428 (Chronica raedii aevi ed. Roesler, i. 262) : Beatissimi Joannis Episcopi dudum malorum Episcoporum iavldia exulati apud Comitatum (at the imperial court) coepifc memoria celebrari mense Sept. d. xxvi. . That Cyril continued to regard the condemnation of Chrysostom as a righteous measure :s shown by his Epistola ad Acaciam (ap. Mansi, v. 832. Theodoreti 0pp. ed. Schulze, v. 699). 15 Extracts from Nestor's discourses in the Greek original are given in the Actis Syn. Ephesiui b. Mansi, iv. 1197. Nestorii Sermones in a Latin version ap. Marius Mercator (ed. Baluz. p. 53, ss.). From the first address: dsoroKog i. e., puerpera Dei s. genitrix Dei Maria, an autem uvOpuiroTono^ i. e. hominis genitrix ? Habet matrem Deus ? Ergo excusabilia gentilitas matres diis subintroducens . Paulus ergo mendax de Christi deitate dicens oTrarop, ufiiJTOp, uvev y€vea7i,oyia^ (Hebr. vii. 3), Non peperit creatura increa- bilem, sed peperit hominera deitatis instrumentum. Non creavit Deum Verbum Spiritus eanctus — sed Deo verbo templum fabricatus est, quod hahitaret, ex virgine (according to John ii. 21). Est, et non est mortuus incamatus Deus, sed ilium, in quo incamatus est, euscitavit : inclinatus est elevare, quod ruerat, ipse vero non cecidit. Si jacentem elevare volueris, nonne continges corpus corpore, et te ipsum illi conjungendo elisum eriges, atque ita illi conjunctus ipse manes quod eras ? Sic et illud incarnationis aestima sacraraentum. Propter utentem illud indumentum, quod utitur, colo, propter absconditura adorans quod foria videtur : inseparabilis ab eo, qui oculis paret, est Deus. Divide naturas, sed conjungo reverentiam. Dominicam itaque incamationem intremiscamus, ryv dsoSoxofi rip 6eCj Aoyu avvBeo'koyCifiEV fioptpfjv, i. e. susceptricem Dei formam una ac pari qua Deum Verb- um deitatis ratione veneremur, tanquam divinitatis vere inseparabilis simulacrum, tan- quam imaginem absccnditi judicis. Duplicem confiteamur, et adoremus ut imum : duplum enim naturarum unum est propter unitatem. Sermo iii* (ib. p. 71) : Ego natum et mor- tuum Deum et sepultum adorare non queo. Q,ui natus est et per partes incrementoram teraporibus eguit, et mensibus legitimis portatus in ventre est, hie humanam habet na- turam, sed Deo sane conjunctam. Aliud est autem dicere, quia nato de Maria conjunctus erat Deus ille, qui est Verbum patris, caet. Comp. the extracts in the Actis Syn. Epb. p. 1197 : "Orav oiiv y dela ypa{l}7j fiiX/iy Tiiyetv 7/ yevvfjatv tov XptuTov ttjv kK 'M.apiag t7/£ Trapdivov, ij Qdvarov, o-u6af£ov ^atverat rtOelaa to deb^, dXW ^ Xptarbg, ?) vlb^, ^ Kvpto^. TO TTpOE^dslv TOV Oeov "koyov i-K TTJc XP^^'^^'^^'^^^ TTapO^vov, Trapa Tfjg deiag ididuxOijV ypa^VC* '^b 6i yEvi>T]Qi]vai debv k^ avTTJg, ovdafiov kdidu-xQw- ^* Cyril proclaimed Nestor's erroneous doctrine on all sides. Thus he said to Acacius, bishop of -Berhoea, that a zealous adherent of Nestorius had said in a church of Constan- tinople ; EL Tig T^EyEL Beotokov tt^v Mapiav, dvddE/ia EaTco. The hoary Acacius sought in vain to exorcise the storm (Epist. ad Cyril, in Cyrilli 0pp. V. iii. 63) : it was the duty of bishops, KaraGTEllai t^v k^ayye'kdEtaav ^uvrjv, oirug jiy ■Kp67j(^l, Kal TovTetav. Attl tovto (ftevyet Travraxov rb X6yELP jijv Bvuaiv, uXX' bvofid^u (Tvvdg uv "ktytj Trpbg 'ItjcovVj on Kad' wf 57V fierii, MuiJcf/, ovTug laofiaL fiETu gov (Jos. i. 5). Kpvnruv 6^ ttjv dai{3eiav Tiiyet, on iK fiyrpa^ fjvvijv avTC). Aiu rovro ovre 6ebv d?.7]divbv avrb^ elvat Zeyet, d2.V wf kv EvdoKig. tov Beov kek2,tj(ievov ovTCjg' Kdv Kvpcoc civofidadj}, ovto)^ nd2.iv avrbv ^ov?.Erat Kvpi.ov, wf rov Oeov 2,6yov xci-pi-'^O'f^^vov avT(^ rb KaTiEladat Kal ovtg). Mij q>7)alv^ on, ottep XiyofiEv, dnodavELV vKkp rjfiCdv tov vlbv tov 6eov, koI dvaar^var 6 dvOpuirog utrEdavE, Kal 6 dvBpc^nog dviartj, Kal ovd^v tovto Kpbg Tbv tov deov Tibyov. — koI hv Tolg fivoTrfpioL^ aibfid koTLv dv6p6irov Tb ttpokei/ievov ijfiElg di Trttrrevofzev, 5n tov Tioyov karl adp^ ^uoTrouiv laxvovaa 6ld tovto, on rov Td irdvra ^uottocovvtoc Tioyov yeyovE cdp^ Kal aifia. Nestor replies to this (Synodicon, c. vi. Mansi, v. 762) : Ille vero (Cyrillus), omittens mihi per epistolam declarare, si quid ei tamquam blasphemum vel impimn videbatur debere notari, convictionum terrore permotns, etadjntrices obhoc perturbationes exquirens, adRomanum Caelestinum convertitur, quippe iit ad simpliciorem quam qui posset vim dog^natum sub- tilius penetrare. Ed ad haec inveniens viri illius simplicitatem, circumfert pueriliter aures ejus illasionibus literarum, olim quidem nostra consoripta transmittens, quasi ad demonstrationem convictionem, quibus contradici non posset, tanquam ego Christum purara hominem definirem: qui certe legem inter ipsa meae ordinationis initia contra eos, qui Christum purum hominem dicunt, et contra reliquas haereses innovavi (Cod. Theod. xvi. V. 65). Escerptiones vero intertexens sermonum conscripta composuit, ne societatis compactione detegeretur iUata calumnia, et quaedam quidem allocutionibus nostris adjici- ens, aliquorum vero partes abrumpens, et ilia contexens, quae a nobis de dominica human- atione sunt dicta, velut de puro ea homine dixerimus, etc. 18 In the year 430 Cassian wrote, desired by the Romish archdeacon (subsequently bishop) Leo, his libb, vii. de Incam. Christi adv. Nestorium (cf. Wiggers de Jo. Cassiano, p. 28, s.), although it is probable he was acquainted with Nestor's heresy merely from that Egyptian description of it. Lib. i. c. 3, he says of a new heresy which had broken out at Bellay (Beligarum urbe), to which, according to chap, iv., Leporius also belonged : Pecu- liare re proprium supradictae illius haereseos, quae ex Pelagiano vixisse, eo progress! sunt, ut assererent, homines, si velint, sine peccato esse posse. Consequens enim exist- imabant, at si homo solitarius Jesus Christus sine peccato fuisset, omnes quoque homines sine Dei adjutorio esse possint, quicquid ille homo solitarius sine consortio Dei esse potnis- ret. — Unde advertit novus nunc jam, non novae haereseos auctor, qui Dominum Salvator- cmque nostram solitarium hominem natum esse contendit, idem so omuino dicere, quod Felagimistae ante dixenmt: et consequens errori suo esse, ut qui utique sine peccato B^Utaniim 'ooirinera Jesum Christum vixisse asserit, omnes quoque per se homines sine pccc&to possj it^ssi blasphcmet. — Nee dubium id est, re ipsa penitus declarante. Hinc enim illad est, ndoo i.itcrcesaionibus suis Pelagianistarum querelas fovet, et scriptis suis causas illomni oAjerit, quod subtiliter his, vel ut verius dixerim, subdole patrocinatur, et consanguinae sibi improbitati iraprobo sufFragatur afiectu. etc. Comp. $ 87, note 41. CHAP. II.— THEOLOGY. III. $ 88. NESTORIAN CONTKOVERSY. 349 In. vain did Nestor represent to Caelestine that he rejected the expression Oeotoko^ only in its false acceptation.^^ He was de- clared a heretic at synods held at Rome and Alexandria (430), and. Cyril published twelve anathemas, in which he sought to establish the true doctrine of Christ's person against Nestor's heresy.^" These anathemas were not only answered by Nestor Hence Lib. v. c. 1, haeresira illam Pelagianae haereseoa discipulam atque imitatricera ; and c. 2, to Nestor : Ergo vides, Pelagianuni te virus vomere, Pelagiano te ^piritu sibilare. In like manner Prosperi epitaphium Nestoriani et Pelagian! : Nestoriana lues successi Pelagianae, Quae tamen est utero progenerata meo. Infelix miserae genetrix et filia natae, Prodivi ei ipso germine, quod peperi, etc. '^ Nestorii Epist. iii. ad Caelestin. (ap. Mansi, iv. 1021, v. 725, ap. Coustant, among the Epp. Caelest. no. vi. vii. and xv.) From the Epist. 1 : Unde et noa non modicam comip- tionem orthodoxiae apud quosdam hie reperientes, et ira et lenitate circa aegros quotidie ntimar. Est e'nira aegritudo non parva, sed affinis putredini Apollinaris et Arii. Domin- icam enim in homine unionem ad cujaadam contemperationia confasionem passim com- miscent: adeo ut et quidam apud noa clerici — apeite blaaphement Deum Verbom Patri lioraouaion, tamquam originis initium de Christotoco virgine sumsiaset, et cam templo sue aedificatns esset, et consepaltus. Carnem dicunt post resarrectionem suam non mansisse camem, sed in naturam transiisse deitatia. — Si quia autem hoc nomen Theotocon propter natam humanitatem conjunctam Deo Verbo, non propter parientem proponet ; dicimus quidem hoc vocabulum in ea, quae peperit, non esae conveniens (oportet enim veram matrem de eadem esse essentia ac ex se natum) : ferri tamen potest hoc vocabulum — eo quod solum nominetur de virgine hoc verbum propter inseparabile templum Dei.Verbi ex ipsa (natum), noa quia ipsa mater sit Verbi Dei : nemo enim antiquiorem se parit. From Bpist. iii. : Ego autem ad banc quidem vocem, quae est dtoroKO^, nisi secundum Apol- linaris et Arii furorem ad confusionem naturaram proferatur, volentibus dicere non resisto : nee tamen ambigo, quin haec vox QeoroKog illi voci cedat, quae est;^;pi(7ror6/cof, tamquam prolatae ab Angelis et Evangeliis. — Placuit, vero, Deo adjuvante etiam synodum inex- cusabiliter totius orbis terrarum indicere propter inquisitionem aliarum rerum eccleaiastic- arum : nam dubitatione verborum non aestimo habituram inquisitionem difficultatea, nee impedimentum esae ad tractatum divinitatis Domini Christi. ^t* With the synodical letter relating to the same in Cyrilli Opp. v. iii. 67. Manai, iv. 1067. Baumgarten's theol. Streitigk. ii. 770. Of, Salig de Eutychianismo ante Eutychen, p. 324 : i. Et Tif ovx bfioXoyel deov elvac Kara akTjQEiav tov ' Ef^/xavov^l, Kal dca Tovro deoTOKOV r7}V ayiav ■Kapdivov yeyevvTjKe yap aapKtfcu^ adpna yeyovora tov Ik. deov 7:,6yov • avuOefia ^aro. ii. Et tl^ ovx ^liokoyel^ aapKi KaO' v-KoaracLv yvtjcdat tov ^k deov ■KaTpbg Xdyov, &va Te elvai XpiaTov /leTu. Tijg l6Lag aapKoc, tov avrbv 6t}'Xovqti deov TE bfiov KoX uvdpuTTOv, O- L ill. Et rtf ^7ti TOV ivb^ XpccTov 6iaipei Tag vnoaTucreig fieTU. T7]v evuaiv, fibvQ avvd-rcTQV avTag Eig. Ty KaTfX ttjv u^iav, ijyovv avdevriav ij dvva- CTeiav, Kal ohxi- ^V I^u.aXov auvdJo) Ty Ka& \vqglv <}>vaiK^v, a. L iv. Et Tig irpoauTrotg dvalv, 7}yovv vnoardaeaiy Tag te kv Tolg evayyeXiKolg Kal dTTOGToT^tKoIg cvyypa/i/iaai 6iavef£ei ^oviig, ^ inl XpLCTi^i Tzaph Tdv iiyiuv Tieyopievag, 7} nap' avTov Tzepl iavTov, Kal Tag fiiv ug av^pwTr^ Trcpa tov Ik deov Myov IdiKiJg voovfievcD irpoaaTTTet, Tag 6i ^g duo- Tpenelg fiovu T6J kK deov izaTpog 7,6yaj, a. L v. Et Tig Tol^ig, leyeiv 6eo(j>6pov dvdpuirov TOV XpiGTov, Kal ovxl ^V ft-dXkov deov elvat kotH aXydeiav, ug vlbv iva Kal (pvaet, Kadb yiyove adp^ 6 Xoyog, Kal KEKocvuvTjKe TTapair^iTjatQg Tjfuv atfiaTog Kal aapKbg, a. i. vi. Et Tig ToXjig. leyeiv deov ^ deandTTjV elvat tov XpCdTov rov kn deov iraTpbg Xoyov, Kal ovxl 6tj ^aXkov TOV avTov duo'^oyel deov bfiov te Kal uvdpuiTov, dg ysyovbTog aapKog tov 350 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. in as many anti-anathemas,^' but they also excited great com- motion among the Syrian bishops. Nestor had explained him- self satisfactorily to John, bishop of Antiooh, concerning the admissibility of the expression BeoroKOq : while Cyril seemed en- tirely to do away with the distinction of natures in Christ. Aoyov KarH tuj- ■ypa(Si(l;, a. e. vii. EZ Ti'f iprjaiv, (if uvBpairov hepyijaBai. napa Tov 6c'iv "koyov TOV 'Irjffovv, Kal t^v tov fiovoyevov^ evdo^lav 7r£pc7f(pdat., ug €T£pov Trap' avTov •■'-UhyPVTa, i.. s. viii. Ei Tig ToA/i^ Xeyeiv, tov ava?,7i, (if EfpTjfiEv, 5ti ysyovEv Idla tov "Kbyov tov tu irdvTa ^uoyovEiv laxvovTog, d. i. xii. E; Tig ovx b/ioXoyei rbv tov deov "kbyov naBovTa aapKi, Kal iaTavpaflhiov capKi, Kal davi-.ov ycvad/iEvov aapKi, yeyovoTa te npuTOTOKov ek tUv vEKpdv, Kadb f(j^ te Igti KCJ. s'-'OTTOiog ag debg, a. I. Cyril's own doctrine is most apparent from his second letter to STicceusus (0pp. V. iii. l-Il). The Logos became a perfect man, but continued notwith- standing unaltered, one and the same. The two natures must be distinguished- only KaTd uovTjv TTjv deupiav. P. 145: "Eotu di ij/iiv Eig izapddeiyfia'b Kad' Tjfidg uvOpuTrog- dvo J.EV yap k-K* avTov voovfiEV Tdg (pvaEcg, filav fiEV TTJg ^vxvCi iTEpav 6i tov cdp-aTog ' dXk' iv TpiXalg SiElbvTEg kvvoiaig — ovK dvd piepog TidEjiEV Tag (jivaeig — d7iX' Ivbg Elvai voov- XEV ■ IliaTE Tag Sio piriKiTi piEV Eivai dvo, di' d/i(Poiv Si to iv dTroTiXeiadai ^Ciov. OvKoiv, Kdv eI MyoiEV dvBpaTiOTTiTog (fivaiv Kal BeoTtiTog Ivl tov 'Eiifiavov^X, (i/l/l' 7/ dvBpuTXbTj^g jEyovEv ISia tov \dyov, Kal slg vlbg voEiTai abv avT^. '^ Ap. Marias Mercator, ed. Baluz. p. 142, ss. Batmigarten's theol. Streitigk. ii 774. I. Si quis eum, qui est Emmanuel, Deum verhum esse dixerit, et non potius nobiscura Denm, hoc est, inhabitasse eam quae secundum nos est naturnm, per id quod unitus est massae nostrae, quam de Maria virgine susoepit: matrem etiam Dei verbi, et non potius ejus, qui Emmanuel est, sanctam virginem nuncupaverit, ipsumque Deum verbura in car- nem versum esse; quam accepit ad ostentationem Deitatis suae, ut habitu inveniretur ut homo, anath. sit. II. Si quis in verbi Dei conjunctione, quae ad camem facta est, de loco jr locum mutationem divinae essentiae dixerit esse factam ; ejusque dlvinae naturae car- nem capacem dixerit, ac partialiter imitam carni : aut iterum in infinitum incircumscriptae naturae coextenderit camem ad capiendom Deum, eandemque ipsam naturam et Deum dioat et hominem, anath. sit. IV. Si quis eas voces, quae tam in evangelicis quam in epis- tolis apostolicis de Christo, qui est ex utraque natura, scriptae sunt, accipiat tanquam de una natura: ipsique Dei verbo tentat passiones tribuere, tam secundum camem, quam etiam deitatem, anath. sit. VI. Si quis post incaraationem Deum verbum alterum quern piam piaeter Christum nominaverit; servi sane formam initium non habere a Deo Verbo, et increatani, ut ipse est, dicere tentaverit, et non magis ah ipso creatam confitoatur, tom- quani a na'nirali domino et croatore et Deo, quam et suscitare propria virtute promisit CHAP. II.— THEOLOGY. III. § 88. NESTORIAN CONTROVERSY. 351 Hence Cyril's anathemas were generally rejected as erroneous in the east. Andrew, bishop of Samosata, and Theodoref, bishop of Cyprus (f 457),^^ wrote refutations of them.^^ Under these circumstances, Theodosius 11. called a general council at Ephesus (431).^^ Cyril hastened hither with a nu- merous band of adherents. The bold remonstrances of the honest Solvite, dicens, templum hoc, et in ti^iduo suacitabo illud (Jo. ii. 19), auath. sit. VIII. Si quis servi formam pro se ipso, hoc est Becuudum propriae naturae rationem, colendam esse dixerit, et rerum omnium dominam : et non potius per societatem, qua beatae et ex se naturaliter dominicae unigeniti naturae conjuucta est, veneratur; anath. sit. XI. SI quis unitam caraem verbo Dei ex naturae propriae possibilitate vivificatrlcem esse dis- erit; ipso Domino et Deo pronunciante : Spiritus est, qui vivilicat, caro nihil prodest (Jo. ^'\. 64) ; anath. sit. Spiritus est Deus, a Domino pronunciatum est. Si qnis ergo Deum Verbum carnaliter secundum substantiam camem factum esse dicat (hoc autem modo et specialiter custodite : maxime Domino Christo post resui-rectionem suam discipulis suis dicente: Palpate et videte, quia spiritus ossa et caniem non habet, sicut me videtia liabere, Luc. xsiv. 39) ; anath. sit. ^2 His works : valuable commentaries, especially on the Epistles of Paul (J. F. Chr. Richter de Theodoreto Epist. Pauliu. iuterprete comm. Lips. 1822. 8). Historical writings. Hist. Eccl. libb. 5. ^t'/oodeog laropla s. historia religiosa. Haereticarum fabularam libb- 5. Polemic : 'EpaviuT^g t^tol Ilo?.v/iop(j)og libb. iv. 'K2,?i7jvtKCJv 6epa~£VTLK7j iradTjfidTDv disputt. xii. (ad codd. MSS. rec. Thom. Gaisford. Oson. 1839. 8). Epistles — 0pp. ed. Jac. Sirmond. Paris. 1642. voll. iv. fol. v. s. auctarium add. Job. Gamier. Pans. 1684 Kd. J. L. Schulze et J. A. Noesselt. Halae. 1769-1774. t. v. 8. -^ That of Andrew in Latin ap. Mercator, p. 290, bs. Greek fragments in Cyrilli Apolo- geticus. — That of Theodoret see in his works, Opp. ed. Schulze, t. v. p. 1, ss. In the latter we read : Ad. i. 'HfiElg 6t — ov uapKa Epovaiv. — ^v fiiv TrpoacjTrov Kal ^va vlbv kqX XptUTov ojioTioyElv EV(TEJ3Eg' 6vo 6^ Tug ivuUEtaag VTCoardGEtg, eItqvv deih Tibyt^ Trpoadipo/iEV' rd Si raiiELVug Elp-qtiiva Kal irETrpayfiiva dovXov fiOp(!)y Trpouap/ioaofiEV . Ad. v. Tov dEO(p6pov dvOpuTTOv, wf TTO/l^Oif Tuv dyiuv TzaTEpwv EipTjfi^vQv, ov TrapaiTov/iEda ' — KokovpLEV 6i 6EO(p6pov dvdpQTTOVi OVX ^f fi^pi-f^V^ Ttva Oeiav x^pi-v SE^dfiEvov, dlV dg iruoav TjvufievTiv ixovra rov vlov Tyv dEOTjjra. Ad. xii. "Eirade tj tov 6ov2.ov fioptp^, avvovayg' avry dfjXov- on r^g rov Osov (lop^rjg, — oUetovfiivijg 6i (Sid t7]v 'ivuaiv rd 'KaQ-^iiara. From Cyril's Apology in answer to Theodoret. Ad. i. — EZ XiyotfiEV adpKa yevicdai tov Xoyov, ov avyxvaiv, ov (^vpfihvj ov Tpon^Vj ovk d%2,otu(jiv cvfifiTjvai irepi avTov a/j.Ev ^vuadac di iiaXXov ufppdarug Kal dTto^^TjTug c6fiaTL ifjvxvv ixovTC voepdv. Ad. iii.— "Av^poTToy <7vv7}<^Qai 6eu GXETtKug dtaTEtvovTo^ Kara piovtjv ttjv d^iav, ^yovv avdEvriaVj Kal Kara rhv TTig vloTTjTog dfiuvvfilav.—KaTd (ftvatv, roOr' eoTiv, ov cxETiKug, a/l?.ii /cara dTi^jdsiav. Theodoret wrote besides, Pentalogium s. libb. v. Inoamatloni Yerbi adv. Cyrillum et Pa- tres Cone. Ephesini (Fragments ap. Mercator). =* On the history of it, see Salig de Eutychianismo ante Eutychen, p. 234. Fuchs Bib- liothek. d. Kirchenversamml. des 4ten u. 5ten Jahrh. iv. 1. 35a SE( ON/ t KiHlOD.—DlV. :.— A. D. 324-451. Isidore, al.bot of "Pelu«.uin (f 440)," had no effect upon him ;'" but listening only to clie promptings of revenge he proceeded to condemn Nestor without waiting for the arrival of the eastern bishops." When they arrived, however, they assembled with J6pov aal 0eo0iXovf ^Judvvov, ovtus iiTidviiEl navx^aaadaL Kal oiroc, eI kol Tftkii ruv Kpivo/iEviov ian to Sidfopov. Cf. lib. i. Ep. 370. Concerning: Isidore's own doctrine see Niemeyer, 1. c. p. 173, ss. 22, s. Vater in the kirchenhist. Archiv. 1825. S. 248, tt'. s' The sentence may be seen in Mansi, iv. 1212 : 'O plaa^rjiniBEl^ Toivvv Tzap' airov Kvptog r/fiuv 'Ij;oovf Xpiaroc upiBE Sid r^f irapovaij; uyiuTdTTig amoSov, uMorpiov slvai Tbv airov NEaropiov tov kircaKOTZttcov d^t(jfiaTo^, Kat TravTOQ <7vXX6yov IspaTtKOv. The Egyptian party (oomp. the decisions p. 1139, ss.) thought they had in their favor the ex- press words of the Nicene creed, namely, Beov — hiavdpoTryaavTa, TradovTOt etc. Snbse- quently, the adherents of Caelestius and Pelagius. were often condemned with those of Nestorius, without express notification of their doctrine. See Mansi, iv. 1320, 1328, 1334, 1338, 1472, 1474. =8 From the epistle of Epiphanius, archdeacon of Cyril, to Maximinian the new bishop of Constantinople (Mansi, v. 987. Theodoreti Opp. ed. Schulzo, v. 869), it is clear that many presents were sent from Alexandria (eiXoyiOf) to the empress, her ladies, and influential courtiers. Clerici, qui hie sunt, contristantur, quod Ecclesia Alexandiina nndata sit hujus Qausa turbelae, et debet praeter ilia, quae hinc transmissa sunt, Ammonio Comiti auri libras mille quingentas. CHAP. 1I.->THE0L0GY. III. § 88. NESTORIAN UONTROV£RS]f. 35S his zeal by also attacking the 'writings of Theodore of Mqpsues- iia^ so much valued in the east, as the proper sources of Nestor's error. Even John made peace with Cyril (433). The latter ac- commodated himself so far as to subscribe the Antiochene con- fession of faith f^ the former sacrificed liis friend Nestor. The 29 See Mansi, v. 305 (it was the creed put forth by Theodoret in Ephesus, and presented to the emperor by the Oriental party. Synodicon, c. 17 ap. Mansi, v. 783, comp. Alexandri Epist. ad Theodoret. in Synod, c. 9G, ibid. p. 878): 'Ofioloyov^ev Totyapovv rbv Kvpiov T/fiUfv 'lyaovv XpicTov, Tov vlhv Tov deovi rbv fiovoyev^, dehv riXecov Koi avdpQTVOV TiTuEiuv EfC ipvxfjc ?.oytK7Jc ^«i aufiarog' rrpb aiuvuv fi^v kn tov narpbg yevvTjdkvTa Karil t7}v &£6TijTa, kit' Effx^TOiv 6i rcJv 7)(iepC>v rbv avrbv 6C iifidCi Kal dia ttjv ypteripav GuTTjplav kK 'M.aplag rfjc irapBevov Kard. ttjv ai^BpwjToTTjTa • bfioovfftov rCt izaTpl tov avTov KaTu ttjv deoTTjTa, Kal ofioovaiov 7)fuv KaTu, ttjv uvdpuiroTijTa- Svo yap tpvaeov ivuaig yiyovs' 6tb iva XptGTov, iva vlbv, ^va Kvpcov dfioXoyovfiEv. Karu TavTTjv ttjv ttjc davyxvTov ivo>cEC}g kvvotav op.o'koyovfJ.Ev ttjv aylav irapdivov BeoTOKov, SlcI Td Tbv Bebv Xoyov aapnudrjvac Kal kvavdpDTt^cai, Kal k^ avTfjc ttjc ffvAZ^i/jeajf kvCxjat iavT(J tov k§ avTyc ^.TjtpdivTa vaov ' Tag 6t evayyeTiLKug Kal UTroaTo'XiKuc "^^pi tov Kvplov (jxjvuc, lafiev Tovg 6EO?.6yovg avdpag, Tag filv KotvoTzoiovvTag, (I)g k(p' kvbg ^npoauTrov, Tug 6i ScatpovvTag, C)g iTzl 6vo (pvoEuv Kal Tag fiiv dsoTTpETVELg KOTO. TTjv OeoTTiTa TOV XpiffTOVy Tag 6i TUTTEtVUg KaTu. TTJV avOpoTToTTjTa avTOv napadtSdvTag. Many Egyptians were dissatisfied with this formula. Liberatas Breviar. c. 8 : Culpaverunt Cyrillum, cur susceperit ab orientalibus Episcopis duarum confessionem naturarum, quod Nestorius dixit et docuit. To this must . be referred Isidorilib. i. Ep. 324, ad Cyrillum, because the latter has been taken into the Synodicon (Mansi, v. 759) : X/?^ ffe, davfiuatE, utpetttov fiivEcv dsl, ovte ^6^(±> 7rpo6c66vTa Tu ovpavLGj OVTE cavTL) kvavTLOv (paivo/ZEVov. eI yap to, vvv ysypa^fiiva cot Tolg Trpori- poig uvTE^ETdffEiag, y KoXaKEiag (pavTJa-^ VTievdvvog, evx^P^lo.^ V ^co-KOvog, KEvfjg pciv do^Tjg TjTTufievog, Tuv fisydTiuv 6^ dyiuv ddXijTuv Tovg dyuvag ov (iifiTiadfiEvog, o\ tov drravTa l3lov ^tt' dX?i,OTpiag KaKOVx^ladat ini/iEtvav, tj KaKodo^ov ^povr^a kuv fi^XP'-^ utuv eladi^- aadat. Against such charges Cyril defends himself at greatest length in the Epist. ad Acacium Episc. Melitenae (0pp. v. iii. 105. Mansi, v.* 310 : besides in Epist. ad Eulo, gium Presb. Constantinop. (0pp. v. iii. 123), ad Rufum Ep. Thessalonic. and ad Maximum Diac. Antioch. (in Maji Scriptt, vet. nova coll. viii. ii. 138). In the two latter he confesses he had accommodated himself to the prevailing notions. The orientals accordingly per- ceived in the adoption of that confession of faith a retraction on the part of Cyril. SefiETSpov ^iyeOoQ, kol rrjg avK0(pavT0Vfziv7]C ^<^a^ H-'^do/iEvov, koi r^f dlTOUToTilK^^ TXpOfiridovyLEVOV TitUTEUq. 5 He appears as an assistant of Cyril against Nestorius in Epiphanii Epist. ad Moxi- mianum above, $ 88, note 28. ^ The acts of this synod are in the acta of the council of Chalcedon, actio i, ap. Mansi. \*i. 649, ss. Eutyches complains, p. 700, that he has been accused of saying, 5ri ys 6^ ki Qipavov T7/V adpKa 6 &eb^ },6yQg KaTEvyvox^v, (if avToc dvEvQvvoq rvyx^vm ryt; rotovrj/f CHAP. IL— THEOLOGY. III. $ 89. EUTYCH[AN CONTROVERSY. 35V not only approved of this proceeding, but in his Epistola ad Fla- vianum ^ gave also a doctrinal development of the disputed point, Tiotdoplac- To the question, p. 741 : 'OfioTioyelg bfioovatov Tui Tzarpl Kara ttjv BeoTT^Ta, Kal djioovGLov Ty fiTjTpl Kard. t7}v uvdpunoTTjTa rov avrov eva vlov rov KVptov iffiuv Itjcovv XpitJTov. He answers : 'EtcelStj 6fio?ioyu) 6c6v fiovj Kal Kvpiov ovpavov Kal y^f, etjf c^fiepov (pvcnoloyelv kfiavrCi ovk ettitpettu. Ofioovatov 6^ ijfitv ^wf vvvovk eIttov ■Kpo TOVTOV, ofioT^oyC). Bqc cqfiEpov oi'K, eIttov to cufia rov Kvplov Kal deov ijfxCiv bfioov- CLOv ?]filv, T^v di ay'iav napdivov 6fio2,oycJ Elvat 7]{uv bfioovaiov, Kal drt i^ avTTJg haap- Kudj] 6 dEog iffiuv. When the remark was made npon this : T^f firjTpb^ opioovatov Tjy.lv ovGTjg-, TtavTug Kal 6 vlbg b/iooVGtog i]fj.LV kurtv, he rejoined : "Ewf ci^fXEpov ovk eIkov kiTEidT] yap cC>(ia Oeov avrb S/jto^-oyut (Trpoc^o^ec"), ovk eIttov aCifta uvdpuTrov to tov 6eov cdfia, hvOpdiTLVov 6^ to aufia, Kal oTt ek TTjg ■Jtapdivov kaapKudr] 6 Kvpiog. eI f^i del eItteIv kK TTJQ irapdivov, Kal bfioovatov i/fj-lv, Kal tovto Tiiyu, Kvpte. To the qaestion, p. 744 : 'OfzoovcFiov, Kal Ik dvo ^vceuv fiETu, ttjv kvavQpuinTjGiv tov Kvpiov ijfiuiv rov kK TTJz Trapdivov TiiysLQ rj ov, he gave the reply in explanation: 'OfioTioyC) kK 6io vv uTTuvTUVj iva Tu /caAwf ixEtv do^av-a I3i(3ata /levoc 6ta tov Kvpiov yfiuv 'Jijc v XptCTov, Kaf EvdoKiav yeyEV7jjj.iva, cjg ye TTETriGTEVKafiEV, tov Oeov koX iraTpbg kv ttj/.v (laTL ay/w. In Socrates, i. c. 9 this passage has been altered. Augustinus de Baptismo contra Donatistas, ii. 3: Q.uis autem nesciat, sanctam scripturam^canonicam — omnibus posterioribus Episcoporum Uteris ita praeponi, ut de ilia omnino dubitari et disceptari non possit, utrum verum vel utram rectum sit, quidquid in ea scriptum esse constiterit: Epis- coporum autem literas — per sermonem forte sapientiorem — et per aliorum Episcoporum graviorem auctoritatem — et per concilia licere reprehendi, si quid in eis forte a veritate deviatum est : et ipsa concilia, quae per singulas regiones vel provincias fiunt, plenarxorum conciliorum auctoritati, quae fiunt ex universo orbe christiano, sine ullis ambagibus cedere : ipsaque plenaria saepe priora posterioribus emendari, qaum aliquo experiment© rerum aperitur quod clausum erat, et cognoscitur quod latebat, sine ullo typho. eacrilegae super- biae, sine uUa inflata cervice an-ogantiae, sine ulla contentione lividae invidiae, cum sancta humilitate, cum pace catholica, cum caritate Christiana, 5 Constantinus Epist. ad Episcopos, qui Cone. Nicaeno non interfuerunt (Euseb. de vita Const, iii. 20, and Socrates, i. 9j says generally : Tlav yap, eI tl d' dv kv roZf uytocc rtjv ETTtCKOTzuv avvedpioLg TrpdTTTjTat, tovto -TTpbg ttjv deiav (SovXtjglv ex^t ttjv dva^opuv. Thus Athanasius places the Concil. Antiochen. a.d. 269, to which his opponents appealed in defense of'their rejection of the term bfioovaiovj on an equality with the Nicene in point of theological authority. De Synodis, c. 43 : J,vyKpovetv fiEV yap TOVTovg Trpbg kKeivovi dizpB'KEg' TTuvTEg yap slat warepef " diaKpiveiv 6e TzaAiv, ug ovtoi {iev nakCtg^ ekelvoi 6i TOVvavTLOv ElpTjKactVf ovx OGLOV ol TzdvTeg yap kKotfiTjdTjcav kv XpLOTu. Oi) xf^O ^^ tl>t?.oveiKecv, ovde tuv avvE%d6vTCiv Tbv dpidfibv cvpLl3d?i/\.Eiv, Iva fiij doKtbaiv ol TpiaKoatoi Tovg k2.dTTovag kniKpyKTEtv' ov6' dv ndXtv tov xP^vov dvafiETpElVt iva /ly doKutCLv oi ■KpoXa^ovTEg dcftavl^EiV Tovg fiETo. TavTa yevofiivovg' ol ndvTEg ydp KaOd TTpoaiprjTai naTEpEQ eIgL 6 Augustinus contra Maximinum Arian. ii. 14, 3 : Sed nunc nee ego Nicaenum, nee tu debes Ariminense tamquam praejudicaturus proferre concilium. Nee ego hujus auc- toritate, nee tu illias detineris : Scripturarum auctoritatibus, non quorumque propriis, led utrisque communibus testibus, res cum re, causa cum causa, ratio cum ratione con certet. CHAP, m.— HIERARCHY. } 91. IMPORTANCE OF THE CLERGY 361 THIED CHAPTER. HISTORY OF THE HIERARCHY. Plauck's Geschiclite der christl. kirchl. Gesellschaftsverfassan^, i. 276. C. RifFel's gesch. Darstellung: des Verhaltnisses zwiscben Kirche u. Staat. Mainz. 1836. 8. i. 114. § 91. GROWING IMPORTANCE OF THE CLERGY. The Christian emperors enlarged the privileges already grant- ed by Constantine to the church and the clergy (Div. L § 56, note 30, ff.), by new tokens of their favor. They released church lands and the clergy from certain civil liaMliHes,^ but by no means from all taxes ;^ gave a legal confirmation to the decisions vi'^hich the bishops pronounced in ecclesiastical affairs,^ and which they also gave as chosen umpires in civil disputes^^ 1 Besides the municipal offices (see Div, I. $ 56, note 30), both the clergy and chnrcb property were freed from the muneribua sordidis and extraordinariis {cf. Cod. Theod. lib. xi. tit. 15, de extraordinariis sive sordidis muneribus and Gothofrediparatitlon), from the metatis (Cod. Th. 1. vii. t. 8, de metatis), the angariis and parangariis {Cod. Th. 1. vii. t. S, de cursu publico, angariis et'parangariis), and finally the immunity of the clei'ici uego- tiantes from the lustralis conlatic (Cod. Th. 1. xiii. t. 1, de lustrali conlatione comp. Hege- wisch Hist. Versuch iiber die rom. Finanzeu, S. 307, ff.). Comp. besides the works cited Cod. Theod. 1. xvi. ii. 8, 19, etc. Comp. Bingliami Origg. eccl. vol. ii. p. 227. Planck, i. 289, ' Constantine had indeed at first, in the year 315, also released the church lands from che tributis ordinariis (Cod. Theod. xi. i. 1), but they were soon after a^'^'ain subjected to this tribute, and when the council of Ariminum (a.d. 359) applied to ConsLuntius, ut juga, quae videntur ad Ecclesiam pertinere, a publica functione cessarent, inquietudine de- sistente, he flatly denied the request, Cod. Theod. xvi. ii. 15. Gratian even subjected the church lands to the extraordinariis coUationibas (Cod. Theod. xi. xvi. 15). So also Theo- dosias, 1. c. 1. 18. Honorius released them from the extraordinaria, 1. c. 1. 21, 29. Theo- dosius IL subjected them again to the angarii.s and parangariis. Cod. Justin, i. ii. 11. Comp. Ambrosii Orat. de basilicis non tradendis haereticis : Si tributum petit Imperator, non negamus. Agri ecclesiae solvunt tributum. Si agros desiderat Imperator, potestatem nabet vindicandorum, nemo nostrum intervenit, etc. Rifiel, i. 153. 3 Euseb. de vita Const, iv. c. 27. See below, note 4. Comp. the law of Honorius a.b 399 (Cod. Theod. xvi. xi. 1) : Cluotiens de religione agitur, Episcopos convenit judicare, caeteras vero causas, quae ad ordinarios cognitores, vel ad usum pablici jaris pertinent, legibus oportet audiri. * Respecting these episcopal arbitration-decisions comp. Div. I. $ 69, note 6. It had been al.ways reckoned unchristian to depart from them, and thus public opinion demanded for them the preference, so that they laid the foundation of an actio rei judicatae. This privilege has been usually ascribed to Constantine, with reference to Eusebius de vita Const, iv. 27 : Toiif tuv kTTiaKOTTiJV opovg rov^ iv uvvodoi^ anot^avOivToc h-ta^Pfxiy'il^hTt 362 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. allowed the clergy to be bound by these judicial decisions, ^ and even put them in cases of discipline under spiritual courts,^ without however conceding to the bishops a civil jurisdiction/ UQ {JLTj k^elvaL rolg tuv hdvuv upxovot, Ttl do^avra TcapaXvetv navrbg yap eivac diKaoTov Tovg UpEtg Tov 6£0v SoKiftUTcpovg ; in which avvodog according to Cone, Carthag. iv. c. 23 (see Div. I. § 69, note 11) is understood of the preshytery. These arbitrations, however- were not pronounced by the collegia, but by the bishop, and by him sometimes committed to individual presbyters and deacons ; by Sylvanua bishop of Troas, even wholly to an honest layman (Socrates, vii. 37) ; see Bingham, vol. i. p. 130 ; and thus that passage appears to refer to the decisions and sentences of the provincial synods. Sozomen i. o. 9 is indeed more distinct: Taiv 6^ 'EniGnoiTuv kTiiKaXeladat ttjv Kplaiv EKerpe^e (Kuv- aravTLvog) rolg ^LKa^ofiivotc, tjv {3ov?iuvTat rovg izoTiiTLKovg apxovrag irapatrelcQaf Kvplav 6^ elvac t7)v avrQv ip7}(})0V, koX Kpurrcd Tjjg tuv vXki^v diKacJTuv, dtjavel irapii TOV BauiTieug k^evexOEiaav eig Ipyov 6^ rd. KpivofiEva uyetv rove apxovrag, koI rovg diaKovovfievovg avTolg aTparc^rag' ufiETaTpeTrrovg re elvai tuv Swoduv rovg 5povc- Still this seems to be only an amplified interpretation of that passage in EuseUius. The oldest law extant on the subject is a.d. 408 (Cod. Justin, i. iv. 8). Honor, et Theod. AA. Theodoro P. P. Episcopale judicium ratum sit omnibus, qui se audiri a Sacerdotibus elegerint : eamque illorum jadicationi adhibendam esse reverentiam jubemus, quam vestris deferri necesse est potestatibus, a quibus non licet provocare. Per judicnm quoque Officia, ne sit cassa episcopalis cognitio, definition! executio tribuatur. Cf. Angustin. in Psalm XXV. § 13 (about 415) : Principes saeculi tantum detulerunt Ecclesiae, ut quidquid in ea judicatum faerit, dissolvi non possit. But as a like privilege was granted to the Jewish patriarchs as early as 398 (Cod. Theod, ii. i. 10), we may fairly assume that the Christian bishops also were earlier possessed of it. H. M. Hebenstreit Hist, juris dictionia ecclesiasticae ex legibus utriusque codicis illastrata, diss. iii. Lips. 1773, ss. 4. B. Schil- ling de Origine jurisdictionis ecclesiasticae in causis civilibus. Lips. 1825. 4. C. F. A. Jungk de Originibus et progressu episcopalis judicii in causis civilibus laicomm usque ad Justinianuni. Berol. 1832. 8. 5 Cone. Carthag. iii. anu. 397, c. 9 : Item placnit, ut quisquis Episcopomm, Presbyter- orum, et Diacouorum, seu Clericoram, cum in Ecclesia ei, crimen fuerit intentatum, vel civilis causa fuerit commota, si relicto ecclesiastico judicio, publicis judiciis purgari voluerit, etinmsi pro ipso fuerit prolata sententia, locum suum amittat, et hoc in criminali judicio. In civili vero perdat quod evicit, si locum suum obtinere voluerit. Cui enim ad eligendos judices undique patet auctoritas, ipse se indignum fratemo consortio judicat, qui de universa Ecclesia male sentiendo de judicio seculari poscit auxilium, cum privat- crum Christianorum causas Apostolus adEcclesiam defen*i, atque ibi terminari praecipiat. Cone. Chalced. c. 9 : Et Tig, K^TjptKog Trpbg kTltjplkov irpdyfia ix^t, firj KaTaXifiiravETU rbv olKEtov 'Ettlgkottov, Kal tTTi KOGfiiKai6p6T7}TOC irridovrff, ^ uizodovTEg wf otKela riX rov Oeov. On the other hand, Valentiniani I. lex a.d 370, ad Damasum Episc. urbis Rom. {Cod. Theod. xvi. ii. 20) : Ecclesiastic!, aut ex Eccle- siasticis, vel qui continentium se volunt nomine nuncupari, viduarum ac pupillarum domos non adeant: sed publicis exterminentur judiciis, si posthac eos adfines earura vel propiu- qui putaverint defe^endos. Censemus etiam, ut memorati nihil de ejus mulieris, cui se privatim sub praetextu religionis adjunxerint, liberalitate quacunque, vel extremojudicic possint adipisci, et omne in tantum inefiicax sit, quod alicui horum ab his fuerit derelictum. ntnec per subjectam personam valeant aliquid, vel donatione vel testaraento, percipere, etc. On this subject Jerome Epist. 34 (al. 2) ad Nepotianum : Nee de lege conqueror, sed dcdeo cur meruerimus banc legem. Cauterium bonum est sed quo mihi vulnus, ut indigeam cauterio? Provida severaque legis caatio, et tamen nee sic refraenatur avaritia. Comp. the laws of Theodosius II. 1. c. 1. 27 and 28. " In a one-sided way Atbanasius Hist. Arian. ad Monacbos, c. 78, designates only the Meletian clergy as ol (liv h^ eISuXuv iWovTcg, ol 6^ kK rov l3ov2.EVTJjplov, Kal ttjc irpuTTjr •KOALTELa^, dia ttjv Ta7\.ai7r(j)pov aXeirovpyTiaiav koI TrpouTaalav. Basilius Ep. 54, blames his country bishops on account of their subservience to men, rwv TrXei'arwv ^6,5(j r^j- OTpaTo?.oylag EhTrotovvrv Trpof uX^tjXov^ narii dta^opov^ ;^;(jpaf, old tl^ KOLvb; imoKOiTOi ix 8eov KaBeaTa/j-ivoc, (tvvoSov; tQv tov Beov ?,ciTovpyuv avvcnpoTti. Constant. Epist. ad Syn. Tyriam (ibid. iv. 42): 'kTziaTEiXa Trpb; ov; il3ov?.-^8iiTE Tuv kTTKjKOTTuVt iva TzapayevofiEVOL, KocvuvyuQatv vfiiv tqv tjjpovTta/xuTuv ' uTrioTEtXa Aio- vvatov TOV unb vnaTLKUv, 6f ital^ roiif b^Ei^ovTa^ Eig ttjv uvvodov dipCKEffdai ixeO' iifiuv iiro/ivTiaEi, aal tuv irpaTTOiihuv, i^aipETug 6i tt;^ trirafiaf KaTaaKOTo; napiaraf iav yap Tc;, (if iya ova olofiai, ttjv ^/iETEpav keIevciv koX vvv SiaKpovaandai nEipufievoc, CHAP. III.— HIEBAECHY. § 92. PEPENDENCE ON THE STATE 3C9 decrees. ° But when the controversy was not terminated by this means, as usually happened, the emperors were often led by political, often by religious motives, often by court cabals, to step in with new decisions, sometimes taking a middle course, sometimes giving the superiority to the party formerly con- demned.' The party favored by the emperor then appeared to look upon the civil power as exercised only for the protection of the church,'" and none but the defeated maintained that mat- ters of faith should not be submitted to the emperor's decision, but to the bishops. '^ Besides these great party questions, individuals among the clergy had also many particular cases in which the interference of the emperors was solicited, although councils soon forbade urj (3ov2.i]6^ Tzapayeviadat, ivreWev trap' i/fiijv a-KOuraT^^ffeTac, 6f iic (3a(jc?.LK0v -rrpoa- rayaavoc ci-vrbv kKfiaT^iiv (1)^ ov irpocfiKEV bpot^ avTOKparopog virip r^f u?iydeCa^ k^- Evuxdtlciv uvTtTEiveiv, didd^ec. The emperor gave fall powers to the tribune Marcellinua to decide the Gontroversy between the Catholics and Donatists, a.d. 411. See Gesta Collationis Carthaginensis diei 1. c. 4 {annexed to Optatns Milev. ed. du Pirx, p. 247) : Cui quidem disputationi principe loco te judicem volumus residere, omneraque vel in congre- gandis Episcopis, vel evocandis, si adesse contemserint, curam te volumus sastiuere, ut et ea, quae ante mandata sunt, et quae nunc statuta coguoscia, probata possis implere solertia: id ante omnia servaturus, ut ea quae circa catholicam legem vel olim ordinavit antiquitas, vel parentum nostrorum auctoritas religiosa constituit, vel nostra serenitas roboravit, novella subreptione submota, Integra et inviolata custodias. Comp. Fuch's Bibl. der Kirchenversammlungen, Th. 3, S. 166. » Epist. Cone. ii. oecumen. (Constantinop. ann. 381) ad Theodosium Imp. (Mansi, iii. p. 557) : Aeofieda Totvvv r^f cyg TjfispoTTjTog ypufiaarc r^f cnjc EVG€0lag kiriKvpud^vaL rfic avvoGov 70V tI/7)(J)OV • cv^ (jffTrcp rotg ttjc KXytreut; ypdfifiuGt tj]v tKK?LTjalav TETiiirjKag, oiirot Kai TLtv 6o^dvT(jv k-Kity^paytaT^g to Ti'Kog- Cf. de Marca de concord. Sac. et Imp. lib. ii. c.lO, 5 10, ss.lib. vi.o. 22. 9 Thus Athanasias Hist. Arian. ad Mon. c. 33, puts into the mouth of Constantius, in reply to the bishops assembled in Milan (355) these words : "Onep ^yu (3ov?,o/iai, tovto Kavuv vo/nc^eado) ' ovto) yup fiov "kiyovrog ai^£;i;ovrai ol Tyc ^vpCag Xeyofievoi. ETrtanoTTOt. rj TOLVVV 'KetaQlJTE^ y KOC Vfislg VIZEpopiOC yEVTjOEGdE. 10 To the Donatists, who reported the imperial decisions with the words (Optatus Milev. i. 22) : Q,uid Christianis cum Regibus ? aut quid Episcopis cum palatio 1 and (ibid. iii.3): Quid 'est Imperatori cum Ecclesia? Optatus replies (I.e.): Non Respubli'ca est in Ecclesia, sed Ecclesia in Republica est, i. e., in Imperio Romano.^-Cum super Imperatorum non sit nisi solus Deus, qui fecit Imperatorem, dura se.Donatus super Imperatorem extoUit, jam quasi hojninum excesserat metas, ut prope se Deum, non horainem aestimaret, non reverendo eum, qui post Deum ab hominibus timebatur. ^' Hosii Epist. ad Constantium (in Atbanasii Hist. Arianorum ad Monachos, c. 44) : M^ ridEi aeavTov Elg Ta iKK^ijdiaanKd, liTjSi ov ■KEpl tovtuv ri/ilv TrapaiCE?.EV0v ■ dXAi /lu^.'Xov Trap' ijfiCiV ah fidvdavE ravTa. aol (iaGiTieiav b dEog kvEXEtptffEV, tjiuv tu ttj^ iiciiKriaiag iniaTEvaE. Kal aoTEp b Tyv ci/v dpxvv vkokKctttuv uvrMyet rCy diara^a/iiva Sea ■ oiiTu (polSr/djin, jiTj Kal av ra rijc iKKXT/aiac e/f iavTov iAKUv inevdwog iy/cXinian fiEydXu yEVTj. So, too, Athanasias, lib. cit. in various passages. Leontius I)ishop of Tripolis said to Constantius (Suidas, s. v. Aeovtioc) : Bav/id^u, birug irspa 6i,etteii/ TaxBeif, iripoigiTTiXEipElg, arpananxuv fiEV xai TToAiTiKuv Trpay/idruv nposcTTiKug, 'EinaxoTzoiC 6i nepi tCiv Eig (lovovg 'EnianbTTOvg ijxdvTav SiaTaTTouEvog. VOL. I. 24 370 SECOND PEaiOD.-rDlV. I.— A.D. 324-451. such supplications to the emperor. ^^ The clergy indeed endeav- ored, backed as they were by imperial privileges, to make themselves as 'independent as possible of the oth^r authorities of the state, ^^ but they still acknowledged the emperor to be their highest judge,^* so much so that the Roman bishop rega/ded it a distinction to be judged only by the emperor.^^ None ven- tured to call in question the supreme authority of the emperor, as far as it did not violate the rights of conscience ;^^ and the imperial laws, even when they touched the church, were re- ceived by the* bishops with implicit obedience.^^ The great in- fluence exercised by the emperors, partly in filling up the most ^2 Cone. Antioch. ann. 341, c. 12 : Et rif -bno tov Idiov 'EniaKOTrov KadaipeOelg rrpeclSv' repoCf ^ Slukovo^, if Kol 'EniaKoirog vnb avvodov, kvox^V^cit ToXjx'^aEie rug (SacnTiiug aKoag, d^ov kirl fiEt^ova ''ETTtdKOTTDv cvvodov TpeneGdat, kol a vofit^Et dUata ix^iv npoaava^EpcLv TrTteiotJcv tTrtcKoivocg, kol ttjv avruv i^iraalv re Kal kmKptatv kKdEX^ Ty ' k7ie^av6peig. 'ApxcsTl- CHOTTOV TTuffi^f Te klyvTiTov Kal Q7i!3alSog, MapaiuTov re Kal At^iiyf,' 'A/i/ioviaKiii Mapacu- 7id6<; re Kal HsvTaTroXsoig ix^t-v ttjv ^KK?,,7jGtaGTtK^v diolKr/ffiv. Cf. Clausen de Synesio Hafn. 1831. p. 173. ' Hieronynii ad Pammachiam contra errores Joann. Hierosol. (a.d. 397) c. 15 : Tu qui regulas quaeris ecclesiasticas, et Nicaeni concilii canonibus uteris : — responde mihi : ad Alexandrinum episcopum Palaestina quid pertinet 1 Ni fallor, hoc ibi decemitur, ut Pa- laestinae Metropolis Caesarea sit, et totius Orientis Antiochia. Aut igitur ad Caesarien- sem Episcopum referre debueras— aut si procul expetendum judicium erat, Antiochiam polius literae dirigendae. J74 6EC0ND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. tlie bishop of Ephesus in the Asiatic, and that of the bishop of Caesarea Cappadociae, in the Pontian diocese. In the Thra- cian diocese, Constantinople had become the political capital instead of Heraclea, and as it was also the chief city of the em- _ pire, the power of the bishop of Constantinople, supported by his influence with the emperor, and. the consent of the numerous bishops who were always assembled at court (^avvodog ivSrifiovaa),^ soon extended far beyond the Thracian diocese ; but the degree of power depended very much on the personal relations of the reigning patriarch. Such was the state of things when the second general council (381), approved of those relations be- tween the bishops of one diocese (can. 2), elevated the diocesan synods above the provincial synods so as to be the highest eccle- siastical court (can. 6), and gave the bishop of Constantinople the first rank after the bishop of Rorrie (can. 3).' Thus in the east the bishops of Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, Ephesus, and Caesarea, had obtained an important elevation above the other metropolitans, for they had subjected to themselves the other metropolitans of their dioceses. They received the distinctive names : 'E^apxog, 'Apxieniaiconog,^'' and shortly before the council of Chalcedon, the appellation Ua-pt- ^ Auatolius, bishop of Constantinople, says at the council of Chalcedon, &c.tio iv. (ap. Mansi,-vii. &2) : 2wv^^eia uv^dev neKpuTTjKe, tovc hdrjfxovVTa^ Ty iXEyoKuvvfit^ tto/Ih aycdTUTov^ kiriGKOTZov^, Tjvina nacpog KaXiay, -Kept uvaKV-KTOVTUv TLvdv kKKTiTjaLaa- Tt.KQ>v npayfiaruv avvelvai, koL diarvTTOvv 'iaaaTa, koX airoicpitTeug ugLovv rove 9 Canon II. : Toiif vnip dtolKTjacv emffKoirov^ ral^ iTTEpoptocg ^KKXrfaiai^ fxTj kTTiivai, ^7]di ovyxEEiv Tug kKKTiTjaiag ' aTJkh Karh rovg Kavovag tov fitv 'A?^E^avdpeiag kiriuKO- •Kov rii kv KlyvTTTi^ fibvov oiKovofietv ' Tovg 6^ T-qg 'AvaTO?i^g tTvcffKoizovg tt/v 'Avaro?^7jv fiovTjv dioiKSlv, ifwXaTTop^vuv rCiV kv To2g Kavoai rolg Kara . 'Ninaiav irpea^eloiv j^ ^AvTioxic-iv kKK?,i3 Tuv r^f MoiKijaeug k-mcKdirav kKElvjjg, iirip Tijs ahiag Tuvrrig avyKa- \ov}iiv(jiV* 10 According to the Canon Sardic. vi., every metropolitan is b k^apxog Tyg knapxiuQ' On the other hand, shortly before the council of Chalcedon, the bishop of Antioch is called 6 f.^apxog TfjQ UvaTo'XLKfig iioiKriaE-ug (Cone. Chalcedon. actio xiv.). 'ApxiE^inKOiro; first applied to the bishop of Alexandria, ap. Athanas. Apol. ii. Epiphau. Haer. 68. In the acts of the first council of Ephesus it is very fi-equently given to the bishops of Rome a&d Alexandria. CHAP. 111.— HIEEARCHY. $ 93. IN THE EAST. j7.S apx^jg^^ was apprcpriated to them exclusively. But political re- lations and hierarchical ambition soon altered this arrangement. The bishops of Constantinople, favored by their position, soon gained an influence over the affairs of other dioceses also," which manifested itself decidedly in the neighboring dioceses of Asia and Pontus in particular. ^^ At first, indeed, they m^et with resistance ; but since it was of moment to the emperors* of the eastern Roman empire to make the bishop of their chief city powerful, as being their principal instrument in ruling the church and to make him equal in rank to the bishop of the cap- ital of the western Roman empire, the council of Chalcedon for- mally invested the patriarch of Constantinople with the same rank as the bishop of Rome, the superintendence over those three dioceses, ^'^ and the right of receiving complaints from ail. '^ In the fourth century a name of respect given to every bishop. Gregor. Nazianz. Orat. 20, 32, 41. Gregor. Nyss. Orat. fiinebr. in Meletium. See Suiceri Thes. eccl. ii. 640. First to the higher bishops by Socrates, v, 8, then by Cone. Chalced. 12 .Theodoret. Haer. fab. comp. iv. 12 : NecrdpiOf — tt}^ Kard, KDvaravrivovTroAiv ruv 6pdo66^o)v Kado2.LK7Jc 'EKKTi^jjalag ttjv 7cpoe6ptav TrtarEverai, ovdiv 6i ^rrov kqI ryr ' o'cKovfievTj^ uTrdcT/^. " Comp. Ziegler, 1. c. S. 184, ff. 1* Can. Chalced. 28 (Actio xv. ap. Mansi, t. vii. 369) : Uavraxov rolg t€)v uyluv Tvare Duv 6poic inofievoi, koI tov apriug avayvuadivTa Kavbva ruv pv' d£0 klvov/j-svoi ol pv' BEO^i'kEOTaToi kTriuKOTTOi tu. lea TTpEGlSeia &7revecfj.av tC> TTJg viag 'PufiTjg uyiuTuru dpovuy ehXoyug KplvavTeg, tjjv (^aaLAeia Kal avyK^iTJTi;) Tifnjdeiaav ttoAiv Kal tuv lacjv u.Tzo'kavovGav irpeu^ELuv ry TrpECTlSvTepa QaGiVidi 'V6(JLy (cf. lexTheodos.II. ami. 421, below, $ 94, note 47), kol kv rolg ^KK/iTjaiaa- TLKolg, ug kKeivTjVi fj.eya2,vvEcdac Trpdyfiaat, devTipav fief kKElvTjv vTrdpxovcav Kal CiGTE TOVC TTJg JloPTLK^g, KOL T^g 'KuiaVTJg, Kal TTJg Qp(^KlK7/g dlOlKTJGEUg (ITjTpO'KOMTar fiovovg, ETt (5e Koi Tovg tv Tolg l3apf3aptKolg hTzicKOTZovg tC}V vnoELpTjfiivuv dcotK^CEov XeipOTOvEcadac dno tov TrpoEtpij/iEvov dyiurdTov 6p6vov ryg Kara Kuv.arai'TivovTroAti- uyioTc^TTig iKK%7jaiag' 67j'kad7} iKdoTov fn^TponoXiTov tuv TcpOEcpTj/iepcov dcoLnTJaEuvy (iE~d Tuv ryg kTrapxtag kmaKOTTOiVy x^^P^'^'^'^^^'^'^^^ 'o^T ^Vf kizapxiag EinoKOTiovg, Kadug Tolg dEwtg kovogl (hjjyopEVTai' ;ifeiporoi'£fCF0ai 6i, Kaddg Etp-^rai, rovg fiTjTpo- 7ro?iLTag Tdv irpoEipTjfiivuv dcoiKTJaEuv napu tov KuvaTavTtvovno'kEwg apxt-ETrLGKOKOv, \}ji]((>tafidTuv GVfiv vk' avT^ iiTTianoTruv . — TTEpl nt(rTEug kartv 6 dyuv. — Traptl yvufirjv upxtenttTKonov ov Swdfisda VTroypatpat. And the council allowed them a respite, Can. 30 (Mansi, vii. 372), iixpt<: an XEipoTovfjIiy 6 r^f ' ATiE^avSpiuv upxtETticKonoQ. CHAP. 111.— HIERARCHy. } 91. IS THE WEST. 377 constituted, along with their diocesan synod, the highest court of appeal ih all ecclesiastical matters of the diocese ; while on the other hand they were considered as the highest representa- tives of the church, who had to maintain the unity of the church-universal by mutual communication, and. without whose assent no measures affecting the interest of the whole church could be taken.^° § 94. HISTORY OF THE ROMAN PATRIARCHS,^ AND OP THE HIERARCHY IN THE WEST. Blondel's Work, cited § ^3. 01. Salmasii Ubroram de Primatu Papae pars prima, cum apparatu. Lugd. Batav. ^645. 4. Archibald Bower's History of the Popes, 5 vols. 4to. London. J. G. Rehr's Gesch. des Papstthums. Leipz. 1801, 1802. 2 Th. 8. Planck, i. 624, ff. The bishop of Rome stood pre-eminent above all his brethren at the very commencement of this period, inasmuch as he was bishop of the only apostolic congregation of the west and of the richest church,^ metropolitan of several provinces, viz. the ten 20 Liberati Breviar. c. 4. Q,uod audiens (namely, the heresy of Nestor) Cyrillus Alex- andrinus Episcopus, cui tone dabatur primatus de talibas agendi, venerunt ad eum aliqni de popalo Constantinopolitano, etc. So Entyches at the Concil. Constantinop. (Mansi, vi. 817) avaytvuGKOnivrjc tjjq KaOaipeaeu^^ h-KEnakiaaTo tjjv ayiav cvvodov rov uyiurd- Tov kTrcanQTrov 'PuftTj^, ical 'ATie^avSpeia^ koX 'lepoaoXvfzuv, Kal QsaaakovUtj^. Hence lie complained at the second synod of Ephesus that Flavianus had excommunicated him on his sole authority, KaiToi iiOXkov b^Ei'Xuv Trpb TrdvTuv tol^ upxiepevaiv EKLaTelXaL, oOf Koi knacaXeaaiJ.Tiv, namely, the bishops of Rome and Alexandria (Mansi, vi. 641). Hence ilattery invented for them in the fifth century the title universalis Episcopus (the bishop who has oversight of the entire church), which Oljnupius Episc. Evazensis first givei Dioscurus at the Concil. Ephes. ii. (Mansi, vi. 855), ' Order of succession : Sylvester I., from 314, t 335 ; Marcus, t 336 • Julius I., t 352 ; Liberius, banished 355 ; the Arian Felix, till 358 ; Liberiua returns, 358, t 366 ; Damasus, t 384; Siricius, -t 398; Anastasius I., t 402; Innocentius I., t 417; Zosimus, t 416; Boni- facius I., t 422 ; Caelestinus I., t 432 ; Sixtus HI., t 440 ; Leo I. the Great, t 461. 2 Ammianus Marcellinus, xxvii. c. 3 : Damasus et Ursinus supra humanum modum ad rapiendam Episcopatus sedem ardentes, scissis stadiis asperrime confiictabantur, ad usque mortis vulnemmque discrimina adjumentis ntriusque progressis : quae nee corrigere sufiiciens Juventius (Praef. urbi) nee mollire, coactus vi magna secessit in suburbannm. Et in concertatione superaverat Damasus, parte quae ei favebat instante. Constatque in basilica Sicinini, ubi ritus Christiani est conventiculum, uno die cxxxvii. reperta cadavera peremtorum : efferatamque diu plebem aegre postea delinitam. Neque ego abnuo, osten- tationem rerum considerans urbanarura, hujus rei cupidos ob impetrandum, quod appetunt, omni contentione laterum jurgari debere : cum id adepti, futuri sint ita securi, ut ditentur oblationibus matronarum, procedantque vehiculis insidentes, circuraspecte vestiti, epulas 378 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 321-451. suburbicanan ones,^ and at the same time, on account of his residence in the principal city of the world. The easterns, ac- cording to their political principle, could, not but concede the first place among the bishops, and afterward among the patri- archs, to the bishop of the chief city ; while the westerns esti- mated the dignity of the episcopal seat by another principle,* viz. the grade of its apostolic descent ; and considered the apos- tolic seats as the heads and centers of the whole church.* curantes profusaa, adeo ut eoram convivia regales superent mensas. Q.ui esse poterant beati revera, si raagnitadine arbis despecta quam viciis (conviciis ?) opponunt, ad imita- tionem Antistitum quorandam provincialium viverent : quos tenuitas edendi potandique parcissime, vilitas etiam indumentonim, et sapercilia humum spectantia, perpetuo numini verisque ejus cultoribus ut puroa commendant et verecnndos. Hieronymi Ep. 38 (al. 61), ad Pammachiura : Miserabilis Praetextatus, qui designatus consul est mortuus, homo sacrilegus, et idolorum cultor (respecting him see § 78, note 6, $ 79, note 1), solebat ludens beato papae Daraaso dicere : "Facite me Komanae urbis episcopura, et ero protinus Christianus." Hence the arrogance of the Roman bishops jis the stewards of such rich possessions, complained of even by Jerome Epist, 101, ad Evangelum, see Pseu^o-Augus- tini perhaps Hilarii Diaconi (about 380} Cluaest. Vet. et.Nov. Test, (in August. Opp- 1. iii. P. ii. Append.) Quaest. 101 : Q,uia Romanae Ecclesiae ministri sunt, idcirco honorabiliores putantur, quam apu'd ceteras Ecclesias, propter magnificentiam urbis Romae, quae capot esse videtur omnium civitatum. Si itaque sic est, hoc debent et sacerdotibas suis vindi- care : quia, si ii, qui inferiores sunt, crescunt propter magnificentiam civitatis, quauto magio, qui potiores, sublimandi sunt? ■^ Subarbicaria loca in the versio Prisca of the 6th Nicene canon, see above § 93, note 1. Rufinus Hist Eccl. x. 6, gives this canon aa follows : Et ut apud Alexandriam et in urbe . Roma vetusta consuetudo servetur, ut vel ille Aegypti, vel hie suburbicariaram eccleai- aram Eolicitudi.nem gerat. — Eccles. suburbic. mean, according to Baronius and Bellarmine, Eccl. totius orbic; according to Perroniua, Valeaius, J. Morinua, Natalis Alexander, Ecd. occidentis; according to J. Gothofredas (Conjectura de suburbicariis regionibus et ecclesiis. Francof. 1617), Claud. Salraasius, J. Launojus, the two Basnages, etc., only the four prov- inces which were under Praef. urbi (intra centesimum ab urbe lapidem). On the other hand Jac. Sirmond (Censura Conjecturae anonymi script, de suburb, regg. et eccU. 1618) has justly asserted that the provinces subject to the Vicariua urbis, or the Dioecesis Romae, were, 1. Campania. 2. Tascia et Umbria. 3. Picenum suburbicariam. 4. Sicilia. 5. Apulia et Calabria. 6. Bruttii et Lucania. 7. Samnium. 8. Sardinia. 9. Corsica. 10. Valeria. That these constituted the Roman diocese is also evident from Cone. Sardic. synodiea ad Jnliura P. (Mansi, iii. p. 41) : Tua autem excellens pnidentia disponere debet, at per tua scripta, qui in Sicilia, qui in Sardinia, et in Italia sunt fratres noatri, quae acta sunt et quae definita, cognoscant (cf. S}ti. Arelat. Epist. Div. I. § 68, note ii.). Corap. Au Pin. de Ant. eccl. discipl. p. 87, ss. Zeigler'a Geach. d. Kirchl. Verfassungsformen, S. 113, Anm. The numerous ancient works on this subject are enumerated in Sagittarianae Intrpd. in hiat. eccl. ii. 1233, ss. Fabricii Salut. lux Evangelii, p. 358, ss. * See Canon Constantinop . iii. and Cbalced. xxviii. above $ 93, notoa 9 and 13. ^ The fundamental principle of Augustine is given by Pelagius, i. ad Episcopos Tasciae, A.D. 556 (ap. Mansi, ix. 716 ; also in Agobardus de comparatione utriusque regiminis, c. 2): Beatissimus Au^ustinua dominicae sententiae memor, qua fundamentum Ecclesiae in apostolicis sedibus coUocavit, in schiamate esse dicit, quicumque se a praesulis [Agob. praesulum] earumdem sedium auctoritate vel commanione euspenderit; nee aliam mani- festat esae ecclesiam, nisi quae in pontificibus [Agob. pontificalibus] apostolicarum sedium est solidata radicibus. Hence against the Donatists Augustinus Epist. 43 (al. 162), j 7 : Non de Preabyteria aut diaconibua aut inferion's ordinis clericis, sed de collegis agebatur, CHAP. III.— HIERARCHY. § 94. IN THE WEST. 37y Hencej even according to this principle, Rome stood pre-emi- nent, being a church founded by the two chief apostles, and ths only apostolic community of the west.^ The same need of security which led the bishops of the dio- ceses to unite with one another during the Arian controversy in. the east, procured to bishop Julius of Rome decisions in the synod of Sardica (347),"^ gi^^^^^g t™ "the privilege of appointing qui possent aliorum coUegamm judicio, praesertim apostoHcamm ecclesianim, cansam suam integram reservare. . Idem contra Utteras PetUiaui, ii. 51 : Veioimtamen si omnes per totum orbem tales essentj quales vanissime criminaris, cathedra tibi quid fecit Ecclesiae Romanae, in qua Petrus sedit, et in qua hodie Anastasiua sedet : vel Ecclesiae Hierosoly- mitanae, iu qua Jacobus sedit, et iu qua hodie Joannes sedct, quibus nos in catholica imi- tate connectimur, et a quibus vos nefario furore separastis 1 In connection with these passages the following can only be rightly explained: Contra duas Epp. Pelag. ad Bonifac. Rom. Eccl. Episcopum, i. 2: Communis omnibus nobis, qui fungimur Episcopatus officio {quamvis ipse in ea praeemineas celsiore fastigio) specula pastoralia Epist. 43, § 7 : Ro- mana Ecclesia, in qua semper apostolicae cathedrae viguit principatus. 6 Synodi Sardicensis Epist. ad Julium Ep. Rom. (Mansi, iii. 40): Hoc enim optimum et valde congruent is simura esse videbitur, si ad caput, i. e. ad Peti'i Apostoli sedem do singulis quibusque provinciis Domini referant s'acerdotes. Blondel de la Primauto en I'eglise, p. 106, and after him Bower History of the Popes, i. 192, and Fuch's Bibl^oth. d. Kirchenversamml. ii. 128, look upon these words as interpolated. ■^ On the double originals of the canons of this council, a Greek and a Latin one, see Ballerini de Ant. collect, can. P. i. cap. 5. Spittler in Meusel's Geschichtsforscher, iv. 33. — Can. iii. (from the Dionysiua Exig. cod. can. ap. Mansi, iii. 23) : Osius Episcopus dixit : Quod si aliquis Episcoporum jndieatus fiierit in aliqua causa, et putat se bonam causam habere, ut Iterum concilium renovetur; si vobis placet, sancti Petri Apostoli memorials honoremus, ut scribatur ab his, qui causam examinarunt, Julio Romano Episcopo : et si JTidicaverit renovandum esse judicium, renovetur, et det judices. Si autem probaverit, talem cansam esse, ut non refricentur ea quae acta sunt; quae decreverit confirmata erunt. Si hoc omnibus placet? Synodus respondit : Placet. Can. iv. : Gaudentiua Episcopus dixit: Addendum, si placet, huic sententiae, quara plenam sanctitate pro- tulistis; ut, cum aliquis Episcopus depositus fuerit eorum Episcoporum judicio, qui in vicinis locis coramorantur, et proclamaverit, agendum sibi negotium inurbe Roma: alter Episcopus in ejus cathedra, post appellationem ejus qui videtur esse depositus, omnino non ordinetui-, nisi causa fuerit in judicio Episcopi Romani determinata. Can. vii. (in Graeco v.): Osius Episcopus dixit: Placuit autem, ut, si Episcopus accusatus fuerit, et judicaverint congregatz Episcopi regionis ipsius, et de gradu suo eum dejecerint; si appellaverit qui dejectus est, et confugerit ad Episcopum Romanae ecclesiae, et voluerit se audiri: si justum putaverit, ut rehovetur examen, scribere his Episcopis dignetur, qui in iinitima et propinqua provincia sunt, ut ipsi diligenter omnia requirant, et juxta fidem veri- tatis definiant. Quod si is qui rogat causam suam iterura audiri, deprecatione saa movent Episcopum Romanum, ut de latere suo Presbyterum mittat, erit in potestate Episcopi, quid velit, et quid aestimet. Et si decreverit, mittendos esse, qui praesentes cum Epis- copis judicent, habentes ejus auctoritatem, a quo destinati sunt, erit in suo arbitrio. Si vero crediderit Episcopos sufficere, ut negotio terminum imponant, faciet, quod sapient- issimp consUio suo judicaverit. Comp. de Marca de Concord. Sac. et Imp. lib. vii. c. 3 ; du Pin de Ant. eccl. disc. p. 103, ss. That this privilege was only granted to Julius personally, is shown by Richerii Hist, concill. generall. t. i. c. 3, $ 4. Doubts of the authenticity of the canons of this council, see Mich. Geddes Diss, de Sardicensibus canon., in his Miscell. tract, t. ii. p. 415. Sarpi, in Le Bret's Magazin fur Staaten und Kirchengesch. Th. i. (Ulm. 1771) S. 429, ff. Comp. Le Bret's remarks on the. same point, p. 4:io, ff. 380 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 321-451. judges to hear the appeals of condemned bishops, should he look upon them as well founded. But when the divided choice be- tween Damasus and Ursicinus (366),^ although Valcntinian 1. decided in favor of the former,^ gave rise to a tedious schism which spread into other provinces also, and to the greatest bit- terness between two parties ; Gratian gave Damasus the right of judging in the case of condemned bishops,^" in order that the schismatic clergy might not be at the mercy of worldly, and for the most part as yet, heathen officers. ^^ At the same time the emperor, at the instance of a Eoman synod (378), assured him of the support of the civil power as far as it might be necessary for the bishop's purpose.^^ Both privileges conferred on Julius and Damasus were transitory, as ^well as the relations which gave rise to them.^^ The rights of provincial synods remained 8 Accounts of it \u favor of Damasus, Rufinus Eccl. ii. 10. Hieron. Cbron. ad ami. 3G6. Socrates, iv. 29, in favor of Ursicinus Faustiui et MarceHini libellus precum ad Inipp. in Bibl. PP. Lu^d. V. 637. Comp. Ammiauua Marcellinus, xxvii. 3. See above, note 2. 3 See the imperial edicts in Baronius 368, no. 2; 369, no. 3. ^" So Maximin, a heathen (Amra. Marcell. xxviii. 1), had been enraged, ita ut causa pj cl3ricorum usque- tormenta duceretur (Rufin. H. E. ii. 10). ^' Epist. Romanii Concilii ad Gratian. et Valentin. Impp. a.d. 378 (first published in J. Sirmondi Appendix Cod. Theodos. Paris. 1631. 8, p. 78. Mansi, iii. 624 ap. Constant among the epistles of Damasus as Ep. 6): A principio — statuistia ad redinte^-andura corpus Ecclesiae, quod furor Ursini diversas secuerat in partes, ut auctore damnato, cae- terisque — a perditi conjunctioue divulsis, de reliquis ecclesiamm sacerdotibus Episcopus Romauus baberet examen : ut et de religione religionia pontifex cum consortibus judicaret, nee uUa fieri videretur injuria sacerdotio, si sacerdos nulli nsquam profani judicis, quod plerumque contingere poterat, arbitrio facile subjaceret. 12 The synod (see the epistle referred to in note 11) proposed no new regulation : Statuti imperialis non novitatem, sed firmitudinem postulamua. Hence the following rescript, like the earlier one, referred only to the peculiar relations of the time. In this rescript appended to the epist. already alluded to, Gr. et Val. ad Aquilinum Vicar. Urbis, we find these words, c. 6 : Volumus autem, ut quicunque judicio Damasi, quod ille cum consilio quinque vel septem habuerit Episcoporura, vel eorum, qui catholici sunt, judicio vel con- cilio condemnatus fuerit, si injuste voluerit ecclesiam retentare : ut qui evocatus ad sacer- dotale judicium per contumaciam non ivisset, aut ab lllustribus viris praefectis praetorio Galliae atque Italic, sive a proconsulibus vel vicariis, auctoritate adbibita, ad episcopale judicium remittatur, vel ad urbem Romam sub prosecutione perveniat; aut si in longin- quioribus partibus alicujus ferocitas talis emergent, omnis ejus causae dictio ad Metro- politae in eadem provincia Episcopi dedacatur examen, vel si ipse Metropolitanua est, RomaiQ necessario, vel ad eos, quos Romauua Episcopus judices dederit, sine delatione contendat, ita tamen, ut quicunque dejecti sunt, ab ejus tantum urbis fiuibus segregentur, in quibus fuerint sacerdotea. Minna enim graviter meritos coercemus, et sacrilegam portinaciam lenius quam meretur ulciscimur. Q,uod si vel Metropolitani Episcopi vel f;uju6cunque sacerdotis irtiquitas est suspecta, aut gratia: ad Romanum Episcopum vel lA concilium quindecim Episcoporum finitimorum accersitum liceat provocare : niodo ne post nxamen habitum quod definitum fuerit integretur. ^' Ihat the canons of the council. of Sordica were never applied in practice is si own by de Marfa de Cone. Sac. et Impp libb. vii. c. 11 and 12. CHAP. III.— HIERARCHY. 4 94. IN THE WEST. 381 still inviolate, and their decrees were considered as l)ir. ding even by the bishop of Rome.^* A permanent kind of influence was opened up to the latter by the custom of refen-ing questions about apostolic doctrine and practices to the bishop of the only apostolic and commoi} mother- church,^^ which happened all the more readily^^ as similar ques- tions %vere also referred to distinguished bishops in the east.^^ 1* So Siricina replied (392) to Anysins, bishop of Thessalonica, and to the other bishops •n IlljTiEi, when they had asted advice from bim respecting Bonosus (Siricii Ep. 9, ap. Coustant, erroneonsly given among the epistles of Ambrose, as Ep. 79, and also falsely ascribed to Daraasus, see Coustantii monitum) : Cum hujusmodi fuerit concilii Capuensis judicium, ut finitimi Bonoso atque ejus accusatoribus judices tribuerentur, et praecipue Macedones, qui cum Episcopo Thesssdonicensi de ejus factis vel coguoscerent ; adverti- mus, quod nobis- jadicandi forma competere non posset. Nam si Integra esset hodie synodus, recte de iis, quae comprehendit vestrorum scriptorum series, decerneremus. Vestrum est igitur, qui hoc recepistis judicium, sententiam ferre de omnibus, nee refu- giendi vel elabendi vel accusatoribus vel accusato copiam dare. Vicem enim synodi re- ' cepistis, quos ad examinandum synodus elegit. Ambrose replied to Bonosus : Omnia modeste, patienter, ordine gerenda, neque contra sententiam vestram tentandum aliquid ; ut quod videretur vobis justitiae convenire, statueretis, quibushanc synodus dederat auctorita- tem. Ideo primum est, ut ii judicent, quibus judicandi facultas est data: vos enim totius, ut scripsimus, synodi vice decemitis ; nos quasi ex synodi auctoritate judicare non convenit. ^* Comp.the epistolae canonicae, Div. I. preface to $ 71, as similar ones* were also issued in this period by the Alexandrian bishops, Athanasius, Timothy, and Theophilus, and by Basil the Great, bishop of Caesarea. ^^ But not exclusively, cf. Cone. Carthagin. iii. (ann. 397), c. 48 (Mansi, iii. 891) : De Donatistis placuit, ut consulamus fratres et consacerdotes nostros Siricium (bishop of Home) et Simplicianum {bishop of Milan) de .solis infantibus, qui baptizantur penes eos- dem, num — parentum iUos error impediat, ne provehantur sacri altaris ministri. We have here at the same time a proof of the fact that they considered themselves bound by such opinions, as well as by a decision given by arbiters. -The two bishops had answered in the affirmative ; but when afterward the de'ficiency of priests in Africa made another rule desirable, the Cone. African, ann. 401 (Mansi, iv. 482), resolved previously to send an em- oassy ad transmarinas Italiae partes, ut tarn Sanctis fratribus et consacerdotibus nostris, venerabili sancto fratri Anastasio, sedis apostoHcae Episcopo, quam etiam sancto fratri Venerio, sacerdoti Mediolanensis Ecclesiae, necessitatem ipsam ac dolorem atque inopiam nostram valeat intimare (ex his enim sedibus hoc fiierat prohibitum) : quo noverint com- muni periculo providendum, maxime quia tanta indigentia clericorum est, etc. • 1' Innocentii I. Ep. 25, ad Decentium, a.b. 416, ap. Coustant, ap, Mansi, iii. 1028 : Q.uia enim nesciat, aut non advertat, id quod a principe Apostolorum Petro Bomanae Ecclesiae tradituni est, ac nunc usque, custoditur, ab omnibus debere servari ; nee superduci aut in- troduci aliquid, quod auctoritatem non habeat, aut aliunde accipere videatur exemplum? Praesertim cum sit manifestum, in omnem Italiam, Gallias, Hispanias, Africam atque Siciliam, et insulas interjacentes, nullum instituisse Ecclesias, nisi eos, qucrs venerabilia Apostolus Petrus aut ejus successores constituerint sacerdotes. Aut legant, si in his provinciis alius Apostoloruni invenitur, aut legitur docuisse. Q,ui si non legunt, quia nus* quam inveniunt, oportet eos hoc sequi, quod Ecclesia Romana oustodit, a qua eoa prin- cipium accepisse non dubium est; ne, dum peregrinis assertionibus student, caput instita-. tionum videantur omittere. Ambrose, however, says of the practice of feet-washing, which did not prevail at Rome, but in Milan most probably, de Sacramentis, iii. 1 : In omnibus cupio sequi Ecclesiam Romanam : sed tamen et nos homines sensum habemas : ideo quod alibi rectias servatur, et nos recte custodimua. 882 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.~A,D. 324-451. If it was usual in the latter case, so much the more would it oc- cur in the former, especially as .it was customary before this time to consider the cuiTent laws of Eome as a standard in doubtful cases of civil jurisprudence.^^ Hence the Roman bishops took occasion to issue a great number of didactic letters (epistolae decretales),^^ which soon assumed the tone of apostolic ordinan- ces, and were held in very high estimation in the west, as flow- ing from apostoKc tradition. All these cu-cumstances had the effect of bringing about such a state of things, that in the begin- ning of the fifth century the Roman bishops could abeady lay claim to, a certain oversight of the western church. ^° The eastern bishops, it is true, would not allow the least in- terference of the western in their ecclesiastical affairs. They gave a decided repulse to Julius L, when, at the head of the western bishops, he wished to interfere on behalf of the perse- cuted Athanasius.^^ The fundamental principle of the mutual ^^ Digest, i. tit. 3, 1. /t2 : De quibas causis scriptis legibus non utimur, id custodiri opor- tet, quod moribus et consuetudine inductum est : et si qua in re hoc deficeret, tunc quod proximum et consequens ei est: si nee id quidem appareat, tanc jus, quo urbs Roma utitur, servari oportet. ^^ The first existing decretal is Siricii Epist. ad Himeriam Episc. Tarraconensera, a.d, 385, but it refers to missa ad provincias a venerandae memoriae praedecessore meo Li- berie generalia decreta. The expression epist. ^ecretalis first appears in the so-cfllled decretum Gelasii de libris recipiendis et nop recip. about 500. The original designation is decretum, afterward statatum, or constitutum decretale. Decretum, in the original sources of Roman law, means the decision of a college (decretum Pontificum, Senatus, etc.). So also in the Christian church it denotes the decision of a synod (ex. gr. Cone. Carthag. ann. 397, in fine) or of a presbytery. These decreta are also to be considered as such decisions of the Roman presbytery, or of Roman synods. Comp. Spittler's Ge- schichte des kanon. Rechts bis auf die Zeiten des falschen Isidorus. Halle, 1778. S. 157, ff. '" Innocentii I. Ep. 2, ad Victricium, $ 6 : Si majores causae in medium fuerint devo- lutae, ad sedem apostolicam, sicut synodus statuit, et beata consue'tudo exigit, post judi- cium episcopale referantur. Ejusd. Kp. 29, ad Carthag. Concil. (among Augustine's Epistles, Ep. 181), $ 1 : Patres non humana sed divina decreVere sententia, ut quidquid quamvis de disjunctis remotisque provinciis ageretur, non prius ducerent finiendum, nisi ad hujus sedis notitiam perveniret. The text to which these places refer is Epist. Syn. Sardic. ad Julium above, note 6. That the interpretation extends the sense very much is obvious, doubtless in consequence of the progress and development of new circumstances. 2^ The syirod of Antioch (341) had first complained to Julius of his conduct in not regard- ing the sentence of the eastern church. Extracts from this letter are foand in Sozomenus, iii. 8. Among other things they had said : ^ipeiv fiiv yap •Kact. (pCkortfilav ttjv ^Vufiaiuv iiitiXTiuLav, 'o>g unoaTdXav ^povriaTi^pLOVj Kal evaE^eiaq fnjTpoiroXiv k^ upxvc yEyEvvij fj.Evr}v. — ov Trapu tovto 6i ra devTEpela ^ipecv y^iovv, on fir} fzeyidec rj/rrX'^dEi kKKXtjciac 7r?i,£ovEKTOvaLV, (jf aptT^ Kal TTpoatpijffEi viKCiVTE^i K. T. 7i. The answer to this Julii I. Ep. ad Syn. Antiochenam (ap. Athanasius Apol. contra Arian. c. 21, ss. Mansi, ii. 1211. CouBtant-Schoenemann, p. 210, ss.) : After having showni the irregularity of the proceed- ings against Athanasius aud Marcellus, he says at the conclusion; E/yap «a£ oAwf, dg ©arc, ^E-vovE Ti ELQ avTovc uuupTjjfia, Wti Kara tov iKK?i.7]ata(jTiKdv Kavova, •ioi uv CHAP. ni.-HlERARCHY. § 94. IN THE WEST. 383 independence of the occidental and oriental church, was univci- sally maintained in the east.^^ Still the period of the doctrinal controversies had a very important influence in promoting the power of the Roman bishop. The speculative questions which split the east into factions excited little interest in the west. On this very account the westerns united very soon and easily in the opinion to be embraced, in which they chiefly followed the bishop of Rome, who was almost the only organ of commu- nication with the east,^^ and by means of whom they also be- ovTuc yeyev^adat Tyv Kpiciv ' iSet ypa(f>7jvac ituglv yfilv, Iva ovTug napa nuvTuv 6ptady TO diKaiov. knioKonoL yap yaav ol T^daxovre^-, koX ovx cd Tvxovcai kKK?i7}ciat al Trdaxovffac, dXV uv avTol ol 'AttoctoIol 6c' iavruv KaOijyijaavTO, ALari 6e Tvepl TT/c 'AXe^avdpciJV kKKTirjata^ (lakKTra ovk i:ypu(l)eTO rjfilv ; 7 dyvoEiTE otc toito Wo^ ^v, Tporepov ypdEG0ac vfj,lv, Tzal oiJTog IvOev dpl^eadat ra d'tKaia ; El fiev ovv tc toiovtov 7}v vnoTZTevdiv elg tov kTriaKoirov tov iKel, idei Trpof r^v ivravda eKKTiriciav ypa^^vai. Julius, therefore, did not pretend to pronounce judgment on Athanasius and Mai'cellus alone, but in conjunction with all the bishops {comp. below, note 26). This demand grew out of the western notions respecting; the superior dignity of the bishops of apostolic com- inunities (see above, note 5), as those two were. See de Marca de concord. Sac. et Imp. lib. vii. 0. 4, $ 2, 6, ss. On the other hand the orientals reply in the epist. synodalis Sar dicensis (Philippopoli habitae) ad Donatum {in Hilarli Fragm. lib. ii. ap. Mansi, iii. 136) : Hanc novitatem moliebantur inducere, quam horret vetusconsuetudo ecclesiae, ut in con- cilio orientales Episcopi quidquid forte statuissent, ab Episcopis occidentalibas refricare: tur: similiter quidquid occidentaliam partium Episcopi, ab orientalibus solveretur. Sed hoc ex illo suo pravissimo sensu tractabant. Verum omnium conciliorum juste legitimiquc actorum decreta firmanda, majorum nostrorum gesta consignant. Nam in urbe Roma sub Novato et Sabellio et Valentino haereticis factum concilium, ab Orientalibus confirmatum est: et iterum in oriente sub Paulo a Samosatis quod etatutum est, ab omnibus est signa- tum. — Nos vero nuUi injuriam facimus, sed legis praecepta servamus. Nam injuriati et male tractati sumus ab iis qui volebant ecclesiae catholicae regulam sua pravitate tur- bare : sed ante oculos habentes timorem Dei, judicium Christi, verum et justum conside- rantes, nuUius personam accepimus, neque alicui pepercimus, quo minus ecclesiasticam disciplinam servaremus. Unde Julium urbis Romae, Osium et Protogenem, et Gauden- tium efMaximinum aTreveris damnavit omne concilium secundum antiquissimam legem': Juliam vero urbis Romae*, ut priricipeni et duoem malorum, qui primus janiaam commt;- nionis sceleratis atque damnatis aperait, ceterisque aditum fecit ad solvonda jura divina. defendebatque Athanasium praesumentur atque audaciter, hominem, cujua nee testes no- verat, nee accusatores. • =^2 Constantii Imp. Ep. ad Syn. Ariminensem, a.d. 359 {ap. Mansi, iii. 297) : Non enim de orientalibus Episcopis in concilio vestro patitur ratio aliquid definiri. Proinde super his tantum, quae ad vos pertinere cognoscit gravitas vestra, tractare debebitis. — Q,uae cum ita sint, adversus orientales nihil statuere vos oportet, aut si aliquid volueritis contra eosdem praedictis absentibus definire, id quod fderit usurpatum irrito evanescet eiFectu. At the Concil. Aquilejense, ann. 381, Palladius being accused of Arianism, replied (Mansi, iii. 602) : Absentibus sacerdotibus nostris nos repondere non possumus. Ambrosius Epis- copus dixit : Q,ui sunt consortes vestri 1 Palladius dixit: Orientales Episcopi. — Of. Leo AUatius de Eccles. occid. et orient, perp. consens. lib. i.e. 10. Concerning the appeals ffom the east to Rome, see de Marca de Concord. Sac et Imp. lib. vii. c. 6-10. Du Pin de .^nt. eccl. discipl. p. 156, ss. . 23 Augustin. contra Cresconium, iii. 34: Ad Carthagmis Episcopum Romano praeter- miESO nanquam oHentalis catholica scribit. 384 SECOND PEEXOD.— DIV. I— A.D. 424-451. came acquainted with its controversies. Thus in all these con- troversies the west stood united and steadfast, with the bishop of Rome at its head, in contrast with the east split into parties and wavering; and when matters came to a final decision, it turned the scale in the balance of parties, when merely as a heavy weight. This phenomenon, which was constantly reap- pearing, was first manifested in the final victory of the Nicene faith. When these doctrines began to spread in the east like- wise, under Valens, it is true the new Nicene orientals could not entirely unite with the west, and believed that they had much reason to complain of the arrogance of the westerns f^ but yet the west was their only stay and support in opposition to all other parties. And though the council of Constantinople (381), afterward arranged the affairs of the oriental church without any reference to the west, and even openly took the part of the Miletians, whom the occidentals had rejected f^ though not long after the interference of the Italian bishops, in the matter of the rival bishpp of Constantinople, Maximus, was entirely disre- garded ;^° yet it could not but be seen, that in the great theolog- ical question of the day occidental steadfastness had obtained the victory over the wavering east. But whatever influence tlie west gained in the east, it gained only for the reputation of the Roman bishop,^'' who, at the head of the west, was the only ^* Basil respecting the dvTiKTj dpcftitg above, 5 83. note 34. ^^^ See above, $ 83, note 34. " Epist. ii. Concilii Italiae ad Theodos. Imp. (prim. ed. in J. Sirmondi app. Cod. TUeod. p. 105, ap. Mansi, iii. 631): B/evera advertebamus, Gregorium nequaqnam secundum ira* ditionem patrum Constantinopolitanae ecclesiae sibi sacerdotium vindicare. — At eo ipso tempore, qui generale concilium declinavenmt, Constantinopoli quae gessisse dieuntur. Nam quum cognovissent, ad hoc partium veuisse Maximum, ut cansam in synod(5 ageret suhm, quod etiamsi indictum concilium non fuisset, jure et more'majorum, sicut et sanctae memoriae Athanasius, et dudum Petrus Alexandrinae ecclesiae episcopi, et orientalium plerique fecerunt, ut ad ecclesiae Komanae, Italiae, et totius Occidentis confugisse judicium videruntur; — praestolari utique etiam nostram super etJ sententiam debuerunt. Non praerogitavam vindicamus examinis, sed consortium tamen dcbuit esse communis arbitrii. — Nectarium autem cam nuper nostra mediocritas Constantinopoli cognoverit ordinatum, coha;erere communionem nostram cum orientalibus partibus non videmus. — Nee videmua eani pOsse aliter conv'enire, nisi aut is reddatur Constantinopoli "qui prior est ordinatu, aut certe super duorum ordinatione sit in urbe Boma nostrum orientaliamque concilium. The*0nental8 replied to this in the Synodica Cone. Constautinop. ann. 383 ad Occidentales (ap. Tbeodoret, v. c. 9) : TXepl (5^ rav oIkovo/uov tuv Karh jiepog h raig iKK?i.ijaiat;, ffoXaiof re, (if iare, Bea/ib; KexpariiKs, xal tuv iiyiav iv NiKalf Traripuv ci,'jof, KaO' hdarriv knapxiav tovc t^c inapxlag — noietadac T(if 3;etpoTbi';'af. 0/f iiKo- hiidu; — rij; iv VLavaTavTivovizb'Xei — hnKKriaiai — NsKTapiov lirtaxorrov Kex^iporoviJKO- mv.—oli (if httiapiui aaX KavovtKur nap' ii/ilv KtKpaTrjKoai, koX ttjv iiieripav avyxatpem r rpaKalov/icv eihijSeiav. ' The Konv^alor tCiv Hvtikuv, } S3, note 20, comp. Theod. xvi. 1, 3, J 83, note 3i. CHAP. Ill —HIERARCHY. $94. IN THE WEST. 3S6 ©rgan of direct communication with the east. From this time forth there was no important ecclesiastical controversy in the east in which each party did not endeavor to gain over the bish- op of Rome, and through him the west, to its side,^^ for which purpose both flatteries were applied, and a presumptuous tone submitted to.^® At the councils, his legates were treated with peculiar deference. Chalcedon was the first general council where they presided.^" As the west was accustomed to estimate the dignity of the episcopal seat according to its apostolic derivation,^^ and since the decrees of the council of Sardica imparted certain privileges to the Roman see out of deference to the apostle Peter ; so also the Romish bishops derived all their claims to distinction from the position that they were the successors of Peter. ^^ At the same time, they opposed the opinion universally adopted in the east, that they and the other patriarchs owed their elevation merely =*" Socrates, ii. 8, says that there was no Roman legate at the council of Antioch KacTOt Kavovof iKKXijaiaoTtKov KeXevovTog, firf 6eiv Trapd. ri)v yvufiTjv rov kirtaKonov "PufiTj^' raf kKK.\r}Uia^ Kavovt^eiv. He borrows this sentence expressly, ii. 17, from Julii Ep. ad Syn. Antioch. (see above, note 21), and therefore found it in these words of his • tovto Woq ^Vf TzpoTEpov ypd^eodai Tifuv, Kol ovtuc ev6ev dpl^eadai t^ ditcata^ in which Sozomen, iii. 10, also finds too much when he gives as its sense: elvai yap vofiov lepartKdv. '.'i* aKvpa u7T0^f Trpuru, og Kal ^/co^elro b dde^^of tov Kvpiov. Chrysostomus Horn. 23, in Acta Apost. cap. xv. praises James in allowing Peter and Paul to speak fest, though himself t^v dpx^ syKEX^ipiafilvo^. In the irpoa^uvr/ai; iirip ruv TTttTTdv Constitntt. Apostol. viii. c. 10, the prayers for the three moat distinguished bishops follow each other in this order : 'TffJp roii iirLCKoirov ^fiCiv 'Ia)tcj/3ov xal tuv TrapoiKiav avTov ieijddfiev • iirip tov iirwKdiTcni ri/iuv K/l^/j£vrof Kal rdv ■napoiKiuv airov dsri6u- liev ' vnip tov kiziOKd'TTOV ijfidv "Evodcov Kal tuv TzapocKiuv avTOv dsijdufiEV. " Juvenalis Episc. Hieros. in Cone. Ephes. act. iv. (ap. Mansi, iv. 1313); 'Exp^v niy CHAP, ni.— HIERARCHY. J 94. IN THE WEST. 389 the external insignificance of this see little stress could be laid on these claims, especially since the authority of churches gen- erally, in the east, was not determined according to their origi- nal importance, but the political rank of the cities in which they existed.^^ High as was the dignity which the Roman bishops enjoyed in the west, their influence was yet very different in the differ- ent provinces. They had the full rights of patriarchs only in the diocese of Rome. In the dioecesis Italiae, the bishop of Mi- lan exercised quite independently of them a hierarchical power similar to that of the patriarchs ; in addition to whom the bish&p of Aquilei a also," and at a later period the bishop of Ravenna,^* raised themselves to the rank of more independent liierarchs. In the mean time, the Roman bishops, by a skillful use of opportuni- ties, succeeded in attaching JE'ast Illyria to their patriarchate.*^ During the Arian disputes, Illyria had belonged to the western empire, and the Illyrian church had continued true to the Ni- cene council," attaching itself to the bishop of Rome for its de- fense, as did the whole west. When, therefore, Gratian, a.d. 379, divided Illyria, and annexed Illyricum orientale to the eastern empire, the bishops of East Illyria, who had for so long a time maintained no communion with the cast, could not have nmch inclination to attach themselves ecclesiastically to the 'ludvVTjv Tov evT^afSeararov kmano-Kov 'Ayrio;^;Etaf — tov anoffro/UKov dpovov avvedpev- ovra TjfiLV r^f fiEyakric; 'PufiTj^ TLixyaaL, Kol tu> unoaToTiiKG) r^f 'lepoaoTivfiuv uyla^ -ov 6eov iKKT^Tjclac VTraaovaat, Trap' u iialiara tflof avTov tuv 'XvTWxei->v dpovov i^ aito- aro'kiKTjz UKoTiovdla^ kqX 'Kapadooeur; Idiiveudat. Kal Trap' avToi SiKu^effdac, (In the editiors TtfiTJaai is erroneously placed after viranoiJaaL.) *2 Even Dioscurus sought to elevate the see of Alexandria by appealing to St. Mark. Theodoretus Ep. 86, ad Flavianum Ep. Constantinop. : 'Avu Kai kutu tov fiaKaplov M.dpKov TOV dpovov ■KpoiiakXeTai ■ kol TavTa aa(pu>g fidtjf, oif tov /leydT^v JliTpov tov dpovov 7j 'A.VTL0X£0)V fiEy 0)^61: o'Xl^ ^X^h Of Kal Tou fiaKaptov MdpKov diJaff/caXof yv, Kal TOV xopov TUV 'ATTOffro/lwv TTpuTO^ Kal Kopvipalo^. 'AXa' i]fiElg TOV fi^v dpovov TO VTpO^ tTZLOTdjiEda, kavTovg (S^ Kal yivdiGKOfiev Kal fiETpovfiev- ttjv yap uizo(7to?iIk^v rcTret vo(ppo(7VVT]v dvudev fiefiad^Kafiev- *^ J. F. B. M. de Rubeis Monumenta Ecclesiae Aquilejensis. Argentinae. 1740. fol. c. 19 et 20. Ziegler's Gesch. d. Kirchl. Verfassungsformen, S. 321, ss. ** Since, Honorius, fleeing from the Goths, had transfeiTed his residence to Ravenna, Zosimus, V. 30. ** See especially Baluzius in de Marca de Concord. Sac. et Imp. v. c. 19, c. 29, and Boehmer's Appendix observ. 15, sS. *^ When Theodosias was baptized (380) by Ascholius, bishop of Thessalonica, Sozom. vii. 4 : "Had-rj 6^ Ocodoo'tof) Kal *lX?ivpLotg airaai firf fiETaaxovai tov 'Apziov 66^7]q' ■mviiav6fi£vo<; 6i Tzepl tuv dXXuv kdvuv, pi^XP^ f^^^ Ma/cetJdvwv iyvo raf *^KK^fi<7la(^ i/wvo€lv, — evTEvdev dc Td Trpof £(j CTaoid^etv, k. r. A. 390 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I— A.D. 324-451. east, during the strife of parties by "vvhich it was then distin- guished ; while the bishop of Thessalonica, the ecclesiastical head of East Illyria, must have been averse to a union of this kind, which would have made him subject to a superior so near, viz. the bishop of Constantinople. Under these circumstances, it was easy for the Roman bish- ops to persuade the bishop of Thessalonica to exercise the patri- archal rights, in the new prefecture of East Illyria, as vicar of the Roman see. Damasus and Siricius made this arrange- ment ; Innocent I. looked upon it as already fixed." The East Illyrian bishops, indeed, who by this means were entirely at the mercy of the bishop of Thessalonica, remote as they were from Rome, soon found cause of dissatisfaction ; but their attempt to procure the ecclesiastical union of their province with the patri- archate of Constantinople by an imperial law was frustrated.^' Another favorable opportunity for extending their power presented itself to the Roman bishops in Gaul.^^ When metro- politan relations began to be established here at the end of the ^^ Innocentii I. Ep. 13, ad Rufum Ep. Thessal. : Divinitus ergo haec procarrens jji'atia ita longis intervallis disterminatis a me ecclesiis discat (leg. dictat) consulendum, ut pni- deutiae gravitatique tuae committeudam curam causasque, si quae exoriantur per Achajae Thessaliae, Epiri veteris, Epiri novae, et Cretae, Daciae Mediterraiieae, Daciae Bipensis, Mdesiae, Dardaniae et Praevali Ecclesias, Christo Domiuo annuente censeant (leg. cen- seam). — non primitas haec ita statuentes, sed praecessores nosti-os apostolicos imitati, qui beatissimis Ascholio et Anysio injungi pro eomm mentis ista voluenmt. — Arripe itaque, dilectissime frater, nostra vice per_suprascriptas Ecclesias, salvo earum priraatu, curam : et inter ipsos primatus primus, quidquid eos ad nos necesse fuerit mittere, nou sine tuo postulent arbitratn. Ita enim aut per taam experientiam quidquid illud est finietur : aut tuo consilio ad nos usque perveniendum esse mandamus. The relation was similar to the political one of a vicar to his praefectus praetorio (see $ 93, note 5). " Cod. Theod. xvi. ii. 45, and Cod. Justin. I. ii. 6 : Theodosius Aug. Philippo Pf. P. niyrici (a.d. 421). Omni innovatione cessante, vetustatem et canones pristinos ecclesias- ticos, qui nunc usque tenuemnt, per omnes lUyrici provincias servari praecipimus : ut si quid dubietatis emerserit, id oporteat non absque scientia viri reverendissimi sacrosauctae legis antistitis urbis Constantinopolitauae, quae Romae veteris praei-ogativa laetatur, conventui sacerdotali sanctoque judicio reservai'i. At the intercession of Honorius (see Honorii Ep. ad Theodos. Aug. among the letters of Boniface I. ap. Constant Ep. 10) Theo- dosius II. soon after repealed the law (Theodosii Ep. ad Honorium, ibid. Ep. 11) : Omni supplicantium Episcoporum per lUyricum subi'eptione remota, statuimus observari quod prisca apostolica disciplina et canones veteves eloquuntur. It is remarkable that this law is found in two codices, but not its repeal. The Roman bishops were compelled continu- ally to exhort the Illyrian bishops to obey the bishop of Thessalonica, of. Bonifkoii I. Ep 14 ad Episcopos per Thessal., Ep. 15 ad Episcc. per Macedoniam, Achajam, etc. Sixti III. Ep. 7 ad Perigenem Episo. Corinth., Ep. 8 ad Synod. Thessalouicae congregandam Leonis I. Ep. 5 ad Episcc. Metropolitanos per lUyricum constitutos, Ep. 13 ad eosdem. (Leo's Leben, v. Perthel. S. 21.) " Concerning the Vicariatus Arelatensis see de Marca (Baluzius) 1. c. lib. v. c. 3&-c. 41 CHAP, in.— HIERARCHY. $ 94. IN THE WEST. 391 fourth century,^" the political principle of the orientals had ob- tained at first in the distribution of them.^^ The bishop of Aries long endeavored in vain to make the principle of apos- tolic origin tell in his favor in opposition to the oriental princi- ple. At last he applied to Rome. Zosimus, seizing on the op portunity (417), declared Patrodus bishop of Aries his vicai in Gaul, and invested him with metropolitan rights in Viennen- sis, Narbonensis Prima and Secunda.^- The offended metropoli- tans of Vienne, Narbo, and Massiha, refused, however, to accede to this arrangement in spite of all threats ; and when, soon after, the bishop of Aries (418) began to strive after ecclesiastical dominion over the seven provinces (Septimana),^^ of which his city had been made the chief, the Roman bishops also found it their interest to take part with the old metropolitans.^^ Hilary 50 Compare the Ballerini Observatt. ad duesnelli diss. v. P. ii. in Ballerinus's edition of the 0pp. Leonis, torn. ii. p. 1030, ss. Ziegler's Gesch. d. Kirchl.Verfassnngsformen, S.79, ff. *^ Cone. Taurinense, aun. 491 (according to Baronins erroneously ann. 397), can. 2; Ulud deinde inter Episcopos urbium Arelatensis et Viennensis, qui de primatus apud noa honore certabant, a S. SjTiodo definitam est, ut qui ex eis approbaverit suam civitatem esse metropolim, is totius provincia honorem primatus obtineat. ^2 Zosimi Epist. 1. ad Episcopp. Galliae : Placuit apostolicae sedi, ut si quis ex quali- bet GalUarum parte, sub quolibet ecclesiastico gradu, ad nos Homam venire contendit, ve'l alio terrarum ire disponit, non alitor proficiscatur, nisi meti'opolitani Arelatensis Episcopi formatas acceperit. — Cluisquis igitur — praetermiasa supradicti formata — ad nos venerit, eciat se omnino suscipi non posse. — Jussimus autem praecipuam, sicuti semper habuit, metropolitanus Episcopus Arelatensium civitatis in ordinandis aacerdotibns teneat auc- toritatem. Viennensem, Narbonensem primam et Narbonensem secundam proviuciad ad pontificium suum revocet. duisquis vero posthac contra apostolicae sedis statuta tt praecepta majorum, omisso metropolitano Episcopo, in provinciis supradictia quemque."^ ordinare praesumserit, vel is qui ordinari se illicite aiverit, uterque sacerdotio se carerc cognoscat. — Sane quoniam metropolitanae Arelatensium urbi vetus privilegiura mmime derogandum est, ad quam primum ex hac sede Trophimus summus antistes, ex cujus fonte totae Galliae fidei rivulos acceperunt, directus est ; idcirco qnasconque paroecias in quibaslibet territorlis, etiam extra provincias suas, ut antiquitus habuit, intemerata auc- toritate possideat. Ad eujus notitiam, si quid illic negotiorum emerserit, referri censemus nisi magnitudo causae etiam nostrum exquirat examen. Ejusd. Ep. 5. ad Episc. Prov. Vicnn. et Narbon. rejects the decision of the Syn. Taurin. as surreptitiously obtained : Indecens ausus et in ipso vestibulo resecandus, hoc ab Episcopis ob certas causas con- cilium agitantibus extorquere, quod contra patrum et S. Trophimi reverentiara, qui primus :3ietropolitanus Arelatensis civitatis ex hac sede directus est, concedere vel mutare ne hujus quidem sedis possit auctoritas. Against this assertion of the rights belonging to the church of Aries, see below, Leo, I. note 56. ^3 After Treves had been plundered by the Germans, Arelate became the residence of Praefectus praetorio of Gaul, whose dominion extended from this place to seven provinces. See Honorii constitutio ap. Sinnond. in notis ad SiJonium ApoU. and in Codicia Theo- dosiani, libb. v. priorea ed. C. F. Chr. Wenck. Lips. 1825. 8. p. 378, ss. Of. p. 371, ss. 5* When the clergy and people of Lutuba complained to Boniface I. that Patroclus had. forced a bishop upon them, he wrote Epist. 12 ad Hilarlum Ep. Narbon. a.d. 422 : Q,aod oequaquam possumus ferre patienter saactionum diligentes esse custodes. Nulli etenim 392 SECOND PEKIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. bishop of Aries finally forgot his duty as vicar so far that n© would not allow the sentence of deposition pronounced by him and his synod against Celidoniu-s bishop of Vesontio to be submitted to a new examination in Rome.*^ On this account Leo the Gfeat (445) withdrew from him all the privileges which had been granted by the Roman see," though he could videtar incognita synodi constitatio Nicaenae, quae ita praecepit, per unamquamqtie provinciam jus Metropolitanos singulos habere debere, nee cniquam duaa esse subjectas. Unde, frater carissime, si ita res sunt, et ecclesiam supradictam provinciae tnae lim^ includit, nostra auctoritate commonitas, quod qnidem facere sponte deberes, desideriis Bupplicantium et voluntate respecta, ad eundem locam, in quo ordinatio talis celebrata dicitur, nietropolitani jure munitus, et praeceptionibus nostris fretus, accede : intelligeua arbitrio tuo secaudam reg:ulas patfrum quaecunque facienda sunt a nobis esse conoessa; ita ut peractis omnibus, apostolicae sedi quidquid statueris te referente clarescat, cui totius provinciae liquet esse mandatam. Nemo ergo eorum [patrum] terminos audas temerator excedat. — Cesset hnjusmodi pressa nostra auctoritate praesamtio eorum, qui ultra licitnm suae limitem digpnitatis extendunt. So too Caelestinus Ep. 4, ad Episc. prov. Vienn. et Narbon. a.d. 428. *^ Vita Hilarii Arelat. by Honoratus Ep. Massil. (about 490, ap. Surius and Acta SS. ad. d. 0. Maji) § 22 : Hilary went himself to Rome and reminded Leo, aliquos (Celidonius, etc.) apud Gallias publicam merito excepisse senteutiam, et in nrbe sacris altaribus in- teresse. ilogat atque constringit, ut si suggestionem suam libenter excepit, secreto jubeat emendari; se ad officia, non ad causam venisse protestandi ordine, non accu sandi, quae sunt acta suggerrere : porro autem si aliud velit, non futm-um esse molestum Et quia tantorum vironim, praesertim jam ad supemam gratiam vocatorum, nee in narra- tione audeo judicia ventilare ; hoc breviter tetigisse suflaciet, quod solus tantos sustiuuit, quod nequaquam minantea expavit, quod inquirentes edocuit, qnod altercantes vicit, quod potentibus non cessit, quod in discrimine vitae positua communioni ejus, quern cum taiitis viris damnaverat, conjungi nullatenus acquievit. Auxiliaris, then Praefectus, wrote to him : Sauctos Nectarium et Constantium sacerdotes ex beatitudinis tuae parte venientes digna admiratione suscepi. Cum his saepius sum locutus de virtute animi atque con- stantia, contemptuque rerum humanarum, quo inter fragilitates nostras semper beatus es. — Locutus sum etiam cum S. Papa Leone. Hoc loco, credo, aliquantum animo per- horrescis. Sed cum propositi tui tenax sis, et semper aequalis, nulloque commotionis felle rapiaris, sicut nullis extolleria illecebris gaudiorum, ego nee minimum quidem factum B eatitudinis tuae arrogantiae memini contagione fuscari. Sed impatienter ferunt homines^ si sic loquamur, quomodo nobis conscii sumus. Aures praeterea Romanorum quadani teneritudine plus trahuntur : in quam si se Sanctitas tua subiude demittat, plurimum tu nihil perditurus, acquiris. Da mihi hoc, et exiguas nubes parvae mutationis serenitate compesce. See Papst Leo I. Streit mit d. B. v. Aries, von E. G. Perthel in lUgen's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. 1843, ii. 27. s^ Leonis M. Ep. 10 (al. 89) ad Episc. provinciae Viennensis, c. 4 : Q.uid sibi Hilarius quaerit in aliena provincia: et id quod nuUus decessorum ipsius ante Patroclum habuit, quid usurpat ? cum et ipsum, quod Patroclo a sede apostolica temporaliter videbatur ess-; coucessum, postmodum sit sententia meliore sublatum? Cap. 7 : Suis unaquaeque pro viucia sit contenta Conciliis, nee tdtra HilEuins aadeat conventus indicere synodales, et sacerdotum Domini judicia se interserendo turbare. Clui non tantum noverit se ab alienn jui'e depulsum, sed etiam Viennensis provinciae, quam male usurpaverat, potestate privatum. Dignum est enim, fratres, antiquitatis statuta reparari, cum is, qui sibi ordi- nationem provinciae indebitae vindicabat, talis in praesenti etiam probatos fuerit extitisso, at — suae tantum civitatis illi sacerdotium, pro sedis apostolicae pietate, praeceptio nostra eervaverit. CHAP. III.— HIEEABCHY. § 94. IN THE WEST. 393 not prevent Hilary and his successors from asserting their pri- macy." The Roman bishops were least successful in obtaining influ- ence in Africa, where the ecclesiastical relations had long been firmly fixed, and there was on this account an aversion to the new development of the hierarchy/^ Their ecclesiastical legis- lation, too, had been all along cvikivated with an evident predi- lection/' As early as the Pelagian controversy, Zosimus had learned by experience how little his decision was respected in Africa (§ 87, notes 12—16). It is true, he procured restoration to his office for the presbyter Apiarius who had been then de- , posed by appealing to the canons of the Sardican council as Ni- cene ; but his successor, Boniface I. (418-423), was reminded on this account of the humility suitable to him under such cir- cumstances.'^" But when Caelestinus I. (323-432) wished to have the twice-deposed Apiarius restored," the Africans in the " See de Marca, 1. c. lib. v. c. 33. Perthel, 1. c. S. 36, ff. " Cone. Carthag. iii. ann. 398 can. 26 (Cod. Canonnm Eccl. Afric. c. 39) : Ut primao sedis episcopus non appelletur princeps sacerdotum, aut summas sacerdos, ant aliquid hojusmodi, sed tantum primae eedis episcopus. "5 On the so called Codex Canonum Ecclesiae Africanae (Voelli et Jastelli Bibl. jnr. can. vet. i. 320, H. Th. Bruns Biblioth. ecclesiast. i. i. 155) compiled by Bionysias Exiguas from the acts of the Syn. Carthag. ann. 419, by -which the decrees of former councils were confirmed, and new ones added : Gallandii de Vetustis canonum collectionibus sylloge, and the treatise of Constant, c. 6 (ed. Mogunt. i. 103), P. de Marca, c. 4 {ibid. p. 180) Ballorini, P. ii. c. 3 (ibid. p. 334). 60 Cone. Afi'ic. Ep. ad Bonifac. A.D. 419 (ap. Constant Epist. Bonif ii.) : $ 5. Haefl (namely, the decrees of the Sardican conncil given out as Nicene decrees) utique usque ad adventum verissimorura exemplarium Nicaeni Concilii inserta gestis sunt, dnae si ibi — continerentnr, eoque ordine vel apud vos in Italia cnstodirentur ; nuUo modo nos talia, qualia comniemorare jam nolumns, vel tolerare cogeremur, vel intolerabilia pateremnr. Sed credimus — quod tua Sanctitate Romanae ecclesiae praesidente non snmns jam istnm typhum passuri ; et servabuntur erga nos, quae nobis etiam non disserentibus custodiri debeant cum frateraa caritate, quae secundum sapientiam atque justitiam, quam tibi donavit Altissimus, etiam ipse perspicis esse servanda, nisi forte" aliter se habeant canones Concilii Nicaeni. This mistake was caused by the form of the collection of canons then in use, in which those of later synods were appended to the Nicene ■without distinction. Q,nesnell has published such a collection annexed to the 0pp. Leonis ; also Mansi, vi. 1183. Hence later canons are often cited as Nicene. See Ballerini de Ant. collect, cann. P. ii. c. 1, 5 3 (in Gallandii Syll. ed. Mognnt. i. 311). Spittler in Meusel's Geschichts- forscher, iv. 72. The same author's Gesch. d. kan. Rechts, S. 106. " Cone. Afric. ad Caelestinuta; a.d. 425 (ap. Constant Epist. Caelest. ii.) : J 2. Praefato itaqne debitae salutationis officio, impendio deprecamur, ut deinceps ad vestras aures hinc venientes non facilius admittatis, nee a nobis excommanicatos in coramunionem ultra velitis excipere : quia hoc etiam Nicaeno concilio definitnm facile advertat Venerabilitas tua. Nam et si de inferioribus clericis vel de laicis videtur ibi praecaveri, quanto magis hoc de episcopis voluit observari ? ne in sua provincia a communione suspensi, a tua Sanctitate praepropere vel indebite videantur communioni restitui. $ 3. Presbyterorona 394 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. most express terms forbade all interferencej and interdicted appeals to foreign bishops. ^^ At the close of this period Leo /. the Great was bishop of Rome (440-461),^^ who endeavored theoretically to establish the rights of the Romish see by enlarged ideas of the primacy of Peter,^* and the inheritance derived irom that source.'^'' and quoque et sequentium clericorum improba refugia, sicuti te diijiium eSt, repellat Sauctitau tua: quia et nulla patrum definitione hoc eccleslae derogatum est Africanae, et decreta Nicaena sive inferioris gradus clei-icos, sive ipsos episcopos suis nietropolitaiiis aportissinie comiriserunt. Prudentissime enim justissimeque videroiit. quaecuiifiae negotia in Euis locis, ubi orta sunt, finienda, nee unicuique provinciae gratJam saniiti Spiritas defutoraro. qua aequitas a Christi sacerdotibus et prudenter videatar, et constaiitissime teneatoiv . masime quia unicuique concessum est, si judicio ofiensus fuerit cognitorura, ad concilia suae provinciae vel etiom universale provocare. Nisi forte quisquam est qui credau unicuilibet posse Deum nostrum examinis inspirare justitiam, et iunumerabilibus congre- gatis in concilium sacerdotibus denegare. Aut quomodo ipsum transmai'inum judicium ratum erit, ad quod testium necessariae personae vel propter sexus vel propter senectutis infirmitatem, vel multis aliis intercurrentibus impedimentis, adduci non poterunt ? $ 4. Nam ut aliqui tanquam a tuae Sanctitatis latere mittantur, in nulla invenimus patrum synodo constitutum; quia illud quod pridem per eundera coepiscopum nostrum Faustinum tan- quam ex parte Nicafeni concilii exinde transmisistis, in conciliis verioribus, quae accipiuntur Nicaena, a S. Cyrillo coepiscopo nostro Alexandrinae ecclesiae, et a venerabili Attico Con- ,Btantinopolitano Euitistite ex authentico missis — ^non potuimus repeiire. $ 5. Executores etiam clericos vestros quibusque petentibus nolite mittere, nolite concedere ; ne fumosura typhum saeculi in ecclesiam Christi — videamur inducere. Of. du Pin de Aut. disc. eccl. diss. ii. $ 3, p. 174, ss. *= Concil. Milevitani ii. {aun 416) can. 22 (the canon of a later council, also contained in Cd^. can. eccl. Afric. cap. 28 and 125) ; Item placuit, ut presbyteri, diaconi, vel caeteri inferiores clerici, in causis quas habuerint, si dejudiciis episcoporum suorum questi fuerint vicini episcopi eos audiant, et- inter eos quidquid est, finiant, adhibiti ab eis ex consensu episcoporum suorum. Quod si et ab lis provocandum putaverint, non provocent nisi ad African! concilia, vel ad primates provinciarum suarum {for this Cod. Can. c. 28 : non pro- vocent ad transmavina judxcia, sed ad primates suaram provinciarum, aut ad universale concilium, sicut et de Episcopis saepe constitutum est). Ad ti'ansmarina autem qui pu- taverit appellandum, a nullo inti*a Africam in communionem suscipiatur. For the genuine- ness of tlie addition : sicut et de Episcopis saepe constitutum est, see de Mai-ca, lib. vii. c. 16, § 0. Similar decrees vfere also issued by other African councils. Comp. the citations of them in Cone. Carthag. ann. 325 {Maiisi, viii. p. 644) : Cone, decimo, ut episcopi ad transmarina pergere non facile debeant ; Cone, imdecimo, qui in Africa non comniunicat, si ansus ftierit in transmarinis, damnetur; Cone, sextodecimo, ad transmarina qui putaverit, etc. (same as the above Can. Milev.) ; Cone, vigesimo, ut nuUus ad transmarina audeat appellare. " Leo d. G. u. s. Zeit von W. A. Arendt, Mainz. 1835. 8 (a Catholic apologetic work). Papst Leo's Leben u. Lehren v. Ed. Perthel. Jena. 1843. 8. ^* Comp. the characteristic expression of Auxiliaiis regarding the teneritudo aurium Oi the Homans at this time, note 55, above. ^* Leonis Ep. 10 (al. 89), ad Episc. provinciae Vienneusis : Divinae cultum religionis — ita Dominus noster— instituit, ut Veritas — per apostolicam tubam in salutem universitatis exiret. — Sed hujus muneria sacramentum ita Dominus ad omnium Apostolorura officium pertinere voluit, ut in beatissimo Petro, Apostolorum omnium summo, principaliter coUo- caret ;. et ab ipso, quasi quodam capite, dona sua velit in corpus omne manare : ut exsor- tem se mysterii intelligeret esse divini, qui ausus fuisset a Petri soliditate recedere. Huno enim in consortium individuae unitatis assumtum, id quod ipse erat, voluit nominari, dicen- CHAP. HI.— HIERARCHY, i} 94. IN THE W EST. 395 also considerably extended the power of that see, both by his own personal qualities and good fortune. The controversy with Hilary^ bishop of Aries, led him to obtain a law from Yalentini- an III. (445) by which the Romish bishop became the supreme head of the whole western church.^^ The catholic bishops of Africa^ now oppressed by the Arian Vandals, attached them- selves the more closely on this account to the Roman see, and allowed Leo to act as a patriarch in their diooeses without op- position.^^ At the council of Chalcedony Leo, whose legates had the presidency there, hoped to make good his claims as head of the whole church ; but he met with much opposition among the orientals',^^ which at last manifested itself decidedly do : Tu es Petrus, etc., ut aeterui tenipli aedilicatio, mirabili munere gratiae Dei, in Petri soliditate consisteret. Hence Epist. ad AiiastasiumEpisc. Thessalonic. (Q.uesn. Ep. liJ, Bailer. 14), c. 1 ; Curara, qnam universis ecclesiis principaliter ex divina'institutione debemus. C. 11 : Magna ordinatione provisum est, ne omnes (episcopi) sibi omnia vindica- reut; sed essent in singulis provinciis singuli, quonim inter fratres haberetnr prima sen- tentia, etrursus quidam, in niajnribaa nrbibus constitnti, soUicitudinem susciperent ampli- orem, per quos ad unam Petri sedem universalis ecclesiae cura conflueret, et nihil usquam a SQO capita dissideret. Epist. ad Africanos (Quesn. 1, Bailer. 12): Solicitudo, quam nniversae ecclesiae ex divina institutione dependimus. Leo's Leben, v. Perthel, S. 220. 66 Appended to the edition of the Cod. Theodos. by Gothofredus and Ritter Novell Theodosii, tit. 24, by Hanell Novell. Valentin, iii. tit. 16, in Leonis 0pp. ed. Bailer. Epist. '1 J : Cum igitur sedis apostolicae primatum sancti Petri meritum, qui princeps est episco- palis coronae, et Romanae dignitas civitatis, sacrae etzam synodi firmarit anctoritas, ne ({aid praeter aactoritatem sedis istius illicita praesumtio attentare nitatur. Tunc eiiira demum ecclesiarum pax ubiqne servabitur, si rectorem suum agnoscat universitas. — § 3. Nee hoc solum, quod est maximi criminis, submovemus, verum ne levis saltern inter ecclesias lurba nascatur, vel in aliquo minui religionis disciplina videatur, hac peremii sanctione censemus, ne quid, tam episcopis Gallicanis, quam aliarum proviuciarum contra cansuetudinem veterera liceat sine viri venerabilis papae urbis aeternae auctoritate tentare. Sed hoc illis omuibusque pro lege sit, quidquid sanxit vel sanxerit apostolicae Bodis at.ctoritas, ita aut, quisquis episcoporum ad judicium Romani antistitis evocatus venire neglexerit, per moderatorem ejusdem provinciae adesse cogatur, per omnia servatis, q /ae divi parentea nostri Romanae ecclesiae detulerunt. 61 Cf. Leonis Epistol. ad Episcop. African, (duesn. i. Bailer, xii). Leo's Leben, v. Perthel, S. 30. 68 In the very beginning of the council the legates had to declare (actio, i. ap. Mansi, vi. r)79) : Beatissime atque apostolici viri Papae urbis Romae, quae est caput omnium Ecclesiarum, praecepta habemus prae manibus, quibus praecipere dignatus est ejus Apo-s- tolatus, ut Dioscurus, Alexandrinorum Archiepiscopus, non sedeat in Concilio, sed audien- dus intromittatur. Hoc nos observare necesse est. Si ergo praecipit vestra magnificentia,, aut ille egrediatur, aut nos eximus. Judicii sui necesse est eum dare rationem, quia cum personam judicandi non haberet, praesumpsit, et synodum ausus est facere (the Robber synod) sine auctoritate sedis apostolicae, quod nunquam licuit, nunquam factum est. They were, however, foiled in this proposition by the imperial commissioners, since they could not be accusers and judges at the same time. Dioscurus accordingly took his seat, and the legates remained. — Subsequently, the Romish legates withstood the first drawing up of the decree respecting the question of faith, desiring either that it should he made to Rgree more closely with the epistle of Leo, or that this epistle should be mentioned in it. 306 SECOND PERIOD— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. in decreeing the bishop of Constantinople to be on an equality with the bishop of Rome. This measure Leo had foreseen, and in vain attempted to avert. "^^ He protested against it;'° and Anatolius, bishop of Constantinople, was actually obliged to send an humble letter to him, for the oriental emperor's sake." Still the decrees of the synod continued in force ; and thus be- gan the contest of jealousy that lasted for centuries, between the bishops of Rome and Constantinople. It is worthy of remark, that the Romish bishops were distin- guished by no peculiar titles in the west. In the east, the hon- orable appellation of patriarchs was certainly given them ; but these titles were as yet common to all bishops in the west.^^ On this so fearful an outcry arose, that the Illyrian bishops called out (actio v. ap. Mansi^ vii. 105) : 01 avTiMyovrec 'HeoTopiaioi daiv ■ ol avrMyovTtg fi'f T6fij]v anilOuaiv. 69 Comp. above, § 93, note 14. The Romish legates withdrew, actio xv. was adoptf,d. and they protested {act. xvi.) ag^ainst it, prodacinE^ the instructions given them by Leo (Mansi, vii. 443) : Sanctorum quoque patrum constitntionem prolatam nulla patiamini temeritate violari vel imminui, servantes omnimodis personae nostra in vobis — dignitatem : ac si qui forte civitatum suarum splendore confisi, aliqaid sibi tentaverint usurpare, hoc qua dignuni est constantia retundatis. They appealed, moreover, to the sixth Niceue canon, with the Romish addition, Ecdesia Romana semper habuit primatum (see $ 93, note 1), but were immediately obliged to have the canon read to them in its original form, and were-thus repulsed with their protest- 70 Leonis Epist. ad Marcianum, ad Pulcheriam, ad Anatalinm (ap. Quesn. Ep. 78-80. Bailer. Ep. 104-106). •1 In Epist. Leonis ap. Q.uesn. appended to Epist. 105, ap. Bailer. Ep. 132. '* In the west the names Papa Apostolicus, Vicarius Christi, Summus Pontifex, Sedes Apostolica, were applied to other bishops also, and their sees (Thomassini, P. i. lib. i. c. 4. Basnage praef ad Cauisii Lectt. ant. t. i. p. 37. G. S. Cyprian's Belehrung vom Urspr. und Wachsthum des Papstbums, S. 506, if.). So also Pati-iarcha, especially to the Metropolitans, (du Pin Diss. i. § 5). — Gregory I. (Epist. lib. v. 18, 20, 41, viii. 30), was mistaken in believing that at the council of Chalcedon the name universalis Episcopus was given to the bishop of Rome. He is styled oUovfiEVLKog apxie iricrKOTroc (Mansi, vi. JCjo, 1012), only in the Complaints of two Alexandrian deacons against Dioscurus ; other patriarchs have the same appellation (see above, ^ 93, note 20). But in another place the title was surreptitiously introduced into the Latin acts by the Romish legates. In the sentence passed on Dioscurus, actio iii. (Mansi, vi. 1048), the council say, 6 ayiOTaroc Kac fianapLuraro^ upxt£^tuK07ro^ rij^ /leydTiTig rat irpetj^vTepac 'PdfiVC Aeuv : on the contrary, in the Latin acts which Leo sent to the Gallic bishops (Leonis Ep. 103, al. 82), we read ; Sanctus ac beatissimus Papa, caput universalis Ecclesiae, Leo. In the older editions the beginning of Leo's Epist. 97 (ap. Quesn. 134, Bailer. 165), runs thus: Leo Romae et universalis catbolicaequo ecclesiae Episcopus Leoni semper Augusto salutem CLuesnel and the Ballerini, however, found in all the Codices only; Leo Episcopus Leoni Aueusto. The fable, which is repeated even by the Catechismus Romanus, p. ii. c. 7, qu. 24, $ 4, that Cyril, at the Council of E^hesus, styled the bishop of Rome, Arcbiepiscopmn totius orbis terramm Patrem et Patriarcham, first proceeded from the St. Thomae (t 1274) Catena aurea in Evang. ad Matth. xvi. 18, who also, in his Opasc. contra errores Grae- comm, falsely attributes many similar passages to the Greek fathers. See Launoji Epiett. lib. i. Ep. 1-3. CHAP. IV.— HISTORY OF MONACHISM. 6 95.— ORIGIN. $97 FOURTH CHAPTEK. HISTORY OF MONACHISM, ttud. Hoapiniani de Monachis, h. e. de Origine et Progressu Monactatas libb- vi. Tig^ 1588. ed. ii. auct. 1609. Genev. 1669. fol. — Ant. Dadini Alteserrae Asceticwv s. Ori^g rei monasticae libb, x. Paris. 1674. 4i rec. ac praef. notasque adjecit Chr. F. Gluck. Halae. 1782. 8. — Edm. Martene de Antiqais monachoram ritibus. Lugd. 1690. 4. — J Binghami Origg. lib. vii. (vol. iii. p. 1, ss.) — Hippol. Helyot Histoire des ordrea monas- tiques, etc. Paris. 1714, 19. t. viii. 4. translated into Giprman under the title: AusfiihrL Gescb. aller geistl. n. weltl, Kloster n. Ritterorden. Leipzig. 1753, 56. 8 Bde. 4. — {Mus- son) Pragm. Geschichte d. vomehmsten Monchsorden aus ibren eigenen Geschicht- Bcbreibem (Paris. 1751, ss.) i. e., deutschen Ausz. (v. L. G. Crome) mit ein. Vorrede v. Cb. W. Fr. Walch. Leipzig. 1774-84. 10 Bde. 8. J. H. MOliler's Gescb. d. Monch- tbums in d. Zeit, s. Fntstebung n. ersten Ausbildung, in bis Schriften u. An&atzen herausgeg. von Dollinger. ii. 16."^. Neander's Kiro>.ei gescb. ii. 2, 486, ss . § 95. ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF MONACHISM IN THE EAST. Solitude and asceticism were universally looked upon in this age as means of approximation to the Deity. The New Platon- ists recommended them.' The Jewish Essenes and Thera- peutae lived in this manner.^ Thus Anthony (Div. I. § 73), 1 After Plato's example in the Phaedo and Theaetetas. Plotinas recommends the fiivov Elvat, fi6vov Trpbg fiovov {dsov) yeviaOat. See Crenzer ad Plotini Opp. ed. Oxon. iii. 140, 276, 412. A. Jahnii Basilias Magnus plotinizans. Bemae. 1838. 4. p. 19. = Still in the time of Nilns, who lived as monk on Sinai, A.D. 430. See Nili tract, ad Magnam, c. 39. (Nili traotatus ed. J. M. Snaresias, Romae. 1673. fol. p. 279), and ds Monaat. exerois. c. 3. (1. c. p. 2), where they are called 'Ucaaloi. 398 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. appearei to have set forth the ideal of a Christian vrise man ; he soon found many imitators, and other hermits fixed them- selves in his neighborhood. Many more were concealed in inac- cessible places, of whom one, Paul of Thebes (f 340), who had lived in the desert ever since the Decian persecution, is said to have become known to Anthony shortly before his death. ^ After a number of hermits had been brought into a kind of connection with one another by Anthony, Pachomius founded a place i">f habitation where they might dwell together {koivo^wv, fidvdpa, claustrum. — KoivofiiTTjg, Xvvodirrjg^, on the island Tabenr^a in the Nile (about 340), with a system of rules for the government of its inmates, by which strict obedience to the president {^'ApPag, 'lh/ovij.£vog, 'Apxii^avSpiTTjg^ was particularly enforced. At the same time Amun founded a society of monks on the Nitrian mountain (jb -fjg NirpCag opog) ; and Macarius the elder* in the neighboring wilderness of Sketis.^ Both were soon peopled by the monks, and became the most celebrated resorts. Hilaric:i, assembled in the desert near Gaza, a company of monks, a::d from thence the system spread through Palestine and Syria. ^ The Eusebian Eustathius, afterward bishop of Sebaste, intro- duced it into Armenia and Asia Minor.' The peculiarities of the monkish life of this period consisted iii solitariness, manual labor, spiritual exercises," restraint of the bodily appetites for the pur- ^ Vita Antonii by Atlianasius, see Div. I. § 73, note 22. Vita Pauli by Jerome. * Probably from him we have the Homiliae spirituales 50, ed. J. G. Pritius. Lips. Itia^ and 1714. 8. Comp. Paniel's Gesch. der christl. Beredsamkeit, i. 396. ^ Coptic Schiet, Greek '^KyTr}^, 2)«^rif, ap. Ptolemy "ZKiadi^, Latin Scetis, Scithis, Scytiaca, Sc^'thiura, means chiefiy ike kill on which Macarius settled, then ike surroundir,g desert. Et. Q.uatreniere Memoires geoa^aph. et hist, sur I'Egypte. (Paris, t. 2. 1311. tt.) i. 451. 6 Vita IJiiarionis l>y .Terorae. — Aavpai in Palestine. ' On the frst monks generally see Socrates, iv. 23, 24. Sozomenus, i. 12-15, iii. 14, vi. 2i=-D4. Palladii (bishop of Helenopolis, afterward of Aspona, t about 420), Historia Lua- siaca in .To. Mearsii 0pp. vol. viii. (Florent. 1746. fol.) p. 329. Theodoreti (jnlodeoQ tGTopia, " Even TertuUian (de Orat. c. 25, et adv. Psychicos. c. 10) and Cyprian (de Orat. domin. p. 154) recommended the hora tertia, sexta, and noua, as times of prayer, while every day, morning and evening, church service was performed. (Const, apost. ii. 59.) Amorg the monks different usages arose at first. The Egyptians had, on every day of the week, only two meetings for prayer (Cassianus de Instit. coenob. iii. 2, vespertinas ac nocturnas cougregationes), and in their cells carried on manual labor, and prayed almost incessantly ; those of the East came together for the purpose of singing psalms, hora tertia, sexta, et nona (1. c. c. 3), the matutina hora was first introduced at a later period into the monastery at Bethlehem (1. c. c. 4). Athanasius de virginitate (0pp. i. 1031, ss.), marks out for the nuns six seasons of prayer, viz., the third, sixth, ninth, twelfth hours (a more solemn as- ecmbly in the church at the last hour), fieaovvnTtov and Trpof opOpov. So also Jerome^ CHAP. IV.— MONACIIISM. $95. IN THE K.\^T. 399 pose of mortifying the sensual nature, and allowing the spirit with less disturbance to be absorbed in the contemplation of di- vine things.^ The rules of the monasteries made, indeed, more moderate demands on the abstinence of the inmates ;^^ but the majority of the monks did more than was required, of their own free choice, and many even withdrew from the cells of the con- vents into the desert ('Ava;^ajp7/rai), that they might suppress sensual desires by the most ingenious self-tortures, and attain the highest degree of holiness. In many cases these measures had only the contrary effect, and temptations increased ;^^ many Epitaph. Paulae Epist. 27, 10, Epist. 7 ad Laetara; according; to Cbrysostom. in 1 Tim. Horn. xiv. the monks had the same hours. Basil also, de Instit. monach. sermo, prescribes these six; but that there may be seven, agreeably to Psalm cxis. 164, the prayer of noon is directed to be divided into that before and that after eating. When six public hours for prayer are prescribed to the churches in the apostolic constitutions, viii. 34, the writer fol- lows the view which arose in the fourth century, viz., that in the apostolic churches for which he pretends to write, a monastic institute prevailed. Even in his day there were daily but two religious services, as at an early period {h iarrepa Kal kv npt^ig., Cbrysost in 1 Tim. Horn. vi.). ^ Respecting the Egyptian monasteries comp. Hieronymi Ep. 18 {al. 22) ad Eastochium (ed. Mai'tian. t. iv. P. ii. p. 45). Jo. Cassiani CoUationes Patram, et de Institutis coenobio- rum. . On the labors of. de Inst. coen. x. 23 : Haec est apud Aegyptum ab antiquis patri- bus sancita sententia : operautem monachum daemone uno pulsari, otiosum vero innumeris spiritibus devastai-i. Cf. Alteserra, 1. c. lib. v. cap. 7 et 8. Neander's Chi-ysostomus, B. 1, S. 60, ff. ''' Comp. Pachomius' rule (ap.'Pallad. Hist. Laus. c. 38) : 'Zvyx(^pn^£i^ iKucru Kard. TTjv 6vva/uv (payELV Kal Trcelv, Kal npog raf (Swdfiet^ ruv kadiovruv avuXoya Kal ra ipya avTcjv iyxdpT](Tov, Kal fif/re vTjarEvuai KoXvayg firjTE (payelv. ^^ See the confessions of Jerome, Ep. 18, ad Eustochium : Ille igitur ego, qui ob gehen- nae metum tEdi me carcere ipse damnaveram, ecorpionum. tantum socius et ferarum, saepe ohoris intereram pueUanim. PaUebant ora jejuniis, et mens desideriis aestuabat in frigido corpore, et ante hominem suum jam in came praeraortua, sola libidinura iucendia b^^Ilio bant. Itaque omni auxilio destitutus, ad Jesu jacebam pedes, rigabam lachryniis, cri/it; tergebam, et repugnanteni carnem hebdomadaram inedla subjugabam. — MemJni me cis.- mantem, diem crebro juuxisse cum nocte, nee prius a pectoris cessasse verberibus. onaTn rediret Domino iacrepante tranquillitas, Ep. !>•'>. ad Rusticum: Dum essem javenis. el Eolitadinis me deserta vallarent: incentiva vitiornca ardoremque naturae lerre noQ poto raij : quem cum crebris jejuniis frangercm. mens tamen cogitatioiiibus aesruabat. Ad -;aam edomandam cuidam frafri, qui ex Hebiaeis creJiderat, me in disoiplinam dodi. ut — alphabetum discerera, et stridentia anhelantiaquc verba meditarer. In Viko mannec Basil admits to his friend Gregory, Ep. 2: KarOuTrov uiv Tur kv uarzi StaTptBag d-r ^vpluv KaKuv aov iTTLfitXa)^ uTTOfivrjfioveveiv rdf T(jv TraXaiorepcov uaKrjTuv aperu^. Sulpicius Severus, .dial. ii. 4, relates that St. Martin often told him, nequaquam sihi in epiflcopatn earn virtutum gratiam suppetisse, quam prius se habnisse meminisaet. Ctnod Bi verum eat, immo quia verum est, conjicere possumus, quanta fuerunt ilia, quae monacbus operatus est, et quae testp nullo solus exercuit, cum tanta ilium in epiacopatu signa fecisse, sub oculis omniilm viderimus. For the physiological explauation of the frequent visions seen by these anchorites comp. D. Job. Miiller iiber die phantastischen Gesichterscheinungen. Coblenz. 1826. 8. ^* Pachomius had in hia convent 1300 monks, and in all upvuard of 7D00 under his superintendence (Sozom. iii. 14). In a monastery at Thebais were 5000 monks {Cass, de Instit. iv. 1), in Nitria were fifty convents (Sozom, vi. 31), etc. ^* A kindred notion may be found in Origen, see Div. I. § 70, note 19. ^■^ Chr/sostomus adv. oppugnatores vitae monast. i. 7 : 'EpovX6fxi]v Kot avrb^—rdv fiovaaTTfpiuv avatpe6^vai T7]v xp^^f^v^ Kat TocavTJiv kv raig no^.eai yeviadat ttjv evvo- filav, ug fiydiva 6eT]67Jvai ttote rijg elg ttjv ipijuov Karaipvy^g ■ kTreidy 6i tu uvo kutu yiyove, Kac at fj^v TzoXeig — 7ToX2.7Jg yi/iovaL Trapavofiiag Kal udcKcag, i/ 6i kpT)^ia iroXXi^ Bpvei T^ TTJg (juXotJo^iag KapizCi ovx o/ ttjc i^akrig Tavrrig Kal 'TTJg Tapaxrjg Tovg cudypai 0ov?iOfiivov^ k^dyovreg, Kal Trpog rbv rr^g Tjuvxiag ddTjyovvrag Tiifiiva, diKalug av kyKa- \oLVTO Trap' viiuv. ^8 Isidoros Pelus. {see § 88, note 25) lib. i. Ep. 262. Evuiptog {a bishop) kqI tovto> Ty TrapotKca n.7j7iOvuiov Trapixsro, ffovvofioig rtal, Kal alTroXoig, kuI dpairiTaig olKeracr entTpenuv fiovaxtKu. avfj,7T7Jyvva6ai TraXatffTTjpta, ov6evI fiaBTjTevdEiat t^v fiovaxtKjjv, fj fj.eTEA.66vTfiEda, kol — yE?.iJfiE6a, — ovk ^k rro^LTEiagt a?iV Ik cxv/J-aToc yvupl^eaOac ^ovTiofievoi. 20 Comp. the judgment of Synesius, at that time still a heathen, afterward bishop of Ptolemais, in his Dion : 01 6i ttXeIovc ov6' oIkoBev iKtvydrjoav, — Liairep 6i uXXo ti tuv tvdoKtpovvTov, T^v ytvvatav alpeaiv k^Tj^iUKaaij izavTodaTzot re ovte^ tu. yivy, Kal KaTiL XpEiav iKaoTot avviaTdfievoc. 21 Cod. Theodos. xii. 1, 63 {a.d. 365): Qnidam ignaviae sectatores desertis civitatum munerihas captant solitoSines ac secreta, et specie religionis cum coetibus monazonton congregantar. Hos igitur atque hujosmodi, intra Aegyptmn deprehensos, per comitem Orientis erui e latebria consulta praeceptione mandavimus, atqne ad muaia patriarum subeunda revocari, aut pro tenore nostrae sanctionis familiarium rerum carere illecebris, quas per eos censuimas vindicandas, qui pablicarmu essent subitori munera functionum. After the death of his milder brother (Orosii Hist. vii. 33 : illico post fratris obitam), Valens became more violent against the monks, see Hieron. Chron. ann. 375; Multi monachonim Nitriae per tribunes et milites caesi. Valens enim lege data, ut monachi militarent, nolentes fustihus interfici jussit. This raised the courage of the numerons opponents of monachism, and therefore Chrysostom wrote at that time irphg Tovg TToZf- aovvTag rotf kwl to fiovd^Eiv hdyovatv libb. iii. (ed. Montf. t. i.) -2 '0 Tdv dyyk'Xuv Pt'of, Tti ovpdvia -TroXiTEVfiaTat diroaroXiKbc l-'iiog (Epipb. Haer Ixi. 4), if itpTjTirJ ^L7i.oao(pia, ipy^ iitiXkov ij 7<,6y(^ KaTOpdovfiivrj (Gregor. Nyss. Orat catech. c. 18), 7 Kord dsbv <}}L?\,oaoipeiv T7JV Eprjfiov ' kiriaTj^ r^ tov^ fiiv ^TjptlQ u-rrTOfiivov^ to ^rjv uiro^tfiTrdvetVt Toiig 6^ ryv ur'vaoTLKTjv ffSfivdTTjTa aizoXXvetv Totg uffrscb -Trpoatovra^. Sozom. i. 13. '* Socrates, iv. 21. Gregor. Nazianz. Orat. xx. in laudera Basilii, p. 35S: ToS Toiwv epTjfit'KOv [3lov Kal rov fxiyddo^ fia^ofi^vuv irpof aX/l7?.ovf wf rcl iroXXily ical dutrrafiivuv, Kai oideripov Trdvruf ?} to KaXbVy fj to (pavXov avemfiLKTOv ^x^^"^^?' ^^^(^ Tov /ihf 7J(tv- Xiov fiiv ovTog ^aX?^ov, Kal KadeaTTjKOTO^y Kai Beu (jvvdyovTO^, ovk cLTvipov di 3t(i to ttjs iiptTTJg d^aauvitjTOV Kal aavyKpiTov tov di ■jrpaKTiKUTipov jiiv /laK'Xov Kal XPV^^M^^ ripov^ TO 6^ dopv(3L>dEg ov ijtEvyovTo^' Kal tovtov^ aptara KarfiXXa^ev iL^Xy^ot^ Kal ovvEKepaaev aoKTjrripta Kal fiovaaT^pta deifiufievo^ //^v, ov tto^^cj 6§ tuv koivuviKt^v Kal /ityuSuv, oMi ucnep Teixta Tivl pLEisti) TavTa 6La2,af}av, Kal hif akXiiKuv ;);upfoaf, uKKti vXr)v aTTExeadat TTJg bfiiTitng tqv ya/j.ETCov KaraTiElipavTEg. So also Sozora. i. 23. Gelasii Hist. Cone. Nic. ii. 32, and Historia tripartita, ii. 14. — The truth of it is doubted by Baronius, Bellarminus, Jo. Stilting- (Act. SS. Sept. t. iii. p. 784, ss.). On the other side, Natalis Alexander Hist. eccl. saec. iv. diss. 19. Calixtus de Conj. cler. ed. Henke, p. 213, ss. ^ Epistola ad Himerium Episc. Tarraconensem, c. 7 : Ii vero, qui illiciti privilegii ex- cusatione nituntur, nt sibi asserant veteri hoc lege concessum : noverint se ab omni eccle- siastico houore, quo indigne usi sunt, apostolicae sedis auctoritate dejectos. — Quilibet episcopus presbyter atque diaconus, quod nou optamus, deinceps fuerit talis inventus, jam nunc sibi omnem per nos indulgentiae aditum inteUigat obseratum : quia ferro necesse est excidantur vulnera. quae fomeutoram nou senserint raedicinam. — C. 9 : Gluieumque itaque se ecclesiae vovit obsequiis a sua infantia, ante pubertatis annos baptizari, et lectorum debet ministerio sociari. Qui ab accessu adolescentia^ usque ad tricesimum aetatia annum, si probabiliter vixerit, una tantum et ea, quam virginem communi per sacerdotem benedictione perceperit, uxore contentus, acolythus et subdiaconus esse debebit; postque ad diaconii gradum, si se ipse primitus continentia praeeunte dignum probarit, aocedat. Unde si ultra quinque annos laudabiliter minis tcarit, congrue presbyterium consequatur. Exinde, post decennium, episcopalem cathedrara poterit adipisci, si tamen per haec tern- pora integritaa vitae ac fidei ejus fuerit approbata. — C. 13 : Monachos quoque, quos tamen morum gravitas et vitae ac fidei institutio sancta commendat, clericorum ofBciia aggregari et optamufl et volumus. In the middle ages it was constantly admitted that this lex Ecclcsiastica had been unknown to the primitive church. See Calixtus, 1. c. p. 3, ss. 304 . Many, however, believed it to be the meaning of Cone. Nicaeni, can. 3 {according to Dionys. Exig. translation: Interdixit per omnia magna synodus, non episcopo, non pres- bytero, non diaconq, nee alicui omnino qui in clero est, licere subintroductam habere mu- lierem, nisi forte aut matrem, aut sororem, aut amitam, vel eas tantum personas, quae Buspieionem efFugiunt). Of. Aelfrici canones, a.d. 970 (Wilkins. Concil. Magn. Brit. i. p. 250), c. 5 : At the Nicene synod statuerunt omnes unanimi consensu, quod neque epis- copus, neqae presbyter, neque diaconus, nee uUus verus cauonicus habeat in domo sua uxorem aliqaam, nisi matrem, etc. Behedictus VIII. in Cone. Ticinensi, between 1014 and 1024 (ap. Mansi, xix. p. 344) : Nicaeni patres non solum connubiura, sed etiam cum muli- eribus habitatiouem clericis omnibus interdicunt. So also Alfonsus a Castro (t 1550), tit. Saeerdotium ; Consuetude, juxta quam matrimonio alligatus prpmovebatur ad sacerdotium, invalait usque ad tempora Nicaeni concilii, in quo, ut fertur, general! decreto statutum est, ne aiiquis uxorem habens consecretur sacerdos. Q.uod statutum cum ab aliquibus minime ut decebat observaretur, Siricius Papa de hac re illos'acerbissime reprehendit. The Jesuits were the first, in the sixteenth century, who maintained, in opposition to the Protestants, that the celibacy of the priests originated in apostolic times. Calixtus, 1. c. p. 10, ss. 28, ss. J. Gf. Komer vom Colibat der Geistlichen. Leipzig. 1784. 8. J. A. Thei- ner u. A. Theiner die Einfiihrung der erzwungenen Ehelosigkeit b. d. christl. Geistlichen a. ihre Eolgen. Altenburg. 1828. 2 Bde. 8. « Respecting Eusebius see Ambros. Ep. 63, ad Vercellenses, $ 66 : Haec enim primus 414 SECOND PERIOD.— DrV. I.— A.D. 324-151. though at first they found no imitators. But we may see how difficult it was to carry out the law of celibacy, though Jerome^ Ambrose, and Augustine, strongly advocated it, from the fre- quent repetition of the law, and the mildness with which it was found necessary to punish transgressors.^ Still Leo the Great extended the requisition even to the sub-deacons (subdiaconi).^ In the east, on the other hand, the Eustathians were opposed for their very rejection of marriage in the case of priests,^ and no law of celibacy was generally adopted. It was the custorP; indeed, toward the end of the fourth century, in several prov- in Occidentis partibus diversa inter se Eusebius sanctae memoriae coujuuxit, ut et in civitate positus instituta Monachorum teneret, et Ecclesiam regeret jejunii sobrietate. Maximi Ep. Taurinensis (about 422) Sermo ix. de S. Eusebio, in Muratorii Anecdotis, t. iv. p. 88: Ut universe Clero suo spiritalium institationum speculum se coeleste praeberet, omnes illos secum intra unius septum habitaculi congregavit, ut quorum erat uuum atque indivisum in religione propositum, fieret vita victusque commimis. duatenus in ilia sauctissima societate vivendi invicem sibi assent con vers ationis suae et judices et cus- todes, etc. Of. Sermo vii. p. 82. — Respecting Augustine see Aagustini vita auct. Possidio, c. 5 : Eactus ergo presbyter monasterium inter ecclesiam mox instituit, et cum Dei servis vivere coepit secundum modum et regulam sub Sanctis Apostolis constitutam, maxime ut aemo quidquam propriam in ilia societate haberet, sed eis essent omnia communia. After he had become bishop, cap. 11 : In monasterio Deo servientes Ecclesiae Hipponensi clerici ordinari coeperunt. Ac deinde — ex monasterio, quod per ilium memorabilem virum et esse et crescere coeperat, magno desiderio poscere et accipere episcopos et clericos pax Ecclesiae atque unitas et coepit primo, et postea consecuta est. Nam fcrme decern — sanctos — viros continentes — b. Augustinus diversis Ecclesiis — ^rogatus dedit. Similiterque et ipsi ex illorum sanctorum proposito venientes — monasteria iustitaerunt, et — caeteris Ecclesiis promotes fratres ad suscipiendum sacerdotium praestiterunt. ' Comp. August. Sermones ii. de moribus Clericonim (at an earlier period Sermo 49 anfl 50 de diversis, in the Benedictine edition, Sermo 355 and 356), ex. gr. Sermo, i. c. 1 : Nostis omnes, — sic nos vivere in ea dome, quae dicitur domus episcopii, ut quantum possumus imitemur eos sanctos, de quibus loquitur liber Actunm Apostolorum : Nemo dicebat aliquid propriura, sed erant illis omnia communia, — volui habere in ista domo episcopii mecum monasterium clericorum. Ejusd, Epis. 20, 149, 245. Of. Thomassious, P. i. lib. iii. c. 2 and 3. It is a ditterent thing when other monks, elevated to be bishops, as Martin of Turonum, had about them establishments of monks, and continued the monastic life in them. ^ Siricii Ep. ad Episc. Afr. (a.d. 386) c. 3. Cone. Carthag. (390) can. 2. Innocent. I. Ep. ad Vitricium (404) cap. 9. Cone. Taurin. (397) can. 8. Carthag. v. (398) can. 3. Toletan. i. (400) can. 1, etc. Cone. Turonense i. (461) can. 2 : Licet a patribus nostris emissa auctoritate id fuerit constitutum, ut, quicunque sacerdos vel levita filioram pro- creationi operam dare fuisset convictns, a communione dominica abstineretur : nos tameo huic districtioni moderationem adhibentes, et justam constitutionem moUientes, id decrevi- mus, ut sacerdos vel levita conjugali concupiscentiae inhaerens, vel a filiorum procreatione con desinens ad altiorem gradum non ascendat, neque sacrificium Deo offere vel plebi miuistrare praesnmat. ^ Leo Ep. 14 ad Anastas, Episc. Thessalon. (a.d. 446) c. 4. Still this was by no means general till the times of Gregory the Great. See Calixtus, 1. c. p. 380, ss. ^ See above $ 93, note 39. To this refers also Can. Apcst. 5 : 'ETTiff/coTrof , rj Ilpfff- (SvrepoCi v Am/covof r^v iavTOV yvvalKa fir) kK^aTikeja irpotftdaet £v?.a(3clag ' kilv dc kK^akXy, u(popL^ea6iu' kizmivuv 6k KadaiQuoOo. Comp. Drey iibcr d*o Constitiit. und C.odl TTOV r^g X'^P^C ^"^ fcatpCi tolc ^uct KEicdai 'Kentarevrai. Respecting CEdipus, Valerius Maximus, v. 3, externa 3 : Oedipodis ossa — inter ipsum Areopagum — et — Minervae arcem honore arae decorata, quasi sacrosancta, colis. In Greece worship was paid especially to the founders of cities, which were built for the most part over their graves. Thus Autolycus was worshiped iu Sinope, Tenes in Tenedos, .ffineas by the jEneates {Liv. xl. 4). See others noticed in Voss de Idolol. i. 13, comp. Thucydides, v. 11, concerning Brasidas : 0/ ^Afi^inoTuTaii TTEpcip^aVTEg aVTOV TO fiVTJ/lElOV, Wf ^pUt TS kvTiflVOVGL KOL Tt^U^ 6edo)Ka(TiV uyUVCig KOL ETTjffiovc dvaiac;, kol ttjv uTTOiKlav tbg oUiffTy Trpoffedeffav. * Compare the honors paid to the emperors : their edicts were termed divina, sacra coelestia: their statues were honored by adoration and frankincense (Zorn, in MiscelL Groning. vol. i. p. 186, ss.). Consultationum Zachaei Clirist. et ApoUouii Philos. (aftei 408) lib. i. c. 28 {in d' Archery Spicileg. i. p. 12) : ApoUonius : Cur imagines hominum vel cerjs pictas, vel metallia defictas sub Regum reverentia etiam publica adoratione veneramini, et, ut ipsi praedicatis, Deo tantum honorem debitum etiam hominibus datis ? Zacheus: Istud quidem nee debeo probare nee possum, quia evidentibus Dei dictis non AngeloB, nee quoslibet coeli ac terrae vel aeris principatus adorare permittimar. Divini enim speciale hoc nomen officii est, et altior omni terrena veneratione reverentia: sed sicut in hujusmodi malum primum adulatio homines impulit, sic nunc ab errore consuetudo vix revocat ; in quo tamen incautum obsequium, non aliquem divinum deprehenditis cultum. Sed propter similitudinem amabilium vultuura gaudia intenta plus faciunt, quam hi forte exigant, qt.ibus defertur, aut perfungi oporteat deferentes ; et licet banc incautioris obsequii consuetudinem districtiores horreant Christiani, nee prohibere desinant sacer- ■ dotes, non tamen Deus dicitur cujus effigies salutatur, nee adolentur thure imagines, aut colendae aris superstant, sed memoria pro mentis exponuntur, ut exemplum factorum probabilium posteris praestent, aut praesentes pro abusione castigent. A law of Theo- dosius II. A.D. 425 (Cod. Theod. xv. iv. 1) : Si quando nostrae statuae vel imagines eriguntur, — adsit Judex sine adorationis ambitioso fastigio, — escedens cultura hominum dignitatem supemo numini reservetur. Cf. de Rhoer Dissertt. de effectu relig. christ. in jurisprud. Rom. p. 41, ss. * So called at first by Epsebius de vita Const, iii. 48. So also Constantine, on no higher authority, indeed, than the liber pontificalis, vita 34, Sylvestri, written about the year 870, is said to have built the basilica in Rome over the graves of the apostles Peter and Paul. Comp. Jerome, below, note 8. Afterward they were celled, too, 'ATroaroTiElOv, ITpo^i^rctov. * A practice strongly disapproved by St. Anthony. Comp. Athanasius in vita Anionii 420 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. in this respect, the poets, who soon after seized upon the same theme, found no colors too strong to describe the power and glory of the martyrs. ^^ Even relics soon began to work mira- cles, and to become valuable articles of commerce on this ac- count, like the old heathen instruments of magic." In proportion as men felt the need of such heavenly interces- sors, they sought to increase their number. Not only those persons who were inscribed in the Diptycha^ for services done to the church, but also the pious of the Old Testament, and particularly distinguished monks, ^^ were taken into the cata- diaXa^ovTsg, olovel Tzvpyoi rivic ovvexEtg, dad2.Eiav kK ryg ruv tuavriuv KaraSpofifj^ napexofievoi ' ovx hi ront^ iavTOvg KaruKTiuaavTeg, tiTXh izoX^otg i]Stj kirt^evutpEVTe^ Xoipiotg^ Kal ttoXTlUc narptda^ KaraKoafiijaavTeg. Kal to Trapadofov, ov KaO' eva diafiEpta- 6ivTEg TOtg dexofiivotc iirKpoiTdatv, d2.X' uvafxcxdivTEc dXXTiXoig, TjvufiivDg xop^ovmv • (J Tov davfiaroc' — ovte ^XXeiTroufft tw aptOfiif), ovre irTi.eovaafibv kTndixovraL ' kdv eIq iKarbv airovc ^tiX-rj^, tov oIkelov upidfiov ovk kn^aivovaiv kdv Elg iv awaydyy^, TeaaapaKovra xai ovtu [xtvovfji., Kard rqv tov irvpbg (pvffiv ' Kat yap kKEivo Kal irpb^ Tbv k^diTTOVTa fiETa^alvEit koX oXov eotI izapd TCi exovtl ' Kal ol TscaapuKovTaj Kal ^dvTEC tlalv ofMov, Kal tzuvte^ slal nap* iKaaTo ' — 6 dXi^ofiEvo^ km tovq TeaaapaKovTa, KaTaipevyet, 6 ev^patvofievog iir* avTOvg dnoTpixet. b fiev, Iva Xvaiv £vp7j tov dvax^pcJV ' 6 dt, iva (pvXaxOy avTut rd xPV^'^'OTepa. kvTavOa yvvy ev koivoI ^vAa/cef tov ytvovg TcJv dvdpdm^v ! dyaOol kolvuvoI tppovTldov, t.ETjGELig (jvvEupyol, 'KpEa^EVTal dvvaTUTaTOCt daTEpEg T^g olKOVfiivrjg, uvOtj tuv kKKXt]- aiuv .' vfidg ovx V TV KaTiKpvtpev, dXX' ovpavbg i-nEdi^aTo, k. t. X. Cf. Horn, xxiii. in Mamantem Martyrem. Gregorii Naz. Orat. xviii. in laudem Cypriani. Gregorii Nyaseni Orat. in Theodoram Mart. Daniel's Gesch. v. cbristl. Beredsamkeit i. 281. In the west Ambrose goes farther in extolling the martyrs, Daniel i. 658. ^^ S« especially the Spanish writer Aarelius Pnidentins Clemens (about 405. Poemata ed. Nic. Heinsius. Amst. 1667. 12. Chr. Cellarius. Halae. 1703. 8.} in hia lib. irepl ore- (^avuv, containing fourteen bymng to the martyrs, comp. H. Middeldorpf Comm. de Pru- derttio et Theologia Prudentiana in Hlgen's Zeitschr. f. hist. Theol. ii. ii. 187 ; and Pontius Paulinas, bishop of Nola {t 431. Letters and poems ed. J. B. le Bran. Paris. 1685, t. ii, 4, in Bibl. max. PP. t. vi. p. 163,, ss.), especially in the ten natales S. Pelicis. 1* See Augustine, above, $ 96, n. 18. The law of Theodosius I. a.d. 386 (Cod. Theod. ix. xvii. 7) : Humatam corpus nemo ad alteram locum transferat : nemo martyrem distrahat, nemomercetur. Habeant vero in potestate, si quolibet in loco sanctorum est aliquis conditus pro ejus veneratione, quod martyrinm vocandum sit, addant quod voluerint fabricarum. 1* Joannes Cassianua CoUat. vi. c. 1 : In Palaestinae partihus juxta Tecuae vicum— solitudo vastissima est usque ad Arabiam ac mare mortuum. — In hac summae vitae ac sanctitatis monachi diutissime commorantes, repente sunt a discurrentibua Saracenorum latrunculis interempti. duorum corpora — tarn a Pontificibus regionis illius qnam ab uni- yersa plebe Arabum tanta veneratione praerepta, et inter reliquias martyrum condita, ut innumeri populi e duobus oppidis concurrenlis gravissimum sibi certamen indixerint, et usque ad gladiorum conflictum, pro sancta rapina sit eorum progressa contentio, dum pia inter se devotione decertant, quiuam justius eorum sepulturam ac reliquias possiderent, * Diptycha. In Kees's Cyclopaedia, Biptycha are explained to be " a double catalogue, ih one whereof were written the namps of the living, and in the other those of the dead, which were to be rehearsed during the oflSce." CHAP, v.— PUBLIC WORSHIP. $ 99. WORSHIP OF SAINTS. 421 logue ; and thus a still more comprehensive saint-ivorship arose out of the veneration paid to martyrs/^ Martyrs. before un- known announced themselves also in visions ; others revealed the places where their bodies were buried. Till the fifth cen- tury, prayers had been offered even for the dead saints ;^^ but at that time the practice was discontinued as unsuitable.^ ^ It is true that the more enlightened fathers of the church insisted on a practical imitation of the saints in regard to morality as the most important thing in the new saint-worship/^ nor were aliis scilicet de vicinia commorationis ipsorum, aliis de originis propiii quit ate gloriantibtis. Comp. the dispute about the body of James, Tbeodoreti Hist, relig. c. 21 (ed. Schuk. 3, . p. 1239). ^s Thus Ambrose discovered the bodies of Protanius and Gervasius. Ambrose, Epist. 22, ad sororem, August, de Civ. Dei, xsii. 8. The populace were inclined to regard every ancient unknown grave as the grave of a martyr, Sulpicius Severus de vita Martini, c. 11. ^^ Epiphan. Haer. 75, $ 7 : Kal yap ^tKaiuv tToiovfMEda rrjv fzvTJfZTjVj Kal iirkp u./j.ap- TuXuv — VTrip de dtKaluv, Kal Traripuv, Kai liarpiapxiov, 'n.po({)TjTijv, Kal ''A.7roaT6?iO}v, Kal 'EvayyeTiLUTuv, Kal Maprvpuv, Kal 'OizoXoyijrcJv, ^'E'KIGKottuv re Kal 'Avaxt^PV'^'^i Kal TravTog rov rayfiaro^, Iva rov Kvptov 'Itjcqvv J^pioTov iLog iicdaTov' aAAa Tr62,£t^ koI KCJfiai ravra dtavetptafzevac, (jcjr^pac Koi tpvxi^v Kai aufiuTuv^ Kal laTpov^ ovofid^ovat, koI <1)q izo^Lovxovg Tifidai koI (fivTiCKag' koI ;t;p(5/ievot TTpeulSevTats npo^ tov ruv oXqv dEairoTTjv, did tovtuv rdc delac KOfil^ovrat dupedg. Page 921: 0/ 6e ye tuv KaWLVLKDV fiapTvpcjv ctjkoI, XapLirpol koi 7repci32.e7rT0i> Kai fzeyidEi, dtaiipeTTEtg, Kal TravTodairiJg ■KETrotKtl/iEvoi, Kal /cd/l/iouf dt^iivTeg fiaofiapvydg' elg fS^ Tovrovg ovx "^^'f V ^^V 7^ to^ irovc ^ TrevruKtg (potru/iev ' d?l?id TroXkdKig ftiv nai- T/yvpELg kTZLTETiOvfieVy 7^o7i7\.dKLg 6h Kal i^fiipag kKaurr^g rw tovtuv AEanoTy Tovg vfivovc •Kpoa^ipoiiEV Kal ol fiiv vyiatvovreg alrovai TJjg vyEcag rijv v TrapaKaXovvTEg. oft 6t rvyxdvovaw uvnep alrovcnv ol Tnardg knayyEXKovTEg^ dvatpavdov fiaprvpEt rd tovtuv uvadrjiiaTa, ttjv larpslav dTjXovvra' ol fiiv ydp 6c^7jg diroXvTrpayfiovrjTov tu Aoyu tov fivaTijpiov), ofitag 6td to (iq KaTa6ExeG8at Tdv vofj.(/i cvpij- yopovvTeg, Kat rove uyyi?iOV^ ce^eiv avTolg elarjyovvTO, 6ul tovtuv Xiyovre^ 6e66a0at TOV vofiov- tfietvs 6t ravTO to irddog kv Ty <^pvylg, Kat Hccndt^ f^^'XP^ tto/IAov' ov dij xdpiv Koi uvveXdovaa avvodog kv XaoSiKeig. Tijg ^pvyLag vofio kekuXvke to tolc liyyi'Koi^ Trpoaevx^odat ' kol fiixpi' ^^ tov vvv EVKTj^pta tov aytov MLxaiiX nap' kKEtvoig Kal Toig ofiopoig EKELVQV kcTlv 16elv. tovto tolvvv ovv€pov2.evov IkeIvol yivEadaiy TanELVo(^poavvy 67/Oev KEXPW£vot, Kal TisyovTEQ^ (jf uopaTO^ 6 Tuv 6\uv Osbg uvicptKTog te Kal aKaTdXyiV' TOC) Kal TzpoGTjKEi dcd. TOV uyyE?i.o)v Tyv dslav EviiEVELav npayfiaTEVEudai. Augustini Confess, x. 42 : Q,ueni invenirem, qui me reconciliaret tibi 7 Abeundera mihi fuit ad angelos ? Multi conantes ad te redire, neque per se ipsos valentes, sicut audio, tentave- rant baec, et inciderunt in desideriara curiosarara visionum, et digni habiti sunt illusion! bus. Cf. Keilii Opusc. acad. t. ii. p. 548, ss. 32 Ambros. de Viduis, c. 9 : Obsecrandi sunt angeli, qui nobis ad praesidium dati sunt. See note 21. ^* Augustiai CoUatio cum Maximino, c. 14 (0pp. viii. 467) : Nonne si templum alicui sancto Angelo excellentissimo de lignis et lapidibus faceremus, anathematizaremur a veri- tate Christi et ab Ecclesia Dei, quoniam creaturae exhiberemus earn servitatem, quae uni tantum debetur Deo 1 In the time of Sozomen there was, it is true, a church in Con- Btautinople, named Mix^^V^^-Ov, but solely for this reason (Sozom. ii. 3) : KadoTL ttettigtfv Tat kvddde iTntpaivEodai Mi;t;a^X tov QeIov 'Ap;i;'a}'>'e/lov. 35 But Minucias Felix, c. 29 : Cruces nee colimus, nee optamus. 36 Euseb. de vit. Constant, i. 40 ; ii. 6-9, 16 ; iv. 21. Sozom. i. 8, in fi|ie. 3^^ This story is false. Eusebius de vita Const, iii. 25, relates at greatlength how the holy sepulcher was cleared out at the command of Constantiue, not of* 'Helena, and the church of- the resurrection built over it, but says nothing of the discovery of the cross. Then not till c. 41, ss. does he speak of the journey of Helena to Palestine, and how she built churches at the spot where Christ was born in Bethlehem, and on the locality of the ascension on the Mount of Olives. The Gaul also, who was in Jerusalem a.d. 333, and mentions all tho holy objects in the city ia his Itinerarium {Vetera Rom. Itineraria, ed. P. Wesseling, p. 593), knew nothing of the holy cross end its finding. The oldest testimony alleged for it, but which ndtwithstaudiog does not speak of Helena, in CyrilU Hieros. Epist. ad Constantium, professedly written about a.d. 351, is a later interpolation. It can not have been known before the fifth century, for Jerome, in Catal. s. v. Cyrillus, does not mention it, and Ambrose Orat. de obitu Theodosii, Jo. Chrysostomus Horn. 85 (al. 84), Pauli- nas Nolanus Epist. 31 (al. 11), Bufinus Hist. eecl. x. 7, 8, Socrates, i. 17, Sulpic. Sever. Hist, saer. ii. 34, are ignorant of it; since otherwise they would not have related the circum- stances of the finding, and especially the recognition of the true cross so differently. TIif> 426 SECOND PERIOD.— DrV. I.— A.D. 324-451. work miracles/^ became objects of the highest adoration, and were finally put on altars.^^ Helena set the first example of a pilgrimage to Palestine, which was soon extensively imitated.*" By this means ideas of the holiness of that country had increased so much, even to the grossest superstition,*^ that many teachers of the Church openly discouraged these pilgrimages/^ Aversion to pictures ceased among Christians in the fourth century. They allowed not merely likenesses of emperors,*^ credulous Sozomen (ii. 1) first speaks of this letter of Cyril. The conclusion of it, in which the emperor is designated as do^d^uv rijv 6/^oovaov rpidda is decidedly adverse to its au- thenticity. Por Cyril, in the time of Constantius, was not an adherent of the Nicene faith, and that this emperor was not so might have been unknown a considerable time after, in different places. Comp. Dallaeus adv. Latinorum de cultus religiosi objecto traditionem. Genevae. 1664. 4. p. 704, Witsii Miscellan. sacra, ii. 364. 38 Paulinus-Nolanus Ep. 31 (al. 11) : The bishop of Jerusalem alone could bestow splin- ters of the cross, ad magnum fidei et benedictionis gxatiam. Q,uae quidem crux in materia iusensata vim vivam tenons, ita es illo tempore innumeris paene quotzdie hominum votis lignum suum commodat, ut detrimenta non sentiat, et quasi intacta permaneat. 39 First mentioned by Sozomen, ii. 3, and Nilus. See note 48. Cf Bingham, vol. Hi. p. Q36. *** Partly in order to be baptized in Jordan (Euseb. de locis Ebr.' s. v. B)?5a/?cpa), which was also the purpose of Constantine {Euseb. de vit. Const, iv. 62} ; but also attracted by the marvelous and the love of relics. Paulinas Nol. Ep. 11 : The holy cross was shown only at Easter, nisi interdum religiosissimi postulent, qui hac tantnm causa illo peregrinati advenerint, ut sibi ejus revelatio quasi in pretium longinquae peregrina tionis deferafur. Epist. 36 : Religiosa cupiditas est loca videre, in quibus Christus ingi-essus et passus est, et resurresit, et unde conscendit: et aut de i_psis locis exiguum pulverem, aut de ipso Cnicis ligno aliquid saltem festucae simile sumere et habere, benedictio est. As tr.o wood of the cross suffered no diminution (note 38), so also the footsteps of the Lord at his ascension were not worn away. Sulpic. Sever. Hist, sacr. ii. 33 : Cum quotidie confluentium fides certatim Domino calcat? airipiat, damnum tamen arena Don sentit : et eadem adhuc sui speciem, velut impresses signata vestigiis terra custodit. *^ Ex, gr. Augustin. de Civ. Dei, xxii. 8. B-especting the wonderful power of the teiTa sancta de Hierosolymis allata, *'■* Hieron. Ep. 13, ad Paulinum : Non Hierosolymis fuisse, scd Hierosolymis bene vixisse laudandum est. — Et de Hierosolymis et de Britannia aequaliter patet aula coelestis.^Beatus Hilarion cum Palaestinua esset et in Palaestina viveret : uno tantura die vidit Hierosolymam, ut nee contemnere loca sancta propter viciniam, nee rursus. dominum loco claudere videretur. (On the other hand, Epist. 47, ad Desiderium : adorasse, nbi steterunt pedes Domini, pars fidei est, et quasi recentia nativitatis et crucis ac pas- eionis vidisse vestigia.) Especially zealous is Gregorii Nysseni Epist nEpl tuv ilttiovtov elg 'lepoa6?iV/j,a against these pilgrimages (reprinted also as an appendix to J. H. Hei- degger de Peregrin ationibus religiosis. Turici. 1670. 8). We see from his letters that even then Jerusalem was remarkable for corruption of morals, as places of pilgrimage usually are : E^ ijv ivAiov y X"-P''C ^^ ^Oif Kara 'lepoaoXo/ia Toizoig ovk &v £7rf;^;6)p/cfe TOtc kun ^datv 7 u/iapTta. Nvv /levroi ovk sotlv uKadapaiag eZJof, 727 roXfzurat Trap' avTol^, Kal TTOVTjpiaL, Kat fioLXEtact nal KXoTcal, Kal eldo)Xo?^arpelai, K'tl (pap/iaKeiai, Kai 66voc, Kal (ffovot. *^ Likenesses of Constantine and his children were affixed to the Labarum, Euseb de vita Const, i. 31, iv. 69, comp. above, note 4. CHAP, v.— PUBLIC WORSHIP. $99. IMAGE-WORSHIP. 427 but also of other distinguished men.'^* On th^ other hand, it was still reckoned a heathen practice to represent objects of ^vor- ship hj pictures^^ At first, allegorical representations of sacred doctrines, and historical pictures taken from the Scriptures or from the history of martyrs, were allowed in the churches. Of these the earliest instances in the east are mentioned by Greg* ory of Nyssa ; **^ in the west, by Paulinus^ bishop of Nola (409— '^ Thus the Christians of Autioch had likenesses of their bishop Meletius {t 381) even during his lifetime, on the seals, rings, vessels, and walls. See Chrysostomi Orat. encomiastica in S. Meletiura, Opp. ii. 519. *5 See Div. I. § 70, note 5. Euseb. Caesariensis Ep. ^d Coustantium. (Cone. Nicaeni, ii. actio 6. Published more complete by J. Boivin in the notes to Nicephori Gregorae Byzaut. Histor. ed. Bonn. t. ii. p. 1301) : 'E:rei 6^ koX Trepl nvog eUovog tjf dij rov XptdTov y£ypa(l>ac, El/cova (3ov2,o/iivi] cot TavTijv v(p' 7}(J.€)v 7TE/xe, rsyf tov 6ov?lov fiopvyd6£VTat tu ToiavTa, fiovotg TE i]fMlv (J.7J k^Elvai to toiovtov iroulv Tzaph izdat ^E^oTjTat ; — ovk olda yup, otkdq yvvaibv ti /ietu x^^P^^ ttote 6vo Ttvh^ (}>ipovaa KaTaysypafifievovg^, (jf dv (ptXocoipov^^ dizEfipLi^E 7>,byov, wf dv elsv Hav^ov Kai tov liUTTJpog' ovk Ix^ XsyEiv, ovte bTTodev Xaf^ovoa, OVTE oOev tovto p.a6ovoa ' Iva /J.7j6t avTT^, fi7]6i ^TEpoi CKavdaXi^oivTO, d^EAo- UEVoq TavTTjv nap' kpavrbv KaTElxov, ovx ijyovfiEvo^ KaXug ^;t;£iv slg iTipov^ oXio^ tK^ipEiv TavTa, Iva p.7i doKLifzev diKtjv £l6(j}7i,o2,aTpovvTO}V rbv Oeov yfiuv kv eIkovl nEpt^tipEcv. Epiphanius Ep. ad Johannem Hierosol. ex vers. Hieronymi {Epiph. Opp. ii. 317) relates, that when he bad come into the church in Anablatha, a village of Palestine, inveni ibi velum pendens in foribus ejusdem Ecclesiae tinctum atque depictum, et habens imaginem, quasi Christi, vel sancti cujuadam. Non enim satis memini, cujus imago fuedt. Cum ergo hoc vidissem, in Ecclesia Christi contra auctoritatem Scripturarum hominis pendere imaginem, soldi illud, et magis dedi consilium custodibus ejusdem loci, nt paupprem mortuum eo obvolverent et efferrent. He promises them a new velum which he herewith sends and asks John, deinceps praecipere, in Ecclesia Christi ejusmodi vela, quae contra religionem nostram veniunt, non appendi. Asterius, bishop of Amasea {about 400. See Homilies in the auctarium PP. ed. Combefisii) Horn, in Divitem et Lazarom : M7 ypupoGvvy, ijv avQatpiTu^ 6l' rjptdg KaTEde^aTO ' inl 6e TTJg tpvxvc col' (SaaTa^uv votjtwq tov duC)p.aTov loyov 7repcov kKEtvTjv, Ka/xcvov ttjv fiaKaptOTaTTjv TeTiEcuGCV tov uOIijtov, tov dyovodETOV XptGTov ttjc dvdpuirlvT/g fzop(p7)c TO kKTVTTOfia ■ navTa Tjfuv^ (if iv l3iP?i,i(f) tlvl yAwrro^opcj 6td ;i;p(j/£«r(jv TEXvovpyijad- fiEvo^ aa^Cic dcriybpevce rovg dyCtva^ tov /xaprvpog. In the Orat. de deitate Pilii et Spir. S. (1. c. p. 908), he describes a picture of the sacrifice of Isaac. (Augustin. contra Faustum, xsii. 73 : Factum it£ nobile, — ut tot linguis cantatum, tot locis pictum, et aures et oculoa 428 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. 431, A.D.).*' Such pictures were not intended to be worshiped, but were merely for instruction and stimulus. ■" The like- nesses of individuals only were capable of leading the minds of the illiterate astray, so as to worship them. The first pictures of this kind which we find in a Gallic Church at the end of the fifth century do not, it is true, imply that they were worship- ed ; ■" but soon after, superstition connected itself with the like- nesses cf miracle-working persons, which were placed in houses.^" Under Leo the Great, we find the first picture of Christ in a Romish Church." dissimulantis feriret.) Comp. Cramer's Forts, v. Bossuet's Weltgesch. Th. 4, S. 442, ss. Hunter's Sinnbilder u. Kunstvorstellangen der alten Christen. Heft 1, S. 9, ss. *' Paulin. Natal, ix. Pelicis : Fropterea risum nobis opus utile, totis Felicibus domibus picture illudere sancta ; Si forte attonitas haec per spectacula mentes Agrestum caperet fucata coloribus umbra, etc. CT. NataJis vii. et x. Epist. 30 (al. 12) Prudentius Trcpi BTSi^avuv, hymn ix. v. 10, hymn si. V. 127. Mdnter, i. 18. *3 Nilas (see § 85, note 1) advised the Epai'ch Olympiodorua who intended to build a llartyrion and to adora it with a number of pictures (lib. iv. Ep. 61) : *Ev TLi lepareiu fi^v KaTh avaToluQ rov detordrov Tefi^vov^ Sva Koi fiovov TVKwaat ffravpov ' 6C evof yap QurqpLijiSov^ CTavpov to rdv avOpunuv diaaCi^ETai yivoc, Kal rotg aTTTjXTTia^evot^ iXirlc Tavraxov KTjpvocErai • Icropidv 6i •fraXaia^ Kal vsa^ 6ia6^K7j^ nXTjpCxTaL evOev Kal h)Ort> X^i-pl KaTiTiCffTov C(^ypu(pov rov vabv Tov uyiov-, OTTuf av ol fir] eldoreg ypufi/iaTa, /HTjd^ dvvd/ievoi ruf deiac uvaytvuGKscv ypa(pug Ty deuplg. Trj^ ^uypafpla^ fivTjpTjv re ?.a/iPdvG}t7tv TTj^ TL)V yvQaluQ TLi uT^Tjdcvu 6eC) dedovT^evKoruv dvSpayadla^, Kal Trpog ufiOiXav dceyet- puvTat TL)V evkTiEi^v Kal dutdififiiv dpiarevparuv, (St' dv T^f y^f tov ovpavov d-K7}XXd^avT0. " Severus caused pictures of Martin of Tours and Pauliuns of Nola to be brought into the baptistery of the church in Bourges, while the former was probably alive, the latter, certainly so. PauU Nol. Ep. 32. Cf. Bingham, vol. iii. p. 305. *" Thus Augustine mentions pictures of Peter and Paul (de Consensu evangel, i. 10), but says of them: Sic omnino errare meruerunt, qui Christum et Apostolos ejus non iu eanctis codicibus. Bed in pictis parietibus quaesierunt. Comp. de Moribus eccl. cath. i. . 34 : N'ovi, multos esse s?pulchrorum et picturarum adoratores. Nunc vos illud admoueo, ut aliquando Ecclesiae catholicae maledicere desinatis, vituperando mores horainum, quos et ipsa condemnat, et quos quotidie tanquam malAs filios corrigere studet. According to Theodoreti Hist, relig. c. 26 (ed. Schultze, iii. 1272), Simeon Stylites was held in such honor at Rome even during his lifetime, ^g kv airaut rotf Tdv ^pyaanjpluv -rrpoiTv'kaioLg eiKovag avTL) ppaxeiag uvaarijaaLt (jivXaKTjv rtva ci^iav avTocg Kal utj^dXetav ivrevdEV ■Kopll^ovTag. '1 According to Severianus (aboat 4001 an opponent of Chrysostox, cabsequently bishop of Gabala (Tract, in s. cracem in S. Jo. Chrysost. de Educandis liberis, lib. etc. ed. Franc. Combefis. Paris. 1656. 8. p. 129), the cross is ij tov Mavdrov ^asMug cIkuv. In the churches of Paulinas of Nola, Christ appears only in the symbolic form of the lamb at tha foot of the cross. In the mosaic picture belonging to the S. Maria Maggiore, the oldest extant, which was made under Sixtus III., 432-440, a throne with a book roll, and behind it a cross, forms the central point. In the background, Christ appears only as a child, in historic&l representations from the accounts of his childhood. In the Basilica of St. Paul, which was built under Leo I., in the picture of the triumphal arch he is first made to occupy the exact center as a SaVious (see die bildl. Darstellungen im Sanctuarium d. ■ CHAP, v.— PUBLIC WOESHIP. 5 100. HOLY PLACES. 429 § 100. PLACES AND TIMES OF PUBLIC WORSHIP. Since basilicac ' had frequently been converted into clmrches after the time of Constantine, and churches had been built in the form of basilicae,^ the name basilica was also the more readily transferred to the churches themselves,^ because it was susceptible in this instance of a signification so appropriate. The churches, now large and splendid, were divided into three parts : the vdpOrj^ {-npovaog, ferula) porch, from which the beau- tiful gates, -nvXai dypaiai (according to Acts iii. 2—10), led into the body of the church, vaog, navis (where was the aiijiuv, pul- pitum), which again was divided from the flfnia, sacrarium, sac- risty, by cancelli, KcyKXideg, a lattice-work. There were usu- ally other buildings attached to the churches, and especially a baptistery, fianriarripiov, with the font, piscina, fons, KoXvfi^iridpa. All the buildings were situated in an inclosed court (alOpiov, ' avXi], atrium), in which was also a reservoir or large vessel of water {icpfivTi, cantharus) for washing the hands before entering the church, after the. ancient, originally Jewish fashion. christl. Kirchen vom 5ten bis zum 14ten Jahrh. von J. G. MuUer. Trier. 1835. 8. S. 42, ss.). These Salvator-pictares continue for a long time the only ones. Pictures of the crucified, the Eccehomo, the dead Christ in the bosom of tlie mother, belong to the middle ages. The caput radiatum or the nimbus was taken from heathen and transferred to Christian art. See Schoepflirii Comment, hist, et crit. p. 69, Miinter'a Sinnbilder, ii. 28. The Thomas-Christians in India suppose that Cyril introduced the to them hateful pictures. See La Croze Hist, du Christianisme des Indes, a la Haye, 1724. 4. p. 243. Assemanu-s Bibl. Orient, iii. ii. 401, endeavors indeed to prove that this tradition can not be very old ; but it is a remarkable fact that it is also related by the Copt Elmacin (about 1250) on ■whose authority it is repeated by Makriz (about 1400). (See Renaudot Hist. Patr. Alex. p. 114, Makrizii Hist. Coptorum ed. Wetzer. Solisb. 1828. 8. p. 53.) On any supposition, it is historically established that pictures were introduced into churches in the time of CyriL ' The Koman basilica, an imitation of the aroii ^aaikuifi in Athens, consisted partly of an oblong four-cornered space, which served principally for a place of merchandise, and partly of a second space situated over against the entrance which formed a semicircle, and in which a court was held, the so called tribunal. See Vitruv. v. i. Hirt's Baukunst, iii. 180. Dr. F. Kugler's Handbuch der Kunstgescbichte. Stuttgart. 1842. 1 On the form of the churches, see the description of the city of Rome by Platuer, Bunsen, Gerhard, and Rostell, i. 419. Die Basiliken des christl. Roms. Kupfertafeln u Erklarung (von Bunsen). Munchen. 1843. fol. ' Hieronymus Ep. 35 ; epitaph. Nepotiani ; basilicas ecclesiae. 430 SECOND PEEIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. Fasts, hitherto voluntary, were now prescribed by the Chuixh.'* Festival days were more regularly arranged, and, at the same time, multiplied. In the east, the Epiphany was cel- ebrated as the festival ^ both of the birth and baptism of our Lord ; in the west, the 25th December had been adopted as the birth-day ever since the middle of the fourth century ; ^ the cus- * The older and more liberal view (see Div. I. $ 73, note 1) is still maintained by Victor Antiochenus (about 400), Comm. in Ev. Marci, c. 2 (Bibl. PP. max. t. iv.): Enimvero inter ens, qui in Moysis, et eos rursum, qui in gratiae leg^e jejuniis dant operam, hoc praeter caetera interest, quod ilU quidem jejunia a Deo praefinita habebant, quae proiude modis omnibus explere obligabantur, etiamsi alias noluissent ; hi vcro virtutis amore, liberaque voluntatis electione jejunant verius, quam uUa legis coactione. duodsi vero quadragesi- male vel aliud quodcunque jejunium definitum habemus, propter ignavos et negligentes, quo nimiram qaoqae ii officium faciant, praefinitum habemus. Chrysostomus Horn. lii. iu eos qui primo Pascha jejunant. Cassianus CoUat. xsi. c. 30 : Sciendum sane banc obser- vantiam quadragesimae, quamdiu ecclesiae illius primitivae perfeetio inviolata permansU, penitus non fuisse. Non enim praecepti hujus necessitate nee quasi legali sanctione constricti, arctissimis jejuniorum terminis claudebantur, qui totum anni spatium aequali jejunio concludebant. Socrates, v. 22. On the contrary Epiphanius Haer. Ixxv. 6, Expos, fidei, c. 22, derives the Wednesday and Priday fasts from an apostolic arrangement. Hieronymus Ep. 27 (al. 54), ad Marcellam: Nos unam quadragesimam secundum tradi- tionem Apostolorum, toto nobis orbe congruo, jejunamus. Leo P. Serm. 43, de Cluadrages. 6 : Apostolica institutio si. dierum jejunio impleatur. WJiile in the Oriental church all fasting was prohibited on the Saturday, the ■■ustom of fasting on this day arose in the west, especially in Rome, perhaps even in tlie third century (Neander, i. i. 510 : Ter- tnllian de Jejun. c. 14, does not, however, prove this. See my remarks in the Thcol. Stud, nnd Kritik. 1833, iv. 1149). In the fourtli century, Saturday as a fast day entirely took the place of Wednesday at Rome (Innocent T. Ep. 25, ad Dicentium. c. 4. Augustini Ep. 36, ad Casulanum). Of. CLuesnel. Diss, de Jejunio Sabbati in Eccl. Rom. observato, in his edition of the Opp'. Leonis, ii. 544. * Cassian. CoUat. x. c. 2: Intra Aegypti regionem mos iste antiqua traditione servatur, ut peracto Epiphaniorum die, quern provinciae illius sacerdotes vel dominici baptismi, vel secundum camem nativitatis esse definiunt, et idcirco utriusque sacramenti solemnitatem non bifarie, ut in occiduis provinciis, sed sub una diei hujus festivitate concelebrant, epis- tolae pontificis Alexandrini per universas dirigantur Aegypti ecclesias, quibus et initium quadragesimae et dies paschae non solum per civitates omnes, sed etiam per universa monasteria designentur. 6 According to Epist. Johannis Episc. Nicaeni, in the auctar. Bibl. Patr. ed. Combefisius, t. ii. p. 297, and an Anonymus ap. Cotelerius ad Constitt. Apost. v. 13, which, however, are too modem to be regarded as proper witnesses, although they certainly come near the truth, this day was established by Julius, bishop of Rome (337-352). An expression of his successors, Liberius (352-366) in Salvatoris Natali is adduced by Ambrosius deVirgini- bus, iii. c. 1. Even an ancient Syrian in Assemani Bibl. orient, ii. 164, states that the natalis solis invicti falling on this day (Winter-solstice, according to the erroneous reckon- ing of the Julian calendar on the 25th December, see Ideler's Chronologie, ii. 24), was the reason why the natalis Christi was assigned to the same day. So also Jo. Harduin (Acta SS. Junii iv. 702, D.) and especially Jablonski de Origins festi nativit. Christi. diss. ii. $ 2 (Opusc. ed. te Water, iii. 348). Even so late as the times of Leo the Great, there were ^ many in Rome quibus haec die solemnitatis nostrae non tam de nativitate Christi, quam de novi, ut dicunt, solis ortu honorabilis videatur (Leonis M. Sermo xxi. c. 6). According to Credner de Natalitiorum Christi et rituum in hoc festo celebrande solemnium origine, in Illgen's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. iii. ii. 228, this festival began in Egypt in the fourth century. CHAP, v.— PUBLIC WORSHIP. § lOO. HOLY TIMES, 431 torn proceeding from Rome and spreading into the different parts of the empire. This festival began now to obtain in the east;^ and at last, also (shortly before 431) in Egypt.^ The Epiphany was observed in addition as the day of baptism, and * came to be kept as such even in the west.^ The celebration of the passover, as customary in Asia Minor, had been rejected at the council of Nice ;^*' and since that time, those who still re- tained it were regarded as heretics, TeoaapEGtcatdeKarlrat, Quar- todecimani.^* With respect to the appointment of the Easter festival, they followed for the most part the patriarch of Alex- andria;^^ yet not always, especially in the west; and thus Easter was sometimes observed on different Sundays in different provinces. ^^ • The Paschal festival, which was announced at the ■^ For example, in Antioch about 380. Chrysost. Horn. 31, de Natali Christi (ed. Montfauc. ii. 355) : OvTLi SiKarov kartv irog, i^ ov drill} koI yvupifio^ yficv avrij ij rjixepa yEyevvqrai. WTiat follows furnishes a remarkable illustration of the ease with which customs of a recent date-'could- assume the character of apostolic institutions : Tiapa fikv toXq ttjv EGTripav oIkovglv -uvudev yvopt^ofiivT] — 7ra>latu Kal apxaia icrl, Kai dvuUev rolg utzo OpaKijc pi'^XP'- Tadeipuv olnovai KarddTjAoc Kai etzlotiiio^ yeyove. ^ Comp. Cassian Collat. x. 2, above, note 5. On the other hand, in the Acts of the Ephesian council (ap. Mansi, iv. 293) Pauli Episc. Kmiseni homilia ^.exdelaa k6' Xoiaic {25 Dec.) h ryv fieydTiT) kKKTirjcia ' A?^e^av6pEcag — eig ttjv yivvyciv tov Kvpiov, k. t. a. About the same time under bishop Juvenalis the festival was also adopted in Jerusalem, which was united with Alexandria against Antioch. See B asilides Selene, de S. Stephano, in S. Joannis Chrysostomi de Educaudis liberis lib. ejusdem tractatus alii quinque, etc. ed. Franc. Combefis. Paris. 1656. 8. p. 302. ^ The first trace of it is in 3fi0, when Julian, according to Ammian. Marcell. xxi. c. 2, celebrated the Epiphany in tlie church at Vienne. In the west, the commemoration of the arrival of the Magi (i. e., three lungs, according to Psalm Ixxii. 10) and the first miracle in Cana were united with this feast. Bingham, vol. is. p. 80. Neander, ii. ii. 657, ss. 10 Comp. Div. I. $ 60, note 15. Constantini Epist. ad eeclesias de decretls syn. Nic. (ap. Eusebius de vita Const, iii. 18) et Epist. Syn. Nic. ad eccl. Alexandr. ap. Socrates, i. 9 : 'i2f Trdvrflf rovg kv ry kua dde/K^ovc Tovg fieriX ruv 'lovrfat'wv to TTporepov noiovvTag, cv/i<}>o)v(i)C 'Pofiaiotg Kal rjiilv — to Tzdaxa kK tov devpo dyeiv. There is nothing more precise on the subject. This Niceno decree was confirmed by the Cone. Antioch. ann. 341, can. 1. " The name first occurs in Cone. Laodic. {about 364) can. 7. Cone. Constant, oec. ii. ann. 381, c. 2. Epiphan. Haer. 50. On the other hand, Philastrius Haer. 87, knows nothing of it. 12 Leonis Ep. 121 (ed. Cluesn. 94) : Paschale festum — quamvis in prime semper mense celebrandum sit, ita tamen est lunaris cursus conditione mutabile, ut pleruroque sacratissi- mae diei ambigua occurrat electio, et ex hoc fiat plerumque quod non licet, ut non simul oranis Ecclesia quod nonnisi unum esse oportet observet. Studuerunt itaque sancti Patrea dccasionem hujus erroria auferre, omnem banc curam Alexandrine Episcopo delegantes (quoniam apud Aegyptios hujus supputationis antiquitus tradita esse videbatar peritia), per quem quotannis dies praedictae solemnitatis Sedi apostolicae indicaretur, cujus scriptis ad longinquiores Eeclesias indicium generale percurreret. 13 Ambrosii Ep. 23 (al. 83). On the different paschal cycles see Bingham, vol. ix, p. ?9. Ideler'a Chronologie, Bd. 2, S. 200, ss. In Alexandria a cycle of nineteen years icveiiLed by Anatolius was used {IvveaKatdeKaETrjpic). In Rome, to the time of Leo the Great, 432 SECOND PERIOIX— DrV. I.— A.D. 324-451. Epiphany, was preceded by the Quadragesima (jEoaapaKooTTiy* and divided into the Trdaxa aravpuainov, hebdomas magna, tke great week, in which the feria quinta (j) ayia nsfiUTr]), the ' napaaKEVTj, and the Sabbatum magnum were distinguished from one another ; and into the Trdaxa dvaardaifiov, the week of the resurrection, which ended with the Dominica in albis (Kaivi) KvpiaKfj^. This festival was followed by the Quinquagesima (jrsvTTjKooTT'i), whlch IncIudcd the ascension (dvdAT])piA, and ended with pentecost (nsvTijKooT'^y The nightly service (vigUiae, Travwxi'Ss^) which preceded the Easter festival was observed with great splendor ;^* but now similar vigils were also annexed to other festivals, especially to those in honor of martyrs. § 101. RITES AND CEREMONIES OP WORSHIP. Christian worship was now invested with a splendor hitherto unknown. The clergy began to wear a peculiar costume while engaged in holy things.' In some of the services lights were and in the west, the cycle of eighty-four years. With the Alexandrians, Easter festival must fall between 22d March and 25th April ; with the Latins, between the 18th March and the 21st April. Heace there was a difference in the keeping of Easter, and hence arose the discussions respecting it. Ideler, ii. 254, ff. For this reason, Leo M. Ep. 121 (see note 12), applied to the emperor Marcian : Obsecro clementiam vestram, ut stadium vestrum praestare dignemini, quatenus Aegyptii, vel si qui sunt alii, qui certam hujus supputationis videntur habere notitiam, scrupulum hujus solicitudinis absolvant, ut in eum diem generalis observantia dirigatnr, qui nee patemarum constitationum pormam relinquat, nee ultra praefixos terminoa evagetur. Q.uicquid autem pietas vestra de hac consultatione cognoverit, ad meam jubeat mos notitiam pervenire, ut in divinis mysteriis nulla dissonan- tlae culpa nascatar. ^* Among the Orientals seven weeks, among the Westerns who fasted also on the Sabbath (see above, note 6) six; in both cases, therefore, thirty-six days. Cassiani CoUat. xxi. 24, 25 (qui gubstantiaram nostrarum omniumque fructuum decimas offerre praecipimur, multo magis necesse est, ut ipsius quoque conversatiouis nostrae, et bumani usus, operumque nostrorum decimas offeramus, quae profecto in supputatione quadragesi- mae implentur), 27, 28. Comp. Socrates, v. 22. " Euseb. de vit. Const, iv. 22. Gregor. Nyss. Orat. 5, de Paschate Qregor. Naz. Orat 19 et 42. ^ All the clergy wore the ffTLxdpLov (vestis alba tunica) ; bishops, presbyters, and dea- cons wore over that the updptov (according to Jo. Morinus de sacris Ecclesiae ordinationi- bus, p. 174, opdpLOV, according to Suicer. Thes. eccl. ii. 498, bpapiov lat. orarium, afterward Stola), bishops and presbyters over that the ^eXovTli or ^(uXovij^ (plaueta, casula; comp. UorinuB, p. 176. Saicer. ii. 1422). The apiofopiov (pallium) distinguished the bishops in CHAP, v.— PUBLIC WORSHIP. $ 101. HOLY RITES. 433 also used in the day-time ;^ and in the fifth century frankincense began to be employed.^ More attention was paid to the music. The custom of singing in responses, first introduced into the Church at Antioch/ soon spread in the east, and was transfer- red to the Western Church by Ambrose,^ The disciplina ar- cani (distinction between the initiated and uninitiated) reached its highest development in the fourth century,^ but afterward gradually disappeared as heathenism ceased. Public worship (XeiTovpyta,'^ missa)* was divided on account of it into several the east ; in the west it was not yet in use (cf. Pertsch de Origine, usu et auctoritate pallii archiepiscopalis. Helmst. 1754. 4. p. 91, ss). That no tonsure was ever practiced either by monks or clergymen may be inferred from Hieronymus ad Ezech. xliv. 20 : Q,uod sequitur; caput suum non radent neque comam nutrient, sed tondentes attondebunt capita sua, perspicue demonstratur, nee rasis capitibus, sicut sacerdotes cultoresqae Isidis ac Serapis nos esse debere, nee rursum comam demittere, qnod proprie luxuriosorum eat, barbarorumque et militantium, sed ut honestus habitus sacerdotura facie demonstretur, etc. Comp. Bingham, vol. ii. p. 413, iii. 50. 2 Before the relics of martyrs, and in the east also during the reading of the Gospel. See Hieronymus adv. Vigilantium. Lactantius (Institutt. vi. 2) still mocks the heathens on account of it. 3 The first certain trace of it is found in Pseudo-Dionys. Areop. de Eccl. hier. c. 3. It had been used before as a mark of honor to the emperors. See $ 99, note 4. * According to Theodoretus H. E. ii. 19. Flavianus and Diodorus, two monks in An- tioch, in the time of Constantius, were its originators : Ovtoc Trpurot, 6cxv ^te'Aovreg rovf T(jv '\ba%7<.6vT(j)v xopovg, kK diadoxv^ adetv t^v LavtLKTjv kdida^av fteXudiav Kal tqvto Lv ^kvTiQX^'t-9- TVpCiTov up^dfievov TTuvToae 6ti6f)afie, Kal Kari^-afSs Tij^ otKOVfiivrjc to. rep- fiara. According to Theodore of Mopsvestia in Nicetae Acomin. Thesaurus orthodoxiae, V. 30, they first only translated Antiphonies from the Syriac into "Greek ; and Socrates, vi. 8, attributes the first introduction of this kind of music to Ignatius ( Augnati Diss, de hymnis Syronim. Vratisl. 1814. 8. Hahn iiber den Gesang in der syrischen Kirche, in the Kircheu- hist. Archive fiir 1823, iii. 52). The custom of singing in responses was especially difi"used by the monks [to uvTloivov, uvrl^uvot v(ivot). Comp. generally M. Gerbertus de Cantu et musicasacra (tomi ii. typis San-Blasianis, 1774. 4), i. 40. Schone'a Geschichtsforschuu- gen iiber die kirchl. Gebrauche, ii. 191. ^ Augustini Confess, ix. 6, 7. Paulinus in vita Ambros. p. iv. On the rausicp,l character of the Ambrosian singing see Kiesewetter's Gesch. d. europaiach-abendlandiachen Musik. Leipzig. 1834. 4. S 3. s Comp. Div. I. $ 67, note 3. Basilius de Spir. sancto, c. 27. Comp. especially Cyrilli Hieros. catecheses. Hence the formula so frequent among the orators, laaaLv ol fie/iVTj- fiEvoi or ol cvfifMvarai, in opposition to the a/iviiroc : in Augustine, norunt fideles : From- mann de Disciplina arcani, p. 43. ' Comp. Suiceri Thes. eccl. ii. 220. Bingham, v. 16, particularly the solemnity of the Lord's Supper, but in other respects every religious service too. 8 Missa, i. e. missio: as remissa, oiFensa, for remissio, offensio. Avitus (archbishop of Vienne about 490) in Epist. i. : In Ecclesiis, Palatiisque, sive Praetoriis missa fieri pro nunciatur, cum populus ab observatione dimittitur. In the first part of the service, which consisted of psalms, readings, and sermon, even the unbelieving portion of the people were permitted to join. After their retiring, the proper miaaa c ate chum enorum followed, which was a aeries of prayers, whereby the catechumens, penitents, and possessed, were dis- missed in classes (by the call ol uKocv6v7jTot irEptTrar^ffare. fiij tl^ tuv KaTrjxovfiEV.ovg 6ca6e^afiEvuv dEcot irotfzevEg Kal dtddaKaXot r^g '^KK^ijalag t^v TJjg fivariKTJg XeiTovpyiag EKdEGLV kyypd^Qg KaraTiCTrovTegt Ty ^Ekk^tjui^ izapadeduKaaiv. i^ wv 6i npuroc ovtol Kal- ScaTtpvcioc Tvyx^vovuiv o,ts fiaKaptog KX^fiijg, 6 tov KOpv(l>alov Tdv ' A-ttogtoT^dv ^adjjT^g Kal diddoxog, avTcp tuv lepihv ^A-TCOGToTihv virayopEVGuVTov. (This is the liturgy found in the Constitut. apost. viii. 16, the oldest extant.) Kal 6 delog ^laKu^og, b TTJg 'lEpo- GoXvf£tTC>v 'EKK7i,7]Glag TOV KTJqpov %axf^v.—''0 6^ fzeyag BaGlTi^eiog fiETu. ravra to f)^6vfj.ov Kal KaT(i)(j)Ep^g tC>v dvdpunuv dsopdv, Kal Sid, tovto to TTJg %E{.Tovpylag fiTJKog oKvovvTuVt — kiriTOfioiTEpov TtapEduKE TieyEGdat. — Mer" ov troTiv 6§ 7rd2,tv 6 TjfiiTepog Tzar^p d ttjv y7i€}TTav xp!t><^ovg ^ludvvijg — elg ttjv TTJg dvQpuizivqg ^vGeag {iaQvfiiav k^opQv — Td iroXld iTriTEfiE, Kal gvvto[i6tepov TeTielGdac dterafaro. In the fifth century the liturgy of Basil bad been spread almost over all the east. But in addition to it, that of Chrysostom also, proceeding from Constantinople, gradually obtained acceptance. The Alexandrians de- rived their liturgy from Mark, the Romans from Peter, the Milanese from Barnabas and Ambrose. No liturgy of this period, with the exception of that in the Constitutt apost., has been .preserved free from alteration. Comp. Leonis Alatii de Libris ecclesisticis Graecorum, diss. ii. Paris. 1645. 4, (with Fabricius' remarks in the old edition of his Bib- lioth. graeca, appended to vol. v.) Jac. Goar ci';t;oA6yiov s. rituale Graecorum. Paris. 1647, and Venet. 1730. fol. Eus. Kenaudotii Liturgiarum orientalium collectio, t. ii. Paris. 1716. 4. J. A. Assemani Codex liturgicus Eccl. nniversae, p. vi. Eximae. 1749, ss. 4. 11 Constitutt. apostoll. vii. c. 41. Cyrill. Hieros. Catech. myst. ii. c. 3 et 4. This unction was with k?\,aiff) aylo) ; the unction after baptism, which had been practiced before (see Oiv. I. $ 53, note 25), with /iup^ or xpl(^^<^TL, see Suicer. Thes. eccl. i. 1077, ii. 1534. Bing- flam, vol. iv. p. 303. " Gregor. Nazianz. Orat. 40. Comp. Ullmanu's Gregor v. Naz. S. 466, ss. (On the baptism of children : Ll6ufii yvCifiTjv, ttjv TptETiav uvafieivavTag — ijVLKa Kal aKOvcal n CHAP, v.— PUBLIC WOllSHlP. $ 101. THE LORD'S SUPPER. 435 not become universal until after the time of Augustine. The baptism of heretics was still, in the fourth century, rejected for the most part in the east ; and afterward the baptism of single parties only was excepted.'^ On the contrary Augus- tine established the milder practice of the west on firm prin- ciples.^* As to the Lord's Supper^ the Christians of that period recog- nized in it the flesh and blood of Christ, and even spoke of a transformation ; but only in a figurative sense. ^^ As this rite fivcTiKov^ Kol iLTzoKpivecdai dwarbv, — ovtd^ uyid^Eiv-) Basilii M. Orat. 13. (Walli Hist. bapt. infant, i. 136, 181.) Gregorii Nyss. Orat. in eos qni diffenint baptismum. ChrysoBtom (Neander's Chrys. i. 74). ^^ Comp. Div. I. § 72, note 22. AthanasiuS; Cyril of Jerusalem, and Basil rejected it. Miinscher's Dogmengesch. iv. 368. The Synod of Laodicea, can. 7, and the second oecu- menical Synod of Constantinople, can. 7, made exceptions, whc-je consistency is not obvious. Comp. Drey iiber apost. Constit. S. 260. Gass, in Hlgen's Zeitschr. f. hist. Theol. 1842, iv. 120. ^* Augustinus de Baptismo contra Donatistas, vi. 47 : Dicimus, baptismum Gliristi, i. e. verbis evangelicis consecratum, ubique eundem esse, nee bominum quorumlibet et qualibet perversitate violari. C. 61 : Manifestum est, iniquos, quamdiu iniqui sunt, baptismum quidem posse habere ; sed salutem, cujus sacramentum baptisma est, habere non posse. C. 78: Dicimus, accipientibus non prodesse (baptismum), cum in haeresi accipiunt con- sentientes haereticis : et ideo veniunt ad catholicam pacem atque unitatem, non ut baptis- mum accipiant, sed ut eis prodesse incipiat quod acceperant. ^^ We find the expressions : ^zra^oT^i}-, fiEra^akXecdai, /ZETaftoptpovadat, (lEraGTOi- XECovadai (similar expressions with regard to the consecrated oil, Miinscher, iv. 387, and the baptismal water, same author, p. 352. Wundemann, ii. 417), and again, rvno^', uvti- TVTTOV, figura, signum. Hence all churches appeal to the fathers in their favor. Comp. especially the dispute between A. Amauld, P. Nicole (chief work, la Perpetuite de la foi de I'eglise catholique touchant Teucharistie, 3 1. 1669-1672; t. 4 et 5, par Eus. Henaudot, 1711-1713. 4), and J. Claude (Response aux deux traites intitules: la Perpetuite, etc. Charent. 1666. Reponse au livre de M. Amauld intitule: la Perpetuite, etc. Charent 1671. 2 voll. 8). Clear passages on this subject are : Augustinus Epist. 98 (al. 23), ad Bonifacium, § 9 : Nempe saepe ita loquimur, ut Pascba propinquante dicamus crastinam vel perendinam Domini passionem, cum ille ante tarn multos annos passus sit, nee omnino nisi semel ilia passio facta sit. — Nonne semel immolatus est Christus in se ipso, et tamen in Sacramento non solum per omnes Paschae solemnitates, sed omni die populis immola- tur, nee utique mentitur, qui interrogatus eum responderit immolari? Si enim sacraraenta quandam similitudinem earum rerum, quarum sacramenta sunt, non haberent, omnino sacramenta non essent. Ex hac autem similitudine plerumque etiam ipsarum rerum uomina accipiunt. Sicut ergo secundum queudam modum sacramentum corporis Christi corpus Christi est, sacramentum sanguinis Christi sanguis Christi est, ita sacramentum fidei fides est. Contra Adimantum Manicb c. 12 : Non enim Dominus dubitavit dicere hoc est corpus meum, cum signum daret corporis sui. Ad Ps. iii : Figuram corporis et sanguinis sui, in Joan, tract, xxvi. 18 : Q.ui non manet in Christo, et in quo non manet Christus, procul dubio nee manducat camem ejus, nee bibit ejus sanguinem, etiamsi tantae rei sacramentum ad judicium sibi manducet et bibat (so all MSS. The editions have in- terpolations). Cf. contra Faustum, xx. c. 18 and 21. De Doctrina Christiana, iii. 16. A fragment in Fulgentius in Bibl. max. PP. t. ix. p. 177, s. While the Catholic theologians endeavor to explain away these passages by a forced interpretation, P. de Marca, in his Traite du sacrament de VEucharistie (publisbed after bis death by his relative, the abbot Paul Faget, Paris, 1668, and though suppressed soon, reprinted in the Netherlands), can- 436 SKCOND P^KIOD.— DIV. L— A.D. 324-451. was looked upon in the light of a sacrificej^*' the idea was natu- rally suggested, that God could be propitiated by it; and in this way it was even already abused, and that frequently, by super- stition/' The Agapae had been, for a considerable time past, in most countries separated from the Supper, ^^ and converted didly acknowledged that the fathers, to Chrysostom, and particularly Augustine, did not teach the doctrine of transubstantiation. Very clear passages on this subject are fur- nished by the polemical demonstrations against Eutyches and the Monophysites, so far as they had been always accustomed to compare the union of the earthly with the heavenly in the Supper, with the incarnation of Christ, and now borrowed a proof from the rite in favor of the fact, that the human nature in Christ did not cease to exist after the anion. So Theodoreti Kranistes, Dial. ii. {ed. Schulze, t. iv. p. 126) : Ov6i fieru rbv ayiaafiov ra fivffTtKa avfi(3o?.a T^g oUetag ^iararat ^vaeug' fiivet yap km Tfjg npoTipai; o-halag Kai Tov axvf^cLT^^t *o^ ^oi) eWovf ' — voelrai Si a-rvep kyivero, /cat ircarEVETat Kai TrpoaKwdraL, ijf kKuva ovra uwep Tnareverat. First to this controversy is to be assigned Chrysostom's Epis. ad Caesarium, although even Leontius Hierosolym. (or Byzantium, about 600) in Maji Scriptt. vett. coll. vii. i, 130, 135, Joannes Damasc, and others, cite this letter as be- longing to Chrysostom. The same is preserved in Latin, in a codex Florentinus, and was first discovered and employed by Peter Martyr. The first edition by Bigot (appended to Palladii vita Chrj'-sostom, see above, $ 85, note 6), was torn out of the copies by royal command (see Chanfepie and Bayle, in their Die tionn aires, art. Bigot) . The second editioE appeared, according to a copy of Scipio Maffei, with Greek fragments, in Canisii Lectt. ant ed. Basnage, i. 235. Comp. especially Salig de Eutychianismo ante Eutychen, p. 367. In this letter it is said: Antequam Banctificetur panis, panem nominamus, divina autem ilium sanctificante gratia, mediante saocrdote, liberatus est quidem appellatione panis, dignus autem habitus est dominici corporis appellatione, etiarasi natara panis in ipso per- mansit. Comp. R. Hospiniani Historia sacramentaria (t. ii. Tiguri. 1602. Genev. 1681. fol.). J. A. Ernesti Antimuratorius, 1755 (Opusc. theol. p. 1). Miinscher, iv. 377. Wunde- mann, ii. 419. How value was still attributed to the fact, that the laity also received the cup, may be seen from Leo I. Sermo iv. de duadrages. {$ 86, note 6). Chrysostom. in Epist. ii. ad Cor. Horn. 18 : 'Eutl 6^ onov ovd^ StiaTJjKEV 6 lepevQ tov upxofiivov, olov orav uTtoTiavEtv 6iy tuv ^pinrCiv fzvurijpiuv ' 6/j.oIo)q yup Kdvreg L^iovfieQa ruv avTQv ■ oi Kaddnep km Tjjg TzaXaLag to. fi^u 6 lepevc ijudte, ra dk 6 apxofievoc, koI difiig oitK ijv TL) Xfl!6i f^^TEX^lV, 0)V flSTElX^V 6 UpEVQ' okX OV VVV ' uTiXH TTdCTCV kv UUfia TTpOKeLTat, KOt •KOTTJptOV iv. ^6 How far, see Munscher, iv. 400. Wundemann, ii. 441. Neander's K. G. ii. ii. 707. 1' Especially as the bread was often taken home (in Egypt universally, see Basilii Ep, S3, ad Caesarium). Thus Satyrus, brother of Ambrose, during a shipwreck, took'the holy bread, ligari fecit in orario, et orarium involvit collo, utque ita se dejecit in mare : — ^bis se tectum atque munitum satis credens, alia aujcilia non desideravit (Ambrosius de Obitu fi-atris sui Satyri, c. 13): A certain Acatius (August. Opus imp. contra Julian, iii. c. 162), related to Augustine that he had been bom blind, and a surgeon was about to perform an operation for him, neque hoc perraisisse religiosam matrem suam, sed id efFecisse impositio es Eucharistia cataplasmate. Comp. Gregor. Naz. Orat. xi. in laudem Goi^oniae, p. 186, s. Epist. 240. Comp. Munscher, iv. 403. Wundemann, ii. 446. Neander, ii. ii. 705. In like manner the heathen, cf. Etym. Magn. : 'Tyleiav KaXovciv ^AttlkoI tll ire^vpafiiva olv rov 6eov kuOiecv koI aKov^LTa oTpuvvvetv. Accordingly they were, even in Antioch, cele- brated beside the places dedicated to the martyrs. See Chrysostom, note 20. About 392 they were no longer observed in the greatest part of the west out of Africa. See Augus- tini Ep. xxii. ad Anrelium, c. 4 : Per Italiae maximam partem, et in aliis omnibus aut prope omnibus transmarinis Ecclesiis partim nunquam facta sunt, partim yel orta vel inveterata — Episcoporum diligentia et animadversione exstincta atque deleta sunt. Li Milan, Ambrose had forbidden them (Augustin. Confess, vi. 2, ne uUa occasio se ingurgi- tandi daretur ebriosis, et quia ilia quasi parentalia superstitioni gentilium essent similliraa). In Rome, Alethius, at the funeral of his wife, entertained all the poor in the "basilica S. Petri {Paulinus Nol. Ep. 33); Pammachius on the contrary gave rich alms on a similar occasion (Hieron. Ep. 26, ad Pammach. c. 2). In Nola they kept vigils on the festival of the birth of St. Felix, whUe all the night through they ate and drank in the church, of the saint. Paulinus, since he could not abrogate this practice, endeavored by means of pictures which he brought into the church to give a more serious direction to the joy (Paulini nat. Felicis ix. Compare above $ 99, note 47). In Africa, where those festivals were universal {August, de Moribus eccl. cath. i. 34) : Novi — multos esse qui luxuriosissime super mortuos bibant, et epulas cadaveribas exhibentes, super sepultos se ipsos sepeliant, et voracitates ebrietatesque suas deputent religioni. Augustine used his influence against them. He first of all motioned for their abolition from AureUus, bishop of Carthage, in the Epist. xxii. ad Aurelium, cf. c. 6 : Mihi videtur facilius illic dissuaderi posse istam foeditatem, — si — oblationis pro spiritibus dormientium, quas vere aliquid adjuvare credendum est, super ipsas memorias non sint sumtuosae, atque omnibus petentibus sine typho et cum alacritate praebeantur : neque vendtotur (that is, when that which was intended to serve as oblations is not offered for sale there), sed si quis pro religioni aliquid pecuniae ofierre voluerit, in praesenti pauperibus eroget. Afterward he effected their abrogation in Hippo j in what way is related by him Ep. xxix. ad Alypium, in the year 395, Finally it was enacted by the Cone. Carthag, iii. ann. 397, c. 30: Ut nulli Episcopi vel Clerici in Ecclesia conviventur, nisi forte transeuntes hospitiorium necessitate illic reflciantur: popnli etiam ab hujusmodi conviviis quantum fieri potest prohibeantur. 22 In Syria they are mentioned at a time so late as that of Theodoret, without blame, see note 19, and Theodoret's Hist, eccles. iii. 1], where he relates how the martjTs,. Javentinus and Maximinus in Antioch, were honored, fiixpl ^^ TTjiiepov krijaic} drffiotioLvla yepaipovrat. — The council Q,uinisextum, a.d. 692, repeats can. 74 of the can. Laodic. 28 'see note 21). — L. A. Muratori de Agapis sublatis, in his Anecd. graeca. Patav. 1700. 4. p. P.41. Bingham, vol. vi. p. 51G, i». 147, x. 09. Dreccher de Agapis cor:3m. Giesaae, 1824. p. 39. CHAP. VI.— HISTORY OF MORALS. $102. 439 SIXTH CHAPTER. HISTORY OF MORALS. § 102. HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN ETHICS. ^ St3udliu's Gesch. d. Sittenlehre Jesu, Bd. 3. — De Wette Gesch. d. christl. Sittenlehre. Erste Halfte, S. 334, ss. The disposition already manifested in the preceding period to lay too much stress on certain forms of external discipline, had now been much increased by the influence of monachism. Fast- ing and almsgiving,^ as well as prayer, were regarded as expia- tory of sins. The theater, dancing, and other amusements,^ were branded as absolutely sinful ; oaths, ^ the taking of interest for money lent,^ every kind of self-defense,® capital punishments,^ and second marriages,^ were rejected. In the fourth century, ^ There is an old controversy concerning the morals of the fathers occasioned by the unfavorable view taken of them by J. Barbeyrac in the preface to the translation of Puffendorf : le Droit de la Nature et des Gens. Amst. 1712. 4. On the other side, Remig^. Ceiller Apologie de la morale des peres de I'eglise contre J. Barb. Paris. 1718. 4. J. F. Buddeus laag. ad tinivers theolog. p. 620. Replied to by Barbeyrac Traite de la morale des peres de I'eglise. Amst. 1728. 4. 2 Munscher's Dogmengesch. iv. 314, de Wette, i. 354. Ambrosius de Elia et Jejuno, c. 20 : Pecuniam habes, redime peccatum tuura. Non venalis est Dominus, sed tu ipse venalia es : redime te operibus tuis, redime te pecunia tua. Vilis pecunia, sed pretiosa est misericordia (according to Dan. iv. 24 : Peccata tua eleemosynis redime et iniqnitates tuas misericordiis paupetum). Salvianus (about 450) adv. Avaritiam libb. iv. expressly makes generosity to churches and convents the surest redemtio peccatomm. 3 De Wette, i. 349, Staadlin's Gresch. d. Vorstellungen, v. d. Sittlichkeit des Scliau- epiels. Gott. 1823. * Jerome, Basil, especially Chrysostom. See Staudlin's Gesch. d. Sittenlehre Jesu, iii. Til, 220, 244, same author's Gesch. der Vorstellungen und Lehren vom Eide. Gott. 1824. Hence the Lex Marciani, a.d. 456 (Cod. Justin, i. 3, 25) : ecclesiasticis regulis, et canon© a beatissimis Episcopia antiquitus institute, clerici jurare prohibentur. * Basilius M. in Ps. xiv. et contra foeneratores. Gregor. Nyss. ep. can. ad Letojum can. 6. Ambrosius de Tobia, c. 2, ss. * Ambrosius, Aagustinns, Basilius, see Staudlin's Gesch. der Sittenlehre Jesn, iii. 65, 149, 219. ' Ambrosius Ep. 25 and 26 (al. 51 and 52). Augustin. Ep. 153, ad Macedonium. " Forbidden by Ambrose and Jerome, disadvised by Chrysostom, only made second to 4 state of widowhood by Augustine, cf. Cotelerius ad Herjnae Pastor, lib. ii. Mand. 4. c. 440 SECOND PKRIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. indeed, those who had been legally divorced were still universally allowed to marry again, ^ though this was discouraged as well as second marriages generally ; but in the fifth century, the Latin church began to forbid the divorced person to marry as long as the other party lived.^" So prevalent was now the spirit of monachism, that the married state began to be considered as something impure, ^^ and only a tolerated evil.^^ Even certain kinds of food were forbidden/^ By means of such excrescences, whose foundations could not be shown in the moral consciousness of mankind. Christian 4, and in C onstit. apost. iii. 2. Staudlin, iii. 60, 92, 1 41, 146. Hence penances were imposed on those who married twice. Cone. Neocaesar. can. 1, 3; Laodic. can. 1 ; Basilii Epist. 188 (Ep. can. 1), can. 4. Comp. Ep. can. ii. c. 50, respecting those who married three times, and Ep. can. iii. c. 80, respecting those who married more than three times. ^ Ambrosiaster in 1 Cor. vii. 15: Si infidelis discesserit, liberam habebit arbitrium, bI voluerit, njibere legis suae viro. Contumelia enim creatoris solvit jus matrimonii circa eum, qui relinquitur, etc. Epiphan. Haer. 59, § 4 : *0 6^ pLT] dvvTjdslg ry fii^ iipKeadTJvai T£?^evT7]Gd(yy, [?}] ivEKEV Tivog "Kpo^datdiQi rropveia^ ^ tioix^iag, y KaKTJg alrlag ;j;6>p£cr/ioO •/Evofiivov, Gvvai' uvu re Kal KaTu t^ tC>v v6/j.uv 419. Ni'v /wt SiKuaT^Ct ko^ Aavf^2, Ttg adpoQg. Xdic flOL dtKdC(OV GVV ^i^EL yVflVOVflEVC) To (Stj/i' kirolEt^ kvvofiov TiTjarypLOv, KXeTTTOv, Tvpavvuv, Kal rcph rcdvTQV Tovg vofiovg. *i2f ^fispoc f^ot G7]fiEpov ! ovd' kudfjTd Tig OvTug dfiEi^Et ^^6lo)g, ug av rpoTzov X.6ig kv xopsvTaig kcrpE^ov dTiTivSpiaig, Tdfj.o)V 6^ KTjpv^ yada Avdatg kv iiiaacgj ^ilidag TiVpiCuv, Kal iroTolg yavpovfiEVog. Niiv acjpava ttoceI x^i-pova. Gregorii Naz. Orat. ii. (al.,1) Apologeticus de faga sua (ed. Col. p. 4, s.) : "OffOf fiTjdev rdv •KoXkdv ovTEg {3EATL0vg, fiEya filv ovv tl Kal fiy 7roX?i(^ ;t;£ipovf, avtizTOLg x^P<^^v, o 6^ TiiyETat, Kal dfiVTJTOtg '\pvxo-cgi rolg aytaruTOcg iavTovg i-KEiadyovGi^ Kal izplv a^cot yevEudat irpooiEvat Toig lEpolg^ fiEtanotovvTat tov ^T/pLarog, OVi^ovrai tb Kal udovvTai Tcepl T7}V kyiav TpaTre^av, uaTTEp ovk dpETjjg tvtvov, aXX' a0op/i^v ^tov ttjv tu^cv ravTTjv elvat vofit^ovTEgy ov6d XtiTOvpyiav vnEvdvvovt akV dpxTiv dvE^iTaffrov. Isidor. Pelua. ]ib. V. Ep. 21 : MeTaTTETTTOKhfai Xoinov to d^lciua kdo^Ev utto Uptjavvi^g Elg rvpavviSa., &no TaKSivotfipoffvvijg slg VTVEprj^avtaVt a?ro vrjarEiag elg Tpv6( ng rj 'Ko'kvaTpo^of tvxV JlavTiyvpic iaTijKEV, umra iiridEiQ 'Airpay/idTevToc. uv ;iSTaaTpa(t)^ kv^o; (Kaipoij yiip oiSzv isTiv evaTpo(ji(JTepov), 'Exsig TO TEXvvdptov, EK&pa^e ndXcv OvK evfiadi^ iriffTEL to izpoGKElcdat izlq,, "Blqv Si noXKiii eldlvai 6i.E^66ovg. Comp. Canqen de se ipso, et adv. Episc. v. 152 (ap. Tollius, p. 18), on the same council : .... Koi yiip fjv alaxos /isya, TovTuv Tiv' eIvqi tuv KaniiXov iriaTEo;. in like manner he calls the bishops (Carmen de vita sua, p. 28) XpLaTEfiiropot. W'hen he vvas invited to the synod at Constantinople, a.d. 382, he replied, Epist. 55, ad Pro- copium : '£;};« /J.iv oiiruf, eI SeI TdXijOtg ypd€'la, ytipotcofiela, vocoaonEia, bp^avorpoi^ua' The institation which Basil founded in Caesarea for strangers and the sick was very large. After him it was called 'Bacikud^ (Basil. Ep. 94. Gregor. Naz. Orat. 30 and 27). Basil also caused to be established smaller ones of the same kind, in the country (Basil. Ep. 142, 143). Theodoret got colonnades and bridges built, and a canal made (Theod. Ep. 81) See Neauder, ii. i. 292. ^ See above, $ 75, notes 7 and 35. 2 Chrysost. in Ep. ad Ephes. c. 3, Horn-, vii. (Opp. xi. 44) : 0/ jilv yap opduc (iiovvTe^- ■ Tu.^ Kopv(pug Tuv dptuv naTEiT-ri^aai, Kal f/c ^iaov yeydvaaiv (the monks). — ipdopoi dk Kai fivptuv yifiovTE^ KaKuv elaei^TJdTjaav elg rug kKK7^j}nia^. — E( n^ Kara ttjv yfiipav tov Jluax^^ "^o^vTag Toif^ wpoatovra^ — k^TjTatJs cvv uKpifiEla, — TToA/la uv evpiOTj ^apvTspa ' tOv 'lovdaiKuv KaKuv. Kat yap oluvt^ofzevovg, xal ^appLaKEiai^ Kal K?.7j6ovtcj/iol^ Kal kTTuSalg KexPV/^^^^^^i /^^^ TreTTOpvevKora^, Kal ^otxtvoavra^, Kal fiedvaov<;, Kal Aoi(56povf, evpev uv. ' P. B. Miiller Coram, hist, de genio, moribus et luxu aevi Theodosiani (P. ii. Lips. 1797, 98. 8), P. i. p. 33, ss. Neander's Chrysostomus, Bd. 1, S. 236, ss. Abuse of holy things as charms. Cf. Hieronymus in Matth. xxiii. (ed. Martian, iv. p. 109 : Haec in corde portanda sunt, non in corpore. Hoc apud nos superstitiosae mulierculae in parvulis Evan- geliis et in crucis ligno et istiusmodi rebus usque hodie factitant. Chrysostom. ad. Pop. Antioch. Horn. xix. (t..ii.p.. 197.) : At ymalKe; Kal ri /iiKpa naidia uvtI E Tifioplac, iikTC ovk tne^yet' oi) yap rifiupeladat, liKK etc Jeof KaQiar^v rovg i-rrTi- oovg kcTTOvda^EV. (Cf. Socrates, v. 20) : and Socrates, vii. 3, still maintains : OifK elaOb^ dnjKetv Ty 6pdo66^(^ iKK?i,jji7iEiav, dXXd Trpof T^pi/^iv ukovelv Eldia07} Trpo^r?? ^iyovTc " u7zoKd?.VTpov Trpb^ Kvptov T7}v bdov aov" (Psalm xxxvi. 5). im rod Beov ravra bftoXoyijaov, ettI rov diKacjTov 6(io- Koyec tH dfiapT^fiara, Evxofievog, el Kal (irj ry yTioTT'y, uXA(l Ty fivr^fiy. In like manner ad Illuminandos catech. ii. c. 4 (Opp. ii. 240), de Poenitentia Hom. vi. c. 5 {ibid. p. 326) .- Nori esse ad gratiam ooncionandum, c. 3 (ibid. p. 663), in Ep. i. ad Corinth. Hom. 28, c. 1, ad 1 Cor. xi. 28 (Opp. x. 250), et passim. 2^ Ang^stinas Serm. 351 (de Poenitentia, 1) $ 2, ss., distinguishes tres actiones poeni- tentiae. Una. est, quae novum hominem parturit, donee per baptismura salutare omnium 452 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. to set aside all difficulties, to change public confessicn into a Drivate one in the case of private sins.^° It can not be denied, that this system of penance promoted a certain external propriety of conduct ; and as little can it be disallowed that the church awakened and animated a sympathy, which had almost entirely disappeared from paganism, ^^ by its care praeteritoram fiat ablatio peccatorum. — Altera, — cujas actio per totam istam vitam, qua in came mortali degimus, perpetua sapplicationis hurailitate subeunda eat. — Tertia, quae pro illis peccatis subeunda est, quae legis decalogas continent. Respecting the latter : $ 9 : Implicatus igitur tarn mortiferorum vinculis peccatorum detrectat, aut differt, aut dubitat confagere ad ipsas claves Ecclesiae, qaibns solvatnr in terra, ut sit solutus in caelo: et audet sxbi post banc vitam, quia ftintum Chriatianus dicitur, salutem aliquam polliceri? — Judicet ergo se ipsum bomo — et mores convertat in melius. Et cum ipse in se protnlerit severissimae medicinae, sed tamen medicinae sententiam, veniat ad antistites, per quos illi in Ecclesia claves ministrantur : et tamquam bonus jam incipiens esse lilius, materno- rum merabrorum ordine custodito, a praepositis sacramentoram accipiat satisfaotionis suae modum. — Ut si peccatum ejus non solum in gravi ejus malo, sed etiam in tanto scpjidalo alioram est, atque hdc expedire utilitati Ecclesiae videtur antistiti, in notitia multorum. vel etiam totius plebis agere poenitentiam non recuset, non resistat, non letall et morti- ferae plagae per pudorem addat tumorem. However, de Symbolo ad Catechumenos, c. 7 : Illi, quos videtis agere poenitentiam, scelera comraiserunt, aut adulteria. aut aliqua facta iramania : inde agnnt poenitentiam. Nam si levia peccata (above: venialia, sine quibus vita ista non est, and : levia, sine quibus esse non possumus) ipsonira essent, ad haec quotidiana oratio delenda sufficeret. Leo M. Epist. 108, ed. Ball. {83, ed. Cluesn.) ad Theodomm, c. 2 : Multiplex misericordia Dei ita lapsibus subvenit humauis, ut non solum per baptism! gratiahi, sed etiam per poenitentiae medicinam spes vitae, repareturaeternae, ut qui regenerationis dona violassent, proprio se judicio condemnantes, ad remissionem criminnm pervenirent ; sic divinae bonitatis praesidiis ordinatis, ut indulgentia Dei nisi supplicationibus Sacerdotum nequeat obtineri. Mediator enim Dei et hominum homo Cliristus Jesus banc praepositas Ecclesiae tradidit potestatem, ut et confitentibus actionem poenitentiae darent et eosdem salubri satisfactione purgatos ad communionem sacramen- torum per januam reconciliationis admitterent. Cui ntique operi inaccesaibiliter ipse Salvator intervenit, nee umquam ab his abest, quae ministris Buis exequenda coramisit, dicens : Ecce ego vobiscum sum, etc. {Matth. sxviii. 20), nt si quid per servitutem nos- tram bono ordine et gratulando impletur effectu, non ambigamus per Spiritum Sanctum faisse dbnatam. Of, Hieronymus Comm. in Mattb. xvi. 19 : Istum locum : Et dabo tibi claves regni caelorum, Episcopi et Presbyteri non intelligentes, allquid sibi de Pharisaeo- i-um assuraunt supercilio, ut vel damnent innocentes, vel solvere se noxios arbitrentur, cnm apud Deum non sententia sacerdotum, sed eorum vita quaeratur. 3" Leo M. Epist. 168, ed. Ball. (ed. Cluesn. 136), c. 2: lUam etiam contra apostolicam regulam praesumtionem, quam nuper agnovi a quibusdam illicita usurpatione committi, modis omnibus constituo submoveri. De poenitentia scilicet, quae a fidelibus poatulatur, ne de singulorum peccatorum genere libello acripta professio publice recitetur : cum reatus conscientiaram suflBciat solis sacerdotibus indicari confessione secreta. — Q.uia non omnium hujusmodi sunt peccata, ut ea, qui poenitentiam poscunt, non timeant publicare ; remove- atur tam improbabilis consuetudo : ne mnlti a (fOenitentiae remediis arceantur, dnm aut erubescunt, aut metuunt inimicis suis sua facta reserari, quibus possint legum constitutione percelli. Sufficit enim ilia confessio, quae primum Deo offertur, tum etiam, Sacerdoti, qui pro delictis poenitentium precator accedit. Tunc enim demum plures ad poenitentiam poterunt provocari, si populi auribus non publicetur conscieiitia confitentis. 31 Comp. $ 91, note 9 ; $ 103, note 10. Thomassinns, p. ii. lib. 3, c. 87, and c. 95, a StaufUin's Gesch. d. Sittenlehre Jesu, iii. 401. CHAP. VI.— HISTORY OF MOEALS. } 105. 453 for the oppressed and suffering part of humanity, for the poor, the captives, the sick, widows and orphans. But yet by this new system of legislation. Christian freedom, and genuine ino- rality which has its root in it, were robbed of their true life. A comparison of the present with earlier times, in this particu- lar, would present none but melancholy results. ^^ § 105. INFLUENCE OF THE CHURCH ON LEGISLATION. C. W. de Rhoer Dissertt. de Effectu religionis christianae in jurisprudentiam Romanara. Fasc. I. Groningae. 1776. 8. H. O. Aem. de Meysenbug de Christianae religionis vi et effecta in jus civile, speciatim in ea, quae Institutiones in prime libro tractant. Getting. 1828. 4. De rinfluence dn Christianisme sur le droit civil des Remains, par M. Trop- long. Paris. 1843. 8. Though the great changes which had taken place in Roman legislation since Constantine had not been effected by Christi-, anity alone,' yet Christian principles and Christian customs, even respect to the Mosaic law,^ had an important influence on it ; while several laws were directly owing to representations made by the bishops.^ A stay was put to sensual excesses,'' rape was punished with death,* immoral plays were abolished or checked. ° Contests of gladiators, which had been already pro- 32 E.g. Chrysostomus Horn. 26, in Epist. ii. ad Corinth. (0pp. s. 623) : "Av rci ijiMirepd TiQ l^erdari ra vvv^ oipErai tiXIkov ttj^ 6?iiTpEU^ to Kipdo^. vvv /iiiv yap tlpyvrj^ utto- ^avovTeQ avaTTEKTUiKafiev^ Ki.1 6i€^^VT]fiev, ical fivpluv r^v knnXiiGtav tvE-Klijaaiiti' KaKUV ore di rjAavvofieda, nal C(j)^poveaTEpoi, kol ^uruLKeaTepoc, Kul anovdaioTEpoi- KoL TTEjl TOVf^ cvTiXoyovf; tovtov^ rifiEV TooOvfioTEpot, Koi TTEpl T7/V uKpoaqiv djTEp yap Tio xpv<^i-(iJ TO Tri'p, TQVTO V dXlipic Talc '4'^X^^^f z^' ^- ^' Hieronymus in vita Malchi, init. : Scribere disposui,- — ah adventu Salvatoris usque ad nostram aetatem, — quomodo et per quos Christi Ecclesia nata sit, et adulta, persecutionibus creverit, et martyriis coronata sit : et postquam ad christianos principes venerit, potentia quidem et divitiia major, sed virtutibus minor facta sit. Verum haec alias. Balvianus de Avaritia, i. 1. Cf. Rittershu- sius Sacr. lectt. vi. c. 17. Venema Hist. eccl. t. iv. p. 260, ss. 1 De Rhoer. p. 39, ss. a De Rhoer, p. 65, 77, s. 3 De Rhoer, p. 89, s. — On the influence of Christianity on Conatantine's laws (vo/iov; Ik 'Ka?MLuv ettI to OGiuTEpov f££Tal3u?i?MV ai^evEOiiTo] cf Euseb. de vita Const, iv. 26. ' Cod. Theodos. lib. xv. tit. 8, de lenonihus. Riffel's Gesch. Darstellung des Verhalt- nisses zwischen Kirche und Staat, i. 108. Laws for lessening concubinage. Meysenbug. p. 51. 5 Cod. Theod. lib. ix. tit. 24, de raptu virginum vel viduarum. Riffel, i. 110. « Comp. the laws Cod. Theodos. lib. xv. t. 5, de spectaculis; tit. 6, de Majuma; tit. 7, de scenicis. Staudlin's Gesch. d. Sittenlehre Jesu, Bd. 3, S. 388. -Yet it is evident from the law, Cod. Justin, iii. 12, 11. a.d. 469, that at that time, in addition to the scena thea- tralia and the circense theatrum, the ferarum lacrymosa spectacula also still continued : 454 SECOND PEEIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. ' hibited by Constantine, still continued, it is true, at Rome ;' but they -were entirely abolished by Honorius. Classes of society which had been heretofore almost unrecognized by the laws, were now embraced within their operation. The condition of slaves ° and oi prisoners^ was improved ; the unlimited power of fathers over their children abridged ;" ivomen, who had been kept till now in a very inferior position, were invested with greater rights;" and the widow and orphan protected.'^ On the other hand, leg- islation did not comply every where, or in every respect, with the peculiar requirements of the Christian morals of this age. The laws became more bloody and strict than before." The oath as- sumed Christian forms, but was more firequently administered. '•' And though restrictions ujjon certain man'iages were established, agreeably to Christiati principles," the laws against celibacy abolished, '^ and second marriages rendered difficult, '' yet the old liberty of divorce was but partially limited ; and from fear of still greater crimes, the emperors were obliged to adnait many causes of valid separation, besides unfaithfulness to the marriage contract." probably only in the west, for in the east, they appear to have ceased even before Theo- doslas I. See MuUer Comm. de genio, moribus et luxu aevi Theodosiani. Havn, 1797 P. ii. p. 87. ' Cod. Theod. lib. xv. tit. 19, de gladiatoribns. The self sacrifice of Telemachus, Theo doret, Hist. eccl. v. 26. Comp. Neander's Chrysost. i. 383. ^ De Rboer, p. 117, ss. Meysenbug, p. 34. ' Cod. Theod. lib. ix. tit. 3, de cnstodia reornm. De Rhoer, p. 72. ^^ De Rhoer, p. 137, s. Meysenbug, p. 4.5. " De Rhoer, p. 124. " De Rhoer, p. 111. " De Eboer, p. 59, ss. '* J. P. Malblanc Doctrina de jurejurando e genainis fontibus illustrata. Norimberg 1781. ed. 2. Tubing. 1820. 8. p. 342. C. F. Staudlin's Gesch. der Lehren vom Eide. Gottingen. 1824. 8. S. 81. '5 Cod. Theod. lib. iii. tit. 12, de ineestis nuptiis, on forbidden degrees of affinity. De Rhoer, p. 248. Besides, marriage between Christians and Jews was forbidden (1. c. iii. 7, 2). A proposal of marriage made to a nun was punished with death (ix. 25, 2). " Cod. Theod. viii. 16, 1. See Div. I. § 56, note 35. ^^ On the poenas secnndarum nuptiarum, see de Rboer, p. 240 ; Meysenbug, p. 61 ; v Lohr in the Archive f. d. civilistische Praxis, Bd. 16 (1833), S. 32. ^s Cod. Theodos. lib. iii. tit. 16, de repndiis. Theodosii II. Novell, tit. 12. Bingham, vol. ix. p. 356, ss. De Rhoer, p. 287, ss. Asterii Amaseni (about 400) Homil. v. (in Com- befisii Auct. nov. i. 82) : 'AKoOaare 6^ vvv ol Toirov KUTnyXot, icdl tHi yvvalKac ^'S l/mria evkoXui; fiETEvSvofitvoL' ol Tug TraortitJaf iroXXaKic Kal l)g.6iuQ nTiyvivTeCt — Kal evxeaduaav Trepl avrov, Iva ^ tl 'IkeI TTiWr]. — 4. OvT£ VTiGTEla larai TEray/ii'VTj * ravra yup 'lovdaiKU koTi, Kai vi> 6 ^vyov f'iov?Mac-—El yhp oZwf {3ov2.ofiai vrjOTEVEiv, olav 6' uv alp'^GOfiai yfiEpav air' hfxavrov V7}GTEV(0 dta rT)v k?.Evd€piav. The Protestants were frequently accused of tbo heresy of Aerius. Waleh's Ketzerbist. iii. 32]. * Siricii Epist. od diverges episcopos adv. Jovinianum {about 3S9) ap. Constant. Epist. 7 Ambrosii Kescriptum ad Biricium (Epist. i2, ap. Coustant. Ep. Siric. 8). Hieronymi hbb ii. adv. Jovinianum a.i>. 392. Aogustinus de Haeres. c.82, and in other writings. Doubtless Jovinian'was greatly strengthened by the prevailing prejudice at Rome against mona- chism, anl by the death of Blaesilla (384). See $ 96, note 3. He was thus excited to reflection, and was brought to deny the advantages which the monastic state claimed in its i'avor. Hence also ho met with so much acceptance in iftome. See his doctrines in Jerome, i. 2: Dicit, virgines, viduas et maritatas, quae semel in Christo lotae sunt, si jion discrepeut i;aeteris operibus, ejusdem esse meriti (August. 1. c. virgiuitatem etiam Banctimonialium, et continentiam sexus virilis in Sanctis eligentibus. caelibem vitam con- jugiorum castorum atque iidelium mentis adaequabat : ita ut qiiaedam virgines saorae provectae jam aetatis in urbe Roma, ubi haec docebat, eo audito nupsisse dicantur). Nititur approbare, eos, qui plena fide in baptismate renati sunt, a diabolo non posse subverti (farther below : — non posse tentari : quicuuque autem tentati fuerint, ostendi, eos aqna tantam et non spiritu baptizatos, quod in Simone mago legimus : more accu- rately Jerome adv. Pelag. ii. : Posse hominem baptizatum, si voluerit, nequaquam ultra peccare : i. e., divine grace is communicated fully to man in baptism, and is not increased by the monastic state). Tertiura proponit, inter nbstinentiam ciborum et cum gratiai'um actione perceptionem eorum nullam esse distantiam. Q.aartum, quod et extremum, esse omnium, qui suum baptisma servaverint, unam in regno caelorum remunerationem. Augustine adds, 1. c. : Omnia peccata, sicut stoici philosophi, paria esse dicebat, (Jovinian said: Hieron. adv. Jov. ii. 20: Q,ui firatri dixerit fatue et raca, reus erit Geeuae : et qui liomicida fuerit et adulter, mittetur similiter in Geeimam), and virgiuitatem Mariae destruebat, dicens earn pariendo fuisse corruptara. — Comp. Augustin. Retract, ii. )K: CHAP. Vn.— ATTEMPTS AT REFOEMATION. $ 106. 457 whose opinions were soon after adopted by two monks of Milan, Sarmatio and Barbatianus (about 396) ;^ but especially Vigil- antius (shortly before 404) of Calagurris in Gaul (now Caseres in the district Conimenges in Gascogne), presbyter in Barce- lona.^ Remanserant antem istae disputationes ejus (Joviniani) in quorundum semiuuculis ac susanis, quas palam suadere nullns audebat: — jactabatur, Joviniano responderi non potuisse cum laude, sed cum vituperatione nuptiarum {cf. $ 102, note 12). Propter hoc librum edidi, cujus inscriptio est de bono conjugali. Walch, iii. 655. Neander's K. G. ii. ii. 574., Gu. B. Lindner de Joviniano et Vigilantio diss. Lips. 1839. 8. p. 10. 5 Ambrosii Epist. 63 {al. 82, al. 25) ad Vercellensem ecclesiam: Audio venisse ad vos Sarmationem et Barbatianum, vaniloquos homines, qui dicunt nullum esse abstinentiae meritum, nullum frugalitatis, nnllam virginitatis gratiam, pari omnes aestimari pretio, delirare eos, qui jejuniia castigent camem suam, et menti subditam faciaut etc. ^ Concerning his earlier abode in Palestine (396), and his disputes with Jerome, whom he considered to be a follower of Origen, Hieron. Ep. ad Vigilantium (ap. Martian, Ep. 36, ap. Vallarsi Ep. 61). — Against the later assertions of Vigilantius Hieron. Ep. ad Riparium, A.D. 404 (ap. Martian. Ep. 37, ap. Vallarsi Ep. 109), adv. Vigilantium lib. a.d. 406.— In the latter it is said : Martyrum negat sepulchra veneranda (in Ep. ad Riparium : Ais, Vigilan. tium, qui Kar^ avrifppauiv hoc vocatur nomine, nam Dormitantius rectius diceretur, os foetidum rursas aperire, et putorem spurcissimum contra sanctorum martyrum proferre reliquias : et nos, qui eas suspicimus, appellare cinerarios et idololatras, qui mortuorum hominum ossa veneremur), daranaudas dicit esse vigilias nunquam nisi in pascha alleluja cantandum (cf, Bingham, vol. vi. p. 41, ss.), contiuentiam haeresin, pudicitiam iibidinis seminarium. — Proh nefas, episcopos sui sceleris dicitur habere consortes, si tamen episcopi nominandi sunt, qui non ordinant diaconos, nisi prius usores duseriut, nulli caelibi cre- dentes pudicitiam. Extracts from the writings of Vigilantius : Quid necesse est, te tanto honors non solum honorare, sed etiam adorare illud nescio quid, quod in modico vasculo transferendo colis? — Q,uid pulverem linteamine circumdatum adorando oscularis? — Prope ritum gentilium videmas sub praetextu religionis introductum in ecclesiis, sole adiiuc fal- gente moles cereorum accendi, et ubicunque pulvisculum nescio quod in modico vnsculo pretioso linteamine circumdatum osculantes adorant. Magnum bonorem praebent hojus- modi homines beatissimis martj'ribus, quos putant de vilissimis cereolis illastrandos, quos agnus, qui est in medio throni cum omni fulgore majestatis suae illustrat. — Vel in sinu Abrahae, vel in loco refrigerii, vel subter aram Dei animae Ap'^stolorum et Martyram consederunt, nee possunt suis tumults, et ubi voluerint, adesse praesentes. — Dam vivimus, mutao pro nobis orare possumus : postqoam autem mortal fuerimus, nulUus es'j pro alio exaudienda oratio. Jerome adds still farther: Praeterea iisdem ad me relatum est epis- tolis, quod contra auctoritatem Pauli — tu prohibeas, Hierosolymara in usus sanctorum aiiqua sumtaam solatia dirigi; — hoc unumquemque posse in patria sua facere ; nee pauperes defaturos, qui ecclesiae opibus sustentandi sint. — Asseris, eos melius facere, qui utuntur rebus sais, et paulatim fructus possessionum suarum pauperibus dividunt, quam illos, qui possessionibus venumdatis — semel omnia largiantur. — Dicis : si omnes se clauserint et fuerint in solitudine : quis celebrabit ecclesias 1 quis saeculares homines lucrifaciet? quis peccantes ad virtutes potent cohortari? Com p. the writings quoted in $ 102, note 1. Barbeyrac pref. p. 48. Ceillier, p. 339, ss. Barbeyrac Traite^ p. 251, ss. — Bayle Diction, s. v. Vigilantius. Walch de Vigilantio haeretico orthodoxo. Goett. ■•.756 (in Pottii Syll. comm. theol. vii. 326). "Walch, iii. 673. Lindner de Joviniano el Vigilantio, p. 40- 458 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. EIGHTH CHAPTER. SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY. § 107. IN THE EAST. In Persia, where there were numerous churches under the metropolitan bishop of Seleucia and Ctesiphon, Christianity had become an object of suspicion ever since it had prevailed in the Roman empire. The recommendation of Constantino, therefore, in favor of the Persian Christians, had no permanent or good influence with the king {Sapor IT. 309-381).' When a war broke out soon after between the Romans and Persians, Sapor began a tedious and horrible persecution of tlie Christians witli the execution of Shrwn, hishojp of Seleucia and Ctedphon (343), under the pretense of his being a spy of the Romans.^ After Sa^or''s death, indeed, this persecution ceased, Jezdegerd I. (400- 421) being at first even a friend to the Christians ; but the fa- natic Abdas, hishqp of Susa, by the destruction of a fire-temple (414) brought on another persecution as severe, which was final- ly extinguished by Theodosius II. making war on the Persians (422).^ The Persian church was always in close connection with the Syrian, and exhibited the same theological tendency. When, therefore, Nestorianism in its native land was force'd to give way to violence, it found a secure asylum among Persian Christians ; from which time the Persian church separated itself from that of the Roman empire.* Christianity had also been introduced into Armenia as early as the second century.' In the time of Diocletian, it was spread ' Constantini Epist. ad regem Peraarum ap. Euaeb. de vit. Const, iv. 9-13, et ap. Theodoret. i. 24. = Sozomen. ii. 9-41. Steph. Evod. Asasmani Acta aanotornm Martyrom orientalium et onoidentaliam. Romae. 1784. fol. Neander'a K. G. ii. i. 222. ^ Tlieodoretas, v. 38. Socrates, vii. 18-21. Neander, S. 235, ss. * ^ 88, at the end. '' Dionysias Corinthius according to Eusebius, vi. 46, wrote Tolg Kard. ^Apun'tiv rrpi UETavola;, uv inEaKoircve ^fpovfuv)?f. CHAP. VIII.— SPHEAD OF CHEISTIANITY. $ 107. THE EAST. 459 more widely by Gregory the Illuminator,^ who gained over king Tiridates himself to its side, and was consecrated first metro- politan of Armenia in 302 by Leontius, bishop of Caesarea.^ The long contests that followed, with the adherents of the old religion, had an important political character, so far as the one party was supported by the Persian, the other by the Roman emperors. ° But when, after the greatest part of Armenia had come under the Persian dominion (428), the Persian kings wished to procure by violence a victory for the Zend-doctrine over Christianity, they found such determined opposition, that they were at last obliged to allow the Christians the free exer- cise of their religion, after a lengthened war (442—485)." In the fifth century, Mesrop gave the Armenians their alphabet and a version of the Bible.'" — Christianity was carried into Iberia under Constantino the Great." At the same time it was introduced into Ethiopia by Fru- mentius ; first at court, and, very soon after, throughout the country.'^ In southern Arabia among the Homeriies, Con- stantius endeavored to establish Christianity by means of The- ophilus (about 350).'^ He seems, however, not to have pro- duced any considerable effect. * Armenian, Lusaworitsch, illuminator. Respecting liini see C. F. Neumann's Gescli- der armen. Literatar. Leipzig^. 183G. S. 13. ^ Sozomenus, ii. 8. Mosis Chorenensis (aboiit 440) Historiae Amieniaeae liLb. iii. eJ Guilelmus et Georgius Guil. Whistoni filii. Londini. 1736. 4. p. 256, ss. Bekelii-uni^ Armu niens durcli d. heil. Gregor Illuminator, nach nationalhistor. Ciuellen bearbeitet von P Mai. Samueljan. Wien. 1844. 8. " Memoires historiques et geographiques sur I'Armenie par M. J. Saint-Martin (t. ii Paris. 1818, 19. 8), t. i. p. 306, sa. ^ A history of these persecutions, from 439-451, and of the general of the Ai-raenians, Wartan, wi'itten by a contemporary, Elisa, bishop of the Araadunians, is ; The History ol Vartan, by Elisaeas, bishop of the Amaduuians, translated from the Armenian by C. F. Neumann. Lond, 1830. 4. Comp. St. Martin, i. 321. The proclamation in commendation of the Zend-religion, issued before the beginning of the persecution by the Persian general Mihr-Nerseh, is especially deserving of notice, ap. Saint-Martin, ii. 472, more correctly in the history of Vartan, p. 11. '° Goriun's (a disciple of Mesrop) Lebensbeschr. des. heil. Mesrop, aus d. Arm. iibersetzt u. erlautert von Dr. B. Welte (Programm.) Tiibingen. 1841. 4. Neumann's Gesch. d. arm. Literatur, S. 30. Concerning the many Armenian versions of Greek writers iii tiie succeeding period see Saint-Martin, i. 7. Neumann, S. 71 . " Rufini Hist. eccl. x. 10. Socrates, i. 20. Sozomenus, ii. 7. Theodoretus, i 23 Moses Chorenensis, ii. c 83. '2 Rufinus, X. 9. Socrates, i. 19. Sozomenus, ii. 24. Theodoretus, i. 22. Hiobi LudoUi Historiae Aethiopicae libb. iv. Francof. 1681. fol. lib. iii. c. 2. Ejusdcm Commentarius . ad hist. Aethiopicam. Ibid. 1691. fol. p. 283, bs. ^^ Philostorgius, ii. 6 ; iii. 4. Since it was an Arian Christianit}^, orthodox historians are silent on the subject. 460 SECOND PEHIOD.— DrV'. I.— A.D. 324-451. § 108. IN THE WEST. Ill the preceding period Christianity had been known among the Gutlis (Div. I. § 57), and there was even a Gothic bishop at the council of Nice.^ After Arianism had been fathered upon tliem by their ecclesiastical connection with Constantinople,^ UlphilaSjwho was consecrated bishop in 348 at Constantinople, became their apostle.' "When the Christian Goths were oppress- ed by a persecution, he led a great multitude of them into the habitation about Nicopolis in Moesia, which Constantius had assigned them (355), where, after inventing the Gothic alpha- bet, he translated the Bible into Gothic.'' Afterward, Frithi- gern broke off from Atlianarich, the leader of the Visigoths, who persecuted the Christians, with a part of the people, was supported by Valens, and spread Christianity among his sub- jects. And when the Huns pressed upon the Goths, this por- tion of the Visigoths received a place of residence from Valens, in Thrace, on condition of their becoming Christians (375) ; and Ulphilas was especially active in their conversion. Soon after, Arianism was overthrown by Theodosius. Ulphilas died in Con- stantinople (388), where he endeavored in vain to revive it. Eflbrts were now made at Constantinople to procure acceptance for the Nicene confession among the Goths, but without much success. ^ Among the signatures preserved in Latin : Theophilas Gotliorum Metropolis (so. Episc). Socrates also mentions the signature of Bcdquf.o;; Tov TorBav iTiiaxoiroc- 2 According to Theodoret. H. E. iv. 33, Ulfila led away the Goths to Arianism, while he told them Ik i^i2.0TLfiia^ ysyEV^aBat ^ttjv Epiv, Soyfidruv 6^ ^jjdefuav slvat diatjiOfidv, It ia true, indeed, that the Goths had such a view of the controversy. ^ Respecting him, Socrates, iv. 33 ; Sozomenus, vi. 37 ; Theodoretos, iv. 33 ; Philo- storgius, ii. 5 ; Jordanis (ahont 550 in the Eastern Roman Empire, incorrectly called Jornandes, and reckoned a bishop of Ravenua) de Rebus Geticis (in Muratorii Rerum. Italicarum scriptores, i. j». 1S7), c. 25. More exact information respecting him was first famished by the letter of Auxentias, bishop of Dorostorus, his disciple, which, transferred to a work of the Arian bishop Maximin, has been again found along with it in a cod. Paris, and printed and explained in: G. Waitz fiber das Leben u. die Lehre des Ulfila. Hann- over. 1840. 4. * The most complete edition : TJlfilas. Veteris et Novi Test, versionis gothicae frag- Dienta quae supersunt, edd. H. C. de Gabelentz et Dr. J. Loebe. Altenburgi et Lips, vol i. and vol. ii. P. i. 1836, 1843. 4. Comp. Hug's Einleit. in d. N. T. i. 492. CHAP. VIII.— SPREAD OF CHSISTIANITY. } lOS. THE WEST. 461 Arian Christianity was diffused by the Visigoths with sur- prising rapidity among the other wandering German tribes, while it was suppressed in the Roman empire.^ The fact of the Arian doctrine being more easily apprehended, and hatred to the Romans, procured the confidence of the Germans in Arianism ; and it soon obtained the reputation of being as gen- erally the Christianity of the Germans as Homousianism was of the Romans. The Ostrogoths and Vandals first received Arian Christian- ity from their countrymen.^ The Burgimdians had passed in- deed into the Catholic Church after their wandering into Gaul (4r3) ; but they afterward (about 450) adopted Arianism, along with their kings, belonging to the Visigothic race. In like manner, Catholic Christianity had been at first received bj the Suevi in Spain ; but Arianism was subsequently dissemi- nated among them by the Visigoths (469). The older Catholic inhabitants of the countries in which these German tribes had settled suffered oppression only from the Yisigoths and YandalsP They were especially petsecuted by the latter in a most horrible manner after Africa (431—439) had been conquered by them un- der their first two kings, Genseric (f 477) and HurtericJi (f 484).' The Christianitj of the Germans was still mixed, to a consider- able degree, with heathenism : what rude notions they enter- tained of the former may be seen in the practice of buying off crimes with money, which they soon transferred to Christian re-, pentance.' ' Walch's K etzei'historie, TIi. 2. S. 553, s3. Cf. Prosper in Chron. Imperial! ad ann. 404. (Chronica medii aevi ed. Roesler. Tiibing. 1798. 8. t. i. p. 199) : Radagaias Bex Gothoram Italiae limitem vastatnrus transgreditur. Ex quo Ariani, qui Romano pfocal ftierant orbe fugati, barbararum nationum, ad quas se contulere, praesidio erigi coepere. « Jordanis, c. 25 : Sic qaoque Vesegothae a Valente Imp. Ariani potius quam Christiani effect]. De caetero tam Ostrogotbis quam Gepidis parentibus Buis per affectionis gratiam evangelizantes bujas perfidiae culturam edocentes, omnem ubique linguae bujus nationom ad culturam bujus sectae invitavere. ' Sidonius Apollinaris (Episc. Arvemorum 472) lib. vii. Ep. 6. ^ Victor Episc. Vitensis wrote, 487, Hist, persecutionis Africanae sub Genserico et Hunnerico Vandalorum jegibus, reprinted in Tb. Ruinarti Historia persecutionis Van- dalicae. Paris. 1694. 8. (Venet. 1732. 4.) Neander's Denkwurdigkeiten, iii. 1, S. 3, ff. F. Papencordt's Gesch. d. vandal. Herrscbaft in Afrika. Berlin. 1837. S. 66, 113, 269. 5 Cf. Homilia de baereticis peccata vendentibus, in Mabillon Museum Italicium, t. i. P. ii. p. 27 (according to Mabillon's conjecture, p. 6, belonging to MaximuB Taurinensis, about 440) : Nee mirari debemus, quod hujusmodi haeretici in nostra aberrare coeperint regione. — Nam ut eorum interim blaspbemias seponamus, retexamus, quae sint ipsorum praeoepta Vivendi. Praepositi eorum, quos Presbyteros vocant, dicuntur tale habere mandatum, nt si quis laicorum fassus fuerit crimen admissum, non dicat illi: age poenitentiam, deplora 462 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 324-451. Christianity in Britain (Div. I. § 57) was in the mean time very much retarded by the Anglo-Saxons, who had established themselves there from a.d. 449. The Britons still held out in Wales, in the mountains of Northumberland and Cornvjally where alone Christianity was preserved. Shortly before this, Christianity had been established in Ivelemi hy St, Patrick^^ (about 430) and spread with rapidity over the island. ^^ The seat of the bishop soon arose at Armagh. facta tua, defle peccata; sed dicat : pro hoc crimine da tantom mihi, et indulgetur tibi. — Sascipit ergo dona Presbyter, et pactione qaadam indalgentiam de salvatore promittit. Insipiens placitum, in quo dicitnr, minus deliquisse Domino, qui plus contulerit Sacerdoti. Apud hujusmodi praeceptores semper divites innoceutes, semper pauperes criminosi. '" According to Ussher, belonging to Kilpatrick in Dumbarton in Scotland ; according to ■ John Lanigan Ecclesiastical History of Ireland {2 ed. Dublin. 1829. 4 veil.), i. 93, belonging to Bonavem Tavemiae* i. e., Boulogne in Picardy. ^^ Kespecting him see particularly his Confessio(in Patricii Opusculis ed. Jac.Waraeus. Lend. 1658. 8 ; and Acta SS. Mart. ii. 517, after an older text in Betham, P. ii. App. p. xUs.). In this work nothing is found about his journey to Rome, nor of a Papal authorization of a mission to Ireland, of which we find a relation first of all in Hericus Vita S. Germani, i. 12. (Act. SS. Jul. vii.) about 860. Jocelin, in the 12th century, has introduced still more fables in his vita Patricii (Acta S3. Mart. ii. 540). Jac. Usserii Britanicarum ecclesiarum antiqaitates, Dublin. 1639. 4. auctius Lond. ]687. fol. Neander's Denkwurdigkeiten, lii. ii. 19. Irish Antiquarian Researches by.Sir Will. Betham, P. ii. Dublin. 1826 asd lO. %. SOUECES. 463 SECOND DI\^ISION. FROM THE COUNCIL OF CHALCEDON TO THE BEGINNING OF THE MONOTHELITIC CONTROVERSIES, AND THE TIME OF MUHAMMED. A.D. 45t-622. SOURCES. I. Ecclesiastical hislorians : The works of the two Monophy- sites are lost, viz., the presbyter John Aegeates, Hist, eccles. lib. X., of which the first five books comprised the period be- tween 428 and 479 (.see Photius Cod. 41, of. 55) ; and of Zacharias Rhetor, bishop of Meletina in Lesser Armenia, an excerpt from Socrates and Theodoret, and a continuation to 547 (Greek fragments in Evagrius : 19 Syrian fragments, of which Assemanus Bibl. orient, ii. 53, gave an account, communicated in A. Maji Scriptt. vett. nova coll. x. 361) ; as also of the Nestorian Basil of Cilioia (presbyter in Antioch, Photius Cod. 107), Eccles. hist. libb. iii. from 450 to 518 (Photius Cod. 42). Still extant are : Theodoras Lector, in fragments, Evagrius Scholasticus, Nicephorus Callistus (comp. the preface of divi- sion 1). (;iennadius, presbyter in Marseilles, f after 495, and Isidore, bishop of Hispalis, f 636, de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, both in Fabricii Bibliotheca eccles. Hamb. 1718. fol. II. Profane historians : Procopius Caesariensis (f after 522, de bello Persico libb. ii., de bello Vandalico libb. ii., de bello Gothico libb. iv., historia arcana Justiniani, de aedificiis Jus- tiniani Imp. libb. vi. 0pp. ex reo. Gu. Dindorfii, voll. iii. Bonnae. 1833—38. 8). — Agathias Myrinaeus (Historiarum libb. v., written about 580, ed. B. G. Niebuhr. Bonnae. J1828. 8). Chronicon paschale (comp. the preface of division 1). Theophanes Confessor (f 817, Chronographia from 285 to 813, ex rco. Jo. Classeni, voll. ii. Bonnae. 1839, 41. 8. III. Latin chroniclers (comp. preface to division 1) : Marcellinus Comes, till 534, continued by another till 566 (in Sirmondi 46-i SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. II.— A.D. 451-622. 0pp. ii. Bibl. pp. Lugd. ix. 517). Victor, bishop of Tun- nuna, from 444 till 566 (ap. Canisius-Basnage, i. 321, best printed in Henr. Florez Espanna Sagrada, vi. 382). Isidore, bishop of' Seville, from the creation of the world till 614 (in Esp. Sagr. vi. 445). IV. Imperial decrees : Codex Justinianeus, see preface to divi- sion 1. — Novellae (^veapal Siard^ei^ fie-d rov kMiko). FIRST CHAPTER. ENTIRE SUPPRESSION OF PAGANISM IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE § 109. lu the east, the remains of paganism disappeared under Jus- tinian I. (527-565), who abolished the New Platonic school at Athens (529),^ and compelled the heathen to submit to bap- tism.^ Only the free Maenotts in the Peloponnesus clung obsti- nately to it.^ Even in the west it was not yet completely ex- tirpated. Theodoric was obliged to prohibit sacrifices to the gods on pain of death ;* and at the end of the fifth century many heathen practices were still continued at Rome, and could not be abolished without resistance.' Still longer did various ^ Joli. Malala (about 600) Historia chronica (libb. sviii. from the creation of the world to the death of Justinian I.) ex. rec. Lud. Diudoriii. Bonnae. 1831. 8. p. 451. Exile of the philosophers Damascius, Isidoras, Simplicius, Eulamius, Hermias, Diogenes, and Priacian, into Persia, Agathias, ii. 30. Cf Wesselingii Observationum variarum (Traj. ad Rhen. 1740. 8), lib. i. c. 28. ' Cod. Justin, lib. i. tit. xi. (de paganis et sacrificiis et templis) 1. 10. Theophanes, i. 276, activity of Johannes Episc. Asiae (probably a missionary bishop for the conversion of the heathen in Asia Minor) see Assemani Bibl. Orient, ii. 85. As late as the year 561 heathens were discovered in Constantinople (Job. Malala, p. 491). = Till the ninth century. See Div. I. § 44. — According to J. Ph. rallmerayer Gesch. d. Halbinsel Morea wahrend des Mittelalters (2 Th. Stuttg. a. Tubingen. 1830. 36), j. 169, 183, heathen Slavonians had seized upon, from 578 till 589, the interior of Macedonia, Thessaly, Hellas, and the Peloponnesus ; but this first happened about 746, though single Slavonian colonies in those parts may have been older. See J. "W. Zinkeisen's Gesch. Grietheu- lands V. Anfange geschichtl. Kunde bis auf unsero Tage. Th. 1 (Leipzig. 1832), S. 689, 741. * See Lindenbrogii Cod. legum antt. p. 255. ' Cf. Salvinnus Massil. above J 79, note 23. Gelasius P. (492-496) adv. Ai'dro--e';i;vj Benatorem caeterosque Romanes, qui Lupercalia secundum morem p.ist i.uia c-oicndd eonstituebant (ap Mansi, viii. p. 95, ss.). He shows of what a sacrilege he Js y.iilly, yui cum se Christianum videri velit, et profiteatnr, et dicat, palam U :• t,". yvAiicoijue prae CHAP. I.— SUPPRESSION OF PAGANISM. $ 109. 465 superstitions adhere to those heathen temples which were not destroyed.^ In many distant places paganism was maintained for a long time undisturbed. Sacrifices were offered in a tem- ple of Apollo on Mount Cassinum, until Benedict (529) trans- formed it into a chapel of St. Martin.*^ In Sicily,^ but espe- cially in Sardinia^ and Corsica/" there were still many hea- then about A.D. 600. Even Gregory the Great did not hesi- tate now to advise violent measures, with the view of effecting their conversion.^^ dicare non horreat, non refugiat, non pavescat, ideo morbos gigni, quia daemonia non colantar, et deo Febraario non litetur. — CLaando Anthemius Imperator Romam venit (about 470), Lupercaliautique gerebantar — dum haec mala bodieque perdarant, ideo haec ipsa imperia defecerunt, ideo etiara nomen Romanorum, non remotis etiam Lupercalibus, usque ad extrema quaeque pervenit. Et ideo nunc ea removenda suadeo. — Postremo si de meorum persona praescribendam aestimas praedecessorum : unusquisque nostrorum administi'ationis suae redditurus est ratlonem. — Ego negligentiam accusare non audeo praedecessorum, cum magis credam fortasse tentasse eos, ut haec pravitas tolleretur, et quasdam extitisse causas et contrarias voluntates, quae eorum intent ionibus praepeSirent: sicut ne nunc quidem vos istos absistere insanis conatibus velle perpenditis. Beugnot Hist, de la destruction du Paganisme en Occident, ii. 273. ^ Palladium in the temple of Fortune, Procop. de Bello Croth. i. 15. The temple of Janus, i. 25. The Pantheon continued till 610 with its idololatriae sordibus, Paulus Diac. Hist. Longob. iv. 37. Beugnot, ii. 288. ' Gregorii M. Dialog, lib. ii. Beugnot, ii. 285, At a still later period heathen rites of worship in holy groves were practiced ia the diocese of Terracina. Gregorii M. viii. Ep. 18, ad Agnellum Episc. Terracin. 8 Gregor. M. lib. iii. Epist. 62. * Gregor. M. lib- iv. Epist. 26; and lib. ix. Epist. 65; ad Januar. Episc. Caralitanum, lib. v.; Epist. 41, ad Constantinam Augustam. 10 Gregor. M. lib. viii. Epist. 1. '^ He prescribes, lib. iv. Ep. 26, in case a peasant should obstin:.t«ly persist in heathen- ism : Tanto peusionis ouere gravandus est, ut ipsa exactionis suae poena corapellatur ad rectitudinem festinare. And lib. ix. Epist. 65 : Contra idolorum quoque cultores vel aruspices atque sortilegos Fraternitatem vestram vebementius pastorali hortamur in- vigilare custodia, atque publice in populo contra hujas rei viroa sermonem facere, eosque a tanti labe sacrilegii et divini intentatione jadicii, et praesentis vitae periculo, adhorta- tione euasoria revocare. Claos tamen si emendare ee a talibas atque corrigere nolle repereris, ferventi comprehendere zelo te volumus : et siquidem servi sunt, verberibua cruciatibusque quibus ad emendationem pervenire valeant, castigare. Si vero sunt liberi, inclusione digna districtaque sunt in poenitentiam dirigendi; ut qui salubria et a mortis periculo revocantii audire verba contemnunt, craciatas saltern eos corporis ad desideratum mentis valeat redacere sanitatem. VOL. I. — 30 4G0 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. II.— A.D. 451-632. SECOND CHAPTER. HISTORY OF THEOLOGY. § 110. ' , MONOPHYSITE CONTROVERSIES. Sources : Fragments of Acts of Councils collected by Mansi. vii. 481.-ix. 700. Liberati Brevianim (see preface to § 88). — Breviculus Hist, Eatych. (see preface to $ 89;. — Leontii Byzantini (about 600?) de sectis liber, in x. actiones distributus (prim. ed. Jo. Leunclavius in Legat. Manuelis Comneni ad Armenos. Basil. 1578. 8, in Gallaudii Bibl. PP. t. xii. p. 621, ss.), actio v.-x. Ejusdem contra Eutycbianos et Nestoriauos, libb.»iii. (lat. ex. Fr. Turriani versione ap. Canisius-Basnage, i. 535; ap. Gallandius xii. 658 ; in Greek Ang. Maji Spicileg. roman. x. ii. 1). Zacbariae Rhet., et Theodori Lect., Hist. eccl. fragmenta.^Evagrius, ii. 5, ss. Theopbanes, ed. Paris, p. 92, ss. Works: Walcli's Ketzerbistorie, vi. 461, vii. and viii. Baur's Lebre, v. d. Dreieingkeit uud Menschwerdung Gottes, ii. 37. The decisions of'the council of Chaloedon were regarded by "he Egyptian party as completely Nestorian.'' There was there- fore an insurrection of monks in Palestine, led on by one of their number, Theodosius, against Juvenal, Mshop of Jerusalem, and favored by the widowed empress Eudoxia, which was finally crushed after much bloodshed (451—453).^ But in Alexandria, a considerable party, headed by the presbyter, Timothy 6 alXov- pog, and the deacon Peter 6 fioyyog (i.e., blaesus, Liberat. c. 16), separated from the newly-appointed bishop Proterius. The ^ So also tbe Monopbysites related tbat Leo the Great and Theodoret bad been com- pletely reconciled to Nestorius ; tbat the litV^r had been invited to tbe Synod of Cbalcedon by. the Emperor Marcian, but had died on ibe way. See Zacbariae Hist. eocl. iu Maji Scriptt. vett. nova coll. x. 361, and Xenayas, bishop of Mabug, about 500, ia Assemani Bibl. or. ii. 40. On the other band, it is remarked by Evagrius, ii. 2, tbat Nestorius had died previously. ' Zacbariae Eragm. ap. Majus, x. 363. Vita S. Euthymii Abbatis (t 472) by Cyril of Scythopolis (about 555), in an enlarged form, by Simeon Metaphrastes in Cotelerii Monum. Eccles. Graec. ii. 200; in a shorfter, perhaps a genuine form.'in the Analectis Graecis (ed. Benedictiai mon. Jao. Lopinus, B. Montfaucon, Ant. Pugetus. Paris. 1G88. 4), p. 1, ss. Juvenal had before sided with tbe Egyptians, and was also at first at Cbalcedon on the side of Dioscurus : hut (Zacharias, 1. c.) aocepta demum ab Imperatore promissione de subjiciendis tribus Palaestinae sedibus honori cathedrae bierosolymitanae, mentis oculos sibi obstruxit, solam iestituit in certamine Dioscorum, et adversariorum iu nartes transiit. CHAP. II.—THEOLOGY. $ 110. MONOPHYSITES. 467 greatest part of this faction . continued to maintain the doctrine of one nature, rejected the council of Chalcedon, and considered Dioscurus as unjustl}? deposed;^ while, on the contrary, they 2 The most important representative of this tendency which we have is Severus, Mono- physite patriarch of Antioch, from a.d. 513. (See below, note 19.) Comp. my Comra. qua Monophysitarura vetenim variae de Christi persona opiniones imprimis ex ipsorum effatis recens. editis illustrantur (Partic- ii. Gutting. 1835, 38. 4), i. 9, ss. "Seven locus (prim. ed. Mansi, vii. 831. Gallandius, xii. 733, is, according to Maji Scriptt. v'ett. nova coll. vii. i. 136, from Severi lib. contra Grammaticum, Joannem Ep. Caesareae) : Avo rag vGEOif ^(paaav elvai tov XptaTov. Ov Travcrofieda XeyovTec, (l)g Sei^utg) Tig ttjv kv XaT^KijiSovL Gvvodov ij tov Tofiov AiovTog ttjv Kad' ■bTTOGTaatv evuglv bfxoXoyrjcavTag, rj cvvodov (pvGiKyv, rj k^ ufKpoiv 'iva 'S.pLCTov, 7} fiLav (pvfftv tov Oeov ?-.6yov GEcapKu^ivrjv koI toth yvuGOfzeda, ug KaTU. tov ao fi^pog 'Je Tr Gu/ia, ovTu /cat ^ttI tov XptGTov, Kal T?/g fiidg avTov ({>vGecjg, fiipovg tu^lv inix^t '0 wEOTJig, real ptipovg to ocjfia. This comparison was frequently used by the Mouophysites generally after Cyril's example {see Ep. ad Saccensura, above § 88, note 21), and in like jiiarner by Philoxenus or Xenayas, bishop of Mabug (488-518) in Assemani Bibl. orient, ii. 2.>. Gelasius I. (bishop of Home, 492-496} de duabus naCuris in Christo adV. Eutychen et Nestorium (in Bibl. PP. and in Jo. Heroldi Haereseologia. Basil. 1556. p. 686) : Adhoc autem etiam illud adjiciant, ut sicut ex duabus rebus constat homo, id est ex anima et cor- pore, quamvis utriusque rei sit diversa natura, sicut dubium non habetur, plerumque tamen usus loquoudi singulariter pronunciet, simul utrumque complectens, ut humanam dicat naturam, non Iramanas naturas : sic potentiam in Christi mysterio, et unitionem divinitatis atque humanitatis unam dici vel debere vel posse naturam : non considerantes, quia cum una natura dicatur humana, quae tamen ex duabus constet, id est ex aniiiia et corpore princip alitor, ilia, causa est, quia nee initialiter anima alibi possit existere, quam in corpore, nee corpus valeat constare sine anima: et merito, quae alterutro sibi sit cauaa existeudi, pariter unara abusive dici posse naturam, quae sibi invicem causam praebeat, ut ex alter- utro natura subsistat humana, salva proprietate duntaxat duarum. According to the de- crees of the synod at Chalcedon, (j>vGtg and ovGta are synonymous, while to uto/j.ov and ^ VKOGTaGig are different from them. But the Mouophysites took (}>vGtg, vTroGraGig, and UTO/J.OV synonymously, and separated tj ovGia from them. See Maji Scriptt, vett. nova coll. vii. 1, 11, ss.; my Comm. i. 11. That this was also the phraseology employed bv Cyril is acknowledged by Euhalus, bishop of Lystra, ap. Majus, 1. c. p 31, who endeavors to exculpate him on that account. And that this controversy was more about correctneeg 468 SECOND PEEIOD.— DIV. II.— A.D. 451-622. approved of the condemnation of Eutyches, for his supposed Do- cetism.^ But as the doctrine of one nature had before led, in some cases, to the idea of considering the body of Jesus as some- thing superhuman,* so also now, many attributed peculiar excel- lencies to it.° To the most influential advocates of the doctrine of one nature, Athanasius and Cyril, was now added Pseudo- Dionysius, the Areopagite, whose writings were doubtless com- posed in Egypt toward the end of the fifth century,' and there- of expression than of idea, even the monk Kustathias, with all his bitterness againsl Severus, is obUged to allow. See Majus, 1. c. p. 291, and my Comm. i. 23. * CoUatio Cathol. cum Severianis apud Mansi, t. viii. p. 81S: Q,ualem opinionem de Eutyche habetis ? ' Oiientales dixerunt : Tanquam haereticas, magis antem princeps hae- resis. Zacharias (ap. Evagrium, iii. 5) : Ot ttjv T^vtvxov^ tpavratjiav vogovvte^ avil ttjv jSaaL^evovffav, Kal tov fiovTjpTj dcuKovreg ^iov, cioTzep Ipfialu tlvX Tzepirvx^lv olTjdevTe^ Ttfiodiu (Aeluro), — dpofialoi irap' avTov a^cKvovvrait Kal 6if dceXeyx&^vreg ^rpof Ttfio- deov, biioovatov ijfiiv elvat Karcl odpKa tov tov 6eov ?,dy\jv, Kal r^ narpl dfioovaiov /caret T7}v deoTTjTa, ig Tovirlau avEX<^povv. Prevailing notion respecting the docti-ine of Eutyches.: Hormisdae P. Epist. 30, ad Caesarium : Eutyches camis negnns veritatem, — ut Manichaeam phantasiam ecclesiis Christi — insereret, etc. Justinianus in Codice, i. i. 5 : (anatbematizamus) et Eutychetem mente c&^\MTa, phantasiam indvcentcTn. Vigilius Tap- sensis (about 484) adv. Eutychen, libb. v. (0pp. ed. P. P. Chiifletius. Divione. 1664. 4), in the beginning of lib. iii. : Eutychiana haeresis in id impietatis prolapsa est en-ore, ut non solum verbi et camis unam credat esse naturam, verum etiam banc eandem caruem non de sacro Mariae virginis corpore adsumtam, sed de coelo dicat, juxta infandum Valentin! et Marcjonis errorem, fuisse dednctam. Ita pertinaciter verbum camem adserens factum, ut per virginem, ac si aqua per fistulam, transisse videatur, non tamen ut de virgine ali- cuid, quod nostid sit generis, adsumsisse credatur. Liberatus, c. 11, Samuel, presbyter in Edessa, went so far as to attempt to prove to the Eutychiaus veram bumani generis car- nem a Deo assumtam, et non de coelo exhibitam, nee crassi aeris snbstautiam in came incessisse formatam (Gennadius de vir. iUnstr. c. 82). ^ See Theodoreti Eranistes, et Isidor. Pelus. § 89, note 2. 6 So said Dioscurus (in Maji Nova coll. vii. i. 289) : 'I. Xp. yevofievOQ uvdpwKoq — Tol^ uvdpuTTLVot^ KEKOtvuvTjKe Tiddsutv ov KaTU. t^vGLV^ iiX'Xa KaTu x^pf-v- And 1X7] yevoiTO Evb(; Tuv Kara ^voiv XiysLV jy/^af d^ioovawv to al/aa XpLOTOv, Timotheus Aelm-us (1. c. p. 277) : ^vdiC iSe Xptarov fiia fiovti Bcottk (consequently not as according to Sevems : ipiatc avv8ET0(), and : El yap fjv uvdpuiro; kotH (pvatv Kal vofiov 6 fiillov u'KOTE'kelnBai, uvdpwrnt: Iv fi^rpf T^f TTOpdevov, oiiK uv Mx^V ^f avT^i ei lOj vpuTov rf/c ■irapdeviac diaXvOELCTjt^- ' De hierarchia coelesti, de hierarchia ecclesiastica, de nominibas divinis, de theologia mystica, epistolae (ed. Paris. 1644, 2 voU. fol.) falsely ascribed to the Dionysins mentioned in Acts xvii. 34 who, according to Dionys. Corinth, ap. Euseb. iii. 4, iv. 23, was the first bishop of Athens. The first trace of these writings which has been preserved to ns, be- longs to the beginning of the sixth centniy, when Joannes Scythopolitanus wrote scholia on them (Le ftuieu dissertt. Damasc. prefixed to his edition of Joannes Damasc. i. fol. xxxviii. verso). The Monophysite patriarch of Antioch, Severus, cites them (see note 8), and the no less respectable orthodox writer Ephraemius, who, from 526, was pstriarch of Antioch, refers to them (ap. Photius Cod. 229, ed. Hoeschel. p. 420). When, however, in the coUatio Catholicorum cum Severianis, in the year 531, the Monophysites appealed to them (Mansi, viii. 817), Hypatius, archbishop of Ephesus, judged, ostendi non posse, ista vera esse, qune nullus antiquus memoraverit. Subsequently many were found in the Greek church, who always asserted the spuriousness of these writings (Maximi Prol. in Bchol. Dionys. 'p. 45, Photius Cod. 1). In the Latin church, in which they had been widely diffused frore CHAP, n.— THEOLOGY. $110. MONOPHYSITES. 469 fore coincided with the mode of expounding the dcctrine of Christ's person adopted by Cyril.^ Among the many heretical names which the party received from its. opponents,^ the appel- lation Movo(j>valTai was the most common. On the other hand they called the opposite party AvovalTai, or AiV(Tiv tov 6eov Aoyov aeaapKUfievijv. The Monophj^- sites obtained from Dionysius a new formula in addition to the old Athanasian one. ^ At different times and places, for example, Acephali, Severiani, Aegyptii, Jacobitae, Timotheani, etc. — Facundus Episc. Hermianensis {about 540) pro defensione iii. capitulorum (libb. V. prim. ed. Jac. Sirmond. Paris. 1629. 8. ap. Gallandius, t. xi. p. 655), lib. i. c. 5. et iv. c. 3 : Acephali vocantur a Graecis, quos significantius nos Semicutychianos pos.samu3 appellare. This name, how^ever, never became usual. 10 So Timotheus Aeluras, in Maji Coll. vii. 1, 277. ^1 The letters are collected in the Codex encyclius. Mausi, t. vii. p. 777, ss., gives their form, and the writings themselves also in the same volume, p. 521, ss. Most remarkable is the Epist. Episcoporam Pamphyliae. Ibid. p. 573, ss.: Doctrina— quae a S. Niceano concilio gratia spiritali prolata est — omuia complet et omnibus valde sufficit — N"o3 et Nicaenum synodum debito honore veneraraur, et Chalcedonensum quoque suscipi- mus, velati scutum earn contra haereticos opponentes, et uon anathema {leg. mathema, addijfin) fidei existentem. Non enim ad populum a papa Leone et a S. Chalcedonensi concilio scripta est, ut ex hoc debeant scandalum sustinere, sed tantummodo sacer- 470 SECOND PEEIOD.— DrV. II.— A.D. 451-^22. aaXo(j)aictaXog nominated in his place (460J, who succeeded in maintaining the tranquillity of Alexandria by his prudent, con- ciliating conduct toward the opposite party. It is true, that new commotions arose soon after even in Antioch. Peter the Fuller (6 yva(l>evg), a monk of Constantinople, and an enemy of the council of Chalcedon, endeavored to carry. through here the favorite formula of the Monophy sites Seog koravpdid'q, and even to introduce it into the Trisagion ;^^ succeeded in gaining over the monks to his party ; and put himself in the place of the de- posed patriarch ; but not long after he was banished by an im- perial decree (about 470), and there was hope of seeing the schism gradually disappear and be every where forgotten. But it proved incurable when Basiliscus, having driven the emperor Zeno Isauricus from the throne (476, 477), declared in favor of the Monophysites, reinstated Timotheus Aelurus and Peter the Fuller in their dignities, and by the Enci/clion, required all bishops (476) to condemn the synod of Chalcedon. ^^ dotibus, ut habeant quo possint repagaare contrariis. Daamm namqne naturamm sive substantiamm unitatem in- tino Christo declaratam invenimua a plaribus apud nos consistentibua Sanctis et religiosissiniia patribus, et nequaquam veluti mathema aut symbolum his qni baptizantrar hoc tradimus, sed ad bella hostinm reservamua. Si vero propter medclam eorum, qui per simplicitatem scandalizati noscuntur, placuerit vestrae potentiae, Christo amabilis imperator, S. Leoni Rom. civ. episcopo, nee non aliorum pariter sanctitati, propter istorum (sicut dixi) condescensionem et satisfactionem, qaatenns idem sanctissimua vir Uteris snis declaret, quia non est sjrmbolnm neqne ma- thema epistola, qnae tunc ab eo ad sanctae memoriae nostrum archiepiscopum Flavianura directa est, et quod a sancto concilio dictum est, sed haereticae pravitatis potius increpatio : simul et illud, quod ab eis est dictum, "in duabus naturis," quod forte eis dubium esse diguoscitur, dum a patre prolatum sit propter eos, qui veram Dei verbi incarnationem negaut his sermonibus apertius indicatum, ita tamen, ut in nuUo sanctae synoda fiat injuria Nihil enim differt, sive duarum natararum unitas inconfusa dicatur, sive ex duabus eodem modo referatur. Sed neque si una dicatur verbi natura, inferatur autem incarnata, aliu^ quid significat, sed idem honestiori sermone declarat. Nam et invenimus saepius hoc dixisse SS. patres. Apud vestrae pietatis imperium, quod significat vestra potenti9 decenter ago, quia ipsa synodus permanebit, sicut ecclesiae membra discerpta copula- buntur hoc sermone curata, et ea, quae contra sacerdotes nefanda committuntur, cessa- bunt, et ora haercticoram contra noa aperta damnabuntur, et omnia reducentur ad pacem, et fiet, sicut scriptum est, unris gres et unus pastor. Q,uoniam et dominus Christas multa condescensione circa nos usas, et humanum salvavit genus : et quia cum dives esset, utique divinitate, pauper factus est pro nobis, secundum quod homo fieri voluit, ut nos ilia paupertate ditaremur, sicut b. Paulus edicit, etc. '=* The elder Tpiodyiov consisted of the words Is. vi. 3; ct. Constitt. apost. viii. V2. Miraculoaa origin of the later one under Theodosius II. (Felicis Papae Ep. ad Petmra. Full. ap. Manai, vii. 1041. Acacii Ep. ad. eund. ibid. p. 1121): "Ayeof 6 fieof, dytoc Icxvpog, aytog uOuvaTog {6 (jravpudei^ 6t' ijfidg), ^Aoytrov i^fi&c- Cf. Suiceri Thes. ii. 1310. Bingham, vi. p. 37, ss. Walch's Ketzerhistorie, vii. 239. ^3 In the 'EyKVK^tov (ap. Evagrius, iii. 4), it is said : QeaJzi^optEV ttjv KpijTzida Ka'. /3t>3a/wci3' T7/C uvdpQTrivTjg sv^utag, TOVTitjTt to cvfii3o?.ov tCjv riv' &y[uv narepuv rdi^ CHAP. IL— THEOLOGY. $ 110. MONOPHYSITES. 471 It was not long, indeed, before the persevering Acacius, pa- triarch of Constantinople, succeeded in exciting a popular tumult, which was the means of restoring Zeno Isauricus to the throne (477-491) ; but in the mean time, the principles of the Mono- physites had been so firmly established in Egypt by these occur- rences, that Zeno, by the advice of Acacius, issued the Henoli- con^^ (482), in which both parties were to be' brought into a state of peace and union by reducing the points at issue to more general principles. Peter Mongus was patriarch of Alex- andria, and subscribed the Henoticon. Many Monophysites, however, displeased at this, separated from him, and were called 'AKE^aXot. without a head.'^ • Peter the Fuller was once more iv NLKaia 7rd?i.ac fiera rov uylov Trvevfiurog iKKTiTjataadivTGV — fiovov 7TO?.tr€ve(76aL Kai Kparelv tv Trduatc ralq ayiCdrdratQ rov 6eov tKKXtjalai^ rov bpdodo^ov ?.a6v, ug fx6vov TTj^ dnXavovq Trtareuc opoVj koI upKovv elg dvaipeCLU (liv KadoXov Tzdarj^ aipetyeuc* £va)(Tiv 6^ dupav tup uyiuv tov deov lKK2.7jfftC}v ' ix^'^'^^''^ dT^Xadi} tt]v olKelay Icx^'^f Kal rCiV elg (BeiSatijaLV avrov tov delov cv/j,j36Xov TreTrpayfiivov Iv re ry (SactXEVovuy t:oael TaiiTij — Tzapu riJv pv' dyiov Traripuv, trt (Je Kal ttuvtuv tuiv ireTpayfievuv tv ry '^^(peaiuv /njTpoTToXei. Kara, tov 6vaaE^ovc NeciTopiov, Kal tuv fieTa TavTa tu. ekeIvov (PpovTiadvTov ' TU dt dteXovra t^v ivoxjiv Kal Evra^lav tuv dyiuv tov Oeov ekkatjuiuv Kal Elp7jV7]v TOV KoGfiov TTavTog, 6^Xa6?/ rov XsyouEvov t6/iov Aeovto^, Kal Trdvra rd kv Xa?:K7]66vL kv opu tzIoteu^ ij sfcdEtJEi avaiio'Auv — elprdiEva Kal TzeitpayjiEva elg KaivoTOfiiav Kara tov fivTjfiovEvdEvrog uylov avtiBoXov rov tltj' dyiuv Trarepuv, OEani- ^0/j.EV EvravOd re Kal Travraxov Kad' ekugttjv iKKXtjacav -rapd tuv uTvavraxov dyturdruv kizLGKOTTUv uvaSEfiari^eadaty Kal irvpl napadidoadai •Kap' olg dv tvplaKijrac. — OEUTcl^OfiEv rovg Ttavraxov uyLurdrovg EntaKonov^ ifioavi^ouivu) tC> BeIu rovrif) ijfiuv kyKVKXLu ypd/j-uart Ka6vn^oypd(l)Etv ca^u^ KaTafijjvvovrac, on 67) (i6v(^ tu Oe'iu utolxovgc av/j.l367uu TUV riTj' dyluv irarepuv, birep k'nEOcppdyicav ol pv' TrarkpEg dytoi, ug e6o^ev opicriKuc Kal rote fiETu ravra avveXOovot Kara t^v 'E^eciwi' (XTjrpoTToXtv 6pdo66^otg Kal lurioig TrarpdoLV. Cf. J. Gu. Berger Henotica Orientis. Vitemb. 1723. 4. p. 1, ss, 1* Ap. Evagrius, iii. 14 : AvroKpdrup Kalaap Ztjv^v — Tolg Karii 'AXE^uvSpeiav Kal AlyvTTTOv, Kal AljSvtjv Kal TLevTairoXiv, k. t. X. — ytvucKELV vfidg kcKovddaafiEv, on Kid yfj-Eig Kal at Tzavraxov tKKXijffiat irepov avfij3o?.ov, y uddrifia^ tj 6pov TrlarEug, y Tzianv irXrjv rov eipijfiEVOv uyiov avfifioXov tuv titi' dyluv Traripuv, OKEf. ijSE^aiuaav ol /ivTjfzovEvdsvTEg pv' uytot iraripEg, ovte kaxv'^^t^^'^i <^~^ ^^tOjtxev, ovte e^ojiev. — ^ Kal k^TjKoXovdTjGav ol dyiot TTarepEg ol ev ry 'E(pE(Tcuv avvEXdovTsg, ol Kal KadEXovrsg tov aGEpTJ l^Earopiov, Kal rovg rd kKslvov fiErd ravra (fipovovvrag ' tvnva Kal y/iEig Nec- Toptuv ufia Kal 'EvrvxVt rdvavria rolg ElpTjfiivotc ^povovvrag, dvadEfiari^ofisv, dsxafiEvot Kal rd i/3' KE<^dXata rd slpTjfieva irapd rov riig balag fiV7}fJ.7)g yevofiivov KvpiXXov dpxi- ETTLffKOTTOv T^c ^ AXe^av 6 pEuv dyiag KadoXtKyg kKKXriGiag. 'O/ioXoyovfiEV 6e rov fiovojEV^ rov dEov vlbif Kal debv rbv Kard u2.?/dEtav kvavdpuiT-qaavra, rbv Kvpiov rifiuv 'irjcovv Xpiarbv, rbv dfioovaiov ru Tvarpl Kara rr^v O^br-qra Kal bfioovatov Tjfuv rbv avrbv Kard TTjv dvdpunorijra, KareXdovra Kal capKudivra kK rcvEVfiaroc dyiov Kal Maplag T^C -rrapdivov Kal Oeotokov, iva rvyxdvetv Kal ov bvo ' kvbg ydp elvai ^afxEv rd re 6av{iara Kal rd Tzddij, uttep kKOvaiug vTrefietve aapKi. rovg ydp diaipovvrag, ^ avy- ■^Eovrag, 7f ^avraaiav elcdyovrag ov6^ 6?vug dExofieda' liTEtnEp ij uva/idprTjroc Kard uXTJdeLav ffdpKuaic kK ir^g Oeotokov irpoadriKTjv vlov ov ttekoij^ke. — rrdvra 6^ rbv irspov n (ppov^oavra, ij (j}povovvTa, 7j vvv 7} ttuttote, tj kv XaXKijdovi, ^ oca d^rrore ffuvdtJ^, iivaOEfiarl^ofiEV. Berger Henotica Orientis, p. 42, ss. '^ Tbes? considered Timothy Aelnrus as the last legitimate patriarch. See EustattiH 472 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. 11.— A.D. 451-622. appointed patriarch of Antioch (485) ; though many Syrian bishops were deposed because they would not subscribe the He- noticon. The most decided opposition to church fellowship with the Monophysites was presented by the Roman patriarchs, who had become entirely independent of the emperor since the down- fall of the western etnpire (476). All remonstrances proving vain, Felix //.issued an anathema (484)'° against Acacius, and communion between the Eastern and Western churches was broken off. But even in the east, the Henoticon proved but a weak bond of union, since the questions left indeterminate in it, were con- tinually employing the minds of men. At Constantinople, the council of Chalcedon stood high in estimation ; and the Acoenie- tae even continued in communion with the Church of Rome. In Alexandria, the decrees of this council were rejected. In the east, opinions on the subject were divided. Among all these churches, it is true, external fellowship was for the most part maintained by the Henoticon ; but it could not be- otherwise than that there should be coldness between the parties, which often led to open quarrels. Such was the situation of affairs at the accession of the emperor Anastasius ( 4 9 1—5 18). He adopted the principle of avoiding all interference in religious matters, except to protect the peace of the citizens against fanaticism." Men. Epist. ad Timotli. Scholasticum, in Maji Coll. vii. 1, 277 : Toiru CTifiodstfj Ai/loupu^ Kal Tois u7r' avTov fisXP^ ^f orjfispov ov KOtvuvovatv ol 'Lt'vi/poVy uKEipuXovg avroi^ 7Tpo(jayof>EvovTE^. However, Timotheus himself seems to have died before the division, since Severus esteems him highly. See his words, 1. c. : AiocKopov 6^ tcai Tifjiodeou TUiV T^f CL?iTideiag uyuviffTuv — Tovg ayuvag Tifiu Kai aoTcui^Ofiai. It might be expected that the strictest Monophysites should have belonged to the Acephali, who considered even the body of Jesus as something higher, and these found passages in Timotheus Aelurns, which agreed with them (see note 6), though he had maintained that the body of Christ is of like essence with our own. JS Pelicis Epist. ad Acacium ap. Mansi, vii. p. 1053, The conclusion: Habe ergo cum his, quos libenter amplecteris, portionem ex sententia praesenti, quam per tuae tibi direximus ecclesiae defensorem, sacerdotali honore, et communione catholicae, nee non etiam aiidelium numero segregatus ; sublatum tibinomen et munas ministerii sacerdotalis agnosce, S. Spiritas judicio et apostolica auctoritate damnatus, numquamque anathematis vinculis exuendus. — Theophanes, p. 114 : 'Aicu/ciof 6i uvaiaBijTug lax^ '"Cpl Tijv Kadaipe- atv, Kal TO dvofia avTov (,tov ^lXiko^) k^pe rdv 6tivTvxi^v. " Evagrius, iii. 30 : Oirof d 'Xvaaraaiog dpr)valo( nf (5v, ovihi KaivovpyataOai jravreT^uQ iifiovXeTO, Siai^epovra^ ■Kepi ttjv tnKKriaiaaTiitTiv Karuaraatv. — 'H /ziv oiv tv XaT^KijiUvi. aivodo; aviX roiiTovg Toiig xP^^ov; oirs uva(pavdov Iv Toff dytuTUTat; iKKXriaiai( iKrjpvTTCTO, ovre iiijv in ttuvtuv aTreKripiTTCTO. iKacToi Si tuv TrpoeSpevov- TioVy dig eIxov vofiiaeu^t dtsTzpdrTOvro, Kdv evioc /ilv rov hKTEdsifUvuv avry /zuAa yevvmCj^ uvteIxovto, Kal wpof oiSefttav IveiiSoaav cv^Xap^v rCtv bpiadivTuv vap' ai-rijc oi CHAP. II.— THEOLOGY. $ 110. MONOPHYSITES. -473 But he could not prevent all outbreaks of the latter. In Con- stantinople itself, he was threatened by the seditious Vitalianus, who put himself forth as a defender of the Chalcedonian synod (514), and was obliged to promise to him that he \yould effect a restoration of communion with Rome. But all negotiations to bring this about were frustrated by the extravagant demands of the Roman see ; and Anastasius carried with him to the grave the hatred, of all the friends of the council of Chalcedon, as may be seen by many narratives written after his death. ^^ Under Justin I. (518-527), a popular tumult finally com- pelled the general and solemn adoption of the Chalcedonian council at Constantinople, and the renewal of Church-commu- nion with Rome (519). The same measures were soon after taken in the east; the M'onophysite bishops were deposed, par- ticularly Severus, patriarch of Antioch,^^ Xenayas or F/uloxe- liTjV ypufifiUTog u.?.A.ayTiv TrapedexovTO, a?t./la kol /lera ;roAA^f uTveTrydDV rr}^ Tra^lnjaia^, Kai KOtvuvelv TTCvreAwf ovk tjv-eLxovtq rolg fiij dexofievoig Trap' avrfjg tu, iKTidifieva. "ETEpoi 6i ov fiovov OVK eSixovTO r^v kv Xa7i.K?]6dvi ovvoSov kol tu. Trap' avrf/g bptadivra, uAAa nai avaOifiaTL 'Kepte^akov avrijv re /cat toj^ AeovTog rofiov. 'KTJXol rolr ivurtKolg Zyvuvoc, kviuxvpi^ovTo KOI raiira irpoq uXArjTiovg dcE^^uyoTEg ry te fiid Kal Taig 6vo (pvcEaiv, ol /j.ei' Ty cvvOrJKTi Tuv ypaptf/uTcjv KXanevTeg., ol 6i Kal npbg to elpTjvtKCJTcpuv fidA/.ov uttok/u- vavTEQ ■ (jf Tidaac Tug lKK2.jjGiag Etg idlag anoKptdTJvai fioipag, Kai u.t}6& kolvuveXv aTCk-qkoig Tovq TTpoeSpEvovTac. — "AiTEp b (BaatT^Evg 'kvacjTdaLog 6€0)/ievog Tovg VEuTtpi- ^ovTag Tuv k'TztaKOizuv k^udEiTO, el ttov KaTEL?«^. 531 : Collatio Catbolicomm cum Severianis, ap. Mansi, viii. 317. — Johannes Episc. Asiae spealss of several in Assemani Bibl. orient, ii. 89. * See Walch's Ketzerhist. vii. 261, 311, ff. ^ Walcli, vii. 262. Under Anastasius the addition in the Trisbagion (see $ 110, note 12), was also introduced at Constantinople (see Zachariae Hist. eccl. ap. Assemani Bibl. or. ii. 59, and in Maji Nova coll. x. 375, comp. Dioscuri Diac. Ep. ad Hormisdam ap. Mansi, viii. 430). Its abrogation during the reaction under Justin doubtless occasioned the monks to defend tiie foi-mula. Honnisdae Ep. Rom. Epist. ad Possessorem Episc. Afric. Con- Ktantinopoli exulanteni (ap. Mansi, viii. 498); Ubi nou varie tentationis aculei? Quales per liunc fere jugera annum quorundam Scytharum, qui monachos prae se ferebhiifc specie non veritate, professione nou opere, subtili tectas calliditate versutias, et sub religiouis obtentu famalantia odiis suis veiiena pertulimus. — Nunquam apud eos caritas novo com- niendata praecepto, nunquam pax dominico relicta discessu: una pertinacis cura propositi, rationi velle inipevare, non credere : coutemtores auctoritatum veterum, uovarum cupidi quaestionum; solara putautes scientiae rectam viam, qualibet concepta facilitate senten- tiani: eo usque tumoris elati, ut [ad] arbitrium suum utriusque orbis putent inclinandum esse jadicium, etc. The answer of one of the Scythian monks to this, Job. Maxentii ad Epist. Hormisdae respousio {Bibl. PP. Lugdun. t. ix. p. 539, ss.): — Non est facile creden- dum, banc esse epistolam cujus fertur nomine titulata, praesertim cum in ea nihil, ut diximus, ratlouis aut consequentiae reperiatur, sed tota criminationibus obtrectationi- busque vanis — videatur referta. — Q.uod monachis responsum quaerentibus Romanus Epis copus dare omnino distulerit, eosdemque post multa maris pericula, lougique itineris vexationem, nee non etiam afflictionem prolixi temporis, quo eos apud se detinuit, vacuos et sine ullo eflFectu ad has partes venire compulerit, quod omnibus paene catholicis notum est, nee ipsi queunt haeretici denegare. — Nam et ipsi haeretici ad hoc ubique banc ipsam, cui respondimus, epistolam proferunt, quateuus et saepedictis monachis invidiam concitent, et omnes quasi ex auctoritate ejusdem Romani Episcopi prohibeantur Christum filiani Del unum confiteri ex ti'initate. Sed quis banc sententiam catholicam uou esse ausus est profiteri, quam universa veneratur et amplectitur Dei ecclesia? Confidenter etenim dicere audeo, nou quod, si per epistolam, seu quod, si viva voce hie in praeseuti positus idem Romanus prohiberet Episcopus Christum filium Dei unum confiteri ex sancta et individua trinitate, nunquam eidem Dei ecclesia acquiesceret, nunquem ut Episcopum catbolicum veneraretur, sed oranino ut baereticum penitus execraretur. Cluia quisquis hoc non confitetur non est dubium, quod Nestorianae pei-fidiae tenebris excaecatus, quartum et exti-aneum a sancta eC inefFabili Trinitate eura, qui pro nobis crucem sus- tinuit, praedicare contendat. — An forte illos rationi credere, non imperare judicat, qui Christum unam personam quidem ex Trinitate, non autem unura ex Trinitate esse fateu tur ? Sed hi qui hoc dicunt, potius rationi velle imperare, .non credere, penitus couvin cuntur, etc. The Episcopi Africani in Sardinia exules also sided with the Scythian monks-, comp. their boolv composed by Fulgentius Ruspensis lib. de incamatione et gratia Dom nostri J. C. ad Mon. Scyth. (Fulgentii Opera ed. Paris. 1684. 4. p. 277, ss.). Fulgeutiuf Fenaudns Diac. Carthag. ad Anatolium Diac. Rom. Dionysius Exiguus praef. ad versioneni epistoljie Prooli Amhiep. Const, ad Armonos (ap. Mansi, v. 419). CHAP. II.— THEOLOGY. $ ill. DISPUTES UNDER JUSTINIAN I. 477 Sites. ^ This step, however, was without success. la Egypt the Monophysites continued to be the prevailing party, though Justinian (536) again appointed a Catholic patriarch of Alex- andria, PauL But, on the other hand, the secret endeavors of Theodora to spread Monophysitism in Rome and Constantinople were equally fruitless. Anthimus, who had been promoted to the see of Constantinople by her (535), was soon after (536) deposed for being a Monophysite.^ Vig'ilius, elevated to the see of Rome, with the secret understanding^ that he was to de- ^ The Monophysites accused the orthodox, before the emperor, of not acknowledging dominum passum came, vel unam eum esse de sancta Trinitate, nee ejusdeni esse per- sonae tam miracula quam paasiones (cf. collatio Cathol. cum Sever, ap. Mausi, viii. 832). The Acoemetae did really deny esse confitendum, b. Mariam vere et proprie Dei genetri cera; et unum de Trinitate incamatum et came passum (Liberatus, c. 20), evidently misled by their adherence to Rome (Sara. Basnage Annal. politico-eccles. iii. 701), Justiniani lex A.D. 533 (Cod. i. i. 6). — Unius ac ejusdera passiones et miracula, quae sponte pertulit in carne, agnosceutes. Non euim aliura Deum Verbum, et alium Christum novimus, sed uaum et eundem. — Manslt euim Trinitas eC post incamatum unum ex Trinitate Dei verbum: neque enim quartae personae adjectionem admittit sancta Trinitas. — Anathe matizamus — Nestorium anthropolatram, et qui eadem cum ipso sentiunt — qui negant nee confitentur Dominum nostrum J. C. fiUum Dei et Deum nostrum incamatum et hominem factum et crucitixum unum esse ex sancta et consubstantiali Trinitate. — Epist. Joannia Ep. Romae ad Justin.) ibid. 1. 8, et ap. Mansi, viii. 797): Comperimus, quod fidelibua populis proposaistis Edictum amore fidei pro submovenda haereticorura intentione, secun- dum apostolicam doctrinam, fratrum et Coepiscoporum nostrorum iiiterveuiente consensu. Q,uod, quia apostolicae doctrina convenit, nostra auctoritate confirmamus. The formula, however, was still suspected in the west of being Mcncphysite, and Bishop Cyprian ot Toulon {about 550) was obliged tc defend himself against Bishop Maximus of Geneva, quod beatitudo Vestra imperitiam ncstram judicat esse culpandam, eo quod Deum homi- nera passum dixerim (the document is communicated by Schmidt in Vater's Kirchenhist. Archive fiir 1626, S. 307). The addition to the Trishagion (^ 110, note 12) continued to be used by the Catholics in Syria (see Ephraem. Patr. Antioch. about 530, apud Photius Cod. 228. Assemani Bibl. Orient, i; 513), till it was rejected by the Cone. Cluinisextum, can. 81. After that time it was retained only by the Monophysites and Monothelites {Walch'a Ketzerhist. ix. 480). Among the Catholics the idea arose that a quatemity, instead of a Trinity, was introduced by it. See Jo. Damasc. de Fide orthod. iii. 10. See Royaards in the Nederlandsch Archief voor kerkel. Geschiedenis, ii. 263 (1842). ' Acta Syn. Constantinop. ann. 530 ap. Mansi, viii. 873, ss. s Liberatus, c. 22. In him and in Victoria Tunun. Chronic, (ap. Canisius-Basnage, i. 33C), is found the Epist. Vigilii to the Monophysite bishops, Theodosius, Anthimns, and Severus, where we read, among other things : Me earn fidem, quam tenetis, Deo adjuvante et tenuisse et teuere significo. — Oportet ergo, ut haec, quae vobis scribo, nullus agnoscat, sed magis tanquam suspectum me sapientia vestra ante alios existimet habere, ut faciliua possim haec, quae coepi, operari et perficerc. In the Confession of Faith appended to it in Liberatus : Non duaa Christum confitemur naturas, sed ex duabus naturis compositura unum filium, unum Christum, unum Dominum., dui diclt in Christo duas formas, una- quaque agente cum alterius communione, et non confitetur unam personam, unam essen- tiam, anathema. Q,ui dicit ; quia hoc quidem miracula faciebat, hoc vero passionibus succumbebat (Leo, $ 89, note 7): et non confitetur miracula et passiones unius ejus- demque, quas sponte sua sustinuit, came nobis consubstantiali, anathema sit. Q,ui dicit, quod Christus velut homo misericordia dignatus est, et non dicit ipsum Deum Verbum 478 . SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. II.— A.D. 451-622. dare in favor of Monophysite doctrines (538), soon found it expedient to break through his agreement. In the mean time, these theological affrays were increased by the revival of the Origenist controversy. Origen had, by degrees, obtained many devoted admirers among the monks in Palestine. One of them, Theodorus Ascidas, bishop of Caesa- ^ea in Cappadocia, who had come to court, and gained the con- lidence of- the emperor, protected the Origenists in propagating their doctrines in Palestine, sometimes by violent means. ^ But at last the opposite party prevailed, by the aid of Mennas, pa- triarch of Constantinople, and obtained from Justinian a con- demnation of the Origenist errors (about 544).^" It was more with the design of diverting attention from Origenism than of being revenged on his orthodox opponents, that Theodorus now j^ersuaded the emperor ^^ that the reconciliation of the Monophy- sites with the orthodox would be much facilitated by a public condemnation not only of Theodore of 3Iopsuestia,^^ who had et cmcifixiim esse at misereatnr nobis, anathema sit. Aaatbematizamus ergo Paulum Saniosatenum. Dioscoram (leg. Diodoram), Tlitiodorum, Theodoritum et omnes, qui eorum statuta colaerint, vel coiaut. Soon after this, however, he proved his orthodoxy to the Emperor and the Pati-iarch of Constantinople. Epist. ad Justinian, ap. Mausi, ix. 35, ad Mennam, ibid. p. 38. ^ Chief authority, Vita s. Sabae by Cyrillas Scythopolitanus ^in Cotelerii Monum. Eccles. graec. t. iii.) from cap. 36. Of. Walch de Sabaitis (Novi comm. Soc. Gotting. vii. 1). ^'^ In the Epist. ad Mennam Archiepisc. Const, adv. impium Origenem ap. Mansi, ix. 487. Here, p. 524, Mennas is ordered avvayayelv uiravTa^ rove tvSTiiiovvra^ Karii ravrrjv ttju i^aaiXlda ttoTilv bcLurdTov^ iiriaKonovg, Kal rovg — fiovaaTTjptov yyovfiivovc, Kal napu- UKevdaat TzuvTag—rdv — 'Qpiyivijv — uvadEfiaTLCai, and from this avvodo^ evdrj/iovaa pro- ceeded, without doubt, the fifteen canons against Origen (prim. ed. Petr. Lambecius in Comment, bibl. August. Vindob. viii. 435, ap. Mansi, ix. 395), though tlieir title favors the fifth oecumenical council. See M. Le duien Oriens christianus, iii. 210. Wolch's Ketzerbist. vii, 6G0. '^ The Origenist Domitian, bishop of Ancyra, himself admitted in libello ad Vigiliup* (in Facundi Episc. Hermianensis pro defens. trium capitul. lib. iv. c. 4) : Prosiluenint ad auathematizandos sanctissimos et gloriosissimos doctores sub occasione eorum, quae de praeexistentia et restitutione mota sunt, dogmatum, sub specie quidem Origenis, omnes aotem, qui ante eum et post eum fuerunt, sanctos anathematiz antes. Hi vero, qui pro- posuerant hujusmodi dogma defendere, id implere nuUo mode voluerant : sed talem relin- quentes couflictum, conversi sunt, ut moverent adversus Theodorum, qui fuit Mopsvestenos episcopus, et moliri coeperant, quateuus anathematiz are tur et ille, ad abolitionem, ut putabant, eorum, quae contra Originem mota constiterant. Liberatus, c. 24 : Theodorus Caesareae Cappadociae episcopus, dilectus et familiaris principum — coguoscens Originem fuisse damnatum, dolore damnationis ejus, ad edclesia conturbationem, damnationeiji moU- tus est in Theodorum Mopsvestenum, eo quod Theodorus multa opuscula edidisset contra Originem, exosusque et accusabilis haberetur ab Origenistis. ^'^ The enmity of the abbot Sabba to him, Vita Sabae (see note 9), c. 72, 74. — A Sjiiod convened for the purpose at Mopsuestia by the imperial command (550), came to the con- clusion : Theodorum vetorem, qui per istam civitatera fuit episcopus, in antiquis temporibuw CHAP. II.— theology: $ 111. DISPUTES UNDER JUSTINIAN I. 479 been long in somewhat evil repute among the orthodox, but also of Theodorefs writings against Cyril and the letter of Ibas to Maris, though the two latter had been expressly pronounced orthodox by the council of Chaloedon.^^ Justinian accardingly condemned, in an edict (544), the Three Chapters Irpia KstpaXaia, tria capitula).^* In the east they very easily coincided with this measure ; but in the west it was so much the more obstinately resisted. ^^ On this account Justinian summoned Vigilius, bishop of Rome, to Constantinople (546), and prevailed on hhn there to condemn, in like manner, the Three Chapters (518)"^ in a document called Judicatum. But Vigilius was soon induced to hesitate, by the decided opposition of the greater number of the wectern bishops ; ^^ and he refused to adopt the emperor's second edict against the Three Chapters (551).^^ Justinian now convened the. fifth oecumenical council at extra praedicationem divini mysttni fuisse, et sacris diptychis ejectuni esse : et — in illius v'ocabulum, inscriptum esse Cyrillam sanctae memoriae {see Mansi, ix. 286). The testi- monies of the ancients against Theod rus, collected in the collatio v. of the fifth oecumeni cal council, must be very cautiously received; for instance, Theodore's name, in the two 'aws of Theodosius II. against Nestorius (p. 249, ss.), is a later addition. -^ Theodoret, in the actio viii. {ap. Mansi, vii. 189J. Ibas, after a long investigation, act IX and X. after which the Roman embassadors expressly declaro : ^Avayvocdeiarjg 7^5 iiriaTOA^^ avTov {that very Epist. ad Marin.) k'iriyvo/iev avrbv V7rdpx£i-v 6p666o^ov. '* I e., three points, articles : not as J. H. Mucke de tribas capitulis concilii Chalced. Lips. 1766. 4. p. 6, thinks, the three decrees of the council of Chalcedon, for there was no such decree respecting Theodore. The first edict of Justinian is lost, except fragments in Facundus, ii. 3, iv. 4. See Norisii Diss, de syuodo quiuta, c. 3. Walch's Ketzerhist. viii. 150. ^^ Their leading reasons are given by Fulgentius Ferrandus Epist. vi. ad Pelagium et Anatolium, at the conclusion of the follovring sentences : Ut concilii Chalcedonensis, vel similium nulla retractatio placeat, sed quae semel statuta sunt, intemerata serventur. XJt pio mortuis fi-atribus nulla generentur inter vivos scandala. Ut nullus libro suo per sub- scriptiones plurimorum dare velit auctoritatem, quam solis canonicis libris ecolesia catho- lica detulit. IS The particulars are related by Facundus, lib. contra Mocianum scholast. — The Judi- catum is no longer extant, except in a fragment in the Latin translation of the Epist. Justin, ad Concilium cecum, v. (ap. Mansi, ix. 181). 17 Victor. Tunun. in Chi-on. (1. c. p. 332) : Post Consulatum Basilii V. C. anno ix. {549). Illyriciana Synodus in defensione iii. capitum Justiniano Aug. scribit^ et Benenatam, primae Justinianae Civitatia episcopum, obtrectatorem eorandem iii. canitum condemnat. — Post Cons. Has. V. C. anno x. (550) Afiicani Antistites Vigilium Romanum Episcopum. damnatorem iii. Capitulonim synodaliter a catholica communione, reserva .0 ei poenitentiae loco, recludunt, et pro defensione memoratoram iii. Capitulonim literas satis idoneas Jus- iiuiano Principi per Olympium Magistrianum mitttint. Also defenses ol the three chap ters by Facundus and Rusticus. 18 Or the bfioTioyia 'KiareuQ 'lavfft. kvroKpdropog, preserved ir. *;he Chrjnir. AIcjtft,nnT. ed. da Fresne, p. 344, ss. ap. Mansi, ix. 537. — Concerning the conduct of Vi^iliJS se-^. especially Epistola legatis Francorum, qui Constantinopolim proficiscebautur. ab Itaiite clericis directa, a.d- 551, ap. Mansi, xi. i5'-. 480 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. II.— A.D. 451-622. Constantinople (553)/' at which Vigilius not only refused to attend, but even defended the three chapters in the so-called Constitutum}" The Synod, therefore, broke off all Church communion with him," and approved without qualification all the decrees of the emperor hitherto made respecting religion.'^^ No farther notice was taken of the Origenists,^^ a circumstance which we shall not be far from the truth in attributing to the artful management of Theodorus Ascidas, who was the leading person at the council. Vigilius at length (554) assented to the decisions of the council," to which step he was doubtless influenced chiefly by the success of the imperial arms in Italy under Narses. Immediately after, he set out on his return to Rome, but died by the way, in Syracuse (555). His cuccessor, " Acta in Mansi, ix. 157. ss. Natalis Alexander Kist. eccl. saec. vi. t. v. p. 502, ss. .T. Basnage Histoire de I'eglise, liv. x. c. 6. Norisii Diss, de synodo v. (Patav. 1673. 0pp. ed. Ballerini, Veron. 1729. t. i. ;i. 4.37). Against him Garnerii Diss, de syn. v. (first ap- pended to his Liberatus. Paris. 167", Improved in the auctar. 0pp. Theodoreti, p. 493, also in Theodoret. ed. Schultze, v. 512). Ou the ether side the Ballerini : Defensio diss. Noris. aJv. Gam. (in Noris. 0pp. iv. 985). 2» Ap. Mansi, ix. 61-106. 21 Justinian declared, with reference to Vigilius, to the synod in a rescript (in the Acta of the S^'nod, coUatio vii. ap. Mansi, ix. 367) : Ipse semetipsum alieuum catholicae ecclesiae fecit, defisndens praedictorum capitulorom impietatem, separans autem semetipsum a ves- tra communione. His igitur ab eo factis, alienum Christianis judicavimus nomen ipsius sacris diptychis recitari [leg. resecari], ne eo mode inveuiamur Nestorii et Theodori im- pietati communicantes. — Unitatem vero ad apostolicam sedem et nos servamus, et certam est quod et vos castodietis. Without sufficient reason the Ballerini, in their defeusio (Norisii Opp. iv. 1035), declare this writing to be spurious. 22 The thirteen anathemas appended to Justinian's 6[io%oyta (ap. Mansi, ix. 557) are fcr the most part verbally repeated in the fourteen anathemas of the Synod (1. c. p. 376, ss). So also the 6th imperial anathema in the 10th of the council : Ei tl^ ovx dfioXoyeZ top kcTavfiufiivov aapKi Kvpiov ijfiCtv 'iTjaovv ^pcaTov Eivat. debv ahidivov Kal Kvptov Tsyf J6f7/f , Kai ^va rrj^ aytag Tpcudo^, 6 tocovto^ uvuds/aa cffTu. 23 Though as early as Cyrillus Scythopolit. in vita Sabae, c. 90, and Evagrius, iv. 37, the formal condemnation of Origeu is attributed to the 5tb council by confotmding it with the synod under Menuas (see note 10), as was afterward generally believed. See on the other side Walch's Ketzerh. viii. 280. 2' Vigilii Epist. ad Entychium Archiepisc. Constant, prim. ed. P. de Marca in Diss, de decreto Papae Vigilii pro confirmatione v. Syn. (in ejusd. dissertt. iii. a Baluzio editis. Paris. 1669. 8, and appended to Boehmer's edition of the concord. Sac. et Imp. p. 227), ap. Mansi, ix. 413, ss. The remarkable commencement : Tu aKuv6a?M, uirsp 6 row dvOpa- ttIvov ytvov^ ^X^P^? "^V ovjairavTt KdofKfj dtijyEtpeVt oiidei^ ayvoei, our(jf (jf to oIkelov BoiXriiia npoc to avaTptipai ti/v tov Beov iKicXj;aiav — irXijpuaat oiu (Jjyfrore Tpotti^ airov- Siil^ovTa, oil iiovov i^ ovo/iaTo; ISiov, d?.?jl Kat if ^/leTepov Kal if uXXov, dill tov Xeynv 7 TOV ypd(pEiv, cidipopa ^Xdtraadat ne'irolijKsv ' e/c ToaovTOVt drt iifidg /nETd Tdv ddeX^jtuv Kal avvcTTiaKOTrov ri/iuv — iv Ty tuv Teaadpuv avvoSuv iii§ Kal tj airy irtaTFi d/ia/iu; diOTf^oSfTof, Totf ao^iB/iaai ttjq ovTa irovqpd; Travovpyia;, avTuv t-KEXEipiae SteXelv. — 'AW iTTCidfi Xptarb; b debg tjjiCiv — irdaric, avyxvueus rijc ij/iuv Siavoia; uiroKivridciaTii Trpb^ elpf/vijv tt/v olKOVfiEvijv dveK^AoaTo., k. t, X. CHAP. IL— THEOLOGY. } 112. MONOPHYSITE CHURCHES. 481 V Pelagius I., acknowledged at once the authority of the fifth Synod/' which led to a tedious schism between several Western Churches and Rome. Among the writers who, during this controversy, opposed the condemnation of the Three Chapters, the most distinguished are Fulgentius Ferrandus, deacon in Carthage (t before 551);^° Facundus, bishop of Hermiane (f about 570);^' Rusticus, deacon in Rome;^° Ltberatus^ deacon in Carthage (about 553) ; ^' Victor, bishop of Tununa (t after 565).^° Shortly before his death (564), Justinian was misled by hi? excessive desire to bring back the Monophysites to the Church, so as to elevate to the rank of orthodoxy the doctrine of the Aphthartodocetae. Eutychius, patriarch of Constantinople, was deposed for his opposition to this measure ; and the like fate siwaiieA. Anastasius Sinaita, patriarch of Antioch ; when the death of the emperor (565) became the death likewise of the new doctrine.'' § 112. DEVELOPMENT OF MONOPHYSITE CHURCHES. The efforts of Justinian to reunite the Monophysites with the Catholic Church were so far from successful, that the sect 35 Victor Tunun. in Cbron. Post consulatum Basilii V. C. anno xviii. Pelagius Roma- nns archidiaconns, trium praefatorum defensor Capitulorum, Jastiniani principis peraua- sione de exsilio redit : et comdemnans ea, quae dudum constantissime defendebat Romanae Ecclesiae Episcopus a praevaricatoribua ordinatur. =« 0pp. ed. Er. Chiffletiua. Divione. 1649. Bibl. PP. Lngd. t. ix. Bibl. PP. Gallandi, xi. 329. Among hia letters the most remarkable are those in answer to questions addressed to him from Rome, ad Anatolium, quod unus de Triuitate passus dici possit, et ad Pelagiam et Anatolium [546] pro tribus capitulis. 2^ By whom is the chief work in favor of the three chapters pro defensioae iii. Capitu- lorum, libb. xii. (about 548), and contra Mociannm scholasticum (0pp. prim. ed. .Tac. Sir- mond. Paris. 1629. 8, emendatins in Bibl. PP. Gallandii, xi. 665). 2^ Lib. adv. Acephalos ad Sebastianum (in Bibl. PP. apud G-allandius, xii. 37). 23 Breviarum causae Nestorianorum et Eutychianoram (ed. Jo. Gameriua. Paria. 1675, 8. Ap. Mansi, ix. 659, and ap. Gallandius, xii. 119). ^t" Chronicon ab orbe condito, only the second part is extant, from 444 to 565 (ap. Cani- sina-Basnage, i. 321, plur. in locis restitut. ap. Gallandius, xii. 221). 31 Evagrius, iv. 38-40. Butychii vita, composed by one of his adherents, Eustathins or Eustratius (in the Greek original, Acta SS. April, torn. i. append, p. 59), has been dressed out with praises even to the miraculous. Walch's Ketzerhist. viii. 578. According to Eustathiua, Justinian was misled by Origenists. VOL. I 31. 482 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. II.— A.D. 451-622. was always becoming more distinct under his reign, and inter- nally established. The later dominion of the Arabians, by which the Monophysites were especially favored, rendered the breach incurable. Only a small part of the Egyptians followed the Catholic patriarch of Alexandria, who had been appointed by Justinian. ,The more numerous Monophysites chose another patriarch ; and thus they continue till the present day under the name of Copts} The Ethiopian Church was always in connection with them.^ The Christians in Armenia^ also attached themselves eccle- siastically in the fifth century to the Greek emperors, by whose aid they held out against the Persians, and accordingly agreed to the Henoticon of Zeno.^ After Monophysitism had obtained acceptance among them, in consequence of these proceedings, they remained all the more faithful to it from the time of Justin I., since the Persians favored all parties separated from the Greek Church. In vain did Kyrion, patriarch of Georgia, endeavor to procure an approval of the council of Chalcedon in Armenia also;^ a Synod at Tioin (595)^ declared itself decid- - Taki-eddini xvlakrizii (a lawyer in Cairo t 1441) Hist. Coptoram Christianoram in Aegypto. arab. etiat.ed. H. J.Wetzer. Solisbaci 1838. 8. (A complete aud more accurate ' edition, with a translation, may be shortly expected from Prof. Wustenfeld.) Easebii Renaadot Historia patriarcharom Alexandrinonim Jacobitarom. Paris. 1713. 4. llichael. Le CLuien Driens Christianas in iv. patriarchatus digestns, quo exhibentur ecclesiae patriarcbae caeterique praesules totius Orientis. (Paris. 1740. 8. t. fol.) t. ii. p. 357. 2 Jobi Ludolf Historia Aethiopica. Francof. ad M. 1681. Commentarius ad Hist. Aeth. . 1691, and afjpendix ad Hist. Aeth. 1993. All in fol. — Matnrin Veyssier la Croze Histoire da Cbristianisme d' Ethiopie et d'Armenie, a la Haye. 1739. S. = The older literature respecting Armenian church history in Clem. Galani Hist. Armena eccl. et polit. Colon. 1686. Erancof et Lips. 1701. 8 (a reprint of vol. i. of the Conciliatio eccl. Armenae cam Romana. Romae. 1651. 3 voll. fol.), la Croze, le duien, 1. c. almost use- less, since the Mechitarists, united Armenian monks, have begun to publish ou the island of St. Lazzaro at Venice, the numerous Armenian historians, and to prepare an Armenian history. Their principal work is the history of Armenia by P. Michael Tschamtschean (t 1823) in the Armenian language, 3 volumes, 4to. 1784. With it are connected the works of Saint-Martin and C. F. Neumann. Comp. Memoires sur I'Armenie par J. Saint-Martin; tomes ii. Paris. 1828, 29. Histoire d* Armenia par le patriarche Jean VI., dit Jean Catho- licos (t 925) trad, de I'armenien en irauc;ais par J. Saint-Martin. Paris. 1841. 8. C. F. Neumann's Gesch d. armen. Literatur. Leipzig. 1836. 8. '- In the year 491, at a synod at Edschmiadsin, the Henoticon was adopted, and the decrees of the council of Chalcedon rejected, Tschamtschean, ii. 225. Memoires sur I'Armenie par J. Saint-Martin, i. 329. i See respectmg him, Neumann's Gesch. d. arm. Lit. S. 94. "' Twin (also written Thevin or Thovin), in the province of Arai-at, at that lime tlte residence of the Armenian kings and patriarchs. Galanns Hist. arm. c. 10, Le Q.uieu, i. CHAP. 11.— THEOLOGY. J 113. SEMIPELAGIAN CONTEOVERSY. 483 edly in favor of Monophysitism ; and thus the Armenian Church still continues, to the present day, as a sect separated from the other Monophysite Churches,' merely by peculiar customs. In Syria and Mesopotamia the Monophysites had nearly be- come extinct by persecution and want of a clergy, when Jacob Baradai, or Zanzalus, by unwearied diligence (from 541 to 578), set in order their churches, and supplied them with pastors. From him the Syrian Monophysites received the name Jacobites.^ § 113. CONTROVERSY BETWEEN ATJGUSTINISM AND SEMIPELAGIANISM. The 25 capitula of the Synod, to which a sketch of the doctrine of grace, in the fonr, o' a Confession of Eaith, is annexed, ap. Mansi, viii. 711. Here the Augnstinian doctrines of original sin, and of grace as the only source of all that is good, are introduced ; afterward it is said in the Confession of Faith; daam gratiam — omnibus, qui baptizari desiderant, non in libero arbitrio haberi, sed Christi novimus simul et crediinus largitate conferri. — Hoc etiam secundum fidem catholicam credimns, quod accepta per baptismom gratia omnes baptizati, Christo auxiliante et cooperante, quae ad salutem animae pertinent possint et debeant, si iideliter laborare voluerint, adimplere. If sufficient grace be granted to all in baptism, it depends on man to embrace or to resist it, and there is no gratia irresistibilis and no decretum absolutum. These latter, therefore, do not result, as "Wiggera, ii. 441, supposes, as necessary consequences from the positions of the Synod. ' The Synod does not teach them, because it does not recognize them. ^^ Hence Faustns is still honored in Provence as a saint, which is indeed censured by some (for example, Baronius, ad ann. 490, § 42), but defended by others. Comp. J. Stilting de S. Fausto comm. hist, in Actis SS. Sept. vii. 651. '' So by the African bishop JuniUus (about 550), de partibus divinae legis (Bibl. PP. Lugd. X.) ii. 12, 15, by Gregory, archbishop of Tours (t 595) Miraculomm (Bibl. PP. xi.) ii 1, vii. 1, 2, 9, 11, 13, by Gregory the Great, bishop of Rome (t 604). Comp. G. F.Wiggers, de Gregorio M. ejusque placitis anthropologicis comm. ii. Rostochii. 1838-40. 4. " To these belong Fnlgentius Ferrandus — see } 111, note 26. Comp. his Paraeneticos ad Reginum comitem ; Facundus, bishop of Hermiane — see § 111, note 27, contra Mocianum up. Gallandius, xi. 811 ; Isidore, archbishop of Seville (t 636), Sententt. ii. 6. ' Bossuef s Weltgesch. continued by J. A. Cramer, v. ii. 52. L. Wachler's Handbnch der Geschichte der Literatur. (Zweite Umarbeit. Frankf. a. M. 1823), ii. 5. Munschei's [logTiiengesch. iii. 44. CHAP. II.— THEOLOGY. MU- THEOLOGICAL SCIENCES. 487 they began in the west to judge of the writings of the older fa- thers, according to tlie standard of the new orthodoxy, is proved by the so-called Decretum Gelasii de libris recipiendis et non re- cipiendis.2 The writers who were engaged in the various controversies have been already named. In the Western Church, Faustus Rejensis- (§ 113, notes 1, 2), Fulgenthts Ruspensis (§ 113, note 15)j Fulgentius Ferrandus^ Facundus Hermianensis, Liberatus (§ 111, note 26, if.) ; among the Orientals, Leontius Byzantimts (preface to § 110), and Johannes Philoponus (§ 110, note 25j. There was now less and less of independent investigation ; and instead of it men were content with compilations from the highly esteemed older fathers.^ By way of exegesis began the series of the so-called catenae ; ^ in the east with Procophts of Gaza (about 520),^ in the west with Primacius^ bishop cf * In some M8S. it is attributed to Damasus (3G6-384), in the Spanish MSS. to Hormisdas (514-523), but commonly to a Roman Synod under Gelasias (496). On the contrary, it is wanting in the Dionysian collection of decrees (525), and in the Spanish (about 600^ ia placed entirely at the end, behind the dtecrees of Gregory the Great, which points to a later ?iddition. It is afterward first mentioned, bat without the name of an author, by the English bishop Adhelmus (about 680) de virginitate, c. 11, first attributed to Gelasius by Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims (about 860) Opnsc. 1. capitulorum, c. 24. That it was gradually enlarged is shown by the different existing texts (three in Mansi, viii. 153). In like manner, the difference of authors may be inferred from the fact that the Opera Cypriani are placed both among the libris recipiendis and the non-recipiendis. At the time of Hormisdas the basis of this list was already in existence (Horm. Ep. ad Possessorem ap. Mansi, viii. 499 : Non iraprovide veneranda patrum sapientia fideli potestati quae essent catholica dogmata definiit, certa librorum etiamveterum in auctoritatem recipienda, sanctJ^6f£evov. ^ For example, Nov. 6, epilogus : Sanctissimi igitur Patriarchae cujusque diocesis nae: in sanctissimis Ecclesiis sub se constltutis proponant, et Dei amantissimis Metropolitanis quae a nobis sancita sunt nota faciant. Hi vero ipsi in sanctissima Ecclesia metroplitan*: haec rursus proponant, et Episcopis, qui sub ipsis sunt, manifesta faciant. Q,tiilibet verc illorum in Ecclesia sua haec proponat,. ut nemo in nostra sit republica, qui e«. — igroret- F. A. Biener's G-esch. der Novellen Justinian's. Berlin!^ 1824. S. 31, f. comp. S. 25, ss. 2 See § 115, note 5. ^ Biener, 1. c. S. 157, ss. 161, ss. Thus Justinian, Nov. 123, c. 3, where he fixes the amount to be given by the bishops pro inthronisticis, nses the expression : KeXevofiev rolvvv Tovc /i^v fzaKapiDrdrovg upxiETnakoTiovg Kol TrarpLupxaCy Tovreari ry^ Tzpea- ^v'ipac *Pa)|U7?f, Kal KuvffTavTivovTrd^eugj kol 'A?L.e^av6petag, Kal Gfoun-^Aeof, Ka: 'iepouoXvfitJV. When the Emperor Maurice had made a law, ut quisquis publicis ad- ministrationibus fuerit implicatus, ei neque ad ecclesiasticum officinm venire, neque in monasterium converti hceat : Gregory the Great, lib. iii. Ep. 65, ad Mauricium Aug. remonstrated against the second part of the prohibition. Ex. gr. Ego r-^ro haec Dominis meis loquens, quid sum nisi pulvis et vermis 1 Sed tamen quia contra £.nctorem omnium Denm hanc intendere constitutionem sentio, Dominis tacere non possom. — Ad haec ecce per me servum ultimum suum, et vestrum respondebit Christus dicens : Ego te de notario comitem excubitorum, de comite excubitorum, Caesarem, de Caesare Imperatorem, neo solum hoc, sed etiam patrem Imperatorum feci. Sacei'dotes meos tuae manui comniisi, et tu a meo servitio milites tuos subtrahis ? Responde, rogo, piissime Domine, servo tuo, quid venienti et haec dicenti responsurus es in judicio Domino tuo ? — Ego qnidem jussioni Bubjectus eandem legem per diversas terrarum partes transmitti feci : et quia lex ipsa CHAP. III.— HIEEARCHY. 5 117. HISTORY OF THE PATRIAECHS. 495 now to decide questions of faith by edicts, and when Synods were assembled almost entirely for the purpose of adopting im- perial articles of faith. The Greek bishops became more and more accustomed to sacrifice their conviction to circumstances ; * but the bishops of Italy, favored by the political condition of their country, were able for the .most part to assert a firmer position. § 117. HISTORY OP THE PATRIARCHS. Ever since the beginning of the Monophysite controversy in the East, the sees of Alexandria and Antioch had become so weak that the patriarchs of Constantinople only, upheld by the privileges granted them at the council of Chaloedon,' were able to vie with the Roman patriarchs.^ But while the former were dependent on imperial caprice, and constantly harassed by the Greek spirit of controversy, the latter enjoyed the most perfect freedom in ecclesiastical things, and the advantage of standing at the head of the west, which was less inclined to controver- sies about faith, and therefore more united.' After the extinc- tion of the West Roman empire "(476), by which, however, they had never been molested, but often furthered,'' the Roman omnipotenti Deo minime concordat, ecce per suggestionis meae paginam serenissirais Dominis nantiavi. Utrotique ergo quae debui exsolvi, qui et Imperatori obedientiam praebui, et pro Deo quod sensi minime tacui. 4 Epistola Legatis Francorum, qui Constantinopolim proficiscebantur, ab Itialiae clericis directa, a.d. 551, ap. Mansi, ix. p. 153 : Sunt graeci Episcopi habentes divites et opulentas ecclesias, et non patiuntur duos menses a rerum ecclesiasticarum dominatione aaspendi : pro qua re secundum tempus, et secundam voluntatem principum, quidquid ab eis.quaesi- tum fuerit, sine altercatione consentiunt. Comp. § 92, notes 1 and 2. ' The Monophysite party which predominated under Basiliscus, suspended these privi- leges in part, Evagrius, iii. 6 : (Timotheus Aelurus) uTrodicJucTi T§ 'EecTi.uv koX to Tarpi- apxLKov dinaiQV, bizep avTTjv ai^elTiev j] kv XaTiKTjdovi (Tvvodoc • hat by the law Cod. Justin. i. ii. 16 (by Zeno, not, as the title has it, by Leo), the decrees of Chalcedon were revived, to be in force ever after. ^ = Order of the Roman bishops; Leo I. lie Great t 461, Hilary t 468, Simplicius t 483, JTelix II. t 492, G-elasius 1. 1 496, Anastasius II. t 498, Syminachus t 514, Hormisdas t 523, John 1. 1 526, Felix HI. t 530, Boniface II. + 532, John II. t 535, Agapetus 1. 1 536, Silverius oanishcd by Belisarius 537, Vigilius t 553, Pelagius 1. 1 560, John III. t 573, Benedict I. ♦ 57e', Pelagitts II. t 590, Gregory I. the Great t 604, Sabinianus t 606, Boniface III. t 607, Bonifa':o IV. t 61,";, Deusdedit t 618, Boniface V. t 625. ' See vol. i. pp. 383, 384. * See above, 5 94, notes 12 and 66. 496 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. II.— AJ). 451-622. bishops became subject to German princes, who left them at perfect liberty to manage all affairs within the Church according to their pleasure. This was particularly the case with Theo- derich, king of the Arian Ostrogoths (493-526),' to whom the schism between Rome and Constantinople gave sufficient security from all dangerous combinations of the Catholic hierarchy. And when, on the death of Bishop Anastasius, there was a contested election between Symraachus and Laurentius (498),^ he waited till required by both parties to decide,^ and then quietly allowed a Roman synod under Symmachus to declare all interference of the laity in the affairs of the Roman Church entirely inad- missible.' ' On the course parsaed by the Ostrogoth kings toward the chnrch, see G. Sartorins Versuch uber die Regierung der Ostgothen walirend ihrer Herrschaft in Italien. Ham- burg. 18U. S. 124, ss. 306, BS. J. C. F. Manso Gesch. des ostgoth. Reicha in Italien. Breslau. 1824. S. 141, ss. Thooderich says (Cassiodori Variamm, .lib. ii. Ep. 27): Re- ligionem imperare non possumos : quia nemo cogitnr, ut credat invitas. King Theodahat to the emperor Justinian (ibid. x. Ep. 26) : Cum divinitas diversas patiatur religiones esse, nos unam non audemus imponere. Retinemus enim legisaenos, voluntarie sacrifi- candom esse Domino, non cujusquam cogentis imperio. Quod qui aliter facere tentaverit, evidenter caelestibus jussionibus obviavit. ^ According to Theodoras Lector, lib. ii. (ed. Vales. Amstelod. p. 560) Laurentius was chosen by an imperial party on condition of subscribing the Henoticon. Cf. Anastasii Lib. pontificalis, c. 52, in vita Symmachi. ■■ Anastasii Lib. pontificalis, c. 52, in vita Symmachi: Et facta contentione hoc con- stitueinut partes, nt ambo ad Bavennam pergerent ad judicium Regis Theodorici. Q,ni dum ambo introissent in Ravennam, hoc judicium aequitatis invenerunt, nt qui primo ordinatus fuisset, vel ubi pars maxima cognosceretur, ipse sederet in sede apostolica. Q.uod tandem aequitas in Symmacho invenit. ^ Synodus Romana iii. sub Symmacho (in the collections cited erroneously as the Syn. Rom. iv. s. palmaris, see Pagi ad ann. 502 num. 3, ss.) ap. Mansi, viii. 266, ss. The protocol of a synod held after the death of Pope Simplicius was here read, and the decrees passed at it declared nugatory as proceeding from a layman. This protocol is given in the Acta of the Synod referred to, and runs thus : Cum in unnm apnd b. Petrom Apostolam resedis- sent, sublimis et eminentissimus vir, praefectus praetorio atqne patricias, agens etiam vices praecellentiasimi regis Odoacris, Basiliu^ixit: Auamqnam studii nostri et religionia intersit, ut in episcopatus electione Concordia principaliter servetnr ecclesiae, ne per occa- sionem seditionis status civitatis vooetur in dubium : tamen admonitione beatissimi Papae nostri Simplicii, quam ante oculos semper habere debemus, hoc nobis meministis sub obteatatione fuisse mandatum, ut propter ilium strepitum, et venerabilis ecclesiae detri- mentum, si eum de hac luce transire contigerit, non sine nostra consultatione cujuslibet celebretur electio. Nam et cum quid confusionis atque dispendii venerabilis ecclesia sustincret, miramur praetermissis nobis quidquam fuisse tentatnm, cam etiara aacerdote nostro Buperstite nihil sine nobis debuisset assumi. Quare si amplitudini vestrae vel sanctitati placet, incolumia omnia, quae ad futurl antistitis electionem respicinnt, religiosa honoratione servemus, banc legem specialiter praeferentes, quam nobis haeredibusque nostris christianae mentis devotione sancimus : Ne unquam pracdium, seu rusticum sen urbanum, vel omamenta aut ministeria ecclesiaram — ab eo qui nunc antistes sab elections communi fuerit ordinandus, et illia qui futuris s^eculis sequentur, quocnmque titalo atque commento alienentur. Si quis vero aliquid eorum alienare voluerit, inefiicax atque irritum OHAP. ill.— HIERARCHY, i} 117. HISTORY OF THE PATRIARCHS. 497 Thus the Roman bishops were so far from "being hindered* by any superior power, that it proved an advantageous circum- stance to them in the eyes of their new civil rulers, that they steadfastly resisted innovations of faith made in Constantinople, till they gained a new victory over the changeable Greeks under the Emperor Justin. The natural consequence of this was, that while the patriarchs of Constantinople were constantly sinking in ecclesiastical esteem on account of their vacillation in these controversies, the bishops of Rome still maintained their ancient reputation of being the defenders of oppressed orthodoxy.^ Under these favorable circumstances, the ecclesiastical preten- sions of the Roman bishops, who now formed the only center of Catholic Christendom in the west, in opposition to the Arian conquerors, rose high, without hindrance. They asserted that not only did the highest ecclesiastical authority in the west belong to them, but also superintendence of orthodoxy and maintenance of ecclesiastical laws throughout the whole Church. These claims they sometimes founded on imperial edicts ^'^ and decrees of synods; " but for the most part on the peculiar rights judicetur; sitqae facieiiti vel consentienti, accipientique anathema, etc. At this enactme:it the following voices were now raised at the synod under Symmachus: Perpendat s. Sy- nodus, uti praetermissis personia religiosis, quibus maxirae cura est de tanto pontifice, electionem laici in suam redegerint potestatem, quod contra canones esse manifestum est. — Scriptura evidentissimis documentis constat invalida. Primnna quod contra patrupi regu- las a laicis, quamvia religiosis, quibua nulla de ecclesiasticia facultatibus aliquid disponendi logitur unquam attributa facultas, facta videtur. Deinde quod nuUius praesulis apostolicae ffedis subscriptione firmata docetur. The arrangement was declared null, and, on the con- trary, another of similar import was passed by the synod to secure ecclesiastical property. 5 Cod. Just. i. i. 7, below, note 23. ^i* Hilarii P. Epist. xi. (Mansi, viii. 939) : Fratri enim nostro Leontio nihil constifcuti a sanctae memoriae decessore meo juris potuit abrogari: — quia Chris tianomm quoque prin- cipum lege decretam est, ut quidquid ecclesiis earumque rectoribus — apostolicae sedis antistes suo pronunciasset examine, veneranter accipi tenaciterque servari, cam suis plebiftus caritas vestra cognosceret : nee uuquam posseut convelli, quae et sacerdotali fecclesiastica praeceptione fulcirentur et regia. ^^ Epist. synod. Bom. ad Clericos et Monachos Orient, a.d. 485 (Mansi, vii. 1140): Cluotiens intra Italiam propter ecclesiasticas causas, praecipue fidei, colliguntur domini sacerdotes, consuetude retinetur, ut successor praesulum ^dis apostolicae ex persona cunctorum totius Italiae eacerdotum juxta solicitudinem sibi ecclesiarum omnium com- petentem cuncta constituat, qui caput est omnium j Domino ad b. Petrum dicente : Tu es PetiTis etc. Q,uam vocem sequentes cccxviii. sancti patres apud Nicaeam congregati confirm ationem rerum atque auctoritatem sanctae Romanae ecclesiae detnlerunt (comp. above, $ 94, notes 28, 35, 60) : quam utramque usque ad aetatem noatram successiones omnes, Christi gratia praestante, custodiunt. Gelasii Ep. iv. ad Faustum (Mansi, viii. 19) : Q,Qantam ad religionem pertinet, nonnisi apostolicae sedi juxta canones debetur summa judicii totius. Ejusd. Kp. xiii. ad Episc. Dardaniae (Mansi, viii. 54) : Non reticemna VOL. T.— 32 498 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. II.— A.D. 451-622. conferred on Peter by the Lord.^^ After the synodus jpalma- ris, called by Theoderich to examine the charges newly raised by the Laurentian party against Symmachus (503), had acquit- ted him -without examination, in view of the circumstances ;^? autem, quod cuncta per mundmn novit ecclesia, quoniam quorumlibet sententiis lig^ata pontificum, sedes b. Petri Apostoli jus habeat resolvendi, utpote quod de omni ecclesia fas habeat jadicandi, neque cuiquam de ejus liceat judicare judicio, siquidem ad illam de qualibet mundi parte canones appellari voluerint, ab ilia autem nemo sit appellaro p.crraissos. ^^ Gelasii decretuin de libris recipiendis et non recipiendis (Mansi, viii. 157; comp. od it $ 1 14, note 2} : duatavis universae per orbem catholicae diiFusae ecclesiae unus thalamus Christi sit, sancta tamen Komana ecclesia nuUis synodicis constitutis caeteris ecctesiia praelata est, sed evangelica voce Domini et Salvatoris nostri primatum obtinuit : Ta ea Petnis, etc. Cui data est etiam societas b. Pauli Apostoli, — qui non diverse, sicut haerctici garriant, sed uno tempore, uno eodemque die gloriosa morte cum Petro in urbe Roma sab Caesare Nerone agonizans, coronatus est. Et pariter supradictara s. Romanam ecclesiam Christo domino consecraruut, aliisque omnibus in tmiverso mundo sua prae- sentia atque venerando triumpho praetulemnt. (Gregorii M. lib. iv. in 1 Reg. v. ed. Bened. iii. ii. 250: Saulus ad Christum conversus caput effectus est nationum, quia obti- nuit totius ecclesiae principatum. Comp. above, $ 94, note 37.) ^3 Syn. Rom. iv. sub Symmachp s. palmaris, in the collections falsely cited as Syn. iii. See Pagi ad ann. 503, num. 2, ss. , C. L. Nitzscbii Disp. de Synodo palmari. Viteberg. 1775 (reprinted in Pottii Sylloge commentt. theoU. iv. 67). — The Acts ap. Mansi, viii. 247 After Symmachus had been in danger of his life at the synod, from his enemies, he declared (rtlatio Episcopp. ad Regem, p. 256): Primum ad conventum vestrum — sine aliqua dubi- tatione properavi, et privilegia mea voluntati regiae submisi, et auctoritatem synodi dedi : sicut habet ecclesiastica disciplina, restaurationem ecclesiarum regulariter poposci : sed iiullus mihi a nobis effectus est. Deinde cum venirem cum clero meo, crudeliter maclatuE sum.. Ulterius me vestro examini non committo : in potestate Dei est, et domini regis^ quid de me deliberet ordinare. (Compare above, § 92, note 15.) The synod having re- ported this to the king, he answered (1. c. p. 257) : Miramur denuo fuisse consaltum : cum si nos de praesenti ante voluissemus jiidicare negotio, habito cam proceribus nostris de . inquirenda veritate tractatu, Deo auspice, potuissemns invenire justitiam, quae nee prae- ' senti saeculo, nee futurae forsitau displicere potuisset aetati. — Nunc vero eadem, quae dudura, praesentibus intimamus oraculis. — Sive discussa, sive indlscussa causa, -proferte sententiam, de quae estis rationem divino judicio reddituri : dnmmodo, sicuti saepe dixi- mus, baec deliberatio vestra provideat, ut pax Senatai populoque Romano, subraota omni confusione, reddatur. For the further proceedings of the synod see their protocol, p. 250 : Dei mandata coraplentes Italiao saum dedimus rectorem, agnoscentes nullum nobis laborem alium remansisse, nisi ut dissidentes cum bumilitate propositi nostri ad con- cordjam hortaremur. They proceed to consider quanta inconveni enter .et praejudicial- iter in hujus negotii principio contigissent : — maxime cum ilia quae praemisimus inter alia de auctovitate sedis obstarent: quia quod possessor ejus quondam b. Petrus meruit, in nobilitatera possessionis accessit: — maxime cum omnem paene plebem cernamus ejus con^munioni indissociabiliter adhaesisse ; and therefore concluded : Ut Symmachus Papa sedia apostolicae praesul, fib hujusmodi propositionibus impetitus, quantum ad homines respicit (quia totum causis obsistentibus superius designatis constat arbiti'io divino fuisso dimissum), sit immunis et liber. — Unde secundum principalia praecepta, quae nostrae hoc tribuunt potestati, ei, quidquid ecclesiastici intra sacram urbem Romam vel foris juris est, reformamus totamque causam Dei judicio reservantes, etc. Just as bqfore also the Cone. Cirtense, a.d. 305 {see Augustin. contra Cresoriium, iii. 27), put down the accusation against several bishops of their being Traditores, with the asseveration: liabeut Deum, cui reddant rationem. CHAP. III.— HIERAUCHY. $ 117. HISTORY OF THE PATRIARCHS. 499 Vf^e b pologist of this synod, Ennodtus, bishop ot Payia (511), Tl/^i, gave utterance tg the assertion, that the bishop of Rome is subject to no earthly judge.^^ Not long after an attempt was made to give a historical basis to this principle by supposititious Gesta (acts) of, former popes ;-^^ and other falsifications of older documents in favor of the Roman see now appeared in like manner.^^ Still the Roman bishops (or as they were already called in Italy, by way of distinction, Papay did not yet de- mand any other kind of honor than was paid to the other apostolic sees,'^ acknowledging that they were subject to gen- ^* Magni Felicis Ennodii (0pp. ed. J. Sirmond. Paris. 1611, recusa in Gallandii Bibl. PP. xi. 47) libellus apologeticus pro Synodo iv. Romana (Manai, viii. 274J : Non noa b. Petram, sicufc dicitis, a Domino cum sedis privilegiis, vel successores ejus, peccandi judi^ camus licentiam 8uscepiss,e, lUe perennem meritoram dotem cum haereditate innocentiae misit ad posteros : quod illi concessum est pro actuum luce, ad illos pertinet, quos parcon- versationis splendor illuminat. Cluis euim sanctum esse dabitet, quern apex tantae digni- tatis attoUit? in quo si desint bona acquisita per meritum, sufficiunt quae a loci decessore praestautur : aut enim claros ad haec fastigia erigit, aut qui eriguntur illustrat. Prae- .noscit enim, quid EcclesiMum fandamento sit habile, super quem ipsa mules innititur. P. 284 : Aliorum forte hominum causas Deus voluerit per homines terminare : sedis istias presulem sac, sine quaestione, reservavit arbitrio, in direct conti'adiction.to the Epist. Rom. Cone. a.D. 378, above, § 92, note 15. 1* Namely Cone. Sinuessauum de MarcelUni P. condemnatione (quod thurificasset) pre tended to be held a.d. 303. (Mansi, i. 1249, ss. The bishops say to him : Tu eris judex : ex te enim damnaberis, et ex te jus tificab eris, tamen in nostra praesentia. — Prima sedes non judicabitur & quoquam) : Constitutio Silvestri Episc. urbis Romae et Domini Constan- tini Aug. in Coucil. Rom. pretended to be in 324 (Mansi, ii. 615, ss. Cap. 20 : Nemo enim judicabit primam sedem, quoniam omnes sedes a prima sede jastitiam desiderant tenipe- rari. Neque ab Augusto, neque ab omni clero, neque a regibas, neque a populo judex ■ judicabitur) : Synodi Rom. (alleged to be held a.d. 433) acta de causa Sixti III. stupro atv cusati, et de Polychronii Hierosolym. accusatione (Mansi, v. 1161). Gomp. P. Coustant Diss, de anliquis canonum coUectionibus, $ 97-99 {in Gallandii de Vetustis canonam collec- tionibus dissertationum sylloge, i. 93). . 16 Thus the passage in Cyprian's lib. de unit. eccl. (see Div, I. § 68, note 10) appears already corrupted in Pelagii II. Ep. vi. ad Episc. Istriae (Mansi, ix. 898). '■'' Thus, for instance, as early as in the councils held under Symmachus (see above, notes S and 13) and in Ennodius (see note 14. Sirmond ad Ennod. lib. iv. Ep. 1) : Jn the other regions of the west, however, the title Papa continued for a long time to be a name of honor applied to every bishop (Walafrid Strabo, about 840, de Rebus eccl. c. 7, in Hittorp's Collection, p. 395 : Pahst a Papa, quod cujusdam patemitatis nomen est, et Clej-icoram congruit dignitati) till Gregory VII. forbade it, a.d. 1075. Comp. Jo. Diecmann de vocis Papae aetatibus diss. ii. Viteberg. 1671. 4. In the east IIuTraf was especially the title *f the patriarchs of Rome and Alexandria. — Just so in Italy the see of Rome was especially Sedes apostolica; in other countries of the west every episcopal see was so styled; ^f. Gregorii Tur. Hist. Franc, iv. 26 : Presbyter — Regis praesentiam adiit et haec eifatus est : Salve, Rex gloiiose, Sedes enim apostolica eminentiae tuae salutem mittit uberriraam. Oui ille, numquid, ait, Romanam adisti urbem, ut Papae illius nobis salutem deferas ? Pater, inquit Presbyter, tuus Leontius (Ep.Burdegalensis) cum provincialibus sais salateni tibi mittit. • 18 Pelagius I. ad Valerianum (Mansi, ix. 732) : duotiens aliquade universali synodo ali- qrifaus dubitatii? nascitur, ad recipiendam de eo quod non intelUgunt rationem, — ad ai)03 500 SECOND PEEIOD.— DIV. II.— A.D. 451-622. eral councils, ^^ and that the bishops were bound by duty to hear them only in case of delinquency. In other respects, they admitted that these bishops were equal to them in dignity.^** tolicas sedes pro recipienda ratione conveniant. — Quisquia ergo ab apostolicis divisus est sedibus, in schismate eum essd non dubium est. Comp. above, $ 94, note 5. Gregorii M. lib. vii. Ep. 40, ad Ealogium Episc. Alexandr. : Saaviasima mibi Sanctitas veatra malta in epistolis suis de S. Petri Apoatolorum principia cathedra locuta est, dicens, qaod ipse in ea nunc uaque in suia sucoessoribua sedeat. — Cancta quae dicta aunt in eo libenter accepi, quod ille mibi de Petri cathedra locutua est, qui Petri cathedram tenet. Et cum me spe- cialis honor nullo modo delectet, valde tamen laetatua sum, quia voa, aanctissimi, quod mihi impendistis, vobismetipsia dedistis. — Cum multi sint Apostoli, pro ipso tamen priuci- patu solo Apostqlorum principis sedes in auctoiitate convaluit, quae in tribus locia unius est. Ipse euim snblimavit sedem, in qua etiam quiescere, et presentem vitam finire dig- natus est (Rome) ; ipse decoravit sedem, in qua Evangelistam discipulum misit (Alexan- dria) ; ipse firmavit sedem, in qua septem aiinis, quamvia disceasurus, sedit (Antioch). Cum ergo unius atque una sit sedes, cui ex auctoritate divina tres nunc Episcopi praesi- deut quidquid ego de vobis boni audio, hoc mihi imputo. Si quid de me boni creditts, hoc vesti'is mentis imputate, quia in illo unum sumus, qui ait : Ut omnea unum sint, etc. (Jo. xvii. 21). Cf.Wiggers de Gregorio M. ejusque placicis anthropologicis coram, ii. Rostoch. 1838. 4, p. 29. The flattery of Eulogius may be explained by his straitened condition, which Gregory relieved even by presents (cf. lib. vi. Ep. 60 ; vii. 40 ; viii. 29). Isidorus Hisp. Etyraol. vii. 12 (in Gratiani Decreto, dist. xxi. c. 1) : Ordo Episcoponim quadripar- titus est, id est in Patriarchis, Archiepiscopis, Metropolitanis atque Episcopi's. Patriarcha graeca lingua sunimus patrum interpretatur, quia primum, i. e. apostolicnm retinet locum : et idco quia summo houore fungitur, tali nomine censetur, sicut Romanus, Antiochenus et Alexandrinus. Here, therefore, the pope still stands in the same rank completely witl\ the other patriarchs. ^' Gelasius Ep. xiii. (Mansi, viii. 51) : Confidimus, quod nuUus jam veraciter Christianus ignoret, uniuscujusque synodi constitutum, quod universalis ecclesiae probavit assensus, uon aliquani magis exaequi sedem prae caeteris oportere, quam primam, quae et unam- quamquc synodum sua auctoritate confirmat, et continuata moderatione custodit, pro suo scilicet priucipatu, queni b. Petnis apostolus domiui voce perceptum, ecclesia nibilomiuus subsequeiite, et tenuit semper et retinet. 20 Gregorii M. lib. ix. Epist. 59, ad Jo^. Episc. Syracus. : Si qua culpa in Episcopis in- venitur, nescio quia ei (Sedi apostolicae) subjectus nou sit : cum vero culpa non exigit, omnes secundum rationem humilitatis aequales sunt. Lib. xi. Ep. 37, ad Romanum de- fensorem: Pervenit ad nos, quod si quis contra clericos quoslibet causam habeat, despectia eorum Episcopis, eosdem clericos in tuo facias judicio exhiberi. Q.uod si ita est, quia valde constat esse incongraum, hac tibi auctoritate praecipimus, nt.hoc denuo facere nou praesumas.' — Nam si sua unicuique Episcopo jurisdictio non servatur, quid aliud agitur, nisi ut per noa, per quos ecclesiasticus custodiri debuit ordo, confundatar ? (Lib. ii. Ep. 52 : Mihi injuriam facio, si fratnim meorum jura perturbo). — Lib. viii. Ep. 30, ad Eulogium Episc. Alexaodr.: Indicare quoque vestra Beatitude studuit, jam se quibusdam (the patri- arch of Constantinople) non scribere superba vocabula, quae ex vauitatis radice prodierunt, et mihi loquitur, dicens: sicut jussistis. Q,uod verbum jussionis peto a meo audita re- movere, quia'scio, qui sum, qui estis. Loco enim mihi fratrea estis, moribus patres. Nou efrgo jussi, Bed quae utilia visa sunt, indicare curavi. Non tamen invenio vestram Beati- tudinem hoc ipsum, quod memoriae vestrae intuli, perfecte retinfire voluisse. Nam dixi, nee mihi vos, nee cuiquam alteri tale aliquid scribere debere : et ecce in praefatione ■ epistolae, quam ad me ipsum qui prohibui direxistis, superbae appellationis verbum, uni- versalem me Papam dicentes, imprimere curastis. Cluod peto dulcisaima raihi Sancti^ias vestra ultra nonfaciat, quia vobis subtrahitur, quod alteri plus, quam fatio exigit praebet-ir. — Neo hbnorem esse depute, in quo frati'es meoa honorem suum perdere cognosce. — Si CHAP. III.— HIERARCHY. ^ 117. HISTORY OF THE PATRIARCHS. 501 After ecclesiastical peace had been restored between Rome and Constantinople, the kings 'of the Ostrogoths became suspicious of their Catholic subjects generally, and, in particular, of the Romish bishops, who still had unbroken communication with Constantinople. John Z, indeed, in his capacity of regal em- bassador, procured the restoration of their Churches to the All- ans in tlie Greek Church; yet he was obliged to end his iife. in prison. ^^ The kings maintained a strict oversight of th-; choice of the Catholic bishops, reserving to themselves the con- firmation, or absolute appointment of them.^^ Yet even now the Gothic rule was not so dangerous to the papacy as the Byzan- tinoj which latter began after the conquest of Italy /o53— 554). It is true that Justinian honored the Roman see,^^ but he also distinguished the Constantinopolitan with no less favor ; ^"^ and universum. Sed absit hoc. Recedant verba, quae vanitatem inflaut et caritatem vu.- n 3rant. ■Ji Anastaaii lib. pontific. c. 54, in vita Joannis. Historia miscella, lib. 15 (in Muratori Scriptt. Ital. i. 103). Manso Gesch. d. ostgoth. Reiches in Italien, S. 163, ss. 22 Thus Theodericb appointed the Roman bishop, Felix III. Cassiodori Variarum, lib. viii. Ep. 15. Comp. Sartorius Vers, uber die Regierung der Ostgothen in Italien, S. 138, ss. 308, B. — Athalarich's edict addressed to John II. against bribery at the election of popes and bishops, a.d. 533. Cassiod. Variar. ix. Ep. 15, with a commentary ap. Manso, I. c. p. 416, fF. ^■^ Justinian, a.d. 533, to the patriarch of Constantinople. Cod. Justin, i. i. 7 : Oijre yap avexofiedd tl tuv eIq £KK?.]j(7CaGTUcyv bp6vTuv KaTuaraatv, fiij kol ry avrov (rov ndrra rfjc 'TTpeclSvTipag 'Pufiyg Kai irarpiapxov) ava^epecdai fiaicaptdTJjTi, wf Ke] ndvTGV rCii' daturaTuv tov Oeov lepiuv, kol knEid^y dadni^, kv tovtol^ toIq fxepeaLv alpeTtfcol dve(ltvvcav, r^ yvo>p.y kol 6p6y Kpiaei rov kKEtvov ae^aufilov Opdvov Karro- yrjdrjGav. Ibid. 1. 8, Justinianus ad Joannem II. P. : Nee enim patimur quicquam, quod i.d Ecclesiaram statum pertinet, quamvis manifestum et indubitatum sit, -quod movetur, ut non etiam vestrae innotescat sanctitati, quae caput est omniam sanctarum Ecclesiaram. P-^ ■ omnia enim (ut dictam est) properamus, honorem et auctoritatem crescere vestrae sedis. =* Cod. 'Justin, i. ii. 25: 'H kv KovaravTivovTroTiei iKtcXijcCa naauv tuv uXauv IutI Ktipakr}. On the other hand, the right of the highest ecclesiastical court, which was con- v?yed to the patriarch of Constantinople at Chalcedon (comp. above, $, 93, note 15), if inceed it ever extended beyond the dioceses of Pontus, Asia, and Thrace, appears to have r'ailen into oblivion. The right of appeal is thus fixed by Justinian Cod. i. iv. 29 • Bishop — Metropolitan and his Provincial synod — Patriarch. From the decision of the last, as from that of the Praetorian prefect, there could be no appeal (Cod. Just. vii. Ixii. 19). No com- plaint is to be brought before the patriarch first, tt/I^v el fifj TTjv alrlaalv nf inl TovT(f} QeIt}^ k(f)' ^TE TTOpa'KEfl^&qVaL TTjV VTrodEUlV TU T^C X^P^^ dEOtpt^ecraT^ iTTtaKOTTlf) ' TTjVi- Kavra yap adEta fiev larat rrjv alriactv a-KorWEadat Koi napd roig 6£0t7i.E Oeo^LTiEffTaTov irarpcdpxov rj tlvl tcov deotptAeaTdTuv fxijTpoiroTiCTCiv, ^ aAXtj tuv 6eo- f^LTisardTov k-maKoiTuv, kvexGdrj iiJ^(}>oc, nal fxr} arEpxOeiv trapd Garipov fikpovg, kKKATj- t6^ re yivijraf TTjVLKavra inl rov upxtEpartKov Opdvov {Vers. lat. ad Archiepiscopalem hanc sedem} dipEadai ttjv i^eacv, KUKelae kotu to fiixP'- ^^'^ Kparovv k^eTd^eadai, i. c., 502 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. II.— A.D. 451-622. endeavored in the end to convert both merely into instruments to enable him to rule both in church and state. Two of his creatures, Vigilius and Pelagius I., successively filled the Roman see ; and in the controversy concerning the three chapters it soon became apparent how hazardous to Rome this dependence on Byzantium was. For a long time in the Western Church the rejection of the Three Chapters was con- sidered a violation of orthodoxy ; and on this account the bishops of the diocese of Italy broke off communion with Rome. The bishops of Milan and Ravenna were indeed reconciled j when, oppressed by the Arian Lombards, they were compelled to set greater value on communion with the Catholic Church (570— 580) ; but' the archbishop of Aqwileia (who, since the incursions of the Lombards into Italy (568), resided on the island Grado) and the Istr'an bishops were more obstinate, and did not renew their fellowship with Rome till the year 698.^^ ' But even this dangerous period of dependence on Byzantium ceased for Rome, after the incursion of the Lombards into Italy (568). From that time the Greek dominions in this country wc'-e confined to the exarchate of Ravenna., the Duchy of Rome and Naples, the cities on the coast of Liguria, and the' extreme provinces of Lower Italy. Continually threatened by the l^ombards, and often forsaken by the Greek emperors, these districts were frequently obliged to proteftt themselves. At the liead of ail measures for defense appeared the popes, as the richest possessors,^^ whose own interest it was to avert the rule if the complaint is delegated by tlie patriarch to a metropolitan or another bishop, and a ' sentence jassed which' the one party is dissatisfied with, and an appeal is made ; then the appeal shall be to the archbishop' (consequently with the omission of some intermediato courts, according to the njle Cod. Just. vii. l^ii. 32, $ 3 : Eorum sententiis appellatione suspensis, qui ex delegatione cognoscunt, necesse est eos aestimare — qui causas delegave- rlnt judicandas). '0 (ipxispo,TLKO^ 6p6vog, is every delegating patriarch, not exclusively (as has been assumed after the Latin translation of Anton. Augustinus, which in this law is entirely false) tbe patriarch of Constantinople. Even Ziegler Geschich. der kirchl. Verfassungsformen, S. 232, ss. has entirely misunderstood this law. 2^ J. F. B. M.,de Rubeis de Schismate eccl. Aquilejensia diss. hist. Venct. 1732 8. Rtv published in an enlarged form in ejusd. monimenta eccl. Aquilejonsis. 1740. to). Walch's Ketzerhist. viii. 331. N. C. Kist de Kerk en het Patriarchaat van Aquileja in the Archief voor kerkelijke Geschiedenis, i. 118. 28 As the emperors called their fortunes patrimouium {namely patrimonium privatum s. dominicum theic private property, and patrira. sacratum s. divinae domus, their domains. Bee Gutherms de offic. dom. Aug. lib. iii. c. 25. Pancirolius ad notit. dignatatum Imp. ■ orient, c. 87), so the churches called their possessions patrimonia of their saints. That of the Roman church was therefore patriiiioniam S..Peh-i : at the same time also the single CHAP, ni.— HIEEAEOHY. $ 117. HISTORY OF THE PATRIARCHS. 503 of those Arian barbarians. Thus they not only gained great political influence in Grecian Italy/^ but also obtained a more independent position in eoolesiastioal matters in relation to the Greek emperors. As citizens, they remained subject to the Greek emperors, and their representatives, the exarchs of Ra- venna.^^ Toward the end of this period the flame of controversy was again kindled between the two first patriarchs of Christendom, when John Jejunator began to assume the title of a Patriarch a estates whicli were managed by defeDsoribus or rectoribus were called xjatriuionia. Of. Zaccavia diss, de patrimoniis s. Rom. Eccl. in bis comtnentationes de rebus ad hist, atque antiquitt. Ecclesiae perfcinentibus dissert, latinae (Fulginiae. tomi. ii. 1781. 4.) ii. 68. Planck's Gesch. d. christl. kirchl. Gesellschaftsverf. i. 629. C. H. Sack de painu.omis Eccl. Rom. circa iinem saecali vi; in his Com'mentationes, quae ad tbeol- hist, pertinent, tres. , Bonua£. 1821. 8. p. 25, ss. For an account of the activity of the topes in protecting Italy, comp. Gregorii M. lib. v. Ep. 21, ad Constantinam Aug.: Viginti auteet jam et septem annos ducinius, quod in hac urbe inter Langobardorum gladios vivimus. Cluibus quara multa hac ab Ecclesia quotidianis diebas erogantur, ut inter eos vlvere pnssimus, sug- gerenda non sunt. Scd breviter indico, quia sicut in Haveunae paitibus Dominofura Pietas apud primum exercitum Italiae saccellarium habet, qui causis superv^mentibus quotidianas expensas faciat, ita et in hac urbe in causis talibus eorum onccoilaiius ego sum. Et tameu haec Ecclesia, quae uno eodemqne tempore clericis, monasteriis, pau- peribus, populo, atque insuper Laugobardis tam multa indesinenter e'spendit^ ecce ailiinc ex omnium Ecclesiarum premitur aiflictione, quae de hac unius hominis ^Juhitimis Jejunal.) Buperbia multum gemunt, etsi nihil dicere praesumunt. 2' Gregorii M. lib. ii. Ep. 31, ad cunctos milites Neapolitanos : Summa militiae aas inter alia bona merita haec est, obedientiam sanctae Reipublicae utilitatibus exhibere, quodque sibi utiliter imperatam fuerit, obtemperare : sicut et nunc devotioneni vestram fecisse didicimus, quae epistolis nosti'is, quibus magnificum virum Constantium Tribuuum custodiae civitatis deputavimua praeesse, paruit, et congruam militaiis devotionis pbe- dientiam demonstravit. Unde scriptis voa praesentibas curavimus admonendos, uti praedicto viro magnifico Tribuno, sicut et fecistis, omnem debeatis pro serenissimoruni Dominorum utilitate, vel conservanda civitate obedientiam exhibere, etc. Comp. the excerpt from the acts of Honorius I. (625, 638) by Muratori, Antiquitt. Ital. v. 834, from Cencii Camerarii lib. de censibus, and published more fully by Zaccaria, 1. c. p. 131, from the collect Cann. of Cardinal Deusdedit. Idem in eodem (i. e., Honorius in suo Registro) Gandisso Notario et Anatolio Magistro militum Neapolitanam civitatem regendam com- mittit, et qualiter debeat regi, scriptis informat. It does not follow from these passages, as Dionysius de Ste Marthe in vita Gregorii, lib. iii. c. 9, no- 6 (Gregg. Opp. iv. 271), and Zaccaria, 1. c. p. 112, 131, conclude from them that the city of Naples belonged to the patrimbnium S. Petri ; but that the popes who had important possessions there (a patrj- "r.oniura Neapolitanum and Campanum, Zaccaria, p. Ill), when the city was hard pressed (cf. Gregor. M. lib. ii. Ep. 46, ad Johannem Episc. Bavennae : De Neapolitana vero urbe, excellentissimo Exarcho iustanter imminente, vobis indicamus, quia Arigis — valde in- sidiatur eidem civitati, in quam si celeriter dux non mittatur,_ omnino jam inter perditas habetnr), and required speedy aid, took the necessary measures instead of the exarch. Cf. Sack. 1. c. p. 52. 33 Cf. Gregorii M. lib. iii. Ep. 65, above, § 116, note 3. For the official authorities con- cerning the relations of the ecclesiastical to the civil power, especially concerning the right of the exarchs to confirm the choice of a pope, see the liber diurnus Romanorum Pontiff. See on this subject on the following period. 50-i SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. IL— A.D. 451-622. universalisj oIkoviibviko^ (587).^^ Even Pelagius IL grew, very warm respecting it/° and still more Gregory the Great. These popes rejected that appellation altogether, as anti-Christian and devilish ; without, however, making the desired impression on the Emperor Maurice and the court patriaroh.^^ So much the more, therefore, did Gregory thank Providence when Maurice^s murderer Phocas (602) ascended the throne ;^^ and Phocas ^^ At first applied by flatterers to all pati-iarchs. See $ 93, note 20, § 94, note 7s:. Ziegler Gesch. der kircliL Verfassungsformen, S. 259. Justinian g:ives tlie patriarch of Constantinople the title, tl> aytwrdru Kal fiaKapiuTarift apxt-ETZtaKOTTc^ T7)Q f3aai2,L6og TavTTjg iroXeog koI o'tKOVfieviicC) ■KarpLu.pxv^ ^°^- ^- ^' '^' Novell, iii. v. vL vii. xvi. xlii. ^^ Gregorii M. lib. v. Ep. 18, 43, ix. 68. The letter viii. Felagii' ad universes Episcc. (Mansi, ix. 900) relative to this point is Pseudo-Isidorian. See Blondelli Pseado-Isidorus, p. 636, ss. • . 3^ Gregorii M. lib. v. Ep. 18, ad Johann.— Si ergo ille (Paulns) membra dominlci corporis certis extra Christum quasi capitibus, et ipsia quidem Apostolis subjici partialiter evitavit (1 Cor. i. 12, ss.): tu quid Cliristo, universalis scilicet Ecclesiae capiti, in extremi judicii ea dicturas examine, qui cuncta ejus membra tibimet conaria universalis appellatione supponere ? Q.uis, rogo, in hoc tam perverso vocabulo, nisi ille ad imitaudum proponitur, qui despectis Angelorum legionibus secum socialiter constitutis, ad culmen conatus est singularitatis erumpere, nt et nuUi subesse et solus omnibus praeesse videretur ? Certe Fetrus Apostolorum primus, membrum sanctae et universalis Ecclesiae, Paulas, Andreas, Johannes, quid aliud quam singularium sunt plebium capita? et tamen sub nno capita omnea membra — Nuraquid non — per venerandum Chalcedonense Conciliam hujus apos- tolicae sedis Antistites, cui Deo disponente deservio, universales oblato honore vocati sunt? (Comp. $ 94, note 72.) Sed tamen nuUus umquam tali vocabulo appellari voluit, nullus sibi hoc temerarium nomen arripuit : ne si sibi in Pontificatus gradu gloriam singularitrftis arriperet, banc omnibus fratribus denegasse videretur. ' Ep. 19, ad Sa- biniauum Diac. (Apocrisiarium.) Ep. 20, ad Mauricium Aug. Ep. 21, ad Constantiuam Aug. Ep. 43, ad Eulogium Ep. Alexandr. et Anastasinm Antiochenum. Lib. vii. Ep. 4, 5, anjl 31, ad Cyriacum Ep. Constant. Ep. 27, ad Anastas. Antioch. Ep. 33, ad Mauricium Aug.: De qua re mihi in suia jussjonibus Dominorum Pietas praecipit, dicens, ut per Rppellationeiu frivoli nominis inter nos scandalum generari non debeat. Sed rogo, ut Jmperialia Pietas penaet, quia alia sunt frivola valde innoxia, atqae alia valde nociva. -N^umquiduam cum se Antichristus veniens Deum dixerit, frivolum valde erit, sed tamen nimis perniciosum? Si quantitatem sermonis attendimus, duae sunt syllabae ; si vero pondus iniquitatis, universa pemicies. Ego autem fidenter dico, quia quisquia se uuiver- sa'em Sacerdotem vocat, vel vocari desiderat, in elatione sua Anticbristum praecurrit, (pia superbiendo se caeteris praeponit. Nee dispari'superbia ad eiTorem ducitur, quia sjicut perversus ille Deus videri vult super omnes homines : ita quisquia iste est, qui m)lus Sacerdos appellari appetit, super reliquos Sacerdotes se extoUit. Ep. 34, ad Eulogium Alex, et Anastas. Ant. How earnestly Gregory rejected for himself tliis title, may be seen in lib. viii. Ep. 30, ad Eulogium Ep. Alex, above, note 18. According to Johannes Diac. (about 825) in vita Greg. M. ii. 1, Gregory may have assumed the title servus ser- vorum Dei, to put to shame the patriarch of Constantinople. Even Augustine calls him- self, Ep. 130 and 217, servus servorum Christi, Fulgeutius Ep. 4, servorum Christi faraulas. Among Gregory the Great's letters, there are now only three before which he so styles himself. But even so late as the eleventh century other bishops too, as well as kings and emperors, employed this title. See du Fresne Glossar. ad scriptt, med. et. inf. lat. s v. servus. 2=" Comp. the congratulatory letter of Gregory, lib. xiii. Ep. 31, ad Phocam Imp., Ep. 38, ad Leontiam Aug. CHAP. UL HlKaAttCHY. ^ 117. HISTORY OF THE PATRIARCHS. 505 iripctid the pope's favor by taking his part against the patriarch, ^^ though after him that disputed title was constantly used by the see of Constantinople.^* At this time the popes also began to bestow the pallium (which all bishops in the east received at their consecration)^* on the most distinguished bishops of the west, for the purpose of symbolizing and strengthening tliCir connection with the Church of Rome.^^ 33 The pah-iarcn Cyriacos was an adherent of Maurice (Theophanes, i. 446, 453). Ana- stasius de vitis Pontific. c. 67, Bonifacius, iii. : Hie obtinuit apud Phocatn Principem, ut Sedes apostolica b. Petri Apostoli caput esaet omnium ecclesianim, i. e., Ecclesia Romana, quia Ecclesia Constantinopolitana primam se omnium Ecclesiarum scribebat. With the same words Paulas Wamefridi de Gestis Longob. iv. 37. Doubted by J. M. Loreaz Examen decreti Phocae de primatu Rom. Pont. Argent. 1790. Schrockb, xvii. 72. Re- markable is the view of the subject taken by the Ghibelline Gotfridus Viterbiensis (about ■' 186), in his Pantheon, p. xvi. {Pistorii Rer. Germ, scriptt. ed. Struve, ii. 289) : Tertius est Papa Bonifac us ille benignus, Qui petit A Phoca munu per secula digauiii, Ut sedes Petri prima sit ; ille dedit. Prima prius fuerat Coiistantiuopulitana ; Est modo Romana, meliori dogmate clara. 3* Even Heraclius, successor of Phocas, in his laws gives again this title to the patriarch of Constantinople. See Leunclavii Jus Graeco-Romanum, t. i. p. 73, ss. ^^ See above, $ 101, note 1. Against the opinion almost universally adopted from Pe trus de Marca de coac. Sac. et Imp. lib. vi. c. 6, that the old pallium, a splendid mantle, was a part of the imperial dress, and therefore bestowed only by the emperors, or with their permission by the patriarchs, see J. G. Pertsch de Origine, usu, et auctoritate, pallu ai'chiepiscopalis. Helmst. 1754. 4. p. 56, ss. ^" The oldest document on the subject is Symraachi P. Ep. ad Theodorum Laureacen- sem (Mansi, viii. p. 228) about 501 : Diebus vitae tuSe palli usum, quem ad sacerdotalis officii decorem et ad ostendendam unanimitatem, quam cum b. Petro Apostolo universum gregem dominicarum ovium, quae ei commissae sunt, habere dubium non est, ao apostolica sede, sicut decuit, poposcisti, quod utpote ab eisdem Apostolia fundatae ecclesiae raajornm more libenter indulsimus ad ostendendum te magistrum et archiepiscopura, tuamque sanc- tam Laureaceusem ecclesiam provinciae Pannoniorum sedem fore metropolitan aip. M- circo pallio, quod ex apostolica caritate tibi destinamus, quo uti debeas secundum morem ecclesiae tuae, solerter admonemus pariterque volumus, ut intelligas, quia ipse vestitus, quo ad missarum solemnia ornaris, signum praetendit cmcis, per quod scito te cum fratri bus debere compati ac mundialibus illecebris in affectu crucifigi, etc. (The formula in the liber diumus, cap. iv. tit. 3, is abbreviated from this epistle.) According to Vigilii P. Ep. vii. ad Auxanium Arelatensem (Mansi, ix. p. 42), Symmachus also invested Caesarius, bishop of Aries, with the pallium. These investitures became mqre frequent under Gregory the Great, not only of metrcpoatans, as John of Corinth, Leo of Prima Justinianea, Vigilius of Aries, Augustine of Canterbury, but also simple bishops, as. of Donus of Mes- sina, John of Syracuse, John of Palermo, etc. See Pertsch. 1. c. p. 134, ss. Though Vigilius P. Ep. vi. ad Auxanium Arelatensem (Mansi, ix.p. 40), writes : De his vero, quae Carita.: vestra tam de usu pallii, quam de aliis sibi a nobis petiit debere concedi, Hbenti hoc animo etiam in praesenti facere sine dilatione potuimus, nisi cum christianissimi Domin' filii nostri imperatoris hoc, sicut ratio postulat, voluissemus perficere notitia ; and Gregc- rius i. lib. ix. Ep. 11, ad Brunichildem Reginam, while he mentions to Synagrius, bishop of AutuD, gifted with the pallium, the necessity of the imperial approbation; yet it was probably sought for only; when hostile relations existed with the kingdom to which tne 508 SECOND PERIOD.— DrV. i\.--A.D. 451-622. FOURTH CHAPTER. HISTORY OF MONACHISM. § 118. THE LITERATURE MAY BE SEEN IN IKK PREEACE TO § 9S. In the east, inonachism continued in its manifold forms.* Justinian favored it by his laws/ thDugh he endeavored to restrain the irregular wanderings of the Coenobites.^ .While palliam was sent. See Pertscb, I.e. p. 196, ss. That a tax was early connected with this investiture, see Gregorii i. lib. v. Ep. 57, ad Johannem Episc. Corinth, (also ap. Gratianu^ dist. C. c. 3) : Novit antem fratemitas vestra, quia prius pallium nisi datd commodo noii dabatur. Quod quoniam incongrnam erat, facto Concilip tarn de hoc qaam de ordinationi- bus aliquid accipere sub districta interdictione vetuimus. The decree referred to is in Mansi, ix. p. 1227. ^ Comp. the description, Evagrius, i. 21. The spirit of the oriental monks of this period may be gathered from Johannis Moschi (about 630) Ae£//(jv, pratum spirituale (in Latin in Herib. Rosweydi Vitae patrum. Antverp, 1615. fol. p. 855, ss. The Greek original, though defective is found in Frontonis Ducaei Auctarium bibl. pp. ii. 1057. The chasms are supplied in Cotelerii Monum. Eccl. Gr. ii. 341). Even here complaints of the decay of monachism appear, ex. gr. c. 130 : 01 TrorepEf ii/iav ri/v iyKpareiav Kal ttjv ukttjiiu nivriv fiixpi- Bavdrov irijpjiaav, riiiei( Si iirlariva/isv rif /coiXiof ijnav Kal fiaXuvTia, i-. T. X. Cf. cap. 52 and 168. ' Cod. Justin, i. 3, 53 (a.d. 532), forbids, nrjSiva Travre/luf, /j^re PovXeurriv ijltjts. raffo- TTiv knioKO'Kov 7 7rpe(T[3vT£p'ov TOv XocTvov yiveuBai, but adds : IIX^v el firi iK vijizia^ riXitcLag, Kal ovttu ttiv ^^tj^ov e/c/Jaff^f, irvxs TOtc evXa^eoTuTOig povaxoi^ kyKaTaXe- /Icy/iEvof, Kol Siafieiva; im tovtov tov ax^maroi' -niviKavTa yilp iiicfitv avTu Kai irpsfffivTipCi} ysvitydat, Kal e/f ^TttTKOTryv ^Wstv, — tt/v TETapTTjv iievtol fioXpav Trjg avToO nepcovtria^ inrd(j7]g napex^JV Tocg (SovXevralg^ Kal tu) 6T}fioai(ji. $ 3 : 'En deoTri^ofiev, e'lTE dvrip inl fiovripj; ^iov iWelv j3ov7[,ri6u'q, eite yvvri rov uvSpa KaTa\movaa npuc; uaKTjaiv IaBoi, /itj tovto avro ^rijiiaf irap^x^iv rcpitiaaw, aUd. rh /ih oUeia ■Kavrog TiaulSavtiv. Cf Novell, cxxiii. c. 40 : El 6i avvEardrog eri tov yufiov 6 avr/p /iovof ;} j) yvv^ fiovTi elceXOtj e/f iiovaarqptmt, SiaXv^ada 6 yd/iOQf Kal 6txa ^eTTOvStov. (On the other hand Gregorius M. lib. xi. Ep. 45 : Si enim dicunt, religionis causa cjnjugia debere dissolvi, sciendum est, quia etsi hoc lex humaua concesssit, divina lex tamen prohibuit. Cf Bingham, vol. iii. p. 45.) Cod. Just. i. 3, 55 : Ut non liceat parentibus impedire, quo- minus liberi eorura volentes monachi aut clerici fiant, aut earn ob solazn causam exheredare (cf Nov. cxxiii. c. 41). Nov. v. c. 2, allows slaves to go into convents contrary to the will of their masters. ^ Novella v. de Monachis (a.d. 535), cap. 4 : El Si n( &7ra^ iavTOV Kadtspuaas ni liovaaTjjpia, Kal rov axv/iaTog tvx<^v, elra dvaxap^(yac tov /iovaoTTipiov jSovXTjIiciTi, Kal ISi^rriv Tvxov iXeaBai Plov " avToi iiiv Ibto, wolav ijrip tovtov Sdan t€> Beu tt/v uiro- Xoytav, tH ■irpdyiiara jicvtoi buoaa av Ixoi rjvtKa el; to /lovaST^piov clcyEt, TavTa Tr/; SsaTTOTEia; larai tov jiovaaTiiplov Kal oiS' dTiovv TeavreXo; ifofe;. Cap. 7 : El Si dKO- CHAP. IV.— MONACHISM. § 119. BENEDICTINES. 507 the Stylites in the east still attracted the highest wonder, especially, one Daniel,^ in the neighborhood of Constantinople, under the Emperors Basiliscus and Zeno, an attempt in tbfl neighborhood of Treves to imitate them was interdicted by the bishops of the place.' On the other hand, the KaTEtpyfievoi of the east, found many admirers especially in Gaul, (Reclausi, Re- cluses).'' § 119. BENEDICTINES. Jo. MabiUoiiii Annales ordinis S. Benedict!, vi. tomi {the 6th, edited by Edni. Martene, reaches to the year 1157). Paris. 1703-1739. anct. Luccae. 1739-1745. ibl. — Lucae Dacherii et Jo. MabiUonii acta Sanctorum Ord. S. Benedict! (six centuries to 1100), ix. voll. 1668-1701. fol. In the west, Benedict, a native of Nursia in Umbria,' gave a new form to the monastic life. After he had long lived a hermit's life, he founded a convent on a mountain in Campania, where the old castrum Cassinum was situated (hence called monasterium Cassinense, 'monte Cassino). Here he introduced a new system of rules (529)^ which mitigated the extreme AtTTWv TO p'ovauT^ptov, KaB" direp ttjv ucktiglv slx^v, e/f Hepov fierapalvot /lovaffrjptov, Kal ovro) {ikv y aiiTov ireptovala fieviTO Te Koi iKdtKeladu vird rov irporepov fiovaarr/pimi, lv8a unoTa^dfievo^ tovto KaTE?.t7ze. Trpoar/Kov 6i kcTt rove ev^afSeaTurov^ rvoofiEvou(^ fXTj elfj6eXE'y0o-i rov tovto TrparrovTa. * Acta Danielis, ap. Sarium at d. 1 1 Dec. ' Gregor. Turon. Hist. Franc, viii. 15. « Ex. gr., Gregor. Tur. ii. 37, v. 9, 1 0, vi. S . 1 His biographer is Gregorius M. in Dialogonim lib. secundo. 2 Regula Benedicti in 73 capp. in Hospinian and many others, best in Luc. Holstenii Codex regularum monastic, et canon. (Romae. 1661. iii. voll. i), auctus a Marian. Brockie (August. Vindel. 1759. vi. tomi fol.) i. 3, and thence in Gallandii Bibl. PP. xi. 298. Among the numerous commentaries the best are by Bdm. Martene, Paris. 1690. 4, and by A:i- gustin Calmet, Paris. 1734. t. ii. 4. General regulations: Cap. 64: In Abbatis ordina- tione ilia semper consideretur ratio, ut hie constituatur, quem sibi omnis concors congre- gatio secundum timorem Dei, sive etiam pars, quamvis parva, congregationis, saniori consilio, elegerit. Cap. 65 : Q,uemcunque elegerit Abbas cum consilio fratrum timentium Deum, ordinef ipse sibi Praepositum. Qui tamen Praepositus ilia agat cum reverentia, quae ab Abbate suo ei injuncta fuerint, nihil contra Abbatis voluntatem aut ordinationem i^ciens. Cap. 21 : Si major fuerit congregatio, eligantur de ipsis fratres boni testimonii f?t sanctae conversationis, et constituantur Decani, qui solicitudinem gerant super Deca- uias suas. Cap. 3 : ^uoties aliqna praecipua agenda sunt in monasterio, convocet Abbas omnem congregationem, et dicat ipse unde agitur. Et audieus consilium fi-atrum, tractet tpud se, et quod utilius judicaverit faciat. Si qua vero minora agenda sunt in monastcrii utilitatibus, seniorum tantum utatur consilio. Cap. 5 : Primus humilitatis gradus est obedientia sine mora. • Haec convenit iis, qui nihil sibi Christo carius aliquid existimant ; propter servitium sanctum, quod professi sunt, seu propter metum gehennae, vel gloriam 508 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. II.— A.D. 451-622. rigor of the eastern monks/ prescribed a variety of suitable employments,^ but was distinguished especially by this, that it exacted a promise from all who entered, never to leave the monastery again, and strictly to observe its rules.* This system was soon diffused in Italy, Gaul, and Spain. Instead of the former diversity of monasteries, unity now appeared ; and thus arose the first proper monastic order or association of many monasteries under a peculiar rule. The straitening of vows in tliis Benedictine rule was followed by the declaration of marriage being invalid in the case of monks ; ^ while the monks and nuns vitae aetemae, mox ut aliquid imperatum a majore fuerit, ac si divinitus imperetar, moram pati nesciunt in faciendo. 3 Cap. 39, appoints for the daily food cocta duo pulmentaria (at forte, qui ex uno non poterit edere, ex alio reficiatur). Et si fiieriut inde poma aut nascen-*a leg^minum, adda- tur et tertium. Farther panis libra una, and, cap. 40, hemina vini {different opinions con- cerning the hemina, see in Martene Comm. in E.e^. S. Bened. p. r39, ss ). On the other hand, camium quadrupedum ab omnibus abstineatur comestio, praetsr omnino debiles et aegrotos. Cap. 36 : Balneorum usus infirmis, quoties expcdit, cfferatar. Sanis autem, et maxime juvenibus, tardius concedatar. * Cap. 48: Otiositas inimica est animae: et ideo certis tempdribus occupari debent fratres in labore manuum, ceitis iterum horis in lectione divina. Between these the horae canonicae, namely the Noctumae vigiliae, Matutinae, Prima, Tertia, Sexta. Nona, Ves- pera, and Completoriam (see respecting them cap. S-19). Cap. 16 justified by Ps. cxix. 164 : Septies in die laudem dixi tibi, and v. 62: Media nocte surgebam ad coutiteudam tibi. Comp. § 95, note 8. " 5 Cap. 58 : After ordering a probation time of the noviter venientis ad conversionem : si habita secum deliberatione promiserit se omnia custodire et cuncta sibi imperata servare, tunc suscipiatur iu cougregatione, sciens se jam sub lege regalae constitutum; quod ei es ilia die non liceat egredi de monasterio, nee collum excutere de subjugo regulae, qaani Bub tam morosa deliberatione licuit aut excusare, aut suscipere. Suscipiendus autem in oratorio coram omnibus promittat de stabilitate sua, et cpnversione morum suorum, et obedientia coram Deo et Sanctis ejus, ut si aliquando aliter fecerit, ab eo se damnandum sciat, quern irridet. De qua promissione sua faciat petitionem ad nomen Sanctorum, quorum reliquiae ibi sunt, et Abbatis praesentis. Q.uam petitionem manu sua scribat, aut certe, si non scit literas, alter ab eo rogatus scribat, et iUe novitius signum faciat^ et manu sua earn super altare popat. Cap. 59 : Si quis forte de nobilibus oH'ert filium suum iDeo in monasterio, si ipse puer minori aetate est, parentes ejus faciant petitionem, quam supra diximus. Et cum oblatione ipsam petitionem et manum pueri involvant iu palla altaiis, et sic eum ofFerant. Cap. 66 : Monasterium autem, si possit fieri, ita debet construi, ut omnia necessaria, id est aqua, molendiuum, hortus, pistrinum, vel artes di- versae intra monasterium exerceantur, ut non sit necessitas Mohachis vagandi foras, quia omnino non expedit animabus eorum. * The older appointment {see $ 95, note 49), that the breaking of the vow should be punishedwith church-penance, is still repeated by Leo I. Ep. 90, ad Kusticum, c. la, (Propositum monachi — deseri non, potest absque peccato. Q,uod euim vovit Deo, debet et reddere. Unde qui relicta singularitatis professione ad militiam vel ad nuptias devo- lutus est, publicae poenitentiae satisfactione purgandus est), and Gelasius I. Ep. 5, ad Episc. Lucaniae (ap. Gratian. Causa xxvii. Q,u. 1, c. 14). Also Cone. Aurelian. i. ann. 511, c. 91, pre-supposea the validity of marriage. (Monachus si iu monasterio conversus vel pallium comprobatus fuerit accepisse, et postea uxori fuerit sociatus, tantae praevarica- tiouis reus nnnquam ecclesiastici gradus officium sortiatur.) On the contraiy, first, the CHAP. IV.— MONACHISM. $ 119. BENEDICTINES. 509 who had left their monasteries began to be violently brought back into them.^ Of literary pursuits among the monks we find no trace, either in Benedict's rule, or among the first Benedictines.^ It was Cassiodorus who made the first attempt of this kind in the convent built by him called Vivarium (Coenobium Vivariense, 538) near Squillacci in Bruttia, whither he had withdrawn;^ and where in addition to other useful employments, an endeavor was made to introduce learned occupations also into a monastery. ^° The Benedictines, already accustomed to a well regulated ac- Conc. Taronicum ii. arm. 567, c. 15: (Monachus) si — uxorem duserit, excoramnnicetur, et de uxoris male societae consortio etiam judicis anxilio separetur. — Q.ui iufelix monachus, — et illi, qui eum exceperint ad defensandum, ab ccclesia segregentur, donee revertatui- ad septa monasterii, et indictam ab Abbat^ — agat poenitentiam, et post aatisfactionem rever- tatur ad gratiam. "^ Thus Gregory the Great ordered, with reference to a married nun (ap. Gratian. c. xsvii. Q,u. 1, c. 15), and with reference to another who .had merely returned ad saecularem habi- turn, lib. vii. Ep. 9, ad Vitalianum Ep. a.d. 597 (ap. Gratian. 1, c. c. 18) : Instantiae tuae sit, praedictam nmlierem una cum Sergio defensore nostro comprehend ere, et statim non solum ad male contemptum habitum sine excusatione aliqua revocare, sed etiam in monasterio, ubi omnino districte valeat custodiri, detradere. And lib. i. Ep. 40, a.d. 591 r' Cluia aliquos Monachorum usque ad tantum nefaa prosiliisse cognovimus, nt uxores publice sortiantur, sub omni vigilantia eos requiras, et inventos digiia coercitione in monasteriie, quorum monachi fiierant, retransmittas. 8 See Rich. Simon Critique de la bibliotheque de M. Ell. du Pin. (Paris. 1730. 4. torn. 8.) i. 212. , . ^ That he introduced the rules of Benedict into his convent, as the Benedictines (see Garetius in the vita Cass, prefixed to his 0pp. p. 27) supposed, has been justly denied by Baronius ad ann. 494. 1" For this purpose he wrote in particular his works de Institutione divinamm litterarum, and de Artibus ac discipliuis liberalium litterarum, comp. § 114, note 7. He exhorts, above all things, to study the Holy Scriptures and the fathers. But then he adds, de Instit. div. litt. c. 28: Verumtamen nee illud Patres sanetissimi decreverunt, ut saecularium litter- arum studia respnantur: quia exinde non minimum ad sacras scripturas intelligendas sensus noster instruitur. — Frigidus obstiterit circum praecordia sanguis, ut nee hamanis nee divinis litteris perfecte possit erudiri: aliqua tamen scientiae mediocritate sufiultua, eligat certe quod sequitur : Rura mihi et rigai placeaiit in vallibus amnes. Q,uia nee ipsum est a Monachis alienum hortos colere, agros exercere, et pomorum foe- cunditate gratalari.' Cap. 30: Ego tamen fateorvotum meum, quod inter vos quaecumque possunt corporeo labore complerl, Antiquariorum mihi studia (si tamen veraciter scribant) non immerito forsan plus placere; quod et mentem suam relegendo scripturas divinas salubriter instruant, efc Domini praecepta scribendo longe lateque disseminent. (Comp. the directions for copying and revising' manuscripts, cap. 15, and the treatise de ortho- graphia.) — Cap. 31: Sed et vos alloquor fratres egregios, quihumani corporis salutem sedula curiositate tractatis, et confugientibus ad loca sanctorum officia beatae pietatis impenditis. Et ideo discite quidem naturas herbarum, coramixtionesque specierum sol- licita mente tractate. He recommends to them the writings of Dioscorides, Hippocrates, and Galen. Comp. Staudlin in the Kirchenhist. Archive fur 1835, S. 413, ss. 510 SECOND PERIOD.— Diy. II.— A.D. 451-622. tivity, very soon followed this example ; and thus they could now be useful to the west in many ways. They reclaimed many waste lands, actively advanced the cause of education," handed down to posterity the history of their time in chronicles, and preserved to it by their copyists, for the most part indeed as dead treasures, the vnritings of anti- quity.'^ § 120. RELATION OF THE MONKS TO THE CLERGY. Though the clergy continued tq be very often chosen from among the monks, yet there were in the convents no more ordained monks than were required by the necessities of the monks' congregation ; and many convents had no presbyter whatever.' The old rule that all convents should be under the inspection of the bishops of the dioceses in which they were situated,^ was first departed from in Africa, where many put themselves under the superintendence of distant bishops, espe- cially the bishop of Carthage, to keep themselves secure against oppression.' In the remaining part of the west, the duty of the '^ The permission to undertake the care of pueroa oblatos, given by Benedict in his rule c. 59 (see above, note 5), was soon and olten taken advantage of. See Gregory M. dial. ii. cap. 3 : Coepere etiam tunc ad eum Romanae urbia nobiles et religiosi concurrere, suosque ei filios omnipotenti Deo nutriendos dare. For these pueri oblati in pai-ticular, the monas- tery schools were erected, of which the first intimation is found in the so-called Regula Magistri, c. 50 (ap. Holstenius-Brockie, t. i. p. 266), composed about 100 years after Bene diet, where it is prescribed that in the three hours from the first to the third, infantuli in decada sua in tabulis suis ab uno litterato litteras meditentur. '= Cf. Mabillon acta SS. Ord. Ben. t. i. Praef. no. 114 et 115. ' Presbyters were sent into the convents by the bishops (directi, deputati) ad missas celebrandras. Gregor. M. lib. vi. Ep. 46, vii. 43. — Abbots prayed and received permission in monasterio Presbyternm, qui sacra Missarum solemnia celebrare debeat, ordinari. Ibid, vi. 42, ix. 92 : or a presbyter was appointed to the convent, quern et in monasterio habitare et iade vitae subsidia habere necesse fuit, ibid. iv. 18. — On the other hand Gregory libb. vi Kp. 56, praises a convent of which he had heard, et Presbyteros et Diaconos cunctamquo congregationem unanimes vivere ac Concordes. 2 Cone. Chalced. c. 4 : — "'Edo^k firjdiva /i^v fi-qSafiov OLKodofieXv fiTjSi cvvitST^ii^ fxovao ryfiLov ij EVKT-fjfjiov oIkov irafjcl yvufiijv Tov tjj^ TroAewf 'ETriff/coTrou ' roiif 6^ Ka(? iKUCTTjv TTO/liv Koi ;f 'EjTiaKoiza. Can. 8 : 01 KXripikol •rCiv TZTUX^l-f^v Kal fiovaGTijpluv Kal fiaprvpiuv vKo Tutv iv iKaGTTj jrdXei 'ETTiff/coTruv t^v ti^croaiai^ tcaTU ttjv tuv uyluv irarepuv TrapddoGtv, Stafisveruaav^ Kal /ny Karavdadtd^ecr Gai ^ ci.^j/v.'rtv TOV Idlov 'ETricr/coTTOv. - ^ Ci'jf.c. Carthai^. ann. 525, dies secunda (ap. Mansi, viii. 648). The prayer of Abbaa CHAP. IV.— MONACHISM. $ 120. MONKS AND CLERGY, 511 monasteries to be spiritually subject to the diocesan bishops was stiil strictly enforced.*^ On the other hand, synods and pope^ took them under their protection, ' in opposition to episcopal r.ppression, and made it a fundamental principle that the bishops ■should not interfere with their internal administration.* Gregory the Great^ in particular, was distinguished for his protection of convents.^ Petnis to Eis]iop Boniface of Carthage, p. 653: — Humiles supplicamus. ut — a jugo mo clertcorum, qwid neque nobis neque patribas nosti'is quisquam superponere aliquando teiitavit, eruero rlig^neris. Nam docemas, monasterium de Ppaecisa, quod in medio plebium Leptiminensis ecclesiae ponitar, praetermisso eodem Episcopo vicino, Vino ■ Ateriensia ecclesiae Episcopi consolationem habere, qui in longinquo positus est. — Nam nt de Adnimetiiio monasterio nallo mode silere possumus, qui praetermisso ejusdem civi- talis Episcopo de transmarinis partibus sibi semper presbytei'os ordinaverunt. — Et cum Ril)i diversa monasteria, ut ostenderent libertatem saam, unicuique prout visum est, fl diversis Episcopis consolationem quaesierint: quomodo nobis denegari potei-it, qui de bao fiOfle sancta Oarthaginensis ecclesiae, quae prima totius Africanae ecclesia haberi videtur, auxiiium quaesivimus? etc. Of. Concil. Carthagiu. ann. 534 {Mansi, viii. 841J. Cf. Thomas sinus P. i. 1. iii. c. 31. * Cone. Aurelian. i. (511) can. 19. Epaonense (517) can. 19. Arelatense v. (554) can. 7. =• So tirst Concil. Arelatense, iii. A,u. 456 (Mansi, vii. 907), which limited the rights of tlic bishop of the diocese in the convent of Lerins as follows: Ut clerici, atque altaris ininistri a nullo, nisi ab ipso, vel cui ipse injunxerit ordinentur; chrisma non nisi ab Ipso siieretar; neophyti si fuerint, ab eodem confirnieutur ; peregriui clerici absque ipsius (■taecepto in communionem, vel ad ministerium non admittantur. Monasteni vero omnis laica multitudo ad caram Abbatis pertineat : neque ex ea sibi Eplscopus quid- quaia vindicet, aut aliquem ex ilia clericum, nisi abbate petente, praesumat. Hoc enim et rationis et religionis plenum est, ut clerici ad ordhiationem Episcopi debita subjectione respiciant: laica vero omnis monasterii congregatio ad solam ac liberam Abbatis. proprii, quern sibi ipsa elegerit, ordinationem dispositionemque pertineat; regula, quae a fundatore ipsius monasterii dadum constituta est, in omnibus custodita. « Comp. especially Greg. M. lib. viii. Ep. 15, ad Marinianum Ravennae Episc: Nullua audeat de reditibus vel chartis monasterii minuere. — Defuncto Abbatq non extraneus nisi de eadem congregatione, quern sibi propiia voluntate congregatio elegerit, ordinetur.— r Invito Abbate ad ordinanda alia monasteria aut ad ordines sacros toUi exinde monachi non debent.:— Dascriptio rerum aut chartarum monasterii ab Ecclesiasticis fieri non debet. — duia hospitandi occasione monasterium temporibus decessoris vestri nobis fuisse nuncia- tum est praegravatuin : oportet ut hoc Sanctitas vestra decenter debeat temperare. He orders a bisiiop to restore what he had taken from a convent xenii quasi specie, lib. viii. Ep. 34. On the other hand he admonishes all bishops to keep a strict watch over the discipline and morals of the convents, lib. vi. Ep. 11 ; viii. Ep. 34. — Other privileges which Gregory is alleged to have granted to convents, for instance the celebrated piivilegiurn monasterii S. Medardi in Soissons (see appendix to bis letters in the Benedictine edition, no. 4) are spuriou3. Cf. Launoji 0pp. iii. ii. 90. Thomassiuus, P. i, lib. iii. c, 30. 512 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. II.— A.D. 451-622. ^ FIFTH CHAPTER. HISTORY OF PUBLIC WORSHIP. § 121. How much the sensuous tendency of public worship,' of which we have already spoken, was farther developed in this period, and how many new superstitious notions sprung horn it,^ is best seen in the writings oi Gregory the Great, a man who, with much real piety, had also very many monkish preju dices and great credulity ; while by his high reputation in the Western Church, he did much to introduce new forms of wor- ship, and diffuse a multitude of superstitions. The chief part of the reverence paid to saints came more and more to consist in the superstitious worship of relics,' of whose -'■ For it there is a decree, Gregorii M. {0pp. ed. Maur. ii. 12S8. Mansi, x. 4.34, also i". Gratlanus dist. 92, c. ^) characteristically : In sancta Romana Ecclesia — dudum consuett dc ' est valde reprehensibilis exorta, ut quidam ad sacri altaris ministerimn Cantores eligantai t: itt Diaconatus ordine constituti modulationi vocis insetviant, quos ad praedicationis oflPcium eleemosynarumque stadium vacare congniehat. Unde fit pleruraque, ut ad tt crura ministerium dum blaada vox quaeritur, qaaeri congrua vita negligatur, et cantoi irinister Deum moribus stimulet, cum populum vocibus delectat. He therefore arranges that not deacons but sub-deacons and minores ordines should be employed in the singing. = Comp. Neander's Denkwurdigkeiten aus der Gesch. des Christenthums. Bd. 3, Heft i. (Berlin. 1824) S. 132, ss. . . ^ Gregor. M. lib. iv. Ep. 30, ad Constantinam Aug. ( Serenitas vestra — caput S. Pauli Apostoli, aut aliud quid de corppre ipsius, suis ad se jussionibus a me praecepit debere transmitti.— Major me moestitia tenuit, quod ille praecipitis, quae facere nee possum, nee audeo. Nam corpora, SS. Petri et Pauli App. tantis in Ecclesiis suis coruscanf miraculis atqae terroribus, ut neque ad orandum sine magno illuc timore possit acoedi. — Examples Among other things, that in opening the grave of Laurentius monachi et mansionarii, qui corpus ejusdem Ma-tyns viderunt, quod quidem minirae tangere praesumserunt, omnes intra x. dies defunct! sunt (Exod. xxxiii. 20J. — Romanis consuetudo non est, quando Sanctorum reliquias dant, ut quidquam tangere praesumant de corpore : sed tantummddo in pyxide brandeum mittitur, atque ad sacratissima corpora Sanctorum ponitur. Q.uod levatum in Ecctesia. quae est dedicanda, debita cum veneratione reconditur: et tantae per hoc ibidem virtutes Hunt, ac si illuc specialiter eorum corpora deferantur (in like man- ner Gregor. Turon. de gloria Martyr, i. 2H). Unde contigit, ut b. recordationis Leonis P. temporibus, sicut a •najoribus traditur. dum quidam Graeci de tatibus reliquiis diibitarent, praedictus Pontifex hoc ipsum brandeum allatis forficibus incident, et ex ipsa incisione sanguis effluxerit. In Romanis namque vel totius Occidentis partibus omnino intolerabile est atque sacrilegum., si SanctorjTi corpora tangere quisquam fortasse vc'.uerit. duod si praesumserit, certum '.;st, qu'a haec teraeritas impunita nuUo modo remanebit. — Sed quia CHAP, v.— PUBLIC WORSHIP. $ 121. 513 .\)iraculous power the most atsurd moiic» were told. The cos- sequence of this Was, that the moral aspect of saint-reverence was still farther lost sight of by an age which longed- only for the marvelous. As this tendency now began to give rise to im- posture in introducing false relics,* it had also the effect of de- veloping the legends of the saints, to a greatly increased extent, in consequence of the love of the miracdoas.. The old martyrs, of whom for the most part. the names alone were handed down,^ were furnished with new descriptions of their lives, while the new saints were dressed out with wonderful narratives; even martyrs, with the histories of martyrs, were entirely fabricated anew.^ In the. worship of saints, angels were now without hesitation made to participg^te, to whom also churches were dedicated.*^ serenissimae Dorainae- tam.religiosum desideriam esse vacuum nou debet, de catenis, quas ipse S. Paulus Ap. in coUo et in manibus gestavit, ex quibus multa miracula in popalo demons trantur, partem aliquam vobis transmittere festinabo, si tamen banc toUere limando praevalaero, namely, quibusdam petentibus, diu per catenas ipsas dacitur lima, et tamen ut aliquid exinde exeat non obtinetur. — Lib. is. Ep. 122, ad Recbaredum Wisigotb. Regem : Claviem vero parvulam a sacratissimo b. Petri Ap. corpore vobis pro ejus benedictione transmiaimus, in qua inest ferrum de catenis ejus inclusum ; ut quod collura illius ad martyrium ligaverat, vestrum ab omnibus peccatis solvat. Crucem quoque dedi latori praesentium vobis offerendam, in qua lignum Dominicae crucis inest, et capilli b. Juannis Baptistae. Ex qua semper solatium nostri Salvatoria per intercessionem praecursoris ejus habeatis. Cf. lib. iii. Ep. 33. A number of similar miraculous stories are found in tbe works of Gregory of Tours, see note 6. * Gregor. M. lib. iv, Epist. 30, ad Constantinara Aug. : Q.Qidam Mouacbi Graeci hue ante biennium venieutes noctumo silentio juxta eccleaiam S. Pauli corpora mortuorum in campo jacentia effodiebant, atque eorum ossa recondebant, servantes sibi dum retede- rent. Q,ai cuta tenti, et cur hoc facerent diligenter fuiasent discussi, confessi sunt quod ilia ossa ad G-raeciam essent tanquam Sanctorum reliquias portaturi. Concil. Caesar- augast. ii. (592) can. 2 : Statuit S. Synodus ut reliquiae in quibuscunque locis de Ariana haeresi inveutae fuerint, prolatae, a Sacerdotibus, in quorum ecclesiis reperiuntur, ponti- iioibus praesentatae igne probentur (the old German ordeal). * Gregor. M. lib. viii. Ep. 29, see Div. I. $ 53, note 46. 6 The v?ritings of Gregory, archishop of Tours, afford abundant proofs of all this. See above $ 114, note 18. Among many other things we find also in him for the first time (de Gloiia mart. i. 95), the legend belonging to the Decian persecution de septem dormientibus apud urbem Ephesum. It had been derived from an old tradition which is even found in Pliny Nat. hist. vii. SiJ; but which being afterward transferred to Christian martyrs, was differ- ently localized. Thus it appears in the Koran (Sarat 18) to be transplanted into Arabia, subsequently it was carried into Gaul (Pseudo-Gregor Tur. Epist. ad Sulpic. Bituric), to Germany (Nicephori Call. Hist. eccl. y. 17), and also to the north (Paulus Diac. de Gestia Longob. i. 4). '' Comp. § 99, note 34. As presents had been made to the deities in heathen Rome, so now they were frequently made to saints and angels. Cf. lex Zenonis (Cod. Just. i. ii. 15) : Si qnis donaverit aliquam rem — in honorem Martyris, aut Prophetae, aut Angeli, tanquam ipsi postea oratorium aedificaturus, — cogitur opus, quamvis nondum inchoatum fuerit, perficere per se vel per heredes. Jastiniani, a.d. 530 (1. c. 1. 2C) : In mnltis jam testamentis invenimus ejusmodi institutiones, quibus aut ex asse quis scripserat Bominum nostrum Jesum Christum heredem : then the inheritance of the church of the place was to ■\Tf\1 T »!-t!^ 514 SECOND PEH.IOD.— DIV. 11.— A.D. 451-622. Pictures became more common in the churches. In the east authentic likenesses of Christ now appeared in public,' and were the principal means of establishing there the worship of images;^ but in the west the latter was still rejected.^" Justinian was distinguished for building splendid churches}^ To tlie festivals were added the two feasts of Mary, festum purificationis [v-nanavTfi) on the second of February; and festum annunciationis {ij -ov evayyeXta^ov rjuepa^ on the 25th of March.'^ . . On the three days before the ascension (jejunium rogationum), Mamercus ox Mamertus, bishop of Vienne (452),' had instituted solemn rites of penance and prayer, accompanied by fasting and public worship (litaniae, rogationes), appointed for the three days • be applied to the benefit of the poor. Si verc quia unius ex Archangelia raeminerit, vel venerandorum Martyrum, in that case the nearest church dedicated to him shall be heir. ^ The picture of Christ by Luke first mentioned by Theodoras Lector about 518, which was soon followed by pictures of other holy persons from the same hand. But after this appeared the e/zcdvef ux£tponoc7]TOL, a counterpart of the ayd?i./xaTa dio-KSTTJ of heathen- ism, first noticed in Evagrius,.iv. 27. See Div. I. § 21, note 4. ^ Comp. especially the fragment of Leontii (bishop of Neapolis in Cyprus t about 620) Apologia pro Christianis adv. Judaeos in the Acts of the Cone. Nic. ii. ann. 787, Act. 4 ( Mansi, xiii. 43), where he defends irpoaKVVTjaig befdre the pictures, mentions even alfidruv ■ ^vaeig k^ cIkovuv and designates the pictures as rrpof dvdfivTjutv kol Tifi^v Koi eijTVpETreLav EKK^iTjO'Mv TzpOKELfiEva Kttl TCpocKVvoviiEva. Neandor's Kirchengesch. ii. ii. 627, ss. ^** G-regorii Magni lib. ix. Ep. 105, ad Serenum Massiliensem Ep.: Praeterea indico dudum ad nos pervenisse, quod Eratemitas vestra, quosdam imaginnm adoratores ad- spiqjens, easdem in Ecclesiis imagines confi-egit atque projecit. Et quidem zelum vos, ne quid manufactum adorari posset, habuisse laudavimus, sed frangere easdem imagines nou debuisse indicamus. Idcirco fenim pictura in Ecclesiis adhibetur, ut hi, qui Ittteras nesciunt, saltern in parietibus videndo legant, quae legere in codicibus non valent (as Paulinus Nilus, $ 99, notes 47 and 46). Tua ergo Fratemitas et illas servare, et ab earum adoratu populum prohibere debuit : quatenus et litterarum nescii haberent, unde scientiam historiae colligerent, et populus in picturae adoratione miuime peccaret. Lib. xi. Ep. 13, ad eundem : Q,uod de scriptis nostris, quae ad te miairaus, dub'tosti, quam sis incautus apparait. Amplification of the above. Among othe" tVa.jc, frftj)gt ergo non debuit, _qaod non ad adorandum in ecclesiis, sed ad instrueDdae ■s'cictunn.'do noorites fuit nescientium coUocatum. Cf. lib. ix. Ep. 52, ad Secundinum : lujn^ines, qi'as tibi riirigendas per Dulcidum Diaconum rogasti, misimus. Unde valde noois tua postalatio placuit: quia ilium toto corde, tota intentione quaeris, cujus imaginem prae oculis habere desideras, nt te visio corporalis quotidiana reddat exercitatum: ut dum picturam illius vides, ad ilium animo inardescas, cujus imaginem videre desideras. Ab re non facimus, si per vifiibilia invisibilia demonstramos. Scio quidem, quod imaginem Salvatoris nostri non ideo petis, ut quasi Deum colas, sed ob recordationem filii Dei in ejae amore recalescas, cujus te imag- inem videre desideras. Et nos quidem non quasi ante divinitatem ante illani prostcrr\imur, sed illnm adoramus, quem per imaginem aut natum, aut passum, sed et in tlirono sedentoir recordamur. *' Procopius Caesariensfc de Aedificiis Justinirrji libt. vi. ^* Bingham vol. ix. p. 170, ss. J. A. Schmidii >*r(rJ'.iavoTi»s Mariinn.fi ia.i. K-l.i.at il.tH 1. p. lie, ss. 103, ss. CHAP, v.— PUBLIC WORSHIP. $121. THE LORD'S SUPPKR. 515 before the ascension (jejunium rogationnm).^^ To this festival Gregory the Great added new ceremonies (litania septiformis).^* He also improved the churoh-mnsic (cantus Gregorianus).^^ Justinian first transferred to the spiritual relationship (cog- natio spiritualis) between the god-^father and the god-child, the civil consequences arising from corporeal affinities.^^ r j . Gregory the Great, in his Bacramentarium^ gave that form to the Roman liturgy relative to the Lord^s Supper, which it has substantially preserved ever since. ^" The earlier notions of this rite, and of its atoning power, became more exaggerated in proportion as the idea became general, which was thrown out by Augustine as a conjecture,^^ that men would be sub- " Sidonius Apollinaris Ep. Arveraorum (t 482) Epistolaram lib, vii. Ep. 1, lib, v. Ep. 14. Grregor. Tur. ii. 34. Bing^ham, vol. v. p. 21. ^* Appendix ad Gregorii Epistolas, no- iii. and Sermo tempore mortalifcatis (in the older edition, lib. xi. Ep. 2). , ^* Joannes Diac. de vit. Gregorii, lib. ii. c. 7. Martin. Gerbert de Cantu et musica sacra (Bambergae et Frib. 1774, t.' ii. 4), t. i. p. 35, ss. Jos. Antony's arcliaologisch-liturg. Lehrbuch d. gregorian. Kircliengesanges. Miinsfer. 1829. 4. . -^ Ideas of regeneration in baptism, of spiritual generation, of the brotherly relation of Christians, had before led men to compare the relations of the baptizer, of the godfather, and the baptized, with corporeal relationship. Of- Fabii Marii Victorini (about 360) Comm. in Ep. ad Gal. (in Maji Scriptt. vett. nova coll. iii. ii. 37) : Per baptismum, cum regeneratio fit, ille qui baptizatum perficit, vel perfectum suscipit, pater dicitur. Cf. Gothofr. Amoldi Hist, cognationis spiritualis inter Christianos receptae. Goslar. 1730. 8. p. 44, ss. From this, now proceeded the decree of Justinian, Cod. lib. v. tit. 4, de nuptiia, 1. 26 : Ea persona omnimodo ad nuptias venire prohibeuda, quam aliquis— a sacrosancto suscepit baptismate : cum nihil aliud sic inducere potest patemam afFectionem et justam nuptiarum prohibitio- nem, quam hujusmodi nexus, per quem Deo mediante animae eorum copulatae sunt. The relation was considered as a sort of adoption. See da Fresne Glossar. s. v. Adoptio et Filiolatus. 1' Joannes Diac. de vita Greg. ii. 17 : Sed et Gelasianum codicem, de missarum solem- riiis multa eubtrahens, pauca couvertens, nonnuUa superadjiciens, in unius libelli volumine coarctavit. Jo. Bona Rerum liturg. libb. ii. Colon. 1764. 8, and frequently. Best edited in his 0pp. omnibus. Antverp. 1723. fol. Th. Christ. Lilienthal de Canone Missae Gre- goriano. Lugd. Bat. 1740. 8. ^s Entirely distinct from the purifying fire of the last day, the belief in which has heen frequent since Origen (see Div. I. § 63, note 12), and in which even Augustine seems to believe, August, de Civ. Dei, xx. 25, apparere in illo judicio quasdam quorundam purgato- rias poenas futuras. On the other hand, liber de viii. quaestionibus ad Dulcitium, § 13 : Tale aliquid (ignem, liribulationis teutationem) etiam post banc vitam fieri incredibile non est, et utrum ita sit, quaeri potest, et aut inveniri aut Ititere, nonnuUos fideles per ignem quendam purga1;orium, quanto niagis minusve bona pereuntia dilexerunt, tanto tardius citiusve salvari. De Civ. Dei, xxi. 26 : Post istius sane corporis mortem, donee ad ilium veniatar, qui post resurrection em corporum futarus est damnationis et remunerationis ulbimus dies, si hoc temporis intervallo spiritus defunctorum ejusmodi ignem dicuntor per- peti, — non redargue, quia forsitan venim est. Dallaei de Poenis et satisfactionibus hnm-ania libb. vii, Atnst. 1649. 4. J. G. Chr. Hoepfner de Origine dograatis de purgatorio. Hal. ■ 1792. 8. Munscher's Dogmengeschichte, Th. 4 S. 425. 516 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. II.— A.D. 451-622. jected to a purifying fire immediately after death." Gregory the Great did much to confirm these notions hy descriptions of the tortures of departed souls, and the mitigation of such tortures by the sacrifice oflfered in the Supper.^" In proportion as the latter assumed the form of a tremendum mysterium, the more seldom did the people partake of it, so that it was necessary for the Church to eftact laws on the subject.^' In other respects the ideas of the nature of the elements in the Supper suffered no change (§ 101, note 15).^^ " Caesarius Arelat. Horn, viii, on 1 Cor. iii, 11-15 {in Bibl. PP. Lugd. viii. 826}, lias tUe AnguBtiniaQ distinction between peccata capitalia and minuta, and teaches that the lattet are expiated by an ignis transitorius or purgatorias ; but yet he places the latter in the time of the final judgment. Ille ipse purgatorias ignis durior erit, quam quicquid potest poenaram in hoc saecalo ant cogitari, aut videri, ant sentiri. Et cum de die jndicii scrip- turn sit, quod erit dies unus tanqaam mille anni^ et mille anni tanquam dies unas : unde scit unnsquisque, utrum diebus aut mensibus, an forte etiam et annis per ilium ignem sit transiturus. Et qui modo unum digitum suum in ignem mittere timet, quare non timeat, ne necesse sit tunc non parvo tempore cum animo et corpore (consequently after the resurrection) cruciari? Et ideo totis viribus unusquisque laboret, ut et capitalia crimina possit evadere, et minuta peccata ita operibus bonis redimere, ut aut parum ex ipais, aut nihil videatur remanere, quod ignis ille possit absumere. — Omnes sancti, qui Deo fideliter serviunt,— per ignem ilium — absque ulla violentia transibunt. Uli vero, qui, qaamvia capitalia crimina non admittant, ad perpetranda minuta peccata sint faciles, ad vitam aetemam — venturi sunt; sed prius aut in saeculo per Dei justitiam vel misericordiam amarissimls tribulationibus excoquendi, aut illi ipsi per multas eleemosynas, et dum iuimi- cis clementer indulgent, per Dei misericordiam liberandi, aut certe illo igne, de quo dixit Apostolus, iongo tempore cruciandi sunt, ut ad vitam aetemam sine macula et ruga per- veniont. Ille vero, qui aut homicidium, aut sacrilegium, aut adulterium, vel reliqua his similia commiserunt, si eis digna poenitentia non subvenerit, non per purgatorium ignem transire merebuntur ad vitam, sed aetemo incendio praecipitabuntur ad mortem. Cf. Oudinus de Scriptoribus eccl. i. 1514. 20 Greg. M. Dialog, lib. iv. c. 39 : Clualis bine quisque egreditur, talis in judicio prae- sentatur. Sed tamen de quibusdam levibus culpis esse ante judicium purgatorias ignia credendus est, pro eo quod Veritas dicit, quia si quis in S. Spiritu blasphemiam dixerit, neque in hoc seculo remittetnr ei, neque in future (Matth. xii. 31). In qua sententia datur intelligi, qua^am culpas in hoc seculo, quasdam seculo vero in future posse laxari. — Instances of such tormented souls, ibid. ii. 23, iv. 40, especially iv. 55 : Si culpae post mor- tem insolubiles non sunt, multam solet animas etiam post mortem saora oblatio hostiae salutaris adjuv^re, ita ut banc nonuumquam ipsae dipftmctorum animae expetere videan- tur, with two examples. Peter, listening, artlessly asks (iv, 40) : Cluid hoc est, quaeso, quod in his extremis temporibus tarn multa de animabus clarescunt, quae ante latuerunt : ita ut apertis revelationibus atque ostensionibus venturum saeculam inferre se nobis atque aperire videatur? To which Gregory replies (c. 41): Ita est: nam quantum praesens ■ saeculam propinquat ad finem, tantnm futurum saeculam ipsa jam quasi propinquitate tangitur, et signis manifestioribus aperitur. *^ Cone. Agathense (506) can. 18 : Saeculafcs, qui natale domini, pascha, et pentecosten non communicaverint, catholici non credantur, nee inter catholicos habeantur. =*=* Gelasius P. de Daabus in Christo nataris adv. Eutj-chen et Nestorium (cited ?s gcij nine even by his contemporaries, Gennadius de Script, c. 94, and Fulgentius Rusp. in Epist. xiv. ad Eulgentium Ferrandam, cap. 19, in Gallandii Bibl. t. xi. p. 334, and then* C)re donbtod without reason bv Baronius. Bellarminus. and others. It is found in the Hibl" CHAP. VL— I. CHRISTIANITY IN ASIA AND AFRICA. } 122. 517- SIXTH CHAPTER. Bl'HiSAD OF CHRISTIANITY, AND ITS CONDITION WITHOUT THE ROMAN KMPIRE. I. IN ASIA AND AFRICA. § 122. During the reign of Justinian I., the people dwelling on the Black Sea, viz., the Abasgi, Alani, Lazi, Zani, and Heruli, declared themselves in favor of Christianity, and for the Catholic Church. But the Nestorians and Monophy sites made much more important acquisitions to the cause, during this period, in Asia and Africa. The Nestorians^ not only maintained themselves in Persia, Vfhere they enjoyed exclusive protection (§ 88, at the end), but also spread themselves • on all sides in Asia, particularly into Arabia^ and India,^ and it is said, in the year 686, even as VP.i.in Heraldi Haereseologia. Basil. 1556. fol. p. 683, etc.): Cei'te sacramenta, quae samimus, corporis et sanguinis Christi, divina res est, propter quod et per eadem divinae efficimur consortes naturae, et tamen esse non desinit substantia vel natura paais et vini. Et certe imago et similitude corporis et sanguinis Christi in actione mysteriorum celebrantur. Satis ergo nobis evidenter ostenditur, hoc nobis in ipso Christo Domino sentiendum, quod in ejus imagine profitemur, celebramus et samimus, ut sicut in hanc, scilicet in divinam trans- eant Spiritu S.perficiente substantiam permanente tamen in sua proprietate natura, sic illud ipsum mysterium principale, cujus nobis efficieutiam virtutemque veraciter repraesentant. Facundus Hermian. pro defens. iii. capitul. ix. 5 : Nam sacramentum adoptionis suscipere dignatus est Christus, et quando circumcisus est, et quando baptizatus est; et potest sacramentum adoptionis adoptio nuncupari, sicut sacrameutum corporis et sanguinis ejus, quod est in pane et poculo consecrate, corpus-ejus et sanguinem dicimus : non quod pro- prie corpus ejus sit panis, et poculum sanguis : sed quod ia se mysterium corporis ejus et sanguinis .contiueant. Hinc et ipse Domiuus benedictum panem et calicem, quem dis- cipulis tradidit, corpus et sanguinem suum vocavit. Cramer's Forts, v. Bossuet, Th. 5, Bd. 1, S. 300,. ff. 1 Concerning them, compare especially Jos. Sim. Assemani Diss, de Syris Nestorianis, Part ii. torn. iii. of the Biblioth. oi'ieutalis. ^ Asseraanus, 1. c. p. 607, s. 3 Cosmas Indicopleustes (about 535) Christ, topographiae, lib. iii., says that there was a Christian Church h Ty TairpolSdvri vija iv ry iaurepa 'IvSca (namely lib. xi. : 'EKK^jjaia Tuv km^jjiiovvTuv Tlep(7i-(yTLavol laol TrdfinoXXoi, k. t. X. Hence the Cliristiani S. Tliomae. Cf. Assemanus, 1. c. p. 435, ss., again discovered in the sixteenth century by the Portu- guese in Malabar (about^A. D. 780, all the Persiaii Christians, among whom were the Indian, declared themselves disciples Thomae Apostoli. See Abulpharagius ap. Assem I.e. p. 438). * That is, if the monumentum Syro-Sinicum be genuine, which is said to have been erected a.d. 781, and discovered 1625 in the city Si-an-fu, in the province Schen-si, copies of the inscription on it having been sent to Europe by the Jesuit missionaries.- First published in Athanas. Kircberi Prodromus Copticus, Rom. 1636. 4. p. 74, and in ejusd. China illustrata, ibid. 1667. fol. p. 43, ss., also in Mosheim Hist. Tartarorum eccl. Helmst. 1741. 4. App. p. 4. The genuineness of the monument has always been doubted by many. So in particular by La Croze, against whom Assemanus Bibl. Orient, iii, ii. 538, defends it. Renaudot Anoiennes relations des Indes et de la Chine. Paris. 1718, p. 228 ; Mosheim Hist. Tart. eccl. p. 9. Degiiignes Untersuchung iiber die in 7ten Jahrh. in Sina sich auf haltenden Christen.' Greifsw. 1769. 4; Abel Remusat Nouveaux melanges. Paris. 1829, ii. 189 ; and Sa^nt Martin on Le\>eaa Hist.du Bas-Empire (new edition. Paris. 1824, voU. xi.) vi. 6D, ho^i i^ +o be genuine. On the contrary, Beausobre {Hist, de Manichee, c. 14), Neumann in the Jahrb. f. wissen. Kritik, 1829, S. 592, and Von Bohlen (das alte Indien. Komgtib «»:■£. ■j!o.O. Th. I. S. 383), have once moye declared it to be a work of the Jesuits. 5 It was {^rc-.Gl a5 the end of the fifth century out of the exiled remains of the school of Edessa (comp. § 88, at the end). Respecting it comp. Assemaui Bibl. orient, iii. ii. 927, ss., cf. p. 80, and the passage of Cassiodorus given above, $ 114, note 14. The African bishop, Junilius (about 550), relates in the preface to his work de partibus divinae legis respecting the origin of it, that he had become acquainted with quendam Paulum nomine, Persam genere, qui in Syrorum schola in Nisibi urbe est edoctus, ubi divina lex per magistroS publicos, sicut apud nos in mundanis studiis Grammatica et Rhetorica, ordine ac regulariter traditur. He had read drawn up by him, regulas quasdam, quibus ille discipulonim animos, divinarum scripturarum superficie infitructos, priusquam expositionis profunda p'atefaceret, solebat imbuere, ut ipsarum interim causarum, quae in divina lego versantur, intentionem ordinemque cognoscerent, ne sparsiin et turbulente, sed regulariter singula discerent. These regularia instituta he gives here with some alteration of the form. ^ Theodori Lect. Hist. eccl. ii. where they are called *lufiip7jvol ' Comp. the varying accounts of the contemporaries Johannis Episc. Asiae-:n Assemani Bibl. orient, i. 359 ; Simeouis Episc. in Perside Epist.. preserved in Zachariae Hist, ecoi ap. Assemani, 1. c. p. 364, and in Maji Coll. x. i. 376, aiid Procopius de Hello Persico i. c. CHAP. VI. 11.— CHEISTIANITY. § 123. GERMAN NATl6xS. 519 pliysites, the Monophysite doctrines were carried to other part.s of Arabia.' Under Justinian the Nubians were also converted to Christianity by the Monophysites of Alexandria.' II. AMONG THE GERMAN NATIONS. Planck's Gescli. d. christl ki'.M. GeBellsclmftsverfaBsung. B. 2. § 123 SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE GERMAN NATIONS." The first German people converted to the Christianity of the Catholic Church were the Franks, who since 486 had been mas- ters of the greatest part of Gaul. Clovis, king of the Salian Franks, influenced by his queen Clotildis, and by a vow made at the battle of Tolhiacum (Ziilpich, 496), was baptized by Ee- migius, bishop of Eheims,^ and his people followed his example. 17 and 20. Martyrium Arethae (Arethas, head of the Christian city Nadsclifan), hitherto known only in the work of Simeon Metaphr. but recently published in the original in J; Fr. Boissonade Anecdota graeca, v. 1 (Paris. 1833). Walchii Hist, rerum in Homeritide seculo sexto gestarum, in the Novis Commentariis Soc. Reg. Gottingeusis, iv. 1. Johann- sen Historia Jemanae (Bonnae. 1828) p. 88, ss. Jost's (resch. der Israeliten, v. 253, 354. Lebeau Hist, du Bas-Empire, ed. Saint Martin, viii. 48. On the chronology, see De Sacy in the Memoires de I'Acad. 'des Inscript. 1. 531, 545. — Respecting Gregentius, archbishop of Taphara, who was in the highest repute under the Christian viceroy, Abraham, see Gregor. disp. cum Herbano Judaeo ed. Nic. Gulouius. Lutet. 1586. 8, and voijot tuv *0/i7jpiT€tVj composed by Gregentius, ap. Boissonade, v. 63. ^ Assemani Bibl. orient, iii. ii. 605. The Arab tribes- among whom Christianity was propagated, are pointed out in Ed. Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arahum, ed. Jos. White. Oxon. 1806, p. 141. ^ Abulpharagius in Assem. Bibl. orient, t. ii. p. 330. *Comp. Letronae Nouvel ex;imen de inscription grecque du roi nnbien Silco, consideree dans ses rapports avec la propaga- tion de la langue grecque et I'introduction du christianisme parmi les peuples de la Nubie et de I'Abyssinie, in the Memoires de I'institut royal de France, Acad, des inscriptions, t. ix. (1831) p. 128. ' Gregorii Turonensis (t 595) Historiae Francorum (lihb. 10, till the year 591, best edited in Dom Martin Bouquet Rerum Gallicarum et Francicarum scriptores, t. ii. Paris. 1739, (oi 1 lib. ii. 0. 28-31. F. W. Rettberg's Kirchengesch. Deutchslands, Bd. i. (Gottingen. 1845. 8) S. 270. Dr. C. G. Kries de Greg. Tur. vita et scriptis. Vratisl. 1839. 8. Gvegor V. Tours u. s. Zeit, von. J. W. Lobell. Leipzig. 1339. 8. — Tradition of the oil-flask brought by a dove found iirst in Hincmar in vita Remigii, cap. 3. The Ampulla itself first came to light at the coronation of Philip II., 1179, and was broken in the year 1794, at BJiul's command. Corap. de Vertot. Diss, au sujet de la sainte arapulle (Memoires de I'Acad. des Inscr. t. ii. Mem. p. 669). C. G. v. Murr fiber die heil. Ampulle in Rlieima. Niirnberg X Altdorf. 1801. 8. 520 SECOND FERIOD.-DIV. II.-A.D. •151-622. From the Franks Christianity was propagated among the Alle- manni, who were subject to them.^ So" far as the inclination of all Romans that had been sub- jected to the yoke of the Germans leaned immediately to the Franks as Catholic Christians,' the latter obtained an important predominance of influence over the other German people. For this reason the others successively came over at this time to the Catholic Church.* This took place in regard to the Burgund- ians, under their King Sigismund (517) ; the Suevi, under their Kings Carrarich (550-559) and Theodemir I. (559-569) ;'' the Visigoi/is, under their King Eeccared at the council of Toledo (589).° Since under Justinian the Yandal kingdom' in Africa (534), and that of the Ostrogoths in Upper Italy (553), had been destroyed, Arianism also lost its dominion in those territories. On the contrary, it revived under the rule of the Lombards in Italy (from 568), and was longest maintained among this people.' In other parts, the amalgamation of the German conquerors with the older inhabitants of their land,' and the development of the new European nations, were universally effected by similarity of faith.' ^ Bishopric of Vindonissa (now Windisch in the canton Aargau) transferred to Constance in the 6th century. Sosimus, the first known bishop of Augsburg, a.d. 582. C. J. Hefele's Gesch. d, Einfiihrung des Christenth. im siidwestl. Deutschland. Tubingen. 1837, S. 112, ^ Gregor. Tur. Hist. ii. 36 : Multi jam tunc ex Gallis habere ^Francos domlnos summo desiderio cupiebant. Unde factum est, ut Quintianus Kutenorum (Rodez) Episcopus per hoc odium ab urbe depelleretur {by the Visigoths). Dicebant enim ei: quia desiderium tuum est, ut Francorum dominatio possideat terram banc. Hence Chlodowich gave his war against the Visigoths the appearance of being undertaken chiefly from religious zeal. He said to his people, 1. c. c. 37 : Valde moleste fero, quod hi Ariaui partem teneant Galliarum. Eamus cum Dei adjutorio, et superatis redigamus terram in ditionem nostram. * A history of Arianism among.the German nations in Walcli's Ketzerhist. ii. 553. * The history of Oarrarich's conversion in Gregor. Turon. de miraculis S. Martini, i. c. 11 ; but Theodemir first propagated the catholic faith among the people, and therefore Isidorus Chron. Suevorum even makes him the first catholic king of the Suevi. See Ferrera'a span. Geschichte, Bd. 2. ' Aschbach's Gesch. d. Westgothen. Frankf a. M. 1827, S. 220, ff. ' Paulus Wamefridi, Diaconus (about 774) : de Gestis Longobardorum libb. vi. (best in Muratori Scriptor. Italic. Tom. i. IJediol. 1723, fol.). 8 Formerly maniages between the two parties were universally forbidden by the Church ; but among the Visigoths they were also prohibited by the civil code : See leges ViBigothorum (best edition : Fuero juzgo en latin y castellano, por la real Academia esp^fiola. Madrid. 1815, fol.),iii. i. 2 (a law of King Recesviuth from 649-672) : Priscao legia remota sententia hac in perpetuum valitura lege sancimus, ut tam Gotbus Roma- nam, quam etiam Gotham Romanus, si conjugem habere voluerit, — facultas els nubcudi ■abjacoat, * n, I, Royaard's (iber d. Griindung u. Entwickelung der neueurop. Staaten im Miltcl- CHAP. VT. 11.— GERMAN NATIONS. } 124. HIERARCHY. 521 At the end of this period began the conversion of the Anglo- Saxons in Britain. Augustine, sent" thither by Gregory the Great with forty Benedictines (596), was first received by Ethelbert, King of Kent, through the influence of his Queen Bertha, who was a Frank. From Kent Christianity was gradually diffused in the other Anglo-Saxon kingdoms.'" § 124. HIERARCHY IN THE GERMAN EMPIRE. IQugen Montag's Gesch. der deutschen Btaatsburgerlichen Freiheit. (Bamb. u. V/'urzb. 1812. 8.) Bd. 1, Th. 1, S. 205, ff. Tb. 2, S. 1, ff. K. F. Eichhorn's deutsche Staats- u. Recbtsgeschichte. (4 Tlieile. 4te Ausg. Gottingen. 1834-36. 8.) i. 217, 478. Gregor v. Tours u. s. Zeit von T. W. Lobell, S. 315. S. Sugenbeim's Staatsleben des Klerus im .Mittelalter. Bd. 1. Berlin. 183.9. Although the ecclesiastical constitution and code which had been formed in the Roman Empire were adopted by the Ger- man nations,' yet the relations of the hierarchy received a peculiar form. The kings soon saw how much their power could be supported and strengthened by the reputation of the clergy ; ^ and they endeavored therefore to bind more closely to themselves the heads of the clergy, the bishops and abbots. Churches and monasteries received considerable possessions from their hands, ^ while the bishops and abbots, as the temporary. alter, bes. durcb d. Cbristentb. aus d. Arcbief Deel 2, iibersetzt, v. G. Kinkel, in lllgens Zeitcbr. f. d. hist. Tbeol. v. i. 67. ^^ Beda Venerabilis (t 735) Historia eoclesiastica gentis Anglorum libb. v. ed. Fr. Ctiffletius. Paris. 1681. 4. Job. Smitb. Cantabrig. 1722. fol. Jos. Stevenson (Bedae 0pp. hist. t. i.) Lond. 1838. 8. J. A. Giles (Bedae 0pp. vol. 2 et 3). Lond. 1843. S. Das erste Jabrh. d. engl. Kirche, od. Einfiihrung und Befestigung des Christentbums bei den Angel- sacben in Britannien, v. D. K. Schrodl. Passau. 1840. 8. [Sharon Turner's History of the Anglo-Saxons, 3 vols. 8vo. London, 1823, fourth edition. Lingard's History of the Anglo- Saxon Church, second edition, 2 vols. 8vo, 1845. Lond.] ^ As all conquered nations lived according to their own law {Lex Ripuarioruru, tit. xxxi. $ 3), so the clergy, according to Roman law. Lex Ripuar. tit. Iviii. $ 1 : Legem Romauam, qua Ecclesia vivit. Corap. Eicbhom, i. 172, 217. ^ Cblodovaei praeceptum pro Monasterio Reomaensi, in Bouquet Reram gall, scriptt. iv. 615 : Servos Dei, quorum virtutibus gloriamur et orationibus defensaraur, si nobis amicos acquirimus, honoribus sublimamus atque obsequiis veneramur, statum regni nostri porpetuo augere credimus, et saeculi gloriam atque caelestis regni patriam adipisci con fiijimus. Lobell, S. 318. •^ Gregor. Turon. Hist. Franc, vi. 46 : Chilpericb, king in Soissons (from Thj , - .ei), ajebat plerumque : Ecce pauper remansit fiscus noster, ccce divitiae nostrae ad Ecclesias sunt (xauslatae : nuUi penitus nisi jli Episcopi regnant : periit honor noster et translatus esc 522 SECOND PEKIOD.— DIV. II.— A.D. 451-6?-2 possessors, became the vassals (ministeriales) of the king,* were often employed. in affairs of the state, and were thus invested with a very important political influence. The possessions of the Church were only by degrees, as exceptions, freed from all taxes ; but, though exempted from contributions to the royal ex- chequer, continued to be devoted to military services,^ which were in some instances rendered in person.^ Besides, the kings re- garded church property as feudal 'tenures (beneficia), and frequent- ly did not scruple to resume them."^ It was stipulated by law that the choice of a bishop should be confirmed by the king f but for tl-e most part, the kings themselves appointed to vacant sees.^ ad Episcopos civitntum. Comp. Hullmann's Gesch. des Ursprungs der Stande in Deutsch iajid, (-2te A\is^. Berlin. 18J0), S. 114, fF. * Fredegarii (about 740) chron. c. 4 : Burgundiae baronea, tam Episcopi qaam caeten leudes. C. 76: Pontifices caeterique leudes. G. I. Th. Lau on the influence which the feudal tenure system has exercised on the clergy and papacy in lUgen's Zeitschr. f. Hist. Theol. 1841, ii. 82. * Gregor. Tur. v. 27 : Chilpericus rex de pauperibus et junioribus Ecclcsiae vel basilicae baiiiios jnssit exigi, pro eo quod in exercitu non ambulassent. Nop enim erat consuetndo, ut hi ullam exsolverent publicam functionem. From this it does not follow, as Lobeli says (p. 330), that in general the church was not required by duty to furnish troops from its estates. Rather does the erat show that it had not been usual only till the time of Chilpericn. Comp. Planck, ii. 222. Montag, i. i. 314. Eichhom, i. 202, 506, 516. Sugen- heim, i. 215. ^ Jn a battle against the Lombards (572) there were the bishops Salonius and Sagittarius, qui non cruce caelesti muniti, sed galea aut lorica saeculari armati, multos manibas pro- priis, quod pejus est, interfecisse referuntur. Gregor. Turon. iv. 43 (al. 37). '' Cone. Arvemense (at Clennont) ann. 535, c. 5. dui reiculam ecclesiae petunt a regi- 'bus, et hon-endae cupiditatis impulsu egentium substantiam rapiunt; irrita habeantar quae obtinent, et a communione ecclesiae cujus facultatem auferre cupiunt, excludantur. Comp. Cone. Parisiens. (about 557) against those qui facultates ecclesiae, sub specie largi- ^tis regiae, improba subreptione pervaserint. Kven judicial miracles take "place, ex. gr. when Charibert, king of Paris (562-567) wished to take away a property belonging to the church at Tours. Gregor. Tur. de miraculis S. Martini, i. 29. Planck, ii. 206. Hullmaun, S. 123, ff. fi Cone. Aurelian. v. ann. 549, c. 10 : Cum voluntate regis, juxta electionem cleri ac plebis — a metropolitano — cum comprovincialibus pontifex consecretur. 3 Ex. gr. Gregor. Turon. de SS. Patrura vita c. 3, de S. Gallo: Tunc etiam et Apronculua Treverorum episcopus transiit. Congregatique clerici civitatis illius ad Theodoricum regem (king of Austrasia 511-534) S. Galium petebant episcopum. CLuibus ille ait : Abscedite et alium requirite, Galium enim diaconum alibi habeo destinatura. Tunc eligentes S. Nice- tium episcopum acceperunt. Arverni vero clerici consensu insipientium facto cum multis muneribus ad regem Venerunt. Jam tunc germen illud iniquum coeperat pullulare, ut sacerdotitun aut venderetur a regibus, aut compararetur a clcricis. Tunc ii audiunt a rege, quod S. Galium habituri essent episcopum. — The Concil. Paris ann. 615, wished indeed (can. 1) to have the choice by canons restored ; but king Chlotarius II. modified that decree in hia confirmatory edict, as follows (Mansi, x. p. 543): EpiscQpo decedente in loco ipsius, qui a metropolitano ordinari debet cum provincialibus, a clero et populo eliga- tor; et si persona condigna fuerit, per ordinationem principis ordinetur: vel certe si da palatio eligitur, per meritum personae et doctrinae ordinetur. Corap. the formulas in CHAP. VI. II.— GERMAN NATIONS. ^ 124. HIERARCHY. 523 Synods could not assemble without the royal permission; their _ decrees had to be confirmed by the king, being previously in- valid. In the mean time they began to consult about the af- fairs of the Chiu-ch, even in the meetings of the king's vassals or council (Placitum regis, Synodus regia, Synodale concilium).^" Synods became more rare, and at length ceased entirely. This arrangement completed the downfall of the metropolitan system, which had been already weakened in many ways. The King became the only judge of the bishops." But in proportion as they rose higher in civil relations, the other clergy sank so much the deeper. No free man was allowed to enter the clergy without the royal permission.'^ Hence the clergy were chosen for the most part from among the serfs ; and on this very ac- count the bishop acquired an unlimited power over them, which frequently manifested itself in the most tyrannical conduct.'^ The administration of justice among the clergy was at first conducted according to Roman principles of legislation, as they were in force before Justinian (§ 91, note 5, fF.)," till the Synod of ^ Paris (615) gave the clergy the privilege of being brought before a mixed tribunal, in all cases which hitherto belonged to Marculfi (about 660) Formularum 1. i. c. 5 (in Balazii Capitularia Hegutn Franc, t, h p. 378) : Praeceptum Regis de Episcopatn, c. 6. Indiculus Regia ad Epiacopum, ut alium bcnedicat ; and in the Formulia Liudenbrogii, c. 4 : Carta de Episcopatu (ibid. p. 609). Siigeuheim, i. 86. Lobell, S. 335. ^^ Just. F. Runde Abhandlung v. Ursprang der Reicbsstandscbaft der Biscbofe u. Aebte. Gottingen. 1775. 4. (Tbe treatise on .the same subject, appended, p. 93, is by Herder, and is also reprinted in big works on philosophy and history, Carlsmbe edition. Part 13, p. 219.) Planck, ii. 126. Hullmann, S. 186, ff. Montag, i. ii. 54. ^^ Gregoiy Turon. says to king Chilperich : Si quia de nobis, o Rex, justitiae ti-amitem transcendere voluerit, a te corrigi potest: ei vero tn escesseris, quia te conipiet? Loqui- mar enim tlbi, sed si volueris, audia : si sutem nolneris, quia te condemnabit, nisi is qui se pronnnciavit eaae justitiam 1 Gregor. T'JT. Hjbc Franc, v. 19. 12 6ee Marculfi Formularum, lib. i. c. 19 (Balazii Capitul. ii. p. 386), and Bigiion'a re- marks on it (ibid. p. 901). 13 Even before this time it appears that monks bad been punished with blowa by their abbots, Casaian. CoUat. ii. 16. Pali&i'ili Hist. Lausiaca, c. 6, Benedicti Regula, c. 70. B'ishopa were now instructed by synods to punish in this manner also tbe ofTensea of tbe inferior clergy. See Concil. Agathensa, anu. 50C, can. 41. Ep'aonenae, ann. 517, c. 15. The Concil. Matisconense, i. ann. 581, c. 8, prescribes the Mosaic number uno minus de qutd- raginta ictus. How the bishops often treated their clergy may be seen from Concil. Car- pentoractense (527) : Hujnamodi ad noa querela pervenit, quod ea quae a quibuscunque fidelibus parocbiis conferuntur, ita ab aliquibus Episcopia praeaumantur, ut aut parum, AUt prope nihil eccleaiis, quibua collata fuerant, relinquator. Concil. Toletanum, iii. (589) capitul. 20 : Cognovimua Bpiscopoa per parochias suaa non sacerdotaliter deservire, sed erudjjjtcr desaevire. "' Hanck, ii. 161. Montag, i. ii. 106. Schilling de Orig. juriedictionia ecclea. in caoais i3ivilibi:s. Lips. 1825. 4. p. 46. 524 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. H.— A.D. 451-622. the civil judge alone/^ A wider influence was given to the bishops by committing to them an oversight of the entire ad- ministration of justice, ^^ while their spiritual punishments were made more efleotual by connecting with excommunication civil disadvantages also.^^ On the* other hand, in the application of their discipline they were bound to regard the intercession of the king.^^ Under these circumstances, the popes could not directly interfere in ecclesiastical matters ; and their communication with the established church of the country depended entirely on the royal pleasure. ^^ ^5 In the Edictum Clotarii II., confirming this synod, we have: TJt nalJtis jadicum de quolibet ordine clericos de civilibus causis, praetef criminalia negotia, per se dislriugero aut damnare praesumat, nisi convincitur manifestus, excepto presbytero aut diacono. Ciui vero convicti faerint de crimiue capital!, juxta canones distringantur, et cum pon- tificibus examinentar. Comp. Planck, ii. 165. Itettberg'fl Kirchengesch. Deutschl i, 294. ^^ Chlotarii Regis constifcutio generalis, a.d. S60 (in.Baluzii Capitularia Kegmn Pranc. i. 7. Walter Corpus juris Germ. ant. ii. 2) : VI. Si judex aliquem contra legem injuste damnaverit, in nostri absentia ab Episcopis castigetur, ut quod perpere judicavit, versatim melius discussione habita emend.are procuret. Cone. Toletanum, iii. (589) cap. 18: Judices locorum vel actores fiscalium patrimoniorum ex decreto gloriosissimi domini nostri simul cam sacerdotali concilio autumnali tempore die Kal. Nov. in unum conveniant, ut disc^t, quam pie et juste cum populis agere debeant, ne in'angariis aut in operationibas superfluis Bive privatum onerent, sive fiscalem gravent. Sint enim prospectores episcopi secundum regiam admonitionem, qualiter judices cum populis agant; ut aut ipsos praemonitos corri- gant, aut insolentias eonim auditibus principis innotescant, Quodsi correptos emendare nequiverint, et ab ecolesia et a communione suspendant. J^7 Decretio Ghildeberti Regis, a.d. 595: II. — Q,ui vero Episcopum suum noluerit audire, et excommanicatus fuerit, perennem condemn ationem apud Deum sustineat, et insuper de palatio nostro sit oranino extraneus, et omnes facultates suas parentibus legitimis amittat, qui noluifc sacerdotis sui medicamenta sustinere. '-^ Cone. Parisiense v, (615) can. 3 : Ut si quia clericus — contemto episcopo suo ad prin- cipem vel ad potentiores homines — ambularit, vel sjbi patronos elegerit, non'recipiatup, praeter ut verdam debeat promereri. Chlotar II. repeats in his edict confirming this canon, but adds : Et si pro qualibet causa principem expetierit, et cum ipsius pi"incipis epistola ad episcopum suum fuerit reversus, excusatus recipiatur. Cone. Toletan. xii. ann. 681, c. 3 : Q-Uos regia potestas aut in gratiam benignitatis receperit, aut participes mensae suae effecerit, hos etiam sacerdotum et populorum conventus suscipere in ecclesiastic am communionem debebit : ut quod jam principalis pietas habet acceptum, neque a sacerdoti bus Dei habeatur extraneum. Confirmed in Cone. Tolet. xiii. ann. 683, c. 9. Cf. J. G. Beinhard de Jure Principam Germaniae cii'ca sacra ante tempora Reformationis exercitoi Halae. 1717. 4. p. 350. ^* Hence Pelagius I. was obliged to use the utmost pains in defending himself to king Childebert against the suspicion of heresy. vrhich he had drawn on hhnself by condemning the three chapters. Pelagii I. Ep. 16, ad Childeb. Reg. (Mansi, ix. p. ,728) : Since one must give no offense even to the little ones : quanto nobis studio ac labore satagendum est, ut pro auferendo suspicionis scandalo obsequium confessionis nostrae regibus minis- tremus ; quibus nos etiam subditos esse sanctae Scripturae praecipiunt ? Veniens etenim Rufinufl vir magnificus, legatua excellentiae vestrae, confidenter a nobis, ut decuit, postu- lavit, quatenis vobia aut beatae recordationis papae Leonis tomum a nobis per omnia conservari significare debuisaemus, aut propriis verbis nostrae confessionem fidci dentin- CHAP. V]. II.— GERMAN NATIONS. } 125. MORALITY. 525 § 125. MOaAt INFLUENCES OP CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE GERMAN NATIONS As is usual among rude people when coming into closer con- tact with the more enlightened, there proceeded from the Romans, then greatly corrupted, pernicious influences rather than culti- vation to tiie Germans, which were exhibited among the latter in the Jougho.st form, less hidden in their case by the external rites piv.vthnt among the Romans. Christianity, as it was then proclaimed, a series of dogmas and laws, could not re- strain this corruption. Since it offered expiations for all of- fenseSj along with its probibitions of them, there was opened up to wild barbarity a way of first enjoying the lust of sin, and then of procuring exemption from the guilt of it. There was little concern for instruction. The public services of religion by means of their pomp and the use of a foreign, i. e., the Latin language, awakened obscure feelings rather than right ideas. As the grossest notions were entertained of hell, so also were similar ideas pre- valent respecting the power of the church, the influence of the saints,^ the merit of ecclesiastical and monkish exercises, the value of alms to the church and to the poor.^ These notions . are. Et priinam quidem petitionis ejus partem, quia facilior fuit, mox ut dixit, implevi- mus. — Ut autem nuUius deinceps, quod absit, suspicionis resideret occasio, etiam illara aliam partem, quam memoratus vir illustris Rufinus admonuit, facere mutavi, scilicet propriis verbis confessionem fidei, quam tenemua, exponens. Then follows a diffused confession of faith, in -H-hich, however, he mentions only four oecumenical synods, not the fifth. At the same time he writes to Sapaadus Episc. Arelat. (Ep. 15, 1. c. p. 737) praying, ut, si epistola, quam — ad — Childebertura regem direximus, in qua de institutis beatissi- morum patrum nostrorum fidem catholicam nostro per Dei gratiam sermone deprorapsimus, tarn ipsi gloriossimo regi, quam caritati tuae, vel aliis fratribua coepiscopis nostris, placuit, rescripto tuae caritatis celerius agnoscamus. Cf. Preuves des Libertes de I'^glise Galli- cane, c. 3. Planck, ii. 673. 1 Even under them an aristocracy was formed. When the Huns approached Metz (Gregor. Tur. Hist. ii. 6), St. Stephen implored in the heavenly regions the Apostles Peter and Paul to protect the town, and received from them the answer; Vade in pace, dilectis- eime frater, oratorium tautum tuum carebit incendio. Pro urbe vero non obtinebimus, quia dominicae sanctionis super earn sententia jam proceasit. ^ Cf. vita S. Eligii Episc. Noviomensis libb. iii. written a.d. 672, by his contemporary Audoenus Archiep. Rotomag.^ in Luc. d'Achery Spicilegium, ed. ii. torn. ii. p. 76, sa. Eligius, bishop of Noyon, was considered a man of extraordinary sanctity (Vitae, lib. ii. c. 6, p. 92 ; Huic itaque viro sanctissimo inter caetera virtutum suarum miracula id etiam a Domino concessum erat, ut sanctornra Marty-rum corpora, quae per tot saecula ahdita 526 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. IL--A.D. 451-622. were strengthened by legends and miracles, which were certainly in part an imposition of the ciergyj^ but were far from exerting any good moral influence on the people/ Crimes of the grossest kind were common among the clergy/ as well as the kings and populia hacteniis habebantur, eo investigante ac nimio ardore iidei iudagante patefacta proderentur : siquidem nonnulla venerabantur prius a popalo m.locis,.quibus non etant, et taraen quo in loco certius humata tegerentur, prorsiia ignorabatur). The more remarkable, therefore, is his exhortation, contained in the Vitae, lib. ii. c. 15, p. 96^ ss. He first refers to the judgment-day, then to the points of faith, then to the duty of performing opera Christiana, and thus continues : lUe itaque bonus Christianua est, qui nulla pbylacteria, vel adinventiones diaboli credit. — Hie, inquam, bonus Christianne est, qui hospitibus pedes lavat, et tamquam parentes carisslmos diligit; qui juxta quod habet paTr;7enbus eleemo- synam tribuit; qui ad Ecclesiam frequentius venit, et oblationem quc-? ifi aHari Deo offeratur exhibet ; qui de fructibus suis non gnstat, nisi prius Deo aliquid oierat ; qui stateras dolosas et mensuras duplices non habet; qui pecuniam suam non dedit ad usuram; qui et ipse caste vivit, et filios vel vicinos docet, ut caste et cum tiraore Dei vivant ; et quoties sanctae solemnitates adveniunt, ante dies plures castitatem etiam cum propria uxore custodit, ut secura conscientia ad Domini altare accedere possit; qui pos- tremo symbolum vel orationem dominicam memoriter tenet, et iilios ac filias eadem docet. Qui talis est, sine dubio verus Christianug est.— Ecce andistis, Fratres, quales sint Chris- tian! boni: ideo quantum potestis cum Dei adjutorio laborate, ut nomen christianum non sit falsum in vobis. Sed ut veri Christiani esse possitis, semper praecepta Christi et cogitate in mente, et iraplete in operatione. Hedimite animas vestras de poena, dum habetis in potestate remedia ; eleemosynam juxta vires facite, pacem et charitatera habete, discordes ad concordiam revocate, mendacium fugite, perjurium.expavescite, fal- sum testimonium non dicite, furtura non facite, oblationes et decimas Ecclesiis offerte, luminaria Sanctis locis juxta quod habetis exhibete, symbolum et orationem dominicam raemoria retinete, et filiis vestris insinuate. — Ad Ecclesiam quoque frequentius convenite, Saudtomm patrocinia humiliter expetite, diem dominicam pro reverentia resui-rectionis Christi absque uUo servili opere colite, Sanctorum solemnitates pio affectu celebrate, • proximos vestros sicut vos ipsos diligite, etc. — Q.uod si observaveritis, securi in die judicij ante tribunal aetemi judicis venientes dicetis : Da, Domine, quia dedimus ; miserere, quia misericordiam fecimus ; nos implevimus quod jussisti, tu redde quod promisisti. ^ The Arians blamed the Catholic clergy for this. So Gregorius Turoa. de Glor. mart, i. 25 ; Theodegisilus hujas rex regionis, cum vidisset hoc miraculum, quod in his sacratis Deo fontibus gerebafcur, cogitavit intra se dicens, quia ingenium est Romanorum (Romanes enim vocitant homines nostrae religionis) ut ita accidat, et non est Dei virtus. C. 26 : Est enim populus ille haereticus, qui videns haec magnalia non compungitur ad credendum, sed semper callide divinarum praeceptionum sacramenta nequissimis interpretationum garrulationibus non desinit impugnare. On the contrary, the Catholics related many impostures of miracles wrought by the Arian priests, Gregor. Tur. Hist. ii. 3, de Gloria Confess, c. 13. Comp.'the miraculous histories in Lobell, p. 274, and the judgment deliv- ered respecting them, p. 292. The reason why cures performed at the graves of saints shoald be credible it is impossible to perceive. The presents which those gifted with miraculous power had to expect from pious simplicity induced deception even here. ' * Gregor. de Glor. mart. i. 26. While a person was filling his vessel with that wonder- working water from a priest, manum alterius extendit ad balteum, cuitrumque furatus est. — How holy rites were made instrumental in crime may be.seen from the words of the monster Fredegundis, the spouse of Chilperich, to the assassUis she had hired to murder king Sigberfc (575. See Gesta Uegum Franc, c. 32, in Bouquet Rer. Gall, scriptt. t. ii. p 5G-2) : Si eraeeritis vivi, ego mirifice honorabo vos et sobolem vestram : si autem con rueritis, ego pro vobis eleemosynas multas per loca Sanctorum disti'ibuam. '> Lobell's Gregor. v. Tours, S. 309. CHAP. VI. IL— GERMAN NATIONS. § 125. MORALITY. 527 the people, without shame for them being exhibited,^ while pub- lic opinion did not declare against them in a manner conformable to the spirit of Christianity."' The moral influence of Christian- ity on tlie multitude was confined to the external influence of church laws and church discipline, so far as these were respected. The period of legal restraint, as a preparation for the Gospel,- had now returned. Though every thing heathen was strictly forbidden,^ yet secret idolatry ^ and apostasy from Christianity ^" frequently appeared. . It was still more common for the new Christians to be unable en- * Assassination was an every-day occuirence, and even the clergy were employed as instraments : Gregor. Tur. Hist. Franc, vii. 20, viii. 29. Several Frankish kings lived in polygamy; Chlotar, for instance, with two sisters, Gregor. Tur. iv. 3. Dagobert tres ha- behat ad instar Salomonis reginas maxime et plarimas concubinas. Fredegarii Chronicon, c. 60. LobellS. 21. '' Thus Gregory Tur. relates, without disguise, the crimes of Chlodowich, and yet he passes this judgment on him, ii. 40: Prostemebat enim quotidie Dens hostes ejas sub manu ipsius, et augebat regnum ejus, eo quod ambularet recto corde coram eo, et faceret, quae placita erant in oculis ejus. Lobell's (p. 263) exculpation of this judgment is of no avail. It is nothing but moral barbarousness, when Gregory admits and disapproves tne crimes of Clovis, and yet designates him as pious on account of his confession. Comp. iii. 1 : Velim, si placet, pammper confen'e, quae Christianis beatam confitentibus Triuitatem prospera Buccesserint, et quae haeriticis eandem scindentibus fuerint in trjinam. — Hanc Chlodovechus Rex confessus, ipsos haereticos adjutorio ejus oppressit, regnumque suum per totas Gallias dilatavit : Alaricua hanc denegans, a regno et populo, atque ab ipsa, quod majus est, vita multatur aetema. Moral barbarousness is also shown in the sentiments expressed concerning Guntramnus Boso v. 34: Guntchramnus alias sane bonus, nam ad perjuria nimium praeparatus erat. Comp. ix. 10 : Fuit in actu levis, avaritiae inhians, rerum alienarum ultra modum cupidus, omnibus jurans, et nulli promissa adimplens. In like manner, concerning king Theudebert, iii. 25 : Magnum se atque in omni bonitate praecipuum reddidit. Erat enim regnum cum justitia regens, sacerdotes venerans, Ecclesias munerans, pauperes elevans, et multa multis beneficia pia ac dulcis- sima accommodans voluntate. Omne tributum, quod in fisco scro ab Ecclesiis in Arvemo sitis reddebatur, clementer indulsit. Comp. de vitis Patrum, c. 17, § 2 : Nam Tbeude- bertus — (cum) multa inique exerceret, et ab eodem (Nicetio) plerumque corriperetur, quod vel ipse perpetraret, vel perpetrantes non argueret, etc. ^ Theodoriclis prohibition, see § 109, note 4. Childebert I. law, de aboleudia idolola- triae reliquiis a.d. 554, in Baluzii Capitul. i. 5. 9 Even as late as the time of Gregory of Tours, an image of Diana was worshiped at Treves. (Greg. Tur. Hist. viii. 15.) In Herbadilla at Nantes, about the same time, were statues of Jupiter, Mercury, Venus, Diana, and Hercules. (Mabillon Acta SS. Ord, S. Beaed. i. 683.) In like manner there was found in Luxovium, when Columbanus cume thither about 590, imagiuum lapidearum densitas, quas cultu miserabili rituque profano vetusta.paganorum tempora honorabant (Jonas in vita Columbani, c. 17, in Mabillon Acta SS. Ord. S. Bened. ii. 13). Martinus Ep. Bracarensis (about 570) wrote de origine idolorum (ed. A. Majus Classicorum anctorum, iii. 379), pro castigatione rusticorum, qi^i adhuc pristina paganorum superstitione detenti, cultum venerationis plus daemoniis quam Deo persolvunt. The Roman names of deities were frequently transferred to Celtic and G-erman deities also; and therefore the peculiar character of this worship can not always be perceived. Beugnot Hist, de la destruction do, Paganisme en Occi'.lent. (Paris. IS^.i' ii. 307. '" Cone. A'lrolisji. ii. mm '"^.f. osq. '>0 528 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. II.— A.D. 451-622. tirely to lay aside reverence for their old gods, and the power they were supposed to possess.^^ Thus the remains of old pagan su- perstition were preserved among the people along with Christian- ity.^2 In civil legislation, all traces of heathenism were likewise rejeoted,^^ though the most extended freedom of divorce remained,^^ " Tims said tlie Ariaa Agilanes, embassador of the Visigoths, to Gregory of Tours {Hist. Franc, v. 4'3) . Sic vulgato sermone dicimus, non esse noxium, si iuter geatilium aras et Dei ecclestam quis transiens utraque veneretur. 12 Cone. Taron. ii. ann. 567, c, 22, against the heathen mode of celehrating the Calends of January. Then : Sunt etiam, qui in festivitate cathedrae domni Petri Apostoli -cibos niortais offerant, et post missas redeuntes ad domes proprias ad gentilium revertuntur * errores, et post corpus Domini Sacratas daemoni escas accipiunt. Cone. Autissiodorenso ann. 578, c. 1 : Non licet Kalendis Januarii vetu'a aut cervolo facere, vel strenas diabolicas observare. C. 4 : Non licet ad sortilqgos vel ad auguria reapicere, lion ad caragios, neo ad sortes, quas sanctorum vpcant, vel quas de ligno aut de pane faciunt, adspicere. Cone. Narbon. ann. 589, c. 14 ; against vires ac mulieres divinatores, quos dicunt esse caragios atque sorticularios. C. 15: Ad nog pervenit, quosdam de populis catholicae fidei execrabili ritu diem quintam feriam, quae dicitur Jovis, multos excolere, et operationem non facere. On the celebration of the Kal. Jan. Isidorus Hisp. de Eccles. officiis, i. 40 : Tunc miseri homines, et quod pejus est etiam fideles, sumentes speciesmonstruosas inferferum habitu transforraantur; alii foemineo gestu demutati, virilem vultum effoeminant; nonnnUi etiam de fanatica adhuc consuetudine, quibusdam ipso die observationem auguriis profanantur: purstrepuut omnia saltantium pedibus, tripudiantium plausibus, et quod his turpius est nefas, nexis inter se utriusque sexus choris, inops animi, furena vino turma miscetur. On belief in auspices and sorcery among the Franks, see Lobell's Gregor v. Tours, S. 271, ^^ On the records of ancient national privileges, the Salic law under Clovis, the Bur- gundian under King Gundobald, f 516, the Ripuarian under King Theoderich, 511-534, the Alemannic under Cblotar II. in 613-628, the Bavarian under Chlotar II. or Dagobert I 613-638. See Eichborn's Deutsche Staats uud liechtsgesch. i. 220. Editions of the laws in Baluzii Capitularia Reg. Franc, t. i. J. P. Canciani barbarorum leges antiquae. Venet. 1781-92, 5 tomi fol. Walter Corp. juris Germ. ant. t. i. Cf. prologus Leg. Bipuar. {in many editions iucoiTcctly printed as prol. Leg. Sal.) : Theodoricus Rex Francorum, cum esset Cathalaunis, elegit viros sapientes ; — ipso autem dictante jussit conscribere legem Francorum Alamannorum et Bojoariorura, et unicuique genti, quae in ejus potestate erat, secundum cousuetudinem suam : addiditque addenda, et improvisa et incomposita resecavit; et quae erant secundum consuetudinem Paganorum, mutavit secundum legem Christianorum. Et quidquid Theodoricus Rex propter vetustissimam Paganorum con- suetudinem emendare non potuit, posthaec Hildebertus rex inchoaVit corrigere ; eed -Chlotharius rex perfecit. Haec omnia Dagobertus rex — renovavit, et omnia veterum jegum in melius transtulit ; unicuique quoque genti scriptam tradidit. ^* By the lex Burgund. tit. 34, c. 3, the husband could put away an adulteram, male6cam, vel sepulcrorum violatricem without ceremony ; if he does so without these reasons, he was obliged to make her indemnification (c. 2, 4, and Lex Bajuvar. tit. vii. c. 14). By agreement of both parties, however, maniage could be annulled without any difficulty. See the formulae in the formulis Andegavensibus {from the sixth century prim. ed. Ma- billon Analect. iv. 234) c. 56, and Marculfi Formularum, lib. ii, c. 30. The libellus repudli .adopted by Marculf runs thus : Certis rebus et probatis causis inter maritum et uxorem repudiandi locus patet. Idcirco dum et inter illo et conjuge sua ilia non caritas secundum Deum, sed discOrdia regnat, et ob hoc pariter conversare minime poasunt, placuit utriusque voluntas, ut se a consortio separare deberent. duod ita et fecerunt , Propter e a has epistolas inter se uno tenore conscriptas fieri et adfirmare decreverunt ut nnusquisque ex ipsis, sive ad servitium Dei in monasterio. aut ad copulam matrimonii se soriare voluerit licentiara habeat, etc. CHAP. VI. III.— OLD BRITISH CHURCH. § 126. 529 and the ordeal^^ rjtill continued. The attempt of Gregory the Great to adopt into the services of the church particular heathen rites, at the time of the conversion of the Anglo-Saxons, stands quite alone, ^^ • . III. OLD BRITISH CHURCH § 126. Since the invasion of the Anglo-Saxons, ecclesiastical as well as social order had been subverted among the Britons, who manfully strove for their freedom.^ But the Irish Church was still in a very prosperous state. Their convents were distinguished for their discipline and learning,^ as well as their efforts to dif- fuse Christianity toward the north. The monk Columba in par- ticular (about 3Q^, f 597) converted a great part of the northern Picts, became their spiritual leader as abbot of the monastery 1^ Which was used even in questions belonging to Christianity itself. Comp. Can. Caesaraugust. $ 121, note 4. — Gri'egor. Tur. de Glor. mart. i. 81 : Arianorum presbyter cum diacono nostrae religionis altercation em habebat. At ille — adjecit diceus : Q.uid longis sermocinationum intentionibus fatigamur? Factis rei Veritas adprobetur : succen- datur igni aeneus, et in ferventi aqua annulas cujusdam projiciatur. Qui vero eum ex ferventi unda sastulefit, ille justitiam consequi comprobatur : quo facto pars diversa ad cognitionem hujus justitiae convertatur,, etc. ^* Gregor. M. lib. xi. Ep. 76, ad Mellitura Abbatera (also in Bedae Hist. eccl. Angj. i 30} : Cum vos Deus omnipotens ad — Augustinum Episcopiim perduxerit, dicito ei, quid diu mecum de causa Anglorum. cogitans tractavi, videlicet, quia fana idolorum destrui in eadem gente minime debeant, sed ipsa, quae in eis sunt, idola destruantur. Aqua bene dicta fiat, in eisdem fanis aspergatur, altaria construantur, reliquiae ponantur: q'iia si fana eadem bene constnicta sunt, necesse est ut a cultu daemonum in obsequium verx Lei debeant commutari: ut, dum gens ipsa eadem fana non videt destrui, de corde errorem deponat, et Deum verum cognescens ac adorans, ad loca, quae consuevit, familiarius concurrat. Et quia boves solent in sacrificio daemonum multos occidere, debet his etiam hac de re aliqua soleftinitas immutari: ut die dedicationia vel natalitiis SS. Martyram, quorum ilUc reliquiae ponuntur, tabemacula sibi circa . easdem ecclesias, quae ex fanis commutatae sunt, de ramis arborum faciant et religiosis conviviis solemnitatem celebrent. Nee diabolo jam animalia immolent, sed ad laudem Dei- in esum suum animalia occidant, et donatori omnium de satietate sua gratias referant; ut, dum eis aliqua exterius gaudia I'eservantur, ad interiora gaudia consentire facilius valeant. Nam duris mentibus simul omnia abscidere impossibile esse non dubium est: quia is, qui locum summum adscendere nititur, necesse est ut gradibus vel passibus, non autem saltibus elevetur. ^ Gildas Badonicus (560-580) de Excidio Britanniae liber querulus (in three parts bistoria; epistola; increpatio in clerum), best edited.in Thorn. Gale Historia Britannicae, Saxon. Anglo-Danicae scriptores, xv. Oxon. 1691, thence in Gallandii Bibl. PP. xii. 189. 2 Jo. Ph. Murray de Britannia atque Hibemia saeculis a sexto inde ad decimum litter- ftrnm domicilio, in the Novis commentariis Soc Eeg. Getting, t. i. comm. hist, et philol p. 72, BS. VOL.. I- — !54. 530 SECOND PERIOD.— Drv. II.— A.D. 4f>i-b29. IViUiided by him on the island Hy (^St. Io7iaj, and transmitted this relation to his successors.^ Close as the union was between the British and Irish Churches, they Could yet have little connection of importance, on account of their remoteness, with other Churches. Hence they had re- tained many old arrangements, and developed them in a peculiar way, after such usages had been altered in other countries.** 3 Beda Hist. eccl. iii. 4: Habere autem solet ipsa insula rectorem semper Abbatem Presbyterum, cujus jurl at omnis provmcia, et ipsi etiam Episcopi, ordine inusitato, debeant, esse subject!, juxta exemplum primi doctoris illlus, qui non Episcopus, sed Presbyter exstitit et Moriachus. * These appear in the following controversy, and relate to {a) the reckoning of Easter. The Britons were by no means Q.uartodecimani, though they were often called so from ignorance (ex. gr. Bedae Chron. ad. ann. 4591), and appealed too, themselves, to John and the Asiatics {for example, Colnian, Beda, H. E* iii. 25). Beda Hist. eccl. iii. 4 : Paschae diem non semperin lunaquartadecimacum Judaeis, ut quidam rebantur, sed in die qui^ra dominica, alia tamen quam decebat hebdomada, celebrabant. Namely, ii. 2: Paschae diem a decimaquarta usque ad vicesimam lunam observabant. Cluae computatio octo- ginta quatuor annorum circulo continetur. The Romans on the other hand (ii. 19), adstrue- bant, quia dominicam Paschae diem a quintadecima luna usque ad vicesimam primam luuam oporteret iuquiri. The difi'erence therefore, was, that the Easter festival fell on different Sundays in several years. The cause of this was, that owing to the previous con- tusion on the subject, and for the purpose of removing it (see above, $ 100, note 13), the A quitani an Victorias first (457), and afterward the Roman abbott, Dionysius Exiguus (525), had made new Easter tables, which, in succession, were brought into use, first in Italy, and then in the other western churches (see Ideler's Chronologie, ii. 275). .On the contrary, the British church had retained the old cycle of 84 years. The state of the conti'oversy is more minutely developed by Jac. Usserius Britannicaram Ecclesiarum antiquitt. Dahlia. 1339. 4. p. 925. Humphr. Prideaux Connection of Scripture History, ii. 273. Ideler's Chronol. ii. 295. (Z») The tonsure. The Roman clergy were in coronam attonsi ; the Jlritish, as also the monks elsewhere, in older times, see Paulini I^ol. Ep. vii., had the fore part of the head bald. The former called their tonsure tonsuram Petri, and that of the Britons tonsuram Simonis Magi (Beda H. E. v. 21). Usserii Brit. Eccl, antiqu. p. 921. '.c) Lanfrancus Episc. ad Terdelvacum Hibern. regem, written 1074 (in J, Usserii Vett. (jpistolarum hibemicarum syll. Dublin. 1632. 4. p. 72), accuses them, quod quisque pro nrbitrio suo legitime sibi copulatam uxorem, nulla caaonica causa interveniente, relinquit, et aliam quamlibet, seu sibi vel relictae uxori consanguinitate. propinquam, sive quam alius simili improbitate deseruit, maritali seu fornicaria lege, punienda sibi temeritate i.onjuugit. Q.uod Episcopi ab uno Episcopo consecrantur. Cluod infantes baptismo sine t.tirismnte consecrata baptizantur, Cluod sacri ordines per pecuniam ab Episcopis dantur. liut from the^e the abuses 1 and 4, which afterward prevailed, may have, sprung. We iiave also to direct attention to- the following peculiarities of the British-Irish church, which are not touched on in the disputes. They had [a) no celibacy of the priests. Patri;;k himself was sprung from priests, see Patricii confessio : Patrem habui Calpurnium ?)iac3nu.':a, filium quondam Potiti Presbyteri. S^Tiodus Patricii about 456, can. 6 (in D ■/i-^rjiins Concilia Magnae Brittanniae et Hibemiae, i^ 2) : Q,uicunque clericus ab ostiario asqTft ad sacerdotem — si non more romano capilli ejus tonsi sint (i. e., cut short generally: ihe differences of tonsure arose subsequently), et uxor ejus si non velatd capite ambulaverit, pari'.tr a laicis coutemnantur, et ab Ecclesia separentur. Synodus Hibern. hi d'Achery dpicilegium, i. 493 ; Qui ab accesau adolescentiae usque ad trigesimum annum aetatis b-jae probabiliter vixerit, una tantum uxore virgine sumta contcntus, quinque annis Sub i:TirrA,\(i. et nuinnue annis Diaconus. Quadrap-Ctirrc inao Pretjbyter, quinnaauesimo EdIs CHAP. VI. m.— OLD BRITISH CHURCH. $126. 531 Since the condemnation of the Three Chapters, a great mistrust of the Romish orthodoxy had arisen here also.^ When Augustine formed a new Church with Roman arrange- ments among the Anglo-Saxons, he required the British clergy (Culdees) ^ to adopt- the Roman ecclesiastical arrangements, especially with regard to the mode of reckoning Easter ; and to yield to him, as archbishop of Canterbury, the primacy of all Britain/ But the negotiations at two meetings^ (603) led to copus stet. The Irish Clement defended the iiiamage of a bishop as late as the eighth century. Bonifacii Ep. 67. [h] A peculiai- liturgy. Usser. Brit. Eccles. Antiqu. p. 91C. (c) The monks had a peculiar system of rales. Usser. p. 918. — That the British-Irish Church derived its origin from Asia Minor, and had preserved a purer, simpler Christianity, are mere empty conjectures, which have been carried to an extravagant length, especially by Miinter in the Theob Studien u. Krit. 1833, iii. 744. The opinion that the Britons, as duartodecimani, had the Asiatic mode of celebrating the passover, an opinion which prin- cipally lies at the foundation of that belief, is obviously false. ^ Comp. § 111, note 25 ; $ 117, note 25 ; $ 124, note 19. Gregorii Magni Ep. ad Episcopos Hibemiae, a.d. 592 (lib. ii. Ep. 36) : Reducat caritatem vestram tandem integritas fidei ad matrem, quae vos generavit, Ecclesiam. — Nam in Synodo, in qua de tribns capitulis actum est, aperto liquet nihil de fide convulsum esse vel aliquatenus immutatum, sed {sicut scitis) de quibusdam illic solummodo personis est actitatum. — Cluod autem scribitis, quia ex illo tempore inter alias provincias maxime flagellatur Italia, non hoc ad ejus debetis intor- quere exprobrium, quoniam scriptam est: quern diligit Dominus castigat. — Ut igitur de tribus capitulis animis vestris ablata dubietate possit satisfactio abundanter iufundi, librum, quern ex hac re sauctae memoriae decessor mens Pelagiua Papa sciipserat, vobis utile judicavi transmittere. Cluem si deposito voluntariae defensionis studio, puro vigilantique corde.saepius volueritis relegere, eum vos per omnia secuturos, et ad unitatem nostram reversuros nihilominus esse confide. However, at a later period, Columbanus defended, with zeal, the three chapters against Boniface IV. See below, note 13. ^ Keledei, Kyledei, Latinized Colidei, the British appellation for priests and monVs (K,ele-De, i. e., servus Dei, as elsewhere too, for example, in Gregory .the Great, the clergy are often called servi Dei). When the Roman regulations were subsequently adopted generally in these, lands, the name continued to be applied principally to the clergy, wlvi in their corporations held fast by the old British modes. It was, however, given also to ail pi-iests to the time of the Reformation, by those who spoke in British. See Hector Boer thius Hist. Scotoram, lib. vi. p. 95 : Invaluit id nomen apud vulgus in tantum, ut sacerdates omnes ad nostra paeue tempera vulgo Culdei, i. e., cultores Dei, sine discrimine vocitarer- tar. Comp. historical account of the ancient Culdees of lona, andof their settlements in Scotland, England, and Ireland, by John Jamieson. Edinburgh. 1811. 4. J. W. J. Braun de Caldeis comm. Bonnae. 1840. 4. ■ ' Gregory the Great had conferred this on him (lib. xi. Ep. 65. Beda H. E. i. 29 : Tua vero fratemitas — omnes Britanniae sacerdotes habeat — aubjectos. He derived the right ol doing so from this fact, that he held the British church, as well as the Anglo-Saxon, to ne a daughter of the Roman (see note 5). ® Respecting them, see Beda H. E. ii. 2. The Britons had not only a different mode of celebrating the Easter festival, set et alia plurima unitati ecclesiasticae concaria facie- bant. dui cum, longa disputatione habita, neque precibus, neque hortumentis, neque increpationibus Augustini ac socioram ejus assensum praebere voluissent, sed suas potius traditiones universis, quae per orbem sibi in Christo concordant, ecclesiis praeferrent, sanctus pater Augustinus — finem fecit. At the second meeting Augustine said to them : Q,aia in multis quidem nostrae consuetudini, imo universalis Ecclesia, contraria geritis ; et tamen si in tribus his mihi, obtemperare vultis, ut Pascha suo tempore celebretis, nt ♦ 532 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. II- AD. 451-S2S. BO agreement; they gave rise rather t:> bitb-.r hdtrsd l-ewsea tiie two parties.^ At this time -the Irish monk Columhanus came hito Mio kingdom of Burgundy (about 590), where he acquired gr-^ai reputation by his strict piety and cultivated mind, and foaaded several convents, particularly that at Luxovium (Luxeuil). Here be not only introduced a peculiar system of monastic rules, but also continued faithful to the peculiarities of his mother Church, and defended the Irish mode of celebrating Easter with great zeal,^*' At length he displeased King Theodorich II., on account of his boldness ; was banished' (about 606) ; labored some years in the conversion of the Alemanni at the lake of Constance ; then transferred this task to his pupil G^a^/ws; founded the con- ministerinm baptizandi — jaxta morem sanctae ilomanae et apostollcae Ecclesiae com- pleatis, ut genti Anglorum una nobiscum verbuw Domini praedicetis ; caetera quae agitis, qaamvis moribns nostris contraria, aequanimiter cuncta tolerabimus. At illi nil bomm Be factoros, neqae illam pro Arcbiepiscopo habitoros esse respondebant. Tbe papal primacy was not at all a subject of dispute. Tbe first rank among tbe bisbops was conceded to tbe popes by tbe Britons, but tliey believed so in an erroneous way {see note 5). But tbe popes tbemselves did not yet lay claim to a greater ecclesiastical power than tbat of otber apostolic sees [see $ 117, notes 18-20] ; and so one appealed against tbe Britons, not to papal autbority, but to tbe statuta canonica quaternae sedis Apostollcae, Ex)manae vide- licet, Hierosolymitanae, Antiocbenae, Alexandrinae, to tbe old councils, and to tbe uni- versalis Ecclesiae catholicae unanimem regulam (see Cummiani Ep. ad Segienum Huen- sem Abbatem, in J. Usserii Vett. epistt. bibemicarum sylloge, p. 27, 28). Tbe Britons did not consider tbe pope as tbe sole successor of Peter, but all bisbops. Gildas de excidio Britanniae, P. iii. cap. 1, describes bad priests as sedem Petri Apostoli immundis pedibua asurpantes (comp. $ 94, note 36). , Tbat tbe Britons acknowledged no ecclesiastical power of tbe pope over tbem, is proved by tbeir opposition to the Roman regulations, an opposi- tion wbicb continued in Ireland down to tbe twelftb century. Spelman (Cone. Brit i. 108J has published for the first time, from a Cottonian MS. in tbe old British language, the fol- lowing declaration of Biuootb, abbot of tbe monastery of Bangor, which be is said'to have made to Augustine : Notum sit et absque dabitatione vobis, quod nos omnes sumus et quilibet nostrum obedientes et subditi ecclesiae Dei, et Papae Romae, et unicuique vero Christiano et pio, ad amandum unumquemque in suo gradu in caritate perfecta, et ad juvandum unumquemque eorum verbo et facto fore filios Dei. Et aliam obedientiam, quam istam, non scio debitam ei, quem vos nominatls esse Papam ; nee esse patrem pa- trura vindicari et postulari: et istam obedientiam nos sumus parati dare et solvere ei et cuique Christiano continue. Praeterea nos sumus sub gubernatione episcopi Caerlionis super Osca, qui est ad supervidendum sub Deo super nobis, ad faciendum nos servare viam spiritaalem. It is however spurious. S^e Dollinger's Gesch, d. christl. Kircbe, i. :i. 218. Stevenson on Bedae H. E. ii. 2, p. 102. * Thus Augustine's successor, Laure»tius (Beda, ii. 4), complained tbat the Scottish bishop, Dagamus, ad nos veniens, non solum cibum nobiscum, sed nee in eodem hospitio, quo vescebamur, sumere voluit. Comp. Beda, ii. 20: Usque bodie moris est Brittonum, fidem reiigionemque Anglorum pro nihilo habere, neque in aliquo eis magis communicai'S qnam paganis. ^0 Columbani Epist. i. ad Gregor. Papum (among Gregorj-'s letters, 'ib. ix. Fp. 127), CHAP. VI. III.— OLD BEITIBH CHURCH. } 1S6. 533 vent Bobium in a valley in the Apennines in Liguria, where he inspired the same desire for learning for which the monks of his country were chiefly distinguished." He died a.d. 615;'^ His letter to Gregory the Great on the subject of the celebration of Easter, as well as that to Boniface IV. against the condemna- tion of the three chapters, still attest the free spirit of the Irish Church.^' 1^ Cf. Antiquissimus quatuor Evangeliorum Codex Sangayensis, ed. H. C. M. Rettig. Turici. 3836. 4. praef. Hence the important discoveries of modern times in the Codd. Bobiensihus, at present very much scattered. See Amad. Peyron de bibliotheca Bobiensi comm. prefixed to bis Ciceronis orationem fragmenta inedita. Stuttg. et Tubing. 1824. 4. ^2 His life by his pupil Jonas, abbot of Laxovium, in Mabillon Acta Sanct. Ord. 3ened. ii. 3. Neander's Denkwiirdigfc. iii. ii. 37, ff. Gu. Chr. Knottenbelt Disp. hist, theol. de Columbano. Lugd. Bat. 1839. 8. — His works (regula coenobialis, sermones xvi., epistolae vi., carmina iv.), ed. Patricius Flemingus. Lovanii. 1667, recensita et aucta in Gallandii BibhPP.xii. 319. ^^ Ep. ad Gregor. : Forte notam subire timens Hermagoricae novitatis, autecessorum et maxime Papae Leonis auctoritate contentus es. Noli te quaeso in tali quaestione hu- militati tantum aut gravitati credere, quae saepe falluntur, Melior forte est ccldIs vivus in problemate Leone njortuo (Eccl. ix. 4]. Vivus namque sanctus emendare potest, quae ab altero majore eraendata non fuerint.— non mihi satisfacit post tantos, quos legi auctores, ana istorum sententia Episcoporum dicentium tantum : " Cum Judaeis Pasoba facere non debemus," Dixit hoc olim et Victor Episcopus, sed nemo Orientalium suum recepit com- mentum. Epist. 5, ad Bonifacium, iv. cap. 4 : Vigila itaque quaeso, Papa, vigila, et iteruin dico, vigila : quia forte non bene vigilavit Vigilius, quern caput scandali isti clamant, qui vobia culpam injiciunt. C. 10: Ex eo tempore, quo Deus et Dei filius esse dignatas est, ac in duobus illis ferventissimis Dei Spiritus equis, Petro scilicet et Paulo Apostolis — per mare gentium equitans, turbavit aquas multas, et innumerabilium populorum millibug multiplicavit quadrigas; supremus ipse auriga ' currus illius, qui est Christus, — ad nos usque pervenit. Ex tunc vos magni estis et clari, et Roma ipsa nobilior et clarior est; et, si dici potest, propter Christi geminos Apostolos — vos prope caelestes estis, et Roma orbis terrarum caput est ecclasiarum, salva loci dominicae resurrectionis singulari prae- rogativa (comp. Firmilianus, Div. I. § 68, note 12. Augustinus, $ 94, note 5). Et ideo sicut magnus honor vester est pro dignitate cathedrae, ita magna cura vobis necessaria est, ut non perdatis vestram dignitatem propter aliquam perversitatem. Taradiu enim potestas apud vos erit, quamdiu recta ratio permanserit ; ille enim certus regni caelorum clavicularius est, qui dignis per veram scientiam aperit, et indiguis claudit. Alioquin, si contraria fecerit, nee aperire nee claudere poterit. C. 11 : Cum haec igitur vera siut, et sine uUa contradictione ab omnibus vera sapientibus recepta sint (licet omnibus notum est et nemo est qui nesciat, qualiter Salvator noster sancto Petro regni caelorum contulJt claves, et vos per hoc forte superciliosum nescio quid, prae caeteris vobia majoris auctori tatis, ac in divinis rebus potestatls vindicatis) ; uoveritis minorem fore potestatem vestram apud Dominum, si vel cogitatis hoc in cordibus vestris : quia unitas fidei in, toto orbe uci- tatem fecit potestatis et praerogativae ; ita ut libertas veritati ubique ab omnibaa dettrr, «t aditos errori ab omnibus similiter abnegctar, etc. Si SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. III.-A.D. 622-726. THIRD DIVISION. FSOK THK BEGINNIMJ OF THE MONOTHELITIC CONTROVERSY, AND .yaOM THE TIME OP MUHAMMED TO THE BEGINNING OF THE CON- TROVERSY CONCERNING THE WORSHIP OF IMAGES. FROM 622-726 FIRST CHAPTEE. RESTRAINING OF THE CHURCH IN THE EAST. •§127. Though the Persians tolerated the Nestorians, they hated the- Catholic Christians, as was apparent in the war whish Kesra (Chosroes) II. Purveez carried on against the East Roman em- pire from A.D. 604, and especially in the taking of Jerusalem (614). On this account the victories of Heraclius from 621, ending with the dethronement of Chosroes by his son Schirttjeh (Siroes) (628) were of importance in relation to the Church. Besides, Heraclius brought back the wood of the true cross which had been carried oif; and instituted a festival in com- memoration of it, the OTavpuaijiog rjfiepa, festum exaltationis (14th of September).' In the mean time, a far more dangerous enemy of the Church had appeared in Arabia. Muhammed, in the year 611, began to preach Islamism, at first in private, and then publicly among the Koreish in Mecca. At first, indeed, he was obliged to give way to his enemies (15th July, 622, Heg-ira),^ but gained over the city Yatschreb (Medina al Nabi) in his favor ; extended his dominion and his doctrines thence, prince and prophet in one person, till they spread far into Arabia ; at length conquered Mecca (630) ; consecrated the Caaba as the chief temple of Islamism; and bequeathed to his successors (^Chalifs^ Arabia, ' Theophanis Chronographia p. 245-273, among other things says, of the conrluct ol Chosroes in the conqnered lands, p. 263 ; 'Hvuy/ca^e rovf XpiOTiavouf yEviaSai elg r^v row NtcTTopiou BpTjCKdav Trpo; rb ■xXij^ai, rbv Paailea. ' Ideler's Chronologic, Bd. 2, S. 482, ff. VHAF. I.— RESTRAINING THE CHURCH IN THE EAST. ^ 1^7. 535 as a country completely subject to their faith, and their dominion (t 632).3 Islamism, whose holy writings are contained in the Koran* collected by Abu-Belcr, was, in its chief doctrines, a compound of Judaism and Christianity.* But it made the doctrine of the infinite sublimity of God its basis, in a way so one-sided tha: an absolute dependence of man on God resulted from it ; and '.deas of a likeness and an inward uri.on between man and God, md consequently the fundamental principles of all the higher morality, found no place in the system. By making it a re- igious duty to wage war on unbelievers, by its fatalism, and its sensual promises, it excited among the rude and powerful peo- ple of the Arabs so unconquerable a spirit for war, and so wild a desire for conquest,^ that the two neighboring kingdoms, the Persian and the Byzantine, could not withstand such resistance, amid their internal weaknesses. The provinces of the Byzantine empire, which lay nearest, were the more easily conquered, in- asmuch as the greater number of the inhabitants consisted of Mpnophysites who joyfully met the Arabians as their deliverers. The conquest of Syria was begun under the first Chaliph Abu- Bekr (f 634), and completed under the second, Omar (639), under whom the valiant Amru also overcjime Egypt (640). Under Othman the Persian empire was conquered (651). Dur- ^ Abulfeda de vita Muhammedis ed. J. Gagnier. Oxon. 1723. fol. La vie de MoiiarL- med par J. Gagnier. Amsterd. 1732. 2 voll. 8, translated into German by Cli. F. H. Vet- terlein. Kothen 1802-1804. v.Hammer-Purgstall'sGemiildesaalderLebenabeachreibungen grosser moslimischer Herrscher. Bd. 1. Mohammed d. Prophet. Leipzig. 1837. (Comp. Umbreit in the Theol. Studien u. Krit. 1841. i. 212). Gust. Weil's Mohammed d. Prophet, B. Leben n. s. Lehre, aus handschriftl. duellen u. d. Koran geschopft. Stuttgart. 1843. 8. — On the miracles of Muhammed and his character, see in Tholuck'.3 vermischteD Schriften i. 1. * Arab, et lat. ed. Lud. Maraccias. Patav. 1698. fol. French par Savary, Paris. 17£3. 2 voll. 8. German by F. E. Boysen, Halle. 1775. 8, by F. S. G. Wahl, Halle. 1828. 8, liter- ally translated with annotations by Dr. L.UUmann. Bielefeld u. Crefeld, 3te Aufl. 1844. 8. G.Weil's hist. krit. Einleit.-in den Koran. Bielefeld. 1844. 8. [English by G. Sale]. * Weil's Mohammed, see note 3. Muhammed's Religion nach ihrer innern Entv^icke- lung und ihrem Einflusse anf das Leben der Volker, von. L 1. 1. Dollinger. Regeusburg. 1838. 4. Dettinger's Beitrage za eiuer Theologie des Korans, in the Tubingen Zeitschr. f. Theol. 1831. iii. 1. — Was hat Mohammed aus dem Judenthume angenommen? von Abr. Geiger. Bonn. 1833. 8. — Maier's christl. Bestandtheile des Koran, in the Freiburger Zeitschr. f. Theol. Bd. 2. Heft. 1. S, 34 (1839). C. F. Gerock'? Darstellung der Christolo- gie des Koran. Hamburg und Gotha. 1839. 8. — On the relation of Islamism to the gospel, in Mohler's Schriften n. Aufsiitzen, herausgeg. v. Dollinger, i. 348. * See a representation of the influence of his faith on the middle ages by K. E. Oelsner. ^rankf. a. M. 1810. 8. Muhammed's religion by Dollinger, see note 5. ' 53G SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. m.— A.D. 6Sa-726. ing tlie reign of the Ommeyades, their general Musa, brought first the entire northern coast of Africa (707), and then Spain also (711), under the Arabian dominion; while, on the other side, the Arabians advanced several times as far as Constantinople, and twice besieged the city for a long time (669 till 676, and 717 till 718). Jews and Christians were tolerated by the Arabs on condition of paying a poll-tax ; and though sometimes severely oppressed, yet they were not compelled to change their religion^ Still, however, the advantages held out to those who adopted Islam- ism attracted many converts ;' and thus Christianity not. only lost all political importance in the conquered provinces, but the number of its confessors was always diminishing in proportion to that of the Moslems. The catholic patriarchates of Antioch, Jerusalem, and Alexandria, remained unoccupied ; for their pos- sessors, living in the Greek empire, were merely titulars. 1 Muhammed was tolerant at first of other religions (cf. Sara, ii. et v.) : afterward, how- ever, he made it the duty of believers, by the 9th and 67th Surats, to carry on religious war, for the purpose of exterminating idolaters and making Jews and Christians tributary (comp. Gerock^i Christologie des Koran, S. H8). Before this he had granted the Ciiristians of some parts of Arabia,, as well as the Jews and Sabaeans, letters of freedom, though doubtless both the Testamentum et pactiones initae inter Mohammedem et cliristianae fidei cultores (first brought from the East by the Capuchin Pacificus Scaliger, and printed at Paris 1630, 4to, and often afterward), and the Pactum Muhammedis, quod indalsit Monachis montis Sinai et Christianis in universum (in Pococke Descr. of tbe East, Lon^ 1743. fol. i. 268, translated into German, 2d edition, Erlangen. 1771. 4. i. 393), in which distinguished privileges are secured to all Christians, are spurious. The humiliating terms under which Omar, at the taking of Jerusalem, 637, allowed freedom of reUgiou to" the Christians there (Le Beau Hist, du Bas-Empire, xii. 421), express, on the contrary, the spirit with which the subjugated Christians were treated at a later time. Cf. Th. Chi. Tychsen comm. qua disquiritur, quatenus Muhammedes aliarum religionum sectatorea tolsraverit, in the Commentationes Soc. Keg. Getting, xv. 1 52. CHAP. II.— GREEK CHURCH. J 12S. MONOTHELITIC CONTROV. 537 SECOND CHAPTER. HISTORY OP THE GREEK CHURCH. § 128. MONOTHELITIC CONTROVERSY. Original Documents in the Acts of the first Lateral! Synod, a.d. 649 (ap. Mansi, x- 863) and the sixth General Council, a.d. 680 (ap. Mansi, xi. 190). Anastasii Bihliothecari; {about 870) collectanea de iis quae spectant ad Histor. Monothelit. {prim. ed. J. Sirmond. Paris. 1620. 8, in Sirm. 0pp. t. iii. in Bibl. PP. Lugdun. xii. 833,'ap. Gallandius, t..xiii. and scattered in Mansi, t. x. and xi.) Historical authorities : Theophanes (comp. the preface to section 2). Works,: F. Combefisii Hist, haeresis MonotheUtarum ac Vindiciae actorum sextae synodi, in his Nov. auctarium Patram. ii. 3 (Paris. 1648). Walch's Kctzerhist. ix. 3. Nean- der's K. G. iii. 353. 'A fresh attempt to bring the Monophy sites back to the Catholic Church was followed by no other consequence than that of introducing into the latter a new element of controversy. When the Emperor Heraclius (a.d. 611—641) during his Persian campaign abode in Armenia and Syria (from 622), he thought he perceived that the Monophysites were particularly stumbled at the consequence arising from the catholic doctrine, viz., two manifestations of will Uvipyuai) in the person of Christ. Sergius, patriarch of Constantinople, having been ap- plied to on the point, declared that the adoption of one active •isitl, and one manifestation of will, was not inconsistent with the received creed of the Church ; and therefore the emperor, as well as several bishops, decided in favor of this opinion.^ But when one of these bishops, Cyrus, whom the emperor had a|)pcinted patriarch of Alexandria, reunited (633) ^ the Severians I Cyri Episc. Phasidia Epist. ad Sergium (ap. Mansi, xi. 561), mentions /ce>lev(T,c of H&rxclios to Arcadius, archb. of Cyprus, 6vo ivepyelag km rov diGTiOrov tj/^uv 'I. X. fiE7{i ^r]tf ^vnoiv MyEcdai KO)?^vovcra. Sergius ad Cypruni (ibid. p. 525), rests on the aulhor- ty of Cyril of Alexandria, who speaks of filav i^uoTvoiov kvipysiav, and on Mennas' letter to Virgilias, which says, ^v ro rov Xptarov Bk?~.7ifia Kal fitav ^uonoibv evipyeiaVj though he is willing to be instructed by stronger reasons in favor of the contrary opinion. More decidedly Theodoras Episc. Pharan. (Fragments, ibid. p. 567, ss.), Elvat /xiav kv£p~ y^tav' ravTrj^ 6i TE;t^tr7?v Kal dr^fitovpybv rov dsbvy opyavov 6s ttjv uvdpuTroTTfTa. > Cyri Episc. altera ad Sergium (ap. Mansi, xi. 561), with the nine articles of agreement Lppeuded, p. 563. In the seventh we read : Tdv avrbv Iva Xpwrbv Kal vibv hepyovvTa rd deoirpenjj Kal AvttpuKtva fita tjtavioi-K-^ hvtpyEia, Kara rbv iv ayiocg Atovvamv (Diaoys. Areopag. Epist. iv. ad Cajum. Cosjp. 5 I'.O. note 8. The orthodox road namy ^t^,'dpiKy ivtpytig.). 538 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.0. 622-726. of that place with tlie Catholic Church "by articles of agreement, in which that doctrine of one will was expressed ; Sqphronius, a Palestinian monk, who happened to be there at the time, raised the first opposition to this doctrine, which he after- ward continued with zeal after he becarae patriarch of Jenisa- lem (634).^ Sergius now advised that uothing should he said on the disputed point.* Pope Honoring: agi'eed with hiiri, not only in this advice, but in the doctrinal view of the matter.* Sophronius was quieted by the incursions of the Arabs ; but the spark which had fallen on spirits so susceptible of dogmatic speculation could not be extinguished. In vain did the emperor now issue the "'Eliideot^ (638),^ composed -by t^crgias for the purpose of putting down the controversy. The- west, too, now rose up against the new doctrine. The monk Maximus,"^ a 3 Sophronii Synodica ap. Mansi, xi. 4C1. — His other extant writings (saints' lives, dis- ■'ouTses, etc.), to which many have been added in the Spicilegiura Romanum t. iii. and i\. (1840) do not refer to Monothelitism. 4 Sergii Ep. ad Honorium {ap. Mansi, xi. 529), contains the most credible account of the beginning of thfe controversy. He assures Cyrus that his advice was, fj.7}KETC tov Xolttov Ttvi avyx^^p^lvy fiiav ij 6vo TrpotpipsLv kvEpyela^ knl X-piaTovrov 6eov yficJv' uXXa (iCtk- Tiov, KadaTiep at uytac teal oUovfieviKal.'K'apadeduKaat cvvoSot. iva Kal rbv avrbv viov uovoyevT} tov Kvpiov y/ziov 'I. X. rbv u^jjdtvbv debv kvepyelv bfioXoyelv rd re Qtla Koi avdpuiTLva, Kal Trdcav deonpE-r:^ Kal uvOpuTTOTrpeiTTJ kvepyeiav k^ kvbr koi tov avTOv aeaapKu/Ltivov 6eov Aoyov abiaipErag irpoiivat, Kal elg iva Kal rbv avrbv uvavgeuv. — CxiavTug 6^ Kal T7JV Tuv 6vQ EvepystiJv ^tjglv "KoXkovg (TKavdaXt^Eiv — lirEadat TavTy Tb Kal 6vo Trpetr- ^svEtv QE%7}}iaTa kvavriui; irpbc u/lX?7/la ExovTa, — dvo Tovg TuvavTla dekov-a^ tlaayEG- Gaij OTTEp QvaOE^EQ. ^ Honorii Ep. i. ad Serg. (ap. Mansi, xi. 537). Extracts from the Ep. ii. ad eund., ib. p. 579. 6 Ap. Mansi, x. 992 : 'OOev iva i(TfJ.ev vibv Tbv Kvpiov ^fiC)V 'I. X. — Kal hbg Kal tov avTov ruTE davfiara Kal Tb. -irddrj KTjpvTTOfiev, Kal nucav Oslav Kdt uvdpu-Kivrjv ivEpyecav h'l Kal tC) avTL) ceaapKUfiEVCii ra> A6y(f} ■KpoavifiofiEv, — ovdafidg (Tvyx(^povvTE^ rtvl tuv mivTuv fiiav ij 6-6o ?iiy€Lv ^ didaaKEiv ivspyelag ettI T^g QEiag tov Kvplov kvavSpoTr^aEu^, u7i.2.b. fiuXkoVy KaduTtsp at ayiac Kal olKOvfiEvtKal TrapadESuKaat gvvoSol. "What follows is word for word the same as the passage fi-om Sergii Ep. ad Honor., given in note 4. But he continues, eI yap 6 fitapbg 'Necropioc KatTrep 6taip(Jv ttjv dEiav tov Kvpiov hav- 6pcj7ri]aLv, Kal dvo eladyuv vlovg, 6vo 6E%^iiaTa tovtuv eItzelv ovk kT67s.iJ.7jGE, rovvav- tIov 6e TavTof^ovTiiav Tdv kiz^ avTov uvaii:?i.aTTOfj,ii^uv 6vo irpoGuiruv hdb^aGE, Traif dvvarbv, Tovg ttjv bp6r}v bfioTioyovvTag tzIgtlv, Kal ^va vWv rbv Kvpiov yfiibv 'I. X. Tbv d2,7}6ivbv dsbv do^u^ovTag 6vo Kal TavTa hvavrla dOJjp.ara kir' avTov izapadix^^^^^ i odEv Tolg ayioiQ iraTpdaiv kv anaat, Kal kv Tovru KaraKoTiovdovvTE^, Sv 6E2.7)fia tov Kvplov i^fiuv 'I. X. — 6p.o7ioyovfiEVy ug kv fiTjikvl Katpip rjjg voEpug k-ilfVxu/J-svrjc avTov capKbg /ce;t;QpiCTjUey(jf Kal cf olKEiag 6p/i7}c, havriug rip vEvnaTi rov jjva/iivov avr^ KaO' iirdGTaGLv 6eov 2.6yov, t^v <}>vatKyv avTfjc notyGaoOaL klvtjglv, u2.X* brTOTE Kal olav kc.1 &Gr}v avrbg 6 Osbc ?^.6yog yl3ov?i.eTO. ' Who is also worthy of notice as a commentator on Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopngite. See Neander's K. Gj iii. 344. Ritter's Gesch. d. christl. Pliil. ii. 535. His works, for the TROst part against the Monothelites, were edited by Franc. Combefisius. raris. 1675. '2 CHAP. II.— GREEK CHURCH. $ 128. MONOTHELITIC CONTROV. 539 former companion of Sophronius, roused up Africa against it ; Pope John IV, refused to adopt the Eclhed^ :^ and Pope TheO' dore excommunicated Patil, patriarch of Constantinople (646). Equally unsuccessful was the attempt of Constans II. (a. d. 642—668) to restore internal^tranquillity bv means of the edict called Tv-nog (648),® which merely recommended silence on the point, without giving a preference to either view ; although that tranquillity was most desirable in the kingdom so severely op- pressed from without.^" Pope Martin I. at the first Lateran synod (649)," even ventured to anathematize the doctrine of one will, and the two imperial decrees relating to it. Martin I. indeed was now deposed, and, together with Maximus, brought to Constantinople (653), where both were condemned to end their life in exile after much severe treatment/^ This had the effect of restoring communion between Rome and Constantinople, voll. fol. Prefixed to the first volume is the Greek lifs of Maximus, important in the his- tory of the Monothelites. The doctrines of the Duothelites and Monothelites are most clearly represented in contrast, in Maximi Disp. cum Pyrrho, 0pp. ii. 159. ® Johannis Ep. ad Conatantinam Imp. in Anastasii CoUectan. ap.Mansi, x. 682. * Ap. Mansi, x. 1029. — 'Eyvcofiev kv iroXX^ KaOeardvaL cdT^co rbv Tj/j-irepov bpdodo^ov 7^aovy uc TLvuv fiiv iv Oilrj/ia ^ivl ri^g olKovofiiag tov fieyd'Kov Beov Kal aur^po^ ijfj.C>v 'Irjuov do^aCovTQV, Kal tov avrbv kvEpyelv Tart dela Kal rd dvdpuTriva' dXXuv 6^ doy- fiart^ovTuv 6vo de'krifiara koc kvspyeiag 6vo enl r^f avryg kvaapKov tov 2,6yov olno- vofiiag' Kal tuv fiiv kv unoXoyig. TrpoTidefiivov Slu. to |v TrpoGuTvov virdpxciv tov Kvpiov ijficJv 'I. X. iv 6vo Talg (pvaeaiv davyxvTuc i^f^ ddcatpirug deXovTa Kal kvepyovvTa tuts dela Kal Td uvGpuivtva' tuv 6i 6id raf ddiaipiTuq iv rw avTU) Kal ivl TzpoauKU avve?-- doHaag (pvcEic Kal tov ttjv avTcov ffu^eadat Kal ^evecv 6iaopdv, KaTa7Jkr}2.G>g Kal Trpofj- (pvoc Talg (pvaeat tov avTov Kal Sva XpioTov kvepyelv tuts dela Kal tu dvdpuircva. — detJ7ri(o^ev, Tovg yfiETipovc VTTTjKoovg — fiij ddetav ex^iv Trpbg dXkrfkovg dirb tov irapovTog irepl ivbg deT-yfiarog y fiiug ivEpyelag, jj 6vo ivepysLuv Kal 6vo dsTiTifiaTDV-, olavS^Tzore 7Tpov(7Eov 6ca(popuc uv^p7}fiivqg dia TTjV evaaiVj co^ofievijg 6t pLuXkov t^c l^iOTTjTog iKarr/pag ipvGEug^ kol etc £v irpoffunov /cat fiiav vnoaTaciv (7vvTpexov(yjig- — Kai 6vo ^i^fft/cuf 6E?y.iiaetg t/toc dsTiT^/iaTa kv avTu^ koX 6vo (fivaiKCL^ kvEpyeiag adtaLpiTO^, aTpiitTug, ufiepiffrag, aavy XVTo>c Karil t^v tQv aylav Trarepov didaaKaTuav ucavrug K^pvTTo/icv ■ xal 6vo fisv ^vuLKd. deXyfiara ovx vTKvavTLO, fiy y^votro, Kadci^ ol aaEpeic E7]aav alpETiKot aJU.* i-nofievov to av6po}nivov avTOv 6E2.ijfia, Kal firj avTCTtiTrrov, rj avTiizaXdiov [avTiTroKov], (laXkov fiiv ovv Kal vnoraaadfiEvov T(J dsitf} avTov Kal iravadevEl 6E2,^fiaTi. — uoTrep yap rj avTov fffipf, oUp^ tov Oeqv Tioyov TiiyeTac Kal EOTiVy ovto kol to ^vaiKov ttj^ aai^noc avTov OiT^rifia Idiov tov 6eov 7.6yov XiyeTai Kal earu Kdda g avribv ttjv Trpbg yafierilg ovvdtjseiav 6ia?i,vovTEg, rj uiroGTEpovvTEg avrovg Tfjg npbg d?i,2,^7iovg KarcL Kaipbv tov irpoa^KOvra buckiag. "Qare eI Tig u^tog Ei}pEdEi7} wpbi x^^-poTovtav iTTodiaKovov y SiaKovov 7 Trpetr- QvTEpov, ovTog /iTjdafiug KuTivioOcj kirl TotovTovjSadfibv ^KJSipd^eaOat yafiEry cvvotKtjp votitlKJ, (i7}TE iiijv £V Tu TJjg x^^po'^oviag Kaipip dTraLTeicdu bfioTioyEtVj ug uTroGT^aerai TTJg vofiifiov Tcpbg ttjv OLKEtav ya/iST^v bfiiWiag. Iva fir) kvTtvdEv rbv Ik 6eov vo/ioOen]- CevTa Kal Ev?^oyr]6evTa ry avTov izafovGla ydfiov KaOv^pi^Etv iK^iaaOa/ievj ryg tov evayye7[.iov (cf. Can. Apostol. V. $ 97, note 9), Bellarmin. de Cler. i. 10, supposes, respecting this subject: Tempore hujus synodi (Trullanae) coepit mos Graecorum, qui nunc est. — Besides, can. iii. forbids the clergy marrying a second ticne, and marriage with a widow. Can. vi. forbids marriage after ordination. Can. xii. forbids bishops to remain in the married ' state : E/f yvibaiv rjfiEripav yXBEv, 6g kv re *A<}>ptK^ Kal Ai^vy Kal kripoig rbmng bl tu)v kKEluE OEOtfiiMcTaTot Tvpoedpoi GvvoLKEiP Tatg Idiatg yafiEraig, Kal u£T(1 rr^v k^r'' avrutg npOETidovGav ;t;e/poro;j(av, ov Tzapatrovvrai. — kSo^Ev ugte fiyiafiug rb tolovtoh uTcb tov vvv yivEGdat' tovto (U ^afikvy ovK.kx' dder^GEi y avarpoiry ruv inroGTo^.iKug "■oovEvouoO£r7jp.ivG)Vf uXTid TTjg Gcjrjjplag Kal izpoKonyg rijg knl rb kpeIttov tl)v ?muv rpofiTjdovfiEvoi, K- r. X. Cf Can. xlviii. According to Zonaras and Theod. Balsamo at' Can. Apost. v. these were the first ecclesiastical prohibitions against the marriage <■( CHAP. II.— GREEK CHURCH. § 130. MONOTHELITISM. 543 Ihc rank of the patriarch of Constantinople,'^ against fasting on Saturday,^ against the eating of blood and things strangled,'^ and against pictures of the Lamb. '' 'Though the papal legates had subscribed them, yet Pope Sergius I. refused to accept them. Justinian meant to have him brought to Constantinople, but was. prevented by the rebellion of the garrison of Ravenna, and soon after by his deposition.^ Thus this council was ac- knowledged only in the east, but not in the west ; ' and was the first public step which led to the separation of the two Churches- § 130. FORTUNES OF MONOTHELITISM. The emperor Philippicus Bardanes (711-718)- revived once .more the Monothelitic doctrine, and made it the prevailing faith, though merely for a short time.' Only Rome withstood him.^ But the Greek bishops were as ready to subscribe a JMonothelitic bishops, though Justinian had forbidden them by a civil law (Cod. i. iii. it). Cf. Calixtus de Conjugio Clericorum ed. Henke, p. 389, ss. * Can. xxxvi., refen-ing to Can. Constant, iii. (5 93, note 9), and Can. Chalced. xxviii. 'ibid, note 14), and in the same words as the latter. So, too, in Can. xxxviii. the 17th canon of Chalced. (ibid, note 3) is repeated word for word. ^ Can. Iv. : 'Eireic!^ fieiiadriiiaiiev, iv T§ 'Pu^iaiav ttoXei. h r.jif uyiSff T^f Tsaaapa- vbuTTJ; vija-eiai; Toi; rairrig aujifiaai vr/aTcvciv napu rr/v ■KapadoBslaav iKx'^rjaiacTiKTiv inoXovBiav (comp. J 100, note 14) edo^s Tri aytg. cvv6f(^, uare icpardv Kat em rij 'Vafiaiuv inKTiTjaig, uTrapaaaXevTag tov Kavova tov Aeyovra ■ " el Ti; KTiJipiKoi eipedecTi Ty ayia KvpLany vrjaTcvav rj to aapParov TtT^fjv tov ivb^ aal /iovov, nadaipeiada ■ el 6i laiKo;, uijiopiCEaBu." (Can. Apostol. Ixvii.) e Can. Ixvii. ' Can. Ixxxii. : 'Ev Tim Tuv aeiTTiiv clkovuv ypaijiaL( ufivb; 6aKTv?.a tov KpoSpo/iov Seinvv/ievos eyxapuTTerai (according to Joh. i. 29). — tov tov a'cpovTo; ttjv d/iapTiav tov KOfffiov ufivov UptaTov tov Qeoii ijfiCiv naTil tov dvdpuTrtvQV x^P<^iiT^pa Kat tv toLq " elKOOiV it-KO tov vvv uvtI tov naXaiov u/ivov uvaaTyT^ovoBai bpH^ofiev. See § 99, note 51. ^ Cf. Anastas. Biblioth. in vita Sergii. ' Ap. Beda de Sex aetatibus and Paulus Diac. Hist. Longob. vi. 11, it is called Synodns erratica. By degrees however, several of the less offensive canons began to be cited, as Canones Syn. vi., those who did so being misled by the example of the Greeks (see note 1). Gratian (Decret. P. i. dist. xvi. c. 6) translates a Greek account of this Synod, and then naively adds : Ex his ergo coUigitur, quod sexta synodus his congregata est : primo sub Constantino Imp., et nullos canones constituit, secundo sub Justiniano fiho ejus, et prae- fatos canones promulgavit. Thus, then, he also adopts several of the canons. It was not till after the Reformation that the conciliabalum pseudosextum was again discovered. Cf Calixtos, p. 401, ss. ' '"lie chief authority on this subject is the cpilogus ad Acta Syn. vi. of the contemporary Agathon, deacon and librarian of the church at Constantinople (prim. eii. F. C'omberisius 'n the Nov. auctar. PP. ii. 199, ap. Maasi, xii. 1S9. Farther, Theoplmnes, ji 319, ss Walch's Ketzerhist. ix. 449. ^ Anastasii Bibl vita Constantini. Paulus Diac. Hist. Longob. v.i 33. 544 SECOND PEEIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 622-729. confession of faith as they were to return to o'-thodo'xy at tho command of the next emperor, Anastasius 11.^ In Syria, however, a stnall party of Monothelites remained for a long time. Here all Christian ])arties had a political im- portance. The Jacobites were favorable to the Arabians ; the Catholics to the Greek emperors, hence called Melchites (from ^!?'?.). On the other hand, an independent party had collected in mount Libanus, about the monastery of St. Maro, who adopted the Monothelitic doctrines, chose for themselves a pa- triarch of Antioch (the first was John Maro, f 701), and under the name of Maronites* continued to hold the doctrine of one will in Christ till the time of the Crusades.^ 3 The miserable spirit of the Greek bishops is particularly expressed in the exculpatory letter which John, who had been elevated to the see of Constantinople by Philippicus, addressed to Pope Constantine, after the state of things had been entirely changed (ap- pended to Agathon's Epilogus ap. Combefis. p. 311, ss. Mansi, p. 195, ss.). Among other things he says : Oidare yup Kal iftsl;, — (if oil Tiiav uvtitvitij^ kol ckXt/pu; ixeiv TTpof T^v T^f i^ovalac uvuyKtjv iv roif toiovtoi;, uvev two; tcxvjic Kal Trcpivocac KadiffTTjKev EVfiapig' ijrct Kal Nadav 6 TTpo^TjTqg ovk' UTrepiKd^.vTrTov Tov £?,Eyxov tov :repi T^f fiotxscag re Kal tov ipovov tTpoarjyayE tC) Aal3l6t KaiTOL Kal avTov tov Aa^iH jTpo. 622-7?B. - too, were forced to leave to them chiefly the defense of theii Italian possessions against the Lombards.* Still they coitiniicd subjects of the emperors, had to be confirmed by them ia office/ and paid them taxes.^ While the Monothelitic troubles gavo the popes an opportunity of appointing a vicar even in Palestine now overrun by the Saracens,.^ Martin I, was still made to feel bitterly the emperor's power ; and Vitalianus was compelled to bow to Monothelitism supported by imperial patronage. But banished 654, t 655, but even in 654 Eagenius T. was again chosen, t 657, Vitalianas 1 672, Adeodatus t 676, Domnus I. t 678, Agatho t 682, Leo II. f 683, Benedict 11. t 685, John V.^ t 686, Conon t 687, Sergius I. t 701, John VI. t 705, John VII. t 707, Sisinuina f 70«, Con- stantine t 714, Gregory II. f 731. * Comp. above, § 117, note 26. Cf. Liber diurnns cap. ii. tit. iv. Account of the Itomaiis de electione Pontificis ad Exarchum : Et ideo snpplicantes quaesumus, ut inspirante f>oo celsae ejus dominationi, noa famulos voti corapoTcS celeriter fieri praecipiat : praesertim cum plura sint capitula, et alia ex a^lis quotidlc .procreentur, quae curae aolicitudinem et pontificalis favoris expectant remed;-ra.— Propiuquantium quoque inimicorun^ ferocttas. quam nisi sola Dei virtus atque Apostolorum Principis per suum Vicarium, hoc est iLo- manum Pontificem, ut omnibus notum est, aliqaaudo monitis comprirait, aliquando vero flectit ac modigerat hortatu, singulari interventu indiget, com hujus solins poutificalibus monitis, ob reverentiam Apostolorum Principis, parentiam ofFerant voluntariam : et quos non virtus armomm humiliat, pontificalis increpatio cnm obsecratioue inclinat. The popes possessed already some small forts ; probably erected, in the first place, for protection of their patrimony. Thus Anastasius in vita xc. Gregorii II., relates, that the Lombards had taken from him the Qumanum castrum, and that the pope having in vain required them to surrender it, John, Dux Neapolitanus, retook it from them, and gave it back to the former possessor. Fjro cujus redemptione Ixx. auri libras ipse Sanctissimus Papa, sicut promiserat antea, dedit. ^ As had become customary under the Ostrogoth kings. Agatho, however, received from Constantine Fogonatas divalem juSsionem, per quam relevata est quantitas, quae Eolita erat dari pro ordinatione Pontificis facienda : sic tamen, at si contigerit post ejus transitum electionem fieri, non debeat ordinari qui electus fuerit, nisi prius decretum gene- rale introducatur in regiam urbem secundum antiquam consuetudinem, et cum eoriim con- scieutia et jassion^ debeat ordinatio provenire (Anastasius inr vita Ixxx. Agathonis). Benedict II. received from the same emperor the privilege ut persona, qui electus fuerit ad Sedem Apost. e vestigio absque tarditate Pontifex ordinetur (Anastasius in vitalxxxii. Bened.)^ Still, however, this did not obviate the necessity of confirmation. See the forms in Liber diumus, cap. ii. de ordinatione Summi Pontificis. Nkmely, tit. 1. Nuntius ad E&archum de transitu Pontificis. Tit. 2. Decretum de electione Pontificis. (Subscribed by totus Clerus, Optimates, et MiUtes seu Gives). Tit. 3. Relatio de electione Pontificis td Principem. Tit. 4. De electione Pontificis ad Exarchum. On the same subject, tit. 5. ad Archiepisc. Ravennae, tit. 6. ad Judices Ravennae, tit. 7. ad Apocrisiarium Ravennae, to effect the speedy confirmation. Tit. 8. Ritus ordinandi Pontifiqis, and tit. 9, Professio pontificia. ^ Ex.gr. Anastas. in vitalxxxiv. Cononis : Hujus temporibus pietaslmperialis relevavit per sacraiu jussionem suam ducenta aunonae capita (i.e. capitationem), quae patrimonii uustodes Brutiae et Lucaniae annae persolvebant. "^ This was done by the popes Theodore and Martin I. during a vacancy, iu the see of Jerusalem, though the patriarchs of Antioch and Jerusalem protested against it. See lib. kStephaui Episc. Dorensis ad Synod. Rom. (Mansi, t. x. p. 899), and Martini P. Kpist. ad Johannem Episc. Philadelphiae (ibid. p. 805, ss.), comp. Walch's Ketzerhistorie, Th. 9. 6 SfSO, romp. S. 214 and 240. CHAP. III.— WESTERN CHURCH. $ 131. ITALY. 547 by -their triumph at the sixth synod the popes strengthened anew their ancient calling as defenders of the true faith f &rxd began at this time to attribute to themselves the title Episcopns TJniversalis^ which Gregory the Great 4iad declared to be anti- christian.^ The Quinisextum could no longer humble them iii the west. "When Justinian II. attempted to bring Pope Ser- glus i. to Constantinople to compel him to subscribe the decrees of the Quinisextum, the garrison of Ravenna rose in rebellionj^" and so^n after (701) the mere suspicion of such an intention caused a new uproar against the exarch.^^ Hence, in order to confirm his oMm authority in Italy, Justinian II. invited Pope Const antine to visit him, and overloaded him with exceedingly high marks of honor (710).^^ The loose connection between Home and the empire was soon after shown in the refusal of the former to obey the heretic Philippicus Bardanes (711- The oppressed Church of Africa now yielded to the claims cf Rome without resistance. ^^ , On the other hand they still met with much opposition in Italy. The bishops of Ravenna * Comp. Agathonis P. Ep. ad Imperatores (see above, $ 128, note 14) ap. Mansi, xi. p 239 : Petras spiritaales oves ecclesiae ab ipso redemptore omnium tema commendatione pascendas suscepit: cujus annitente praesidio haec apostolica ejus ecclesia nunquam a via veritatis in qualibet erroris parte deflexa est, cujus anctoritatem, utpote Apostolorum omnium principis, semper omnis catholica Christi ecclesia, et universales synodi fideliter amplectentes, in cunctis secutae sunt, etc. * ^ So first in the Liber diurnus cap. iii. tit. 6, ap. Hoffmann, ii. 95, in the promissio fidei Episcopi, which falls between 682 and 685. • 1* Anastasius vit. Ixxxv. Sergii says : Sed misericordia Dei praeveniente, beatoque Petro Apostolo et Apostolofum Principe sufFragante, suamque ecclesiam immutilatarj servante, excitatum est cor ttavennatis militiae, etc. " A.nastaj3. vit. Ixxxvi. Joannia VI. ■ ^2 Anastas. vit. Ixxxix. Constant.: In die autem, qoa se vicissim videruat, Augustae Christianissimus cum regno in capita se prostravit, pedes oscmlans Pontificis. ^^ Anastasii vit. Ixxxix. Constant. — Pauli i)iac. Hist. Longobard. vi. 34. ^* Comp. the letter of the African bishops to Pope Theodore in the Acts of the Crnc. Lateran. ann. 649, Secretarius ii. (Mansi, x. 919): Magnum et indeficientem omnibua 'Christianis fluenta redundantem, apud apostolicam sedem consistere fontem nullus am- bigere possit, de quo rivuli prodeiint afflucnter, universum largisslme irrigantes orbem Christi anorum, cui etiam in honorem beatissimi Petri patrum decreta peculiarem omaem decrevere reverentiam in reqnirendis Dei rebus. — Antiquis enim regulis sancitum est, il qaidquid, quamvis in remotis vel in longinquo positis ageretur provinciis, non prius trac tandam vel accipiendum sit, nisi ad notitiam almae sedis vestrae fuisset dedactura, ni hujus auctoritate, juxta quae fuisset pronunciato, firmaretur,^indeque sunfereut caeterac ecclesiae velut de natali suo fonte praedicationis exordium, et per diversas totius mund> regiones puritatis incorraptae maneant fidei sacramenta aalutis. Taken almost word fnr word from the letters of Innocent L and Zosimus to the African bishops. Corop. t>iC passages $ 94, notes 20, 35. 548 SECOND PEEIOD.— DIV. m.— A.t). 622-726. ventured to build higher claims on the fact that their city "was the' seat of the exarch, in accordance with Grecian principles, and even maintained for some time the independent management of the Church of the eXarchate, when Rome would not accom- modate herself to the imperial Monothelitisn:.'' Airxng the Lombards Catholicism found many adhe^en's :.'ijce tr.e t:;.ne of Queen Theodelinda and her son 'KSx.g Aaewald (613-u20); and from the time of King Grinioalu (y 671) became the pre- vailing system among them.-' Still, however, they remained at variance with the popes ; '' and Upper Italy asserted its ecclesiastical independence.^' T geological learning continued to be in a low state in Italy.'" 132 ECCLESIASTICAL STATE OF FRANCE AND SPAIN. The superior dignity of the Romish Church was the more readily admitted in the west on account of its being the only '5 Anastas. vit. Ixxix. Domini I. (676-678) : Hojus temporibus Ecelesia Ravennatum, qaae se ab Ecelesia Romana segregaverat causa aatocephaliae, denno se pristioae Sedi Apostolicae subjugavit. Vit. Ixxxi. Leonis II. (683-684) : Hujna temporibus percnrrente ilivali jussicne clementissimi Principis restituta est Ecelesia Ravenuatis sub ordiuatione ' Sedis Apostolicae. — Typum autoeepUaliae, quern sibi elicuerant, ad amputanda scandala Sedis Apostolicae restituerunt. ** 'IhoQgh always mixed witb idolatry still. See vita S. Barbati (bishop of Benevent. ' fi82) ia the Actis Sanct. Febr. iii. 139 : His diebus quamvis sacri baptismatis unda Lorigobardi abluerentur, tamen priscum gentilitatis ritum tenentes, sive bestiali mente dftgebant, bestiae simulacro, quae vulgo Viperd nominatur, fleetebant colla, quae debits suo debebant flectere creatori. Quiu etiam non longe a Beneventi moenibus devotissime sa.criiegam colebant arborem, in qua suspenso corio, cnncti qui aderant terga vertentes i.rDori, celerius equitabanf, calcaribus cnientantes equos, ut unus alteram posset praeir6. »lque in eodem cursu retroversis mauibus in coriam jaculabantur. sicque particulam modi cam ox eo comedendam superstitiose aceipiebant. Et quia stolta illic persolvebant vota, yb actione nomen loco iUi, sicut hactenus dicitur, Votum imposuerunt. " Planck's Gescb. d. kirchl. Gesellschaftsverf. ii. 669, S. IS It is true that there is also found an iudiculum*(saeramenti) Episcopi de Longobardia IP the Liber diumus cap. iii. tit. 8, but such an oath was taken only by the bishops of tha H.oman patriarchal territory (the middle and south of Italy), who were now under tho Lombard dominion. ■' This is clear, particularly from Agathonis Ep. ad Impp. in the Actis Syn. Constautinop. ann. 680, Act. iv. (ap. Mansi, xi. 235), where he repeatedly says of the legates whom he a finds to the council: Non nobis eoram scientia confidentiara dedit, with the general re- nark: Nam apud homines in medio gentium positos et de labore corporis quotidianum ^i.'-tam cam summa baesitatione conquirentes, quomodo ad plenum poterit inveuiri serip- ni/E.-am scientia ? CHAP. III.— WESTEEN CHUECH. 5 132. FRANCE. ■ 549 apostolic Church in that region, as well as the only medium of ecclesiastical connection with the east. But the greatest im- pression was made by the halo of holiness which surrounded that city in the eyes of the westerns; so that every thing pro- ceeding from it was regarded as sacred.' The connection of the Frank Church with Rome was slight since the time of Gregory the Great. The chief authority lay continuously in the hand of the king; and thus all traces of metropolitan government had disappeared. Among the political disturbances of the French empire in the seventh century, the Church also fell into great disorder ; the bishops took part in the feuds of the nobles ; clergy and monasteries became ungov- ernable ; and the better few, who wished to call attention to» morality and discipline,, were persecuted.^ The . robbing of Churches was not uncommon ; and Charles Martel (major- domus from 717—741) even distributed ecclesiastical revenues and offices in usufruct to valiant soldiers (as beneficium, preca- rium).' ' For example, Anastas. vit. xc. Gregor. II. after the account of the great victory gained by Duke Eado of Aquitania over the Saracens at Toulouse (721) : Eudo announced it to the pope, adjiciens, qnod anno praemisso in benedictionem a praedicto viro eis directis tribus spongiis, quibus ad nsum mensae (perhaps the altar?) Pontificis apponantur, inhora, • qaa bellum committebatur, idem Kudo Aquitaniae princeps populo sue per modicas partes tribuens ad sumendum eis, nee unus vulneratus est, nee mortuus ex his, qui par- ticipati sunt. 3 So Leodegar, bishop of Autun, who was put to death by the major-domus Ebriin, 678. Aigulf^ abbot of a monastery at Lerins, wished merely to keep .order among his monks, but was therefore abused, banished, and, in 675, murdered. See the lives of both in Mabil- lon Act. SS. Ord. Benedicti, saec. ii. p. 679, ss. 6o6, ss. ^ Comp. above, § 124, note 7. Bonifacius Ep. 132 (ed. Wiirdtwein Ep. 51), ad Zachari- am, about 742 : Franci enim, ut seniores dicunt, plus quam per tempus Ixxx. annorum Synodum non fecenant, nee Ai'chiepiscopum habuemnt, nee Ecclesiae canonica jura alicui ftmdabant vel renovabant. Mode autem maxima ex parte per civitates Episcopales sedes traditae sunt Laicis cupidis' ad possidendum, vel adulteratis Clericis, scortatoribus, et publioanis saeculariter ad perfruendum. De Majoribus domus ,regiae libellus vetusti scriptoris, in du Chesne, Hist. Francorum scriptt. t. ii. p. 2 ; Carolus — res Ecclesiarum propter , assiduitatem bellorum laicis tradidit. Hadriani P. I. Ep. ad Tilpinum Archiep. ■ Ehem. in Flodoardi Hist. eccl. Ehem; lib. ii. c. 17, and ap. Mansi, xii. p. 844. Hincmar Epist vi. ad Episc. diocesis Eemensis, c. 19 : Tempore Caroli Principis — in Germanicis et Belgicis ac Gallicanis proyinciis omnis religio Christianitatis paene iuit abolita, ita ut, Episcopis in paucis locis residuis, Epiacopia Laicis donata et rebus divisa iuerint; adeo ut Milo quidam tonsura Clericus, moribus, habitu et acta irreligiosus laicus Episcopia, Ehemorum ac Trevirorum usurpans simul per multos aonos pessumdederit, et multi jam in orientalibua regionibus (East Franks) idola adorarent et sine baptismo maserent. Cf. Chronicon Virdonense (vmtten about 1115) in Bouquet Eer. Gall, et Franc, script, t. iii. p. 364. But for this even the clergy abused him after his death. Boniface wrote to Athel- bald, king of Mercia. to deter him fi:am a similai' course [Baronius ann. 745 no. 11) ; Carolus qniTCue Pripceps Frsnrorum, laiiUoram monasteriomm eversor, et ccclesiastlcarum pe 550 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. HI.— A.D. 622-726. The Spanish Church appears to have gradually relaxed in humble subjection to the Roman see since Catholicism had pre- vailed among the Goths likewise ; although that subordination had been ishown as long as the Church stood under the pressure of Ariani.-^m.* Here also the king, as feudal lord of the bishops, was the head of the Church f but at the same time the bishops attained to a peculiarly great importance, both by their weighty voice in the election of the king, and by the necessity of sup- porting a tottering throne by means of spiritual authority.^ cnniarnm in usus proprios commiitator, longa torsione et verenda morte consumtus est. (Phis passage, however, is wanting in the editions of Boniface's letters, ap. Serarias, Ep. in). A hundred years later, on the contrary, Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims, in the pro- ♦logns in vitam h. Kcmigii (written aboat 854), and still more fally in his Epist. Synodi (Jarisiacensis ad Ludov. Germ. Regem, a.d. 858 (Capitularia Caroli Calvi, tit. xxvii. c. 7, ap. Baluzius, ii. p. 108. Bouquet, 1. c. p. 659) : Carolus Princeps, Pipini Regis pater, qui primus inter onmes Francorum Reges ac Priacipes res Ecclesiarum ab eis separavit atque divisit, pro hoc solo maxime est aetemaliter perditus. Nam S. Eucherius Aurelianeqsium Episc. — in oratione positus ad alteram est saeculum raptus, et inter caetera, quae Domino sibi ostendente conspexit, vidit ilium in inferno inferiori torqueri. Cui interroganti ab ATigclo ejus dactoro rcsponsura est, quia Sanctorum judicatione, qui in future judicio cum "Domino judicabunt, quorumque res abstulit et divisit, ante illud judicium anima et corpore serapiternia poenis est deputatus, et recipit srmul cam suis peccatis poenas propter peo- cata omnium, qui ics snas et facultates in honore et amore Domini ad Sanctorunl loca in luminaribus dlvini cultus, et alimoniig servomm Christi ac paupex'um pro anira arum • suarum redemtione tradiderant. dui in se reversus S. Bonifacium et Fulradum, Abbatem monasterii S. Dionysii, et summum Capellanum Regis Pipini ad se vocavit, eisque talia dicens in signum dedit, ut ad sepnlchrum ilhus irent, et si corpus ejus ibidem non reperis- sent, ea quae dicebat, vera esse concredereut. Ipsi autem — sepnlchrum illius aperientes, visus est subito esisse draco, ettotnm illud sepnlchrum interius inventum eat denigratum, ac si fuisset exustum. ^os antem illos vidimus, qui usque ad nostram aetatem durave- runt, q»i huic red interfuerant, et nobis viva voce veraciter sunt testati quae audierunl dtque viderunt. Of. Acta SS. Febraarii, t. iii. p. 211, ss. * PlancVs Gesch. d. christi. kirchl. Gesellschaftsverfassung, Bd. ii. 692, fl* On the tlomish vicars in Spain who appeared during the Arian period, see P. de Marca de Con- cordia Sac. et Imp. lib. v. c. 42. Caj. Cenni de Antiquitate Eccl. Xlispanae {8 tomi Romae. 1741. 4) i. 200. '"* The king called councils, Cenni, ii. 89, and was supreme judge, even of bishops, ii. 153. ^ PiBUck, ii. 235, 246. Gregor. Tar. Hist. Franc, iii. c. 30 : Sumpserant enim Gothi banc dbtestabilem consuetndinem, ut si quis eis de regibus non pl&cuisset, gladio eum adpete- rent : et qui libuisset animo, hunc siti statuerent regem. Comp. in particular, Concil. Tolet. iv. (633) cap. 75 (ap. Mansi, x^ p. 637, ss.) : Post iustituta quaedam ecclesiastici ordinis — postrema nobis cunctis sacerdotibus sententia est, pro robore nostrorum regum et qtabilitate gentis Gothorum pontificalet ultimum sub Deo judice ferre decretum. A long admonition to maintain fidelity to the kings. Then : Nullus apud nos praesumtione reg- aum arripiat, nullus excitet mutuas seditionea civium, nemo meditetur interitus regum : sed et deftmcto in pace principe, primates totius gentis cum sacerdotibus successorem regni concilio communi constituant. Then follows the solemn condemnation of every one who should resist : Anathema sit in conspectu Dei Patris et angelorimi, atque ab ecclesia c-acholica, quam profanaverit perjurio, efficiatur extraneus, et ab omui coetu Christianorum ft'.ienus cam omnibus impietatis suae sociis, etc. Finally: Anathema sit in conspectu Christi et E.postolorura ejus, atque ab ecclesia cath. etc. as above. Finally, A^iathema sic CHAP. III.— WESTERN CHURCH. J 132. SPAIN. 551 Tims the connection with Rome ceased."^ The bishop of the royal metropolis, Toledo, was primate of the Spanish Church,* and raised himself to a self-reliance, which exhibited itself very decidedly even in opposition to the Roman see.^ King Witizia (701-710) at length broke off all connection with it -j^^ but this in conspectu ypiritua Sancti, et martynim Christi, etc. — But further on also: Te quoque pra-cmtf^m reepm, iuturosque sequentium aetatum principes humilitate qua debemus de- :n)scimas, ut moderati et mites erga aubjectos existentes cum justitia et pietate popalo^ a Djo voois Tjreditos regatis. — No quisquam vestnim solas in causis capitum aut rerum sen ff!r?tiam ferat, se.d consensu publico, cum rectoribus, ex judicio manifesto delinquentium culpa patescat — Sane de futuris regibus banc sententiam pronlulgaraus, ut si quis ex eis 30utra reverentiam legum, superba dominatione et fasta regio, in flagitiis et facinore, sive '^upiditate crudelissimara potestatem in pof ulis exercuerit, anatbematis sententia a Christo domino condemnetur, et habeat a Dec separationem atque judicium, etc. ^ Cenni, ii. 46, 62, 154. ■ Cenni, ii. 197. 3 From Gregorii M. lib. vin Ep. 125, 126, it is plain that the same sent the pallium to Archbishop Leander of Seville. It may be that the latter was already dead (f 599) when it came x him, si j't.a. for this reason no trace is found of his receiving it, as Cenni, ii 235, supposes. That ?.ittle value generally was attributed to the Roman pallium, is proved by the fact that the succeeding archbishops did not seek for it, and that, before the inva sion of the Saracens, no other Koman pallium came to Spain, Cenni, ii. 252. — That self- reliance and independence are expressed particularly in the explanations of Archbishop Julian of Toledo, Tespecting tne remarks made by Benedict II. against his confession of faith, in Cone, Toletan. xv. (688) ap, Mansi, xii. 9. They conclude with the words, p. 17 : Jam vero si post haec et ab ipsis dograatibus patrum, quibus haec prolata sunt, in quo-* cumqae [Romanij dissentiant, non jam cum illis est amplius contendendum, sed, majorum directo calle inhaerentes vestigiis, erit per divinum judicium amatoribus veritatis responsio nostra sublimis, etiamsi ab igncrrantibus aemulis censeatur indocilis. " Witizia is a remarkable example of the manner in which the clergy, treating of the bistorical persons of the middle ages, bandied those who displeased them. The oldest writer of his history, Isidorus Pacenais (about 754. Chronicon in Espaiia Sagrada por Hen- rique Florez, t. viii. p. 282, ss.), speaks in highly commendatory terms of bis reign. He notices the ecclesiastical regulations made under his sanction in two places ; first at tne Aera, 736 (6D8, p. C), when Witiza reigned along with his father Egica, p. 296 : Per idem tempus Felix, urbis Regiae Toletanae Sedis Episcopus, gravitatis et prudentia excellentia nimia poUet, et Concilia ^atis praeclara etiam adhuc cum ambobus Principibua agit. (To these councils also belongs Cone. Toletan. xviii. (701) at which, perhaps, the decrees above alluded to w^ere enacted. Cf. Roderici Ximenii Hist. Hispan. iii. c. 15 : Hie [Witiza] in ecclesia S. Petri, quae est extra Toletum, cum episcopis et magnatibus super ordinatione regni concilium celebravit quod tamen in corpore canonum non habetur.) The second passage of Isidorus, p. 298 : Per idem tempus (toward the end of Witiza's reign) divinae memoriae Sinderedus urbis Regiae Metropolitanus Episcopus sanctimoniae stndio claret: atque longaevos et merito honorabiles viros, quos in suprafata sibi commissa Ecclesia repetit, non secundum scientiam zelo sanctitatis stimalat {probably be was zealous against unchastity) atque instinctu jam dicti Witizae Principis eos sub ejus tempore convexare non cessat. The first aspersions of Witiza appear in the Frankish Chron. Moissiacense (about 818) ad ann. 715, in Pertz Monnmenta Germaniae Hist. i. 290 : His temporibus in Spania super Gothos regnabat Witicha. — Iste deditus in feminis, exemplo suo sacerdotea ac populum luxuriose vivere docuit, irritans furorem Domini. Sarraceni tunc in Spania ingrediuntur. ■ In Spain these aspersions iirst appear in the Chron. Sebastiani Epiac. Sal- manticensis seu Alphonai III. Regis (about 866 in Espaiia Sagrada, t. xiii.) They have been extended and exaggerated by Rodericus Ximenius, archbishop of Toledo, in the his- toria Hispania (a.d, 1243) lib. iii. c. 15-17, and Lucas, Episc. Tudensi, in the tsontinuation 552 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 622-726. step was attended with no important consequence, inasmuch as aii incursion of the Saracens took place soon after. § 133. ECCLESIASTICAL CONDITION OF THE BEITISH ISLANDS.. Among the Anglo-Saxons, Christianity had at first to strug- gle against heathenism with various fortune, but was after- ward diffused by degrees in all the Anglo-Saxon states. Those who preached it were for the most part Roman missionaries ; Northumberland , alone being converted by the Scottish clergy, who introduced here the regulations of the ancient British Church. Old controversies between them and the Roman-En- glish clergy were soon renewed ; however, after a conference between both parties at the synod of Strenechal /now Whit- by, not far from York, Synodus Pharensis 664), the king of Northumberland, Oswin, decided in favor of the Roman ordi- Df Isidore's Chronicon (a.d. 1236). After relating many infamous deeds of Witiza, it is stated by Rodericus, 1. c. c. 16, in Andr. Schotti Hispania illustrata (Francof. 1603. 4 tomi, fol.) ii. 32 : Verum quia ista sibi in facie resistebant [clerici], propter vexationem pontificis [Episc. Toletani] ad Romanum "pontificem appellabant. Vitiza facinorosus timens, ne auis criminibus obviarent, et populum ab ejus obedientia revocareut, dedit licentiam, immo praeceptum, omnibos clericis, ut uxores et concubinos unam et plures haberent juxta libi- tum voluptatis, et ne Romanis constitutionibus, quae talia probibent, in aliquo obedirent, et sic per eos populus retineretur. Lucas Tudensis (ibid. iv. 69) : Et ne adversus eum in- surgeret s. ecclesia, episcopis, presbyteris, diaconibus et caeteris ecclesiae Christi minis- ti'is camales uxores lascivus Rex habere praecepit, et ne obedirent Romano Pontifici sub mortis interminatione probibuit. The state of _the matter appears to have been this. Witiza, in conjunction with Siuderedus, archbishop of Toledo, opposed licentiousness in priests, and perceived that it could be eradicated only by allowing them to marry. The latter had been'general among the Arians, and abolished when they joined the CathoUc Church (of. Cone. Tolet. iii. ann. 589, c. 5) : Compertum est a sancto Concilio, Episcopos, Presbyteros et Diaconos venientes ex haerese camali adhuc desiderio uxoribus copulari : ne ergo de cetero fiat, etc. Thus the prejudicial alteration, which had been introduced for one hundred years by the prohibition of the council, could be clearly noticed. Hence Witi- za allowed priests to marry, and declared th'e Roman decretals, forbidding it, to he of no binding force. Comp. a defense of King Witiza by Don Gregorio Mayans y Siscar, trans- lated into German, from the Spanish, in Biisching's Magazin fiir die neue Historic und Geographie, i. 379, ff. Aschbach's Gesch. dcr Westgothen, S. 303, ff. ' Bedae Hist. eccl. gentis Anglornm, iii. 25. The remarkable conclusion of ^he dispute between the Scotch bishop, Colman, and the English presbyter, Wilfrid. The former ap- pealed to Anatolius and Columba, the latter to Peter, and closed with the passage, Matth. svi. IS: Ta es Petrns, etc. King Oswin then said: Verene, Colmane, haec illi Petro dicta sunt uDumino ? Qui ait : vere, BeS. At ille : habetis, inquit, vos proferre alionid caAP. LU.— WE3TEUN CHUEQH. $133. BEFTISH ISLANDS.- 553 teries always attracted many young Angio-Saxons to Ireland,' and by thi"^ means might become dangerous to the Roman reg- ulations, Rome sent forth into England, for the purpose of giv- ing a check to this influence, the learned Theodore, born &t Tarsus, as archbishop of Canterbury (668-690), and the abbot Hadrian, who every where strengthened the Roman ordinanceSj andjiby the erection of schools, rendered those journies to Ireland] superfluous.'' No less active injavor of the Romish Church was also Wilfrid, a noble AngJo-Saxon,'* who, evtn when a young priest, had turned the scajc at the synod of Whitby, had been afterward foi a time bishop of York ; and, driven thence, had preached, not without fruit, to the Frieslanders ; and, lastly, had converted Sussex (about 680, t 709), where heathenism remained longest among the Anglo-Saxons. Itntae potestatis vestro Colambae datum? At.ille ait: nihil. Rursum autem Rex: si utrique vestrum, iuquit, in hoc sine alia controversia conseatiunt, quod haec principaliter Petro dicta, et ei claves rdgni caelorum sunt datae a Domino? Responderuut : etiam utiqiic. At ille ita conclusit: et ego vobis dice, quiaiic est ostiarius ille, cui ego contra- dlcere nolo, eed in, quantum novi vel valeo, hujus cupio in omnibus obedire statutis, ne jji'te me adveniente ad fores regni caelorum, non sit qui reserat, averse illo qui claves '.enere probatur. Haec dicente Rege faverunt assidentes quique sive adstantes, majores Tiiia. cum mediocribus, et abdicata minus perfecta institatione, ad ea quae meliora cog- aoverant, sese transferre festinabant. '■' Beda, iii. 27 : Multi nobilium simul et medidcrium de gente Anglomm, — ^relicta insula patrio, vel divinae lectionis vel continentioris vitae gratia iilo secesserant. Et quidam t fR,»flnni\ v^T^(»,.nK;iiKome in Clairvaux. Bernard wrote on this lib. de vita et rebus gestis S. Malachiae (Opp. ed. Montf. i. 663). Malachy was legatus sedis Apost. per totam Hibemiam, but did not desire the pallium. In Clairvaux he educated young Irishmen, and then founded by their instrumentahty, Cistercian monasteries in Ireland (vita Mai. c. 16. Usserii Vett. epist. hibem. p. 102). Immediately after him came the first pallia to Ireland. See Chronica de Mailros (ed. Edmburgi. 1835. 4) p. 74 : Anno MCLI Papa Engenius quatuor pallia per legatum suum Johannem Papiram transmisit in Hibcrniam^ quo nunquam antea pallium delatum fuerat. ^* Pope Hadrian IV. made a gift of Ireland, A.D. 1155, to the l^ing. See the BuU in Usserii Vett. epist. bib. p. 109 ; comp. Johannis Sarisburieusis (who, as royal embassador, had prevailed on the pope to do so) Metalogicus lib. iv. in fine. Giraldi Cambrensis (about 1190) 3ypugnatio'Hibemiao (in the Historicis Angl. Normannicis. Francof. : 602. fol.) CHAP, ni.— WESTERN CHUECH. } 134. GEEMANY. 557 thus the complete ooimeotion of the British and Irish Church with Rome was effected. § 134. SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY IN GERMANY. Schmidt's Kirchengesch. iv. 10. Neander's Kircbengesch. iii. 72. Rettberg'g Gesch. d. Kirche Deutschlnnds. Bd. i. Gottingen. 1843. The attempts to convert the Germans, whether made by Franks, or by Irish and Anglo-Saxons, were as yet but partially successful. The Irish Kilian^ lost his life in the cause at Wiirzburg (689); as also Emmeram^ at Ratisbon (654). In Bavaria, however, better success attended Rupert,'^ bishop of Worms, who baptized Duke Theodore II. (f 696), and founded the Church of Salzburg (f 718) ; as also Corbinian,^ who gathered a church in Freisingen (f 730). On the other hand, Anglo-Saxon monks endeavored to spread Christianity among the kindred north-German races. Wilfrid was the first who preached among the Frieslanders (f 677).' M. Chr. Sprengel's Gesch. v. Grossbritannieu. Th. 1 {a continuation of the Universal His- tory of tlie world, part 47) 3.433. — Wales was conriaered since 1157. See Giraldi Cambr. Descriptio Cambriae (in the above quoted collection). Sprengel, 1. c. p. 378. 1 Acta S3, ad d. 8 Jul. C. F. Hefele's Gesch. d. Einfiihrung des Cliristenth. im sud- westl. Deutschland. TQbingen. 1837. S. 372. - See life of Aribo, fourth bishop of Freisingen (t 753). See Acta SS. ad d. 22 Sept. B. A. Winter's Vorarbeiten zur Beleuchtung d. baler, u. osterr. Kirchengesch. (2 Bde. Munchen. 805, 1810), ii; 153. According to Winter, ii. 169, he was not a native of Pictavium, in ^Vest Franconia, as has been usually assumed, but of Petavio, now Petau, in Pannonia. 3 Act. SS. ad d. 27 Mart. Rupert came to Bavaria at the time of a Frankish King Childebert, According to the Salzburg tradition, the king was Cbildebert II., at the end of tne sixth century ; but, according to Valesius, Mabillon, Pagi," and especially Hansiz Germania sacra, ii. 51) Childebert III., a hundred years later. On the contrary, M. Filz, a Benedloline, and Professor in Salzburg, has reasserted, conformably to the ancient tradi- tion, that Rupert came to Bavaria, A.i>. 580, and died in 623. See his treatise on the true perltjd of the apostel. Wirksamkeit d. beil. Rupert in Baiera. Salzburg. 1831. 8. The saire writer in the'ADzeigelblatt. d. Wiener Jabrb. d. Literatur, Bd. 64 (1833), S. 2C. Bd. 80 (1837), S. 1. In the mean time, however, tlie younger age of Rupert is maintainel by Blumberger, Benedictine in Gottweih. in the Vienna Jabr. Bd. 73. S. 242. u. Bd. *'l S. 147, and by Rudhart in the Munich gel. Anzeigen. Bd. 5. 1837. S. 587. *• See life of Aribo, bishop of Freisingen. See Acta SS. ad d. 8 Sept, = See } 133, note 4. Beda Hist. eccl. v. 19. Eddius ap. Gale p. 64. H. J. Royaarda Geschiedenis der invoering en vestiging van het Christendom in Nederland 3te Uitj. 'Jtrecht. 1844. p. 127. 538 SECOND PERIOD.— DIV. III.— A.D. 622-726. Afterward Wilkbrord, fsi'st bishop ci Wiitaburg (Uirceht) from G9C-739 labored, along with his associates,* with much suc- cess, under tho protection of the Franks, among the West ?rieslanders and the surrounding territories ; but the East Frieslanders remained steadfast to paganism. The Saxons even iuurdered the two Ewalds who visited them ;^ and Suidbert,^ •ftiio liad at first been received among the Boructiarii, was after- ward obliged to retreat, when they were subdued by the Sax- ons ; and obtained from Pipin an island in the Rhine to estab- lish a convent on it (Kaiserswerth) | 713. * Beda Hist. eccl. v. c. 10, ss. Villebrord's life by Alcnin in Mabillanii Act. SS. Ord Kened. Saec. iii. P. i. p. 601. Koyaards, p. 159. ' Beda, v. c. 11. Acta 6S. ad. 3 Oct. L. v. Ledebnr das Land o. Volk der Bmcterer. 8er:in. 1827. S. 277. Royaards, p. 201. • Beda, V. c. IS. Acta SS. ad d. 1 Mart. Ledebnr, S. 280. Royaardi, y 1»7. ADDITIONAL REFERENCES AND NOTES, BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR. ij 1. The Idea of the Church. — Prof ico, of Halle, inhisi^en'enscAri/ien, Halle, 1847, con- tends for the Celtic origin of the word kirche, church. In the Celtic, cyrch or cylch des- ignates the central point, around which something is gathered, the place of assemblage, Kurtz, Kirchengeschichle, Bd. 1, ^ 1, remarks, "that the introduction of the word among the Anglo-Saxons, and through English missionaries among the Germans," is the most ■probable hypothesis. For the idea of the church, cf. Dr. A. Petersen, Die Idee d. Kirche. 3 Thle. 1843-45.— Rev. Arthur Litton, Church of Christ in its Idea, etc. Lond. 1851.— TV. Palmer, on the Church, 2. 1841.— The Princeton Repertory, 1846, 1853, 185^.— Field, B. of the Church (1628), new ed. by R. Eden, 4. 8. 1853. — Munchmeyer, d. Dogma von der sicht- baren und der unsichtbaren Kirche. 1854. — /. MuUer, d. unsichtbare Kirche, Deutsche Zeitschrift. l^bl.—Scherer, I'Eglise. 1844. 4 2. On the general subject of this section, the most important recent work is, Baufs Epochen der kirchlichen Geschichtschreibung, Tubingen, 1852, written to sustain the views of the Tubingen school.— i/ag-cnftacA, Neander's Services as a Church Historian, Iransl. in Bib. Sacra, vol. viii. 1851. — Niedner, Zeichnung des Umfangs fiir d. Inhalt d. Gesch. d. christl. Religion : in Studien u. Kritiken. 1853. W. Brown, History of the Propagation of Christianity among the Heathen since the* Reformation. New edition, 3. 8. Edinb. 1854.—/. "Wiggers, Geschichte der evangelischen Mission, 2. 8. 1844-45. — Origin and History of Missions. By T. Smith and J. O. Choults, 2, 4. Bost. 1838. — Henrion, histoire generale des missions catholiques, depuis le xiii. sidcle. Paris, 1844. 2. 8. . The State in its Relations with the Church. By W. E. Gladstone^ Esq. 4th ed. 2. 8. 1841. — Dr. Pusey on the Royal Supremacy. 1849. The History of Doctrines. —^Dt. Hagenback^s History of Doctrines, transl. by C. W, Buck, 2. 8. 2d edition. Edinb. 1853, from the third German edition. — Munscher^s Ele ments of Dogmatic History, transl. by Jos. Murdoch, D.D. 12. New Haven, 1830. — Tkeod. Kliefoth, Einleitungin d. Dogmengesch. 8. 1839. — Of Meier^s Dogmengesch. a new edi- tion appeared in 1854, edited by G. Baur. — Dr. F. Ch. Baur, Lehrbuch d. christlichen Dogmengeschichte, 8. Stuttg. 1847. — Dr. H. Klee (Bonn) Leljrbuch der Dogmengesch. 2. 8. Mainz. 1837, '8, from the Roman Catholic point of view. — Marheinecke, Vorlesu'ngen uber d. Dogmengesch. : a posthumous publication, 8. 1849. — L. Noack, Dogmengesch. Erlangen, 1853. — Carl'Beck, Christ!. Dogmengesch. Weimar, 1848. — Other earlier works are, Bertholdt, 1823; Ruperti, 1830; and Lentz, 1834. — Vorlander, Tabellen d. Dogmen- gesch. nach Neander. Hamb. 1835, '7, to A.D. 604. On the history of doctrines, Nean- ders General History is very full. On the general subject of the History of Doctrines and its historians, compare Kling, in Studien u. Kritiken. 1840, 1841, 1843 ; Niedner, zur neuesten Dogmengesch. u. Dogma- tik, in Allg. Monatsschrift. 1851 ; Engethardt, in Zeitschrift fur d. hist. Theologie. 1852, 3, '4, a review and criticism of the literature. — Niedner, d. Recht d. Dogmen im Christen - Ihume, in the same Zeitschrift. 1852; Dortenbach, d. Methode d. Dogmengesch. in Stu 560 WORKS IN CHURCH HISTORY. dien u. Kritiken, 1852; {Thoniasius)^ Aufgabe d. Dogmengescli..in Zeitschrift fur Prates- tantismusy Bd. 3. — Kiing, " Dogmengeschichte" in the Real- Ency clop. f. Prot. Theologie. History of Special Doctrines. — Corrodi, Chiliasmus, 4 Bde. 1794. — Baur^ Versohnung. 1838.— Baur, Dreieinigkeit, 3 Bde. 1841-45.— isomer, d. Person. Christi. 2te Aufl. 1845- 55, 2. 2. 1 (the Reformation).— JW«"«-,Trinitat. 1844.— Jacofei, Tradition, 1. 1847.— XaA- Tiis, vom heiligen Geiste, 1. 1847. — HofliTig, Taufe, 2. 1847, '8. — Ebrardy Abendmahl, 2. 1846.--Kahnis, Abendmahl. 1851.— Helfferi6h, Mystik, 2. 1842.— Gwfer, d. Erscheinung Jesu unter d. Todten.- 1853. — F. Huydekopetj Belief o{ first three Centuries on Christ's Mission to the' Underworld. Boston, 1854. — Konig, Christi Hollenfahrt. 1844. — May- wahlen, d. Todtenreich. 1854. History of Tkeologiy. — Dr. W. {toss has begun an important work on the "History of the Protestant Theology," vol. 1. 1854. — Schweizer, d. Protestantischen Centraldogmen in ihrer Entwickelung, Bd. 1. 1854. Earlier works are, Heinrich, Gesch. d. Dogmatik. 1790; Schickedam. 1827; W.Herrmann. 1842. Neander^s " Memorials of Christian Life" have been translated in part, and published in Bohn's Library.' 1853. Christian Antiquities. — Oi Joseph JBrng-Aam'* work a new edition is in the course of prep- aration in England by Richard Bingham. — C. S, Henry^ Compendium of Christian Antiq. Phil. 1838, is an abridgment of Bingham. — Lyman Coleman, Ancient Christianity exem- plified, 8, Phil, 1852.^Siegely Handbuch d. christlich-kirchlichen Alterthumer, 4 Bde. Leipsic, 1835-38, alphabetically arranged. — Guerickey Lehrbuch d. Archaologie, 8. Leips. 1847. — Cf. M. J. E. Volbedingf Thesaurus commentationum illustrandis antiquitat. christ. inserventium, t. i. Lips. 1847. — J. E, Riddle, Manual of Christian Antiquities. Lond. 1839. History of Heresies. — A. Sartori., die christlichen und mit der ehristlichen Kirche zu- sammenhaugenden Secten (in tabular form). Lubeck, 1855. — History of Christian Church- es and Sects, Rev. J. B. Marsden, 5 parts published. 1854, '5. — Dr. G. Volkmar, Die Quellen d. Ketzergeschichte bis zum Nicanum, kritisch untersucht, Bd. 1. 1855. Works on the General History of the Christian Church. — Neander^s history.has been ad- mirably translated by Prof. Joseph Torrey, of the University of Vermont, in 5 vols. 8vo, comprising the whole of the original, including Schneider's edition of the last volume. Boston, 1849-54. — The seventh edition of Dr. Hase's History, translated by C. E.Blu- menthal and C. P. Wing, 8, New York, 1855. — Marheinecke, Universal Kirchenhist. Bd. 1. 1806. — Fleury, Eccles. Hist., with Tillemoru's Chronology, transl. to A.D. 870, 5. 4. 1727-33! Niedner, Kirchengeschichte, 8. 1846 : a condensed and philosophical manual. — Fricke, Lehrb. d. Kirchengesch. i. Leips. 1850. — W. B. Lindner, Lehrb. d. christi. Kirchengesch. i.-iii. 1. 1848-52, to 1648, with special respect to the history of doctrines. — Zeller, Gesch. d. Kirche. Stuttg. 1848. — Kurtz, Lehrbuch d. Kirchengesch. 2te Ausg. 1850, to be trans- lated by Dr. Schaeffer. Of his Handhuch d. K. Gesch. only the first vplume has appeared, in 3 parts, 1853, '4, completing the history of the Oriental Church to 1453. — Schleiermacher, Vorlesungen iiber d- Kirchengesch., edited by Bonnell. 1850. Of Bohringer's *' die Kirche Christi u. ihre Zeugen," a church history in biographies, the third division of the second volume, for the Middle Ages, has been published. 1855. Of the later more popular manuals of church history in German, Judo's appeared in 1838; rAiWe,2ded., 1852; /flco62,Bd. 1,1850; ScAmid, Lehrb. 1851 ; VTi/cfte, 1S50 ; Traut- mann, 1852-54; Huber, Universalgesch. 1850. ' The " Ecclesiastical History of Meletius," metropolitan of Athens in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, previously issued in inferior modem Greek, though written in the ancient, is issued at Constantinople, edited by Prof. Constantine Euthybules, first vol. 1853. Stolberg^s Geschichte is continued by Brischar, 1853, Bd. 49, being the 4th vol. of the continuation. — Dbllinger's Church History to the Reformation, translated by Ed. Cox. Lend. 4. 8. 1848 ; " History of the Reformation" in German, in 1846. — Rohrbacher, histoire universelle de I'eglise, 29 torn. Par. 1842-49. A new edition is in the course of publica- COLLATERAL HISTORICAL WORKS. 561 tion, — Henrion^ Hist. Eccles. depuis la creation jusqu'au pontificat de Pie IX. A new edition in 25 vols, is in tile course of publication. — M. I. Matter, Hist, da Christianisme, 2d ed. Par. 1838. 2. 8. — Of Capefigue's Histoire de I'Eglise, the seventh vol., 1854, begins the historj- of the Reformation. — Abb6 Darras, Hist, gener. de I'Eglise, 4. 8 (ar- ranged by the chronology of the Popes). Paris, 1854. The Annals of Baronius are to be continued by Aug. T/ieiner from A.D. 1572, wherj they were left by Laderchi; his Historj- of Clement XIV. is a part of this work, which he undertooli bj^ request of Gregorj' XVI. — Palma^ Praelectiones historico-ecclesiasti- cae. Eomae. 3 voU. 1838-42.— JV. J. Cherrier (Pesth), Epitome Hist. Eccl. Nov. Foede- ris, 2. 8. Vienna, 1854. A' traiwlatiop of Spanheim^s Eccles. Annals into English, from commencement of Script, to Reformation. Lbnd. 1829. — Of Dean MUman's History of Latin Christianity, a continuation of his " History," 3 vols, were published in 1854; two more complete this portion of his elaborate work. The best edition of Milner's Church History is by Rev. T. Baniham, 4. 8. — W. Bates, College Lectures on Eccl. History, 2d ed. 1852. — JortMa Remarks on Eccl. Hist. — Foulkes, Manual of Church Historj", the first twelve centuries. 1851. — Chs. Hardwich, History of the Church in the Middle Ages. Camb. 1853 ; one of . a series of Theological Manuals : the " Early Church History" and that of the " Refor- mation" will soon appear. — /. C. Robertson, History of Christian Church to 590. Lond. 1854. — Palmer's Compendium of Church History, new ed. 1852. — M. RUUer's History. Ne\y York, 1853. — State of Man before and after Promulgation of Christianity, includ- ing the Reformation, 4. 12. in " Small Books on Great Subjects." 1850-54. — Henry Uteb- bing. Hist, of the Church to Reformation, 2. 8. From 1530 to the eighteenth centurj-, 3. 8. Lond. 1842. Chronological Works and Tables of Church History; — Ecclesiastical Chronologj-, Rev. J. E, Riddle, 8. Lond. 1840. — ^Abstract of Vater's Tables, by F. Cunningham. Bost. 1831.— jOanz. Jena, 1838.— Z>OMat. 2te Aufl., 1850.— L. Lamje. Jena, 1841.— ScAtme. Berl. l%oS.— Franks Parker, The Church, foL Lond. 1851.— Oxford Ciironological Ta- bles, fol. 1835-40. % 3. Relation of Church History to other Historical Studies, p. 19. — History of Cultura. Wachsmuth, allg. Culturgesohichte. Leips. 1851, sq. und Sittengesch. 5 Bde. 1831, sq. — Klemm, allg. Culturgesohichte, 10 Bde. Leips. 1847-53. — Karl von Raumer, Geschichte der Padagogik, 4. 8. (Completed 1855.) — Robert Blalcey, Temporal Benefits of Christian- itj-. Lond. 1849. — Guizofs General Hist, of Civilization in Europe, transl. by Hazlitt. New York, 1850. — Hegel, Philosophic d. Geschichte, 8. — Schkgel, Philosoplij- of History, translated bj' Robertson. History of Religions. — B. Constant,- De la Religion, 2. 8. Paris, 1824. — Kraft, die Re- ligion aller Volker. 1845. — Hegel, Phil. d. Religion, herausg. Marheineclce, 2. 8. — Bun- sen, Christianity and Mankind, vols. 3 and 4. ' 1854. History of Philosophy. — Ritter's work is now completed in 12 volumes. — Schwegler, Gesch. d. Phil., 8. 1848.— Das Buch d. Weltweisbeit, 2. 8. lS&i.—Reinhold, 3 Bde., 4th ed. 1854. — Tennemann's Manual, transl. by MoreU. Lond. 1854. — Erdmnnn, Gesch. d. neueren Philos. (Three vols, in six.) 1834. — Chalybdus, Hist, of German Philosophy, transl. Am. ed. 1854. History of Literature. — Grdsse, Lehrb. einer allgemeinen Literar-geschichte aller be- kannton Volker, i.-iii., S. 2 (to the first half of the nineteenth centurj-). 1837-54. — H. Hallam's View of the State of Europe in the Middle Ages, 3.' 8. tenth ed. 1853 ; Litera- ture of i5th to 17th century, 2. 8. 1853. — Sismondi's, of the South of Europe. — Qu4- rard's, la France litt&aire. — Ticlnor's Spanish Literature. — Gervinus, Gesch. d. Deut- schen Literatnr. Upon the History of Art, in relation to Christianity, the work of Dr. Gieseler contains no references. Prof. Dr. J". Piper, Mythologie u. Symbolik der christlichen Kunst, Bd. 1. 1851.— Dr. F. Kugler, Hand-book of the Hist, of Art, new ed. transl. Lond. 1854.— Lord Lindsay's Sketches of the History of Christian Art, 3. 8. 1847. — Didron's Christian Icon- ography, 1, transl. in Bohn's Librarj', 1852. — Symbols and Emblems of Early and Me- A 2 5G2 SOURCES OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. (iiaeval Christian Art, by Louisa Twining. Lond. 1852. — Mrs. Jameson^ Sacred and Le- gendary Art, 3. — Schnaase, Gesch. d. bildenden Kunste. 1843. — Kinkd, 1. 1845. — Rom- berg und Steger, Gesch. d, Baukunst. 1827. — Kreusevy 2 Bde. 1851. — Pugin^s Gothic Specimens and Examples. — Ruskin's Seven Lamps of Architecture. 1848 ; Stones oi Venice, 3, with fol. plates. 1850-54. — Kallenbach u. Schmittj Christliche Kirchen Bau- kunst, 12 Hefte. 1853, — Kiesewetter, Gesch. d. Musik. 1846. — Hoffmann von Fallersleben, Gesch. d. Deutschen Kirchenlieds. 1853. — Baurj Gesch. d. Kirchenlieds. 1852. — Scliauerj Gesch. d. bibl. kirchlichen Dicht und Tonkunst u. ihrer Werke. 1850. — Kochj Gesch. d. Kirchenlieds u. K. Gesangs, 4 Bde. 2te Aufl. 1853. Of Spruner's Hist.-geog. Atlas, the ninth part of the second division, comprising the Hist, of Europe from the beginning of the Middle Ages, was published in the se»ond«edi- tion. 1854. An abridged edition is in the course of publication in England. — A. L. Kop- pen, edition of -Spruner on Middle Ages. New York. 1854. — Quints Hist. Atlas. Lond. 1851. — Atlas geographiqi^e, histor., universelle, V. Durny. , Paris, 1842. — Carl v. Ritter^ ilie Erdkunde ira, Verhaltniss zur Natur u. zur Geschichte des Menschen, xvii. Thl. 2tc Ausg. (the 17th in 1854). — RiUer*s geogr.-statistisches Lexicon, 4te Aufl. v. Hoffmann, etc. 1852. ■- .. Chronology. — Sir Harris Nicolas, The Chronology of History (Lardner's Cycl.). — Pc- taviiis, de Doctrina Temporum, ed. Harduin, 3. fol. l?34.^iir. ^rotyne, Ordo Saeclorum. 8. Lond. 1844. — D. H. Hege^isch, Introd. to Historical Chronology, transl. by James Marsh, 18. Burlington, 1837. — Hales, New Analysis of Chronology and Geography. Lond. 1830, 4. S.— Blair's Tables, new ed. Lond. 1850.— Piper, Kirchenrechnung. Berl. 1841. ■ — S. F. Jarvis; Chronolog. Introd. to Church History, New York, 1845, is an inquiry into the dates of the birth and death of Christ. — Rev. Ed. Greswelt, Fasti Temporis Catholice, ct Origines Kalendariae, 5. 8. and a vol. of Charts. Lond. 1852 ; also, Origines Kalenda- riae Italicae. 4. 8. 1854.--— -De Morgan's Book of Almanacs. Lond. 1851. Geography, etc. — J. E. S. Wiltsch, Kirchliche Geographic und Statistik, 2. 8. Berl. 1846. — M. le Quien, Oriens Christianus, Par. 1760, 3 t. fol. — A System of Ancient and Mediaeval Geography. By Charles Anthon, 8. New York, 1850. Works in Universal History. — }V. C. Taylor, Manual of Ancient and Modern History, 2. 8. New York, 1846, and often.— T. Keightley, Outlines of History. Lond. 1836.— WebeT''s Universal History, edited by Prof. Bowen, 8. Bost. 1853. — Tytlcr, Elements of General History, 4. 18. New York, Harpers. — J: Miiller, Hist, of World, revised by A. H. Everett, 4. 12. New York, 1846. — C. von Rotteck, General Hist, of the "World, transl., 4. 8. Phil. 1842. Cantu, C. Histoire universelle, trad, par E. Aroux. Paris, 18. 8. 1843. New ed. 1852-54.—//. Leo, Lehrbuch d. Universal Gesch., 6. 8. Halle, 1839, sq. — D. H. Dittmar, Gesch. d. Welt vor u. iiach Christus, Bd. 1-4. 4. Heidelb. 1852, sq. New edi- tion of vol. 1. 1855. ^ 4. On the Sources of Ecclesiastical History ,^p. 21. — J. G. Howling, Introduction to the C/itical Study of Eccl. History, 8. Lond. 1838.— ;I)r. Arnold's Lectures On Modern His- tory contain valuable directions to students for the use of original documents. — C. W. F. Watch, Kritische Nachricht vondOn Quellen d. Kirchengesch. Leips. 1770. Biographies of the Popes. — Bowyer, Hist, of Popes, continued by S. if. Cox, 3. 8. Phil, 1840. — Be Cormenin, Hist. Popes. Phil. 1845. — Miiller, Abbe Prof. Phil, die romischen' Pabste, 14 Bde. to 1855.— The Popes, from Linus to Pius IX. By G. A. F. Wilks. Lond. 1851.— X E. Riddle, History of Papacy, 2. 8. Lond. 1854.— VT. GiesebrecJu, d. Quellen d. friiheren Pabstgeschichte, in Allg. Monatsschrift. 1852. The volume of the '■^ Acta Sanctorum" for Oct. 10 and 11, was reprinted at Brussels in 1852; the vol. for Oct. 17-20, the second of the Brussels continuation, was published in 1353; the first of this continuation in 1845. — Alban Butler's Lives of the Saints, 12. 8. New York, 1849. Collections of the Works of the Fathers^ etc. — L. E. Hupin, History of Eccl. Writers to close of 16th Century, transl. by Wm. Wotton and Digby Cotes, 3. fol. Dublin, 1723. — Cave, Script. Eccles. etc., edited by Henry Wharton, best ed. Oxford, 1740, 41. /dcm, Chartophylax Ecclesiasticus, etc, 1C85, '6. WORKS ON THE COUNCILS AND SYMBOLS. 563 Spicilegium Solesmense, torn. l'(to be in 10), 1853, 4; fragments from the second to the fourth century, edited by /. Pitra. — Caillou et Guillan, Collectio S. Patrum. Paris, 1841, sq., 148 t. with Indices.-*/. P. Migne, Patrologiae Cursus Compl., 130 torn, to 1854. —Martene et Durand, Vet. Scriptorum Collectio. Paris, 1724-33, 9 fol. ; Thesaurus Nov. Anecdot. 1747, 5 fol.— 7. E. Grabe, Spicilegium ss. patrum., 2 fol. Oxon. 1698.— D'Ache- ry, Spicilegium, 13. 4. Par. 1655.— Mabillon, Vetera Aoalecta. Par. 1723, loL—Balu- 2iU5, Miscellanea. 1761, 4 fol. — Muratori, Anecdota. 1697, 4. 4. /. G. Walch, Bibliotheca Patristica. 1770. — 'Augusti, Chrestomathia Patristica; 1812. —Rossler, Bibliothek d. K. Vater, 10 Bd. 1776. — J. Basnage, Thesaurus Monumeiitorum. Amst. 1695, 6 fol.— .4. Mai, Patrum Nova Bibliotheca, t. 6. 1852, '3, (to be in 10 volumes) ; previously. Script, vet. Nova Collectio e Vat. Codd. Rom, 1825, sq., 10. 4. — Bibliotheca Patr. Eccl. Lat., ed. Gersdorf, 13 torn. 12 (Clement, Tertull., Ambrose, Lactant., Arno- bius, Minucius Felix). — A. Mai, Spicilegium Rom., torn. 10. 4. 1839, '44. W. Cave, Lives of the Fathers, ed. H. Cary, 3. 8. Oxf. 1840. — Institutiones patrolo- giae. Dr. J. Fessler, torn. 1. 1850, 8.—/. N. Locherer, Lehrb. d. Patrologie. 1837 .— Winter. Patrologie. 1814. Annegarn, 1837. — Adam Clark, View of Succession of Sacred Lit. , iol. 2. By J. B. B. Clark, 2. 8. Lond. 1830, '1.— At Athens, in 1846, ^i7io2.oyiKij Kal KpiTCfcT) ioTopia rCtv dyiuv Trarepuv, v'jro KuvaravTivov KovToyovov, 775 p. 8, ends with John of Damascus ; cf. Leips. Repertorium. Feb. 1852. The first volume ofHefele, Geschichte d. Con'cilien, 1855, reaches to the fourth century. ■ — H. T. Bruns, Bibl. Eccl. Canones Apost. et Conciliorum saec, 4. 7. Berol. 183^, 2 torn. ■ — A Manual of Councils, with the Substance ofthe most important Canons, by Rev. E. H. Landon. Lond. 1846. — Definitions of Faith, and Canons ofthe Six (Ecumenical Councils, liy Rev. TV. A. Hammond. Am. ed. 12. New York, 1844. — French Councils : Sirmond, Concilia antiq. Galliae. Par. 1629, 3 fol. ; Suppl. 2 fol. — Spanish : Gonzalez, Coll. Can. Eccl, Hisp. Matriti, 1808, fol. — Saenz D^Aguirre, Coll. maxima Cone, omnium Hisp. 'et novi orbis. Rom. 1693, 3 fol. — Concilios provinciales de Mexico (in 1555, '65, '85), 3. 1769, '70, Mexico.— English : H. Spelman, Cone. Deer, ad 1066, fol. 1639.— J). Wilkins, Cone. Mag. Brit, et Hibern. Lond. 1727, 4 fol.— i. Howell, Synopsis Concil., fol. '1708. — German ; Hartzheim, Cone. Germaniae. 1749, 10 fol. . Beveridge, Pandectae Canon, ss. et Conciliorum ab Ecclesia Graeca receptorum, etc., 2 fol. Oxon. 1672. Cabassutii, Notitia Eccl. Hist. Concil. et Canonum, fol. Lugd. 1690. New edition, 3. 8. Par. 1838 (1690), — A. D^Avallon, Histoire chronol. et dogmatique des Conciles. Par. (vol. iv. issued in 1854). — Hammond (Ap.). Paraenesis (1656), 1841, p. 98, sq. Symbolism, Confessions of Faith. — G. B.Winer, Comparative Darstellung ds. Lehrbe- griffs 4. verschiedenen christlichen Kirchenpartheien. 2te Aufl. Leips. 1837. — Chs. But- ler, Hist, and Lit. Account of Symbol. Books, 8. Lond. 1816. — Peter Hall, The Harmony of Protest. Confessions, new ed. Lond. 1842. — Guericke, Allg. christl. Symbolik. Leips. 2te Aufl., 18i6.—Marheineke, Christlich. Symbolik, th. 1, Katholicismus, 3 Bde. 1810-13 ; Institutiones Symbol, ed., 3. 1830; Vorlesungen, ed. ilfaH/iies u. Faiie. 1848. — E.Koll- ner, Symbolik christlich. Confessionen. i. Luth. K. ii. Kathol. K,, 8, Hamb, 1837, sq.^ A. H. Baier, Symbol, d. christl. Confess., 1 ; Rom. Kath. K. Leips. 1854. — K. Mattkes, Comp'. Symbolik, 8. Leips. 1854. — G, J. Planck, Abriss einer hist, u: vergleich, Darstel- lung d. dogmat. Syst. 3te Aufl. 1822. Mohler, Symbolik, 5te Aufl. 1838. English transl. by J. B. Robertson. New York, 1840. — Baur, Gegensatz d. Kathol. u. Prot. 2te Ausg. . 1836. — Mohler., Nene Untersuch- nngen. 2te Ausg. 1835. — Nitzsck, Prot. Beantwortung d. Symbolik Dr. Mohler^s, 8. Hamb. 1835 (aus d. Stud. u. Krit.). Bullarittm Romanitm, etc. Continuation Ijy ^1. Spctia. 1835-44, 8 lom. fol.. Another volume added in 1852. P. Jafe, Regesta Pontif Romanorum a condita Ecclesia ad annum post Christum 1198. Berol. 1851, 4. These Regesta, from 1198 to 1572, are in the Vatican, in 2016 folios. Among the Protestants, Pertz is almost the only one who has been allowed to exam- ine them, for his Monumenta Germaniae. The Regesta to 1198 are for the most part 561: WORKS UPON THE PRIMITIVE HISTORY. lost. Jaffe, in the above work, has collected the* fragments (cf. Kurtz, Handbuch, 1. (,i). Liturgies. — Codex Liturgious Ecclesiae universae in EJjitomen redactus. Curavit Dr. H.A.DanielL Completed in 4 vols. 1854. — i. A, iKwra^on, Lit. Romana vetus. Venice, 1748, 2 fol. — Mabillon, Liturg. Gallicana. Paris, 1729. — J. Pimus, Liturgia Ant. Hisp. Goth. Mozarab. Rom. 1749. 2 fol. (cf. Christ. Rembr. Oct; 1853).—/. Goar, Rituale Grae- corum. Ven. 1780. — Guillaume Durand, Rationale ou Manuel des divins offices. New edition. Par. 5, 8. 1854. — Palmer, W., Origines Liturgicae; or, Antiq. of the Church of England, 2. 8. 1845.— X M. Neate, Tetralogia Liturgica (those of James, Mslrk, Chry- sostom, and the Mozarabic). Lond. 1848. — Bunsen, Analecta Ante-Nioaena, 3. 8. 1854. , Additional-Works on the First Period.— 1-324. Page 29.— Eusebius : Hist. Eccl! ad Codd. MSS., recens, £. Burton. Oxon. 1845; Annotationes variorum, torn. 2. 1842. Hist. Eccl. recognovit A. Schwegler. 1853. A new translation o{ Eusebivs,hy Dr. C. F. Cruse. Nevf York, 4th ed. 1847, and London. — Evagrii, Hist, Eccl. Oxon. 1844 (ex recens. H. Valesii). — Socrates' Schol. ex recens. Valesii. Oxon. 1844. The early ecclesiastical his- torians, Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoretus, and,Evagriu3, have been issued in an English version, in 6 vols. 8. Lond., Bagster, 1845, *6. — Tkeodoreti, Ecclesiasticae his'- toriae recensuit, Thos. Gaisford (a new revision of the text, from two MSS. in the Bod- leian). Oxon. 1854. Henry Milman, Hist, of Christ. Lond. 3. 8. ; New York, 1841. — E. Burton, Lectures to Time of Constantino, 2. 8. Oxf. 1849, Works vol. iv. v. — Maurice, Lectures on Eccl. Hist, of iirst and second Cent., 8. Lond. 1854. — Hinds, Rise and Progress of Christianity, 2. 8. 1828.- X>. Welsh, Elements Ch. Hist. vol. i. Edinb. 1844.^CaDe's Lives of the Fathers, 3. 8. — H.G. Humphrey, EaT]y Progress of the Gospel (Hulsean Lect.). 1850.— Whiston's Primitive Christ., 4. 8. — W. Cooke Taylor, History of Christ, to its Legal Es. tablishment in the Roman Empire, ,12. Lond. 1844. — Jeremie, Christ. Ch. second an(^ third Cent. Encycl. Metr. — Neander, transl. by Rose, 8. New York, 1848. — W. Kipp, Early Conflicts of Christians: New York, 1850. — B. H. Cooper, Free Church of Ancient Christendom. Lond. 1854-— :CA«. Maitland, The Church in the Catacombs. Lond. 1846. F. C. Baur, d. Christenthum u. d. christl. Kirche d. drei ersten Jahr., 8. 1853. — D. J. Hergenrbther, de Catholicae Ecclesiae primordiis recentiorum Protest, systemata cxpen- duntur, 8. 1851'. — Ritschl, Entstehung d. altkatholischen Kirche. Bonn, 1839. — Hagen. bach, d. drei ersten Jahrhnd^ 8. 1853.— ^Biesenthal, Gesch. aus Talmud. Quellen. Berl. 1850. — Gfrorer, Geschichte des Urchristenthums. Stuttg. 1831, sq., 3 Bde. — The " Ec- clesiastical History of John of Ephesus," pt. 3, edited by Cureton, 1853, is important for the Monophysitic discussion. • Brocklesby, Hist, of Primitive Christ, first three Centuries. 1712, 8. — Whiston's^ Primi- tive Christianity, 4. 8. 1711. — W. Reeves, Apology of Primitive Fathers, 2. 8. London, 1716. — Wakefield, Opinions of the three first Centuries, 8. 1755. — C. J. Couard, Life of early Christians of first three Centuries, transl. by L. J. Bemays (Edb. Bibl. Cab.). — W. tSimpsoni Epitome Hist. Christ. Church first three Cent., 2d ed. 1851. — Rev. Chs. Smyth, Voice of the Early Church. Lond. 1850.-^/. X)e Wille, The Christ, of certain Roman Empresses before Constantine. Paris, 1853. — W. G. Humphrey, Early Propagation of Gospel (Hulseans). . 1850. Works on the Apostolic Age, page 30. — Philip Schaff, History of Apostolic Church. .Transl. by E; D.Yeomans, 8. ■ New. York, 1853. — Geo. Benson, History of first Planting of Christianity, 3. 4. 1759.— H. W. J. Thiersch, Gesch. d. christl. Kirche, 1. 1852. English transl. by T. Carlyle. 1852. — Lcchler, d. Apostolische u. nachapostol. Zeitalter. Haarlem, 1851 (prize essay). — Schwegler, d. Nachapostolische Zeitalter, 2. 8. Tubingen, 1846.-^7. P. Langc, Gesch. d. Kirche i. Apostol. Zeitalter.. 1853. — M. Baumgarten, d. Apostolgesch. u. s. w. (Transl. Edinb. 1855.) — Dietlein, das Urchristenthum (against Baur). i%ib.—Rothe,Ai u. Krit. 1855. — Hilgenfeld, d. Apostolikon Marcions, in Ztschft. f. d. hist. Theotogie. 1855. MelitOf bishop of Sardis, p. 143. — See Journal of Sacred Lit. and JBibl. Record^ Jan. 1855. ^ 50. — Apologies for Christianity, p. 145, cf. Bolton; The Apologists of the second and third Century. Am. ed. Boston, 1853. — Corpus Apolog. Christ. Ed. by Otto ; Justin, 2d ed. 1850, 5 torn. ; Taiian, 1851. — Baur, in his Dogmengeschichte, und Geschichte d. drei ersten Jahr. — Clausen, Apologetae Ecclesiae. 1837. Theophilus Antiock, Libri tres ad Autolycum. ■ Edit, by G. G. Humphrey. Lond. 1852. —The Octavius of Minncius Felix. Edited by Rev. H. A. Holden. ■ Oxf. 1853. — Other Eng. transl. by R. James, Oxf. 1636 ; Combe, 1703 ; W. Reeves, 1719 (in " Apolog. of Prim. Fathers") ; by Dalrymple. Edinb. 1781.— The Apologetics, by T. Betty. Oxt 1722. Epistola ad Diognetum. — Just. M. Epist. ad Diognetum, by Hoffmann. 1851. Cf. Otto, in Gersdorf^s Rep. ■ 1852. — The Epistle translated in Kitto^s Journal, 1852, and Princeton Review, 1853. — Der Brief an Diogn., herausg. by W. A. Hollcnberg. Berlin, 1853. Cf. Gersdorf s Rep. Marz, 1853. Justin Martyr. — Bishop Kaye, Some Account of Opinions and Writings of Just. Mart. 2d ed.— iemiscA on J. M., transl. by J. E. Ryland, in Bibl. Cab., vol. 41. 42.— De J. M. doctrina. Diss, by A. Kayser. 1850. — Volckmar, Ueber J. M. 1853. — Just. Mart., v. K. Otto, reprinted from Allg. Encyclop. 1853. — Duncker, d. Logoslehre d. Just. M. 1847*. — Zur charakteristik d. Just. M., v. K. Otto. Wien, 1852. — D. Evang. ds. Just, by Hilgen- feld, Theol. Jahrb. 1852.— Volckmar, die Zeit ds. Just. M., Theol. Jahrb. 1855. English transl., by W. Reeves (the first Apol.). 2d ed. 1716.^Dialogue with Trypho, " by H. Browne, 2. 8. Lond. 1755. — Exhort, to Gentiles, by T. Moses. 1757. § 51. Irenaeus, p. 148. — Opera quae supersunt. Ed. by Stieren, 1850. — Supposed Frag- ments, ;S|pici7eg-mm Solesmense, 1. 1852 (cf. Christ. Rembr. 1853, July). — Life and Times of Irenaeus, in The Eclectic (Lond.), Sept. 1854. — J.Beaven, Life of Irenaeus, 8. Lond. 1841. •Canon of New Test. — J. itircAAo/er, Quellensammlung zur Geschichte d. Neutest. Canon, bis Hieron. Zurich, 1844.^ M^.X ITAjerscA, d. Neutestamentliche Canon. 1845. Cosin, Soholastical Hist, of the Canon, 4. 1672. — Jones (Jeremiah), New and full Method of settling the Canon. Authority of New Test., 3.8. 1726. New ed. Ox{.18Z7.— West- cott, on the Canon. Lond. 1855. — On the " Fragmentum Muratorii," by Wieseler, Studien u. Krit. 1847 ; ed. by J. Van Gilse. Amstelod. W52.^Botticher, in Zeitschr. Luth. Theol. 1854. — Dupin, Hist, of Canon, fol. 1699. — Whitehead, Canon and Inspiration. 1854. — CAr. Wordsworth, Canon and Insp., Am. ed. 1855. — Rauth, in Rel. Sacrae, torn. 5, 1848. ^ 52. Apocryphal Writings, p. 153. — Cf. Whiston, Prim. 'Christ., 4. 1711. — Fragmenta Act. S. Joh. Ed. by Thilo. 1847.— Acta Apostol. Apocr. Ed. by Tischendorf. 1851. Cf. Gersdorf. Rep. Jan. 1852.— 7-II. BurgesSj Transl. of*Hymns and Homijies. Lond. 1853 ; cf. Kitto^s Journal, 1853.- — Id., Repentance of Nineveh. 1854. — Das Leben ds. Eph. Syr., X Aisle- ben. 1853. — Cardinal Wisemauj in his " Essays, " vol. 3 (from Dublin Review). —North British, Aug. 1853 ; Journal of Sacred Lit., Jan. 1854 ; Church Review, 1852. Theodor of Mopsuestia. — Commt. in N. T., ed. Fritsche. 1847. — Doctrina de imagine "Dei, Domer, 1844; cf. Dorner's Person. Christi. — Commentar. in Spicileg..Solesm. (see under Hilary, above). John Chrysostom.^-The first vol. of Neander's Life. Transl. by J. C. Sjtapleton. Lond. 1845. — Bohringer, in " Die Kirche Christi." — In the "Lib, of Fathers," Oxf., translation of Chrysostom in vols. 4. 5. 6. 7. 9. 11. 12. 14. 15. 27. 34.— Chrysostom on "Priesthood," with notes and Life, by H. M. Mason. Philad. 1826. — Bibl. Sacra, vol. 1. Life by /. D. Butler. — Kitto's Journal, vol. 1. by Eadie. — S. Osgood, in North Amer.y vol. 62. — C. P. Krauth, in Evangel. Rev., vol. L^Sermons of Chrj'sostom, in Christian Rev., vol. 12. — Perthes, Life of Chrysostom, transl. Boston, 1854. Chrysostom, " No man is hurted but of hym-selfe." Transl. by T. Imprette. London, 1542.— On the "Priesthood," by H. Hollier, Lond. 1728; by J. Bunce, Lond. 1759. — " Se- lect Passages," by K S. Boyd. Lond. 1810. - Synesius. — Quae exstant Opera omnia, ed. by /. G. Krabinger, torn. 1. 1850. — Hom- ilies ; trad, pour la prem. fois, par B. Kolbe. Berl. 1850. § 86, p. 326. — Priscillian. — J..M. ilfandemacA, Greschichte ds. Priscillianismus. 1851. — Defense of Priscillian, by Dr. -Lardner; Works, vol. 4. § 87. Augustine and Pelagius. — Augustine, in " Lib. of Fathers," Oxf., vol. 1. Confes- sions, by (S. B. Pusey (rep. in Boston) ; vols. 16 and 20, Sermons ; 22, Treatises ; 16,20, Sermons ; 24, 25, 30, 32, Psalms ; 26, 29, John.^ TrcncA, Essay on Augustine^ as Inter- preter, and Comm. on Serra. on Mount. — Life, etc., by Schaff. 1854. — Life and Labors. Lond. 1853. (Bagster). — R. Emerson, Transl. of first vol. of Wiggers, " Augustin.and Pe- lagianism." Andover. — Princeton Rev., July, 1854. — Aug. and Pelag., Am. Bib. 72cpos., vol. 3. from Neander; vol. 5. by H. P. Tappan. — Christian Rev., vols. 5, 15; Brit. Quar. Rev., vol. 6. — Augustine as Preacher, Bibl. Repos., vol. 3. and vol. 7. 2d series.^Os^ood, on Augustine and his Times, in " Studies in Christian Biogr." — Zeller, on Augustine's Doctrine of Sin, in Theol. Jahrb., l854.—Ponjoulat, Hist, de St. Aug. 3d ed. 2. Paris, 1852. — Mozley, Augustinian Doctrine of Predestination. London, 1856. Two hundred new Sermons of Augustine, in Mai, Patrum Nova Biblioth., vol. 1. — De Civitate Dei, ed. Strange. Colon. 1850, '51. L. Gangauf Metaphys. Psychologic ds, heilig. August. Augsb. 1852. Augustine, Of the Citie of God, with the Comm. of i, Vives. EAglished hy J. H. 2d ed. 1620. — Manuell, London, 1577. — Meditations, by Stanhope. London, 1745. — A new French transl. of the " Civitas Dei," by Saisset, 4. 12, 1855. Shicksale d. Augustinischen Anthropologic von d. Verdammung ds. Semipelagianismus HISTORY OF THE PAPACY. 573 auf. d. Synoden zu Orange u. Valence 529 bis zur Reaction ds. Monchs Gottschalck f. d. August, Dr. G. F. Wiggers, in Zeitschriftf. d. historische Theologie, 1854, '5. Julius MullsTy Der Pelagianismus, ein Vortrag. Deutsche Zeitschrift. 1855. Vincens of Lirens, p. 343. — Commonitorium, ed. alt. Oxford, with a translation. On him, see Hefele, in Theol. Quartalschrift, 1854. English translations : J. Procter, Loni 1554 ; A. P., Lend. 1559 ; Luke, Lond. 1611.— TV. Reeves, with the Apolog. of Primitive Fathers, 2. 8. Lond. 1716. ^ 88. Nestorian Controversy, p. 343. On the Views of Nestorius, in Zeitschriftf. d. Luth. Theol., 1854. — Nestorius and thfe Council of Ephesus, in Christ. Exam., 1853. — On the present Nestoriarra, T. Laurie. Bost. 1853; J. Perkins, va. Journal Sacr. Lit., 1853. Cf. the works of Baur, Dorner, and Meier, on the Trinity and Incarnation. — E. Robinson, in North American, vol. 57.;; in Am,. Bibl. Repos., vol. 6 (second series). — G. P. Badger, The Nes. torians and their Rituals, 2. Lond. 1852. Theodoretus, Comment, in omnes b. Pauli Epist : Pars 1. Oxon. 1852, in Bibl. Patrum Eccles. Cath., etc. § 94. History of the Roman Patriarchs, and of the Hierarchy in the IVest, p, 377. — On the Claims and Succession of. the Papacy. — Barrow on the Papal Supremacy, M^Crie's edi- tion. — Riddle's Hist, of Papacy, 2. 8. 1854 (from Schrockh ^nd others) j cf. Dublin Rev., 1854.— G. A. F. Wilks^ The Popes. Lond. 1851.— Passaglia, de Praerogativis. B. S. Petri, 2. 8. Rom. 1850. —Allies, Digest of PassagUa. Lond. 1853.— -S^d. Burton, Power of the Keys; Works, 1. 1838. — /. Pearson, de Serie et Success, prim. Rom. Episcop. 1688. — Dodwell on the same subject. — Palmer on the Church, vol. 2. p. 451-529. — Collette, The Pope's Supremacy. Lond. 1852. — Andre Archinaiid, Les Origines de I'Eglise Ro- maine, 2, 8. Geneve, 1852. Storiadei Papi, Bianchi-Giovini (8 vols, published in Switzerland). Dowling's History of Romanism. 6th ed. 8. New York, 1845. — /. A. Wylie, The Pa- pacy. Lond. 1852. — Philippe de Boni, de la Papante. 1852 (condemned at Rome). — Pous' sel, Origine du principat Remain. Avignon, 1852. — F. Maassen, d. Primat ds. Bischofs von Rom, u. d, alten Patriarchalkirchen. Bonn, 1853. — /. Meyrick, Papal Supremacy tested by Antiquity. Lond. 1855. — Elliott on Romanism, 2. 8. New York. — Ellendorf, d. Primat. d. Romischen Pabste, 2. 8. 1841.— iCenWcA;, The Primacy. 3d ed. 1855. Edict of Valentinian III. on Papal Supremacy, in Deutsche Zeitscrift, 1855. , Routh, Tres breves Tractatus (the third, S. Irenaei illustrata ^tjci^, in qua Ecclesia Ro- mana commemoratur), Oxon. 1854; cf. Pusey, Notes to Sermon on the Rule of Faith. 1854. On the States of .the Church. — John Miley, History of. Transl. into F*rench by C. Quin- Lacroix. Paris, 1851. — Hasse (Prof. H.), Die Vereinigung der geistUchen u. der welt- lichen Obergewalt im Rom. Kaiserstaat. 1852. — Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist, de la Pa- trimonie de St. Peter. 1853.^ — Sugenheim, Geschichte d. Ents.tehung u. Ausbildung des Kirchenstaats (prize essay), 8. Leips. 1854. Daunon, Essai Hist, sur la puissance Temporelle.des Papes (written, at the instance of Napoleon) ; see Quar. Rev., Oct. 1853. Febronius, de Statu Eccles; et Legit. Potest. Rom. Pontif., 3. 4. 1763, sq. — Salmasius (Claude), de Primatu Papae, etc. . Lugd. Bat. 1645. History of Popery. London, 1837. — Temporal Power of Popes, Christ. Rev.^ 1851. — Brownson's Quarterly, 1851, '2, '3. — Papal Supremacy, Z'uWmiSeu., 1852. — The Primacy, Dubl Rev., 1853. Christ. Remembr.y 1855, on the papal and royal Supremacy. Synod of Sardica, p. 379, in Shepherd^s Church of Rome, 1852 ; its Acts discussed. — Bar- row on the Papal Supremacy (also a recently discovered treatise of Barrow). — Scotch Eccl. Journal, April and May, 1852. Leo, p. 392. — St. Cheron, vie de Leo, 8. Paris (to be translated). i} 95. History of Monasticism, p. 397. — De Monachatus Originibus et Causis, by G, F. Mangold. Marburg, 1852. — P. Maclean, Monks and Monasteries. London, 1854. — Early History of Monasticism, by R. Emerson, in Bibl. Sacra, vol. 1. — Ruffner't Fathers of the 574 CHRISTIANITY IN GERMANY. Desert, 2. 12. 1850. — S. P. Bay, Monastic Institutions : theif Origin, etc. Lend. 1846, vol. 89. — Isaac Taylor^s Ancient Christianity, 2. 8. 4th ed. Lond. 1844. — Eastern Mona- chism; Mendicants founded by Gotaraa Budha, from Singalese MSS., by R. Spence Hardy. Lond. ^ 102, p. 340. Celibacy. — See Taylor's Ancient Christianity. — Beavan^s Hist, of Celib- acy. Lond. 1841 (against Taylor). Du Celibat, par i. Ant. A. Pacy (bishop of Algiers). Par. 1852. — Untersuchungen iiber d. Roraische Ehe, A. Rossback, 2 Thle. Stuttg. ^ 106, p. 455. Attempts at Reformation. Jovinian and Vigilantiits. — De Jovin. et Vigil, purior. Doctr. — G. B. Lindner. 1639. — Vigilantius and his Times, 8. Lond. 1845. § 108, p. 469. Goths, etc. — C. J. Revillont, de I'Arianisme des peuples Germaniques, qui ont envahi I'Empire Remain. Paris, 1850. Ulphilas, and his Gothic Version of the Scriptures, by S. Loewe, in Kitto^s Journal, vol. 3. — Gothica Versio, ed. C. D. Castillionaeusy 4. Mediol. 1829. — Continued, the Pauline Epistles. 1829-'35.^Gothische Bibeliibersetzung, Fulda u. Zakn, 4. Weissenfels. 1805. — Versio Gothica, cum Interpret., £. Benzelii, ed. E. Lye, 4. Oxon. 1750. Fragments vers. Ulphil., u. F. A. Knittetl. Upsal, 1763.^Codex argenteus s. sacrorum evangelio- rum versionis Gothicae Fragmenta, quae iterum recognita, etc. Ed. Dr. Andr. Uppstrom, 4. Upsaliae, 1855. ^ 112, p. 382. uEtkiopia.—Geddes, History of Church of ^Ethiopia. Lond. 1690.— IJ., Hist, of the Church of Malabar. Lond. 1694. Armenia. — Samuljan, Die Bekehrung Armenians durch d. heiligen Gregorius illuminator. 1844. — Bodenstedt, d. Einfiihrung ds. Christenth. in Armenien. 1850. — Ingigi, Antiquitates Armen., 3. 4. 1855, — Zur Urgeschichte d. Armenier. Philol. Versuch. ■ Berl. 1854. — Ar- menia, Hist. Dogm. et Liturg., etc., 8, Paris, 1855. — Die Entwickelung d. Armenischen Kirche vom Evangelic zum Evangelic, K. iV. Pisckon, in Deutsche Zeitschrift, Dec. 1854. ^ 114, p. 389. Dionysius the Areopagite. — Opera omnia quae eistant, ed. B. Corderius. Leips. 1854. ... Boethius, De Consolatione. Transl. into English by Chaucer • also by Lord Preston, wilh Notes, 1695; 2d ed. 1712, by Ridpath. Lond. 1785.— G. Baur, de Boethio. Darmst. 1841. Gregory the Great, p. 389. — Gregor. u. seine Zeit, by G. Pfahler, Bd. 1. Francf. 1852. — G. F. Wiggers, de Greg. M. ejusque placitis Anthropol. Rostock. 1838. — Marhgraf, de G. M. Vita. Berol. 1845. — Xaw, Greg. I., Leben, u. s. w. ■ Leips. 1845. — Bdhringer, in Kirche u. Zeugen. 1. — Gregory's Views on Augustinianism, by Wiggers, in Zeitschrift/. d. hist. Theol.y 1854. — Gregory's Morals on Book of Job, in Oxf. Lib. of F., vols. 18, 21, 23, 31. — His Dialogues, transl. in the Metropolitan, Bait. 1854. — Maimbourg, Hist, du Pon- tif de S. Greg. Paris, 1686. — King Alfred, transl. Gregory's Pastoral, publ. in Aelfred Regis Res Gest. Lond. 1574. — Collectanea out of Gregory and Bernard. Oxf 1618. Gregory of Tours, p. 390. — Kirchengesch. d. Franken, im Deutschen. Wiirz. 1849.^ Zehn Biicher, W. Giesebrecht, 2. 1851. — Vie de S. Gregoire, par I'Abbe A. Dupuy, 8. Paris, 1854. Canon Law. — Wasserschlehen, Beitrage zur Geschichte des vorgratianischen Kirchen- re'chtsquellen. 1848. — BickelVs Geschichte des Kirchenrechts, 1. 1843. Cf in Niedner^s Kirchengeschichte.— Geddes Tracts, vol. 2.—F. TVaiier, Jjehrbuch, 11th ed. 1854. ^ 119, p. 407. Benedict and the Benedictines, Edinb. Rev., vol, 89. ^ 123, p. 419 ; i) 134, p. 457. Christianity in Germany, and the Franks. — W. Krc^t, Kirch- engesch. Deutschlands, 1. 1855 (Ursprungd. Deutschen Kirche).^ — Rettberg, Kirchengesch. Deutschlands, 1. Die Franken bis auf Karl d. Gross. 1848. — P. Roth, Gesch. d. Bene- ficialwesens, bis ins lOte Jahr. Erlang. 1850; cf. Brandes, in Gersdorf Rep., 1851. — A. F. Ozanam, la Civilisation Chrctienne chez les Francs. Par. 1849. — Destombes, Hist, de St. Amand, et du Christ, chez les Francs. Paris, 1850 (ultramontane). — Anschar, Life and Times, in Bdhringer, and in Christ. Exam., 1853. — Adalbert of Prague, Leben v. Torn- waldt, in Zeitschrift f. d. hist. Theol., 1853. — The Conversion of the Northern Nations, in New Brunswick Rev., 1854. — Adalbert, Erzb. v. Hambur;:, C. Griinhagen. Leipsic, 1854. OLD BRITISH CHURCH. 575 Ozanam (A. F.)» Etudes Germaniques, 2. 8 ; La Germanic avant le Christiunismc, 1847, H. Riickert, Culturgesch. ds. Deutschen Volkes, 2. 8. 1854. — Leo, Vorlesungen uber (\. Ursprung ds. Deutschen Volkes u. Reichs, vol, 1. 1852.- Laden, Gesch. d. Deutschen Volkes, 13 Bde. 1825-'37.— A'oAZrausc/i, transl. by Haas. New York, 1847.— itfenzei, by G. Horrocks, 3. 12. Lend. 1848.—/. J. Mascon, Hist. An- cient Germans. Transl. by Lediard, 2. 4. London, 1833. — Stenzel, Gesch. d. Deutschen unterd. Frankischen Kaisem, 2. 8. Leips. 1838. — Pfister, Geschich. d. Deutschen, 5, 8. Hamb. 1829-'S5.— (?. H. Pertz, Monumenta Germ. Hist., 1-14. 1826-54. i} 127, p. 434. Mohammed. — Busk's Life of Mohammed {Harper's Lib.). 1830. — Prideaux, Life of Mohammed. 4th ed. 1708. Foster's Mohammedanism Unveiled. 1829. — Weil, Mohammed. 1843; Geschichte d. Chalifen, 3. 1851 (to A.D. 1258). — /. L. Merrick, Life and Religion of Mohammed, as contained in the Sheeah Traditions of the Hyiit-ul-Kooloob, from- the Persian. Boston, 1850? — Hammer-Purgstall, Gemaldesaal d. Lebensbeschreibungen. Leips. 1837. — Life of Mohammed from original Sources, by Dr. A. Sprenger, pt. 1. Lond. 1832. — Mohammed and the Arab. Erap., by Prof. Koeppen, in New York Quarterly, 1854. — F. A. Neale, Rise and Progress of Islamism, 2. London, 1854. — Christ. Remembr., Jan. and April, 1855. — Kitto's Journal, vol. 1, article Mohammed. — Irving, Mohammed and his Successors. — North Am. Rev., vol. 63; North British, vo\. 13; Brownson's Qwar., vol. 4; Foreign Quar., vol. 12. The Koran, transl. of Arabic text, by Kasimirski. New ed. Paris, 1852. — Refutation of the Koran, in MaVs Patr. nov. Biblioth., torn. 4. 1853. — SaWs Translaticfti of the Ko- ran, 2d ed., 2. 8. London, 1844. — Selections from the Koran, by Lane 1844. — Coranus Arabice. Ed. G. M. Redslob. Lips. 1855. ^ 132. Spanish Church, p. 450. — Manual razonado de Historia y Legislation de la Iglesia deade sei Es table cimienta hasta ... 4. Madrid, 1845 ; cf. Stud. u. Krit., 1848. — Dunham, Spain and Portugal, 5 vols. (Lardner^s Cab. Cyclop.). — St. Hilaire, Hist, de TEspagne de- puis les prejniers Temps. New ed., 4. 8. Paris, 1853. — Papal Dominion in Spain, For. Rev., vol. 1. — Gothic Laws of Spain, Edinb. Rev., voh 31. § 126, p. 429 ; (j 133, p. 452. Old British, Irish, and Scotch Churches.— De Ecclesiasti- cae Briton. Scotorumque fontibus disseruit, C. G. Schdll. 1851. — English Church His- torians, from Bede to Foxe, 8. 8. London, 1853, sq. — T. Wright, British Lit. Biography, Anglo-Saxon and Roman Period, 2. 8. 1851. — North British Rev., 1853, Account of early Works on British History. — DugdaWs Monasticon AngUcanum, 8 fol. 1846. — Historia Britonorum oi Nenniv^, repr. Irish Arch. Soc, ed.J. H. Todd. 1850.-^ATiglo-Sax. Poetae atq. Script, prosaici, edit. L. Ettmiiller. 1850. — /. W. Ebeling, d. Geschichtschreiber Englands. 1852 (cf. Lond. Athenmum, May 6, 1852). — Gildas et Nennius, Hist. Britono- rum, ed. Stevenson, 2. 8 (English- Hist. Soc). — Rog. de Wendover, Chronica, ed. Coxe, 4 (English Hist. Soc). — William Malmsb., Gesta rerum Angl., ed. Hardy (English Hist. Soc). — Bede, by the same Society, 2. 8. Rev. B. Poste, Britannic Researches, Rectifications of Ancient Brit. Hist, 8. 1853. — The Anglo-Saxon Legend of St. Andrew and St. Veronica, ed. for Camb. Antiq. Society by C. W. Goodwjn. 1854.— Polydqre 7irg-iZ,, Engl. Hist., transl. by Ellis, 4. London, 1844 (Camden Soc). Geoffrey of Monmouth, Brit. Hist., ed. by /. A. Giles. London, 1842.— Surtees Publ. Society, 28 vols, to 1854, illustrating the early Eng. Eccl. History, *e. g., Anglo-Saxon and early English Psalter and Hymnarium ; the Pontifical of Egbert, Archbishop of York (732-766), issued in 1853.— K Herbert, Britannia, 2. 4. Lond. 183G- '41. — Eccleston, Introd. to English Antiquities, 8. Lond. 1847. /. M. Kemble, Codex diplomat, aevi Saxonici (Engl. Hist. Soc), 1-G. Lond. 1839-'48. —Id., The-Saxons in England, 2. 8. 1851.— mn. B. M'Cabe, A Catholic Hist, of En- gland; the Anglo-Saxon Period, 3. 8. 1850-'54. — Sharon Turner, Hist. Anglo-Saxons. 7th ed., 3. 8. 1851. — /. /. A. Worsae, The Danes and Norwegians in England. Lond. 1852. — Sir Francis Palgrave, Hist, of Anglo-Saxons, 12. Lond. 1847.— Jd., Anglo-Saxon Period, 2. 4. 1832. — Lingard's Antiquities of Anglo-Saxon Church, 2. 8. 180G. — Henry 676 EARLY HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Soames, Lat. or Rom. Church in Anglo-Saxon Time«. 1848 (reply to Iiingard). — Thos. Wood, Ancient Britons. 1846. — De Bonneckose, Hist, des quatre Conquetes d'Angleterre. 1852 (received the Montegon prize). — Remains of Pagan Saxondom, by J. G. Akerman. 1851 (Sac. Antiq. Lond.). — England under the Popish Yoke, by E. C. Armstrong. Oxf. 1850. P. F. Tytler, Hist, of Scotland, 9. 8. London, 1842-'44.— Burton's Hist., 2. 8. 1854.— Analecta Scotia, 2. 8. Edinb., 183i-'37. —Dalrymple, Antiq. of Scotland, 4. 1800.— Z). Wilson, The Archaeology and prashistoric Annals of Scotland. Edinb. 1851 (cf. North British, 1852). — ZJcmjisferi, Historia Eccles.gentis Scotorum, sive de Scriptfiribus Scotis, 2.4. 1829(BannatyneClub).— S(wart (A.), Caledonia Romana, 4. 2ded. 1852.— Early Scottish History and its Exponents, Retrosp. Rev., No. 3. 1853. \D' Alton, Hist, of Ireland, from earliest Period to 1245, 2. 8. Dubl. 1845. — The Annals ef Ireland, ed. by P. M'Dermott, 4. Dublin, 1847. — Moore's Hist., 4. 1846.-7. Lanigan, Eccl. History of Ireland. 2d ed. 1829, 2. 8. — Robert King, Mem. Introd. to early His- tory of Primacy of Armagh. 1854. — Todd, Hymns of ancient Irish Church. 1852.— O'Don- ovan. Book of Rights of ancient Kings of Ireland. 1847. — Ancient Irish Brehon Laws, to be published after the Manner of the Scotch and Welsh Collections. — Annals of Kingdom of Ireland by the Four Masters, to 1C16; ed. by /. O'Donovan, 7. 4. Dublin, 1851 (cf. Quar. Rev., Aug., 1853). * Annals of Ireland, by J. Nave, ed. by R. Butler. 1841. — Latin Annalists of Ireland, Clyn and Dowling, ed. by R. Butler. 1848. — Shee, Irish Church, History, etc. London, 1852. — WillidTns, Eccl. Antiquities : the Cymry. — History of Wales till incorporated with England, b^ B. B. Woodward. London, 1853. — W. J. Reeves, Cambro-British Saints of fifth and succeeding Centuries, from MSS. Llandoverey. 1854 (for the Welsh MSS. Society). — St. Patrick and his Birth-place, Notes and Queries, vol. 5. Columbah. — Arnold's T]ieo\. Critic, vol. 1. 1851. — Scotch Ecclesiasticaljoumal, 1852. — Notes on the Study of the Bible by our Forefathers (Columban, Patrick, Gildas), in Jour- nal of Class, and Sacred Philol., 1854. — Knottenbelt, de Columbano. Lugd. 1839. J. Jamieson, Hist. Account of the ancient Culdees of lona, and of their Settlement in Scotland, England, and Ireland, 4. Edinb. 1811. E. Churten, Early English Church. 1841. — Bates, College Lect. on Eccl. Hist. 1853. —Jeremy Collier, Eccl. Hist, of England. New ed., 9. 8. 1845. — Giles, History of An- cient Britons to the Invasion of the Saxons, 2. 8. — W-m. HaZes,_ Origin of Church of Brit- ish Isles. — Chronicles of the British Church previous to Augustine. 2d ed. ' Lond. 1853. — Le Neve, Fasti Anglic, ed. by Hardy. New edition. Clarendon press. 1854. — Cotton's Fasti Ecclesiae Hibernicae. — The Religion of the ancient Britons, from earliest Times to Norman Conquest, by Geo. Smith, 8. 2d ed. 1854. Liber poenitentialis, Theod. (edition of the Record Commission), Untersuchungen iiber d. german. Ponitent. Biicher, von K. Hildebrand. Wurz. 1851.- — Die Bussordnungen d. Abendl. Kirche, v. F. W. H. Wasserschleben. Halle, 1851 (cf. Gersdorfs Rep., 1852). Caedmons, des Angelsachsen, Biblische Dichtiingen, ed, K. W. Bouterwek. Leipsic, 1851.^^1. Daniels, de Saxonici Speculi Origine, etc., 8. Berol. 1852. jElfric, Remains of, ed. by L'Isle, 1623 ; with a reprint of the " Testimonie of Antiqui- tie," sanctioned by Archbishop Parker. 1567. Bede. — The English Historical Society published his Historia Eccles. et Opera Hist. Minora, ed. Stevenson, 2. 8.— Works, in 12. 8. Edited by /. A. Giles. Lond. 1843, '4. — Giles, Life of Bede. — Historia Eccles. gentis Anglorum, ed. R. Hussey, 1846. — His Ec* clesiastical History. Transl. by J. A. Giles, 1845; also his Biog. Writings and Letters. 1845. — Opera, ed. Stephenson. 1848. — Bede and his Biographers, Dubl. Rev., July, 1854. — Bede's Eccl. Hist. Transl. by T. Stapleton, 4. Anto. 1565, and St. Omer's, 1622 ; from Dr. SmifA's edition, with Notes and Life, 8. Lond. 1723. — Smith's edition,'fol. Camb. 1722. END OF VOL. I. ll.ll il tlliil l]IIlil 111 1 1 , 1 1 J 1 ' 3" I .1 ', i II ' i ( , , 1 irl J J r ) J ' Iff '^ '''l'I J ' " . ill ,»j,iir"f ,t H .111 I 1 I >' ,'^',v I i Ml F ' I . ■' '" I, -1 r'ij '■ I iH|.f '(i'1-"t|^ J lit R-^ liipiivi " »|S||if ll'j'js-.rjl.ss ;