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Cornell University Library 
 BR1023 .C35 1853 
 
 History of religious intolerance in Spai 
 
 olin 
 
 3 1924 029 263 583 
 
The original of tiiis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
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 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
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-1 Ob. J. d^. 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE 
 IN SPAIN: 
 
 OR, 
 
 AN EXAMINATION OF SOME OF THE CAUSES AVHICH LED 
 TO THAT NATION'S DECLINE. 
 
 TRAKSLATED FROM THE SPANISH OP 
 
 SENOR DON ADOLFO DE CASTRO, 
 
 THOMAS PARKER, 
 
 TEANSLATOK OF "A PICTURE OF THE COURT OF ROME," " THE HISTORY OF 
 THE SPANISH PROTESTANTS," &C. &C. 
 
 Cara patria, carior libertas." 
 
 LONDON: 
 WILLIAM AND FEEDBEICK Q. CASH, 
 
 (successors to CHARLES GILPIN,) 
 
 5, BISHOPSGATE STBEET WITHOUT. 
 1853. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTEE I. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Surrender of Toledo on the invasion of the Moors— Eeligion of the 
 Christians tolerated— Ee-conquest of Toledo by Alonzo VI. 
 — Eeligion of the Moors tolerated — Intolerance of the 
 Spaniards — rerdinand III. begins the practice of burning 
 Heretics — Pretext for a religious war — The Clergy persecute 
 the Jews — Interposition of the Pope — St. Vicente Perrer — 
 Intolerance extended to Christians— The MSS. of the Marquis 
 of ViUena — Henry IV. — Disorders in his reign — His tole- 
 ration — Disgusts the Clergy — Their interdict against him — 
 Henry accused of heresy — The Clergy place his sister Isabella 
 on the throne — Last moments of Henry — Isabella and Perdi- 
 nand crowned — Juana's manifesto — Isabella's policy towards 
 the nobility — Establishment of the Inquisition — Origin of 
 confiscations — Eoyal and ecclesiastical cupidity — Gonzalez de 
 Mendoza — Hernando Pulgar — Comparison of the Spanish with 
 the Eoman nobility ...... 1 
 
 CHAPTEE II. 
 
 Conquest of Granada by Ferdinand and Isabella — Their Edict 
 against the Jews — Torquemado — The Jews expelled — The 
 Queen's ingratitude — The Pope confers on Ferdinand and 
 Isabella the titleof " The Catholic Kings" — Depopulation of 
 Spain — Intolerance of Ximenes Cisneros — Isabella's fanaticism 
 
IV CONTENTS. 
 
 rAOE. 
 
 and inoonaistenoy — Liberty of conscience abolished — Military 
 orders in Spain — Corruption of elections — Power of nobility 
 destroyed — Comparison of the Spaniards with the Eomans 
 — Lebrija the first Christian victim — Death of Isabella — 
 Persecution of Talavera— His letter to Ferdinand — Juana, 
 wife of PhUip I., ascends the throne — Contempt of the people 
 towards Ferdinand — Philip's reception — His attempt to abolish 
 the Inquisition, and sudden death — Juana's insanity — Eeturn 
 of Ferdinand as Regent — Supports the Inquisition — Character 
 of Cisneros ....... 23 
 
 CHAPTEE III. 
 
 Ferdinand V. in prospect of death — His will — Intrigues of Cis- 
 neros — His comparison of his own translation of the Bible 
 with the Greek and the Vulgate — His oppressive acts — MUitia 
 — Charles I. compels him to retire to Toledo — Charles covets 
 the German crown — Goes in quest of it — Revolt of nobility 
 and democracy — They demand to be more fitly represented in 
 C6rtes — Attempt to recover lost liberties — Prepare heads of a 
 constitution — Are overthrown — General pardon — Charles, now 
 Emperor, makes Spain subservient to his ambition — The 
 Pope's alliance with Francis I. — The Duke of Bourbon's con- 
 duct in B«me to Clement and the Clergy — Charles' clemency 
 to the Pope — Diego Hurtado de Mendoza's anonymous memo- 
 rials to Charles — Review of Charles' clemency in liberating 
 Clement without taking away his temporal power — Reflection 
 on the Popes — Their limited dominions — Ability to extend 
 them compared with that of Sparta, Greece, Macedonia, France, 
 Castile and England — Charles asks Clement to crown him — 
 Napoleon followed his example — Pope Pius IV. — Reflections 
 on the Reformation . . . . . .45 
 
 CHAPTEE IV. 
 
 State of learning in Spain in the sixteenth century — Common 
 friendship among learned men of that age — Sir Thomas More 
 — Dr. Juan de Vergara — Juan Luis Vivos — Vives' letter to 
 Pope Adrian — Erasmus — Statute of Purity — Protest of Ver- 
 gara— Divine right of Kings— Vergara's appeal to the Pope 
 — State of the Nation— Spanish, contrasted with Turkish, 
 policy as to religion— Julian's notions of toleration . . 69 
 
CONTENTS. V 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Error of Charles V.— Advice of his Confessor — Maurice of 
 Saxony — Charles retires to a monastery — Philip II. — His 
 marriage with Mary of England— Protestantism in Spain — 
 Mary's death— Philip solicits Elizabeth's hand— Extracts from 
 the Duke of Feria's letters — Elizabeth's conduct in the affair 
 — She protects fugitives — Philip continues his suit — Bribes 
 Elizabeth's courtiers — Concerts a marriage with Elizabeth of 
 Valois — Queen Elizabeth feigns sorrow, and charges Philip 
 with precipitancy — Curious letter from the Duke of Peria — 
 Philip proposes to negotiate with the Earl of Leicester — His 
 proposal to the Archduke of Austria — Burning of Protestants 
 in Spain ........ 81 
 
 CHAPTEE VI. 
 
 Philip II. attempts to stop the reformation in the Low Countries 
 — Duke of Alva — Philip's son Carlos — His premature and 
 suspicious death — Sanguinary executions — Liberties of Hol- 
 land — Catherine de Medicis — Massacre of the Huguenots — 
 Francisco Antonio Alarcon — Oath of the members of the 
 C'6rte3 as to secrecy — Conduct of Alvaro de la Quadra, Philip's 
 ambassador to Queen Elizabeth — She dismisses him — Conduct 
 of his successor, Gueraldo de Spes, and his dismissal — Ber- 
 nadino de Mendoza, successor to Spes — Mary Stuart — Move- 
 ments of the Pope — Philip's armada against England . . 101 
 
 CHAPTEE VII. 
 
 Philip— His unpopularity — Alarmed by a thunderbolt — His 
 seclusion — Inconstancy of his friendships — Impoverishment of 
 his kingdom contrasted with Elizabeth's prosperity — Toleration 
 of Elizabeth— Results 122 
 
 CHAPTEE VIII. 
 
 Intolerance of Ferdinand and Isabella continued by Philip II. 
 — The Moors of Granada — Confiscations — Exodus of the 
 Moors— Their reception by Henry IV. of France— Philip III. 
 allows them to quit his kingdoms— Their reception in Tunis 
 —Philip's cupidity . . • • ■ .132 
 
vi CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTEE IX. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Eeflections and comparisons— Censorsliip of the press— Literature 
 persecuted — Naharro — CastiUejo — Mendoza — Tormes — 
 Samuel Vsqae — Calificadores appointed to examine books 
 — Antonio Herrera — The ass and the friar — Keaults of intole- 
 rance and despotism — Eepublic of Venice and its toleration 
 — Its increase in commerce and riches — Spain's contrary policy 
 — Her consequent decay . . . . . .144 
 
 CHAPTEE X. 
 
 Poesy in Spain — Lucan and Virgil compared — Philip III. makes 
 a religious war against Ireland — Elizabeth's death — Peace 
 with her successor — Philip IV. — Napoleon— Liberty of con- 
 science in Holland — "Wars in Europe — Imposts — Revolt of the 
 Catalans — Prophecy of Spain's decline . . . 169 
 
 CHAPTEE XI. 
 
 Government of the Bourbons — Philip V. and Ferdinand VII. — 
 Expulsion of the Jesuits — Wars with England — Jesuits once 
 favourable to liberty — Etruria — Louisiana — Invasions — Ee- 
 establishment of the Inquisition — Puigblanch — Inquisition 
 abolished ........ 171 
 
 CHAPTEE XII. 
 
 Conquest of America — Oppression of the Indians — Las Casas — 
 Albomoz — Williani Penn, Woolman, and Benezet — Slavery 
 — Independence of the United States — Eepublics of America 
 — Loss of commercial liberty —Effects of a violent policy . 188 
 
 Conclusion . ..... 212 
 
TRANSLATOE'S PHEFACE. 
 
 This new work from the pen of Senor De Castro, al-. 
 though written before the institution of the far-famed 
 persecution of Francesco and Rosa Madiai by the 
 government of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, comes 
 before the world with greater acceptance on that 
 account. 
 
 The circumstances connected with the trial, sentence, 
 imprisonment, and ultimate release, of those two humble 
 Christians, for the crime of reading and expounding the 
 Bible, are now fresh in the recollection of the world. 
 Nor can it be denied that in putting an end to that 
 persecution, and setting its victims free, the power and 
 influence of Protestant England have been felt and 
 acknowledged, not only in the Palace of Tuscany, but 
 in the Vatican itself. 
 
 Senor De Castro is remarkably favoured by circum- 
 stances. Just about the time he was finishing his 
 " History of the Spanish Protestants," came " the 
 Papal Aggression," which gave an interest altogether 
 
viii TEANSLATORS PEEPAGB. 
 
 unexpected to that volume of his works. For that inte- 
 rest, and, consequent circulation of his book in the 
 British dominions, he was indebted to Pope Pms IX., 
 and for similar results with regard to this his " History 
 OF Religious Intolbrancb in Spain, &c.," he will, 
 doubtless, be under obligations to Leopold, Grand 
 Duke of Tuscany. 
 
 How impotent a creature is man. How much more 
 impotent is a Prince. With all his inteUigence how 
 httle can he, of himself, accomphsh ! The greater his 
 elevation in worldly dignity, the less his ability to injure 
 the republic of morals. The more critically we examine 
 this proposition, the more shall we be convinced of it's 
 truth. The force of it was well known to the French- 
 man who said : — 
 
 " L'liomine propose, mais Dieu dispose.'' 
 
 But he was only repeating a well-known fact; for St. 
 Paul had akeady placed the matter beyond doubt when 
 he said to the Corinthians, " God hath chosen the foohsh 
 things of the world to confound the wise ; and God hath 
 chosen the weak things of the world to confound the 
 things which are mighty ; and base things of the world, 
 and things which are despised hath God chosen, yea, 
 and things which are not, to bring to nought things 
 that are."* 
 
 Tn reading the future historians of our own times we 
 shall find, on the same page, the names of persons, places, 
 and things, which formerly had no connexion with each 
 other. Thus Rome, Pio Nono, and the Tiber, if not 
 written with, will naturally remind one of, Cadiz, Adolfo 
 de Castro, and the Guadalquiver. Again : Leopold of 
 
 * 1 Cor. i. 27. 
 
TKANSLATOKS PEEFACE. IX 
 
 Tuscany, priestly domination, bigotry, and tyranny, are 
 names which will stand out in bold contrast with, and 
 so suggest those of, Francesco and Rosa Madiai, Victoria, 
 the Bible, freedom of conscience, and liberty. With the 
 former will be associated gloomy notions of those dark 
 and dreary abodes of the lost in which a ray of light 
 shall never shine, a gleam of hope shall never dawn ; for, 
 like Babylon of old, they " shall be full of doleful crea- 
 tures ; and owls shall dwell there, and satyrs shall dance 
 there."* With the latter will rise up, in quick succes- 
 sion, fair ideas of light, of strength, of security, of sweet- 
 ness, of beauty, of purity, of intelligence, of angels, — 
 salvation, — music, — and heaven, — in fine, of that happy 
 time, when " the ransomed of the Lord shall return, and 
 come to Zion with songs, and everlasting joy upon their 
 
 heads." t 
 
 Truth is like a spring of water — cool, pure, trans- 
 parent, refreshing, vivifying. There is no stopping it. It 
 must flow on. It must rise to its source. Obstruct it's 
 one visible medium of egress and it will burst out in 
 fifty. 
 
 The Madiai were not the only Protestants in Tuscany, 
 who worshipped God according to his written word and 
 took that word for the rule and guide of their conduct. 
 Nor is De Castro the only Spaniard in the Peninsula, 
 who, in the present day, comes forth to wrestle with 
 ignorance and superstition, to unfurl the flag of religious 
 freedom, and plant, in the midst of his deluded country- 
 men, the standard of the cross. 
 
 There is a great stir among enlightened Spaniards of 
 our times. Silently, it may be, but steadily and surely 
 
 * Lsaiah xiii. 21. t Isaiah xxxv. 10. 
 
X TEANSLATORS PREFACE. 
 
 the work of reformation is going on in the Spanish 
 dominions ; and though all liberal-minded, tolerant, and 
 inquiring, Spaniards, cannot be designated as truly reli- 
 gious, yet there are not a few who do fall under that 
 denomination ; and even those who do not are " valiant 
 for the truth," earnestly endeavouring to compass the 
 regeneration of their country. Numerous are those 
 whose zeal for the cause of religious liberty has carried 
 them beyond the narrow bounds of prudence fixed by 
 the Spanish Government for the expression of their reli- 
 gious views and sentiments ; for a Spaniard, although 
 at liberty to hold, privately, what opinions he pleases in 
 matters of reUgion, must not dogmatise ; he must not 
 teach. If he does, he brings himself within the penalty 
 of the law : perpetual banishment. 
 
 No sooner had " The Spanish Protestants" been pub- 
 lished and found its way to Madrid, than it excited 
 attention in the literary world. By some strange occur- 
 rence, certainly not by any design of the author, the 
 Enghsh translation was published in London some 
 fifteen days before the original Spanish came out in the 
 Peninsula ; and, therefore, the periodicals issuing from the 
 Spanish press had the advantage of the Enghsh reviews 
 of the work. InLa Europa of 1 7th October, 1 851, a news- 
 paper of liberal and enlightened principles which about 
 that time had just appeared, the editor had ventured to 
 review Senor de Castro's performance at considerable 
 leng-th, quoting from an English journal these words : 
 " The country which can boast of a man like De Castro, 
 has yet much to hope for." This was a good stride for 
 a Spanish editor to take in the road towards religious 
 liberty. But the Spanish government determined he 
 should take no more, at least in the pages of i« Europa; 
 
TEANSLATOK S PEEFACE. XI 
 
 and accordingly we find in The Times of Wednesday, 
 5th November, 1851, the following announcement : — 
 
 " SPAIN. 
 
 " The Gazette contains the following decree, &c. 
 
 " ' Considering the anti-social and irrehgious spirit of 
 the journal which appears at Madrid, under the title 
 of La Etiropa, the Queen has ordered, after consulting 
 her council of ministers, the suppression of said journal. 
 
 " ' An account of the present measure shall be ren- 
 dered to the Cortes. 
 
 " ' Bertean De Lis. 
 
 " ' Madrid, 2Sth October. 
 " ' To the Governor of the Province of Madrid.'" 
 
 Thus ended the existence of La Europa. 
 
 Without any desire to be captious with reference to 
 the title of the present work, I do not think Senor De 
 Castro has been fehcitous in the use of the expression 
 " Religious Intolerance," although the sense in which he 
 uses it may be well understood. Slavery of conscience, 
 and freedom or liberty of conscience, appear to my mind, 
 expressions better adapted to convey the meaning 
 intended by the former. 
 
 What is religious intolerance in the common accepta- 
 tion of the term "? I consider it is the exercise, by an 
 earthly power, of an assumed authority to dictate to 
 man, the nature, mode, and extent, of the worship he 
 shall pay to his Maker ; nay more : to dictate to the 
 Almighty the nature, mode, and extent, of that homage 
 which he shall be entitled to receive from fallen sinful 
 beings whom he has created ! Senor de Molins, a cele- 
 brated Spanish writer says : 
 
xii translator's peeface. 
 
 " Tolerance is a term which, on examination, cannot 
 be approved any more than intolerance. It supposes a 
 grace or favour bestowed by an earthly power with 
 regard to the exercise of a right which is inherent in 
 every human being. Is intolerance criminal 1 Tolerance 
 is equally so. Both words have, with very little diife- 
 rence, the same signification. The one arrogates to itself 
 the right to bestow liberty of conscience ; the other the 
 right to deny it. The one resembles the Pope armed 
 Avith the thunders of the Vatican : the other the Roman 
 Pontiff, conceding indulgences and dispensations. The 
 one is the church-dominant ; the other the church- 
 trafl&cant." 
 
 " Again : man does not adore himself ; he adores his 
 Maker. There are here two very distinct things to be 
 considered : the mortal who pays his tribute of adora- 
 tion, and the immortal who is adored. Consequently 
 tolerance is not a matter between man and man, or 
 between one church and another, but between God and 
 man : between the being who creates and is adored, 
 and the being who is created and adores. Hence the 
 impiety and presumption of daring to prescribe limits 
 to that adoration which the Eternal shall receive." 
 
 " If, instead of talking or writing about tolerance and 
 intolerance, any one were to bring before the Senate 
 a bill or project of law to prescribe the nature, form, 
 and extent, of worship which the Almighty ought to 
 accept from the Jew, or from the Mahometan, every- 
 body would be shocked at so scandalous and wicked a 
 proceeding. It would be said, and with justice, that 
 such a proposition was awfully blasphemous ; and yet 
 an instant's reflection will shew that the word tolerance 
 signifies nothing else." What the legislature would be 
 
translator's preface. xiii 
 
 attempting in the case supposed, the Church of Rome 
 is doing, and has, for many centuries, done, daily. That 
 church, whilst she acknowledges that the sacred Scrip- 
 tures are the word of God, says, with sti-ange incon- 
 sistency, in the index of prohibited books. Rule IV., 
 " Tlie Bible is prohibited in all its parts, printed or in 
 manuscript, in every vulgar tongue whatsoever !" 
 
 What are the effects of intolerance or slavery of con- 
 science 1 Ignorance, immorality, and the mental degra- 
 dation of the human race. The knowledge which the 
 Bible conveys to mankind, but especially to the humble 
 and illiterate, as far surpasses all other knowledge, in 
 nature, variety and utihty, as light surpasses darkness. 
 It's pages are adapted to each sex, and to every class, 
 age, and condition : an assertion this, capable of proof, 
 but an assertion which cannot be made with reference 
 to any other book in the world. This fact, when consi- 
 dered, not only stamps the book's authenticity, but proves 
 that it was intended for universal circulation, and accounts 
 for the dread with which that circulation is regarded by 
 the Roman Church. To be ignorant of the Bible is to be 
 ignorant of much that is necessary and ancillary to the 
 proper discharge of the duties of life, and of still more 
 that is essential to our comfort and well-being in the 
 characters we sustain, and the duties we are called upon 
 as citizens to discharge, even in a temporal view, and 
 apart from the higher considerations of our duty to God, 
 to our country, to our neighbours, and to ourselves. 
 
 To be unacquainted wth a trade, a 23rofession, an art, 
 or a science, may be unimportant to us, if our interests 
 are unconnected with these ; but for any man who can 
 read and procure a Bible to remain in wilful ignorance of 
 it's principles and precepts which are closely interwpven 
 
xiv TRANSLATORS PREFACE. 
 
 with his present fortunes and everlasting destiny, is 
 pitiable indeed. The dishonour and disgrace attacliing 
 to educated men, men in the upper ranks of society, 
 aye, and women too, who would be ashamed to have it 
 even thouoht they were unacquainted with the latest 
 works of fiction, is as great as it is lamentable. The 
 lower classes are advancing in biblical knowledge just 
 in proportion as their superiors are receding from it. 
 The astonishing fact, recently announced by a minister 
 of the English Crown, that the weekly pence of the 
 children of the poor, contributed towards their own 
 education, now amount, annually, to more than half a 
 million sterling, may possibly stimulate to greater efforts 
 the fashionable and ignorant. But that statement shews 
 more : it shews what, in a political view, might be done 
 by the milHons of our adult population, whose children's 
 pence have amounted to so vast a sum, if those millions 
 would but allow themselves and their funds to be pro- 
 perly directed and applied. 
 
 Immorality is the companion of moral ignorance. 
 Keep the people in a state of ignorance, and they will 
 continue in a corresponding state of immorality. 
 
 It is a mistake to suppose that secular education 
 will much improve the morals of the people. Licenti- 
 ousness, it is true, may, in that case, have recourse to a 
 modus operandi more refined, but the crime is still the 
 same : nay, hke refinement in cruelt}^ refinement in 
 sensuality may be but an aggravation of the moral 
 turpitude : the example, because more fascinating, may 
 be more destructive : 
 
 " Omne animi vitium tanto conspectius in se 
 Crimen liabet, quanto major qui pecoat habetui-."— Jay. 
 
 Yes;— Education apart from Christian and Biblical 
 
TRANSLATORS PREFACE. XV 
 
 instruction, will avail but little towards improving the 
 moral and social condition of any people. The experi- 
 ment has been tried and failed. It has been tried 
 and failed in private families, in parishes, in counties, 
 and even in more extended communities. 
 
 Degradation of mind, a want of regard for character, 
 a heedlessness of reputation, and a complete prostration 
 of those powers which should resist the evil passions of 
 mankind, are the results of ignorance of biblical truth. 
 Some talk of a sense of right and wrong being in every 
 man, and affirm, what has been frequently said, that 
 secular education is sufficient to induce men to lead 
 moral lives. But such dreamers may be challenged to 
 tell, in what book, or in what series of books, a poor, 
 ignorant, and ilHterate, man can find laws, rules, threat- 
 en ings, and promises, so expressly suited to his wants as 
 in that remarkable book the Bible — a volume containing 
 about sixty-six tracts, written by about thirty-six men, 
 extending over a period of about 1600 years, setting 
 forth certain statements of facts and principles, not 
 contradicting but supporting each other. 
 
 But there is another kind of slavery of conscience, or 
 rehgious intolerance, which is not generally treated on. 
 There are those spiritual guides who concede the right 
 to some of, what are called, the educated portion of the 
 laity to read the Bible, but impose on them a restraint 
 on interpretation. These blind guides say : " ' Take the 
 Bible and read it ; but remember, you miist not under- 
 stand it, except in the sense in which the church to 
 which you belong understands it.' " This specious pro- 
 position, when exposed, amounts precisely to this : Do not 
 read at all. " Now, there are only four classes of persons 
 who can conform to this rule of reading, but not inter- 
 
Xvi TRANSLATORS PREFACE. 
 
 preting. First, those who read in a language they 
 cannot at all comprehend : this happens to some eccle- 
 siastics who read their mntins, and to the beadle or 
 sacristan, who chants the Epistle at Mass, in the absence 
 of the sub-deacon. Secondly, those who read in their 
 own language, but who do not know the value, import, 
 or signification, of some words in the matters on which 
 they read : this would be the case with French people, 
 who, having no idea of mathematics, might happen to 
 read this theorem " ' Le carre de I'hypothenuse est egal d 
 la somme des carres des deux autre cotes du triangle 
 rectangle; " or with an Englishman who reads the same 
 thing in his own language thus : " ' The square of the 
 hypothenuse is equal to the sum of the squares of the two 
 other sides of a rectangle triangle! " Thirdly, those who 
 read in a well-known tongue, but who do so mechanically, 
 their attention being all the time diverted from the sub- 
 ject, or who, during such reading, are thinking about 
 something else ; this might occur to all the world. 
 Fourthly, those who may happen to read some of the 
 self-evident axioms which people are in the habit of 
 expressing by the most simple and abstract words in 
 the language ; this would be the case with him who 
 reads this phrase : " ' That which is, is.' " Now, of these 
 four classes none of the persons interpret, though they 
 all read. If you ask the first three, what they have 
 understood by their reading, they will answer you : 
 " ' Nothing.' " If you ask the fourth, he will be forced 
 to answer by a phrase literally the same as that which 
 he has read. This is he who does not at all interpret." 
 " According to the Church of Rome, no one may trans- 
 late the Bible but he who may also interpret it ; that is 
 to say, the church alone. This is why no translation 
 
TRANSLATOR S^REFACE. xvii 
 
 nor even the original Greek, or the Hebrew, has any 
 authority in that communion. There is but one text, 
 the Latin Vulgate, which, in Rome's estimation, is of 
 any authority ; for that is the translation which she has 
 rendered her own by her approval of it. Every bishop 
 may, for example, reject the French Bible of Sacey, 
 although that is, in fact, a translation from the Vulgate : 
 and he has a right to do so ; for it is not a French text 
 that the Roman church has approved." 
 
 " The Christians of Toulouse, who recently petitioned 
 the Archbishop of that city for a commission, composed 
 of persons well instructed in the Grreek and Hebrew 
 tongues, to verify the translations of the Protestants, 
 ought to have known, very well, that the Archbishop 
 could not grant their request without imposing, on the 
 persons to be nominated in that commission, the con- 
 dition of not translating otherwise than the Church of 
 Rome has done ; which, in other words, simply imphes 
 that those persons could not be allowed to interpret 
 otherwise than in the sense which that church does ; 
 this is what the Archbishop and every Roman Catholic 
 holds to be right." 
 
 " The primitive Christians did not consult the readings 
 and explanations of the Holy Scriptures given by the 
 church ; but every individual believer devoted himself 
 to the reading of the Bible in his own private house. 
 Clement, of Alexandria, recounts that the Christians of 
 his time read the Scriptures, before sitting down to 
 table, during their repast, and before retiring to rest. 
 Eusebius narrates, speaking of Quadratus and his com- 
 panions, that " ' even the laity traversed various countries 
 announcing Jesus Christ to those who had not heard 
 
xviii teanslatjoe's peeface. 
 
 him speak, and placing the sacred book of the gospel 
 in their hands.' " The same historian tells us of a holy 
 priest, named Pamphilius, who " ' bought a great number 
 of copies, which he distributed, with joy, to both men 
 and women whom he knew to be desirous of reading 
 them." 
 
 "When searches were made, under the Edict of Fantes, 
 for copies of the Scriptures, in order that they might be 
 burnt, these searches were not limited to the churches ; 
 but they were made, minutely, in private houses, for, 
 according to the accounts of historians, " ' the laity, as 
 well as others, had copies of the Scriptures in their 
 dwellings, they read them assiduously, and even knew 
 them by heart ; the artizans had them commonly in 
 their shops, the children and servants, as well as other 
 people, read them, and heard them read, daily, in their 
 families ; travellers and soldiers carried them about 
 with them.' " 
 
 But I forbear to pursue these observations, which are, 
 in substance, suggested by an unpublished MS. in my 
 possession, and which will, I hope, shortly appear before 
 the world, in the Spanish, Italian, French, and English, 
 languages, the translations into the two latter having 
 already been completed.''^ 
 
 Scarcely had Senor De Castro concluded and pub- 
 lished, in Spain, the first twelve of the following chapters, 
 than he was seized with a brain fever, which, for a time, 
 assumed so alarming a crisis as to forbid hopes of his 
 recovery ; but, thank God, his life is spared, and it may 
 
 * Conversations with my Priest, MS., by the Reverend Don Juan 
 Calderon, a native of La Mancha in Spain, and Professor of the Spanish 
 Language and of Spanish Literature in King's College London 
 
TRANSLATOR S PREFACE. xix 
 
 be interesting to his readers to know, that he is again 
 in the plentitude of health and the usual exercise of his 
 pen, having engaged in the laborious task of writing a 
 Dictionary of the Spanish language, in which is given, 
 not only the sense of each word, but the classical 
 authority for its use, according to the plan adopted 
 by Dr. Johnson, in his Dictionary of the English lan- 
 guage. Specimens of this colossal undertaking have 
 already appeared in the Spanish capital, and been well 
 received in it's literary circles. 
 
 I have much pleasure in being able to present my 
 readers with a fine steel engraving, by Walton, from a 
 Daguerreotype portrait taken in Cadiz, of this good, 
 courageous, accomplished, and extraordinary man, and 
 also a/ac simile of his writing. Boundless is the pro- 
 spect before him. Much as he has already done, it is 
 nothing in comparison with what he may yet accom- 
 phsh. Providence, it would seem, has endowed him with 
 gifts eminently suited to the work he has undertaken, 
 and to the prejudices he will yet have to overcome. 
 From such a man, in the prime of life, in the possession of 
 renovated health, and of ample means for the prosecution 
 of his labours, what may the friends of civil and religious 
 liberty not expect 1 I here offer to him the tribute of 
 my thanks for enabling me to be the humble, but 
 honoured, instrument of placing some portions of his 
 works before the English nation. Long may he live, and 
 continue to disseminate among his countrymen, those 
 hberal, enhghtened, and evangelical, principles by which 
 he is actuated. Under the influence of such principles 
 ignorance, superstition, and slavery of conscience, must, 
 
XX translator's preface. 
 
 in time, give place to learning, religion, and liberty ; 
 under that influence the Spanish throne must ultimately 
 be established in righteousness. Spain shall then be 
 reckoned great among the nations, and her people shall 
 be numbered among " the excellent of the earth." 
 
 THO: PARKER. 
 
 Spring Gardens, 
 
 lUh April, 1853. 
 
THE AUTHOE'S PEEFACE. 
 
 The utility of a work containing a true and concise 
 statement, founded on authentic documents, of the 
 causes which, in httle more than a century, extinguished 
 the power of Spaniards both in Europe and in America, 
 was lately suggested to me by two English gentlemen 
 who take an interest in Spanish affairs. 
 
 Encouraged by that suggestion, and by the good 
 reception which my History of the Spanish Protestants 
 has met with, in England, in the elegant translation of 
 my friend Mr. Thomas Parker, I resolved to attempt 
 the task of writing such a statement ; and this book, 
 which I now offer to the world, is the result of my 
 labours. 
 
 The undertaking has been diflBcult ; for, in a country 
 like Spain, the archives have nothing of pubhcity per- 
 taining to them except the name. In other countries 
 those who devote themselves to history or to political 
 science find great facility of access to documents, but 
 in Spain every obstacle is interposed. The keeper of 
 the archives foolishly imagines that the publication of a 
 paper of the sixteenth century, containing any state- 
 secret, may give birth to a thousand dangers. 
 
 That there really exist men of such prejudices seems 
 incredible to those who ha\c not had occasion to refer 
 
xxii author's pkeface. 
 
 to our archives. Happily, however, 1 have been able to 
 ascertain facts from many curious, and hitherto un- 
 published, documents in the National Library, one of 
 the few estabhshments of the kind, in Spain, which do 
 render assistance to those in search of the treasures 
 they contain. Those documents, and others, for the 
 perusal of which I am indebted to the courtesy of some 
 of my friends, form the foundations of my work. 
 
 I attach much importance to the documents not 
 before published ; because in them, and them alone, is to 
 be found the truth concerning the events and occur- 
 rences in our country to which they refer. 
 
 Our ancient historians, paid by the Sovereign, wrote 
 to suit the tastes of those by whom our country was 
 oppressed. This accounts for that alteration and con- 
 fusion of facts which we meet with in their works. 
 
 It would seem, if we compare those works with the 
 MSS. in our archives, that, in order to make the history 
 of Spain a true history, it would be necessary to re- 
 write it, and in a manner, too, almost the reverse of that 
 in which it has been written. 
 
 I am aware that most of our authors were afraid of 
 giving a frank and unbiassed judgment of the facts 
 which they profess to record, lest they should incur the 
 charge of going against the current of popular opinion ; 
 I know also that they were too willing to be imposed 
 upon, and too unwilling to discard false conclusions. 
 These are some, among many, causes, why not only 
 history but others of the sciences have made so little 
 progress among us. 
 
 Many foreign historians who have written on Spanish 
 affairs, although without access to our archives, have 
 performed their task with greater accuracy than those 
 
AUTHORS PREFACE. XXIU 
 
 of our own nation. In the works of the former the force 
 of reason, alone, has discovered much which the latter, 
 through fear of incurring the public displeasure, or of 
 advocating the cause of liberty against their own 
 interests, have been induced to pass over in silence. 
 
 Much has been written by Spaniards with a view of 
 refuting the opinions of foreigners touching our affairs, 
 but with little effect ; for the statements of the Spanish 
 historians have seldom passed the Pyrenees, while those 
 of the foreigner have circulated all over the world. 
 This may be accounted for, in some measure, by the 
 fact that while the one has been influenced by a false 
 patriotism which has induced him to flatter ignorance 
 and self-conceit, the other has been guided, entirely, by 
 a love of philosophy and truth. 
 
 To love one's country is not to confirm the errors 
 and justify the crimes of one's predecessors ; but, on the 
 contrary, to anticipate other nations in the correction of 
 the one and execration of the other. What purpose 
 wiU it serve that a few thousands of men shall call 
 infamy glory, if the whole civilized human race besides, 
 in all ages, shall call each by it's proper name "? 
 
 We have constantly been trained up to the vice of 
 pronouncing Spain perfect, and of designating as bad 
 Spaniards those who, for the public good, have at- 
 tempted to prove that no such perfection ever did, or 
 does now, exist, without perceiving that those are, in 
 truth, the "bad Spaniards" who cannot, or will not, 
 discern real from imaginary glories. 
 
 If our literati, whose researches are confined, chiefly, 
 to ancient Spanish books, would but examine, with equal 
 diligence, those of other European countries, they would 
 not, in their literary or political labours, continue to 
 uphold and increase the popular delusions. 
 
xxiv author's preface. 
 
 I am not sure that in this work I have been able, 
 altogether, to avoid the errors to which I have just 
 alluded ; but, in order that I might not fall into the 
 opposite extreme, I have resolved that the propositions 
 put forth in my text shall not go unauthorized, but be 
 vouched by notes at foot, referring to, or quoting, docu- 
 mentary authorities, so that my desire to seek after 
 truth may be accredited. Truth should be the pole-star 
 of every writer who seeks to promote the public good 
 and desires that his works may be usefal to his country. 
 
 If, however, there should be any one who, doubting 
 my sincerity, dares to say that I am a " bad Spaniard" 
 l^ecause I do not applaud and make common cause with 
 authors worthy of that appellation, my answer to him 
 shall be very brief : 
 
 Caea patria, cakior libertas. 
 
 Cadiz, 1852. 
 
HISTORY 
 
 RELIGIOUS INTOLEEANCE IN SPAIN, &c, 
 
 CHAPTEE I. 
 
 Sirrrender of Toledo on the invasion of the Moors — Religion of the 
 Christians tolerated — Ee-conquest of Toledo by Alonso VI. — Religion 
 of the Moors tolerated — Intolerance of the Spaniards — Ferdinand 
 III. begins the practice of burning Heretics — Pretext for a reli- 
 gious war — The Clergy persecute the Jews — Interposition of the 
 Pope — St. Vicente Ferrer — Intolerance extended to Christians — 
 The MSS. of the Marquis of Villena — Henry IV. — Disorders in his 
 reign — His toleration — Disgusts the Clergy — Their interdict against 
 him — Henry accused of heresy — The clergy place his sister Isabella 
 on the throne — Last moments of Henry — Isabella and Ferdinand 
 crowned — Juana's manifesto — Isabella's policy towards the nobility 
 — Establishment of the Inquisition — Origin of confiscations — 
 Eoyal and ecclesiastical cupidity — Gonzalez de Mendoza — Her- 
 nando Pulgar — Comparison of the Spanish with the Eoman 
 nobility. 
 
 Ox the invasion of Spain by the Arabs, Toledo, after a 
 long siege, was obliged to surrender on certain stipula- 
 tions. Among these was one ensuring to the Christians 
 the enjoyment of the rehgion of their forefathers, and 
 the exercise of it in public worship. The conquerors, 
 like wise and honorable men, faithfully observed this 
 condition, and although possession of Toledo was long 
 
 B 
 
2 HISTORY OF 
 
 maintained by the Moors, the Christians who dwelt in 
 that city hved in the free exercise of their own rites and 
 ceremonies, nor was there any attempt to make them 
 follow the Koran of Mahomet. 
 
 In the course of events, Toledo-Arabian was, in turn, 
 constrained to open the gates of her citadel to the 
 victorious legions of Don Alonso VI. of Castile, who, in 
 the adjustment of the terms of that capitulation, restored 
 to the Moors their Great Mosque, in order that in it they 
 might continue to observe the Mahometan religion. In 
 a short time, however, the covetous clergy violated the 
 sanctity of this engagement. The queen, like a weak 
 woman, was too easily allured, by promises of spiritual 
 rewards, to the commission of a base and perfidious 
 crime. With her connivance, the Archbishop of Toledo, 
 profiting by the absence of Don Alonso, took forcible 
 possession of the mosque, and converted it into a 
 cathedral church, which he consecrated with perjury.* 
 
 A solemn treaty thus violated by an archbishop, with 
 the assent of a queen, and by the subsequent approval 
 of a king, gave the common people clearly to under- 
 stand that they were under no obhgation to keep faith 
 with those of a different religion. 
 
 With so iniquitous an example, intolerance increased. 
 Christians were no longer content to conquer the Moors 
 by means of arms, but, making an infamous use of 
 victory, they even compelled them to become converts 
 to the Christian faith. Violence accompanied the water 
 of baptism, and in due time these new Christians were 
 called on to witness the loss of their religion as well as 
 of their country. 
 
 * Historias delArzobispo don Rodrigo y don Lucas de Tny. Cronica 
 General de don Alonso el Sdhio. 
 
RELIGIOUS mTOLERANCE IN" SPAIN. 3 
 
 To punish those who still preferred living under the 
 Mahometan religion, Ferdinand III., on the suggestion of 
 his wife, the French Dona Juana, introduced the custom 
 of bm-ning those called heretics. 
 
 Until that age the laws of Spain""' had merely pro- 
 vided that persons guilty of heresy should be admonished 
 and corrected ; and, if still pertinacious, then that they 
 should be expelled and anathematized. 
 
 The desire on the part of Spaniards to recover the 
 lands of their fathers, usurped by a powerful foreign 
 army, was, by the clergy, craftily made the pretext of 
 a rehgious war. The ecclesiastics now began to enrich 
 themselves with the precious spoils taken from the con- 
 quered ; spoils which were offered, as acts of grace, in 
 the temples of the fanatical conquerors. 
 
 At this time the band of oppression followed, as it 
 generally does, in the rear of a prosperous fortune. The 
 clergy, not satisfied with the property of the conquered 
 Moors, began to excite the lower people against the 
 Jews, who, by permission of the laws, dwelt in Castile 
 and had become rich by their commercial enterprise. 
 
 In Seville, the Archdeacon of Ecija, (1390 and 1391), 
 preached against the Jewish people, and urged the 
 Christians, as a proof of their faith, to destroy the whole 
 race by fire and sword. Other ecclesiastics, living in 
 important cities in Spain, responded to the discourses of 
 the archdeacon, and soon began to raise a tumult against 
 the miserable Jews. Seville, Cordoba, and Toledo, were 
 stained with blood by the Christians, who did not 
 scruple to sacrifice on the altars of their piety, not 
 only the lives of the Hebrews, but also the fortunes 
 which they had accumulated. " All was avarice and 
 
 * El fuero juzgo. 
 
 B 2 
 
4 HISTORY OF 
 
 robbery rather than devotion," according to the chro- 
 nicler Pero Lopez cle Ayala.'"' 
 
 At length the Pope, at the request of the King of 
 Castile, ordered the Archdeacon of Ecija, and the other 
 preachers who followed his example, to forbear exciting 
 the people by their discourses ; and deprecated all 
 attempts to exterminate the Jews by such excesses as 
 were then practised. But the haughty archdeacon de- 
 spised the commands of the Pope : he persisted in 
 preaching as before, and even dared to tell the people 
 he addressed, that the Roman Pontiff himself had no 
 authority to prohibit the clergy from speaking against 
 the enemies of the name of Christ, t 
 
 From this time the Archdeacon of Ecija served as a 
 model to the monarchs and ecclesiastics in Spain, from 
 which they might learn to exceed all other nations in 
 religious intolerance. 
 
 Whilst intolerance was exercising its rigours in Castile, 
 the kingdoms of Arragon and Valencia did not remain 
 idle, nor did the principality of Catalonia. San- Vicente 
 Ferrer, a friar of the order of preachers, devoted him- 
 self to the conversion of the Jews. But the fruits of 
 his labours were exceedingly small. The rabble had 
 recourse to violence, and by tragical examples struck 
 terror into the minds of the Jews, who were driven to 
 baptism in order to save their lives and property. 
 
 Such are the accounts of Catholic authors who write 
 on this subject. I 
 
 * C'rnmca del lie)/ I^iiriqiie III. 
 + MSS. of the Biblioteca Nacional. 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 X No pudo Fray Vicente eon- Triar Vicente could only oon- 
 
 vertir sino muy pocos dellos. E las vert very few of them. And the 
 
 gentes eon despeoho, metieronlo.s people with indignation flew to 
 
 en Castilla k espada, 6 mataron arms in Castile and killed many 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 5 
 
 The Jews relate that San- Vicente Ferrer collected 
 together a number of riotous people, and went about 
 with them at his heels through the cities, with a crucifix 
 in his hands, exhorting the Hebrews to turn and become 
 Christians ; but as they did not comply with his wishes 
 they were all attacked and overpowered. Some were 
 murdered ; others, in many of the cities of Arragon, 
 Valencia, Mallorca, and Catalonia, were ill-treated by 
 the followers of that friar. '^^ 
 
 That intolerance which commenced with embruing its 
 hands in the blood of the Moors and Jews, soon began 
 to extend its dominion over the Christians, and shot the 
 first rays of its ire against two distinguished persons, 
 one of them being the most illustrious grandee of 
 Castile, the other one of its monarchs. 
 
 Don Enrique of Arragon, Marquis of Villena, a 
 nobleman devoted to every kind of science, left, at his 
 death, many manuscripts written by his own hand. These 
 were alleged, by the vulgar and superstitious, to be full 
 of necromancy, and therefore the king, Don Juan II., 
 commanded Don Lope de Barrientos, Bishop of Cuenca, 
 that, without any previous examination of their contents, 
 he should consign them to the flames. This good man, 
 wanting the Christianity of the monarch for the execu- 
 tion of any such order, carried oflf the books, at once, to 
 the convent of the Dominicans at Madrid, and thus 
 
 muclios . . . Entonces veni^nse . . Then they came of them- 
 
 ellos mismoa a baptizar .... 6 selvea to be baptized . . . and 
 
 despugs de baptizados se iban after baptism, some of them went 
 
 algunos i Portugal 6 &. otros to Portugal and other kingdoms 
 
 reynos d ser judios. — Bernaldez^ to be Jews. 
 Historia de los Reyes Gatolicos. 
 3IS. 
 
 * C'o'iisolaf'do as trihvMfoens de Israel, composto por Samuel Usque. — 
 Ferrara, 5313. (1553.) 
 
f) HISTORY OF 
 
 handed down to posterity the works of a man superior 
 to the age in which he Hved. "' 
 
 Henry IV., a monarch of good understanding, although 
 inconstant and more disposed to rule by mildness 
 than force, succeeded the fanatical king Don John II. 
 
 I believe that the true causes of the riots and dis- 
 orders of his reign, and against his person, have been 
 suppressed by the old historians, and concealed from 
 the light of modern philosophy. But there are such 
 marks and signs in the recollections and memorials of 
 his age, that the faithful and impartial historian can 
 shew to the world why the clergy, the greater part of 
 the nobility, and the lower people, raised a tumult 
 against him. 
 
 Henry was, perhaps, as great a materiaUst as Fre- 
 derick the Great of Prussia. In his palace, and round 
 about his person, were a number of gentlemen who 
 followed the opinions of Pliny touching the mortaUty of 
 the soul. Men of such principles as these were greatly 
 favoured by the monarch, as may be proved by authentic 
 documents, t 
 
 * Barrientos said in one of liia books, addressing himself to Don 
 .Juan II. :— 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 " Td eomo rey cristianlsimo Thou as a most Christian king 
 
 mandaste k ml tu siervo y hechura didst order me, thy servant and 
 
 que lo quemase d, ruelta de creature, that I should burn them 
 
 otros muchos . . . En lo qual . . . with many others . . In which . . 
 
 pareci6 y parece la devocion que appeared, and still appears, the 
 
 tu seiioria siempre ovo 6. la reli- devotion which thou hast always 
 
 gion cristiana." had to the Christian religion. 
 Fernan Niuiez gives this passage in his notes to Juan de Mena. 
 
 t Marina, in his Theory of the Cortes, gives (vol. iii.), a petition 
 
 from the procurators of King Henry IV., in which he says : 
 
 " SeSialadamente es muy notorio Especially is it very notorious 
 
 haber personas en vuestro palacio, that you have persons in your 
 
 e cerca de vuestra persona, infieles palace, and near your person, who 
 
 enemigos de nuestra santa f6 Cat6- are infidels, enemies of our' holy 
 
 ]ica 6 otros, aunque cristianos por Catholic faith ; and others al- 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLEEANCE IN SPAIN. 7 
 
 The Moors and the Jews experienced, in the court 
 of Henry, a reUgious tolerance, called by the fanatical 
 clergy an unpardonable crime. * People both of the 
 Mahometan and Jewish rehgion were, indiscriminately, 
 allowed to go about among Christians, without suflPering 
 any persecution instituted by royal authority, t 
 
 Henry ordered the archbishops of Santiago and of 
 Seyille to be arrested for some disrespect to his person, 
 and sequestered their revenues. The clergy, indignant 
 at this, were induced to lay an interdict and cessation 
 d divinis upon all his kingdoms and seigniories. But 
 Henry regarded with contempt these anathemas against 
 his person, and yet, not wishing to suspend the pubhc 
 worship of CathoUcs among his Christian subjects, he 
 commanded the interdicts to be broken, especially in 
 Toledo, Cordova, and Seville, cities in which the eccle- 
 siastics had become most haughty and daring. To 
 finistrate the designs of the clergy, he seized upon many 
 of the canons and dignitaries of the churches of Seville, 
 Cordoba, and Toledo, and carried them off to his 
 court.J 
 
 TRAHSLATION. 
 
 nombre, muy sospechosos en la though christians in name, very 
 f6, que creen e afinnan que otro suspicious in the faith, who believe 
 mundo no hay, sino nacer y morir and affirm that there is no other 
 como bestias," &c. world, and that we have but to be 
 
 bom and die like beasts, &c. 
 
 * "De la grand famiharidad que Tour subjects and vassals are 
 
 v. A^tieneconlosmoros que en su much scandalized at your great 
 guarda trae, vuestros stibditos 6 familiarity with the Moors whom 
 naturales estdn muy, escandali- you have under your protection, 
 zados." 
 
 Peticiones a, Eiirique IV. — Bocumentos de los seflores Baraiida y 
 Scdvd. 
 
 t Vide lag eoplas de Mingo Bevulgo con el comento de Pulgar. 
 
 X Referring these events in complaining to Henry IV., some 
 bishops and gentlemen said to him : — 
 
 " Todo ea en muy gran cargo All is a serious charge against 
 
 de vuestra anima, 6 mengua de your soul, a disgrace to your royal 
 
8 HISTORY OF 
 
 Neither before nor after these acts would the king 
 receive, nor did he receive, the sacraments of confession 
 and communion which the church had commanded to 
 be received by all Catholics/'^ 
 
 Irritated by the incredulity of the monarch, by the 
 religious tolerance granted to the Moors and Jews in 
 his dominions, and by the consideration shown to these 
 people, the ecclesiastics lighted the torch of discord in 
 the kingdoms, and many turbulent noblemen and others, 
 friends of novelty and its attendant advantages, con- 
 spired against Henry IV. 
 
 The king was desirous of checking the first impulses 
 of rebellion ; but the clergy, seeing that he had no dis- 
 position to satisfy their wishes, excited the fury of their 
 adherents, and even that of the populace, by declaring 
 the Princess Dona Juana to be, not what she appeared, 
 viz . the daughter of Henry, but that of his private friend, 
 Don Beltran de la Cueva. They proclaimed the king's 
 impotency, and, assisted by the discontented of both 
 the higher and lower orders, they declared, in the fields 
 of Avila, that Henry was unworthy the crown, deposed 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 Tuestra persona real, 6 en gran person, and in great opprobrium 
 
 oprobio e vilipendio de la santa and contempt of tlie boly motlier 
 
 madre iglesia." — Baranda y Salvd church. 
 — Documentos. 
 
 * Los obispos, arzobispos, ca- The bishops, archbishops, knights 
 
 balleros y senores de Espaiia exi- and lords of Spain besought Henry 
 
 gieron k Enrique IV. que confesase IV. to confess himself and receive 
 
 y recibiese comunion & lo menos the communion at least once in 
 
 una vez en el ano, " para evitar la the year, " in order to avert the 
 
 pena que es que el que no confiesa penalty, vrhich is, that he who does 
 
 una vez en el aSio e comulga el not confess once in the year and 
 
 dia de Pascua, en tanto que viviere communicate on Easter-day, so 
 
 debe ser alanzado de la iglesia, 6 long as he may live, shall be 'oast 
 
 si moriere debe carecer de la ec- out of the church, and if he shall 
 
 clesidstica sepultura." — Baranda die he is to be deprived of ecclesi- 
 
 y Salvd — Documentos. astical sepultm-e." 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLEEANCE IN SPAIN. 9 
 
 him, in eiEgy, of his royal dignity, and raised the standard 
 of his brother, Don Alonso. 
 
 As, in the case of the manuscripts of the Marquis de 
 Villena, was seen, in the flames to which they were 
 ordered to be consigned, a sad presage of the condition 
 to which the clergy were disposed to reduce Spanish 
 philosophy; so also in the ceremony of degrading, in 
 effigy, King Henry IV., was seen that model which, at 
 a later period, the inquisitors were to follow in their 
 autos de fe. 
 
 The first crime of which Henry was publicly accused, 
 mth a view of taking away his sceptre and his crown, 
 was that of heresy, evidenced by the allegation that he 
 had not confessed twice for forty years.* 
 
 The pretender Don Alonso died at an early age ; but 
 the fanatics did not lay down their arms : on the con- 
 trary, they resolved to place the king's sister, Doiia 
 Isabel, upon the throne by force. 
 
 To the ambition and brilliant genius of this woman 
 was united an extraordinary subtilty. She deemed it 
 imprudent to hazard the accomplishment of her desires 
 to the various chances of a civil war in the lifetime of 
 her brother, but contented herself with being declared 
 heiress to the throne of Castile. 
 
 Henry, endeavouring to avoid bloodshed in his king- 
 doms, appeared to cede to everything, and gave to the 
 
 * Fray Pedro de Bozos, in his " Repertorio de algunos Actos y 
 Cosas singulares que en estos Reynos de Costilla ocaecieron" Codice G. 6, 
 Biblioteca Nacional, says : — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 " Vinieron al rey don Enrique They came to King Henry, 
 
 dicendo como era ereje, 6 que en telling him that he was a heretic, 
 quarenta aiios no se fallava averse and that in forty years he had not 
 confesado dos veces," &c. been found to have confessed twice, 
 
 &c. 
 
10 HISTORY OP 
 
 rebels the declaration which their violence demanded. 
 But very transient was the peace bought by a cruel 
 deception, and at the expensive sacrifice of paternal 
 love. 
 
 Although the king had consented that Isabella might 
 inherit the crown, he had never positively declared that 
 Dona Juana was not his daughter. Turning, by the 
 impulse of natural affection, towards his own blood, he 
 annulled the declaration extorted from him by the 
 rebels, — obtained from Pope Paul II. a release from the 
 oath he had taken to his subjects, and appointed Dona 
 Juana liis successor to the throne of Castile. The Eoman 
 court was on that occasion entirely subservient to the 
 wishes of Henry, owing either to his great wealth, or 
 the munificent presents it received at his hands. ''''■ 
 
 Whilst Henry was using all diligence to establish the 
 peace of his kingdoms, and leave his daughter. Dona 
 Juana, in quiet possession of the crown, he was suddenly 
 attacked by an unknown disease, which in a few hours 
 terminated his existence. 
 
 In his last moments, several ecclesiastics importuned 
 him to confess and receive the communion ; but he 
 constantly refused ; and when an altar was raised in 
 front of his bed to excite him to devotion, he turned 
 away his eyes in token of his contempt, t 
 
 On the death of Henry IV., a civil war broke out in 
 Castile. Isabella, and her consort Don Ferdinand of 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 * Cr6nica de Enrique Cuarto, Chronicle of Henry IV., written 
 
 que escrivi6 Alonso de Palencia. — by Alonao de Palenoia. An ac- 
 
 Memorial de diversas hazanas, count of various exploits, arranged 
 
 ordenado per Mosen Diego de by M. D. Valera. 
 Valera. 
 
 MSS. in the library of my friend don Pascual de Gayangos. 
 
 t Idem. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 11 
 
 Arragon, were crowned " kings." Almost all the clergy 
 a great part of the nobility, and all the common people, 
 assisted at the ceremony. 
 
 Dona Juana implored the succour of her uncle, the 
 Portuguese monarch, and addressed a letter to the cities 
 and towns of the kingdom, denouncing the crimes of 
 Isabella, committed with a view of ascending the throne, 
 and setting forth the causes which incapacitated her for 
 the inheritance to which she pretended. 
 
 The manifesto of Dona Juana declared that her father, 
 Henry IV., with a view of tranquillizing his states, had 
 recognised Isabella as his successor, she having taken 
 a solemn oath to hve by his side and marry whomso- 
 ever he might approve ;"" that Isabella had violated this 
 promise, by retiring from the palace and disposing of 
 herself in marriage to the Prince of Arragon without 
 Henry's permission, and without the apostolical dispen- 
 sation, which was necessary on account of the near rela- 
 tionship between her and her consort ; — by which acts 
 she had, according to the laws of Castile, incurred the 
 forfeiture of all hereditary rights. It also charged Isa- 
 bella with having poisoned the king, and made herself 
 mistress of all his treasures, brocades, and state robes, 
 
 * This most rare unpublished document appears in the C6dice G. 6 
 of the Biblioteca Nacional. 
 
 TRAifSLATION. 
 
 "La infanta, doiia Isabel . . . The infanta, Dona Isabel... with 
 
 congrandeatrevimiento,engrande great daring, to the great offence 
 ofensa k, menosprecio de la persona and contempt of the royal person 
 real del dioho rey mi senor, se of the said king my lord, wished 
 quiso de fecho intitular por reyna to be entitled queen of these my 
 destos diehos mis reynos." said kingdoms. 
 
 Further on, speaking of the offer of Isabel to live with her brother 
 and marry according to his pleasiire, it adds : — 
 
 " De lo cual todo fizo jiu-a- Of all which she took an oath 
 
 mento 6 voto k la casa santa de and made a solemn vow to the 
 Gerusalen solennemente." holy house of .lerusalem. 
 
12 
 
 HISTORY DP 
 
 and carrying her covetousness to such an extent as even 
 to deny any of these things to be used in adorning his 
 funeral, which was consequently entirely without pomp.* 
 It further charged Isabella with offering rewards for 
 obtaining and deUvering up Juana's person, with a view 
 to her perpetual imprisonment or the destruction of her 
 life.t And, lastly, in this manifesto, Juana called upon 
 the cities and towns to urge Ferdinand and Isabella to 
 uuite with her in convoking the Cortes, in order that 
 the kingdom itself might determine who was the legiti- 
 
 * In the MS. letter already cited, we thus read of the Catholic 
 kings : — 
 
 " Por codicia desordenada de 
 reinar aocordaron . . . de le facer 
 dar, e fuerou dadas yerbas & pon- 
 zoria de que despues fallesci6. . . . 
 Todo esto estd averiguado e sabido 
 de tales personas, flsicos, e por 
 tales violentas presunciones que 
 facen entera probanza, 6 se mos- 
 trar4 mas abiertamente quando 
 convenga." 
 
 And further on we read : — 
 " Nunca dieron ni consintieron 
 dar para las houras de su enter- 
 ramiento 6 sepultura, lo que para 
 qualquiera pobre caballero de su 
 reyno se diera." 
 
 t Aun desto no contenta la dicha 
 Eeyna de Sicilia, trabaj6 6 proour6 
 por muchas 6 diversas maneras de 
 me aver 6 Ilevar & su poder, para 
 me tener presa e encarcelada per- 
 petuamente, & por aventura para 
 me facer matar, ofreciendo muy 
 grandes dddivas 6 partidos para 
 que yo le fuese entregrada. . . . 
 Por donde podreis bien conoeer 
 caul aya sido siempre la intencion 
 6 soberbia de la dicha . . . contra 
 mi. . . . — MS. before cited. 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 Through a. shameful covetous- 
 ness to reign, they agreed ... to 
 cause to be given to him, and there 
 were given, herbs and poison of 
 which he afterwards died. . . . 
 All this is verified and known 
 through such persons, from such 
 effects and violent symptoms as 
 make entire proof, and which will 
 show itself more openly when ex- 
 pedient. 
 
 They never gave or consented 
 to give, in order to the honours of 
 his funeral and sepulture, what 
 would have been bestowed on any 
 poor gentleman whomsoever in his 
 kingdom. 
 
 The said Queen of Sicily, not 
 content with this, even plotted 
 and contrived in a variety of ways 
 to get me into her power, in order 
 to make me a prisoner and keep 
 me in perpetual confinement, and, 
 peradventure, to cause me to be 
 killed, oflferiug many large bribes 
 and favours in order that I might 
 be delivered up to her. . . . From 
 which you will easily perceive 
 what have always been the in- 
 tentions of the said . . against 
 
EELIGIOUS INTOLEKANCE IN SPAIN". 13 
 
 mate heir to the crown, and thereby avert the horrors 
 of a war.* 
 
 But Isabella and Ferdinand rejected the pretensions 
 of Dona Juana, fearful, doubtless, that the kingdom 
 united in Cortes might declare that the latter was, de 
 jure, the Sovereign of Castile. They neither desired to 
 observe the laws nor to submit themselves to her sway. 
 By sedition, Isabella had acquired her rights ; by arms, 
 and with the help of the vulgar and ignorant, she sus- 
 tained them. 
 
 The Portuguese monarch, overcome by the entreaties 
 of some of the nobles and gentry of Castile, resolved 
 to defend the cause of Dona Juana, and place her on 
 the throne of her father. He entered Castile with a 
 powerful army ; took several cities ; and, supported by 
 the adherents of truth and justice, vigorously main- 
 tained the war for the space of three years. At last 
 he adjusted a peace with Isabella, in the articles of 
 which he compelled her to stipulate for the marriage 
 of Dona Juana with the hereditary prince that she, 
 Isabella, might have by her marriage with Ferdinand, 
 so soon as that hereditary prince should have attained 
 a proper age. 
 
 Doiia Juana, as great in generosity as Isabella was in 
 
 * All the clauses of the documents of the Princess Dona Juana 
 show her strong desire for peace. We find in the same letter before 
 quoted the words following : — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 "Luego por los tres estadosdes- Wherefore, by the three states 
 
 tos dichos mis reinos, 6 por per- of those my said kingdoms, and 
 
 sonas escojidas dellos de buena by persons of good fame and eon- 
 
 fama § conciencia que sean sin science who may be without sus- 
 
 sospeeha se vea § libra 6 deter- picion, let it be seen, decided and 
 
 mine por justicia 4 quien estos determined on, in a, court of jus- 
 
 dichos mis reinos pertenecen, por- tice, to whom those my said king- 
 
 que se escusen todos rigores 6 rom- doms do pertain, in order to avert 
 
 pimientos de guerra." all the rigours and ruptures of 
 
 war. 
 
14 HISTORY OF 
 
 talents and ambition, was unwilling that civil discord 
 should any longer rage in the Castilian territory ; and, 
 although she counted under her banners many brave 
 senerals and nobles who were resolved to die in defence 
 of her rights to the throne, and notAvithstanding the 
 reluctance of the Portuguese Sovereign to lay down his 
 arms, she could no longer endure to contend for a 
 sceptre and a crown which were to be purchased at the 
 expense of the tears and blood of her subjects. Wicked- 
 ness and injustice were allowed, for once, a temporary 
 triumph ; Dona Juana retired to the cloister, and for 
 some time assumed the habit of a nun. 
 
 Isabella was a woman of great capacity. No sooner 
 was peace estabUshed, than she began to occupy the 
 minds of her turbulent nobles in wars with the Moors, 
 whose dominion in Spain had become reduced to the 
 kingdom of Granada. She knew that the royal power 
 came from the people, and that the grandees and gentry 
 who, at Avila, had, in effigy, deposed Henry IV., be- 
 lieved themselves still possessed of the faculty and 
 power to dispose of sceptres and crowns. That which 
 had so much pleased her, and served her interests, 
 whilst she herself was among the number of the rebels, 
 now inspired her with great fears. She dreaded that 
 the old conspirators might retrace their steps, and throw 
 down the same power which they had been instrumental 
 in setting up. In the name of a religious war, there- 
 fore, she sent her army against the Moors ; and thus, 
 prompted by the daring spirit of a heroine, she cleverly 
 contrived to divert the minds of her ambitious nobles, 
 and at the same time to extend the dominions of 
 Castile. 
 
 Meantime, the friars and clergy were grieved to dis- 
 
EELIGIOTJS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 15 
 
 cover that the new Christians, who had been converted 
 through violence and fear, were returning either to the 
 old Mosaic usages or to the Mahometan customs. They 
 therefore besought Isabella that, in order to punish the 
 wanderers from the Catholic faith, the tribunal of the 
 Holy Office might be established. 
 
 Ferdinand and his consort allowed themselves to be 
 persuaded by the clergy, in reference to this important 
 proceeding ; but especially was Isabella overcome by 
 their persuasions, if we may credit the testimony of 
 cotemporary Jews, in treating of that great political 
 crime, the establishment of the Inquisition ; and they, 
 being the victims of both of those CathoHc sovereigns, 
 were more likely on that account to be impartial than 
 modern historians, who have bhndly idoUzed the name 
 of the queen.* 
 
 The clergy and the crown, by the punishment of 
 those who returned to the rehgion of their forefathers, 
 found a legal pretext for exercising dominion over the 
 riches of the delinquents, under colour of confisca- 
 tions, f 
 
 * Samuel Usque, in his before-cited book, De Consola<;ao as tri- 
 hulafoens de Israel, says : — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 " Acbando os enemigos de minha " The enemies of my fortune find- 
 
 prosperidade aparelho em el rey k ing in the king, and rmich more 
 rrmito mas a reinha Dona Isabel in the queen, a disposition to per- 
 de OS perseguir," &c. secute," &c. 
 
 In the face of this, however. Christian authors of the present 
 century, merely out of conjecture, believe that the queen did not 
 wish for the Inquisition, but that it was to be attributed entirely to 
 her consort. — The Author. 
 
 t Pulgar, in his C'ronica, speaking of those victims, says : — 
 
 That " sus bienes y hereda- "Their goods and inheritances 
 
 mientos fueron tornados y apli- were taken and applied to the 
 cados al fisco del rey e de la king and queen's exchequer." 
 reyna." 
 
 Doubtless, he remembered Pliny's panegyric of Tra.jan, "The ex- 
 chequer is never in bad condition, except vmder a good prince ;" and 
 
16 HISTORY OF 
 
 The plebeians, from that period, became accustomed, in 
 their zeal for the Christian faith, to raise a tumult 
 ao-ainst the new converts, attack and plunder their 
 houses, and put the inhabitants to the sword. Thus, in 
 the reign of Henry IV., the streets of Cordoba, Jaen, 
 and other cities of Andalusia, ran with the blood of 
 Jews, recently converted to the faith, and invaders 
 of the domestic circles carried off the spoils with 
 impunity.* 
 
 These examples soon excited the royal and the eccle- 
 siastical cupidity ; and, by compact, the altar and the 
 throne in their united efforts to restrain the impetuosity 
 of the rabble against the recent converts, sought to 
 bring these seditions and disturbances in the streets 
 and squares within some legal limits ; so that the 
 penalty of death, on those who hated a religion violently 
 forced upon them, and in the name of which they were 
 punished for having received it, might be inflicted by 
 proper recognised executioners ; and that the property, 
 formerly divided among the murderous rioters in the 
 streets, might now go to enrich the exchequer of the 
 crown and the coffers of the churches. 
 
 Ferdinand and Isabella never respected those laws of 
 
 also the advice of Tacitus, that the prince ought not to appropriate to 
 himself the goods of criminals, lest he should thereby furnish matter 
 for belief that, out of covetousness, he had persecuted the innocent. 
 
 * Alonso de Palencia (Cr6nica M.S. of Henry IV.) and Valera (in 
 his MS. Memorial) say : — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 "Don Alonso de Aguilar . . . Don Alonso de Aguilar . . . 
 
 mud6 el prop6sito, dando lugar A changed his intention, so that 
 
 que ninguno de los conversos none of the victims might be de- 
 
 fuesen defeudidos, mas fiiesen fended, but robbed. . . . There 
 
 robados. . . . Se hizo robo general, was a general plunder, and those 
 
 y los que pudieron huir por los who were able to escape to the 
 
 campos ... si eran vistos de los fields ... if they were seen by 
 
 labradores, luego eran robados y the labourers were at once robbed 
 
 muertos." and murdered. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 17 
 
 Spain which stood in the way of their purposes. For 
 this reason, therefore, the Cortes were not consulted 
 with reference to the estabhshment of the Inquisition, 
 lest the voice of humanity should have prevailed against 
 this attempt to enslave conscience. 
 
 The Spanish nation itself never founded so execrable 
 a tribunal ; the kings and priests were its authors, in 
 spite of the opposition of many towns, which, sword in 
 hand, resisted its establishment. 
 
 The Inquisition, availing itself of flames, tortures, and 
 confiscations, as well as attainders, began to feed itself 
 with the miserable objects of its hatred. In Seville, its 
 cruelties exceeded, if that were possible, even the limits 
 of hi-hxamaxiitj. No lips were permitted to complain ; 
 none to offer consolation to the persecuted. 
 
 One voice alone, in all Spain, was heard in defence 
 of the victims of the clergy and friars. The Cardinal 
 Archbishop of Seville, Don Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, 
 desirous of knowing the opinion of Hernando del Pulgar 
 (a sage of the brightest genius and most exalted piety, 
 and whose works do honour to the literary history of 
 Spain) touching those sanguinary executions, wrote to 
 him on the subject. Pulgar, wrestling between the 
 compassion with which he beheld those ravages and the 
 fear he had of incurring the hatred of the inquisitors, 
 dared not, at first, to give an answer ; but at last, over- 
 come by the importunities of the archbishop's secretary 
 and other persons, he addressed to the cardinal the fol- 
 lowing curious epistle : — 
 
 " Illustrious and most reverend senor : yours I 
 received. Your secretary has also written to inform me 
 what I have learned from several other persons, viz : — 
 
18 HISTORY OF 
 
 that you are waiting to see what I have to write 
 touching the things now going on in Andalusia. 
 
 " Truly, my lord, many days have passed since I 
 have had written in my mind, and even with humiliating 
 ink, the ignorance so blind, and the blindness so igno- 
 rant, of that people who see plainly that the only fruit 
 they can expect to reap is that which ignorance, of 
 itself, ever miist produce.'" 
 
 " It appears to me also, my lord, that our lady the 
 queen does what she can, and what a most Christian 
 queen is bound to do, nor ought she to do more than 
 God requires . . t All the fire comes from her 
 
 ministers ; for, as you well know, the course they take 
 with a few relapsed persons is not that which can be 
 pursued with a great many. To a few the punishment 
 may adapt itself ; but the more it does so to the few, the 
 more dangerous is it, and even difficult in application to a 
 multitude, who, as St. Augustine says, ought to be judged 
 as our Lord judgeth every one of us ; for although he 
 knows us . . . and is waiting for our conversion, 
 yet he has mercy upon us . . . This is found in an 
 epistle which he wrote to the Emperor Marciano| on 
 the relapse of the Donatists, admonishing him to pardon 
 them ... for otherwise there would not be found 
 wood enough to burn them. 
 
 " I believe, my lord, that there are (in Andalusia) 
 
 * Alluding to the want of caution with which the converts were 
 returning to Judaism. 
 
 t Words used to avoid drawing down openly upon Queen Isabel 
 the terrible complaints against the proceedings of the Inquisitors. 
 Pulgar was the chronicler of " The Catholic Kings," and as such con- 
 strained to show a certain respect to his patrons. 
 
 J There is no such Marciano. St. Augustin wrote upon this subject 
 to Boniface, the pro-consul of Africa, and at the same time to Donatus, 
 who also occupied the same office. — A. de C 
 
EELIGIOUS INTOLEEANCE IN SPAIN. 19 
 
 some who are very great sinners : and others, still more 
 numerous, who follow their example, but who would, if 
 permitted, be followers of good men. But as the old 
 converts are such bad Christians, so also the neiv ones 
 are consequently such good Jews. I believe, my lord, 
 that there are at least ten thousand young women of 
 from ten to twenty years old, in Andalusia, who from 
 their birth have never been absent from their homes, or 
 heard of or known any other religion than that which 
 they have seen and heard practised under the parental 
 roof. To burn all these would be a most cruel act, and 
 even a very difficult one to perform, for they would be 
 driven away in despair to places beyond the reach of 
 all correction, which would he both dangerous to the 
 ministers, and a great sin as well. 
 
 " I know of a certainty that there are some who run 
 away to escape the enmity of the judges rather than 
 from the fear of their own conscience. 
 
 " I do not say this, my lord, in favour of the wicked, 
 but rather with a view of providing a remedy for those 
 who have been amended, which remedy, it appears to 
 me, would best be provided by sending into that locality 
 some notable persons, accompanied by a few of the same 
 nation, who by an exemplary life and holy conversation 
 may, by degrees, correct the former and amend the 
 latter, as has already been done in the kingdom and out 
 of it. All other means appear to me to make them 
 obstinate and not to amend them, which greatly en- 
 dangers the souls, not only of those who are punished, 
 but of those also by whom the punishment is inflicted. 
 Diego de Merlo and Doctor Medina/" are very good 
 
 * Merlo, assistant of Seville, and commissioned by the Catholic Kings 
 to establish the Inquisition. 
 
 2 
 
20 HISTORY OF 
 
 men ; but I know that they, with their flames, will never 
 make such good Christians as Avill the Bishops Don 
 Paulo and Don Alonso, with their water,* and not 
 without reason, because these men were chosen by 
 our Lord and Saviour Christ for that purpose, while 
 those were chosen by the licenciate, our chancellor, for 
 the other." t 
 
 This document proves that, amid the triumphs of 
 royal and ecclesiastical tyranny in Spain, there were 
 not wanting some, disposed at least, to raise their voice 
 in defence of those sacred rights of conscience, which 
 were iniquitously trampled under foot in the name of a 
 God of mercy. 
 
 Pulgar hearing of such frightful crimes, spoke in some 
 passages of his letter with a caution which the oppres- 
 sion of the times rendered necessary, but in others with 
 a boldness worthy of being imitated by all who would 
 promote the felicity of the Spanish nation. But what 
 imitators could he expect to find when even he, charged 
 with heresy, was called upon to exculpate himself for 
 having written this very document 1 J 
 
 * Don Pablo de Santa Maria, Bishop of Burgos, after his conversion 
 to Christianity, baptized a number of Jews (xiv. century) ; and Alonso, 
 of Carthegena, Bishop also of Burgos (xv. century), and a convert, did 
 the like. These are the men to whom Pulgar here alludes. 
 
 t Mariana in his History of Spain, notices this letter. Llorente in 
 his 3Ie?}ioria Sobre la opinion de EspMia acerca de la Inquisicion, 
 says, that this document has not been handed down to our day. He 
 was, however, mistaken ; for it exists in MS. in the Biblioteca Nacional, 
 Codice P. 133. I have taken from it the translation in the text of the 
 present history. — A. de C. 
 
 X Among his printed letters there is one in which he says to one 
 of his reprehenders : — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 " No es maravilla que su Alteza It is no wonder that your High- 
 
 haya errado en la comision que ness may have erred in the com- 
 
 hizo, pensando que cometia bien, y mission which you authorized, 
 
 ellos en los procesos pensando que thinking that you were acting 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLEKAKCE IN SPAIN. 21 
 
 Some of the Spanish grandees and gentry took up 
 arms, in various cities, to oppose the establishment of 
 the Holy Office ; but the majority of the lower classes 
 either abandoned them in the enterprise, or, led on by 
 the satellites of fanaticism, contributed to overthrow 
 those brave men who contended for hberty of con- 
 science. At last the nobihty, being conquered, became 
 the abettors of tyranny. The incensed plebeians in 
 assisting the oppressors, were in fact but forging their 
 own chains ; nay more, they compelled the higher 
 classes, who, in defending their own, also defended the 
 rights of the common people, to seek, through adulation, 
 the permanent control of their own property, the pre- 
 servation of their rank, and even the security of their 
 Uves. 
 
 Thus as the Roman nobles, descendants of the Camilos, 
 the Scipios, the Metelas, the Fabricios, and the Brutus', 
 the ancient virtue being lost, converted themselves into 
 flatterers of the imperium, and into servants of the 
 nefarious Caesars ; so, in imitation of them and their 
 followers, in every species of vice, the grandees and 
 gentry of Spain abandoned the lofty examples of those 
 who had achieved the independence of their country 
 against Mahometan warriors, and, following the cruelties 
 and caprices of tyranny, exchanged their swords for 
 wands of the familiares of the holy office — the defence 
 of justice for the persecution of heretics and Jews ; and 
 those hands which had contended with the lance in 
 support of innocence and feminine weakness, became 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 no se informaban mal : aunque yo well, and they, in the prosecutions, 
 no dije ni af/rmo cosa ningvMa thinking that they were not ill- 
 de estas!' informed, although I neitlier said 
 
 nor affirmed anything of the kind. 
 
22 HISTORY OF 
 
 instruments by which even unoffending women were to 
 be imprisoned and reduced to ashes. 
 
 Almost always have we found the ignorant and vulgar 
 following under the banners of tyrants. Despots, in 
 their struggles with the defenders of civil and religious 
 hberty, have in their train persons of timid and unde- 
 cisive minds, and men who seem to have been born for 
 slavery. 
 
HELIGIOtrS INTOLEKANCE IN SPAIN. 23 
 
 CHAPTEE II. 
 
 Conquest of Granada by Ferdinand and Isabella — Their Edict against 
 the Jews — Torquemado — The Jews expelled — The queen's ingra- 
 titude — The Pope confers on Ferdinand and Isabella the title of 
 " The Catholic Kings" — Depopulation of Spain — Intolerance of 
 Ximenez Cisneros — Isabella's fanaticism and inconsistency — Liberty 
 of conscience abolished — Military orders in Spain — Corruption of 
 elections — Power of nobility destroyed — Comparison of the 
 Spaniards with the Romans — Lebrija the first Christian victim — 
 Death of Isabella — Persecution of Talavera — His letter to Ferdinand 
 — Juana, wife of Philip I., ascends the throne — Contempt of the 
 people towards Ferdinand — Philip's reception — His attempt to 
 abolish the Inquisition, and sudden death — Juana's insanity — Ee- 
 tum of Ferdinand as Eegent — Supports the Inquisition — Character 
 of Cisneros. 
 
 After many a severe combat with the Moors, Ferdinand 
 and Isabella conquered the city of Granada, the last 
 fortress on which waved the standard of the crescent. 
 
 Victories gained by tyrants, even over a foreign 
 enemy, are, in reality, misfortunes to the people who 
 groan beneath their yoke. 
 
 The Catholic Kings, elated with the success of their 
 arms against the Moors, thought there was now nothing 
 to check the impulse of their own will. They found the 
 laws the most formidable opponents to their despotic 
 designs ; but pride on the one hand, and priestly 
 counsel on the other, prepared the mind of a woman, 
 grasping at absolute dominion, to tread under foot esta- 
 
24 HISTORY OF 
 
 blished privileges, break through royal engagements, 
 and utterly disregard all sense of right and reason. 
 
 Shortly after the conquest of Granada, " The Catholic 
 Kino's" published an edict requiring that at the expiration 
 of a given time, all un-baptized Jews should quit Spain 
 for ever, and leave behind them their gold, silver, and 
 precious stones. 
 
 The instigators and counsellors of this edict were 
 Friar Tomas Torquemado, Inquisitor-General, and Don 
 Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, Archbishop of Seville. * 
 
 According to these divines the consciences of Fer- 
 dinand and Isabella, on the commission of this great 
 political crime, remained in the utmost tranquillity. 
 
 From remote ages the laws of Spain had conceded to 
 the Jews the right of having a permanent residence in 
 that country, and the free worship of God according to 
 the Mosaic religion. The kingdom united in Cortes, in 
 Toledo, in 1480, had resolved that both Hebrews and 
 Mahometans should be permitted to inhabit certain 
 districts separated from those of the Christians, and there 
 erect their synagogues and mosques. 
 
 As the barbarous edict which abolished liberty of 
 conscience among the Jews was in direct violation of 
 
 * lu the Chronicle of Cardinal Don Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, 
 by Dr. Salazar (Toledo 1624) we read : — 
 
 TKAUSLATION, 
 
 " Consideraron jimtamente que They considered that up to that 
 
 no se habia sacado hasta entonces period they had not derived so 
 
 tanto fruto de la institucion del much fruit from the institution of 
 
 Santo Oficio, como se habian pro- the Holy Office as they had pro- 
 
 metido, de que estaban muy bien mised themselves upon the infor- 
 
 informados del Inquisidor general mation of the Inquisitor- General, 
 
 por cuyo consejo y d perpetua b;j whose persuasion and constant 
 
 instancia y persuasion del car- advice they had determined to 
 
 denal se determinaron, &, echar de expel the Jews from all their 
 
 todos sua reynos los judios, &c. kingdoms. 
 
RELIGIOUS IKTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 25 
 
 the laws of the kingdom, those monarchs did not 
 venture to consult the Cortes on the matter ; and 
 although there was a law commanding that, on all aflPairs 
 of importance, the sovereign should assemble the Idngdom 
 in Cortes and proceed according to its deliberation and 
 counsel,* yet Ferdinand and Isabella resolved to dis- 
 regard that law, and everything else that interposed 
 between them and their absolute desires, without caring 
 what the Spanish nation might wish or say on the 
 subject. 
 
 The Catholic Kings, in their anxiety to extend and 
 increase the sovereign power, made justice subservient 
 to their own convenience, and thereby incurred the just 
 indignation of the world ; and yet, still, there was no 
 attempt on the part of their subjects to vindicate the 
 laws by recourse to arms. A great number of the 
 people, many of them through violence, were induced 
 to abjure the Mosaic religion ; and, of the rest, one 
 hundred and seventy thousand departed from Spain. 
 This grievous outrage against those of an adverse re- 
 ligion, was regarded with indifference by those who had 
 men such as Torquemado for their masters. 
 
 * By a law sanctioned and publialied in Medina del Campo in 
 1328, and in Madrid in 1329, it is provided : — 
 
 TEANSLATION. 
 
 " Por que en los hechos drduos Because in all the important 
 
 de nuestros reyuoa es necesario el affairs of our kingdoms it is neces- 
 
 oonsejo de nuestros slibditos natu- sary to have the advice of our 
 
 rales, especialmente de los pro- natural subjects, especially of the 
 
 curadores delas nuestras oibdades deputies of our cities, towns, and 
 
 y villas y lugares de los nuestros places of our kingdoms ; to this end 
 
 reynos, por ende ordenamos y therefore we order and command 
 
 mandamos que sobre los tales that upon such important matters 
 
 hechos grandes y Arduos se hayan the Cortes may be assembled, and 
 
 de juntar C6rtes, y se faga consejo that the opinion of our three states 
 
 de los tres estados de nuestros of our kingdoms be taken accord- 
 
 reynos, segun lo hicieron los reyes ing to the practice of our proge- 
 
 nuestros progenitores." — Law ii. ; nitors." 
 Title vii. ; Book vi. of the Recopi- 
 lacion. 
 
26 HISTORY OF 
 
 During the war, many of those Jews had assisted 
 Isabella with large sums of money at a time when she 
 was in want of everything for the maintenance of her 
 army. But for them, indeed, she must have abandoned 
 the enterprise of conquering Granada, or seen her 
 soldiers perish of hunger. 
 
 Despots are wont to look upon benefits as injuries, 
 when those benefits are no longer required. The poor 
 unhappy Jews, therefore, who had thus succoured their 
 queen in the time of her distress, were recompensed by 
 the edict of expulsion, and the loss of nearly all their 
 property. 
 
 The Pope admitted into Rome many of those Hebrew 
 fugitives, and permitted them to dwell with their brethren 
 in the pontifical states. He, however, in due time, con- 
 ferred on Ferdinand and Isabella the title of " The 
 Catholic Kings," doubtless for having shewn a desire 
 to be more cathoUc than even Popes themselves, — at all 
 events, so far as regarded their treatment of the Jewish 
 race. This title was the reward which those two 
 sovereigns received for the depopulation of Spain, and for 
 the dishonour brought upon the gospel all over Europe, 
 and even in Asia and Africa ; accompanied, as it was, 
 by the just comjDlaints of the victims persecuted in the 
 name of a religion of peace and mercy. 
 
 Too often those who violate the laws without being 
 overtaken by punishment, go on from crime to crime 
 heedless of either fear or shame for the consequences. 
 
 Having obtained an easy victory over the Hebrews, 
 the Catholic sovereigns next resolved that not an indi- 
 vidual should continue in Spain whose opinions were not 
 in accordance with their own in matters pertaining to 
 the faith. Proud of their conquests, they imagined 
 
KELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 27 
 
 that, because they were conquerors, they had a right, 
 not only to rule the cities and their inhabitants, but 
 to be masters of the consciences of their new sub- 
 jects. 
 
 History furnishes but few examples of such folly. 
 The repubhc and the imperium of Rome became great, 
 because they never compelled the conquered to believe 
 in the rehgion of the conquerors. They knew, at once, 
 how to make a conquest, and how to maintain it in 
 peace. 
 
 The Moors of Granada, as we have already stated in 
 the first chapter, on surrendering to Ferdinand and 
 Isabella, did so on condition that their religious liberty 
 should be conceded to them — that no Mahometan should 
 be constrained to embrace Christianity.* Besides this, 
 the ]\Ioors, being fearful that the sovereigns might punish 
 the renegade Spaniards living with them in Granada, 
 obtained for them also the like stipulations ; and, further- 
 more, that neither they, their children, nor their descend- 
 ants, should be molested on account of their religious 
 opinions, t 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 * Que siis Altezas y aus sucesores That their Highnesses and theii- 
 
 para siempre jam4s dej^ran vivir successors for ever, shall allow to 
 
 4 todo el comim, chicos y live .... all the community, small 
 
 grandes, en su ley, y no les con- and great, according to their 
 
 sentirdn quitar sua mezquitas, &c." law, and not permit them to be 
 
 " Que nuigun moro ni mora serin deprived of their mosques, &c. 
 
 apremiados & ser cristianos con- That no Moors, male or female, 
 
 tra su volimtad." — Marmot. — shall be in-ged to become Chris- 
 
 Historia dd Rebelion del reyno de tians against their will. 
 Granada. 
 
 t Que no se permitird que nin- That it shall not be permitted 
 
 guna persona maltrate de obra ni that any person shall maltreat by 
 
 palabra 4 los cristianos o cristi- word or deed the Christians, male 
 
 anas que antes de estas capitula- or female, who before these stipu- 
 
 ciones se hovieren vuelto Moros ; lations had become Moors again ; 
 
 y que si algun Moro tuviere alguna and that if any Moor should take 
 
 renegada por mujei-, no ser4 apre- a renegade for wife, she shall not 
 
28 HISTORY OF 
 
 The Catholic sovereigns took an oath to observe the 
 terms of this treaty f' but what oaths — what engage- 
 ments — could be expected to bind those who had been 
 accustomed to consider their own will as superior to all 
 laws 1 
 
 There was a Franciscan friar who soon rose to be, not 
 only Archbishop of Toledo, but a cardinal to boot. I 
 aUude to friar Francisco Ximenes de Cisneros — a 
 man of great learning, who, in order to carry out his 
 ambitious projects, became devoted to the service of 
 tyranny. 
 
 This man persuaded Ferdinand and Isabella that 
 they were under no obligation to tolerate the Maho- 
 metans ; for that they and their children belonged to 
 the Catholic Church, and, as such, she had a right to 
 claim them."!" 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 miada, &, ser Christiana contra su be urged to become a Christian 
 
 volimtad ... y lo mismo se enten- against her will . . . and the same 
 
 der4 con los niiios y niiias na- shall be understood as to boys and 
 
 cidos de Christiana y Moro. — girls born of Moor and Christian. 
 Marmol. — Historia already cited. 
 
 * Os prometemos y juramos por We promise and swear to you 
 
 nuestra palabra real, que podr4 by our royal word, that every one 
 
 cada uno de vosotros, salir 4 labrar of you shall have power to go out 
 
 sus heredades . . . y os mandaremos and work your estates .... and 
 
 dejaren vuestra ley,&c. — Marmol. we shall order you to be left in 
 
 — Historia already cited. the use of your own law, &c. 
 
 t In the National Library there is (in Codioe M. 145) a satire 
 against Ferdinand the Catholic and his councillors, disguised under 
 the allegory of a shepherd, some wolves, some mastiffs, and a flock. 
 In the margin of the following verses, it is said that they allude to 
 Cardinal Cisneros. 
 
 " Traes un lobo rapaz A wolf, whose cravings never 
 
 En h&bito de cordero, cease, 
 
 Que en son de poner en paz Thou bring'st, in lamb's skin, to 
 
 Nos muerde mas de ligero. decoy ; 
 
 But he, instead of making peace. 
 Is swift to worry and destroy. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 29 
 
 A mere shadow of pretence is enough, in the mind 
 of a tyrant, to justify a breach of the law, or the viola- 
 tion of an oath ; and to warrant him in establishing, on 
 the ruins of reason and justice, his own absolute will. 
 " The Catholic Kings," therefore, did not scruple to fol- 
 low the counsels of the cardinal, Cisneros. Doubtless 
 this friar also promised them, as a reward for such 
 wicked services, rendered, as they believed, to God, not 
 only eternal glory, but the earthly praises of future 
 generations. Just as though those haughty tyrants, by 
 their wicked deeds, could restrain the curses of an in- 
 jured posterity, and hold the human mind and con- 
 science in perpetual slavery. 
 
 Cisneros, armed with royal powers, arrived at 
 Granada, and began to persecute those persons who 
 had renounced Christianity and were living in the 
 practice of their own Mahometan rites. So flagrant a 
 violation of treaties and oaths exasperated the rene- 
 gade Spaniards and Moors. They flew to arms and 
 opposed themselves to the cardinal's infamous pro- 
 ceedings. 
 
 These people were judged as seditious when, in truth, 
 those only who were guilty of sedition were the sove- 
 reigns and ministers themselves, in daring to violate the 
 faith of solemn capitulations. A people which thus 
 rises, to defend its privileges and pre-eminences, can- 
 not be guilty of sedition ; because, in defending these, 
 
 ' En la cueva d6 yacia As in his den, stretched out, he lay, 
 
 Eaices orudas comia, The crudest roots were once his 
 
 y despues se entr6 lamiendo, food ; 
 
 T en tu ato estd mordiendo But to thy fold he forced his way, 
 
 Los mastines cada dia." Where, e'en our mastiffs, he doth 
 
 slay ; 
 And now he licks our very hlood. 
 
30 HISTORY OF 
 
 they are but defending the laws from being set at nought 
 or aboUshed. 
 
 Cisneros, notwithstanding the boldness of the Moors, 
 did not swerve from his purpose ; on the contrary, he 
 turned even that to the account of the Catholic Kings. 
 He gave these to understand that, as the Moors had 
 broken the treaty themselves, by their rebellion, the 
 Christians were absolved from the compact. 
 
 Ferdinand and Isabella commanded that the rene- 
 gades and ancient Moors should immediately receive 
 the water of baptism, forgetting that they themselves 
 were the first to break the stipulated conditions. These 
 sovereigns had indeed the power, by force of arms, to 
 qualify those conditions, and they did so to their own 
 profit, as they foohshly beUeved ; but, in effect, it was 
 only a momentary triumph of their own vanity, and 
 was, in truth, the origin of many disasters which were 
 brought upon Spain. 
 
 More than a century of disquietudes and wars fol- 
 lowed the execution of these orders of the Catholic 
 Kings, and the policy of Cisneros.* 
 
 Isabella was not mistress of herself, in spite of her 
 great understanding ; for her fanaticism touched on the 
 borders of madness. With strange infatuation, she 
 grievously deplored a wounded conscience, for having 
 assisted, by her presence, at a bull-fight, witnessing the 
 death of brutes ;t and yet, with complacency, she could 
 give up the unfortunate Jews and Moors to be consumed 
 alive in the flames ! 
 
 A poet of that time, moved with a zeal for the pubHc 
 
 * Marmol : already cited. Boti Diego Hurtado de Mendoza : Guerra 
 de Oranada. 
 
 t Chmencin — Elogio de IxcAel la CatoKca. 
 
EELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 31 
 
 good, took occasion to advise Isabella to serve God, not 
 by fastings and penances, nor by discontinuing the use 
 of pillows and sleeping on the ground, nor by aiBicting 
 herself by wearing xilicios/'^ but in punishing the delin- 
 quents without miMtire of cruelty ; and to leave the 
 repeating of prayers in canonical hours to those who 
 lived in monasteries ; and that, in order to the good 
 government of the people, she ought to postpone those 
 observances, inasmuch as the account which she would 
 have to give to God, as a queen, would not be one of 
 repeating prayers or enduring penances, but of the 
 justice or injustice done by her whilst the government 
 was in her hands, f 
 
 It always happens that subjects, but especially the 
 clergy, imitate the defects of their sovereign. The 
 ecclesiastics — believing that Isabella was much attached 
 to devotion and to devoted persons, and being desirous 
 of gaining her favour — began to feign, in the exterior 
 of their conduct, if not all the virtues, at least the 
 
 * Shirts or girdles made of hair. 
 
 t In the Cancionero General, compiled by Hernando del Castillo 
 (Toledo, 1520) ; in the same (Toledo, 1527) ; and in the Cancionero 
 de Anvers (1573) there is a work entitled Regimiento de Principes, in 
 which its author, Gomez Manrique, says to Isabella the C'litholic, that 
 she might contrive to serve God, 
 
 " No con muchas devociones No se mezcle crueldad 
 
 Ayunos ni disciplinas, Con la tal ejecucion. 
 
 Con estremas devociones El rezar de los Salterios 
 
 Saliendo de los colchones Y el dezir de las horas 
 
 A dormir en las espinas. Dejad 4 las rezadoras 
 
 No que vistades sUicio, Que estAn en los monasteries 
 Ni hagades abstinencia. * * * * 
 * * * * Cd no vos demandardn 
 Al mayor de los mayores Cuenta de lo que rezais : 
 Con sacrificios plazibles Si no vos disoiplina,is, 
 La sangre de los nocibles No vos lo preguntar4n. 
 Crueles y robadores. De juaticia si hicistes 
 Esto le sacrificad Despojada de pasiou, 
 Con gran deliberacion ; Si los culpados punistes 
 
 Pero, seiiora, guardad Desto ser& la cuestion." 
 
32 HISTORY OP 
 
 principal ones. Hypocrisy was substitnted for trutli ; 
 religion was counterfeited by fanaticism. '■■ 
 
 Liberty of conscience was abolished, and even civil 
 liberty received a mortal blow at the hands of "the 
 Catholic Kings." They knew that Spain required order 
 and peace, and, with a view to her enjoying both, the 
 disorders which had previously existed among the nobi- 
 lity and the lower people, as demonstrated in the streets 
 and public squares, were transferred to the palace. In 
 order that revolution might not endanger the state, the 
 monarchs themselves became rebels. If in former times 
 the will of many insurgents gave veneration to the laws 
 and obtained victory in favour of the king, now the will 
 of only one was to be held as superior to all rights 
 [fueros) and to all subjects. 
 
 There were three military orders in Castile, of which 
 the national army was composed. The heads of these 
 were denominated masters. To weaken the power of 
 the nobilit}^, the Catholic Kings united to the crown the 
 maestrazgos (grand masterships) of Alcantara, Calatrava, 
 and Santiago. They fortified their jurisdiction and their 
 power by perpetuating the corregidores (chief magis- 
 trates) of the cities and towns, they multiphed the 
 tribunals of justice, and extended the royal authority as 
 
 » Lucio Marineo Siculo, in his book on the memorable things of 
 Spain (1539), says : — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 " Lo cual fii6 causa que muchos Which was the cause of many 
 
 de los que hablaban poco y tenian of them speaking little, and having 
 
 los cabeUos mas cortos que las the hair cut as short as the eye- 
 
 cejas, comenzaron d traer los qjos brows, they began to turn the 
 
 bajos, mirando la tierra, y andar eyes downwards, looking upon the 
 
 con mas gravedad y liacer mejor ground and walking with more 
 
 vida, simulando por Ventura algu- gravity and leading a better life. 
 
 nos mas la virtud que ejrrcitdn- Some of them dissimulating virtue 
 
 dola^ rather than practising it. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 33 
 
 far as the power of despotism could reach, but yet not 
 quite so far as their ambitious desires extended. 
 
 The name of the nobility has always been odious to 
 the people, whUst at the same time monarchs, who in 
 opposition to the laws, have attempted to acquire abso- 
 lute dominion, have found in the nobihty not only ene- 
 mies of tyranny, but zealous defenders of the rights of 
 the people. It was the nobility who compelled King 
 John, Lack-land, to sign Magna Gharta, the foundation 
 of English Hberty : it was the nobility who, in Flanders, 
 opposed, resolutely, the inquisitorial power of Spain : 
 it was the nobihty who founded the republic of Holland, 
 preferring to be clad in the meanest attire, or even 
 to perish in the field of battle, rather than live in luxury 
 and opulence but in slavery of conscience : it was, in 
 fine, the nobihty who, in Arragon, dared to oppose, 
 though vdth infelicitous success, the power of Philip II. 
 by taking up arms against him in defence of the rights 
 and privileges of that ancient kingdom. 
 
 The Spanish nobility, in the middle ages, never opposed 
 itself to the liberties of the people, as is generally sup- 
 posed by men who judge the events related in our ancient 
 history by the events which have occurred in a neighbour- 
 ing nation. Even in times when the power of feudahsm 
 in Spain was at its height, the vassals had the right of 
 meeting in the juntas called behetrias, and by common 
 consent, if they were not able to tolerate the yoke of their 
 lord, to put themselves under the dominion of another 
 who might rule over them with more reason and 
 justice. 
 
 In Arragon the nobles, through the plebeians, and 
 the plebeians through the nobles, enjoyed great immu- 
 nities and franchises. The Cortes of that kingdom was 
 
 D 
 
34 HISTORY OF 
 
 composed of the nobility, of the clergy, and of the yeo- 
 manry. All had a voice and a vote in defence of their 
 interests, and in framing the laws of their country. 
 The Arragonese government was a mixture of mon- 
 archy, aristocracy, and democracy. None of these pre- 
 dominated, but both noble and plebeian were subject to 
 the law of suffering, in the tribunals, the severe test of 
 being put to the torture ; and, if under the power of the 
 king's judges, they suffered any wrong, they found at 
 once a remedy in the fuero de la manifestacion, by which 
 the Justicia mayor took sole cognizance of the cause, 
 and the injured culprit succeeded in obtaining the pro- 
 tection of the laws, the benignity of a magistrate 
 without pride or passion, and consequently a less 
 rigorous sentence. 
 
 In this way, the plebeians had, in Arragon, almost as 
 many political rights as the nobles ; for the former saw 
 in the acquisition and faithful observance of jueros 
 by both, the well-being of their country, and the most 
 firm defence against that spirit of pride and despotism 
 which is wont to menace a free people. 
 
 The wealthy and powerful nobles in Castile were 
 designated by the title of lords, or senores : those of 
 more moderate fortune, were styled knights, or caballeros. 
 The former answered to the Roman patricians, and 
 the latter corresponded with the equestrian order, 
 introduced by Romulus. 
 
 It may truly be said that the ancient Spanish knights, 
 or caballeros, if we consider their great number and 
 their circumstances, composed what, now-a-days, we 
 call the middle class. On the occasions of cities being 
 conquered and taken from the Moors, the kings were 
 wont to grant their royal letters to the inhabitants, 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 35 
 
 whereby these obtamed the title of cahalleros. When 
 Ferdinand III. took Seville, he made nobles of those 
 hying near the suburbs, who, on account of their ex- 
 emptions and liberties, were called francos. 
 
 Each community, each ayuntamiento* each council, 
 enjoyed great privileges; so that the dwellers in the 
 cities, towns, and villages, could not be charged with 
 greater burdens than such as were sanctioned by the 
 authority of the population ; true contracts between the 
 monarch and his subjects. 
 
 From the time of Don Alonso X. the sovereigns were 
 desirous of diminishing, in Castile, the hberties of 
 the country, under the false colour of equalising the 
 laws. 
 
 The attempt to destroy the power by which the people 
 defended themselves was begun by Don John IL, who 
 endeavoured to corrupt the office of frocurador or 
 deputy in the Cortes, elected by the councils. He cor- 
 rupted the municipal troops, deUvering them over to 
 the command of those who offered most money for 
 them, and converted Castile into a sort of pubhc mint 
 for making and disposing of the most important offices. 
 With greater insolence, he dared to reserve to the crown 
 the nomination of the procuradores, or deputies, when- 
 ever he saw fit ; by which means the monarch had the 
 faculty of appointing, at pleasure, the representatives of 
 the people ! 
 
 The nobility has, as I before stated, always been 
 opposed to despotism. It has for many centuries hu- 
 mihated the arrogance of kings, and on many occasions 
 
 * A provincial assembly, or town-council. 
 
 D 2 
 
36 HISTORY OF 
 
 manifested itself to be a lover of the well-being and 
 liberties of the people.* 
 
 The Catholic Kings, pandering to the passions of the 
 vulgar, who are generally on bad terms with the rich 
 and the inteUigent, began by degrees to destroy the 
 power of the nobles and gentry of Castile. The plebeians 
 did not perceive that absolutism was marching against' 
 both great and small, and overthrowing all power which 
 might be hkely to oppose it. 
 
 Thus it has ever been. The Roman nobility, in defend- 
 ing their own rights, secured also the liberties of the 
 people, by whose support they were enabled to contend 
 with the Caesars, who were sustained by the prsetorian 
 troops. But it is remarkable that the plebeians, bhnded 
 by the false hope of seeing the power of the nobles 
 destroyed, assisted in esterminating the patriots of then- 
 country. Under the rule of the nobility, the plebeians 
 were admitted, through the medium of the tribunes and 
 leave of the assembly, to take a part in the government 
 
 * Don Alonso de Cartagena, Bishop of Burgoa, says, in 1444, 
 to the Marquis de Sanfcillana (MS. in the library of the Escurial) : — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 ' Non gnarda la repdblioa qnien The republic does not protect 
 
 desirve 4 su rey, nin sirve i su rey those who do not serve their king, 
 
 quien dana al pueblo . . . que non nor do those serve their king who 
 
 guarda bien el cuerpo del hombre injure the people ... he does not 
 
 quien le fiere en la cabeza, nin le guard the body of men who wounds 
 
 guardaria bien la cabeza quien le the head, nor would he guard well 
 
 firiese en el cuerpo, c& todos los the head who wounds the body, 
 
 miembros son coliffados.'" for all the ^nembers are united 
 
 together. 
 
 The Marquis de Santillana, in his Proverbs, says : — 
 " Antepon la libertad batalloso Prefer a war-bought liberty 
 
 4 servitud vergonzosa. to a shameful slavery. 
 
 \ O que bien muri6 Caton, O 'tis well that Cato died 
 
 si permitiese if thoughts like this 
 
 nuestra ley y consintiese our laws permit 
 
 tal razon !" and sanction ! 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 37 
 
 of the republic. Under the yoke of the emperors, these 
 assembHes, the foundations of popular rights, were 
 abolished, and the power incident to the tribune was 
 usurped by the same imperial hand which was almost 
 idolised by the people. 
 
 In the course of time, that sanguinary religious 
 persecution, which at first had been directed exclu- 
 sively against the Jews and the Moors, began to extend 
 itself to the Christians. Antonio de Lebrija, a wise 
 and learned man, remarkable for his intimate acquaint- 
 ance with the oriental languages, thought fit to correct 
 several errors which he had found in some copies of the 
 Vulgate translation of the Bible ; errors resulting, pro- 
 bably, from mere carelessness on the part of the copyists. 
 No sooner had the fruits of his labours appeared, than 
 certain divines denounced the author to the Inquisition 
 for, what they were pleased to call, this sacrilege. The 
 object of those divines was not so much to reprove the 
 labours of Lebrija, as to dismay him by persecution, in 
 order that he might not dare to write anything relating 
 to matters of the faith.* The envious have often per- 
 secuted the learned as delinquents against rehgion, and 
 have even awarded to them the punishment provided 
 for sacrilege. Thus, through envy, Anaxagoras was 
 branded with impiety, and died in exile. For the like 
 cause Socrates was poisoned at Athens. 
 
 The Inquisition had not yet acquired sufficient power 
 to oppress Christians. This was the first step which it 
 took to cUp the wings of philosophy, and keep the mind 
 in a state of thraldom. The tribunal, therefore, was 
 
 - * Non tarn ut probaret improbaretve, quam ut auctorem i scri- 
 bendi studio revocaret. — Antonius Nehrissa. — Apologia. 
 
38 HISTOKY OF 
 
 content with consigning the manuscripts of Lebrija to 
 the flames. " It is not enough," says this wise man, 
 " that out of obsequiousness to the faith, I must hold 
 captive my understanding ; but I must even be con- 
 strained to consider as false that which I plainly discern 
 and believe to be true. What species of slavery must 
 that be which prohibits me saying what I feel respectmg 
 things which have nothing to do with Christian piety 1 
 To speak did I say 1 Nay, to write, or even to think 
 my own thoughts within the walls of my own dwelling!"* 
 
 Thus commenced, in Spain, the persecution of reason 
 and conscience, while the light of philosophy, assisted 
 by the divine art of printing, was diffusing itself over 
 the world. 
 
 On the death of Queen Isabella, the Inquisition sig- 
 nalled out a new victim in the person of the Archbishop 
 of Granada, Don Hernando de Talavera, a sage much 
 favored by that sovereign. 
 
 Talavera, at the age of eighty years, was proceeded 
 against by the Holy Office, in consequence of his having 
 opposed the establishment of that tribunal, first in Castile, 
 and then in the kingdom of Granada. Fanaticism is 
 ever wakeful ; when unable to execute its vengeance, it 
 waits the change of time and circumstances. 
 
 In the midst of his tribulation, Talavera wrote to 
 King Ferdinand a letter, complaining of the way in 
 which he now saw himself abandoned, and of the out- 
 rages which his rivals were preparing to inflict upon 
 him. He accused the monarch with his persecution, 
 
 * An mihi non sit satis in iis quae mihi religio credenda pro- 
 
 ponit captivae intellectum in obsequium Christi &c Quae 
 
 malum haec servitus est ... . quae te non sinat, pietate salva libere 
 quae sentias dicere ? Quid dicere ? Immo nee intra parietes latitans 
 scribere . . aut . cogitare. — Nebrissa. — Apologia. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 39 
 
 and the indiiFerence with which the latter regarded the 
 proceedings that had been so scandalously instituted 
 against him. 
 
 " Through neglect," says he, " of my king and my lord, 
 of my son and my angel, the King Don Ferdinand ; 
 and I say ilirough neglect, because I cannot bring my- 
 self to conclude that it is through malice .... al- 
 though all who open their hps about it say the contrary. 
 But I rather wish to be thought a fool, and to be one 
 than .... beheve any such thing. It is true there 
 has been very great neglect, and this has afforded ground 
 for imputing all to anger and maHce. 
 
 " I know not what excuse your highness may be able 
 to give to God, who has been and still is, offended by 
 such neglect ; and so are all the people, from the least 
 to the greatest, and from the enemy to the friend, all 
 are much scandalized. Your Highness will have to per- 
 form miracles, ere they can love and esteem you as at 
 first ; and as I, in my conscience, feel that you ought 
 to be loved and esteemed ; and as I, though you may 
 kill me, do love and esteem j^ou. ray king, my lord ; 
 God forgive you. Amen, that ever you should consent 
 to have such a stain on your glorious reputation ! . . . . 
 Oh, unwary sovereign, you are greatly deceived and in- 
 jured by bad servants and bad company ! Oh ! idle, 
 and, therefore, dishked and disparaged, king, for not 
 taking the trouble to see and examine for yourself that 
 something on which a pretext is founded . . . For then, 
 they say, your Highness would remedy the matter by 
 entreating the Inquisition to place itself under the Most 
 Reverend the Archbishop of Toledo ... I ought to know 
 it, in order to purge my innocence, and to go out to meet 
 the wolf at his encounter, as did my Redeemer those who 
 
40 HISTORY OP 
 
 came to take him : of wliicli innocence I have for my 
 principal witness . . your own royal person, lei them say 
 what they please. Let them say of you in heaven, what 
 I desire that they may say of you on earth ; princes 
 have need of a good reputation on earth, in order to 
 obtain the glory of heaven .... From Granada, 28 
 January, 150.5."* 
 
 The persecution of the venerable Talavera is one of 
 the greatest stains on the character of Ferdinand the 
 Catholic ; and the letter of the archbishop is proof of 
 the energy of which an octogenarian was capable, when 
 falsehood, envy, and perversity conspired against his 
 dignity and his innocence. Those who in the person 
 of Lebrija persecuted learning, intended, in the person 
 of Talavera, to persecute virtue and a zeal for the 
 public good. 
 
 At the end of three years of outrages, after being 
 stained with the charge of heresy, and witnessing the 
 persecution of all his relations and friends, this vene- 
 rable prelate was absolved by the Pope. 
 
 He was a man superior to the age in which he Uved, 
 and survived the sentence but a short time. Nor could 
 he, in descending to the tomb, be much comforted by 
 the proclamation of his innocence, seeing that he was 
 leaving his country in the hands of his persecutors. 
 
 Ferdinand was at last obliged to abandon Castile ; he 
 was almost expelled. His daughter Doiia Juana, who 
 was married to the Archduke of Austria, Philip I, 
 ascended the throne. On the king's return to his own 
 states of Arragon, he was received every wliere with 
 proofs of the hatred with which he was regarded. 
 
 * These fragments of a hitherto unpublished letter, so curious and 
 notable, are copied from the Codice O. G. 96, of the National Library. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 41 
 
 Whilst he could command force, that force was re- 
 spected ; but that lost, he was looked upon by the 
 Castillians as a vile and despicable tyrant. They refused 
 in the cities and towns, even to lodge him. * Nay, such 
 was the indignation of the people, that their very gates 
 were closed against him. 
 
 Philip I., a prince not accustomed to assist in the 
 horrors of Spain, received with great humanity the 
 complaints of those who suffered under the yoke of the 
 ministers of the Holy Office, and he suspended the inqui- 
 sitorial jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Seville and that 
 of his council. 
 
 This king prepared the way to abohsh the tribunal of 
 the faith, and free the Spanish nation from its power ; 
 but death intercepted his design a very few months after 
 the commencement of his reign, and in the very spring- 
 tide of his existence. The flatterers of the Inquisition 
 attributed his untimely death to a chastisement from 
 heaven. t I attribute it to the vengeance of men.| 
 
 * Zurita, in his life of this hing, says that he was driven from the 
 kingdoms of Castile so ignominiously, and so persecuted, that — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 " Algunos pueblos, por donde 61 Some of the towns through 
 
 pasaba se us6 de tanta desoortesia which he passed, treated him with 
 
 y vUlanfa que le cerraron las so much discourtesy and rudeness, 
 
 puertas y no le quisieron recibir that they closed the gates against 
 
 en ellos." himand refused him admittance. 
 
 t Zurita, in his book already cited, says : — 
 
 " Se attribuy6 comimmente al It was commonly attributed as 
 
 juicio de Dios . . . que trat4n- a judgment from God . . . for 
 
 dose las causas y negocios de la fe meddling with things concerning 
 
 . . . con tanta irreverencia . . . the faith . . . with such irreve- 
 
 aquel gobiemo se acabase en tan rence . . . that his reign was so 
 
 breves dias " short. 
 
 J Sancho Cota, in his Memorias de Carlos V., (MS. which is in the 
 possession of my erudite friend Don Pascual de Gayangos,) says : — 
 
 " El Emperador (Maximiliano), The Emperor (Maximilian) did 
 
 no estim6 tanto las cosas de Cas- not like things in Castile, and 
 
42 HISTOKY OF 
 
 The king, Ferdinand, owing to the insanity of his 
 daughter Doiia Juana, returned to Castile as regent 
 named in the will of his wife, in the event of that 
 insanity which happened. His entry into this kingdom 
 was with all pomp, in which he made his new consort, 
 Germana de Fox, participate. He sought to revenge 
 former offences by compeUing the people to acknowledge 
 this lady, (who was not queen of Castile,) and receive 
 her with the same respect and public honours as were 
 shown to Isabella by the cities in her own dominions. ^' 
 
 To such a wretched condition does a nation arrive 
 under the perpetration of continued outrages, that it 
 loses, by degrees, its love of civil liberty. 
 
 In the kingdoms of Don John II. and Henry IV., so 
 great were those outrages, and so prostrated the royal 
 dignity, that the greater part of the Castillians were 
 divided into parties, some maintaining one thing and 
 some another, like the English in the time of their 
 Charles I, or the French in the time of Louis XVI. t 
 
 TRANSLATION". 
 
 tilla, en especial por que creia especially because he believed thet/ 
 que habian muerto con ponzona el had poisoned King Philip" 
 rey don Felipe." 
 
 * Sancho Cota in his MS. Memorias, cited in the preceding note, 
 says : — 
 
 " Que la gobemacion del rey That the king's rule was heavy 
 
 pesava 4 muchos en Castilla, aai upon many in Castile, as well lords 
 cavalleros y seiiores, como a cib- and knights, as citizens and other 
 dadanos 6 4 otras gentes que deoian people who complained of having 
 haber fecho grandes agravios . . . sufi'ered great wrongs . . . bring- 
 trayendo consigo S, la reyna Ger- ing the queen Germana, his wife 
 mana, su muger por los mismos with him, throtigh the same towns, 
 lugares y con tanto triumfo como and with the same pomp as he 
 &, la reyna doiia Isabel." had caused to be shown to Queen 
 
 Isabella. 
 
 t As a proof of the manner of thinking touching political liberty 
 and the royal power in the time of Hem-y IV. and the beginning of ' 
 Isabella's reign, only read what Fray Pedro de Rozas says in his MS. 
 Repertorio, already cited : — 
 
 " Decidme agora, reyes de la Tell me now, ye kings of the 
 
 tierra . . . amigoa de soberbia, com- earth . friends of the proud 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 43 
 
 In order to the security of his power, the king wished 
 to strengthen the Holy Office. He named as Inquisitor- 
 general Cisneros, then Archbishop of Toledo, who had 
 always condemned the proceedings of that tribunal 
 against illustrious persons, and among these Lebrija and 
 Talavera. It happened with him, however, as with all 
 ambitious aspirants for power : they show themselves 
 enemies to the very thing which is the object of their 
 ambition ; but that once attained, they do not hesitate 
 to burn cities and stain the country with blood in de- 
 fence of the same systems they formerly disapproved. 
 
 Cisneros was opposed to the proposition that the royal 
 authority should be taken away from the Inquisitors, 
 and that in causes of the faith, the names of the wit- 
 nesses should be published in order to destroy the iniqui- 
 tous mystery of secret denouncements of persons to that 
 tribunal.* The Holy Office was thus secured in Spain. 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 paneros de la cobdicia, padrastros companions of tlie covetous, step- 
 de la humildad, contrarios de la fathers of humility, opponents of 
 razon, cuya libertad as cautiverio, reason, whose liberty is captivity, 
 cuya seiiorio servidumbre, cuya whose sway is slavery, whose 
 grandeza congoja, cuyo poder per- grandeur is anguish, whose power 
 secueion, i De qual buena andanza persecution ; for what good action 
 OS podeis alabar ? j De qual pros- can you praise yourselves 1 On 
 peridad presumir, cuando ni el what prosperity can you presume, 
 retrete vos descansa 1 . . . i De when even the retirement of the 
 qual singular excelencia vos place closet does not afford you repose 1 
 ser coronados ? i De qual re- . . . For what singular excellency 
 nombre mas digno quereis aver does it please you to be crowned ? 
 perfeccion, quando ui, siendo ma- To what greater renown or per- 
 yores, gobemais 4 vosotros, ni fection do you wish to attain, 
 regie vuestros pueblos, ni siendo when, being superior to all, you 
 seiiores, procurais libertad, ni la neither govern yom-selves nor rule 
 dais a ninguno ? Bast6, pues, your subjects ; and, being lords, 
 saber de vosotros, quanto mas you neither procure your own 
 grandes mas sojuzgados, 6 quanto liberty nor give it to any one 9 
 mas altos mas abatidos. Enough, then, to know of you, 
 
 that when greatest you are least, 
 and when most elevated you are 
 most abased. 
 * Quintanilla. — Vida del Cardenal Cisneros. 
 
44 HISTORY OF 
 
 This friar, by all the means in his power, endeavoured to 
 abolish every remaining vestige of civil and religious 
 liberty. 
 
 Cisneros, who from the humble habit of San Fran- 
 cisco reached the mitre of Archbishop of Toledo, (the 
 primacy of all Spain,) and even the cardinal's purple, as 
 well as the insignia of Inquisitor-general, followed in the 
 track of almost all those who, from the fisherman's hut, 
 the shepherd's cabin, or the artisan's shop,by their superior 
 intelligence, ascend to the occupation of the most im- 
 portant posts in the state. Proud at having attained 
 that eminence which but few attain, they become inflated 
 with their position and an assumed superiority of mind ; 
 they imagine that they are entitled to receive homage 
 from their inferiors, who can never rise like them to 
 play such lofty parts in the theatre of the world. Such 
 persons are instinctively qualified to become the allies of 
 despots, when they themselves cannot exercise absolute 
 dominion over their fellow-men. Among the many 
 examples which history offers in confirmation of tliis 
 truth is found that of the Cardinal Francisco Ximenez 
 de Cisneros. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLEEANCB IN SPAIN. 45 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Ferdinand V. in prospect of death — His wUl — Intrigues of Cisneros — 
 His comparison of his own translation of the Bible with the Greek 
 and the Vulgate — His oppressive acts — Militia — Charles I. compels 
 him to retire to Toledo — Charles covets the German crown — Goes in 
 quest of it — Revolt of nobility and democracy — They demand to be 
 more fitly represented in C6rtes — Attempt to recover lost liberties — 
 Prepare heads of a constitution —Are overthrown — General pardon 
 — Charles, now emperor, makes Spain subservient to his ambition — 
 The Pope's alliance with Francis I. — The Duke of Bourbon's conduct 
 in Eome to Clement and the clergy — Charles' clemency to the Pope 
 — Diego Hurtado de Mendoza's anonymous memorials to Charles — 
 Review of Charles' clemency in liberating Clement without taking 
 away his temporal power — Reflection on the Popes — Their limited 
 domiuions — ability to extend them compared with that of Sparta, 
 Greece, Macedonia, France, Castile and England —Charles asks 
 Clement to crown him — Napoleon followed his example — Pope 
 Pius IV. — Reflections on the Reformation. 
 
 Ferdinand V., as the end of his existence approached, 
 resembled the greatest despots that ever Uved. Tiberias 
 of Rome, and Louis of France, accustomed to absolute 
 dominion, imagined that, by the mere exercise of their 
 will, they could prolong life, at the very time when it 
 was about to terminate. 
 
 The CathoUc King, by a testament which he directed 
 to be prepared, left the government to his second grand- 
 son, the Infante Don Ferdinand, during the absence of 
 Carlos, the eldest son of Dona Juana the lunatic, and 
 then residing in Flanders. 
 
 This being known to the Cardinal Ximenes Cisneros 
 and his friends, they became desirous of working upon 
 
46 HISTORY OF 
 
 the conscience of the dying man, and thereby pre- 
 venting the government from falUng into the hands of 
 the Infante. But their first dif&culty was in making the 
 king beUeve that the end of his earthly career was 
 really approaching. The confessor wished to see the 
 monarch on his knees before him asking absolution from 
 his sins, and for this purpose had recourse to every ex- 
 pedient. Ferdinand was firm. He refused to have any 
 conversation with the confessor ; knowing " that he 
 came to him more with a view of negotiating state affairs 
 than of discharging his conscience.^ 
 
 The king's pertinacity did not long continue. The 
 strength of his understanding began to fail, and he 
 seemed to be on the very brink of the grave. 
 
 It is not difficult to draw from a dying man, when 
 his faculties are impaired, any thing that is desired ; 
 nor to make him speak and act as he would not do 
 whilst in the full enjoyment of his mental powers. 
 Ferdinand confessed ; and the result of that confession 
 was, that he called his narrators to his council.-]' The 
 
 * Lorenzo Galindez de Carvajal, a councillor and chamberlain of the 
 Catholic Kings, in his Historia de lo Siicedido despues de la Muerte de 
 don Fernando, MS. in the possession of my friend Senor Gayangos, says : — 
 
 TBANSIATION. 
 
 " Estando el rey en Madriga- The king being at Madrigalejo, 
 
 lejo, le fu6 dado 4 entender que was given to understand that he 
 
 estaba muy cercano & la muerte . . . was near his death . . . wished nei- 
 
 no qvTeria ver ni Uamar & su con- ther to see nor to call his confes- 
 
 fesor ; puesto que algunas veces . . . sor ; at least, very seldom . . . when 
 
 (este) lo procur6 ; pero el rey le the latter contrived to get an in- 
 
 echaba de si diciendo que venia terview ; but the king sent him 
 
 mas con fin de negociar memori- away, saying that he came more 
 
 ales, que entender en el desoargo with the object of negotiating, ie. 
 
 de su concieucia." presenting, petitions, than to dis- 
 charge his conscience. 
 
 t " Y de la confession result6 And the result of confession was, 
 
 que mando el rey Llamar al Licen- that the King ordered the licen- 
 
 oiado Zapata y al Doctor Carvajal, tiate Zapata and Doctor Carvajal, 
 
 sus relatores, &c." — Oalindez de his relators, &o., to be called in. 
 Carvajal. — MS. already cited. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLEEAKCE IN SPAIN. 47 
 
 extreme youth of the Infante was discussed, and it was 
 considered that the charge of governing, during the 
 absence of Carlos from the kingdoms, ought to devolve 
 on some person of practical experience in the business 
 of the state. One of the council suggested Friar 
 Francisco Ximenes de Cisneros ; but the king not only- 
 heard the proposal with displeasure, but intimated that 
 it was not proper to leave the government in the hands 
 of an archbishop and an inquisitor. At last, however, 
 these aulics overcame the King's scruples, and he ceded 
 to their wishes.'^'" 
 
 Although a dying man may have very little energy 
 of miad to insist on his OAvn will, in consequence of the 
 fear of death ; yet, in that hour he is undeceived. He 
 knows perfectly well his own errors, and he remembers 
 the accomphces of his crimes. The regard which Fer- 
 dinand bore towards Cisneros for services rendered in 
 carrying out his tyrannical acts, was changed, at the 
 hour of death, into fear of leaving power in the hands 
 of a man who had already used it so much to the injury 
 of the nation. 
 
 During the government of Cisneros, he ruled by 
 force, and not according to the laws of Castile. 
 
 TEAirSLATION. 
 
 * " Fu6 nombrado por uno del Cardinal Don Fr. Francisco Xi- 
 
 consejo que aUi estaba el Cardenal menes, Arcbbisliop of Toledo, was 
 
 don Fr. Francisco Ximenes, Arzo- named by one of the council who 
 
 bispo de Toledo, y luego paresci6 was there, and immediately the 
 
 que no habia estado bien el rey en king was displeased at the nomi- 
 
 el nombramiento, y dixo de presto : nation, and said hastily : ' You al- 
 
 Fa conoceis su condicion. Y estuvo ready know his position.' And he 
 
 un rato sin que ninguno replicase, remained for a while without any 
 
 &e." Gcdindea de Carvajal.—MS. one answering, &c. 
 cited. 
 
 It is worthy of note, that the historians who eulogise Cisneros, 
 suppress this circumstance, which is attested by a servant of the 
 Catholic King. But such is the way in which the liistory of Spain 
 has been written. 
 
48 HISTORY OP 
 
 The man who had opposed the translation of the 
 Bible into Arabic, lest the Moors, who had been con- 
 verted to the Christian faith solely by coercion, might 
 know something of the foundations on wliich it rested, 
 wished everybody to follow his orders, without seeking 
 for causes, or enquiring whether those orders were 
 founded in reason or justice.'" Whatever measure he 
 projected as beneficial to his country was, if not in 
 itself absolutely injurious, yet in consequence of some 
 extravagant condition or other annexed to it, ren- 
 dered of no useful effect. Intending to publish an 
 edition of the Bible in various languages, he assembled 
 a number of wise men, collected a great many manu- 
 scripts, and purposed that their labours should serve to 
 form a monument to his own glory. But these labours 
 (as is generally believed by the wise men of Europe) 
 went to corrupt the Greek and Hebrew texts, in an 
 attempt to make them correspond with the vulgate. 
 Cisneros compares the vulgate, which neither followed 
 the Greek nor the Hebrew Bibles, and was printed in 
 his book between the two, to Jesus Christ crucified 
 
 * Cipriano de Valera, in the preface to his edition of the Bible in the 
 Spanish language, says : — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 "Para que . . . estos moros recien In order that .... those Moors, 
 
 convertidos, fuesen bien instruidos recently converted, might be well 
 
 en la religion cristiana, el primer instructed in the Christian re- 
 
 Arzobispo de Granada . . . fue de ligion, the first Archbishop of Gra- 
 
 parecer, que la sagrada escritura nada .... was of opinion that the 
 
 se trasladase en lengua ar^biga . . . sacred scripture ought to be trans- 
 
 A este tan pio intento se opuso lated into the Arabic tongue. . . . 
 
 Fray Francisco Ximenes, Arzo- This pious attempt Fi-iar Fran- 
 
 bispo de Toledo . . . . y asi se im- cisco Ximenes, Archbishop of To- 
 
 pidio la traslaclon que tanto bien ledo, opposed .... and thus was 
 
 hubiera hecho & aquellos pobres 6 frustrated the design of that trans- 
 
 iguorantes Moriscos." lation, which would have done so 
 
 much good to those poor and 
 
 ignorant Moors. 
 
EELIGIOUS IN"TOLERAN"CE IN SPAIN. 49 
 
 between two thieves.* Such were the effects of the 
 fanatical madness by which Cisneros was actuated. 
 He soon began to dispossess the grandees of Castile 
 of the property given them by the Cathohc Sovereigns 
 as a reward for their services ; and this he did under 
 the pretext that such property pertained to the crown, 
 and that those Sovereigns could not bestow more than 
 its usufructs. The grandees resisted, and even demanded 
 to know by what authority he was proceeding thus reso- 
 lutely in so hard a case. The answer of Cisneros was 
 significant enough : he merely pointed to some pieces 
 of cannon and some troops which happened at the 
 moment to be in the square in front of his palace. His 
 intention was evidently to put down a class which had 
 in its own hands the power of opposing his arbitrary 
 wilLt 
 
 The Cardinal's next step was to arm a permanent 
 mihtia, under a belief that the lower orders of the 
 people would assist him in his oppression, although he 
 pretended that by such a force he was only anxious to 
 
 * Ab I do not wish that, on perusal of this extravagant comparison 
 of Cisneros, I should be accused, by fanatics, of calumny, I give the 
 very words of the Cardiaal, from the preface to the polyglot : — Mediam 
 autem wcler has latinam Beati Hieronymi translationem iielut inter 
 sy'jw,gogara et orientcdem ecclesiam posuimus : tamquam duos hinc et inde 
 latrones medium autem Jeswm hoc est romanam sive latinam ecclesiam 
 coUocatites." 
 
 t As a proof that the nobles of the sixteenth century made the cause 
 of the people their own, in order to oppose tyranny, let us read the words 
 of Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, an author related to many of the 
 nobUity of Spain, in his Didlogo entre Caronte y el dnima de Pedro Luis 
 Farnesio, hijo del Papa Paulo TIL, MS., of which there are various 
 copies in the national library : — 
 
 TEAJTSLATION. 
 
 " La indignacion del pueblo mal- The indignation of an ill treated 
 
 tratado pone armas en la mano del people puts arms into the hands 
 
 noble." of the noble. 
 
 " El clamor de la injuria del The clamour of the people's 
 
 pueblo despierta 6 incita &, la ven- wrongs rouses the soul of the 
 
 ganza el 4nimo del noble." noble and incites it to vengeance. 
 
 E 
 
50 HISTORY OF 
 
 protect the monarchs from being oppressed by the 
 nobles ; but his attempt was abortive. The lower 
 orders rose against that very species of slavery under 
 which the Cardinal wanted to bring them, and, seeing 
 this, he was obliged to cede the point, in spite of his 
 pride, before the orders of the sovereign who com- 
 manded the suspension of a project which was much 
 reprobated by all classes.* 
 
 When Charles I. came to Spain, Cisneros received, 
 from the hand of despotism, the proper punishment for 
 his own despotical acts. He imagined that because he 
 had taken a part in the government of Spain, during 
 the reign of the Catholic Kings, he would therefore 
 under the new sovereign, continue to domineer over the 
 Spanish nation ; but he was deceived. Charles wrote a 
 letter desiring to see him, and to learn from his own hps the 
 state of affairs, requesting also that he might afterwards 
 betake himself to his own episcopal palace in Toledo. 
 This contempt was unexpected. It was not what the 
 Cardinal was accustomed to. His mind was much 
 disquieted, for he was unable to endure the thought of 
 being deprived of the government. To a person whose 
 will, for so many years, had been respected as law, from 
 the royal citadels even to the shepherd's hut, it was 
 painful to contemplate his future condition. He who 
 had commanded with kingly authority, was now to sub- 
 mit to be commanded. Despots like Cisneros, in con- 
 
 * Galindez de Carvajal, in the MS. before cited, says that Cisneros : — 
 
 TRANSLATION". 
 
 "A las veces erraba loa nego- At times he entangled affairs be- 
 
 cios por que no iba por medioa cause he did not proceed by the 
 derechos : antes creia que como right means : on the contrary, he 
 una cosa el conoebia, que aai avia believed thatashecouceivedathing 
 sin remedio de ser producida." to be, so it accordingly, and with- 
 
 out fail, was to be produced. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 51 
 
 templating their loss of power, have a constant dread 
 that the enemies and victims who have outUved their 
 domination will rejoice in their fall, and seek to be 
 revenged for past offences. Never was the valour of Sylla 
 duly appreciated, until it was known that he had aban- 
 doned the dictatorship, and had the courage to live as a 
 plain citizen among the families and friends of those great 
 men, whom he had persecuted in the days of his power. 
 
 Charles I., as a sovereign, did not depart from the 
 ways of his forefathers. He, like them, persisted in 
 governing against the laws. Covetous of the crown 
 of the German Empire, he set out precipitately from 
 Spain in search of it, leaving his own kingdoms to be 
 governed by strangers. 
 
 The grandees, hidalgos, and plebeians, in many parts, 
 rose in rebelHon, not being wiUing any longer to tolerate 
 his infamous yoke. They formed the project of a con- 
 stitution, in which it was provided that each royal town 
 might send to assist in the Cortes, two procuradors, or 
 deputies, the one a hidalgo, and the other an operative ; 
 and that none of these should receive any salary from 
 the King ; that in case of the absence, minority, or 
 insanity, of the Sovereign, the Cortes should appoint a 
 regent ; that the Sovereign should not have the appoint- 
 ment of the magistrates, but select them from those 
 that, every three years, should be returned by the 
 cities and towns for that purpose ; and that there should 
 always be two elected, the one a hidalgo, the other a 
 working man, in order that the government might be 
 divided between the two states of the people ; and 
 finally, and more important than all the rest, it was 
 insisted that the King should swear to observe all these 
 things, and authorise his subjects to contradict and 
 
 E 2 
 
52 HISTOEY OF 
 
 oppose him, without being chargeable with treason, in 
 case he should fail to comply with the laws.'" 
 
 The Spaniards were thus desirous of recovering the 
 political liberty which they had lost during the slavery 
 to which they had been doomed under the Catholic 
 kings and the Cardinal Ximenes Cisneros. Nearly all 
 the heads of this constitution were formed with a view 
 of destroying the works of these arbitrary governors. 
 Out of the triumphs of political liberty would have 
 sprung religious tolerance ; but some of the grandees 
 and gentry, alarmed at the rising of the plebeians against 
 the nobility in some cities, went over to the band of 
 those who took the part of Charles. The populace in 
 Mallorca and Valencia wished to obtain all, at once, and 
 not share the government with the lords, but to deprive 
 them of their dignities. Often has ambition, on the 
 part of the populace, served the cause of despotism 
 
 * Proyecto de la constitucion de la Junta de las comunidades de Costilla. 
 (Valladolid 1842) taken from a MS. of the archive of Simancas, by the 
 erudite don Luis Usoz j Eio, a friend of the author of the present 
 history. The clause containing the royal oath is most remarkable : 
 thus — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 "Que cada 6 cuando alguno That each, and whenever anyone 
 uviere de susceder en el reyno, shall have to succeed to the king- 
 antes que sea rescebido por rey, dom, before being received as 
 jure de cumplir e guardar todos king, shall swear to fulfil and keep 
 estos capitulos 6 confiese que all those chapters, and confess 
 rescibe el reino con estas condi- that he receives the kingdoms 
 clones, 6 que si fuere contra ellas upon those conditions, and that if 
 que los del reino se lo puedan he acts contrary to them, those of 
 contradecir 6 defender sin caer the kingdom shall be at liberty to 
 por ello en pena de aleve ni contradict and oppose him without, 
 traicion : 6 C[ue ningun alcaide le on that account, falling under trea- 
 entregue fortaleza ninguna sin que son or the least treachery; and that 
 le muestre por testimonio como no governor shall deliver to him 
 ha jurado estas condiciones ante any fortress, unless it be shewn to 
 los procuradores del' reino, 6 sin him by evidence, that he has sworn 
 que uno de los mismos procura- to these conditions before the de- 
 dores vaya 6 se lo diga en persona puties of the kingdom, and unless 
 como lo ha jurado" &c. one of these same deputies shall 
 
 go and state, in person, that he 
 has so sworn, &c. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 53 
 
 when attempting to curtail its power. Liberty is apt 
 to fight against itself, and in the name of liberty to 
 give a license for indulging the worst of passions. 
 
 The Castillians, as well patricians as plebeians, who 
 fought mutually for their franchises, were conquered, 
 and their leaders were beheaded. The Valencians who 
 most firmly resisted, took up a position in front of their 
 numerous enemies. The chief of the Mallorquines, 
 Juan Oldon Colon, who surrendered the city of Palma 
 on honom-able terms, went over on the faith of these, 
 with safe conduct, to see Charles I., who in a sealed 
 letter gave him an order for the viceroy. Colon, in con- 
 sequence of that letter, was taken prisoner, and after 
 having been exhibited in triumph to the people, who 
 loved him, was torn to pieces, alive, with pincers, by the 
 executioner of the King, in the same streets and squares 
 that, a short time before, had resounded with the joyful 
 acclamations of the Mallorquines. The perfidy and 
 ferocity of Charles did not stop here. Grandees, knights, 
 and many of the principal gentry of Castile were deca- 
 pitated under the axe of the executioner. 
 
 Satiated with vengeance, and knowing it was not 
 reasonable to kill every body in Castile, he published a 
 letter with the title of perdon-general, in which he con- 
 fined the penalty to more than three hundred persons 
 who having left the kingdom were beyond the reach of 
 punishment, but were to suffer whenever they should 
 set foot on the Spanish territory. 
 
 A generous people having thus been enslaved, Charles 
 thought of nothing short of converting Spain into a 
 mere colony of the German empire, the crown of 
 which had now been adjudged to him by the electors. 
 During his long life he only regarded Spain as a source 
 
54 HISTORY OF 
 
 from which to draw the necessary supplies of men and 
 money to sustain those wars which his ambition pro- 
 moted in Europe, Asia, and Africa, and with a view to 
 defend himself against the French monarch, against the 
 grand Turk, and against the Pope, all of whom were in 
 league against him. 
 
 What signified to Spaniards the struggles of Charles 
 with German princes 1 Of what importance was the 
 preservation of the feudal rights of the empire, that 
 Spaniards were to shed their blood in battles, and groan 
 under tributes on that account "? The vanity of having 
 a powerful emperor for king, was, doubtless, considered 
 enough to outweigh the consideration of the disasters 
 which might be brought upon them by useless pomp 
 and perishing greatness."'' 
 
 * The celebrated Garoilaso de la Vega, an officer who in the flower 
 of his youth, lost his life in the service of Charles in Italy ,t said to the 
 Duke of Alba with reference to these vain conquests — 
 
 TEANSLATION. 
 
 I Qu6 se saoa de aquesto > [, Algu- " To many, oh how many, will 
 
 be lost 
 na gloria, u jjome, son, wife, memory, 
 
 algunos premios 6 agradecimien- undistracted brain, 
 
 " And fortune un-incmnbered ! 
 tos ? of this cost 
 
 Sabralo quien leyere nuestrahis- "What rich returns, what 
 ^ '^ vestiges remain ( 
 
 toria : " Fortune 1 'tis nought ; fame ? 
 , , glory 1 victory 1 gain? 
 
 ver4se alli que como polvo al " D?stinction ? woiUdst thou 
 viento know, our history read ; 
 
 " Thou wilt there find that our 
 asl se deshar4 nuestra fatiga, fatigue and pain, 
 
 ante quien se endereza nuestro " Like dust upon the wind, is 
 
 driven with speed, 
 intento. " Long e'er our bright designs suc- 
 
 cessfully proceed." 
 Elegia al Duque de Alba. j. h. wiffen. 
 
 See also what is said on the same subject by the erudite modern 
 editor of a book entitled La imdgen del Ante-Gristo. 
 
 t The respected author, Senor de Castro, is in error here. Garcilaao 
 did not lose his life in Italy. He was killed in an escalade of the 
 Castle of Muy, near ]rr6jus, in the south of France, on the retreat of 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLEKANCE IN SPAIN. 55 
 
 The Popes, who were coveting possession of the 
 kingdom of Naples, with a view of extending the domi- 
 nions of the church, had no objection, in order to expel 
 the Spaniards from Italy, to enter into an alHance with 
 Francis I. of France, and to divide with him the spoils 
 of the conquered. Charles had shown himself to be 
 a powerM protector of the authority of the Roman 
 Pontiff, against the doctrine of free examination, which 
 Luther was preaching in Germany, and in which he 
 was followed by many wise men in other nations of 
 Europe, and Clement VII. beheved that the anger of the 
 emperor, though great on losing his cities and kingdoms 
 which he held in Italy, would cede to anathemas. He 
 remembered that Frederic Barbarroja, another emperor, 
 wrestled also with Rome, but that, by her excommu- 
 nications, she conquered him, and ultimately set her 
 foot upon his neck in the Cathedral of Venice. Henry 
 VIII. of England had not yet refused obedience to the 
 Popes. 
 
 But Clement knew not the natural disposition of the 
 Duke of Bourbon, the commander-in-chief of Charles's 
 army in Italy, a man most ardent in his military enter- 
 prises. Without previous orders from the emperor, 
 Bourbon began the assault of Rome, and although he 
 himself was slain, his troops entered the city as con- 
 querors. The Spaniards and Germans, composing the 
 greater part of this army, manifested so great a con- 
 
 the emperor's forces from their unsuccessful expedition into that 
 country in 1536. A block of stone, which, was rolled over the battle- 
 ments, beat him to the ground. He was carried to Nice, and after 
 lingering twenty-four days, expired at the early age of thirty-three. 
 His body was removed from Nice, and interred in a chapel of the church 
 of San Pedro Martyr, at Toledo, in the sepulchre of his ancestor. I am 
 indebted for this correction, to my esteemed friend Mr. Benjamin Wiffeu, 
 brother to the deceased translator of Garcilaso's Works. — T. P. 
 
56 HISTORY OF 
 
 tempt for the things and ministers of rehgion,that they did 
 not seem to be Cathohcs. The altars and images were 
 destroyed ; the sacred vessels were sold ; their contents 
 were thrown on the ground ; the cardinals were put 
 up to auction ; the bishops were taken to the market 
 with straw upon their heads to be sold like beasts ; the 
 nuns were distributed among the soldiers, or bought by 
 them, as slaves, at low prices.""' 
 
 Europe was in consternation at the news of these 
 events. The Protestants believed that the Pontificate 
 was at an end ; wise men and lovers of hberty imagined 
 that the temporal power of the Pope was abrogated, 
 as though in fulfilment of the desires of Dante and 
 Boccacio in ancient times, and those of Nicholas Machia- 
 vello in that present age. 
 
 But these hopes were soon blighted. Charles kept 
 Clement in prison for some months, more with a view 
 
 * In the codice C. C. 59, of the National Library, there is an extract 
 from a letter ■which was written on the sack of Eome. In it we find 
 the following passage : — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 " En ninguna iglesia qued6 caliz, In no church did there remain 
 
 ni patena, ni cosa de oro, ni plata. any chalice, paten, or other article 
 
 Las cTiatodias eon el santlsimo of either gold or sUver. The de- 
 
 sacramento y reliquias santas positaries with the most holy 
 
 echavan por el suelo .... con sacrament and sacred reliques, 
 
 tanto desacatamiento como si they threw on the ground with as 
 
 fneran Turcos ... Al obispo much desecration as if they were 
 
 de Terrachina .... le tomaron Turks .... From the Bishop 
 
 30,000 ducados, y no queriendose of Terrachina . . . they took 
 
 rescatar, le sacaron 4 vender al 30,000 ducats, and, he not wishing 
 
 mercado con una paja en la cabeza to ransom himself, they took him 
 
 como & bestia : otro obispo y otros out to the market place to be sold, 
 
 muchos eclesi&stioos y seculares with a straw rope about his neck 
 
 fueron vendidos pliblicamente y like a beast ; another bishop and 
 
 jugados .... muohas que hoy many ecclesiastics and secular 
 
 conozco monjas, buenas religiosas, persons were publicly sold and 
 
 sacadas de sus monasteries, vendi- raffled for .... Many nuns, and 
 
 das entre los soldados &, imo 6 dos good religious /professors'} whom I 
 
 ducados." know at this day, were taken out 
 
 of the monasteries and sold among 
 the soldiers, at one or two ducats 
 a-piece. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 57 
 
 of preserving the life of the pontiff, than of causing him 
 annoyance. He feared the troops would not consent to 
 release the Pope without a ransom, and, therefore, he 
 acted under a sense of fear of his own forces. Devoted 
 to the pontifical court, and fearful that Francis I. might 
 commence war, he did not wish to deprive Clement of 
 the temporal power ; and by not doing so, he frequently 
 left himself in great embarrassment in his conquests, 
 and the prosperity of his arms. 
 
 Pope Paul III. also, with the desire of possessing the 
 kingdom of Naples, followed the standard of Francis I. ; 
 but, with deceitful professions, he pretended to be the 
 friend of Charles. Nay, more ; knowing that the Em- 
 peror was reduced to great necessity for want of money, 
 he offered to purchase the state of Milan, to enable him to 
 pay his debts. Charles heard the proposition, and was 
 even on the point of selling his Milanese territory, when 
 a Spanish gentleman, by spirited and eloquent political 
 reasoning, dissuaded him from his purpose. This was 
 no other than Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, governor 
 of Siena, who availed himself of a variety of means to 
 effect his object. Hurtado was a man of great eru- 
 dition, well read in the ancient histories of Greece and 
 Rome ; of great practical experience in state affairs, 
 and incapable of tolerating, in silence, those future evils 
 which his vsdsdom foresaw would be the result of the 
 erroneous measures of the government. He caused to 
 be dropped in the chamber of Charles V. an anonymous 
 memorial, in which he represented the disasters to be 
 expected from the Spanish arms in Italy, if the sale of 
 Milan were concluded ; and then, reprehending him, he 
 said : " Very little did your Majesty know of letters 
 when you held the most sacred temple of the church in 
 
58 HISTORY OF 
 
 your hands, and let it go again ; for in no way could you 
 have done an injury to Christ by taking from his vicar 
 the temporal arm, vs^hich is the key to open and shut 
 the door to vrar ; for God has not founded a temporal, 
 but only a spiritual church." ^- 
 
 The zeal of Mendoza was not content with having 
 thus written ; he addressed another memorial to the 
 Emperor, exhorting him not to sell Milan, or to resign 
 that sovereignty to the Popes ; and to give greater 
 authority to the document, he remitted it to Charles by 
 the hand of his Chamberlain, Don Luis de Avila y 
 Zuniga, author of the book on the war against the Duke 
 of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse.f 
 
 In this most important document we find as 
 follows : — 
 
 " Only look at the style and manner which Popes 
 
 * The original of this document is in the Biblioteca Colombina, under 
 the title of Memorial kallado en la Cdvyxra del Einperador. I published 
 it for the first time in one of the notes to el Buscapie (Cadiz, 1848 : 
 Madrid, 1850 : Id., 1851). The learned German, Herr Fernando Wolf, 
 in the session of the Imperial Academy of Vienna, held 7th February, 
 1849, delivered an address, giving to that Society a notice of what I 
 had discovered respecting the life of Mendoza, and translating, entire, 
 the memorial of this author. — See the records of the Academy of Vienna. 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 + " Al muy ilustre y muy magnl- To the very illustrious and mag- 
 
 fico seiior el seiior don Luis D^vila, nificent sefior Don Luis Divila, 
 
 camarero de S.M. Ilustre y muy Chamberlain of H.M. Illustrious 
 
 magnffico seiior . Enojado de las and most magnificent Seiior : en- 
 
 cosas que pasan, me retruje d mi raged at the things which are 
 
 quartel y escribi esta letra 6. S.M. passing, I retired to my quarters, 
 
 Suplico d vuestra merced la vea, y and wrote this letter to H. M. 
 si le pareciere digna que S.M. la * I beseech you to look at it, and, 
 
 vea, se la muestre ; y si no la if it appear to you worthy that 
 
 rompa : porque para ml bdstame H.M. should see it, to shew it him j 
 
 averme desenconado en averlo but if not, that you will tear it 
 
 fecho. Quien soy, otro tiempomas up : because, for my part, it suffi- 
 
 conveniente lo sabrd vuestra mer- ces to have imburthened myself 
 
 ced, cuya muy magnifica persona in having written it. Who I am, 
 
 y casa conserve Nuestro Seiior." — at a more convenient time, shall 
 
 Codice il. O. 59. Biblioteca Na- be made knovm to you, whose 
 
 clonal. magnificent person and house may 
 
 Our Lord preserve. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLEEANCE IN SPAIN. 59 
 
 have always adopted on acquiring their states ; they 
 have invariably sown discord between Christian princes, 
 put them into a state of revolt, aspiring sometimes to 
 one part, and sometimes to another, always pursuing 
 some private, and not the common, interest ; and, in 
 this way, have made it necessary that the contending 
 princes should come to their hands : thus increasing the 
 Papal States but destroying rehgion ; and this en- 
 genders aU the fire which is constantly lit up by Christi- 
 anity and these are the arms which disturb the public 
 tranquillity. Take measures, sire, for putting them 
 down so low as to be secured against them. So 
 long as thtf Pope has power to injure you, there can be 
 no security for you in Italy, or even out of it. The 
 Pontiff once brought down, all then will be easy and 
 plain. And as you are now in Italy .... do not 
 allow yourself to he any longer deceived. Take your 
 sword truly in your hand, and put an end to the miseries 
 which Christianity now suffers .... " '■' 
 
 " There is only one scruple which it remains for me 
 to satisfy, and that is, your Majesty will say that it is a 
 grave matter to take away the temporal state from the 
 Vicar of Christ. To this, I answer, that when two 
 evils are proposed, the lesser must be chosen. It may 
 be an evil to take away from the Pope his temporal 
 state, but without comparison, a much greater one to 
 all Christendom would foU6w if he were permitted to 
 hold it ; because, in order to magnify the flesh, men 
 forget entirely the spirit ; in this way they turn the 
 world upside down, and the house of God is over- 
 thrown in order that they may raise up their own. Thus 
 
 * These concluding words are found in the memorial of Mendoza, 
 published, with suppressions, by Sandoval, in La Cronica de Carlos V. 
 
60 HISTORY OF 
 
 we have seen that the Popes, before they were possessed 
 of riches, were all saints ; but that after they gave 
 themselves up to have them, they have been, and always 
 will be, like Paul III." 
 
 " Besides all this, what greater amount of good could 
 be done to the world, than by reducing the pontificate to 
 its primitive condition 'i Chiist, who is the true God, 
 the sum of wisdom, the sum of power, could well have 
 founded it in states, since to him all states did then, and 
 do now, belong. He founded it in poverty and hoHness, 
 and with these he drew all the world to himself, and so 
 did all the holy Pontiffs that followed the same way. 
 Well then, if now, a prince is to be found who would 
 constitute an empire and a pontificate like those of 
 ancient times, and, in order to do a great good to 
 Christendom, might cause a trifling injury to some 
 private person, (as might be the case in taking away 
 from the Pope his temporal dominion,) would it not be 
 a thing acceptable to God and very beneficial to the 
 Christian religion, seeing that the Popes hold the 
 seig-niory not by the donation of Constantino, which is 
 false, (for neither times, authors, nor things, concur in 
 that fable) but by subtilty and force 1 " 
 
 "All histories agree that after the decline of the 
 Roman Empire, whilst multitudes of people, such as the 
 Huns, the Vandals, the Goths, the Franks, the Lom- 
 bards, and many others were running to and fro, the 
 Emperors, who held the imperial seat in Constantinople, 
 had so much to do in defending themselves there, that 
 they were not able to attend to the things of Italy and 
 the "West. And thus, while some were coming and 
 driving away others (who appeared to them to be doing 
 nothing, if not occupying and destroying Rome the 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOIiBRANCE IS SPAIN. 61 
 
 head of the Empire) all united and brought to bear their 
 force, their passion, and their vengeance against that 
 city which had been the mistress of them all. Conse- 
 quently, Italy, seeing herself thus afflicted, and her cities 
 thus destroyed and deprived of succour from the Em- 
 peror, began to think and to provide a remedy. Hence 
 originated the multitude of republics in Italy, and the 
 usurpation of the temporal state and the election of the 
 clergy of Rome, who are now called Cardinals. It is a 
 very important circumstance, certainly, when we con- 
 sider it, that up to those times no high priest was 
 a Pope, if he were not confirmed by the Emperor or his 
 exarch, who resided in Ravenna ; and from thence- 
 forward, not only did they not care for that confirma- 
 tion, but a very short time afterwards to such an extent 
 did their authority grow, that they not only deprived 
 the ancient Emperors of the empire and gave it to the 
 Pranks, but even other kings of their kingdoms, and 
 gave them to other sovereigns. Thus using that feigned 
 power, they have brought matters to such a state, that 
 they depose an Emperor of an empire and a King 
 of a kingdom, with as httle ceremony as they would 
 deprive a protestant clergyman of a benefice." 
 
 " So that, invincible Prince, the Pontificate and its 
 foundation considered, as Christ left it to St. Peter, and 
 as it was continued by those most holy Pontiffs until 
 this usurpation of the temporal dominion ; and regard 
 being had to the great good done to the Christian reli- 
 gion by their Ufe, habits, hohness, and example ; and, on 
 the contrary, to the great injury which has followed, and 
 is every day following, the temporal power of the Pope, 
 since it converts everything, not into a common benefit, as 
 one would reasonably expect, but solely to his own private 
 
62 HISTORY OF 
 
 purposes, and the advancement of his sons, his nephews, 
 and relations ; I hold it for certain, that you cannot 
 render any more acceptable service to God, or a greater 
 one to the republic, than to do vfhat I say."* 
 
 The language of Don Diego de Mendoza was not 
 agreeable to Charles V., a monarch who, in 1527, 
 through fear of a great part of Europe, let slip the 
 most opportune occasion ever presented to a prince for 
 destroying the temporal power of the Popes, the origin 
 of a thousand wars and dissensions in ancient times. 
 
 As I have already said, Clement was Charles' pri- 
 soner ; the city of Rome and its dependencies, and 
 almost the whole of Italy, were occupied by more than 
 a hundred thousand men. Add to such occupation, 
 the friendship of the republics, and the respect shewn 
 to his victorious arms — What more, was necessary 1 
 Several learned Spaniards, however, succeeded in over- 
 coming the fears of Charles with reference to an en- 
 terprise in which the whole human race were interested.! 
 
 * All wliioli is here quoted has been hitherto unpublished. It will 
 be found in the Memorial entire of Mendoza. — Codice O. O. 59 hi the 
 Bihlioteca Nacional. Although this gentleman, Q,atholic as he was, 
 does not speak against the spiritual power of the Pope, yet Don Fray 
 Prudencio Sandoval, Bishop of Pamplona, in publishing this docmneat 
 in his life of Charles V., observes that he omits from it — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 " Lo mal sonante que Mendoza The ill-sounding words which 
 
 con la libertad de aquel tiempo Mendoza, with the liberty of the 
 dijo (in 1543). times, made use of 
 
 t Dr. Alfonso Guerrero, in his Tratado del modo que se ha de tener en 
 la celehracion del general Concilio, y acerca de la reformaaion de la 
 Iglesia {Oenova, ano de 1537), says to Charles V. : — 
 
 " No puede el Papa hacerse The Pope cannot make himself 
 
 capitan de la Iglesia, por que es captain of the church, for that is 
 destruir y quebrantar los decretos to destroy and break the decrees 
 y tradiciones de loa Santos Padres ; and traditions of the holy fathers ; 
 porque el Emperador se llama vi- because the Emperor calls himself 
 carlo de Cristo en la tierra en las Christ's vicar on earth in temporal 
 cosas temporales. ... El Papa no things. . . . The Pope shall not 
 adminstrard gladio temporal en administer the temporal sword in 
 perjuicio de la imperial potestad. prejudice of the imperial power. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 63 
 
 The Ghibelline band of Italy, the Protestants of 
 Grcrmany, the Spanish Protestants, whose desires were 
 made manifest in the sack of Rome by the troops of 
 Bourbon, would not have abandoned Charles, if even 
 France, through the ambition of her king, Francis, had 
 favoured the cause of the Pope. 
 
 But the successors of Clement, although they knew 
 Charles' timidity, feared that, in time, it w:ould give way 
 before the confidence in his arms, and his German coun- 
 cils. They saw the greatness of the Emperor, and that 
 he was gradually extending his dominions ; and, there- 
 fore, the Pontiffs, by all means in their power, en- 
 deavoured to oppose him in his progress. They desired 
 to see the government of the world divided among 
 many princes, in order that it should not be necessary to 
 depend on the authority of any one monarch, who might 
 easily, and without opposition, completely annihilate 
 the temporal power of the Popes. For these reasons, and 
 remembering that the ancient Rome of the Caesars was 
 the mistress of the world, both by her conquests and 
 reputation, they became ambitious of extending their 
 own dominions, and of acquiring, in property, that 
 which by the followers of Luther in Germany, of Calvin 
 in France and Switzerland, and by the example of 
 Henry VIII. in Great Britain, they were losing in spiri- 
 tual jurisdiction. 
 
 . . . Y que Cristo no <ii6 gladio .... And that Christ did not 
 temporal k San Pedro parece i la give the temporal sword to St. 
 clara, porque respondiendo k Pi- Peter, appears clear ; beca\ise, in 
 lato como San Juan escribe en el answering PUate, as St. John 
 capitulo 18, dijo, " Regnum meum writes in the 18th chapter, he 
 non est de hoc mundo." Asi que says, " My kingdom is not of this 
 no es de creer que el cuchUlo tern- xoorld^'' Thus, we are not to believe 
 poral que el no habia querido, ni that the temporal sword, which he 
 quiso admiaistrar, lo diese k San ha.d never liked, or wished to ad- 
 Pedro " minister, was to be given to St. 
 
 Peter. 
 
64 HISTOKY OP 
 
 In this state of things, the Pontiffs sought the aid of 
 Prance in weakening the forces of Charles V. They 
 knew that it was his great pohcy to overthrow their 
 temporal power, and they hastened to anticipate a 
 remedy for the mischief which they feared was about to 
 happen. 
 
 Nothing can be a greater proof of the small amount 
 of credit wliich the Popes enjoyed, than their inability 
 to constitute Italy into one nation, subjected to their 
 obedience. The weakness of an ancient principahty is 
 shewn by its own continuance for many centuries among 
 small kingdoms and republics, without becoming supreme 
 ruler of them all. Thus the Popes were living in the 
 vicinity of Florence, Venice, Ragusa, Geneva, and some 
 Duchies, without widening the space of their territory, 
 or even making a conquest of any one of these by the 
 favour or neutrality of the others ; for a weak power can 
 easily strengthen itself, so as to become formidable to 
 many, simply by sowing discord among those which 
 would endeavour to reduce it by violence. 
 
 By reputation, by a dexterous policy, or by force 
 of arms, small and various states have been formed 
 into powerful nations. Sparta domineered over Greece. 
 Macedonia, with the talent of Philip, and the valour of 
 Alexander, soon subjugated that same Sparta and the 
 republics of Greece. Prance reduced into one body pohtic 
 the different seignories which existed in its territory. 
 Castile drew to its dependency the other kingdoms of the 
 Spanish peninsula, and, among the rest, that of Portugal ; 
 and England at last made herself powerful and invincible 
 by her union with Scotland and Ireland. 
 
 If Charles had but listened to the voice of reason, 
 which was teaching him the way to perpetuate his name 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. -65 
 
 as a benefactor to manldnd, the Grerman Protestants (the 
 temporal power of the Popes being gone) would easily 
 have submitted to those who had ceased to be sove- 
 reigns, in order to occupy themselves solely in the 
 reUgion of Christ. The chief cause that gave rise to 
 the preaching of Luther was found in the disorders of 
 the Roman clergy in the sixteenth century.* 
 
 Charles might have taken away the sovereignty of 
 the Pontiffs without incurring any danger to himself 
 If he had only withdrawn his protection and left them to 
 the princes of Germany, the Duke of Saxony and the 
 Landgrave of Hesse, they would have humbled Italy, 
 and destroyed the Popes' temporal power, in which case 
 the indignation of Europe would not have fallen on 
 his person, as the author of such a proceeding.! 
 
 He wished, however, to employ other means, and com- 
 
 * Hurtado de Mendoza, in his Dialogo entre Caronte y d alma de 
 Pedro Luis Farriesio (the MS. before cited), says : — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 "La primera occasion que movi6 The first thing which moved 
 
 4 los alemanes k negar la obedi- the Germans to deny obedience to 
 
 ensia d la iglesia, naci6 de la diso- the Church was the dissolute con- 
 
 lucion del clero y de las maldades duct of the clergy, and the wicked- 
 
 que en Eoma se sufren y oometen ness suffered and committed in 
 
 cada hora." Eome every hour. 
 
 t Hurtado de Mendoza, in his cited Dialogo (MS.), says, in 1547 : — 
 
 " No ser4 menester que el tome It will not be necessary that he 
 
 la espada, ni que sus ejSrcitos se should take the sword, nor that 
 
 ocupen en tan baja guerra. Bastard his armies should be occupied in 
 
 que no os d§ el calor y favor que so ignoble a war. It will be suf- 
 
 siempre os ha dado . . . ni serd ficient that he gives to us the 
 
 menester que d6 licencia k los warmth and favour that he always 
 
 alemanes herejes para que ellos lo has given us . . . nor will it be 
 
 hagan, como lo habrian hecho necessary that he shoiild give to 
 
 viente anos hd, si no los hubiese the German heretics licence to do 
 
 tenido el miedo y el respeto del as they would have done these 
 
 emperador." twenty years, if they had not had 
 
 the fear and respect of the Em- 
 peror. 
 
66 HISTORY OP 
 
 bat Lutheranism by an armed force, and the abuses of the 
 Church by the theological disputes of a council/- The 
 policy of great conquerors is equal in all ages ; because 
 ambition, vanity, and a desire to give what the world 
 calls legal pomp to their undertakings, are always more 
 powerful motives of action than a zeal for the public 
 good. Charles conquers the Pope, and yet, immediately 
 afterwards, requires the imperial crown to be placed 
 upon his head by the hands of that same Pontiff. 
 Napoleon, even in the present century, imitates his 
 example. Thus, as Phihp of Macedon, under the pre- 
 text of religious wars, made himself master of Focida, 
 so Charles V., under colour of making the Germans 
 submit to the decisions of the Council of Trent, abused 
 the victory acquired over the Protestants, and humbled 
 the power of the most potent nobles of the empire. 
 
 Eome, in spite of the services afforded her by Charles 
 in the cause of the Catholic rehgion, always shewed 
 herself his adversary, keeping constantly in view the 
 taking possession of the kingdom of Naples. 
 
 When the Emperor was about to abandon his worldly 
 dominion, and retire to the soHtude of the cloister. Pope 
 Paul IV. began to disquiet him in a variety of ways. 
 He did not forget the good services which that prince 
 had rendered to the apostolic see ; and knowing, by 
 these, the great fear and respect which Charles had 
 towards him, he began to attempt carrying out his 
 
 * The same author, in the cited MS., says, that the desire of the 
 Emperor was 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 "jraitar el concilio y remediar to unite the council, and to re- 
 
 juntamente con las herejias de medy, jouitly with the heretics of 
 
 Alemania las bellaquerias de Germany, the knaveries of Eome. 
 Eoma." 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 67 
 
 ambitious projects, in the security that he was contend- 
 ing with a slave.* 
 
 A powerful sovereign, or a great minister who dis- 
 covers a weak side in the character which pertains to 
 him, may be compared to a very strong fortress, which 
 has one of its towers almost in a state of ruin. The 
 enemy, knowing its weakness, will be sure to render use- 
 less all the preparations of war at that point, and, with 
 facihty, will make themselves masters of it, to the surprise 
 and admiration of the very men by whom it was defended. 
 
 Charles attempted to stop the progress of the reforma- 
 tion by means of a powerful army ; but ideas were not 
 to be suppressed by the smoke of powder, or banished 
 from the mind by the noise of cannon. The conquest of 
 Lutheranism lay within the banks of the Tiber : it con- 
 sisted in overthrowing the temporal power of the Popes. 
 
 Charles might, with his own hand, have held the wings 
 of the reformation, and have put a stop to the sanguinary 
 catastrophes of England under Henry VIII. and his 
 daughter Mary, which horrified all Europe — the religious 
 wars in France,— the horrible massacres of St. Bar- 
 tholomew — the inquisitorial flames of the Spanish 
 nation, and the tumults in Flanders. 
 
 * In the C6(iice G.G. 59 of the Biblioteca Nacional, there is a letter 
 from a personage (whose name is suppressed) to the Viceroy of Naples. 
 In this it is said ; — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 " Me parece que se ha caido It appears to me that he has 
 
 tarde en que con el Papa presente, fallen late, seeing that with the 
 aprovechan poco buenas palabras present Pope, fine words and com- 
 ni commendimientos, pues la es- mendationa avail but little ; for 
 periencia ha mostrado . . . que no experience has shewn .... that 
 han hecho provecho, mas han sa- they have not been availing, but 
 lido deUos notables daiios, porque that notable damage has resulted 
 nunca toman ellos estas obras y from them ; for good words and 
 obsequio A buena parte, sino 4 que obsequiousness are never taken in 
 se les hacen por respeto y temor." good part (by the Popes), unless 
 
 rendered to them out of respect 
 and fear. 
 
 F 2 
 
68 HISTORY OF 
 
 Unhappy the reputation of a prince who, having in 
 his day the power to do much pubhc good, yet, in 
 descending to the tomb, left his kingdom a prey to 
 civil discords ! To the misfortune of nations, it must be 
 admitted, there are sovereigns whom a superstitious fear 
 deprives of action at the very moment when they have 
 the means of establishing permanent sources of the 
 public felicity. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 69 
 
 CHAPTEE IV. 
 
 State of learning in Spain in tlie sixteenth, century — Common Mend- 
 ship among learned men of that age — Sir Thomas More — Dr. Juan 
 de Vergara — Juan Luis Vives — Vives' letter to PopeA drian — Eras- 
 mus — Statute of Purity — Protest of Vergara — Divine right of Kings 
 — Vergara's appeal to the Pope— State of the Nation — Spanish, 
 contrasted with Turkish, policy as to religion — Julian's notions of 
 toleration. 
 
 The sovereigns of Spain persevered in their attempt to 
 promote the feHcity of their subjects, but the means 
 used to that end were calculated only to degrade the 
 mind and to keep it in a state of servility. The clergy 
 never ceased from the eager pursuit of means adapted 
 to the destruction of aU rights of conscience. 
 
 The cause of learning has never been entirely left 
 "without defenders. Some learned men were still found 
 to oppose the fury and madness of fanaticism. They 
 were few in number, nor did they enjoy that popular 
 favour which excites alarm in the breasts of tyrants. 
 The Spanish people, educated in slavery, were living in 
 a state of ignorance. Their minds were constantly 
 terrified by menaces of torture and of death. The few 
 lovers of learning and liberty, found themselves as 
 isolated from each other as vessels in the Atlantic, or as 
 palm trees in the deserts. Their words had no more 
 effect on their fellow Spaniards than if they had been 
 addressed to the sepulchral inhabitants of a vast pan- 
 theon. 
 
70 HISTORY OF 
 
 The learned men of the principal kingdoms of Eu- 
 rope were, at that time, united together by the bonds 
 of a sincere friendship ; whilst the absolute sovereigns, 
 influenced by covetousness, were contending among 
 themselves for the possession of the world. 
 
 Sir Thomas More, the celebrated Lord Chancellor of 
 Henry VIII. of England, and Erasmus, were in corre- 
 spondence with the great Spanish doctor, Juan de 
 Vergara, Canon of Toledo, who had succeeded in draw- 
 ing together, about his person, some excellent and truly 
 pious men.* 
 
 These learned men were encouraged from England, 
 by the celebrated Spaniard, Juan Luis Vives, t the pre- 
 cursor of Bacon, afterwards Lord Verulam. Vives rose 
 to the degree of professor in the University of Oxford, 
 became one of the preceptors of Mary, daughter of 
 Henry VIII., and had the honor of counting that 
 monarch as one of his audience at his public lectures. 
 
 Such was the courage and energy of Vives, that in a 
 letter which he addressed to Adrian, on his exaltation to 
 the pontificate, he tells him, in the first place, that such 
 and so many Avere the disorders of Eome, that people 
 laughed at the idea of giving the title of " Christ's Vicar" 
 to those whom nobody would like to have for his own 
 vicar, and the appellation of "most Holy Father" to 
 artful and wicked men ; and in the second place, that 
 he was not surprised at the people not having praised 
 
 * My friend, the orientalist, Gayangos, has, in MS., some of these 
 letters, written in Latin, from Erasmus to Vergara, and fi-om Vergara 
 to Erasmus. 
 
 t I am not aware that any life of Vives has yet been published. I 
 have copious MS. materials for such a work ; for these I am indebted 
 to my esteemed friend, Senor Don Jos6 Joaquin de Mora, of Madrid, 
 late Consul-General in England. I hope to be able to give them, in 
 due time, to the public. — T. P. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 71 
 
 the habits of many Popes, his predecessors, seeing that 
 he, Adrian, had condemned them by his own exemplary 
 life, which was, in every thing, totally dissimilar to 
 theirs.* 
 
 Vergara became a convert to the maxims of his friends 
 More, Erasmus, and Vives, devoted his whole life to the 
 practice of reHgion and virtue ; and whether in sohtude 
 or among his intimate friends, deeply bewailed the 
 infehcity of his country. But a man who dwelt in 
 Spain, who was anxious for the well-being of his 
 country, and was also a learned man, could not long be 
 shielded from the powers of fanaticism. Accused of 
 heresy by the Inquisition, he was compelled to abjure 
 his principles publicly in an auto de fe, in the principal 
 square of Toledo. Yet, notwithstanding this persecu- 
 tion, Vergara could not through a slavish fear abandon 
 the cause of truth, when he saw fresh persecutions 
 arise. 
 
 About that time there was an archbishop, a man so 
 presumptuous and ignorant, that instead of calhng him- 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 * Eident qui scelestum horn- They are laughing at you who 
 
 inem et facinoribus obrutiun think of calling a man " most holy 
 
 sanctissimum patrem nominaturi father," when he is an abandoned 
 
 sunt, pudetque viearium Christi wretch, overwhelmed with acts of 
 
 emn nuncupare quern suum nemo atrocity ; and it is a shameful 
 
 vellet. Excogitantur tituli con- thing to style him the vicar of 
 
 suetorum dissimUes, quibus a- Christ, when no one would have 
 
 dearis. Tu Ulorum Pontificum, him for his own vicar. Titles 
 
 quos nostra vidit aetas dissimUes. very different from the ordinary 
 
 Non impetrabis hoc k libertate ones, are being invented to accost 
 
 nostra, ut interea dum Tu iUorum you by ; you are entirely diiferent 
 
 vitam actionibus tuis reprobas, from those pontifis whom our 
 
 nos eam oratione nostra compro- days have seen — you never will 
 
 bemus. — Luis Vives opera. A induce our free constitution to 
 
 letter loritten in Louvaine, V2th consent to approve, by addresses 
 
 October, 1522. of ours, that life of theirs which 
 
 you, by your actions, disprove. 
 
72 HISTORY OF 
 
 self by his proper name of Juan Martinez Guijarro, 
 (meaning a pebble) he adopted the name of Juan Mar- 
 tinez Siliceo, (a flint) ; thus Latinizing his surname by 
 one of those ridiculous puffs of vanity, common in that 
 age, among persons of little understanding. '^^ 
 
 This man proposed, on 9th July, 1547, to the Eccle- 
 siastical Chapter, that no descendant of Jews or of 
 Moors should thenceforth be able to hold any dignity, 
 or even the office of chaplain, in the church of Toledo. 
 On the 23rd of the same month, a meeting was held to 
 approve or disapprove the proposition ; and, although 
 there were found ten voices against it, there were 
 twenty-four in its favour ; and indeed, considering the 
 intellectual state of Spain at that time, it could not be 
 otherwise. Men who, without merit, obtain dignities, 
 immediately make the way to them as difficult as pos- 
 sible to others, in order that they themselves may ap- 
 pear greater in the eyes of the common people, t 
 
 To this measure they gave the name of Statute of 
 Purity. [Estatuto de Limpieza.] The minority, aware 
 of the evils which would flow from the execution of this 
 statute, deputed Doctor Vergara, in their name, to 
 petition the Council of Castile that it might be con- 
 sidered as nugatory. In that important document we 
 
 * Guijarro was considered too plebeian-like a name for an arch- 
 bishop of Toledo, and cardinal of the Church of Rome ; and therefore 
 his reverence formed for himself a surname from the Latin word 
 Sihx. 
 
 t The canons present at this vote, or who were, subsequently, against 
 the archbishop, were Don Diego de Castilla, (Dean) ; Bernardino de 
 Alcaraz, (Schoolmaster) ; Bernardino Zapata, (Precentor) ; Eodrigo 
 Zapata, (Senior Chaplain) ; the bachelor Juan Delgado, Doctor Peralta, 
 Doctor Herrera, Doctor Juan Vergara, Antonie de Leon, Esteban de 
 Valera, Miguel Diaz, Juan de Salazar, Pedro Sanchez, (Canons). Vide 
 Codioe Q, 85, in the Biblioteca Nacional. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 73 
 
 find Vergara exclaiming, — " We say, my lords, that the 
 reasons which have moved us, and noAv move us, to con- 
 tradict the said statute are : first, on account of its 
 being, as it is ... . against canonical rights and the 
 determination of holy fathers : secondly, because it is 
 against the laws of the kingdom : thirdly, because it is 
 against the express authority of the sacred Scriptures : 
 fourthly, because it is against all natural reason ; fifthly, 
 because it is to the injury and dishonour of many of the 
 noble and principal gentry of these kingdoms : sixthly, 
 because it is contrary to the dignity and authority of 
 the holy church : seventhly, because it is at variance 
 with the peace and tranquillity of the beneficed clergy, 
 and of the whole republic : eighthly, because it is against 
 the good state and government of our city : ninthly, 
 because the perpetual infamy of our nation wiU result 
 from it ... . The Pope (Nicholas V.) hearing that 
 some people of this kingdom were attempting to exclude 
 the newly converted and their sons from the dignities, 
 honours, and offices, and other things, reprehended such 
 movers with asperity, calling them sowers of tares, cor- 
 rupters of Christian peace and unity, renovators of dis- 
 cord whom the Apostle Saint Paul had extirpated, con- 
 tradicters of the divine authority . . . and, finally, men 
 who had erred from the truth of the Catholic faith, de- 
 termining that the newly converted, and their sons and 
 descendants, ought .... to be admitted to all dignities 
 and oflSces, as well ecclesiastical as secular .... 
 
 " The blessed apostle (St. Paul) hearing that, among 
 the Christians newly converted in Rome, some were of 
 Gentile, and some of Jewish extraction, and that there 
 were dissension and difference as to which of them should 
 
74 HISTORY OF 
 
 have precedence, and be preferred to the others, wrote 
 to them .... reprehending both, and urging them to 
 unity and concord, telling the Jewish converts that they 
 ought not hghtly to esteem the others, since God was 
 the God of all, and not of the Jews only. And, because 
 the Gentile converts, being numerous, were commencing 
 to exercise dominion over them .... the apostle was 
 more severe in telling them that they ought not to 
 despise the Jewish people, since they had been adopted 
 as sons, and to them had been given the divine law 
 and the promises .... 
 
 " That the said statute is contrary to aU natural 
 reason, appears clear ; because there was none whatever 
 .... which could disqualify men, not only noble but 
 illustrious, of great learning and virtue, without any 
 canonical obstacle or impediment, to become chaplains 
 of the church of Toledo, whilst at the same time, it was 
 held that men of low condition and idiots .... were 
 to be considered eligible for dignities and canons ..." 
 
 " That it will be to the injury and dishonour of many 
 of the noble and principal people of the kingdom, re- 
 quires but little proof; for it is notorious that, by 
 ancient and modern marriages, there has been, is now, 
 and always will be, a mixture of many of the Spanish 
 nobles with a diversity of lineages. And, as aU these, 
 to whom the mixture pertains by the maternal line 
 alone, are by the laws of this kingdom, constituted some 
 into hidalgos, others into knights, others into illustrious 
 persons, in conformity with the paternal line ; and as 
 such enjoy pacifically their honours and pre-eminences, 
 .... so, on the other hand, thus to disgrace and dis- 
 qualify them and all their descendants for ever by a 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 75 
 
 statute like this, could not be without the most grave 
 dishonour and disparagement to their persons and re- 
 putations .... "* 
 
 Vergara had learned, from the Utopia, a philosophical 
 novel written by his friend Sir Thomas More, maxims 
 of pohtical hberty and rehgious tolerance. Therefore 
 he was enabled with manly energy to represent the 
 injuries that were about to be inflicted by this Statute 
 of Purity, which had originated with the archbishop 
 Siliceo. But the Council of Castile treating alike with 
 contempt the opinion of the apostle St. Paul, the orders 
 of Nicholas V., and the dictates of natural reason in so 
 important a case, ordered the memorial of Vergara to 
 be dismissed, and gave sentence in favour of the prelate 
 and of the Chapter. 
 
 Thus were the clergy, in turn, assisted by sovereigns, 
 in order that the former should, on other occasions, 
 favour the latter in their attempts to consolidate absolute 
 power. 
 
 In that century, the notion of the divine right of 
 kings had its origin. The ecclesiastics accommodated the 
 sovereigns, by giving this investiture to the power which 
 they had acquired by the overthrow of the nobihty and 
 of the people. In the time of the Gothic domination in 
 Spain, when the bishops were elected by the clergy and 
 laity, the ecclesiastics did not give the right divine to 
 kings, but to the people ; and when the nobles, in the 
 middle ages, brought up their forces against the sove- 
 reigns, the clergy followed under the banners of the 
 former. The priests of Greece and Rome did the like : , 
 
 * Two copies of this curious document are in existence, in the 
 Biblioteca Nacional, Codices Q. 85 and R. 60. It is too long to give 
 entire in the body of this work. 
 
76 HISTORY OF 
 
 they always deified the right of the victorious and power- 
 ful, although wickedness was in their train. The oracles 
 of their feigned gods, created by human fears, always 
 inclined to the side of the strongest, in order to applaud 
 the estabUshment or the ruin of a repubhc, a kingdom, 
 or an empire.* 
 
 As, in Spain, there was no respect for the laws, and 
 force could be destroyed solely by force, the voice of 
 suffering humanity was only listened to with a disdain 
 natural to those who live and prosper under an infamous 
 servility. But Vergara, and his few followers, appealed 
 to Rome, hoping in that court to find justice. Delusive 
 hope ! The Pope, two years afterwards, confirmed the 
 sentence of the Council of Castile ; thus estabUshing, 
 in these kingdoms, a usage which was not practised in 
 his own states. He saw vsdth satisfaction the extremes 
 of Catholicism in Spain, but had no wish, by any means, 
 to temper the zeal of his spiritual subjects. 
 
 The Spanish nation found herself in a state of polished 
 imbecility : although men studied the Greek and Latin 
 authors of a learned antiquity, they could neither follow 
 the flight of the grand models, nor raise themselves to 
 the altitude of the illustrious philosophers of Europe in 
 that age. 
 
 Comparing the policy of Spaniards in the sixteenth 
 century with that of the Turks and Africans, it would 
 seem that all prudent state - government had fled to 
 
 * Alonao de Palencia, in his MS. Cronica de Henrique IV., before 
 cited, says : — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 " Por proverbio eomun se tiene There is a common proverb 
 
 que en la corte Eomano & los ven- which says, that in the Eoman 
 cedores dan la corona, 6 6. los ven- court they give a crown to oon- 
 cidos descomulgan." querors, but the conquered they 
 
 excommunicate. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLEEANCE IN SPAIN. 77 
 
 Turkey and Africa. The Christians who fled to Algiers 
 and Constantinople, (perhaps more with a view of saving 
 themselves from the troubles of captivity, than from any 
 faith in the religion of Mahomet,) and ceased to follow 
 the Christian religion, found, among the Turks and 
 Algerines, respect, riches, and honours. The governors 
 were, for the most part, renegades ; and so were the 
 captains ; and, in short, even the famous and dreaded 
 corsairs were chiefly of the same class. 
 
 Natural reason teaches us that the way to attract 
 people of a different religion does not consist in per- 
 secuting those who have already become converts, or in 
 deposing them from dignities, or in handing down their 
 names to infamy. It is certain that Spaniards, in con- 
 sequence of the state of stupidity to which they were 
 brought by their ecclesiastical education, and their utter 
 ignorance of the rights of man, were unable to com- 
 prehend this truth. 
 
 One Don Sancho de Leyva, a Spanish captain, taken 
 prisoner by the Turks, and afterwards ransomed by his 
 relatives, addressed to the king a notification of the 
 maritime and political power of those who had been 
 masters of his liberty ; and, in that work, he expresses 
 his surprise that the latter should confide to the rene- 
 gades the most important civil and military offices.* 
 
 * In a Discurso politico que hizo a S.M. don Sancho de Leyva, sobre el 
 poder del Turco y costodia de las castas de Levante, MS. in the library of 
 don Pascual de Gayangos, we read : — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 " Estos renegados que todos, loa Those renegades who, one and 
 
 unos y los otros, son hombres bajos all of them, are low, common men, 
 
 comunes, y al fiii los mas ruines de and, in short, the meanest of their 
 
 sus naciones, son los que vienen &. nations, are those that come to be 
 
 ser soldados genlzaros soldiers genizaros (begotten by 
 
 hombres de cargos y al fin Baxaes. parents of different nations) .... 
 
 Destos hacen su confianza : estos men of oificial rank, and, in short, 
 
 son los que gobieman la paz y la Bashaws. In these is confidence 
 
78 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 The Spaniards forced the Jews and Moors to become 
 Christians, and, immediately afterwards, held them as 
 infamous for the act of having received the water of 
 baptism. What love or what attraction, in the eyes of 
 those people, would a religion have, in the name of 
 which they were declared incapable of acquiring honours 
 and dignities "? * 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 placed : these are the people that 
 govern, both in time of peace and 
 in time of war : it is remarkable 
 that they, being people of such 
 different nations, not even know- 
 ing their fathers or mothers, or, 
 m truth, one another ; and being 
 so low, so common, that naturally 
 they are weak in mind, of little 
 genius and talent ; yet, still, have 
 placed in their hands and con- 
 fidence the government of the 
 states, of the war, and of the army 
 and all its operations : and being 
 men for that purpose, they govern 
 in such a way, that not only do 
 they maintain the wars, but they 
 always gain them. One cannot, 
 in the face of this, believe any- 
 thing else but that God favours 
 them in order to punish us for our 
 sins ; if it were not so, he would 
 not suffer on the earth men who 
 had changed the law of truth for 
 one of so bad a sect. 
 * Nearly a century after the presenting of the memorial of Vergai-a, 
 the licenciate Fernandez de Navarete published (in 1626) his book, 
 entitled Conservacion de Monarquias, in which he says,- 
 
 guerra : cosa es de notar que si- 
 endo gente de tantas y tan dife- 
 rentes naoiones, que ni conocen 
 padres ni madres, ni se conocen 
 unos 4 otros, siendo gente tan baja, 
 tan comun que naturalmente han 
 de ser de debUes 4nimos, de poco 
 ingenio y habUidad, pongan en sos 
 manos y confianza la gobernacion 
 de los estados, el de la guerra y el 
 exeroicio y ejecucion della, y sean 
 hombres para eUo y lo gobiernen 
 de manera que no solo lo sustentan 
 pero ganan siempre. No puede 
 conforme k esto creerse otra cosa 
 siuo que Dios los favorece para 
 castigo de nuestros pecados ; que 
 si asi no fuese, no sufriria en la 
 tierra hombres que han trocado la 
 ley de verdad por una tan mala 
 seta." 
 
 "Me persuado &, que si antes 
 que estos (the Moors) hubieron 
 llegado k la desesperacion .... 
 se hubiera buscado forma de ad- 
 mitUlos &, alguna parte de honores 
 sin tenerlos en la nota y seiial de 
 infamia, fuera posible que por la 
 puerta del honor hubierau entrado 
 al templo de la virtud y al gremio 
 y obedienoia de la iglesia cat61ica, 
 sin que los incitdra 4 ser malos el 
 tenerlos en mala opinion," 
 
 I am persuaded that if, before 
 they (the Moors) had arrived at 
 
 desperation, there had 
 
 been sought out a way of admit- 
 ting them to a participation of 
 honours without holding them un- 
 der the mark of infamy, it were 
 possible that through the gate of 
 honour they would have entered 
 the temple of virtue and to the 
 pale and obedience of the catholic 
 church, without inciting men to 
 be wicked and holding them un- 
 der a bad reputation. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 79 
 
 It is remarkable that Julian, one of the few men 
 distinguished for knowledge and moraHty who occupied 
 the throne of the Csesars, and wished to re-estabhsh the 
 gods of paganism in his extended empire, and to an- 
 nihilate the reUgion of Christ, did not persecute its fol- 
 lowers with infamy, confiscation, and death. Whilst 
 they were Christians, the doors to riches and honours 
 were indeed closed against them, but immediately on 
 their return to heathenism, the public ofl&ces, dignities, 
 and pomps of the world, were conferred on them by that 
 Emperor ; who, in the triumph of his proposition, be- 
 Heved he was securing the valour and the virtues which 
 had belonged to the heroes of ancient Rome. 
 
 But only a man hke Juhan, brought up in the 
 study of stoic philosophy, and with the examples of 
 Trajan and Marcus Aurehus, could act in this manner. 
 
 The Queen Isabella and her consort, and afterwards 
 Charles V., educated in maxims of self-interest, and 
 in alliance with those who wished to thrive by the 
 ignorance and slavery of the people, had not the great- 
 ness of soul of that Emperor to accommodate their 
 subjects to that which they desired, without exercising 
 violence, which has always been the common resort of 
 wicked princes and their ministers. 
 
 This insanity on the part of Spanish monarchs, in 
 attempting to convert the Moors to Christianity by 
 force, cost the nation much blood. Sooner or later the 
 poUtical crimes of sovereigns receive their punishment ; 
 but, unhappily for subjects, they are, not unfrequently, 
 the only parties on whom that punishment descends. 
 
 The Spanish nation had great need of many men 
 like Vergara, to check its sovereigns in their career to 
 perdition, and not them only, but their unhappy country, 
 
80 HISTORY OP 
 
 and to counterbalance the force of bad councils by 
 which it was precipitated from error to error, and from 
 one wickedness to another. In Spain, however, such 
 good men appeared only now and then, like flashes of 
 summer lightning in a dark night ; whilst, in other king- 
 doms of Europe, they resembled bolts from that forked 
 element, accompanied by claps of thunder. 
 
EELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 
 
 CHAPTER Y. 
 
 Error of Charles V. — Advice of his Confessor — Maurice of Saxony — 
 Charles retires to a monastery — Philip II. — His marriage with 
 Mary of England — Protestantism in Spain — Mary's death — PhUip 
 solicits Elizabeth's hand — Extracts from the Duke of Feria's letters 
 — Elizabeth's conduct in the afiair — She protects fugitives— Philip 
 continues his suit — Bribes Elizabeth's courtiers — Concerts a mar- 
 riage with Elizabeth of Valois — Queen Elizabeth feigns sorrow, and 
 charges Philip with precipitancy — Curious letter from the Duke of 
 Feria — Philip proposes to negotiate with the Earl of Leicester — His 
 proposal to the Archduke of Austria — Burning of Protestants in 
 Spain. 
 
 It has been a common error, on the part of great con- 
 querors, and of princes who have ruled over provinces 
 and kingdoms in which the habits, customs, and inchna- 
 tions, of the people have been widely different, to suppose 
 that one and the same poUcy would serve for the 
 government of all. 
 
 Charles V., accustomed in Spain to rule by force, and 
 remembering that the Jews and Moors had been com- 
 pelled, by the Catholic Kings, to abandon their religion, 
 imagined that the shortest way to put a stop to Luther- 
 anism was by having recourse to arms. Fanatical and 
 superstitious, he disregarded those counsels of reason 
 which conscience dictated for the conservation of religious 
 hberty. There were constantly about his court, in all his 
 journies, and in all his wars, a number of Spanish divines 
 who had been taught, by the examples of Torquemada 
 and Cisneros, to keep the mind in slavery : these men 
 neutralised the exhortations of the emperor's confessor, 
 Don Garcia de Loaysa, to be at peace with all Europe. 
 This wise man, then a Cardinal and Bishop of Osma, 
 
 G 
 
82 HISTORY OP 
 
 (afterwards of Siguenza, and subsequently Archbishop 
 of Seville and Inquisitor-General,) was accredited, by 
 Charles, to the Pope at Rome, in reference to the affairs 
 of Germany, and wrote frequently to the emperor, 
 giving him seasonable advice. 
 
 Sometimes he told him that he ought to abandon the 
 fantastical undertaking of attempting to convert souls 
 to God, and rather endeavour to draw bodies to the 
 obedience of his crown, and save his own soul : that in 
 rewarding services, he ought not to be influenced by the 
 circumstance that the authors of such services were 
 Lutherans or Catholics : and that, by always living 
 virtuously, he would extend his reputation over the 
 world.* At other times he pointed out the utihty of 
 leaving the Germans to think as they pleased in matters 
 of religion, and of employing all his forces in defending 
 himself against those attacks, both by sea and land, 
 which the Ottoman empire was constantly making 
 against Christendom.-]- 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 * Es mi voto que (18 de No- It is my opinion that (18 Nov. 
 
 viembre de 1530), pues no hay 1630), since there are no forces to 
 
 fuerzas para corregir, que hagais punish, you should play the suhtle 
 
 del juego mafia, y os olgueis con part, and no more trouble yourself 
 
 el hereje como con el Cat61ico, y with the heretic than you do with 
 
 le hagais merced si se igualare con the Catholic, but shew him favor 
 
 el Cristiano en serviros. Quite if he shall equal the Christian in 
 
 ya vuestra magestad la fantasia de serving you. Let your majesty 
 
 convertir almas 4 Dios : occupaos give up the fantasy of converting 
 
 de aqui adelante en convertir cu- souls to God : occupy yourself, in 
 
 erpos &, vuestra obediencia y sal- future, in converting bodies to 
 
 vad vuestra dnima . . . acres- your obedience, and in saving your 
 
 centando en virtud, pues hoy hay own soul . . . increasing in virtue, 
 
 mayor necesidad de ella que nun- since now there is a greater neces- 
 
 ca." — Loaysa. — Cartas al jEmpe- sity for it than ever. 
 rador Carlos V., copiadas en el 
 archivo de Swianoas, por O. Heine 
 {Berlin, 1848). 
 
 t " De los errores Luteranos Of the errors of Lutherans, 
 
 (8 June, 1531) seria en parecer que (8 Jime, 1531), it would be well 
 al presente se oometiese A la that, at present, they should be 
 
EELIGIOUS INTOLERAKCE IN SPAIN. 83 
 
 This advice of Loaysa produced no effect on the mind 
 of Charles, who still persuaded himself that he was 
 bound to pursue the Germans with fire and sword. 
 
 The kings of Spain were never destitute of good 
 men to teach them their errors, and direct them in the 
 path to glory. But, in deciding between conflicting 
 opinions, they have generally followed, as do all bad 
 princes, that which was, unhappily, the worst for the 
 nation, being most in conformity with their own despotic 
 instincts ; for truth seldom, if ever, meets with a good 
 reception in the palace of a tyrant. 
 
 At the beginning of the war against the Protestants 
 victory followed the Emperor. The two leaders of the 
 reformation in Germany, after a disastrous battle, became 
 the prisoners of Charles ; one of them on the banks of 
 the Elbe, and the other, at a later period, by confiding in 
 promises of peace made to him in the name of that 
 sovereign. In a short time, however, Charles found by 
 experience that it was not easy to humiliate a people 
 who knew their civil and rehgious rights ; and that a 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 disimulacion 6 por via de treguas treated witli dissimulation, or by 
 
 entre herejes y Cristianos, dejando way of truces between heretics and 
 
 a cada uno ereer como quisiere, 6 Christians, each being left to believe 
 
 haciendo con eUos pacto, que hasta what he pleases ; or that a compact 
 
 el concUio futuro vivan todos en should be made with them, that, 
 
 sus ritos, sin estorbar . . . los unos until a future council, all of them 
 
 4 los otros. Y que cuando por may live in their own rites, with- 
 
 falta del Sumo Pontiflce en tres out interrupting . _ . one another, 
 
 anos no se congregare el concilio. And that, if the High Pontiff shall 
 
 que de ahi adelante puedan libre- fen, within three years, to as- 
 
 mente y sin empacho de principes semble the coimcil, from thence- 
 
 ni de dietas perseverar en su forma forward they may freely, and 
 
 de oreer. Todo esto me paresce without hindrance of princes or 
 
 que V. M. les puedo otorgar sin of diets, continue in their form of 
 
 ninguna culpa, con tal condicion belief. All this, it appears to me, 
 
 que OS sirvan y ayuden contra este your Majesty can consent to, with- 
 
 enemigo comun (el gran Turco)." out blame, on condition that they 
 
 — Loaysa. — Cartas, dec, already serve and assist you against the 
 
 '^ited. common enemy (the Grand Turk). 
 
 2 
 
84 HISTORY OF 
 
 great and prosperous nation is never deficient of expert 
 and magnanimous men to break tlie yoke, when the 
 proper season has arrived, Maurice of Saxony, to whom 
 Charles had shewn great favour for having previously 
 abandoned the cause of reform, now abandoned the 
 Emperor, and returned to the new doctrines. He sud- 
 denly attacked his sovereign, routed his squadrons, dis- 
 missed the fathers of the Council of Trent, who were 
 occupying themselves in discussing what Europe should 
 believe, and obliged Caesar, in Augsburg, to sign a treaty 
 of peace with reference to matters of rehgion. 
 
 Charles V. at last discovered his error in not having 
 followed the advice of Loaysa. Ashamed at seeing all his 
 careful plans frustrated, and knowing that his credit 
 and reputation, which so much contributed to a con- 
 queror's success, and had already served to promote his 
 own, was now prostrated, and cut into a thousand frag- 
 ments, in the face of astonished Europe, he gave up his 
 worldly dominion to his son Philip, and retired to the 
 solitude of a monastery. His heir, educated by the 
 same people who had urged on the father to religious 
 wars, did not succeed in uniting the Spanish and the 
 Imperial crowns ; for Charles had ceded that of Ger- 
 many to his brother Ferdinand, King of Hungary. This 
 separation of these crowns was of great service to the 
 cause of liberty ; because Philip II., who, instead of being 
 scared by the disasters of his father's erroneous policy, 
 wished to continue it, believing that by its continuance he 
 would finally triumph, and in the end rule over France, 
 England, and Holland, with the united forces of 
 Spaniards, ItaUans, and Germans, and that nothing 
 would be able to oppose itself to his absolute will. 
 
 Philip attempted to acquire dominion over the 
 
EELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 85 
 
 world by trampling upon tlie necks of the Protestants, 
 and obliging them to kneel at the feet of the Roman 
 pontiff. He saw his wishes to some extent reahzed. 
 England, through his marriage with the devoted and 
 superstitious Mary, daughter of Henry VIII., had been 
 turned to Cathohcism by the convincing process of fire 
 and sword which she carried in her train. Prance, 
 broken by intestine discord, was harassed by the forces 
 of the Spanish King, who hoped to secure, by the 
 peace which followed his victories, the destruction of the 
 Huguenots. Flanders, compelled, by the Spanish arms 
 and presence of Phihp, to succumb to the Pope, dared 
 not to express its own thoughts. Spain, enslaved by 
 the clergy, was consuming her vigour in serving the 
 ambition of her monarchs, in order that other nations 
 might emulate her example in dragging along the fetters 
 of her bondage. 
 
 But the arrogance of Phihp's attempt was quickly 
 opposed. England contrived to separate herself from 
 his yoke, and Protestantism attacked him in the very 
 heart of liis kingdoms. He happened to be in Flanders 
 when he received intelligence that Mary was at the 
 point of death, and that the English were desirous that 
 her sister Elizabeth, who was addicted to the reforma- 
 tion, should succeed to the throne. He lost no time 
 and spared no efforts in endeavouring to prevail on 
 Ehzabeth on no account - to separate herself from obe- 
 dience to the Pope, and even soHcited her to become his 
 consort. Accustomed to reign in England, he wished 
 to make sm-e of that nation, in order to his grand de- 
 sign of re-estabhshing the Catholic religion throughout 
 Europe. He dispatched the Duke of Feria to England, 
 with instructions to gain over the heart of Elizabeth, 
 
86 HISTORY OF 
 
 and with that view to overcome with pohteness and 
 presents certain gentlemen of her court ; but Philip's 
 messenger was not received so well in that country as his 
 master desired.* 
 
 Ehzabeth, knowing that Philip designed her for his 
 prey, and that he wished to see her act with severity 
 against her subjects, with courteous yet artful and 
 ambiguous language, flattered the vanity of the Spanish 
 King in the interviews she had with his ambassador ; 
 she expressed her gratitude at having obtained her 
 hberty during the life of her sister Mary, through the 
 influence of Philip, and prided herself at being one 
 of his greatest friends, t 
 
 But she declined either to imitate his policy or to 
 follow his councils. Princes endowed with a compre- 
 hensive mind and superior talents know how to make 
 
 * My friend the orientalist, Don Pascua) de Gayangos, has the col- 
 lection of letters of the Duke of Feria (MSS.). In that of 14th No- 
 vember, 1588, the writer says to Philip II. — 
 
 TBANSLATION. 
 
 " Est^n muy temerosos estos con- Madame Elizabeth's councillors 
 
 sejeros de lo que madama Isabel are very much afraid of what she 
 
 har4 con ellos : h^nme reoibido may do with them : they have re- 
 
 bien, aunque en cierta manera ceived me well, but stUl, in a cer- 
 
 eomo & hombre que viene con tain way, as a man who comes 
 
 bulas de Papa muerto." with bulls from a dead Pope. 
 
 t "Ella (Elizabeth) me respondi6 She answered me that she 
 
 que regraciaba & Y. M. mucho por thanked your Majesty much, for 
 
 lo que le mandaba decir, y que what you had commanded me to 
 
 V. M, podia creer que ella le say to her, and that your Majesty 
 
 guardaria la buena amistad que might rest assured she would 
 
 entre sus predecesores y los de maintain the good friendship 
 
 V. M. habia habido, por tres which bad existed between her 
 
 causas : la primera por que quan- predecessors and those of yoin- 
 
 do ella estaba en prision V. M. la Majesty, for three reasons ; first, 
 
 ayud6 y favoreoi6 i salir de ella ; because when she was in prison 
 
 y que no se deshonraba de decir your Majesty aided and favoured 
 
 que habia sido prisionera ; por- her in gaining her liberty ; ajid 
 
 que la deshonra habia sido de los that she was not dishonoured in 
 
 que la habian puesto en ella, &c." saying she had been a prisoner, 
 
 —T/ie MiS. letter of the Buke of because the dishonour belonged to 
 
 Feria, cited in a former note. those who sent her to prison, &c. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLEEANCB IN SPAIN. 87 
 
 the nations which are subject to their government, truly 
 great ; but sovereigns of mean capacity are apt to de- 
 stroy their kingdoms by endeavouring to adjust every 
 thing to their own httleness. 
 
 Those unhappy creatures, who, for rehgious causes, 
 were fugitives in foreign countries, fled to England, to the 
 succour of Ehzabeth — a princess who had not a single 
 enemy in her kingdom. She looked upon every one as 
 her protector, by whose means she had been restored to 
 her country. And, although compelled for a time 
 to listen to councillors who attempted to lead her away 
 from the lofty designs to which she aspired, she dis- 
 regarded all such endeavours, and constantly refused to 
 allow such ministers to gain the least influence or ascen- 
 dency over her mind. 
 
 By Elizabeth's outward conduct, however, both the 
 Duke of Feria and his master. King Philip, understood 
 that the object of all their united efforts was not easily 
 attainable ; still they did not think it impossible ; for vanity 
 and ambition induced them to beheve that the heart of 
 the Enghsh sovereign could not long resist a constant 
 and dexterous pohcy.* 
 
 TEAUSLATION. 
 
 * " BUa es una muger vanlsima She is a most vain and acute 
 
 y aguda : dSbenle haber predieado -woman : they must have preached 
 
 mucho la manera de proceder del a great deal to her as to her 
 
 rey su padre : tengo gran miedo father the king's mode of pro- 
 
 que en las cosas de la religion no ceeding : I fear much that in 
 
 estari bien, porque la veo iucli- matters of religion she will not 
 
 nada 4 gobernar por hombres que be easy to manage, because I see 
 
 estan tenidos por herejes .... she is inclined to govern by men 
 
 Tras esto veola muy indignada de who are held to be heretics . 
 
 las cosas que se han hecho contra Besides this, I can see that she'is 
 
 eUa, en vida de la Eeyna, muy very indignant at things which 
 
 asida al pueblo y que lo tiene have been done to her in the life- 
 
 todo de su parte No hay time of the queen, she is attached 
 
 nmgun herege ni traidor en todo to the nation, which she holds en- 
 el reyno que no se haya levantado tirely on her side 
 de la sepultura para venir & There is neither heretic nor'trait'or 
 
88 HISTORY OF 
 
 Philip's ardent desire was to become master of Eng- 
 land ; and now that he could see no prospect of success 
 by means of violence — (for the condition of his army and 
 of Europe, was against force) — he had recourse to per- 
 severance and subornation, foolishly believing that, by 
 purchasing some half-dozen men of a nation, their 
 country would be delivered up to his dominion without 
 resistance.* 
 
 In this, as in every thing else which Philip undertook 
 during his long life, he was completely deceived. He 
 neither knew himself nor others. He saw himself 
 blessed by those Spaniards who were accustomed to dis- 
 simulate and shed tears in the presence of their sovereign, 
 and to respect his name even when he might be absent 
 from the Idngdom ; but he could not be made to com- 
 prehend that a nation which had once thrown off his 
 yoke, would never submit to its re-imposition, unless 
 compelled to do so by an irresistible force. 
 
 The Enghsh, who had experienced the barbarity of 
 Philip's dominion, in burnings, imprisonings, and banish- 
 ings, hated him to the death ; and they shunned all 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 ella con gran contentamiento : in all her kingdom who has not 
 estd puesta en que no se ha de dejar been raised from the very dust to 
 gobernar de nadie," &c. — Letter of appear before her with great 
 the Duke of Feria to Philip II., satisfaction : she is determined 
 already cited, not to allow herself to be governed 
 
 by anybody, &c. 
 
 * That such was the proposition of PhUip is discovered by that same 
 letter of the Duke of Feria, in which he says : — 
 
 " El credito de los 40,000 duca- The credit of the 40,000 ducats 
 
 dos y las joyas que se me habian and the jewels which were to be 
 de enviar no son venidas, aqui no sent me have not arrived, and here 
 veo otro medio de negociar sino es I see no other way of negotiating 
 con dddivas y diges. Suplico k but with bribes and baubles. I pray 
 V.M. mande que se me en vie ere- your Majesty to order to be sent 
 dito largo pues V. M. v6 cuinto me a large credit ; for your Ma- 
 mas cuesta ganarse un reyno con jesty may see how much more it 
 fuerm que con maiia." costs to gain a kingdom by force 
 
 than by artifice. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLBEANCE IN SPAIN". 89 
 
 treaty with his ambassador, the Duke of Feria, who 
 found himself shghted by every one in the Court of 
 Elizabeth* 
 
 At last PhOip became convinced that Elizabeth only 
 cashed to gain time enough to secure the crown of 
 England firmly on her brow ; and, therefore, on the 
 adjustment of peace with France, he concerted his 
 marriage with Elizabeth of Valoise. Meanwhile reli- 
 gious matters in England were going on favourably for 
 the reformation. But Queen Elizabeth still sagaciously 
 entertained the mind of Pliilip ; and, the better to dis- 
 simulate, she pretended, before the Duke of Feria, to be 
 fretful and complaining at the coming nuptials which 
 the Spanish monarch was about to celebrate, since, she 
 alleged, she was on the very point of disposing of her- 
 self to him, so soon as the affairs of her Idngdom would 
 permit. It is certain that the duke never elicited a 
 formal answer to his demand of her in marriage to 
 his master, and equally so that Elizabeth never pledged 
 her word to fix upon the Spanish King for her husband. 
 Nay, more : as she had never discovered her intentions, 
 she complained of PhUip's false love, in consequence of 
 his not being able to wait for her three or four months. 
 Thus, with feigned protestations, she deceived him, and 
 worked out that peace which England so much required 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 * " Estin contentos todos de They are delighted to find them- 
 
 verse sueltos de V. M. como si les selves let loose from your Majesty, 
 
 hubiera hecho malas obras .... as though some bad deed would 
 
 y & causa de estar tan enagenados have been perpetrated against 
 
 .... me hallo muy embarazado them . . . and in consequence of 
 
 y confuse en buscar manera de their being so alienated ... I 
 
 saber lo que pasa ; porque verda- find myself under great embar- 
 
 deramente huyen de mi como del rassment and confusion in endea- 
 
 diablo." — Letter of Duhe of Feria, vouring to ascertain what is pass- 
 
 dated London, \ith December, 1558. ing ; for, I may truly say, people 
 
 (MS. of Gayangos.) shun me as they would the devil. 
 
90 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 to recruit her forces and constitute herself a powerful 
 nation. * 
 
 The Enghsh Catholics, who had placed their hopes on 
 Philip II., felt themselves aggrieved that he had not 
 availed himself of his ample powers to estahHsh the 
 spiritual dominion of the Court of Rome in Great 
 Britain, and they complained that he had not used the 
 necessary dexterity to overcome the talents of EHzabeth, 
 and carry out his own designs. 
 
 * Comenz6 4 decirme que V.M. 
 estaba casado, sonriendo . . . . y 
 algunas veces dando imos sospiril- 
 los 4 vueltas de la risa. Dijele 
 que .... yo no me podia alegrar 
 de ver casado &, V.M. y no con ella, 
 y de que no me hubiese querido 
 creer, habiendola importunado 
 tanto, y suplioadole viese quanto 
 le convenia casar con V. M. ; y 
 entonces sali6 con deoir que per 
 V.M. habia quedado y no por ella : 
 que ella nunca me habia dado 
 respuesta ; y que yo le habia dicho 
 que tampoco lo habia escrito & 
 V.M. Dijele que bien sabia ella 
 la verdad : que yo no habia que- 
 rido tomar respuesta, porque en- 
 tendl la que me queria dar ; y 
 que en negooio de aquella calidad 
 entre dos principes tan grandes 
 .... yo tenia obligaeion, ya que 
 no se conformaban, de dalle tal 
 salida, que no pudiese causar al- 
 guna indignaoion 6 desabrimiento 
 . . . Despues torn6 & decirme 
 que V.M. no debia de estar tan 
 enamorado de ella como yo le 
 habia dioho : puea no habia tenido 
 pacienoia para aguardar cuatro 
 meses ; y mucha3 cosas de estas 
 como persona que no le ha plaeido 
 nada de la determinaoion que V.M. 
 ha tornado." — Letter of the Buhe 
 of Feria, of 11th April, 1559 (m 
 the MS. coilection of Oayangos). 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 She began by saying that your 
 Majesty was married, smiling . . . 
 and sometimes heaving gentle 
 sighs at intervals between her 
 smiles. I told her that .... I 
 could not be glad at seeing your 
 Majesty married and not with 
 her, and which I never wished to 
 believe, having importuned her 
 much, and entreated her to con- 
 sider how greatly it befitted her to 
 marry your Majesty. And then 
 she went on to say, that she had 
 waited for your Majesty, and not 
 for herself; that she had never 
 given me an answer; and that I 
 had told her I never had written 
 to your Majesty to any such effect. 
 I said she well knew the truth : 
 that I did not like to take an 
 answer because I understood what 
 answer she wished to give ; and 
 that in an affair of such quality 
 between two such great princes 
 .... I was under an obligation, 
 shovild there not be a conformity 
 of inclinations, that there might 
 be no cause of vexation or chagria 
 arising out of such a result .... 
 Aftei'wards she turned again, and 
 said that your Majesty could not 
 be so much enamoured with her 
 as I had told her, because you had 
 not the patience to wait four 
 months : and many other similar 
 things, as a person not at all 
 pleased with the resolution which 
 your Majesty has taken. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLEEANCB IK SPAIN. 91 
 
 Philip, on the other hand, consoled himself that, as he 
 could do nothing else, he had, at least to some small 
 extent, sustained the Cathohc Church in England, before 
 it crumbled and fell to pieces with such a frightful 
 ruin.'" 
 
 Phihp gave pensions to several distinguished persons 
 in England, with a view of engaging them in his in- 
 terest, securing possession of the kingdom, and esta- 
 blishing Cathohcism ; but he never in the least degree 
 profited by this hberality : the gentleinen took his pen- 
 sions, but never rendered any services to His Spanish 
 Majesty. Indeed, these same recipients of his bounty, 
 in their interviews with the Duke of Feria, and to his 
 very face, laughed at his credulity.f At last Pliilip was 
 obHged to withdraw his favours from those EngHsh 
 courtiers ; for he was persuaded that, secretly, they were 
 serving the cause of Ehzabeth and the reformation. 
 Relying on the mystery with which he surrounded all 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 * " Esto de la religion hasta The (Catholic) religion, up to the 
 
 ahora se ha entretenido sin que present time, has been delayed 
 
 acabase de caer milagrosamente, from entirely and miraculously 
 
 Unas veces con persuadir blanda- falling away, some times by softly 
 
 mente, k la reyna, otras con asom- persuading the queen, and at 
 
 braUa y procurar que diese mas others by frightening her, and pro- 
 
 tiempo al negocio .... Los cat6- curing her to devote more leisure 
 
 licos (& Felipe) le ponen demanda to the matter . . . The Catholics 
 
 de que habiendo eatado este reyuo put the question why this king- 
 
 & disposicion de V. M. para poder dom, which has been at your 
 
 dejallo de la manera que quisiera, Majesty's disposal to deal with as 
 
 ha venido i parar en lo que est4." you pleased, has come to finish in 
 
 — Carta dd duque de Feria, citada the way it does. — Letter of the 
 
 en la nota precedente. Buke of Feria, cited in the pre- 
 ceding note. 
 
 t Ei6se conmigo (im cabaUero He (an English gentleman, one 
 
 ingles parcial de Felipe) del poco of Philip's adherents,) laughed at 
 
 servicio que avian hecho a V. M. me to think of the small services 
 
 las pensiones que aqui ha dado. — your Majesty had received for the 
 
 Letter of the Duke of Feria. Lon- pensions you have allowed in this 
 
 don, \&th April, 1559. M^. country. 
 
92 HISTOEY OF 
 
 his actions, he imagined that his pohtical intentions were 
 concealed from foreigners ; and yet, at the same time, 
 he knew nothing of the public opinion of that very 
 Idngdom which he was vainly endeavouring to draw 
 under his dominion. 
 
 Those who strive by secrecy and dissimulation to earn 
 the reputation of great politicians, are, when just on 
 the point of deceiving others, frequently deceived them- 
 selves, especially in supposing that an adversary places 
 any reliance on their avowed motives and designs. 
 
 Bhzabeth's chamberlain, whom Philip attempted to 
 bribe with a pension, although not in the confidence of 
 that king, knew more of his thoughts and intentions 
 than did Ms own councillors and friends. Thus he 
 prognosticated to the Queen, as also to the Duke of 
 Peria, that Philip would immediately abandon the states 
 in Flanders, and that, when once again in Spain, he 
 would never return to them. The prognostication of 
 the Enghsh chamberlain turned out to be correct.* 
 
 All hope of Philip's marriage with EUzabeth being- 
 lost, and the reformed religion being re-established in 
 England, he stiU did not despair of sooner or later 
 making himself master of that powerful kingdom. By 
 his ambassador he lay watching, in ambush, like a lion 
 in view of his prey, the movements and inclinations of 
 Elizabeth. He endeavoured to gain the friendship of 
 her favourites, and to acquire, through them, what he had 
 not been able to obtain by himself He negotiated with 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 * Una de las oosas que ha dicho One of the things which he told 
 
 k la reyna y 6 ml es que apostar4 the Queen, and me also, is, that he 
 
 que V. M. se vd & Espafia luego y will lay a wager that your Majesty 
 
 que no volverd 4 Flandes en estos will at once go to Spain, and not 
 
 siete aiaos.''— Letter of the Buke of return to Tlanders for seven years. 
 Peria, cited in the preceding Note. 
 
RELIGIOtJS INTOLEEAN"CE IN SPAIN. 
 
 93 
 
 those who aspu-ed to her favour, as if he were treating 
 for a kingdom which had been usurped ; and in all his 
 intercourse he showed a constant desii^e to make him- 
 self master of the British dominions. In the first place 
 he wished to sign a secret capitulation with Robert 
 Dudley, Earl of Leicester, to whom he believed the 
 Queen was about to give her hand * 
 
 Afterwards, knowing that Ferdinand, Archduke of 
 Austria, had pretensions to the hand of her Majesty, he 
 offered to assist him in his suit, under the absurd notion 
 that it would be an easy matter to persuade him that, 
 with the power of Spain, in case EUzabeth should die 
 without issue, he might remain ruler of the English 
 nation, t 
 
 * " De unos dias & esta parte ha 
 venido en tanta gracia milord 
 Euberto, que haee quanto quiere 
 en cosas de negocios ; j aun dizen 
 que S. M. lo v4 & visitar i su ci- 
 mara de dia y de noclie ; y h^blase 
 en esto tan resueltamente, que 
 llega la cosa 4 decir que su muger 
 estk muy mala de un pecho, y que 
 la reyna aguarda & que se muera 
 para casarse con 61. Y digo 4 
 V. M. que se ha tratado la cosa die 
 manera que me ha hecho pensar 
 si seria bueno tratar de paHe de 
 V. M. con Milord Buherto, y pro- 
 rmteUe su ayuda y favor y capi- 
 tular con el. — Letter of Feria, cited 
 in the two last preceding notes. 
 
 t " No me parece mal expediente 
 el del matrimonio del archiduque 
 Fernando ; pues para lo de aqui 
 yo no Teo otro mejor ; y para lo 
 de alia ser4 bueno, ai V. M. con 
 eata occasion lo atrae y afirma 
 en su amistad, de arte que 61 
 entienda quan litil le ser4 para 
 
 acrecentarse y sostenerae 
 
 Y si Fernando ea hombre con las 
 que V. M. le hard, no 
 
 TEAIfSLATION. 
 
 "Within the last few days my 
 Lord Robert has arrived in these 
 parts in such favour, that he does 
 whatever he pleases in matters of 
 busLuesa ; and it is even aaid that 
 her Majesty goes to viait his 
 chamber day and night ; and so 
 positively ia this affair talked about, 
 that it ia reported his lady is 
 very ill of complaint in her heart, 
 and the Queen is waiting her death 
 in order to marry him. And I tell 
 your Majesty that the thing has 
 been treated in such a way as to 
 make me think it would be well to 
 nwjotiate, on the part of your 
 Majesty, with my Lord Robert, and 
 promise him your help and favour, 
 and capitulate with him. 
 
 It does not appear to me a bad 
 expedient, that of a marriage with 
 the Archduke Ferdinand ; because 
 with regard to things here I do not 
 see a better ; and as to the state of 
 things elsewhere, it will be well if 
 your Majesty, by the occasion, can 
 briag it about and confirm it with 
 your friendship, so that he may un- 
 derstand how useful it would be to 
 him in order to the increase and 
 
94 HISTORY OF 
 
 lu this way Philip flattered himself he should be abl( 
 to re-establish Catholicism in Great Britain, and thai 
 the kingdom itself would come to the hands of the hous( 
 of Austria. But all these propositions, although covered 
 as he thought, with the shadow of a cunning policy 
 were patent to the sagacity of Elizabeth ; who, knowing 
 she was surrounded by the subtilty and snares of Rome 
 and of Spain, determined to secure herself against them 
 all, by not bestowing her hand upon any one who could 
 be bought by her enemies, either with gold or with 
 promises of the crown of England itself after hei 
 death. Thus she saved herself from that bondage which 
 was preparing for her, and, perhaps, also, from an un- 
 timely and violent death. She also saved, from the 
 chains of slavery, not only her own country, but other 
 parts of Europe, which, through her favour, were able 
 successfully to war against the hosts of Pliilip II. 
 
 The rage of Philip on seeing his hopes blasted, was 
 turned against those of his own subjects who had em- 
 braced the doctrines of the reformation. It appeared 
 that on the Protestants of Spain he endeavoured to 
 wreak his vengeance for the scorn with which he had 
 been treated by those of England. 
 
 The joys and the sorrows of tyrants are always 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 solamente podr^ reformar lo de la maintenaaoe of his power ... 
 
 religion, y quietar el reyno, pero And if Ferdinand is a man of sucl 
 
 aunque se le muera la reyna sin prowess as your Majesty will 
 
 ' " 's, se podr^ quedar con el reyno make him, not only wOl he be 
 
 en las uiias. Y si alguna cosa me able to reform the religion and 
 incliuaba despues de lo de Dios & tranquillize the kingdom, bu1 
 que V. M. Uegue &, meter el pi6 should the Queen die withov. 
 aqui, era esto." — Letter of the children, he may even reman 
 Duke of Feria, cited in the three with the kingdom in his clutches 
 last preceding notes. If any thing, besides those whicl 
 
 pertain to God, inclines me to sei 
 your Majesty place your foot here 
 it is this. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 95 
 
 accompanied by the tears of suffering humanity. When 
 Philip, by means of his marriage with Mary, succeeded 
 in making England accept anew the Roman CathoHc 
 religion, Spain blazed with fetes in celebration of the 
 event, whilst in the British islands the flames were de- 
 vouring the bodies of the Protestants.* 
 
 When England returned to the reformation, Philip 
 offered up to the God of Cliristians holocausts of human 
 blood, in token of the constancy of his faith ! There 
 had been discovered, in the kingdom, a grand Lutheran 
 conspiracy. The cities of Palencia, Valladohd, Toro, 
 Zamora, and Seville, had protestant temples, in which, in 
 the silence of night, the reformers met to shun the 
 observation of inquisitors. Canons, friars, nuns, the 
 sons, and daughters, and other relatives, of the grandees 
 of Castile, as well as gentlemen and plebeians, were the 
 sectarians in Spain who followed the new doctrine. 
 
 Phihp, although in Flanders attending to the affairs 
 of Europe, had not forgotten his own country. Scarcely 
 had he heard of the great number of proselytes which 
 Lutheranism was making in Spain, than he commanded 
 the princess Dona Juana, governor of the kingdom, that 
 with all diligence and rigour she should punish the 
 guilty. 
 
 On the 21st of May, 1559, was celebrated, in the 
 great square of Valladolid, an auto de fe against the 
 
 * A description of these fetes celebrated in Spain has ^been pre- 
 served; its title is, — 
 
 TRANSLATION-. 
 
 " Phr de las sokmnes alegrias y " Mower of the solemn rejoicings 
 
 fiestas que se hioieron en la imperial and f&tes which were made in the 
 
 cuidad de Toledo par la conversion imperial city of Toledo, on the 
 
 dd reyno de Inglaterra, compuesta conversion of the kingdom of 
 
 por Juan de Angulo, vecino de la England ; composed by Juan de 
 
 dicha ciudad, cfcc."— Toledo, 1555. Angnlo, a neighbour of the said 
 
 city, &c." 
 
96 HISTOEY OF 
 
 Protestants. A concourse of people, actuated by th( 
 ferocious instincts of barbarians, was gathered togethei 
 from the adjacent countries, and even from more distam 
 places, to be the witnesses of human vengeance. Th( 
 houses in Valladolid were not sufficiently numerous tc 
 lodge the curious visitors who flocked to that city ; and 
 consequently, many of them were obliged to pass th( 
 night in the neighbouring fields. 
 
 The Princess Dona Juana and the Prince Don Carlos, 
 by order of Philip II., presided on that occasion, assisted 
 by a great number of the Spanish nobility. The spectacle, 
 imtil then, was entirely new ; for members of the royal 
 family had never been accustomed to take a part in 
 those sacrifices. 
 
 Three of the clergy were there degraded under cir- 
 cumstances of the greatest indignity that can be imagined: 
 their hands, fingers, crown of the head, and mouths, 
 were scraped, as if in order to prepare them for the 
 sufferings they were to endure at the stake. ■*' Doctor 
 
 TRAJ^^SLATION. 
 
 * " El obispo Palencia pas6 de The Bishop of Palencia passed 
 
 donde los prlneipes estaban al over to where the princes were, to 
 
 tablado 4 degradarlos, que fu6 una proceed to degrade them, which 
 
 cosa muy de ver, porque nunca se was a very remarkable sight to 
 
 habia visto en nuestro tiempo. witness, because it had never 
 
 Vistiose el dicho obispo una aobre- before been seen in our time. The 
 
 pelliz, y enoima una capa de ter- bishop dressed himself in a sur- 
 
 ciopelo con una cruz y su mitra plice, and, upon that, was a cloak 
 
 blanoa. Vistieron & los tres sacer- of velvet, with across, and his white 
 
 dotes (Cazalla, Vivero y Perez) mitre. The three priests (Cazalla, 
 
 como si fueran d decir misa, con Vivero, and Perez) were in their 
 
 Unas casullas de terciopelo negro, vestments as if going to say mass, 
 
 en donde estando de rodillas de- vith^casuUas of black velvet ; and, 
 
 lante del mismo obispo, lesquitaron being upon their knees before the 
 
 los cdlizes de las manos y los same bishop, their chalices were 
 
 metieron en un area que alll taken from their hands, and put 
 
 tenian, y luego habiendo leido into a chest which was there ; and 
 
 ciertas cosas en un pontifical que then, certain things having beer 
 
 delante del obispo tenian, les qui- read out of a,pontifieal which stood 
 
 taron las casullas y tra- before the bishop, their casuUcu 
 
 ggronles tres dalm^ticas, y puestas were taken from them, and . . . 
 
RELIGIOUS IKTOLEEANCE IN SPAIN. 97 
 
 Augustin de Cazalla was there seen, brought out by the 
 side of the coifin or shell, containing the mortal remains 
 of his mother, which had been exhumed to be with 
 him reduced to ashes ; an iniquitous mode of aggravating 
 a son's affliction by dishonouring the dust of her who 
 had brought him into existence ; but one to be expected 
 of men who could designate as sacrilege the disinterment 
 of corpses with a view of robbing them of their grave- 
 clothes, and yet could, themselves, disturb the repose 
 of the dead, and outrage the living by their ignominious 
 penances. The clerical rage was thus carried even to 
 the tomb, and barbarous vengeance, in the name of a 
 God of mercy, taken, not only on living criminals, who 
 might be affected by such deeds, but on heaps of flesh- 
 less bones. On this same occasion, the Bachelor Her- 
 rezuelo, who remained firm to the last in the doctrines 
 of the reformation, had a gag thrust into his mouth, so 
 that his pious exhortations might not offend the ears 
 of a priest-ridden and enslaved people ; he too, in his 
 turn, was called to suffer the greatest indignity ; for, whilst 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 con sus collares, se laa quitaron there -were put upon their shoul- 
 luego, poni6ndolo3 como de epis- ders three dcdmaticas (vestments 
 tola, y leyendo otro poco, se las with open sleeves) with their col- 
 quitaron . . . . j quedaron con lars, which were removed and so 
 los sambenitos. Despues de ha- placed as if for the reading the 
 berles raido las manos, dedos, epistle ; another short passao-e 
 corona y boca en una fuente muy being then read, these were taken 
 
 grande que alll tenian, llego un away and they remained 
 
 barbero y les quit6 el pelo de las with their sambenitos* After 
 coronas, y heoho esto les pusieron having washed their hands, fin- 
 tres corozas."— i/<S'. in the Biblio- gers, crowns, and mouths, 'in a 
 teca Nacioncd — Rdaciones de autos large fountain there provided 
 '^f^- there came a barber and took away 
 
 the hair from their crowns ; and 
 this done, three corozasf were 
 placed on their heads. 
 
 * A coarse tunic with a rope. 
 ^ t A kind of fool's cap, resembling a mitre, but very lofty, and taper- 
 mg, at the top, to a point. 
 
 H 
 
98 HISTOEY OF 
 
 valiantly despising the satellites of the Inquisition, an 
 the flames which were consuming his body, a soldie 
 thrust a lance into his side, and at the same time h 
 was struck with violence in the forehead by a stoii 
 thrown from the hand of a bystander* 
 
 But the furies of fanaticism did not stop vnth merel 
 these and other sanguinary executions. Not only war 
 the dry bones of Cazalla's mother, as well as the liv 
 bodies of her children, consumed in the same fire, an 
 their names handed down to posterity with infamy, bu 
 even the house in which they hved was thrown down, an- 
 salt sown over its foundation : nay, a column was erected 
 over its ruins, to announce to coming generations th 
 memory of a family whose only crime was an uncom 
 promising attachment to the cause of religious liberty.! 
 
 In order to solemnize the return of Philip II. t 
 Spain, other Protestants of Valladolid were reservec 
 as much with a view of gratifying the inquisitors, as o 
 serving the exigency of the monarch. In short, h 
 assisted at another auto de fe, in which an illustriou 
 nobleman, Don Carlos de Sesso, crippled in both hi 
 hands and feet by the tortures to which he had beei 
 put, and almost carried in the arms of two familinr 
 of the Holy Office, with an energetic voice reprehendei 
 Philip to his face for his manner of proceeding agains 
 the Protestants. But a gag quickly stopped the moutl 
 of the unhappy sufferer, whose body, with those of othe 
 noble victims, was quickly consigned to the flames. 
 
 * Relaoiones MS. de autos defe. — Biblioteea Nacional. 
 
 t It is a curious circumstance, that whilst I was occupied, in 1849 au 
 1850, in arranging my " History of the Spanish Protestants," wherei 
 1 have defended the cause of humanity, as outraged in the persons ( 
 the Cazallas, it seems their house was being rebuilt for the first tim 
 since its destruction by the Inquisition in the sixteenth century. A fu 
 account of that Protestant family will be found in " The History of t) 
 Spanish Protestants" published in London, by Gilpin, in 1851. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 99 
 
 Philip II. appears to have been Hke Nero presiding, in 
 the gardens of his palace, over the burning of the 
 Christians. He wished to gain a reputation for severity 
 in the administration of justice : and hence the stamj) 
 of cruelty accompanied all his actions.* 
 
 Cahgula, in his madness, was wont to express his 
 desire that the Roman people had but one neck, which 
 he might sever at one blow. This tyrannical wish of 
 Caligula was, at the end of sixteen centuries, reahzed in 
 Spain. Phihp II. did not content himself with desiring 
 it, or saying it, but by putting it in execution in the 
 person of Don Juan de la Nuza, the chief justice 
 (justicia mayor) of the kingdom of Arragon, in whom 
 was vested the representation of the rights and hberties 
 of the nobility and all the people. His head fell, at 
 the feet of the executioner, in Zaragoza, by order of 
 Philip Il.t 
 
 Spain, divided into various kingdoms of diverse laws 
 and customs, but subject to only one sovereign, presented 
 a sad example of what all nations must be which are 
 ignorant of the blessing of religious liberty. As the 
 pomp and magnificence of the sacrifices of pagan Rome, 
 at the terrible spectacle of the death of a multitude of 
 animals, had a tendency to make men fierce and apt to 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 * " Ogni sua attione molto pili Every one of his actions had 
 
 ha del crudele che del severe : much more of cruelty than of se- 
 
 onde giamai non havendo potuto verity : whence, never having been 
 
 ne saputo, imparar I'arte, tanto able to know or to learn the art of 
 
 necesario k prencipi de perdonare, pardoning, so necessary to princes, 
 
 &e." — Boccodini. — Pietra del Para- &c. 
 gone politico (Cosmopoli, 1671). 
 In these words he alludes to the policy of the Spaniards. 
 
 t A full account of Nuza's execution will be found in the author's 
 "History of the Spanish Protestants" by the translator of this work. 
 
 H 2 
 
100 HISTORY OF 
 
 venture themselves in dangers for the mundane glo 
 and the good of their fellow-citizens ; so Spaniarc 
 educated in the sanguinary executions of the autos de ^ 
 were bred up Avith minds paralysed with fright, and un 
 to defend the public cause against tyranny, but w( 
 suited, by their ferocity, to aid despots in their attemp 
 to enslave mankind. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 101 
 
 CHAPTEE VI. 
 
 Philip II. attempts to stop the reformation in the Low Countries — Duke 
 of Alva — Philip's son Carlos — His premature and suspicious death 
 — Sanguinary executions — Liberties of Holland — Catherine de 
 Medicis — Massacre of the Huguenots — TVancisco Antonio Alarcon 
 — Oath of the members of the C6rtes as to secrecy — Conduct of 
 Alvaro de la Quadra, Philip's ambassador to Queen Elizabeth — She 
 dismisses him — Conduct of Ms successor, Gueraldo de Spes, and his 
 dismissal — Bemadino de Mendoza, successor to Spes — Mary Stuart 
 — Movements of the Pope — Philip's armada against England. 
 
 Philip II. proposed to himself the task of humbling the 
 pride of the Low Countries, and of converting them into 
 another Spain. But he did not seem to remember, if 
 indeed he ever knew, that the latter country, flattered as 
 she was by the vanity of her conquering kings and 
 prosperous fortunes, had herself, by degrees, been abdi- 
 cating her rights and privileges ; nor did he consider 
 that the States of Flanders remained in all their vigour 
 and energy, and were not therefore disposed to surrender 
 their Uberties. In carrying out his design, his first step 
 was, by introducing the Inquisition, to root out the 
 doctrines of the Reformation among the Flemings, and 
 to so weaken them that, at a subsequent period, they 
 might easily be deprived of their privileges, and of all 
 means of defending them. 
 
 "When Charles I. was crowned King of Spain, the 
 people of the Low Countries rejoiced to see their Count 
 
102 HISTOEY OF 
 
 raised to that new dignity, vainly supposing that th 
 sovereignty of Flanders was passing into their ow 
 hands, and that they themselves were thenceforth to b 
 the rulers of those dominions. This vain presumptioi 
 however, lasted but a short time. Philip II., estabhshin 
 his Court in Spain, began to treat the Flemings a 
 strangers, and not as natural-born subjects. Flander 
 from that time was considered as a Spanish colony, i 
 the same manner as Spain had formerly been considers' 
 a Flemish colony.* 
 
 The nobles and the plebeians of the Low Countrie 
 were determined to maintain their privileges. They sen 
 messengers to Philip representing the evils which avouI 
 I'esult from the execution of his orders ; but these mes 
 sengers, on their arrival in Spain, were, one after anothei 
 secretly put to death. 
 
 The king was resolved to carry out his object. H 
 sent new forces to Flanders, and a governor experience^ 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 * " Alhora che vide (Fiandra) Now that Flanders saw he 
 
 li suoi conti divenuti B,6 di Spagna, Counts become Kings of Spaii 
 
 scioccamente si diede & credere di she foolishly permitted herself t 
 
 dover manomettere li Spagnnoli ; believe that she ought to tm-n oi 
 
 perchioche ni breve tempo non la the Spaniards ; but, in a sho) 
 
 Spagna dalli Fiamenghi, ma la time, not Spain by the Fleming 
 
 Fiandra daUi avari et crudeli but Flanders itself was taken an 
 
 Spagnnoli fu mandata & sacoo . . . sacked by the avaricious and orut 
 
 Et che perci6 cominci6 ad essere Spaniards . . . And then it bega 
 
 govemata da gente straniera con to be governed by foreigners wit 
 
 quelle gelosie, con quelli strapazzi, that jealousy, with those insiilt; 
 
 con quelli scorticamente di nuovi with those excoriations of nei 
 
 gabelle, di soventioui, di contri- taxes, impositions, customs, an 
 
 butioni . . . dalle quali nacque poi contributions .... to which tl 
 
 la guerra civile : la quale doppo civil war gave birth ; and wHcl 
 
 una indecibile profiisione d'oro, after an unspeakable profusion ( 
 
 una infinita effusion di sangue, gold, an infinite effusion of bloo( 
 
 una incredibile perdita dell' honor and an incredible loss of honou 
 
 di Fiamenghi si & convertita en on the part of the Flemings, wei 
 
 una avara mercantia di Spanuoli." converted into an avaricious mei 
 
 —Boccalini. — Pietra dd paragone chandize of the Spaniards. 
 politico. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLEEANCE IN SPAIN. 103 
 
 in every thing relating to war, a man well adapted to serve 
 in the enterprise without respect to dignities, laws, or 
 even Uves. 
 
 The Duke of Alva entered the Low Countries with 
 the determination to extinguish the very idea of liberty 
 throughout those lands, and to stifle every generous 
 thought which was contrary to Philip's own notions. 
 
 At that time the Flemings had centred all their hopes 
 for remedying their grievances in the Prince Don Carlos 
 of the Asturias, son of Philip II. ; for this youth was 
 himself anxious to throw off the paternal yoke, and, above 
 all, as hen to the crown, to have charge of the govern- 
 ment of Flanders. Carlos commenced and kept up a 
 correspondence, on these matters, with the Prince of 
 Orange, and the Counts of Egmont and Home ; and, 
 according to the beHef of the Dutch and the Flemings, 
 was attached to the reformed religion ; even in the 
 present century the same opinion is entertained, in con- 
 sequence of the mysterious expressions which are met 
 with in the documents having reference to his imprison- 
 ment and death.* 
 
 * The opinion of the neminga was in conformity ■vrith that which I 
 have expressed, and attempted to prove hy several Spanish and Italian 
 documents quoted in my "History of the Spanish Protestants" published 
 in 1851. See also a book, entitled "Xe miroir de la crueUe et horrible 
 Tyrannie Espagnole perpetree au Pays £as par le Tyran Due de Albe, et 
 aultres Commandeurs de par le roy Philippe le deuxiesme <kc. — Nouvelle- 
 ment exorne et Tot Amsterdam Ohedruckt hy Ian Evertss Cloppenburg 
 opH Watertegen over de Koor-Beurs, &e., 1620." Speaking of the Priuce 
 Don Carlos, the author says, — 
 
 TEANSLATION. 
 
 " Ce leun homme et prince This young man and prince was 
 
 estoit fort bien aym6 de ceux de much loved by those of our coun- 
 
 nostre Patrie et desirojent fort de try, who greatly desired to have 
 
 I'avoir pour sou prince, mais les him as their prince ; but the ene- 
 
 ennemiz de la pais, I'empescherent mies of peace prevented such a 
 
 q'un tel SoleO. ne donna ses rayons Sun shedding his rays on a country 
 
 sur vui tel florissant pays en no- so flourishing in nobleness and 
 
 blesse et richesse. Quand on le riches. When they dispatched 
 
104 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 But Philip, aware that his son was endeavouring to 
 put a stop to his cruel policy, shut him up in his own 
 palace. Carlos did not long survive his imprisonment. 
 He finished his existence at the age of twenty-three 
 years, under circumstances which gave rise to suspicions 
 that lie had suffered, in the cause of humanity, a violent 
 death, in pursuance of secret orders from Pliilip II. 
 
 The Duke of Alva arrested many of the Flemish 
 gentry, and summoned others by public proclamation. 
 The Counts of Bgmont and of Home were publicly be- 
 headed pursuant to sentence of iniquitous judges, who, 
 contrary to the laws and to the protestations of the 
 victims, made the tribunal of justice subservient to the 
 will of a tyrant. These Counts, as Knights of the order 
 of the Golden Fleece, could not, according to the then 
 existing laws and their privileges, be tried, except by 
 their peers. 
 
 depescha, il estoit en aage de vingt 
 ■et deux ans, fort genereux d'en- 
 tendement, liberal, diligent aux 
 estudes, il dormoit rarement sur- 
 passant eest en alegresse &, ceste 
 heure regnant. 
 
 II estoit fort adonne au gouverne- 
 ment et principalement disiroit 
 il d'aller avec son pere vers le 
 Pays Bas, mais il trouva des hai- 
 neux empeschant la bonne volonti 
 car ilz disoient que le seroit la 
 source de beaucoup de maulx et 
 qu'il estoit besoing de prendre 
 garde & luy, qu'il pensoit quelque 
 jour aller vei's Italie et apres 
 vers le Pays Bas ; qu'il commu- 
 nicoit tousiours avec les seigneurs 
 de P.iys Bas, comme le Marquiz 
 de Bergh en Montigny et qu'il 
 pourtaut n' estoit totalement ad- 
 donne d la religion cathoUqiie.^^ 
 
 TRANSLATION 
 
 him, he was of the age of two and 
 twenty years, of a generous un- 
 derstanding, liberal, diligent in his 
 studies, seldom sleeping, and sur- 
 passing in liveliness of disposition 
 even those of his age. 
 
 He was much bent on govern- 
 ing, and particularly desired to 
 go with his father towards the Low 
 Countries ; but he found some 
 malicious opposers to hia good 
 will, for they said that it would 
 be the source of many evils and 
 that it was necessary to place 
 a guard over him, for that he 
 thought some day to go towards 
 Italy, and afterwards towards 
 the Low Countries ; and that he 
 communicated constantly with 
 the lords of the Low Countries, 
 such as the Marquis of Bergh en 
 Montigny, and that, moreover, he 
 >i:as not entireli/ addicted to the 
 Catholic religion. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 105 
 
 A multitude of other sanguinary executions, and no 
 less frightful and appalling, followed those of the Counts, 
 in Rotterdam, in Mahnes, at the Hagnie, and in other 
 towns. Even the Catholics themselves in Flanders, 
 although adherents of the Spanish King, were horrified 
 at the atrocious deeds of the Duke of Alva. They 
 perceived how rapidly the indignation of the public was 
 increasing, as well as that of the friends and followers of 
 the persecuted nobihty. They not only warned the 
 governor of the torrents of blood he was about to shed 
 in the Low Countries, but wrote to Philip, beseeching 
 him to grant a general pardon, as the only mode of ap- 
 peasing the anger of the people. But the King's order 
 came too late. The strife had increased to such a fearful 
 extent, that the miUtary force was inadequate to restore 
 the public tranquillity. ■^''' 
 
 The Prince of Orange, with a view of liberating his 
 country, raised an army composed of Germans, French, 
 and Walcherens, With this force he entered Flanders 
 to succour the people. This illustrious man, whose 
 devotedness rivalled that of the most renowned citizens of 
 Greece and Rome, spent the whole of his patrimony in 
 protecting the Flemings ; and, with a view of subduing 
 the ardour of his noble spirit, the ferocious Duke of Alva 
 carried off, from Louvaine, his son, the Count of Bueren ; 
 
 *«i 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 ' Le Prince d' Orange monstra The Prince of Orange mani- 
 
 sa loyautS qu' engaqa tons ces fested his loyalty by devoting all 
 
 biens pour 1' amour de nous, es- his property, out of love to us, we 
 
 tants en plus miserable - estat dli being in the most miserable state 
 
 monde : toutesfois il desideroit in the world : he always wished 
 
 nous delivrer de la tyrannie Es- to deliver us from the Spanish 
 
 pagnole ; mais le temps n' estoit tyrauny ; but the time Wcis not 
 
 pas encore avenu." — Le Miroir de yet arrived. 
 la crvelle et horrible tyrannie Es- 
 'pagnole, <i:c. 
 
106 HISTORY OF 
 
 thus violating and trampling upon the privileges of Bra- 
 bante and of the University, in order that this young 
 captive might, by a fifteen years' imprisonment in Spain, 
 expiate his crime of having been born of an enemy to a 
 despot ! 
 
 But the Prince of Orange vp^as incapable of being 
 overcome by the entreaties, menaces, or bribes, of the 
 King of Spain. He was, therefore, able, by the sacrifice 
 of his own fortune, to secure the liberties of Holland 
 and Zealand. Fearful of the unhappy results which 
 might attend the arms of those who maintained the 
 independence of their country, he wished to preserve 
 his credit, that, when necessary, it might be available for 
 the public service. With this view, he declined the 
 first oflfice in the government, advising his friends to 
 confide it to the Archduke Mathias, of Austria, after- 
 wards to the Duke Francisco de Alenson, brother of 
 the King of France, and ultimately to Robert, Earl of 
 Leicester, a favourite of Elizabeth, Queen of England ; 
 but none of those were able to offer those services 
 which the necessities of the Dutch required. 
 
 Philip employed every species of artifice to gain over 
 the mind of the Prince of Orange. The Emperor of 
 Germany, in the name of the King of Spain, to induce 
 him to lay down his arms, offered to both him and his 
 friends the most advantageous propositions, and engaged, 
 as mediator, to see them inviolably carried out. But 
 the Queen of France, Catherine de M^dicis, who was 
 disaffected to Pliihp, in consequence of suspicions that 
 he had ordered his wife, her daughter, Elizabeth of 
 Valois, to be poisoned, and owing to other insults 
 against the French, interfered, and put aside the treaty, 
 promising the Prince of Orange all her assistance, if 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 
 
 107 
 
 he would but continue the war against the King of 
 Spain* 
 
 French inconstancy afterwards left the Pi'ince and the 
 Dutch engaged in the struggle with a powerful nation, 
 having only their own forces, and those which at that 
 time were afforded them under the protection of Queen 
 EHzabeth of England, t But the treachery of Catherine 
 de M6dicis had the effect of making them more 
 courageous and the better fitted for the enterprise of 
 working out their own liberties. 
 
 ceux qui s'estolnt eslevez es Pais 
 Bas centre rinquisition et le gou- 
 vernement des espagnols, s'estoit 
 retir6 chez soy en Allemagne et 
 estoit instamment solicite d'accor- 
 der avec le Eoy d'Espagne i con- 
 ditions assez avantagenses, les- 
 quelles I'Empereur (moyenneur de 
 oest accord) Iny proposoit et pro- 
 mettoit faire inviolablement ob- 
 server, tellement qu'U estoit & 
 demy encline & les recevoir. Pour 
 rompre ce traite, Catherine fait 
 que le roy son fils escrit une lettre 
 au Comte Ludovic de Nassau, 
 frere du Prince d'Orange .... 
 par la quelle U lui donna espe- 
 rance de secours eontre le roy 
 d'Espagne .... La roine estoit 
 fort corroucee de la mort de sa fiUe 
 empoisonnle en Espagne." — Dis- 
 cours merveilleux de la vie actions 
 et deportemens de la royne Cathe- 
 rine de Medicis, mere de Francois 
 II., Charles IX., Henry III, rois 
 de France. — A Pari, 1663. 
 
 t "Les mines de ces pauvres 
 peuples, voire des princes, qui les 
 out conduits pour les avoir aban- 
 donnez au besoin, apres les avoir 
 semonds 4 s'eslever potu* se mettre 
 en sa protection." — Le Tocsain 
 eontre les masecreurs et auteurs des 
 ronfusions en France. — A Beiins, 
 Mb.LXXVlL 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 The Prince of Orange, the chief 
 of those who had risen in the Low 
 Countries against the Inquisition 
 and the government of the Spa- 
 niards, had retired to his house t-i, 
 Germany, and was earnestly solici- 
 ted to agree with the King of Spain 
 to very advantageous conditions, 
 which the emperor (the medium of 
 that agreement,) proposed to him, 
 and promised to see that they 
 were observed inviolably, so that 
 he was half inclined to accept them. 
 To break off the treaty, Catherine 
 prevailed on the king, her son, to 
 write a letter to the Count Ludo- 
 vico, of Nassau, brother to the 
 Prince of Orange .... in which 
 he gave him hope of assistance 
 against the King of Spain .... 
 The queen was much enraged — at 
 the death of her daughter, who 
 was poisoned in Spain. 
 
 The ruin of these poor people, 
 nay, even of the princes, who 
 had led them on, to abandon them 
 in time of need, after having in- 
 vited them to rise, and put them- 
 selves under their protection. 
 
108 HISTOEY OF 
 
 Philip II., under pretence of fortifying the Catholic 
 faith, still continued to use every effort to draw France 
 and England under his power. Before the death of his 
 queen, Elizabeth of Valois, sister of the French Kings, 
 Francis II., Charles IX. and Henry III., he believed 
 that he was shortly to make himself master of all the 
 countries on the other side of the Pyrenees. The 
 cunning and perfidious Catherine de M^dicis, through 
 the Duke of Alva, offered to place the crown of France 
 on the brow of her daughter, Ehzabeth, if Philip would 
 assist her in taking possession of Florence. But the 
 Duke, not wishing to rely on promises and offers so un- 
 likely to be performed, exacted from her, in token of her 
 good faith, a pledge that she would abolish Hberty of 
 conscience in the French dominions, and begin at once 
 by the punishment of the HugTienots.* 
 
 In all those conspiracies, plotted by the sovereigns of 
 Europe against the Protestants, Philip II. and the Pope 
 appear to have been the principal instigators. The 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 * "Promit et iura au due d'Albe Slie promised and swore, to the 
 
 de faire tombere la couronne de Duke of Alva, to let fall the crown 
 
 France sur la teste de sa fille of France on the head of her eldest 
 
 aisnfie pour sele rendrebon patron daughter, to make herself a good 
 
 et garent, au cas que ses enfants patron, and guarantee, in case her 
 
 mourussent. Mais le Due d'Albe children should die. But the Duke 
 
 ne la pouvant legerement croire, of Alva, not being able easily to 
 
 voulut pour confirmation de ce believe her, wished, as a eonfir- 
 
 faict que la royne mere luy pro- mation of this fact, that the queen 
 
 mist, cependant de rompre et mother should promise in the 
 
 casser I'edict de paeificatiou et de interim to break the edict of paci- 
 
 oster aux Huguenots tout ce qu'ils fication, and to deprive the Hu- 
 
 avoyent de libert6 de conscience guenots of all that they had of 
 
 et de exercice de religion, pour liberty of conscience, and exercise 
 
 meUleure preuve de sa bonne of religion, as a better proof of her 
 
 volonte enyers I'Espagne." — Ze good will towards Spain. 
 Reveille-matin des Fran<;ois et de 
 leurs voisins. — Compost pwr Eu- 
 sebe Philadelphe, cosmopolite. — A 
 Editibourg, 1574. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 109 
 
 horrible murder of the French Huguenots, on the night 
 of St. Bartholomew, was promised beforehand by 
 Catherine de Medicis to the King of Spain and the 
 Roman Pontiff. 
 
 The advice of these two personages, and the assistance 
 they rendered in the execution of the deed, as well as 
 the money and men furnished by them on the occasion, 
 filled the whole world with indignation.* 
 
 PhiUp, wasting Ms own treasures and those of his 
 subjects in protecting the cause of the Pope in Europe, 
 greatly impoverished the Spanish nation. 
 
 In a meeting of the Cortes, held in Madrid (I think 
 in 1588), with the object of asking subsidies of the 
 people, in order to defend the Catholic religion, a 
 procurador, Don Francisco Antonio Alarcon, gave an 
 opinion contrary to the petition which Pliilip had pre- 
 sented for a duty on flour. In that notable speech, 
 written with great courage and reason, we find the 
 eloquent patriot thus expressing himself : — 
 
 " I ask — what connection is there between a cessation 
 of heresies there, and our paying a tax upon flour here ? 
 Think you, for example, that France, Flanders, and 
 
 England, will be better when Spain is poorer 1 
 
 The remedy for the sins of Nineveh was not to augment 
 the taxes of Palestine, in order to send and conquer ; 
 but to send to the people of Nineveh a person who might 
 
 convert them The Catholic rehgion, and the 
 
 cause and defence of it, is common to all Christendom ; 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 * " Et ce pour satisfaire d la And to fulfil the promise made 
 
 promesse faite au Pape et i V to the Pope, and to the Spaniard 
 
 espagnol avec lesquels la con- by whom the conspiracy had been 
 
 juration avoit este projectee di projected, a long time previously, 
 
 longue main, &c." — Le tocsain &c. 
 contre les masecreurs, (Sec. 
 
110 HISTOliY OF 
 
 and if those wars are necessary for it, it does not belong 
 to Castile to bear all the charge, there being other 
 kingdoms, and piinces, and republics to look to . . ." 
 
 " I beseech you to consider, that the present wars 
 cannot continue ; for, like other things of the -world and 
 of the state, they take such turns, that it is possible, 
 supposing present intentions to change, means may be 
 found to bring about peace with our enemies ; and then 
 would be seen our great fault and imprudence, in having, 
 through false alarms of a short war, put the nation under 
 true and perpetual slavery ; for, according to the opinion 
 of those who are learned in state aftairs, an open war 
 would be a less evil than a peace on such onerous con- 
 ditions." 
 
 " It may be seen at a glance that wars with France 
 and Flanders are very dangerous .... and therefore 
 the kingdom ought not, and cannot, with reason, bring 
 upon herself a certain evil for the hope of anything so 
 dubious, because .... these provinces being in a much 
 better condition, and your majesty in less necessity, 
 seeing that they have always become deteriorated with 
 so many years of war, and with so much expense and 
 power, it is a manifest indication of what may be ex- 
 pected in prosecuting them; on the contrary, if well 
 considered, these events and things are like so many 
 monitors, reminding us of the little fruit derived by the 
 ever victorious Emperor Charles V. from the war with 
 the heretics and heresies of Germany, and by the kings 
 of France against those of their Ivingdom ; and, finally, by 
 our own Lord the King against those of Flanders, of 
 England, and of France. And when it is also considered, 
 that the mischief was not remedied, or even lessened, by 
 the means appUed, it is a clear sign that either the 
 
EELIGIOtrS INTOLEEANCE m SPAIN. Ill 
 
 disease is mortal, or that the remedies are not those 
 adapted to cure it ; and then, mse men say, it is neces- 
 sary to attempt the cure by contrary means 
 
 It is a good thing not to have wars within a kingdom, 
 and very desirable to free it from them; . . . and, if the 
 procuring of peace in Spain is to be by so much poverty, 
 and such a burden as is threatened by the tax upon 
 flour, that would be a peace more cruel than all the 
 wars. Because, if death is the greatest of all the 
 troubles of this life, and if to die of hunger is the most 
 miserable of aU deaths, as wise men affirm it is, it 
 
 follows that this tax will cause great hunger in 
 
 the kingdom : the people will live by the greatest labour 
 while they do exist, and then die the most miserable 
 of all deaths " 
 
 " Doubtless our enemies, and even our foreign friends, 
 understand it to be most prejudicial that the affairs of 
 this monarchy have arrived at such an extremity, that, 
 in order to free us from either the war or the heresies 
 of other kingdoms, there is now no other remedy, accord- 
 ing to the lords of the junta, than to take the bread from 
 our mouths : for the power of Spain would be but 
 lightly esteemed if we were deprived of bread ; so would 
 our genius, if we were unable to procure bread ; and so 
 also would our sense, if we did not desire to have bread. 
 Such is the condition of all human affairs, that burdened 
 kingdoms and necessitous princes lose the respect of 
 
 their friends and the fear of their enemies not 
 
 being able to fulfil their promises to the former, or to 
 execute their menaces against the latter " 
 
 " The tax upon flour, because full of difficulties, 
 
 inconveniences, and inequality, ought not to, 
 
 nor can it, be conceded or consented to; for, without 
 
112 HISTOEY OF 
 
 feigning anything, we can say, with those of Andria to 
 Themistocles, who, endeavouring to impose a tribute upon 
 them, said, that, in order that they might concede it to 
 him, he was raising up two very powerful goddesses — 
 Persuasion and Force : to which the Andrians repHed, 
 that they also had two other goddesses, still more 
 valiant, who would defend them against its payment, 
 which were — Poverty and Impossibility."* 
 
 Such were the protests of men, lovers of their country 
 and of the welfare of mankind, against the temerarious 
 wars of religion moved by Philip II. ; such the reason- 
 ings with which some persons, instigated by a holy zeal, 
 and armed with extraordinary courage, defended the 
 public interests, menaced by the ambition of a monarch 
 who attempted to impose upon all people and nations 
 the articles of his own creed. 
 
 These animated words of Alarcon, uttered in the 
 Cortes of Madrid, were, however, not permitted to 
 resound through the extended boundaries of the Spanish 
 dominions, and to be re-echoed by Europe throughout 
 
 * The document from whioli these passages are copied, exists in MS. 
 in the Bihlioteca Nacional of Madrid, C6dice S. 151, with the title — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 " Discurso que trata del trihuto A Discourse lohich treats of the 
 
 6 imposicion sohre la harina que tribute or imposition upon flour, 
 
 en tiempo del Hey Don Felipe II. which in the time of the King Don 
 
 nuestro Senor, sepropuso en cdgunas Philip IL, our Lord, was proposed 
 
 de las cortes que se celehraron en las in sotne of the cortes celebrated in 
 
 reynos de la corono de Costilla y the kingdoms of the Crown of Castile 
 
 Leon que concediesen d S.M., el qual and Leon to be conceded to H.M., 
 
 fue un parecer 6 voto que did en las which was an opinion, or a vote, 
 
 cortes de Madrid un Procurador given by a Deputy of the Cortes in 
 
 de ellas. T tienese por cosa cierta Madrid. And it 'is held for certain, 
 
 y sin duda quele compuso el Liceiv- and without doubt, that it was 
 
 ciado Gonzalo de Valcdrcel, juris- composed by the Licentiate Gorndo 
 
 consvlto nmy docto y de grande de VaZodrc'el, a jurisconsult of great 
 
 erudicion" learning and erudition. 
 In the catalogue, it bears the name of Don Trancisco Antonio Alarcon. 
 
EELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 113 
 
 the world, announcing that, even in Spain, the torch 
 which illumined the human understanding, in spite of the 
 Holy Office and of Phihp II., was not yet extinguished. 
 The procuradores in Cortes were sworn, before taking 
 their seats in them, not to reveal to a human being any 
 of its proceedings, without the permission of the King, 
 or of the functionary who presided in his name. 
 
 Philip had carried his inquisitorial secrecy even into 
 the representative assembly; so that the people were 
 ignorant of what was done or left undone, by their 
 representatives, for the pubhc service. They only knew 
 of these proceedings by their effects ; and not even by 
 these, if the monarch, the council of Castile, and the 
 tribunal of the Inquisition so ordered ; nor were they 
 able to read any account of the votes of the represen- 
 tatives of the kingdom on questions discussed in the 
 Cortes.* 
 
 But Phihp was resolved to put himself in possession 
 of every part of Europe which had cast off obedience 
 
 * The form of the oath taken, in 1598, by the procuradores in cortea, 
 was as follows : — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 " Que juran 4 Dies y 6, esta cruz That they swear by God, and 
 
 y &, las palabras de los Santos by that holy cross, and on the 
 
 Evangelios, que con sus manos words of the holy Evangelists, 
 
 derechaa hau tocado, que tern&n which they have touched with 
 
 y guardar&n secreto de todo lo que their right hands, that they will 
 
 se tratare y platicare en las cortes, guard and keep secret all that is 
 
 tocante al servicio de Dios y de spoken of or treated upon in the 
 
 S.M., y Men y procomxm destos cortes, touching the service of God 
 
 sus reynos ; y que no lo dirdn ni and of his majesty, and the com- 
 
 revelardn por interp6sitas per- mon welfare of those his king- 
 
 sonas, direote ni indirecte, a per- doms ; and that they will neither 
 
 sona alguna hasta ser acabadas y speak of, nor reveal anything, 
 
 despedidas las dichas cortes, salvo through strangers, directly or in- 
 
 si no fuere con licencia de S.M., directly, to any person whom- 
 
 6 del Senor Presidente que en su soever, untU the said cortes shall 
 
 nombre esta presente, &c." — MS. have been dissolved and separated, 
 
 inthelihrary of Senor Don Pascual except by license of his majesty, 
 
 de Oayamgos. or of the Lord President who, in 
 
 his name, is present, &c. 
 
 I 
 
114 HISTORY OP 
 
 to the Pope ; nor did he regard the remonstrances made 
 by his subjects when they reminded him of his errors. 
 He wasted his resources in maintaining himself at the 
 head of the conspirators of foreign kingdoms. 
 
 In England, the Bishop de Aquila, Don Alvaro de la 
 Quadra, ambassador of Philip, harboured the malcontents 
 in his house, and directed all the machinations of the 
 Catholics against Queen Elizabeth. To such an extreme 
 did these arrive, that the Queen, and those of her 
 council, ordered the house of the Spanish embassy to be 
 surrounded by armed people, who were commanded to 
 take it, to break open its doors in case of resistance, 
 and to remove all the English found within its walls. 
 A Iready an English magistrate had been placed within 
 the embassy, to watch the Bishop, and give an account 
 of the persons who visited him. But these precautions 
 were of little avail ; for it generally happens that the 
 ambassador of a powerful monarch, resolved to favour 
 conspirators of other kingdoms, is influenced by a daring 
 pertinacity. 
 
 Many Spaniards, Italians, and Flemings, were igno- 
 miniously turned out of the Bishop's house, and, after 
 having been exposed to the derision of the people, were 
 put into the public prison of London.* Elizabeth 
 
 * On 7th February, 1663, Cuadrd wrote to Philip, saying to him :— 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 " El mariscal de la c6rte subi6 a The marshal of the court came 
 
 mi aposento y me dijo de parte de up to my apartment, and told me, 
 
 la reyna, que le mandase entregar on behalf of the Queen, that I 
 
 todosloslnglesesquehabiaencasa must deliver up to him all the 
 
 Yo le dije que no habia visto English who were in the house 
 
 ningun Ingles .... Visto que no I told him there had not 
 
 habia Ingleses, tomaron Espanoles, been an Englishman seen in it . . . 
 
 Italianos y Flamencos los que qui- Perceiving that there were no 
 
 sieron, y los llevaron pdblicamente English, they took as many of the 
 
 con irrision y grita del pueblo, per Spaniards, Italians, and Flemings, 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 
 
 115 
 
 determined that Philip should not, through his agents 
 in England, any longer conspire against her ; and thus 
 it became necessary for him to send to her court another 
 ambassador, who was not an ecclesiastic. 
 
 But the King of Spain, and his messengers in England, 
 did not abandon their policy of plotting conspiracies 
 against Queen Elizabeth. Owing to these, the am- 
 bassador Don Gueraldo de Sp^s, a military knight of 
 the order of Calatrava, was made a prisoner in his own 
 house, and, subsequently, called before Elizabeth's council 
 and severely reprehended for his attempts to encourage 
 those'''' who were disaffected to her majesty, in order 
 that they might resort to violence and open rebelhon ; 
 and for having circulated the bulls fulminated by the 
 
 todo lo mas largo de la ciudad 
 
 hasta la c&rcel p^blica 
 
 Par^ceme que esran determinados 
 de proWbir espresamente que no 
 venga a misa nadie, aunque sea 
 estrangero .... He sabido que 
 la 6rden que estaba dada era que 
 si en mi casa se hiciese la menor 
 resistencia del mundo, se bubiesen 
 abierto las puertas, y apellidado 
 por la reyna y que me hubiesen 
 combatido la casa, y muerto §, 
 cuantos en ella habia." — Papeles 
 del Archivo de Simancas. — See the 
 work " Espana, y el Vizconde Pal- 
 merston." 
 
 * " A los 8 de Enero (1569) 61 
 (Cecil) y el almirante con grande 
 iusoleneia me arrestaron en casa, 
 despidi&dome todos los criados 
 ingleses, sino uno, yponiendo muy 
 estrecka guarda, repartida la gente 
 por cuatro cuadrillas, para las 
 cuales Mcieron tres casas de ma- 
 dera, y para la cuarta servia una 
 casUla en la puerta principaL" — 
 Papeles del Archivo de Sirruineas. 
 Vide tbe already-cited work, 
 " Espana y el Vizconde Paltnerston." 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 aa they pleased, and carried them 
 away publicly, amid the derision 
 and hootings of the people, through 
 the longest way in the city, to the 
 public prison .... It appears to 
 me they are determined to prohibit, 
 expressly, every one from coming 
 to mass, even though they be 
 foreigners .... I have learned 
 that the order given was, that if, 
 in my house, there had been made 
 the least resistance in the world, 
 they would have broken open the 
 doors, and, fighting for the Queen, 
 have taken the house by assault, 
 killing every one found within it. 
 
 On 8th January (1569) he 
 (Cecil) and the admiral, with great 
 insolence, arrested me in my house, 
 discharging all the English ser- 
 'vants, except one, and placing 
 over the house a strict guard, di- 
 vided into four companies, for 
 three of which were erected three 
 wooden houses, and for the fourth 
 was appropriated a .small house or 
 lodge at the principal gate. 
 
 I 2 
 
116 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 Pope against that sovereign.* — Owing to these same 
 conspiracies, Don Bernardino Mendoza, the successor of 
 De Spes, was expelled from England, for his attempts to 
 carry off Mary Stuart from the kingdom, after having in 
 vain endeavoured to exculpate himself before Elizabeth's 
 council ; for, whilst asking time to communicate with 
 Philip, the members rose from their seats, and refused to 
 hear him. •\ — Finally, owing to these, Mary Stuart was 
 
 * "S. M. ... tiene entendido 
 que V. S. dd muestra de ser en 
 mtiy mayor grado inclinado i in- 
 tentar eosas peligrosas contra 
 
 S. M usaudo de coutinuos 
 
 tratos secretos con sus sllbditos 
 para divertir los bnenos de sn de- 
 bido oficio, y animar los incon- 
 stantes 4 intentar muy horribles 
 maleficios contra su patria, movi- 
 6ndoles & ser rebeldes, y animdn- 
 dolos & ellos con persuasiones y 
 esperanzas que V. S. les ha dado 
 de ciertas invasiones ..... y 
 
 estos sus ultimos traotos 
 
 son tan claros y manifestos 4 S. M. 
 que ya no los puede mas sufrer, &c." 
 — Papeles del Archivo Simancas. 
 Copy of the intimation given to 
 Sp6s in the council of the Queen 
 of England, on the 14th December, 
 1571. 
 
 t " El seoretario . . . me dijo 
 .... estar (la reyna) muy mal 
 satisfecha de ml por los oficios 
 que habia heoho para inquietar su 
 reyno, teniendo comunioacion con 
 la reyna d« Escooia, oomo lo 
 habia confesado un Mor que ea- 
 taba preso, haberme dado cartas 
 suyas y tratar yo de quererla sa- 
 car deste pais con inteligencia del 
 
 duque de Guisa 4 cuya 
 
 causa era la voluntad de la reyna 
 que dentro de quince dias me 
 partiese .... Les dije que yo 
 era enemigo de estar en casa de 
 nadie & su pesar .... por lo 
 cual cumpliria la voluntad de la 
 reyna al momento que despachase 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 Her majesty has understood 
 that you had given proofs of be- 
 ing, in the greatest degree, in- 
 clined to attempt dangerous things 
 against her majesty . . . having 
 recourse to secret treaties, contin- 
 uously, with her subjects, in order 
 to divert the good from their 
 duty, and animate the disaflfeoted 
 to attempt horrible deeds against 
 their country, moving them to re- 
 bellion and exciting them to it 
 with promises and hopes that you 
 had given of certain invasions 
 .... and that those, your ulti- 
 mate designs, . . . are so clear 
 and manifest to her majesty, that 
 she cannot suffer them any longer, 
 &e. 
 
 The secretary .... told me 
 .... that she (the Queen) being 
 ill-pleased with me for the offices 
 that I had rendered in disquieting 
 her kingdom, by having communi- 
 cation with the Queen of Scots, 
 as a Moor had confessed, he being 
 a prisonei', saying that he had 
 given me letters and conferred 
 with me about carrying her off 
 from this country, by arrange- 
 ment with the Duke of Guise . . . 
 for which cause, it was the Queen's 
 will that I should make my de- 
 parture in fifteen days .... I 
 told him I did not wish to be in 
 any one's house against his wiU 
 . . for which reason I woxdd 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 
 
 117 
 
 ordered to be beheaded, as a punishment not for her 
 attempts to hberate herself from prison, but for having 
 conspired against the throne and hfe of EHzabeth, and 
 against the English Protestants, in concert with Phihp II., 
 with the Pope, and with the Duke of Alva, who, by 
 their imprudent actions had discovered, to the sagacity 
 of the Enghsh Queen, the tempest which menaced her 
 kingdom.'" 
 
 PhQip II., in spite of the sacrifices of his troops and 
 his treasures, had the misfortune to see all his attempts 
 against other nations entirely frustrated, and a consider- 
 able portion of the property of his own subjects wasted 
 by his unsuccessful projects. From such results one 
 may infer how erroneous is the policy of sovereigns who 
 
 im correo 4 V. M Bepli- 
 
 caron levant^ndose de las sillas 
 que no, sino que habia de partinne 
 luego, disculpando las eosas hecliaa 
 con disvergiienzas, que no es en 
 mi mano tener atrevimiento para 
 escribirlas & V. M." — Papeles del 
 Archivo de Simancas. Carta de 
 Mendoza d Felipe, escrita en Lon- 
 dres k 26 de Enero de 1584. 
 
 * " II est certain que si la con- 
 spiration eust sorty son effect, la 
 religion eust cliang6 en Angle- 
 terre : Fintelligence du Pape, du 
 roy d'Espagne, et du due d'Albe, 
 le descouvren assez .... La 
 punition de ceste conspiration, 
 n'adiouatera rien a leur mauvaise 
 vontS ; mais Fimpunite adious- 
 tera bien aux moyens. Le Pape, 
 le roy de Espagne, ny le due 
 d'Albe, ( quelle parentelle ! ) ny 
 confederation ou amit6 si estroicte 
 out Us ^ la diete royne d'Escosse 
 que pour son respect ils ayent 
 iamais voula s'armer contre la 
 royne d'Angleterre % &c. " — Le 
 HeveiUe-matin des Franfois et de 
 Uurs voisins. (Edimbourg, 1574.) 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 comply with the Queen's will the 
 moment I should have dispatched 
 a courier to your majesty .... 
 They replied, raising themselves 
 from their seats, no ; I should 
 take my departure immediately, 
 justifying their violence without 
 the least shame ; in a way that 
 even my hand has not the courage 
 to write or describe. 
 
 It is certain, that if the con- 
 spiracy had carried out its inten- 
 tion, religion would have been 
 changed in England : the corres- 
 pondence of the Pope, of the King 
 of Spain, and of the Duke of Alva, 
 sufficiently proves it ... The 
 pimishment of this conspiracy 
 will add nothing to their wicked 
 design; but impunity will add 
 greatly to their means. Has the 
 Pope, the King of Spain, or the 
 Duke of Alva, ( what relations ! ) 
 neither confederation nor friend- 
 ship so strict towards the said 
 Queen of Scots, that, out of respect 
 to her, they have never wished to 
 arm themselves against the Queen 
 of England ? 
 
118 HISTORY OP 
 
 carry their pertinacity to the utmost extreme, heedless 
 of the disasters which their conduct towards foreign 
 kingdoms may bring upon their own. 
 
 But whilst Spain was employed in wars against the 
 greater portion of Europe in defence of the Pontiff, the 
 latter, through his Nuncio, was attempting to abridge 
 the royal authority and set up his own. In order to 
 this, he, in the first place, ordered the correjidor (chief 
 magistrate,) and the judge of Logrono to be excommu- 
 nicated, for having sequestrated the property of certain 
 ecclesiastics, and thereupon declared void the bishopric 
 of Calahorra, the bishop of which had attacked the 
 orders of the council and of Philip in reference to the 
 same matter. The King expelled the Nuncio for his 
 temerity, and wrote to Cardinal Granville complaining 
 of the Pope's ingratitude for all the wars he had under- 
 taken with a view of maintaining the power of his 
 hoHness in all Europe.* 
 
 Philip, by the benefits which he conferred, engen- 
 dered only ingratitude ; for he bestowed them on reci- 
 
 TEANSLATION. 
 
 * " Es fuerte cosa (decia Felipe) It is a haxd thing, {said PhUip,) 
 
 que por ver que yo solo soy el que that, seeing I am the only one who 
 
 respeto 4 la Sede Apost6Iica, y con respects the apostolical see, and 
 
 suma veneracion mis reynos, y pro- that my kingdoms do the same with 
 
 euro hagan lo mismo los agenos, en the utmost veneration, and that I 
 
 lugar de agradewSrmelo, como de- procure foreign kingdoms to do 
 
 bian, se aprovechan de ello para the like, instead of being thanked 
 
 quererme usupar la autoridad . . . for it, as I ought to be, I am 
 
 Y aS muy bien que no debo sufrir taken advantage of by all those 
 
 que estas cosas pasen tan ade- who desire to usurp my authority 
 
 lante ; y os certifico yo que me .... And I know very well that 
 
 traen muy cansado y ceroa de I ought not to suffer these things 
 
 acab^rseme la paciencia, por mu- to go any further ; for I assure 
 
 cha que tengo. Y si 4 esto se you that they tire me, and nearly 
 
 Uega podria ser que k todos exhaust my patience, much as I 
 
 pesase de ello." — Carta a Oran- have of it. 
 velle desde Lishoa el ano de 1582. 
 Juicio imparcial sohre el monitoria 
 de Parma. 
 
EELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 119 
 
 pients who regarded them as flowing from a sense of 
 imperative duty, rather than from affection and devotion. 
 By his artifices and dissimulations in his political track 
 he caused irreconcileable enemies, and by his wars he 
 brought up victorious competitors, who fought against 
 his own arrogance, and destroyed the property of his 
 subjects. He had to struggle with the talent of the 
 Prince of Orange, who knew how to profit by the 
 cruelties of the Duke of Alva and of his leaders, perpe- 
 trated in the Low Countries. These cruelties afforded 
 a fair pretext for instigating the minds of the people to 
 vengeance, and inducing an ardent desire to recover 
 their privileges, and a wish to consolidate, into one 
 republic, the seven provinces which had rebelled against 
 PhiHp ; and, although the latter had contrived, by 
 treachery, to take the hfe of the Prince of Orange, yet 
 his eldest son, Maurice of Nassau, educated in the 
 lessons of the histories of Polybius and Julius Csesar, 
 united, unfortunately for the Spanish King, to the 
 pohtical talents of his father, great valour and military 
 skill ; he continued the struggle, (sustained as it was, on 
 one side, by the great loss of Spanish people and of 
 Spanish property, and on the other, by the riches which 
 the commerce of the Dutch were enabled to supply,) 
 and ultimately secured the liberties of the country. 
 
 Not less infehcitous were the movements of Philip 
 in attempting to take possession of France. The captains 
 of the CathoHc League, in that country, sold their 
 services to King Henry IV., rather than place themselves 
 at the disposition of PhiUp ; and that monarch made a 
 false pretence of letting alone the reformed religion, in 
 order to put an end to the inquietudes of his kingdoms. 
 
 After his attempts to conspire against Queen 
 
120 HISTORY OF 
 
 Elizabeth, Philip, seeing himself foiled by her sagacity, 
 determined on having recourse to arms in order to 
 make himself master of the British Isles. He prepared 
 a most numerous Armada, to which the common people 
 gave the name of invincible : but the EngUsh admiral, 
 Sir Francis Drake, with great boldness, entered some of 
 the Spanish ports, (Cadiz among the rest,) where the 
 vessels, destined for the expedition were lying, and 
 burned a great number of them. Afterwards the Armada, 
 under orders of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, passed 
 the channel of La Mancha : but by the burthen of the 
 ships, the ignorance of Philip's sailors, who were un- 
 accustomed to such rough seas, the active pursuit by the 
 EngUsh and Dutch ships, which kept a constant cannonade 
 against the Spaniards, and sent fire-ships among them, 
 and by the taking of several galleons and their crews, 
 this enterprise of Philip was entirely destroyed* 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 * "Belacion de lo sucedido a la An account of what befd the 
 Armada de S. M; desde que entrb Armada of His Majesty from the 
 en el canal, de Inglaterra hasta lo time it entered the English Ghanml 
 que se entendio en JJunquerque d los until its arrival at Dunkerque on 
 doze y treze de Agosto de 1588. the I'ith and \Zth of August, 1588. 
 Entrb en el canal la Armada, sd- The Armada entered the Chanml 
 bade treynta de Julio y aquel dia se on Saturday , ZQth July, and, on thai 
 mejoro hasta la entraaa de Plemua day, it made way to the entrance to 
 {Plymouth^ y se vieron cantidad Plymouth, in sight of a great num- 
 de baxeles del enemigo." — Jmpresa ber of the enemy's ships, 
 en Sevilla en casa de Cosmo de Lara, 
 un pliego en folio de letra gotico. 
 
 The history of the Invincible Armada contains the above curious 
 titles. It recounts that not a day passed in which the English 
 vessels did not molest those of the Spaniards. The Duke of Medina 
 wrote to the Duke of Parma : — 
 
 " No se puede andar campeando We cannot go beating about 
 
 con esta armada, pues el ser tan with this Armada, because, being 
 pesada hace andar d sotaviento so heavy, it goes naturally to lee- 
 del enemigo sin poder hacer nada ward of the enemy, without being 
 con 61 aimque se procura.— .4. 7 de able to do anything against it, 
 4^05^0 de 1588.— Sobre Coles. although it t)-ies to effect some- 
 
 thing. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLEKANCB IN SPAIN. 121 
 
 This victory tended to strengthen the maritime power 
 of the Enghsh, which now began to dispute, with great 
 success, against the Spanish forces, the possessions of the 
 East and West Indies, and even dared to come to 
 the states of the Peninsula, making itself master of the 
 city of Cadiz ; from whence, without having sacrificed 
 lives in a zeal for religion, but on the contrary, after 
 having permitted friars and many secular persons 
 flying in the habit of San Francisco for fear of being 
 made prisoners, to quit the city, the Enghsh returned 
 to their country, richly laden with spoils, and with 
 hostages, for wliich they hoped to receive large ransoms. 
 
122 HISTORY OP 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Philip — His unpopularity — Alarmed by a thunderbolt — His seclusion 
 — Inconstancy of his friendships — Impoverishment of his kingdom 
 contrasted with Elizabeth's prosperity — Toleration of Elizabeth- 
 Results. 
 
 Philip II. was as much detested in Spain as in all 
 Europe besides. His presumptuous enterprizes against 
 the liberties of other nations were similar to those which 
 he directed against his own. The complaints of those of 
 his subjects, who had been able to escape with their 
 lives when he threatened them with destruction were 
 heard throughout the world ; but those of the unhappy 
 victims who groaned beneath his yoke, after faintly 
 reaching his ears, were disregarded in the confusion of 
 the times, without leaving scarcely so much as a me- 
 morial of them behind. As wicked men have always 
 during their triumph their partisans, and, after death 
 has levelled all distinctions between the offender and 
 the offended, their flatterers, so great political criminals 
 usually find, in future generations, some more ready 
 to extol them for virtues they never possessed, than 
 to hold up their crimes as a warning to coming 
 generations. 
 
 PhiUp, like the Emperor Tiberias, withdrew himself 
 from the world, and lived a long time in seclusion, the 
 slave of dissimulation, startled at the very air that blew 
 upon his garments, lest it should waft his thoughts to the 
 nation and to his enemies, for they were identical. On a 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 123 
 
 certain occasion, near an alcove in which Phihp was 
 asleep at the Escurial, there fell a thunderbolt, filling his 
 heart with alarm, and constraining him to consider the 
 event as a warning from heaven for him to amend his 
 government. As all despots have behoved in auguries, 
 Phihp had recourse to the priest of the palace, Don Luis 
 Manrique, desiring to be made acquainted with the com- 
 plaints of his subjects, and advised as to the means of 
 redressing them to the satisfaction of everybody. Terror 
 had taken possession of his soul, and subdued those 
 haughty notions which had elevated his royal dignity to 
 such a pitch, that complaints could never reach it with- 
 out crime, which was immediately visited with punish- 
 ment. Manrique, however, knowing that, in these 
 moments of the King's dread of the divine displeasure, 
 which this fall of the thunderbolt had apparently indi- 
 cated, he had fall liberty to answer his master's enquiries, 
 gave him a faithful representation of the evils which 
 caused so much disgust in his kingdoms. 
 
 Phihp avoided all intercourse with society. He refused 
 to place confidence in any human being ; and was, con- 
 sequently, obliged to be always employed in perusing 
 government-papers, even those of the most insignificant 
 kind. This seclusion, and this labour, were highly pre- 
 judicial to the interests of his subjects, who wasted their 
 time in waiting the tardy resolutions of the King in the 
 business of the state.* 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 * _" Habiendo tambien en otra Having also on another occasion 
 
 ocasion avisado & V.M. de la pfib- advised your majesty of tbe public 
 
 lica_ querella y disconsuelo que grievance and discontent tbat 
 
 habia por el estUo que V.M. habia exist in consequence of the plan 
 
 tornado de negociar estando con- your majesty baa adopted for tran- 
 
 tinuamente asido de los papelea ; sacting business, being constantly 
 
 y que se daba & entender que besieged with papers ; I now tell 
 
 principalmente lo hacia V.M. por you it is understood you take this 
 
124 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 " Your Majesty," said Manrique, " commits a great 
 offence against God, in not changing this manner of 
 government, so as to give less trouble to yourself, and 
 more profit, satisfaction, and contentment, to the world ; 
 into which God did not send your Majesty, and all other 
 kings that have their time on the earth, in order to he 
 always reading, or writing, or contemplating, or praying 
 in canonical hours ; but that you and they may he the pub- 
 lic and patent oracles to which all subjects may come for 
 answers and remedies to their wants and tiecessities." * 
 
 To such an extent did Philip carry his seclusion, that 
 it became nearly impossible for his subjects to represent 
 to him the evils they suffered.! 
 
 tener mejor titulo para huir de la 
 gente, de mas de no quererse fiar 
 de nadie, y que lo que mas se 
 
 sentia es el poeo despacho 
 
 y dilaciones, tristezas y desespera- 
 clones de los negociantes, que no 
 podian en muclios dias dar aloance 
 4 "V.M., y al pueblo que nunca le 
 veia, &o." — Representaoion que hizo 
 d la majastad del Senor Felipe II. 
 el cura de palaeio, Don Luis Man- 
 rique, por haherle ma7idado 8.M. 
 le advirtiese lo que se decia de su 
 ffobierno en la ocasion de haber 
 caido un rayo cerca de la alcoba 
 donde S.M. dorima. — MS., for 
 access to which I am indebted to 
 my erudite friend and orientalist 
 Gayangos. 
 
 * The MS. cited in last note. 
 
 t Dije & V.M. como se quejaban 
 todoa, no solamente de que V.M. 
 se les escondia, mas de que no 
 habia dejado puerta abierta por 
 donde pudiesen alguna vez los 
 miserables entrar I, repreeentar 
 sus miserias y disconsuelos .... 
 Estas puertas son los privados 
 Cristianoa y fieles, y moderados en 
 las coaas de los principes ; que los 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 course to shun the people, and be- 
 cause you do not like to confide in 
 anybody ; and what is more felt . . . 
 ia the want of dispatch and the 
 great delays, the misery and despe- 
 ration of the suitors, who cannot, 
 for days together, catch a glance of 
 your majesty, for you never see the 
 people, &c. — Representation made 
 by the priest of the palace, Don 
 Luis Manrique, to the majesty of 
 Philip II, on being requested hy 
 his majesty, on the ocoasion of the 
 falling of a thunder-bolt near the 
 alcove in which his majesty was 
 sleeping, to iiiform him what was 
 ' T of his government. 
 
 I have told your majesty, as 
 indeed everybody complains, not 
 only that your majesty is hiding 
 yourself from them, but that you 
 have not left an open door bj 
 which the miserable creatures maj 
 occasionally enter, to lay befoH 
 you their petitions, and repreSeni 
 
 to you their grievances 
 
 Those dooi's are the privalf 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 125 
 
 He wished to bear on his own shoulders the whole 
 weight of the monarchy, and therefore directed his 
 secretaries to bring every affair before him in writing, 
 ■in order that no one might have the opportimity of a 
 personal conference with him ; for in this way he beheved 
 that the royal dignity was made to assimilate itself to 
 the power of God, whom men knew, not by presence, or 
 by conference, but only by effects. 
 
 The foUy and impiety of tliis King in wishing to be 
 taken for God on the earth, invisible and omniscient, 
 rendered his rule tardy, irresolute, and fatiguing.* 
 
 He did not appreciate, as pohtical councillors, men 
 wise in the science of government ; but gave preference 
 to those persons who were his inferiors in understanding 
 and business-habits, in order that he might not be 
 hindered, by philosophical and historical observations, 
 from putting his own desires into execution. A king, 
 (according to Philip II.,) could not tolerate, without 
 dishonour, that, in state-affairs, any one should presume 
 to point out to him the proper course. He considered 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 soberbios y ambiciosos no son Christians and believers, and 
 puertas sino compuertas que se moderate - thinking - people in 
 echan para que no entre nadie shio things relating to religion ; but 
 ellos." — Manriqiie, already cited. the proud and ambitious are not 
 
 doors, but mere hatches, thrown 
 down in order to exclude every 
 one but themselves. 
 
 * " Acriminan mucho el no pa- They complain bitterly of your 
 
 recer V. M. y negooiar por billetes majesty's not appearing in person, 
 y por escrito, pareciendo 4 todo el but negotiating by notes and in 
 mimdo que esto es causa de que se writing, making it clear to all 
 despachen pocas cosas y tarda .... the world that this is the reason 
 y dase mucho i entender que V. M. why so few things are dispatched, 
 no negocia por escrito por que le and even these so tardily .... 
 parezca lo mas conveniente, sino and giving it to be understood that 
 por que no le hable nadie." — Mari/- your majesty does not transact 
 rique, MS. cdreadT/ cited. business by writing, merely be- 
 
 cause more convenient, but because 
 nobody may speak to you. 
 
126 HISTORY OF 
 
 that as he was, in point of dignity, the greatest of all 
 Spaniards, so also, in acumen and political economy, he 
 far excelled his subjects ; for he was persuaded that the 
 opinion of a King was never far from the way of truth 
 and justice ; and that in those who were nominally of 
 his council he ought to find the obedience of servants, 
 and not that expression of a free opinion which might 
 be prompted by a zeal for the public good * 
 
 PhiHp II. passed from the extreme of confiding in 
 two or three persons, to that of trusting alone to his 
 own opinion, formed upon such materials as the adula- 
 tion and self-interest of bad men would allow to reach 
 the steps of his throne ; or to invoke the monastic 
 soUtude in which he had shut liimself up, wishing to be 
 thought the lord of the world, like another Alexander, 
 another Csesar, or another Attila, without incurring the 
 personal danger of putting himself at the head of his 
 troops. 
 
 Spanish historians, favourable to the memory of 
 Phihp, show the inconstancy of his friendship ; for one of 
 
 TRAJJSLATION. 
 
 * " No tienen por bastante dea- They do not hold it for a suffi- 
 
 cargo el que &&, V. M. de que de cient excuse that, in this manner, 
 
 esta manera entiende major los your majesty may the better under- 
 
 negocios, y los ministros no lo stand business, and the ministers 
 
 pueden engaiiar ; por que slq hacer cannot deny it ; for, -without seclud- 
 
 lo que V. M. hace, pasan y pasaron ing themselves as your majesty 
 
 otros reyes y gobernadores con does, other kings and governors 
 
 menos trabajo suyo y de sus stibdi- get on with less trouble to them- 
 
 toSjbuscandopersonasconveuientes selves and their subjects, seeking 
 
 para los ofioios, premiando & los for persons adapted to the offices, 
 
 buenos, y castigando k los malos. rewarding the good and punishing 
 
 Otra cosa aiiadian mas, y es que the bad. They add one thing 
 
 imaginan que V. M. aborrece d los more : they imagine your ma- 
 
 que le siguen, y que le sou pesados jesty hates those who follow you, 
 
 los que sabeu mucho, y que huelga that those who know much are 
 
 mas con los que saben poco porque wearisome to you, and that you 
 
 no le obliguen d dejar su parecer are more at ease with those who 
 
 y volymtad."— i/a)i«2'Me, MS. be- know little, because they do not 
 
 fore cited. oblige you to give up your will 
 
 and opinion. 
 
RBLIGTOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 137 
 
 them says that his smile and his sword, or knife, were 
 inseparable, or always went together. [Su o-isa y su 
 cucMUo eran confines.]* And another asserts, that the 
 most beloved of his friends lived with his shroud in his 
 hand, dreading the sentence of his master. [M mas 
 amado vivia con la mortaja en la mano, temiendo el juicio 
 de su senor^^ 
 
 Even when standing on the brink of the grave, Philip 
 refused to pardon some of his subjects who in his early 
 days had rebelled against his authority in the Idngdom 
 of Arragon ; these men, constrained by a love towards 
 their country, had returned to it, and, having fallen into 
 the hands of his ministers, he inflicted upon them the 
 punishment of death and confiscation of all their pro- 
 perty. J 
 
 Philip II., the rival of EHzabeth of England and of 
 Henry IV. of France, in his eager desire to conquer 
 those sovereigns by force of arms, forgot that the best 
 way of competing with them was to work out the 
 
 * Luis Cabrera de Cordoba Vida de, Felipe II. 
 
 t Oil Gonzalez Ddvila, Vida y heohos del Rey don Felipe III. 
 
 X In El Conocimiento de las Naciones, a book ■written by Don Baltasar 
 Alamos de Barrientos, translator of the ■works of Tacit"us, and attri- 
 buted to Antonio Perez, (MS. in the possession of my friend the learned 
 SeviUian Don Jose Maria de Alava,) ■we read as follo^ws : — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 " HabiSndose presentado, trai- Having presented themselves, 
 
 dos del amor de su patria, y el de dra^wn by the love of their country, 
 
 sus haciendas y sosiego, y quiza and that of their estates and 
 
 del credito de que para ejemplo society, and perhaps believing that 
 
 bastarian los primeros castigos the puuishment already inflicted 
 
 hechos y ejecutados en personas on the persons of the great ■would 
 
 grandes, y esperando que su me- suffice, and hoping that the recol- 
 
 moria se habria de querer borrar lection of those examples might 
 
 con los perdones de los dem^s, have operated as a pardon to the 
 
 ahora poco ha (esto se escribia en rest ; a short time since (this ■was 
 
 1598,) estando ya muy cerca de la in 1598,) our Lord the King being 
 
 muerte el rey N. S., los han con- very near his end, they ■were con- 
 
 denado en pena de muerte y con- demned to death and confiscation 
 
 fiscacion de bienes." of property. 
 
128 
 
 HISTORY OP 
 
 felicity of his own states and leave them more rich and 
 powerful at his death. Scarcely had he ascended the 
 throne of Castile, than, in his need of money to sustain 
 wars with Europe, he refused to be sworn to observe 
 the laws until certain subsidies had been granted to him ; 
 for by such reprisals he contrived to give a vigour to his 
 regal authority in exacting obedience from his subjects* 
 Afterwards, by his dissensions in Flanders, his fruitless 
 conquest of the Republic of Holland, his unfortunate 
 enterprize against England, and his struggles with 
 France, he burthened his kingdoms by imposts, thereby 
 ruining families, impoverishing the labouring classes, 
 and destroying commerce on every side, t Elizabeth at 
 
 * "De lo3 rejTios de Espana . . . 
 despues de la reouperacion, es 
 Castilla la cabeza, y esta tiene sua 
 leyes y privilegios, partioularea 
 jurados por el reypresente, y todos 
 sua anteoesorea aimque Felipe se 
 tarda en el juramento, por que 
 aquel rey supo muolio para si, oea- 
 puea que empez6 k gobemar. Y 
 &, este prop6sito me afirman que 
 en Toledo, ciudad grande junto 
 6. Madrid, donde al preaente se 
 hallaba, rehusd haoerle (en jm-a- 
 mento) Acssto que saco al reyno 
 algunas alcabatas. '' 
 
 Relacion que hirzo a la repuhlica 
 embajada que habia hecho en Espana. 
 friend Seiior de Gayangos, 
 
 t "Del consejo de hacienda 
 
 dioen que de 61 salen 
 
 coaas que tienen mas parentesco 
 con la tirania que con la justicia 
 .... No hagan entender & V.M. 
 los de eate consejo que las imposi- 
 ciones de la aal y de otras cosaa, y 
 la persecucion que ha andado y 
 auda por eate reyno ha sido de 
 algun, provecho 6 interes .... 
 que muy mas seguro se podrdn 
 creer las lAgrimas de muchaa 
 pobres gentes que por eato ae han 
 
 TRAJTSLATION. 
 
 Of the kingdoms of Spain . . . 
 since the Eeatoration, Castile is the 
 head, and enjoys her particular 
 laws and privileges, sworn to by 
 the reigning king and aU his pre- 
 decessors, although Philip delayed 
 to swear to their observance, because 
 that King knew very well how to 
 take care of himself after he began 
 to reign. And with that intent 
 they affirm, that in Toledo, a con- 
 siderable city close to Madrid, 
 where he then was, he refused to 
 swear to them, until he first drew 
 some supplies from the Kingdom, 
 de Venecia Simon Centurion de la 
 .—M.S. 1606, in the library of my 
 
 It is said of the councU of re- 
 venue .... that from it pro- 
 ceed things which have more re- 
 lation to tyranny than to justict 
 .... Those of this council dc 
 not give your majesty to under- 
 atand that the duties on salt anc 
 other things, and the peraecutioi: 
 which haa gone on, and continue! 
 to go on, in thia kingdom, havi 
 been of any interest or profit . . 
 that they may, with greate: 
 reason, believe the tears of man; 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 
 
 129 
 
 the same time undertook wars only through an absolute 
 necessity to defend herself in a just cause, when a power- 
 ful and fanatical monarch had pursued her into her 
 own kingdom, and was there affording protection to 
 the malcontents and conspirators ; and, armed with a 
 papal buU which ceded to him the English crown, he 
 was threatening to invade her dominions with a 
 numerous host. She always found her subjects ready 
 and willing to concede subsidies to her, to enable her to 
 castigate Philip's temerity, in comphance with the wishes 
 of her country. This gave rise to a proverb in common 
 use in Spain for more than a century afterwards — " Con 
 todos guerra y paz con Inglaterra :" War ivith all the 
 world, but peace with England* 
 
 perdido, como en Aaturias y 
 Galicia, y se van perdiendo, y de 
 otroa que por ae4 han padeeido y 
 padecen no solo por las imposi- 
 ciones, sino por malvados hombres 
 administradores, &c." — Manrique, 
 MS. before cited. 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 poor people, who, in consequence 
 of them liave perished, as for ex- 
 ample in the Asturias and in 
 Galicia, and are still perishing, 
 and from others there also who 
 have suffered and still suffer, not 
 only by the taxes imposed, but by 
 the wicked men appointed to col- 
 lect them. 
 
 The same author says in another place : — 
 
 " Todos saben que V. M. no 
 ignora la grita, ld,grinas y escla- 
 maciones que hay por todo este 
 reyno, por causa de las alcabalas 
 y de las vejaciones 6, injusticias y 
 tiranlas de los administradores y 
 cobradorea de ellas." 
 
 * . . . Pour le conseill que Phil- 
 lippe II. donna k son fils avant que 
 de mourir, en luy recommandant 
 "d'estre en paix avec I'Angleterre 
 pour poxmoir faire la guerre avec 
 tout le Tnonde." — Voyage de Es- 
 pagne." A Cologne 1666. 
 
 " Par quelq'autre dependauce 
 politique, suivant le proverbe 
 commun d'Espagne ; con todos 
 guerra y paz coti Iiiglaterrri.'^— 
 Menrwires curieux envoyei de 
 Madrid. A Paris, 1670. 
 
 All know that your Majesty is 
 not ignorant of the cries, tears, 
 and exclamations which there are 
 throughout the kingdom, in con- 
 sequence of the excise duties, and 
 the vexation, injustice, and tyranny 
 perpetrated by the surveyors and 
 collectors of them. 
 
 In the advice which Philip II,, 
 before his death, gave to his son, 
 he recommended him "to be at 
 peace with England, in order, 
 thereby, to be able to make war 
 with all the world." 
 
 By some other political depend- 
 ance, following the common pro- 
 verb in Spain : " con todos gv^rra 
 y paz con InglMerraT 
 
130 HISTORY OF 
 
 Those political lessons, derived by the costly and san- 
 guinary experience of the people, were the rewards which 
 the Spanish nation received for having, to her own in- 
 jury, assisted Philip in his tyrannical and ambitious pro- 
 jects over all Europe. 
 
 Henry IV. on coming to the throne of France, found 
 his monarchy divided by civil and religious contentions; 
 in a debilitated condition for foreign wars, and without 
 riches. Having learned to conquer himself, he was 
 enabled to conquer the enemies of his country. He 
 abjured the reformed for the Catholic religion, thus 
 making a sacrifice for the public good, which Philip II. 
 never would have made, for sooner than tolerate Hberty 
 of conscience, he suffered his country to lose its posses- 
 sions in Flanders. Henry, at his death, left as an in- 
 heritance to his people, peace, not only at home but 
 abroad ; a powerful army prepared to take the field in 
 case of necessity, and the royal coffers fiUed with 
 treasures. 
 
 Elizabeth succeeded to the throne of England when 
 that nation was suffering from the bad policy of her 
 predecessors. Instead of opposing herself to the no- 
 tions of civil and religious hberty cherished by her sub- 
 jects, she was the firm protector of both. Her troops 
 were always victorious : the people, with pleasure, 
 furnished supphes for the defence of the country 
 against foreign enemies, and in order to assist the Dutch 
 in their wars against Spain : the royal maritime power 
 became invincible, and Elizabeth, impelled by a love for 
 her people, did not hesitate to sell part of the royal 
 patrimony, thus leaving herself and her successors more 
 dependant on the House of Commons. She also, in de- 
 scending to the tomb, left her kingdom in a state of 
 great power and grandeur. 
 
EELIGIOtrS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 131 
 
 Philip II., who set himself in opposition to the very 
 age in which he hved, was always conquered and defeated. 
 He received, on every side, the just reward of his 
 temerity. He sought to compass the misery of his 
 enemies, but had the mortification to see them prosperous 
 and happy. Indeed, in the end, he punished himself ; 
 for, the chastisements he received for his cruel and unjust 
 enterprises were severely felt in the heart of his own 
 kingdoms, in consequence of the bad policy to which he 
 resorted with a view of subjugating the world. 
 
 The superb structure of the Spanish monarchy began 
 to crumble away from the latter part of the reign of 
 Philip II., a monarch who was only able to see his will 
 triumphant in the peninsula; nor was that triumph 
 attained through the means of which he availed himself, 
 but by having found the country already prepared for 
 slavery and dishonour by the kings who had previously 
 occupied the throne of Castile. 
 
 k2 
 
132 HISTOEY OF 
 
 CHAPTEE VIII. 
 
 Intolerance of Ferdinand and Isabella continued by Philip II. — The 
 Moors of Granada — Confiscations — Exodus of the Moors — Their 
 reception by Hemy IV. of Prance — Philip III. allows them to quit 
 his kingdoms — Their reception in Tunis — Philip's cupidity. 
 
 The temerity of the strong and powerful, as shown in 
 their acts of oppression against the feeble creatures who 
 groan beneath their bondage, only terminates when the 
 latter, urged on by desperation, make a last struggle 
 for Uberty, for vengeance, or for death. Unhappy the 
 kingdom in wliich the people arrive at such an extremity 
 as to regard the last moment of existence in the Ught 
 of a boon from heaven, and the prelude to their eman- 
 cipation from an odious and intolerable slavery ; for 
 they will not hesitate to stain the country with blood, 
 in the hope that, by taking away the life of another, 
 they can award punishment for wrongs endured, or 
 obtain felicity and rest by the sacrifice of their own. 
 
 Ferdinand and Isabella, who perfidiously deprived the 
 conquered Moors of the use of their rehgion, initiated 
 their successors iu the practice of intolerance towards 
 all who trusted in the oaths of Cliristians. 
 
 Philip II., who desired to extend the pohcy of those 
 monarchs, ordered that the Moors should abandon their 
 language, their costume, their music, their f^tes, their 
 songs, and their amusements; he prohibited them the 
 use of their baths, the fastenings on the doors of their 
 houses, and the custom of permitting their wives and 
 daughters to appear in the streets with veiled faces. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 133 
 
 The Moors of Granada, as might be expected, became 
 indignant at these prohibitions; for it is easier for a 
 people to surrender their rights and privileges of a 
 political kind, than usages of that description. But 
 Philip behoved that his vrill was sufficient to produce in 
 the minds of men a formal renunciation of all claims 
 whenever the surrender of these was necessary to his 
 triumph, although contrary to justice and sound sense. 
 
 The Moors elected a king, made themselves masters 
 of some cities in the Sierras, and, for the space of two 
 years, defended them with a valour which desperation 
 alone could inspire ; but at last they had to humble 
 themselves before the powerful forces of their implacable 
 enemy ; for they were abandoned by the cowardice of 
 others who hved in the kingdoms of Arragon and 
 Valencia and some parts of Andalusia, and, above all, 
 by the Grand Turk, who, instead of kindling the flames 
 of war at the head of the Spanish king's dominions to 
 weaken him, preferred entering into combat with him to 
 less advantage in other places, 
 
 Phihp, always haughty towards the weak, did not fail 
 to abuse this victory. He granted a pardon to the 
 Moors who threw themselves on his clemency that he 
 might not vent his fury on some thousands of men ; 
 but he refused to return to them the property which he 
 had confiscated at the time of then' revolt, for his want 
 of foresight induced him to prefer enriching his coffers, 
 rather than secure, by kindness and generosity, the 
 affections of that subdued and insulted people.* 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 * Ya sabeis y d todos es notorio You know, and it is notorious 
 
 c6mo por la rebelion y levanta- to all, that by the rebellion and 
 
 miento de los Morisoos del nuestro rising of the Moors of our kine- 
 
 reyno de Granada, habiendo ellos dom of Granada, they incurred 
 
134 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 Never did despotism and avarice bind themselves 
 more closely together than they did in Spain from the 
 age of the Catholic sovereigns. Hence we find that 
 Philip, trusting to the imbecility of his subjects, had the 
 insolence to enact a law which provided that all the 
 Moors who were forcibly expelled from the kingdom of 
 Granada, under an apprehension that possibly they 
 might revolt with the others, although they had not 
 manifested any desire to do so, should suffer the same 
 penalty of confiscation ; because, although there might, 
 perhaps, be among them persons of the greatest innocence 
 and loyalty, yet it would not be expedient to the state, 
 
 incurrido en los crimenes Usee 
 divince et humanm inajestatis, y 
 cometido otros graves, atrocea y 
 enormes delitos, entre otros penas 
 que por derecho y leyes de estos 
 reynos contra los tales eatdn esta- 
 bleoidas, por el mismo caso y heclio 
 y desde el principio que desto tra- 
 taron, perdieron todos sus bienes 
 muebles, raices y semovientes, 
 derechos y aeciones en quales- 
 quiera manera que les pertene- 
 ciesen aquellos, y el Senorlo y 
 propiedad dellos, fueron confis- 
 cados y aplicados & la nuestro 
 cimara y fisco, y se hicieron y son 
 nuestros, y de la dicha nuestra 
 e4mara ; y que no embargante que 
 muchos de los diohos Moriscos, 
 despuea de haber estado rebelados 
 y con las armas tantos dias, se 
 redujeron y vinieron a nuestra 
 obediencia, la gracia y merced que 
 en los admitir y recibir les hicimos 
 710 fue. con perdon ni remision 
 cdguna de los dichos bienes ni 
 aquella se estendio ni comprehendio 
 esto, y asi quedaron y fincaron 
 nuestros y de la nuestra camara^ — 
 C6dula de Felipe II. dada en Ai-an- 
 juez 4 24 de Febrero de 1571 — 
 MS. — Archivos de Granada. 
 
 TEANSLATION. 
 
 the crimes of high treason both 
 against God and man, and com- 
 mitted other grave, atrocious, and 
 enormous offences ; among other 
 penalties which, by right of the 
 laws of these kingdoms, are pro- 
 vided against such persons, for the 
 deeds they have committed, was 
 the loss of all their goods, chattels, 
 estates, stock, rights, and credits, in 
 any manner howsoever belonging 
 to them, and all the ownership and 
 property therein were confiscated 
 and forfeited to our chamber of 
 exchequer, and were made, and 
 are, ours, and belong to the said 
 chamber ; and that notwithstand- 
 ing many of the said Moors, after 
 having been rebels and in arms 
 for so many days, submitted them- 
 selves, and came to our obedience, 
 the grace and favour which we 
 granted in admitting and receiving 
 them, was not with pardon or any 
 remission as to any of the said 
 goods, &c., nor did it extend to or 
 comprehend any such things, so that 
 these remained aiid continued to 
 belong to us and our said chamber. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 
 
 135 
 
 that for the sake of the innocent, some of the guilty 
 should be sufifered to escape.* This avowedly unjust mode 
 of confiscating the property of innocent persons in order 
 that the exchequer might not be prejudiced by losing 
 
 *Los bienes de los moriscos, 
 que de la ciudad de Granada y 
 lugares de la vega y de otras partes 
 faeron sacados del dicho reyno y 
 Uevados a otras partes, no se ha- 
 biendo aun ellos clara y descubier- 
 tamente rebelado, levantado y to- 
 rnado las armas, en aquellos que 
 fueron partlcipes concios, 6 con- 
 sejeros ayudadores, 6 en otra cua- 
 lesquiera manera intervinieron 6 
 participaron en lo tocante a la 
 dicha rebelion y levantamiento de 
 los demas, habiendo por esto Lncur- 
 rido como incurrieron en las mis- 
 mas penas, fueron y son asimismo 
 confiscados y aplicados a la nuestra 
 c4mara y fisco, y son nuestros y 
 nos pertenecen. Y como quiera 
 que i algunoa de los dicbos moris- 
 cos que asi fueron sacados y no 
 fueron partlcipes, concios ni en 
 manera alguna culpados, no es 
 nuestra intencion ni volmitad de 
 los perjudicar ni agraviar : antes 
 con los tales usariamos de gracia 
 y gratificacion : ttuu eonsiderando 
 que los hienes que dellos quedaron 
 en d dicho reyno de Granada, es- 
 peeialmente las rayces, como casas, 
 vims, huertas y heredades, no pu- 
 dieudo dellos vivir ni estar en 
 dicho reyno de Granada, como por 
 agora no es ni debe de ser permi- 
 tido, no pudieudo ellos por esta 
 causa labrarlos cultivarlos ni bene- 
 ficiaries, ni disponer de ellos sino 
 con mucho dano y p6rdida ; y con- 
 siderando con esto jimtamente la 
 dificvdtad, dUacion y confusion que 
 habria en el distinguir y apartar 
 los bienes de los delinquentes y 
 culpados, de los que pretender&n 
 no lo ser, y lo que habr4 en la 
 averiguacion de los susodichos, y 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 The goods of those Moors who 
 were carried away and expelled 
 from the city of Granada and 
 towns of the plain, and from other 
 parts, although they had not clearly 
 and openly rebelled, risen up, or 
 taken arms, with those who were 
 participators, privy to, or aiding 
 and abetting, or otherwise assist- 
 ing, or participating in what con- 
 cerned the said rebellion, and 
 rising of the rest of them, having 
 thereby incurred, as they did incur, 
 the same pimishment, were and are 
 also confiscated and forfeited to our 
 fiscal chamber, and are ours and 
 belong to us. And as to some of 
 the said Moors, who were so ex- 
 pelled, and were not participators, 
 or privy, or in any way culpable, 
 it is not our intention, or wish, to 
 injure or wrong them : but on the 
 contrary, to act towards them 
 with grace and favour : but consi- 
 dering their goods which remain 
 in the said hingdom of Oranada, 
 especially the real estates, such as 
 houses, vineyards, orchards, and 
 inheritances, (the owners being no 
 longer able to live in the said king- 
 dom of Granada, as at present is 
 not, and ought not to be permitted, 
 and consequently they not being 
 able either to work them, cultivate 
 them, or make them beneficial, or 
 even to dispose of them except 
 with great loss and damage ; and 
 considerJBg in addition to this, the 
 difficulty, delay, and confusion, 
 there would be in distinguishing 
 and separating the goods of the 
 delinquents from the goods of those 
 who pretend not to be of that class, 
 and moreover the difficulty there 
 would be in proving the matters 
 
136 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 that of some persons who might be guilty, exceeds in 
 tyranny the most flagrant examples that are to be found 
 in the history of nations. When the sovereign of a king- 
 dom has such an insatiable thirst for the gold of his 
 subjects, that in order to gratify it he persecutes the 
 innocent as well as the guilty, he takes the surest way of 
 instigating all his subjects to acts of sedition and revenge. 
 The wretched condition to which Spain was reduced 
 by the tyranny of her kings, as well with reference to 
 intellectual progress as to manners and customs and a 
 respect for the laws, was summed up by a Moor in these 
 four lines : — 
 
 " Eazon duerme, 
 traycion vela, 
 justioia falta, 
 malicia reyna."* 
 
 Eeason sleeps, 
 Treason flies, 
 Justice fails, 
 Malice reigns. 
 
 The Inquisition persecuted the Moors on every side, 
 and took from them their property to augment the 
 
 en las culpas 6 inocencia de los 
 unos y de los otros, y que & los que 
 asi no fuesen culpados, se les 
 podr^ hacer y mandarSmos {pero 
 no lo llegb a mandar^ que se les 
 haga la juata recompensa, y satis- 
 faccion de lo que los dichos sus 
 bienes valieron, habemos aoordado 
 que todos los diohos bienes, mue- 
 bles, raioes y semovientes destos, y 
 acciones que los dicbos moriscos 
 en el dicho reyno de Granada 
 tienen .... sin distincion ni es- 
 cepcion algiina, sean todos puestos, 
 metidos, iticorporados en la nuestra 
 cdmara y fisco." — Document cited 
 in the preceding note. 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 aforesaid, and tbe guilt or inno- 
 cence of one and the other, anc 
 that to those -who thus may noi 
 have been guilty, we reserve t( 
 ourselves the power to order (6m. 
 that has not yet become an order) 
 that they should have awardec 
 to them the just recompense anc 
 satisfaction of what the said goodi 
 are worth,) we have conceded tha' 
 all the said goods, chattels, estates 
 and stock thereon, and sharei 
 which the said Moors in the sai( 
 kingdom of Granada hold . . . 
 without distinction or any excep 
 tion, he all put into, Tnixed with,am 
 incorporated in our exchequer. 
 
 Diversa 
 
 * C6dice GG. 174, in the Biblioteca Nacional intituled:- 
 historias y Apologia contra la religion Christiana, y el romance de Jva. 
 Alonso Aragones.'" Of this poet we read in another Moorish C6dioe, ii 
 the same library (GG. 169.), the following : — 
 
 " Juan Alonso, maestro en the- Juan Alonso, master in thee 
 
 ulugia .... siendo hijo de padres logy, . . . being born of Christia: 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 
 
 137 
 
 exchequer. Nay, that tribunal even deprived them of 
 their children, and sent them far from their parents, to 
 be reared up among strangers, by whom they were to be 
 instructed in the religion of Christ. There was no 
 species of insult which was not resorted to, in order to 
 oppress that unhappy people : indeed, the laws, and 
 those by whom they were administered, were alike their 
 enemies.* 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 parents, but guided by a good un- 
 derstanding . . . not caring to 
 know whether .... they were 
 Moors, Jews, or Christians, set 
 about undeceiving himself and 
 ascertaining the truth of the 
 matter, considering and examining 
 the three roads of the three laws 
 to find which of them was the way 
 of salvation for him, and finding 
 it, as he did find it, he came to 
 Tetuan to foUow it : and, leaving 
 a considerable property behind 
 him, he contented himself to sub- 
 mit to personal labour in order to 
 gain a miserable sustenance. 
 
 * In a Moorish codice of my friend, the celebrated orientalist 
 Gayangos, (speaking of what a Mahometan ought to know and to believe,) 
 we read as follows : — 
 
 cristianos, pero guiado de una 
 buena consideracion .... no aten- 
 diendo 4 si ... . faeron moros, 
 judios ni cristianos, buscaba des- 
 engaiiarse y saber la verdad de lo 
 que le eonvenia, considerando y 
 mirando los tres caminos ^e las 
 ties leyes qual dellos era el que 
 guiava i la salvacion para caminar 
 por &, y haUAndola como la hall6, 
 se vino k Tetuan & seguirla ; y 
 dexando rentaa excesivas se con- 
 tent6 con el trabajo de su persona, 
 ocupado en ganarsu sustento mise- 
 rablemente." 
 
 " Era fuerza mostrar lo que ellos 
 (los cristianos) querian, porque 
 de no haeeUo los Uevaban 4 la 
 inquisicion, adonde por siguir la 
 verdad, eramos privados de las 
 vidas haciendas y hijos ; pues en 
 un pensamiento estaba la persona 
 en una cdrcel escura tan negra 
 como sus males intentos ; adonde 
 los dejaban muchos afios para yr 
 consumiendo la hacienda que luego 
 secrestaban, comiendo ellos de ella, 
 y decian con justificacion y era la 
 capa de sus malas y traydoras en- 
 tranas, y los hijos si eran pequeiios 
 los daban & criar para hacellos, 
 como ellos, erexes." 
 
 One was forced to do what they 
 (the Christians) wished, because if 
 we did not do so, they carried us off 
 to the Inquisition, where, by follow- 
 the truth, we were deprived of our 
 lives, property, and children ; for, 
 as quick as thought, a person 
 would find himself in an obscure 
 cell, as black as their wicked 
 designs ; in this cell they leave you 
 for many years, in order to go on 
 consuming your living, which is 
 immediately sequestrated : they 
 eat and drink out of it, and it was 
 said, with good reason, that it was 
 the cloak of their wickedness and 
 treacherous bowels : and the chil- 
 dren, if little, were given out to be 
 reared up, in order that they should 
 be made, like themselves, heretics. 
 
138 HISTOKY OF 
 
 Many of the persecuted Moors fled secretly fro 
 Spain ; not by sea, for all ports were closed against tliei 
 but by way of France, where Henry IV. received ti 
 wretched fugitives with great benevolence. In a she 
 time, however, the desire of all was complied with in 
 very unexpected manner. Philip III., a man of ru( 
 mind, allowed himself to be easily governed by the 
 who, knowing the fears of liis conscience, took advantaj 
 of his imbecility, in order to effect their own wishes 
 Many of the clergy, remembering the expulsion of tl 
 Jews and Moors by order of Ferdinand and Isabel] 
 and knowing that it would be agreeable to Philip II 
 to imitate those monarchs, adviged him to banish £ 
 the Moors resident in his kingdoms; since, not only d 
 they persist in following the Mahometan rites, but th« 
 held intercourse with the Turks, and, through ther 
 hoped to regain their Uberties, 
 
 The Moors solicited, secretly, auxiliaries of Henry IV 
 pledging themselves, in order the better to persuac 
 him to the undertaking, to profess the Protestant ri 
 ligion, it not being so much opposed to their own usage! 
 and because it, as well as the Mahometan religio: 
 forbad the adoration of images — a practice which nothir 
 short of violence could induce them to adopt. 
 
 Philip III., although at the sacrifice of a great pa: 
 of his property, opened a way, both by sea and lan^ 
 
 * The Venician ambassador, Simon Centurion, in his Memorial, cit 
 in page , says to the government of his country, in 1605 : — 
 
 TRANSLATION". 
 
 -" Cualquiera puede mucho con Any one able to do much wi 
 
 61 (Felipe III.) tanto mas si toca him (Philip III.) can do so mu 
 
 en conciencia, y quien fuere por the more if the affair is one 
 
 este camino no negociar^ poco. conscience ; and he who goes 
 
 No har4 un pecado mortal por this road will succeed not a litt 
 
 todo el mundo." He will not commit a mortal £ 
 
 for all the world. 
 
RELIGIOUS IKTOLEKANCE IN SPAIN. 139 
 
 for the Moors to escape from their odious captivity. 
 In the state to which the sovereigns of Spain, and their 
 ministers, had reduced the government of the Moors, 
 there were but three remedies for the evil, viz. : — to 
 suffer the horrors of a frightful war : to adopt an 
 entirely different policy : or to expel from Spain some 
 millions of people. 
 
 To vary the policy was impossible ; for the opinion of the 
 common people, and of almost all the clergy, as well as 
 a great part of the nobihty, was so hostile to the Moors, 
 that to contend against it would have required all the 
 rigour practised by kings against those who maintained 
 a different reUgion. Thus fear misled them from the 
 right way — fear of increasing the pride of the Moors, 
 on their perceiving that any regard was paid to justice 
 by those under whom they were governed ; and fear 
 that a stupid populace, being taught to mistake vice for 
 virtue, and virtue for vice, might attempt to impose on 
 their masters and governors the consequences of having 
 once in their lives sought to adjust the laws to that 
 state of things which the happiness of Spain required. 
 
 The Spanish monarch being convinced, not that 
 violence was the only author of the disquietudes and 
 vexations of the Christians, but that it was of no use 
 as regarded the pertinacity of the Moors, (for an imbecile 
 despot never learns by experience,) gave to that people 
 hberty, which is the greatest of all felicities, while yet 
 he intended to afflict them with still severer punishment. 
 Hence may be inferred the disorder and misery which 
 must be found among a people whose rulers are ignorant 
 of the tendency of the orders they promulgate, beUeving 
 themselves to be strongest when they display weakness, 
 and most glorious when they are covering themselves 
 with ignominy. 
 
140 
 
 HISTORY OP 
 
 The Moors, whilst they remained in exile, only so £ 
 remembered the loss of their country, as to demonstra 
 their joy on seeing that the chains of the miserab 
 slavery in which they had been born were at last broken 
 Although they endured many changes of fortune 1 
 sea and land, and although in some parts of Barbai 
 they were treated inhumanly by the fanatical populac 
 yet, about thirty thousand entered France, and, than] 
 to a favorable edict of Henry IV., they found a generoi 
 hospitality in that kingdom. 
 
 * In the C6clice G. G. 169 of the Biblioteca Nacional, we find, in 
 comment upon a treatise composed by Ibrahim de Bolfad (an inhabita: 
 of Algiers, afflicted with corporal blindness, but brilliantly illumined 
 the heart and understanding), the following : — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 " Los cristianos que tanto apre- 
 miaron esta nacion andaluza con 
 prisiones, tormentos y muertes ; 
 y con todo sustentaron (los moros) 
 la firmeza de su f6 verdadera, mos- 
 trdndolea uno y teniendo en su 
 
 The Christians reward this A 
 dalusian nation with prisons, to 
 tures, and death ; and yet, for ; 
 this, they (the Moors) mainta 
 firmness, and that of their tn 
 faith, shewing the one, and havii 
 corazon otro." in their hearts the other. 
 
 In another C6dice, also Moorish, in the same library, (G.G. 171,) ■? 
 read : — 
 
 " Esta es la f6 de los cristianos, 
 y la que bimos por los ojos siguir, 
 y alguna vez mostramos que si- 
 guiamos ; jiero bien aabe Dios que 
 era haciendo esoamio y bitu- 
 perando en el corazon .... Las 
 gracias y alabanzas sean dadas al 
 que con su infinito poder nos sac6 
 de ber tantas eregias." 
 
 This is the faith of the Christiai 
 and what we saw with our ey( 
 and were obliged to follow, ai 
 sometimes we did pretend 
 follow ; but God well knows th 
 it was a thing dreaded and vit 
 perated in the heart .... Thanl 
 and praise be given to Him wl 
 of his infinite power, has deliveri 
 
 us from the sight of such heresii 
 In another C6dice of my friend Gayangos (already cited) we find :- 
 
 Fufi servido (el Criador) de 
 sacamos de entre aquellos mal- 
 ditos perros, enemigos de la verdad, 
 que oiegos con su falsa seta .... 
 con su rigorosa justicia y cruel 
 ynquisicion, & fuerza de rigores y 
 castigos nos tenian tan sujetos y 
 aniquilados, quemando &. nuestros 
 deudos y amigos, usurpando las 
 haciendas, yncitandonos y d nues- 
 tros hijos &, la perdicion do las 
 almas. D6mosle milliones do 
 gracias pues nos sae6 de entre 
 ellos." 
 
 He (the Creator) was pleased 
 deliver us from those wicked doj 
 enemies of truth, who, blind wr 
 their false tenets, . . . with the 
 rigorous justice, and cruel inq; 
 sition, by force of rigours ai 
 punishments, held us in such su 
 jection and annihilation, burnii 
 our friends and usurpiiig the i 
 comes, inciting us and our childri 
 to the perdition of our sou 
 We give to Him millions of than 
 for rescuing us out of their hanc 
 
KELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 141 
 
 In Tunis, the King Uzmanday, a sovereign of a proud 
 disposition, received the miserable Moors with great affec- 
 tion. In order that the captains of Spanish and other 
 foreign vessels might be encouraged to bring many of 
 the exiled fugitives, he dispensed vrith the accustomed 
 payment of a hundred crowns for each vessel that 
 arrived within his ports : he gave lands to the Moors to 
 populate, and assisted them with wheat, barley, and 
 muskets, and with exemption for the term of three years 
 from contributing towards the subsidies accustomed to 
 be levied in his kingdom. 
 
 The motive for the expulsion of the Moors from 
 Spain was simply in order that the royal coffers might 
 be enriched with the spoils. As the fanaticism of kings 
 went hand in hand with avarice, Philip III., imitating 
 his progenitors, on promulgating the edict, prohibited 
 the expelled from either selling or mortgaging their 
 heritable property by gratuitous cession : because all 
 these were declared to be the property of the crown. 
 They were only permitted to dispose of their moveable 
 goods, and take with them the produce, not in gold, 
 jewels, silver, or bills of exchange, but in merchandize 
 of that description, the export of wliich from Spain had 
 not been prohibited by the laws. Those laws, however, 
 the king offered to violate, with the sole desire, as he 
 said, of favouring the Moors ; who, if preferring to 
 carry away their riches in money, metals, or precious 
 stones, and being willing to hand over to Philip the 
 half of every thing, were to be under no obligation to 
 take merchandize of any kind, with a view of avoiding 
 loss to the exchequer.* 
 
 * Gil Gonzalez D&vila, in The Life of Philip III., sets forth the 
 
142 HISTORY OP 
 
 This was, indeed, converting the griefs of the nati 
 into a pecuniary profit, in order that the King and '. 
 ministers might quaff, as it were, out of golden cups, t 
 very tears of an oppressed and sorrowing people. T 
 royal clemency was to be had recourse to for mitigatii 
 not for abolishing, those afflictions, providing always tl 
 such clemency should work to the advantage of t 
 exchequer ! If to live in society is to have guarante 
 to us our lives and fortunes against the caprice 
 human malice, and if those lives and fortunes were, 
 Spain, subject to murder and rapine, personified by m 
 seated in the tribunal of justice, or on the throne of 
 kings, that nation appears to have been ruled, rather 
 the unrestrained will of crowned brigands, than 1 
 monarchs, the servants of the laws. 
 
 But every thing was confounded by an exaggerat 
 
 edict, dated in Aranda, lOth July, 1610. In this document we find ■ 
 following passages : — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 " Tengo per bien que puedan I consent that they shall be 
 
 durante el dicho termino de se- liberty, diiring the said term 
 
 senta dias disponer de sus bienes sixty days, to dispose of th 
 
 mueblea y semovientes, y llevarlos moveable property and stock, a 
 
 no en moneda, oro, plata ni joyas, carry them away, not in men 
 
 niletrasde oa,TOLhio,suxo enmercade- gold, silver, jewels, or bills of 
 
 rias no prohibidas compradas de change, but in 'merchandize 
 
 los ncUurales de estos reynos y no de prohibited, bought of the natives 
 
 otros .... Los rayces ban de these kingdoms, and of no oth 
 
 quedar por hacienda mia para . . . The real estates shall 
 
 aplicarlos 4 la obra del servicio de main at my disposal, in order 
 
 Dies y bien piiblico . . . . Y declaro be applied in the work of Go 
 
 que sin ambargo de que les est6 service, and the public good . . 
 
 prohibido por leyes de estos rey- And I declare that, notwithstai 
 
 uos, si algtino 6 algunos de dichos ing these things may be prohibii 
 
 moriscos quisieren llevar ..... by the laws of these kingdoms 
 
 sus bienes muebles en dinero, plata any of the said Moors wish 
 
 6 joyas, lo puedan hacer cental que carry away .... their goods a 
 
 hayan de registrar y dejar la mitad chattels in money, silver, or jewi 
 
 de todo ellopara mi hacienda .... they can do so on condition tl 
 
 pero en este caso no han de sacar they register and leave the lialj 
 
 mercaderias." the ichole of them at my " 
 
 but, in that case, they ni 
 not export merchandize. 
 
KBLIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 143 
 
 zeal for religion. Philip III., with all his reputed im- 
 becility, was not incapable of manifesting his covetous- 
 ness of the property of the Moors, nor were his vassals 
 able to comprehend from his words the mind of their 
 prince. 
 
 Spain, by the expulsion of the Moors, lost a miUion of 
 its inhabitants. These, having returned to the country 
 of their ancestors, preserved the Castilian tongue, trans- 
 mitted it to their descendants, and wrote in it many a 
 treatise to fortify their brethren in the Mahometan faith, 
 and to execrate the inhuman crimes of their persecu- 
 tors.* These persecutors demonstrated, in the expulsion 
 of the Moors, that in Spain they knew not how to 
 govern without violence ; and, when violence no longer 
 served to retain the subjects under the intolerable sway, 
 recourse was had at last to spoil them of their property 
 and condemn them to perpetual banishment, although 
 such measures might lead to the speedy decay of the 
 population and the decline of the kingdom. 
 
 * Ibrahim de Bolfad, an Andalusian, (mentioned in a former note) 
 having arrived in Algiers, composed many verses, full of poetic ingenuity 
 and lively ideas. One of these verses ran thus : — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 " No es gobiemo el dividido : Government is not division : 
 
 Tierra y cielo rige un Dios : One God rules both earth and 
 
 Un reyno no sufre i dos, heaven : 
 
 Ni dos p^jaros un nido." Two heads can not in one crown 
 
 Codice G.G. 169 de la Biblioteca rest, 
 
 Nacimial. Nor two strange birds within 
 
 one nest. 
 
144 HISTOEY OP 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Eefleotions and comparisons — CensorsMp of the press — Literatu 
 persecuted — Naharro — Castillejo — Mendoza — Tormes — Samu 
 Usque — Calificadores appointed to examine books — Anton 
 Herrera — The ass and the friar — Eesults of intolerance and de 
 potism — Republic of Venice and its toleration — Its increase in coi 
 merce and riches — Spain's contrary policy —Her consequent decaj 
 
 In Spain, such a state of oppression as that describe 
 in the foregoing chapters could not be permanent ; fi 
 that would be contrary to the written word. Or 
 species of tyranny resembles another as to the meat 
 employed, though the results may be different. Thi 
 the government of Athens wrested from the hands ( 
 their possessors the books of Pythagoras, and ordere 
 them to be burnt in the forum, that the people migl 
 not become acquainted with the doubts of thi 
 philosopher, touching the existence of the gods ; it bein 
 impossible to ascertain, with certainty, that existeno 
 owing as well to the obscurity of the subject as to tli 
 brevity of human life."' Thus also, when Tiberias wf 
 governor of Rome, Cremutius Cordus was persecute! 
 for having, in some annals which he pubhshed, and whic 
 were, by command of the senate, reduced to the flam( 
 by the Bdiles,t called Marcus Brutus the last of tl 
 
 * Diogenes Lah-tius. Lives of Greek Philosophers. 
 t Taoitus. Lib. IV. of the annals. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLEEANCE IN SPAIN. 145 
 
 Romans. Thus, again, during the imperium of Domi- 
 tian, the philosophers were driven out of Italy, and 
 Junius Rusticus and Senecio were cruelly put to death, 
 for having written in praise, the one of Thrasea and the 
 other of Helvidius, victims to their constancy in de- 
 fending virtue, in the age of Nero. Their books also 
 were publicly burnt in the forum at Rome.* 
 
 The Catholic sovereigns, dreading the art of printing, 
 and apprehensive that the numerous books which were 
 daily imported into their kingdoms of Castile and 
 Arragon, might give birth to sentiments contrary to 
 their established policy, ordered that all books which 
 were to be sold or printed, should first be examined by 
 the prelacy, who were to see that their contents contained 
 nothing of a censurable or an unprofitable character. 
 Thus, scarcely had the understanding in Spain thrown 
 off the shackles of ignorance, than it became loaded 
 with those of slavery. If it can, with truth, be affirmed 
 that, in another age, men, owing to the rudeness of 
 education, and the want of books to awaken their reason- 
 ing powers to the exercise of nature's highest gift, were 
 dragging out a mere animal existence, it is equally true 
 that, from the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, the most 
 studious men, although possessed of many helps to the 
 acquisition of science, were greatly impeded by obstacles 
 placed in then- way by a wary and absolute policy.f 
 
 The dread of human learning very soon induced 
 Charles V. to persecute all writings not conformable 
 to his own way of thinking, as well on religious as on 
 poUtical subjects. He ordered the university of 
 
 * Tacitus. — Life of Julius Agricola. 
 
 t See Law 23, Title VII., book 1, of the Novisima Eecopilaciou. 
 Pr^giu&,tica fecha en Toledo, & 8 de Julio, de 1502. 
 
146 HISTORY OF 
 
 Louvaine to form an exact index or catalogue of all tl 
 various heretical books, and of those containii 
 doctrines suspected of being heretical, in order to a 
 certain which ought to be held worthy of prohibiti( 
 and which of being burnt. From that period, the Inqi 
 sition of Spain adopted and made many editions of th 
 catalog-ue, augmenting it from time to time. 
 
 The works of the greatest authors of the Spanif 
 nation were prohibited. Bartolom6 de Torres Naharr 
 an ecclesiastic, who had resided some years in Rom 
 printed, in Italy, a collection of satires and plays undi 
 the title of Propaladia. The anathemas of the Inquisitic 
 fell upon all of these and upon all their readers. Wi1 
 the same hberty that Machiavelus, the famous secretai 
 of the Florentine republic, penned his Mandragola, i 
 detestation and disgust of the disorders which staine 
 the habits of the clergy of his age, did Torres Nahari 
 infuse into his dramatic works a thousand bitiD 
 sarcasms against the clergy, who, instead of being, j 
 the laity, a mirror of sanctity and good hving, were 
 perfect scandal to virtue, and an obscene example ( 
 the vices.* 
 
 * Propcdladia (h Bartolome de Torres Naharro, dirigida al illustri 
 simo Senor el Seiior don Ferrando Ddvalos de Acquino, Marquea de Pe 
 cara &c. — En Ndpoles, por Juan Pasqueto de Sallo. — Ano de 1617. 
 
 The edition of this work published in Madrid by Pierres Oositi, 
 1573, jointly with the Lazarillo de Tormes, was expurgated by tl 
 Holy Office. As a specimen of the authority of the Inquisition 
 mutilate the ideas of an author, the following is an example : — 
 Edition of 1517. Edition- of 1573. 
 
 De Roma no s6 que diga De Roma no s6 que diga 
 
 sino que por mar y tierra sino que por mar y tierra 
 
 cada dia ay nueva guerra cada dia ay nueva guerra 
 
 nueva paz y nueva liga : nueva paz y nueva liga : 
 
 la corte tiene fatiga, el poire tiene fatiga 
 
 el pa-pa se est& k sus vicios, y el rico se esta & sus vicios. 
 
 y el que tiene linda amiga y el que tiene linda amiga 
 
 le hace lindos servicios. le haee lindos servicios. 
 
' KELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 147 
 
 The Spanish literati at last responded to the call of that 
 secret voice, which, at the beginning of the sixteenth 
 century, aroused and stirred up the intelligence of the 
 people against the power of the clergy ; a power founded 
 on the popular ignorance, which allowed even the errors 
 and crimes of the priesthood to be regarded with venera- 
 tion : that same voice it was which, in France, animated 
 Frangoise Rabelais, Clemente Marot, Buenaventura 
 Desperiers, intimate friends and favorites of the discreet 
 Princess Margaret of Navarre ; and in flourishing Italy, 
 Doctor Machiavellus, and the satirical wit Pedro Aretino. 
 
 Cristoval de Castillejo, a poet very similar to that 
 jovial son of the Italian muse, composed, in easy Castil- 
 lian verse, a Sermon de amoves, wherein he includes the 
 ecclesiastics of his time among those who become 
 victims to that violence of the tender passion, which 
 buried Sappho in the profound abyss off Mount Leucas ; 
 which prostrated Hercules at the feet of Dejanira ; and 
 which burnt the walls of haughty Troy, and thereby 
 revenged offended Greece* 
 
 Edition of 1517. Edition op 1573. 
 
 En Eoma los sin senor En Eoma los sin senor 
 
 son almas que van en pena : son almas que van en peua : 
 
 no se hace cosa buena qual se ordema y desordena 
 
 sin dineros y favor, siguiendo tras lo peor, 
 &e. &c. 
 
 * " Sermon de a/mores, del Maestro Buen Talante, llamando Pray Fidel, 
 de la 6rden del Tristel. Agora nuevamente corregido y enmendado. 
 Ano de MD.rlij." 
 
 In " las obras de Cristoval de Castillejo, corregidas y enmendadas 
 por mandado del Consejo de la Santa y General Inquisicion : Anvers, 
 en casa de Pedro Bellero, 1598," is found this sermon cited with 
 the title of " Capltulo de amor" and with many suppressions and 
 amendments of the Inquisitors, of which see the following example : — 
 Edition of 1542. Edition of 1698. 
 
 No se escapa No se escapa 
 
 hombre vivo desde el papa hombre vivo ni solapa 
 
 y reyes y emperadores de reyes y emperadores 
 
 duques y grandes senores, duques y grandes seiiores 
 
 L 2 
 
148 
 
 HISTORY or 
 
 In a Dialogue upon the conditions of women, he als 
 describes, with a satirical pen, the hidden fire whic 
 burned in the convents of the nuns of that age, wh( 
 although removed from the vanities and deceits of th 
 
 Edition or 1542. 
 hasta quien no tiene capa, 
 desta guerra. 
 
 y no conoce &, persona : 
 
 ninguno deste cuydado, 
 
 hallareys privilegiado, 
 
 aunque sea de corona 
 
 ni de grades, 
 
 ni obispos ni perlados : 
 
 tambien entran en sus bretes : 
 
 en 61 en vez de roquetes 
 
 hay mil obispos llagados 
 
 desta lanza. 
 
 Heridos van desta Uaga 
 
 las tres partes de los vivos : 
 
 aun & los contemplativos 
 
 muclias veces los amaga 
 
 § rodea. 
 
 Por los yermos se pasea 
 
 busoando los hermitanos : 
 
 por los desiertos estranos 
 
 se deleita 6 se florea 
 
 6 se extiende 
 
 en los conventos y aciende 
 
 sus dulzores amorosos : 
 
 tentando los religiosos 
 
 en su cousuelo los prende 
 
 con dulzura. 
 
 Es cazador de natura : 
 
 caza con sutiles longas 
 
 las entranas de las monjas ; 
 
 que no valen cerradura 
 
 ni paredes. 
 
 misterio ! 
 
 1 quien te trajo al monesterio, 
 amor poderoso, di, 
 
 que muchas veces por ti 
 mientan versos del plasterio, 
 que es donayre ? 
 Td que tienes con el fraire 
 en el coro que entender, 
 que alii le haoen tener 
 los sentidos en el ayre ? 
 &c. 
 
 Edition op 1598. 
 hasta el que no tiene capa 
 d'esta guerra. 
 
 no reconoce persona, 
 ni alguno d'este cuydado 
 haUareis previlegiado, 
 aunque sea de corona 
 sin tardanza. 
 
 Heridos van de esta Uaga 
 las tres partes de los vivos ; 
 que k los severos y esquivos ; 
 muchas veces los amaga 
 6 rodea. 
 
 Por los yermos se pasea, 
 buscando los hermitanos : 
 por los desiertos estranos 
 se deleyta y se recrea 
 
 con dulzura. 
 
 Es cazador de natura 
 
 caza con sutiles mafias 
 
 las mas guardadas entraiias ; 
 
 que no valen cerradura 
 
 ni paredes. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 
 
 149 
 
 world, were yet overcome by the agreeable recollection 
 of its pleasures.* 
 
 Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, or lie who composed 
 an ingenious novel entitled Lazarillo de Tormes, gave a 
 description of the subtilties to which the vendors of 
 buUs in Spain had recourse, in order to stimulate the 
 devotion of the people, pretending that miracles were 
 
 * Didlogos de rmigeres — speakers : Alethio. — Fileno. — Venice, 1544. 
 
 In the edition of the -works of CastUlego (1598), the Inquisition sup- 
 pressed many passages of this witty little book, and among the rest 
 some which speak of the nuns of that century. The following is a 
 specimen : — 
 
 Dios OS guarde 
 
 del mal que en aZgunas arde, 
 de sus temas y porfias, 
 eontiendas y banderias, 
 quando saZen en cdarde 
 
 con mity grandes esquadrones, 
 
 de embidias, odios, coxquillas, 
 
 diferencias y renziUas, 
 
 y corajes y quistiones, 
 
 y barajas. 
 
 Por el fuero de dos pajaa 
 
 sostinen enemistades, 
 
 que aun cd fin de sus edades 
 
 las Uevan en las mortajas 
 
 apegadas. 
 
 Despues que una vez ayradas 
 
 se desaman 6 baldonan 
 
 con difiycultad perdonan. 
 
 Al tiempo que estdn rezando, 
 ca'niando sus maytines 
 alii suden los chapines 
 alguna vez ir volando 
 for el coro. 
 
 No ay soma de ningun mora 
 que haga ted impresion 
 ni braveza de leon, 
 onm ni tigre ni toro. 
 
 T.derto si la sentis 
 
 d derechas, 
 
 digo que son contrahechas 
 
 a vezes sus savMerias 
 
 por desmentir las espias 
 
 y deshacer las sospechas, 
 viviendo tan recatadas 
 como en tierra de enemigos ; 
 porque no habiendo testigos 
 no puedan ser acusadas. 
 
 Mas con todas estas manas 
 
 se les entra en las entranas 
 
 d venenoso gusano 
 
 de Cupido, 
 
 que les ablanda d sentido 
 
 aunqu^ este como una pena ; 
 
 y la carne hcdaguena 
 
 nigue luego su partido. 
 
 Von razones, 
 
 que mueven los corazones 
 
 de las mas bravas personas, 
 
 y las tornan de leonas 
 
 ovejas en condiaiones ; 
 
 y las ligan 
 
 de suerte que se mitigan, 
 
 y someten a cuydados 
 
 amorosos y penados, 
 
 que las incitan y obligan, 
 
 a pensar, 
 
 y pensado a desear, 
 
 y deseando d querer 
 
 y bien queriendo, caer, 
 
 en las ondas de la mar. 
 
 Yserpuede, 
 
 que cuando asi no sucede 
 
 por a/uer impedimentos, 
 
 al msnos los pensa/mientos 
 
 no hay torno que se los vede. 
 
150 HISTORY OF 
 
 connected with the sanctity of those sacred things whic 
 they were really treating as mere merchandize. 
 
 The Inquisition, however, carefully suppressed £ 
 those books, fearing they might be well received by tl 
 common people, and knowing that the truth when cm 
 it is communicated, becomes so fixed in the heart i 
 never to be obliterated. This care and dihgence on tl 
 part of Inquisitors was almost fruitless ; for the obje 
 tionable works were printed in other countries, ar 
 brought secretly into Spain. The judges of that ti 
 bunal then determined that, with its permission, tl 
 writings of Naharro, Castillejo, and Mendoza, might 1 
 re-pubhshed ; but with such corrections as might : 
 their judgment be calculated to avert the evil resd 
 which might otherwise follow the reading of tho; 
 works. The Galificadores of the Holy Office proceede 
 with a daring hand, to mutilate and alter the languaj 
 which authors had made use of to convey their though 
 and explain their ideas ; in short, their labours we: 
 not looked upon as worthy the respect of men, ai 
 protection of the laws. Hence, thoughts and ide; 
 never conceived by the authors themselves were atti 
 buted to them ; and, in fine, the understanding, inste? 
 of being free and unfettered, was under the most odio 
 control. Minds were moulded and fashioned at pie 
 sure to suit the taste and caprice of the prince, or 1 
 ecclesiastical ministers. 
 
 Science was incompatible with that suppression of tl 
 truth, which was decreed by the sovereign under tl 
 pretence of justice. " All tyrants," exclaimed Antoc 
 de Herrera, the historian of the East Indies in the tir 
 of Philip III., "invariably cover themselves with the cloi 
 of religion ;" but, of course, he did not speak of Europe; 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 151 
 
 monarchs, but only of one of the Incas of Peru, lest 
 the uttering of even a truth should cost him his hfe ; 
 besides, he was desirous that his words might have free 
 circulation without bringing him under suspicion.* 
 
 The Inquisition did not content itself with prohibiting 
 the works of its own time, but extended its power over 
 those of other ages. A Catalonian author had com- 
 posed, at the commencement of the fifteenth century, a 
 very philosophical and ingenious book under the title of 
 "Bisputa del asno con fray Anselmo Turmeda, acerca de 
 la natura y nobleza de los animales."\ 
 
 In this treatise the author feigns that, stretching him- 
 self out in a forest to seek repose from the tumult of 
 towns, he was overpowered by sleep ; and that, at 
 intervals, the sohtude was broken by a multitude of wild 
 beasts, birds and insects, which were assisting in the cere- 
 mony of taking the oath of aUegiauce to a Hon, a new 
 king. One of his vassals observed to him that Friar 
 Turmeda defended the opinion that men had, greatly, an 
 advantage over other animals, as well on account of excel- 
 lencies of body as of mind. The king was desirous of 
 hearing how such an opinion could be sustained with 
 good reason. He, therefore, commanded Turmeda to be 
 called, offering to him, on the security of his royal 
 
 * Eistoria de las Indias occidentales — Decada V. Lib. III. Cap. VIII. 
 
 t Dispute of the ass with Friar Anselmo Turmeda, touching the 
 nature and nobility of animals. 
 
 So rare is the original of this work, and so persecuted was it by the 
 Inquisition, that there scarcely remains a copy of it extant. I have 
 before me a Trench version, entitled . — " La Disputation de I'asne contre 
 frere Ansehne Turmeda sur la nature et noblesse des animaux, faite et 
 ordonee par le dit frere Ansehne en la cite de Thunies, VAn. 1417, (She. 
 Traduicte de vulgaire Hespagnol en langue fra'/ifoyse, A Lyon, par 
 Laurens Buysons, 1548." Tor this copy I am indebted to the courtesy of 
 the learned Gaditano don Francisco Domecq Victor, a second Fernando 
 Colon, in treasuring up books of great merit, which at great cost he has 
 acquired in his travels through Europe. 
 
152 HISTORY OF 
 
 word, liberty to argue freely and without fear of tl 
 anger of any of the august members of his court ; 1 
 assigned him for antagonist, in the argument, a donke 
 of the most miserable description, that creature beii 
 the worst and most despised of all his subjects. Tl 
 contents of this book are exceedingly ingenious. A 
 though Friar Turmeda contended for the excellency 
 man's intelligence, the ass, in his own turn, proved thi 
 inferior animals excel men not only in discerning objec 
 in the darkness of midnight, but in hearing the least ar 
 most distant of noises. Turmeda endeavoured to demoi 
 strate that men rule themselves by good counsel, punis 
 the wicked, and observe a mode of government. Tl 
 donkey answered him by referring to the well-ordere 
 republics of bees and ants, all subject, not to tl 
 cravings of the gullet and of sleep, but to labour ar 
 profit for all their respective communities. 
 
 The former, from the delicacy of man's food, inferre 
 his better nature ; the latter attributed to him the mar 
 infirmities to which human life is subject, and the grei 
 crimes which men experience in the world, by a thirst f( 
 gold, by disease, tribulations, wars, and maritime ante: 
 prizes, in which they pitifully and prematurely los 
 their lives ; whilst many of the brute creation eat tl 
 fruits reared by man in the sweat of Iris brow, as we 
 in orchards as in gardens, and other delightful situ; 
 tions. Finally, the ass, in ordei' to surpass the Fria 
 reminds him that popes, kings, princes, and great lord 
 on whom the people cannot look but with fear an 
 respect, have their very faces trodden upon and wounde 
 by insects, from the power of whose sting they can h\ 
 with difficulty escape. 
 
 The ass further observes, that sovereigns who gover 
 
EELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 153 
 
 meu, take greater interest in the taxes and imposts 
 levied on their vassals, than in practising that goodness 
 and justice which ought to be administered, not in return 
 for the rich metals converted into money, but through 
 a desire to exemphfy that pity and mercy which is so 
 much to be admired in the kings of ants, and of locusts, 
 whose charge consists in directing all their endeavours 
 towards the common fehcity. 
 
 Besides those ideas, so truly philosophical, and recom- 
 mendations so useful to humanity, the ass discovers, by 
 various examples, that the friars of the age dwelt in 
 avarice, luxury, anger, and other great sins; and he 
 paints their vices and crimes after the manner of 
 Bocaccio, as shown in his admirable Becamerone — a work 
 which is an honour to the genius of Italy. 
 
 This curious book, concerning the ass and the friar, 
 met with great persecution from the Holy OfSce. 
 
 In the same way, both the lyric and dramatic muse, 
 in common with pliilosophy, had a most inveterate foe 
 in the Inquisition of Spain. Nor was even history free 
 from its rigours and anathemas. If the Spanish historian 
 dared, in foreign kingdoms, to excite the public sympathy 
 by recording the iniquities committed in the name of 
 religion and of peace, he could not do so in his own. 
 Spanish governors well knew how to profit by the 
 popular respect and favour with which the invocation 
 of those two sacred names were accompanied. Samuel 
 Usque wrote the history of the tribulations of the 
 Israelites in all the world, and gave, in its pages, a 
 terribly sublime picture of the Spanish Inquisition : — 
 "A fierce monster," says he, " of so strange a form, and 
 so frightful an aspect, that all Europe trembles at its 
 very name. Its body is of rough iron, forged with 
 
154 HISTORY OF 
 
 mortal poison ; it has an exterior of the hardest she 
 covered with scales of wrought steel : a thousand win, 
 of black and venomous feathers raise it from the eart 
 
 Its form takes part of the courageous lio 
 
 and part of the terrible mien of the serpents of Afric 
 
 It kills more quickly than the venomo 
 
 basilisk. Continuous flames of consuming fire issi 
 from its eyes and mouth. Its food consists of mangl( 
 human bodies. It rivals the eagle in its swiftnef 
 Wherever it passes it sheds gloom and sadness aroun 
 although the sun may be unobscured by a cloud. An 
 finally, its face gives out a darkness like that whii 
 
 constituted one of the plagues of Egypt ; ai 
 
 the verdure on which it treads, or the tree near which 
 plants its feet, dries, withers, and decays ; nay, even t' 
 roots themselves perish, and are plucked up by t 
 destroyer. And such is the effect of its poison, th 
 the whole circuit it comprehends becomes desolate, ai 
 converted into the sandy regions of Syria, where i 
 plant ever grows, and no herb ever germinates." * 
 
 In truth, the Inquisition nipped, in the blossom, t 
 fruits promised by the genius and intelligence of Spa 
 as may be seen in her commerce and wars with foreij 
 nations, and by the perusal of the writings of li 
 learned men. 
 
 If the end of science is to discover truth, badly inde 
 would the sciences prosper in a country where t 
 discovery of truth is held to be punishable as the wo: 
 of crimes. Human reason, confined, by nature, witl 
 narrow hmits, but which, by the perseverance, stu( 
 
 ' * Consolafan as Tribulafoens de Israel, por Samuel Usque, Fern 
 1553. A book cited in pages 5 and 15 of the present -work. Tlie tra 
 lation of the passage in the text is taken from the third Dialogue, i 
 has been faithfully made from Portuguese into Castillian. A, de C 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 155 
 
 and liberty, of man alone, may, by degrees, be gradually 
 extended, found itself, in Spain, oppressed with new and 
 powerfiil obstacles. The Holy Office, it may be truly 
 said, exerted all its powers in the cause of natural and 
 universal ignorance. 
 
 Spain having shut herself up in this barbarous state 
 as to matters of science, it became necessary that foreign 
 armies should break through the barriers which kings 
 and inquisitors had raised on the mountains of the 
 Pyrenees, in order that some rays of the hght of 
 European civilization might diffuse themselves over the 
 vast territory of the Spanish kingdom, vivifying the 
 people, and guiding them to make a noble use of their 
 reason. 
 
 The increase of despotic power, as well royal as 
 ' ecclesiastical, in Spain, brought about its ruin^ Italy, 
 although many of her states were subject to an Inquisition 
 similar to that in Spain, never had its reason sunk to 
 the same degree of abasement. Divisions among so 
 many princes and repubhcs greatly facilitated the means 
 of publishing prohibited works ; for that which was ex- 
 ceptionable to some, was, if not useful, at least, agreeable 
 to others, who claimed a superiority in tolerating in 
 their dominions those very works which had been per- 
 secuted or prohibited in other kingdoms. 
 
 The Jews and the Protestants who fled from various 
 countries, found in, Venice an asylum against the rigours 
 of adverse fortune. lii that aristocratic repubhc there 
 was liberty of thought, and hberty in the use of the 
 rights of conscience ; for, in Venice, there was, so to 
 speak, liberty to do everything, except to alter the re- 
 puhhcan form of government, and introduce monarchy. 
 The Council of Ten, although on many occasions it 
 governed more by expediency than by laws (which they 
 
156 HISTORY OF 
 
 had power to break for the pubhc good), was the constant 
 defender of the repubhc against the ambition of some 
 of its nobles. This was one reason why its race of 
 dukes and patricians never produced a Caligula, a Nero, 
 or other monster of cruelty, to oppress, under the name of 
 Emperor, his fellow-citizens, to degrade his country, and 
 enslave the world ; since that Council foresaw the intents 
 of the Caesars and Napoleons, and instead of placing a 
 crown upon their brows, applied an infamous cord to 
 their necks ; so that instead of being furnished with a 
 golden couch in the royal palaces, they were accom- 
 modated with an obscure tomb in the waters of Venice. 
 
 The Greeks and Armenians, domiciled within the ter- 
 ritory of the republic of Venice, had their churches ; the 
 Lutherans and Huguenots, their temples ; and the Jews, 
 their synagogues. When a Christian died, the clergy did 
 not ask whether he was a heretic or a Catholic before 
 they would give him the rites of sepulture in the churches. 
 No ; in Venice this barbarous practice was unknown. 
 
 The governors of that republic, with the approbation 
 of its subjects, in the true spirit of liberty, conceded the 
 degrees of doctor of medicine and of jurisprudence, 
 indiscriminately, to schismatics, heretics, or Jews, who 
 studied at the university of Padua ; whilst, in all Catholic 
 kingdoms, the granting of diplomas was strictly proliibited 
 by the bulls of different Popes, unless the student should 
 first make, upon oath, a solemn and public profession of 
 the Roman Catholic faith. 
 
 In Venice, men of genius from Italy were favoured, 
 protected, and preferred to the greatest potentates of 
 the earth. The celebrated Aretino found, in that re- 
 public, security of life, and Uberty to write, even at a 
 time when the Emperor Charles V , and Francis I. of 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLEEANCE IN SPAIN. 157 
 
 for the satires which his wanton genius had penned 
 against them. 
 
 Trajan Boccalini, at a later period, sought hke pro- 
 tection in Venice, when in dread of the Spanish govern- 
 ment, for having, in his Piedra de toque politico (Political 
 touchstone), stated, among many other bitter truths 
 respecting our country, that she did not wish to be 
 loved, but feared, by the people; and, again, that she 
 held, as a principal point of state policy, the absurd 
 beUef, that by inflicting injury on everybody, all the 
 nations of the world would be induced to adore her.'^ 
 
 The learned and unfortunate Tomas Campanela lan- 
 guished for many years in doleful cells, and was subjected 
 to repeated tortures, to appease the anger of offended 
 Spain, for having made patent to the world some of her 
 state-secrets. 
 
 None but weak governments, founded in ignorance, 
 need fear the exercise of reason, or the voice of truth. 
 The Venetian republic, governed by those who loved 
 their country, and loved it for its advancement, desired 
 that the sciences might prosper, and that the nobiHty 
 might not only be better acquainted with the subtilties 
 and the motives of Idngs, the real enemies of their 
 hberties, but also be able to extend the hmits of their 
 territory. 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 " Et ci6 accade, perche niun And so it happened ; for no other 
 
 altra Eeina meno di lei cura di Queen cared less than she to be 
 
 easer da suoi popoli amata, e pone beloved by her people, and took 
 
 maggior, studio in esaer temuta. more pains to be feared. And, 
 
 E per6 di politic! notano in lei per therefore, there was perceptible, in 
 
 specie di grandissima pazzia che herpolitics,aspecies of the greatest 
 
 cosi fermamente si sia data &. ere- folly, which gave her to imagine, 
 
 dere che con lo strapazza ogn' uno that by insulting every one, she 
 
 possi indur le genti ad adorarla." could induce the people to adore 
 
 — Bocccdini. — Pietra del Paragone her. 
 politico. 
 
158 HISTORY OF 
 
 Thus, all who resided in Venice enjoyed the sweets of 
 liberty. It was the constant study of the patricians 
 to make themselves and their country agreeable to 
 foreigners. They conserved their independence for 
 many centuries, despite the Popes, Sultans, Emperors 
 of Austria, and other sovereigns of Europe. By their 
 rehgious tolerance, they increased their population, their 
 commerce, and their riches. From a small state, Venice, 
 by her possessions on terra firma, and her isles of Cyprus 
 and Candia, came to be a maritime power, whose amity 
 and alliance were sought and solicited by princes, in 
 order the better and more securely to obtain triumphs 
 in their military undertakings. Spain followed a different 
 policy. Her maxims were, to keep at a distance from 
 her all those of a different religion, believing that state- 
 unity consisted in this — that all its members should be 
 of one creed. Holding the human mind in slavery, she 
 believed that in a state of barbarism alone could she 
 maintain peace in her dominions ; whilst the Venetians, 
 who tolerated a diversity of opinions, formed that union 
 which made them lords of the Adriatic, a terror to the 
 Turks, and the admiration of kings. 
 
 Spain did not carry out her wicked designs, because 
 the art of printing was its greatest and most powerful 
 adversary ; yet, still, she was able to reduce those living 
 under her sway to a state of submission abject in the 
 extreme. Gloomy indeed, in those days, were the 
 prospects of literature and philosophy in the Peninsula. 
 They were, however, occasionally brightened by the 
 cheering accents of the Castilian muse, which, like the 
 mellifluous notes of some captive bird, caused even the 
 barriers of liberty to reverberate and tremble. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 159 
 
 CHAPTEE X. 
 
 Poesy in Spain — Lucan and Virgil compared — Philip III. makes a 
 religious war against Ireland — Elizabeth's death — Peace with her 
 successor — Philip IV. — Napoleon — Liberty of conscience in Holland 
 — "Wars in Europe —Imposts — Eevolt of the Catalans — Prophecy of 
 Spain's decline. 
 
 We have seen that the Castillian muse enjoyed some 
 small degree of liberty in Spain ; but even the poetry 
 thus privileged was little more than adulation ; some- 
 times, indeed, it might be called the voice of gratitude 
 celebrating the praises of that power which gave it the 
 very limited freedom it enjoyed, namely, that of extol- 
 ling the mihtary exploits of its oppressors. Modern 
 Spain cannot have another Lucan, much less can she 
 have a Virgil. 
 
 When Lucan wrote his " Pharsalia" he only remem- 
 bered so much of the ancient poets, as might teach him 
 in what respects to differ from them. He did not wish 
 to imitate, but to be imitated. He did not recognize 
 any superior mind. His ideas were exclusively his 
 own. He owed nothing to his predecessors. He con- 
 tended with Virgil for the laurel due to the prince of 
 epic poets of Rome ; and, to the glory of Spain, he 
 came off victorious. 
 
 Lucan was a great philosopher, a great orator, and a 
 great poet : Virgil was only a great poet. 
 
 Virgil ascended, slowly, the heights of Parnassus, 
 
160 HISTORY OP 
 
 gathering the sweetest roses, stripping off the thorns, 
 and forming a garland to be offered to the god of love 
 on the altar of poesy. He raised his voice in Rome, hut 
 in that voice Rome did not hear the accents of liberty. 
 No, they were those of adulation, prompted by a 
 wretched servility. He sang the imaginary glories of 
 iEneas, delivered from the lamentable ruin of Troy, by 
 the favour of the gods, and for the good of the Roman 
 people ; but he so sang, merely for the opportunity it 
 afforded him of pretending that the race of the Csesars 
 was descended from that illustrious hero. 
 
 Lucan, the genius of Cordoba, did not ascend the 
 height of Parnassus to carry thither the flowers from its 
 base, but to invoke the aid of the muses in singing, at 
 Rome, the unhappy loss of her liberty, at a time when, 
 to her misfortune and the misfortune of the world, Nero 
 sat upon the throne of a Tiberias and a Cahgula. 
 
 Virgil wept on the walls of Troy, as the solitary 
 turtle-dove, perched in the forest amidl aurels and jes- 
 samines, sings the memory of its rnate to the bland 
 murmur of the distant 5^untains. 
 
 Lucan, like some wounded lioness, bewailed the in- 
 felicity of Rome through the destruction of the hosts 
 of Pompey, when the successor of Julius Csesar became 
 the incendiary of his country, and stained the purple 
 mantle with the blood of the most illustrious patricians 
 and of his own family. 
 
 Virgil's was the voice of flattery, feigning heroes and 
 their exploits, in order to give a new ascendancy to the 
 Emperor Augustus : Lucan's was the cry of lamenta- 
 tion sent forth by outraged humanity, through those 
 who conquered in his Pharsalia. 
 
 Virgil represented Roman valour prostrated and sub- 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 161 
 
 dued to the fortune of the Cfesars, and sang of -vartues 
 they did not possess, to the sound of the golden yokes 
 with which AugTistus oppressed the necks of the nobles 
 and the people. 
 
 Lucan appeared, the true patriot, who threw in the 
 teeth of the Cjesars their own iniquities, after they had 
 banished hberty from the face of the land. His accents 
 may be compared to the rays of the sun wliich illumine 
 the tops of the highest mountains, when the day-star 
 sinks beyond the horizon. 
 
 Modern Spain had not the force of genius to produce 
 a great poet, who could either sing of Hberty like Lucan, 
 or of adulation like Virgil. Ignorance and error went 
 on increasing from pne day to another, under the 
 masters and governors by whom she was ruled. 
 
 "When Philip III. ascended the throne, wishing liis 
 country to be revenged of the English Queen, he sent 
 against Ireland a powerful arinadn, under the com- 
 mand of Juan de Aguilar, who assumed the title of 
 General in the holy war for the preservation of the 
 Catholic faith. But this expedition was fruitless. 
 
 On the death of Ehzabeth, he made peace with James, 
 her successor. Then it became the practice of the 
 Spanish clergy to set themselves in opposition to ever}^ 
 thing that was of public utility. On this account Don 
 Juan de Ribera, Archbishop of Valencia, represented to 
 the King, the danger there was in having commerce 
 with heretics ; for the Spaniards, by their growing inter- 
 course, and fidelity, in mercantile affairs, with those so 
 designated, were losing that abhorrence with which they 
 had ever been accustomed to regard them.* The eccle- 
 
 * TBAUSLATIOU. 
 
 * " Generalmente se ha perdido Generally there is a loss of that 
 
 el asombro y grima que solia tener fear and alarm with which heretics 
 
 M 
 
162 HISTORY OF 
 
 siastics also felt tliat the common people were putting 
 away those errors and superstitions in which they had 
 been educated. 
 
 Philip III., knowing the imminent ruin which threat- 
 ened Spain, chose rather to make known to strangers 
 the principles of its weakness, than to fortify it. 
 
 Impelled by this motive, he adjusted a truce with 
 the Dutch; but his son, Philip IV., on taking the sceptre 
 of Castile, stirred up that spirit of conquest which had 
 wrought so much injury in the reigns of his predecessors 
 Charles V. and Phili|) II. From that moment, military 
 glories alternated with ignominies : the sure destiny 
 reserved to the country of those who wish to emulate 
 the Alexanders and the Attilas. No sooner does per- 
 fection in the art of war^ cease to pertain to only one 
 nation, than universal conquerors become impossible : 
 their imperium, if acquired, disappears like a flash of 
 lightning. Napoleon was the monarch who gave most of 
 its glories to France ; but no other monarch ever drew 
 down upon that nation the insult of having Paris, on 
 two occasions, occupied by foreign troops, which imposed 
 their will on the French. Although the latter may be 
 
 TEANSLATION. 
 
 de los herejes ; porque como los were wont to be regarded: for as 
 encuentran & todas horaa por las v these are met with at all hours in 
 calles J son admitidos al eomercio ' the streets, and^are admitted to 
 activo J pasivo, y tratados con all commerce, active and passive, 
 cortesia, y ven que muchos de el- and treated with courtesy, and it 
 los guardan verdad mas que los turns out that many of them keep 
 cat61icos .... viene la gente to truth more than do the Catho- 
 & aficion^rseles." — Carta de Mi- lies, .... the people come to 
 bera : vida de Felipe III., por have an affection for them. 
 Gonzalez Ddvila. 
 
 " He has the face of a heretic," was always said of a man who was 
 tigly or illfavored. {Pranciosioni Vocahulario. — Roma, 1620.) La m- 
 cesidad tiene cara de hereje, was equivalent to Necesdtas caret lege — ' To 
 make a Heresy^ of a person was to subject him to the most horrible 
 cruelties. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 163 
 
 able to say, that their enemies were from all Europe ; 
 yet, they themselves, with the forces of subjugated 
 nations, had, in their turn, invaded all other European 
 kingdoms. 
 
 If the millions spent in erecting the Escurial, had 
 been employed l^y Phihp II. in attending to the neces- 
 sities of his states, and in subjugating Holland by sea, 
 as he had endeavoured to do by land, those brave 
 defenders of their liberty would not have found forces 
 to resist their oppressors.'" But the want of perception 
 on the part of tyrants frequently gives vigour to the 
 objects of their oppression, — enabling them to break 
 their chains, and execute vengeance for past indignities. 
 
 By the death of the Princess Isabel Clara Eugenia, 
 to whom Philip had ceded the Low Countries, these 
 returned to the crown of Spain, for want of issue of 
 that Princess. Of what importance was it that the 
 Spanish armies were gaining partial battles, and a few 
 towns from the Dutch, if the Dutch, on their part, were 
 gaining others, and with greater advantages 1 Spain, 
 "with all her own valour, and the assistance of France, 
 was compelled, at last, to acknowledge the independence 
 of the repubUc of Holland. This served greatly to 
 favour the cause of liberty in Europe : fugitives were 
 protected ; and the presses of the Hague, Amsterdam, 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 * " On objectoit cela mesme k It was objected even to Philip II. 
 
 Philippes li. en Espagne et 22 of Spain, that the twenty-two 
 
 millions et d'Ecus qu'il depensa millions of crowns, which he ex- 
 
 i I'Escurial dans les grandes ne- pendedontheEscm-ial,inthegreat 
 
 cessitez de I'Estat, pouvoient oster necessity of the nation, would have 
 
 la mer aux holandois, et les re- enabled him to close the sea to 
 
 duire par le seiol foible qu'il les the Dutch, and reduced them by 
 
 faUoit prendre. — La France de- the only weak side on which he 
 
 masquee ou ses irregularitez dans could take them. 
 sa conduite et maximes. — A la 
 Haye, 1670. 
 
 M 2 
 
164 HISTORY OF 
 
 and Leyden, publislied the works of sages who had not 
 the power, in their own countries, of communicating 
 their ideas to their fellow-men. 
 
 Such was the liberty enjoyed in Holland, that, about 
 the middle of the last century, they could even print a 
 work with the title of Teoria de las leyes civiles 6 
 principios fundamentales de la Sociedad* in which the 
 author says, " That society is founded on the rights of 
 highwaymen : that its first act was usurpation of men 
 and of property : that it reduced men to slavery, and 
 divided the property among the accomplices of this 
 usurpation : and that the course of human justi_^§ con- 
 sists in maintaining this order of things ."■]■ 
 
 These philosophical doctrines, of which Proudhon, in 
 the present century, pretends to be the inventor, but of 
 which he is but the mere disciple, were not able to move 
 the republic of Holland : badly constituted governments 
 alone need to dread the novelty of ideas. 
 
 In a nation where liberty is secured against the wiles 
 of anarchy on the one hand, and of despotism on the 
 other, new doctrines are heard vdthout fear and without 
 abhorrence. If they are foolish, and if they are danger- 
 ous, you can only gather from them that -^hich can be 
 
 * Theory of Civil Laws ; or, Fundamental Principles of Society. 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 + " L'objet de cet 6erit est d'6ta- The object of this writing is to 
 
 blir que la society a pour fonde- establish, that society has for its 
 
 tnent le droit des brigands, que basis the right of brigands ; that 
 
 son premier acte fut I'usurpation its first act was the usurpation 
 
 i' hommes et de biens, qui reduisit of men and of property, which 
 
 Les hommes k I'esclavage et par- reduced men to slavery, and 
 
 tagea les biens entre les complices divided their goods among the 
 
 is cette usurpation, et que tout accomplices of this usurpation ; 
 
 ■' ordre de la justice humaine con- and that all order of human jus- 
 
 siste k maintenir ce fondement et tice consists in maintaining that 
 
 ;et 6tat de choses," — Elemens de foundation and state of things. 
 a Philosophic rurale. — A la Haye, 
 L767. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 165 
 
 gathered. There is no doctrine, however dangerous, 
 but may contain something in it useful to man. Philo- 
 sophy, even by means of the errors of heresiarchs, has 
 progressed, and still progresses, towards a good end. 
 Protestantism, with all its contradictious, teaches the free 
 use of reason :* and the encyclopedists of the last century 
 have scattered over the world the knowledge of many 
 civil rights. 
 
 Holland and England acquired liberty with greater 
 facility than any of the other nations of Evirope. In 
 each of these countries, their greatest statesmen were 
 preceded by one who pointed out the path to public 
 feUcity in the sixteenth century. The Dutchman, 
 Erasmus, in his Eulogy on Folly, set forth all the weak- 
 nesses of mortals, as well in private as in pubhc life.t 
 The Englishman, Sir Thomas More, in his Utopia, de- 
 picted a republic, such as it ought to be, full of virtue 
 and of reUgious tolerance.^ The one shewed the wicked 
 state of society, and the other the way of perfection : 
 each of these writers was of great service to his country. 
 
 In the meantime, Spain was discovering, more and 
 more, her impotency to govern the world. France, 
 knowing it, longed to be revenged for the insults she 
 had received in Italy by the troops of Charles V. A 
 war broke out afresh in , Flanders. The belligerent 
 parties were regarded with amazement by other nations, 
 who were waiting to join whichever party fortune 
 
 * In the sheets of the original of this present work, sent me by the 
 author for this translation, these words in italics are erased by his own 
 pen, I make no further comment on the circumstance, than to observe, 
 that this is an example of the artifieio necessary to his personal liberty, 
 as a public writer in the Peninsula. — T. P. 
 
 t Desiderii Erasmi Eiicomimii Mcyi'iae : Venitiis 1515. 
 
 X De Optimo reipvMicae statu, deque nova iTisula Utopia. 
 
L66 HISTOEY OF 
 
 should faA'our. Holland assisted the Fi'ench until the 
 oeace of Munster, in 1648 : a peace purchased by the 
 destruction of many troops. 
 
 To maintain all those wars, the Spanish nations were 
 oppressed with the most onerous taxes, new in their 
 kind, and repeatedly levied. Catalonia, disgusted hy 
 the breach of its privileges and the obligation to send 
 soldiers against France, gave the signal for the other 
 kingdoms and provinces to make an energetic opposition 
 to the violence and tyranny with which aU of them were 
 treated. The Catalans appealed to arms, they asked 
 auxiliaries of Louis XIII., they constituted themselves 
 into a republic, and subsequently treated with the 
 French Monarch with a view of putting themselves 
 under obedience to him, provided he would SAvear to 
 secure to them the privileges they had acquired from 
 their ancestors, who had shed their blood in defence of 
 their territory.* 
 
 In due time, the kingdom of Portugal declared itself 
 independent of the rest of Spain. Philip II., governed, 
 in all his actions, by violence, profited by the weakness to 
 which it was reduced by the loss of its monarch, Don 
 Sebastian, as well as by that of the flower of its youthful 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 * "No tempo em que Portugal So long as Portugal was subject 
 
 estava sugeyto 4 CasteUa nunea to Castile, the combined forces of 
 
 as forQas juntas de ambas as coroas both nations were never able to 
 
 puJerao resistir k Olanda ; e da- resist Holland ; it was considered 
 
 qui inferia e esperava 6 discurso sound sense to say that much less 
 
 que muyto menos poderia preva- could she prevail or sustain her- 
 
 lecer s6 Portugal contra Olanda e self, isolated as she was, against 
 
 contra CasteUa — De Castella de- Castile ; however, by land she did 
 
 fendeo Portugal o Eeyno, e de triumph victoriously against the 
 
 Olanda as oonquistas." Castillian power, sustaining her 
 
 Historia do fittwo pelo Padre independence, and by sea did 
 
 AiUonio Vieyra. quite as much, maintaining her 
 
 conquests in spite of the maritime 
 forces of Holland. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 167 
 
 and noble militia in its wars with Africa. He was not 
 satisfied with having his right acknowledged by the de- 
 puted judges, but by the people, with the swords of the 
 conquerors placed on their necks, whilst their feet were 
 loaded with the chains of slavery. He had lawyers in 
 his kingdom who justified these actions, and in this 
 manner he foolishly thought to deceive the world, by 
 the excuses which his aulics were inventing for his 
 conduct.* 
 
 The nobles and the plebeians of Portugal were con- 
 verted into instruments by which the kings of Castile 
 either punished the rebellious, or facilitated their impo- 
 sitions of tribute on the people. 
 
 United, strong, and powerful, the Portuguese re- 
 covered their ancient energy, and fought against the 
 Spaniards, remembering that, on two distinct occasions, 
 they had, by their valour, carried, to the breasts of 
 their opponents, the conviction that they would never 
 sufler themselves to be subjugated at the point of the 
 sword, and that nothing but the free will of both could 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 * "En esto sigue Castilla al Castile followed on the side of 
 
 mismo rey que no estandole bien tlie same king, "wlio, not having 
 
 la justicia, fiado solo en la vio- the laws in his power, relied 
 
 leneia, huyendo el juioio para el solely on violence ; and shunning 
 
 cual estaba citado .... Jpgrando those laws by which he was cited, 
 
 la opportunidad que hall6 en el .... availed himself of the oppor- 
 
 reyno, flaco entdnces por la re- tunity which he found in the Ising- 
 
 ciente perdida del rey don Sebas- dom, weakened as it then was by 
 
 tian en Africa, divididos en favor the recent loss of the King Don 
 
 de varies pretendientes los pocos Sebastian, in Africa, (the few re- 
 
 cabaUeros que deUa restaron, y maiaing knights of that kingdom 
 
 corrompiendo los mas con dinero, being divided in favour of the 
 
 jnntando la mas gente que pudo, various pretenders, and most of 
 
 usurp6 la herencia de una Seiiora them corrupted by money,) and, 
 
 .... que no se valio de otros gathering together as many of the 
 
 ej6rcitos que de quejas al cielo." — people as he could, he usurped the 
 
 ('arUi, que a un Senor de la, corte inheritance of a Queen . . . who 
 
 de hujlaterrrx escribio el doctor availed herself of no other forces 
 
 Antonio de Souza Macedo. Lishoa, than complaints to heaven. — Let- 
 
 1641. ter xohicli Doctor Antonio de Somf 
 
 , wrote to a gentleman of the 
 court of England. Lisbon, 1641. 
 
168 
 
 HISTOKY OF 
 
 inite them for ever. History has shewn that a forced 
 anion, even if it be possible for a few years, never could 
 be of sufficient duration to secure the greatness of Spain 
 md Portugal. 
 
 Whilst the Portuguese were subject to the dominion 
 if Castile, they allowed many of their possessions in 
 A.frica and Asia to be taken from them. They fought 
 ike men who were not defending their own interests, 
 3ut those of a government they hated. Scarcely had 
 ;hey achieved their independence, than they re-con- 
 juered the African and Asiatic places which had been 
 isurped by the Dutch ; and, as an undeniable proof of 
 ;he greatness of a free people fighting for love of 
 iberty, and with a pride of shewing themselves worthy 
 )f it, their new achievements making them forget their 
 )ld misfortunes, they fought upon an equahty with both 
 Spain and Holland, when it is evident that their forces 
 ivere scarcely sufficient to defend themselves against the 
 irst of these nations."'^ 
 
 * "Exemplo temos de tuJo na 
 nonarquia de Castella, cujo Eey 
 Dorque gastou 15 ou 20 milhoens, 
 se nao forao mais, nas superflu- 
 .dadea do Retiro, os acha menos 
 igora, quando llie crao neoesarios 
 3ara os apertos en que se ve : e 
 Dorque vexou os povos con taes 
 ;ributo3 que chegou k quintal' as 
 'acendas a seus vasallos, se Ihe 
 ilevantarao Portugal, Catalmiha, 
 STapoles, Sicilia, &o. : e porque faz 
 I guerra h Franga, 6 k outros rey- 
 103 6 estados que Ihe nao pertene- 
 ;en, por sustentar oaprichos, estS, 
 m pontos de dar a ultima boque- 
 ida k sua monarquia." — Antonio 
 Vieyra. — Arte de furtar. Lisboa, 
 .652. 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 Of all this we have an example 
 presented to us by the Castillian 
 monarchy, whose sovereign spent 
 fifteen or twenty mUlions in adorn- 
 ing, superfluously, the Palace of 
 El huen Retiro — millions which 
 were thrown away in a moment 
 when they were so necessary in 
 the impoverished condition and 
 pecuniary difficulties with which 
 she was beset. To supply her 
 wants the people were harassed by 
 taxes of the most onerous nature, 
 to raise which, proprietors were 
 made to contribute the fifth part 
 of their incomes. Such injustice 
 excited a rebellion in Portugal, 
 Catalonia, Naples, and Sicily ; and 
 in order to indulge her caprice she 
 even made war against France, 
 and other kingdoms not belonging 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLEKANCB IN SPAIN. 169 
 
 Catalonia, at length, almost abandoned by France, 
 gave herself up anew to Castile. This is the only 
 occasion in which the kings of the house of Austria 
 have displayed their clemency. Philip IV., doubtless 
 compelled tlirough terror of the enemies by whom it 
 was surrounded, and by the disasters of his own troops, 
 gave his free pardon to all the Catalans, excepting only 
 Don Jose Margarit, who was at the head of the rebellion. 
 
 The plebeians of Seville, instigated by hunger, and by 
 the tyranny of its rulers, also took up arms. They 
 demanded that one of themselves, being a plebeian, 
 might be named without delay, in each parish, by the 
 people, and that this functionary should have a decisive 
 vote, in order to negative, or concede, whatever the king 
 might ask of the patricians ; provided always that a 
 certain number of their councillors should first have 
 approved it. But the plebeians were beaten : the pro- 
 posal remained nuU ; and the streets of Seville were 
 stained with the blood of many of those who had dared 
 to suggest it. 
 
 Naples and Sicily rose in hke manner : the former 
 instigated by a fisherman, and the latter by a brazier. 
 Those men, unable, however, to maintain a contest with 
 so powerful an enemy, sought the favour of France, 
 following the usage of Italy in former centuries. Sicily 
 rose against the French. Terrible in the first encounter, 
 she carried everything ; but, the first impetus being 
 over, she knew her own weakness, and submitted to the 
 protection of the Kings of Arragon. Thus, in attempting 
 to shake off one yoke, we find that a weak people are 
 apt to subject themselves to another, and that perhaps 
 less supportable. 
 
 Naples and Sicily soon returned, through violence, to 
 
170 HISTORY OF 
 
 the obedience of Spain ; and, at a later period, some 
 cities of the latter kingdom made a new, but unsuc- 
 cessful, attempt to acquire their liberty. 
 
 Charles II., after having experienced, during his 
 minority, the struggles of the ambition of his mother, 
 and of his illegitimate brother, Don John of Austria, (the 
 conqueror of Naples and of Catalonia, but the conquered 
 in the fields of Portugal,) continued to harass the foreign 
 enemies of Castile. A weak prince, governed by friars 
 and ecclesiastics, who converted him into the plaything 
 of their own caprice, he arrived at the extremity of 
 beheving himself to be bewitched, and sought to have 
 the evil spirits cast out of his body. A vnriter of his 
 time, on contemplating the then state of Spain, exclaims : 
 " There are neither armadas at sea, nor troops on shore. 
 We are scourged by the French : they treat us with 
 scorn. Brandenburg, with insolence, wishes to be our 
 judge : and the English have jorevaricated with mahce. 
 Sweden and Denmark are leagued against us : we are 
 under the protection of the Dutch, who laugh at us : 
 
 and she (Spain) is come to such a pass, that 
 
 she will have no Italy, no Flanders, no Indies. May it 
 please God that even Spain herself may continue to 
 exist !" ■=• 
 
 This terrible prophecy was fulfilled at a subsequent 
 period ; so exactly, that Spain has gathered the fruits 
 of her pohtical violence, begun in the reign of Ferdinand 
 and Isabella, and continued by their successors. In 
 planting the seeds of Spain's fiiture greatness, its sove- 
 reigns have not perceived that these contained the germ 
 of its perdition and its ruin. 
 
 * Pia junta en el panteon del Escnrial de los vivos y los mtcertos.—MS. 
 anonimo. — Biblioieoa de la Catedral de Sevilla. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 171 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Government of tlie Boiu-bons — Philip V. and Pei'dinand VII. — Ex- 
 pulsion of the Jesuits — Wars with England — Jesuits once favourable 
 to liberty — Etruria — Louisiana — Invasions — Ee-establishment of 
 the Inquisition — Puigblanch — Inquisition abolished. 
 
 Philip IV. converted the misfortunes of his kingdoms 
 into causes of pubhc rejoicings. In the midst of 
 fetes of an ecclesiastical kind, for insignificant victories 
 of his armies — of dramatic and terpsichorean repre- 
 sentations in the palace of El Buen-Retiro — of human 
 sacrifices in autos de fe — of bull fights, (new hecatombs 
 by which the ferocious instincts of an enslaved people 
 were flattered) — and of tournaments — he unexpectedly 
 learned the news, that the Spanish troops, never until 
 then conquered in the field of battle, had been routed 
 by the Prince of Conde at Rocroy. He shortly after- 
 wards made peace with France. As a pledge of his 
 sincerity, he married his daughter. Dona Maria Teresa, 
 to Louis XIV., she first renouncing, in his name, and 
 that of his successors unto the fourth generation, her 
 rights to the crown of Spain. Philip IV. and Louis XIV. 
 pubhshed this renunciation, as an inviolable law, in their 
 respective kingdoms. But when the Spanish monarch 
 ceased to exist, the French one declared such renun- 
 ciation of those rights to have been merely nominal, in 
 order that he might afterwards recover them by force 
 
172 HISTORY OF 
 
 of arms. During the reign of Charles II., Louis XIV. 
 laid claim to the Duchy of Brabant, the Seignory of 
 Malins, the Earldom of Borgonia, and many cities in 
 Lower G-ermany. 
 
 The want of a successor gave the King of Spain 
 much disquietude, and, wearied by the pretensions of 
 France and Austria, he bequeathed his crown to a 
 grandson of Louis XIV. 
 
 Many Spaniards, however, already tired of the domi- 
 nation of the house of Austria, received Philip V. as 
 their sovereign. They hoped that, with a change of 
 dynasty, they would have felicity and good government. 
 
 Austria, leagued with England and Holland, fought 
 in defence of the rights of the Archduke ; and the 
 Catalans, having a grateful remembrance of the gene- 
 rosity Avith which Philip IV. had treated them after the 
 victory, had no desire to run the risk of experiencing 
 anew the ingratitude and neglect of France. They, 
 therefore, fought courageously against Philip V., who, on 
 becoming their conqueror and master of Spain, did not 
 imitate his predecessor : for instead of observing towards 
 them the terms of their capitulation, he destroyed their 
 fueros, and converted them from freemen into slaves. 
 
 Portugal gained, from this war, the recognition of her 
 independence ; and France, England, and HoUand, a 
 few cities and places ceded to them by the Spanish 
 sovereign, in order to secure the fruits of peace, now 
 necessary to his subjects. 
 
 The despotism introduced by the Bourbons was 
 doubtless more polished than that practised by the kings 
 of the house of Austria. PhiUp, it is true, destroyed 
 the fueros of Arragon and Catalonia ; he did not 
 assemble the Cortes, because he was afraid lest they 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCB IN SPAIN. 173 
 
 might be hostile to the rights he had acquired through 
 the consent of a majority of the people ; and he governed 
 without recognizing any other law than the will of the 
 Princess of the Ursinos. But, on the other hand, he 
 founded colleges ; and opened the passes of the 
 Pyrenees, in order that the books of foreign sages might 
 be known by a nation ignorant in almost all the sciences, 
 and only learned in an extravagant theology : he also 
 gave some protection to industry and commerce. 
 
 Phihp v., on the persuasion of his second wife, 
 Isabella Farnesio, notwithstanding he had ceded all 
 his Spanish possessions in Italy and Flanders, desired 
 that his sons (by the last marriage) might obtain the 
 sovereignty of the duchies of Parma and Tuscany. In 
 order to support the wars which tlais determination 
 originated, the kingdoms of Castile had to contribute 
 in furnishing both men and money, without reference to 
 the wiU of the Cortes respecting the matter. 
 
 The prince Don Carlos, who then reigned in Spain as 
 Charles III., was, in spite of the Austrians, secured on 
 the throne of Naples and Sicily, by the help of the 
 Enghsh, who, through a change in their poHtical interests, 
 forgot their hatred against the Bourbons, and were the 
 means by which Spain, or, rather, the house of Bourbon, 
 recovered its power in Italy:* for the Spaniards were 
 gaining nothing by the move that a prince of that 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 * " Ainsi ces memes Anglois Thus these same Englishmen, 
 
 qui avoient combattu aveo tant wlio had fought •with such ob- 
 
 d'achamement contre Philippe V., stinacy against Philip V., were the 
 
 furent les promoteurs de la puis- promoters of the Spanish power 
 
 sance espagnole en Italia : tant la in Italy : so much does policy 
 
 politique change et les idees des change, and so variable are the 
 
 hommes son variables." — Histoire ideas of men. 
 de man temps. (Euvres posthunws 
 de Frederic 17., Roi de Prusse.— 
 Berlin, 1788. 
 
174 HISTORY OF 
 
 branch might enjoy the seigniory of Naples and Sicily ; 
 on the contrary, they were losing their forces and 
 treasures, thus wasted and spent to their serious injury. 
 This same king, Don Carlos, owing to his tender age, 
 was unacquainted with the science of state-government, 
 and was directed in all his actions by a minister who 
 did nothing else than execute the orders of Isabella 
 Farnesio.'"' 
 
 Ferdinand VI., the successor of Philip V., aware of 
 the pohtical errors of his famil}^ wished to give his 
 people the greatest of all felicities, in token of his desire 
 for the public good. He withdrew the Spanish troops 
 from Italy, and employed a great part of his wealth in 
 augmenting the naval power.f He determined that no 
 brief of the Pope should be respected until it should 
 first be examined and approved by the Council of Cas- 
 tile ; for he knew that Spaniards, through their zeal for 
 the Catholic religion, would experience nothing hut 
 vexation from the Roman Court : indeed, according to 
 the saying of the satirical writers of Italy, who, being 
 in a land of liberty, dared to publish their own thoughts, 
 they were more slaves than the Romans themselves 
 could possibly be.| 
 
 * CEwores posthumes de Frederic II., Roi de Prusse. 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 t "ApreslamortdePhlllippe v.. After the death of Philip V., 
 le nouveauEoid'Espagne,jugeant the new King of Spain thiaking 
 qu'il ne pouvoit donner k son he could not give to his people 
 peuple des augures plus favorables more favorable augurs of the 
 de la felicitfi de son regne qvi'en felicity of his reign, than the pro- 
 lui proourant la paix, rappella ses curement of peace, recalled his 
 troupes d'ltalie, et fit une reform troops from Italy, and made a con- 
 considerable dans sa marine." — siderable reform in his navy. 
 Histoire de Maurice Gonte de Saxe. 
 —ADresde, 1770. 
 
 % " La Spagna .... eredendoai Spain . . . either believing her- 
 
 piu santa di tutte le altre uationi self more holy than all the other 
 del mondo, 6 plire volendo mos- nations of the world, or, wishing 
 
EELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 
 
 175 
 
 Charles III. departed greatly from the poUcy of 
 Ferdinand VI., so prudent and useful to Spain ; and 
 in all his actions he allowed himself to be governed 
 rather by his interests and affections as a private 
 individual, than by his obhgations as a king. When he 
 came to Spain, he was advised to suppress the Holy 
 Office, a tribunal which never had existed, and did not 
 then exist in his kingdom of Naples ; for the power of 
 Charles V. and Pliilip II. never succeeded in enslaving 
 the will of that people ; for, although without political 
 independence, they were lovers of civil and rehgious 
 liberty. The new sovereign did not wish to surrender 
 his judgment to the petitions and reasonings of state 
 
 trare un sembiante di zelo verso 
 la religione Eomana, k disegno 
 d'obligare il suo capo che vuol 
 reggere il tutto, presse per colpo 
 d'impresa, di non ammettere ne 
 suoi stati altra fede che quella di 
 Eoma ; et in fatti pareva che per 
 segno di gratitudine dovessero i 
 gOTematori di Eoma . . . impiegari 
 tutti le loro sforzi per la propa- 
 gatione di quella corona, che drizzo 
 tutti i suoi andamenti all' avanzo 
 deUi ecclesiastici ; ma le cose 
 riuscirono tutto al rovescio, perche 
 ingrati questi per natura, nal ve- 
 dere tanto humiliati gli spagnoli 
 a' lor cenni e tanto conformi et 
 nbbidienti k voleri di Eoma, pre- 
 sero un predominio si grande sopra 
 di loro, che recandoli ogni giorno 
 sempre piii disgusti, si aono resi 
 quasi padroni asaoluti di tutti gli 
 stati di detta corona cat61ica, k 
 tal segno che non si puo ben cono- 
 scere se siano piii tiraneggiati del 
 Governatori di Eoma li romani 
 con tanti aggravi 6 gli spagnoli 
 eon tanti disgusti." — I! Awhasciata 
 di Romolo a Romani. Colonia, 
 1676. 
 
 TEAKSLATION. 
 
 to show an appearance of zeal for 
 the Eoman religion, with a view 
 of obliging its head, who wished 
 to rule everything, took upon 
 herself the enterprise of not per- 
 mitting, in any of her states, any 
 other faith than that of Eome ; 
 and, in fact, it appeared, that in 
 token of gratitude, the governors 
 
 of Eome employed all their 
 
 interests in support of that crown, 
 which directed all its steps towards 
 the advancement of the clergy : but 
 things turned out quite the re- 
 verse, because these clergy, by 
 nature ungrateful, seeing the 
 Spaniards so abjectly submissive 
 to their designs, and so entirely 
 conformed and obedient to the de- 
 sires of Eome, assumed so entire a 
 domination over them, that they 
 made themselves every day more 
 disgusting ; they set themselves up 
 as almost absolute masters of all 
 the states of that Catholic crown ; 
 and in this state of things it was 
 not easy to say which were the 
 more tyrannically treated by the 
 Eoman governors, the Eomans 
 with so many wrongs, or the 
 Spaniards with so many disgusts. 
 
176 HISTORY OF 
 
 which some of his subjects presented to him, because he 
 dared not to meddle with ecclesiastical affairs. This 
 non-interference, however, had only reference to what 
 might concern the happiness of his subjects ; but when 
 he believed that the Jesuits were plotting conspiracies 
 against his person, or against the rights of his sons, he 
 was not tardy in plotting another conspiracy against his 
 real or pretended enemies. 
 
 One night, in consequence of secret orders, given 
 under the most profound mystery, the houses of all the 
 Jesuits residing in his dominions, were assaulted by the 
 governors, assisted by some troops that were ignorant 
 of the use they were about to make of their force, and 
 of that dread and respect which they always carried 
 with them. The Jesuits were drawn off into perpetual 
 exile. It is ti'ue they did not present to the world any 
 new example of despotism which condemned the de- 
 linquents, without hearing their defence, and without 
 making their crimes pubHc at the time of executing the 
 sentence ; for, already, both Jews and Moors had suffered 
 all the horrors of tyranny : but these same ecclesiastics 
 were the inventors of this species of expulsion of the sub- 
 jects who fancied they were living under the protection of 
 laws. In the end, however, the cruel inventions of the 
 Jesuits themselves came to be applied in their own persons. 
 
 This banishment by the Jesuits, and its subsequent 
 infliction on themselves, reminds one of the bronze 
 bull which Perillus erected to appease the tyrant 
 Phalaris, with the cries of the victims burnt by slow 
 fire in the bowels of the feigned beast, the author 
 himself having perished in that engine of torture and 
 cruelty which he had prepared for others.* 
 
 * I cannot resist the temptation to observe here, (as I have done in 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN" SPAIN. 17!7 
 
 As fear was the first inventor of political cruelties, 
 and gave the name of justice to vengeance, so also those 
 cruelties were made to appear more terrible by the 
 suppression of the causes for which they were inflicted 
 on the sufferers. 
 
 It cannot be denied that the crown of Spain had the 
 right to suppress the Company of Jesuits in its own 
 dominions, if it be admitted that it had the right to 
 allow the original formation of that society ; but the 
 expulsion of subjects was an abuse of the arbitrary 
 power conceded by Spaniards to the sovereign. 
 
 Although Pope Clement XIII. complained of this 
 practice of expulsion, yet, ultimately, at the instance of 
 the Kings of France, Portugal and Spain, not only did 
 his successor approve it in foreign states, but even 
 imitated it in his ow n. 
 
 The Council of Castile, in a petition to the King 
 relative to a pontifical brief demanding reparation for 
 the ofience against the Jesuits, alleged that those 
 persons were attempting to change the government of 
 Spain : that they were putting in practice the most hor- 
 rible doctrines ; and, in short, charged the Jesuits with 
 other accusations, without the slightest reason for them.* 
 
 another work), how beautifully the justice of this experiment on 
 Perillus himself is alluded to by Ovid. — T. P. 
 " Nec.lex justior Ula, 
 Quam necis artifices ai'te perire su§,." 
 This sacrifice proposed by Perillus, and tried experimentally upon 
 himself, reminds one of Milton's Moloch. 
 
 " Horrid king, besmeared with blood 
 Of human sacrifice and parents' tears, 
 Though for the noise of drums and timbrels loud, 
 Their children's cries unheard that passed through fire 
 To his grim idol."— Par. Lost, 392. 
 
 * " Conmlta del consejo estraordinario de Castilla al Hey, en vista del 
 Breve del Papa, con fecha de 30 de Ahril del ano de 1767, en que se 
 interesa a favor de los regulares de la compama." 
 
 N 
 
178 histOky op 
 
 The Jesuits, far from tlieir country, laboured to make 
 themselves known to the world through the medium of 
 their writings, with a view of proving by their maxims 
 of liberty for the people, and of respect for the sovereign, 
 that they did not merit an ignominious expulsion. 
 Lampillas, Hervas, Andres, Masdeu, La Niux, Eximeno, 
 and others, who, by their works, were illustrating the 
 Spanish genius from the Arno, the Po, and the Tiber, 
 desired to show that if they had lost much in being 
 expelled from their own country, their country had lost 
 much more in casting them out as infected members of 
 its society. 
 
 The conduct of Charles III. deserved the unanimous 
 reprobation of the German and English Protestants, as 
 well as of the philosophers of France. Voltaire, who be- 
 lieved that the perdition of the Jesuits was to be traced 
 to their pride,* did not show himself less indignant. 
 D'Alembert eulogised the wisdom of Frederick II., King 
 of Prussia, in favouring the Jesuits, contrary to the 
 laws made against them by four of the principal 
 sovereigns of Europe,t and observed, that whilst a 
 
 * Dictionnaire Pldlosopliique. 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 t " Voila done les jesuitesclias- See for example the expulsion 
 ses de Naples : on dit qu'ils vont of the Jesuits from Naples : it is 
 I'etre bientot de Parme et qu'ainsi said they are shortly to be driven 
 tous les Etats de la maison de from Parma ; and thus all the 
 Bourbon feront maison nette : il states of the House of Bourbon 
 me semble que V. M. a pris a will make a clean sweep of them, 
 regard de cette engeance dan- It seems to me that your Majesty 
 gereuse le parti le plus suge et le has pursued the most just, and the 
 plus juste, celui de ne point lui wisest, course towards this danger- 
 faire de mal et d'empecher qu'elle ous breed, and one which does it 
 n'en fasse ; mais ce parti, sire, n'est no harm, and yet prevents it harm- 
 pas fait pour tout le monde : il est ing your Majesty ; but, sire, this 
 plus aisse d'opprimir que de con- course cannot be pursued by every- 
 tenir et d'exeroer un acte de vio- body : it is easier to oppress than 
 lence q'un acte de justice." — A to abstain : to commit an act of 
 Paris le 14 Decembre, 1767, Letre violence than an act of justice. 
 de M. VAlemhert au Boi de Prnsse. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLEEANCE IN SPAIN. 179 
 
 most Christian King, a Catholic King, and a most 
 faithful King, by common accord, were persecuting those 
 ecclesiastics, a heretical King admitted them into his 
 states, because they could not awe the heart of him 
 who knew how to resist a hundred thousand Frenchmen, 
 a hundred thousand Austrians, and a hundred thousand 
 Russians.* 
 
 Thus, from the defenders of the Jesuits, as well as 
 from their own writings, and the private conversation of 
 the sovereigns their enemies, it is inferred that those 
 who formed the Company of Jesus were greater ad- 
 herents to the cause of national liberty than to that of 
 the Popes and the monarchy. Subsequently, however, 
 expediency, which changes the doctrines and opinions 
 of men, diverted them from their path. Where interest 
 alone commanded, reason had nothing to do but to obey. 
 
 Charles III. conceded to his subjects some liberty of 
 thought, in order that they might defend the royalties of 
 the crown against the bold pretensions of the pontifical 
 court : he also founded colleges, and provided public 
 instruction. But Spain could not present to the world 
 a Fontenella or a Montesquieu by the side of France, 
 or a Hobbes, or a Colin, or a Bolingbroke by the 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 * " Quoi qu'il en soit, il sera sin- Be that as it may, it will be sin- 
 
 guUier, sire, que tandis que leurs gular, sire, if, whilst their very 
 
 majest6str&-ehretiemie,tr6s-catho- Christian, very Catholic, very apos- 
 
 lique, trSs-apostolique et tr6s-fi- tolic, and very faithful, Majesties 
 
 deUe destruiront lea grenadiers du are destroying the grenadiers of 
 
 St. Siege, votre tr6s-h6retique Ma- St. Seige, your very heretical Ma- 
 
 jest6, soit la seule qui les conserve, jesty should be the only one who 
 
 II est vrai qu'aprls avoir r&iste preserves them. It is true that, 
 
 a cent mUle autrichiens, cent mUle after having resisted a hundred 
 
 russes et cent mille frangois, U thousand Austrians, a hundred 
 
 faudroit qu'elle fut devenue bien thousand Eussians, and a hundred 
 
 timide, pour avoir peur d'eune thousand Frenchmen, you must 
 
 centaine de robes noir." — A Paris, have become very timid to be 
 
 16 Juin, 1769, Zetre de 3/onsieur afraid of a himdred black gowns. 
 D'Alembert au Roi de Prusse. 
 
 N 2 
 
180 HISTORY OF 
 
 side of England. For want of great scientific men * 
 she gave the title of such to those who adventured all 
 for the prosecution of their studies, and employment of 
 their talents, although they might not possess the 
 quahties to merit such a distinction. 
 
 The reputation due to wise and learned men cannot 
 fail to attach itself to their respective countries, if 
 bestowed by mankind in general : but when a nation, 
 singly and alone, presumes to confer that distinction on 
 her sons, the confirmation of other countries will be 
 necessary to secure, on the page of history, the appro- 
 bation of future ages. 
 
 To approve, even in thought, the doctrines of phi- 
 losophers, was a crime punishable by the Inquisition, if 
 not so cruelly as in former ages, at least with infamous 
 penances. Don Pablo Olavide, founder of the colonies 
 in the deserts of the Sierra Morena, abjured, in an auto 
 de fe, within the Holy Office, and in presence of many 
 of the grandees of Spain, among other similar opinions, 
 the notion that Pedro Lombardo, and others, with their 
 scholasticism had thrown back the sciences ! 
 
 Charles III. was greatly attached to his own family, 
 and to their interests he subordinated those of his 
 subjects. Compelled by the Enghsh, who threatened to 
 bombard the city of Naples, he remained neutral in the 
 w^ars which his father had sustained in Italy. The recollec- 
 tion of this insult, and the subtilty of the French King's 
 ministers, induced him to sign an alliance with the latter 
 to fight against England. The results of this treaty 
 were not very felicitous for Spain ; for the English in 
 a short time possessed themselves of the Havannah, 
 
 * Don Jorge Juan, the only geometrician of Spain worthy of note, 
 is the single exception. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 181 
 
 Manila, and other places. Charles III. recovered the 
 island of Minorca ; but his obstinacy in not making 
 peace with his enemies until he should first make him- 
 self master of the walls of Gibraltar, was the cause of 
 much useless bloodshed. Whilst he was congratulating 
 himself that his troops and squadrons were the admira- 
 tion of the world in the seige of that fortress, the wise 
 men of Europe were stigmatising as ridiculous the very 
 attempt, and as still more ridiculous his persevering in 
 the enterprise. The floating batteries invented by 
 French engineers on that occasion only served to pro- 
 voke the laughter of the great geometrician D'Alembert, 
 as well on account of the preposterous thought, as at the 
 creduhty and ignorance of the Spaniards.* And King 
 Frederick II. of Prussia, learned as he was in the art 
 of war, pronounced the enterprise impossible, prog- 
 nosticating that very soon it would be abandoned as a 
 miserable failure.f 
 
 TEAjrSLATION. 
 
 * " J'apprends qu'en Espagne en I understand that, in Spain, 
 vient de bruler il y a six mois une about six months ago, they burnt 
 malhereuse femme pour heresie de an xmfortunate woman for heresy 
 quietisms. Quelle horreur et quelle of quietism. What horror and what 
 imhecillitfi tout a la fois ! Aussi imbecility all at once ! Truly Spain 
 I'Espagne croupit eUe dans la plus stagnates in a condition of the most 
 meprisable ignorance. Les succes contemptible ignorance. The sue- 
 de cette nation devant Gibraltar cesses of that nation before Gib- 
 en sent la triste preuve." — Letre raltar are a sad proof of it. 
 de M. D'Akmhert au Roi de Prusse. 
 A Paris ce 14 Decemhre, 1781. 
 
 t " L'id6e des batteries flot- The idea of floating batteries 
 tantes etoit assurement tres-heto- • was certainly very heterodox, and 
 
 rodoxe et ne pouvoit reussir. Les could not succeed. The most de- 
 
 hommes les plus determines peu- termined men can undertake diffi- 
 
 vent entreprendre des chose diflS- cult things, but the impossible 
 
 ciles, mais les imposibles ils les ones they abandon to fools, 
 abandonnent aux fous." — Letre de 
 Frederick II., Roi de Prusse, a 
 Monsieur D'Alembert le 30 De- 
 cemhre, 1782. 
 
 " Ce maudit si6ge de Gibral- This cursed seige of Gibraltar, 
 
182 HISTORY OF 
 
 Charles IV., or rather his representative, Godoy, pro- 
 voked a war with France, on account of the republicans 
 having brought Louis XVI. to the scaffold. The 
 enemies penetrated Spain, and had the good fortune to 
 make themselves masters of many cities on the frontiers. 
 In the midst of great ravages, Charles asked for peace ; 
 and from that time leagued himself in the interests of 
 Napoleon, in order that the latter might, with the help 
 of the Spanish forces, take vengeance of the injuries he 
 had received from England. 
 
 Chai'les, wishing to derive some profit by that alliance 
 and peace, bought from Bonaparte the, so-called, king- 
 dom of Etruria, in Italy ; giving him in payment 
 Louisiana, in America, as if that territory were his 
 and not the property of the nation by whom it' was 
 governed. In this exchange, Spain lost that which her 
 sons had conquered, in order that one of her princesses 
 might have a rich dowry, and acquire the title and 
 authority of Queen. 
 
 Although it was stipulated, in this sale, that Bonaparte 
 should never sell Louisiana, he, at a subsequent period, 
 being in want of money, ceded it to the Anglo-Ameri- 
 cans for eighty-four millions of francs. He did more : 
 that audacious man, who sported himself with the im- 
 potency and creduHty of the monarchs of his age, dis- 
 possessed the pretended Queen of her kingdom of 
 Etruria.* 
 
 tar, si i-idioulement entrepris, et so ridiculously undertaken, and 
 
 plus ridiculement prolong^, a 6t€ moi-e ridiculously prolonged, has 
 
 la principale cause de uos mal- been the principal cause of our 
 
 heurs ou de nos sottises."— ZeCre misfortunes, or, more correctly, of 
 
 de M. D'Aleinbert, 13 Decembre, our follies 
 1782. 
 
 * Memoirs of the Baron de Kolli, relative to his secret mission in 1810, 
 for liberating Ferdinand VII. Ac. — London, 1823. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 183 
 
 Napoleon contrived that at Bayonne all the royal 
 family of Spain should cede their rights to the crown of 
 Spain ; and these he transferred immediately to his 
 brother Joseph, who, at the head of a powerful host, 
 entered the kingdom he had thus acquired with so much 
 facility, and at so httle risk to his person. Many 
 Spaniards, friends of pohtical hberty, took the oaths of 
 aUegiance to the new sovereign ; they believed the 
 country unable to defend itself against forces which had 
 oppressed the Emperors of Austria and Russia : they 
 remembered what Spain had endured on other occasions 
 through the ignominy of admitting a foreign sovereign, 
 such as Charles I. of Austria, and Pliilip V. of France, 
 and that the will of a kingdom could give letters of 
 naturalization to a foreign monarch : they saw that 
 Joseph was offering them a constitution founded on 
 civil rights, and that he began to represent the part of 
 a prince putting down superstition and aboUshing the 
 Holy Office. 
 
 A great part of Spain did not wish to submit itself to 
 the violence which the dominion of Joseph Bonaparte im- 
 posed upon it. The friars and others of the ecclesiastics 
 incited the common people to rebelhon. Others who 
 hated the foreign yoke, took up arms, resolved to die 
 in the defence of their country. 
 
 In the face of aU this courage on the part of Spain, 
 England became reconciled to her, although up to that 
 time she had been her mortal enemy, and now afforded 
 her aU the favour she could to encourage her in the enter- 
 prize. The design of England was to separate herself 
 from the ravages of war, and with few forces, and those at 
 a distance from her, to engage the conquerors of Europe, 
 
184 HISTORY OP 
 
 SO as to keep them away from her own territory. This 
 example was not new in the world. When Pyrrhus, King 
 of Epinis, passed over to Italy to take vengeance on that 
 republic,* Carthage sent vessels and succours to Rome, 
 and assisted his ancient foes, in order that others more 
 powerful might not, after their ruin, undertake the con- 
 quest of Sicily and Africa. And it is unquestionable, 
 that if the Romans, on seeing the wars of Hannibal 
 against the Spaniards, had assisted them, never would 
 the armies of the Carthagenians have set foot on the 
 fields of Italy ; and that warrior, the conqueror of 
 Saguentum, would not have broken the Roman bands 
 in the unfortunate battle of Cannse. 
 
 Spain, abandoned by her kings, remained in a state 
 of the greatest anarchy. It is generally found that 
 nations, wearied of bad government, are accustomed, 
 when able to throw off the yoke, to pursue the opposite 
 course, and to adopt a just and wholesome policy. So 
 it was with the Spaniards when ruling for themselves ; 
 they formed a constitution based on principles of po- 
 litical Kberty. Thus one revolution, begun by the preach- 
 ing of friars and parish priests, a class of men subservient 
 to the slavery and imbecility of the nation, and who 
 sought to perpetuate their own dominion, ended in pro- 
 claiming the rights of man, and in abolishing the tri- 
 bunal of the Inquisition as incompatible with the 
 triumphs of human reason. 
 
 There is no doubt that nations invaded by foreign 
 hosts, although they experience the disasters of war, are 
 wont to work out benefit from them, if they happen to 
 
 « History of Rome, hy Polyhius-Decads of Titus Liviiis. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 185 
 
 be in a state of great intellectual prostration. The 
 thought of being independent, like men of another 
 kingdom, frequently gives birth to the notion of civil 
 liberty ; one leads to the other, and both achieve dis- 
 tinct victories as well over foreign as over domestic 
 oppressors. 
 
 But a nation does not easily pass from a state of 
 fanaticism to the enjoyment of pohtical liberties. The 
 prejudices and self-interest of wicked men will have re- 
 course, not only to arms, but to every artifice, to impede 
 the progress of free and hberal institutions. 
 
 The majority of the ecclesiastics, merely with a view 
 of opposing civil hberty to that measure of civil liberty 
 proclaimed by Joseph Bonaparte, obeyed the decrees of 
 the Cortes ; although, at the same time, they protested 
 against them in the secret chambers of their own breasts. 
 Many of the friars and clergy, under the name of Guer- 
 rilleros, assimilating themselves to foragers on the moun- 
 tains, abandoned their churches, and becoming leaders of 
 bands of assassins, robbed and murdered, not the French 
 troops, before whom they fled hke flocks of birds at the 
 report of gunpowder, but the rich labourers, suspected 
 of being the adherents of Bonaparte, or the stragghng 
 troops of that general, when few in number and wander- 
 ing in an unknown path. Thus did those wicked men 
 contrive to sully the glories of Spain, in her unwearied 
 struggle for hberty against the arms of France. There 
 were others, however, who still maintained in their hearts 
 a love of that despotic rule which, up to that period, 
 the Spanish nation had experienced ; with their assist- 
 ance Ferdinand VII., on his return to his own country, 
 annulled the public hberties and persecuted those by 
 
186 HISTORY OF 
 
 whom they had been achieved. The Holy Office was 
 re-estabhshed. Don Antonio Puigblanch, one of the 
 persons who, by his erudition and talent, had most con- 
 tributed to the abolition of that tribunal, was taken from 
 Gibraltar, where he had sought an asylum from the 
 storm that was the terror and dismay of Spaniards. 
 The news of this scandalous deed reached the shores of 
 England ; and the ministers of the sovereign of that 
 nation demanded his Uberty, of which he had been un- 
 justly deprived, under a supposition that in his flight he 
 had assumed a feigned name and profession. Imme- 
 diately on Puigblanch's arrival in London, the House of 
 Commons took up the affair. The illustrious historian, 
 Sir James Mackintosh, Mr. Samuel Whitbread, and other 
 members of the house, accused the Enghsh minister of 
 having, by the Governor of Gibraltar, delivered up that 
 learned Spaniard to his enemies. Puigblanch, on the 
 day of the debate, was in the House of Commons, and in 
 company with the translator of his work. La Inquisition 
 sin Mdscara, a work which very greatly promoted the 
 decree of the Cortes for the abolition of that tribunal, 
 which was odious to every free man, and heartily de- 
 tested by all nations.* 
 
 In proportion as learned men have been cruelly per- 
 secuted by an intolerant and fanatical priesthood, they 
 have received proofs of esteem and protection from all 
 nations freed from the ecclesiastical yoke. 
 
 The Inquisition, curbed and held down under the 
 
 * Puigblancli refers to this in his Opusculos gramdtico - satiricos 
 against Doctor ViEauueva, printed in London. The English translator 
 of The Inquisition Unmasked, London, 1816, was William Walton, Esq. 
 That work has also been translated into German. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 187 
 
 weight of anathemas from all Europe, and being incom- 
 patible with the culture of the age, dragged on a 
 miserable existence for some years, serving the cause 
 of despots rather than that of fanaticism. But it was 
 abolished anew and entirely in 1820. 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Conquest of America — Oppression of the Indians — Las Casas — 
 Albornoz — William Penn, Woolman, and Benezet — Slavery — In- 
 dependence of tlie United States — Republics of America — Loss of 
 commercial liberty — Eiieots of a violent policy. 
 
 The policy of Spaniards towards their American do- 
 minions was nothing else than an exaggerated continu- 
 ance of that practised in the peninsula. 
 
 The Portuguese in the fifteenth century lit up afresh 
 the desire of conquest of distant lands. Portugal was 
 the nation which most resembled ancient Rome. It's 
 great men, not satisfied with the possession of a small 
 territory, stirred up wars with the people of Morocco 
 and other barbarians of Africa, extending their victo- 
 rious arms through all the East into China. They 
 fought hke the Roman hosts with the JSTumidians, and 
 chained kings to their triumphal chariot, as Marius did 
 Jugurtha. 
 
 At a subsequent period, luxury and the other vices 
 began to corrupt their minds ; and, although the vanity 
 of astonishing grandeur inspired them with indolence, 
 yet still, in the sixteenth century, they gave an admir- 
 able example of constancy and courage in the siege of 
 Diu, which ended in a most brilliant victory, celebrated 
 by Don Juan de Castro, viceroy of India, entering into 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 189 
 
 Goa with all those ceremonies of triumph commanded 
 by Rome to be observed to her victorious consuls.* 
 
 A Genoese adventurer, who occupied himself in gain- 
 ing a miserable pittance by the sale of navigation-charts, 
 proposed to the Catholic Kings a maritime expedition in 
 order to discover lands until then unknown, t 
 
 After repeated solicitations, the Queen Isabel furnished 
 him with the sums necessary for his undertaking. At 
 the very time that the Spaniards had notice of new 
 kingdoms abounding with gold, and were exposed to the 
 covetousness of other nations, a multitude of people 
 prepared to cross the seas, in search of that good for- 
 tune which they did not possess in their own country. 
 The gentry in good circumstances did not think fit to 
 run the hazard of dangers for this glorious treasure. 
 Merely a few gentlemen, who, even in poverty, maintained 
 the lustre of their blood, wished with the precious 
 
 * Jacinto IVeyre de Andrade, one of the moat elegant of historians of 
 modem Europe, in his Vida de Don Joao de Castro, quarto iiisorey da 
 Iiwiia, {Lisbon, 1651,) — says, speaking of the triumph : — 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 "Viaose seiscentos prisioneiros There were seen six hundred 
 
 arrastrando cadeas, tras elles as prisoners loaded with chains ; be- 
 
 pegas de campanha con varias 6 hind these were pieces of ordi- 
 
 numerosos annas. As damas das nance, with numerous and various 
 
 jauellas banhavao ao triunphador arms, while matrons and maidens 
 
 em agua destiUadas de aromas kept sprinkling the conqueror 
 
 diferentes, &c." with water distilled from different 
 
 aromatic substances, &c. 
 
 t Sancho Cota in his Memorias, 3LS., cited in the early chapters of 
 this work, says : — 
 
 "Eneste tiempo vino un hombre At this time there came a 
 
 ginoves que se llamaba colon : Genoese, called Columbus : a poor 
 
 hombre pobre, el qual facia cartas man who made sea-charts, and 
 
 de marear y las vendia en la corte sold them in the court of Castile ; 
 
 de Castilla, el qual pidi6 al rey y he petitioned the King and Queen 
 
 k la reyna que le diesen cierta that he might have a certain num- 
 
 armada por la mar .... 6 que ber of sea-forces .... and he 
 
 deacubriria mucha tierra : la qual would discover a great tract of 
 
 fasta entonces no habia seido vista, land : which, up to that time, had 
 
 donde avia mucho oro 6 perlas 6 never been seen, and which oon- 
 
 otras oosas." tained a, great supply of gold, 
 
 pearls and other things. 
 
190 HISTORY OF 
 
 metals of the Indies to restore the position of their 
 famines. The rest of those who abandoned their country 
 were dissolute men, who despised life and death, who 
 thirsted for riches, and were accustomed to use their 
 Uberty regardless of estabHshed usages of society. 
 
 Cruel as had been the wars, almost always the con- 
 quered had obtained some conditions advantageous to 
 the security of their persons, if not also of their pro- 
 perty ; at least so it happened in the world after the 
 fall of the Roman empire, so also in Spain at the inva- 
 sion of the Arabs, and so likewise in England when 
 invaded by the Saxons. 
 
 The Spaniards found for opponents a people who 
 could not oppose cannon to cannon, musket to musket, 
 and horse to horse. With slender arms and naked 
 breasts, before warriors cased in steel, those unfor- 
 tunate beings stood forth in defence of their liberty. 
 The insults of one class of men were received with 
 affection and presents by the other, thus teaching their 
 oppressors that they were also mortals, and compassed 
 with the same miseries to which all are subject. 
 
 Many things concurred to make this a most horrible 
 conquest. Apart from the ravages which a conqueror 
 always occasions, in order to avenge himself for the 
 opposition previously offered by the conquered, the 
 Spaniards had arrived in America with minds instructed 
 in all manner of cruelties ; for the expulsion of the 
 Moors and Jews, the mutiny of an enslaved populace 
 against these, and the aiitos de fe, were acts of oppres- 
 sion with which they had been famihar. 
 
 Servants found themselves suddenly converted into 
 masters. With examples of the policy of their own 
 country, and with insolence at seeing themselves, who 
 
RELIGIOUS mTOLEEANCE IN SPAIN. 191 
 
 had in the land of their birth passed a miserable life, now 
 raised into great men, they believed their power was 
 without limits. Nor were there, even, between the 
 conquerors and the conquered, any of those compacts 
 called laws. AU the Indians were slaves ; and, as no 
 laws existed to defend the weak against the strong, the 
 anger of the haughty master was appeased, not by having 
 recourse to the scourge, but to the point of the sword. 
 
 They divided the land among the conquerors : they 
 did in like manner with the property of their persons. 
 They put in practice, as is done in all conquests, the 
 doctrines of the philosopher Phaleas touching re-partition 
 and equahty of property and fortune among citizens : 
 doctrines which, in peace, are listened to with a smile, 
 as the dehriums of a sage; but, in war, as an act of 
 justice, and the foundation of human felicity. On other 
 occasions, anger and the sword have answered the 
 defenders of these doctrines. The persons of the tri- 
 bunes of Rome, Tiberius and Sempronius Gracchus, 
 sacred by the laws, received from a tumultuous nobility 
 the punishment for having decreed the re-partition of 
 lands among the citizens of their country. 
 
 Thus, the triumph of these doctrines, and their appro- 
 bation by the laws, like the hatred of men and the anger 
 of governors, have always depended solely on their exer- 
 cise by the conquerors against the conquered, or on the 
 desire of the feeble to exercise them against the powerful. 
 
 The Indies, in the midst of their miserable state of 
 oppression, found an apostle of mankind, who might 
 overcome the obstacles that opposed the extension of 
 the seas and the interests of the conquerors, in order 
 that their complaints might not resound through the 
 world. The Licenciate Bartolome de las Casas, who 
 
192 HISTOEY OF 
 
 then had entered the order of Santo-Domingo, com 
 miserated the unhappy Indians ; he began to importum 
 the King of Spain and his ministers, that by wholesomi 
 laws the wickedness of those conquerors might bi 
 restrained. His compassionate appeal was, at first, onb 
 heard with laughter ; because there is nothing in trutl 
 more ridiculous to a generation given up to -^-ice anc 
 cruelty, than the sentiments of charity coming from th( 
 oppressed. Cato used to say to Marcus Tullius, that, fo: 
 being so energetic a defender of the virtues, the Romai 
 canalla of his age did not duly estimate his merit anc 
 bravery. Casas, however, had courage enough to speak o 
 pity, and to move the hearts of persons flattered by thi 
 pride of Spanish victories. He besought — he importunec 
 — princes and bishops ; he suffered, with the patience o 
 a wise man, the contempt of ignorance, and the calumni 
 of cruelty ; he wrote books in defence of the Indians 
 and he finally succeeded in obtaining, in part, what h< 
 had so earnestly sohcited. Many of his works, translatec 
 into almost all the languages of Europe, and repeatedly 
 printed, demonstrate to foreigners that the doctrines o 
 humanity had not fled entirely from Spain. But thii 
 nation, failing of philosophy, attributed the applause o 
 Casas solely to the envy of foreigners of our valour anc 
 our conquests. It saw, with vexation, the veneratioi 
 paid to the apostle of humanity, because it was ai 
 oflence to the heroes of war ; and the blind and misle( 
 people had no wish to change the smaUest blood-stainei 
 laurel for the glories acquired in the exercise of th 
 sentiments of charity towards mankind. Sanguinar; 
 heroes are distinguished, and shine as great men, in th 
 pages of history ; but a thousand of them are no 
 sufiicient to equal the merits of those who have brough 
 
»■ 
 
 RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN, 193 
 
 about pacific victories. Valour is peculiar to no country : 
 it displayed itself as well on the plains of Marathon and 
 at Salamis, as in the mountains of Switzerland against 
 the Austrians, and in Hungary, against the Turlis, for 
 the space -of two centuries. The world reserves all for 
 the heroes of war : nothing for the apostles of peace. 
 This proves that the admiration bestowed on force is 
 greater than that which man can derive from the 
 triumphs of virtue, even though these be unstained with 
 blood ; for the mind is more influenced by pride than 
 by a sense of satisfaction, at the public felicity. 
 
 Spaniards, carried away by the former passion, have 
 pronounced Casas a calumniator. His zeal for the good 
 of the Indians has been considered as puerile, and his 
 defence of the great principles of humanity as a token 
 of his hatred to Sjjain ; nay even the desire to see 
 his country utterly abandon those habits which were 
 making her ignominious in the eyes of the world, has 
 been stigmatised as wicked, for the ignorance of the 
 people has made common cause with those perverse 
 men who are pleased to designate as crimes, his dis- 
 interested labours in favour of pity and humanity. 
 
 Such were the effects of the absence of philosophy 
 in Spain ! 
 
 It has been said that Casas, with a desire to paint in 
 more hvely colours the cruelties of the Spaniards, has 
 exaggerated the population of America as it existed at 
 the time of its discovery and conquest. That, however, 
 was not his fault. There was no historian of the Indies 
 who, in speaking of their population did not exaggerate. 
 Hernan Cortes, whose glory in conquering the empire 
 of Montezuma consisted more in overcoming the armies 
 of Panfilo de Narvez, his competitor in command, than 
 
194 HISTOEY OF 
 
 in cunningly availing himself of the forces of the sam( 
 nation that he was about to put under his yoke, described 
 in the accounts he sent to Spain, the hosts of tha 
 emperor as almost equal to those of Xerxes. Sometime! 
 he said he had fought against a hundred thousand men 
 and sometimes he asserted the number was more thar 
 one hundred and forty thousand : as if these, had thej 
 been armed only with stones, would not from their nume- 
 rical vastness, have spread dismay and death in the camj: 
 of Cortes, and reduced his soldiers to a very few hun- 
 dreds.'"' Thus, it was not uncommon for the chiefs in the 
 armies to overstate the number of their opponents, in order 
 that their own meritorious valour, in having reduced sc 
 populous an empire to the obedience of the monarchs o1 
 Castile, might appear the greater in distant lands. 
 
 If the statement of Casas was not a faithful account 
 but one merely derived from the primitive historians ol 
 the new world, never before was exaggeration made witt 
 greater benefit to mankind. The rest of the deeds 
 related by Casas are confirmed even by Spanish writers 
 uninfluenced by any feeling of compassion towards the 
 miserable Indians. There is but this difference — thai 
 Casas gives their true names to the deeds he describes 
 while the other writers only refer to them, withoul 
 appearing to be horrified at the perpetration of cruelties 
 which the gentry of Spain had been accustomed tc 
 witness at home. 
 
 If Casas afiirms that the Spaniards threw the Indians 
 to the dogs, to be torn in pieces by them, Antonic 
 
 * Fernando Cort6s, in his " Relaciones;' says : " Thus we oontinuec 
 fighting until we had put ourselves among more than a hundnc 
 thousand men'' And elsewhere, he adds : " On another occasion, & 
 break of day, there came down upon our camp more than a hundrei 
 and forty-nine thousand men." 
 
EELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 195 
 
 Herrera refers to the same practice, especially as to 
 fugitives found dressed in women's attire after a battle, 
 which disguise was doubtless with a view of saving 
 themselves from the ferocious brutalities of their 
 enemies.""' 
 
 The pages of American history are full of the ac- 
 counts of burning alive the Casiques and their subjects, 
 for not declaring whence they had acquired the gold in 
 use among them in that country. 
 
 Guatamozin, the last Emperor of Mexico, was not 
 protected by either his dignity or his innocence. At a 
 subsequent period he paid, by strangulation, for the 
 crime of having been the heir of Montezuma and to 
 the imperial crown, and for having been born in an age 
 when his country became acquainted with European 
 manners. Many Spaniards, who well knew that Gua- 
 tamozin had no hope of recovering the inheritance of 
 his forefathers, and were witnesses of his frightful death, 
 could not refrain from pronouncing that sacrifice unjust.t 
 
 * Casas, in his " Brevisima Relacion de la Destruccion de las Iiidias,'' 
 (SeviUe, 1552,) says : 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 " E yo vi que los Espaiioles And I observed that the 
 
 echavan perros k los yndios para Spaniards set dogs upon the lu- 
 que los hiciesen pedazos." dians, in order to their being torn 
 
 in pieces. 
 
 This is confirmed by Antonio de Herrera, who relates, in his "Historia 
 general de las Indias occidentales" (decada i. lib. x.) that 
 
 " Pu(5 entre los presos hallado There were found among the 
 
 un hermano del cacique y otros prisoners a brother of the Casique, 
 que andaban vestidos en h&bito and several others, who were 
 de mugeres, y juzgando que del going about in female attire ; and, 
 peoado nefando eran inficionados supposing them to be addicted to 
 hs mando Basco Nunez echar a los vicious practices, Baaco Nunez 
 perros, que en un credo los despe- ordered them to be east to the 
 daza/ron. Y no hubo en esto mas dogs, which immediately tore them 
 informacion, aunque Gomara lo in pieces. On this point I had no 
 afirma. other information, although Go- 
 
 mara affirms it. 
 
 t BernalDiaz del Castillo, in his "Historia verdadera de la Conquista 
 
 2 
 
196 HISTORY OF 
 
 Atahualpa, the Inca of Peru, also perished in the 
 flames, a victun of the crime of having been born a 
 king."' 
 
 The Spaniards ordered the aboUtion of human sacri- 
 fices, which the Indians were wont to make in some 
 parts of America, whilst, at the same time, they them- 
 selves were practising others equally terrible. From 
 thenceforth they abolished the privilege, enjoyed by the 
 Americans, of being the only sacrificers of human 
 victims. These offerings of men thus presented to Moloch, 
 were but equivalent to those presented to Jesus Christ 
 in the autos de fe subsequently introduced among the 
 Indians by authority of the Holy Office. 
 
 It is certain, that the conquerors of America carried' 
 the cross on their banners ; but religious zeal ceded the 
 place to the covetousness of riches. The imagination of 
 poets may flatter itself with the recollection of the 
 Christian faith propagated by means of a conquest ; 
 whilst philosophy, the discoverer and lover of truth, 
 
 de Nueva-Espana,^' says, speaking of the death of the Emperor 
 Guatamozin, and one of his cousins : 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 " Fuo esta muerte que les dieron That execution which they in- 
 
 muy injustamente dada, y pareci6 flicted on him was an act of great 
 mal k todos los que iban en aquella injustice, and so it appeared to all 
 Jornada." those who went out in that ex- 
 
 pedition. 
 
 * Antonio de Herrera, speaking of the death of Atahualpa, says 
 that — 
 
 " En todas las provincias sua In all the provinces, his friends 
 
 amigos y devotos y los que no lo and adherents, as well as those who 
 
 eran hicieron notable sentimiento, were not such, felt great sensation, 
 
 llamando crueldad a este caso ; calling this case one of cruelty ; 
 
 porque como el Inga les avia pro- because, as the Inca had forbid 
 
 hibido el tomar las armas por su them to take up arms for their 
 
 libertad contra los castellanos, y liberty against the Castilians, and 
 
 mandaba que los sirviesen, decian commanded that they should serve 
 
 que bienaventurados los Ingas them, it was said, blessed were the 
 
 pasados, que murierou sin tener Incas of old, who had died without 
 
 conocimiento de gente tan san- knowing so sanguinary a people, 
 grienta." 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 197 
 
 well knows that the cross presented by the Spaniards 
 to the Indians, was a symbol of captivity rather than of 
 redemption. 
 
 Spaniards gave to the other nations of Europe a 
 sanguinary example of conquests; and consequently those 
 who possessed themselves of others' lands in America, 
 imitated, if not altogether, yet in a great measure, the 
 actions of those who had preceded them. "We have 
 already said that valour belongs to no country ; we may 
 add, with regret, neither does cruelty. 
 
 William Penn, alone, pursued the path of moderation 
 and justice, when he, with other Quakers, set his foot 
 on the country to which he gave the name of Pennsyl- 
 vania. The conquest of that territory, the right to 
 which had been bought of the King of England, was, to the 
 eternal opprobrium of the rest of Europe, not obtained 
 by means of violence. Its woods were not made fruitful 
 by the blood of its natives, nor were its houses erected 
 on the dead bodies of Indians. Humanity was not 
 caUed on to shed tears of sorrow, but of joy, at seeing 
 no force save that of virtue employed in the formation of 
 a state. The Indians, drawn by the goodness of Penn, 
 readily submitted themselves to be instructed in his 
 rehgion, and in the practice of his usages.* With the 
 same affability, and with the same tenderness, the first 
 
 * Eaynal, in his Histoire pMlosophique et politique des Etablissements 
 et du cmmnerce des Europeens datw les deu,x Indes, says : — 
 
 TRAKSLATION. 
 
 " Ausi le prosperity de la Penn- The prosperity of Pennsylvania 
 
 sylvanie fu1>elle tr6a-rapide. Cette was very rapid.^ This republic, 
 
 republique, sans guerres, sans eon- without wars, without conquests,^ 
 
 quetes, sans efforts, sans aucune de without efforts, without any of 
 
 ces revolutions qui freppent les those revolutions which strike the 
 
 yeux du vulgaire inquiet et pas- eyes of the vulgar, the turbulent 
 
 sionne, devint, un spectacle pour and the desperate, became a spec- 
 
 I'univers entier." tacle to the entire world. 
 
198 HISTORY OF 
 
 conquerors were received by the inhabitants of the 
 Spanish island. But they who remained on it during 
 the absence of Columbus, began to irritate the people, 
 by taking forcible possession of their wives, reducing 
 the conquered to a state of slavery, depriving them of 
 their property, and even inflicting capital punishment 
 on the unfortunate creatures who implored compassion 
 and justice at the hands of their subduers, who were 
 domineering over them with the utmost rigour, and 
 were themselves governed by no other laws than those 
 of their own will and power * Vengeance, on the part 
 of these insulted and injured beings, soon became sub- 
 stituted for that meekness and amiability of mind and 
 disposition natural to the Indians, who had regarded 
 the Spaniards with all the admiration which an un- 
 expected novelty was likely to prodiice. 
 
 Friar Bartolome de las Casas, wishing to provide a 
 remedy for the depopulation of America by the severe 
 labours of the Indians in spite of the delicacy of their 
 nature, either fell into a lamentable error of spirit, or 
 attempted to extinguish a great mischief by a lesser 
 one. At the same time, with the certain hope that 
 time and the progress of human reason would put a stop 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 * " En partiSndose el almirante On the admiral's departure, 
 
 comenzaron k estar disconforme3 they began to be disorderly among 
 
 entre si y no obedecer k su supe- themselves, and to disobey their 
 
 rior, porqne insolentemente iban superior ; for they insolently went 
 
 a tomar las mugeres y el ore que and took such of the wines, and 
 
 querian, y que Pedi-o Giitierrez y as much gold as they liked. Pedro 
 
 Escovedo matarou h un Jacome, Gutierrez and Esooveda murdered 
 
 y que aquellos con otros nueve se one Jacome, and those, with nine 
 
 habian ido con las mugeres que others, went off with the wonien 
 
 habian tomado y sus hatos k la they had taken, and their herds, 
 
 tierra de un seiior que se llamaba to the estate of a gentleman 
 
 Caunabo . . . el qual los mat6 named Caunabo .... who killed 
 
 a todos." — Herrera — Decada /., them all. 
 Lihro II. 
 
EELIGIOtrS INTOLERANCE IN SPxilN. 199 
 
 to it, he prevailed on Spain to abolish the slavery of the 
 Indians, and to authorize that of the Negroes, taken up 
 on the coasts of Africa, a portion of them being then 
 in the occupation of the Portuguese. 
 
 Thus, after sovereigns had emancipated the feudal 
 slaves, was the world turned to imitate the examples of 
 the Spartan, Athenian, and Roman, repubhcs. If Zeno- 
 phon lauded the government of Attica for it's slavei-y, 
 exercised in favour of particular interests, and wished 
 that the same state might purchase servants in order to 
 let them out on hire to the subjects, and so augment 
 the pubhc fimds, Casas succeeded in bringing back the 
 times in which a Nicias occupied more than a thousand 
 men in his silver mines. 
 
 The cause of liberty among the Negroes found only 
 one apostle in Spain. Bartolome de Albornoz, a man 
 of a free mind, and great philosophy, in the time of 
 Philip II., wrote a work entitled " Arte de Contratos," 
 in which he proposes to condemn the cruelty of traffic 
 in slaves. Let us quote a passage from that work : — 
 
 " When war is waged between pubhc enemies, they 
 take occasion to make slaves by virtue of the law of 
 the devil, but where there is no such war .... What 
 know I whether the slave I buy was justly taken 
 captive 1 — for the presumption is always in favour of his 
 hberty. According to this natural law, I am obHged to 
 alleviate what he unjustly suffers, and not to make 
 myself an accompHce of the delinquent, since he has no 
 right over him whom he sells to me, much less do I 
 acquire any through the purchase I make. But what 
 shall we say of women and children who could commit 
 no crime, and of those who are sold through hunger 1 
 The more I probe this matter, the less do I find reason 
 
200 HISTORY OF 
 
 to doubt respecting it. Others say that it is better for the 
 Negroes to be broiight to those parts in which they may 
 have a knowledge of the law of God, and live in a state 
 of reason, although they be slaves, than to be left in 
 their own country, where, being at hberty, they live 
 hke the brutes. I admit the former part of that saying ; 
 but if any Negro should ask my opinion, I would 
 advise him that rather than come among us to be a 
 slave, he had better remain a king in his own country. 
 As to the pretended good he is to derive, it merely aggra- 
 vates the cause assigned for his slavery ... It would 
 only be a justification in case that Negro could not be 
 a Christian without being a slave. But I do not beheve 
 that, by the law of Jesus Christ, it can be shown the 
 liberty of the soul is to be bought and paid for with the 
 slavery of the body. Our Saviour first cured the souls 
 of all those whom he healed of their bodily uifirmities. 
 St. Paul did not wish to deprive Philemon (although he 
 was a Christian) of the services of his slave Onesimus ; 
 but now, in order to make a Christian, they desire that a 
 man may lose that liberty which, naturally, God has given 
 to him. Every one attends to his own affairs, but very 
 few to those of Jesus Christ. How great would be the 
 reward in heaven of him who would put himself among 
 those barbarians to teach them the natural law, and 
 to prepare them for that of Jesus Christ, wliich is 
 founded upon it ! Already these parts are gained for 
 God : they are hungering for instruction. The harvest 
 is exceedingly great, but the labourers none. Because 
 the earth is warm, and not so agreeable as at Talavera, 
 or Madrid, nobody wishes to charge himself with being 
 Simon the Cyrenean, and assisting in carrying the cross, 
 unless hired to do so, and paid before-hand. If the 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 201 
 
 apostles had thus acted, and each of them had taken to 
 his hermitage at Jerusalem, instead of preaching the 
 gospel, the law of Christ would have remained as it 
 was ten years before his incarnation. His is the cause : 
 may he defend it." '"' 
 
 Thus did a Spaniard of the sixteenth century express 
 himself against the slavery of the Negroes, canonized 
 as it was by interest, and supported by hypocrisy. An 
 apostle of individual liberty, he anticipated modern 
 philosophers in the promulgation of his doctrines ; but 
 these were unknown entirely to foreigners, and, almost 
 so, even to Spaniards. The Holy OfSce prohibited 
 the reading and re-printing of his book ; consequently 
 the sentiments of Albornoz have remained buried in 
 obUvion. Spain produced but few philosophers, and the 
 works of these, were concealed by despotism ; which 
 tended to confirm the world in it's opinion, that our 
 country was a blank in the intellectual map of Europe. 
 
 At a later period, the Quakers, who had made them- 
 selves known by their sentiments of beneficence and 
 equahty, began to hold the slavery of Negroes as incom- 
 patible with the virtues which they practised in their 
 states. John Woolman and Anthony Benezetf left 
 their homes and businesses in order to defend the rights 
 of personal liberty in America. At last, in 1754, the 
 Quakers were convinced that it was contrary to justice 
 to acquire riches by the commerce and labour of those 
 unhappy creatures, who had lost their greatest blessing 
 by fraud and violence. 
 
 * " A'lie de los contratos, corapuesto por Bartolomi: de Albornoz, estu- 
 diante de Talavera" En Valencia en casa de Pedro de Huete, Ano 
 de 157.3. 
 
 t " ^ short accovM of that part of Africa inhabited by the Negroes. 
 —Philadelphia, 1762. ( Third Edition.) 
 
202 HISTORY OF 
 
 The example and preaching of those Friends at length 
 stirred up the hearts of the people in the religious 
 countries of Europe, and induced them to demand 
 liberty for the Negroes. Granville Sharp, Eamsay, 
 Clarkson, and others, promulgated, in England, the great 
 doctrines of humanity ; and Doctor Bell, Bishop of 
 London, became a convert to them, and stimulated the 
 English clergy to imitate the exertions of these philan- 
 thropists in the cause of justice. 
 
 The great Montesquieu,* Eaynal,t Necker,! the 
 Abbot Genty,§ Prossard, || and many other writers, pro- 
 claimed the same doctrines in France. 
 
 Wisdom, on the one hand, took the part of the op- 
 pressed : interest, on the other, came forward in defence 
 of oppression, an oppression as ignominious to the owners 
 as it was miserable to the slaves, and attempted to prove 
 that the sentiments of humanity were opposed to the 
 public good, and that labour in the colonies could only 
 be endured by men doomed to slavery ; just as though 
 mechanism could not supply the want of manual labour; 
 or, as though the arms of many could not be employed 
 instead of the arms of a few.lf Even so great a sage 
 
 * De I'esprit des lois : lib. xv, chap. v. 
 
 t Histoire PMlosophique et Politique des eatablissements et du 
 Commerce des Europ6eus dans les deux Indes. 
 
 X Administration des finances de la France. 
 
 § L' influence de la decouverte de I'Amfirique sur le bonheur da 
 genre humaine. 
 
 II La cause des esclaves negres et des habitans de la Guinfie portee 
 au tribunal de la justice, de la religion, de la politique. 
 
 IT Montesquieu, ra bis Spirit of Laws, says : — 
 
 TRANSLATION-. 
 
 " II n'y k point de travail si There is no labour so severe but 
 
 penible qu'ou ue puisse propor- might be proportioned to the 
 
 tioner & la force de celui qui le power of him who has to perform 
 
 fait, pourvu que ce soit_ la raison it, provided it be regulated by 
 
 et non pas I'avariee qui le regie. reason, and not by avarice. By 
 
KEIilGIOUS INTOLEKANCE IN SPAIN". 203 
 
 as Hume, the English historian, imagined the Negroes 
 ■were incapable of living in a constituted state of 
 society like other Europeans. But those who were of 
 his way of thinking were led to discover their error, 
 by experience and examples on the Island of St. 
 Domingo . 
 
 Slavery never can develope the understanding of 
 man, much less can it deliver him from that rude 
 state in which he was born. Nothing short of absolute 
 Hherty is capable of ennobling the minds of a people 
 bred in a state of barbarism. 
 
 The virtuous Epictetus, a slave of one of Nero's 
 familiar companions, astonished Rome, and, afterwards, 
 the world, with his Stoic philosophy, founded on the 
 two powerful precepts substine et abstine ; but he owed 
 nothing to his miserable condition beyond the resigna- 
 tion of a wise man. Born a prisoner, and in so polished 
 a nation as Greece, and after having educated himself 
 according to the models of wisdom furnished by his 
 predecessors, his great mind was unaffected by the cir- 
 cumstance of his corporeal bondage. 
 
 An nations have by slow degrees progressed a little 
 towards a state of civilization, sometimes by wars, some- 
 times by conquests, sometimes by commerce, and some- 
 times by intercourse with each other. Those nations 
 
 TRAIfSLATION. 
 
 Onpeut par la commodity des ma- the use of machines, which art has 
 
 chines que I'art invente ou ap- invented or applied that power, 
 
 plique, supleer au travail forcS which otherwise slaves are made 
 
 qu'aiUieurs on fait faire aux es- to exert, may be supplied to hard 
 
 clavea. Les mines des turos dans labour. The mines of the Turks 
 
 le bannat de Temeswar, etoient in the district of Temeswar, are 
 
 plus riches que celles de Hongrie richer than those of Hungary, and 
 
 et elles ne produisoient pas tant, yet they yield less, because they 
 
 parcequ'ils n'imaginoient jamais never think of any means of 
 
 que les bras de leurs esclaves." working them but by the arms of 
 
 their slaves. 
 
204 HISTORY OF 
 
 which took the lead in the career of the sciences, com- 
 municated, by degrees, their discoveries one to another. 
 But the Negroes, despised for their colour, and shut 
 up among themselves, have ever been unable to perfect 
 their understanding in their own country. In the present 
 day almost all of them Hve in the state in which Julius 
 Caesar found the Gauls and the Germans in his 
 conquests, and in which Julius Agricola found those 
 of Britain, before either one or the other could draw 
 them over to the observance of his laws and customs, 
 or instruct them in the sciences which the Greeks had 
 learned of the Romans. 
 
 But the introduction of Negro slavery into America 
 did not terminate the oppression of the Indians.* Two 
 learned Spaniards, Don Jorge Juan and Don Antonio de 
 UUoa, in some private notes which they wrote for 
 Ferdinand IV., painted, in vivid colours, the unhappy 
 condition of that people. 
 
 " The tyranny which they endure, " say these 
 authors, " arises from an insatiable thirst for riches, 
 carried over to the Indies by those sent to govern 
 them; and, as those governors have no other way of 
 obtaining riches, than by oppressing the Indians, by all 
 the means which malice can invent, they stop at 
 nothing ; they pursue them in all directions with the 
 greatest cruelty, and exact from them more than they 
 can, by possibility, wring from their own slaves .... 
 The Indians are the true slaves of those countries, and 
 happy would they be if they had but one master to whom 
 they might contribute part of what they gain by the 
 sweat of their labour ; but they are so numerous, and 
 
 * Noticias secretas de America, escritas fidmente segun las imtruc- 
 ciones del escelentidmo sertor Marques de la Ensenada.—Londres, 1826. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 205 
 
 their demands so great, that the poor creatures are not 
 owners of the least thing that they have, with so 
 much labour, acquired 
 
 " The iniquity is still greater in courts of justice ; for 
 the judges prompted, by self-interest to act upon the 
 very smallest pretences, desire nothing more than one 
 occasion, of quarrel, or for reprimand, to effect the 
 entire ruin of the suitors : nay, by means of fines, 
 and under colour of expenses, they make themselves 
 masters of the mule, the cow, and a variety of other 
 things, which the Indians generally possess ; and this 
 is the way in which the property of the richest is 
 soon reduced to nothing." 
 
 Useless, indeed, were the laws made for the protection 
 of the Indians, because the interests of those men who 
 went to America with a view of enriching themselves 
 in a short space of time, added to the pride of the 
 viceroys and other governors, had greater authority 
 than the decrees of sovereigns. 
 
 This continued tyranny was alilce oppressive to the 
 native Indians and to the Creoles. English- America 
 gave the signal of independence to all the neighbouring- 
 states ; and, by one of those miserable contrarieties so 
 common to the condition of men, the cause of liberty 
 of the American people was protected by the despotism 
 of the kings of France and Spain. But their object 
 was Hmited, not to promoting the freedom of man, but 
 to favouring the rebels against England. 
 
 Charles IV. afterwards contributed to the eman- 
 cipation of the Negroes in the island of St. Domingo, 
 thinking that by giving succour to mutinous slaves, he 
 was prejudicing the republicans who were destroying 
 the throne of France. 
 
206 HISTORY OF 
 
 The Count de Aranda, minister of Charles III. and 
 Charles IV., foresaw that, to Spain, the loss of America 
 was inevitable, in consequence of the constitution of the 
 republic of the United States. It was not for Spain to 
 give the colonies those liberties which Spaniards them- 
 selves did not enjoy ; and, consequently, the colonies 
 had to obtain and make them their own by conquest. It 
 was proposed to Charles III. to divide Spanish- America 
 into three kingdoms, and that in each one of these 
 should be placed, as sovereign, a prince of the house of 
 Bourbon, who should acknowledge a feud in favour of 
 Spain. Charles III. feared that, after a time, those new 
 kings might declare themselves independent ; and that 
 thus, by escaping one distant evil, he might not see the 
 importance of extricating himself from another nearer 
 at hand. Charles IV. wished to follow the counsel of 
 Aranda ; but the French wars, and the occupation of 
 Spain by the troops of Buonaparte, frustrated his 
 design. 
 
 As the Spanish monarchy, through the absence of 
 it's kings, was shut up within itself, the colonies, in order 
 to resist the French forces, at that time enemies of 
 almost all the world, began to shew their prowess. 
 Subsequently, the Cortes of Cadiz gave political rights 
 to their sons ; but these were almost nugatory, because 
 the viceroys, who had been accustomed to supersede the 
 law by their own will, contrived to make those rights 
 entirely useless. 
 
 The people rebelled, first, because those rights were 
 vain, and, secondly, because despotism, enthroned anew 
 in the peninsula, was endeavouring also to abolish them. 
 Spain, with a view of prostrating them to her obedience, 
 invoked the colonies in the name of " mother ;" but 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 207 
 
 America had no wish to recognize her in any such 
 character, for her works had ever been those of a step- 
 mother. She asked of those she was caUing, in the 
 hour of danger, her predilect daughters — but, in the 
 hour of punishment, miserable servants — that love and 
 respect which beneficence alone can command. 
 
 America availed herself of the moment when Spain 
 was occupied in repelling French invasion, to make 
 herself independent. For that she has been censured 
 by a modern historian, more conversant with patriotism 
 than with philosophy.* It is not for nations to choose 
 the time for recovering their liberties : but when that 
 moment presents itself, they are apt to embrace it ; 
 and, in doing so, they are but following the course of 
 all human events, whether they lead to liberty or to des- 
 potism. Sparta never oppressed Athens until she saw 
 her prostrated : and Athens never threw off the yoke 
 of Sparta, until that republic found herself no longer 
 burthened with the weight of laborious wars. Spain, 
 in like manner, domineered over Portugal : and, in the 
 same way also, Portugal recovered her independence. 
 
 Unhappy the kingdom in which statesmen have not 
 the courage to be great ! The Spaniards thought that 
 the inhabitants of America never ought to have enjoyed 
 poUtical rights ; and that, instead of acquiring liberties, 
 they were obligated to regard as the greatest felicity 
 the despotism which had annihilated their neighbours. 
 Their poHcy was reduced to this : that the sword of 
 the conqueror should always, Uke that of Democles, hang 
 pendent over the heads of the Americans. 
 
 The Spanish armies were routed in America. Spain 
 experienced the fate reserved to nations which idolize 
 
 * El Conde de Toreno. Historia dd levcmtamiento y guerra de Espana. 
 
208 HISTORY OF 
 
 martial glories, and know not that true national great- 
 ness is founded on liberty, virtue, and justice. What 
 have been the military victories with which a bUnd 
 fortune has flattered kingdoms 1 What have been those 
 of the heroes of war 1 The Carthagenians, it is true, 
 triumphed gloriously over the Romans in the battle of 
 Cannse ; but, shortly afterwards, Rome, in the ruins of 
 Carthage, blotted out from the meiiiory of nations, the 
 remembrance of her ancient defeat. 
 
 If Spain chastised French arrogance in the battle of 
 Pavia, France, in her turn, in that of Rocroy, humbled 
 the pride of Spaniards. If the Castillian pennants 
 waved gloriously in Otumba, deciding the fate of Mexico 
 — these same standards were overthrown in Ayacucho, 
 deciding that of all America. How can reason appro- 
 priate glories which are counterpoised by others equal, 
 if not greater ; when it is seen that, in all nations, 
 victories are opposed to victories — and heroes to heroes 1 
 If Carthage boasts a Hannibal — Rome presents a Scipio 
 Africanus : if Spain an Antonio de Leyva — France a 
 Prince of Conde : and if the same Spain can point to 
 a Hernan Cortes in America — America can refer to her 
 liberator Bolivar. 
 
 If we would know what good laws and virtuous 
 habits can accomplish, let us turn to the contrast 
 afforded between the greater part of the Spanish- 
 American republics and English-America. The former, 
 which inherit the bad legislation and the vices of their 
 ancestors, are preys to civil discord and great abase- 
 ment : the latter, by the excellent education and popular 
 institutions which were her inheritance, and by a sincere 
 love of civil and religious liberty, stretches out her 
 commerce and extends her dominions. 
 
RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 209 
 
 The political ignorance of statesmen made the loss of 
 the Americas still more injurious to Spain. She was 
 unwilling to recognize their independence, even when 
 the Spanish armies were, for the second time, expelled 
 from the new republics. After having uselessly con- 
 sumed one expedition of nearly fifty thousand men, she 
 ■wished to send out another ; but her captains rather 
 preferred giving liberty to their country, than reducing 
 a free people to slavery. Still Spain persisted. So 
 long as she could miserably preserve what she called 
 her right to the possession of America, she allowed 
 commerce to decay. The result was natural, and 
 in the order of human events — Spain left commerce 
 with America, and foreigners exclusively availed them- 
 selves of it. When she strove to recover it, the 
 opportunity was gone ; for the commercial interests 
 and spirit of mercantile enterprise of America had been 
 diverted into other channels. 
 
 England, with the wounds of her defeats still open, 
 and her cannons yet warm, made peace with the United 
 States ; for she saw how useless it was to sacrifice her 
 all to self-love and to the remembrance of perishing 
 glories. 
 
 The discovery of the West Indies injured Spain, not 
 only by depopulating it, but, also, by centring all hopes 
 of fehcity in a laborious application to the productions 
 of labour in the acquisition of the gold mines, to the 
 entire exclusion of the blessings to be derived from 
 the cultivation of the lands, and advancement of the 
 arts in the peninsula. 
 
 The fear that foreigners might carry oiF, in return for 
 their merchandise, the money of America, induced the 
 kings to prohibit the introduction of such merchandise 
 
210 HISTORY OF 
 
 into Spain and the Indies. Liberty of commerce was 
 abolished, as a natural consequence of the abolition of 
 other liberties. 
 
 In 1627, however, many merchants, as well as work- 
 ing men, petitioned Phihp IV. that hberty of commerce 
 with foreign nations might be restored, and represented 
 to him the evils which would certainly ensue from a con- 
 trary policy.* But all their efforts were useless. We 
 do not look for common-sense in a bad government, 
 but we do expect to find it in the ignorant and vulgar 
 class of the people ; for, as the latter has a practical 
 experience of the evils incident to the community, so it 
 can more easily discover their causes. Hence the 
 vulgar saying in Spain — " Oro es lo que oro vale" — 
 Oold is what gold is worth. It was at this time that 
 Idngs and their ministers judged it expedient that, on no 
 account, should strangers be permitted to take away the 
 gold of Peru in exchange for their merchandise, wliich 
 consisted of natural as well as of artificial productions. 
 This continued imbecility had arrived at the last 
 extremity. 
 
 Without political liberty, without liberty of printing, 
 without religious liberty, and without commercial hberty 
 — what else could have been the fate of Spain but the 
 most lamentable intellectual prostration, and the most 
 miserable ruin, as well of it's riches as of it's inland 
 and maritime power 1 
 
 The free exercise of those liberties, or even of some of 
 them, has always enabled small states to become power- 
 ful nations ; among others may be named the republics 
 of Venice and Holland. 
 
 * Salcedo gives this petition in Ma Tratado jiiridico-poUtico del 
 contrabando. — Madrid, 1654. 
 
EELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 211 
 
 The power of Spain resembled a river increased by 
 continual rains. Supplied with branches, it might have 
 stretched out its dominions to distant lands, carrying, 
 with the arts, felicity to all places through which it 
 passed ; but, unprovided as it was with means adequate 
 to its peaceful egress, it burst, impetuously, the natural 
 bounds, inundated the country, and carried desolation in 
 it's course : for although, on returning to it's proper 
 limits, some good effects may afterwards for a time 
 have been visible, yet, Uttle else than devastation and 
 ruin is now associated with the recollection of it's pride. 
 
CONCLUSION. 
 
 (■WRlTTEir EXPBESBLT FOB THE ENGLISH TRANSLATION, ASU 
 NOT PUBLISHED IN THE OKIOINAL SPANISH.) 
 
 Spain, since the year 1812, has constantly fought for 
 the cause of hberty ; but sometimes oppression has 
 prevailed, and even when liberty has been triumphant, 
 she has seen herself surrounded by the snares of her 
 implacable enemies. This is accounted for by the fact 
 that the hberals have never known how to lay, properly, 
 the foundation of their system. 
 
 When Ferdinand VII., after the war of independence 
 of Spain against Napoleon, returned to his country, 
 and recovered the tlirone of his ancestors, he annulled 
 the constitution, but promised the people national re- 
 presentatives, with whose consent the laws were to be 
 settled, and the contributions determined. Ferdinand, 
 however, led entirely by the will of his councillors, 
 (those of the apostolical party,) failed in his royal word; 
 nay, he even re-established the power of the Inquisition, 
 and began to persecute all the liberals who had firmly 
 placed the crown on his head, in opposition to the 
 wishes of Napoleon. 
 
CONCLUSION. 213 
 
 That power, at variance with the civiHzation of the 
 age, lasted but a short period. Spain had enjoyed some 
 of those blessings which hberty carries in her train, and, 
 consequently, for that Uberty the people were desirous 
 of contending. 
 
 An expeditionary army raised to subdue the repubKcs 
 of America, gave, in 1820, the shout of liberty to it's 
 fellow-citizens. Spain put herself in motion, and 
 Ferdinand VII. found himself compelled, by the law of 
 force, to swear again to the constitution. From that 
 moment he conspired against the hberties of the 
 country with the greatest possible subtilty. But the 
 liberals, though always triumphant over the artful designs 
 of the monarch and the troops, never made that use of 
 victory which they ought to have done. Divided into 
 bands, maintaining the imperium of just laws, and their 
 force directed against their enemies by the bhnd caprice 
 of the common people, they availed themselves of the 
 despotism of the riotous crowds in order to fight 
 agaiast the tyranny of the clergy and friars, the stupid 
 partisans of the King. 
 
 The Holy Alliance decreed an expedition against 
 Spain ; the liberals knew how to respond only with 
 arrogance : the French, under the command of Angou- 
 leme, advanced almost without resistance : the King, 
 dragged along by the constitutional government, was 
 carried off to Cadiz, but not before the Cortes had made 
 a tardy and ridiculous attempt to deprive him of his 
 dignity in Seville. Cadiz having surrendered, more 
 through the iniiuence of the general events in Spain 
 than that of the French troops, the King recovered his 
 rights. The day before setting out from Cadiz, he 
 signed a decree, conceding an amnesty to aU the 
 
214 CONCLUSION. 
 
 liberals, and, on the day following, he signed another, ir 
 the same port, announcing punishments against them. 
 
 The persecutions were terrible. The Inquisition 
 abolished anew in 1820, was resuscitated in 1823 
 entirely through the caprice of some bishops. In 1824 
 a man was burnt alive in Valencia, as a Voltairian 
 heretic. This was the last victim of that iniquitous 
 power of the Popes. It happened to Ferdinand as tc 
 all despotic conspirators : there were not wanting persons 
 to conspire against him. The Friars, who saw Ferdinand 
 himself abolish the Holy Office of the Inquisition 
 turned their eyes towards his brother, the Infante Don 
 Carlos, as his successor. The name of tlais prince, whc 
 had resisted all solicitations to disturb the pubhc tran- 
 quillity, by enforcing, during Ferdinand's life, his own 
 rights to the succession, was now made use of by those 
 men who were raising a cry for the restoration of the 
 clerical imperium.''' 
 
 Ferdinand, however, with a view of securing the 
 crown to his daughter Isabella, saw himself reduced tc 
 the painful necessity of re-calHng those liberals whon 
 for twenty years he had exiled from their country : i 
 tardy discovery, and, at the same time, a tolerabl( 
 punishment for his indiscretion. 
 
 On the death of Ferdinand, a war of succession com 
 
 * I cannot pass, without remark, this allusion to the Infante Doi 
 Carlos. Never was there a greater calumny than the insinuation, no 
 of the author, but of those to whom he here refers. It was a pur 
 invention of party, against a Prince whose whole life has been a mode 
 of virtue and self-denial : — a Prince truly exemplary in all the relation 
 of life. The effects of his influence and example may be seen i: 
 the irreproachable characters of his three sons, whose humane fee 
 ings, enlightened understandings, honourable principles, and intimat 
 acquaintance with the blessings of constitutional government, eminentl 
 fit them for that high and responsible position which, it would appea: 
 they are likely, one day, to be called on, by the Spanish nation, t 
 sustain. — T. P. 
 
CONCLUSION. 215 
 
 menced between the partisans of Carlos and the 
 defenders of Isabella. The Hberals took advantage of 
 the occasion, and succeeded in re-estabUshing the public 
 liberties. But they only did so by halves, for neither 
 liberty of worship, liberty of instruction, liberty of 
 commerce, nor hberty of traveUing without passports, 
 did those men know how to secure. 
 
 The men who have hitherto been the principal leaders 
 of the hberal cause in Spain, have always been afraid 
 of hberty ; and, consequently, to their discredit, they 
 have left their work imperfect, and in a state to be 
 easily undone. They have never known how to legis- 
 late for the public good ; and, therefore, the pubhc good 
 has but seldom profited by their measures. 
 
 During the war of succession, the rehgious com- 
 munities were aboHshed — their properties sold. But 
 the hberals left the convents of the nuns still on foot, 
 and in all their vigour ; for they knew not what would 
 have been the consequences of attempting to destroy 
 the vanguard of Popery, and they were afraid of 
 attempting it. It is not through intolerance that I here 
 defend the abohtion of convents. I hope I am as 
 tolerant as the most tolerant of men. I admit that he 
 who would wish to hve in a monastery ought to be at 
 Hberty to do so ; and I would extend that liberty to 
 all who desire it, provided they will permit me to 
 worship God in the mosque, or in the synagogue, if in 
 the mosque or in the synagogue I wish to worship Him. 
 But those who would abolish hberty, avail themselves of 
 the very weapons she provides for her defence ; weapons 
 which are curtailed, and hmited to a few, by the turpi- 
 tude of those who ought to have made them common 
 to all. Yes! the lovers of an absolute government fight 
 against liberty by means of the press, a weapon which 
 
216 OONCLUSIOJS. 
 
 they insist on exercising as a right ; but a right it is 
 which they, when in power, never allow liberty herself 
 to exercise in her struggles against despotism. 
 
 The civil war being near its termination, the hberals 
 were considered as of no further use to the Queen Regent. 
 They had served to secure the crown to her daughter ; 
 but, that beuig accomplished, they were regarded as 
 enemies, and treated accordingly. Retribution, how- 
 ever, quickly followed ; for the people, who rose in 1840, 
 obliged the Queen Regent, Christina, to quit the 
 peninsula, and she took refuge in France. 
 
 When General Espartero, the illustrious defender of 
 liberty in the fields of Navarre, succeeded to the regency 
 during the minority of Dona Isabella II., everybody 
 believed that he really had some intention of promoting 
 a pohtical reformation of the laws, which then were only 
 adapted to a state of disorder. But everybody was 
 deceived : the revolution was rendered useless. What- 
 ever might have been his views in favour of civil and 
 rehgious liberty, his practical measures were extremely 
 circumscribed. It is true, he acquired for himself the 
 dignity of Regent, and the right to be addressed as 
 " Your Highness ;" but another revolution hurled liim 
 from that eminence to which he had aspired, and which 
 he had attained. The people desired liberties more 
 amplified. Their desires were either not understood, or 
 else they were disregarded ; for, in the name of liberty, 
 it's enemies fought against it. Unhappy destiny of 
 Spain ! Liberty fights against liberty — despotism against 
 despotism. 
 
 The party inimical to civil and religious Hberty became 
 once more self-constituted in power, and governs to this 
 day, strugghng hard to destroy the remains of what, at 
 n Former time, it had not courap-e mitirfilv in annul 
 
CONCLUSION. 217 
 
 Thus lives Spain — without toleration — without 
 liberties, although a shadow of them may seem to exist. 
 The Pope has gained all he desired from the men who 
 called themselves " Moderados" viz. : the re-establish- 
 ment of the friars — the power of the clergy — super- 
 intendence in instruction — slavery of conscience — 
 degradation of country. 
 
 Even the few Protestant missionaries resident in 
 Spain in times of greater toleration, have now been 
 expelled. Among these is Mr. William Harris Rule, a 
 gentleman of irreproachable conduct, much learning, 
 and great talents. But why should it be surprising 
 that a work, commenced by men possessing some notions 
 of the rights of conscience, should be put a stop to by 
 the lovers of despotism ■? 
 
 A celebrated author has said : " In Spain there cer- 
 tainly is worship; but not religion." I would rather say : 
 " There is hypocrisy, but no rehgion." There are more 
 atheists, to whom the interested motives and vile tricks 
 of the clergy are fruitful sources of ridicule, than there 
 are to be found men of religious minds. As Spain exists in 
 the present day, there is no religion in the hearts of the 
 people. Some appear to have it for the sake of decorum ; 
 some for fashion ; and others believe in it in the same 
 way that they believe in witches, fairies, and such like 
 popular fables. 
 
 Few, up to the present day, are the cemeteries con- 
 ceded, in Spain, to Protestant foreigners ; for intole- 
 rance habitually denies what the laws would otherwise 
 sanction. 
 
 Finally, the government by which all creeds and all 
 other interests of a great nation ought to be protected, 
 is, in Spain, in the absolute possession of dealers in 
 
218 CONCLUSION. 
 
 ambition. There is no faith in what is heard, because 
 there is no faith in what is said. In the present day 
 those who, in power, defended despotism, are, out of it 
 and for convenience, hberals : those who, but yesterday 
 appeared hberals, wiU, to-morrow, be again, if in power 
 defenders of despotism. The greater number oi 
 Spaniards who are truly tolerant and liberal, and have 
 given constant proofs of their attachment to liberal 
 principles, have not yet ventured to declare their senti- 
 ments in a decided manner. 
 
 One writer, however, a gentleman of great talentf 
 and noble heart, Don Fernando Corradi, editor of Ei 
 Glamor Publico, has expressed, in an unmistakeabh 
 manner, the principles which he seeks to advocate foi 
 the good of his country. " Liberty in all and for all 
 Political liberty — liberty of commerce — liberty of con- 
 science — liberty of instruction — liberty of transit. A 
 throne surrounded by popular institutions : — founded or. 
 the principle of the national sovereignty. A ministri 
 governing in unison with the national opinion legitimatek 
 expressed — a small budget— and an army reduced to fifti 
 thousand men" These, the principles of Senor Corradi 
 sustained with energy and clearness of style, hav( 
 attracted great sympathy, not only among Spaniards 
 but among many foreigners.* Oh, that such principles 
 reduced to practical experience, may be for the glor^ 
 and prosperity of Spain! May they serve as a base fo: 
 the regeneration of my country. 
 
 * Eeviews of Paris, Edinburgh, Times, Britannia, and other periodical! 
 
 FINIS. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Works in Castilian prohibited ly the Holy Office in the sixteenth 
 century, according to the expurgatorial index of Cardinal Don 
 Oaspar de Quiroga, Archiishop of Toledo and Inquisitor-general of 
 Spain (Madrid, 1583.J 
 
 Ayuntamientos doze de los apostoles. 
 
 Alberto Pio, Conde Carpense, contra Erasmo. 
 
 Apologia en defensa de la doctriaa del padre fray Hierdnymo 
 Savonarolas. 
 
 Aquilaiia, eomedia. 
 
 Arte amandi, de Ovidio, en romance 6 en otra lengua vulgar 
 solamente. 
 
 Arte de bien morir, sin nombre de autor. 
 
 Artes de confessar : una compuesta por un reUgioso de la drden 
 de sant Benito : y otra por un religioso de sant Hierdnymo. 
 
 Aviso breve para rescebir la comunion a menudo, traduzido de 
 toscano por el maestro Bemardiao. 
 
 Aviso y reglas cbristianas del maestro Avila, sobre el verso de 
 David, Audiflia, &c., impreso antes del ano de 1574. 
 
 Auto de la Eesurrection de Obristo, sin nombre de autor. 
 
 Auto hecho nuevamente por Gril Vicente, sobre los muy altos y 
 may dulces amores de Amadis de Gaula con la princesa Oriana, 
 hija del rey Lisuarte. 
 
 Baltasar Diaz, glosa, Betrayda estd, &c. 
 
 Bartolome de Torres ISTaharro, su Propaladia : no siendo de las 
 corregidas e impresas el ano de 1573, a esta parte. 
 
220 APPENDIX. 
 
 Belial, procurador de Lucifer, contra Moysen, procurador de 
 lesu Christo. 
 
 Breve y compendiosa instruction de la religion cHristiana : con 
 otro libro intitulado de la libertad Christiana, inipreso 6 de mano. 
 
 Cancionero general : no estando quitadas del las obras de burlas. 
 
 Carta embiada a nuestro Augustisimo senor Principe don 
 Phelippe, Eey de Esparia : sin nombre de autor ni impressor, 
 
 Oatherina de Grenova. 
 
 Catechismo, compuesto por el doctor luan Perez, aunque falsa- 
 mente dize que fue visto por los inquisidores de Espaiia. 
 
 Catechismo de don fray Bartolome Carranfa de Miranda, 
 Arfobispo de Toledo. 
 
 Catholica impugnacion d3l heretico libelo que en el ano passado 
 de 1480 fue divulgado en la ciudad de Sevilla por el licenciado 
 Pr. Hernando de Talavera, Prior que fue de Nuestra Senora de 
 Prado. 
 
 Cavalleria celestial (por otro nombre Pie de la Eosa fragante) 
 1*. y 2*. parte. 
 
 Christiadoa de Hieronimo Vida. 
 
 Chronica de Juan Carrion y todas sus obras. 
 
 Circe de Juan Bautista del Gelo. 
 
 Coloquio de Damas. 
 
 Combite gracioso de las gracias del Sancto Sacramento. 
 
 Comedia llamada Aquilana, hecha por Bartholome de Torres 
 Naharro, no siendo de las enmendadas, corregidas e impresas del 
 alio 1573, a esta parta. 
 
 Comedia llamada Jaciuta. 
 
 Comedia llamada Josefina. 
 
 Comedia 6 aoaecimiento llamada Orfea dirigida al muy illustre 
 y assi magnifico senor don Pedro de Arellano, conde de Aguilar. 
 
 Comedia la Sancta, impressa en Venecia. 
 
 Comedia llamada Tesorina, hecha nuevamente por Jayme de 
 Huete. 
 
 Comedia llamada Tidea, compuesta por Prancisco de las Natas. 
 
 Comedias, tragedias, farsas, d autos donde se reprende y dize 
 mal de las personas que frecuentan los Sacramentos 6 temples, 6 
 se haze injuria a alguna orden 6 estado aprovado por la yglesia. 
 
 Comentario breve, 6 declaraciou compendiosa sobre la epistola 
 de Sant Pablo a los Eomauos : compuesto por luan Valdesio. 
 
APPENDIX. 221 
 
 Comentario 6 deelaracion familiar j compendiosa sobre la primera 
 epistola de Sant Pablo apostol a los Corinthios, muy util para todos 
 los amadores de la piedad cbristiana : compuesto por luan V. V. 
 pio y sineero theologo. 
 
 Comentario en romance sobre la epistola primera de Sant Pablo 
 ad Corinthios : traducida de griego en romance : sin autor. 
 
 Comentarios de don fray Bartolome Carran9a de Miranda, 
 Ar9obispo de Toledo, sobre el catbecismo cbristiano : dividides en 
 cuatro partes. 
 
 Constantino, doctor de Sevilla : todas sus obras. 
 
 Confession del pecador del mesmo doctor Constantino, 6 sin 
 nombre de autor. 
 
 Consuelo de la vejez. 
 
 Consuelo y oratorio espiritnal de obras muy devotas y contem- 
 plativas para exercitarse el buen cbristiano : sin nombre de autor. 
 
 Contemplaciones del Idiota en romance 6 en otra lengua vulgar 
 solamente. 
 
 Cruz de Cbristo : compuesto por un frayle de la Orden de los 
 Menores, impresso en Medina por G-uillermo Millis. 
 
 Cruz de Cbristo sin nombre de autor. 
 
 Cruz del Cbristiano. 
 
 Custodia, farsa. 
 
 Despertador del alma. 
 
 Dialogo de doctrina cbristiana : compuesto nuevamente por tin 
 cierto religioso : sin nombre del autor. 
 
 Dialogo de Mercurio y Caronte. 
 
 Dialogo donde hablan Lactancio y un Arcediano sobre lo que 
 acontecio en Eoma en el ano de 1527. 
 
 Dialogos cbristianos contra la Secta Mabometica y pertinacia de 
 los Indies : en romance 6 en otra lengua vulgar solamente. 
 
 Dialogos de la union del alma con Dios. 
 
 Dionysio E.icbel, cartuxano, de los quatro postrimeros tranzes : 
 traduzido por un religioso de la orden de la Cartuxa, en romance 
 6 en otra lengua vulgar solamente. 
 
 Discurso de la muerte de la Eeyna de Navarra. 
 
 Discursos de Macbiavelo. 
 
 Egloga nuevamente trobada por luan del Enzina, en la qual se 
 introduzen dos enamorados, Uamados Plazido y Victoriano. 
 
222 APPENDIX. 
 
 Erasmo, todas sus obras en romance. 
 
 Espejo de perfection : llamado por otro nombre theologia mystica, 
 de Henrico Herpio. 
 
 Espejo de la vida humana sin nombre de autor. 
 
 Espejo de bien vivir : sin nombre de autor. 
 
 Examen de ingenios : compuesto por el doctor Juan Huarte de 
 Sant luan, no se emendando y corrigiendo. 
 
 Exercitatorio de la vida spiritual : sin nombre de autor. 
 
 Exposicion del Pater noster de Savonarolas. 
 
 Exposicion sobre los cantares de Salomon en octava rima, 6 en 
 prosa, en romance 6 en otra lengua vulgar solamente. 
 
 Exemplario de la Sancta fe cathoHea : sia nombre de autor. 
 
 Exposicion muy devota del psalmo De profundis, y anotaciones 
 en materia de la oracion sobre el evangelio de la Cananea. Com- 
 puesto por un religioso de la drden de Sancto Domingo : impresso 
 en Sevilla por Martin de Montesdoca : impresor de libros. 
 
 Earsa de dos enamorados. 
 
 Earsa Uamada Custodia. 
 
 Earsa ILamada losefina. 
 
 Easciculus Myrrae. 
 
 Elor de virtudes. 
 
 Elores Eomanas. 
 
 Elos Sanctorum : impresso en Zarago9a aiio de 1556. 
 
 Gamaliel. 
 
 G-arci Sancbez de Badajoz, las lectiones de lob, aplicadas a amor 
 prophano. 
 
 Genesis Alpbonsi. 
 
 G-losa nuevamente hecha por Balthasar Diaz, con el romance 
 que dize "Eetrayda esta la Infanta." 
 
 Harpa de David. 
 
 Er. Hernando de Talavera de la orden de Sant Hieronymo, un 
 su libro intitulado Catholica impugnacion, &c., como se contiene 
 arriba en la letra C 
 
 Hieronymo Vida, Christiados. 
 
 Er. Hierdnymo Eoman, de la drden de Sant Augustin, sij 
 historia de la misma drden y los libros de Eepiiblicas, no s£ 
 enmendando y corrigiendo. 
 
APPENDIX. 223 
 
 Historia de los Sanctos Padres del testamento viejo, compuesta 
 por Fr. Domingo Baltanas. 
 
 Historia Pontifical compuesta por el doctor G-on9alo de lUescas, 
 impressa antes del ano de 1573. 
 
 Horas en romance todas quedando las de latin, sal?o aquellas 
 que espresamente estan prohibidas. 
 
 laeinta, comedia. 
 
 larava Maestro : los psalmos Penitenciales, Canticum graduum, 
 J lamentaciones. 
 
 Imagen del Antichristo : traduzido de Toscano en Eomance por 
 Alonso de Pena-Puerte. 
 
 Institucion de la religion Christiana : impresa en Witemberga. 
 
 Instituciones de Taulero. 
 
 lorge de Montemayor : sus obras tocantes a devocion y religion. 
 
 losefina : comedia. 
 
 losefo de las Antigiiedades Judaicas, en romance d en otra lengua 
 Tulgar solamente. 
 
 Itinerario de la oracion. 
 
 luan del Enziaa, Egloga de Placido y Victoriano. 
 
 luan Perez, doctor, un su cathecismo y psalmos traduzidos y 
 sumarios de doctrina Christiana. 
 
 lubHeo de plenissima remision de peccados, concedido antigua- 
 mente. En el fin del qual dize : " Dado en la corte celestial del 
 parayso desde el origen del mundo con privilegio eterno, firmado y 
 sellado con la sangre del unigenito hijo de Dios lesu Christo, 
 nuestro linico y verdadero Eedemptor y SeSor." 
 
 lustino, historiador, en romance, 6 en otra lengua, vulgar sola- 
 mente. 
 
 Lamentaciones de Pedro. 
 
 La Sancta, comedia impresa en Venecia. 
 
 LazariUo de Tormes, 1.^ y 2." parte, no siendo de los corregidos 
 e impresses del ano de 1573 a esta parte. 
 
 Leche de la Pe. 
 
 Lectiones de lob de G-arei Sanchez Badajoz aplicadas a amor 
 prophano. 
 
 Libro de la verdad de la fe : hecho por el maestro fray luan 
 Suarez. 
 
 Libro de suertes. 
 
224 APPENDIX. 
 
 Libro en el qual se prohibe que ninguno de consejo a otro qu 
 no se case ni sea sacercTote, ni entre en religion, ni se arete 
 consejo de nadie : sino que siga en ello su propria inclinacion. 
 
 Libro intitulado Declaracion 6 Confession de Fe, hecba po 
 ciertos fieles espanoles que, buyendo los abusos de la yglesi 
 Eomana j la crueldad de la Inquisicion de Espana, hizieron a 1 
 yglesia de los fieles para ser en ella recebidos por hermanos e: 
 Christo. 
 
 Libro que comien^a: "En este tratadillo se tratancinco cosa 
 substanciales." 
 
 Libro intitulado el Eecogimiento de las figuras comunes de 1 
 sagrada Scriptura. 
 
 Libro que se intitula Tratado en que se contienen las gracias i 
 indulgencias concedidas a los que devotamente son acostumbrado 
 a ojr missa. 
 
 Libro intitulado : Orden de Naciones segun el uso bebreo, eoroi 
 abaxo en la letra O se contiene. 
 
 Libro llamado del Asno : de fray Anselmo Turmeda. 
 
 Fray Luys de Granada de la orden de Santo Domingo, de li 
 oracion y meditacion y devocion y Gruia de peccadores en trei 
 partes : impresso en qualquier tiempo y lugar antes del ano di 
 1561. 
 
 Lucero de la vida Christiana. 
 
 Manipulus curatorum. 
 
 Manual de doctrina Christiana : el qual esta impresso ei 
 principio de unas horas de ISTuestra Senora, en romance impressai 
 en Medina del Canto ano de 1556, 6 de otra cualquiera impression 
 
 Manual para la eterna salvacion, sin autor. 
 
 Manual de diversas oraciones espirituales exercicios, sacados po 
 la mayor parte del libro llamado, Guia de pecadores que compus( 
 Eray Luys de Granada. 
 
 Medicina del anima assi para sanos como para enfermos : tradu 
 cida de latin en romance. 
 
 Memoria de nuestra redempcion que trata de los mysterios de li 
 missa : sin nombre de autor. 
 
 Mucio Justinopolitano, su selva odorifera, en romance 6 en otr 
 cualquier lengua vulgar solameiite- 
 
 Novelas de luan Boccacio. 
 
APPENDIX. 225 
 
 Obra espiritiial de don luan del Bene Verones. 
 
 Obra impressa en Valladolid por maestro Nicolas Tierry, ano de 
 1528. 
 
 Obra muy provecliosa, como se alcanna la gracia diviua : com- 
 puesta per Hieronimo Sirino. 
 
 Obras de burlas j materias profanas sobre lugares dela sagradn 
 escriptura, donde quiera que se hallen. 
 
 Obras del Cbristiano, compuestas per don Prancisco de Borja, 
 duque de Gandia, en romance 6 en otra lengua Tulgar solamente. 
 
 Obras que se escribieron contra la Dieta imperial celebrada por sii 
 Magestad en Eatisbona, ano de 1541, assi en verso como en prosa. 
 
 Oracion de los angeles por si pequena. 
 
 Oracion de la emparedada. 
 
 Oracion de la emperatriz. 
 
 Oracion del conde. 
 
 Oracion del lusto luez, quanto dize despues del mundo redemido. 
 
 Oracion de Sant Cbristoval por si pequena. 
 
 Oracion de Sant Cypriano por si pequena. 
 
 Oracion de Sant Leon Papa. 
 
 Oracion del Testamento de lesu Christo. 
 
 Oracion de Sancta Maria por si pequena. 
 
 Oracion de Sant Pedro. 
 
 Oratorio y consuelo espiritual sin nombre de autor. 
 
 Orden de Oraciones segun el uso hebreo en lengua bebraica y 
 vulgar espanola, traduzido por el doctor Isac, bijo de don Sem lob, 
 cabaUero en Yenecia. 
 
 Orfea, comedia. 
 
 Ovidio de arte amandi en romance 6 en otra lengua vxdgar sola- 
 mente. 
 
 Paradoxas 6 sentencias fuera del comun parecer, traducidas de 
 Italiano en Castellano. 
 
 Pedro Eamos Yeromanduo, todas sus obras. 
 Peregrinacion de Hierusalem compuesta por don Pedro de Urrea. 
 
 Peregrine y Grinebra. 
 
 Perla preciosa. 
 
 Pie de la rosa fragante, 6 por otro nombre Cavalleria Celestial. 
 
 Polydoro Yirgilio, de los inventores de las cosas en romance 6 
 en otra lengua vulgar solamente. 
 
 Predicas de fray Bernardino Ocbino 6 Onicbino. 
 
226 APPENDIX. 
 
 Preguntas del Emperador al iDfante Epitua. 
 
 Preparatio mortis : hecha por fray Erancisco da Evia, 
 
 Propaladia de Bartolome de Torres de Naharro, no siendo de 1; 
 corregidas e irapressas del ano de 1573 a esta parte. 
 
 Proverbios de Salomon j espejo de peccadores. 
 
 Psalmos de David en romance, con sus sumarios traducidos p( 
 el doctor luan Perez. 
 
 Psalmos penitenciales y el Canticum graduum y las lamentacioni 
 romanegadas por el maestro larava. 
 
 Psalmos de Eoffense. 
 
 Psalterio de Eaynerio. 
 
 Eeoogimiento de las figuras comunes de la Sagrada Escriptura 
 
 Resurrection de Celestina. 
 
 Eetraymiento del alma : sin nombre de autor. 
 
 Eevelaciones de Sant Pablo. 
 
 Eomances sacados al pie de la letra del Evaugelio. El 1." 
 resurrection de Lazaro. El 2.° el juyzio de Salomon sobre las d 
 mujeres que pedian el nino. EI3.° del hijo prodigo. Tunroman 
 de la Natividad de Ntro. Sefior lesu Christo que todos se contien 
 en un librillo. 
 
 Eomance que comien^a " con rabia esta el Eey David." 
 
 Eosa fragante assi el pie como las hojas, que son dos cuerpos. 
 
 Eosario de Ntra. Sra. teniendo sumarios 6 riibricas vanas, supi 
 sticiosas 6 temerarias. 
 
 Sacramental de Clemente Sanchez de Vercial. 
 
 Selva Odorifera de Mucio Justiuopolitano, en romance 6 en oi 
 lengua vulgar solamente. 
 
 Serafin de Fermo en lengua vulgar solamente. 
 
 Summa Cayetana, en romance 6 otra lengua vulgar solamente 
 
 Summa y conipeudio de todaslas historias 6 chronicas del muu 
 traducida por el bachiller Tamara. 
 
 Summario de doctrina Christina, compuesto por el doctor Ii 
 Perez. 
 
 Theologia mystics, por otro nombre Espejo de perfection 
 Henrico Herpio. 
 Tesorina, comedia. 
 Tesoro de los Angeles. 
 
APPENDIX. 227 
 
 Testamento de Nuestro iSenor, que es un librillo apocryfo sin 
 verdad ni fundamento. 
 
 Tidea, comedia. 
 
 Tratado de la vida de lesu Christo con los misterios del Eosario, 
 eu metro. 
 
 Tratado utilisimo del beneficio de lesu Christo. 
 
 Tratado de los estados eclesiasticos y seculares, escripto de mano 
 (3 impresso : autor Diego de Saa. 
 
 Tratado Uamado Excelencia de la fe : sin nombre de autor. 
 
 Tratados en que se aprueban j favorecen los desafios. 
 
 Triumphos de Petrarcha, impresos en Valladolid ano de 1541. 
 
 Vergel de Nuestra Senora. 
 
 Via spiritus. 
 
 Vida de Nuestra Senora, en prosa y en verso, que es un libro 
 apoerypho. 
 
 Vida de Sancta Catalina de Fiesco 6 de Q-enova, natural de 
 Grenova. 
 
 Vida del Emperador Carlos quinto, compuesta por Alonso de 
 inioa; no siendo corregida y emendada. 
 
 Violeta del animo. 
 
 Vitas patrum, en romance 6 en otra lengua vulgar solamente. 
 
 ERRATUM. 
 In luge 89. fur Valoi&e read Valois. 
 
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SUCCESSORS TO CHABLES GULPIIS". 11 
 
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SUOCESSOHS TO CHARLES GILPIN. 13 
 
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StrCCESSOES TO CHAELES GILPIN. 15 
 
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SircCESSOES TO CHAELES GILPIN. 17 
 
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SUCCESSOES TO CHABLES GILPIN. 19 
 
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 HTMNS OF THE EEFORMATION. By Lttthee 
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