^E -WELSH] A GLANCE AT A GREAT CAREE WHIT EL AW RBIO w ww yvn t ' w. WM J f W . >i t» :SP W i K3S BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME PROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF itenirg 191. Sage 1891 A^^^M.go^ %^[A^ 5931 The date shttws when this volume was taken. To reuew this book coijy the call No and giye to the librar'an. - HOME USE RULES. ' All; Books subject to Recall. , Books not in use for instruction or research are returnable within ^ weeks. Volumes of periodi- cals and of papiphlets, ' are held in the library as much as possible. For special purposes they are given out for ' a limited tim6. Borrowers should not use their library privileges for the bene- fit of other persons. , Students must re- turn all books before leaving town. OflB.cers should arrange for the return of books wanted during their absence from town. Bogks needed by more than one person are beld on the reserve list. Books of special value and gift books, when the gxver wishes it, are not allowed to circulate. Readers are ask^d to report all cases of books marked or muti- lated. ^ Do not defac« books by marks andtwriting:. E332 R35"'"*" ""'™™">' "*""^ One Welshman 3 1924 032 754 305 Dim Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924032754305 ONE WELSHMAN MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited LONDON • BOMBAY • CALCUTTA MELBOURNE THE MACMILLAN COMPANY NEW YORK ■ BOSTON • CHICAGO DALLAS • SAN FRANCISCO THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Ltd. TORONTO ONE WELSHMAN A GLANCE AT A GREAT CAREER INAUGURAL ADDRESS, AUTUMN SESSION, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF WALES, ABERYSTWYTH, OCTOBER 31, 1912 BY WHITELAW REID MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON 1912 that its consequences have encircled the globe and the world will remember him for ever. He was at once a philosopher and ONE WELSHMAN 35 a partisan. But his philosophy was some- times ill-balanced and ill-considered ; his partisanship was always adroit and carefully considered, generally successful and sometimes useful. His other accomplishments were varied. It was John Adams who described how he was welcomed to the Continental Congress, "as he brought with him a reputation for literature, science, and a happy talent for composition." ^ It was whispered about that ... in addition to Latin and Greek, he under- stood French, Italian, and Spanish, was learning German, and intended to learn Gaelic if he could get the books from Scotland, in order to read Ossian (whom he considered the greatest of poets) in the original. Besides he could calculate an eclipse, survey an estate, tie an artery, plan an edifice, try a case, break a horse, dance a minuet, and play the violin.^ The last was indeed a favourite pursuit. He himself has left it on record that for twelve years of his life he played the violin 1 Randall's Life, p. 113. ^ The True Thomas Jefferson, by William Eleroy Curtis, pp. 129-130. 36 ONE WELSHMAN for three hours every day — a devotion to music you will perhaps think not unworthy of his Welsh ancestry. I began by asking you to consider a few reasons why some work of his gave as much credit to the Welsh stock as anything done by any other man of the blood. But I did not commend him as a uniformly sound political thinker, or as an altogether admir- able man. In fact, as a political opponent he was at times ungenerous and underhanded. Even his close friend, James Madison, was constrained to apologize for his frequent extravagance and inconsistency. Madison wrote : " Allowance ought to be made for a habit in Mr. Jefferson, as in all others of great genius, of expressing in strong and round terms impressions of the moment." ^ A few examples may show the urgent need of this allowance, and at the same time bring his real character and its limitations into clearer relief. They will also show the absurd extravagance to which he habitually > Randall's Life, vol. i. p. i88. ONE WELSHMAN 37 resorted, as the surest means of impressing the less intelligent voters. He regarded Blaclcstone's Commentaries and Hume's History of England as pernicious. "They have made Tories," he said, "of all England, and are making Tories of those young Americans whose native feelings of independence do not place them above the wily sophistries of a Hume or a Blackstone. These two books have done more towards the suppression of the liberties of man than all the million of men in arms of Bonaparte, and the millions of human lives with the sacrifice of which he will stand loaded before the judgment seat of his Maker." ^ A modern sensational newspaper writer could hardly have put it stronger. Under the sting of newspaper attack this extreme advocate of popular rights proposed the appointment of government censors for the press, and wrote to Washington : " No government ought to be without censors. Where the press is free no one ever will be." To Mr. Maury he described the press as "that first of all human contrivances for generating war." ^ Still to John Adams he ' Life of Thomas Jefferson, by James Parton, p. 713. 2 Jeffersonian Cyclopedia, edited by John P. Foley, p. 638, par. 5957. 38 ONE WELSHMAN wrote : " The light (from printing) has dawned on the middling classes only of the men in Europe. The kings and the rabble, of equal ignorance, have not yet received its rays ; but while printing is preserved, it can no more recede than the sun return on its course."^ Yet again, on February 4, 18 16, he wrote to James Monroe, thanking him for private letters, and saying : " From forty years' experience of the wretched guesswork of the newspapers of what is not done in open daylight, and of their falsehood even as to that, I rarely think them worth reading, and almost never worth notice." ^ Here at least was a politician with a courage of his convictions quite rare among his class at the present day ! No man made more phrases about the absolute right of every man to govern him- self ; but in the constitution which he wrote for Virginia he required a landed property qualification for voters, a quarter of an acre in towns, or twenty-five acres in the country. ^ Ford's ed. of the fFritings, vol. n.. p. 270. 2 Ihid., p. 18. ONE WELSHMAN 39 He praised a constitution of Spain, " which after a certain epoch disfranchises every citizen who cannot read and write." ^ To a Frenchman, the Abb6 Arnond, he wrote : "The people are not qualified to legislate. With us, therefore, they only choose the legislators." ^ To Lafayette he wrote : — A full measure of liberty is not now perhaps to be expected by your nation, nor am I confident they are prepared to preserve it. More than a generation will be requisite, under the application of reasonable laws, favouring the progress of knowledge in the great mass of the people, and their habituation to an independent security of person and property, before they will be capable of estimating the value of freedom and the necessity of a sacred adherence to the principles on which it rests for preservation. Instead of that liberty which takes root and growth in the progress of reason, if recovered by mere force or accident, it becomes with an unprepared people a tyranny still, of the many, the few, or the one.^ And in curious contrast with his political descendants, who now wish to have the de- cisions of the highest courts reviewed or even 1 Curtis, p. 292. 2 Foley's Jeffersonian Cyclopedia, p. 492, par. 4599. ' Ibid., p. 501, par. 4701. 40 ONE WELSHMAN reversed at popular elections, he said bluntly : "The people are not qualified to judge questions of law." * To M. Coray he wrote : — Modern times have discovered the only device by which the people's rights can be secured, to wit : Government by the people, acting not in person, but by representatives chosen by themselves — that is to say, by every man of ripe years and sane mind, who either contributes by his purse or his person to the support of his country.^ He reconciled his personal feeling with holding office almost continuously for forty years ; but when he became President he was vehemently in favour of rotation in office, and was the author of the doctrine that " to the victors belong the spoils." He exhorted Albert Gallatin to . . . put down the banks ; and if this country cannot be carried through the longest war against the most powerful enemy without ever knowing the want of a dollar, without dependence on the traitorous classes of her citizens, without bearing hard on the resources of the people, or loading the ' Foley's yeffmonian Cyclopedia, p. 451, par. 4205. ' Ibid., p. 388, par. 3530. ONE WELSHMAN 41 public with an infamous burden of debt, I know nothing of my countrymen.^ In perfect and universal free trade, he discovered another of " the natural rights of men. I am for free commerce with all nations, political connections with none, and little or no diplomatic establishment." And yet he wished to confine the great General Government solely to foreign afFairs — to be thus conducted without diplomatic establish- ment ! Every other subject of public concern, excepting solely foreign afFairs, he wished left to the independent states. Nine-tenths of the present useful activities of the General Government would thus have been destroyed at one stroke. He was opposed to building up manu- facturing establishments. " Let our work- shops remain in Europe." In a letter to John Jay he wrote : "I consider the class of artificers as panderers of vice and the instru- ments by which the liberties of a country are generally overthrown.^ He even considered yellow fever a providential blessing because ' Curtis, pp. 295-296. ^ Ibid., p. 90. 42 ONE WELSHMAN " it will discourage the growth of great cities' in our nation, and I view these great cities as pestilential to the morals, to the health, and to the liberties of mankind." ^ He wrote that he was " not a friend to a very energetic government. It was always oppressive." Elsewhere he declared, " A free government is of all others the most energetic." He was so steeped in the French ideas of universal equality and the importance of addressing everybody merely as " Citizen " that he wrote : "I hope that the terms Excellency, Honour, Worship, Esquire, will for ever disappear from among us. I wish that of Mister to follow them." ^ His hostility to the Constitution was not concealed. To John Adams he said : " I confess there are things in it which stagger all my dispositions to subscribe to what such an assembly has proposed. The President seems a bad edition of a Polish king." ^ To James Madison he said : " The second feature I dislike, and what I strongly dislike, is the 1 Curtis, p. 303. 2 Ibid., p. 91. 3 /fo-^.^ p, gi. ONE WELSHMAN 43 abandonment, in every instance, of the principle of rotation in office." ^ With char- acteristic inconsistency he afterward wrote to James Madison in 1809 : "No Constitution was ever before so well calculated as ours for extensive empire and self-government." Yet to the same man he had written, from the midst of the French Revolution, depre- cating the idea that Shays's Rebellion consti- tuted a reason for hastening the adoption of the Constitution, or making it a strong one. " God forbid," he exclaimed, " that we should be twenty years without a rebellion. We have had thirteen states independent for eleven years. There has been but one rebellion. That comes to one rebellion in a century and a half for each state. What country ever existed a century and a half without a rebellion ? What signifies a few lives lost in a century or two ? The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants." ^ And finally he referred to the Constitution "as a kite sent up to keep the henyard in order." Afterward he became a stickler for the 1 Curtis, p. 81. 2 ii,ij_^ p. g,. 44 ONE WELSHMAN exact terms of the Constitution. When the question of the purchase of Louisiana first arose, apparently he did not think of the Con- stitution at all. Then he frankly admitted that the Constitution gave him no authority to purchase Louisiana,^ and wrote to his political ^ " Mr. Jefferson admitted that he could find nowhere in the Con- stitution authority to buy foreign territory. He believed that such a purchase would be beyond the precedent even of Mr, Hamilton's ' implied powers,' and wished a constitutional amendment passed to malce good what his representatives had done and he could not decline to accept. ' I had rather ask an enlargement of power from the nation, when it is found necessary,' he said, 'than to assume it by a construction which would make our powers boundless. Our peculiar security is in the possession of a written Constitution. Let us not make it a blank paper by construction.' But in the same breath with which he urged his scruple he declared his readiness to abandon it. * If our friends think differently,' he said, ' certainly I shall acquiesce with satisfaction, confiding that the good sense of our country will correct the evil of construction when it shall produce ill effefts.' . . . The President acquiesced with startling facility in the apparent ' necessity of shutting up the Constitution ' in such exigent cases of imperative policy ... He stickled for a strict construction of the Constitution only when he thought that a strict construction would safeguard the rights of common men and keep the old Federalist theories of government at arm's length. . . . He wanted as little governing from the federal capital as might be. . . . It was his weakness to think it safe for the friends of the people to make ' a blank paper ' of the Constitution, but the very gate of revolution for those who were not Democrats. If only Democrats led, ' the good sense of the country would correct the evil of construction when it should produce ill effects ' ! " — A History of tie American People, by Woodrow Wilson, vol. iii., pp. 182-183. The author of these significant comments is the present oflScial head of the party which Mr. Jefferson founded, and so long controlled, and is the President- elect of the United States. ONE WELSHMAN 45 friends asking them to keep quiet about the constitutional question.^ In the same spirit he was most rigid about expenditure of public money, but always found ways to use it for new ends, like the purchase of Louisiana, which he had at heart. He was the author of the Kentucky Resolutions, which supported the extremest doctrine of State Rights and justified Nulli- fication ; and yet he wrote elsewhere that " when any one state in the American Union refuses obedience to the Confederation to which they have bound themselves, the rest have the natural right to compel it to obedience." Surely here are enough inconsistencies and extravagances to show the need for Mr. Madison's plea that " allowance be made for them." In most of them he was absolutely sincere. But no sketch of his career or estimate of his character would be honest without some mention of others for which such an excuse cannot be offered. ' Foley's Jeffenonian Cyclopedia, ^f. 510-51 1, pars. 4806, 4809, 4811. 2 Curtis, p. 302. 46 ONE WELSHMAN His ordinary way of life was that of a rich, cultivated country gentleman. His political pose was that of a farmer, eager for plain living like the common people. But his plain living required the best house in Virginia, with a whole mountain for its site, surrounded by ten thousand acres of land, which he owned and his slaves cultivated for him. It also required a French cook, with the best wines, and sweetmeats specially imported for his use. His ordinary dress was such as became his station, and when he was Minister in France he was admired for his courteous manners no less than for his charming hospitality. But when he became President, for reasons not hard to conjecture, he lapsed into ostentatious slovenliness and bad manners, especially when dealing with the representatives of foreign countries. He sharply criticised the social demeanour of Washington and Adams, his predecessors, and professed for himself a great eagerness for " republican simplicity " and an earnest desire to escape "the glare of royalty and nobility." ONE WELSHMAN 47 All this aiFectation presently brought him into trouble with no less a personage than the new British Minister, who thus reported it : I called on Mr. Madison, who accompanied me officially to introduce me to the President. We went together to the Mansion House, I being in full official costume, as the etiquette of my place required on such a formal introduction of a Minister of Great Britain to the President of the United States. On arriving at the hall of audience we found it empty, at which Mr. Madison seemed surprised, and proceeded to an entry leading to the President's study. I followed him, supposing that the introduction was to take place in an adjoining room. At this moment Mr. Jefferson entered the entry at the other end, and all three of us were packed in the narrow space, from which, to make room, I was obliged to back out. In this awkward position my introduction to the President was made by Mr. Madison. Mr. Jefferson's appearance soon explained to me that the general circumstances of my reception had not been accidental but studied. I, in my official costume, found myself, at the hour of reception he had himself appointed, introduced to a man as the President of the United States, not merely in an undress, but actually standing in slippers down at the heels, and both pantaloons, coat and underclothes indicative of utter slovenliness and indifference to 48 ONE WELSHMAN appearances, and in a state of negligence actually studied.i About the same time he formally intro- duced in his official dinners at the White House the rule that there should be no precedence and no assignment of seats — that people should go in as they liked and take what seats they could find. Both the British and Spanish ministers officially reported offensive situations in which they found themselves involved through this rule. Ulti- mately the diplomatic corps held a meeting on the subject to express their resentment, and the French Minister wrote Talleyrand that " Washington society is turned upside down." Mr. Jefferson found himself so annoyed by the bearing of the Spanish Minister, Sefior Yrujo, that he asked his recall, and had to submit to a snub from the Spanish government, which took no notice of his request. Such and other troubles in which this affected " simplicity of life " involved him were probably what led to his complete reversal of these habits towards the ^ Parton's Life^ p. 619, ONE WELSHMAN 49 middle of his second Administration. From that time he became again the courtly host and courteous gentleman of Monticello or of the French mission, Mr. Jefferson's expressions of opinion concerning England were so conflicting at different periods as to suggest that they were uncandid and for a purpose. Thus he wrote at one time : " No two countries upon earth have so many points of common interest and friendship ; and their rulers must be great bunglers indeed if with such dispositions they break them asunder." ^ At another time, only a few months before the Declara- tion, he wrote : " There is not in the British Empire a man who more cordially loves a union with Great Britain than I do." ^ Some years later he wrote to Mr. Monroe : " We have more reason to hate England than any nation on earth," ^ and to William Carmichael: " I considered the English as our natural enemy, and as the only nation on earth that wish us ill from the bottom of their souls." ^ Ford's ed. of the f^ritings, vol. lii. p. 404. 2 Randall's Life, vol. i. p. 123. ^ Curtis, p. 197. D so ONE WELSHMAN And to Lafayette : " England's selfish prin- ciples render her incapable of honourable patronage or disinterested co-operation." Then he discovered that Napoleon had out- witted him in securing from Spain the re- cession of Louisiana ; and instantly he was in love again with England. He wrote to Livingston in France : " The day that France takes possession of New Orleans . . . seals the union of two nations who, in con- junction, can maintain exclusive possession of the ocean. From that moment we must marry ourselves to the British fleet and nation." -^ He was unjustly accused of irreligion. He had asked James Madison " whether the liberties of a nation could be thought secure when we have removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties are of the gift of God." In fact, no man had deeper religious feeling, — or a greater variety of religious belief. He was born in and adhered for a time to his ^ A History of the American People, by Woodrow Wilson, vol. iii. p. 180. ONE WELSHMAN 51 parish church (Episcopal) in Virginia. At one time he wanted to bring over the Calvin- istic university from Geneva, with all its professors, and use it as the basis for the University of Virginia. At another time he wished to do the same with the equally Calvinistic University of Edinburgh, and urged the Legislature of Virginia to pay the expense of the transfer of the entire faculty and assume the responsibility of their support " for the good of our country in general and the promotion of science." These two uni- versities he then regarded as pre-eminent in all Europe. Later (when he was past eighty, and had by this time become a Unitarian) he denounced Calvinism in his usual vehement way. " The five points of Calvinism," he wrote, " were a blasphemous absurdity, — the hocus-pocus phantasm of a God created by Calvin which, like another Cerberus, had one body and three heads." It would be more pardonable, he said, " to believe in no God at all than to blaspheme Him by the atrocious attributes of Calvin." ^ Such utterances " Curtis, pp. 324-325. 52 ONE WELSHMAN doubtless explain the frequent charge of irreligion. He never outgrew the vulgar and ill-bred habit of sneering at conscien- tious beliefs he could not at the moment share, — never learned that only a boor could insult the religious convictions of anybody. In 1816, when already out of public life, he allowed a pamphlet issued by Dr. Lyman Beecher to draw him into some remarkable expressions, addressed first to an unknown Northern correspondent, the more extreme statements then taken out, and sent to the editor of the Richmond Enquirer, with the request for their publication, the authorship to be carefully concealed. In the letter asking this, he describes Dr. Beecher's pam- phlet as " the most bold and impudent stride New England has ever taken in arrogating an ascendancy over the rest of the Union." He wrote : I am not afraid of the priests. They have tried upon me all their various batteries, of pious whining, hypocritical canting, lying and slandering, without being able to give me one moment of pain. I ONE WELSHMAN 53 have contemplated their order, from the magi of the East to the saints of the West, and I have found no difference of character, but of more or less caution, in proportion to the information or ignorance of those on wrhom their interested duperies were to be paid off. Their sway in New England is indeed formidable. The nation must be awaked to save itself by its own exertions or we are un- done. ... I hope your trumpet (the Richmond Enquirer) will make itself heard. ^ Virginia, whose superior religious en- lightenment was vaunted in this same letter, had early made it penal in parents to refuse to have their children baptized, had pro- hibited the unlawful assembling of Quakers, had made it penal for any master of a vessel to bring any Quaker into the state, and ordered those already there and such as came thereafter to be imprisoned until they should abjure, had provided a mild punishment for their first and second returns, but death for their third, had prohibited all persons from suflFering their meetings in or near their houses, or importing books which supported their tenets. These facts had been recorded 1 Ford's ed. of the fVritirigs, vol. i. pp. 12-14. 54 ONE WELSHMAN by Jefferson himself in his Notes on Virginia^ and, besides, it had tasked his own early zeal to carry the statute for religious free- dom in the colony. It is idle, then, to regard these wild expressions as the serious con- victions about religion or religions of either a philosopher or a statesman. They were merely the petulant spleen of a man harassed by political attack and newspaper abuse — or perhaps the pose of a politician to aiFect his followers — the same politician who thought it desirable to transform himself from a gentleman to an uncouth boor in order to re- ceive foreign ministers in due " republican simplicity." One of the most inexcusable features in his political struggles was his use of the blackmailers, Callender, Freneau, and others, in his vindictive warfare against Hamilton. The most miserable scandal of that whole period was a scurrilous attack upon Hamilton's private morals and official integrity, prepared and published by Callender. Some historians have even asserted that it was submitted by ' Page 167, edition of 1788. ONE WELSHMAN 55 him to Jefferson for approval before its publication, as were attacks by other black- mailers. Mr. Jefferson knew at any rate with whom he was dealing, for the man had already been in prison, and he had pardoned him. He soon received a just punishment, for Callender turned upon him and slandered him more villainously even than he had slandered Hamilton, on the same lines, and with as little cause. No account of the man's great career is complete or honest which does not make some mention of these odious details ; but it is time to turn to another and more agreeable side of him, as revealed in his personal rela- tions to his political associates, to his followers, and his intimate friends, in the times that tried men's souls. He rarely lost a friend or a follower. The foibles and even the follies and worse that have been mentioned were known, but did not deprive him of the enthusiastic admiration of the great party which long ruled the country. They did not even detract materially from the affectionate 56 ONE WELSHMAN regard in which he came to be held by all who remembered the Revolutionary struggle. Some placed him next to Washington and Franklin ; some placed him beside John Adams. Most Americans counted him in the first half-dozen of " the Revolutionary fathers." In his family circle he was adored. Everything indicates that he was the most affectionate of husbands and the most de- voted of parents. In a period of storm and attack from unexpected quarters his wife wrote of him : " He is so good himself, he cannot understand how bad others can be." His neighbours were all his friends. They probably knew that the real character of the man (however variable it might sometimes seem) was revealed in this brief letter, written at the request of a man who had named a son after him. " I am sensible of the mark of esteem manifested by the name you have given your son. Tell him from me that he must consider, as essentially belonging to it, to love his friends and wish no ill of his enemies." His county and his state kept ONE WELSHMAN 57 him in office as long as possible, and seemed always eager for his advice in every emergency. To them he was the one unquestioned political authority ; and his influence was scarcely shaken even by the disastrous failure of his embargo policy or the pitiful results from his hatred of the navy. In fact, he had a genius for persuading not merely his friends but a majority of the voters that his judgment was infallible and that their liberties were only safe while he was on guard to sound the first alarm. Another letter to a namesake gives a more touching revelation of character. It was not to be opened till the old man had passed away : This letter will, to you, be as one from the dead. The writer will be in the grave before you can weigh its counsels. Your affectionate and excellent father has requested that I would address to you something which might possibly have a favourable influence upon the course of life you have to run : and I, too, as a namesake, feel an interest in that course. Few words will be necessary with good dispositions on your part. Adore God. Reverence and cherish your parents. Love your neighbour as yourself, and your country 58 ONE WELSHMAN more than yourself. Be just. Be true. Murmur not of the ways of Providence. So shall the life into which you have entered be the portal to one of eternal and ineffable bliss. And if to the dead it is permitted to care for the things of this world, every action of your life will be under my regard. Farewell. Th. Jefferson. MoNTicELLO, Feb. z\st, 1825.1 On the Fourth of July 1826 John Adams was slowly dying, amid the noisy rejoicing, already universal over every recurrence of the great anniversary. In a final effort to make himself understood by the family, this old and fervid friend and opponent whispered : "Thomas Jefferson still lives." They were Adams's last words, and they were prophetic. That strange medley of inconsistency, extra- vagance, enthusiasm, and fervid patriotic devotion to whom he referred had in fact passed away a few hours earlier. But the author of the statute for religious liberty in Virginia and of the Declaration of Independ- ence, the founder of the University of Virginia and the purchaser of Louisiana, ' Ford's ed. of the fVritings, vol. n.. p. 340. ONE WELSHMAN 59 " still lives " in the respectful memory of the world, and in the affection of the people of the continent he served. And so, gentlemen of the first University College of Wales, I commend to you the memory of your great American Welshman, and venture to appro- priate for him the lines of Shelley : Till the Future dares Forget the Past, his fate and fame shall be An echo and a light unto eternity. Printed ^y R. & R. Clakk, Limited, Edinburgh. BV THE SAME AUTHOR Extra Crown 8vo. is. net. THE SCOT IN AMERICA AND THE ULSTER SCOT Being the Substance of Addresses before the Edin- burgh Philosophical Institution, 1st November 1911, and the Presbyterian Historical Society, Belfast, 28th March 1912 SOME PRESS OPINIONS SUNDA V TIMES.—" Mr. Reid has succeeded in pack- ing a truly marvellous mass of erudition into a marvellously small compass, and the record is one to make the heart of every good Scot now alive to sing with pride." MORNING POST.—"Aa interesting little monograph on the Scottish invasion of the New World. It is a well-packed parcel — of familiar and unfamiliar facts." MANCHESTER GUARDIAN— "The booklet reveals the fact that the magnitude of the debt which America has owed in all the departments of its life to Scotsmen and men of Scottish descent is not generally realised. . . The greater part of the contents of the book will be fresh to most readers and will be read with extraordinary interest by Scotsmen everywhere. '' MANCHESTER COURIER.— " A particularly interest- ing account of what has been done by the pioneers of Scottish blood, when given the larger opportunity of the New World." MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd., LONDON. :m