CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY £K^GILE DOES NOT CIRCULATE EX L I B R I S ADVE^NTURER WILLIAM EDMUND AUGHINBAUGH M.D., LL.B., LL.M. 1871, October 12, Washington, D. C. • New York, N. Y., December 17, 1940 President of The Adventurers' Club 1919-1925 "/ Swear by Apollo" DATE DUE ITO^ oi>rtffi^\"WH^_ *Bie 0ii) £RAi3iLE DOi:$ NOT CIRCULATE PRtNTEOrNU.S A. FRAGILE PAPER Please handle this book with care, as the paper is brittle. Cornell University Library F 2668.K77 1917 Paraguay 3 1924 021 079 094 F Kir THE SOUTH AMERICAN SERIES Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/cletails/cu31924021079094 PARAGUAY T^HE'' CX'I'HEOfiAL :"" 'A'StJiiJCtON. Frontispiece, PARAGUAY W. H KOEBEL AUTHOK OF "URUGUAY," "MODERN ARGENTINA," "THE SOUTH AMERICANS," "MODERN CHILE," ETC, WITH 32 ILLUSTRATIONS AND A MAP CHARLES "icMBNEk'Sr SONS 697-699° ilfvii AVENUE 4-0 5" \ 8 CONT^IJ^TS • ■-•CHAHTEli if,-'. . ' • .••••'.." ..• . _ PAGE THE ENTRY OF THE SPANIARDS . '''.-,-. • • 4° Juan Diaz de SolLsr-'Kie first mariner to sail the 'ftiq de la Plata —His fate— Rettfrn" of the expedition— Magellad— Sebastian Cabot— He esiplores the.'ftttana'Riir^J a|n| founds the settlement of Sancti Spiritns— Oirigin ef-'the. p'ajifct 5Uo.de la Plata— Cabot sails up the Paraguay River — Unexpected meeting with Diego Garcia— The latter. relinquishes the field to C^ot4-After pro- longed waiting' Cabot '?ails to Spain in ordectds^el* assistance — Fate of the gartrisoia he left behind .hftn— The tragedy of Lucia Miranda and the , rac{9««— Tht'- fe^'.survivors of the garrison eventually reach me islalid of*iSanta"Catharina — Don Pedro de Mendoza's expe'dHion— The fp'unding of the township of Nuestra Sehora de los Buenos Aires — Outbreak of hostilities with Guarani Indians — ^The settlement of Buena Esperanza is founded on the site of Sancti Spiritus — Pedro de Mendoza, leaving Ayolas in charge of the province, dies on^the homeward voyage — Ayolas' voyage up the river — ^The chronicles of Ulrico Schmidel and the commentaries of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca — ^A comparison between the river systems of the Amazon and the Rio de la Plata — Animals and tribes seen on the voyage — Relations with the Indians — Landing near the site of Asuncion — Defeat of the local Guarani Indians — Foundation of the city of Asuncion — ^Advantages possessed by the spot — Results of its remoteness from the ocean — Situation of the pioneers — Their isolation CHAPTER III THE FOUNDING OF THE COLONY .... Relations between the Spaniards and Guaranis at Asuncion — The friendly and hostile tribes of Indians — Principal object of the Spanish conquistadores — The fame of the Peruvian mines — Various routes to the mineral districts— Real significance of the ascent of the Paraguay River— Ayolas proceeds farther up the stream — He undertakes an overland expedition to Pern — Mas- sacre of the party by the Indians— Domingo Martinez de Irala— Arrival of Juan de Salazar de Espinosa— Permanent dwellings constructed at Asuncion— Episode between Ruiz Galan and Irala —Details received of the end of Ayolas and his men— Some elo- quent coins— Abandonment of the lower river settlements Asuncion as the sole centre of Spanish civilization — Irala becomes Adelantado of the colony — His popularity— Adminis- trative gifts displayed by him— Some circumstances of Guarani servitude— CharacterisUcs of the natives— The estabUshment of Encomiendas—Yanaconas and »n» * * FACING PAGE . 26l . 26s • • • ■ 279 . 287 . 287 • 29s • 29s • 297 . 301 . 301 • 307 • 307 • 3" • 3" A number of the illustrations are reproduced by kind permission of Alfred James, Esq., Paraguayan Consul-General in London. MAP OF FARAeilAT MaS>*tryB iJcus Scale -!■ 5.000,000 Znglisli Miles O 20 40 GO 80 lOO Juhn'Boj'fluJnmew ft Co.,F.a±n!' PAIIA^0AY INiTRODUCTION; Paraguay as the most romantic State in South America — A comparison with Bolivia-T-A fortunate Republic — Some political conditions — ^The original centre of the south-eastern civilization of the continent — Types of men who founded the State — Paraguay as an early political storm-centre — ^Various natures of the conflicts — ^The rise of despotism — ^The "Inland Japan" — Paraguay as a hermit State — Some extraordinary decrees — Reason for the lack of historical detail — ^The Paraguayan War and the end of the age of tyranny— A cycle of revolution — The intervention of modern enterprise — Railways as extinguishers of political unrest — Incentives to revolution in the past — Some pleasant features of the Republic — Natural boons — The choice of the conquistadores — The first up-stream journey — ^The site of Asuncion — Robert Southey and Paraguay — ^Variety of products — Some recent departures — ^The Paraguayan and modem ethics — Promise of development — Influence of the climate. From the point of view of both history, and nature Paraguay is in many respects the most romantic State in South America. In commion with Bolivia it shares the rather unenviable distinction of being one of the two inland republics of that continent. The disadvantage of this situation has been felt by both. Nevertheless the lot of Paraguay is more fortunate than that of its nei^bour to the west. Paraguay, having never possessed a sea coast, has accommodated her inclinations and: industries in con- formity with that lack, for which she has always enjoyed ample compensation in the magnificent system of rivers that wash her territories and that afford such wide and sefviceable high'ways to the ocean. 23 24 /..PARAGUAY • } / Bolivia, on ttfe'ofihief ti^n^^ is, s^ far" as" the ocfean is concerned, in thte'-^c^jtyin pf".'*; btefeaved nation. She mourns the losSj fiol only of a 'seaBoard that was oncfe hers, but of 'a*. -wide frontagte ontjie'. Paraguay River, which in 'an.>ihhappiy, moment -'sfe exchanged for other territory. /wiiitffi hgs sioc«e*.*BiroA»ed itself of far less value than she^ lakd aAfioi^t^d.* So much for Bolivia.' .But -2 'Bolivia can lay claim to symipathy as one of the imlucky nations of this world, Paraguay has no right to any pretension of the Mnd. In ail other respiects but that of her politics Paraguay is essentially a fortunate land — a lotus-land if you will, btit none the less fortunate for that. It is possible enough that the countries provided with the most boimtiful wealth of Nature are responsible for the fewest huinan feats. It would in any case seem more or less of an axiom' that ,the hot sunlight streaming' through palm-leav^ and brilliant tropical flowers produces just the same degree of languor as the frosty air of the chilly latitudes does of energy — this latter, moreover, not merely for energy's salde, but rather as the result of the search for warmth. There may be some who fail to see that Paraguay is to be congratulated on its lot. Doubtless there are many loyal and ambitious Paraguayans who would hotly, deny their ciountry's faintest claim to the title of fortunate land. Hemmed in by neig'h- bours now more powerful than herself, all but ex- terminated just after the middle of the nineteenth century by the combined forces of Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay — these, after all, are only a couple of the woeful circumstances which have fallen to the lot of the Paraguayan race. From the first settle- ment of the land by thte Europeans the inland State became, and remained, the sport of despotism', civil war, and revolutions. None of the great names which are associated INTRODUCTION 25 with' the founding of the cloilony, — Pedro die Mendoza, Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, Irala, and the rest of the t^onqtiistadores-^ate. to be dissociated with deeds of violence, whether worked by themselv^ upon others or by others upon thtem.'. At the dawn of the New .World history was necessarily made in a rough-and-ready fashion, and the history which was made in Paraguay could only bte compared in importance with that hammiered out at white heat in Peru and Bolivia by Pizarro and Aknagro. Upon the early history of Paraguay hung that of the entire south-eastern portion of the continent. From thfe force of circumstances which are prob- ably unique in the tale of the world Asuncion, the young capital of Paraguay, situated on the banks of its great river at a distance of no less than a thousand miles from the coast, becarrie the first head- quarters of Spanish civilization, and from this point the colonizing force radiated outwards in all directions. As a result of all this, Asuncion became as per- turbed as any other vortex. So great was its distance from the mother country that the dreaded might of Spain, by the time that it had filtered across the ocean, along the coast, and up the great river system far inland, had lost much of its terror. The com- munity which comprised the early white population of Paraguay was essentially of a daredevil order, otherwise it had never penetrated to that remote spot. It comprised men sufficiently reckless to flout an Imperial Governor or a Bishop of Rome, both of which acts, undertaken at that period, were eloquent of extrem^e daring. Starting from this basis, it is perhaps a matter of little wonder that the early history of the inland State should have been unusually turbulent, and that it should have been marred by a degree of internal conflict against which many of the great and wise 26 PARAGUAY men that the country has produced have struggled in vain. In Paraguay, moreover, the storm-centres of the various contests have tended to shift in a most giddy fashion. Hbe direction of the various antagonisms would seem to have altered almtost as rapidly as the level of the great rivers in flood- time or drought. Almost every donceivable (kind of strugigle occurred between Church and State, governors and bishops, rival clerical orders, and between conflicting civil powers. So deeply did' thtese elements of discord permeate the social life of Paraguay that even one of the greatest feats of civilization in the history of the world — the organization of the GuaranI Indians in the settlements prepared for them by the Jesuits — was not carried out without considerable opposition, not only on the part of those laymen who were incensed at the withdrawal from their power of so many potential human chattels, but from dignitaries of the Church itself, who relentlessly busied them- selves in attempting to destroy an essentially humane work. In this respect Paraguayan history has been curiously consistent. Even when, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, the victorious war of libera- tion had flung wide open to the outer world the frontiers of the other South American States, the rise of a new despotism in Paraguay shut off her inhabitants completely from her neighbburs. At this period for year after year all those foreigners who attempted to pass her forbidden boundaries were excluded with a rigour which gained for the country the name of the " Inland Japan " — a title which is meaningless now but which was sufficiently eloquent then. For the gireater part of the first half of the nine- teenth century, Paraguay was a hermit State. For some decades after the decay of the Spanish rule INTRODUCTION 27 so intense was the despotism; that oppressed the country that its inhabitants only dared breathe out the name of the first tyrant, Caspar Rodriguez Francia, in the muttered wihisper of utter dread. In the Middle Agles themselves what would have been thought and written of a monarch who decreed that all his male subjects, even the most imjioverished, should wear a hat — if the headgiear were to consist of nothing but a twisted wisp of straw — solely in order that the man mig'ht sweep it off with a suffi- ciently obsequious flourish if the dreaded chief of the State should happen to pass him by in the street ! Yet this — and much that was not in the least humorous and utterly grim — occurred in Paraguay of the early nineteenth century. The more intimate records of this period of Paraguayan history are lamentably meagre. But the reasons for this lack are sufficiently, explicit. The Paraguayans themselves — haunted by a continual fear of le&e majeste — dared not compile any notes or formulate any opinions concerning thb events of the day : the foreigners — save for a few favoured excep- tions whose im^pressions are dealt with later on — could not, for the simple reason that the Paraguayan guards along the river banfe kept unceasing watch and ward in order to prevent the treading of the hermit soil by an unauthorized and unwelcome foot I It was not until 1870, at the end of the coni- pletely exhausting war with her neighbours, that Paraguay, faint, bleeding at every pore, and in- credibly diminished in population, was delivered from the iron rule of the last of her three tyrants. Even then the political troubles of the country were not at an end ; it was scarcely to be expected that after so giddy a career a firm balance could be obtained without a number of preliminary stagger- ings. A cycle of revolutions followed, a series of internal uphieavals that were separated the one from 28 PARAGUAY thte otJier by intervals of a pieace sufficiently pro- ductive to demonstrate with astonishing clearness the agricultural and industrial possibilities of the country. It does not necessarily savour of any undue optimism to assert that this period of intermittent revolution may be loolced upon as hteralding the settled pTOSperity of thfe country. It is possible enough that it has served a somewhat drastic purpose in penmitting the effervescence which was only natural after so lengthy a condition of un- healthy repression. As it is, moreover, industrial circumstances have now stepped in to play a part which had been denied them before. The railway has been at work, not only to link up Paraguay with its neighbours but to open up communication between many of the interior districts which had before been widely separated by the difficulties of travel. The hnes, moreover, are about to extend themselves still farther. Now, throughout the history of South America it has been proved that the chief enemies of revolu- tion are railwa.ys in the first place and prosperity in the second, the second usually being the corollary of the first. From the mere strategic point of view it is beyond question that the intercommunication re- sulting from the spread of the railway lines tends to render less and less possible the existence of those isolated hotbeds of disaflfection which have worked so much mischief — and occasional good I — in the past . A factor which has so greatly favoured many South American revolutions is precisely this want of rapid communications, which, combined with a sparse population, has enabled insurgents to seize a province, hold it, and to establish a new Government within it almost before the central authorities of the State had an inkling that anything out of the usual was happening. With the prosperity, moreover, which has invariably been found to follow in the track of INTRODUCTION 29 tHe railway lines the mlor'e sordid incentive towards political disorder disappear. These circumstances have held good in the case of all Paraguay's neighbours, and it will be strange if the proof be not forthcoming once again in Paraguay itself. So far we have been looking on merely the dark side of Paraguayan affairs. Indeed, thtere is no disguising the fact that from the political point of view the bright side of life undoubtedly lies in the future. Neverthteless, affairs of state, although they carry far, are not all-embracing. The inland Republic is not lacking in consolations. From the domestic and everyday point of view thfe present amply suffices for its inhabitants. It is in these most important respects that Paraguay shows herself as a most fortunate land. The average Paraguayan, as a matter of fact, is accustomed to live amid surroundings such as the inhabitants of very few other cbuntries could afford not to envy. His land is one of exquisite natural beautyy of abundant fruits and flowers, and of soft airs. It has a soil that gives with a generosity so lavish as to tend to disdourage too violent a human effort or too ambitious an enterprise ! The bt>ons of too kind a Nature are inevitably accompanied by a certain process of enervation. So it is that, in a sense, Paraguay represents the Midi, the Riviera of the country of the great southern streams . It is a land where thte guitar-strings still thrum, and where the blue cigar smoke floats up dreamily against a far bluer sky from the placid Hps of young and old, male and female. If Paraguay were an important tourist resort — as at some future time it cannot well fail to btecomte — an advertising agient of enterprise could glean one of its finest testimonials f romi the very earliest Spanish history of the land. For the conquisiadores of the 30 PARAGUAY Rio de la Plata, after vainly; end^vouring to make head against the famine and hostile Indiaiis that haunted the mouth of the great river, toiled for a thousand miles up-streamy doubtless pausing in per- plexity a hundred times amid the maze of islands and the complexities of the waters, until they came abreast of the spot where Asuncion, the capital, now stands. During the whole course of their inland voyage the banks had been growing more varied in beauty, richer in woodland, and more brilliant in flowers, birds, and butterflies. The promise of the landscape had called upon the adventurers many times to halt. But they had gone on, hesitating at times, until they came abreast of the site of Asuncion. There they doubted no longer. They hauled their brigantines and caravels to the pleasant bank, landed, and — after an everyday and commonplace victory over the very mild-tempered Indians of the district — they prepared to establish themselves at the beautiful spot they had chosen. From that day to this Paraguay has never entirely shed its soft glamour. Robert Southey himself must have been keenly, appreciative of this. For, though he chose Brazil as a subject for the best history that has ever been written on that country, he selected Para- guay as the most appropriate setting for a romance 1 So far the clatter of the Asuncion electric trams and the rumble of the occasional trains which pass through the country, have shaken up very few particles of the sunny and slumberous Paraguayan air, though they will undoubtedly cause an incalculable disturb- ance before they have done. There can be little doubt, indeed^ that Paraguay has already begun to be alive to the value of the industrial and com- mercial assets which have for so long lain to a large extent latent within her frontiers. For the country is fortunate in that its products already show a considerable variety, which cannot fail to be INTRODUCTION 31 increased considerably, furthleir whai the full force of modern invention and machinery is brought to bear. Thus it is that, in addition to its important pastoral and agricultural industries — in both of which notable strides have recently been made — a number of factories have of late years arisen, broug'ht into being, not at the casual command of one of the nation's despots, which in the old days was practically the only species of beginning which an industry was permitted, but by an enterprise brought about by an awakening to the exigencies of supply and demand. There seems no dbubt that the trend of this beginning wiU, apart from its own success, be accelerated by the enormously increased importance of the r61e which South America is now assuredly destined to fill in the affairs of thte clontinents. It is certain that amiidst the hills, valleys, and rivers of her beautiful landscape Paraguay has a sufficiency of material assets to ensure her material wealth. To what extent its light-hearted and temperamentally easy-going populace will themselves enter into the up-to-date, and not invariably pleasant, process of money-maMng remains to be seen. Clearly such a revolution would entail the shattering of so many comfortable principles that have had their birth and existence under the blue cigar smoke and bluer sky which are themselves part and parcel of Paraguay ! All things considered, two circumBtances would seem to promise comparative certainties in the inland Republic : in the first place that its resources will be amazingly developed within the next ten years ; in the second that this development will be con- ducted, not necessarily on the hard-and-fast Northern principles, but rather in conformity with the ways of a land that has much history and many traditions behind it, and that has for its everyday use a soft and languorous climate, the influence of which will never consent to be set entirely aside. CHAPTER I THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS OF PARAGUAY An Indian tradition — The story of Tupi and Guaranl — ^The Guarani race — Some characteristics — Various tribes — General Guarani methods of Government — Evidences of a strong sense of democracy — Diffuseness of the race — Disadvantages of this circumstance in warfare — The Guarani as a warrior — Intellectual status of the race — Lack of arts and crafts — Matters of religion and medicine — Some results of a want of imagination — Painful ceremonies — Limited advantages enjoyed by the cacique — Relation in which he stood towards the tribes — Duties of the primitive Parliaments — Absence of an aristocracy — Physical characteristics — A stoical people — The tribes of the Chaco — Dividing force of the River Paraguay — Distinction between the inhabitants of the Chaco and the Guaranis — Some relics of Inca rule in the Chaco — A lapse into barbarism — Some grim events — A curious spectacle of isolation. Very little is known of the history of the Guarani Indians who inhabited Paraguay at the period when the Spaniards first arrived in that country. There is a vague tradition to the effect that the forefathers of two of the great native races of the east of the continent were two brothers who in some mysterious fashion arrived in Brazil from overseas. Taking to them- selves wives in the country, their oflfspring multiplied rapidly. At length a dispute occurred between the wives of thte two brothers who at the time happened to be fhe leaders of the yoimg race. In consequence of this they resolved to separate. Tupi, the elder brother, remained in Brazil, while Guarani, the younger, led his people to the south-west, until they came to Paraguay, where they settled, and increased^ 33 THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS 33 until from their descendants sprang' thie great nation of the Guaranls. If it possesses no other merits, this legend has at all events that extreme simplicity which was to be expected from so unsophisticated a folk. The ethics of the Guaranf race, as a matter of fact, were crude to a degree when the conquistadores first pene- trated into their midst. The various nations of this great race occupied not only Paraguay — exclusive of the low-lying stretches of the Chaco country on the right bank of the Paraguay River — but extended through many portions of Brazil, practically as far as the northern shores of the continent. Occupying so large a tract of territory, it was only natural that the various sections of the great Guarani family should have developed rather widely differing characteristics. Indeed, at the time of the European advent into South America the main stock of the race had become split up into a countless confusion of lesser tribes, which varied, the one frona the other, not only in customs and appearance but in language itself. Some of these tribes were nomadic. These lived principally upon the abundance of fish with which the rivers were stocked, and to a lesser degree upon the game which their notched, wooden-tipped arrows brought down for them. Other tribes were of the stationary order, and these, occupying their moderate energy with some primitive forms of agriculture, found themselves able to support existence by a far less strenuous fishing and hunting than was the case with the nomadic branches of the race. In matters of government the Guaranfs of Paraguay resemibled all the other aboriginal races of South America, with the exception of the imperial Incas and of the more northern Chibchas. As a people they were essentially diffuse. Not only did they recognize no central authority, they yielded a 3 34 PARAGUAY mere conditional obedience to th'e chiefs set directly above each tribe. They consented to be governed by a chief only for so long as they were convinced that he was fitted to fill the chieftain's post. An inefficient leader was almost invariably replaced by another. No violence occurred in this change of authority, moreover. It took place by mutual con- sent, and afforded only one more proof of that very strong inborn sense of democracy which pervaded all the South American races, with the exception of the Incas. The situation of the Guaranf race had served its own purposes well enough in aboriginal South America. But it was the very diffuseness of the great family that constituted its greatest peril, when menaced by a conquering force from without. This loosely knit collection of tribes was completely un- able to offer any effective resistance to the small bands of well-armed and highly trained Spaniards who invaded their lands, and who were able to deal with the various tribes singly, or in twos or threes, in a fashion that to a great extent neutralized the overwhielming masses of the Guaranf population, which in these instances served as a mere dead- weight . The average Guaranf, moreover— thoug'h many of his number proved themselves possessed of admirable courage — was not a natural-born warrior of the type of the unusually fierce Indians of Uruguay, Argen- tina, and Southern Chile. Had he proved himself so, the influence of climate would have spent itself in vain — a circumstance which does not seem ever yet to have arisen in the history of nations and their natural surroundings. On the whole, the Guaranf was a primitive and contented person who, being well satisfied with the particular territory in which he happened to find himself, scarcely ever troubled to invade his neigh- THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS 36 hour's soil or to comtnit any acts of organized and premeditated aggression. This being so, war was rare among the various Guaranf tribes. But it cannot be said that the benefits of comparative peace had broug'ht about any notable advance in the arts and crafts of civilization. On the contrary, the intel- lectual development of thesie natives had remained at a very low ebb. Music, even of the most barbarous order, was practica;lly unknown among them. Of such crude picture-writings on rock as were discovered by Wallace in the Amazon basin not a trace has, I believe, been met with in Paraguay. Indeed, the Guaranis appear to have been remiarkfably deficient even in those superstitions Which would seem the birthright of almost every savage raoe. It is true that they were provided with priests of a kind. But the duties of these were very little concerned with worship in any shape or form, and ceremonial ritual was practically unknown to them : they served rather as medicine-men, and thieir most notable perfonni- ances lay in the alleged curing of sufferers. Even here their methods were as crude as in all else, one of their most frequent forms of treatment being to apply their lips to the part affected and to endeavour to suck the pain away ! Probably few races have been gifted with a lesser degree of imagination than the original stock of the Guarani. Among his good qualities, of course, were those of his defects. He was tenacious and patient, and was capable of bearing pain and suffering to a point which very few other mortals could have endured. The mutilations which the mfen were accustomed to inflict on themselves on attaining to maturity were alone of so severe an order as to be borne only by those of the mbst resolute nature. Yet these were the common lot, and had to be undergone by every singile man before he could be 36 PARAGUAY permitted to enter the state of matrimlony or the councils of his tribe. These tribal cbuncils, as a matter of fact, repre- sented very imiportant institutions. It has already been explained that the power of the various Guarani chiefs was limited in the extreme. In these naturally democratic communities thte cacique possessed no insignia. His attire — or his lack' of it — was exactly similar to that of all the rest of the people. In the majority of cases the sole advantag'e he enjoyed over the common tribesman was the right to order these to till and sow his fields, to gather in his harvests, and to build his prknitive hut for him. This chief's authority, moreover, was at all times subservient to that of the tribal council — to which he seems to have stood much in the same relation as the modern manager of a limited clompany stands towards his board of directors ! These tribal councils were composed of the various male heads of the families, who would gather together of an evening, when the last rays of the brilliant sun were about to die away, and the first fire-beetles were about to appear, and would disctisis thte aff^^airs of their primitive State. In the case of war it was this same council which would appoint the commander of the warriors — an office which the chosen leader would hold only for as long as the war lasted, after which he would revert to his status as an ordinary tribes- man. It will be seen from all this that an aristocracy of any kind was absolutely wanting in the aboriginal people of Paraguay, a condition of affairs which obtained throughout the continent, with the excep- tion of the Inca and Chibcha races. Since it is the descendants of this original Guarani race which form so large a part of the present-day, Paraguayan nation, they assume an importance which is practically lack- ing in the almost extinct southern warrior tribes of Argentina and Uruguay, and which justifies a THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS 37 share of attention which these others — according to the hard-and-fast tragedy of the extinct ! — have no longer the right to claim. In person the Guaranl of Paraguay was of a light brown complexion, of average height, and was almost invariably well built. Indeed, with their small eyes and long, straight, black hlair, the aboriginals were typical American natives, representatives of the " red- skin " race which once flourished from Hudson's Bay to Cape Horn. In temperament they were equally true to type. We have already seen that they were stoical in the bearing of pain. Grief and joy they encountered in this same frame of mind. They refused stubbornly to groan at the first, or to laugh aloud at the second. It was their grim pride to maintain an impassive countenance in thfe face of every happening which their world had in its power to offer them, and among themselves they maintained their conversations in low and monotonous voices. It may be imagined that this people, blended with that of the. fiery, chivalrous, and emotional Spaniard, would be productive of a sufficiently virile race. Such has proved to be the case, and> from the anthro- pological point of view, none can find themselves disposed to criticize the Paraguayan of to-day un- favourably. But this topic has brought us far in advance of the aboriginal period with which we are at present concerned. On the right bank of the Paraguay, River were the Chaco tribes, nations which differed as much from the Guaranis as does the landscape of one bank from that of the other. As a dividing force there can be few streams which rival the Paraguay. As a barrier between nations, moreover, its influence has remained almost unbroken from' the dawn of history to the present day. Save for a few raiding parties which would cross 38 PARAGUAY the stream froitt' tunfe to timfe the left bank' of the Paraguay River was as unknown to the Chaoo tribes as was the right bank to the Guaranis. But the cause of such infrequent and desultory hostilities as occurred must without a doubt be laid' at the door of the Tobas, Matacos, Lenguas, and the rest of the Chaco tribes. For these truculent Indians were at all times only too ready to assume the offensive. The Guaranf, when brought into contact with civiliza- tion, showed himself willing to take advantage of its benefits. The Chaco tribes, on the other hand, steadily refused to enter into any intercourse with the whites except that provided by ambushes and flights of arrows. There seems to be no doubt that in the north- west of that strange Chaco district of wood, swamp, and pasture which includes such important terri- tories of Argentina, Paraguay, and Bolivia, many of the Indian tribes are concerned witjh a tragic romance, of which they themselves probably suspect nothing at all. In the days of the Inca Empire great portions of the Chaco were controlled by these Children of the Sun, and evidence abounds to support the fact that, on the extinction of the Inca rule by the Spaniards, large numbers of these Ul-fated people took refuge in the Chaoo. It is this flight on a large scale which accounts for the marked Qxiichda features of many of the remoter Chaco tribesmen ; for the Incas of Peru and Bolivia were of the Quichtia race. Other traces are to be met with in the headgear of some of the tribes, which is clearly patterned on that of the ancient Incas. But in the present-day habits and customs of these men nothing whatever of the old Inca remains. They have lapsed entirely into the barbarism of the Chaco, and have no idea that any of their ancestors existed in anything more solid than the woodland toldos, the huts of branches hastily '-^ a THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS 39 flung up, or that they had ever lived any other life but that of fishers and hunters in the Chaco plains. However this may be, the Chaco Indians enter very little into the history of Paraguay. Unlike the Guaranfs, they have played no part in the build- ing up of the modern Paraguayan race. The only part contributed by them towards the early history was the grim tale of the murders which they worked upon those clerics, laymen, and soldiers whose ill- fate had caused thfem to attempt to explore that mysterious land which lay on the othfer side of the great river. It is only during the past few years that this isolated condition of affairs has tended to alter. In the beginning and middle of the nineteenth century it was responsible for a complication in the strange political situation of that period. For, whereas Paraguay then shut herself off from the outer world, and became what was known at the time as the " Inland Japan," the Paraguayan Chaco, with its hordes of fierce Indians, kept itself as remote as ever from Paraguay proper on the other side. The spectacle afforded in consequence was unique — that of a hermit State within a hermit State I But at the time these conditions prevailed there were very few foreign spiectators on the spot to take disinterested note of these remarkable circumstances. CHAPTER II THE ENTRY OF THE SPANIARDS Juan Diaz de Solis — ^The first mariner to sail the Rio de la Plata — His fate — Return of the expedition — Magellan — Sebastian Cabot — ^He explores the Parana River and founds the settlement of Sancti Spiritus — Origin of the name Rio de la Plata — Cabot sails up the Paraguay River — Unexpected meeting with Diego Garcia — The latter relin- quishes the field to Cabot — After prolonged waiting Cabot sails to Spain in order to seek assistance — Fate of the garrison he left behind him — The tragedy of Lucia Miranda and the caciques — The few sur- vivors of the garrison eventually reach the island of Santa Catalina — Don Pedro de Mendoza's expedition — The founding of the township of Nuestra Senora de los Buenos Aires — Outbreak of hostilities with the Guarani Indians — The settlement of Buena Esperanza is founded on the site of Sancti Spiritus — Pedro de Mendoza, leaving Ayolas in charge of the province, dies on the homeward voyage — Ayolas' voyage up the river — The chronicles of Ulrico Schmidel and the commentaries of Alvar Nuiiez Cabeza de Vaca — A comparison between the river systems of the Amazon and of the Rio de la Plata — Animals and tribes seen on the voyage — Relations with the Indians — Landing near the site of Asuncion — Defeat of the local Guarani Indians — Foundation of the City of Asuncion — Advantages possessed by the spot — Results of its remoteness from the ocean — Situation of the pioneers — -Their isolation. The earliest chronicles of Spanish Paraguay are inextricabty bound up with the history of Argentina, and of the territories of the Rio de la Plata in general. It was only in the nature of things that the mouth of the river should have been discovered before the upper reaches I Why it was that a spot a thousand miles from' the ocean should have been definitely settled before the lands at the great river's mouth invokes some far more complicated reasons. Juan Diaz de Solis, Grand Pilot of Spain, was 40 THE ENTRY OF THE SPANIARDS 41 the first mariner to sail the waters of the Rio de la Plata. Setting sail from the port of Sanlucar on the 8th of October, 1515, he went southwards with three ships until he came to the wide and sandy mouth of the Plata. It wlas his fate to proceed a very short distance up the stream. On |one of the dtiw- liying islands in the river, covered with willow, ceibo, and rushes, were a number of fierce Charrtia Indians. These, staring in amazement at the strange new vessels that were sailing up their stream, made signals for the sailors to come ashore. Solis and his men, anxious to open communications with these inhabit- ants of a; hitherto unsuspected world, rowed in a small boat to the baink. But no sooner had the party landed than it wa.s attacked and massacred by the Charrdas. The dismayed European sailors, who had witnessed the tragedy from their ships, pulled up their anchors, and set sail forthwith for Spain to carry back the melancholy tidings. On his southward way to the Straits which bear his name, the famous Magellan sailed into the mouth of the Rio de la Plata: in 1520, but made no attempt to explore the actual waters of the stream. The next really important feat of this kind was reserved for Sebastian Cabot. As a matter of fact this was brought about in the first place by accidental causes. Cabot, who had set out from Spain bound for the Moluccas, was compelled by the loss of some of his ships and by the scarcity of provisions to alter his plans— a circumstance which was very common in the experience of the early sea-captains I Finding himself off the mouth of the stream' which' was then known by the name of the River of Solis, he determined to explore its waters. In the first place he detached a vessel under Juan Alvarez Ramon to sail up the Uruguay branch of the great river system. Ramon's vessel having run ashore, he was making his way back as best 42 PARAGUAY he could, Whien he was murdered by the Yaros Indians. Enough, however, had been glteaned con- cerning the Uruguay, River to show that, for purposes of navigation, the stretch of waters it offered was comparatively limited. Cabot himself now determined to investigate the other branch, a|nd, proceieding up the Parand River as far as the mouth of its tributary stream, the Carcaraiia, he established at the spot a settlement and a fort, which he christened by the name of Sancti Spiritus. It was just about this time, it may be said, that the name of the great estuary of the river system became changed. The reason of this was that Calbot was brought into contact with a certain numlber of natives on thte banks of the stream, who were decorated with silver ornaments. Ca.bot had yet to Ibam that these pieces of metal had been brought across country, from the mountains hundreds of Iteagues to thle west. A,t the time he rnade certain that the silver had emanated from the country through which the river passed. Rejoicing greatfy at this supposed discoiveriy of his, he sent thte news back to Spain, and theniceforward the Rio de Solis became the Rio de h. Platal, or the River of Silver — a metal of which its banks have always remained entirely innocent . We now arrive at the first cleaving of the waters of the Paraguay by European vessels. It was at the end of December, and consequently midsummer belbw the equator, of 1527 that Cabot set out from his new settlement of Sancti Spiritus, determined to explore the upper waters. Having arrived at the point where, proceeding up-stream, his path became divided into the Paraguay and the Alto Par^nd, he first of all chose the latter, and forced his way up it, the current becoming swifter and the fairylike forests drawing in on either hand, until the rocky bed and the cataracts forbade further progress. THE ENTRY OF THE SPANIARDS 43 On this, Cabot turned the bows of his ships, and sped down to the junctioin of the two rivers. Having reached this, he swung his craft round up-stream, and thus found himself sailing up the Waters of the Paraguay River. Here he is said to have reached the point where the red and muddy waters of the Bermejo River flow into the main stream' to discolour its tide, when Indian messengers brought him the news that the vessels of a second European expedition had made their appearaiKjei in the Parand. This news was as disturbing as any couM well be to an explorer in the first flush of his success, loath to share his triumph with any new-comer. Cabot turned his bows down-stream again, and about ninety miltes below the junction of the Paraguay and Parand he met with the ships of Diego Garcia, Diego Garcia is said to have been an oM shipmate of the unfortunate Jiiam Diaz de Solis. Convinced apparently of the opportunities whidh lay farther albng the river on the banks of which his leader had perished, Garcia had persuaded some Spanish merchants to finance an expedition. Hence his meet- ing, many hundreds of mites from' the mouth, with the man who had forestalled him, and who, in the first instance, had found himself in those latitudes by the merest chance. The two captains saited down in company to Sancti Spiritus . At that spot there undoubtedly ensued con- siderabte argument. Cabot's personality was not one to be lightly set aside. The mlatter was an unfortu- nate one for Diego Garcia, who had planned what the other had obtained by a stroke of fortune — but it was Diego Garcia who had to go. Yielding the point, he sailed out of sight down the stream on his way to Spain, leaving Cabot in possession of the field of his discoveries. After this Cabot remained for somte time in the neighbourhood of Sancti Spiritus awaiting the assist- 44 PARAGUAY ance for which he hid appealed to Spain, and which, as was not altogether unusual in affairs handled by the Castilian Government, was suffering a practically indefinite delay. In 1530 Cabot, weary of waiting for the ships that did not arrive, determined that he himself would seek in Spain the assistance neces- sary for the success of his colbnial plans. Leaving Sancti Spiritus, he sailed down the river, across the ocean, and arrived safety in Spain. Here circum- stances intervened to prevent him returning to the Rio de la Plata— a dislocation that was by no means unusual in the affairs of the sixteenth-century founders of States and colbnial governors I Sebastian Cabot left behind him at Sancti Spiritus a garrison of 120 men, under the com- mand of one of his officers, Nuno de Lara. The fate of the majority of this garrison was trag'ic in the extreme. To all intents and purposes abandoned by the authorities in Spain, they subsisted as best they could, and succeeded in opening up a more or Itess friendly intercourse with the truculent Indians in the neighbourhood. Unfortunately for the garrison, the handsome wife of one of the Spanish officers, Sebastian Hurtado, aroused the desire of the cacique Mangor^, and this savage eventually led a treacherous attack on the unsuspecting Europeans with the object of securing the person of Lucia Miranda. Mangor6 himself was slain in the fight, but his brother Siripo, as victor, took the unfortunate lady prisoner. Beyond this ipoint the accounts arei conflicting. Some have it that Lucia Miranda was Mt in possession of Siripo, others that she and her husband remained together to the end, and died the death of martyrs. However this may have been, whten a small party of the garrison, who had been absent during the Indian attack, returned to Sancti Spiritus, they were horrified to find nothing beyond the corpses of their THE ENTRY OF THE SPANIARDS 45 companions littering the bloodstained soil. These they buried, after which the remnant of the force made its way to the neighbourhood of the small Portuguese settlement of San Vicente on the Atlantic, from which spot they passed in 1534 to the island of Santa Catalina. In that same year great preparations were com- peted for an expedition wihich should be of sufficient power to undertake in an adequate fashion the colbnization of the ootmtries of the Rio de la: Plata, the importance of which wlas now acknowledged. In the late surmner an imposing fleet of fourteen vessels sailed froni Spain. In supreme comtnand wias Don Pedro de Mendoza, a sufficiently gallant and adventurous soldier of fortune. Who hid bargained with the King, and who, according to the usage of the period, had demonstrated to his Majesty in a pecimiairy as well as a practical fashion his ability to act as Governor of this new district of the Southern world which he had the royal permission to conquer. Mendoza 's bargain, though it was indirectly of considerable use to his successors in South America, turned out to be far less profitable to himself than he had imagined. The expedition was destined to cause him the loss of his money, health, and, even- tually, of his life. After a voyage filled with incident he arrived at the mouth of the Rio die la Plata. A tentative landing on the left bank of the estuary determined him to attempt his settlement on the opposite side. Having re-embarked his men and sailed across, he founded' a township, Nuestra Senora de los Buenos Aires, on the spot where the present capital of Argentina is situated. Here he landed his people and horses, and erected a stockade about the dwellings. From its very inception the circumstances of this place were unfavourable. In a very short time hostilities broke out between the Guarani Indians of 46 PARAGUAY the neighbourhood and the European settlers. As, moreover, the Spaniards were largely dependent upon these Indians for such meat and fish as they could obtain, the outbreak of these quarrels meant the beginning of a serious famine. After a time it became evidtent from the straits to which the garrison was reduced that a continuance of the situation must end in complete disaster. Juan de Ayolas, Mendoza's second in command, set sail up the river, and fovmded a new settlement at the mouth of the Carcarana on the site of the original stronghold which had been destroyed' by the caciques "Mangore and Siripo. This was now christened Buena Esperanza ; but the ray of hope that this new development brought to Pedro de Mendoza was but fleeting. That un- fortunate Governor — the AdeUmtado of all these new and difficult lands— was now not only discouraged but seriously ailing. After a stay of some time at Buena Esperanza he depa:rted for Spain, leaving Juan de Ayolas in charge of the enterprise, with Francisco Ruiz Galan as his second in command. Mendoza never reached the coast of Spain. He died on the homeward voyage, doubtless after much bitter wonder as to what he had gained by this arduous adventure, for the privilege of which he had paid so heavily ! We are now at the threshold of the history of Paraguay proper. Juan de Ayolas, whose imagination had been stirred by the tales of the prosperity and abundance to be met with in the lands bordering the upper reaches of the river, now pirepared to take an important force up-stream, in order to search for a more genial headquarters for the scheme of coloniza- tion which it had now fallen to him to carry on. The fullest account of this momentous voyage has been given by a certain Ulrich Schmidt, known to the Spaniards as Ulrico Schmidel, who accompanied Mendoza as the representative of some merchants THE ENTRY OF THE SPANIARDS 47 who must have been of a decidedly enterprising turn of mind. Schmidel's chronicles, together with the Com- mentaries of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, have been translated from the original Spanish into EngHsh by that fine Argentine scholar the late Don Luis L. Dominguez, formerly Argentine Minister Plenipoten- tiary in Londbn. The value of these works is not to be over-estimated, since they throw into strong relief a branch of South American history which had failed until then to receive anything like its proper share of attention. There is, unfortunately, no spacie available here for the full details of this notable inland voyaJge. As an experience, few events of the kind could have been more thrilling, quite apart from' the addeid excite- ment caused by the occasional Indian attacks. There is no doubt that, from the explorer's point of view, the River Plate system compared favourably with that of the Amazon. In the first place the great breadth of the latter gigantic stream suggests a turbid sea rather than a river, and discourages any really intimate acquaintance with the banks. Even in thie narrower stretches, too, the nionotony of the land- scape very soon tends to destroy all appreciation of a nearer view. The Amazon landscape has been justly described as of three unending colours, yellow, green, and blue. The yellow paints the stream, the green the interminable forest walls, and the blue, of course, the sky. There is nothing to break the monotony, save an occasional thunderstorm. It is altogether different with the mounting of the Rio de la Plata system, and with the passage from the Parana River into the Paraguay. Here, ascend- ing little by little from the temperate latitudes into the sub-tropical, every score of miles adds just a little to the richness and to the variety of the scene. Surely there can be nothing more enchanting than 48 PARAGUAY entering into the full brilliancy and wealth o£ the realms of the most abundant Nature in this deliberate and leisurely fashion. The Spaniards found much to wonder at on their upward journey. They noticed, not only the growing beauty of the blossoms and birds, but the increasing variety of the curious creatures which abounded on the shore and in the streani. After a time thtey became accustomed to the innumerable small alligators that dozed sluggishly on the exposed sand-banks, although they never ceased to wonder at the far rarer sight of a giant boa-constrictor coiling his brown and yellow lengdi in the lassitude of repletion or in thb alert expectancy that preceded a meal. The names of the various tribes with which the expedition came into contact on its voyage up-stream need not be given here. As rendered by Schmidel, who, with the best of intentions, could not be expected to be accurate in the matter of nomenclature, very few of these are in any way recogniziable, from the point of view of modern knowledge. When he refers to such people as the ' Guaycurus, Timbues, and other known tribes of the kind, the affair becomes plain sailing ; but more often the old chronicler's desig- nations are more or less untraceable. Putting all such details aside, it is quite certain that Ayolas' ships, on going up the river, had the various Guarani tribes on their right and the natives of ihe Chaco on their left. The most important and most highly organized' resistance with which the expe- dition met was from the Mepenes, who are said to have mustered no fewer than five hundred canoes in order to oppose his progress up the river. Neverthe- less, the disparity in arms and vessels very soon told its tale. When the action was over a number of capsized canoes and brown corpses went floating down the stream, while the heavy craft of the Spaniards, undamaged, continued their way slowly up the current. THE ENTRY OF THE SPANIARDS 49 The relations of Ayolas' mten with the Indians were not invariably of a bellicose nature. Occasionally the intercourse was friendly, enough. Sometimes, in- deed, the Indians proved themselves willing, not only to barter, but to make presents of fish, beans, and liquors to these lighter-skinned strangers. As the Spaniards proceedied. farther into the more bountiful land, and as the bows of the vessels drove into the clear waters above where the mliddy red torrent of the Bermejo poured itself into the main river, the docUity of the Indians on the right hand became more marked. At length on this side of the river appeared a mountain, the first real mountain on which the adven- turers had set their eyes since they had entered the great river system I Red, verdure-covered cliffs now border«i the stream^ to fall away, just beyond the mountain, giving way to a delightful little bay. Here it was determined to effect a landing. The anchors splashed down with a new sense of finality into the stream, and the small boats bore the pioneers to the shore. Scarcely was the disembarkation at an end when it was discovered that there were Indians in the neighbourhood who had to be reckoned with. At the sight of the strangers two local caciques, Lambar^ and Nandud, had gathered together a formidable Guarani army. An engagement ensued between the Europeans and these, in which the latter were signally worsted. The mauled Guarani host fled in dismay to the wooded slopes of the mountain — itself subsequently known as Lambar6 — ^where they took refuge in a primitive stockaded fort. The virile Ayolas, determined to force a decision at all costs, followed on the heels of the Guaranis, and closely besieged them in their stronghold. These energetic measures produced just that result for which the Spanish leader had hoped. Within three days the Guaranis, dismayed at the organization and i 50 PARAGUAY efficiency of the force opposed to thein! — qualities which were in themselves a revelation to the untutoreid Indians — surrendered within three days, and a com- pact of peace was for the first time drawn up between the two nations. After this Ayolas and his men returned to the pleasant little bay, and on the shore laid the first foundation of the cltyof Asuncion, the capital of Paraguay. Had the river been explored for years, instead of having been ascended for the first tinie amid so many distracting incidents, it is doubtful whether a more favourable site could have been lit upon for a centre from which the eddies of civilization should flow outwards in Paraguay. In this respect chance favoured this bold company of conquistadores to an unusual degree. As it happened, Asuncion lay at the end of that stretch of the river system which was conveniently, navigable for the ocean-going sailing craft of the sixteenth century. In addition to this, and to numerous other strategic advantages which it enjoyed, the climate of the place was distinctly, healthy, being practically innocent of the malarial fevers common to many of the more swampy dis- tricts. Further, the advantages of the neighbourhood itself were not confined to a remarkably pleasant landscape. The soil was peculiarly fruitful, and, beyond the native flora, it soon demonstrated its wonderful fertility in the growth of many of the Southern European fruits and vegetables introduced into it. So much for the advantages offered by Asimcion in the first half of the sixteenth century. It must be admitted that these were counterbalanced by many circumstances of an adverse order. The snaall and precarious establishments on the great rivers of the south-east of the Continent of South America were entirely dependent on ' Europe for their main- tenance in all else 'but actual food^ — and' even this THE ENTRY OF THE SPANIARDS 51 latter commodity had to be includied in the case o'f the settlements at the mouth of the river. The remoteness of Asuncion's situation from Europe was a matter of less consequence 'so long as these latter ports continued. But when the force of circumstances — the chief of w'hich were famine and continuous Indian hostility — forced the abaiidonment of the Settlements of Buenos Aires and Buena Esperanza; and the transfer of their garrisons to Asuncion, the position became changed very much for the worse, and the remoteness of the 'daring Paraguayan town- ship infinitely increased. Indeed, few pioneers can ever have been so com- pletely cut off from their countrymen as were those of Asuncion at one period. Between them and the sea ran a thousand miles of river, the current of which was beset by a maze of islands, sandbanks, and shifting shoals. Along this whole distance, more- over, existed no single European upon the banks who could give aid to a party in need of assistance. On the other hand, every danger point along the stream was infested by natives only too anxious to render utterly complete any misfortune which the intricate moods of the river might have in store for the navigators. Finally, once arrived even at the mouth of the great river, "Spain was still on the wrong side of the equator, many thousands of miles away I Such was the almost overwhelming isolation with which the first colonists of Paraguay had to contend. CHAPTER III THE FOUNDING OF THE COLONY Relations between the Spaniards and Guaranis at Asuncion — ^The friendly and hostile tribes of Indians — Principal object of the Spanish con- quistadores — The fame of the Peruvian mines — Various routes to the mineral districts — Real significance of the ascent of the Paraguay River — Ayolas proceeds farther up-stream — He undertakes an over- land expedition to Peru — Massacre of the party by the Indians — Domingo Martinez de Irala — ^Arrival of Juan de Salazar de Espinosa — Permanent dwellings constructed at Asuncion — Episode between Ruiz Galan and Irala — Details received of the end of Ayolas and his men — Some eloquent coins — Abandonment of the lower river settle- ments — Asuncion as the sole centre of Spanish civilization — Irala becomes Adelantado of the colony — His popularity — Administrative gifts displayed by him — Some circumstances of Guarani servitude — Characteristics of the natives — The establishment of encomiendas — Yanaconas and mitayos — Regulations applying to slave ownership — Development of Asuncion — Defences of the town and election of officials — The urban arms — Circumstances of the colonists — ^The birth of the modern Paraguayan nation. The energetic temperament of Juan de Ayollas did not permit him' to rest for any Itength of time on his laurels iat Asuncion. At this latter spot it soon became evident thjat the prospects of a permanent settlement were favouralble in the extreme. In the first place, the relations of the Spaniards with' the Indians were far more satisfactory than had been their experience at any of the lower reaches of the river. This, of course, is reg-ardingi the matter from the Spianish point of view. From thie purely native stand- point the prospects were Itess brig'ht, since there was no doubt that the docile character of these Indians THE FOUNDING OF THE COLONY 63 was already giving: the Spaniards an ascendanqr over them which was rapidty preparing the way, for a compltete European domination of the district. Start- ing from the initial triumph of the conquistadores on the. mountain slbpes of Lambard, the policy of the new-comiers; as' it develtaped, involved the Indians more and more in the state of inferior allies, whose business it was, not onty to fetch and carryi for the Spaniard, but to render him' military assistance in his cam- paigns ag'ainst the less docile of their dusky brethren. These latter were almost entirely met with on the opposite bank of the river. The fierce inhabitants of the Chaco took every opportunity of displaying their resentment at the presence of the white man, and the result was miany fierce brushes with the tjribes of the Lenguas, Tobas and othters. Indeed, during his brief stay iat Asuncion, Ayolas found leisure to take a force down-stjream, and inflict a severe lesson on the tribe of the Agazes that had attacked his ships on their upward way. Another hostile tribe, it may be said, was that of the Guaycunis, consider- ably to the north of Asuncion. At the end of six months Ayol'as prepgred him- self for a further journey. His restlessness was not without its object. In the mind of a sixteenth-century conquistador townships such as Asuncion were mereliy a means to an end. An Adelantado who sailed out from Spain iat that period to conquer and administer the great stretdh of territory allotted to him: was very little concerned with such prosaic matters as spadework and agricultural development — so little, indeed, that the Imperial Council of the Indies found it necessary after a time to bind him' by, covenant to take out with him ^ specified number of agri- cultural and pastorail assets in order to ensure the solidity of hjis venture. It was usually with some reluctance that an Adelantado comphed with such conditions. That 54 PARAGUAY which was before his eyes when he saiJed from his Spanish port for the fajr south was goM, and it was this gold that continued as his sole eventual aim and object all the time, until, occasionally fabulously rich, but more often impoverished and disillusioned, he returned to Europe, or Md his bones in some corner or other of the gilded continent of mystery. Thanks to Pizarro, AHmagro, and their douglbty colleagues, the fame of the Peruvian mines had been spread widely labtoad. To approach this dazzling coimtry from the west and the north' was an impos- sibility. Every route in that direction had been secured by the grim and determined conqaistadores who had first boldly. Challenged the force of the Inca Empire. There remained the approach' from the south-east, and, it was supposed, the discovery of lands adjoining that of the Inca — lands as rich in precious metals ias the other. In the early sixteenth century all the South American roads led to Peru and to its mountains of metal I Hence the great importance of the ascent of this Paraguay River, whose source, the Spaniards of this expedition felt assured, rose in those very highlands among some of which the conqaistadores of the north-west were reaping rich yellow harvests. With a mental picture such as this floating entrancingly before him, it was out of the question for a man of Ayolas' temperament to remain quietly at Asuncion aind to superintend the steady growth of the neiw setttement. Once again he assembled his men and his ships, ajnd, after six months'' stay at Asimcion he set out once more up-stream in search of the route to Paraguay, and to all those mountains that he pictured, each as rich as Potosi. On this occasion the navigation was still more com- plicated than before, and the comparatively shallow waters of the upper reaches were a ceaseless source of anxiety. Nevertheltess, on the 2nd of February, THE FOUNDING OF THE COLONY 55 1537, thle expedition arrived safely at a little natural river port wtiichi Ayolas christened by the name of La Candellaria. The site of this place does not appear on any modem map, nor on aiiy ancient one with which I am acquainted.'. But it was certainly on the Chaco bank of the stream, and its aspect must have promised a favourable starting-off point for the mountains— for it had now becom© cltear to the explorers that the promis© of the river had been specious, land that, after all, its upper waters were fringed by, no metal-bearing hills. It was at this point, at all events, that Ayolas decided that the river expedition should end and the journey by land should begin. He Iteft his ships in the care of that stout and trusty Biscayan, Domingo Martinez de Irak, and, accomplanied 'by 250 Spaniards and 100 Indians, he struck out bbldly to the west through the woodliands 'and swamps of the Chaco. Another accoimt has it that before he plunged inland Ayolas married the daughter of the local cacique — more as &> precautionary measure in the way otf securing an alliance than for any other reason — and set out with 127 men, Iteaving 33 in chargle of Irala. Neither Ayolas nor ajiy of his men were ever seen by Europeans Sgain. .There is no doubt that this resolute conquistador, ^er suffering intense priva- tions in common withi his men, did actually succeed in reaching the ejisteirn borders of the mountainous land of Peru, and, having secured many specimens of minerals, wais returning with such of his men as had survived the intense hardships of the voya'ge, when the party Wals treacherously, set upon by the Indians, and a massacre ensued which left not a singlte white man ahve. Up to this point the history of these coltonizijig ventures of the south-east has been simplte enough ; but within half a year after Ayolas and his men had 66 PARAGUAY disappeared into the forest of the Chaco arose the first of those complications of State and of those jealousies between leaders from which Paraguay was destined to suffer, not only for generations but for centuries . I r alia, having waited for several months at La Candelaria, and having in vain maintained a vigilant watch on the Chaco bank, found that he had practi- cally come to an end of his provisions. In order to revictuali his vessels he determined to sail down to Asuncion, where the Indians were friendly and where the fruits of thfe earth Tvere ptentiful. His departure was delayed by the totally unex- pected appearance of Juan de Salazar de Esponosa, a royal official whio had sail^ up the river to render what assistance he could to Ayolas. This meeting occurred at a point a little to the north t)f La Candelaria on the 23rd of June, and was naturally the occasion of grelat rejoicing. After having remained for a time in Irala's company, Juan de Salazar dropped down in his vessels to Asuncion, where on the I 5 th of August hfe began to build the fort and the first permanent houses at this spot. .When, in the continued absence of Ayolas, Irala in his turn sailed down the stream to Asuncion, in order to revictual his vessels, he was amazed to find a far more numerous body of Spahiards than the followers of Juan de Salazar established at that place. Ruiz Galan, who had originally been appointed by Pedro de Mendoza as second in command to Ayolas, had now come up-stream to the spot with a number of his followers. Galan, anxious to assert his authority, diargied Irala with having deserted his post — a Mdicrously unsound accusation — and detained him for ai time at Asuncion on this charge. Presently, however, Irala was free again to return to his thankless station of expectancy at La Candelaria, white Ruiz Galan went down-stream from Asuncion to THE FOUNDING OF THE COLONY 67 attend to the iaffairs of the few Spaniards whb remained to the south of the Paraguayan settlement. Irala waited in vain in thfe neighbourhood of La Candelaria. The relations with the Indians in the neig'hbourhood of thie river appear to have been entirely broken off at this period. Such inter- course as existed appears to have been alimost entirely limited to the taunting cries of the na;tives, who, from their places of conceailment in the dense vegetation which fringed the river, yelled out cries of defiance, and shouted the news of a triumph which, they said, had been obtained over the white men who had dared to enter the Chaco. At length two Payagud Indians were captured, and, in accordance with the callous procedure of the age, they were put to the torture in order that the truth of what had occurred might be wrung from them — a p^rocess which as often as not resulted in the extraction of a number of details invented by the sufferer on the spur of the moment in the hope of putting an end to his aglonies. In this case the circumstances were clear enough. The end of Ayolas and his men had come about just as, utterly spent, they were wearily passing throug'h a thick forest patch. All at once the leaves and lianas on either side had become alive with dusky faces, and a horde of savages had crashed throug'h the under- growth and slaug'htered the surprised and helpless Spaniards until not one was left alive. In connection with this massacre it is worth while to branch off for a few Unes into some circum- stances which are only indirectly concerned with this part of the history of Paraguay. They are, at all events, eloquent of the strangle manner in which the alimost forgotten fa:cts of one age are apt to be hnked with those of another. As late as the end of the nineteenth century those travellers who dared — occasionally at the risk of their lives — to penetrate 68 PARAGUAY into parts of the Chacb have frequently met with a strange collection of Spanish' coins used as orna- ments by certain tribes of Indians, some of them bearing dates which carry back very nearly to the first ages of the Spanish colonization in South America. It is not only possible, but probable, that these coins were first spread abroad in the Chaco, and, bloodstained, were taken from the bodies of the Spania'rds on the occasions of massacres eudh as that of Ayolas and his men. When Irala, doubt no longer existing* concerning the death of his chief, returned to Asuncion, it was to find the place now definitely accepted as the headquarters of the Spanish colonization in the south- east of the continent, and shortly after his return from that place the surviving Spaniards were brought up to it from^ the harassed settlement of Buenos Aires, thus leaving, as has been previously remarked, no link of civilization in all the thousand miles that intervened between Asuncion and the ocean. In the meantime a struggle for supremacy among the leaders had ensued in which Irala had proved himself the victor. His rivals for the post of Adelantado were Ruiz Galan, Alonso Cabrera, and Juan de Salazar. The fact that he succeeded in upholding his cause in the face of such candidates as these is eloquent of the strength of Irala's personaUty. For Salazar, as we have seen, was an important imperial official ; Ruiz Galan had been definitely picked out by, Pedro de Mendoza before his departure from South America ; and Alonso Cabrera;, who had come out from Spain with rein- forcements, had actually in his possession a royal document appointing him Adelantado of the new colonies and licensing him to hold this post in any eventuality save that of the return of Ayolas, supposed dead, in which case Cabrera was to hand over his offices and titles to Ayolas. THE FOUNDING OF THE COLONY 69 The rank and file of the Spaniards, however, were almost to a man devoted to the cause of Irala, and Asuncion was sufficiently remote from' the Court of Spain for popular clamour of this kind to be a thing of importance. Thus we see Irala established by the vote of the people as the first Governor of Paraguay — or at all events as the first Governor who was in a position actually to administer pbis province. Irala lost little time in proving himBelf a bbm administrator. It is true that his methods were those of the age, and that the means he employed were wont to be utterly relentless so long as the object he had in view w|a!s achieved. But he possessed all the qualities of a leader of men and a builder of empire. The forces which he had at his command at the beginning of his governorship were far from impres- sive. Out of the two thousand Spaniards which Pedro de Mendoza had brought with him from Europe no more than six hundred remained. These, however, were now tried men, veterans in colonial experience who had become inured to the hardships of the pioneer, and who had become accus- tomed to the cHmate and circumstances of the new land. They were now to enjoy the reward of their fortitude, actording to the simple views and easy morahty of those days. Irala was determined that there iShould be no doubt as to which race was the dominating one on the banks of the Paraguay River. To this end he instituted a species of servitude which tended towards turning the docile Guaranis into little beyond the chattels of the white men. It is true that this servitude differed widely from the species of slave trade which was carried on elsewhere in the case of the African, who was bought and sold and consigned from any one part of the world to another in accordance with the circumstances 60 PARAGUAY connected with the labour markets and the price of slaves. It is true that at one time there was a tendency to ship Guaranis as slaves to Spain. But this traffic never attained to any important propor- tions. In Paraguay the basis of the Indian servitude was that each native should take part in the develop- ment of his country — incidentally, to the benefit of the white man, at whose disposal the riches of the country now lay. It must be admitted that from the Spaniard's point of view this solution of a formidable difficulty was the simplest and most practical of all. Left to his own devices, the labour of the Guarani Indian would have been too trivial to affect the face of the country in any noticeable fashion. The native had no intention of straining his muscles in any un- comfortable fashion, so long as the fruits of a bountiful Nature fell into his mouth, so long' as the rivers continued to give out fish, and so long as his wife had strength to coofe! for him and to carry out the simple menial offices which her lord and master demanded of her. But now came the Spaniard, dominant, and com- pletely unsympathetic in his determination that the land of Paraguay should be made productive — even if for no other reason than for the sustenance of the European at one of his raUying-points in his quest after gold, although, so far as Paraguay was concerned, the spot was rapidly developing a separate importance of its own. The steps taken by Irala in order to bring llie native labour into force were simple enough. Encomiendas, or settlements, were established, into which numbers of the Guaranis were brought. Here they were made amenable to discipline, and were taught an industry which they accepted only with the deepest reluctance. It was natural that the first establishment of these THE FOUNDING OF THE COLONY 61 encomiendas should have been carried out in a tenta- tive and somewhat rough-and-ready fashion. The main result was that Irala's men, the majority suffi- ciently humble soldiers of fortune, found themselves in a position of employers of unpaid labour, such as could not fail to appeal to the material side of adventurers such as they. As the rule of the European developed and his hold grew stronger upon the land two distinct 'kind of encomiendas were brought into being, ktiown re- spectively as the yanaconas and the ndtayos. Con- cerning these settlements, I may repeat here the description I have given of them in a previous book dealing with the Jesuit missions of a later age. By the naJne of yanaconas were known those collections of Indians whb had been subjugated by private warlikte enterprise, a term which doubtless euphemistically covered slave-raiding in neighbour- ing countries. These were to all intents and purposes slaves. According to the laws, their masters were obliged to protect thtem and to teach' them Chris- tianity. These owners were also forbidden by the authorities to sell, maltreat, or abandon their Indians on account of bad conduct, illness, or old age. It must be admitted that these regulations were excel- lent in themsielves. At the same tim'e, it is evident enough that the mten to whom' they apipUed, and who were undisputed lords of all they surveyed, were in an ideal position to take their responsibilities just as lightly as hap'pened to suit thieir convenience. The ndtayos were made up of thbse tribes who had submitted voluntarily or whp had been conquered by the royal forces. Their lot, compared with that of the yanaconas, was favourable, and they were supposed to enjoy not a few privileges. For instance, each native company of the kind was permitted to choose the site it desired for its settlement. Its members, moreover, were divided into various 62 PARAGUAY sections, each of which was governed by, a: chief of its own selection. Every male here between the ages of eighteen and fifty was obliged to labour for two months of the year for the benefit of the proprietor of the mitnyo, and to each settlement of the kind a teacher of the Christian faith was appointed. In the interests of the natives each province was visited annually by an official wht^se duty it was to hear complaints and to remedy abuses. So much for a first glimpse into the Indian settle- ments of Paraguay — settlements which are of great historical importance, since on more than one occa- sion they proved themselves bound up with the destinies of the inland State itself. One of the first taslcs of a chosen number of these Guaranis was to assist in the building of Asuncion, which was now beginning to take to itself the character of a regular town. Irala watched over this urban venture with all the energetic care of which his temperament was capable, and he did not rest until the spot was strongly fortified with stockades and placed in an efficient condition of defence against an impTobable rising of Guaranis, or a surprise attack by hordes of Chaco Indians who might cross the river in their canoes — a con- tingency which was by far the more likely of the two. After this Irala himself named the Alcaldes and the other officials of the very youthful city, which! was soon to receive its coat-of-arms from Charles V, a compliment which, if often entirely overlooked now, was of the greatest importance then. The emblems of these arms seem to have been the figures of St. Blaise and the Assumption, as well as a castle and a coconut-tree. This latter, by the way, appears subsequently to have been changed for the figure of a European lion, sitting in a natural and perfectly unheraldic attitude in the shadte of an ordinary tree I THE FOUNDING OF THE COLONY 63 With this firm establishnatent of Asuncion began the founding of a number of small townships in various spots. Clergy now arrived from Spain, and churches were established in these places as well as in the capital. As for the majority of the Spaniards, though it was octasionally necessary to take to arms and to set out on the march to punish some truculent and hostile tribe, their character as soldiers tended slowly but surely to merge itself into that of the colonist. Almost to a man they toolc to themselves Guarani wives, and the union was celebrated by, the rising generation of tawny young sons of thte soil who scampered under the brilliant forest blossoms that the country had always 'known, and by the side of the crops Which now were sprouting where before none had been. It was this which' mar'ked the first birth of the modern Paraguayan nation. CHAPTER IV THE GOVERNORSHIP OF ALVAR NUNEZ CABEZA DE VACA Some methods of Spanish colonial government — Difficulties in legis- lation from a distance — ^Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca is made Adelantado of Paraguay — Having landed at Santa Catalina, he receives news of the abandonment of Buenos Aires — Effect of this on Alvar Nuiiez' plans — He determines to make his way overland from the coast to Asuncion — Discovery made by the crews of his ships on the site of Buenos Aires — Alvai" Nunez' mai'ch to the west — His methods with the Indians — Incidents of the journey — The party arrives in Asuncion — Attitude of the colonists — Varying versions of events — First signs of a split in the ranks — Colonizing methods adopted by Alvar Nunez — ^Alvar Nuiiez sets out with a considerable force for Peru — Dealings with Indians — How the Payaguas deceived ih& Adelantado — Small results of the expedition — Return to Asuncion — A condition of discontent culminates in a rising of the Spaniards — Alvar Nuiiez is imprisoned and placed in irons — Hostilities in the town — Harsh treatment of Alvar Nuiiez — His character and circum- stances — Influences at work — Iralais again elected Adelantado — How Alvar Nuiiez was put on board the ship which was to take him to Spain — A contemporary account — Incidents of a dramatic departure. It was aJtogfether in accordance with the uneasy destiny of Asuncion that oniy a few years after the foundation of the city, the first of the many political storm-clouds which were destined' to burst over the city was already gathering. From the point of view of Spain there was decidedly nothing in the acts which initiated the later troubles in Paraguay which could in any way have been considered' as ill-omened. On the contrary, wihen in i 540 so giallant a nobleman and so experienced a pioneer as Alvar Nuiiez Cabeza de Vaca, who had already distinguished himself in Florida, was entrusted with the governorship of the 64 ALVAR NUNEZ CABEZA DE VAC A 66 great river country on the south-east of South America, it was generally held in Madrid and in the ports of Southern Spain that the prospects of the aip'pointment were bright both for Alvar Nunez him- self and for Paraguay. Had Paraguay lain next door to Spain no doubt all would have been as well as the most optimistic member of the Court of the Indies predicted. It was the thousands of miles which intervened between Spain and her colonies that alone were at fault on countless occasions in upsetting plans which at the time of their making in Spain appeared essentially wise and reasonable. The Royal Council had a persistent and unfortunate hab'it of failing to take into consideration the fact that by the time their leisurely deliberations had been concluded, the situation in distant South America to which they referred had probably changed altogether I In this circumstance undoubtedly lay one of the greatest disadvantages of Spanish colonial government, and it was here that lurked the greatest enemy of that jealous central rule which insisted on letting no other authority but itself control the executive decisions of a colony which might have been supposed to be at a distance of a few days' journey from Seville instead of that of a voyage of many months I Alvar Nuiiez left the port of Sanlucar in Spain in 1840, bearing the royal authority which appointed him Adelantado of Paraguay. In this instrument there occurred again the stipulation that, should Ayolas prove to be still alive and should he return to Paraguay, Alvar Nunez himself and all his men and ships should be at the disposal of Ayolas. Alvar Nunez proceeded to Santa Catalina in Southern Brazil. Here he landed, and took posses- sion of the spot in the name of his imperial master. This he had been authorized to do, as at that time the Spaniards maintained that the Santos River 5 66 PARAGUAY constituted the southern frontier of the Portuguese possessions in the continent. The new Adelantado then made preparations to proceed southwards to Buenos Aires, when a boat arrived at Santa Catalina. In it were nine Spaniards who had deserted from the ill-provisioned settlement of Buenos Aires just before its abandonment, and who had since learned of the complete desertion of the place by their comrades. In the face of this news it was necessary, for Alvar Nunez to revise his plans. He had expected to find the frontiers of his province washed by the salt waves ; now he learned for the first time in this unceremonious fashion that they had been spirited away many hundreds of miles inland I The altered state of affairs on the banks of the great rivers made him all the more anxious to reach the head- quarters of the Spanish colonization with as little delay as possible. To effect the journey from Santa Catalina by way of the ocean and of the rivers would be in the first place to cover two sides of a triangle, since he would have to proceed southwards to the abandoned settlement of Buenos Aires, whtence, after a short westerly stretch, he would have to turn his vessels' heads due north. Beyond these considera- tions of actual distance, the thousand mUes of toil against the great stream would swallow months of effort before the buildings of Asuncion could be expected to heave in sight. At his halting-place of Santa Catalina Alvar Nufiez found himself very little to the south of the latitude of Asuncion. It was clear to him that if he struck out to the west across the intervening and unknown stretch of country which separated ^im. from Asuncion, he would arrive at that remote spot in a far shorter space of time than would be possible in the case of a voyage by ocean and river — all this, of course, provided that no unusually serious obstacle should ALVAR NUNEZ CABEZA DE VACA 67 crop up out of the unexplored to lie across his path. Alvar Nunez determined to talde the risk of this latter possibility, and he prepared himself to under- take the long land journey from Santa Catalina to Asuncion, the second important expedition of the kind ever attempted in Spanish South-Eastern America, the first, of course, having been the daring but disastrous march of Ayplas from La Candelaria to the borders of Peru, in the course of which every man of the force was slain. The new Adelantado left 140 of his men at Santa Catalina, under the commiand of Pedro Estropiiian Cabeza de Vaca. These were given charge of the ships, which they were ordered to bring on to Asuncion. They set out in due course, and arrived at the abandoned settlem,ent of Buenos Aires, on the site of which they fotuid a ship's mast sticking upright out of the deserted soil. Closer inspection revealed the legtend carved in Spanish on the wood, " Here is a letter." The promised letter, hidden in a hole in the mast, explained the circum- stances of the abandonment of Buenos Aires, and told how the Spaniards had proceeded up-stream to Asuncion — a fact with which, as it happened, these crews of Alvar Nunez' ships were already acquainted. These latter then began their long, journey up the river, and eventually arrived at Asuncion many months after the Adelantado had reached the young city. Having sent out an advance party, who explored the most piromising and feasible routes to the west, and returned with! fairly encouraging accoimts, Alvar Nunez himself set out on his miomentous journey, accompanied by all his men with the exception of those who had been left at the sea coast in charge of the ships. Authorities would seem to differ as to whether the date of his departure from the cOiast 68 PARAGUAY was the i8th of October or the 2nd of Novranbter, 1 84 1. In any case it is a matter of small conse- quence. A very full account of this journey has been given by Pedro Hernandez, Alvar Nunez' secre- tary, who conscientiously and minutely describes the chief events of the expedition and the various Guarani tribes through whose country the march to the west took the Spanish force. Decidedly the circumstances of the expedition must have been such as to cause an amazement in the breasts of the majority of the Spaniards as lively as that which their appearance evolred in the electri- fied collections of dusky folk who for the first time set eyes on the White man, and that terrifying servant of his — or part of himself, as it was frequently supposed — thte horse! Seeing that Hernandez was a devoted secretary, it is but natural that Alvar Nunez' character, as portrayed by his pen, should shine forth — occasionally in a iway that suggests a heavenly temperament rather than one attached to a mere human body I The Adelantado, on the other hand, has by no means been without his detractors, and, were it possible to strike a mean between the verdicts of the two opposing camps, no doubt a tolerably accurate estimate of Alvar Nunez' character would result. One thing would seem certain enoug'h : his methods with the Indians were admirable. From the day when he and his men climbed up throug'h thte dense forest that covers the coast range to that other day, more than half a year later, when he came in sig'ht of the modest buildings of Asuncion by the side of the bay just beyond where the red cliffs jutted out into the stream, he appears to have undertaken no aggressive measures whatever towards the Guaranis, and, moreover, to have taken gtenidne pains to restrain thte. mbre turb^ulent of his followers from unnecessary violence. ALVAR NU5fEZ CABEZA DE VACA 69 As a result of this humane policy the greater plaCrt of the Adelantad&s march pa,rtook of the nature of a peaceful progress. Presents were exchanged' between the Europeans and the Guar^is, ; crude and rustic feastings were arranged ; endeavours were made to explain the might of the Spanish Empire and the benefits from it that its GuaranI subjects might now expect, while' now and ^gain the shuddering natives were persuaza should, at all events, not have the benefit of their votes. It was owing largely to this adverse current of sentiment that Francisco de Mendoza, the natural son of the first Adelantado of the provinces of the Rio de la Plata, found in due course, much to his DOMINGO MARTINEZ DE IRALA 93 surprise and dismay, that the unappreciative in- habitants of Asuncion had not elected him as their Governor after all. The votes of the Spaniards had given that much-coveted honour to a sufficiently bold and resourceful man, Diego de Abreu, or Abregt) as it was sometimes rendered. According to the methods of reckless opportunism which were characteristic of the age, only one course remained to Francisco de Mendbza — to declare the election illegal, and, having thus ignored its verdict, to hoist himself boldly into the Adetantado' s chair by the force of arms. This he was preparing to do, when he found for the second, and last, time that he had misjudged the power of initiative of those opposed to him. While Mendoza's plans were still in the act of maturing, Diego de Abreu istrucki ! A number of armed mfen poured into the house of the official whom Irala had appointed his deputy. Francisco de Mendoza was arrested, led away, and executed without an instant's unnecessary delay — all this at the instance of Diego de Abreu, the new Adelaniado elected by the people. In order that this act of poetic justice should be followed by appropriate developments, there is no doubt that Diego de Abreu, having played an honest, if bloodthirsty, part up to this point, should have governed in the spirit of Irala, and that he should have handed over his authority with a loyal alacrity when in due course the news of that notable conquistador's safe return reached Asuncion. Diego de Abreu, however, having tasted power, was determined that he would not abandon its joys without a struggle. When a letter, sent down-stream to him b_y Irala, pointed out the illegality of his election, and demanded that he should resign his post, Abreu's only reply was to strengthen the fortifications and paKsades of Asuncion. As Abreu might well have foreseen, Irala was the 94 PARAGUAY last man to submit tamely to this attempif to shut him out from his own dominion. Very soon he and his force came down the river, ajid their landing abreast of Asuncion was a very grim reminder that Irala's letter had evoked no satisfactory reply. The returned Adelantctdo had no intention of wasting his force in a general attack on the town. He merely, set up an encampment just outside its closed gates, and waited. Doubtless he knew his people well, and in any case this policy of waiting proved the simplest and most efficacious means of success. In little groups of twos and threes the townsmen slipped out through the defences of the place, and joined the popular conqui^ador. Every day, as Abreu's garrison grew less, Irala's forces increased steadily in proportion. Every day that passed, more- over, without a blow being struck, assisted to con- solidate the remarkable triumph of the man who had brought his followers safely back from the borders of Peru. At length no more than some fifty men remained' to Abreu within the walls of Asuncion. These were stalwarts, bound to the cause of their dismayed leader by blood or by closer ties of friendship than the rest. Sallying out suddenly one day, they fled in a body to the woods, where they prepared to maintain a desultory warfare against the powerful Conquistador, who now celebrated his delayed entrance into Asuncion. Although Irala had now fully recovered his power so far as Asuncion itself was concerned, the situation was less satisfactory in the surrounding country, where Abreu and his men remained lurking in their forest refuges, to spring out upon any small party that might incautiously venture within their reach. Some fresh developments, however, were destined to put this state of affairs into the background for the time being. . DOMINGO MARTINEZ DE IRALA 96 These developmfents were heralded by the arrival of Nuflo de Chaves from Lima. This enterprising official brought in his train some sheep and goats, and thus provided the new country with the first headb of domestic livestock that it h&.d ever known. With Chaves' party, too, came forty soldiers, sent from Lima by La Gasca ostensibly as an escort for the travellers, and as an addition to the Asuncion garrison, but in reality to undermine Irala's authority and to stir up a rebellion against him. It is suffici- ently obvious that a man who mig'ht object to the opposing of such crafty and unscrupulous methods as these by such casual delinquencies as the way- laying of occasional messengers and other counter- strokes of the kind would very speedily have gone down beneath the ,grim wiles of the jealous and intriguing La Gasca ! The military party began its appointed and sinister work within a 'few days of its arrival at Asuncion. Secretly approaching those whom they suspected of being least well disposed towards the Adetantado, they broached their plan for a conspiracy which was to include the murder of Irala. Accustomed as these new-comers were to the endless cabals and bitter- nesses of Lima, they had failed to reckon with the genuine respect and affection with which the person- ality of the chief of Paraguay had inspired his followers. The plot had barely time to hatch itself into a definite conspiracy, when word was brought to Irala of what was occurring. The Adelantado acted with the promptness and resolution that had never failed him. Taken by surprise, the heads of the movement found themselves seized and imprisoned, while measures were taken to render harmless their humbler followers. These latter, indeed, were granted a free pardon ; for Irala had no dfesire to stain the soil of his province with the blood of those who had been dragged into the 96 PARAGUAY affair merely as the dupes of others. The only two who suflfered death as a consequence of the conspiracy were the ringleaders, a certain Captain Camargo, and that Miguel Rutia who had' made one of the four messengers originally sent by the Adelantddo from the borders of Peru to Lima. Nuflo de Chaves himself appears to have been innocent of any complicity in the plot. Soon after the disturbance attending this had died down he married the daughter of Francisco de Mendoza. On this, the influence of his new family ties caused him to petition Irala that justice should be done to the murderers of his father-in-law — ^that is to say, to Diego de Abreu and the remnants of his followers who were still lurking without in the forest. From Irala's own point of view there can have been little to choose between the past conduct of Abreu and Mendoza. Nevertheless, probably from the combined motives of obliging Nuflo de Chaves and of stamping out the discordant elements in his province, he sent out various armed forces into the forest country, and pursued Abreu's band from point to point, until the desperate leader himself was left almost without followers. While this was occurring Irala continued his policy of strict moderation. Not only did he pardon the rank and file of the rebels ; but he married his daughters to those leaders — one account gives their number as two, another increases it to four — ^who surrendered with a good grace, and showed themselves really desirous of securing his friendship. While this was occurring Diego de Abreu, de- fiant to the last, was slain by his pursuers in one of his woodland retreats. Although one or two of his followers endeavoured in vain for a short time to keep the embers of strife at red heat, this to all intents and purposes ended the revolt. Irala now had leisure to attend to the practical DOMINGO MARTINEZ DE IRALA 97 development of his State. Realizing the great ad- vantages which mixst accrue from the possession of a port nearer the ocean, at the beginning of 1553 he founded the settlement of San Juan at a strategic point admirably chosen in the neighbourhood of the confluence of the Uruguay and Parand rivers. Here, however, he met with the same difficulty that had confronted the original Adelantado, ' Pedro de Mendoza, when he had founded the township of Buenos Aires nearly twenty years before. The fierce and intractable Indians of the open plains near the great estuary were very different folk to deal with from the comparatively docile Guaranfs of the upper reaches. These warriors, moreover, treated the arrival of the Spaniards at San Juan with the same implacable hostility that they had demonstrated towards the ill-fated settlement of Buenos Aires, still nearer the river's mouth. So incessant were their attacks that in less than two years' time San Juan had to be abandoned. After this Irala reluctantly yielded to the necessity of postponing any enter- prise of the kind, and, instead, employed his energies in opening up some of the country in the Province of La Guaira — through which Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca had passed on his famous journey from the sea — and on the banks of the Alto Parand River he founded the town of Ontiveros. While all this was occurring the Court of Spain had not suffered the affairs of the remote province of Paraguay to slip entirely from its mind. Un- doubtedly one of the salient faults of the Spanish Empire was the too conscientious manner in which it insisted on regulating the details of the government of a number of its colonies, of the circumstances and inclinations of which it was profoundly ignorant. This was now exampled in the case of Paraguay. As early as 1547, when that far-away State was enjoying its first interlude of peace under the wise 7 98 PARAGUAY governorship of Irala, the authorities in Madrid and Seville were already, occupying themselves with the question of appointing another AdelantOdo. In the first place their choice fell on Jaime ResqUin. This official, indeed, had actually been nominated for the post, when a more powerful rival appeareii on the scene in the person of Juan de Sanabria. To under- take the governorship of a colony in those days was in a sense to enter into a partniership with His Majesty the King. No salary entered into the bargain ; the appointment depended largely on the amount of hard cash ajid the nature of the promises which the applicant was in a position to offer in exchange for the right to exploit the new country. Thus, of the two partners, the conquistador was wont to have considerably, more at stajce than •the King. It was this system which induced' Juan de Sanabria to come forward with offers which finally extinguished Jaime Resquin's chances for the governorship of Paraguay. On the 27th of July, 1547, the title of Adelantado was conferred on him ; but, although he received the distinction, he was unable to avail him- self of its material benefits, for he died very shortly after the appointment was made. His son, who claimed the reversion of his father's post, was officially granted this in 1549. It will be evident from this, and from the sequel, that matters were not accustomed to be hurried in Spain of the sixteenth century. The younger Sanabria, as a matter of fact, appears to have been far less attracted by the prospects of a residfence in South America than had been his father. After much deliberation he decided on send- ing, in the light of an advance guard, no other than that Juan de Salazar de Espinosa who had opposed Irala in Asuncion in the course of the turmoil which marked the unfortunate Alvar Nynez .Cajbeza de Vaca's short tenri of governorship. It was his intention, the DOMINGO MARTINEZ DE IRALA 99 younger Sanabria lajinounced, to follow Juan de Salazar in due course ; but this he never did. The proceedings of Salazar himself appear to have been fairly, leisurely. He set out from Sanlucar in 1552. Arriving at San Vicente, in the neighbourhood of where the Brazilian town of Santos now stands, he occupied himself with the settlement and coloniza- tion of this place. It was not until the beginning of 1555 that he set out with his men on the over- , land journey to Paraguay, arriving safely in Asulwiotn, where he was amicably received by Irala, whcr.^Q|tirealT& to have been generously willing to bury 'tfii^. Ratchet, and to reciprocate the friendship which ^Sl^lazar was now anxious to extend to him. ,'\\ '\ If Salazar brought friendship on this occasidtt, ihp was at least accompaijiied in addition by som^tliihg- more material. He had brought with him- from Spain seven cows and la bull — or perhaps it wpul^-.be more accurate to say, that seven cows and a* buU. .were safely introduced into Paraguay as the survivjots'St the body of cattle with which Salazar had emh&vkda at Sanlucar. Few cattle can ever have undertaken a more momentous journey than this. Indeed^j it is not a little curious to remark the fashion in which the various varieties of domestic livestock were intro- duced into Paraguay. The first sheep and goats, as we have seen, came from Peru in the west ; these first cattle came from' the east by wiay of Brazil ;; and the first horses were destined to come from the south, making their way northwards from the enormous stretches of pasture-lalnd which now com- prise a part of Argentina. The north alone sent Paraguay nothing, and this for the simple reason that from that direction there la.y no road — ^an absence that continues to this day — ^by which man or beiaist could travel to or from the outside centres of civilization. This yiear, 1555, was a notable one in the early 100 PARAGUAY history of Paraguay. In that year arrived two vessels from Spain, one of which bore Bishop Latorre, nomi- nally the second Bishop of Paraguay, but in reality the first to enter within the frontiers of the province. These ships also bore the Royal decree appointing Irala as AdeUtntado of Paraguay, thus at length en- dowing him with the official sanction for the office which he had actually held for so many years. Among the other measures which Irala now took was-'.fhat of sending Nuflo de Chaves, whom he jcegaMe^ as one of his most capable lieutenants, on an expejiilion to the La Guaira Province, where a number ti* new townships were founded. After this Nuflo de Chavgs was sent to the north-west, in order tf>: gSfablish" in. the country which he had already, Ltra\»§IledJa settlement that should serve as a link between Ifai^ia^ay and Peru. To tho .south there still remained much to be done, and, had" Trala lived, he would undoubtedly have seel*. liO^'it .that fresh efforts were made in this direc- tion f'.'Biit old age had crept on that conquistador, though his energies remained unimpaired to the end, and at the beginning of the ^yea^ 1557 he iiied at the age of seventy. CHAPTER VI SOME EARLY GOVERNORS AND COLONIAL DEVELOPMENTS Irala's qualities as a Governor — A South American writer on the Spanish conquistador — Gonzalo de Mendoza becomes Adelantado — Death of Gonzalo de Mendoza — He is succeeded by Francisco Ortiz de Vergara — Indian trouble — The ambitions of Nuflo de Chaves — He determines to found a new province — His meeting with a rival conquistador, Andres Manso — The decision of the Peruvian authorities secures the advantage to Nuflo de Chaves — The latter founds the town of Santa Cruz de la Sierra — The first permanent link between Paraguay and Peru — Vergara sets out for Peru — After having been detained by Nuflo de Chaves he arrives in Lima — ^Vergara's post is given by the Peruvian authorities to Juan Ortiz de Zarate — Zarate appoints Felipe de Caceres as his deputy — Unpopularity of Caceres in Asuncion — He is opposed by Bishop Latorre — Caceres is imprisoned and deprived of his office — Martin Suarez de Toledo becomes temporary Governor — Colonizing feats of Juan de Garay — Zarate, on arriving at_ the mouth of the River Plate after a calamitous voyage, is attacked by the Charrua Indians — His force is rescued by Juan de Garay— Zarate arrives in Asuncion and takes charge of the Government — His death — Zarate's daughter as heiress of the province — Mendieta appointed temporary Governor — Mendieta, having failed in his office, is sent back to Spain by the colonists — His death on the voyage — Claimants for the hand of Doiia Juana — Events which lead up to Juan de Garay's governorship of Paraguay — His arrival in Asuncion. In the minds of the majority of the Paraguayans Irak stands as the first national hero of that country. The majority of such Latin-American historians as have dealt with his personality have ascribed his faults to the age in which he lived, and have thus caused him to emerge from the Paraguayan historical dust of the sixteenth century as a. magnificent and almost imlniaculate figure. Although a certain amount of inevitable exaggera- 101 102 PARAGUAY tion has accompanied this process, there seems little doubt that Irlala deserves in the main the praises that have bteen showered on him. The gteat strides which the youthful State of Paraguay made under his governorship were due to his unaided vig'our and foresight ; for during the greater plait of his term of office the helip which he received from the Court of Spain Was of the passive — and frequentty nega- tive I — order. IralH, in shiort, worked as a freelance for the benefit of Paraguay, and his powerful lead was followed by the people of his own proyinae, and in thfe end b^; the Spaiiish' Imperial authorities themselves. Many of his measures, of course, will not bear the light of twentieth - century criticism. Here again we are brought face to face with thte claim of the Latin-American historians, who assert that IraM's faults were merely those of his age. And concerning this age, no one, I think, has written with a more eloquent lucidity than Dr. Lugones, who, a South Americ^jn himself, has had much to say that is valiuable on this subject. Two, or three of his paragraphs will suffice to demonstrate this. Dr. Lugones has it tha;t — " The sixteenth century was the century of the conquistador. He it was who, when the modern period began, continued in the spirit of the Middte Ages. His oWigiation was merely, to be brave, since he was the defender of society, which worked beneath the protection of his arms. Exempt as he was from all other effort or contribution save that of his blood, for the spilling of which the labourers and artisans were only too glad to pay, all things worked together to render him a privilteg'ed being. . . .His cult was that fierce bravery, on which his under- takings were based and on which their success depended, and this fierceness easily degenerated into cruelty. ... ■ SOME EARLY GOVERNORS 103 " In order to opetn up the New WiorM conqaista- dores were necessary— laldventurers, that is to say, who would accomplish in a single year that which the phleg- matic colonist would hiave taken a century to bring about. And Sp^iin ^albne produced conquistadores. The other countries, becoming industrial and com- mercial, produced colonists, colonies and representa- tive institutions being the natural! results of an industrial age. It is thus explained how it came about that, although it was Spain that opened up the continent, it was the othter nations that attained the actual fruits of its riches." Judged by his surroundings of this reckltess age, when almost any means were held to justify, the end, and when the sword was the only weapon under- stood by the strong and deceit the only defence oif the weak, Irafe's character does, indeed, seem to stand out fair aboive that of the average man of his time. The absence of hia strong hand from the helm of State w'as felt almost at once. It is true that in the first instance the man whom the conquistador's testament had appointed as his successor, his son-in- few Gonzalo de Mendoza, met with' the general approval of the Spaniards in Paraguay. Gonzalo de Mendoza dispfeyed considerable energy. He con- ducted a successful campaign against the Agaces, and, indeed, began in a most promising fashion a career which was cut short by his death in July 1558, rather more thah a year after he had assumed the post of Adelantftdo. Francisco Ortiz de ;Vergaira, another son-in-law of Irala's, was then elected by common consent to the governorship. This Vergara, as a matter of fact, had been one of the supporters of Ira;la's rival Diego de Abreu, and his eventua,! submission had been rewarded by the hand of one of Irala's daughters. From the very beginning of his governorship Vergara 104 PARAGUAY found himself faced with Indian trouble. Risings occurred among the Guaranfs both in Paraguay proper and in the new province of La Guaird to the east. Vergara succeeded in suppressing these revolts, with- out very much trouble ; but in the meantime affairs in the west had been moving at a considerable pace. The attitude of Nuflo de Chaves, for one, had com- pletely changed since Irala's death. In the great stretch of almost imtrodden country that lay between Paraguay and Peru he had served Irak with a loyalty which he did not feel himself in the least bound to hand on to Irala's successors— least of all tO: Vergaira, between whom and himself there existed sufficient cause for a feud. For Nuflo de Chaves seems to have played a leading part in the pursuit and death of Abreu— a fact that he supposed would still be actively resented by Vergara, notwithstanding the circumstances which had since arisen to make the latter the son-in-law of the great conquistador. So Nuflo de Chaves, who considered, not without reason, that his work as a pioneer had been second only to that of Irala himself, determined to separate himself from the control of Paragiiay and to found a State of his own in these strategically important territories between Peru and Paraguay. It was a conception that in its daring was worthy of any conquistador. Such ia man as Irala, having once taken the pl^unge, would undoubtedly have swept all before him. But, unfortunately for himself, Nuflo de Chaves, though he yielded to none in audacity, lacked that broad spark of magnetism which had been so marked a feature in Irala's personality. No doubt, when he announced his intention, the conduct of his men proved a bitter disappointment to Nuflo de Chaves. The great majority refused to see in him an inspired leader: in their eyes he was merely a rebel, to follow whom would be not only perilous SOME EARLY GOVERNORS 105 but distinctly unprofitable. So the greater part of Chaves' men made their way, back to Asuncion, Iteaving him with no more than seventy followers. But in those days seventy; Spaniards counted for something, even when apparently stranded in the remote wilds of Central South America, surrounded on all hands by hordes of Indians that only awaited the first definite sign of weakness to fall upon them and slay them to a man, just as they had slain Ayolas' men rather more than twenty years before. As it hap- pened, Nuflo de Chaves soon discovered that he was not to be permitted to work undisturbed even in this remote field which he had selected for his pion- eering enterprise. To his surprise and disgust he found himself presentlly face tp face with Andres Manso, a conqaistador who had arrived from the west with a full licence, granted by no less a person- age than Hurtado de Mendoza, Viceroy of Peru, to colonize these very territories. Whether Nuflo de Chaves or Andres Manso were the more disconcerted by this meeting is difficult to determine. Neither would consent to give way to the other, and for a time it looked as though an armed collision might ensue between these two companies of pioneers who had met in this strange fashion so far from: the borders of civilization. As good fortune would have it, sober councils prevailed. The leaders, leaving their men on the spot, hastened to Lima to set their respective claims before the Viceroy. Once arrived at the Viceregal palace, Nuflo de Chaves laid his case before the highest colonial powers with so much ability that in the end— although the result was only arrived at by slow and devious methods — a compromise was arrived at which practi- cally gave him the advantage over Andres Manso's more regular claims . Then with the few men remain- ing to him Nuflo de Chaves established himself on the spot, and in 1560 founded the town of Santa Cruz 106 PARAGUAY de la Sierra— a city, Which, according to the geography of the present day, now finds itseM in the centre of BoMvia. The founding of Santa Cruz de la Sierra:, although it was effected in this casual and somewhat haphazard fashion, in reiaility constituted the most important event whidh 'had occurred in the south-eastern tide of South American colbnizMion since the establish- ment of the town of Asuncion. It was the first real link that connected the work of the Spaniards who had entered the continent by way of thle River Plate with that of thtose others who had descended from the north albng the Pacific coast. From' the point of view of the practical traveller its existence meant the possibility of passing for the first time across the centre of South America without the suffering of all the difficulties, dangers, and uncertainties which had inevitably accompanied every previous journey. All this, of course, was taking it for granted that the occupants of the new township of Santa Cruz de la Sierra' were amicably disposed towards any such travellers. If this were not so, the case of these latter would undoubtedly be considerably worse even than before. A probltem' connected with questions of this kind now confronted Francisco: Ortiz de Vergara. ReaMzingl the need of official support for his post, he determined to make the journey to Lima in person in order that he might obtain the confirmation of his office from the .Viceroy. Leaving Asuncion in charge of Juan Ortega and La Guaird in that of Alonso Riquelme, Vergara set out on his mission, accompanied by Bishop Latorre, and Felipe de Caceres, a wily official of intriguing propensities, iVergara was at first accompanied by an important force of his mien ; but he would seem' to have approached Nuflo de Chaves' new headquarters with SOME EARLY GOVERNORS 107 nothing beycwid a smlall escort, for Chaves, doubtless mjeditating some wild coup in his restless mind, caused him to be detained. It was only, a sharp command from Peru which set the Adelaniado of Paraguay free, and on the roiaki to continue his journey. Judging from the precedent set by Ayolas aCnd Iralla, those who journeyed from Paraguay to Peru in the middle of the sixteenth century were destined to meet with ill-fortime. iVergafa's experience went to confirm this. Arrived in Lima;, the welicome he received there after his long and strenuous journey was imsympathetic. His petition, moreover, concern- ing his governorship was so coldly regarded that he soon found out that there were other candidates besides himself in the field for that office. After sL certain delay this was, handed over to a wealthy nobleman, Juan Ortiz de Zdrate, a connection of the Viceroy's, and l3ie unfortunate Vergara found that all that his journey had done for him was to hasten his dismissal from his post, a proceeding that would otherwise have cbme abbut in a far more Msurely and roundabout fashioji. After this Vergara figured no longer in the affairs of Paraguay. Zdrate, who was destined to play a considerable ipart in the jhistory of that country, imme- diately departed for Spain in order that his nomina- tion should be confirmed by the King himself. He appointed as his deputy until he should arrive in person the same Felipe de Caderes who, had accom- panied Vergara on his Westward journey, and who seems to have played a subterranean but not un- important part in the intrigues which ended in the discomfiture of Vergara. It was perhaps largely as a result of this that he was now returning to Asuncion, having greatly waxed in inlportance, while his former chief was making his way in dejected abandonment to Spain. Bishlop Latorre, who does not seem to have taken an active share in these 108 PARAGUAY secular affairs, was again of the party, amongi whicK, it should be said, was a nephew of Zirate's, whose name was fated to become famUiar throughout all the south-east of the continent, Juan de Garay, There seems no doubt that the returning officials and their escort would have had to do^with Nuflo de Chaves on their homeward journey, for the ambitions of this lonely conquistador were mount- ing rapidly, and, as they grew, his methods became morie (reckless. Fate intervened in the shape of marauding Indians, and Nuflo de Chaves met his death in the course of a punitive expedition. But for this it is quite possible that Felipe de Caceres might not have returned safely, to Asuncion, as he did at the beginning of 1569, when he took over the governorship of that place. Even now Asuncion was not destined to enjoy the peace that it might have expected. The under- currents of intrigue which had been set in m.otion were easier to start than to arrest. This triumphant return of Felipe de Caceres was bitterly resented by a large number of the settlers who had reason to suspect the r61e of betrayer which that astute functionary had played in Peru, and which was responsible for his occupation of the banished Vergara's post. Bishop Latorre now seems to have entered the arena of material politics for the first time. Being doubtless fully convinced of Caceres' duplicity, he gave his support to the party opposed to the deputy Governor, and Caceres thus found himself opposed, not only by an important number of the inhabitants of Asuncion, but by the secular power of the Church as well, a force which in the sixteenth century no ruler of any kind could afford to overlook. Asuncion, in fact, was once more entirely given up to faction warfare. It would be wearisome to attempt to follow the various vicissitudes of the SOME EARLY GOVERNORS 109 struggle, thte details of which so closely resembled those of too many others of the kind from' wlished anything. After this Asuncion found itself in a state of armed resistance to practically all the might of Spain in South America. Seeing that he was being opposed by the Jesuits, Antequera ordered their expulsion from Paraguay. It will already have been seen with what monotonous persistency decrees of expulsion, excommunication, and similar thunderings — occa- sionally quite innocuous — splayed their part in the Central State. As a matter of fact the Jesuits in the College of Asuncion were actually expelled for a time ; but as thfese seem to have had little to do with the mission settlements the situation remained practically unaltered. In the meantime Antequera was making a resolute stand against the edicts of the Royal Audience and against the troops which the central Ck)vernment sent against him. The personality of Antequera naturally makes a strong appeal to the Paraguayan imagina- tion. There was sufficient force in his rebellion to give it an almost national touch, and there are many who see in it some of the spiritual elements which characterized the Sjpanish-American War of Inde- pendence which broke out almost ninety years later. If anything of this really entered into the motives of Antequera 's rebellion, the uridertaJcing was alto- gether too premature for any hope of success. The spectacle of early eighteenth-century Paraguay in arms against the world was a very gallant, but a very fleeting, one. Nevertheless various Imperial forces were defeated before the end came. Then ' the Viceroy of Peru rose up in ponderous wrath, and sent Bruno de Zavala at the head of an army of six thousand mission Indians to end the matter. There was no resisting a force such as this. Antequera] fled first to C6rdbba, and then to Charcas, where he was arrested. It is typical of the dilatory mfethiods THE LATER COLONIAL PERIOD 157 of the Spanish contemporary justice that it was not until four years later that the order for his execution arrived from Spain. Antequera was executed in Charcas in 1731, and on that occasion the uproar was considerable even in that town, one of the chief centres of the vice- royalty. On the fateful day the plaza — in the centre of which, as usual, the scaffold had been prepared — was filled' with ai hostile crowd'. On the appearance of Antequera, in charge of his guards, the excitement of the throng reached a feverish pitch. In order to prevent a collision between the populace and the troops the Viceroy himself made his appearance in the square. But the time had passed for even his exalted personality to quell the tumult. A volley of stones sped at his mounted' figure, and the crowd surged towards the scaffold to which Antequera had by that time been brought. An attempt at rescue seemed imminent. There was no time for the executioner to perform his duty with the grim and deliberate ceremony proper to such an event. The Viceroy called to his guards to fire at Antequera, and i^s the reports of the cumbrous arquebuses died away Antequera fell, shot in four places. According to some accounts, two priests who accompanied him were wounded by the volley. In this way fell Antequera, a man of striking personality, and undoubtedly a sufficiently gallant man. His figure is difficult to extricate from the confusion of events that enveloped it. The circum- stances would seem to point to the fact that it was one of those historical cases in which every person concerned, being a little bit in the right, made certain that he was altogether justified, and completely ignored the fact that he and all the rest were a jgreat deal in the wrong at the same time I When the news of Antequera's execution reached the Paragiiayans their rage knew no bounds. Rightly 168 PARAGUAY or wrongly, they vented this on the Jesuits, whose native troops had been so directly instrumental in the downfall of Antequera. Once again, it was the Fathers in the College of Asuncion who suflfered chiefly from the vengeance which the people wreaked for the fate of one whom they considered a martyr. Asuncion was once again in a state of complete anarchy. Apart from the bitterness which the followers of Antequera felt towards the Jesuits on account of the supposed wrongs they had suffered at the hands of the Company, they now cherished grievances against the regular supporters of the Spanish Empire, and a feud raged btetween these latter two parties, which from time to time broke out into open hostilities, in the course of which was killed Agustin de Ruiloba, who had been appointed to govern the disturbed province. All the world over it would be difficult to light upon a more peace- ful and placid spot than the town of Asuncion and its neighbouring gentle slopes and valleys. Yet this pleasant red soil, w^th its smiling profusion of blossoms, palms, and verdure, would seem to have borne strangely restless men in those days — ^men who were always ready to flash out the sword in defence of their rights, whether real or imaginary, and of the strongly democratic principles which the build- ings of Asuncion would seem to have nourished from their first foundation. It was not until 1735, when Bruno de Zavala, now Governor of Buenos Aires, arrived in Paraguay by order of the Rsyal Audience, that an end was put to this state o'f affairs. Zavala, an aged but energetic official, first visited the Jesuit missions, and having obtained from these a powerful army of traiaed Guaranf soldiers, he marched on Asuncion for the second time. Having routed a force of rebels that attempted to oppose his progress, he entered the capital in 1735, and at length restored order. As THE LATER COLONIAL PERIOD 159 a result of this particular revolt, Asuncion found itself deprived' of a much prized privilege — ^that of electing its own Governors. After this ensued a considerable period of rest, so far as internal affairs were concerned, although two or three of the succeeding Governors found their energy sufficiently occupied, not only in subduing the bellicose tendencies of some of the northern warrior tribes, but also in supporting the cause of the domesticated Guaranfs against the aggression of the Portuguese from the east. It may be remarked that in 1766 an Irishman, whose name is locally rendered as Carlos Morphi, was appointed as Governor of Para- guay. This official had been educated in Spain, where he had attained to the rank of Lieutenant- Colonel. It was during his period of office that the Jesuits were expelled from Paraguay, and Morphi is alleged to have done his best to smooth matters for the Company, of whom he seems to have been a partisan. The governorship of Morphi — or Murphy — lasted until 177 1, when he was recalled to Spain. From this time until the end of the eighteenth century the chief events in Paraguay were connected with the settlem;ent of the outlying provinces, which naturally became farther and farther afield from the centre as the tide of colonization spread outwards. The Guaycurds, however, and their neighbouring tribesmen still showed themselves hostile whenever the opportunity arose. Such attempts at colonization^ moreover, as were undertaken in the Chaco were productive of a practically unbroken series of failures as a result, the Indians of this district remaining in as savage and as crude a condition as their fore- fathers had been when they set eyes on the first Spaniards who sailed up the Parand and the Paraguay rivers. Having passed from the eighteenth to the nine- teenth century, it is necessary to take a hasty survey 16 PARAGUAY of matters outside the frontiers of Paraguay in order to obtain a clear insight into the haippenings within the inland State. Even before the close of the eighteenth century the desire for freedom from the yoke of Spain had been largely inculcated into South America. This had received an enormous impetus from the circumstances of the British Expedition to the River Plate, which occurred in 1806, and lasted until well into the following year. It was clleiar to the Spanish colonials that the ultimate repulse of the invading forces was not in the least due to the might of Spiain. This latter had been represented by the Viceroy Sobremonte, who fled pirecipitately on the a^dvance of thte British troops, and who thus served ais an invofentary syiribol of the weaikness which had repllaced the former power of the Spanish South Americain Government. [Very soon after this the efforts of Miranda, BoKvar, and thiose other South American patriots who (were first in the field of the struggle for independence, had set ithe flames of blattlte alight in the southern continent. On thte 25th of May, 1 8 10, the yiceroy Cisneros was deposed in Buenos Aires, and his post was occupied by a Junta, or conamitteie, of patriots., iVery shortly, after this, the new Junta of Buenos Aires sent word to Pairaguay of its institution, and invited the co-operation of the inland province. Thte Spanish Governor of the latter at thte timte was Don Bernardo de Velasco. On the receipt of the conUnunication from the south' he summoned a g^eneral meeting of the Paraguayan notabilities, and placed the case before them. It was evident from the op'inions expressed at this meeting that the full significance of the events in the outside world had not penetrated into Paraguay— flor which situation the remote province had pnce again to thank) thie thbusand miles that lay between its capital and thie oceaji. Imbued with a sense THE LATER COLONIAL PERIOD 161 of Ibyalty that was admirable enough in itself, the Paraguayans decided to support the cause of Spain, and in accordance with this resolution Bernardo de Velasco began to prepare the Paraguayan forces for the p'art they were to play in the struggle, placing the rivers and territories in the south of the country in a state of defence. In the autumn of 1810 the republican authorities in the south sent up one of their most famous leaders, Manuel Belgrano, in order to treat with the Paraguayans, and, if they should remain firmly attached to the royalist cause, to exercise sufficient pressure to make them yield. Negotiations having failed, it became evident that a hostile collision was inevitable between the troops of Paraguay and Rio de la Plata. This came about at Paraguarf on the 1 9th of January, 1 8 1 1 . In the early hours of the morning of that day the Buenos Aires forces advanced on the Paraguayan position, and surprised it before the break of dawn. In the first confusion of the battle the cause of the Paraguayan arms appeared totally lost. Indeed, so convinced of this was the Governor, Bernardo de Velasco, that he made his way in haste from the field, stripping himself of his uniform as he went. Thus the first news of the engagement that arrived at Asuncion announced a total defeat, with the result that the inhabitants of that town were filled with consternation. Later reports showed that the sub- sequent phases of the action had reversed the results of the first. The Paraguayan forces, true to their traditions, had proved themselves soldiers as sturdy as their opponents. Although their centre had been driven in, their wings had rallied, and after four hours or so of hard fighting, the patriot forces found themselves obliged to retire, leaving the field in possession of the Paraguayans. Belgrano made his way with his diminished forces n 162 PARAGUAY to Tacuari. Here a fresh battfe was fought on the 9th of March, and, the patriot troops again suffering defeat, Belgrano had no choice but to remove the remnants of his army to the south and to abandon the enterprise. Before his departure, however, an armistice had been arranged, and of this the ablte Belgrano made the fullest use to further the propa- ganda of the patriot cause. Not only did he make use of all his persuasive power in his conversations with the Paraguayans, but he actually caused his policy to be proclaimed in the articles of the armistice. He arranged for it to be inserted here that " the object of his expedition had been to assist the natives of Paraguay in order that, supported by the forces of the Junta, they might recover their rights, and that they might appoint a deputy who should take part in the deliberations of the General Congress on the common policy to be adopted." In another clause he proposed that there should be from that day " peace, union, entire confidence, and free and liberal commerce in all the products of the province [Paraguay] including that of tobacco, with the States of the Rio de la Plata, and particularly that of Buenos Aires." The famous Argentine historian. General Barto- lom6 Mitre, has some interesting comments on this proposal. He observes : " This was putting the finger on the wound. Tobacco Was the monopoly of the Government in Paraguay, and the planters might not export or sell their crops until the needs of the monopoly had been satisfied. Any one who infringed this regulation was punished as a smuggler. The factory established in Asimcion was accustomed to pay two pesos for each arroba of tobacco sefected by it, which it sold again for nine pesos two reales. Moreover, it would buy at the lowest prices those lots of tobacco which it had rejected in the first THE LATER COLONIAL PERIOD 163 instance— prices which the planter found himself under the necessity of accepting." Thus, in addition to a fresh political outlook, an entirely new commercial vista was opened up. This expedition of Belgrano's, as a matter of fact, was curiously paradoxical in its results. Although he had suffered a military repulse at the hands of the Paraguayans, the Argentine General had never- thetess largely attained the objects of his expedition. Indeed, so fruitful was the soil in which he had sown the seed, that on the 14th of May of the same year Paraguay formally proclaimed her independence 1 The Spanish Governor, Bernardo de Velasco,' had to content himseM with making ai. weak resistance. The Paraguayan parties, headed by Doctor Francia, Pedro Juan Caballero, Juan Valeriano Zeballos, Antonio TomAs Yegros, and Vicente Ignacio Iturbe, swept all before them. A fruitless attempt at a counter-revolution resulted merely in the imprison- ment of the Spanish ringlteaders and in the strengthening of the Paraguayan nationalist party. Thus we have now arrived at the period of Paraguay's independence, which was officially pro- claimed on the 1 2th of October, 181 1, when she entered upon her career as a sovereign State. ' The list of Spanish Governors during the colonial period of Paraguay will be found in the Appendix. CHAPTER X THE DICTATOR FRANCIA Confusion attending the formation of the new States — Some types of legislators — Paraguay's first dictator — Character of Jose Caspar Rodriguez de Francia — Circumstances of his youth — His success as a lawyer — He takes part in the government of independent Paraguay — Work of the Junta — Robertson on Francia — The latter's dealings with the Paraguayan Congress — Various types of national representa- tives — Costumes — Uniforms of the Alcaldes — Quaint processions — Ceremonies of the Indian officials — Francia is elected First Consul — The basis of Francia's character — ^An anecdote concerning this^ — How Francia caused an enemy to receive fair play — His measures as First Consul — Condition of Paraguay — Despotism and tranquillity — Francia's first appointment as Dictator — His services to agriculture and public order — He is elected Dictator for life — How he asserted his authority — His dealings with the Chnrch-rDestruction of the ecclesiastical power — The Dictator remedies the ravages of the locusts — Circumstances which led Up to a conspiracy against Francia — Its repression by means of execution and torture — ^The Reign of Terror — Imprisonment of the old Spaniards — The " Supremo " brings about the isolation of Paraguay — Intercourse with foreigners pro- hibited — Fate of a Frenchman — Francia rebuffs the neighbouring States — The French naturalist Bonpland — His kidnapping at the hands of Francia — The death of Francia. One of the most remarkabte circumstances in the War of Liberation in Spanish America was the tendency of that genuine and honourabl'e love of independence which had given birth to the struggle to resolve itself into a state of tyranny when the objects of the war itself had been achieved. One of the chief reasons of this was undoubtedty the backward intellectual state of the South American masses— a condition of affairs which had been arti- ficially kept in being by the policy of the Spaniards, 164 THE DICTATOR FRANCIA 166 who, dreading the results of intelleGtual progress on the part of its colonists, had used every endeavour to obstruct any attempts in this direction. Thus many of the new States, when the time came for them to govern themselves, found themselves in possession of an intellectual nucleus of humanity that, however brilliant may have been the members of its group, was small — ^altogether out of proportion to the masses of the general populace. Sometimes, in the course of the inevitable confusion which occurred in the formation of one of these new Staites, ithe intellectual group would be swept kside, and some rough-and-ready legislator would snatch the reins of government in a heavy hand, and would drive the young country on the curb, plying the whip unsparingly at the faintest sign of a restlessness that was inevitablte in the circumstances. No young State had a more drastic experience of these autocratic measures than Paraguay. In her case the cause was not the seizure of power by crude hands. On the contrary, the intellectual ahility, of her first Dictator was undoubted ; but, since he had chosen an autocratic path, his tyranny was none the Itess thorough for that.; The name of Jose Ga:spar Rodriguez de Francia is one of the most notable in the annals of Paraguay, as, indeed, it may well be, considering that it was this very extraordinary and fateful personality that was atone responsible for the launching of the young State upon a career unique in the history of the South American Republic. It wa.s undoubtedly sheer force of charatcter which dispersed Francia's col- leagues, and drove its possessor to what was virtually the throne of Paraguay almost before the echoes of the last decree of the Spanish Government had died away. Doctor Francia: was no longer a young man when the Spanish rule came to an end in Paraguay. He is said to haVe been born in the year 1757, and 166 PARAGUAY would therefore have been in his fifty-fifth year when the time came for the Paraguayans to take their own government in hand. The details of his early career are somewhat vague — a circumstance which is not extraordinary when it is considered that in the colonial days of his youth there was no reason to suppose that iany particular importance would attach to Francia's personality. In the period of his dictatorship, moreover, Francia wais not inclined to be communicative concerning his private affairs, and there were none who dared risk his displeasure by plying him with questions which the dreaded Supremo might deem impertinent. It is generally said that Francia was originally intended for the Church', and that he studied for a considerable time at the University of C6rdoba, after 'which he gave up the career of the Church for that of the law, which he eventually practised with no little success. Even in those days there was a spice of romance in the lean, dark, and rather sinister figure of the man who was beginning to be notable for his justice and integrity, and at the same time for his haughty albofness and for the austerity of his hfe. Francia's qualities had not remained unrecognized during the last period of the colonial era, and he had received more than one Government appointment before the wounded Spanish imperial eagle winged its way from South America. He himself had taken a prominent part in the events which ted up to the independence of his country, and, this achieved, he was among those chosen to control the destinies of the new State. The first two representatives of this Government were chosen on the i sth of May, 1 8 1 1 . They consisted of Dr. Francia and Don Juan iVateriano Zeballos. Two months later was inaugurated the first of the sessions of the Paraguayan Congress. The members of this etected a Junta, or govern- THE DICTATOR FRANCIA 167 ing body, composed of four ofiScials. The president of these was Don Fulgencio YegTos, and the others •were. Francia, Dr. Francisco Javier Bogarln, and Femajido de k Mora. One of the first decrees of this body prohibited the holding of any public office by a Spaniard. After this they opened up negotia-' tions with the State of Buenos Aires, and, although no, amalgamation of the new countries ensued, a modus Vivendi was arrived at. The existence of this Junta was not destined to run smoothly — there were very few objects or institu- tions in Spanish America; which were destined to enjoy a smooth course just then 1 No doubt Francia's master mind was already fixed on its goal. He resigned from the Junta on the ist of August, only two and a half months after the formation of that body. The pretext that he employed for his retire- ment was the spirit of military autocracy into which he alleged that the Junta was in danger of falling. Having reg'ard to Francia's career, it is probable that the dread of autocracy atone obsessed him when the power was in danger of falling into any other hands but his own. Francia, therefore, despite his resignation, did not remain idle, and he was soon back in the Junta, enjoying increased influence. This policy was continued by Francia until, on the 1 2th of October, he and Yegros were nominated as joint Consuls of Paraguay. For a sketch of the career of the future Dictator at this period I will quote at length from Mr. J. P. Robertson, who was personally acquainted with him. In fairness to Francia, however, it m(Ust be said that Robertson's opinion of one of the most remarkable men that South America ever produced did not err on the side of Iteniency. But Robertson shall speak for himself: — " Having now evidently determined to get rid of all competitors for power, and the epoch approach- 168 PARAGUAY ing for the decision of the questions which the Buenos Aires' envoy was to open, Francia made all affected haste to call a Congress of Deputies, which, from the different sections of Paraguay, should assemble within three months at Assumption. '.' In the meantime arrives Mr. Herrera, the Buenos Ayres Ambassador. He is lodged in the old custom- house, at once under the surveillance and steward- ship of the collector of customs. He remains a week there, dining by himself, before he has an interview with a single member of the Government ; suspicion and vigilance attend his every step ; he hears vague rumours of danger to his person, and sees indubitable indications of the folly of hoping for any alliance with a country over which, even now, Francia exercised so potent a sway. . . . " The time intermediate between the issuing of the writs for election of the deputies to Congress, and of their meeting in the capital, Francia success- fully employed in encouraging and increasing the enmity of his countrymen to Buenos Ayres. He gained over to his interest the officers in command of the troops, and made himself personally and fantiiliarly acquainted with the humblest deputy that came into town. The wily doctor flattered the vanity and stimulated the cupidity of them all. The Indian alcalde, the small farmer, the cattle-grazier, the petty shopkeeper, the more wealthy merchant, and the sub- stantial hacendado all became his prey. By large and undefined promises of protection and encourage- ment to the order of men to which they respectively belonged, by one delay after another, never appear- ing to originate with Francia, he fostered the ambition of aspirants to power, and protracted the meeting of Congress for two months beyond the appointed time. All this took place after each deputy had arrived in Assumption. Francia had thus an opportunity, not only of increasing adherents, fortifying converts. THE DICTATOR FRANCIA 169 and deciding waverers, but of entailing upon the impoverished deputies such inconvenience and expense as needed scarcely the aid of the Consul's suggestions to determine them to come to a final settlement of all their business on the first day of the meeting pf the Congress. " Such a motley group of national representatives was never, perhaps, before assembled to deliberate, or rather to decide without deliberation, on the fate of a nation. " Here was a ' tdpe ' Indian alcalde, with an anti- quated three-cornered cocked hat, and an old red or brown wig that had been worn under the said hat from its earliest days. The latter, too, was rather brown, but so well adorned Avith ribands, red, blue, yellow, pink, that not much of the real colour was discernible. Black velvet breeches, open at the knees, with silver buttons in long and close array, and a finely embroidered pair of drawers hang- ing out under them, like the ruffles of a gentleman's shirt from under his coat-sleeves, were supported by a red sash tied round the waist. To correspond with this the alcalde had garters of the same hue tied in visible display round discoloured silk stockings, and large silver shoe-buckles completed this part of his attire. " His horse was caparisoned in a fashion no less unique. The ribands upon his tail, mane, ears, and pendent from the peaks of an antiquated Court saddle, covered with what had once been red or blue velvet, streamed in variegated luxuriance from each and every point. " Mounted upon a charger thus adorned and trained to dance, the Indian alcalde, with a brass, and sometimes gold-headed, cane, emblematic of his civic authority, would ever and anon set forth to parade the streets, pending the obstacles and delay which preceded the actual meeting of the Congress. 170 PARAGUAY His horse, attended by two pagjes, one on either side of the now mounted deputy, and both as much in want of the mere decencies of dress as their master abounded in the superfluity of it, began a Uttle prehminary dance ; while the musicians, no better arrayed than the pages, essayed to play the overture of a tune to which the procession was to move on. The alcalde's friends and dependents kept assembling on horseback during this overture ; and with such remnants of Court finery as they could borrow from the priest, or gather from the debris of their chief's decorations — an odd bit of riband, parts of the alcalde's Sunday suit, a red handkeirchief bought expressly for the occasion, a small hat, and a poncho — did a follower of the first rank fall into the procession. The gradations of importance of those who followed him were easily to be inferred by persons skilled in Indian ct»stume, from the gradual diminution as you descended the scale of rank of some courtly badgie or ornamental device. " Thus escorted, the deputy moved on, till he came in front of the Government House, where Carat Francia was. Increasing there the rigidity of his upright posture on horseback, with his eyes im- movably fixed on his horse's ears, he gave the Carai a horse-dance, a calabash tune, and finally made his reverential act of obeisance. All this he performed on horseback, and then took his departure in the same dancing, though slow and measured, solemtiity of state in which he had arrived in front of the Consul's window. Processions of this kind, some of a better but none of a less gtotesque class, as you advanced from the Indian deputy to the more considerable landholder, crowded the streets during the time that elapsed between the assembling of the deputies and the actual meeting of the Congress. " It may be conceived with what anxious desire this meeting was expected by the menibers elect. THE DICTATOR FRANCIA 171 all more or less encumbered with attendants, away from their families, and short of money, house room, and provisions. When at last the day of meeting was by Francia permitted to arrive, that which every one had anticipated took place. In a few hours after Congress met the day's deliberations were closed by a rejection of all proposals for an amicable inter- course with Buenos Ayres. Then one of Francia's colleagues in the Government, Cavallero, was dis- missed, and Francia was elected First Consul, with Yegros (a mere cipher) as second, for one year. This was in 1814 ; and the burlesque of national representation being performed, the Buenos Ayres deputy left Assumption in fear and trembling the next day, the congregational body dissolved itself, and curates, country gentlemen, yerba collectors, wood-cutters, Indian alcaldes, shopkeepers, lawyers, traders, all joyfully resigned their legislative functions. Every man arose, and, saddling his beast, took his way to his respective home. " From this moment Francia became de facto the absolute and undisputed despot. Yet did he not institute his system of terror all at onCe. It was by gradual process and slow degrees that his heart got chilled, and that his measures, fitst characterized by callousness, tecame at length stained with blood. " The following anecdotes will tend to show what was the basis of Francia's character ; and subse- quent records will elucidate how easily stern integrity may turn to sullen despotism, inflexible determina- tion be warped to unrelenting barbarity. " It has been already observed that Francia's reputation, as a lawyer, was not only unsullied by venality, but conspicuous for rectitude. "He hiad a friend in Assumption of the name of Domingo Rodriguez. This man had cast a covetous eye upon a Naboth's vineyard, and this Naboth, of whom Francia was the open enemy, was called 172 PAEAGUAY Estanislao Machain. Never doubting that the young doctor, like other lawyers, would undertake his un- righteous cause, Rodriguez opened up to him his case, and requested, with a handsome retainer, his advocacy of it. Francia saw at once that his friend's pretensions were founded in fraud and injustice ; and •he not only refused to act as his counsel, but plainly told him that much as he hated his antagonist Machain, yet if he (Rodriguez) persisted in his iniquitous suit that antagonist should have his (Francia's) most zealous support. But covetousness, as Ahab's story shows us, is not so easily driven from its pretensions ; and in spite of Francia's warn- ing, Rodriguez persisted. As he was a potent man, in point of fortune, all was going against Machain and his devoted vineyard. " At this stage of the question Francia wrapped himself up one night in his cloak and walked to the house of his inveterate enemy, Machain. The slave who opened the door, knowing that his master and the doctor, like the houses of Montagu and Capulet, were smoke in each other's eyes, refused the lawyer admittance, and ran to inform his master of the strange and unexpected visit. Machain, no less struck by the circumstance than his slave, for some time hesitated, but at length determined to admit Francia. In walked the silent doctor to Machain's chamber. All the papers connected with the law plea — voluminous enough, I have been assured — were outspread upon the defendant's escritoire. " ' Machain,' said the lawyer, addressing him, ' you know I am your enemy. But I know that my friend Rodriguez meditates, and will certainly, unless I inter- fere, carry against you an act of gross and lawless aggression ; I have come to offier my services in your defence.' " The astonished Machain could scarcely credit THE DICTATOR FRANCIA 173 his senses, but poured forth the ebuUition of his gratitude in terms of thankful acquiescence. . . . " Alas ! that an action so magnanimous in itself should be blighted by the record which historical truth exacts — that no sooner had Francia vindicated the law and justice of his enemy's case than old antipathy revived ; and one of the many victims, at a subsequent period, of the Dictator's displeasure was the very Machain whom he had so nobly served. . . . " No sooner, by the tumultuous and unanimous voice of Congress, was Francia seated in the First Consul's chair than his air gradually gathered more of austerity, his measures were more divested of conciliation, his address became more abrupt, his tone more imperative ; and it was evident to me, as well as to many others, that he was already beginning to lift the mask' which he had too long reluctantly allowed to cover his ambitious projects and designs. One ominous feature of despotism began to display itself in Paraguay : every man feared to open his lips to another on politics. Among the first of Francia's legislative enactments was one of singular degradation to the old Spaniards." I have quoted Robertson at the foregoing con- siderable length because the interest of this matter of his seems to me to be twofold. In the first place it throws an eloquent lig^ht on the life and customs of a place and period which are among the most interesting that the entire history of South America has to show. Secondly, there is nothing inappropriate in devoting all this space to Francia ; for, when once he had secured his dictatorship, Francia was Paraguay, and Paraguay was Francia. The results of this extraordinary man's iron rule were by no means all disadvantageous to the country. While anarchy reigned in the neighbouring States a perfect tranquillity obtained in Paraguay, where, after 174 PARAGUAY a time, the title by which Francia chose to be Iknown, " El Supremo," was scarcely breathed above a whisper by the awestruck populace. Whatever may be thought of the methods by which they were obtained, the advantages which thie State derived from such benefits are not to be denied. Francia, moreover, incarnate despot though he was, was an upright despot with a strict code of morality and honour of his own. Thus, when on the 3rd of October, 18 14, he was named Dictator for the period of five years, an annual remuneration of nine thousand pesos was attached to the office. Francia, considering that the resources of the country did not warrant an expenditure such as this, refused to accept more than a third of the sum^ an act of self- abnegation which was quite consistent with his character. Having once obtained the power of Dictator, Francia soon gave proof that he intended to be no mere figurehead. In a very short time he had made an efficient force of the new Paraguayan Aiuny. With these troops he saw to it that the frontiers were properly guarded, and by this means the incursions from Corrientes in the south of marauding bands of irregulars were soon put a stop to. According to his own lights, he encouraged agriculture and mining, adding duties and applying export restrictions where he thought fit. It became evident to the easy-going Paraguayans that here, at alt events, was a ruler who knew his own mind, and whose powerful personality was suffi- cient to assure them that he would permit no civil conflict so long as he remained head of the State. As for the Dictator, he contented himself with feeling the pulse of the populace until he became assured that the last doubt as to their sentiments had vanished. Then, on the 30th of May, 1816, when he had been in office for little more than eighteen THE DICTATOR FRANCIA 175 months, he convened the Congress again, and gathered in its membors from' the countryside to Asuncion. All fell out in accordance with his plans. Receiving with enthusiasm the idea which Francia had been careful to disseminate, the Congress unanimously elected him to the post of Dictator for life. After this the gathering dispiensed, and its members went back to their homes, having endowed Francia with an authority so limitless as to be comparable only to that of a Nero or an African chief of a bygone generation. Francia, in fact, had been invited to be a despot, and when he accepted the invitation he accepted it in the full and thoroughgoing fashion that was to be expected from a person of his temperament. It very soon became clear throughout the length and breadth of the land that it was intended to brook not even a shadow of authority other than that of Francia. At the time of his accession to the perpetual dictatorship the only institution which could possibly rival the influence of his own person was the Church. Francia very soon put an end to all chance of such danger in that direction. First of all he shore it of all the ceremonial which went so far towards impTessing the populace. Then he took possession of the clerical wealth for the State, declared any marriage illegal for which his per- mission had not been obtained beforehand^ and, in short, caused the few priests whom he suffered to remain in Paraguay to become his passive creatures, and thus became as much the governing power of the Church as he was of the State. Few rulers all thte world over have shown them- selves possessed of more power of initiative than Francia. In 1819 occurred a serious visitation of locusts, which destroyed the crops. The only person who remained undismayed in the face of the 176 PARAGUAY threatened famine was Francia. Calling' together the agriculturists, he commanded them without the slightest delay to resow their devastated lands with crops similar to those that had been destroyed. The landowners received the order with astonishment and doubt ; but when Francia spoke, to hear was to obey. The seeds were sown, the harvests sprang up afresh, and the threatened catastrophe was averted. It is actually said that it was owing to this piece of legislation that the discovery was made for the first time that the soil and climate of Paraguay were capable of producing more than one' crop in the course of the year. In 1820 the Uruguayan chief Artigas — who had played somewhat the same part in the Banda Oriental that Francia had in Paraguay — sought refuge in the inland State, and was hospitably received by Francia. Ramirez, Artigas' successor in Uruguay, having tried in vain to cultivate Francia's friendship, joined the ranks of his enemies. As a result of this a plot was hatched to invade Paraguay from the south. This was discovered by Francia, and he immediately adopted measures calculated through sheer terror to banish the idea of any future attempt of the kind from the minds of the Paraguayans. A period of torture and execution followed. Francia's old col- league, Fulgencio Yegros, was one of the first to be executed, and on nine consecutive days the Dictator executed each day eight of the leading con- spirators — or, at all events, persons who were accused of being the leading conspirators. This was the beginning of the actual reign of terror, and the dread of Francia's name now grew more intense almost with every day that passed. The executions did not end with the first seventy-two victims, and under the continual tortures accusations, whether true or false, were launched in all directions. The Dictator's hatred of the old Spaniards, more- THE DICTATOR FRANCIA 177 over, now spurred him to acts of increasieid oppires- sion. On the 9th of June, 1821, he flung no feiwer than three hundred of these into prison, and only released those who survived after an eighteen months' confinement on the payment of a collective fine of 150,000 pesos. It is impossible to say to what extent the embittering of Francia's policy was due to this con- spiracy. In any case, from this time onwards his policy became still more definite. His keenest desire was that Paraguay should become self-supporting and independent of all other nations. To this end he gradually did away with all trading and intercourse between the inland State and its neighbours. The law which set the seal on the isolation of Paraguay was the one which not only forbade the entrance of any foreigner into that country, but prevejnted the departure of any foreigner who happened to be domiciled in Paraguay at the time. Among the latter was an unfortunate Frenchtoan of the name of Escoffier, who twice endeavoured to evade this law by attempting to escape by way of the Chaco, the non-success of the second venture costing him his life. To do him justice, Francia was perfectly con- sistent in the manner in which he carried out this policy of isolation. If he would not allow his subjects to trade outside his frontiers, neither did he allow himself to hold any commtinication with the heads of other States or their envoys. In 1824 Argentina sent to him an Ambassador whom he flatly refused to receive. The following year Bolivar himself con- trived to get a letter sent across the Chaco to Asun- cion, proposing to Francia that Paraguay should emerge from its retirement to take its rightful place among the other States. Francia, with an Arcadian simplicity, replied that Paraguay was perfectly satis- fied with its lot, and saw no reason to change it, 12 178 PARAGUAY As a matter of fact, Paraguay — and in all these matters Paraguay meant Francia — had probably greater political reason to remain on good terms with the royal and united State of Brazil than with any other of its neighbours ; for Brazil was powerful, and the length of frontier between the two countries was formidable. But when in 1824 the Brazilian Government sent a Consul to Asimcion, Francia re- fused to have anything to do with that official, until the Brazilians had made good their aggressions in territories and cattle. As a result of this the Consul returned to Brazil to set in motion some fruitless negotiations . Three years before this Francia had given proofs of the lengths to which he was preipared to carry the policy inspired by a somewhat morbid dread of interference from the outer world. The famous French botanist Aime Bonpland had taken up his abode on Argentine territory on the bank of the Alto Parani River, having thus Paraguayan territory facing him on the opposite shore of the stream. In this haunt of exuberant Nature his enthusiasm found full vent, and, among other things, he set himself to make experiments in the propagation of yerba mate. This soon came to the ears of Francia, and the latter's dread lest an undue rivalry should be set up to an industry that he regarded' as purely Paraguayan led him to conunit an act that showed his contempt for anybody and anything without the borders of his own State. On the 3rd of December, 1821, a party of four hundred Paraguayan soldiers crossed the Alto Parand suddenly and swiftly in canoes. Falling upon thte unfortunate Bonpland's estabhshment, they bore him a prisoner back to their own country. There the kid- napped naturalist had to remain for ten years, not- withstanding the European and South American protests with which Paraguay became flooded. THE DICTATOR FRANCIA 179 Francia completely ignored these, and it must be admitted that Bonpland hinxself soon became so enamoured with the floral wealth of his new quarters that he lost all desire to return to Europe, and, indeed, when his liberation was actually effected, he seems to have greeted his change of scene with some regret. But it was certainly from no considera- tions of this kind that Francia had kidnapped the distinguished French scientist I Beyond such salient epjgodes as these it may be said that very little occurred during Francia's dictatorship upon which any historian can lay his hand as being of any special interest beyond the rest. With his abandonment of foreign relations he avoided all foreign complications ; for he had made Paraguay strong enough to discourage all attempt at aggression from outside. Indeed, until 1840 it may be said that Francia ruled — by no means un- wisely, after his own lights — and the people obeyed, as people naturally would when they knew that the penalty of disobedience was death. And if all this ceased in 1840, it was for the sole reason that in that year the unutterably dreaded Supremo died, at the advanced age of seventy-four. CHAPTER XI CARLOS ANTONIO LOPEZ AND FRANCISCO SOLANO LOPEZ Condition of affairs at the death of Francia — ^The establishment of a pro- visional Government — After various experiments Consuls are appointed — The rise of Carlos Antonio Lopez — Liberal measures adopted — Carlos Antonio Lopez becomes Constitutional President of Paraguay — Rosas closes the river against Paraguayan commerce — Carlos Antonio Lopez forms an alliance with Brazil — rDesultory warfare with Argentina — Further international complications — Intervention of England and P'rance — ^Action of the allied fleets — On the death of Rosas Paraguay resumes her intercourse with the outer world — Arrival of foreign Ministers — Treaties — Increasing power of Carlos Antonio Lopez — Prosperity of the State — Death of Carlos Antonio Lopez — He is suc- ceeded by his son Francisco Solano Lopez — Youth and temperament of the latter — Madame Eloisa Lynch — An unofficial Queen— Francisco Solano's attainments — He proves himself a second Francia — Autocracy under a modern cloak — Bizarre methods — His ambition — A descrip- tion by Sir Richard Burton — George Masterman on the dictator — A fateful personality — Contemporary population and power of Paraguay. Francia's lengthy autocracy had had its inevitable effect. So long had thte power of initiative and command been his alone that his death left the State, not only, without a leader but without any political programme or definite national ideals. Had a man of the deceased Dictator's temperament been at hand, he could have stridden without the faintest opposition to Francia's vacant throne. Indeed, his seizing of the reins of power would undoubtedly have been welcomed with a sigh of relief by the Paraguayans as the shnplest solution of the legislative difficulties which now faced them. But no such man came forward'. If he existeid, ISO THE LOPEZ' 181 it was in too humble a capacity to enable him to take advantagie of thie situation. The Paraguayans found themselves obliged to have recourse to a form of government which in reality, represented something of a compromise. A Junta was hurriedly formted, and by the instrum:entality of this was estabhshed a provisional Government, consisting of the alcalde of Asuncion and of the four military commandants of that city. The provisional nature of the Government will be suflSciently evident from its elements. The men to whom the direction of Paraguay was confided were those officials who had been trained to yield implicit and unquestioning obedience to Francia. As might have been expected, they displayed not only a want of genius but a laclc of initiative which soon roused an active isense of discontent among the p:eople. This discontent was responsible for a rapidly mount- ing political confusion and strife of a kind to which Paraguay had long been a stranger. Officiak such as senators and deputies, the very existence of whose offices had been overlooked for many years, came into being once again. Various experiments resulted, in the beginning of 1 84 1, in the nomination of a Commandant- General, Don Mariano Roque Alonso, who was to take tem- porary charge of the State and who was to be assisted by a secretary, Don Carlos Antonio Lopez. This form of government had scarcely been in exist- ence for a month when the titles of its officials were changed, and their ordter of rank was reversed. Consuls were now again the order of the day. Carlos Antonio Lopez was named First Consul and Mariano Roque Alonso was made Second Consul. These officials showed a liberal spirit. They introduced many progressive measures, opened up political and commercial relations with the Argentine Province of Corrientes, and released from gaol most 182 PARAGUAY of those victims of Francia's tyranny who had not already been freed by the Junta. In 1844 occurred another change in the form of government. Carlos Antonio Lopez then became con- stitutional President of Paraguay.' The beginning of his term of office was complicated by disputes with the Argentine province of Corrientes — disputes that did not prove themselves the easier to settle owing to the firm conviction on the part of the River Plate authorities that Paraguay should in the natural order of affairs form an integral portion of the Argentine Confederation. Rosas, the most despotic ruler that the southern State had ever known, was now at the head of affairs in Argentina, and when this Dictator, in the arbitrary fashion that distinguished so many of his acts, closed the river against Paraguayan commerce it was clear that the strain of the situation had arrived at breaking-point. It was one thing for Francia to forbid the entrance of foreigners into his State, but it was quite another affair for Rosas to place a barrier across the river at a point below the Paraguayan frontier, and thus to isolate the in- land Republic again, whether she would or no. Carlos Antonio Lopez had no intention of sub- mitting to any procedure of this sort. He made his peace with the province of Corrientes, and, entirely reversing the theories of Francia, he formed an alliance with Brazil. Then, in December 1845, he declared war on the Argentine Confederation. After some inconclusive fighting, however, hostilities were suspended. The United States endeavoured to mediate, but their intervention failed, and a desultory species of warfare broke out again between Paraguay and Argentina, while relations soon became strained between the former State and the Empire of Brazil. Disputed territory in this case was the cause of a ' See Appendix. • '-('« «. .'CA'gt'OS A^rglSM LOPEZ.^ THE LOPEZ' 183 situation which perilously approached open warfare ; but energetic action by the Paraguayans resulted in the cessation of what they considered a policy of territorial aggrandizement on the part of the Imperial Government. All this time, owing to the hostility of the Argen- tine Dictator Rosas, access to and from the Atlantic along the great river had been closed to Paraguay. England and France, appealed to by Brazil, had come to the aid of Paraguay and of the proviiicie of Corrientes, which was suffering the same isolation as Paraguay. The combined British and French fleets had invested Buenos Aires, and a squadron of war steamers, escorting a number of heavily laden merchantmen, had succeeded, after some heavy engagements, in forcing their way up the stream. The vessels, however, did not get beyond Corrientes, and this province absorbed practically all the merchandise carried by the fleet. Owing to this, Paraguay was left in much the same situation as before. Further assistance, moreover, was not forth- coming from Europe ; for it was soon discovered that, from the practical point of view, the very closest blockade could make no difference to the town of Buenos Aires with the vast pastoral and agricultural wealth of the interior at its back. In 1848 Great Britain withdrew from the blockade, and in 1849 France followed her example. At the beginning of 1852 Rosas was deposed, and with his flight to England disappeared the antagonism that had barred the lower reaches of the great river to the Paraguayans. Carlos Antonio Lopez now signified his intention of resuming the intercourse with the outer world, or, rather, of initiating this ; for it is a remarkable fact that now for the first time since Paraguay had been an independent State was any general intercourse with' other nations undertaken. 184 PARAGUAY On the 2 2n'd of December, 1852, the British war- steamer Locust arrived at Asuncion, having on board Sir C. Hotham, the British Minister-^and, inci- dentally, the first European official of the kind who had ever set foot in Paraguay — ^and the United States Minister. A few days later the French Minister arrived, and this latter was followed by the repre- sentative of a Power of considerably less importance, Sardinia. Treaties were drawn up between Paraguay and the various countries whose ministers now repre- sented them in Asuncion, and by this act Paraguay at length asserted her intention of occupying her proper place in the world. The first definite com- mercial relations had been established just before the diplomatic steps had been taken ; for on November the 23rd had arrived the first British trading steamer. The influx of all these foreigners — whether of an official or commercial standing — ^was naturally an event of the first importance so far as Paraguay was concerned. The visit of the ministers of the foreign Powers, moreover, was equivalent to an official recog- nition on the part of Europe and the United States of the independence of the State of Paraguay. The official and social world of Asuncion was lit up by a blaze of festivities, and the following year (1853) Don Francisco Solano Lopez proceeded to Europe as special Envoy to visit various of its Courts. In the course of time the power of Don Carlos Antonio Lopez increased. For Paraguay of that period he had proved himself a sufficiently liberal legislator ; yet a certain atmosphere of autocracy seemed inseparable from the State in the mid-nine- teenth century. Thus in 1857 he was named chief of the State for a period of no less than ten years ; he was given authority to nominatp his successor — which, of course, had the practical effect of making THE LOPEZ' 186 his office hereditary — and the number of national deputies was reduced to one hundred, the power of this remnant being diminished to vanishing point. Nevertheless, although the might of the President had now increased to within measurable distance of that formerly wielded by the Dictator Francia, Lopez showed himself averse to employ it in the manner of the deceased Supremo. His personality was regarded with considerable awe by his Paraguayan entourage ; but this was on account rather of the powers with which he was vested than because of any deeds of " f rightfulness." Carlos Antonio Lopez, moreover, showed himself well disposed towards foreigners, although he proved himself not entirely devoid of his predecessor's arbitrary theories when it came to a point of international dispute. This brought him more than once into diplomatic conflict with the United States, and on one occasion an actual collision occurred between the U.S. war steamer Watenvitch and a Paraguayan battery. Paraguay, as a matter of fact, had to accustom itself little by little to a free and liberal intercourse with the outer world, and at this period numerous international incidents took place in connection with the grievances sufifered not only by subjects of European States, but by the South Am:ericans of the neighbouring countries. In each instance, how- ever, the matter was settled without the outbreak of war. Thus the population and strength of Paraguay grew rapidly, until, from one of the most negligible of republics, she had advanced in military power to the position of one of the strongest. The commerce of the country, moreover, had grown from practically nothing into a source of con- siderable national wealth. This altered condition of affairs was, of course, due almost entirely to the efforts of Carlos Antonio Lopez. His death, in 1862, 186 PARAGUAY put an end to a period of government which had lasted eighteen years, and which, as has been said, was tending more and more to become of the absolute order. Carlos Antonio Lopez had named as his successor his eldest son, Francisco Solano Lopez, and the affairs of the nation duly passed into this latter's control. The future of Paraguay now appeared promising in the extreme. Francisco Solano Lopez had had the advantages of a liberal education and of the invalu- able experience with which his travels in Europe had provided him. He had won golden opinions in London and Paris, and it was confidently hoped that to his father's prudent methods of legislation he would add the enterprise and progressive spirit which were to be expected from a man of his attainments. To what extent Francisco Solano Lopez justified these hopes will shortly be seen. It is certain that from the very beginning of his rule Francisco Solano Lopez was eaten up by that most mischievous form of ambition that haunts the love of power. In this he was undoubtedly en- couraged by the woman who had elected to share his life. This handsome and remarkable person was Madame Eloisa Lynch, an Irish - Parisian whom Francisco Solano had met in the French capital, and whom he had apparently found small difficulty in persuading to join him in Paraguay. The ceremony of marriage was never undergone by the pair. But Eloisa Lynch seems to have been accepted as more or less a member of the family by the relatives of Francisco Solano, and when the latter became absolute King of Paraguay in all but name, Eloisa Lynch reigned by his side as his queen, and, moreover, succeeded in retaining his affection to the last. Francisco Solano Lopez was thirty-six years of age when he became " fefe Supremo y General de THE LOPEZ' 187 los Exercitos de la Republica del Paraguay." As has been said, so far as his education was concerned, he was admirably equipped for his post. In addition to his own national tongues of Spanish and Guarani, he spoke fluent French, and was thus in a position to converse without the cumbersome aid of an in- terpreter with any distinguished travellers "who might enter his country. He had, moreover, drunk at the generous fountain of Paris, one of the mainsprings of the Latin race, to which his own nation in part belonged, and, for the rest, was attached. The uses to which Francisco Solano Lopez put his talents constitute one of the greatest tragedies of South America. At the same time, responsible though he was for so many outrages and for so deep a sea of blood, it cannot be said that he was averse to progress of the purely material order. He was one of the first in South America to start railway enter- prise ; he introduced some Parisian notions of archi- tecture into the Asimcion streets and plazas, and was responsible for a considerable amount of altera- tion in the local manners and costume. His chief attention, however, was directed towards the Army, and the pains he took to make this already efficient service still more formidable was sufficiently ominous in itself. Once firmly established in the Dictator's seat, Francisco Solano Lopez wasted no time in asserting his power. So far as autocracy was concerned it very soon became evident to the Paraguayans that here was a second Francia, prepared to go all the lengths — and even farther — of the harsh ' measures inaugurated by the original Supremo. It was not long before his adherents found themselves inculcated with a dread such as those of Francia had known only too well. This condition of affairs, nevertheless, was veiled under a modern cloak, for there were how foreigners— and among them a number of 188 PARAGUAY English — in Paraguay, whose influence had already become notable up to a certain point. Lopez followed the example of Francia in refusing to tolerate any authority whatever save his own throughout the length and breadth of Paraguay. Considering the Church as by far the most formid- able of any potential rivals, he made a tool of the Bishop, Palacio, who soon undertook the offices of a personal attendant. Mr. Thomlpson, one of the Englishmen who was residing in Paraguay at this period, remarks of him that : " The Bishop used to go and wait in Lopez' corridor with his hat in his hand. When Lopez came out, the Bishop shuffled up towards him with a deprecating look, and made a deep bow, to which Lopez would return a nod, without touching his cap." As time went on Lopez' methods tended to grow more bizarre. He designed magnificent uniforms for himself, taking care at the same time that his suite should be provided with garments of the most sober tints. At meals, his wines and dishes were distinct even from those of his own family and immediate entourage. Lopez, in fact, was determined to neglect no means which could emphasize the fact that Para- guay's Dictator stood quite alone on the pedestal of his own making. Unfortunately for himself, for his country, and for the southern half of South America jn general, Francisco Solano Lopez was imbued with the idea that he possessed' many of the qualities of the great Napoleon. Obsessed by this theory, he endeavoured to have as much as possible in common with the great European conquistador. This is incidentally referred to in a description of him by Sir Richard Burton : "His appearance is not unfavourable, though of late he has become very corpulent, after having been a slim and active youth. He is about five feet seven inches in height, of bilious, nervous temperament, THE LOPEZ' 189 and darker than Spaniards. . . . His hands and feet are small, and his legs bandy with early riding. His features are somewhat Indian, his hair is thick, and his beard, worn in the form which was once called ' Newgate frill,' is by no means so full and thick as his portraits show. ... He still affects the white charger and the Napoleonic grenadier boots and spurs, the rest of his toilet being a kepi, a frock- coat, and a scarlet poncho With gold' fringe and collar ; in fact, he has a passion for finery. Dignified in manner, he has a penetrating, impressive look, which shows the overwhelming pride and self-confidence that form the peculiar features of his personality." The impression made by Lopez on George Master- man, an apothecary attached to the Paraguayan forces during the great war, was less favourable, as was, perhaps, only to be expected, seeing that Masterman had suffered severely at the hands of the autocrat. He thus describes this remarkable man : — " Personally he is not a man of very commanding stature, being but five foot four in height, and ex- tremely stout — latterly most unwieldily so. His face is very flat, with but little nobUiity of feature, head rather good, but narrow in front and greatly de- veloped posteriorly. There is a very ominous breadth and solidity in the lower part of his face, a peculiarity derived from his Guaycurd ancestry, and which gives the index to his character — a cruel, sensual face, which the eyes, placed rather too close together, do not improve. His manners, when he was pleased, were remarkably gracious, but when enraged — and I have twice seen him so — ^his expres- sion was perfectly ferocious." I have devoted this considerable space to the personality of Francisco Solano Lopez for the reason that this extraordinary man was at this period more closely connected than any other with the destinies of three republics and one empiire. Under his rule 190 PARAGUAY the military force of Paraguay attained to its zenith. At that time the population of the country was far greater in proportion to that of the neighbouring States than it has ever been since. It is, indeed, somewhat diflficult to realize now that at so recent a date as the middle of the nineteenth century the inhabitants of Paraguay outnumbered those of each of the other River Plate republics. Yet so it was, and Brazil and Argentina, knowing something of the temperament of Francisco Solano Lopez, watched with no little anxiety the further rapid increases in the strength of the already formidable Paraguayan Army. Less than two years after the advent to power of Francisco Solano Lopez the Army of the inland State had attained to a strength of no less than eighty thousand men. These, moreover, had been trained to a fwint of efficiency which rendered the force without rival in the continent as a striking power. Such an instrument in the hands of a man of such passions as consumed Lopez was akin to a powder-magazine in the too close neighbourhood of a lighted match. In due course the explosion occurred. CHAPTER XII THE PARAGUAYAN WAR Origin of the struggle— rBrazil and the States of the Rio de la Plata — The intervention of Francisco Solano Lopez — Outbreak of the war- Seizure of the Brazilian steamer Marquez de OUnda — Paraguay invades the province of Matte Grosso — Curious analogy between the Paraguayan War and the present European struggle — Lopez as the prey of a wild ambition — His Heaven-sent triumphs — ^A parallel to the Belgian invasion — The capture of Corrientes — The five cam- paigns of the Paraguayan War — Chief events of the struggle — Bravery of the Paraguayan troops — The river battles — Improvised war-steamers — Some gallant actions — The motto of the Paraguayans — Francisco Solano Lopez as Generalissimo — How his men were squandered — Defeat as a crime — Its penalties— The toll of human life — Disappearance of the flower of Paraguay's manhood — Final stages of the stnjggle — Fairness in terrorism — The fate of the women workers — ^The death of Francisco Solano Lopez and the conclusion of the war — Condition of Paraguay — Recovery of the Republic. The actual origin of the struggle which is generally known in South America as the Paraguayan War Still remains food for considerable controversy. Those Paraguayans who associate the interests of Francisco Solano Lopez with those of the nation at large are given to assert that the Dictator took up his post at a critical moment, when the treaties of peace with Brazil and Argentina were about to expire, and when the various frontier questions had become too vexed and too urgent to be settled by any other means than a recourse to arms. It is true that the political situation was by no means without its difficulties. It would seem certain enough, nevertheless, that, had not Francisco Solano Lopez found hunself at the head of so fine an Army, 191 192 PARAGUAY this call to arm's would never have sounded. It is certainly not to be conceded that Brazil, the first of the neighbouring States to be concerned in the matter, was entirely without blame. Neither as a colony, a kingdom, or an empire had Brazil been able entirely to withstand the temptations of territorial aggrandize- ment offered by the chaotic political condition which characterized the early days of the youthful republics of Spanish extraction. In this matter Argentina, Uruguay, and Paraguay all nursed grievances of their own. Struggles — the majority of which were more or less local — had occurred from time :to time, and at others m^utual con- cessions had tided over the threat of hostilities. On the whole, however, it was not to be denied that the advantage in territory rested with Brazil. There was thus sufficient motive for war, for the Dictator of a State po'ssessed of the finest Army in South America. As is so frequently the case in such matters, the actual outbreak of hostilities was based on no such direct question. The germs of the struggle had their being in Uruguay, where revolu- tion prevailed, ajnd where Brazilian intrigues were undoubtedly at wor'fc to benefit one of the Uruguay3,n parties at the expense of the other. It is prol>ablie that when Francisco Solano Lopez intervened in the matter he was by no means without justification. ^It very soon became evident, however, that this intervention of his was being carried out in a manner which couM only end in war. The outbreak of this was not long delayed. On the loth of November, 1864, the Brazilian steamer Marquez de OUnda arrived at Asuncion on her way from Rio de Janeiro to the upper reaches of the Paraguay River, where she would again find herself alongside Brazilian so:il. This particular voyage of the Marquez de OUnda happened to be somewhat unusually notable, for she THE PARAGUAYAN WAR 193 had on bofCrd the new Governor of the province of Matto Grosso, who was travelling up-stream to take up his post. The Marquez de Olinda had actually left Asuncion, and was proceeding on her northern way, when the Parag;uayan war steamer Tacuari, smoke pouring from her funnel, appeared in chase. The Brazilian vessel was overhauled, captured, and brought back to Asuncion, where she was detained, and her passengers and crew made prisoners . This, of course, was equivalent to a declaration of war, and Brazil prepared itself for a collision. Lopez allowed the Empire little time for this. Less than three weeks after the seizure of the Marquez de Olinda he sent his brother-in-law. Colonel Barrios, in command of a flotilla, conveying troops in order to attack the Brazilian possessions to the north. The first point assailed was the Brazilian fort situated on the river bank at Coimbra. Menaced by three thousand fine Paraguayan troops, the Brazilian garrison escaped by river to the north, leaving behind it a considerable store of munitions of war. Proceeding farther up-stream, the Para- guayan force then captured Albuquerque and Corumhd, the Brazilians retreating before them as they went, ialnd very soon an important stretch of Brazilian territory had been occupied by the invading army. Viewed in the Ight of contemporary events, there is a curious wealthi of analogy between the events of the Paraguayan War and of the great European strugglte of to-day. Francisco Solano Lopez stood very much in the same relation to his people as does WUliara of Prussia to-day. At the head of a powerful and well-trained army which the nation had been taught to revere lajs a superhuman force, Lapez found himself the prey of a wild ambition, to which 13 194 PARAGUAY he sacrificed conscience, humanity, and the lives of countless thousands of people. Thanks to their com- plete preparedness, his armies swept outwards on all sides, driving back the enemy before them, until the growing numbers and stiffening resistance of the opposing forces caused the tide to halt, and then to turn. But all was victory with Lopez. His proclamations made it so, and to question one of the autocrat's Heaven-sent triumphs was to earn the wages of sudden death. A mere reference to the numbers of the Paraguayan Ibsses sufficed to cause the execution of a soldier. There was even a parallel to the tragedy of Belgium in the South America of half a century ago. Desirous of attacking Brazil in the south as well a.s in the north, Lopez sent to the Argentine Government a high-handed demand for the passage of his troops across the Argentine province of Corrientes. When the inevitable refusal was returned, the autocrat of Paraguay fell upon the province, and succeeded in capturing for a time the important port of Corrientes. Thus, in a; sense, the province of Corrientes may stand for Belgium. There is, however, one immeasurably wide differ- ence between the two invasions. To the honour of the Paraguayans be it said that they left the soil of Corrientes free from those atrocities by means of which the Prussians so deeply stained the Belgian earth and their own name. This invasion of Corrientes naturally brought about war with the Argentine Republic, which country, owing to this threat from without, found its provinces consolidating themselves into a. compact set of national units.. But this was not the end of the complications which the irresponsible rashness of Lopez had brought upon himself. Seeing that the party hostile to him was now in power in Uruguay, he found himself at war with that little State, JESUIT DECORATION : SAN IGNACIO. RUINS OF HUMAITA CHURCH : FRONT VIEW. THE PARAGUAYAN WAR 196 as well as with' the powerful Empire of Brazil and the great Republic of Argentina;. It is, of course, impossible in the space avail- able here to go fully into the details of what was in some respects one of the most remarkablte wars that the world has ever witnessed. A Paraguayan authority has divided the strug!glte into five cam- paigns—those of Matto Grosso, Uruguay, Humaitd, Pikycyry, and las Cordilleras. By a brief separate reference to each! of these we may obtain a rough insight into the general course of the war. The first of these campiaigns comprised the invasion of the Brazilian province of Matto Grosso, to which reference has already been made. The second campaign was that of Uruguay. This was jalso fought on foreign soil, and was the blow delivered to the south which corresponded with the northern stroke which had Matto Grosso for its aim. The third campaign was that of Humaitd. Here for the first time the Paraguayans found themselves on the defensive, the object of the allies being to dislbdge them from the strong post of Humaitd, which commanded the reaches of the great river in the neighbourfiood of the southern Paraguayan frontier. The fourth campaign, that of Pikycyry, represented the second stage of the Pairaguayan defensive opera- tions, when the tide had already definitely turned against the arms of the inland State. The fifth, and last, of the campaigns, was that of the Cordilleras. This w'as fought out in the north of the Republic, and in the course of this occurred some of the most desperate fighting of all, the remnants of the heroic Paraguayan army fighting battle after battle to prevent themselves being hemmed in by their continually advancing foes. With the collapse of the last worn and attenuated 196 PARAGUAY companies aiid thie death of Francisco Sokno. Lopez thie war ended. This will suffice to give a: rough idea of the main events of this remarkable campaign. A full and detailed description of this is stiU lacking in the English langtiagie, and the sooner this omission is rectified the ibetter it will be for those students interested in this particular phase of South American history, for the warlike feats and political circum- stances of this period are unusually notable, and deserve a wider acquaintance outside South America than they have so far obtained. One of the most remarkablte features of the war was the int^ise bravery which the Paraguayan troops showed in the face of greaitty superior forces. This was demonstrated, not only on land but on the river, where some of the most important cojnbats took place. On the water, as a matter of fact, the pre- parations had not been nearly so complete as those on shore. It is probable that Lopez had not fuUy foreseen the vital part which the great inland water- way was to play in the grim strug'gle ; for, while his army was provided with the most up-to-date warlke contrivances, his arsenals and munition factories being provided with British supervisors, his fresh-water fleet was of an improvised order. The vessels composing this were, indeed, small passenger or cargo steamers, ranging in size from some six hundred tons downwards, which had been armed with converted field-guns, or even with field- guns that still retained their wheeled carriages. A numlber of these vessel's were commanded by English- men ; but, whether in charge of these or of Paraguayan officers, the gallantry displayed was identical, and these frail craft would go chartging down the stream to encounter the heavily armed and armoured Brazilian warships and monitors. A more unequal combat can scarcely be imagined, but on RUINS OF HUMAITA CHURCH ; BACK VIEW. To face page 197. THE PAKAGUAYAN WAR 197 mtore occasions thSn one the desperate Paraguayans drove the enemy from' their decks down into the protected bowels of their vessels, and caused the opposing flotilla to retreat. Notwithstanding this, it was, of course, a matter of impossibility for the unarmoured sides of the Paragtiayan vessel's to withstand for long the rain of shot poured into them from the enemy, vessels, and their number gradually diminished as, one by one, they sank. To this day the iron remnants of somfe of these may be seen, and on the banks of the Tributary Yhagiiy there still rest the ruins of a burned Paraguayan flotilla, vegetation sprouting from the forsaken decks and stranded bbilters. This river fighting was equalled in fury by the battles on land. iWJben the Paraguayan forces had spent their strength in thte attajck it was onty after the most desperate resistance that they yielded ground before the masses of the allies. The motto jof the Paraguayans was Veneer o Morir — " Conquest or Death." These words Ayere inscribed even on the drums of the atmy, and they seem to have founidi an echo in the heart of almost every soldier of the inland State ; for the losses they sustained, and in the face of which they continued to fight, were phenomenal. It was Eraincistfo Solano Lopez, ojf course, who assumed supreme command of the Paraguayan army, and who relied with confidence upon his strategy to obtain the victory over the allied leaders. Marshal Caxias, of Brazil, and General Bartolom^ Mitre, Who commanded the Argientine troops. Francisco Soteno Lopez' mfethbcb, as a: matter of fact, were sufficiently crude. One of his chief military axioms seem to have been that his men should never retire under any circumstances, and in order to enforce this he would frequentty place companies of men just to the rear of the fighting' line, who had orders to shoot down 198 PARAGUAY any soldier who demonstrated the slightest inclination to yield his place. It is not surprising in these circumstances that the slaughter of the Paraguayan troops should have been terribte. The mere dash, moreover, of the Paraguayans was in itself frequently fatal. On more than one occasion a too headlbng pursuit of a shattered wing of the hostile forces brought them under a crushing fire from the main army that changed victory into defeat. Lopez' generalship, however, was of the kind which troubted itself very Mttle about the losses suffered by his rank and file. As long as he could obtain the vicarious glory of some brilliant but unprofitable feat achieved by his troops, he cared little how many thousands of men fell in the- operation. It was this enormous wastage of life, of course, which contributed so largely to the final defeat of Lopez. iWhen his affairs became desperate, more- over, he assumed an attitude of mind which more than fitted the wildest situation. Defeat at the hands even of a completely overwhelming force of the enemy became a crime which had to be expiated by torture or death, frequently by bbth. A system of espionage was established which added a new source of dread to the sufferings of the soldiers, and as the war drew towards its end the conditions under which the Par3.guayans fought became more and more terrible.' As a matter of fact, the losses in human life sustained by the Paraguayan nation in the course of this war were laltogether phenomenal when the total contemporary population of the Republic is taken into consideration. Paraguayan authority has esti- mated the population of the State at the beginning of the war at some 900,000 souls. This same authority has calculated that at the conclusion of the ' See Appendix. THE P4l^}^<^.U4YAH WAR 199 war no less th^';45o,ooo persons h^d? died. 35,000 soldiers had. ^if^n on the field of batrt$S and 1 1 5,000 had perished frojn jdisoase/ancd; •hymger." Owing to these latter caujjesi irAdreoVejrj'-.inpre than 300,000 old folk, women, and children had_ losf their lives. Owing to thfe*,cQndition of want arfi. privation which obtained at the' ejid of the §Ku]g.gig' the mischief did not end here, ^4.-);hus in'e rosapotricha " — " I am under your feet like the grass, and in your hand like a rose." No doubt so distinguished a scholar as Mans- field took care that this rendering of Guaranf should be accurate. There cannot fail to exist a certain number of Englishmen whose opinion on this point must be invaluable — but thte author cannot claim to be one of thfese ! Dealing with the populace of the country en masse — a somewhat perilous procfedure — it may be said that the Paraguayan chacr^ro is a milder and more peaceaible man than was the Argentine gaucho: it is necessary to use the past tense in referring to the latter, for the simple reason that the genuine wild son of the southern Campo is now to all intents and purposes extinct. The Paraguayan paisano, on the other hand. THE PARAGUAYAN OF TO-DAY 217 remains much w*hat he has been since the time when the country becam.te definitely settled. A circum- stance which perhaps influenced the general popula- tion of Paraguay more than any other was the dispersal of the Jesuit establishments that have already been referred to, and the distribution through- out the province of all those Guarani agriculturists who had until then been retained in their communities apart from thte main populacfe. Thus the differencie between the Paraguayan pcdsdno and the Argentine gaudho is lal-gely owing to thte fact that the Indian strain of the former springs from a much' mbre peaceable ancestry than such native blood as the true gaucho possessed. The temperament of the Paraguayan is rather that of an agriculturist, while the gaucho has never deigned to fill any, less advienturous r61e than that of a stockrider. It must not be imagined fronl this, however, that the character of the Paraguay^Ji populace is neces- sarily lamblike. Generally speaking, the Paraguayan of the masses is amiable and easy-going ; but there is a wild strain in him that is apt to reveal itself with some exuberance at times. On such occasions he is rather apt to bb handy with firearms, not necessarily from malicious motives, or even with the settled intention of damaging any, one, but rather from a surfeit of animal spirits and cma, the native rum. In these days, however, when it is the fashion for almost every, p^eon to carry a revolver, there are doubtless many employers of labbur who sigh for thei comparatively good old days of the less comprehen- sive knife ! Of late years the Paraguayan has made strenuous endeavours to bring his labour conditions up to the level of those of the neighbouring republics. To this end the strikb has been introduddd — a weapon of labour which the old-timer would find it extremely 218 PARAGUAY difficult to associate with the atmosphere of the inland State. Nevertheless, the strike has arrived — a more significant sign of the times even than the recently constructed houses of modem architecture in Asuncion. Notable progress has been made in the educational problems of the RepubUc. The simplest forms of education are apt to present som^e difficulties in a country whose population is as sparse and scattered as that of Paraguay. In 1908 it was estimated that the nimiber of the inhabitants of Paraguay over the age of six years was 411,131, out of which total 254,171 were illiterate. In Asuncion itself is a university, as well as a number of sedondary schools. It is in the remoter rural districts that the most difficult educational problems present themselves ; but in the natural w a rather less heterogeneous gathering. They 266 PAUAGUAY were : Italy 97, Spain 96, Argtentine 94, Germany 61, United Kingdom 9, other countries 73. The following figures will show the estimated foreign populations of Paraguayan 191 3. It must be understood, of course, that the reliability of these can only be comiparative, no census having been taken for twelve years : — Population. Italian ... ... ... ... 20,000 Argentine ... ... ... 10,000 German ... ... ... ... 3,000 Brazilian ... ... ... 1,300 Spanish ... ... ... ... 1,000 French ... ... ... ... 1,000 Uruguayan ... ... ... 600 British ... ... ... ... 500 Other Nationalities ... ... 2,500 It will be seen that the numerical part played by the British here is very modest. But it seems to me that there need be no ground for uneasiness on this head. The mere predominance of her agri- culturists in a foreign country surely does not of necessity improve the strategic position of the country that sent them. out. In this particular instance, too, notwithstanding that the German residents in Paraguay exceed the British sixfold, thfe trade of the latter country would seem: to be holding its own in quite a satisfactory fashion. From thte British point of view, the most notable colony ever established in Paraguay was that known as " New Australia "—to Which' wlas subsequently added the one known as " CosMe." Thie history of this affords one of the most remarkable examples of the various experiments carried out in socialistic theories. The colony of New Australia in Paraguay had its birth in the uproar and confusion of the great Australian general strike, that for the time being IMMIGRATION AND COLONIES 267 shattered thte forces of capital and labour and of the Commonwealth itself. At the end of the long- drawn-out industrial battle, when the labourers, lick- ing their financial wounds and surveying the empty coffers of their unions, were beginning to question the efficacy of the strik'e as a final remedy, a pro- posal was put to them by a large-hearted joumahst, William Lane, who was wholly and honestly devoting his lifework to the clause of labour and to the better- ment of the lot of the labourers. The m^ost able wor*k deahng with .Wiilliam Lane and his momentous experimtent is undoubtedly Mr. Stewart Grahame's " Where Socialism Failed," and for a sketch of the striking piersonality of this leader of men I will draw upon his remarks. Lane became one of the most successful free-lances on the Australian Press, and, says Mr. Grahame, '' Wherever there was an over-crowded slum or a case of sweated labour William Lane would ferret it out and hold up to pubUC scorn those who were responsible for such evil conditions. There probably never lived a more single-minded m!an, and his honesty of purpose was so clearly recognized that he won the confidence of the working classes oomipfetely. " It was Lane's fervent desire ' to idbalize labour, to conquer want, and hate, and greed, and vice, and establish peaice on earth and good-will towards men.' ''' Thousands of other thinkers have desired to see the same beautiful prog'ranim'e realized, though most have despaired of its possibility on this planet. Wiith his optimistic temperamient, however, Wiilham Lane was convinced that there really did exist, ready to hand, a simple remedy for all the ilk that m'ar the civilized world. It was his fi'Ttn conviction that, if capitalism' and the wages systenn! were utterly, aboUshted, and a state ^ratablished in accordance with socialistic theories, envy, hatred, malice, and all un- 268 PARAGUAY charitableness would utterly disappear from! the earth ; crime would be no more, human nature would be automatically purged of all its unlovely features, heaven on earth would be a fact for every man, woman, and child." It was this man who, suffering intensely in spirit from the weigfht of the combined wrongs and hard- shipB of the Australian workers, determined that their salvation could be brought about only by some daring feat of initiative and originality. He made up his mind to lead them into some new country, innocent of the capitalist, where an ideal conHriunity. might be established, that should be subservient to no other law but that of its brotherly instincts, and that sh'ouM suffer from no interference froni withiout. Again I must quote from Mr. Grahame : — '■' To tempt them: to join his scheme he recognized that the appeal must be a personal one, and that the missionary of his movement must possess the enthusiasm and personal magnetism of an inspired prophet. " ' Is not thfe only hope in thte rising of a better Napoleon? ' he demanded. ' In the elevation of a leader with the brain of a Jay Gould and the heart of a Christ? ' " After careful consideration William Lane decided to undertake the work himiself. " Turning over the editorship of the Worker to other hands, he set forth upon his whirlwind mission, sustained by a perfect faith in the righteousness of his cause — ^fbr Lane believed every word of what he preadied." It is a remiaikiable thing that Paraguay should have been chosen as the home of this experim.ent in socialism. For it has already been shown in this book that the history of probably no other country, of its size can produce such' curious and whole- hearted examples both of co-operation in labour and IMMIGRATION AND COLONIES 269 of State isolation. Neither of these, however, whether brought into being by the Jesuits or by Francia, resembled in reality a condition of affairs such as William Lane wished to inaugurate. The Jesuits were at the head of a community that divided its goods in specified shares am.ong the various divisions of the State and of the populace. But the Guaranis who supplied the m,anual labour did not for one instant dream of asserting their equality with the Fathers who taught and led them. As for Francia, the reason why he erected barriers round Paraguay to shut it off from the outer world was decidedly not in order that an equal division of property, rights, and liberty should ensue. The process which actually, occurred was quite the contrary. It is of small consequence, however, whether William Lane was moved to select Paraguay for his venture by, motives of sentiment or of expediency. As it happened, the choice could scarcely have been bettered from the practical point of view. The Paraguayan Government, whfen approached, showed itself cordially alive to the benefits which were to be expected from an influx of such settlers as those whom Lane had it in mind to bring. It promised every, assistance in its power, including a free gift of land. How fully it redeemed its word may be gathered by a subsequent report issued from the British Legation in Buenos Aires :-" " The settlement is situated on somte rising gToimd, and lookis over a long stretch of pasture land bounded by forest and dotted by clumps of trees. There is something very English in the landscape, and this is true of other parts of Paraguay. It appeared to my companion and myself that the Government had treated the association very well, not only as regards the quantity but as regards the quahty of the land conceded. The association has secured ipo leagues (they have already received 270 PARAGUAY the titles for 6^^ leagues) of what I believe to !be the best land' in Paraguay,. It is well watered and well wooded, and in Paraguay whierever there is forest the soil is very fertile, and will grow alttiost anything. The pasture land is also excellent, and I was informed, on good authority, that the district now occupied by the association was requisitioned by the Dictator Lopez during the Paraguayan ,War for 50,000 head of cattle — and met the demand." The dedds of the Paraguayan Government proved even better than their words, for they spent a large siun of money in buying out some local people who had settled in one or two comers of this vast tract of land, thus securing to the new-comers that abso- lute freedom from outside interference of which they were in search. The site of the settlement, it may be said, was rather more than a hundred miles distant from Asuncion. It was, as a matter of fact, in the neighbourhood of Villa Rica, and its frontiers were within fifteen miles of the rail- way line. It was to this spot that came .Williani Lane's pilgtinas, the first party of which crossed the ocean in the specially, chartered 600-ton sailing-vessel the Royal Tar. Even to the minds of the most critical the prospects of the venfture seemed sufficiently rosy. The colonists were most eminently respectable folk, none of them fearful of hard work, and all of them skilled in the working of the land or in their own special trades. Their womenfolk, equally experienced in their particular walks of life, were prepared to back them up through thick and thin, and their children were as self-reliant as the average child of the colonies is wont to be. Each member of the community, moreover, set out from Australia imbued with the honest determination to do his duty by his neighbour— the maxim on which rested the entire foundations of the association. IMMIGRATION AND COLONIES 271 Nevertheless, the colony of New Australia met with difiSculties from the very start. The reason of this, it became clear after a while, lay neither with the people nor the land on which they worked. It was the system which, when applied to practical persons and to solid land, was found to leak almost at every pore. Granted that some reasonable form of socialism may well enough — and, indeed, surely must — form the ideal State of the future, this crude attempt at the equal division of labour and its fruits was rapidly seen to be productive of nothing beyond dissension and heartburning. Very nearly 250 persons had tafeen passage in the Royal Tar, and it was estimated that with the arrival in Paraguay of the later parties the numbers of the community would soon become imposing. As it happened, the stream of the returning and dis- illusioned colonists began almost before thte second batch of Australian enthusiasts had made its appear- ance in Paraguay. As a matter of fact, the seceders were deserving of quite as much commiseration as any of the rest. One of the primary rules of the association had been that a man, on joining the community, must hold nothing back. He had to throw into the common stock every bit of property and every penny of money he possessed', thus wedding himself — as it was thought, finally — to the fortunes of his brethren. .When, bitterly disappointed or antagonized, he left, or was cast out, as the case might be, he found himself in a foreign country, thousands of miles from his home, with two or three pounds in his pocket that had been flung to him with something of the harshness of a grudging charity. As an object-lesson the enterprise was certainly well worthy of every ray of light that has been cast on it — most especially in view of the fact that it was the work of honest visionaries who were acting 272 PARAGUAY in complete good faith. But scarcely had the com- munity been established when it was found that nothing short of autocracy hiad to be applied to those whose only acknowledged law was that they should serve each other. In hbw many ways this apparently, simple doctrine could be applied to real life was only discovered by actual experience, when William Lane, who had rebelled against the sordid laws of prosaic humanity, found hunSelf under the dire and "bitter necessity of making^ his own — and a fairly rigorous set, moreover — which should control the idiosyncrasies of his respectable, but obstinate and argumentative, colonists. The outward stream of humanity, continued from New Australia. William Lane himlself, saddened and broken, finally left the place. A split occurred among the remaining colonists, and the settlement of Cosme was founded some miles from New Australia in oppo- sition to the senior colony. But all this was to no purpose. The most vigorous theories, the most arduous dissensions, planted no seeds, nor cleared an acre of forest. Perhaps it is a tragic testimonial to human nature to find that both in New Australia and in Cosme a quite negligible ambunt of work was done by, those very folk who in the circumstances of their everyday life had been notable for their industry. Nevertheless, so it was! It seems to be B fact that so fraU was the incentive of working for the benefit of the community at large that its co- operative results in a fertile land failed to support the commtinity. Only one end, of course, was possible to thK ; for not only had the theory failed to work out, it had sown dislikes and feuds amiong the various members, bound together by artificial rules, such as could only be softened by the snapping of the ties. It was necessary to throw up the sponge, and to abandon the wrecked casket of lost visions. For IMMIGRATION AND COLONIES 373 the ending' of this curious drama I will once again quote Mr. Stewart Grahame, whose experience of the affair was a first-hand one, and therefore especially, valuable : — "As soon as the resolution, abolishing socialism, was carried, Frederick Kidd, under whose sane and practical administration the change was brought about, set off to Asuncion to interview the Govern- ment, whom: he found sympathtetic'ally disposed and prepared to db all in their power to assist the colonists. .Withdrawing the original grant of terri- tory, the President confirmed them! in possession of the twenty-five square miles on which they were actually, settled, and approved a scheme whereby every man was entitled to select for him'self an allot- ment of sixty squares of agricultural ground, for which hie would be given title-deed^s when he had built a house and complied with thje usual conditions. The right of grazing over thfe grass lands was reserved in common for all, so that it was ppssible for every individual dolionist to bfecome a big cattle farmer if he could find the necessary capital. This fact created fresh ambition in the heart of every family, and there was a general exodus of able- bodied mien to the railway worlds at Sapucay, to Asuncion, or 'Bu,enos Aires— anywhere where good wages could be earned by a man willing to work his fingers to the bone. " One cblonist, who now owns many hundred hfead of dattle, worked as a butcher in an Argentine mieat works, where wagtes are higlh, living on the odd halfpence of his pay and remitting the balance to his .wife, to be carefully invested in lean cattle, for which a ready market could be found when fattened. Thie adkninistrator himself looked for work as a bootmakier's assistant in Asuncion (he had once had a prosperous business of his own), but, to his delight, a leathfer merchant set him up with a stock 18 274 PARAGUAY of leather, and even became responsible to a third party for the value of the necessary tools. Being a good wofldman, he soon mlade headway, and became a cattle owner also, though it was principally on his trade that he relied for a living. The story of other colonists was similar." CHAPTER XX PARAGUAYAN CATTLE Effects of the Paraguayan War on the livestock of the country — Figures showing the subsequent increase of cattle — Questions of census and estimates — Cattle values — Favourable position of the cattle-breeding industry — Prospects for the future — How the demand for beef has affected the Paraguayan herds — The Argentine market — The danger of over-selling — Export duty as a preventitive measure — Present methods of the Paraguayan estanciero — Pedigree stock — A comparison with Argentina — Pricps of land — Estates in Paraguay proper and in the Chaco— Advantages and drawbacks of the latter district — Ques- tions of capital — Financial necessities incidental to cattle-breeding and agriculture — Criollo cattle — Measures taken to improve the breed — The introduction of Cebu cattle — European strains — The Durham — Origin of the name Tarquino — Acclimatization of pedigree stock in Paraguay — Trisiesa — A serious disease — Land companies — The chief markets for Paraguayan cattle — Influence of the railway — Some statistics — Exportation of hides — Financial advances and drawbacks of the present situation — Horse-breedmg — Mai de CaUera — Remain- ing domestic animals. The Paraguayan War played much the same havoc with the cattle of the inland Republic as it did with the human population of the country. At the end of that very strenuous struggle the few herds of horned survivors found themselves roaming over destroyed pastures and the overgrown surface of what had once been arable land. The war once at an end, however, the numbers of the cattle rapidly increased again, as the following figures, taken from a Paraguayan source, will show : — Year. Number of Cattle. 1870 ... ... ... ... 15,000 1877 . ... ... ... 200,000 276 276 PARAGUAY Year. Number of CatUe 1886 729.836 1899 2,625,496 1900 2,830,000 igoi 2,950,000 1902 3,104,453 1903 3,425,343 1904 3,800,000 190S 4,400,000 1906 4,900,000 1907 5.400,000 1908 5,900,000 1909 ... 6,500,000 1910 ... 7,200,000 The later figures, it must bfe said, are not official, and their compilation is based to a certain extent on estimates. Of recent years it must be admitted that the internal unrest in Paraguay has made almost impossible anything in the nature of a reliable cattle census. These estimates would seem to have been calculated on a gross increase of 20 per cent, annually, from which the normal proportion of losses has to be deducted — a calculation which would seem sound enough. According to the same authority, the value of the Paraguayan cattle in 1906 was estimated at some $46,000,000 (gold), the equivalent of £9,200,000. Five years later, however, the increase both in the numbers of the herds and the price of the cattle caused this estimate to be advanced to some £14,000,000. It will be evident from this that the cattle industry in Paraguay is an important and increasing one. Surveying it first of all from an international point of view, there has probably never been a period when its future appeared more assured, or when the demand for beef and hides on thfe part of other countries was so keen. At the present moment the cattle-owner in Paraguay, as is the case too in the neighbouring countries, is in the fortunate posi- PARAGUAYAN CATTLE 377 tion of possessing that for which the demand is greater than the output. In the past the greatest fortunes in southern South America have been made out of cattle, and there is no reason to suppose that history will not repeat itself in this matter It is, indeed, this great demland which! has been instrumental of quite recent years in reducing the nuiribers of the Paraguayan herds. In 191 2 the Argentine Republic, which had been a closed field to Paraguayan livestock, threw open its markets to the cattle from the north, with the result that the rapid rise in price began to show a tendency to strip the country of an undue proportion of its cattle. This phase, as a matter of fact, is one which has been undergone by all the cattle countries of South America. The temptation to dispose of enormous quantities of livestock at a vastly favour- able price is, of course, difficult to be withstood by the breeder. The process, nevertheless, cannot fail to be detrimental to the industry in the long run, and in the majority, of cases it has been checked by legislation. In Paraguay the effect of this movement, accentuated by the losses sustained in the course of a visitation of foot-and-mouth disease, has been considerable, and there are some who maintain that the present numbers of cattle in the Republic do not much exceed the half of the 7,200,000 esti- mated (perhaps somewhat generously) as the numbers of the animals in 1910. In order to prevent a further undue depletion of its herds the Paraguayan has now placed an export duty on each beast sent over the frontier. By this means it is hoped eventually to bring the cattle population of the Republic up to a reasonable numerical basis, and to give the recently established local saladeros that full scope of working which the very marked 278 PARAGUAY shortage of cattle had hitherto denied these estab- lishments . Of recent years great strides have bieen mlade :in Paraguayan cattle-breeding. But he who travels north from the mouth of the great river to inspect the cattle farms of Paraguay mlist not expect to find there a condition of affairs such as now prevails in Argentina and, to a lesser extent, in Uruguay. In Paraguay there has so far been no attempt to compete with those great cabanas of the south, where almost priceless Durham bulls, and aristocratic brethren of other strains, live in the pampered luxury that is due to their importance and cost, waited on by assiduous experts, and provided with every convenience for health that modern hygienic science can devise. In Paraguay it is possible to launch out into the breeding of cattle on a much' smlaller capital than is now required in the southern republics. In the first place the cost of the land is very much cheaper ; and in the second place, although an increasing amount of cross-breeding with foreign stock is now being carried on, such valuable importations of pedigree cattle as are the rule in the Argentine and Uruguayan Republics are not yet known in Paraguay. To pay two or three thousand pounds for a league of land in the latter country would mean the acquiring of some of the finest pastures in the whole Republic, while some of the less promising estates are to be obtained at rates descending to a cost of about a quarter of this. This applies to Paraguay proper, of course ; for in the Chaco it is possible to obtain land far more cheaply. But in many of the districts here the disadvantages of periodical inundations have to be reckoned with. On the other hand, the Chaco offers rather special opportunities in that many of the districts which are suitable for cattle are in PARAGUAYAN CATTLE 279 parts covered with markietaMe timlber, including' the valuable quebracho, and thus offer at the same tim'e a double field of importance. It must be said, however, that the rriajority of lands such as these have already been snapped up by large companies, that have themselves erected factories on their estates for the extraction of the tannin from the quebracho. In fact, any attempt at the combined industries is not to be dreamted of without capital. The pastoral occupation itself, indeed, should on no account bie entered into, even in a small way, without a Capital approaching a thousand pounds or so. In ag'riculture, of course, the circumstances are very different, and here the new-comer, if he be prepared to rough it for a considerable time, and if he be reasonably proficient at his calling, may cheerfully settle himteelf upon a small holding if he possess two or three hundred pounds at his disposal. Cattle-breeding in Paraguay, as a matter of fact, is fairly simple wofk, and, com'paratively few of the more complicated methods having been introduced as yet, the cattle roam mOre or less at their own will over the pastures. Thus a periodical round- up, or rodeo, is made to sufficfe for the needs of supervision in the majority of estates. The prin- cipal basis of all the Paraguayan herds is formed by the criollo cattle, the descendants of the original stock brought over by the Spaniards. These, under the influence of the climate, have naturally degenerated to a considerable extent from the stamp of beast represented by their forefathers when fresh from Europe. Rather bony and lean, and with a surprisingly large spiread of horn, they fell for the most part considerably beneath the standard now demlanded 1>y the meat -chilling companies. When the increasing demand for meat demonstrated the necessity of bringing the type of cattle up to modern 280 PARAGUAY requirements a certain amount of livestock was introducted from Europe, and another course was adopted, moreover, which was in a sense a com- promise and a concession to the climate. This, occurring almost entirely, to the north of Asuncion, took the form of the introduction of the Cebu cattle from Brazil. This Cebu, or Zebu, stock was in turn originally, introduced into Brazil by the Portuguese from India. Although lacking the bulk and the admirable butcher qualities of the European cattle, the importation of the Cebu strain has had the effect of levelUng up the criolto to a certain extent in the northern half of Paraguay. In the southern half of the Republic the European breeds have made thfeir appearance, and the most important of these is almost certainly the Durham^ often locally known as the Tarquino or Talquino — a somewhat curious feat of nomenclature arising from the generally forgotten fact that the first pure-bred Durham bull to be introduced into the provinces of the Rio de la Plata, about the middle of the nine- teenth century, was named " Tarquin," a name that became a generic term and that still obtains among the gauchos and others in the remoter spots. Unfortunately, the accHmatization of pedigree stock is not such a simple matter in Paraguay as it is farther to the south. In the case of this imported stock a disease prevails in the inland Republic which is also the cause of considerable concern in the northernmost districts of Argentina. This is a fever known as tristeza, the illness being brought about by the garrapmia, or tick. The disease is a very serious one, and the imported aninlal generally dies of it. Tristeza is said frequently to attack its victim in thrtee different seizures. If the animal survive the first, he appears to have a fair chance of pulling through altogether, for each attack is less violent than the last. PARAGUAYAN CATTLE 281 Notwithstanding such' disadvantagies as these, the type of Paraguayan cattle tendis steadily, if slowly, to im'prove. It is, of course, imlpossible to speak with any certainty of the situation at the present moment, but it may be said that thei general tendency in the inland Republic is for the pastoral lands to pass into stronger financial hands than those w'hich were accustomed to own them! in the past. Several important com^janies have now interested themselves in this particular branch of industry, and some North Attieridan cattle-breeders, mioreover, have taken a hand in the enterprise. Turning to the commercial side of the indiistry, a study of the markets at the present time is by no means without interest. Briefly, there are three main outlets for Paraguayan cattle. The first is the exportation of the live animials to Argentina, ; the second is their sale to the Paraguayan packing companies, and the third is their disposal to the local jerked-beef factories, which dieal with the meat in the old-fashioned and obfeoliesoent way. As regards the first method', the exportation of the Uve animals to Argentina, the new railway, line has now been called into requisition, and there is no doubt that this particular form, of traffic must increase very much in the future. The following figures are sufficiently, instructive on this point. It is impossible to ascertain the destination of all the animals carried.; but it may be taken for granted that they were all good animals in killing condition destined for a saladero, or important m'arket, other- wise their carcases would not have been worth the freig'ht. In 191 3, 5,554 heads were carried j in 1 914, 10,048 head; and in 191 5, 15,919 head. In a period such as the present, when all things militate against the development of the general run of industries, these figures, though modtest, are by no means unsatisfactory. 282 PAHAGUAY A Paraguayan authority gives the undermentioned figures as those representing the numbers of hides exported from the RepubUc in the course of the first ten years of the nineteenth century : — Salted Hides. Dried Hides I90I 128,501 104,831 1902 147,901 90,941 1903 177,990 65,931 1904 184,580 64,103 I90S 200,685 81,678 1906 193,712 60,172 1907 185,589 58,691 1908 177,872 79,921 1909 213,060 90,014 I9I0 211,83s 77.005 The present dislocation of the world's commerce provides a peculiarly unfavourable moment to discuss the future of any ordinary industry. Yet that of cattle-breeding differs from the mlajority in that it is not necessarily affected adversely by war or any other social upheaval. Neither is it one of those other industries which, having btenefited by inter- national strugigles, finds itself in a depressed con- dition when the period of normal hving is resumed. To the Paraguayan cattle-breeders the European War has been productive of a certain amount of financial advantages, which have been counteracted to a large extent by a corresponding set of drawbackis. Thus against the benefits brought about by the increased demand and the rise in price must be set the dislocation of the ordinary markets, the difficul- ties which for the time being attend the new method of transport to the coast, and the temporary shortage in the available ocfean tonnage. Regarded^, however, apart from all such artificial influences, the future of the Paraguayan cattle industry ma,y be regardted with all that Confidence which is due to a favour- able field that has not yet been fully developed. PARAGUAYAN CATTLE 283 Cattle-breeding, as a matter of fact, is the only Paraguayan livestock industry of importance. Suffi- cient horses, of course, are bred for the local needs ; but the numbers of these are by no means imposmg, and occasionally considerable loss is experienced from the disease Idnown as Med de Cadera. Few attempts have as yet bieen made to introdtice sires of a really aristocratic stamp ; and, indeed, the conditions w'hich prevail makle any such enterprise improbable, save in the southermnost districts of the Republic. Mules, it may be said, are to be met with in small numbers. The remaining domlestic animals which are bred in Paraguay are sheep, goats, and pigs . The inumbers of none of these are in the least important. This is readily understood in the case of sheep, which never consent to thrive to any appreciable extent in the latitudes approaching the heat of the sub- tropics. But this is by no means the case with goats and pigs, and the breeding of these will no doubt increase very largely in tkne to come. CHAPTER XXI VERBA MATE AND TOBACCO Part played by yerba mate in the early colonial history — Wide popularity of the beverage — Seventeenth-century markets of the Paraguayan tea — ^Area of its growth — Preparation of the yerba mate — Method of drinking — Some expectations and actualities of the industry — Export figures — Questions of appreciation — Eastern teas as rivals — The fate of yerba mate as a national beverage — Its merits as a stimulant — Its importance in the Argentine " camps " — Future of the industry — Collection of the leaf — ^Yerba plantation — DifiBculties in propagation — New method of planting out the seedlings — Yerba mate and the possibilities of its "booming" — The tobacco industry — The Para- guayans as smokers — The ubiquitous cigar — Gathering of the crop — Shipments to Europe — A loss of individuality — ^Amount of the average annual crop — Popularity of Paraguayan tobacco in Argentina and Uruguay — Questions concerning the development of the industry — The Paraguayan cigar in Europe. The industry, in yerba mat^ is thfe one of oldest standing in Paraguay. Very shortly after the Spanish conquistadores had first made their way by river to the inland province there are records of the gathering and marketing' of y^rba mat^, more com- monly known in England as Paraguayan tea. Verba mat6, as a matter of fact, played a very important part in the early colonial history of the south-east of the continent. So rapidly did the dried, fennented, and pounded leaves of the Ilex Paraguayensis attain to popularity that even in the early part of the seventeenth century the beverage had penetrated to provinces of South America quite remote from the forests where the tree flourished, and in consequence the value of this national product YERBA MATfi AND TOBACCO 285 bedamte greatlyi enhanced. As has been seen, too, the collection of yierba matd formed one of the chief industries of the Jesuit mission settlenients, and' many, a barge or raft which went floating down from Asun- cion to the mar^ket of Buenos Aires was deeply ladfen with Paraguayan tea that had been picked and prepared by the Indians. According to the geography of miodlern times, Paraguay is by no means the only Country in which the Ilex Paraguayensls flourishes. In extensive portions of Brazil it is equally abundant, while in the north of Uruguay and in the north-eastern corner of Argentina are lesser areas Where the yerb'a matd obtains. Of rectent decades the felhng! of considerable stretches of forest has tenddd to alter the yerba rriat^ area somewhat ; btit the districts in which it has always flourished may, very roug'hly speaking, be said to be bounded on the north by a line running from the neighbourhood of the estuary, of the Rio Grande River, in southern BrazU, to a point not far. from the town of Villa Rica, in southern Paraguay. To the south the corresponding line would pass through the north of the RepubUc of Uruguay and the dentre of the Argentine province of Corrientes. To the west the tree would not seem to flourish to any extent in its natural state when the banks of the rivers Parand or Pai'aguay are approached, and^ once across the stream, in the Chaco, the Ilex Paraguayensls does not seem to have been mfet with at all. On the other hand, the soil of the country as far west as the Argentine province of Salta has proved itself eminently suitable for the growth of the tree, and it is likely, enough that further experiments will reveal a considerably wider field adapted to its plantation. Before going further into such matters as these, it m^y be as well to consider the actual nature of this Paraguayan tea and 286 PARAGUAY the manner in which it is drunk!. Thie leaves of the yerba, when ground and prepared, are placed in the mat^, or gourd, boiling water is poured upon them, and the infusion is then drawn up through the bombilla, a silver tube. Many of these gourds, it may be said, being heavily ornamented with silver, present a very, handsome appearance, and a collection of matd bowls, such as the author has seen in more than one household, can be made to aflford an object-lesson in the art which can be introduced into these vessels. Exten- sive collections such as these, as a matter of fact, are wont to be gathered together as a hobby rather than for practical use. For the ethics of matd drink- ing are of the simplest. If the ceremony be con- ducted in the accepted and time-honoured fashion, thie same mat6 and the same bombilla will be made to serve for two drinkers or for a dozen. Like the pipe of peace of the departed redskin warriors, it is passed from hand to hand, and each sips his fill, while the bowl is replenished as often as may be necessary. In the more populous centres of these miodem days it may occur that two or three matd enthusiasts, drinking together, may each be provided with a separate bowl and bombilla. But this, from the hardened xaaXi toper's point of view, is the rankest degeneracy. It is most em'phatically against all the ethicte of matd sociability — as deep a crime as it would be for a guest at a Livery Corrtpany's dinner of the City of London to attempt to introduce a new method of imbibing the loving- cup ! But perhaps it is needless to explain that in many of the out-of-the-way comers of the southern half of South America the convivial groups are of a rather more heterogeneous order than those which sit about a white tablecloth somewhere to the east of Temple Bar. From the commercial point of view, yerba mat^ BRINGING HOME VERBA. PACKING VERBA. To face p. 287. YERBA MAT^ AND TOBACCO 267 has not been without its disappiointmfents . From the beginning of the nineteenth oantury it has always been supposed that, when once the merits of the Paraguayan tea became widely kbown outside the bbundaries of South America, the increase in the trade of yerba mat^ would increase by leaps and bounds. That the industry has grown to a certain extent will be evident from a glanoe at the figures representing the annual quantities exported in certain years from Paraguay. In the 1820's the average export of yerba ma.t6 from Paraguay was estimlated by the famous French naturalist Akn.6 Bonpland at about 2,500 tons. Bon- pland, as a matter of fact, was in a situation which enabled him to judge of this with unusual accuracy, for, owing to a wMm of the Dictator Francia's, he was held a pnisoner within the yerba maX6 districts for ten years. kWJe may. pass fromi this period to the year 1886, when the Paraguayan exports of the tea amounted to 5,500 tons. In i887j they had risen to 7,000 tons ; but ten years later they had fallen to 4,000 tons, and in 1 9 1 1 ,the total hald droplped to ,3,000 tons, although it rose again in 191 3 to 4,000 tons. It must be admitted that this advance in the course of nearly a century is a very modest one, in view of the confident predictions that have been so frequently made to the effect that the future of the Paraguayan tea industry could not fail to be of world-wide importance. The two principal reasons for its comparative want of progress are concerned purely with demand. So far it mlist bte admitted that yerba mat6 has not met with tlmt appreciation outside of South America that was anticipated for it. Secondly, the disagreeable fact has to be faced by the yerba mat^ exporters that in some of the large southern centres of South Amierica itself the; habit of mat^ drinking has yielded largely to 388 PARAGUAY the imbibing of ordinary tea in the Europiean fashion, a circumstance which has gone far to neutralize the benefits which the large increase in these popula- tions must otherwise have assured to the ind'ustry. In capitals such as Buenos Aires, for instance, where the hotel and domestic life now begins to challenge comparison with London, Paris, arid New York, yerba miat6 as a national beverage has practically ceased to exist ; although many good Argentines, not- withstanding their cosmopolitan surrounding, refuse to surrender their taste for a beverage which ia a few years' time promises to beconie a rarity in a town where it once reigried supreme. A situation such! as this, it should be said^ is not in the least cbmmtensurate with the real merits of yerba mat6. It is true that the beverage is seldom, if ever, appreciated' at its first drinking, and that it falls within the c&.tegory of those things that claim an acquired taste. Neverthjetes, it is by, no means only South Americans who are addicted to the drink. There are very few British estancieros throughout the entire south-eastern extent of the continent who have not grown to regard it as their staunchest liquid friend, and who do not greet with affection that faint bitterness of taste wMdhI is generally, resented by those who try it fori the first two or three times. There are probably no other men, as a matter of fact, who give such enthusiastic testi- mony to the power of yerba mlatd as a recuiperative agent as Ifhese estancieros, whose lot it frequently is to gallop for dozens of leagiues in the broiling summer's heat. Curiously enough, it is to the south of its own proper home that the benefits of yerba mat6 have been chiefly felt. In the glades of Paraguay itself vegetables and fruit have never been lac'king to any appreciable extent, and, indeed, have generally been remarkable for their abundance. In the treeless YERBA MAT]^ AND TOBACCO 289 pastoral plains of Argentina it has been other^vise. Thtei^e, wliere the real gaucho— whb is now to all intents and purposes extinct— would no more have troubled to pliant a vegetable thlan he would have bothered to pare the hoofs of idespised, foot-rotted sheep, the continuous and unbroken diet of meat, and nothing but meat, could scarcely fail to have been followed by lamentable donsequences to the health of the cattlemen, had it not been for the frequent sippings at the mat6, which proved itself a most admirable corrective and health preserver. The stimulating properties of yerba ma.t6, more- over, would seem to serve their purpose without being follbwed by that reaction which) inevitably acconi- panies the indulgence in so many beverages of the kind. There may be cases where an over-indulgence in the yerba has been followed by disastrous con- sequences — the Jesuits of old appear to have issued a number of warnings to this effect — but, if so, these must be very rare. Indeed', their proportion must be less than that of those coffee-drinkers w'ho partake of that sufficiently harmless bean with detrimental enthusiasm. Considering the teal esteem in which' this yerba ina.t6 is held by all nationalities in South Amterica, it is indeed difficult to understand the reason why the taste for it should still be confined to the southern continent. I have no doubt that, sooner or later, the day will arrive when all those predictions of thte past — as well as the rathfer less confident assertions of the present — wUl bte justified, and that the period will a;rrive when yerba mat^ will be shipped from Paraguay in tens of thousands, instead of simple thousands, of tons. An expansion of this kind could be contemplated by PaCraguayans with a greater equanimity now than ever btefore. For the history of yerba mat^ re- sembles that of many other forest growths of the 19 290 PARAGUAY kind. Attacked in the first place with that waste- ful energy which its very abundance provoked, the plant soon grew rare in the neighbourhood of the settled centres, and it became necessary for the Indian collectors to proceed to its groves, the yerbales, farther and farther afield. In the end these distances became so great that the missionaries determined to attempt the plantation of the Ilex Paraguayensis in order thiat the commodity might again be at hand in the neighbourhood of their towns. They succeeded in this, and ultimately, the yerba derived from these plantations turned out to be the finest that grew, realizing in price double that obtained for the ordinary forest leaves. But this propagation of the yerba miate was always a difficult matter, and during the disturibed period through which the country passed this naturally suffered from a good deal of neglect. The chief difficulties experienced occur during the first eighteen months or two years of the plant's Kfe. Modem science has now, however, been broug'ht to bear on this subject, and the employment of pasteboard pots has greatly reduced the dangers attending* the plant- ing out of the seedlings, for it enables this to |be effected without any disturbance of the roots. Thus, whenever the long-expected '''boom" in yerba mat^ comes about, the countries of its origin will be prepared for it. In the meantime, from the point of view, of the gigantic advertisers, here is a beverage lying falfow that would afford an almost unique opportunity to one accustomed to deal in such matters on a world-wide scale. It is no exaggeration whatever to say that yerba mat6 con- tains all the qualifications and essentials for this. The only thing that it lacks is a place on the hoardings and in the pages of the Press ! The tobacco industry is as essentially a part and parcel of Paraguay as is that of yerba mate. YERBA MATfi ANt) TOBACCO 291 Paraguay without tobacco iVould resemble the Burgundy district without grapes, or Kent shorn of its hops I As a matter of fact, the goddess of nicotine is worshipped by, almost every Paraguayan, irrespective of sex and age. A picturesquely clothed young girl of the inland Republic, whether she be riding across the countryside or plodding, barefooted, along the Asuncion streets on her way to the market, will almost certainly be puffing smokle from a lengthy dark cigar stuck jauntily between her lips. Babes in their mothers' arms will begin life enveloped in this same blue smokle, and having thus been cured of any tendency to cough at it in their tenderest years— or monthsi !— they will begin to take a cigar within their own lips at an incredibly early age. In this respect I suppose that the race most akin to the Paraguayans are the Burmese ; and, indeed, in some respects the Paraguayan cigars are not unlike the cheroots of the East. The Paraguayan tobacto crop is gathered in the months of February and March — which are, of course, equivalent to the northern periods of August and September — and the seven different classes of leaves, having been dried and fermented, are then made up into the various types of cigars, or retained in their crude form to be sent to the largier factories pr to be shipped abroad. It is not generally known that rather more than half of the entire Paraguayan tobacco crop has been wont to be shipped to Europe, Germany in the past having been the principal recipient of this article. Once arrived on the soil of this latter country, it seems to have lost its individuality— so far as nomen- clature is concerned. Paraguayian cigars, in the minds of the general public, are, I believe, an un- known luxury in Europe, where the leaf from the South American inland State doubtless masquerades under many, a supposed, or actual, Cuban name. 292 PARAGUAY Perhaps there is more justification for this than appears on the surface ; for Havana seed was intro- duced into Paraguay in 1900, and has bteen brought more and mbre into use ever since. That the amount of this Paraguayan leaf is suffi- ciently important may be gleaned from the fact that the average Paraguayan crop of tobacco is estimated at some 7,000 tons, of which about 4,000 tons find their way to Europe. In Argentina and' Uruguay, on the other hand, Paraguayan cigars and cigarettes are permitted to sail under their rightful colours, and in these countries they enjoy a wide and deserved popularity. Given internal peace and a miodem system' of organization, there would seem no doubt but that a most flourishing future mtist await this tobacco industry of Paraguay. At the present momtent, as we have seen, this streani of nicotine, on entering Europe, disappears as completely as do the waters of a river on entering the sea. At this rate it is, of course, clearly out of the question that Paraguayan tobacco should ever attain th!at fame on this side of the Atlantic which it enjoys in Argentina and Uruguay, to say nothing of its own country. There would, as a matter of fact, seem! no reason why Paraguayan tobacco should not eventually takJe its place among the noted growths of the world. As regards this, however, it will undoubtedly ibe necessary first of all to overcome certain disa.dvan- tages which have been put in the way of the growth by the bountiful climate itself of thte coimtry. For one of thte numerous paj-adoxes applying to Paraguay lies in the fact that the niore liberal the gifts of Nature, the less strenuous are wont to be the efforts of man. It is undeniable that a greater amount of attention paid to the seeding and cultivation of the tobacco plants here would result in an improvement in quality such as might well result in the com!- VERBA MATE AND TOBACCO 293 pelling of a hitherto unconscious world to acknow- ledge the merits of the nicotine weed of the inland State. But until some enterprising beings cOme forward to found a regular Paraguayan brand of cigars it is only the unreasonably optimistic! who would looK forward to any such development as this. Here again, as in the case of yer'ba mat6, is an oppor- tunity to assist a deserving article, which undoubtedly has a right to a greater amount of publicity than it obtains. Nothing is more profitable thlan ai sufficiently studied chlarity of the kind ' CHAPTER XXII TIMBER, FRUITS, AND CEREALS The forests of Paraguay — ^Various types of timber — Demand for this in the treeless south — Hard woods — Cabinet woods — Medicinal growths and textile plants — Dye-plants — A curious circumstance connected with rubber — The lumber industry — DiiiBculties presented by the Paraguayan forests — Shortage of local carpentry — The quebracho industry — Districts in which the tree is found — Nature of the wood — ^Various uses to which it is put — Its tannin properties — Advantages of these — A comparison with oak bark — The chief quebracho fac- tories — Important concerns — The light railways of the Chaco— The Paraguayan fruit industry — The orange — Excellence of the Para- guayan specimens — Orange-growing as an old-standing industry — Theory concerning an indigenous variety — Proof by nomenclature — Export of the fruit — Inadequate financial return yielded by the industry — Some surprising figures — Banana-growing — Increasing importance of the plantations — Pineapples and lemons — Cereals, agricultural products, and vegetables — Maize — Sugar-cane — Present limitations of the industry — Probabilities of the future — Mandioca — Other growths. The forests of Paraguay are undoubtedly one of the chief assets with which a bountiful Nature has supplied the inland Republic. Paraguay, moreover, is fortunate in her forest possessions in more senses than one. There are many countries, both in South America and in other continents, where the great wealth of timber is to a large extent wasted owing to the lack of facilities for transporting the lumber to centres where it can be dealt with from a com- mercial point of view. Paraguay — with half its total area forest- covered — not only possesses an abounding wealth of mag- nificent cabinet woods and useful coarser timber, but TIMBER, FRUITS, AND CEREALS 296 she ^ has the mfeans of transporting them! niost con- veniently at hand'. No finer highway for this purpose could be met with than the Paraguay, assisted by its numerous affluents, to say nothing of the Alto Parand and its lesser tributaries. It is true that mlany of the hardiest and most valuable of these woods are of a specific gravity which does not allow them to float on the surface of the water. But here again the variety of her products comes to the aid of the State. For Paragua,y produces great quantities of lighter timber such as the cedar, and it is this which serves as the foundation of those rafts which go floating down the Paraguay and the other streams. On this buoyant surface are placed those marvellously hard and heavy logs, which have been so eagerly, imported by the central pastoral plains of Argen- tina, that at one time were for all practical purposes treeless, and that even now refuse to grow any timber of a .. harder texture than the eucalyptus, poplar, paraiso, and similar light woods. Of late years, however, owing to the increasing use of rein- forced concrete for building and of iron sleepers for railroad permanent ways, the demand for the coarser timbers has somewhat slackened in the south, although that for the finer kinds reniains as keen as ever. Among the principal hardwoods of Paraguay are the quebracho, palo santo, lapacho, caranday, iiandu- bay, curupay, guayacan, peteriby, urunday, ibira- pyta, and palo bianco. Some of the chief of the cabinet woods are various species of laurel, the palo de rosa, a black laurel which closely resembles ebony, the yacaranda, and the tatayba. There are in addition many medicinal trees and plants such as the castor oil, papaw, coca, jaborandi, ipecacuanha, sarsaparilla, and many others. The textile plants are very important, including as they do various kinds of cotton, the mia,jority of a very, fine quality, ramie, caraguatd— a species of pine- 296 PARAGUAY apple, tHe leaves of which), it may be slaid, hold rain- water within them! for very long periods, and' thus: in some of the more arid' districts are apit to proviei of thte greatest benefit to travellers ; the ibyra— a plant closely resembling the caraguatd — the siDc- cotton tree, and mlany beyond' these. Paraguay, mt)reover, is very, rich in dye-pjants, of which some thirty different species would seem to exist. The rubber-tree is found to ai. certain extent, more especially in the northern parts of the Republic. A rather curious circimistance in connec- tion with this piroduct is that, although the tree is indigenous to Paraguay, the manufactured rubber would seem to degenerate and rot with quite an unusual rapidity in various districts. Of this fact, at all events, I have been assured by various residents of Asuncion who had had considerable personal experience of the miatter. As regards the general lumber trade of Paraguay, it may be s^id that this — ^apart from the quebracho indtistry, to which reference is made later — is only, now beginning to arrive at its first stage of infancy. iThere is no doubt whatever that in the near future much progress will be niade in this. There are, nevertheless, some features in the more luxuriant of the Paraguayian forests which present certain diffi- culties to those who desire to exploit them'. From the lumberman's point of view the enormous variety of the trees here constitutes a disadvantage. A lumberman, for instance, who happens to be in search of a thousand or so nandubay trees h!as naturally no interest at the moment in any other timber but nandlibay. But in the densest forests of the Republic a. single nandubay-tree may be separated from its nearest brother by two, twenty, or any number of growths of other species. This circumstance would offer fewer difficulties were the tanber trade here conducted on a scale which will undoubtedly occur '■*.•'•• 'fffw TIMBER FELLING IN THE CHACO. To face p. 297. TIMBER, FRUITS, AND CEREALS 297 in the future ; but in the mfeantime its effect on ai budding industry is somewhat discouraging. At the same time, it must be said that this condition of affairs is not universal throughout the forests of Paraguay, and does not apply to the quebracho lands . Notwilthstanding this abundance of magnificent timber, Paraguay has been accustomed' to import practically the entirety of its manufactured' wooden goods from Europe or North America. It is need- less to explain that the cause of this has been the local shortage both of skilled labour and!of ma,chinery. A start has now been mlade, however, in the business of joining, turning, and carpentry in general. This has so far been largely confined to the cars and fittings of ^he tramway and railway, companies, but no doubt lan opportunity for the manufacture of general furniture will occur before long. Decidedly for this purpose no timber could be better suited than some of the extraordinarily handsome cabinet woods of these sub-tropical forests. The quebracho industry differs entirely from that of any other kind' of Paraguayan timber, in that it has already undergone ai very miarked development, and already gives work to a number of important factories and to many thousands of hands. Quebracho timber abounds only in the Chaco, on the western sidte of the great river. The area of its growth here is, however, very great, since it is to be met with in Argentine territory, and it abounds as far south even as the province of Santa ¥€. The nature of quebracho wood may be gathered' from its name, which signifies " break-axe." It is, indeed, one of the toughest even of the numerous hard Paraguayan woods, and was formerly in great demand in Argentina for auch purposes as fence posts, corrates, and other agricultural uses. But its mlost popular employment was for railway sleepers, owing 298 PARAGUAY to thte extraot'dinary length! of timte which' this timber can remain in the earth without rotting. In such guises as this quebracho timber has long] been familiar to the estancieros and' railway officials of the Argentine Campp. Towards the end of the last century, however, the extent of the very, valuable tannin properties of this wood began to be realized!, and after 1890 the quantities which were avaUablei for agricidtural and' railway uses rapidly diminished. The demand for this, in consequence, has exceeded the supply since then, although as many logs as could be spared for the purpose have been shipped not only to the southern republics of South America, but to Europe and the United States as well. The latest developmfent of the quebracho industry is, however, the most important of all. This is the manufacture from the timber of an extract which contains those tanning subistances for which! the timber is now so famous. It is claimed for this quebrachoi tannin that it is unique in quality, and that its power is far greater than that of oak bark. The quebracho experts maintain on its behalf that a single tree, weighing a ton, will yield 600 lbs. of extract, and that this extract will tan as much leather as ahnost double its quantity of oak bark — ^for the growing of which latter, by the way, about half an acre of land is reuqired. In fact, to quote from a pamphlet issued by one of the chief companies concerned with this industry : " the high quality and enormous quantity of tanning substances contained in the wood of the quebracho -tree make it at once both the best and cheapest tanning material in the world, giving to the leather a fine colour which cannot be secured from any other known ingredient." The process of extracting tannin from' the quebracho Contrasts rather curiously with the method employed for extracting the similar substance from the oak. In the case of the oak the bark is relied TIMBER, FRUITS, AND CEREALS 299 on for the purpose ; the bark of the quebracho, on the other hand, is not used at all in this process.] Here the wood itself is reduced' to sawdust, and the. tannin is extracted from: this. It is then made up into solid cakes, in which shape its comtaercial form is complete, and delivered to the tanneries, where it is rendered liquid in preparation for actual use. Some of the chief of these quebracho factories are situated at Puertos Galileo, Casado, Sastre, and Max and Maria. Some years ago these facto?i^,S' were said to employ a capital of some three millio_n'-p6,uiidS;,, and to be responsible for a monthly out^t'-of three thousand tons of extract. It will b&.'ey'rdent from, this that the industry is now worked. on a large scale. The factories, as a matter of fact, are important concerns containing an imposing bulk o^jaiaidiisiery,', and each is supplied with a certain- iplileage of light railway for the transport of the timber; '.either to the factories for the purpose of tannin extraction, or to one of the small river ports to be shippfed-'a^lroad.. ' These light railways, it should be said; .ire iioiv playing a leading part in the developmient of 'the Chaco, and have already demlonstrated to what an extent they are able to counteract the difficulties of transport for which the peculiar soil of this district is responsible. It has been said, and no doubt correctly, that these light railways will in course of time prove more useful in the alluvial soil of Argen- tina than the ordinary highways of a country entirely innocent of stone. That this same remedy applies to the Chaco there is no doubt, as, indeed^ has already been proved by the number of light railways that are already in use there. From the popular point of view one of the most fascinating national assets of Paraguay is represented by its fruit industry. Although the soil of the inland Republic has proved itself so admirably adapted to so many other purposes, it is nevertheless for the SOO PARAGUAY growing of its numerous arid luscious frtuits that the red' earth and the bahny airs would seem most of aU suitable. iThe most notable fruit of Paragua.y is imdoubtedly, the orange. Those who are interested in the industry claim that the orange yields finer results both in quantity and quality, in Paraguay than in any. other part of the world. This is perhaps rather a bold statement, since, as regards quantity there are some .districts, in the north of the continent where ithe Jwealtti .6f ' the fruit is perhaps even more phenomenal, and 'iii'.-il^Ef,. matter of quzdity some of the central Brazilian -^jJ^cimens of these golden globtes are alto- gether rercLarfcable and quite unsurpassed. • .Biit.it niay" safely be said that Paraguay is second ■ .fo]ift>'.'fijtheif country in the world in orange production., The Republic^ indeed, is peculiarly fortunate in that its fruit pQ'ssesses that somewhat rare combination of both . (^u'ajitity and quality. Orange-growing, as a raattcr.'^f .. fact, is one of the oldest occupations of die' k'ilad. in Paraguay. It is generally supposed •that 'the Jesuits brought with them from Europe the ancestors of those countless orange groves which to-day flourish in Paraguay. Dr. E. "de Bourgade La Dardye, however, who paid much attention to this subject during his stay in Paraguay, stoutly main- tains that one species, a very pleasant one, is indi- genous to Paraguay. He remarks concerning this : — " 1 have met with it in the most remote places, in the unexplored valleys of the Ygatimi, and on the margin of the Upper Parand, where it could certainly never have been introduced by human agency. So abundantly does it grow on the Parand above the Salto de Guayra, that during a flood I have seen numbers of them drifting down the stream. " The Guaranis call it apepu, which is a very ancient word in their language, and in my opinion carries with it an argument for the tree being of TIMBER, FRUITS, AND CEREALS 301 American origin, for all other varieties of the orange, without exception, are distinguished! by, Spanish names. It may, I think, be taken as almost an invariable rule, that whatever has been imported into the country by the invaders has retained its Spanish name, the aborigines not having been at the pains to assign it any name of their own. At most, the final syllable has undergone a. slight change to suit local phonetic laws." AVhether it be accurate or not, this is, at all events, a very interesting theoiy on the part of a writer well qualified to speak on the subject. The orange has from the earliest days of Paraguay formed part and parcel of the European settlements in the country, and the dark-green foliage of the trees helped to beautify both the lay centres and the Jesuit townships. The site of many of these latter, ruined and' demolished, is marked to this day by, these spreading groves that still continue to yield their fruit. In the comiriercial Appendix! will bte found a table showing the export of oranges. From this it will be seen that the average annual export of this fruit from Paraguay during the past few years has been in the neighbourhood of twelve millions of dozens. This is a sufficiently striking total ,• but at the same time it must be explained that it only represents a fraction of the produce of the country, as those enormous quantities grown at an inconvenient dis- tance from rail or steamer are not exported. Were these available to be sent across the frontier the revelation cbnoeming the numbers of Paraguayan oranges would undoubtedly astonish the world. It is fortunate for the industry that orange-growing in the inland Republic can be carried on at the expense of so little timie and trouble, for the financial return of the fruit is at the present moment altogether inadequate to its quality. It was recorded, for 302 PARAGUAY instance, that in 19 13 the growers at Villa! Rica; o!b- tained an average price of the equivalent of 13s. 4d. for a cartload of five thousand oranges I It is true that the price for the same quantity of selected fruit at the port of San Antonio on the River Paraguay was £1 17s. 6d. On the other hand there were many less favoured points where the fruit fetched' a lower price even than the one first quoted. In 1 9 1 4 matters were much the same, and at the port of VUleta on the Paraguay River the price per cartload of five thousand oranges varied between £1 los. and £1 i ss. Figures such as these are not likely to induce many agriculturists to leave Europe in order to take up orange-farming in Paraguay. One of the main reasons why such astonishingly low prices prevail is that the growers, widely scattered and for the most part individually of minor financial importance^ have not yet been able to organize their industry so as to make a stand against a fruit trust, which at the present time appears to be able to buy practically at its own figure. It is probable, of course, that the increasing facilities will eventually come to the aid of the growers — if they themselves have failed to solve the problem in the meantime — ^and will place the industry on that proper economical basis which its importance deserves. From the point of view of export the fruit which comes next to the orange in order of importance is the banana. But the gap between the bulk of the two is very great — so marked^ indeed, that no official account is kept of the consignments of ^bananas to the south by raU or river. Nevertheless Paraguay, is admirably suited for the culture of the banana, and some of the plantations are now of considerable importance. It is probable, as a matter of fact, that some millions of bunches are now exported from the Republic, and, since the fruit ripens aU the year round, the trade should be a remunerative one. The TIMBER, FRUITS, AND CEREALS 303 species of banana, it may be said, which thrives best of all in Paraguay is known as the " Banana de Oro." The only other Paraguayan fruits which are ex- ported are the pineapple and the lemon. Among the main cereals and agricultural products of Paraguay are maize, sugar-cane, m^ndioca, cotton, rice, coffee, beahs, pea-nuts, millet, and a consider- able number of European vegetables. The alfalfa, it should be said, which is such a feature of the agri- cultural lands of the south of the continent refuses to thrive in Paraguay, and the lack of this magnificent fodder is not a little regrettable so far as the cattle industry is concerned. Two varieties of maize are cultivated' in the Republic, where this cereal is made to do the duty as much as possible of wheat. The climate and soil would seem to suit the growth very well, and it is regarded as a staple food. It is a somewhat remarkable circumstance that, although the sugar-cane flourishes so freely in Paraguay, it is not cultivated on a sufficiently large scale to meet the local demand. The total area of land under sugar-cane is estimated at less than ten thousand acres. By no means the entirety, of this, moreover, is used for the manufacture of sugar, as the majority of the smaller growers turn their produce into caha, or rum'. Thus it comes about that Para- guay, an ideal sugar-producing country, imports sugar occasionally to the annual tune of over four million tons from Germany, Austria-Hungary, Spain, and France. It is needless to point out that, as soon as the population of the inland Republic increases to any reasonable extent, this anomalous situation must alter. Mandioca is a staple product of Paraguay. This root has proved itself invaluable both' as a vegetable and for the by-products derived from! it. Care, of epurse, has to be taken to distinguish the poisonous 304 PARAGUAY varieties of this growth from the edible, a; feat which is not invariably easy. Cotton, rice, and coffee are not yet produced in any notable quantities, and, from: the commercial point of view, these products are still in their experimental stage. It is unlikely, indeed, that any really impor- tant advances will be madia in these growths until the increase in population and conmiunications warrant them. The cultivation of beans, pea-nuts, millet, and other minor growths is at present carried' on on a small scale. CHAPTER XXIII THE TRADE OF PARAGUAY Circutustances which have influenced imports and exports— Consequences of political unrest— Elasticity of the Paraguayan trade — Figures in proof of this — A table of imports and exports — Paraguay's most important customers — British share of the total imports — Proportion of British merchants in Paraguay— A tribute to the quality of British goods — Questions concerning commercial travellers — German com- petition — ^The German plan of campaign — Great Britain's oppor- tunity—Length of credit extended by the British and Germans respectively — Temptations of the system — Necessity for first-class salesmen — The importance of the Spanish language — How this reacts on commercial travellers and, catalogues — Questions of local weights, measures, and currency — ^Unnecessary disadvantages under which the sale of British goods has suffered in the past— Sympathies of the Paraguayan. In reviewing the trade of Paraguay it is necessary, to take into account many circumstances the exist- ence of which is not revealed in the mere tables of statistics. In Paraguay it is not matters of commerce alone which have affected the various tables of imports and exports. The most patriotic inhabi- tant of the inland Republic will not attempt to dis- guise the fact that the political unrest which from! time to time has made its appearance in that fertile and rich land has been responsible for an infinitely greater amount of commercial depression than any drought, flood, disease, or any other catastrophe of nature from which it has ever suffered. It is these circumstances of revolution and civil war which have so often upset the calculations of Paraguayian and foreigner alike, and which have more 20 »» 306 PARAGUAY than once prodliced.' such strange and! disccmeerting results, at a time, perhaps, when all other circum- stances promised an industrial harvest of the first water. The sum totals of only too many years of Paraguayan trade show signs of " in and out run- ning," when these under steadier circumstajnces could not well have failed to maintain a steady increase. For all that, it cannot be said that the condition of Paraguayan tradfe is in the least unhealthy. The following figures, if they show little else, will at least demonstrate its elasticity and recuperative power. They represent the combined value of the imports and exports, and thus gi!ve the grand totals of Para- guayan foreign trade. / Value of Foreign Trade. £ 1907 2,149.722 1908 ... ... ... 1,588,010 1909 i>784,9i8 1910 ... ... ... 2,267,258 11911 ... ... ... 2,261,481 1912 ... ... ... i,9i7i26S 1913 2,750,185 Even to one totally unacquainted with' the affairs of the country these figures will explain themselves to a certain extent, while to one familiar with Para- guayan circumstances such fluctuations can come as no surprise. It is essential to note, nevertheless, that the general tendency is an upward one. Dissected into imports and exports, these totals stand as follows : — 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912 1913 Imports. Exports. £ £ 1,502,500 647,222 814,591 773,419 757.590 1,027,328 1,283,877 983,381 1,295,699 965,782 1,070,120 847,145 1,623,999 1,126,186 THE TRADE OF PARAGUAY 307 So far as exports are concerned', it may be said that Paraguay's most important customers in the recent past have been Argentina, Germany, and Uruguay. The proportions for which these were respectively responsible in 19 12 were: — £ Argentina ... ... ... 703,283 Germany ... ... ... 247,151 Uruguay ... ... ... 13^,924 These figures, it should be explained, do not show the complete process in connection with Paraguay's exports, for a very large proporltion of the goods sent to Argentina as well as to Uruguay are reshipped to their ultimiate destination, whether this be Great Britain, the United States, or any of the European countries. The above figures are quoted from' the report of Mr. F. Oliver, the British Consul in Paraguay, published in 191 4. The detailed figures of the total imports for the years 191 1, 191 2, and 191 3, tak^i from the same source, are : — Country. Z911. 1912. 19«3. United Kingdom £ 370,040 268,341 464,806 Germany 363,533 3",079 448,785 Argentina 154,992 140,622 218,031 France 86,300 75,622 107,419 Italy 70,371 63.546 98,959 United States 77,905 63,189 97,665 Spain 82,725 66,571 86,005 Belgium 22,086 26,588 37,986 Uniguay 10,227 7,328 12,033 Braail 11,674 8,699 9,244 Austria-Hungary 21,863 25,793 17,549 Other countries 23,983 12,742 25,537 Total 1,295,699 1,070,120 1.623,999 Thus it will be seen that out of these totals the British share was 28 per cent, in i9;ii, 25 per cent. 308 PARAGUAY in 1912, and 28*6 per cent, in 1913. In 1908 it may be remarked that the British sha.re was only, 21 per cent., while that of Germany amounted to 29 per cent. These figures afford considerably more satisfactory reading Than those concerning many other parts of South America, where the tendency of the respective shares of Great Britain and Germany has tended only too frequently, to develop in the oppo- site direction. It is, indeed, a mlatter for considerable wonder, not that the British trade with Paraguay be not greater than it is, but rather that its volume should have attained to its present dimensions. It is said — I be- lieve with perfect accuracy — ^that out of nearly seven hundred commercial firms — ^nearly all owned by, Germans, Italians, Spaniards, and French— only two firms are British 1 To emphasize this point I will quote from a recent report of Mr. Consul Oliver's a paragraph which seems to me conspicuous for its soundness: — " That British trade is not (so far as can be gathered from the available figures) on the increase is, however, not surprising ; it is, on the contrary, somewhat remarkable that it maintains its present level, because in the whole Republic there are only two British importing firms. It may be regarded as a tribute to the quality of the British goods that they are largely imported by foreign houses and foreign agents, but at the same time the conclusion is irresistible that the British share in the total import trade might be still larger if a larger number of British houses were established in this country. Many more travellers and representatives are said to have been sent during the last year or two to Paraguay, from other European countries such as Germany, France, Italy, etc., than from the United Kingdom, and British firms are also said not to give such easy terms of credit as the foreign ones. In cases where THE TRADE OF PARAGUAY 309 goods are bought fronil samples, some Continental firms are said to send out larger assortments of samples (which, other than those of textiles, are bought by the importers, subject to a large discount) than is customary with British firms, thereby facilitating a selection and affording a more precise indication to the exporter of the class of articles desired in this market. These small points are mentioned be- cause Continental compsetition appears to bte likely to grow stQl keener than at present. The German community is said to be continually increasing its numbers. They are occupied in trade and in many other ways, having apparently satisfied themteelves that Paragtiay offers a good field for their enterprise and activity. . . . The United Kingdom: imports practically no products of Paraguay, presumably because there are no British firms in the country exporting hides, tobacco, etc., like the German and Spanish firms." Undoubtedly the case has been acturately and fairly put here. The reason why British trade with Paraguay has not groiwn as it should is owing rather to a shortage of British merchants , in the inland Republic than to the want of enterprise on the part of those already engaged in this branch of commerce. British interests, however, cannot permit the situation' to remain as it is when the real dlevelopment of Paraguay occurs, an operation that must come about with a surprising rapidity on the resumJ>tion of a. normlal general comlmertial situation. There is no doubt that this dtevelopment hkd been very shrewdly anticipated' by our rivals the Germ!ans, and that they had taken very comprehensive measures to obtain control of that great increase in Paraguayan conunerce which they foresaw. The outbreak of hostilities in Europe has, of course, delayed' this de- velopment of the inland Republic. Beyond this, the new situation cannot well fail to disconcert the pre- 310 PARAGUAY arranged Gertakn commercial plan, and shouM there- fore allow sufficient breathing space for Great Britain to organize her cominercial resources on an impanoved basis, and thus make up the groimd she has lost in this direction. ' To enter into a traidte technicality, aimbng the matters in which our chief rivals have shown lan elasticity that much exc'eeds our own hlas been that of the granting of credit. Of recent years the length of the credit offered by, the British to their Para- guayan customers has frequently, been extended to six months. The Germans, on the other hand, would seem to be prepared to extend this credit to a term of eighteen months. This is a subject which dfepends, of course, entirely on the finances of each individual merchant or company, and on the standing and needs of their customers. No doubt a too lengthy system of credit may bring about an unhealthy situation — in such matters it is clearly impossible to generalize. At the same time the tempting influence on the purchaser of so long a credit as this must carry an enormous weight in the competition between British and Germans, and the matter is one to which manu- facturers and merchants at home should give a far closer attention than they have in the past. Another matter to which it seems to me that the British manufacturers and merchants should devote them;selves with an enthusiasm which has been notori- ously lacking in the piast is the mJanner in which their goodte are offered to their customers in Para- guay. The subject is one to which I have referred before now, btit its importance is such as to warrant not one but a thousand repetitions if any, good would arise from the prociess. In the first plaice, thten, really first-class salesmen are now essential to cope with the cominercial situa- tion in South America,. Moreover, not only must these salesmen possess a sound knowledge of their] THE TRADE OF PARAGUAY 311 business and' a certain social standing, but they, must be conversant with the Spanish language if any really, notable success is to be obtainedl in these days of increasing competition. Too much stress cannot be laid on the handicap suffered! by even the most efficient salesman who is ignorant of Spanish. Toi be at the mercy of an interpreter in the course pf important business conversations is equivalent to physical fighting with an arm tied' behind one's bak:k, and the advantaige in securing an ordler tmder these conditions must inevitably lie with a rival who is proficient in Spanish, even if his actual commercial backing were a trifle less sound. It is a mlatter of only slightly less importance th^t the catalogues of, the various British 'goods sent out to South America' should be printed in Spanish, and that the quotations should be made out in the weights, measures, and currency of the country to the inhabi- tants of which it is dtesired to sell. I have noticed of late with no little satisfaction that these maxims have been laid down with emphasis by the British consular body not only in Paraguay, but in many other States of South America. In maintaining trade against competitors who are completely free from any sdruple so long as their end be attained, it is surely the worst policy willingly to leave gaps of this Idnd in the comlm^rcialj angojour of the nation I It is now, however, probably becoming clear to British merchants and manufacturers to what an extent their tradte has suflfered in the past froml circumstances of this kind' — disadvantages under which the sale of their goods has laboured quitei unnecessarily. It is clearly essential that they should be removed before the conmiiercial campaign in Paraguay is fully resxmied on the basis which must now prevail. Notwithstanding its considerable German commercial population, the sympathies of 312 PARAGUAY Paraguay in general run as strongly, as elsewhere in the continent in favour of the Allies. Great Britain has never known a more favourable moment to consolidate her business relations with the inland Republic. It is to be hoped' that she will see to it that the opportunity be not lost. APPENDIX Tables showing the recent progress of the chief Paraguayan industries- Countries concerned in the imports-^The principal articles imported into Paraguay and their respective values — Consular hints concern- ing competition in trade — Paraguayan State estimates for the year 1914 — Statistics of the Paraguay Central Railway — The State Colonies of Paraguay — Departments of Paraguay with their districts — List of the Spanish Governors of Paraguay from the time of the first settlement of the country to the end of the Spanish dominion — Eighteenth-century European ignorance concerning Paraguay- William Hadfield on Carlos Antonio Lopez — Sufferings of the soldiers in the Paraguayan War — The Paraguayan Press. m 314 APPENDIX COMMERCIAL STATISTICS The following tables will show the recent progress of the chief Paraguayan industries. The cause of many of the fluctuations has been explained in the earlier part of the book, and it is merely necessary to repeat here that it is in most instances political rather than industrial. Many of the higher totals is these tables are therefore striking, in that they demonstrate the capabilities of the Paraguayan industries in circumstances which are in themselves discouraging, and which, in fairness to the State, cannot reasonably be regarded as permanent. EXPORTS OF DRIED BEEF 1907 20.340 1908 ' ? 19,040 1909 ... 12,100 I9I0 17,481 191 1 34,269 1912 37,547 I9I3 ... 20,102 EXPORTS OF BEEF EXTRACT Lb. I9I0 8,960 191 1 ... 10,616 I9I2 3,863 I9I3 31,629 EXPORTS OF QaEBRACHO EXTRACT Metric Tons. 1907 ... ... ... ... ... 9,209 1908 13,136 1909 ... ... ... ... ... 10,680 1910 11,538 19" 8,121 1912 7,298 1913 — — ... ... ... 11,721 EXPORT OF HIDES Dried. Salted. Pieces. Pieces. 1907 ... 58,691 185,589 1908 ... 79,921 177,872 1909 ... 90,014 213,060 I9I0 ... 77,005 223,877' I9II ... 66,572 194,132 1912 ... 114,570 183,308 1913 - 93,554 218,978 ' It will be noticed that this figure, which, taken from Consular sources, we may assume to be correct, difiers elightly from that giren in the table in the chapter on cattle. APPENDIX 315 EXPORTS OF ORANGES Dozens. 1907 ■■ 4.307,550 1908 ... .. 10,682,466 1909 •• 14,139,441 I9I0 •• 10,895,379 1911 .. 12,137,347 I9I3 ... ■■ 10,529,575 I9I3 .. 13,689,716 TANGERINES Dozens. 1909 ... 289,654 19IO ... 442,340 I9II •• 2,259,333 I912 ... 505,687 I913 ... 314,012 EXPORTS OF TOBACCO Pari. Pito. Negro. All kinds. Cwts. Cwts. Cwts. Cwts. 1907 — — — 30,500 1908 — — — 100,280 1909 20,500 73,980 1,660 — I9I0 22,942 77,587 109 — 191 1 23,380 103,659 746 — I9I2 13,333 62,253 135 — I9I3 18,681 87,545 287 — EXPORTS OF VERBA MATE Ground. Unground. Lb. Lb. 1907 ... 504,000 8,713,600 1908 ... ... 508,480 8,749,440 1909 ... 336,000 6,569,920 1910 ... ... 237,263 6,106,159 19II ... ... 294,044 6,594,478 I9I2 ... ... 192,143 2,592,167 I9I3 ... 184,172 9,053,932 316 APPENDIX EXPORTS OF TIMBER Logs (Rough). Logs (Trimmed). Posts. stakes. Sleepers. Boards. General. 1907 Mttric Tons. ^ Pieces. Pieces. Pieces. Pieces. Pieces. 'Square Metres. 3.51S.637 1908 — — — — — — 2,799.666 1909 22,213 — 51-398 — 169,582 735.310 — I9I0 191 1 94.431 6,712 87,446 58,543 51,158 718,007 618,484 133.488 10,188 Metric Tons. 4,958 «— I9I2 10,633 61.336 68,962 536,706 31.550 2,637 — I9I3 8,074 70,088 93.821 685,734 23.995 4.685 — EXPORTS OF QUEBRACHO TIMBER Metric Tons. 1907 ... 9,000 1908 ... ... 18,106 1910 ... 14.888 I9II ... i7,i8S I9I2 ... 3.689 1913 ... 12.970 EXPORTS OF PETIT GRAIN OIL Lb. 1907 ... ^ 24,640 1908 ... 64,960 1909 ... — I9I0 ... — I9II ... 41.143 I9I2 ... 50.394 J9I? ... • f »«f 72.286 APPENDIX 317 COUNTRIES CONCERNED IN THE IMPORTS Articles and Countriesl from which Imported. 1911. I1911. 1913. Remarks. Food-Stuffs £ £ £ Flour, grains, potatoes, United Kingdom s",8o6 7^200 10,323 sugar, petroleum, pre- Germany SS.167 42,667 72,954 served fruits, vege- Argentina 98,819 92.974 127,429 tables and fish, butter, Prance 8,89s 8,419 11,073 cheese, hams, tea, Italy 20,530 13.456 20,997 coffee, cocoa, maca- United States ... 16,340 16,952 18,871 roni, biscuits, sweets. Spain 28,475 21,915 23,745 candles, soap (toilet), Belgium — — ' 1,457 3,325 oil, olives, condunents, Uruguay 3,019 2,386 4,750 etc. Brazil 10,663 8,000 8,207 Austria-Hungary 21,188 22,071 IS.905 Portugal 1,647 t 1,979 Netherlands ... — » 1,044 2,597 Other countries 9>97S 4,273 7,276 Textiles Prints, greys, whites, United Kingdom 199,833 X73.i9S 268,920 blankets, woollen and Germany 90,829 82,158 99,i6S cotton cashmeres. Argentina 1 2,oS6 2,578 cloths, sheetings, flan- France 14,286, 13,355 23,967 nels, silks, fancy dress Italy 18,293 17,227 32,077 stuffs, linen goods, etc. Spain 8,327 7,511 15,793 United States ... i>4SS 1,665 Belgium 4,211 5,041 5,192 Other countries 5,299 2,508 3,226 Hardware Tools, wire, ships' United Kingdom 28,927 55,728 129,011 fittings, corrugated tin, Germany 36,737 76,329 99,473 household and kitchen Argentina 2,848 6,847 9,974 utensils, etc. France 4,564 5,272 4,704 Italy I 2,157 1,417 United States ... i8,S97 21,444 43,122 Belgium 6,514 16,910 20,022 Spain 5,101 I 1,107 Other countries 3,117 3,925 2,192 Wines, etc — United Kingdom 1,767 2,318 3,159 Germany 3,674 2,379 3.103 France 11,887 12,567 14,272 Italy 13,266 12,685 15,588 Spain 26,667 25,631 37-954 Portugal _^I 1,339 1,887 Other countries 2,093 1.452 2,72s ' Included under" other couotriei." 318 APPENDIX COUNTRIES CONCERNED IN THE IMPORTS— Co««»M«d Articles and Countries from wliich Imported. igii. 1912. 1913. Remarks. Fancy goods ... ;£ £ £ Haberdashery, station- United Kingdom i6,5Si 12,616 22,824 ery, perfumery, dolls, Germany 31,528 35,605 52,772 ornaments, plated France 24,145 17,432 21,317 goods, buttons, arti- Italy 4,399 3,376 5,621 ficial flowers, etc. Spain 1,425 3,867 2,626 Argentina 1,726 4,"7 5,372 United States ... 1,328 I 1,079 Other countries 313 1,851 3,431 Drugs and chemi- cals ... ,,, • •• Medicines, chemicals, United Kingdom 4,795 9,161 10,725 oils and colours, sur- Germany XS>567 10,142 14,811 gical instruments, etc. Argentina 2,468 2,941 3,605 France 7,410 6,856 12,726 Italy 2,203 1,176 2,038 United States ... 4,973 8,753 14,543 Other countries 2,908 5,556 3,293 Hats European styles of United Kingdom 2,676 1,676 1,110 hard and soft felts, Germany 1,387 1,705 2,472 straws, Panamas, France 1,82s I 2,318 tropical hats and Italy 7,237 7,589 17,432 helmets Uruguay 3,113 1,818 1,797 Other countries 717 2,236 442 Fire-arms Revolvers, shot guns, United Kingdom 2,'495 "5 2,751 accessories and ammu- Germany 3,489 4,574 4,186 nition France I 2,165 — _' United States ... 5,901 6,276 3,992 Spain 2,343 1,463 975 Belgium 1,206 Other countries 1,127 104 443 Clothing Chiefly underwear (the United Kingdom 2,278 2,760 4,036 import duty on ready- Germany 5,345 7,559 10,446 made clothes is high) Argentina 10,194 4,208 12,988 France 2,104 2,526 5,318 Italy 2,016 1,008 1,375 Spain 5,744 1,661 1,291 Other countries 104 134 890 > Included under " Other countries." appe:ndix 319 COUNTRIES CONCERNED IN THE IMPORTS— CoMfe»««d Articles and Countries from whicli Imported. igii. 19x2. 1913. Remarks. £ & £ China and glass- ware — United Kingdom 1,183 1,441 1,327 Germany 10,620 13.431 15,820 France __ X 1,538 992 Argentina z X 1,582 Other countries 2.S46 1,46s 1,355 Boats and shoes — United Kingdom — • * 1,303 Germany — ' g 2,211 Argentina — " ^_2 3,475 United States ... — " 9 4,"7 Other countries — " a 2,822 CatUe— Argentina a - 26,757 Uruguay 3 9 128 Free of duty 273,933 9 — 3 Railway materials, agri- cultural machinery and implements, machin- ery for industrial purposes and ships, telegraph wire, wire fencing (barbed and plain), windmills, ' stock cattle, naphtha, calcium carbide. Other articles 27,141 59,872 59,622 Tobacco, leather, saddlery, furniture, jewellery, electrical fittings, musical in- struments, etc. Unclassified 9,626 24,767 79,413 Entered free by order of the Government Total 1,295,699 1,070,120 1,623,999 ' Included under " Other countries." a Included under " Other articles." J Included under the several classes of article! to which they belong respectively. 320 APPENDIX The principal articles imported into Paragoay, and their respective values, are summarized in the following table :— Articles. 191 1. 1912. 1913. Food-stuffs Textiles Hardware Wines, spirits, etc.i Fancy goods Drugs and chemicals Hats Fire-arms Clothing China and glassware Boots and shoes ... Cattle Free of duty Other articles Unclassified Total 280,524 342.533 106,405 59.354 81,415 40.324 16.955 15.355 27,785 H.349 273.933 27,141 9,626 1.295.6991 243,814 303.081 188,612 58,371 78,864 44.585 15.024 16,369 19.856 17.905 59.872 24,767 1,070,120 £ 329.431 4S2,.'!83 311,022 77.788 115,042 61,741 25.571 13,553 36,344 21,076 13.928 26,885 — ■ 59.622 79,413 1.623,999 s Included under "Other articles." > The principal articles imported free of duty in 1913 are stated to have been : Hard- ware, fancy goods, drugs, clothing, glass and china, cattle, laddlery, and electrical goods, to the value of ;£2SI,5S0. APPENDIX 321 The following extract from a Consular Report on Paraguay published in 1913 should be of special interest to British traders who are anxious to extend their connection with Paraguay : — British Trade. — The total imports from the United Kingdom declined from ;£37o,o40 in 1911 to £268,341 in igi2, but the relative proportion of the import trade from British sources fell only from 28 to 2$ per cent. British textiles showed no further decline, but did not recover the ground lost in 1911. The apparent increase in the imports from the United Kingdom of hardware is due principally to the inclusion in the table of the hardware imported free of duty. There was some decline in fancy goods, and an increase in drugs and chemicals. As regards the chief competitors with British goods, Germany competes most strongly in food-stuffs, textiles, hardware, fancy goods, drugs and chemicals, fire-arms, underclothing and garments, china and glassware (nearly 75 per cent, of the total of the latter). Italy is still the chief purveyor of hats, the United Kingdom supplying only hats of the better class. The import of fire-arms (£16,369 in 1912) appears to be increasing, but the British article seems to have almost disappeared from this market. The competition of other countries in textiles is not formidable. In hardware, however, both the United States and Belgium are gaining ground. The consumption of British spirits, which is still only trifling, is on the increase. France competes strongly in fancy goods and in drugs, and in the latter branch as well as in fire-arms the United States is also obtaining a firmer hold. The import trade is handled mainly by European houses, among whom the German, French, Spanish, and Italian predominate, while the British are the least numerous. A larger number of British travellers and repre- sentatives visited Paraguay in 1912 than of late years, but the confidence maintained by some British firms in catalogues (in English) appears to be still fairly general. In the meantime their competitors, who reside in the country and have personal knowledge of the financial standing of their clients, and consequently know when to give or to withhold credit, are taking measures to place their goods for sale at all the best stores throughout the country districts and establish branches at the more important centres. In this way they lay the foundation of a trade the development of which is liable to be realized when the progress of the country is more advanced. In the course of long residence in the country they become intimately acquainted with the tastes and habits of the population, and are in a position to understand the class of goods for which there is a demand. 21 322 APPENDIX ESTIMATES FOR THE YEAR 1914. Revenue. Import duties Export duties Transit dues, etc. . Taxes Post and telegraph., Sundries ... Total ... 523,200 ... 167,400 ... 14,460 ... 223,260 19,900 ... 136,851 ... 1,085,071 Expenditure. Legislature Interior — Presidency Ministry... Post and telegraph Public Health Department Police of capital ... „ provinces Sundries... 3.400 16,735 50,601 4,363 76,932 44.125 25.049 Foreign Affairs — Ministry, etc. ... 20,200 Diplomatic and Consular services ... ... 37,290 Annual contributions and reserves ... 2.319 Finance — Ministry... ... 4.893 National Accountancy Department and Treasury 8,171 Inland Revenue Department ... 68,545 Fomento ... 32,960 Claims Commission ... 2,666 Reserve ... ... 2,000 Justice, Worship, and Public Instruction — Ministry... ... 6,543 Administration of Justice ... ... 38,164 Registrar-General ... ... 2.277 Worship... ... 7.830 Secondary and Higher Education ... ... ... 22.991 Library, Museum, and National Archives ... ... 4,266 Primary Education ... 65,172 Buildings ... 10,133 Natural History Museum, Botanic and Zoological Gardens ... ..• 2,000 Reserve ... 2,000 £ 24,112 221,205 59,809 119,23s 161,376 APPENDIX 323 War- Ministry... Army Navy Clothing and Provisioning Department Reserve... Service of public debt — External — London loan, 1871-72 ... Banco Nacional Argentino French River Plate Bank Loan authorized by law of November 28, 1912 Internal — Post and Telegraph Office, final instalment Loan from Banco de la Republica for 500,000 dol. gold, January, 1912, at 9 per cent., balance with interest Proportion of Government profits in Banco de la Republica carried to conversion fund ... Total ... ... 67,952 ... ... 74,871 - 29,63s ... ... 105,925 ... ■■• 2,053 - 35,617 ... ... 2,400 ... ... 44,183 I9I2 ... 75,600 280,436 6,666 60,000 8,400 232,866 1,099,039 PUBLIC DEBT, DECEMBER 31, 1913. External. London loan, 1871-72 ... Loan from Banco Nacional Argentino ... Loan from French River Plate Bank Internal. Debt of the revolution of 1904 ... Floating debt of administration, 1905-09... Ditto 1910 to March 1912 Loan from the Banco de la Republica for 500,000 dol. gold, January 1912, at 9 per cent., in current account Paper and nickel money in circulation, viz., 65,000,000 dol. Treasury notes (ordenes de pago) in respect of administration Ditto in respect of judicial decisions Treasury bills... overdraft Accounts in Gold. £ 729,057 13,646 Accounts in Paper. 40,000 5,984 48,378 63,135 30,882 69,248 68,255 55,000 722,222 10,500 713 11,028 6,429 , 4,239 92,194 34,304 Total Grand Total ... 1,069,635 935.579 2,005,214 324 APPENDIX < ^ i-i o 1:3 ^ ■< 03 >■ o g W CO < P F^f* f^P* v^ p»p p .'S-p%!N r> COMCO y .-MSP.-* b o^to o « to b bsb MKm COMOO roe* Ovo rr •«-« , ^M ^ COtOCOJCoM M N N CO 1 M S? I 1 a 1 II 11 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 I++I o Sri & <» ■*r^ 0*0% o» *IOt% CO p*H p- p»p.M » ■**■«) CO o*o% b V tn iofo w K« b 00 o b « o- '^^9 *1 lA N tnM . H w M M m(O^D w M Vl^ I "^5S" o 1 M 1 + 1 11111 + 1 1 + 1 + +++I :a « O tOtNO^'d- lO o\o foo M e< m N N tN H CO O MOO m O* TKfl M 00 M M OO Ovu^ ■* TfHOO ■^h r*N c^ m Q 00. -d-mo^ vO CO m M CO (^ »D CO S^ m m w CO" '^" pf I ^ 1 Mill 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 I 1 ++I j w r^r»is-oo M lO 00 lOcoM t^*n Q M r«.co 00 ^ZS^ (O ■as^s" « m M o Th m TfOi c^ m t>. o* « O M M- "3 Ov d d n s M i-Tco 1 fi M 1 1 1 1 1 1 + 1 1 1 11 1 + 1 1 +1 + + + +I lO to ^ M t*. in T^O w M J/) t^ o* ■*co« o- O Tt-00 t^ o -&■!§. iS" M o M <*-tnM m vn Cfl o »o , CO V)to«'0 lO S9 « * M Ti-^ o ^. 9. ■* 1 \o Th •o ti ^ lOM W" o" CO CO S W M e* « « 2* H T3 H Ua u e i « toco ^«n lO r^ooooo t^« c* « rvM o M PI com i**!. CO S5-|~&" g r>M c* o\M t^ c< coo s Si^^ 1 v8 g~"°S3 o H cT •StH ' «- lO In pf 00" d\ 00~ »d" M M »i- M M M ; : : : : : : : : O < O I I : • ; C3 D hJ J2 C r^ eoo*i>o H 8 * \o loov o 'SS-'^S' « lO W N>0 CO o vo tvfn 1 00 ^5 S? 09 CO ov toov mm' ^ di ■i-O tN ;;- ^- " •a " ■ ^ o o ■*« ■* O ss'g-8vg-& N fOO C* « t-.oo ^vo ^ *o M TOO !>!>. « PI ■«Mo t^ , o 00 HI PI so r^ (— . to s « COCOO O 3- CSVO M ' o APPENDIX 326 IMI + MII +IIIII1IIMI + II 1 ■pop S> + 1 1 + H 1 1 to 1 i^«, g;« j.>o « ££, ^ ,g ojj. o; 3,-5.0 jjovwJ5:g ^f; 1 + 1 1 ++ 11 1 ++I 1 1 +1 1 + 1 1 1 1 1 1 ff sal's, 1 +11 10 N *0, + 1 11 H »H W « W m" IMI + MIII + II + 11 s- 1 +111 S" a s * 00 $ " S SI + 1 1 1 + 1 1 ++ 1 M 1 ++ 1 1 1+ 1 1 + 1 1 1 1 1 1 8' 1 +111 + II! l-t M 1 1 1 g 1 2 S"! 5 00 m g S >ss5'S'aRss"§., gjgg-s'ffK's.ss-if^saa- s 16 !? pr 00 lom 1 M 1 o,« « sa 1 " I?" H Total Goods and Livestock Total Revenue Tonnage Company's Materials Grahd Total ......................... . Verba Tobacco Maize Coffee Sugar-cane Sugar Spirits Wine Rice Mandloca Starch Pea-nut Coco Castor Oil Seed Oil Hay Flour Bran Sundry Products General Goods, ist Class ,. 2nd " 3rd „ „ „ ith , „ „ Sundries Extension Material Total Goods LIVESTOCK— Cattle Horses, Mules and Donkeys Sheep ... " Pigs, etc Total Livestock d la 1 R&SS8 as ss"'a'i5 aa-a^as'Rsi-iili' €0 en U S M f if 10 m 326 APPENDIX ANALYSIS OF RESULTS TRAFFICS. i s 1 Passengeks. Goods in Tons. , Year ended E "d. 1 iS t 1 1 i ill III April 30, 1906 155 g73.477 £ 23,529 2,906 739 2,727 2,530 6,042 46,904 12,552 June 30, 1907 15s I,0O2,6go 30.554 2,146 784 2,598 2,921 6,323 60,147 13,207 June 30, 1908 153 962,230 37.038 2,393 836 4,891 2,608 7,222 40,476 14,106 June 30, igog 15s 603,231 29,927 2,483 715 4,322 1,501 7,167 34,342 .11,677 June 30, igio IS5-66* 518,709 32,990 3,182 934 5,124 2,698 6,916 54,424 7,032 June 30, igii 168* 470.686 42,585 2,649 960 3,404 2,398 6,916 62,830 10,217 June 30, 1912 332 394.660 37,037 1,875 742 5.222 2,471 6,362 43.118 4,766 June 30, 1913 232 532,807 59,936 2,8ig 1,086 5,048 2,112 7.II9 71.210 12,580 June 30, lgi4 240-4* 623,368 62,157 3,295 1,890 5,987 5,187 7.067 59,120 17,002 Tune 30, 1915 253 564,941 35,884 2,189 1,016 6,475 6,091 7,072 43,795 18,600 * Average. STATISTICAL. Year ended April 30th. Average Rate of Excliange. Total Traffic Receipts. Working Expenses. Proat. Currency. Sterling. lgo6 1,083 3,003,720 55,208 32,639 £ 22.569 1907 * 2 months ) May and June, 1907 J '" Year ended — June 30, 1908 1,118 1,288 3,994,388 738,893 3,368,130 71,433 12,226 86,208 46,851 9,889 50,627 24,602 2,337 33,381 June 30, 1909 1,622 6,305,212 77.446 43,029 32,417 June 30, 1910 1,496 7.308,365 97,126 48,789 48,337 June 30, igii 1,286 7,744,708 120,023 68,602 51,421 June 30, 1912 1,342 7,217,080 111,983 67,474 44,509 June 30, 1913 1,498 11,057,962 146,511 80,574 65,937 June 30, 1914 1,719 13,420,42s 156,204 90,074 66,166 June 30, 1915 3.072 14,307,200 100,774 61,087 39,687 * Added to the financial year 1907. New financial year commencing 1st July. OF WORKING APPENDIX TRAFFICS. 327 Goods k TONS Livestock. a^. Is if §» n % .iTS na 33-0 ■3 b 1 •a u f CO 1 1 1 Number. II i t a 1 487 — 2,452 8,058 633 2.903 19.511 108,464 £ 28,199+ — — 278 £ 801 - 3.014 5.972 663 1,709 23.343 125.628 36,896+ 65 284 349 - 727 2.399 2,906 6,821 587 3,125 16,189 105,286 40,754 1,103 1.097 2,200 2S7 648 1,456 1,735 7,20s 681 3,254 26,08s 103.471 41,292 1,870 1,420 3.290 262 656 1.490 2,036 7,984 644 2,231 39.598 134,969 54,627 1.994 1,560 3.554 352 437 2,053 1,872 7,606 558 2,678 33,657 140,235 64.873 764 1,529 3.293 347 720 I,Gl2 1,720 6,239 462 1,948 17,964 97,221 53.494 282 2,017 2,299 322 994 2,719 1,980 7.275 768 3,440 3S,82I 154.971 75.116 5.554 5.065 10,619 1,639 1,125 3.186 2,328 6,235 720 4.046 38,723 155,9" 71.566 10,048 4.049 14.097 3,113 833 1,573 ?,4i3 5,277 453 3.012 35.683 135,482 43,351 15.919 1,138 17.057 4.517 f Includes Receipts from Livestock. STATISTICAL. Working Train MUeage. Per Train Mile. Average Receipts. Percentage. Receipts. Expenses. Profit. Per Passenger. Per Ton of Goods. 59-17 159.393 s. d. 6 Hi s. d. 4 li s. d. 2 10 s. d. Si s. d. 5 2 05-57 176,415 8 li 5 31 2 94 7i 6 3 58-73 168,234 10 3 6 oi 4 2| ^ 7 9 58-14 165,037 9 41 5 5i 3iii I 7 11 50-23 179,91s 10 9l 5 5 5 4i 1 3i 8 li 5716 185,601 12 11} 7 4i 5 6i 1 9i 9 3 60-25 186,218 12 Oi 7 3 4 9i lloi 11 55-00 207,177 14 li 7 9i 6 4i 2 3 9 H 57-65 227.825 13 8J 7 11 5 9i 2 9 Hi fio-62 219,654 9 2 5 6i 3 7i I 3i 6 iii 328 APPENDIX o < w o w P 00 P> p ■tn CO m g. ^ 1 t l-l to M 3- ^ 1 1 + 1 1 1 1 h £ 00 o o »> 00 « ri- i fo b> Th in b OS bs HI 1 M 1 1 + 1 1 1 1 u iS t** 00 CO M NO C^ t^ CO CO o> M o »> « ■* t^ ^ V! oo 1 m M 1 + 1 1 CO 1 M 1 1 g o 00 1 o O )H n- lO d "Hii « M 1 q; CO t^ OO HI m" ■* f-T tn" cf cT u M CO o CO CO VO s: d o o 1 TO o sO^ tn Q> 1 !? o 1 CO crj hh" hT rn R O CO IH rt £ M ■* vS Eh 1 APPENDIX 329 o < w CO en <: Oh ■rf « o t<. to , r ^ o M l>. w o « w « M lli n, 1 1 1 1 1 u* u ' ■O Q g 1 CO to 1 w 1 b 1 -3- 1 1 •0 ^ Iff M J . § ff vO o oT J" a M b * ><° a- t— » • • 1-1 ■ rt u o '• ; s is = ^ a ' en M " •e CO ^ « 4> s ; s cu to n S. b 01 "S 1 1 o. 1 s 1 3 5 S s & 2! S3 M u «!« hO a O c« o en n > (l4 o a o H o W DO vO eo M * a o o m a M tS ■* H m ■* ^ I + 1 + 1 4> JQ d o wi ■<*• W J M o CM w '^ o ' CO 4 M CO w 1 + 1 + 1 S cT 4 W CO 1 M in 4 ;>^ 3 d o : : : .9* 2 o : 8 i 1 : Si M o hJ ffi, ° -S2 o a ^ ^ ^ o a H Iff lO w :8 ro o 5^ -^ M? -^ --« ^ •-1 330 APPENDIX THE STATE COLONIES OF PARAGUAY The settlements are not only intended to attract workers to the country, but are also expected to create agricultural centres in which work can be organized on more or less European lines. These settlements, known locally as colonies, are consequently for the most part composed not only of foreigners, but of foreigners and natives combined. In order to obtain the advantages offered by the Government, foreigners should apply to the nearest Paraguayan Consul and satisfy him that they are under fifty years of age, capable of manual labour, of good conduct, and in possession of the sum of at least ;£ lo. Some of the principal of these colonies are ; — Cosme. — Situated in the Department of Caazapa. This colony has already been fully described in the chapter on Immigration and Colonies. Gaboto. — In the Department of Villa Franca. The colony is populated by both Paraguayans and foreigners. The principal industry here is timber. Hobenan. — In the Department of Jesus y Trinidad, distant rather more than twenty miles from Villa Encarnacion. The colony, largely populated by Germans, is devoted to general agricultural pursuits. Ellsa, — A small and apparently semi-private colony in the neighbour- hood of Asuncion. Naclonal or Tegros. — One of the most important of the Paraguayan colonies. Situated in the Department of Caazapa, on the Asuncion line of railway. New Australia. — Situated in the Department of Azos. This colony has already been described in the chapter on Immigration and Colonies. Nueva Germania. — The principal industry here is fruit-growing. Nueva Italia. — Situated on the < River Paraguay, between Lambare and Angostura. San Bernardino. — Situated on the bank of Lake Ypacarai. This was one of the earliest of these settlements to be established in the Republic. Villa Hayes. — Situated on the right bank of the Paraguay River in the district of the Chaco. This settlement is principally populated by French, Swiss, Belgians, Italians, Germans, and Austrians. Trlnacria. — In the Department of Villa del Rosario. It is populated principally by Paraguayans, but there are also a few Italians, Austrians, and North Americans. Veintecinco de Noviembre. — One of the most notable of these colonies. Situated in the Department of Azos, eight leagues from the city of Villarica. The settlement is populated principally by Paraguayans. The following statistics will show its possessions and ramifications as they were a few years ago. Its population, it may be said, is six thousand. APPENDIX 331 ASSETS OF THE VEINTECINCO DE NOVIEMBRE COLONY Livestock. Cattle ... 3.800 Horses 300 Mares ... 170 Mules 120 Sheep 120 Goats ... ISO Pigs Agriculture. ... 300 Hectares Tobacco . 26s Sugar-cane .. 52 Mandioca . .. ... 338 Maize . ... 452 Beans • 193 Rice . ... 83 Mam . ... 54 Onions . ... 12 Potatoes . ... 66 Cotton . ... •• 35 Coffee . ... ... 210 Numbers of Fruit Trees. Orange ... ... 21,248 Banana ... 23,920 Pineapple 6,566 Peach ... 738 Lemon... 396 Other fruits 1460 ' In addition to this the Veintecinco de Noviembre colony possesses seven petit grain factories, four sawmills, two tanneries, and one brickyard. 332 APPENDIX DEPARTMENTS OF PARAGUAY WITH THEIR DISTRICTS 1. Department of Concepcion. Capital : Ciudad de Concepcion. Dis- tricts : Concepcion, Horqueta, Belen, Pedro Juan Caballero, Loreto, Bella Vista. 2. Department of San Pedro. Capital : San Pedro. Districts : San Pedro, Villa de Rosario, San Estanislao, Union, Lima, Tacuati, Igatimi, Curuguaty, Itucurubi. 3. Department of Caraguatay. Capital : Caraguatay. Districts : Caraguatay, Barrero Grande, Caacupe, Arroyos y Esteros, Emboscadai Altos, Atyra, Tobati, San Bernardino, Pirebebuy, San Jose de los Arroyos, Valenzuela, Itacurubi de la Cordillera. 4. Guaira. Capital : Ciudad de Villarica. Districts : Villarica, Mbocayaty, Yatayty, Hiaty, Ibjrtimi, Itape. 5. Department of Yhii. Capital : Yhii. Districts : Yhii, Azos, Carayao, San Joaquin, Caaguazu. 6. Department of Caazapa. Capital : Ciudad de Caazapa. Districts ; Caazapa, Ihacanguazu, San Juan Nepomuceno, Yegros, Iturbe, Yuty. 7. Department of Encarnadon. Capital : Ciudad de Encamacion. Districts : Encamacion, Jesus y Trinidad, Carmen del Parana, San Cosme, San Pedro de Parana, Bobi. 8. Department of San Ignacio. Capital : San Ignacio. Districts : San Ignacio, Santa Rosa, Santa Maria, Villa Florida, San Miguel, San Juan Bautista, Santiago, Ayolas. 9. Department of Guiindy. Capital : Guiindy. Districts : Guiindy, Ibyqui, Caapucii, Mbuyapey, Quyquyo, Acahay. 10. Department of Paraguari. Capital : Paraguari. Districts : Para- guari, Carapegua, Tabapay, Caballero, Escobar, Yaguaron, Pirayii, Ypacarai, Itaugua. 11. Department of Villeta. Capital : Villeta. Districts : Villeta, Aregua, Ita, Guarambare, Capiata, Ypane, Villa Oliva, Villa Franca. 12. Department of Pilar. Capital : Ciudad de Pilar. Districts : Pilar, Humaita, Laureles, Paso de la Patria, Desmochados, Guazucua, Pedro Gonzalez, San Juan Bautista de Neembucu, Tacuaras, Isla Umbu Yabebyry. APPENDIX 333 LIST OF THE GOVERNORS OF PARAGUAY FROM THE TIME OF THE FIRST SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY TO THE END OF THE SPANISH DOMINION Year in which OiBce was assumed. I. Pedro de Mendoza 1536 2. Domingo Martinez de Irala 1538 3- Alonso Nunez Cabeza de Vaca 1541 4- Domingo Martinez de Irala IS44 S- Diego de Abreu 1348 6. Domingo Martinez de Irala 1549 7- Gonzalo de Mendoza ... 1557 8. Francisco Ortiz de Vergara 1558 9- Juan Ortiz de Zarate ... 1574 10. Juan de Torres 1581 II. Alonso de Vera y Aragon 1586 12. Fernando de Zarate ... 1592 13. Juan Ramirez de Velasco 1597 14- Hernando Arias de Saavedra 1598 15- Diego Rodriguez Valdez 1599 16. Garcia Mendoza ... 1602 17- Hernando Arias Saavedra 160S 18. Francisco Alfaro 1606 19- Diego Martinez Negron ... 1611 20. Manuel de Frias ... 1619 21. Pedro de Lugo y Negron ... 1629 22. Luis de Cespedes 1634 23. Martin de Ledesma Valderram a ... 1636 24. Gregorio de Hinestrosa ... 1641 25- Diego Escobar Osorio 1647 26. Fray Bernardino de Cardenas 1648 27. Sebastian de Leon y Zarate 1649 28. Andres Garabito de Leon 1650 29. Cristobal Garay y Saavedra 1653 30. Juan Blasquez de Valverde 1656 31- Alonso Sarmiento de Figueroa 1659 32. Juan Diez de Andino ... 1663 33- Francisco Rege Corvalan ... 1671 34- Diego Ibanez de Irala... 1673 35- Juan Diez de Andino ... 1681 36. Antonio de Vera Miigica ... 1684 37- Francisco Monforte ... 1685 38. Sebastian Felix de Mendisla ... 1692 334 APPENDIX Year in which Office was assumed. 39. Juan Rodriguez Cota ... ... 1696 40. Antonio Escobar Gutierrez ... 1703 41. Sebastian Felix de Mendiola ... ... 1705 42. Baltarar Garcia Ros ... ... 1706 43. Manuel de Robles ... 1707 44. Gregorio Bazan de Pedraza ... 1713 45. Diego de los Reyes Balmaseda ... 1717 46. Jose de Antequera y Castro ... 1722 47. Bruno Mauricio de Zavala ... 1725 48. Martin de Barua ... 1725 49. Ignacio Soroeta ... 173I 50. Manuel Agustin de Calderon ... ... 1733 51. Bruno Mauricio de Zavala ... 1735 52. Martin Echauri ... 1736 53. Rafael de la Moneda ... ... 1740 54. Marcos Jose Larrazabal ... 1747 53. Jaime Sanjust ... 1749 56. Jose Martinez Pontes ... ... 1761 57. Fulgencio Yegros ... 176S 58. Carlos Morphi ... 1766 59. Agustin Fernando de Pinedo ... ... 1772 60. Pedro Melo de Portugal ... 1778 61. Joaquin Alos y Bru ... ... 1787 62. Lazaro de Ribera y Espinosa ... ... 1796 63. Bernardo de Velasco ... ... 1806 64. Manuel Gutierrez ... 1807 65. Eustaquio Giannini ... ... 1809 66. Bernardo de Velasco ... ... 1809 APPENDIX 335 EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY EUROPEAN IGNORANCE CONCERNING PARAGUAY The following extracts from a standard work, " The Present State of all Nations," published in 1739, will show the ignorance which prevailed in Europe concerning Paraguay even in the eighteenth century : — "La Plata may be thrown into two grand divisions almost equal in extent, viz. (i) the provinces on the east side of the river Paragua ; and (2) those that lie west of the said river. The provinces on the east side of the Paragua are those of (i) Paragua Prober, (2) Guayra, (3) Parana, (4)1 Uragua. Those on the west side of the Paragua are (5) Tucuman, and (6) La Plata Prober. " I. Paragua Proper is bounded by the country of the Amazons on the north, by Brazil on the east, by Guayra on the south, and by the river Paragua, which separates it from Tuciiman and Peru, on the west ; at least these are the boundaries assign'd by geographers. But it must be acknowledged that Paragua Proper is a perfect Terra Incognita. I meet with no author or traveller that pretends to give any description of it, or to know the extent of it : and our map-makers are so ingenious as not to incumber their maps with the name of one town in all the country. " 2. Guayra is bounded by Paragua Proper on the north, by Brazil on the east, by Parana on the south, and by the river Paragua on the west. The chief towns whereof are — " 1st, Guayra, situate on the river Parana, in 24 degrees south latitude. " 2ndly, St. Xavier, situate on the confines of Brazil, about an hundred leagues to the eastward of Guayra. " 3rdly, Conception, situate on a river about an hundred leagues to the eastward of Guayra." It will be seen from this that such information as was available was of the vaguest order. 336 APPENDIX WILLIAM HADFIELD ON CARLOS ANTONIO LOPEZ Mr. William Hadfield has an interesting contemporary account of Carlos Antonio Lopez. "The first Consul, Don Carlos Antonio Lopez, is a rich landed proprietor. He received in his youth, at the College of Assumption, such education as during the first years of this century could be met with in the American colleges. When his studies were concluded, he gave lessons in theology at the same college, and was installed in a chair of, what at that time was termed, philosophy. He afterwards devoted himself particularly to the study of jurisprudence, and to the profession of an advocate, and exercised it, according to general report, with zeal, impartiality, and disinterestedness, which acquired him credit, friends, and a select number of clients. When it became dangerous, under the tyranny of the Dictator, to exercise a profession so independent as that of advocate, M. Lopez retired to his estate, forty leagues from Assumption, and gave himself up entirely to agriculture, and to the perusal of the few books which he had been able to procure. He very rarely went to the capital, and then only for a few days. His retired life, the description of seclusion to which he had condemned himself, providentially saved him from the distrust and terrors of the Dictator, and from imprisonment or death, which were their usual consequences. M. Lopez has never quitted his country, and previously he had not taken the smallest share in public affairs. He was unable to make acquaintance with the excellent works published on numerous branches of public administration and political economy, or to obtain the least intelligence of the events which had occurred in Europe and America during the preceding twenty years, for the Dictator persecuted, with more rigour than the Inquisition itself, men of learning and their books, and neither one nor the other had been able to penetrate Paraguay. Nevertheless, the acts and writings of M. Lopez have shown that he was no stranger to .sound doctrines of administration, and that he had meditated in his retreat on the situation of his country, its necessities, the evils it suffered and their causes, as well as on the remedies which it would be possible to apply to them. Such qualities would naturally acquire for him an ascendancy and preponder- ance in the management of affairs ; and, thus acquired, he has exercised them discreetly and vigorously. " The second consul, Don Mariano Roque Alonzo, was a soldier who reckoned many years' service in barracks and garrisons. He commanded a corps or battalion of the troops which occupied the capital when his companions in arms appointed him Commandant-General in the interval between the death of the Dictator and the assembly of Congress. During this short period he maintained public order, and protected the tranquillity of the citizens with zeal and moderation. Like a man of good sense and honour, and of docile character, he at once acknowledged the superiority APPENDIX 337 of his colleague, TOhich of itself is a merit, and always deferred to it, in which he rendered a great service to his country. , . . " What the Consular Government did sufficed to create legal order and to put an end to the reign of force and arbitrary sway, which the Dictator had substituted for the rule of justice ; but in criminal trials an innovation was introduced, which, although imperfect, will be perfected in time, when education has made greater advance, and which will incontestably serve as a basis for the institution of the jury, the source of so many benefits. It was ordained that, in order to pronounce criminal sentences the judge should associate with himself two individuals, drawn by lot out of a list previously made. The confiscation under the Dictator, the enormous fines which he imposed, and which were equivalent to confisca- tion, had reduced a great number of families to misery ; the Consular Government restored such property as yet existed, and adjudged some indemnities for those which had been disposed of ; the rural estates which had been applied to the public service, and which it would not have been convenient to withdraw, were purchased from the former and legitimate possessors. This striking act of equity alone completed a revolution in the social and administrative order of Paraguay. " The Government which succeeded Francia's despotism, and of which M. Lopez was the head, did not allow the least sign of blame or dis- approbation of the Dictator's conduct to transpire. It would indeed have been useless, and have set a bad example, to abuse his memory, and awaken a remembrance of irreparable evils. " From the death of the Dictator to the installation of the Consulate, all persecutions, as well as the sanguinary executions and fusillades, so common during Francia's tyrannical sway, had ceased. But the politica prisoners, to the number of more than six hundred, had not been released with four or five exceptions, and suffered the same evils in the dungeons and casemates. When the consuls, however, were elected, they released all these political prisoners and sent them to their families. It was a significant act. It showed to all that the reign of cruelty and terror had given place in the counsels of the government to principles of mildness and sound policy." 22 338 APPENDIX SUFFERINGS OF THE SOLDIERS IN THE PARAGUAYAN WAR The following paragraphs from a former work of the Author's will give some idea of the harsh measures adopted by Lopez towards the end of the great struggle : — " When marched to battle, the Paraguayan soldiery understood that it was to victory or death. Every soldier was responsible for the good conduct of five others. Each, as he advanced to the attack, was aware that if he lagged or faltered, or attempted to desert, his two comrades next him must shoot him on the instant, or in turn be shot themselves. The non-commissioned officer of the section was responsible for all, and, should one of them escape, he would be either flogged or shot immediately the battle was over. Then the captain, or lieutenant, was in turn responsible for his larger company, and the higher officer in command had to answer for every man under him. Desertion, therefore, was scarcely possible ; and as surrender to overpowering odds was considered desertion, the men fought with utter desperation, knowing that their only chance to live was in victory. "The greatest danger was always in the rear. The distrust was so universal, that though the members of a squad might all individually be anxious to desert or be captured, and might also be completely cut off from the main army, no one would dare to suggest surrender. They must all fight until they were killed, for if some were captured and others were not the latter were almost certain to be inhumanly flogged and then executed. In the early part of the war the punishment for those who fought bravely themselves but yet could not, or did not, prevent defection among those near them was generally limited to flogging. Afterwards shooting was the rule for all delinquents of this kind, except when a repulse was general. Then the officers were all shot and the men decimated ! " Lopez was in constant dread of assassination ; a triple guard surrounded his house at night, which in the daytime was transferred to a kind of shed outside : here it was that visitors were obliged to await an audience with the President. Thompson says that once, while waiting his turn, he entered into conversation with the sergeant, who asked him questions about England. The latter was arrested, and Thompson was required to write down every word that passed between them, which was very difficult to do, as the conversation had been most trivial. Early the next day the sergeant was shot, and all his soldiers punished — ^the reason given was that the unhappy man was a conspirator ! Although, adds Thompson, he had not the look of one." APPENDIX 339 THE PARAGUAYAN PRESS Some idea of the very important role played by the press of Paraguay — the same applies to that of the remaining South American Republics — may be gathered from the following remarks of a Paraguayan writer, Don Enrique Solano Lopez. That his comments reveal an enthusiastic Paraguayan does not, of course, lessen the interest of his views : — The history of the Paraguayan press may be divided into four periods. The first from 1845 to 1852. The second from 1852 to 1865. The third from 1865 to 1870, and The fourth from 1870 to the present day. First Period. Independence or Death 1 The national spirit owes its being largely to the first organ of the Paraguayan press, El Paraguayo Independiente. In its columns are reflected the deep tribulations of Paraguayan sentiment in the face of the obstinate and persistent refusal to recognize our independence. When the danger threatening the very existence of our country was at its height, when Don Juan Manuel Rosas, in one of his messages to the legislature of the Province of Buenos Aires, referred to the Republic of Paraguay as an Argentine Province, the Varaguayo Independiente replied with virile courage, adding to its title the words " Independence or Death," which thirty years later were fulfilled almost to the letter by the Paraguayan people in their resistance to the invasion of the Triple Alliance. The Paraguayo Independiente was edited by the President of the Republic himself, Don Carlos Antonio Lopez. The first number made its appearance on Saturday, the 26th of April, 184S, and the one hundred and eighteenth, and last, number on Saturday, the l8th of September, 1832. It was a weekly publication, although from time to time more than a week elapsed between the issue of the numbers. In addition to the regular editions appeared supplements, containing manifestos and proclamations of historical interest. Second Period. The Semanario took the place of the Paraguayo Independiente, which had fulfilled its mission with the treaty of the iSth of July, 1852, in which the Argentine Confederation acknowledged the national indepen- dence of Paraguay. In sise and appearance, during the first four years, the Semanario was identical with its predecessor. The mission with which it was charged was clearly expressed in the following paragraphs, taken from the message of Don Carlos Antonio Lopez to the Congress in 1854 : 340 APPENDIX "The Government has caused to be made known, with that noble frankness and loyalty which it professes in all its acts, the social and political situation . . . and the necessity that arose of abandoning all other affairs in favour of the defence of our beloved country, threatened with invasion and conquest, and of postponing until normal and peaceful times all efforts concerned with political and social improvement. " The peace which the nation enjoys as the result of the treaty of the iSth of July, and the relations which we have established with the leading powers of the civilized world, have brought about this normal and tranquil period which the Government was awaiting in order to find itself in a position to think of our own affairs, and to found and establish that which circumstances have, not hitherto permitted. The nation is not yet independent in the full sense of the word. In order to attain to this lofty and glorious position it is necessary that the nation should suffice for itself ; it is necessary that it should shelter within its bosom all the elements of knowledge, power, and responsibility, and that it should be able to display all that intellectual and moral force to be expected from the excellent qualities which form the basis of the Paraguayan character. To achieve this we should first of all regenerate the people in order to place it and guide it on the road it should go in order to arrive, without strayings and falls, at the point where the dominating ideals of the century and the force of example must lead it onwards." At its beginning the Semanario, like its predecessor, was edited by the President of the Republic ; but when the latter's official labours became too onerous to permit this. Dr. Andres Gelly assumed the editor- ship. When Don Ildefonso Bermejo arrived in the country he assisted in the task. Dr. Gelly became ill, and the publication ceased, being replaced by the Eco del Paraguay, under the editorship of Bermejo. This continued from 1853 to 1857, its numbers counting one hundred and eight. In that year the Semanario again saw the light, its editor-in-chief being Seiior Bermejo. The principal topics to which both publications especially • devoted themselves were those of public instruction and of agriculture, which they viewed from the standpoint of the Government. In number 132 of the Semanario are to be found the constitution of the first ministry and the regulations affecting the powers of the ministries in general. In number 17 of the Eco del Paraguay is the decree referring to the liberty of the press. At this period the students of the Literary Academy published a review entitled the Aurora. In this review are t6 be met with the first literary flights of Natalicio Talavera, Mariano Aguiar, Mateo Collar, Enrique Lopez, and Germesindo Benitez. Third Period. " Conquest or Death ! " When Paraguay was forced to defend its territorial integrity, the Semanario abandoned its agricultural and educational themes, and changed its peaceful legend for that of Conquest or Death. If the Paraguayans could not conquer, they knew how to die, as was demon- APPENDIX 341 strated by the bones which whitened the land from Paso de Patria to Cerro Cora. The war correspondence, edited by Natalicio Talavera, will always stand as a source of information for the historians of the great war. The Semanano continued to appear until the national capital was transferred for the second time from Luque to Piribebuy in 1868. Its last number was 753. The Cabichui, a satirical publication written in Spanish and Guarani, was issued from the encampment of Paso Pucu, and even appeared in San Fernando. It was edited by Natalicio Talavera, the priests Espinosa, Bogado, and Maiz, Colonel Centurion, and others, its principal illustrator being Saturio Rios. This publication was printed by the army press. The Cacique Lambard and the Centinela ably seconded the Cabichui. The former, published in Guarani, constituted in common with the Cabichui the joy of the troops in their long hours of duty. The Centinela was edited by Dr. Tristan Roca, and was provided with illustrations. Thirteen numbers appeared of the Lambard, and the Centinela existed for rather more than a year : from the 25th of April, 1867, to the 23rd of January, 1868, closing with its fortieth number. On the 1st of March, 1869, was published in Piribebuy La Estrella, its principal editor being the priest Geronimo Becchi. The Estrella con- tinued to be published until the storming of this third capital of the RepubUc. It ended with its thirty-seventh number on the 30th of June. During the occupation of Corrientes by the Paraguayan forces was published the Independiente, the official organ of the Triumvirate established in that Argentine province. In Buenos Aires the Paraguayan residents published two periodicals : El Clamor de los libres (" The Cry of the Free ") and El Grito Paraguayo, Fourth Period. The Modern Press. The modern press was initiated by the Regeneracion, edited by Juan Jose and Jose Segundo Decoud, Juan Silvano Godoi, Jaime Sosa Escalada, and others. It was followed by the Voz del Pueblo and the Pueblo, which defended the interests of the two parties into which public opinion was then divided. From that day to this numerous daily papers have made their appear- ance, and the energy displayed by the various editors has been great. Political passions have at times caused these to resort to an extreme violence in language, but, save on two or three occasions, we must admit that the authorities have demonstrated a cultured respect for free thought. INDEX Abren, Diego de, 93, 94, 96 Acaray River, 226 Agaze Indians, 53, 82, 83 Aguaracaty, Lake, 228 Alfalfa, 303 Almagro, 25 Alonso, Father, 118 Alonso, Mariano Roque, 181 Alto Parana River, 226, 236 Amambay Mountains, 227 Antequera, Jose de, 155, 156, 157, 158 Apa River, 224 Apepa, the, 300 Aquidaban River, 224 Aracare, 72, 84 Aragon, Alonso de Vera y, 121 Aragon, Juan Torres de Vera y, 114, IIS, 120, 121 Architecture, 256 Area, 203 Argentina, 24 Argentine Navigation Co., 245, 252, 253 Argentine North-Eastern Railway, 231, 232, 233, 234 Army, 209, 210 Artigas, 176 Assets of the Veintecinco de Noviembre Colony, 331 Asuncion, 50, 51, 209, 255-8 Ayolas, Juan de, 46, 48, 49, 50, 52, 53> 54, 55, 56, 57 Balmaseda, Diego de los Reyes, 155 Banana, 302 Banana de Oro, 303 Banda, Diego Rodriguez Valdez de la, 123 Barrios, Juan (Bishop), 84, 85 Barrios, Colonel, 193 Beans, 303 Belgrano, Manuel, 161, 162, 163 " Belvedere," the, 257, 258 Bermejo River, 43, 249 Bogarin, Dr. Francisco Javier, 167 Bolanos, Father, 118 Bolivia, 24 Bombilla, the, 286 Bonpland, Aime, 178, 179, 287 Brazil, 24 British Trade with Paraguay, 308- 12, 321 Bueno Esperanza, 46, 51 Buenos Aires, Nuestra Senora de los, 45, 51 Bullock carts, 241 Burton, Sir Richard, 188 Caballero, Pedro Juan, 163 Cabot, Seliastian, 41, 42, 43, 44 Cabrera, Alonso, 58 Cabrera, Jeronimo Luis, no Caceres, Felipe de, 76, 108, 109, no Camargo, Captain, 96 344 INDEX Camba, Lake, 228 Campaigns of the Paraguayan War, 19s Caraguata, 295 Caranday, 295 Carcarana River, 42 Cardenas, Bishop Bernardino de, 151, 152. 153 Castor oil, 295 Cattle, 275-82 Caxias, Marshal, 197 Cebu cattle, 280 Chaco, 38, 39 Chaco Indians, 37, 38, 39, 53 Charrua Indians, 41, iii, 124 Chaves, Nuflo de, 89, 95, 96, 104-8 Chibchas, 33, 36 Chochis, Cordilleras de, 227 Churches, 262 Cigars, 291, 292, 293 Civil strife, cost of, 208 Climate, 228, 229 Coca, 295 Coffee, 303 Commercial statistics, 314-20 Commercial travellers, 310, 311 Communications, 28 Concepcion, 209, 261 Concordia, 234 Confuso River, 204, 205 Conquistadores, 102, 103 Constitution, 205, 206 Copper, 229, 230 Corrientes, 248 Corrientes, invasion of, 194 Corumba, 252, 253 Cosme, Colony, 272 Costume, 214, 215 Cotton, 29s, 303 Criollo cattle, 279-80 Cunninghame Graham, R. B., 146, 151 Currency, 219 Curupay, 295 Cuyaba, 261 Decoud, Arsenic Lopez, 207, 208 De la Mora, Fernando, 167 Departments of Paraguay with their districts, 332 Division of the Province of Para- guay, 126, 127 Dominguez, Don Luis L., 47 Dorantes, Pedro, 78, 79 Dure, Martin, 112, 113 Durham cattle, 280 Dye-plants, 296 Early Guarani Missions, 118, 119 Education, 218 Eighteenth-century European ignorance, 335 Elections, 206 Encarnacion, 232, 260 Encomiendas, 60, 61 Espinosa, Juan de Salazar de, 56, 76, 98, 99 Exchange, rate of, 219 Figueroa, Alonso Sarmiento de Sotomayor y, 154 Football, 258 Foreign population, 266 Francia, Gaspar Rodriguez de, 27, 163, 164-79 Franciscan missionaries, 131 Freund, F., 204 Frias, Manuel, 148, 149, 150 Frontiers, 204 Fruit, 299-304 Gabarito, Andres de Leon, 153 Galan, Ruiz, 56, 58 Garay, Juan de, no, in, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120 Garcia, Diego, 43 Garcia, Ruy, 89 Garden of South America, the, 333 Garrapata, 280 Geographical situation, 202, 203 INDEX 346 German commercial competition, 309> 310, 311 German military officials, 210 Goats, 283 Godoy, Juan Silvano, 256 Governors of Paraguay, 333 Graham, Stewart, 267, 268, 273 Grubb, W. Barbrooke, 218, 219 Guarambare, 73 Guarani Indians, 32-9, 45 Guarani language, 208, 216 Guijarro-Decoud treaty, 205 Guayacan, 295 GuaycuriS Indians, 53, 72 Guayra Falls, 226 Hadfield on Carlos Antonio Lopez, 336 Hernandarias, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 129 Hernandez, Pedro, 68 Hides, 282 Hinestrosa, Gregorio de, 151, 152 Horses, 283 Hotham, Sir C, 184 Humaita, 250 Hurtado, Sebastian, 44 Ibirapyta, 295 Ibyra, 296 Iguazii Falls, 70, 240 Immigration, 263-6 Imports and exports, 306, 367 Incas, 33, 36 Independence proclaimed, 163 " Inland Japan," the, 26, 39 Ipacarai, Lake, 228 Ipane River, 224 Ipecacuanha, 295 Irala, Domingo Martinez de, 25, 55, 56, 57» 58, 59. 60, 61, 62, 71, 72. 73, 78, 81-100 Iron, 229 Iturbe, Vicente Ignacio, 163 Jaborandi, 295 Jeria, Luis de Cespedes, 150 Jesuit missions, 130-47 Jesuit missions, ruins, 240 Jesuits, expulsion of, 159 Journalism, 218 Kidd, Frederick, 273 La Candelaria, 55, 74 La Dardye, Dr. E. de Bourgade, 300 La Gasca, the Licentiate, 88, 89, 90, 9S Lakes, 227, 228 Lambare, 49 Lambare, mountain, 49 Lane, William, 267, 268, 269, 270, 272 Lapacho, 295 Lara, Nuno de, 44 Las Piedras, 72 Las Siete Lagunas, 222 Latorre, Bishop, 100, 106, 107, 108, 109 Lemon, the, 303 Lengua Indians, 38, 53 Liano, Bishop Vasquez de, 123 Light railways, 299 Livestock, 275-83 Lloyd Brasileiro, 252, 253 Locust, British war vessel, 184 Lopez, Carlos Antonio, 181-6 Lopez, Francisco Solano, 184, 186- 200 Los Reyes, 75 Losses in the Paraguayan War, 198, 199 Lucia Miranda, 44 Lugones, Dr., 103, 142 Lynch, Madame Eloisa, 186 Machain, Estanislao, 172, 173 Magellan, 41 Maize, 303 346 INDEX Mai de Cadera, 283 Mamelucos, 145 Mandioca, 303 Mandivii, Lake, 228 Manganese, 230 Mangore, 44 Mansfield, C. B., 214, 216, 244 Manso, Andres, 105 Market at Asuncion, 214, 215 Markets for cattle, 281 Marquez de Olinda, 192, 193 Masterman, George, 189 Mataco Indians, 38 Mbaracayd Mountains, 227 Melgarejo, 118 Mendieta, Diego Ortiz de Zdrate y, 112, 113 Mendoza, Francisco de, 76, 87, 92 Mendoza, Gonzalo de, 103 Mendoza, Pedro de, 25, 45, 46 Mepene Indians, 48 Mercury, 230 Mihanovich, Nicolas, 245 Millet, 303 Minerals, 229, 230 Ministers of State, 206 Minuanes Indians, 120 Misiones, 236 Mitayos, 61, 62 Mitre, General Bartolome, 162, 197 Monday River, 226 Montevideo, 209 Monte Caseros, 234 Morphi, Carlos, 146, 159 Motor boats, 253 Mules, 283 Nandua, 49 Nandubay, 295 Nanduti, 257 Nationality of immigrants, 265 Natural characteristics, 222 Navarra, Frances de Beaumont y, 123 Navigation, River, 223, 224, 225, 226 Navy, 210, 211 Neembucu, Estero, 228 Negron, Diego Martinez, 125 " New Australia," 266-74 Ocampo, Agustin de, 89 Ocampo, Bartolome Sandoval de, 123 Orange, the, 300, 301, 302 Ortega, Juan, 106 Osorio, Diego Escobar de, 152 Palacios, Bishop, 188 Palo bianco, 295 Palo de rosa, 295 Papaw, 295 Paraguari, battle of, 161 Payagua Indians, 74 Paraguay Central Railway, 231, 232, 233, 234, 23s, 236, 237 Paraguay, Analysis of Freight, etc., 324-9 Paraguay River, 222, 223, 224, 225 Paraguayan Governmental esti- mates, 322, 323 Peanuts, 303 Peruvian mines, 54 Peteriby, 295 Pigs, 283 Pilcomayo River, 204, 205, 224, 225, 226 Pineapple, the, 303 Pizarro, 25 Plaza Constitucion, 257 Plaza Independencia, 257 Pleasure resorts, 239, 240 Population, 206, 207, 208 Posadas, 232 Presidency, 206 Press, the, 339, 340, 341 Price of oranges, 302 Public buildings, Asuncion, 256 INDEX 347 Puerto Casado, 299 Puerto Galileo, 299 Puerto Max and Maria, 299 Puerto Sastre, 299 Quebracho, timber, 295, 297 Quebracho, extract, 298, 299 Railways, 28, 238, 239 Railway ferry, 231, 234, 236 Railway connection with Brazil, 238 Railway connection with Uruguay, 238 Rainfall, 229 Ramie, 295 Ramon, Juan Alvarez, 41, 42 Regattas, 258 Resquin, Jaime, 98 Rice, 303 Riquelme, Alonso, 106 River traffic, 243-53 Roads, 240, 241, 242 Robertson, J. P., 167 Rodriguez, Domingo, 171 Rosas, the Dictator, 182, 183 Royal Tar, the, 270, 271 Rubber, 296 Rutia, Miguel de, 89, 97 Salazar, Juan de, 82 Sanabria, Juan de, 98 Sancti Spiritus, 42, 43, 43 San Fernando, 87, 91 Santa Catalina, 65, 66, 67 Santa Cruz de la Sierra, founding of, 106 . • Schmidt (or Schmidel), Ulrrcf^ 7^, 47,48 .'.•'.'•'.'-:'•• Siripo, 44 Saavedra, Cristobal* de G^ray y, * • *• ' IS4 . •. • San Bernardino, 228, '258, 259, Sarsaparilla, 295 • • Sheep, 283 Slavery, Guarani, 60 Society, 213-16 Soil, 241, 242 Solis, Juan Diaz de, 40, 41 Solis, river of, 41 South American Missionary So- ciety, 218, 219 Southey, Robert, 30 State Colonies of Paraguay, 330 Storm, Olaf, 204 Sufferings of the soldiers in the Paraguayan War, 338 Sugar-cane, 303 Tabare, 73, 84 Tacuari River, 226 Tacuari, battle of, 162 Tacuari, steamer, 193 Tacurii stone, 134 Tarquino cattle, 280 Tebicuary River, 225 Thompson, Mr., 188 Timber, 294-9 Toba Indians, 38, 53 Tobacco, 290-3 Toledo, Martin Suarez de, 109 no Torres, Tomds de, 149 Trade, 305-12 Transport of cattle, 282 Tristeza, 280 Tupi, 32 Ursua, Francisco de Paula Bucareli y, 146 Uruguay, 24 Urunday, 295 * • • • •VsfCji, Alvai;' Nunez Cabeza de, 25, 64-89 •^.•' •_ Vaca, PefdBo''Estropiiian Cabeza de, 67, 8^ ;;.'.-. • Velasco, Beri^do, 160, 161 yelasfcb, Jpan Ramirez de, 123 348 INDEX Venegas, Garcia, 76, 78, 79 Vergara, Francisco Ortiz de, 103, 104, 106, 107 Villa Hayes, 208 Villa Rica, 209, 259 Waterwitch, U.S. steamer, 253 Xarayes, Lake, 222, 223 Yanaconas, 61 Yaros Indians, 42 Yegros, Antonio Tomas, 163 Yegros, Fulgencio, 167, 176 Yerba Mate, 213, 284-90 Ypita, Lake, 228 Ypoa, Lake, 228 Zarate, Fernando, 123 Zarate, Juan Ortiz, 107, iii, 112 Zarate, Dotia Juana, 112, 113, 114, "S Zarate, Port, 234 Zarate, Sebastian de Leon y, 153, Zavala, Bruno de, 156, 158 Zeballos, Juan Valeriano, 163, 166 Priuted in Great Britain by UNWIN BSOTHEES, LIMITED WOKING AND LONDON I