CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Cornell University Library BS440 .J17 Standard Bible dictionary: desaned as a 3 1924 029 271 257^ olln Overs Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029271257 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY DESIGNED AS A COMPREHENSIVE GUIDE TO THE SCRIPTURES, EMBRACING THEIR LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, MANNERS AND CUSTOMS, AND THEIR THEOLOGY EDITED BY MELANCTHON W. JACOBUS, D.D. (CHAIRMAN OF THE EDIxdSlAL BOARD) DEAN, AND HOSMER PROFESSOR OF NEW TESTAMENT EXEGESIS AND CRITICISM, IN HARTFORD THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY EDWARD E. NOURSE, D.D. PROFESSOR OF BIBLICAL THEOLOGY, AND INSTRUCTOR IN NEW TESTAMENT CANONICITY AND TEXTUAL CRITICISM, IN HARTFORD THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY AND ANDREW C. ZENOS, D.D. PROFESSOR OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, IN McCORMICK THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY. CHICAGO IN ASSOCIATION WITH AMERICAN, BRITISH AND GERMAN SCHOLARS Embellished With New and Original Illustrations and Maps * FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY NEW YORK AND LONDON 1909 COPYKIGHT; 1909, BY FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY All rights of translation reserved Registered at Stationers' Hall, London, England [Printed in the United States of ATnerica] Published January, 1909 KEY TO IIN^ITIALS OF CONTRIBUTORS A. C, Z Andrew C. Zenos, M.A., D.D,, Professor of Ecclesiastical History in McCormick Theological Seminary, Chicago. A. S. C Augustus Stiles Carrier, D.D., Professor of Hebrew and Cognate Languages, McCormick Theological Seminary, Chicago. A. T Albert Thumb, Ph.D., Professor in the Philosophical Facul- ty, University of Marburg. C. S. X Charles Snow Thayer, Ph.D., Librarian of Hartford Theological Seminary. D. B. M. . . .Diincan B. Macdonald, M.A., B.D., Professor of Semitic Languages, Hart- ford Theological Seminary. E. E. N Edward E. Nourse, S.T.B., D.D., Professor of Biblical Theology in Hartford Theological Seminary. E. K Eduard Konig, Ph.D., LL.D,, Professor of Old Testament Exegesis in the Protestant Theological Faculty, University of Bonn. E. K. M Edwin Knox Mitchell, D.D., Professor of Graeco-Roman and East- em Church History, Hartford Theo- logical Seminary. E. von D. . Ernst von Dobschiitz, D.D., Professor of Theology, University of Strasburg. G. B. G George B. Gray, M.A,, Hon. D.D., Professor of Hebrew and Old Testa- ment Exegesis, Mansfield College, Ox- ford. G. E. P George E. Post, M.D., F.L.S., Professor in the Syrian Protestant College, Beirut. G. L. R George L. Robinson, Ph.D., D.D., Professor of Old Testament Literature and Exegesis, McCormick Theological Seminary, Chicago. G, M George Milligan, D.D., Minister of the Established Church of Scotland. H. G Hermann Guthe, D.D., Professor of Theology, University, of Leipsic. I. M. P.. . Ira Maurice Price, Ph.D., LL.D., Professor of Semitic Languages and Literatiu-e, University of Chicago. J. A. K James A. Kelso, Ph.D., D.D., Professor of Hebrew and Old Testa- ment Literature, Western Theological Seminary, Allegheny, Pa. J. D James Denney, D.D., Professor of New Testament Lan- guage, Literature, and Theology, United Free Church College, Glasgow. J. F. McC. James F. McCurdy, Ph.D., LL.D., Professor of Oriental Literature, Uni- versity College, Toronto, Canada. J. H. R James Hardy Ropes, A.B., D.D., Bussey Professor of New Testament Criticism and Interpretation, and Dexter Lecturer on Biblical Litera^ ture. Harvard University. J. M. T John Moore Trout, Ph.D., Dobbs Ferry, N. Y. J. R. S. S.. John R. S. Sterrett, Ph.D., LL.D., Professor of Greek, Cornell Univer- sity, Ithaca, N. Y. J. S. R James Stevenson Riggs, D.D., Taylor, Seymour, and Ivison Pro- fessor of Biblical Criticism, Auburn Theological Seminary. J. V. B J. Vernon Bartlet, M.A., D.D., Professor of Church History, Mans- field College, Oxford. K. L Kirsopp Lake, M.A., Professor of Early Christian Litera- ture and New Testament Exegesis, University of Leyden. VI KKY TO INITIALS L. B. P Lewis Bayles Paton, Ph.D., D.D., Nettleton Professor of Old Testament Exegesis and Criticism, Instructor in Assyrian and Cognate Languages, Hartford Theological Seminary. L. G. L Lewis Gaston Leary, Ph.D., Pastor of Huguenot Memorial Church, Pelham Manor, New York. M. D Marcus Dods, D.D., Professor of New Testament Theol- ogy, United Free Church College, Edinburgh. M. W. J. . . Melancthon W. Jacobus, D.D., Dean, and Professor of New Testa- ment Literature and Criticism, Hart- ford Theological Semiijary. R. A, F Robert A. Falconer, D.D., Principal of Toronto University, To- ronto, Canada. S. D Samuel Dickey, M.A., Professor of New Testament Litera- ture and Exegesis, McCormick Theo- logical Seminary, Chicago. S. M Shailer Mathews, D.D., Professor of Systematic Theology, and Dean of the Divinity School, University of Chicago. S. R. D Samuel R. Driver, D.D., Hon. D.Lit, Regius Professor of Hebrew, and Can- on of Christ Church, Oxford. W. D. M. . .Wm. D. Mackenzie, D.D., LL.D., President and Riley Professor of Christian Theology, Hartford Theo- logical Seminary. W, N Wilhelm Nowack, Ph.D., Professor of Old Testament Exegesis in the Theological Faculty, University of Strasburg. W. S Wm. Sanday, D.D., LL.D., D.Sc, Lady Margaret Professor of Divinity, and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford. W. S. P Waldo S. Pratt, Mus.D., Professor of Ecclesiastical Music and Hymnology, Hartford Theological Seminary. PREFACE I. The Origin of the Dictionary. THIS Dictionary owes its origin to two facts, not altogether unrelated: In the first place, the existence of a general need, frequently expressed in many quarters, as not being supplied by the two comparatively recent Biblical dictionaries of Hastings and Cheyne. These dictionaries have been found to be too discursive to answer the purpose of handy and ready-reference books. In addition to this fundamental objection, their high price has made it impossible for many to purchase them who are desirous of having in their possession an accurate, modern Bible Dictionary. The second fact was the appearance in Germany of the one-volume Bihelworterbuchj edited by Professor Hermann Guthe. This work attracted the attention of the Funk <& Wagnalls Company, who planned at first to have it translated and thus put before the English reading public. It was found, however, on investigation that Guthe's work would involve so much editorial revision in order to adapt it to an American or a British public that the idea of translating it was abandoned, and it was determined to construct an ab- solutely new Dictionary, altogether independent of any existing one, which it was hoped would meet the demands of the situation. Of this effort the present work is the result. II. The Problem of the Dictionary, The construction of a modern single-volume English Bible Dictionary, accurate and abreast of modern scholarship, presents a complicated problem. For the production of such a book there must be an understanding of the material with which it has to deal; there must be an appreciation of the constituency to which it is to minister; and there must be an intelligent consciousness of the critical position to which its purpose commits it. (1) The material with which an English Bible Dictionary has to deal is the contents of the English Bible. The English Bible, however, is simply a version, and behind its English terminology are the Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek originals. As a consequence, the Dictionary, while it reproduces the words and phrases of the English Bible in its titles, must treat them primarily with reference to the Hebrew, Aramaic, or Greek terms which underlie them. In other words, its task must be the explication of a terminology drawn in the first place from the English Bible, but not from the point of view of English philology or etymology, but from the point of view of the underlying terminology of the originals. (2) The constituency had in view in such a Dictionary is determined largely by the facts which have called the book into existence. It is a constituency which is much wider than the class of distinctive scholars, continually engaged in Bible study, familiar with Hebrew and Greek, and having a first-hand acquaintance with the field of modern Biblical research. It is made up of the educated ministry, who, while possessed of technical scholarship, have not always the leisure to enter into a discursive presentation of critical research; besides this, it includes the Sunday-school teachers and workers, who in most cases have not had the benefit of a technical education in Bible study and yet desire and appreciate all that Biblical scholarship can give them of its results; and, finally, it includes the intelligent laymen interested in Bible study, but not acquainted with Hebrew, Tiii PREFACE or in many cases with Greek. For this widely extended circle of interested Bible students the Dictionary, to be of service, must avoid being too scholastic in its general character. It should be accurate in its presentation of facts, but not so technical as not to be easily understood; it should be up to the day in its information, but not so discursive as to burden its pages with the pedantry of undigested facts. What it gives should be given in such a way as not to repel the busy man and woman of to-day, but to help them in their under- standing of the Bible, which they wish to read intelligently and to study with a view to the best results for themselves and others. (3) The critical position to which such a Dictionary is necessarily committed must be one of acceptance of the proved facts of modern scholarship, of open-mindedness toward its still-debated problems, and of conservation of the fundamental truths of the Christianity proclaimed and established in the message and mission of Jesus Christ. The constituency to which the Dictionary appeals is not to be helped by an apologetic method that ignores what a reverent critical scholarship has brought to light regarding the Book of the Christian religion; nor is it to be served by a radical spirit so enamored of novelty and opposed to tradition that it would seek to establish a new religion on the ruins of the historical facts of Christianity. It can be ministered to only by a clear, charitable, uncontroversial presenta- tion of the results which a century and a half of earnest, conscientious, painstaking, self- denying study of the Bible has secured, to the end that all students and readers of the Book may be led into its more intelligent understanding and its more spiritual use. III. The Principles Guiding the Editors. Such being the character of the problem, the principles guiding the editors in the constructing of the Dictionary have been the following: (1) The text of the American Standard Edition of the Revised Bible (copyright, 1901, by Messrs. Thomas Nelson & Sons, New York) has been made the standard English text of the Biblical citations and references. At the same time, it is evident that, the Dictionary being intended for English readers in general, this text could not be adhered to exclusive of any reference to that of the English Revision of 1881 (copyright by the Ox- ford University Press, Oxford, England) which occupies in British countries relatively the same position as that held by the American Revision in this country; much less could there be an ignoring of the Authorized Version of 1611, which in all English-speaking countries still maintains, and is certain to continue to maintain for some time to come, a position of great respect and considerable use. In fact, in so far as the Dictionary concerns the Eng- lish Bible as a version of its original languages, it must, while adopting a standard English text, have constant reference to such varieties of interpretation as the English versions actually in use present. (2) The Concordance to the English Bible has been made the basis of the list of titles. At this point the editors were confronted with a peculiar difficulty; for there is as yet no complete concordance of the American Revised text. The nearest approach to any such work that was at their disposal is the elaborate Concordance of James Strong, S.T.D., LL.D., which indicates the passages in the Authorized Version where changes were made in the Revision of 1881, and which shows these changes in a comparative table, but contains no concordance of them. While every effort has been made to supply this fundamental lack, it is more than likely that some terms in the American Revision have been inad- vertently omitted. Apart from this, however, it is obvious that this basal relation of the concordance to the list of titles does not mean that all the words in the concordance have been given a place in the list of titles. The purpose of the Dictionary is not to record the contents of the Bible, but to give information and instruction regarding such parts PREFACE ix of the Bible contents as may be of service to Bible readers and students. Furthermore, it is clear that not all the contents of the Bible which call for such treatment belong legitimately to a Bible Dictionary; for, again, the purpose of such a Dictionary is not to do the work of an English lexicon or grammar. There are not a few obsolete English words and phrases — especially in the Authorized Version — which are subjects of interesting study in our own language, but are without significance in the underlying original languages of the Bible. These can safely be omitted, and both the space and the dignity of the Dictionary be conserved. Still fiu*ther, there are words and phrases which so obviously belong to the field of ordinary Bible comment, having little or no significance in the study of the Bible, that there would be no real service rendered the student or the reader in considering them. The Dictionary is not intended to do the work of the general English commentary any more than of the general English lexicon. With these exceptions, however, the effort has been made to include in the list of titles every term in the American Revision. (a) This being the working list, it will be found as a matter of fact that its larger part consists of names of persons and places. These resolve themselves into two classes, the more important and the less important. As to the latter class, it has been impossible in many cases to do more than record the Bible statements, there being nothing known beyond them. But even in doing this the endeavor has been to place these statements in the critical connections to which they belong, the purpose of the Dictionary being not simply to gather Bible references, but to present results of scholarship wherever they have been secured. As to the former class, the endeavor has been to treat them not only in regard to the facts of the Bible record, but also and more especially in regard to the relation which they sustain to the progress of the history and the development of the religion contained within and connected with the Bible. This, the editors believe, will be conspicuously evident in the most important articles in this class — such as those on Assjo-ia, Babylonia, Egypt, Asia Minor, and Palestine on the one hand, and those on Moses, David, Elijah, Jeremiah, John the Baptist, James, Peter, John, and Paul on the other. It will be found at its best in what has been written of the One Supreme Person- ality in all religion. (h) Closely connected with these person and place articles and necessitated by the historical method employed in their treatment will be found a class of articles presenting in larger compass the general subjects of the History of Israel, Semitic Religion, Greek and Roman Religions, Ethnography and Ethnology, with a specific discussion of the politico-religious parties of the New Testament times, and the Religious Thought and Life and Institutions of the Jewish People. (c) Conversely, in the direction of the details of the people's civic and domestic life, the reader of the Dictionary will find articles on such subjects as Crimes and Punishments, Law and Legal Practise, Family and Family Law, Marriage and Divorce, Money, Trade and Commerce, Agriculture, Artisan Life, Disease and Medicine, Dress and Ornaments, Burial and Mourning Customs. (d) It is impossible, however, in any study of the Bible to dissociate the history and life of the people from the literature in which the history has been recorded and the life has found expression. Necessarily, therefore, the plan of the Dictionary has included a discussion of the origin, composition, and characteristics of the Bible writings, together with those of the Apocrypha and of the more important writings in the apocalyptic litera^ ture. In the treatment of these writings the editors have been influenced by a considera- tion of the readers for whom the Dictionary is intended, and have sought, consequently, not so much to enter into the details of the critical problems involved as rather, along with a plain statement of the critical facts which scholarly investigation has brought to PREFACE light, to unfold the significance of the writings in their connection with the history which they record and the teachings which they present. This will account for the space de- voted to the analysis of the contents of the respective books and for the treatment in many of them of their theological position. With a treatment of the Biblical books nat- urally is connected a treatment of the languages in which they were written, of the text in which they have been preserved, and of their collection into the canons of the Old and New Testaments. (e) From such a treatment of the Biblical literature it follows that there must be some specific presentation of the theological teachings of the Bible, as a whole. The plan of the Dictionary confessedly did not permit it to enter the field of systematic theology; but equally, it did not admit of its ignoring the Biblical basis on which this science is founded — the point in fact at which the Bible is perhaps most profoundly searched and studied. The editors consequently determined upon including among the articles the fundamental doctrines on which the Scriptures themselves give utterance, such as Faith, Repentance, Atonement, Sin, Forgiveness, Grace, together with such presupposed doc- trinal facts as God, such doctrinal inferences as Predestination, and such general fields of doctrinal thought as Eschatology. In all these varied directions it has been the endeavor of the editors to maintain the purpose of the Dictionary to present to the readers and students of the Bible the results of a reverent scholarship, committed to the accepted facts of criticism, open-mincjed to its un- settled problems, and thoroughly loyal to the basal truths of an evangelical Christianity. It is difficult to measure the help to the editorial work which has come from the sym- pathetic interest of the contributors to the undertaking. The editors desire that their appreciation of the assistance which has thus been rendered them shall not be underesti- mated. In addition, they would acknowledge the courtesy of the authorities of the British Museum in permitting the use of illustrations taken from their magnificent collection of antiquities as well as the generous use which the Palestine Exploration Fund and the Egyptian Exploration Fund have permitted of the cuts which their records contain of the valuable finds made at Gezer and elsewhere. Thanks are due also to Professor John R. S. Sterrett, of Cornell University, for the map of the Pauline world; to Professor Samuel Dickey, of McCormick Seminary, for the excellent photographs of Oriental scenes and places gathered by him while in Palestine and the East; to Dr. Lewis Gaston Leary, of Pelham Manor, N. Y., for photographs taken by himself of the tombs of the Cave of Machpelah; to Professor Lewis Bayles Paton, of flartford Seminary for his map of Jerusalem, and to him in conjunction with Professor Elihu Grant, of Smith College, for the admirable photographs of objects included in the complete collection of articles of dress and utensils of domestic and agricultural life gathered by him and his devoted wife during their year in Jerusalem and Palestine. The editors would not forget the constant kindness of Professor Charles Snow Thayer, the librarian of the Case Memorial Library of Hartford Seminary, and of his as- sistants, Mr. Ananikian and Doctor Chapman, in the bibliographical details of the Dic- tionary; and also the painstaking care of Mr. Edward F. Donovan, of the publishers' editorial staff, in correcting the proofs for the press, particulai'ly in the care of the Hebrew text and its transliteration. To Miss Ethel L. Dickinson special thanks are due for her efficient service in preparing the manuscript for the printers. M. W. Jacobus. E. E. Nourse. A. C. Zenos. Hartford, January, 1909 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIOJN^S N. B. — In the following list subjects likely to be sought for under various headings are repeated under each heading. Cross-references in this list are to other items in the hst, not to articles in the Dictionary. V PAGE 'Agalah, Threshing with an 17 Agricultural Implements facing 16 Alexander the Great, Tetradrachmse (Silver Coins) of 556 Alexandria, Map of 23 Alphabets, Specimens of Early Hebrew and Aramaic 27 Altar of Burnt Offerings 29 Altars, Primitive (Dolmens), in Eastern Palestine 29 Amon, Temple of, at Thebes, Ground-Plan of the 850 Amulets Collected in Cyprus 191 Ancient Lamps (Simplest and Improved Forms) 474 Palestinian Lamps 475 Seals on Pottery (Jar Handles) 777-778 .Semitic World, Map of the facing 780 Anklet and Toe Rings, Foot with 192 Anointing of a Sacred Stone Pillar 37 Aramaic Alphabet Specimens of 27 Archers in Battle 895 Articles Used in Travel facing 760 Ashkelon, Capture by Rameses II of the Castle of 59 Ass, Pack-Saddle for: see Articles Used in Travel facing 760 Asshur, Military Standard with the Image of the God 84 Asshumasirpars Palace, Archers in Battle seen from 895 Assyrian, Head of an , 68 Slave-Labor Transporting Colossal Bull 818 Astarte, Clay Figure of 783 , Coin from Byblus Showing Symbol of I 783 with a Dove, Clay Figure of 783 Baal Hamman of Carthage 784 Babel, Tower of 872 Babylon,. Plan of the Ruins of 77 Babylonia, Procession of the Gods in 790 Babylonian Map of the "World, Early 287 Representation of the Cosmos, Primitive 155 Bagpipe: see Musical Instruments facing 564 Baker's Oven Showing the Dough Against the Oven Wall 264 Showing the Loaves on Hot Ashes 265 Showing the Loaves on Red-Hot Stones 264 Bar Kochba, Coin of Simon 557 Base with Laver 853 Basket for Carrying Earth: see Household Utensils, II facing 266 for Fruit or Vegetables; see Household Utensils, II facing 266 .with Handle: see Household Utensils, II facing 266 Large, with Handle: see Household Utensils, II facing 266 xii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE Basket, Small, for Flour: see Household Utensils, I facing 264 Bellows' see Household Utensils, II facing 266 Bells, Woman's Girdle with 191 Bethel, Stone Circle (Supposed) at 292 Bin, Grain: see Household Utensils, I facing 264 Bird-Hunting with Boomerangs in a Swamp 808 Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser, The 372-37S Boot, Modern 190 Booth in a Vineyard 108 Bowl, Dough: see Household Utensils, I facing 264 Breastplate of the High Priest, Diagram Showing Arrangement of Stones 830 Bridle: see Articles Used in Travel facing 760 Brook Cherith, An Eastern Jordan Wddy facing 620 Broom: see Household Utensils, II facing 266 Bull, Assyrian Slave-Labor Transporting a Colossal 818 Burnt Oif erings. Altar of 29 Byblus, Coin from, with a Temple and Symbol of Astarte 783 Caesarea, Plan of 114 Camel's Pack-Saddle: see Articles Used in Travel facing 760 Saddle Bag: see Articles Used in Travel facing 760 Capture of the Castle of Ashkelon by Rameses II 59 Cart, Ox, as seen in Palestine To-day 119 Carthage, Baal Hamman of 784 Castle of Ashkelon, Capture by Rameses II of the 59 Cedars of Lebanon, One of the Few Remaining Groves of the facing 118 Central Palestine, Map (III) of facing 622 Ceremony, Sacrificial 166 Chariot, Hittite Wai^ 53 Cherith, Brook facing 620 Chest for Clothes: see Household L^tensils, II facing 266 Clay Figure of Astarte 783 with a Dove 783 Coffee-Mill: see Household Utensils, II facing 266 Coin from Byblus, with the Temple and Symbol (Cone) of Astarte 783 of Eleazar 557 of Herod I, Copper 26 of John Hyrcanus 26 of Simon Bar Kochba 557 Coins of Darius Hystaspes, Gold 557 Colossal Bull, Transported by Assyrian Slave-Labor 81§ Conduit from the Virgin's Fountain to the Pool of Siloam, Course of Underground 397 Copper Coin of Herod 1 26 Denarius of Emperor Tiberias, Roman ^^g Kettle: see Household Utensils, II facing 266 Cosmos, Primitive Babylonian Representations of the ^ jg^ Course of Underground Conduit from the Virgin's Fountain to the Pool of Siloam 397 Court of the Tabernacle g3g Cover, Wicker, for Dough-Bowl: see Household Utensils, I facina 264 Crooks, Types of Shepherds' §02 Cross-Section of the Site of Jerusalem, Showing Elevations 3g7 Showing Comparative Heights of Different Parts of Jerusalem 395 Cyprus, Amulets Collected in j oj Model of a, Phcenician Temple at Idalion 0^2 Pillars from «og Damascus, Plan of Modern City of ^^j. Dance Around a Sacred Tree ' ^ « -, Darics (Gold Coins of Darius Hystaspes) ' " ^^^ LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE Darius Hystaspes, Gold Coins of 557 Denarius (Copper) of the Emperor Tiberius, Roman 55(> Dervish's Tambourine: see Musical Instruments facing 564 Dibon of Moab, Plan of 181 Dolmens (Primitive Altars) in Eastern Palestine 29 Dough-Bowl: see Household Utensils, I facing 264 Drum, Hand: see Musical Instruments facing 564 Kettle: see Musical Instruments facing 564 Dung-Catcher: see Agricultural Implements facing 15 Early Babylonian Map of the World 287 Eastern Jordan Wddy facing 620 Egypt, Map of facing 200 Semitic Traders Bringing Their Wares into 370 Eleazar, Coin of 557 Elevation, Cross-Section of the Site of Jerusalem Showing 397 Ephesus, Ruins of Theater in Foreground facing 216 Excavation of Gezer 290 Exodus, Probable Route of the 371 Ezekiers Ideal of the Holy Land and People 841 Vision, Ground-Plan of the Temple of 854 Feed-Bag: see Articles Used in Travel facing 760 Female Head with Nose-Ring 191 Fetter for Horse: see Articles Used in Travel facing 760 Fiddle: see Musical Instruments facing 564 Fight with Tiamat, Marduk's 153 Fishing Scene on the Sea of Galilee - 777 Floor, Threshing- 16 Flour-Sieve: see Household Utensils, I facing 264 Flute: see Musical Instruments facing 564 Foot with Anklet and Toe-Rings 192 Fork, Two-Pronged: see Agricultural Implements facing 16 Winnowing, Five-Pronged: see Agricultural Implements facing 16 Forks and Shovel Used in Winnowing 18 Fountain, Virgin's, Course of Underground Conduit from the, to the Pool of Siloam 397 Front Elevation of the House of the Forest of Lebanon 482 Front View of Solomon's Temple, after Stade 851 Galilee, Fishing Scene on the Sea of 777 Sea of 275 Genealogy of Hebrew Tribes 877 Gentiles, Tablet Forbidding Them from Entering the Court of Israel 856 Geography, Map of Hebrew facing 288 Gezer, Excavation of 290 Girdle with Bells, Woman's • • 191 Girth: see Articles Used in Travel facing 760 Goad: see Agricultural Implements facing 16 God, Sun-, Shamash, Representation of the 789 Goddess Emerging from, or Growing Out of, a Sacred Tree 782 Gold Coins of Darius Hystaspes 557 Golden Necklace 191 Goshen, Land of, Showing Probable Route of the Exodus 371 Grain-Bin: see Household Utensils, I facing 264 Grain, Reaping • /«^^^? 1^ Grain-Sieve: see Agricultural Implements facing 16 Grmding Meal with a Mill, Women 547 Ground-Plan of the House of the Forest of Lebanon 482 xiv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE Ground-Plan of Solomon's Temple 850 of the Temple of Amon at Thebes , ^^^ Oroves of the Cedars of Lebanon, One of the Few Remaining facing 118 Growth of the City, of Jerusalem, Map Showing the facing 402 Half-Shekel (Copper) of Simon Maccabaeus ^^ Hamman of Carthage, Baal 784 Hananiah, Seal of 26 Hand-Drum: see Musical Instruments facing 564 Hand-Mill for Grinding Flour: see Household Utensils, I facing 264 Head of an Assyrian 68 with Nose-Ring, Female 191 Hebrew, Early, and Aramaic Alphabets, Specimens of 27 Geography, Map of facing 288 Tribes, Genealogy of 877 Hebron, Interior of the Mosque at. The Monuments to the Patriarchs 504 Heights of Different Parts of Jerusalem, Cross-Section Showing Comparative 395 Herod I, Copper Coin of 26 High Priest, Diagram Showing Arrangement of Stones on Breastplate of 830 Hittite War Chariot 53 Holy Land, Ezekiel's Ideal of the Distribution of the People of the 841 Horn: see Musical Instruments facing 564 Horse, Breast Ornament for: see Articles Used in Travel facing 760 Fetter for: see Articles Used in Travel facing 760 Head Ornament for: see Articles Used in Travel facing 760 House in the Forest of Lebanon — Front Elevation 482 Ground-Plan of the 482 Household Utensils, I facing 264 11 facing 266 Hyrcanus, Coin of John 26 Hystaspes, Gold Coins of Darius 557 Image of the God Asshur, Military Standard with the 84 Implements, Agricultural facing 16 Inscription, Mesha (Lines 24 and 25) 25 The Siloam 25 Instruments, Musical facing 564 Interior of the Mosque at Hebron, The Monuments to the Patriarchs 504 Jacob's Well (Sectional View) 3gQ Mouth of 379 Jar Handles Found in Palestine, Seals on 777-778 Jerusalem, Cross-Section Showing Comparative Heights of Different Parts of 395 Cross-Section Showing Elevation of the Site of 397 Map Showing the Growth of the City facing 402 Outline Map Showing Topography of, and Vicinity facing 396 from Scopus facing 400 Jewish Ram's Horn: see Musical Instruments facing 564 John Hyrcanus, Coin of ' 26 Jordan, W^dy, Eastern f^^ing 620 Judah, Wilderness of gj^ Kefr Bir'im, Galilee, Front Elevation of the Synagogue at 034 Ruins of a Galilean Synagogue at 00 a Synagogue at, Ground-Plan of goq Kettle, Copper, see Household Utensils, II facing 266 Kettle-Drum: see Musical Instruments facina 564 Key and Lock: see Household Utensils, II facina 266 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xv PAGE ICey of a Palestinian Peasant House, with Lock 356 li^ochba, Coin of Simon Bar 557 Lachish, Siege of, by Sennacherib 94 Lamps, Ancient 474-475 Land of Goshen, Showing the Probable Route of the Exodus 371 Laver, Base with 853 Lebanon, House of the Forest of, Front Elevation '. 482 House of the Forest of, Grotmd-Plan 482 One of the Few Remaining Groves of the Cedars of facing 118 Lilybffium, Sicily, Stele from 784 Lock and Key; see Household Utensils, II facing 266 of a Palestinian Peasant's House 356 with Key 356 Locust 488 (With Extended Wings) 488 Lodge in a Vineyard J 108 Lute: see Musical Instruments facing 564 Lyre: see Musical Instruments facing 564 Maccabseus, Simon, Half-Shekel (Copper) of 26 Silver Shekel of 26 Mallet: see Household Utensils, II facing 266 Mandolin: see Musical Instruments facing 564 Mandrake 628 Map of Alexandria 23 of Ancient Semitic World facing 780 of Central Palestine (III) facing 622 of Egypt facing 200 of Hebrew Geography facing 288 of Jerusalem, Showing the Growth of the City facing 402 of Nineveh and its Environs 585 of Northern Portion of Palestine (IV) , facing 638 of Palestine (I) between 610-611 of Pauline World facing 648 of Southern Portion of Palestine (II) facing 614 of the World, Early Babylonian 287 Showing Topography of Jerusalem and Vicinity, Outline facing 396 Marduk's Fight with Tidmat 153 Meal, Women Grinding, with a Mill 547 Mesha Inscription (Lines 24 and 25) 25 Metal, Mirror of Polished 293 Plate for Baking Bread: see Household Utensils, I facing 264 Military Standard with the Image of the God Asshur 84 Mill, Coffee-: see Household Utensils, II facing 266 Hand-, for Grinding Flour: see Household Utensils, I facing 264 Women Grinding Meal with a 547 Mirror of Pohshed Metal 293 Model of Phoenician Temple at Idalion, Cyprus 852 Modern Boot 190 Pool of Siloam, Showing the Mouth of the Underground Conduit from the Virgin's Fountain 398 Shoe 190 Monuments to the Patriarchs, Interior of the Mosque at Hebron 504 Morag or Sledge for Threshing 17 Mortar for Grinding Coffee: see Household Utensils, II facing 266 Mosque at Hebron, Interior, The Monuments to the Patriarchs 504 Mouth of Jacob's Well 379 Musical Instruments facing 564 xvi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Necklace, Golden Nethaniah, Seal of ' Nile God ' Nineveh and its Environs, Map of ^ Northern Palestine, Map (IV) of f<^<^'^ ^ Nose-King, Female Head with ^ Obelisk of Shalmaneser, The Black .". 372-3 Offerings, Altar of Burnt Oil-Press t Outline Map, Showing Topography of Jerusalem and Vicinity facing 2 Oven (Tabun) Used in Baking. Under View 2 Baker's, Showing the Dough Against the Oven Wall 2 Showing the Loaves on Hot Ashes 2 ■ Showing the Loaves on Red-Hot Stones 2 ■ — - Large: see Household Utensils, I • • facing 2 Small : see Household Utensils, I facing 2 Ox:-Cart, as Seen in Palestine To-day 1 Pack-Saddle for Asses and Camels: see Articles Used in Travel, facing 7 Palestine, Map (I) of between 610-6 Map (III) of Central Portion facing 6 Map (IV) of Northern Portion facing 6 Map (II) of Southern Portion facing 6 Seals on Jar Handles Found in 777-7 Palestinian Lamps, Ancient 4 Pannier for Water-Bottles: see Articles Used in Travel facing 7 Papyrus Plant 6 Skiff Made of 8 Patriarchs, The Monuments to the, Interior of the Mosque at Hebron 5 Pauline World, Map of facing 6 Peasant Plowing, Syrian People of the Holy Land, Ezekiel's Ideal of the Distribution of the 8 Person Worshiping Before the Sacred Tree 7 Pharaoh with the Crown of Upper and Lower Egypt 6 PhcBnician Temple at Idalion, Cyprus 8 Pillar, Anointing of a Sacred Stone Pillars from Cyprus 7 Pithom, Store City of, and Its Vicinity 6 Plan of Caesarea 1 of Dibon of Moab 1 of Modern City of Damascus 1 of Royal Buildings , 8 of the Ruins of Babylon of the Ruins of Samaria 7 Plate, Metal, for Baking Bread: see Household Utensils, I facing 2 Plow and Ox-goad, Syrian 6 see Agricultural Implements facing Plowing, Syrian Peasant Polished Metal, Mirror of 2 Pool of Siloam, Course of Underground Conduit from the Virgin's Fountain to the 3 Pot for Hot Water: see Household Utensils, II facina 2 for Making Coffee: see Household Utensils, II facina 2 Potter at Work F«*^«^ -W 'facing Ancient Seals on Jar Handles 777-'/ Pounder, Washing: see Household Utensils, II facina 2 Pre-Exilic Seals on Jar Handles Found in Palestine 777-7 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xvii PAGE Press, Oil- 95 Primitive Babylonian Representations of the Cosmos (The Signs of the Zodiac) 155 Procession of the Gods in Babylonia 790 Ram's Horn, Jewish: see Musical Instruments facing 564 Reaping Grain facing 18 Representation of a Procession of the Gods in Babylonia 790 of a Sacred Tree 782 of the Sun-God Shamash 789 Ring, Signet- 191 Road, Sectional View of Roman 898 Roman Denarius (Copper) of Emperor Tiberius 556 Route of the Exodus, Probable 371 Royal Buildings, Plan of 849 Ruins of Babylon, Plan of the 77 of Ephesus — Theater in the Foreground facing 216 Sacred Stone Pillar, Anointing of ^ 37 Tree, Goddess Emerging from 782 Person Worshiping Before 782 Representation of 782 Sacrificial Ceremony 166 Saddle: see Ahticles Used in Travel facing 760 Saddle-Bag: see Articles Used in Travel facing 760 Samaria, Plan of the Ruins of 766 Street of Columns 766 Samaritan Script 28 Sandals, Various Forms of 190 Scopus, Jerusalem from facing 400 Script, Samaritan 28 Sea of Galilee 275 Seal of Hananiah, Son of Azariah . , 26 of Nethaniah, Son of Obadiah 778 of Shemaiah, Son of Azariah 26 Seals on Jar Handles Found in Palestine, Pre-Exilic , 777-778 Section of the Underground Conduit at the Virgin's Fountain 399 Seed-Sowing, Tube for: see Agricultural Implements facing 16 Semitic Traders Bringing Their Wares into Egypt 370 World, Map of Ancient facing 780 Sennacherib, Siege of Lachish by 94 Shalmaneser, The Black Obelisk of 372-373 Shamash, Sim-God, Entering Through the Eastern Gate of Heaven 789 Representation of the Sun-God 789 Shechem and Its Environs 802 Shekel of Simon Maccabseus, Silver 26 Half (Copper) of Simon Maccabaeus 26 Shemaiah, Seal of 26 Shepherds' Crooks, Types of 802 Shoe, Modem 190 Shovel Used in Winnowing, Forks and 18 Winnowing: see Agricultural Implements facing 16 Sickle: see Agricultural Implements facing 16 Siege of Lachish by Sennacherib 94 Sieve, Flour: see Household Utensils, I facing 264 Grain: see Agricultural Implements facing 16 Signet-Ring 191 Siloam Inscription 25 Pool of, Course of Underground Conduit from the Virgin's Fountain to the 397 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Silver Shekel of Simon Maccabaeus Simon Bar Kochba, Coin of ' ' ' Maccabaeus, Half-Shekel (Copper) of Silver Shekel of Site of Jerusalem, Cross-Section Showing Elevation of the Skiff Made of Papyrus ^* Skin Utensils /^^^'^^ ^^ Sledge, Threshing with a _ • ■ ^ Threshing: see Agricultural Implements facing ] Used for Threshing (Under Side) ^ Solomon, Plan of the Royal Buildings of Solomon's Temple (After Stade), Front View of Front Elevation, Showing Probable Construction of the Side Chambers Ground-Plan of Southern Palestine, Map (II) of 61 Specimens of Early Hebrew and Aramaic Alphabets ^ Stand and Tray: see Articles Used in Travel facing 76 Standard with the Image of the God Asshur, Military ? Stele from Lilybseum, Sicily ' 75 Stone Circle (Supposed) at Bethel 2? Pillar, Anointing of a Sacred c Stool: see Household Utensils, II facing 2(. Store City of Pithom and Its Vicinity 61 Street of Columns, Samaria 7i Sun-God Shamash Entering Through the Eastern Gate of Heaven 75 Shamash, Representation of the 7? Synagogue at Kefr Bir'im, Galilee, Front Elevation, Partially Destroyed 8S in Galilee (Ground-Plan) 8^ Ruins of a Galilean, at Kefr Bir' im 8^ Syrian Peasant Plowing 1 Plow and Ox-goad 6^ Tabernacle, Court of the 8^ Tablet, Warning Gentiles Not to Enter the Court of Israel SI Tabun, or Small Oven, Used in Baking (Under View) ^ 2i Tamarisk-Tree 6S Tambourine, Dervish's: see Musical Instruments facing 5i Temple and Symbol of Astarte, Coin from Byblus Showing 7i at Idalion, Cyprus, Model of a Phcenician of Amon at Thebes, Ground-Plan of of Ezekiel's Vision, Ground-Plan of of Solomon (After Stade), Front View of Ground-Plan of the Showing Probable Construction of the Side Chambers, Front Elevation of Terebinth-Tree 6! Tetradrachmse (Silver Coins) of Alexander the Great 5j Thebes, Ground-Plan of the Temple of Amon at Threshing with a Sledge, or Morag ] Threshing-Floor ] Threshing-Sledge: see Agricultural Implements facing ] (Under Side) "...!.. ] Threshing with a Wagon, or 'Agalah ] Tiamat, Marduk's Fight with j^i Tiberius, Denarius (Copper) of Emperor ^i Toe-Rings, Foot with Anklet and j( Tower of Babel g- Traders, Semitic, Bringing Their Wares into Egypt o' Transportation of a Colossal Bull by Assyrian Slave-Labor q. Travel, Articles Used in .'.'.'.facing 7( LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xix PAGE Tray and Stand: see Articles Used in Travel facing 760 Tree, Dance Around a Sacred 166 Tube for Sowing Seed: see Agricultural Implements facing 16 Types of Shepherds' Crooks 802 Underground Conduit from the Virgin's Fountain to the Pool of Siloam, Course of 397 Utensils, Household, I facing 264 II facing 266 Skin facing 108 Vineyard, Booth or Lodge in 108 Virgin's Fountain, Course of Underground Conduit from the, to the Pool of Siloam 397 Wagon, Threshing with a 17 War Chariot, Hittite 53 Warning Tablet Forbidding Gentiles to Enter the Court of Israel 856 Washing-Pounder: see Household Utensils, II facing 266 Water-Bottle: see Articles Used in Travel facing 760 Well, Jacob's (Sectional View) , 380 Mouth of Jacob's 379 Wicker Cover for Dough-Bowl: see Household Utensils, I facing 264 Wilderness of Judah 615 Winnowing-Fork, Five-Pronged: see Agricultural Implements facing 16 Wiimowing, Forks and Shovel Used in 18 Winnowing-Shovel; see Agricultural Implements facing 19 Woman's Girdle with Bells 191 Women Grinding Meal with a Mill 547 World, Early Babylonian Map of the 287 of Ancient Semitic faciTig 780 Yoke for Threshing Animals: see Agricultural Implements facing 16 Zither: see Musical Instruments facing 564 LIST OF ABBREYIATIOJ^S [Self-evident abbreviations, particularly those used in the bibliographies , are not included here.] J<, *, »• b, c, B, DEHLP, etc.— Symbols by which the various N T Gr. MSS. of the uncial type are designated. The * signifies the first hand or writer of the MS. ; the superior letters (»■ ''■ ", etc.) indicate later revisers or correctors. See New Testament Text. i AJSL . AJT . Am.PEFSt. . Ani. AOF . ARV . ARVmg. Asc. Mob. AV AVmg., RVmg. Bell. Jud. or BJ Bib. Sacr. . Bib. Theol Lex. BJ BRP BZ CH Ch. Quar. Rev. Ckron. Pasch. CIG or CIGr. CIL CIS or CISem. Cod. Ham. . Cod. V. T. . Cont. Ap. COT D . DB DCB DCG E . EB American Journal of Semitic Literature. American Journal of Theology. American Palestine Exploration Fund, Statement. Josephus, Antiquities. Hugo Winckler, AUoricTitalische For- echungen, American Standard Revised Version. American Revised Version, margin. Ascension of Moses. Authorized Version (i.e.. King James's Version of 1611). Authorized Version, margin. Revised Version, margin. Josephus, Jewish War (with Rome). Bibliotheca Sacra. Cremer, Biblico-theological Lexicon of the New Testament. Josephus, Jewish War (with Rome). 'RohinBon, Biblical Researches vn Palestine. Byzantinische Zeitung. Code of Hammurabi. Church Quarterly Review. Chronicon Paachale. Corpus Inscriptionum GrcBcarum. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. Corpus Inscriptionum, Semiticarum. Code of Hammurabi. Codex or Codices Veteris Testamenii. Josephus, Against Apion. Schrader, Cuneiform Inscriptions and the O T, Eng. transl. by Whitehouse. Deuteronomy (in its original form). Smith's or Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible. Wace, Dictionary of Christian Biography. Hastings, Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels. The Elohist Document; see Hexateuch. Encyclopcedia Biblica. EBrit. . Encyclopcedia Brttannica, 9th ed. Einl. Einleitung. Ep., Epp. Epistle, Epistles. ERV . English (or British) Revised Version o 1881. ERVmg. . English (or British) Revised Version o 1881, margin. ET Expository Times. Eth. En. Ethiopic Enoch. EV or EW . English Versions of the Bible (AV, ERV and ARV). Expos. . . Expositor. GAP . F. Buhl, Geographic dea alten Pal&stina GJVi . . E. Schiirer, Geschichte des Jiidischm Volkes, 3d ed. Gr. . . Greek. GVI . B. Stade, Geschichte des Volkes Israel. HC . Holiness Code; see art. Hexateuch § 23. HDB . Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible. HE Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica. Heb. . Hebrew. Hebr. Arch. Hebr&ische Arch&ologie. HGHL . G. A. Smith, Historical Geography of th Holy Land. HGP . Same as HGHL. Hist. Nat. or HN . . VXmy, Historia Naturalis (Natural Hit HJP tory). Schiirer, History of the Jewish People i: the Time of Jesus Christ, Eng. transl of GJV, 2d ed. Hor. Heb. . . J. Lightfoot, Horcs Hebraicce. H. P. & M. or HPM McCurdy, History, Prophecy and th Monuments. IGSidl Inscriptiones GrcBcos Sidlianm. Int. Crit. Com. . International Critical Commentary. J . The Jahvistic Document; see Hex^ TEUCH. J" . . . Jehovah. JBL or JBLE . Journal of Biblical Literature and Exi gesia. JE Jewish Encyclopedia. JEDP . See art. Hexateuch, § 29. JHS . . . Journal of Hellenistic Studies, LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS iii Jos. Josephus. Q«ri or Q«rg . . The Hebrew text of the T as it should Ant, . Antiquities. be read according to the Massoretio BJ . Jewish War. scholars. Cont Ap. . Against Apion. ViU Life. RE Realencyklopadie. (Same as PRE».) JQR . - ■ Jewish Quarterly Review. RV . Revised Version. (Generally, the Ameri- can Revised Version is intended by KAT^ . Schrader, Die Keilinschriften und das this abbreviation.) Alte Testament, 3d ed. RVmg. . Revised Version, margin. Knhibh * The ordinary Hebrew text of the OT as written. SBOT Sib. Or. . Sacred Books oftheOT (The Polychrome Bible). . Sibylline Oracles. LOT . . Driver, Introduction to the Literature of Slav. En . Slavonic Enoch. the OT, 6th or later edd. SWP . Survey of Western Palestine, LTM OT LTJM Edersheim, Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah. Syr. . Syriac Version. LXX. . The Septuagint Version of the O T. Targ. TLZ . Targum. Theologische lAtercUurzeUung. NKZ . Neue Kirchliche Zeitung. TR . Textus Receptus (of the N T). NT . . New Testament. TU . Texteund Untersuchungen. NTGr. . • Novum Testamentum Grsecum. ver. . verse. Onom. or Onom. Vit. , Josephus, Life. Soar, . Eusebius, Onomasticon (also Jerome's va. . verses. ed. of the same). vs. . versus. OT Old Testament. Vulg. . Vulgate (Jerome's ed. of the Latin Oxf. Heb. L^. Oxford Hebrew Lexicon, by Briggs, Brown Bible, 390-405 a.d.). & Driver. WH. . Westcott and Hort's ed. of the N T in Greek. P . Priest's Code; see art. Hkxateuch, S§ 21 £E. WZKM . Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes. Pal. . Robinson, Biblical Researches in Pales- tine. ZATW . Zeitschrift fiir die alttestamentliche Wis- PC. . Same as P. senschaft. PEF . , Palestine Exploration Fund. ZDMG . Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenland- PEFQ, PEFQS, iachen Gesellachaft. or PEFSt. Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly ZDPV . . Zeitschrift des Deutschen PalHatina- Statement. Vereins. PRE^ . • Realencyklopadie fUr protestantische The- ologie und Kirche, 3d ed. ZNTW . Zeitschrift fur neutestamentliche Wissen- achaft. pToleg. . Prolegomena. ZWT . Zeitschrift fiir wissenschaftliche Theologie. HELPFUL HIIS^TS FOR THE GUIDAI^OE 01 THE READER Boz^heads: The larger articles will be found to be divided into sections by box-heads numbered consecutively, no matti how large the article may be or how it may be divided otherwise. This is done to facilitate easy cross-reference. Wherevi any reference is made to these longer articles, the number of the box-head section is given, so that it may be turned to an found instantly, e.g. : When the box-head section to which reference is made is a long one and the term referred to it is treated only there, this term is printed in heavy-faced type. In this way it is believed the value of the Dictionary aa a ready-reference book will be greatly enhanced. Quotation-Marks: In the use of single and double quotation-marks, the plan has been to use double marks for a literal quotations from the English Bible (including single terms, in so far as they are used as terms employed in the Englis Bible) or from other literature. Single quotation-marks are used for terms or expressions that are definitive in characte or have a somewhat technical significance, and for literal translations of the Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek when such tram lation does not agree verbally with the rendering of the English Bible, and for other literal translations, including the meat ings given to the Hebrew, Aramaic, or Greek originals. Proper Names: In the case of proper names, the meanings have been given wherever they are known or can b ascertained with a fair degree of probability. In a great many cases this is not possible, and consequently no meaning have been assigned. Transliteration: In the transliteration of the Hebrew the aim has been to enable the English reader to understand, a easily as possible, how the Hebrew words should be pronounced, and also to avoid the unnecessary printing of large numbei of Hebrew words. The system used is slightly different from that in general use, a few modifications having been mad for the sake of greater simplicity. In regard to the vowels, no distinction has been made between the natural-long and tone-long, both alike being marke as long by a — over the vowel letter. The hatephs are indicated by an inverted caret, thus, a, e, o. Vowels with no mar are short. The indistinct sh^as are indicated by small superior letters, nearly always « or ". The following table indicates how the vowels are to be pronounced: — a long, as in father, ___ a short, as in fat, a very short or^'^e ' prey, __ e " " " met, e " "^ or i " " " ravine, — i " " " pin, i or ~^ 6 tone, or — u " " " not, o " " "•■ t: ") or u ' lute, __ u " " " put, *, ", », merely a breathing — not a full vowel sound. In pronouncing a transliterated Hebrew word the following general rules will be of service : There are as many syllables as there are vowels, and every syllable must begin with a consonant (J<= ' and iJ= * a] consonants). As a rule, a consonant with the vowel following forms a syllable. When two consonants, or a double one, occur between two vowels, the first consonant unites with the preceding vowi to form or complete a syllable, while the second consonant takes the vowel following it, A final consonant belones wit the syllable of the vowel preceding it. Hebrew words are, as a rule, accented on the last syllable, but if both vowels of the last two syllables are short ti accent will generally be placed on the syllable next before the last. The transliteration of the Hebrew consonants is exhibited in the following table. The letters 2, ^, ^, 3 C T) h each two sounds, a hard and a soft. When pointed with a daghesh, e.g., 2, these letters have^ hard sound; when withoi a daghesh, a soft sound. With the exception of X these two sounds are easily represented in English by b and bh ( = i HELPFUL HINTS FOR THE GUIDANCE OF THE READER xxiii d and dh, k and kh, p and ph, t and th. But as gh does not well represent the sound of undagheshed X it seemed best not to attempt to make any distinction in regard to this letter, but to allow the one letter g answer for both the hard and soft ;i. Hebrew and Arabic words are transliterated according to the following tables: HEBREW X= ' ?D, D = m 3=b. 3 = bh (i.e., v) 1 1 =n ^ = d ^ = g, gh "1 = dh (i.e.. th D = B (emphat- ic b) as in the) n=h 2?-*(a gut- tural, gasp- T=w ing sound) T =z S = p c. n = ph n = h {i.e., a guttural h) iS. y = ta P=q ■l=r ■^=s ^ = sh = t, D = th 2=-k, D to =t (palatal) •n = kh (like a ' Scotch ch) ^ = 1 n = ARABIC > \ d c> d 0=1 k <^ b <-> dh j t L 1 J t O r >> ? t xn C th O ^ ; * ^ ^ (i^ ' 5 a i^ju gh ^ h i6 ^ t sh (^ f Cj a, w ^ kh >- s CX> k (Jf i. y ^ ABBREVIATIONS OF NAMES OF THE BOOKS OF THE BIBLE AND OF THE OT APOCRYPHA Gn Genesis Ex Exodus Lv Leviticus Nu Numbers Dt Deuteronomy Jos Joshua Jg Judges Ru Ruth IS I Samuel IIS II Samuel IK IKmgs II K II Kings I Gh I Chronicles Mt Matthew Mk Mark Lk Luke Jn John Ac The Acts Ro To the Romans I Co I Corinthians II Co II Corinthians Gal Galatians I Es I Esdras II Es II Esdras Sir Sirach, or Ecclesiasticus Bar Baruch To Tobit 1. BOOKS OF THE O T II Ch II Chronicles Ezr Ezra Neh Nehemiah Est Esther Job Job Ps Psalms Pr Proverbs Ec Ecclesiastes Song Song of Solomon Is Isaiah Jer Jeremiah La Lamentations Ezk Ezekiel 2. BOOKS OF THE N T Eph Ephesians Ph Philippians Col Colossians I Th I Thessalonians II Th II Thessalonians ITi. . ., I Timothy II Ti II Timothy Tit Titus Phm Philemon 3. THE OT APOCRYPHA Jth Judith Three Song of the Three Children Sus Susanna Bel Bel and the Dragon Dn Daniel Hos Hosea Jl Joel Am Amos Ob Obadiah Jon Jonah Mic Micah Nah Nahum Hab Habakkuk Zeph Zephaniah Hag Haggai Zee Zechariah Mai Malachi He To the Hebrews Ja Epistle to James IP I Peter IIP II Peter I Jn I John II Jn II John III Jn Ill John Jude Jude Rev Revelation Ad. Est Additions to Esther Wis "Wisdom Pr. Man Prayer of Manasses I Mac I Maccabees II Mac 'II Maccabees KEY TO PROIN^UI^CIATIOI^ Throughout this book the Scientific Alphabet, prepared and promulgated by The American Philo- logical Association, and adopted by the Standard Dictionary of the English Language, has been used to indicate pronunciations. Where two or more pronunciations are given, the first is the one preferred by this work. Respellings of simple words have been omitted as unnecessary. Two pronunciations are intended by the diacritics - and w below a vowel: (1) a formal pronunciation; (2) an approved colloquial weakening. The mark -- indicates that the colloquial weakening is toward u in hut. The ^ mark indicates that the colloquial weakening is toward i in pity. a as in sofa. as in obey. iu as in duration a as in arm. 6 as in no. j^ as in future. 9 as in ask. e as in not. c=k as in cat. © as m nor. a as in at. e as in actor. ch as in chip. a as in fare. cw =:qu as in gueen. ^ as in alloy. u as in fwU. dh (th) as in the. u as in rwle. f g (hard) as in /ancy. as in gfo. e as in pen. U as in injwre. § as in epistle. •1 hw {wh) as in why. e as in moment. TT as in but. J as in jaw. sr as in ever. U as in bwrn. ng as in sin^. $ as in they. s as in sin. § as in usage. ai as in pine. sh as in she. au as in owt. th as in thin. i as in tin. ei as in oil. z as in sone. 1 as in machine. iu as in f eii). zh as in a^iure. The pronunciation given immediately after the titles, when these are Hebrew proper names, is that preferred by the Standard Dictionary. A comparison of this pronunciation with the transliteration of these names will show the difference between the modern English pronunciation of such names and the Hebrew pronunciation. A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY AARON, ar'un (pri^, ^ahdron): Son of Amram and Jochebedj descendant of Levi through Kohath, _and three years older than hi s brother Moses (Ex What was done to and for Aaron was what should be done with any high priest. The ceremonial en- . .,_, duement_grescribed in Ex chs. 28, 2 9 ADDEIsTDA ET COEEIGES"DA Page 98, eol. 2, second paragraph, line 2, read "Lat." for *'LXX." Page 119, col. 2, article Cedab, line 1, read "TTX. 'erez." Page 522, col. 2, line 2, read "one" instead of "two." Page 522, col. 2, line 28 from end, read "b'rdkhah." Page 611, col. 1, last line, read "hayyarden." Page 612, col. 1, line 22, read " en-Ndkwra." and "'ei- Ahyad." Page 612, col. 1, line 23, read '"'el-UmshaJ^lpah:' Page 612, col. 2, line 18, read " ' el-' Akaba." Page 613, col. 1, third paragraph, line 10, read "Mu- teaeUim." Page 614, col. 2, second paragraph, line 11, read "Sardr." Page 616, col. 2, last paragraph, line 11, read "Enln" for "Dsdienln." Page 617, col. 1, first paragraph, lines 11 and 12, read "Rds." Page 617, col. 1, last line, read "Mukatta*." Page 618, col. Page 618, col "Kethepk." Page 619, col. Page 621, col. Page 621, col. Page 622, col. Page 622, col. Page 622, col. "Rajib." Page 622, col. Page 623, col. Page 626, col. Page 626, col. end *'Ac." Page 629, col. Page 630, col. •' 'aqqd." 2, first paragraph, line 13, read "Rubin.'' . 2, first paragraph, line 9 from end, read 2, line 8 from end, read "Mejdmi'." 2, second paragraph, line 15, read "Hlah." 2, line 2 from end, read "Zedi," 1, line 15, read "gabhnunnlm." 1, line 19 from end, read " Hamdd." . 2, first paragraph, line 3 from end, read 2, line 6 from end, read "Oaka'." 1, line 18, read " HaTrvniam. ez-Zerkd." 2, line 5, read "n'kotk." 2, second paragraph, line 4, omit the sec- 1, line 2, for "few" read "none." 1, line 11 from end, read "and' after aacxionai passages connecnng tne ijaw oi noiiness with its present context. In Ezk 40-48 Zadok, not A., is the eponym of the priestly line (44 15, etc.). (d) View of P. In P Aaron is regularly subor- dinated to Moses. The first three simpler plagues Aaron brings on at Moses' command; thereafter Moses himself is the actor. In the narratives (Nu 16, 17) it is Moses in each case who vindicates him. A. dies at Mt. Hor in the 40th year of the Exodus (Nu. 20 22 ff., 33 38), because of rebellion at Meribah (cf. Dt as above). In Ex 25-30 and 35-40, and in Lv and Nu Aaron's name occurs frequently, but evidently as a con- venient priestly symbol demonstrating the priestly function to the people (cf, the usage in Ezk). Lebanon. Breaking out into The plain a few miles W. of Damascus, its waters irrigate the plain and supply the city. It loses itself in the swampy Mead- ow Lakes 20 m. E. of Damascus on the edge of the desert. Its right name was probably Amana (RV mg.). The modern name is Barada. See also Da- mascus. E. E. N. ABARIM, ab'a-rim (O^n^P., 'ahharim), ' those- on-the-other-side' : The name of the mountain range in NW. part of Moab. (The term, however, ac- cording to G. A. Smith {HGHL, p. 548; EB, 1 4) is ap- plicable to the whole E. Jordan range.) Mt. Nebo is the best-known summit, and Abarim is used by metonymy for Nebo (Nu 27 12; Dt 32 49). In Jer A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY AARON, ar'irn (]*in8, ^ahdron): Son of Amram and Jochebed, descendant of Levi through Kohath, and three years older than his brother Moses (Ex 6l6ff.; Nu33 39). The Biblical representation of his character, nega- tive and shadowy as compared with Moses', may be considered under two aspects, the his- I . The torical and the official. A clue to the Historical seemingly contradictory delineations of Aspect. A. is found in the documentary analy- sis (see Hexateuch). (a) The ac- count of E, This writer, consistently with the point of view of a historian in N. Israel, where the tribe of Levi had no vested rights (cf. I K 12 31), does not represent A. as a sacrosanct priest. He comes to meet Moses (Ex 4 14), supports him in war (Ex 17 12) and jurisprudence (Ex 24 14). He yields to the people and makes the Calf (Ex 32), and with Miriam mutinies against Moses (Nu 12). He is present at the sacrificial covenant meal between Is- rael and the Kenites (Ex 18 12). The account of his death in Dt 10 6 (from E) is different from that in Nu 20 22 ff. (P). According to Dt it occurred at Mose- rah, seven stations from Mt. Hor (ef. Nu 33 30 ff.), in the early months of the wandering because of the sin of the Golden Calf. In E Joshua, instead of A., serves in the Tent (Ex 33 11). (b) The account of J. J records only the cove- nant meal on Sinai (Ex 24 l, 2, 9-ii) and the vague charge that Aaron "let the people.loose" (Ex 32 25). Aaron seems to be an afterthought in J's plague nar- rative (cf. Ex 8 25). In both J and P Moses is the vicegerent of deity and Aaron is Moses' prophet (Ex4l6, J; 7 1, P). (c) The view of the Law of Holiness and of Ezekiel. In Lv chs. 17-26 A. appears only in re- dactional passages connecting the Law of Holiness with its present context. In Ezk 40-48 Zadok, not A., is the eponym of the priestly line (44 15, etc.). (d) View of P. In P Aaron is regularly subor- dinated to Moses. The first three simpler plagues Aaron brings on at Moses' command; thereafter Moses himself is the actor. In the narratives (Nu 16, 17) it is Moses in each case who vindicates him. A. dies at Mt. Hor in the 40th year of the Exodus (Nu. 20 22 ff., 33 38), because of rebellion at Meribah (cf. Dt as above). In Ex 25-30 and 35-40, and in Lv and Nu Aaron's name occm-s frequently, but evidently as a con- venient priestly symbol demonstrating the priestly function to the people (cf. the usage in Ezk). What was done to and for Aaron was what should be done with any high priest. The ceremonial en- duement prescribed in Ex chs. 28, 29 2. The and Lv eh. 8 is a manual for the sanc- Official tuary ritual. The historicity of Aaron Aspect, himself and of the Aaronic descent of the priestly line need not be doubted, but we must recognize that the prominence of his name in Ex and Nu reveals and emphasizes the necessity felt for prescriptive rights for the priest- hood. A. S. C. AARONITES. Only in I Ch 12 27, 27 17; cf. Priesthood, §§ 7 and 8a. AB, ab: The fifth month of the Jewish year. See Time, § 3. ABADDON, a-bad'en (I'^Sfe?, 'dhhaddon), only in Rev 9 11 as the Hebrew original of Apollyon, ' Des- troyer ': A name of Hades personified. In the O T (Heb. text) the term Abaddon appears in its stricter etymological sense of ' destruction ' (Job 26 6, 28 22, 31 12; Pr 15 11; Ps88 11; also Wis 18 22, 25). In some of these passages destruction is spoken of as per- forming fimctions belonging to a person. This is the beginning of the personification which culminates in the apocalyptic figure of an angel, exercising kingly authority over the abyss (Hades). See also Escha- TOLOGY, § 18. A. C. Z. ABAGTHA, a-bag'tha (XO-P^!, 'dhhagtha'): A chamberlain who served in the presence of Ahasue- rus. See Chamberlains, The Seven. E. E. N. ABANAH, ab'a-na (H^P^?, 'dhhanah, Abana AV; see II K 5 12) : A cold swift stream rising in Mt. Anti- Lebanon. Breaking out into the plain a few miles W. of Damascus, its waters irrigate the plain and supply the city. It loses itself in the swampy Mead- ow Lakes 20 m. E. of Damascus on the edge of the desert. Its right name was probably Amana (RV mg.). The modern name is Barada. See also Da- mascus. E. E. N. ABARIM, ab'a-rim (D"'")^!;, 'abharim), ' those- on-the-other-side': The name of the mountain range in NW, part of Moab. (The term, however, ac- cording to G. A. Smith (HGHL. p. 548; EB.14) is ap- plicable to the whole E. Jordan range.) Mt. Nebo is the best-known summit, and Abarim is used by metonymy for Nebo (Nu 27 12; Dt 32 49). In Jer Abba Abimelech A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 22 20 (" passages " AV) Abarim is a more exact synonym of Bashan. The Heb. text of Ezk 39 11 also contains the word Abarim, but it is more literally translated ''they that pass by." A. C. Z. ABBA, ab'a ('A^jSa = N?8): Aramaic for 'Fa- ther/ transliterated into Greek and thence into English. It occurs three times in the N T (Mk 14 36; Ro 8 15; Gal 4 6). From the fact that it is invari- ably followed by the explanatory addition "father" it has been argued that it had come to be regarded as one of the proper names of God. For this there is no direct evidence. More probably it was used as a familiar liturgical expression, which Jesus and Paul adopted with particular emphasis on its essen- tial content, developing into rich suggestiveness. A. C,Z. ABDA, ab'da (N??^, 'abhda'), 'servant of J"': 1. The father of Adoniram, Solomon's tribute-master (I K 4 6). 2. The son of Shammua (Neh 11 17, called Obadiah in I Ch 9 16). E. E. N. ABBEEL, ab'de-el (^K"?^, 'a&/id«'eZ), 'servant of God': The father of Shelemiah (Jer36 26). E. E. N. ABDI, ab'dai 0"?^', 'ahhdi), 'servant (of J")': 1. The father of Kishi or Kish (I Ch 6 44; II Ch 29 12, or Kushaiah in I Ch 1517). 2. One of the " sons of Elam " (Ezr 10 26). E. E. N. ABDIEL, ab'di-el (^^^"^52?, 'abhdi'el), 'servant of God': A Gadite (I Ch 5 15). E. E. N. ABDON, ab'den (f^'^^V, 'abhdon), 'servant' : I. 1. One of the minor judges of Israel, son of Hillel (Jg 12 13, 15). See also Bedan. 2. A son of Sha- shak (I Ch 8 23) . 3. A son of Jeiel, father of Gibeon (I Ch 8 30, 9 36). 4. A son of Micah (II Ch 34 20, called Achbor in II K 22 12). II. A Levitical city in Asher (Jos 21 30) called Ebron (Hebron AV) in 19 28. Map IV, E 6. A. C. Z. ABEDNEGO, a-bed'ne-go (':i;i ^T^., 'dhhedh wgo), from Abed-Neho, 'servant of Nebo': The Babylonian name of Azariah, one of Daniel's three companions (Dan 1 7, 2 49, etc.). E. E. N. ABEL, e'bel (^.?.j, hehhel, etymology doubtful, formerly translated 'breath,' but with more proba- bility derived from the Assyrian ablu, ' son') : Adam's second son, murdered by Cain (Gn 4 2 ff.). In the N T (Mt 23 35; Lk 11 51; He 11 4; I Jn 3 12) A. is pic- tured as a martyr for a high, religious conception. In He 12 24 the blood of Jesus, which declared for- giveness, is contrasted with Abel's, which called for vengeance. A. S. C. ABEL, 6'bel (b2K, 'abhel), ^meadow' (11820 14-18): 1. See A.-Beth-Maacah. 2. According to the Heb. text of I S 6 18, followed by AV, the name of a locality near Beth-shemesh. The LXX. reads instead "stone," which is followed by RV. E. E. N. ABEL - BETH - MAACAH, ^"bel-beth-me'a-ca (HDr^n n"'^ V?^, 'abhel beth hamma'dkhah): A northern frontier fortress, the stronghold of Sheba'a insurrection (II S 20 14 £f.); connected in the LXX. with Dan (IK 15 20; 11 K 15 29). The site is probably Abil el-Kamh, about 3 hours' ride W. of Tell el-Kadi (Dan). It was besieged by Ben-hadad (I K 15 20) and Tiglath-pileser III (II K 15 29). Map IV, E 4. A. S. C. ABELCHERAMIM, d"bel-ker'a-mim (D^??t:? "N, ^abhel k'ramlm, A.-Keramim AV), 'vineyard- meadow': A locality in Ammon (Jg 1133). Site unknown. A. S. C. ABEL-MAIM, ^"bel-m^'im (C!^ "X, abhU mor ylm), 'meadow of waters': A variant, or text-cor- ruption, for Abel-beth-maacah (II Ch 16 4). A. S. C. ABEL-MEHOLAH, 6"bel-me-ho'la (nbin?? '% 'dbhel m'^holdh), 'dance meadow': Elisha's birth- place, near Beth-shean (Jg 7 22; I K 4 12, 19 16). A. S. C. ABEL-MIZRAIM, l"bel-miz'ra-im (D:-!?^ % 'abhel mitsrayim), 'meadow of Egypt': The stop- ping-place of Jacob's funeral cortege (Gn 50 1 1). On location, see Atad. A. S. C. ABEL-SHITTIM, 6"bel-shit'im (C^tStt'H "«, 'abhel ha-shittlm), 'acacia-meadow': A locality in the lowlands of Moab (Nu 33 49; cf. Mic 6 5). Map III, H 5. A. S. C. ABEZ, e'bez. See Ebez. ABI, a'bl C^^,'abhi), 'father': Compound per- sonal names in which "Abi" forms the first element are of two general classes: (a) In which the second part is a noun, generally the name of a deity; (6) in which it is an adjective or a verb. In cases under (a) Abi is generally the predicate, as Abi-jah, i.e., "Jah ( = Jehovah) is father." In cases under (6) it is the subjject, as Abinadab, i.e., "the father ( = God)gives." The "i" of Abi is probably not the pronominal suffix "my," but an old ending serving merely as a connective. See G. B. Gray, Heb. Prop, Names, pp. 75-86). E. E. N. ABI, ^'bai (in II K 18 2). See Abijah, 7. ABIA, a-bai'a, ABIAH, a-bai'a. See Abijah. ABIALBON, ^"bi-al'ben (•|'i2^3'"^?X. , 'dbhl'albon): One of David's heroes (II S 23 31, Abiel in I Ch 11 32). E. E. N. ABIASAPH, a-bai'a-saf. See Ebiasaph. ABIATHAR, a-bai'a-thar ("i?:?^*, 'ebhyathar), 'father of abundance': A son of Ahimelech, priest at Nob. When Saul massacred Ahimelech and his household for harboring the fugitive David (I S 22 11-19), A. escaped and joined David at Keilah, reporting to him what Saul had done. As he also brought the ephod with him, David appointed him A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Abba Abimelech to be the priest of his company, and consulted J" through him (I S 30 7). Thenceforward Abiathar remained with David, and, when the latter became king, was associated in the priesthood with Zadok (II S 15 24, 29 35). He survived David, and was de- posed and banished to Anathoth by Solomon for abetting and assisting in Adonijah's plot to wrest the kingdom from him (I K 1 7, 19, 25, 2 22, 26, 27). A. C. Z. ABIB, 6'bib: The *earing' month of the old He- brew year. See Time, § 3. ABIDA, a-bai'da (l?T5ii, 'tib/iid^iaS Abidah AV), 'the father knows': The ancestral head of a clan of Midian (Gn 25 4; I Ch 1 33). E. E. N. ABIDAN, ab'i-dan QT^, 'dbhidhan), 'the fa- ther is judge': A prince of Benjamin in the Mosaic age (Nu 1 11, 2 22, 7 60, 65, 10 24). E. E. N. ABIEL, ^'bi-el (^«^3i?, 'dbhi'el), 'father is God': 1. Grandfather of Saul and Abner (I S 9 i, 14 51). 2. One of David's heroes (I Ch 11 32, Abialbon in II S 23 31). E. E. N. ABIEZER, e"bi-i'zer ("l.!?''3S, 'dbhVezer), 'the father is help'; 1. The clan of Abiezrites of Ma- nasseh, to which Gideon belonged (Jg6 11 ff., 8 2, 32). Reckoned genealogically to Machir through Gilead (Jos 17 2; I Ch 7 18; Nu 26 30, where the form is lezer, lezerite [Jeezer, Jeezerite AV]). 2. An Anathoth- ite, one of David's heroes (IIS 23 27; I Ch 11 28, 27 12). E. E. N. ABIEZRITE, ^"bi-ez'rait. See Abiezer, § 1. ABIGAIL, ab'i-g|l (^:}^?«, 'dbhlgaytl): 1. The wife of Nabal, later of David (I S 25 3, 42), mother of Chileab (or Daniel, I Ch 3 l), David's second son (II S 3 3). 2. The mother of Amasa, daughter of Nahash (II S 17 25; Abigal RV), or of Jesse (ICh 2 16), which is preferable. A. S. C. ABIHAIL, ab"i-h§'il (^!n^5«, 'dhhihaytl), 'the father is strength': 1. The father of Zuriel (Nu 3 35) . 2. The wife of Abishur (ICh 2 29). 3. A Gadite (I Ch 5 14). 4. Niece of David, and mother-in-law of Rehoboam (II Ch 11 18). 5. The father of Esther (Est 2 15, 9 29). E. E. N. ABIHU, a-bai'hu (N^H^^S, 'dbhlhu'), *my father is He': Second son of Aaron (Ex 6 23; Nu 3 2, etc.). He and his brother Nadab were with Moses on the Mount (Ex 24 1-2, 9 ff.). Together they became priests (Ex 28 1) and were slain for offering strange fire (Lev 10 i ff.; Nu3 4, 26 6i; I Ch 24 2). E. E. N. ABIHUD, a-bai'hud ("l'1^^3^?., 'dbhihudh), *my father is glory' : A son of Bela (I Ch 8 3) . E. E. N. ABIJAH, a-bai'ja (HJJK, in;?*?,, 'dbhiyak, 'dbhi- 2/a/fcM), 'J"ismyfather'r 1. Kingof Judah, thesonof Rehoboam, and Maacah, the daughter of Absalom. In I K 14 31, 15 1 ff., the name is spelled Abijam (an error). During his reign of three years he waged continual war with Jeroboam. The story in I K produces the impression of a prolonged campaign, while the Chronicler (II Ch 13) records only a single decisive battle. With 400,000 troops he met Jero- boam with 800,000 at Mt. Zemaraim. He upbraided Jeroboam and Israel for rebellion against the Davidic dynasty, for apostasy, and the expulsion of the priests and Levites. Caught at a disadvantage, the men of Judah prayed to Jehovah, who granted them a signal victory. His character was not exemplary, for he walked in the sins of his father, and his heart was not perfect with Jehovah. 2. A son of Jeroboam I. He died in fulfilment of Ahijah's prediction (I K 14 1 ff. ). 3. A son of Samuel (I S 8 2, Abiah AV). 4. The ancestral head of the eighth course of priests, to which Zacharias, the father of John the Baptist, belonged (Lk 1 5 [Abia AV]; I Ch 24 10; Neh 10 7, 12 4). 6. A son of Becher (I Ch 7 8, Abiah AV). 6. The wife of Hezron (I Ch 2 24, Abiah AV). 7. The wife of Ahaz and mother of Hezekiah (II Ch29 1). J. A. K. ABIJAM, a-bai'jam. See Abijah, 1. ABILENE, ab"i-li'n! ('A^tXj^i/,}, 'AfieiXrjvf), WH.): The tetrarchy of Lysanias (Lk 3 l) in the Anti-Leb- anon. Abila, 18 Roman m. NE. of Damascus on the Abanah River, was its chief city, and has been identified with the ruins at Suk Wady Barada. Jo- sephus {Ant. XX, 7 l) speaks of a tetrarchy of Lysa- nias, and in XIX, 5 i of "Abila of Lysanias." See Lysanias. C. S. T. ABIMAEL, a-bim'a-el (^KTJ^3«, 'dbhima'el): One of the descendants of Joktan (Gn 10 28). See Eth- nography AND Ethnology, § 11. E. E. N. ABIMELECH, a-bim'e-lec (^^^^5«, 'dbhimelekh), 'my father is Melech (Molech)': 1. A Philistine king of Gerar, a locality near Gaza. Struck by the beauty of Sarah, and being deceived by Abraham as to her true relationship, he took her to wife. Obedient to a warning from God in a dream, he returned Sarah to her husband with costly gifts, at the same time pleading his integrity and upbraiding Abraham for his deception (Gn 20 1-18, E). Later, their quar- rel over the possession of a well was finally settled by the making of a covenant at Beer-Sheba (Gn21 22-34, E). A similar story combining both incidents is related of Abimelech and Isaac (Gn 26 7-11, 26-33, J). Critical scholarship looks upon the two accounts as doublets. 2. A son of Gideon by a woman of Shechem. He made the first attempt to found a monarchy in Is- rael. The Shechemites made him king after he had murdered all of Gideon's sons but Jotham. His reign of three years ended in a revolt. Abimelech took Shechem, and burned it with its citadel and temple. Later, at the siege of the citadel at Thebez, his skull was fractured by a millstone thrown from the wall by a woman. His armor-bearer thrust him through at his own request (Jg 8 31, ch. 9). 3. A son of Abiathar, David's priest (I Ch 18 16, but see Ahimelech). 4. A Philistine king (Ps34: title — probably an error for Achish, cf. I S 21 10). J. A. K. Abinadab Absalom A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY ABINADAB, a-bin'a-dab (2■^J^^^^, 'dbinadhabh), 'my father is generous': 1. A man of Kiriath- Jearim, to whose house the Ark was brought from Beth-Shemesh (I S 7 1), where it remained until David carried it to Jerusalem (II S 6 3 f.; I Ch 13 7). 2. The second son of Jesse (I S 16 8), who followed Saul against the Philistines (I S 17 13; I Ch 2 13). 3. A son of Saul, perhaps also called Ishvi (I S 14 49), slain by the Philistines in the great battle of Mt. Gilboa (I S 31 2; I Ch 8 33, 9 39, 10 2). 4. See Ben- Abinadab. C. S. T. ABINOAM,a-bin'o-am (C^rjt?, 'dbhlno'am), 'the father is pleasantness ': Father of Barak (Jg 4 6, 12, 5 1, 12). E. E. N. ABIRAM, a-bai'ram (^T^^:, 'dbMram), 'the father is the High One': 1. A Reubenite (Nu 16 I ff.). See KoRAH. 2. Eldest son of Hiel of Bethel (I K 16 34). E. E. N. ABISHAG, ab'i-shag Qt^^, 'dbhishag): A young Shunammite woman, nurse of David in his old age (I K 1 3, 15). Adonijah's request for her after David's death led to his execution (I K 2 17 ff.). E. E. N. ABISHAI, a-bi'shai (^^?^5^;, 'dbhishay): One of the ruthless sons of Zeruiah. He was Joab's elder brother, chief of staff during David's outlaw period and the leader of the Thirty (rS266ff.; II S 23 18 ff.). His great exploits were the slaughter of 300 Philistines, the rescue of David from Ishbi-benob (IIS 21 17), and the subjugation of Edom (I Ch 18 12, but cf. II S 8 13). Without the calculating ferocity of Joab, he is consistently portrayed as the inciter of David to acts of fierce reprisal (I S 26 8; II S 16 9). He disappears from history shortly after Absalom's rebellion, A. S. C. ABISHALOM, a-bish'a-lem. See Absalom. ABISHUA, a-bish'u-a C^r^^^^_, 'dbhlshua'), 'the father is wealth': 1. A priest, son of Phinehas (I Ch 6 4 f., 50; Ezr 7 5). 2. The ancestor of a Benjamite clan (I Ch 8 4). E. E. N. ABISHUR, a-bish'ur (")V^^5X„ 'dbhishur), 'the father is a wall': A son of Shammai (I Ch 2 28 f.). E. E. N. ABITAL, ab'i-tal (V^"^??!?, 'dbhital), 'the father is dew': A wife of David (II "s 3 4; I Ch 3 3). E. E. N. ABITUB, ab'i-tub (riVj'^^&r, 'dbhUubh), 'the father is good': A son of Shaharaim by Hushim (I Ch 8 11). E. E. N. ABIUD, a-bai'ud (At^iovd): A son of Zerubbabel (only in Mt 1 13). E. E. N. ABJECTS (2^?;!, Ps35i5): The RV margin' "smiters" gives better sense, but is incorrect. Per- haps 'strangers' (impious Israelites) are meant. The Hebrew term occurs only here and is of uncertain ' meaning. E. E. N. ABNER, ab'nqr Om, 'ahhner), 'my father is a light': The cousin, or uncle, of Saul (I S 14 50; ICh 8 39 ff.) and his chief of staff. After the defeat and death of Saul at Mt. Gilboa (I S 31) Abner came forward as the champion of Ishbosheth, Saul's eon (II S 2 8). He was defeated at the tournament and subsequent battle of Gibeon (II S 2 12ff.), an old ancestral possession (I Ch 8 29). It was there that he slew Asahel (IIS 2l8ff.), and thus started the blood-feud with the sons of Zeruiah. He was loyal to the house of Saul until Ishbosheth took him to task for his alleged conduct concerning Rizpah (II S 3 7 ff.); then he plotted to turn over all Israel to David, but Joab treacherously murdered him before this could be accomplished, whereupon David, not to lose his hold upon Israel, assumed the duty of blood-revenge which was carried out by Solomon (IK2 5f.). A. S. C. ABOMINATION renders Heb. terms as follows: (1) toebhah, broadly that which gives offense either to God or to men, possibly because of inherent re- pulsiveness {e.g., Gn 46 34; Lv 18 22), or a violation of established customs (e.g., Pr 6 16, 11 l). (2) shiqquts, that which is hated as a religious offense. The term is frequently applied in contempt of the idols of the heathen (I K 11 5; Jer 13 27, etc.). (3) sheqets, i.e., 'taboo,' used only in Lv 11 10-42. (4) piggul, sacrificial flesh which has become stale and hence loathsome and unfit for food (Lv 7 18, etc.). (The Greek term [used in LXX.] ^BeXvyfia is ge- neric, and means approximately the same as the English "abomination.") A. C Z. ABOMINATION OF DESOLATION (T6 ^bi- Xuy/ia rrjs €pT)^a)(r€cos) only in Dn (9 27, 11 31, 12 li; "that maketh desolate," AV; "astonisheth," AVmg.) and in the 'Apocalypse of Jesus' (Mt 25 15; Mk 13 14). The latter, however, is a direct reference to the former. The original in Dn is susceptible of more than one rendering. It may be 'the abomi- nation that desolates' or 'the abomination that appals' (cf. Oxf. Heb. Lex. s.v. C^y). The term, moreover, which is translated ''abomination" (shiq- quts) strictly means 'image of a false god' (cf. I K 11 5; II K 23 13). What the author of Dn had in mind was the setting up in the Temple of a heathen idol, the presence of which there should strike the devout Israelite dumb with amazement and at the same time profane the sacred precincts, and be the signal of a terrible distress. This distress is con- ceived of as laying waste the country (eprffKoa-is, 'desolation,' Dn 9 26; Lk 21 20). The conception of Dn seems to have created an apocalyptic figure about which is centered all enmity against the true God and His will. The figure is used under different names in subsequent apocalyptic compositions. It is probable that the "Man of Sin" in the ' Little Apoca- lypse' (II Th 2 1-12) is one of these. The fact that Jesus pomts to the appearance of this figure as a sign by which His followers should recognize the definite beginnmg of the final stage of the Messianic era has led many persons to identify the abomination of desolation with some historic person, event, or thing, e.g the Roman army (B. Weiss), desecration by zealots (Bleek and Alford), a statue of Caligula, A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Abinadab Absalom the Roman standard with the figure of the eagle, etc. But such identifications are futile, inasmuch as apocalyptic figures are embodiments of ideas whose concrete appearance in the form of historical facts or personages is not necessarily bound to individuals, but occurs with every realization of the idea. The abomination of desolation is actualized whenever its conception as above defined becomes an objective fact. A. C. Z. ABRAHAM, ^'bra-ham (ari";3fc!, 'abhraham.): The meaning and derivation of the word are uncertain. For Abram (2*55^, i.e., Abiram [?]), cf. analogies in Abimelech, etc. AM-ramu occurs on contract- tablets prior to Hammurabi (2250 B.C.)- ' The Exalted One is (my) father' (or 'exalted father') is a probable translation. Abraham is perhaps an am- plified form, and Clj^ an otherwise unused variant of 2^1 (pxf. Heh. Lex.). "Father of a multitude'' (Gn 17 5) is a word-play between DH and ]'^n. A. holds a prominent place in the thought of both the O T and the N T. His name occurs repeatedly in the formulas of inheritance (Dt 18; II K 13 23), and in the assertion of the continuity of the religion (Ex 3 15; I K 18 36). By the prophets he is seldom men- tioned, perhaps never in a pre-exiHc passage, but this is hardly significant, considering the clear na- tional consciousness. The prophets assume his personality; he is God's ''friend" (Is 41 8; cf. II Ch 20 7); he was "one" (Is 51 2; Ezk 33 24; perhaps Mai 2 15) ; Abraham and Sarah are progenitors (Is 51 2; cf. also Is 29 22, 6316; Jer 33 26; Mic 7 20). The NT recognizes A. as a race-father (Mt 3 9; Jn 8 33, 37, 39), but it is more deeply conscious of his profound sig- nificance as a hero of faith (He 11 8-1 1), his intimacy with God (Jn 8 56), and his spiritual fatherhood (Lk 16 22; Ro4ll £f.). The present form of the narrative is due to the writer's desire to picture an ideal figure, embody- ing supreme religious conceptions. The following is the analysis: (1) Gn 12-14, A.'s character and great- ness. (2) Gn 15-22 19, the trials through which character was achieved. (3) Gn 23-25 8, the final acts of a well-rounded life. The thought of the cove- nant is ever dominant, but first is shown how exalted the hero was. He marches across the ancient world from the Euphrates to the Nile, his possessions in- crease in Canaan, he is able to overthrow the array of a world-conqueror. How did A. become so pow- erful? The answer is — not through heaping to- gether wealth, not through flocks and herds, not through conquest, but by silent communion with God beneath the stars of heaven, by trials that tested his patience and wrung his heart, and by a life which found its goal not in earthly grandeur but in God. And he leaves the scene, not as one who has passed his prime, but as a king, who before he lays down the scepter prepares for his own depar- ture, and, with dignity and far-sightedness, for his heir, and for the children who have a claim upon his love but no share in the great promise of his line. The offering of Isaac, the crowning test of his faith, taught positively the need of a consummate sacrifice for the final ratification of the covenant, and negatively, that J" did not desire human sacri- fice. The site could hardly have been the Temple- mount, because (1) Jerusalem seems to have been already occupied (Gn 14 18) and (2) is much less than three days' journey (Gn 22 4) from Beer-sheba. While some maintain the absolute historicity of the entire Abrahamic narrative, others treat it as a myth, personalized tribal history, or the outgrowth of religious reflection. For A.'s actual existence, the persistent national tradition is a witness. The name is stamped too deeply upon the records to be but a fanciful creation. On the other hand, the narrative is so artistic as to indicate idealization. The minute particularizations (e.g., Gn 18) seem hardly consistent with literal history, and we should distinguish between the present form and the orig- inal substratum. Probably under the name of A. are preserved traditions of great tribal movements which began in Arabia, followed the Euphrates, crossed to Haran, and ended for the time in Canaan. The leader may well have been named Abraham, but the clan was originally the concrete reality. While his name nowhere occurs as a clan title, on an in- scription of Shishak the "field of Abram" is men- tioned {PEFQ, Jan., 1905, p. 7); cf. "field of Moab" (Nu 21 20). For a theory of the two names Abram and Abraham, see Paton, Early History of Syria and Palestine, pp. 25-46. It is now the general consensus that the names of the four Idngs (Gn 14) are historical, though not all have, with certainty, been identified. Gunkel ar- gues for the historicity of Melchizedek also. The forms, however, of the Elamite and Babylonian names have suffered much in transmission. The synchronism with Hammurabi (Amraphel) postu- lates a date earlier than was formerly assigned to A. The chapter forms the fitting conclusion to the pic- ture of Abraham's greatness. Literature: Comtn. on. Genesis, by Delitzsch. Dillmann, Green, Gunkel, Driver; Hommel, Anc. Heb. Trad.; Kit- tel, Hist, of the Hebrews; Kent, Beginnings of Heb. His- tory; Orr, Problem of the O T. ^, g^ Q^ ABRAHAM^S BOSOM. §38. ABRAM. See Abraham. See ESCHATOLOGY, ABRECH, e'brec {Tp:^^, 'abhrekh): The Hebrew original of "bow the knee" in Gn 41 43, The trans- lation thus given is probably not correct. Abrech does not correspond to any Hebrew word-form. The most probable view is that the true reading is abarak, a Babylonian term for a royal minister. On account of the political predominance of Baby- lonia, official terms in use in that country were in vogue also in Palestine and Egypt in the days of Joseph. " J. F. McC. ABRONAH, a-bro'na {^^^T^, 'abhronah, Ebro- nahAV): A station on the wilderness journey (Nu 33 34 f.). Site unknown. E. E. N. ABSALOM, ab'sa-lQm (DiV^^Sls*, 'dbhlshalom, Abishalom in I K 15 2, 10), 'father of peace,' per- haps so named as a good omen of David's growing power: David's third son, born at Hebron of Maacah, daughter of Talmai, king of Geshur (II S Abyss Acts of the Apostles A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 3 3). His character is delineated consistently throughout as fierce, revengeful, and treacherous. Evidently he inherited his traits from his mother's wild mountain ancestry. His first outbreak follows Amnon's outrage of Tamar (II S 13), and self- exiled, he appears to wait in Geshur a vindication of his act. Joab's ruse to bring him back (II S 14) seems to embody an attempt to secure the abroga^ tion of the right of private blood-revenge. Absa- lom's recall was, therefore, equivalent to a legal enactment on the subject (II S 14 11). But his confinement thereafter to his own quarters was an affront which his untamed spirit could not brook, and which precipitated the insurrection wherein he perished (II S 18 14). The narrative (II S 13-19) is intended to show how the folly of each of the pre- sumptive heirs to the throne wrought their ruin and thus cleared the path for the youthful Solomon. Abijam (I K 15 2) and Asa (I K 15 10) were Absa- lom's descendants through Maacah. A. S. C. ABYSS {apvo-tros), 'a place of great depth': As far as known the word is found only in the Greek of the Bible. It occurs frequently in the LXX. as the translation of the Hebrew t^hom, deep. In the N T it is the name of Hades, the place of the dead (Ro 10 7 ; Lk 8 31; Rev 9 1, 2, n, 17 8, 20 l, 3. In AV of Rev, it is always rendered "the bottomless pit"). See also ESCHATOLOGY, § 48. A. C. Z. ACACIA. See Palestine, § 21. ACCAD, ac'ad ("i^b*, 'aA;fcad/i): One of the four cities which, according to Gn 10 10, were the starting- point of the dominion of Nimrod in Babylonia. In the inscriptions the same word-form usually desig- nates not a city but the division of the country lying N. of the district about Babylon. The form Agade, however, is written as the name of a very ancient city, also in N. Babylonia, and supreme over the whole country about 3800 B.C. This is doubtless the same name as Accad, the g of the so-called Accadian language being regularly represented in proper names by h (c) in Semitic Babylonian. 'Accadian' is the name given by Sir Henry Raw- linson to a supposed non-Semitic language, spoken and written in many inscriptions in Babylonia, and to the people employing it. These are, however, now generally named "Sumerian," since the inscriptions in question are found not in N. but in S. Babylonia, and Shunter is supposed to be a designation of the latter region. This is doubtful (see Babylonia, § 9). In any case 'Accadian' is a misnomer and should be discarded. J. F. McC ACCO, ac'o C'Z;^, 'akko, Accho AV; in Acts 21 7 called Ptolemais; Arabic, *akka): A Canaanite city in the territory of the tribe of Asher, whose in- habitants were not driven out by Israel. Fortified and situated on the seacoast at the N. end of the Bay of Acre, and on the main road along the coast, it was important for controlling the roads inland to the fertile plain of Esdraelon and to lower Galilee. From the earliest times down to the Crusades its possession was considered of great strategic value, although poUtically it was inferior to Tyre and Sidon. (See Palestine, § 4.) At the close of the 3d cent. B.C. its name was chansced to Ptolemais. Map IV, B 6. C. S. T. ACCURSED: The RV translation of Tlbbp^ (Dt 2123) and bb'p^, (Is 65 20), from the root qalaly meaning Ho esteem lightly.' The AV has "ac- cursed" in most OT passages, where the RV has "devoted" or "devoted thing." In the place of the AV "accursed" the RV in N T reads "anathema," the transliteration of the Greek word. See Anath- ema, Devoted, also Curse. C. S. T. ACCUSATION, See Superscription. ACELDAMA. See Akeldama. ACHAIA, a-k^'ya ('Axat'a): The northernmost country of the Peloponnesus, but in Homer the country inhabited by the Achaeans, that is, all Greece. The Romans (after 27 B.C.) adopted the Homeric usage, and their Provincia Achaia (capital, Corinth) included all Greece along with Thessaly, Acarnania, ^Etolia, Euboea, and the Cyclades. This is N T usage, " Gallio, Proconsul of Achaia " (Ac 18 12; cf. also 18 27; Ro 15 26, etc.). J. R. S. S. ACHAICUS, a-k^'i-cTJS CAxaiVos): Mentioned in 1 Co 16 17 with Stephanas (q.v.) and Fortunatus. From the exhortation (ver. 16; cf. I Th 5 12) we infer that A. and the others occupied some important po- sition in the Corinthian Church. Their attitude of friendliness relieved Paul's anxiety (ver. 18), partic- ularly in view of what was lacking in the Church's moral condition at the time (t6 vfxiTepov vo-reprfiiay ver. 17b; cf. 5 1 f.). J. M. T. ACHAN, ^'can C\^V> ^okhan, called Achar, I Ch 2 7): A member of the tribe of Judah, who appro- priated treasure from the spoils of Jericho, thus violating the law of the ban (herem) (see Curse, § 2), according to which spoils of war were sacred to Jehovah. This sin brought defeat on Israel at Ai. By lot Joshua discovered Achan to be the offender. In the valley of Achor he and his family were stoned to death, while all his property was burned (Jos 7 1-26), J. A. K. ACHAZ. See Ahaz. ACHBOR, ac'ber ("1<2?1?, 'akhhor), 'mouse': 1. The father of Baal-hanan, a king of Edom (Gn 36 38 f.; I Ch 1 49). 2. A courtier under Josiah and Jehoiakim (II K 22 12-H [but cf. II Ch 34 20]; Jer 26 22, 36 12). E. E. N. ACHIM, e'kim (Axeip): An ancestor of Joseph Tf 1 1d^ TT' -n^ -Kl (Mt 1 14) E. E. N. ACHISH, ^'kish {t^^^, 'akhishy. The Philistine king of Gath who befriended David (I S 21 10 ff.) and later gave him Ziklag. He demanded David's aid against Saul, but yielded to the objections of the Philistine princes (I S 27-29). He was still king at Solomon's accession, according to I K 2 39, but this seems improbable in view of David's conquest of Gath and of the chronological difficulty. E. E. N, A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Abyss Acts of the Apostles ACHMETHA, ac'mg-tha (Np:?}^^, 'ahmHha'): A royal city in Media where the roll was found containing a copy of Cyrus' decree permitting the return of the Jews (Ezr6 2). The word is the Aramaic equivalent of the Pers. Hagmatana or Ec- batana, as the Greeks spelled it. The site of the city mentioned in Ezra is somewhat uncertain. The old Median Ecbatana can not easily be identified with the beautifully situated Ecbatana, used by the Per- sian kings as a summer residence, now called Rama- dan; but it is probable that the latter is the city referred to both in Ezra and in To 6 6. E. E. N. ACHOR, I'ker, VALLEY OF (liD^? p^JJ, 'emeq 'dkhor), *valleyof trouble*: The valley near Jericho where Achan was stoned (Jos 7 24-26). Its identifi- cation with the Wady-el-Kelt is unsatisfactory. Jos 15 7 implies a more southern. Is 65 10 a more spacious valley. Hos 2 15 plays on the meaning of the term. E. E. N. ACHSAH,ac'sa (H^?^, 'akh^ah, Achsa AV), 'an- klet': A daughter of Caleb (perhaps in reality a clan) given to Othniel for conquering Kiriath-sepher, The springs mentioned lay a few miles north of Debir (Jos 15 16 ff. ; Jg 1 12 ff. ; I Ch 2 49). E. E. N. ACHSHAPH, ac'saf ('"i$5i!5, 'akhshaph), 'sorcery': A town on the border of Asher (Jos 19 25) whose king was confederate with Jabin of Hazor against Joshua (Jos 11 1, 12 20). Site unknown. E. E. N. ACHZIB, ac'zib O^m, 'akhzXbh), 'winter tor- rent' (?): 1. One of the 22 towns of the tribe of Asher (Jos 19 29) on the seacoast S. of Tyre; the in- habitants were not driven out by Israel (Jg 1 31). Map IV, B 5. 2. A town in the Shephelah of Judah, mentioned with Keilah and Mareshah (Jos 15 44), with Mareshah and AduUam (Mic 1 14); the same as Cozeba (ICh4 22) and Chezib (Gn38 5). Map II, D 1. C. S. T. ACRE. See Weights and Measures, §2. ACTS OF THE APOSTLES, THE: The book of Acts is unique. Without it any consecutive knowledge of the Apostolic Age could I. Intro- not be attained, even with the aid of ductory. the Pauline letters. With it as back- ground, all other data fall into order and unity in a way which speaks loudly for its his- toric worth. As, then, our hopes of constructing a sure picture of primitive Christianity depend largely on Acts, it is essential to form a correct idea as to its historicity. How far does it satisfy modern requirements? One thing must be borne in mind: Its author, alone of N T writers, claims to write history (Kade^rjs ypayfrai)^ and to have sat- isfied the conditions of accurate inquiry (iraa-Lp oLKpi^as) necessary to give the reader a sense of se- curity Q,va einyvas , , . tt)v aopri- pevav iv fipXv Trpaypdrfov). Such is the claim of the preface to his work in two parts, of which Acts is the second. It was meant as serious history, occa- sioned too by the consciousness that existing narra- tives dealing with the same class of facts were not satisfactory in this very respect, as a basis of ra- tional historic assurance. But, it will be said, there is history and history. We need to know how far Acts is an objective record of objective facts. As to the objectivity of its author's attitude, Ramsay is probably right in claiming for Acts a place among histories of the first rank, in which nothing is allowed consciously to deflect the historian from stating things as they really occurred. Only this does not mean the dead, superficial fidelity of a photograph, giving no guid- ance to the beholder by light and relief. Our author gives an interpretation of the story, particularly of its religious meaning, in order to aid one seeking for religious truth, so far as this can find expression in history. But this need not make him inaccurate, or ready to suppress facts material to the line of ex- position selected in keeping with the total effect of all known to the writer, though much can not be brought in for reasons of space and perspective. Whether all that reached him as *facts,' or even all that he had verified for himself as such, were really objective facts — at least as we should interpret them to-day — is another question. This can not here be discussed, save as regards the probability that our author was himself an eye-witness of a large number of them — and these often, as Harnack points out, of the same 'supernatural' order as those which he records on the evidence of others — and in so far as we can infer that those others were themselves eye-witnesses or drew their impressions directly from such. Ap- proach, however, to all such problems lies through a consideration of the general drift of Acts, and of its verisimilitude or otherwise. The question of its Scope will lead on to those of its Aims, Occasion and provenance, Authorship, and Date. The final test of all these will be their mutual coherence as the simplest theory for unifying an immense complex of phenomena, literary and historical. Acts sets forth in orderly sequence (Kade^TJs) how the Divine Society constituted by the Gospel spread, in ever-widening circles, from 2. Scope its native home in Jerusalem even unto and Plan. Rome, the distant capital of the world. This appears from the commission (18) given at the final interview between Jesus and those who as "witnesses" were to continue His ministry, and who, as so commissioned, were "apostles" in the wider sense, as distinct from the Twelve (see 1 6, 14 f., 21 ; Lk 24 33 ff., and I Co 15 7, toIs dTrotrroKois irdo-iv). We gather that their horizon was still confined to a Messianic Kingdom for Israel (l6); and, in fact, down to ch. xv we find, traced with a care implying a very primitive standpoint (for a.d. 70 effaced such shades of distinction), the gradual steps by which they accepted the logic of Divine facts, even when running counter to preconceived theory, in the annulling of Jewish restrictions upon membership in God's Kingdom. The one secret of this triumph of the Divine over human limitations — as of all those triumphs which constitute the moral of the book and its high argument — lay in the power of the Holy Spirit upon and through the Lord's witnesses. This is surely true to life. Here, too, lay the conti- nuity between our author's two books: the same Acts of the Apostles A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Spirit qualified the Master and His disciples (Lk 4 14, 24 49; Ac 1 1 f., S, 2 33, cf. 16 7, "the spirit of Jesus") both to do and endure; for the pathway of 'glory- through suffering' was God's counsel for both (Lk 24 26, 46; Ac 14 22, cf. 5 4i). The traditional Jewish forms of thought touching the mode of the King- dom's consummation within the generation then living (Lk 21 32, cf. 9 32; Ac 1 11, 3 20f.), and the natural assumption that Jewish forms of worship and ritual still held good, did not suddenly fall away. The Gospel did not destroy save through being seen to fulfil. These things simply faded away in the growing light which spread from the new luminary of the spiritual world; and the subjective power to ap- propriate all in Him turned on the Messianic gift, the ''Spirit of the Lord" in new form and fulness, which constituted the New Israel out of the Old in spite of its wonted stiff-necked resistance to the Holy Spirit (7 51). Israel was even then a ''crooked generation," from which "salvation" was needful (2 40, 4 12, of. 14 26). Accordingly the Messianic outpouring of the Spirit at Pentecost holds the same determinative place in Acts as in the Gospel the coming of the Messianic consciousness to Jesus Himself unfolded in the discourse in the synagogue at Nazareth (3 21b, 4 14^30). The parallel is aU the closer in that, in both cases, rejection by Judaism follows, be- cause the conditions of the Kingdom are presented as purely spiritual, so that birth confers nothing but prior opportunity. Thus Acts depicts, first, the Divine power and spirituality of life manifest in the nucleus of the coming Kingdom, the new Ecclesia; while Judaism passes self-judgment upon itself, step by step, by hardness of heart to the Spirit's appeal (chs. 3-5). Anon we are shown a certain differentia- tion within the new Ecclesia itself, between thd less and the more progressive types — those strictly "He- brews," and those in fuller sympathy with Israel's* wider heritage owing to experience of the Greek world, the "Hellenists." The spokesman of the latter is Stephen, whose speech before the official representatives of strict Judaism indicates the prin- ciples at issue, and foreshadows the line of develop- ment for the Ecclesia. Then the shaking of perse- cution (chs. 6, 7) providentially spreads this true seed beyond Jerusalem, in various soils more and more remote from those heretofore held fit for the reception of God's word. Thus the Samaritans re- spond to Philip the Evangelist and are solemnly adjudged of God by the Messianic gift, through the agency of Peter and John — most authoritative of "apostles" — worthy of life: an imperfect proselyte (a eunuch) is by special Divine action admitted, less publicly, through Philip: there follow proofs of God's hand with His new Ecclesia, in the conversion and early ministry of Saul, the leader of the recent persecution, and next in typical incidents taken from Peter's missionary work in Judaea ; and then the latter is led to sanction the admission of a group of prose- lytes to the spirit merely of Judaism, and not to the letter of its requirements (through circumcision) — in sheer deference to God's manifest will in the gift of the Spirit. This case is made the more significant by being challenged at Jerusalem and successfully vin- dicated by Peter, on the ground that God had acted and could not be gainsaid. Thus "to the Gentiles had God given repentance unto life" (H ^^^* , This occurred at Csesarea, just beyond the borders of the Holy Land of Judaea proper (from which Peter had passed in coming from Joppa, 9 43, 11 5, 11; cf. Knowling, on 8 40), and might hardly have been tolerated nearer to Jerusalem. Further it affected but few in the first instance, and was probably not expected to extend very far either numerically or locally. But in both respects God was already on the way to transcend Jewish-Christian thought even more signally. Yet here too progress was gradual, and no sharp breach was actually caused with the Palestinian Ecclesia. This, so far, had conceived of itself as "the Ecclesia" (eKKX;?o-/a, 'called sect,' usu- ally rendered "church"), made up of "the saints" proper (9 32, 41; cf. 9 13, 26 10; also I Co 16 1; Ro 15 25), while non- Jewish adherents were Messianic proselytes on the skirts of Israel (as with orthodox Judaism). Such a conception would be helped by the sense that all was still provisional. "The Lord was at hand," and He would perfect all in His Ecclesia. But the conception was menaced as soon as mem- bership in the Ecclesia extended far beyond Pales- tine, and included by special Divine bounty large masses of persons hitherto assumed to be exceptions by special Divine boxinty. This is what happened at Antioch, which therefore is treated as the second home of the Gospel, and then as the starting-point of the Gentile Mission proper. But the actual ex- tent of the fresh departure, in its beginnings, is doubtful. According to the best MSS reading in 11 20 the "great number" who there hastened to be- lieve were "Hellenists," and therefore Jews of a kind, yet not of the kind which had hitherto consti- tuted the great mass of "the Ecclesia" in the Holy Land. So great a change in relative proportions would in itself warrant the sending of some one to examine matters and report; and we notice that Barnabas, himself a Hellenist, was chosen, and not Peter and John (as for Samaria), which would surely have been the case if anything so revolutionary as a preponderance of uncircumcised "Greeks" (the other reading) had appeared at this stage even outside Palestine. Hort iJudaisHc Christianity [1894], p. 59 f .) seems riglit in insisting on the more difficult reading of BD^ EHLP, sup- ported' by N* evayye^KTTa^; see also 13 ^^, cf. 14 ^7. The au- thor's meaning seems to have been missed by the other MS authorities, through taking the Se in ^a-av 8i rive^ ef avrlav- kt\, as adversative to the foregoing ot /ikv ovv Siaa-irapevTe^ — to the undue prejudice of ju.ijSei't - . . et ju,ij /jlovov 'lovSaioi^', whereas it really appends a special instance as in 8 ^ '•, and elsewhere in Acts. So it is to be rendered: "Now there were certain of them, men of Cyprus and Gyrene, such as (oiVtve?, of. 9 35) on reaching Antioch began to address the Hellenists." It seems best, therefore, to follow N" DEHLP al. pier. sah. cop. syr."*'- arm. teth. col. gig, vg codd Chry. in omitting KaC, since its presence in X* AB may well be due to the feeling that it is needful to the antithetic relation of ver. 20 to ver- 5" which they agree with the authorities for 'EAAiji'ay in reading into the passage. In any case the extension to Antioch, standing midway between the Jewish and Greek spheres was a momentous step; and there, we read signifi- cantly, the disciples of Jesus first obtained the name distinguishing them from Jews proper, "Christians." There too begins the association of Saul with Bar- A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Acts of the Apostles nabas, which marks the next stage of advance — still without loss of touch with the old center, Judaea (11 27-30). But before leaving the fortunes of the Gos- pel in its first home, we are shown how attempts to harm it ever turned, by God's grace, to the confu- sion of its foes (ch. 12): then, with a verse reestab- lishing sequence with ch. 11, we pass on to the be- ginnings of the real Gentile mission, with its base at Antioch. , And now Saul — who at the psychological moment (13 9) is given his Gentile name, Paul — comes out in his true rSle as the main agent of the Divine counsel in the wider destiny of the Gospel, as surely as Peter had been the pioneer of its more restricted scope. The 'turning to the Gentiles' is narrated very em- phatically in 13 46-48, while the moral of the whole mission is pointed in 14 27, "all things that God had done with them," so showing ''that he had opened a door of faith unto the Gentiles." It was seemingly the news of this great extension of Gentile Christianity on principle that drove the more re- actionary wing of the Jerusalem church (now in- cluding Pharisees, 15 5) to action in Antioch (as also in Galatia), where it was felt that the issue had to be fought out (see Galatians, § 3). With the Jeru- salem Concordat, which settled it for the time, i.e. as it arose in Syria and Cihcia (and Galatia), where the Jewish element, side by side with the Gentile, was large, the story, as so far told, reaches its natural conclusion (15 35). Hitherto it has been treated from the Hellenistic standpoint, from which the con- ditions of intercourse in the Ecclesia between Jew and Gentile, set forth in 15 20, 29, seemed to be min- imum concessions (ravra ra iirdvayKes) to unity on the part of godly Gentiles. Hereafter, however, the horizon widens enormously; new interests and conditions arise: the old platform becomes too nar- row in practise, where Gentiles more and more out- number Jewish converts in typically Gentile regions. Antioch and its associations are largely left behind; and the history gathers round the career of the Apostle of the Gentiles, whose personal commission determines his conduct in regions to which, in his judgment, the Jerusalem compact was inapplicable. Here space forbids any full discussion. As regards chs. 1-12 the present writer feels that neither the hypothesis of merely oral tradi tiona nor the usual theories 3. Sources of written sources — Aramaic (so now Har- of nack) or Greek — can fully meet the case. Acts. The use of a Hellenistic or Antiochene source would account for the bulk of these chap- ters, but there is need also of the view broached in the com- mentary on Acts in the Century Bible (1901) , viz., that Luke wrote some of Acts 1-12 (or even 15 ^3) on the basis of notes taken down by himself from, the lips of excellent informants, and largely in their own words (which explains the distinc- tive language and thoughts shining through the present Lucan narrative). Probably Philip, Hellenist and Evan- gelist, was his main oral source for such notes as to the Je- rusalem and Judsean church, taken during Paul's detention in Csesarea (cf. 21 ^^■). Mark or his mother may be the channel through whom most of ch. 12 (with its intimate reference to Mark's home and the maid servant and the abrupt naming of James, the Lord's brother) reached Luke. Stephen's speech may or may not have come through Philip; at all events it came through a Hellenist of the same circle or type as the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews (the affinities with which are well pointed out by Dr. B. W. Bacon, Stephen's Speech, in Yale Biblical Studies, 1901). For Saul's history during that period, Paul himself and Luke's own notes of Paul's defenses at Jeru- salem and CsDsarea (not always quite at first hand) would contribute something. Other and more purely traditional elements, e.g. the idea of Pentecost as involving foreign tongues — in contrast to Peter's speech on that occasion — may be due to Hellenists in Antioch. The First Mission- ary Journey (13-14) probably reflects the account given by an eye-witness (Titus?) on returning to Antioch. For the latter part of Acts all is due to Luke's memory or notes, as the case may be; nor is the absence of "we" any sure disproof of his presence, as it may have merely a psycho- logical or emotional significance. Henceforth the motifs underlying the narrative, and causing selection from a larger mass of mate- rials, become more varied. The central 4. Aims, one so far, the universal spirit of the old religion, as of Divine origin — in spite of Jewish blindness and hardness of heart, now as in former days (cf. Stephen's Speech) — persists to the end, with its climax at Rome (28 17-28). But with it blends more and more another idea, its coun- terpart, viz., the witness borne by the attitude of typical representatives of the Gentile world, the Roman Empire in the widest sense, that the hostility of actual Judaism was vexatious and groundless. Further, as far as Judaism might try to crush its rival by suggesting that it was an element of disorder and even of disloyalty in the Empire itself, the early history of the Christian Church and its relations to the Roman State, its law and order, refuted the charges. Such troubles as had arisen were in fact due to Jewish jealousy and misrepresentation. All these lines of thought meet in Paul himself, both in his outer lot and in his attitude, whether to his na- tional religion or to Roman citizenship. To both he was essentially loyal. This explains the long and at first sight unduly prolix story of Paul's last visit to Jerusalem and its issues, particularly the repeated speeches of defense. Paul, in fact, was the em- bodied apologia of the Church in the Roman Empire, over against all its traducers (cf. Von Soden, Early Christian Literature [190^1, pp. 230 £f.). The occasion of Acts, then, like that of all NT writings, is practical. It is determined by pressing religious needs, not by abstract or scientific interests. It is an apology for the religion of Jesus, addressed primarily to men of faith, yet a faith distressed both by bitter opposition and by some perplexities of thought, not as yet quite at home with the deeper ideas of the new religion — -as one of power sjiown through suffering, not through prosperity (the notion of ancient religion generally). But while primarily meant for actual faith, Luke's writings, perhaps alone in the N T, look also to potential faith outside, in 'men of good-will' who need only to know the facts in all the impressiveness of their true order — so that their real meaning jumps to the eye — in order to believe in the ^'Kingdom of God" among men. Where, then, was such a work likely to arise? Internal evidence suggests that the region in which its first readers were most interested 5, Pro- was the Roman province of Asia (note venance. references to Paul's abortive wish to visit it and Bithynia in 16 6f.), where the concrete narrative becomes most detailed and the topography most minute (18 24-21 1; contrast the verses given to the last visit to Greece, 20 2-5). Dif- ferences, even, and abuses among believers emerge Acts of the Apostles Adam A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 10 at Ephesus (18 24-19 7, John's baptism, and 20 26-36, forecast of that church's futiire dangers), as nowhere else. Observe too the calm allusiveness of the ref- erence to "the school of Tyrannus" (rtvos was soon added to soften it) in 19 9, as though self-explanar tory to "Theophilus" and his circle (cf. the abrupt reference to Alexander in 19 33); also the triviality of the itinerary in 20 13-15, save for those familiar with the coast between Troas and Ephesus. Here reference may be made to some of the most striking of the readings in Codex BezCE, etc. A whole series of them betray special acquaintance with Asia Minor (Ramsay) ; and these are among the oldest of the so-called 'Western' or ^ text. But they are never more than intelligent glosses, showing that Acts was read with more than special interest in the region. The change in 15 ^°f ^^, where the abstinences lose their ceremonial or Jewish reference, may also have arisen in Asia, especially as it is already found in Irenseus. Finally consider the correspondence between this environment and the motifs of Acts, as already de- scribed: the numbers and influence of the Jews in Asia (referred to in 21 27, 24 19 as prime causes of Paul's arrest); the bitterness of their hostility to the Christians both in the later Apostolic age (Rev 2 9f.) and in Polycarp's day; the interest for this region of the modus vivendi of Acts 15 20, 29, in the light especially of Rev 2 6, 14 f., 20; and the problem of the internal relations of Judaism and Christianity there as late as Ignatius' day. Surely these things constitute strong cumulative evidence for Asia, and Ephesus in particular, as the original home of Acts. If this be granted, it will add also to our evidence for date, in so far as the tone of Acts is optimistic touching Rome's attitude to Christians, apart from Jewish envy and slander. It assumes 6. Date, that Rome may continue its old policy of treating Christianity as a form, the most legitimate form, of Israel's religion, and as sharing its status as a religio licita, exclusive of the forms of the Imperial cult, as of every other 'idol- atrous' worship, yet not therefore disloyal to Rome and Caesar. When exactly the course of events in Asia, the center of fanatical Caesar-worship, ren- dered such hopes untenable, it is hard to say. But relatively early, we may be sure, apart even from the evidence of Rev, the date of which is itself an open question. Harnack thinks a date about 80 A.D. most probable: the present writer inclines to a date earlier in the Vespasian era, as better suiting the words of the Gospel (2132, cf. 9 26f.) touching the fulfilment of "all things" before the passing of the original generation of Christ's hearers. The ex- periences of the era of the siege and fall of Jerusalem seem clearly implied in the wording of Luke 21 ; but the *' times of the Gentiles" seem only just begin- ning to be fulfilled (21 24, 28). Still "redemption draweth nigh," and some of Christ's generation will see it. The argument for a date about 100 a.d. derived from par- allels with Josephus' Antiquities is quite "in the air" (Har- nack, op. cit., p. 18). It does not account for the diver- gences in the caae either of Theudas (5 ^^, e.g.^ the number 400) — whatever be made of the account in Acta — or of Herod (12 20 ff-). On the other hand, it is unsafe to argue from the point at which Acts ends (61-62 a.d.) ; for the nar- rative has reached its natural climax when the Gospel is preached by Paul in Rome. Paulus Romas apex evangelii. Nothing of equal significance could be added. The heroic age, in which the Divine power working in Christ's wit- / nesses was most manifest, was already well-nigh over. FinaUy a date between 70 and 80 a.d. best suits the most probable theory as to authorship, viz., that the whole work, as distinct from a sup- 7. Author- posed Travel-diary— cropping out here ship, and there between chs. 16 and 28— comes from Luke, "the beloved physi- cian," companion and helper in the Gospel to Paul, who is the hero of the book's most moving sections from ch. 9 onward. Harnack has recently accepted and restated in Lukas der Arzt the arguments used by scientific defenders of the traditional authorship,^ such as Hobart in The Medicol Language of St. Luke (1882), and Sir J. C. Hawkins in Hor(B Synopticce (1899), as regards the stylistic unity of Acts gener- ally. At present, then, as far as linguistic evidence goes, this view may be said to hold the field. The weakness of the counterview, which assigns Acts to about 100 A.D., is seen in the paradox to which it is driven, in order to account for certain Hellenistic features in the warp and woof of the book, that its final author was a 'Hellenistic Jew' (so Wendt and B. W. Bacon). The form of the preface to both works, and their whole feeling when dealing with Graeco-Roman matters (cf. Ramsay), make this most unlikely. Luke, however, though born a Gen- tile (whether Syrian or Greek in race), would natu- rally have much of the Hellenist in his training — he may have been a Jewish proselyte to begin with — and suits the complex conditions of the problem, both of style and thought, completely. Early tra- dition touching him is well summed up in the Mon- archian Prologue to Luke's Gospel: ■ "Luke, a Syrian by race, an Antiochene,^ by profession a physician, . . , departed this life at the age of seventy-four in Bithynia." The latter statements, in no way sus- picious in themselves, agree well with the foregoing theory in all respects. One confirmation of Luke's authorship lies in the appar- ent non-use of the Pauline letters, which any one save a o _ , ^ companion of Paul's would eagerly study o. Kelation, for data. Particularly striking is the case as to the regards the Epistle to the Galatians, which Pauline runs parallel to much in Acts, and the ab- Letters. seuce of exact harmony with which is by some m.ade a prime reason for denying Lucan authorship. As this case is crucial for the histo- ricity of Acts, we must deal with it somewhat fully, instead of trying to discuss minor problems of like order. Some still regard Acts 15 and Gal 2 ^-^o as both histor- ically trustworthy versions of the same incident, in spite of their marked differences. Such differences are, e.g., (1) their ostensible occasion ; (2) the privacy implied in Gal 3 1 This is supported by very early and wide-spread evi- dence, going back as far as Marcion (c. 140 a.d.) , for Luke's Gospel. This is natural, if Harnack be right in saying that a work with a Prologue must from the first have had its author's name in the title. Evidence of the use of Acts is probable (so Holtzmann) in Ignatius of Antioch and Poly- carp of Smyrna, c. 115 a.d,, and perhaps even in Clement of Rome (xviii. 1, of. Acts 13 ^^),c. 96 a.d. ,? Knowledge of this fact (and nothing else) is perhaps im- plied m the early reading of D also Aug. after 11 ^■i^ "and when we were gathered together," etc.— unless we have here secondary use of an Antiochene source underlying Acts. Note also the mtimate knowledge of the Antiochene Church shownin Attsll 20, 13 1, cf . 6 ^fin. 3 At best Paul's account could apply only to a private con- ference at the time of Acts 15, but not there recorded while yet Paul lays all the stress on it (but see Galatians,' § 3). 11 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Acts of the Apostles Adam (where it was important for the purpose of Paul's argument to emphasize the public vindication of his own Gospel, if it had then occurred) ; (3) the practical conditions laid down for keeping the two separate missions in sufficient touch with each other — as to which Paul's language in Gal 2 i**, "only," etc., formally excludes any other terms than those he specifies ; (4) the clear implication both of Paul's logic (which does not leave him free to pass over any visit be- tween Gal 1 18 and 2 ^ without explanation) and of the state- ment that he remained still unknown by face to the churches of Judasa (1 ^^^•), to the effect that no visit to Jerusalem fell between those in Gal 1 ^^ and 2 ^, whereas Acts 11 ^7 fi. re- cords a relief visit to Judeea after Gal l^^; (5) the contrast between the attitude of Peter and yet more of Barnabas (after his Gentile experiences in Acts 13-14) in Gal 2 ^i *'■, with what we should gather of them in Acts 15 (esp. 30-s6). Those who see their way around these differences must be allowed to take their own course ; but they can not fairly cite Lightfoot's authority, since the 'South-Galatian' theory, which makes Paul in Galatians address a totally different body of readers from, that contemplated by him, has become so widely accepted, even by defenders of Acts 15 = Gal 2 i-^". This changes the whole perspective. In particular it makes the natural assumption that Paul is defending the inde- pendent authority of his Gospel as proved prior to his '* be- getting" his readers by its agency — an assumption involved by Lightfoot's 'North-Galatian' theory — tell heavily against Acts 15 = Gal 2 i"i° on the current theory. Turning, then, to those who agree in regarding the forego- ing historical equation impossible, we have two types of the- ory. The one frankly denies any real historicity to Acts 15, and in most cases performs a critical operation on its organic unity, separating the conditions contemplated in 15 ^^' ^*, of. 21 ^^, from the narrative as a whole, and relegating them to some later occasion, real or supposed. This leaves Acts thoroughly discredited and its Lucan authorship out of the question. Here Harnack's present position is untenable, as Schurer presses home in the TLZ (1906, cols. 406 f.). He must unify his literature and historical results somehow. The other simply challenges the traditional dognaa that Acts 15 must be meant to refer to the same visit as Gal 2 1-10, and sets about finding an earlier stage in the story of the Gospel's extension in Acts with which it may be correlated. Thus there is no reason why a private conference should not have taken place between the Antiochene and Jerusalem leaders touching their respective ' missions' — with a view to anticipate public difficulties such as a Paul would readily foresee (cf. Gal 2 ^) — prior to the emergence of public occa- sion^ for deputation of Acts 15 ^ ("and certain others"). Distinguite tempora. As yet the problem was not one pres- ent to the rank and file at all, only to Paul himself in the first instance — leading him up " by revelation " to make sure of the "pillar" apostles. On this occasion these devout fol- lowers of the finger of God (cf. Acts 11 17, and later 15 8. 12-17) felt the unity of the Divine working visible in both types of mission, and simply requested that Paul should see to it that he and his converts "should remember the poor" in keeping with the best traditions of Jewish piety (cf. Acts 2 ^* "■) — a principle for which Paul was himself already zealous. It is just here that the second theory divides into alternative forms. Ramsay, followed by V. Weber and others, sees in the wording of Gal 2 i" a reference to Paul's being in Jerusa- lem for the very purpose of showing the Antiochene mind- fulness of the poor saints in Judsea (Acta 11 ^o). But the present writer considers this identification exegetically forced and views that relief visit rather as an early proof ^ of Paul's zeal for the principle expressed in Gal 2 i**. That is, it is simplest and best to assume, as we are free to do — since the account in Acts is so fa,r from professing to be a com- plete narrative — that the visit of Gal 2 1-1° is an otherwise unrecorded visit, preparing the way privately for that other and public concordat which was occasioned by overt con- 1 I see no such occasion in Gal 2 * '• There is no sugges- tion such as Paul's readers could be expected to follow, that the*'false brethren" were "brought in" at Antioch, rather than at the private conference in Jerusalem mentioned just before. ^ See Expositor (Oct., 1S99), p. 268: cf. O. Holtzmann in ZNTW (1905) , pp. 102 ff . : "But then the journey to the Apostolic conference and the first Collection-journey fall in the period immediately after Acts 11 2*; one must assume that both journeys followed one another quickly, as Gal 2 i" lets one suppose." troversy in Antioch some years later (but see Galatians, § 3). Thus there is no necessary clash between Acts 15 and Gal. 21*1''; and with similar allowance for different per- spective, we may say the same for Acts 9 and Gal 1 i»-2i, touching Paul's movements in the first years after his con- version. Literature: A full discussion of the literature on Acts will be found in the last edition of Meyer's Kommenter (1899), by Wendt, and in Knowling's Comm. in the Expositor's Greek Test. (1906), supplemented by his Testimony of St. Paul to Christ (1905); see also Moffatt's Historical New Testament (1901), and C. Clemen, Paultts (1904), i. 162- 330. Add Harnack, Lukas der Arzt der Verfasser des dritten Evangelium u. der Apostelgeschichte (1906), Eng. tr. (1907). J. V. B. ADADAH, ad'a-da (n-}J?iy, 'adh'adhah): A town on the S. border of Judah (Jos 15 22). Probably the Aroer (q.v.) of I S 30 28. E. E. N. ADAH, 6'da (rni^, 'adhah), 'beauty': 1. A wife of Lamech (Gn4i9ff.). 2. The Hittite wife of Esau (Gn 36 2 ff.). E. E. N. ADAIAH, a-dd'ya (H;-]^^, 'ddhayah), 'J" has adorned': 1. The maternal grandfather of King Josiah, of Bozketh in the Shephelah of Judah (II K 22 1). 2. A Levite of the sons of the Kohathites (I Ch 6 41). 3. A Benjamite of the family of Shimei (Shema ver.13), (I Ch 8 21) of Jerusalem. 4, A priest dweUing in Jerusalem (ICh9 12). 5, The father of Maaseiah (II Ch 23 1, here spelled ^^^^i\). 6. A man of the family of Bani of the post-exilic Jewish community who had married a foreign wife (Ezr 10 29). 7. Another of same family and guilty of same offense (Ezr 10 39). 8, A descendant of Perez, son of Judah (Neh 11 5). 9. A priest, son of Jeroham, in the post-exiUc list of the inhabitants of Jerusalem; probably the same as 4 (Neh 11 12). C. S. T. ADALIA, ad"a-lai'a (X^JjlK, '^M^/a'): One of Haman's ten sons (Est 9 8). E. E. N. ADAM, ad'am (D'T.X, 'adham, from root mX, 'to build,' ' produce' ?) : I. According to the crea- tion story of Genesis the name of the first man of the race. The Hebrew word used without the article is the name of the first man (Gn 4 25, 5 1, 3-5; I Ch 1 1; also Gn 2 20, 3 17, 21?); with the article, it should be translated 'the man,' as it is in most instances in RV, where AV has *' Adam." It is used as the name of the first man where it is necessary to distinguish him from his descendants. In the N T the Greek transliteration *A8dfi is used as the name of the first man (Jude ver. 14), who is looked upon as the father of the whole human race, so closely connected with all men that he involved all in his acts (Ro 5 I4a; I Co 15 45a; I Ti2l3f.). In Ro 5 I4b (5 12 f.), I Co 15 22 Paul brings out the historical connection of Adam with humanity, in representing him as being the author of sin and death for all by his one act of disobedience; in this he is a type — though by con- trast in result — of Christ, who by His one act of obe- dience is the conqueror of sin and death. In I Co 15 45 Paul seems to go from the influence exerted historically to nature, i.e., to the relation in which they stand to humanity; Adam the first sensuous, Adam Adullam A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 13 earthly man, Christ the second and last, the spiritu?.l and heavenly man. II. The name of a city in the Jordan valley, near the mouth of the Jabbok, where the waters were dammed up when Joshua led Israel into Canaan (Jos 3 16). Map III, H 4. C. S. T. ADAM, THE BOOKS OF : This general title is given to a number of apocryphal and apocalyptic productions (by Christian hands working on Jewish originals), embodying semireligious romances in which Adam and Eve figured as the chief characters and the story of Gn 3 is supplemented and embel- lished by legendary or mythical accretions. The books are: 1. The Narrative and Citizenship of Adam and Eve (ed. Tischendorf, 1867; also in a Latin form. Vita Adce et Evce) ; 2. The Mandaite Sacred Book of Adam; 3. The Ethiopic Book of Adam; 4. The Syriac Treasure Cave of Adam (based upon the preceding); 5. The Syrian Testamentum Adami (cf. Hort, in DCB). A. C Z. ADAMAH, ad'a-ma (H^^K^, 'ddhamah): A city of Naphtali (Jos 19 36). The identification, Map IV, G 7, is uncertain. E. E. N. ADAMANT. See Stones, Precious, § 3. ADAMI-NEKEB, ad"a-mai-nek'eb (Dp.^H ^p^N^ 'ddhaml ha-neqehh): A town on the NW. border of Naphtali (Jos 19 33). Its site is uncertain. E. E. N. ADAR. See Time, § 3, and Addar II. ADBEEL, ad'be-el (b^cp-^^^ 'adhh^'el): A ^son' of Ishmael (Gn 25 13; I Ch 1 29). An Arabian tribe Idiba^il near Egypt is mentioned in the Assyrian inscriptions. E. E. N. ADD AN, ad'dan (]"i<, 'addan): The Babylonian home of certain exiles who were unable to prove their genealogy (Ezr 2 59). Called Addon in Neh 7 61 ff. Site unknown. E. E. N. ADDAR, ad'dar (^"^^H^ 'addar): I. Ancestor of a Benjamite clan (I Ch 8 3). Cf. Ard in Gn 46 21; Nu 26 40. II. A town on the S. border of Judah, site unknown (Jos 15 3). In Nu 34 4 it is combined with Hezron into Hazar-Addar. E. E. N. ADDER. See Palestine, § 26. ADDI,ad'dai ('ASSet): An ancestor of Christ (Lk 3 28). E. E. N. ADDON. See Addan. ADER. See Edek. ADIEL, e'di-el {^^^T^/ddhi 'el): 1. A Simeonite chieftain (I Ch 4 36-40). 2. A priest (I Ch 9 12). 3. Father of Azmaveth (I Ch 27 25), E. E. N. ADIN, ^'din (p.^, 'ad/im): The ancestral head of a large post-exilic family (Ezr 2 15, 8 G; Neh 7 20, 10 16). E. E. N. ADINA, a-dai'na (i<;'^^^^, 'ddhlna'), 'delightful'; A Reubenite chief tain in David's army (I Ch 11 42). E- E. N. ADINO, a-dai'no (iJ^IP,, 'ddhino): IIS 23 8 reads '^Adino the Eznite" as a second name of David's mightiest hero. I Ch 11 11 more correctly omits the name altogether. E. E. N. ADITHAIM, ad"i-the'im (D^D^"I^., 'ddhithayim): A city of Judah in the Shephel.ah (Jos 15 36). Site unknown. E. E. N. ADJURE. See Oath. ADLAI, ad'le-ai (^^"P, 'adhlay): Father of Sha- phat (ICh27 29). E.E.N. ADMAH, ad'ma (H^iyi, 'adhmah): One of the cities near the Dead Sea that rebelled against Chedorlaomer (Gn 1019, 14 2,8). It was destroyed with Zeboim, Sodom and Gomorrah (Dt 29 22; Hos 11 8). E. E. N. ADMATHA.' See Princes, The Seven. ADNA, ad'na (KJ"!P, 'ddhnd'), 'pleasure': 1. One of the "sons of Pahath-moab " (Ezr 10 30). 2. A priest (Neh 12 15). E. E. N. ADNAH, ad'na (HjnP, 'Mhndh): 1. A Manas- site who deserted Saul for David (I Ch 12 20). 2. A captain under Jehoshaphat (II Chl7l4). E. E. N. ADONIBEZEK, a-d6"nai-bi'zek (p.J?"'^^^:, 'ddho- nibezeq), 'lord of Bezek': A Canaanite king de- feated by Judah and Simeon at Bezek. He escaped, but was pursued, captured, and mutilated. He died afterward in Jerusalem (Jg 1 5-7). A. C. Z. ADONIJAH, ad"o-nai'ja (";'^"IX., 'Mhomyah), 'my Lord is J"': 1. The fourth son of David. His mother was Haggith. Near the close of David's reign he assumed royal state, hoping to become his father's successor. Joab and Abiathar were his active sup- porters. He made a feast at the Stone of Zoheleth, near Jerusalem, and invited all the king's sons and nobility, except Solomon and his partizans, Be- naiah, Zadok, and Nathan. Here he disclosed his plot for seizing the throne. At this critical juncture Nathan advised Bath-sheba to remind David of his promise to appoint Solomon as his successor. David acted with characteristic energy, commanding Solo- mon to ride on his own mule to Gihon, there to be anointed by Zadok and proclaimed king under the protection of the body-guard. A. and his guests heard the acclamations of the populace, and Jona^ than, the son of Abiathar, informed them of the coronation. A. took refuge at the altar, but Solomon graciously pardoned him. Later, he preferred a request to Solomon through Bath-sheba for Abishag, David's concubine. As the harem of a king belonged to his successor, Solomon rightly con- 13 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Adam Adullam sidered this an act of treason, and had him put to death (I K 1 and 2). 2. A Levite (II Ch 17 8). 3. Ancestral head of a family of Levites (Neh 10 16) called Adonikam (q.v.) in Ezr 2 13, etc. J. A. K. ADONIKAM, ad"o-nai'kam Pp/JIX,, 'ddhom- qam), 'the Lord is risen up': Ancestor of a hxrge post-exilic family (Ezr 2 13, 8 13; Neh 7 18). Called Adonijah in Neh 10 16. E. E. N. ADONIRAM, ad"o-nai'ram (aTj'^^^, 'ddhonlram), Hhe Lord is high' (called also Adoram and Hadoram) : Overseer of the men forced to work on public works under David and Solomon (11 S 20 24; I K 4 6, 5 14). He was stoned to death in N. Israel (I K 12 18; II Ch 10 18). E. E. N. ADONIZEDEK, a-d6"nai - zt'dek (pn^-'ilN; 'ddhonl tsedheq), 'lord of righteousness': King of Jerusalem when Joshua conquered Ai ; he entered into a league with four other Canaanite kings to fight against the inhabitants of Gibeon, which had made peace with Israel. He was de- feated and put to death by hanging (Jos 10 l, 3). Perhaps the same as Adoni-bezek (Jg 1 5). C. S. T. ADOPTION (vioBea-la): A legal term appropri- ated by theology. Its Biblical usage is limited to the Pauline epistles (Ro 8 15, 23, 9 4; Gal 4 5; Eph 15). Here it signifies the act by which the privileges of a* child of God are conferred upon the believer in Jesus Christ. In the Roman judicial system a place was made for a formal act of adoption. In Israelite his- tory cases of adoption also occur. Esther was adopt- ed by Mordecai (Est 2 7, of. also the cases of Moses, Ex 2 9, and of Genubath, I K 11 20). But no formal act is mentioned. According to the Roman law, on the other hand, the person to be adopted was pub- licly sold to the prospective parent before wit- nesses, and thenceforth became a member of the latter's family, exactly as if he had been born into it. The Apostle's use of the Roman legal term raises the question whether he meant to ascribe real sig- nificance to the act of adoption and assert that in the dispensation of redemption there is something corresponding to it. If not, he had in mind the great change for the better in one who has entered the Christian life, with a special regard to the privi- leges thus secured him. If the act is the important thing in the Apostle's mind, adoption is a separate and distinct stage of redemption. If the privileges it brings are the emphatic element, then adoption is merely another name for regeneration, and the Roman legal formula is chosen to express it because it does vividly bring before the mind these privileges. Of these alternatives, the latter is much more prob- able. A. C. Z. ADORAIM, ad"o-r^'im (D'^ninx;, 'ddhorayim): A city of Judah fortified by Rehoboam, about 6 m. W. of Hebron (II Ch 119). Map II, E 2. E. E. N. ADORAM. See Adoniram. ADRAMMELECH, a-dram'el-ec C^^T\^, 'ddh~ rammelekh): 1. One of the gods of Sepharvaim (UK 17 31), or Sippar in Assyria, possibly Adar (Adrammelech-Adar-King) ; but a god Adar is un- known in the Assyrian pantheon. 2. One of the two sons of Sennacherib, who murdered their father on his return from the unsuccessful campaign against Jerusalem (Is 37 38; UK 19 27; in the latter passage, however, the word "son" does not occur). A. C. Z. ADRAMYTTIUM, ad"ra-mit'ti-um (Xbpaixvr- Tiov): A city of Mysia formerly situated on the sea, but now six miles inland from the Adramyttian gulf, surrounded by' olive groves and vineyards, which, with timber from Mt. Ida, make it prosperous. It was founded by Adramys, son of Alyattes and brother of Croesus. Later, it was colonized by Athens and under the Romans was a metropolis and the seat of a conventus iuridicus (see Asia Minor, § 10). It was in " a ship of Adramyttium " that Paul sailed from Csesarea to Myra on his voyage to Rome (Ac 27 2-5). J. R. S. S. ADRIA, a'dri-a (Ac 27 27), Gr. 'Khplas, Lat. Hadria, Hadriaticum mare: The name may have been derived from the town of Adria, or Atria, near the mouth of the Po, and was ordinarily applied to the gulf between Italy and Illyria. But geogra- phers contemporary with the N T extended it to in- clude not only the Ionian Gulf but the sea bounded byEpirus, Achaia, and Crete on the E., and Sicily with the southern coast of Italy on the W. and NW. Strabo, e.g. (§ 123), says that the older name was used for "part of what is now called Adrias," under which he includes the Ionian Gulf and the Sicilian Sea. Ptolemy distinguishes the Adriatic Sea from the Adriatic Gulf, and Pausanias applies the name to the sea between Sicily, Malta, and Crete. Luke conforms to this later usage — possibly, as Ramsay suggests, following the sailor's nomenclature — in using the term "the Adria" for the sea in which Paul's company drifted about for fourteen days, generally in a southerly and southeasterly direction, from Crete until they reached Melita. An opinion that Paul was wrecked on a little island Meleda in the Adriatic on the Dalmatian coast is baseless. R. A. F. ADRIEL, e'dri-el (V^^IP, 'adhrl'el): A Meho- lathite who married Saul's daughter Merab, already promised to David (I S 1819). His five sons were given up to the Gibeonites (II S 21 8 [Michal here by mistake for Merab]). E. E. N. ADULLAM, a-dul'am (C^"!P„ 'ddhullani): The earliest notice concerning Adullam (Gn 38) is to the effect that in early times clans or families of Judah consolidated with Canaanitish clans (AduUamites ) near Adullam. The statement in Jos 12 15 that the city and its king were conquered by Joshua is late and conflicts with the earlier accounts of the con- quest. From the notices in Jos 15 35; Mic 1 15; Neh 11 30, its general location is made certain (Map II, E 2). David frequently used its stronghold or citadel as his headquarters (I S 22 1; II S 23 13, where the Adultery Agriculture A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 14 true reading is * stronghold/ not " cave "; cf. ver. 14 and 517). Rehoboam strengthened its fortifica- tions (II Ch 11 7) It was reoccupied by Jews early in postexilic times (Neh 11 30). (See G. A. Smith, HGHL, p. 229.) E. E. N. ADULTERY. See Marriage and Divorce, §10. ADUMMIM, a-dum'im, THE ASCENT OF (D'^T^^X TQ'^'O, ma'aleh 'ddhummlm, thus named; perhaps, on account of the red-colored stone in the pass): It lay on the road most traveled between Jerusalem and Jericho, and on the boundary-line be- tween Judah and Benjamin (Jos 15 7, 18 17). On a height NE. of the pass was the Chastel Rouge of the Crusaders. Map II, G 1. C S. T. ADVERSARY: In the OT the term most often used to designate opponent in general {tsar) ; but in I S 1 6 this signifies the rival wife. In Nu 22 22; I S 29 4; II S 19 22; I K 5 4, 11 14, 23, 25, it is the translation of the noun, and in Ps 71 13, 109 20, 29, of the verb from the root ^*j*tI7 ('satan'), meaning to 'accuse' or 'oppose.' In Job 3 35 it means an op- ponent in a case at law. In the N T it often desig- nates the general idea of opponent, but in Mt 5 25; Lk 12 58, 18 3; I P 5 8, that of legal opponent. C. S. T. ADVOCATE {irapaKKriros), le., 'pleader' or ' in- tercessor,' applied to Jesus only in I Jn 2 i. See Holy Spirit. E. E. N. -^NEAS, i-n6'as (AtVas, Eneas AV): A para- lytic healed by Peter (Ac 9 33-34). E. E. N. ^NON, I'nen (AtVan/, 'springs'): A place near Salim (Jn 3 23). Neither site is certainly identified. According to Eusebius and Jerome (Onom. 245, 91; 134, 25) jEnon was eight Roman miles S. of Beth- shean (Scythopolis). But Conder's identification (Tent Work\ p. 57 f.) of the *' much water" (Jn 3 23) with the springs between Salim (Map III, F 3) and 'Ainun (Map III, G 3) is more probable. J. M. T. AGABUS, ag'a-bas ("Aya/Sos ) : A Christian prophet (Ac 11 27 f.) who came down to Antioch and pre- dicted "a great famine over all the world" (proba- bly the famine in the reign of Claudius c. 46-48 a.d.). In the diary source Ac 21 10 f . A. appears in Caesarea and predicts Paul's arrest and deliverance to the Gentiles (see Church Life and Organization, § 5). J. M. T. AGAG, 6'gag (^5^., ^dgag): King of an Amalekite tribe- Samuel commissioned Saul utterly to ex- terminate the tribe with their king, because of past hostility to Israel, thus putting Agag under the ban (herem). See Curse, § 2. But Saul saved the king and also much booty. Samuel, highly dis- pleased at this disobedience, carried out the Divine commission by hewing Agag to pieces (I S 15). In Nu 24 7 read Og or Gog for Agag. J. A. K. AGAR. See Hagar. AGATE. See Stones, Precious, § 2. AGE, AGES. See Eschatology, §§ 27, 45, and Apocalyptic Literature, § 1 (6). AGEE, ^'gi {^^^> 'age'): A Hararite, father of Shammah (II S 23 u). E. E. N. AGRICULTURE: There can be no doubt that the Israelites first learned agriculture in Palestine. According to the patriarchal legends I. Israelites their ancestors were essentially no- Originally madic, and became agriculturists not Agri- only incidentally, as in the course of culturists. their wanderings they came upon land adapted to farming purposes (Gn 26 12, 37 7; cf. 30 14). Gn 4 20, with its peculiar appre- ciation of the nomadic life, is not the only thing which reminds us of the fact that the IsraeHtes were once nomads; the Rechabites also, who tried to re- tain artificiaUy the old conditions which had long since disappeared, bear witness to the fact that the nomadic Ufe was for them the genuine Israeliti-c life (Jer 35 7). The nomadic situation, however, changed after Israel had settled in the W. Jordan coimtry. Here the conditions demanded that they 2, Transi- take up a settled Hfe the chief employ- tion to ment of which was farming — an art Agriculture they learned from the Canaanites; for After the Canaan had been a well-cultivated Conquest, country long before Israel settled there. The lowlands especially had from very ancient times been tilled, though the cultivation of the hillsides was also old, in spite of the fact that the house of Joseph are bidden to clear the hill- tops of their forests (Jos 17 15-18). The importance which agriculture had for Israel from the very be- ginning of its settlement in Canaan is seen not only in the close connection in which agriculture and re- ligion stood in the earliest times, but also in the fact that it is the background for all the legislation of Israel — even the oldest. After the tribe had by conquest secured a place of habitation for itself, every family probably received a certain piece of land, which was marked off definitely, generally by stones, the removal of which was subjected to curse (Hos 5 10; Dt 19 14, 27 17; Pr 22 28). The land was measured according to " acres,'' literally 'yokes,' tsemer: i.e., the unit of measurement was as much ground as one yoke of oxen could plow in a day (I S 14 14; Is 5 10), as it is to-day with the fellahin, whose measure is the feddan {i.e., literally, 'yoke of oxen'). According to Lev 27 16, land was also ap- praised at times by the quantity of seed used in sowing (cf. I K 18 32). In Dt 1 1 10 f., as an especial advantage over against Egypt, the pomt is emphasized that Israel is not com- pelled to irrigate the land, but that 3. The Soil. Jehovah pours out upon it rain and dew; as in other ways the brooks, springs, and lakes were esteemed for their importance with reference to fertiUty (Dt8 7). There must 15 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Adultery Agriculture have been, therefore, in early times, as to-day, very little irrigated land. Thorough manuring of the soil was unknown. In II K 9 37; Jer 9 22, 16 4, reference is made merely to the excrement of animals, especially of the oxen and asses used in plowing, which lay upon the fields; and such passages as Dt 23 13 f.; I K 14 10; of. Ex 29 the earlier days except with the greatest hardship to the people — but each field had its own definite fallowing year, as was formerly the custom in Ger- many. In the tilling of the soil it was necessary to wait till autumn, when the early rains, mdrehr — termed early because the old civil year began in autumn — A Syrian Peasant Plowing. 14, show the practise of thorough fertilization to have been most unlikely. Moreover, manure was dried and often used as fuel (Ezk 4 15). This custom is still prevalent among the fellakln of Palestine (cf. ZDPV, IX, 29), Instead of manure the people employed for fertilization straw and stubbie, which like thorns and thistles were burned (cf. Ex 15 7; Is 5 24, 47 14). Of significance for the fertility of the land is the regulation in Ex 23 10 f , that farms, vine- yards, and olive orchards were to lie fallow in the seventh year. This hardly indicates that there was a fixed fallowing year for the whole country — a re- quirement which could not have been carried out in softened the ground which had grown dry and hard as stone in the summer sun. As the soil to-day in certain localities is worked with the mattock (q.v.), so it was perhaps, here and 4, Tillage, there, in early times (I S 13 20; Is 7 25); but the ordinary way was to use the plow (q.v.); and very hkely the practise then, as now in Judaea, was not to plow till after the sowing. The sower scatters the seed rather thinly over the fields, and it is then through the plowing turned under and covered to a depth of about three to four inches. Furrows (Job 39 10; Ps 65 lO; I S 14 u) can not be understood of a deep trench as in Western Agriculture A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 16 agricultvire. The plow does not do much more than break up the surface of the ground; so that it is not sufficiently freed of weeds. For example, in the fertile plain of Phihstia there are weed-roots as thick as one's jOnger, spreading out a yard or more in all directions, and at a depth that can not be reached by the plow. The ox was generally used to draw the plow, the ass also being probably used on lighter (Is 28 25) a box with open front is used to-day Palestine (ZDPV, IX, 38). . . ^^ It is likely that the difference between wmter a^^ summer seeds was recognized, as it is ^^-day. former consist of wheat and barley, tne 5. Seeding, latter of mniet, sesame, melons cu- cumbers, etc. Seeding could not be begun until the early rains had set in, which come Threshing-Floor. soil. The prohibition in Dt 22 10 leads to the con- clusion that at one time both were yoked together. A single plowing did not suffice for fallow land. Upon the first plowing in winter there followed a second in the spring, and n third in summer; indeed, the careful farmer plowed in the late summer a fourth time; cf. Wetzstein in Delitzsch's Isaiah'^, 389 f. Whether harrowing was known in early times is a question. Perhaps the word which is generally so translated ("1^^) means rather a sort of plowing (cf. PIos 10 11; Is 28 24). For levehng off the fields toward the end of October, at first intermittently and generally at night. Barley was sown first, fol- lowed by the wheat. Seed was usually sown with the hand (Mt 13 3-8); the more valuable varieties, such as barley, wheat, and spelt, were at times laid in the furrow by a sower who followed behind the plowman, as is still done to-day, and then plowed in, to protect them from the large ants of which there are great numbers in Syria and Palestine, and which are fond of carrying off the grain into their holes {ZDPV, IX, 30, note). It was per- 17 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Agriculture haps also done to keep the seed from drying up, since a period of from fom* to five weeks of dry- ness sometimes elapses after the sowing (ZDPV, IX, 29 f.). The sunmier grain was sown at the end of January Jl 1 4), and at times by hail (Ps 78 47; Hag 2 17). If the harvest-time were near, those crops which were especially valuable were protected by watchmen (Jer 4 17); but it was permitted one who was hungry to pick ears in passing by (cf. Dt 23 25; Mt 12 i). [On Threshing with a Sledge, oh Morag. and in February. The later rain, malqosh, which falls in March and at the beginning of April, was of great importance for the ripening of the grain. If it failed, or if it came too late, or if it was too scanty, the grain did not mature properly. Another enemy of the subject of this general paragraph see Pales- tine, §§ 16-23.] The harvest, qatsir, began in April with the cutting of the barley, at which time lentils and fitches were also ripe. Two or three weeks later followed the Threshing with a Wagon, or Agdldk. agriculture was the hot east or southeast wind (qad- h%m, Arab, chamsin), which scorched, shidddphon, the ears (Gn 41 6; Dt 28 22), so that they turned yellow, yeraqon (Am 4 9; IKS 37). The crops were fre- quently destroyed by grasshoppers also (Am 7 2; harvest of wheat and spelt; but of course the har- vest-time varied according to the climatic condi- tions of each region. In the hot lowlands about Jericho the barley harvest began near the first of April; on the coast it was eight and in the moun- Agriculture Ahaz A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 18 tains fourteen days later. The. gr^iji: harvest gen- erally lEisted about seven w.eeks^.frOm Passover to Pentecost. The grain was _ reaped 6, Har- with the sickle, kermesh, maggal, as is vesting, still done (Dt 16 9). The reaper, qniser, grasped a number of stalks with one hand (Is 17 5; Ps 129 7) and with the other cut them off some distance from the ground. The grain that had been cut remained lying in swaths, ^amlr, behind the reaper, and was bound by the sheave-binder, me'a^seph (Jer 9 22) into sheaves, 'dlummah (Gn 37 7), 'omer (Lv 23 10, etc.; Gn 37 7), which were gathered into shocks, gadhlsh (Ex 22 6). In Lv 19 9, 23 22, every one is forbidden, in the interests of the poor, to harvest his field to its limits. The laborers re- fresh/themselves, while harvesting, with roasted ker- nels of grain, qalif and bread dipped in a sour drink, hornets (Ru 2 14). The grain was generally threshed, dush (I Ch 21 20) , or habhat (Jg6 11), in the open air, however, which was possible inasmuch as the harvest- 7. Thresh- time is free from rain (IS12i6ff.). ing and During threshing-time the harvest men Storing, spent the night, as is still the custom, upon the threshing-floor, in order to guard it (Ru3 6; Robinson, Pcd. II, p. 720). The threshing-floors, goren, were either permanent loca- tions on mountains or hills or else placed, if possible, upon a somewhat elevated spot. There were differ- ent modes of threshing: cattle were driven over the sheaves, which were piled knee-deep in layers upon the floor, until they had trodden out the kernels of grain with their hoofs and reduced the straw to chaff, in which operation the ox was not to be muz- zled (Dt 25 4; cf. I Co 9 9; I Ti 5 18); or the thresh- ing-sledge, morag, morag haruts, or haruts (rpt/3oXoi/, tribulum of the ancients), was used (Am 1 3; Is 28 27; II S 24 22). This sledge was made very likely, as to- day, of wooden planks joined to- gether, in the un- der side of which were set stones or knives (now called naurag, cf. ZDPV, IX, 41). In addition there was the thresh- ing-wagon, 'dga- lah, "cart wheel" (Is 28 27 ff.), which consisted of sev- eral rollers run- ning parallel, each of which was pro- vided with three or four iron disks, so arranged that the disks of one roller extended into the spaces left by the others (cf. ZDPV, IX, 44). After threshing, the chaff, mots, was separated from the kernels of grain, bar, by winnowing, zarah, i.e., by throwing the chaff and grain into the air, with a fork, mizreh (Is 30 24), Sometimes furnished with two but gen- erally with several curved prongs. This was done toward evening and at night (Ru 3 2) ; for the sea wind blows from four o'clock in the afternoon till half an hour before sunset, and carries away the light chaff. The kernels were then sifted (Am 9 9), and thrown together into larger heaps by means of the winnowing-shovel, rahath (Is 30 24). In the earlier period there were no barns, strictly speaking; the stores of grain were stowed away in pits resembling cisterns, which were carefully A Threshing-Sledge, Showing Under Side. Forks and Shovel Used in Winnowing. covered up, as is still done at the present time in Palestine (Jer 41 8). In later times storehouses seem to have been in use (II Ch 32 28; 8. Variety Pr 3 10; Jer 50 26; Jl 1 17). of Yield. The yield varies greatly. On soil which has been fertilized, and which is advantageously located, under favorable con- ditions wheat may yield thirtyfold and barley a hundredfold (cf. Mt 13 8). On unfertiUzed land, in the plain of Es- draelon, wheat does not yield at the most more than tenfold and, on the average, seven to eight- fold; barley at most not more than tenfold and, on the aver- age, sixfold. In the mountains of Judah wheat yields twofold, barley threefold. See further Food and Vines and Vintage. Literature : Cf. Anderlind, Ackerhau und Viehsucht in Syrien und besonders in Paldstina, in ZDPV, IX, 1 ff.; Hermann Vogelstein, Die Landwirtschaft in Pal&stina zur Zeit der Mishnah, I Getreidehau (1894). -nj -m AGRIPPA, a-grip'a. See Herod, § 8. AGUR, ^'gur ("l^:iS*, 'aguT): The reputed author of the whole or part of Pr 30. Nothing is known of his personality, but the similarity of Pr 30 1-6 to parts of 19 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Agriculture Ahaz Job favors the conjecture that ham-mas-sa' ("the oracle," ver. 1) is the name of a region S. of Judah. Its unique literary character makes it reasonable to attribute the entire chapter to Agur. A. S. C. AH, a, AHI, 6'hai (H^, ^m„ 'dh, 'dhi), 'brother' or 'my brother': In compound personal names Ah or Ahi may refer (1) to the deity as 'brother/ or (2) to the common human relationship. Names of class (1) are very common, c.gr., Ahijah, *Jah (Jehovah) is brother.' Examples of (2) are much more rare and of more obscure meaning, e.g., Ahab (= 'father's brother'?). See Abi. E. E. N. AHAB, ^'hab (^iJOS, 'ah'abh), * father's brother': 1. The second king of the Omri dynasty and early Israel's most conspicuous and potent ruler. Two alliances give special interest to his reign: his own marriage to the Phcenician princess Jezebel, and that of their daughter AthaUah to Jehoram of Ju- dah. Through the former he gained the support of the richest trading people of antiquity, and by the latter the old schism of the Hebrew people seemed in the way of being healed. Though this hope was doomed to disappointment, Israel and Judah were joined by close bonds for over a century. But the Phoenician alliance brought with it the cult of the Tyrian Baal, an importation distasteful to people and prophets. The local Baalim had been regarded as legitimate, and doubtless even identified with Jehovah, hence the people resented the intru- sion of the strange god, whose centralized worship threatened the existence of the local shrines. The names of Ahab's children — ^Ahaziah, Jehoram, Atha- Uah — vindicate indeed the strength of the J" religion, but the growing syncretism aroused the prophets to outline a purer and loftier idea of J", which domi- nated prophetic thought from that time forth. The gross disregard of personal rights shown in the seizure of Naboth's vineyard (I K 21) was undoubt- edly a potent element in the downfall of the dynasty, while it enabled the prophets to grasp and present the great principles of ethical monotheism. Two important synchronisms meet us in this period: (1) The Moabite Stone, lines 6 and 7, re- fers to Ahab, and suggests that even in his reign Moab began struggles for independence, which ciilminated under Jehoram (see Mesha). (2) Ahab ascended the throne as the vassal of Da- mascus (I K 20 4), but at the battle of Aphek he threw off the yoke and a three years' peace fol- lowed (I K 22 1). In this period we should prob- ably place the invasion of Shalmaneser II., who records that A-horob-ba of Sir-a-la-ai (Israel) ap- peared with 2,000 chariots and 10,000 soldiers at Karkar, 854 B.C., and together with the allied Syr- ian kings suffered a crushing defeat. The battle must have been indecisive, however, for it was not followed up, and Ahab's military establishment gave him confidence to seek to wrest Ramoth-gilead from Damascus, in which enterprise he perished (I K 22). Assuming that the battle of Karkar took place diu-ing the Peace of Aphek, Ahab's death occurred probably in 853 B.C. 2. A prophet, denounced by Jeremiah (Jer 29 21 f .)• A. S. C. AHARAH. See Ahiram. AHARHEL, a-har'hel ('?G')0^:> 'dharhel): The ancestor of certain families of Judah (I Ch 4 8). E. E. N. AHASAI, See Ahzai. AHASBAI, a-has'bai (^Spnfc?, 'dha§bay): The father of Eliphalet (II S 23 34; cf. I Ch 11 35). E. E. N. AHASUERUS, a-haz"yu-I'rus. See Esther, §1. AHAVA, a-h^'va (Xin>\ 'dhawa'): A town or district in Babylonia used to designate a river (or canal); also the name of the river, on the banks of which Ezra gathered the Jews preparatory to their return to Jerusalem (Ezr 8 15, 21, 31). C. S. T. AHAZ, 6'haz 0^^, 'akaz), 'He {i.e., J") has seized': 1. Son of Jotham and king of Judah, c. 735-721 B.C. (or later). See Chronology of OT. Tiglath-pileserlll. (745-727) received tribute from Ahaz (called Ja-u-ha-zi, i.e., Joahaz) in 734 B.C. (cf. II K 16 7). In the same year he de- I. The As- posed and slew Pekah and thus broke Syrian up the Syro-Ephraimitic alliance (cf. Record. II K 15 37, 16 5). In 732 b.c. Damas- cus fell, Rezin was slain, and Tig- lath-pileser held a great levee as "King of kings" in the captured city, at which Ahaz was present (ac- cording to II K 16 10). At Damascus Ahaz saw a great altar and ordered Urijah to construct one like it. W. R. Smith (Rel. Sem.^ p. 487) considers this a great 2, The permanent altar-hearth, whose ritual, Record described at length in II K 16 13 ff., was in II Kings thereafter dominant. Possibly Is 29 1 6. echoes the struggle about the new altar ritual, for Ariel ('altar-hearth,' or 'hearth of God') was probably the technical name for the old brazen pillar-altar such as was displaced by Ahaz. The dark period of invasion led to human sacrifice and much oppression and cruelty (cf. II Ch 283). Some of the most striking sections of Isaiah be- long to this period. Children and babes are their rulers, he declares, in a fierce invective 3. The against the turbulence of the state (Is Prophetic 3 4). The Syro-Ephraimitic invasion Record, called forth the Immanuel prophecy (Is 7 1-9 7), a declaration that God's pur- pose to be with His people was invincible, though princes might falter and people be recalcitrant (see Immanuel). Inch. 28, dating near the fall of Sama- ria, the drunken, scoffing, faithless politicians are probably those who favored the Assyrian alliance when Pekah and Rezin were threatening Jerusalem with dynastic overthrow (cf. also Is 7 6). Ahaz's weak, short - sighted policy can be largely ac- counted for by his youth and inability to cope with the deep-seated corruptions of his predecessors' regimes. 2. A descendant of Saul (I Ch 8 35 f., 9 42). A. S. C. Ahaziah Akeldama A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 30 AHAZIAH, e"ha-zai'a ("C^DiS:, 'dhazyah), 'J" hath grasped': 1. King of Israel (855-854), son of Ahab and Jezebel. His character was on a level with that of his parents. He was a devotee of Baal and also followed in the sin of Jeroboam. During his reign Moab rebelled, and probably be- came independent. Mesha says: "But I saw my pleasiire upon him, and on his house, and Israel perished with an everlasting destruction" (Mesha inscription, 1. 7. See Mesha). Seriously injured by falling through a latticework, he sent to Ek- ron to inquire of Baal-zebub. Elijah met his mes- sengers and bade them return with the predic- tion of the king's death (cf. Elijah). He made a commercial alliance with Jehoshaphat for the purpose of sending ships to Tarshish. The vessels were destroyed, and the enterprise came to naught (I K 22 51-53; II K 1 1-18; II Ch 20 35-37). 2. King of Judah (843-842), son of Jehoram of Judah, and grandson of Ahab through his mother, Athaliah. The Chronicler speaks of him as the youngest son, as the Arabians had slain all the oth- ers (II Ch 22 1, called Azariah in ver. 6). As an ally, he went to war with Jehoram against the Syrians at Ramoth-gilead. At Jehoram's assassi- nation by Jehu, he was severely wounded, but made his escape to Megiddo, where he died (II K 8 25-29). J. A. K. AHBAN, a'ban C|?D*S*, 'ahhdn): A son of Abishtu* by Abihail (I Ch 2 29). E. E. N. AHER, e'hgr ("inX, 'aker): A Benjamite (I Ch 7 12; text obscure). E. E. N. AHI, e'hai (^HX., 'dhl), contraction for Ahijah: 1. AGadite (I Ch5l5). 2. An Asherite (ICh 7 34). E. E. N. AHIAH. See Ahijah. AHIAM, a-hai'am (D^*^n8., 'dhl'am), 'mother^s brother' (?): One of David's heroes (II S 23 33; I Ch 11 35). E. E. N. AHIAN, a-hai'an (l^nX, ^ahyan), *cousin': A Manassite, son of Shemida (I Ch 7 19). Possibly the name of a town. E. E. N. AHIEZER,e"hai-i'zer("lT^^0^:,'. whom it is said in II Ti 4 14 that he did Paul "much evil." 7. Alexander, an early Christian, "who made shipwreck concerning the faith," and whom Paul "delivered unto Satan " (I Ti 1 I9f.). Attempts have been made to identify 5, 6, and 7, but identification is simply a matter of conjecture. J. S. R. ALEXANDRIA, al"egz-an'dri-a: An ancient city, situated 14 m. W. of the Canopic mouth of the Nile, founded by Alexander the Great 332 B.C. It lay on a strip of land 2 m. wide, with Lake Mareotis on its southern side, and the sea on the northern. Run- ning out from the mainland to an island 1 m. dis- tant (Pharos Island) was what was called the Hep- tastadium, an artificial mole. On either side of this were two spacious harbors. A canal joined Lake Mareotis with the Canopic branch of the Nile. The city, which was regularly and beautifully built, was divided into five districts. The Jews occupied portance. Alexandria is not mentioned in the N T. Tradition tells us that Mark went to Egypt and es- tablished churches in the famous capital. J. S. R. ALEXANDRU TROAS, or simply TROAS, tro'as (Tpfi>ds), originally Sigiaj on the W. coast of the Troad. Antigonus enlarged Sigia, colonized it with people from Scepsis and elsewhere, and re- named it Antigonia Troas, It was further embel- lished by Lysimachus (300 B.C.), who renamed it Alexandria Troas, A. sided with Rome against Antiochus, and was made a Roman colony (Colo- nia Augusta Alexandria Troas). It became one of the most important towns in Asia. Caesar planned to make it the seat of government, as did Constantine at first. It was further embeUished by Augustus, Hadrian, and Herodes Atticus, who built an aqueduct and baths, the ruins of which are still extant, as are those of a temple, gyumasium, and Algum-Tree Alphabet A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 24 theater, while the outlines of the port with quay and colonnade of granite columns are etill distinct. Many marble columns from A. now adorn the Yeni Valid^ mosque in Constantinople (built 1649-87). A. was a Christian bishopric in Byzantine times. For Paul's connection with this city see Acts 18 8-n, 20 5-12; II Co 2 12; II Ti 4 13. J. R. S. S. ALGUM-TREE: The almug-tree. See Pales- tine, § 21. ALIAH, a-lai'a (~;^P, 'aly ah): A "duke," prob- ably a clan, of Edom (I Ch 1 51). Alvah in Gn 36 40. E. E. N. ALIAN, al'i-an 0;"?^^, 'alyan): A Seirite clan (ICh I 40). Alvan in Gn 36 23. E. E. N. ALIEN. See Stranger and Sojourner. ALLAMMELECH, al-lam'e-lec or ar'lam-m^'- lec (~^??j'S, 'allamelekh, Alammelech AV): A place in Asher (Jos 19 26). See Map IV, B 7. E. E. N. ALLEGORY: The description of one thing un- der the forms of another. Essentially, an allegory is an extended metaphor. In the original text of the Bible the word does not occur as a substantive. The verb derived from it is used in Gal 4 24 and may mean that the affair allegorized was intended as such, or that the interpreter is at liberty to see in it a meaning different from that on the surface. As the object of the Apostle in the passage in question is practical and homiletical rather than doctrinal and pedagogical, it is probable that he used the word to designate the process of appropriating to a specific use by allego- rizing what was originally intended in a different sense. The allegorical method of interpretation was common in Alexandria among the followers of Philo, and without committing himself to its underlying principles the Apostle could use it in illustrating and enforcing Gospel truth by O T utterances. Other instances of similar allegorizing by Paul are the use of Dt 25 4 in I Co 1 9 referring to the muzzling of the ox employed in threshing; of Nu 14 16, 23, 30 in I Co 10 4 referring to the rock, and of Ex 34 33, 35 in II Co 3 13. More akin to the typological use are the references in the Epistle to the Hebrews to O T pas- sages regarding Melchizedek and other matters. As a class these may be called allegories read into the O T. Allegories designed to be such at the start are kin- dred to parables (q.v.) and metaphors. It is im- possible to draw the line sharply between these similar and allied figures of speech (cf. Trench on Parables). Nathan's story to David (II S 12 1-14) may be construed either as a parable or as an alle- gory. The figures of the Vine (Jn 15 1-8), of the Bread of Life (Jn 6 32-42),. and other kindred nar- ratives are more clearly allegories. A. C. Z. ALLELUIA, al"e-lu'ya. See Hallelujah. ALLEMETH, al'e-meth (P^^V, 'allemeth, Ale- meth AV): A Levitical city in Benjamin (I Ch 6 60). Called Almon in Jos 21 18. Map II, F 1. E. E. N. ALLON, al'en Qp^, ^allon), *oak': L A prince of the tribe of Simeon (ICh 4 37). II. A city in Kadesh Naphtali (Jos 19 33 AV), translated 'oak' in RV. C, S.. T. ALLON BACUTH, al"on bac'uth, 'alldn bakhuth 'oak of weeping': A place near Beth-el where Deborah, Rebekah's nurse, was buried (Gn 35 8). E. E. N. ALMIGHTY. See God. ALMODAD, al-mo'dad: See Ethnography ane Ethnology. ALMON, al'men: See Allemeth. ALMON-DIBLATHAIM, al"men-d_ib"la-the'im (n9:p^5n"Ti?2^P, 'almon dibhldthayemah): One of Israel's encampments in Moab, between Dibon and the mountains of Abarim (Nu 33 46). Beth-dibla- thaim (Jer 48 22, and Mesha-stone, line 30) maybe the same place. E. E. N. ALMOND, am'und ("1^.^, shaqedh [from npt^, 'to keep watch/ or Ho be alert'], so called from its early blossoming, as though watching for the spring; cf. the play on the name in Jer 111): The almond, a native of W. Asia, was well known in Palestine and was a dehcacy much esteemed in other countries, such as Egypt, to which it was exported from S. Palestine (Gn 43 11). The almond blossom was imitated in the making of the golden candlestick (Ex 25 33 ff., 37 19 ff.), each of the bowls being shaped like its calyx (so Dillmann). In Ec 12 5 the words "the almond-tree shall blossom" seem to be, on the whole, the correct rendering. The white (really pink-white) blossoms are made the symbol of the white hair of the aged man. See also Palestine, §21; Food and Food Utensils, § 5. E. E. N. ALMS, ALMSGIVING. In the EVV this is an exclusively N T word, being found only in Mt, Lk, and Ac. As an English word, the term is derived from the Greek through the Latin (ikerjfjLoavvrjy ele- emosyne, Old Eng. aelmese, almes), and is a singular noun with a plural appearance. The essential ele- ment of its meaning is that of gratuity bestowed as an expression of compassion as in the presence of God. The feeling at the root of the conception is one which finds much encouragement in the laws and institutions of the O T (cf . the law on gleaning, Dt 24 19-22). There is, however, a twofold development of the thought in the O T, While on the one side the ' Mosaic legislation looks upon compassion toward the ' needy as a feeling to be cherished by the Israelite in his ideal conduct, the prophets on the other side present the case in the light of a rendering to the needy of rights which they might justly claim. Out of the interaction of these two sides of the develop- ment, there arose in the inter testamental age the idea of righteousness secured through almsgiving. , Especially were charitable deeds thought to be effi- ! cacious in annuUing the guilt of sin (Sir 3 14-.30, 16 14) ; and securing divine favor in time of danger or dis- ; tress (To 14 10, 11; Sir 29 12, 40 24). The treatment ! of the subject by Jesus in the Sermon on the Mount ' (Mt 6 1-4) is characteristic. He does not denounce almsgiving as futile in the search for right standing with God, but attempts to plant it upon the right motive of love to the heavenly Father. A. C. Z. ALMUG-TREE. See Palestine, § 21. 25 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Algtun-Tree Alphabet ALOES, al'oz, LIGN ALOES: The rendering of two Heb. words m'?;n&|, 'dhaldth (Ps 45 8; Song 414) and D"*"??^, 'dhallm (Nu 24 6; Pr7l7) and of the Gr. d\6r) (Jos 19 39). In all but one (Nu24 6) of these reff. a perfume (or fragrant wood) is meant, and in none is the common bitter aloes intended. The two Heb. words probably refer to the same thing, viz., the 'eaglewood' of commerce, an aromatic Clem. Alex.) it denotes Christ as the fountain and consunmiation of all things, and is common in Chris- tian art as a monogram for the eternal Divine Son. R. A. F, ALPHABET: The hieroglyphic signs of Egypt and the cuneiform characters of Babylonia had been used in writing for centuries before the alphabet was invented. It is first found in use among North Sem- b .w:p • n3?n . bDb . itsnt . nnnpD npn 21p3 yn 1^ • ^^^ Lines 24 and 25 of the Mesha Insckiption. (For translation see Mesha.) wood native to SE. Asia and well known to ancient traders. When burned it yields a fragrant odor. Most scholars consider that the text of Nu 24 6 is corrupt, for it does not seem likely that a tree native to far-off India could be spoken of by Balaam so familiarly (though Post, in HDB, contends that it may once have flourished in the tropical Jordan valley and thinks that Song 4 14 supports this view). Dillmann would emend to 'palms,' Cheyne and others to 'poplars.' E. E. N. ALOTH, e'loth. See Bealoth. ALPHA AND OMEGA, al'fa, o-mi'ga (ro^AX^a Km TO ^Q) : The self-designation of Jehovah (Rev 1 8, 21 6) and of Christ (22 13, cf. 1 17), and evidently based on such passages as Is 41 4, 44 6, 48 12; Ps 90 2. The itic peoples, and although it may not have originated with them, it was developed by a Semitic people, and became the source from which almost all systems of alphabets can be derived. From the Tel-el-Amarna letters, discovered in 1887-88 and dating from about 1400 B.C., it is evident that the Babylonian charac- ters and language were then in use in Canaan. By 1000 B.C., however, they had been displaced by Sem- itic alphabets and languages, which had developed with the growth of the more or less independent national life of the various Semitic peoples. In each people both alphabet and language, although having an origin in common with that of all the others, be- came changed and thus adapted to its individual needs. The material for the study of the development of 0.v*^-^.^f^. ^ **0^ In square Hebrew characters the inscription reads: n D^Di . ^s . . . 1 . p^?D . -)ir3 . n-iT . n^n . •^^ . iri . bx . X'n DJ^nn . tyxn . bv • ii?n . nD:i . n^n . nr^H • n The Siloam Inscription, See Jerusalem, § 34. term, or its equivalent, was not uncommon in Rab- binical and contemporary Greek writers- It means ' the Eternal One,' being in O T an attribute of Jeho- vah, the source and end of existence, with whom the writer of Revelation associates Christ in divine life- giving power. In early Christian literature (Tert. the Semitic alphabet is found in a few inscriptions, principally on stones, seals, and coins. I. Date of Perhaps the earliest inscription is that Alphabet, on a bronze bowl of Phcenician origin. It is dedicated to Baal-Lebanon by a servant of Hiram, King of the Sidonians, and may Alphabet A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 36 date from about 1000 B.C. From the middle of the 9th cent, comes the inscription of Mesha, King of Moab, called the Mesha Stone (see illustration). The earliest Hebrew inscription was found in the Siloam tunnel, probably built by Hezekiah, and therefore dating from the end of the 8th cent, (see Seal of Hananiah, Son of Azariah. The Hebrew inscription reads : in^'^Ti? ]2 liT'JJn? = to Hananyahu ben 'Azaryahu. illustration), to which may be added inscriptions on seals from the 4th to the 1st cent, (see illustrations), and on coins from the Maccabean era and later (see illustrations). The important Aramaic inscriptions are from Zinjirli in N. Syria (8th cent.), Nerab, SE. of Aleppo (7th cent.), and others (8th to 3d cent. B.C.) (see cols. 6, 7, 8 of Plate). Comparison re- Seal of Shemaiah, Son of Azariah. The Hebrew inscription reads: I.T'IT^ ]J ln'':?7:il?b = to Sh^ma'yahu ben 'Azaryahti. veals a common origin, and also a period of develop- ment in the individual alphabets covering several centuries, which were, however, slight. The earhest forms of the Greek alphabet, especially where the writing is from right to left as is the case with the Semitic alphabet, show that these also were derived from the same source. It is therefore evident that the original alphabet must have come into use some A. B. Silver Shekel of Simon MaccabseuB. The Hebrew inscription reads: A. bi^^V^ bp*^ = Shekel of Israel. B. ni2?"ip D^^'IT* = Jerusalem the Holy. Above the cup is the Tetter F (N), i. e., the numeral one — probably indicating the first year of Simon's reign. centuries earlier than the dates of the inscriptions cited, certainly by 1200 B.C. Attempts have repeatedly been made to find the source of the Semitic letters in the Egyptian or Babylonian characters. J. HaMvy (Re- 2. Origin vue simitigue, 1896, pp. 47-65; 1901, of pp. 356-370) derives the forms directly Alphabet, from the monumental hieroglyphs; whereas E. de Roug6 (Mermire sur Vorigine igyptienne de Valphabet phenicien, 1874) obtains them from the early hieratic characters, a cursive development of the hieroglyphs. Isaac Taylor (The Alphabet, Vol. I) accepts this view. On the other hand, W. Deecke (ZDMG, xxxi. 102 £f.) A. B. Half-Shekel (Copper) of Simon Maccabeeus. The Hebrew inscription reads : A. ^iSn i'D^lX niS? = Fourth year : One-half (shekel). B. p^iJ ribX^b = Of the freedom (independence) of Zion. and Hommel (Gesch. Babyloniens u. Assyrieiis, p. 50 ff.) contend that the forms of the Semitic alphabet were derived from certain cuneiform characters. Fr. Delitzsch (Die Entstehung des dltesten Schrift-Sys- temSf p. 221 ff .), however, contents himself with the attempt to prove only a free dependence of the Semitic letters on the Babylonian writing. Neither Coin of John Hyrcanus. The inscription reads: John the High Priest and the Council of the Jews. system can as yet be proved to be the direct source of aU the letters of the Semitic alphabet. The acro- phonetic element of the later Egyptian characters, however, may have suggested the alphabet to its in- ventor, for a letter is represented in its earliest form by the picture of the object, the name of which be- gins with the letter represented. Copper Coin of Herod I. The Greek inscription: ^ao-tAe'ws 'HpuSou (of King Herod). At present it is impossible to give the etymological explanation of all signs used in the Semitic alphabet, but several are certain: among them 3. Names are the following (consult Plate): N and (a) 'ox -head,* Heb. 'eleph; 1 (b) Origin of 'house,' Heh.hayith; ^ (1) *ox-goad,' Indi- malmadh (Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, Vol. vidual I, p. 263, gives, as the name of ^, a Letters. Hebrew word beginning with D, pre- fixed to a stem which begins with ^; in use this initial O was dropped); )o (m) 'water' mayim; y (i) 'eye,' 'ayin; S (p) 'mouth,' peh: T (r) 'head,' r'osh; ^ (s, sh) 'row of teeth,' sken] 27 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Alphabet n (t) *sign/ taw. Noldeke (Beitrdge zur sem. Sprach- wissenschaft, 1904, pp. 124- 136) and Lidzbarski (Ephe- meris, Vol. II, Heft 2, 1906) have recently published in- teresting contributions on this point. A study of the Greek names, which evi- dently were derived from the original Semitic forms, may assist in this investi- gation. The Aramaic form of the names of the Hebrew alphabet may point to an Aramaic origin of the alpha- bet. It is almost certain that a few names were given after the original sig- nificance of the character had been forgotten and without the use of the principle of acrophony, further than that the name should begin with the letter designated. Perhaps certain letters were de- veloped out of other let- ters, as e.g., H from H, D from T, D from n, the last- named by enclosing the orig- inal form, a cross, in a cir- cle. There is, however, no evidence to prove that the North Semitic alphabet ever had less than the 22 char- acters used in the inscrip- tions. All the letters were originally consonants, but \ n, 1, and N came to rep- resent vowels in Hebrew. The Greek alphabet used some of its forms for vowels and added three new signs. The phonetic demands of the South Semitic peoples led to the production of many additional forms, some at least derived from older characters. The names of the letters show that the characters were derived from parts of the human body, from animals, and 4. Order things with of which they had Letters, most to do. The arrange- ment of these letters in the alphabet may have been due in part to the tendency to place together things re- lated, e.g.j *• = hand, 3 = bent hand, y = eye, S = mouth, and to other mne- Specimens of Early Hbbbew and Abauaio Alphabets. ANCIENT HEBREW ALPHABETS, ARAMAIC -INSCRIPTIONS.. 1 Modem Hebrew Meslia Stooe, 875 B.C. • Seals, 8tli-5th cent. B.O. SUoam, 700B.O. Maccabean Coins, 2dQeDt.B.a STRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA. 1 Zinjirli. 8th cent. Nerab, 7th cent. B.G. "c.i.s."U.i-8: 8th-3dcent. B.C. JX i: "f^-f^t ft nv;e + 4= -t^f^K :i $ 5 5 55 535 S 3 5S33y > 1 '^ -^ ^ ^-| A AA A /^ A 1 z^ <\ A s ^ ^ q \i\ii^H n ^ ^^n ^^ ^ 3 ^ ^ nmn 1 Y 1 ^? 1 M 1 1 T xx =3Ct xz A/ X 2 V n H ^^ Bb »» MH i^tiny^t^ ID ® Pi t, ®G o (9cf^ >i H^ J13 n^ =t V •^ ^ I \ D y J 1 / Wl h 6 iL\ai / ^ / 6 / c D y ^^^«i J ^^ > 7 yiii J j^ iii'j J ^ y > J' 1^f D ¥ k ^ ff ff ff^r^ y> 6 o o Od u V 3 / 1 J 7 7 7 3 hv p- '^ 5=»^ 'h'P,^ V r rrt* P 1^ ? f vv 9f 9 n A 1^ 1 *? . A ^ V W W V' WW W WU/ w w v^V^ Jl X .^ t X ;c n / /^AA/' 1 2 8 4 5 6 « 8 Alphabet Altar A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 28 monic motives. We know the order of the Hebrew alphabet from that of the Greek, from the numer- ical value of each letter, and also from the initial letters of the verses in the alphabetic Psalms (111, 112, 119; Pr 31 lO ff., and La 1). Apart from the origin of the Semitic alphabet, the changes in the alphabet used by the Hebrews are of especial interest. The letters of the 5. Alpha- Siloam alphabet (Plate, col. 4) show bet Used a tendency to a more cursive character by the than is found in the Mesha Stone (col. Hebrews. 2); but the letters on the seals (col. 3) and coins (col. 5) retain essentially the forms of the Siloam inscription. The older Hebrew forms were used on the Maccabean coins, perhaps to emphasize the feeling of national independence. The Samaritans continued to use a form of the old Hebrew alphabet which shows its close relation to the original, and proves that until the separation of the Jews and Sa- maritans (about 400 B.C.) the older form had main- The Samaritan Script. five letters: final forms, y, t], J, D, -]; and forms for use before other letters of a word, O; and by- bending the perpendicular Unes to the left, V, &» Jj 3. In other letters, and in a similar way, horizontal bars have arisen out of the vertical lines of the prim- itive forms, cf. a, D, as well as 3, J, &; _^- ot column 1. By the opening of the upper portion of closed loops, and the straightening of zigzags, of earlier forms, the upper bars of 1, 1, ^, Dj ^t D, 1 are obtained. In order to avoid the confusion of characters in other letters the vertical lines were left, cf. :: and "1. The form V results from the opening of the upper part of the original circle, and extending the right-hand line toward a follow- ing letter. The square Hebrew characters were obtained by iso- lating each letter from all others in a word, and re- taining the form thus resulting. This alphabet, with shght modi- fications, has been used in all OT manuscripts, the oldest of which dates from the end of the 9th cent. a.d. tained itself. The accompanying illustration reproduces a few lines of a Samaritan MS. (Dt 1 44-46) of the 6, Samar- Pentateuch, written in 1219 a.d., but itan retaining essentially the forms used Writing, by the earlier Samaritans. In certain respects the Samaritan writing is more cursive, while at the same time the characters are more ornamental, as in a codex. The Aramaic alphabet was undergoing a de- velopment to the north and east of Palestine (see Plate, cols. 6, 7, 8), and out of 7. Hebrew it developed the square letters char- Square acteristic of the Hebrew alphabet, best Characters, known to us from its use in the MSS. of the O T. It was not a develop- ment within the Hebrew alphabet; but was used by that people, as they had adopted the earlier Aramaic forms, familiar to them from their residence in Bab- ylon. The Aramaic writing did not at once dis- place the old Hebrew alphabet, but both were in use, the Aramaic characters finally securing the prefer- ence in copies of the books of the O T. Strack (PRE^, Vol. 17) gives as explanation for this that the Aramaic characters were considered holy, the Hebrew pfofane. At the time of Christ we have evidence (Mt 5 18) that this square alphabet was in use, for *" is the smallest letter. The changes in the forms of the letters were largely due to the attempt to obtain cursive forms, which were as simple as possible and could be made without removing the pen, and also to the similar effort to join the letters of words. This form of writing gave two forms for text, also Lidzbarski, Handbuch Epigraphik, 2 vols., 1896-98; JE, HDB\ A. A. Bevan, article Writing, bibliographies in the foregoing. Literature: Books cited in der nordsemitischen Vol. I; I. Taylor, in in EB, and the C. S. T. ALPH^US, al'fe-us or al-flVs CAX^mor, WH *AX^aios): 1. The father of the second James in the apostolic lists (Mk 3 18; Mt 10 3; Lk 6 15; Ac 1 13), probably the same as Clopas, husband of Mary (Jn 19 25). For (a) both names are possible trans- literations of the Aram, chalephai, but cf. Zahn, Forsch. VI, p. 343; and (&) in Mk 15 40; Mt 27 56, the woman who corresponds to Mary, the wife of Clopas in Jn 19 25, is called the mother of James (Mk adds "the Less") and Joses. There is no rea- son for the further assumption (Eusebius, HE, III, 11, 2; IV, 22, 4) that A. was a brother of Joseph, thus making James son of A. the cousin of Jesus (see Brethren of the Lord). 2. The father of Levi (Matthew) (Mk 2 14), but cf. D, which reads 'laKco^ov (James) in place of Atvelv (Levi). J. M. T. ALTAR: The origin of the term altar is very obscure. The current theory, that the altar is but a development from the sacred stone, of I. Semitic which the 'pillar,' the waisiscfr/ia^i, was Altars in the later and more direct representa- General. tive (so e.g. Benzinger, p. 379, Nowack, II, p. 18), is not beyond all doubt. The ancient legislation (Ex 20 24) requiring that altars should be of earth, or, if not, of unhewn stone only, seems to indicate that the primitive altar often 39 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Alphabet Altar consisted simply of a heap of earth. In any case, there can be no doubt that the earliest altars were of the most simple type. The sacred stone, also, was essentially an altar, in the sense of being a place where some recognition of the presence of deity could Western Side abode of deity or indicated the near-by presence of deity (cf. Gn 28 16-18). The main idea regarding an altar was that it was the place of sacrifice {i.e., slaughter, since originally every slaughter was a sacrifice) as its Heb. name mizbeah indicates. These Nocthern and Southern Longslde West ?>:-"^%X?s^" Dolmens (Primitive Altars) in Eastern Palestine. be made (by smearing with oil, cf . Gn 28 18, or blood, cf. IS 14 31-35). The ancient narrative in I S 14 31 £f. is instructive as to the intimate relation between the sacred stone and the altar. Saul, horrified by the news that the people were slaying the captured animals and eating them "with the blood" — i.e., without a proper sacrificial disposal of the blood — two ideas are brought together in the most an- cient O T legislation regarding altars (Ex 20 24 f.). Wherever J" "recorded" His name was a legitimate place for an altar; that is, wherever J" manifested His presence, as by a theophany, by a dream, by giving victory to His people, etc. Such conceptions betray themselves in all that is said of altars in the Ai/tar of Burnt Offerings (as Pohtrated by Ezekiel). had a large stone placed before him to which the people were ordered to bring their animals for slaughter. This stone was both a sacred stone, set up in coEomemoration of Jehovah's deliverance of His people, and an altar — a mizbeah, 'sacrifice- {i.e., slaughter-) place.' The main idea regarding the sacred stone was that it either was actually the patriarchal stories in Gn and in the. stories in Jg and I S. In all these a comparatively simple state of society (seminomadic or undeveloped agricul- tural) is presupposed, and all usages are correspond- ingly simple. Every Canaanite high place had its altar, and as the main function of the altar was to furnish a place Altar Ambush A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 30 for the proper disposition of the blood (afterward, of necessity, of the whole or parts of the body, by burning of the sacrificial victim), remains of such high-place altars generally show a number of cup- like depressions on the top with one or more drains to collect and carry off the blood (see the reports of excavations at Gezer in PEFQ, 1902-06). For illustrations of ancient Hebrew rock-altars see H. B. Greene in Bib. World, May, 1897, and see also G. L. Robinson's account of the Edomite high place of Petra, ibid., Jan., 1901. The Kingdom period with its development of city life and the establishment of royal sanctuaries (e.g., at Jerusalem, Beth-el, and Samaria), with their temples and more elaborate cultus, brought about a corresponding development of the altar probably with more or less extensive adoption of foreign types (Phoenician, Assyrian, etc.). In some Canaanite cities altars of elaborate form were in use before the Conquest. One such was found at Taanach by Professor Sellin (July, 1902), with ornamented cor- ners and faces, with horns, a cup for sacrifices, etc. (see PEFQ, Oct., 1902). The detailed information regarding altars in the O T concerns mainly those of the Tabernacle and the temples of Solomon and of Ezekiel's 2. The vision. For his Temple Solomon dis- Altars of carded David's altar and had a new the Temple brazen altar constructed. It is prob- and Taber- able that this altar was erected on the nacle. site of David's sacrifice on the occasion mentioned in II S 24 16-25 (cf. I Ch 22 1; II Ch 3 1), the place now supposed to be covered by the famous Dome of the Rock (see Jerusalem, §§ 4, 25). The description of this altar has been omit- ted in I K 7 (though reminiscences occur in 8 64 and 9 25), but it can be supplied from II Ch 4 1. It was 20 cubits in length and breadth with a height of 10 cubits. Its general shape was probably like that of the altar of Ezekiel's vision (Ezk 43 13-17). It *'rose in terraces, contracting by means of two inlets [ledges] toward the top." It was 20 cubits square at the base, but the altar hearth was probably not more than 12 cubits square. By some Ezekiel's altar is taken as an exact reproduction of Solomon's, but the figures given in Ezk seem to make a struc- ture 18 cubits square by 12 cubits high, instead of 20 cubits and 10 cubits (see Davidson's Com. on Ezk in Camb. Bible). The altar was ascended by a flight of steps on its east side. Its faces were probably ornamented with figures of various kinds. Little is said of its structure in detail. The material is said to have been brass (bronze). Whether this refers to the whole or only to its covering or plating is not known. It had horns, apparently because it was customary for more elaborate altars to have such. The original significance of these is not known. W. R. Smith (Rel. Sem., p. 436) thinks that they were a survival of the practise of actually placing the head (with the horns) of the sacrificial victim on the altar and leaving them there to hang votive offerings on, etc. The horns appear to have been thought the most sacred part of an altar (cf. Ex 29 12; Lev 16 18; I K 1 SO). The altar was doubt- less provided with drains, etc., but of these noth- ing is said. Its location was "before Jehovah" (II K 1614), i.e., directly E. of the porch of the Temple. u k f Solomon's altar was in general use for all Durnt offerings until it was displaced by the altar Ahaz had made after a model he had seen at Damascus (11 K 16 10-16). Both of these altars were doubtless des- troyed at the capture of Jerusalem (586 B.C.). ^^ In Solomon's Temple there was another " altar, that of the showbread (I K 6 20) made of cedar, over- laid with gold. This is called a "table in Ezk (41 22). Something similar to this has been found portrayed on the Assyr. monuments. (See the cut in Benzinger, p. 387.) In K, Ch, and Ezk there is no specific mention of an altar of incense. When the exiles returned, one of their first acts was to build an altar (Ezr 3 3) probably of unhewn stones (cf. I Mac 4 47) in stricter accord with the old law of Ex 20 25 than the altars of Solomon, Ahaz, or Ezekiel had been. This altar was in use as the altar of the Second Temple until it was desecrated by the command of Antiochus Epiphanes (I Mac 1 54). When the Jews regained possession of Jerusalem they carefully pulled down the desecrated altar, laid away its stone and built a new one, also of unhewn stone (I Mac 4 44-47). It is thus seen that Ezekiel's plan of a magnificent bronze altar was not realized. The description of the Tabernacle in Ex 25-31 and 35-40, largely of post-exilic date, states ideals rather than facts. It combines the conceptions of Ezekiel with the actual practises of the post-exilic Temple in one ideal presentation. According to this descrip- tion the Tabernacle had three altars: (1) "The al- tar," i.e., the altar of burnt offerings, a small port- able structure, hollow, of wood overlaid with bronze, 5 cubits square and 3 cubits high. It was furnished with horns and with a bronze gi'ating or network, perhaps intended for carrying away the blood, rather than for the ashes (Ex 27 1-8). (2) The table for the showbread (Ex 25 23-30). (3) The altar of incense (Ex 30 1 ff.). The account of this last seems to belong to a secondary stratum of the narrative in Ex 25-31 and, since even Ezekiel says nothing about such an altar, was probably added at a later time in the post-exilic period after the altar of incense had been added to the furniture of the Second Temple. When that was no one can say, except that it took place before the Maccabean period (cf. I Mac 4 49). Of the altars of Herod's reconstructed temple little is definitely known. See also Temple, Taber- nacle, and Sacrifice. Literature; Benzinger, Heb. ArcMologie (1894), pp. 378 ff.; Nowack, Heb. Archaologie (1894), II, pp. 75-85; Addis in EB. E E N. AL-TASHHETH, al-tash'heth (Al-taschith, al- tas'kith, AV). See Music, and Musical Instru- ments, § 6. ALUSH, 6'lush (t^^, 'alUsh): An encampment of Israel (Nu 33 13 f.). Site unknown. E. E. N. ALVAH, al'va; ALVAN, al'van: See Aliah, Alian. AMAD, ^'mad O^W, 'am'adh): A town of Asher (Jos 19 26). Site uncertain. E E. N. AMAL, g'mal (b)}^, 'amal): A son of Helem, an Asherite (I Ch 7 35). e^ -^ j^ 31 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Altar Ambush AMALEK, am'a-Iek (p.^rp5?, 'dmaUg): The grand- son of Esau (Gn36l2), whose descendants are described in Nu24 20 as "the first of the nations/* i.e., the most powerful. The reference in Gn 14 7 to "all the country of the Amalekites " as smitten by Chedorlaomer and his allies does not necessarily carry them back in history to the days of Abraham, but rather defines their locality in the time of the author. They are not alluded to in the ' Table of Nations' (Gn 10). Geographically, they occupied the desert region S. of Canaan, extending from Beersheba beyond Kadesh-bamea far into the pen- insula of Sinai and probably also into northern Arabia. They withstood the Israelites, when the latter under Moses migrated from Goshen to the Promised Land, attacking them in the rear (Dt 25 17-19). At Rephidim, which is best identified with Wady Feirdn, they were defeated by Joshua (Ex 17 8-16). When the spies returned they reported that the Amalekites dwelt "in the land of the South" (Nu 13 29). Not long after this they are spoken of as occupying "the valley," presumably the valley S. of the Dead Sea (Nu 14 25). Though powerful at the time of Israel's exodus, they must have become somewhat reduced through the seces- sion of the Kenites and Kenizzites (cf. I S 15 6). In the time of the Judges, however, they seem to have possessed a foothold in Ephraim (Jg5 14, according to the present text) and to have continued their marauding expeditions (Jg6 3). Saul was commissioned to exterminate them utterly, but he spared Agag, their king (I S 15). In David's day Amalekite robbers made a raid upon Ziklag and took it, but they were overtaken by David and so completely decimated that they seem never to have recovered (I S 30). In Hezekiah's reign, "the remnant of the Amalekites that escaped" were smitten by the Simeonites, who dispossessed them of Mount Seir (ICh4 43). No trustworthy data concerning them are to be found outside the O T. Neither Assyrian nor Egyptian records allude to them. G. L. R. AMAM, ^'mam (C^K, 'dmdm): A city of S. Ju- dah (Jos 15 26). Site unknown. E. E. N. AMANA, a-ma'na (^J;?^;, 'dmdnah): The south- ern portion, probably, of the Anti-Lebanon mountain range (Song 4 8). E. E. N. AMARIAH, am"a-rcd'a (";i^^, 'dmaryah), 'J" hath promised': 1. A son of Meraioth and grand- father of Zadok (I Ch 6 7 f.; Ezr73). 2. Theances- tral head of one of the subdivisions of the Kohathite Levites (I Ch 23 19; cf. 24 23). 3. Chief priest in Je- rusalem under Jehoshaphat (I Ch 6 11; II Ch 19 ll). 4. A Levite assistant to Kore, the porter at the east gate who was over the free-will offerings of God, in the time of Hezekiah (II Ch 31 14 f.). 5. Ancestor of Zephaniah, possibly son of Hezekiah, King of Judah (Zeph 1 1). 6. One of the priests that sealed the covenant of Nehemiah's time (Neh 10 3). 7. A Judahite who dwelt in Jerusalem (Neh 11 4). 8. One of the priests of Zerubbabel's band which returned from Babylon (Neh 12 2, 13). J. A. K. AMASA, am'a-sa («??¥^, 'dmasd'): 1. A son of Jether, an Ishmaelite, and David's sister Abigail (I Ch 2 17; II S 17 2fi). Absalom appointed him captain of his forces (II S 17 25). After David's victory he gave Amasa the place held by his cousin Joab (II S 19 13 ff.), probably in order to allay disaf- fection in Judah. Very soon after this Amasa was assassinated by Joab (II 820 4^12; I K2 5, 32). 2. An Ephraimite (II Ch 28 12). E. E. N. AMASAI, a-mas'ai C^)p^:, 'dmasay): 1. A Ko- hathite Levite (I Ch 6 26, 35; 11 Ch 29 12). 2. One of David's captains (I Ch 12 16-18, perhaps the same as Amasa, 1). 3. A priest (I Ch 15 24). E. E. N. AMASHSAI, a-mash'sd (^D^^^ , 'dmash?ay, Amashai AV): A priest (Neh 11 13), called Maasai (I Ch9i2). E. E. N. AMASIAH, am-a-sai'a (n;D»3?, 'dma§yah), 'J" bears': One of Jehoshaphat's captains (II Ch 17 16). E. E. N. AMAZIAH, am"a-zai'a (^ri;V??><, 'dmatsyahu), 'J" strengthens': 1. Son of Joash and king of Judah, c. 798-790 B.C. Though he executed his father's murderers he refused to follow custom and spared their children. Having reduced Edom once more to subjection to Judah, he rEishly engaged in war with Jehoash of Israel, but was utterly defeated. Jerusalem was captured, its walls partly demolished, while Amaziah retained his throne only through paying a heavy indemnity and giving hostages. Judah was thus reduced practically to the condition of subjection to Israel. After this, disaffection showed itself and, like his father, Amaziah was mur- dered by conspirators (II K 12 21, 13 12, 14 1-22; II Ch 25). Amaziah is 'said to have reigned twenty-nine years (II K 14 2). It is probable that a mistake has been made somehow and that he actually reigned but nine years. See Chronology of O T (table). 2. Priest of Beth-el under Jeroboam II., who attempted to prevent Amos from prophesying in Israel (Am 7 10 ff.). 3. One of the descendants of Merari (I Ch 4 34). 4. A Levite (I Ch 6 45). E. E. N. AMBASSADOR: In OT the equivalent of (1) mellts (II Ch 32 31). Properly, 'interpreter* (cf. Gn 42 23; Is 43 27 [RVmg.]; Job 33 23). (2) marak (II Ch35 2l; Is 30 4, 33 7; Ezk 17 15), 'One who has been sent,' 'a messenger.' (3) tsir (root idea Ho go'), ambassador in a technical sense (Is 18 2, 57 9; Jer 49 14); parallel to "messenger" (Pr 13 17). In Jos 9 4, the Heb. form is verbal, not substantive. In N T only as a rendering of the verbal form irpeo-^evetu (II Co 5 20; Eph 6 20). J. M. T. AMBER, am'bgr: This word occurs in the AV of Ezk 1 4, 27, 8 2, as the rendering of the Heb. 7S?)D, hashmal. The RV replaces it with the term "glow- ing metal," which is as satisfactory a rendering as can be suggested, since the meaning of the term is uncertain. E. E. N. AMBUSH, AMBUSHMENT. See Warfare, §4. Amen Amos A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 32 AMEN, e"men' or (Mus.) a"men': Originally a verbal adjective meaning ' steadfast/ it became an adverb /truly,' or an interjection, 'so be it/ 'so it is.' (1) In the O T: (a) Initially; in affirmation of a pre- ceding statement, which the speaker solemnly makes his own (I K 1 36; Jer 28 6; cf. Rev 7 12, 22 20). (6) Detached, as an oath (Nu 5 22; Dt 27 15; Neh 5 13). (c) Liturgical; at the close of public prayer and benediction (I Ch 16 36; Neh 8 6; Ps 106 48). (2) In NT: (a) In the Epistles, commonly a response to public or private prayer (I Co 14 16; Rev 5 14). (6) In Rev 3 14 (cf. II Co 1 20; Is 65 16; RVmg.) it is used as a proper name — Jesus as the Word affirming the truth of God's promises, (c) In the Gospels its use is confined to the utterances of Jesus. Luke usually employs instead of it the expressions "of a truth," "truly/* or "I say." Jesus uses it not as an answer, but in strong asseveration. The truth of His utterance must be accepted on His own testi- mony (cf, "Yea" in Mt 11 9, 26). In John's Gos- pel only the double term "verily, verily" (i.e,, "amen, amen") occurs. R. A. F. AMETHYST. See Stones, Precious, § 2. AMI, e'mai (^^^*, 'ami, Amon in Neh 7 59): An- cestral head of a family of "Solomon's servants" (Ezr 2 57; Neh 7 59). E. E. N. AMINADAB. See Amminadab. AMITTAI, a-mit'ai (^'^^^;, 'dmittay), 'r is truth ' (?): The father of the prophet Jonah (II K 14 25; Jon 1 1). E. E. N. AMMAH, am'a (HTJN, 'ammah): A hill near Giah in the wilderness of Gibeon, where Abner, sup- porting the claims of Ishboeheth, son of Saul, was defeated by Joab, the leader of David's forces. C. S. T. AMMI-, am'mai C'^^j 'amml [or DJJ, 'am, when at the end of a word]): An element in the com- position of proper names, which, since this word may mean 'uncle/ 'kinsman/ or 'people,' may refer to the divine Being (as ' uncle,' i.e., chief kinsman), or to one's relatives or people. For illustrations see the significance of the various names compounded with " ammi " (or with the suffix "am"). Cf. G. B. Gray, Studies in Hebrew Proper Names, pp. 41- 60. E. E. N. AMMI, am'mai (*^P, ^ammi), 'my people': The designation of Israel as restored to divine favor (Hos 2 1); the opposite of Lo-ammi, "not my people " (1 9), the symbolic name of Hosea's third child which was indicative of the separation that had taken place between Israel and J". E. E. N. AMMIEL, am'mi-el (^X^r?P, 'ammi'el), 'God is kinsman': 1. One of the spies (Nu 13 12). 2. The father of Machir of Lo-debar (II S9 4f., 17 27). 3. The father of David's wife Bathshua (I Ch 3 5), the same as Eliam, father of Bath-sheba (II Sll3). 4. A Levite (I Ch 26 8). E. E. N. AMMIHUD, am-mai'hud (I^H^TSr, 'ammihudh), 'kinsman is glory': 1. The father of Elishama, prince of Ephraim (Nu 1 10, 2 18, etc.; I Ch 7 26). 2. A Simeonite (Nu34 20). 3. A Naphtalite (Nu34 28). 4. A Judahite, the son of Omri (I Ch 9 4). 5. For II S 13 37 see Ammihur. E. E. N. AMMIHUR, am'mi-hur (I'ln'^Tjr, 'ammihur, Am- mihud AV) : Father of Talmai, King of Geshur (II S 13 37). E. E. N. AMMINADAB, a-min'a-dab (S^J'^^J', 'ammina- dkabh), 'the [divine] kinsman gives': 1. The an- cestral head of a family or clan of Judah (Nu 1 7, 2 3, etc.; Ru 4 19 f.; I Ch 2 10). 2. The name of one or more Levites, descendants of Kohath (I Ch 6 22 [elsewhere called Izhar, vs. 2,18,38; Ex 6 18, etc.], 15 10 f.). A., the father of Aaron's wife (Ex 6 23), was probably a Levite. The reference to Nahshon in both Ex 6 23 and Nu 1 7, etc., may indicate some intermarriage between Levite and Judahite fam- ilies. E. E. N. AMMINADIB, a-min'a-dib ( :3^"!j^T?i', 'ammina' dhlbh): A name which occurs in the AV of Song 6 12, but RV reads "my princely people." The Heb. text is obscure and difficult. E. E. N. AMMISHADDAI, am"mi-shad'da-ai CTiS^^5>, 'ammlshadday), 'Shaddai is kinsman': Father of Ahiezer, prince of Dan (Nu 1 12, etc.). E. E. N. AMMIZABAD, am-miz'a-bad (IJT"')?^, 'ammiza- bhddh), 'kinsman has made a gift': An officer, son of Benaiah, David's hero (I Ch 27 6). E. E. N. AMMON, am'en (^1:2^, 'ammon; always ]')'^^ "'i!?, "children [sons] of Ammon," except in I S 11 11; Ps 83 7). In Assyrian inscriptions bit-ammdnu: The termination 'on' ('om'), seen also in Milcom, may be an Ammonite linguistic peculiarity, and Ammon, like Milcom, a qualitative designation of the god. The Ammonites were a Hebraic people, descend- ants of Lot through Ben-ammi (q.v.) (Gn 19 30 fE.). Dispossessing the Zamzummim (Dt 2 20), they set- tled E. of the Jordan. Their boundaries were indef- inite, the Jordan was claimed as the W. border (Jg 11 13), and to the E. lay the uncharted desert. When Israel entered Palestine the A. lived E. of the Jabbok (Nu 21 24; Dt 3 16). Rabbah ("Rabbah of the children of Ammon," Dt 3 11), now Ammdji, on the Jabbok, was the capital. The story in Gn 19 30 ff., generally assumed to be a slur upon the origin of Ammon, is not necessarily such. A. and Moab, both being in possession of their lands long before the Exodus, might well call themselves pure-blooded natives as compared with the Hebrew immigrants. Later the story may have become a taunt. Their language, nearly identical with Hebrew (comp. their proper names), was a witness to kinship. The term "children of Ammon" suggests nomadic characteristics, and while towns are vaguely referred to, Rabbah is the only one named. Jg 11 gives the first detailed account of their fortunes; Jephthah repudiated their claims on Gilead and drove them E. of the Jabbok. "When they again attempted to hu- miliate Israel, Saul defeated them (I S 11). David was at first friendly to A., but because of the insult to 33 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY AxnetL Amos his ambassadors (II S 10 1 ff.), besieged and captured Rabbah, and discrowned Milcom (IIS12 30.mg.); Jotham reduced them to tribute (II (3h 27 5), Later we find them at times in a coalition against Babylon (Jer 27 3), at other times tributary. They .once at- tacked Jerusalem (II K 24 2), and later exulted over her fall (Ps 83). The prophets bitterly denounced them (Amlis; Jer49; Ezk25iff.; Zeph28f.). In post-exilic days Tobiah the Ammonite (Neh 2 10) was an opponent of Nehemiah. In 164 B.C., under a leader, Timotheus, they were defeated by Judas Maccabseus (I Mac 5 6-8). The name finally disap- pears in the 3d cent. a.d. The name of the chief deity was Milcom, from the same root as TQ'Q, 'king.' In II S 12 30 we should follow the RVmg. Perhaps a colossal idol- statue stood in Rabbah. Literatttre: Moore on Judges in Internal. Crit, Comm.; Driver on Genesis. A S C AMNON, am'neh Ci"^^^!:!, 'amnon): 1. David's eldest son, slain by Absalom for violating his sister Tamar (II S 3 2, 13 1-39). 2. A descendant of Ju- dah(ICh4 20). E. E. N. AMOK, 6'mek (p")^?, 'amoq), 'deep': A post-exilic priestly family (Neh 12 7, 20). E. E. N. AMON, ^'men Cv^^j ^amon), /master-workman': 1. King of Judah, son of Manasseh, and father of the godly Josiah. Of his brief reign of two years (641- 639 B.C.) little is known. Like his father he was de- voted to the worship of Assyrian deities. He was assassinated by some of his courtiers, but the people took vengeance upon his assassins. Scholars con- nect these events with a religious struggle between the prophetic and reactionary parties in Judah. The former, having put the king to death, was not strong enough to maintain its position (II K 21 18 ff.). 2. The governor of Samaria, under Ahab (I K 22 26), 3. One of Solomon's temple slaves whose descend- ants returned from Babylonia with Zerubbabel (Neh 7 59). J. A. K. AMORITE, am'o-rait (""110.^, 'emori), perhaps 'mountain-dwellers' (Oxf. Heb. Lex.): The early inhabitants of Palestine. Two strong Amorite kingdoms confronted Israel E. of the Jordan prior to the invasion, but they were overthrown and their kings, Sihon and Og, slain (Dt 2 33, 3 3). But there is evidence that the Amorites early occupied the W. and S. of the land as well as the E. The syno- nymity of Amorite and Canaanite is uncertain, and it is disputed whether the word martu in early Bab. and Assyr. inscriptions is equivalent to A. ; but in inscriptions from Hammurabi's age onward, the two terms are interchangeable. ' ' Land of Amurri ' ' occurs on Bab. tablets as early as the 12th cent. B.C., and is also common in the Amama tablets. The name is frequent in the enumeration of nations (Ex 3 8, and elsewhere). The constant Hebrew tradi- tion makes the A. the immediate predecessors of the Hebraic and Aramean invaders (cf. Paton, Early History of Syr. and Pal.). About 2500 B.C. a new type of Semitic names appears in Babylonia, and racial changes are evident throughout Syria and per- haps Egypt. A. S. C, AMOS, 6'mes (Dl?:y, 'amos), ' bearer' or ' borne' (by God?): 1. The prophet Amos was a no&ec?^ or shep- herd of fine-haired sheep, a tender of I . The sycamores, and a native of Tekoa, south Man. of Bethlehem (Am 1 1, 7 14). In the loneliness of his native mountains, as with Elijah (I K 19 12 ff.), God's voice was more clearly heard and His words more perfectly under- stood. So he was impelled to go to Beth-el to preach against N. Israel his God-given message. His activ- ity may be dated some time between B.C. 765 and 750. He repudiated the name nahhx\ prophet (7 14), but only because of Amaziah's implication that he proph- esied for gain and belonged to a venal gild (7 12). Yet he is the first of the writing prophets, the origi- nator indeed of a new school of prophecy. The analysis of the book, externally, is simple. We may distinguish four sections: I. 1 2-2 16. Indict- ment of the kindred peoples for sins 2. The against common humanity, culminating Book. with Israel, who has broken a holier law. II. 3 1-6 14. Oracles in which are reiterated the folly of formalism and the futility of national hopes, while luxury, extravagance, and crime are rampant. To this belongs also 8 4-14, which interrupts its present context. III. 7 1-9 8a. Five visions of judgment with a historical appendix. These visions are climacteric in arrangement, though the order is broken first by 7 10-17, and second by 8 4^14. First, we have two visions of remediable evils, 7 1-3, 4^6; then the hope- less internal perversity, 7 7-9; and finally the im- pending consummation, 8 1-3; with earthquake and extermination, 9 1-4. rV. 9 8b-l5. The Messianic future follows ver. 8a abruptly and differs in phraseology, conception, and outlook from the rest of the prophecy. It can hardly have been the, original conclusion of Amos's visions of judgment. The five visions seem to be the original kernel of the book, and with them is associ- ated the story of Amaziah's protest, and the prophet's probable expulsion (7 12). The other sections, artis- tically elaborated as they are, may well have been written later by Amos and committed to posterity. Four passages in I are of doubtful genuineness: 1 2 is probably a late addition; 1 9 f. is a doublet of 1 6 f . ; 24 f. is vague and colorless and to be rejected; while lllf., according to some, with less reason, is post- exilic. Prophecy began a new era with the herdsman of Tekoa. Whatever his predecessors may have done, he first wrote for posterity the outlines 3. Theol- of an ethical theory of the world. The ogy. Hebrew term SIlD, 'good,' attained with him a distinct moral significance (5 14; cf. ver. 6). The essence of the Law was equity and not sacrifice (5 7, 11, 22-25, 8 4-7). The Day of Jehovah was not to be one of national aggrandizement but of searching judgment (5 18 ff.). Above all rises the conception of the God of Hosts transcendent in power, inflexible in justice, whose dictates are founded not upon arbitrary will, but upon the very constitution of the world (7 7f.). It would, per- haps, be too much to say that Amos had a system. It would be inadequate to characterize him as a teacher of ethical monotheism. He was one upon Amoz Angel A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 34 whom the reality of God had powerfully impressed itself, and to the expression of this, monotheism was but a corollary. If one attribute of the divine nature appealed to him with more intensity than an- other, this enabled him to present with startling clearness the truths that there can be no religion where human rights are not recognized, and that the claims of justice between men find their original counterpart in the nature of God Himself. In his view of the relation of man to man in society, Amos has not been outgrown, nor have his conceptions of deity become antiquated. 2. An ancestor of Joseph (Lk 3 25). Literature: W. R. Smith, The Prophets of Israel (1895); G. A. Smith, The Book of the Twelve Prophets (1896) in the Expositor's Bible; Driver, Joel and Amos (1898) in the Cambridge Bible; W, R, Harper, Amos and Hosea (1905), in the International Crit. Comm. A. S. C. AMOZ, g'mez (p'^if, 'amots), 'strong': Father of Isaiah (Is 1 1, etc.). E. E. N. AMPHIPOLIS, am-fip'o-lis: A city of Thrace, in a bend of the river Strymon (a/i(/>t, TrdXt?), and a post on the Via Egnatia. Under the Romans it was a free city and the capital of the province. It is mentioned once in the N T (Ac 17 l). J. R. S. S. AMPLIATUS, am"pli-6'tus (AfnrXlaros, WH 'A/iTrXtaroff, Amplias AV [am'pli-as], 'AfiTrXias): A Christian greeted in Ro 16 8 as "My beloved in the Lord." The name, probably that of a slave, occurs in inscriptions, Cf. C/L. 5154. J, M. T. AMRAM, am'ram (D*}??^, 'amram): 1. Grand- son of Levi, through Kohath, and father of Miriam, Aaron, and Moses (Ex 6 18-20; Nu 26 59). His de- scendants were the Kohathite Levites called Am- ramites (Nu 3 27). 2. One of the " sons of Bani " who had taken strange wives (Ezr 10 34; cf. ver. 19). 3. See Hamran. E. E. N. AMRAPHEL, am'ra-fel ('^H^^* 'amraphel): The king of Shinar who, with two other kings, in- vaded Palestine some time in the 23d cent. B.C. under the leadership of Chedorlaomer, King of Elam (Gn 14). Lately Amraphel has been identified by many scholars with the great Hammurabi (see Baby- lonia, § 15), who is known to have been king of Babylon and therefore of Shinar, or Babylonia proper, and to have thrown off the yoke of Elam about 2250 B.C. The combination is probable but not quite certain. An alternative hypothesis, that the king in question was the father of Hammurabi, has something in its favor. J. F. McC. AMULET, See Dress and Ornaments, § 11. AMZI, am'zai (^V^i?, 'amtsi): 1. A Merarite Levite (I Ch 6 46). 2. A priest (Neh U 10, 12). E. E. N. ANAB, e'nab O^V., 'dnabh), 'grapes': A town of Judah. eight m. SW. of Hebron (Jos 11 21, 15 50). Map II, D 3. E. E. N. ANAH, an'a ("J^., 'dnah): The ancestor of a Ho- rite clan of the same name (Gn 36). In ver. 2 read "Anah the son of Zibeon the Horite" as is required by vs. 20, 24 ff. E. E. N. ANAHARATH, a-n^'ha-rath (nnqJK, 'dnaU- rath): A city of Issachar (Jos 19 19). Site uncer- tain. E. E. N. ANAIAH, a-nai'a (n;32?, 'dnayah), 'J" has an- swered': 1. An assistant of Ezra (Neh 8 4). 2. One of those that sealed the covenant (Neh 10 22). E.E.N. ANAK, e'nak, ANAKIM, an'a-kim (p;5^, 'dnaq). The legendary ancestor of the gigantic Anakim of SW. Palestine (Nu 13 22 fE. ; Dt 2 10 f.; Jos 15 13 f.; Jg 120, etc.). E. E. N. ANAMIM, See Ethnography and Ethnol- ogy, § 11. ANAMMELECH, a-nam'e-lec and Q"nam-m^'lec (*^$^^2^, 'dnammelekh) : A deity worshiped by the inhabitants of Sepharvaim (Sippara), at times with human sacrifice (II K 17 31). The text of this passage is somewhat uncertain and A. may be a later gloss. The name A. is explained by King (in EB) as equivalent to Anu-molih ('Anu is the decider or princeOj Anu being the name of one of the principal Babylonian deities. See also Semitic Religion, § 9. E. E. N. ANAN, ^'nan Q'^"^)'- One of those that sealed the covenant (Neh 10 26). E. E. N. ANANI, a-n6'nai or a-na'ni (^^J^, 'dnanl), 'my cloud': One of the sons of Ehoenai (I Ch 3 24). E. E. N. ANANIAH, an"a-nai'a (P\W„ 'dnamjah): '3" is a cloud': I. The father of Maaseiah (Neh 3 23). II, A town in Benjamin mentioned along with Nob and Ramah (Neh 11 32). Map II, F 1. A. C. Z. ANANIAS, an"a-nai'Qs (Avavias, Heb. n^^^D), 'J" hath been gracious': 1. A member of the early Church, who attempted to enhance his reputation by a show of liberality. Having sold a piece of property he offered to the Church a part of the amount received, pretending that he gave the whole sum. Peter detected the deceit and its deliberate purpose and laid bare the enormity of the sin to the guilty conscience of A., who is represented as having died from the shock (Ac 5 l-ll). 2. A Christian disciple living in Damascus who baptized Paul (Ac 9 10-18, 22 12-16). 3. The high priest before whom Paul was brought by Claudius Lysias (Ac 23 l ff. ; cf. Ac 24 1 ff.; Jos., Ant XX, 6 2). J. M. T. ANATH, ^'nath {T\y::,/dnaih)\ Father of Sham- gar (Jg 3 31, 5 6). E.E.N. ANATHEMA, a-nath'e-ma. See Curse, § 3. ANATHOTH, an'a-theth (rrinji?, 'dnathoth): A name connected with that of the Semitic goddess Anat. I. A city of Benjamin (Jos 21 18) where the priestly family to which Abiathar belonged had its estates (I K 2 26) and the home of two of David's heroes (II S 23 27, Anethothite AV; I Ch H 28, 12 3, 35 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Amoz Angel Anathothite, Antothite AV), It was also the home of Jeremiah where the family had property (Jer 1 1, 32 6-15). Its inhabitants once threatened the proph- et's Ufa (Jer 11 21-23). After the exile it was reoc- cupied by the Jews (Ezr 2 23; Neh 7 27, 11 32). Map II, Fl. 11. 1. A Benjamite, the son of Becher (I Ch 7 8). 2. A leader of the men of Anathoth who sealed the covenant (Neh 7 27, 10 19). E. E. N. ANCHOR. See Ships and Navigation, | 20. ANCIENT OF DAYS: An apocalyptic name of God, first used in its Aramaic form in Dn (7 9, 13, 22). It was chosen probably not in order to suggest the eternity of the divine Being, but to show that profound veneration was due Him. The figure im- plies a strongly anthropomorphic conception and was taken up by later apocalyptic usage (cf. Ethiopic Enoch 47 3, 48 2-6). A. C Z. ANCIENTS. See Wise Men and Elder. ANDREW (Avbpeas, 'manly'): Son of John, of Bethsaida JuUus, brother of Simon Peter, w^ith whom he hved in Capernaum. He was the first called of the disciples of Jesus, to whom he was sent by John the Baptist, and became one of the inner group of four among the Twelve (Mk 13 3). In the lists he is always next before his friend and fellow-townsman Phihp, with whom he is also associated on two im- portant occasions in the Fourth Gospel (Jn 6 9, 12 22). After Ac 1 13 he disappears from view, but tra- dition has it that he evangelized Scythia (becoming thus Russia's patron saint) and was martyred in Achaia. R. A. F. ANDRONICUS, an"dro-nai'cus (AvbpoviKos): A Jew — as is apparent from the term "kinsman" — con- verted before Paul, with whom he probably shared imprisonment (Ro 16 7). He is referred to as "of note among the apostles," i.e., well known in the circle of the apostles, though possibly here " apostle" is used in the wider sense of that term (see Apostle). ANEM, ^'nem. See Engannim. ^' ^' ^' ANER, 6'ngr (1J2?, 'aner): I, An Amorite prince, with whom Abraham entered into covenant (Gn 14 13, 24). Since, however, Eschol and Mamre are names associated with locaUties, it is quite likely that the same is the case with Aner. If so, it may be identical with Neir, a range of hills near Hebron. II. A city west of the Jordan (I Ch 6 70). Site unknown. A. C. Z. ANETHOTHITE, an"e-tlieth'ait. See Ana- thoth, I. ANGEL (Gk. &yye\oSf 'messenger,' the LXX rendering of '^\^hl^, maVakh, ' sent one'): Belief in beings intermediate between man and God has existed among all nations. In ancient Semitic polytheism, this belief was associated I, An- with the portraiture of the pantheon gelology as a royal heavenly court in which the in Semitic Supreme Being was the head of a family Religion, and the master of a retinue of servants. The sukkalli, 'angel ministers,' of prim- itive Babylonian mythology are, however, ordi- narily the sons of the gods whose messages they con- vey to other gods and men (Muss-Arnolt, Concise Diet, of Ass. Lang., s.v.)- An objective ground for such a hierarchy of heavenly beings was furnished by the astral theology of later times, according to which the apparent relative size and importance of sun, moon, and stars suggested subordination. Even among the Hebrews echoes of an originally astral angelology are to be found in such passages as Isl4l2f., 24 21 (cf. 271). But the Hebrews, true to their purer revealed religious thought, elim- inated this mythology from their doctrine of angels and fixed mainly upon the relation of God and an- gels in contrast with men and the work of angels as messengers of God, In their relation to God and in contrast with men they are called "gods" (Ps 97 7), "Sons of God" (Job 1 6, 2 1), "Sons of the Mighty" (Ps 2. In Their 29 l, 89 6), "Holy Ones " (Job 5 i; Ps Relation 89 5), "Watchers" (Dn 4 13, 17). They to God. form the "host of heaven" (I K 22 19), the "hosts" of Jehovah (Ps 103 21). It is to be understood that these terms are not express- ive of physical relationship, but rather descriptive of the superior nature of these beings. They are far above men. As such, superior and mighty, they form the court of heaven. They are the armies of the Most High, "the mighty in strength that fulfil his word" (Ps 103 20), "the ten thousands of holy ones" (Dt 33 2), who are about Him. They attend upon Jehovah and constitute part of His royal and judicial glory. They continually adore Him in the heavenly sanctuary (Ps 148 2), and are the "council of the holy ones" (Ps 89 7), i.e., are witnesses of His counsels. In a word they form that great, glorious company whose presence in heaven helps us to conceive of the majesty and royal splendor of God Himself. As messengers of God to men they execute His will whether it be of mercy or of judgment. They mediate His purpose in the moral gov- 3. AsMes- emment of the world, hence are not sengers personified natural forces, but, from of God the beginning, actual personal agents to Men. who, appearing in the form of man, carry out a divine commission which may be a deliverance from evil (Gn 19 15), a sum- mons to duty (Jg 6llf.), an interpretation of special situations (Job 33 23), a prophecy (Gn 18 10), a warning (Nu 22 31-35), or an actual judgment (II S 24 16). It was not until later times in OT history that these angels were distinguished in moral char- acter. At first simply the character of their mission was noted; the bearer of it was not characterized. All were executors of God's will. Later, however, the conception of 'evil angels' grew up out of the mission of destruction or judgment upon which they came (cf. Ps 78 49) and from the desire to avoid ma- king God the cause of moral evil. At times the provi- dential care of God is figuratively spoken of as the 'encamping' of the angel of the Lord "round about them that fear him" (Ps34 7), or as "giving his angels charge" over one (Ps91ll), but this is a secondary use of the term angel. Primarily it de- notes a superhuman being distinct from God serving Him in heaven or among men, and is not a mere synonym of our term Providence. An^el Antichrist A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 36 Prominent among the descriptions of these heav- enly beings is one, The Angel of Jehovah or the Angel of God, which deserves special consideration. While any angel executing God's commands might be so named (as in I K 19 5, 7; II S24 16), it is more than one of the rank and file, so to speak, who is re- ferred to in such passages as Gn 31 11-13; Ex 32 31; Is 63 9. This angel in speaking identifies himself with God. The conclusion that the "angel of God is God himself" descending into visibility or manifesting Himself is the one generally accepted. In Is 63 9 we read, " In all their affliction he was afflicted and the angel of his presence saved them." Undoubtedly there was to those who seemed to look into the face of J" a distinction between God Himself and His manifestation, but the Angel of His presence was a veritable theophany. He represented God so' fully that in dealing with him they were virtually deaUng with God. What these temporary manifes- tations of God were in the O T, that the Logos, in a fuller and more abiding sense, is in the N T. It is not surprising, therefore, that they have been looked upon as foreshado wings of the Incarnation. Beginning with the time of the exile and in con- sequence of the new contact with the more developed angelology of the Persians, the Jewish 4. Exilic doctrine started upon a new course and and Post- in later times became extreme and exilic often fantastic. This is true especially Angelology. of extra-Biblical Judaism. Within the Scriptures the doctrine is indeed always sober, but it shows marked differences from the sim- pler doctrines of the pre-exilic period. Some of these are undoubtedly due to the increasing emphasis given to the transcendence of God. Angels are assigned a diversity of different functions such as the interpretation of visions, the protection of the faithful, etc. To some of them names are given, as, e.g., Gabriel and Michael. Such names are always of Hebrew etymology and significant of the service rendered or the character of the bearer. Gabriel signifies 'man of God' and served Daniel as the in- terpreter of dreams and of prophecy (Dn 8 15, 9 21). He appears in the N T as the foreteller of the birth of John the Baptist (Lk 1 19), and as the bearer of the glad tidings to Mary (Lk 1 26). In the pseudepi- graphic books he is glorified as one of the four great angels that stand at the four sides of God's throne and act as guardians of the four parts of the globe {Eth. En. 91). He is sent upon special missions to the serv- ants of God, and against their enemies. He taught Joseph the 70 languages of the world. With him is closely associated Michael, who ranks just above him, but ranks with him near the throne of the Most High. Michael has his field of activity in heaven, while Gabriel executes God's will on earth. Each is the guardian of one of the divisions of the twelve tribes of Israel, of which there are four, the other two being assigned to Uriel and Raphael. Into many an incident of the O T tradition has read the name of Michael as the being who warned, res- cued, or protected. Indeed he was looked upon as the divine advocate of the Jews, and prayers were offered to him. He was the greatest of the Arch- angels, of whom there were, according to the Book of Tobit (12 15), seven (the number is not in all texts). This number varies in other books (cf. Eth. En, 20, 40 2, 78 1, 89 1). All these chief angels have exalted duties. They stand by the throne of God and each has dominion over some particular sphere. Uriel is set over the world's luminaries, and over Sheol (Eth. En. 21 5, 27 2, 33 3, 4); Raphael, over the spirits of men (To 3 17); Michael, over Israel; Gabriel, over paradise and the cherubim^ etc. In the Book of Enoch the title of Watcher is given to the Archangels (20, 39l2f., 40 2, 61 12). They are the sleepless ones who stand before the Lord and say: "Holy, holy, holy is the lord of spirits; he fiUeth the earth with spirits " (Eth. En. 39 12). This title appears also in the Book of Jubilees (4 15). The term is first used in Dn 4 13, 17. Jewish tradition declares that the names of the angels came frqm Babylonia. In the N T we have substantially all the foregoing features of the doctrine of angels, but in sober and reserved form. "A multitude of the 5. In the heavenly host praising God" appears N T. over the shepherds (Lk 2 13) on the night of the nativity. Angels are min- isters to the saints (He 1 U) and they shall accom- pany the Son of Man at his coming (Mt 25 31; II Th 17). Satan and his angels are spoken of in Mt 25 41; Rev 12 7. The distinctions in the Pauline Epistles referred to under the terms thrones or dominions or principalities or powers (Col 1 16) are those of the angelic hierarchy. These distinc- tions appear in Jewish literature of the same general period and were probably adopted by Gnostic Ju- daizers (cf. Lightfoot on Col 1 16; see also Gnosti- cism). In Christ's day the Sadducees were dis- tinguished by their denial of angels (Ac 23 8). Literature: Schultz's O T Theology; Oehler, O T The- <^^0SV- J. S. R. ANIAM, a-nai'gm (C^^'^fet., 'dnl'am): A Manassite clan or family (I Ch 7 19). ' E. E. N. ANIM, e'nim (D'^^^, 'dmm): A town of Judah (Jos 15 50). Map II, E 3. E. E. N. ANIMALS. See Palestine, §§24-26. ANISE. See Palestine, § 23. ANKLETS, ANKLE-CHAINS. See Dress and Ornaments, § 11. ANNA, an'a ("Awa) : An aged prophetess, daugh- ter of Phanuel, of the tribe of Asher, belonging to the circle of the ' Pious ' (see Simeon), who hailed the babe Jesus in the Temple as the coming Redeemer of Israel (Lk 2 3G-38). R. A. F. ANNAS, an'gs C'Avi/as; Heb. IJrt, ^merciful,' in Josephus "Avavos ) : Appointed high priest by Qui- rinius in 6 a.d., deposed by Valerius, 15 a.d., who later appointed Simon, a eon of A. In 18 a.d. his son-in-law Caiaphas (q.v.) was appointed to the office (Jn 18 13; cf. Jos. Ant. XVIII, 2 2). As head of the family A. still retained influence, which explains why Jesus was led first to A., probably only for an informal hearing, and then to the high priest (Jn 18 13). For the same reason A. is called the high 37 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Angel Antichrist priest in Ac 4 6, although the actual high priest at the time must have been Caiaphas, or another of A.'s sons, either Jonathan or Theophilus (Jos. Ant. XVIII, 4 3, 5 3). J. M. T. ANOINT {mdshah, whence 'Messiah/ is em- ployed both literally and figuratively; KpUip [x/"'^- fiaT, xP'O'os'], always of God's spiritual anointing; the other terms [sukh, aXci^eiv, etc.] are used only in the physical sense): Anointing originally signified smearing with soothing and cleansing unguents. Pouring oil upon the head was a later, ceremonial form. 1. Practical. The application of scented oils was a common toilet operation (Ku 3 3; Ps 10415; Pr 27 9), which was discontinued in time of mourning (II S 14 2; Dn 10 3;cf. Mt6 17). It was also a mark of welcome to an honored guest (Ps 23 5; Lk7 46; Jn 12 3). Ointments were frequently applied as reme- dies (Isl 6; Lk 10 34; Ja5 14); but the anointing of the dead (Mk 14 8; Lk 23 56) seems to have been a token of re- spect, rather than an embalming process (cf. Jn 11 39). Oil was rubbed upon shields to make them Anointing of a Sacred Stone PiUar. slippery and bright (Is 21 5; II S 1 21). See Arms AND Armor, § 7. 2. Symbolical, as a sign of dedication, sometimes with resulting inspiration (I S 10 1 f., 16 13). Jacob poured oil upon the pillar at Beth-el (Gn 28 18). The Tent and its furniture were sanctified with "holy anointing oil" (Ex 30 22 f.). See Ointments and Perfumes, § 1. Priests were consecrated by anointing (Lv 8 12, 30; cf. 4 3; Ps 133 2), and the early kings were thus designated (I S 10 i, 16 13; cf. II S 19 10) and inaugurated' (II S 2 4, 5 3; I Ch 29 22). Later monarchs apparently were anointed only un- der exceptional circumstances (II K 9 6, 11 12, 23 30). • 3. Metaphorical, signifying divine selection for some particular service or blessing. In this figura- tive sense Hazael (I K 19 15; cf. II K8 13), Cyrus (Is 45 1), Elisha (I K 19 16; cf, 19), and the prophet- patriarchs (I Ch 16 22; cf. Gn 20 7) were said to be "anointed." Thus also, Israel, or Israel's king, was Jehovah's anointed (Hab 3 13; Ps 89 38; La 4 20), and Christians received the unction of the Holy Spirit (II Co 1 21; I Jn 2 20, 27). For Christ as the Anointed One (Is 61 1 =Lk4 18; Ac 10 38), see Messiah, § 7. See Burial and Burial Customs, § 1. T P T ANT. See Palestine, § 26. ANTELOPE. See Palestine, §24. ANTHOTHIJAH,.an"tho-thai'ja (nV^iD^^J, *an- thotklyah, Antothijah AV): A Benjamite (I Ch 8 24). E. E. N. ANTOTHITE. See Anathoth, I. ANTICHRIST, THE MAN OF SIN Analysis of Contents 1. The Name Antichrist 2. Possible Connection with Babylo- nian Myth 3. Antichrist in Old Testament 4. In Later Writings of the Jews 5. In Christ's Teaching 6. In Pauline Epistles 7. In the Apocalypse S. In the Johannean Epistles 9. Present Significance of Antichrist The actual name Antichrist is first found in the Johannean epistles (I Jn 2 18, 22, 4 3; II Jn 7), but the main idea underlies St. PauPs descrip- I . The tion of the ' Man of Lawlessness ' (" Man Name Anti- of Sin" EVV) in II Th 2 1-12 ; while, from Christ, the manner in which both writers refer to this mysterious figure, it is evident that they had in view an oral tradition current at the time CI Jn 4 3 "ye have heard," II Th 2 6 "ye know"). Any attempt, therefore, to understand the doctrine of Antichrist as it meets us in the N T must naturally begin with this tradition, so far as it is now possible to trace it. Here, according to the latest view, we are carried far back. Bousset, in his elaborate monograph, Der Antichrist (1895, Eng. transl. The Antir- 2. Possi- Christ Legend, 1896), adoptmg and de- ble Con- veloping the suggestion of Gunkel in his nection Schopfung und Chaos (1895), would with have us see in the Antichrist legend an Babylonian anthropomorphic transformation of the Myth, Babylonian Dragon Myth, according to which the monster (Tidmai), who had opposed the Creator at the beginning, would again in the last days rear its head in rebellion, only, however, to be finally crushed. It is impossible to examine here in detail the evidence adduced in sup- port of this position, but it seems practically certain that this myth had reached Palestine, and may, therefore, have had a share in familiarizing the Jews with the idea of an arch-enemy of God, and of His cause. Beyond this, with the data at our disposal, we can hardly go at present, and we are on surer ground when, for the early history of this belief, we turn to the evidence supplied by the Scriptures themselves. In the O T we have ample proof of a general Jew- ish belief in a fierce attack to be directed against Israel in the end of the days by some hostile person or power, while this attack is frequently 3. Anti- so described as to supply later writers Christ in with their language and imagery in Old Tes- depicting the last attack of all against tament. God's people. See, e.g., Psalm 88 (89), many of whose words and phrases are reechoed in II Th 1 and 2 (cf. Bornemann, Thess. p. 356 f.), or the account of the fierce onslaught by Gog from the land of Magog (Ezk 38, 39; cf. Rev 20 7 f.). It is, however, in the Book of Daniel (168-165 B.C.) that we find the real starting-point of many of the later descriptions of Antichrist, and especially in Antichrist Antioch A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 3J the picture that is there presented of Antiochus Epiphanes. No other foreign ruler was ever regarded by the Jews with such hatred on account both of his personal impieties and of his bitter persecution, of their religion, and, accordingly, he is here portrayed as the very impersonation of aU evil. Some of the traits indeed ascribed to him are of such a character (78, 11, 20, 21, 25, 11 36-45) that it has been thought the writer had not so much Antiochus as the future Anti- christ directly in view. And, though this is not exe- geticaUy possible, it is easy to understand how this description influenced the Apostolic writers in their •account of the arch-enemy of God and man (cf., e.g., II Th 2 4 with Dn 11 36 f. and Rev 13 1-8 with Dn 7 8, 20f., 25,8 24, 11 28, 30 and see Driver, Daniel, p. xcvi f.)- With the fall of Antiochus and the rise of the Maccabean kingdom, the promise of deliverance, with which Daniel had comforted God's people dur- ing their dark days, received its proximate fulfilment ; but, when the nation again fell under a foreign yoke, the old fears were once more revived and received a fresh coloring from the new powers by which the Jewish nation now found itself opposed. In determining the Jewish views regarding Anti- christ during this period much difficulty is caused by the uncertainty regarding the exact date of some of the relative writings, and the possibility 4. In of their having received later Christian Later interpolations. The following refer- Writings ences, however, deserve notice: of the Jews. In the Pharisaic Psalms of Solomon (48-40 B.C.) Pompey, as the represent- ative of the foreign power that had overthrown Zion, is described as the personification of sin (6 a^apTciXos, 2 l), and even as the dragon (6 bpaKav, ver. 29); while in IVEzr5l-6, which, though belonging to the last decade of the 1st cent. A.D., is a characteristically Jewish work, after an enumeration of the signs of the last times and the shaking of the kingdom that is after the third power (i.e., the power of Rome), we read of one who "shall rule, whom they that dwell upon the earth look not for" — a mysterious being generally identified with the future Antichrist. Compare also the description of the destruction of the "last leader" of the enemies of Israel in Apoc. Bar. 40 1 f., where again Pompey may be thought of. In none of these passages, it will be noticed, have we more than a God-opposing being of human origin, but it has recently been pointed out with great co- gency by Dr. Charles (The Ascension of Isaiah, pp. Iv ff. ) that, in the interval between the O T and the N T, a further development was given to Jewish be- lief in Antichrist through the influence of the Beliar myth. In the O T "belial" is never, strictly speaking, a proper name, but denotes 'worthlessness,' 'wick- edness,' though, from its frequent occurrences along with another noun in such phrases as "sons of Be- Hal" (Dt 13 13; Jg 19 22, etc., AV), the idea readily lent itself to personification, until in the later pseudepigraphical literature, the title regularly ap- pears as a synonym for Satan, or one of his lieu- tenants. Thus in the Book of Jubilees (2d cent. B.C.) we read, "Let Thy mercy, O Lord, be lifted up upon Thy people, ... and let not the spirit of Beliar rul( over them" (1 20, ed. Charles), and similar references to Beliar as a Satanic spirit are frequent in the Testa- ments of the Twelve Patriarchs (2d cent. B.C. m part at least), in which see, e.g., Test. Reub. 4, 6. The most interesting passage, however, for our purpose is contained in the third book of the Sibylline Oracles, in a section which in the main goes back to the same early date, where Beliar is depicted as a truly Satanic being, accompanied by all the signs that are elsewhere ascribed to Antichrist (see Orac. Sib. in, 63 ff ., ed. Rzach) . And with this there should also be compared Orac, Sib. ii, 167 f., where it is stated that "Beliar will come and do many signs to men," though here the originally Jewish origin of the passage is by no means so certain. In the same way it is impossible to lay too much stress in the present connection on the speculations of Rabbinical theology regarding the person of Anti- christ, in view of the late date of our authorities. But we may accept, as in the main reflecting the views of the Jews about the beginning of the Christian era, the conception of a powerful ruler to be bom of the tribe of Dan (cf. Gn 49 17; Dt 33 22; Jer 8 16, and see further Friedlander, Der Antichrist in den vor- chrisUichen jildischen Quellen [1901] c, ix) and uniting in himself all enmity against God and hatred against God^s people, but whom the Messiah will finally slay by the breath of His lips (cf . Weber, Jiid. Theologie [lS97]x>. 3Q5). We can at once see how readily this idea would lend itself to the political and materialistic longings of the Jews, and it is only, therefore, 5, In what we would expect when we find Christ's our Lord, true to His spiritual ideals, Teaching, saying nothing by which these expec- tations might be encouraged, but con- tenting Himself with warning His hearers against false teachers, the "false Christs," and the "false prophets" who would be ready "to lead astray, if possible, even the elect" (Mt 24 24; Mk 13 22). Even, too, when in the same discourse He seems to refer to a single Antichrist, the reference is veiled under the mysterious figure derived from Daniel of the "abomination of desolation standing (ea-TTjKOTa) where he ought not" (Mk 13 14; cf Mt 24 15); while a similar reticence marks His words as recorded in Jn 5 43, if here again, as is most probable, He has Antichrist in view. Slight, however, though these references in our Lord's recorded teaching are, we can understand how they would direct the attention of the Apostolic wri- ters to the traditional material lying to their hands in their treatment of this mysterious subject, and, as a matter of fact, we have clear evidence of the use of such material in the case of at least two of them. Thus, apart from his direct reference to the Jewish belief in Beliar in II Co 6 15, Paul has given us in II Th 2 1-12 a very full description of the 6. In working of Antichrist, under the name Pauline of the 'Man of Lawlessness,' in which Epistles, he draws freely on the language and imagery of the O T and on the specu- Tations of later Judaism. The following are the leading features in his picture: (1) "The mystery of lawlessness" is already at work, though for the 39 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Antichrist Antioch moment held in check by a restraining person, or power, apparently to be identified with the "power of law or government, especially as these were em- bodied at the time in the Roman State. (2) No sooner, however, has this restraining power been removed (cf. II Es 5 4; Apoc. Bar. 39 7) than a general "apostasy" results, finding its consummation in the 'revelation' of Hhe man of lawlessness.' (3) As 'the opposer' he "exalteth himself against all that is called God" (cf. Dn U 36f.) and actually "sitteth in the temple of God, setting himself forth as God" — the description being again modeled on the DanieUc account (cf. Dn 8 13, 9 27, 11 31, 12 n); while (4) the "lying wonders" by which his working is distinguished are illustrated by Orac. Sib. iii, 64 f.; Asc. Isaiah 4 5. (5) And yet, powerful as this in- carnation of wickedness seems, the Lord Jesus at His parousia will "slay him with the breath of his mouth," the words being a quotation from Is 11 4, a passage which the Targum of Jonathan afterward applied to the destruction of Armilus, the Jewish Antichrist, and whose use here Paul may well have drawn from the Jewish tradition of his time (cf. the use of the same passage in Pss. Sol 17 27, 39; II Es 13 10). The whole description is thus of a very composite character, but, at the same time, is so definite and detailed that it is hardly to be wondered at that there has been a constant endeavor to find its sug- gestion in some historical personage of the writer's own time. But, though the sacrilegious conduct of Caligula (cf. Tacit., Hist, v, 9) may have influenced the writer's language in ver, 4, the real roots of the conception lie elsewhere, and it is rather, as we have seen, in the O T and in current Jewish tradition that its explanation is to be Sought, The same may be said, in part at least, of the various evil powers which meet us in the Johannean Apocalypse. The wild Beast of the 7. In Seer (Rev 13-20) vividly recalls the the Apoca- homed wild Beast of Dn 7 and 8, and lypse. the parallels that can be drawn be- tween the language of John and of Paul (cf. Rev 12 9, 13 if. with II Th 2 9f.; Rev 13 5 ff., 14 11 with II Th 2 4, 10 fE. ; Rev 13 3 with II Th 2 9fF.) point to similar sources as lying at the roots of both. On the other hand, the Johannean descriptions have a direct connection with contem- porary secular history which was largely wanting in the earlier picture. This is seen noticeably in the changed attitude toward the power of Rome. So far from this being regarded any longer as a re- straining influence, it is rather the source from which evil is to spring. And we can understand, there- fore, how the city of Rome and its imperial house supply John with many of the characteristics under which he describes the working of Antichrist, until, at last, he sees all the powers of evil culminate in the Beast of ch. 17, who, according to the interpretation of Bousset (adopted by James in HDB), is partly representative of an individual "who was and is not," etc., that is, Nero redivivus; partly of a polity, namely that of Rome. There remain only the references in the Johannean Epistles, in which, in keeping with the writer's main object, the spiritual side of the conception is again predominant. Thus, after indicating some of the main elements in Christian truth, John passes in I 2 18 to the conflict into which, at "a last hour," truth will be brought with falsehood, 8, In and in token of this points to the de- Johannean cisive sign by which this crisis will be Epistles, known, namely, the coming of "Anti- christ" — the absence of the article in the original showing that the word has already come to be used as a technical proper name. Nor does "Antichrist" stand alone. Rather he is to be regarded as "the personification of the principle shown in different Antichrists" (Westcott, ad loc), who, by their denial that "Jesus is the Christ," deny in like manner the revelation of God as Fa- ther (2 22) and, consequently, the true union between God and man (4 3), It is, therefore, into a very different atmosphere that we are introduced after the strange symbolism of the Apocalypse, and the scenic repre- 9. Present sentation of the Pauline description. Signifi- And one likes to think that the last canoe of word of Revelation on this mysterious Antichrist, topic is one which leaves it open to everyone to apply to the spiritual work- ings of evil in his own heart, and in the world around him, a truth which has played so large a part in the history of God's people in the past, and which may still pass through many varying and progressive ap- plications before it reaches its final fulfilment in the "dispensation of the fulness of the times" (Eph 110). Literature : In addition to the special literature referred to above, mention may be made of the articles on Anti- christ by Bousset in EB, by James (under the title Man of Sin) in HDB, by Ginsburg in JE, and by Sieffert in PliE^, and of the Excursuses by Bornemann and Findlay in their Commentaries on the Thessalonian Epistles; see also E. Wadstein, Die eschatologische Ideen- gruppe: Antichrist-Weltsabbat-Weltende und WeUgerickt (1896). The argument of the foregoing paper will be found more fully stated with the text of the passages re- ferred to in the Additional Note on The Biblical Doctrine of Antichrist in the present writer's commentary on The Epistles to the Thessalonians (1907=). Q^ ]\{, ANTIOCH (*AvTtox€«a): 1. Pisidian Antioch was so called to distinguish it from Antioch in Syria. It was a Phrygian city situated near the frontier of Phrygia and Pisidia (consequently called Antiochia ad Pisidiam, i.e., A. toward Pisidia). It is said to have been founded by a colony from Mag- nesia on the Mseander and to have been renamed Antiochia by Seleucus I. It was declared free by the Romans (190 B.C.). In 39 B.C. it was given by Antony to Amyntas, and in 25 B.C. incorporated into the Province of Galatia. About 6 B.C. Augustus maxie it a Roman colony and called it Caesarea. In the time of Paul A. was a governmental and military center, and the many Latin inscriptions (cf . Sterrett, Epigraphical Journey, pp. 127 &.) probably belong to this period. Later A. became the metropolis of Pisidia. It was situated on the still traceable Royal Road built by Augustus. It is now called Yalowadj. At A. Paul opened his missionary labors in Asia Minor. The church here was one of those addressed in the Ep. to the Galatians (q.v.) (cf. Ac 13 14-51, 14 19,21-24, 15 36, 16 4-6,18 23). 2. Antioch on the Orontes ("the [Antioch] by Daphne"), chief of the sixteen cities founded (301 Antiochus Apocrypha A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 40 B.C.) by Seleucus I in honor of his father. It was the capital of Syria, the residence of the Seleucid kings, and famous for its beauty, luxury, palaces, temples, and was a center of industry and commerce. Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch (pop. 400,000) were the three greatest cities of the Roman world. There the Roman governors of Syria resided. It was beautified by Caesar, Augustus, Agrippa, Herod, Ti- berius, Antoninus Pius, Constantine, and was a favorite residence of Roman emperors. It had a great library and a school of philosophy. It was des- troyed by earthquakes ten times in the first six cen- turies. Christians were first so called here, and A. became the mother-city of Gentile Christianity (Ac 11 19-30, 13 1-3, 14 26-15 2,15 30£f,,etc.). According to tradition Peter was for two years Bishop of A., whose patriarchs therefore claimed precedence over those of Rome, Constantinople, Jerusalem, and Alexandria. It is now called Antakia (6,000 in- habitants). J. R. S. S. ANTIOCHUS, an-tai'o-cus (^AvWoxoy, 'the op- poser'): Antiochus III (the Great) was on the Syrian throne from 223-187 B.C. By liis victory over the Egyptians at Paneas in 198 B.C. Palestine came under the con- trol of Syria, and though at first the Jews were favor- able to the Syrian domination, a growing party in the nation opposed the Greek influences furthered by the Syrian monarchs. A. was succeeded by his son Se- leucus Philopater (187-175), who reigned eleven years with the same general conditions prevaihng as under his father. A crisis came under Antiochus IV (Epiphanes), who succeeded his brother Seleucus in 175. He was a brilliant but moody man — a strange combination of intellectual power and moral weak- ness. With unflagging zeal he sought to Hellenize Palestine, and this brought on the Maccabean revolt (see Maccabees). At the very first he decided against the high priest Onias III in favor of Jason, the leader of the Hellenizing party (II Mac 4 7, 8). All attempts of the Jews to resist his policy met with swift censure, and twice he vented hisrage upon Jeru- salem (I Mac 1 20 ff. ; II Mac 5 11 ff.). At last he de- termined to extirpate the Jewish religion, and issued the sweeping decree enforcing uniformity of (pagan) worship throughout the land (I Mae 1 41). The ef- forts to carry out this decree involved him in the Maccabean war in which one Syrian army after an- other was defeated by the brilliant Judas Maccabseus (I Mac 3 10, 4 35). A., who had intrusted the subjuga- tion of the land to his generals, was meanwhile away in the East, where he became mad and died (164). Antiochus V (Eupator) was only nine years old when his father died, and Lysias, the governor of the provinces, undertook the guardianship of the young boy. Together they made an expedition into Judsea and at the famous battle of Bethzacharias they de- feated Judas Maccabseus. The outlook for the Jews at this time was very dark, when suddenly the war was terminated by the attempt of Philip, foster- brother of Antiochus IV, to secure the Syrian throne. Hastily concluding a peace, Lysias and A. hurried back to Antioch and suppressed Philip. In the fol- lowing year (162) A. was betrayed into the hands of Demetrius Soter, his cousin, and put to death. The next Antiochus (VI), brought as a child from Arabia by Tryphon, a Syrian general, as a claimant to the throne, was a son of Alexander ^^l^^* a pretender to the throne who reigned 150-145. Tryphon was successful and A. was crowned, but the real power of the government was Tryphon, who used the young king as a, tool and finally had him murdered in order to be himself made king. During aU the rivabies and intrigues of the Syrian court up to this time, Jonathan Maccabseus (q.v.) had been able by clever diplomacy to further the interests of the Jews, but he fell at last a victim to the treachery of Tryphon in 143 B.C. In 138 Antiochus VII, a great-grandson of Anti- ochus III (called Sidetes from the place of his edu- cation, Side in Pamphylia), drove Tryphon out and took the throne. To win the favor of the Jews, former privileges were confirmed, and further con- cessions granted, but as soon as A. felt himself secure upon his throne he changed his attitude and de- manded of Simon (Jonathan's successor) the surren- der of all the principal fortresses. On Simon's refusal A. sent an army to enforce obedience. This army was so disastrously defeated that A. troubled Simon no further. In the time of Hyrcanus (135) A. himself marched upon Jerusalem. After a long siege a satisfactory peace was arranged (Jos., Ant. XIII, 8 2-3). Sidetes fell (128) in a battle with Arsaces, King of the Par- thians (Jos., Ant. XIII, 8 4). . Altogether distinct from these Syrian kings is an Antiochus mentioned in I Mac 12 16, 14 22 as father of a certain Noumanius, one of the ambassadors sent by Jonathan Maccabseus to Rome. J. S. R. ANTIPAS, an'ti-pas ('Ai/T[e]t7ras): 1. Herod Antipas, son of Herod the Great. See Herod, § 5. 2. An early Christian martyr of Pergamum (Rev 2 13). E. E. N. ANTIPATRIS, an-tip'a-tris {" AvTiiraTpis): A city built by Herod the Great, named after his father Antipater, on the main road from Csesarea to Lydda (Ac 23 31). It was held to mark the NW. limit of Judaea. Map I, C 7. E. E. N. ANTONIA, an-to'ni-a: A strong fortress situ- ated at the NW. corner of the Temple area, the ''castle" of Acts 21 34, etc. See Jerusalem, § 38, and Temple, § 30. E. E. N. ANTOTHIJAH. See Anthothijah. ANUB, e'nub (21^^, 'anuhh): A Judahite person or clan (I Ch 4 8). E. E. N. ANVIL: The rendering of Heb. pa'am, lit. 'stroke,' in Is 41 7. The Targum renders "mallet." The exact meaning is somewhat uncertain. See Ar- tisan Life, § 12. E. E. N. APE : This animal does not belong to the fauna of Palestine and is mentioned only in the account of Solomon's riches, where it is said that his navy brought apes, peacocks, etc., once every three years (I K 10 22; II Ch 9 21). The Heb. r^ip, qoph, rendered "apes," apparently a loan-word from the Sanskrit kajri (see Oxf. Heh. Lex.), was general in mean^ ing, so that it is impossible to determine what 41 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Antiochus Apocrypha species of monkey was meant. The animals were probably purchased by Solomon's agents in S. Arabia, though they may have been of African or Asiatic origin. Ancient literature (Egyptian and Assyrian inscriptions, the Amarna letters) contains references to apes or monkeys, showing that they were well known and prized as curiosities. E. E. N. APELLES, a-pel'Uz ('ATreXX^s): A Christian in Rome to whom Paul sent a greeting as "the ap- proved in Christ" (Ro 16 10). Nothing more is known of him. E. E. N. APHARSACHITES, APHARSATHCHITES, a-far'sac-aits, af'ar-sath'caits (N^.J^D^Sfc?, 'dphar- sathkhaye^ ) : In Ezr 4 9 the term signifies, apparently, a class of Persian ofi&cials, a meaning that suits the other two passages also (5 6, 6 6). The different spelling is probably due to scribal errors. E. E. N. APHARSITES, a-fOr'soits (XTp'^fK,, 'dpharsaye'): A term of uncertain meaning, indicating probably either a class of subordinate officials or the Persian colonists in Syria (Ezr 4 9). E. E. N. APHEK, ^'fek (pCl!?, 'dpheq), variant APHIK, Three, probably four, cities whose identity is doubt- ful: 1. Near Jezreel, whose king was slain by Joshua (Jos 12 18; I S 29 l; I K 20 26, 30; II K 13 17). 2. In the territory of Asher, never wrested from the Canaanites (Jos 19 30; Jg 1 31, Aphik). 3. Identified with Afqa,NE. of Beirut (Jos 13 4). 4. NearMizpah (IS4l). The first and the last are considered identical by Robertson Smith. G. L. R. APHEKAH, a-fi'ka (PJ>^.^,, 'dpheqah): A town of Judah apparently not far from Hebron (Jos 15 53). E. E. N. APHIAH, a-fai'a (u^K^^, 'dpMah): One of the an- cestors of King Saul (I S 9 l). E. E. N. APHIK, 6'fik. See Aphek. APHRAH, af'ra. See Beth-le-aphrah. APHSES, af'siz. See Happizzez. . APOCALYPSE, a-poc'a-lips. See Revelation, Book of. APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE • A cla^s of prophetic productiop^ in which the form given to the prophet *s message is that of a vision. I. Nature Such a form assumes the lifting of the of Apoca- veil which hides the spiritual world, lyptic Lit- bringing into view the realities in erature. earthly symbols. Revelation through dreams and visions is not uncommon in the OT. In Jer, Ezk, and Zee there are apocalyptic passages. In Dn the form so far predominates as to control the whole book, thus distinguishing it as an apocalyptic production. With the vision form, however, apocalyptic literature developed asso- ciated characteristics as follows: (1) Complicated symbolism. (2) A dualistic view of the world, in- volving on the one side a righteous people and on the other a brutal opposition to God. (3) A system of angelic mediators between God and man. (4) A tendency to use the name of some renowned man of piety of the earlier days as the seer of the visions portrayed (pseudonomy). (5) An elaborate but op- timistic eschatology. (6) Associated with eschatol- ogy the division of the whole duration of the world's life into ages (eons), chiefly the present age and the coming age. The period during which the Apocalyptic Litera- ture had the most currency was that between 200 b.c. and 150 to 200 a.d. During the early 2. Condi- part of this interval the conditions were tions Favor- specially adapted to its being used as ing Its the prophetic vehicle of address. The Develop- people had objected to the domination meut. of a foreign power (the Seleucid dy- nasty of Syria). They struggled man- fully to regain their independence, and did so at last, but meantime they endured the stress of severe per- secutions. The apocalyptic form of writing was adapted to convey to them encouragement in the form of great world pictures, showing that their op- pressors were destined to collapse and Israel to rise into dominion under the Messiah. These pictures were to be understood by them, but to prove unin- telligible to their oppressors. The apocalypses according to dates of composition are: (1) The EthiopicBook of Enoch (first published in modern times in 1821). (2) The 3. The Apoc- Slavonic Book of Enoch (1896). (3) alypses. The SybiUine Oracles (1545). (4) The Assumption of Moses (1861). (5) Fourth Ezra or 2d Esdras (q.v.). (6) The Syriac Book of Baruch (1866). (7) The Greek Baruch (1886). (8) The Psalter of Solomon (1868). (9) The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (1714). (10) The Book of Jubilees (1859). (11) The As- cension of Isaiah (1819). (12) The Histories of Adam and Eve. (13) The Apocalypse of Elias (fragm., 1886). (14) Book of Eldad and Modad (1713). (15) Prayerof Joseph (1713). (16) Apoc- alypse of Zephaniah (fragm., 1886). While each of these books does not present all the aspects of a typical apocalypse, the combination of their characteristics groups them together as liter- ary productions of this type Literature : Porter, The Messages of the Apocalyptic WHters, 1905; Charles, in HDB, and Zenos, in DCG. A. C. Z. APOCRYPHA OF OT AND NT: The word 'apocrypha' (d7r6KpvoSf 'hidden') passed through several stages of meaning before it re- I, The ceived the sense that we now give to it. Term, At first it meant literally rolls which were put away, because worn out or containing faults in writing. They were thus 'with- drawn from publicity,' 'hidden' (see OT Canot^, §§ 10, 12). Books might also become 'hidden' be- cause they were unfit for public reading. Such, e.g., was the story of Susannah. In this early use of the word no other discrediting of the book as to authorship, or teaching, was implied. A much wider application was given to the word by early ecclesiastical writers in denoting by it that which was mysterious, secret, esoteric. It was thus used to classify all such books as aimed to disclose to the favored few 'the hidden things' of nature, of the Apocrypha A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 43 future, of wisdom, and of God. The Book of Enoch and the Assumption of Moses are illustrations of this kind of literature. Their contents were reputed to be handed down through secret tradition by the few from those whose names are given as their authors. In II Es 14 44-46 will be found an account of the miraculous production of seventy esoteric books of this kind. This meaning of the word ' apocrypha ' was restricted at first to the pseudepigraphical books. The claims of Gnostic leaders to the posses- sion of just such hidden disclosures gradually added another modification to the word ' apocrypha/ and that was the meaning 'heretical,' and this opened the way to the use of the word with which we are familiar, viz.: to mark the non-canonical books found in our English bibles between the O T and the N T. Cyril of Jerusalem was, as far as we know, the first who applied the name ' apocrypha ' List of ^^ ^^^ books which we place under this OTAnoc- ^^scription. rvDha ^^^ following list comprises the books ' usually classed as O T Apocrypha {e.g., in the edition published by the Revisers in 1896): The Song of the Three Holy Children. The History of Susannah. The History of Bel and the Dragon. The Prayer of Manasses. I Maccabees. II Maccabees. I Esdras. II Esdras. Tobit. Judith. The Rest of Esther. The Wisdom of Solo- mon. Ecclesiasticus. Baruch. Chap. VI = Epistle of Jeremiah. These works may be classified as follows: I. Works of a Historical Character: I Mac, II Mac, I Es- dras. II. Works of a Reflective Type: Wisdom of Solomon, Ecclesiasticus. III. Legendary Works: Tobit, Judith, Rest of Esther, Song of the Three Children, History of Susannah, History of Bel and the Dragon. IV. Works of a Prophetic Type: Ba- ruch. V. Apocalyptic Works: II Esdras. Of all these the following were without doubt originally in Hebrew: I Mac, Tobit, Judith, and Ecclesiasticus. A full description of these various works will be found under the separate titles. The purpose here is to give only a general idea of each. 3. General / Esdras (sometimes called the Third Character Ezra) is a revision of the canonical of the Ezra with the following changes: Ezr Several 4 7-24 is removed to an earlier place; Books, ch. 31-5 6 interpolated; Neh 773-813 is added at the close. // Esdras (also called Fourth Ezra). This work ^is composite. Chs. 3-14 formed the original work and they contain seven visions given to Ezra; the work is thus apoca- lyptical in character. The other chapters were added by a later hand. The whole has come down to us in Latin, Syriac, Ethiopic, Arabic, and Ar- menian versions. The original language was Greek. Tohit, a legendary (Haggadic) narrative whose scenes are from the captivity, was written to lead the Jews to adhere strictly to the Law. The work exists in several versions, Aramaic, Greek, and Latin. Judith, a narrative of the same kind as Tobit. It recounts the bravery of Judith, a Hebrew widow, in deliver- ing the city of Bethuha from the Assyrians under Holofernes. The Greek text is a translation ot a Hebrew (Aramaic) original. The Rest of Esther. These additions to the Book of Esther mention three times the divine name in the particulars with which they fiU out the Bible story. This seems to be the primary purpose of these additions— to give distinct recognition to God. The original language was Greek. The Wisdom of Solomon is a fine example of Hellenistic Uterature written by an Alexandrian Jew, and containing, besides a setting forth of the glory and value of Wisdom, an earnest warning against the folly of idolatry. Ecclesiasticus. _ This work is of the same general character as the Wisdom of Solomon. Its fundamental thought is Wisdom, and it seeks to give instruction therein by a multi- tude of rules for the regulation of hfe in all varieties of experience. It was originally written in Hebrew; a considerable portion of this Hebrew original has been lately brought to light. Baruch. The book in its preface (1 1-14) describes its origin, and then in three distinct parts gives us (a) the confession of sin and prayer of the Jews in exile (115-3 8), (b) an ad- monition to the people to return to the fountain of Wisdom (3 9-4 4) and (c) the promise of deliverance (4 5-5 9). The first half of the book (11-3 8) was originally Hebrew ; the latter half was Greek. The Epistle of Jeremiah, added to Baruch as a sixth chapter, is a warning against idolatry. It purports to be a letter from the prophet Jeremiah to the Jews in Babylon. The Song of the Three Holy Children. This is one of the additions found in the Greek text of the Book of Daniel. It gives the prayer of Abed- nego, uttered in the fiery furnace, and the song of the three children because the prayer was heard. The History of Susannah. This story glorifies Daniel, who saves the beautiful Susannah from death, to which she had been condemned under false charge of adultery made by two elders, to save themselves when discovered by Susannah as they were peering at her in her bath. The History of Bel and the Dragon. This third addition to Daniel (after ch. 12) is made up of two independent stories, both of which show the prowess of Daniel and at the same time set forth the wortlilessness of idolatry. All these additions to Daniel are found in the Septua- gint, also in the version of Theodotion. The Prayer of Manasses. This prayer, attributed to Manesseh, Elng of Judah, was composed as a com- pletion of II Ch 33. It is a confession of sin and a cry for pardon. In most MSS it is in the appendix to the Psalms. / Maccabees. A reliable history of the period 175-135 b.c. It is extant in Greek. // Maccabees, originally written in Greek, is an epitome of the work of Jason of Cyrene and covers the period 175-160 B.C. The work is a mixture of history and story told for religious edification. A brief outUne history of the posi- 4. The tion given to the O T Apocrypha by Position the Jews, the early Christian Fathers, Assigned and the Christian Church generally to the will reveal their conception of its au- Apocrypha. thority and value. It is safe to say that the Jews never have recognized as belon^ng to the Canon of Scriptures any other books than those which now constitute our O T. In 43 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Apocrypha Alexandria some of the apocryphal books were read in public, but even here canonical authority was not attached to them. They (the Jews) have always recognized a difference between these works and the OT (see OT Canon). As for the NT the most that can be said is that there are interesting parallels found in James and Paul with Ecclesiasticus and the Book of Wisdom (see these titles). The Apostles held to the same canon as their Jewish brethren. Owing to the fact that in their Greek bibles the early Christian writers found apocryphal books joined with books of the Hebrew Canon, they used them, citing them sometimes as Scriptures. Their very connection with the canonical Scriptures gave them honoring consideration. So Clement of Alexandria, TertuUian, and Origen used them. At the same time when investigation into the matter was carried on we find emphasis placed upon the number 22 (24) as the number of books in the He- brew Canon. A series of writers thus support the Jewish Canon as distinct from the Alexandrian — Mehto of Sardis, Origen (despite his own habit of citing apocryphal books), Athanasius, Cyril of Jeru- salem, Gregory Nazianzen, and Jerome. Critical judgment was at variance with common usage even among scholars and for a long time the books were cited. Eastern learned opinion excluded them from the Canon. In the West, Jerome made the most determined stand for the Hebrew Canon, but the common usage of the apocryphal books, made possible by their inclusion in the old Latin versions, and the inconsistent practise of the Fathers left the matter undecided, At the time of the Reformation the question was finally settled in different ways. The Protestant Church, following Luther's lead, gave the position of inferior authority to the A., and from that time the word 'apocrypha' has had the meaning which Protestantism now gives to it. The Council of Trent (1545) made these books of equal authority for the Roman Catholic Church with those of the O T proper. Coverdale was the first to translate the A. from Greek into Enghsh. He placed them between the T and the N T, in which position they have appeared in later versions. The English Church recognizes the A. in its lessons, but only for edifica- tion and not as authoritative in the sense that the canonical books are. The A. have no recognition in non-Episcopal churches. In refusing to receive the apocryphal books as canonical, ^Protestantism has by no means declared them to be of no value. On the contrary, their worth for certain purposes has always been recog- nized. To the student of the centuries just prece- ding the Incarnation, they are of deep interest as re- flecting the hfe and thought of Judaism in one of its most eventful periods. The aim and general character of the N T Apocry- pha are quite different from those of the A. added to the OT, The latter seek to give the 5. The history or reflect the thought of the Apocrypha period from which they come. The of the N T Apocrypha, on the other hand, are New deliberate attempts to fill in the gaps of Testament, the N T story in the life of Jesus, to further heretical ideas by false claims of authority, and to ampHfy the prophecies of Jesus by revelations given the Apostles. Works of this de- scription were very numerous. They may be classi- fied under four heads: I. Gospels. These have as their object either to offer a narrative which shall rival the canon- ical Gospels or to add something to their story. It does not fall within the scope of this article to discuss the questions which they severally present; rather to give a brief, concise idea of those which were more prominent. (1) First to be noted is The Gospel according to the Hebrews. The fragments of this gospel have been brought together and dis- cussed by Nicholson in his edition of it. It seems to have existed in two forms — the Nazarene and the Ebionite, the latter being more heretical. It con- tains additions to the canonical narrative and gives us some new alleged sayings of Jesus. (2) The Gospel according to the Egyptians. This gospel shows marked Gnostic tendencies. Frag- ments of it are found in Clement, Hippolytus, and Epiphanius. (3) The Gospel according to Peter. An impor- tant fragment of this gospel was discovered in 1885. In this work appears a strong Docetic tendency and it shows acquaintance with all our Four Gospels. (4) The Protevangelium of James. The narrative of this well-known gospel extends from the birth of Mary to the slaughter of the Innocents at Bethlehem. This is a good sample of a supplementary gospel. Its date is probably quite early. (5) The Gospel of Thomas, or the Gospel of the Infancy. This has been preserved for us in Greek, Latin, and SjTiac. It exhibits the life of Jesus from the fifth to the twelfth year and makes Him at this time a miracle-worker to satisfy His own whims and ambitions. These are samples of many attempts made to gratify curiosity by intruding upon the silence of the Scriptures. II. Among the Acts of Apostles we have The Acts of Pavl and Thecla. It is the story of a young woman of Iconium who was converted by Paul and suffered much for her faith, but was miraculously protected. The work is preserved in a number of versions and dates from perhaps the middle of the second century. It is a romance inculcating conti- nence and its rewards. III. Epistles. Under this head we may mention the Abgarus Letters — one from the king of Edessa to our Lord and His answer, which are quite early — and the Epistles of Paul to the Laodiceans and Alex- andrians mentioned in the Muratorian Canon. rV. Prominent among early apocalypses is The Apocalypse of Peter. A large fragment of this apoc- alypse was discovered in the same MSS containing the Gospel of Peter (see above). It presents the Lord complying with the request of His disciples to show them their righteous brethren who had gone before them into the other world. To Peter He gives a revelation of heaven and hell, with a description of the terrible punishment of the lost. It was written probably early in the 2d cent, and exerted a wide in- fluence. In the attempt to satisfy a demand for par- ticulars not given us in our N T nearly all the Apostles were made authors of apocryphal Gospels, while ficti- tious Acts of the Apostles provided missionary en- terprise for the Twelve. These are all of too late a ApoUonia Arab A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 44 date to require attention here. It is needful only to say a word regarding the outcome of this mass of apocryphal literature. It has required no such careful discussion as did the Apocrypha of the O T to determine its place. The love of the marvelous in these creations of the imagination and their vivid presentation of some special teaching made them very popular. They have been the fruitful source of sacred legends and ecclesiastical traditions. It is to these books that we must look for the origin of some of the dogmas of the Roman Catholic Church. Because they have been thus influential, scholarship has been deeply interested in a critical study of them, and much light has been thrown in recent- years upon their origin, character, and worth. Literature: Commentaries on the O T Apocrypha: (1) In Lange-Schaff Series by Bissell. (2) Fritzsche und Grimm, O T Apocrypha. See also Schiirer, HJP. For the NT Apocrypha, consult the editions by Tisohendorf and Lip- sius. For the Gospel of Peter see the editions by Swete and Zahn. J. g. R. APOLLONIA, ap"el-lo'ni-a (ATroWavla): A city of Macedonia, on the celebrated Egnatian way, 30 m. W. of Amphipolis and 38 m. E. of Thessalonica (Acts 17 1). Identified by Leake with the modern P'ollina. E. E. N. APOLLOS, a-pel'es ( 'AttoWojs — possibly con- tracted from 'ATToXAmwos-, [So in D.]): A cultured Jew of Alexandria, who came to Ephesus during the interim between Paul's first and second visits to that place (Ac IS 24-28). He is de- scribed as "an eloquent man" and ''mighty in the Scriptures" — -the latter term defining the particular field in which his gift specially realized itself (ver. 24). The seeming paradox that, though instructed in the way of the Lord and able to speak and to teach accurately the things concerning Jesus, he knew only the baptism of John(ver. 25)is possibly explained by saying that his knowledge of the new religion had been confined to an information regarding the facts of Jesus' life and teaching and did not involve a definite course of instruction in the truths held by the early Church (cf. Ac 21 21, 24 for the use of kuttj- xelv in the sense of 'imparting information.' Cf. also Zahn, Introduction, § 60, n. 4). As a matter of fact, converts were not at this early period of the Church's life given the catechetical training which later was given to candidates for baptism. The use of Karrjx^lj^ in Gal 6 6, I Co 14 19, in the sense of 'imparting instruction' refers to the teaching of full members within the Church and does not cover such cases as that of Apollos (or of Theophilus, Lk 1 3 f.). In other words, in spite of pilgrims from Egypt (Ac 2 10), the news of an organized Church based on the Pentecostal outpouring of the Spirit and involving general charismatic gifts had not reached him, so that he knew nothing beyond baptism as adminis- tered by John as a symbol of reformation of life in preparation for the Messiah. His condition was simply a stage or so more primitive than that of the people of Samaria before the coming to them of Peter and John (Ac 8 14^17), though not so primitive as that of the disciples of John referred to in 19 1-7. Attracted by his speaking in the synagogue, Priscilla and Aquila gave him the instruction needed to complete his knowledge of Christian facts (Ac 18 26). Upon his departure to Achaia he earned with him the warm commendation of the Ephesian brethren (ver. 27) and coming to Cormth proved specially helpful in controverting the Jews m ttor denial of the Messiahship of Jesus (ver. 28). Un- fortunately, however, his pecuUar eloquence— so different from Paul's plainness of speech— gave opportunity to the partizan spirit which possessed the Corinthian Church to form the bulk of the dis- ciples into rival followings around these leaders names (I Co 3 4 ff. ; cf. 1 10-12). That Apollos was in no way party to this rivalry is evident from the fact that upon Paul's return to Ephesus, he is found there with the Apostle, unwilUng, even at his mag- nanimous urging, to return to Corinth while parti- zanship reigned in that Church (I Co 16 12). The only other mention of him is in the brief note of Tit 313, where, with *'Zenas the lawyer"— evi- dently as bearers of the letter — ^he is commended to the brethren at Crete to be diligently cared for and forwarded on the journey. M. W. J. APOLLYON, a-pel'i-en ('AttoXXvwi/): The Greek name of the Heb. Abaddon (q.v,, Rev 9 11). Unlike the Hebrew, which first designates a place (of de- struction, Job 26 6, 28 22, etc.), and secondarily the personification of that place, the Greek word, by its etymology, refers solely to the destroyer. It thus represents a fuller development of the concep- tion. A. C. Z. , APOSTLE, a-pes'l (dirooTo'Kos, 'a commissioned messenger' [cf. Jn 13 16], from aTroa-reWeiv, 'to send from'): A designation in the early Church of gen- eral and not exclusive application. It was given not only to the originally chosen disciples of Jesus (Mk 31^19 [ver. 14 Gr.]; Mt 101-4; Lk 6 13-16), but also to others (e.g., James, the Lord's brother, Gal 1 19; Barnabas, Ac 14 4, 14; Andronicus and Junias, Ro 16 7). Whatever natural tendency there may have been in the first days after the Ascension to confine this designation to the Eleven, it was offset by the au- thority assumed by the Church in the filling, under divine guidance, of Judas' place (Ac 1 23-26), and whatever idea may have yet remained of restricting this term to the sacred number of the Twelve was removed by the divine appointment of an extra Apostle in the person of Paul (Ac 9 15; Ro 1 1). The way was thus opened for the appHcation of the title to such persons as James, who, though apparently not commissioned to any work, was honored for his special relationship to Jesus (Gal 1 19) and his special witness to the Resurrection (I Co 15 7), and Barnabas, who though not related to the Lord nor as far as recorded a special witness to the Resurrec- tion, was divinely set apart for significant work (Ac 13 1-3). Through this latter application it became natural to give the designation to those who, though not marked by any outward sign as divinely chosen for special work, showed their choice by their notable performance of the work given them to do. It is this development in the application of the term which has led many scholars to understand Paul in I Th 2 6 as associating Silvanus and Timothy and in I Co 4 9, Apollos with himself as Apostles, and in I 45 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Apollonia Arab Co 9 5, 15 6-7, as having in mind a body of Apostles extended beyond the Twelve (see Lightfoot, Gala- tians, p. 92 f . ; Lindsay, The Church and the Ministry, p. 79 f.)- In II Co 8 23 and Ph 2 25, however, the word in the Greek text is used in its primitive sense of commissioned messenger. Thus "messenger," RV, though "Apostle" RVmg. Once it is used in a highly official sense of Jesus Christ (He 3 1) where His representative relations to God ("Apostle") and to man ("High Priest") are combined. M. W. J. APOTHECARY, See Ointments and Per- fumes, § 2. APPAIM, ap'pa-im (2":^^*, 'appaylm)^ 'nostrils' or 'face': A Judahite (Jerachmeelite) person or clan (ICh230f.). ' E. E. N. APPAREL, See Dress and Ornaments. APPHIA, ap'fi-a (jAfir^la, a Phrygian name, indicating that the bearer was of native provincial stock): Greeted (Phm ver. 2) as "our sister." Since this epistle concerns one household exclusively it is probable that A. was Philemon's wife and the mother of Archippus. J. M. T. APPIUS, MARKET OF ('Atttt/ov ^opov, Appii Forum AV): A station on the Appian Way, 43 m. S. of Rome, at the northern terminus of the canal through the Pontine marshes (Ac 28 15). E. E. N. APPLE. See Palestine, § 23. APRON. See Dress and Ornaments, § 1, and Handkerchief. AQUILA ('AKuXaff): A Jew of Pontus, who mi- grated to Rome. When Claudius banished the Jews from that city in 49 a.d., A. with his wife, Priscilla, went to Corinth, where they carried on their trade of tent-making (Ac 18 1-3). Probably through Paul, who wrought with them, they were converted to Christianity. They accompanied the Apostle to Ephesus (Ac 18l8f.), where, during the latter's absence, they instructed Apollos. Their house in Ephesus was used as a Christian assembly-place (I Co 16 19). They are mentioned again, Ro 16 (ver. 3), a chapter probably addressed to the Ephesian church. But see Romans, § 3. J. M. T. AR ("i;>, *ar), 'city' (?): A city of Moab, in one of the upper valleys of the Arnon. The exact site is unknown (Nu 21 15, 28; Dt 2 9, 18, 29; Is 15 l). The same place is referred to in Jos 13 9, 16; II S 24 5. E. E. N. ARA, ^'ra (N'3^(., *dr'a): A descendant of Asher (I Ch 7 38). " E. E. N. ARAB, ar'^b or ^'rab (^l*?, 'drdhh): A town of Judah (Jos 15 52), to which Paarai the Arbite (II S 23 35) probably belonged. Map II, E 3. E. E. N. ARAB (3ns?, 'drabh); ARABIA: The use of these names in the O T and the Hebrew knowledge of the land and its people must be carefully distin- guished. Middle and northern Arabia and the life of its populations were practically the same for the Hebrews as they had been from time immemorial and are still. Its steppes, deserts, and oases were inhabited by nomads in the steppes, I. Intro- seminomads around the smaller oases, ductory. and settled townsfolk in the larger oases, all keeping up relations with the nomads. Thus, the life there, at the present day, gives us a sufficiently exact idea of their Ufe as the Hebrews knew it. The best descriptions are in Doughty's Arabia Deserta, but Hogarth's Penetra- tion of Arabia may also be used especially for its elaborate bibliography of exploration. Except for the remotest prehistoric times, it is safe to start with the position that Arabia was the original home of the Semites. From it all the 2. Arabia Semitic peoples of Asia have gone out in the Original successive waves, driven by an economic Home of law. The population of Arabia is al- the ways on the edge of starvation, just Semites, larger than what the land can support. In consequence, there is a steady over- flowing on its borders; nomads pass over gradually into agriculturists; Bedavnn into Felldhln. The pictiu-e in the prologue to Job is of a tribe half-way through this process. But further, from time to time, the pressure becomes so great that Arabia pours out its thousands in a conquering army over the neighboring lands. The early conquests of Islam are one case in point; those of the Hebrews are an- other; there must have been many more. We have, then, to consider the Hebrews as an Arab clan that abandoned its original nomadic life, seized rich lands, and turned more or less to 3. The He- a settled, agricultural existence. Yet brews Es- this was not complete, and a yearning sentially back to the nomadic ideal is always Arabians, evident (of. Rechabites). Nomad and farmer are a frequent contrast in the O T, and now one, now the other is given prefer- ence, according to the writer. A knowledge, there- fore, of Arabian institutions and literature and of the Arab religion and mind is of the first importance as a guide to the genius of the Hebrews. All the forms of Hebrew literature, except the psalm, can be paralleled and illustrated from Arabic literature, and all the manifestations of Hebrew religion have kin- dred appearances in the desert. There can be best found that common Semitic soil of ideas and emotions from which the unique religion of the Hebrews rose. The oldest views of the Hebrews on the Arab tribes are given in Gn 10 (cf. Ethnography and Eth- nology, § 10). Later, they speak of 4. Refer- them separately, as Ishmaelites, Midian- ences to ites, Kedarites (q.v.). For the south Arab Peo- Arabians, now becoming important for pies in the the earliest history and most primitive Bible. reUgion, see Sabean. Only compara- tively late does the name Arab appear. Yet the evidence is that the Arabs called themselves so from remote antiquity, and that they knew no derivation for the name. The Hebrews, on the other hand, connected it with the word 'drabhdh, a dry, sterile tract, and spoke of an ^ArdbM, the inhabitant of such a tract, a nomad (Is 13 20; Jer 3 2). Whether this is the true derivation of the name, preserved by the Hebrews, but lost by the Arabs, we can not tell. Arabah Aramaic A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 4G 'Arabhah does not seem to exist in old Arabic. In Is 21 13 the title is probably incorrect, and in the oracle should be read, ^'in the steppe" or "in the evening." In Ezk 27 21 the Arabs ('drabh, a collect- ive) are a separate people besides the Kedarites; the name is not general. In Jer 25 24 we have, "all the kings of the Arabs ('drabh)," evidently now in abroad racial sense. The same usage is firmly established in II Ch (9 14, 17 11, 21 16, 22 1, 26 7), and the Chron- icler throws it back unhistorically into earlier times, e.g., of Solomon (9 14) and Jehoshaphat (17 U). For him, 'Ardbhl is clearly an Arab, and he reckons them with the Philistines as neighboring enemies of Israel; once (21 16) also with the Cushites (Ethiopians). More historical is the similar use of the term in Neh 2 19, 4 1, 6 1. Apparently the slow appearance of Arab, as a name in the O T, reflects the gradual movement of Arabian tribes northward (which has often occurred), displacing the Ishmaelites, Mid- ianites, etc., whom the Israelites had previously known. So a new general name for these strangers came into use. Cf. especially Noldeke, Arabia, Ara- bians, in EB. In Ac 2 11 "Arabians" means, prob- ably, Nabatseans, and for Paul (Gal 1 17, 4 25), Arabia was the country of the Nabata3ans including the Sina- itic peninsula. Literature: Doughty, Arabia Deserta, 2 vols., 1888; Ho- garth, Penetration of Arabia, 1904; NOldeke, in EB, D. B. M. ARABAH, ar'a-ba (HJl^?, 'drabhah): In its broadest sense, that portion of Palestine extending S. from the Sea of Galilee to the Red Sea, or more accurately to the Gulf of Akabah (Dt 1 i, 3 17; II K 25 4; Jos 3 16, 11 2, 12 3), and embracing within it the Dead Sea, which is sometimes called the "sea of the Arabah" (Dt4 49). The Hebrew name is usually translated in the AV by "plain" or "wilderness," but in the RV it is treated, more correctly, as a proper name; the article frequently accompanies it in the original. The modern Arabs give two names to this deep depression; that portion N. of the Dead Sea they call el-Ghor, 'the depression,' while that S. of the Dead Sea and extending to the Red Sea, they designate as Wady el~ Arabah (Dt 2 8). Both por- tions are intensely arid and hot. More than two- thirds of the whole stretch lies below the level of the Mediterranean Sea. The highest point is the ridge about opposite Mt. Hor known as er-Rishy, whose altitude above sea-level is 723 ft. (Hull). Almost the entire valley is bounded on both E. and W. by high mountains which on the average are not more than 10 m. apart. Hence the valley is usually very narrow. Geologically, it is especially interesting be- cause the terraces are filled with fossil shells which afford traces of the former height of the waters of the Dead Sea. Though barren now, the whole valley, being composed of marl, sand, and gravel, might become by means of proper irrigation a veritable garden of rich productivity. See also Champaign. G. L. R. ARAD, ^'rad Oy^., 'dradh): I. A town in the Negeb or "South" region, about 17 m. S. of Hebron. Its king fought against the Israelites when they were on the southern borders of Palestine (Nu 211, 33 40). It was afterward occupied by the Kenites (Jgll6; of. Jos 12 14). Map II, E 4. II. A name in the gen- ealogy of Benjamin (I Ch 8 15). E. E. JN. ARAH, ^'ra (nnX, 'arak), 'traveler': 1. One of the sons of Ulla, an Asherite (1 Ch 7 39). 2. A clan or family name in the list of Ezr 2 5 = Neh 7 10. ^ E. E. N. ARAM, 6'ram (p^H, 'dram): I. Aram, from which our words Aramean and Aramaic are derived, is the Hebrew name of a people and of a country usually translated "Syrian" and "Syr- I. Name, ia" in the English versions. The orig- inal, however, is retained as the name of an ancestor in Gn 10 22, 22 21, who is reckoned as one of the sons of Shem. It appears also as the name of the country in a few passages. " Aram- itess " is used as equivalent to an Aramean or Syrian woman (I Ch 7 u). The adjective "Syrian" ("Syr- iack," AV, or "Aramaic," RVmg.) is employed to express the language of the Arameans (see Aramaic Language). The Arameans were one of the great divisions of the Semitic family, lying, as a whole, after the dis- persion of the race, between the Baby- 2. Geo- lonians (and Assyrians) to the E. and graphical the Canaanites to the W. Yet they Distribu- were also found in large numbers as a tion. pastoral people on both sides of the Tigris till the latest Babylonian times. W. of the Euphrates they do not appear in force till after the 12th cent. B.C., though it was in this region that they played their chief role in history. Their historical progress may be summarized as follows: They were, until perhaps the 15th cent. B.C., wholly nomadic or seminomadic, ranging from the lower Tigris to the middle Euphrates. 3. Charac- In or about the 15th cent, a portion ter and of them formed a settlement near the Influence, city of Haran in Mesopotamia and be- came interested in trade. With the in- creasing development of wealth and industry gener- ally in both east and west, their trading habits became more general till from the 9th cent, onward they became the chief traveUng merchants and nego- tiators of Western Asia. In the 8th cent, they are found doing business in Babylonia and Assjrria and their language is the lingua franca of all Semitic peoples (cf. II K 18 26). Meanwhile, with the de- cline of the Hittite kingdoms in Syria, Arameans had been crowding into Northern Syria and gradually taking the positions in Middle and Southern Syi'ia from which the Hittites had retired. Thus were formed, on both sides of the river, the Aramean communities which are referred to in the O T and of which Damascus (q.v.) was by far the most im- portant. The other western districts (see below), which are distinguished as Aramean, all lay to the S. and W. of Damascus; but the great cities of Syria to the N. — Carchemish, Arpad, and Hamath — were also Ara- mean after the 12th cent. (1) Aram - Naharaim is the original of the Mesopotamia of EVV and designates (somewhat inexactly) the country to the E. of the middle Eu- phrates as far as the river Habor (the modern 47 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Arabah Aramaic Khabour). Naharaim is generally supposed to mean *the two rivers'; but it should probably be explained as 'the river region.' The Priestly 4. Political Code has Paddan-Aram in the place of Sub- Aram-Naharaim. The center of popu- divisions. lation and trade till long after the Chris- tian era was the great city or district of Haran (q.v. ) . This region was of great importance in the earUest history of Israel. Abram himself Hved for a time in Haran (Gn 11 31, 12 4 f.; cf.Dt26 5). In the same region dwelt his kindred, from among whom both Isaac and Jacob obtained their wives. After the patriarchal period we read that Balaam, the seer, came from ''Aram" (Nu 23 7; cf. 22 5), and not long thereafter "Cushan-rishathaim," King of Mesopota- mia, invaded the newly formed Hebrew community in Palestine (Jg 3 7 ff .). According to II S 10 16 " Syr- ians from beyond the River" came to the help of their kindred who were involved with the Ammon- ites in their war against David, and with them suf- fered defeat at his hands. This was the last warlike movement against Palestine reported of the Ara- means to the E. of the Euphrates, though Arameans, as was natural, formed a large element in the army of Nebuchadrezzar (Jer35ll), and, we may pre- sume, of the earlier Assyrian invaders. Other cities and districts settled by Arameans were the following; those which lay in S. Syria were ultimately absorbed in the great kingdom of Da- mascus: (2) Geshur. A district lying close to Bashan (Dt 3 14) which was not subdued by Israel (Jos 13 13), but at one time took possession of some Israelitic territory of northern Gilead (ICh223). Absalom, whose mother, Maacah, was the daughter of Talmai, King of Geshur, fled thither after the murder of Am- non (II S 13 37). The reference in II S 15 8 shows it to have been Aramean. (3) Maacah was close to Geshur, probably to the N., and equally independent of Israel (Dt 3 14; Jos 13 13). The Aramean origin of its people is in- dicated by their descent from Nahor (Gn22 24). They joined the other Arameans of the neighborhood in assisting the Ammonites against David and shared in their defeat (II S 10 6-8). See Tob. (4) Rehob or Beth-rehob, to be distinguished from the city of the same name W. of the Jordan which lay " toward Hamath " (Nu 13 21). It was a small kingdom E. of the Jordan, closely con- nected with Zobah and sent a contingent to join the Ammonites in their war against David (II S 10 6-8). (5) Tob was an Aramean district, to which Jeph- thah fled for refuge (Jg 113-5), and which also as- sisted the Ammonites in their war against David, where it was joined with Maacah as Rehob was with Zobah. In II S 10 6-8, omit " the men" before "Tob," t""^ having been written for H^* in ver. 6 and re- peated in ver. 8. (6) Zobah, the most important of the southern Aramean settlements after Damascus. Already in the time of King Saul it was pressing upon the people of Gilead, as we may infer from I S 14 47. In the time of David it took the lead of the Arameans in endeavoring to prevent the extension of his domin- ion. The next year after the defeat of the Aramean and Ammonite allies (see above), and while Rab- bath-Ammon was not yet captured, Hadade^er, King of Zobah, sent for reenforcements and defied the advance of David, who, however, utterly de- feated the combination. The result was the sub- mission of all the Arameans of S. Syria (II S 8 3 ff.). (7) Hamath, to be distinguished from "Hamath the great" (q.v.), was a district lying on the SW. slope of Hermon, reaching at least as far as the Jor- dan westward, and forming the boundary of Pales- tine and Israel to the NE. (Nu 34 8; I K 8 65; II K 14 25; Ezk 47 16; Am 6 14). In the 10th cent. B.C. it was an Aramean kingdom whose ruler Tou, though not joining in the league against Israel, became trib- utary to David (II S 8 9 ff.; cf. I Ch 18 9). As the frontier of a rival people, its control was always aimed at by the powerful kings of Israel (II Ch 8 4; II K 14 28). See Winckler in KAT^, 182, 231 f., and Oriental. Forschungerij III., Heft 3 (1905). ^(8) Mesopotamia is used in EVV to translate 'Aram-Nahdraim. The word among the Greeks and Romans stood for the whole territory lying ' between the rivers' Euphrates and Tigris, S. of the Masius range of mountains and N. of the Syro-Arabian desert proper. This great region, however, is not designated by this or any other single name in the Bible (except perhaps in Ac 2 9). It is through the influence of the LXX that the term came to be used in the versions for the more Umited area as above described instead of Mesopotamia in the larger sense. See the articles under that name in HDB, EB, and EBrit. ^ (9) Syria and Syrian. Syria^in the O T translates ^Aram except in the case of 'Aram-Nahdraim and may be said to comprehend all the Aramean settle- ments and their inhabitants W. of the Euphrates above described. According to the common view the word is a contraction of Assyria and was employed by the Greeks of Asia Minor to designate the neighboring peoples of the Assyrian Empire. It became after- ward restricted to the empire of the Seleucidae, formed after the death of Alexander the Great, and in N T to the surviving portion of it which had its capital in Antioch, and Damascus as its second great city, and which in 65 B.C. was made a Roman province. J. F. McC. II. 1. A son of Kemuel, son of Nahor (Gn 22 21). See I. § 1. 2. A descendant of Asher (I Ch 7 34). 3. For Mt 1 3 f . and Lk 3 33 (AV) see Ram. ^ E N ARAMAIC LANGUAGE: The following parts of the OT are written in Aramaic: Gn 31 47 (the words Y^gar sdhddkuthd); Jer 10 11; Ezr I. Where 4 8-6 18, 7 12-26; Dn 2 4b-7 28: there are Spoken, also several Aramaic words cited in the N T. Aramaic was a branch of the Semitic languages, cognate with Hebrew, which, in several closely alUed dialects, was spoken formerly in the countries surrounding Palestine, and ulti- mately also in Palestine itself. The name Aramaic is given to this group of dialects because "Aram" —commonly rendered in both AV and RV "Syria" or "Syrians" (II S8 5, etc.)— was the name of the people, spread over different localities (as "Aram of Damascus," "Aram of Zobah," etc., II S 8 5, 10 8), by whom it was spoken. Aramaic Arba A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 48 Looking at Aramaic in general, its relationship with Hebrew is such that a person conversant with one can at once see that the other is 2. Relation- allied; but at the same time there are ship with differences: though most of the roots Hebrew, and grammatical forms have evidently a common origin, the roots (or deriva- tives) in use in one are often not in use in the other, and there are differences sometimes in the conso- nants, and frequently in the vowels. Thus 'he wrote' is, in Hebrew, kdthah, in Aramaic, k4hah; 'I wrote' is, in Heb., kathabti; in Aram., kithbeth, or (in other dialects) kethbeth or k^thabith; 'he made to write' is, in Heb., hikhtib; in Aram., hakhteb oxakh- ^e&;' I' is, in Heb., 'dm, in Aram,, '(Xnd; themasc.plur. ends in Heb. in -im, in Aram, in -in; Heb. o often corresponds to Aram, a, as Heb. Id, 'not' =Aram. Id, Heb. kotheb, 'writing' = Aram, kdtheb, Heb. idb, 'good' =Aram. tab] in Heb. a noun is made definite by the article being prefixed, as 'oth, 'sign,' hd-'oth, 'the sign,' but in Aram, by -a affixed, as 'dth, 'sign,' 'dtha, 'the sign' (cf. in the NT Abba, Beth-esda, Gabbetha, Golgotha, Tabitha, talitha): in certain cases, also, consonants are changed, thus 'gold' is in Heb. zdhdb, in Aram, d^hab] 'three' is in Heb. shdlosh, in Aram, thddth; Heb. ^ in certain cases corresponds to the Aram. V (as y"J.^, 'earth' = Aram. i^lJ!^.); and in certain other cases to Aram. to (as yS'^ 'he counseled ' = Aram. tOP";); many words, again, correspond in the two languages, but there are some which are in common use in Ara- maic but are rare (usually either poetical or late) in Heb.: thus 'to go down' is ydrad in Heb., but n^heth in Aram, (only in a few poetical passages in Heb.), 'to go up' is 'dlah in Heb., s4eq in Aram, (only Ps 139 9 in Heb.), 'to forsake' is 'dzab in Heb., shbaq in Aram, (and so in " sabach-thani," Mt 27 46=Mk 15 34), 'lord' is 'ddon in Heb., but mare in Aram. (cf. I Co 16 22, '' Marana-tha/' 'Our Lord, comel'). The following are the principal types of Aramaic known: (1) The Aramaic found on weights, and in short inscriptions attached to contract- 3. Differ- tablets, from Nineveh, and afterward ent Dia- from Babylon, from the reign of Sargon lects of (722-705 b.c.) onward. Aramaic. (2) The Aramaic of inscriptions found at Zinjirli and Nerab, in N. Syria near Aleppo — two of the former dating from the reign of Tiglath-pileser III (745-727 B.C.), and one being somewhat earlier. (3) The Aramaic spoken by settlers in Egypt, found chiefly on papyri datmg from the reign of Xerxes (485-465 B.C.) onward. Some of the long- est and most important of those at present known are marriage-contracts (between Jews), containing descriptions of house-property, etc., but there are also others. An interesting inscription from T^ma (in N. Arabia, about 250 m. SE. of Edom) presents the same type of dialect. Aramaic inscriptions — as far as they go, of the same type — from Cappadocia, and (on coins) from Tarsus in Cilicia (c. 350 B.C.) are also known. (4) Biblical Aramaic (see below). (5) Nabatsean inscriptions (chiefly sepulchral). Mainly from cZ-'OM, about 80 m. S. of T^wa, and da^ ting from the reign of nmn (i.e., Aretas, II Co 11 32), 9 B.C. to 60A.D., and onward, till the over- throw of the NabatsBan kingdom by Trajan, 105 a.d. These inscriptions have a considerable mixture of Arabic idioms. (6) Inscriptions from Pabnyra, 150 m. NE. of Damascus, in an oasis in the Syrian desert, dating from about the Christian era to 270 a.d. Many of these are inscriptions on statues erected in honor of different magistrates, etc.; others are votive in- scriptions; a particularly valuable one is a long tariff, regulating the tolls payable on various kinds of goods brought into Palmyra. (7) Syriac, spoken in and about Edessa, 100 m.NE. of Aleppo in W. Mesopotamia, the home of Laban, the "Syrian" (Heb. the "Aramean"). In this are written the Syriac version of the Gospels commonly called the Curetonian or the Sinaitic (c. 200 a.d.), the Peshitto version of O T and N T, and an exten- sive Christian literature besides (3d cent. a.d. on- ward). (8) The Targums (Aramaic "interpretations," or paraphrases, of the O T) of Onkelos on the Penta- teuch, and of Jonathan on the Prophets, of Judsean origin, but in their present form redacted in Baby- lonia in the 5th cent, a.d., and (according to Nol- deke, though doubted by Dalman) considerably tinged by the Aramaic dialect spoken by the Jews in Babylon. (9) Galilsean Aramaic, preserved chiefly in the Aramaic parts of the Palestinian Talmud — some dating from as early as the 3d and 4th cent. a.d. This must have been the dialect spoken by Christ and the Apostles. (10) The Christian Palestinian Aramaic, spoken in Palestine in the 5th and 6th cent, a.d., and pre- served in a lectionary of the Gospels, and also in va- rious fragments, chiefly Biblical. (11) Samaritan. The Samaritan version of the Pentateuch, liturgies, etc., dating probably from the 4th and following centuries after Christ. No. 10 has many resemblances with No. 9; and No. 11 has some (cf. the synopsis in Dalman Gramm?, pp. 44-51). (12) Babylonian Aramaic. The Aramaic dialect spoken in Babylonia in the 4th to the 6th cent. a.d. preserved in the Babylonian Talmud. (13) ' Mandaic,' the language of the strange Gnostic sect of Mandaeans (from Manda, ' knowl- edge ' = yvSans), half Jewish, half heathen, living in lower Babylonia. Closely allied to No. 12. (14) The Targums on the Hagiographa, and the so-called 'Jerusalem' Targums on the Pentateuch. Of later date than No. 8 (c. 5th-8th cent, a.d., or later). The language is in the main that of No. 8; but it exhibits some of the distinctive features of Nos. 9and 10 (see Dalman Gramm?, pp. 395 ff.). Of these dialects, Nos. 7, 12, 13 are generally grouped as Eastern Aramaic, and are distinguished from the others, or Western Aramaic, in particular by the prefix of the 3d pers. masc. impf. being n (in Nos. 12 and 13 also sometimes I) instead of y. The dialects all resemble one another, though several of them have scripts, representing particular phases in the development of the Aramaic alphabet, peciiliar to themselves ; they differ also, to some extent, in vocab- 49 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Aramaic Arba ulary and grammatical forms. Thus, in addition to the difference just noted, in Nos. 1, 2, 3 the relative and demonstrative pronouns are zi, z'nd, not, as in the others, di, dma: the pron. suffix of the 3d pers. plur. is in Nos. 2, 3, 5, and Jer 10 ll-o?n, in Nos. 4 (Daniel) and 6, -on (Ezr has both forms). No. 2 re- sembles Hebrew in certain features more than any of the other dialects do (e.g.j 'to sit* is ysheb, not yHheb, cf. Heb. ydshah). The Biblical Aramaic belongs to the West Aramaic group, of the type spoken in and about Palestine (the relative, for instance, is di, not zij as in Babylon down to at least 400 B.C.): it is very similar to that of No. 8, though in some respects of an earlier type; it has also (in particular forms) no- table affinities with Nos. 3, 5, 6. It was formerly called "Chaldee," from the mistaken idea that the laa'guage of Dn 2 4 ff. was that actually spoken by the "Chaldeans" in Babylon. The verse Jer 10 11 has some peculiarities showing that its author must have spoken a particiilar Aramaic dialect (cf. the writer's I/O T, p. 255; KpIN also occurs in Egyptian Aramaic, side by side with Ki^nN). Aramaic was formerly used largely aa the language of commerce and diplomacy, as is shown by II K 18 26 (701 B.C.), by some of the Ara- 4. Use of maic inscriptions on coins and weights, Aramaic in and some of those from Egypt. How Palestine, prevalent it was in the coimtries around Palestine will be apparent from the preceding enumeration of dialects. It is not, there- fore, surprising that it gradually made its influence felt upon Hebrew. Aramaic words appear occasion- ally in Heb. written c. 600 B.C. ; in Heb. writings da- ting from the captivity and later Aramaic words and constructions become increasingly frequent: there are many Aramaic words, for instance, in Job, the later Psalms, Jonah, Esther, the Heb. parts of Dan- iel; Aramaic words, and sometimes also Aramaic con- structions, are marked in Chronicles, Ezr, and Neh, and especially in Ec. In the end, Aramaic sup- planted Hebrew altogether as the popular language in Palestine; and so nearly all the Semitic words quoted in the NT are distinctively Aramaic (e.g., Akel- dama, Maranatha, and the formis in -d cited above). Of course, the old view that the Jews forgot their Hebrew in Babylonia, and spoke in 'Chaldee,' when they returned to Palestine, must be entirely given up: the 'Chaldee' (Aramaic) of Daniel was not spoken in Babylonia at all; Hag., Zee, and other post-exilic writings use Hebrew, which was still spoken normally in Jerusalem c. 430 B.C. (Neh 13 24). The Hebrews, after the captivity, gradually acquired the use of Aramaic through intercourse with their neighbors in and about Palestine. Another error is also to be guarded against. It does not foUow because a word, otherwise unknown in Heb. but common in Aramaic, occurs once or twice iQ Heb., that therefore the passages in which it occurs are late: some regard must be had to the character of the word, and we must consider, for in- stance, whether it occurs in poetry or prose, and whether it is isolated or accompanied by other marks of a late style. Such a word may, for example, not have been borrowed by Heb. from Aramaic at a late date, but have formed part of the original stock common to both languages, though in Heb. it may have been rare and used only in poetry. There are also reasons for thinking that the language of the N. kingdom differed dialecticaUy from that of Judah; and some Aramaic forms may be due to the fact that \ the writings in which they are found originated in the N. kingdom. This has been supposed to be the explanation of the Aramaic expressions in the Song of Sol. ; but the trend of recent opinion has been to attribute them rather to a post-exilic date, to which indeed, viewed in the aggregate, they certainly seem to point. Literature : Lidzbarsid, Handbitch der Nordsem. Epigra- phik (1898); Cooke, North-Semitic Inscriptions (1903); Sayce and Cowley, Aram. Papyri from Egypt (1906); Kautzsch, Gramm. des Bibl.-Aram. (1884); Dalman Gramm. des Judisch-Pal. Aramddsch (ed. 2, 1903), with full introd. on the different types of Jewish Aramaic ; Noldeke, Mand&iscfie Gramm., 1875 (important for its philol. notes), Syrische Gramm. (translated, 1904), and art. Aramaic Language in EB; Leviaa, Gramm. of the Aram, of the Bah. Talmud (1900); Wright, Comparative Grammar of the Semitic Languages (1890). The first three of these books contain numerous examples of Ara- maic inscriptions and papyri, illustrative of dialects Nos. 1.2,3,5.6. S. R. D. ARAMITESS, ^'ram-ait"es: An Aramean woman (I Ch 7 14). See Aram, § 1. E. E. N. ARAM-MAACAH, 6'ram-ma'a-ca, NAHARAIM, ng"ha-r^'im, REHOB, ri'heb, and ZOBAH, zo'bd: See Aram, § 4. ARAN, e'ran (X)^., 'dran),'wM goat' (?): A Horite clan (Gn 36 28; I Ch 1 42). E. E. N. ARARAT, ar'a-rat (p^^^, 'drarat): A district located in E. Armenia, between Lakes Van and Uru- mia and the River Araxes, Thither the sons of Sen- nacherib fled after killing their father (II K 19 37; Is 37 38; Armenia AV). In Jer 51 27 it occurs as the name of a "kingdom" along with those of the Minni and Ashkenaz, aU of whom are summoned by the prophet to fight against Babylon. The Assyrian inscriptions, from the 9th cent. B.C. forward, fre- quently mention the land of Urarfu, or Ararat. The altitude of this region above the level of the Medi- terranean Sea is between 6,000 and 7,000 ft. Noah's ark is said to have rested on "the mountains of Ara- rat" (Gn8 4); the reference being probably to a mountain range, rather than to any particular peak. In the Babylonian account of the Deluge also the impression is given that the mountain (range) of Nisir stopped the ship. It is barely possible that the double-peaked mountain, whose altitude is 17,260 and 13,000 ft., respectively, and which is situated about half-way between the Black and Caspian seas, may have been in the writer's mind. G. L. R. . ARAUNAH, a-re'na (HjnX., 'drawnah): The Jeb- usite from whom David purchased the threshing- floor over which the destroying angel seemed to be stationed (II S 24 16 ff. ; I Ch 21 15 ff. ; cf. II Ch 3 1). Called Oman in I Ch 21 15 ff. E. E. N. ARBA, Sr'ba (i'2"!«, *arha'), 'four': Only in con- nection with Hebron as the "city of Arba." The legendary ancestor of the Anakim near Hebron (Jos 14 15, 15 13, 21 11). See also Anak and Hebron. E. E. N. Arbathite Ark A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 50 ARBATHITE, ar'bath-ait C<^^y, 'arhhathl): A man of Beth-arabah (II S 23 3i; I Ch 11 32). E. E. N. ARBITE, ar'bait (*?"!s*, 'arbl): A man of Arab (II S 23 35). See Arab (2";^). E. E. N. ARCHANGEL. See Angel, Angelology, § 4. ARCHELAUS, ar"ke-le'us. See Herod, § 4. ARCHEOLOGY. See Hebrew Archeology. ARCHER. See Warfare, § 4. ARCHES. See Temple (of Ezekiel), § 23. ARCHEVITE, ar'ke-vait, ARCHI, ar'kai, AR- CHITE, ar'cait (r.jp.*!^, 'arknoaye): Only in Ezr 4 9 and of uncertain meaning. Possibly a mistake in the text for Cuthites (cf. II K 17 24). Generally ta- ken as meaning people from Erech (q.v.) in Baby- lonia. E. E. N. ARCHIPPUS, ar-kip'us CApxiTnros): A member of the household of Philemon, probably his son (Col 4 17; Phm ver. 2). Though evidently a young man, he held an important office in the church of Colossse. Paul calls him his "fellow-soldier" (Phm ver. 2; cf. Ph 2 25; II Ti 2 3). He may have shared with him in some arduous labor for the Gospel. R. A. F. ARCHITECTURE: The practical art of build- ing in Palestine was mainly evolved from a single type, the rectangular, flat-roofed house of stone or brick. The common nomadic tent of skins or stuffs exerted no discernible influence upon structural forms, and the use of wood was confined to small internal details or fittings. The house-type was de- veloped into the dwelling or domestic house, the palace or royal house, the temple and synagogue or house of religious assembly, the tower or fortress, the granary or storehouse, and the tomb or house of the dead. Aggregations of houses in towns were regularly encircled by protecting walls, having gate- ways for communication and towers for defense. A city like Jerusalem might contain special structures for communication, like stairways or bridges, and in connection with pools or reservoirs and in the Temple area porticos or colonnades were built. It seems likely that in the artistic treatment of all these types of building there was almost nothing original to Palestine. In cases where considerable elaboration may be inferred, it was doubtless an imitation of Phoenician, Egyptian, or Greek styles. The typical house-plan was introverted, i.e., the exterior was normally barren, broken only by the gateway, while all rooms opened inward upon a central court. In the palaces of Jerusalem and Samaria there was some use of halls whose roofs were supported by columns. In these buildings precious materials like ivory, gold, silver, and brass and imported woods, like cedar, were used. To columns and walls color and carving were somewhat applied. The successive Temples were undoubtedly devised with an eye to beauty and impressiveness. But aside from very general accounts (as in IK 6; IlChS; Ezk40^4) and some scattered ref- erences to details, we have but meager data for forming an architectural conception. Kemams or synagogues are found in Galilee, showmg a rectan- gular plan, some bases for pillar-supports, ana slight carved decoration of doorways. Detached tombs are found in some places, as a rule constructed upon Greek or Roman plans. (See also City, House, Palace, Temple, Synagogue, Tower, Iomb.) W. b. r. ARCTURUS. See Astronomy, § 4. ARD, ard i^^^, 'ard): The ancestral head of a Benjamite clan.' In Gn 46 21 he is counted as a brother, in Nu 26 40 as a son of Bela. IH I Ch 8 3 the name is given as Addar. ^' E- -N- ARDON, ar'den ((<">*, 'ardon): ''Son " of Azu- bah, wife of Caleb (I Ch 2 18). Perhaps a place- or clan-name. E. E. N. ARELI, a-ri'lai (^^>!"1^', 'ar^ell): Ancestral head of a Gadite family (Gn 46 16; Nu 26 17). E. E. N. AREOPAGUS, e"re-ep'a-gus: A bare rock NW. of the entrance to the Acropolis of Athens; called "ApcLos Uayos ('Hill of Ares') from the near-by tem- ples of Ares. It was generally the seat of a criminal court with jurisdiction over murder, im- moraUty, etc. The Areopagites were drawn from the noblest-born and wealthiest citizens, all state officials being ex-officio members. It was a self- perpetuating, conservative, all-powerful court, prac- tically governing Athens. Its power was modified by Draco, but Solon extended its jurisdiction to criminal, political, and moral cases. Under Roman rule all its ancient powers were restored. Before this court Paul was summoned and, at least, not found guilty of serious offense, but rather dismissed in contempt. One of the court, Dionysius, was con- verted to the Christian faith (Ac 17 16-34). J. R. S. S. ARETAS, ar'e-tas (AperaSj more properly 'ApiBas^ transliteration of Aram, finin): The name of a number of the Nabatsean kings (see Arab, § 4). 1. A ruler (Gr. rvpauvos) of the Arabians c. 169 B.C. (II Mac 5 8). 2. A king of the Arabians c. 96 B.C. (of. Jos. Ant. XIII, 13 3). 3. The king men- tioned in II Co 11 32 in connection with the escape of Paul from Damascus. His original name was ^neas (Jos. Ant. XVI, 9 4). In the inscriptions and coins from his reign (cf. CIS, Pars II, Aram. Nos. 196-217), he is frequently called "Carithath, King of the NabatiEans, lover of his people/' in dis- tinction from some of his predecessors who were called "lovers of the Greeks." His reign dates probably from about 9 B.C. to 40 a.d. (cf. CIS, Pars II, Aram. Nos. 216, 217). There are no Dam- ascene coins extant bearing the image or inscrip- tion of Roman emperors between 34 and 62 A.D., so that Damascus may have been ceded to Aretas during the last years of Tiberius' reign, or, more probably, upon the accession of Caligula (37 a.d.). This would explain the statement of II Co 11 32 that an ethnarch of Aretas guarded the city to prevent PauPs escape. As Aretas and Herod Antipas were enemies, such an alliance of the former with the Jew- 51 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Arbathite Ark ish priestly party is not unlikely (Jos. Ant. XVIII^ 51,3). Literature : Consult especially Schiirer's monograph on the Nabata;ans in his GJV^, I, 726 f. (Beilage II). J. M. T. ARGOB, ar'gob (2^08, 'argobh): A region in Bashan. According to the O T, Argob was a portion of the conquered territory of Og, assigned to the half tribe of Manasseh (Dt 3 4). In ver. U "all Bashan" is made coextensive with "the region of Argob.'' Within it were situated "60 great cities with bra- zen walls and bars." Its western border was the land of the Geshurites and the Maacathites. Dt 3 14 (cf. IK413) makes these 60 cities identical with Havvoth-jair (tent villages of Jair), but this is probably a gloss (cf. Driver and also Dillmann, ad loc). The Targum identifies A. with Trachonitis {Tarhona), the el-Leja, a region 30 m. S. of Damas- cus, and 40 m. E. of Galilee, covered with lava from the volcanoes of the Hauran range. It rises from 20 to 30 ft. above the level of the surrounding plain, and its greatest length is 22 m. with a maximum breadth of 14 m. It contains, in a good state of preservation, many remains of towns, built of the black basaltic rock. Similar ruins are found in the territory to the S. and E. Archeologists are agreed in referring aU these remains to cities of the Greco- Roman period, which may, however, have been built upon sites previously occupied by cities of the Mosaic age. Viewed from the plain, el-Leja looks like a rugged coast, and *'the region (lit. hehhel; bound- ary-line, Dt 3 4) of Argob" has been interpreted as referring to this rough stretch of rocks. Authorities are skeptical about this identification. Wetzstein placed A. and the Zumleh range about 15 m. far- ther E. ; Guthe locates it between Edrei and Nawa, E. of Jolan {ZDPV, 1890, p. 237 f.). Dillmann fixed upon the region between Gerasa, Edrei, and Ashtaroth on the W. and Jehel Hauran on the E. From the evidence at our disposal, it is probable that G. A. Smith's cautious statement, "within Bashan lay Argob," is all that is justifiable {HGHLy p. 551). Literature : In addition to works referred to above : Buhl, Geographie des alien Paldstina', Ewing, PEFQ, 1895; De Vogii^, Syrie Centrale. J. A. K. ARIDAI, a-rid'a-ai (^j^"?*!!., 'drldhay): A son of Haman (Est 9 9). E. E. N. ARIDATHA, a-rid'a-tha (N^T''-''^:, 'dridhatha'): A son of Haman (Est 9 8). E. E. N. ARIEH, ^'ri-e ("r.li?!?, ha-'arye): The statement (II K 15 25) is not clear. If Arieh be a man's name, he was either one of the conspirators against Pek- ahiah or one of his servants who fell with him. The text may be corrupt. E. E. N. ARIEL, ^'ri-el (h^^l^., 'drl'el), 'lion of God': 1. A Moabite (IIS 23 20). 2. One of Ezra's leading helpers, designated more especially teachers (Ezr 816). 3. A mystical name of Jerusalem (Is 29 1-7); The original text here may have read bx^X * (altar) hearth of God.' A. C. Z. ARIMATH^A, ar"i-mQ-thi'u (Apifiadaia): The home of Joseph, the counselor (Mt 27 57 and ||s). Probably the same as Ramathaim-zophim, or Ra- mah(q.v.). E. E. N. ARIOCH, ar'i-ek (Tfn^, 'aryokh): 1. King of Ellasar (Larsa) who served under the king of Elam, in his campaign against Palestine c. 2260 B.C. (Gn 14 1,9); probably identical with Rim-Sin, King of Larsa, whose name is also written Eri-Aku. 2. The cap- tain of the guard of Nebuchadrezzar (Dn 2 14 f., 25). J. F. McC. ARISAI, Q-ris'a-ai ("0^1^, 'drlsay): One of the sons of Haman (Est 9 9). E. E. N. ARISTARCHUS, ar^'is-tflr'cus (A^picrrapxas): One of Paul's traveling companions, a Macedonian of Thessalonica (Ac 27 2). He was attacked by the Ephesian mob (19 29), but escaped death, and ac- companied Paul to Jerusalem (20 4) and to Rome (27 2). J. M. T. ARISTOBULUS, ar"is-to-biu'ltrs ( Kpiit, 'a^a'): 1. Third king of Judah (c. 917-876 B.C.), son of Maacah and brother of Abijah. His reforming energy was great, and by bringing sacred articles from other shrines to Jeru- salem (I K 15 15) he enhanced the Temple's preemi- nence. Fearing Baasha's blockade (I K 15 I7f.), he purchased Aramean aid, thereby incurring prophetic Asahel Ashtaroth A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 58 censure (II Ch 16 7), and bequeathing to his suc- cessors a heritage of war. His defensive works were long remembered (Jer 41 9). The Chronicler alone records the invasion of Zerah (q.v.), the Ethiopian (IIChl4 9), and perhaps imphes a resort to the Black Art in his final illness (II Ch 16 12). 2. A son of Elkanah (see I Ch 9 16). A. S. C ASAHEL, as'a-hel (^Xr.to, 'dsa'el), 'God does': 1. A son of Zeruiah, David's sister (ICh2l6). With his brothers Joab and Abishai he was among the earUest and most valiant of David's follow- ers (IIS 23 24; I Chi 126). A. was especially re- nowned for his fieetness (II S 2 18). The statement in ICh27 7 that he was the "fourth captain for the fourth month" in David's army is a mistake, since A. was slain by Abner before David had organ- ized his larger army. The death of A. at the hands of Abner (II S 2 18-23) was an act of self-defense on Abner's part, but was nevertheless avenged later by Joab (II S 3 27-30). 2. A Levite under Jehoshaphat (IIChl7 8). 3. A Levite under Hezekiah (II Ch 31 13). 4. Father of Jonathan (Ezr 10 15). E. E. N. ASAIAH, a-s6'ya {'V^^, 'dsaydh): T has made (or done)': 1. A trusted servant of King Josiah (Asahiah AV, II K22 12, u =IICh34 20). 2. A Le- vite (I Ch 6 30, also 15 6 and 11?). 3. The ancestral head of a branch of the Simeonites (I Ch 4 36-43). 4, A Shilonite (I Ch 9 5 - Maaseiah, Neh 115?). ASAPH, e'saf : A Levite repeatedly named by the later historians (Ezr 2 41, 310; Neh 7 44, 1117,22, 12 35, 46; I Ch 6 39, 9 15, 15 17, 19, 16 5, 7, 37, 25 1, 2, 6, 9 [26 1?] ; II Ch 5 12, 20 14, 29 13, 30, 35 15) as originally one of the leaders of the Temple psalmody and the founder of a family or gild of singers. His name appears in the captions of twelve Psalms (50, 73-83). It is not clear what relation this shadowy personage bears to the other Asaphs named (under Hezekiah, II K 18, 18, 37; Is 36 3, 22, and after the Exile, Neh 2 8). The word (•"|p^Vasap/^) means "collector" and may be a title. See Psalms and Music. W. S. P. ASAREL, as'a-rel (b^;"3■^>;, 'dsar'el, Asareel AV, a-se're-el): An individual or clan (probably Caleb- ite) of Judah (I Ch 4 16). E. E. N. ASARELAH, as"a-ri'la. See Ashabelah. ASCALON. See Ashkelon. ASCENT: A word applied to a natural ascent as from a valley to a hill or mountain {e.g., Nu 34 4; Jos 10 10; II S 15 30, etc.). In I K 10 5 = II Ch 9 4 we shoiild probably read "the burnt offerings which he offered" (RVmg.). See also Jerusalem, § 23. E. E. N. ASCENTS, SONGS OF. See Psalms, §4. ASENATH, as'e-nath (."139K, 'a§nath): The Egyp- tian wife of Joseph (Gn 41 45, 50, 46 20) ; the daughter of the priest of On (Heliopolis). Her name is usually explained as standing for Nes-Neith, i.e., who be- longs to Neith, the goddess of Sais. J. F. McC. ASER, ^'egr (Acrrjp): The AV form in the N T for Asher (q.v.) (Lk 2 36; Rev 7 6). ASH. See Palestine, § 21. ASHAN, ^'shan C(^^, 'ashan), 'smoke': A Levit- ical city (still unidentified) in western Judah (Jos 15 42; I Ch 6 59, called Ain in Jos 21 16). Bor-Ashan (Chor-Ashan AV, I S 30 30) probably mdicates the same place. b. E. N, ASHARELAH, ash"a-ri'la (n^^l^X,, 'dshar'elah, Asarelah AV, as"a-riaa): An 'Asaphite' musician (I Ch 25 2). Called Jesharelah in ver. 14. E. E. N. ASHBEA, ash'be-a (P2'f6*, 'ashbe'a): The place or family name of a Judahite family, weavers of fine linen (I Ch 4 21). E.E.N. ASHBEL, ash'bel (^3^8, 'ashbel): The ancestral head of the Ashbelites, a clan of Benjamin (Gn 46 21; Nu 26 38; IChSl). E. E.N. ASHDOD, ash'ded i^nt^, 'ashdodh): The mod- em Esdud, located 3 m. from the sea almost mid- way between Joppa and Gaza (Map I, B 8). It was one of the five famous cities of the Philistines, and the residence of Anakim (Jos 11 22). The city was assigned to Judah (Jos 15 46f.), but was prob- ably not occupied until King Uzziah broke down its walls (II Ch26 6). Thither the captured Ark of God was carried by the Philistines and placed in the temple of Dagon (I S 5 l). About 760 b.c. the prophet Amos denounced its inhabitants (1 8), and in 711 B.C. the Assyrian tartan, or general, of Sargon fought successfully against it (Is 20 1). According to Herodotus (ii. 157), Psammetichus, King of Egypt, besieged it for 29 years (c. 630 B.C.), only a remnant surviving (Jer 25 20). When Nehemiah, in 445 B.C., attempted to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem, the Ash- dodites were among those who opposed him (Neh 4 7f.). Both Judas Maccabaeus (c. 165 B.C.) and his brother Jonathan (c. 148) sacked the city (I Mac 5 68, 10 84). It is mentioned once in the N T by its Greek name Azotus in connection with Philip (Ac 8 40). G. L. R. ASHDOTH-PISGAH, ash"deth-piz'ga. See Pis- GAH. ASHER (yii^, 'dsher), popularly taken to mean 'happy,' though possibly an old deity name: A son of Zilpah, Leah's handmaid, and one of the tri- bal ancestors of Israel (Gn 30 12 f.). See Tribes, §4. ASHERAH, a-shi'ra. See Semitic Religion, §11. ASHES. See Mourning Customs, § 2. ASHHUR, ash'ur (1^nt5«, 'ashhur, Ashur AV): A Calebite (clan?), ''father" of Tekoa (ICh2 24, 4 5). E.E.N. ASHIMA, a-shai'ma. See Semitic Religion, §12. ASHKELON, ash'ke-len (Xh'O^H, 'ashq^lon): The modern 'Askelan, 12 m. N. of Gaza on the seacoast (Jer 47 7), was one of the five principal cities of the Philistines (Map I, B 9). The city was built on a rocky amphitheater overlooking the sea. Extensive 59 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Asahel Ashtaroth ruins of the town remain. It was the seat of the worship of the fish goddess Derceto, with temple and lake E. of the city. Judah is said to have captured it (Jg 1 18; cf., however, the LXX reading; also Jos 13 3), but the Philistines still occupied it in the days of Samson (Jgl4l9), of Samuel (IS 6 17), and of David (II S 1 20). Three prophets predicted its overthrow (Jer 47 5; Zeph 2 4; Zee 9 6). It was cap- tured twice by Jonathan the Maccabee (I Mac 10 86, ASHRIEL, ash'ri-el. See Asriel. ASHTAROTH, ash'ta-reth (nlllJ^SJ, 'asht&roth): The plural form of the name of the goddess Ashtoreth, This is found as the name of a city (Jos 9 10, 12 4, 13 12, 31; I Ch 6 71) taken by Israel, before the passage of the Jordan, from Og, King of Bashan. It is possi- ble, but not probable, that the same city is meant by Ashteroth-Karnaim (Gn 14 6), an abode of the Capture of the Castle of Ashkelon by Rameses II. 11 60), by the Crusaders, and by Saladin. Herod the Great was bom there, and built it up (Jos, Wars, 1,21 11). Its name seems to have been derived from a characteristic product, a kind of onion, which grew there, called shallot, or escaUot, whence Ash- kelon. Its inhabitants were called Ashkelonites (Jos 13 3, Eshkalonites AV). G. L. R. ASHKENAZ, ash'ke-naz. See Ethnography AND Ethnology, § 11. ASHNAH, ash'na (HJ^^^, *ashnah): The name of two cities in Judah (Jos 15 33, 43), not yet identi- fied. E. E. N. ASHPENAZ, ash'pe-naz (TJ!?^8, 'ashpmaz): Chief of the eunuchs of Nebuchadrezzar (Dan 1 3). E. E. N. Rephaim at the time of the invasion of Palestine by Chedorlaomer of Elam and his vassals. Eusebius and Jerome speak of two places bearing the latter name, five Roman miles apart, in the Decapolis. One of these may be the modern TeU Ashtarah, 21 m. E. of the Lake of Galilee (see Map I, H 4). There is also a Tell Ashari, 5 m. to the N. of the former. Other sites have also been suggested for one or the other. It is not known what sense was borne by Kamaim as an epithet of Ashtaroth (of which Ash- teroth is merely the construct form), nor is it clear what was the force here of the plural form of the name of the goddess. Similar place-names have been found in Egyptian lists relating to Palestine and in the Amarna tablets. Be-eshterah, probably for Beth-eshterah, is mentioned in Jos 21 27 as a Levit- ical city, and apparently as equivalent to Ashtaroth Ashterathite Asia Minor A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 60 of I Ch 6 71. The coincidence of the form with Tell Ashtarah (see above) is worthy of attention. J. F. McC. ASHTERATHITE, ash'te-rath-ait Cn'Ti'^P, 'ash- t'raihi), 'man of Ashteroth': The gentilic of Ash- toreth, the home of Uzzia, one of David's heroes (I Chll 44). E. E. N. ASHTEROTH-KARNAIM, ash'te-reth-kar-ng'- im. See Ashtaroth. ASHTORETH, ash'to-reth. See Semitic Re- ligion, § 14. ASHUR, ash'ur. See Ashhur. ASHURITES, ash'ur-aits Q^it^., 'dshurl): In IIS2 9 the Massoretic text reads "Ashurites" in the enumeratiori of districts subject to Ishbosheth. This is perhaps a textual error for **Geshurites" (so Vulg. and Syr.), the Aramean people N. of Gilead, or, more probably, for "Asherites" (so the Targum), i.e., the Israelites N. of the plain of Esdraelon. In Ezk27 6 the AV rendering "company of Ashurites" is wrong. The correct Heb. reading bith'ashshurlm means "in boxwood" (or some similar wood), as in RV. E. E. N. ASHVATH, ash'vath (Djipj?, 'ashwdth): A de- scendant of Asher (I Ch 7 33). ASIA. See Asia Minor, § 2. ASIA MINOR Analysis of Contents 1. General Introductory Description 2. Asia 3. Bithynia 4. Cappadocia 5. Cilicia 6. Galatia 7. Lycaonia 8. Lycia 9. Lydia 10. Mysia 11. Pamphylia 12. Phrygia 13. Pisidia 14. PontUB The meeting-place of the nations, and the scene of great struggles between the East and the West, was inhabited in prehistoric times by I. General the Hittites, whose descendants were Introduc- later known by the Greeks as "White tory De- Syrians. " The Hittites have left traces scription. of cities, palaces, rock-sculptures from Pteria to Carchemish. They had a system of writing and worshiped the Asiatic god- dess or patroness of sexual instinct. True marriage was unknown, girls gained dowries by prostitution, which was a religious exercise and respectable. De- scent was reckoned from the mother. The Hittites built roads, and their road-system was inherited by the Persians (see the 'royal road/ under Lycaonia, § 7, below). The Phrygians and Bithynians began to invade A. M. in the second half of the second mil- lennium B.C. The Phrygians settled first in Troas, then advanced to the Smyrna region, then to the interior, where Midas-town became the capital. Here are found indelible traces of Phrygian art and civilization, in the rock-cut city and tombs of the kings (Midas, Gordius) who greatly impressed the Greeks. The invasions of the Cimmerians (8th and 7th cent.) crushed the Phrygians. The Lydian kmg- dom, which became independent of Phrygia^ about 716 B.C., and lasted to about 546 b.c, was m con- stant intercourse with the Greeks. The Lydians were great traders and amassed fabulous wealth (Lydia, § 9, below). Greek colonies, founded every- where along the Asiatic seaboard (8th cent)., brought Greek civihzation to A. M., which sent back litera- ture (Homer, Epos), art, and philosophy to Greece. The colonies, weakened by luxury and intermarriage with Asiatics, were conquered by Croesus (568 B.C.), then, along with Lydia, by the Persians (546 b.c). Unassimilated by the Persians, they remained Greek with Greek governors under Persian satraps. The Ionian Revolt (500 B.C.) proved unsuccessful, but, owing to the intervention of Athens, brought about the Persian wars. Alexander destroyed the Persian Empire (333-331 B.C.), and under his successors A. M. was the scene of struggles for supremacy. The kingdom of Pergamum, founded in 283 B.C., was celebrated for its art and letters, great library, and the invention of parchment. Its ruins are magnifi- cent. Attalus III bequeathed the kingdom to the Romans (133 B.C.). The Gauls under Brennus in- vaded Greece and A. M. (to Syria), but were defeated by Attalus I (230 b.c.) and settled in Galatia (below, § 6). Seleucid kings founded many cities in A. M. Their power was broken in 191 B.C. when A. M. passed under Roman control (Asia, § 2, below). The Mithridatic wars by Lucullus (74-71 b.c.) and the conquest of the Armenians and Cilician pirates by Pompey (67 B.C.) completed the conquest by Rome. The Iloman provinces were: Asia, Cilicia, Lycia- Pamphylia, Bithynia-Pontus, Galatia, and Cappa^ docia. Christianity spread with amazing rapidity in Central A. M., and fixed the general use of the Greek language. The Roman Provincia Asia (Ac 16 6, 19 10, 22, 26; I Co 16 19, etc.), organized after the death of Attalus III of Pergamum in 133 B.C., com- 2. Asia, prised Mysia, Lydia (probably Caria also), and the islands of the seaboard including Astypalsea and Amorgos. Phrygia Major, temporarily annexed in 116 B.C., was not perma- nently incorporated until 49 B.C. Sulla reorganized the province in 84 B.C. (the Sullan Era). In imperial times A. belonged to the Senate, which elected as annual governor a consularis with the title of pro- consul (residence at first Pergamum, then Ephesus), under whom were three legati and one qucsstor. The kingdom of Attalus had included many free cities (exempted from taxation). The Romans reduced the number gradually under varying pretexts, until Ilium alone preserved libertas and immunitas, i.e., the jus Italicum. A. was divided into nine judicial districts (conventus): Laodicea ad Lycum, Syn- nada, Apamea, Alabanda, Sardis, Smyrna, Ephesus, Adramyttium, and Pergamum, though courts were occasionally held elsewhere. A. was further divided (144 B.C.) into 44 regiones (city districts), responsi- ble for the taxes (a tenth in kind, exclusive of customs duties and taxes on pasture-lands), which were farmed out to Roman knights, until Csesar intro- duced a fixed tax, less than a third of the former tax, but producing 16,000 talents annually. Under the 61 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Ashterathite Asia Minor emperors each city paid a stipulated tax based on the size and productivity of its district. The procurator Augusti ProvincicB A sice was the tax commissioner for the whole province; in each city he was repre- sented by an exactor republicw, to whom ten citizens were personally responsible for the city's taxes. The cities of A. retained their native institutions (usually timocratical). But only citizens had a voice in the iKKXrja-lat and magistrates alone might introduce bills. The annually elected ^ovXr}, or coun- cil, survived. The y^pova-la, or Senate, had no po- litical significance. The Xoyiarai (chosen by the emperor) had charge of the city's finances. The governor appointed the poUcemen, from a list sub- mitted by the fiovXr), Tribal unions (xotva) for the worship of the tribal god flourished everywhere ; the kolv6p 'Aalas {Commune Asicb) instituted games and cared especially for the worship of Roma and Augus- tus; its delegates met yearly, wherever there were provincial temples, to offer prayers for the emperor, the Senate, and the Roman people, and to deliberate on matters affecting the whole province; it might criticize the proconsul and appeal to Rome ; its presi- dent (called dpxtepevs *A or Heraclidae. The Attyadse were descendants of Attys. Eusebius says that Sardis was taken by the Cimmerians 1078 B.C., but as the Cimmerians did not appear till about 670 B.C., the Cimmerians of Eusebius were probably Hittites. With the decay of the Hittite Empire the second mythical Lydian dynasty came into power, the Sandonidce, so called because they were descendants of the god Sandon. The founder was Ninus, evidently a myth, because the Assyrians never crossed the Halys River prior to the times of Asshurbanipal; the same dynasty was called Herac- lidce (from Heracles and Omphale) by the Greeks. It reigned for about 450 years, and was supplanted by the Mermnadce in the person of Gyges about 690 Asia Minor A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 64 B.C. Henceforth the name L. was used exclusively, and the term Maeonia was restricted to the "burnt" (volcanic) region of the upper Hermus. During Gyges' reign the Cimmerian invasion took place. Asshurbanipal aided Gyges (660 B.C.) and therefore claimed suzerainty over L. Gyges was slain by the Cimmerians (652 B.C.). Ardys, Gyges' son, was tributary to Assyria. Alyattes (fourth Mermnad, 612-563 B.C.) expelled the Cimmerians, destroyed the Phrygian Empire, and took the Greek cities of the seaboard, allowing them to retain their native institutions, though they paid tribute. He made L. great and wealthy. Alyattes' son Croesus con- quered all Asia Minor W. of the Halys River (ex- cept Lycia). He became famous for his wealth (his gifts to Delphi alone aggregated $6,000,000). After ruling 15 years, he was conquered by Cyrus (546 B.C.), who annexed L. to Persia, when Sardis became the western capital of the Persian Empire. The Lydians, who hitherto had been brave and warlike, were made effeminate by the Persians. They were natural merchants, devoted themselves to commerce, and became business mediaries between Asia and Greece. The 'Lydian market' was famous and fol- lowed every army. They manufactured costly gar- ments, rugs (Giordiz, Ushak), dyed woolen stuffs (madder, T\u*key red), cast bronze, and were the first to coin money by stalmping a rude ingot of electrum, which Crcesus replaced by gold and silver. They were musicians, and also kept the first inns. They grad- ually lost their nationality and adopted the Greek language. They inherited from the Hittites the nature-worship of Cybele (also called Ma and the Ephesian Diana [q.v.]) and the sun-god Attys, the sun-husband of Cybele (Semitic Tammuz = Greek Adonis), who mutilated himself and was therefore served by eunuch priests. His death by a boar meant that summer was slain by the boar-tusk of winter. Mt. Tmolus (6,000 ft. high) divides L. into two regions. Famous fertile plains are the Cilbian, Caystrian, and Hyrcanian. The rivers are the Ca- ystrus, Hermus (tributaries Cyllus, Cogamus, Pac- tolus). The Gygsean lake was noted; on its bank were the earliest settlements of the Lydians, who after their removal to Hyde-Sardis retained it as the great national cemetery, whose pyramidal grave monuments are still extant, among them the tomb of Alyattes (200 ft. high, 381 yards in diameter). After Alexander's death L. passed first to Antig- onus (about 320 B.C.). Later, Achasus was King of Sardis (about 218 B.C.) imtil defeated by An- tiochus (214 B.C.). In 189 b.c. L. was given by the Romans to Eumenes, and at the death of Attains III of Pergamum (133 B.C.) it passed to Rome and was incorporated into the Provincia Asia. The plains of L. are very fertile. In ancient times they produced wine and saffron. At present tobacco, cotton, famous melons, and Tchaoosh grapes are grown. The chief cities of L. were Sardis (the capital and the terminus of the Persian ' Royal Road'), Philadel- phia, Thyatira, Magnesia ad Sipylum, Hypaepa. L. was Christianized at an early period as a result of the labors of Paul and his companions. Mysia, a country in the northwestern comer of Asia Minor, whose boundaries fluctuated from time to time, but, loosely speaking, was bounded by Lydia (Mt. Temnus), Phrygia, and 10. Mysia. Bithynia (Mt. Olympus, 6,000 ft.). It was divided into Troas (probably the first settlement of the Thracian Briges, or Phryg- ians, on Asiatic soil), Phrygia Parva on the Propon- tis (so named because subject to Phrygia when the Greeks were founding colonies), ^olis (Greek colo- nists), Teuthrania (Pergamum region), and M. proper, which in Lydian and Persian times was con- fined to the interior. The appellation Mysia was not applied to all this territory until Pergamenian and Roman times. The Mysians maintained their tribal independence under the Persian kings, though they were never really an independent nation. Their origin is not positively known, but they are thought to have been akin to the Lydians and Carians. Their language was a combination of Phrygian and Lydian. They appear first as allies of Troy. They were conquered successively by Croesus, by the Per- sians (nominally), and by Alexander, after whose death M. passed to the Seleucids tiU 189 B.C., when it was given by the Romans to Eumenes, King of Pergamum. When in 133 B.C. Attains III be- queathed his kingdom to Rome M. became a part of the Provincia Asia (§ 2, above). The interior of M. is a table-land, stepped by mountains running E. and W. It was once covered by forests, and had but few cities, but the whole sear board was dotted with cities colonized by Greeks from Elsea in ^Eolis to Cyzicus. The most impor- tant city of the interior was Pergamum ; among those on the coast were Cyzicus (on the PropontiSj founded by Miletus), Lampacus, Abydus, Alexandria Troas, Assos, Adramyttium (now 6 m. inland), Myrina, Elaea. The most famous mountains were Ida (5,750 ft.) in Troas, and Olympus (7,600 ft.). The largest rivers were the Rhyndacus and Macestus, but the most famous were the Scamander, Simoeis, Grani- cus, Caicus. The inhabitants of M. were Phrygians, Trojans, ^olian Greeks, and Mysians proper in the interior: the latter were a pastoral folk, who played but a small role in history. Pamphylia, a name applied originally to the level coastal plain lying between Lycia and Cilicia, S. of the Taurus Mountains (Pisidia). The plain 11. Pam- is a chalky soil, being a deposit made phylia. by rivers, with carbonate of lime, which here, as in many places in Asia Minor and Greece, is rapidly discharged, forming land. The plain is about 75 m. long by 30 m. wide. At an early period Greek colonies were founded at Olbia (afterward Attalia) and Side, whose sphere of infiuence was extended inland to Perga, Sillenus, and Aspendus. The Pamphylians were never independ- ent and never made their mark in history; they seem to have been an admixture of aborigines (probably of the same stock as the Cihcians ) and Greek colonists; their language and institutions also were partly Greek, partly barbarian. P. shared the varying fortunes of Asia Minor; conquered by Alyattes, King of Lydia (612-563), then successively by Persians, Macedo- nians, Seleucids. After the defeat of Antiochus III (190 B.C.) P. was presented by the Romans to At- tains II, King of Pergamum, who made Attalia 65 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Asia Minor (formerly Olbia) the capital of P. It passed, by the will of Attalus III (133 B.C.), to Rome, biit it is not known just when P. was united with Cilicia into a Roman province; it is known, however, that Cicero was goviernor of Cilicia-Pamphyliar-Cyprus. For a short time P. was a part of the kingdom of Amyntas of Galatia (36-25 B.C.). It formed a proc- uratorial province from 25 to 50 a.d. In 74 a.d. Vespasian united Lycia and P. into one province, to which he added the western end of Pisidia, the moun- tainous country hitherto belonging to Galatia. Both Cilicians and Pamphylians were notorious pirates, whose chief center and slave-market was at Side. These pirates were suppressed by Pompey (67 b.c.) and settled at Soli (Pompeiopolis) in Cilician terri- tory. The chief cities were Olbia (AttaUa), Side, Perga, Sillenus, Aspendus (excellent theater). Fa- mous rivers were the Eurymedon (the scene of Cimon's naval battle), the Cestrus (whose ultimate source is the Egherdir lake, whose water flows under the Taurus Mountains, and rises as the Cestrus, a fact discovered by the present writer), Melas, Catar- rhactes (or Duden Su, 'sinking river' — it sinks twice, a phenomenon common in Asia Minor and Greece). In winter the Circassians now bring herds of horses from mountains of Paphlagonia to pasture in plains of Pamphylia. In summer the climate is deadly, giving rise to pernicious fever. The original boundaries of Phrygia were vague, but in prehistoric times it included the whole western in- terior of Asia Minor, extending through 12. Propontis to the Hellespont (Phrygia Phrygia. Parva). The Greeks considered the Phrygians the primeval people, who spoke the original language of man, while her kings were peers of gods (Tantalus). The Phrygian king- dom supplanted a part of the Hittite Empire (the Hittite road, afterward the * Royal Road' of the Per- sians, passed near 'Midas- town'). P. was an inde- pendent kingdom for a long time under Midas- Gordius. The Cimmerians, 680-670 B.C. (Midas conunitted suicide) held P. for about 80 years. They were expelled by Alyattes (590-585 B.C.), who annexed P. to Lydia, when the Halys became the boundary between Lydia and Media (585 B.C.). After the fall of Sardis (546 B.C.) P. was incor- porated into the Persian Empire. After its con- quest by Alexander it fell to Antigonus. After the battle of Ipsus (301 B.C.), it belonged to the Seleu- cids of Syria. The quartering of Gauls in P. by At- talus I brought ruin to the country (see § 6, above). The western part of P. was annexed to Pergamum in 189 (Phrygia Epictetus). It passed, by the will of Attalus III (133), to Rome, and was incorporated (120, after the death of Mithridates) into the prov- ince of Asia (§ 2, above). The Phrygians were akin to the Greeks, who thought them akin to the Armenians. They prob- ably came from Europe via the Hellespont to Asia Minor, though some may have come overland via Annenia-Cappadocia. They were most famous in prehistoric times (Homer, Troas, Sipylus, Sinope) and made a tremendous impression on the Greek mind (cf: Midas, Gordius, Marsyas, Olympus, the flute). Their religion, too, had a great influence on the Greeks; their chief deities were Cybele (Matar /^w6i2e [Phrygian designation of Cybele], the 'Asiatic Mother,' associated with the nature-worship of pro- creative power in animals and plants) and her son- husband the sun-god Sabazius-AUys (i.e., Tammuz, the Greek Adonis). The sun-god slain by a boar rep- resents summer slain by winter. Therefore, his au- tumnal festivals were sad, accompanied by orgiastic rites and self-mutilations, while in his spring festivals frenzied joy prevailed at the reappearance of the god, expressed by orgiastic dances, bacchanalian wander- ings in forest to the music of the flute — which was therefore banished by Plato and Aristotle from their republics. There was no real marriage, only tem- porary unions. Women gained dowries by prosti- tution before the deity, without losing caste, there- fore descent was reckoned from the mother. These orgiastic, obscene rites were adopted by and main- tained a hold on common Greeks and Romans till a late period. Meantime P. was converted to Chris- tianity at an early period (entirely Christian by 300) and abandoned what she had passed on to the GrEECO- Romans. But their early training in mysticism bore fruits in Montanism, which was strenuously opposed by Abercius, the great Phrygian saint (a real personage). P. is a high plateau, given chiefly to agriculture (now wheat and opium) and sheep. The Phrygians invented not only the flute but farming implements and wagons. Industries also flourished; especially embroideries, rugs (still made in the Giordiz-Ushak region). A rug-pattern appears on the tomb of Midas. Monuments of Phrygian art are abundant at * Midas-town,' on the tombs of the kings, on the Acropolis, and at the fortified town hewn in the rock (Pidgmish Kale, 'digged castle'). They used the Greek alphabet, but the inscriptions are not fully deciphered. Pisidia was a district of southern Asia Minor. Its boundaries fluctuated much at different times, es- pecially in the western end. Loosely 13. Pisidia. speaking, it was bounded by Isauria, Cihcia, PamphyUa, Lycia, Caria, and Phrygia. The nationality of the Pisidians (first mentioned by Xenophon) is uncertain. Some re- gard them as Milyans (see Lycia, § 8, above), others as Solymi, but Strabo says that the language of the Pisidians was distinct from that of the Solymi and Lydians. They were brave, wild, lawless, liberty- loving border-men, who made frequent predatory incursions into neighboring territory. Though under the Persians they nominally belonged to the Lydian satrapy, they were never really conquered. They offered a stubborn resistance to Alexander and con- tinued to be governed by native dynasts, even when nominally a part of a Roman province. Indeed, up to 189 B.C. part of the western end of P. formed a separate principaUty (capital Cibyra). It belonged nominally to the Seleucids till 189 (the eastern end till 102). Under the Pergamenian kings it was united with Pamphylia. In 36 b.c. Antony made Amyntas (former secretary and general of Deiotarus) king of Galatia, western Pisidia, and parts of Lyca- onia and Pamphylia. At the death of Amyntas (25 B.C.) his kingdom (including western P.) became a Roman province with Ancyra as the residence of a pretorian legate. In 44 a.d. the western end of P. Asia Minor Asssrria A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 66 was added to Phrygia as part of Asia (§ 2, above), and in 72 a.d. to Lycia-Pamphylia. (See also Gala- tia, § 6, above.) In northern P. lies Lake Egherdir (30 m. long, 3,000 ft. above the sea), whose waters sink under the Taurus Mts. and rise beneath Baulo as the Oestrus. Other important rivers rising in P. and flowing through deep narrow valleys are: the Catarrhactes (Duden Su), the Eurymedon, and the Melas. P. is a rugged, impassable, alpine country containing the highest peaks of the Taurus range with thrilling scenery, and a salubrious climate on its elevated table-lands. The memory of Paul's visit (see An- tic ch, 1) is still preserved in a village named Baulo (corruption of Paulus), on a lofty plateau above the source of the Oestrus, The name was given to the place probably because Paul rested some time in the invigorating climate of Baulo, with its sublime views (to cure malaria, the ''thorn in the flesh"? See also Paul, § 1). P., strangely enough, had many important wealthy cities. The chief ones were: An- tioch (q.v.), Sagalassus (on an elevated plateau at the foot of an overhanging mountain), Oremna (on very top of a lofty, inaccessible crag; streets still clear and distinct), Termessus, Selge, and Pednelissus (a fortress on the Lycian frontier). Educated Pisidians adopted the Greek language, while the peasantry clung to the native tongue and had but a smattering of Greek. P. contains many magnificent ruins and Greek and Latin inscriptions, chiefly of the Roman period. Pontus means 'sea,' It is not an ethnic but a ter- ritorial designation, applied after Alexander to the country lying between the River Halys 14. Pontus. and Colchis, part of which originally be- longed to Cappadocia (first known as Cappadocia ad Pontum, i.e., Howard the sea,' and then simply Pontus for short); while the rest re- mained independent under native dynasts. From the 4th cent. B.C. P. was nominally Persian, one of whose satraps, Ariobarzanes, assimied the title of king, but the real importance of P. begins with the kings of Persian stock named Mithridates. Mithri- dates I (337) was expelled from Bithynia and killed by Antigonus (302). Mithridates II (302-266) extended his kingdom from Amastris-Ancyra to the Tibareni. Mithridates III was busied in fighting the invading Gauls (see Galatia and Phrygia, §§6 and 12, above). Mithridates IV annexed Sinope. Mithridates V (Euergetes), 156-121, rendered aid to Rome in the third Punic war and received in return a part of Phrygia. Mithridates VI (Eupator), the Great, 121-63, reigned over a kingdom which in- cluded most of Asia Minor and extended around the Black Sea to the Cimmarian Bosporus (Tauric Cher- sonesus). Defeated and driven out of P. by Pompey in 66, he retreated to Tauric Chersonesus, where, be- sieged by his son Phamaces, he committed suicide (63 B . c . ) , which ended the kingdom of P. Nicomedes III of Bithynia bequeathed his kingdom to Rome (74 B.C.), and after the annihilation of Mithridates (66) P. was annexed to Bithynia (62), and the com- bined province was known as Bithynia et Pontus (a senatorial province in 27 B.C.). The rest of Mithri- dates' kingdom was given to native dynasts, and Deiotarus (see Galatia, § 6, above) received the west- em interior between the Iris and Halys rivers (Pon- tus Galaticus). Pontus Polemoniacus got its name because it was given by Antony (36 B.C.) to Polemon Eusesebes of Laodicea ad Lycum, part of whose king- dom went with his widow Pythodoris (granddaugh- ter of Antony) to Archelaus of Cappadocia (thence- forth known as Pontus Cappodocius), Polemon 11 inherited the throne of Pontus Polemoniacus, but ceded the kingdom to Nero 63 a.d., when P. became a separate province, but in 111 a.d. PHny was con- sular legate with proconsular power in Bithynia et Pontus, The people of P. were rude, warlike, barbarous, and known in earliest times by Greeks as "White Syrians" (see Cappadocia, § 4, above). In the 7th and 6th cent. Greek colonies were established on the coast, at Sinope, Amisus, Side, Themiscyra, Cerasus ('Cherry'), and Trapezus. The mountainous coun- try is intersected by fertile plains of the Iris, Lycus, and Thermodon rivers, in which were many native cities: Amasia (in the Iris valley) was the birthplace of Strabo, and capital of Mithridates VI and from 7 B.C. the residence of the Roman governor. Comana (in the Iris valley, called Pontica, to distinguish it from Comana Aurea; see Cappadocia, § 4, above) was a seat of the worship of Ma, and the residence of independent priest-kings (cf. the Amazon myth). J. R. S. S. ASIARCH, e'shi-arc ( A.(Tidpxns) : Brandis has proved erroneous the identification (Marquardt, Lightfoot, Ramsay) with the dpxiepevs *A"7^; 'dthayah): A Ju- dahite, the son of Uzziah (Neh 114). E. E. N. ATHALIAH, ath"a-lai'a iT^^)r)Z 'dihalyahu) /J" is great': 1. A daughter of Ahab and Jezebel, and wife of Jehoram, King of Judah. She introduced the worship of the Phoenician Baal into Judah. After the death of her son Ahaziah (q.v.) she usurped the throne, securing her position by murdering all the seed-royal except Joash, the infant son of Ahaziah, who was kept hidden in the Temple, under the tutel- age of the priests, for six years. Finally Jehoiada, the high priest, taking advantage of the change of the palace guards on a Sabbath, assisted by the guards, proclaimed Joash king and put Athaliah to death (II K 11 1 ff.). 2. A Benjamite who dwelt in Jerusalem (see I Ch 8 26 and cf. ver. 28). 3. The father of Jeshaiah who went up with Ezra from Babylon (Ezr 8 7). J. A. K. ATHARIM, ath'a-rim (n^lC^^* 'dtharlm): The only occurrence of this word (Nu 21 1) seems to imply that it was a place-name. Its use with the article, "the way of [the] Atharim," has led some to think of it as an appellative, e.g., "the way of the spies," AV (which rests on a wrong reading), or the 'caravan way' (Dillmann). Both the meaning of the word and the site remain imcertain. E. E. N. ATHENS ('A^^vat): The capital of Attica, first called Cecropia from Cecrops (autochthonous founder). Theseus (semimythical) united the out- lying demes (Panathengea). The Acropohs was the seat of worship of Athene and the kings. After Codrus the kings were replaced by archons chosen from the family of Codrus, elected for life (1068-752 B c ); then the archonship was open to Eupatrids chosen for ten years (752-682 B.C.). Later, there were nine annual archons chosen from the Eupa^ trids. The chief archon (eponymos) gave the name to the year; the second (basUeus) was chief priest; the third (polemarchos) commanded the forces; the other six were thesmothetce (legislators). The Areopa^ gus was supreme in rehgious matters. Draco codified the laws in 621 B.C., and Solon instituted the timoc- racy in 594; 6,000 judges, chosen by lot, controlled the officials, and a council of 400 aided the archons, whose presidents were called prytanes. Pisistratus the tyrant (561 B.C.) embelhshed A., patronized literature and art, built the altar of the Twelve Gods (center of the state), Enneacrounos, began the Olym- pieum, finished the old Hecatompedon and other buildings. Clisthenes reorganized the tribes in 508 B.C. A. sent twenty ships against Darius in 498 and defeated the Persians at Marathon in 490. Xerxes de- stroyed A., but was defeated in 480 by Themistocles. As head of the confederacy in 474 under Pericles, A. enjoyed her 'golden age,' when the Parthenon, Pro- pylaea, Erechtheum, and Odeum were built. In spite of the eloquence of Demosthenes, the liberties of Greece were crushed at Cheronsea in 338 B.C. A. was the great home of Uterature, art, and science and taught the world everything worth knowing except the science of government and religion. Paul's work in A. (Ac 17 16-34) appears not to have been very significant. J. R- S. S. ATHLAI, ath'la-oi (^^0^, 'athlay): An Israelite who had taken a foreign wife whom Ezra induced him to divorce (Ezr 10 28). E. E. N. ATONEMENT : This word does not occur in the RV of the NT and in the AV only at Ro 5 11. In the O T it is often used to translate Heb. kaphar (see Propitiation). The EngUsh word simply means totaake two people 'at one' who have been sepa- rated. In theological discussion it is applied to the means by which reconciliation between man and God has actually been brought about (see Reconcilia- tion). The N T asserts that the person and work of Christ, especially His sacrifice on the Cross (see Sacrifice), was that means (Mk 10 45,14 24; Jn3 14f., 1015; Ac 3 26, 412; Ro 3 21-26, 8 3f.; He 9 14; IP 3 18; I Jn 4 10). The new fact — this consciousness of reconciliation with the living and holy God — un- doubtedly implies the forgiveness of sins. No other religion has ever offered this as something within reach of all men, not even the OT. It is the sub- stance of the Gospel, the essence of Christian expe- rience, the Ufe of the Church. It was, as a mere matter of history, produced by Jesus Christ ; it is to-day sustained by faith in His name, and so spreads over the world. No one doubts that the N T connects this new life with the sacrifice of Christ.* The problem before the theologian is a triple one: (1) How does the NT 73 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Asuppim Atonement describe this connection between the Cross and the forgiveness of sins? (2) What are the principles by which theology can explain that connection in the Hght of those descriptions? (3) What authority has this whole view over the modem mind and will? The following classification of passages, not ex- haustive, indicates the chief methods of descri- bing the relation of Christ's sacrifice to I. N T forgiveness. Some passages belong to Material, more than one group. (a) The general idea that Christ suffered for or in behalf of persons : I Th 5 9 f . ; Gal 2 20; II Co 5 I4f.; Ro 56-11; I P 3 18; He29; Jn3 14-17, 10. 15, 12 32 f. ; IJn 3 16. (6) The special idea that His death was related in some way to our sins: Ro4 25, 5 8; I Co 15 3; Gal 1 4, 3 13; I P2 24; He 9 28. (c) Sacrificial allusions, in which Christ's death is likened to that of the animals sacrificed under O T laws, and generally connected directly with sins: Mt 26 28; Ro 3 24-26, 5 9, 8 3; II Co 5 21 (cf. Lev 4 21 LXX); Eph 2 13; I P 1 19; He 7 27,9-10; Jn 129; IJn 1 7, 2 2, 4 10; Rev 1 5 f., 7 14. (d) Terms imply- ing purchase or ransom: Mk 10 45; I Th 1 10; Ro 3 24; I Co 6 20; Eph 1 7; I Ti 2 5, 6; Tit 2 14; He 9 15; Rev 5 9. For many centuries Uttle attention was given by theology to the problems involved here. The . crude notion, founded on passages un- 2. Theories der (d), that a payment was made to of the devil for man's release was never se- Atonement. riously worked out and perished as soon as the subject was earnestly consid- ered. In the course of discussion, since Anselm (1033-1109) definitely opened the problem, two main classes of opinion have emerged: (a) Those, called moral or subjective theories, which hold that our dread and selfishness were the only obstacles to reconciliation, and that Christ so manifested the righteousness and love of God that men's hearts are won to faith and obedience, (b) Those, called ob- jective, or vicarious, or expiatory, which maintain that in sin there lay an obstacle to God's offer of mercy, that this obstacle was removed by the sacrificial death of the God-man. Of course within these two main groups there are many varieties of opinions; and of some theories there is dispute as to whether they belong more properly to (a) or to (6), (For one of the best classifications of Atone- ment Theories see Introduction to Dr. Simon's The Redemption of Man) cf. Stevens, The Christian Doctrine of Salvation, Pt. II.) Two extremes in each direction may well be con- demned at once. On one side the notion that the sufferings freely assumed by Christ and inflicted by God form a quantitative equivalent over against those due from man as penalty for sin, and that men are saved by consenting to that transaction; on the other side the notion that Christ's holy life and mar- tyr death — as of other prophets, but more power- fully and widely — stimulates the acts of repentance and faith. The former is too shallow in its view of the problem of forgiveness for God and the latter too shallow in its view of the problem of repent- ance for man. An unhelpful distinction has lately been drawn between ethical and forensic theories. The only complete opposition to 'ethical' is 'mechanical.' Punishment, substitution, vindication of righteous- ness, etc., are ethical facts even when expressed in terms of forensic procedure. On the other hand 'ethics' is in danger, if it be maintained that God's love does not reckon with law, that God's holy char- acter is not involved in the forgiveness of sin. All truly Christian theories agree in the following points: (a) God, the eternal Father in His holy love, is the source of salvation, the sender of the Son. (6) Christ in His sinless fife, His complete self-sacri- fice, has revealed God's holy love, (c) The con- templation of Christ in life and death moves the human heart to repentance and faith, hope and love. But the objective, vicarious theories recognize in the Scripture account elements of vital importance which must be added to these. The unique empha- sis on His Cross is due to unique values in His self- sacrifice. Hence the following additional points are to be noted: (d) The sinless Son of God did actually experience the various results of sin in (1 ) the oppo- sition and hatred of men; (2) His deep sorrow over human wo; (3) His submission to death; (4) the mysterious and awful clouding of the Father's face, both in His various temptations partially (Mt 4 l-ll; Jn 12 27 ff. ; Mk 14 32-39), and on the Cross (Mk 15 34). (c) This phase of His experience (even His death) was not an incident in His caUing as the revealer of God, but the crowning work to which He had been appointed by the Father (Mk 10 45, 14 24, 36; Jn 3 14:-16, 10 17, 18, 27, 15 13; Ro 3 25 f., 5 8, 8 3; II Co 5 21; Col 1 12-14, 20; He 5 5, 10; I P 1 17-21; I Jn 4 9, 10) and the ground of reconciliation on which pardon is offered. (/) The necessity for this is found in that the righteousness of God must be vindicated in the very act of offering His mercy. The vindication is no mere formality, nor does it consist in setting so much suffering as equivalent of so much penalty. It consists in fulfilUng the righteousness which man had broken, and in doing so at all costs to God Himself in Christ His Son. To be utterly righteous among men and for men Christ must die. In a world of sin nothing short of that would be complete. But to do this was to manifest the supreme holiness of God's will, {g) This necessity existed on man's side also. In every covenant the conscience of each side judges for both sides. Man can not accept sin- cerely a pardon whose righteousness is not as com- pletely assured as its love. That which breaks the heart of the penitent is not only the sight of God's love, but of that love in all its stern righteousness — a love that sacrifices all not merely for mercy but also for righteousness. The death on the Cross is there- fore an act of God in which He dealt with the race as a whole, with the general and eternal principles of a righteous mercy, of a holy love. On that objective basis the message, the call comes to each soul. On these grounds the various NT forms of de- scribing the work of Christ are interpretable without prevarication, and an objective atonement is as di- rectly applicable and potent to-day as in any past generation. Literature: (1) For Scripture material in addition to works in Biblical theology, T. J, Crawford, The Doctrine of Holy Scripture Respecting the Atonement (1871); R. W. Dale, The Atonement (1880); A. Ritschl, Recht- Atonement Azubah A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY U fertigung und Versdhnung,Yo\. II (1870-74) ; W. P. Du Bose, The Soteriology of the N T (1892); A. Seeberg, Der Tod Christi, etc. (1895) ; J. Denney, The Death of Christ as Interpreted by the N T (1902). (2) For history of dis- cussion, besides histories of the Church and of doctrine, A. Ritschl, Secht. u. Vers., Vol. I (translated by John S. Black. 1872); Geo. B. Stevens, The Christian Doctrine of Salvation, Ft. II. (3) For direct discussion, besides those described in the histories above named, the follow- ing recent works: J. McLeod Campbell, The Nature of the Atonement, 5th ed. (1878) ; R. C. Moberly, Atonement and Personality; D. W. Simon, Reconciliation by Incarno tion ; J. Scott Lidgett, The Spiritual Principle of the Atone- merit. By various writers: Ths Atonement in Modern Religious Thought; W. L. Walker, The Cross and the Kingdom; J. Denney, Th£ Atonement and the Modern Mind. (4) The larger works on systematic theology usually contain a review of (1), (2), as well as (3) — see Charles Hodge, Dorner, Kaftan, Gretillat, F. A. B. Nitzsch. "VV. D. M. ATONEMENT, DAY OF. See Fasts and Feasts, § 9. ATROTH-BETH-JOAB, af'reth - beth - jo'ab, ATROTH-SHOPHAN, -sho'fan. See Ataroth. ATTAI, at'a-ai CEDP, 'attay): 1. A descendant of Jerachmeel (ICh235-36). 2. A Gadite (IChl2il). 3. A son of Rehoboa^ (II Ch 11 20). E. E. N. ' ATTALIA, at"a-lJ'a ('ArraXeta): A city on the coast of Pamphylia, foiinded by Attains II on the site of Olbia (159-138 B.C.), the metropoUs of Pam- phylia. It was an important seaport. Its ruins include a gate of Hadrian and a tower of the Em- press Julia. J. R. S. S. ATTIRE. See Dress and Oknaments. AUGURY. See Magic and Divination, § 3. AUGUSTAN BAND {(rire'lpa ^e^aa-Trj): Prob- ably the special title of one of the five cohorts of provincial troops stationed in Csesarea (Ac 27 1; cf. Jos. Ant. XX, 8 7; CIL VI, No. 3,508). The Italian Band (Ac 10 i) consisted of native Italian troops (CIL III, Suppl. No. 13,483a). As the presence of the latter in Syria is not attested before 69 A.D. (Arch. Epig. MittheUungen XVII, 218), the author of Ac may be guilty of an anachronism in 10 1. J. M. T. AUGUSTUS, originally Caius Octavius, renamed Caius Julius Ccesar Octavianus when adopted by Csesar (47 b.c), born 63 B.C., was the son of Caius Octavius and Attia (niece of Csesar). He was a student in Apollonia when Csesar was killed (44). Though Csesar's heir, his property was refused him by Antony. He defeated Antony (Mutina 43); became consul in 43; and forming a triumvirate (with An- tony and Lepidus), defeated Brutus and Cassius at Philippi (42). In the distribution of provinces A. received Italy, and Antony Asia. He defeated Lepidus (36) and Antony at Actium (31). He was now master of the Roman Empire. He organized a standing army of 25 legions (300,000 men). Though opposed to wars of conquest, he conquered Spain (27-19), the Parthians (20), and the Germans (16-9). His stepsons (mother Livia) were Tiberius and Drusus. He adopted Tiberius (4 a.d.) and died in 14 a.d., at the age of 76, having reigned 44 years. A. was cautious, mild, just, and forbearing; founded colonies, built roads, enacted laws in the interest of religion and morality. His autobiogra- phy is given on the Monumentum Ancyranum. Un the decree (Lk 2 i) see Chronology of N T^J I- J. R. b. b. AUL. See Awl. AVA, ^'va, AVIM, ^'vim, AVXTE, e'voit. See Aw A, etc. AVEN, e'ven OJN, 'dwen), 'trouble,' 'wickedness': 1. An Egyptian city (Ezk 3017). Since the LXX reads Heliopolis ('city of the Sun,' i.e., On), Ezekiel probably wrote X'^ (On, cf. Gn 41 45, 50), which was changed to Aven perhaps because of the meaning of the word Aven. 2. In Hos 10 8 (cf. ver. 5) "high places of Aven" means probably 'high places of idolatry' — though many take it to refer to Bethel. 3. In Am 1 5 "Valley of Aven " may indicate some place in Syria not yet identified, or the name of a deity. E. E. N. AVENGER OF BLOOD. See Blood, Aven- ger OF. AVITH, e'vith (rT'la?^ 'dvnth): An ancient capital of Edom (Gn 36 35; I Ch 1 46). Site unknown. E. E. N. AVVA, av'va (^tJ^ H^P, 'awwah): A city some- where in the Assyrian Empire whence colonists (Awites) were imported to Samaria (II K 17 24, 31, called Ivvah [Ivah AV] in II K 18 34, 19 13; Is 37 13). E. E. N. AVVIM, av'vim, AWITES, av'vaits (D^ir, 'aw- wim): 1. An ancient people dispossessed of their territory by the Caphtorim (Dt 2 23). In Jos 13 3 they are counted with the Philistines. 2. The Av- vim (i.e., 'the ruins'), a place of Benjamin (Jos 18 23). Site unknown. E. E. N. AWL (P'^^'O, martse'a, from VT^, rats'a, 'to pierce'): A small boring instrument (Ex 21 6; Dt 15 17, aul AV). E. E. N AWNING. See Ships and Navigation, § 2. AX, AXE. See Artisan Life, § 6. AZAL, e'zal. See Azel II. AZALIAH, az"a-lai'a On^))ii<^, 'dtsalyahu): The father of Shaphan the scribe of Josiah, King of Judah (UK 22 3; IICh34 8). E. E. N. AZANIAH, az"a-nai'a (n;M, 'dzanyah): The father of Jeshua (Neh 10 9). E. E. N. AZAREL, az'a-rel (^»<"}]i?, 'dzar'el, Azareel, Aza- rael, AV), 'God helps': 1. One of David's followers (IChl2 6). 2. A musician (I Ch 25 18, Uzziel in ver. 4). 3. One of the sons of Jeroham, a prince of the Danites under David (I Ch27 22). 4. One of the "sons of Bani" who had taken a foreign wife (Ezr 10 41). 5. A priest who dwelt in Jerusalem (Neh 11 13; 12 36). E. E. N. AZARIAH, az''a-rai'a (^n;nT2?., 'dzaryahu), 'J" hath helped*: 1. IGng of Judah. See Uzziah. 2. A 75 A STANDAED BIBLE DICTIONARY Atonement Azubah son of the Kohathites, an ancestor of the prophet Samuel (I Ch 6 36). 3. A son of Zadok, priest under Solomon (I K 4 2 ; cf . I Ch 6 9) . 4. Son of Nathan, an officer at Solomon's court (I K 4 6). 6. A prophet, son of Oded, who met Asa retuming-from the defeat of Zerah, the Ethiopian, and exhorted him to perse- vere in hie religious reforms (II Ch 15 1-8). 6. A son of Jehoshaphat, massacred by his brother Jehoram (II Ch 21 2 ff.). 7. The father of Amariah, high priest under Jehoshaphat (I Ch 6 lO; Ezr 7 3). 8. A son of Jehoram (II Ch22 6). But see Ahaziah, 2. 9. Two captains who assisted Jehoiada (II Ch 23 l ff.)* 10. A high priest, who withstood Uzziah's attempt to desecrate the altar of incense (II Ch 26 17, 20). 11. An elder of Ephraim, who rebuked Pekah for taking Judsean captives in the Syro-Ephraimitish war (II Ch 28 12 ff.). 12. Two Levites, active under Hezekiah (II Ch 29 12). 13. Chief priest under Hezekiah (II Ch 31 13). 14. A son of Hilkiah, and grandfather of Ezra (I Ch 6 13; Ezr 7 1). 15. A Judaean leader who opposed Jeremiah's counsels (Jer43 2). 16. Two persons in the genealogy of Judah (I Ch 2 8, 38 f.). 17. A common name among the exiles who returned (Neh 3 23, 7 7, 8 7, 10 2, 12 33). 18. The Hebrew name of Abednego (q.v.) (Dn 1 6). J. A. K. AZAZ, ^'zaz (^ly, 'dzaz): A Reubenite, the son of Shema (or Shemaiah) (I Ch 5 8). E. E. N. AZAZEL, a-ze'zel (VtNJS?, 'dza'zel), Scapegoat AV, 'removal' RVmg. (Lv 16 8, 10, 26): A name used in connection with one of the goats selected for the service of the Day of Atonement (Lv 23 26 ff.). It is not, however, the name of the goat, for that was entitled " unto Azazel " just as the other goat was en- titled " unto Jehovah." Azazel must, therefore, be the name either of the act of sending the goat away into the wilderness or, preferably, of the person to whom it was sent, possibly a demon in the wilderness. Apart from this ceremony, however, it is not easy to trace the existence of belief in such a person among the Israelites, though it was conamon enough among other peoples (Wellhausen, Reste Arab. Heid., pp. 135-140). In Israel it survived as a shadowy vestige of primitive Semitic demonology and was used to express the thought that sin belongs to a power or principle hostile to J" and its complete purgation must include its being sent back to its source. A. C. Z. AZAZIAH, az"a-zai'a (=l'"i;n^, 'dzazyahu), *J" is strong': 1. A musician (I Ch 15 21). 2. The father of Hoshea, prince of Ephraim, in the reign of David (ICh27 20). 3. A Levite overseer of the tithes un- der Hezekiah (II Ch 31 13). E. E. N. AZBUK, az'buk (pW^, 'azbuq): The father of Nehemiah, ruler of part of Beth-zur, who assisted in rebuilding the wall of Jerusalem (Neh 3 16). E. E. N. AZEKAH, a-zl'ka (^JllZ 'dzeqdh): A town in KW. Judah. It is mentioned with Makkedah (Jos 10 10 f.) as a place to which Joshua pursued the Canaanites at the battle of Gibeon. It is also men- tioned with Socoh (Jos 15 35; IS171), but these references are not clear enough to identify the site. which remains uncertain. A. was fortified by Reho- boam (llChUo), besieged by Nebuchadrezzar (Jer 34 7), and reoccupied by the Jews after the Exile (Neh 11 30). E. E. N. AZEL, ^'zel (75J^, 'atsel): A descendant of Jona- than, son of Saul (I Ch 8 37 f., 9 43 f.). E. E. N. AZEM, e'zem. See Ezem. AZGAD, az'gad (T.:^, 'azgadh), 'Gad is strong,' or 'fate is strong*: The ancestral head of a large family of post-exilic Jews (Ezr 2 12 = Neh 7 17; Ezr 8 12 - Neh 10 15). E. E. N. AZIEL, 6'zi-el (^^^U, 'dzVel), 'God is (my) strength': A Levite who played the psaltery and who was chosen by David to play before the ark (ICh 15 20, Jaaziel in ver. 18). E. E. N. AZIZA, a-zai'za {^^X^., 'dzlza'), 'strong': One of the "sons of Zattu" who had taken a strange wife (Ezr 10 27). E. E. N. AZMAVETH, az-m^'veth (W^IV, 'azmdweth), Meath is strong': I. 1. One of David's heroes (II S 23 31; I Ch 11 33). 2. A descendant of Saul (I Ch 8 36, 9 42). 3. Apparently the father of certain fol- lowers of David (I Ch 12 3). It is Ukely, however, that a place-name is here used genealogically. See II, below. 4. Oneof David's treasurers (ICh 27 25). II. The home of a colony of returned exiles (Ezr 2 24; Neh 12 29), called Beth Azmaveth in Neh 7 28. It lay a Uttle N. of Anathoth, Map II, F 1. E. E. N. AZMON, az'men (p)^2|^, 'atsmon): A town on the S. border of Judah (Nu 34 4 f. ; Jos 15 4) called Ezem (Azem AV) in Jos 15 29, 19 3; ICh 4 29. Site un- known. , E. E. N. AZNOTH-TABOR, az"n0th-te'ber (113:^ D'tm^ ^aznoth tdbhor), 'ears of Tabor': A place, probably hills, near Mt. Tabor on the border of Naphtali (Jos 19 34). E. E. N. AZOR, 6'zer ('Afto/)): One of Christ's ancestors; son of Eliakim (Mt 1 13). E. E. N. AZOTUS, a-zo'tus. See Ashdod. AZRIEL, az'ri-el ("PN^ltS?, ^azn'eO/God is (my) help': 1. A chieftain of the half tribe of Manasseh E. of Jordan (I Ch 5 24). 2. The official head of the tribe of Naphtali under David (I Ch 27 19). 3. The father of Seraiah (Jer 36 26). E. E. N. AZRIKAM, az-rai'kam (D|?'*'1.T^, 'azrlqam): 1. A descendant of David (I Ch 3 23). 2. A descendant of Saul (I Ch 8 38. 9 44). 3. A Levite (I Ch 9 14; Neh 1115). 4. Anofficerof Ahaz(IICh28 7). E. E. N. AZUBAH, a-zu'ba (^^^% 'dzubhahyioreakeix'-.l. The wife of Caleb (I Ch 2 18 f . ) . If A. is a place-name, it may indicate that it was once occupied by Caleb- ites and afterward deserted. 2. The mother of King Jehoshaphat (I K 22 42; II Ch 20 31). E. E. N. AZUT Babylon A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 76 AZUR, e'zur. See Azzur. AZZAH, az'za. See Gaza. AZZAN, az'zan {]i^, 'azzan), 'strong': The father of Paltiel, prince of Issaehar (Nu 34 26). E. E. N. AZZUR, az'zur (llTr, 'azzur, 'helped': 1. The father of Hananiah, the prophet of Gibeon (Jer28 1, Azur AV). 2. The father of Jaazaniah, a prmce of the people (Ezk 11 l, Azur AV; same as 1 [?])• 3. One of the sien'ers of the covenant (Neh 10 17). E. E. N. B BAAL, be'al or ba'al. I. Significance of the term: The word Ba'al (?^5) occurs many times in the Heb. OT with various meanings. 1. In the sense of ' master ' or ' owner/ as in Ex 21 28, 34; Jg 19 22; Is 16 8. 2. In the sense of ' husband/ as in Ex 21 3; II S 11 26; see esp. Hos 2 16. 3. To denote the inhabitants or men of a town, as in Jg 9 2 f. 4. To denote one who is skilled in some practise or inti- mately connected with some particular thing (of. RVmg. at Gn 37 19). 5. As the name of the Sem- itic deity Baal (see Semitic Religion, § 15). 6. In compound personal or place-names. In per- sonal names Baal referred to the deity. Such compounds were very common among the Phoeni- cians and Canaanites. In Israelitic personal names compounded with Baal the term was used as the equivalent of Jehovah — i.e., Jehovah was called Baal. He was the maker, owner, lord. In later times (after the 8th cent.) such compounds were viewed with disfavor. Place-names compounded with Baal are ancient and in such "Baal" stood for the local deity. II. 1. A Reubenite (I Ch 5 5). 2. A Benjamite (I Ch 8 30=9 36). HI. A town in the S. of Judah, called Bealoth (Jos 15 24), also Baalath-beer in the list of the cities of Simeon (Jos 19 8), where it seems to be identified with Ramah of the South. Aside from the fact that it was somewhere on the border of Simeon's 'territory (ICh4 33) its site is altogether unknown. E. E. N. BAALAH, b^'a-la (nb2?3, ba'dlah): 1. A city on the N. border of Judah (Jos 15 9f.; I Ch 13 6), also called Baale-judah (II S 6 2), Kiriathbaal (Jos 15 60), and Kiriath-jearim (q.v.). 2. A city in the S. of Judah (Jos 15 29), also called Balah (Jos 19 3) and Bilhah (I Ch 4 29), and counted as belonging to Sim- eon. Site unknown. 3. A range of hills between Ekron and Jabneel (Jos 15 11). For general location see Map III, C 5. E. E. N. BAALAH, be'a-la, BAALATH, be'al-ath: Vari- ant forms of Baal. See Baal, III. BAALATH-BEER, be'd-ath-bi'gr. See Baal, III. BAAL-BERITH, -bi'rith (n^n? Vr3, ha'al h^rlth), 'Baal of the covenant': The name of the Canaan- ite deity of Shechem (Jg 8 33, 9 4), called Elberith in 9 46. What the 'covenant' referred to in the name was is uncertain. There is no evidence that it was a covenant between the original (Ca- naanite) inhabitants of Shechem and the Israelites. This Baal had a temple at Shechem which, like most pagan temples, served as the treasury of the com- munity. E. E. N. BAALE-JUDAH, b^'ol-i-ju'da. See Baalah, L BAAL-GAD, -gad (11 ^^?, ba'al gadh), 'Baal of good fortune ' : A place in the valley of Lebanon (Jos 11 17, 12 7), "under Mt. Hermon" (13 5). In these passages it marks the N. limit of Israel's conquest of Canaan. Though often identified with Dan (So- mas) its site is uncertain. E. E. N. BAAL-HAMON, -he'men fliT^n V^l, ba'al kdmon): A place mentioned in Song 8 11. The location is unknown. E. E. N. BAAL-HANAN, -hd'nan Q^n ^^2, ba'al hanan), 'Baal was gracious': comp. the Carthaginian name Hannibal. X. The seventh king of Edom (Gn 36 38 f. = I Ch 1 49 f.). 2. An official under David (I Ch 27 28). E. E. N. BAAL-HAZOR, -h^'zer 0'^^ hp^, ba'al katsor): A town in Ephraim, where Absalom had a sheep- range (II S 13 23). Probably the hilltop Tell 'Asur. Map III, F 5. E. E. N. BAAL-HERMON, -her'men (X^in ^^2, ba'al hermon): A town or place near Mt. Hermon (Jg 3 3; I Ch 5 23). Perhaps the same as Baal-Gad (cf. Jos 13 5). E. E. N. BAALI, be'al-ai: Used as an appellation of J'' in Hos 2 16. See Baal, I, 2. E. E. N. BAALIM, be'al-im. See Semitic Religion, § 15. BAALIS, b^'al-is (D\b;y5^ fea'^Zts): A king of the Ammonites (Jer 40 U). ' E. E. N. BAAL-MEON, -mi'en fl irTp b^2, ba'al m«'o7i),'The Baal of Meon' ('the dwelling'?) : A prominent town of Moab (cf. Ezk 25 9), assigned to Reuben (Nu 32 38; I Ch 5 8 ; Jos 13 17, where it is called Beth-baal-meon). It is called Beth-meon in Jer 48 23 and Beon in Nu 32 3. In the inscription of Mesha (q.v.) it is called Beth-baal-meon and represented as "built" (cf. Nu 32 38), i.e., 'built up' or 'fortified' by Mesha. Map II, J 1. E. E. N. BAAL-PEOR, -pi'er 0'l^S>^ hv^, ba'al p^'or), 'The Baal of Peor': The god who was worshiped at the Moabite town, or place, Peor (cf. Nu 23 28). The deity was probably Chemosh, the national deity of the Moabites. During Israel's sojourn in Moabite territory, the Israelites were drawn away by Moabite women to the corrupt worship of the deity (Nu 25 3; Dt 4 3; Ps 106 28; Hos 9 10). See also Peor. E. E. N. BAAL-PERAZIM, -pe-re'zim (D^V"1?"^5'3, ba'd p^ratstm), 'Baal of [the deeds of] breaking through': 77 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Azur Babylon The scene of one of David's victories over the Philis- tines (II S 5 20; I Ch 14 11). The name is significant of the use by the Israelites of Baal = Jehovah. Is 28 21 refers probably to this event. The site is un- known. E. E. N. BAAL-SHALISHA, b6"al-shal'i-sha (pt)'^ b^^, ba'ol shalishdh) : A place in Ephraim (II K 4 42). Map III, E 4. Perhaps identical with ShaHsha (q.v.) (IS 9 14). E. E.N. BAAL-TAMAR, -t^'mor (l^n hv^), 'Baal of the pahn': A place near Gibeah (Jg 20 33), not yet identified. E. E. N. BAAL-ZEBUB, -zi'bub. See Beelzebub. officers of Ishbosheth, son of Saul, who murdered him and were executed by David's order (II S 4 2 ff.). 3. The ancestral head of a family of returned Exiles (Ezr 2 2; Neh 7 7, 10 27). E. E. N. BAARA, b^'a-ra (Xn2J.5, ba'dra'): One of the wives of Shaharaim, the Benjamite (I Ch 8 8). E. E. N. BAASEIAH, b6"a-sl'ya (n;\??iJ2, ba'dseyah): A Gershonite Levite, ancestor of Asaph (ICh640). E. E. N. BAASHA, be'a-sha (Nt^i^S, ba'-sha'): The third king of Israel, who gained the throne by assassinating Plan op the Ruins of Babylon. BAAL-ZEPHON, -zi'fen Q't^, ^^3 ba'cd tsyhon), 'the Baal of Zephon': A place near which the Israel- ites encamped before crossing the Red Sea (Ex 14 2, 9; Nu 33 7). The site is unknown. E. E. N. BAANA, b^'a-na (N;r.2, ba'&nd'): 1. The name of two of Solomon's officials (I K 4 12, 16). 2. The father of Zadok, one of those who ''builded the wall" of Jerusalem in Nehemiah's time (Neh 3 4). E. E. N. BAANAH, b^'a-na (HJSJS, ba'dnah): 1. ANetoph- athite, the father of Heleb (or Heled), one of David's warriors (II S 23 29 = 1 Ch 11 30). 2. One of the two Nadab. His reign of 24 years was spent in continual warfare with Asa, who forced him to give up Ramah by forming an alliance with Ben-hadad (I K 15 16 ff., 16iff.; Jer4l9). J. A. K. BABEL, b^'bel (^5?, babhel): The Hebrew form of Babylon; used in the EVV only in Gn 10 lo, 11 9. See Babylonia, §§2, 25. J. F. McC. BABYLON, bab'i-lirn (b^?, babhel): The city of Babylon, as it preceded the making of the kingdom of Babylonia (see Babylonia, § 16), so also long survived its extinction. It undoubtedly owed its rise at some unknown early period to the develop- Babylon Babylonia A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 78 ment of trade with the western oases and along the great western canal (Pallakopas) on which lay the sister city Borsippa, 7 m. to the SW. I. Origin. The native name BabU meant 'gate of God.' The form BabbU (Babel) might also in Babylonian mean 'confusion' (cf. Gnll 9); but perhaps both of these words are folk-etymologies. The city lay mainly on the left bank of the Euphra- tes, as is indicated by the three great mounds along with lesser ruins. It was not until the new empire (see Babylonia, § 21) that the opposite settlement on the right bank was built up on a large scale. As in all other Babylonian cities it was the relig- ious institutions that chiefly promoted the develop- ment of Babylon. In the hands of the 2. Influence priesthood were ample lands held in fee of simple or by mortgage, and great prop- Religion, erties accruing therefrom as well as from separate loans and investments. The priests also were the teachers of youth and the promoters of learning and research, controlling the schools, workshops, and observatories which were connected with the temples. The temple-buildings themselves were as imposing as the royal palaces and more numerous. Chief among these in Baby- lon was E-sagila ('the lofty house') sacred to Bel- Merodach (see Babylonia, § 16, and Semitic Religion, §§ 16, 25), now lying under the most southerly of the three mounds that occupy the site of the city proper. This, and not the somewhat smaller temple of Nebo in Borsippa, marked by the better-preserved lofty ruin Sirs Nimrud, was the original of the 'Tower of Babel' (cf. Gn 11 1-9). Babylon owed most of its prosperity 3. The and opulence to its two greatest kings. Babylon Hammurabi (c. 2200 B.C.; see Baby- of Nebu- LONiA, § 16) made it not only the chadrezzar. poHtical and business but also the rehgious center in place of Nippur, and E-sagila became henceforth the pride and inspiration of true Babylonians. As enlarged and beautified by Nebuchadrezzar (605-561 B.C.; see Babylonia, § 21), the city was surrounded by a wall of over 50 m. in circuit, the largest structure of antiquity. Thje was protected by a broad moat with enclosing walls of its own and pierced by a hundred gates of bronze. A space of 4,000 cubits intervened between it and the ramparts, within which was a moat guarding the inner wall. In the city proper the streets were at right angles to one another, as in our modern towns, and a canal ran through it from N. to S. parallel to the Euphrates. The temple of Merodach, hke the other great Babylonian sanctuaries, was of two main parts. There was the temple proper, having a vesti- bule, a long inner court, and an oracle entered once a year to learn the will of Merodach. Attached to it was a ziggurat or 'high tower,' 600 ft. square at the base, divided into seven stages, for the sun, moon, and five planets. Under Cyrus (538-529 B.C.) Babylon was made one of the Persian capitals. It revolted twice against Darius Hystaspis (521 and 514 B.C.) 4. Decline and each time was besieged, taken, and of severely punished. Its religion, how- Babylon, ever, was encouraged by the Persian rulers. Under the Seleucidse it was de- spoiled in favor of Seleucia, which was made their eastern capital. Parthian misgovernment and neg- lect of agriculture completed its decay, though its worship and even its written language survived ti'l within a generation of the Christian era. In the N T Babylon is referred to directly only in passages reminiscent of the OT (e.g., Ac 7 43). The other uses of the name are metaphorical, one instance (I P 5 13) referring to the city of Rome, and the others (Rev 14 8, etc.) to the Roman world-power as op- posed to Christianity. In N T times and later there was no Christian community in Babylon. After the Parthian regime there was a mere village of Babil; and the town of Hillah, 3 m. to the S., has long been the only center of any permanent settlement. J. F. McC. Introductort 1. Importance of Babylonia I. Name and Features 2. Name 3. Limits of Country 4. Soil and Products 5. River and Canal System II. Divisions 6. Determined by Waterways 7. Southern Cities Introductory: Babylonia is, upon the whole, the most important to the Biblical student of all countries except Palestine. In it is I. Impor- laid the scene of the creation of man- tance of kind, of the earliest history of the race. Babylonia, and of the ancestors of Israel. It was also the land where in exile Israel was purified and reformed. It was the source and nursery of ancient wisdom and knowledge, the pio- neer of civilization in Western Asia, the proprietor and educator of Syria and Palestine for thousands of years before Israel became a nation. Its literatinre BABYLONIA Analysis of Contents 8. Middle Cities 9. Northern Cities III. History 10. Region of Earliest Civili- zation 11. Progress of Culture 12. Earliest Type of Culture 13. Predominance of Central Babylonia 14. Northern and Southern Dynasties 15. Rule of the Elamites 16. Babylon and Babylonia 17. The Cossean Dynasty IS. Native Rule Resumed 19. Chaldeans and Assyrians 20. Assyrian Rule and Ruin 21. New Babylonian Empire 22. Decline and Fall 23. Continued Importance profoundly influenced the form and even the con- tents of the early portions of the Bible, and it is one of the main problems of archeology to discover to what extent the religious institutions of Israel were tinctured with Babylonian elements. 1. Name and Features: The country known as Babylonia was so called by the Greeks and Ro- mans, who named it from its capital city 2. Name. Babylon (q.v.), the Greek and the Latin form of the native BabU. The Hebrew 753, Babel, which is an exact equivalent of the latter, is used in the O T for both the city and the 79 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Babylon Babylonia country, and therefore the modern versions also use Babylon in both senses. After the city of Babylon had been established and recognized as the capital, the kingship of Babylon implied sovereignty over the whole country as though it were a city-state, so that in an important sense Babylon really stood for Babylonia. Babylonia properly embraced aU the alluvial land lying between and beside the lower Euphrates and Tigris. This included the territory 3. Limits varying greatly in breadth, stretclaing of the from Hit on the Euphrates southeast- Cotantry, ward to the Persian Gulf. The length of the country thus defined was consid- erably less in ancient times than it is at present ; for the detritus brought down by the great rivers from the Armenian mountains and mingling with the desert sands has long been gaining upon the sea. In the time of the earliest known Babylonian kingdom the seashore was at least 150 m. farther to the NW. than it is at present, and the Euphrates and Tigris flowed into the gulf by separate mouths. The most striking feature of the soil of Babylonia is the absence of metals and stone of any kind. In ancient times the land, except where 4. Soil the sand predominated close to the sea- and shore, was everywhere very fertile. Its Products, present condition of desolation simply implies a lack of proper care, skill, and industry. The inhabitants in the earliest historic ages drew off the superfluous water into canals and reservoirs, and in the months when the soil was dry- est it was constantly and systematically irrigated. Its productiveness was enormous, especially in wheat, with other cereals, and dates. A very large variety of herbs also was cultivated in gardens. The general aspect of the country was determined by this level alluvial soil, intersected by innumerable canals, which in the northern part of 5. River the country above Babylon formed a and perfect network. South of this system Canal a long waterway, originally a separate System, branch of the Euphrates, now known as the Shatf^en^Nil, ran a course almost parallel to the main stream. From it were deflected several canals in its downward course. The Tigris from Bagdad southward ran nearly parallel to the Euphrates, till opposite Babylon it began to diverge rapidly and ran an easterly course. At its point of farthest removal, over 100 m. from the Euphrates, it was in its turn relieved of redundant water by a great canal, the Shatt'el-Hai, running nearly due S. across to the lowest stretch of the Euphrates. Lesser watercourses also formed a portion of this third system. II. Divisions: These waterways and canals de- termined the location of the chief settlements which developed irito cities or city- 6. Divi- states; and the three main systems sions De- above indicated gave rise respective- termined ly to three well-marked divisions of by Water- the whole country into what we may ways. designate North, Central, and South Babylonia. Nearly all the many important cities of Baby- lonia were situated between the Euphrates and Tigris. An exception was Ur in South Babylonia, the city of the moon-god, which lay on the right bank of the Euphrates. E. of Ur and 7. Southern close to the old mouth of the Euphrates Cities, was Eridu, the most southerly city of all Babylonia. To the NW. of Ur was Erech, the sacred city of Ishtar. E. of Erech was Larsa (the O T EUasar), and farther to the NE. La- gash, the modern Tello. Still farther N. were Isin, and Adab, the modem Bismya. There does not seem to have been any general native designation for the territory embraced by these southern cities. The middle group of ancient cities begins on the S. with Nippur (the modem Nuffar) in the geographical center of old Babylonia. Of the other 8. Middle cities the most important in later times Cities. was Babylon. Borsippa, the seat of the prophet-god Nebo, lay 35 m. NW. of Nippur and 7 m. SW. of Babylon, on the right bank of the Euphrates; 15 m. NE. of Babylon, and half-way to the Tigris, was Cutha, the modem Tell- Ihrahim, the seat of Nergal, the god of the dead and the underworld. In that same group lay the im- portant cities of Kish and Isban, whose sites, how- ever, are still uncertain. This group of cities from Nippur to Cutha probably represented the very an- cient kingdom of Shumer (Shinar). Proceeding northward we come to the series of numerous canals running across to the Tigris. On the northern border of these was Sippar 9. Northern (the modern ruin Abur-Habha), a very Cities. ancient seat of the sun-god, as Larsa was in the south. Near it, and prob- ably to the S., was the still more ancient Agade or Akkad which gave its name to North Babylonia. This designation was preserved to the latest Baby- lonian times, while the combination 'Shumer and Akkad' seems to have originally designated North and Middle Babylonia, and not the whole of Baby- lonia as is generally assumed. III. History: The development of early Baby- lonian civilization was necessarily slow, and a great antiquity is to be assigned to its begin- 10. Region nings. But it is probable that in no of Earliest region of the world can the conditions Civilization, of the first steps in human culture be so easily inferred. The starting-point must be assumed to have been not the south but the central region of Babylonia. It was riparian and not maritime soil that furnished the occasions of the de- cisive beginnings of agriculture, and in the most an- cient times the rivers could have played no part in the historical lower Babylonia. In those days also the desert had more numerous and larger oases than those which have been known to later times, and the inhabitants of one or more of these, perhaps not far W. of Babylon, became accustomed to observe that vegetables and cereals grew luxuriantly in small areas in the neighborhood of the overflow of the three-branched Euphrates. The natural impulse to repeat and multiply the favorable conditions thus noted led by degrees to systematic drainage, irrigation, sowing, and plant- ing. Then fixed settlements were made; private property in land was conceded ; fields and gardens were set apart in allotments, making earth-measur- Babylonia A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 80 II. Prog- ress of Culture. ing or 'geometry* and mensuration a matter of gradual invention and development. When stand- ards of measurement had been adopted they were transferred to products of the soil and other articles of value, ■whence arose a system of weights as well as measures. From the beginning religion played a leading part in tribal and family affairs. In Babylonia it was largely astral and solar, and hence measurement of the sky and its divisions went hand in hand with measurement of the earth, while tem- ple-building employed incessantly all the arts of primitive science. Perhaps most of the first work- ing tools were modified weapons; but vessels of various sorts were readily made from the unsur- passed potter's clay that abounded everywhere; while cement was furnished by the bitumen that here and there welled from the soil. The use of the hand in thus modeling objects of utility led to skilled labor and the making of objects of primitive art. With the growth of agriculture and the increase of town life came exchange and trade, and therewith and thereafter the use of marks or rudimentary writing for record and reference. Such were the es- sential foundations of Babylonian culture, and, it may be added, the principal elements of the deriva- tive science of Babylonia, which foiind its way to other peoples and regions in very early days along with many mythological and religious conceptions and traditions. To what race the people belonged who chiefly con- tributed to this momentous development it is very difficult to determine. The written and monumental records for many hundreds of the earliest years point to a mixture of races. The final determin- ing element was Semitic, akin to the Aramean, the Canaanite, and the Arabian. But the cuneiform system of writing, the chief factor in the final stage of cultural evolution, gives much striking evidence in the names and values of its many char- acters of a non-Semitic origin; and a vast number of inscriptions, especially in the south, which are partly ideographic and partly phonetic, at first sight point the same way. The non-Semitic language, supposed to be thus indicated, and its speakers and writers, have been designated *Sumerian.' The term is a misnomer (cf. §§ 8, 9); but the theory as a whole is now accepted by most scholars. A fixed point in the chronology is afforded by the date of one of the very ancient dynasties, that of Sargon, of Agade or Akkad (§9), about 13. Pre- 3800 b.c. The recent researches on dominance the site of Nippur, along with excava- of Central tions made at Tello, the ancient Lagash Babylonia, in South Babylonia, make it probable that at a date preceding 4500 B.C. Nip- pur was an important political and religious center. The earliest rulers mentioned were apparently not kings of Nippur, but had made that city their relig- ious capital and En-lil (the Semitic Bel) the great object of their reverence. For example, the king of the city of Kish (§ 8), when victorious over his foes, made acknowledgment in the temple at Nippur. Kish also allied itself with another city-state, Isban, apparently situated in the same central region. Aft- 12. Earli- est Type of Culture, erward Isban secured control of the whole of Baby- lonia, and its successful king, Lugalzaggisi; even dominated aU the country W. to the Mediterranean. He in his turn also recorded his thanks and homage in the temple at Nippm-. The leading place seems to have passed next to South Babylonia. Lagash (§ 7) became supreme over South and Central Babylonia not 14. North- later than 4000 B.C., and a series of en- ern and ergetic rulers laid there the foundation Southern of a great empire. Before 3800, how- Dynasties, ever, the Semites of the north attained to power, and for a time eclipsed the splendor of the southern rulers. Inscriptions found in various regions show that Semitic communities to the NE. (cf. § 15) were civilized and in close contact with those in Babylonia. Of the latter Akkad came to the front under Sargon I, who brought under his dominion the whole of Babylonia and the western lands as far as the island of Cyprus. His son, Naram- Sin, inherited his power and ambition. The building up of Sippar (§ 9) was one of his projects, and in view of the extent of his dominions he assumed the title of "king of the four quarters of the world." Soon after his death the hegemony returned to Lagash, whose rulers are found not only asserting a wide-spread authority, but promoting architecture, sculpture, and other arts of civilization. Abundant inscrip- tions attest the energy and resources of this dynasty. But the leadership passed at length from its hands to the ancient city of Ur about 3000 B.C. Its rulers, by adding to their own proper title that of "king of Shumer and Akkad, " showed it to be their purpose to unify the whole of Babylonia. This dynasty was followed (c. 2500) by one whose capital was Isin; but Ur not long after regained the supremacy, after which Larsa (§ 7, c. 2400) took the lead. The hegemony of Larsa was ere long interrupted by an invasion of the Elamites (c. 2300), which ended in their complete subjugation of Baby- 15. Rule Ionia, Larsa naturally being made their of the capital. From Gn 14 we l,earn that Elamites. these Elamites (under King Chedor- laomer) as rulers of Babylonia con- tinued its role of suzerainty over the 'westland.' The expeditions there described had as their object to secure control of the trade route from Damascus to the peninsula of Sinai (cf. vs. 5-7), which in those early days was even more important than it is at present. From the same secondary source we are informed that the sovereignty of Babylon in- cluded that of the northeastern country as well ("Goiim," "nations," AV, Gn 14 1 = the Bab. Gute). The Elamitic yoke was thrown off by Hammu- rabi, King of Babylon, probably the "Amraphel, King of Shinar" (Shumer or Central 16. Baby- Babylonia) of Gn 14, who at the Ion and same, time united all Babylonia under Babylonia, one administration. Babylon, which thenceforth became the undisputed capital of the whole of Babylonia and the leading city of Western Asia, was not by any means a new city at this era, though its earliest history is as yet obscure. The dynasty to which Hammurabi be- longed, though known as 'the first,' was not native but Arabian, and he was the fourth of the line. He 81 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Babylonia was the real founder of the Babylonian type of na- tionality, and one of ihe world's greatest men. His work was epoch-mak. ig in religion, civic administra- tion, provincial organization, legislation, irrigation, and national defense. His paternal care extended to hundreds of cities and towns from the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean coastland. Among his chief monuments were his temples and palaces, his great canals, his legislative code, and the city of Baby- Ion itself, of which he was the virtual creator, which he made the successor of Nippur as the center of Semitic religion and culture, and whose patron god Merodach was invested with the prerogatives and attributes of Bel himself and even with his name (of. Is 46 1). This first dynasty of Babylon lasted till about 2100 B.C. The second dynasty ran till near 1700 B.C. Little is known of it, but it must have been active all over the western country, for the Amarna letters of the next period show that Baby- lonian influence had permeated the Ufe and thought of Palestine and Syria for hundreds of years before their date (1450-1400 B.C.). The rulers of this second dynasty, especially toward the close, had to suffer from inroads of Elamites and Cosseans, the latter of 17, The whom succeeded in obtaining control Cossean of Babylon about 1700 B.C. Their Dynasty, rule was long and on the whole not very prosperous. Their influence was mainly political. They conformed to the religion of Babylonia, and in their measure they were molded by its civilization. They were not devoid of enter- prise and daring, but they lacked culture and re- sources. Their empire was contracted by other causes also. Assyria was becoming continually stronger, and was barring the way to the west. Meso- potamia became a bone of contention between the two nations, and their rivalry resulted in the loss of the 'westland' altogether. This was also the period of the expansion of Egypt. By 1600, when the Asiatic Hyksos were expelled from that country, no Semitic force was strong enough to keep the Egyptians from successfully invading Palestine and Syria. They were succeeded there by Hittites and Arameans, and finally Assyrians and not Babylo- nians resumed the empire of the west. Meanwhile the two powers were engaged in frequent warfare with occasional treaties of peace; and both of them cultivated friendship with Egypt in the 16th and 17th centuries while it was a power in Asiatic affairs. The Cossean intruders were finally expelled by Nebuchadrezzar I, an early member of the 4th dynasty, about 1130 B.C. He made 18. Native a desperate effort to reclaim Syria, but Rule had to succumb to the superior power Resumed, of Assyria. Not long after his time Babylon itself was captured by the Assyrians, but not permanently held. Peaceful rela- tions seem to have been maintained for many years thereafter. The next dynasty is called that of the * Sea-land,' which was probably the result of the first effort of the Chaldeans to assert themselves on a national scale. The 5th, 6th, and 7th dynasties, regarding which little is known, were of short dura- tion. The 7th had at least one Elamitic ruler. After 1000 B.C., the native kings were again in power. With the revival of Assyrian aggression on a world- conquering scale Babylonia gradually took an in- ferior place, but it was not till the era of Tiglath- pileser III that Assyria gained a permanent footing in the mother-country. Early in the reign of Na- bonassar (747-733), the first king of the Canon of Ptolemy, the Assyrians occupied Akkad, and in 729 Babylon itself was taken by Tiglath-pileser, who as- sumed the throne under the name of Pulu (the "Pul" of II K 15 19). The chief obstacle to the progress of the Assyrians was presented by the Chaldeans from the shores of the Persian Gulf, who had now begun 19. Chal- systematic plans for gaining possession deans and of Babylon (§ 18). Their aims seem Assyrians, not to have been purely ambitious. They wished to maintain a native Babylonian dynasty, while the aU-powerful priestly party in Babylon was quite willing to tolerate As- syrian rule for the sake of its protection and better chances of settled government. Merodach-baladan II was the leading spirit of the first great struggle. He was three times in possession of the capital and for two periods actual king. For thirty years he kept intriguing, fighting, or actually reigning in Babylon. It was in 704 that he sent the embassy to Hezekiah of Judah seeking help in organizing a gen- eral revolt against Sennacherib (cf. II K 20 12; Is 39 1). He finally disappeared, embarking in his flight for the eastern shore of the Persian Gulf. Native opposition to the Assyrians was still maintained till in 690 Sennacherib captured and destroyed Babylon itself, turning the Euphrates over its site. During these struggles the Elamites rendered faithful and substantial assistance to the Chaldeans. Babylon was restored (680 B.C.) by the good Assyrian king, Esarhaddon, who forebore to assume the title of "King of Babylon" and 20. Assyr- called himself "viceregent of Mero- ian Rule dach." Under his regime Babylonia and Ruin, was prosperous and happy. After his early death Asshurbanipal became King of Assyria and his brother viceroy of Babylon. For fifteen years the brothers kept on good terms, and when a combination of Chaldeans, Elamites, and Arameans of the Tigris pasture-lands was made against Assyria, Babylon held aloof. But the vice- roy took part in an insurrection which began in 652 and extended through the whole breadth of the empire. The chief cities of North and Central Baby- lonia were besieged and yielded only to starvation. Babylon was the last to be taken, and the viceroy immolated himself in the flames of his palace (648). During the rest of his life, till 626, Asshurbanipal reigned as "king" over Babylon. Within the next three years (648-645) Elam also was finally sub- dued, and Susa captured and destroyed. Yet, after all, the successor of Asshurbanipal in Babylon was a Chaldean, Nabopalassar (625-605), who threw off the yoke of the hated 21, New Assyrian, and founded the new Baby- Babylonian Ionia. As Assyria declined and shrank Empire, in dimensions the Chaldean regime was being constantly strengthened. Nabo- palassar allied himself with the rising power of the Medes, and after the fall of Nineveh (607 B.C.) the Babylonia Banner A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 83 whole Assyrian Empire W. and S. of the mountains fell to him. His son, Nebuchadrezzar, completed the reduction of Syria and Palestine, which had fallen under the dominion of Egypt, by driving out Pha- raoh Necho after the battle of Carchemish (605 B.C.). He became king upon the death of his father during this campaign. Only the western districts furnished serious trouble to him. Jerusalem rebelled twice and was finally destroyed in 586. Tyre withstood a siege of thirteen years, since the besiegers lacked a competent navy. But Egypt was overrun and for a time, it would seem, occupied by the Babylonians. Throughout the rule of Nebuchadrezzar peace reigned between his empire and Media, which extended itself mainly westward. His career as a, ruler was long and successful. While his outlying dominions were generally peaceful and contented, Babylonia itself prospered beyond precedent. Waste lands were re- claimed; irrigation was extended; new settlements were formed; commerce, industry, learning, re- search, architecture, and above all temple-building were promoted; and the city of Babylon became ,more than ever the metropolis of Asia. The glory of the Chaldean regime was of short duration. Nebuchadrezzar died in 562. His suc- cessors were all incompetent. The 22, Decline fourth and last, Nabonidus, a usurper and Fall. (555) and a religious and antiquarian enthusiast, was distasteful to his own people. Cyrus the Great, in 539 B.C., added the Babylonian to the other empires which he had acquired and consolidated with magical ease and celerity. A midsummer campaign of less than a week ended in the surrender of the capital, after which the whole Semitic world came under Persian control. Babylon henceforth had no higher rank than a province. But its importance for Biblical history did not thereby cease; rather it set itself in a new relation. It was because Babylonia was a prov- 23. Con- ince of Persia that the restoration of tinued Im- Jerusalem and the return of the Baby- portance of Ionian exiles were made possible and Babylonia, the maintenance of the precarious set- tlements in Palestine secured. Even Persian modes of thought had only a slight influence on the latest canonical writings. Of Judaism Baby- lonia was the center and focus for over a thousand years. After the fall of Jerusalem (70 a.d.). Baby- lonia took the place of Palestine as a seat of Jewish schools and the interpretation of the Law. Under the Parthian, the Sassanid, and even the Moham- medan rulers, the Jewish scholars and teachers of Babylon still held a leading place, and it was not till the Mongolians and Turks converted the country into a desert that it ceased to be a nursery of Ju- daism. Literature; See the list of works appended to Assyria. For recent explorations see Peters, Nippur, New York, 1897; Hilprecht, Recent Research in Bihle Lands, 1896; and reports of excavations by the German expedition under Koldewey on the site of Babylon and by the Uni- versity of Chicago's expedition at Bismya. J. F. McC. BABYLONISH GARMENT (properly, "mantle of Shinar,'* Jos 7 21 mg.): If the reading were correct, this would be a sample of the excellent and costly em- broidered robes of various patterns which are fre- quently mentioned in the Inscriptions, and ot their wide-spread export from the place of manufacture. It is probable, however, that instead of Shmar we should read se'ar, 'hair.' J- ^' ^^^' BACA, b^'ca, VALLEY OF (X?2n p^^?, 'emeq habbakha\ Ps.84 6, Valley of Weeping RV; "bal- sam-trees," RVmg.): Whether there was a real valley bearing the name Baca is not clear. The context in Ps 84 clearly shows that the phrase is used as emblematic of the hard experiences of life which faithfulness and constancy in devotion to God may transform into sources of joy. A. C. Z. BACHRITE, bac'rait. See Becher. BACK: Used of God in an anthropomorphic sense (Ex 33 23; Is 38 17). BADGER, BADGERS' SKINS. See Sealskin. BAG: The rendering of (1) hdrl^ (II K 5 23), a bag of skin, here one large enough to hold a talent of silver. A smaller variety is mentioned in Is 3 22 ("satchel" RV, "crisping pin" AV); (2) kis, a bag or purse in which was carried money (Is 46 6; Pr 1 14 ["purse"], 16 U; Is 46 6), or weights for the balance (Dt 25 13; Mic 611); (3) Ml, lit. any sort of receptacle or instrument, used of the shepherd's bag in I S 17 40, 49; (4) ts'Tor, from tsdrar, 'to bind' (cf. the vb. in 11 K 12 10), a "bundle" (Gn 42 35) or bag (Job 14 17; Pr 7 20; Hag 1 6). (5) ^aXdvrtov, "purse" KV (Lk 12 33), the same as (2), above. The term yXmtro-o- KOfxov in Jn 12 6, 13 29 means a small box (RVmg.) rather than a bag. E. E. N. BAGGAGE: RV for "carriages" AV (I S17 22; Is 10 28; Ac 21 15), and for "stuff," AV and ERV (I S 10 22, 25 13, 30 24). In every case but Ac 21 15 it means the impedimenta of an army. E. E. N. BAHARXmiTE, ba-h^'rum-ait : In IChll33 we read "Azmaveth, the Baharumite," but in the parallel passage (II S 23 31), "the Barhumite," the "h" and "r" being transposed. The former is prob- ably the more correct. See Bahurim. G. L. R. BAHURIM, ba-hu'rim (D^in3, hahunm): A place in Benjamin on the way from Jerusalem to the Jordan (II S 3 16, 16 5). B. was the home of Shimei, who cursed David on his flight from Absalom (II S 16 5, 19 16fF.; I K 2 8). Here also Ahimaaz and Jon- athan concealed themselves when acting as David's spies (II S 17 18). Site unknown. E. E. N. BAJITH. See Bayith. BAKBAKKAR, bak-bak'ar O^JiP^, baqbaqqar): The head of a Levite family (I Ch 9 is}. E. E. N. BAKBUK, bak'buk (p^^'p^.baqbuq): The founder of a family of Nethinim who returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2 51; Neh 7 53). E. E. N. BAKBUKIAH, bak"bu-kai'a (H^p?;??, baqbuq^ yah): A name occurring three times in Neh (11 17, 12 9, 25), all the references being perhaps to one indi- vidual, a Levite of the "sons of Asaph." E. E. N. S3 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Babylonia Banner See Food and Food ; / BAKE, BAKER, BAKING. '■■" Utensils, §§2, 11. BAKEMEATS. See Food and Food Utensils, §11. BALAAM, bd'lam (D?^?, hil'am): The son of Beor and a magician (enchanter) of Pethor, on the banks of the River Euphrates (Nu 22 6; but accord- ing to another reading he was of the bme 'ammo [by omission of a final n for bme 'ammon, 'sons of Ammon'], hence an Ammonite). As the nar- rative stands in Nu 22 3-24 25 [JE] it presents in the character of B. the incongruous, tliough not nec- essarily contradictory qualities of a heathen sooth- sayer (24 1) and those of a man touched by the spirit of J". The incongruity is removed when the narrative is analyzed and its separate portions re- ferred to the documents from which they were drawn. But the analysis is not an easy one (cf. Kent, Beginnings of Hebrew History, 233-239; Addis, The Documents of the Hex., I, 175-184); and the story as it stands has a distinct function and spiritual value. It presents the heathen occultist as coming under the power of the spirit of J" and re- vealing the irresistible nature of this force. Balaam was summoned by Balak, King of Moab, just after the defeat of the Amorites by the hosts of Israel, and bribed to curse the victorious invaders, but is led first by the miracle of the speaking ass, and after- ward directly, to bless them. In four poetically constructed oracles (Nu 23 7-10 [E], 19-24 [E], 24 3-9 [J], 16-24 [J]), he foreshadows the uniqueness of J'"8 people, their strength, the beauty and fruitfulness of their land, their glorious victories, and finally the great king ("Star") who shall create an empire out of Moab, Edom, Amalek, and Kain. After this B. is for a time lost sight of, and when he reappears, it is as the corrupter of Israel. Through the means of Midianite women he lures many to idolatry and is slain with others for this sin (Nu 31 8, 16 [P]). In the TB. stands for the unavailing curse of the heathen enchanter (Dt 23 5; Jos 24 9; Mic 6 5; Neh 13 2) ; in the N T he is the type of the tempter to idolatry, espe- cially that form of it in which lust plays a large part (II P 2 15; Jude ver. li; Rev 2 H); of. Gray on Num- bers, chs. 22-24, in Int. Crit. Com., 1903. A. C. Z. BALAC, b^'lac. See Balak. BALADAN, bal'a-dan. See Merodach-bala- DAN. BALAH, b^'la (nbS, balah): A town in SW. Pales- tine (Jos 19 3), Bilhah in I Ch 4 29. Site unknown. Perhaps the same as Baalah. E. E. N. BALAK, be'lak (p^?, balaq; Balac, Rev 2 14, AV): King of Moab in Moses' day (Nu 22-23) and famous for his connection with Balaam (q-v.). E. E. N. BALANCE. See Weights and Measures, § 4. BALD LOCUST, See Palestine, § 26, and Lo- custs. BALDNESS: As to location, the OT contrasts baldness of the forehead (gabbahath) only Lv 13 41 ff.) with baldness of the crown (qorhdh ; cf . the proper names Korah, Kareah). As to origin, baldness was either natural or artificial. The former, which is seldom mentioned, was believed to result from hard labor (Ezk 29 18), as well as disease (Is 3 17, 24), and was perhaps considered a reproach (II K 2 23). Baldness was not itself unclean, but apparently aroused suspicions of some unclean skin-disease (Lv 13 40 &.), See Disease and Medicine, I (1). Artificial baldness, produced by clipping or sha- ving (cf. Ezk 5 1) is frequently mentioned. The an- cient belief that the hair was a seat of the vitality (cf, Jg 16 17) caused the ceremonial shaving of the head to be regarded as a sacrifice to a deity or to the dead ; hence this was a sign of mourning forbidden to the Israelites (Dt 14 1 ; Lv 21 6). It seems, however, to have been common in pre-exilic times (Is 22 12; Am 8 10, etc. ; cf. Job 1 20) ; and baldness is therefore used figuratively for mourning (Jer 48 37; Ezk 7 18, etc.). See Mourning and Mourning Customs, § 4. The Arabian practise of shaving all the head except a circular patch in the middle (Jer 9 26, 25 23) was likewise prohibited (Lv 19 27, 21 5) on account of its connection with heathen worship. At the ex- piration of the Nazirite's vow, the shaven hair was offered as a sacrifice to J" (Nu 6 is; cf. Ac 18 18, 21 24). See Nazirite. Paul says that "it is a shame to a woman to be shorn or shaven" (I Co 11 6). See Hair; Shaving. L. G. L. BALM. See Disease and MEmciNE, IV (1), and Palestine, § 21. BAMAH, be'ma (*7?5, bdmah), 'high place': In Ezk 20 29 the word is used with reference to a sup- posed derivation from ba\ 'to come' ('go'), and ma/t, 'what.' Hence, 'What . . , whereunto go ye?' with evident contempt for it. This allusion to its etymology makes the word a quasi-proper noun as rendered in EVV. A. C. Z. BAMOTH, b^'meth (Hi?:?, 6amoi/t), 'high places': A town of Moab, probably the same as Bamoth Baal (Jos 13 17) and the Beth Bamoth of the stone of Mesha (line 27). It was one of the last stations on Israel's march through Moab before the final en- campment near Pisgah (Nu 21 19 f.). The identifi- cation. Map II, J 1, is uncertain. E. E. N. BAND: Often used in OT and NT for divisions of an army (cf. II S 4 2; II K 6 23; Job 1 17; Mt 27 27). See Warfare, § 4j also Beauty and Bands. BANI, be'noi (^J?, bant): 1. One of David's heroes (II S23 36 = Mibhar, I Ch 11 38). 2. A Merarite (I Ch 6 46). 3. A Judahite, descendant of Pharez (I Ch 9 4). 4. "Sons of Bani," a post-exilic family (Ezr 2 10, 10 29, 34 ff. = Binnui in Neh 7 15. 6. Name of one or more Levites (Neh 3 17, 8 7, 9 4, 5, 10 13, 11 22). 6. A term used for one of the divisions of the post-exilic community (Neh 10 14); cf. 4. E. E. N. BANK. See Trade and Commerce, § 3. BANNER : Banners or standards were used in an- cient armies very much in the same way as they are to-day. (1) The most common word for standard is ne^ (of uncertain root significance); cf. Ex 17 15 (?ii$?i='my banner'); Jer 4 6, 51 12, often rendered ensign {e.g., Is 5 26, 31 9). (2) Another word is deget ('that which is seen'), confined to Nu 1 52, 2 2 ff., 10 Banner Barachias A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 84 14 ff., and Song 2 4, 6 4, 10. In Nu (if the text be correct) it is implied that each tribe had its special standard. 3. Vth, 'sign/ is used for banner or Military Standard with the Image of the God Asshur. ensign in Nu 2 2 ; Ps 74 4. One form of Assyrian banner is shown in the accompanying illustration. There were many other forms. E. E. N. BANQUET. See Meals, § 3. BAPTISM, BAPTIZE {^dtrrKrixa, ^a7rri'f«v) : The words used to designate the rite characteristic of John the Baptist's ministry (Mk 14,9 and ||s; 6 14, 24, 11 30 and ||s ; Lk 7 29; Ao 1 5, 22, 10 37, 13 24, 18 25, 19 3f.), as also the rite imposed from the begin- ning upon converts to the Early Churches preaching of Jesus Christ (Ac 2 38, 41, 8 12-16, 36, 38, 9 18 [with 22 16], 10 47 f., 16 15, 33, 18 8, 19 3-5; cf. also I Co 1 13-17; Eph 4 5; IP 321). The call of the Baptist was not only to moral puri- fication, but to this as leading to an entirely new condition of Hfe to be established in I. In the Messianic kingdom which he an- John's nounced (Mt3 2f.). As administered Ministry, by the Baptist, therefore, this rite symbolized the candidate's repentance in preparation for this coming kingdom (Mt 3 6-12 and ||s; Lk 3 10-17) and consequently in its form must have been influenced largely by the O T puri- fication rites, especially as these were involved in the rite of initiating proselytes into Israel (cf. Schlirer, HJP, Eng. trans. II (2), ^19-324, cf. also Edersheim, Life of Jesus, I, 272-274). The baptism of Jesus (Mk 1 O-U and ||s) was in accord with this idea; for while with the people gener- ally this rite signified their moral attitude of recep- tivity toward the coming Messiamc work, with Jesus it was a testimony to His moral attitude of consecration toward His own work. Consequently the statement of Jesus in Matthew's narrative that in this baptism both John and Himself would be fulfilling all righteousness (3 15) refers simply to the carrying out, in this ceremony, of the form thus offered for expressing this relation of consecration to the great work of whose commission to His hands He had become conscious. The term "righteous- ness" {hiKaioa-vvr}) is thus taken in its natural T sense of living up to the divinely prescribed forms of relationship between God and man — the only sense in which the Baptist is likely to have understood it in connection with the question of the debated ad- ministration of the rite to Jesus (very much as Jesus uses it later in speaking of the Baptist's ministry, Mt 21 32). The Baptist was to hve up to these forms by administering this rite to Jesus as publicly consecrating Him to His work; Jesus was to live up to them by submitting to this rite as publicly announcing His consecration. This view of Jesus' baptism is confirmed not only by the supernatural incidents following it, whose evident intent was to express approval of the conse- cration involved in the act (Mk llOf. and ||s), but by the subsequent fact that the Messianic spirit, with which this Divine approval had then and there en- dowed Him, was the Spirit by which He was led immediately into the Wilderness for the testing of the consecration He had pubUcly confessed. (For other views see Jesus Christ, §5.) The general statement in Jn 3 22-26, that Jesus administered the rite of baptism, is corrected later by the Evangelist to the effect that 2, In "Jesus himself baptized not, but his Jesus' disciples" (4 if.). This is not con- Ministry, tradicted by the Synoptists; so we gain the impression that, while bap- tism may have been an accompaniment of Jesus' ministry, it was not administered personally by Him. That it should have been such an accompaniment we can easily understand — at least in the early part of His work, when John's disciples were coming over into His following and His work was being done in the neighborhood of John's. If the Baptist had felt it necessary by this rite to commit his dis- ciples publicly to their attitude toward the Messianic work, these disciples may well have felt the need of committing in a similar way those who came directly into contact with this work in the person of the Master. The fact, however, that with His actual presence among them the time had passed for organizing a following in preparation for His work and the fact that the time had not yet come for organizing any following in the carrying of it on in the world, made needless during Jesus' ministry any rite of baptism. The call which He made was for personal relation- ship to Himself (Mk 1 15), which seemed all the public announcement necessary in the personal 85 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Banner Baxachias following of Himself in the daily ministry of His actual work. It is clear, therefore, that the administration of this rite by His disciples in the early part of His ministry was simply temporary and did not belong vitally to the work He was carrying on. His state- ment that He 'had a baptism to be. baptized with and would be straitened until it was accompUshed' (Lkl2 50) and His question to the ambitious dis- ciples * whether they were able to drink the cup that He was to drink, or to be baptized with the bap- tism with which He was to be baptized' (Mkl0 38f.), are manifestly figurative expressions based on the fact of the consecration involved in His baptism at the beginning of His work and drawn out by the fact that this consecration was now, as His passion ap- proached, coming to its supreme and final test. , , After His resurrection, as He unfolded to His dis- ciples the work which lay before them (Lk 24 46-49), His commission of them to ''make disciples of all nations and to baptize them " (whether the longer Trinitarian formula be understood as having been used by Jesus [Mt 28 19] or the simpler one, current in the Early Church [Ac 8 16, 10 48, 19 5, 22 16], cf. article "Baptism" in EB ) is obviously a recognition on His part of the fact that, with the withdrawal of His personal presence, there would arise the need of an organized following of His disciples and of a gather- ing into its membership, through such an initiatory rite as had been used by John in the following he had brought together in preparation for His coming. In view of this commission it is not surprising to notice at the very beginning of the Church's life in Jerusalem the appearance of this con- 3. In the dition of membership in the following Ministry of of the disciples (Ac 2 38, 41); nor is it the Early in any way unnatural that realizing, Church, as the disciples must have done, that the rite was of the same initiatory character as that administered by John, it was connected in the apostolic preaching with the requirement of re- pentance rather than with that of faith (Ac 2 38). In fact, the emphasis upon repentance in the early preaching of the Church was part of the strictly Jew- ish conceptions with which the Church's life began (Ac 5 31) and which were recognized by Christ Him- self in His final words to the disciples (Lk 24 44-47). It was only with the growth and development of the Church's consciousness of the personal relations to Jesus in the matter of salvation that the emphasis came to be placed upon faith (Ac 10 43, 13 39, 26 18) — as Christ Himself had placed it in His ministry (Mk 5 34 and ||s, 9 23; Mt 8 10-13, 9 28 f., 15 28; Lk 7 50), and faith came to have baptism connected with it in the entrance into the disciples' brotherhood (Ac 10 43-48, 1117, 16 30-33, 18 8, 19 3-5; cf. the transi- tional phases in Ac 8 12 f., 36-38, and notice the inter- pretation placed upon 9 18 by Paul in his later state- ment of 22 16; cf. also Eph 4 5; I Co 1 13-15). It is in this close connection of the rite with per- sonal relations to Jesus Christ that we are to under- stand Paul's figurative references to baptism (Gal 3 27; Col 2 12; R06 3f.; I Co 12 13; cf. also I Co 10 2). The reference in I Co 15 29 is most obscure. (For various views see Expos. Greek Test, ad loc.) The reference to "baptisms" in He 6 2 (where paTrTLa-fios is used instead of paTrrio-fia) is doubtless to the various ceremonial washings for purification, either of the person, as He 9 10 (cf. Lk 11 38), or of things, as Mk 7 4. That the rite had no high sacramentarian value in the Early Church is evident from the secondary importance attached to it in his ministry by Paul (I Co 1 14 ff.) as well as from the spiritual emphasis placed upon it in his Epistle by Peter (IPS 21). We have no record in the N T of the baptism of infants; but the fact that the question as to when entrance into the Church took place must have early come to the front in a community so accustomed to theocratic ideas as the Jewish-Christian Church in Jerusalem, and the parallelism between baptism and circumcision as initiatory rites gives significance to such statements of household baptism as we have in Ac 16 15, 31-33; I Co 1 16 (cf. Ropes, Apostolic Age, p. 198). As to the form of baptism it is clear that in so far as the rite of John's ministry was derived from purification and initiatory ceremonies it was administered in running water, with a partial or entire submergence of the body; and further that in so far as the rite of the Early Church was a reproduc- tion of John's, it WELs administered after the same general form. At the same time the fact that in Jewish lustrations immersion of the whole body was often symboUzed by an ablution of a part, as in the washing of the hands before meals (cf . Lk 1 1 38, where ^aiTTL^cLv is used), opened the way for an early modi- fication of the form in the direction of affusion and sprinkUng (cf. Didache, ch. vii, and the representa- tions in Stvdia Bibl. et Eccles., vol. v., pt. iv.) Literature: Schurer, History of the Jewish People^ 1896^; Edersheim, Life and Times of Jesiis the Messiah, n. d.; Lambert, The Sacraments in the New Testament, 1903*- M. W. J. BAPTIST. See John the Baptist. BAR. See House, § 6 (1). BAR- : In proper names compounded with Bar-, seven instances of which occur in the N T, this ele- ment signifies 'son' (Aramaic "!2, bar = Heb. 15, ben), e.g., Bar-Jonah, son of Jonah (Mt 16 17). E. E. N. BARABBAS, bar-ab'as (Bapa^^as) : The prisoner released at the instigation of the chief priests by Pi- late according to a customary but otherwise unknown act of clemency at Passover (Mk 15 7 f. and ||s). He was a notable criminal in Jerusalem imprisoned with accomplices for robbery, sedition, and murder. The name Barabbas (*son of the Father') — probably in the sense of 'Teacher' — is not unknown, there being two rabbis with this surname mentioned in the Tal- mud. The reading "Jesus Barabbas" for his full name in Mt 27 16 f., found by Origen in many MSS., and still extant in some cursives and in the Sinaitic- Syriac and Armenian versions, is doubtless due to an early scribal error. R. A. F. BARACHEL, ba-r^'kel (^J^?*:!?, barakWel), 'God blesses': The symbohc name of Elihu's father (Job 32 2, 6). E. E. N. BARACHIAH, bar"a-cai'a. See Berechiah. BARACHIAS, bar"a-cai'as. See Zachariah. Barak Baruch, Books of A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 86 BARAK, bar'ak (p^?, baraq), 'lightning': A hero who shares with Deborah the credit of the vic- tory over Sisera and the Canaanites (Jg 4 6, 5 12). He was a native of Kedesh-Naphtali, and is usually reckoned among the judges of Israel in succession to Othniel and Ehud. In He 11 32 his name occurs among those who achieved great things through faith. A. C. Z. BARBARIAN. See Gentile. BARBER : Mentioned in the O T only in Ezk 5 1, showing, however, the existence of professional bar- bers. 'Temple barbers' are mentioned on Phoenician inscriptions. Compare the frequent references to shaving in the O T (of. also Is 7 20). See Razor. E. E, N. BAREFOOT: The removal of the sandals was in- dicative of awe or reverence, of profound emotion, or was a symbolic act. When one was on especially holy ground or felt himself in the immediate pres- ence of Deity, it was incumbent on him to take off his shoes (Ex 3 5; Jos 5 12). The underlying reason for this wide-spread custom is not certainly known (cf. Dilhnann on Ex 3 5). The removal of the san- dals in experiences of great sorrow and humiliation, or as symbolic of such, is illustrated in the case of David (II S 15 30) and Isaiah (Is 20 2-4). The hu- miliation of the condition of being unshod is well illustrated in a detail of the peculiar law of levirate marriage (Dt2o9f.; cf. Ruth4 7f.). See Burial AND Burial Customs, § 7; also Mourning Cus- toms, § 4. E. E. N. BARHUMITE, bar-hu'mait. See Baharumite. BARIAH, ba-rai'a (p'^^!^,hariah): One of the later descendants of David (I Ch 3 22). E. E. N. BAR- JESUS, bar-ji'zus (Bapirja-ovs, 'son of Jesus') : A Jewish magician and false prophet attached to the court of Sergius Paulus when the latter was pro- consul of Cyprus. For interference with Paul's work B. is represented as stricken with temporary bhndness (Ac 13 6-12). In ver. 8 B. is called Elymas, which may be a second magical name assumed by the same person (but see Dalman, Aram Gr., p. 162), possibly to be connected with the Aram, root cbx, 'strong.' *0 fidyos (ver. 8) is not necessarily an exact translation of the word, but may be a general de- scription of its meaning. A similar title seems to have been borne by Simon Magus (q.v.) (Ac8 9f.). For later legends concerning B. see Lipsius-Bonnet, Apoc. Apgesch., II, p. 299 f. J. M. T. BAR-JONAH, bar-jo'na (Bar-jona AV). See Pe- ter. BARKOS, bar'kes (Dipn2, barqd$): The ancestor of a family of Nethinim (Ezr 2 53; Neh 7 65). E. E. N. BARLEY. See Agriculture, §§4 and 5, Food, § 1, and Palestine, § 23. BARLEY HARVEST. See Time, § 4. BARN. See Agriculture, § 6. BARNABAS, bar'na-bas (Bapm^as [BapvdjSas WH]): The surname given by the Apostles to the Cyprian-Levite Joseph and interpreted by the author of Acts as meaning "Son of exhortation" (Ac 4 36). Considerable difficulty exists in tracing the etymology of the name. Of -the several suggestions perhaps the moat likely is that of Deismann (Bibelsiudien, pp. 175-178 [Eng. tr., pp. 187 f., 307-310]), who considers Bapj^a^o? the Jewish Grecized form of Bapi/ejSoust a personal Semitic name re- cently discovered in Asia Minor inscriptions, and meaning 'Sonof Nebo.' If this be correct, then, being thus an old theophoric name whose heathen origin had been disguised, either it was borne by Joseph prior to his conversion, its Christian inter- pretation (utos irapaKAiJa-ew?) being alone due to the Apostles, or else it was given Joseph by the Apostles at his conversion on the basis of its popular interpretation, its heathen origin being unknown. The latter could very easily have been the case. Nebo being the herald of the gods, the popular idea of Barnabas as a 'Son of proclamation,' or 'exhorta- tion,' would be natural. This interpretation was evidently suggested by the special gifts of exhortation which B. displayed (cf. Ac 11 23) and which belonged to him as a NT prophet (cf. Ac 15 32 with 13 1). He first appears as a generous contributor to the community of goods in the Jerusalem Church (Ac 4 36 f.), of which circle, through the fact of his aunt's home being in the city (cf. Ac 11 12 with Col 4 10), he was at the time doubtless a resident member. Among the discipleship here he was of sufficient rep- utation to become sponsor for Saul upon his first visit after his conversion (Ac 9 26 f.) — which seem- ingly implies a previous acquaintance, possibly in Tarsus, an inference which is confirmed by the fact that when later B. was delegated by the Mother Church to investigate the mission activity in An- tioch, he brought Saul from Tarsus to the service of the newly established work and labored with him in it for a year (Ac 11 21-26). Here also he seems to have come into prominence. With Saul he was appointed to carry up to Jerusa- lem the contributions of the brethren in Judaea (Ac 11 27-30), and upon their return, as the foremost prophet and teacher in the community, he was sent out with Saul on the first extended mission of the Christian Church (Ac 13 l). Through the importance and efl5- ciency of his service he came to be designated an "apostle" (Ac 14 4, 1 4) in that broader usage of the word to which the Church grew in virtue of its wi- dened work and life (see Apostle). He was sym- pathetically committed to Paul's Hberal views, en- tering with him into the controversy which arose at Antioch upon the close of the first mission tour (Ac 15 If.) and standing with him in the subsequent Council at Jerusalem for the admission of the Gen- tiles into the Cliurch (Ac 15 4, 12; Gal 2 3-5). At the same time, with most of the other leaders, he ap- peared unable to carry his convictions to their log- ical conclusions (cf. Gal 2 11-13). Owing to a dispute over the taking with them of his cousin, John Mark, he did not accompany Paul on his second mission tour, but returned with Mark to his native place, Cyprus (Ac 15 36-40), where we lose sight of him, except for such evidence as may be contained in I Co 9 6 that he continued in his mis- sionary work, declining, like Paul, to impose himself 8? A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Barak Baruch, Books of upon the support of the churches. From the Apos- tle's references to him in his subsequent correspond- ence with the churches (Gal 2 1, 5, 9, 13; I Co 9 6; Col 4 10) there is nothing to show that the relations be- tween them continued strained; rather the contrary. TertulUan and others in the Western Church held B. as author of the Epistle to the Hebrews (q.v.). The Sinaitic MS. contains, at the close of the NT' writings, an Epistle under his name; there is an apocryphal Acts of Barnabas and there are obscure references {e.g., in the Decretum of Pope Gelasius, 496 A.D.) to a Gospel ascribed to him. M. W. J. BARREL: The AV rendering of kadh in I K 17 12-16, 18 33("jar"RV). In the latter passage a large earthen water-jar is meant. In the former, the kadh may have been of earthenware, or, as is common among Palestinian peasants to-day, made of a mix- ture of clay, dung, and straw, perhaps divided into two compartments. See plate of Pottery, fig. 1. E. E. N. BARREN. See Marriage and Divorce. BARSABBAS, bar''sab-bas {Bapffafi$ds, Barsabas AV): 1. Joseph. Sumamed Justus, was "put for- ward" with Matthias as the successor of Judas (Ac 1 23). In the post-apostolic literature he is reckoned among the 'Seventy' (Chron. Pasch., ed. Bonn, I, 400), and several apocryphal tales concerning him are extant (cf. Eus. HE, III, 39, 9; Lipsius-Bonnet, Apoc. Apostelgesch., I, pp. 108, 116). J. M. T. 2. Judas (Ac 15 22, 27, 32). A leading prophet of the Jerusalem Church, who accompanied Silas with the decree of the Council to Antioch, and afterward returned to Jerusalem. Nothing more is known of him. Barsabbas being a patronymic, he may have been a brother of Joseph Barsabbas (Ac 1 23). R. A. F. BARTHOLOMEW, bor-thel'o-miu (BapSoXofiatos, 'son of Talmai'): One of the twelve Apostles and mentioned in all four of the lists (Mk 3 18; Mt 10 3; Lk 6 14; Ac 1 13). Concerning B. there is no trust- worthy tradition. For his supposed identification with Nathanael see Nathanael. J. M. T. BARTIM^US, bar"ti-ml'TT8 (Ba/art/xatos, "son of Timseus," perhaps equivalent to Aram, bar- timi, 'son of Timi'): A blind man restored to sight by Jesus near Jericho (Mk 10 46-52 and l|s). In Mt and Lk no name appears, and it is possible that Bartimseus was inserted in Mk for the sake of vivid- ness (cf. Jairus). J. M. T. BARUCH, bl'ruc (T]113,&arw&;i)/ blessed': 1. Son of Neriah, said by Josephus {Ant X, 9 1) to have come of a very illustrious family, one of Jeremiah's associates, first mentioned as his trusted friend (Jer 32 12), and later as his secretary and agent (Jer 36 4). Jeremiah dictated his oracles to B., who read them to the people. These prophecies roused the wrath of Jehoiakim, who commanded the arrest of B., and also burned the roll written by him. B., however, rewrote the oracles. After the murder of Gedaliah, he was accused by the leaders of unduly influencing Jeremiah to dissuade the people from leaving Judaea (Jer 43 3). Together with Jeremiah he was taken into Egypt. Here all authentic records about him cease. According to one tradition, he died in Egypt at the same time with Jeremiah. According to an- other, he survived the prophet and went to Babylon, where he died twelve years after the fall of Jerusa- lem (574 B.C.). 2. The son of Zabbai (Zaccai RVmg.) who repaired the wall of Jerusalem (Neh 3 20). 3. One of those who sealed the covenant in Nehemiah's time (Neh 10 6) ; possibly the same as 2. 4. The son of Col-hozeh, a descendant of Perez (Neh 11 5). A. C. Z. BARUCH, BOOKS OF: I. The Apocryphon: The Greek Book of Baruch is based upon the tradition which represents Baruch the I. Con- son of Neriah as spending the last tents. portion of his Ufe in Babylon (see Baruch 1). The book purports to be a treatise addressed by him to the exiles and con- sists of an introduction and three sections. In the first section (1 15-3 8) the exiled Israelites are furnished with a form of confession of sin to which is appended a prayer for the return of the divine good pleasure toward them. In the second section (3 9-4 7) the praises of Wisdom are sung in words that recall the panegyrics of Job 28 and 38, and the Book of Proverbs. In the third section (4 8-5 9) words of encouragement and comfort are addressed to the exiles similar to the expressions of the Deu- tero-Isaiah. These three sections bear the marlcs of different ages and environments. (1) The form of con- fession of sin (1 15-3 8) is of the same 2. Dates of class as Ezr9 6-15 and Dn9 3-9; but Its Parts, while it is evidently of later origin than the former, it is earlier than the Daniel passage. It was therefore produced probably about 300 B.C. (2) The section which eulogizes Wisdom (3 9-4 7) betrays the effect of a long-stand- ing contact with the Gentile world, and can best be accounted for upon the view that it originated in the first half of the 1st cent. a.d. (3) The last sec- tion (4 8-5 9) must be, from its dependence on the Psalter of Solomon, dated at the earliest after the fall of Jerusalem (70 a.d.) and may be a product of the last years of the 1st cent. The introduction (cf. 1 1-15) is a redactorial addition embodying the tradi- tion of Baruch's activity in Babylon and therefore the latest of all the parts of the book. These differences of setting correspond with a marked difference in language as between the first and the last two sections. The last two 3. Original are purer and more choice in particular Languages, words and expressions, thus pointing to the conclusion that they were originally composed in Greek. As to the original language of the first section, the evidence is not so clear, but the probability is that it was composed in Hebrew. As far as the ascription to Baruch is concerned, his known intimacy with Jeremiah and his 4. Ascrip- concern in the events attendant on the tion to deportation to Babylon are sufficient to Baruch. account for the use of his name. The book has been known continuously from its first appearance and early secured a place among the Apocrypha of the O T. Baruch, Books of Beam A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 88 II, The Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch; This is an apocryphon discovered and published in a Latin translation in 1866, and later in a more 1, The primitive Syriac text in 1871. Its con- Book, tents consist of a purely apocalyptic section (from which the whole takes its name), and a letter purporting to be written by Baruch to the nine and a half tribes of Israel de- ported into Assyria at the time of the fall of Samaria (722 B.C.). The first of these parts consists of a series of seven sections of which the first gives a sketch of the circumstances in which Baruch saw his visions. It was at the time of the fall of Jerusalem into the hands of the Chaldeans. Jeremiah, by Divine command, went to Babylon with the captives, while Baruch stayed amid the ruins of Jerusalem. What he saw in the visions there together with the conversations which he held with heavenly person- ages are narrated in detail in the next six chapters. The sum and substance of these is that while Israel may suffer for a time, the Messiah will soon appear, and bring to naught the counsels of his enemies. The letter to the nine and a half tribes is designed to encourage and strengthen the people in the time of their distress. It represents their condition as fully known to God, and their sufferings intended for their own good. The author of the book was evidently a Jew, and wrote some time between the middle of the first Christian century and before the open- 2. The ing of the second, or approximately Author, about the year 100. The original Ian- Date, and guage of the document was probably Original Hebrew. Its relations to 4th Ezra (II Language. Esdras) have roused the keenest inter- est. Both books seem to issue from the same conditions, are designed to meet the same need, and contain the same type of thought. They have been called the 'twin Apocalypses.' The Syriac text of the book may be found in Ceriani's Monumenta Sacra, V, II (1871). An English trans- lation with introduction and notes was published by Charles (The Apocalypse of Baruch, 1896) and a German translation by Rothstein in Kautzsch's Psevdepigrapha (1900). III. The Greek Apocalypse of Baruch : A book containing a report of a visit by Baruch to the seven heavens was mentioned by Ori- I. The gen in his treatise De Principiis, but Discovery nothing further was known of it until of the it was discovered in 1896 by Rev. E. Book. Cuthbert Butler in a Greek MS. in the British Museum (subsequently pub- lished by Prof. M. R. James in the Cambridge Texts and Studies, Vol. V, 1897, No. 1, pp. 84- 94). Almost at the same time a Slavonic trans- lation of the production in an abridged form was made known by Bonwetsch. These two versions are related to each other as the longer and shorter recensions of the same writing. Neither one, however, is probably the full text of the Apoc- alypse known to and mentioned by Origen. In that work Baruch is reported to have de- scribed seven heavens, whereas in the Greek Apocalypse he is represented as visiting five, and in the Slavonic only two. The relation of the work to the Syriac ^^^^*;^ ^^ probably explained by referring to 76 3 f. ot that work. Here God promises to give 2. Criti- Baruch after the lapse of 40 days a cism. further revelation regarding the world of material elements, including the cycle of the earth, the summits of the mountains, the depths of the valleys and of the seas, and the number of the rivers. The fulfilment of this promise is not recorded in what follows, and the Greek Apocalypse was composed to show that it was fulfilled and how it was fulfilled. A German translation of the work is given in Kautzsch's P seudepigrapha (1900). The Greek text is to be found in James's edition above alluded to. A. C. Z. BARZILLAI, bar-zil'a-ai Cb\% barzUlay): 1. An aged and wealthy Gileadite of Rogelim who substantially befriended David when he fled from Absalom (II S 17 27). As he was returning to Jeru- salem, David invited B. to spend the rest of his days with him at the capital, but B. refused, asking, how- ever, favors for his servant (or sons? II S 19 31-39; cf. I K 2 7). 2. The father of Adriel (II S 21 8). 3. The ancestor of a family of priests who married a daughter of 1 (supra), but whose descendants could not prove their genealogy (Ezr 2 61 ; Neh 7 63). TT T? isr BASE. See Temple, § 18. B ASEM ATH , bas'e-math (^W^, basmath, Bashemath AV): 1. One of the wives of Esau, daughter of Elon the Hittite (Gn 26 34), but in 36 3 the daughter of Ishmael (cf. 28 9, where Mahalath may = Basemath). 2. A daughter of Solomon (IK 4 15, Basmath AV). E. E. N. BASHAN, b^'shan ("|'^3, hashan), in Heb. usu- ally with the definite article prefixed: The broad, rolling, fertile region E. of the Lake of Gennesaret, extending, roughly, from Gilead on the S. to Hermon on the N. Map I, GH 4, 5. To-day it is one of the granaries of Palestine. In ancient times the region was celebrated for its oaks (Is 2 13; Zee 112; Ezk 27 6) and fine cattle (cf. Ps 22 12; Am 4 l). Its gen- . eral altitude is about 2,000 feet above sea-level. In the NE. portion there is a pecuUar, pear-shaped region, known to the Arabs as the Leja, which is hterally a 'petrified ocean' of basaltic lava. This district is not improbably identified with ''the region of Argob," which the IsraeUtes wrested from Og, to- gether with its "threescore cities" all fortified with high walls, gates, and bars (Nu2l33ff.; Dt3 4f.). This whole region was assigned to the half tribe of Manasseh (Dt 313,4 43; Jos 13 29f.). Edrei, Ash- taroth, Golan, and Salechah were its chief cities (Dt 1 4, 3 1, 10, 4 43). Solomon taxed Bashan (I K 4 13). Hazael put an end to the Heb. supremacy over it (11 K 10 33). Tiglath-pileser seems to have carried its inhabitants into captivity (II K 15 29). Under Tra- jan (106 A.D.) it was incorporated into the province of Arabia. To-day it is inhabited by a fierce, warlike sect, the Druses. G. L. R. BASHAN-HAWOTH-JAIR, -h6"veth-j6'h. See Havvoth-Jair. BASILISK. See Palestine, § 26. 89 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Baruch, Books of Beam BASIN (or BASON) and BOWL are the English renderings of eight Hebrew words. According to modern usage a bowl is deeper or rounder than a basin and is used chiefly for food or drink ; but it is difficult to preserve this distinction in naming ancient ves- sels whose size and shape are largely a matter of con- jecture. Basins are most frequently mentioned in connec- tion with the sacrificial ritual, beginning in Egypt (Ex 12 22) and Sinai (Ex 24 6). Among the furni- ture of the Tent were bowls of gold (Ex 37 16) and basins of "brass" (Ex 38 3). Solomon's Temple contained basins of gold (I K 7 50), "brass" (I K 7 45), and silver (I Ch 28 17), which were carried away by the Chaldeans (UK 25 14 f.; Jer52 18 f.), but re- turned by Cyrus (Ezr 1 7 fE.). For basins as offerings see Nu 7 passim; Neh 7 70 (cf Ezr 8 27). Bowls for wine (Jer 35 5, "pots," AV; Am 6 6) or ordinary household use (Jg5 25, "dish," 6 38; II S 17 28) were doubtless common. Among bowl-shaped • objects were the reservoirs of lamps (Zee 4 2 f.; cf. Ec 12 6), the roimded capitals of pillars (I K 7 41 = II Ch 4 12), and the "cups" of the golden candlestick (Ex 25 31). The vvjTTTjp used by Jesus (Jn 13 5) was probably a large foot-basin, provided for the purpose. iaKTj (AV "vial") is correctly rendered "bowl" byARVin Rev (5 8, etc.). See also Cttp, and Laver, and Temple, § 18. L. G. L. BASKET: The uses of the various "baskets" of the T are more evident than their form and mate- rial. The dudh, used for figs (Jer 24 2), as well as clay or bricks (Ps 81 6), was probably a large, shallow basket, such as was used by masons in ancient Egypt. The saZ or 'plaited' basket used for carry- ing bread (Gn 40 16; Ex 29 3) or meat (Jg 6 19) was apparently smaller, and dish-shaped. The tene' was large and deep, shaped Hke an inverted cone (cf . LXX. KdpToKXos), and is mentioned only in connec- tion with products of the soU (Dt26 2, 28 5). The Mubk (Am 8 1) seems to have been a coarsely woven cage-Hke receptacle with a lid. The N T k6<})lvos (Mk 6 43, 8 19 and ||s) was a stout wicker hand-basket, often carried by the Jews when traveling, in order to avoid buying food from Gentiles. Apparently each of the Twelve (cf. Mt 14 20) disciples had one. The a-jrvpls (Mk 8 8, 20 and ||s) was a larger flexible provision-basket of plaited ropes or reeds. The basket in which Paul was let down was probably a large rope hamper. It is called both a aTTvpis (Ac 9 25) and a aapyavr) (II Co 11 33), the latter word denoting especially the 'plaited' structure. See plate of Household Utensils, II. Figs. 2, 3, 4, 6. L. G. L. BASTARD, See Marriage and Divorce. BAT. See Palestine, § 24. BATH. See Weights and Measures, § 3. BATH-: The element Bath- in compound proper names means daughter. It occurs in only two or three instances in the O T. E. E. N. BATH, BATHING, See Purification, § 2. BATH-RABBIM, bath"-rab'im (a^?rri2, bath- rdbbtm,) 'daughter of multitudes': The name of a gate of Heshbon (Song 7 4). Nothing further is known of it. For a bold conjecture, see Cheyne in EB. E. E. N. BATH-SHEBA, bath"-shi'ba C^^^'T\^, bath-she- bha'), 'daughter of Sheba': The wife of Uriah the Hittite, who committed adultery with David and after Uriah's death became one of David's wives. She was a woman of beauty and energy. Her first child after her union with D. died, but she later be- came the mother of other sons including Solomon (cf . I Ch 3 5). She retained her influence over D. until his death, and doubtless it was she who was chiefly instrumental in D.'s choice of Solomon as his succes- sor (II S 11 2 fE., 12 24f. ; I K 1 11-2 19). In II S 11 3 her father's name is given as Eliam, but in I Ch 3 5 she is called Bath-shua, the daughter of Ammiel (only a variant form of Eliam). Ahitho- phel, D.'s counselor, may have been the grand- father of B. (cf. II S 23 34). E. E. N. BATH-SHUA, -shu'a. See Bath-sheba. BATTERING-RAM. See Besiege. BATTLE. "See Warfare, § 4. BATTLE-AX. See Arms and Armor, § 5. BATTLEMENT: On the use of this term in Jer 5 10 AV compare the RV rendering. See also House, § 6 (d). BAVVAI, bav'a-ai (^12, hawway, Bavai AV),(Neh 3 18). See BiNNUi. BAY. See Colors, § 2. BAYITH, ba'yith, Bajith, b^'jith: This word is treated as a proper name in the EV of Is 15 2. If a proper noun the RV margin is the more cor- rect reading. But hayiih (rr^!!) may be only a textual error for bath (H^), 'daughter,' and in that case we should read 'The daughter of Dibon is gone up to the high places.' E. E. N. BAY TREE (Ps37 35 AV): In RV the correct reading is given: "a green tree in its native soU." LXX. reads: "like the cedars of Lebanon." E. E. N. BAZLITH, baz'lith {TT^^^, batsllth), and BAZ- LUTH (m^!^2, batsluth) : The ancestor of a family of Nethinim (Ezr 2 52; Neh 7 54). E. E. N. BDELLIUM. See Stones, Precious, § 3. BEALIAH, bi'Vlai'a (n;)iJ5, ft^'aZj/a^i), 'Jehovah is Baal (Lord)': One of David's soldiers (I Ch 12 5). E.E.N. BEALOTH, b§-^'l0th (JTiV^?, b^'aloth): A town in the "South" (Jos 15 24). Perhaps the same as Baalath-beer. See Baal, III. E. E. N. BEAM (Bok6s): One of the main timbers of a building. The term is used figuratively in Mt 7 3; Lk 6 41 f. in contrast to mote (q.v.) in order vividly to suggest the inconsistency of criticizing the minor faults of others when our own are so much more con- spicuous, J- ^* T, Beans Bela A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 90 BEANS. See Palestine, § 23, and Food, § 3. BEAR. See Palestine, § 24. BEARD : The Israelite was accustomed to wear a full beard which was to be shaved only in ex- ceptional cases, as that of a leper (Lv 14 9), or of extreme mourning (Jer 41 5), although this was con- trary to the stricter spirit of the law (cf. Lv 19 27, 21 5), which viewed such defacements as heathenish. To compel one to cut off his beard was thus to inflict upon him an insulting disgrace (II S 10 4 f.). See also Mourning Customs, § 4. E. E. N. BEAST: In EVV this term designates: 1. A brute animal, as distinguished from man (Ezk 14 13). 2. A quadruped, as distinguished from other living creatures (Gn 6 7). 3. A wild, as distin- guished from a domesticated, animal (Job 5 22 f.; Ps 79 2). 4. An apocalyptic symbol of brute force, as set over against the divine power, or distinguished from humanity (Dn 7 3; Rev 4 6 ff., AV; but RV ''living creatures"). A. C. Z. BEATEN GOLD. See Metals, § 1. BEATEN OIL. See Oil. BEATING § 3 (b). See Crimes and Punishments, BEAUTIFUL GATE. See Temple, § 32. BEAUTY AND BANDS: Two terms used sym- bolically in Zee 11 4^14 (better rendered, "grace and union"), signifying God's gracious purpose toward His people which they stubbornly opposed. E. E. N. BEBAI, bi'ba-ai (^?3, bebhay): 1. The ancestral head of a large post-exilic family (Ezr2ll; Neh 7 16, 8 11, 10 28). 2. One of this family (Neh 10 15). E. E. N. BECHER, bi'kgr ("IJS, bekher): 1. The ances- tral head of one of the clans of Benjamin (Gn 46 21; I Ch 7 6-8). 2. The ancestral head of the Becherites, a clan or family of Ephraim. But in I Ch 7 20 we read Bered, which may be the correct form, or there may have been some genealogical confusion, owing to the contiguity of the territory of the two tribes Benjamin and Ephraim. E. E. N. BECORATH, be-co'rath (nilD?, b'kharath, Be- chorath AV): An ancestor of Saul (I S 9 l). E. E. N. BED, BEDSTEAD (Couch in RVof IChSi; Est 1 6, 7 8; Job 17 13; Ps 41 3; Pr 7 16): In the simpler conditions of life reflected in the Bible it was custom- ary to sleep in one's ordinary clothing, using the outer garment or cloak for a covering (Ex 22 27). In more advanced conditions, an ordinary rug or mat was used as a bed. Later, a mattress either took the place of the mat or was used with it, and together with a pillow and a simple coverlet or quilt for cold nights made up the bed furniture of a common indi- vidual. The mattress was rolled up and put away for the day within a closet. But bedsteads must have been used occasionally, as may be inferred from the fact that the sarcophagus of Og, King of Bashan, is called his "bedstead" (Dt 3 n). But more usually such bedsteads were made of lighter material and more easily movable. The place of a bedstead was sometimes taken by the raised platform or immov- able divan along the walls of a room {miUah,Gn 47 31: II K 4 10; mishkabh, Song 3 1). This was covered with cushions and used as a sofa during the day. More elaborate and ornamented bedsteads are mentioned in Am 6 4, 3 15 ("beds of ivory") and Est 16 ("couches ... of gold and silver"). These- were used by the wealthy, and offered an oppor- tunity for indulging the love of display and luxury. Such bedsteads were further furnished with pillars and a canopy like those of palanquins (Song 3 10; Est 1 6). A. C. Z, BEDAD, bi'dad ("l*!?, b^dhodh): The father of Hadad, King of Edom (Gn 36 35; I Ch 1 46). E. E. N. BEDAN, bt'dan (p?, 6«dAaw): 1. Referred to in I S 12 11 as one of the early deliverers of Israel. The text is probably wrong. LXX. and Syriac read Barak, but perhaps the original reading was Abdon; cf. Jg 12 13 ff. 2. The head of a Manassite family (I Ch 7 17). E. E. N. BEDCHAMBER. See House, §§ 1 and 6 (h). BEDEIAH, be-di'ya (n;-l|, bedhyah): One of the "sons of Bani" who had taken a foreign wife (Ezr 10 35). E. E. N. BEE. See Palestine, § 26. BEELIADA, bi^e-ld'a-da (i'T???, b<>'elyadhd% 'Baal [in sense of Jehovah] knows ^ A son of David (I Ch 14 7), called EUada in II S 5 16 and I Ch 3 8. E. E. N. BEELZEBUB, be-el'ze-bub : 1. The Heb. 2^DT 7^2, ba'al zihubh, Baalzebub/the god of flies,' worshiped by the Philistines of Ekron (II K 1 2f., 6, 16). It is not clear whether this Baalzebub was re- garded as a special divinity, sender of flies, or the sun as the healer of disease through his piercing rays. 2. The Greek form of the same is Bee\fej3oi5A(Beelzebul, so also AVmg. and RVmg., Mt 10 26, 12 24, 27; Mk 3 22; Lk 11 16 f.). Jerome calls him the "Chief of the devils"; Cheyne renders "Lord of the Mansion," i.e. J of the nether world; Lightfoot, "Lord of Dung." A. C. Z. BEER, bl'gr (1^*3, 6-'er): 1. A place where the Israelites made a station during the wilderness journey (Nu 21 16), also called Beer-elim, ' well of terebinths' (Is 15 8). 2. The place where Jotham took refuge from his brother Abimelech (Jg9 2l). Both sites unknown. A. C. Z. BEER-, bt'gr- 0^,h-'er), 'a welP: On account of the necessity of a constant water-supply, sites of towns were often chosen because of nearness to a well or wells, and named accordingly, as Beer-elim, Beer-lahai-roi, Beer-sheba, Beeroth (plural of beer). a. C. Z. 91 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Beans Bela BEERA, bl'gr-a (^^r^h ^^'era'), 'well': A son of Zophar of the tribe of Asher (I Ch 7 37). E. E. N. BEERAH, bt'§r-a (HTJ^?, b'''erah), 'well': A Reubenite "prince," carried away captive by Tig- lath-pileser III (I Ch 5 6). E. E. N. BEER-ELIM, bt"er-i'lim {^^^^ % h^'er 'elim), 'well of [sacred] trees': According to the common Heb. text, 'well of mighty ones/ Is 15 8. Site un- known. E. E. N. BEERI, bg-t'rai (*^>:5; 6«'m): i. A Hittite, father of Judith, one of Esau's wives (Gn 26 34). 2. The father of the prophet Hosea (Hos 1 i). E. E. N. BEER-LAHAI-ROI, bl"er-la-hai'-rei" Qiih ^nb 1i:(5, h''erlahay ro't): The well (probably not far from Kadesh) near which Hagar had her theoph- any (Gn 16 7-14) and where Isaac lived for some time (Gn 24 62, 25 11). The interpretation of the name given in RVmg., "the well of the living one who seeth me," is not entirely satisfactory. The Heb. expression offers difficulties of interpretation which have not yet been cleared up. In the con- text (Gn 16 12 f.) the emphasis is on God's 'seeing,' but nothing is said that explains lahay, taken to mean 'living one.' The same Heb. letters would ordinarily be taken to mean 'jaw bone' (cf. Jg 15 17 £F.), but this does not explain ro% 'who seeth me.' Many scholars think that rd% stood originally for the name of some animal. In that case the whole name must be considered a place-name much older (and no longer understood) than the origin of the story in Gn 16, which simply gives it an interpretation. See Comm. on Gen., esp. Driver (p. 183, note) and Gunkel, ad loc. E. E. N. BEEROTH, be-i'reth (HiN?, h^'eroth), 'wells': 1. A Canaanite city once leagued with Gibeon and included with it in the treaty between Israel and the Gibeonites (Jos 9 17). It was in the territory as- signed to Benjamin (Jos 18 25; II S 4 2). After the Exile it was again occupied by the Jews (Ezr 2 25; Neh 7 29). Its inhabitants were called Beerothites (II S 4 2, 23 27; I Ch 11 39). Map III, F 5. E. E. N. BEEROTH BENE JAAKAN, bl'ne j^'a-kan. See Jaakan. BEER-SHEBA (^2*^ ")»r}; Lat. Scriptura), which term passed over into Christian usage and has maintained itself until the present day. The terra Testament is from the Lat testamentum, 'will,' the LXX. rendering of the Gr. BLa6r)KT] (cf. also Mt 26 28, etc.), which, however, neither in the LXX. nor in the N T, means ' will' but (as e.g,, in II Co 3 4) 'covenant.' It was easy, however, to take bcaBtjKq in the sense of a testamentary document and use it of the Scriptures of the old and new covenants, and in ecclesiastical Uterature from the 2d cent, this is a common designation of the Scriptures. For the names applied by the Jews to the various parts of the O T see Old and New Testament Canon. The Protestant Bible in common use is a collection of sixty-six books. Of these thirty-nine originally constituted the Jewish Scriptures and 2, The make up the O T. The remaining Bible a twenty-seven originated in Chrisfciari Collection circles in the Apostolic Age. In the of Books Roman Catholic Church the O T part of Various consists of forty-six books (the seven Dates and Apocryphal books Tobit, Judith, Wis- by Many dom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, I and II Writers. Maccabees being counted as Scripture) plus the so-called Additions to Esther and Daniel. The material in the Bible was composed at differ- ent times during a period of more than a thousand years — from the foundation of the Hebrew nation by Moses (c. 1200 B.C.) to about the end of the let cent. A.D. The number of writers whose work is preserved in the Bible is unknown. A large number of the OT books and some of the N T are anonymous. The range and variety of subjects are indicative of a corresponding variety and number of authors. The poet, the historian, and the philosopher ('wise man'), the priest, the prophet, and the apostle, the king and the statesman, the popular story-teller, the serious legislator, the antiquarian delighting in genealogy and statistics, the zealous reformer,' the faithful )9 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Beth-Zur Bible beacher, the seer, all these and others, even the Divine Son of Man Himself, find their words or work represented in the Bible. It is also a world of varied thought and culture that is reflected in the Biblical material. In one part we are face to face with the primitive simplicity of the Semitic nomad; in another we are in touch with the rich culture of the ancient Babylonian civilization; again we share the experiences incident to the predominantly agricultural type of life of the ancient Hebrew commonwealth ; at first we witness the crude and petty warfare between clans or tribes, then the larger struggles of Israel with her near neighbors; next we hear the measured tread of Assyria's victorious armies, creators of the first world monarchy; then, in succession, it is the Babylonian, the Persian, the Greek, and finally the Roman em- pires that form the background of the Biblical his- tory. The original languages of the Biblical books were Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek. Nearly all the O T was composed in Hebrew, the language 3, The spoken by Israel in Canaan before the Original Exile, but after the Return gradually Language giving way — as the speech of common and Text intercourse — to the Aramaic, then the of the lingua franca of all 8W. Asia. Parte Bible, of Daniel and Ezra and one verse in Jer (10 11) are in Aramaic. There is also an Aramaic coloring to many expressions scat- tered through the O T. A dialect of Aramaic was the vernacular of Palestine in N T times, and it is probable that Jesus' teachings were spoken by Him in Aramaic and later rendered into Greek by the teachers of the early Apostolic Church (see Aramaic Language). Apart from this Aramaic hads of the Gospels, especially the first three and of some material in Acts, the N T was composed en- tirely in Greek, the Greek of ordinary intercourse in the Hellenistic world (see Hellenistic and Biblical Greek). The text of the Bible has doubtless had a very checkered history. Nothing is known of the means taken to preserve the text of the O T autographs. It is probable that much editorial work was done by exilic and post-exilic scholars on the material in their Hands, and we do not know when the text came to be so carefully guarded that no more changes were pos- sible. The Greek translation of the O T, the Septua^ gint (LXX., begun c. 250 b.c, and perhaps com- pleted by 150 B.C.), shows that in many places the text before the translators differed from the Hebrew text current to-day (see Greek Versions of the T). The great Hexapla of Origen, c. 225 a.d. (a six-column edition of the O T, one column giving the Hebrew text), and the Latin Vulgate of Jerome (390- 405 A.D.), who made use of the Hebrew, also furnish valuable testimony to the ancient Hebrew text. Finally, the Massoretes (Jewish scholars who were careful students of the text, 3d to 10th cent, a.d.) settled upon a uniform text which is that repre- sented in practically all Hebrew MSS. extant. The text of the N T has had a corresponding history. The autographs, written on papyrus, were perishable and soon disappeared. The first copying was of an unregulated and perhaps at times careless character. With the growth of the Church in num- bers and culture more attention came to be paid to the copying of the text. At last, mainly through the influence of the first printed editions; one type of text, unfortunately very corrupt, the so-called Textus Receptus, became dominant. Only within the last half-century have more critical and therefore correct texts become available. (For a full discussion see Text of the New Testament.) Since the Biblical material was produced under such a variety of circumstances, by so many different authors, and its composition covered such a long period of time, it is evident that the collection in its present form has a complicated history behind it. The O T was already complete before a word of the N T was written. But neither collection was the work of a single age or made at the dictation of any external authority. For full discussion of the formal steps that led to the final results in both cases see the articles on O T and N T Canon. Others of a less formal but fundamental nature will find mention below. From what has been said in § 2 it is evident that the Bible material, in the process of its composition, sustained a most intimate relation to 4. The life and that progressive development Relation of of man we call history. This is of the Bible fundamental importance to a true to Life and understanding of the Bible and appre- History. ciation of its value. The Bible, both as a whole and as to its separate parts, was in the first instance a result, not a cause, a prod- uct of something that was actual in life and history before a written record of it was made. The O T is the product of something that was in actual existence in Israel before it found expression in writing. Israel and Israel's religion came first, and it was because there was an Israel with such a religion that a literature like that of the O T was a possibility. The O T is the product of Israel's vital religion and is a competent witness to the vitality and divine character of that religion. While it is true that the older parts of the O T, once written, had an influence on subsequent stages of Israel's religious development, the important fact remains that the strong vital, progressive religion of Israel is the foundation of the written material we have in the O T. The same general fact is true of the N T. Jesus lived and taught and died and rose and was present by His Spirit in His Church before a book of the N T was written. The earhest N T book was probably a letter of an Apostle to recently planted churches, giving needed advice on matters of pressing impor- tance. It was within a church, aUve, vigorous, pro- gressive, and withal not free from faults, that our N T literature originated, and almost without excep- tion do the N T books show themselves to be prod- ucts of what was already at hand in the possession of the Church at large or in the hearts of the chosen few whose understanding of the common faith was most profound. Nothing can be further from the truth, then, than to say that the reUgion of Israel or Christianity are 'book-religions.' In both the book is the product, not the cause; in both the reUgion was in existence Bible A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONAKY 100 and in a strong vital touch with Ufe and history before the book appeared; in both the book is the expression of and witness to the strength and vigor as well as character of the religion. How different in these respects the Bible is from other sacred books is as evident as is the related fact, the differ- ence between the religions of other sacred books and the religion that produced the Bible. Israelj both as a nation and as a nation with a peculiar religion, was the creation of God through Moses. He consolidated the tribes 5. The into a national unity the basis of which Gradual was a religion — the religion of Jehovah, Growth of the God of Israel. This religion was the O T, essentially spiritual and ethical in character, simple in its mode of worship and capable of being expressed in comparatively few fundamental propositions. Because of its essential reality and inherent vitality, in virtue of its Divine origin, the apprehension and appreciation on Israel's part of the true character and significance of her rehgion were capable of great expansion. It was both possible and necessary for her to grow into an ever-deepening and widening knowledge of its theo- logical and ethical principles. As time went on, and environment changed; as new modes of life were adopted, new conceptions of the world — both of nations and of ideas — were forced on Israel's mind; as great national crises were met and bitter experi- ences endured, Israel was called upon to meet such circumstances and adjust herself to them in the light of her rehgion. In the course of this long process the O T originated and gradually grew into a distinct body of literature. To say that the O T represents Israel's national literature may be too sweeping a statement. It probably comprehends the most of the religious part of Israel's literature. It is likely that much old Hebrew literature perished with the fall of Samaria in 721 B.C. and of Jerusalem in 586 B.C. Only that which was religious in character was preserved of the pre-exilic hterature, and in exilic and post-exilic days those who produced liter- ature in Israel were mainly interested in religion. There is no very early evidence that Moses wrote more than the statements of the fundamental prin- ciples of Israel's religious constitution. The cove- nant terms (Ex 34 10-27), the Decalogue (Ex 20 2-17), and certain directions as to the attitude of Israel toward the Canaanite cultus (Ex 20 22-26, 23 20-33 || 34 10-17) are all that can be safely affirmed as in- cluded by both J and E in the written material of the Mosaic Age. In addition, according to E, an ancient code (Ex 21 1-23 9 in the main) was drawn up by Moses. The Mosaic era and the era of the Con- quest and Settlement in Canaan were not conducive to the production of literature, though rich in deeds of courage and faith. These deeds became the sub- ject of popular story and song (oral, not written), the latter especially being generally inspired by strong religious feehng. Under David, Israel became supreme in Canaan and under the Kingdom conditions were more favor- able to the development of literature. History was written first on a small scale, then on a larger. At last the great 'prophetic' histories, J and E (in which popular tradition was used and its religious significance pointed out), were completed (see Hexateuch). Legal material, in the form of codes of smaller or larger compass, was wntten at the great sanctuaries, of which the one at Jerusalem was of chief importance, while poetry, probably almost exclusively reUgious, was constantly being produced. In the 9th cent. B.C., Elijah did his great work for Israel's religion, but he committed none of his teachings to writing. Later a history of his and Elisha's work was written which was em- bodied in part by the author of Kings in his large history. In the 8th cent. Israel was face to face with a most serious religious crisis. The old barriers of comparative isolation were broken down. Before the rapidly growing power of the Assyrian Empire the smaller nationalities lost their individual exist- ence, while their reUgions were either destroyed or amalgamated into the great Assyro-Babylonian pantheon. Such changes threatened the religion of Jehovah with destruction. It was saved, under God, by the prophets, the exponents in new and trying situations of the true character of Israel's rehgion, a task involving instruction along theological, ethical, political, and Messianic lines. From Amos (c. 760 B.C.) to the Exile (536 B.C.) the messages of proph- ecy, though in most cases originally spoken dis- courses (cf. Jer 36 2), came to be committed to writing. Whether this was done by the prophets themselves or by their disciples we do not know. No pre-exilic prophet systematically arranged and published his prophecies in a complete edition. The prophetic oracles were more probably gathered up by disciples into smaller or larger collections which were later made up into the books we have at present. In the 7th cent., when the light of the true religion of Jehovah was almost extinct, Deuteronomy was written as a statement of the original Mosaic consti- tution interpreted in the light of the teachings of prophecy (Amoe, Hosea, Isaiah, Micah). The lit- erary form chosen was that of a hortatory address by Moses, followed by -a, code in which much an- cient material is preserved and (partially) adjusted to new and changed conditions (see Deuteron- omy). Through the discovery of this book and the Reform of Josiah (621 b.c.) based upon it, Israel (Judah) came to have for the first time a written rehgious constitution. The Holiness Code (Lev 17-26) was also a contemporary attempt to codify the main principles of life (for an Israelite) from the point of view of 'holiness to Jehovah.' During this period, under the influence of the teachings of Deu- teronomy, the series of historical narratives (Judges, Samuel-Kings) was completed (apart from post- exiUc revision). In these, history is almost entirely subordinated to religion. The events simply fur- nished the occasion for the religious lessons of the history. During the latter part of Josiah's reign and the whole of the reigns of his sons and successors, Jeremiah was opposing in vain the formaUsm and essential irreligiousness that affected all ranks of society. In the reign of Jehoiakim (608-597) Jere- miah revised and published his eariier oral dis- courses with additions (Jer 36). His later proph- ecies (just before and after the Exile, 586 B.C.) were probably taken down and preserved by his 101 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Bible lecretary Baruch and through him or others at last iransmitted to the faithful workers in Babylonia. \jnong the Exiles the already existing literature fpas carefully preserved, studied, and edited. New nessages were delivered to them by Ezekiel (597- 570) and by 'second' Isaiah (Is 40-66), messages looking to the new era which these gifted seers taught was sure to come for Israel. The exihc scholars gave much attention to the Law with a view to making it the perfect standard for Israel as the one people of Jehovah. This revision and perfecting of the Law were incomplete at the time of the Return in 536 B.C. The returned Exiles organized themselves mainly on the basis of the Deuteronomic Code. Their efforts to rebuild the Temple were encouraged by the prophetic messages of Haggai and Zechariah, who addressed themselves directly to the situation. But the tendency of post-exilic Judaism was toward a reduction of religion to formally defined practise. The 'scribe' (generally of priestly descent) rather than the prophet was now the main religious force. At last Ezra succeeded in having his edition of the Law recognized by the public assembly (c. 444 b.c. ). If this was not the canonization of the Penta- teuch in its present form, it was at least the great step toward such canonization which must have fol- lowed in a comparatively short time. When this was done the remaining literature, historical, prophetic, and poetical, while highly honored and esteemed, was still an unclosed collec- tion. The later minor prophets and the great his- torical work, Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah, were as yet unwritten. At last — ^probably before 200 B.C. — it was felt that no more prophetic voices were to be heard and the prophetic succession was considered closed. This, of course, led to the separation of the prophetic writings as a group — next to the Law — sacred and authoritative, into which no recent liter- ature could gain admission. In the stress and discouragement of the persecu- tion by Antiochus Epiphanes, c. 168-165 B.C., the Book of Daniel, the one apocalypse of the O T, was written to stay and cheer those whose faith was wa- vering, by teaching that the Kingdom of God is supreme in spite of all appearances to the contrary, and must triumph in the end. This book came too late to be included in the prophetic canon and thus took its place with the * other books' (such as the Psalms, Job, Proverbs, Ruth, Chronicles, etc.), not yet canonized but highly esteemed and considered as of a somewhat different character from other writings (as, e.g., The Book of Ecclesiasticus). Of the books of this division, Job, Proverbs, and Psalms reflect three distinct types of religious experience. In Job a great problem is dealt with. In Proverbs the maxims of practical life are given, while in the Psalms all phases of religious feeling find expression. It is probable that by 100 B.C. the Jews of Palestine bad come to a general understanding as to the char- acter and value of these 'other books' and that this third division of the Canon was closed, practically at least, about that time. The Judaism of Alexandria fvas inclined to a less rigid view and looked upon cer- tain other late books (now called the Apocrypha) w of a sacred or semi-sacred character. (For the ivhole subject see T and N T Canon.) It was the larger (Alexandrian) Canon that at first circulated in the Gentile-Christian world (as the lan- guage of this was Greek, not Hebrew). But quite early (from c. 175 a.d. on) the Eastern (Greek) churches came to feel that the only true O. T Canon was the Hebrew (Palestinian). In the Western (Latin) churches the Apocrypha continued in gen- eral use in spite of protests from men hke Jerome and at last its use was made binding by the Council of Trent (1546). (See Apocrypha.) The O T was the Bible of the Jews in N T times and it was the Scripture of Jesus and His Apostles. Jesus, so far as we know, wrote nothing 6, The and in His work He constantly referred Growth to the O T as the Scripture fulfilled in of the N T. Him. To Him, what He taught and what He did and what was to follow as the result of His coming were, all in all, the 'fulfil- ment' of the OT. In other words, the essential religious truths of the O T were the truths on which Jesus built in His work as the founder of Christian- ity. The real religion of the O T passed over into Christianity. Jesus succeeded in implanting this truth into the hearts of His disciples, although it took time and discipline, even after His resurrection, to get them to see it clearly. The life and work of Jesus are the real fulfilment of the O T, and the N T is the record of Jesus' life and work. Familiar as we are apt to be with the N T, it is easy to fail to see the real order of development of the N T literature and its necessary connection with the progress of Christianity in the Apostolic Age. Because the Gospels and Acts stand first in the Hsts of the N T Books, it is easy to get the impression that Christi- anity began with these documents. Christianity began with the Gospel, not with the Gospels, and, after the Resurrection, with the work of the Apostles, not with the Acts of the Apostles. Jesus proclaimed a Gospel of which He Himself was the incarnation. He impressed upon a chosen few, who proved fit to receive it, the fundamental truths of that Gospel and, what is perhaps still more important, He im- planted in their souls a knowledge of Himself which was doubtless the most powerful and permanent infiuence that ever touched their lives. They simply became different men under the tutelage of Jesus. It was not a reasoned-out, intellectual process they went through, but a complete moral and spiritual transformation. They saw Ufe, duty, and destiny in a new hght, and the central figure and influence in their new world was Jesus Himself. Deep into their hearts and memories His words and deeds penetrated to be brought out and told and partially recorded in days to come. But as yet nothing was written of all this; it was living in the life experience of hving men and women. And Jesus left matters thus, know- ing as only He could know that the future was assured. Under the inspiration of Pentecost the Apostolic preaching of Christianity began. Preaching, oral proclamation, persuasion, not literature, were the means used, and so it continued for decades. Multitudes were converted, a brotherhood was formed, a new type of life manifested itself, all cen- tering about a definite belief in Jesus. The move- ment spread froni Jerusalem outward into all Pal- Bible Bilhan A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 103 estine. Persecution only increased its vigorous growth. It reached Antioch, the great metropolis of Western Asia. Paul was converted, the Gospel was carried into the Gentile world, the First Mis- sionary Journey was completed, and the Council of Jerusalem had met to discuss the question whether the Gospel was something independent of or subsid- iary to the old dispensation — all before a single book (except possibly the Epistle of James) of the N T had been written. This undeniable fact is of sufficient importance to be most carefully considered by all who wish to have a correct view of the nature of the N T. That the Founder of Christianity did His own work and that His followers organized His Church and carried it on through a vigorous, even remarkable, growth for twenty years before any of the N T books were pro- duced is conclusive proof that there is something more fundamental to Christianity than even the N T. It is just here that the real significance of the N T must be sought — -in the relation the NT writings bear to that more fundamental something that the Christian Church possessed before it possessed these writings. That fundamental something was the Apostolic Church's conception of Jesus Christ, and this consisted (1) of the knowledge that Church pos- sessed of Jesus' person, teaching, and work, and (2) of the Apostolic interpretation of the significance of Jesus' person, teaching, and work for the life and destiny of man. In the NT writings we find the Apostolic Church's conception of Jesus Christ set forth, not in any formal sense, as in official docu- ments of the Church, but in a no less real sense. These writings originated as special occasions de- manded, each being called forth by some particular circumstance or reasons affecting only a limited circle. This is true even of the Gospels. They all deal with living issues, and reflect the actual faith or knowledge of their writers and (in most instances) readers. The first documents of Christianity were Apostolic letters, one from the Jewish-Christian Church to scattered communities in Palestine and Syria (Epis- tle of James, c. 50 a.d. ?), the others from Paul to the Thessalonians (c. 50-51 a.d.). Before the year 64 Paul had written all his Epistles (except the Pas- torals). It was in the decade from 60-70 that the Synoptic Gospel traditions took definite shape (the Logia and Mark both before 70, the Gospel of Mat- thew probably later). To the same decade the Epis- tle to the Hebrews belongs, addressed to Jewish Christians to explain difficulties easily likely to trouble such readers, also I Peter. To the next two decades (70-90) probably belong the later writings of the N T (Gospel of Luke, Acts, II Peter, Jude, the Johannine literature). All these were scattered over a wide area, not at once brought together, the very existence of many being probably unknown out- side of a limited circle. For the steps by which they became collected into our N T see New Testament Canon. It was in such a way that the Bible arose, the lit- erature of a living, divinely inspired and guided relig- ious development. It was a development that went hand in hand with historical movements, with en- larging intellectual comprehension, with profound experiences of sorrow as well as of joyj.i^^til the "fulness of time" came. Because the Bible arose thus its significance and value must be 7. The permanent. The older view of strictly Permanent verbal inspiration is indeed artificial Signifi- and untenable, but its real import cance of remains intact. The inspiration of the Bible, the Bible may be, at places, not far from the letter, but in most cases it is in the vital reUgion behind the letter. It is thus easily seen how mistakes as to fact may be found in the Bible, yet its essential value remain. Criticism, in its search for the facts as to the origin, composi- tion, authorship, integrity, etc., of the various books, is both necessary and, when rightly conducted, , helpful (see § 8, below). The results of all such research only bring us closer to the truths that the Bible, and the Bible alone, contains — the truths of God's revelation of Himself and of His will, in the history and life of Israel first, but fully set forth in Jesus Christ, whom we can know through the Gos- pels and the interpretation given in the documents of the ApostoUc Age. E. E. N. Criticism is that branch of Biblical study which aims to ascertain with as much precision as possible the facts regarding the origins and 8. Modem original forms of the books of the Biblical / Bible. So far as it deals with the ques- Study. tion of the original text, it is called the Lower or Textual Criticism, and is properly treated in the articles on the Text. So far as it concerns the origin, i.e., authorship, date, integrity, literary form, pm-pose, etc., of the separ rate books, it is called Higher Criticism, and the results of its application will be found in the articles on the separate books or parts of the Bible. The Higher Criticism, so called, is a comparatively recent branch of study. There were indeed questions raised and hints thrown out regarding a method of inquiry analogous to it even as early as the Middle Ages. Spinoza is supposed to have put forth certain suggestions which, if pressed, must have led to the use of such a method of study. But it is generally admitted that the first to resort to this method was the physician Astruc (Conjectures sur les Memoires, etc., 1753). He called attention to the use of the names Jehovah and Elohim in successive sections of Gn, and from this fact drew the inference that in the composition of the book Moses had incorporated older documents, each characterized by the use of one of these names. But this use of the divine name was only one of several features distinguishing the sections (docu- ments) in which they occurred. These were next examined, and their significance developed into the so-called Documentary and Fragmentary theories of the Pentateuch, put forth by men like Eichhorn, , J. D. MichaeUs, and Geddes. (Eichhorn was the first to use the phrase "higher criticism" as the name of the new method of study. ) Other material for investigation in a similar way was soon brought into view by De Wette and Ewald. This consisted in the mass of historical data fur- nished by the O T books themselves. From an ex- amination of this historical material, De Wette was enabled to propound the theory that Gn was the 103 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Bible Bilhan work of a writer who found an Elohistic document and used this as a nucleus for the addition of mate- rial from Jehovistic and other sources. This was the Supplement theory (or in the form in which Ewald put it, the Crystallization hypothesis). Meanwhile, what was being done in Gn and the Pentateuch be- gan to be extended to the other books of the O T. But there remained still another class of facts available for criticism, those, namely, which were to be found in the flow of thought. This weis arranged in the order of a hypothetical development. The meaning of the facts in this sphere was partially shown by Vatke and George quite early (1835); but it was not fully worked out into a complete theory until Kuenen (1865), Graf (1866), and Wellhausen (1872) fully presented their conception of it, and made it clear how revolutionary the results would prove (see Hexatetjch). The development of the critical method, as above BUftimarily sketched, made clear its necessity, its nature, and its danger. Its necessity was seen to lie in the fact that the truth with reference to many phases of real importance regarding the origin of the books of the Bible had been lost or obscured in the course of the ages since their first composition. This led naturally to their being ascribed to others than their real authors, or else their being left anonymous. The original purpose also and the literary form of some of them were forgotten and other designs and forms were attributed to them. Some books of poetry were read as if they were prose, some para^ bolic or allegorical books were taken as accurate history. All this had to be rectified, and the new method was seen to be helpful in rectifying it. The nature of the method also became clearly apparent. It is a method which depends upon the observation of internal marks, mainly of three classes, i.e. (1) literary, (2) historical, and (3) such as pertain to the content of thought. The literary marks are those characteristics of style, including the choice of words, the construction of phrases, and the infusion of a tone and spirit into a writing, through which the author reveals his personality. The his- torical marks are the signs of age, place, and environ- ment which unconsciously betray a forgery or a misplaced production and furnish the ground for as- signing it to its true place; or if it is genuine, of verify- ing its genuineness and dispelling suspicion about it. The marks drawn from the content of thought are those considerations which fix a certain relationship of succession and development of ideas from one book, or one part of a book, to others. To these should be added also such considerations as grow from the relation of the content of the O T books to the religious ideas of contemporary and neighboring nations. - The main danger in the use of the critical method in the O T is that of giving too free a range to sub- jective considerations. In each one of the fields within which the materials for critical examination lie, there is the possibility of reading much more or much less than the facts warrant. The personal equation is, therefore, paramount. Philosophical presuppositions either for or against what is usually called the supernatural element inevitably enter into the processes and appear in the conclusions of critics, and extreme and sometimes startling views are often propounded in the name of criticism. As against this danger, two counterbalancing fac- tors may be named: (l)That extreme subjectivism on one side corrects extreme subjectivism on the other. For the student who is approaching the drit- ical method and critical results with intelligence and impartiality, the philosophical bias of one school will nullify the philosophical bias of the other, leaving him in possession of the essential facts. (2) While each part of the method may be used with too much subjectivity and become untrustworthy, there is a cumulative effect from the use of all which is in the main trustworthy. Literature: Zenoj, Elements of Higker Criticism (1895); McFadyen, Old Testament Criticism and the Christian Church (1903); Briggs, T?ie Study of Holy Scripture (1899); Naeh, History of the Higher Criticism of the N T (1900) ; J. A. Smith, Mod. Criticism and the Read- ing of the O T (1901); Ryle, On Holy Scripture and Criticism (1904). A. C Z. BIBLICAL GREEK. Biblical Greek. See Hellenistic and BICHRI, bic'rai (^"1?3, Ukhrx): Sheba, who re- volted from David (IIS 20 Iff.), is called ''son" of Bichri, i.e., he was of the clan of Becher — of Ben- jamin. See Becher. E. E. N. BID. See Marriage and Divorce. BIDKAR, bid'kflr ("IJ^I?, bidhqar): Captain of Jehu's chariot, i.e., his aide (II K9 25). E. E. N. BIER. See Burial and Burial Customs, § 4. BIGTHA, big'tha(«i'p^.5,6iffi;ia'). See Chamber- lains, The Seven. BIGTHAIT, big'than; BIGTHANA, big-th6'na (10^3 i^W??* bigthan, bigthand^): One of the cham- berlains of Ahasuerus who kept the door of the palace (Est 2 21, 6 2). E. E. N. BIGVAI, big'va-ai C'l^?, higway): 1. One of the leaders of the Return (Ezr 2 2; Neh 7 7). 2. The an- cestor of a large post-exilic family (Ezr 2 14, 8 H; Neh 7 19), possibly the same as 1. 3. A representa- tive of this family (Neh 10 61). E. E. N. BILDAD, bil'dad (ini^P, hUdadh), 'Bel loves' (?): One of Job's friends (Job 2 U, etc.), called "the Shuhite," i.e., of the line of Shuah, son of Abraham (Gn 25 2, 6). E. E. N. BILEAM, bil'e-am. See Ibleam. BILGAH, bil'ga (Hjb?, bilgah): The ancestral head of the fifteenth course of priests (I Ch 24 14; Neh 10 8 [Bilgai], 12 5, 18). E. E. N. BILHAH, bil'ha (Hn)??, bUhah): L The hand- maid of Rachel and mother of Dan and Naphtali (Gn 29 29, 30 3-7, 35 22, etc.). See Tribes, §§ 2, 3. IL A town in Simeon. See Baalah, 2. E. E. N. BILHAN, bil'han Cin)'^, bilhan): 1. AHoriteclan (Gn 36 27; I Ch 1 42). See Horites. 2. A Benjamite clan (I Ch 7 10). E. E. N. Bill Bohan A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 104 BILL. See Marriage and Divorce, and Trade and Commerce, §3. BILSHAN, bil'shan (|*^^?, hilshan): One of the leaders of the Return (Ezr 2 2; Neh 7 7). E. E. N. BIMHAL, bim'hal (^H^?, bimhal): One of the descendants of Asher and a son of Japhlet (I Ch 7 33). E. E.N. BINEA, bin'e-a (NJ'^?, bin'a'): Son of Moza and a descendant of Jonathan (I Ch 8 37, 9 43). E. E. N. BINNUI, bin'nu-ai C^^^, binnu) /hmlding': The ancestral head of the "sons of Binnui," one of the great post-exilic families (Neh 7 IS; Bani in Ezr 2 10). To this family most of the following individuals probably belonged: (a) The Levite (Ezr 8 33; Neh 12 8); perhaps the same person is called Bunni (Neh 9 4) and Bani (Neh 8 7). (b) One of the "sons of Pahath-moab" and (c) "one of the sons of Bani," both of whom had taken foreign wives (Ezr 10 30, 38). (d) A Levite, the son of Henadad, who helped in re- pairing the wall (Neh 3 24, 10 9; the same as Bavai of 3 18?). E. E. N. BIRDS. See Palestine, § 25. BIRSHA, bir'sha (ri^-j5, hirsha'): King of Gomorrah (Gn 14 2). E. E. N. BIRTH, BIRTHDAY, BIRTHRIGHT. See Family and Family Law, §§ 6, 8. BIRZAITH, bir-z^'ith ; BIRZ AVITH, -vith (rijT"l5 or rrii"]?, hirzawUhovhirzayith): Aplace(?) in Asher (I Ch 7 31). Site unknown. E. E. N. BISHLAM, bish'lam {z)t'^,hishlam): A Persian official (Ezr 4 7). E. E. N. BISHOP, BISHOPRIC. See Church, § 8. BIT, BRIDLE: These words, as used in EV, indicate three different objects: (1) The bridle {me- theg, ^a^ivoff), which includes the curb or bit, is mentioned as part of the harness of the horse (Ps 32 9, "bit"; Rev 14 20) and ass (Pr 26 3). It is used fig- uratively for restraint (II K 19 ^8 = Is 37 29; Jas 1 26, 3 2f., of the tongue) and for the authority of the mother-city (II S 8 l). (2) The re^en is a halter (EV "bridle") and is used metaphorically for restraint of the actions (Job 30 ll; Is 30 28). The "double bri- dle" (Job 41 13, AV) of Leviathan seems to refer to his upper and lower jaws (so ARV). (3) The mah- §dm was a muzzle, intended to prevent the animal from biting (Ps 391 ; cf. ARVmg.). See plate of Articles Used in Travel, Fig. 5. L. G. L. BITHIAH, bith'i-a (n;^?, hithyah): A daughter of Pharaoh whom Mered, a descendant of Judah, married (I Ch 4 18). The statement is a peculiar one and difficult of explanation. E. E. N. BITHRON, bith'ren OlIJ??, hithron), 'the gorge': A wady through which Abner fled from the Jordan to Mahanaim (II S 2 29). Perhaps the Wady 'Ajlun, Map III, H 3. E. E. N. BITHYNIA, bi-thin'i-a. See Asia Minor, § 3. BITTER HERBS: One of the elements of the Passover meal (Ex 12 8; Nu 9 ll). The herbs used were watercress, lettuce, endive, and chicory. They were either mixed or used separately. Regarding their significance different views are held, some alleging that they symboUzed the sufferings of the people in Egypt, while others hold that like the pro- hibition of leaven they were the sign of the haste in which the Exodus took place. ' A. C. Z. BITTERN : The AV rendering of "iSp, qippodh (Is 14 23, 34 11; Zeph 2 14). The meaning of the Heb. is not known. RV renders "porcupine." Cheyne (EB, s.v.) favors bittern. Socin, in Guthe's Bibel- worterhuch, thinks some kind of lizard is meant. See Palestine, §§ 25, 26. E. E. N. BITTER WATER, See Disease and Medi- cine, 7(12); Crimes and Punishments, § 3 (b). BIZIOTHIAH, biz"i-o-thai'a ("^O'^??, bizySth- yah; Bizjothjah, biz-jeth'ja, AV): The reading found in the Heb. of Jos 15 28, but in LXX. and at Neh 11 27 we read "and the towns thereof" ( = Heb. n'*rilJ5^), which is probably the true text. E. E. N. BIZTHA, biz'tha. See Chamberlains, The Seven, BLACK. See Colors, § 1. BLAIN. See Disease and Medicine, § 5 (9). See Crimes and Punishments, BLASPHEMY. § 2 (c). BLAST: The rendering of n^shdmah, 'breath,' as in II S 22 16; Ps 18 15, where it is followed immedi- ately by ruah, ' wind,' and of rilah in Ex 15 8 ; II K 19 7, etc. In all cases it refers to a manifestation of God's power, either in the physical world by wind or storm, or by a plague (Is 37 7), except in Is 25 4, where it refers to human violence. E. E. N. BLASTUS, bigs'tus (BXdis) made of bone, ivory, or metal. When the tablet had been filled with writing and was to be used again, the wax was smoothed down by the upper part of the stylus, which was purposely fashioned broad and flat. Pa- pyrus and, after its invention, parchment were too costly to be used in schools or in every-day business life, and therefore wooden wax tablets were kept at hand and used as the depository of memoranda of every kind, such as stray thoughts, verses, outlines of speeches or arguments, contracts, bills, day-books, notes to friends and sweethearts, invitations, etc. Single tablets do not appear, because the writing could not be protected from defacement, but double tablets (diptychs) were in the hands of every one, and in paintings and reliefs, letters and oracular ut- terances are always depicted as diptychs, but trip- tychs, tetraptychs, pentaptychs, and polyptychs were common. Double tablets were fastened together by hinges of string or metal, but often, especially in the case of polyptychs, holes were bored in the center of the panels; a string was then passed through the hole and tied. If the diptych or polyptych were to be sent as a letter, the ends of the string were sealed, among the Greeks, with seaUng-clay, but among the Romans with wax. The tablets were often supplied with handles by which to carry them or to hang them up. Wax tablets were used even as late as the time of Christ for contracts, bonds, and receipts, and from Pompeii we have 126 such tablets which were the property of a banker in 54 B.C. Every scratch made in the wax is distinct and undefaced after more than 1,900 years. But for documents of length and those intended to be permanent, such as long letters and books, wax tablets were not only too cumbersome 2. Papyrus but too perishable. In earhest times Paper. books were written on hides, tanned Rolls. and untanned (St^^epa, membrana), which were both cumbersome and costly. Hides were supplanted by papyrus paper, which was invented and manufactured in Egypt. Papyrus paper was made of the inner lining of the papyrus-reed. Long and necessarily narrow strips were placed side by side on a level surface and then crossed at right angles by other similar narrow strips. Sheets thus manufactured were first soaked in mucilaginous water, and then pressed and dried. A multitude of such sheets were cemented together into a roll (or "scroll," Is 3 44; Rev 6 14), i.e., one continuous sheet of any desired length. In antiquity the word book (/3//3Xoff, liber) did not mean either a volume or a subdivision of a work, but referred solely to papyrus, the material on which the book was written, for ^v^Xos was the name ap- plied to the papyrus-plant, and later on the word, with a slight change, was transferred from the material to the matter written on the material. The long strip of papyrus paper on which a book had been written was rolled together beginning with the end of the book. The resulting roll was called KiikLvBpos Top-os, volumen. As one began to read such a roll, the first column of reading-matter was on the left of the reader, whose right hand unrolled the unread part, while his left hand rolled up the read part in a, direction the reverse of that of the original roll. When the book had been read, the student seized the two ends of the umbilicus (see below) with both hands and rolled the whole volume back again into its original form. The rolls were often very large; some found in recent years in Egypt consist of sheets 42 meters long. It is reck- oned that the history of Thucydides (23,144 lines) would require a sheet of papyrus 81 meters long, that the Odyssey would require one 42 meters long, that the Iliad and Odyssey — ^which we know were written on one sheet in antiquity — would require a 107 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Boil Books and Writing sheet 90 meters long. Such an unwieldy roll could not be held in the hands and be unrolled and re- rolled as read, but could be read only when lying on a table. The writing on the papyrus sheet was not done in unbroken hnes extending from one end of the sheet to the other, but in narrow parallel columns perpendicular to the length of the sheet. It was therefore difficult to consult a book, especially if the desired passage was toward the end of a papyrus sheet 45 or 90 meters long. This fact suppUes one reason for the inaccurate quotations of the ancients, who usually quoted from memory, not verbatim. Callimachus, one of the Alexandrian librarians, was therefore justified in his famous saying, that "a big book is an awful nuisance," to abate which he took steps to reduce the size of books or rolls to certain limits. So that for poetry, novels, letters, etc., small and easily handled rolls of about 1,000 lines were used (cf. a 'book' of Homer). Larger rolls, aver- aging 1,500-2,000 lines, were used for prose litera- ture and scientific writings, though some rolls con- tained 4,000 lines of prose writing. The size of a book was reckoned by lines, not by pages. Poetry fell naturally into lines, and the dactylic hexameter practically fixed the length of the line at 35 letters or 16 syllables. Every column on the papyrus sheet had the same number of lines, so that an author could easily calculate the length of the papyrus sheet needed for his book. The price of books varied in accordance with the number of lines they con- tained, because the copiers of books were paid by the line. Diocletian fixed the wage of the copier at 40 denarii for each 100 lines, less than 25 cents. Many publishers used their slaves as copiers, and the slaves received merely food and clothes as pay. The work of the ancient authors, such as the Iliad, the Odyssey, the Anabasis, Herodotus, etc., were not divided by their authors into what we call 'books.' They quoted, the Iliad for instance, by ballads or episodes, and the quotation was merely a general reference. The division into 'books' was made by the Alexan- drian librarians after the time of Callimachus to avoid the nuisance of the big work, and to make it easier to consult works, so that the ' books ' with which we are familiar referred to that part of a work con- tained in a single roU in the libraries of Alexandria. The Iliad and the Odyssey were divided into 24 'books' solely because there were 24 letters in the Greek alphabet, so that 'lUad A' meant 'Roll A of the Iliad.' Writing was done only on one side of the papyrus sheet; the lines were unnumbered; there were no paragraphs, no punctuation, no accents in classical times. When the roll had received the writing, it was soaked in cedar-oil to protect it from moths and bookworms; this soaking gave the roll a yellow tinge; the ends of the roll were polished with pumice- stone and colored, chiefly black. A round stick called 6fi(j>aK6st umbilicus, was fastened to the papyrus sheet at the end of the volume; the volume was rolled round this stick, from right to left. The ends of these sticks were often even with the edges of the roll, but they often protruded from both ends and served as handles (cornua) by which to roll and unroll the volume (see above). AH the rolls belong- ing to a given work (24 for the Iliad, 7 for the Anab- asis) were placed together in a case (capsa) usually of leather, made to fit them. The title of the whole work was on the capsa. A statement of the con- tents of each roll was made on a shp of leather or deep-red parchment, after the invention of the latter. It was called the a-irTvpop, titulus, index, and it was fastened to the umbilicus of each roll. Thus any 'book' could be found easily. Papyrus was always the favorite material for letters intended to be despatched to a distance. The papyrus letter was either folded or roUed; it was tied in the center and the ends of the string were sealed. Such papyrus letters have been found in recent years in Egypt; the strings are still intact and the addresses still undefaced. Owing to the non-existence of a postal service in antiquity, letters of private persons were forwarded only as opportunity offered through 3. Parch- traveling friends, merchants, or cap- ment and tains of ships. Governments and kings Codices, forwarded their letters by special cour- iers, and rich individuals utilized their slaves as couriers and private secretaries (see Ram- say's Letters to the Seven Churches, pp. 1-14). Great libraries arose at all the capitals of the Hel- lenistic kingdoms. The most important were those of Alexandria and Pergamum. Owing to the jeal- ousy and fear felt by the librarians of Alexandria, lest the library of Pergamum should surpass that of Alexandria, the Egyptian Government forbade the exportation of papyrus. The expectation was that, if deprived of the material on which books were written, the library of Pergamum and those of all the rest of the world could no longer add books to their collections. This corner on the book manu- facture led to the discovery at Pergamum of a new process of tanning sheepskins. The skins thus tanned were called TrepyafiijvT} x^P"^^^ Pergamenian paper, a term which was soon shortened to TrcpyofjirjvTjj which in turn was corrupted into the English parch- ment (the German Pergam,ent is nearer the original). Parchment was not only much cheaper than papy- rus paper, but books made of it were far less cum- bersome and more easily consulted, for parchment was too thick and heavy to be used in a roll, and it was thick and heavy enough to permit writing on both sides. The roll was therefore abandoned; the new parchment codex consisted of single leaves bound together practically as in our books to-day. The parchment codices were employed chiefly for works of great length, but they did not become common until the 3d cent, a.d., and indeed the papyrus roll maintained itself until the 5th cent. A.D. Papyrus itself was sometimes employed in the codex form. The ink used in writing both on papyrus and parchment was called " writing black ' ' (fieKav ypa^iK6v). It was made chiefly of 4. Ink, pine-soot mixed with gum arabic and etc. then dissolved in water. Sepia, the secretion of the cuttlefish — our India, Chinese, or Japanese ink — was also used, though not extensively. Ink prepared from the galls of the gall-oak was used at a later period for writing on parchment. Red ink, made from red chalk, cinna- bar, or red lead, was used for illuminating initial Books and Writing Brethren of the Lord A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 108 letters, but in Byzantine times the use of red ink was limited to the Emperor. The inkstand (or inkhorn, Ezk 92fF.) — sometimes double, for red and black ink — was usually a tall cylinder. Sometimes the inkstand had a double metallic cover, each being supplied with holes, which when adjusted directly over each other per- mitted the dipping of the pen into the ink; the lower cover was fixed, and the top cover, which was mov- able, served by a mere turn to close or open the ink- stand. The Greeks used a reed pen (icaXa/xos ypa(j>i.K6s; cf. Jer 8 8), as do the Orientals to this day. The best reeds for pens grew in Egypt. They were shaped with a knife and split at the point, as were the goose- quill pens of our recent ancestors, and for that pur- pose a knife {o-jmlKt], scolprum Ubrarium, 'penknife'; cf. Jer 36 23) for shaping and splitting the reeds is always seen in pictures of the writer's outfit. Goose- quill pens were not used. Iron pens (cf. Job 19 24; Jer 17 1) were used by the Romans of a late period, but pen and penholder formed one piece. The reed pens, styluses, knives, drawing-pens, compasses, chalk-holders, etc., were kept in a case (Otjktjj calamaria). Sponges for cleaning the pens and for erasing miswritten words from papyrus and parchment, and a ruler (Kavav) for drawing lines — which are visible in most MSS. — also belonged on the writer's table. The lines were drawn with a circular sheet of lead. Sharp-pointed compasses (with a ring attachment to keep the spread of the compass fixed) were used for fixing the distances between the lines. The holes made by the compass-points are still visible in MSS. Other adjuncts were: a whet- stone for sharpening the knife and a pumice-stone for sharpening the point of the reed pen and for smoothing both papyrus and parchment. J. R. S. S. BOOTH: In the climate of Biblical lands, the booth or bower {§ukkah), constructed in the form r;X>)u!ukb A * Booth ' or ' Lodge ' in a Vineyard. of a tent from branches of trees, is a very conve- nient refuge from the heat of the sun by day and a comfortable place for sleep at night. It was used for the accommodation of both men and beasts (On 3317; Job 2718; Jon 4 5). Essentially the same thing is meant by the term 'lodge' in Is 18. Cf. also Vines and Vintage, § 1. A. C. Z. BOOTHS, FEAST OF. See Fasts and Feasts, §s. BOOTY. See Warfare, § 5. BOOZ, bo'oz. See Boaz. BOR-ASHAN, ber"-ash'an. See Ashan. BORDER: (1) The word g^'bhul, used in most of the geographical notices of the O T, means 'bound- ary' or 4imit.' Sometimes other terms as g'Mah, 'circuit' (Jos 13 2, etc.), yarkhah, 'side' (Gn 4913), qetsoT qatseh/ end' or' Gxtremity' (II K 19 23; Ex 16 35, etc.), saphah, 'lip' (Jg7 22), totsdoth, 'outgoings' (I Ch 5 16) are used. Yadh, 'hand' (II S 8 3; I Ch 7 29) means dominion or power. In Jos 11 2 "bor- ders of Dor" means the high land, near Carmel, be- longing to Dor. In the N T ra opta (Mk 7 24; cf, Mt 4 13) means 'boundary' or 'frontier.' (2) The word is used also of the hem or edge (Heb. kanaph, 'wing') of a garment (Nu 15 38; cL Kpda-TreBov, Mt 23 5, etc.), of the enclosing edge, mi^gerethj of a table or other structure (Ex 25 25; I K 7 28, etc.). In Ex 13 7; Dtl9 8; Song 111; Is 26 15, the RV corrects theAV. E. E. N. BORROWING, See Trade and Commerce, §§ 3, 5. BOSCATH, bos'cath. See Bozkath. BOSOR, bo'sor {Bo ororoKov, Lk 2 7), the natural implication of which is that she had other children later. (2) In Mt 1 24 f. it is stated that Joseph at the bidding of the angel recognized his relationship to Mary and took her to be his wife, "and knew her not till she had brought forth a son" (kOI OVK iyiV<£>(TK€V aVTrjP €(OS [ov] €T€KCU vlop), which clearly implies that he did know her after- ward. (3) In confirmation of these specific points are the facts (a) that the natural and unconstrained meaning of brethren (dbeXfpol) is in the direction of full brotherhood — especially since in the Epiphanian view they would not be blood relations of Jesus at all; and (b) that these brethren not only lived under the same roof with Mary, but are found in her company wherever she went (Mk 3 31fif. and ||s; Jn 2 12; Ac 1 14), which would be most natural, if they were her children as well as Joseph's. (4) Though no sup- port for this view is to be found in the Palestinian tradition of the Church, it is maintained by a scholar like TertuUian (160-220 a.d.), whose known advo- cacy of asceticism makes such an admission on his part highly significant. In examining the above argument (I) it is clear that the traditional support of the two views is after all about equal. Hegesippus and TertuUian were not far from contemporaries; and though Hegesip- pus, being from Palestine, is more strictly a local witness, TertuUian, being pronouncedly ascetic, is an unwilling witness. The fact that the Hegesippian view was more widely accepted in the Church is after all largely accounted for by that instinctive sentiment which in every age of the Church has tended to pre- serve a peculiar holiness for the mother of our Lord. It is this prevalent view that finds its way into the apocryphal Gospels and the early versions; so that their testimony is not in any strict sense of the word independent. (II) It is further obvious that the argument of Joseph's probable marital relations to Mary after the birth of Jesus is the product of this reverent sentiment of the Church and not of any facts, which are confessedly absent; while the state- ment of the "general acceptance of virginity as an ideal state" is based upon a wholly wrong view of marriage itself, which, from all we Icnow of the He- brew domestic life, was not the view that either Joseph or Mary is likely to have entertained. As a matter of fact, such determination of the question as may be possible lies in the interpretation of the state- ments of Scripture. As to these, (1) it may be at once admitted that not much is to be determined by the usage of the term a5eX<^ot. It is used for relationships outside of full brotherhood (e.g., of first cousins, I Ch 23 21 f. ; of first cousins once removed, Lv 10 4; of nephews. On 14 14 ff., 29 15) and, though its N T use doubtless is less elastic than its LXX. use, it might easily be used of those who are brothers by less than full blood re- lationship. If Joseph could be spoken of by Mary herself as Jesus' father, the sons of Joseph could be spoken of by others as His brethren. (2) It may also be admitted that the fact that the brethren of Jesus are found constantly in the company of Mary is not necessarily determinative as to their relation- ship to her. Assuming, as there is every reason to do, that Joseph was no longer living, that Jesus was busied with the affairs of His public ministry, and that the sisters were settled in Nazareth in homes of their own (cf. Mk 6 3 and ||), it was but natural that the brethren, whether Mary's own sons or not, should consider themselves responsible for her care. (3) It is evident; consequently, that Jesus' com- mittal of His mother at the Cross to the care of His cousin John throws no light upon the relationship of the brethren to Mary; for, in view of their close and constant companionship with Mary, Jesus' action is difficult to understand, whether they were her own sons or not. It must have been due to some motive not clear from the record. (4) There is more significance in the claim that the brethren con- ducted themselves toward Jesus in the superior spirit of older brothers. This would seem to find support in the incidents of Mk 3 21, 31 ff. and Jn 7 2 ff. In fact, however, it does only when these incidents are wrongly understood. The reason for the at- tempt in the earlier part of His ministry to control His actions (Mk 3) was a simple failure as yet to understand the spirit of His mission, and was com- mon to the mother and the brothers and sisters alike; while the spirit of the suggestion of the breth- ren, toward the close of His ministry (Jn7), is far more a desire to have Him come to public recognition by the authorities at Jerusalem, now that the popu- lar favor in Galilee had been lost, than a contemp- tuous scorn of His claims. Indeed, it is quite im- possible to understand the brethren's final belief in these claims after the resurrection save as we recognize a growing appreciation of them as Jesus' ministry drew toward its close. In neither incident is there anything to necessitate the brothers' being older than Jesus. (5) The statements of most im- portance in determining the question are naturally those which record Mary's assertion of her virginity (Lk 1 34), which speak of the marital relatione be- tween Joseph and Mary (Mt 1 24 f.), and which refer to Jesus as Mary's first-bom son (Lk 2 7). It must be acknowledged that the natural im- pression created by these passages is that Jesus was but the first of Mary"s children. Admitting, how- ever, the interpretation placed by the Epiphanian view upon Mary's reply to the angel and accepting further the technical meaning of "first born" (Ex 34 19 ff.); which, it is urged by this view, does not im- Ill A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Brethren of the Lord Burden ply the birth of subsequent offspring, it is significant that the Gospel of Luke, which records these two statements, most open to ascetic interpretation, was written much later than the Gospel of Matthew and might be supposed to reflect the growth in the Church of later ideas. The earlier Gospel of Matthew, which reflectsmost strongly the Jewish ideas of the early Church, is the Gospel whose nativity state- ments convey most simply and most strongly the impression that, supernaturally conceived though He was, Jesus was but the first of Mary's children and that the brethren of Jesus were such in the full sense of the word. Literature ; For the Hieronymian view, see Jerome adv. Helvidium; Mill, The Accounts of Our Lord's Brethren^ 1843; Schegg, Jakobus der Bruder des Herm, 1883. For the Epiphanian, see Epiphanius, adv. Hcereses, iii. 2; Lightfoot, Com. on Galatians, 1865, pp. 241-275; Harris in DCG. For the Helvidian, see Mayor, Com. on Ep. of St. James, 1897, pp. vff., and art. iu HDB\ Zahn, Forsch. z. Gesch. d.NT Kanons, VI, 1900. pp. 227-363; Patrick, James, the Lord's Brother, 1906, pp. 4 ff. ; Siefifert, art. Ja- kobus, and Zockler, art. Maria, in PRE^; Schmiedel, art. Clopaa in EB. M. "W. J. See Crimes and Punishments, BRIBERY. 2(b). BRICK, BRICK - KILN : Brickmaking was well understood among the Israelites, since their houses of the more common sort were often con- structed of bricks (see House, § 4), though the references to such are very few in the O T (II S 12 31, Is 9 10). The art of brickmaking wels highly de- veloped in Babylonia (cf. Gn 11 3) and in Egypt (cf. Ex 1 14, 5 7-19). From the Egyptian inscriptions and illustrations on the walls of temples, tombs, etc., a very complete knowledge of the ancient process of briclanaking can be gained. The details agree quite closely with those in Ex 5 7 ff . On Jer 43 9 cf . RV for the correct reading. E. E. N- BRIDE, BRIDEGROOM, BRIDE-CHAMBER. See Marriage and Divorce. BRIDLE. See Bit and Bridle. BRIERS. See Thorns and Thistles. BRIGANDINE, brig'an-din or -dain. See Arms AND Armor, § 9. BRIMSTONE: The Heb. term gophrlth, 'sul- fur,' is of uncertain derivation. Many connect it with kopher, 'bitumen/ of which there is an abun- dance in the Jordan Valley and near the Dead Sea. The 'raining' of brimstone (Gn 1924, etc.) refers perhaps to combustion of sulfur or petroleum from sulfur or petroleum springs which thus could be used as illustrations of the Divine judgment, espe- cially under the influence of the story in Gn 19. (Cf. Dt 29 23; Is 30 33, etc., and in N T Rev 14 10, 19 20, etc.) E. E. N. BROAD PLACE. See City, § 3. BROAD WALL. See Jerusalem, § 38. . BROID, breid, BROIDER, brei'dgr: The word ',nqmah, so rendered in Ezk chs. 16, 26, and 27, means ..'variegated' and indicates that the garments were of 1^ yariegated colors, not that they were embroidered. In Ex 28 4 tashhets and in I Ti 2 9 irXeyfia are ren- dered in AV "broidered," but cf. RV for a more cor- rect translation. E. E. N. BROOCH. See Dress and Ornament, § 10. BROOK: With only a few exceptions the Heb. word rendered "brook" is nahcd, which means either the valley or ravine in which water is found (cf. Gn 26 19; Nu 21 15; Job 30 6) or the brook itself. Nahal is the word used for the streams that run only a part of the year, drying up in the summer-time, while ndhdr is the proper word for the larger permanent river. But this distinction is not always observed. BROOM. See Juniper. ^' ^' ^' BROTH. See Food, § 10. BROTHER. See Family and Family Life, §§ 1, 8, and Church, § 2. BROWN. See Colors, § 1. BRUISE. See Food, § 1. BRUIT, brat (from the Fr. hruire, 'to make a noise'): The word means rumor or report (Jer 10 22; Nah 3 19; cf. RV). E. E. N. BUCKET (^^tl, d% from nbl, Ho draw'): A vessel for drawing water, usually of earthenware. The word is used in O T only figuratively (Nu 24 7; Is 4015). E.E.N. BUCKLER. See Arms and Armor, § 7. BUKKI, buk'ai (^|??, buqql), short for Bukkiah: 1. A priest in lineal descent from Aaron according to I Ch 6 5, 51 ; Ezr 7 4. 2. A Danite (Nu 34 22). E. E. N. BUKKIAH, buk-kai'a 0^y.l,buqqlyah): A mu- sician, 'son' of Heman (I Ch 25 4, 13). E. E. N. BUL, bTjl: The Heb. term for the eighth month of the old agricultural year (I K 6 38). See Time, § 3. BULL, BULLOCK, WILD BULL. See Pales- tine, § 24. BULRUSH. See Reed. BULWARK: The rendering of (1) Vn, hsl (Is 26 1), properly the lesser wall before the main wall, elsewhere often rendered "rampart" RV ("trench'' AV). (2) "TilJT?, matsodh, 'fortification' (Ec9l4). (3) "liVTp, matsor, a besieger's wall (Dt 20 20). (4) Oiri;^Jpinn&h, 'comer' (IICh'2616 A V, "battle- ments" RV). See also Besiege, and City, § 3. E. E. N. BUNAH, bu'na (nj^2, bunah), 'intelligence': A 'son' of Jerahmeel (I Ch 2 25). E. E. N. BUNNI, bun'nai C^ij, hunni): A personal name occurring three times in Neh. The same person may be referred to in 9 4 and 10 15, while 11 15 seems to refer to a man belonging to an earlier generation. It is possible that in 9 4 and 10 15 we have only a scribal error (dittography) for Bani. E. E. N. BURDEN. See Prophecy, § 9. Burial Byword A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 113 BURIAL AND BURIAL CUSTOMS Analysis of Contents HI. Place of Burial 6. The Grave 6. Sanctity of the Grave IV. Mourning 7. Customs 8. Their SigniB- cance I. Preparatory to Bur- ial 1. Preparation of the Body II. Burial 2. Interment Cere- monies 3. Importance of Burial 4. Mode of Burial I. Preparatory to Burial: Customs and usages connected with death clearly reach back into remote antiquity, and show the family I. Prepara- to have been even then a social-religious tion of the unit. When death occurred, it was a Body. duty to close the eyes (Gn 46 4), prob- ably also the mouth of the person. It is true this is distinctly mentioned only in the Mishna (cf. Tract. Shabbath 23 5— codified about 200 a.d.), but the custom certainly antedates this tractate. Kissing the dead (Gn 50 l) was probably exceptional. The body was washed (Ac 9 37) and anointed (Mk 16 i; Lk 24 i; Jn 12 7, 19 40). It was wrapped in a white linen sheet (Mk 15 46 and ||s), the hands and feet being bound (Jn 19 40) with grave-bands (RVmg. ; Gr. Keipiat) and the face with a napkin (a-ovBdpiov, 'kerchief'), Jn 11 44. How ancient these customs were it is not possible to determine. II. Burial: The Israelites did not embalm their dead (cf. Gn 50 2 f., 26). From I S 28 14; Is 14 9 ff. ; Ezk 32 27, we must conclude that in the 2. Inter- ancient period the dead were buried ment Cere- with the garments they had worn while monies, hving. According to Jer 34 5; II Ch 16 14, 2119 (cf. Jos. BJ. 1, 33 9), spices were burned beside the bodies of prominent men. Later it was the custom to bury together with the dead ob- jects which had been used by them during life, e.g., inkhoms, pens, writing-tablets, keys, etc. Herod furnished Aristobulus his funeral spices and other articles (Jos. Ant. XV, 3 4). Probably this custom goes back to older times (cf. Jos. Ant XIII, 8 4; XVI, 7 1). Cremation was not practised in Israel (cf. Comm. on I S 31 12; Am 6 lO) ; the usage was rather to bury the dead, while cremation, e.g., of criminals (Lv 20 14, 21 9; Jos 7 25; cf. Dt 21 23), appears as a disgrace added to the penalty of death (Mishna, Tract. Aboda Zara I, 3 rejects cremation as heathen practise. Cf. Tac. Hist. V, 5 4). Not to be buried was considered by the Israelites, as by other peoples of antiquity, a frightful fate which one wished visited only on his 3. Impor- worst enemies (Am 2 l; cf. Is 33 12; Jer tance of 16 4; Ezk 29 5; II K 9 10). This is to Burial. be explamed from the belief that the spirits of the unburied dead were obliged to drift about restlessly. Even in Sheol the lot of the unburied is lamentable. They must shift about imeasily ui nooks and corners (Ezk 32 4, Mode 23; Is 14 15, etc.). of Burial. In all probability burying came usu- ally on the very day of death, as at pres- ent in the Orient. Of coffins the Israelites knew as Uttle as the ancient Arabs (II K 13 21). The body was carried on a fitter or bier (mi^^ah II S 3 31 ; cf . Lk 7 14), and was followed by mourners who chanted lamentations. u v c III. Place of Burial: In view of the beliet that family unity survived death we can under- stand the importance attached to the 5. The custom of placing bodies in a house- Grave, hold grave; it was thus that con- nection with the family was preserved after death (cf. Gn 15 15, 25 8, 17, 35 29, etc.). It is obvious that in ancient times these household graves were located upon land belonging to the family and in proximity to the house (cf. Gn 23; I S25 i); ac- cordingly the tombs of the kings down to Ahaz are found in the citadel, later in the "garden of Uzza," which in any case is to be sought for in the vicinity (cf . Ezk 43 7). Preferably such graves were located under shade-trees (sacred trees, Gn 35 8; I S 31 13), or in gardens (II K 21 18, 26). Gradually the habit pre- vailed of placing them outside of inhabited districts and of making use of clefts and of caves, in which the country abounded. For the most part, however, the graves were excavated and the effort was made to place them on the rocky hiQsides and often on heights difficult of access (Is 22 16; II K 23 16) ; but in view of the dangers from beasts of prey, their openings were closed with heavy stones. The sepulcher was always strictly regarded as family property, in which no stranger should be laid. Only in later times, as older views were relaxed, did strangers, in exceptional cir- cumstances, find burial in them (II Ch 24 16; Mt 27 60). For the destitute (II K 23 6; Jer 26 23) and for pilgrims (Mt 27 7) there were common, i.e., public cemeteries, where criminals also were interred (Jer 26 23; Is S3 9; IK 13 22). Inasmuch as the graves of ancestors were in earlier times places of worship (shrines), and as such, holy groimd, it is easy to understand that 6. Sanctity over the tomb of Rachel a matstsebhah of the Capillar") was raised (Gn 35 20). It ap- Grave. pears probable that the sacredness of some shrines rests upon the fact that they were burial-places of heroes (cf. Hebron, Gn 23,25 9,49 31; Shechem, Jos 24 32; Kadesh-barnea, Nu 20 i). The tomb of Deborah was under a sacred tree near Bethel (Gn 35 8). In later times sepulchers as a whole were regarded as unclean, because asso- ciated with another worship — i.e., the worship of the spirits of the departed as contrary to the worship of Jehovah, and the custom arose of whitewashing the stones which covered them in order to render them distinguishable from afar and keep passers-by from ceremonial pollution (Mt 23 27). IV. Mourning: Upon the news of the death of a relative it was customary to rend the clothes (II S 1 11) and gird oneself with the mourning garment (cf. II S 3 31 ff.), which originally was probably noth- ing but a loin-cloth. Among the Ara- 7. Customs bians the custom prevailed of going of about naked as a sign of mourning. Mourning. Whether this was practised in Israel is doubtfiil (Mic 1 8; Is 20 2 f. are not clear evidences of such a usage). But it was cus- tomary to go bareheaded and barefoot (Ezk 24 17; II S 15 30), to sprinkle dust and ashes on the head (Jos 7 6; II S 1 2), to cover the head, or at least the beard (Ezk 24 17; Jer 14 3; II S15 30), or to place 113 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Burial Byword the hand on the head (II S 13 18 f.), and to sit in dust and ashes (Jer 6 26; Job 2 8). In addition, various disfigurements and mutilations were self- inflicted. The head was shaved (Jer 16 6, 47 5); the beard was cut off, or at least clipped (Jer 41 6, 48 37; Is 15 2; Lv 19 27); gashes were made on the whole body, or at least on the hand (Jer 16 6, 41 6, etc.). It was quite usual upon the occurrence of a death to follow the wide-spread custom of holding a funeral repast (Hos 9 4; II S 3 35; Jer 16 7 f.; Ezk 24 17, 22). In addition there were separate offerings of food and drink which were placed upon the grave (Dt 26 14). From To 4 18 and Sir 30 18 f., we learn that this custom continued until quite late. Wide- spread was also the custom, while the women of the house were sitting upon the earth weeping, for pro- fessional female mourners to come and chant peculiar rhythmic lamentations beginning with 'ekk or 'ekhdh. Evidently this custom of funereal lamentation was a religious usage regulated by nearness of relationship (cf. Zee 12 lO ff.). See also Mourning Customs, § 5. How these different customs are to be accounted, for is a much-debated problem, which has not yet been brought to a definite solution. 8. Signifi- Particularly, it is in no way certain that canoe of all these customs can be traced back These to one original idea and practise. Customs. Some may possibly be conceived as ex- pressions of the vivid sense of grief peculiar to the Oriental; but the attempt to say this of all, as Kamphausen and others have done, has failed. As far as one class of these customs is con- cerned, it is not to be disputed that they probably were connected with the worship of the deceased, once prevalent also in Israel. This in no way means that the Israelites in all ages were conscious of such connection. It is much more likely that in this case, as in many others, such customs continued even when the original idea from which they sprang had - long since disappeared. Literature: Fr. Schwally, Das Leben nach dem Tode, etc., 1892; Joh. Frey, Tod, Seelenglaubeund SeelenkuU, 1898; C. Griineisen, Der AhnenkuUvs und die Urreligion Israels, 1900. W. N. BURNING. See Crimes and Punishments, § 3 (a); Burial and Burial Customs, § 2; Mourning and Mourning Customs, § 6; Sacri- fice AND Offerings, §§ 6 ff., 16, and Disease and Medicine, § 5 (3). BURNT OFFERING. See Sacrifice and Oe^ ferings, § 6. BURY, BURYING-PLACE. See Burial and Burial Customs, §§ 2-6. BUSH, THE BURNING: The instrument of a theophany in the experience of Moses (Ex 3 2 f. ; Dt 33 16; Lk 20 37; Ac 7 30, 35). The natural mecha- nism of the phenomenon may have been electrical (W. Robertson Smith, Rel. SemJ p. 193 f.). The im- portant featiu-e of it is the revelation of God through it to Moses. The effort to identify the species of the bush (Heb. §meh) with the seneh, a thorny shrub, is not altogether successful. A. C. Z. BUSHEL. See Weights and Measures, § 3. BUSINESS: This term is used in EV in a vari- ety of senses, corresponding to the different original Heb. and Gr. terms. (1) As the rendering of dab- har, 'word,' often used in the more general sense of 'matter,' 'affair,' like the Gr. Xoyos (Dt 24 5; Jos 2 14, etc.). (2) Of m4a'khah, 'work,' i.e., 'occu- pation' (Gn 39 11; cf. RV; 1 Ch 26 30, etc.). (3) Of %nyan, 'travail,' or labor (Ec 5 3, 8 16). Most of the other cases need no comment. On Lk 2 49; Ro 12 11 (both AV) cf. RV for the correct rendering. E. E. N. BUTLER. See Cupbearer. BUTTER. See Food, §6. BUY. See Trade and Commerce, § 3. BUZ, buz (T13, huz)\ 1. The name of a region (Jer 25 23) probably somewhere in N. Arabia, possibly the Basil of the Assyrian inscriptions. The inhabi- tants were called Buzites (Job 32 2, 6). 2. 'Son' of Nahor, who (as a tribe or clan?) may have lived in Buz (Gn 22 21). 3. A descendant of the tribe of Gad (ICh5i4). E. E. N. BUZI, biu'zai (^I'lS, huzl): The father of the prophet Ezekiel (Ezk 1 3). E. E. N. BYPATH, BYWAY. See Roads. BYWORD: (1) In Job 30 9 the Heb. mxLlah means 'word.' (2) In Job 17 6; Ps 44 14 mdshal, the ordinary word for 'proverb,' means a saying of more than ordinary significance (in a good or evil sense). (3) In Dt 28 37; 1 K 9 7; II Ch 7 20 shmlnah from sha- nan, 'to sharpen,' means a 'sharp' saying, i.e., one with a 'sting' to it. See Terms of Blessing and Reproach. E. E. N. Gab Calf, Golden A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 114 CAB. See Weights and Measures, § 3. CABBON, cab'ben Cv^^, kabhon): A town of Judah near Eglon (Jos 15 40), site unknown. E. E. N. CABINS : This term occurs only in Jer 37 16 (AV), for which RV has, more correctly, "cells." E. E. N. CABUL, k^'bul (^Op, kabhul): A town on the border of Asher (Jos 19 27), Map IV, C 6. In I K 9 13 it is said that Hiram called the 20 cities in Galilee given him by Solomon "the land of Cabul," indicative in some way of his dissatisfaction. The meaning of the term is unknown. E. E. N. CjESAR AUGUSTUS. See Augustus. C^SAREA, ses"a-ri'a: A city on the coast of Palestine (Map I, C 5). The ancient name of the place, Strato's Tower (Jos. Ant. XIII, 12 2), may have been derived from the name of one of the Sidonian kings (cf. CIGr, 87). The city became a O indicfttei Weill Plan of Caesarea. part of the domain of Herod the Great, who rebuilt both city and harbor on a magnificent scale (Jos. BJ. I, 21 5-8), naming the city Kaia-dpeia and the harbor At^rj v ^efiaa-ros in honor of Augustus. After the deposition of Archelaus in 6 a.d., it be- came the residence of the Roman procurators (cf. Ac 23 23, 25 1). J. M. T. C^SAREA PHILIPPI, fi-lip'ai (Map IV, F 4): The site, near one of the sources of the Jordan, is probably the same as that of Baal Gad (Jos 11 17) and Baal Hermon (Jg 3 3), so called because it was one of the early seats of Canaanitic worship. Under Greek domination city and district were caUed Paneas (Jos. Ant. XVIII, 2 1, Havias, Plmy Hist. Nat. V, 18, Paneas), from a grotto dedicated to the god Pan (to Hdveiov Jos. Ant. XV, 10 3). The tetrarch Philip enlarged the city and called it Csesarea in honor of Augustus (Jos. BJ. II, 9 l). In the N T (Mt 16 13; Mk 8 27) and Josephus {BJ. III, 9 7; Vita, 13) it is known as Csesarea Philippi, to distinguish it from Csesarea on the coast. Under Agrippa II the city was called Neronias, but after the 4th cent, only the old name Paneas occurs, stUl preserved in the modern Arabic name of the place, Bdnids. J. M. T. CESAR'S HOUSEHOLD (o^ « r^s Kalaapos oiKias): A group of Christians mentioned only in Ph 4 22, where greetings are sent from them to the Chiu-ch in Philippi. Since domus (oiKta) is used classically to include the dependents as well as the immediate members of the household (Cic. ad Att. IV, 12), it is not necessary to assume that the con- verts to whom Paul here refers were of distinguished rank (cf. Dissertation by Lightfoot; in Ep. to the Phil., p. 169 f.). See also Pretorium. J. M. T, CAIAPHAS, k^'a-fas or cai'a-fas (Kaia(^aff): The high priest before whom Jesus was tried (Jn 18 14 f.). His original name was Joseph (Jos. Ant. XVIII, 2 2), and he was the son-in-law of Annas (Jn 18 13). He became high priest not later than 18 a.d. (AtU. XVIII, 2 2), and retained his office until about 36 a.d. {Ant. XVIII, 2 2,4 3). His adroitness and capacity for intrigue are weU illus-- trated in Jn 11 49 f. He naturally presided at the session of the Sanhedrin at which Jesus' arrest was planned (Mt 26 3), and after His condemnation it was his official duty as head of the nation to deliver Him to Pilate with the request for His execution (Mt 26 57 f.; Jn 18 24, 28; cf. Jos. Ant XX, 10, end; Contra Apionem, II, 23; Schiirer, HJP, II, i, 182, 199). J. M. T. CAIN, ken {]^p_, qayin), 'smith/ 'artificer': I. The eldest son of Adam and Eve (Gn 4 1 ff.). In the ancient story of Gn 4 by a popular etymological word-play the name is made to mean 'acquired' or 'possession.' The material in Gn 4 1-24 is not all of the same character. The Cain of vs. 12 ff. (a "fugi- tive" and a "wanderer") is not the Cain of vs. 16 ff. (a city builder and head, after Adam, of one of the great genealogical lines of descent). The story in vs. 2-15 probably reflects some ancient struggle or antipathy between two different types (or tribes) of men (see Abel). That in ver. 16 ff. is an ancient at- tempt at tracing the development of civilization by connecting the discovery of the different arts with certain legendary heroes. The two stories later be- came connected, perhaps through the ancient song of Lamech (q.v.) which may have been originally en- 115 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Gab Calf, Golden tirely independent of both (cf. ver. 15 with ver. 24). The "sign" put upon Cain is thought by some to 'have been the totem sign of the clan or tribe of Cain. II, A town in Judah (Jos 15 57), See Kain. E. E. N. CAINAN, k^'nan Ciy'J>,,qenan)'. 1. Son of Enoeh. See Kenan. 2, Son of Arphaxad (Lk 3 36). In the Heb. text of Gn 10 24, 1112, there is no mention of Cainan. Luke has followed the LXX., where the name was probably interpolated to make 10 terms in the genealogy. E. E. N. CAKE. See Food, § 2, and Sacrifice and Of- ferings, § 12. CALAH, ke'la (n?2, kelah, Assyrian kalku, kalah): One of the chief cities (next to Asshur and Nineveh) in Assyria, said in Gn 10 il to have been built by Nimrod. It acquired importance under Shalmaneser I in the 14th cent. B.C. The period of its greatest glory was during the reigns of Assur- nazirpal and Shalmaneser II (885-824 B.C.). Many of the inscriptions of these kings have been discov- ered on its site, which is identified by Layard and G. Smith with the mound Nimrudj about 20 m. SE. of Nineveh {Kuyunjik). It was the first of these kings (Assurnazirpal) who built and fortified the town, adorned it with a palace, constructed a canal, and induced many to take up their residence in the city. A. C. Z. CALAMUS. See Ointments and Perfumes, § 1 (3), and Palestine, § 23. CALCOL, cal'cel (^sj'r', kalkol, Cha!col AV): Son of Zerah, son of Judah, according to I Ch 2 6, but in I K 4 31, a famous wise man, son of Mahol. E. E. N. CALDRON, col'drun: In Job 41 20 the RV render- ing "rushes" is correct. The other words rendered " caldron " ("pots" in RV in Jer 52 18 f.), all refer to earthenware vessels, but it is now impossible to ascertain how they differed from one another. E. E. N. CALEB, kd'leb 0% kalebh), 'dog': 1. One of the twelve spies; son of Jephunneh, of the tribe of Judah (Nu 13 6, 34 19). With Joshua he advised an im- mediate advance into Canaan. For his faith shown in this attitude, he was rewarded with long life, and entered into the possession of his share of the land allotted to Judah. From Jos 14 6, 14, it appears that Caleb was not a natural descendant of Judah but a Kenizzite adopted into the tribe, within which his name became the eponym of a subdivision (cf. I S 25 2, the kalibhl [Calebite], "of the house of Caleb" EV). The name of Caleb is also given in the variant form of Chelubai (I Ch2 9, 18), brother of Jerah- meel. In Chronicles he is designated not as the son of Jephunneh but of Hezron, aremoter ancestor, i.e., a Hezronite. 2, Son of Hur and grandson of the preceding (I Ch 2 50). A. C. Z. CALEB-EPHRATHAH, ke"leb-ef'ra-tha (HJinC^ 2.?5, kalebh *ephrathdh): According to the com- mon text (cf. I Ch 2 24) this term is a place-name. But the Heb. is confused and the true reading prob- ably was "and after Hezron was dead Caleb went in unto Ephrath(ah), the wife of his father Hezron, and she bare," etc. See Kittel inHandkom. E. E. N. CALF. See Sacrifice and Offering, § 5, and Food, § 10. CALF, GOLDEN, and CALF IMAGES: 1. The account in Ex 32: This narrative is the result of combining two distinct accounts (J and E), neither of which is now preserved intact (see Hexateuch, §§ 12-18). In J's account (vs. 7 and [s] 9-14, 25-29) emphasis is laid on the mutinous disorder in the camp and on the loyalty of the Levites. E gives a detailed accomit of the making of the calf (vs. 1-6), of Moses' surprise as he enters the camp (15-18), and of his wrath and rebuke of Aaron (19-24). Ver. 8 may be editorial; consequently it is tmcertain whether J's original narrative said anything about a calf. It is in E that we get the fullest description of the apos- tasy as consisting in making a calf to symbolize 3" and in worshiping Him by this means. Since E was probably written in northern Israel, this is what might be expected, as calf-worship was practised in the northern kingdom. There is nothing improbable in the story that the Israelites in the desert fell into this sin. The prohi- bition of metal images as symbols of deity was one of the fimdamental principles of Moses' teaching (see Decalogue), while the temptation to symbolize their deity under the form of a young bull, for such is the meaning of "calf" here, was one that might have presented itself very easily to the Israelites even in the desert, not because of their knowledge of the Egyptian animal-worship (which was of a very dif- ferent type), but simply because of the wide-spread use of the buU as a symbol of deity throughout the Semitic world. The kernel of E's account may then be considered historical, although the narrative it- self may well be colored by details drawn from the writer's personal knowledge of calf-worship in N. Israel. It is probable that the bull was a symbol of strength, possibly also of generative power. 2. The bull-worship introduced by Jeroboam I (I K 12 28-30): Jeroboam's motive in this was po- litical rather than religious. He was not introducing a new deity, since his proclamation in ver. 28 evi- dently refers to J". The plural {''these be thy gods ") is remarkable, but is more natural here than at Ex 32 4, 8, which therefore is suspected of having been edited under the influence of I K 12 28. On the other hand, in the || in Neh 9 18 the singular is found, which after all may be the original reading. Furthermore, Jeroboam was not guilty of making a complete innovation; for the worship of J" by means of images was practised before his time (cf. e.g., Jg 17 4, 18 17, 30-31). Nevertheless, it was a step downward, tending to obliterate the essential distinction between the religion of J" and common Semitic religion. The severe judgment pronounced upon Jeroboam expresses the view of the deutero- nomic author of Kings (see Hexateuch, § 19, and Kings, Books of). It is the view of a later time, after the prophetic polemic (Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, Micah) had aroused and enlightened the conscience as to the true character of such worship. Galling Gappadocia A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 116 3. Subsequent history of calf- worship in Israel: Jeroboam I set up this worship at two old and im- portant sanctuaries, Bethel in the S. and Dan in the N. There is no evidence that calf images existed at any other N. IsraeUte sanctuary, while Judah seems to have been free from the practise — at least in any officially recognized form. The early oppo- sition to it in Israel seems to have quieted down. Elijah and Elisha made no protest against it, though they can not have approved it. It stu-vived the de- struction of the Baal-worship by Jehu and possibly then took on new strength. Amos' attitude to- ward it is not explicitly noted, but Hosea vehe- mently opposed it (cf. 85-6 — where "Samaria" means not the city, but the realm — and 13 2). It maintained its hold until the fall of N. Israel in 721. (See also Semitic Religion, § 17.) Literature : Besides Comm. on Exodtis and Kings, see Bacon, Triple Tradition of the Exodus (1894) ; Histories of Israel, by Kittel, Stade, Wade, etc., and the important discussion by Baudissin in PRE^, vol. 9, pp. 704-713. E. E. N. CALLING (/cX^o-ts): The primary significance of the Greek word is 'invitation.' Sometimes the ob- ject or design of the invitation is explicitly stated (ITh2 12, "imto his own kingdom and glory"; Col 315, "to peace"; IP29, "his marvelous light"). The word is also used without such definition of the object. In that case it signifies God's invitation of men to accept the redemption He offers through Christ (Ro 8 28, 11 29; Ph 3 H). This calling is asso- ciated with God's eternal purpose, but is also repre- sented as involving the response of acceptance by man as a necessary condition of its completeness. A difference may be noted between the Pauline and the Synoptic usage. According to the latter it is com- plete, irrespective of the response of man (Mt 20 16, but text doubtful). A. C. Z. CALNEH, cal'ne (HJ^S, kalneh, Am 6 2, also Calno, 1^73 Is 10 9): A city in Syria (probably the Kul-unu of the cuneiform inscriptions (cf. Schrader, COT, II, p. 143). It was captured in 738 by Tiglath-pileser III. Calneh in Gn 10 10 is also identified by Delitzsch (TFo Lag d. Parad., p. 226) with Kul-unu; but it is probably a textual corrup- tion for Calbeh, Kullaba, one of the most important early Babylonian cities. A. C. Z. CALVARY. See Jerusalem, § 45. CALVES OF LIPS: InHosl4 2 we read: "We render as bullocks (the offering of) our lips"; but the LXX. evidently read a text equivalent to "fruits of our lips." If EV be correct, the phrase means: 'that which proceeds from the lips' as an expression of heart devotion in lieu of animal sacrifice. A. C. Z. CAMEL (b??5, gamal): The camel is referred to in the OT most frequently as in use in the no- madic stage of civilization, as by the patriarchs (Gnl2l6, etc.), the Midianites (Jg 6 5-8 21), Job (Job 1 3, 42 12), the people of Kedar (Jer 49 29), etc. Its use in caravans is referred to in I K 10 2; Ezr 2 67. David is said to have had a herd of camels (I Ch 27 30). Possibly the same thing is to be inferred as to the Pharaoh from Ex 9 3. At the same time it must have been a more or less common possession of many in Palestine (cf. I S 15 3; I Ch 12 40; and the prohibi-^ tion of the camel as food in Lv 11 4, Dt 14 7). The camel was used mainly as a beast of burden (cf. II K 8 9) or for riding, especially on long journeys and over desert country (cf. Gn24 6i; IS 30 17, etc.). Its milk wa^ also used (Gn32l5). The structure of its feet, its capacity for going without water for a long period — as much as a week— and its ability to subsist on almost any sort of pasturage, even this- tles, fit it preeminently for hard service on the hot, dry, and barren desert. Its wool is woven into coarse cloth much used by the Bedawin (cf. II K 1 8, RVmg. and Mt 3 4). The camel, while generally patient and serviceable, is often vindic- tive and savage. The word translated "drome- dary" (Is 60 6; Jer 2 23) should be rendered ''young camel." E. E. N. CAMEL'S HAIR. See Camel and Dress and Ornament, § 9. CAMON, kl'mun. See Kamon. CAMP: The word mahdneh, rendered "camp," means the place where the tent is pitched and thus in- dicates the encampment, or resting-place, of the tribe or clan, and has no necessary connection with war- fare. Throughout the Hexateuch it is generally used of Israel, whether stationary or on the march, as dwelling together in tents. In the subsequent O T books (except Psalms) it always refers to a mili- tary camp. See also Warfare, § 3. E. E. N. CAMPHIRE, cam'fair: Only in Song 1 14, 4 13 AY. See Palestine, § 23. CAN A, ke'na {Kavd): A village of Galilee referred to several times in the Gospel of John (2 l, U, 4 46, 21 2). Since Jesus' mother and apparently His en- tire family were at the wedding-feast (Jn 2 2, 12), Cana was probably not far from Nazareth, while the fact that Jesus "went down" (212) from Cana to Capernaum would imply that it was among the hills. This agrees somewhat better with the mod- ern Khurbet Kanah (Map IV, C 7), on a ridge above the plain of el BuUauf, than with Kefr Kenna (Map IV, D 7), although the latter is much nearer Naza- reth. Khurbet Kdndh is also to be preferred on philological grounds (cf. Jos 16 8, LXX., where, as the Heb. nahal qanah is evidently the original of the Gr. XeX-Kavdy Kavd is the equivalent of Qanah). The hints in Josephus (cf. Vita, 16 with 40), and th'e traditions of the crusaders favor the same identifi- cation (see Conder, Tent Work in Pal., p. 79 f.). J. M. T. CANAAN, k^'non Q^^h kma'an). I. The son of Ham in the ethnological (really geographical) lists in Gn 9 and 10. It is possible that Canaan and Cain may be but two varieties of the same ethnolog- ical-geographical tradition (see Ethnography and Ethnology, § 10 f.). II. One of the old designa^ tions for Palestine, the land of the Canaanites whom the Israelites dispossessed. This term can be traced as far back as the Egyptian inscriptions of c. 1800 B.C. in which it is used for the coastland between 117 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Galling^ Gappadocia Egypt and Asia Minor. It appears also in the . Ainarna letters of c. 1400 B.C. as a designation of Pal- estine. The etymology and earliest history of the name are unknown. Phoenician traditions show that the Phoenicians themselves were known as Canaanites. Some hold that the name originally belonged to a region of Babylonia and was carried west by the Semitic emigrants who settled on the Mediterranean coast 3000-2000 B.C. The OT uses the word Ca- naanite sometimes in a wider, sometimes in a nar- rower sense. In Gn 12 6, 24 3, 37; Jos 3 10, it includes the whole pre-Israelite population, even those E. of the Jordan. In other passages the Canaanites are spoken of as but one of six or seven different peoples dispossessed by Israel (Ex 3 8, etc.). The "land of C." generally refers to the whole W. Jordan land. Canaanite and Amorite are often used synony- mously. In Is 23 8, Hos 12 7, the Heb. word ren- dered "trafficker" is Canaan, the word having be- come the equivalent of 'merchant/ because of the mercantile activity of the Canaanites, especially the Phoenicians. See Ethnography and Ethnology, §6. The Canaanites were of Semitic stock, like the Phcenicians to the N., and were but a part of the large Semitic group (Phenicians, Amorites, Canaanites) whose ancestors migrated west from NE. Arabia 3000-2000 B.C. Their language (the 'lip' of Canaan, Is 19 18), the same as that spoken in Phcenicia,Moab, etc., was adopted by the Israelite invaders and is the Hebrew of the O T. They were well acquainted with Babylonian culture long before they were conquered by Israel. They were made subject to Egypt c. 1500 B.C. and continued under Egyptian suzerainty until c. 1300 B.C., when Egypt's hold gradually relaxed. The Canaanites lacked organization. Each city held itself aloof from the rest, jealous of its own independ- ence, and thus fell more easily into the hands of the invading Israelites. The majority of the Canaanites were probably not exterminated, but gradually ab- sorbed into Israel, which eventually contained a large Canaanite admixture. It was the presence of the Canaanites among the Israelites and their close intimacy with them that rendered the religious problem in Israel so serious and difficult. They taught their conquerors agriculture and many other useful arts and also led them to adopt many of their religious practises. The ultimate triumph of Israel speaks loudly for the strength and vitality of Israel's own religion. (See Paton, Early History of Syria and Palestine.) See also Trade and Commerce, § 3. E. E. N. CANAN^AN, ke"na-nl'an (Kai/ayaioy, perhaps more correctly Kavvaios = Aram, qannai, 'a zeal- ous one,' of which the Gr. equivalent was fiyXtor^ff, 'zealot.' Some MSS. have Kavavirr): = Canaanite, so AV): A title borne by the Simon mentioned toward the end of the lists of the Apostles (Mk 3 18; Mt 10 4). In Lk 6 15, Ac 1 13 the Greek form * zealot' is used. The Zealots were the party headed by Judas of Gamala in opposition to the census under Quirinius (q.v.), in 6 a.d. (cf. Jos. Ant. XVIII, 1 1, 6). They were intensely nationalistic in their aims and during the civil war committed many ex- cesses (Jos. BJ. IV, 5 1-3). See also Schiirer, HJP. I, ii, p. 80 f., and Mathews, The Messianic Hope in the NT, p. 15 f. J. M. T. CANDACE can'da-se (KavBaKrj): According to Ac 8 26 f. the queen of the Ethiopians, whose treas- urer was baptized by Philip. It is possible that the name was a dynastic title rather than a personal name (cf. Pliny, HN. VI, p. 35). J. M. T. CANDLE. See Lamp. CANDLESTICK : In Mt 5 15, Mk 4 21, Lk 8 16, 11 33, for '* candlestick" (AV) the RV reads ''lamp." See Lamp. For other occurrences see Temple, §§ 16, 23, and Tabernacle, § 3. E. E. N. CANE. See Palestine, § 21, and Sweet Cane. CANKER, See Disease, § 5 (9). CANKER-WORM. See Locust. CANNEH, can'e (*.^5, kanneh): A place in Syria, mentioned with Haran and Eden (Ezk 27 23). Site unknown. E. E. N. CANON. See Old Testament and New Tes- tament Canon. CANOPY: In the ERV of Is 4 5 for AV ''de- fense." The ARV reads "covering," the primary meaning of the Heb. term ('"i2n, huppdh). E.E.N. CANTICLES. See Song of Songs. CAPERBERRY. See Disease and Medicine, § 7 (2). CAPERNAUM, ca-pgr'na-um (Ka(t)apvaovfi, i.e., Kaphar-Nahum, 'village of Nahum'): A city of Galilee where Peter and Andrew had taken up their residence before Jesus called them to be His disciples (Mk 1 16-21; Jn 1 44). Jesus Himself made it the headquarters of His ministry in GaHlee after His rejection at Nazareth (Mt 413; Mk 2 i). That it was a town of considerable size in the days of Jesus there can be no doubt whatever. It contained the office of a tax-collector (Mk 2 14), a representa- tive of the king, Herod Antipas (Jn4 47mg.), and a military station whose commander had built a synagogue for the people (Mt 8 5-13; Lk 7 l-io). Its present site is a matter of dispute. The view that Tell-Hum is the ancient Capernaum is supported by a tradition going back to the 4th cent., as well as by the excavation of the ruins of a synagogue there. Further, the last syllable of the name {Hum) seems to be a remnant of Kaphar-N ahum. In favor of Kahnr-Minyeh the facts are cited that Capernaum must have belonged to the Plain of Gennesaret (Jn 6 1-21), that a place of such size and importance must have been on a highroad, and that the name Minr- yeh is a remnant of the ancient designation of Chris- tians as Minim, ' heretics.' See Map IV, E 6. (Cf. G. A. Smith, HGHL, p. 456.) A. C. Z. CAPHTOR, caf'tor; CAPHTORIM. See Eth- nography AND Ethnology, § 11. CAPITAL. See Temple, § 14. CAPPADOCIA, cap"a-d6'shi-a. See Asia Mi- nor, § 4. Captain Centurion A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 118 CAPTAIN ; This term is used somewhat loosely in the Eng. Bible (especially the AV) as the rendering of nineteen different Heb. and Gr. words, only one of which, x'-^'-^PX^^y 'chiliarch,' was specifically a designation of a particular military rank. Most of the others are terms expressive of leadership, but not technical terms for specific grades or ranks in a mili- tary organization. In some instances the more cor- rect RV rendering is altogether different from the AV, e.g., "friends," Jer 13 21, "marshal," Jer 51 27, Nah3l7, "battering-ram," Ezk 21 22. In other cases, the substitutions of "prince" (ISO 16, etc.)» "governor" (Jer 51 23; etc.), "chief," or "chief men" (Jos 10 24; I Ch 11 15, etc.) are not significant. Cf. also the RV in I K 4 19; I Ch 11 n, 12 18; He 2 10 for improvements in translation. In the O T the most frequently used term is "1^, sar, a term that could be used for almost any kind of military leadership. Chief captain is used in the N T to render x'^'-^PX^^* the technical Gr. term for the commander of a cohort, i.e., one-tenth of a legion, for which the Latin terra was 'tribune.' In Ac the usage of this term is perfectly regular, but in the Gospels (Mk 6 21; Jn 18 12) and in Rev 6 15, 19 18, it is used to designate any high military rank. See also Warfare. E. E. N. CAPTIVITY. See Israel. CARAVAN. See Trade and Commerce, §§ 2, 3. CARBUNCLE. See Stones, Precious. CARCAS, car'cas. Seven. See Chamberlains, The CARCASS. See Defilement under Purifica- tion. CARCHEMISH, car'ke-mish (tl)^^?nS, kark'mtsh) : A city of ancient times on the W. bank of the Eu- phrates River, identified with the modern Jerobls in upper Syria. It dates from about 2200 B.C., and was for long centuries a Hittite capital and head- quarters of commercial and military activity. Though it paid tribute to several Assyrian kings, beginning with Shalmaneser II about 858 B.C., it was not com- pletely overcome and defeated until the disastrous assault of Sargon II in 717 B.C. (cf. Is 10 9). Henceforth it declined, and became merely an As- syrian dependency. It was the scene of Nebuchad- rezzar^s great victory over Pharaoh Necho (Jer 46 2; II Ch 35 20). I. M. P. CAREAH, ca-ri'a. See Kareah. CARITES, car'i-tiz: The RV rendering of a Heb. word (kdri) of uncertain meaning (II K 11 4, 19). The AV has "captains." It was evidently the desig- nation of a body of troops, but whether a proper name or a mere appellation is uncertain. E. E. N. CARMEL (^^"12, karmel), 'garden,' 'vineyard': 1. The name of a mountain situated between the plain of Esdraelon and the Mediterranean Sea, so called because of its thickly wooded aspect, which was even more striking in ancient times than it is at the present day (Map IV, A 7). From the single peak, however, the name passed to the range of hills associated with it, thus designating the moun- tainous territory more than 20 m. in length, f "f from 3 to 8 m. in breadth to the W. and NW. of Esdrae- lon. In history Carmel became noted for the con- test between Elijah and the Baal prophets (I K 18). It was also famed in literary composition for natural beauty (Song 7 5; Is 35 2). Together with Sharon, Lebanon, and Bashan it is one of the points of Pales- tine which especially show God's favor to Israel in bestowing such a country upon it (Jer 50 19 ; Mic7 14). Its devastation is, therefore, a sign of the decided displeasure of J" (Is 33 9; Jer 4 26; Am 12; Nah 1 4). In post-bibhcal times Carmel continued to be a site of note both among the heathen and among Christians (cf. Jambl. Vita Pythag. 8 15; Tacit. Hist. 2 7s; Sueton. Tesp. 5), serving finally as the site of a renowned monastery (the Carmelite). 2. A town in the hill-country of Judsea (Jos 15 53). The residence of Abigail, wife of Nabal, who after her husband's death was taken by David as one of his wives (I S 30 5). Abigail is accordingly called "the Carmelite." This Carmel was also the scene of other incidents in the Hves of Saul and David (I S 15 12, 25 2). Its modem name is Karmal, and its exact location 8 m. SE. of Hebron. Map II, E 3. A. C. Z. CARMI, car'mai C^P'lS, karmi): 1. Father of Achan and head of a family of Judah (Jos 7 1, IS; I Ch 2 7). 2. Head of one of the clans of Reuben (Gn 46 9; Nu 26 6, etc.). While it is possible that in I Ch 4 1 Carmi is a textual error for Caleb, it is also possible that the text is correct, the reference being to the preceding. E. E. N. CARNALLY, See Crimes and Punishments, §2(c). CARPENTER. See Artisan Life, § 5. CARPET : The term occurs in the RV of Jg 5 10 for AV "in judgment," and of Pr 31 22 for the AV "coverings." The two different Hebrew words {middln and marhhaddim) are of uncertain mean- ing, but each indicates a covering of some sort. E. E. N. CARPUS, car'pus (KapTros): A friend of Paul's, probably a resident of Troas (IITi4l3). Later legend made him one of the seventy disciples of Jesus. E. E. N. CARRIAGE : This term occurs five times in the AV, and in each case the RV substitutes a more cor- rect rendering; in Jg 18 21 "goods"; in I S 17 22; Is 10 28; Ac 21 15 "baggage"; in Is 46 l, "the things that ye carried about." E. E. N. CARSHENA, car'she-na (Est 1 14). See Princes, The Seven. CART (HJJi^, 'agalah, from 'agal, 'to be round,' 'to roll'): The cart or wagon of the Hebrews was probably a somewhat rude and clumsy affair. It was two-wheeled, the wheels being of wood, and was furnished with a tongue or pole, as it was drawn by two oxen yoked side by side. The accompanying cut of a modern Syrian cart probably well represents 119 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Captain Oentiirion those used in ancient times. In Is 28 27 f . the refer- ence is to the 'rollers* of the threshing-sledge (see An Ox-Cart, as Seen in Palestine To-Day. Agriculture, § 6). For "wagons" in Ezk 23 24 AV, the RV renders correctly "chariots." E. E. N. CARVING. See Artisan Life, § 5. CASEMENT. See House, § 6 (j). CASIPHIA, ca-sif'i-a (Kr^?, kasiphya'): A "place" (in Babylonia) which was the home of a colony of Levites and Nethinim (Ezr8 15-20). Its site is unknown. E. E. N. CASLUHIM, caslu-him. AND Ethnology, § 11. CASSIA, cash'ia. See Ointments and Per- fumes, § 1, and Palestine, § 23. CAST, Metals. See Ethnography Artisan Life, §§ 10, 11, and CASTANET. See Music, § 3 (1), (c). CASTAWAY: In Co 9 27 dboKtfios, "a castaway" AV, is rightly changed in RV to "rejected." The Gr. word means 'not approved,' 'unable to stand the test.' E. E. N. CASTLE. See City, § 2, Fort, and Jeru- salem, § 38. CASTOR AND POLLUX, cas'ter, pel'ux. See Twin Brothers and Ships and Navigation. CATERPILLAR. See Palestine, § 26. CATHOLIC EPISTLES: A term applied to the Epistles of James, Peter, John, and Jude. Since no one of these seven epistles is addressed to a spe- cifically named church or individual, and all (except II and III Jn) deal with general rather than merely local or individual questions, they easily came to be considered by the early Fathers as addressed to the Church at large, i.e., the catholic (or universal) Church. The AV expresses this idea by the word "general" in the titles of Ja, I P, II P, I Jn, and Jude, which is the translation of Ka6o\iKT}, found in many late MSS. With the early MSS. the RV omits it. " E. E. N. CATTLE. See Nomadic and Pastoral Life and Sacrifice and Offerings. CAUDA, ce'da. See Clauda. CAUL: The sacrificial term (Ex 29 13, etc.). (1) The Heb. {^yT, 'the excess' or 'that which is left over') seems to mean the fatty mass near the opening of the liver (cf. Dill, on Lv 3 4). (2) In Hos 13 8 (Heb. "l1:iO, "enclosure") it means either the pericardium or the breast as a whole. (3) For Is 3 18 see Dress and Ornaments, § 11. See Sacri- fice AND Offerings, § 10. E. E. N. CAUSE. See Law and Legal Practise, § 4. CAUSEWAY. See Roads. CAVE; In the hilly regions of Palestine caves are very numerous. The O T contains many refer- ences to them as places of temporary abode (Gn 19 30), of refuge from invaders (Jg 6 2; I S 13 6, etc.), or from pursuers (Jos 10 16; I S 22 l, etc.), and as burial- places (Gn 23 9flE.; cf. Jn 11 38). The Horites (Gn 14 6, 36 20£f.) were probably cave-dwellers, as the word Horite is from hor (one of the O T words for cave). E. E. N. CEDAR (i5^^, 'erets): The cedar so often re- ferred to in the O T is always the cedar of Lebanon with the possible exception of Nu 24 6 (where the text may be corrupt). These cedars were famed throughout all SW. Asia. The lumber made from them, because of its size, durability, and fragrance, was used by the kings of Assyria and other countries for the decoration of their palaces, etc. The various notices of the use of cedar in Israel (Lv 4 14; II S 5 11; I K 5 8, 6 9, 7 2; Song 1 17; Jer 22 14, etc.) illustrate its use in other countries. The tree itself was con- sidered the most beautiful and majestic of trees and was easily made the symbol of strength, glory, and regal power (Ps 92 12; Ezk 31 3, etc.). The cedai-s now extant on Lebanon are probably only stunted and scattered remains of once large and magnificent forests. See also Palestine, § 21. E. E. N. CEDRON, sl'dron. See Jerusalem, § 5. CEILING. See House, §§ 5 and 6 (a). CELLAR: In I Ch 27 27 f., the word n1i:^N {'dtse- roth, plur. of 'dtsdr, rendered "cellai-s") means merely storehouses or rooms, where wine and oil were stored. In Lkll33 (RV) the Gr. KpvTTTij means literally *a hidden place,' i.e., anything similar to a vault, crypt, or cellar. E. E. N. CENCHREA, sen-cri'a (Kevxpeia): A harbor of Corinth on the Saronic gulf and a town of some size (Ac 18 18; Ro 16 i) . It contained temples of Aphro- dite and Artemis, a bronze statue of Poseidon, sanc- tuaries of Asclepius and Isis, also the Baths of Helen. The mole is still visible. J. R. S. S. CENSER. See Temple, § 19. CENTURION (eKarovTdpxvs [and -os], 'ruler of a hundred/ and Kevrvplatv [ = Lat. centurio]): The commander of a 'century,' i.e., a hundred men, the sixtieth part of a legion, in the Roman army. The centurion mentioned in Mt 8 5-13; Lk 7 2-6 ( =Jn 4 46 fE?) belonged probably to the small military force of Herod Antipas, organized on the Roman model. In all other cases a Roman ofiicer is meant. E. E. N. Cephas Cherethites A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 130 CEPHAS, sl'fas. See Peter. CERTIFY: The words rendered "certify" mean: in IIS 15 28 'to announce or tell'; in Ezr 4 14, 16, 5 10, 7 24 'to let one know/ In Est 2 22 the RV ren- ders, much more correctly, "told," and in Gal 1 U "make known." E. E. N. CHAFF: The translation of: (1) mots, always correctly rendered "chaff" in both RV and AV. {2)hdshash, "dry grass" (Is5 24AV, 33 11). (3) *ur, Dn 235. (4) ^x^pov (Mt3 12; Lk3 17). In Jer23 28 the RV "straw" is more correct. E. E. N. CHAINS: These were either voluntarily worn for purposes of personal embellishment or imposed from without as means of preventing movement. (1 ) Of ornamental chains the most typical are those referred to in the stories of Joseph and Daniel (Gn 41 42; Dn 5 7, etc.). See also Dress and Orna- ments, § 11. (2) Of restraining chains those worn by Paul are the best example (Ac 28 20; II Til 16; but cf. also Ac 12 7). In this case for a clearer understanding it must be borne in mind that the prisoner was fastened by the wrist through a chain to a guarding soldier, whose wrist was also attached to the other end of the chain. A, C. Z. CHALCEDONY, cal - sed ' o - ni. See Stones, Precious, § 3. CHALCOL, cal'cel. See Calcol. CHALDEA, cal-di'a, CHALDEANS: The Heb. term kasdlm (Gn 11 31, etc.) corresponds phonet- ically to the form kaldu found on the Assyrian in- scriptions. The Chaldeans were a Semitic people who pressed into Babylonia from the S. (c. 12th cent. B.C.), and occupied the whole seacoast region of S. Babylonia. They were not without political ambition and from this time on- more than one Baby- lonian king was of Chaldean origin. The capital city of the K^du was Bit Yakin. The Assyrians found in the Kaldu most determined opponents of their supremacy in Babylonia (see Merodach- Baladan). Finally, the Chaldean Nabopolassar, c. 626 B.C., on the eve of the downfall of Nineveh, estabhshed himself on the throne of Babylon, thereby founding the new Babylonian or Chaldean kingdom of which his son Nebuchadrezzar was the greatest ruler (see Babylonia, §§ 18-22). For Chaldeans in another sense see Magic and Divination, § 7, and Wise Men, § 1. E. E. N. CHALKSTONES: In Is 27 9 the word is used as a symbol of brittleness. The altars of idols were to be as easily destroyed as if made of chalkstones. A. C. Z. CHAMBER. See House, §§ 5, 6, and Temple, §§ 11,20,21. CHAMBERLAIN (UK 23 11): The chamberlain occupied _ a position of trust involving political duty, which was, therefore, somewhat more impor- tant than that of the steward. Here the Heb. ?aris, 'eunuch,' is not to be taken strictly in its literal sense. On Ro 16 23, see Erastus. A. C. Z. CHAMBERLAINS, THE SEVEN: The term "chamberlain" (II K 23 ii; Est 1 lOfif.) is a somewhat euphemistic rendering of D^lD, $drls, ^'eunuch.' The same idea is contained in the phrase cVt koit6- vos, 'over the sleeping-room/ applied to Blastus (Ac 12 20). It was the custom for kings to have eunuchs supervise the affairs of their harems. The seven eunuchs of Xerxes, according to Est UOff., were Mehuman, Biztha, Harbona, Bigtha, Abagtha, Zethar, and Carcas. Others, however, are also mentioned, as Hegai (2 3), Bigthan and Teresh (2 21, 6 2) and Hatach (4 5). To what extent these per- sons are historical is unknown. See Esther, Book OF. E. E. N. CHAMELEON, ca-mi'le-en. See Palestine, §26. CHAMOIS, sham'i or sham'wo. See Pales- tine, § 24. CHAMPAIGN, sham-pen': In Dt 11 30 ("Arabah," KV) the original means a low-lying, open plain. A. C. Z. CHAMPION: In I S 17 51 this word renders gibbor, 'mighty man.' In IS 17 4, 23, it is a good translation of the Heb. D":33n"2?''i:t, 'man of the middle places,' i.e., the man who stands between two armies to decide the case of one against the other. E. E. N. CHANAAN, kd'nan (Xavdav): The AV spelling for Canaan (q.v.) in Ac 7 11, 13 19. E. E. N. CHANCELLOR: The title of Rehum, Ezr 4 8-17. The exact significance of the Aram. D^^"by5, 'mas- ter of discernment,' is obscure. Most modern schol- ars take it in the sense of 'chief oflficial' (see E-e- hxtm). E. E. N. CHANGE OF RAIMENT. See Dress and Ornament, § 5. CHANGER. See Trade and Commerce, § 3. CHANT. See Music, § 5. CHAPEL : The AV rendering of miqdash, ' sanc- tuary,' in Am 7 13. E. E. N. CHAPITER. See Temple, § 14. CHAPLET. See Dress and Ornaments, § 11. CHAPMAN. See Trade and Commerce, § 3. CHAPT (Jer. 14 4, AV; "cracked," RV): The Heb. term hattah means 'broken,' 'terrified/ or 'dis- mayed.' E. E. N. CHARASHIM, car'a-shim. See Ge-Harashim. CHARGER. See Platter. CHARIOT. See Warfare, § 4, and Arms and Armor, § 6. CHARIOT HORSE. See Arms and Armor, § 6, and Horse. CHARITY : The AV rendering in about 28 pas- sages in Paul's Epistles, the Catholic Epistles, and Revelation of the very frequent Gr. ^Lydivri, 'love,' in the sense of 'Christian love for one's fellow men.' "Charity," without doubt, crept into the Eng. Bible 131 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARl! Cephas Cherethites used the Latin Vulgate, in which caritas was often from to render dyoTn/. Caritas, however, means 'dearness/ 'high esteem,' rather than 'love' in the broad sense of the Gr. dyaTrrj; consequently charity should not be used to render dydnrj, since, in the modern English, it is not synonymous with love. See also Love. S. D. CHARM, CHARMER, See Magic and Divi- nation, § 3. CHARRAN, car'an {Xappdv, Acts 7 2, 4): The AV spelling for Haran (q.v.). CHASTE (dyvost * unsullied'): Used to indicate inward, personal purity which shrinks from con- tamination or pollution, consequently free (1) from imperfection generally (I P32); (2) from carnaUty (II Co 11 2, ''pure" RV; Tit 2 5). S. D. CHASTEN, CHASTENING; CORRECT, COR- RECTION: The Heb. verb yasar is used of pun- ishment (Pr 7 22), of chastisement inflicted by love (PrSll), especially of discipline of children by parents (Ps 50 17) and is often joined with yakhah, a mUder word (II S 7 14; Ps 6 1 ; Pr 3 12). In the O T the idea of chastisement is inseparable from the fact of sin. From being an indication of God's anger, suffering, especially through the experience of exile, came to be regarded as purposeful chastisement at the hand of a righteous and merciful God, and in Is 53 5 even vicarious. In the N T much of the mystery of suffering is re- moved by the death of Christ, but for its remedial value as chastisement see I Co 5 5, 11 32; II Co 6 9; I Ti 1 20. Chastisement as the discipline of sons issuing in peace, righteousness, and holiness is beautifully described in He 12 5-12 (cf. Rev 3 19). In IITi3 16 correction means 'restoration.' R. A. F. CHEBAR, ki'bar ("l??, k'hhar): A river by which Ezekiel and the exiles dwelt in Babylonia (Ezk 1 1,3, 315, etc.), now identified by Clay as a canal, Kabaru, just E. of the ancient site of Nippur. I. M. P. CHECKER-WORK. See Temple, § 14. CHEDORLAOMER, ked"er-la-6'mgr CTji?^"")";?, k'dhdr Id'omer): A king of Elam in the 23d cent. B.C. who also held sway over Babylonia. He was the leader of the two expeditions against Pales- tine mentioned in Gn 14. Such expeditions were frequent in that remote age, being made by the Bab- ylonians to the Mediterranean coast, and in connec- tion with their trade and colonizing in that region. When Elam became suzerain of Babylonia, as it did a few years before this date, it continued the Baby- lonian state policy, foreign as well as domestic. The disaster to the second expedition, mentioned in the Biblical narrative, did not permanently affect the Babylonian control of the West-land, which was con- tinued to the 18th or 17th cent. B.C. The dominion of Elam in Babylonia was itself soon brought to an end by the great Hammurabi, the Amraphel of the Biblical story, who expelled the foreigners, perhaps during the lifetime of Chedorlaomer himself, about 2250 B.C. The name Chedorlaomer has not yet been discovered in the cuneiform inscriptions, to which we owe the supplementary details of the story in Genesis; but the two elements, in the forms Kudur and Lagamar, are well attested as Elamitic words. J. F. McC. CHEESE. See Food, § 6. CHELAL, kl'Ial (b)?, k'lal): One of the *'sons of Pahath-moab" who married a foreign wife (Ezr 10 30). E. E. N. CHELLUH, kel'u. See Cheluhi. CHELUB, kt'Iub (3^^?, k4ubh, another form of Caleb): 1. The ancestral head of a clan of Judah, possibly a place-name (ICh4 11). 2. The father of Ezri, one of David's officers (ICh27 26). E. E. N. CHELUBAI, ke-lu'bd. See Caleb. CHELUHI, kg-lu'hai (^H^b?, kduhi, Chelluh, AV): One of the "sons of Bani" who had taken a foreign wife (Ezr 10 35). E. E. N. CHEMARIM,kem'a-rim. Sfee Priesthood, § 2 CHEMOSH, kl'mesh (SJlTS?, hmosh): The na- tional deity of the Moabites, See Semitic Re- ligion, § 18. CHENAANAH, ke-n^'a-na (nj^^i?, kma'dnah): 1. Father of the court prophet Zedekiah (I K 22 11, 24; II Ch 18 10, 23). 2. Head of a Benjamite family (ICh7lO). E. E. N. . CHENANI, ke-n^'nai (^^J?, fc«wam): One of the assistants at the reading of the Law (Neh 9 4). E. E. N. CHENANIAH, ken"a-nai'a (^"I^JJ?, kmanyahu), 'J" establishes ': 1. A prominent Levite musician (I Ch 15 22, 27). 2. One of David's officers (I Ch 26 29). E. E. N. CHEPHAR-AMMONI, ki"f ar - am'gn - ai (1p? ^^"iT^pn, k'^phar ha'ammont, Chephar - Hammoni, AV), 'village of the Ammonites': A town^of Ben- jamin (Jos 18 24), perhaps the mod. Kefr And, Map III, F 5. E. E. N. CHEPHIRAH, ke-fai'ra (HVp?, hphirah): One of the cities of the Gibeonites (Jos9»i7), later as- signed to Benjamin (Jos 18 26) and reoccupied after the Exile (Ezr 2 25; Neh 7 29), Map II, E 1. E. E. N. CHERAN, ki'ran (p?, k^an): A Horite clan (?) (Gn 36 26; I Chi 41). ' E.E.N. CHERETHITES, keKe-thaits C'Dl?, k^'rethi): The name of a people in the S. of Philistia, perhaps a division of the Philistines themselves (I S 30 14; Ezk 25 16; Zeph 2 5). That the word has anything to do with Crete is doubtful. The Cherethites and Pelethites are frequently mentioned as composing David's body-guard (II S 8 18, 15 16, etc.). The word Pelethite C*0!?P, p'letht) is probably but a variant form of 'Philistines.' Thus David's guard was re- cruited largely from the Philistines. E. E. N. Cherith Chosen A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 123 CHERITH, ki'rith 0"!^"!?, Jc^rith): The torrent- valley or wady where Elijah sojourned for a while (IK 17 3-5). The statement that it was "before," i.e., E. of the Jordan, is indefinite and the site remains uncertain. E. E. N. CHERUB (2^1?, k^ubh, pi CHERUBIM): The Hebrew conception of the cherubim varied at differ- ent periods of history. In the O T they are referred to in four connections. After the expulsion of Adam and Eve from the Garden of Eden, they appear as guardians of the tree of life (Gn 3 24 J). A different version of this story is alluded to by Ezeldel (28 U, 16): a cherub expei the Prince of Tyre from Eden, the Garden of God. In the Tabernacle there were two golden cherubim at each end of the propitiatory or mercy seat (see Ark). Figures of cherubim were embroidered on the curtains and the other hangings of this sanctuary (Ex 2518, 261, 31 P; cf. He 9 5). In Solomon's Temple two huge cherubic figures of olive-wood overlaid with gold stood in the Holy of Holies. Their outstretched wings overshadowed the ark (I K 6 23-28). Cherubim, sculptured in bas- relief and alternating with palm-trees, ran in a frieze round the wall of the Temple, and decorated the base of the great sea, the capitals, and doors (I K 6 29, 32, 35). They were figm-es connected with religious symbolism ; they acted as bearers of Deity, and were consequently emblematic of Jehovah's presence. Cf. the phrase "Thou that sittest above the cheru- bim" (Ps 801). In the Holy of Holies they were guardians of the ark and its treasures, as well as symbols of God's presence, and consequently em- blematic of His unapproachability. We have a similar conception of the cherubim in the living creatures of Ezekiel's vision (Ezk 1; cf. 10 2). These composite figures, each with four wings and four faces — man, lion, ox, and eagle — carry the firmament which supports the throne of Jehovah. In discussing the origin and significance of the cherubim, a crucial passage is Ps 18 10 (cf. IIS 22 11). The poet de- scribes the descent of Jehovah on the lowering thun- der clouds: " He rode upon a cherub, and did fly; Yea, he soared upon the wings of the wind." The func- tion of the cherub in this passage is similar to that of the symbolic figures in the sanctuary and the living creatures in prophetic vision. But we also have here a hint of their origin. Primarily they were a personification of the storm cloud or wind, and this poetic passage has preserved this ancient popular conception of the cherubim. Three theories have been held in regard to the form and nature of the cherubim : ( 1 ) That they were real existences, (2) that they were mythological beings, (3) that they were mere symbols. The view that they were supernatural spiritual essences is now generally discarded, although it was long dominant in the Church. The facts point to a combination of the symbolic and mythical theories as the true view. The religious imagination of the Hebrews, working on mythological figures which they had in com- mon with their neighbors, produced these symbolic forms. To them they were not mere allegories, but had a real existence. As to their actual shape and form there is considerable uncertainty. They were winged and composite; and consequently have been compared to the colossi at the entrances to Baby- lonian temples and palaces. These often had a man's head, a lion's body, and eagle's wmgs; some- times they were winged bulls with human he^s. Cheyne thinks they were more like the Hittite griffins in figure, and had a similar function as guardians of sacred things. In later Jewish theology they are one of the three highest classes of angels, and are evidently the original of the four living creatures of the Apocalypse (Rev 4 6-8). Literature: Commentaries on Genesis by Driver, Dill- mann, and Delitzsch; on Isaiah by Cheyne; Schultz, O T Theology, II, 229 ff. J. A. K. CHERUB, kl'rub (3^"1?, k^ubh): A Babylonian locality where a colony of exiles lived (Ezr2 59; Neh7 6l). J. A. K. CHESALON, kes'a-len (I'^P?, k^saldn): A town on the boundary-line between Judah and Benja- min (Jos 15 10), between Kirjath Jearim and Beth Shemesh, modern Kesla, 10 m, W. of Jerusalem. Map II, E 1. A. C. Z. CHESED, kl'sed OW, kesedh): A 'son'of Nahor (Gn 22 22). Probably the name of an Aramean clan. E. E. N. CHESIL, kl'sil (b^P?, hsU): A town of Judah (Jos 15 30) called Bethul in 19 4. See also Bethtjl. E. E. N. CHEST: In II K 12 9f.; II Ch 24 8ff., the Heb. 'dron means simply a box or chest suitable for the purpose mentioned. In Ezk 27 24 the term gma- zlm is of doubtful meaning. There is no sound basis for the rendering "chest." Rich garments or cloths may be meant. E. E. N. CHESTNUT, See Planb-Tree and Pales- tine, § 21. CHESULLOTH, ke-sul'oth (Pl^D?, k-sulloth): A town of Issachar (Jos 19 18), probably the same as Chisloth-Tabor (Jos 19 12), the mod. Iksal, Map IV, C 7. E. E. N. CHEZIB, kt'zib. See Achzib 2. CHIBON, cai'don. See Nachon. CHIEF : The rendering of a number of Heb. and Gr. terms, all of which express the idea of head- ship, but generally in a somewhat loose and non- technical sense. The most commonly used term is 27Xi, To'sh, *head.' In Nu 25l4f., Jos 2214, the Heb. is 'ahh, 'father,' and RV renders "fathers' house." For other cases needing special mention see Chief Men. See also Family and Family Law, § 4, and Warfare, § 1. E. E. N. CHIEF MEN ; A term used in the N T to render two Gr. words. (1) oi irpatTot. (a) In Mk 6 21 (**chief estates" AV) it refers to the leading provin- cials of Galilee, who doubtless formed the unofficial retainers of Herod's court. These, with the chief civil dignitaries (fieyia-Taves) and the chief military officers (x'-'^^apxot), constituted the invited guests at the fea^t. (6) In Ac 13 50 it refers to the board of magistrates of the city, (c) In Ac 28 7 it is used in 133 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Oherith Chosen the singular ("chief man"). It is not clear whether it refers to Publius as the procurator of the island — an official assigned to Malta under the Empire (C/L, X, 7494), or as the actual Governor of the island (C/L, X, 6785), or whether it was simply a title of compliment (C/G, 5754 =Kaibel, IGSicU, 601). (d) In Lk 19 47 it is rendered "the principal men ["chief" AV] (of the people)," in Ac 25 2 "the principal men ["chief" AV] (of the Jews)," and in Ac 28 17 "the chief (of the Jews)." In the^rst passage it is seem- ingly unofficial and has reference to the socially prominent laymen among the people, who were sym- pathetic with the "chief priests and the scribes" in their hostility to Jesus, In the second passage it is probably official and refers to the Sadducean leaders in the Sanhedrin (of. v. 15, 24, 23 14). In the third passage it is more general and includes doubtless the elders (Trpeo-jSvrcpot) and chiefs (ap^ovres) of the con- gregation, and the synagogue rulers (apxicvvdyayoi) of the various communities into which the Jews in Rome were divided (cf. Schiirer, HJP, II, ii. § 31). (2) ^yovfi€voi, which in Ac 15 22 refers to Judas Barsabbas (q.v.) and Silas (q.v.) in a wholly unoffi- cial sense, simply as men prominent in the Christian community for their work and counsel and instruc- tion (cf. V. 32) and so preeminently fitted to accom- pany Paul and Barnabas on their return mission to the brethren in Antioch. M. W. J. CHILD, CHILDREN. See Family and Family Law, § 6. CHILDBEARING, CHILDLESS. See Family AND Family Law, §§ 5, 6. CHILDREN OF THE BRIDECHAMBER. See Marriage and Divorce. CHILDREN OF THE EAST. See East. CHILEAB, kil'e-ab (3^)p, UVahh)'. According to the Heb. text of II S 3 3, a son of David by Abi- gail. In I Ch 3 1 he is called Daniel. The LXX. of II S 3 3 reads AaXovta, which may imperfectly represent the original name, but this can not now be recovered. E. E. N. CHILION, kil'i-en (V'^^?, kilyon): Chilion and Mahlon were sons of Elimelech and Naomi (Ru 1 2). They married two Moabite women, Orpah and Ruth, Chilion being the husband of Orpah, and both died in the land of Moab (Ru 4 10, 1 5). The names Chilion, 'wasting,' and Mahlon, 'sickness,* are significant possibly of artificial elements in the story. E. E. N. CHILMAD, lal'mad O'0)l$, kUmadh): A place mentioned in Ezk 27 23 along with Sheba, Assyria, etc. The identification is doubtful. Some, follow- ing the Talmud, would read ''"IjfV?, 'all the Medes/ or 'all Media,' but this is only a conjecture. E. E. N. CHIMHAM, kim'ham (2^1^?, kimham): The son (probably) of Barzillai of Gilead who was given a place at David's court in return for kindness shown to the king (II S 19 37-40; I K 2 7). Geruth-Chim- ham, 'the habitation of Chimham' (Jer 41 17; cf. RVmg. ) near Bethlehem, may refer to a lodging-place or inn erected by this person. Another well-sup- ported reading is "sheepfolds of Chimham." E. E. N. CHIMNEY. See House, § 6 G)- CHINNERETH, kin'g-reth (nn^?, kinnereth); CHINNEROTH, -roth (H^n^?, kinroth); CINNE- ROTH, sin'e-reth: 1. The name of a town (Jos 19 35) extended also apparently to a district (I K 15 20). The name is old, being found on the Egyptian list of towns captured by Thotmes III (16th cent. B.C.), the form there being Kinneroth. Its signifi- cance is a matter of dispute, also its relation to the name Gennesaret. It was located probably in the plain of Gennesaret. 2. For the Sea of C. (Jos 11 2, etc.), see Galilee, Sea of. E. E. N, CHIOS, kt'os or cai'os (Xlos): A mountainous island, off the Asiatic seaboard (Ac 20 15), It joined Cyrus in 546 b,c., but fought the Persians in 480. It became independent in 355 and later fa- vored Rome. It has now about 100,000 inhabitants and a considerable commerce in blue marble, anti- mony, ocher, silk, mastic, fruits, and brandy. J. R. S. S. CHIRP (occurs only in Is 8 19, "peep," AV). See Magic and Divination, § 3. CHISLEV, CHISLEU, kis'liu. See Time, § 3. CHISLON, kis'len (Ti^P?^ ki?ldn): The father of Elidad (Nu34 2l). ' E. E. N. CHISLOTH-TABOR, kis"leth-t^'bQr. See Che- SULLOTH. CHITHLISH, kith'lish (TZ^^^OJ, Kithlish, AV): A town of Judah, in the Shephelah (Jos 15 40). Site unknown. E. E. N. CHITTIM, kit'im. See Kittim. CHIUN, cai'un: A deity mentioned in Am 5 26. See Semitic Religion, § 19. CHLOE, clo'e (XXdiy): Paul was informed of the conditions in the church at Corinth by "them which are of the household of Chloe" (I Co 1 11). It is un- known whether this woman had her home in Ephe- sus or in Corinth and nothing whatever is known of her relation to the church. E. E. N. CHOR-ASHAN, c6r"-ash'an. See Ashan. CHORAZIN, c6-r^'zin (XopaftiV): One of the cities condemned by Jesus for its unreceptivity to His works (Mtll 21; Lk 10 13). The site is not identified with absolute certainty, but is probably the modern Keraseh, N. of Tell Hum (Map IV, E6). J. M. T. CHOSEN: The word is sometimes used in the general sense of 'choice,' 'superior' (cf. Ex 14 7, "six hundred chosen chariots," or Jg20 15, "seven hun- dred chosen men"). In a more restricted and quasi- technical sense, it is applied to believers, and denotes from the Divine point of view their distinctive char- acter. "Ye are a chosen generation" (I P2 9; cf. Ghozeba Chronicles, Books of A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 134 also Rev 17 14). In a still more restricted sense, it is applied to the people of God as a whole (I Ch 16 13, "children of Jacob, hie chosen ones"; of. also Ps 105 6; Is 43 20). See also Election. A. C. Z. CHOZEBA, co-zi'ba. See Achzib, 2. CHRIST. See Jesus Christ and Messiah. CHRISTIAN: The name applied to the followers of Christ by the heathen populace of Antioch (Ac 11 26; of. Tac. Annal. XV, 44) — a city famous, as was Alexandria, for its habit of nicknames. The reason for its giving was not simply the extended size and the organized form which the disciples had assumed, but the preponderating Gentile element which in that city had entered its membership and which marked it as distinctly different from Judaism. As an adjective derived from a personal name its ending (-tavos) is Latin and not Greek (cf. Zahn, /ti- troduction, § 40, n. 10; Blass, NTGr., § 27. 4). If its primary form was Chrestianos {Xprjo-rtai'os), as we might be led to suppose from Suetonius (Claud. 25; of. Kaibel, IGSicil 78, 754; CIL. X, 7173; also codex X, in all the N T passages, and the possible word-play in 1 P 2 3), then there was a mild contempt intended in its giving, Chrestos (Xprja-Tos) signifying a 'worthy fellow.' It is in this spirit that the name is used by Agrippa in his reply to Paul's impassioned appeal (Ac 26 28), whether the form he actually used was ChrestianoSf or ChrisHanos which came to be adopted by the disciples and which consistently is used in the N T. In I P 4 16 the name is used from the point of view of the hostile heathen world, and indicates a date for the Epistle when the followers of Christ were con- demned if they confessed to being Christians (cf. Ramsay, Church in Rom. Empire, Index [s.v.], and see Peter, First Epistle of). The references in Ac 5 41 and Ja 2 7 are not to the appellative, Christian, but to the personal name, Christ. M. W. J. CHRONICLES, BOOKS OF: The Books of Chronicles, together with those of Ezra and Nehe- miah, are the compilation of an author I. Con- whose name has not been handed down tents. to us, but who may be conveniently termed the ' Chronicler, ' and who wrote probably not before 300 b.c. The books em- brace the period from Adam to the edict of Cyrus permitting the exiles to return to Judah, 537 B.C.: they thus cover substantially the same period as the other great series of historical books, Gn to II K (from the Creation to 561 B.C.); but they are writ- ten from a very different point of view, and with a much more limited aim. Their main object, viz., is to give a history of Judah, with special reference to the institutions connected with the Temple; and whatever has no bearing upon one or the other of these subjects is either passed over rapidly or omitted altogether. The author begins (after the manner of the later Semitic historians) with Adam; but I: 1 consists merely of genealogies, excerpted from Gn, leading up (ver. 34) to Esau and Jacob; 2 if. enumerates the sons of Jacob; and the rest of ch. 2 is devoted to statistical particulars (genealogies of clans and clan settlements) of the tribe of Judah, as ch. 3 is devoted to the descendants of David. In I: 4-8, dealing from the same point of view with the other tribes, the priestly tribe of Levi is treated at greatest length (I: 6). I: 9 1-34 is on the post-exilic residents in Jerusalem and certain arrangements relating to the Temple. The introduction (1: 1 1-9 34) ended, the history proper begins. The account of Saul is limited to his genealogy (I: 9 35-44) and the narrative of his death (1: 10). The history of David begins with his election as king over all Israel at Hebron: all events in his reign of a personal or private character (e.g., the revolt of Absalom) are omitted; on the other hand, the arrangements for a temple attributed to him are narrated at consider- able length (1:22-29). After the division of the kingdom the history of Judah occupies almost en- tirely the compiler's attention, the N. kingdom being referred to only where absolutely necessary. The writer dwells throughout with the greatest satisfac- tion upon the ecclesiastical aspects of the history. The same interest is not less apparent in Ezr, Neh; and hence the entire work (Ch, Ezr, Neh) has been not inaptly termed by Reuss the "Ecclesiastical Chronicle of Jerusalem." The compiler, it is often supposed, was a Levite, perhaps in particular a member of the Temple choir. The basis of the Chronicles consists of a series of excerpts from the earher historical books (Gn to II K; I: 9 3-l7a is also from Neh 11 4- 2. Charac- I9a), with which is combined much ter of entirely new matter. These excerpts Contents, are not made throughout upon the same scale. In the preliminary chap- ters (1: 1-9) they are often condensed, and consist chiefly of genealogical notices; in I: 10-11: 36 (which is parallel to I S 31-11 K 25) passages are, as a rule, transferred in extenso with but slight variations of expression; not infrequently, however, the excerpted narratives are expanded, sometimes remarkably, by the insertion either of single verses or clauses, or of longer passages, as the case may be. It is im- possible to give here a list of all the Chronicler's ad- ditions; the following are, however, the principal longer passages: 1: 12, 21 26b-29 (dealing mostly with David's preparations for a temple, and organi- zation of the Levites, etc.), 11:115-23, 121, 2b-9a (inserted between I K 14 25 and 26), 13 3-22, 14 3-15 15, 16 7-10, 17 lb-19, 19 1-20 30, 21 2-4, lOb-19, 24 15-22, 25 5-10, 12-16, 26 5-20 (to "because"), 27 4-6, 28 5-15, 17-20, 29 3-3121 (Hezekiah's passover, etc.), 32 2-8, 25-29, 33 lib-19 (Manasseh's captivity, repentance, and restoration), 34 3-7, 35 Ib-17 (Josiah's passover), 21-23 (inserted between II K 23 29 and 30). The reader who desires properly to understand the method and point of view of the fJhronicler should mark in his RV— by underlining in the case of sim- ple words or verses, and by drawing a line along the margin in the case of longer passages— these and the other passages peculiar to him. He will then soon discover that they have a character of .their own, in language and expression, not less than in subject- matter, which differentiates them materially from the parts transferred unaltered from Samuel or Kings. Thus (1) they often comprise statistical matter, genealogies, lists of names, etc. (e.g., most of I: 2-9. 12, 15 4-10, 25 9-31, etc.). 135 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Ohozeba Chronicles, Books of (2) Very- frequently they relate to the organiza- tion of public worship, or describe religious cere- monies, especially with reference to the part taken in them by Levites and singers, as 1: 13 1-5, 15 1-28, 16 4-42 (where the older narrative of the transference of the ark to the city of David has been enlarged, or, as in 15 25-28 ^II S 6 12b-15 altered, from this point of view) and most of 1: 22-29, II: 8 13-15, 20 14, 19, 21, 28,29 3-3121, 35 lb-17. (3) In many cases they have a didactic aim: in particular they show a tendency to refer events to their moral causes, to represent, for instance, a great calamity as a pimishment for wickedness, and a great deliverance as the reward of piety; notice, for exam- ple, II: 12 1, 2b-8 (the cause of Shishak's invasion), 13 18, 17 10, 21 10b, 22 7, 24 23-24, 26 5, 16-20 (only the fact of Uzziah's leprosy is narrated in II K15 5), 27 6, 32 25 f., 33 11-13, 35 21-23; and in speeches put into the mouths of various prophets, II: 12 5-8, 13 4-12, 16 7-10, 19 2-3, 2014^17, 37a, 2112-15, and else- where. Attention should also be directed to the short insertions introduced often into the narratives excerpted from Samuel or Kings for the purpose of supplementing them from the points of view just in- dicated. Comp., for instance, the notes of this kind on ritual, or the parts taken by Levites, singers, etc., in II: 5 llb-13a (inserted in the middle of I K 8 10), 6 13, 7 1-3, 6, 23 2, 4, 6a (and much besides in this ch., altered from II Kll), 34l2b-l3; and the explana^ tions, or reflections, in I: 10 13 f. (the cause of Saul's death), 21 6 f., 29 f. (justifying David's sacrifice on Zion), II: 1 3b-6a (legalizing the worship at the high place of Gibeon), 8 lib, 12 12, u, 16 I2b, 18 31b, 22 3b, 4b, 24 25 (middle), 25 20b, 27a. One main source of the Chronicler has been suffi- ciently indicated, viz., the earlier historical books from Gn to II Kings (especially I Sam- 3. Sources II Kings). What, however, were the Used by sources from which the additional mat- the Com- ter contained in Ch was derived? The pilar. notices contained in 1: 1-9 were derived, it is natural to think, from genealogical and other tribal records (cf. I: 5 17, 9 l). But from the time of David onward the Chronicler, like the compiler of Kings, refers, as a rule, at the end of each reign, to some definite source where further particulars are to be found. The source most fre- quently cited is the "book of the kings of Judah and Israel" (or "of Israel and Judah"), II: 16 11, 277, etc.; elsewhere (where this book is not men- tioned) he refers to' some special authority bearing the name of a prophet (I: 29 29, II: 9 29, 12 15, 13 22, 20 34, 26 22, 32 32, 33 19) ; once (II: 24 27) he cites the "Commentary (midhrash) of the Book of the Kings" (cf. II: 13 22, the "Commentary (midhrash) of the prophet Iddo"). That the first of these books is not the canonical Book of Kings is ap- parent from its being cited for particulars which this does not contain (as II: 27 7, 33 18): inasmuch, moreover, as the prophetic histories just mentioned are never cited with the "Book of the Kings of Judah and Israel" (though this must have extended at least from Asa, II: 16 11, to Jehoiakim, II: 36 8), and as two of these histories are stated to have formed part of that book (II: 20 34, 32 32), it is gen- erally supposed that they were not independent works written by the prophets in question, but sec- tions of the great "Book of the Kings" relating to them, and hence familiarly cited under their names. Whether the "Commentary of the Book of the Kings" (II: 24 27) is another name for the "Book of the Kings of Judah and Israel" is uncertain; but in any case the name is significant; for 'midhrash' (common in postbiblical Hebrew) means a didactic or homiletic exposition, or an edifying religious story (such as To or Sus): the 'midhrash' here re- ferred to will thus have been a post-exilic work in- tended to develop the moral or religious lessons de- ducible from the history of the kings. Now this is just the leading motive in many of the narratives peculiar to Chronicles, which have been apparently derived by the compiler from the "Book of the Kings"; the last-named work, therefore, even if not (as many scholars suppose) identical with the "Commentary of the Book of the Kings," will have been similar in character and tendency. The "Com- mentary of the Prophet Iddo" will have been either a particular section of the same work or a separate work of the same kind, in which Iddo was the prominent figure. Much of the additional matter peculiar to Chroni- cles can not be historical. In some cases the figures are incredibly high; in others the scale 4. Histor- or character of the occurrence is such ical Value, that, had they really happened pre- cisely as described, it is difficult to think that they would have been passed by in Sam- uel and Kings; while as regards the speeches as- signed to historical characters, and the motives at- tributed to them, these are nearly always conceived largely from a point of view very different from that which prevails in the earher narratives, and agreeing closely with the compiler's. The compiler lived in an age, two centm-ies or more after the return from Babylon, when new religious interests and a new type of piety had been developed, and asserted themselves strongly. The Chronicler reflects faith- fully the spirit of his age. A new mode of viewing the past history of his nation began to prevail: pre- exilic Judah was pictured as already in possession of the institutions, and governed by the ideas and prin- ciples, which were in force at a later day; the em- pire of David and his successors was projected on a magnified scale: the past, in a word, was ideaUzed, and its history, where necessary, rewritten accord- ingly. Thus the Levitical organization of the com- piler's own time, especially the three choirs, are rep- resented as established by David; the ritual of the Priests' Code is duly observed under the early kings: religious ceremonies, including even some not men- tioned in Samuel and Kings at all, are described with an abundance of detail suggested evidently by the usage of the compiler's own day; David amasses for the Temple enormous treasures (I 22 14) ; and his suc- cessors have the command of large armies, and are victorious against forces even larger than their own (e.g., II 13 3, 17, 14 8, 9, 17 14-19). There is doubt- less a genuine historical nucleus at the basis of many of these representations; but it has been expanded by the Chronicler and thrown by him into a form adapted to describe past events as he conceived they must really have happened, and to inculcate Chronicles, Books of Chronology A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 126 the lessons which he understood the history to teach. There is thus nothing improbable in the statement that David collected materials for a temple; but the details in 1 : 22, 29 must be greatly exaggerated. The narrative in II S 6 of the removal of the ark to Zion makes no mention of Levites as present on the occa- sion; but in 1:13, 15-16 (see above) the Chronicler introduces many additions with the object of making good the omission, and in 16 8-36 places in David's mouth a Psalm composed of parts of three post- exihc Psakns (105 1-15, 96 l-13a, 106 1, 47, 48). In I K 8 3 the ark is borne by priests; but in II Ch 5 4 "Levites" is substituted to make the usage conform to the later Levitical law; I K 8 66 is similarly altered in II Ch 7 9 f. to harmonize with the custom of the Second Temple. In IIKll Jehoiada's as- sistants in the deposition of Athaliah are the foreign body-guard; in II Ch 23 they are Levites, in ac- cordance with later usage, which did not allow aUens to approach so near to the holy things; a series of deUberate alterations has been made in the older narrative, and a, new coloring given to the entire occurrence. In 11:2 3-16 the correspondence be- tween Hiram and Solomon (I K 5 2-9) has been re- written by the Chronicler in his own style. Other similar instances could be quoted. It is also hardly open to doubt that both the speeches attributed to various prophets, and the representations of the his- tory itself, are in many cases strongly colored by the compiler's theory of the prompt and direct punish- ment of sin and reward of virtue (comp, above, § 3, and the short insertions quoted just afterward). The Chronicler supplies evidence of the highest value for the ideas and institutions of the age in which he himself lived; but his representations of the past must be accepted with great caution and discrimi- nation. He is not, however, on that account to be regarded as a falsifier of history; on the contrary, he is a man of deep moral earnestness, and a pleasing and doubtless also a characteristic example of the type of godliness prevalent in Israel at his time; he simply viewed the past as his contemporaries viewed it, and described it accordingly. The Hebrew style of the Chronicler is pecuHar: it is marked by many mannerisms (some of which are perceptible even in a translation), and 5. Lin- also by the occurrence in it of numer- guistic Pe- ous words and expressions which are culiarities, not only peculiar, but distinctively late (see particulars in HDB 1, 389 ff., or Driver, LOT, p. 535 ff.)- This fact is of impor- tance; for it is conclusive evidence that no part of the additions can be an excerpt from the autographs of any pre-exilic writing; if such autographs were ac- cessible to the compiler, the information derived from them must have been entirely recast by him and pre- sented in his own fashion. The speeches contained in the additions form no exception to what has been said: these also, even the shortest, are shown, by their close similarities in both thought and expression to the post-exiUc narratives peculiar to the Chronicles, to be one and all the Chronicler's own composition. Literature: The standard commentary is still that of Bertheau (1873), to be supplemented, where necessary, by Benzinger (1901) and Kittel (1902). The Eng. reader may consult W. E. Barnes' Comm. in the Cambr. Aiigustus, 30 B.C.-14 a.d. Tiberius his colleague, with power over armies and prov- inces, probably 12 A.D. Tiberius, 14-37. Bible; W. H. Bennett's vol. in the Expositor's Bible, though not a continuous commentary, contains much that is suggestive and useful, especially on the aims and method of the Chronicler. g, R. D. CHRONOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT I. The Framework of Contemporary History. An outline of the relevant political events of the Roman Empire and its dependencies within which Christianity arose will serve as a setting for the chronology of the Apostolic Age. Herod the Great, king of Palestine, 37—4 B.C. Temple begun at Jeru- salem, probably in Jan. or Dec, 20-19 B.C. Sons of Herod. (1) Archelaus, eth- narch of Judaea and Samaria 4 B.C., banished 6 A.D. (2) Antipas, tetrarch of Galilee and Pe- raea 4 b,c.-39 a.d. (3) P/tiZip, tetrarch of Trachonitis, etc., 4 B.C.-34 A.D. Judsea under procura- tors, 6—41 A.D. Pontius Pilate, 26-36. Aretas probably suze- rain of Damas- cus for a short time after 37. Herod Agrippa I (Ac 12) after a life of adventure, King of the territory of his grandfather, Herod I, 37-44 (mcluding Judaea 41-44). Judgea under prociu-a- tors from 44. Revolt of Theudas be- tween 44 and 48. Famine in Judsea 46 (?). Herod Agrippa II (Ac 25 26), King of Chalcis and parts of Galilee and Pe- raea, 50-100. Outbreak of Jewish War 66. Fall of Jerusalem, Sept., 70. Caligula, 37-41. Claudius, 41-54. Expulsion of Jews from Rome, some time between 45 and 54. Nero, 54-68. Rome burned 19 July, 64, followed by persecution of Christians chiefly in Rome. Galba, Otho, Vitellius, 68-69. Vespasian, 69-79. Titus, 79-81. Domitian, 81-96. Persecution of Chris- tians. Nerva, 96-98. Trajan, 98-117. 137 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Chronicles, Books of Chronology 11. The Life of Jesus Christ. With no direct evidence from secular history for the Ufe of Jesus, and only indirect and elusive evi- dence from the Gospels, it is impossible 1. Birth to obtain other than approximate re- and Open- suits as to the Gospel chronology. ing of (a) At first sight Lk 2 1-5 seems to Jesus' supply a fixed point ; but unfortunately Ministry, scholars are not agreed as to the histor- ical value of these statements, though Professor Ramsay's researches have strongly height- ened the probabiUty that Luke used reUable infor- mation as to the main facts. Jesus was born in Bethlehem, it would appear, during a periodical im- perial census, held by the dependent King Herod ("a procurator with the title of king") in accord- ance with the custom of his Jewish subjects. It may have been carried out in Palestine about 5 or 6 B.C. (b) According to Mt 2 1, 16, Jesus was bom some time during the last two years of the reign of Herod the Great, so that the earliest date would be 6 B.C. Very little can be inferred from the star seen by the wise men, though a bright constellation, supposed to have followed on the conjunction of the planets Jupiter and Saturn, B.C. 7, is held by some to sup- port 5 or 6 B.C. as the date of the birth. (c) In Lk 31,23 two difficulties emerge — first, from what point did Luke calculate the fifteenth year of Tiberius? Second, what is impUed in "about thirty years of age"? According as they compute the reign from the coregency, or the death of Au- gustus, or accept different systems for reckoning the imperial year, scholars arrive at dates ranging from 26 to 29 A.D. Most admit that "about" thirty might mean a year or two either way, so that even 6 B.C. would not necessarily be excluded as too early for the birth. (d) John 2 20. The Temple was begun probably in Dec. or Jan., 20-19 B.C. But was the 46th year completed at the time of this Passover? With our present information the year 27 a.d. seems to suit this statement best, though some leading scholars estimate 28 a.d. But as we can not tell how near Jesus was to thirty, no certain inference can be drawn from this as to His birth. It would appear on the whole that 5 to 6 B.C. sat- isfies the various data for the year of our Lord's birth. Nothing at all can be gathered with cer- tainty as to the season of the year. There is an early tradition still accepted by a few scholars that the ministry lasted for one year, but though this seems at first sight to agree 2. Dura- with the^ Synoptic narrative, it does not tion of the fit the facts. The details of His work Ministry, as recorded and the impression pro- duced by Jesus throughout Palestine would lead us to expect a longer period than one year. The Synoptic Gospels themselves demand more than one year. For though even Mk does not afford a certain chronological scheme for the life of Christ, it is probable that the references to the ripe wheat (April to June) in 2 23, and to the green grass (early spring) in 6 39, represent a year of ministry; and Lk 13 34 involves several visits to Jerusalem. In the fourth Gospel there are three Passovers — 2 13, 6 4 (so true reading), 18 28. We have, therefore, good rea- son to assume that the ministry Itisted at least be- tween two and three years. The events of Jesus' life may be arranged chron- ologically as follows: (a) Birth of Jesus 5 or 6 B.C. 3. Results (b) Baptism (Lk 3 i), 15th year of for the Life Tiberius, 27 or 28 a.d. of Jesus. /(c) Earlier Ministry in Judaea, Jeru- salem, and Samaria, Jn 1 19-4 42. With a Passover in Jerusalem (Jn 2 13), 27 or 28. (d) PubUc Ministry in Galilee. This opened after John was cast into prison (Mk 1 14), though Jesus had probably taught in Galilee even before that event (Jn2l2) — ^perhaps May of 27 or 28 (Jn 4 35-38?). To it belong (1) The visit to Jerusalem to an un- known feast (Jn 5 1) — ^Tabernacles in October (?). (2) Journeyings to Phoenicia, the Decapolis, Csesarea Philippi (Mk 7 25-9 30) — during early sum- mer of 28 or 29. (3) The close of the public Galilean Ministry — perhaps late summer of 28 or 29 (Mk 9 30; cf. Jn 7 1 f.). (e) Itinerant teaching in Samaria, Persea, and Judsea (chiefly in Lk 9 51 to 18) — autumn and winter of 28-29 or 29-30, including visits to Jerusalem and neighborhood. (1) Tabernacles (Jn 7), Oc- tober. (2) Dedication (Jn 10), December. (3) Rais- ing of Lazarus at Bethany (Jn 11), early spring of 29 or 30. (f) Last week in Jerusalem and environs — ^from Friday evening of the arrival in Bethany \mtil the next Friday afternoon — ^Passover of 29 or 30. On the whole, the evidence of the Jewish calendar, which, however, is uncertain, points to 30 a.d. (g) The day of Jesus' death. An unsolved prob- lem. It was a Friday (Mt 27 62,28 1; Mkl5 42; Lk 23 54; Jn 19 31), but the Synoptic Gospels seem to say Friday the 15th Nisan, after Jesus had eaten the regular Passover (Mkl4l2; Lk 22 7); John (131, 18 28, 19 14, 31, 42) seems to imply that Jesus died on the afternoon of the 14th Nisan. Some try to recon- cile John with the Synoptists (Edersheim, LTJM II, p. 490 ff . ) ; others, with better reason, hold that even the Synoptists, by their account of the arrest, trial, anddeathof Jesus(Mkl4lf.,48, 151, 11,21, 46), afford evidence of the superior testimony of John, inasmuch as the Passover would have been profaned by any work except what was necessary for preparing food. If the year was 29, the crucifixion took place prob- ably toward the end of March; if 30, early in April. III. The Apostolic Age. From 29 or 30 to circa 100 A.D. The crucial date for the chronology of the Apos- tolic Age is the trial of Paul by Felix and Festus (Ac 24 24,251). The ordinarily accepted 4. Acces- date for the accession of Festus is 60, sion of though some incline to 59, others to 61. Festus. But of late a few eminent scholars, re- turning to the date in the Chronicle of Eusebius, have placed it in the year Oct., 55-Oct., 56. However, the opinion prevails strongly that Eusebius is in error, and that even Josephus and Chronology Church Life A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 138 Tacitus are mistaken in their references to Felix and his brother Pallas. We start then from 60 as being approximately correct, and with Ac 13-25 for our guide arrive at the following tentative scheme. The Missionary Journeys of Paul can be dated as follows: (a) First Missionary Journey (Ac 13, 14) to Cy- prus and S. Galatia, 47-49 or 50; followed by the Council at Jerusalem (Ac 15), 50 5. Mission- or 51. ary Jour- (b) Second Missionary Journey (Ac nays. 15 36-18 22). S. Galatia revisited, Mac- edonia, Athens, Corinth (1^ years, Ac 18 11), Antioch; spring of 51 to spring of 54. Paul arrived in Corinth shortly after the expulsion of the Jews from Rome (18 2); but unfortunately the date of this expulsion can not be fixed, nor that of the proconsulship of Gallio (18 12), except that it can not have been before 50. (c) Third Missionary Journey (Ac 18 23-2130). S. Galatia, Ephesus, Corinth, Jerusalem; spring of 55 (or possibly summer of 54) to spring of 58. Ephesus 2^ years (Ac 18 23, 19 1-20 1); summer of 55 to late autumn of 57. Corinth (3 months) and journey via Philippi to Jerusalem (Ac 20 3-21 16); winter of 57-58 to Pentecost of 58. (d) Two years' imprisonment (Ac 21 17), May of 58 to spring of 60. Galatians 1 11-2 10 is the second source for our chronology. The visit of Paul to Jerusalem in Ac 15 is almost certainly to be identified 6. Paul's with the second visit of Galatians (2 1; Conversion, cf. 1 18), which was 17 years after his conversion (with much less probabil- ity some count it 14 years). So the conversion of Saul of Tarsus may be placed, after making allow- ance for partial years, in 34 a.d. From Ac 8 1, 9 1 we judge that Stephen's martyrdom must be put very shortly before this. We thus gain the follow- ing results for the Apostolic Age as a whole: (a) Life of the Church within Jeru- 7. Results salem and in Judsea (Ac 1-7), 29 (or for 30) to 34 a.d. Conversion of Saul, Apostolic 34 A.D. Age. (b) Extension through Palestine. Antioch a new center (Ac 8-12), 34 to 46 A.D. First visit of Saul to Jerusalem (Ac 9 26; Gal 1 18; II Co 11 32), probably in 37. James, son of Zebedee, Idlled by Herod (Ac 12 2), 44. Visit of Barnabas and Saul to Judsea and Jeru- salem with famine funds. Possibly Saul did not go to the capital. (c) The missionary activity of the Apostle Paul (after his earlier work in Syria and Cilicia, Gal 1 21- 23) — narrated in Ac 13-21 16 — 47 to 58 a.d. (for details see above, § 5). In this period are to be placed the two earUest groups of the extant letters of Paul: (1) I and II Thessalonians, written shortly after his first arrival in Corinth, 52. (2) Galatians, probably during his first sojourn in Corinth, 53-54 (see, however, Galatians, Ep. to the, § 5); I and II Corinthians, and other lost correspondence with Corinth, from Ephesus, 56-57; Romans, shortly before final departure from Corinth, winter or spring of 58. (d) Paul the prisoner: (1) In Cffisarea (Ac 24 24-27), May of 58 to 60 a.d. (2) Voyage to Rome and two years in Rome (Ac 27, 28), spring of 61 to 63 a.d. During his Roman im- prisonment Paul wrote Ephesians, Colossians, Phi- lippians, and Philemon. Many scholars infer from Ac 20 25, 38 that his hope of acquittal (Ph 1 25) was not fulfilled and that he was martyred at this time. But the testimony of Clement of Rome, that he died after having reached "the boundary of the West"— i.e., probably Spain (cf. Ro 15 24, 28) — and the impossibility of placing the Pastoral Epistles in their present form within the period of Acts, are in favor of the view that Paul did not die until after a second imprisonment, perhaps in 65, though some good authorities place his death in 66 or 67. (e) A persistent and thoroughly credible tradi- tion is that Peter also died as a martyr in Rome under Nero, perhaps in 64 or 65, shortly before which the first epistle may well have been written (see Peter, First Ep. of, §3); and Josephus states that James, the brother of Jesus, was put to death by the high priest after the death of Porcius Festus in 62. Some place the Epistle of James prior to the time when the controversy between Paul and the Jewish Christians became acute, i.e., before 50. Others put it about 60. Of those who hold that it was not written by James, the Lord's brother, most place it outside the limits of the Apostolic Age (see James, Ep. of, §2 b). (f ) Though the great movements of Church life, at least as known to history, were toward the West after the middle of the first century, so that the churches in Rome and other places rapidly rose into promi- nence, the fall of Jerusalem in 70 a.d. left profound and endm-ing effects on Christian history. . Before this date the earliest sources of the Synoptic Gospels were put into writing, and during the next decade our present Gospels probably took their present form. Acts follows Luke, and Hebrews may be placed within a few years of the fall of Jerusalem (see also special articles on these books). (g) Ephesus becomes a center of influence during the last quarter of the century, and there is a strongly authenticated tradition, though discarded by some eminent scholars to-day, that John the Apostle pre- sided over this church and died there at a great age under Trajan, i.e., not before 98 a.d. The Johan- nine literature, including the Apocalypse, is to be assigned to the last decade of the first century. Though serious difficulties surround the ^Ipistles of II Peter and Jude, there is no inherent reason against placing them within the Apostolic Age (see also the articles on all these books). Literature : For the enormous literature of this subject a general reference must be made to articles in the larger encyclopedias: in PRE^, Jesus Ghristua by ZSckler, and Paulus by Zahn; Chronology by C. H. Turner, HDB. (the best conservative statement), and by v. Soden in EB. (highly critical). See also Schiirer, History of the Jewish People in the Time of Christ (1890); Harnack, Chronologie der aUchrisL Litteratur (1897)', Ramsay, Was Christ Bom at Bethlehem? (1898), and St. Paul the Traveler and Roman Citizen (1897); Zahn, Iviroduction to the N. T. (1907), all representative recent works. In James Moffatt's Historical N. T. (1901) there are very complete and useful tables and summaries of recent opinions. RAF 139 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Chronoloffjf Church Life CHRONOLOGY OF THK OLD TESTAMENT: While the OT contains a great many chrono- logical notices, as a whole it has no chronolog- ical system. A chronological system requires some fixed event or point of time from which all dates may be reckoned. No such event finds mention in the OT, although a limited use is made of several different eras. In the Pentateuch many events are dated according to the year of life of the person concerned, and the life-periods of a long suc- cession of individuals are parts of an era computed from the creation of Adam. But this mode of reck- oning ends with Jacob. All such dates, moreover, belong to the late P element of the Pentateuch and are entirely absent from the earlier J and E docu- ments (see Hexateuch), which gave only the vaguest sort of dates and had no chronological system whatever. An attempt seems to have been made at one time to use the Exodus as a starting-point for chronology. The notices Gn 15 13, Ex 12 40, and I K 6 l seem to belong to calculations connected with such an era. But there is no evidence that this system was gener- ally used. The chronological figures of the Book of Judges give no satisfactory results, partly because they probably rest primarily on vague tradition, partly because they belong to events that were in many cases contemporaneous, not successive (as they are viewed in the book), and partly because they are open to the suspicion that they have been manipulated to work out an ideal scheme of 12 X 40 = 480 years from the Exodus to the Temple (of. IK61). With the Books of Kings definite chronological data begin. These are not connected with an era but with the regnal years of the kings of Judah and Israel. During the period of the divided monarchy, we have two sets of figures in the Books of Kings. One is a synchronistic scheme in which the acces- sions of the kings in Israel are dated according to the regnal years of the kings in Judah and vice versa. The other is an independent set of figures for each reign. There can be no doubt that the latter is the older and more trustworthy on the whole and was the basis of the synchronism, although the results ob- tained from the two systems do not agree, indicating probably that all the figures have not been trans- mitted correctly. With 11 K 24 12 we have the beginning of dating events by the regnal year of the great kings whose sway was supreme over SW. Asia, thus connecting the Biblical chronology directly with that of the larger world of events outside of Palestine. From the Exile on most of the O T dates are of this char- acter (except in Ezekiel). Fortunately, connection can be made between many events of the O T history and the exact chron- ological records of Assyria. The correctness of the Assyrian figures, at least for c. 900-625 B.C., can not be doubted, as they are well substantiated and pre- sent a practically unbroken record. Thus the earli- est fixed date of O T history is given us by the in- scription of Shalmaneser II of Assyria (860-824) to the effect that in 854 Ahab of Israel was one of the confederates defeated by him at Karkar. The same monarch records that Jehu of Israel paid him tribute in 842. Since the reigns of Ahaziah and Jehoram, sons and successors of Ahab, are given as 2 and 12 years respectively, it is evident the date 842 must belong very near the beginning of the reign of Jehu ( Jehoram 's successor) and 854 very near the end of Ahab's reign. Since the 2 years of Amaziah may mean really but parts of two successive years and the 12 of Jehoram but 10 full years plus part of two others, the figures 2 + 12 may represent no more than ± 1 + 10 ± 1 = ± 12. 854 B.C., then, may be taken as the date of the close of Ahab's reign and 842 as that of the accession of Jehu. On the basis of these dates, using the figures for the regnal years of the kings as substantially correct (only subtracting about one year from each reign for the overlapping period which otherwise would be counted twice), we can get approximately correct dates back to Saul's reign. For the period beyond Saul no exact dates can be given. The Exodus and the conquest of Canaan can be given general dates in view of the ascertained facts that Egj^t was supreme ip Palestine from Thotmes III to the end of the reign of Rameses II (except during one short interval) or, in round mrni- bers, from 1500-1250 B.C. The conquest of Canaan by Israel must have taken place after this supremacy came to an end, especially since there is no trace, in Israel's tradition of the conquest, of any conflict with Egyptian forces in Canaan. For the Patriarchal Age dates are impossible, as the early traditions were entirely without figures. Only in the case of Abram (contemporary with Am- raphel = Hammurabi?) can a possible date be sug- gested. The table on pages 130 and 131 presents either generally accepted results or, where no general agree- ment has been reached, results that appear to com- mend themselves as reliable. E. E. N. CHRYSOLITE. See Stones, Precious. CHRYSOPRASE, See Stones, Precious. CHUB. See Cub. CHUN. See CuN. CHURCHES, ROBBERS OF. See Temples, Robbers of. CHURCHES, THE SEVEN. See Revelation, Book of. CHURCH LIFE AND ORGANIZATION: The Christian Church, in the proper sense of the word, did not exist in the Ufetime of Jesus. I. Church Though the choice of the Twelve, and the Not Organ- references to a chiirch, or new Israel, of ized by His own (Mt 16 18), and to a temple not Jesus. made with hands (Mk 14 58), may be pointed to as evidence that He had in view the formation of a separate society, He gives no rules for its constitution or organization. It is vain to seek such either in Mtl6l8flf. or in Mtl8i5ff. Even the ordinance of baptism is not connected in the N T with the historical but with the risen Jesus, and though we accept as historical the command to repeat the Last Supper (Lk 22 19), nothing is said as to the way in which obedience to it was to be ren- (Continued on page 132.) Chronology of the Old Testament A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 130 Biblical Events Other Events 4000-3000. High state of civilization in both Egypt and Babylonia. 2250. Abraham? c. 2250. Babylon becomes chief city of Babylonia under Hammurabi. c, 1900. The beginnings of Assyria (cf. Gn 10 » *'). c. 1800. The Hyksos control lower Egypt. ^ . „ 1500. Conquest of Palestine, etc., by Thotmes III of Egypt. Israel in Egypt. c. 1400. Decline of Egypt's power in Palestine. The Chahiri (Arameans, e.g., Edomites, Moabites, etc., threatening the land). 1300. The Oppression of Israel in Egypt. 1350-1250. Revival of Egypt's power in Palestine under the 1250. The Exodus. Moses. 19th Dynasty. 1200. The Conquest of Canaan. 1200-1050. Period of the "Judges." 1050-1010. Samuel and Saui. 1010. David — Kingof Judah. 1003. David— King of all Israel. Syria {Damascus) Phcenicia c. 950. Rezon I. c. 1000. Abibaal. 969(7). Hiram. 971. Solomon. 967. Temple begun (I K 6 ^' ^O. 960. Temple finished (I K e^S). 7 Hezion. 935. Baalbazer. 931. Division of the Kingdom. ? Tabrimmon. Judah Israel 931. Rehoboam. 931. Jeroboam I. 915. Abijah. 918. Abdashtart. 913. Asa. 910. Nadab. 909. Baasha. 887. Elah. c. 900. Ben-hadad I. 900. Ashtart. 885. Omri. Moab conquered. 888. Astharymos. 879. Phelles 878. Ithobaal (father of Jeze- 874. Ahab. bel). 873. Jehoshaphat. (Elijah.) 870. Ben-hadad II. 854. Ahab at Karkar. 865. Baalazar. 853. Ahaziah. 854. Confederacy headed by 852. Jehoram. Mesha of Ben-hadad II vs. As- Moab revolts. syria defeated at Kar- (Elisha.) kar, 854. 849. Jehoram 848. Metten. 842. Athaliah 842. Jehu. Pays tribute to 844. Hazael. 841. Ahaziah. Shalmaneser II, 842. 837. Joash. Israel brought very Israel suffers great re- low (II K 13). verses in war with Hazael. 820-774. Pygmalion. 815. Jehoahaz. 812. Ben-hadad III. 814. Carthage founded. A ssyria 812. Ramman Nirari III. 806-803. Western campaigns. 799. Jehoash. Revival of 798. Amaziah. Israel. 797. Syria conquered by Ramman Nirari III. c. 790. Uzziah. 784. Jeroboam II (Amos c. 760; Hosea c. 750- 730). c. 770 ? Tabeel (Tab Rimmon?) . V. 750. Jotham (coregent ?). 745. Zechariah. 745. Tiglath-pileser III. Shallum. 744. Menahem. u. 740. Jotham. 738. Menahem pays Assyria 740. Rezon II. (Isaiah.) Indemnity(IIKl5i"'.). 735. Pekahiah. 734. Ahaz. Appeal to As- 734. Pekah. Coalition of syria (II K 16 ^ "•) Pekah and Rezin against Ahaz (cf. Is 7-9). 732. Hoshea. 732. Damascus taken by Tiglath-pileser III. End of this Syrian Kingdom. Jl A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONAHY Chronology of the Old Testament Judah 19. 01. 90. (Micah.) Hezekiah. Israel 72a Fall of Samaria. End of the Kingdom of Israel. Sennacherib's campaign against Judah. Manasseh. Religious decline in Judah. 50. Deuteronomy written. 39. Amon. ,38. Josiah. (Zephaniah.) i21. Josiah's Reform, centralization of worship in Jerusalem. (Jeremiah, Habakkuk, Nahum.) i08. Josiah slain by Pharaoh Necho (of Egypt). 108-605. Judah under Egypt. Jehoiakim made king by Necho. i05. Judah subject to Babylon. )97. Jehoiachin. )97. Nebuchadrezzar takes Jerusalem. Jehoiachin and many others taken captive (1st Captivity). (Eze- kiel.) Zedekiah made king. 588. Zedekiah revolts. Nebuchadrezzar lays siege. 586. Fall of Jerusalem. 2d Captivity. Exile. (Obadiah.) 626. Death of Assurbanipal, rapid decline of Assyria. 606. Capture of Nineveh by the Medes. End of the Assyr- ian Empire. 605. Pharaoh Necho conquered by Nebuchadrezzar. Period of the Exile Ezekiel prophesies until c. 570. 550. The prophet of Is 40-55 (and other prophecies in 56-66?) 546. Cyrus conquers Croesus of Lydia. Assyria 727. 722. Shalmaneser IV. Sargon. 705. Sennacherib. 681. 668. Esarhaddon. Assurbanipal. Chaldean Empire 605. Nebuchadrezzar king of Babylon. Chaldean Empire. Head of the new Babylon becomes a magnificent metropolis. 586-573. Siege of Tyre by Nebuchadrezzar (Ezk. 29"".). 561. Evil-merodach. Releases Zedekiah from prison. 559. Nergal Sharezer. 558. Cyrus I becomes king of Persia. 555. Nabonidus (last king of Babylon). 550. Cyrus conquers the Medes. 539. Cyrus takes Babylon. Post-exilic Period Persian Empire 538-536. Edict of Cjttis permitting the Return, and the Return under Zerubbabel and Joshua. 520. (Haggai. Zechariah 1-8.) 516. Completion and dedication of the 2d Temple. (Malachi.) 458. Ezra goes to Jerusalem with his law-book and with a number of colonists. 445. Nehemiah appointed governor. Jerusalem walled and fortified. 444. The Law made the constitution of the colony. 432. Nehemiah's 2d visit. Origin of the Samaritan Sect. (Jonah.) 350. Many Jews transported to Hyrcania. (Joel.) Samari- tan temple on Mt. Gerizim 332. Jews subject to Alexander the Great. 538. Cyrus at head of the Persian Empire. 529. Carabyses. 522. Revolt of Gaumata (Pseudo-Smerdis). 521 . Darius I (Hystaspis) . Organizer of the Persian Empire. 490. Marathon. 485. Xerxes I (Ahasuerus). 480. Salamis. 465. Artaxerxes I (Longimanus). 423. Darius II (Nothus). 404. Artaxerxes II (Mnemou). 359. Artaxerxes III (Ochus). 336. Darius III (Codomannus). 333-331. Persian Empire conquered by Alexander the Great. Greek Period 332-323. 323-301. 323-197. 250. 197-142. 175. 168-142. 166. 142. 142-^3. Alexander organizing his empire, etc. 332. Alexandria founded. Strife between Alexander's successors. Palestine under the control of Egypt (Ptolemies). High priest at head of the Jewish community in Palestine. Large and growing colony of Jews in Alexandria. Beginning of the Greek version of O T, the LXX. Palestine under the control of Syria (Seleucids). Hellenizing tendencies in Judaism. Antiochus IV (Epiphanes) king of Syria. Attempt to Hellenize Judaism. The decree prohibiting the Jewish religion in Palestine. Jerusalem plundered, Temple desecrated. The revolt under the Maccabees. The war with Syria for independence. The Book of Daniel. Independence secured. Independence of Judeea under the Hasmonean (Maccabean) Dynasty. tp 1:1 tvt Pompey takes Jerusalem. Jews become subject to Rome. l^' '^^ -^ • Church Life A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 13: dered. The life and organization of the Church are visible only after the Resurrection and the Pente- costal gift of the Spirit. They are in fact the free products of these great events. The earliest picture of church life is given in Ac 2 42: 'They waited assiduously on the teaching of the apostles and the fellowship, on the 2. Earliest brealdng of the bread, and the pray- Apostolic ers.' In these four particulars Luke Church has given us the notes of the Church Life. in its first days. The Apostles had a unique place in it by virtue of their unique relation to Jesus. They were the Church's teachers. In other respects "unlearned and igno- rant men" (Ac 4 13), there was one thing they knew better than others: they knew Jesus, and could bear witness to Him (Ac 1 8). To this devotion to the teaching (doctrine AV) of the Apostles we in- directly owe the knowledge of Jesus preserved in the Synoptic Gospels. But the Church was devoted also to the fellowship, the KOLvavla. Its members had a profound sense of their unity. They were much together. None of them said any of the things he had was his own. There was no compulsory communism (Ac 5 4), but an immense generosity which commanded es- teem, as in the case of Barnabas. Out of common funds voluntarily given distribution was made to every one according as he had need (Ac 4 35). A spontaneous and genuine attempt was made to real- ize brotherhood, or the oneness of the children of God. Besides the apostolic teaching and the fellow- ship, a characteristic of the Church was the breaking of the bread. This was done daily? (Ac 2 46), and house by house, and is interpreted by the phrase fjieTekdfipavov Tpoos and u-viip,opi(eiv place the em- phasis on the internal (moral and intellectual) aspects, while a-wa-xrjP'aTi^etv refers primarily to the external (physical and formal) relations. E. E. N. CONGREGATION : Predommantly an O T word. In the NT found only in Ac 13 43 AV ("synagogue" RV). The AV uses the term as the translation of a variety of Hebrew words in all of which the notion of meeting is primary. The RV has properly sub- stituted in aU cases which designate the place of the meeting of God with the people in the person of their representative Moses (Ex 27 21, etc.) the more ac- curate form Tent of Meeting. Another change in- troduced in RV, in the interest of greater clearness and uniformity, is the substitution of assembly for "congregation" wherever the theocratical convoca- tion of the people is meant, as when the original Heb. is qdhal (Lv4 14). The term "congregation" (in the RV) is thus almost Hmited to the designation of the stated meetings of the people for the transaction of political or legislative business. The distinction can not be pressed too closely, but in general it will hold true. The word is preeminently a 'priestly' one, confined almost entirely to the priestly elements of the Hexateuch and to Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah. See also Assembly (5) and (7). A. C. Z. CONIAH, co-ncu'a. See Jehoiachin. CONSCIENCE : This word is not used in the O T, (but cf.Ec 1020[LXX.J and, in the Apoc.,Wis 17 ll). In the N T it is used mainly in the Pauhne Epistles; twice in Paul's speeches in Acts (23 l, 24 16). Else- where it appears only in Hebrews, and in I Peter. Outside its Biblical usages the Greek word {crvveidi]- crtf ) had not yet obtained the fuller meaning given to it in the N T. It was used somewhat vaguely for the consciousness with which a man views his completed act, especially for the feeling aroused as he recalls and contemplates a wrong deed (Cremer's Lexicon and P. Ewald). In the N T a distinct development is found. In Ro 2 I4f., Paul finds a double proof that the law of God is real for the heathen world, first in the very character of their works which imply the Conscience Conversation A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 144 power of making moral distinctions; and, second, in a twofold inner movement described in two independent clauses in the passage. I. Pauline The second clause is not explanatory Usage. of the first. Their "thoughts" in mutual intercourse (koyio-jxoi) are not identical with their "conscience." The latter is private conscience and individual; the former are social. The occurrence of o-weiST/o-tff here presup- poses a well-known meaning which may be found elsewhere. It appears clearly in the two passages in Acts, where Paul, reviewing his past, expresses his consciousness of having always tried to preserve his sense of integrity before God. At this point the NT agrees with extrabibhcal usage, except that the religious reference is present. But that is the new element which makes a great change ultimately in the idea of "conscience." In the remaining pas- sages of Romans (9 1, 13 5) the meaning is the same. In fact, it will be found that, as its fundamental meaning, Paul uses the word for that sense of integ- rity, or of righteous standing before God (or Christ), which accompanies the moral and religious conduct of the believer. All other new meanings of the word grow out of consideration of that function of human Christian consciousness. The passage where "conscience" occurs most often (I Co 8-10) illustrates the manner in which the con- ception grew as soon as the fact began to live in the Christian environment. In the presence of a dif- ficult practical problem conscience appears as a complex fact. (1) The Christian man who recog- nizes God's relation to all things and the nothingness of idols knows that the consecration of food to idols means nothing. He is, therefore, free to eat what- ever is set before him. His knowledge of the facts becomes the ground of his integrity before God when he partakes. His conscience is clear and sound. (2) But he recognizes also that his action affects other consciences, of which in this regard there are two classes, (o) The weak conscience of a brother "used until now to the idol" (8 7). This man can not rid himself of the feehng that in eating meat he continues a former heathen practise. He eats "as of a thing sacrificed to an idol." He therefore eats with a "weak conscience," because of an unclear judgment of the facts, and therefore with a " defiled" (8 7) or "wounded" (8 12) conscience — that is, with a lack of conscious integrity before God. Now Paul will not despise his ignorance nor merely pity his confused judgment; he will reverence his conscience. For while the conscience is ignorant, lacking knowl- edge (8 7a), yet it is conscience, which if it be forced by example instead of being set free by insight is wounded, and he perishes (8 10 f.). (6) The igno- rant conscience of the heathen man (10 27a). If the Christian man purchase his food in the open market he must do so in his own freedom — ignoring the cer- emonial connection between meat and idol-worship (10 25f.). But as soon as the relation becomes personal, the problem is changed. If a heathen host (10 27) sets meat before you without remark, your own conscience is free. But as soon as any one {ris 10 28) calls attention to the connection of the meat with idol-worship, the feast becomes a sacred meal, a heathen sacrament. That makes abstinence a duty, but only for the sake of the other's con- science. To him your partaking now would be a denial of the very thing which you know, that this consecration of the meat is nothing. From this it is clear that the oft-quoted verse (I Co 8 13) does not mean that Paul practised or enjoined permanent abstinence from meat. The abstaining conscience must keep its own dignity and rights by making ab- stinence wholly relative to the good of others, and must not erect its act into a new law of permanent and universal authority. There is a dangerous tend- ency in the 'weak' conscience to become censo- rious (Ro 14 3b, 10a) and in the strong and free con- science to become contemptuous (Ro 14 3a, 10b), and against both the Apostle utters urgent warn- ings. The guiding principle in this passage (I Co 8-10) is the same as in Ro 14, although in the latter for "knowledge" the Apostle substitutes the word "faith" (14 12). In both passages the awful signifi- cance of conscience appears in this that, if a man eat who feels or thinks that it may be against the honor of Christ to do so, he thereby abdicates his own judgment and acts outside of faith. And whoso does this is 'destroyed' (Ro 14 I5b) and 'per- ishes' (I Co 8 11). And in both passages the man who by his example deliberately exerts that com- pulsion on him is held responsible for the disaster. In II Co "conscience" is apphed not to his own ap- proval of his conduct, but to its approval by others (4 2,511). This is a new and most important step in the growth of the general conception. And yet it comes naturally through the intensely social Christian spirit. For it is the same inner power in virtue of which I appraise my own con- duct and that of others, and I must do both "in Christ." In the Pastoral Epistles conscience is named six times; in three cases (ITi 1 5, 19, 3 9) with "faith" or "heart," as if it had begun to define itself before Christian eyes as a fundamental element or faculty of human nature. In Tit 1 15 it can be, along with the "mind," defiled. And in I Ti 4 2 it is said that certain who fall away from the faith are "branded in their own conscience as with a hot iron." This does not mean that they lose the power of making moral distinctions, a quite un-Pauline idea; but that they suffer the intolerable shame of their defection. It is the intense pain of ineradicable guilt which is theirs. The three passages in I Peter in which "con- science" occurs yield the same meaning as the Pauline. In the first two (2 19, 3 16) 2, The the general context is similar. The Petrine beUever is amid hostile critics and even Usage, persecutors. His strength and peace must be found in the possession of "a good conscience" which must be the inner sense of "a good manner of life in Christ" (3 16). The word is used in a startUngway, however, when (2 19) the author speaks of the a-vvelSTjo-ts Geov, which is vari- ously translated. Is it "conscience toward God," or, as Canon Bigg prefers, "consciousness of God"? The phrase was apparently so constructed because the writer saw that there is no consciousness of God, in the Christian sense, without a good conscience toward God. It marks the dawn of the great idea 145 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Conscience Conversation that conscience is the voice of God in us. But here it means that in the sense of uprightness before Him a man already possesses Him. The very diffi- cult passage which ahnost immediately follows (3 20 f.) repeats the word in a sentence that is gram- matically dark. The baptized man is saved 'into God,' as the eight souls into the ark. But this baptism is not concerned with the outward man, "the flesh," but with the inner man. In the bap- tismal rite "the good conscience" is the matter of inquiry, the decisive fact. In four out of the five places where ' * conscience ' ' is named in the Epistle to the Hebrews the general topic is the subjective effect of the 3. Usage atonement of Christ. Whatever effect in the the gifts and sacrifices, the blood-shed- Epistle ding, under the old covenant produced, to the they did not reach the conscience. Hebrews, The worshiper remained in that re- gard unperfect (9 9); he still had the conscience of sins (10 2) or dead works (9 14). But the blood of Christ does "cleanse conscience from dead works to serve the living God," and men may have their "hearts sprinkled from an evil conscience," so that they can "draw near with a true heart in ful- ness of faith" (10 22). It is evident that in all these passages the good conscience is regarded as the sense of righteousness before God (cf. 13 18). Our sense of guilt prevents all approach to God; and that is removed only by the blood of Christ. His work of sacrifice has made it possible for men to enter the holy presence of God with bold hearts and confident prayer — that is, with clear consciences. The con- science is that in us on which forgiveness through atonement operates. It is evident that in the N T we have no clearly defined doctrine or theory of conscience, nor even a description of it. Like other Greek 4. The words (rvvelBrja-is was passing into a Philosophy new world, to describe great facts of Con- which were now more clearly perceived science, than was possible for prechristian eyes. Some of these may be stated here. (1) The feeling of guilt or of joyous confi- dence before God, as in Hebrews, is the deepest fact in human religious experience. The work of Christ deals with that, and it is called "conscience." (2) The believer's feeling of personal integrity and sin- cerity in conduct before God and man, as in Acts, Romans, Corinthians, is traced to the same inner seat of authority. (3) But this feeling is so closely allied with and dependent upon 'knowledge' or intelligent 'faith' (I Co, I Ti) that the conscience is seen to be a moral scrutinizer of all human con- duct. (4) As thus conceived conscience is the supreme, the most sacred fact in human nature, to preserve which is essential and to destroy which can only be the doom of the individual. There can be little doubt that N T writers, by their emphasis upon this phase of human nature, by making it so concrete, and by attaching to it the very highest and most solemn significance in relation to the final destiny of man, presented fresh material and a new stimulus to ethical inquiry. It may be added with some confidence that no theory of conscience can hold ita own which takes no account of those aspects of it which are set before us in these brief but momentous N T discussions. Literature: P. Ewald, De vocia Si'vei'STjo-ews Vi ac Po- testate, 1883; W. Herrmann, Ethik,^ 1904; Martensen, Christian Ethics (Individual) , TrB.na\sition, 1884, 338 ff.; H. Schultz, Grundriss d. Evang. Eihik, 1891; Newman Smyth, Christian Ethics, 1892; T. B. Strong, Christian Ethics, 1896; B.Weisa, Bib. Theol. 0/ iV 2', Translation, 1893, 1,p.476MI, pp.39-41, 128; G. B. Stevens, Theol. ofNT 454-456. y^^ D_ M. CONSECRATE: This term is the correct render- ing of the Heb. tiJ'lp^, qadhesh (and cognate words), signifying 'to be holy,' i.e., 'separate' from that which is common or profane (see Holy). But there are a number of passages where the Heb. or Gr. terms are not adequately represented by the Eng. word "consecrate." In Mic 4 13, "devote," in Nu 6 7, 9, 12, "separate," "separation," in He 10 20, "dedicate," and in He 7 2S, "perfected," all RV, are more correct renderings. In the majority of instances, however, where "consecrate" (and consecration) occur, they render a peculiar Heb. expression meaning lit- erally ' to fill the hand,' or ' filling' with 'hand' under- stood (cf. Ex 32 29; Jg 17 5, 12 for passages where the force of the literal expression can stiU be discerned). The expression goes back probably to a remote an- tiquity when the priests' hands were "filled" with the offerings, etc., from which he derived his income. See Priesthood, § 2a. E. E. N. CONSOLATION {irapaKKri^tsy. The "consolation of Israel" (Lk 2 25) was an expression derived probably from Is 40 1 (LXX.). The comfort or con- solation there predicted was popularly understood in later times as referring to the Messianic age rather than to the return from the Exile. The "con- solation of Israel" was consequently the time when the promises of the prophets would be fulfilled and all — especially the lowly — would rejoice in the rule of righteousness and peace. E. E. N. CONSPIRE, CONSPIRACY: The only instance where the term "conspiracy" calls for comment is Is 8 12, where AV reads confederacy. Here the term qesher refers probably to the coalition of N. Israel and Damascus against Judah which was filling all minds with apprehension (cf. 7 1-2). E. E. N. CONSTELLATION. See Astronomy, § 4. CONSULT, See Magic and Divination, § 3, and Council, Counsel. CONSUMMATION. See Eschatology, § 45. CONSUMPTION. See Disease and Medicine, § 5 (3). CONTRIBUTION. See Church, § 9. CONTROVERSY: The Heb. word 3^"1, ribh, often translated "controversy," means 'a case or suit at law' (Dtl7 8; II S 15 2). In the prophets the term is frequently used for Jehovah's 'case' against Israel. Once (Is 348) for the 'case' of Zion against Edom. E. E. N. CONVERSATION: This word is frequently used in the AV to render various terms signifying 'be- Conversion Corinthians A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 146 havior* or 'manner of life/ These or equivalent ex- pressions have, therefore, been substituted in the RV. In Ph 3 20 the Gr. is TToKirevfm, 'citizenship' (q.v.). E- E. N. CONVERSION, CONVERT: The RV retains "convert" only in Ps 51 13 and Ja 5 19 f. The He- brew and Greek originals are almost uniformly translated 'to turn.' They are appUed to inanimate objects or to the movements of living things (cf. Jos 1912; IIS 23 10; Ru 1 16; Mk 5 30, 8 33; Lk2 39; Jn21 20; II P2 22). They are most significantly applied both in the O T and the N T to that act in which the soul turns from unbelief or sin to God. Paul uses iTna-rpi^eiv indeed of turning away from the true Gospel (Gal 4 9), and there are two other natural uses (Lk 22 32; cf. 17 4; Ja 5 19 f.). But the N T generally uses it, sometimes in close union with 'repentance,' quasi-technically for the great crises when men respond to God's work of redemption in Christ (IThl9f.), and His call through the preaching of the Gospel (Ac 11 20 f., 26 17-20). W. D. M. CONVOCATION. and Assembly. See Fasts and Feasts, § 1, COOK, COOKING. See Food and Food Uten- sils, § 11. COOL: As a noun in Gn 3 8 (Heb. riLoh, 'wind,' 'breeze') it is evidently used to indicate the time of day when a breeze is apt to arise as the heat declines to its lowest degree before sunset. It was in the cool of the early evening that the Orientals usually roused themselves from their midday rest. A. C. Z. COOS, co'es. See Cos. COPING. See Temple, § 10. COPPER. See Metals, § 3. COPPERSMITH. See Artisan Life, § 11. COR. See Weights and Measures, § 3. CORAL: The rendering, which is not entirely certain, of the Heb. ra'moth (Job 28 18; Ezk 27 16). In Pr 24 7 the same word is rendered ''too high." Coral abounds in the Mediterranean Sea, and the va- riety thought to be referred to is the red coral. E. E. N. CORBAN. See Sacrifice and Offerings, § 17. CORD : The only instance of the occurrence of this word in the Bible that calls for special comment is in Job 30 10, where, however, the sense is obscure, and the text uncertain. See Davidson, ad loc, in Camb. Bible. E. E. N. CORE. See Korah. CORIANDER SEED. See Manna. CORINTH (K6piu0os): The capital of Corinthia. Its location was incomparable strategically and com- mercially, as it commanded the sole land route by the natural bridge between the continent and Pelopon- nesus, and was supplied with deep-water harbors (Lechgeum, Cenchreae) on both sides of the Isth- mus (3^ m. wide). ThessaUan Minyans settled here c. 1350 B.C. and founded '-Ecj^vpa (later Kopiv- 60s) on a plateau at the northern foot of the lofty (1,750 ft.) and impregnable Acro-Corinthus, which served as a stronghold and as the site of the temple of Poseidon (the natural patron-god of a seafarmg people). The purple-fish of Greek waters early attracted Phcenicians to Corinth. These brought with them their traditions and gods ^ (especially Astarte-Aphrodite, whose worship was impure (cf. the hierodouli of Cappadocia, q.v.). The Phoe- nician sim-god Melkarth supplanted Poseidon on Acro-Corinthus, which became sacred to Melkarth (as Helius) conjointly with Astarte (Aphrodite), while the worship of Poseidon was relegated to the Isthmus. They introduced also many manu- factiires, which made Corinth the center of indus- trial art at an early period (purple dye, artistic weaving, cloths, rugs, bronze objects, tables, coffers, armor, and pottery). Later, emigrants from Attica became supreme. These probably changed the name to Corinth. They glorified the games in honor of Poseidon at the Isthmus, and opened them to other states. The Dorian conquest, which occurred under Aletes (c. 1074 B.C.), brought a Dorian element to Corinth. C. was now ruled by Heraclid kings (Bacchiadae) till 748, when kings were superseded by prytanes chosen annually from 200 Bacchiad families. The Dorian conquest did not make Corinth really Dorian; she detested Dorian exclusiveness and remained lux- urious, immoral, and commercial. A new era of prosperity was introduced by Cypselus (of Eolian stock), who expelled the Bacchiadae and reintroduced the monarchy 657-629 B.C. Under Periander (629- 585) and Psammetichus (585-582) triremes were in- vented, and a series of trading-stations (colonies) were established in the W. and N., and relations with Miletus, Mitylene, Lydia, and Egypt were cultivated. The Cypselids were succeeded by the old Dorian conservative aristocracy, under which Corinth be- came famous for her wealth, luxury, extravagance, and licentiousness (abounding in hetcerce, and relig- ious prostitutes). Hence the proverb, "I do not advise every man to visit Corinth." Not only Cor- inth's position between two seas, but the difficulty of circumnavigating Peloponnesus, and the easy trans- fer of wares and even ships by a wooden railway (dloXKos) across the Isthmus made C. the meeting- place of Occident and Orient, and a commercial and banking center. Being a commercial city, C. was lukewarm in the Persian wars. Later, because of her jealousy of the growing commerce of Athens, C sided with Sparta, and incited that city to the Peloponne- sian War (431), but in 395-387 she joined Athens, Thebes, and Argos in the Corinthian War against Sparta. Philip and Alexander were proclaimed leaders of the Greeks at the Isthmian Games (in 338 and 336). A Macedonian garrison held the Acro- Corinthus (335-243), and though expelled during the existence of the Achean League (243-222) (headed by Aratus) it was later restored (222-199). Corinth and Greece were declared free by Rome at the Games of 196. But it later became the head of a new Achean League, and at the command of the Roman Senate was totally destroyed by Mummius in 146. The 147 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Conversion Gorinthians inhabitants were slaughtered or enslaved and the statues, pictures, and furniture sent to Rome. The place was uninhabited for 100 years, and the site was cursed and given to Sicyon for the maintenance of the Isthmian Games. Caesar in 44 B.C. removed the curse and refounded the city as a Roman colony (Colonia Laus Julia Corinthus). The new city was confined to the northern plateau; temples and public build- ings were reconstructed. As the political capital of Achaia and residence of the proconsul during the following 100 years C. regained her former magnifi- cence, luxury, and immorality. It is this Grseco- Roman city which Pausanias describes, and it was in this city that Paul lived and wrought, and it was this atmosphere that made possible the excesses re- proved by him (cf. Ac 18 5-17, 20 2 f.; I and II Co; see also Corinthians, Ep. to). C. maintained its existence untU 1858, when it was annihilated by an earthquake. Since 1896 the site has been gradually bought and excavated by the American School at Athens. In earliest times Corinth patronized literature, but materialism gained the day and consequently Corinth has no place in literature, though she pro- duced many statesmen. In art she is famous for her early school of painting and for the Corinthian order of architecture. The colonies of C. were Sjrracuse, Solium, Ambracia, Anactorium, Leucas, Corcyra, Epidamnus, Apollonia, and Potidgea. The results of American excavations have been disappointing, as nothing of prime importance has been found. J. R. S. S. CORINTHIANS, EPISTLES TO THE Analysis of Contents 1. Review of Criticism 2. Date of I CorintMans 3. Condition of Church 4. Early Correspondence 5. Oral Information of the Situation 6. Motive and Contents of 1 Corinthians 7. Date of II Corinthians 8. Condition of Church 9. Sorrowful Visit 10. Painful Letter 11. II Corinthians a Com- posite Epistle 12. Bearing of Epistles on Paul's Work These letters belong to a group of Paurs Epistles (Corinthians, Galatians, and Romans), whose au- thorship, apart from certain sporadic I. Criti- attacks, conspicuous by their failure cism of the (Evanson, 1792; Bruno Bauer, 1852; Epistles. Dutch Critical School, 1882), has never been questioned. In fact, this group ha^s been made by such radical critics as the Tubingen School (1845) the standard of Pauline lit- erature, over against which the remainder of the canonical Epistles bearing his name were shown, to their satisfaction, to be pious forgeries. As a consequence, the chief matters of interest in these letters center, not in their authorship, but in the conditions of church life in the Apostolic Age and in the relations to that life borne by the work and the personality of Paul. It is evident from 16 8 f. that I Corinthians was written from Ephesus shortly before Pentecost. As to what year, it is plain that it could not have been that of Paul's first visit to the city, on his return from his second mission tour (Ac 18 19, 52 a.d.), since the Epistle was written after ApoUos had been preaching in Corinth (1 12, 16 12), which was sub- sequent to this time (Ac 18 24-19 1). 2. Date of It must have been some year during I Corin- the longer stay in Ephesus on his third thians. mission tour (53-56 a.d.) — most likely at the end of the period; since it was after Timothy had been sent to Corinth as the repre- sentative of the Apostle (4 17, 16 10) and after the Apostle himself had planned a journey soon to fol- low to the same place (4 19, 16 5, 7) which from Ac 19 10, 21 f. was after he had been two years en- gaged in his Ephesian work. The probable date may, therefore, be given as late in the winter or early in the spring of 56. The situation disclosed by I Corinthians is one of marked unspirituality among the members of the Christian community and of distinct 3. Condi- pastoral anxiety for their condition on tion of the part of Paul. The people were re- Corinthian turning, in a measure, to their old pagan Church, habit of living, as shown particularly in the party spirit which seemed to possess them all (1 10-21, 3 3 f.), the sensuality which existed unrebuked among them (5 1 f.), the skeptical questionings to which they were giving themselves (15 12, 35), and the general attitude of independency in life and worship (8 9-13, 10 27-33, 11 1-6, 20-22, 12- 14) which was threatening their respect and rever- ence for Paul himself (4 3-19, 5 9-11, 9 1-3). Indeed before I Corinthians the Apostle had been moved by their lack of sensitiveness to moral condi- tions to write the people bidding them 4. Early not to keep company with fornicators Corre- (5 9). To this they had replied that spondence. the command was impracticable, indi- cating either an indifferent or a de- signed misunderstanding of it as involving the general population of the city (5 10) — a misunder- standing which Paul corrects by showing them that his reference was to immoral members of the church (5 11). In this reply they also lay before the Apostle other troublesome problems in their church life, such as marriage and divorce (ch. 7), meat offered to idols (chs. 8 and 10), the exercise of spiritual gifts (chs. 12- 14), the collection for the Jerusalem poor (161-4), and the possible return to them of ApoUos (16 12). In addition to this, oral information had come to him through members of the household of Chloe concerning the wide prevalence in the 5, Oral community of a partizan spirit (1 11) — Informa- not that there existed among them tion as to clearly defined parties or distinct relig- Partizan ious sects, but that the habit of fac- Spirit and tionalism gathering around claimed Other excellencies in certain of their ministers Matters, and boasted superiority in certain of their members had generally possessed the church. Doubtless through the same informants Paul had learned of the aggravated case of immorality in the community (ch. 5) and possibly also of the litig- ious spirit among them (ch. 6), as well as of their skeptical attitude of mind toward the fact of a gen- eral resurrection of the dead (ch. 15). Corinthians A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 148 It was to rebuke this factionalism in its various forms of manifestation, to denoimce this skepticism as to the truth, and to discuss the ques- 6. Motive tions laid before him that I Corinthians and Con- was written. tents of I I. The Apostle takes up, first of all, Corin- the reported factionalism. After tell- thians. ing them how he had come by the news of it, he visits upon it a plain and out- spoken reproof, which extends practically through the first three chapters of the Epistle. He shows them that this spirit is contrary to the divine pur- pose behind the ministry which he had accomplished among them (1 12-17) — in fact, against the spirit of the Gospel itself and God's calling of them to its privileges (1 18-31), that it was opposed to the prin- ciple which had controlled his preaching of this Gospel, not only among them (2 1-5) but in general (2 6-16), that it was against the spirit which had actuated himself and Apollos in their ministry to them (3 1-15) and against the true spirituality of the life implanted in them by God (3 16-23). II. Such plainness of speech, however, calls for apology, which he gives (4 1-5), stating that the rea- son for his reproof had been his desire for a humble- ness of life in them such as was seen in Apollos and himself (4 6-16), to bring which desire to realization he had sent to them Timothy (4 17-21). III. With his mind relieved on this first point of difficulty between them, he takes up the reported immoraUty (ch. 5), accusing them not of being them- selves immoral, but of not being sensitive to those of their number who were, and that too although the particular case which had been cited to him as con- doned by them was one of infamous nature (5 1 f.)- He prescribes the punishment in the case, which apparently involved exposing the offender to the infliction of a miraculous death (cf. case of Ananias and Sapphira, Ac 5 l-ll), though with the purpose of the saving of his soul in the day of judgment (5 3-5). He then renews his reproof of their lack of moral judgment, taking occasion to remind them of his commands to them on this matter in his former (unpreserved) letter (5 6-13). rv. In ch. 6 he comes to their irritating habit of going to law in cases of dispute among themselves. He shows them that such a spirit is out of all har- mony with the high dignity of their relationship to the world and the true fellowship of their relations to one another (6 1-11), which leads him to a state- ment of the principle of Christian liberty, though the especial application he makes of the prin- ciple is to the matter of immoral relationships (6 12-20). V. 1. This application presents to him the first of the specific questions laid before him in the letter from the Church — the question concerning marriage. On this he takes high ground. He holds marriage to be wise and honorable (7 1-7) — a bond not to be loosened even where it involves an unbeUeving com- panion (7 8-17). In general, he holds that existing relationships both in and out of wedlock should best remain as they are, though his personal preference is for the unmarried state (7 18-40). 2. The second question concerns the eating of meats offered to idols, in reply to which he urges the . (. principle of a self-denying regard for others' opimon (ch. 8), as illustrative of which principle he refers to his own action in the matter of receiving support from churches, answering objections to his course (9 1-27), and exhorting against a spirit of self-confi- dence (101-13), and against idolatry (1014-22). To this he adds a fuller statement of the principles of Christian Uberty (10 23-11 1). 3. There then follows a rather prolonged discus- sion of the complicated question of pubHc worship (11 2-14 40). He considers first the matter of appro- priate head apparel in their assemblies (112-16), from which he proceeds to the vital situation in- volved in their conduct of the Lord's Supper, which had grown so disorderly as not only to become a scandal but to bring a deadening influence on their spiritual fife (11 17-34). Finally he takes up the confusion which had fallen upon their exercise of spiritual gifts, disclosing the spirit of order and mutual service that should actuate it (ch. 12), while he leads them up to a consideration of love as the greatest gift of all (ch. 13) and shows them the practical worth and value of the gift of speaking with tongues (ch. 14). 4. With ch. 15 he apparently digresses to the orally reported difficulties in the Church, and takes up one of the most important and significant of their troub- les — their skeptical attitude of mind toward the resurrection. With great earnestness and apolo- getic skill he meets the objections raised against the doctrine, showing how it is necessitated by the historical fact of the resurrection of Christ (15 1-19) and by principles involved in Christ *s relationship to them (15 20-28) and fundamental to their spiritual hfe (15 29-58). 5. In ch. 16 he returns to the stated questions from the Church — first that concerning the collection ordered among them for the Jerusalem poor, which was evidently languishing for lack of proper method (16 1-4), and finally, after a discussion of his own and Timothy's plans of travel (16 5-11), that concern- ing their request for the return of Apollos to them — • a request which the Apostle himself had favored, but Apollos for the present had declined (16 12). This ends the Epistle's message, and a few verses bring it to its conclusion (16 13-24). The Second Epistle was written after Paul had left Ephesus and had come by way of Troas into Macedonia (2 12 f.). He had been 7. Date despondent about the Corinthian of II church before leaving Ephesus and had Corin- consequently sent Titus (by the short thians. sea route) to Corinth for a betterment of its affairs. Titus had met him in Macedonia, coming north from Corinth (7 5-7; cf. 2 12 f . ). If Paul left Ephesus in the spring or the sum- mer of 56, II Corinthians was written in the summer or the autumn of the same year. The situation in Corinth at the time 8. Con- II Corinthians was written is a develop- dition of the ment of that disclosed by the First Church. Epistle. The moral sensitiveness of the community seems to have im- proved, but the factionalism appears to have con- centrated itself in an actual movement of hostility against Paul (1 i5-i7, 2 5-10, 10 lof., n 5_i2, le, 12 ii, 149 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Corinthians 15-18, 13 1 f., 6-7), emanating seemingly from the Christ party (10 7, 11 13, 22 f., 13 3) and in all like- lihood possessing the spirit, if not actuated by the claims, of the Judaizers (11 4 f. [cf. Gal 1 6, 2 6-8], IX 13-15 [cf. Gal 1 8 f.], 11 18-20 [cf. Gal 2 4, 4 3, 9, 5 l]). That this development endangered the relation- ship of Paul to the Corinthian Church of course needs no proof. Its seriousness, however, gives sig- nificance to several indications in II Corinthians that the Apostle had been personally involved in the process by which it had come to its strength. There are, for example, certain passages which seem to show that the visit to Corinth Paul has in mind when writing is to be his third g. Sorrow- visit to that city (12 14, 13 1-3), while ful Visit, it has promise of being a second visit of sorrow (21, 12 21). The explana- tion formerly given, by which these passages were referred to the Apostle's third plan to go to them, rather than to his third actual visit, is now generally abandoned, and a visit, unrecorded in Acts, is ad- mitted to have been made from Ephesus after I Corinthians. Its occasion was the development of this personal hostility which Timothy, who had been sent to Corinth in connection with the First Epistle, had apparently been unable to hold in check. Its result was unsuccessful (lOlOf.), and the Apostle returned to EphesUs in great despondency of mind, from which he had~ not recovered when he left the city (2 12 f., 7 5). All this is borne out by certain other passages which seem to hint at another letter sent by the Apostle to Corinth — a letter of "many 10, Pain- tears," written out of ''much affliction ful Letter, and anguish of heart" (2 4, 7 8-12) — ■ a description that can not suit I Corin- thians, which, though a letter of censure and shame, was written rather in a balance between anger and meekness (I Co 4 21) than in the abandonment of grief. Added significance to the foregoing descrip- tion is afforded by the fact that it is found in the passages which refer to events evidently connected with this unrecorded visit (2 If. [3f.], 5-8 [9], lOf.) and with Titus' mission in the emergency (7 5-7 [8f.], 10 f- [12], 13-16). Apart, however, from all such admissions regard- ing a special letter of tears, though gaining signifi- cant interest through them, there has 11. II Cor- been a, growing conviction among inthians a scholars that the peculiar difference in Composite tone and contents of chs. 1-9 from chs. Epistle. 10-13 points to the composite character of II Corinthians. The cheerful and satisfied character of the earlier chapters discloses a situation in the Church of general loyalty to the Apostle; the dissatisfied and anxious character of the latter chapters betrays one of general disloyalty to him. In fact, when we note the peculiar cross- references between 2 3 and 13 10, 1 23 and 13 2, 2 9, and 10 6, it would seem that the states of feeling on the Apostle's part, which in the later passages are considered as threatening the Corinthians, in the earlier passages are regarded as laid aside and re- moved — as though between the situation referred to in chs. 10-13 and that referred to in chs. 1-9 there had come a change for the better. In view of these peculiarities it would appear not only that these last four chapters were written be- fore the first nine, but that they contain at least a portion of the painful letter, written after Paul's return to Ephesus from the unsuccessful visit — a position which gains significance from the fact that in the foregoing cross-references those in the earlier chapters (1 23, 2 3,9) are all taken from the pas- sages which expressly refer to this visit and the letter connected with it. This theory is strongly confirmed when the con- tents of these chapters are considered in the order in which this arrangement places them. In chs. 8 and 9 Paul is urging upon them the col- lection for the Judsean saints, citing the generous spirit of the Macedonian churches as a stimulus to their own benevolence and disclosing the spiritual rewards that follow upon a liberal giving. Through- out his appeal he leaves no doubt as to his confi- dence in what they will do in the matter — the chap- ter ending with a thanksgiving that suggests the hope he has of them. In contrast to this, ch. 10 begins abruptly with an assertion of his apostolic authority, over against a state of criticism and open hostility toward him such as is not hinted at in any of the preceding chapters (10 1-11). In proof of the fact of his authority he cites three things: (a) The independence of his ministry (10 12-18), which united with it a jealousy of affection for them (11 1-15) — an affection which was all the more marked in comparison with the sel- fishness of his opponents' conduct (ll l6-2la), which lacked the background of the labors and sufferings that belonged to all his missionary Ufe (11 21b-33); (6) the visions granted him by God (121-4), to- gether with the infirmities laid upon him by the same divine hand and the contact with God's strength into which these weaknesses brought him (12 5-10) ; (c) the manifestation of his apostolic power in the working of miracles among them (12 11-13). This assertion of his challenged authority is then followed by a passage which, for the heaviness of heart and bitterness of spirit that it discloses, is unique among Paul's writings (1214-1310). It is burdened with anxious fear for the stability of his relations to them (12 14-21), while it is sharp with threatened action against them at his coming (13 1-10). With this his message closes. When we turn to the first nine chapters this stress and strain would seem to be all over. The opening chapter, to be sure, takes up a criticism which is being urged against him by the people; but the charge is a mild one, concerning simply his delay in coming to them as he had promised, which seemed to them to be a show of fickleness (1 15-17). This charge he meets in a spirit of abounding confidence in his own sincerity and in their loyalty toward him (1 12-14), showing that his delay had been due to his desire to spare them in giving himself time to re- cover from his sorrow over their condition and them- selves time for a change of their condition, indicating that the CEise of hostility toward him, which they had furnished, should now be forgiven by them, as it practically had already been by himself (1 18-2 10). Then, after showing how his anxiety to hear from them through Titus had left him no peace of mind Corinthians Cosmogony A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 150 on his journey (2i2f.), he comes, by a short transi- tion (2 14^17), to a review of his ministry among them, confirming their renewed approval of it over against such unfriendly element as still remained in the Church. He shows the fruit of service to be the proof of a true ministry (3 1-11), while he displays before them the plainness and honesty of his preaching (3 12-4 6) and at the same time the hard- ship of his ministry and the secret of his endurance (4 7-5 10), closing with an assertion of the absence from his mind of all spirit of self-glory (5 11-21) and an exhortation to them to make their lives effective in the service to which they were called (6 1-10). This is evidently the end of his message; for there follows upon this simply the practical warning against fellowship with unbelievers (6 11-7 1 — unless 6 14-7 1 be a remnant of his first letter to them, referred to in I Co 5 9 f . ), a plea for yet closer fellowship with them, with an acknowledgment of the comfort their loy- alty toward him had already produced (7 2-16) and the urging on them of the Jerusalem collection (chs. 8 and 9; see above). It is seen from this that, while in both sections in our II Corinthians there is a personal element in the motive for the writing, there is between them a marked difference of direction in which this motive proceeds. In chs. 10-13 it is straight toward a, determination to meet and master the hostility which had manifested itself against the Apostle since I Corinthians, but in chs. 1-9 it is all toward a de- sire to lay hold of and safeguard the loyalty which had finally shown itself in the church. With such an understanding of the contents of these two parts of our Epistle and of the purpose which lay behind them, it would seem that the only arrangement of them possible is that of the theory that chs. 10-13 belong to the painful let- ter written at Ephesus and chs. 1-9 to the letter which followed it on the journey from Ephesus to Corinth. There would thus be four letters of Paul to the Corinthians: (1) The initial letter of prohibition, re- ferred to in I Co 5 9 f., and possibly preserved in frag- ment in II Co 6 14-7 1. (2) The letter in answer to the Corinthian communication and preserved in our I Corinthians. (3) The painful letter, preserved in part in II Co 10-13. (4) The final letter, pre- served practically entire in II Co 1-9. It is a fact that there was a correspondence be- tween Paul and the Corinthian church whi.ch had not been preserved that led in the latter half of the 2d cent, to the forging of two apocryphal Cor- inthian letters — one from the church to Paul and the other a reply of Paul to the church. They formed originally a part of the old Acts of Paul and were admitted by the ancient Syrian and Armenian churches into the N T which they ac- 12. What cepted and read. the Epis- When Paul went into Europe on ties Show his second mission tour his work was of Paul's carried on much more among the Gen- Work, tiles and was consequently different in its character from what it had been previously. The cities of his first tour, though in Asia Minor, were much nearer Syria and, therefore, more likely to have in them a distinctive Jewish element. In fact, Ac 16 1-4 shows us that, while still having this near-by region in mind as his im- mediate field of labor, Paul felt the Jewish situa- tion must be especially respected in the way his work was done. t • u In Europe, however, not only was the Jewish element in the communities less in number and in influence (cf. Ac 16 13, 18 12-17), but in view of the agreement reached at the Jerusalem Council (Gal 2*9) the Gentiles were now much more specifically and admittedly the object of Paul's work. The Corinthian Epistles disclose the character of that European work as it developed in a large city center among people uninstructed in refigious principles, whose difficulties and shortcomings were not so much in the direction of doctrinal preconceptions as of sheer ignorance of doctrinal truth and crude con- ceptions of ethical obHgation. In other words, the Corinthian Christians being predominantly gentile, these Epistles show us that, in spite of the Apostle's long residence among them, they still tended toward a liberalism of Christian Hving, which seriously threatened their moral char- acter, while they retained enough of the 'partizan spirit of the old Greek paganism to endanger vitally that Christian brotherhood which waS' the heart of their religion. It is evident, therefore, that the Cor- inthian stage of Christianity was not so developed in its knowledge and in its disputes as the stage of the more Jewish churches in Galatia — though it was clearly more developed than that of the gentile church in Thessalonica. Consequently whatever Judaizing element may have entered into the opposi- tion which developed against the Apostle between I and II Corinthians, it must have been of a less ad- vanced kind than that which animated the great " controversy in Galatia. For though it is clear that another Gospel was being preached among the people (II Co 11 4, 12 f.; cf. Gal 1 6), there is no evidence that the propaganda of circumcision as necessary to salvation was being carried on. If this was the same movement as the Galatian — as would seem generally to be the fact — it was concerning itself rather with the preliminary personal opposi- tion to Paul's apostleship than with the central debate and controversy over doctrinal truth (cf. II Co 10 1-3, 11 5, 12 11; Gall 1, 15, 17,2 6). Literature: Among the N T Introductions accessible to English readers Jiilicher^, 1906 (Eng. transl. 1004), may be consulted for the more advanced critical views, and the unexampled treasure-house of Zahn^, 1906 (Eng. transl. 1907), explored for the conservative positions. Consult also the introductions to the Commentaries of Schmiedel, 1891; Heinrici, I Co, 1896; II Co 1900; Bachmann, 1905; Findlay, I Co, 1900; Bernard, II Co, 1903 (the last two in The Expositor's Greek Testament). For a description of the Corinthian situation consult, be- sides Zahn's Introduction, von Dobschtitz's Christian Life in the Primitive Church (chs. 2-4), 1904. For the composition of II Co, consult Hausrath Der Vier- kapitelbrief des Paulics an die Korinther, 1870, with reply by Klopper in his Commentar Hber d. zweite Send- schreiben an die Gemeinde in Korinth, 1874 ; also Kennedy, Tlie Second and Third Epistles to the Corinthians, 1900; and art. " The Problem of Second Corinthians " in Iler- mathena, No. XXIX, 1903, with contrary view in Intro- duction to Bernard's Com. above. M W J CORMORANT. See Palestine, § 25. CORN. See Agriculture, §§ 4-7, and Food, § 1. 161 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Corinthians Cosmogony CORNELIUS, cdr-nni-us (KopvrjXios) : A Ro- man official referred to in Ac 10 as a centurion of the "Italian band" (q.v.) and resident in Caesarea, either in connection with his troops stationed there or on detached duty from his command, or even possibly retired altogether from active service, his Roman name probably indicating that he himself was an Italian. At the same time the terms in which he is relig- iously described (ver. 2, "a devout man and one that feared God," evo-e^ijs [differing from ''devout," €v\ap7js, of Jews, Ac 2 5, 8 2, 22 12] koI o^ovfxevos Tov Qeov, ver. 22, "a righteous man and one that feareth God," bUaLos koI (fto^ovficvos t6v Bcov) show him to have belonged to those half-way followers of Judaism who, though not circumcized (cf, ver. 28 with 11 3) and consequently not members of the congregation of Israel, had in their feeling after the true God adopted certain Jewish practises (cf. vs. 2, 30), in virtue of which they not only came into good favor with the Jews (cf . ver. 22 ; also Lk 7 4), but were permitted to take part in the worship of the Synagogue (cf. Ac 13 16, 26, 43, 17 17). He was thus of a class who were neither 'proselytes of the gate,' nor 'proselytes of righteousness'; in fact, from the evident conflate reading, Ac 13 43 {rcav cre^o/ieVwv 'irpofnjkvToav)^ not proselytes at all. Under these circumstances the baptized admission of himself and his household into the Christian brotherhood (ver. 47 f.) was such a breach of the Jewish prin- ciples which then ruled in the Church that upon his return to Jerusalem Peter was called to account for his connection with the incident (11 2f.). His justi- fication of his action on the basis of the visions re- ceived by himself and Cornelius and the outpouring upon the convert of the gifts of the Holy Spirit was accepted and the case was doubtless treated as ex- ceptional, its significant relation to the ideal racial unity within the Church not being comprehended. LiTERATTTRE I Fop the military status of Cornelius in Caes- area, cf. Ramsay, Was Christ Born in Bethlehem f (1898, pp. 260-269); Expos., Sept. and Dec, 1896, Jan., 1897; Rackham, Acts in Westminster Corns., note, p. 146. For the relation to Judaism of the class to which C. belonged cf. SchiiTeT, HJP. II, ii., 311-327. For the bearing of the incident on the development of the early Church, cf. works on Apostolic Age by Bartlett (1899, p. 41 f.), and McGififert (1897. p. 107 f.); Rackham, Acts in Westm. Corns. ; Knowling, Acts in Expos. Gr. Test. M. W. J. CORNER : The exact equivalent of the Heb. piiv- nah, pdnahj zawiyyoth, and the Gr. yajv/a, the ma- jority of instances where the word occurs. The word is also used to render (1) pa'am, 'foot' (Ex 25 12, AV); (2) migtso'a, 'angle' (Ex 26 23); (3) pe'ah, 'quarter' or 'side' (Ex 25 26); (4) fcdnapA/ wing' (Is 1112); (5) katheph, 'shoulder' (II K 11 U, AV); (6) tsela', 'rib' (Ex 30 4, AV); (7) qatsah, 'end' (Ex 27 4); (8) Hoph'al participle of gais'a, 'turn' (Ezk 46 22); and (9) the Gr. dpxr}, 'beginning' (Ac 1011). A. C. Z. CORNER GATE, GATE OF THE CORNER. See Jerusalem, § 32. CORNER-STONE: In Is 28 16 the "precious cor- ner-stone" that J" is to lay in Zion is the great prin- ciple of genuine faith in Him, in contrast to the false confidence exhibited by the prophet's contempo- raries. In Ps 118 22 it is Zion (viewed ideally) over against the world (its oppressor) that is the comer- stone of J". In the N T both of these ideas are sub- ordinated to the application of the passages to Christ as fulfilling them in the widest sense possible (Mk 12 10 and ||s; Ac 4 12; Eph 2 20; I P 2 6f.). E. E. N. CORNET. See Music, § 3 (5). CORN-FLOOR. See Agriculture, § 6. CORPSE, See Burial and Burial Customs, § 1, and Purifications, § 6. CORRECT, CORRECTION. See Chasten. CORRUPTION, MOUNT OF (II K 23 13): The literal meaning of the Heb. mashhUh is 'des- troyer/ though it may have been taken in this passage in the sense of 'destruction. ' The reference is probably to the S. elevation of the Mount of Olives, afterward called the Mount of Offense. E. E. N. COS (Kwff, Coos AV): A long, narrow island between the promontories of Cnidus and Halicar- nassus (Ac 21 l). The ancient capital, Astypalwa, was supplanted by the town Cos (366 B.C.). Cos belonged to the Dorian Hexapolis and the Athenian Confederacy. It was declared free by Claudius. The island was often devastated by earthquakes. Cos was much favored by Herod. It was the birth- place of Apelles, Hippocrates, Aristo, and Ptolemy Philadelphus. It contained a temple of Asklepios and a medical school and was also a banking center. J. R. S. S. COS AM (Koixra/i): One of the ancestors of Jesus (Lk3 28). E. E. N. COSMOGONY Analysis of Contents 4. The Babylonian Creation Epic 5. Superiority of the Bib- lical Account 1. The Biblical Accounts of Creation 2. Gn l»-2 4" 3. Gn V~2i'^ and Modern Science Besides a number of references in the poetical books (e.g., Job 26, 38; Ps. 24 2, 104), the O T con- tains two chief accounts of the Creation. I. The (o) Gnl-2 4a belongs to the Priestly Biblical narrative (see Hexateuch), whose Accounts regard for system is seen in the ar- of Crea- rangement of the entire book under tion. ten generations or 'begettings' (2 4a, 5 1, 11 10, etc.)- In the case of "the heavens and the earth," the term "generation" is, of course, employed figuratively; and 2 4a probably stood originally before 1 1 — i.e., at the beginning of its section, as in the other occurrences of the expres- sion. The characteristic formal arrangement of the Priestly writer is also seen in the recurrence of stere- otyped formulas in Gnl-2 4a: "And God said," "and it was so," "and God saw that it was good," "and there was evening and there was morning, a . . . day." (&) Gn2 4bfF. is from the earlier Jehovistic narrative, and differs from 1-2 4a not Cosmogony A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 153 only in being more simple, concrete, and anthropo- morphic, but also in its content. It is concerned almost entirely with the creation of man, and the cosmogonic features are secondary. Turning now to Gn 1-2 4a, we notice that there are eight creative works, distinguished by charac- teristic formulas; and of these one falls 2. Gn on each day, excepting the third and ii_2 4a. sixth days, which have two works each. Again, the six days are divided into two groups of three each, whose relation of preparation and accomplishment will at once be seen from the following summary: 1. Light. 2. The waters divided by the firmament. (a) Dry land from the seas, tation. separated (&) Vege- 4. Lights: sun, moon, and stars. 5. Living creatures in the waters, and birds that fly in front of (Heb. 'on the face of) the firma- ment. 6. (a) Land animals. (6) Man. 7, Sabbath of Rest. Without attempting a detailed exegesis of Gn 1-2 4a, the following points should be mentioned for their bearing upon the general subject under dis- cussion: The Hebrew word bdra ('create,' Gn 1 1), while it here denotes the production by Divine power of something fundamentally new, does not necessarily mean 'to create' ex nihilo. An original creation out of nothing is not denied by Gn 1, but the narrative begins no farther back than the picturing of a vast, dark, chaotic, watery mass (cf. IIP 3 5), upon the face {i.e., surface) of which the spirit (Hterally 'breath') of God was brooding as a bird over her nest.^ The syntax of ver. l is obscure; it should be translated probably as follows: 'In the begin- ning of God's creating the heavens and the earth — ■ now the earth was without form and void and dark- ness was upon the face of the deep — then God said. Let there be hght.' The primeval light is here rep- resented as something in itself, independent of the luminaries (cf. ver. 14ff,). Furthermore, darkness seems to be thought of as having a distinct existence and abode, and not as the mere absence of light (cf. Gn 1 5, 18 with Job 26 10, 38 19 f.). It already appears that the conceptions of Gn 1~2 4a are not exactly those of modern astronomy, geology, or paleontology. Other dis- 3, Gn crepancies might be noted, of which the ii_2 4a and following are perhaps the most obvious: Modern (1) There is no reason for supposing Science, that the Hebrew word yom in Gn 1 is used in any but its ordinary sense of a day of twenty-four hours; but even if the writer used this word figuratively, the periods there men- tioned could not possibly be identified with the geo- logical ages. (2) The sun and stars are said to have been created after the earth. (3) According to Gn 1 there is light, and evening and morning, be- fore there is a sun. (4) Plant life precedes sunlight. (5) Birds precede all land animals, and vegetation is complete in its highest forms before any animal life appears. 1 See Oxford Helps, ' Genesis,' § 5. Attempts to reconcile these statements with the teachings of modern science have been niarked either by a dogmatic denial of scientific truths or by a distortion of the plain meaning of Hebrew and En-lish words. The efforts of the most emment harmonists 2 are remarkable only for their umform failure.^ "Read without prejudice or bias, the nar- rative of Gn 1 creates an impression at variance with the facts revealed by science: the efforts at reconcilia- tion ... are but different modes of . . . reading into it a view which it does not express" (the italics are Canon Driver's). The preeminence of the relig- ious conceptions of the narrative will be dealt with later; but we can not, and need not, escape from the conclusion that here, as elsewhere in the Bible, the inspired writer shares the 'scientific' beliefs of his contemporaries. The Hebrew conception of the universe or world may be briefly stated as follows: The earth is the center of all; apparently a circular disk (cf. Is 40 22) resting upon unseen foundations (Job 386; Zee 121). The firmament (sky or heaven), like a thin, solid dome (cf. Job 22 14, "vault" [circuit AV]; Pr8 27, circle [compass AV]; Ps 104 9, "bounds"), re- strains the waters above it (Gn 1 6), except when its windows are opened to let down rain (Gn 7 11). The firmament also rests upon mysterious founda- tions (II S 22 8; Job 26 11). In it are fastened the luminaries (Gn 1 14^17), which move in their fixed courses. Sometimes a plurality of heavens (? seven; cf. II Co 12 2; Eph 4 10) are spoken of (Dt 10 U; Ps 148 4), in the highest of which God dwells (Dt 26 15; II Ch 6 21; Am 9 6, upper chambers, rather than "stories" [i.e., 'successive heights'] of AV). Within the mass of the earth is the dark abode of the de- parted, called Sheol, Abaddon, Hades, or the Pit (Nu 16 33; Ps 15 11; Is 38 18; cf. Rev 6 8, 9 ll). Beneath the earth is the great deep (Is 51 lO), whose store- houses and fountains (Gn 7 11) feed the seas. Such a rapid generalization, however, is apt to give the impression that the O T portrays a very rigid, mechanical universe; and the outlines of the picture need to be softened by a consideration of the following important facts: There is no single con- nected passage which describes the cosmos as a con- sistent whole, or even brings together all the funda- mental conceptions just mentioned. A very large proportion of the cosmological references are found in formal poetry, and ought not to be interpreted as literal prose; while many others are in highly figura- tive prophecy or apocalypse. The inspired writers showed no more hesitancy in employing metaphors that were shifting and contradictory than do we in using these very same crystallized figures of speech in our modern poetry and colloquial prose.* Along the horizon everything is vague and mysterious; concerning some things all that the Bible tells is ^ E.g., Keil, Genesis. 2 E.g., Prof. Arnold Guyot, Creation (1893); Prof. J. D. Dana, in Bib. Sacra, Apl., 1885; Sir J. W. Dawson, The Origin of the World According to Revelation and Science (1893); Wm. E. Gladstone, The Impregnable Rock of Holy Scripture. 3 See further H. Morton, 'The CosEaogony of Genesis and Its Reconcilers,' in B b. Sacra, Apl. and July, 1897. ** To compare ' the sun rises' with Ps 19 ■» "• is the reductio ad absurdum for a too mechanical criticism. 153 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Cosmogony that man knows nothing about them; indeed, the whole question of the original creation and present structure of the universe is frequently stated to be beyond the comprehension of the human reason {e.g., Jer 31 37; Is 40; Job 26 li, 36 29, 37 16 f., 38). In other words, the O T does not draw the universe in plan and elevation, but paints it in perspective, seen from man's point of view; the instruments used are not the theodolite and telescope, but the brush and palette of poetic imagery. In the light of such an understanding of the Hebrew cosmology, one class of apologetic problems simply vanishes. The cuneiform text just mentioned dates from the 7th cent. B.C., but the poem was originally composed probably at least as early as 2000 B.C. This great epic, entitled " When in the Height," fromits opening words, consists of 994 lines, divided into seven sec- tions of approximately equal length, each inscribed upon a separate tablet. *'The poem embodies the beliefs of the Babylonians and Assyrians concerning the origin of the universe; it describes the coming forth of the gods from chaos, and tells the story of how the forces of disorder, represented by the prime- val water-gods, Apsu and Tiamat, were overthrown Mabduk's Fight with TiAmat. The narrative of Gn 1-2 4a has points in common with several ancient cosmogonies;^ but archeolo- gists are now agreed that its immediate 4. The source is to be found in the beliefs Babylonian concerning the beginning of the uni- Creation verse which were held by the Assyrians Epic. and Babylonians.^ These beliefs have long been known in an incomplete form through Greek-Christian references to the writings of Berossus, a Babylonian priest (c. 300 B.C.); but it was not until 1875 that fragments of a cuneiform account of the Creation were discovered at Nineveh by George Smith. Since then other tablets have been brought to light, until we now have more than enough to indicate the general plan of the Baby- lonian cosmogony.* 1 See Dillmann, Genesis (trans. 1897), pp. 27-94; EB, fl.v. Creation. 2 For other parallels between Hebrew and Babylonian narratives, see articles Flood, Paradise, Eden. 3 See L. W. King, The Seven Tablets of Creation (1902), vol. I, translation and notes; also his more popular Baby- lonian Religion and Mythology (1899), pp. 63-120. by Ea and Marduk respectively, and how Mar- duk, after completing the triumph of the gods over chaos, proceeded to create the world and man" (King). Its central theme is the glorifica- tion of Marduk, the supreme god of Babylon, and the actual account of the creation of the world does not begin till near the end of the Fourth Tablet. The Seventh Tablet gives the fifty titles of Marduk, and ends the poem with a fine hymn of praise. A few lines from the opening and clo- sing are given to illustrate the style of the epic (King's translation): ** WHEN IN THE HEIGHT heaven was not named, And the earth beneath did not yet bear a name. And the primeval Apsu, who begat them, And chaos, Ti&mat, the mother of them both, — Their waters were mingled together. And no field was formed, no marsh was to be seen; When of all the gods none had been called into being, And none bore a name, and no destinies [were ordained]; Then were created the gods in the midst of [heaven], Lahmu and Lahamu were called into being [. .]• Ages increased [. . . .], Then Ansar and Kisar were created. . . ." Cosmogony Coulter A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 154 Epilogue. 'Let them [i.e., the names of Marduk] be held in remem- brance, and let the first man proclaim them; Let the wise and the understanding consider them together I Let the father repeat them and teach them to his son; Let them be in the ears of the pastor and the shepherdi Let a man rejoice in Marduk, the Lord of the gods. That he may cause his land to be fruitful, and that he himself may have prosperity! " etc. A study of the entire epic reveals many remark- able parallels between the Hebrew and Babylonian narratives. The general course of the two accounts is the same, and the following specific agreements (among others) are striking: (1) Both narratives begin with a description of primeval chaos. (2) The early creation of Ught (Gn 1 3) is paralleled in the original form of the Babylonian myth, according to which Marduk was a solar deity. In both ac- counts there is light before the creation of the lumi- naries. (3) The deep (Phom) of Gn 1 2 shows even a verbal similarity to the Babylonian chaos-monster, Tidmat; and the occasional personification of the deep as a sullen, couching monster (Dt 33 13; see also Serpent, Dragon, Rahab, Leviathan) is undoubtedly a survival of the Babylonian dragon myth. (4) The creation of a firmament to divide the waters (Gn 1 6) is parallel to the act of Marduk, who used half of the cleft body of Tidmat for a similar purpose. (5) The Biblical account of the creation of the heavenly bodies (Gn 1 14-19) finds an exceedingly close parallel in the beginning of the Fifth Tablet. (6) In each narrative the culmina- ting act is the creation of man. According to the Babylonian epic, he was made from the blood of Marduk, who spoke thus: "My blood will I take, and bone will I [fashion], I will make man, that man may .... I will create man who shall inhabit [the earth?]. That the service of the gods may be established, and that [their] shrines [may be built]." Finally, though it is not mentioned in what has been recovered of the creation epic, the Sabbath (q.v.) (Gn22f.) was probably of Babylonian origin.^ To the thoughtful and reverent student, however, these resemblances in the framework 5. Superior- of the Hebrew and Babylonian cos- ity of the mogonies will only serve to emphasize Biblical the infinite superiority of the content Account, of the Biblical narrative. The Baby- lonian epic is verbose in language and grotesque in its polytheism; chaos is anterior to deity, and Marduk gains the supremacy only after a fearful struggle. In Gn 1-2 4a the language is simple yet majestic, God is from the beginning su- preme, and the processes of creation are but the or- derly working out of His unimpeded plan.^ The foregoing considerations lead to two conclu- sions: (1) Historically: there must have been a long period of naturalization in Palestine to allow the Babylonian cosmogony to be so refined and stripped of all its mythological features. The Baby- lonian creation legends were probably already cur- 1 In the second creation story (see Eden) the local coloring is distinctly Babylonian. 2 The divergences between the Hebrew and Babylonian narratives are emphasized by Morris Jastrow, Jr., in the Jewish Quarterly Review, July, 1901, pp. 620-654. rent in Canaan when the Israehtes entered the Prom- ised Land. (2) While Gn 1-2 4a does not attempt to teach scientific facts which we could find out for ourselves, its revelation of transcendent rehgious truths evidences the guidance of the Holy Spirit. The general outhne of the Babylonian epic survived, together with the common Semitic conception of the universe; but the grossness and polytheism of the earlier cosmogony were divinely transmuted into monotheism and spirituaHty. By a series of repre- sentative pictures we are taught that the universe was not self-originated, but dependent for its exist- ence and present form upon the decrees of the one omnipotent God, whose plan penetrated every detail of creation; while man is shown in his ideal state as head and center of creation and the image of his Maker. To sum up what has been said: The O T writers certainly shared the ideas of their contemporaries concerning the material universe ; and, in particular, the outlines of the BibHcal cosmogony were derived from the Babylonian beHefs embodied in the crea- tion epic. Therefore it is impossible to 'reconcile' Genesis with modern science. To insist upon such a reconciHation shows a misconception of the char- acter of divine revelation; and has put a stumbling- block in the path of many an earnest, intelligent inquirer after spiritual truth. The methods of Gen- esis and geology have nothing in common. The Bible is silent concerning the operation of second- ary causes which can be investigated by the human reason. While the more speculative minds of Egypt, Babylonia, and Greece put foundation under foun- dation and creator behind creator in a vain attempt to provide a firm basis for their cosmogony and on- tology, the inspired writers disregarded all inter- mediate processes in order to press home the supreme truth that "God said . . . and it was so"! Th\is the human and temporary framework of the creation story is so subordinate to its permanent religious message that no advance in our scientific knowledge weakens our confidence in the great elemental truths concerning God, man, and the universe, which are so simply and inimitably told in this fitting prelude to the history of redemption. Literature: The best popular presentation is in Driver's Genesis (3d ed., 1905), pp. 19-33 (with a large bibliogra- phy). George T. Ladd'a Doctrine of Sacred Scripture (1883), part H, ch. ii, is scholarly and exhaustive, yet very readable. See also the works mentioned in the foot-notes to this article. L^ (J^ L_ COTE, SHEEP-. See Nomadic and Pastoral Life, § 6. COTTAGE: (1) Inls24 20 AV. The Heb. m^Ziina/i is the same word as that rendered "lodge" in 1 8. The reference is to the frail hut used by the watch- man and easily swayed by the wind ("hut " ERV, "hammock" ARV). (2) In Is 1 8 AV. A less cor- rect rendering of sukkah than the RV "booth." (3) In Zeph 2 6 the text is probably confused, and the word rendered "cottages" may be a mere du- plication of the preceding "pastures." See also Lodge. e. E. N. COUCH. See Bed. COULTER. See Plow. Pkimitivb Babylonian Representations of the Cosmos (the Signs of the Zodiac). The serpent of cuts Nos. 1, 3, 4 probably represents the great dragon TiS-mat, i.e., the primeval watery chaos (the " deep " of Gn 1 g, etc.). Couucil Covenant A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 156 COUNCIL : The chief court of the Jews. Under the Romans a measure of self-government was con- ceded the Jewish nation, both as a 1. Origin rehgious community and as a race, of Council. The recognized headship of the com- munity was accordingly vested in the councU of leaders known in the Jewish writings as Beth-din hag-gddhol, or by the Greek name Ivvibpiov, synedrium, reduced into the Aramaic Sanhedrin (erroneously Sanhedrim). The original of this body lies probably in the Persian period, although it can not be traced clearly farther back than the time of the Greek dominion. In this early stage of its exist- ence, however, it was known only under the name Senate, yepova-la (Ac 5 21; Jos. Ant. XII, 3 3). The name Sanhedrin appears first imder Herod. The membership of this court was according to the Mishna {Sanh. 1 6) fixed at 71 in imitation of the ancient court of elders (Null 16). 2. Consti- Those qualified to be members were in tution and general of the priestly house and es- Member- pecially of the Sadducean nobility. ship. But from the days of Queen Alexandra (69-68 B.C.) onward there were with these chief priests also many Pharisees in it under the name of scribes and elders. These three classes are found combined in Mt 27 41; Mk 11 27, 14 43, 53, 15 1. How such members were appointed is not entirely clear. The aristocratic character of the body and the history of its origin forbid the belief that it was by election. Its nucleus probably con- sisted of the members of certain ancient families, to which, however, from time to time others were added by the secular rulers. The presiding officer was the high priest, who at first exercised in it more than the authority of a member, claiming a voice equal to that 3. High of the rest of the body. But after the Priest's reduction of the high priesthood from a Place in It. hereditary office to one bestowed by the political ruler according to his pleasure, and the frequent changes in the office in- troduced by the new system, the high priest natu- rally lost his prestige. Instead of holding in his hands "the government of the nation," he came to be but one of many to share this power; those who had served as high priest, being still in esteem among their nation and having lost their office not for any reason that could be considered vaUd by the reUg- ious sense of the community, exerted a large in- fluence over the decisions of the assembly. In the N T they are regarded as the rulers (Mt 26 59, 27 41 ; Ac 4 5, 8; Lk 23 13, 35; Jn 7 26), and Josephus' testi- mony supports this view. The functions of the Sanhedrin were reHgious and moral, and also political. In the latter capacity they further exercised administrative 4. Func- as well as judicial functions. As a re- tions. Ugious tribunal, the Sanhedrin wielded a potent influence over the whole of the Jewish world (Ac 9 2), but as a court of justice, after the division of the country upon the death of Herod, its jurisdiction was limited to Judaea. Here, how- ever, its power was absolute even to the passing of the sentence of death (Jos. Ant. XIV, 9 3, 4; Mt 26 3 f.; Ac 4 5, 6 12, 22 30), although it had no authority to carry the sentence into execution, except as approved and ordered by the representative of the Roman government. The law by which the Sanhedrin governed was naturally the Jewish, and in the execution of it this tribunal had a police of its own, and 5, The made arrests at its discretion (Mt 26 47). Law It Accordingly, to the extent that the pro- Observed, visions of this law were respected in the trial of Jesus, that trial and execu- tion were legal (but cf. Taylor Innes, The Trial of Jesus, 1899 ; Rosadi, The Trial of Jesus, 1905). The trial and stoning of Stephen, however (Ac 6 12 ff.), appear to have been too summary and out of har- mony with the procedure prescribed by the law, and therefore illegal. Among the administrative duties of the Sanhedrin W£is the collection of taxes. Under the procurators, the custom had been estabfished 6. Taxa- throughout the empire of committing tion, the levying of taxes to the local au- thorities of the subject countries, for the most part to the senates of the towns. In accordance with this practise the Sanhedrin became responsible for the collection in Judtea (Jos. BJ. II, 17 1). In carrying out this provision it sold the revenue to tax-purchasers or speculators (publicans). The foregoing holds true of the period between 6-66 A.D., i.e., the period of the Roman proc- m-ators. Before the opening of this 7. Tempo- period restrictions and restorations of rary Limi- the jurisdictions took place alternately. tations of Gambinius, the proconsul of Syria, for Power, instance (57-55 B.C.), subdivided Ju- daea into five districts, assigning each to a separate council {a-vvibpiov, a-vvobos, Jos. Ant. XIV, 5 4; BJ. I, 8 5). Thus he limited the jurisdic- tion of the Jerusalem council very materially. This was, however, done away with by JuHus Csesar in 47 {Ant. XIV, 9 3-5; BJ. 1, 10 7), and the Sanhedrin was restored to its former supremacy. With the de- struction of Jerusalem the council was abolished. While the general authority of the Sanhedrin ex- tended over the whole of Judgea, the towns in the country had local councils of their 8. Extent own (a-vvedpta, Mt 5 22, 1017; Mk 13 9; of Juris- ^ovXal, Jos. BJ. II, 141) for the ad- diction, ministration of local affairs. These were constituted of elders (Lk'7 3), at least 7 in number (Jos. Ant. IV, 8 14; BJ. 11,20 5), and in some of the largest towns as many as 23. What the relation of these to the central council in Jerusalem was does not appear clearly. They were probably not inferior courts in a uniform system with the right of appeal from the lower to the higher, but rather independent judicatories with a definite recog- nized work. And yet their mdependence did not amount to absolute unrelatedness to one another. Some sort of mutual recognition existed among them; for whenever the judges of the local court could not agree it seems that they were in the habit of referring their cases to the Sanhedrin in Jerusalem (Jos. Ant. IV, 8 14; Mishna, Sanh. 11 2). A. C. Z. COUNCIL, also COUNSEL: A conference more or less informally held {§ddh, Ps 55 14; Pr 15 23), but 157 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Council Covenant not necessarily of those who bore no office or re- sponsibility. The council of leaders in Jerusalem ((rvfipoiikiop, Mt 12 14; Ac 25 12) included probably members of the Sanhedrin, as well as leading lay- men. The act of holding such councils (counsels) is called "consulting" (Ps 83 3) and its finding 'counsels' {^ovXtj, Lk 23 5i). A. C. Z. COUNT: Besides being the usual, rendering of mdndh, sdphar, -^-qc^L^eLyj and o-u^i/f?^0ifeti/, all mean- ing in general Ho calculate/ the word renders (1) the Heb. hdshabh = Gr. Xoyl^eo-dai, 'to think' or 'impute' (Gn 15 6; Ro2 26; Ph 3 13). (2) paqadh, 'to mspect' (I Ch 21 6). (3) Zx^lv, 'to hold' (Mt 14 5; Phm 17), and (4) T^yeitrQai, 'to account* or 'esti- mate' (Ph 3 7, 8; He 10 29). A. C. Z. COUNTENANCE: In most instances this is the rendering of words meaning 'face' or 'appearance.' In Bn 5 6, 9, the original zlw means the 'brightness' or 'color' of the face. In I S 16 12 'eye/ in I S 25 3 'form' is the hteral meaning of the Heb. E. E. N. COUNTRY : In most instances the suitable ren- dering of terms meaning 'land/ 'field/ or 'place.' The following cases caU for remark: In Dt 3 14 the original word means a 'district marked off ' ; in Mk 6 1, 4 and ||s; Jn 4 44; He 1114, it means 'fatherland'; in Lv 16 29, 17 15, 24 22; Nu 15 13; Ezk 47 22, the one Heb. word means 'native'; in Mk 12 l and ||s and Mt 2514, "went into a far country" is simply 'went away from home.' In Jos 17 11, Jer 47 4, and Ac 4 36 RV gives the more correct rendering. E. E. N. COUNTRYMAN: The translation of yivos, 'race' (II Co 11 26), and of o-vixvX€Tt}s, 'of the same tribe' (I Th 2 14). In the first instance Paul is referring to the Jews, in the second to the fellow citizens of the Thessalonian Christians. E. E. N. COURSE : This term signifies one's way or habit of life (Jer 8 6, 23 lO). In Eph 2 2 it renders the Gr. atcoy, 'age.' In Acts 13 25, 20 24; II Ti 4 7 the Gr. is fipo/xo?, 'running course/ i.e., the task or mission of life. In Ja 3 6 the Gr. rpoxosj 'a running thing,' 'a wheel/ refers to one's natural disposition, tem- perament, tendencies, etc. ; in other words, to the en- tire compass of one's life. Other occurrences need no explanation. (See also Cosmogony, § 3, and Priesthood, § 10.) E. E. N. COURT. See House, § 6 (f), Palace, and Tem- ple, §§ 6, 20, 27,29 f. COUSIN: In AV of Lk 1 36, 58, in the sense of 'kinswoman' or 'relative' (cf. 'cousin' RV); as used to-day, is too definite. In Col 4 10 " cousin," RV-, is preferable to "sister's son," AV. E. E. N. COVENANT (nn5, b'rUh, Assyr. biritu; cf. Zim- mern, Bab. Bussps., 59, 82, from a root bdrdh, 'to determine,' Assyr. baru, Gr. 8ia6f}K7], I. General 'disposal'): Broadly, a compact or Idea. agreement. In this sense covenant is used frequently of contracts among men. Abimelech at Gerar entered into covenant with Abraham (Gn 21 27), and afterward under similar conditions with Isaac (Gn26 28). Abraham entered into covenant with the Amorites (Gn 14 13), Laban with Jacob (Gn 31 44), Jonathan with David (I S 18 3, 23 18), Solomon with Hiram (I K5 26), Ahab with Ben-hadad (I K 20 34), etc: But in Biblical usage, this general conception of covenant developed into a much more specific one. For (1 ) as a contract includes a binding 2. The element, or creates an obligation, a Biblical covenant becomes a bond, imposed by Covenant, two covenanting parties upon each other, or by one upon himself and the other. Hence in passages such as Gn 15 18 f. the covenant is made by J" (cf . also Jos 24, by Joshua in behalf of J"; Jos 9 7, Joshua with the Gibeonites; II K 11 4 by Jehoiada, and II K 23 3 by Josiah, in behalf of J"). The part of Abram (or those who may be called the second party in the affair) is passive. It is quite proper to speak of it as voluntary; but the covenant is not in these instances entered into by God and man upon absolutely the same terms. (2) The second limitation of the general idea is intro- duced with the religious element in it. A covenant is not merely a contract as between men and before men. God is invoked in it as a third party. He has a share in its terms and results. Even when the agreement aims at outward material ends, it is not complete until by a religious service J" has been brought into the transaction. To this end an oath, curse, or sacrifice is an indispensable ceremonial ac- companiment. When Abimelech (Gn 26 26 ff.), act- ing for himself, Ahuzzah, and Phicol, proposed to Isaac that they should enter into covenant, he used the formula "L^t there now be an oath betwixt us, even betwixt us and thee," and 'let us make a cove- nant" (ver. 28). The word used here for "oath" may also be rendered "curse" (cf. also Gn 31 44 ff., the covenant between Laban and Jacob). (3) A third limitation is the creation of a new relation between the covenanting parties. In the later development of the idea and in some extrabiblical expressions of it, this is symbolized by some act or acts denoting the possession of a common life. The partaking of a sacrificial meal, of salt (which is in such cases the substitute of blood), or of blood itself, either poured out in the form of a libation or used in other em- blematic ways (W. Robertson Smith, Rel. of Sem., p. 451), was made to serve as the sign of the new and irrevocable relationship, the object of which was mutual benefit and helpfulness. So far as the cove- nant was concerned, those who entered upon it were bound to regard each other as members of a new organic entity. So sacred and intimate wels the new relation that nothing could surpass the enormity of the sin of covenant-breaking. The sin is loathed and denounced by the prophets in unmeasured terms (cf. Hos6 7, 8 1, 10 4; Is 24 5; Jer 11 10). On the other hand, it is a sure manifestation of God's perfection that He can not and does not forget His covenants, but remains constant to the rights and obligations created by them (cf. Ro 3 1-4). Accordingly, the covenant of God with His people is an expression of His love for them. It may be called the divine constitution or ordinance, which is designed to govern human relations with Him- self. As such it appears in the record of His deal- ings with Noah (the Noachian covenant, Gn 9 11 ff.). Even the story of Eden has been read by some ia Covenant Grimes and Punishments A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 15d the terms of the covenant idea. But it is more particularly the Divine mode of defining the relation with the Chosen People. Abraham 3. God's was taken into covenant at the very Covenant beginning (Gn 15 18) with a symboUcal an Ex- and impressive ceremony. With Moses pression of and the new stage of development in His Grace, the life of the people, Israel as a na- tion is pictured as entering into cove- nant with J" in an even grander and more impressive transaction (the Sinaitic covenant, Ex 34 10, 27, 28). By a covenant with Phinehas an everlasting priest- hood was estabhshed (Nu25l2f.). Other cove- nants with the same ruling idea are those with Joshua and Israel (Jos 24 25), David (Ps 89 4, 132 12; Jer33 2l), Jehoiada (II K 11 17), Hezekiah (II Ch 29 10), Josiah (II K 23 3), and Ezra (Ezr 10 3). It was characteristic of the covenant idea that when entered into it bound not only the individual but his family and posterity, and as a 4. Cove- counterpoint the benefits and privileges nant with secured by it were transferred to the Collective offspring of the parties to it. The Bodies. covenant with Abraham was made with him and with his seed forever (Gn 17 10). Moses was not an individual but a representa- tive of the whole people before J"- The covenant with David was the means of blessing to the whole lineage of the great king (II S 23 5; II Ch 13 5, 21 7; Jer 33 21). The national poetry embodied in glowing terms the conviction that the covenant with David was the ground for the unfailing care on the part of J" over the royal dynasty as weU as over the people ruled by it. Israel's experiences with the covenant led the prophets to despair of its continuance, but its lapse would not be final (Hos 1 9f., 2 2,23, 5. The 3 3). They predict its renovation and Prophetic reestablishment under better condi- New tions. In this form they called it the Covenant. New Covenant differing from the old (1) in spirituahty. It should be a covenant written on the hearts of God's people (Jer 31 31), and God's people should be not a tribe or nation but a society of individuals who should know Him and keep His covenant. (2) In uni- versality. Through Israel the new religion of God should extend to other nations and the covenant should embrace these too (Is 49 6). (3) Its results would be forgiveness of sin and a new righteous- ness (Jer 31 34). The covenant conception having served its pur- pose in the O T, it disappears from the N T, yielding to the expression of God's relation to 6. Covenant man in the terms of an individual fel- in N T. lowship and indwelling. In the Epistle to the Hebrews, however, it is still made to serve the basis of the difference and contrast be- tween the better order of things introduced through Jesus Christ and the old order either under the Abrahamic or the Sinaitic covenants (7 22, 8 6 £f., etc.). A. C. Z. COVERING. See Tabernacle, § 3 b. For usage in Ex 22 27; Job 31 19, cf. Dress and Ornaments, §3, COVERT: (1) In I S 25 20 the meaning is that Abigail was concealed from view as she drew near to David and that the meeting between them was sudden. (2) In 11 K 16 18 RV reads "covered way." The sense of the entire verse is obscure, and what is meant is not known. E. E. N. COVET, COVETOUSNESS : This term ex- presses various ideas: (1) Desire to have. As such it is not only innocent, but when its object is worthy, commendable (I Co 12 31, 14 39, "desire" RV). Also, ,however, (2) desire inordinate and without any ulterior purpose, in which case it is folly (Lk 12 15 ff.) and idolatry (Eph 5 5; Col 3 5). (3) Desire to possess that which belongs to another. Such desire is contrary to the moral law (Ex 20 17, "lust" AV; Ro 7 7). Possibly (4) the effort to secure what one has no right to possess (I Ti6l0, "to reach after" RV). A. C. Z. COW. See Nomadic and Pastoral Life, § 4, and Palestine, § 24. COZ. See Hakkoz. COZBI (^21?, kozhi), 'deceitfur: A Midianite princess, slain by Phinehas (Nu 25 7 f., 15, 18). E. E. N. COZEBA. See Achzir. CRACKNELS. See Food, § 2. CRAFT. See Artisan Life, § 1. CRAFTSMEN, VALLEY OF. See Ge-Hara- SHiM and City, § 4. CRANE. See Palestine, § 25. CRAWLING THINGS. See Palestine, § 26. CREATE, CREATION. See Cosmogony, §§ 1-3. CREDITOR. See Trade and Commerce, § 3. CREEPING THINGS. See Palestine, § 26. CRESCENS, cres'senz (Kp^o-Krjs): An early Chris- tian mentioned in II Ti 4 10 as having gone to Gaul (Or. TaKaTta, which must be rendered 'Gaul,' not "Galatia"; cf. Zahn, Introd. toNT,^ 33, n. 8). The fact that Titus was sent at the same time to Dalmatia suggests that both journeys may have been undertaken for the purpose of preaching the Gospel in new regions. According to later tradition (see Tillemont, Mem. I, 585) C was the founder of the Church in Vienne and Mainz. J. M. T. CRESCENTS. See Dress and Ornaments, §11. CRETE (KpTjTT]): Modern Candia, a rich and beautiful island, one of the chief seats of the worship of Zeus, whose birthplace was Mt. Ida or Dicte. Long before the Phoenician traders came, and even before the Mycenaean Age, the island had a highly devel- oped civilization, which seems to have been buried by invasions from the N. (For excavations now pro- ceedmg at Knossos and elsewhere see Ch. Quar. Rev., Jan., 1906.) "The pottery found in southern Pales- tine is Cretan, confirming the Hebrew tradition that the Philistines were strangers who wandered in from 159 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Covenant Grimes and Punishments Crete" (Caphtor [Jer 47 4; Am 9 7]. See Breasted, Hist, of Egypt, p. 512). The island possessed a large number of independent cities, in some of which, no- tably Gortyna, many Jews were settled before the middle of the 2d cent. b.c. The Romans occupied Crete in 67 B.C., during the great war with the pi- rates, and under the Empire it was made a sena- torial province along with Cyrene. By universal testimony the Cretans were avaricious, fraudulent, and sensual, as their poet Epimenides (600 b.c), called by Plato a ''divine man" and quoted in Tit 1 12, also affirms. Even in the rich coinage of their cities, which were in a state of constant feud among themselves, "there is always present a substratum of barbarism." If the Gospel was first carried there after Pentecost (Ac 2 11), it did not appar- ently make headway until the visit of Paul and Titus (Tit 1 5). Fair Havens was touched at by Paul on his way to Rome, and Phoenix was a good harbor to the W. (Ac 27 8, 12). R. A. F. CRICKETS. See Palestine, § 26. CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS: The fundamen- tal principle of Hebrew penology is strict retribu- tion. The lex talionis, including prop- 1. Hebrew erty as well as the person, is enunciated Penology, in all three sections of the Mosaic codes (Ex 21 23-25; Lv 24 17, 19 f.; Dt 19 21). This was an ancient Semitic penal custom, and we find it expressed in the CH [Code of Hammurabi (c. 2250 B.C.)] in phraseology almost identical with Biblical language: son for son, §§ 116, 230, daughter for daughter, § 210, eye for eye, § 196, limb for limb, § 197, tooth for tooth, § 200, life for life, § 229, slave for slave, §§ 219, 231. The punishment of crime had two great purposes: (1) deterring others from simi- lar offenses (Dt 17 13), (2) the extirpation of the evil from Israel (Dt 13 5). In reviewing this subject the historical development of the Hebrews must be kept in mind. In the nomadic state crime was revenged rather than punished, and it was looked upon as an injury done to a tribal brother (see Blood, Aven- ger of). When the nation passed into the agri- cultural and later to the commercial state of society, the object of punishment was to protect life and property. Under the ethical influence of the religion of Jehovah, crime came to be regarded as a violation of the righteousness and holiness of God, and was punished in order to vindicate these Divine attri- butes. The N T reflects Roman as well as Hebrew ideas in regard to both crimes and punishments. The more serious infringements of the Law may be grouped into three classes: (a) Injuries to property. Under this group falls theft, which is 2. Crimes, absolutely prohibited in the Decalogue (Ex 20 15). The CH is more severe than the Biblical codes in its treatment of this evil. In the former, stealing is a capital crime— the re- ceiving, purchasing, and selling of stolen goods, the theft of a child, the detention of a slave, brigand- age, looting at a fire, appropriating state levies — all being pimishable with death (cf. Ex 22 2; Jos 7 25; Ex 21 16). The owner of a vicious buU was liable for any injury inflicted on the slave of another by the goring of the animal (Ex 21 28 &.). The CH, §§ 250- 252, inflicts a fine for a similar case. The practise of extortion was no doubt common enough in O T times (Ps 109 11, ''extortioner" = 'usurer'), but m the NT (Mt 23 25; Lk 19 8) it refers to a form of blackmail levied by the publicans (q.v.). (b) Injuries to person or life. Bribery, also termed a gift, not only might prevent justice, but place the person of the accused in jeopardy. The Bibhcal codes have the former evil in mind (Ex 23 8; Dt 16 19), while the CH contemplates the latter: "If a man in a case bear witness for gain or money, he shall himself bear the penalty imposed in that case" (§ 4). Lying, forswearing, and bearing false witness also resulted in the miscarriage of justice and were fraught with danger to the accused person. They were prohibited (Ex 2016; Lv 1912; cf .^ Mt 5 33), and the guilty party was to be punished ac- cording to the lex talionis. In the CH the false charge of a capital crime makes the accuser liable to the death penalty (§ 1 ), and the slanderer of a priestess or of a married woman was to be branded on the fore- head (§ 127). The breaking of a vow that had been strengthened by an oath was not permissible (Nu 30 2; cf. Lv 5 1-6; Jg 17 2 ff.). The oath of pur- gation is required in seven instances by the CH (§§ 131, 227 et at.). The O T regards human life as sacred, because it was created in the Divine image (Gn 9 6). Manslaughter is carefully distinguished from murder, the latter being the result of premedi- tation and malice, the former of accident (Ex 21 13; Dt 19 4). In the case of manslaughter the offender could find an asylum (Nu 35 n, 15; Dt 19 5), but murder was always a capital crime and the penalty could not be commuted by a ransom (Nu 3531 ff.). Parricide and infanticide are not mentioned in the Mosaic codes, but there are many instances of assas- sination and suicide in the O T (Jg 3 20 ff . ; I S 31 4 ff . ). The tribal custom of blood revenge (see Blood, Avenger of) which is entirely unknown to the CH, prevailed among the Hebrews in the earlier periods of history, but the attempt was made later to regu- late it (Dt 24 16; Nu 35 12-34). (c) Offenses against the moral order and the fun- damental laws of the theocracy: Every improper use of the Divine name (Lv 24 11), speech derogatory to the majesty of God (Mt 26 65), and sins with a high hand — i.e., premeditated transgressions of the basal principles of the theocracy (Nu 9 13, 15 30; Ex 31 14) — ^were regarded as blasphemy; the penalty was death by stoning (Lv 24 16). The Mosaic codes dealt with the improper relation of the sexes in detail. To lie carnally, and fornication are gen- eral terms for illicit sexual intercourse (Lv 18 20). The prevalence of prostitution, at a later date in Israel as well as in the Graeco-Roman world, was ap- palling (Pr 4 6-19; Ro 1 26), but it was strictly pro- hibited (Lvl9 29; Dt 23l7f.). See also Harlot. The abominable Canaanitic practise of having tem- ple prostitutes (q^dheshoth) was forbidden (Dt 23 17), The devotee, or sacred prostitute, enjoyed the privi- leges of special legislation in the CH (§§ 110, 178, 181, 182). The Mosaic codes, however, debarred a son of harlotry or of fornication from the congregation (Dt 23 2). Adultery is a capital crime in the CH (§ 129). Incest in its various forms is prohibited in Lv 18 6-18. The CH, §§ 154-158, deals severely with this crime, in one case — a man with his son's wife — drowning Crimes and Punishments Crucifixion A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 160 being the penalty, in another — a man with his moth- er — death at the stake. Sodomy, common enough among the Canaanites, is looked upon as an abomina- tion and absolutely prohibited (Lv 18 22; Dt 23 17). The purpose of punishment has been noted above. Torture and barbarous methods of inflicting penal- ties — e.g., blinding, maiming, tearing out 3. Punish- the tongue, and suffocating, which were ments. common in antiquity — are foreign to the spirit of the O T. Torture was first introduced by the Herods. (a) Capital punishment was administered in various ways. Stoning was the ordinary method of inflicting the death penalty among the Hebrews (Ex 19 13 ff.; Lv 20 27, 24 10-23; Dt 13 5, 10, 21 21; Ac 7 59). The stoning took place outside of the camp and in the name of the congre- gation (Lv 24 14), the witnesses casting the first stones. Beheading was not known as a judicial penalty in the Mosaic codes, and when death by the sword is mentioned in the O T we are to think of thrusting rather than decapitation. The latter was first introduced among the- Jews in the Ro- man period (Mt 14 10 ff.). The hanging of the living was introduced by the Romans; the He- brews sometimes impaled or hung the lifeless body on a tree (Dt 21 23 ff.; Gal 3 13), the exposure of the body being intended as an added indignity. The Heb. yaqa^ (translated "hang") is uncertain in meaning (Nu25 4; IIS 21 6). Gallows are men- tioned as a Persian institution in the story of Haman (Est 2 23, 7 9). According to the CH, § 153, a woman who murders her husband is to be impaled. The Babylonian code imposes burning as a pen- alty for incest (§ 157; cf. Lv20 14, 21 9), for theft at a fire (§ 25), and upon a priestess for entering or conducting a wine-shop (§ 110). The oft-recur- ring phrase cut off is not a designation for the death penalty, but signifies excommunication (Ex 12 15,19; Lv7 20fF., 23 29; Nu9l3). Crucifixiou was a terrible method of punishment adopted by the Romans from the Orient, and used by them only on slaves and the vilest criminals (Cicero: extremum summumque supplicium). Roman citizens were always exempt. The shape of the cross upon which our Savior suffered was probably -j", the crux im~ missa or Latin cross (T — crux commissa). The upright was 7^- ft. to 9 ft. high and remained per- manently in the ground; the crosspiece (patibulum) was carried by the criminal. A piece of wood {sedile) was used as a saddle to support the sufferer. The crime was either proclaimed by a crier or in- scribed on a board (Htulus; see Superscription) which was nailed to the cross. In the history of the passion of Jesus, we have a detailed account of the procedure at a crucifixion. (See Cross, I.) (b) Physical punishments other than capital : From its frequent mention in the OT (Ex 21 20; Pr 10 13, 17 26, 26 3; Jer 20 2, 37 16; Is 50 6), we infer that beating was a very common punishment among the Hebrews. According to Dt 25 3 the penalty was in- flicted before the judge, with the culprit in a recum- bent position. The phrase "cause him to lie down" (Dt 25 2) suggests the bastinado. The humane spirit of the Deuteronomic legislation mitigated the severity of this penalty by restricting the number of strokes to forty. The words chasten and chastise sometimes refer to corporal punishment (Dt22 18; I K 12 14). The scorpion is mentioned as a terrible instrument of castigation; it consisted probably of thongs armed with pieces of lead (I K 12 14; II Ch 10 14). In the N T the terms stripe and scourge have a twofold signification. In some passages the writer had in mind the Jewish form of punishment which was administered with a whip of three lashes (II Cor 11 24; cf. Jos. Ant IV, 8 21). Again the reference may be to the Roman custom of beating slaves and criminals (Ac 16 22, 22 25; II Co 1 1 25). At PhiUppi Paul alludes to the Porcian law, which ex- empted Roman citizens from this penalty (Ac 16 37). This is not to be confused with the scourging of Jesus, which was flagellation with thongs. The branding of slaves was a common custom (Is 44 5; CH, §§ 226, 227), and, according to Babylonian law, the slan- derer of a woman was to be branded on the forehead . (§ 127). Imprisonment is a penalty unknown to both the CH and the Mosaic codes, but it is men- tioned toward the close of the monarchy (Jer 32 2, 37 16), and implied in the mention of prison garb (II K25 29), and use of chains, fetters, and stocks (II S 3 34; Jer 20 2, 29 26; Ac 16 24). The so-called law of jealousy was really an ordeal for a woman suspected of adultery (Nu 5 11-31). In the CH the or- deal by water was employed as a test for a sorcerer and a suspected wife (§§ 2, 132). (c) Penalties in means or money: Fines in our modern sense were unknown, but the injured party received an indemnity for loss or injury from the guilty person. Three instances are given in the OT (Ex 21 32; Dt 22 19, 29), while the CH pun- ishes twenty-one offenses in this way. The res- toration of things lost, stolen, or injured is a fundamental principle in the Mosaic codes, and is quite prominent in the CH, which contains forty-eight enactments exacting restitution in some form. The restitution of a stolen ox must be fivefold, of a sheep fourfold (Ex 22 i; cf. Lk 19 8) ; in the CH, § 112, goods lost by carrier in transportation must be re- stored fivefold. For other O T instances see Ex 221-9; Lv 6 4f., 24 21. A Roman jailer or guard allowing a prisoner to escape made himself liable to the penalty imposed on the criminal (Ac 12 19, 16 27). The CH, in fifteen enactments, punishes with for- feiture, which is twice mentioned in the O T (Dt 22 9; Ezr 10 8). Confiiscation was not practised by the Hebrews, but is referred to as a "Persian custom (Ezr 7 2G). Literature: Keil, Biblical ArcJieology, II, 337 ff. (1887); Scharer, History of the Jewish People, II, 11, 90 ff.; JE separate articles on various crimes and punishmenta; for The Code of Hammurabi, see edition of R. F. Harper and article by C. H. W. Johns in HDB, Vol. V; in German, the works of Benzinger and Nowack on Heb. ArcMologie (1894). J. A. K. CRIMSON. See Colors, §2, and Dress and Ornaments, § 5. CRIPPLE. See Disease and Medicine, § 4 (4). CRISPING PINS. See Dress and Ornaments, §11- CRISPUS, cris'pus (KpioTTToff): A ruler of the Jew- ish synagogue in Corinth who with his entire family- accepted Christianity (Ac 18 8) and probably was baptized by Paul himself (cf. I Co 1 14). J. M. T. 161 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Crimes and Punishments Crucifixion See Disease and Medi- CROO:;-BACKED. CINE, § 4 (5). CROSS (aravpos, probably a 'stake' or 'pole/ radically cogaatc with t-or/y-yLit) : The N T word for the instrument on which Jesus was put to death. I. Physical: The early usage of the term a-Tavpos corresponded to its primary meaning (cf. Odyssey, 14 11, 'poles for fencing'; Xen. Anab. V, 2 21, 'stakes for fortification'; Hdt. 5 6, 'foundation piles'). As a means of execution it was first used in its form of a stake {crux simplex) for inipaling the victim — the custom being practised by the Assyrians, Persians, Phoenicians (Carthaginians), and Egyptians, and passing from the Persians and Carthaginians to the Greeks and Romans. This form was later elaborated into the crux compacta, of which there were, in the times of Christ, two varieties — the crux commissa ('St. Anthony's cross') shaped like a Tj and the crux immissa (the 'Latin cross') shaped, as we generally know it, like a "|". The 'St. Andrew's cross' (crux decussata), shaped like an X? was of much later origin and of a usage much disputed. The cross used at Jesus' death was almost certainly the crux im- missa, not only because this is the testimony of the oldest tradition, but because it is impossible other- wise to understand the setting "up over his head" of His "accusation" (Mt 27 37; cf. also ||s). The upright (staticulum) was of some strong wood and, after implanting in the ground, did not stand more than 9 ft. high. This was left permanently erected outside the walls of the city, only the cross- bar (patibulum) being carried by the criminal to the place of execution, where it was affixed, with him fastened on it, to the upright. On this upright there was placed a short piece of wood {sedUe or cornu) on which the body rested as on a saddle. Whether there was also a support for the feet (suppedaneum lignum; cf. Greg, of Tours, De Glor, Martyr^ vi) is still in question. II. Religious: The infamy of such a punishment, together with the primary significance of Jesus'' death in His redemptive work, quickly brought the crucifixion into prominence in the thought and preaching of the Apostolic Church (cf. Peter's early references to it, Ac 2 23, 36, 4 10), The Cross thus became not only in its suffering and shame a mark of the self-sacrificing love of Jesus (Ph 2 8; He 12 2), but also in its infamous indignity an assertive sym- bol of the disciples' faith, in which they gloried (Gal 5 14), for which they were willing to be persecuted (Gal 6 12; cf. He 13 13), to which those of unchristian living were counted enemies (Ph 3 18; cf. He 6 6), and in which, because of its infamous character, as a pen- alty, the unbelieving were scandalized (Gal 5 11) and found nothing but ridicule and contempt (I Co 1 18) — as in fact the disciples themselves were confused and mystified by Jesus' references to His coming death before they realized its necessity (Mk 8 31 f. and ||s). From this it easily grew to be the term in which Christian work was most strikingly presented in its triumph over the condemnation of the Law (Col 2 14) and its consequent reconciliation of sinners to God (Col 1 20) and to each other (Eph 2 16). In fact, with Paul it came to stand as the sympathetic term for the Gospel of God in Jesus Christ, the pro- claiming of which was his consecrated liTe-work (I Co 1 17; cf. ver. 23, 2 2; Gal 3 i; also vs. 10-13); as a consequence his union with Christ through faith was summed up in his claim to have been crucified with Christ (Gal 2 20) and in this experience to be crucified to the world (Gal 6 14; Ro 6 6; cf. Gal 5 24). Though Jesus' allusion to the manner of His coming death was unintelligible to the Jews (Jn 12 32 ff.). His warning to His disciples of the necessary cross-bearing which their following of Him would involve (Mk 8 34 and ||s; Mt 10 38; Lk 14 27) was per- fectly clear, in view of the crucifixions inflicted by Antiochus Epiphanes, Alexander Jannseus, Varus, and Titus. There is therefore no anachronism in the statement; while to Jesus Himself it was part of His prophetic consciousness of His death. See Cru- cifixion. Literature: Besides works on the Life of Christ and commentaries on the passion narrative in the Gospels, cf. Zockler, D, Kreuz Christi (1875 [Eng. transl. 1878]). M. W. J. CROSSWAY. See Way. CROW. See Time, § 1. CROWN: An ornamental head-dress symbolic of unusual honor or prerogative. Crown, diadem, and fillet are used in the Bible without very 1. Lin- strict regard to different shades of guistic meaning. In general, the first of these Usage. terms takes the most conspicuous place among them. It is applied (1) in a literal sense: (a) to the round border or edge of ob- jects like the ark or the altar (Ex 25 11, 30 3, zer, "rim or molding" RVmg.) and (6) to the headgear of persons distinguished from the ordinary as kings and queens (nezer, II K 11 12; kether, Est 1 11, etc.; 'dtarah, II S 12 30; BLabTjfia, AV Rev 19 12; (rr4aKaiop, *a rest for the head.' A. C. Z. CUSTOM. See Tax, and Law and Legal Practise, § 1 (i). CUT, CUTTING. See Mourning Customs, § 3, and Semitic Religion, § 26. CUTH, CUTHAH, cuth, cutha (n^3, kuth; nri^S, kuthah): A place whence the Assyrians deported colonists to plant them in Samaria (II K 17 24, 30). The same place is mentioned on the Assyr. in- scriptions as Kutu. It was near Babylon and was the chief center of the worship of Nergal, a god of war, hunting, pestilence, and of the realm of the dead. (Cf. KAT.^p. 412 ff.) E. E. N. CUT OFF, See Crimes and Punishments, § 3 (a). CYMBAL. See Music, § 3 (l). CYPRESS. See Palestine, § 21, and House, §4. CYPRUS (Kvirpos, 'copper'): An island of 3,584 sq. m., 45 m. from the coast of Asia Minor and 60 m. from that of Syria. A very fertile plain run- ning E. and W. is bounded on the N. and S. by two mountain ranges in which there were formerly rich copper-mines that gave the island its name. There was also a valuable export of timber, which, to- gether with other productions, made a large trade. In the O T its inhabitants were called Kittim (Gn 10 4; Is 23 1,12; Ezk 27 6) from Kitti (Kition = modern Larnaka) on the S. coast. In very early days there were Mycenaan settlements on the island, but afterward the Phoenicians took possession, though side by side with them Greeks were found, who, isolated by the Persian rule, organized them- selves, in dependence upon Egypt, in autonomous cities according to Greek polity (Mommsen), their coinage being very well known. Paphos, at the W. end of the island, was the home of the wide-spread cult of the Phcenician Astarte, the Greek Aphrodite. After the time of Alexander the Great, Cyprus be- came one of the most valuable possessions of Egypt. Taken by Rome in 58 b.c. it first came under im- perial administration, but was transferred a few years later to the control of the Senate (see Prov- ince) and was in the time of Paul governed by the proconsul Sergius Paulus (Ac 13 7, 12), whose name has been with probability identified on an inscrip- tion. Jews had settled in Cyprus in early times and were there in large numbers at the beginning of the Christian era; in the reign of Trajan they massacred thousands of the native Cypriotes and were there- after forbidden to live on the island. Soon after the persecution that arose on the death of Stephen, Christianity secured a foothold in Cyprus. This island was the first place visited by Saul and Barna- bas, a native of Cyprus (Ac 4 36), on their first mis- sionary journey. They landed at Salamis on the E., the largest city of the island, and traversed its entire length to Paphos, the capital, about 100 m. to the W. (Ac 13 4-12). Later, Barnabas, with Mark, returned to the island, evidently to carry on the work already begun (Ac 15 39), It was men of Cyprus and Gyrene who first preached the Gospel to Greeks in Antioch (Aclll9f.), and the early disciple Mnason, with whom Paul lodged in Jerusalem, was a Cypriote (Ac 21 16). Nothing further is known regarding the history of Christianity in Cyprus in the Apostolic Age. But see Hebrews, Ep to, § 6, R. A. F. Cyrene Damascus A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 164 CYRENE, sai-ri'ni {Kvpi'ji/i]): The rich and pow- erful capital city of Cyrenaica (North Africa). It was founded 631 B.C. by people from the island of Thfera under Battus. C. was situated on a lofty hill 10 m. from the sea and was a center of Greek learning and culture. It was the birthplace of Aristippus, Carnead^s, and Cailimachus. Its kings took part in the games of Greece (cf. the Charioteer of the group at Delphi). While C. fought successfully against the Libyans and Egyptians, it was worsted by Carthage and became tributary to Cambyses 524 B.C. The Cyrenaic Pentapolis under the protectorate of the Ptolemies was founded in 321 B.C. Under the Ptol- emies C. became the home of large numbers of Jews (cf. Ac 6 9). It became an independent kingdom in 117. It was bequeathed to Rome in 96 and with Crete was made a Roman province in 67 B.C. Its ruins are vast in extent, but hostile natives prevent excavations. Simon of Cyrene was not a negro, but a Jew of Cyrene (Lk 23 26, AV "Cyrenian")- J. R. S. S. CYRENIUS, sai-ri'ni-TTs. See Quirinius. CYRUS, sai'rus (^T'3, kdresh)^ the Latinized form of Gr. Kvpos, for the old Persian Kurush: The founder of the Persian Empire and the greatest of the kings of W. Asia. He was hereditary prince of Anshan or S. Elam, a dependency of Media at the time of his birth, c. 590 B.C. He was, however, of the Persian royal race, a great-grandson of Achsem- enes the founder of the line, Anshan having first come under the control of the petty Persian rulers and then with them under the suzerainty of the Median kings. In 550 he threw off the yoke of Me- dia, the troops of whose king Astyages came over to him without giving battle. He thus became ruler of the great Median Empire, which reached west- ward to the river Halys. In 546 he took Sardis, the capital of Crcesus, the king of Lydia, and thereby secured the sovereignty of Asia Minor, including its Greek colonies. In 539 war arose between him and Nabonidus, the last native king of Babylonia. After a campaign of two weeks the city of Babylon sur- rendered to the Persians without resistance. AH the lowlands of W. Asia were thus added to his possessions, including Syria and Palestme to the border of Egypt, Babylon being made one of his capitals. He died in 529, probably on some eastern journey or expedition, for his later years were de- voted to the organization of his own Iranian peoples. His tomb remains at the oldest Persian capital, Pasargedse (modem Murghab; see JacksoH; Persia Past and Present, 1906, p. 278 ff .)■ Cyrus has a twofold importance in the Bible, being an imposing figure in both prophecy and his- tory. In the former he presents himself to the great prophet of the close of the Exile as the servant and friend of Jehovah Himself, under whose protection and guidance he should destroy the power of Israel's oppressors, restore the captives to their own land, and rebuild the Temple in Jerusalem (Is 41 2 f., 44 28- 45 6). In the latter he, in the first year of his reign, actually gives the exiles permission to return, also encouragement and support in their migration (Ezr 1 1 ff.). The fact that the glowing anticipations of the seer were not fulfilled under Cyrus himself does not diminish his significance as a grand prophetic ideal any more than the collapse of his empire under his unworthy son and successor detracts from his greatness as a statesman and consummate ruler of men. Babylonian inscriptions of Nabonidus and of Cyrus himself materially supplement and correct the traditions and legends of the classical writers. These inscriptions state also that Cyrus, after the capture of Babylon, restored many exiled peoples to their homes. Literature : Besides the general Oriental histories of DuDcker and Meyer, see E. Lindl, Cyrus, Munich, 1903. For Old Testament relations see Winckler in KAT^ (In- dex under "Kyros"); McCurdy, History, Prophecy, atid the Monuments, Vol. Ill, §§ 1373-1420, where are given translations from the relevant inscriptions, which are dealt with in full by Hagen, in Beitrdge zur Assyriologie, III, 205-257. J. F, McC. DABAREH, dab'a-re. See Daberath. BABBESHETH, dab'e-sheth {r\t^% dahhdsheth, Dabbasheth AV): A place on the border of Zebu- Ion (Jos 19 11). Perhaps the modern Dahsheh, Map IV, C 5. E. E. N. DABERATH, dab'e-rath (Hn^^^, dahhrath, Dab- areh AV), the mod. Dehurieh, Map IV, D 7: A town of Issachar on the borders of Zebulon (Jos 19 12) and also a Levitical city (Jos 21 28; I Ch 6 72). Its position is strategic and possibly here the Israelites under Barak gathered for their attack on Sisera (Jg4U,5l5). E. E.N. DAGGER. See Arms and Armor, § 2. DAGON, d^'gen: A Philistine deity. See Sem- itic Religion, § 20. DALAIAH, dal"a-ai'a. See Delaiah. DALE. See King's Dale. DALMANUTHA, dal"ma-nu'tha. See Magadan. DALMATIA, dal-m^'shi-a (AoX/xarta) : A prov- ince on the eastern shores of the Adriatic Sea, originally a part of lUyricum. It became independ- ent 180 B.C., but was made tributary to Rome in 156 B.C. Augustus made it a Roman province. It now belongs to Austria. It is mentioned once by Paul (II Ti 4 10), but nothing is known of the nature of Titus' mission thither. J. R. S. S. DALPHON, dal'fen Cv^)^y dalphon): One of the sons of Haman (Est 9 7). E. E. N. DAMARIS, dam'a-ris (AdpLapis — ^possibly Aa/toXw ['heifer'], a frequent feminine name): One of Paul's converts in Athens (Ac 17 34). The title rt/it'a, 'honorable,' given her in one N T MS (E), was due perhaps to a desire to save her reputation, in 165 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Oyrene Damascus view of the fact that a respectable woman of Athens would not have been present in such a public gather- ing. Her association with Dionysius may be in- tended to imply that she was a woman of rank. J. M. T. DAMASCUS, da-mas'cus (p'^^!l, dammeseq, but also darmeseq, I Ch 18 5, II Ch 28 5, and dum~ meseq, II K 16 10. In the Egyptian 1. Name lists of the 16th cent, called timasqu and and of the 13th cent, ti-ramaski [W. Location. Max Miiller, Asien u. Eur., 1893, pp. 162, 234]. Assyrian, dimaski. Ety- mology obscure): A well-known city located in the NW. end of a fertile plain which the rivers Abana (the modern Barada) and Pharpar convert into a beautiful garden spot. The whole plain is excep- tionally rich in natural features, and must from the first have offered attrac- tions to travelers between the Mediterranean seaboard and the Mesopotamian valley as a con- venient place for rest, and also to the merchants as a suitable site for a center of dis- tribution. It is no wonder that a populous and Plan of Modern prosperous town grew up at this point, aLnost as early as the country on either side was fairly settled. The origin of the city is not traceable to any defi- nite date or agency, although the belief prevailed among the later Jews that it was found- 2. Early ed by Uz, grandson of Shem (Jos. History. Ant. 1, 6 4). It is mentioned as exist- ing in the days of Abraham (Gn 14 15). Eliezer, Abraham's steward (Gn 15 2), is called a Damascene. It is very probable that between the 15fch cent. B.C. and the 13th Damascus was a sub- ject of warfare between the Egyptians and the Hit- tites; but it was about the year 1200 that the Syri- ans (Arameans) secured possession of it and made it the capital of their kingdom. In the days of David the city as well as the kingdom of which it was the capital was made subject to Israel (IIS 8 5). But this relationship could not have lasted very long, for soon afterward (c. 950) Rezon (Hezion), son of Eljada, established a strong dynastic rule at Damascus (I K 11 23-25), which lasted until the com- plete collapse of Syria under the irresistible blows of the Assyrian power in 732. Rezon was succeeded by Tabrimmon (I K 15 18), of whom, however, nothing more is known than that he was the father of Ben-hadad I (c. 900). Ben-hadad helped Asa against Baasha and later made war against and defeated Omri of Israel (I K 20 34). Ben-hadad II (870-844, Hadadezer in the inscrip- tions of Shahnanezer II) came into con- 3. Later flict with Ahab and was byhim defeated History, at the battle of Aphek and compelled to yield the king of Israel the right to "make streets" (i.e., bazaars) for himself in D. Shortly after this, Ben-hadad put himself at the head of a confederacy including Israel and other neigh- boring states, which was designed to stem the grow- ing power of Assyria in Western Asia. But in this plan the confederacy completely failed, being de- feated at the decisive battle of Karkar (854). These reverses undoubtedly rendered Ben-hadad unpopular in his own realm. He was finally slain by Hazael, who assumed his place on the throne (II K8 15). Under Hazael (844-813) the prestige of Da- mascus revived in spite of two de- feats sustained at the hands of Shalmanezer II (843 and 840). In his wars with Jehu, this king succeeded in wresting from Israel the terri- tory E. of the Jordan and S. as far as the river Amon (II K 10 32 f.; Am 1 3) and threatened Judah into paying him City of Damascus. a large tribute (II K12l7f.). Haza- el's son and successor (Ben-hadad III, or Mari, 812- 770) was obUged to abandon the war against Israel and defend himself against Assyria. In the twenty years between 773 and 753, Damascus suffered five separate attacks, aU of which resulted in the ex- haustion of its resources. The immediate successor of Mari is not certainly known. The names of Ta- beel and Tabrimmon II both occur (770-740). It was imder Rezon (740-732) that Damascus finally succumbed to the attacks of Tiglath-pileser III. Its beautiful territory wels devastated, its people taken into captivity, and its king put to death (Schra- der, cor. 1,252). For the next five centuries Damascus was simply the residence of Assyrian, Babylonian, or Persian governors. BibUcal allusions to it 4. Damas- are scarce and doubtful (Jer 49 23-27; cus from Ezk47 16 ff., 48 l). In the Greek pe- 732 riod it even ceased to be the capital of Onward. Syria and was supplanted in that capac- ity by Antioch, though the Seleucids kept possession of it throughout. In 85 B.C. it was captured by the Nabattean king, Aretas (Jos. Ant. XIII, 15 2), and in 65 acknowledged the sovereignty of Rome. When the Apostle Paul fled from it, it was under command of an ethnarch. In N T times, there were evidently many Jews in Damascus (Ac 9 2; Damnation Daniel, The Book of A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 166 II Co 11 32; Jos. BJ, II, 20 2, VII, 8 7). That one of its streets which has acquired fame as the "street which is called straight" (Ac 9 11) was probably flanked by pillars. The houses of Judas and Ana- nias (Ac 9 10 f .) and the window in the wall through which Paul was let down (II Co 11 33; Ac 9 25) are still shown in the modem city, which has been under Mohammedan rule since 624 a.d. A. C. Z. DAMNATION. See Eschatology, §§ 18-21, 30, 39, 48, 49. DAMSEL. See Family and Family Law, § 6, and Marriage and Divorce. DAN ('j'T., dan)f *judge': I. A son of Jacob and Bilhah, Rachel's maid, and the ancestor of one of the tribes of Israel. See Tribes, §§ 2 and 4- 11. A city in the extreme N. of Israel's territory, once called Laish (Jg 18 29, "Leshem" by mistake in Jos 19 47), but changed to Dan after its capture by a large section of the tribe of Dan that emigrated thence in the early days of the occupation of Canaan by Israel (Jg 17 f.)- The exact site is a matter of dis- pute, opinions being divided between Tell el-Kadi, a mound from which flow two of the streams that unite to form the Nahr Leddan, or "Little Jordan," and Banias, the ancient Paneas, also called Csesarea Philippi. See Map IV, E 4, F 4. The fact that the Arabic Kadi is the equivalent of the Hebrew dan is strongly in favor of the site of TeU el-Kadi, and with this agree express statements in Jos. Ant. I, 10 l, V, 3 1, VIII, 8 4; BJ. IV, 1 1 and in the Onomasticon of Eusebius and Jerome perfectly which locate Dan at the source of the 'lesser' Jordan and about 4 m. from Paneas. For the argument for the site of Paneas see G. A. Smith, HGHL. p. 472 f. Dan was counted the northern limit of Israel's territory, "from Dan to Beersheba," meaning the whole extent of Israel N. to S. (I S 3 20, etc.)- At Dan was one of the most ancient sanctuaries in Israel, over which Jonathan, a grandson of Moses, was said to have first presided (Jg 18 30). As situated near a large spring (the mound being that of an extinct volcano), it was probably always considered a sacred spot. . Here, at a later time, was placed one of the two golden calves made by Jeroboam I (I K 12 29). E. E. N. DAN, DANITE. See Tribes, § 4. DANCE: Throughout the O T period down to the Greek era, the dancing in vogue among the Hebrews was predominantly a religious exercise. In very an- cient times it was customary for worshipers to engage in a joy- ous religious pro- cession around the sacred tree or other sacred symbol. (See accompanying cuts.) The com- mon word for dance, ndhol (from hdl, 'to A Dance Around a Sacred Tree, move in a circle,' Ho twist') refers to such circular rhythmic move- ment (Ex 15 20, 32 19; Jg 11 34, 21 21; I S 21 11, 29 5). This dancing was generally accompanied by music and song. It was engaged in by men, or more often women, or both together (cf. Ps 68 25), frequently in two antiphonal companies (cf. Song 6 13 RVmg.). Other words for dancing as kdrar, Ho turn' (II S 6 A Sacrificial Ceremony. The dancers move toward the altar, behind which is seated a woman holding a flower to her nose. Behind her are female musicians. 14, 16), raqadh, Ho leap' (I Ch 15 29; Job 21 11; cf. Is 13 21), and pdzaz, Ho spring,' reveal the fact that the motion was violent rather than graceful. The verb hdgag (I S 30 16, from which hag, the ordinary- word for a religious "feast" [cf. Ex 5 l], is derived) is evidence for the original religious character of dancing. During the Greek period the Jews became acquainted with professional dancing women, and sometimes did not hesitate to imitate them (cf. Mt 14 6). But the dances most loved by the people re- tained their primitive character of pure and joyous simplicity. Social dancing, as practised to-day in the Occident, was unknown to the Hebrews. E. E. N. DANIEL Oi<::i% daniyyel), 'God is my judge': 1. Son of David and Abigail, the Carmelitess (I Ch 3 1). 2. Son of Ithamar, one of those who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Ezr8 2; Neh 10 6). 3. A sage whose reputation entitled him to be classed with Noah and Job (Ezk 14 u, 20). In addition to his exemplary piety, he had also acquired a, great name for his exceptional wisdom (Ezk 28 3). There is no valid reason for distrusting the traditional identification of this Daniel with the Daniel of the book bearing that name. Neither is there any evi- dence of the existence of another Daniel at an earher date. Outside the book, however, the three refer- ences in Ezekiel are the only ones made to him until a very much later time (I Mac 2 59 f . ; Mt 24 15 [Mt , 13 14]; Jos. Ant. X, 2 7). But the name of Daniel became the rallying-point of apocryphal and pseud- epigraphical writings {Bel and the Dragon; History of Susannah; Prayer of Azariah; Song of the Three Children; cf. also Fabric, Cod, 7. T., i, 1124). A. a z. 167 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Damnation Daniel, The Book of DANIEL, THE BOOK OF Analysis of Contents Contents. Part I Contents. Part II Language Bate and Authorship; The Rival Views The Exilic Date The Maccabean Date: External Evidence Internal Evidence: His- torical Aspects 10. 11. 12. Internal Evidence : Lin- guistic Aspects Internal Evidence : Type of Religious Thought Authenticity Canonicity Interpretation This book consists of two parts easily distin- guishable. The first part (chs. 1-6) is narrative in form and has for its theme Daniel as I. Con- a sage and interpreter of dreams; the tent. subject of the second (chs. 7-12) is a Part I. series of visions seen by him. The narrative element in it is at a minimum. The book opens with a portraiture of Daniel and the three young Jewish nobles, who because of ceremonial scruples refused at Babylon to eat the king's food and were prospered for their fidelity to the national law (eh. 1). This incident is followed by an account of Daniel's successful interpretation of Nebuchadrezzar's dream of the composite image (ch. 2). Next comes the story of the refusal of Daniel and his three associates to worship the image set up by the king and their subjection to the ordeal of the fiery furnace (ch. 3). Daniel is then pictured as interpreting the king's dream of a tree (ch. 4). He also plainly explains the meaning of the hand- writing on the wall at Belshazzar's banquet (ch. 5), and is promoted by Darius the Mede, but on account of envy is subjected to the ordeal of the lion's den (ch. 6). The second part of the book contains an account of four great visions seen by Daniel. The first is an apocalyptic representation of the four 2. Part II, great world powers (Babylonian, Medo- Persian, Persian, and Macedonian or Greco-Syrian) in the form of four beasts, followed by the establishment of the "people of the saints of the Most High, whose kingdom is an everlasting king- dom" (ch. 7). The second vision is also an apoca- lyptic representation, but of the Macedonian power with its fourfold development. Here Alexander the Great appears in the form of a he-goat who over- came the ram (the Persian Empire). From one of the four divisions of the Greek Empire a king arises who proceeds to desecrate the sanctuary (ch. 8). The third vision is given in answer to a prayer of pen- itence and is cast in the form of a Divine communi- cation through the angel Gabriel, which concerns the Messianic Kingdom to come in 70 weeks (ch. 9). The fourth vision is given by direct angelic visitation assuring Daniel of God's love for His faithful people and detailing the course of events under the tyran- nical and sacril^ous king of the N., Antiochus Epiphanes (c. 175-165 B.C., chs. 10-12). One striking feature of the book is its bilingual character. The portion of it which is included be- tween 2 4 and 7 28 is in Aramaic, all the rest in He- brew. To account for this fact, it has been assumed (by Meinhold, Kom. z. B. Dn, in Strack-Zockler, pp. 261, 262) that Dn is drawn from sources of which the first, an Aramaic document of c. 300 B.C., furnishes the basis of chs. 1-6, and the second, a Hebrew work of the Maccabean Age, makes up chs. 3. Lan- 7-12. But as ch. 1, outside of these guage. natural divisions, is in Hebrew and ch. 7 in Aramaic, Preiswerk (Der Sprach- wechsel im B.Dn, 1903, pp. 88, 112) alleges that ch. 1 has been translated from Aramaic into Hebrew and ch. 7 from Hebrew into Aramaic. But aside from the support which such an allegation is intended to furnish to the theory of two underlying documents, there is no evidence for it. Moreover, why should the translation of Hebrew and Aramaic respectively stop precisely where it does? Another attempted ex- planation of the facts is in the theory that the speech of the Chaldean magicians in 2 4 is given in their own language. But as the conversation with the Chaldeans is so brief, the continuation of the narra- tive in the Aramaic dialect is on this theory unac- counted for. As against these grounds a more sat- isfying explanation may be found in a comparative use of the two languages at the time of the composi- tion of the book. If this be fixed in a period when Hebrew was being largely supplanted by Aramaic in popular usage, the author may be imagined as re- sorting to the more intelligible dialect in portraying affairs in Babylonia and turning to the less familiar Hebrew when desirous of limiting the circle of those who could understand his meaning; i.e., in the more purely apocalyptic sections of his book. As this dealt with current affairs, the risk of incurring the displeasure of the Syrian authorities would be thus lessened. At the same time the encouragement and confidence in a speedy relief would be imparted to the narrower circle of the faithful. Strictly speaking Dn is anonymous. In this it differs from Is, Jer, and Ezk. So far as it contains any traces of the date of its origin and 4. Date its authorship, the proper use of these and Au- data will depend upon a correct con- thorship; ception of its literary form. If this the Rival proves to be that of a purely historical Views, prophetical book, these facts can only be read as a claim on the part of the book that it was written in the Exilic period and by the illustrious sage (prophet) who is its chief char- acter. Upon this understanding of it the prophet Daniel would bear the same relation to the book which Ezekiel does to the book bearing his name, etc. But if Dn be an apocalypse, written according to the current methods of composition governing the writing of apocalyptic productions, it is plain that the author lays no claim to giving precise history or accurate minute prediction, but, wishing to convey a message of hope, and to infuse fortitude under trial into the hearts of a persecuted generation, he transfers him- self back to the time of a great God-fearing man, and through his figure conveys his message. In so doing he embodies such knowledge as he possesses of the age and environment of his hero. In no case, how- ever, does he, on this supposition, aim to produce the impression that his work is that of the sage himself. Of these two alternatives, the first prevailed in ancient times, as may be gathered from the treatment of Porphyry's attack on the genuineness of the book and the defense by Christian writers (Jerome. Daniel, The Book of Daniel, Apocryphal A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 168 PrcBf. in Dan.). In modern times the criticism of Dn begins with doubts regarding the authorship of chs. 1-7 (Spinoza, Newton), which were 5. The followed by the view that the Aramaic Exilic section (2 4-7 28) was an interpolation Date. (J. D. Michaelis), and were finally sup- planted by the theory that the whole book is the work of a Jewish patriot of the time of Antiochus Epiphanes (Corrodi, 1783, followed by Eichhorn, etc. ). The argument for the Exilic date of the book is chiefly based on the alleged traditional acceptance of it as such from the earliest days. It is, however, also supported by such features of it as come into view in the effort to defend this traditional theory against attacks from the critical view-points. The weakness of the argument is that the tradition, when traced to its earliest date, becomes quite un- certain. The Baba-Bathra (146) ascribes the writing of Dn not to Daniel but, along with that of some other books, to "the men of the great synagogue." The first portion of the book, at least, bears out the assertion that Daniel is rather the hero and sub- ject of it than the author. Of the latest advocates of this position the ablest are C H. H. Wright, Dan- iel and His Prophecies (1906); Kennedy, /)ameZ/rom the Christian Point of View (1898). The Maccabean date of Dn is supported by con- siderations both external and internal. Of the former (1) the place of the book in 6. The the Hebrew canon between Esther and Maccabean Ezra in the group of Hagiographa, and Date: not with the prophets, shows that it External was composed after the second group Evidence, of the canon (the N^bhi'im) had been closed. The effort to break the force of this fact by pointing to the Psalter, which is also put among the Hagiographa, although com- pleted before the second division of the canon had been closed, is unavailing, because from the nature of the case the Book of Psalms could not have been put either in the first division (Pentateuch) or in the second (Prophets). A better analogy is fur- nished by the Book of Jonah, which, though in every respect exactly like Dn, found a, place among the prophets simply because it was composed before the collection of the N''bhi'%mh.ad been completed. (2) The silence of Ben Sira regarding the prophet indi- cates that Daniel was not prominently before the mind of the faithful Hebrew, as would have been the case had such an account of him as Dn presents been published (Sir 49). According to Ben Sira no man has arisen like Joseph since Joseph's day, but as Koenig points out (EinL, p. 386) Daniel is such a perfect analogue to Joseph, especially in the matter of rising to a first place in a foreign realm because of the successful interpretation of dreams, that the failure to recognize him is unaccountable upon the Exilic dating of the book. (3) The total absence of any trace of the influence of Dn upon subsequent af- fairs is also a fact not accounted for by the theory of its Exilic date. The internal grounds for the Maccabean date may be grouped as (1) those which are drawn from the nature of the historical details included in the book. These show that to the author the conditions of the Exile were not the familiar environment of his own day but an atmosphere and surrounding into which he had mentally transferred himself. On the other hand, the history of the Maccabean 7. Internal Age as reflected in the book is mi- Evidence : nute and accurate (of. Farrar on Dn Historical in Expositor's Bible, pp- 38-62). (2) Aspects. The fact that the author touches upon the conditions of the Exile, passes over the entire period between Cyrus and Alexander, and, glancing at that conqueror as a landmark, proceeds at once into a minute description of events during the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes is accounted for best by the Maccabean dating of the book. The historical conditions of the Exile were necessary as the literary framework for his great hero. The intermediate period was irrelevant and therefore omitted. The details of the Maccabean Age were introduced because they were of all-absorbing in- terest. Upon the theory of an Exilic date such a selection of historical material is unexplainable. The linguistic aspects of Dn point to the Macca^ bean Age. The language of the Hebrew section affiliates it with that of Esther and 8. Internal Chronicles, the latest books of the T Evidence: (Driver, LOT\ p. 504 ff.). Its Ara- Linguistic maic is not the Babylonian but the Pal- Aspects, estinian variety of that language (of. Koenig, EinL, p. 387; Driver, op. dt, p. 502). Certain Persian words (about 10 to 15) fix the earliest limit for the composition of the book as c. 500 B.C., while the Greek terms for musical instru- ments used in 3 4 f . point to a date subsequent to 331 B.C. The explanation sometimes offered for the intrusion of these words in a book of the 6th cent. B.C. which assumes that they might be stray names introduced through occasional intercourse between Babylonia and the Greeks of Asia Minor is inade- quate, inasmuch as two of them at least belong to a much later age. Sumponyah ("dulcimer," a-vficjxo- via) is first found in Plato, and psanterin ("psal- tery," yfra\Ti)piov) by its change of I into n betrays the influence of the Macedonian dialect and must therefore be later than the conquest of Alexander. The type of religious thought which prevails in the book confirms the conclusion pointed to. by the considerations already adduced. The 9. Internal theology of the book is akin to that of Evidence: the Books of the Maccabees and quite Type of different from that of the ExiUc pro- Religious ductions or even from that of the wri- Thought. tings of Haggai, Zechariah, Ezra, and Nehemiah. If Dn was not intended to be taken as the work of the man whose name it bears but as an apocalypse in which the prophet's figure was used 10. Au- as the vehicle of a Divine message to thenticity, the persecuted generation of Jews who Hved in the middle of the 2d cent., there can be no question of its authejiticity. For the question of authenticity can arise only when facts are discovered that point to a conclusion con- tradicting the claim of authorship made by a book for itself. As a book cast into the apocar lyptic form, Dn could not but be put, in ac- cordance with the legitimate literary principles governing such forms, into the mold in which it is 169 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Daniel, The Book of Daniel, Apocryphal found. Even such a statement as 12 4 belongs to the literary framework, and does not constitute a claim of Danielic authorship. Whether Dn deserves a place in the canon of Scripture does not depend either upon the personal- ity of the author or the species of lit- II. Can- erature he may have chosen for his onicity. message, but upon the recognition of the book by the spiritual consciousness of God's people as containing a real message of per- manent value. This recognition was accorded to the book in the days of Jesus and by Jesus Himself. It has been concurred in by almost the unanimous body of believers. No investigation of a literary historical character can shake its place in the rule of faith. Much of the difficulty experienced with the mean- ing of Dn is lost when it is recognized as a product of the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. 12. Inter- Ch. 11 especially, with its four world pretation. kingdoms, is wonderfully cleared when viewed from this standpoint. The third of these kingdoms is explicitly named as the Per- sian (112); the fourth to foUow is evidently the Greek (Macedonian). Of this the Syrian (Seleucid) king- dom is considered the northern branch. The same fourfold division of history appears in the earlier part of the book (cf. ch. 2, the image of Nebuchad- rezzar's dream) and in both cases the fourfold world-power is succeeded by the kingdom of the Mes- siah, specifically represented in 7 9 £f. as the reign of the Son of Man. Literature; Driver, LOT^ ', J. D. Prince, A Crit. Com. on the Book of Dn, 1899; Driver, Camb. Bib. for Schools and Coll., Dn, 1900; Behrmsinn, Hand-Kom. z. Dn, 1894. A. C. Z. DANIEL, APOCRYPHAL ADDITIONS TO: In the Greek text of the Book of Daniel are found the following additions: (1) The Prayer of Azariah and the Thanksgiving of the Three Children in the Fiery Furnace. (2) The History of Susannah. (3) The Story of Bel and the Dragon. The first of these has a much closer relation to the Book of Daniel than the other two. ^ This is an apocryphal addition of 67 verses to the Book of Daniel inserted after 3 23. The title does not fully express all the contents of the I. The Song section, for it contains also the Prayer of the Three of Azariah (1-22), and a brief narrative Children. (23-27) of the heating of the furnace, , and of the coming of the Angel of the Lord to the rescue. Codex B has the headings "The Prayer of Azariah" and "The Hymn of the Three." It has been often noted that the prayer, which is really as if a nation was speaking, confessing its past sins and seeking mercy, is singularly inappropriate to the circumstances. So too the Hymn is quite as unlikely in such a situation. It is more like a litany, and seems to be modeled after Ps 136. Both are unauthentic amplifications of the story in the ca- nonical Dn, that are meant to fill out the account of the miraculous deliverance of the three Hebrews by giving the prayer which one of them offered, be- seeching God for deliverance, and the hymn of praise which they sang when they saw that this prayer was answered. It is entirely unknown who composed them. Their date also is unknown. They have been preserved for us in the Greek Bible and in the versions made from it. It has been much dis- cussed whether the original of this section was Hebrew or Greek. The question is not easy of set- tlement, since every extant version is based on the LXX. As yet there is no unanimity in the matter. This apocryphal addition to the Book of Daniel is entitled in some MSS. "The Judgment of Daniel." In Greek MSS. and in the Old Latin 2. The version it is placed before Dn ch. 1 ; in History of the Vulgate it stands at the end as Susannah. Dn ch. 13. The Greek text is extant in two recensions, the LXX. and that of Theodotion, which differ from each other in some details. There are several Syriac versions of the book. The story is as follows : Susannah, the wife of a wealthy Babylonian Jew, was accustomed to walk daily in her garden. Two elders, who had been recently appointed judges, becoming enamored of her beauty, concealed themselves one day in the garden and when Susannah was taking her bath suddenly appeared and made shameless proposals to her. Her outcry discovered them, and to save themselves they publicly accused Susannah of adul- tery with a young man whom they had found in the garden. The innocent woman was condemned to death, but was saved by Daniel, who by sharp cross- questioning exposed the falsity of the elders and se- cured their punishment. This narrative can not be regarded as historical. It is full of improbabilities. Ball (Speaker's Bible, Apoc. II: 325) following Briihl finds the origin and motive of the Susannah story in a tradition of two elders of the time of the Captivity, who by promising women that they would become the mothers of great prophets led them astray, and he suggests that in the time of Ben Shetach (100 B.C.) we can find rea- sons for the presentation of the story in the form in which it here appears with the trial attached. If this theory be correct, several important teachings are exemplified in the story. Julius Africanus was the first to dispute its canonicity. It is still re- garded by the Roman Catholic Church as canonical. These are two distinct stories which have been added to the Book of Daniel in the Greek and other versions. They both have as their aim, 3. Bel along with the glorification of Daniel, and the the exhibition of the emptiness and de- Dragon, ception of idolatry. In the story of Bel, Cyrus the Persian king discovers that Daniel does not worship the Babylonian idol Bel, and calls him to account for his conduct. Daniel denies that Bel is a living god, and offers to prove it. The test is to be made in reference to the daily offer- ings of meat and drink which Bel was supposed to consume. If it should be found that these were made away with by other means than by the god himself, then Daniel was to be honored. Upon the floor of the temple Daniel had spread a thin coating of fine ashes and after the food had been deposited before the god, the king himself shut and sealed the door. The next morning when the door was opened the food was gone, but the marks of human feet were upon the pavement. This led to the discovery of a secret door, through which the priests with their Danjaan David A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 170 wives and children had entered the room. The proof was irrefutable; the false priests were slain, and Daniel was honored. In the Story of the Dragon the same question was at issue as to whether it was a living god. Daniel denied it and offered to slay him. The king gave him permission to try, and Daniel making lumps "of pitch, and fat, and hair" gave them to the dragon to eat, whereupon he burst asunder. Baby- lon was indignant at the death of their god and compelling the king to give up Daniel cast him into the lions' den, where he was miraculously kept unharmed. The king's wonder at this led him to honor the prophet and to acknowledge the prophet's God. Neither of these stories, of course, is authentic, but each is framed from material taken from current legends and ideas. The dragon myth had wide cir- culation. As in the case of the History of Susannah, the two Greek recensions, that of the LXX. and that of Theodotion, differ in details. The original lan- guage of these stories has generally been considered to be Greek. Gaster's discovery of an Aramaic text of the Story of the Dragon in the Chronicles of Jerahmeel gives strong support to the few who have stood for an Aramaic original and has started again the question of Aramaic originals for them both, but as yet a clear decision is not possible. The Roman and Greek Churches accept these stories as canonical; the Protestant Church holds them to be apocryphal. J. S. R. DANJAAN, dan"j6'an (1^^ nj^n, ddnah ya'an) (IIS 24 6): The text here seems to be corrupt. The LXX. is unintelligible, but indicates that 'Dan' occurred twice. Some would amend: "And from Dan they went round to Sidon." Others would read "and to Ijon" for "Jaan." E. E. N. DANNAH, dan'a (Hi^ danna/i): A city in the hill- country of Judah (Jos 1549). Map II, D2. E. E. N. DARDA, dar'da (jJ^Iti, darda') : A person famous for his wisdom(I K 4 31). He is called a son of Mahol, but in I Ch 2 6, where the same set of names occurs, he is called Dara and counted as a son of Zerah, son of Judah. Mahol may have been the name of a family of the clan of Zerah, a subdivision of the tribe of Judah. E. E. N. DARIC. A Persian coin. See Money, § 8. DARIUS, da-rai'xjs Q^t^X daryawesh): 1. D. Hystaspes, King of Persia (521-485 B.C.), the restorer of the empire of Cyrus, who followed the policy of the founder in his treatment of the subject states, and acted generously toward the Jewish settlement in Palestine which had been made under Cyrus. He conunanded by a special decree, in his second year, that all those who had hindered the rebuilding of the Temple of Jerusalem should cease their obstruction, and that money and material for sacrifices should be granted from the revenue of the province (Ezr 6 6-12; cf. Hag. 1 1, 16, 2 10; Zech 1 l, 7). "Darius the Per- sian," whose reign is mentioned in Neh 12 22 as the date of registration of certain priests, was probably also the great Darius. 2. "Darius the Mede" is named in Dn 5 31 as succeeding Belshazzar, at the age of sixty-two, on the throne of Babylon. In 9 1 he is said, in addition, to have been "the son of Ahas- uerus of the seed of the Medes" (cf. 11 i). Both of these alleged personages are unhistorical; and, judg- ing from the character of the other references to mat- ters of history in the Book of Daniel, it is perhaps not necessary to assume that the author, writing nearly four centuries after the fall of Babylon, had any definite individuals in mind. Fortunately, the cunei- form inscriptions have given us the history of the Babylonian succession after the fall of the native dynasty. The last Chaldean ruler was Nabonidus, not Belshazzar, who was the crown prince. After the surrender of Babylon, and the formal entry of Cyrus three months later, his son Cambyses, as it would appear, was made king, but only for less than a year; thereafter Cyrus himself assuming the title and function. It is barely possible that some tradi- tion of Gobryas, the Median general of Cyrus who occupied the city till his sovereign came to take possession, may have lain at the foundation of the references in Daniel. But this hypothesis would at best be only another illustration of the author's notion of the relative unimportance of the minute details of history. J. F. McC. DARKNESS: In figurative language darkness often appears as the syixibol of mystery (Ps 139 12; I Co 4 5), of ignorance (Is 42 7; Ps 82 5), and oftener of moral evil or sin (Is 5 20; Mt 4 16; Jn 3 19). Cases of physical darkness are alluded to in connection with the creation, the plagues in Egypt, the cruci- fixion of Jesus (Mt 27 45), and the last day (cf. Es- CHATOLOGY, § 39). A. C. Z. DARKON, dar'ken Q'p'^yi, darqon): The ances- tral head of a subdivision of "Solomon's servants" in post-exilic days (Ezr 2 56; Neh 7 58). E. E. N. DARK SAYING. See Proverb. DARLING: The rendering of the Heb. ^^rC;, yahxdh, 'only,' 'only one,' in Ps 22 20, 35 17, where it is used poetically for one's life or soul. E. E. N. DART. See Arms and Armor, § 1. DART IN THE LIVER. See Disease, §6 (3). DATHAN, de'than (]T\% dathan); A Reubenite and a leader in a rebellion against Moses (Nu 16). See KoRAH. E. E. N. DAUGHTER. See Family and Family Law, §§5,6. DAVID Analysis of Contents 1. Name 3. David's Life 2. Sources for the History 4. Estimate of David's of David Reign and Work The name David O)^ ^^'^l^, dawidh) is probably related to 11^, dod/i, 'beloved one.' Some take it to mean 'paternal uncle' (cf. Gray, I. Name. Heb. Pr. Names, p. 83). Others refer it to Dodo, the name of a deity. In the Biblical material relating to David later and earlier narratives have been fused together in 171 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Danjaan David the accounts in the Books of Samuel and in I K 1-2. The account in I Chronicles is based for its main facts on the earlier account in 2. Sources Samuel and Kings, While the Chron- for the icier may have had access in a few History of instances to other ancient sources of David. information, most of the remarkable differences between his narrative and that in the earUer books must be laid to his unhis- torical imagination. He projected back into David's time the fully developed liturgical and other arrange- ments of the Temple service in his own day. Com- pare, e,g., the account of the bringing of the Ark to Jerusalem in I Ch 15 with the earlier account in II S 6, and the difference in point of view will at once be apparent. See Chronicles. We are thus practically limited to the accounts in I and II S and I K 1-2 for our knowledge of Da- vid. This material will be found, on examination, to consist of excerpts from older and originally in- dependent narratives in addition to editorial notes of various kinds. See Samuel, Books of. David is introduced, for example, in I S 16. The account in 16 1-13 is a natural sequence to ch. 15. But at 16 U a new strand of narrative appears. Saul is persuaded to send for David, already famous as "skilful in playing, a mighty man of valor, and a man of war," etc., as one who by his playing on the harp might soothe the troubled spirit of the king. David comes to Saul, who likes him, makes him his armor-bearer and provides for his permanent stay at court. The sequence to this narrative is cer- tainly to be found in such a passage as 18 6 ff. (note that in ver. 6 the correct reading is "Philistines" [plural] and the reference originally may not have been to the GoUath story). But instead of this we have next the account of David and GoUath, ch. 17-18 5, in which David is introduced, as if for the first time (cf. vs. 12-16, in which ver. 15 is evidently a harmonizing insertion). Here David is very young (vs. 14, 33), knows practically nothing about war (33fF.), is unknown to Saul (33ff., 55 ff.), and his place at court is due to his great deed of valor in slaying Goliath (18 1-5). Similarly the statement in 20 2 is irreconcilable with that in 19 l ff., and the account in ch. 24 is practically a duplicate of that in ch. 26. Such clear indications of different strands of narra- tive will be found, on close examination, to be sup- ported by so many others that little difficulty is ex- perienced in making out separate accounts of David's early career. (1) One of these (which we will call A), the one beginning (so far as David is concerned) with 16 14, is a sober, straightforward narrative, a fine example of Hebrew prose, in which the facts are left largely to speak for themselves. No attempt is made to ideal- ize David, and the religious coloring is not conspic- uous. Its outline is as follows: David's introduc- tion to Saul (16 14-23). Saul, jealous because of David's success and popularity (18 6-8), attempts to kill him, first privately (18 9-11), then through the offer of Michal to David as wife, provided David (at the risk of his life) furnishes the stipulated dowry (18 20-29). David now flees (19 11-17) after revealing Saul's murderous intent to Jonathan, who is sur- prised, but finds that it is so and takes an affection- ate farewell of David (20 lb-42). David goes to Nob, where he secures bread (21 1-7) and then becomes the head of a band of relatives and malcontents (22 1-2). Saul slays all the priests at Nob but Abia- thar (22 6-23) and hunts for David from place to place (23 1-14, 24-29, 24 1-22). During these experi- ences David marries Abigail, the rich widow of Nabal of Carmel, SE. of Hebron (25 2-42), also Ahinoam (25 43f.). David finally seeks the protection of Achish of Gath and is*given Ziklag, on the SW. bor- der of Palestine (27 1-12). Summoned by Achish to march against Saul (28 1-2), he is sent back because of the opposition of the Philistine nobles (29 l-ii). Returning to Ziklag he finds it plundered and burned by Amalekites. He overtakes and routs the rob- bers, and makes a shrewd use of part of the spoil by sending presents to leading men in Judah and else- where (301-31). An account of Saul's defeat and death follows (31 1-13) and of David's grief at the news (IIS 11-16), also the beautiful elegy he com- posed on the occasion (1 17-27). David now moves to Hebron and is chosen king of Judah (2 1-4). A mes- sage to Jabesh-gilead has no immediate effect (2 5-7). Abner gradually regains control of N. Israel for the house of Saul (2 8-10). War breaking out between David and the house of Saul, David is victorious and Abner capitulates (2 11-3 21). The murder of Abner by Joab (3 22-39) and of Ishbosheth, Saul's son (4 1-12), does not prevent the crowning of David as king of all Israel at Hebron (5 1-2). The Philistines now attempt to crush David, but are defeated (5 17-25). A brief account of David's other wars follows (8 1-14) and the narrative closes with a summary state- ment regarding David's government (8 15-18). (2) Interwoven with A is another accoimt (which we will call B), in which David, a mere lad, is anointed by Samuel (I S 16 1-13) after Saul has for- feited all rights to the throne. David comes into public view, still a mere youth and unknown to the king, by his triumph over Goliath (17 1-58). At the court he and Jonathan become fast friends (18 1-5), but Saul becomes jealous and tries in various ways to kill David (18 12-19, 30). Jonathan brings about a reconciliation (19 1-7), but when Saul again at- tempts to kill him (19 8-10) David flees to Samuel (19 18-20 la), then goes to Nob and gets the sword of Goliath (21 8 f.) and thence flees to Achish (21 10-15). Taking his parents to Moab, David next finds refuge in the forest of Hereth (22 3-5). Samuel dies (25 l), after which David spares Saul's life in the .wilderness of Ziph (26 1-25). Saul in despair and hard pressed by the Philistines has recourse to the witch of Endor, in order to get a message from Samuel, from whom he hears his doom (28 3-25). These passages are marked by the tendency to idealize David and to show how it was the Divine will to take the kingdom from Saul and give it to his successor. See Samuel, Books op. (3) The most of II Samuel is from an ancient history of David as king in Jerusalem (symbol Da*^), perhaps the oldest piece of consecutive historical nar- rative in the O T. This began, apparently, with 5 3, telling of the union of the tribes under David. The capture of Jerusalem follows (5 6-10), then the build- ing of David's palace and a note regarding his family (5 11-16). The basis of ch. 6 (the Ark brought to David A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 173 Jerusalem) and of ch. 7 (the Divine promise regard- ing David's dynasty) belonged to this source. Chs. 9-20, practically entire, constituted a large section of this ancient history, concerned mainly with in- ternal affairs. Only in ch. 10 (the parallel to 8 3-12) and 12 26-31 is any notice given to foreign affairs. Here 10 6-19 awaken suspicion as perhaps being a later insertion. After relating David's kindness to Jonathan's son Mephibosheth (ch. 9), the trouble with the Ammonites is recounted (10 1-5, 11 1) mainly as a setting for the story of David's sin with Bathsheba (11 2-27), followed by the rebuke of David by Nathan (12 1-15), the death of Bathsheba's child (12 15-23), the birth of Solomon (12 24 f.), and the successful issue of the war with Ammon (12 26-31). The story of Absalom's rebellion is traced from its beginnings in the trouble between Absalom and Amnon to its conclusion in the death of Absa- lom and David's restoration to his throne (13-19). As a sequel we have the story of Sheba's unsuccess- ful rebeUion (20 1-22). The notice (20 23-26) con- cerning David's cabinet seems to have closed the account of David's active reign, while I K 1-2 (in the main) probably formed the closing section of this history. (4) Finally we have a little collection of material in II S 21-24 of various dates and inserted by the compilers of II S in their present position. It con- tains (a) an old notice of a famine and the execution of the sons of Saul to satisfy the Gibeonites (21 l-u). (b) A group of stories of heroic deeds by David and his men in the Philistine wars, in which Goliath's death is accredited to Elhanan, not David (21 15-22). (c) A late psalm of praise attributed to David (ch. 22 = Ps 18). (d) An ancient poem, "the last words of David" (23 1-7). (e) An old Hst of David's heroes (23 8-39). (f ) The story of the census, with its disastrous result, and its incidental but important sequel, the purchase of the threshing-floor of Arau- nah as a place of sacrifice, the site of the later Temple-altar (24). Of these sources Da' is probably the oldest. It was written out of full information, in a spirit of re- markable impartiality, David's faults and Umitations being set forth with no apologies. It was com- piled not long after David's death and before the dominance of the tendency to idealize him, so marked in later Hebrew literature. Narrative A is of almost equal antiquity and impartial objectivity. Most of the material in II S 21-24 is also old and historically trustworthy. On the other hand, narra- tive B is late and belongs to the time when David was looked back to as the ideal man and king. See the discussion of this narrative in Samuel, Books OF. We possess, therefore, an abundance of good material wherewith to construct a history of the life and work of David. David w£is bom c. 1040 (see Chronology of O T), the son of Jesse, a farmer of Bethlehem. His early life, that of a shepherd lad, gave 3. David's him opportunity to develop his musical Life. talents. The border warfare with the PhiHstines early attracted his daring spirit, and he had already gained some renown when he was called to quiet the spirit of the afflicted Idng by his skill on the harp. At the court (such as it was) David soon became very popular. Between him and Jonathan, Saul's eldest son, ^ warm tnend- ship grew up. In war David performed such deeds of valor that in popular song his name was placed above Saul's. These things at last aroused Saul to a violent jealousy, and he determined to kiU David. Saul saw in David an enemy to his house and felt that his death was a pubUc necessity. David acted with forbearance and magnanimity in this trying situation. His marriage to Michal, Saul's daugh- ter, only made his position more dangerous. At last David saw that he must leave court and, after an affectionate farewell to Jonathan, he resorted t-o the Hfe of a freebooter. Gradually a band of like- minded spirits gathered about him, some of them wild, lawless men, a condition of affairs made possible only through Saul's inefficient government. These years were years of valuable discipline for David, giving him lessons in war and strategy, in command of others, and in self-rehance that proved valuable in later years. At the end of this period David had won for himself a strong hold on the affections of the clans of Judah, had materially increased his personal possessions, and was head of a band of about 600 trusty followers who placed allegiance to him above that to any other person or cause. David's recourse to Achish of Gath was the only solution of a difficulty. He had become too strong to live any longer in Judah without becoming in- volved in civil war with Saul. By taking a position in the S. at Ziklag, under a nominal vassalage to Achish, David was free from entanglements and could patiently await the issue of circumstances. With the defeat of Israel by the Phihstines and the death of Saul and his sons on Mt. Gilboa came David's opportunity. But he moved cautiously. He was still the vassal of Achish. The move from ' Ziklag to Hebron, there to be recognized by the tribe of Judah as king, was not significant enough in the eyes of the Philistines to provoke hostilities. The Philistines were concerned with controlling Central Israel rather than Judah. The court at Hebron was not a magnificent establishment, nor did the power of David at first appear formidable. David's po- lite message to Jabesh-gilead met with no response. N. Israel was not yet ready to accept David as king. But when Abner, after five years of patient effort, had succeeded in putting N. Israel on an independ- ent basis (against the PhiUstines) and had placed Ishbosheth, Saul's youngest son, on the throne, a civil conflict was inevitable. Two kingdoms in Israel, with such a man as David at the head of one, were impossible. The conflict lasted about two years. Joab's treacherous murder of Abner, and the murder of Ishbosheth by two traitors threatened to interfere with the plans for consolidation, but David succeeded in proving his innocence, and the inevitable goal of the whole course of events in Israel for ten or more years was reached when the elders or representatives of the tribes met at Hebron and there constituted David Idng of all Israel. This was done on the basis of a covenant or agreement, the particulars of which are not given. Of this we may be sure, that N. Israel accepted David as king over them not because he was king of Judah, but for what he was in himself. There was no recognition 173 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY David of a suzerainty of Judah over the other tribes in this transaction. The Philistines were quick to see the significance of what had taken place at Hebron and attempted to crush David before he had fully or- ganized his kingdom. Two signal defeats (II S 5 17- 25; cf. 23 13-17), followed by others (II S 8 1, 21 16-18, 23 9-12), taught them that Israel under David was supreme in Palestine. Unlike Saul, David saw the need of a strongly centralized government. To this end a capital, cen- trally located and capable of being strongly fortified, was a necessity. Such a location was at hand in the old Canaanite fortress- of Jerusalem (q.v.), still un- conquered and occupied by the Jebusites. One of David's first acts was the capture of this strong position and the estabHshment here of his seat of government. Here he built a palace, otherwise improved and more strongly fortified the city, and, as adding both dignity and sanctity to his capital as well as doing honor to the national religion, to this place he brought the Ark, the most ancient symbol of the national faith. David's wars with neighboring nations all occurred probably in the first decade of his reign. The occasion of the war with Ammon is explicitly given (II S 10 1-5). The Syrian wars were an outgrowth of the Ammonite war (10 6-19; cf. 8 3-12). The reasons for the conflicts with Moab and Edom are not stated. The outcome of these campaigns was to give Israel the foremost place among the small nationalities between the Euphrates and Egypt. The overlordship of Israel, involving the payment of annual tribute, was recognized by Edom, Moab, Ammon, and a number of the petty Syrian king- doms to the NE. Following these wars was a period, probably of ten to fifteen years' duration, of peace and prosperity. The central government was strong and efficient. The king was a supreme court of appeal, open to every Israehte, where impartial justice was sure to be decreed. The spoils of war and the tribute of conquered nations brought in a revenue more than sufficient to meet all demands without heavy internal taxation. The king was popular, the people happy and contented. Seeds of future trouble indeed were being sown, but that harvest was not all to be reaped in David's day. It was in this period that Nathan the prophet declared the unique significance of David's dynasty, laying the foundation of the prophetic view of the Messianic significance of that dynasty (IIS 7). Absalom's rebellion, though prompted mainly by his own ambition, was made possible only through the presence of certain elements of disaffection in Judah, David's own tribe. That Absalom won over to his cause Ahithophel of Giloh in Judah and that he organized his rebellion in Hebron, David's old capi- tal, shows that it was in Judah that the opposition to David was strongest, though at no time was the majority of the population on Absalom's side. David's strict adherence to the terms of the cove- nant arrangement, in not favoring Judah unduly at the expense of Israel, may have caused resentment in Judah. Into the details of the story so fully told in II S 13-20 we do not need to enter. Nowhere else do David's greater qualities appear so conspicuously. The story of the quarrel between N. Israel and Judah after the defeat of Absalom's forces, while it reveals the jealousy between these two parts of Israel, also shows the strong affection felt for David in the nation as a whole. Absalom's rebellion occurred probably in the last decade of David's fife. It was a severe ordeal and after his restoration David entrusted most of the duties of government to others. This gave Adoni- jah his opportunity for his unsuccessful attempt to prevent the succession of Solomon, whom David had already designated his successor. With the installar tion of Solomon, son of Bathsheba, as his successor, David's public Hfe closed. Not long after he died, 70 years of age. David's work for Israel was of greatest impor- tance. In a sense he but completed what had been partially accompfished by Samuel and 4. Esti- Saul. But even with this reservation mate of his fame will endure as Israel's greatest David's ruler after Moses. He not only re- Reign and united Israel and gave it for the first Work. time a strong, well-organized, and well- administered government, but he gave it a new national consciousness. Under him Is- rael attained to a true sense of her national signifi- cance among the small nationalities of SW. Asia. It was due to David that Israel emerged from the condition of a body of loosely confederated tribes to that of a nation acting as a unit along well-defined fines of national policy. The Davidic Age was an age of awakening for Israel, and David was its incar- nation. Under him for the first time Israel had a capital city, a central government, a standing army, a court, and a supreme court of justice. That all this was without influence upon Israel's refigion is unthinkable. David himself was sin- cerely loyal to Jehovah, Israel's God. His battles were fought and his victories won in the name of J"- None of his public acts was marked by any dis- loyalty or unfaithfulness to J", as such things were understood at the time. In his royal sanctuary at Jerusalem the most ancient and revered symbol of the national faith was highly honored and carefully guarded. It is probable that the worship at this sanctuary was somewhat elaborate and dignifled, and that the later view of David as the founder of the Temple fiturgy was not entirely without founda- tion. Through David the popular conception of the power of J" must have been greatly strengthened. Of the personal character of David an estimate founded mainly on the objective account of Da"^ and of the old elements in A and in II S 21-24 can not be far from correct. He was a child of his age, and his faults, as they appear to us, were mainly the faults of his age. This is the only just way to judge of his readiness to accept Saul's stipulations regarding his marriage to Michal (I S 18 25 £f.); of his harsh treat- ment of conquered enemies (II S 12 31, mild in com- parison with those of Assyria at a later date) ; of his yielding to the demands of the Gibeonites for blood revenge on Saul's house (II S 21), since by refusing he would bring the same nemesis upon his own house; or of his charge to Solomon to see that Joab paid the just penalty for his murders of innocent men (I K 2 5 f.). For his criminal connection with David Decalogue A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 174 Bathsheba there is no excuse. David sinned griev- ously and knew that he was doing wrong. But the real nature of the man is best seen in his sincere repentance at the rebuke of Nathan. That David was a man of strong natural passions the narrative makes clear. But he was not a man of unbridled lust. His large harem was altogether in harmony with an age when all rulers had many wives, mainly from motives of state policy. David was a man of strong feelings. He was a musician and a poet. His lament over Saul and Jonathan (II S 1 19-27) is one of the gems of the world's literature and perhaps more truly reveals the real David than anything else we know of him. One who could thus write of the man who had sought his Hfe was a rare spirit indeed. Though none of the Psalms was certainly written by him, he was capable of writing some of those attributed to him. David was brave, generous, and magnanimous. He was a master-spirit who drew others to him and for whom they would gladly lay down their Hves (of. II S 23 13-18). He was a discemer of men and knew how to use each in the place for which he was best fitted. As a king he showed a kingly dignity and bearing, but was withal affable and approachable. Politically he was shrewd and far-seeing, and his military skill gave him victory in all his wars. His people trusted and loved him as a just ruler. In his family Ufe his affection for his children often got the better of his judgment, and yet his bitter cry," Would I had died for thee, O Absalom, my son, my sonl" must touch every parent's heart. It was then not without reason that later Israel looked back to David as the ideal man and king, and made him the type of the ideal Head of the Messianic Age.' Literature: Kittel, History of the Hebrews (1883, transl. 1895-6), §§ 43-46; McCurdy, History, Prophecy, and the Monuments, vol. II (2d ed. 1897), §§ 518. 522, 523; vol. I (3d ed. 1898), pp. 238-253; Guthe, Geschichte Israels (1899), pp. 74-109 (a most excellent discuaaion); Wade, Old Testament History (1901), pp. 224-276 (a very complete account). The art. on David by H. A. White in HDB. is of high merit, g^ i^ ^^ DAVID, CITY OF. See Jerusalem, § 15. DAY. The uses other than literal of the term day are: (1) A period of time (Dt 16 3), and in the plural (I K 10 21). (2) Some outstanding single day, such as the birthday of an individual (Job 3 1; Hos 7 5) or the day of death (Ps 37 13; Jer 50 31) or of a great battle (Is 9 4; Ps 137 7). (3) An apocalyptic meas- ure of time (Dn 12 11, etc.; Rev 2 10, etc.), and (4) figuratively (Jn 9 4; I Th 5 5, 8). A. C. Z. DAY OF ATONEMENT. See Fasts and Feasts, § 9. DAY OF JUDGMENT. See Eschatology, §§ 5, 36, 49. DAY OF THE LORD. See Eschatology, §§4-7. DAY»S JOURNEY. See Weights and Meas- ures, § 2. DAY'S MAN (Job 9 33), Umpire RV: The Heb. term (D^?"):) means 'one who judges' or 'decides.' Job longs for some one to come between him and God and decide the case impartially (cf. the same expression in Gn 31 37). E. E. JN. DAY SPRING (IHi^, skahar): Literally, 'the dawn,' in Job 38 12. The Gr. dmro^ (i.e., the 'rising' of the sun or a star) is applied in Lk 1 78 figu- ratively to the new light of the Messianic Era, full of spiritual comfort. ^- ■*^' ■'^• DAY-STAR: This term is applied to (1) the king of Babylon, because he had exalted himself to the highest heights (Is 14 12 hel^, Lucifer AV); and (2) to Christ, as the Ught-giver (II P 1 19, 6pos). The heavenly body underlying the figure of speech may be either Venus or the sun. A. C. Z. DEACON, DEACONESS. See Church, §§3 and 8. *^ DEAD, THE. See Burial and Burial Cus- toms, and Eschatology, §§ 15-21, 37-39, 42^4, and 49. DEAD BODY. See Burial and Burial Cus- toms, §§ 1-5. DEAD SEA (D;, yam, *sea'[Am8l2; Mic7l2]; rb^D D^j yam hammelah, Salt Sea [Gn 14 3; Nu 34 12]; T\^')ij) 2;, yam hor-'drahhah, I, Name, "the sea of the Arabah," "sea of the plain," AV [Dt 3 17, 4 49]; "^JiT^lpjl D^, yam haqqadhmom, east sea, former sea AV [Ezk 4718; J12 20; Zee 14 8]): In extrabiblical sources 'Ao-^aXrirty, 'Sea of Asphalt' (Pliny, HN. V, 1515; Diod Sic. 2 48,19 98; Josephus of ten ; also SoSo/itnff, 'Sea of Sodom' Ant. V, 1 22). In Arab. Bahr- Lut, Sea of Lot (?). The name "Dead Sea" is not Biblical ; and in the N T there is no reference to it whatever. The Dead Sea is the most striking of the geograph- ical features of Palestine, or at any rate the most remarkable of its inland bodies of 2. Physical water. It is 40 m. in length and 9 to 10 Features, m. in width. It is divided into two unequal parts by a small peninsula projecting from the E. shore in its southern part. This peninsula is called lisdn ('tongue'), but offers no specially interesting features. The lake is sur- rounded by high cliffs on the W. side, rising some- times to the elevation of 1,500 ft., and by moun- tains on the E. side, the highest of which reach up to 2,500 ft. above the water. It has no outlet to the S., and receives the waters of the Jordan from the N. The constant evaporation caused by the intense heat and the great depth of the valley below the surrounding country is so rapid as to counterbalance the accession of water from the Jordan and the other affluents and to main- tain the level exactly. The basin of the Dead Sea is made up by the junction of two valleys running respectively from N, to S. and from S. to N., and becoming deeper as they approach each other. The soil of these valleys abounds in cer- tain saline substances (chlorides of sodium, calcium, and magnesium, to which must be added certain compounds of bromium). These give the water its bitter and its salt taste and its oily consistency, as well as its great density. Owing to this last feature, 175 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY David Decalogue will float on the surface of the sea, and the human body is borne up, only the head showing a tendency to sink, which makes swimming difficult. It is an error to imagine that the shores of the Dead Sea derive their barrenness from the quaHty of its waters. The truth is rather that the 3. Incor- characteristics of the water are due to rect No- the nature of the soil. As this fur- tions. nishes so much mineral material for so- lution in the water, it is impossible for any form of life to flourish within the sea or on the shores about it. Even salt-water fish are unable to live in these waters. For the same reason, the min- eral ingredients of the soil around the Dead Sea basin make it impossible for vegetation to flourish. The idea, however, that aside from the quality of these mineral elements there is anything pestiferous either in the atmosphere or in the water of the Dead Sea is an unfounded superstition. See also Pal- estine, § 12 (b). A. C. Z. DEAF, DEAFNESS, See Disease, § 5 (4). DEARTH. See Famine. DEATH. See BuRiAii and Burial Customs, § 1; EscHATOLOGY, § ISff.j and Mourning Cus- toms. DEATH, SECOND. See Eschatology, § 48. DEBIR, di'bgr C1*3^, d'hhlr): I, An Amorite, king of Eglon, one of the five who formed a con- federation against Israel, and were defeated and put to death by Joshua (Jos 10 3). n. 1. A city in the S. of Judah (Jos 10 38), also called Kiriath-sepher (Jos 15 15; Jglll), supposed to be in the neighborhood of Hebron, but its exact identification with any modem site seems impossible (cf. Map II, D 3). In history it figures as first captured by Joshua (Jos 10 38) and afterward by Othniel, perhaps with a temporarily successful effort at independence during the interval (Jg 111-15). 2. Another city of the name appears in Jo8lr5 7, located in the NE. section of Judah, but the text seems confused and the LXX. translates as if from an original n^i?D"I instead of *1^D1. 3. For the Debir in Jos 13 26 (''Lidebir" RVmg.) see Lode- bar. A. C. Z. DEBORAH, deb'o-ra (nnlDH, rf^&to-a/i), 'bee': 1. The associate and inspirer of Barak in the conflict with the Canaanites under Jabin and Sisera (Jg 4). She is described as the prophetess who judged Israel during the period, holding her court at a place named after herself between Ramah and Bethel in the hill- country of Ephraim. When the oppression became intolerable, Deborah sent for Barak and together they planned the campaign which culminated in the overthrow of the Canaanites at the battle of Kishon. The victory won by Israel in this battle is the sub- ject of a poem of great fervor and vivid imagery entitled "The Song of Deborah" (Jg 5). (Cf. G. A. Cooke, The History and Song of Deborah, 1892.) 2. The name of Rebecca's nurse (Gn 35 8). A. C. Z. DEBT, DEBTOR. See Trade and Commerce, §3. DECALOGUE (Aexa A6yoi, the Ten Words, EVmg. Ex 34 28; Dt4 13, 10 4, more commonly the Ten Commandments) : The moral code I. Two prefixed to the Book of the Covenant Versions. (Ex 21-23). The account of the giving of the Decalogue is recorded in Ex 19, and need not be recounted. The text as given in Ex 20 3-17 has been called the Classic Decalogue and has always been regarded as the summary of O T ethical teaching. Another version of it appears in Dt 5 6-21. The arrangement of the moral precepts in the form of ten commandments was neither demanded by the nature of the subject nor suggested by 2. Arrange- logical or philosophical considerations. ment. It is the result of deference to the popu- lar regard and conventional value of the number ten, recognized at the time. There are traces of the use of this number in the construction of similar decalogues, e.g. Ex 34 10-26, the decalogue pointed out by Goethe and further defined by Well- hausen (Comp. d. Hex., p. 331; Smend, ATlche. Reli- gionsgeschichte, p. 47, and Stade, GVI. I, p. 457, and called the Jahvistic Decalogue. Ten such decalogues are pointed out by Paton, JBLE. 1893, pp. 79-93). The ten words were inscribed upon two tables of stone, but just how many upon each table does not appear. It has been customary since the days of Philo and the Christian Fathers to make one pentad of the first five commandments under the head of "Precepts of Piety" and another of the last five under that of " Laws of Probity." There has been further a differ- ence of practise as to the numbering of the com- mandments . The Roman Catholic Church, fol- lowing Augustine, includes the one prohibiting the making of images with the first and preserves the original number by subdividing the last command- ment. Among the Jews, whom the Greek Church and Protestants (except Luther) generally follow, the arrangement naturally suggested in the EVV is held to be correct. The Classical and Deuteronomic versions of the Decalogue are substantially the same; they differ mainly in the reasons annexed to the 3. Original foiu-th and fifth, and in the arrange- Form. ment of the tenth commandment. Upon the ground of this difference and the historical situation reflected, which shows not a rituaUstic but an ethical setting, some have judged that the Classical Decalogue was not a product of the Mosaic, but of the early Prophetic Age. The pre-Prophetic Age could produce only a rituEdistic decalogue such as that of Ex 34 16-26 (so Wellh., etc.)- As a middle ground between this view and the traditional, it has been held that a decalogue was given in a simple and rudimentary form in the Mosaic Age as follows: 1. Thou shalt have no other gods besides me. 2. Thou shalt not make unto thee any (graven) image. 3. Thou shalt not take the name of J" thy God for a vain end. 4. Remember the Sabbath-day to hallow it. 5. Honor thy father and thy mother. 6. Thou shalt not kill. 7. Thou shalt not commit adultery. Decapolis Demon, Demonology A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 176 8. Thou shalt not steal. 9. Thou shalt not bear false witness. 10. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's home. This simple decalogue was then enlarged to its present form between 800 and 625 B.C. This view is supported by the considerations (1 ) that an original of this compass would best account for the textual variations of the Classical and Deuteronomic Deca- logues, (2) that it may best be divided into two nearly equal pentads as inscribed on two tables, and (3) that it was best calculated to be remembered as a fundamental law. In the NT the Decalogue is recognized as of Divine authority. But from the first 4. The Jesus called attention to the vital ele- Decalogue ment in it by recasting its substance in the N T. into the new form of two positive com- mandments of love (Mt 22 36-40; cf. Ro 13 8, 10; Ja2 8). Literature: Driver, Com. on Deut. (1895); Meisner, Der Dekalog (1893); W. R. Smith, Decalogue in Enc. Brit. A. C. Z. DECAPOLIS, de-cap'o-lis (AeKawoXis): The name applied in Roman times to a region E. of the Jordan including parts of Gilead, Golan, and Am- monitis, with Scythopolis (W. of the Jordan). The boundaries of D. were never defined geographically, as it was not a geographical unit with connected ter- ritory, but consisted of city districts, most of which were, indeed, contiguous. In the wake of Alexan- der's conquest many Greek colonies were planted E. of the Jordan on those high plateaux which Israel had used for pasturage. These Hellenistic colonies had a common history: that of independent civic com- munities under the Seleucids and Ptolemies, to whom they merely owed allegiance, and paid taxes and con- tributions. Most of them were annexed to Judsea by Alex- ander Jannseus (king of the Jews, 104-78 B.C.). When Pompey conquered and reorganized Palestine in 62 B.C. he restored their freedom to these cities, which about this time formed a league consisting originally of ten cities (Sexa, ' ten, ' noKts, * city' ) . The exact date of this event is uncertain, but as the term Decapolis appears only in Roman times, and as the era of most of these cities began in 62 B.C., the League dates probably from the reorganization by Pom- pey. The cities were subject to the Roman Senate, but administered their own affairs, had the right of coinage, their own courts, financial budgets, and era. The number and names of the cities composing the Decapolis are given variously and the title was pre- served even after other cities were added to the list. Phny gives (as perhaps the original ten) : Damascus, Philadelphia, Raphana, Scythopolis, Gadara, Hip- pus, Dium, Pella, Gerasa, Canatha. Ptolemy's list omits Raphana and adds Abila, Abila Lysanise, Cap- itolias (perhaps Raphana ) , Saana, Ina, Samulis , Heliopolis, Adra, and Gadora. From other sources we know of Canata and Bosra (Bostra). Scythop- olis commanded the trade-route and was the outlet to the sea for the Decapolis. Hippus and Gadara were given to Herod by Augustus, Abila to Agrippa II by Nero, but the League was not dissolved until the third century, when Philadelphia, Gerasa, Cana- tha, Canata were incorporated into the Promncia Arabia. Gadara was the birthplace of Philodemus (Epicurean), Meleager (epigrammatist), Menippua (satirist), and Theodorus (rhetorician). In the time of Christ the Decapolis was a great intellectual and commercial center, Greek being everywhere spoken. J- ^' ^- ^' DECISION, VALLEY OF: See Jehoshaphat, Valley of. DECREE : (1) In Dn 6 7-15, 'esar, "decree" AV, is rightly changed in RV to "interdict." (2) In Dn 4 17-24 g^zerdh means ' decision. ' (3) In Dn 2 9, 13, 15, and in Est, chs. 2, 3, 4, 8, 9, dath means 'law.' (4) In Ezr 5 13, etc., and in Dn 3 10, 29, 4 6, 6 26, t^'em; in Est 120 pithgdm; in Jon 3 7 ta'am; in Lk 2 1; Ac 17 7, 86yna mean 'edict.' (5) In all other in- stances but two the term rendered "decree" has the sense of ^statute,' i.e., something fixed by authority. In IICh30 5 dabhdr means no more than * agree- ment,' and in Est 9 32 ma'dmdr refers to Esther's letter (" commandment " RV). E. E. N. DEDAN, di'dan Qy], d'dhdn [pi DEDANIM, ded'a-nim, DEDANITES]) : A Cushite or N. Arabian people (Gn 10 7, 25 3; Is 21 3, etc.). See Ethnog- raphy AND Ethnology, § 11. E. E. N. DEDICATE, DEDICATION. See Sacrifice AND Offerings, § 18. DEDICATION, FEAST OF. See Fasts and Feasts, § 2. DEED : In the account of the transference of a piece of property to Jeremiah by his cousin (Jer 32 6 ff.), there is a reference to the "deed" (vs. 10 fE., Heb. sepheVj 'writing,' "evidence" AV) which was signed by Jeremiah and witnessed by competent witnesses. As there is no statement as to an official record or register of the deed, it is probable that no such custom was in vogue, the deed alone properly witnessed being sufficient evidence of ownership. For additional security a copy was made, which was not sealed but left "open," and in this case deposited with the sealed deed in an earthen jar for safe-keep- ing. The "open" deed would be the one ordinarily consulted; only in case of serious dispute would the seals of the other one be broken. This is the only instance in the O T where such de- tails are mentioned, but it may be taken as a fair il- lustration of common procedure. E. E. N. DEEP, THE. See Cosmogony, § 3. DEER, FALLOW. See Palestine, § 24. DEFENSE, DEFENSED CITY. See City, § 3. DEFILEMENT. See Purification. DEGREE. See Dial. DEGREES, SONGS OF: A title applied in AV to Psalms 120-134 (Song of Ascents, RV). See Psalms. e. E. N. DEHAITES, de-hg'aits (^IH^.^ dehdwe\ Deha- vites, de-h^'voits, AV) : Apparently the name of a 177 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Decapolis Demon, Demonology people (Ezr 4 9). No satisfactory identification has been reached. Probably we should read with LXX. (B) "ShushanchiteSjthat is (= dehawe') Elamites," a reading which the original Aramaic permits. E. E. N. DEKAR, di'kar. See Ben-Deker. DELAIAH, d@-l^'ya (iH^^n f'^)% ddayah), 'J" has drawn out' (?) : 1. A descendant of David, I Ch 3 24 (Dalaiah AV). 2. The ancestral head of the 23d course of priests (I Ch 24 18). 3. The son of She- maiah and one of the princes who entreated King Jehoiakim not to burn the roll on which the prophe- cies of Jeremiah were written (Jer 36 12, 25). 4. The ancestor of a post-exilic family (Ezr 2 60; Neh 7 62). 5. The father of Shemaiah and son of Mehetabel (Neh 6 10). E. E. N. DELILAH, de-lai'la (H^^^^, d^ilah): A Philistine woman, Samson's mistress (Jg 16 4 flf.), E. E. N. DEMAS, dl'mas (Arjfias): A companion and fel- low worker of Paul, mentioned in the salutations of the Epistles to the Colossians (4 14), and to Phile- mon (ver. 24) and, consequently, known in Christian circles in Asia. At the writing of these Epistles he was with Paul in Rome. Later, at the time of Paul's second imprisonment, he forsook him and apparently gave up his faith (IITi4iO). Nothing more is known of him. E. E. N. DEMETRIUS, de-mi'tri-us (Ai;/ii7rptos, i.e., 'be- longing to Demeter'): 1. The name of a number of Seleucid kings of Antioch (cf. I Mac 7 1-4, 10 67fif.; Jos. Ant. XIII, 13 4). 2. A silversmith in Ephesus, one of the chief instigators of the movement against Paul, on the ground that his preaching interfered with the sale of miniature silver models of the great temple of Artemis in Ephesus (see Diana), Ac 19 24 f. 3. A Christian mentioned in III Jn (ver. 12), where it is said that he is "commended by all and by the truth itself." He may have been the bearer of the Epistle. J. M. T. DEMON, DEMONOLOGY: Belief in the exist- ence of superhuman good and malevolent spirits is probably as old as any form of re- I. Early ligious belief, and is the survival of Hebrew primitive religion. This is doubtless Belief, true in the case of the earlier Hebrews. The oldest form of such belief seems to have included "hairy s^'irim" (rendered "wild goats"), which correspond in a way to the satyrs of the Greeks and the jinns of the Arabs (cf. Lv 17 7; Is 13 21), These demons were believed to in- habit the deserts. Another class was composed of the storm-demons, the shedhim (Dt 32 17), who were supposed to bring destruction to the people. Most of these demons were malevolent and were supposed to have come from the underworld rather than from heaven. Belief in such was evidently inherited by the Hebrews from their Semitic ancestors, if not from the ancient Sumerian religion. There was early a further tendency among the Hebrews to identify various diseases with demons, as in the case of the evil spirit that troubled Saul in I S 16 14-16. Generally, however, in the O T diseases are conceived of as sent from J" and are not attributed to demons. A new period of belief in demons began when Israel came into contact with the Babylonians and the Persians. All such siu-vivals of 2. Influ- primitive religion among the Hebrews ence of were evolved under the influence of Babylo- the highly developed demonology of nian and Babylonia of this period. Through Persian this influence the supernatural beings Beliefs, came to be sharply separated into two classes, the good, or angels, and the bad, or devils. There was, in fact, a tendency to associate with each the mythology of Babylonia. (See Dragon.) In the Grecian period, particularly in the two centuries immediately preceding the Christian Era, demonology developed very rapidly be- 3. Develop- cause of the general polytheistic spirit ment in of the day. The Jews of this period, the Greek though consistent monotheists, saw no Period. inconsistency in a highly developed belief in an unseen world peopled with angels and demons. They came to beheve also more distinctly in the influence of these superhuman beings upon men. Angels watched over the birth and subsequently cared for the welfare of individuals (cf. Mt 18 10 and see Angels). The popular belief that demons (devils AV) caused sickness of various sorts, both physical and psychical, is well illustrated in the story of young Tobias (To 3 7 ff., 6 7, etc.), and in the statements in the Gospels of their entering into men and "possessing" them (cf. Mt8 28 ff.). Dis- eases attributed to such possession were to be cured by exorcism (cf. Ac 19 13-16; Mt 12 27). This was par- ticularly the case in nervous affections. The rabbin- ical method of healing was in accordance with the general processes of magic and involved the use of various noxious materials and magical names and for- mulas (cf. Jos. Ant. VIII, 2 5). While it is not true that all diseases were regarded by the Jews of Jesus' day as caused by evil spirits, there can be no doubt that such a belief formed a very large, if not a con- trolling, element in therapeutics. Similar beliefs are still common among primitive peoples and among those nations like the Chinese which have not come under the influence of modern scientiflc conceptions. These evil spirits came to be regarded as forming a kingdom by itself with a supreme ruler, Satan. To cast evil spirits out from those whom 4, Satan, they possessed was therefore an attack upon the kingdom of Satan (Mk 3 23fF.). It was believed that when the Messiah finally came to judge the world and to save his people, he would be involved in a final struggle with this kingdom of Satan and would destroy it and the demons who with Satan would be cast into the lake of fire (cf. Mt 25 41; Eth. EtwcK, 55 4; Test. Levi, 18). The Christianity of the N T does not materially modify the belief in demonology of the people of its time. Jesus is represented as strug- 5. N T Con- gling with Satan in His casting out of ceptions. demons (cf. Mk 3 27), and the power to perform the latter act was made coordinate in His instruction to the Apostles with the injunction to preach the coming of the kingdom of God (Mk 6 7). The demonology of the N T is not concerned with the moral character of an unfortu- Den Deuteronomy A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 178 nate man or woman. The demoniac wag not neces- sarily a bad man. He was rather a diseased man, one to be cured rather than to be converted, although in many cases the moral recovery followed the phys- ical. The early Church believed that a man could come under the possession of an evil spirit as well as under that of the Holy Spirit: Sometimes so similar were the phenomena of the two possessions that it was impossible to tell just which spirit was in control of the personality until it was tested by the question as to the lordship of Jesus (IJn 4 1 ; I Co 12 3, 10). In all this there is no evidence that Jesus and His disciples consciously accommodated themselves to current beliefs they knew to be erroneous. They seem rather to have shared in the popular demon- ology, although they never committed themselves to the absurdities which marked some of the rab- binical teachers. In this fact may be seen another illustration of the survival of elements of Judaism in early Christianity. S. M. DEN : Palestine was hilly and abounded in caves and rocky fastnesses where wild beasts and robbers could make their hiding-places. References to such places abound in the O T. The den of lions, in Dn ch. 6> was a pit or cave fenced in where the royal lions were kept. E. E. N. DENOUNCE: In Dt 30 18 this word is used in the sense of 'declaring fully or plainly' the real meaning of the Lat. denuntiare, E. E. N- DEPUTY : An officer of lower rank than the gov- ernor of a province (satrap), whose exact functions are, however, not clearly to be defined from the data available. The word renders natsahh (I K22 47) and -pehah (Est 8 9, 9 3 AV; Ezk 23 6 RVmg.). See also Proconsul for NT references. A. C. Z. DERBE, dgr'be (AepyS?/): A city of Lycaonia on the frontiers of Isauria. It is first known as the residence of the robber-prince Antipater (friend of Cicero, about 54 b.c), who was killed by Amyntas (King of Galatia, etc.), who annexed Derbe to Gala- tia (36 B.C.). After the death of Amyntas, Derbe (in 25 B.C.) passed to Rome. It received the title Clandio-Derhe in 41 a.d. The early site is to be sought in the mountains of Hadji Baha Dagh, the later site at Gudelissin. D. was a center of early Christian activity, being visited by Paul, c. 46 a.d. (Ac 14 6, 20) and later (Ac 16 l). It was the birth- place of Timothy (Ac 16 1) and also, probably, of Gains (Ac 20 4). j. r. g. g. DESCRY: A term that means 'to catch sight of,' especially from a distance, as does a scout or spy: used in Jg 1 23 AV in the sense of 'to investigate,' 'spy out,' or 'explore.' E. E. N. DESERT. See Wilderness. DESIRE (noun): On Ec 12 5, see Disease and Medicine, § 7 (2), and also Palestine, § 21. DESOLATE, DESOLATION: In the O T, especially in the Prophets, these terms occur fre- quently. In the gr.eat majority of cases they stand for Heb. words signifying literally 'terror' or 'as- tonishment/ i.e., Sit the awful waste and deserted condition. Only in two instances does the original term mean literally 'desolate/ i.e., 'solitary or 'forsaken' (Job 15 28; Is 27 10). In a number of cases the Heb. means 'dry' or 'waste.' For all these 'desolate,' 'desolation' are satisfactory ren- derings. The following instances need explanation: In Is 7 19 the meaning is 'cut off,' i.e., 'steep' valleys. In Job 15 34, Is 49 21, the Heb. means 'unfruitful,' 'barren.' In Ps 34 21 f., Is 24 6, Hos 13 16, and Jl 1 18, the AV is wrong, for the Heb. means 'guilty,' cf. RV. In Is 13 22 and Ezk 19 7 'palaces' is the correct rendering. In the N T passages the idea is that of a 'waste,' 'desert' condition, except in I Ti 5 5, where the Gr. means 'to be alone.' See also Abomination of Desolation. E. E. N. DESTINY: As used in Is 65 11 (RV) the word refers possibly to a Semitic deity (see Semitic Religion, § 22). E. E. N. DESTRUCTION. See Abaddon. DETESTABLE THINGS: The rendering of shiq- quts, often translated "abomination," in Jer 16 18; Ezk 5 11, 7 20, 11 18, 21, 37 23. The term is always ap- plied to idol-worship as something utterly abhorrent to the true Israelite. E. E. N. DEUEL, diu'el (^X^:'^ d'^iVel): A Gadite, the father of Eliasaph, a prince of Israel (Nu 1 14, 7 42, 47, 10 20, called Reuel in 2 14). E. E. N. DEUTERONOMY Analysis of Contents 1. Name 2. Synopsis of Contents 3. The Unity of Deuter- onomy 4. The Relation of Deuter- onomy to the Prece- ding Books of the Pen- tateuch 5. Date of Deuteronomy 6. Purpose and Sources of Deuteronomy 7. Author 8. Ruling Ideas 9. The Influence of Deuter- onomy The fifth book of the Bible, called by the Jews 'ele dibhrlm or dibhrtm (from its first words). The name Deuteronomy is from the Greek I. Name, fieurepoi'o/xtov, foundinl7l8inthesense of a duplicate copy of the law there referred to. It was applied to the whole Book of Deuteronomy by the Alexandrian Jews, probably because they considered it to be a restatement of the whole preceding legislation (in Exodus, Leviti- cus, Numbers). 2. Synopsis The questions of the authorship, of Contents, date, etc., of Deuteronomy can be dis- cussed only on the basis of a clear view of the contents of the book. These can be ex- hibited as follows : I. Introductory, chs. 1-4 ^3 1. Narrative — a r^sumd of Israel's experiences from Horeb to the Plains of Moab (chs. 1-3) 2. A hortatory section, somewhat reminiscent, ur- ging whole-hearted loyalty to Jehovah (4 i-«) 3. A minor notice as to cities of refuge (4 ^i-43) II. The Law given to Israel by Moses, 4 ^■*-26 (also 28 ^-29 *) Introductory statement as to the place and time (444-48) 179 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Den Deuteronomy 1. The Ten Commandments, with an exposition and application, especially of the first two (chs. 5-11) (1) The Commandments stated, the circum- stances of their promulgation recalled, with an urgent plea that they be obeyed (ch. 5) (2) The fundamental . principle that Jehovah is one God to be supremely loved and honored and obeyed (ch. 6) (3) No compromise whatever with the Canaanite worship (ch. 7) (4) Promises, warnings, reminiscences, and ap- peal (chs. 8-11) 2. The Code, chs. 12-26 The arrangement of the Code is unsystematic. There are a number of long sections dealing with important subjects, and on the other hand there are many brief sentences, each dealing with a specific subject. The following analy- sis is based upon that given by Carpenter- Harford (Comp. of the Hex., p. 474 ff.) : A. Laws Governing the Main Theocratic Institu- tions (chs. 12-18 and ch. 26) (1) Centralization of worship (12 i"^^) (2) Apostasy (12 20-13 ^s) (3) Ceremonial Purity (14 1-21) (4) Tithes (14 22-29) (5) Debtors and Slaves (15 i-is) (6) Firstlings (15i»-23) (7) A Sacred Calendar (16 1-") (8) Administration of Justice (16i8-20) (9) Offenses against Religion (16 21-17'; cf. (2) above) (10) Judgment and Rule (17 8-20) (11) Priests and Prophets (18) (12) The Offering of First-fruits and the Tithe (26; cf. (4) above) B. A Miscellaneous Collection of Laws (chs. 19-25) (1) Administration of Justice (19 1-21, 211-8. 221.) (2) Warfare (20 ^-^o, 21 1*^") (3) The Family and Purity (21 1^21, 22i3-30. 23"'.) (4) Kindness and Humanity (221-8. 23i«'-, 24'0'2i) (5) A large number of other laws difficult to clas- sify (cf. the passages not included above) 3. Concluding peroration, with solemn warnings against disobedience (28 i— 29 i) III. Additional Material, not Closely Connected with the Foregoing (27 and 29 2-34 12) 1. The directions by Moses and the elders (ver. 1) or the priests (ver. 9) regarding the blessing and the curse (ch. 27) 2. A supplementary discourse, reminiscent and hor- tatory, with warning and promise (29 2-30 20) 3. The last words and work of Moses (31 i-34 12) (1) Encouragement (31i-«) (2) Direction to teach the Law (31 9-") (3) Moses and Joshua at the Tent to receive a, charge (SI"'- =») (4) The Song of Moses, with directions concern- ing it (3118-22. 24-30^32 1-47) (5) Moses commanded to ascend Mount Nebo to die (32 «-") (6) The Blessing of Moses (ch. 33) (7) Moses' Death (341-12) With the exception of the two long poems in chs. 32 and 33 Deuteronomy is marked by a generally uniform style throughout. But this 3. The fact is not in itself sufficient to estab- TJnity of hsh the unity of the book as altogether Deuteron- the work of one hand. The analysis omy. given above reveals a number of facts that tell strongly against this. (1) In the first place there are evidently two introductions to the Code. One (4 44-11 32) is very closely finked to the Code, while the other (1 1-4 43) is not. (2) Ch. 27 breaks the connection between chs. 26 and 28. (3) The whole section from 29 2 to the end of the book is marked by many abrupt transitions and changes and by much confusion as to the order of thought and events. (4) If small sections, such as 2 10-12, 20-23, 3 9, 11, 10 6 f., are evidently later inser- tions, it is a priori probable that other material in the book is also due to editorial work on it subse- quent to its original pubfication. There is a quite general agreement among scholars that chs. 5-26 and 28 contain the kernel of the original book; that is, that Deuteronomy in its original form purported to give the fundamental law of Israel together with a hortatory address of Moses urging loyal obedience to this law with warn- ings as to the danger of apostasy. To this nucleus there were added from time to time (all, however, within a comparatively short period and from the same literary and reUgious circle or 'school') the second introduction (chs. 1-4), the supplementary address and notices, and the Song at the end (chs. 29-32 and 34 11 f. ). When this book in this form was combined with JE (see Hexa- TEUCH, § 20), excerpts from JE (27 6-7a, 3114 f., 23, 33, 34 lb-5a, 6, 10) were inserted in its text. When JED were finally combined with P (see Hexateuch, § 30) a few additional statements from P were added (1 3, 32 48-52, 34 la, 5b, 7b-9). The Book of Deuteronomy, whether we think only of the original kernel or of its final enlarged form, is a distinct, separate work only loosely 4. The connected with the preceding Book of Relation Numbers or the following Book of of Deuter- Joshua. At Nu 27 12 ff. Moses is ready onomy to to ascend the mountain to die just as the Prece- in the case at Dt 31i4 ff., 32 48 ff. It is ding Books in only the few extracts from JE and P of the Pen- (see the preceding section) that the tateuch, connection is made between the history in Numbers and that in Joshua. The book, as a whole, makes no claim to Mosaic authorship, but the addresses and the law are re- ferred directly to him. The nature of this reference must be estimated in the light of the following facts : (1) The lack of unity in the book, which fimits the question to the portions assigned directly to Moses. (2) The pecufiar Uterary style of these portions, which is very marked and such as to strongly distin- guish Deuteronomy from the other books of the Pen- tateuch. This is apparent, even in a translation such as we have in the EngUsh Bible, and is more apparent in the Hebrew. The hypothesis of the actual Mosaic authorship of both the material in Genesis-Numbers and that in Deuteronomy involves an insoluble Uterary puzzle. A satisfactory solu- tion is possible only when actual Mosaic authorship is posited in neither case. (3) There are discrepan- cies between the narrative of Exodus-Numbers and that in Deuteronomy. Compare, e.g., Dt 1 9-13 with Ex 18 13-26; Dt 1 22-23 with Nu 13 1-3; or Dt 10 i-4 with Ex 25 10 f., 36 2, 371 (as to the time of the ma- king of the Ark). These are only a few of a number of such discrepancies (see the fist in Driver, Int. Crit. Com., pp. xxxvff.). (4) The narrative in Deuteronomy presupposes the JE but not the P portions of the Pentateuch. This is true notwith- standing the discrepancies just alluded to, which only tell against identity of authorship. The gen- eral view of the Exodus-^wildemess history and the events noted are just such as would be expected Deuteronomy Dibon A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 180 from one who knew JE, but felt at liberty both to quote it verbatim and to handle its contents some- what freely. But in no case is any dependence on P evident; and the general view of Deuteronomy is de- cidedly not that of P. (5) The kernel of Deuteron- omy is an expansion of the code of JE (Ex 20-23 and 34 12-26). The whole of this code (with the exception of the long section on penalties, Ex 21 15, 17-22, and 20 25 f., 22 29b) is taken up, enlarged, commented on, and added to in Deuteronomy, in such a way as to create the impression that in Deu- teronomy we have a revision of ancient law in order to adapt it more perfectly to changed condi- tions, i.e., to a more advanced social and economic stage of national Hfe. The relation of Deuteronomy to the code of P is very different. Deuteronomy, indeed, touches many points which are also included in P. But in many of these cases the legislation of Deuteronomy is different, both in letter and spirit, from that of P. Cf., e.g., the law as to the place of sacrifice, Dt 12 1-28 with Lvl7l-9 (in this same connection note the different views as to ordinary slaughter and sacrifice) or the law concerning the eating of the firstlings, Dt 15 19-23 (where the wor- shipers eat them) with Nu 18 17 ff. (where the priests have the flesh as a part of their revenue). In Deu- teronomy all Levites are priests and there is no reference (except in the insertion in 10 6) to the Aaronic priesthood, while in P only the sons of Aaron are priests and the Levites are their assistants. The elaborate cultus-systera of P with its emphasis on the Tabernacle (only mentioned once in Deuteron- omy in the JE passage 31 Hf.), the priesthood, the sacrificial system, finds no emphasis in Deuteron- omy. In its sacred calendar (ch. 16) the Day of Atonement (cf. Lev 16 and 23) is not mentioned. These and many other similar facts lead to the in- ference that Deuteronomy has no knowledge of the fully developed code of P and stands midway be- tween the ancient legislation in JE and the later code in P, in which, naturally, much of the previous legislation would be embodied. Indications serving to give us a general date for Deuteronomy (in its original form) may be found, in addition to the inference just noted, 5. Date of (1) in the relation of Deuteronomy to Deuteron- the other literature of the O T. There omy. is no definite trace of the presence or in- fluence of Deuteronomy in the litera- ture of the O T before Jeremiah. The early writing prophets, Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, and Micah, show no acquaintance with the book, nor do the early nar- ratives embodied in Judges-II Kings, or the J and E elements of the Pentateuch. On the other hand, Jeremiah and the editorial material of Joshua-II Kings are full of traces of the influence of Deuteronomy both in phraseology and in ideas. (2) In connection with the narrative in II K 22 8 ff., where we read of "the book of the law" being found in the Temple and of the reform of Josiah (621 B.C.) based on that book. It has long been recognized that the reforms of Josiah were of just that character that Deuteronomy might have inspired and that the warnings and exhortations of Deuteronomy were just such as might have aroused the king to action. No other part of the Pentateuch answers to the de- mands of the situation in II K 22 8-23 25 as Deuter- onomy does. (3) In the religious conditions of Manasseh's reign (c. 690-640 B.C.), a period of relig- ious decUne, which must have caused much anxious thought on the part of many who were loyal to the religion of Jehovah. Such conditions would natu- rally lead to an attempt to restate and reenforce the fundamental principles of Israel's religion. It is hkely, therefore, that Deuteronomy was written in the reign of Manasseh, some time near 650 B.C. The purpose of Deuteronomy was to set forth the true nature of Israel's religious foundation, and thus counteract the disintegrating 6. Purpose and corrupting influences then so and Sources powerful. The prophetic teachings of of Deu- Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, and Micah had teronomy. both broadened and deepened the views concerning the religion of Jeho- vah and Israel's true character. Deuteronomy sought to combine the teachings of prophecy with the traditional practises of rehgious and social Hfe. It was an earnest, serious, worthy purpose. Since Moses was traditionally considered the source of all Israel's law, and as there was probably a tradition of a farewell address by Moses, it was natural that the whole presentation was not only made in the name of Moses but that he was represented as actually speaking it. In antiquity the standards of literary usage were not the same as they are to-day. The sources at the disposal of the author (or authors) of Deuteronomy were: the JE history (probably already combined into one work) , the tra- ditional law, especially as it had been developed at the great sanctuary at Jerusalem; and the teach- ings of prophecy. All these sources were handled with freedom in consonance with the fundamental purpose to produce a comprehensive national con- stitution rather than a priestly manual or law-book. Naturally the author of Deuteronomy is no longer known. It may have been the joint product of several writers, although the uniform- 7. Author, ity of style is more favorable to single authorship. It is also impossible to say to what class the author belonged. He was well acquainted with priestly law, but may not have been himself a priest. Some person or persons connected with the Temple must have made some use of the book, otherwise its being found there is inexplicable. The religious value and significance of Deuteron- omy are very great. Its ruling ideas can perhaps be summed up as follows: (1) The abso- 8. Ruling lute unity and supremacy of Jehovah. Ideas. (2) The centralization of all formal worship at one sanctuary (i.e., Jeru- salem). (3) The heinousness and dangers of all Caananite forms of worship and of all familiar intercourse with Canaanites (under these terms the pressing rehgious dangers of the times were indica- ted). (4) The definite regulation of the whole moral and religious life of the people by the prin- ciple of loyalty to Jehovah. These ideas are urged upon the conscience of the people with a fervor and earnestness that are truly remarkable. After its discovery and sanction by Josiah, the Book of Deuteronomy at once seems to have become very influential. It was read and studied by Jeremiah, 181 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Deuteronomy DiboiL though he was not in agreement with all its ideas. It profoundly influenced also the historians who worked up the ancient records into 9, The In- the historical books now known as fluence of Judges, Samuel, and Kings (see above, Deuteron- §5 (l)). It seems to have been soon omy. issued in a second enlarged edition. In the course of time it was combined with the JE history, and in this form was the most influential book of exilic and post-exihc Judaism, until the 'priestly' school supplanted it with a new and more comprehensive presentation of Israel's law, now known as the 'Priest's Code' (P). Literature: A full and adequate discussion of Deuteron- omy will be found in Driver, Int. Crit. Com. on Deuter- onomy, and in Carpenter-Harford's The Composition of the Hezateuch (1899, 1904). ^ E. N. DEVIL. See Demon, Demonology, § 3, and Satan. DEVOTED THINGS. See Curse, § 2. DEVOTIONS (to. ae^aa-^aTa, Ac 17 23): A term that does not designate 'religious services/ but "objects of your worship"; therefore, the AVmg. "gods that ye worship," though a paraphrase, con- veys the meaning exactly. J. R. S. S. DEW. See Palestine, §§ 19, 20. DIADEM, dai'a-dem (from hia-heiv, 'to bind around'): A band or fillet worn around the headgear by the kings of Persia ; hence a badge of royalty. The term is used in the O T (AY) to render (1) tsdwpeh, *turban/ in general (Job 29 14 [cf. RVmg.]; Is 62 3). (2) Mitsnepheth, the high priestly turban, in particu- lar (Ezk 21 26, "mitre" RV), and ts'phlrah, "chaplet" (Is 28 5). In the N T the Gr. dtddrjfia, "diadem" ("crown" AV), occurs in Rev 12 3, 13 1, 19 12. A. C. Z. DIAL (n (b^?3, ma'dloth), 'steps' : The word several times rendered degrees (AV) and steps (RV) is ex- actly the same as that rendered "dial" in II K 20 8-11 and Is 38 8 (sundial, Is 38 8 AV). The shadow is spoken of as 'going up' or 'down' the 'steps,' which were at least ten in number. Some have thought that a pillar on a pedestal graduated into a niunber of successive steps was meant. E. E. N. DIAMOND. See Stones, Precious, § 3. DIANA, dai-an'a (Gr. "Aprefiis, Artemis): A goddess of Ephesus, worshiped mider the form of a meteoric stone (which "fell down from Jupiter," Ac 19 23-40). She was the great Asiatic nursing mother, the patroness of the sexual instinct, and the mother and nurse of gods, men, animals, and plants. She was worshiped under various names: Ishtar, Ma, Cybele, Anaitis, Artemis Ephesia. Her identifica- tion with the Greek Artemis was appropriate only in that Artemis was protectress of men and animals. But as the Artemis of historical times was always a virgin, never a mother, the identification proves that in prehistoric times the Greek Artemis was a mother- goddess, not a virgin, and that the virgmity dogma arose with the worship of Apollo. The representa^ tions of the Ephesian Artemis in art and her entire cult were m no sense Greek, but persistently Asiatic. The famous statue of the Ephesian Artemis, with its many breasts and symbols, is an Asiatic idol, not conceivable by a Greek brain, for Greeks detested the ugly. Her cult was equally un-Greek, equally Oriental, wild, orgiastic, and impure. Girls gained dowries by religious prostitution in her temple, in which there was an army of eunuch priests, also priestesses of three grades (who gave rise to the Amazon myth), and hierodouli (male and female). The priests' titles were also Asiatic (Mcya^ufos, 'Ecro-^v). Associated with the chief of eunuchs, or archpriest, was an archpriestess. This Artemis was never really Hellenized, though her priests tried hard to effect it, by associating the pure Greek Apollo with their impure goddess, by claiming that Apollo and Artemis were born and nurtured on the outskirts of Ephesus, by building a succession of Greek temples in her honor, by decorating them with works of Greek art, and by introducing Greek games; but the goddess and her worship remained Asiatic. (See Ephesus.) J. R. S. S. DIBLAHjdib'la (Th:^\ dibA.?d;i, Diblath, dib'lath, AV) (Ezk 6 14) : No such place is known and the true reading may be 'to Riblah' in the extreme N. of the Lebanon region, making the whole expression mean: 'from S, to N.,' i.e,, from one end of the land to the other. E. E. N. DIBLAIM, dib-le'im (pi:?:^% dihhlayim): Father of Hosea's wife, Gomer (Hos 1 3). E. E. N. DIBON, dai'ben (p^n, dlbhon) : 1. A city of Moab, Map II, J 3, situated on two knolls covered to-day by j}rBo/\r Qindicatef CtxtemJ- Plan of Dibon of Moab. ruins of no small extent and significance. D. was in the territory wrested from Moab by Sihon, which. Dibn Disease and Medicine A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 183 when Israel conquered Sihon, became the possession of the tribes of Reuben and Gad (Nu 32 3, 31-34; Jos 13 8 f., 17). The presence of the Gadites in Dibon is witnessed to not only by the name Dibon-Gad (Nu 33 45 f.), but also by the Moabite stone (seeMESHA). It again came into the possession of Moab in the days of Mesha (q.v.) and was one of the prominent cities of his kingdom, as its extensive ruins still testify (cf. Is 15 2, 9; Jer 48 18, 22). It was here that the famous stone of Mesha was discovered. In Is 15 9 Dimon is evidently a mistake for Dibon. 2. A city of Judah (Neh 11 25), probably the same as Dimonah (Jos 15 22). Site unknown. E. E. N. DIBRI, dib'rai (^1y~, dihhri): The father of Shelomith (Lv 24 ll). E. E. N. DIDYMUS, did'i-mus. See Thomas. DIKLAH, dik'la ("^p^, diqlah), 'date-palm': A region of Arabia (Gn 10 27). See Ethnography AND Ethnology, § 11. E. E. N. DILKAN, dil'e-an, C^)% diVan, Dilan ERV): A town of Judah in the Shephelah (Jos 15 38). Site unknown. E. E. N. DIMNAH, dim'na (HJ^'H, dimnah): A Levitical city in Zebulon (Jos 21 35), perhaps the same as Rimmono (ICh6 77). See Rimmon. E. E. N. DIMNESS (Is 8 22, 91 AV, but "gloom" RV): The idea of dimness is in the original quite secondary and incidental. A. C. Z. DIMON, dai'meri, DIMONAH, di-mo'nS. See Dibon. DINAH, dai'na (HJ^^, dmah): According to the text of Gn (3021) as it now stands, D. was a daughter of Jacob by Leah, and after Jacob moved from Aram into Canaan she was violated by Shechem, son of Hamor (ch. 34). On hearing of this the sons of Jacob, but more particularly Simeon and Levi, avenged the deed by slaying the inhabitants of Shechem and res- cuing their sister. Nothing further is said of her. The narrative in ch, 34 is composite, the oldest elements, in which the personal rather than tribal or political features are prominent, being from J (see Hexateuch and Comm, on Genesis). The ma- jority of modern scholars are inclined to view the Dinah incident as a piece of tribal rather than per- sonal history, told in personal form. According to this view Simeon and Levi — tribes — had trouble in early days with the Shechemites because of some wrong done to* Dinah' — a small Israelite clan. In the attempt to avenge this wrong, Simeon and Levi were not supported by the rest of Israel (34 30 f. ; cf. 49 6 ff.). Some scholars are inclined to rule out all the references to Dinah as unhistorical (see Dri- ver, Genesis, pp. 302-308, and EB. s.v. Dinah). J. A. K. DINAITES, dai'na-aits: The older commentators regarded the Dinaites as colonists who were trans- ported by;, Osnappar (Assurbanipal) to Samaria from Din-Sarru, a city near Susa. Recent writers, both historians and exegetes, are generally agreed that the word is an official title. The Aramaic term, which should be pronounced dayyanaya , means 'judges,' and consequently the Dinaites were Persian officials who attempted to hinder the re- building of the Temple by writhing to Artaxerxes (Ezr 4 9). J- ^- ^■ DINE, DINNER. See Meals, § 1- DINHABAH,din'ha-ba {T\yr\:r^„ dinhahhah): Cap- ital city of Bela, King of Edoiii (Gn 36 32). No such place has yet been identified in Edom. E. E. N. DIONYSIUS, dai"o-msh'i-us, THE AREOPA- GITE, ar"e-6p'a-gait {Alovvo-los 6 'ApeoTrayi-n/s): One of Paul's converts in Athens mentioned in Ac 17 34 with Damans (q.v.). Nothing further is said of him in the N T. The writer of Ac is fond of mag- nifying the influence of Christianity among men of rank (cf. Ac 13 12, 26 28, 29, 28 8), which may account for the mention of D. here. According to Eusebius {HE. Ill, 4, IV 23), quoting Dionysius of Corinth (about 170 A.D.), D. was the first bishop of Athens. In the later tradition he is confused with St. Denis, the patron saint of France. In this way, perhaps, his name came to be associated with the Neo-Pla^ tonic Pseudo-Dionysian writings, which exerted such wide influence in the early Middle Ages. J. M. T. DTOTREPHES, dai-ot're-fiz (AtoTpecl>r}s): De- scribed in III Jn 9 as one "who loveth to have the preeminence among them." He had evidently re- fused to heed the Elder's written instructions and to "receive" the brethren. From the fact that he 'forbids' and 'casts out' of the Church, it is evident that he occupied some position of authority which might bring him into conflict with his brethren and the Elder. J. M. T. DIP. See Meals, § 2, and Sacrifice and Of- ferings, § 16. DIPHATH, dai'fath. See Riphath. DISCERNING OF SPIRITS. See Church, § 6. DISCIPLE {fiadrjTrjs, 'learner'): Predominantly a NT word (but cf. 'learner,' limmudh, Is 8 16 and Is 50 4, 54 13, RVmg.). In the N T the conception of learner is maintained, but broadened so that it expresses the relation of learner to teacher as one of companionship and dependence; hence the acces- sory meaning of 'follower,' 'partizan' (Mtl0 24; Jn 9 28, "disciples of Moses"; Mt 9 14, of John; Mt 22 16, of the Pharisees). A. C. Z. DISCIPLINE (TratSe/a): This word, especially in Pr, LXX., Sir, and Wis, is used of moral education by God, leading to true wisdom (cf. Wis 1 5, 6 17). See Chasten, and Education, § 8. R. A. F. DISEASE AND MEDICINE : In the E. disease is generally attributed to influences from the unseen world, often directly from God. The I. Oriental common name for an insane person is Ideas majmXnj which means 'possessed by a Regarding jinn or evil spirit.' Such a person is Disease. also sometimes said to be mams-ds, which signifies 'touched' (by an evil spirit). Many deformities and defects are attributed to the 'evil eye.' By it is intended the eye of envy. 183 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Dibri Disease and Medicine If one looks on a beautiful child, and wishes it were hiS; it is believed that the child will be smitten by some disease or die. If some object of value is looked upon by another with covetousness, its value to its owner is believed to be lost. To avert this he who speaks of an object of desire, first utters the name of God, to signify that His protection is invoked against envy and covetousness. Thus, instead of saying to a mother, "What a pretty child !"one should say, "The name of God upon him, how beautiful he isl" Rupture is known as 'a wind.' Rheumatism bears the same name. Epilepsy is known by the name 'wrestling,' as if one had been overcome in a struggle. Certain catarrhal and inflammatory troubles are called nizU, which signifies a 'descent' from somewhere in the regions above. If you see a man eating, you should say "two healthsl" meaning "may God give you two healthsl" If you see him worldng, you say "rest," that is, "may God give you rest!" It is generally believed that God strikes men blind for their sins. One of the most common curses is the word "blindnessl" that is, "may God strike you blind !" Also it is believed that God pun- ishes by sudden death. So there is the curse, "may he cut off your agel" In a general way Orientals are disposed to look for occult causes for disease. When none can be found, they say that the affection is "from God." And when disease is supposed to be incurable, or is very intractable, one says "may God cure you I" If a person is asked how he re- covered from a disease, he is apt to reply "God/'.that is, "God cured me." It is therefore in strict ac- cordance with the ciurent and ancient Semitic belief that God sends specific diseases and general pesti- lences as punishment for individual and national sins. The scathing denunciations of Dt 28 59-66 are such as would appeal to the Oriental mind with the vividness of conviction. It is noteworthy that be- sides the specific diseases (Dt 28 22), and the general pestilences (ver. 59), and the diseases of Egypt (ver. 60), God threatened them with "every sickness and every plague which is not written in the book of this law" (ver. 61). Here He no doubt alludes to the great variety of diseases arising from the diversity of climate and the physical features of the country to which they were going, and of those lands in which they should thereafter be scattered. In no part of the world is there so great a variety of physical features and climate as in Palestine and Syria. The seacoast plain has a sub- 2. Relation tropical climate, and is the home of of Climate the palm, the orange, and the banana, and Habits The sunny hills of Palestine and the of Life to lower slopes of Lebanon have a tem- Disease. perate climate, and produce peaches, plums, apples, grapes, wheat, and bar- ley. On the alpine ranges of Lebanon flourish the cedar and the juniper, and above them on the bleak mountaintops are the eternal snowdrifts. Beyond Lebanon are the plateaux of the interior, breezy table- lands, stretching away to Mesopotamia and Persia, with a climate hot and dry in summer, cold in winter. Deep in a cleft between the hills of Palestine on the one side, and those of Baehan, Gilead, and Moab On the other, is the Jordan Valley, which at its southern end is 1,300 feet below the Mediterranean. In this chasm the climate is tropical. Around the borders of Palestine and Syria are the deserts, generally dry and hot, but swept in winter by bleak, cold winds. It must be plain that in a country, small though it be, with such a variety of soil, climate, and expo- sure, there must be many types of disease. Thus, in the irrigated plains fevers and dysenteries prevail; in the damp, ill-ventilated, and ill-drained cities rheumatism, and contagious and infectious diseases, and tuberculosis in all its forms; in the dry, dusty, sunny regions ophthalmia; while in the pure air of the plateaux and deserts where germs are few, those diseases prevail which are due to exposure and fatigue under the blazing sun, and in the keen, biting winds. The filthy habits of Asiatic peoples produce skin- diseases and ophthalmia. The free use of raw meat causes worms. Raw pork often begets trichinosis. From this Hebrews and Mohammedans are, of course, free. The large amount of fruit, often hard and unripe, of vegetables fried in fat, butter, or oil, and of salads, engenders dyspepsia, diarrhea, and dysentery. Violent temper produces cerebral congestion and many nervous diseases- Unbridled passion produces nervous prostration. Intensity of grief often wrecks the health or brings about in- sanity. It is useless to expect to find a system 9f medicine in the Bible. During the fifteen hundred years occupied in the preparation of the sixty- 3. Medical six books of the O T and N T the nation Knowledge which furnished all the sacred writers in the was successively under the influence East. of Egypt, Syria, Assyria, Babylon, Persia, Greece, and Rome, most of which were renowned for their learning and their cultivation of the healing art. It is presumable that the Hebrews borrowed from their conquer- ors many of their ideas of disease and methods of treatment, and that Hebrew medicine, at any par- ticular epoch, reflected the views of the prevailing systems of that day. We have no reason to suppose that the Hebrews made any advances on the learning and skill of their masters. Of one thing we are cer- tain: There was from the earliest period of the He- brew state a medical profession. In Egypt medi- cine had made great advances before the Israelites left that coiHitry, and they doubtless carried some of the wisdom of the Egyptian physicians with them. Their theories of physiology and pathology were crude. Their knowledge of anatomy was imperfect. Their materia medica had in it many remedies long since disused. They employed bleeding, blisters, setons, moxaa, cauteries, and many other painful processes. There were physicians in Gilead (Jer 8 22). Oriental tradition makes Solomon a master of the heaUng art- There are several allusions to medical matters in Pr (17 22, 20 30). Luke was a physician (Col 4 14). It was said that "they that are whole have no need of a physician" (Mt 9 12). The woman "had suffered many things of many physi- cians" (Mk5 26). "Asa sought not to Jehovah but to the physicians" (II Ch 1612). Job said of his comforters, "Ye are all physicians of no value" (Job 13 4). The proverb said, "Physician, heal thyself" (Lk 4 23). Disease and Medicine A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONAKY 184 The allusioiis to medical topics in Scripttire are not numerous, and few of them shed clear light on the opinions and practise of physicians or of the public. Such information as is given is presented below under the following heads: I. Physical Abnormalities; II. Diseases AND Infirmities; III. Injuries; IV. Reme- dies; V. Hygiene. I. Physical Abnormalities. (1) Baldness. It occurs naturally from advancing age or skin-disease, or is. produced by shaving, as is common among Moslems, or by use of 4. Physical medicines which cause the hair to fall Abnormali- out. This disqualified from the priest- ties, hood (Lv 21 5). (2) Blemishes (Lv 21 17). Among them are mother's marks, freckles, party-colored hair, albinism, squint, white spots on the cornea, staphyloma, red nose, harelip, moles. None of these is mentioned in Scripture. (3) Broken Feet and Broken Hands (Lv 21 19). This doubtless refers to ill-united or non-united frac- tures, or to unreduced dislocations, which deform the members and thus rendered their victims ineUgi- ble to the priesthood. (4) Crippling Deformities (Cripple Ac 14 8) are such as incapacitate a person from walking (Lame Ac 3 2), or such as embarrass his movements by imperfect development of hmbs, by clubfeet, club- hand, rickety limbs, knock-knees, bow-legs, bandy- legs, congenital dislocations of the hips. All these would doubtless have disquaUfied from the priest- hood. (5) Crooked Back (Lv2l20). This is of two kinds, lateral curvature, a sort of screw formation of the spine, and angular curvature, arising from tuber- cular disease of the vertebrae or from injury. These disqualified from the priesthood. (6) Dwarfishness (Dwarf Lv 21 20). Of this there are two varieties, one in which the whole body is reduced in size, the other in which 'the trunk and head are of normal size, but the legs, and usually the arms, are shorter than natural. No person suffering therefrom could enter the sacred office. (7) Flat Nose (Lv 21 18) results from injury or disease, causing a sinking or loss of all or a part of the bones and cartilages of the nose. (8) Lameness (Lv 21 18) is caused by wounds, paralysis, ununited or badly united fracture, stiff- ness of joints or muscles, or some of the deformities mentioned above. The victim is said to be halt. (9) Maiming (Maimed Mt 18 8) is mutilation by loss of a Hmb or a part of one, or of any part of the body, as the eye, or the loss of any function (Lv 21 20) by injury or disease. Adoni-bezek had seventy kings whose thumbs and great toes he caused to be cut off. By the irony of fate he suf- fered the same mutilation (Jg 1 6 f.). (10) Superfluous Parts (Lv 21 18). Such are a sixth finger on a hand, or a sixth toe on a foot (II S 21 20). The writer has seen eight somewhat rudi- mentary fingers webbed together on each hand, and six toes on each foot of the same individual. Some- times the nails become hypertrophied and deformed, resembUng bird's claws (Dn 4 33). Horns are some- times produced on various parts of the body- (11) Withered Limbs (Mt 12 10) are those m which the muscles are wasting, owing to spinal dis- ease, to injury to the nerve supplying the part, to congenital deficiency in the number of fingers and toes, or to anything which stiffens joints and leads to their disuse. II. Diseases and Infirmities. (1) Diseases of the Bones. Many of the diseases of the bones have been alluded to under Physical Ab- normahties. Besides these the Bible 5, Diseases mentions dislocations (Ps 22 14), atro- and Infir- phy (Ps 31 10), fracture (Is 38 13), mities, caries (Hab 3 16), inflammation (Jer 20 9). (2) Diseases of the Bowels. Bloody Flux is Dysentery, a disease caused by parasites in the intestine, and producing colic and mucous dis- charges, with great straining and disttess, and pro- lapse of the bowel (II Ch 21 19), and often resulting in abscess of the Hver. It is one of the dangerous diseases of warm cHmates. (3) Constitutional Diseases. Burning Ague (Fever Lv 26 16 RV) is a malarial affection, very in- jurious to the system, and destructive to life. It may have a paroxysm each day, or every other day, or every third, or seventh, or fourteenth day. In some of the more malignant forms of it the brain, lungs, liver, spleen, kidneys, or other organs may be congested, and the patient dies speedily from the severity of the infection. In most he is sick for a long while, and may either recover or die worn out by the induced disease of one or more of the vital or- gans. Consumption (Lv 26 16) may refer to tuber- cular disease in its proiiean forms, or to wasting from any chronic disorder. Tubercular disease is ex- ceedingly common, especially among Moslems and Jews, owing to close intermarriage, to the seclusion of women, to the filth of the narrow lanes and high walls by which all houses in the quarters inhabited by these people are shut in from sim and air. It was probably as common in Biblical times, as cities were then very compactly built, and hygienic laws disre- garded. Dropsy is rather a symptom than a disease. It is the accumulation of watery fluid in the limbs or cavities of the body, from weakness or disease of the heart, kidneys, or other organs, or pressure on veins, or injuries, or diseases of nerves, or disorders of the lymphatics. It is curable when its cause is curable, otherwise it is usually a sign of approaching death. Extreme Burning (Fiery Heat Dt 28 22 RV) or Fever is a symptom of inflammation, or the result of microbial infection. Of the latter class are ty- phus, typhoid, and malarial fevers, all of which are common, especially the last. Inflammation (Dt 28 22) is too much blood in a part, usually caused by microbes, and causing fever. If not cured, it leads to permanent injury and destruction of the inflamed part, or to blood-poisoning. It often des- troys life. Pining away (Lv26 39) is a failure of nourishment and loss of vitaUty, sometimes due to organic disease and sometimes to mental despond- ency, as in the case of the imprisoned and banished, 185 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Disease and Medicine or the afflicted and bereaved. Scurvy (Lv 21 20, 22 22) results from too much salt meat, too little vegetable food, bad air, privation of light, and crowded, filthy quarters. It is characterized by tender, swollen, bleeding gmns, falling of the teeth, purplish or livid spots on the skin, ulcers, swelling of joints, fever, and often death. It is probable, however, that the Hebrew word here used, which is also used in Dt 28 27 and translated Scab AV, "scurvy" RV, refers to a skin-disease [see below under (9)]. (4) Diseases of the Ears. Deafness is spoken of without specification of form or cause. Stopping of the ears (Zee 7 ii) refers to plugging them with the fingers or any other stopper. Unstopping of the ears of the deaf (Is 35 5) x'efers probably to the re- moval of ear-wax, which caxises partial deafness. (5) Diseases of the Eyes. Diseases of the eyes are numerous and common in the East. Few are mentioned in Scripture in such a way as to indicate their nature. Blindness is often alluded to, but few hints of its form and causes are given. Some are born blind. Others have had their eyes put out. Others, as Paul, have lost their sight temporarily, or, as Jacob, permanently. Jacob had Dimness of eyes (Gn 4810; cf. 27 1), perhaps from cataract, or from extreme presbyopia, for which in those days glasses had not been invented. Failing of Eyes (Dt 28 65) would refer to asthenopia from excessive weeping, aild anemia from general debility. Red- ness of Eyes (Pr 23 29) is not ophthalmia, but the congestion of alcoholism. Scales falling from the eyes (Ac 9 18) may refer to crusts of dried discharge which had glued the lids together. Tender Eyes (Gn 29 17) refer probably to trachoma (granular lids), a disease very common in the East. (6) Diseases of the Feet. Asa's disease (II Ch 16 12) may have been senile gangrene or elephan- tiasis. (7) Diseases of the Heart and blood-vessels. Emerods, or piles, are dilated veins, due to con- gestion caused by constipation, which prevails very extensively in the indolent East. They lead to ex- hausting, sometimes fatal, hemorrhage. Faintness (Lv 26 36) may be due to mental causes, as fear or despair, or to physical, as hunger, thirst, overheat- ing, fatigue, or pain, or to loss of blood (La 2 12), or to disease of the heart, in which case it is often fatal. Issue of Blood (Mt 9 20) refers to chronic and ex- hausting hemorrhage from the wopib. Trembling Heart (Dt 28 65) may be palpitation, or arrhythmic beat. (8) Diseases of the Nervous System. Bpilejjsy is the RV term for Lunacy AV (Mt 4 24), a disease in which the patient loses consciousness, and has con- vulsions similar to those in demoniacal possession. Madness (insanity) was feigned by David (I S 21 13). God threatened with madness those who should for- sake Him (Dt 28 34). Festus charged Paul with it (Ac 26 24). Nebuchadrezzar was insane (Dn 4 33); also Saul. Palsy is a loss of nerve power, and, by consequence, of muscular power, resulting from in- jury or disease of the brain, spinal cord, or nerves. A variety of it is trembling palsy (Jer 23 9), in which the patient suffers from irregular movement, beyond the control of the will. Trance (Ac 10 lO) or Deep Sleep (Gn 2 21; Mk 5 39) is a state of suspended con- sciousness in which the subject may do or experience certain things, which he afterward remembers. It differs Uttle from dreams or visions (cf. II Co 12 1-4). (9) Diseases of the Skin, Blains were a ma- lignant form of ulceration, sent as a plague (Ex 9 9). Boils (Ex 9 9) are very common in warm climates. Hezekiah's boil (II K207) was doubtless a carbuncle, which differs from a boil in its greater extent, and its numerous and large cores. For such an affection a lump of figs, not a single fig, would be required as a poultice. Botch (Boil RV) of Egypt (Dt 28 27) is probably the preUminary swelling of a boil or abscess, before suppuration or sloughing. (For Plague of Boils see under Murrain below. ) Broken and loathsome skin (Job 7 5) may refer to the filthy state of the skin around and among boils from incrustation of dry matter or to eruptions as eczema, impetigo, and the hke. Canker (IITi2 17 AV) is Gangrene RV, not cancer. There are several forms of gan- grene. The one here alluded to is probably that of the aged, a disease which spreads usually from a toe to the rest of the foot, then to the leg, g-nd sometimes to the thigh. It ultimately kills its victim by ex- haiistion or blood-poisoning. Few recover from it. Freckled Spot (Lv 13 39 AV) may refer to freckles or to Tetter RV; that -is, vesicles like fever-blisters. Fretting Leprosy (Lv 13 51 f.) seems to refer to some fungus growth or mildew that rots garments. Itch (Dt 28 27) is a tormenting, pustular eruption, caused by a minute insect, which bores into the skin. Al- though it can be cured by assiduous treatment, it ^ is exceedingly intractable to native methods. If garabh, Lv 21 20, 22 22; Dt 28 27 be itch (see below), the word here translated "itch/* heres, may refer to pruritus, another tormenting skin-disease, ex- ceedingly common in the East and characterized by intense, insupportable itching which leads the sufferer to tear his skin with his nails. Leprosy. The leprosy of the Bible is characterized by scabs, bright spots, and hairs changed in color, and spread- ing in the skin. A part affected by it has a whitish appearance, sometimes compared to snow. It did not disable its victim, and is never spoken of as a fatal disorder. Naaman was able to exercise the function of a general while a leper. Apparently the lepers went about as easily as others. When a man was covered with the eruptions he could enter the Tabernacle or the Temple. These symptoms and facts point to some disease such as psoriasis or sim- ple lepra. The ceremonial uncleanness of the leper seems to have been connected with the idea of diversity of surface aijd dissimilarity of color, and when the pati^t, by.^aj^pread of the disease over the whole surface of his body, became homogeneous in his aspect, he was ceremonially clean. There were many such prescriptions in the Levitical law. Pie- bald cattle, patched garments, party-colored stuff or walls, mildewed tissues, and, in general, what lacked simpHcity and equality, as shaven or clipped beards and hair, or bald spots, or freckles or pimples, were ceremonially unclean. The fact that a complete leper was permitted to mingle with the people, and enter the sanctuary, is proof positive that the disease was not regarded as contagious. This form of lep- rosy has no resemblance to the other affection known Disease and Medicine Dodai A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 186 under the name of leprosy, the elephantiasis Grceco- rum of medicine. The latter is contagious, is charac- terized by nodes under and in the skin, by a dusky, lurid hue, by a leonine expression of the coimtenance, by deep ulcerations, caries of the bones, destruction of joints, dropping off of fingers and toes, deformities of the limbs, and fever. These grave symptoms crip- ple the patient, and ultimately destroy his life. The confusion between these widely diverse diseaees is a signal instance of the persistence of an error founded on the existence of the same name for totally different things. Murrain of cattle, the fifth plague (Ex9l-7), may well have been anthrax, the splenic fever of our days. The plague immediately following it was one of boils on men. These may refer to malignant pustule, which is the result in men of the infection with the anthrax bacillus of splenic fever. Plague or Pestilence (Ps9l6, lO) is probably general, re- ferring to epidemics, as distinguished from sporadic diseases. While it is possible that the bubonic plague existed in Biblical times, we have no account in the Bible of symptoms which would enable us to be sure that this disease is intended in the many passages alluding to pestilence. Of the epidemic dis- eases common in the East we may mention cholera, which seems to have been endemic in India from remote times, typhus, typhoid, smallpox, and mea- sles. Scab and Scall are patches of cuticle, separating from the skin, and are given among the characteris- tics of leprosy. There are innumerable scabby dis- eases prevaihng in the East, as the various forms of lepra or dry tetter, dandruff, the scabby stages of impetigo, eczema, Boils, ^Aleppo Buttons,' etc. Scurvy (Dt28 27 RV, "scab" AV) may perhaps be Favus {yjrapa LXX.). This is a disgusting disease of the scalp, very common among the poorer classes. The Hebrew word gardbh, which is also used (Lv21 20, 22 22), is found in the cognate Arabic, in which it signifies 'itch.' Sores are ulcers, or tubercular, cancerous, or syphihtic lesions of the skin and the tissues beneath it. They are very common in the East, and often very disgusting and distressing, and frequently fatal. Putrefying sores (Is 1 6 AV) are gangrenous areas. Running Issue (Lvl5 2) may refer to a discharging sinus or fistula, or to gonor- rhea. Wen is a sac containing fatty matter, situated in or under the skin. (10) Diseases of the Tongue and Throat. Dumb- ness is usually associated with Deafness. But in Scripture this fact is seldom alluded to (Mk 7 32-36, 9 25). In some cases, as that of Zacharias (Lk 1 20), it is pointed.out that the temporarily dumb could hear. In one place (Is 35 5 f.) the deaf and the dumb are separated. Stammering is referred to the tongue (Is 33 19). Mispronunciation (Jg 12 6), as saying "sibboleth'' for ''shibboleth," is a fault of habit rather than a disease, and can usually be corrected. Dry Throat (Ps69 3). The vehemence of passion and its expression in the East often lead to serious disease. Thus, in the a.gony of grief women tear the skin of their faces and breasts with their nails, pull out their hair by handfuLs, beat their heads against the wall, abstain from food. In wailing they often strain the vocal cords, or bring about inflammation of the throat, which results in per- manent hoarseness. To such a state the Psalmist doubtless refers under the expression "my throat is dried," (11) Worms, probably maggots, devoured Herod alive (Ac 12 23). HI. Injuries. (1) Bruises are frequently alluded to. They are the result of blunt instruments, 6. Injuries, which crush the flesh. They are not infrequently followed by gangrene. (2) Burns. David alludes to burning coals fall- ing on his enemies (Ps 140 10). Figuratively, he who does good to an enemy heaps coals of fire upon his head (Ro 12 20). The Levitical law prescribed burning for biu-ning (Ex 21 25). (3) Dart in Liver (Pr7 23) seems flgurative. It does not refer to any disease due to debauchery. But wounds of the liver are generally fatal, and to such are compared the consequences of vice. (4) Dislocations are mentioned, of the shoulder (Job 31 22), foot (Pr25l9), thigh (Gn 32 25), and of all the bones (Ps 22 14). (5) Fractures are mentioned, of the arm (Job 31 22), teeth (Ps 3 7; Pr 25 19), heart (Ps 34 18, figur- ative), skull (Jg9 53). The object of breaking the legs of the two thieves on the cross (Jn 19 31-36) was to hasten, by the shock of a new injury, the death which threatened not to take place before the sunset of Friday. (6) Miscarriage from injiuy (Ex 21 22) was pun- ished by assessing the injurer, or by his execution, if the result were fatal. (7) Moonstroke (Ps 121 6). Orientals often carry umbrellas to protect them from the moon. They do not seem to know what evil they thus seek to avert. (8) Sunstroke (Ps 121 6; II K 4 19; Jon 4 8) is sometimes fatal, more generally evanescent. (9) Wounds. They were produced by arrows, darts, javelins, spears, swords, knives, stones, clubs, and bones. Frequent allusion is made to the pain, bleeding, inflammation, putrefaction, and healing of wounds, and to death resulting from them. Among wounds were those from the teeth of beasts, and poisoned wounds from serpents (Dt 32 24). IV. Remedies. It is clear that medicines were largely used. "A cheerful heart is a good medicine" (Pr 17 22). "Thou hast no healing medicines" (Jer 7, Reme- 3013). "In vain dost thou use many dies. medicines" (Jer 46 11). "The leaf there- of for healing" (Ezk 47 12; cf. Rev 22 2). Dioscorides gives 90 mineral, 700 veg- etable, and 166 animal substances used as rem- edies. Moses was learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, and among the other branches of this knowledge medicine was largely cultivated. As- syria and Babylon were learned in the medical sci- ence of that day. There was a legal provision for the surgical care of the wounded Hebrew (Ex 21 19). Asa had medical treatment for his feet (II Ch 16 12). King Joram went back to be healed of his wounds (II K8 29), Of details of treatment and materia medica we have the following: 187 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Disease and Medicine Dodai (1) Balm for the treatment of wounds (Jer 8 22). (2) Caperberry (RVmg. for desire, Ec 12 s), a medicine in repute in ancient times as an aphro- disiac (love-phllter). (3) Eye Salve (Rev 3 18). The mention of this means of treating the eye implies the use of other remedies for the very numerous and wide-spread diseases of the eye. (4) Food medicines. Mint, anise, cummin, as car- minatives; honey, figs, and the like, as laxatives; nutrients, as meat (Lk 8 55). (5) Mandrake (Gn30l4) was in repute as an aphrodisiac, (6) Midwifery (Ex 1 15) implies the use of such means as the women who practised it understood. (7) Oil was used in the treatment of wounds (Lk 10 34), and for anointing the sick (Ja 5 14). (8) Ointments were used in the treatment of ulcers and wounds (Is 1 6). I I (9) Poultices of figs, and doubtless of other emollients, were used for boUs and abscesses (II K 20 7). (10) Stimulants, consisting of wine and strong drink, were given in cases of exhaustion (Pr 31 6), or of debility and gastric disturbance (I Ti 5 23). Wine was used as an antiseptic and stimulant in the treatment of wounds (Lk 10 34). (11) Surgery was early recognized as an art. Joram went to be healed of his wounds (II K 8 29). The good Samaritan understood the principles of emergency treatment of recent injuries (Lk 10 34). The frequent allusions to God as the healer of wounds implies that the art of heaUng was widely recognized. (12) Water of bitterness (bitter water AV) (Nu 5 18-27) was not a remedy for disease, but a cer- emonial test for conjugal infidelity in a woman. It may be compared to the test for witchcraft, by use of the Calabar bean, still prevalent in some parts of Africa. V. Hygiene. Among the hygienic measiu-es inaugurated by Moses were : (1) Bathing (Lv 15 5 ff.; Nu 19 19) was frequent and ceremonially obligatory. The 8. Hygiene, habit thus acquired doubtless led to ablutions other than those enjoined. (2) Circumcision is an ordinance of great hy- gienic benefit in warm climates, and contributes to the prevention of various diseases, and is to be rec- ommended for general adoption. (3) The Marriage laws of Moses prohibiting in- cest and close consanguinity were of the greatest wisdom and benefit to the physical development of the Chosen People; likewise the regulation of cer- tain details of the marital relations. (4) Paddles or Shovels (Dt 23 13) on the weapons were an excellent precaution in camp life, and argue an attention to sanitation highly distinctive in that age. (5) The Sabbath Rest, and the frequent feasts, dudng which the people enjoyed a combination of bodily repose and spiritual edification, were perhaps the most distinctive and beneficial of all the Mosaic provisions for the physical and moral well-being of the Hebrew people* Q- E. P, DISH. See Food, § 11, and Meals, § 2. DISHAN, dd'shan, DISHON, dai'shen QTX dlshdn, )^*^tl , dishon): A name (or names) occurring several times in the list of Horite clans (Gn 36 21 ff.; I Ch 1 38 ff.). In all cases probably the same clan (represented genealogically as an individual) is meant. E. E. N. DISPENSATION. See Kingdom of God. DISPERSION, DISPERSED: In the N T period the Gr. term dida-iropa (diaspora) had come to have a quite distinctive, meaning. It stood for that vast multitude of Jews who lived outside of Palestine, scattered throughout the Gentile world, though still constituting one religiously united people, sharing the same hopes, and looking to Jerusalem as their spir- itual capital and to the Temple as their one house of worship. (See Israel.) It is in this sense that the term is used in Jn 7 35. In Ja 1 1 it is evidently applied to Jewish Christians in Palestine and Syria as being apart from the mother-church in Jerusalem; but in the remaining passage, I P 1 1, it is apparently used in a spiritual sense of Gentile Christians as constituting the true Israel, who as pilgrims in this world (1 17, 2 11) are as yet removed from their heavenly home. E. E. N. DISPOSITION (Starayij) (only in Ac 7 53 AV ["as it was ordained by angels" RV "as the ordi- nance of angels" RVmg.]): The meaning is that the law given by God in its essence was put into orderly form by angelic mediation. A. C. Z. DISTAFF. See Artisan Life, § 13. DISTRIBUTION. See Church, § 2. DIVIDE (dpSoTOfietp, "handling" RV): Used in II Ti 2 15 of the skilful application of parts or aspects of the truth adapted to affect persons specially in need of such instruction. A. C. Z. DIVINATION. See in general Magic and Div- ination. DIVORCE, DIVORCEMENT, See Marriage AND Divorce. DIZAHAB, diz'a-hab O^T'^^i, dlzahabh),' of gold': One of the five places that define the territory within which Israel is said to have rested when Moses de- livered the discourses recorded in Dt (1 l). Some difficulty is experienced in identifying these places. The suggestion that Dizahab is the same as the mod- ern Mina-edh~Dhahab (Burkhardt) has not foimd universal acceptance. "* A. C. Z. DOCTOR. See Education, § 8, and Law and Legal Practise, § 2 (5). DOCTRINE. See Church, § 2, and Educa- tion, § 10. DODAI, DODO, do'dai, do'do (^Ij^ /il-n ,'i"l1^, do- dhay, dodho): 1. The grandfather of Tola, one of the 'judges' (Jg 10 1). 2. One of David's heroes (11 S 23 9; I Ch 11 12), in command of one of the divisions of the army, according to I Ch 27 4. 3. One of David's mighty men (see IIS 23 24; IChll26). Dodanim Dress and Ornaments A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 188 Here there has been, possibly, some confusion with David in connection with the Goliath episode (cf. IIS 2119). The name Dodo appears to be an old Canaanite name (of a deity?), being found on the Tel-el- Amarna tablets and on the Moabite stone, line 12. See Mesha, Stone of. E. E. N. DODANIM, do'da-nim (C^^i^, dodhamm) : A Japhetic people (Gn 10 4). See Ethnography AND Ethnology, § 11. E. E. N. , DODAVAHU, d6"da-va'u (1";"'"^^ dodkawahu, Dodavah AV): Father of Ehezer (II Ch 20 37). E. E. N. DOE. See Palestine, § 24, and Food, § 10. DO EG, do'eg ("^^j do' eg): An Edomite, a servant of Saul, who executed Saul's command to slay the priests of Nob (I S 21 7, 22 9-18, 22). The account is obscure at two points: (l)As to the position held by D. The Heb. of IS 21 7 reads "the mightiest of Saul's shepherds" — a most unusual expression. The conjecture that 'runners' be read instead of "shepherds" has been widely accepted. The LXX. reads "tending the mules," i.e., in charge of Saul's mules or asses. (2) As to the reason why D. was at Nob "detained before Jehovah." The most nat- ural supposition is that D. was ceremonially unclean and was at Nob for purposes of purification. Or he may have been awaiting an oracle. The reference to D. in Ps 52 (title) has no his- torical value. E. E. N. DOG. See Palestine, §24; City, § 4; and Food, §4. DOK, dek (Aojk): A small fortress 4 m. NW. of Jericho, built by Ptolemy, son-in-law of Simon the Maccabee. Here Simon and two of his sons were treacherously murdered by Ptolemy (I Mac 16 15 ff.). The modern 'Ain Ddk. Map III, G 5. E. E. N. DOMINION. See Kingdom of God, § 3, and Angel, Anqelology, § 5. DOOR. See House, § 6 (k). DOORKEEPER: In Ps 84 10 "doorkeeper" is not a technical term. It means simply one who lies or waits in an humble attitude at the door of the sanctuary. See also Porter. E. E. N. DOOR-POST: Only in Ezk 4116 AV, where "threshold," RV, is more correct. E, E. N. DOPHKAH, def'ka {^^J^l, dophqah): A station on the Exodus-route between the Red Sea and Sinai (Nu 33 12 f. ). Not identified. E. E. N. DOR, dor ("iSn, do'r): An ancient Canaanite town on the Mediterranean coast a little S. of Carmel. The first historical notice of Dor we find in the Papyrus Golenischeff (c. 1050 e.g.), which shows that it was then occupied by the Ta Kara, a subdivision of the Philistines who had taken possession of the coast land S. of Carmel a century or so earlier. The Is- raelites did not gain control of Dor until Solomon's day (Jg 1 27 [which shows the unhistorical character of the later notices, Jos 11 2, 12 23]; I K 4 11). It was counted as belonging to Manasseh (Jos 17 11). Dor retained its importance during the checkered his- tory of the following centuries. It was closely allied with the Phoenician towns and was given to Esh- munazar, King of Sidon, by one of the early Ptole- mies (c. 300 B.C.). Its prosperity declined after the first century a.d. The modern village Tanturah is small and insignificant. E. E. N. DORCAS, der'cas {AopKas): The Greek name of a Christian disciple in Joppa whom Peter, accord- ing to Ac 9 36-43, raised from the dead. The Ara- maic original, which is recorded in the same passage and doubtless is the name she bore, is T^hltha' (Eng. Tabitha) ='a roe,' which is soHietimes used in the O T as a term of endearment (cf. Song 2 9 ts^bhi). J. M. T. DOTHAN,do'thaii (p^ dothan): The name both of a plain and a town. See Map III, F 2. The former is a convenient pass from the coast plain to the Plain of Esdraelon, and is traversed by an ancient and still-used caravan route. Its pasturage is very fine (Gn 37 17; II K 6 13). E. E. N. DOUGH. See Food, § 2. DOVE: There is no positive evidence that the dove was regarded as a sacred bird among the Is- raelites; but from slight indications it may be in- ferred that some sort of distinction was given it in its class. It was offered in sacrifice (Lv 1 14). Jesus calls it harmless (Mt 10 16) and it is made the symbol of the Divine Spirit at His baptism (Lk 3 22) . See also Palestine, § 25. A. C. Z. DOVE»S DUNG (II K 6 26): This appears to be the meaning of the Heb. text. A slight change would permit the rendering 'carob -pods,' the "husks" of Lk 15 16. E. E. N. DOWRY, See Marriage and Divorce and Family and Family Law, § 3. DOXOLOGY. See Praise, § 5. DRAG. See Net. DRAGON: The word ''dragon" is used very fre- quently in theAV to render tannlm and ia?imn, which are more correctly rendered in RV by "jackals" and "monster." The latter term, however, seems often to have a semimythological significance (cf. Ps 74 13; Is 27 1,519). The dragon was a figure of fre- quent occurrence in the mythologies of all nations. Considering the relation of Jewish to Babylonian life, it was natural that such a figure should be adopted and used in the Biblical portraiture of non-material realities. The figure of the dragon or "monster" was, however, developed strictly within Biblical limits, first along the direction of symbolizing en- mity against J" and His people (cf. Ezk 29 3, etc.), and then, with much greater definiteness of outline and color, in the formation of the apocalyptic con- ception of Antichrist (Rv 12 3 ff.). Here he is finally identified with the arch-enemy of God, "the old ser- pent" (20 2). See also Palestine, § 26, and Cos- mogony, § 4. ^, Q^ 2. 189 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Dodanim Dress and Ornaments DRAGON'S WELL. See Jerusalem, § 10. DRAM, dram (AV): A Persian coin, the same as the Daric (RV). See Money, § 8. E. E. N. DRAUGHT-HOUSE : A place of refuse vor gar- bage (II K 10 27). BaaPs temple was converted into such a place to make it altogether unclean and contemptible, E. E. N. DRAWER OF WATER. See Well. DREAM, DREAMER, See Revelation, and Magic and Divination, § 6. DRESS AND ORNAMENTS Analysis of Contents I. Dress 1. Earliest Form 2. The Tunic 3. The Cloak 4. The Robe 5. The Material 6. Dress of Women 7. Foot-wear 8. Head-dress 9. Mourning Garments II. Ornaments 1. Worn by Men 2. Worn by Women I. Dress. The clothing, l^bhush, mcdbhush, he- gedh, of the Israelites could not have been essentially different from that of the Syrian peas- I, Earliest antry of to-day. The earliest known Form. piece of wearing-apparel was the "gir- dle," i.e., the hip or loin apron, hdgordh (cf. Jer 13 1 ff.), whose origin is ascribed to the awa- kened feeling of ^hame in primitive man (Gn 3 7). Frequently it was the only article of clothing worn while at work. Among the nomads it was made of the skin of an animal, 'ezor'or (UK 18), and was often longer than the ordinary apron; consequently we have in Gn 25 25 the expression "hairy garment," ^addereth se'ar. Such was the mantle worn by Elijah and Elisha (II K 1 8, 2 8), who wished thereby to symbolize a return to the ancient shepherd life approved by J" (Gn 4 2-4, 25 27). From the apron was developed the ordinary peas- ant's garment, k^honeth, or kuttoneth, "coat" or "garment" (N T x'^o**', "coat"; cf. Lk 2. The 6 29), which in some respects corre- Tunic, sponds to the modern tob. It was a sleeveless woolen or linen garment reaching down to the knees and worn next to the skin (Gn 9 21; II S 6 20). With the wealthier class it was made of fine white linen, hadh, later buts (cf. Targ. and Syr.) or of Egyptian material, shesh. In Is 3 23, Jg 14 12, mention is also made of garments of "fine linen," s'dhlnlm. A girdle, hdgorah, or 'e^or, of linen (Jer 13 1) or of leather (II K 1 8) held it to- gether. Into this the garment was tucked in rapid walking or at work. At night it was taken off (Song 5 3). Inasmuch as in quick motion such as leaping and dancing, or in case of accident, one was Hable to be exposed (Gn 9 21; II S 6 20), those who were well- to-do adopted a garment reaching down to the ankles and provided with sleeves, kHhoneth passim (Gn 37 3). One clothed only with this tunic was considered naked, 'drom (Is 20 2 f.; Jn 21 7). Ordinarily another garment, the simldh ("clothes," "garment," "raiment"), was worn over this, corre- sponding substantially to the 'abdje of the present day. This consists of a rectangular, seamless piece of coarse woolen so folded and sewed together that the front is left open on either side 3. The and large holes provided for the free Cloak. movement of the arms. This garment was used as it is to-day for a cover at night (Ex 22 25 f. ; Dt 24 12 f.), or as a saddle in riding (Mt 21 7), or as a rug (II K 9 13), or as a general re- ceptacle in which things may be bundled and car- ried (Ex 12 34; UK 4 39; Hag 2 12). Probably in ancient times amulets were hung on the hems, which in later days were adorned with fringes, g^dhllim, tsUslth (Dt22l2; Nul5 38f.). Upon the breast the garment formed a puffy fold, heq (Ex 4 6), in which all kinds of articles were placed (II K 4 39; Hag 2 12). At work the simldh was taken off (Ac 7 58, 22 23), or left at home (Mt24 18). On account of the importance of this piece of apparel, common law prescribed that, if taken as a pledge, it should be re- turned to the owner before nightfall (Ex 22 25 f. ; Dt 24 12 f.). It is this garment that is probably referred to in the word ifioTLov, "cloak" (Lk 6 29). Men of means wore over the tunic a more dressy garment — the robe, m^'il (I S 18 4, 24 5), which is mentioned as worn also by women (II 4. The S 13 18, perhaps the same as the mantle, Robe. ma'dtdphdh, referred to in Is 3 22). Fe- male slaves carried the train of such a dress (cf. Ad. Est. 15 3f.). According to Ex 28 4, 31, the priests wore a robe of dark purple and, on ac- count of the shortness of the tunic, also linen breeches (miknd^im, Ex 28 42; Lv 16 4), which were peculiar to the priesthood. The simldh and the tunic were made of the same material, i.e., wool, tsemer, linen, pishtim, and bys- sus, shesh, or buts. After Ezekiel's 5. The time silk, meshi (Ezk 16 10), varie- Material. gated materials, rlqmdh (Ezk 16 10), and purple cloth (also called crimson and scarlet), shdnlm, also gold embroidered cloth, mishbHsdth (cf. Ps 45 13), were used. The wealthy preferred pure white garments (cf. Est 8 15) and, therefore, had several changes, h^l- photh (Gn 45 22; Jg 14 12). Probably also expensive garments, rich in colors, such as are found portrayed on the Egyptian monuments as worn by the Syrians, were known. Inasmuch, however, as they were worn only on public and special occasions and taken off at home, they were called festival robes {mahd- Idtsoth, Is 3 22). Kings and princes kept them in a special room, meltdhdh, robe-chamber, or "ward- robe " (II K 10 22) over which a special officer had charge (II K 22 14). At the same time it is not improbable that the custom of festal apparel liad its primitive root in worship. It was felt that one should not appear before the Deity in ordinary garments. The dress of the women corresponded essentially to that of the men, although, according to Dt 22 5, there must have existed some difference. 6. Dress Probably the garments of women were of Women, longer (cf. the train or skirt, sho- hhel, shvlim, Nah 3 5; Jer 13 22; Is 47 2), provided with sleeves, also broader and, therefore, better designed to conceal the form. Furthermore the clothing of wealthy women was distinguished Dress and Ornaments A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY IdO by a greater richness and ornamentation than that of men, and also scented with expensive perfumes (Ps 45 9; Song 411). In Is 3 16 ff. there is a long list of such costly female garments, an exact knowl- edge of some of which — particularly the robes, head in such a manner as to let the middle portion hang over the neck and thus protect it, while the two ends are drawn under the chin and thrown behind the head. A thick cord of wool, 'okdl, holds the piece upon the head. In later times it was the Various Forms of Sandals. p4higil, the sashes, qiskshurim, and the shawls, mitpahoth — can no longer be recovered. To the present day a similar luxury in the matter of clothing has been preserved among women of the Orient. For the protection of the feet sandals were worn in travel- ing, na'dlaylm, made 7. Foot- of wood or leather wear. strips, which were tied about the feet with thongs or "shoe-latchets" {s'rok, Gn 14 23; Mk 1 7). These, however, were not worn indoors (Lk 7 38) any more than in holy places (Ex 3 5; Jos 5 15). Ac- cordingly priests were required to Modern Boot, perform their work barefoot {ydheph). Ordinarily walking without sandals was a sign of great poverty (Dt 25 10), or of deep mourning (II S 15 30; Ezk 24 17, 23). As to the headgear of the Israelites there is almost no infor- mation in the earlier writings. Only in I K 20 31 is mention made of ropes upon the head in connection with sackcloth on the loins. This suggests the portraiture of Syrians 8. Head- on Egyptian monuments, who appear dress. with a cord tied about their long flow- ing hair. Inasmuch, however, as this would afford no protection against the rays of the sun, to which the peasants were much exposed, this probably very old custom did not survive. It is likely that the Israelites used a head-covering similar to that of the modern Bedouin. It consisted of a rectangular piece of woolen keffije, which is folded into triangular form diagonally and placed over the Modern Shoe. custom of the Israelites, both men and women, to wear a head-covering more like the turban of the fellaheen of to-day. These wear a piece of cotton, folded twice or thrice and worked into the form of a small cap, taktje, which protects the other parts of the headgear from perspiration. Over this is laid one, sometimes two, felt caps (lobbade) and the Turkish national headwear of a red tarbush or fez. About this finally is wound a piece of unbleached cotton cloth with red stripes and fringes, or a colored flowered kerchief, or a yellow and red striped keffije, or a black cashmere shawl, or a piece of white muslin, or a piece of green cloth. Such a piece of headwear not only protects the head from the rays of the sun, but serves as a pillow and is a hiding-place for all sorts of valuables. This sort of head-covering is referred to in the turban, tsanlph, hood, RV of Is 3 23 (cf. Job 29 14 "diadem"). For the act of putting on, the term "cover," hahhash (Ezk 1610; Ex 29 9; Jon 2 6), is ordinarily used. But this properly signifies nothing more than ' to bind about,' while tsdnaph means 'to roll up after the fashion of a coir (cf. Is 22 18). How the winding of the miter, tsamph (Zee 3 5), of the high priest differed from the common process is not known. The bridegroom was distinguished by a decoration of the head called headtire, p^'er (Ezk 24 17,23; Is 3 20, bonnet AV 61 3; garland RV), which con- sisted of kerchiefs wound together and was probably worn over the turban (Ex 39 28, "bonnet" AV). In ancient times the veil was used by women only in certain cases. In fact, the only mention of it is when the bride veiled herself before the bridegroom (Gn 24 65, 29 22 ff.). In later days, the veil and simi- lar articles of apparel under foreign influences became more customary among the upper classes (Is 3 16 ff.). The veil, tsa'lph, is properly nothing but a square piece of cloth (Gn 24 65). Mufflers, r-'aloth (Is 3 19), are probably veils consisting of two pieces, of which the one began over the eyes and was carried back- ward over the head, thus falling on the neck, while the other began under the eyes and hung down over the breast. 191 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Dress and Ornaments Sackcloth, saq, was the distinctive apparel of mourners in all ages. It was a garment woven from either goat's or camel's hair and was 9. Mourn- worn next the skin (Job 16,15), ing Gar- either as the only piece of clothing ments. (I K 20 31, 21 27; Is 3 24, 32 li) or as an imdergarment (II K 6 30). It was held together by a girdle (Ezk 7 18; Is 20 2). See also Mourning Customs. 11. Ornaments. From the earliest days, it was the habit of men for the purpose of display to carry a staff (matpeh) and a I. Worn signet-ring (hotham). According by Men. to Herodotus (I, 195) and Strabo (XVI, i, 20) every Babylonian car- ried a seal-ring and a staff, the head of which was ornamented with a carved flower. From Gn 38 18 the same may be inferred regarding the ancient IsraeUte. The signet-ring, hotham or fab- bd'oth, was important, because the imprint of the seal took the place of the personal signature. It was Signet-Ring. not worn, as among the Egyptians, on the finger, but in the earlier days hung by a cord from the neck (Gn 38 18). Only later was it put on the finger of the right hand (Jer 22 24). Much more numerous were the articles of personal adornment among women, as to-day in the Orient. Specially 2. Worn by common Women, is the mention of ear- and nose-rings (nezemj Pr 25 12; Is 3 21). Earrings, on account of their round form, are called 'agil (Nu 31 50) and on ac- count of their drop- hke shape, wplphoth (pendants Is 3 19, chains AV; Jg8 26, collars AV). For these pearls were used. According to Gn 35 4, Jg 8 24 f., men also wore such earrings, which served as amulets (l^hashlm, Is 3 20), as did also other articles of adornment. The Female Head with Nose- Ring. nose-ring, or nose-jewel, was fastened to the nose as at present in the Orient, where either one of the nostrils or the partition between them is pierced ■■■A '■■- ■^■- "."j h\ -^.' Amulets Collected in Cyprus. for this purpose (cf. Gn 24 47; Is 3 21; Ezk 16 12; Pr 11 22). Necklaces, hdli (Pr 25 12; Song 7 2, earrings RV), helyah (Hos 2 15, "earring" RV), and 'dndq (Song 4 9; Prl9, chains RV), were worn by women (Ezk 1611; Song 4 9) and by men (Pr 19, 3 3). These were often not simply single silver or golden Golden Necklace rings, but chains and cords, adapted to neckwear (cf. Song 4 9). More frequently pearls or corals, also disks of metal, were strung on a cord (cf. Song 1 10). On such neck-chains other articles of adorn- ment were lastened, e.g., perfume-boxes or flasks, batte nephesh (Is 3 20), crescents, sahdronTm (Is 3 18), and perhaps miniature suns, cauls RV, sh^hhi- slm. These are found also in the decoration of camels (Jg 8 21, 26). They evidently served the Woman's Girdle with Bells. purpose of amulets. Probably the armlets, kumaz, of Ex 35 22, Nu 3150, were also neck-ornaments— possibly beads of gold strung together in a chain. Drink East A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 193 Foot with Anklet- and Toe-Rings. What was the appearance of the neck-chain, r«- bhidh (Gn 41 42), we do not know. Bracelets, tsdmldh, are mentioned eeveral times (Gn 24 22 ff.; Ezk 16 U, 23 42). How these differed from the 'ets'adhah (Nu 3150; 11 S 1 10) is not known. Probably the latter encircled the upper arm and the former the wrist. The bracelets or "chains" of Is 3 19 (RVmg.) were in any case an adornment of the arms like the sheroth of the present day. Finger-rings, tabba'oth, were also worn by women (Is 3 21). On the girdle were often carried all sorts of ar- ticles of adornment such as perfume-flasks and purses or satchels (Is 3 22, crisping-pins AV), hd- rltlm, which, how- ever, more often served an orna- mental rather than a useful purpose. On the feet were worn spangles, *dkhds%m (Is 3 18, anklets). These were fastened to the ankles and hung over the feet. The spangles of the two feet were linked together by a chain, in order to measure off the steps taken by the wearer. The tinkling of these chains is re- ferred to in Is 3 16 (cf. I K 14 6). Literature: Cf. Schroeder, De Vestitu MuUerum, Lugd. Batav., 1745; Hartmann, Die Hebrderin am Putztische u. als Braut, 3 Bde., Amsterd., 1809, 1810; H. Weiss, Kos- tiimkunde, Erste Abt. Die Vdlker d. Ostens. Stuttg., 1860. W.N. DRINK. See Food, II. DRINK, STRONG. See Drunkenness, and Food, § 13. DRINK OFFERING. See Sacrifice, and Of- fering, § 14. DROMEDARY. See Palestine, § 24, and Camel. DROPSY. See Disease, § 5 (3). DROUGHT, See Famine, and Palestine, §§ 19, 20. DRUNKENNESS: This was not an uncommon vice in ancient Israel. Noah, Lot, and Nabal are mentioned as being drunken, and in Isaiah's day prophets and priests seem to have been addicted to too free a use of intoxicants (Is 28 7). That Eli should accuse Hannah of being drunk implies that women did not escape the allurements of this vice (I S 1 13). The many warnings of the Wise man (Pr 20 1, 23 31) and the figures of speech based upon the staggering of the drunken man (Ps 107 27; Job 12 25; Is 19 14) are evidences of the frequency of the evil and its power in Hebrew society. That the Savior was termed a wine-bibber, that the Apostles should be accused of being drunk with new wine on the Day of Pentecost, indicate that this vice prevailed also in N T times (Ac 2 13). Among the Hebrews the rich rather than the poor seem to have fallen easy victims to this evil (Is 5 11). The intoxicant is usually termed strong drink (Heb. shekkar, Gr. a-iKipa, Lk 1 15), although wine is also mentioned as an inebriating beverage. The shekhar was usually made ^rom fruits — grapes, pomegranates, apples, and dates; but also from gram and honey. A Nazu-ite was stric.tly forbidden to use any form of strong drink (Nu'e 3, 8), and the priests were not allowed to use it while on duty (Lv 10 9; cf. Ezk 44 21). Under cer- tain circumstances it could be used as a libation (Nu 28 7; Dt 14 26). In a similar manner the Babylo- nians used sikaru (strong drink) in their ritual. J. A. K. DRUSILLA, dru-sil'a (Apovo-lXKa) : Granddaugh- ter of Herod the Great and wife of Felix (Ac 24 24). See Herod, §11. E. E.N. DRY THROAT. See Disease and Medicine, § 5 (10). DUKE : The chieftain of a tribe (see Tribes, § 1). E. E. N. DULCIMER, dul'si-mgr. See Music, § 3 (5). DUMAH, du'ma ("TJI", dumah), 'silence': I. A son of Ishmael (Gn25l5; I Ch 1 30), regarded commonly, however, as a tribal or geographical designation. Mohammedan writers identify it with Dumat al-Jandal in N. Arabia, which Burckhardt discovered in the Joj {Travels in Syria, p. 662 f.). II, 1. In Is 21 11, Dumah is rendered by LXX. as iBovfiaiaj and may be either an undesigned cor- ruption of Edom or more probably a mystic name for Idmnaea. According to still another view, the word in this passage is not a proper noun but an appella- tive, Massd^ dUmdh = 'Oracle of Silence' (Dillmann). 2. A city in the mountains of Judaea (Jos 15 52). According to Eusebius {Onomast, 250) a large village in the Daroma, 17 m. from Eleutheropolis {Beit Ji- brin), modern Daume, where important ruins, foun- dation-walls, rock tombs, and cisterns are to be found (Gu^rin, Jvd^e, iii. 359 f.). Map II, D 3. A. C. Z. DUMB. See Disease and Medicine, § 5 (10). DUNG : This term is frequently used as express- ing contempt, worthlessness, or humiliation {e.g., II K 9 37; Ps 83 10; Mai 2 3; and cf. AV rendering of Ph 3 8, "refuse" RV). The reference in Ezk 4 12 ff. is to the common use of the dimg of cattle as fuel in the East. E. E. N. DUNGEON. See Prison. DUNG GATE. See Jerusalem, § 38. DURA, du'ra (K"1^1): The name of the plain where Nebuchadrezzar set up his golden image (Dn 3 1). The word dUrd^ may be the same as the Assyr. dUru, 'wall.' Three places of this name are men- tioned in the Assyr. inscriptions. There is also a small river Dura about 6 m. S. of Babylon, on the banks of which are some mounds called the Mounds of Dura. No closer identification of the place men- tioned in Dn is as yet possible. E. E. N. DUST : In a few passages (Ex 9 9; Dt 28 24 [' 'pow- der"]; Is 5 24, 29 5; Nahl3; Ezk 26 10) the Heb. means literally 'fine dust.' In most OT instances the Heb. word is 'aphdr, the fine soil of the earth's 193 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Drink East .surface, often used figuratively. To 'shake off the dust of one's feet' was symbolical of freedom from further responsibility or intercourse (Mt 10 14, etc.)-* See also Mourning Customs, § 2. E. E. N. DWARF. See Disease and Medicine, § 4 (6). DWELL, DWELLING-PLACE. See House; Tabernacle ; and Heaven, § 4. DYE, DYEING, DYER. See Artisan Life, § 17. DYSENTERY. See Disease and Medicine, § 5 (2). EAGLE ; A bird noted for its swift flight and its untamable temper, and, therefore, made the figure of rapidity of motion (II S 1 23; La 4 19; Rev 12 14), of pride and indomitable spirit (Job 39 27; Pr30l9), and of strength (Ps 103 5). It appears also in apoc- alyptic passages symbolically embodying the ideas of strength and keenness of vision (EzklOl4; Rev 47). See also Palestine, §25. A. C. Z. EAR : The ear was often made the symbol of will- ingness to obey God^s law. In the ceremony of the consecration of the priest the tip of the ear was anointed with oil in token of readiness to listen to the voice of God (Lv 8 23 f.). The opposite of will- ingness to receive God's will and to do it is called the "uncircumcised ear*' (Jer 6 10; Ac 7 51), or the "heavy ear" (Is 6 lO). To "incline the ear" (Ps 17 6) or "bow down the ear" (Ps 31 2) is to show a favorable disposition toward a petitioner. See also Slavery. A. C. Z. EAR OF GRAIN (Gn 41 5; Mk 2 23 and |ls, etc.): Since the grain of Bible lands was not corn, as this word is commonly used in America (i.e., maize), but barley, rye, or wheat, the "ears" spoken of are the heads containing the grains E. E. N. EAR, TO, and EARING: Terms that are used several times in the AV (e.g., in I S 8 12; Dt 21 4; Is 30 24; Gn 45 6; Ex 34 2i) in their old sense of Ho plow' or 'tUl'; cf. RV and see Agriculture, § 4, and also Time, § 4. E. E. N. EARLY: To "rise up early" is a favorite phrase in Jer (7 13, 11 7, 25 4, etc. ; cf. also Pr 27 14), and is used to express great eagerness and diligence in effort. A. C. Z. EARNEST: This represents dppa^ojvj a Semitic word, ]'i3'}3? (cf. Gn38l7f.), introduced into Greek and Latin, probably by the Phoenicians, as a term of trade, and meaning the portion of purchase money in commercial transactions which is given in advance as a pledge for the payment of the remainder, Eng- lish 'caution-money,' 'arles penny.' In II Co 1 22, 55, Ephl 14, it is used of the Holy Spirit as the "foretaste and pledge" of the Christian's heavenly inheritance. In ecclesiastical Greek it is sometimes used also of baptism and betrothal. S. D. EAR-RING. See Dress and Ornaments, § 11. I EARTH, EARTHEN, EARTHY : The terms ren- dered are: (1) ^erets, which is the most comprehen- sive term, meaning 'the earth' as distinct from the jf heavens (Gn 1 1), but also used in a great variety of ll^ftpplications. (2) 'Mhamah, the earth as tillable, or piabitable, often used in a more general sense, and A' also of the soil or ground. (3) 'aphar, 'soil' or 'dust' (in only a few passages). (4) yij (in the N T), which combines the usage of (1) and (2). (5) heres, 'earthenware,' is sometimes rendered "of earth" or ''earthen" in the O T, as is also the corresponding Greek term in the N T (II Co 4 7; II Ti 2 20). In Dn 2 10 the Aram, means 'dryland.' In RV tebhel, 'world,' is occasionally rendered "earth." In I Co 15 47 ff., Xo'iKoSy "earthy," means 'of the material of the earth.' E. E. N. EARTHQUAKE* (ra'ash, cT-ettr/ids): Palestine and Syria have always been subject to frequent seismic disturbances, ranging from the grand con- vulsions of prehistoric ages to slight shocks dur- ing the present decade. The recorded earthquakes have sometimes been very destructive, but have usually been most violent in the N. ; so that while Antioch, Aleppo, Baalbek, Beirut, and other cities of Syria have often been overthrown with fear- ful loss of life, Jerusalem has suffered compara- tively little. The most terrible earthquake that Palestine has known during modern times occurred Jan. 1, 1837, when Safed was wholly destroyed with a loss of 4,000 lives, and the shocks traveled, with decreasing force, as far as Hebron. According to Josephus (Ant. IX, 10 4) the famous earthquake during the reign of Uzziah (Am 1 l ; Zee 14 5) was considered a result of the king's sacrilege (II Ch 26 16 f . ). See also I S 14 15. There were mi- raculous earthquakes at the Crucifixion (Mt 27 54) and Resurrection (Mt 28 2), the former being accom- panied by darkness (Mt27 45) and fissures (Mt27 61; cf. Nul6 31f.). A 'great earthquake' shook the prison-house at Phihppi (Ac 16 26). Possibly the subsidence of the Vale of Siddim (q.v.) was due to seismic action. Most of the Biblical earthquakes, however, either accompany theophanies (Ex 19 18; cf. Jg 5 4 f,; Ps 68 8; IK 19 11), or else are employed in poetic or prophetic imagery as the most terrible symbols of Divine majesty and judgment (Psl8 7; Is 29 6; Mt 24 7; Rev 8 5, etc.). Probably all earth- quakes were thought to be directly caused by God (Job 9 6; Jer 10 10). L. G. L. EAST (as the determinative point of the compass) : With the Hebrews, as with other Orientals, the E. was the determining point of the compass, probably be- cause it was the place of the sunrising. While the E. is often called mizrdh, 'the sunrising,' it is also called qedhem — i. e., ' before ' or ' the front. ' To look toward the place of the sunrising was to look 'before' one. * The noun occurs much less frequently than the verbs ' quake,' ' tremble,' ' shake,' etc. £ast Ecclesiastes A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 194 The West was 'behind one, ' though, since the Med- iterranean Sea lay W. of Palestine, the usual expres- sion for W. was 'seaward' (cf. Ezk47 20 with Dt. 1124). The South lay on the ' right hand ' (cf. I S 23 24), though other terms for S. were used, as ddrom and negebh (the "South" in RV [e.g-., Gn 12 9], lit. the dry, waste land S. of Judah). The North was occasionally called 'the left,' as in Jos 19 27, etc., but the usual word for N. is tsaphon, 'the hidden,' as the northern regions were the most unknown and full of mystery. In Job 23 8 f . will be found a complete illustration of the Heb. usage of the terms 'before,' 'behind,' 'left,' 'right' as equivalent to E., W., N., S. (cf. also Ezk 47 15-20). See also Geography, § 3. E. E. N. EAST, EAST COUNTRY, CHILDREN OF THE EAST : These terms were often used in a somewhat loose sense, politically, to designate (1 ) the inhabit- ants of the country E. (and NE., cf. Gn 291) of Palestine, especially the nomadic tribes (Ezk 25 4; Jer 49 29) of the Syrian Desert, which correspond to the modern Bedouin. Some, if not all, of these peoples were regarded as descending from the con- cubines of Abraham (Gn 25 6), and therefore closely related to the Israelites. The B'ne-qedhem include Kedar (Jer 49 28), are coupled with Midian and Amalek (Jg 6 3ff.), and were neighbors and con- querors of Ammon and Moab (Ezk 25 4, 10). They were famous for their wisdom (IK 4 30), and the scene of the Book of Job is therefore laid among them (Job 1 3).— L. G. L. (2) The farther East beyond the Euphrates, the seat of the Assyrian, Babylonian, and Persian monarchies (cf. Is 43 6; Zee 8 7; Dn 11 44;Mt2l). E. E. N. EAST GATE. See Temple, § 23. EAST SEA. See Dead Sea. EAST WIND : The hot, dry wind from the des- ert, that fills the air with dust and is exceedingly unpleasant for man and often fatal to young vegeta- tion. It blows generally in the spring. It is fre- quently referred to in the OT. On Hab 1 9 (AV) cf. RV. E. E. N. EASTER. See Fasts and Feasts, § 7. EAT: The moral aspects of eating are taken ac- count of in a series of prescriptions and prohibitions on the manner, time, and articles to be eaten (cf. Purification). "Eating together" was a sign of conmiunity of life, and symboHzed either adoption into the household (II S 9 7; Jer 52 33),~or entrance into irrevocable covenant (Jer 41 1). This concep- tion underlies the sacrificial meal in which God is taken as a participant (Ex 24 11). It was the worst form of treason, therefore, to break a covenant en- tered into through the ceremony of eating together (Ps 41 9; Jn 13 18). Another moral bearing of eating was seen in the unsatisfying nature of it when not connected with a righteous life (Mic 6 14; Ezk 12 18). Figuratively, to "eat up" is to destroy (Ps 53 4). See also Meals. A. C. Z. EBAL,i'bQl(^r;y,'e6/iaO: 1. A 'son' of Joktan, son of Eber (I Ch 1 22, called Obal in Gn 10 28); see 2. The Ethnography and Ethnology, § H ancestral head of a Horite clan (Gn 36 23). E. E. N. EBAL, i'bal; MOUNT. See Palestine, § 7 (d). EBED, t'bed (IPJJ, 'ehhedh), 'servant': 1. The father of Gaal (Jg 9 26 ff.). 2. A leader of the "sons of Adin," who returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr 8 6). E.E.N. EBED-MELECH, l"bed-mi'Iec (t]b^"15?, ^ebhedh melekh), 'servant of the king' or, possibly, 'serv- ant of Melech' (a name for deity): An Ethiopian (Cushite) who was in the service of Zedekiah. He took compassion on the prophet Jeremiah, who had been thrown into a cistern to die of starvation, and obtained permission from the king to rescue him. For his faith in J" he was promised a safe escape in the destruction of Jerusalem (Jer 38 7-12, 39 15-18). E. E. N. EBENEZER, eb^en-i^zgr (nj^n 15^*, 'ehhen ha 'azer), 'stone of [the] help': A stone set up by Samuel to commemorate a victory over the Philistines upon the site of the battle where it was obtained (I S 7 12). It was situated a few miles N. of Jerusalem between Mizpah and Shen, and became a familiar landmark in local descriptions (I S 4 i, 5 l). A. C. Z. EBER, i'bgr (1.?^', 'ehher): 1. The legendary an- cestor of one of the (geographical) divisions of the Semitic race (Gn 10 21, etc., also Nu 24 24). See Ethnography AND Ethnology, § 11. 2. The an- cestral head of one of the Gadite clans (I Ch 5 13; Heber AV). 3. A son of Elpaal, a Benjamite (I Ch 8 12). 4. A son of Shashak, a Benjamite (I Ch 8 22; Heber AV). 6. A priest, head of the family of Amok (Neh 12 20). E. E. N. EBEZ, rbez (y?S, 'ahhets; Abez AV): A town in Issachar (Jos 19 20) not certainly identified. E. E. N. EBIASAPH, e-bd'a-saf {^^^^, 'ehhyasdph), 'the father gathers' (or *adds'). The correct form is Abiasaph as in AV at Ex 6 24: A Korahite Levite, represented in Ex 6 24; I Ch 9 19 as 'son' of Korah, in other passages (I Ch 6 22 f., 37) as a more remote de- scendant. He was probably considered the ancestor of a division of Levites of post-exilic days. EBONY. See Palestine, §21. E. E, N. EBRON, t'bron (pT^, 'ehhron): A town of Asher, wrongly called Hebron in AV (Jos 19 28) ; per- haps the same as Abdon. Map IV, B 5. E. E. N. EBRONAH, eb-ro'na. See Abronah. ECCLESIASTES, ec-U"zi-as'ttz : " Ecclesiastes, or the Preacher," is derived from the LXX. translation. The Hebrew title is " Qoh^leth," or, in I. Title, full, "The words of Qoh^eth, son of David, king in Jerusalem." The LXX. translators regarded Q. as meaning 'one who is a member of, or who addresses an Ecclesia (eKKXijo-ia),' an assembly of people of any kind, and therefore named the book Ecclesiastes (l^KKXrja-tao-Trjs). The real meaning of Q. is unknown. Its root Id5 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY East Ecclesiastes the assembling of persons. It is used in the book as a mascnluie proper name, a nickname, for Solo- mon, and was certainly meant to be intelligible in that sense to the first readers. Probably it alludes to some story about Solomon now lost. The differ- ent renderings, "collector of sayings," "convener," ''Wisdom" personified in Solomon, "great orator," have no real basis. Ecclesiastes is unique in the extant literature of the Hebrews in that it is a self-communion on the part of the author, something between 2. Plan of reflections jotted down as they arose Book. and an ordered philosophy of life. Evi- dently it was written in the first place by the author for himself, or, perhaps, his friends, and came to the wider public only through some accident. Thus it falls in the class of the "Pens^es" of Pascal, the "Religio Medici" of Sir Thomas Browne, and the "Meditations" of Marcus Aurelius. But it goes beyond these in that it has a dramatic element, and tries to reconstruct a historical charac- ter. The author takes the figure of Solomon, who had asked of God wisdom and had had added thereto riches, whom the unchanging tradition of the East describes as a preeminently successful man, what- ever the religious might say of him, and he asks what such a man, in the end, got out of life. So he creates for us Solomon philosophizing, reciting what he had done, how much had been really worth while, and how the scheme of the universe struck him. But Solomon, speaking thus from the dead (" I . . . was king," 1 11), is only a mask for the author himself, and after the first two chapters he takes off the mask and, except for an occasional "Qoh6leth," speaks of him- self, his own times and vicissitudes. Apart from this, the book is planless; one idea suggests another, but there is no orderly development. Yet, toward the end, as often in Hebrew books, come a couple of chapters which hold fairly together with some con- tinuity of thought, leading naturally to a finish in the same phrase as that at the opening. One or two allusions seem historical (4 13 ff., 9 14 ff.), but have not been satisfactorily identified. The general atmosphere suggests a 3. Date, time of oppression and the overturning of old things when the wise man will find safety in quiet withdrawal; but also to be re- membered are the aristocratic aloofness and philo- sophic disdain of the author. Finally, the language is unique in the O T, resembling its latest parts, and even post-biblical Hebrew of the time of the Mishna. Sometimes it is very clumsy, simply scribbled; at others it is handled with elaborate and loving literary skill. Here, too, the strongly subjective personality of the author must be considered; he may easily have been an antiquarian in language, or a lover of the phrases of the market-place. Possible dates range from the later Persian through the Greek ■period, perhaps even down to Herod the Great in the Roman period. It is certainly after Malachi (Mai 2 7; cf. Ec 5 6), and most probably before Ecclesias- ticus (c. 200 B.C.); almost certainly before the Maccabffian revival (168-142 B.C.). There may be general Greek influence, but specific philosophical influence is still unproved. The bases of his thought are Semitic and Hebrew. (i) The author does not dream of questioning the existence of a personal Being, omnipotent, omnis- cient, who is absolute ruler of the 4, Funda- universe. This, for him, is beyond mental question. This Being he calls God Ideas, (a) (^Elohim), not Yahweh (Jehovah), and Theoretical. His relations are with the entire hiunan race; there is no thought of an elect family or of any process of revelation. In one or two places the author gives advice expressly opposed to the Mosaic code (6 9, 9 9; cf. Nu 15 39; Dt 29 19). His references to public religious functions are gen- eral and suggest tjiat men should rather refrain therefrom (5 iff.)- (ii) Between Genesis and Paul he is the oidy Biblical writer to refer to the Fall. It and its consequences were, for him, of the first im- portance. Through the Fall man became an object of apprehension to God. The fear of God had to be impressed upon him lest he climb further. Thus it was not a Fall to the author but a step upward which brought loss of tranquillity. So God has arranged all the workings of the universe in circles, and ap- pointed to each event its due season. The circles are too great for man to trace them, but they negate all real progress, and explain how good things and bad come each in their turn. Thus all life is transi- tory (vain), is recurrent, and is incalculable. Judg- ment is the tm-ning of the wheel, with its opposites, and the coming of each thing in its turn (3 17, 11 9). But still further to confuse the scheme of the world for man and thus keep him down, God has put some- thing in his heart (3 11). What this is is obscure. One rendering is * eternity,' another is the * world'; a probable conjecture is ' toil.' Man has become like God, knowing good and evil, and to prevent him going further he is put under the curse of toil. So man can not help toiling, although against his primary nature, and must puzzle himself over the problems of the world; such puzzling is in his blood. God made men simple, but they have made for them- selves many reckonings of IKe (7 29; cf. 25, 27). (iii) The rule of God is non-moral. The circlings bring now good, now bad; each from God. Sin is a mistake in one's attitude toward God, by which He is an- gered; the good man is he who is good before God. Whence comes the absolute moral sense in man which revolts against this, the author does not state, (iv) With this world life is over. This, too, is based on the early stories in Genesis. Man is dust out of the ground; God breathed into him the breath of life; at death the dust returns to the dust and the breath sinks back into God ; all is over (12 7). There is no difference in this between man and the beasts (3i8ff.). Yet in his time there evidently existed a doctrine of spiritual existence after death which he did not accept. (i) It is for man to accept the universe, including all this, as he finds it. He can not change it. Above all, he must fear God, who, if angered, 5, (b) Prac- may destroy him. His attitude should tical. be that toward an absolute earthly monarch; compare 5 l ff. and 8 l ff. (ii) It is for man to make the best of this — that is, to enjoy in a temperate, decent manner the good things which life offers, and, above all, to work and find pleasure in working; he will never have any in the Scclesiastes Ecclesiasticus A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 196 results of working. Work, and joy in the working is his gospel; also not to worry over the govern- ment of things, over good and evil. That way lies madness, and the wise man must shut his eyes and take what God sends him, happy if God grants him with it the power to enjoy. Thus he may overcome the curse in a fashion, but he can never escape from his prison-house, (iii) For all this wisdom is an advantage, if only that the wise man sees the path he treads and the end to which he goes. It teaches him to beware of excess and to meet each situation with the fitting action, good or evil. All Hfe is of God, and the fearer of God will do his duty by all (7 13-18). He is intensely personal; the last product of the old Wisdom School; deeply impressed by the older wisdom writer who molded the stories 6, The Man of the Fall in Genesis. Only sympa- and His thetic reading will make him and his Book. book intelligible. To some both will always be repellent. But probably no otlier book of the O T creates so friendly a relation- ship with those who care for it. We feel that this man is real; he is talking out himself. He has the gift, too, of charm in his style. He could not have written to pubhsh. How that came about we can not tell. For all this Sir Thomas Browne is his near- est parallel. Very possibly 12 9-14 were added by his editor; they can not be by himself. Apart from this epilogue the text is generally sound. 8 12 f. is certainly a timid gloss. In 3 17 read, "for he hath appointed a time." In 5 20 read, "God busies him with." In 6 3 read, "even though he have a burial." In 11 1 read margin; the reference is to prudent busi- ness enterprise. In 12 l read "remember thy well," compare Pr 5 15-18 and 9 9. Throughout understand *vain,' 'vanity,' as 'transitory,' Hransitoriness.' Literatuhe; For exegesis the English reader will find, most trustworthy the translation of Delitzsch's commen- tary. For the book as a whole and for further bibliog- raphy he should use Davidson's article in EB. Most English commentaries are unsatisfactory. The best is by Barton, Int. Crit. Com. (1908). -^ -^^ ,, D. B. M. ECCLESIASTICUS Analysis of Contents 1- Title 4. Contents 2. Author 5. Text 3. Date 6. Canonicity 7. Real Value The Book of Ecclesiasticus, in some respects the most important of the O T Apoc, has been known by various names. In the Greek MSS. I. Title. (A and N) it is entitled Wisdom of Jesus, Son of Sirach, in B Wisdom of Sirach. The Latin Church Fathers, beginning with Cyprian, referred to it as ''Ecclesiasticus/' i.e., the 'church book,' because of its frequent use in the churches for catechetical instruction. The Greek Church Fathers called it "The All-Virtuous Wisdom" {Uapdperos •^ocjita). In the Talmudic period, the Jews spoke of it as the "Book of Ben Sira." Near the close of the book (50 27) the author says of himself: "Jesus the son of Sirach of Jerusalem hath written in this book the instruction of under- standing and knowledge." Very httle is known of. this "Ben Sira" as he is called in later Jewish wri- tings. The opinions that he was a priest or that he was a physician have not been clearly 2. The estabhshed. Certainly he was a man Author, of culture and wide experience. This we learn not only from the statements of the prologue, but from the book itself. From this latter source we know that he traveled quite exten- sively (34 11), and that he was exposed to danger (51 12). While faithful to the Law, he shows sympathy with some customs which he encountered in his trav- els, and reveals his contact with Hellenistic thought. He was a Jewish philosopher firmly convinced of the superiority and worth of his own faith, and yet lib- eral enough to recognize what was strong and worthy outside the bounds of Judaism (39 1-5). The two data used in determining the date of Ecclesiasticus are: (a) the reference to Simon, the high priest, the son of Onias (50 1), 3. Date, and (b) the statement in the prologue that the translator of the book arrived in Egypt "in the eighth and thirtieth year when Euergetes was king." The first datum has been the subject of much discussion, owing to the fact that there were two high priests — each of them "Simon the son of Onias." The first was Simon "the Just," who flourished c. 310-291 B.C.; the second was Simon II, son of Onias II, 219-199 B.C. The balance of evidence brought out in this discussion seems to favor Simon II. The second datum is much more definite. The Euergetes referred to in the Prologue WELs Ptolemy VII, Physcon, called Euergetes II. Ptolemy III (247-222 B.C.), who also bore the title of Euergetes, reigned only 25 years, while Physcon reigned 54 years in all, being coregent with his brother for 25 years (170-145 B.C.). In the thirty- eighth year of Physcon 's reign (this seems the more natural appHcation of the reckoning) the grandson went to Egypt, and shortly after made the translar tion of his grandfather's work, perhaps in c. 131 B.C. Two generations carry us back to the early part of the 2d cent. B.C. as the probable date of the book. Schiirer fixes the time as 190-170 B.C. The great theme of the book is Wisdom. It is therefore to be classified with the Wisdom literature, whose purpose was to give "a universal 4. Con- moral-religious criticism of life." The tents. book may be divided into two great divisions. Part I, including chapters 1-43, is devoted to the consideration of Wisdom in both its doctrinal and practical aspects. Part II, including chapters 44-50, is given to the praise of famous men. There seems to be no special definite plan controlling the material. The writer seeks to set forth the bearing and value of Wisdom in every relation of life. The most convenient division of Part I is that suggested by Deane (Expos. 1883), in accordance with which chapters 1-22 form the first subdivision and the prayer in 23 1-6 brings it to a close. The second subdivision extends to 35 20 and also closes with a prayer, 36 1-17. The third ends with the hymn of praise on the works of creation, 42 15-43. The first verse of the book is vh-tually the text for the whole. "All wisdom cometh from the Lord and is with him forever." In the mind of the author Wisdom begins in the fear of the Lord and 197 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Ecclesiastes Ecclesiasticus continues in the constant recognition of man's two- fold relationship — to God and to man. No life can be wise that is not in accord with the Divine com- mandments. There is no earthly condition or re- lationship where Wisdom should not manifest itself, and so the author traverses in thought every human 6ituation — sorrow, joy, fortune, misfortune, pov- erty, riches, sickness, health, the family, business, government — telling what Wisdom should be and accomplish in them all. It is in these particulars that we catch a view of the customs and culture of his time. He speaks as a man of his time who, with ripe culture and earnest spirit, seeks to lift the life about him. Nor is it alone on the human side that he considers this great reality, Wisdom. Wisdom is ever with God, the first-born of His creatiu'es, the archetype for all the works of God. Wisdom is from the beginning and is immanent in God. Be- cause God is Wisdom, man can not comprehend Him. Wisdom is the creative power of the world (24 3) and is eternal (1 1). As in the Book of Wisdom, so here Wisdom is personified and hypostatized. For man there could be no higher setting forth of this Wisdom than in the Law, hence man must be faithful to the Law. Thereby he can and will manifest the fruits of Wisdom. When it comes to the consideration of the problems made by the conception of Divine Wisdom, and the inequalities of Hfe, little attempt is made at explanation. The writer is a predesti- narian (16 26, 23 20, 33 10-13). He does not fail, how- ever, to emphasize both the justice and mercy of God. He has nothing to say of the immortality of the soul nor of the resurrection of the body. While he ac- cepts the facts of sin, he estimates its punishment as well as the rewards of righteousness chiefly in terms of this life (11 28, 21 4, 23 24r-27). Forgiveness of sin is dapendent chiefly on almsgiving and prayer (3 ZO, 17 25, 29 12). Despite what might be expected from the declaration that Wisdom begins in the fear of the Lord, there is in the book a certain external satisfac- tion of the demands of righteousness which does not accord with a truly wise life. Observances of rites, expectations of earthly gain, and personal comfort are considered at times apart from any real spiritual association. It may be justly said that with all its exalted teaching, the book lacks in spiritual tone. In this way it presents some striking contradictions. It extols purity, sympathy, truthfulness, and kind- ness, and yet note the author's aversion to women (9 2), his treatment of an enemy (12 lO-ll), and how he would punish a servant (42 5). These are but samples of the Wisdom which has not yet learned the deepest meaning of "fearing the Lord." Widely varying estimates have been made of the tone of the book, but it may with truth be said that the general tone "is worthy of the first contact between the two great civilizations of the ancient world (Jewish and Hellenistic), and it breathes a spirit which an Isaiah would not have condemned nor a Sophocles or a Theophrastus have despised." Until a few years ago Ecclesiasticus 5- The was known only from the Greek and Text. Syriac versions, and such translations as were made from them. The origi- nal was in Hebrew, as the translator in the Pro- logue declares, Jerome knew a Hebrew text and in rabbinic writings there are citations from the He- brew. Until recently this original was lost. In 1896 came the good news that a fragment of it had been discovered among manuscripts brought by Mrs. Lewis and Mrs. Gibson, two English ladies, from the East. This discovery was followed by another of nine leaves from the same volume to which the Lewis fragment belonged. As these came from Cairo, means were taken to make further search and as a result to-day the following portions of the Hebrew original are known: 3 6-16, 26; 4 23b, 30-31; 5 4-8, 9-13; 6 18-19, 28, 35; 7 1, 4, 6, 17, 20-21, 23-25; 18 30-31; 19 1-2; 20 4-6, 12; 25 7c, 8c, 8a, 12, 16-23; 26 1-2; 27 5-6, 16; 30 11-33 3; 35 9-38 27; 39 15-51 30. There are varied readings recorded in the margins, but the work in the main is the original of Ben Sira. The critical value of these fragments is well summed up by Toy (EB IV, 4651): "So far they have not contributed much to the restitution of the original text, in pas- sages in which the versions are obscure. They often confirm one or more of the versions and sometimes correct or explain words or lines, but in general the text of Ben Sira remains nearly as it was before the discovery of the fragment." Much yet remains to be done to secure a satisfactory text. ' Although never regarded as canonical by the Jews, Ecclesiasticus was held by them in high esteem. It is often cited in the Talmud, and in one 6. Recog- passage (Bab. Talmud, Berackkoth, nition of 48a), with the formula "it is written" Ecclesias- applied elsewhere to acknowledged ticus. books. There are no citations from it in the N T. Resemblances of thought are found between it and the Epistle of James, but direct quotation from it on the part of James can not be established- Direct quotations begin with Clement of Alexandria, who uses the formula rj ypafjyrj Xe'yet. Origen uses the same. Augustine and Jerome both distinguish it from canonical books, but give it a, high place for purposes of moral instruction. From the end of the 2d cent, the book has been much used in the Church. By some its authorship was given to Solomon ; by all it was cited with respect. The numerous versions of it testify to the honor in which it was held. In the MSS. of the Greek Bibles it was generally grouped with the other poetical works of the O T. So in the Western Church it was at an early date grouped with Proverbs, Ecclesias- tes. Canticles, Wisdom, and attributed to Solomon. The Councils of Hippo (393) and Carthage (397) in- cluded in it the Hebrew canon. The Council of Trent (1546) declared it canonical. While in Protes- tantism it has been reckoned uncanonical, its worth has always had full recognition. Apart from the high moral instruction which it contains the book has an especial value for the fol- lowing reasons: (a) It gives us a pic- 7. Its Real ture of manners, customs, and thinking Value, in a time otherwise not much known. (b) It shows us how a broad-minded Jew looked upon the questions which a complex civilization brought. The book shows traces of Greek influence. Nestle speaks of the book as "the chief monument of primitive Sadduceeism " {HDB IV, 549). (c) It contributes testimony to the for- mation of the Hebrew canon, especially in the av- Ecstasy Education A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 198 rangement of the "Hymn of the Fathers." Che. 44-50. Literatdee: Commentaries: Edersheim in Speaker's Commentary on Apocrypha, edited by Wace; Bissell in Lange's Commentary on Apocrypha; Fritzsche in Kgf. exeg. Handhuch zu d. Apokryphen. See also the articles in HDB and in EB. Cowley and Neubauer have pub- lished a translation of the Hebrew text, 3915-4911 (Clar- endon Press, Oxford). Articles on the Hebrew texts will also be found in the Expository Times, vols. VII-XI. J. S. R. ECSTASY. See Trance. ED (1)^, 'edh), 'witness' (Jos 22 34): The He- brew text here is not in order. It reads literally, "They called the altar ^ it is a witness between us that J" is God.' " The Syriac reads, "and they made an altar of witness," using the Aramaic expression we find in Gn 31 47. E. E. N. EDAR, i'dar. See Eder. EDEN (1^;?, 'edhen), 'delight': I. 1. The original residence of the first human pair (Gn 2 8, 15, 3 23, 24) ; it is also called "the garden of God" (Ezk 28 13, 31 9), "the garden of Jehovah" (Is 51 3), and in non- BibUcal usage. Paradise. According to Gn 2 8 ff. God Himself prepared it and it was abundantly irri- gated, furnished with a luxuriance of vegetation, and made the home of all the animals created by God, which here recognized man as their lord. The loca- tion of E. has been the subject of many speculations, some of which have nothing but their grotesqueness to give them interest. Palestine, Syria, Armenia, Mongolia, Kashmir, Merv, Australia, Mesopotamia, and even the North Pole have all been suggested as the site. Of these Lower Mesopotamia and Armenia alone deserve consideration (cf . W. F. Warren, Para^ dise Found, 1886), and the former seems to corre- spond more nearly to the description in Gn 2 (cf. DeHtzsch, Wo lag das Parodies? 1881). The de- scription must, however, in any case be regarded as conceived more or less ideally. There is no spot on earth from which one vast river branches into four channels that encircle such tracts of land as are here named. The fact that the Gihon is said to compass the whole land of Cush may be taken as a reason for thinking that the Nile was meant, especially as the sources of the Nile were supposed by many to be located in Asia (cf. Pausanias, II, 5 2; and Strabo, XV, 1 25). The identity of the Pishon is in- volved with that of the land of Havilah, and as Havilah is said to yield the best quality of gold and precious stones, either India or Arabia could be taken for it. If it were the former, the Pishon must be the Indus; otherwise it is the sea around the Arabian peninsula, which was supposed to be a very wide river (cf. Worcester, Genesis in the Light of Modern Knowledge, 1901). 2. An Aramaean kingdom on the right bank of the Euphrates, SW. of Haran (II K 1912; Is 37 12; Ezk 27 23; Am 1 5). It was con- quered by Asshurbanipal, King of Assyria (668-626 B.C.). A. C. Z. II. A Levite in the days of Hezekiah (II Ch 29 12, 31 J5)- E. E. N. EDER, I'dgr (n^r, ^ed/ier), 'flock': I. The head of a Levite family (I Ch 23 23). II. 1. A town of Judah near the southwestern frontier (Jos 15 21), identified by Conder with Kh, eWAddr, near Gaza. 2. Tower of Eder, or 'flock- tower' (Gn35 2i), lying between Beth-lehem and Hebron, or possibly a village near Ephrath. Its name indicates that it was used as a watch-tower to protect the flocks against robbers. I. M. P. EDOM, i'dem (cH^, 'Mhom), 'red'; The name given to the land SE. of Palestine (Jer 49 17; Ezk 25 12); also called Seir (Gn 32 3; Nu 24 18; Dt 1 44, etc.). The inhabitants were called Edomites (I S 21 7). Its boundaries are somewhat vaguely designated, but at the time of its greatest extension it reached from the Dead Sea S. to Elath and Ezion-geber, while on the E. the Arabian Desert and on the W. the River of Egypt furnished its natural limits. Its length from N. to S. was about 100 m. It is slightly higher at the central portion, sloping on one side toward the Dead Sea and on the other toward the ^lanitic branch of the Red Sea (Gulf of Akabah). At the highest point it rises to 600 ft. above sea-level. It derives its name from the color of the red sand- stone of its precipitous hills. The earliest contact of E. with Israel is that men- tioned in Nu 20 14 ff.; Jg 11 17, when the kings of the country refused the Israelites permission to go through their land, thus compelling them to take the circuitous route to Palestine through Moab. David reduced E. to a tributary of Israel (II S 8 14; Ps 60, title). After the division of the kingdom, Judah maintained its supremacy over E. : for the most part, however, through vassal kings of Edomite stock (II K 3 9; but cf. I K 22 47). Under Joram (849) E. obtained independence (II K 8 20 f.), but lost it again fifty years later when Amaziah routed an army of Edomites and captured their city, Sela (II K 14 7). In 775 Uzziah extended his authority farther south, taking even the harbor city, Elath (II K 14 22). At this point the Biblical narrative fails us for a period. The cuneiform inscriptions, however, furnish data from which it appears that Tiglath-pileser III (734) subjugated its king, Kaushmalaka, and in 701 Sennacherib conquered Malikrammu and annexed E. to the Assyrian empire. Though making common cause with Judah against Nebuchadrezzar in 609 (Jer 27 3), the Edomites broke out in a new flame of hatred against their former allies, at the time of the destruction of Jerusalem (La 4 21; Ob ver. 8 £f. ; Ezk 25 12 ff.; Is 34 5, 63 1 ff.). Nothing more is known of their history until 300 B.C., when the E. portion of the land was seized by the Nabatseans, with Petra as the capital. The W. portion, now known as Idu- masa, was attacked by Judas Maccabeus (I Mac 5 3) in 164. In 109 John Hyrcanus conquered it, and compelled its inhabitants to be circumcised (Jos. Ant. XIII, 9 1; 5/ I, 2 6), By this act the race of Esau was absorbed into that of Jacob. In the NT Idumaea is mentioned only in Mk3 8; but it was noted as the native land of the Herodian dynasty. In Roman times it was accounted one of the eleven to- parchies of Judaa (Jos. BJ III, 3 5). See also Esau. Literature: Buhl, Geschichte der Edomiter (1893); Hos- kina and Libbey, The Jordan Valley and Petra (1905) A. C. Z. EDREI, ed'rg-ai CVW> 'edhre%): 1. One of the residences of Og, King of Bashan (Jos 12 4; Nu 21 33), now the large town of ed-Der'dt, between ^l-Meze%Til> and Bosrah. Map I, H5. Numerous 199 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Ecstasy Education ruins and inscriptions have been found at Edrei, be- sides a remarkable series of ancient subterranean dwellings, apparently excavated to serve as a refuge in time of siege (Schumacher, Across the Jordan, pp. 121-148). 2. A city of Naphtali (Jos 19 37), per- haps Ya'ter, 12 m. SE. of Tyi-e. L. G. L. EDUCATION Analysis op Contents 1. In the Earliest Times 2. From Deuteronomy to the Exile 3. Under Ezra 4. The Wise Men as Teachers 6. Proverbs and Its Evi- dence 6. The Post-exilic Period 7. The School System Es- tablished 8. The System at Work 9. "Schoolmaster" 10. Doctrine 11. Non-Jewish Learning 12. Education of Women In pre-Deuteronomic Israel, the training of the young appears to have been entirely in the hands of their pai'ents, especially the fathers. 1. In the No trace of any institution resembling Earliest the modern school is to be found; nor is Times. there evidence of any help available to the parent in the form of a familiar method, model, or means of instruction. Both the subject and the method of education were absolutely at his discretion. It is safe to assume, however, that even from the earliest days the instruction of the young included the inculcation, first of religious ideas, and second, of the traditions of the nation (chiefly the story of the Exodus). The discipline of chastening inflicted by the parent is an image of that inflicted on Israel by J" (Dt 8 5). With the promulgation of Deuteronomy, a crys- tallized body of precepts was put into the hands of the parent to communicate to his 2. From children, and a definite injunction Deuteron- placed upon him to be faithful in this omytothe task (Dt4 9, 6 7). The method of in- Exile, struction was natiiraUy oral, and the times and conditions, as well as the effectiveness with which the task was performed, depended on the circumstances of each case. It was a great gain, however, to have a definite sub- stance of teaching to impart. This condition of things lasted with very little practical change until after the Exile. Reading and writing were during this period the 3. Under accomplishment of the few (II K 5 7, Ezra. 22 8 £f., 23 2). When Ezra undertook to render the Law (Torah) the organic principle of the national life, he gave the whole sub- ject of education a new impulse. In order to accom- plish his end, it was necessary very largely to extend the circle of those who could read the Law, and further to make provision for the circulation of copies of it among the people. Ezra himself was a "ready scribe" (Ezr 7 6). The number of accred- ited teachers was greatly increased (Ezr 8 16). Meantime, in the pre-exilic period, a 4. The Wise class of men had appeared who under Men as the name of "the Wise" (Sages) culti- Teachers. vated a type of erudition with results that survive in the so-called Wisdom Literature of the O T. These, together with the copyists and expounders of the Torah (the Scribes), now became the teachers of Israel. While the sub- stance of the teaching developed into three parts (i.e., the Law, the Traditions (History), and Wis- dom), it was all generally under the direction of the same class of teachers. See Wisdom. The Book of Proverbs, of which the Wisdom of the Son of Sirach is a later reflection, furnishes, under the name instruction, musdr (1 2, etc.), 5. Prov- a mass of details of the educational erhs and ideas of this period. First of all, the Its Light instructors of the children were still on the in the main their parents (Pr 1 8, 4 1- Subject. 4, 6 20, 13 1, 30 17). The chief substance of the teaching concerned religious matters. The fear of J" is the beginning ("the chief part" RVmg.) of knowledge (Pr 1 7). Educa- tion is of the greatest importance. It means the expulsion of an innate folly (Pr 22 15, cf. 14 7, 18). It is, therefore, a source of great delight to have one's offspring come under its influence (Pr 10 l, 23 24). As a means of enforcing the lessons of life the rod may be used (13 24, 23 13), but with moderation (Pr 19 18 RV). It was during the post-exilic period that profes- sional teachers made their appearance, and also that a place for the meeting of groups of chil- 6. Post- dren for instruction was found in the exilic synagogue (to-day called Schvle in Yid- Period. dish, and Scola by thePortuguese Jews). Details, however, as to the beginning of the system are scanty. It is probable that after the synagogue-school was organized the children in it were made to memorize the precepts of the Torah verbatim. To this end resort must have been had, as in all primitive coimtries and in the Orient to-day, to mnemonic helps, such as acrostics and numerical proverbs (cf. Pr 30 and 31). The fullest development of the educational sys- tem of Palestine, however, is to be foimd in the Roman period, i.e., from 75 B.C. to 70 7. School A.D. It is a question as to whether System Simon ben Shetab or Joshua ben Gamla Established. (Gamaliel) deserves the credit of inau- gurating the new system (Schurer stands for the latter, Kennedy [in HDB] and Box [in EB] for the former). Whoever introduced it, it was based upon compulsory attendance of aU chil- dren. It is certain that under Gamaliel the age for attendance was fixed at from six to seven. The school was held either in the synagogue-room or in a separate building on the same premises (Berakh. 17a). The further expansion 8. The Sys- of the system involved the separation tem at of the students of higher branches from Work, high schools and colleges. Of the syn- agogues of Jerusalem it is said that each had a Beth Sepher and a Beth Talmvd, i.e., a primary and a higher school for the more advanced scholars who might wish to become learned in the Law; a still higher institution (professional) was developed, known as the Beth hammidrash (Yalkut Jes. 257; Jos. Ant. XVIII, 10 5; BJ, 1, 3 72). Similarly, teachers were classed in three groups, the highest grade being that of Sage (Hakima), the second that of Scribe (Saphir), and the third the Master (Hazzan). All together are evidently included in the N T terms Education Egypt A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 300 doctor (Lk 2 46, teachers), or "doctors of the law" (Ac 5 34). These were found in every village (Lk 5 17) and were called Rabbis (Jn 3 2). The method of procedure in such schools could not have been dif- ferent from what may be witnessed in the great Mos- lem universities at the present day (cf . Ac 22 3). Here scholars seated on the groimd in a circle face the/ teacher, who occupies a seat raised slightly above the pupils. From this position he imparts instruction which the pupil is required to repeat accurately over and over again until he is thoroughly f amiHar with it. Repetition was so thoroughly identified with this process that both teaching and learning came to be called Mishna, * repetition/ That the home, however, continued a means of religious training is evident from expressions such as II Ti 3 14. The task of taking children to school primarily devolved on the parent {Kidd. 30a); but in certain cormnimities the fear lest on account of Q. "School- lukewarmness the parents should neg- master." lect this duty led to the choice of special officials to perform it (maphtir kenes- sioth [Cholin 51a]). Among the Greeks the same duty devolved on a special servant who, from the nature of it, was called the 'child-conductor' (Gal 3 24 tutor, schoolmaster AV). The substance of instruction was from the earliest days viewed as something to be seized hold of (leqah, "doctrine," Dt 32 2; Job 114; Pr 4 2); 10, Doc- also what is heard {shmtu'ah, Is 28 9, trine. but "message" RV, "report" RVmg. But in the NT the Gr. fitSaxi? and fiiSoCT-KaXta, probably 'teaching,' are rendered by "doctrine" in AV (also in RVin ITi5l7; Mt7 28). The question of instruction in other than the Hebrew language, or in other subjects than the wis- dom of the Fathers is not a simple one. 11. Non- Officially, nothing but the traditional Jewish system was recognized; and yet there Learning, are traces of the introduction of Hel- lenic methods and even of the existence of an institution in Jerusalem which was designed to convey and disseminate Greek philosophy and Greek ideals. In one of these Herod the Great was a student (Jos. Ant. XV, 10 6). At any rate, many Jews did certainly acquire a considerable amount of Greek learning. Some familiarity with it was a necessary quahfication for membership in the San- hedrin, and the Apostle Paul seems to have been versed in it. The distinctive feature of Greek edu- cation, which involved the appearance of the pupils in public gymnasia in nude form, was distasteful and offensive to the Jewish sense of modesty (I Mac 1 I4fif.; II Mac 4 10). "When education passed out of its household stage its development was almost exclusively with refer- ence to the male members of society. 12. Educa- The training of girls remained a task of tion of the mother and had for its main object Women, their preparation for ideal motherhood (Pr 3127-29). Literature: Art. Erziehung in Hamburger, RE.; Kitto, art. Education in Kitto, Bibl. Cycl.^\ Edersheim, LTJM. (1896), I, p. 225; Schurer, HJP., II. ii, pp. 46-52; art. by Kennedy in FIDB., and by Box in EB. A. C Z. EGGS. See Food, § 10. EGLAH, eg'la (rib^^, 'eglah), 'heifer': One of David's wives, mother of Ithream (II S3 5; I Ch 3 3). The expression "David's wife" in these pas- sages awakens the suspicion that originally the name of a former husband was read, as in the case of Abi- gail, ''wife of Nabal" (II S 3 3). E. E. N. EGLAIM, eg'la-im {^'"k^^, 'eglayim): A city of Moab (Is 15 8). It has not been identified, but probably is the Agallim mentioned by Eusebius, 8 Roman m. S. of Kir (see Map II, H 4), a region abounding in ruins. E. E. N. EGLATH - SHELISHIYAH, eg " lath - shel " i - shai'ya (H^'^V^ n^-H??, 'effZai/i sMishiyydh): A term used in Is 15 5; Jer 48 34, apparently as a place-name as in RV, although Hhe third Eglath' would be a very unusual form for a proper name. Many scholars suspect a corruption of the text. E. E. N. EGLON, eg'len (l^h^^, 'eglon), ^circle': I. A king of Moab who formed an alHance with Ammon and Amalek against Israel in the period of the Judges, and having overcome, held the IsraeHtes in sub- jection for 18 years (Jg 3 12-14). When his tyranny became intolerable, Ehud, the left-handed Benja^- mite, upon the pretext of bringing him the annual tribute, secured a private interview and assassinated him (Jg 3 15-25). Cf. Moore in Int. Crit. Com. II. A city of the Amorites in the Shephelah. Its king, Debir, joined the alliance of the five cities against Joshua (Jos 10 3). With the collapse of the allies, it fell into the hands of Joshua and was des- troyed (Jos 10 16-27). See Map II, C 2. A. C. Z. EGYPT Analysis of Contents I. Introdtjctort 10. The Libyan Regime 1. Territory 11. The Ethiopian Dy- 2. Inhabitants nasty 3. Chronology 12. Assyrian Domina- I. History tion 4. The Old Empire 13. Revival of Native 5. The Middle Empire Rule 6. TheHyksos 14. Persian Regime 7. The New Empire 15. Egypt Hellenized 8. The 19th Dynasty 16. Religion of Egypt 9. Loss of Palestine I. Introductory. — The word Egypt is from the Gr. 7} AiyviTTos (whence the modern Copt, through the Arab. Kibt). In the O T it corresponds geograph- ically to the Hebrew 31^^^ (English, Mizraim as in Gn 10 6, etc.), which is the common Semitic word for Egypt with an old Hebrew locative ending. Each of the above names designates the region stretching northward from the first Cataract of the Nile at Assouan (Syene) to the Medi- I, The terranean coast-hne, a distance of over Territory. 600 miles by the river. The division into Lower and Upper Egypt (the former including the Delta and the region of Mem- phis), which is known to have existed even in pre- historic days, is marked in Hebrew literature by the use of the name Pathros to designate the latter (Is 11 11; Jer 44 i, 15; Ezk 29 14, 30 14), the inhabitants being called Pathrusim (Gn 10 14). This name is Egyptian, meaning the * Land of the South,' The 80- ar 82° as" 34° 35" , , ji \ ' 1 ■ 1 1 1 ■ r 1 1 — iTfll S2t M E BITE R R A iA-- £ A A' 5 ^ ■^ /s, Jerusalem .. ■='^^:>^ ^ ^A Alexandria^ ><° Hebron ..' , '%'\V The South" \l nj (] X ^y - , ''r'. ,'■ ■^ [f ^"-'^ '■ '' A :^6i "^ y^'-'' ^ <:::^-^^^\ s y/y San.TariiSjZdan ^\SSM °Pelusiuni £^\ ■' -^ ^^^^^ .■^ ut ■S'\ '',1 '>>■ / [ „ ^^"^1/ V '^ap:^ae, Tahpanlies? J^'- %•} ^ /l> ■/■'"'''' ^kS "^ I.fitliam ii- i'' "Ed;5'm VLAP vi/se(thZyw?^?tv1t^i?i>T « V, . .^i // ■: ' ';v4v --;ja i Vs ff' k ,/ A ' ^-^xKaclesh-barnea _, V VVT/ ^^ ^Ramses? rS ' '<'' ■* ,''';?' /'' ,' '' 4:t-< ■kS f y^ ^ S \Bitter Lakei • ;-/;' /;' ^ LecStW^pH^^T^-. O ' // ' ; VrSk W^^^' ^v^ Ji ;'''' - -\ ■. •^ -"-'^ ^^" -;:;r^^i 'try-' -rf' ■'■ ,..' " -4 -^ \, "- ■ -/J'fif--, "^fl -^.,.;^^:/ , '% - ,; / / - / « ^ _ /r ^ Noph, Moph, Men phiSo '' ■ '■*-,r. - ' '■ c\ /^''/ /\ ■> ■z. ■-=--<■-%-.-..- -'=-i- ~~'"H-./ \ /'' ,// ■■V \\ fi'l \ { — L^^:£:^~X--=" ■^■''/''' w \ i!"'^ V; /, i.iUoer^s_^^^,^,^_^ J ii 'i^ ifcElath t*^ ' - ^^^ nV..„-,a^ j j- ■^^-. ^i \.U3 ) ,'--'^-:-, ' '*'' /'' \ '"^'"'fr^Cv ~"*— "' " S: ') ■'/ r^ "V^ s r\ N /'A Od, >1 J y \- J.'' '' /' ;i -y-?'//. r ^\ '-'"V '' y' ;", / v5 / — ?fl / /V"""%^^' ''^ ^^;/y^'' A o T^'^^> ■ j '>'! ;;' ' V ci [ p //E N 1 r^ s u r^^ / 3 . _,--'' el-Behneseh, y^ / "->.-. -.^-- '/ „ rs ^/ OxyrhynchusJ / . . ■'^', ■' > >. '^V. '^\. '^' .<'■' Jebel-musa \J <.*; / ,r-" '-(' /J ■■; ^/'■''''=~^VJi--.-~^^--'"''', \ "^KJebel-'Katnna ^, f bj i' ^^^^ ./ ' ^., ^- ,.;/'= V tA N, f; ,**' K '' / -^ '[ •' V^^^' /f ' ^ i^'^'^" y/' /''"''' \ c^. Y -^" ""^'K: I ^ J it '\i ^<' „, .;'"' "'''^===^;...-^'^' '"';- -^^\j^ ; r;. ,/~'^^^ ((H^ ^28 /■ I ~:-"^^^ ^.^ •'">A V y^^!-\/ fc^c^ " . ^ / \ =---- L_;/-->^,._ >'-"" ''<■ >^ ,^;aJ) ^ V %J^ 1 / V //-'' V, Ji --'^'■'■' ■ N " . — ^0 0- '^ / (Tell erAmarna /;' .i!i.?' \;, ^ ■ V i ?7 / ^ ': ii ■■'' ...rf/-: si ■:;,„.J5 _« / / '-^ li,/ 1) .i^^^^'i Hj lii^ f^==-^':> . ■ f ^ 'i .*'■--. \ t"":; ^:L~^' //' I'rV '',1 ,..^^' /-:;' - \ 'I M 'f W '( 2e 41 ■■ '-( ^ -fi 'M - 2fi |t . 1 ^'i^- -■''./■ \ tp \t ■ "-■ -.~ - ^ - .-'->;--.-.-^' -- v-;-' \ , ji S "— c,~.^ 1; \ /^ -•■'' X \?i >¥hebae, N o-Ammon ■•-^,^^ / \ -. ' r \\ y' / \ ^ a flfi. V I V, \i ■v,^J' X 26 ■•' '-] ( \ MAP OF "^ \ EGYPT .- '. \ SCALE OF MILES c. I ^"^ L , ^-f-*. 6 25 60 100' 160 \ ' ^--V 94 \. \ ^-i ^ - 2\ . .^ - — \ -p^ ^'^;,J::. ^r; — - ,^lr^~;__J'" - \;r • ""''^■-- ( ll J' ■*-^- '"" ■■,/'"" ■'^* \ 6 "" „.. j \ '''■%.^_^ BOHUAVENG.CO., H y- ._-r-=-- ■m" Bl" LoDKltude East 82° from Greenwich 33'^ 84 ^J± 1| Vopyriglit 1908 by Funk & WagiuUls Company, New York and London 201 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Education Egypt breadth of the Nile valley which forms the real Egyp- tian country as marked off from the desert, varies from 3 to 10 m. S. of the Delta, which near the sea attains a breadth of 120 m. The soil of the valley is of great fertility. The dark-colored mud brought down by the Nile suggested the native Egyptian name of the country, Kevit, the 'black land,' as dis- tinguished from the bright-colored soil of the desert. It is now generally agreed that the ancient Egyp- tians had close Semitic affinities. The points of contact that are surest are the hnguis- 2. The In- tic. The languages of both races have habitants, nearly the same set of pronominal suffixes, the same endings for genders, and also most of their numerals alike. They have besides in common the use of a construct state, as well as several analogies in verb-inflection. More fundamental still is the practical identity of the con- sonants, including the peculiar Semitic gutturals. The vocabularies, however, are disappointing, show- ing very few close resemblances. It is also very questionable whether the original ideographic sys- tems of writing have a common origin. But gram- matical analogies are the surest test of relationship, and they point here to a kinship radical even if very remote. But both the physiognomy of the monu- mental sculptures and the racial peculiarities betray the presence of an additional, non-Semitic element in the population, which is neither negro nor negroid. We are forced to the conclusion that the missing components are to be sought among some of the vanished races of Northern Africa, of which the Lib- yans NW. of Egypt, and the Cushites to the S., may be regarded as representative. On the very difficult subject of chronology the chief sources of information are the ancient lists of kings with more or less definite notations 3. Chro- of time attached to them. The current nology. division of historical time is that of Manetho, an Egyptian priest who wrote in Greek about 270 B.C., and whose work has been fairly well preserved in summaries or references by Josephus, Africanus, and Eusebius. He made out 31 dynasties of kings, with the length of each dynasty in years. A supplement is afforded by monumental lists in temples, in tombs, or on papyri. These do not give the regnal years. Armals of kings inscribed in temples or in tombs give important data. In spite of these helps, there is no agreement among scholars as to the lengths of the earlier dynasties. Consequently also the total length of Egyptian his- , tory is still a matter of conjecture. A table of "minimal dates" compiled by Edouard Meyer makes the first dynasty to have begun in 3180 b.c. Petrie puts it at 4777 B.C. Perhaps the beginning of the history of Egypt as a unified state may be put a century or two after 4000 b.c. Back to the 16th cent. B.C. a reasonable degree of accuracy has been gained, and astronomical calculations have aided in fixing a few important epochs. II. History.— Two stages may be inferentially traced in the antecedents of the history proper. At first there was the formation of numerous small communities, each with its own tutelary deities. Then the natural division of the country ( § 1 ) favored for a time the existence of two dominant kingdoms. Ancient authorities agree unanimously that the first historic dynasty of united Egypt was that of King Menes, whose tomb is 4. The Old thought to have been discovered just Empire, N. of Thebes in 1897. Already the political center was established at Memphis in Lower Egypt. In the fourth dynasty the civilization of Egypt comes before us as a finished product. This is the dynasty of the great pyramid-builders, the largest pyramid being that of Cheops {Chufu), the second of the fine. The fifth dynasty was little distinguished. The sixth has left written and artistic memorials all through Egypt, jvith records of expeditions to Nubia and NW. Arabia. Of the dynasties from the seventh to the twelfth we know little directly. It is clear, however, that the rulers of Memphis were unable to hold that city as their capital, since they transferred their resi- dence to Heracleopolis, S. of the FayAm. Here they failed to maintain themselves against the princes of Thebes, to whom they at length gave their alle- giance. With the tenth dynasty the "Old Kmgdom'* came to an end. The "Middle Kingdom," which lasted from the eleventh dynasty to the four- 5. The teenth, showed great vigor and enter- Middle prise in its earlier stages. The period Empire, is signalized by the predominance of Thebes. Of the twelfth dynasty mon- imients are found everywhere as far up the Nile as the Second Cataract. A complete conquest of Nubia was now effected, with a great increase of wealth in gold, slaves, and fighting men. In the thirteenth dynasty began that steady influx of the Asiatics which resulted finally in the rule of the Hyksos, as Manetho terms them. 6. The Their origin is not yet fully made out. Hyksos. The invaders were, it is certain, largely Semites from Palestine and Syria; but they possibly may have been impelled by non- Semites from Asia Minor. It was in the eastern part of the Delta that the strangers had their head- quarters, whence at length they made their author- ity felt throughout Egypt proper. A marked result of their sway was the introduction of Semitic words into the language of the Egyptians and of Semitic gods into then worship. Upper Egypt was natu- rally least contented under the foreign rule, and long resistance on its part gradually changed into aggres- sion, so that finally at the close of the seventeenth dynasty the Hyksos were almost wholly expelled from the country. With the eighteenth dynasty (c. 1587-1400 b.c.) begins the "New Kingdom," Thebes bemg again the capital. Egj^t now attains to the 7. New sununit of its power. It was found Empire, that the only sure means of excluding 1 8th the troublesome Asiatics was to occupy Dynasty, their territory, and so campaigns in Western Asia became the order of the day. Two of the greatest conquerors of the time were Thothmes I, the third ruler of the dynasty, and Thothmes III, the sixth of the line. The latter ex- tended his sway as far as the Euphrates. In the first 20 years of his rule he conducted fifteen campaigns in Asia; but the remainder of his long reign (1503- Egypt Ehud A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 303 1449 B.C.) was mainly devoted to the arts of peace. He was the most powerful of all the Pharaohs. It was really a new Egypt that he ruled. Horses and chariots, imported from Asia, had changed the aspect of war and made it a, new profession. Asiatic wives, customs, and gods became fashionable. The closest relations were maintained with all Western Asia. Wealth and luxury increased enormously. The official class grew at the expense of the tillers of the soil, and of that class the priesthood was the greatest gainer. At length, the fourth ruler after Thothmes III, Amenophis IV, "the heretic king," being tired of the priestly yoke, determined to found a new and more manageable religion — the sole worship of the sun's disk {Aten). To this end he chose a new cap- ital on the site of the modern Tell-el-Amarna, half- way between Thebes and the old capital Memphis. The attempt was unsuccessful. A few years later the dynasty itself came to an end with Thebes once more the seat of government (c. 1380 B.C.). A great discovery has made known to us the Asiatic relations of this dynasty. At El-Amarna were found in 1887 over 300 letters, on tablets bearing cuneiform characters, from Babylonia, Assyria, N. Mesopota- mia (Mitani), Syria, and Palestine. From the two countries last named native governors, appointed by the Egyptian court, describe the precarious condi- tion of their garrisons during the reigns of Ameno- phis III and IV. Among the familiar localities from which letters were written were Tyre, Beirtit, Accho, Gaza, Askalon, and Jerusalem. The no less famous nineteenth dynasty had not only to set Egypt right internally but also to reestab- lish its power La Asia. The Hittites, now 8. Nine- a strong confederacy, completely occu- teenth pied Syria and were threatening Pales- Dynasty, tine. Seti I, the third king of the hne, after much fighting, was fain to treat with the Hittite king. They agreed that the Egyp- tians might rule as far as Lebanon and the Hittites thence northward. Seti's successor, Rameses II (c. 1340-1273), spent the first 21 of the 67 years of his reign in desperate conflicts with the Hittites, which left him very nearly where he began. A treaty with the Hittites, a very elaborate affair, was then made, which was long faithfully kept on both sides. Rameses spent the most of his reign in beau- tifying and strengthening his kingdom. To carry out his designs he made use of the populations of the conquered tribes. Among others were the Hebrew people who had settled and prospered on the E. of the Delta. During the Asiatic invasions their lot was naturally grievous. Rameses in particular pressed them hard with his rigorous system of forced labor. Pithom (q.v.) and Raamses (q.v.) were two of the mili- tary stations which they helped to construct in order to make sure the hold of Egypt upon N. Arabia and Palestine. But the most dangerous enemies did not come from the old roving tribes of the eastern desert and its oases. Meneptah, the son of Rameses II, found his reckoning with the western Libyans the most serious business of his reign. With them were allied pirates and land robbers from various parts of the eastern and northern shores and islands of the Mediterranean, who had already wrought much destruction on the Syrian and Phoenician coast. The combination was defeated, and E^t was saved for a time. In Palestine Meneptah Had no very secure dominion. Among the peoples whom he claims to have subdued in that region Israel is given a place— the only mention ot the name, so far as is yet known, upon the Egyptian monuments. It is doubtful whether the Hebrew "Exodus" had then (c. 1260 B.C.) taken place. The closing years of the dynasty were marked by con- fusion and anarchy. Something like order was effected by Rameses III (c. 1220-1190), the founder with his father of the twentieth dynasty. He had to repel 9. Loss of renewed attacks from the Libyans; Palestine, also a more formidable incursion of the maritime barbarians, who were de- feated near the very border of Egypt. Their devas- tations broke up the remnants of the Hittite empire in Syria and made Palestine more insecure than ever for the Egyptians. The New Kingdom now gave place to foreign domination, which lasted from the twenty-second to the twenty - fifth dynasty. The 10. The founder of the new order was She- Libyan shonk (Shishak), a Libyan who had Regime, been commander of the army. It was he who gave shelter to Jeroboam as a fugitive from King Solomon. But in the reigns of Jeroboam and Rehoboam he made a raid upon the two kingdoms of Israel. Though Jerusalem was occupied and plundered, the Egyptians soon disap- peared. Not long thereafter, the Ethiopians began the invasion which made them masters of the whole of Egypt. The end of the Libyan regime found 20 independent princes in the Delta. These were subdued by Pianchi, the Ethiopian king, who wisely left to them their petty realms on condition of vas- salage. Hence the twenty-third and twenty-fourth dynasties are named after Egyptian kings. But the twenty-fifth under Sabako, grandson of Pianchi, is titularly Ethiopian (728-645 B.C.). The princes of the Delta accordingly followed the lead of the Ethiopians, though seeming often to act an independent part. Thus one of 11, Ethio- them, named Seve ("So," II K 17 4), pian allied himself with the Philistines of Dynasty. Gaza and Hoshea of Israel against Assyria. As a result, however, Egypt narrowly escaped invasion. When the Assyrian Sennacherib came against Palestine (701 B.C.), the Ethiopian Tirhaka (702-662 B.C.) marched to the relief of Hezeldah, King of Judah, and was defeated. But Tirhaka remained a constant obstacle to As- syria until Esarhaddon, son of Sennacherib, carried the war into Africa, and in 670 an- 12. Assyrian nexed the country as far as Thebes. A Domina- rebellion against his successor, Asshur- tion. banipal , was put down with great sever- ity. Thebes was taken, and met with a cruel fate at the hands of the Assyrians (cf. Nah 3 8 ff.). A final defeat in Nubia itself made an end of the Ethiopian dynasty. The Assyrian triumph was promoted by Necho I, a powerful prince of the Delta, who after the flight and death of Tirhaka went over to the conquerors. But the son of Necho Psara- metichus I, with the help of troops sent by Gyges, 303 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Egypt Ehud King of Lydia, rebelled against Assyria, and by 645 B.C. Asshurbanipal had to relinquish Egypt, where his people had been in control a quarter of a cen- tury. Thus Psammetichus became the founder of the twenty-sixth dynasty, under which the power of Egypt revived greatly. He and his suc- 13. Revival cessor, Necho II, favored the immigra- of Native tion of Greek settlers and developed a Rule. great maritime commerce. The decline of Assyria encouraged the hope that Egypt might found a new Asiatic empire. Just be- fore the fall of Nineveh, Necho struck into Palestine and Syria (608 B.C.). Josiah of Judah, as a vassal of Assyria, intercepted his march and was slain at Megiddo. His kingdom came under Egyptian con- trol. Syria was also soon subdued by Necho. But the whole country had to be given up after his de- feat at Carchemish (604 B.C.) by Nebuchadrezzar, the Chaldean crown prince. Yet Egyptian in- trigues in Asia were still continued. Jehoiakim of Judah, once an Egyptian vassal, and the last king, Zedekiah, were induced to revolt against Babylon. The promised help was precarious, and the two cap- tivities of Judah were the result. Some time after the fall of Jerusalem, Egypt was overrun by Nebu- chadrezzar (cf. Jer 46 13 f.), but was not long occu- pied by him. Generally Egypt prospered untU after the rise of Persia under Cjtus the Great. In his time Amasis (Ahmes II) was on the throne. To check the progress of Cyrus he made a futile league with Croesus, King of Lydia, and Nabonidus, the last native king of Babylon. Cambyses, son of Cyrus, subdued Egypt and Ethi- opia in 525. The Persian dominion thus established lasted for more than 100 years. The 14. Persian great statesman Darius Hystaspes Regime, (521-486) tried with success to admin- FoUowed ister Egypt on its old religious and, by Brief locally, on its old political lines. A Native few revolts at intervals failed; but an Rule, outbreak against Darius II in 414 made the country once more independent. It maintained itself under three nominal dynasties (twenty-eighth to thirtieth) till the vigorous Arta- xerxes III of Persia (Ochus) subdued it after a des- perate struggle (about 349 B.C.)- The brief reigns of Ochus and Darius Codomannus are reckoned as the thirty-first dynasty. Alexander of Macedon, after the final defeat of Darius (331), went over into Egypt. With the founding of Alexandria he established 15. Egypt also that Hellenic culture which toler- Hellenized. ated and at length superseded the old Egyptian civilization. Hence when Egypt again became independent under the Ptole- mies (323-31 B.C.) its ancient form and spirit were changed forever. The religion of Egypt is in its early stages very obscure. It is also mysterious all through the dynastic ages. The basis of the pop- 16. Religion ular religion was, as elsewhere, partly of Egypt, animistic and partly mythological. The former element is relatively much stronger than in the purely Semitic religions. That is to say, the worship of spirits — ^in men and animals — had practically more sway than had the personifi- cation of objects of nature, as in myths of the sun- god, darkness, clouds, and rain, or in the deification of the hidden powers residing in trees or rivers and fountains or in haunted or uncanny neighborhoods. Thus the doctrine of inmiortality early took hold of the people and gave character to their religion every- where. The polytheism of Egypt — originally to a great extent a polydemonism — arose from the com- bination of many local cults. This in its turn was due to the political alUance and ultimate union of the *'nomes" or the districts into which the country was very early divided (§ 4). Further back we see in each of the surviving divinities a tribal deity which was doubtless in many cases the totem of a family or clan. At the other extreme we see how Ptalj, the deity of Memphis, became, with the rise of that city, a great national god ; and a like honor was conferred later upon Amon as the god of Thebes (" No-amon,*' Jer 46 25; cf. Nah 3 8). Again, the various leading deities are grouped about one or the other of the two imperial gods Ra and Osiris ; the one giving and con- trolling life, the other ruling the world of the dead. Along with those four was Hapi, the god of the Nile. Other famous deities, not easily classified, were Horus, Hathor, Nest, Isis, and Set. The rampant animism of the religion is shown in the prevailing notions as to human existence. Besides the soul, the spirit, and the shadow of the man, there was the most important of all, his Ka, or ' double.' The coun- terpart of each individual was held to survive with him after death as long as the body remained incor- rupt. Hence the need and practise of embalming the dead. The various divinities were worshiped, we may presume, partly as emblems, partly as sur- vivals of primitive totem superstition, and partly because certain sacred objects, beneficent or malefi- cent, had to be propitiated. The religion of Egypt, like its language and political system, was too sin- gular and unsympathetic to exercise any appreciable influence on the people of any other country or race. Literature : The most useful general works on Egypt are Erman, Aegypten u. aegyptisches Leben, 1885 (Eng. tr., Egyptian Life, 1894), and Baedeker's Handbook (ed. by Steindorff, 1902). These works contain historical sec- tions, and excellent histories have been written by Ed. Meyer, 1887; Wiedemann, 1891 (valuable forO T.study); Petrie, 1894, 1896; Breasted, 1905. The last-named has published Historical Records of Egypt, 5 vols., 1906-7. There are also two good primers of Egypt, one by Wendel, 1887, and the other by Murison, In Bible Class Primers, 1902. The articles by Crum in DB and W. M. Miiller in BB are very valuable summaries. All these have much to say about the religion and art of Egypt. The latter is dealt with in the special work of Perrot and Chipiez, His- toire de VArt, vol. I, 1882. J. F. McC EGYPT, RIVER OF. See River of Egypt. EHI, I'hai CHX, *ehl): The ancestor of a Benjamite clan (Gn46 21). But the text here is corrupt and should be changed according to Nu 26 38 f., bo that for Ehi we should read Ahiram (q.v,). E. E. N. EHUD, i'hud ("nnx, 'ehudh), 'strong': 1. A great- grandson of Benjamin (I Ch 7 10, 8 6). 2. A son of Gera, a left-handed Benjamite leader of Israel, one of the earlier judges. He delivered Israel from the oppression of Eglon, the Moabite tyrant (Jg 3 15-4 1), by assassinating him. A. C. Z. Eker Election A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 304 EKER, i'ker i^J^.^, 'cqer): A grandson of Jerah- mcel (ICh2 27). E. E. N. EKRON, ek'rgn (P*)!^^; 'eqrdn), gentilic Ek- ronite (Joe 13 3): The northernmost of the five cities of the Phihstines, Map III, C 5. In the division of the land under Joshua it was assigned to Judah (Jos 3 5 45), but also later to Dan (Jos 19 43). It is about 25 m. SW. of Jerusalem and 9 m. from the sea (mod. Akir). It had a shrine of Baalzebub (II K 1 2, 3, 6), where the Ark of J" was for a time held by the Philistines (I S 5 10, 6 16). The city is men- tioned but once in the Egjrptian records. In the Assyrian inscriptions, however, from Sennacherib and later (cf. Schrader, COT, II, 164), its kings are often named. A. C. Z. EL: The Hebrew 7N, ^el, means God, i.e., deity. It is frequently a part of compound proper names, in some instancej prefixed, in others post- fixed to the other element. It is often found in the form ell, e.g., Eliab (see also Abi, names with), which may mean 'my God is father' or simply 'God is father' — the i being merely connective. These names express a great variety of relations. See Gray, Hebrew Proper Names, and the article Names in EB, 24-39. E. E. N. ELA, i'la (nVx, 'ela'; Elah AV): The father of Shimei, one of Solomon's prefects (I K4 18). ELADAH, el'a-da. See Eleadah. '^' ^' ^' ELAH, i'la (nVx, 'elah): 1. 1. The son and successor of Baasha, King of Israel (I K 16 6-14). After a reign of a little more than a year he was murdered while in a state of intoxication by Zimri, one of the officers of his army. 2. One of the chiefs ("dukes" AV) of Edom (Gn 36 4i). 3. The father of Shimei (I K 4 18). 4. The father of Hoshea, last king of Israel (II K 15 30). 6. A son of Caleb, the son of Jephuhneh (I Ch 4 15). 6. A Benjamite (I Ch 9 8). II. A valley where David slew Goliath (I S 17 2), near Shocoh, Map II, D 1. A. C. Z. ELAM, i'lam (ab^J?, 'Ham), Babyl. Elamtu, Gr. 'EXvfiats, Elymais: I. The Hebrew name of a region lying to the E. of Babylonia and extend- I . The ing, in the days of its greatest prosperity, Country well up into the lower ranges of the and mountains of Media to the NE., and People, along the Persian Gulf to the borders of the ancient Persis in the S. The chief divisions were Elam proper in the N., and Anzan or Anshan in the S., the latter at first being an inde- pendent kingdom, then long incorporated with Elam, and finally annexed by the rising power of Persia (about 600 B.C.; cf. Jer49 34fF.), Cyrus the Great bemg hereditary "Prince of Anshan." The capital of E. was Susa (Shushan, q.v.). The Elamites were a, non-Semitic people, probably akin to the Cos- seans on the N., and possibly also to the so-called Sumerians of early S. Babylonia. In Gn 10 22 they are called children of Shem, apparently on account of their close relations with the Babylonians (see Arpachshad, under Ethnography and Ethnol- ogy, §11). E. was normally a rival of Babylonia, and in the 23d cent. B.C. reduced the latter to subjection, occupied the country, and gained there- 2. History, with the suzerainty of the western Sem- ites (cf . Gn 14 1 £f.). This dominion was subverted by a subject prince, the great Hammu- rabi (Amraphel, Gn 14 1), about 2240 B.C., and the Elamites never again became lords of all Baby- lonia. After the Assyrians began to subdue Baby- lonia E. was drawn into sympathy with the latter for self-preservation, and became for a time its stead- fast ally. With the complete subversion of Baby- lonian autonomy by the Assyrian Assurbanipal E. fell a prey to the conqueror (645 B.C.). Susa was taken, and many of the people deported to Samaria (Ezr 4 9f.). Upon the breaking up of the Assyrian empire N. Elam fell to the Medes, and Anshan, as already mentioned, to the Persians. In Is 21 2 E. is made equivalent to the rising kingdom of Persia. J. F. McC. II. 1. A son of Shem (Gn 10 22; I Ch 1 17), ances- tor of the Elamites (see I, above). 2. A Benjamite (I Ch 8 24). 3. A Korahite doorkeeper of the time of David (I Ch 26 3). 4. The name of a family, of which 1,254 returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2 7; Neh 7 12) and 71 with Ezra (Ezr 8 7). One of this family urged Ezra to put an end to mixed marriages (Ezr 10 2); as a result, six of the family put away their wives (Ezr 10 26). In Neh 10 14 a chief of the fam- ily, who sealed the covenant. 5. "The other Elam" (Ezr 2 31; Neh 7 34), probably the same as 4. 6. A priest who assisted in the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh 12 42). C. S. T. ELASAH, el'a-sa. See Eleasah. ELATH, i'lath (rib\y, 'Hath), also ELOTH: A town on the NE. arm of the Red Sea (cf. I K 9 26). The name, meaning 'palms' or 'oaks' {i.e., large sacred trees), probably indicates that it was a very ancient seat of worship. By El Paran (Gn 14 6) and Elah (Gn 36 41) perhaps the same place is meant. Its commercial importance, which lasted through the Roman period, is attested by the notices in I K 9 26; 11 K 14 22, 16 6 (where read ''Edomites'' for "Syr- ians"). From "the Greek names AlXohv, AiXdv, etc., due to the Aram, 'liana ( = Heb. 'elath), comes the name of the ^lanitic Gulf. The modern name is 'Akabah. See Guthe, PRE^, vol. 5, pp. 285-287. E. E. N. EL-BERITH. el"-bt'rith. See Baai^Berith. EL-BETHEL, el-beth'el. See Bethel. ELDAAH, el-de'a (rr^i^i^, 'elda'ah): The ancestor of a Midianite tribe (Gn 25 4; I Ch 1 33). See also Ethnography and Ethnology, § 11. E. E. N. ELDAD, el'dad Oi?^, ' eldadh) ,' God is s. hieud' : One of the two elders who exercised the prophetic gifts thought to be the exclusive privilege of Moses (Nu 11 26 f.). While their doing so was an occasion of suspicion to others, Moses rejoiced in it. A. C. Z. ELDAD AND MODAD, BOOK OF. See Apoc- alyptic Literature, §3. 305 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Eker Election ELDER: The unit of primitive Semitic society- was the clan, or large family, whose eldest represent- atives constituted the ruling element of the clan. In primitive Israel the elders of the clans represented the nation as a whole. When Israel conquered Canaan and adopted the agricultural mode of life, it was an easy transition for the clan-elders to become the elders of the city or town communities, which were composed (at first) mainly of members of the same clan. It was this fundamental element of the an- cient Hebrew society that formed the basis of the later extension of the significance of the term to in- dicate the chief men of a community, the wise men, the leading men of the synagogue, or of the local church, the influential leaders of the Jewish nation, etc. See Church, §§ 3, 8; City, § 5; Family and Family Law, §§ 4, 8, and Law and Legal Prac- tise, §§ 1 (1), 2 (1). E. E. N. ELEAD, el'§-ad 0^^)^, 'eVadh), 'God has wit- nessed' or ' God is witness' (I Ch 7 20 ff. ) : The passage is very interesting — a specimen of the fragments of ancient folk-lore which occur here and there in the genealogical hsts of the O T. Elead was evidently an Ephraimitic clan that was destroyed by the men of Gath — ^probably in the days of the Judges, its fate causing great sorrow in the tribe. E. E. N. ELEADAH, el"g-g'da (~1?^«, 'eVadhah): The head of an Ephraimite family (I Ch 7 20; Eladah AV; cf. Elead). E. E. N. ELEALEH, i"le-^'le or ^"le-a'le i?Y4\^, 'eValeh): A town of Moab, near Heshbon. Map II, J 1. It became the possession of the Reubenites at the time of the Conquest (Nu 32 3, 37), but the Moabites after- ward reoccupied it (Is 15 4, 16 9; Jer 48 34). E. E. N. ELEASAH, el"e-^'sa iy^^^t^}^, 'eVasOh). More correctly Elasah, 'God has made' or 'done' : 1, An official under King Zedekiah, entrusted with a mes- sage to Nebuchadrezzar (Jer 29 3). 2. A descendant of Judah (I Ch 2 39). 3. A descendant of Jonathan (I Ch 8 37, 9 43). 4. One of the "sons of Pashhur" who had taken a foreign wife (Ezr 10 22). E. E. N. ELEAZAR, el"e-^'zar 0V4^^^•y 'eVazar), 'God has helped': 1. The th^rd son and successor of Aaron in the high-priestly office (Nu 20 25 £E.) which he held under Moses and Joshua (Jos 24 33). 2. AsonofAbi- nadab, appointed guardian of the Ark of the Covenant in the days of Samuel (I S 7 l ff.)- 3. A son of Dodai and one of David's three heroes (II S 23 9). 4. One of the sons of Merari of the tribe of Levi (I Ch 23 21). 6. A priest and musician in Nehemiah's time (Neh 12 42). 6. A priest in Ezra's time (Ezr 8 33). 7. One of the "sons of Parosh" who had taken a foreign wife (Ezr 10 25). 8. One of the ancestors of Joseph, the husband of Mary (Mt 1 15). A. C Z. ELECT. See Election; also Peter, First Epistle of, §§ 2, 3. ELECTION: The religion of revelation regards God as active from the beginning and throughout the whole course of history. The notion that man has been employed, on the rehgious side, in seeking out an otiose deity or that deity is a universal im- personal principle, to discover which is the acme of human effort, has no place in the whole course of his- tory described by the Bible. There God is constantly presented as the One whose action is the cause of re- ligious experiences, as truly as of the natural world itself. That human nature is active, too, goes without saying. But this human activity, the life of a free spiritual being, does not abolish, it merely deter- mines the form of the Divine action. Hence the fully developed view of God in the later prophets of the O T looks upon Him as the actual Lord of all peoples. Egypt and Assyria no less than Israel and Judah, a Pharaoh (Gn 41 28-32; Ex 6 1, 7 3) and Cyrus (Is 44 28, 45 1) no less than Moses and David, are the servants of His will. But this universal authority and power of God are not characterized by mere sameness of interest and operation toward all. The Divine will defines its purpose with each race and with each man. This definiteness of God's will, this selective action, has appeared most clearly along one central line of history, viz., in His dealings with Is- rael and above all in the person and gospel of Jesus Christ. The will of God is set forth as the continu- ous working out of a purpose of grace, which at last is to include all nations within its sweep (Gn 12 3; Is 45 6, 49 1-7, 66 19; Mai 1 11; Acts 3 24 f.; Gal 3 8, etc.)- But, as in the consummation God's grace must ap- prehend and perfect each man, so in its whole his- torical course it operates deliberately, selectively. It is God's will which directs all the steps toward that far-off goal. These steps appear, as to the O T, (1) in the choice of a people through whom the end is to be achieved (Dt 4 37, 7 6-8, 1015, 14 2; IK 38; Is I. In the 14 i; Hag 2M, 5). Hence Israel is even O T. called "my chosen" (Is 42 l, 45 4, 65 9, 22), and we speak of them as "the Chosen People." (2) In the choice within that people of indi- viduals, etc., as the special organs of revelation (as kings, I S 10 24, 12 13; II S 6 21; I K 8 16; I Ch 28 5, 29 l; prophets, I S3 4 ff.; Is 6 8, 9; Jer 1 4 ff.; Ezk 2 1-3; Am 7 15; place of worship, Dt 12 11; etc.). (3) In the dealings of God with each soul, as to its own rela- tions to Him. This aspect of experience is of course described with special fulness throughout the Book of Psalms. There the sense of relationship with J" is always as of one who depends whoUy upon the Divine righteousness, mercy, and encompassing wis- dom and power. The idea of the Divine initiative is expressed by the use of two words, bdharj 'to choose,' and qard\ ' fro call' ; the one looking at the matter from the side of God's will and the other from the side of that overt act in which His will becomes known to the human mind. But some of the references given above, especially as to the prophets, show that this Divine initiative is often most powerfully set forth, where neither word is used, but where the circum- stances are stated through which the Divine will be- came manifest. In the N T this aspect of God's relations to men is, if possible, made still more prominent. Again, two words are used to describe the fact in its two ele- ments, of choice (eKXeyeo-^at, e^Xoyi^, €kK€kt6s) and Election Elienai A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 306 call (kXtjo-iSj KKrjTos). Of Jesus it is never said that He was "called," except in a quotation (Mt 2 I5;cf. Hos 11 1). But He is said to have been 2. Teach- chosen (Lk 9 35 ; Jn 1 34 [?]). Jesus again ing of is said to have both chosen (Lk 613; Jesus. Jn 6 70, 13 18, 15 16, 19) and called (Mt 4 21 ; Mk 1 20) His disciples. The famous saying "Many are called but few chosen" (Mt. 22 14) is so difficult because it seems to contrast the words in a manner quite unparalleled in Scripture. Our Lord says of Himself that He came to call sinners to repentance (Mt 9 13 and ||). In His parables He freely represents God as inviting (or calling) men into the kingdom, under the picture of a host inviting his guests (Mt 22 1-14; Lk 14 7-24). This call some ac- cept and some even contemptuously reject. As a whole, the teaching of Jesus represents God as mov- ing toward every human soul to whom salvation comes. There is no suggestion (unless we so inter- pret Lk 15 17) that the initiative is to be found in the human heart. When we turn to the Epistles we find that the words under discussion have assumed an almost startling importance. For the apos- 3. Pauline tolic consciousness two facts stand out Usage, above all others: that in Christ God has saved the world, and that every individual believer in Christ has been directly ap- proached, and dealt with, by this determinate will and authoritative purpose of God. The idea of the Divine initiative reaches its climax here. The whole work of determining a man's salvation, in its method, inception, and outcome, is in the hands of the living God. No man can account for it, either as a univer- sal gospel or a personal experience. It flows from the inexplicable nature of mercy. Hence, when speaking out of this new consciousness, the obvious words are that a man has been *' called" of God and, if called, he has beyond doubt been '* chosen." The familiar and fluent terms begin to assume a technical character quite naturally and inevitably. Those who are in Christ are "the called" (Kkrjroi, Ro 1 6, 7, 8 28; I Co 1 1, 2; Jude ver. 1; Rev 17 14), and "elect" {€K\€KToi, Ro 8 33, 16 13; Col 3 12; Tit 1 i; I P 1 1, 2 9; IT Jn vs. 1, 13; Rev 17 14) ; and derivatives are used for the Divine act and the resulting human condition (eVXoyij, Ac 9 15; Ro 9 11; II P 1 10; KXija-is, Ro 11 29; I Co 1 26; Eph 4 1, 4; He 3 1; II P 1 10). There is in the N T no attempt to discuss the metaphysics of this view of the relations of God and man. Once the idea of election is carried up into eternity (Eph 1 4), and thus for later minds the great and anx- ious problem was raised. It is taken for granted throughout the whole of Scripture that the call of God can be and is rejected by the choices of men. The election \s conditioned by its material. No- where does this appear more clearly than in the Apostle's profound and passionate discussion of the position of Israel after the rejection of Christ (Ro chs. 9-11).* The original election seems to have been frustrated, the Divine will overthrown. Not so, the Apostle affirms. The Divine will must reach its end, if not in one way, then in another. The material may be recalcitrant, but it can not finally defeat that eternal wisdom and power. Thus we are brought face to face with theological attempts to understand the fact of election in its relation to the fact of free- dom. Compare the article Predestination. Literature: For fuller list see HDB, article Predestina- tion, also article Election (by Dr. J. O. F. Murray). On the N T, Sanday and Headlam on Romans (pp. 225-350) in Int. Crit. Com, is indispensable. See also the various works on NT Theology by Weiss (Eng. transl.), Holtz- mann, Stevens; also Bruce, St. PauVs Conception of Christianity, ch. 17, and Ed. Reuss, Hist, de la Thiol. ChrUienne, livre V, ch. 12. W. D. M. ELECT LADY. See John, Epistles of. EL -ELOHE- ISRAEL, el"-er'o-hi-iz'ra-el (^Kn??": ^rh^, bij), *God, the God of Israel': The name of an altar near Shechem, whose erection was ascribed in Israers tradition to the patriarch Ja.cob (On 33 20). E. E. N. ELEMENT, ELEMENTS {aroixeiov, literally 'belonging to a row* [otoIxos"], pi. (TToix^lay 'the letters of the alphabet/ the 'A B C [elements] of anything): (1) In II P 3 10, 12, the reference is probably to the physical elements. Others, however, prefer here (3, below). (2) The same word is correctly translated "rudiments" in He 5 12, owing to the presence of the modifying phrase ''of the first principles of the oracles of God." (3) In Gal 4 3,9 ("elements" AV, "rudiments" RV), and Col 2 8,20 (''rudiments" AV and RV), the sense is more doubtful. Many explain it similarly to (2, above) of the 'rudiments of religious instruction/ especially of the ritual and ceremonial observances, which were characteristic of both Judaism and heathenism, and which were 'elementary' when com- pared with Christianity, and a bondage in com- parison with the freedom of redemption in Christ. This is, however, reading a great deal into the phrase {o-Totx^la Tov Koa-fiov) which is not in the words themselves and does not do justice to the contrasts in the contexts, which seem to point to a personal meaning for a-roLx^'ia. Probably the best explana- tion is that Paul here refers to those elemental spirits which, according to Jewish conception, ani- mated everything, especially the heavenly bodies, according to whose movements the feasts and sea- sons of both Jew and Gentile were calculated (for quotations from Jewish writers illustrating this be- lief cf. Everling, Paulinischo Angelol. und Ddmonol., 1888, p. 71 ff.). This meaning of a-rotxeiov is greatly substantiated by the fact that the word is used by Byzantine writers for 'genius,' 'taHsman/ etc., and has survived in modern Greek with the sense 'ghost/ 'spook,' 'sprite/ 'fairy,' etc. That Paul believed in a hierarchy of intermediate spiritual beings can be seen from Ro 8 38; I Co 2 6-8, 8 4-6^ 10 20ff., 15 24 f., 40; Eph 1 21, 2 2, 3 10; Col 1 16, 2 15; cf. also He 2 5; Jude vs. 6, 9; Rev 7 l, 14 18, 16 5, 19 17. In Gal 4 3, 9, Paul apparently refers to the bond- age of the Jew to the Law and therefore to the angels by whom it was ordained (3 19), and of the Gentiles to their heathen divinities who "by nature are no gods" (4 8), and in comparison with the true God are "weak and beggarly" (ver. 9). Similarly in Col 2 8, 20 the aroixela are angelic beings who are contrasted with Christ (the "princi- palities and powers" of vs. 10 and 15) and whom per- haps the Colossians were in danger of mistakenly worshiping (ver. 18). g_ j). 307 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Election Elienai ELEPH, I'lef (^)^, 'eleph, with article): A town in Benjamin, mentioned just before Jerusalem (Jos 18 28). Probably the modern Lifta, about 2 m. NW. of Jerusalem. C. S. T. ELEVEN. See Apostle. ELHANAN, el-h6'nan Q^rj\i<, 'elhandn), ' God is gracious': 1. A son of Jair, a Bethlehemite, who slew Goliah the Gittite (II S 21 19). In II Ch 20 6 the text has been altered, apparently to avoid contra- dicting I S ch. 17. 2. Another Bethlehemite, also one of David's heroes, son of Dodo (II S 23 24; I Ch 11 26), perhaps the same as 1, since the reference of both to Bethlehem awakens suspicion. See also Goliath. E. E. N. ELI, t'loi CiS, 'ell), 'high': A high priest (I S chs. 1-4) reputed to have been of the line of Ithamar, which, however, is not explicitly stated anywhere. He combined with his priestly oflEice that of judge. He must have rendered valuable services in order to secure this additional office. No facts, however, of his earlier Ufe are recorded. He appears in the nar- rative as a very old man, unable to control his own sons during the critical period of the first conflicts with the Philistines. After training Samuel in the priestly service, he witnessed the subjection of his people to the Philistines, the death in battle of his two sons, and the capture of the Ark of the Covenant. The news of this last event is given as the occasion of his death. A. C. Z. ELI, ELI, LAMA SABACHTHANI. See Eloi, ElOI, lama SABACHTHANI. ELIAB, e-lai'gb (^^f^b^,, 'm'dhh)/God is father': 1. A son of Helon, a Zebulonite leader (Nu 1 9, 2 7, etc.). 2. A son of Pallu, and father of Dathan and Abiram, a Reubenite (Nu 16 1, 12). 3. The eldest son of Jesse and brother of David (I S 16 6). 4. A Levite musician (I Ch 15 18, 20). 5. A Gadite war- rior in the reign of David (I Ch 12 9). 6. An ances- tor of Samuel the prophet, son of Nathan the Ko- hathite, also called Eliel in I Ch 6 34, and Elihu in I S n. A. C. Z. ELIADA, ELLADAH, e-loi'a-da, -da i^T^^i}, 'elya- dha'), 'God knows': 1. A son of David (11 S 5 16; I Ch 3 8), called Beeliada in I Ch 14 7 (since Baal was used in the sense of God at one time in Israel, Baali- ada may have been the original form). 2. The father of Rezon of Zobah (I K 11 23). 3. A Benjamite chief captain in Jehoshaphat's time (II Ch 17 17). E. E. N. ELIAH, e-loi'a. See Elijah. ELIAHBA, t"lai-a'ba (Np^^^^, 'elyahha'), 'God hides': One of David's heroes (II S 23 32; I Ch 1133). E.E.N. ELIAKIM, e-Ioi'a-kim (C^|?^^i<, 'elyaqim), *God establishes': 1, A son of Hilkiah and steward of the palace under Hezekiah (II K 18 18; Is 36 3, 37 2). 2. A son of Josiah, whom Pharaoh Necho put on the throne of Judah after the death of Josiah, changing his name to Johoiakim (q.v., of. II K 23 34). 3. A priest in the time of Nehemiah (Neh 12 41). 4, An ancestor of Joseph, the husband of Mary (Mt 1 13). 6. An ancestor of Jesus (Lk 3 30). A. C. Z. ELIAM, e-lai'am (D^J^^^, 'Ul^am), 'God is kins- man': 1. The father of Bath-sheba (II S 11 3), the same as Ammiel (I Ch 3 5). 2. A son of Ahithophel the Gilonite, and one of David's thirty heroes (II S 23 34); possibly the same as 1. This identity may explain the disloyalty of Ahithophel. C. S. T. ELIAS, e-lai'as. See Elijah. ELIAS, APOCALYPSE OF. See Apocalyptic Literature, § 3. ELIASAPH, §-lai'a-saf (^p;^?, 'elya?avh),'Qodi adds': 1. One of the census-takers, representing the tribe of Gad (Nu 1 14, etc.). 2. The head of the Gershonite Levites (Nu 3 24"). E. E. N. ELIASHIB, e-lai'a-shib Q^'^i?^., 'elyasMbh), 'God brings back,' or 'God returns': 1. The ances- tral head of a priestly family in the reign of David (I Ch 24 12). 2. A son of Elioenai, and descendant of the royal line of Zerubbabel (I Ch 3 24). 3. The high priest in the days of Nehemiah (Neh 3 l, 20f., 13 4, 7). 4. A Levite singer who had taken a foreign wife (Ezr 10 24). 5. One of the "sons of Zattu" who had taken a foreign wife (Ezr 10 27). 6. One of the "sons of Bani" who had taken a foreign wife (Ezr 10 36). 7. The father of Jehohanan (Ezr 10 6), probably iden- tical with 3. A. C. Z. ELIATHAH, e-loi'a-tha (HnX^bj^, 'Ul'aihah), *God comes': The ancestral head of one of the courses of Temple singers (I Ch 25 4, 27). E. E. N. ELIDAD, e-lai'dad 0T%> 'elUhadh), 'God has loved' (or 'God is uncle'?): The representative of Benjamin in the allotment of tribal lands (Nu 34 21), E. E. N. ELIEHOENAI, g-lai'Vho'§-nai CTVX^''h^.'ely^hd' *€m), Ho J' are my eyes,' a proper name of frequent occurrence in the post-exilic lists of Ch, Ezr, Neh: In most instances the form is Elioenai, once Elienai (I Ch 8 20). The passages designate: 1. One of the descendants of David through Zerubbabel (I Ch 3 23 f,). 2, The head of a Simeonite family (I Ch 4 36). 3. The ancestral head of a Benjamite family (I Ch 7 8). 4. The ancestral head of a Benjamite family (I Ch 8 20). 6. The son of Meshelemiah (I Ch 26 3). 6, A priest who had married a foreign wife (Ezr 10 22 = Neh 12 41). 7. A leader of 200 of the "sons of Pahath-moab," who returned with Ezra from Baby- lon (Ezr 8 4). 8. One of the "sons of Zattu" who married a foreign wife (Ezr 10 27). E. E. N. ELIEL, g-lai'el (^S^^M, 'UVel), 'El is God/ or 'my God is El': 1. A chief of the half -tribe of Manasseh, E. of the Jordan (I Ch 5 24). 2. A Kohathite (I Ch 6 34) = EUab (I Ch 6 27) = EUhu (I S 1 l), the great- grandfather of Samuel. 3, 4. Two chiefs of Ben- jamin (I Ch 8 20, 22). 5, 6, 7. Three of David's mighty men (I Ch 11 46 f., 12 ll). 8. A Levite who assisted in bringing the Ark from the house of Obed- Edom to Jerusalem (I Ch 159, ii). 9. A Levite in the time of Hezekiah (II Ch 31 13). C. S. T. ELIENAI, el"i-i'nai. See Eliehoenai, Eliezer EUsha A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 208 ELIEZER, i"lai-i'zer ("l.i?^).^, 'UVezer), 'God is helper' : 1. A native of Damascus -who was the steward of Abraham (Gn 15 2). 2, The second son of Moses and Zipporah (Ex 18 4; of. I Ch 23 15). 3. A son of Do- davahu of Mareshah, a prophet of Jehovah in the days of Jehoshaphat (II Ch 20 37). 4. The head of a Benjamite family (I Ch 7 8). 5. One of the priests that accompanied the Ark on its removal to Jerusa- lem (I Ch 15 24). 6. A Reubenite ruler (I Ch 27 16). 7. A messenger of Ezra (Ezr 8 16). 8-10. A priest, a Levite, and one of the "sons of Harim," each of whom married foreign wives (Ezr 10 18, 23, 31). 11. An ancestor of Jesus (Lk 3 29). A. C Z. ELIHOREPH, el"i-h6'ref C^jn^^X, 'Uihoreph): One of Solomon's scribes or secretaries (I K 4 3). E. E. N. ELIHU, e-lai'hiu (^H^^J? [or ^^^H^V^!], 'elihu), 'my God is he': 1. An Ephraimite, the great-grand- father of Samuel (I S 1 1) = Eliel (I Ch 6 34) = Eliab (I Ch 6 27). 2. A man of Manasseh, captain of a thousand, who joined himself to David at Ziklag (I Ch 12 20). 3. A Korahite doorkeeper (I Ch 26 7). 4. The eldest brother of David (I Ch 27 18, instead of Eliab, as in I S 16 6). 5. The youngest of the four friends of Job, who speaks in chs. 32-37. Not being mentioned in the prologue or epilogue, he and his words are thought by some to be a later addition to the Book of Job (q.v.). C. S. T. ELIJAH (^nb:^N, 'ellyahu, EHas in the AV of NT): 'J" is God': 1. The greatest prophet of the N. kingdom, and the first after Moses I. Intro- to combine fervor of spiritual and ductory, ethical conviction with keen insight into the practical bearing of it on na- tional destiny, and hence eventually the preserver of Israel's distinctiveness. The story of his unique work is contained in I K chs. 17-19, 21 17-28; II K ch. 1 f., which are probably excerpts from one or more fuller accounts of the period. The prophet made his appearance before Ahab the king (876-854 B.C.). His message was a clear and uncompromising dec- laration that J" was the sole God of Israel, and paved the way for the later development of ethical monotheism by the great prophets of the following century, Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, and Micah. That the Elijah narratives in their present form are of considerably later date than the prophet is hardly open to question. But from 2. The the fact that in one case (chs. 17-19) Sources of the thought of the prophet is presented the History, as of a more primitive type than that of Hosea and Amos, for instance, as well as from some historical allusions (19 3), it may be inferred that the historian of this section was a man of the beginning of the 8th cent, at the latest. As to II K ch. 1 f., these chapters are of later origin, but efforts to date them from the exilic period (Rosch, Stud. u. Kr., 1892), or give them a totally different character from I K chs. 17-19, 21 (Well., Kuenen), are based on unsatisfactory reasons (cf. Konig, Einl., p. 266). The narratives furnish no data as to E.'s an- cestry or tribal connections. The only item they give is contained in the adjective "The Tishbite which introduces him. This makes him either a native or former resident of lisHDeH 3. Elijah in Gilead. Later traditions assign him the Man. a priestly connection, but do not ap- pear to be trustworthy. The rest of his biography is interwoven with the account of his work. The appearance of E. on the scene coincides with a crisis in the history of Israel. Ahab had taken for a wife Jezebel, the daughter 4, The of Ethbaal, King of Tyre, and ex- Condi- priest of Astarte. Under the demonic tions of influence of this princess, he had not the Time, only introduced Baal worship into the realm in its most blatant form, but had gone to the extreme of subjecting the j^l-ophets of J" to bloody persecution. The first recorded act of the prophet is that of confronting the apostate king, charging him with his sin before J", and pre- dicting that as a consequence the land 5, The should suffer from a complete drought. Early Min- not to be ended except by his word as a istry of prophet of J" Having uttered this Elijah. prophecy, E. left the king's presence and lived in a deep and picturesque ravine (gorge) through which the brook Cherith made its way to the Jordan. From this refuge he removed to Zarephath near Zidon, where he per- formed the miracle of perpetuating the contents of the widow's jar of meal, and cruse of oil, and of restoring her son to Hfe. On appearing before Ahab the second time, the prophet put an end to the drought, but brought about a spectacular and impressive 6, The contest between himself and the proph- Conteston ets of Baal, whose outcome was the the exposure of their impotence and their Kishon. slaughter. The reaction which followed this event sent the prophet into soli- tude and despondency on Mount Ploreb. From the retirement at Horeb E. came forth with the commission to anoint Hazael as king of Syria, Jehu as king of Israel, and Elisha 7. Later as his own successor. Of these he ac- Ministry. compHshed the last. He then came before Ahab for a third time to de- nounce the king's sin in the affair of Naboth's vine- yard (I K 21 17-29). After Ahab's death it was the prophet's duty to rebuke Ahaziah for sending to Baalzebub, the god of Ekron, to inquire regarding the issue of injuries received in an accident (II K 1 2-17). The last accounts of the prophet are those connected with his ascension (II K 2 l-ll). According to II Ch 21 12-15, E. sent "a wri- ting" to King Jehoram of Judah pronouncing the judgment of J" on him for his failure 8. Elijah's to Uve up to the standard set by his Letter to ancestors David, Asa, and Jehoshaphat. Jehoram. But as the ascension of E. precedes the accession of Jehoram to the throne, the statement in Chronicles must mean either that such a letter was sent the king in the name of E., or it is based on a confusion, textual or other- wise. In the history of Hebrew prophecy, E.'s place 309 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Eliezer Elisha is at the head of the earlier group. His method is that of the destroyer. His most striking char- acteristics are simplicity, directness, 9. Elijah's fearlessness, and sternness. His con- Place and temporaries required firm handling Character, and immistakable language, and he gave them both. In the later history of Israel, the expectation that E. himself would return and herald, as well as prepare, the way for the ideal king be- 10. Elijah came an integral part of the Messianic in the NT. hope (Mai 4 5f.). In the N T he is looked upon as the prototype of John the Baptist, whose mission was to break down an evil condition of things and restore a better one (Mt 17 11). Literature: For further discussion cf. Cornill, Propk. Isr., pp. 12, 15, 20, 29-36; Kittel, Hist, of Heb., II, pp. 213, 266 ff., 275; Montefiore, Hibbert Lectures, p. 91 f.; Milli- gan, Elijah (in Men of the Bible Series). 2. A son of Jeroboam, a Benjamite (I Ch 8 27, Eliah AV) 3. One of the "sons of Harim," a priest (Ezr 10 21). 4. One of the "sons of Elam" (Ezr 10 26). A. C. Z. ELIKA, e-lai'ka (Xp/^.^?, 'Ulqa'): One of David's heroes (IIS 23 25). E. E. N. ELIM, I'lim (^Yi^j 'elim): The second station of the Israelites after crossing the Red Sea (Ex 15 27; Nu 339), commonly identified with the Wady Ghurundel, 63 m. from Suez and 7 m. from Ain Hawwara (Ordnance Survey of Sinai, I, 151), an oasis whose natural features agree with those de- scribed in the text. A. C. Z. ELIMELECH, §-hm'g-lec (^^^"'^M, 'Ulmelekh), 'God is king': A Bethlehemite, husband of Nao- mi, who migrated to Moab in a time of famine, and died there. One of his sons married Ruth, an- cestress of David (Ru 1 2 ff.). E. E. N. ELIOENAI, eri-o-i'noi. See Eliehoenai. ELIPHAL, e-loi'fal. See Eliphelet. ELIPHALET, e-lif'a-let. See Eliphelet. ELIPHAZ, el'i-faz (?S^^.^, 'Ul-phaz), 'God is fine gold ' ( ?) : 1 . In the Edomite genealogy (Gn 36 4, 10, 15; I Ch 1 35 f.), E. appears as the 'son' of Esau by Adah (Gn 36 b, 10), and 'father' of Teman and others. 2. The first-mentioned and perhaps the oldest friend of Job (2 11), called "the Temanite." Teman, a dis- trict of Idumsea (Jer 49 20), was noted for its wisdom (Jer49 7). C. S. T. ELIPHELEHtJ, e-lif'e-li'hu ('in'pp^^.^^, 'UlpMehU, Elipheleh, e-lif e-le, AV): A musician of the Temple choir (I Ch 15 18, 21). E. E. N. ELIPHELET, e-lif'e-let (tO^.r^J?, 'Uiphelet), 'God delivers.' Other forms of the same name are Eliphal (I Ch 11 35), EHphalet, Elpalet, and Elpelet (I Ch 14 5) : 1. A son of David (II S 5 16; I Ch 3 6, 8, 14 5, 7 [the double occurrence is probably a mis- take]). 2. One of David's heroes (II S 23 34; I Ch 11 35). 3. A son of Eshek, descendant of Saul (I Ch 8 39). 4. One of the "sons of Adonikam"; returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr 8 13). 5. One of the "sons of Hashum" who took a foreign wife (Ezr 10 33). E. E. N. ELISABETH, §-liz'a-beth ('EXeto-a/Ser, 'EXto-(i|3er, WH): The wife of Zacharias (q.v.), and herself of priestly lineage (Lk 1 5). She was the mother of John the Baptist (Lk 1 57) and a kinswoman {a-vyyevLs, Lk 1 36) of the mother of Jesus. There is nothing to indicate the degree of relationship. T M T ELISEUS, el"i-si'us. See Elisha. ELISHA, e-lai'sha (Vt^^, 'Hiska')/ God is. sal- vation,' Eliseus in the AV of NT: The successor and perpetuator of Elijah's work, by I. Pro- whom he was ordained and anointed to phetic Call, this end (I K 19 16, 19) (854-802 B.C.). He was a native of Abel-Meholah, situ- ated on the southern side of the plain of Beth-shean, not far from the Jordan. Here his father Shaphat was evidently the owner of a considerable landed estate. He "was plowing with twelve yoke of oxen before him, and he with the twelfth" when Elijah found him and by the symbolic throwing of his mantle on him called him to the work of the prophet. Henceforth E. became Elijah's disciple and servant (II K 3 11). In his last sickness he was visited by King Joash, to whom he showed in a sym- bolic transaction, through the shooting of arrows, that he was to conquer Syria three times and might have inflicted on her a crushing defeat, had his faith been stronger (II K 13 14-19). The last mention of his name relates to the case of a man brought for burial and cast hastily into the grave in which E.'s bones were found, and by the mere touch of the corpse with the bones of its restoration to life (II K 13 20-21). The narratives upon which knowledge of E.'s life and work is based are given in II K 2 I-25, 4 1-44, 5 1-6 32, 7 1-8 5, and 13 14^21. They 2. Sources bear marks of diversity of origin and of of some chronological displacement. In Ifistory. view of the healing of Naaman's leprosy (II K ch. 5), it does not seem likely that the war between Israel and Syria men- tioned in 6 8 ff. can be given in its true order. Gehazi too is represented (8 4) sis famUiarly conversing with the king, though smitten with leprosy (5 26). These narratives were probably found in an early collection of incidents relating to the prophet. Their approximate date of origin may be set as later than the Elijah fragments, and possibly 700 B.C. In the main, E.'s work is that of the patriotic preacher of righteousness. While within Israel he did not by a hair's breadth abate the 3. Elisha's opposition to Baal worship preached Work with- by EUjah, he gave attention to the in Israel, international relations of Israel. Even Jehoram, the last of the dynasty of Ahaz, was constrained to recognize his prophetic influence, and sent for him for advice in the cam- paign against Mesha of Moab (II K 2 12). But E. sternly declined to have personal deahngs with Jehoram (II K 3 14), and it was in the overthrow of the dynasty which this king represented that his £lisha Encampment A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 310 statesmanship achieved its master stroke. Sending one of the "sons of the prophets" to Jehu, a restless and ambitious warrior, he symbolically intimated to him, through the act of anointing with oil, that he was called to wrest the scepter from the hands of the descendants of Jezebel (II K 9 1-10). The task was one committed to by him Elijah (I K 19 16), and its accomplishment proved the end of official Baal wor- ship in Israel. Even through the reign of Jehoram, E. acted the patriot's part in aU the wars of Israel with Moab and Syria. In the few incidents recorded 4. Elisha of the campaign of Ben-hadad II against and Foreign Samaria, he rendered indispensable aid Affairs. to the cause of Israel (IIK68ff.). But here too his chief service was the fulfilling of a commission originally given to Elijah, i.e., the changing of the ruling dynasty in Damascus by anointing Hazael as successor to Ben-hadad (of. IK 19 i5;IIK87f.). The miraculous element is quite prominent in the accoimts of Elisha. He first healed with salt the waters of Jericho (II K 2 19f.). Next he 5, Elisha's brought sudden punishment upon the Miracles. 42 children who mocked him (II K 2 2S-25). During a famine he increased oil, saving a poor widow from distress (II K 4 1-7), cured some gourds of poisonous effects (II K 4 38-41), multiplied bread (4 42-44), and caused an ax head to "swim" in water (6 1-7), He restored to Hfe the child of the Shimamite woman (4 8-37) and cured the leprosy of Naaman (ch. 5). These miracles con- stitute a group, and though differing from those of Ehjah (I K 17 14, 17; II K 1 4), may be taken with them as making up an exceptional period in the history of prophecy. E. not only inherited the task of Elijah, but he also very much resembled him in character. The chief difference between the two 6. Elisha prophets was that the first, as a pioneer, and Elijah, showed greater originality. But to balance this E. was in nearer touch with the people, being accessible to them (cf. II K 4 23, ch. 5) and in better position to have his influ- ence diffused. A. C. Z. ELISHAH, e-lai'sha. See Ethnography and Ethnology, § 11. ELISHAMA, e-lish'a-ma (i'^^^X, 'UlshamW), 'God has heard': 1. One of the chiefs of Ephraim (Nu 1 10, etc.). 2. A son of David (II S 5 16; I Ch 3 8, 14 7, confounded with Elishua in I Ch 3 6). 3. A Judahite, son of Jekamiah (I Ch 2 4i). 4. A priest, teacher of the people in Jehoshaphat's time (II Ch 17 8). 5. A scribe of King Jehoiakim (Jer 36 12 ff.). 6. The grandfather of Ishmael the rival of Gedaliah (II K 25 25; Jer 41 1). E. E. N. ELISHAPHAT,e-li8h'Q-fat ("OD^i'-^J.^, 'Uishaphat), 'God has judged': One of the captains assisting Jehoiada in deposing Athaliah (II Ch 23 1). E. E. N. ELISHEBA, e-lish'e-ba (i?2|^^^>^, 'Hishehha% 'God has sworn': The wife of Aaron (Ex 6 23). E. E, N, ELISHUA, el"i-shu'a (PV^'^Xj??, 'Elishua'), 'God is help': A son of David (II S 5 15; I Ch 14 5; by mistake called Elishama in I Ch 3 6). E. E. N. ELIUD, e-lai'ud ('eXioxJS = O T Elihud): An ancestor of Joseph (Mt 1 14 f.). E. E. N. ELIZAPHAN, el"i-ze'fan (1P)J^)J5. 'Ultsaphan), 'God hides' or 'protects': 1. The ancestral head of one of the main divisions of the Levites (Nu 3 30; I Ch 15 s; II Ch 29 13; also called Elzaphan, Ex 6 22; Lv 10 4). 2. A "prince" of Zebulun (Nu 34 25). E. E. N. ELIZUR, §-lai'zur (IliJ^^.^, 'UUmr), 'God is a rock': "Prince" of Reuben (Nu 1 5, etc.). E. E. N. ELKANAH, el-ke'na (HJp^^N, 'elqanah),' God hoB possessed ' : 1. A son of Jehoram, and father of Sam- uel (I S 11 ; I Ch 6 27, 34). 2. A son of Joel, descendant of 4 (I Ch 6 36). 3. A Levite, the son of Mahath (I Ch 6 26, 35). 4. A grandson of Korah and eponym of one of the Korahite families (Ex 6 24; I Ch 6 23). 5. A doorkeeper of the tent in which David placed the Ark (I Ch 15 23). 6. A Levite, the grandfather of Berechiah (I Ch 9 16). 7. One of David's heroes (I Ch 12 6). 8. A high official under Ahaz, slain in Pe- kah's attack on Jerusalem (II Ch 28 7). A. C. Z. ELKOSHITE, el'kosh-oit: The patronymic of Nahum (Nah 1 1). See Nahum, Book of. ELLASAR, el"M'[or-la']sar (10^!^, 'eUasar): The city of which Arioch, one of the confederates of Che- dorlaomer (Gn 14 ]), was king. Correctly identified as the Larsa of the Babylonian inscriptions, the mod- ern Senkereh of lower Babylonia, of which Eri-Aku (Arioch), or Semitic Rim-Sin, was king. I. M. P. ELM: Properly an oak or terebinth (Hos 4 13 AV; cf. RV). See Palestine, § 21. E. E. N. ELMADAM, el-m§'dam ('EX^aSa/i, Elmodam AV) : An ancestor of Jesus (Lk 3 28). E. E. N. ELNAAM, el-ne'am (D5?J^J5, 'elna'am), 'God is graciousness': One of David's warriors (I Ch 11 46). E. E. N. ELNATHAN, el-ne'thon {iHJ^IfJ, 'elnathan), 'God has given': 1. The father of Nehushta, mother of Jehoiakim (II K 24 8). 2. A prince of Judah in the reign of Jehoiakim — possibly the same as 1 (Jer 26 22, 36 12, 25). 3-5. The name of three men sent by Ezra on a mission after Levites (Ezr 8 16). The text here may be corrupt, due to dittography. E. E. N. ELOI, ELOI, LAMA SABACHTHANI, e-lo'ai, la'ma sa-bac'tha-nai (eXadd) (Mk7 34): The transliteration of an Aramaic "word spoken by Jesus. The Greek here may not perfectly represent the original form, which, according to Dalman {Gram J p. 278), was eph-phthahah — fern. plur. im- perative — 'be opened.' ' E. E. N. EPHRAIM, I'fra-im (D^pX, 'ephrayim): I. The youngest son of Joseph. See Tribes, §§ 3, 4. II. The term is frequently used, especially in the Prophets, to designate the Northern Kingdom of Israel, since the tribe of Ephraim was the most powerful element in that kingdom. III. A city of Judsea mentioned only in Jn 11 54 as the place to which Jesus retired after raising Lazarus. The town near which Absalom had his sheep range (II S 13 23) and the 'A0at/3e/xa of I Mac 11 34 are to be identified with the same place; also called Ophrah (Jos 18 23, etc.) and Ephron (II Ch 13 19). Map II, F 5. See also Palestine, § 7 (5). E. E. N. EPHRAIM, I'fra-im, FOREST OF (2^5^ 1^^ ya'ar 'ephrayim, wood of Ephraim AV): The scene of the decisive battle between the forces of David and those of his rebellious son Absalom (II S 18 6). From the account in II S chs. 17 and 18, the place was E. of the Jordan. Possibly it was so named from a colony of Ephraimites, E. of the Jor- dan (cf. Jos 17 14-18), to which there may be a refer- ence in Jg 12 4. C. g. x. EPHRAIM, GATE OF. See Jerusalem, § 32. EPHRAIM, WOOD OF. See Ephraim, For- est OP. EPHRAIN, i'fra-in. See Ephron, II. EPHRATH, ef'rath (Hlp^, 'ephrath), or EPH- RATHAH (nn-)?^\ 'ephrathah): The second wife of Caleb, son of Hezron (I Ch 2 19), and the mother of Hur (I Ch 2 50, 4 4), the ancestor of Beth-lehem, Kiriath-jearim, and Beth-Gader. Perhaps this means that Beth-lehem was one town of a district Ephrathah, Ephrathah (Ephratah AV) and Beth-lehem are parallel (Ru 4 11), and we read also of Beth-lehem Ephrathah (Mic 5 2). Jesse is called an Ephrathite of Beth-lehem-judah (I S 17 12). Naomi's sons are Ephrathites of Beth-lehem-judah (Ru 1 2). Ephra- thah (Ps 132 6) probably means Beth-lehem or the surrounding district. Perhaps in Ps 132 6b we should read ''field of Jaar," ie., Kiriath-jearim (so RVmg.). In Jg 12 5, 1 S 1 1, and I K 11 26, the Heb. '^Ephrathite" should be read "Ephraimite," as in RV. Ephrath (Gn 35 16, 19, 48 7), the place where Rachel was buried, near Bethel, in the border of Benjamin (I S 10 2), was probably not the same as Bethlehem ("the same is Beth-lehem" is a later addition). C^ g^ X. EPHRON, i'fren (pp^, 'ephron): I. A Hittite, the son of Zohar of Hebron^ from whom Abraham purchased the cave of Machpelah (Gn 23 ff., 25 9, etc.). II. 1. A city which with others King Abijah wrested from Jeroboam (II Ch 13 19). (Ephrain AV and RVmg., the same as Ephraim, III[q.v.].) 2. A mountainous ridge, forming the northern boundary of Judah between Nephtoah and Kiriath-jearim (Jos 15 9). A. C. Z. EPICUREANS, '-EinKovptoi (Ac 17 18): The fol- lowers of Epicurus (341-270 B.C.), whose tenets op- posed those of the Stoics. He started from hedon- ism and the atomistic theory, and contended that happiness consists in pleasure by which man arrives at virtue through absence of pain. The theory was sensualistic. It encouraged friendship and dis- couraged engaging in business and politics, which disturb serenity of mind. Epicurus placed the doc- trine of the swerving of atoms in the forefront of the doctrine of the genesis of the world and of cognition and therefore exalted Chance to supreme power. There are either no gods, or else they do not care for man. The Epicureans were very dogmatic, and claimed infallibility for their doctrines. They bound their adherents to defend certain fundamen- tal principles. They held that ethics and morals are of more importance than knowledge, which should be sought mainly to banish the disturbing- elements of fear and superstition. Epicureanism reflected the elegance and freedom of Athens, and was there- fore regarded by the early Christians as embodying the essence of paganism. J. R. S. S. EPILEPTIC. See Disease and Medicine, § 5 (8). EPISTLE : The literary form of the greater por- tion of the N T writings. In their main construction the N T Epistles correspond generally to what was customary in the age in which they were written — consisting of an opening greeting, a body containing the message, and a closing salutation. In the con- struction of these several parts, however, they differ largely from the classical form, being more elaborate in both greeting and salutation, while the message is cast usually in a discussional form. The Epistles dif- fer considerably also among themselves. Taking the letter of the Council, embodied in the narrative of Ac 15, as a sample of classical form, the Epistle of James approximates most closely to Hterary usage in its employment of x^^p^tv in its greeting, though it has no salutation; while III John resembles this classical usage in the brevity of its greeting, though it is of the usual N T type in its salutation. On the other hand, Hebrews and I John have no greeting at all. The remaining Epistles are of a pecuhar Semitic form of greeting, in their wishing to the readers grace, mercy, and peace from the Divine source, I and II P, Jude, and II Jn introducing the verbal form (I, II P, Jude, irXr^ewe^ii)', II Jn, ^{, 'esar haddon = Assyr. Assur-ahoriddin) , 'Assur has given a brother': A son and successor of King Sennach- erib (705-681 B.C.) on th? throne of Assyria, 681- Esau Eschatology A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 220 668 B.C. He came to his rule after a revolution in which his father was slain (cf. Is 37 38; II K 19 37). As soon as he was established he rebuilt Babylon, which his father had destroyed (689 B.C.). His early military activity was a defense of his country from the Cimmerians on the N. His most notable and far-reaching campaign was that in which he invaded Egypt, 674 B.C. In 673 he repeated the attack and in 670 his army victoriously reached Memphis, captured it, and Egypt became a vas- sal to Assyria. While on the way to put down revolt in Egypt in 668, Esarhaddon fell a victim to death. I. M. P. ESAU, i'se OV^, 'esaw), 'hairy,' according to the popular etymology of Gn 25 25, which, however, is pronounced unsatisfactory by Buhl and others : The name of the first-born of the twin sons of Re- bekah and Isaac (Gn 25 21 ff.). The story of E. in Gn is made up of several strands (J, E [?], and P. See Genesis, § 4). The notice in 25 25 seems to be com- posite, as in it emphasis is laid upon his ruddy color, whence his name Edom, and upon his skin being Hke a "hairy" (se'ar) garment, whence the name Seir, with which the name Esau is connected without ex- planation. But the origin of his" name Edom is given later (25 29-34, as ''red/' in connection with the red pottage). The name Seir is used often interchange- ably with Edom for the country inhabited by Esau's descendants, and the descendants of Seir are given in the genealogy of Esau-Edom, probably as a par- allel table (Gn 36 20-30). In the old accounts in JE the interest centers about the relations between Esau and Jacob. In these stories Jacob is represented as gaining the advantage over E. in connection with the question of inheritance (the birthright, 25 29-34 E [?], the blessing, ch. 27 E [?], and J). But on his re- turn from Aram, Jacob is constrained to sue for favor from E., who is represented as meeting him gra- ciously and forgiving all past offenses (chs. 32, 33 mainly J). In P the interest is mainly in Esau's marriages to Hittite (26 34 f.) and Ishmaelite (28 8 f.) wives, which is the reason for sending Jacob to Paddan-Aram (28 1-7). In JE the stories are told with remarkable impar- tial objectivity. While E. is a "hunter,'' "a man of the field," and therefore a contrast to the "quiet," businesslike, crafty Jacob, little is said that shows that the writers condemn him. If Jacob well rep- resents Israel's national traits, E. may also repre- sent those of Edom. For, after all, it is the story of two peoples, the elder of which (Esau-Edom) was at last compelled to give way to the younger (Israel), that gives these stories their real historical signifi- cance, as is plainly indicated in the oracle in 25 23. See also Edom. E. E. N. 1. Definition 2. Development . Old Testament Eschatology i. The Nation 3. General Features of O T Escha- tology 4. The Day of Jehovah 5. A Day of Righteous Judgment 6. Precursors of the Day 7. A Day of Israel's Glory 8. Supremacy of Israel 9. Ezekiel's Ideal Israel 10. National Resurrection 11. Literal and Figurative Blended 12. The Remnant 13. Transition to Individualism 14. Individualism in Jer and Ezk S- The Individual 15. Death 16. Immortality ESCHATOLOGY Analysis of Contents 17. state After Death 33, 18. Sheol. Hell (AV) 19. Mode of Existence in Sheol 34. 20. Consciousness in Sheol 21. Separation from J" in Sheol 35. 22. Individual Resurrection 23. The Eschatology of Ecclesiastes 36. II. The Intertestamental Period 37. 24. Formative Influences 38. 25. Literary Sources: Apocrypha 39. 26. Philo and Josephus ; 27. Apocalyptic Literature 40. 28. Messianism in Apocalyptic Liter- 41. ature 42, 29. Expansion of Ideas 43. 30. tiehenna 44. 31 . Paradise 45. III. New Testament Eschatology 46. 32. General Aspects 47. 48. 49. '■' Eschatology of Jesus Eschatology in the Teaching of Jesus The Kingdom of God in the Fu- ture. The Parousia Sources of the Material in the Parousia Discourse Parousia and Judgment Immortality and Resurrection Intermediate State: Hades Rewards and Penalties Hereafter f. Eschatology of the A postles Early Apostolic Eschatology Pauline Eschatology Pauline Idea of Resurrection The "Spiritual Body" The Resurrection of Jesus The Consummation Deutero-Pauline Eschatology Johannine Eschatology Eschatology of the Apocalypse Summary Eschatology (from eo-xara, 'last things') is strictly the systematic presentation of ideas regarding the ultimate condition of mankind, and of I . Defini- the world in general ; but, more broadly, tion. it includes ideas regarding events lead- ing to the ultimate things. Further, by ultimate is meant not only the absolutely last, but also all that relatively to the present may be regarded as last, i.e., the end of the series of events, as far as the present Hfe of the individual is con- cerned, and the end of the present dispensation, as far as the world is concerned. In a rehgious system its importance is even greater than that of the systematic presentation of origins or cos- mogony. Biblical eschatology, at least as much as any other department of the Biblical system of thought, shows signs of gradual development, and may, therefore, be properly subdivided into the escha- 2. r>evel- tology, I of the O T, II of the inter- opment. testamental period, and III of the NT. These three sections represent three pe- riods of unequal duration. The first covers more than 1,000 years and ends with the 2d cent. B.C. The second lasts for approximately 200 years, and the third for somewhat less than one century. Beginning with the first, the two later phases repre- sent the appearance of distinctly new features. I. Old Testament Eschatology. i- The Nation. The central subject in the O T is the Chosen People. In eschatology, therefore, the 331 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Esau Eschatology defitiny of Israel furnishes the starting-point of the development of thought. And in the portraiture of the future of the Chosen People two 3. General things are distinguished: a final future Features of glory reserved for it and an interve- OTEscha- ning period of judgment, called "the tology. Day of Jehovah." Both of these are comprehended under the eschatological phrase latter days (last days, also "end of days," Is 2 2; Ezk 38 16). The "Day of Jehovah" ("Day of the Lord" AV), as a phrase, was first used in the 8th cent, and is rep- resented as a consummation to which the people were eagerly looking forward (Am 5 18-20). Be- fore it became a popular expression, however, the phrase must have been used by the 4. The Day prophets in oral encouragements and of Jeho- warning. At any rate, in its first ap- vah. pearance it had already attained a mis- leading content and Amos aims to cor- rect the misconception. To the expectant people the Day of J" conveyed the meaning of a time of indefinite duration (cf. Day) when J" would show His favor to His people by delivering them either from foreign oppression or from social irreg- ularities and injustices. This conception takes its name, no doubt, from J'"s special manifestation at the time, just as "day of Midian," "day of Temp- tation," etc., are times distinguished by these fea- tures. It is, however, often spoken of also as that day (Is 17 7, 30 23; Mic 4 6; Zee 9 16, etc.). The prophets of the pre-exilic period, true to their character as ethical teachers, develop the idea by calling attention to the fact that, if 5. A Day of Jehovah reveals Himself at any time. Righteous it must be as the God of righteousness. Judgment, in order to visit punishment upon sin. With the preaching of this idea the Day of Jehovah became the Day of God's appear- ance to judge the nations of the earth for their un- righteousness (Zeph 1 7; Is 13 6, 9; Jl 3 14 [spectacular judgment in the Valley of Jehoshaphat]). But God's justice is from the nature of the case set against unrighteousness in all places with equal rigidity. Israel is no exception, and, therefore, both branches of the Chosen People must submit to the visitation of justice. The thought is enunciated with considerable emphasis by Amos (5 18). But the idea of judgment upon all nations opposed to the will of Jehovah is not bound up in the single phrase "Day of Jehovah. " It appears independently as the constant refrain of the prophetic discourses; it is given eschatological distinctiveness only through its association with the Day. The usage of the exilic and post-exilic period is best under- stood upon the basis of this free application of the term (Ezk 13 5, 30 3; JI 1 15, 2 l, 11, 31; Ob ver. 15). The specific character of such a period is more distinctly emphasized by placing between it and what precedes it certain events of 6. Precur- exceptional or preternatural aspect. sors of the These were conceived as affecting not Day, only the inner social and moral life of nations, but also the world of physical nature. They included portentous convulsions and alterations in the order and movements of the heavenly bodies as well as in the earth itself (Is 24 1; J12 2, 10). But behind the Day of Judgment the eschatolog- ical prospect of the Israelite beheld a day of glory. This too was rooted in the character 7. A Day of Jehovah, as a God exercising mercy of Israel's and keeping faith with His covenant Glory, people. At this point eschatology co- alesces with the vaguer forms of the Messianic hope (see Messiah). Deutero-Isaiah por- trays the prospect of the renovation and restoration of the nation (Is ch. 60). It is an age of perfection which needs no further change and undergoes none. The characteristics of it are the gathering together of all Israelites from all parts of the world (Is 43 6), the bestowment of all earthly blessings upon them (Am 9 11-15), the passing away of sorrow and sigh- ing (Is 35 10, 65 19), and the change of all into right- eous servants of Jehovah who glory in Him (Is 45 25). The other nations are in this prospect brought into subjection to Israel either by conquest as a consequence of the warfare which 8. Suprem- they themselves have brought on by acy of Is- their attack on God's people (Ezk 38 18; rael. Jl 2 20; Zee ch. 14 [passim]; Ob ver. 18), or by the voluntary adoption of the God of Israel as a God, because they shall recognize Him as the righteous King of the whole earth (Is 2 2-4). To this they will be led either by the manifestation of His great and fearful power (Zeph 3 8,9; Is 16 8 ff.), or by the teaching of Israel, especially by the Servant of J" (Is 42 6, 49 6, 50 5 ff., 51 4 f ., 60 3). This, however, means that Israel is to rule over them and not merely take a primacy among them, as the first among equals (Dn 7 27). Of this ideal condition Ezekiel draws a general pictm^e, as far as it concerns the internal conditions and arrangement of the land together 9. Ezekiel's with its laws and the ritual provisions Ideal Israel, that should prevail in the restored Israel (chs. 40-48). This is the rpstitntin p gnj^r psnrrppi.inn nf Tarnpl. It is the new era ushered in by a new covenant un- der which aU the imperfections of the 10. Na- old pass away. To use a term derived tional Res- from pagan lore, it is the "Golden urrection. Age." In this renovation even the material creation and the animal king- dom will have a share. The earth shall increase her fruitfulness (Is 30 23-25, 32 15). Prosperity will extend through all the departments of life (Jer 31 18; Jl 3 18; Am 9 13). Noxious beasts and birds of prey will change their natures; so that man shall no longer fear them (Is 11 6-8, 65 25), or else they will be exterminated (Ezk 34 25, 28). The age of man will be prolonged, and none shuU die in youth (Is 65 20). Physical infirmities will be removed, as will also disease (Is 29 is). The light of the moon will be equal to that of the sun, and that of the sun will be sevenfold greater (Is 30 26), or Jehovah Himself will take the place of both sun and moon (Is 60 19). In fact, this will be a new world with new heavens and a new earth (Is 65 17, 66 22). Eschatology A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 22:^ All these representations could not have been meant literally, but that some of them were there can be little doubt. Yet, however II. Literal meant and however understood, they and Figur- are in themselves evidences of an ative expectation of a deeper and more Blended, essential transformation affecting the character of the people, and this is grounded in God's love and work in His Chosen People. As to the method of the realization of this ideal, it was understood that it would be by the sepa- ration of a nucleus of righteous mem- 12. The bership in the nation. How large this Remnant, nucleus should be at the outset is not clear. Isaiah believed that it would include the main body of the state, or at least as much of it as could control the whole body. More frequently, however, the name ''remnant," applied to it, carries with it the conception of a small be- ginning (see Remnant, and cf. Is 37 4; Zeph 3 13; Zee 8 12). The moral line of distinction between the sound and unsound parts of the Chosen People is the link of connection between the collectivism 13. Transi- and individualism of the O T. For the tion to Remnant is after all constituted of Individual- persons who sustain independent rela- ism. tions with Jehovah, not shared in by the general body. Their course is not determined by the whole body, else they must be of the same character and under the same con- demnation. In this transition to the individualistic view of religion Jeremiah served as a pioneer. Every one shall die for his own iniquity is his 14. Individ- dictum (31 29 f.'). The collapse of the ualism in national life with the Captivity no Jer and doubt helped to bring into view the Ezk. importance of a change of basis. At any rate, Ezekiel closely follows Jere- miah's individualism (Ezk 18 4). All souls stand in direct relation to God ("the soul that sinneth, it shall die"). Therefore one may raise himself out of the evil into which he is born and in which he lives (Ezk 18 21-24) and enter a new community. S. The Individual. To the individual the fact of primary importance in eschatology is death. The thought of death was from the very be- 15. Death, ginning present to the mind of the He- brew, as it was not among some other races. ^ As to the nature of death itself, however, there is no discussion or explanation of it as a physi- ological or physical reality. It is certain that it is viewed not as the end of all existence but simply as an end of earthly life. Death is caused by the es- cape of the soul from the body; and soul and life are practically synonymous. As the life is in the blood (Lv 1711; Gn94f.; Dt 12 23), the shedding of the blood is the liberation of the soul. If un- justly forced out of the body, the life could cry out to God for vengeance (Gn 4 10). Thus expelled or left to escape from the body, life does not become extinct nor lose its personal con- tinuity. Personal continuity and life in the body are not identical. The spirit of life is indeed neces- sary for existence on earth; but the person may continue to exist in another form after 16. Im- it has left the body. This doctrine, mortality, however, is quite different from the idea of inherent immortality in the Greek sense, which involves the indestructibility of the essential being of man. The Hebrew notion in- volves simply the belief that death does" not end all for the individual. The prohibition of necromancy, the sharp distinction between'man and other ani- mals, and belief in resurrection, though distinctly enunciated only in the latest times (Dn 12 2), put this conclusion beyond doubt. Just what becomes of the person at death is a question answered variously. According to the popular conception he is "gathered to 17, State his fathers" (Jg 2 10; II K 22 20, or ''hie After people," Dt 32 50). But this is very Death, vague. A more developed answer is found in the doctrine of Sheol. The OT Sheol 1 (Hell AV) and the NT Hades must be distinguished from the grave. Abraham, Moses, Jacob, and Aaron are buried in 18. Sheol. graves far from the sepulchers of their Hell (AV). ancestors, and yet they are gathered to their fathers, or pass into Sheol. Sheol is then a distinct place, but where it is located is not clear, unless it be conceived as in the depths of the earth (Pr 15 24; Ps 86 13). It is a region of dark- ness (La 3 6; Ps 143 3). It is the land where light is as midnight (Job 10 22). It is a vast place, for it receives all and is never full (Pr 27 20; Ezk 32 21). It is known also by other names, such as the pit (Ps 28 1, 30 3; Ezk 32 18) ; Abaddon, ^.c., 'destruction' (Job 26 6, 28 22; Pr 15 11; Ps 88 11); "the lower parts of the earth" (Is 44 23; Eph4 9); also poetically a "place of sUence" (Ps 94 17, 115 17), "the land of for- getfulness" (Ps 88 12) ; and in a still more imaginative description it is compared to a huge monster with wide-open mouth swallowing those who come near (Is 5 14). The mode of existence in Sheol is certainly in- ferior to that upon earth. It is shadowy and dim, owing to the absence of the spirit of 19. Mode life. But it is not a mere disembodied of Existence soul or spirit existence. The names in Sheol. of soul and spirit are not given to those who dwell in Sheol. The only excep- tion is Job 14 22, and here the person in Sheol is conceived of as being there in soul and body. More frequently those in Sheol are called 'stiff' or 'weary' ones (Rephaim, "weak," Is 14 9 f., so also in the Phcenician inscription of Eshmunazzar, who are, however, not to be confused with the Rephaim named as primitive giants in Gn 14 5, 15 20). Hence their state is one of privation. They have done with all activity and feel neither pain nor the thrill of excitement (Job 3 13-19); and yet in Is 14 10 they are poetically so id to be roused up to meet the king of Babylon who is about to join them. In any case they lack all comfort and joy (Job 17 16). » The word "Sheol" should.be derived not from aha'al, 'to ask,' as if it denoted 'one who demands'; nor from shut, 'to be limp,' or 'slack'; but from aha'al, 'to dig up/ 'to hollow.' 333 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Eschatology To what extent even consciousness was believed to continue in the state after death is uncertain. That some degree of mental activity must 20. Con- exist in any condition in which the sciousness distinctiveness of man is preserved goes in Sheol. without saying; but it is possible both to exaggerate the amount of feeling implied and to minimize it. It is not safe to infer from the use of the term "knowing ones" (Lv 19 31; Is 19 3, "familiar spirits" RV) that the dead ap- pealed to in necromancy were regarded as more than usually gifted in knowledge (I S 28) or that there is an earlier and a later doctrine on the subject. The more legitimate inference is that the thought of the superior wisdom of the departed was entertained among the heathen, but that in Israel it was espe- cially repudiated as contrary to the principles of Jehovah worship. Nevertheless it is true that the later thought of the O T is more consistent on this point to the effect, namely, that the departed pass a dreamlike incoherent semiconscious existence (Job 10 22). The most important aspect of existence in Sheol to the Israelite was its separation from J". This caused him great regret (Ps 6 5, 88 10-12; 21. Separa-Is 38 18); therefore the dead are tion from mourned (II S 1 17), and the prospect J" in Sheol. of future reunion with them affords no comfort (II S 12 23). Whatever differ- ences between dwellers in Sheol may exist, they are based not on moral grounds but on racial distinc- tions. The idea of translation to heaven, as in the case of Enoch and Ehjah, does not seem to hav^ formed an appreciable factor in the religious thought of the Hebrews. That the dead should be raised from the grave, reclothed in bodily Ufe, and rewarded or subjected to punishment is a conception which ap- 22. Individ- pears only in the latest generations of ual Resur- the O T period, and plays an important rection. part in ministering comfort to the siirviving comrades and kinsfolk of martyrs (Dn 12 2). The question of the return from Sheol is, however, suggested with a decided negative bias by Job (14 u). In 19 25-29 of the same book (a most obscure passage, "in my flesh" AV, "from my flesh" ERV, "without my flesh" ARV), the testimony for a belief in a bodily resur- rection is quite doubtful. The type of thought in Ecclesiastes (q.v.) does not allow itself to be fused with that of the other O T books. That in this book there are 23. The two inconsistent systems is very Eschatol- clear. Whatever the occasion and ogy of cause may be, the pessimistic system Ecclesias- is more nearly allied to the materialistic tes. view of man's nature and future. Ev- idently, however, this was felt to be incompatible with the spirit of the Israelite. Either the author himself, or some one else for him, explains the eschatological correlatives (cf. 12 13 f.). See also Ecclesiastes, § 4 (iv). II. The Intertestamental Period. In the interval between the close of the O T and the opening of the N T, eschatology assumed very great prominence. This was due to (1) the dis- tressing circumstances of the period, in which, how- ever, the conviction that all was well, 24, Forma- and should ultimately issue in an aus- tive picious consummation never failed or Influences, faded; (2) fresh and great interest in the individual and the contemplation of the problems of rehgion from that view-point; and (3) contact with the Greek world with its doctrine of immortality, which was carefully wrought out upon philosophical grounds. The three branches of eschatology (the world, the nation, and the indi- vidual) are, however, still held in view. Of the three classes of writings of the period (the Apocrypha, the works of Josephus and Philo, and the apocalyptic literature) the first fur- 25. Literary nishes nothing distinctive. In II Mac- Sources : cabees the latest development of O T Apocrypha, eschatology (especially the idea of the bodily resurrection of the faithful) is acutely presented; but the other Apocrypha contain either no eschatological data or only such as are' duphcated in the canonical O T. Jewish eschatology, as far as reflected in Philo and Josephus, shows the development of a difference between Palestinian and Alexandrian 26. Philo types of thought; but essentially its and general outUne and fundamental posi- Josephus. tion are the same in both. The Mes- siah and the Messianic restoration of prosperity are quite prominent (Philo, De Exec. 8-9 ; De Prcem. et Poen. 15-20; Jos. Ant. IV, 6 5; X, 11 7). Philo believed in the final state for the individ- ual at death without- subsequent judgment and resurrection, but with everlasting rewards and pun- ishments; and in a special place of punishment (Tar- tarus, as among the Greeks, De Exec. 6). Josephus, on the other hand, held to the very safe idea of an intermediate condition for both righteous and wicked and a resurrection for the righteous only {Ant. XVIII, 814; B/, II, 13). The most prolific source of eschatological notions for this period is the apocalyptic literature. So large a place is given to the last things 27, Apoc- in these writings that with some the alyptic terms "apocalyptic" and "eschatolog- Literature. ical" are interchangeable. It is the chief feature of this Uterature that it divides the whole history of the world into two sec- tions called eons, or ages, separated by a sharp line. All that precedes the moment of separation is the 'present age' (6 alcbv ovros), all that follows is the 'age to come' (6 alatv 6 ipxop-evos). They differ from each other in moral character and also in outward condi- tions. The present age is controlled by brute forces ; it is the world-kingdom, symbolized under the figures of beasts. The future is the age of the Divine king, presented under a himian aspect (Dn 7 27). The duration of the evil age is absolutely fixed, and though reckoned differently {Eth. En. 16 l, 18 16, 10,000 years; Assump. Mos. 5,000 years) it is near its end, and the question with those living is whether they shall continue through it and witness the ad- vent of the new eon. The future age is naturally characterized by the setting up of the Messianic kingdom and the coming Bschatology A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 224 of the Messiah. In both these matters, the thought is rooted in the O T, but developed into a diversity of form not always capable of reduc- 28. Mes- tion into a systematic unity. But for sianism in the most part these developments are Apocalyptic subsequent to the beginning of the N T Literature, and influenced by it. More emphasis, however, is laid in the Apocalypses upon the dolor es Messice, i.e., the disturbances which are to precede and introduce the Messianic Age, and on the appearance of an anti-Messianic personality representing all enmity against God (Antichrist, cf. Sih. Or. 3 63). The individual eschatology of the Apocalypses carries out the O T conception on the various phases of the subject to their fuller outline, es- 29. Expan- pecially those which cluster about judg- sion of ment, resurrection, and retribution. Ideas. On all these subjects, ideas were more clearly outlined. Belief in the resur- rection took into its scope the reembodiment of all men with a view to their being judged either in- dividually or in a great and common assize and being assigned to their respective destinies of reward or penalty. Sheol was also developed into the con- ception of a place subdivided into two caverns, separated by a wall or chasm (gulf, Lk 16 26), one occupied by the departed just and the other by the unjust. Furthermore, the growing use of the Valley of Hinnom (ge-hinnom) as the figure of everything suggestive of disgust and abhorrence 30. Ge- furnished a ready mold for the thought henna, of a place of punishment for the wicked. Gehenna (and in a simpler form, "the Valley," Jer 2 23, 31 40) is clearly identified with Sheol in Assump. Mas. 10 10 (cf. also Eth. En. 99 11, 103 7 f.).i A counterpart of Gehenna, a place for the right- eous after death, was found in the idea of Paradise (a Persian word meaning * p ark, ' 31. Para- 'garden'). But the location of Para- dise, dise is uncertain. By some it was thought to be a portion of Sheol sepa- rated by a chasm from the abode of the wicked, by others it was made a place in the presence of God Himself (Heaven, so the Pharisees, Jos. Ant. XVIII, IS; B J, 11,8 U; Wis 3 14, 4 10, 5 5, 7). Finally the Es- senes regarded it as a place on the renovated earth in the future. In the Apocalypses, so far as the subject is touched upon, Paradise is located on the earth (Eth. En. 32 8-23; Jub. 4; but cf. IV Esd 6 51-76). III. New Testament Eschatology. True to its essential characteristics, N T thought completely eliminates from eschatology the national phase and distributes the interest on 32. Gen- the individual and universal aspects of eral the subject. The problem of the des- Aspects. tiny of a special community, however, is not totally left out of consideration. The Christian brotherhood clustering around Jesua Christ assumes a place among the subjects of 1 This is the purely Palestinian form of what Philo clothea under the Greek term Tartarus. thought. The struggles and the final victory of the Church are very largely in the foreground; and yet they come into view as features of a world dis- pensation rather than as experiences of a limited circle of human beings. I. Eschatology of Jesus. All N T teaching naturally begins with the words of Jesus. And in this realm the establishment and growth of the Kingdom of God upon 33. Escha- earth forms the starting-point. There tology in can be no doubt that the Kingdom of the God, as Jesus conceived it, was an inner Teaching living organism. Neither can there be of Jesus, any doubt that such an organism must find a body in an outward order of things. The question, however, what this body was to be, and by what processes it was to make its ap- pearance and take its place in the world is not so easily answered. On the one hand, it is stoutly contended that the Kingdom, even in the teaching of Jesus, can only be a visible organization, which Jesus thought would be divinely established for Him by a sudden manifestation of power (Bousset, Die Predigt Jesu in ihrem Gegensatz zum Judenthum; Shailer Mathews, The Mess. Hope in N T, 1905). On the other hand, there is abundant ground for the position that Jesus viewed the Kingdom as already estab- lished while He was teaching His disciples, and that He expected it, while starting with small beginnings, to attain through natural processes unto a world- wide diffusion and growth. Whichever of these two antagonistic views may be correct, it remains true that for the disciples of Jesus the essential portion of the foun- 34. The dation and organization of the King- Kingdom dom lay in the future. Only after His of God earthly work was ended and Jesus had in the returned as the glorified Messiah would Future. the Kingdom be in full manifestation. The Hence the promise of His second com- Parousia. ing {irapova-la, Mt 24 3, 27, 39) of which the time is concealed from all, even from the Son (Mk 13 32), but of which He gives certain signs that they may recognize it. This thenceforth is the central factor in all N T escha- tology. The parousia, however, is in the eschatological dis- course of Jesus (Mt chs. 24, 25; Mk eh. 13) associated with the end of the world, and with the 35- Sources collapse of the Jewish community, and of the it has been impossible to extricate the Material matter from the obscurity which has in the surrounded it on this account. While Parousia the assumption that there is a double Discourse, coming spoken of, or that a Jewish Apocalypse has been adopted into the teaching of Jesus and given as a discourse of His, and other assumptions of the same kind are arbitrary and improbable, there is, on the other hand, a con- siderable amount of vagueness in the evangelic reports of what Jesus said, indicating that perhaps from the very nature of the case the reporters of the discourse were not able to grasp His thought with clearness. 335 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Bschatology Closely associated with the declaration of the parousia is the other declaration that its object would be the Judgment. This is 36. Parousia clearly an indication of the whole set- and ting and trend of the discourses in Judgment. Mt chs. 24 and 25. A judgment is more explicitly foretold also in other con- nections (Mt 10 15, 11 22, 24). In this Judgment Christ Himself is the Judge; those who are judged are all classes of men, including peoples of the past ages, such as the Queen of Sheba, Sodom and Gomorrah (Mt 11 20, 24), and Nineveh; hence also the Gentiles, the twelve tribes of Israel (Mt 19 28), and His own adherents. The rule of Judg- ment is the ethical one of the exercise of love (Mt 25 31f.). The question of resurrection comes into view as a point of controversy between the Sadducees and the Pharisees, on which His teaching 37. Immor- is sought. And Jesus unhesitatingly tality and places Himself on record (Mt 22 23 f . ; Resurrec- Mk 12l8f.; Lk 20 27; cf. also Mt 8 11; tion. Lk 13 28) in favor of the essential truth of the belief. The difficulties of the Sadducees upon the subject have no existence for Him, because it belongs to a different order of reality from those of common experience. But to the same order belongs also immortality. In fact, the latter is in the conception of Jesus based upon the former, and both are rooted in man's relation to God as the object of God's paternal love. Jesus appeals to the fact that J" calls Himself the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob (Mt 22 32). This was the ground for be- lieving that the patriarchs were not dead. For whom God attaches to Himself in the relation im- plied in such an utterance, the experience of death can not be the end of aU. This is an explicit asser- tion of the immortality only of some men; but it does not exclude the doctrine of the immortality of all. Further, to the Jewish mind at least, the fact that the patriarchs were living carried with it the implication that they must some time be raised out of their graves. For in mere bodiless existence they could not be ideally perfect. The question, then, what becomes of men at death, was never asked of Jesus or taken up by Him inde- pendently. BeHef in an intermediate 38. Inter- state, however, connecting the present mediate dispensation with that which shall be State: at His second coming (and the Judg- Hades, ment) underlies as an assumption and unifies the two parts of His teaching. And as a substructure for this idea the belief in an underworld fSheol,' 'Hades') appears in a trans- formed and spiritualized aspect. Hades is no longer a place distinctly and per se, but the figure of a place, or a place as the figure of a moral reality. This is undoubtedly true also of such other terms as were de- signed to give a notion of the hereafter. Abraham's bosom (Lk 16 22) can not be regarded as anything more than the name of a fellowship with the right- eous and faithful (cf. Paradise, above, §31). Simi- larly, the statement that a gulf is fixed between those who are in Abraham's bosom and those in torment (ver. 26), though perhaps reflecting the intertesta- mental notion that a chasm ("gulf") separates the two compartments of Sheol, can be given here only a figurative significance. The rewards and punishments of moral conduct in this life are measiired out at the Judgment and be- come permanent. The wicked are cast 39. Re- down into Gehenna (Mt 5 29f., 10 28; wards and Mk 9 43). Sometimes, however, the Penalties place of punishment is called outer Hereafter, darkness (Mt 8 12), or a place where there are wailing and gnashing of teeth (Mt 22 13, 24 51), a place of torment (Lk 16 23) and of unquenchable fire (Mk 9 43, 45). Of the duration of this punishment, all that may be said is that it is eternal (eonian, or age-long), just as its counter- part is eternal life for the righteous (Mt 25 46, ever- lasting AV). There is, however, an intimation of the modulation of penalty according to the amount of knowledge of the sinner (Lk 12 46, 48). The righteous enter into the joy of their father; they inherit the kingdom; they possess treasures in heaven; they live like the angels in a state above need and care (Mt 25 31-46). ^. Eschatology of the AposUes. The apostolic treatment of these subjects is an unfolding of the germs given in the thought of Jesus. In general, it may be included under the four types (the earlier, the Pauline, the Deutero-Pauline, and the apocalyptic). The first phase of apostolic eschatology (that of James, Peter, and the Acts) revolves about the con- ception of the parousia. It forecasts 40. Early some trials and persecutions but also an Apostolic impending restoration (aTroKaTaa-Taa-iSf Eschatol- Ac 3 21, restitution AV). The belief ogy. in the underworld, with its corollary the intermediate state, also comes to the surface (I P 3 19-21, 4 6); but the interpretation of the passages in which it is expressed is beset with great difficulty. The ''spirits in prison" alluded to in them may be either men in Hades or the fallen an- gels of II P 2 4 and Jude 6; and, so long as it is im- possible to say what they are, nothing definite can be built on these expressions. The Pauhne eschatology is presented in a variety of forms which do not blend into an altogether per- fect unity. Especially is this true of 41. Pauline the necessary inferences that may be Eschatol- drawn from them. An important ogy. place in it is occupied by the establish- ment of God's kingdom through the second coming of Jesus (described as "the day of the Lord Jesus Christ," "his revelation," I Co 1 7, "his coming," "presence," I Th 2 19, RVmg.). This com- ing, however, has for its end the judgment of men by Christ Himself. It is to introduce a universal crisis which would include in its scope the heathen as well as the Jews, and to consist in the revelation of the depths of men's moral character (it is a day of the manifestation of God's wrath, Ro 2 5; II Co 5 10). But it is to be characterized also by the manifestation of the Antichrist as a single person (II Th 2 8. See Antichrist). But the eschatological idea most fully elaborated by Paul is that of the resurrection. His relation with Bschatologry Esdras, Books of A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 336 Greek thought, and his desire to conquer it for Christ led him to consider the prejudice against the conception as it ruled the Greek 42. Pauline mind, and to make a synthesis of it Idea of with the Platonic doctrine of immor- Resurrec- tality. Paul thus stands as the con- tion. necting-link between the Jew to whom immortahty in any sense worth con- sidering was, apart from the body, unthinkable and the Greek to whom the resurrection of the body was a grotesque Oriental superstition. In working out the problem of this synthesis, Paul found the conception of a spiritual body a great help, but not much more than a 43. The help; for he does not exactly define " Spiritual what the spiritual body is, i.e., whether Body." it is made of a third substance parta- king of the qualities of matter and of spirit, yet free from those characteristics of either which offer difficulties to the idea of resurrection, or whether it is a symbol or picture of a reality not otherwise to be appreciated. The analogy by which he brings it to the mind (I Co 15 36 f.) is after all only an analogy. In any case, Paul's belief in the resurrection is in- timately connected with the historic fact of the res- urrection of Jesus. The fact indicates 44. The the existence of a law of resurrection Resurrec- whose operation at the last day will be tion of universal (I Co 15 20). The appHca- Jesus. tion of this law, however, must be lim- ited by his view that it is through the implanting of a Divine life in them that Christ secures the resurrection of those who belong to Him (of. Ro 8 11). But if so, a resurrection for unbe- lievers, if it take place at all, must be secured in some other way; and just what this way is the Apostle does not say. Hence it has been said, though not convincingly, that his idea does not include the resurrection of unbelievers (Kabisch, Eschatol. d. Paulus, 1893, p. 267 ff.). Another cardinal point in the Pauline eschatology is the doctrine of the consummation. Here Paul passes into the realm of cosmic appli- 45. The cation of Biblical ideas. The Gospel Consum- which originates with the creation of mation. man bears also upon the destiny of man, to the uttermost end. But if it does this for man, it can not stop there; it must have its sweep through the whole sphere of intelligent beings; hence the Apostle looks forward to the time when all things shall be headed and ruled by the Cre- ator alone (I Co 15 24). The Deutero-PauHne eschatology, as given in the Epistle to the Hebrews, though not so expUcit as that of the Pauline writings, moves 46. Deu- along the same hnes. The single fea^ tero-Paul- ture of it which may be said to in- ine Escha- troduce a strikingly new form is the tology. summing up of all the portents and convulsions foreshadowed in the old prophets under the figure of a shaking of all things (He 12 26, "make to tremble"). The Johannine eschatology includes the two forms given in the Gospel and Epistles on the one side, and in the Apocalypse on the other. Though dif- fering in form, these two are in substance the same. The difference in form is the result of the use^ of such diverse methods of presenta^on 47. Jo- as the direct and the apocalj^tic. The hannine first of these (in the Gospels and Eschatol- Epistles) shows the parousia at the ogy. center. Judgment, resurrection, re- wards, and punishments are grouped about that main conception. The Apocalypse, ta- king the author's times as a basis, views the experi- ence of the Christian community as one of struggle, culminating in a final crisis, out of which the Church emerges victorious, purified, and renewed. Its view of the Messianic Kingdom, of the resurrection and judgment, and of all other points of interest, is determined by this thought (cf. also Revelation, Book of). The sahent points of its forecast are : (1 ) The second coming of Christ for judgment; (2) a first resurrec- tion, with the establishment of a mil- 48. Escha- lenniumof peace under Messianic rule; tology (3) a second or general resurrection; of the (4) the final overthrow of Satan and Apoca- punishment of the wicked; and (5) lypse. the reconstitution of the world with ' new heavens and a new earth and a heavenly Jerusalem. The Millennium (a period symbolically limited to a thousand years) is to be ushered in by the casting of Satan into the abyss (q.v., 20 1, bottomless pit AV), and to be character- ized by the prevalence of ideal righteousness, peace, and prosperity. It is to end with the release of Satan, and the renewal of the struggle and its final stage. The general resurrection issues in the judgment of the wicked and their being cast into the lake of fire together with Hades and Death. This is the Second Death (20 14, 218). The essentials of Biblical eschatology, as they appear when all that was formal and temporary in the process of their gradual revelation 49. Sum- is laid aside, include the following: mary. (1) A continuity of conscious exist- ence for the individual (personal im- mortality). This, however, viewed as Hfe, is so much richer and fuller for those who are identified with Christ that comparatively speaking they only may be said to be immortal. (2) An intermediate state of pure psychical existence, whose nature must necessarily be incapable of explanation. (3) Bodily resurrection for all. But neither is the reassumption of the material of the body necessary to the concep- tion of such resurrection, nor is any mode of revivi- fication included in the doctrine. (4) A new world dispensation, or order of being, ushered in by a re- manifestation of the Incarnate and Risen Savior. (5) The judgment of all men by the Risen Christ, issuing in the separation upon spiritual and moral principles of those who are in living fellowship with God through Christ from those who are not. (6) The award of eternal blessedness to the former and of eternal loss to the latter (perdition), because of persistence in alienation from God. Literature: W. R. Alger, A Grit. Hist, of the Dod. of a Future Life, 1871 ; Salmond, The Christ. Doct. of Jmrnor- tality, 1897; Charles, A Crit. Hist, of the Doct. of a Future Life in Israel, in Judaism and in Christianity, 1899; nif A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Bschatoiogy Esdras, Books of Kabisch, Eschatol. des Paulus, 1893; Volz, Judaische Eschatol., 1903; H. A. A. Kennedy, St. Paul's Conception of the Last Things, 1904; L. A. Muirhead, The Eschatol- ogy of Jesus, 1904. A. C. Z. ESCHEW: An AV term (Job 11, 8, 2 3; I P 3 11), for which the RV has "turn away," which is the sense of the original. Eschew is an old English word meaning 'to shun/ related to 'shy.' E. E. N. ESDRAELON. See Palestine, § 9. ESDRAS, ez'dras, BOOKS OF Analysis of Contents 6. History of I Esdraa II Esdras (IV ^^ra) 7. Contents of II Esdras 8. V Ezra 9. Date, Author, and Design 1. Name I ESDRAS 2. Contents of I Esdraa 3. The Relation to Ezra- Nehemiah 4. Author and Date 5. Design The books that bear the name of Ezra (Gr. form, Esdras, "Ea-Bpas) are found variously numbered in the ancient codices. The Vatican MS. I. Name, of the LXX. gives three books under two titles, i,e., Esdras A (the apoc- ryphon) and Esdras B (embracing the canonical books Ezr and Neh). The Vulgate separates Ezr and Neh and gives them the titles of I Es and II Es respectively, thus placing Es A of LXX. as III Es and another book (the Apocalypse of Es) as IV Es. Of the English translations the Genevan initiated the usage according to which the canonical books are called Ezra and Nehemiah and the apocryphal I Esdras and II Esdras respectively. Other names given to the apocryphal books are the Priest (6 'Up€vs) and the Greek Esdras for I Es and the Apocalypse of Ezra (Westcott) and the Prophet (6 7rpo(t>f)Ti]s, Hilgenfeld) for II Es. Common usage predominantly favors I Es and IV Ezra (II Es) for these books. In the English Revision of 1894 they are called I and II Esdras. I Esdras. The book falls into two main parts. I. The first chapter opens with a summary of the history from the year in which King Josiah observed the 2, Contents Passover (622 B.C.) to the date of the of I Es. fall of Jerusalem into the hands of Nebuchadrezzar (586). The history runs parallel with II Ch chs. 35 and 36. Without attempting to give information with reference to the interval, the second chapter takes up the story with the first year of Cyrus (539), tells of the delivery of the sacred vessels into the hands of Sanabassar (Zerubbabel) and of his return to Jerusalem (vs. 1-14 = Ezr ch. 1). This is then followed by an account of the opposition to the rebuilding of the Temple an^d the abandonment of the work until the reign of Darius (|| to Ezr 4 6-24). Ch. 3 introduces the figure of Zerubbabel in extreme youth as one of three pages who at the court of Darius compete for preeminence in logical acumen, each one undertaking to sustain a thesis. Zerubbabel succeeds in the contest and is given as a reward permission to head a caravan of Jewish exiles back to Jerusalem. The story of the return is naturally given at this point, extending through 5 6. This section has no parallel in the canonical books. It is followed by a list of the re- turned (5 7-45 = Ezr ch. 2). Next comes the narrative of the setting up of the altar of burnt-offering, the celebration of the Feast of Tabernacles, the laying of the foundations of the Temple, the rejection of the offer of the enemies to cooperate in the building and the suspension of the work (5 46-70 = Ezr 31-4 5). The story of the resumption of the work and the completion of the Temple is then appended (chs. 6 and 7 = Ezr 5 and 6). II. The remainder of the book narrates the return under Ezra during the reign of Artaxerxes (458) and his reforms, including the abohtion of mixed marriages and the promulgation of the Law (chs. 8'and 9 = Ezr 7-10 and Neh 7 73- 8 13). At this point the book breaks off abruptly, as if the author had never finished it or the end were lost. The identity of the materials in the book with those in Ezr-Neh has from the first called for an ex- planation of its precise relation to the 3. The canonical work. Leaving out of con- Relation to sideration the original section of our Ezr-Neh. book (3 1-5 6, which was undoubt- edly not a translation but a Greek writing from the first), the remainder may be a translation of portions of the canonical books, but from a Hebrew text which was somewhat differ- ent and better than the Massoretic (Fritzsche, De Wette); or, as appears more probable, it may be simply a free and somewhat thorough working over of a Greek translation of the latter, either the LXX. or some other. In the determination of the date of I Es the latest limit of time is furnished by the fact that Josephus (cf. Ant. XI, chs. 1-4) uses it in prefer- 4. Author ence to the canonical Ezr-Neh. The and Date, reasons for this are evidently the better Greek diction of the apocryphal work and the easier chronology from the point of view of Josephus. It is not so easy to fix on an earliest pos- sible date; but the dependence on Dn as suggested in the section 3 1-5 6 would indicate the middle of the 2d cent, as such a limit. Accordingly, it is currently taken for granted that I Es was composed during the century between 150 and 50 B.C. with the proba- bility that the latter date is more nearly correct. Who the author of the book was is also difficult to say. One slight allusion in it is thought to point to Egypt as the place of its origin, that in 4 23 to "sail- ing upon the sea and upon rivers" for the purpose of "robbing and steaHng." This would locate the author as a Jew of Alexandria. The question why the author should imdertake to retell the familiar story of the return finds its answer, first, in the evident desire to 5, Design, stimulate a community of Jews to bet- ter and more zealous observance of the Law. The book begins with the observance of the legal Passover and closes with the promulgation of the Law as a whole. But a second motive in it ap- pears to be the desire to commend the Jews to some foreign ruler by holding up before him the example of the Persian kings who in older days had bestowed privileges on them. If the Alexandrian origin of the book be assumed, such a ruler must have been one of the Ptolemies of the 1st cent. b.c. Esdras, Books of Esther A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 228 While I Es was used by Josephus in preference to its canonical parallels, and the Christian writers of the first three centuries quote from it 6. History freely (cf. Clem. Alex. Strom., 1. 392; of I Es. Origen, in Jos., horn. ix. 10; Eus. Com. in Ps. 76 19; Tertull. De Coron. mUit. 9; Cyp. Ep. 74 9; Athan. Contr. Arian., 11 20), Jerome (Prcef. in Ezr.) clearly and decidedly rejected the book (together with II Es) as apocrjrphal, and de- clined to translate it. This is probably the ground for the exclusion of both of these books from the Roman CathoHc Canon by the Council of Trent (1546). The book is found in the Vatican and Alexandrian MSS. of the LXX.; also in two ancient Latin translations (but not in the Vulg.), and in the Syro-Hexaplar of the early part of the 7th cent, (but not in the Pesh- itta). The best editions in English are those by Bissell (in hangers Com., 1880) and Lupton (in the Speaker's Com., Apocr, I, 1888); in German the one by Guthe (in Kautzsch's Die Apocr. des A. T., 1900). II Esdras (IV Ezra). II Es is an apocalypse in form, containing, how- ever, an introduction (chs. 1 and 2), which is not by the same hand, and an appendix (chs. 7. Contents 15 and 16), which is likewise by an- of II Es. other hand. The introduction is man- ifestly a Christian writing, and justifies the rejection of the Jews and the substitution of the Gentiles in the Divine favor. The Apocalypse (chs. 3-14) consists of seven visions vouchsafed to Ezra in the Babylonian exile. In the first of these Ezra is represented as suffering great distress of mind on ac- count of his failure to understand the meaning of sin and suffering in the world. An angel reminds him that God's ways are inscrutable, and that a new age (eon) is about to begin, in which all wrongs shall be righted (3 1-5 I9). The second vision is intended to quiet the disturbing thought that God had given over His Chosen People into the hands of the heathen. Here, too, the ground of the reassurance is the im- minence of the new age (5 20-6 34). The third vision finds Ezra speculating as to why Israel is not in possession of the land which God had given it. The answer is long and indirect; but it culminates in the assurance that the end of the world is nigh (6 35- 9 25). The fourth vision presents in a symbolic figure the sorrow of Zion followed by her glory (9 26- 10 58). The fifth depicts the fourth world-empire under the figure of an eagle coming out of the sea (10 60-12 51). The sixth portrays the Messiah under the form of a man who comes out of the stormy sea, is attacked by a countless multitude of enemies, whom, however, he overcomes, and gains a great number of followers (131-58). The seventh vision consists of the familiar legend of Ezra's restoring the lost Scrip- tures. Ezra prays for the privilege of rewriting the sacred books, lost before his day. His prayer is an- swered. He makes arrangements for the writing down of what he shall dictate, and is given a liquid which when drunk by him imparts the power of re- producing the contents of the lost writings. These together with seventy other books he dictates, but publishes only those at present contained in the O T Canon (14 1-50). The last portion of the book (chs. 15 and 16) contains a long and tedious arraignment of sinners, together with predictions of wars and ca- lamities, similar to those foretold by Jeremiah- Chs. 1, 2, 15, 16 of IV Ezr are not included in the Latin versions, which serve as the basis of the chap- ter divisions in the book, and also of 8. V Ezr. the text in the English editions by C. J. Ball (Variorum Apocrypha) and Lupton (Wace's Holy Bible). These four chapters are evidently later additions. The other versions do not contain them. They have been detached and published together as V Ezr by Fritzsche (Lib. Apoc. Vet. Test., Liber Esdrce Quhitus, pp. 640- 653). But if the separate origin of these chapters is to serve as the ground of their being put forth as numerically